Epigraphia Indica Vol 23

Author(s): Hirananda Shastri
Publisher: Archaeological Survey of India
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032577/1

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA Volume XXIII (1935-36) Soo pratnakIrtimapAvRNa PUBLISHED BY THE DIRECTOR GENERAL ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA JANPATH, NEW DELHI-110001 1984

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA Volume XXIII boo PUBLISHED BY THE DIRECTOR GENERAL ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA, NEW DELHI 1984

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Reprinted 1984 C ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA GOVERNMENT OF INDIA Price : Rs. 75.00 Printed at Pearl Offset Press Private Limited 5/33, Kirti Nagar Indl. Area, New Delhi-110015

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PUBLISHED UNDER THE AUTHORITY OF THE GOVERNMENT OF INDIA EPIGRAPHIA INDICA AND RECORD OF THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA. Vol. XXIII. 1935-36. EDITED BY N. P. CHAKRAVARTI, M.A., Ph.D., GOVERNMENT EPIGRAPHIST FOR INDIA. PUBLISHED BY MANAGE OF PUBLICATIONS, DELHI PRINTED BY MANAGER, GOVERNMENT OF INDIA Press, CALCUTTA 1940

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ACHARYA, G. V. : No. 23. A Grant of Gurjara King Jayabhata III: [Kalachuri] year 486 ALTEKAR, A. S., M.A., D.LITT. : No. 7. Three Maukhari Inscriptions on Yupas: Krita year 295 20. Two Inscriptions from Shergadh 48. A Note on the Date of the Manne Plates of Stambha Ranavaloka " 33 BASAK, R. G., M.A., PH.D. : No. 19. The Puri Plates of Madhavavarman-Sainyabhita BHATTACHARYYA, P. N. : No. 13. Badakhimedi Copper-plates of Indravarman 47. Nalanda Plate of Dharmapaladeva. " The names of contributors are arranged alphabetically. CHAKRAVARTI, S. N., M.A. : No. 42. Four Ganga Copper-plate Grants CHHABRA, B. CH., M.A., M.O.L., PH.D. : No. 12. Indian Museum Plates of Ganga Devendravarman: the year 308 21. Upalada Plates of Ranaka Ramadeva " " " DAVER, S. R., KHAN SAHEB : No. 38. A Note on the Rajapura Copper-plates of Madhurantakadeva: Samvat 987 DEB, HABIT KRISHNA : CONTENTS. 31. A Note on the Tiriyay Rock Inscription. 40. Sonepur Plates of Maha-Bhavagupta (II)-Janamejaya; the year 17 46. Utmanzai Lamp Inscription in Kharoshthi No. 34. Sone-East-Bank Copper-plate of Indradeva and Udayaraja DIKSHIT, K. N., M.A., RAO BAHADUR : No. 16. A Note on the Bhor State Museum Copper Plate of Khambha II 17. Three Copper-plate Inscriptions from Gaonri. 23 KONOW, STEN, PH.D.: " No. 6. Hidda Inscription of the year 28. 39. Allahabad Museum Inscriptions of the year 87 KRISHNAMACHARLU, C. R., B.A. : No. 37. A Note on the Barah Copper-plate of Bhojadeva KRISHNARAO, BHAVARAJ V., B.A., B.L.: * No. 25. Tandikonda Grant of Ammaraja II LAW, BIMALA CHURN, PH.D., M.A., B.L. : No. 36. A Pali Counterpart of the Nalanda Text of Pratityasamutpadavibhanga MAJUMDAR, N. G., M.A. : No. 8. Nandapur Copper-plate of the Gupta year 100 24. Mallasarul Copper-plate of Vijayasena 33 32. Four Copper-plates from Soro PAOB 117 42 131 293 W 122 78 290 261 73 141 196 248 289 244 222 99 101 35 945 242 161 241 52 155 197

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXIII. PAGE 81 113 171 204 255 295 88 182 189 M.A.) : : : : 18 113 MUSUNDAB, R. C., M.A., PH.D. : No. 9. Srungavarapukota Platos of Anantavarman King of Kalinga . . . . . 10. Narasingapalli Plates of Haativarman; the year 79 . 11. Ganjam Coppor-platos of Vajrahasta III; Saka-Samvat 991 . MIBASHI, V. V., M.A. No. 1. Pendrabandh Plates of Pratapamalla: the [ Kalachuri) year 066 . . . 2. Anjanavati Plates of Govinda III; Saka year 722 . . . 14. Pattan Plates of Pravarasena II . . . . . . 18. Mallar Plates of Maha-Sivagupta (see alao Pandeya, L. P., Pandit). . . . 26. A Note on the Dates of Uchchakalpa Kings . . . . 83. Two Copper-plate Inscriptions from Berar . 41. Karitalai Stone Inscription of Lakshmanaraja : ( Kalachuri) Samvat 593. . ... 49. A Further Note on the Date of the Manne Platee of Stambha. . . . . NAGAR, M. M., M.A. - No. 29. Fragmentary Stone Inscription of Queen Uddalladevi: V. 8. 1294 . . PANCHAMUKRI, R. S., M.A.: No. 15. Tandivada Grant of Prithivi-Maharaja : 46th year. . . . . . . >> 28. Sangur Inscription of Devaraya-Maharaya : Saka 1329 . . . . . . #30. Sangur Inscription of Yadava Mahadevaraya : Saka 1186 . . . . . PANDEYA, L. P., PANDIT : No. 3. Arang Plates of Maha-Sudevaraja. , 18. Mallar Plates of Maha-Sivagupta (see also Mirashi, V. V., M.A.) RAMANATHA AYYAR, A.S., B.A. - No. 46. Four Pandya Records from Ukkirankottai . . . . . . . . BANKALIA, H. D., M.A., LL.B., Ph.D. : No. 43. Six Silahara Inscriptions in the Prince of Wales Museum (see also Upadhyaya, 8. C., M.A., LL.B.) .. 44. A Stone Inscription of Yadava Ramachandra : Saka 1222 (sce also Upadhyaya, 8. C.. M.A., LL.B.) . . . . SUBRAHMANYA AIYAR, K. V., B.A. - No. 4. A Note on the Panchavara Committee . . . . . . . . UPADHYAYA, S. C., M.A., LL.B. - No. 43. Six Silahara Inscriptions in Prince of Wales Museum (see also sankalia, H. D., M.A., LL.B.). . ,, 44. A Stone Inscription of Yadava Ramachandra': Saka 1222 (oce ales's M.A., LL.B.) UPADHY., A. N., M.A. - No. 5. Kolhapur Copper-plates of Gandaradityadeva: Saka 1048 . . . . . VENKATASUBBA AIYER, V., B.A.S No. 22. The Melpatti Inscription of Vijaya-Kamparikramavarman . , 27. Tbo Vailur Inscription of Kopperunjingadeva . . . . VYAS, AKSHAYA KEERTY, M.A., SAMSKRITI PT. : No. 35. Sringi-Rishi Inscription of Prince Mokala . . . . . . . . 230 INDEX.- by B. Ch. Chhabra, M.A., M.O.L., Ph.D. . . . Tittle-page, Contents, List of Platus and Additions and Corrections . . . . . , 209 i-vili

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LIST OF PLATES. 142 No. 1. Pendrabandh Plates of Pratapamalla : the Kalachuri Year 963. between pages & 2. Anjanavati Plates of Govinda III ; Baka Year 722 . . . . . to face page 3. Arang Plates of Mahasudevaraja . . between pages 20 & 21 4. Kolhapur Copper-plates of Gandaradityadeva, Saka 1048 . . 30 & 31 5. Hidda Inscription of the Year 28 . . . . . to face page 8. Threo Maukhari Inscriptions on Yupas: Krita Year 295 . between pages 52 & 52 7. Nandapur Copper-plate of the Gupta Year 169 . . . to face page 8. Srungavarapukota Plates of Anantavarman, King of Kalings between pages 60 & 9. Narasingapalli Plates of Hastivarman; the Year 79. .. 10. Ganjam Copper-plates of Vajrahasta III; Saks-Samvat 991 to face page 11. Indian Museum Plates of Ganga Devendravarman; the Year 308 . between pages 76 & 12. Badakhimedi Copper-plates of Indravarman . . 80 & 81 13. Pattan Plates of Pravarasena II: i to iv, a . . . 86 & 87 14, Pattan Plates of Pravarasena II. iv, o to . . to face page 16. Tandivada Grant of Prithivi-Maharajs; 48th Year. . . . between pages 96 & 97 16. Three Copper-plate Inscriptions from GaonriA.-Fragmentary Grant of the Rashtrakuta Suvarnnavarahs (Govinda IV): Saks 851 . . . . to face page 106 17. B.-Plates of Vakpati-Munja : V. 8. 1038 . between pages 108 & 103 18. B.-Plates of Vakpati-Munja : V. 8. 1038 (II) . to face page 111 19. C.-Plates of Vakpati-Munja : V. 8. 1043 , . between pages 112 & 113 20. Mallar Plates of Maha-Sivagupta . . * 120 & 121 21. Puri Plates of Madhavavarman Sainyabhita . . 128 & 129 22. Upalada Plates of Ranaka Ramadeva . . . . . . to face page 23. Melpatti Inscription of Vijaya Kampavikramavarman . 147 24. A Grant of the Gurjars King Jayabhata III: Kalachuri Year 486 between pages 150 & 151 25. Mallasaru) Copper-plate of Vijayasena . - 160 & 161 26. Tandikonds Grant of Ammaraja II . . 168 & 169 27. The Vailur Inscription of Kopperunjingadeva. to face page Four Copper-plates from Soro A.-Plate of Maharaja Sambhuy18s; the Year 260 . . . to face page 200 B.-Plate of Somadatta; the Year 15 . . . . C.-Another plate of Somadatta; the Year 15 . . 202 D.-Plate of Maharaja Bhanudatta; the Year 6. . . 203 Two Copper-plate Inscriptions from Berar A. Sisavai Grant of Govinda III; Saka Year 729 . . between pages 210 & 211 31. B.-Lobara Grant of Govinda III; Saka Year 734 . . 220 & 221 32. Sone-East-Bank Copper-plate of Indradeva and Udayaraja . . . to face page 228 33. Sringi-Rishi Inscription of Prince Mokala . . 236 34. Allahabad Museum Inscriptions of the Year 87. . 248 35. Bonepur Plates of Maha-Bhavagupta (II)-Janamejaya; the Year 17 . . 252 36. Karitalai Stone Inscription of Lakshmanaraja : ( Kalachuri) Samvat 593. 260 37. Four Ganga Copper-plate Grants :A. -Plates of Mabarsja Jayavarmadeva . . . between pages 382 & 263 38. B.-Plates of Danarnavadeva . . >> 264 & 26.5 39. C.-Plates of Bhupendravarmadeva . . . . . . to face page 267 40. D.--Plates of Rangka Jayavarmadeva . . . . . . between pages 288 & 269 41. Four Pandya Records from Ukkirankottai > 286 & 287 42. Utmanzai Lamp Inscription in Kharoshthi . . . . . to face pago 180 201 289

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ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS. Page 2, last 1.-For Karana read Srikarana. 4, text I. 13.-For PTT read : , 7, (V. 15).-For Brahmana read Brahmana. , 9, 1. 25.-For niyukta- read niyuktak-. 10, 1. 25.-Omit I in the beginning of the line. 12, f. n. 2.- For n. 4 read p. 11, n. 7. 12, f. n. 6.-For read . 12, f. n. 10.-For Abhidhana Chintamani read Abhidhanachintamani. 12, f. n: 11.-For purAta read puraat| 15, text I. 17.--For read . 16, f. n. 1.-For Vaigaon read Waigaon. 26, 1. 14.-For irukka read irukka. 27, 1. 37.-For -Bhim read - Bhima. 27, last 1.--For ovarim read varim. 37, 1. 9.--For Khema read Kshema. 38, 1. 30.-Insert In before. Vinaya Pitaka'. 41, para. 5, last 1.-For pacchaya read pachohaya. 46, 1. 27.-For Hori read Hotri. 53, 1. 26.--For 8 read 7. (N. G. M.) , 53, last 1.-For bounded on the south by... and on read situated to the south of ... and to. (N. G. M.) 55, text I. 15.-For ka-lam= read kalam 55, text I. 19.-For 8 read 7. (N. G. M.) 66, 1. 3.--For ... bounded) on the south by. ... and on read ( .. situated) to the south of ... and to. (N. G. M.) 56, 1. 13.--For 8th read 7th. (N. G. M.) 64, f. n. 1.- For XVIII read XVII. 66, text I. 13.-For Ranabhitoday- read Ranabbitoday-. 67, f. n. 1, 1. 2.-For Saka read Saka. 71, last f. n.-For 36 read 26. 75, top 1.--For 398 read 308. 77, f. n. 14.-For danda read danda. 78, text 1. 37.-For khandimala read Khandimala. 82, f. n. 5.-For Podagad read Podagadh. 84, lant f. n.-Insert the figure 8 before See. 86, f. n. 9.-For Kritya read okritya. 87, text l. 44.-For senA ti read senApati 89, f. n. 7.-For Brihatproshta inscription of Umavarman read Brihatproshtha grant of Umavarman. 90, f. n. 5.-For Somavamsi read Somavambi. 107, f. n. 2.- For vyaghate read vyaghate; and for kartlarya road karttavyam. 119, f. n. 5.--For Penthama read Penthania.

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viii Page 141, text 1. 14.-For 33 39 39 33 33 39 39 99 33 2deg 33 39 23 33 "" 39 33 33 39 39 dw 39 22 29 23 22 29 39 39 93 39 33 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. read . 144, 1. 11.-For Miyaru- read MIyaru-. 147, 1. 6. For Miyaru read Miyaru. 156, f. n. 5.-For Indian Historical Quarterly read Above. 165, 1. 28.-For Lakulisa- read Lakulisa-. 166, 1. 26. For Kanderuvati- read Kanderuvati-. 168, text 1. 28. For vinoza read ravanIza 174, f. n. 8.-For Rajasimha read Rajasimha. 175, 1. 4. For verses read metres. 190, 1. 3.-For Chavundarasa read Chaudarasa. 190, 1. 9.-For Changur read Changara. 192, last para. 1. 4.-For Arjunvad read Arjunavada. 194, 1. 2.-For Basura read Basura and for Chanjuru read Changura. 194, 1. 7.-For Basura read Basura. 194, 1. 9.-For Changuru read Changura. 195, last 1.-For Basura read Basura. 204, para. 3, 1. 13.-For -asa-vadhayah read as-avadhayah. 206, f. n. 4.-For Tungabhadra read Tungabhadra. 214, f. n. 2.-For Appasavi read Annasavi and for Sannasavi read Sannasavi, 216, 1. 4.-For Srivardhana read Sribhavana. 220, f, n. 3. For maulika read mauzika. 221, f. n. 9. -- For 'zadadhikeSu read catustriMzadadhikeSu. 223, para. 5, 1. 5.--For nipa read nripa. 224, 1. 2.-For Sridhara read Sridhara. 225, f. n. 4.-Insert 223 after p. and 1 after n. 226, 1. 6. For Mahamanda- read Mahamanda-. 226, 1. 11.-For Jayvijaya read Jayavijaya. 227, 1. 25.-For Chalukya read Chalukya. 227, 1. 32.-For Sikharini read Sikharini. 229, text 1. 23.-For read 242, 1. 4 from below. For p. 15 read p. 16 and delete the first inverted comma, 242, f. n. 2.-For Ibid. read C. I. I. Vol. III. [VOL. XXIII. 248, No. 40, para. 1, 1. 4.-For Khambesvarai read Khambesvari. 250, f. n. 14, 1. 2.-For sakala- read sakala-. 252, text 1. 32.-For () read (). 262, f. n. 8.-For Jeda(gata) bringa read Jeda(Jala)sringa. 268, f. n. 1, 1. 2.-For Ra aka read Ranaka. 276, text 1. 9.-For f(x) read fe(fx) 280, 1. 7.-For Charhdije read Charhdije. 280, 1. 13.-For Chanja read Chanje.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. VOLUME XXIII. No. 1.-PENDRABANDH PLATES OF PRATAPAMALLA: THE (KALACHURI] YEAR 965. By Prof. V. V. MIRASHI, M.A., NAGPUR. These plates were first brought to my notice in February 1934 by Pandit Lochana Prasada Pandeya, Honorary Secretary, Mahakosala Historical Society, who desired me to edit them. I requested the Curator of the Nagpur Museum to procure the plates for my examination, which he kindly did through the good offices of the Deputy Commissioner of Raipur. The plates are in the possession of Thakur Gokul Singh, Malguzar of Pendrabandh, a village (N. Lat. 21:39, E. Long. 83) in the Baloda Bazar tahsil of the Raipur District, C. P., and it is said that they have been in his family for some generations. They are two massive copper-plates measuring from 111 to 12" in length and from 71" to 8' in breadth and about l" in thickness. The first plate weighs 155 tolas and the second 133 tolas. At the centre of the top of each plate there is a hole, 1' in diameter for a ring to connect it with the other plate. This ring, which is also of copper, is circular in shape and about 4' in diameter, with a round seal 2.6" in diameter. About one-third portion of the ring was broken off when the plates reached me. The plates were not, therefore, connected by the ring, but there is no reason to doubt that the latter actually belongs to the plates. The weight of the broken ring with the seal is 16 tolas. The edges of the plates have been neither fashioned thicker nor raised into rims. Still the inscription is very well preserved and there is no uncertainty about its reading. The plates are inscribed on the inner side only. There are 35 lines in all, 17 being inscribed on the first plate and the remaining 18 on the second. The average size of letters is 3" except in the last two lines where it is reduced to .2". On the seal is inscribed in the centre & crudely executed figure of Lakshmi, seated cross-legged on a lotus seat, flanked on either side by an elephant with a jar in his uplifted trunk to pour water on the head of the goddess. In the lower part of the seal there is the legend Raja-srimat-Pratapamalladerah in a horizontal line and below it appears a sheathed sword lying parallel to it. The characters are Nagari. The letters are deeply cut but not well formed. Besides the usual form of k, there appears another in the conjunct ksh and OCCAsionally in kr; see di(vi)kramena, 1. 9 and samkranta., 1. 10. In writing conjunct letters the engraver has not distinguished between pa and ya and la and na; in some cases he has also incised pa for ma; see tasya, 1. 6, Gokarnnau, 1. 12 and Suvarnna-, 1. 21, and nirmpita for nirmmita, 1. 9. A final consonant is shown by a slunting stroke at the foot of the vertical only in one case, viz., vasel, 1. 32; but contrast randhuna for bandhun, 1. 6, satruna for satrun, 1. 9, etc. The signs for the superscript and anusvara are, in some cases, added before the sign for medial i; cf. -redine, 1. 19 and mahatim, 1. 19. The sign for avagraha in l. 2 differs from that in 1. 26. A superfluous syllable is scored off by two short vertical strokes at the top, see noi in l. 32. The visarga which was wrongly omitted after khamdana in l. 14 is written inmediately below the line. In two other cases the omission is indicated by & kakapada, whose position and

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXIII. form indicate whether the addenda ere given at the top or at the bottom of the plate. A figure following the addendum indicates the line where the omitted syllable or word is to be supplied. Thus suorittah and ga which were omitted in 11. 11 and 14 are supplied with the figures 11 and 14 respectively at the bottom on the first plate. Similarly ne, which was omitted in the second line on the second plate, is incised with the figure 2 at the top of the plate. The language is Sanskrit. Except the customary salutation to Brahman in the first line and mention of the date and the place of issue in the last, the whole record is in verse. The verses, of which there are twenty-nine, are all numbered except the last one. As regards orthography we may note that v is generally written for b and the dental & for the palatal & (cf. Vrahmane and Sivath in l. l) and vice versd, e.g., in afid-afima- for asid-asima-, 1. 16; y is used for jin Vayapeya, 1. 31. The consonant following ris reduplicated only in a few cases; cf. Karttaviryah, 11. 2-3, mdrggand, 1. 4, etc. The object of the plates is to record a grant made by Pratapamalla, a Kalachuri king of Ratanpur. After the usual salutation to Brahman in the first verse, comes the description of the genealogy of the donor. In the family of Manu, the primeval king, who was descended from the Sun, was born Karttavirya. From him were descended the Haihayas. Their descendants became well known as Kalachuris in the Chedi country. In their family was born Kokalla who had eighteen very brave song. The eldest of them became the lord of Tripuri. He made his brothers lords of mandalas. In the family of their younger brother was born Kalingaraja. The engraver has, inadvertently, omitted here one complete verse which occurs in cognate records and mentions Kamalaraja, the son of Kalingaraja. The present record, as it stands, makes Ratnaraja (I.) the son and successor of Kalingaraja. From Ratnaraja (I.) was born Prithvideva(I.), the father of Jajalladeva(I.). The latter's son was Ratnadeva(II.), of matchless valour who routed Choda. franga and Gokarppa in battle. From Ratnadeva (II.) was born Prithvideva(II.) ; his son was Jagaddiva, the father of Ratnaraja(III.). From the latter was born Pratapamalla the donor of the present plates. From the description in the plates that, though a boy, he was a second Bali in strength, it seems that Pratapamalla came to the throne while quite young. The only important point in the otherwise conventional description of these princes is the mention of Gokarna as an associate of Chodaganga in the fight with Ratnadeva II. I have, elsewhere, discussed in detail the bearing of this on the date of the fight. Again, it is noteworthy that the present inscription has corroborated what Dr. N. P. Chakravarti had already shown from the damaged Kharod inscription, viz., that Jajalladeva II had a brother named Jagaddeva, the father of Ratnadeva III. Our inscription has omitted Jajalladeva II's name probably because he was a collateral. The next four verses (15-18) give the genealogy and description of the donee and state the occasion of the grant. There was a Brahmana named Suvarnnakara of the Parasara-gotra and three pravaras, viz., Vasishtha, Sakti, and Parasara. He had a son named Divakara, who was proficient in the Vedas. From him was born Sadharas who was honoured by the Kalachuris. To him Pratapamalle gave a village named Kayatha situated in the Anargha-mandala on the day of the Makara-sankranti. Then follow nine benedictory and imprecatory verses of the usual type, The last verse states that Pratirkja, who was born in a Gauda family and was the light (i.e., the chief) of the Karana or Record Office, wrote on the plates with clear letters. The last line states + See 6.g. the Amoda plates of Prithvideva I, above. Vol. XIX, p. 79, the Amoda platce of Jajalladeva II, ibid., pp. 211-212, etc. Ct. the Sarkho plates of Ratnadeva II, above, Vol. XXII, pp. 1614. . Above, Vol. XXI, pp. 160 and 162. * This king may be identical with king Jagaddeva glorified in v. 1201 of the Sarrigadhara-paddhati (Bombay Banskrit Serice, 1888, p. 207). See below, p. 8, footaote 1.

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No. 1. PENDRABANDH PLATES OF PRATAPAMALLA. that the plates were issued from the victorious camp at Palasada on Tuesday the tenth day of the bright hall of Magba in Sazovat 865. The tithi and the year are expressed in decimal figures only. As in the case of most other records of the Kalachuri kings of Ratanpur, this date must evi. dently be referred to the Kalachuri-Chedi era. Till now Ratnadeva III, whose Kharod inscription is dated Chedi Samvat 933, was the last known prince of the Ratanpur branch of the Kalachuris. The present plates give us one more name, viz., that of Pratapamalla, in this line. As a matter of fact the name of this prince was already known from some copper coins, round or hexagonal in shape, found in the vicinity of Balpur on the Mahanadi. Mr. Pandeya's conjecture that Pratapamalla was a Kalachuri king' has been corroborated by the discovery of the present plates. It may be noted in this connection that like the seal of the present plates, these coins also bear the figure of & sword on the reverse and can, therefore, be undoubtedly assigned to the donor of the present plates. The date of our record appears to be irregular, for according to R. B. S. K. Pillai's Indian Ephemeris, the tenth day of the bright half of Magha in the Chedi year 965 (taking it to be an expired year as in the case of most other dates in the Chedi era) fell on Thursday, 23rd January, A.D. 1214 and not on Tuesday as stated in our plates. If we take the year to be current, the tithi falls on Saturday, 2nd February, A.D. 1213. The discrepancy can, however, be explained as follows: Though the grant was made on the day of the Makara-sankranti, the plates were actually issued a few days later as in the case of the Kavi grant of Jayabhata III. Now the Makarasankranti in the expired Chedi year 965 fell on Wednesday, the eleventh tithi of the bright half of Pausha (25th December, A.D. 1213). The plates were, however, actually incised after about a fortnight on the tenth tithi of the dark half of Magha, which taking the month to be purnimanta as in the case of other Chedi dates) fell on a Tuesday. The engraver may have, by mistake, incised sudi for vadi. The corresponding English date is, therefore, Tuesday, 7th January, A.D. 1214. As for the geographical names mentioned in the present plates, Anarghavalli, as stated elsewhere, roughly corresponds to the modern Janjgir tahsil of the Bilaspur District. The village named Kayatha is still extant in the form Kaita about 14 miles almost due west of Pendrabandh and about 4 miles beyond the southern limit of the Janjgir tahsil. About Palasada I may mention that there are several villages named Parsada or Parsadi in the Baloda Bazar tahsil, but the village, where Pratapamalla's camp was pitched, may be Parsodi about a mile to the north of Kaita. I edit the inscription from the original plates. TEXT. Metres: Vv. 1, 7, 9, 11, 15-16 and 19-28 Anushtubh; vv. 2, 5 and 14, Upajati; vv. 3 and 12 Sragdhara; v. 13 Sardulavikridita; vv. 8 and 18 Malini; v. 10 Sikharini; vv. 4, 6 and 17 Vasantatilakd ; v. 29 Indravajra.) First Plate. i ato (a) : forf () -142 faren farfu). TAUTE( ) bhAvayAcaM para jyotisvI madra(maNe namaH // 1 // 1 Ind. Hist. Quart., Vol. III, p. 175. I owe this information to Mr. L. P. Pandeya who has kindly sent me some coins of this typo. * The date may be Wednesday, 22nd January, as on this day the tenth tithi commenced 1 hour 45 minutes after mesn sunrise. -Ed.) * Ind. Ant., Vol. XVII, pp. 220-21. . Above, Vol. XXII, p. 163. * Expressed by the letter with a dot on it.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXIII. 2 yadetadagresaramaMva ( ba ) rasya jyotiH sa pUSA puruSaH purANa: 1 athAsya puSo manurAdirAjastadanvaye bhUvikA 3 bo 4 rayo mArgaNe kalpavRcAH / tahaMsA (zA) cedidese (ze) kalacuririti ca khyAti - maukharendrA jAtaH kokanadeva aSTAdasA (zA) rikarikuMbhavibhanna siMhAH puSA // 2 // tasmAcchrAtikIrteH sakalaguNadharA haihayA nekasaH' ko jAtA: pratyarthipuSyopatikari 5 patirarikulamA dhUmaketuH // 2 // bhujAM (ba) bhUvuratisau (zauryapa 6 rAya tasya 1 tacAgrajo nRpavarastripurosa (za) AzI (sI) tyArkhe (kheM) ca maMDalapatIsa cakAra vaM (baM) dhUna (n) // 4 // teSAmanU' jastu 7 kaliMgarAjaH pratApavanhi (cipitArirAja: / jAtIkhaye [du]'STaripuprayorapriyAnamAmbhoruhapArvvaNe 8 nduH // 5 // tenAtha caMdravadanojani ratnarAjo visvo (kho) pakAraka ruyAtipuSyabhAraH / yena vA vAyu 9 ganirmyi (ni) tadi (vi) krameNa nItaM yasa (za) stri (stri) bhuvane vinihatya sa(bha) jUna (n) // 5 // pRSadevobhavattasyAvRpaH sA(mA) rdUla 10 vikramaH / nakhadarpaNasaMkrAntanamahU pAlamaMDalaH // 7 // atha bacirarucistI(zrI) rAzrayaH satkalAnA 11 manupacitakalaMkInamUrtiH sutta: [*] sakala [ gu] pasamUhaH zrI (cI) matadA sUnurvvidhuriva sukatAnAradhA (vA) ma jAjajJadeva 12 : // 8 // ratnadevobhavattasmAdabhUtopamavikramaH / yaccoDagaMgagokarNau yudhi cakre parAmukhI' // 8 // tatobhUdAsIma 13 citivalayavikrAnta mahimA himAnIyakAntagadapi yazobhi (I) valayana (n) / rathe kahA (ca) SiripadalanadocAparisamaH 1 Read [nekazaH +- The intended change of n to yA here is ungrammatical. See Panini, VIII, 4, 1. Read IrendrA * Read - vibhaGga. read The vowel of is lengthened for the sake of metre. Many other records of the Kalachuris of Ratanpur canajasya which seems to be proper, since such a word is required to be connected with. See Sarkho plates (above, Vol. XXII, p. 165, footnote 1). Other cognate plates read diSTa. This word which was omitted here is supplied with the figure 11 at the bottom of the plate. The engraver had first incised the conjunct at the top of mu The vertical stroke of a is not engraved. ta but afterwards cancelled it and incised only the letter

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2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 i. 18 0022228 24 26 30 32 34 ii. PENDRABANDH PLATES OF PRATAPAMALLA: THE KALACHURI YEAR 965. Ila unale namAniyApaka nitya sarva pana makA hI jAta yA hI tujhe tisare me sarasa le namaH // padena daye samaMdara siSAnuSakhAyanAdinA vikA vaaghH||2|| naramAI va niko ne sakalagulabanA hai hathA ne kasako jAtAyatA ziSyApatika niha yo mAmale vRttAta sAkhedi dekhila ninitAntaHko kuna devAna pati nakulama jI bhuumketuH|| 3 // dAnika nivAtrAta soyapa nAkhatakSyata jAna pani samAzI pAlana maMDalapatInsa kA vana // 4 // sAmantra kaliMga nAUH vAhi kavitA timro dojanAkA kAnAta kA jati nadi kamala nItaM vasati ne vinityatra // 6 // devAsa uttaramAna paH sArdra la vikranazanarata palasaM kAma pAla maMDala // tatakhI nApa sakalA nA manupari taka ko na trikala vikatAnA samajAU lAdeva // devo vAda to pati khoDagaMga gokala prati ke panA rau|| tato sadA sauma dilayata kAna mahi mAhi mAnA vA apayazovila banA le kuTTA pasala navodaya sinaH sutaH tadanurudala nAnapArA pAlaka nivaDUna bolavatamAna pasAIla vikrmH||9|| putrakhatrI kalakala balasIH sImA pulamUlAbhi vanita sonA siniyA vizvaH / zrAsIdAzI maMjU bhI valepani bAda do ko TulIlA patIH // 12 // vastrasyA sau hilo - nirddhatA se vaiditipatinihota sutraH 12 lek lahanI niIta digmaMDa lo mUnirjitamanmayaH samajavata somapratApar3hApA lAI sobale muni so pAlAmAla, dIne vaidina ligala nityahi vinAmahi // malA mahatyA mahatoma hI sopa manojajakamala sImo manovalena vAloM pitati dvitIyaH // 24 // vasisa ki pAnAsa nahuti pravaH sunanA mAno ne pAnAsane divAkarAma loke te nAU niditA ke nAnA jJAna namo na vedvidy|| 26 // tasmAdA talI gulibhAgale budA naMdada kRpayA vidyamAna vasamA mahilA manAsasAkhAnA bhavanAta sivila navanina ani anavipaya nijJAna saMkalana mAmA mAnyatA lenA 2. maMDalAmo kAlopana prakAra kA banA homidAnapati haanipkhrbhnNdn||2|| savAdI niHsamatA diyA dAna mAnasyA tadA phalamai // 29 // miMTA: pratiSTAviyasa tu mizrA nipulA karmAniyata gA minI pUrvadatrAnipokhanA punaMda nAma hI mahIna. to sehA dAnA ho yA di pAla, niir3|| svada hI pasaMda bI vA yo hune savinAlA kRmi taapitRtiH|| * vAjapeyI kohi pradAnena niti // 2 // varSasahasra likha di khAne ke lA lAnu ma vA janAnyaM vanata ke vase // 2 // vaiyaktile nasImAyAH 'hamane pulaspati // vAsu pani tailaviMdu sita bhUmidAnaM sa sa nohati // gohAnA patitA U mAnA vidyAmu vikalaH sarvamitile praha saMtatikiTa ke mA didi sarakhela N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. REG. No. 3919 E'35-425. SCALE: ONE-HALF. 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 222 2222 * 24 26 SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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ACTUAL SIZE, SEAL. From a photograph.

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No. 1.] PENDRABANDH PLATES OF PRATAPAMALLA. 14 suta: pRthvIdevo danujadalanastasya nRpateH' 10 // pracaMDAkhaMDabhUpAla yugakaMDUtikhaMDana:' [*] jaga hevobhavattasmAtpaH spa(mA)dala. 16 vikramaH // 11 // tatputraviSakIrtiH sakalakalacurimAbhujAM bhUSaSadhIH zrImAnutpuza mallauni16 karanibhayaso(go)rAmi(bhi) bhiryAptavisva:(gvaH) / pAthI(saudAcaurasau)mabhUmauralayaparikSaDhaprauDhadoHkAMDalIlA17 ni tAsa(zeSavairicitipatinivaho bhUpatI rabarAjaH // 12 puSastasya yaso(yo) dhi(bi)kho Second Plate. 18 lalaharInihUtadigmaMDalo mUrtyA nirjitamanmathaH samabhavatatrI(chI)mapratApo vRpaH / bhUpAlAraNavaso(zo)SaNe / 19 munirasau mApAlacUDAmacirdIne baMdijane hila gudhigaye nityaM hi cintAmadhi: // 13 // matyA mahatvA mahatIM ma20 hausa:(za:) pratApamajho jagadekamanaH / eSImapRSImakarotkarAvyA va(ba)lana vA(bA)lopi va(ba)lihitIyaH // 14 // 21 vasiSThasa(za)ktipArAsa(zora iti pravaracayaH / suvarNakAranAmAbhUhoMne pArAma(za)re hijaH // 1 // divAkarama(sa)mI loke 22 tenAjani divAkaraH / yenAnAnatamo maSTaM vadatatva(ca)vidA bhuvi / / / tasmAda jAyata guNI guNinAM maNe23 Su dAnaM dadavsu lapayArthijate(ne) vadAndhaH / mUrkhA manobhavasamo mahilAmana sAdhAra ityamavanIta- . 24 lasuprasiddhaH // 17 // pakhilajanavariSTo(Tho) dharmakIrtipratiSTo(Tho) janitajanavisu(za) dil()yanisA(SNA)tavu(budiH / sakalagu25 samUhaH satyasAdhAranAmA kalacurikulamAgyo yobhavattasya puSaH // 18 // tasI pratApamallena kAyaThA * The engraver first incised , and then corrected it into * The vowel of y was first incised as long and then shortened. * The visarga after which was omitted at first is incised below the line. * The syllable which was omitted here is incised with the figure 14 at the bottom of the plate. superfluous marks of ripha on both a and bI. * The curve of the medial & here is not clearly formed. * The syllable which was omitted here is incised with the figure 2 at the top. * The sense requires the form fact here. There are

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. 20 varSa dhAmI marakAnto dazaH saMzayapUrvakaH // 18 ( ) 'bhadrAsanaM gajA) varavAhanaM (nam) / bhUmidAnamA (sva) ci 27 puraMdara // 2- va (ba) bhirvvasudhA dattA dibhiH / yasya yasya yadA bhUmistasya tasya / pratigTanhA (jAti yatra bhUmiM pravacyati / svargagA dattA rAjabhiH samarA 28 tadA phalama ( sa ) 4214 bhUmiM yaH ubhau tau puNyakarmANo niyatau 29 mino // 22 // pUrvadatAM dizAtiyo yajJAdracca puraMdara / sahIM mahIbhRtAM se (zreSTha dAnAcchreyo hi prAlanaM (nam ) // 22 // [VOL. XXIII. 30 datta paradatto vA yo pitRbhiH saha madhyati 31 vAya (kha) peyasa (gha) tena ca / SaSTivarSasahasrANi sa 32 prAtAM cAtumattA (khA) ca yatkiMcitasaMcita (tam) / 33 rathena prayasya (ya) ti // 27 // evaM bhUmitaM dAnaM sa sa prkRti||18|| 34 moDAyI samaya: 35) hare ( vasuMdhara(rAmsa vi[]yAM zamilA // 24 // taDAgAnAM satra (se) ca garvA koTipradAnena bhUmiharttA va (ka) dhvati // 25 // tiSThati bhUmidaH / tAnyeva narake vaset // 25 // STataM hutaM caiva arddhAMgulena sImAyA" yathAsu patitaM sa (ma) taikhaviM (biM) durvvisarpati / pratirAjamA (kA) mA vidyAmbu(mbu) thi: sI(zrIkaraNapradIpaH / svacchAsarvvajanamasima (kAme) niyamako v||[24] dAsa (tavijayakara mAcaidi 10 maMgaladine / TRANSLATION. Om! Obeisance to Brahman ! (Verse 1) Obeisance to that reality, Brahman, which is attributeless, all-pervasive, eternal and auspicious, the ultimate cause (of the universe) and supreme light, conceivable by the mind. (V. 2) This foremost luminary of the firmament that is the Sun, the primeval Being. Then was (born ) his son, Manu, the first of kings. In his dynasty was (born ) Kartavirya on the earth. (V. 3 ) From him who surpassed the fame of Indra, were born on the earth many Haihayas, endowed with all merits, who were lions to the elephants in the form of hostile kings and wish 1 The engraver first incised and then corrected it into which was first incised is corrected into . This danda is superfluous. There is a syllable nri after a but the engraver has indicated by two vertical strokes on it that the syllable was incised by mistake and is to be omitted. Read Ayer. This syllable is superfluous. In the present case, it can hardly be taken as the Kanerese genitive affix. [The portion in this line beginning with Palasada and ending with the dandas after katake should perhaps have come at the beginning. It may be that the engrayer finding out his mistake used this sign to indicate that this portion is not connected with the date.-Ed.]

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No. 1.] PENDRABANDH PLATES OF PRATAPAMALLA. fulfilling trees to the supplicant. The kings, who were born) in their family, became famous as Kalachuris in the Chedi country. (In their family) was born king Kotaladora; who was a comet to the kings of the families of his enemies. (V. 4) To him were born eighteen, very valorous sons, (who were) lions in breaking open the temples of elephants in the form of his enemies. The eldest of them was the lord of Tripuri, and he made his brothers the lords of mandalas by his side. (V.5) In (that) family was born their younger brother, Kalingar#ja, who exterminated the hostile kings by the fire of his valour, and who was the full-moon to the day-lotures in the form of the faces of the beloveds of the mighty warriors of (his) wieked enemies. (V. 6) He begat the moon-faced Ratnaraja, who had acquired a mass of religiotte merit by showing compassion to and conferring obligation on the whole) world (and) who, destroying his enemies by the valour of both his arms, spread his fame in the three worlds. (V.7) From him was born king Psithvideva whose prowess was like that of a tiger (and) in the mirrors of whose nails was reflected a host of princes who bowed to him. (V.8) Then that glorious king's son was Jajalladeva who was, like the moon, without any spots, who was of radiant complexion and majesty, was the repository of good arts as the moon contains the kalas), was endowed with an inestimable form, was virtuous as the moon Has a well-rounded form), who possessed all the qualities and who was ar abode of all merits. (V. 9) From him was born Ratnadeva of incomparable valour, who, in battle, Vanquished Chodaganga and Gokarnna (lit. made them turn their faces away). (V. 10) Then was born to that king & son named Prithvideva, whose power extended to the bounds of the circle of the earth, who whitened the world with his lovely glory, like a mass of snow, who devoted himself to the extermination of his wrathful foes in battle, as a lion does (in the case of) infuriated elephants and who was a destroyer of demons (i.e., wicked peoplo). (V. 11) From him was borx king Jagaddeva, who possessed the prowess of a tiger and who destroyed the itch of fighting of all powerful kings. (V. 12) His son was the glorious king Rattaraja, of wonderful fame, who was the excellent ornament of all Kalachuri kings, who filled the universe with the mass of his fame resembling & heap of blooming jasmine flowers, who destroyed all the hosts of hostile kings by the play of his massive arms, which were the masters of the circle of the earth to the extreme) boundaries. (V. 18) Then was born his son, the glorious king Pratapa, who has cleaned the circle of quarters with the rolling waves of the ocean of his fame, who has surpassed Cupid by his form, who is the sage (Agastya) in drying up the ocean in the form of (hostile) kings, (who is) the crest-jewel of kings and who is always the philosopher's stone to the poor, the panegyrists, the Brahmeras and the meritorious. (V. 14) Pratapamalla, of great intellect, who is the lord of the earth, (and) the preeminent warrior of the world, and who, though a boy, is a second Bali in strength and has made, by his arms, this wide earth (look) small. (V. 15) There was a Brahmana named Suvarnakata in the Parasara-gotra, with three praparas-viz., Vasishtha, Sakti and Parasara. (V. 16) He begat Divakara, who was like the sun in this world, who knowing the essence of the Vedas, dispelled the darkness of ignorance on the earth, (V. 17) From him was born a meritorious (son), who has become well-known by the name of Sadhara, who, is (reckoned as) the (most) meritorious among multitudes of meritorious persons (and as) beneficent among those who make gifts out of compassion (and) who in form appears like the mind-born (Cupid) to the minds of ladies. 11.c., he caused their destruction.

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8 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXIII. (V. 18) Who was his (i.e., Divakara's) son, the foremost among all people, who is famed for religious merit, who has caused the purification of the people, whose intellect is proficient in Nyaya (logic), who, being possessed of the whole multitude of merits, is truly called Sadhara and who is honoured by the Kalachuri family. (V. 19) To him Pratapamalla gave, with a solemn declaration, on the Makara-sankranti, a village named Kayatha (situated) in Anargha-mandala. (Here follow nine benedictory and imprecatory verses.) This ocean of learning named Pratiraja of the Gauda family, the light (i.e., chief) of sri-karana (Record Office), who entertains pure thoughts and is famous among all people has written (on this) copper (charter) with clear letters. At the victorious camp pitched at Palasada, on Tuesday the tenth of the bright half of Magha in the year 965. No. 2.-ANJANAVATI PLATES OF GOVINDA III; SAKA YEAR 722. BY PROF. V. V. MIRASHI, M.A., AND L. R. KULKARNI, M.A., NAGPUR. The copper-plates, which are edited here for the first time, were found in May 1935, in the possession of Mr. Narayan Tukaram Pande of Anjanavati or Anjati, a village (Lat. 20deg 55' N., Long. 78deg 6' W.) in the Chandur Taluq, about 22 miles almost due east of Amraoti, in Berar. We obtained them for editing from Mr. N. R. Puranik of Nachangaon through the good offices of Dr. K. B. Hedgewar of Nagpur. The plates when first found, were covered with verdigris in some places but they have since been cleaned by the Government Epigraphist who has also kindly supplied us with ink-impressions. They are three copper-plates each measuring 10.3" in length, from 6'5" to 6.9" in breadth and about " in thickness. The middle plate is slightly thicker than the others. Their ends are raised to serve as rims for the protection of the inscription. The' first and third plates are inscribed on one side only and the second on both the sides. At the centre of the proper right side, about from the end, each plate has a circular hole about 6" in diameter for the ring which has connected it with other plates of the set. The ends of this ring, which is about 4" in thick. ness and 3.1" in diameter, were soldered into the socket of a seal. The latter is circular, 1.6" in diameter, and contains on a countersunk surface a representation of Garuda, sitting crosslegged on a lotus and facing full front. The seal does not contain any legend. The ring was not cut when the plates came to our hands. The weight of the plates together with the ring and the seal is 228 tolas. The plates are fairly well preserved. Some letters here and there are damaged by verdigris, but in almost all cases they can either be read from the traces left on the plates or easily supplied from other records of the Rashtrakutas, with which the present plates have a considerable portion in common. The names of the donees and localities are difficult of deciphering due to the careless manner in which the record is incised. The repetition of the names of most of the donees in 11. 55-58 where their gotras as well as the shares assigned to each are recorded, has, however, helped us in the correct decipherment of some doubtful letters. There are 58 lines in all, of which fourteen are inscribed on the first plate, thirteen and fifteen on the first and second sides respectively of the second plate, and the remaining sixteen on the third plate. The last line 1 This verse prima facie seems to describe a person named Satyasadhara, who was a son of Sadhara mentioned in the preceding verse. But, in that case, Satyasadhara would be a queer name, though the title DakshinapathaSadhara of Avanijanaeraya Pulakesin may be cited in support of it. I think the poet shows in this verse how the name Sadhara was truly significant. He was so called because he was the support (adhara) of all virtues. There are thus two verses in praise of Sadhara. An analogous instance is furnished by the Nidhanapur plates of Bhaskaravarman. See verses 17-18 (above, Vol. XII, p. 74) and footnote 11 (ibid., p. 77). [But cf. names like Vijaya-sadhara and Sumati-sadhara in the Arthuna inscription of the Paramara Mandanadeva (above, Vol. XIV, p. 303). On this analogy Sadhara and Satya-sadhara of the present inscription may be the names of the father and the son respectively.-Ed.]

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No. 2.] ANJANAVATI PLATES OF GOVINDA III. 9 which is incised in the right hand corner of the third plate for want of space, is only 3" in length. The letters are deeply, though somewhat carelessly, cut. They do not, however, show through on the reverse. Their average size is about 3" except in the last four lines where it is reduced to 2". Several letters have identical or closely similar forms, so that in many cases it is difficult to say which of them is meant; see, for example, e, v and dh in -vadhah, 1. 11, and evam, 1. 35 and compare 8 in nasira-, 11. 19-20, and patakais, 1. 47 with m in -agamad-, 1. 19. Similarly, p and y are exactly alike in Paramabhattaraka, 1. 28 and yatha, 1. 31; so also, ku and ksh in kv-api, 1. 18, and kshitau, 1. 5. Again, the looped form of n stands for bh in a-bhru-vibhamgam-, 1. 9, bhaya-, 1. 18, -bhyantara-, 1. 41, etc. ; for k in -kshayakaram, l. 18-19; and also for the subscript d and the superscript t in danda-, 1. 10 and -atapattra, 1. 19 respectively. The vertical stroke of k is not incised in some cases, e.g., in kshmapah, 1. 5, kshata-, 1. 11, Kutimasha, 1. 56, Narauka and Chhathikumarashya, 1. 57 and probably also in Kukkaiken-eti, 1. 55. The engraver has again inadvertently omitted some words and syllables in a few places, e.g., degr-vidhu- in 1. 2, charu in 1. 25, -krah in 1. 22, etc., and has wrongly repeated bhupah in 1. 2, dhama in l. 4, s-odramgah sa-parikarah in 1. 39, etc. The words [nadi] Mari[cha], (1. 37) and the letter sa in Vajasane (1. 57) which were at first omitted are engraved immediately below. In one case the engraver has corrected his mistake by scoring out a wrong stroke; see Amjanavamty- in 1. 37 where the curve for medial u of ju is cancelled. The characters are Nagari as in the Paithan plates of Govinda III. As regards individual letters we may note the following peculiarities :-Besides the regular form of initial a in asid=, 1. 1, another in which the letter is laid on its side occurs in a-chandrdeg, 1. 40. The medial a is generally marked by downward vertical stroke, but in conjunction with j, f, and h it rises upwards, occasionally ending in a curve, cf. -praja-vadhah, 1. 11, -bhattaraka- and Maharaja-, 1. 28. The medial u is generally shown either with a serif as in Dantidurgga-, 1. 7, or with a curve open on the left as in chatur-, 1. 6, but also occasionally with a loop as in krodhad-utkhata-, 1. 16, niyukta-, 1. 31, vindu, 1. 52 and with a curve turned downwards in cases where the vertical stroke already ends in a serif as in ruchi-, 1. 17 and Dhruva-, 1. 22. Besides the usual form of the medial u as in bhupah, 1. 2, tanujah, 1. 6, etc., there are two others seen in rupam, 1. 19, and -gramakuf-, 1. 31. Several letters have more than one form; see for example, j in Rajadhiraja-, 1. 16 and rajasu, 1. 3; p in pranayishu, 11. 13-14 and nirvvapanam, 1. 14; bh in bhokta, 1. 7 and a-bhru-vibhamgam-, 1. 9; 1 in Vallabha- and dhuli both in 1. 20 and ruchir-ollikhit-, 1. 5; v in vo 1. 1, Vajrata, 1. 8 and -varggo, 1. 18; th in Chhathikumara-, 11. 34-35 and Vasishtha, 1. 32; and finally the subscript d in Pandya-, 1. 8, Mayurakhandi, 1. 42 and danda, 1. 10. N is generally shown with a loop and without it, but the opposite forms also occur sporadically; see n in -abhidhano, 1. 37, -bhyantara, 1. 41, Vajasane, 1. 57, etc., and the superscript t in -atapattra, 1. 19. H occasionally shows a tail as in maha-, 1. 22 and r a loop on the left as in -ruchirdeg, 1. 5, -praharaih, 1. 15; when the latter forms a member of the ligatures rya and rea it is placed horizontally as in surya, 1. 42 and parvamta, 1. 40. The conjunct rth is marked by a curled curve turned to the left as in samarthah and Parth-opamah in 1. 23. The final form of t, which occurs in 11. 7, 12, 49, and 50, is shown with an encircling curve. The language is Sanskrit. Some of the names of the donees and gotras, however, are in Prakrit, e.g., Chhathikumara for Shashthikumara, Kramaitta, for Kramaditya, etc. The first twentyseven lines which form the eulogistic part are in verse. Then comes the formal part of the grant in prose, which is followed by four benedictory and imprecatory verses of the usual type. The last four lines are again in prose, and record the name of the writer and the dutaka of the record as well as the gotras and shares of some of the donees. As regards orthography attention may be drawn to the following:-(1) The consonant following r and that before y are occasionally doubled;

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXI eg., Dantidurgga, 1. 7 and pad-anuddhyata, 1. 29. (2) A class nasal is only rarely used for anusvara, e.g., afranta, 1. 10; pafcha, 1. 36, etc. (3) V is used for throughout, cf. la for bala, 1. 8; -vadhah for Badhah, l. 11, etc. (4) Ri is wrongly incised fot ni in Kanak-addri, 1.6, kriy-disarppan., 1. 36, eto. (5) Anusvara is wrongly changed to n in -ansa-pithah, 1.5 and sice verse in mdhallar-adim, l. 31, etc. (6) The palatal & and the lingual sh are wrongly incised for the dental in vijaya-skandhaga(v)r., 1. 42 and Chhathikumarashya, 1. 57 respectively. Besides these, there are several mistakes due to the carelessness of the writer of the engraver, e.g., the use of the unaspiratet for the aspirate tha in shitya, 1. 43, the omission of visarga be. fores in sarhyukta syod, I. 47, the use of anusvara to denote length in maran-devya, 1. 54 and itaridra, l. 55. In the formal part of the grant there are some wrong sandhis, e.g., prakahepaniyd a-chandr-ark-, 1. 40; parvanyiudaka, 1. 42, etc. The plates were issued by the Rashtrakata king Govinda m from his victorious capital at Mayurakhandi on the occasion of a tula-purusha gift at the time of & solar eclipse in the expired Saka year seven hundred and twenty-two. The date cannot be verified for want of the necessary details. There was only one solar eclipse in the expired Saka year 722, viz., that which occurred on the New Moon day of the month of Ashadha, the corresponding Christian date being Thursday, 25th June, A.D. 800. This date falls in the reign of Govinda III, who ruled from circa A.D. 794 to A.D. 814. Like the earlier Paithan plates the present inscription incorporates many old verses descriptive of the ancestors of Govinda III, which are known from the older redunts of Dantidur Krishna I and Dhruva. The eulogistic part of the present plates is, however, shorter than that of the Paithan plates, as eleven verses, miz., 3, 4, 17, 20-22, 20-27, which occur in the lattor are not included here. The genealogy of Govinda III is given here as in his other plates, commencing from Govinda I, viz., Govinda (I); his son Kakka (1); his son Indra (II); his son Dantidurga, who defeated the innumerable forces of the Karnatas which were clever in defeating the lord of Kanchi, the king of Kerala, the Chola, the Pandya, the illustrious Harsha and Vajrata and who attained the position of Rajadhiraja Paramesvara by easily defeating Vallabha; (his uncle) Krishna-Subhaturga-Akalavarsha, the son of Kakka I, who defeated Rahappa and assumed the titles Rajadhiraja and Paramesvara ; his son, Govinda (IT); his younger brother Dhruva; his son Govinds (IIT), who was crowned king by his father in supersession of his other sons. Govinda HI is here said to have assumed the Birudas of Prithivi-vallabha, Prabhutavatsha and Srirattadha. There is nothing new in the eutogistic verses, which, as stated abovo, are copied from earlier records. As in the Paithan plates there is here no reference to any of Govinda's campaigns in the north or the south. The object of the present inscription is to record the grant of the village Athanavathu on the occasion of a solar eclipse to the following thirteen Brahmanas (1) Ruddappa Dikoita, son of Govvaika-bhatta of Vasishtha-gotra, who was a teligions student of the Rigvede, and resident of Veyaghana ; (2) Durgappa of Kramaitta-gotra who was a rosident of Talvitaks; (3) Devadatta of Haridra-gotra'; (4) Narayana of Kutimasha (Kulmasha !) -getra; 5) Matigappa ; Govinda IIT seems to have weighed himself against gold before making the gift; of. The Caun bay Plates of Govinda IV, 11. 46-47 and 50-53, above, Vol. VII, p. 40. A similar expression tula purusha-sthite occurs in the Samangad plates of Dantidurga which Fleet was inclined to take man astronomical expression (Ind. Ant., Vol. XI, p. 114), but the expression probably qualifies the word may' which seems to have been omitted inadvertently. + Above, Vol. III, p. 1'. * The gotras of now. 8, 4, 6-8, and 10-12, which were at tirat omitted, are supplied in L. 55-57. This name appears wrongly as Narapa in 1. 56.

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No. 2.] ANJANAVATI PLATES OF GOVINDA III. (6) Voppana of Haridra-gotra; (7) Aiyani1 of Moggala-gotra; (8) Gantiyamma of Bharadvajagotra; (9) Lavvaiya; (10) Kasamana of Kasyapa-gotra; (11) Chhathikumara of Vajasane(ya)gotras (?); (12) Narauka of Siguli (Sangali ?)-gotra and (13) Vadi. The revenue of the village was divided into eighteen (equal) shares of which the Dikshita Ruddappa was given five, Devadatta two and the remaining eleven one each. The donated village was situated in the vishaya (district) of Achala pura and was bounded on the east by the village Rangalachhyi and the river Mari, on the south by the village Gohasodva, on the west by the village Sallaimala and the hill Timisa, and on the north by the village Kure and Vatapura. The charter was written by Kukkaika, the minister in charge of peace and war, and the son of the military officer Samanta ari-Gauta, by the order of the Emperor (Govinda III), and with the consent of the Great Queen (Mahadevi). The dutaka was the illustrious Chakkiraja. 11 The present plates do not add anything to our knowledge of Govinda III's reign, but the mention of Chakkiraja as the dutaka of the present grant is interesting. He evidently occupied a high position at Govinda's court and is probably identical with the illustrious Chakiraja, the lord (adhiraja) of the entire Ganga-mandala, who made a request to Govinda III to grant a vil. lage to the Jaina ascetic Arkakirti to avert the adverse influence of Saturn from his sister's son Vimaladitya as recorded in the Kadaba plates of the reign of Govinda III. The circumstances which led to the elevation of Chakiraja, who was at first an officer at the court of Govinda III, to the position of the ruler of the entire Ganga province can now be clearly stated. The Ganga king was one of those princes who had come to the help of Govinda II, when his brother Dhruva rebelled against him. He was imprisoned by the latter who placed his son Stambha in charge of the conquered Ganga province. The Ganga prince was released by Govinda III after his accession, probably to create a rival to his brother who had become hostile to him. He ungratefully joined Stambha but was speedily defeated along with the latter. Though Govinda III magnanimously pardoned Stambha as implied in the Sanjan plates, he is not likely to have reinstated him as a ruler of the whole of the Ganga province. He must have placed some trusted officer of his, like Chakiraja, in charge of some portion of the Ganga-mandala to serve as a check on his brother. Later on, when the whole Ganga country was annexed consequent on a second revolt or, perhaps, the death of Stambha, Chakiraja must have been put in charge of the entire Ganga province as stated in the Kadaba plates. If the above reasoning is correct, Stambha's revolt and defeat must be placed between A.D. 800, the date of the present grant and A.D. 805, the date of the Nesari plates, in which the defeat of the Ganga king is mentioned for the first time". 1 This name is written as Alya[ni] in 1. 56. The name appears as Kasamana in 1. 56. The name of the sakhi is here wrongly mentioned as gotra. Above, Vol. IV, p. 332. Altekar-The Rashtrakutas and Their Times, pp. 61 f. Above, Vol. XVIII, p. 244, verse 18. * [In this connection attention may be drawn to the following note of Mr. N. Lakshminarayan Rao :Though it is known from inscriptions that Govinda III put down the rebellion headed by his elder brother Stambha, it is nowhere stated that Govinda pardoned him. But from the Manne plates (Ep. Carn., Vol. IX, Nl. 61) of A.D. 802 and the Badanaguppe plates (Mys. Archl. Report 1927, p. 112) of A.D. 808, both issued by Khambhaders (ie., Stambha), we learn that he was a subordinate of Govinda. The former of these records states that Khambha made the grant specified in it with the permission of his younger brother while in the latter be acknowledges the suzerainty of Govinda. There is no reason to suppose that he was placed in charge of only a portion of the Ganga-mandala, since the two grants referred to above were issued respectively from Man. yapura (Mappe in Mysore State) and Talavananagara (Talakad in Mysore), the two important capitals of the

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12 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. While editing the Kadaba plates Dr. Luders has enumerated in detail the several circumstances which, in his opinion, create a suspicion about the genuineness of those plates1. The occurrence of Chakiraja's name in the present plates, though it cannot decide the question, may still be adduced as a point in favour of the genuineness of the Kadaba grant. [VOL. XXIII. As for the places mentioned in the present plates, Mayurakhandi where the King's victorious capital was situated is mentioned as the place of issue in four other published records, viz.:-Vani-Dindori, Radhanpur, Bharata Itihasa Samsodhaka Mandala and Kadaba plates. In the first three of these the word 'vijayaskandhavara' does not occur. Our plates, however, have it in common with the Kadaba plates. Dr. Buhler first identified Mayurakhandi with Morkhand, a hill fort in the Satmala or Ajanta range, close to Saptasringi and north of Vani in the Nasik District and this identification has, since then, been accepted without question. As Mayurakhandi has been mentioned as a place of royal residence in as many as five records, it could not have been only a temporary site of the royal camp. Besides in the present plates the charter is said to have been written with the consent of the Great Queen (Mahadevi), who was, thus, probably present at Mayurakhandi at the time of the solar eclipse. The place may, therefore, have been the Rashtrakuta capital in the time of Govinda III. No other place has been mentioned as the capital in any of his plates. We may, again, note in this connection that skandhavara is used in Sanskrit in the sense of a royal capitalo also and the word vijaya (victorious) is not unknown as a prefix of its name11. As for Buhler's observation that Mayurakhandi does not seem to have been Govinda III's capital, though it may have been an occasional place of residence' because 'Indian princes do not usually govern their dominions from lonely forts', we may point out that the difficulty pointed out Ganga-mandala. Further, neither in the record under publication, which contains the earliest mention of Chaki. raja, nor in another set of Manne plates issued by Govinda in Saka 732 (Journal of the Mythic Society, Vol. XIV, p. 88), is he called Ganga-mandal-adhiraja, which epithet is applied to him for the first time in the Kadaba plates of A.D. 812. It is therefore likely that he was appointed to govern the Ganga-mandala only after the death of Khambha, which must have taken place subsequent to the date of his Badanaguppe plates, viz., A.D. 808, and probably after A.D. 810, the date of the second set of Manne plates which does not style him 'the ruler of Ganga-mandala. So, the mention of Chakiraja-without even an official designation or title-in the Anjanavati plates cannot help us in fixing the date of Stambha's revolt or defeat. All that can be said is that Stambha must have submitted to Govinda before A. D. 802, the date of the first set of Manne plates where also we find the earliest mention of the defeat and re-imprisonment of the Ganga king-and not in the Nesari plates of A.D. 805 as stated by Prof. Mirashi.-Ed.] Above, Vol. IV, pp. 333 f. [Chakiraja's name is found also in the Mappe plates of A.D. 810; see n. 4 above.-Ed.] geelementer, etc. Ind. Ant., Vol. XI, p. 159. Safe, etc. Above, Vol. VI, p. 245. 6 since stemmanfera a, etc. Khare, Sources of the Mediaeval History of the Deccan, Vol. III, pp. 271. (pub. by B. I. S. Mandala, Poona). * mayUrakhaNDimadhivasati vijayaskandhAvAre cAkirAjena vizapto bajJabhanarendraH ete. * mayA * mayUrasvachIsamAvAsitavijayazka (ska) sthAna (vA) rAvasthitena below p. 17. Ind. Ant., Vol. VI, p. 64. The expression vijayaskandhavaravasthita' occurs also in two more sets of Govinda III's plates recently found in Berar, which record donations of villages in Berar. See the above foot-notes. 10 The word is used in the sense of capital in the Mahabharata, Adiparvan, Adhyaya 185, verse 6, (Bombay Recension) and Bapa's Harsha-charita, p. 153 (Nirnaya Sagar ed.). Cf. Hemachandra's Abhidhana Chintamant (ed. by N. C. Bhattacharya) p. 25. Note also in this connection the expression ariceremtanfean aritzepz faezeki which occurs in many plates of the Gurjara-Pratiharas. Mahodaya was the capital of the Pratibarac. Cf. The Cambay Plates of Govinda IV, v. 19 (above, Vol. VII, p. 38). 11Cf. faceface in the Surat Plates of Vyaghrasena.

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No. 2.) ANJANAVATI PLATES OF GOVINDA III. 13 by Buhler is of his own creation. For we need not identify Mayurakhandi with Morkhand, the hillfort in the Nasik District, where no early remains of any kind are found. There is a village called Markandi on the bank of the Wainganga, 56 miles south-east of Chanda in the Central Provinces. It contains some twenty elaborately carved temples which have been described and enthusiastically praised by Cunningham whose opinion Bloch has endorsed. As Cunningham says, it was once a large place, but frequent inundations have driven most of the people away. The principal temple is called after Markandeya Rishi ; there is another, named after his brother Murkand Rishi. Both of these are dedicated to Siva and assigned to the 10th or 11th century A.D. by Cunningham. There is another temple called Dasavatara dedicated to Vishnu to which Cunningham assigned a period two or three centuries earlier. There are, besides, inscriptions on square munolith pillars which, on palaeographic grounds, can be referred to the 6th or 7th century A.D. It is clear, therefore, that Markandi was a flourishing place in the time of the Rashtrakutas and may have been the ancient Mayurakhandi mentioned as a place of royal residence in several grants of Govinda III. In later times, when its ancient name was forgotten, it seems to have been eonjecturally connected with Markandeya Rishi. Amjanavamti the donated village still retains its name practically unchanged. Achalapura, which gave its name to the district in which the above village was situated is identical with modern Ellichpur in Berar'. Most of the boundary villages can also be definitely identified in the vicinity of Anjanavati. Thus, Gohasodva is Gahva, 1 miles to the south; the village Sallaimala is now represented by two villagesSalora, 2 miles to the west and Amla which lies about 5 miles to the south-west ; Kure is undoubtedly modern Kurha, 3 miles to the north-west and Vatapura is Vadur about a mile east of Kurha. Ramgalachhyi cannot be identified. Timisa may have been the ancient name of the hills west of Anjanavati and Mari that of a nala flowing near by, which have no particular names now. Veyaghana and Talevataka where the donees resided are now represented by Waigaon 3 miles south and Talegaon about 10 miles south by west of Anjanavati. TEXT. [Metres : Vv. 1, 18 and 20 Anushfubh ; vv. 2, 3, 4, 6, 7, 11, 15 and 16 Vasantatilaka; v. 5 Giti; w. 8-10 and 17 Arya; v. 12 and 13 Sragdhara; v. 14 Upajati; v. 19 Indravajra; v. 21 Pushpitagra.] . First Plate. i t [1] # aga []TH RH [*] HT te PT[ migranteren heina] [*] weitfe(fyo2 fafaty Heat [w]feruafi ruuang [*] 0:0:f'[fija sta digantakI * Cunningham, A. 8. R., Vol. IX, pp. 142 ff. * PRAS, E 0., for 1907-1908. . * This name is & corrupt form of Alaoba pars whloh is derived from Achslapura by metatheais. Homa. chandra has actually cited the present name to illustrate metathesis (Achalapurl chalo) in his Prakrit Grammar (Siddha-Himachandra, VIII, 2, 118). Achalapurs is mentioned as the place of issue in the Tivarkhod plates of the Rashtrakuta Nannaraja, Saka 563 (above, Vol. XI, pp. 276 ft.). * From the original plates and ink-impressions. * Expressed by a symbol. * This word is raperfluous. .. Read ofty after of * Road . The Alle platos of Yuvarija Govinda II road www .

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXIII. 3 tirgoviMdarAja iti rAjasu rAjasiMhaH [2] tasyAtmajo jagati vibutadIrgha kIrtirA[rtA]tihAriharivi4 kramadhAma dhamadhAro] [*] [bhU]pastu viSTapApA[katiH kRtajJaH zrIka karAva iti gotramaNirva(ba)[bhUva] [31] t| stha pra[mitra] karaTacyutadAnadantidantamahArarucirozikhitAma pauThaH [*] mApaH kitI kSapita za]curabhU6 tanUjaH sadrASTrakUTakAnakA riveMdrarAbaH [4] tasyopArjitamahasaH' tanayacatudadhi 7 vala[yamAlinyAH [1] bholA bhuvaH zatakratusadRza bIdantidurmArAjobhUta [5*] kAJcIyaka(ke)rala8 narAdhipacaula pAyadyauharSavabaTavibhedavidhAnadaca [*] kAryATakaM va(ba)lamananta9 majayamaya tyaiH kiyavirapi yaH sahasA jimAya [.] abhUvibhaMgamaehIta10 nizAtazAstramatrAntamapratikatAcamapatayana [*] yo vazamaM sapadi daNDava(ba)ni jitvA 11 rAjAdhirAjaparamezvaratAmavApa // [7] tani" divaM pramAte vakSabharAje zataprajA vA(bA)dha: [1] 12 zrIkabarAjamanIhIpatiH kRSNarAjobhUt [8] zubhataMgataMgaturagAvaharaNa13 (1) saharavikiraNaM [1] gromepi nabho nikhilaM pAhadAlAyate spaSTa [...] dInAnAthapraNa14 yiSu yatheSTaceSTa samohitamajana [*] tatkSaNamakAlavarSoM varSati sArtiniIparva [1 ] Second Plate; First Side. 15 rAhappamAAmujajAtava(ba)lAvale[pamAjI vijitya nizitAsilatAprahAraH [] [pAli 1 The Alis plates read tranfci. * This word is superfluous. * Read sviviSTapa. * This name generally appears am here. The Paithap plates, however, give zrIkarkarAna rati. * Read likhitAMbapITa*Pend banabAr3i The Alieplateridpure and the Talegaon plates of Krishnaraja (above, Vol. XIII, pp. 279 f.) CUR. * Read sazaH baudantidurga. Road in the Paithan and many other plates. 2. The Alas and Talegaon plates road w ahufafart. - Read abhindivaM. The Alis and Talgemonplatemed: sambodhiniyaMcane.

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No.2.] ANJANAVATI PLATES OF GOVINDA III. 18 dhvajApalizabhAmacireNa yo hi rAjAdhirAjaparamezvaratAM tatAna [11] kro [dhAdu]tkhAtakha17 amRtarucicayarbhAsamAnaM samatAdAjAvuttavairiprakaTagajaghaTATopasaMkSobha18 dakSaM [*] zauryaM tyakvA(jA)riva! bhayacakitavapuH kvApi dRSTaiva' sadyo do yAtAricakrakSayaka19 ramagamadyasya dordaNDarUpa [12] yena ze(ve) tAtapaJcamahataravikaravAtatApAsalIkha jagme [nA]20 sauradhUlodhavalitazirasA vanabhAkhyA (khyaH) sadAjI [*] sa zrIgoviMdarAno jita jagadahi[tastra]21 NavaidhavyahetustasyAsI t'] sUnurekakSaNaraNadalitArAtimattemakuMbha: // [13] tasthAnu22 'jabodhruvarAjanAmA mahAnubhAvo vitatapratApa [:] prasAdhitAzeSanarendraca[kra:"] krameNa 23 va vA(bA)lAvapurca(ba)bhUva // [14] tasyApyabhUvanabhArabhRtau samarthaH pArthopamaH pRthu[sa]mA24 naguNo guNannaH [*] durvAgvairivanitAtulatApaheturgoviMdarAja iti sUnurinapratA25 paH [15] yazca prabhuzcaturadArakIrtarAsaidivAvirupamasya pituH sakAthAna (t / matsvapya ne26 katanayeSu guNAtirekAnmU bhiSiktanRpasammatamAza rAjyaM / [1] tainedamani27 lavidyuccaMcalamavalokya jIvitamasAraM [*] citidAnaparamapuNyaH pravartito . Second Plate Second Side. 28 vra(ba)madAyoyaM // [10] sa ca paramabhaTTArakamahArAjAdhirAja[pa]ramezvarazrImahArAvarSa29 devapAdAmukhyAtaparamabhaTTArakamahArAjAdhirAjaparamakharapRthvIvajJabhaprabhUtava30 zrIvallabhanareMdradevaH kuzalI // sarvAneva yathAsaMva(ba)dhyamAnakAnrASTrapativiSaya[pa] tigrAma31 kUTAyuktakaniyuktakAdhikArikamahattarAdI samAjJApayanyastu vaH saMviditaM yathA mayA mAtApi Read hoya. . Read * The Paithay plates read mahAnubhAvIprahatapratApa:* This syllable is redundant. * Read -baturacAkaradAra-min the Paithap plates. * Read mahattarAdauna

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXIII. 32 borAmanacaihikAmubhikapuNyayazobhihAye []yaghana vAstavya vasiSThasagocava(ba)eca. sava(ba)33 pracArimaMcakagIbbaikabhapucavAyadauSita / tathA talavATakavAstavyadurgapyakramahatta / goM34 ta / devadatta / nArAyaNa / maMgappa / voppaNa' / aiyani / gaMtiyanma / labbaiyya] / kasamaNa / chaThi36 kumara / nArauka / vAdi / evamAdyaSTAdazasaMkhyAmAgavibhatAya mahAjanasva [va(ba)li]-. 36 casvaizvadevAgnihotrAtithipaJcamahAyaja(kri)yotsappaNArtha zrImadacalapuraviSiyA tAtaa 'aMju(ja)NavaMtyabhidhAno grAmaH yasyAghATanAni pUrvatI raMgalachi pAmaH [nadI] marici] dakSiNataH] [go]hasI 38 [] prAmaH pazcimi]ta: saUmAlagrAmastimisagirica uttarataH kurepA[maH] vaTa [puraM ca evama39 yaM [catu] rAghATanopalacitaH sodgaH saparikaraH sadhAnyahiraNyAdaya[:] sodgH|" saparikaraH smstraajkiiyaanaamhstprkssepnniiyo| pAcandrArkAkavacitisarityave(va)tasamakAlIna[:] putrapauvAba41 yakramopabhogyobhyantarasiddhyA zakanRpakAlAtItasaMvatsarI(sa)teSu ma(sa)ptasu hAviMza tyadhikeSu mayUra The first letter of this place-name can also be read as f or and the third letter is damaged by rost; but the reading given above appears probable, as it corresponds to Vaigaon in the vicinity of Anjanavati. - Read kmrgiic| It may be noted in this connection that the enumeration of the gotras in 1. 5617 starte with devadatta. The gotra of durgAppa must, therefore, have been mentioned before. Besides, the number of the Brahmin donees was only thirteen. So gorta cannot be taken as namo. (Kramaitta probably stands for Skt. Kramavit and not Kramaditya as suggested by Prof. Mirashi. Kramiditya as a gotra namo doce not find place in the Gotra-Pravara-nibandha-kadamba. It may be that the gotra of Durggappa who was kramavit, was omitted through inadvertenco.-Ed.) With the first letter of this, compare vI in mahAsabhAvI in1.22. The name occurs again in1.58where the first letter is olearly bI. . That the first letter of this name is is clear from the form ( ya: which occurs in 1. 55. [Or probably Lachohaiya.-Ed.] * This expression should properly qualify TTH: in 1. 37. Read, therefore, farm:. * The anus dra on is clear on the original plate. The engraver first incined the medial & of y and then onnoelled it. Road gatAMjanavatya bhidhAno. (The fourth lotter hero looka more like pain than wom. Ed.) This syllable oma slao be read as T, but the reading given above is probable, since the name oorreeponds to Gahvi near Anjanavati. * This word appearnu here in the Paithan plates also. Read sauparikaraH min many other plates. 10 Thia and the next word are unnaoessarily repeated here. 1 Road prIpacIva pAcandA

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ANJANAVATI PLATES OF GOVINDA III; SAKA YEAR 722. iii. yA rAya rAtArAta svAhAhAta skaa| 2145116 CINEM nAharU paDatada 70 vAparAya:lAyatIlA kAhAlakSavasAyAzAlA 30 2150 TakavatAtododimAtA sakirAtAmATAmA 321315/kATidArAnaTAlA nAhI vAkAyakA / / / yt| pAvasahAdIvihivAra vArA vAstu pAkalA akAla 34 dainireleriotifiedivaTA dinADiyAtidizAtarAmA - lokAdiva vasUTa sivila kam 36 vedavazaMkAIyAvatInatama yAtAyAta MahasranARNER .38 Lavaraditer mA sitArAma jAyasavA EHOREST (150kA-sAnAThAdArASTrAsAkaraH 40 tArabArama/lITArasAyaharanala zanivAba sAipAhA TEJmasihAlakalAsavaratAbAhAra rahasya karAra zrImAna tAsinaviTA tamira padalAlitapayakavAdalAunakA iii. ALopAdakAra sudhArAcA 441520 tIra kamAne vAlavAlAvara MANGarauBAlisisAhara jAnA 44 __BOVER THE TERNMENTNEEsahAvaTa 46 ravi kuTIraTiza hAvara 46 nagadamAraka banAvamAditA 485 sAla kA vivAda muziyama 48 viThA va sva cA kI sArI mAra sahasA 50dataTakara ne diyA jAnA hAta hAtAvara 50 525 Te 3 rAjadUta alavidA tApI vAle mahAya kasAnavara ANGRES nAzakA prasAda'5016 FREE6zinAemAvAsamAyalamA 50. SalmmarAka SCALE: THREE-FIFTHS. SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA. N.P. CHAKRAVARTI. REG. No.3942E36-435.

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No. 2.] ANJANAVATI PLATES OF GOVINDA III. 42 [kha]NDIsamAvAsitavijayazkandhAgarAvasthitena sUryagrahaNe tulApuruSapradAnapa[va]NDeidakAtisarga Third Plate. 43 Na pratipAdito mahAjanasya [*] yatokhocitayA va(ba)pradAyasti (sthi)[tyA] kaSata: ka[SayataH bhuMjato bhojayataH 44 pratidizatorvA na kenaciyAmadhe pravartitavyaM [*] tathAgAmibhadrapatibhirasmaI. zyairanyA sAmAnya 45 bhUmidAnaphalamavetya vidyulolAnyanityaizvaryANi va[NA] alagnajalavi(vi)dura(ca)cala ca jIvitamAkala. 48 yya svadAyanirvizeSoyamasmahAyonumaMtavyaH rA(pA)layitavyazca / yazcAjJAnatimirapaTa lAta47 matirAchi(cchi)dyAdAchi(cchi)dyamAnaM vAnumA(mo)deta sa paMcabhirmahApAtakasmopa pAtakaca saMyukta [:*] syAditya48 ca ta(bha)gavatA vedavyAsena vyAsena / SaSTiM varbha(ba)sahasrANi svarga tiSThati bhUmidaH [*] AcchettA cA49 numaMtAca' tAndheva narake vaset [18] pamnarapavyAtyaM) prapra(tha)maM suvaraNaM bhUSNavI sUryasutAzca ga(gA)50 vaH [0] lokavayaM te[na] bhavehi datta(ta) yaH kAJcanaM gAM ca mahIM ca dadyAta ___[18] va(ba)hubhirvasudhA 51 bhuktA rAjabhiH sagarAdibha(mi.) [i] yasya yasya yadA bhUmistasya tasya tadA pha[la] [20] rati .52 kamaladalAmbuviMdulolo triyapra(ma)nuciva manuthajIvitaM ca [1] sakalamidamazAzva meM ca vabaDA na hi puruSaiH parakIrtayo vittIyAH [ // 21 // *] likhitaM caitanmayA para[mekharAjayA 54 zrImahAdevyAnumatena zrIcAlirAjadUtakaM sAmantavIgotava(ba)lAdhikRtasUnunA mahAmA 1 Read vijayaskandhAvArAvasthitena. + The writer first wrote parvaNi and then thought of joining the last syllable with the initial go udaka. Read parvayudaka.. * Read pratidizato bA. * Read diti / - Read bhumantA ca. * Read dalAmyubindulIlA

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. 55 vivigrahAdhikRta zrIku [kke' ] keneti / devadattasya ha ( hA) ridragolaM / moggalago [] [a] dhyane [1] [gaM] 56 tiyAsya bha(bhA) rAjagAmI nAraNasya kutimASagocaM / vopyayasya hAri gotraM / kasamanasya kA [ya] pa 57 gotraM / nArokasya' sIguli [1] chaThikumaraSya' vAjasane ' gotra ( caM) [*] docitasya bhAgAH paMra (ca) devadattasya [ hau bhAgau '] 58 zeSA ekAdaza [1*] evamaSTAdaza bhA[gAH / *]" 18 No. 3.-ARANG PLATES OF MAHASUDEVARAJA. BY PANDIT L. P. PANDEYA. The charter which is edited below consists of three copper-plates and was first brought to light by me in March, 1929. I published a short notice of it in the English paper "The Hitavada" of Nagpur in its issue of April 11, 1929. The plates were in the possession of a cultivator named Bhagirathi Sonkar of Arang in the Raipur District of the C. P. Nothing definite is known about the provenance of the grant except that it had been lying in the house of the owner for over fifty years since the time of his father. [VOL. XXIII. Arang has all the appearance of having once been a large and important city. Here and there are many fine old tanks with numerous remains of temples and sculptures, both Jain and Brahmanical. The only temple that is now standing is of Jain origin. It is popularly known as Bhanddewal from the fact that it contains three colossal naked Jain figures. The temple is richly carved and adorned with a profusion of sculptured statues on the outside, many of which are highly indecent. To the west of the town on the bank of a tank there is a small temple dedicated to Mahamaya. A description of this temple and also that of the other antiquarian remains at Arang has been given by Cunningham.10 Besides the present set, two other sets of copper. plates were discovered at the place in addition to a fragmentary Brahmi inscription.11 The plates are held together by a ring the ends of which are secured in a circular seal about 38" in diameter. The seal is identical with that described by Fleet in C. I. I., Vol. III, p. 196. Its upper part shows the representation of a standing Lakshmi facing full front; on each side of her 1 The vertical stroke of the superscript k of is not incised. Read nArAyaNasya. This name is evidently identical with in 1. 35 above, though here the medial stroke of not interred. Read face. The vertical stroke of in is not incised. * Road vAjasaneya. These letters are damaged by ruse, but traces of the first and the last can be marked on the plate. Traces of are visible on the plate. * Hiralal also has noticed it in his List of Inscriptions in C. P. and Berar (2nd ed.), p. 108-A. * Since writing this the plates have been acquired by the Central Museum, Nagpur, where they are now deposited. 10 Cunningham, A. 8. R., Vol. XVII, pp. 20 ff.; see also Raipur District Gazetteer, pp. 257 ff. 11 See above, Vol. IX, pp. 342 ff.; O. I. I., Vol. III, pp. 191 ff. and Hiralal, List of Inscriptions in C. P. and Berar (2nd ed.), pp. 94, 105 and 110.

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NO. 3.) ARANG PLATES OF MAHASUDEVARAJA. an elephant is standing on a water-lily, with its trunk raised above her head. In the proper right corner there is a figure of an expanded water-lily and in the proper left that of a conch (sankha). Below is the legend in two lines. The rims of the plates are not raised. The plates measure 6'4" in length and 3.2' in breadth. The weight of the plates is 48% tolas and that of the seal 45 tolas. The letters show through on the back of the plates, especially in the case of the last plate which was too thin and was, therefore, cut while incising the second and third letters of L. 21. The engraver has, therefore, left 1" of the breadth on the back of the last plate unincised. The first plate contains five lines of writing on its second side and the second plate has the same number of lines on its first side. The second side of the second plate and the first side of the third contain each six lines of writing, while the second side of the third plate has only four lines. The characters belong to the box-headed type in which the inscriptions of the Vakatakas and the Rajim and Baloda plates of Mahasiva Tivararaja, are written. The sign of the upadhmaniya occurs in 11. 3, 8 and 17, and that of the jihramuliya in l. 21. The numerical symbols for 8, 9 and 20 occur in l. 26. The language is Sanskrit and, excepting the five benedictory and imprecatory verses at the close, the whole record is in prose. As regards orthography, attention may be drawn to the use of ri forri in trida sapati, 1.6 ; of " for anusvara in adhyarddharsena, 1. 10 and of gna for jna in svamukh-agnaya, 11. 25-26. In bhavannti, 1. 21, the anusvara is wrongly retained after its change to the nasal of the class to which the following letter belongs. The engraver was Dronasimgha, who also engraved the Khariyar Plates of Maha-Sudevaraja and the Raipur Plates of the same king, both of which records were issued from Sarabhapura. The record is dated in the 8th regnal year of the donor Maha-Sudovaraja on the 29th day of Vaisakha. The place of issue was Sarabhapura, which town or city has not yet been definitely identified. Sambalpur town in Orissa, Sirpur (old Sripura) the ancient capital of Maha. kosala on the bank of the Mahanadi, in the Raipur District, Sarabhavaram in the Godavari Dis. trict, Sarapgarh or Sarabpur in the Gangpur Feudatory State in the E. S. A. and Sarawa, a village near Sheorinarayan town in the Bilaspur District have been suggested by different scholars as the probable site of the ancient Sarabhapura. These suggestions have been made on the similarity of names only. No authentic evidence has yet been found to confirm the identification. But this seems certain that the dynasty held sway, at least over a part of Mahakosala present Chhattisgarh Division in C. P.--where about seven charters of this family have been discovered. They belong to three different kings viz., Maha-Sudevaraja, Maha-Jayaraja and Maha-Pravararaja. Maha-Pravararaja's charter was issued from Sripura, which is no other than the capital town of Mahakosala referred to in the Rajim and the Baloda Plates of Mahasiva Tivararaja who is styled as the supreme lord of Kosala (Kosaladhipati). The other charters were issued from Sarabhapura. Whether Sarabhapura was also the capital of Prasannamatra and of his son Manamatra is not known. No copper charters of either have yet been brought to light. A silver coin of Sri-Prasannamatra, the grandfather of Maha-Sudevaraja and Maha-Pravara raja and the father of Maha-Jayaraja, with the legend inscribed in beautiful box-headed characters was recovered from the bed of the Mana or Mandhriver near Salhepali, a village lying in the 10. I. I., Vol. III, pp. 291 ff. and above, Vol. VII, pp. 108 f. [Soe below p. 22 n. 4.-Ed.] This river is a tributary of the Mahanadi--the groat river of Mabakosa la otherwise known w Chitrotpali.

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20 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXIII. Raigarh Feudatory State, E. S. A. and is in the possession of the Mahakosala Historical Society at Balpur in the Bilaspur District. No materials are available to ascertain whether the town or city of Sarabhapura was situated on the Mahanadi and whether it was ever the royal capital of the lords of Kosala. Not & single charter out of the seven sets of plates of this family known to us, mentions its donor as the lord of Kosala'. Nor does any set describe the village granted to be situated in the Kosala kingdom. The only reference to the name 'Sarabha' is found in the Eran Posthumous Stone Pillar Inscription of Goparaja, dated in the Gupta year 191 (A. D. 510-511), in which he is stated to be the daughter's son of one Sarabharaja. The present charter records the royal confirmation of the grant of a village named Sivilingaka situated in the Tosadda-bhukti, by the Pratihara Bhogilla. The particulars of the donees and their shares in the village are as follows: (1) Yajnasvimin of Katyayana-yotra, a student of the Madhyandina-sakha of the white Yajurveda; one share and a half. (2) Kumiravatsa of Bhiradvaja-gotra , (3) Yajnagvamin of Atreya-gotra, a student of the Kanva-bakha of the white ono share each. Yajurveda. . . . . . . . . . . (4) Visaktasvimin of Katyayana-gdlra . . (5) Golasvamin of Kausika-gotra, a student of the Madhyandina-sakha . . (6) Dimodarasvamin, same as above. . . share each. (7) Damasvamin, same as above . . . . (8) Panchalisvamin of Bharadvaja-golra . . (9) Dikshita Ayanika of Bharadvaja-gotra . . Of the geographical names Tosadda may be the Tosara village in the Patna Stato, E. S. A. Prof. V. V. Mirashi identifies Tosadda with Tusda near Dumarpalli about 30 miles to the south-east of Arang. Sivilingaka is not traceable near about Arang and Sirpur (old Sripura), I edit the inscription from the original plates. TEXT. First Plate. 1 tafe [hafaaHTH THETANCHI2 sekAmbudhautapAdayugalo ripavilAsinosImantoharaNahetu3 vasuvasudhAgopada paramamAgavato mAtApitapAdAnudhyAta4 zrImahAsudevarAjaH tosa(hobhanIyaziviliAke prativAsi6 kuTambinasAmAnApayati / viditamasta vo yathAyaM grAma Second Plate; First Side. sta (stri)dayapatisadanasukhapratiSThA[ka]ro yAvadravizathitArAkiraNaprati 1 Ink-impressions of this inscription were also kindly supplied to me by Mr. M. A. Saboor of the Nigpur Museum, through Prof. V. V. Mirashi of the Nagpur University. I am indebted to Prof. Mirashi for very valuable suggestions towards the correct reading and interpretation of certain portions in the text. * Expressed by a symbol. * The engraver had begun to incise ma after pa, but later on correoted it into a. . The subscripts appears like the sign of medial ri, This mark of punotuation is shown by two dota.

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6 coe 10 ii,a. 12 8 9nyeon28 banghyang reperiro5weonrae farayyaggaggamang sae88-age 16 antongaejangsagageddonge arage: Tag 09 13448289030 asaja ii,b. ARANG PLATES OF MAHASUDEVARAJA. 10 312 En gan N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Rre. No. 3941 E'36-425. ayugaogaaaa93nyeon) hanpyeon (5) 14 14 yi 043 peure3491 ES rira 3weol 10 Judasmanualau 23. aoa13aaagge 6 BCALE: THREE-FOURTHS. 8 10 16 SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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18 20 24 26 iii,a. PHOEBE iii.b. Seal 16020! JERYTH Rae he jsgyor G Xian You Xie Xie Wen encingDe Bu Ling Shu Bag Teauv From a photograph. 18 20 22 Actual size. 24 Liu Yang ~ 20

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No. 3.] ARANG PLATES OF MAHASUDEVARAJA. 7 itaghorAndhakA[2]' baMgadavatiSThate tAvadupabhogyasmanidhismopanidhi8 racATabhaTa'prAvazyamabaMkaravisarjita: pratihArabhogillena mAtA9 pitrIrAtmanaca puNyAbhihaye kAtyAyanasagotramAdhyandinavAja10 saneyayajJasvAmina (ne) adhyayana bhAradvAjakumAravatsapA(vatsA)ce Second Plate ; Second Side. 11 yakAkhavAjasaneyayajJasvAmina(nau) pratyalena kAtyAyamaviyA[kha]- . 12 khAmikauzikama(mA)dhyandinagolakhAmi evaM dAmodarakhAmi dAmasvAmi 13 bhArahAnapaJcAlisvAmi dauSitAyanIkAna*] pratya DaoNna' tAmba(mazAsa14 nenAtimaSTo bhUtvAmmAbhiranumoditaH [*] te yUyamevamupalabhyaiSA15 mAtrAbavaNavidheyA bhUtvA yathocitaM bhogabhAgamupanayantasmukhaM 18 prativatsyatha [*] bhaviSyatazca bhUmipAnanudarzayati [*] dAnAdiziSTa' Third Plate : First Side. 17 manupAlanaja(ja) purANA dharmeSu nizcitadhiya pravadanti dharma(mam) (1) tasmAdi(di)18 nAya suvizuddha kuncazrutAya dattAM bhuvaM bhavatu vo matireva gopta [ma] 010 19 sajavatirapyeSA dati(tti)ranupAlayitavyA [*] vyAsagotA (at)mAtra zokAnu. 20 dAharanti [1] bhamnarapatya (tyaM) prathama suvaeNaM " bhUi~NavI sUryasu21 tAca gAvA: / '] dattAtrayastena bhavaM(va)nti lokA yajJApana gAM ca mahI () dadyAt [*] The letter ra which was first omitted is writton below ja of jagad with kika pada sign and the annoudra meant for ra is placed on bl. * The cross on a shows that & syllable was omitted. Ta is written below the line, The visarga is superfluous. * Read adhyahA~ na. * Read pratyaMzana. - Read pratyAzana. * Tho medial i sign which was first engraved above tal by mistake has been cancelled. * There are two small horizontal strokes here. 10 Metre: Vasantatilaka. 11 The sign of punctuation here is superfluous. 12 Metre : Indravajra,

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXIII. 22 afe adhuff Htefa Ha[: 1*] ET JA(HRT pat Third Plate ; Second Side. 23 ata ta aa[a *}' agfingar FATTI) funtfefu[:*] 24 Te R agi faal) en er wei(27) [>>*]} RETTI(TI) UTERT(Ft) 9 uur25 su grafet [*] Afeftuara eraldaturgafafane [19] - 26 189(T)at (TV) a ante fe poc Bat(at) tv[fa]a u The Seal. 1 we[wrap]any [a]H[A]HTTEGA Va: 1") . 2 ........... [m]ht [n*] No. 4.-A NOTE ON THE PANCHAVARA COMMITTEE. BY K. V. SUBRAHMANYA AIYER, B.A., COIMBATORE. One of the principal duties of the village assemblies, of whatever description they may be, sabha, ur or nagara, was to secure to the king the taxes or incomes due by the village as a whole. These incomes seem to have been once for all determined and entered in the accounts of the State, the nadu and the village. The various assemblies mentioned above are given a latitude of free action in the general management of the lands in the village, but are made primarily responsible for the realisation and payment to the State of the incomes due to it. Subject to this responsibility, they seem to have been empowered to dispose of lands according to circumstances, viz., to compound taxes on lands given away as devadanas, brahmadegas, passichchandas, talabhagas, etc.; to afford facilities for making the waste lands arable ; to authorise the opening of channels, tanks and the like for improving farms; and to regulate the supply of water both for drinking and for onltivation purposes. Besides this responsibility, their chief function appears to have been the management of endowments made to temples and charitable institutions in the villages under their jurisdiction; the well-being of the subjects; local administration of justice, etc., for which they seem to have been vested with necessary powers. For carrying out these varying duties, the members of village assemblies appear to have formed themselves into different committees. Metro: Anushubh. * The syllables which were omitted here have been incised below the line with a kakapada sign. * Read Opalanam ili. [I am inclined to read this symbol s 7.-Ed.] Metro: Anushubh. Read the latter half of the verse as Srimat-SudEvardjanya sthiran jagati hennai(*) following the other plates of this ruler.

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No. 4.] A NOTE ON THE PANCHAVARA COMMITTEE. 23 Of such committees, the Panchavara-variyam' is one. Beyond the mere mention of the name Panchavara variyam we have not as yet been able to understand the object for which it was formed. And this is the case with the other variyams as well. Neither does the designation of this committee give us a clue as to the probable sphere of its work. In the compound Panchavara-variyam, the latter part, viz., variyam, has been understood to mean a committee as in the case of the other groups, the first part, viz., Panchavara, like toltam, eri, kudumbu, kalani, with which the other committees were connected, may denote the object of prime concern of this body. Panchavara, however, is not a simple word like tollam, eri, etc., but is a compound in itself with a qualifying particle. Literally, it may be rendered into five shares' (pancha-five, vara=share). There are a few inscriptions which throw some light on the interpretation of the term Panchavara-variyam. We give below extracts from these, with translations and short notes, from which it will be seen that it was a committee concerned in the realisation of the revenue in kind due to the king on certain class of lands amounting to five shares (pancha-vara) out of the six of the entire assessment. EXTRACT I. LI. 54-61 ...ala[n]du araiyey=oru-ma=chcheyyum olu[kkavi]ppuramum-olukkuppuramum a[r*]chchanabhogamum-aga i*nni[la*]ttal panchavaramum echchofum ner[v]ayamum vettivedinaiyun-chenyir-podivi........ TRANSLATION For olukkavi, olukkus and archanabhoga, (the incomes from) this land, viz., panchavaram, echchoru, nervayam, vetti, vedinai, and chennirpodivi.... NOTE.-The earliest use of the word panchavara occurs in this extract from an inscription dated in the 21st year of the reign of the Pallava king Noipatunga (circa A.D. 865), found at Tirukkandiyur in the Tanjore District. Here, it will be noted that the word panchavara is used as the name of one of the dues on land, being grouped with echchoru, nervayam, velti, vedinai and others, all of which we know from numerous epigraphs to be the names of taxes or fees. 1 Line 10 of the first Uttaramallur inscription published in the A. 8. R. for 1904-05, pp. 131 ff., describes the method of selection of the members of the committees of Paichavara-variyam and Pon-vatiyam in the following words : Panchavara-variyattukkum pon-variyattukkum muppadu kudu[m]b[i]lum mup[padu) kuda[v-o]lai ittu horiyal o[ru]ttarai-kkudav-olai pari[t]tu panniruvarilum [a]ruvar panche(vara*]-variyam-avid(avad)-agavum [1] apuvar p[on]-variyam=avid (avad)-agavum [ll]. This means : "for the Panchavira committee and the gold committee, thirty pot-tickets shall be put in for the thirty kudumbu and one man for each chiri shall be taken: and of the twelve persons (so taken), six shall constitute the Panchavara committee and the other) six shall constitute the gold committee". The second Uttaramallur inscription describes more clearly how the members for these two committees were selected. Lines 13 and 14 of its text run as under Panohavara-v[ariyajt(tukkum] pop-vari]yattukku-muppadu (k)kudum bilum kudav-olaikku per titti mappadu valy-6]lai-kattum puge [it]tu muppa Jdu kudav-ol[ai) parittu muppadilum (pang Jirandu per (pa)rittu-kkolvad-agavum [l*) paritta pappirandilum Aruvar pop-variyam apuvar panchavara-variyamum avanavagavum [ll]. passage means : " for the Pachavira committee and the gold committee, names shall be written in the thirty Ludumb for pot tickets and thirty bundles with covering tickets shall be put in and thirty pot-tickets shall be taken: from (these) thirty, twelve persons shall be drawn. Of the twelve (80) taken, there shall be constituted six for gold committee and six for Pasichavira committee ". * It will be unnatural to take variyam in panchavara-tariyam in a sense different from what it connotes (vis, committee) in other places in the same inscription. .8. 1. I., Vol. V, No. 572. .ofukku and ofukkavi seem to be some kinds of oblations,

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXIII. EXTRACT II. I-ynilattal vanda pu-pponnum panchavaramum velikkasum nirvilaiyum ullitta antarayan. galum vetti muttaiya! echchorru-kkurrunel ullitta kudimaigal epperpattadum engal urga! mele erpi..... .i-nnilattal vanda iraiy-ilichchi. TRANSLATION. All the internal taxes (antaraya) inclusive of pu-ppon (gold due at harvest) panchavaram, velikkasu (the kasu due on veli), and nirvilai (water-rate), as well as all kulimai inclusive of velli, mutfaiyil, echchoru and kurrunel, accruing from this land, shall (hereafter) be iniposed un our village and this land shall be enjoyed free of taxes. NOTE. From this extract it is made plain that pafchavara is one of the internal taxes or fees (antaraya) accruing from lands such as pu-ppon, velikkasu and nirvilai, which incomes, we know from other inscriptions, were due to the king from lands. The fees forming the antaruya are, in this inscription, differentiated from another kind of fees named kudisai. EXTRACT III. . L. 8 ......kov-Irajakesaripanmar-aya udaiyar sri-Rajadh[i*]rajadevaku yandu 28avadu Jayangondasola-mandalattu 9 Oyma nattu=kKitkkay-nattu=kKidangil-ana Mummadisolanallur [urom] nilavilaiy-avanam [*] engalur=tTiruttin[disvaramu]daiya-madeva[r] 10 koyilil sri-Irajadhirajavitarkar-Sandesvaradevar-pakkal konda kabu 100 i-kkasu nurun=kondu nangaleyuenrum samtradittavar siddhaya-ppanchavaram ut. 11 pada-chchilvariyum peruvariyum ellam irukka ittevar-iraiyili agubavikka=kkadavaraga virrukkulutta nilam-avadu [.*] 18 ........ sri-Rajadh[i*]rajavitarkarku nangal-iraiyili devadanamaga vifrukudutta 19 parisavadu [i*] uraskum eri-vendum siddhaya-panchavaram silvarigalu[m*] marrum epperpatta irai kalippittu-tTiruttindisvaramudaiyarkey=iraiyili devadana 20 maga anubavikka kkadavargalaga virrukkudutta nilattil uludu kudigalai epper. patta. . iraimarra.. kattapperadomagavum=ipparisu virru vilai-kasum Sa 21 ndesvaradevar-pakkal vilai-pporulum=isai-pporulumaga-kkondu ivv-urum eriyum iraiyili devadanam=akki [vi]mru vilaiyavanam seydu kuduttom 22 Tiruttindisvaratt-elundaruluvitta Irajadh[i*]rajavitankadevar Sandesvaradevar[k*]ku Kidangil-apa Mummadisolanallur urom. TRANSLATION. In the 28th year of the reign of) king Rajakesarivarman alias Udaiyar Rajadhirajadeva, we, the village (assembly) of Kidangil alias Mummadisolanallur in Kitkai-nadu, a sub-division of Oymanadu, (which was a district) of Jayangondasala-mandalam, made the following sale deed of land. (We) received from Rajadhirajavitankar-Sandesvaradevar of the temple of Tiruttindisvaramudaiya-Mahadeva of our village 100 kasu. Having received (this amount of) one hundred kasu, we seld the following) land, ourselves paying for it, as long as the moon and the sun last, all (the dues of) silvari and peruvari including siddhayam, panchavaram, etc., and the god enjoying it free of taxes. 18. I. I., Vol. III, No. 64, unpublished portion. 18. I. I., Vol. VII, No. 842.

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No. 4.) A NOTE ON THE PANCHAVARA COMMITTEE. In this wise, we sold (the land) as a tax-free devadana to the god Rajadhirajavitankar. Causing the deduction of all kinds of dues such as siddhayam, panchavaram and silvari required (to be paid) to the ur and the tank, we sold and gave the land to the god) Tiruttindisvaramudaiyar to be enjoyed as a tax-free devadana. We shall not (let) this land for cultivation or receive any kind of dues thereon. We, the village (assembly), of Kidangil alias Mummadisolanallur, having sold the land in this wise, and having received from Sandesvaradevar the sale amount and tax amount, made this village and the tank a tax-free devadana, drew up the sale deed and gave it to Rajadhirajavitaikar-Sandesvaradevar set up in the temple of) Tiruttindisvaram. NOTE.-The above extract is from an inscription of the time of the Chola king Rajadhiraja I., dated in the 28th year of his reign (-A.D. 1040), found at Kidangil in the South Arcot District. The inscription registers a sale of land-together with the right to three-fourths of the tanks irrigating it (this is found in the unextracted portion of the inscription to the temple of Tiruttindisvaramudaiyar at the place, by the u assembly. In this, the assembly, after acknowledging receipt of the price of the land sold and the amount for making it tax-free, states that it had caused the taxes due on the land to be deducted (from the accounts) and conveyed it to the temple to be enjoyed as a tax-free devadana, the ur assembly meeting the taxes due on the land and the tank. Here also, as in the second extract panchavaram is mentioned among the taxes due from lands, e.g., siddhayam, silvari and peruvari. EXTRACT IV. L. 4 .......irandu tirunandavilakk-erippadakku panchavara-kkalod-okku[m*] naliyal tinga! 6 padin-aru-nali uri alakku neyyum koyilukke kondu-sepru.... TRANSLATION. For burning the two perpetual lamps, sixteen nali, (one) uri, and one alakku of ghee, as measured by the measure equal in capacity to the pastchavarakkal, shall be taken monthly to the temple. NOTE.The above extract is dated in the 14th year (-A.D. 983-4) of the reign of the Chola king Parakesarivarman Uttama-Chola and states that the quantity of ghee given to the temple must be measured by the nali equal in capacity to the measure called panchavarakkal. Incidentally this inscription helps us to understand that panchavara is a payment in kind and that for measuring it a special measure was employed which derived its name panchavarakkal from the use which it was put to. From one of the Takkolam inscriptions of Parantaka I,* we get the information that the capacity of a panchavara measure (marakkal) was 7 nali and 1 uri as measured by the Rajakesari-nali. Thus the panchavara-marakkal was less than the ordinary marakkal only by 1 uri. EXTRACT V. L. 27 Palan-devadapamana Pungudi nilam pappiru-veliyinal muy devarkku nikki irukkakkadava panchavaram nel 28 lu arunarru-kkalamum Musittaikkudi nilam nal-veliyinal devarkku nikki irukkakkadava panchavara-nell-j 18. I. I., Vol. VII, No. 114. * No. 261 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1921. 8.1. I., Vol. III, No. 161.

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26. EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXIII. nikki iraiyiliyaga yand-agava 29 runurru-kkalamum i-devarkkey-iruppadaga=kkudi du-mudal variyil-ittu=kkudutt-aruli 30 tru [] TRANSLATION In order that the six hundred kalam of paddy of panchavaram which previously had to be set apart and paid to the deva (king) from the twelve veli of land of the old devadana village of Punguli and the two hundred kalam of paddy of panchararan which had to be set apart and paid to the deva (king) from the four veli of land of Musitaikkudi, shall (hereafter) be paid to this god (temple), the ryots removed and the lands made tax-free and entered as such in the accounts and given over with effect from the sixth year of the king's reign). NOTE.-This extract is from an inscription from Konerirajapuram in the Tanjore District, dated in the 7th year of the reign of Parakesarivarman and relates to grants of lands in the two villages Pungudi and Musittaikkudi to the temple at the village. From it, it is seen that this item of panchavaram was paid in paddy and to the king before the assignment of the lands in the two villages was made to the temple. The phrase devarkku Nikki irukka-kkadava qualifying panchavaram occurring twice in the extract makes this sense clear, and precludes us from taking the word diva in this phrase to mean the temple or god. The effect of the grant of the lands was that the stated incomes in paddy which till then used to be paid to the king were transferred to the temple. This extract further lets us know the rate at which this fee of panchavaram was paid. Since 600 kalam was the panchavara for 12 veli and 200 kalam for 4 veli, it works out at 50 kalams per veli. The extracts IV and V thus make it quite plain that panchavara was a tax or fee paid to the king, in kind, on the lands of a village, at 50 kalam per veli. To judge from the rate, it may be said that panchavara was not an insigniticant item in the revenue of the king but was the chief one. The word varam in the compound panchavaram would even suggest that it may be the king's) share, rent or assessment on land. And the particle pancha can have nothing to do with panchi or panchu meaningcotton' or with pancham meaning famine. We shall now give one more extract with translation to show what the ordinary rate of 888088ment on lands was and how and when it was realised. It will furnish the ratio of pafichavaram to the entire assessment. EXTRACT VI. L. 20 ........ Ivvar irukkum-idattu irubattu 21 [n]a[l-a]diyana Sundara-Pandiyan-kolal nilam=alandu payir pa[1][t*]tu vilainda nilattukku [a]ntarayamu[m] vinisylogamum taruvadapa achchum kariyavarachchiyum' vettipattamum panchupili sanduvikkiragapperum mar[ru]m [p]pe[ya]rpa[ttipavum utpada karukku mattal 22 kasu kalum mudal Vira-Pandiyanal nellu mukkalamum tula viraichchu vilainda nilattukku ivvarilaiyil [o]oru-padiyum el [va]ragu [tilgaippull-irungu visainda nilattukku mattal tira[malm=irandum (pasaNGam=ivva[ri]saisyu]maga ivv-andu-mudal iruppa 19. I. 1., Vol. V, No. 448, pp. 170-1. - Rcad kariyarduchchiyum.

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No. 4.) A NOTE ON THE PANCHAVARA COMMITTEE. 27 23 daga ittu variyilar eluttitta ulvariyum nam o[lai]yun=tara-chchongom [*] kaikkondu ippadi cha ndra]dityavat selvadaga=kka[l*]lilum sembilum vet[ti]kkolgavepru tiruvaymo[li]ndarulinar Ell*] TRANSLATION In respect of payment of taxes of this village, the lands shall be measured by the rod Sundara-Pandyan kol of twenty-four feet length, the crops examined, and on lands on which crops had been realised, for antaraya and viniyoga, for achchu, kariyavarachchi, vettipatam, panchupili, sandu(sandhi)vigrahapperu and for all other payable dues, there shall be paid from this year one-fourth kasu and three kalam of paddy as measured by Vira-Pandyan (-kal) during Kar on each ma of land ; one-half of this rate shall be paid on lands sown in Tula and crops raised; two tiranam shall be paid on each ma of land in which el, varagu, tinaippul and irungu had been harvested ; and that this same rate shall be (levied) for pasanam also: and that a copy of the tax register signed by the variyslat as well as a copy of our order shall be issued. Thus receiving (it), let the same be engraved on stone and copper so that it may remain in force as long as the moon and the sun last. NOTE.-This inscription is dated in the 8th year and 988th day of the reign of Maravarman Sundara-Pandya II and is of importance in several ways. In the first place it lets us know that arrangements existed for the periodical inspection of crops and land ; that assessment was charged only on such of the lands as had been sown and crops realised ; that this assessment was paid both in kind and in money, which included a number of fees, small and great. The following are stated to be the rates, viz., 3 kalam of paddy and kabu on each ma for Kar, half of this rate for Tula cultivation, 2 tiramam (drammas) on each ma for the cultivation of el, varagu, etc.; for pasanam also, the above rates prevailed. The information would have been complete and left nothing to be desired, had the inscription specified the quantity to be paid for each item separately. Even as it is, it serves a very useful purpose as we shall see presently. From the rate given for ma, the assessment for a veli works out to 60 kalam of paddy and 5 katu. This covered all the taxes payable on land, antaraya and others, mentioned and unmentioned as the inscription puts it, some of which were given in kind and others in money. We have already shown that one of the items included in the antaraya was panchavara and it was 50 kalam for a veli. Therefore, deducting this 50 kalam, the balance of 10 kalam and 5 kasu should have been the charge for all the other items put together. Thus, the single item of panchavara, amounting to as much as 50 kalam out of 60 paid in paddy, seems to be the prime source of the state income from lands. The proportion of this item of panchavara to the entire income in paddy being five-sixths, an explanation of the connotation of this term is furnished. The duty of the Pafichavara committee may therefore be taken to be the realisation of this important revenue. Here we may note also that a few Sanskrit charters make mention of committee889emblies and that one in particular has reference evidently to the Panchavara committee. Verse 6 of the Kolavennu platest of Chalukya-Bhim II, in describing the donee of the grant, has "yat-putra-pautrah patavo vatavo varagoshthishu." The Masulipatam plates of the same king, besides employing the term varagoshthi, refer to panchavari. The verse in question runs as follows: yat-putra-pautra vai varagoshthishu vagminah pafchavarin samapayya sampujyante mahajanaih || 18. I. I., Vol. I, p. 45. * Above, VOL V, p. 137, v. 8; see also p. 138, n. 7.

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28 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIII. It is not unlikely that varagoshthi in these inscriptions is an equivalent of variyam and that panchavari has the same significance as panchavaravariyam of the Uttaramallur records. The Siyadoni inscription1 uses the word tara pramukha in which one may easily recognise the Tamil variya-pperumakkal. From the reference in the Masulipatam plates, it may be gathered that the choice of a person to serve on the Panchavara committee was done by the Mahajanas by which term are perhaps meant the great men of the village assembly and that the selection was considered a great honour. No. 5.-KOLHAPUR COPPER-PLATES OF GANDARADITYADEVA: SAKA 1048. BY A. N. UPADHYE, M.A., KOLHAPUR. The present copper-plates were discovered in course of the operations of levelling the Khasbag grounds, Kolhapur. They were put in a nice stone-case with a slipping lid, and buried some six to seven feet below the surface. The plates with the stone-case are now kept in the Rajaram College Museum, Kolhapur. I am very thankful to the Principal, Rajaram College, for his kindness in placing these plates at my disposal for their study. The plates consist of three copper sheets each measuring 11 inches in length and about 7 inches in breadth. They are strung together with a ring of 3 inches in diameter to which is fixed a square seal (2) by 24 inches) bearing in relief a well and prominently carved figure of Garuda holding a cobra in his left hand. On the prominent border line of the surface there are the marks of the moon and the sun. The plates are tolerably thick, at least 1/10 of an inch, and the inside edges are slightly raised to protect the writing. The first side of the first plate is blank. On the second side of the last plate there is a line-drawing of a cow with a linga and a sword in front, and the sun and the moon in the corners above. The plates are preserved in a good condition, due to being enclosed in the heavy stonecase. The characters are Devanagari, and they are deeply incised. A few letters are worn out, but the reading can be easily guessed. The record is composed partly in prose and partly in verse, the language being Sanskrit. As to orthography almost all the conjuncts with r have their other consonant duplicated, e.g., kirtti (1. 7), dharmma, varnna (1. 12), sarppa (1. 18), nirmmita (1.25), etc. Sometimes the consonants have been doubled wrongly, e.g., maulli (1. 9), pamchchanana (1. 10), akhillan (1. 12), vikalla (1. 13), pratipallana (1. 21), adhigammya (1. 27), etc. Almost uniformly b is represented by v in these plates. Though the language is Sanskrit, it shows a good deal of Kannada influence. Perhaps the grant was drafted on a Kannada model. The text contains a few Kannada words too, viz., maruvamka-sarppa, ayyana-siho (1. 18), iduvar-adityo (1. 19), vid-anuvritya (1. 22), khampana (1. 30) and magila (11. 32, 38). Vid-anuvritya is decidedly an imitation of Kannada bidinol which occurs in the same context in various Kannada grants. The meaning of malavam or mallavam, etc. (11. 34, 38) is not clear; even the scribe, in fact, does not appear to be sure about its sound, as he is not uniform in its spelling. 1 Above, Vol. I, pp. 173.

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No. 5.] KOLHAPUR COPPER-PLATES OF GANDARADITYADEVA: SAKA 1048. The genealogy of the Silahara dynasty given in these plates is as shown below: Jatiga (1) Nayimma Guhala (I) Chandraraja 1 Jatiga (II) Gomkalla I Marasimha. Kirttiraja Chandraditya. 29 Guhala (II) Bhojadeva Gandaraditya. It agrees with the usual genealogy of the Silaharas of Kolhapur1 with the differences: (i) that here we have no mention of Ballala, a brother between Bhojadeva and Gandaraditya; and (ii) that Guhala (I), in these plates, is shown as the elder brother of Gomkalia which information we have got here for the first time. In other Silahara plates we are only told that Gomkalla and Guvala were the sons of Jatiga, but in the present record Guhala is definitely mentioned as an agraja which cannot mean anything but an elder brother. Guhala is called isa here, and in the plates published by Bhagvanlal Indraji we also get: tad-bhrata Guvalo raja nirjit-ari-vrajo'bhavat. But it is very difficult to say in the light of the available materials whether Guhala ruled the country any time, for it appears to have been usual to call all the royal brothers as raja, etc. Possibly Guhala died early and without any issue. That might explain why Gomkalla is so prominently mentioned; and after him Guhala is mentioned casually, though he was the elder brother. As to the contents of the plates, the grant opens with a few verses giving the genealogy of Gandaradityadeva of the Kolhapur branch of the Silahara dynasty. Then we have a long list of the titles of this ruler. Gandaraditya, in response to the request of his minister Maillapayya, is stated to have granted lands at Komnijavada which is in the khampana (something like our modern Taluk) of Kodavalli in the district of Mirinji, for the repairs of the temple of Khedaditya at Brahmapuri in Kollapura and for the maintenance of eight Brahmins whose names and gotras are given. The grant was made in the Saka year 1048 when Gandaradityadeva was in his camp at Vallavada-grama. The grant concludes with the usual verses of curse on those who may violate the conditions of the grant. A few words may be added regarding the localities mentioned in these records. The Silaharas are called Tagarapuravaradhisvara, and about the identification of the city of Tagara 1 See J. B. B. R. A. S., Vol. XIII, p. 8; Bhandarkar, Collected Works, Vol. III, p. 175. Sce Khare, Sources of the Medieval History of the Deccan, Vol. I, p. 33. [The word agraja here has probably to be taken in the sense of the first born son' (i.e., Gonkalla was the eldest son of Jatiga). The Silahara grant of Marasimha dated Saka 980 published in the Inscriptions from the Cave Temples of Western India (pp. 102 ff.) states clearly that Guhala was the younger brother of Gonkalla. The Kaseli plates of Bhojadeva (An. Rep. of the Bharata Itihasa Samsodhaka Mandala for Saka 1835, pp. 222 ff.), which also contain the verse under discussion give the reading aditah in place of agrajab. Thus we find in the plates under publication the same order of descent of the brothers, viz,, Gonkalla, Guvalla, Kirttiraja and Chandraditya as in other Silahara charters.-N. L. R.]

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EPIGRAPHIA INDIOA. [Vol. XXII. much has been written. Fleet's identification of Tagara with Ter is now generally accepted. I might, however, refer here to two latest papers on the subject. Prof. K. G. Kundangar proposes that. Tagara should be identified with Torke. But it is difficult to derive the form Torke from Tagara, and moreover, the place is nowhere called Tarkshyapura from which he has tried to derive it. Recently Prof. Hiralal has pointed out that a Vidyadhara dynasty is associated with Ter, twelve miles to the north of Dharasiva or modern Osmanabad in the Nizam's Dominions. He indicates the possibility that Nila and Mahanila, two Vidyadhars princes from Himalaya, were the ancestors of Silaharas, and they migrated to Ter for some political reasons. Thus Prof. Hiralal confirms, on the authority of Karakanda-chariu and other literary sources, the opinion of Fleet that Tagars should be identified with Ter near Osmanabad. Vallavada is to be identified with Valayavada also called Valavada, the site of the present Radhanagari about 27 miles to the southwest of Kolhapur. Kollapura is the present Kolhapur ; and Brahmapuri is, even to this day, a local name of a part of Kolhapur adjoining the bank of the river Panchaganga. Mirifji is to be identified with Miraj, and Kodavalli with Kodoli about seven miles to the east of Kolhapur. Komnijavada is not identified, but it might have been a small village near about Kodavalli. The date, Sanivara, Ashidha kukla Chaturthi, Saka 1048 of the plates, as kindly worked out for me by Principal R. N. Apte, corresponds with Saturday, 26th June 1126 A.D., which was a day of Karka-samkranti. TEXT [Metres : vv. 1-3, 5, 9, 10 Anushcubh ; vv. 4, 6, 8 Sardulavikridita ; v. 7 U pajati.) First Plate. 1 Svasti eri [] Jayaty=ivishktitam Vishnor-varaham kshobhit-arnavam [1*] dakshin.Omns (onna)ta-damshtr-Agra-vibranta-bhuvanam 2 vapuh [ 1 ||*) Asid=vidyadharah purvam nanma* Jimitavahana) [l*] par-artham jivitath gena Garudaya 3 niveditar |[12 Il*] Silahar-akhya-vambo=yam Tagaresvara-bhubhritam [1*] tad-varse Jatigo nama ja4 to bhubhpich-oh hikhamanih 1 [1 311*] Svasti eri-Jatiga-kahitiba-tanayo Nayimma-nami nsi5 pah putras-tasya cha Chandrarat-prithu-yasas=tasy=api sunuh kila [l*) samjato Jatigd 6 jagaj-jana-nutah srimams=cha tan(n)-namdano Gomkallo bhuvi bhumi-pala-ti7 lakas-tasy-apywabhudwagrajah 1 [14 ] Gahaloso tha tad-bhrata Kirttirajo=nujo8 sya cha [1] Chandradityasutatas-tasya chakro rajyam-akamtakarh 1 [15 II*] Srimad-gon kala-bhu9 mi-pala-tanayah bri-Marasimho nsipas-tat-sunurennpipa-maulli(li)-lalitar pa10 da-bri-Guhal-akhyo nsipah [*] tad-bhrata bhuvi Bhojadeva-nfipatir-vair-ibha-pamchcha (cha) Boo Karnataka Sahitya-parishat-patrike, October, 1934. Soo Introduction to his edition of Karakanda-chariu, pp. 41 f, and his article in the Annals of the B.O.R.I. Vol. XVI, pp. 44. In these plates very often anuadra is used in place of paranavarna. Road nduna. - [800 note 8 on p. 29 Ed.]

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KOLHAPUR COPPER-PLATES OF GANDARADITYADEVA: SAKA 1048. dinavitAvalAvAvAdAdAtA vahivada yA vayo 2 pIsI hidAyApUrvanAmA sImatavAdanAnAnanavitAnA niAvaditAzilAdA pAhAvaMzoTItagAyatara tI tazamAnagonAsakA janahityA mAmA siyonatimA dUtAvAtanaTonA mAnA mAnA pavanAnaMdapATAmA zAsamApisanAkalanatAto taato| tagahananatezI mA satanaMdanAcA kAlAnajimi pAlAta lakAmA pAnadegA dalagAyatadAtAnAni rAjanatA tataM dAdita matanamAna ke pAtAmakoTa kAtyA maTUgA kala ta mAyAla tanadAyImApani do navamatAnana caumAjilAlita yAsAda lAvAnaMdA tAmitidavanavAtAvAta 10 ananasake pAThA moDita chaTAzAlakArAtyAkilAtatyAnAhAmA 12Ivara batA davAramIna yAlA vasavidhAmAvAvA va nAnA 12 iia. maTA diyA jAnAdavidA zivikA vAtI dina / 14 vivapagi vAmapasATogapatidinaMgamAhAdAnanaTATA kajAnita 14 natamAnaTAtAmayAdi vAnavAda naTuTAnAtavavAdadAtadavakA / 16ATknaviditanavigatapatamAnAsivamahApaDalAtacannamA puya 16 javAna panilAMnAcana dosInUtavAhanAjadhAnasatAnA DAlAiva na mAchATA tasiTe vina talikAlAvata caviSA na honAlayA | 18 dhAdilo yonAgAchorIlA navA samidhA cmcaanvaajinaamaavdaanaa| vitA tyAMnA sAtavAlayamAdA dina nAma tivalAviyAtina 20 hI mAdhyAlA tI dale va modI IsavitA devIdanAtahati pratinidhIlA navarAya namasI ke havana pani sAno vajAvAjA mevI mAnaka 122 yAmadhye mI kAyAvinA dana viTA vA kAtivAdAvanatiyAtana / vaDApatI vinatApamAnana kaDilAmAvAnala mAnavatAta PEE SCALE:THREE-FIFTHS. SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA. N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Rea. No. 39200'36-425.

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yonizAta bAnita vATA sAmanAvatAdevayAnImAyAmA hai| mam vAgamana pani TapATa vanimudita va vAdA vijaya // 2 nipAla varmanipaTA vivAktilI bAIpAdideva savitAmA / / 28 | kavadha tavayA palyA pAravAsitigAtA yAvata mAnapanA navagavatI / yotItA pADharAna vanadhI tivA vaivAtAmATAna sadA timicidirA 30 tatavADavAsapAganuivAnikA najAvADavA matabaganAtA tAlaTA menavyA yAMnA jomAnatena hiDenanivA 82 nadI mAnavatAditivanavinasemagita manamo gAteta sAmAjikaTApaDATA 32 cAmAnAmi mAtAnavaDenatabAcinivartanAnAnAmika nAnimAnI kavItA 34 rativamAna denA yuvataka vAta virAti nai nadi biDiyama nayanavatAtatA katA nivezanane tAvadAsaprati vinA manAtIlatAmAtsarvanATA veDasAnI kavAta / ___960 yI sAmAyo hinadidA mAyAnADAmADolAratadIdhAjanina mADiyo digopanA / 36 [krer nibjaatt| chl|Hbnnaar 1ttaanaattaabn / 98 | malakaveramatilamAyAvatutisAdamAnavAnaMtamatatA gata 138 sAnAle totavAvadhAnamAvimApanitakA mAtamagA vAdAtIta janAvarApA 40 yA jAnADAvApATamAvizvAmavika mAmA cArakapa studina nAmaka tana 140 mAvAnAmA TAganA mArahAtamA vImAvava kAzyapagovAvAmAna vana 42 [ yAno jAvidhuttA tApahAgAbAvAmanaHVvamalA DAgA patA tAnavadaMDenavaNakazatattulaTamAganamavApatokapaTavisanivA 44 tapAkiTagAnAda mAyaDa mATinAnIhA bATAtAnavaDenavapAkAtantaH 14 vizavapAdapakAlalayAnapUrvakAmanamatyAsarvakAmapavinA sATo viza 46 pADavITagAnA manAlikAmAcaMdA davAnAta madada miyAgAvApAna46 nviin| aph' bNtt bsgvijittrsimrnjiit 48auSagatAbATosita vANimikamAmitivATA mAyA nizAnavAlamAtI 146

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No. 5.] KOLHAPUR COPPER-PLATES OF GANDARADITYADEVA: SAKA 1048. 31 11 nanas-chakre rajyam-akhamditam pritha-yasa lamkasa1-tullyam(lyam) kila 1 [16] Tasy= anujo dha 12 rmma-dharo dharitryam dadhara varnnan-akhilla(la)n-sva-dharmme [*] dhairy-agra-dhuryo Dhanado dhananam Second Plate: First Side. 13 sri-Gamdaraditya iti prasiddhah I [17] Din-anatha-daridra-duhkhi-vikalla(la)-vyakirna nana 14 vidha-prani-trana-parayanah pratidinam gupt-akhya-danena yah [1] yah krishn-ajina-dhe15 nu-bhumy-ubhayatomukhy-adi-dana-pradah sasvad-V(B) rahma-mati-pravina-hridayo bhu deva-ka 16 Ipa-drumah || [ 8 ] Svasti [*] Samadhigata-pamchamahasav(b)da-Mahamamdalesvaras= Tagara-pura 17 var-adhisvarah sri-Silahara-naremdro Jimutavahan-anvaya-prasutas-suvarna-Ga 18 ruda-dhvajo maruvamka-sarppa ayyana-si(sim) ho ripu-mamdalika-bhairavo vidvishtagaja kamthirava 19 iduvar-adityo rupa-Narayanah Sanivara-sidhdhi(ddhir-)giri-durga-lamghanah Kali-yuga. Vikrama 20 dityah sri-Mahalakshmi-lav(b) dha-vara-prasad-adi-samasta-rajavali-virajita 21 sriman-Mahamamdalle(le)svaro Gamdaraditya-devo dushta-nigraha-sishta-pratipalla(la) 22 na-purassaram sva-dharmmep-aika-chchhatram-upabhumjano Vallavada-grame vid anuvri 23 tya(ttya) sukha-samkatha-vinodena vijaya-rajjyam(jyam) chiram kurvan virajate [*] Tat-pa24 da-padm-opajivi-mahapradhanena Kaditamatya-Maillapayyena maha-tirthe Second Plate: Second Side. 25 sri-Kollapure V(B) rahma-nirmmita-V(B)rahmapuryam sri-Khedaditya-devassya (sya) jirnaprasa. 26 da-samudhdh(ddha) arana-purassaram Trikuta-prasadam vinirmmaya tatra V(B)rahmaVishnu pra 27 tishthapya tatra dharmma-chikirshaya vijnapita-ari-Gamdaradityadevas-tad=adhigammya (mya) 28 Saka-varsheshu sahasr-oparyy-ashtachatvarimsati gatayam varttamana-Parabhava samvatsa 29 r-amtarggat-Ashadha-sukla-chaturthyam Sanivare dakshinayana-samkramtau Mirimji-de am 30 targgata-Kodavalli-kham pan-anuvarttini Komnijavada-grame tatratya-Narga 31 vunda-Rajaya-Senayabhyam Nargavumda-samyabhutam Kumdi-damdena nivartta 32 na-dvayam manyam chaturvinsati-hasta-vistaram magilam-ashta-bhoga-teja-samyam cha krayon=adaya 1 Apparently there is a scribal error. I propose the reading Lankesa, Read maruvakka-sarppa.

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32 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. VOL. XXIII. 33 grama-bhumi-madhye ten=aiva damdena chatvari nivarttanani nikshipya shan=nivarttanani manyam ksitva ta34 t-prativadhdhan' mallavan kutruvam cha klitva shaturvinnsati-hastar vistarar nivesana anyad-ashtachatvarimsadh(d)-dhasta-vi35 starari nivesanam ch=ety=evam dvasaptati-hasta-vistaran magilar ch=ety=etat-sarva Nargavumdam samyam klitva tan-ma36 dhyo V(B)rahmapuryam Sri-Kho ladityadeva-sannidhau dvadasanam v(b)rahmananam sveta-vrihy-odanena adhaky-adi-supena ghi Third Plate. 37 tena takrona chaturbhih sakais cha bhojanaya tambulaya cha ten-aiva damdena mangam nivarttana-dvayam 38 malavar cha kuruvara cha magila-madhya chaturvvisati-hasta-vistarar nivesanam cha ashta-bhoga-teja39 samyam ch-ety=etat | Tatha tat-sarvva-dharmma-prachintakah Gautama-gotra Gamgadhara chaturvvedi-bhatt-opadhya40 yah Bharadvaja-gotra Govinda(nda)-kramavidah Atri-gotra Bhaskara-Chaturvvedinah Jamadagnya41 Vatsa-gotra Narayana-bhattah Bharadvaja-gotro Madhavah Kasyapa-gotro Vamanah Dhan amja42 ya(ya)-gotra Vishnu-bhattah Bharadvaja-gotro Vamanah evam=ashtau v(b)rahmanah tebhyah pratyekam 43 ten=aiva damdena vappaka-sata-chatushtayam magila-madhye pratyekam shadh(d)--hasta vistaram nive. 44 sana cha tatha tat-Trikuta-prasadasya khamda-sphutita-jirnn-oddharaya ten=aiva damdena vappaka-sata-chatu. 45 shtayam evam=etat-sarvvam pada-prakshalana-dhara-purvvakam sarvve-Damasyam sarvva va(ba)dha-pariharam sarv-aye-vibu45 ddham rajakiyanam-anamguli-prekshaniyam a-chan dr-arkkam dattavin Etat-sarvva-dha. rmma-goptaro V(B)rahmapuri47 mahajanah | V&(Ba)hubhir=vvasudha datta rajabhih Sagar-adibhih [1*] yasya yasya yada bhumis-tasya tasya tada phalam | [ 9 ] Sva-da48 ttam para-dattarh vi yo harita vasundharamshashtir-vvarsha-sahasrani vishthayam jayate krimih || [10 m] Mangalam ma(ma)ha-sri (bll*] . TRANSLATION. (Line 1) Welfare ! Prosperity! (Verse 1) Victorious is that Vishnu's manifested form of a boar which has agitated the ocean and which bas the earth resting on the tip of its uplifted right tusk. (Verses 2-8) Formerly there was & Vidyadhara, Jimatavahana by name, who, for the sake of others, offered his life to Garuda. This family, called Silahara, (is) of kings (who were) the lords Read pratibaddhan. * Road ahashiri warsha-.

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No. 5.) KOLHAPUR COPPER-PLATES OF GANDARADITYADEVA: SAKA 1048. 33 of Tagara; in that family was born a crest-jewel of kings Jatiga by name. Welfare! The prosperous lord of earth Jatiga had a son, king Nayimma by name; his son was Chandrarat of great fame; to him in turn was born a son, Jatiga by name, who was praised by the people of the world; and his prosperous son was Gorkalla who was a saffron-mark (on the forehead) of all the kings on the earth. His elder brother was king (? isa) Guhala ; his younger brother was Kirtiraja, and next to him was Chandraditya who made his kingdom free from all the troubles. That prosperous lord of the earth, Gomkalla, had a son, viz., king Marasimha; his son was king Guhala by name whose feet were fondled by the crowns of kings; his brother was king Bhojadeva who was a lion to the elephants in the form of enemies on the earth, and who is reported (kila) to have consolidated his kingdom with wide fame like that of the king of Lanki (?). His younger brother is the famous Gandaraditya who is a protector of Dharma on the earth, who has maintained all the Varnas in their respective duties, who is a courageous and foremost leader, and who is a Kubera of treasures. Day to day he is engrossed in sheltering by anonymous gifts the various living beings that are distressed, helpless, poor, miserable, maimed and wandering; he bestows, in both the ways, eminent gifts such as the skin of the blackantelope, cows and lands; his mind is skilled in reflecting on the eternal Brahman; and he is a wish-fulfilling tree to the Brahmins. (Ll. 16 23). Welfare! The prosperous Mahamandalesvara Gandaradityadeva-who is honoured by all the royal titles such as: one who has obtained panchamaha sabda, a Mahamandalesvara, the overlord of Tagara, the best of towns, the prosperous Silahara Monarch, one born, in the lineage of Jimutavahana, one who has the banner of golden Garuda, one whose shelter is sought by the serpent, a lion to his father, a Bhairava to the inimical Mandalikas, a lion to the elephants (in the form) of antagonists, the sun of the archers, Narayana in handsomeness, one who achieved success (even) on Saturdays, one who seized the mountain forte, a Vikramaditya of the Kali age, and one who received the favours of the boon from Sri-Mahalakshmi-is carrying on for a long time his victorious reign enjoying the sole mastery of the kingdom by carrying out his [See p. 29 n. 3, above.-Ed.] * The reading prithuyaba lankasa is decidedly defective, and the metre too is spoiled. I have taken it as Lankesa. * Ubhayatah refers to gifts given in two ways, namely, openly and anonymously. [Dr. Chhabra correctly points out that ubhayatomukhi has been used here in the sense of a parturient cow, a gift of which is highly eulogised in the Smritis. Of. Hemadri, Chaturvargachintamani, Danakhanda, prakarana 7.-Ed.] * The correct reading should be maruvakka-sarppa. The nasal here is due to that deceptive bunya (called nolli) used in Old-Kannada script which has two values, when it is fat with space inside it means that the next consonant is duplicated, when small it is an anusvara. Maruvakka is a Kannada word, a further corruption from maru or mare pokka or hokka from the root maru or mare pogu to seek shelter'. It is a title of the Silaharas. because they are Garuda-dhvajas, the serpent being always at the meroy of Garuda. [Mr. N. Lakshminarayan Rao suggests that it would be better to interpret the expression as a 'serpent to the hostile army' taking maruvakka to mean 's hostile army'-in which sense it is widely used in Mediaeval Kannada literature-than to consider both the component parts of the word as corruptions (i.e., of mare and pokka). Maruvakka-sarppa corresponda to Skt. paru-bala-sarppa which is found among the birudas of the chief Marasingha of the Senavara family which, like the Silaharas, claimed to belong to Jimutavahan-anvaya and Khachara (1.e., Vidyadhara)-varsa (sce Ep. Carn., Vol. VI, Cm. 94).-Ed.] Ayyana sinho: again a Kannada word ' a lion(- like son) of his father', meaning a pet and brave son of his father. This reminds us of the Kannada phrase "bappare huliya', meaning, Bravo, my tiger', generally addressed by the father to his son. Iduvar is a Kannada word meaning those that put (an arrow to the bow), those that aboob Arrows', that is, the archers.

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34 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXIII. duties (svadharmena), by punishing the wicked and protecting the good, and spending his time merrily in happy talks in his standing camp1 at Vallavada-grama. (Ll. 23-39) Kaditamatya Maillapayya, the Mahapradhana dependent on his (i.e., of Gandaradityadeva) lotus-like feet, after repairing the dilapidated temple of sri-Khedadityadeva, situated in Brahmapuri, created by Brahman in the great holy place of sri-Kollapura, built a Trikutaprasada, installed there (the images of) Brahma and Vishnu, and with a desire to do some religious act requested Gandaradityadeva who understood it (i.e., his desire). And when the Saka years one thousand and forty-eight had elapsed, in the Parabhava year, on the fourth day of the bright half of the month of Ashadha, on Saturday, on the Dakshinayana-samkranti, he bought, by paying the cost, from Rajaya and Senaya of the Nargavunda' family in the village of Komnijavada in the khampana of Kodavalli in the province of Mirinji two nivartanas of non-taxable land (manya) that had the rights of Nargavundas, measured by the Kundi pole, and a plot for a house twenty-four cubits in extent with the eight rights, etc.; then he added thereto from the land in the village, four nivartanas measured by the same pole, and thus made six nivartanas of land free from tax, etc., ... [constructed] a house 24 cubits in extent and another 48 cubits in extent: thus in all 72 cubits in extent. All these had the rights of the Nargavundas. In Brahmapuri, in the presence of (the god) sri-Khedadityadeva, he gave two nivartanas of land measured by the same pole with a house 24 cubits in extent along with eight rights, etc., to twelve Brahmins for their food with rice of white grains, with broth made of adhaki and other pulses, with ghee, butter-milk and four vegetables and for tambula. (Ll. 39-44) Then there are these eight Brahmins all of them intent on religious practices: Gangadhara-Chaturvedi-Bhattopadhyaya of Gautama-gotra, Govinda-kramavid of Bharadvajagotra, Bhaskara-Chaturvedin of Atri-gotra, Narayana-bhatta of Jamadagnya-Vatsa-gotra, Madhava of Bharadvaja-gotra, Vamana of Kasyapa-gotra, Vishnu-bhatta of Dhananjaya-gootra and Vamana of Bharadvaja-gotra. To each of them were granted 400 vappakas measured by the same pole and to each a house six cubits in extent. Similarly for the repairs of the broken parts, etc., of the Trikuta-prasada 400 vappakass were given by the same measure. (LL 44-47) This sarva-namasya (grant) which is free from all obstacles, which is faultless with regard to its income and which is not to be touched by finger (even) by the royal officers, is made to last as long as the sun and the moon after a libation of water and a washing of the feet. The Mahajanas" of Brahmapuri shall protect all these religious gifts. (Verses 9-10) [These are two of the well-known imprecatory verses.] (L. 48) Auspicious glory. 1 Vidanurittya is probably to be taken as meaning following the custom of a vidu (i.e., camp)'. It reminds us of a similar expression in Kannada grants bidinol meaning in the camp'. # Nargavundas are those who are now known as Nadagaudas, a Kannada word meaning headmen of the country'. Magila means a site for a house. The meaning of malavam, etc., is not clear. The same phrase is spelt differently in 11. 34 and 38. * It should be noted that some names are in singular and some in plural. * Vappaka is a measure. * Mahajanas were members of a particular assembly probably something like our Panchas. My thanks are due to my colleague Prof. K. G. Kundangar who helped me in translating certain technical terms in the plates.

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No. 6.] HIDDA INSCRIPTION OF THE YEAR 28. No. 6.-HIDDA INSCRIPTION OF THE YEAR 28. BY DR. STEN KONOW, OSLO. The credit for bringing this record to light belongs to Professor F. W. Thomas. In a paper contributed to the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1915, pp. 91 ff., he draws attention to sume remarks by Masson about & Kharoshthi inscription he had found at Tope No. 13 of Hidda' on an earthen jar, and which he had copied. A lithographed reproduction is found opposite p. 262 of the Ariana Antiqua. Professor Thomas further tells us that, in going through Masson's papers in the India Office Library, he found a number of attempts at decipherment of one or two Khardshthi inscriptions', and one of them proved to be the very record reproduced in the old publication. There were several attempts, and Professor Thomas reproduced the most careful one and published his reading of the inscription, which was subsequently, with some alterations, reproduced in my edition of the record in the Corpus, pp. 157 ff. The copy published by Professor Thomas is far from being satisfactory, but the way in which he was able to rearrange the sequence of the letters and bring out the meaning is highly to be admired. But now new material has come to hand, which makes it possible to read the legend with greater certainty. In a letter of the 13th December 1935, Dr. E. H. Johnston writes: 'In the course of cataloguing the Masson papers in the India Office Library, I have come across & number of copies of the inscription on the Hiddah jar........ Most date from after Masson's return to England early in 1842 and have no special value....... Three however are on blue paper; one neems to be a new working copy, written out for an attempted transliteration. The others are on two strips of paper, which Masson pasted on to another sheet of paper after his return to England.' Fuller particulars about these last-mentioned copies were given in another letter from Dr. Johnston of the 13th January 1936: The copies are on two strips of blue foolscap, measuring 55 by 315 millimetres and 98 by 313 millimetres, respectively. I regard them as Masson's originale for various reasons. That he looked on them as particularly important is shown by the fact that he has cut them out of the particular sheet on which they were and pasted them on to another sheet; this must have been done after his return to England, as the kind of paper on to which they have been pasted shows. Masson used this blue foolacap almost exclusively in 1834 and many of his original sketches of the Topes of Hiddah and Chaharbagh are on similar paper, having been done that year (1834) at the time of excavation. The writing is done with a broader pen than he was in the habit of using. There are at least a dozen copies of this inscription among his papers, most of them made after he had left Afghanistan, and in every case except this the copy was evidently made in order to put between the lines an attempt at transliteration. No room has been left for such writing on these strips, though you will notice some remains of such an attempt at the bottom. I imagine the first strip was left incomplete after writing the first line because of the disfigurement by blots.' With the kind permission of Dr. Randle, the Librarian of the India Office, excellent photographs of these strips have been prepared, and I have been authorized to make use of them for an eventual new edition of the record. There cannot be any doubt that Dr. Johnston is right in considering these strips as Masson's original draft And we can also see that the incomplete strip is the first one. It has partly been corrected in the second. And we shall find several certain indications which show that the copies reproduced in the Ariana Antigua and in Professor Thomas' plate have been made from our strips.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXIII. The arrangement of the letters is the same as in the published plates, and it is clear that the two lines of the inscription ran all round the jar, and that Masson failed to see where the record begins. Professor Thomas' ingenious restoration of the sequence is absolutely certain, and I shall follow it in my ensuing remarks, using the abbreviations A for the Ariana Antiqua plate, B for the copy published by Professor Thomas, I for the first strip and II for the second. The first word is correctly given as sambat sarae in I. In II the anu svara hook is more rounded, and Masson has added an e-matra above sam, probably because the top of the akshara was blurred. This wrong e-stroke is then found both in A, which here faithfully reproduces II, and in B, which represents a combination of I and II. The ensuing athavitatihi 20 4 4 do not call for any remark. We can only see that Masson first misread the vi, but corrected it in II. Then follows mase with a bottom stroke crossed by a horizontal, bent downwards at both ends and surmounted by a curved upright, below se in I, while these additions have been omitted in II, evidently as the result of closer inspection, so that we must certainly read mase. The bottom strokes return, however, in B, where they are the same as in I, and in A, where there is only a long horizontal. Then comes Apelae in I. In II the pe and the final e have been slightly modified. In A pe has been misread as pi, and la, which is a little misshapen in I, has been miswritten. In B the two different forms of e have been entered, that of II in the line, that of I, slightly misshapen, above. The ensuing sasthehi is quite clear; but it is hardly probable that sta with the vertical to the right had a different sound from the ordinary sta. The word itself is, as we know, Iranian, ef. Av. sand- 'to appear', Khotani Saka sasta- ' appeared'. Between the letters sa and sthe there is in II a long vertical stroke. It is impossible to tell why Masson has inserted it. The hi of the following dasahi is misdrawn in II, the bottom having been continued into the preceding ea, causing a break in the left bar of the latter. Both forms are reproduced in B. The i of the enguing isa (not ide as read by Professor Thomas) has an angular top in I, and this form recurs in A, and also in B, where, however, the rounded form of II is added above the line; da is misshapen in A, and in B & second form has been added above the line, we cannot say from which source. In the word pratisthapita we can clearly follow the process of deterioration. I is quite clear, though the upright of stha is separated from the cross-bar. In II the horizontal of pra protrudes slightly to the left of the vertical, and the bottom of the final ta has been lengthened, and a short vertical has been added, so that the akshara looks almost like to. The results can be seen in the apparent phra, the disjointed atha and the misshapen ta of A, and in the similar pra and the splitting up of tistha into three aksharas in B. In the word read as [rahavartimi by Professor Thomas, we can now see that the apparent hook which he took to be a mutilated ja is a clear ma. The preceding ra shows a short horizontal stroke protruding to the left just above the bottom in I, so that we could think of reading ro. But it is absent in II, and as the same rama recurs in l. 2, the reading seems to be certain. Rama can hardly be anything else than the name of a person, probably the Indian name, which aiready occurs in the Rigveda. The akshara following after rama looks like tam, but can also be a shortened cursive ram. Then conies an evidently misdrawn letter in I, while II has an unmistakable fia. A and B give both forms, one above the other, and here again clearly show their dependence on I and II. With the ensuing mi we thus get ramatamfiami or ramaranhami. If it were possible to assume a

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No. 6.] HIDDA INSCRIPTION OF THE YEAR 28. 37 doublet tanya besides taniya own', which we read on a Tor Dherai potsherd, we might think of connecting ramatarNami with the following thubami 'in the Stupa belonging to Rama', but we have no reason for supposing the existence of such a variant, taniya itself being doubtful and probably only the final portion of ataniya. The word rana, Skr. aranya 'wood, grove', on the other hand, occurs in connection with thuba on the Kurram casket. The Rama wood' is then the name of the place where the stupa was situated, and most probably the real name. Cf. passages such as Takhasilae nagare-utarena prachu detoKshema nama-alra...... sariram (pra*]tithaveti 'in the town of Takshasila, to the north, the eastern quarter,-Khema by name,-here he establishes a relic' (Taxila copper-plate, with the enumerating idiom which we know so well from Marathi); ime pradistavita bhagavato dhatuo dhammaraze Taksha si[la* Je tanuvae bosi(dhi)satvagahami 'these relics of the Lord were established in the Buddha relic-stupa of Takshasila, in his own Bodhisattva-chapel' (Taxila silver scroll); Chhadasilae sarira prazstaveli gahathubami in Chhadasila he establishes & relic in the house-stupa ' ; Vagramarig(r)aviharam(r)i thu[ba]m(r)i bhag(t)avada Sakyamune sarira parithavets in the Vagramariya vibara, in a stupa, he (sc. Vagramariya) establishes & relic of the Lord Sakyamuni' (Wardak vase), etc. The last-mentioned passage shows that such a name can be derived from the name of a living person. In my edition of the Kalawan record I have shown that the list of Yakshas in the Mahamivuria contains details which may be of interest in connection with Kharoshthi inscriptions, but that the forms of the names used in the Mayuri must sometimes be checked by the help of the Chinese and Tibetan versions of the work. I believe that such is also the case with reference to our record. In the Mahamayuri l. 83 we read : Larkesvaras ca Kapisyan Marici Ramakakshayam' the lord of Lanka (i.e., Ravana, is the Yaksha) in Kapisi, Marici in Ramakaksha.' Now the arrangement of the various localities in the Mahamayuri is roughly geographical and we are probably justified in assuming that Ramakaksha should be looked for in Afghanistan. Professor Helmer Smith has drawn my attention to the fact that the irregular form -kakshayam for -kakshayam may point to some corruption. Of the Chinese versions one has lo-mo-k'i-lo, i.e., Ramakhile, which is just as unsuitable in the rhythm as Ramakakshayam. Yi-tsing gives o-lomo-lin the forest of Rama', and the Tibetan translation dga-bahi tshan-tshin the wood of the pleasant one'. From these renderings we learn that the literal meaning of the name was Rama wood', and from the fact that Marichi and not Rama is mentioned as the Yaksha of the place. we must necessarily draw the inference that the Rama wood was not considered to be a grove dedicated to a Yaksha or other supernatural being called Rama, but as a place founded or owned by a person of the name Rama. As indicated above, the Rama-grove was most probably situated in Afghanistan, and I think that we are justified in assuming that it was the very same 'Rama-grove' which is mentioned in our record. Since the inscription in l. 2 contains wishes for the welfare of Rama, he was probably at that time the owner of the wood, and we may draw the inference from the Mahamayuri that his name stuck to the place also in later times, after his death. The Hidda inscription would then be the oldest record in which this Rama-grove' is mentioned. It is, besides, written in proge, and we have every reason for assuming that it contains the genuine form of the name. The author of the Mahamayuri, who, according to Professor 10.1. I., Vol. II, Pt. I, p. 176. * Kalawan inscription, Ep. Ind., Vol. XXI, pp. 251 ff. Of. the late Sylvain Levi's important paper, J. 4., XI, it, 1916, pp. 19 f.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXIIL Smith's observations, is remarkably careful with regard to the rhythm, could not use Ramaranye in his verse. He therefore chose a synonym of aranya, as indicated by Yi-tsing and the Tibetan translation. Khila might be a translation of aranya, taking this to mean wilderness, desert', but the word does not suit the metre and is evidently a later 'improvement'. Kakshayam might be considered as a metrical license instead of kakshayam, but then kaksha is not known to have had the meaning 'wood, forest'. Kaksha, on the other hand, has this sense, and it is, therefore, I think, probable that the author of the Mahamayuri wrote Ramakakshake, and that this was subsequently changed to - kakshayam by somebody who did not know that there was 8 'Rama wood', but knew the word kaksha. After ramararami both I and II have thubami sanghamitrena pavakarmiana, i.e., navakariena ' in the stupa, through the Navakarmika Sanghamitra'. The shape of gha is a little irregular, and the loop is half open in II, which has led to a misshapen gha, with the better form above it, in B. No importance can be attached to the fact that the initial na of pavakarmiselna looks like a cerebral na. Since we have a dental na in the beginning of nirvana-, 1. 2, it is clear that the two characters are not distinguished in such a way that the apparent n is used when initial and the apparent n between vowels, in which case we should have to assume that >> in reality denotes the dental, and n the lingual . It is, on the contrary, probable that the clear distinction between and n which we find in the Dutreuil de Rhins manuscript only corresponds to the actual state of things in a restricted area and is partly due to the influence of literary tradition, while the North-Western Prakrit generally only knew the dental n. The designation navakarmika is used in two other Kharoshthi records. In the Taxila copper plate we read, according to Professor Thomas' evident correction, mahadanapati Patika saja woajhae[na*] Rohinimitrena ya imami sangharame navakarmika 'the great gift-lord Patika together with the Upadhyaya Rohipimitra, who is navakarmika in this Vihara'. The Manikials inscription, l. 12 runs sadha Budhilena navakarmigena 'together with the navakarmika Buddhils'. The term is also met with in Brahmi inscriptions, of. Professor Luders' List, and in several passages in Pali literature, to which Professor Smith has been good enough to give me some references. According to Kaccayana 353, Saddaniti 786-& navakammika is one who is entrusted with a novakamma, a monk or & nun selected by the Samgha in order to act on its behalf. Vinaya Pitaka II, 159, 11. 22 ff., we read about people who undertake some navakamma and take care of the monks who supervise the work (napakammam adhitthenti), and the Buddha gives instructions about the choice of such bhikkhus. A navakammika monk is to be zealous so that a Vibara may be completed quickly and dilapidated portions repaired (navakammiko, bhikkhave, bhikkhu wasukkan apajjissati kinti mu ktho viharo khippan pariyosanam gaccheya ti, khandaphullari pafisamkharissati), and he should be selected by the Samgha after such assistance has been requested by some householder. In Vinaya Pitaka IV, 211, Sajha wants to build a Vihara and asks for & nun es navakammika, and the bhikkhunisamgha deputes the nun Sundarfnanda for the purpose. She constantly repairs to Salha's residence and asks for various implements (vasim detha, pharasuni detha, kuharin datha, kuddala detha, mikhadanamh detha ti), while Ba]ha constantly goes to follow the progress of the work (katakatam janitum). In accordance with such passages Buddhaghosa, Samantapasadika on Vinaya Pifaka II, 160, L. 12 says that the navakammika does not do the manual work, but supervises the progress (laddhangoakammena bhikkhuna odaipharasu-mikhadanadini gahetud sayan na katabbani, katakatan janitabbant). In Vinaya Protonor Turner has been good enough to tell me that in Shina Sk r egularly appears as -- and offe M . Godingiache gelehrte Anzeigen, 1931, p. 6. * Profesor Thomas explains saja = sadya at present '. I identity it with Vedio and together.

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No. 6.) HIDDA INSCRIPTION OF THE YEAR 28. Pitaka IV, 34, 11. 2 ff. we read about the Alavaka monks that they were engaged in navakamma (navakammari karonta), and that they cut down trees or had trees cut down. But one of the monks, who was felling a tree, was warned by its devata not to destroy her dwelling in order to make one for himself, and the Buddha speaks about the offence in connection with the destruction of life which was inevitable when a tree was cut. A navakammika may reside for a prolonged period at one place. In Vinaya Pitaka II, 15, 11. 29 ft. we read about the venerable Sudhamma, who stayed with the householder Chitta as his navakanmika, and in Jataka IV, 310, 11, 13 f. about residence as navakammika in & great Vihara in Kajangala (avasiko hotu mahavihare, navakanmiko hotu Kajangalayan), and the commentary here speaks of a dilapidated Vihara (jinnavihara), i.e., one in need of repairs. It is evident from the above quotations that the navakamma was of different kinds, from the building of a Vihara down to various sorts of repairs. Manorathapurani I, 31, 1. 15 speaks of a navakanumika in connection with Uposatha halls, almshouses, etc. (uposathagarabhojanasaladini), and such work was formerly considered as a good means of banishing distracting thoughts (poranakapandita pana navakamman katra pi vitakkan pachhindinsu, Papafichasudani II, 91, 1. 18). And in Vinaya Pitaka II, 172 we hear of several minor kind of navakamma such as heaping up clay or earth, replastering & wall, making a door or & socket for a bolt, white-washing, etc. A navakarmika is consequently in most cases a monk, acting on behalf of the Samgha in supervising new buildings, repairs, etc., and such was evidently the case with Sarghamitra. What he had to superintend may have been the erection of the Stupa, or some repairs, or even only the putting down of the relic. For the second line the new material consists of one copy only, viz. II. As seen by Professor Thomas, we must evidently begin with the sixth akshara from the end. The first word is certainly edena, though the e- stroke of de is curved and joined to the upright in such & way that Masson in A and B has introduced a small loop. The next word was correctly read as kusalamulena by Professor Thomas, who pointed out that the u of ku and the final na are missing. The new copy shows definitely that I was wrong in assuming that the ensuing e was misdrawn for na. After sa follows in II what looks like a second ta, corrected to na, and then a cancelled letter which looks as an unsuccessful attempt at writing a la. In A both these letters are clumsily imitated, one above the other, while B seems to combine them into one misshapen akshara. What looks like da corrected to na might be the na we miss after le, in which case we would have to infer that it had been mieplaced in the original. It is, however, more probable that Masson has forgotten to cancel it properly. The dot before the ensuing la is, as Dr. Johnston informs me, not in ink, but the remains of a drop of moisture. Then follows, as read by Professor Thomas, etesha dharmana, where the final na is misshapen in A. The next aksharas were read lokika vija by Professor Thomas, while I suggested to read abhibhuti. The new copy clearly shows that the first akshara was la. A comparatively long sloping line descends towards the left from the underside of the hook of la, which itself is continued on to the vertical. It might be taken to be the o- stroke, which, however, protrudes from the vertical in other inscriptions. It is therefore possible that it is of the same kind as the superfluous and meaningless stroke between 8a and 8the in sasthehi II, 1. 1. It is considerably shortened in B and it has led to a distorted sign in A. The next akshara is certainly bhi, as stated by Professor Thomas, and the new copy clearly shows that it is followed by bhadima.

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40 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXIII. The curve of ma is here narrower than in rama, 1. 1, and we understand how Masson has come to write the hook which has been misinterpreted as a mutilated ja. If we bear in mind that the nom. pl. of in-bases frequently ends in i in Pali and Prakrit, it becomes evident that we must translate labhi (or, lobhi) bhavima may we become possessed (or, desirous) of,' and the usual wording of such wishes in other texts favours the reading labhi. With regard to the ensuing yasha, which is perfectly clear in all copies, it is, of course, possible that it corresponds to Skt. yat shat. But, in the first place, we should expect sho for shat, and, in the second, the parallelism with the preceding etesha dharmana leads us to expect yesha, so that ya is probably a miswriting or misreading for ye. But then it seems almost certain that the akshara following after dharma must be nam and not kha, so that we must read dharmanam. The use of na instead of na does not make any difficulty, as we have already seen. As a matter of fact the akshara in question looks more like nam than kha. And there is also another difficulty in reading kha. This kha would have to be connected with the following e to khae, corrresponding to Skt. kshaye. But the regular development of old ksha in our dialect is to become a sound written with a sign which has been variously transliterated ksha and chha, and which clearly denotes the cerebral affricative known from Dardic.1 It cannot be objected that the anusvara is suspicious. We have the same uncertainty in kshunammi, ramnami, thubami. I shall only mention in passing that in all other instances of the genitive plural in our record a consonant follows, while here the next sound is a vowel. But it may be worth while remembering that final am is written a in the Dutreuil de Rhins manuscript, and still we can see that the final nasal made itself felt, so that, e.g., Pali siham va is represented by siha ba and not siha va. E must then be taken to the following akshara, which we now see cannot be ba but must be ta, a reading which Professor Thomas mentions as possible. Then follows what he read as dho, but which looks much more like vo and may be the enclitic personal pronoun of the second plural, used in a weakened sense you see, much like the corresponding u in Khotani Saka. The next two aksharas seem to be syeta; A has syata. I do not any more think that we can adopt Professor Thomas' emendation of tavosyeta to bodhisatva, because Masson's new copy seems to be so reliable throughout. The only way of explaining syeta I can think of is that the e above sya has come in in the same way as the e of sembatsarae in II 1. 1, as also assumed by Professor Thomas, and that there has been an invisible i-matra in ta. I would therefore read syati and translate: may we become possessed of these dharmas of which dharmas this may be, i.e., of which dharmas the following may consist (or, be the cause). The next passage can be read without any doubt, as done by Professor Thomas: sarira sarvasatvana nirvanasambharae bhavatu. The final ra of sarira is provided with a small hook, which has become a regular anusvara in A, but there is no reason for reading sariram. The r-loop of (sa)rva runs into the vertical of the preceding sa; the top of the sa of satvana has been connected with the upright of the va of tva, and there is an apparent bar to the right of the vertical of rea in nirvana, which evidently is only the disjointed continuation of the istroke of the preceding ni. The result is that we find various distortions both in A and in B which here again clearly show their dependence on II. Sarva looks like sam and a mutilated rea; satvana has been split up and mutilated in different ways; the rea of nirvana looks Cf. Turner, Gypsy Lore Society, Monographs No. 4, p. 11. The form avalasa va (A 15) shows that we have to do with the acc. pl., and that abalassam in the Dhammapada is due to a misunderstanding of the original.

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No. 6.] HIDDA INSCRIPTION OF THE YEAR 28. 41. almost like rka, and in B slightly differing forms have been added above the na of this word. In A, moreover, the bha of sambharae, has been slightly distorted. The whole sentence is a blessing of the same kind as the final clause of the Taxila silver scroll. We may only be in doubt whether sarira should be connected with the preceding eta, in which case we might think of construing y[e*]sha dharmanam with nirvanasambharae and taking bhavatu as a further explanation of syeta, i.e., syati 'to the nirvana equipment of which dharmas for all beings this your sarira might serve'. Such an explanation seems, however, to be rather hard, and it is more in accordance with the usual formula to translate: out of which dharmas this may result: let the sarira be for the nirvana equipment of all beings', or, more probably, of which dharmas this your sarira may consist (or, be the cause). Let it be for the nirvana equipment of all beings'. As already indicated the next word is clearly ramasa, and the suspicious form rajasa instead of rano of the king' disappears from the dialect. The form rajasa in the Niya inscriptions corresponds to Skt. rajyasya. Then comes a difficult akshara, which Professor Thomas describes as an unintelligible form, which seems to contain a y.' He read the ensuing letters as griprachamya and added: 'We have a sufficiency of parallels to prove that the idea intended is that conveyed by the word agrapratyamsa, and we are free to choose between two suppositions: either there has been a misreading of agraprachamsa (confusion of ya and sa being easy), or the inscription had employed a synonym, possibly agraprachaya-agrapratyaya, in which the second member had the (rare) sense of "tribute," "share"". C As long as we did not know Masson's original copy, we were justified in assuming that his reproductions were not quite reliable. Now we cannot do so any more, and we must assume that the unintelligible' letter, which has become quite disfigured in A and B, is a fairly reliable copy of what Masson saw on the jar. So far as I can see, it is possible to read it as no, the akshara being turned backwards in a similar way as the de of edena, but it is more probable that we have to do with a misshapen a. Then follows griprachaya. The p of pra shows the same protrusion, only more pronounced, as in pratisthapita 1. 1. The same is the case in A, and also in B, where we find two slightly varying attempts at rendering the akshara. The bottom of cha is curved like the bottom of dha, but it does not seem possible to read cham. Prachaya may represent Skt. pratyaya as well as pratyaya. The latter word is, so far as I know, only found in lexicographical works as one of the meanings of kara, e.g., in Hemachandra's Anekarthasangraha 405 karah pratyaya-sundayoh rasmau varshopale panau 'kara means toll, trunk, ray, hail, hand.' We have no right to assume that it could mean 'share'. Moreover, it is a priori unlikely that prachaya in a Buddhist inscription is anything else than the well-known pratyaya, Pali pacchaya. If the reading a is correct, we thus have ramasa agri prachaya, where agri-agre. It is hardly allowed to connect this agri with the ensuing prachaya into a compound. There cannot however, in my opinion, be much doubt that Professor Thomas was right in supposing that what is meant is to invoke a blessing on Rama as the person who is to receive the principal share of the punya connected with the establishment of the relic, just as we read in the Wardak vase inscription mahiya cha Vag(r)amareg(r)as(r)a agrabhag(r)apad(r)iyamsae bhavatu may it be for the sharing in the principal lot for myself Vagramareya,' where the person there singled out is the owner of the Vihara, which fact makes me inclined to think that Rama in our inscription occupied a similar position, i.e., that he was the donor or owner of the Stupa and not an eponymous Yaksha.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXIII. If I am right about the prerport of the sentence, (a)gri means or it is ' in future,' the locative of agra 'first, principal,' and means about the same thing as agrapratyamsa. With regard to prachaya, if it is not miswritten for prachasa, i.e., prachanga=pratyamsa, we may doubt whether it is to be taken as a nominative or as an ablative, but the former seems to me to be the proper explanation. I cannot finish these times without paying my tribute to Professor Thomas for the sagacity and ingeniousness with which he has succeeded in solving almost all the problems connected with the Hidda record at the hand of the inferior reproductions at his disposal. And I should also like to give expression to my admiration of Masson's achievement. Without apparently understanding a single word he has left us a reliable and extremely careful copy, which gives an almost perfect reproduction of the original. With some confidence I then give the following text and translation. TEXT. L 1-sambatkarse athavieatihi 20 4 4 mase Apelae sasthehi dasahi 10 isa kshunammi pratisthapita Sariya Ramaramnami thubami Samghamitrena pavakarmiana(-ena.). L 2 edena k[usalamule[na*) etesha dharmana labhi bhavima y[e*]sha dharmanam eta Vo ayeta (syati) barira sarvasatana dirvanasambharae bhavatu Ramasa agri prachaya. TRANSLATION. In the twenty-eighth-28-year, in the month Appellaios, after ten---10-had appeared, in this instant was established & relie in the Rama grove, in the Stupa by Samghamitra the superintendent of work. Through this root of bliss, might we become recipients of these dharmas; of which dtarmas this your relic may be. Let it lead to nirvana equipment for all beings and be the support in future for, the cause for the foremost share) for Rama. No. 7.-THREE MAUKHARI INSCRIPTIONS ON YUPAS : KRITA YEAR 295. BY PROF. A. 8. ALEKAR, DENARES HINDU UNIVERSITY. The three Maukhari inscriptions, that are being published here for the first time, were discovered by me at Badva in Kotah State in Rajputana on the 1st of March 1936 in the course of a tour of archeological exploration organised by the State Historian, Dr. Mathuralal, at the instance of the Kotah government. Badva is a large village, about 5 miles south-west of Antah, a railway station on the Kotah-Bina line of the G. I. P. Railway. The stone pillars, on which the inscriptions are engraved were at the time of their discovery situated outside the village, about half a mile to its east, at a locality known as Thamb-Toran which is obviously a vernacular form of the Straktit espression Sttembha-Torana. This name was probably given to the locality, about 1,700 years ago, when two stone structures, partially resembling an arch, were raised there by the erection of four sacrttrcial posts by the Maukhari rulers, then ruling over the territory. At the time of their discovery only three of these pillars were in adtu, one inclined at an angle of about -80deg, Kuid the other two tying flat on the ground. One of the latter pillare had to be raised before inkimpressions of its inscription could be taken, as it had fallen with the inscribed side downwards. The remnants of the fourth pillar could be found at a distance of about two furlongs, where a 1 The Kotab government is taking steps to remove these pillars to Kotah.

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27 3 4 x by by dunurartsitsuupara krup rel'ef kuriashchikh 3 2 3 7 8 3 1 9 2 7 7/7 24 hot he so he dh. Ko te trede the HIDDA INSCRIPTION OF THE YEAR 28. y khy md rwz N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. REG. No. 3958 E'36-275. X 32 || 7 8 7 7 7 9 2 2 3 3 524-4 55 me ku ne na 78785136887999752 * http z wy yn y gk z 1 7 2 p $ $ 2 # # # *** 3-857377877373188 I 13 FROM THE PHOTOGRAPH OF AN EYE COPY. i SURVEY OF INDIA. CALCUTTA,

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No. 7.] THREE MAUKHARI INSCRIPTIONS ON YUPAS: KRITA YEAR 295. 43 portion of it was discovered converted into & sati stone. On one side of this stone are still to be seen the letters yajno of the original inscription of the 3rd century A. D. It is therefore clear that this fourth pillar also bore an inscription, similar to, but not identical in its contents with those on the other three. The two pillars of the front row were separated from each other by a distance of about 25 feet. The rear row, of which only one pillar was in situ, stood behind the first at a distance of about 25 yards. The ends of the yupas turn inwards to their proper right, as will be seen from the accompanying photograph; two yupas, standing at a distance of about 25 feet with their inclined portions facing each other, must have appeared like the lower portions of a torana. This may have been the reason, as I have already suggested, for the name Stambha-Torana being given to the locality, probably ever since the time of the erection of the pillars. Each of the three pillars is described as a yupa in the inscription engraved upon it. Sacred texts declare that yupas should be made of wood. The Katyayana-Srautasutra vividly describes the expedition for securing a suitable stump for this purpose how the tree is to be felled, how its superfluous branches are to be chopped, etc. Different results are promised to the sacrificer according to the tree that may be selected for making the yupa. The Aitareya-Brahmana lays down that the yupa itself was to be offered as an oblation at the end of the sacrifice. No wooden yupas have, however, been so far discovered. The stone ones, that we have come across so far, begin from the 2nd century A. D., and seem to be an innovation introduced for commemorative purposes by the advocates of the Vedic revival, probably with a view to emulate Buddhist pillars like those of Asoka. We have so far discovered only four complete stone yupas, besides the present three. In the early centuries of the Christian era the stone yupas, commemorating different sacrificers, must have been fairly common; otherwise the word yupa would not have acquired the sense of a jaya-stambha." It is interesting to note that the practice of erecting commemorative yupas runs counter to the sentiments expressed in this connection by the authors of the Grihyasutra and Dharmasutra literature. Their writers probably flourished just after the time of the Upanishadic and Buddhist revolt against the practice of slaughter of animals in sacrifices. Many of them like Vasishtha, Baudhiyana, Vishnu and Asvalayana declare that the touch of a yupa is as polluting as that of a funeral pyre or a woman in her courses; the Hiranyaketi-Grihyasutra says that by touching & yupa one brings upon oneself the guilt of whatever faults may have been committed in the sacrifice.16 It would appear that with the revival of Vedic sacrifices, the leaders of society and of the new movement ceased to subscribe to the above views of the Dharmasastra writers 1 In the inscriptons on the pillars completely preserved the word yaj o does not ooour. *VI, 3. * II, 1. The wooden post, bearing a fragmentary inscription, discovered at Kirari (ante, Vol. XVIII, p. 152), does not look like a yupa. It has a kalaba at the top, which no sacred text recommends in the case of yupa. Its inscription is too fragmentary to determine whether it was a yupa. . Cf. er fufe e tcurtfararaza: WENT format : Raghuvanda, VI, 38. .Of. affermato carerrafelgueye efect vog turu afar IV, 31. 'I, 5, 9, 5. .22, 69. III, 6, 8. 10 of. Tugaveta i sfee ure ufarejafer T 1642 TL 1,5, 16, 18, Tho commentator HTET adda-fefafa yafacetE unit afatet WEAT-11

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXITI. and began to encourage the construction of stone yupas as a triumphant and enduring testimony to the revival of the old Vedic religion. Yupa is a veritable thunderbolt, says the Aitareya-Brahmana. Hindu champions of the revival of the Vedic religion were obviously te groud of their commemorative stone yupas as Indra was of his thunderbolt. Detailed instructions have been given in the Vedic literature about the shape and size of the sacrificial post. The height was rigidly fixed only in the case of the Vajapeya sacrifice, where the post had to be made 17 cubits high ; in the case of other sacrifices it could vary from five to fifteen cubits. After the leaves and branches of the stem were cut off, it was to be given an octagonal shape, for that was the shape of the thunderbolt of Indra, and yupa is a thunderbolt. The stem was not to be straight, it was to be curved both at the top and the centre, the concavity in either case facing the same side. It was never to be made tapering at the top, for such a post was supposed to hasten the death of the sacrificer. At a distance of two to eight inches from the top of the post was to be slipped in a ring or kataka, technically known as chashala, which also had naturally to be octagonal in shape. Yupa resembled in its external appearance a Brahmacharin; so it had a girdle at its centre and a triple upavita across it. It was to be covered by a number of cloths.? - These detailed instructions about the nature of the yupas do not seem to have been known to the sculptors responsible for the construction of the stone yupas of King Mulavarman of Borneo; for they are roughly dressed stones of irregular shape. In India, however, the Hindu revivalist tried to conform to the requirements of the sacred texts as far as possible. Thus none of the complete and undamaged yupas discovered so far is pointed at the end. They all bend at the top. The yupas on the Asvamedha coins of Samudragupta show a bend at the middle also; the omission of this feature in the case of stone yupas-for we do not find it on a single yupa so far discovered-is probably to be attributed to a greater regard being paid to artistic beauty than to the injunctions of the sacred texts. A stone pillar showing a bend in the middle and at the top would be hardly graceful. The portion above the ground of the three yupas at Badva is octagonal; the underground shaft of two of them is, however, square. The shafts of the yupas discovered at Isapur and Bijayagadho are, however, square at the bottom and octagonal above. This departure from the requirements as laid down in the sacred texts also seems to be due to architectural considerations. A pillar square at the bottom and octagonal above was probably regarded as more graceful than one octagonal throughout. The 1 II, 1. : Katyayana-Srautasutra, VI, 3. The cubit is to be the cubit of the Yajamana. The Satapatha-Brahmana, however, allows any height for the yupa; see III, 6, 4, 26. Aitareya-Brahmana, II, 1. The Satapatha-Brahmana connects the eight sides of the shaft of the post to the eight syllables of each line of the Gayatri metre (V, 2, 1, 5). This is a fanciful reason. The Satapatha-Brahmana requires it to be a fetuar and not worth, XI, 7, 4, 3; the Katyayana-Srautasutra lays down that it should be 4 VI, 1. Cf. Satapatha-Brahmana, XI, 7, 4, 3; Y T .. Hafa y a 76 I EN 9 kurute purA hAyuSo'ma lokmeti| Katyayana-Srautasutra, VI, 1, 26. Some authorities permitted a chashala made of wheaten dough. See Satapatha-Brahmana, V, 2, 1, 6. Salapatha-Brahmana, III, 7, 1, 21. For the resemblance between the sacrificial post and a Brahmacharin, Bee Rigveda, III, 8, 4 & 5. Vogel, The Yupa inscriptions of King Mulavarman from Koetei, p. 202, [As Dr. B. C. Chhabra has pointed out, they might not have been intended to represent sacrificial posts; 800 J. A. S. B. Letters, Vol. I (1995). p. 41-Ed.). Annual Report, 4. 8. 1., 1910-11, pp. 40ff. Fleet. C. 1. J., Vol. III, p. 253.

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No. 7.] THREE MAUKHARI INSCRIPTIONS ON YUPAS: KRITA YEAR 295. 45 architect responsible for the yupa at Nandsa seems to have paid scanty regard to the sacred texts; for he has fashioned a pillar entirely circular. None of the pillars at Badva has a girdle at the middle; we can, however, see it clearly on the yupas of the Asvamedha coins of Samudragupta and on one of the two Isapur pillars. Our yupas, like all the rest discovered so far, do not show any upavita. Nor do they show any cloths carved round them. Probably it was felt that it would not be easy to show this detail in stone, and so the architects in all cases. discovered so far, have omitted it. Cloths fluttering like banners at the ends of the yupas on the coins of Samudragupta seem to be the ends of the cloths with which the yupa was to be covered. The yupas on these coins have pedestals; no traces of these were discovered near the yupas at Badva. Sacred texts do not recommend them. The total height of two of our yupas is 13' 3" and that of the third 15' 8"; the length of the shaft underground is about 4' in each case. Each of them has a square chashala about eight inches from the top, as laid down in the sacred texts. The portion above the chashala bends inwards, as is the case with all the other sacrificial pillars discovered so far. The inscriptions on these yupas have been written not in horizontal lines, as is the case with the Isapur pillar, but in one long vertical line, reading from the top to the bottom, and about 8 feet in length. The inscription on the yupa of Balasimha, however, is written in two such vertical lines on two different facets of the octagonal pillar owing to some natural defect in the stone in the first facet. Each of these lines is 4 feet and 8 inches long. The height of the normal letters is about 1-8", of letters with verticals like ka, ra, etc., about 4", of conjunct letters like kla, sya, etc., 4" and of conjuncts with medial vowels like tri about 6". The letters on the yupa of Balasimha are slightly bigger and broader, and seem to have been engraved by a different mason, copying a manuscript written in a different duct. The Characters bear a general resemblance to those of the third century A. D. in general, and to those on the Nandsa yupa in particular, engraved 13 years earlier. We do not see here any precursors of the Eastern variety forms of the Gupta alphabet. Medial a and e strokes are still indicated by horizontal lines (except in some rare cases like de in Somadeva in inscription B) usually attached at the top. In mo of Mokhareh the vowel sign is attached in the middle. Ya has developed a lcop in its left limb, and when the last member of a conjunct, it shows all possible varieties of form. Sometimes it is archaic,-tripartite and with a curved back (cf. sya in suklasya in the first line of the record of Balasimha; in this same inscription, however, is to be seen the relatively later bipartite form in -simhasya). Normally, however, this letter shows a loop on the left. In inscription C, there is the stop m at the end; it is denoted by the normal form of the letter ma, but smaller in size and written below the line as is usually found in the writing of this period. Numerical Symbols for 200, 90 and 5 occur in each of the three records. The signs for 90 and 5 are the usual ones for the period, but the additional stroke attached to the symbol for hundred in order to convert it into 200 is rather unusual. Instead of a short horizontal stroke being attached to the vertical, in each of the three inscriptions we find the horizontal stroke first talen upwards and then led right across the top of the symbol to more than half its breadth. That this modified symbol stands for two hundred is rendered absolutely certain by its being identical in form with the symbol used in the Nandsa yupa inscription. In the latter record the 1 Ind. Ant., Vol. LVIII, p. 53. Allan, The Catalogue of the Coins of the Gupta Dynasties, Pl. V, Nos. 9-14. Possibly the garlands round the top of the Yupas discovered at Isapur may have been intended as substitutes for the upavita. The inscription on the Bijayagadh pillar is also vertical and written in the same manner. Ind. Ant., Vol. LVIII, p. 53,

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXIII. date is also expressed in words and the import of the numerical symbol engraved there is thus absolutely certain. As will be presently shown, the year 295 of the record has to be referred to the Vikrama era. The earliest known inscription of this era is that on the Nandsa yupa, which is dated in the year 282. This record, however, has not yet been properly edited. The Language of the record may be described as incorrect Sanskrit. Kritehi at the begin. ning of the inscriptions seems to be a mistake for Kritaih. Among other mistakes may be pointed out Phalguna for Phalguna, panche for panchame and fri for fri. The reading dakshinyam is absolutely certain on the yupa of Balasimha; it seems to be a mistake for dakshina. In the inscriptions on the yupas of Somadeva and Balavardhana sahasran has been spelt as sahashrani. Usually no sandhi rules have been observed, the solitary exception being Mokharer-Bala-puttrasya in the inscription on the pillar of Balasimha. Each record commemorates the performance of a Triratra sacrifice. The Taittiriya-Samhita gives a detailed description of the origin and nature of this sacrifice. We are told that Prajapati invented it for Vasus, Rudras and Adityas and won thereby the three worlds. The Saskhayana-Srautasutra declares that by the merit of this sacrifice, the sacrificer can win for himself whatever is threefold (trividha) in affairs both mundane and spiritual. This sacrifice is an amalgam of Agnishtoma, Ukthya and Atiratra sacrifices, performed on the first, second and third days respectively! Its full name is Garga-Triratra; it was called Asvi-Tritatra if a horse was immolated on the second day. The wording of the concluding portion of each record, Triratra-sanmi. tasya dakshinyan(na) gavam sahasran appears to be suggested by that of the concluding sentence of the description of this sacrifice in the Taittiriya-Samhita (VII, 15) where we read, tadetatsahasrAyanaM sahasaM stotriyaH sahasaM dakSiNA sahasrasaMmitaH khargo lokH|| The Maukhari sacrificers gave precisely the same amount of dakshina as prescribed by the sacred texts. As a matter of fact, Tritatra sacrifice has been described in one place as Sahasradakshina-Triratra. Out of these 1,000 cows, 333 were to be given every day in groups of ten; the three that remained every day, along with the thousandth one, which was required to be variegated in colour, were to be given to the Hori on the last day of the sacrifice. The fragmentary yupa, discovered at Nagari, records the performance of a Vajapeya sacri. fice by at least three brothers. The three sacrificers at Badva, though brothers, chose to set different commemorative yupas. Their number was four, but the name of the fourth sacrificer has perished along with his commemorative yupa, of which only a fragment could be discovered and recovered. The names of the brothers, whose memory has been preserved by their commemorative pillars, are Balavardhana, Somadova and Balasimha. They are described as the sons of Mokhari Mahasenapati Bala.. The term Mokhari is a mere variant for Maukhari and thus our record, which is dated in the year 295 of the Vikrama era, is the earliest dated Man. khari record to be so far published. The Maukhari family of Bala is undoubtedly earlier than the house of Yajnavarman ruling in Bihar, as the former was ruling in Rajputana in the first half of the 3rd century A. D., and Yajnavarman cannot be placed earlier than the fourth 1 Ibid.; ante, Vol. XIX, Appendix, p. 1, No. 1. * VII, 15. *XVI, 21. * Taittiriya-Samhita, VII, 15. . Sankhayana-Srautasutra, XVI, 21. * Satapatha Br., XIII, 4, 2, 1. Memoirs, A. 8. I., Vol. IV, p. 120. [8 p. 52 n. 8 below,-Ed.)

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No. 7.] THREE MAUKHARI INSCRIPTIONS ON YUPAS : KRITA YEAR 295. 47 century A. D. The seal discovered by General Cunningham in Gaya district bearing the legend Mokhalinam in Asokan Brahmi is still the earliest Maukhari document, but it bears no personal name.1 The term Maukhari connotes that the family was founded by a progenitor named Maukhara ;' if he was a real historical personage, we have now to place him earlier than the third century A. D. Whether the Maukhari families of Bihar, Kanauj and Badva were all descended from him, we do not know. No evidence is available at present to establish any family connection between these three houses. The varman-ending names of the members of the Bihar and Kanauj Maukhari families, along with the epithet kshatrasthiter=detikah given to one of the members of the former family, make it clear that they were Kshatriyas by caste. Three of the four names of the members of the new Maukhari family, Bala, Balavarddhana and Balasimha, confirm the same conclusion. It is also interesting to note that all these Maukhari rulers are seen to be zealous patrons of the Vedic sacrifices. None of the Maukhari chiefs mentioned in these records were known to us so far. Bala, the head of the family, is designated as Mahasenapati. It is, however, not easy to determine the precise political status denoted by this title. Senapati, the title by which Pushyamitra, the founder of the Sunga dynasty, was known even to posterity, is a humbler title than the one given to Bala in our records. Bala, therefore, may well have been more than & mere general. In contemporary Andhra and Ikshvaku records, however, this title seems to denote a feudal chief of considerable importance, ruling over a fairly big district. It would appear that the Maukhari Commander-in-chief Bala was very probably enjoying a similar status. He does not seem to have been an independent ruler. If he was not independent, whose feudatory was he? This question cannot be confidently answered at present. At the time of our record, i.e., in A. D. 239, the Kushanas were too weak to exercise any paramount control over southern Rajputana, even if we suppose that the accession of Kanishka took place in c. 120 A. D. From the very brief and imperfect summary of the Nandsk yupa inscription published so far, it would appear that in A. D. 226, i.e.. 13 years earlier than the time of our record, the rule of the Western Kshatrapas extended up to Nandsa, which is about 70 miles nearly due west of Badva.10 It is therefore not improbable that the imperial overlord of 10.1.1., Vol. III, Introduction, p. 14. It may be pointed out that the facsimile of this important seal has never been published and that its present whereabouts are unknown. See Kaiyata on the Patanjala Mahabhashya on Panini IV, 1, 79. Our record does not conneot the May. kharis with Asvapati, the Madra king, as does the Hapaha record. The Madras were originally in the Punjab, and if the statement of the Hapaha inscription is true, it is likely, as my colleague Dr. R. 8. Trpathi has suggested, that like the Maleyas and Yaudheyas, the Maukharis also may have had their home in the Punjab, from where they may have gradually migrated south-eastwards. If so, this movement must have begun very early : for we find the Maukharis in Bibar in the 3rd century B. C. It is, however, possible that the connection with Aevapati may be more Puranic than historical. * C. I. I., Vol. III, Inscription No. 49. . For the Bihar family's patronage of the Vedic religion, see ibid., Inscription No. 49, v. 1. For the Kanaal family's patronage see v. 7 of the Hapaha inscription, ante, Vol. XIV, p. 116. These references are not merely conventional A Mathura inscription dated in the year 80 mentions Bala as a son of a certain lady (ante, Vol. I, p. 392, No. 24). If we place Kanishka in c. 120 A. D., then the date of this Bats would be c. 200 and-it-would be possible to identify him with Bala of our inscriptions. But from the fragmentary Mathura record it does not appear that Bala, mentioned therein, was a Maukhari. * Ante, Vol. VIII, p. 94. ? Ante, Vol. XIX, p. 1. * Ibid., p. 6. . Ind. Ant., Vol. LVIII, p. 53. 10 Nandsa is 36 miles from the railway station Bhilwara on the Chitor-Ajmet Imer

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. VOL. XXIII. the Maukhari Commander-in-chief Bala was the Kshatrapa ruler Vijayadaman, who was ruling from A. D. 238 to 250.1 If agreeing with Prof. Rapson and disagreeing with Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar, we place Isvaradatta Abhira's intervention in A. D. 236, it is probable that Bala may have been compelled to transfer his allegiance to the interloper, provided he had made his power felt ap to Kotah. From the Chandravalli inscription of Mayurasarman, the famous founder of the Kadamba house, it appears that he had defeated the Pallavas, Punadas, Traikutakas, Abhiras, Pariyatrikas, Sakas and Maukharis. Since the record mentions specific kings and dynasties defeated, we cannot suppose that it contains mere empty boasts. All except the first two powers in the above list, belong to Central or Western India. The date of Mayurafarman is, however, not definitely fixed, but I think the view of Dr. Krishna that he flourished about the middle of the 3rd century A. D., is to be preferred to that of Mr. Moraes who places him a century later. If such be the case, then our new Maukhari inscriptions will throw considerable light upon the political situation of the time. It has been suggested that the Maukharis defeated by Mayurasarman were the Maukharis of Bihar; but it does not appear from the list of Mayurasarman's victories that he had extended his sphere of activity much beyond Western. India. If, as suggested above, the Maukharis of Badva were the feudatories of the Sakas (and of the Abhiras also during their temporary &scendancy), then it is very probable that the Maukharis whom Mayurasarman defeated were some of the descendants of Bala. After defeating (or encountering) the Traikutakas and Abhiras, Mayarabarman attacked Central Gujarat. He was there opposed by the Sakas, & portion of whose forces were under the command of their Maukhari feudatories of Central India. This circumstance is very probably responsible for the victory over the Maukharis claimed by Mayurasarman. It does not seem that he had ever invaded Bihar. It would appear that at the time of the performance of the sacrifice in A. D. 239, Mahasenepati Bala was still alive. His sons were probably occupying subordinate positions in his principality. None of them seems to have made much progress in his official career, as no title like Samanta or Senapati or Dandanayaka is associated with any one of them.? The date of the records is given at the beginning of each of them in identical phrases. The expression used is :- Kritehi 200, 90, 5, Phalguna-su klasya panche di. In order to get at the real meaning of the first word used here, it is necessary to compare the expression with similar ones occurring in early Indian inscriptions. Relevant passages to be considered are the following - (1) Kritayor-dvayor=varsha-latayor-dvya sitayoh 200 80 2 Chaittra-purnamasi(sya)m. Nandsa pillar inscription (Ind. Ant., Vol. LVIII, p. 53). (2) Kriteshu chaturshu varsha-sateshv=ashtavini () deshu 400 20 8 Phalguna(na)-bahulasya panchadassyum=etasyam=purvvayam.Bijayagadh pillar inscription (Fleet, C.1.1., Vol. III, p. 253). (3) Sril-m) Malava-gan-amnate pra faste krita-samjfite ekashashty-adhike prapte sama sata-chatushaye.......dine A svoja-buklasya panchamyam.-Mandasor inscription of Naravarman (ante, Vol. XII, p. 320). 1 Rapson, Catalogue, etc., p. 129. * Ibid., p. CXXXV. . Annual Report, A. 8. I., 1913-14, pp. 227-45. * Archaeological Survey of Mysore, Annual Report, 1929, p. 50. * Ibid., p. 56. * The Kadamba-kula, p. 71. (See p. 52 n. 8 below.Ed.)

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No. 7.] THREE MAUKHARI INSCRIPTIONS ON YUPAS : KRITA YEAR 295. 49 (4) Yateshu chatuftshu Kri(Kri)teshu kateshu sausyaishva (9 shtha) fita-8ottara-padeshu= iha vatsa[reshull $ukle trayodasa-dine bhuvi Karttikasya masasya.-Gangdhar ins cription (C. 1. I., Vol. III, p. 74). (5) Kriteshu chaturshu varsha-lateshv=ekasity-uttaresho=asyam Malava-purvayam 400 80 1 Karttika-tukla-pafchamyan.-Nagari inscription (PR AS WC., 1915-16, p. 56; Memoirs 4. 8. 1., No. 4, p. 120). Besides the present three records, we have thus five other instances where the word Krita Is used in connection with the reckoning of an era. Out of these, in three passages, viz., Nos. 1, 2, and 4, the term Ksita alone has been used and in the remaining two, viz., Nos. 3 and 5, it is used along with a reference to the Malavas. In the two other Mandasor inscriptions, one of Kumaragupta and Bandhuvarman and the other of Yabodharman. the term Krita has been omitted altogether and the era is indicated as Malavanam gana-sthitya and Malava-gana-sthiti-va sat. The controversy connected with the interpretation of the term Krita used in the above passages has not yet closed. That all the above passages refer to the years of the Vikrama era is now admitted, but why the terms Kriteshu, Kritayoh, etc. have been used in connection with the era is not yet definitely known. On the analogy of the passages Nos. 1 and 2 above, it is clear that Kritehi of our inscriptions is to be corrected into Kritaik and is to be taken as governing a term like varshai" which is understood. The usual locative is here supplanted by the instru-' mental. But the meaning is the same, viz., 'when Krita years 295 had passed away.' Dr. Fleet, while discussing the passage No. 4 above, was inclined to hold that yateshu Kriteshu vatsareshu should be interpreted as 'when fully completed (480) years had passed.' He held that kriteshu is more or less synonymous with yateshu. The passage No. 3 above, however, makes it clear that krita cannot be taken in that sense, but is clearly the proper name of the year or the era referred to in that document. While discussing the passage No. 3 above, the late MM. Haraprasad Sastri suggested that Krita was the proper name of the first year of a cycle of four years current in ancient India. He could substantiate his theory only by supposing that Bijayagadh and Gangdhar inscriptions, which are dated in the years 428 and 480 respectively, expressed expired years. This theory is now no longer tenable, for in our present records and in the passage No. 1 above, the years mentioned are 295 and 282 respectively, and still they are described as Kpita. In a cycle of four years, these years would be 3rd and 2nd respectively or 4th and 3rd, if we take them to be expired years. MM. Sastri's theory has therefore to be abandoned in the light of the new data. While commenting upon the passage No. 3 above, Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar has observed that time has not yet come for suggesting a definite interpretation for the word Krita. He was in. clined to hold that Krita was not the name of a king or royal dynasty associated with this era. To him it appeared that what is now known as Vikrama era was invented by the people or astronomers for the purpose of counting years and was consequently originally known as krita or made'. We do not so far know of any great astronomer having flourished in c. 57 B.C. None of the famous Hindu astronomers like Aryabhata, Varahamihira or Brahmagupta is known to have attempted the founding of an era. Astronomers in ancient India have invented eras like the Saptarshi and the Kaliyuga ones going back to pre-historic times, they are not known to have founded era, commencing at any specific historic date. 10.1.1., Vol. III, p. 81. Ibid., p. 152. * Ind. Ant., Vol. XLII, p. 163.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXIII. What then is the meaning of the term Krito in the above passages ? I see no reason why it should not be taken as the proper name of the er&. From the passage No. 3 above it is clear that though the era was traditionally handed down in the Malava tribe, it was known as Kpita. The term Krita there does not designate any particular year of the era, but the whole collection of years, cf. Krita-samjflite ekashashty-adhike prapte sama-sata-chatushtaye. The era may have been originally known by that term because of the name of its founder. Krita as a personal proper name is not familiar in later Indian history and literature, but the case seems to have been different in earlier times. Kpita was the name of one of the Visvedevas; Vasudeva had given it to one of his sons from Rohini; a pupil of Hiranyanabha was known by that name; and fathers of Uparichara and Haryavana were christened by it. What inherent improbability is there in postulating that the so-called Vikrama era may have been originally started by a king named Ktita ? According to the Visvarupa, kita has also the sense of fruit or reward. This meaning seems to be connected with one of the Vedic meanings of the word, -booty'. At the time of the found ing of the era, a king named Krita may probably have scored a memorable viotory and won great booty (krita). To commemorate the victory an era was started called Krita named after its founder and his great achievement. This theory is only a tentative one. I admit that so far we have no evidence whatsoever of a king named Ktita having flourished by ths middle of the 1st century B. C. But it is not improbable that in course of time we may discover a king of that name ruling at that time. It is also true that an era named after king Ktita should be known by a laddhita expression like Karta-varsha or samvatsara, on the analogy of the expression Gaupt-abde varsha-sata-traye varttamane occurring in the Ganjam plates of the time of Sasankaraja. The authors of early inscriptions were not particularly strong in Sanskrit (as is, for instance, evidenced by the present ingcriptions) and the expression Kita (samvatsara) for Karta (samvatsara) is quite possible in their compositions. It may be further pointed out that in several cases taddhita expressions have not been used in such cases. Thus in the Sunak plates of Karnadeval dated in the year 1148 and in the Bhadreswar inscription of the time of Chaulukya king Jayasimhadeva dated in the year 1195, we have the expressions Vikrama samvat 1148 and 1195 and not Vaikrama sanhvat 1148 and 1195. Similarly we come across the expression Valabhi Santwat and not Valabheya samvat. There is therefore nothing unusual in the years of the era of king Kpita being known as Kritaih varshaih or Kriteshu vatsareshu or Kritayoravatsata-katayoh. The foundation of the Vikrama era is still shrouded in impenetrable mystery. Dr. Sten Konow has suggested on the authority of the Kalakacharya-kathanala that the era was founded by king Vikramaditya of Malava in commemoration of his ousting the Sakas from Ujjayini, where they had obtained a temporary footing. What is stated by the Jaina tradition is not, however, confirmed by the epigraphical data. If we analyse the inscriptions where the Vikrama era has been used, we find that the earliest instance, so far known, of the term Vikrama being associated with the era occurs full 794 years after its foundation. This Vikrama is for the first time called a king only in the 11th century of the era. It is therefore clear that in the 1 See Monier Williams' Sanskrit-English Dictionary under Krita. * Anle, Vol. VI, p. 144. * Ante. Vol. I, p. 317. * Archaeological Survey Report for Western India, No. 2, Appendix, p. xiii, No. 66. . Una inscription, ante, Vol. IX, p. 4. * Ante, Vol. XIV, pp. 293-5. 1 Dhiniki insoription of Jaikadeva, Ind. t., Vol. XII, p. 165. * Eklingji insoription of Naravahana, dated V, 1028; J. B. B. R. A. 8., Vol. XXII, p. 166.

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No. 7.] first seven centuries of this era, its connection with a king named Vikrama was altogether unknown. If, as the Jaina tradition asserts, king Vikramaditya of Ujjayini, the expeller of the Sakas, was the founder of the era, it has to be admitted that people had completely forgotten his memory within 250 years after his death. We shall have to suppose that it was somehow revived in the 11th century, probably due to the historic researches of the time; and that the era came to be renamed after him. This seems to be altogether improbable. THREE MAUKHARI INSCRIPTIONS ON YUPAS: KRITA YEAR 295. 51 The precise interpretation of the term krita being for a long time doubtful, the earliest proper name associated with the era was for a long time considered to be that of the Malavas. Kielhorn had observed that from about the 5th to the 9th century of this era it was believed by poets to be specially used by the princes and people of Malava. The Malavas, however, do not seem to be connected with the foundation of the era. It is interesting to note that in the three earliest instances of the use of this era, viz., the present records and the passages Nos. 1 and 2 above, the Malavas have not been associated with the era at all. The term Krita alone is used to denote it. The same is the case with the Gangdhar inscription of the year 480 (passage No. 4 above). The passage No. 3 above is the earliest instance, known so far, of the association of the Malavas with the era; but there it is expressly stated that Krita was its proper name, though it was traditionally handed down among the Malavas. The evidence available so far shows that the associa tion of the Malavas with the era commenced sometime towards the middle of the 5th century A. D., as evidenced by the passage No. 3 above. Towards the end of that century its original name Krita was dropped, as would appear from the name of the era in the Mandasor inscription of Kumaragupta and Bandhuvarman. People of the 8th century believed that the era was founded by a Malava ruler. Down to the 4th century, however, the Vikrama era was known as Krito and was not known to be connected with the tribe or king of the Malavas. The supersession of the name Krita by Malava is paralleled by the supersession of the name of Gupta era by the term Valabhi era in western India. The geographical position of the places, where Yupa inscriptions and inscriptions with the term Krita occur, is worth noting. Yupa inscriptions have been found at Isapur, Bijayagadh, Badva, Nagari and Nandsa. Bijayagadh is about 50 miles south-east of Isapur; Badva is about 140 miles south-south-east of Bijayagadh; Nagari is about 90 miles east of Badva; and Nandsa is about 40 miles north-east of Nagari. It would appear from this that eastern Rajputana played an important part in the revival of Vedic religion. Krita era inscriptions have been discovered at Nandsa, Badva, Mandasor, Bijayagadh, Gangadhar and Nagari. Mandasor is about 100 miles south-west of Badva and Gangadhar is about 36 miles east of Mandasor. South-eastern Rajputana was thus the country where the designation Krita was current. It is worth noting that it is precisely in this area that the term Malava came to be later associated with the era; for Mandasor, Nagari, Kanaswa and Gyaraspur are situated in the same sector of the country. It is therefore clear that in this province the term Malava superseded the earlier name Krita after the 4th century. The inscriptions mention no places. The village where they were discovered, is known as Badva; it is not improbable that Badva may be a contraction of Balavadi and that the modern humble village may have been once a flourishing capital,-founded by the Mahasenapati Bala, 1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XXI, pp. 403-4. This is no place to discuss the precise interpretation of the terms Malava-gan-amnate, Malava-gana-sthitivasat and Malavanam-gana-sthilya. All these refer to the established usage in the Malava tribe. I do not think that the era has anything to do with any tribal organisation of the Malavas. Fleet, C. I. I., Vol. III, p. 81. *See Kapaswa inscription, Ind. Ant., Vol. XIX, p. 57.

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52 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. who may have been the founder of the Maukhari branch in Kotah state. Its present population is only about 1,600, but half a century ago, it is said to have been four times more populous. [VOL. XXIII. Before concluding, I would like to express my deep indebtedness to Major-General Ap-Onkar Singh, O.I.E., Dewan of Kotah, and to Dr. Mathuralal, State Historian, Kotah, for procuring the photographs of the Yupas and supplying valuable information for the preparation of this article. TEXT.1 A. The Yupa of Balavarddhana. L. 1. Siddham [*] Kritehi(Kritaih) 200 90 5 Phalguna(Phalguna)-buklasya panche di eri(sri)-maha-senapateh Mokhareh Bala-puttrasya Balavarddhanasya yupah[*] Tri-rattrasammitasya dakshinyam(pa) gavam sahashram(sahasram)*[*]. 2 B. The Yupa of Somadeva. L. 1. Siddham[*] Kritehi(Kritaih) 200 90 5 Phalguna (Phalguna)-suklasya panche di ari (bri)-maha-senapateh Mokhareh Bala-puttrasya Somadevasya yupah[*] Tri-rattra-sammitasya dakahiyam() gavdah sahashram(sahasram)[*] C. The Yupa of Balasimha. L. 1. Kritehi(Kritaih) 200 90 5 Phalguna (Phalguna)-suklasya panche da(di) sri(sri)-maha. sapater]-Mokhard L. 2. r-Bala-puttrasya Balasimha(ha)sya yushah" (pah) [*] Tri-ratra-sammitasya dakshinyam(na) gavam sahasram [*]. TRANSLATION. Well accomplished! On the fifth day of the bright half of Phalguna (of the year) 295 by Krita(years, this) sacrificial pillar (was erected) by Balavardhana (Somadeva in inscription B and Balasimha in inscription C), son of Bala, the glorious Mokhari commander-in-chief. The fee of a thousand cows as laid down for the Triratra sacrifice (was duly given to Brahmanas). No. 8.-NANDAPUR COPPER-PLATE OF THE GUPTA YEAR 169. BY N. G. MAJUMDAR, M.A., INDIAN MUSEUM, CALCUTTA. This copper-plate, which is edited here for the first time, has been in the possession of Mr. Ganapati Sarkar, Zemindar of Beliaghata, Calcutta, since 1929. I first saw it at the Annual 1 From ink-impressions. Read -pater. Read Mokharer. There is a triangular symbol at the end. There are two symbols at the end of this record, one triangular and the other circular. The word siddham has been omitted in this record. The letter sha is a result of the engraver's carelessness. [According to the text Mokhareh and eri-maha-senapateh would refer to each of the three brothers and not to their father Bala. Since all the three bear the title of maha-senapati it is to be presumed that it was meant to be only a title of nobility as in the inscriptions of the southern Ikhaku rulers.-Ed.]

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THREE MAUKHARI INSCRIPTIONS ON YUPAS: KRITA YEAR 295. A. The Yupa of Balavarddhana. Left half. Right half. B. The Yupa of Somadeva. Left half. Right half. C.' The Yupa of Balasimha. First line Second line N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Reg. No. 3977 E-36-285. SCALE: ONE-EIGHTH. SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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A photograph of the Yupas.

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* No. 8.) NANDAPOR COPPER-PLATE OF GUPTA YEAR 169. Exhibition of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, held on the 3rd February, 1936. Subsequently, at my request Mr. Sarkar very kindly handed it over to me for decipherment and publication. So far as available information goes, the copper-plate comes from a village called Nandapurl which lies on the southern bank of the Ganges, at a distance of about two miles to the north-east of Surajgarha in the District of Monghyr. The plate is said to have been fixed to the wall of a niche in a dilapidated temple close to the site of a Siva-linga locally known as "Burhanath Mahadeva'. According to reports collected by Mr. Sarkar, Nandapur and its neighbourhood are full of ruins representing an ancient site, a part of which has perished due to the erosion of the river bank. This is a single sheet of copper, measuring about 74'X4%. It bears inscription on both sides, there being in all nineteen lines of writing of which fifteen are on the obverse and only four on the reverse. A seal is attached to the plate, which originally must have borne an inscription. But it has since suffered much from corrosion with the result that none of the letters is at present preserved. Probably two letters are also missing in line 4, just where the donee's namo was mentioned, and a few are damaged, or partly obliterated, in lines 17 and 18. The rest of the document is in a fair state of preservation, and the engraving is, on the whole, well executed. The characters belong to the eastern variety of the Gupta Alphabet (cf. la, sha, sa and ha) as found in the Dhanaidaha, Damodarpur, Baigram and Paharpur copper-plates, being typical of the writing prevalent in Bengal during the fifth century A.D. Attention may be drawn to the hook-like sign for medial a attached to the bottom of some letters in making up the sign for the medial o, e.g., in Gorakshita (1. 12), which occurs also in other records of the period. Another form of the medial a sign is also used, in the shape of an upright stroke hanging from the right side of the matra. When applied to na and ma this stroke is lengthened, reaching the bottom of the letter where it is slightly bent to the left, e.g., in Brahmana- (1. 3) and sarimanam (1. 15), in which we must recognize an advanced form of the sign. The forms of the final t and m are noteworthy, e.g., in vaset (1. 19) and dattam (1.13). The numerical signs for 4, 100, 60, 9 and 8 occur in the inscription (11. 13, 19). The language of the record is Sanskrit prose, excepting that there are two imprecatory verses in lines 17-18. The phraseology will be found to tally in many respects with that of the Baigram copper-plate. As regards orthography, we should note the use of both ba and va. But the writer of the document has failed to distinguish between the two letters in the words bahya (11. 5, 9), stamba (11. 5, 9), kutumbin (1l. 2, 13) and Bandhudasa (1. 8), in all these instances the sign for va being used instead of that for ba. The consonants ka and ta are often doubled before a subscript , e.g., in vikkrayo (11. 6, 9), gottra (1. 3) and kshettra (1. 13), although the word vikraya is spelt with a single ka in line 10. Some of the consonants following a superscript rare occasionally doubled, e.g., in pravarttanaya (1. 4) and dharmma (1. 11). The charter was issued from a village called Ambila. It records the purchase of 4 kulyavapas of fallow land within the village of Jangoyika, at the rate of two dinaras per kulyavapa, by the Vishayapati Chhattramaha, and the transfer of the same property as gift to a Brahmana, to enable him to perform the Five Great Sacrifices'. The name of the donee ending in svamin cannot be made out with certainty. He was an inhabitant of Nanda-vithi and Khata. porana-agrahara, and belonged to the Kasyapa-gotra and the Chhandoga (charana of the Samaveda). The land was bounded on the south by the plot given away to Gorakshita and on the It is marked as Nandpur' in the 1'-scale map of the Survey of India (Sheet No. 72 K:3 and 7) published in 1925. Cf. e.g., Faridpur grant of Gopachandra, Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXIX, Pl. III (facing p. 204), 1. 24. . Ante, Vol. XXI, pp. 81-82. Similarly in the Baigram copper-plate the letter va instead of ba occurs in stamba in line 5, while ha is oor rootly employed in samba in line 11, in bahya in lines 5 and 11, and in kufumbin in line %.

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54 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXIII. west by the land known as Gopalibhoga. In the present transaction, the Vishayapati Chhattramahs himself was the applicant and appeared before the Adhikarana to secure the plot of land by means of a tomra-parfa. The matter was enquired into and reported on by the Record-keepers (Pustapala) Pradyotasimha and Bandhudasa. The land was measured by the standard unit of 8x9 nalas, following the recognized cubit length of Darvvikarmma, as in the Baigram charter. The copper-plate is dated the 8th day of the bright halt of Vaisakha, the yoar 169, which is referable to the Gupta era of 319 A.D: The date would thus correspond to the year 488 A.D. I am unable to identify Ambila whence the charter was issued, or Jangoyika, the village in which the plot of land was situated. But the name 'Nanda-vithi' has perhaps survived in Nandapura' where the plate is said to have been discovered. That the document was drafted, engraved and issued from Bengal, or more precisely from North Bengal, follows not only from the nature of the script but also from the close agreement of its phraseology with that of Baigram and other plates of this century discovered in North Bengal. Moreover, from the mention of 8x9 nalas and the standard cubit length of Darvvikermma, the conclusion becomes irresistible that the land that was so measured and given away must have also belonged to the same region, although the donee himself resided at Nandapura in the Monghyr District of Bibar. TEKht.1 Obverse. 1 Svasty-Amvi(mbila-gram- graharat-sa-visvasam-adhikaranam(nam) Jangoyika-grame Brahman-ottaran=samvyavaha2 ry-adi-kutumvi(mbi)nah kusalam=anuvarnoya bodhayanti(ti) likhanti(ti) cha [l*] Vijnapayati nah vishayapati-Chhattramahan 3 ichchhamy=aham V8-puny-abhivriddhaye Nanda-vaitheya-Khataparan-agraharika Chchhandoga-Kasyapa-sa-gottra-Brahmana4 ....svamine pancha-maha-yajna-pravarttanaya khila-kshettra-kulyavapa-chatushtayar kritv=atisrashtum [*] 6 Yushmad-vishaye cha samudaya-va(ba)hy..dy-astamva(mba)-khila-kahettranam babvad-a chandr-arks-taraka-bhojya[na*]6 m-akshaya-nivyah dvi-dinarikya-kulyavipa-vikkrayo=nuvsittas-tad=arhatha matto=sbtau dinaran=upa. 7 sangrihya Jangoylka-grama khila-kshettra-kulyavapa-chatushtayam-akshaya nivyas= tamrapattena datum=ita [l*] 8 Yatah Pustapala-Pradyotasinha(sichha)-Va(Ba)ndhudasayor-avadharanay=&vadhfitam=ast= The vishaye samudaya9 va(ba)hy-ady-astamva(mba)-khila-kshattratam-akinchit-pratikaranam dvi-dinarikya-kulya vapa-vikkrayo=nuvrittah (1*] 10 Evam-vidh-otpratikara-khila-kshettra-vikraye cha na kas=chid=raj-arttha-virodhah diya. mane tu Paramabhattaraka11 padana dharmma-shad-bhag-avaptis-tad-diyatam=ity=etasmad-vishayapati-Chhattra mahad-ashtau dinaran=up& 1 From the original. [As in the Paharpar Plato one would expect here the mention of some officers like Ayuktakae who con royed the necessary information to the Court. Boo p. 65 n. 1.-Ed.] The letter va in savadharapay- was at first omitted through inadvertence and later inserted below.

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NANDAPUR COPPER-PLATE OF THE GUPTA YEAR 169. Obverse. 2 1 aa sn) : 'T Tc 11 12 jaaN 3 3 , , , nuuN - 3 sn 392 1 2 3 c 1 6yuu kee isi ,2 // tee kruu , guruu 74 15 16 1753 513" gaadhii 'c haaN , y (3 thi hii {nuuNn nuuN sau p , 51 * * * (tee , k :: 4 , u , 7 kt hii naa , teenr naa 4 : 1 tooN 1 E _/ kNgh dee nuuN caar cNn , hai b7) nuuN 9 st ' , 1 | 6 3 3 tooN 71 7 tee c hii 5 1:17:, bbu kt nuuN tee h7 nuuN , cooN 5 tooN 7 7 nhii ? haa| ) hn / ' / | 8 kee 3 kheet nuuN ' tee 1 'c) nee 15 5 8' tee tooN c, nuuN hai : 8 nuuN s'uHdh p n maiN lHnee hai| ) u joo dh : hai ), 4 , j jh nuuN 710 gnn b 11,87 tooN / / tee c 10 | pr caut / 1jh n [ c) ttiim 13 joo sx 73, 7 ni 5 , ' c kii ? : uh 's'eer 12 dee nuuN nhiiN ) 5.1177) - jh tt = 71 c , vH ) | Ji) nee 17 ) nee + E nee 17' , ' : 1 ) 14 : +2 C' , ' lr ) s' nuuN : 1 , 2 , 14 : Reverse. 16 nuuN 03 (fnee nuuN kdee nuuN. 337 3, , paan nuuN 53 3 * 16 ' nee ik tooN doovaaN nuuN ' c 5 sit : . 18 1 . . # 3 c 3 vaar u h '22 ku 7 7 6 18 nee rhoo| 's 'tee phoonn nuuN SCALE: FULL BIZE, SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA. N. P. CHAKRAVABTI. REG. No. 398E86 - 20s.

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No. 8.] NANDAPUR COPPER-PLATE OF GUPTA YEAR 169. 12 samgrihya Jangoyika-grame Gorakshita-tamrapatta-dakshinena Gopalibhogaya paschimena khila 13 kshettra-kulyavapa-chatushtayam dattam ku 4 [*] Te yuyam-evam viditva kutumvi. (mbi)nam karshan-avirodhi-sthane 14 Darvvikarmma-hasten-ashtaka-navaka-nalabhyam-apavinchhya chira-kala-sthayi-tush angar-adi-chihnais-chaturddi 15 n-niyamita-sammanam kritva dasyatha datva(ttva) ch-akshaya-nivi-dharmmena sasvat ka-lam-anupalayishyatha Reverse. 55 16 varttamana-bhavishyais-cha samvyavaharibhir-etad-dharmm-apekshay-anupalayitavyam= iti [*] Uktan-cha bhaga 17 [vata Vyajse[na] [*] Sva-dattam paradattam va yo hareta vasundharam [*] sa vishthayam krimir-bhutva pitribhih saha 18 pachyate [*] [Shashtim] varsha-sahasrani svarge modati bhumidah [*] akshepta ch=anumanta cha tany-eva na 19 rake vaset [*] Sarh 100 60 9 Vai sudi 8 TRANSLATION. (Ll. 1-2) Hail! From the (royal) grant (agrahara) of Ambila village, our Head of the District (Vishayapati) Chhattramaha', with confidence intimates, addresses in writing and informs the Court (Adhikarana), as well as the Brahmanas, the chief officers and others, and also the householders, at the village of Jangoyika, after having enquired about their well-being: (Ll. 3-7) "I wish to make over, for the sake of the increase of my religious merit, 4 kulyavapas of fallow land, after (it) has been purchased, to the Brahmana...... svamin, an inhabitant of the agrahara of Khatapurapa in Nanda-vithi, belonging to the Kasyapa-gottra and the Chhandoga(-charana of the Samaveda), to enable him to perform the Five Great Sacrifices. Now, in your District (vishaya) there is established the system of sale at the rate of two dinaras per each kulyavapa of fallow land, originally devoid of vegetation, which does not yield any revenue (to the State) and being under perpetual endowment (akshaya-nivi) can be enjoyed eternally, as long as the moon, the sun and the stars endure. So you should aecept from me eight dinaras and grant (me) by means of a copper-plate, for the sake of perpetual endowment, four kulyavapas of fallow land in the village of Jangoyika." (Ll. 8-11) Whereas it has been ascertained on enquiry by the Record-keepers, Pradyotasimha and Bandhudasa, that there is established in this District the system of sale at the rate of two dinaras per each kulyavapa of fallow land, originally devoid of vegetation, which does not yield any revenue (to the State), and whereas there can be no loss of income to the Crown in such sale of revenue-free fallow land-rather in case of gift a sixth part of the religious merit would accrue to the King (Paramabhattaraka-pada)-now therefore let (the land) be granted. . 1 [See p. 54 n. 2. I should translate: 'From.. Ambila (the Ayuktakas). and write to (bodhayanti likhanti cha) the Court that Fishayapati Chhatramaha informs us. Cf. sa-visvasam in a Damodarpur copper-plate; ante, Vol. XV, p. 136, 1. 2. The term withi is used in the sense of a part of a district or sub-division. Cf. Majumdar, Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. III, p. 71. . intimate -Ed. The five sacrificial rites are bali, charu, vaievadeva, agnihotra and atithi. The expression akshayanivi is used in 1. 6 as well as in 1. 7 in the fifth case, evidently as hetas. In the Baigram oopper-plate, 1. 17 it has the same case-ending in this sense. The reigning king is thus referred to also in other grants, e.g., in Baigram (1. 13), Damodarpur, No. 5 (11. 12. 13, where the correct reading should be dharmma-shad-bhag-avapti), and in Faridpur grant of Dharmaditya (Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXIX, p. 195, 1. 13).

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXIII. (LI. 11-13) So having realized eight dinaras from the Head of the District, Chhattramaha, four kulyavapas of fallow land, ku 4, is being granted in the village of Jangoyika, (the land being bounded) on the south by the plot granted by) a copper-plate charter to Gorakshita and on the west by Gopalibhoga. (Ll. 13-16) Therefore having known this, you should give away (the plot) in a land that may not cause hindrance to cultivation of householders, after measuring (it) by (the standard unit of) 8X9 reede, according to the cubit length of Darvvikarmma, and also after demarcating the area in four directions by permanent marks of chaff, charcoal, etc. (Ll. 15-16) And having made over you should still maintain (it) for ever, under the operation of the principle of perpetual endowment (akshaya-nivi). Likewise, it should be maintained, out of regard for piety, by the present and future administrative officers as well. And 80 says Lord Vyasa. (Here follow two imprecatory verses.) (L. 19) The year 169, the 8th day of the bright hall of Vallakha). No. 9.-SRUNGAVARAPUKOTA PLATES OF ANANTAVARMAN, KING OF KALINGA. BY PROF. R. C. MAJUMDAR, M.A., Ph.D., DACCA. This is a set of three copper-plates, measuring 81 inches in length and 2 inches in breadth. The right half of the third plate is broken and missing. The outer faces of the first and third plates are blank, while the second plate bears writing on both the sides. The plates are strung on & ring, the ends of which are soldered to a circular seal bearing in relief the figure of a conch with some indistinct emblem inside it. The plates were discovered at the village of Srungavarapukota, in the district of Vizagapatam (Madras). The cultivator who found them was under the impression that the metal was gold. So he broke the third plate, and had one piece melted by a goldsmith who, of course, declared it to be made of copper. Thus the remaining plates were left intact and secured by Dr. C. Narayana Rao, M.A., Ph.D. He gave them to Mr. M. Narasimham, who sold them to the Madras Museum where the plates are now preserved. Mr. M. Narasimham edited the inscription in the Journal of the Andhra Historical Research Society (Vol. VIII, pp. 153-160), with Photo-prints of the plates. Unfortunately, his reading contains several errors, and many of his introductory remarks are either palpably wrong or open to serious objections. I re-edit the inscription from ink-impressions kindly supplied by Dr. N. P. Chakravarti, the Government Epigraphist for India. The alphabet.is of an early southern type. It is undoubtedly earlier than the early Ganga records, e.g., those of Hastivarman' and Indravarman,' dated respectively in the years 80 and 87 of the era used by the family. It shows great resemblance to the alphabet of the Komarti plates of Chandavarman. Dr. Hultzsch, who edited this inscription, observed that its alphabet resembled that of the Kolleru plates of the Salankayana King Vijayanandivarman. Since then the Pedavegi grant of this king has given us an approximate idea of his date. He was the great 1 Above, Vol. XVII, pp. 332 ff. Above, Vol. III, pp. 128 ff. Above, Vol. IV, pp. 142 ff. * J. A. H. R. 8., Vol. I, pp. 99 ff.

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No. 9.) SRUNGAVARAPUKOTA PLATES OF ANANTAVARMAN, KING OF KALINGA. 57 vrandson of Hastivarman, who must almost certainly be identified with the king of Vengi defeated by Samudragupta. The reign of Vijayanandivarman thus falls in the fifth century A. D. The present record is dated only in the regnal year, but so far as we can judge from palaeography alone, it would, I think, be safe to presume that the present plates belong to the century 450-550 A.D. The language is Sanskrit. With the exception of the three well-known imprecatory verses (11. 16-19) the inscription is written in prose. As regards orthography, the following points may be noted. Separate signs are used for b and u. Consonants are doubled after r with a few exceptions, viz., -chandrarka (1. 10), -ajnairbhavao (1. 11), "bhir-upittam (1. 14) and rajarshi (1. 13). Consonants k, m and t, followed by r, are also doubled, and dh is doubled before y. Anusvara is used for palatal ni in prabhamjana (1. 4), the anusvara sign being wrongly placed above j. Both jihvamuliya and upadhmaniya are used. The finalt and m are indicated by small-sized letters (m in l. 12, t in l. 19). The inscription records the grant of the village of Kindappa in Tollavalli-vishaya as an agrahara to the Brahmana Matrisarman, by the king of Kalinga, Maharaja Anantavarman, son of Maharaja Prabhanjanavarman, and the grandson of Maharaja Gunavarman, lord of Devarashtra. The grant was issued from the victorious city of Pishtapura. King Anantavarman is also known to us from the Siripuram copper-plate grant. It was issued by Anantavarman, lord of Kalinga, from the victorious city of Devapura. It gives the name of the king's father as Prabhajjanavarman, evidently a mistake for Prabhanjanavarman, and that of his grandfather as Gunavarman: There is no mention, however, of the last named king being lord of Devarashtra. There can, of course, be no doubt about the identity of the donors of the two grants. Still, it may be remarked in passing that the phraseology of the two grants shows no close resemblance, and that they were issued from different places. This point is noteworthy as, very often, arguments for and against the identity or close association of two kings are based on such considerations. Devarashtra, over which king Gunavarman ruled, must be the kingdom of the same name which was conquered by Samudragupta. Formerly this was identified with Maharashtra. But G. Jouveau-Dubreuil proved, with the help of the Kasimkota plates, that Elamanchi-Kalingadesa formed part of Devarashtra. Elamanchi-Kalingadesa was taken to mean "the Kalinga country of which Elamanchi (the modern Yellamanchili) was the chief town"; and hence Devarashtra was located in the Vizagapatam District. This view is supported by the present grant, inasmuch as it seems to show that Pishtapura was included within the kingdom of Devarashtra. It is, no doubt, possible to take the view that Devarashtra, over which Gunavarman ruled, did not originally include Pishtapura which was subsequently acquired by Anantavarman; but, even then, we must regard the two as neighbouring localities. In any case, it appears to be reasonably certain, that Anantavarman ruled over both Pishtapura and Devarashtra which were two separate kingdoms in the time of Samudragupta. Of the two Victorious Cities' from which he issued the grants, Pishtapura is, no doubt, the same as It was edited by Mr. M. Narasimham in the Telugu Journal Bharati (September, 1931) which is not accessible to me. A short account of its contents is given in his article on the present grant (J. A. H. R. S., Vol. VIII, p. 153). The Government Epigraphist has, at my request, very kindly placed at my disposal an excellent inkin pression of the Siripuram plates. My remarks are based on the original reading of these platea. decient History of the Deccan, p. 60.

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58 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXIII. Pithapuram in the Godavari District. The other, Dovapura, from the close resemblance in name, may be regarded as the capital of Devarashtra, but of this there is no definite evidence as yet. Of the kings who ruled in Kalinga during the interval between the invasion of Samudragupta and the rise of the Ganga dynasty, only the names of Chandavarman, Umavarman, NandaPrabhanjanavarman, Saktivarman and Visakhavarman' were hitherto known from inscriptions. The present grant adds the names of three new kings belonging to a dynasty, viz., Gunavarman, Prabhanjanavarman and Anantavarman. We cannot definitely postulate any relationship between this dynasty and the kings previously known, although they all probably flourished between 400 and 550 A. D. But, in view of the very little knowledge we possess of the history of Kalinga during this period, two suggestions are made below in the hope that they may be of some use for future research in this direction. As regards the king Nanda-Prabhanjanavarman, it has been suggested by Mr. D. C. Sarkar, that the name probably signifies" Prabhanjanavarman of the Nanda family." If this view were accepted, this Prabhanjanavarman might be tentatively identified with the father of Anantavarman. It may, however, be pointed out that no other ruler of Kalinga styles himself as belonging to the Nanda family. Some association may also be inferred between Anantavarman and Saktivarman. Both issued their plates from the victorious city of Pishtapura, and both had Varman as their nameendings. Further, Saktivarman is called "Vasishthiputra', while in the present grant, Anantavarman's father is described as moon in the Vasishtha family ". As to the time of King Anantavarman, I have already expressed above my view that the grant is to be placed, on palaeographical grounds, during the period between 450 and 550 A. D. The date, most probably a regnal year, was mentioned at the end of line 19, but unfortunately this portion is missing, as noted above. Mr. M. Narasimham has referred King Anantavarman to the first century A. D. He bases this conclusion on the following expression in the Siripuram grant : ashtassakasamkhyabhya.. . mahasvayuje savva(mva)tsare. He interprets it as the eighth year of the Saka era, in the year of Mahasvayuja'. He ignores, however, the fact that ashtascaka-sankhyabhya', obviously & mistake for samkhyebhyah,' cannot be taken as either qualifying the word samvatsare, or as an independent word expressing date. I believe, the word qualifies the preceding word 'brahmanebhyah' and denotes the number of Brahmanas to whom the grant is made. I must confess, however that I am unable to explain the word, beyond merely suggesting that it might stand for 18, 28 or 88. In any case, whatever may be the interpretation of the word, the king Anantavarman can never be referred to the first century A. D., as the alphabet of the inscription is too late for that 1 Komarti pl. ; above, Vol. IV, pp. 144 ff. 2 Brihatproshtha grant; above, Vol. XII, pp. 4 ff. Tekkali pl.; J. A. H. R. 8., Vol. VI, pp. 63-4. King Umavarman mentioned in these two plates may be the same or different persons. * Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, pp. 48 ff. Ragolu pl. ; above, Vol. XII, pp. 1 ff. . Above, Vol. XXI, pp. 23 ff. * Journal of the Department of Letters (published by the Calcutta University), Vol. XXVI, p. 66, f. n. 2. + [It may be noted that while Prabhanjanavarman and his father Gunavarman are described as Moon in tbe Vasishtha family, i.e., belonging to the Vasishtha-gotra, Saktivarman bears the metronymic Visishthiputra, which indicates that probably the last mentioned belonged to a family different from that of the two formor rulers. -Ed.] J.A. H. R. 8., Vol. VIII, p. 158.

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No. 9.1 SRUNGAVARAPUKOTA PLATES OF ANANTAVARMAN, KING OF KALINGA. 59 period. It may be further pointed out that ashtatsaka is not a correct grammatical form for denoting the eighth Saka year', and that no king of Kalinga was likely to use the era, under that express name, in the eighth year of its foundation. As to the localities mentioned in the inscription, Pishtapura and Davarashtra have already been dealt with. The village Kindeppa, the object of the grant, was situated in the Tallavallivishaya. Neither of these can be identified with certainty. Mr M. Narasimham says that the river called 'Tel'in the Zamindary of Jeypore used to be called the Telivahi' in early times. He then argues that "the modern Jayapore (sic) must have been called Tellavalli (sic) vishaya on account of the river Telivahi which flows across it.". This cannot, however, be regarded as a satisfactory argument. About fourteen or fifteen miles to the south-west of Srungavarapukota, where the plates were found, there is a village called Tella-gamudy (820-58' x 170-58') and near it, another village, called Kondapalem. The former is situated at the crossing of two roads, and on the bank of a rivulet, thus indicating an important site. I venture to suggest that Tella-gamudy may be identified with the Tellavalli-vishaya of the grant. But as there are several villages of the name of Kon. dapalem in the neighbourhood of Srungavarapukota it is not certain which of these is referred to in the inscription as the Kindeppa-grama. Probably the latter has to be identified with Kon. dapalem near Tella-gamudy. The donee is styled Achantapura-bhogika. I have translated it as resident of Achantapura', taking the term bhoga' as a territorial division. I am unable to identify this place. In the inscriptions of the Sailodbhava, the Parivrajaka and the Uchchakalpa kings, the term 'bhogika' is used as a technical official title, possibly connected, according to Fleet, with the territorial division called bhoga. But the term is used only with reference to the fathers and grandfathers of persons who wrote the charters. In the case of the records of the Ganga dynasty we have, as the engravers of their charters, (1) Aditya-Manchin, also called Aditya-Bhogika, and his son (2) Khandichandra, also called Khandichandra-Bhogika. In all these cases, the term bhogika must be taken as an official title, probably the chief of a bhoga, and whatever may be the particular duties of this official, the writing and engraving of charters were most probably included in them. But there is no doubt that the office carried dignity and prestige with it; for, in the records of the Parivrajaka and Uchchakalpa kings, even high officials like Mahasamdhi. vigrahika performed the same office, and described their fathers and grandfathers as bhogika. In Sanskrit Dictionaries, the term bhogika is explained as 'groom, horse-keeper'. The term has also been regarded as equivalent to Telugu Bhoi, a palankeen-bearer. None of the above meanings of bhogika is suitable in the present case. We cannot think of the donee Matsisarman who was a Brahmana, possibly following scholarly pursuits, either as a regular official, or following such menial occupations as those of a groom or a palankeen-bearer. We have, therefore, to take Achantapura-bhoga as the name of a territorial unit, and regard Matsi. sarman as a resident of the same. 1 J. A. H. R. 8., Vol. VIII, p. 157. * Fleet, C.1.1., Vol. III, p. 100, f. n. 2. * Ibid., pp. 100, 105, 100, 120, 124, 129, 134; above, Vol. III, p. 46; J. B.O.R. 8., Vol. XVI, p. 182 . Above, Vol. XVIII, p. 308. Ibid., f. n. 8.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXIII. TEXT First Plate. 1 Om Svasti[i]*]Vijaya-Pishtapur-adhishthanan=mahi-mandala-vyapi-tarad-endu-kara-nirmma la-gunasya 2 Devarashtr-adhipater=aneka-samara-sanghatta-vijay-adhigata-yasaso Maharaja-sri-Gu3 navarmmarah parama-pautrah bakti-ttray-opanata-rajya-sampado Vasishtha-kula-chand rama 4 sah sri-Maharaja-Prabhajamna'varmmapah priya-puttras=sva-bala-vikkram-oparjjita bhur=nna5 ya-vinaya-sattva-sampann-adhigata-yasa deva-dvijati-guru-jan-anuddhyana-sam. Second Plate; First Side. 6 varddhita-mahima parama-maheevaro mata-pitfi-pad-anuddhyatal Kaling-adhipatis sri7 Maharaj-Anantavarmma. Tellavalli-vishayo Kindeppa-grame sarvva-samavetan-kutu8 mbinah samajnapayaty=asti esha gramo=smabhir=Uttarayaneo=smat-puny-abhivriddha9 ye etasmai Kausika-sa-gottraya Taittiriya-sa-bramhacharines Achantapura -bhogi10 ka-Matrisarmmane a-chandr-arka-taraka-pratishtham=agraharam kritva sarvva-kara bharaih Second Plate ; Second Side. 11 parihtitya sampradattastad=evam=avadhrit-ajnair=bhavadbhistad-aji-anuvidhayibhi pratyaha12 m=upasthatavyam[11*] Brahmanena ch=atmano=graharah puttra-pauttrikam=upabhujyama13 no na kais-chid=vallabha-durllabhair=upahantavya"(!l*] Agamibhir-api rajarshi14 bhir=vsittam=anupalayadbhir=yyath=asya dharmma-prasavasy=avichchhedena pravfi15 ttir=bhbhavatio tath=anushtheyam evan cha sati tatra tesbam=api dharmmen=abhisamba Third Plate ; First Side. 16 ndhas=smaryyate || Bahubhir=vvasudha datta bahubhi [s=chranupalitayasya yasya yada bhumista.* ] 17 sya tasya tada phala [ll*) Sva-dattam-para-dattam va yatna[d=raksha Yudhishthira i mahim mahimatam sreshtha dana.*] 1 Expressed by a symbol. - Read Prabharjana. Read vikkramo Read Ananta. . N. reads Kindoppa,--but the right vertical stroke is a regular part of the letter >> (N. denotes Mr. Narasimham). * Read Uttarayane. * Read Taittiriyao. * Read -brahmao N. reads Achantapura, 10 Read bbhavati.

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SRUNGAVARAPUKOTA PLATES OF ANANTAVARMAN, KING OF KALINGA. ) u | 6 nauknu. 8 29 o 1) 3 9 | Em 1 . tngs diin), 8 A CA pyng+ paa / p + : mtii! tuung 9/ 8 \ / A : - 5 gyy : ng naang 6 TER al spaa gyy in E ) . i,L. S 2 1 2 E Bou ) , edii ning krum 3 in s 1 . i,. y+ C : . 8 ningdii 2:1 = 22 a sim. ! ! " . eha F: ES 12 thaa ?OGO taam TeS jaa dii 1 ning : 1 thaa P jaa C | snyaa : 21 18 engl/ jng ngaa 18 look ng s qaa 18 N. P. CHAKRAVARTI, | Rea, No. 3977 E'36 - 275, SCALE: THREE-QUARTERS. SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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Seal. From a photograph

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No. 9.] SRUNGAVARAPUKOTA PLATES OF ANANTAVARMAN, KING OF KALINGA. 61 18 ch=chhr@yo=nupalanam(m) [11*] Shashtim varsha-sahasrani svargge (modati bhumidah akshepta ch=anumanta sha ta ]19 ny=eva narake vaset (1) Pravarddhamanaya rajya-briya rajava . . . . . (tra*) 20 yodabyam=Uttarayane dharmma-pradanam kfitam=iti bhu ....... TRANSLATION Om. Hail! From his residence in the victorious city of Pishtapura, the glorious Maharaja Anantavarman,-who is the lord of Kalinga ; who adores the feet of (his) mother and father ; who is the devout worshipper of Mahesvara ; whose greatness has been enhanced by affectionate solicitude for the gods, the twice-born, and the elders, who has acquired fame by reason of his being endowed with wisdom, modesty, and virtue; who has acquired the earth by his own strength and valour; who is the dear son of the glorious Maharaja Prabhanjanavarman, the moon of the Vasishtha family, who (Prabhanjanavarman) brought about the prosperity of the kingdom by the three elements of regal power; who is the most excellent grandson of the glorious Maharaja Gunavarman, who acquired fame by victories in many stubbornly fought battles, who was the lord of Devarashtra, and whose spotless virtues, like the rays of autumn moon, pervaded the whole world : commande* (as follows all the ryota present at the village of Kindoppa in the district (vishaya) of Tellavalli: this village has been granted by us, during summer solstice, for the sake of increasing our religious merit, to this Matfisarman,-a member of the Kaubika gotra, a student of the Taittiriya (bakha), and a resident of Achantapura-bhoga-after having made (it) an agrahara, which is to last as long as the moon, the sun, and the stars, and exempting (it) from all burdens of taxation. Having understood this command you should, every day, act in accordance with it. The Brahmana, enjoying his own agrahara in hereditary succession (lit. through sons and grandsons) should not be hindered in any way, by any officer (however) eminent. The future royal ascetics, following the traditional usage, should pursue that (course) which would lead to continuous progress (or practice) of this act of virtue. This being so, the association of these (succeeding kings) also with religious merit in this matter is mentioned in the Smritis. [Three customary verses follow.] By the increasing majesty . . . . . . On the thirteenth (tithi), during the summer solstice, this religious gift is made. * N. roads. bha'. The 7-kara-like sign may really be part of the next letter. 1 There are three elements of royal power (bakti), viz., (1) prabhubalti, 1.c., the majesty or pre-eminent position of the king himself; (2) mantrafakti, i.e., the power of good counsel, and (3) utadhalakti, 6.c., the power of energy. * Refers to Gunaverman. * Refers to Anantavarman, The original expression is. Vallabha-durllabha. The first word moans Overseer, Superintendent, or herdeman', and probably stands for royal officials in general. I am unable to suggest any definite meaning for durllabha. One of its meanings given in the lexioon, isominent or extraordinary,' and it may be regarded as an adjective of Vallabha (Mayura-vyamaakadivat). Or possibly, from its association with Vallabha, it may also have to be taken in the sense of an Official, though the term in this sense is not known from any other source.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXIII. No. 10.--NARASINGAPALLI PLATES OF HABTIVARMAN; THE YEAR 79. BY PROF. R. C. MAJUMDAR, M.A., Ph.D.. DACCA. This is a set of three copper-plates, measuring 6 inches in length and 24 inches in breadth. The outer face of the first plate has been left blank while the two other plates bear writing on both the sides. The writing is distinct and in good preservation. The plates are strung on a ring, the ends of which are soldered to the bottom of a circular seal showing indistinctly a couchant bull, facing right. The plates were discovered in a field in the village of Narasingapalli, Chicacole taluk, Ganjam District, by one Suran Nayudu, while digging earth. He gave it to Mr. Byri Appalagwami Nayudu, from whom it was obtained by Mr. M. S. Barma and sold to the Madras Museum. The inscription has been published in the Telugu Journal Bharati, Vol. XI (September, 1934), pp. 461 ff., whieh is not accessible to me. I edit the inscription from an excellent ink-impression supplied by the Government Epigraphist for India. The alphabet is of an early southern type and closely resembles that of the Urlam plates of the same king and the copper-plate grants of Indravarman II. This is only what could be expected, for Vinayachandra, who wrote the present plates, is also the writer of all the plates of the Kalinga kings Hastivarman and Indravarman II, viz. (1) Urlam plates of Hastivarman;' (2) Achyutapuram plates of Indravarman II ;' (3) Santabommali plates of Indravarman II ; and (4) Parla-kimedi plates of Indravarman II. If we compare the alphabet of our grant with that of the Jirjingi grant of Indravarman 1, dated in the year 39, we find that the latter belongs to a distinctly earlier class, and indeed the difference appears to be far greater than would be warranted by the interval of 40 years between the two. Attention may be specially drawn to the forms of kh, g, h, n, bh, m, v and 6. The final form of m occurs at the end of the inscription, while it is replaced by anusvara in phala (1. 23), "nupalanan (1. 24), and dvadasyam (1. 27). The two numerical symbols 70 and 9 are used in the date (1. 27). The language is Sanskrit, and with the exception of five verses, the inscription is written in prose. The influence of Prakrit may be traced in the form ekunafiti (1. 27). As regards orthography, anustara is represented by guttural si in Rajasirihasya (1. 28) and sanghatzh (for sarhatah, 1. 29), while dental - is represented by anusvara in gitati (1. 21). Consonants are doubled after 1, with the exception of sh in varsha (L. 25), and dh is doubled before y in anuddhyata (1. 8). Seperate signs are used for b and v. The inscription records the grant of a piece of land for defraying the expenses of the worship of god Narayana and repairing his temples. The land included four nivesanas (which means houses or probably sites for the same) and was situated in the village Rohanaki in the district of Varahavartani. Maharaja Hastivarman of Kalinga, who makes the grant, belongs to the Ganga family. As noted above, this king is already known to us from the Urlam plates, dated in the year 80. The present grant is dated in the year 79, and is thus earlier of the two. Except 1 Above, Vol. XVII, p. 330. 1 Above, Vol. III, p. 128. * J. A. H. R. 8., Vol. IV, p. 21. * Ind. Ant., Vol. XVI, p. 134. .J. A. H. R. s., Vol. III, p. 49. * The difference is, no doubt, partly the result of difference in the style of writing, but as the two records belong to the same locality, we may assume, with a tolerable degree of certainty, on the basis of the palmogrophio examination alone, that the Jirjingi grant is earlier than the present ono. Above, Vol. XVII, p. 330.

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No. 10 .] NARASINGAPALLI PLATES OF HASTIVARMAN; THE YEAR 79. 63 the Jirjingi grant of Indravarman I, dated in the year 39, this is the earliest copper-plate grant of the Ganga family so far discovered.1 The introductory portion of this grant agrees word for word with that of the Urlam plates, save that in the latter the word sukha is added after the word sarvvarttu in line i. As is well known, this long phraseology became stereotyped in the grants of the family, and, with some additions and alterations, continued for nearly five hundred years. The corresponding phraseology of the Jirjingi grant is, however, quite different. The present grant is, therefore, the earliest document where we can trace the stereotyped phraseology of the Ganga records. The five verses of the Urlam plates also occur in this grant. The inscription is dated in the year 79. The exact equivalence of this date depends upon the determination of the epoch of the Ganga era to which it is presumably to be referred. As is well known, scholars differ widely on this point. This subject is too vast and complicated to be dealt with here. I may note, however, that whereas some earlier writers like Sewell and R. D. Banerjis placed the initial date of the era, respectively in the ninth and eighth century A.D., Mr. G. Ramdas pushes it back to the fourth century A.D. Dr. Fleet, who first dealt with the subject, was of opinion that the two extreme dates for the epoch of the Ganga era were A.D. 481 and 634. He based his views partly on palaeographic and partly on historical grounds. The latter have now lost much of their force, but I believe his view still holds good on paleographic grounds. The present grant may be regarded on palaeographic grounds as somewhat later than that of Anantavarman which I have edited above. I have there shown my grounds for referring the latter to the century 450-550 A.D. The present grant may, therefore, be referred to the period 550-650 A.D. The epoch of the Ganga era would accordingly fall between 470570 A.D. This is in accord with the latest theory on the subject, viz., that of Prof. R. Subba Rao, who is the first to work on the subject with the help of some positive data. He fixes the epoch of the era at A.D. 494. Although one may differ from him in some of his arguments and conclusions, and may not be inclined to be dogmatic about the particular year A.D. 494, I think, the data presented by him would reasonably lead to the hypothesis that the epoch of the Ganga era lies between 494 and 560 A.D., i.e., roughly speaking, about the first half of the sixth century A.D. Hastivarman may thus be regarded as flourishing towards the end of the sixth or the first half of the seventh century A.D. No new information of Hastivarman's reign is furnished by this recorti. As in the Urlam plates, two of his birudas or epithets, viz., Rajasirhha and Rapabhita are mentioned in the present grant. As regards the last, Dr. Hultzsch has already drawn attention to its peculiar 1I leave out of account the Tirlingi grant, dated 28 (J. A. H. R. S., Vol. III, p. 54), for the reading of the date appears to me to be very doubtful. The writer of this grant is also Vinayachandra, son of Bhanuchandra. So if the year of the Tirlingi plate belongs to the same era to which those of Hastivarman and Indravarman II are to be referred, we have to presume that Vinayachandra was in active service from the year 28, or some time previous to it, to the year 91 (date of Parla-kimedi plates of Indravarman II), or some time posterior to it. In other words, he held the office for nearly sixty-five to seventy years. This appears to be highly improbable. The Historical Inscriptions of Southern India, edited by Dr. S. K. Aiyangar, p. 357. History of Orissa, Vol. I, p. 239. J. B. O. R. S., Vol. IX, pp. 398 ff. Ind. Ant., Vol. XVI, p. 133. J. A. H. R. S., Vol. V, pp. 272-4. "Mr. J. C. Ghosh suggested that it should more properly be A.D. 496; Ind. Ant, 1932, p. 237. See also Bhandarkar's List, p. 201, note 1. I shall discuss the question more fully in a separate article.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXIII. character and the fact that it occurs as a name of a member of the Sailodbhava family. I may add that several other members of the same family bear similar names, viz., Yasobhita (or A-yasobhita) and Sainyabhita. So far as is at present known, such names do not occur elsewhere. Hastivarman's rule in Kalinga falls during the period when the Sailodbhava family was ruling in Kongoda immediately to its north. The assumption of such a peculiar title by Hastivarman may not be totally unrelated to the rule of Sailodbhava family, though we have no definite information as to any relation between the two. The present grant of Hastivarman is a dev-agrahara, i.e., & free-hold created, not for the benefit of an individual person, but for the regular worship of god Narayana and the repairs of his temples. We have a similar example in the Santabommali plates of Indravarman IIwhich repeat the exact phraseology of this inscription denoting the object of the grant. As noted below, the three epithets of god Narayana (11. 12-13) occur in a single verse of KA11dasa's Raghuvamsa (canto X, verse 21), and it is not unreasonable to presume that the composer of the record was acquainted with that work. Of far greater interest, from the historical point of view, is the designation of the god, viz., Ranabhitodaya (1. 13). There can be hardly any doubt, that this was derived from the king's own bituda, Ranabhita. It thus furnishes an example, well known in India and Indian Colonies in the Far East, of designating (the image of) a god after the king who set it up. The king made this grant presumably at the request, or on the recommendation, of Buddhamanchi-Bhogika (1. 16). The word pratibodhita (1.17), used in this connection, literally means to awaken, to inform, to entrust, etc.', but, considering the context, it is clear that 'to request' or to recommend' would convey the real sense. As to Buddha-manchi-Bhogika, there is no doubt that Buddha-manchin was the name of a person who beld the office of a 'Bhogika'. The different meanings of the term 'Bhogika' have been discussed by me while editing the Srungavarapukota grant of Anantavarman (above, p. 59). For an example of personal name of this type I may refer to Aditya-manchin, the writer of the Chicacole plates, and the son of Vinayachandra who wrote the present grant. It is interesting to note that this Aditya-manchin is referred to as Aditya-Bhogika in the Purle plates. This alteration of titles led Dr. Hultzsch to remark that like Bhogika', Manchin is perhaps an equivalent of the Telugu Bhoi, a palankeen-bearer'. The presence of both the words in the name of Buddha-manchi-Bhogika disproves this assertion. Besides, the sense palankeen-bearer' can hardly be applied to either Aditya-, or Buddha-manchin. I have shown that the duties of the official called Bhogika included writing or engraving of royal charters. In the present instance the term might mean the chief of the territorial unit called bhoga. In that case it would be the duty of this officer to suggest to the king the grant of land for the maintenance of a temple of 1 Above, Vol. XVIII, p. 331. * For the Sailodbhava Inscriptions, cf. Bandarkar's List, Nos. 1672-6. * The phrase khanda-ophufita-bhagna-ghafana occurs in the Madras Museum plates of Vajrahasta; above, Vol. IX, p. 98. J. A. H. R. 8., Vol. IV, p. 21. *Cf. my book Ancient Indian Colonies in the Far East, Vol. I. Champa, pp. 184-6. . Cf. Ind. Ant., Vol. XVI, p. 132, f. n. 3. 7 Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, p. 121. . Above, Vol. XIV, p. 362. . It is a sub-division of district. Of. e... 'Vishayapats-bhogapali' in Khalimpur Copper plate of Dharmapala ; above, Vol. IV, p. 243 ; also Vonkhara-bhoga-sambaddha-Jijjika-grame in l. 11 of the Jirjingi grant of king Indravarman (J. A. H. R. 8., Vol. III, p. 52). The editor reads Jijjika.

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No. 10.] NARASINGAPALLI PLATES OF HASTIVARMAN; THE YEAR 79 65 Narayana in his jurisdiction. The first part of the name Buddha-manchin may be a reminiscence of the stronghold which Buddhism once had in this region. Of the localities mentioned, Kalinganagara is now usually identified with Mukhalingam'. The district Varahavartani (1.9) is mentioned, in several Ganga records. Dr. Sten Konow suggested that it was probably near Chicacole. This view is supported by the present grant. For the village Rohanaki, mentioned in the present grant as situated in the district of Varahavartani, may be identified with modern Roparki (Ronunky of the Indian Atlas, Degree Sheet, 84deg x 180-20'), a hamlet of Singupura of the Chicacole taluk. Further, an unpublished grant of Vajrahasta III' refers to the village of Navagrama in Varahavartani-vishaya, and this village can be easily identified with the present Naogam in Tekkali taluk of the Ganjam District. Mr. G. R. Pantulu has identified the village Siddharthaka in the Varahavartani-vishaya with Sid. dhantam near Chicacole. The Varahavartani district would thus roughly correspond to the coastal region between Chicacole and Tekkali. It was presumably bounded on the west by Kuraka. rashtra, corresponding to modern Palakonda taluks. According to Mr. G. Ramdas, the village Sellada in the Rupavartani-vishayao belongs to Tekkali taluk. If this identification be accepted, Rupavartani-vishaya may be located to the north of Varahavartani. As already suggested by Hultzsch, this Rupavartani-vishaya is probably the same as Rupyavati-vishaya mentioned in the Tekkali plates of Indravarman. About two miles to the south-east of Ronanki, there is a village called Byrey in the Atlas. It is at the junction of two roads, and on the bank of the Vamsadhara river. Is the name a reminiscence of the old Varaha-vartani ? Local investigations alone can solve this problem. TEXT: First Plate. 1 Om Svasti (lI*] Sarvv-arttu-ramaniyad=vijaya-Kalinga-nagarat=sa kala-bhuvana2 nirmman-aika-sutradharagya bhagavato Gokarnna-gvuminag-charana-kamala3 yugale-pranamad=apagata-kali-kalanko vinaya-naya-sampada4 m-adharah sv-asi-dhara-parispand-adhigata-sakala-Kaling-adhirajya8 fechatur-udadhi-taranga-mekhal-avani-tala-pravitat-amala-yabah aneka. 6 samara-samkshobha-janita-jaya-babdo Gang-amala-kula-pratishthah prata. 7 p-atibay-anamita-samasta-bamanta-chuda-mani-prabha-manjari Second Plate; First Side. 8 punja-ranjita-charani mata-pitfi-pad-anuddhyatah parama-mahesvarah Kalinganagara was identified by Fleet with Kalingapatam (Ind. Ant., Vol XVI, p. 132). Mr. G. V. Ramamurti proposed the identification with Mukhalingam (above, Vol. IV, pp. 187-8). This view is now generally accepted, but it is not free from doubts (cf. Ann. Rep. 8. Ind. Ep. 1924-25, p. 79). Fleet's view is still upheld by some (d., e.g. Prof. B. C. Bhattacharya's article in J. B. O. R. 8., Vol. XV, pp. 823 ff.). For a detailed discus. sion of the subject, cf. J. A. H. R. 8., Vol. VI, pp. 67 ff. . Above, Vol. IX, p. 96. * Edited below, pp. 67 ft. . Above, Vol. XIII, p. 213. * See above, Vol. XIV, p. 861. * Journal of the Mythic Society, Vol. XIV, p. 271, *Above, Vol. XVIII, pp. 807 ff. * Expressed by a symbol. . This letter has been read by Dr. Hultzsch (above, Vol. XVII, p. 382, 1. 2) asrana. But undoubtedly we have to take it as the normal symbol for runa, in which the curves of are not repeated twice

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86 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXIII. 9 srl- Maharaj Bastivarmama / Vardhavarttant-vishaye Rohanakyam 10 sarvv&-samavetan-kutumbinas-samajoapayati (1) Viditam=astu vo ya11 th=&smin=grame shapokrb halanam bhus-chhedikritya chatur-nnive12 sans-sahita bhagavato sapt-arppava-sayine sapta-sam-opa13 gitaya sapta-kok-aika-nathaya Rapabhitoday-abhidhaniya 14 Nariyapaya bali-obatu-satze-pravarttanaya khandar-sphutita Second Plate; Second Side. 16 sathskiraya sha sarva-kataib parihrity=i-chandr-arkka-pratishtham dav-&graharamh 16 kaitvi matarpitrrwtmanaboba puny-Abhivriddhaye Buddha-matchi-bhogikena prati 17 bodhitair-asmabhir-ddatta (1) tad=viditva na kenachit-parivadha' karyy: [1] 18 Simanta-bogani ch-atra purvven-asys grama-gartta dakshinena 19 varandakah paschimona vishaya-gartta kuravaka-mula-sahita utta 20 rops saba tals-vatikay-ti Bhavishyad-rajabhis-cb=&yan-dana21 dharmmo-nupalaniya tatha cha Vyiss-gitara blokanudaharanti [l*] Third Plate; First Side. 22 Bahubhir yasudha datta babubhis-ch-anupalita (1) yasya yasya 23 yada bhumisetasya tasya tadA phalam(lam) [111*] Sva-dattam-para-dattach va yatnad=ra24 kaha Yudhishthira [1*] mahim-mahimatazh breshtha danach=chhreyo=nupalanan (nam) [12] 25 Shashtim varsha-sahasrani modata divi bhimidass [1*] akshepta ch=826 numanta cha tanyelva nataka vasedatio i pravarddhamana-vijaya-tajya-sarva27 tsarah ekunaditi (ekonalitih) 70 9 J&shthal-Sukla-dvadasyam(byam) | Idam Vinaya chandrena 28. Bhanuchandrasya sununa [*] lisanam Raja-sibhasya likhitarh sva-mukh-ajnaya Third Plate; Second Side. 29 Mapdalagr-agra-nishpaha-nish pisht-arata-sanghateh" [1*] 80 Srimata=pratigh-ajnasys Rapabhitasya Hanam II B*] TRANSLATION. Om. Hail! From the victorious (city of) Kalthganagara, which is pleasant in all seasons, the glorious Mahardja Hastivarman'. . . . . commands (as folloros) all the ryota assembled at Rohanali, in the district of Varthavarttant : * This mark of punctuation is unnecebay. * Read paribadhd. Read parandalas. * Read gilan. . Read past til3] H. * Read Jyishtha. Road it haeyo. Road athalth .The long epithota of the king an omitted in the trapalation, above, Vol. III, p. 129). they have been translated many times (a.

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4 16 18 8 NARASINGAPALLI PLATES OF HASTIVARMAN; THE YEAR 79. shri Earan @add prsna hina 2 21st dogal ansukvnaa baaraagaa shriigraa baabu poori HU CaDays THE PEORY THmaamnu jggun lekr 15 m pe ii,a. J shriij baagaa bhu temdd baakh jaativaadi 8 baabaa J baallu gudd jdyulu alagaina jitmunu blitiini 12 naa gub gmniNcaanu ee raajmu 14 praalu mriy vikhddigee 14 pree anit vijnyaan ii, b suraa 4 10 yani jaatr 6ji aNbrlloo 16 vaardhini vaaniki naa goopraaju 18 N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Reg. No. 3977 E'36-275. vijyv@avaraj 20 vinu a vijee ddi saami shG. ES kaal lain 20 tpmu vidyaaN sh shriikRssnnbaabaa SCALE: ACTUAL SIZE. SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA,

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iii, a. baalens 24 dubbaak puraannN ydnn ttinni pdi shrii gi 2.20 27212 v y kti * jyri ... jjj ajgraaN aadi jbb naa prtivaani veemn gaali For NEARI 323 avi ani STERY 222 br baaNddi 24 22: bliv um n k s 26 pkssmu veekssnn viddlu 28 nn 22 26 28 30 iii,b. avi eepi naa Suby any action yet Seal; From a photograph. 22 30

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No. 11. ] GANJAM COPPER-PLATES OF VAJRAHASTA III; SAKA-SAMVAT 991. 67 Be it known to you, that having constituted six halas of land, with four cottages, in this village, as (a separate) section, and making it an agrahara for god, which is to last as long as the moon and the sun, and having exempted it from all taxation, we have, at the request of (lit. being informed by) Buddha-mafichi, the Bhogika, and for increasing the religious merit of (our) parents and ourselves, granted it to god Narayana,-who lies on the seven seas, who is sung in seven hymns (Rathantara, etc.), who is the sole lord of seven worlds'; and who has the designation Rapabhitodaya, for the sake of performing (oblations known as) bali, charu and satra, and for the repairs of dilapidations (of the temple). Having known this, nobody should cause any hindrance. The boundary marks are as follows :-On the east, the trenches of the village ; on the south, the mound of earth; on the west, the trenches of the district with the Kuravaka-thicket; on the north, along with the palm-grove. The future kings should maintain this religions gift. And likewise the verses sung by Vyasa are quoted. (Here follow three of the customary verses). In the year Seventy-nine 70, 9 of the prosperous victorious reign, on the twelfth day of the bright fortnight of Jyeshtha. (Verse 4) At the command of his (the king's) own mouth, this charter of Rajasirha has been written by Vinayachandra, son of Bhanuchandra. (Verse 5) (This is a charter of the glorious Rapabhita, whose commands are irresistible, and who has totally crushed the hostile confederacy by the strokes of the point of (his) scimitar, No. 11 .-GANJAM COPPER-PLATES OF VAJRAHASTA III ; SAKA-SAMVAT 991. BY PROF. R. C. MAJUMDAR, M.A., PH.D., DACCA. This is a set of five copper-plates measuring 81 inches in length and about 4 inches in breadth. The outer face of the first plate has been left blank, while there is no writing on the last plate, which was evidently put in to protect the writing on the second side of the fourth plate. The plates are strung on a ring, the ends of which are soldered to the bottom of a circular seal bear. ing a couchant Nandi, a drum, a conch, two fly-whisks (chamaras), two darts or lances, an umbrella, a makara-torana and the sun and the moon. The inscription consists of fifty-three lines. It is, generally speaking, in a good state of preservation. The second side of the third plate and the first side of the fourth plate, are, however, partly corroded, and a few letters are either wholly or partly effaced. The plates were found somewhere in the Ganjam District and are now deposited in the Madras Museum. The text was published in the Telugu Journal Bharati, which is not accessible to me. I edit them from excellent Ink-impressions supplied by the Government Epigraphist for India. The alphabet is northern Nagari of the same kind as is used in four other plates of Vairahasta. The final form of m occurs in mahim (1. 36) where, in addition to the sign of the virama. the top-stroke of the letter is omitted. The sign of the virama is also found in ardakan (1. 17) and 1 All the three epithets of Narayana occur in the Raghupamba, X, 21. Sapta-sm-opagitan tvih sapt-arnava-jaledayam sapt-archir-mukham-dchakhyah aapla-lok-aika-sarayam 1 See introductory remarks... * (a) The Nadagam plates, year 979 Saka (above, Vol. IV, p. 183): (b) The Madras Museum platea, year 984 Saka (above, Vol. IX, p. 04): (c) The Chicacolo plates, year 971 Saka (J. A. H. R. S, Vol. VIII, p. 171) and (d) Narasapatam plates, year 967 Saka (above, Vol. XI. p. 147).

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXIII. varanan (1. 41). The letter A in conjuncta fich and nichh is placed after ch and chh and is not connected with it (cf., e.g., lafichhana in l. 8, and panchabhih in l. 13). The anusvara is denoted by a circle after the consonant, and very often a virama is added underneath. There are several superfluous signs of interpunctuation in the grant (cf. 11. 47, 61, 62), the most glaring instance being that in line 2, where the sign is used between two words of the same compound, dakshinya and satya. As regards orthography, the class nasal is used before surds, the only exception being samkhyam (1. 33). The letter v is used throughout for b. Consonants are doubled after r, except in varsha (1..16), and paursha (1.53), but cf. varshshani in 11. 26-27. In doubling bh, the form bhbh is used instead of bbh. In one case alone, t seems to be doubled before r (puttrah, 1. 51), though it is doubtful whether the letter really denotes ttra. There are several cases of interchange of sibilants. Thus s is used for & in samit-ari (1. 24), mahisah (1. 26), and for sh in Asadha (1. 50); $ is used for sin salila (1. 3), afine (1. 42), and sh for s in shutah (1. 12). As in the other platest of Vajrahasta, we have prakshyalita (1. 3) instead of prakshalita, and samujvala (11. 8, 25) instead of sam ujjvala. It is difficult to distinguish between medial i and d. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit. It contains twelve verses, the remainder being in prose. The inscription is one of king Vajrahasta (III, or, according to another reckoning, V) of the Ganga dynasty, the son of Kamarnava and Vinayamahadevi. Six other copper-plate grants of this king are known, of which four have been edited and published in well-known journals'. Of the remaining two, the Triplicane Grant, dated in the Saka year 982, is noticed in the Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy, 1924-25 (p. 7, No. 5) with a summary of its contents. The remaining one, the Boddapadu Grant, is described by Prof. Subba Rao', but no reference is given. It was published in the Telugu Journal Bharati (Vo) II, No. 5). In the following remarks I shall confine myself to the four published copper-plate grants of the king known to me. The introductory portion of the present grant, which covers the first forty-two lines and six letters of the forty-third line, is an exact repetition of what we find in the other four platest. It contains, in addition to the opening stereotyped panegyrical passage, the genealogical account of the family, to which we shall refer later. The next portion beginning with Kalinga-nagarat in l. 43, and ending with viditam-astu bhavatam in l. 46, also ooours in the first three grants mentioned in footnote 1, with this difference, that whereas in the present grant, and the Madras Museum plates, the name of the king is written as Srimad- Anantavarmma Vajrahasta-devah, it is simply "Srimad-Vajrahastadevah " in the other two. The remaining portion, which actually records the grant, is, of course, different, though the ugual legal phrases, which occur in 11. 47-49, are common to all. Thus, with the exception of the name of the village in 1. 47, the first forty-nine lines of the present inscription contain nothing new. It must be noted, however, that the present grant contains, comparatively speaking, fewer mistakes than the others. (a) The Nadagim plates, year 979 Saka (above, Vol. IV, p. 183); (b) The Madras Museum plates, year 984 Saka (above, Vol. IX, p. 94); (c) The Chicacole plates, year 971 Saka (J. A. H. R. 8., Vol. VIII, p. 171) and (d) Narasapatam platos, year 967 Saks (above, Vol. XI, p. 147). * J. A. H. R. 8., Vol. VI, pp. 203-205. . This has been noticed also in the Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy for 1925-26 (No. 1 of Appendix A). But by mistake the name of the dynasty is given as Eastern Chalukya instead of Eastern Ganga. * A few minor changes are introduced in Narasa patam plates. Hence I do not give any translation of the text, for which cf. above, Vol. IV, pp. 102-93 and Vol. XI Pp. 162 53.

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No. 11. ] GANJAM COPPER-PLATES OF VAJRAHASTA III; SAKA-SAMVAT 991. 69 From the concluding four lines of the inscription we learn that the village mentioned in l. 47, viz., Navagrama in (the district of) Varahavartani was granted by the king, in the Saka year 991, on Monday, the seventh day of the first fortnight of the month of Ashadha, to Gokananayaka, son of Bhimana-nayaka and his wife Prolakava, and the grandson of Mallapa-nayaka. The donee is said to be Vesya(tya)-varsodbhava, i.e., descended from a courtesan. The word vesya is possibly a mistake for Vaisya, but I may point out that grants to courtesans, who were royal favourites, were not unknown in those days. The word paursha in the last line I am unable to explain, but it is possibly a mistake for paurusha. In that case, the royal grant was a recognition of the donee's devotion and valour extending over a long period. The date of the grant has been calculated to correspond to 9th June, 1068 A.D., taking the Saka year as current. Of the localities mentioned, the village Navagrama is to be identified with the present Naogam in Tekkali taluk of the Ganjam District. As to Varahavartani, which must have been in the neighbourhood of Chicacole, and Kalinganagara, usually identified with Mukhalingam, I have already discussed their identification while editing the Narasingapalli plates of Hastivarman, on p. 65 above. Lastly, there is the title, 'Lord of Tri-Kalinga', applied to Vajrahasta. Tri-Kalinga is usually interpreted as the whole of Kalinga in its widest extent. Thus Prof. R. Subba Rao, on the strength of the above title of Vajrahasta, infers that he was also the paramount sovereign of Tri-Kalinga country which extended from the river Ganges in the North to the river Godavari in the South "s. Apart from well-known historical facts which militate against this view, I may point out that it is impossible to accept this meaning of the term Tri-Kalinga, at least for the period to which the present grant belongs. A perusa) of the records of the Eastern Chalukyas throws very interesting light on this point. We learn from the Masulipatam plates of Chaluky&Bhima I (888-918 A.D.), and the Pithapuram Pillar Inscription of Malla padeva', dated Sakasamvat 1124, that the Eastern Chalukya king Vijayaditya III (844-888 A.D.) took by force the gold of the Ganga kings of Kalinga', and received elephants as tribute from the Kalinga king'. The Masulipatam plates of Amma I (918-925 A.D.) tell us that king Vijayaditya IV (918 A.D.) ruled the 'Vengimandala, joined with Tri-Kalinga forest' (Trikalingg-atavi-yuktam). Aecording to the Kolavennu grant of Chalukya-Bhima II, king Vikramaditya II (who ruled some time after 925 A.D.) ruled over Vengi and Tri-Kalinga. Ammaraja II (945-970 A.D.) is also stated to have at first ruled over the Vengi country with Tri-Kalinga, but later left the parental throne and ruled in Kalinga for fourteen years (956-970 A.D.). Danarnava, too, ruled in Kalinga for three years, after the loss of Vengi'. These extracts show that in the Eastern Chalukya records of the tenth and subsequent centuries, Tri-Kalinga is distinguished from Kalinga and is obviously regarded as a place of less 1[Apparently vesya in the present record is an error in writing for Vaisya to which caste the Nayakas in this part are known to have belonged. Cf. An. Rep. on Epigraphy, 1918-19, C. P. No. 5.-Ed.) + Cunningham-Anc. Geogr., p. 594. Fleet, above, Vol. III, p. 327. Recently Mr. B. C. Majumdar and Mr. B. Misra have interpreted Tri-Kalinga as denoting the three countries 'Kalinga, Kongoda, and Utkala '(Orissu in the Making, p. 187; J. B. O. R. S., Vol. XIV, p. 145). .J.A. H. R. S., Vol. VI, p. 203. . Ann. Rep. on Epigraphy, 1914, p. 84. Above, Vol. IV, p. 240. * Above, Vol. V, p. 131. 8.1. I., Vol. I, pp. 43 ff. * Arumbaka pl. of Badapa, above, Vol. XIX, p. 137. langallu Grant, Ann. Rep. on Epigraphy, 1917, p. 132 ; also cf. 1. 7. Q., Vol. XI, p. 43.

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70 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXIII. importance than Kalinga. In any case, it is impossible to take Tri-Kalinga in these records in anything like the sense in which Prof. Subba Rao has taken it. The same conclusion follows from the fact that the Haihayas, the Chandellas, and the Somavamsi kings of Kobala also assumed the title Tri-Kaling-adhipati. Mr. G. Ramadas has suggested that Tri-Kalinga denotes the highland to the west of the Mahendra hills of Ganjam, from the upper course of the Mahanadi to about the source of the Languliya river'. He was apparently unaware of the references to Tri-Kalinga and Kalinga in the Chalukys records cited above. But there is no doubt that they generally support his view, though we may have to extend the boundaries of the region further south. Without entering in to further discussion on this point, I think we have to admit that we cannot take Tri-Kalinga in the present record to denote the whole of Kalinga, and that it was the designation of a separate region, most probably the hilly tract to the west of Kalinga. The genealogy of the Ganga family, as given in this and the four other inscriptions referred to above, was shown in a tabular form by Mr. G. V. Ramamurti, while editing the Nadagam plates. The same scholar also drew attention to the fact that it differs substantially from the genealogical account given in the Vizagapatam plates of Anantavarman Chodaganga, dated Saka 1040". The latter is also repeated in the Korni copper-plate grant of Anantavarman Chodaganga, dated Saka 1034. Curiously enough, the other copper-plate grants of the same king Anantavarman Chodaganga corroborate the genealogical account given in the plates of Vajrahasta, including the present grant. This is not the proper place for entering into a detailed discussion on these discrepancies. It is only necessary to point out that the genealogy given in the present grant and the other plates of Vajrahasta III appears to have far more historical value than the more elaborate genealogical account in the Korni and Vizagapatam plates of Anantavarman Chodaganga, dated respectively in 1034 and 1040 Saka. The former looks like one based on family records, while the latter is undoubtedly an artificially concocted pedigree, reaching back to the creator of the universe. The grant, like the other plates of Vajrahasta III, gives the exact time of the coronation of the Icing (11. 33-35). This has been calculated to correspond to 3rd May, 1038 A.D., 8 h. 27 m. P. M. TEXT. First Plate. 1 Om' svasti [ll] Srimatam-akhila-bhuvana-vinuta-naya-vinaya-daya-dana-dakshi3 nya * -satya-baucha-kauryya-dhairyy-idi-guna-ratna-pavitrakanam-Atre3 ya-gdtranam vimala-vichar-achara-punya-balila-prakshyalita.oka. 1J. B.O.R.S., Vol. XIV, pp. 547 ff ; Vol. XV, pp. 635 ff.. See f. n. 1 on 1.68. The Triplicane Grant also gives the same genealogy (Ann. Rep. on 8. Ind. Ep., 192425, p. 78). * Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, pp. 165 ff. J. A. H. R, S., Vol. I, p. 108. (a) Vizagapatam Grant, dated 1003 8. (Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, p. 161): () Vizagapatam Grant, dated 1057 S. (Ibid., p. 172) and (c) Korni Grant, dated 1003 8. (J. A.H.R. S., Vol. I, p. 39). Above. Vol. IV, p. 185. Prof. 8. Rao gives the date of Vajrahasta, onde as 1037-1070 A.D. (J. A. H. R. 8.. Vol. V, p. 276; Vol. VI, p. 208), and again as 1038-1069 A.D. (Ibid., Vol. VI, p. 212). Expressed by a symbol. * This sign of interpunctuation is unnecondary. . Read salila. 10 Read prakshuliia.

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No. 11.) GANJAM COPPER-PLATES OF VAJRAHASTA III; SAKA-SAMVAT 991. 71 4 li-kala-kalmasha-mashinam maha-Mahendr-achala-bikhara-pra6 tishthatasyal sa char-achara-guroh sakala-bhuvani nirmma6 D-aika-sutradharasya Sasanka-chula-man&r=bhbhagavatot Gokarpna-sviminah 7 sadatesamasadit-aika-sankha-bharl-patioha-mahalavda(bda)-dhavala-chehhatta8 hema-chamara-vara-vpishabha-lanobhana-lataujvala-samasta-sarajyar-ma pra Second Plate; First Side. 9 himnam=aneka-samara-sanghatta-samupalavdhaf-vijaya-lakshmi-samili. 10 ngit-otunga-bhuja-danda-manditanah Tri-Kalinga-mahibkujama Ga. 11 nganam-anvayam-alankarishmor-v Vishnor-iva vikram-akrinta-dhara-ma12 pdalasya Gunamaharnpava-ksha(ma)harajasya shutah oll Purvvar bhu13 patibhi[r]=vvibhajya vasudha ya panchabhih pazchadha bhuktv bhuri14 parakramo bhuja-valatio=tam=eka ova svayam [] ekiksitya vijitys 16 katru-nivahana" bri-Vajrahastas-chatuschatvarimsatam=atyudara-charitah 16 sarvvam=arakshit-samahll [*]u Tasya tanay Gundama-rajau varsha-trayam apalaya Second Plate; Second Side. 17 demahim || () tad-anuja) Kamar pavadavah pancha-trimsatam=avdakan | Ta. 18 symanuj8 Vinayadityassamowisah # Tatah Kamaronavaj-jat jaguti19 kalpa-bhuruhah || (1) yo=rajad-tajita-chchhayo Vajrhastovanipatih | [2] Prag chyoda(ta) 20 n-mada-gandha-luvdha-madhupa-vyalidha-gandan=gajann(n)=artthibhyas=samadat=s&21 hasram=atuloy&s-tyaginam=agrani[h!) wahubriman-Aniyankabhima-ni22 patir=gGang-anvay-otamsakah* pafchatrithkatam-avdakan samabhuna23 k=pithvim stutah parttbivaih || [3*]* Tad-agra-odnuss gura-raja-sununa samaan samasta24 samit.&ri-mandala) [lo] sma pati Kimaropava-bhtipatir bhbhuvauw samrid dhiman arddha25 semam samujvalah || [4*}" Tad-anu tad-anujanmo chittajanm-Opamand par * Read pratishthitasya. ! Read bluedna. * Read bbhagawatd. * Read samuffvala. . Read samapalabdha. * Read -ottunga. * Read Gao. . Read sulal. . Read bhukta. 10 Read balai. 11 Read nivahan u Metre : Sardalavikridita + Read -najo. u Read abdakan. (This also appears to be a verse in faulty Aryd metre, though none of the published aditions seems to have noticed it.-Ed.) 4 Metre: sloka. 16 Read lubdha. 17 Read sa. u Read gang.Anvay-ottathaakad. 1Read abdakan. ** Read prithvinh. 11 Metre : Sardalavikridita. 1 Read kamilo. ** Read bbhuvan. * Read eamujjouluh. * Metre: Vamasths. * Read yanmd.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXIII. Third Plate; First Side. 26 nidhir-anavadyo Gundam-akhyo mahisah1 [*] sakalam=ida[m=arakshat=]trini va 27 Tshshani dhatri-valayam-alaghu-teja-nirjjit-arati-chakrah || [5*]* Tato dvai. 28 maturas-tasya Madhukilmarppavo nfipah | avati sm=avanim=etam-avda29 meekarnna vimbatir loll [6*] Atha Vajrahasta-ncipater=agra-sutad-akhila-gu30 ni-jan-agranyah [1*) Kamarnnavat-kavindra-pragiyaman-avadata31 subha-kirtteh ||[7*}* Siya' iva Vaidumv-anvaya-payah-payonidhi-samu32 bhbh(dbha)vayat-cha[l*] yah samajani Vinayamahadovya Sri-Vajrahasta iti tana33 yah |[8*7* Viyad-situ-nidhi-samkhyam gati Sak-avda -sarghe Dinakciti Vrishabha 34 sthe Rohini-bhe sulagne [1] Dhanudhiu che sita-pakshe Suryya-vare tritiyam. Third Plate; Second Side: 35 yuji sakala-dharitram rakshitum yo=bhishiktah ||[9*]" Nyayyena yatra samam-a36 charitum tri-varggel marggena rakshati mahim mahita-pratape [l*) nirvvy37 dhayab=cha miraghas-cha nirapadas-cha salvat-praja bhuvi bhavanti vibhu38 timarttyahi |[10*]* Vyapte Ganga W-kul-ottamasya yabasa dik-chakravala 39 saki-padyota-amalinena yasya bhuvanahm-prahlada-sa40 mpadina [l*] saindurair-ati-sandra-parka-patalai[h*] kumbha-sthali-pattakeshv=ali41 mpanti punah punas-cha haritam=adhorana varanan || [11*]" Anuragena 42 guning yasya vaksho-mukh-avjayoh* D*) afinen Sri-Sarasvatyav-anu Fourth Plate; First Side. 43 kule virajatah loll (12*] Kalinganagart=parama-mahesvara-parama44 bhattaraka-maharaj-adhiraja-Tri-Kaling-adhipati-Srimad-Anuntava48 rmma Vajrahasta-[de]vah kubali samast-amatya-pramukha-janapadan-8a46 mahuya samajnapayati viditam-astu bhavata || (Viditam-& 1 Road makibah. Read abdan. Metro: Sloka. Read Sriya. Metre: Giti. * Read Dhanushi, * Road dharitrit. 16 Read varggan. 17 Motre: Vasantakilala. 1. Read prodyota 11 Metro: sardalavikridita. There is a redundant medial i dgn before. Read deind. * Metre: Malini, . Read eanna. * Metre: Giti. . Read Vaidumbo 10 Read Sak-abda. u Read tritiyd.. Metre: Malini, 1. Read matyal. Read Ganga. 30 Read bhuvand, * Read -abjayob. ** Metre : Sloka.

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GANJAM COPPER-PLATES OF VAJRAHASTA III: SARA-SAMVAT 991. R harAkA mama gavagatakA gavAha yAdava kA kA yA- 10 ti mala (vayAnI yA pujAlalaghamAlakA +lakAla kalAmabAlA mahAmahazayala (uttama nita rAyagAramA sakala va (ma (mammAna saka salamAna 7 rAnapAvatmakala yAni akA yAdA zabhAgAdita kATanAghaumahAjalapavalaTha hama gAmAta ugha sAmA0 umasamajutamAma sama mAnasa ira. kalA mahArAja hamAghamA HTTERS lA dadhAnAma 4 bhAta bhAta yA sAmAjika sevA samAghi banina meM sUrata kamAla bhAgAmacanurAmA lAyanamA cArA vivAha samAyayAGka | yanitA kA pAlana mAga ga yA / ritu / 50 KAna vikAsa manAnAThamAranAma50 iv,b. yazA (mAmavAravAtAhatadhanAcamAyakAcyA khunanA 521vyAyakarAyAghAlakanAlayAtAyAhAko 52 kAya risakAlamA vA sAyAdhayArilA vinAyara na.60 SCALE: THREE-QUARTERS. SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA. N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. REG. No.3977E'36-275.

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No. 12.) INDIAN MUSEUM PLATES OF GANGA DEVENDRAVARMAN : YEAR 308.73 47 stu bhava) ..... 'Varahavarttanyam | Navagramas-chatus-sim-iva48 chchhinnas-sa-jala-sthalas=sarvva-pida-vivarjjitam=a-chandr-arkka49 kshiti-sama-kalam (yavan)-mata-pitror=atmanas-cha punya-yaso-bhivriddha50 ye | sasi-nanda-nidhi-[sa]k-avdem Asadha-masa-prathama-paksha-sa Fourth Plate ; Second Side. 51 ptamyam Soma-vare vesya-vams-odbhavah Mallapa-nayakas-tasya puttrah 52 Bhimana-nayakas-tasya bharyy. Prolakava | tayoh putraya | Gokana? 53 nayakaya chira-kalam-aradhya 8va-paursha-paritoshitaya datta itil No. 12.-INDIAN MUSEUM PLATES OF GANGA DEVENDRAVARMAN : THE YEAR 308. BY B. Ca. CHHABRA, M.A., M.O.L., Pa.D. (LUGD.), OOTACAMUND. The charter under examination is one of the nine sets of copper-plates that were acquired, in the year 1935, by Mr. N. G. Majumdar, Superintendent, Archeological Section, Indian Museum, Calcutta, through Mr. Satyanarayan Rajguru of Parlakimedi, District Ganjam. Regarding its find-spot no definite information is available. Mr. Rajguru, however, informs me that a cultivator, while digging a field in a village of the Badakhimedi Estate of Ganjam, came upon an earthen pot containing some ten sets of copper-plates of which the present record is one. Inkimpressions of these plates were kindly supplied to me by Mr. Majumder with whose permission I edit them here. These are thres copper-plates, each measuring 57" x 3". They were strung on a ring, about 3 inches in diameter, fixed to a circular seal. The seal, 14" in diameter, is intact and bears the figures in high relief of a seated bull, facing the proper left, a crescent and a star above it and a blown lotus below. The plates weigh 112 tolas, while the ring and the seal together weigh 14 iolas. The plates have flat rims. The writing on them has undergone a slight damage, especially on the obverse of the second plate. There are 38 lines of writing in all, the first and the last faces bearing 7 each and the remaining three 8 each. All the three plates are inscribed on both the sides, the charter ending on the obverse of the third plate. On the reverse of this last appear two different writings, one upon the other, but neither seems to be relevant to the present grant. The three lines of writing on the lower portion, the first consisting of four aksharas only and the 1 The syllables within the brackets are indistinct. Probably the engraver, through mistake, repeated the phrase Viditamastu bhavatan, and then tried to cancel it by rubbing off the letters. * The portion of the plate before this letter is very damaged, and there might have been two or three letters. The last one, immediately preceding Va, seems to be tra. There might be the word atra. * These three letters are very indistinct, as this portinn of the plate is very damaged. * The letter kd is very indistinct. Read - Sak-abde. Read Ashadha. . Read vasya or Vailya. + There is a dot over ka, but I doubt whether it was intended for anusvira, as this is usually represented in this plate by a circle to the right of the consonant.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXIII. other two of nine each, in clearer and bigger letters, were evidently engraved later without first completely smoothing the surface, for it shows traces of a previous engraving a considerable part of which can still be read. It presents the same text as found in 11. 27-32 of our inscription. It also betrays the same hand to which the incision of the present charter is due. Probably, the engraver, while incising the record on the plates, omitted the text contained in the 11. 24-26. But later, when he had engraved the subsequent six lines, he discovered his mistake. Thereupon he rejected that plate and carved afresh on the other one, beginning with what he had omitted. The rejected engraving was left as it was. The later addition of the three lines of writing in bigger characters, though quite clear, does not yield any coherent sense to me. The alphabet belongs to a Northern variety and resembles closely that of the other known records of the king, Devendravarman. The writing is cursive and is rather carelessly done. It does not look uniform. There are even instances where two independent syllables have been written with one flowing stroke, cf. Osali of kusali, 1. 14, and sati of samadicati, 1. 16. In these as well as in certain other cases, the letter & does not show the central bar which is shown clearly elsewhere, e.g., in sagamka, 1. 5. Several letters exhibit each more than one form, ef. g in-dagarans, 1. 3, -gure, 1.4, bhagavato, 1. 6, and Gang, 1. 8; ; in vijaya", 1.2, -janita-, 11. 9-10, -jaya-, 1. 10, 1 in ortu., l. 1, pratishthideg, 1. 4, gata- 1. 8, -tilako, 1. 9, janita-, 11. 9-10, and samavetam, 1. 15; d in samadisati, viditam=, 1. 16, and -adibhih, 1. 26; n in -anu", 1. 1, and -janita-, 11. 9-10; r in sa-charachara-, 1.4; 1 in Kalanga, 1.2, and mala-kula-tilako, L. 9; & in sasamka-, 1.5, - savda-, 1. 10, and -danda pasik-, 1. 26; 8 in sa-char-achara-, 1.4, sa[ka]la-, 11. 4-5, and -saghatta-, 1. 9, etc. Moreover, only in one instance, m has its Nagari form, whereas in all the other cases it has been represented by its ancient form. Both of them may be compared in Srisamantena and pravarddhamana in the last line, i.e., 1. 38. It may further be noticed that, except in one or two cases, the media) long i has throughout been represented by the sign of the medial short i, the exceptions being tki, 1. 37, and tri-, 1. 38. In like manner the signs of medial u and u are not distinguished, that of the former representing the both. The record is composed in Sanskrit prose, except that three verses occur in 11. 28-36. It offurs only a few noteworthy points of orthography. The consonant after r is very rarely doubled; see for example sarvvartu-, l. 1, nirman., 1. 5. - Rajendravarma-, l. 13, Yajurveda-, l. 18, Govindasarmane, 1. 19, and -kirttay[i], 1. 35. In most cases v is used for b, like in -sarda-, 1. 10. Anusvara is used instead of the class nasal, in sasamka-, l. 5, -kalamka, 1. 8, -ambu- 1. 33, etc., as well as for the final n, cf. samavetari, l. 15, and janapadam, 1. 16. In certain instances an akshara or visarga has been wrongly left out, e.g., in 11. 2, 6 and 8. A few more mistakes of spelling, possibly attributable to the engraver, will be noticed in the footnotes to the text. The charter records the gift of a village called Purujvana (?) in Bukudravaka or Bukudravakona, in Lohadhangara, by the Ganga king Devendravarman, son of the Maharaja Rajendravarman, to one Govindasarman, son of Bhatta Narayana. The donee is described to be & resident of a place in Uttara-Radha, a member of the Vatsa-gotra and a follower of the Yajurveda and the Katha-charana. The name of the donee's native place could not be clearly made out. The name of the donated village which may be read as Purushthana or Purujvana occurs in l. 21, but the subsequent details are not clear, as that part of the inscription is badly disfigured. What is of chief importance in this record is its date which is the year 308. Although it is indicated only by decimal figures, yet there can be no uncertainty or ambiguity about its reading. This mention of date thpows, as we shall presently see, a decisive light on the date, which up till now rests on a mere surmise, of another grant of the same ruler

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No. 12) INDIAN MUSEUM PLATES OF GANGA DEVENDRAVARMAN : YEAR 398. 75 Besides the present one, three more records are known of the same Devendravarman, namely (1) Bangalore Plates,() Chicacole Plates and (3) Tekkali Plates. The first of these, like the present one, has been issued from Kalinganagara, but it contains no date beyond mentioning an ayana-sankranti on which occasion the village Sidhata of the Varahavartani-vishaya is stated to have been granted to an individual "in order to provide for the worship and offerings to the god) Paramekvara." The Chicacole grant, it is reported, "records the gift of the village Virin. tika in the Pushkarini-vishaya to four brothers." It is undated, and it has been issued from Kalinganagara. The Tekkali Plates have been edited by Dr. Hultzsch. This record has likewise been issued from Kalinganagara and it is dated. The wording of the date is, however, doubtful. The editor has supposed it to be the year 310. This supposition now becomes most acceptable in the light of the present record, as has been pointed out above. The year refers itself to the Ganga era the initial date of which has been much discussed, but not yet been quite settled. Recently Mr. R. Subba Rao has outlined a history of the Gangas of Kalinga. According to his calculation, the Ganga years 308 and 310 would correspond respectively to A. D. 802 and A. D. 804, which may not be far wrong, if not exact. This date may, moreover, be borne out by the palaeographical evidence. The name Devendravarman has been borne by several Ganga kings. That of our record stands, in the genealogical order, as Devendravarman IV.? That the self-same person figures as the grantor in all the four, dated and undated, records described above, is evident from two main considerations : firstly in all the instances he is mentioned as the son of Rajendravarman, and secondly all the four charters have evidently been engraved by one and the same person. Moreover, except for the Bangalore grant which does not mention the composer's name, the re 1 Epigraphia Carnatica, Vol. IX, Bn 140, and Plates; see also the Introduction, p. 9 (text on p. 33 of the section called Text of the Inscriptions in Roman characters, and translation on pp. 26 f. of the section called Translations of the Inscriptions). It is stated that there is the figure of an elephant on the seal'. Possibly the figure of a bull has been mistaken here for that of an elephant. Moreover, the editor assigns the plates roughly to A.D. 700, of course without the knowledge of the dated records of this Devendravarman. 1 An. Rep. on 8. I. Epigraphy, 1918-19, Appendix A, No. 7. These plates have been published first in Telugu by R. Subba Rao in the Rao Sahib G. V. Ramamurti Pantulu Garu Commemoration Volume, pp. 294 f. and later in English by C. Narayana Rao and R. Subba Rao jointly in the J. A. H. R. S., Vol. VIII, pp. 185 ff. . Above, Vol. XVIII, pp. 311-313, and Plates. * According to the editors, while the name of the village is Virinika, it was granted to Hetiloka, son of Vilachi" (J. A. H. R. 8., Vol. VIII, p. 193). It may be pointed out that the text given by the editors is obviously inac. carate in several places. Their account, therefore, may not entirely be depended upon. At the same time, it may be admitted that the writing on the plates is not very clear. * The reading is data-maye dat-oltare. The first compound is suggested to be a clerical error for sata-traye; f. above, Vol. XVIII, p. 312, and A. R. on 8. I. E., 1923-24, pp. 97-98. .J.A. H. R. 8., Vol. VI, pp. 196-97. See also A. R. on 8. I. E., 1931-32, p. 45, where the origin of the Eastern Ganga ers has been discussed, and almost the same conclusion has been reached. * This is sooording to R. Subba Rao, whereas according to some other views, he is Devendravarman IIL 100 .9., R. D. Bagerji's History of Oriana, Vol. I, p. 234.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXIII. maining three have likewise been composed by an identical individual. Both the composer and the engraver bear titles, as is shown below: Plates. Composer. Engraver. . . Bangalore. Chicacole . Tekkali . . . Sarvvachandra-Srisamanta Rahmaya Srisamanta Sarvvachan dra. Rahasya Sarvachandra . Srt-Khandivili. Srisamanta-Khapdimala. Akshabalin-Srtaimanta-Khapdimala. Indian Museum . . . Akshasalin-Khapdimala-Srisamanta. Notwithstanding the variant readings presented and in spite of the omission of titles in certain cases, we may safely assume that the composer and the engraver, in each case, were respectively Rahasya Srisamanta Sarv vachandra and Akshasalin Srisamanta Khandimala. . The official titles Rahasya and Akshasalin are met with also in several other Ganga records, They have been rendered by Dr. Hultzsch respectively as private secretary' and 'keeper of records '.3 The latter term perhaps simply denotes an engraver'. Among the localities mentioned in the inscription, Kalinganagara has been identifted with Mukhalingam, a place of pilgrimage, 20 miles from Parlakimedi in the Ganjam District, while Uttara-Radha is that part of Bengal which includes a portion of the district of Murshida. bad. I am unable to identify the other places occurring in the record. TEXT. First Plate ; First Side, 1 Om Svasty Amarapur-anukarinah sarvv-artu2 sukha-ramani(ni)ya[d*]=vijayavata(tah) Kala(11)nga. 3 da/na)garan-Mahenda(ndr-a)chala (l-a)-mala-likhara. 4 pratishthida(ta)sya sa-char-achara-gure(8)[ho] sa5 [ka]la-[bh]uvana-nirma(rma)n-aika-su(su)tradharasya sasarka6 chu(chu)damane[r*]-[bha]gava(to'y Gokarnalo.gvaminas-cha7 rana-[ka]mala First Plate; Second Side. 8 yugala-pa(pra)nalna)ma(ma)[d*]=v[i]gata-kali-kala[m]ka(ko) Gang-2 9 mala-kula-tilako=neka-samara-sa[m*-ghatta-jani10 ta-jaya-savda(bdah) pratap-a[va]nata-samasta-sama. 11 [n]ta-chudamani-prabha manjari(II)-pusija-ranji 1 This reading is due to restoration. * See, for instance, Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, p. 145. Above, Vol. III, p. 21. From the impressions. 5 Expressed by a symbol. * This ti looks more like ni. * This letter has a peculiar form. It no doubt stands for ka. In -avanata., 1. 10, va has an almost lilo shape, but in that case only the central dash is superfluous. The right-hand curve attached to the ka is superfluous here. Usually it represents medial in this in oription; see, for example, in kusali, I. 14. . The formation of this syllable is hardly recoguizabio. 10 The doubling of the consonant is doubtful here.

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6 12 14 2 8 20 18 22 INDIAN MUSEUM PLATES OF GANGA DEVENDRAVARMAN: THE YEAR 308. i.a. rumbh80gh isperzeers 5. lAgala Teka, paROS ke 47203 08 noe Jepa 5 8.28 10594 ka eka puru 83 pA JOMUTSEROT 85 7 7 Z8585033 ghRk508? 08 eka 05.00 80 T CON JUN i,b. kaDaka 120 N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. REG. No. 3996 E'36-295. ii,a. 16 INSS 8 238 D G J = 16 500 caa4 tts 80 ke kaMkaNale DhA Gics 207 104053 Bala 8 SCALE: ACTUAL SIZE. 10 12 14 18 20 22 SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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ii,b. 8.5E51024 S'ONPUIS ROPE doBao mikanzi suikatachigakochiradesuga, kamimasamazamadesuruTE 30FPSnishite, uitsutasatsukananodekotsu [arienakuteiidei SITY SITO3T... Seal.

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No. 12.) INDIAN MUSEUM PLATES OF GANGA DEVENDRAVARMAN : YEAR 308.77 12 ta-charana[h*}' parama-mehesvara(ro) mata-pitri13 pad-anudhyata(to) Maharaja-bri(bri)-Rajendravarma14 su(su)nu[b*) sri( sri)-Devendravarma(rma) kusali(li) 15 ra-samva(ba)ndhini Bukudravak sa samavet[&]r(n) Luhadharga. Second Plate; First Side. 16 janapadam(n) sama(ma)disati viditam=astu bhavata[m yatha ?] 17 ch-Ottara-Radha | Pa[ta"]ka[bojya ?]-vastavyaya Vatsa18 gotraya Yajur-veda-katha-charanaya bhatta-Nara(ra)ya19 na-su(su)nave | Govindasarmano . . . . . . 20 ba(pa)nditaya Magha-mase . . . . . . . . 21 ma . . pari Purushtha(or jva)na-nama-grama[s-tri-dharma. 22 mam-anuvo(bo)[dhenal[ma]ta-pistr]o[r=atma]nas-cha pu[my]-abhi23 vrid[dhjaye basa? . . . . chandr-a. . . . . . Second Plate; Second Side. 24 gra(gra)me(ma)=yam=asmabhir=datta[h] | yato-sya bha25 vishyad-raja-pu(pu)rva-raja(ja)-va[l*)-labha -chata-bhata. 26 dandapasik-adibhih ke(kai)[$]-chid=va(ba)dha na kartavy[a] [11] 27 purva'-sthitya si(si)ma setu-paricheto(chchhe)de-na pra29 bhasyatenu uktan-cha! Va(Ba)hubhir=vasu[dh]a 29 dast*]ta rajabhih Sagar-adibhil (*) yasya yasya 30 yadaus bhusbhuymis-tasya tasya tada phalam(lam)[11*] [1* Sva-datam(ttam) 31 para-datam(ttan)va yo. hareta vasundharam(ram) 17 1 A dash and adot above ane superfluoualy added to the left-hand vertical stroke of the pa. That they may have stood for an upadhmaniya is highly improbable. Besides, the right-hand vertical stroke of the pa 'is ab. normally long. 1 The danda is unnecessary. This syllable seems to be redundant. Mr. N. L. Rao reada Bukudravakond in which case there will be no superfluous syllable. * The formation of this syllable is hardly recognizable. Tho roading fais tonable, only if the dash and the two dots above it are regarded superfluous. *The reading is very uncertain. Moreover, in case of the suggested reading, the form of j would be Nagarl. Read probably dasanena. * The corresponding phrase in the Tekkali Plates is chandr-aditya-paryantan. Perhaps we have to read this syllable as put and correct it into pu, but the vowel sign bere is quite different from that in the pu of the purva-, 1. 25. 10 There is a curve below the ch, but it can hardly represent the required chh after the ch. 11 Read perhaps prabhashyatt. The visargs after this word must originally have been intended to be a dumt. 11 The syllablo ra here resembles the ka as seen in -aika., 1. 5. '11 The right-hand portion of the ya looks separated from it and affixed to the next lotter. 14 There is a sign after phalam, perhaps meant to be the required double dandu. 15 Metre Anushtub.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXIII. Third Plate; First Side. 32 sa vishthayam krim[ir]=bhutva pitribhih saha pachyate [118] [2*]* I. 33 ti kamala-dalo-ambu-vindu-lola(la)r sriyam-anuchi34 [n*]tya manusha (shya)-ji(ji) vitan=cha sakalam=idam=udahsi35 tam cha vudhva(buddhva) na hi purushaih para-ki(ki)rttay[7] vi36 109-pyah [11*] [3*j* likhitam=idam sasanam Sarvachandrasndra)37 rahasyen=e()tkirnam ch=aksha'sali-khandimala38 Srisamantena gas pravarddhamana-samvachha 308 No. 13.-BADAKHIMEDI COPPER-PLATES OF INDRAVARMAN. BY P. N. BHATTACHARYYA, INDIAN MUSEUM, These plates were found in Badakhimedi Estate in Ganjam and acquired for the Indian Museum, Archaeological Section, in 1935-36 through Mr. Satyanarayana Rajaguru, Municipal Councillor, Parlakimedi. The plates are three in number of which the first and the third are engraved on one side only and the second on both sides. The size of the plates is 7}" in length by 4" in breadth. They were strung on a ring having a diameter of 31 inches and thickness of inch. The ends of the ring are secured in a circular seal (11" diam.) which bears in relief the figure of a recumbent bull. The inscription which is in a good state of preservation consists of 38 lines of writing. The characters are Nagari. The record is not dated but on palaeographical grounds it may be placed in the 12th century A.D. The language is Sanskrit, but the text is full of errors and contains a number of vernacular forms. Excepting the customary benedictive and imprecatory verses the whole record is in prose. In respect of orthography the only point that deserves notice is that in many cases sibilants have been used promiscuously. The object of the inscription is to record the grant by the P. M. P. Indravarmadeva, son of Prithivivarmadeva, of the village called Tanarda in Hallanyara vishaya to Bhattaputra Durgakhandi, son of Bhatta Bodhans and belonging to the Chhandoga-charana, the Ranayaniya-sakha, the Vataya gotra, the Aurva-Bhrigu-Chyavana-Apnavana-Jamadagni pravara, and anupravara. The grant was issued on the occasion of a solar eclipse from the royal residence of Svet(ta)ka. Indravarman of this grant appears to be different from Indravarman mentioned in the Purle? plates; the father of the former was Prithivivarman whereas the father of the latter was Danarnava. This Indravarman cannot also be identified with Indravarman I of the Achyutapuram and 1 Metre Anushubh. * Two dota placed next to each other and a dash or a curve below constitute the usual sign for initial i in this script. In the present instance, however, only the two dots are visible. It looks probable that the scribe did put a dash beneath, but that the engraver mistakenly mixed it with the letter chi further below in the next line. * The formation of this syllable is hardly recognizable. * Metre Pushpitagra. This ga possibly stands for Gangavanda as is found in the Tekkali Plates. Evidently the soribe intended to conclude the obarter on this very face of the plate and was, through want of space, obliged to employ the abbreviation. * Read samvatsare. * Above, Vol. XIV, p. 362. Ibid., Vol. III, pp. 198 L

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No. 13.] BADAKHIMEDI COPPER-PLATES OF INDRAVARMAN. 79 the Parlakimedi' plates on palaeographical grounds. The former appears to be the son of Psithivivarman who issued a Ganjam grant which like the present record was also issued from Svet(ta)ka, written by the Sandhivigrahin Sri-Samanta, and engraved by Svayambhu. The name of this Indravarman is known from our plates for the first time. He is described as Kokalavalapurapaffanavinirgata (11. 7-8). Prithivivarman, father of Indravarman, also calls himself Kolaulapurapattanaka i.e., belonging to the city of Kolaulapura. Generally the Eastern Ganga kings have the title Kolahalapuravaresvara (Lord of the city of Kolahala). The terms Kokalavalapura, Kolahalapura and Kolaulapura seem to denote one and the same place which has been identified by Mr. L. Rice with Kolar in the Mysore State. Indravarman bears the title of Nandagirinatha, or the Lord of Nandagiri, which has been identified with the well-known fortified hill to the west of Kolar District, Mysore, now called Nandidroog. It may be noted that both the above titles were also adopted by some of the Western Chalukyat and Western Ganga kings. The inscription was written by the Samdhivigrahin who also bears the designation Sri-Samanta but his name seems to have been omitted. It was engraved by the Sreshthin the Sri-Samanta Svayambhu of the brazier class, son of Nripa, and registered by the Vaishnavi Sri-Gosvamini Sri-Mahadevi by which the chief queen may have been referred to. TEXT. First Plate. 1 Om svasti (*) Svet(ta)k-adhishthanad=bhagavatah sacharachara-gurah sa(sa)2 kala-sansamnka -sekhara-dharasya | sthity-utpati(tti)-pralaya-karana -ho3 tor-Mahendrascha(cha)la-si(si)khara-nivasi(si)nah srimah(ma)dah(d)-Gokarna(ne)sva(sva)ra bha4 trarakasya charana-kamal-aradhanat(d-a)vapta-punya(nya)nichaya(yah) ! sakkti(kti). traya-praka8rish-anuranjit-a(a) sesa 10-samanta-chakra[h*] sva(sva)-bhuja-va(ba)la-parakram-akranta-sa6 kala-Kaling-adhiraje(jyah) l' parama-mahesvara mata-pitsi-pad-anu 7 dhyato !" Gang-amala-kula-tilaka[h*) !? sri-Nandagirinatha[h*] Kokalavala8 pura-pattana-vinirgata-kamvalya-varayaghosa-ma(ma)harajadhiraja-pa9 ramesvara-paramabhatyaraka-sri-Indravarmadeva[h]* kusa(sa)li sri-Prithi10 vivarmadeva-sutah Hallanyara-vishaelye) yathakal-adhyasi-mahasa Second Plate; First Side. 11 manpa(nta)-brisamanta-rajanaka-rajaputra-kumaramaty-utpa1-dandana12 yakah(ka)-vishayapati-[gra]mapati(tin) anya(nyam)s=cha chata-bha(bha)ta-vallabha-ja 13 ti(ti)ya[n] ratrakuta-kutumvinam svamavajikais samanta-janapadana(dan) sa 14 madisati viditam-astu bhavata * etad-vishaya-samvandha-gramo=yam Tana * Ind. Ant., Vol. XVI, p. 134. . Above, Vol. IV, pp. 198 f. Imp. Gaz., Vol. XVIII, p. 369. * Kichhorn's Last of 8. I. Inscr., Nos. 168, 170n. . Ibid., Nos. 95, 124, 125, 130, 132 and 133. * Expressed by a symbol. Danda unnecessary. 8 Read dabanka. Karana has been omitted in the Samantavarma inscription. Above, Vol. XV, p. 277. 10 Read .prakarsh-anuraljit-allaha. 11 Read -Oparika. 11 Read rashfrakufa-kutumbinah. 1 Read aimarrvikun. * Darda unnecessary. Read tamEtad-, 15 Read eambadia.

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80 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA, 15 rda nama sa-jala-sthal-aranya1 chatuh-si(si)m-opalla(la)kshitan(tas)=cha | 16 Chhandoga-charanayah(ya) | Rarani-sa (sa)khaya | Vachha(Vatsa)-gotraya | pa(pa)ncha 17 pravaraya || Aurvva(Aurvva) Bhri(Bhri)gu-Chyavana-A(A)pnavana-Jamadagni(ni)|| tatha iva (tath-aiva) 18 anupravara[h*] pancha || bhataputra-Duga(rga)khandi[ne*] || bhatta-Vo(Bo)dhanasutah(taya) ihi 19 va (ih-aiva) su(su)rya-grahane data mata-pitror-atmanas-cha 13 punya(uya). pravridhae(ddhaye) | sali(li) 20 [la*]-dhara-purahsarena | chandr-arka-sthiti | -sama-kala[m*] a-kari(ri)kritya | pratipa. Second Plate; Second Side. 21 "padito-smabhir-yatam" | sa(sa)sana-darasanat dharma-gauravaht-tasmadah-dgau 22 rava cha na kena-chipta (t-pa)ripanthina bhavitavya[m*] tatha cha pathyate dharma-sastre [*] Va [VOL. XXIII. 23 hubhir-vasudha data rajanai Sagar-adhibhih [*] yasya yasya yada bhumi tasya tasya ta24 da phalam [*] Ma bhumi phala-sanka va para-dat-eti parthiva 10 Harate harayate 25 bhumi manda-vudhi tama-vrita[/*] sa vadhdho Varunai pasai tirya-yo26 nyan-cha gachhati|| Sva-datam-para-datam-va yo hareti vasundhara | sha 27 vishthaya krimir-bhutva pitribhih saha pachate || Hi[ra*]nyam-ekam gome 23 kan-cha 2 rbhum-ekam chatur-angulam [*] haran-narakamm-ayati yavad-ahu29 ti-samplava || Sashthim-varisa satani svagram modati bhumija ||(16 Third Plate. 30 akshepta ch-anumanta[cha*]tany-e[va*] narakam vrijet || sva-danat-phalam kurya 31 paradatt-anupalanam [*] 11ubhau to punya-karmanau niyato svarga-ga 32 minau || Iti kamala-dal-amvu-vindu-lola[m] sriyam-anu 33 chintya manusya-jivitan-cha | sakalam-idam=udahritam vudha 34 na hi purusai para-kirtayo vilopyall likhitam-idam sa 35 ndhivigrahi-sri-samamtena || utkirnan-cha12 sa(sa)sanam kamsara-kulaputraka 1 Read -aranya. 3 Read Ranayaniya.. 6 Read purakaram. ?F ad yatah. 36 sreshti(shthi)-sri-samanta-Svayambhuna Napa-suttenna13 | lanchhitan=cha parama37 vaishnavi-sri-Gosvamini(ni) sri-ma(ma) hadevya || uny-aksharam-adidhikaksha38 ram-va tat sarvva[m] pramanam=itih(ti)||||1 11 The first half of this verse has been omitted. 12 Read utkirnan cha. 13 Read Nripa-sutena. 14 Read vaishnavi. * Read-darsanad: dharmma-gauravad asmad-gauravach-cha. Reading of these verses is hopelessly incorrect. Since they are well known no correction is made. 10 The second half of this verse is found in 11. 30-31. 1s Read an-aksharam-adhik-aksharam va 1 There is a symbol after this. Danda unnecessary. Probably intended for dattea which is superfluous. This pa is superfluous.

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BADAKHIMEDI COPPER-PLATES OF INDRAVARMAN. P kalAkAra banAi REM valayAkAla VASIogacalanamAhA +TRA nAvalAInakAlakarAja 4 PATTERN harayAraka nAkAmA kAnamA OM kAla mahArAhAkAkulA rANikAmalAvarAnADA 10100415orAlAla-5/08 10 lajalA basalAmAla 20 . sImAmAkI hA taka pustaka kA zIzA kI yA 12 biliyata daramahA 12 Aba vilakamA mAmAna 14 bhArata ra jayA 14 sADasalAmAkA 16 mArA CONTEN lI sAhAyAnAkara ravAzI 16 sa gulavijanavAda kAnAta 18 AhA rAlAhAbAda : 6. 18 yAbAbata. 20 LL ye mAmalA 20 N. P. CHAKRAVARTE REG. No. 3995E'36-295. SCALE: FOUR-FIFTHS. SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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aaj naai, dipur bimaan bgoNr jiibn 22 ghnnPage #116
No. 14.] PATTAN PLATES OF PRAVARASENA II. No. 14.-PATTAN PLATES OF PRAVARASENA II. By Prof. V. V. MIRASHI, M.A., NAGPUR. Pattan is a substantial village with a population of about 1,500 souls in the Multai tahsil of the Betul District, Central Provinces. It lies about 10 miles south of Multai, on the Multai-Amraoti road. Tradition says that the original village was turned upside down and buried underground by the curse of a Muhommadan saint Sulaiman Shah. Even now when excavations are made, large-size bricks, beads of onyx and coins are found, which also shows that the modern village is occupying an old site. The present plates were turned up in a field by the plough of a farmer in 1935. Mr. Rajaram Jain, Head Master of the local Vernacular Middle School, first brought them to notice in the beginning of the next year. Finding himself unable to decipher the record, he made fairly accurate eye-copies of it, one of which reached the hands of Mr. M. A. Suboor, of the Central Museum, Nagpur. The latter took immediate steps to acquire the plates for the Museum and thoroughly cleaned them when they were received. They are now deposited in the Museum. I edit them here as desired by Mr. Suboor. They are five copper-plates of which the first and the last are inscribed on one side only and the remaining three on both the sides. Each plate measures 6-9" by 4" and is about .1' in thickness. The ends of the plates are neither fashioned thicker, nor raised into rims for the protection of the writing. About 1.9' from the proper right side of each plate there is a hole 1' in diameter for the ring which originally connected the plates. When the plates reached the Nagpur Museum, the ring had been straightened, and its seal, which is a round disc, 3' in diameter, separated from it. The usual band, to which the seal must have been rivetted, is not forthcoming now. The weight of the plates is 134 tolas and that of the seal 81 tolas. Some of the plates have cracked at the edges. Their surface, which originally was not made quite smooth, has been further damaged by rust. The letters were deeply cut. Some of them show through on the reverse, especially in the case of the first and last plates which are somewhat thinner than the rest. Many letters in the right half of 1. 45 and most of those in the two following lines have been almost obliterated by friction but can be read, though with some difficulty, from the traces left on the plate. The record consists of 47 lines. Each inscribed surface contains six lines, except the first side of the third plate which has only five lines incised on it. The seal contains the usual Vakataka legend in verse, inscribed in four lines. The characters are of the box-headed variety and closely resemble those of the Tirodi plates. They include the signs for the initial short i in l 27, long i in l. 46 and for the initial short 4 in 1. 28. The only peculiarities worth noticing here are that the length of the medial i is generally denoted by a ringlet in the curve which represents its short form, but in one case by a curve turned in the opposite direction, cf. Bhagiratthy., 1. 7, and in another by a dot in the circle, cf. Sri-Pravarasenasya, 1. 19; the matras for the medial a, 2 and 7 are added at the foot of the letters m and kh; see om-Aptoryyam-Okthya, 1. 1, Afvamedha-, 11. 2-3 and Varadakheta-, 1. 20; the medial o is cursive in Lohanagar., 1. 20; the medial au is everywhere bipartite ; see Gautamiputra-, 11. 8-9; the subscript forms of n and >> are not distinguished, while those of j and b have no notch on the left; see utpannasya, 1. 18, and suvarnna-, 1. 45; -arijava., 1. 10, and -ayur-bbala, 1. 27; a final consonant is indicated by its small form and in some cases by a short horizontal line at the top (see Pravarapurat, l. 1, dattam, 1. 23, etc.). The upadhmaniya occurs in 11. 15, 18, and 35 of the inscription and 1 Betul District Gazetteer, p. 256. * Above, Vol. XXII, pp. 167 f.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXIII. in l. 3 of the legend on the seal. Punctuation is marked by two or three vertical and somewhat curved lines followed by a dash. The language is Sanskrit. Except the legend on the seal and the customary benedictory and imprecatory verses at the end, the whole record is in prose. It abounds in mistakes of orthography, sandhi, syntax, declension, conjugation, verbal and nominal derivatives, etc., most of which must be attributed to the ignorance or carelessness of the writer. As regards mistakes of orthography, we find sunoh everywhere written for sunoh (see 11. 4, 9, 15 and 16), Bharasivanam for Bharasivanam in l. 8, atyantya for atyanta, 11. 4 and 10; ri is used for the vowel si in Prithivi, 1. 14, and vice versd in kriyabhis., 1.35; similarly li is used for the vowel si in-klipe-Opakliptah in l. 33; the dental n is used for the lingual n in karunya-, l. 10 and puny, 1.38; the anusvara before a sibilant is incorrectly changed to the dental nasal in ansa-, 1. 5, and to the guttural in varisao, 1. 6 and saptavirise, l. 43. Other instances of orthographical mistakes are furnished by -dalya, 1. 28 dhimatra, l. 11, agrahara, 1. 30, veshti, 1. 32, etc. In many cases rules of euphony have not been followed or have been violated; see for instance - niyuktah ajna-, 1. 24, gunai samupetasya, 1. 12, -aganayamana svalpam, 1. 36, etc. For mistakes of declension, see samrat for samrajah in 1. 3, purvvaya for purvvaya in l. 25, etc.; and for those of conjugation, notice karayita for karayet, 1. 36 and kuryyamah for kuryyama, 1. 37. Attention may also be drawn here to the verbal derivatives vijnapyena for vijfaptyain l. 23 and karavaka for karaka in 11. 46-47, and the nominal derivative rajakya for rajakiya, 1. 22. The writer has violated the elementary rule of concord in sutayah Prabhavatiguptayam, 1. 17 and in caha....pratisrishtah, 11. 26-29, and of compounding in murdhnabhishiklanan-, 1. 7. His carelessness is responsible for the repetition of patra-gata-bhaktitva in II. 11-12. As regards the orthographical peculiarities sanctioned by Sanskrit grammar, we may notice that the consonant preceding r and y is doubled in parakkrama, 1. 6, sarvvaddhyaksha, 1. 24, etc.; and that following is similarly doubled in varddhamana, l. 13, dharmma, l. 12, etc. Like several other Vakataka records, the present plates contain the word drishta in the beginning. They were issued by the Maharaja Prayarasona II. of the Vakataka dynasty from Pravarapura.. His genealogy is given here as in his other plates, his maternal grandfather being called Devagupta. The present plates record the royal grant of 400 nivartanas of land by the royal measure in the village of Afvatthakhotaka for the maintenance of a sattra or charitable hall in honour of the footprints of Mahapurusha (Vishnu). The village was situated on the road to Varadakheta in the division (bhaga) of Lohapagara. The gift was made at the request of Narayaparaja. The charter was written on the seventh day of the dark fortnight of Kar. ttika in the twenty-seventh (regnal) year. The scribe was Kalidasa who was serving under the Senapati Katyayana. The record was engraved by the goldsmith Isvaradatta 1 The Chammak plates use the word correctly, see 0. I. I., Vol. III, p. 237. . In the present record its masculine form drishtal is used, whereas everywhere else its neuter form drisham is met with. . Since the grant was made at the capital, the expression saijayike dharmmasthand, at the victorious office of justice', occurs in it as it does in similar other Vakataks grants, of. above, Vol. XXII, p. 170. Rajakya-manena, 1. 22, like raja-manena in the Karnul plates of the Chalukya Vikramaditya I (J. B. B. R. A. 8., Vol. XVI, p. 240) denotes & royal measure as distinguished from local measures which were called vishaya-mana' as in the Bankhada plates (first set) of Dadda II (above, Vol. V, p. 39). The second set of the Sankhodi plates of the same king mentions a brihan-mana larger measure' (ibid.). For a similar grant of a slightly later period see the Podagad inscription, above, Vol. XXI, p. 186. For Mahapurushu or Mahapurusha meaning Vishnu see the Bhagavata Purana-II, 1. 10 ; V. 15, 4 and 6: 17, 16-17, VIII, 5, 32, etc. * With khatanongraved of. kohatam in the Rithpur plates of Bhavattavarman, above, Vol. XIX, p. 103.

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No. 14.) PATTAN PLATES OF PRAVARASENA II. who was a servant (santaka) of Kaundaraja. It is stated at the end that Pitamaha and Nanda caused the charter to be drafted. Till now the latest known year of Pravarasena Il's reign was the twenty-third, furnished by his Dudia(r) and Tirodie plates. The present plates therefore increase his reign by about four years. Kaupdaraja, whose servant Isvaradatta incised the present charter, is evidently identical with Kondaraja, the son of Satrughnaraja, at whose request the grant recorded in the Chammak plates was made. The mention of Kalidasa in the present grant raises the interesting question of his identity with the illustrious Sanskrit poet of that name. The date of the latter has been for more than a century the subject of controversy, and various theories have been advanced, attempting to fix it in periods ranging from the first century B.C. to the sixth century A.D. Of these the theory which places him in the Gupta age and makes him a contemporary of Chandragupta (II)-Vikramaditya is gradually gaining ground and receiving general acceptance. But nothing short of a contemporary inscriptional record mentioning the poet's name would remove the doubts of sceptics in this matter. The earliest epigraphical mention of this name, so far known, was that in the Aihole prasasti of Pulakesin II, Saka 556 ( A.D. 634) This is, therefore, the first time that the name Kalidasa has been discovered in a record of the Gupta period. Kalidasa, no doubt, figures only as a scribe in the present grant; but that does not per se disprove his identity with the great Sanskrit poet. Such charters were generally drafted and written on copper-plates by clerks working in the office of the Sandhivigrahika or Minister for peace and war, but sometimes we find even great officers mentioned as writers of such documents. Thus the writer of the recently published Tirooi plates of this very Pravarasena II was the Chief Minister (Rajyadhikrita) himself. The Anjanavati grant of the Rashtrakuta Govinda III, was written by his Minister for peace and war. So there is nothing improbable in the supposition that the writer of the present plates was identical with Kalidasa, the great Sanskrit poet. Recent researches have, again, shown that Kalidasa was for some time at least connected with the Vakataka court. From certain passages in the Kuntalesvaradautya, a Sanskrit work ascribed to Kalidasa, which have been cited in the Kavyamimamsato of Rajasekhara, the Spingaraprakasall and the Sarasvatikanthabharanglt of Bhoja, and the Auchityavicharacharcha of Kshemendra, it has been conjectured with great probability that Kalidasa was sent as an ambassador by his patron Vikramaditya to the 1 Santaka which is connected with the Pali word santika meaning 'proximity, presence occurs elsewhere M technical territorial term (see C. I. I., Vol.III, pp. 118, 120 and 132). It is used in Vakataka grants in the sense of & subordinate officer or a servant. . Cf. C. 1. 1., Vol. III, p. 99 note 3. The word Karavaka used here corresponds to Karapaka which occurs elsewhere, e.g., in the Eklingji Stone Inscription, J. B. B. R. A. 8., Vol. XXII, p. 167. . Above, Vol. III, p. 262. . Ibid., Vol. XXII, p. 174. .C.I.I., Vol. III, p. 237. * Above, Vol. VI, p. 3. Above, Vol. XXII, p. 174. Above p. 18; also C. I. I., Vol. III, p. 99, note 3. . The name occurs as Kuntisvaradautya in the Auchityavicharacharcha of Kshemendra (Nirnayasagara Press ed., p. 139), but it is there probably a mistake for Kuntalesvaradantya. 10 Gaekwad's Oriental Series, Second edition, pp. 60-61. u Sringaraprakaba, Chapters XXII-XXIV, Introd., p. xxii. 12 Nirnayasagara Press ed., p. 168. w Kavyamala, Guchrhha 1, Nirnayasagara Press ed., pp. 139-40.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXIII. court of a Kuntalesa (lord of Kuntala). He stayed there for some time and when he returned, he reported to his patron that the lord of Kuntala was spending his time in enjoyment, throwing the responsibility of governing his kingdom on him (i.e., Vikramaditya). This lord of Kuntala is probably none other than the Vakataka king Pravarasena II; for it was during his reign that Gupta influence was at its highest at the Vakataka court. It seems that the Vakataka princes had assumed the title of Kuntalesa since the conquest of Kuntala by Prithivishena I. It may be noted in this connection that the author of the Satubandha, who is none otuor than this Pravarasena II, is called Kuntalesa in the Sanskrit work Bharatacharita. According to a tradition recorded by Ramadasa, & commentator of the Setubandha. Kalidasa composed the Praktit work for Pravarasena by the order of Vikramaditya. This he must have done during his sojourn in Vidarbha. The idea of writing the Meghaduta seems to have suggested itself to his mind at Ramtek near Nagpur (Ramagiri of the Meghaduta) which, we know, was a holy place visited by the Vakatakas. It is not urlikely that while in Vidarbha, Kalidasa was attached to the office of the Senapati as stated in the present record. There is, thus, primd facie, nothing against, and much in favour of, the identification of the scribe of the present grant with the illustrious Sanskrit poet. But a close examination of the present record shows that this view is untenable. The scribe of the present plates had a very imperfect knowledge of Sanskrit. As pointed out above, there are numerous orthographical and grammatical mistakes, for most of which the writer, and not the engraver, must have been responsible. On the other hand, Kalidasa had a great command over the Sanskrit language. He has emphasised the importance of correct speech in one of his similes and his works contain fewer instances of solecism than those of his predecessors and successors. It is incredible that such a great poet as Kalidasa would commit so many mistakes of orthography, sandhi, syntax, nominal and verbal forms, etc., which disfigure the present record. Disappointing as it is, one has to admit that the scribe was only a namesake and contemporary of, and not identical with, the prince of Sanskrit poets. We may note here that similar names ending in dasa were current in Vidarbha in the age of the Vakatakas. Thus we know of Namidasa & Senapati, Chamidasa the Chief Minister, as well as Chakradasa and Goladass the scribes of the Poons and Dudia plates respectively. As for the localities mentioned in the present grant VaradAlcheta is probably Warud in the Morsi taluka of the Amraoti District, about 12 miles due south of Pattan. Luhapagara, the headquarters of an ancient division, may be represented by Loni about 9 miles south-west of Warud. The name of the village Asvattha-Ihotaka, in which the donated land was situated, 1 For a full discussion on the subject see A. Rangaswami Sarasvati 'Further glimpses into Gupta Literary History ' Quart. J. Mythic Society, Vol. XVI, pp. 93 ff; K. 8. Aiyangar Vakatakas and their place in Indian His. tory, pp. 40 f.; V. V. Mirashi, Kalidasa (Marathi), PP. 37 ff.; N. Lakshminarayan Rao, 'The Gupta contem. porary of Kakusthavarman, I. H. Q., Vol. IX, pp. 200 f.; K. S. Ramaswami Sastri 'King Pravarasena and Kali. dass , Proceedings and Transactions of the Seventh Oriental Conference, pp. 99 ff. * Note for instance that in both the Poona and Riddhapur plates of the Vakataka Dowager Queen Prabha. vatigupta, the genealogy of the Guptas, and not that of the Vakatakas is given in the beginning. See the inscription in the Ajanta Cave XVI, 4. 8. W. I., Vol. IV, p. 125. 'malAmayasthAntaragADhamArgamalababandha giri cauryahatyA / 4 radex et garen || Canto I. v. 4. Trivandrum Skt. Serios. Nimayasigara Press ed., p. 3 ; see also the colophon of the last chapter, ibid., p. 497. * The Riddhapur Plates of Prabhavatigupta (J. A. 8. B., Vol. XXII, pp. 58 ff.) were issued from the feet of the Lord of Ramagiri. Kumarasambhava, Santo I, verse 27, See Ind. Ani., Vol. XLI, p. 214.

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No. 14.] PATTAN PLATES OF PRAVARASENA II. can no longer be traced ; its site seems to be occupied by the modern village of Pattan. It may be noted in this connection that it lies on the way from Multai to Warud (ancient Varadakheta), and thus, answers to the description of its situation in the present plates. I edit the inscription from the original plates. TEXT. First Plate. 1 dRSTa: "] svasti / pravarapurAt pamniSTomAptoyAmokthyaSo. 2 upayatirAcavAjapeyavRhaspatisavasAdhanacaturana3 medhayAjinaH viSNuzAsagoSasya samrATa' vAkATakA4 nAmahArAjazrIpravarasenasya su(sU)noH su(sU)noratyanya(nta)khAmimaBhAbhairavabhavasva pansa'bhAramanivethitazivaliyonadhi6 vasaparituSTasamutpAditarAjavAnAmparAkamAdhigatamA ___Second Plate ; First Side. 7 gorasyA(sya)malajalamUrdhA(rdhA)bhiSilAnAndazAzvamedhAvasthakhAtA8 nAdhArathI(zivA nAmahArAjazrIbhavanAga[dau]'zivasya gautamIpu9 traputrasya vAkATakAnAmmahArAjavIbadrasenastha su(ca)nora10 tyasya(nta)mAhekharasya satyAjavakArunya(khya)zauryavikramana11 yavinayamAhAvyadhImatva(kha)pAtragatabha[ktitva] pAtragatama12 litvadharmavijayilamanonIvAdiguNaiH"]. samupetasva Second Plate; Second Side. 13 varSayatamabhivarSamAnakozadaNDasAdhanasantAnaputrapau14 (piNaH yudhiSThirahattervAkATakAnAmahArAjabIprithivisa-10 1 Read e as in other Vakataka grants. Here and in many places below, rules of sandhi have not been observed. . Tbe letter t isolear on the original plator Road samAna:* Read caMsa-- - Read vaMzA. * The box at the top of the letter od is not completely incised. * The right ourve at the top is not sufficiently raised for want of space. * All the other Vakitake plates discovered so far read gautamIputrasya puSasya. thus making the construotion ambiguous. See, above, Vol. XXII, p. 175. The reading in the present grant shows that the adjectival exproonions from atyantakhAmimahAbhairavabhaktAsya onwards quality badrasegastha. . This expression is unnecessarily repeated. " Road pRthiviSekha.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VoL.XXIII. 18 masya sAnomavatamyA pramadopArjitacIsa16 dayasya vAkATakAnAmahArAjazrImadrasenasya su(sU)nI17 ()hArAjAdhirAjazrIdevaguptasutAyA prabhAva[ti guptA18 yAmutpatrasya zambhoraprasAdadhatikAta yugasya vAkATakAnA Third Plate ; First Side. 19 mparamamAhebaramahArAjazrIpravarasenamya vacanA[*] // 20 loSaNagarAbhAga varadAkheTamAjhe avastha(tya)kheTake 2l sabrAhmaNapurogI pAmo vaktavyaH [*] patra prAme rA22 jakyamAnema' bhUmervivartanazatAni catvAri mahApuruSapA23 damUlasIpayojya nArAyaNarAjaviApyana' dattam [11] Third Plate ; Second Side. 24 yatImAtmantakAmaviniyoganiyutAH pAtrAsacA25 rikulapuvAdhivatA bhaTAvAvAca vizrutapUrvA(va)yAjayA26 jApayitavyAH [*] viditamastu ba(vo) yatha(2)SAsmAbhirAma27 no dhamAyubalavijayakharyavihAya hAmavahitA28 rthamAtmAnugrahAya vaijayike dharmasthAne apUrvadatyA(tyA) udaka29 pUrvampratisRSTaH [0] athAsyocitAmpUrvaga[jAna[matA] cAtu Fourth Plate; First Side. 30 vya(ba)dyApA(a)hAramaryAdAnvitarAma: "] tadyathA pakaradAyI abhaTa1 The medial u sign is faintly seen on the plato. Read sutAyo *so in the Seoni and Chammak plates. Read prasAdadhatakAyugasya. * Read rAjakIyamAnana The engraver has canoelled a wrongly incised stroke on the left of ta. * Read -yojyani and dattant. It is better to read vijJatyA. * The engraver first incised the subscript letter as cha and then tried to convert it into chha by adding & vertical stroke in the middle of the rectangle. Contrast the proper form of chha in 1. 42. * The feminine form eSA in 1. 26 seems to qualify some word like bhUmi:- pratiSTA is, therefore, required bere. The writer has, however, used the masculine form throughout, as he has blindly cond the usual draft for the grant of a village (grAma: ). [The intended reference here may be to the agrahara mentioned in 1.30 in which case Lsh-damabhin should be corrected into showamabhit. Apparently the 400 nivartanas of land constituted the agrahara granted to the temple and an expression like agraharikrilya has been omitted before dattam in 1. 23. As such an agrahara wonld be mainly inhabited by Brahmins, the objections rained by Prof. Mirashi in this rote and the next do not seem to be justified.Ed.] 10 Read et fact ! The writer has forgotten that the present grant was made to a temple and not to Brahmanas versed in the four lores. See also w afere in 11. 36-37 below. Some of the prohibitions and exemptions laid down here are appropriate only in the case of the gift of a whole village.

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PATTAN PLATES OF PRAVARASENA II. 11C - ng * paany . * L Eientos = . A | jaa 1 [ . = Ug = = = = = = _ : thaa 6 . _ == ,. 4, , - >> * 2 15 c . EF, 5 h 12 CT $ 1,CTC , k kh g = = = 1 * ( sd 20 A s C - : .. )" 2 [ o 1 . . TG M , | r _ , - 5 LTE 1 4 12 i,b. - - - thmiip " = a - sn 4 = 35 ] c5 ! . kng : . 3 (43 1 -- + 1 * t | ES - 16, T cin | rm ET - 0 SCALE: SEVEN-TENTHS. SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA. N. P. CHAKRAVARTI, REa. No. 3977 E"36-275,

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91 28 Chemor EC . D SEE 1 C "PerfePSbe BLUE pr dh s'aakaa kvaarr, SE TE SO oczekracht mit der RCAS C - Cl JG C ; TL 115 to Ch 00 tis 1 0 0 - REVC ==0) Thi CTO - sus- ja VOLT U CITIT 34 var engas aula L 'o : 49999 ha fico to T 2 CLIENT unho SOLE URNS you LUD iii,a. iii,.. ioa. 32 TTEC P

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No. 14.] 31 ve apAraMparaMgo balirtha: puSpacorasandoha [:] - 32_pA (cA)rA'sanacanAGagA (GgA)ra: alavaNakkeSikhanakaH sarvvave (vi)STiparohA33 raparita [: "] sanidhiH sopanidhissa kli (k) torpAkli (kla)ta: AcandrAdityakA34 loya: putrapauvAnugAmI bhujyamAna (no na kenacirAghAtayitavyaH 35 sarvva( kriyAbhi (ka) racitavya) parivartayitavyaya [1] ya [ yA] macchAsanama Fourth Plate; Second Side. 36 gaNyamAna [ : ] 37 yAmapi parivAdhAM kuryyAtkArayota vA tasya brAhma vaiditasya sadaNDanigrahaM kuryyAma: (ma ) [1] pavi' dhamAdaraka 38 [*] atItAneka rAjadattA (tta) saJcintana paripAlana' kRtapunyA (NyA) 39 takIrttanaparicArArtha va kIrtayAmaH [*] vyAsagotI cAla khokI 40 pramANokarttavyau [1*] svadattAmparadattAM vvA (vA) yo hareta vasundharAm [1 *] 41 tathA inturdharati duSkRtam] [] PATTAN PLATES OF PRAVARASENA II. Fifth Plate. 42 SaSTivarSasahasrANi kharge modati bhUmida [: / *] trAcchettA 43 cAnumantA ca tAnyeva narake vasediti // ' [2] sAMvvAre saptAvi 10 44 kArttikamalapaca sAmyAm" senA tikAtyAyana 45 santakena likhita (taM) kAlidAsena [1*] [koNDarAjasantakena suva] 12 - 46 kAra Izvaradattena khAtaM // asya zAsanasya kArA 47 ko pitAmahanandI | 2 Read karayed-va. * Read priMya 1 As the stroke for medial a at the side of r was not quite clear, the engraver seems to have added another at the top. 4 Read paripAlanaM kRta The anuevara is superfluous. * Motre: Anushtubh. ? Read vaset] [[[*] iti | Metro Anushtubh. 8 Read saMvAra * Read saptaviMze 10 Read saptamyAM 87 11 What looks like a dot in the middle of the circle for media i is probably due to a fault in the plate 13 The letters in the brackets and those in the next two lines can be read with certainty on the origins I plate. 13 Read suvarNakArezvara

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXIII. The Seal. 1 412 (a) (The 2 491aftu: [l*] 3 Xacher 4 art figurat(TH) [0*] No. 15.-TANDIVADA GRANT OF PRITHIVI-MAHARAJA : 46TH YEAR. BY R. S. PANCHAMUKHI, M.A., MADRAS. , The subjoined inscription is engraved on a set of four copper platos received by the Assistant Archeological Superintendent for Epigraphy, Madras, from M. R. Ry. M. Ramakrishna Kavi Garu, M. A., Assistant Curator, Government Oriental Manuscript Library, Madras, in the year 1917. They are included in Appendix A of the Annual Report on Epigraphy, Madras, as O. P. No. 6 of 1916-17 and described in a slip attached to the impression as follows: " These are four copper-plates oblong in shape and bearing a ring hole of about 1' in diameter at about " from the proper right margin. They have writing on six faces in all, the first and the last plates being blank on the outer faces. All the engraved faces have very slightly perceptible rims. The plates have an average thickness of about to" and measure about 61' in breadth and a little over 2" in height. It is much to be regretted that the seal of this record, the dynasty of which is not known, is missing." The alphabet is of an early Southern type. It resembles the characters of the Chikkulla platest of Vikramendravarman, the Pulomburu grant of Madhavavarman, the Kopparam plates 'of Pulikesin II and the Godavari platest of Prithvimula. The letters of the British Museum plates of Charudevi and the Ipur plates of Devavarman's son Madhavavarman are angular in shape and more antique than those of the present inscription. The Pulibumra grant' and the Peddavegi plates, both belonging to the Eastern Chalukya king Jayasimha I., appear to be written in more developed characters. Thus the alphabet of the present inscription may be said to belong to the period between the dates of these two sets of inscriptions, i.e., to the beginning of the 7th century A.D. The letters t and n are not distinguished here by a loop as both have a similar shape except that the right curve of t is continued on the left side at the bottom. The medial long iis distinguished from the short one by an inside curl at the top as in Prithivi-Maharaja (1. 8) and Prithivisarmmanah (1. 14). The initial a is used thrice (11. 11, 19 & 24) and a in two places (11. 23 & 28). Orthography is generally free from errors. The language is Sanskrit prose with the exception of the three verses at the end. 1 Above, Vol. IV, p. 193. * M. E. R., 1913-14, C. P. No. 7; J.A. H. R. 8., Vol. VI, pp. 17 ff. * Above, Vol. XVIII, p. 257. * J. B. B. R. A. 8., Vol. XVI, p. 114. Above, Vol. VIII, pp. 143 f. Ibid., Vol. XVII, p. 337. * Ibid., Vol. XIX, p. 254. * Ibid., vol. XIX, p. 258.

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PATTAN PLATES OF PRAVARASENA II. io,b. 36 s 38 it E 1. Goro .. - 23R TT de DO a pena 1 42104393Ie 40 138 ms, nome da bespa34 am * 1433 112 3 .499, . 42 LTD b wyder EC 9 D 44 TOKO 1928, St 44 Seal. speizaza ma N. P. CHAKRAVARTI, Reg. No. 3977 E'36-275. SCALE: SEVEN-TENTHS. SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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No. 15.) TANDIVADA GRANT OF PRITHIVI-MAHARAJA: 46TH YEAR. The object of the record is to register a grant of the agrahara village Tancivada in Pagupara-vishaya made from Pishtapura by Prithivi-Maharaja of the Kasyapa-gotra who bore the biruda Srirama, son of Vikramendra and grandson of Maharaja Ranadurjjaya, to Bhavatarman of the Kamakayana-gotra, who was the son of Prithivisarman and grandson of Vishnusarman and was a resident of Kondamanchi, on the full-moon day of Karttika in the 46th year of his reign. The Ajnapti of the grant was Ramalepruraja. The donor is extolled as meditating on the feet of his parents, a parama-brahmanya and as having subdued the whole circle of the samantas. His father Vikramendra is not given the regal title Maharaja, which perhaps indicates that he did not rule at all or his rule was very short and uneventful. The donee is described as a scholar well-versed in the Veda, Vedanga, Nyaya, Upanishad and Yoga and in three thousand sciences' (TH C ) and as the author of twenty commentaries (vyakhyana). His father, Ptithivisarman, had mastered the three thousand.sciences and could expound and comment on them and his grandfather, Vishnusarman, had studied the Sruti and Smriti and performed the Agnishtoma and other sacrifices. There is no clue in the record to find out the exact period when Prithivi-Maharaja lived. The language, phraseology and the formal elements of the inscription are strictly official and unostentatious and remind us of the Sanskrit charters of the early Pallava kings, the plates of the Salarkayanas and the Vishnukundins, the Ragolu plates of Saktivarman, etc. As stated above, the alphabet belongs to about the beginning of the 7th century A.D. Since it is known from the Aihole inscriptions and the Timmapuram plates that Pishtapura passed to the Eastern Chalukyas after its conquest by Pulikesin II and remained in their hands since then, the present record must be assigned to a period prior to that event. A clear understanding of the political situation in the East Coast before the time of Pulikesin (II)'s expedition will help us to determine the most approximate time when Ptithivi-Maharaja might have lived. The earliest epigraphical reference to Pishta pura is found in the Allahabad Pillar inscriptions of Samudragupta (4th century A.D.) which shows that the city was held by Mahendra at the time of the Gupta king's southern expedition. The Ragalu plates? which may belong palaeographically to the 5th century A.D., were issued from Pishtapura which was evidently the capital of the Kalinga king Vasishthiputra Saktivarman who calls himself "an ornament of the Mathara family". The Kindoppa grant of Anantavarman 'Lord of Kalinga' who belonged to the 1 See note 1, p. 99. Dr. O. Stein opines that the "formal elements "in inscriptions "serve as a guide for chronological considerations, when other sources are lacking"; see the Ind. Hist. Quarterly, Vol. IX, pp. 215 ff. . Above, Vol. VI, p. 4. * Ibid., Vol. IX, p. 317. 50. I. I., Vol. III, p. 7. * This Mahendra has been conjectured to be a king of the Pallava family (The Godavari Dist. Gazett., p. 18). This does not, however, seem likely, since (Pallava) Vishnugopa of Kanchi is mentioned separately in the same epigraph. Further, there is no evidence to show that the Pallava territory had extended in the north beyond Kammarashtra, the modern Guntur District, since the Salankayana Hastivarman was holding the Vengi country (i..., the Kistna District) at this period. We know that the Chandalur plates of Kumaravishnu and the Orgodu grants 1 and 2 mention Kammarashtra as the district under the control of the Pallavas. The towns of Palakkada, Dasanapura and Menamatura from where the Sanskrit charters were issued, were probably situated in this district (J. Dubreuil : Ancient History of the Deccan, p. 66). And Kudrahara-vishaya of the Salankayanas is identical with Gudrahara of the later inscriptions, which comprised portions of the Kistna District. * Above, Vol. XII, pp. 21. The alphabet is similar to that of the Kodagere plates of the early Kadamba king Siva-Mandhatrivarman. Compnre also the Brihatproshta inscription of Umavarman and the Komarti pletas of Chapdavarman which are assigned to the first quarter of the 6th century A.D. (Ancient History of the Decoux by J. Dubreuil, p. 94).

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90 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXIII. Vasishtha-kula is also stated to have been issued from Vijaya-Pishtapuradhishthana. After Anantavarmar, Pishtapura appears to have been a bone of contention between the kings of Kalinga and the Vishnukundins of Dendaluru who had succeeded the Salankayanas in the Kistna and a part of the Guntur Districts, and ultimately to have passed into the hands of the latter whom the Chalukyas of Badami conquered in the first half of the 7th oentury A.D. Since, as stated above, the present charter belongs palaeographically to this period, it is necessary to find out exactly when and in what capacity Prithivi-Maharaja ruled at Pishtapura during the Vishnukundin supremacy in the east coast. This object cannot be acoomplished, as is evident from the sequel, without a full discussion of the genealogy and chronology of the Vishnukundin kings. The most important document of the Vishnukundin family is the Pulomburu grant of JanasrayaMaharaja Madhavavarman III issued on the occasion of a lunar eclipse in the month of Phalguna in the 48th year of the king's reign. During the period of about seventy years in the sixth and the seventh centuries to which the record may be assigned on palaeographic grounds, lunar eclipse in the month of Phalguna occurred in the following years: (1) A.D. 593, February 21, Saturday; (2) A.D. 594, February 10, Wednesday; (3) A.D. 612, February 22, Tuesday; (4) A.D. 621, February 12, Thursday: (5) A.D. 639, February 23, Tuesday and (6) A.D. 659, February 23, Friday. Of these, on (1) and (3), the eclipse was not visible in India ; (2) is too early for the 18th year of a king who was defeated, as shown below, in about A.D. 631, by Pulikesin II or his brother Kubja-Vishnuvarddhana ; (5) and (6) are too late for the king who had been defeated with his territory annexed to the Chalukya dominions prior to them. Hence the date of the Pulomburu grant may be equated with A.D. 621, February 12, Thursday on which day the lunar eclipse was visible in India. It is noteworthy that this grant furnishes a few synchronisms for determining the genealogy and chronolgy of the Vishnukundin dynasty. Janasraya-Maharaja Madhavavarman is described with the significant epithet Trivara-nagara-bhavana-gata-parama-yuvati-jana-viharanaratih (1. 8)' who delighted himself in playing with the maidens in the palace of Trivara-nagara', i.e., the city founded by Trivara who has been identified in the sequel with Mahasiva-Tivaradeva of Mahakosala. Secondly, Sivasarman, the donee of this record, figures as the father of Rudrasarman who was the recipient of a gift in the Pulibumra grant of the Eastern Chalukya king Jayasimha I. In addition to these, other historical and astronomical considerations gathered from the published charters of the family and contemporaneous history will help us considerably in the study of the family. These are : the archaic method of dating the inscriptions in seasons and fortnights; the Vakataka-Vishnukundin relationship in the time of Madhavavarman I ; an ancient work on prosody called Janasrayi Chhandovichiti written presumably under the patronage of Janasraya-Maharaja of the Pulomburu record, which quotes a verse from the Kiratarjuniya of Bharavi; and lastly, the Eastern Chalukya conquest of Kalinga which has an indirect bearing upon the subject. The cumulative evidence of all these points proves, as shown below, that the 1 J. A. H. R. 8., Vol. VIII, p. 153. * This regnal year is expressed by the numerical symbol which appears to have been made up of standing for 40, (see Kaye in Ind. Ant., Vol. XL, p. 52 and Buhler's Indian Paleography, plate IX) and which resembles the one in the Chikkulla plates (1. 26) for 8. Mr. D. C. Siroar, however, takes it to be a single symbol for 40 which lacks epigraphical support (Ind. Hist. Quarterly, Vol. IX, p. 275, f. n. 2). Sewell's Eclipses of the Moon in India. Scholars have attempted to identify this place with Tewar in Central India (above, Vol. XVII, p. 334). This is unlikely, since Tewar is known to ancient literature and epigraphy under the name of Tripuri or Tripura. Similar instances are not rare in inscriptions. Pravarapura was the city founded by Vikataka Pravarasena and Yayatinagara by Yayati, otherwise known as Mahadiva-gupta of the Somavahsi family. .I am indebted to Mr. T. N. Subramaniam for drawing my attention to this work.

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No. 15.] TANDIVADA GRANT OF PRITHIVI-MAHARAJA : 46TH YEAR. 91 Vishnukundins ceased to be an independent ruling power by the middle of the 7th century A.D. and that Janasraya-Maharija Madhavavarman was the last king and a later member of the family different from the homonymous king who was probably the originator of the dynasty. Of the five copper-plate inscriptions belonging to this family, the Ipar plates (set 1): bears a date in the seventh fortnight of the hot season (gihma) and the Ipar plates (set II) in the seventh fortnight of the rainy season (vasa). Similarly the Chilkulla plates are dated in the eighth fortnight of the hot season (gihma). This dating presupposes the division of a year into three seasons of eight fortnights each, which is mentioned in the earliest extant works Vedangajyotisha and the Brahmanas. The latest epigraphical instances giving similar dates belong to about the 6th century A.D. From the Ramatirtham and the Chikkulla plates we get four generations of kings, viz., Madhavavarman I, his son Vikramendravarman I, his son Indrabhattarakavarman, his son Vikramendravarman II. In both the records Madhavavarman is described as a performer of one thousand Agnish(oma and eleven Afvamedha sacrifices. The pur plates (set II) furnish 19 with the geneslogy: Madhavavarman I with the above epithets, his son Devavarman, his son Madhavavarman II, the lord of Trikuta and Malaya. On account of the common epithets and the relatively early script of the record, Madhavavarman II may be supposed to be the grandson of Madhavavarman I through his another son Devavarman. The Ipur plates (set I) and the Pulomburu grant should be studied together. The former supplies the pedigree for two generations only, viz., Govindavarman and his son Madhavavarman, while the latter supplements it by adding Govinda varman's father Vikrama[ma*]hondravarman. In both the inscriptions, Madhavavarman is given the additional adjunct Trivara-nagara, etc., which distinguishes him from the homonymous king Madhavavarman 1, mentioned above.' Trivara is evidently the Sanskritised form of Tivara, a Somavamsi king of Mabakosala who flourished about this period and who is the only king of that name known to Indian History. He is also mentioned under this Sanskritised name in the Kondedda and the Nivina grants of the Sailodbhava king Dharmarajadeva. Dr. N. P. Chakravarti who has edited the Nivina grant is inclined to think that Tivaradeva of Mahakosala was a contemporary of Dharmaraja, grandson of Madhavaraja II whom he has identified with Madhavaraja Sainyabhita of the Ganjam plates dated in the Gupta Era 300 (A.D. 619-20). The only known regnal year of Madhyamaraja, son of Madhavaraja II, being twenty-six, Dharmaraja may have to be placed in the middle 1 Abovo, Vol. XVII, p. 334. * Ibid., p. 337. * Ibid., Vol. IV, p. 193. * The Halsi plates of the Kadanba king Ravivarman (Ind. Ant., Vol. VI, p. 28). See also above, Vol. XVII, p. 237, f. n. 7 and Vol. IV, p. 105, f. n. 4. *Vikrama[ma*]hendravarman is presumably the Vikramendravarman II of the Chikkulla plates. I find from the impressions of the Pulornburo grant, and of the Ipur plates (set I) that the i-sign in Trivara is distinctly long. This desoriptiva clauso does not occur in connection with Madhavavarman of the Chikkulla, Ramatirtham and Ipur (set II) plates. This is significant and I take that it is a vyavarlaka dharma, which differentiates him from his namesake though there are other adjectives common to both. . Above, Vols. XIX, pp. 267ff. and XXI, pp. 34 ff. *Abore, Vol. XXT. p. 36.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXIII. of the 7th century A.D. and accordingly his opponent Tivaradeva would belong to that period. It is thus clear that Madhavavarman of the Ipur plates (set I) and the Pulomburu grant, who was a contemporary of Tivara, must be considered to be one and the same person and that he was a later member of the family, in spite of the fact that he bore some of the epithets of Madhavavarman I. It is noteworthy that the alphabet employed in both the charters belongs roughly to the same period and from the examination of individual letters, it does not appear to differ much from that of the Ramatirtham and the Chikkulla plates, whereas the script of the second set of the Ipar plates is undoubtedly more archaic as remarked by Dr. Hultzsch. Since Vikramendravarman is described as an ornament of the Vishnukundin and the Vakataka families, his mother must have been a Vakataka princess. According to Dr. Dubreuil, this Vaki. taka princess was the daughter or the grand-daughter of Rudrasena II whose son Pravarasena II placed his relative Vishnukundin Madhava (I) on the throne of Vengi by uprooting the Salankayanas in the 5th century A.D. But neither Rudrasena II nor his son Pravarasena II is known to have conquered any of the territories in the East Coast. On the other hand Harishena, the last Vakataka king (circa 500 A.D.) is stated in the Ajanta inscription to have conquered Kuntala, Avanti, Kalinga, Kosala, Trikuta, Lata and Andhra, and it is very likely that he contracted some matrimonial alliance with Madhava l and with his help defeated the kings of the East Coast as stated above. Indrabhattarakavarman, who has been identified with Indrabhattaraka of the Godavari plates of Ptithivimula,' was an opponent of Adhiraja Indra who may possibly be the same person as the donor of the Jirjingi plates dated in the year 39 of the Ganga era. If the view of some scholars that the era was started in about A.D. 496 be correct, the date of this grant would be about A.D. 535. According to the Chikkulla plates Indrabhatyaraka defeated all the dayadas in battle. We do not know of any dayadas excepting the members of the collateral branch, viz., Devavarman and his son Madhavavarman II. Since, as shown below, the Vishnukunnins ceased 1 Fleet and Kielhorn have placed Tivara in about the 8th century A.D. (0.1. I., Vol. III, p. 293 ; above, Vol. IV, p. 238). The Sirpur Lakshmana Temple inscription of Mahasivagupta (above, Vol. XI, p. 184) is written in characters of about the 8th century A.D. Hence his grand-uncle Tivars would belong to the middle of the 7th century A.D. More likely, he lived in the beginning of the 7th century. Tivarados appears to have had a long reign, since there is a reference to Trivara-nagara in the Ipar plates (set I) dated in the 37th rognal year (i.e., A.D. 610) of Madhavavarman III whose 48th year has been equated with A.D. 121. This date would no doubt be too early for him if it is assumed with Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar (above, Vol. XVIII, p. 240) that Chandragupta men. tioned in the Sanjan plates of Amoghavarsha as the contemporary of Govinda III (A.D. 790-814) was the son of Nannayadeva and brother of Tivaradeva of Mabakosala. But for reasons stated above, he cannot be identified with the brother of Tivaradeva. * The late Rao Bahadur Krishna Sastri has expressed & similar opinion in M. E. R. for 1913-14, pp. 6 and 102. [But the description of Madhavavarman in these two sets of plates as a performer of eleven afvamedha sacrifices and one thousand kratus or agnishtomas' seems to show that he may not be different from Madhava I of the other Vishnukundin charters. It may also be pointed out that, according to Dr. Hultzach, the paleography of the Ipar plates (first set) is earlier than those of the Ramatirtham and Chikkulla plates (above, Vol. XVII, p. 334).--Ed.] Ancient History of the Deccan, p. 74. We know that the prinoipality of Vengi and Kudrahara was held by the Saladkayanas up to the 5th century A.D. (J. A. H. R. 8., Vol. V, pp. 28 ff.) J. B. B. R. A. S., Vol. XVI, pp. 114 ff. and above, Vol. IV, pp. 193 ff. J. A. H. R. S., Vol. III, pp. 49 f. * Ind. Ant., Vol. LXI, p. 237.

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No. 15.] TANDIVADA GRANT OF PRITHIVI-MAHARAJA : 46TH YEAR. to be an independent ruling power before A.D. 631, all the kings of the family must be accommodated in the interval of about 131 years (circa 500-631). According to our scheme of the genealogy there will be only six kings in the main line who can be very reasonably fitted in in this period. But if the kings Devavarman and Madhavavarman II are also to be included, there will be in all eight kings among whom the regnal years 10, 27, 48 and 47 are so far known for four kings. Granting that these are the last regnal years of the respective kings, the periods of their reign will cover at least 132 years which is in excess of the allotted interval and we will be driven to the contingency of eliminating the remaining four kings from the family. It is therefore reasonable to assume that Devavarman and his son Madhavavarman II belonged to the collateral branch and held a small principality in the Vishnukundin territory. Vikramendravarman II, the eldest son of Indrabhattaraka, as stated in his Chikkulla plates, appears to have become king even as a child, which perhaps indicates that his father died young leaving his eldest son only a child and consequently his rule might not have extended beyond 27 years. The next king was Maharaja Govindavarman who bore the biruda Vikramasraya. Lastly his son Madhavavarman III was the most powerful king of the family who bore the distinguished biruda Janasraya-Maharaja. Madhavavarman III, Janasraya Maharaja, must have been the last crowned king of the Vishpukundin dynasty from whom the Eastern Chalukyas conquered portions of their eastern posses. sions. He must have lived some time after Bharavi, the celebrated author of Kiratarjuniya. For, there is an ancient work on prosody called Janasrayi Chhandovichitia which quotes the verse ve arhe a , etc., of Bharavid under the Udgata-prakarana. The work must have been named after Janasraya-Maharaja of the Vishnukundin family, who is the only king of that name in the whole range of Indian History. We know from the Avantisundarikatha that poet Damodara was introduced to the presence of prince Vishnuvarddhana by Bharavi. Consequently Bharavi must have lived in the Court of Vishnuvarddhana who is no other than Kubja Vishsuvarddhana, the younger brother of Pulikesin II. Since Ravikirtti compares himself to Kalidasa and Bharavi in the Aihole inscription of A.D. 634, Bharavi must have been well known as a great poet by A.D. 634. It is probable that he flourished about 600 A.D. and JanasrayaMaharaja lived some time after that date. This date can be determined to some extent by the following synchronism. The king is stated in the Pulomburu grant to have endowed the village Pulomburu in Guddavadi-vishaya upon Sivasarman, son of Damasarman and grandson of 1 [In spite of the arguments of the author, it is not impossible that the Vishnukundins were struggling hard to maintain their independence in some portion of their territory even after A.D. 631. The description of IndraVarman in the Ramatirtham and Chikkulla plates as having gained viotories in several chaturdanta battles' might also indicate the same state of affairs.-Ed.] 1 The work is published partially in the Tirumalai Sri Venkaltba by Mr. M. Ramakrishna Kavi, M.A. * Kiratarjuniya, XII, 1. . The opening verse in the work describes the king with the biruda Janasraya, as having celebrated several Bacrifices. This is in keeping with the account given in the Pulomburu grant and the Ipar plates (first set). See A Triennial Catalogue of Manuscripts 1925-26 to (1927-28, Madras), Introduction p. 1 and R. No. 5043. (From the information available at present it is not certain whether Janaoraya refers to a different ruler or is an abbreviation of Avani-Janaaraya which was a surname of the Gujarat Chalukya king Pulakesiraja.-Ed.] 5 See the correct text of the relevant passage of the Katha in Ind. Hist. Quarterly, Vol. III, p. 169. * As Vishnuvarddhana is called merely raja-sunu in the Avantisundarikatha, p. 6, it is probable that he had not yet become king. This date is rendered plausible by the fact that Damodara, after staying with Vishnuvarddhana for & short period, went to the court of the Ganga king Durvinita, whose last date in the Ganga chronology cannot be beyond A.D. 805.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA, [VOL. XXIII. Rudrabarman of the Gautama-gotra and Taittirika-sakha. The same village was granted by the Eastorn Chalukya king Jayasimha I in his 15th regnal year (A.D. 648) to the purvagraharika Rudra. karman of the Gautama-gotra, who was the son of Sivasarman and grandson of Damasarman. It is evident that this Rudrabarman was the son of Sivasarman, the donee of the Pulomburu grant. The word parvagraharika indicates that he was in the enjoyment of the village for some time after his father, and that he had lost it during some troublous period, or his title to the village was contested and confirmed by a fresh order after the change of political power from the Vishnukun. dins to the Eastern Chalukyas. This latter event took place probably some time before A.D. 631 when the Kopparam platest of Pulikesin II were issued. For, we learn from this copper-plate grant that Kammarashtra, which had been included in the Pallava and the Vishnukundin kingdoms formerly, formed part of the Chalukya country at the time. A study of the political history of the Kalinga kingdom at this period would help us in fixing the date more precisely. The Chipurupalle grant of Kubja-Vishnuvardhana records the gift of land by the king from his camp at Cherupura in Plaki-vishaya to two Brahmans, Vishnusarman and Madhavasarman, sons of Durgasarman, who belonged to the Gautama-gotra, in his 18th regnal year, i.e., A.D. 632. In the Achyutapuram plates of the Eastern Ganga king Indravarman bearing a date in the year 87 of the Ganga era, the donee is stated to be Durgasarman of the Gautama-gotra. This date may be equated with A.D. 581 provided the initial year of the Ganga era is accepted to be A.D. 496. It is very likely that the donees of the Chipurapalle grant were the sons of the donee in the Ganga record. If this is correct, the southern portion of the Kalinga country must have been conquered and annexed by the Chalukyas some time between A.D. 581 and 632. This period is brought into a narrower compass by the statement in the Aihole inscription (A.D. 634) that kings of Kalinga and Kosala submitted of their own accord, to the increasing power of Pulikesin II (A.D. 610). It may be noted that the Varahavartani-vishaya of the Ganga grants was situated close to the Paki-vishaya (or rashtra) and that the latter district had been a debatable ground between the Vishnukundins and the Eastern Gangas for a long time. The Eastern Gangas appear to have occupied it for some time after the date of the Ramatirtham plates of Indravarman (cir. 535). It is probably to wrest back this province that Madhava III started on an expedition to the Eastern region (pragdik) as recorded in his Pulomburu grant, the result of which is, however, not known. The conquests of South Kalinga and the territory of the Vishnukundins must possibly have been effected in one and the same campaign by Pulikesin II. Since Tivaradeva Kved, as shown above, in the middle of the 7th century, it is possible that Madhavavarman of the Vishnukundin * Above, Vol. XVIII, pp. 257 f. * Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, p. 16. Above, Vol. III, pp. 127. (But it may be noted that while the two sons of Durgasarman of the Chipurupale plates were followers of the Thittiriya-charana, which is a branch of the Yajurveda, Durgalarman of the Achyutapuram plates was a Brahmana of the Chhandoga school which is a sakha of the Samaveda.-Ed.) Prof. V. V. Mirashi postulates two Tivaradevas in the Somavami family and thinks that Trivers who wa a contemporary of the Vishnukundin Madhava was an earlier member and lived between A.D. 525-568 (above, Vol. XXII, pp. 15 ff). But among the Somavamsi kings there is only one TTvaradeva known so far (above, Vol. XI, p. 187). And such an early date is not possible for Madhavs who must have been an immediate predecessor in time of the Eastern Chalukya king Jayasimsha I (ibid, p. 2), f. n. 3 and Bhandarkar's Northern List, p. 293, 1 D. 3). * The Kondedda and Nivina grants of Dharmaraja mention certain Madhava, who coutemplated to oust the elderly relations to than bhean) from the country, but being forted in his attempt took shelter under Tivars deva and was ultimately defeated along with his master at the foot of the Vindhya hill. Since this Madhava is supposed to be prince of the Sailodbhava family, he cannot be identified with the Vishnukundin king of that name, though it happens that the latter bad also contracted some political or matrimonial alliance with Tlvaradeva

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No. 18.] TANDIVADA GRANT OF PRITHIVI-MAHARAJA : 46TH YEAR. 95 family ruled for some time after A.D. 619, the date of the Ganjani plates, and was subsequently defeated by Pulikesin II or Kubja-Vishnu. As we have shown above that the date of the Pulomburu grant would fall in A.D. 621, we may conclude that the Chalukya conquest of the Vishnukundins was accomplished between A.D. 621 and A.D. 631. With the facts set forth above, the genealogy of the family with known regnal years and approximate dates for a few kings is given below for easy reference: Madhavavarman I (circa 500 A.D.). Vikramendra I. - Devavarman. Indrabhattaraka (535 A.D.) (year 27). Madhavavarman II (year 47). Vikramendra II (year 10). Vikramasraya Govindavarman. Madhavavarman III Janasraya-Maharaja (A.D. 621) (years 37, 48). Prince Manchannabhattaraka. The name of Vikramendra, the father of Prithivi-Maharaja of the present record may perhaps suggest some relationship with the Vishnukundins among whom that name is found twice. It is not impossible that Prithivi-Maharaja's father Vikramendra was a subordinate of Vikramendravarman who was the grandfather of Madhavavarman, the donor of the Pulomburu grant. This surmise finds support from the fact that Pishtapura, the capital of Prithivi-Maharaja, was situated within the limits of the Vishoukundin dominions which comprised the country to the south of Kalinga up to the present Guntur district which was the northern limit of the Dr. Holteach's arrangement of the genealogy above, Vol. XVII, pp. 334 and 337) comes into conflict with the pedigree given in the present record. According to him, Govindavarman's father would be Madhavavarman, whereas his name is given as Vikramahendra in the Pulomburu grant. A recent writer on the subject (Ind. Hist. Quart., Vol. IX, pp. 275 f.) thinks that Madhava III of the Palomburu grant is identical with Madhava I as both Are stated to have performed eleven Aframedha and one thousand Agnishtoma sacrifices. He holds that the family rove to political power in A.D. 500 under Vikramahendrs, grandfather of Madhava and continued to rule till the 8th century A.D. when it was completely overthrown by the Chalukyas. This view is not tenable. For, he has not taken into account the palaeographio evidence of the charters while constructing the history of the family. According to him, Ipur plates (set I) and the Palohburu grant would be earlier than the Ipur plates (set II) whose script has been declared by Dr. Hultzsch to be more archaic than that of the other charters of the family (see also Madras Epigraphical Report 1913-14, pp. 8 and 102). Further, he has not considered the important synchronism with the Mahakosala king Tivaradeva in the time of Madhava (III) and the references contained in the Janasrayi Chhandovichiti mentioned above. And we find from the records of Palikesin II, Kubja-Vishnuvarddhana, Jayasimha I., Tyagadhenu Indravarman and his successors that portions of the Vizaga patam, Godavari, Kistna and Guntur Districts, which comprised the Vishnukundin territory, were held by the Chalukyas since the first quarter of the 7th century A.D. and it is impossible that the Vishnukundins could have ruled as independent kings in that region after A.D. 631 when, according to the Kopparam and the Timmapuram plates, the Eastern Chalukys rule had been fully established. [See note l on p. 93.-Ed.]

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXIII. Pallava territory, as can be gathered from the situations of villages or divisions mentioned in the Ramatirtham, Chikkulla, and Ipar plates (set I) and the Pulomburu grant and also from the stone inscription of Vishnukundin Madhavavarman at Velpuru in the Sattenapalle Taluk of the Guntur district. Simultaneously with the subjugation of the Vishnukundins by Pulikesin II and occupation of their territory by his brother Kubja-Vishouvarddhana, Psithivi-Maharaja, the ruler of Pishtapura, appears to have held out against the Chalukyan attack for a while and finally to have sustained a crushing defeat in the fight. For, we definitely know from the Timmapuram plates that Kubja-Vishnuvarddhana was in possession of Pishtapura which is mentioned as his secondary capital (vasaka). It is, therefore, quite plausible that Pulikesin II captured the fortress of Pishtapura from the hands of Prithivi-Maharaja who must have lived in the beginning of the 7th century A.D. This period perfectly agrees with the palaeographical evidence of the record. It is noteworthy that the present inscription is the only early record that makes mention of Rapadurjaya as a historical person. We know that many of the ruling families in the Eastern Deccan, who flourished in the 12th and 13th centuries A.D., trace their descent from Durjaya or Ranadurjaya whose time and place in their genealogy are, however, not certain on account of the varying accounts given in their records. The Kakatiyas, the Kondapadumati* and Velananu Chiefs each claim for their ancestor Durjaya or Ranadurjaya. The Garavapadu grant of Ganapati mentions Prola as a descendant of Ranadurjaya-Durjaya who belonged to the Karikal-anvaya. The most important document of this later period, which gives a glimpse into the period of Ranadurjaya, is the Tsandavolu inscription of Buddharaja which appears to embody a genuine historical tradition. It is stated in it that the Kondapadumati chief Buddharaja was the lion of the mountain, the Durjaya family--which shows that Durjaya was the originator of his family-and had for an ancestor one Buddhavarman who belonged to the fourth caste and was a servant of king Kubja-Vishnu of the lunar race who conferred on him the country west of the hill, which contained 73 villages. Kubja-Vishnu is, evidently, the brother of Pulikesin II, who ruled from A.D. 615 to 633 in the Vengi country. Buddhavarman's date, accordingly, falls in this period. Durjaya, who was his ancestor, must have lived some time before the 7th century A.D. Since Karikala is said to be his lineal ancestor whose date has been approximately fixed to fall in the 5th century A.D.,. it is possible that Durjaya lived in the intermediate period and most probably in the 6th century A.D.; and his grandson Prithivi-Maharaja, who had a long reign of at least 46 years, must have begun to rule in the latter half of that century. The record does not disclose the name of the dynasty to which Prithivi-Maharaja belonged. It only states that he belonged to the Kasyapa-gotra. It is clear from the foregoing discussion that Durjaya was a descendant of Karikala-Chola. The Chola king Punyakumara of the Cuddapah District belonged to the Kasyapa-gotra and Karikal-anvaya.? The Chola Satyaditya, son of Vikramaditya, was of the same gotra and family. The Cholas of Tanjore also are known to have 1 Above, Vol. V, p. 142; ibid, Vol. XVIII, pp. 346 ff. * PS. I. I., Vol. IV, No. 692; above, Vol. VI, pp. 288 ff. . Above, Vol. IV, pp. 33 ff; the pedigree given in the Pithapuram Pillar inscription is a jumble of confused traditions. It contains two Rapadurjayas among the ancestors of Prithivisvara. * Above, Vol. XVIII, p. 346. Above, Vol. VI, pp. 268 ff. Ibid., Vol. XI, p. 340. Above, Vol. XI, p. 346. * Zbid.

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2 8 10 12 14 i. ii,a. ii,b. TANDIVADA GRANT OF PRITHIVI - MAHARAJA; 46th YEAR. shrit abuu haali vaari vttnnutu svr sh jaatkaalu taakraari jnaalu ashksseenu mnsuk Bmi, shraavishy shiksslee naa nmstri mrshy vairN aaNdhr kaavaaln vijyaa vaari gaanee jiivitni cinugaak butunaa kaarykrmmidinaamu raaju JE 9 taakaanu kli tudishnn kuttnu tut kaakibsutu rai N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Ree. No. 3961 E'36-295. 2 SCALE: ACTUAL SIZE. 4 6 kaani kai 10 mNtul ri klllku ii krmaanyuknn vccuddugaa, krmmu v aNcnaa khn klisi putraa graam preetmain shibi shriivaari preem. kaali celiki mttu 14 8 12 SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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16 : 16 0 ee , 0 3 .32 buuhaa tuuN daaruu (3 3 3 10: r n n c hraa 3 nuuN 17 rraa rr tooN pNj 30 ) l 39 0 tooN 7 0 , nuuN 21 tooN 23 hoor hr vaartaa t,b. 20 ) 37 3 nuuN h d h naam hai 20 ' tooN 5 tooN 3 tooN 7 nuuN uh haa maic nuuN ptaa h43 4rr 2 | 7 tooN 8p daa rj'aaN nuuN 285 nuuN hukh 24 9 vii hai : (83 tee 2 3 : 7: u 508 nuuN 4 2 niir2 hn) 3 tooN hvaa : hee p2 taaN dJk nuuN 2005 4 th| 25 raa tuuN h m1 07 () A S : . tHc tee hoo taaN haal " tooN eedd: Jn mu hai /

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No. 15.] TANDIVADA GRANT OF PRITHIVI-MAHARAJA : 46TH YEAR. 91 belonged to the Kasyapa-gotra. It is therefore very likely that Ranadurjaya was a Chola and his ancestors had settled in the Eastern Deccan, like their brethren in the Renandu country, in some early period. It may be noted that Ranadurjaya was a member of the fourth caste as can be gathered from the Tsandavolu inscription referred to above. Of the places mentioned in the record, Pishtapura is well known as the ancient name of Pithapuram in the East Godavari District. Pagunara-vishaya in which the village Tandivada was situated is the same as Pavunavara-vishaya of the Vandaram plates of Ammaraja II, Pagunavaravishaya occurring in a grants of Bhima II, and Pagunavara-vishaya of a record of Vishnuvarddhana V. This vishaya appears to have comprised the modern Tanuku Taluk of the Kistna District as can be seen from the stone inscriptions at Juttiga in that Taluk. Tandivada might be identical with Tadiparru in the Tanuku Taluk. Kondamanchi, where the donee resided, I am not able to identify. TEXT. Piret Plate 1 svasti' [*] zrImatpiSTapurAsakalajagadavanasamudbhUtakIrti2 cAracandrikAsamudho (po)titadigatta(stArasva ma3 hArAjaraNadurjayasya sUnosamatiH 4 gayitazakravibhUtavikramendrasva priyatanayaH"] Second Plate; First Side. 6 pravaImAnapratApopanatasamastasAmantamaNDala(lo) nija8 bhujavijayodayAdhimatayazovizeSabhUSavaH zrIrama[:] 7 kAzyapasagoSaH paramananayo mAtApitpA8 dAnukhyAta zrIprithivI"mahArAjaH pAguNAraviSaye tADi9 vADagrAmamadhivatama(satama)basamavetAmkaTi(2)mbinama[mAjApa 1 Soo the Tiruvalangadu plator and the Kanyakumari inscription and the Madras Epigraphical Report for 1905, p.40. +Above, Vol. Ix, p. 133. 'Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, p.213. * Madras Epigraphical Report, 1913-14, C. P. No. 8. INon. 734and 736 of 1920 of the M.E. R. for 1921. * List of Villages in the Madras Presidency, p. 344. From an ink-impression. . This word is engraved in the margin to the left of the ring hole near the third line of the text. [Thoro is also a root yw.bhdsand.-B. C. C.] 16 Rond gfernt

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXIII. Second Plate ; Second Side. 10 yati ythaa| atimma(ka)tipArahavanaH yathAvadanuSThitAmma(mniSTI11 mAdikriyApUtAtmano vizudharmANaH putrAya' asaladilyA12 prayoganarAyamANadraviNasUcitarkhikya13 dasvasarale pisahasavidyAdhyayanapravacanavyAkhyAna14 golinaH prithivo(pRthivI)zarmaNaH putrAya vedavedAnanyAya(yo)pa Third Plate ; First Side. 16 niSadyoga(gA)vabodhanirmalIkatabuddhaye vividhAvarAvasthA18 apavitrIkatavigrahAya devapitamanuSyasamarcana17 samAnautarAcindivAya kokhamacigrAmanivAsine 18 cisahamavidyAya viMzativyAkhyAnAya kAmakAyanasa19 gocAya cha(ccha)ndogasabrahmacAriNe bhavayamaNe pasAdAbu Third, Plate ; Second Side 20 rArA(ro)gyayazobhivAye sarvakaraparihAreNAgrahArI21 kRtya prAmoyandattaH na kaicidapi bAdhA karaNIyA [*] pra. 22 [va]mAnavijayarAjyasaMvatsare SaTcatvArI(riza 23 kArtikapImAsvAndharmapradAnametat [1] pAtrami[:] zrIrAma24 semarAjaH [1] paNa vyAsagItA[:] bokAH [1] bahubhirvasudhA dattA Fourth Plate. 25 bahubhizcAnupAlitA [0"] yasya yasya yadA bhUmita(sta)sya tasya 28 tadA phalam [*] khadattA paradattA(ttA) vA yanAdraca yudhiSi(SThi)ra / 27 mahI mahImA zreSTha dhamAcchyaunupAlanaM [0"] 28 pAskITayanti pitarI balAnti prapitAmahAH' (1) 29 bhUmidAtA kurI jAtaH (1) sa nakhAtA bhaviSyati / I Read pocAya. *The risarga is faintly visible in the impression. Generally the reading of this pada ia pravalganti pitamahdb.

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No. 16.] A NOTE ON THE BHOR STATE MUSEUM COPPER PLATE OF KHAMBHA II. 99 TRANSLATION. (Lines 1-8.) Hail! From the illustrious Pishtapura, Sri Prithivi-Maharaja--who has meditated on the feet of his parents, who is extremely pious, who belongs to the Kasyapa-gotra, who has subdued the whole circle of the Samantas by his ever increasing prowess and has as his ornament the distinguishing fame acquired by the rise of victory of his arms, who is the lord of wealth dear son of Vikramendra who had excelled Indra in prosperity, who was the son of Maharaja Rapadurjaya who had lighted the whole region of the quarters by the beautiful moonlight, the fame arising from the protection of the whole world, (Ll. 8-10.) commands all the kutumbins assembled together, who are the residents of Tandivada in Pagupara-vishaya, that (Ll. 10-21.) this village (i.e., Tandivada) has been made into an agrahara and conferred, free of all imposts, for the increase of our life, health and fame, upon Bhavasarman, who is a student of Chhandoga (school), belongs to the Kamakayana-gotra, has studied three thousand sciences and (written) twenty commentaries, a resident of the village Kondamanchi, is spending days and nights in worshipping the gods, the pitris and mankind, whose body has been purified by the water of sacred ablution in various sacrifices, whose intellect has been clarified by the knowledge of the Vedas, Vedangas, Nyaya, Upanishads and Yoga-son of Prithivisarman whose habit it was to study, teach and comment on the three thousand sciences, and whose prosperity was revealed among the priests (ritvij) and assistants (sadasya) by the riches given away in sacrifices frequently performed (by him)-grandson of Vishnusarman whose mind had been purified by the due performance of Agnishtoma, and other (sacrifices) and who had mastered the Sruti and Smriti. (Ll. 21-24.) No one should create any obstruction (to this). In the 46th year of the ever prosperous and victorious reign on the full moon day of Karttika, this religious gift was made. Sri Ramalepruraja was the executor (of the order). (Ll. 24-29.) Here are the slokas sung by Vyasa. (Then follow three of the customary verses.) No. 16.-A NOTE ON THE BHOR STATE MUSEUM COPPER PLATE OF KHAMBHA II. BY RAO BAHADUR K. N. DIKSHIT, M.A. On page 186 of part IV, of Volume XXII of the Epigraphia Indica Dr. Altekar has published an article on the Bhor State Museum Plates of Khambha II of the Chalukya dynasty, dated in the Saka year 1001. There is no facsimile of the original attached to the article, but as the editor of the Plates has remarked, the order in which the different parts of the grant occur, is topsyturvy. Thus after specifying the date, the writer at once proceeds to the specification of the donor and the village granted without mentioning the donee. Then are mentioned certain dignitaries followed by some verses describing exploits of the dynasty of the donor. After the imprecatory verses, the grant closes with the bare names (without specification of gotras, etc., of the donees) clearly as an after-thought. It is thus evident that the grant is not a regular and officially issued 1 Srirama may also be taken as the biruda of the king. Mr. C. R. Krishnamacharlu whom I consulted thinks that Rama-Kasyapa might be one of the sub-divisions of the Kasyapa-gotra in which case, the expression will have to be rendered who belonged to the illustrious Rama-Kasyapa-gotra".

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190 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXIII. charter, and cannot be considered as indicating the existence of a feudatory Chalukya king in the Saka year 1001 for reasons given below: . In the first place it is very unlikely that an inscription dated in the 4th year of the powerful Chalukya Emperor Vikramaditya VI, who had already started his own era (named the Chalukya- Vikrama Era) should be without any mention of this paramount sovereign. In fact the first line specifying the date appears to have been written in smaller characters than the other lines and may possibly have been inserted later. The most important reason why the inscription appears to me to have been written somewhere in the middle of the 12th Century is the mention of certain officers and queens in lines 12 to 15. The two queens mentioned in line 14, namely, Siriya Devi and Devala Devi appear to be identical with the queens Siriya Devi and Devala Devi of the Sinda King Chavunda II referred to on page 111 of the Vol. XX of the Epigraphia Indica. It is interesting to see that one Murjaya Sahani also occurs in the Benachamatti inscription referred to above, while in the present inscription the same Mumjeya appears to have been referred to as the minister (amatya) of the Maharani Siriya Devi. There are at least two other Sahanis (Prakrit form of Sadhani, a counsellor). It is therefore incorrect to take with Dr. Altekar that Siriya Devi was called Munjeya Maharani because she was a daughter of Munja. The intended reading of the end of line 14 and beginning of line 15 should be "Rani Mahala Debalva)laya damdanayaka Simha". There seems to have been some confusion here in the name of the queen. The name Mahadevi being that of the step-mother of Chavunda II himself, the writer probably confused it with the name Devala, of one of his queens. As regards the language, there appears to have been some mixture of words in Marathi which again may indicate a later date. The word varila in line 9 and karu kadenen in the same line are clearly Marathi. The sense of the whole phrase from sarvavahao is that all dues including the dues from artisans and oilmen were to be given to the donees. The phrase agumthitapushpim (not pushyim) rajadarsa(rea)nan in lines 10 and 11 is explainable only in the light of the subsequent verse in lines 28 to 30 and means that an interview with the king should be with unstrung flowers, the stem gunth being a Marathi adaptation from grath in Sanskrit. The propriety of such a reference is shown in lines 28 to 30 where it is mentioned that any future king of my family should be interviewed by you with flowers not strung into a garland) and requested on my behalf that he should maintain his religion (and continue this gift)'. There are passages in Sanskrit literature, which support the existence of this custom of approaching a king with an offering of unstrung flowers. On the whole I am inclined to think that the grant belongs to the middle of the 12th century A D. and was probably forged in the interest of the persons mentioned in the postscript of the grant. It is, however, not understood how the names of queens and ministers in places over 200 miles away are included, unless we suppose that the Sinda Queens had some private estates managed by their ministers in the locality of Bhor 1Ct. Malavikagnimitra, Act IV, whore Vidushaka pretends to have been bitten by enako, while spreading out his hand for a bunch of Asoks flowers, as he wanted to see the queen with the customary flowor offering. * There is certainly room for suspicion about the genuineness of the Bhor Museum Plates of Khambha. But a great difficulty in accepting the identification proposed here is that the name of the husband of the queens Siriya Devi and Devala Devi is expressly mentioned as Khambhs in these plates. Neither the name nor the genealogy of this ruler has any similarity with that of the Sinds chief Chavunda II. It seems unlikely, even considering the grant to be a forged one, that the forgers would make use of the names of the two Sinda queens alone. If they were aware of the names of the queens one would expect them to know the name and family of their husband as well, who was the governor of a number of distriota.-Ed.]

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No. 17.] THREE COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS FROM GAONRI. 101 No. 17.-THREE COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS FROM GAONRI. BY RAO BAHADUR K. N. DIKSHIT, SIMLA. These plates were discovered on 20th June 1931 at the village Gaonri three miles to the north-east of Narwal (the Narhwal of the maps), the headquarters of an estate of the same Dame, eleven miles to the south-east of Ujjain, on the Ujjain-Dewas Road. They were discovered in the course of cutting the channel or sluice of a tank at the village, and found their way into the hands of the Raoji Saheb of Narwal Estate. Having come to learn of their existence from Pandit Surya Narayan Vyas of Bharati Bhavan, Ujjain, I approached the Raoji Saheb, who very kindly sent the plates to me for decipherment and publication. The plates, which are five in number, consist of two sets of which three constitute one grant (marked B) and the other two another (marked C). The plates of the set B measure 15" to 151" by 101" to 101". Each of the plates is " in thickness. The rims have been raised to protect the writing and there are two holes in diameter on one side through which rings were passed. The set C consists of two plates measuring 121" to 12" in length and 91" to 10" in breadth, which have holes similar to those in the plates of the set B for passing the rings. The first set weighs 552 tolas and the second 218. The rings of the first set are still with the Raoji Saheb, but those of the second set were in a very fragmentary state of preservation when discovered and are stated to be made of irou, but it is likely that they were of copper. No seal appears to have been found with them. It appears that the labourers who found the plates considered them to be of iron and they thought of making blades of shovels out of them, but the Rao Saheb, having come to know of this, ordered them to be brought before him and had them cleaned with chemicals. On receiving them at the Indian Museum, I had them cleaned again, when I discovered the most interesting fact that the outer side of the first plate of the bigger set (marked A) was a palimpsest and contained regular lines of writing which in spite of the attempt made by the Paramara engravers to obliterate it by rubbing were still quite legible. Much of this older inscription can be read from the original plate, and the inked impressions are sufficiently legible, in spite of the thinness of the letters. It shows an earlier record of the Rashtrakutas preceding the date of the Paramara grant by 52 years. It has been seldom found that one and the same copper-plate bears, the inscription of two different kings, particularly as the injunctions which one ruler caused to be recorded and expected his successors to respect them could not with propriety be broken by himself in respect of the donations of previous rulers. In the present case, however, the occurrence of a fresh grant on an old copper-plate record after obliterating the writing can be explained by the state of warfare between the Rashtrakuta kingdom of the Deccan and the Paramara rulers of Malwa in the latter half of the tenth century A.D. It seems probable that the Rashtrakuta charter was either snatched away from the possession of the donees or, being an office copy, seized from the Rashtrakuta treasury in course of the invasion of the Deccan 1 Dr. Fleet records a palimpsest in Indian Antiquary, Vol. VII, pp. 251 ff., but the cancelled grant is practically identical with the renewed grant, which was necessitated by some flaw in the original. [Similar instances are found in the Khoh Copper-plate Inscription of the Maharaja Sarvanatha of the year 193 (C. I. I., VOL. III, p. 126) and the copper-plate of the Eastern Chalukya ruler Mangi-Yuvaraja noticed in the Madras Epigraphical Report for 1908, pt. ii, paragraphs 12-13. I can also give at least one example where tho plates belonging to an earlier ruler were made use of by a later king of the same dynasty by obliterating the original record, cf. C. P. No. 6 of 1921-25 (An. Rep. on 8. I. E., 1924-25, PP. 78-79) of the time of the Ganga king Anantavarman Chodaganga which originally contained an earlier grant of his grandfather Vajrahasta. What necessitated the obliteratiou of the original grant or if it was at all issued is not known.-Ed.] : This event must have occurred sometime about 973 A.D., as Dhanapala mentions in his raiyalachchhi, that the work was written at Manyakheta when it was looted by the people of Malwa.

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102 EP.GRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXIII. by the Paramara King Siyaka and consigned to the Malwa treasury along with other treasure and booty brought back from the campaign. Subsequently Siyaka's son Vakpati-Munja utilised the plates for engraving a fresh inscription after obliterating the Rashtrakuta record. It is thus that we can explain the find of a plate granting a village in the Deccan carried away about five h 30 3d miles from the place of its origin. The characters of the Paramara grants (B and C) are Devanagari, regular for the period and locality of the inscription. There is little to record about the Rashtrakuta grant (A) as well, except that the characters are of the northern instead of the southern type to which most records of this dynasty are to be attributed. As regards orthography, no distinction has been observed between va and ba and sa is often confused with $a. The Paramara records (B and C) open each with two verses one in praise of Siva and the other in that of Vishnu. Then follows in prose the genealogy of Vakpatiraja. As in other records of Vakpati such as the Dharampuri plates only three predecessors of his, riz. : Krishoaraja, Vairisimha and Siyaka are mentioned but not others known from other stone inscriptions. Vakpati is said to have Amoghavarsha as another name of his, which is interesting in view of the fact that in the Harsola grant of his father Siyaka the latter is probably to be credited with the epithet Akalavarsha. Then follows the specification of the villages granted, which in grant B is said to be Vanika in the Avaraka-Bhoga and Huna-Mandala ; while in grant C it is stated to be kadahichchhaka' in the Bhukti of Maddhuka, in the east Pathaka of the Ujjayani-Vishaya and the Avanti-Mandala. The latter village can be easily identified, as its situation can be located with certainty, being to the east of Ujjain. The village Karcha or Kadacha three miles to the north of Narwal and a similar distance to the north-west of Gaonri can be confidently identified with Kadahichchhaka. The Madhuka-Bhukti in which the village granted was situated may perhaps be identified with lanu or Mhow, the well-known cantonment near Indore which would be about 40 miles from Narwal. As the Huna-Mandala of the first plate must evidently refer to the country ruled over by the Hunast in Malwa, it must be taken as the northern part of the Malwa plateau. The queen Avalladevi of the Kalachuri King Karna is said to have been the daughter of a Huna king. The Avaraka-Bhoga may possibly have been identical with the country round the town of Agar, north-east of Ujjain, close to which there is a place called Awar. Vanika is to be identified with the village of Benka, 15 miles north-west of Awar. The place of the king's encampment is specified in the second set as Purpna-Pathaka, which appears to have been situated on a river named Punyabira, which I am unable to identify. The officer who conveyed the grant in the first set was Rudraditya, who is also mentioned in the Ujjain plates of 1036 V.S. The donees in the set B are stated to be 26 Brahmanas who received portions of the village of Vanika out of an aggregate of 78 parts. On an average, thus, each Brahmana received three parts, although two Brahmanas seem to have received only one part each and as many as 9 of them two parts each. The Brahmanas belonging to the Rig Veda seem to have received special preference, inasmuch as four of them received as many as 19 shares. The first-mentioned person is a Brahmana named Sarvananda hailing from the village of Kanapas in the * Ind. Ant., Vol. VI, pp. 43 ff. * Above, Vol. XIX, p. 236. [See p. 112, note 1 below.-Ed.) * The Hunas are said to have been defeated both by Siyaka, the father of Vakpati (above, Vol. I, p. 223), and by Vakrati-Mufja himself (Ind. Ant., Vol. XVI, p. 156). . This place should be looked for in the moderr Patna Division, particularly in the Shababad District of Bihar, its present equivalent being something like Kanpa or Kanwa.

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No. 17.] THREE COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS FROM GAONRI. country of Magadha who received as many as eight parts. It is worthy of note that the sole recipient of the second grant which is dated about five years later is the identical Sarvananda. It is therefore likely that the Brahmana settled down in the village of which he was the sole proprietor and carried with him the charter which conferred on him the title of the second village as well as that of the other grant of which he was the senior partner. It is noteworthy that the provenance of the plates is within three miles from the second village, while its distance from the first is about 40 miles. The most important information contained in these plates is regarding the migration of Brahmanas from various parts of the country to Malwa where they were recipients of donations at the hands of the Paramara prince. In several instances the donees seem to have migrated all the way from Bengal, which (contrary to the current belief that there were no Brahmanas left in Bengal in the 12th century A.D.) appears as a country where Brahmanas studying different Vedas were flourishing. Thus we find a Brahmana named Donaka, hailing from Vilvagavasa falling within the southern Radha country, who received as many as five shares. Another person is said to have migrated from Kulancha, which in the form of Kolancha and Krodancha occurs as the original place of Brahmanas who received grants in Assam, North Bihar and Orissa. I propose to identify this with Kulanch in the Bogra District of North Bengal. Another locality mentioned in these plates is Savathidesa or Savathika which is most likely the tract more or less corresponding to North Bogra and South Dinajpur in Bengal. An inscription of Indrapala, a king of Assam, refers to this Savathi (which is apparently the same as Sravasti) and mentions the presence of a place called Vaigrama in it. The identity of the latter has now been completely established by the find of a copper-plate of the Gupta period found at Baigram at the north-west corner of the Bogra District, in which the place is mentioned as Vayigrama. There can be no doubt that Savathi, Sravasti or the Savathidesa included the northern part of Bogra District. In the present case the two villages in this tract are Dardurika and Mitila-pataka which it is possible to identify with Dadra in Panchbibi Thana of the Bogra District and Mitail or Matialpara both of which are in the Bogra District. Most of the Brahmanas mentioned in the places from Bengal just referred to are stated to have belonged to the Chhandoga-sakha (of the Sama-Voda), which is significant in view of the preponderance of the adherents of this Veda among the Brahmanas of Bengal. Madhyadesa which is roughly equivalent to the United Provinces is the original home of at least three of the donees but the place-name Yaka or Ayaka stated to be included within the Madhyadesa cannot be identified. Uttarakuladesa in which the village Paundarika was the home of a Brahmana must be some tract to the north of the Ganges. Sravanabhadra, stated to be the home of two Brahmanas, also occurs in the plates of Bhoja found at Tilakwada' near Baroda and must be some place in northern India, near Kanauj, as the family of Suraditya in the Tilakwada plates is stated to have come from Kanauj. It is also mentioned as Sonabhadra in the Madhyadesa in the Sarkho3 plates of the Kalachuri Ratnadeva III, being the original home of a family of Brahmanas also of the Vatsa lineage. Khetaka is undoubtedly the modern Khera in Gujarat, while Nandipura in the Lata country is certainly the modern Nandod on the Narmada. Khedapalika and Khadupallika may indicate a place-name like Khedavala or Khedaulia, being perhaps the original place of the modern Khedaval Brahmanas. Other places like Kharjurika, Sopura, Dapura, Anoha, Aviva and Rajakiya-grama may be found in the neighbourhood or within the province of Malwa. The 1 Kamarupa-sasanavali, p. 137. 2 Proceedings and Transactions of the First Oriental Conference, Poona, pp. 324 f. Above, Vol. XXII, pp. 159 ff. 103 B 2

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104 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXIII. name Khajuriya is very common around Ujjain. Madhupalika may be same as Majhowli, a village-name common to U. P. There is thus & vast amount of information regarding the original places of Brahmanas in the present plates which will be of great importance to the social history of this period. . The date of the donation of the grant B is mentioned as the full-moon day of Karttika in the (Vikrama) year 1038, on the occasion of a lunar eclipse, which is equivalent to Sunday, the 16th October, A.D. 981. The date on which the grant was actually written and conveyed appears to be nearly nine months later, being mentioned as the tenth day of the bright half of the second Ashadha of V. S. 1038. Obviously the year is to be considered as Karttikadi or Southern and the equivalent date accordingly is July 3, Tuesday, A.D. 982, as there was no intercalation in the month of Ashadha in Samvat 1038 according to the Northern reckoning. The second grant (C) was made at the winter solstico (Udagayana) in the year 1043 V. S. which fell on 22nd December, A. D. 986, while the charter was issued on the thirteenth day of the dark (half) of the month of Magha which is equivalent to Friday, the 31st December, A.D. 986 taking the month to be Purnimanta. The dates of these plates slightly advance our knowledge of the reigning period of Vakpatiraja for whom we already have 1031 and 1036 V.S. as the dates of his Dharampuril and Ujjain piates; but the tragic end of Vakpatiraja in the Chalukya capital must be dated several years later than the date of the second grant. The plates are all engraved only on one side, the last plate in grant B containing on the back only the words Vanika-grama-sasanam tamrapatrani cha tri(tri)ni stating that the plates of the charter for the village Vanika were three in number. On the first plate the obliterated Rashtrakuta inscription (A) consists of 22 lines. The inscription fortunately contains all the most important information about the record, although there must have been at least two more plates in the beginning, one giving the genealogy and possibly one more at the end containing the concluding portion and the imprecatory verses. The donor Suvarpavarshadeva (Govinda IV) is stated to be the son of Nityavarsha (Indra III). The date of the grant is mentioned in detail as Sunday the full-moon day of Magha in the Saka yoar 851 Vikrita-samvatsara, when the moon was in the constellation of Aslesha and there was an eclipse of the moon. This date is identical in every particular with that of another Kannada inscription of the same ruler, viz., the Kalas inscription and is equivalent to Sunday, the 17th January, A.D. 930, when there was an eclipse of the moon. The inscription records that on the great occasion of the lunar eclipse, the king after having made grants of land, learning, food, desire-fulfilling tree, medicine, etc., and having weighed himself (against precious commodities) ordered the donation of the village of Payalipattana situated in the western boundary of Minyakheta or Malkhed the Rashtrakuta capital. The object of the donation was to establish & sattra or charitable feeding house where a thousand Brahmanas belonging to different denominations were to be fed ; thus 360 were the Karnataka Brahmanas of Malkhed; 300 belonged to the Kanva-sakha, 240 were Brahmanas from Karabataka (apparently those now known as Karhada Brahmanas in Maharashtra); 72 were Brahmanas of the Chatus-Charana or all the four Charanas and 28 Brahmanas are mentioned as Sahasrasamanya or common to the thousand. The reference to the donations of this king in the phrase prati....prayachchhata = daily giving away (to Brahmanas, etc.) incessantly 1 Ind. Ant., Vol. VI, pp. 48 ff. : Ibid., Vol. XIV, p. 160, Above, Vol. XIII, PP. 329 ff.

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No. 17.] Serial No. charters of villages respected (by all) by the hundred' is borne out by his Cambay Plates issued about four months later, when he granted 600 villages and 3 lacs of gold coins to Brahmanas and 800 villages and 4 lacs of gold coins to temples. The arrangement of the donor is stated to be that the proceeds of the village granted were to be utilised for the feeding of a thousand Brahmanas every day (apparently at Manyakheta). There is mention of some ceremonies on the Akshaya-purnamasi, which is probably the same day as the full moon of Magha, the date of the present grant. The boundaries of the village granted beginning from the east were the villages Karigrama, Mandavaka, Nandasura, Nandalagrama, Nasapura, Yamalagrama, Vellavasa, Dhammanagrama, Sellavi and Kapitthakheda. None of these localities I have yet been able to identify, but they are apparently to be looked for in the western part of the Deccan plateau. Table of the Brahmana donees of the Gaonri Plates of Vakpati Munja: V.S. 1038. 1 2 4 5 3 Lohina 6 7 8 10 12 THREE COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS FROM GAONRI. Name of Donee. Father's name. 13 Sarvananda 14 Mulasthana Chandraditya Anantaditya Sabara Rapaditya Agnihotrin, Lo- Vasudeva hapa. Donaka Atuka. Dikshita Loka- Kanopa in Maga- Rigveda, nanda. dha. vricha. Brahmapandita. Ievara. Sihata Pitavasa Sankara. .Gosarana 11 Purushottama. Liha Suraditya Risiula. Original place. Veda and Sakha. * Mitrananda Devaditya Bah- Samkritya. 3. Ayaka in Madhya- Samaveda, Chhan- Vasishtha 3 desa. doga. Kavada Chauramba. in Madhyadeea Govindasvamin. Devasvamin. Madhupalika Sravanabhadra Kulaficha Aviva in Asuresamandala. Vilvagavasa in Dakshina Radha. Khadupallika 9 Vamanasvamin Dikshita Hari Paundarika in Ut- Samaveda, Chhan- Gargya doga. tarakula. Umvarachara .Yajurveda, Vaji- Agastya madhyandina. Do. Maitreya Samaveda, Chhan- Kasyapa doga. Rigveda, vricha. Dardurika in Sa- Samaveda, Chhan- Bhargava vathika. doga. . Gotra and Pravara. Yajurveda, Vaji- Gautama madhyandina. Samaveda, Chhan- Sandilya doga. Do. Do. Do. Do. Vatsa .Parasara Bah- Vatsa 4 1 Above, Vol. VII, pp. 26 ff. [See p. 108, note 1 below. --Ed.] This is apparently a mistake for 3, as this gotra is never found to have five pravaras. * . Yajurveda, Vaji. Maudgalya. 3 madhyandina. . 3 * 3 3 5 53 5 3 3 3 5 105 3 Parts of village granted. 8 3 3 2 5 2 3 1 3 2

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106 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXIII. Table of the Brahmana donece of the Gaohn Plates of Vakpati Mufija: V. S. 1038-contd. No. " Name of Donee. Father's name. Original place. Voda and Sakhi. Gotra and Prsvara. Parts of village granted. 15 Madhumathana Achala. Svayantapa Nenaiyaks Srinivasa Madhu. . Jamata. Vishnu. Dedeks . Avasthika Vadevs. Varaha.. . Do.. Sar. Lohata Mitilapataks in Yajurvoda, Vaji- Parabara 3 Savathikkadha. madhyandias. Khodapalika . Do. .Mauni 31 Khotaka i Rigveda, Bah. Bharadvaja. 3 vricha, Andha . Yajurveds, VajiBhargava 3 madhyandina. Do.. Do.. . Do. Sopura Samavodu, Kau Bandily . 3 thums. Kharjuriks. Samavede, Chhan-Mihula . 3 dogs. Dapura Rigveda, Bahvricha Variha 3 in Latadesa Yajurveda, Vaji- Kasyapa . 3 madhyandina. Rajakiya . . Simavoda, Chhan Vatas 51 doga. Nandipara in Yajurvdda, Vaji- Bharadvaja 8 Latadeda. madhyandins. Sravap&bhadra | Do. Vatas ..8 Sridhar Asaditya. Bhails . Mahula Hari Devaditya Lataditya Mumjala. Isvara . 26 Amatta. Gunakars Total . 1 A.-Fragmentary grant of the R&shtrakata Suvarnavarsha (Govinda IV): Saka 851. TEXT. 1 paramezvarazrImabitvavarSi devapAdAnukhyAtaparamabhaTTArakamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvarazrImanmuva2 montearea ANAHT : gran partao [te]4** (2017)34 mAnakAparASTrapati3 viSayapativAmakUTamahattarAyuktakopayuktakAdhikArikAnsamAdizatyastu vaH saMviditaM JUTAT4 nyakheTarAjadhAnIkhiratarAvasthAnana mAtApitrIrAtmanazca puNyayazobhivaSaye pUrvalu [T]

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THREE COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS FROM GAONRI. A.-FRAGMENTARY GRANT OF THE RASHTRAKUTA SUVARNNAVARSHA (GOVINDA IV): SAKA 851. SCALE: THREE-FIFTHS. N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Reg. No. 3977 E'36-295. SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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No. 17.] THREE COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS FROM GAONRI. 5 pi devabhogAgrahArAnpratipAlayatA pratidinaM ca nirakhavi namasyayAmazAsanAni zatasaH (zaH) prayaccha[tA] 6 mayA zakanRpakAlAtIta saMva[kAra ] maleccaSTakhekapaMcAmadabikekAtopi 10 107 851 pra 7 varttamAnavikatasamvatsarAntargata mAghaSau samAsyAM tvA cAneSAnacatva[sthA ] me zasi - (zi) ni so 8 [graha] mahAparvvaNi pRthivodAnavidyAdAnAhAradAnakalpavRcanA (dA)nabheSavyadAnAnAni (dAnAni ) datvA (cA) 9 tulApuruSAda[nu]taratA mayA prathamaM karodakAtisamaNa sahasrapramANamahAjanAya varthaH (bA) [..[mAnya] kheTa kI]TakapramukhA (brAhmaNA (Sa) TayadhikazatacayaM vAjikarapramukhatrA (brA) praNAnAM 11 malavayaM karahATakapramukhatrA (brA) cAnAM catvAriMzadadhikaM matadayaM catuvaraNasAmAnyaSaSTi 12 varNavrA (brA) ayAnAM simati: sahajasAmAnyavA (bAhmaNAnAmaSTAviMzatirevaM (sa) (brA) - sambatsarANAM 13 NebhyaH zrImAnyakheTapazcimAghATavyavaskhitapayalopattanaM sahacamAlAku [laM] sadhAnyahira khAdeyaM 14 sadaNDadoza (Sa) ndazAparAdhaM samasto[ya]ktiharUkotpattisahitaM pUrvaprasiddacatustrIma paryantamAcandrArka] [catrapratipArA] 15 goyAM'cAsya pUrvvadivasaM [sA ]di (1) prA[gda]ciyenaH kariyAmaH maNDavakananda sura 1 The reading of the last five letters is doubtful. Probably the intended reading was vyaghate bhutv=anyatha karttavya. nalagrAmaya........ 16 nA[sa]purayamalagrAmavejJavayadhanAcA mahezavipilakheDayAmAH evaM za(sa) vaghATavipayalIya. 17 rA ( sa ) ( ) mahAjanasya kRSataH vArSathato bhu(bhuMjato bhojayato vA na kai. ci(kecidyAghatiH (ghAtaH) bhUyaH vyA[?]nyAkartta[vyA *] 18 bra(brahmagrAma: [pusyavidhya]tyakAni ca bhavanti // sa ( rA ) mavacanaM dharmAseturnRpAcAM kAle kAle tpA (pA)labI 19 yo bhavadbhiH [*] sarvvAnetAnbhAvinaH pArthivendrAnbhUyo bhUyo yAcate rAmabhadraH // vyavasthA cAca // zrImatsuvarNavarSade sAmAnyoya

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108 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. VOL. XXIII. 20 vasyAcaya[pUrNa]mAsyA [deva]prItyartha [] siDirastvityetena yordhava(ba)prazAlA ___ prasAda(da)yakavistIrNavAsAM svarcato 21 [parivacitavizeSa...] za(sa)hasavA(bA) bhojanaM pratidinaM pravartanIyanini (miti) // dharmAbhivRdaye tena 22 yA...vaNa mayA...kauyasya...sa mina ca... B.-Plates of Vakpati-Munja: V.S.1038. TEXT. Pirst Plate. 1 po [*] yAH sphUrNatphaNabhaviSAnalamilama[*]bhAH prokasamUva(ba)zayA . koTighaTitA yA: maithi(maha)keyopamAH []* yAcaca(ca)hirijA2 kapolalulitA[:] kastUrikAvibhramAstAH zrIkaNThakaThorakaNTharucayaH zreyAnmi (yAsi) puSNantu vaH // yalakSmIvadanedunda)nA na mukhitaM yavA8 disamvAridhArA yaba nijena [nAbhisarasIpona zAntiGgataM [*] yaccheSA hiphaNAsahasamadhurazvAsai cAzvAsitaM tadAdhAvirahA4 turaM surariporbelahapuH pAtu vaH // paramabhaTTArakamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvarazrI kRssnnraajdevpaadaanudhyaatprmbhttttaar| kamahArAjAdhirAjaparamekharacIvairisi(siMha)devapAdAnudhyAtaparamabhaTTArakamahArAjA dhirAjaparamezvarazrIsIyakadevapAdAnu8 dhyAtaparamabhaTTArakamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvarabImadamoghavarSadevAparAbhidhAnazrImahAkpati rAjadevapRthvIvanabha7 thovanabhanarendradevaH kuzalau / yathA iNamaMDale pAvarakabhogasamba(mba)DapUrva bhoktabhirbhutabhuktikrameNa yathAsamba(mba)[ya]mA. 8 na[:*] samastatalakaiH sahita(te) vaNikAgrAme samupagatAnsamastarAjapuruSAM(SA)nvA (brAhmaNottarAnprativAsi[pa] kilajanapa[dA9 dozca vo(bo)dhayatyastu vaH sambi(saMvi)ditaM yathA pratIta(tA)STatRsa(triMza)duttara sAhasikasamba(saMva)marasmin kArttikyAM soma] grahaNaparvaNi10 sAtvA carAcaraguru bhagavantaM bhavAnIpatimabhyarca sanmA(saMsA)rasthAsAratAM dRSTvA / vAtAvavibhramamidaM vasudhA] dhipatyamApAtamAtra [The reading appears to be=akshaya-punyammastvam abhiprityarthash.-Ed.] * Expressed by asymbol. First dhi was written, then the scribe put the a sign without deleting the i sign.

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THREE COPPER-PLATE INSCIPTIONS FROM GAONRI. B.-PLATES OF VAKPATI-MUNJA: V. S. 1038. yApapariyAralamila musalamAholahavAzAkATipaTinAyA saTikATAramAyAzArari rikA lAyAlAlalatAkasarikAvisamAsAzIkaSThakoThArataratyAziyAziyuSatarAyalalItararamAnamutiyA 2 ratakazArikhatArAyaMTiGavArisarasIpazAkita yahapAdiAraNAsadasamapurazAlele nAstitAmatiradA / 41gharamarariyAlahapu:yAtAyaramahAraramadArAdAvirAGaparamazvarakSITarapUrakara yAdAzAta yaramamasara 14 nabhadAgadAdirAparamazvarazIvara hiravapArozamagaramasahArakAmadAratAvirAGayaramazarazImIyakarapArAvA 6gAtparamasahArakamadArAdAvirATaparamAratImuramAparITa vAparAlitAnazI mahAkAtirAkAratarASTrIvalasa zItavastAra ta kuzalAyaghATamaMDala ArakamogasamarpImAkRminamuki lagalA yakSAMza 8 samasUtalAkAsaditatalikAyAmesamuragutAgamasUrAkApuraSAkAhAlAta rAhilo uktitvakalA 8 rAisAtApayAmubahasamirityUcIjatItAsaharasAdamikamamamamAkUlAdikArako zuTalAyanalisa 10 sAtArAtarArarUpAsatA yatimAsakAraNAsAratApAvAtAdi mamita mAhityihA bhAyAtamA 10 mapurAviSayAyAsAgarAdhyAmAgulaviThasamAnarAgArame seyaraparamadiAyalakyAlasmazAsako 12 sahArAmA ramimAziyaMgAyakararasUghAyayAtAyaTayaraplAitiharAtAtinArasakarabhiramAlalagAyarilidira 12 tAmAmsImAraparakApratimAMtarapaNeLUsatata mAlAkulamadiraNasAgasAgAsAparikara sorAyasamatA 14 parilikhitagAmasmanmAlAtozamasapUtamothAtamavAilajhApAtikalApAsahamatikigata sAtAsagAva 14 parAvara rAhile nAdAlamatrokdA yayAritIhilAkArasamenmazAkhioramazarazApati eksTragAna 16valiyonadAsivayazovatarazarAzAsivAdA muulsaanaattyaarsuudhiklhaayritsuukmjty| 16 13 kAraDamahAmavigatagatimamagAvalpavaravAdi mAjhAviravAdAlalAdipAya zarasUmAvazI 18yalArastamaragAmatikriyati sADilA sotasaya varadazA zAhiravATamAraMDAdajagatarAmamUktamazahama 518 lArayAmaviTha zeta mahilAmamA lapavarakaraNAzAviraLavADhAla jhAvarAyaramATisakatazaya apurasamalAlU yA 20 nijavitAmAmavikiradarAmayA vyaraparakAyArAhAriladADhAyaritAvimadArakalAdayArAvAmuhimmuvamahAuta 20 gaThankierATALUzyAtivizAvAsatili tayArasaramamAvya tayAra kArAgAriyAla vAdAtaralA kAraNa 22 mAra sanavarAyaMtApani kAgatizatamAlAsayAlayataratAdimAtArimAzima tAdArajananAdalA 22 yasUsaritagatama. 71 an ednadiane SCALE: THREE-FIFTHS. SURVEY OF INDIA. CALCUTTA. N. P. CHAKRAVARTI, REG. No. 3977 E36-295.

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124 24 dhAraya raUvaralAzAkaNyAtajArarikasahagAmAvalagatagAromagA~vayaM mayata darajajJAzika tATAlatA kazamidIktiharisUtAvayu 3umma.rAvaravinimarajagAmazAvaLa etaravAhi mAhi vayAvara vaattaa| 26 Au~kAyariulasa mAramazAma ta marajAvaNatAmAnavAsamAhartAkaragAhamAgahamArA sAdAlAyuruSAmAya / / 26 lIdAsUbAtamajhane upavAhamayAlikA gatilotakAmAya mAgAvamyUtaradAdA gaMjAdhiyAnAhA gatira hAmilera tayAmi / 28 mAnatalAzevayarata pasaravivItatAsagAva yasataradda hAziramatAdAtAsaMdaTAyamivAnara saMjAtamAzAtayana | 28 jhAtakSikAmayAtirikAgAmatiTiyotasArotsgovA yUrakAra mahAzirAThatA dAlasaMta rAya sATihA sUdhAnamaMzaya 301rasAvadhi jAkayAtimitilapATa kativizanaparAzaramA bagyataravAsAtarika mAkhilA gaMdApamachumaghamAsAna 30 lasUnAvamazarA karaDAMgAla kArinigenAmonisAMgAvatAyataratAkSimADIrikamAsinatA paranavAhAsaraspAyanivAsa 32sUna mazavyaraTakaviliyatamArahAusagAva tayutaraharApana tAnAjalayakAyamasamatimAzayamA132 dasaragAmalini gata mAgeta sAmAvaravAdamAravazAha ramavArasadAsadAgatiSasAhAzayaratavAtalotamA 34vAhArarakAdhamajhAyarasArakhAkAtazAhalAsthAtarAyUcarakAtumadhAmakalAdAlajAvara kamAragayodaTasama34 mAsyarasArikAgAnatiniyA~dAhulasavAtpUnara kATAmAjhAdaravAladAyazAma 36 - rasutikonagarAde saMgo nalyUradarazAniyAla nAdApAmAzAinAzAkhamA udyA (bAlavAdApalAzAdiyAyamAnasUktamazAnaTariligena 36 kApasApADhaNyavaravAImAdhAra bArizavAhAlalAyudarasUvamajhAma rADAjAta bAgavAnarotatAsa 38 govayavapAra karogajJAnavAdAera garibalAlA sUramajAyalATAramAyAtamahie raviThizetasAra 38 karADa gauvaka garavAtimAvihAravAdabAedalalATarazarasUktamajJAera dararatikroitasA 40saMgatiyaza yatazyAmiranAkyasalavAmAnAlAla sunuvamA TAupatamAmAkAmau 40 zAlArasta gAmAyagaralA stanAdAramAhavAhazatakAmAtApitArAmanArAyazastirayarala 421 mArayAtopatavitisamakAlapasyAruhAsalagAyata pUdita pUtigAratalani mahAtanivAsiya rikilaTalapari kavArIya mavi saMparAgaH sa rada yAdavAmamAtAzavAvivAra ra tAsanterAgatapAla

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No. 17.] THREE COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS FROM GAONRI. 109 ll madhuro viSayopabhogaH [*] prANAstuNAgrajamnavi(bindusamA narANAM dharmaH sakhA paramahI paralokayAne [*] bhramamansA(saMsA)racakrA12 adhArAdhArAmimAM zriyaM [1] prApya ye na dadusteSAM pazcAttApaH paraM phalaM // rati jagato vinakharaM sakalamidamAkalayyA(yyo)parilikhi13 tagrAmaH svasaumANakASTa(cha)yatigocaraparyanta(ntaH) sahakSamAlAkula(la:) sa hiraNyabhAgabhoga(gaH) soparikaraH sahyadAyasametaH u. 14 parilikhitagrAmasmin kalpitAMza paSTasaptavarmadhyAt magacha(dha)dezAntaHpAtikaNo pAbhagrAmavimirgatasAMvatyasagocata(ci)16 pravarava(ba)cazAkhine vA(brAhmaNasarvAnaMdAya pakhitadoSi[ta*] lokAnaMdasUnave aMzA'STau'8 madhyadezAntaHpAtityakabhaprAma18 vinirgatavAsiSThasagotrata(ci)pravaracha(ccha)ndogazAkhine bA(bA)aNamUlasthAnAya Ava sthikatra(brahmapaNDitasUnave zatrayaM / 17 3 kAvaDabhagrAmaviniga(gotagautamasagotrata(ci)pravaravAjimAdhyandinagAkhine vA(bA) aNalohiNAya (I) rasUnave aMzava18 yaM 3 cauramva(mba)bhagrAmavinirgatasA(gAM)Dilya sagotrata(vi)pravaracchaMdogazAkhine vA(bA)maNacaMdrAdityapi(pau)tavAsasUnave aMzacatuSTayaM 4 __19 kulAMcAgrAmavinirgatasA(zA)Divasagocata(ci)pravaraI(ccha)dogazAkhine vA(bA)yaNa. zAva(ba)rAya ranA(NA)dityasUnave aMzayaM 2 aresamaMDalAntaHpA20 ti pavivAgrAmavinirgatavatsagotrapaMcapravaracha(ccha)dogazAkhine vA(brA)praNapaMDitA. bihota(vi)kalohapAya vAsudevasu(sU)nave aMzacatuSTa- . 21 yaM 4 dakSiNarAThAnta:pAtivilvagavAmavinirgatapArAsa(za)rasagotrapaMcapravara;()do. gazAkhine vA(brAvaNadonAkAya go22 saraNama(sU)nave zapaMca 5 khaDupalikAmA[ma*]vi[ni*]rgatamauhalyasagotra(vi) pravaravAjimAdhyaMdinamAkhine vA(brA)aNapanantAdityA23 ya surAditya (sU)nava aM Second Plate. 24 zahayaM 2 uttarakuladezAnta:pAtipauNDarikabhaTTagrAmavinirgatagAya sagotrapaMcapra varacha(ccha)dogamAkhine vA(brAhmaNavAma25 navA(khA)mine dIkSitaharisUnave aMzatrayaM . umvarAcaravinirgata agastyasa goca(ci)pravaravAjimAdhyandinazAkhine brA(brA) 1 Read aMzASTaka. * Read vaMzapaJcaka

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110 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXIII 28 e bhrAtukAya risivalasUnave aMsamekaM 9 madhyadezAntaH pAtimaitreya sagocaTa (ci)pravaravAjimAdhyandinamAkhine brA (brA) praNapuruSottamAya 27 lohAsUna catuSTayaM 4 madhupAlikA grAmavinirgata kAsya (zya) yasagotraTa (ci)pravara (cchaMdomazAkhile vrA (bA) DAyagovindazvA (skhA) mine devakhA (khA) mi 28 sumAyaM zravaNabhadravinirgatavasa sagamecapacapravarava (ba) nRcazAkhine brA (brA)hmaNa sahAya mitrAnaMdasUnave caMzacatuSTayaM 8 29 zAvadhikAntaHpAvidarddha rikA grAma vinirgata bhArgava sa gotraTa (tri) pravara (cchaM) dogazAkhine vrA (brAhmaNasaM (zaMkarAya devAdityasUnave aMzaddayaM 30 2 sAvarthi[kA]dezAntaHpAtimi tilapATakaviniga (rga) taparAzara sagocaTa (ci) pravaravAjimAdhyaMdinazAkhine vrA (brA)hmaNamadhumathanAya - 31 calasUnave aMzacayaM 2 kheDApAlikAvinirgatamaunisagocaTa (ci) pravaravAjimAdhyaMdinezAkhine vA (brA)hmaNasvayaM tapAya zrInivAsa 32 sUnave aMzacarya 3 kheTakavinirgatabhAraddAjasagocaTa (ci) pravarava (ba) nRcazAkhine ar (brAhmaNanene kAya madhusUnave aMzacatuSTayaM 8 bhA 33 nohabhaTTagrAmavinirgatabhArgavasagocaTa (ci) pavaravAji mAdhyaM dinazAkhine vrA (brA)hmaNajAmaTAya viSNusUnave aMzaDayaM 2 tathA tasyaiva vA * 34 tre brA (brAhmaNa dedekAya aMzaiyaM 2 sopuravinirgatazAMDilya sagotraTa (tri) pravarakothumazAkhine va'A(cA)hmaNabhAvasthikasa (ma)rvvadevAya lohasUna 35 ve aMgada, kharjUrikA grAmavinirgata mAla sagocaya (ci) pravara (cchaMdogazAkhine vrA (brAhmaNavarAhAya zrIdharanave saMgracatuSTayaM 8 36 dapuravinirgatavArA sagocaTa (ci) pravaraba(ba) hRcazAkhine mAkhanaye aMganayaM 1 [lA] udezavinirgata vrA (mA) bhAzAdityAya 37 kAsya (ya) pasamoTa(tri) pravaravAjisAdhyaMdinAkhive vA (brA) aNabhAralAya harisunave mekaM 1 rAja [koyagrAma ] vinirgata vasa lIlAditya sUnava 39 hAjasagotra ( ci) pravaravAjimAdhyandinazAkhine vA (brA) ayamuMjAlAya (IzvarasUnave yaM 2 zravaNabhadravinirgatavatsa 38 gocapaMcapravara (cchaM) dogamA [khi *] ne brA (brAhmaNadevAdityAya aMgada 2 laTakezAntaHpAtinAndipura vinirgatabhAra 40 vargAcapaJcapravaravAjimAdhyA (dhya) idanazAkhine vrA (brA) praNAmAta (sma?) guNAkAra (lU)ve saMyacayaM 2 evamasunA kramaya u

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THREE COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS FROM GAONRI. B.-PLATES OF VAKPATI-MUNJA: V. S. 1038 (II). iii kArAmA 4 pariti ritamitaratAvAsamupatA mAmAkAnta guNalatu mAyAhaMzAdarakA ra kaa| tamAka sirasApuratamorATyAmakumavArayAla kAyasyAutaratAvarasugaDetA rAjariTha 46 magarimiAyaNagagAyarA bhUmisUtaMyatayAlAyAlA haratAliyurArogAlA motiya 46 zaharAminiTamolagavAna timAkitAnikAnAmAguna rAtAjammAkulamamurAramurAdarahira 48 zAlamira mahAmora nITAlAsaTi salilaturaratnalAyAdAnagaralaparayAparipAlana sahola tAtimadhyAtita zALATAyA utArAmana yAmAgoyaMmomaTa pANI kAla kAla yA nITayAra nA ga pAlisTalAni galAlAziyama kurijhamaDAtihAsasakaravAjabAdatatatuDDA nadiyurapeyara tI vegAtalAzAtisamata10 31rApAzudinayamAjhA jirAyatazyAvadhIrayadi rAmadalAyajIvA bAla divasa Ren. No. 3977 E"36- 295.

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No. 17.) THREE COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS FROM GAONRI. in 41 parilikhitamAmorya uparilikhitavA(brA)aNebhyaH Sadi(vizatibhyaH mAtApinorAma nazca puNyayazobhivRdaye'dRSTaphala42 maGgolatyAcandrArkAkavakSitisamakAlaM parayA bhattayA zAsanenIdavApUrvaka prati pAdita iti matvA taMni(saci)vAsipa43 Ti(Da)kilajanapadairyathAdIyamAnabhAgabhoga:(ga)varahiraNyAdikaM sarvamAjAcavaNavidhe sarbadA eteSAM u. Third Plate. 44 parilikhitaniva(ba)ikrameNa samupanetavyaM / sAmAnyaM caitatpuNyaphala ()[4]sa iMzajairanyairapi bhA45 vibhoktRbhirasmatpradattadharmadAyoya(ya)manumantavyaH // pAlanIyazca / utaca / va(ba) hubhirvasudhA bhuktA rAjabhiH 48 sagarAdibhiH [*] yasya yasya yadA bhUmistasya tasya tadA phalaM // yAnauSa dattAni purA narendranAni dhamArthaya47 zaskarANi [*] nirmAtyavAntapratimAni tAni ko nAma zA(sA)dhuH puna rAda*]dIta / asmatkulakramamudAramudAharadira48 nyaizca dAnamidamabhyanumodanIyaM [1] lakSmyAstaDisalilavuDa(buDu)dacaMcalAyA dAna phala parayazaHparipAlanaM. 49 ca [*] sAnetAmbhAvinaH pArthivendrAnbhUyo bhUyI yAcate raambhdrH| sAmAnyoya dharmaseturnapANAM 50 kAle kAle pAlanIyo bhavaziH // iti kamaladalAmbudhi(mbubi)ndulIlA thiyama51 nucintya menuSyajIvitA / sakalamidamudAyataM ca (bu)ddhA nahi puruSaiH dhanacatu . 52 kIrtayo visopyAH / prati samva(saMvat 1038 hirASADhadi 10. svaya mAtA___53 dApakazcAtra zrIrudrAdityaH / svahastoyaM zrIvAkpatirAjadevasya / C.-Plates of Vaikpati(-Munja): v.s. 1043. TEXT. First Plate. ___1 bho"["] yAH sphUrjatphaNaviSAnalamilaDUma(ma)prabhA: praulasamUva(ba)capakako - TivaTitA yAH - ipooby a symbol

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112 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXIII. 2 saiDikeyopamAH / yAcaMca girijAkapolalulitAH kastUrikAvibhramAstAH zrIkaNThakaTho 3 rakaNTharucayaH zreyAMsi puSyantu vaH // yajJamavadanendunA na sukhita (saM) yatrAdritaM vAridhervvArA yatra ni 4 jena nAbhisarasIpadmena zAnti (ti) gataM / yaccheSAhi phaNAsahasramadhurazvAsairya cAvAse (si) taM tadrAdhAvirahA 5 turaM surariporbezaddapuH pAtu vaH // paramabhaTTArakamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvarazrIkRSNarAjadeva ramabha 6 pAdAnudhyAtaparamabhaTTArakamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvarazrIvairisiGga (siMha) devapAdAnudhyAtapa 7 hArakamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvarazrIsIyakadevapAdAnudhyAtaparamabhaTTArakamahArAjAdhirAjapa 8 raMmezvarazrImadamoghavarSadevAparAbhidhAnazrIvAkvatirAjadevapRthvIvallabha zrIvallabhanareMdradevaH 9 kuzalI // avantImaNDale zrImadujjayanIviSayapUrvapathakasamva (mba) dhyamAnamaDukabhuta (to) kahicchaka 10 grAma samupagatAnsamastarAjapuruSAnvA (brAhmaNottarAnpratinivAsi paTTakila janapadAdIMca vo (bo) 11 dhayatyastu vaH samvi (saMvi) ditaM yathA / pUrkhapathakAvAsthiterasmAbhistricatvArisa(riMza) samva (saMva) tsarasahasra" mAghe mAsi 12 udagayanaparvvaNi / puNyAbhrasariti snAtvA carAcaraguruM bhagavata (nta ) mamvi (bi) kApatimabhyarcya sa (saM) sArasyAsA 13 ratAM dRSTvA // vAtAntravibhbhramamidaM vasudhAdhipatya mApAtamAtramadhuro viSayopabhogaH / prANAstRNA 14 jalavi (bi) du (ndu) samA narANAM dharmaH sakhA paramahI paralokayAne // bhrama tsaMsAracakrAgradhArAdhArAmimAM 15 zriyaM / prApya ye na dadusteSAM pacAttApaH paramphalam // iti jagato vinazvaraM sakalamidamAkala 16 vya / yamupari samAropitagrAmaH / svasomATaNagocaragoyUtipaya (rya) : - vRkSamAlAkula The reading appears to be Kadahisthaka.-Ed.] Read tricatvAriMzadadhike saMvatsara ise

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THREE COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS FROM GAONRI. C.-PLATES OF VAKPATI-MUNJA: V. S. 1043. yA: hama hiNavalamilamayUnAdhyAlasammoha majAkAmaTiyATi gyaa| 2 sadilAyAyamurAyAcadisAkAyAlalalitA kamarikAvinamAnAzakAmA ekAtira naTAcA mitkhanuzAvAvarannAnamuniyamAdinamAvibAga yAni ! 4 ninAtimAsIyAmanazAngitAyatabAdiragAhammaturazAsanatAzAminAsAvAvivAra 14 umurasiyAvalaharAyA utarAyaramanadArakamadArAnAvarAjayarAmazaraNa kharAkAratA yAdAnazAtaparamasahArakamadArAmAviragharamatarazAvarasihAdatagArAnuzatayaramA hAravagadArAmAvarAera arajImIyUlAda yAdAnuzAyaramanadAkhamadArajAvarAjya rAmaramamAvarSadAyarAsivannAdirAtArAvarajasanahasa jitnamAlabama sAmanItaSTAyagAyanasamarAmAnamAnasalAdamA 10 gAmasamupagatA garADa purAnA pInAvAtamatAsalilautpadAdAzanA mahAmu saminivAgAyanATitaramAnimittArasamasamarasAdAmamAyA mezi 12raganyatAliyAgamayatimAtatarAvara sarasarAtanamamakAyatamAnAmasAramAMsA tAda tAtAra visumAmudAgitAmAyAtamAlagAtArAviSayAyAsAgarIyalisalA 14 gatavarasamAnarANAma samAyaramAdArAlAta yAnAlagasamAna kAgatI rAvAgA14 liyA yA manAmadhArasamalamAsatajagatAvinasikalamiramAkalana 16 sAmAmuparimabhArAyinagAmAyamamAratavAyUliyajasvamAlakAlA 16 N. P. CHAKRAVARTI, SCALE: THREE-FIFTHS. SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA. REG. No. 3977 E'36-295.

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zazakA nimamanugamagalAdimAdAyasamabhAmagAnAtikApAyAgamavinirI 18 nAyAsaMtati sAmAgavatamAhAmanasAyAyAyadarAdAdAvitalAko naramamayovAhAla sonAbAginArAmanarAyaNamAmAlisudAmanAelamahatiyArakAzitamama kAlaparavArakAsAsananAdakatamayatayAditalAvAkAnayATiTobAgomAnasA / gAsAgarika mAhArAtapativAsAvAsadAsarvamadhasamupanatAsAmanAvatArAyA / / amAimananAmavisAvAssyiAyudatavamahAmATAmanumanavAyAlanAmAvanika sugama sakArAiniHsa garirAyagavAsAbhimAnatadAratApAnIdatIniyamanAra nividAsa marAlinimAlavAnayAtamAnatAniAkAmamAna rAtAsataunatA sAnidhyAtinasayA lATAlAtarAmanamAnAnAnanamnAsayAkAlakAlA mAladIvAstahiAjamAtAlakamamArasuvAlAirAnAthadanAmamazamoranI garimAlalavaDatalAvAsAyaligamAza dharayAsamA tika badalAva gulAlAgidhamati lAgADAvita mAmalAmamuyAnala mAnadi gurama yarakIta. yAtilAzA maanhaabhaaraavaadrmglmaadhii||

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No. 18.] MALLAR PLATES OF MAHA-SIVAGUPTA. 113 Second Plate. 17 catuSkakaTavi[za]chaH samastabhAgabhogakarahiraNyAdAyasameta: // magadhAMta:pAtikaNo pAgrAmavinirmA18 tAya / sa(saM)kRtisagotrAya va(ba)ce pAlA(khalA)yanasA(zA)khAya / triprava rAya / dIkSitalokAnandasutAya / vA(brAhmaNa19 sarvAnandAya / pitrorAtmanazca puNyayazobhivaiye adRSTaphalamaGgokatyAcandrArkA raNavacitisama20 kAlaM parayA bhaktyA sA(zA)sanenodakapUrvamsa(va saM)pratipAdita ityavetyAtratyaja napadairyathA(tho)tpadyamAnabhA21 gabhogAdikamAjJAcavaNavidheyabhU(bhUtvA sadA sarvamasmai samupanetavyaM // sAmA nyaM caitatpuNyaphalaM vudhvA(buDDA) / 22 prasmasa(za)jairanyaizca bhAvibhoktAbhiramabadattadharmadAyoyamanumaMtavyaH pAlanIyazca / va(ba)hubhirbasudhA 23 bhuktA rAjabhiH sagarAdibhiH / yasya yasya yadA bhUmistasya tasya tadA phalaM // yAnIha dattAni purA narendra24 nAni dharmArthayazaskarANi / nirmAtyavAntapratimAni tAni ko nAma sAdhuH punarAdadauta // sa netA25 bhAvinaH pArthivedrAnbhUyo bhUyo yAcate rAmabhadraH / sAmAnyoyandharmasetupANAM kAle kAle 26 pAlanauyo bhavadbhiH // asmatkulakramamudAramudAharagiranyaizca dAnamidamabhyanumoda nIyam / 27 lakSamyAstaDitsalilavuhu(buddha)dacaMcalAyA dAnaM phalaM parayazaHparipAlanaM ca // iti kamaladalAmvuvi(mbubi)28 ndulolA thiyamanucintya manuSyajIvitaM ca / sakalamidamudAhRtaM ca vudhvA(buDA) nahi puruSaiH parakIrta29 yo vilopyAH // samva(saMvat 1043 mAghavadi 13 maMgalaM mahAvIH / No. 18.--MALLAR PLATES OF MAHA-SIVAGUPTA. BY PROF. V. V. MIRASHT, M.A., AND PANDIT L. P. PANDEYA. Mallar is a large village with a population of over 2,000 souls, 16 miles south-east of Bilaspur, the headquarters of the Bilaspur District in the Central Provinces. It was an important place in former times as can be judged by the ruins of an old fort near by, with a moat all round and a number of old tanks on all sides. It still contains numerous ruins of old temples as well as Buddhist

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114 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXIII. and Jain sculptures. Several stone inscriptions have been found there, one of which has been removed to Bilaspur and another has been deposited in the Nagpur Museum. The place is called Mallala in these inscriptions. Two more statue inscriptions have been recently discovered at Mallar, one of which is incised in early Brahmi characters. The present plates were discovered underground near a temple between the village and the fort in August 1936. They were first brought to notice by Mr. P. L. Gupta, Joint Secretary of the Mahakosala Historical Society, Bilaspur, through the courtesy of Mr. Sudha Ram, Malguzar of Mallar and a member of the Bilaspur Local Board, and have since been acquired by Mr. K. N. Nagarakatti, I.C..., Deputy Commissioner of Bilaspur for the Central Museum, Nagpur, where they are now deposited. They are three copper plates of which the first and the third are inscribed on one side and the second on both the sides. Their surface was corroded in some places, but, fortunately, no letter has been lost. The plates have since been cleaned by Mr. M. A. Suboor of the Nagpur Museum, who has kindly supplied us with their ink-impressions. The letters were deeply engraved and show through in many places on the back of the first and the third plate. Each plate measures 8.4" in length, 5" in breadth and about 1" in thickness. The middle plate is somewhat thicker than the others. The rims of the plates were not raised, still the inscription is in a good state of preservation. About 1" from the middle of the proper right side of each plate there is a round hole 6" in diameter for the ring which connects it with the other plates of the set. The ends of this ring which is about 4" in thickness and 4.3" in diameter are secured below & circular seal 3.5" in diameter. The ring was not cut when the plates reached the Nagpur Museum. The surface of the seal, which is somewhat deeply counter-sunk, is divided into three parts. The upper part bears in relief the figure of a couchant bull with a tribula in front. Behind the animal is what looks like a kamandalu with something placed on it. Below this comes the legend in two lines, which is separated from the upper device by two horizontal parallel lines. Below the legend is shown a large full-blown lotus flanked by two leaves one on either side. In form, fabric and disposition of the device and the legend, the seal of the present plates resembles those of the Rajim and Baloda plates of Tivaradeva and of the plates of the kings of Sarabhapura ". The weight of three plates is 1234 tolas and that of the seal and the ring 824 tolas. The record consists of 28 lines, there being seven on each inscribed surface. The letters were neatly written and deeply engraved. Their average size is '. The characters are of the boxheaded variety and closely resemble those on the Rajim and Baloda plates of Tivaradeva. These are somewhat more elongated and angular than those of the plates of the kings of Sarabhapura and much more so than those of the plates of the Vakataka kings Pravarasena II and Prithivishena 11. The only peculiarities worth noticing here are that the length of the medial iis denoted by & dot in the circle which denotes its short form ; see gita- ). 21 and vaishnavi l. 22; the medial au is tripartite; see sauryya 11. 2-3; the right vertical stroke of ch and kh is lengthened below the rectangle on the left ; see, e.g., chaturdis- l. 12, chandr- 11. 13-14, su(pra)mukhan 11. 7-8; the subscript has in many places the same form as the vowel ri; see sri and pitsi both in l. 5; the Now deposited in the Town Hall of Bilaspur. See Hiralal, Inscriptions in C. P. and Berar (Second Ed.), No. 220. Bhandarkar's List of Northern Inscriptions No. 1241. The Ratanpur inscription of Prithvidova II and Brahmadova (ibid., No. 1240) also seems to have originally come from Mallar: for 1.22 of it reads mahAle'khinlavaladhavalaMbuvaMTeDAma cake / 90. I. T., Vol. III, plate XLV. . Above, Vol. VII, p. 102. Seo, e.g., the Thakurdiyi plates of Mahi-Pravarsraja, above, Vol. XXII, pp. 18 Seo, c.9., C. 1. I., Vol. III, plate XXXV. Abovo, Vol. IX, pp. 28788.

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No. 18.] MALLAR PLATES OF MAHA-SIVAGUPTA. final form of t occurs in ll. 19, 24 and 25; punctuation is denoted by a vertical line hooked at the top. The language is Sanskrit and with the exception of the customary benedictory and imprecatory verses at the end the whole record is in prose. Unlike the charters of Tivaradeva1 it contains no expressions in common with the formal portion of the grants of the kings of Sarabhapura.' The inscription is somewhat carelessly written. The writer has for instance used in many places the short for the long form of mediali (see, e.g., kehitisa and mahaniya in 1. 1, kusali in 1, 5, etc.) and, in some places of medial u also (see sunu, 1. 4, suryya 1. 23, etc.); the anusvara, visarga and final consonants are omitted in many cases; see sapadita 1. 2, mahabhyudaya 1. 3 and purusha 1.9; the unaspirated consonant is used for the aspirated one in-palam and vice versa in abhishtham both in 1. 20. The anuseara is wrongly changed to m before v in paradattam=va 1. 27 and to n before a sibilant in vansa 1. 4, Taradansaka 1. 11 and nrisansat 1. 19; cases of wrong sandhi occur in anyans-cha 1. 8, uchchhrijya 1. 21 and danat-sreyo 1, 28, etc. As regards orthographical peculiarities sanctioned by Sanskrit grammar we may notice that the consonant preceding and following is doubled in some cases, e.g., bauryya 11. 2-3, sarvva- 1. 8, pittro 1. 14, ch-attra 1. 22, etc. 115 The plates were issued by the illustrious Maha-Sivaguptaraja, the son of the illustrious Harshadeva', who was born in the lunar dynasty and was a most devout worshipper of Mahes vara (Siva). They record the king's donation of the village Kailasapura in the bhoga or subdivision of Taradamsaka to the community of venerable monks from the four quarters residing in the small monastery at Taradamsaka, which had been constructed by Alaka, the wife of Kora deva3. The gift was made on the occasion of a solar eclipse on the new-moon day of Ashadha at the request of the king's maternal uncle the illustrious Bhaskaravarman.. -2 This Maha-Sivaguptaraja, the son of Harshagupta, is evidently identical with the homonymous king, also known as Balarjuna and mentioned in several stone inscriptions at Sirpur (ancient Sripura) in the Raipur District. From one edit Varman dynasty of Magadha. As shown of these by R. B. Hiralals we learn that his mother Vasata was a daughter of king Suryavarman elsewhere, this Suryavarman is probably identical with the pri prince Suryavarman, a son of the Maukhari king Isanavarman, whose Haraha stone inscription is dated in (Malava) Samvat 611 (A. D. 555). Bhaskaravarman who is called in the present plates the maternal uncle of MahaSivagupta was, thus, a son of Suryavarman. The name of Suryavarman is omitted in the later Maukhari genealogy and it is therefore supposed that he must have predeceased his father" or if he came to the throne he left no male issue. The present inscription shows, however, that his son Bhaskaravarman lived to a fairly advanced age. Was Suryavarman, then, a younger son of Itanavarman who consequently never came to the throne? Or if he succeeded his father as implied by his title nripa in the Sirpur stone inscription of Vasata, was his son Bhaskaravarman prevented from succeeding him in consequence of a war of succession? These questions cannot yet be answered in the absence of sufficient evidence. 1 See, above, Vol. XXII, p. 17, n. 5. The king is named Harshagupta in the legend on the seal The text reads kIradevabhAyyAlakAkArita. but as this gives no satisfactory meaning, we propose to read See Bhandarkar's List of Northern Inscriptions, Nos. 1654 and 1655. Also Hiralal's List of O. P. Intrig sions, Nos. 173 and 184. The Lakshmana Temple Inscription, above, Vol. XI, pp. 184ff. See Thakurdiya plates of Maha-Pravararaja, above, Vol. XXII, p. 19. Above, Vol. XIV, p. 115. Ibid., p. 111.

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116 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXIII. From the Jaunpurl and Haraha stone inscriptions we learn that the Maukhari kings Isvaravarman and his son Isanavarman raided the Andhra country and defeated the ruling king. As the country of Dakshina Kosala (modern Chhattisgarh), where the early Somavamsi kings were ruling, is contiguous to the Andhra country, it is not unlikely that the marriage of the Maukhari princess Vasata with king Harshagupta of Dakshina Kosala had a political significance. It may be noted in this connection that Udayana the earliest known king of the Somavami dynasty was ruling in Central India, as & stone inscription found at Kalanjara' records his construction of a temple of Vishnu, evidently at Kalanjara. It is not unlikely that he was a feudatory of the then Maukhari Emperor and either he or his sons invaded Dakshina Kosala or Chhattisgarh during the campaigns of the Maukhari king Isvaravarman against the Andhra king who was probably & prince of the Vishnukundin family. In any case we find Udayana's grandsons Nannadeva and Isanadeva firmly established in Chhattisgarh. A mutilated stone inscription in the temple of Lakhanesvar at Kharod in the Bilaspur District records Isanadeva's gift of some villages evidently to the god enshrined in that temple. Isanadeva's nephew Tivaradeva is known from two sets of plates found at Rajir in the Raipur District and Baloda in the Phuljhar Zamindari in the old Sambalpur and present Raipur District, both the places being included in Chhattisgarh. The villages mentioned in the Baloda plates cannot be traced but those named in the Rajim plates can be identified in the vicinity of Rajim. As stated before, Tivaradeva's grand-nephew MabaSivagupta-Balarjuna, the donor of the present plates, is known from several stone inscriptions at Sirpur. The find-spots of these inscriptions and the identification of the villages mentioned in them clearly show that these Somavamsi kings were at first ruling in the Western parts of Dakshina Kosala. It is not therefore unlikely that the Maukhari kings Isvaravarman and Isanavarman were helped in their southern campaigns by these Somavamsi princes of Dakshina Kosala. This also accounts for the Vishnukundin king Madhavavarman l's invasion and oucupation of the capital of Trivara (i.e., Tivaradeva) as stated in his Pulomburu and Ipur plates. The political alliance between the Maukhari and Somavamsi houses seems to have been cemented subsequently by the marriage of Vasata and Harshagupta. There is one more stone inscription of this dynasty which is said to have been found at Bhandak outside the limits of Dakshina Kosala, viz., the stone inscription of Bhavadeva Ranakesarin, now deposited in the Nagpur Museum.' But one cannot be certain about its find-spot ; for, as pointed out by R. B. Hiralal, no accurate record has been kept of the provenance of inscriptions collected before the establishment of the Nagpur Museum. Besides, this inscription is fragmentary. The extant portion unfortunately contains no place-name, otherwise it may have helped us in tracing its find-spot. We have therefore to rely on conjecture in this respect. In 1873 while Cunningham was at Bhandak he was informed that "an inscription on a long red slab had been taken to Nagpur during the time of the Raja about 40, or 50 years previously by Wilkinson Saheb."8 Cunningham 10. I. I., Vol. III, pp. 228ff. * If the Sulikas over whom Isanavarman won a victory are identified with the Cholas, the Maukhari king must have penetrated much further to the south. Cunningham, A.S. R., Vol. XXI, p. 40 and plate IX ; above Vol. IV, p. 257, note 4. Bhandarkar's List, No. 1651. In an inscription at Arang, the name of Ranakesarin occurs (see Hiralal's List, No. 183), but it cannot be said if he is identical with Bhavadeva Ranakesarin, or with the brother of MahaSivagupta Balarjuna mentioned in the Sirpur stone inscription. (Above, Vol. XI, p. 191.) The RAjim plates record the grant of Pimparipadraka in the Penthama-bhukti (C. I. I., Vol. III, p. 295). These places have not yet been identified, but the former is certainly Piprod, 3 miles north-weut of Rajim and the latter may be Pondh 6 miles north of Rajim. . See above, Vol. XXII, pp. 19ff. Edited by Kielhorn in J R. A. 8. (1905), pp. 617ff. *Cunningham, A. S. ., Vol. IX, p. 127.

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No. 18.] MALLAR PLATES OF MAHA-SIVAGUPTA. 117 conjectured that the stone slab containing the inscription of Bhavadeva Ranakesarin must have been the one removed by Mr. Wilkinson from Bhandak on the following grounds : (1) It is a long slab just as described to him by the people of Bhandak and it is of the very same fine-grained reddish stone as that of the Wijasan hill at Bhandak ; (2) Dr. Stevenson, who has translated it, received a copy of it from Major Wilkinson who was a resident at the Nagpur Court and (3) the inscription records that it was attached to the house of Sugata (Buddha) and therefore it probably belonged to Bhandak which has ancient Buddhist caves. Cunningham's opinion was subsequently endorsed by R. B. Hiralalt and we find the stone inscription now relegated to Bhandak. None of the arguments, however, on which Cunningham's opinion was based appear to be convincing. Inscribed slabs of fine-grained reddish sandstone have been found in Chhattisgarh also. The Ratanpur stone inscription of Jajalladeva I. and the Kosgain stone inscription of Vaharendra, which are now deposited in the Nagpur Museum, are incised on such slabs. As for the statement that such a slab was taken away from Bhindak we may point out that it may relate to another inscription, viz., 'the Nagpur Museum prasasti of the rulers of Malwa,' as has already been conjectured in the second edition of the Central Provinces Gazetteers (published in 1870). This latter inscription was translated in the Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society in 1843 and this date, curious as it might appear, roughly corresponds to the time when according to the account of both the writer in the Gazetteer and Cunningham an inscription was removed from Bhandak to Nagpur. There are, again, some ancient ruins of Buddhist temples and sculptures at Arang and Sirpur in Chhattisgarh, and our present inscription, which records the donation of a village to a Buddhist monastery, shows that Buddhism continued to flourish in Chhattisgarh for at least three generations after Bhavadeva Ranakesarin. What is more, if we except this doubtful case of the so-called Bhandak inscription, we find no other instance of an inscription of the Somavam i dynasty discovered in ancient Vidarbha in which, as shown elsewhere, the whole country from the western boundary of modern Berar to the eastern one of the Marathi district of Bhandara in C. P. was included. This country was in the beginning of the sixth century under the direct rule of the Vakatakas. Harishena, the last known Vakataka king, mentions the king of Kosala among his feudatories. If the period A. D. 530-550 assigned 1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXVII, p. 208, note 20 ; Vol. LXII, p. 163 ; Hiralal's List, p. 13. * See Bhandarkar's List, No. 1650. . Above, Vol. I, pp. 32 ff. * Hiralal's Liat, No. 210. 5. The date of its (i.c., of the Nagpur Museum prasasti) translation coincides curiously with the time at which an inscription was removed by the Nagpur Raja from the famous Snake temple at Bhandak in the Chanda District.' c. P. Gazetteer (Second Edition) Introduction p. liv. Rai Bahadur Hiralal conjecturally relegated this prasasti to Bilbari in the Jubbulpur District, because the name of the village Mokhalapataka granted by it sounds like Dhangatapataka, Khailapataka, etc., mentioned in the Bilhari stone inscription (see his List f. n. on p. 1). But no such name can be found in the list of villages in the Jubbulpore District, while we have been able to trace one closely resembling it in the Chanda District (viz., Mokhara, 50 miles east of Bhandak). Vyapura, the name of the mandala, in which it was included, may be represented by Wurgaon near Vairagarh, 30 miles north-east of Mokhara. These identifications would show that the prasasti originally came from the Chanda District. For a Paramara record of a slightly earlier date, found still further to the south, see the Jainad inscription describing the victories of Jagaddeva, a son of Udayaditya. (Annual Report of the Hyderabad Archaeological Survey 1927-1928, pp. 23-24 and above, Vol. XXII, pp. 64-63.) * See Hiralal's List, No. 184. 1 Above, Vol. XXII, pp. 169 and 211. It may be noted in this connection that the Gantaa-Purana (kridakhanda, adhyaya 26, #l. 2) mentions the town Adisha (modern Adass near Saoner in the Nagpur District) as situated in Vidarbha. This clearly shows that the Wardha was not the eastern boundary of ancient Vidarbha as it is of modern Berar. * A. S. W. I., Vol. IV, pp. 124 ff.

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118 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXIII. to Tivaradeva in the article on the Thakurdiya plates is correct, an inscription of his predecesor is not likely to have been found at Bhandak in the heart of the Vakataka territory. We have, therefore, to conclude that the stone inscription of Bhavadeva Ranakesarin must have been found somewhere in Dakshina Kosala or Chhattisgarh and not at Bhandak in ancient Vidarbha. When Kielhorn edited the inscription in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, he was informed that the inscription was found at Ratanpur, but this information also was probably incorrect; for the present Ratanpur was founded by Ratnadeva I. of the Kalachuri dynasty in the eleventh century A.D.: What seems to have happened is that the stone inscription was first removed to Ratanpur from some place in Chhattisgarh and was later transferred to Nagpur where it was recorded to have come from Ratanpur. It has been shown elsewhere on palaeographical and epigraphical evidence that Tivaradeva flourished from circa A.D. 530 to 550. His grand-nephew Maha-Sivagupta Balarjuna will have to be placed in the first half of the seventh century A. D. Either he or his successor must have been the ruling king when Yuan Chwang visited the capital of Dakshina Kosala. Though the present plates do not mention any place of issue, we know that Sripura in the Raipur District continued to be the capital of Somavamsi kings at least from the time of Tivaradeva to that of Maha-Sivagupta Balarjuna.. It would therefore be interesting to see how far Yuan Chwang's description of the capital of Dakshina Kosala suits Sripura. Several scholars have attempted in the past to locate the capital of Dakshina Kosala. Fergusson and Grant identified it with Wairagarh," while Cunningham took it to be Chanda.& But, as pointed out by R. B. Hiralal, 'what is missing at both these places is any trace of remains of the Buddhistic monasteries and temples which Yuan Chwang so prominently mentioned. R. B. Hiralal himself at first identified it with Bhandak ;10 for he thought that the country of Dakshina Kosala extended in the west to the eastern boundry of modern Berar. He believed with Cunningham that the stone inscription of Bhavadeva Ranakesarin originally belonged to a Buddhist cave at Bhandak and following Kielhorn he held that a line of Buddhist kings belonging to the Panduvamai line ruled in that place down to the 9th century A.D. Later on, after weighing all evidence R. B. Hiralal concluded that both the places (Sirpur and Bhandak) seem at present to have an equal claim to the honour of a visit from the great pilgrim of China, but Bhandak seems to possess more tangible evidence than Sirpur':11 But, as pointed out above, Bhandak was included in ancient Vidarbha and not in Kosala and must have been under the direct rule of Pulakesin II., who, in the Aihose inscription, is called the lord of three Maharashtras comprising 99,000 villages.'18 One of these Maharashtras must have been ancient Vidarbha, since it is not separately mentioned in the Aihole inscription. From the same inscription we learn that Pulakesin did not annex Kosala but only exacted submission from the ruling king. Yuan Chwang Above, Vol. XXII, p. 19. *J. R. A. S. for 1905, p. 618. * See the Ratanpur inscription of Jajalladeva I, above, Vol. I, pp. 32 ff. * A similar thing seems to have happened in the case of the Ratanpur inscription of Prithvideva II and Prahmadeva, which originally seems to have belonged to Mallar. See above p. 114, n. 2. . Both the Rajim and Baloda plates of Tivaradevs are issued from Sripurs. * As stated above, there are several stone inscriptions of the reign of the bag & Sirpur. J. R. A. 8. (1875), p. 260. * Cunningham, Ancient Geography of India (1994), p. 686. . Ind. Ant., Vol. LXII. p. 163. 10 Toid., Vol. XXXVII, p. 208, note 19 11 Ibid., Vol. LXII, p. 168. 11 Above, Vol. VI, pp. 1 ff.

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No. 18.) MALLAR PLATES OF MAHA-SIVAGUPTA. 119 also mentions the king of Kosala as different from Pulakasin II. whom he calls the king of Mabarashtra. So the capital of Kasala cannot be located at Bhandak. From Yuan Chwang's account we learn that from Kalinga he went north-west by hill and wood for above 1800 li to Kosala.... The king was a Kshatriya by birth, a Buddhist in religion and of noted benevolence ..To the south-west of this country, above 300 li from the capital was a mountain called Po-lo-ma-lo-ki-li'. From Kosala he travelled South, through a forest, for above 900 li to the An-to-lo (Andhra) country, the capital of which was Ping-chi-(ki)-lo. This description suits Sirpur better than any other place in Chhattisgarh. Sirpur lies north-west of Mukhalingam on the left bank of the Varsadhara, 18 miles from Parlakimedi in the Ganjam District, which is now generally taken to be the ancient capital of Kalinga. The reigning king, who was either Maha-Sivagupta Balarjuna or his successor, was no doubt a Kshatriya, as the Somavamsi kings traced their descent from Pandu, the father of the Epic heroes Pandavas. Maha-Sivagupta was a devotee of Siva, but the present grant shows that he patronised Buddhism also and the same can probably be said of his successor. The mountain Po-lo-mo-lo-ki-li, which has been rendered by Bhramara-giri, may refer to Bhamgara-Pavvato (Skt. Bhringara-parvata) which is mentioned in an ancient Brahmi stone inscription at Arang. It may be noted in this connection that Arang lies south-west of Sirpur as required by the Chinese pilgrim's description. If Ping-chi-lo, the capital of the Andhra country, is identified with Vongi (which was then the capital of the Eastern Chalukyas), it will be seen to lie almost due south of Sirpur. Sirpur, therefore, answers best to the bearings and other description of the capital of Kosala in Yuan Chwang's account. It is true that the distance of Sirpur from Mukhalingam, Arang and Vengi does not exactly agree with Yuan Chwang's account, but this is not the only case in which the Chinese pilgrim's distances are found to be incorrect. We have, therefore, no hesitation in identifying the capital of Kosala in the seventh century A.D. with Sirpur in the Raipur District. The present grant is not dated, but as stated above it can be assigned to the first half of the seventh century A.D. It records the donation of a village on the occasion of a solar eclipse on the new-moon day of Ashadha. Taking the month to be purnimanta we find that there was a solar eclipse in Ashadha four times in the period A.D. 600 to 650, viz., A. D. 606, 616, 633 and 643. Of these A.D. 633 and 643 would perhaps be too late dates for Maha-Sivagupta Balarjuna. So A.D. 606 or 616 may be the date of the present grant. It does not, of course, admit of verification. Unlike his ancestors Tivaradeva and Harshadeva who are known to be devotees of Vishnu, Maha-Sivagupta Balarjuna was a worshipper of Siva. The seal of the present grant has consequently Nandi, the emblem of Siva, and not Garuda, that of Vishnu, who figures on the seal of the Rajim and Baloda plates of Tivaradeva. It may again be noted that like the afore-mentioned grants of Tivaradeva, the present inscription does not mention the title Trikaling-adhipati which is met with in many records of the later kings of the Somavamsi dynasty who ruled over the eastern parts of Dakshina Kosala. 1 Watters, On Yuan Chwang, Vol. II, pp. 200, 209. For a similar discrepanoy in Yuan Chwang's account, see his description of Harsha, who from his copper plate inscriptions and Bapa's Harshacharita is known to have been a devotee of Siva. * Hiralal's List, No. 183. Bhringara which means a cricket is after all not very different from bhramara. Or was it some mountain in the Bhramara-kotya-mandala in the Bastar State ? (Above, Vol. IX, pp. 179 1.) There is, again, a hill named Bhamragarh in the Ahiri Zamindari of the Chanda District, which also lies SouthWest of Sirpur, but the distance is more than 160 miles. * Sirpur is about 275 miles as the crow flies from Mukhalingam and about 300 miles from Veogl. Those distances will be somewhat increased if the inevitable windings of the road are taken into consideration. * Tivaradeva calls himself Parama-Vaishnava in his plates. * Soe v. 20 of the Sirpur Lakshmana Temple Inscription, above, Vol. XI, p. 192. D 2

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120 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. As for the geographical names occurring in the present plates, Taradarheaka-bhoga in which the donated village was situated is probably identical with the Talahari-mandala mentioned in several later inscriptions. From one of these we learn that the Talahari-mandala included Mallala (modern Mallar, where the plates were found). The Buddhist images at present deposited in Mallar are said to have been brought from Jaitpur, a village about a mile to the north of Mallar. The site of ancient Taradamsaka where the Buddhist monastery was situated is, therefore, probably marked by the modern village Jaitpur. As regards Kailasapura granted by the present charter, there is now no village of that name in the Bilaspur and Janjgir tahsils, but there are several of the name Kesla, which may be taken to correspond to ancient Kailasapura. Of them the one which is nearest to Mallar is Kesla, about 8 miles to the south-east, which contains ruins of an old temple. We edit the inscription from the briginal plates. 3 4 TEXT. First Plate. 2 1 mom svastyazeSaciti (tI) zavidyAbhyAsavizeSAsAditamahani (no) yavinayasaguNavatsa [mA] zrayaprakaSTatarazaukArti(rsi ) keya iva kRti (tti) vAsaso somavaGga sambhavaH paramamAhe mpasa (saM)pAditasakalavijigi (go) buguNo pracAprabhAksa (saM)bhAvitamahAbhyudaya [:] rAna[*] tri(zrI) harSadevasya ca (kha) na [:] 5 kharo mAtApitRpAdAnudhyAta [ : * ] 6 raDaka bhogi (go) ke lAsapuragrAme brAhmaNA [[]] sampUNya samadhA7 'nAtprativAsino yathAkAlAdhyA sinassamAharttRsannidhATasu (pra) [VOL. XXIII. baMdha. The dandas are superfluous. * Read taraDaMzaka. * Read sapradhAnAnprativAsinI. zri (zrI) mahAzivaguptarAja [ : * ] kuzali (lo) // " ta Second Plate; First Side. 8 sukhAnadhikArica [:] [sakaracA gandhAnyAtpAdopaji (jI) binaH sarvva[] 9 japuruSA [n *] samAjJApayati [1"] viditamastu bhavatAM yathAsmAbhirayaM prA10 maH sanidhi : *] sopanidhiH sadayAparAdhaH sarvvakarasametaH samyaMpoDA 11 varNita [: *] pratiSidhacATabhaTapravezatayA / " taraDaGghaka" pratiSThi Bhandarkar's List, Nos. 1231, 1232, and 1240. Ratanpur Inscription of the time of Prithvideva II and Brahmadeva. See above p. 114, note 2. This name may represent ancient Chaityapura. There is a village named Tarod 11 miles north-east of Mallar and 3 miles south of Akaltara in which ruins of temples and tanks are to be seen. Its name would also correspond to Taradamsaka, but it is not known if it contains any Buddhist remains. * Expressed by a symbol. * Read * Read nanyAMcAya. [The synthesis requires khapAda' instead of bAI -Ed.] 10 This danda is superfluous. 22 Road tarasaMzaka

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MALLAR PLATES OF MAHA-SIVAGUPTA. 2 EATEI Ayi | SIEF 4 TEN RIP 4 5 TITE LETTINI FIRST IDE ii,a. 100 EiE DELA 4 114 MIR LA ITA F FE da DARD Sda. 10 IS 11 10 H EE GET 12 3 1 13 12 11 14 14 I VAPE HIHI NGREERIFF 1; 18 E EP F 20 L ELO - AR X 18 20 N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Ria. No. 1413 E136-285. SCALE: ONE-HALE. SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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da. KI UL. da 22 A TTA EIBP | 22 cae 21 1F THE 24 bio 1 24 26 BEATE ARTER 1 26 EVIETRIP En Seal-From a photograph. ACTUAL SIZE.

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MALLAR PLATES OF MAHA-SIVAGUPTA. No. 18.] 12 tako devabhoyilaka' kAritavihArikAnivAsicAturdizAbhi13 sahAya zrIbhAskara va mAtulavijJatyA tAmvra'zAsanenAca14 ndrArkasamakAlammAtApicorAtmanasa puNyAbhivRhaye / prASADhA Second Plate; Second Side. 15 mAvAsyA sUryyagrahoparAge' udakapUrvvaM pratipAdita ityata 16 vidheyatayA samucitambhogabhAgAdikamupanayanibha(rbha) vahniH sukha17 prativastavyamiti // bhAvinaca bhUmipAlAnudi (hi) zyedamabhidhoyate [*] 18 bhUmipradA divi lalanti patanti hanta hatvA mahi(hIM) nRpatayo 19 narake nRzaGkhAt (zaMsA : ) / etadda (i) yaM parikalayya calAca lakSmI: mAyusta20 thA kuruta yadbhavatAmabhi ( bhI )SThaM (Tam ) [ // 1 // *] api ca [*] rakSApAlanayostAvatpa(lpha)laM su 21 gatidurgati (tI) [1 *] ko nAma svargamucchrijya narakaM pratipadyate " vyAsagItA (tAM) 1 Read koradevabhAyyAlakA.. * Read tAba. Third Plate. 22 cA lokAnudAhA (ha) ranti [ 1 *] amnerapatya (tyaM) 23 su(sU)ryyasutAzca gAva [: / *] dattA" trayastena gAva ma 24 hi (hI) ca dadyAt " // [ 3 // *] SaSTi (STiM) varSasahasrANi svarge modati bhUmidaH [*] bhAvaset " // [ // 4 // * ] bahubhirvvasu 25 cetA cAnumantA ca tAnyeva narake 26 dhA dattA rAjabhi[: *] sagarAdibhiH / *] yasya yasya yadA bhUmistasya tasya 27 dA phalaM [ // 5 // * ] khadattA (ttAM) paradattAmvA " yatvAdraca yudhiSThira:" [1*] mahi(ha) mahimatA (tAM) This danda is superfluous Road puNyAbhivRddhaya bhASADhA. 4 Read 'parAga udakapUrva. * Read iti / ataya. 121 * Read lakSmImAyu Metre Vasantatilaka. * Read mutsRjya * Metre Anushtuhik. 10 Read dattAstraya 11 Metre Indravajra. 12 Metre Anushtubh; and of the two following verses. 34 Read paradata bA. 14 Read yudhiSThira [ // 2. *] prathama (maM) suvarNa bhUvaiSNa[vo] bhavanti lokA ya[:*] kAJcanaM ta

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192 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXIIL 28 #8 ra gurrufafar [ano] The Seal. audien: 1*] fecunya feat: r*]* 1 T. Edghe 2 med fagre TRANSLATION. (Ll. 1-9) Om. Hail! The illustrious Maha-Sivaguptaraja, born in the lunar dynasty, a most devout worshippet of Mohebvara (Siva), who meditates on the feet of his father and mother, who is a son of the king, the illustrious Harghadeva even as Karttikoya is of Siva, who has acquired all the accomplishments of a conqueror through the perfection of commendable discipline attained by & special study of all the royal lores, who has attained great prosperity by his patronage of accomplished persons, exceedingly great valour, intelligence and majesty, being in good health; issues the folowing command, after honouring the Brahmanas in the village Kailasapura of the Taradamsaka bhoga (sub-division), to the inhabitants of the village) together with their Headman, the Collector, the Receiver and other officers who may be in charge (of the village) from time to time, together with their subordinates, as well as to all other royal officials who may be dependant on him . (Ll. 9-15) Be it known to you that on the occasion of) an eclipse of the sun on the newmoon day of Ashadha, this village together with treasures and deposits, together with the fines imposed for) the ten offences, together with all taxes, free from all obstructions, (and) not to be entered by the regular or irregular forces, has been granted by Us for as long as the sun and the moon will endure at the request of (Our) maternal uncle Bhaskaravarman (and) for the increase of the religious merit of Our parents and of Ourself by a copper-charter (and) by (a libation of water, to the Community of venerable (Buddhist) Monks from the four quarters, residing in the small monastery situated in Taradamsaka, which was caused to be constructed by Alaka, the wife of Koradeva (LL. 15-98) Wherefore, offering submissively due taxes, revenue, eto. (to the donee), you should dwell happily in this village. And this we say to the future rulers of the land(Here follow six benedictory and imprecatory verses.) The Seal. This is a charter, enduring as long as the world, of Sivagupta, the son of the king, the illustrious Harshagupta, who shines by his good qualities. No. 19.-THE PURI PLATES OF MADHAVAVARMAN-SAINYABHITA. BY PROF. R. G. BASAK, M.A., Ph.D., CALCUTTA. In February March of 1913 I published an article in Bengali on a single copper-plate inscribed on both sides of it. belonging to the reign of King Madhavavarman (Sainyabhita, alias Srinivasa), 1 Read opalanam (16*ll its | * Metre Anushfubh. . Lit. on our feet. * She above, Vol. IX, p. 47 and n. 1. Boc, above, Vol. XXII, p. 176, n. 8.

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No. 19.] THE PURI PLATES OF MADHAVAVARMAN-SAINYABHITA. 123 of the Sailodbhava dynasty of Kongoda in Kalinga, in the now defunct Bengali monthly magazine, the Sahitya of Calcutta in its Phalguna issue of 1319 B. 8. (pp. 889 ff.). It was stated in that article that that plate was undoubtedly the second of a set of at least three such plates which contained the whole text of the epigraph and that the other two plates (viz., the first and the third) had been missing. A hole in the plate indicated that that plate and the other missing ones were originally held together by means of a ring. It is not easy to say if any seal with any legend was soldered on to it just as, we are informed, the Buguda plates of the same king possessed. Both the late Mr. R. D. Banerji and Mr. Vinayaka Misra (I. H.Q., 1931, pp. 665 ff.) omitted to take notice of that plate or my article on the same, while they dealt with the chronology of the Sailodbhava kings of Kongoda. This plate is preserved in the Museum of the Varendra Research Society, Rajshahi (Bengal). Luckily enough, last year (1935) my friend Dr. N. P. Chakravarti, the Government Epigraphist for India, sent to me the impressions of two plates of the length of the above-mentioned (Rajshahi) plate with marks of ring-holes of the same dimension on them, and remarked that those two plates must have belonged to an incomplete set and added that they had recently been acquired by the Indian Museum, Calcutta. Dr. Chakravarti also said in his letter to me that he had inferred that the incomplete Sailodbhava plate of the Rajshahi Museum which I previously edited in Bengali, and the newly acquired two plates belonged to the same set. I am glad to find that with this discovery of Dr. Chakravarti the whole grant of king Madhavavarman is now completely recovered, making it possible for me to make a contribution on the whole grant to the pages of this journal. The second plate was obtained on behalf of the Varendra Research Society, Rajshahi, from Mahamahopadhyaya Pandit Sadasiva Misra, by my friend Mr. (now Rai Bahadur) Rama Prasad Chanda, when the latter, with some other members of the Society, toured in the autumn of 1912 in Orissa, visiting places of antiquarian interest. The Mahamahopadhyaya got it, as we were told, from the late Mr. Padma Charan Mahanti, formerly Superintendent of the Puri Collectorate, an inhabitant of the village Birobai in the Puri District. The provenance of that plate, as well as of the two newly discovered ones, is not known. We prefer to call the whole set as the Puri Plates of Madhavavarman, because we got the second plate at Puri from an inhabitant of the same district. Of the three plates the first and the third are engraved on one side only, but the second plate is engraved on both the sides. The first plate contains 12 lines of writing on its reverse side only, the second 11 lines on each of the obverse and reverse sides, and the third 10 lines on its obverse side only. Each plate measures 6' 31'. In some places, specially on the reverse side of the second plate, some letters appear to be blurred and illegible. Otherwise the inscription is in a fair state of preservation. There is a mark of fracture in the second plate. The characters in which the inscription is written belong to what Kielhorn would call the Ganjam variety of the northern alphabet. But I should like to differ greatly from his view that they " cannot be earlier than about the 10th century A.D." Such characters were rather prevalent in Kalinga in the 7th-8th century A.D. They mostly resemble those used in the Buguda plates of the same king. The age of the script has been discussed by the presont writer elsewhere. Of initial vowels we have in this epigraph signs for a, i, and u, e.g., asio 1. 10, akshepta 1. 41, iti 11. 12, 14 and 17, ia 1. 20, unmilitam 1. 18, Utathyao 1. 31, etc. The peculiar sign for medial a in the Buguda plates, pointed out by Kielhorn, as " denoted by a small hook, 1 Above, Vol. VII, p. 101. # Ibid., p. 102. Above, Vol. III, pp. 41 ff. and Vol. VII, pp. 100 ff. * Vide my The History of North-Eastern India (C. $20-780 A.D.), Calcutta, 1934, pp. 168-170. Above, Vol. VII, p. 101.

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124 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXIII. turned upwards and attached to the top of the consonant-sign" also sometimes occurs here. Of individual consonants the sign for gh (e.g., in naga-ghata-vighatta- 1. 13, -vighatana. 1. 25) calls for attention. The signs for n and I are sometimes almost similar (e.g., -mrinala. 1.1). The peculiar forms of the conjuncts ksh (e.g., in-vaksha l. 4, -paksha-kshaya- 1. 23), ng (e.g., in Kongoda- 1. 23), jn (e.g., in yajnaio 1. 22), and shn (e.g., krishnao 1. 4) are noteworthy. It may also be observed that the sign for as the first part of a conjunct differs very little from that for n in the same position (e.g., -vanchha l. 8, -sanchaya- 1. 4, mandala 1. 6). I could not guess properly the reading of 9 letters, 5 in 1. 30, 1 in l. 31 after the word -gotraya, and 3 letters before nana in the same line. The language of the grant is Sanskrit. The charter contains, after the introductory words Om svasti, 11 verses followed by 12 lines of prose, which again are followed by four of the usual imprecatory and benedictory verses after which occur two other verses in which the names of the persons who wrote, marked, incised and acted as the dutaka in the grant are respectively mentioned. The language of the document contains a large number of errors as may be noticed from the corrections proposed in the preparation of the text. All the eleven verses which describe the genealogy of the donor in this grant are indentical with the verses of the Buguda plates which contain only one additional verse (v. 2) which glorifies the donor, described therein as Rajendra Madhavavarman. As regards orthography the following peculiarities require attention :-(1) No separate signs for b and v are used anywhere. (2) The consonants k, g, n, 6, dh, p, m and v are doubled after the superscript 1, e.g., -chandr-arkka- 1. 33, svargge l. 40 (but in -patir-gao 1. 12, g is left single), [u]lkirnna ll. 42-43, kirtti 1l. 21, 24, Orddhauta- 1. 1, darppanasya 1. 15, dharmma1. 34 (but in -patir-maheo 1. 17 m is left single), Omurvvio 1. 22. It may also be noted that the expected doubling of j and l in this position has not been made, e.g., Sambhor jala l. 3, durlalitadeg 1. 17. (3) No sign of visarga has been used, except in a few cases, e.g., vah 1. 3, kritah 1. 9, -niketah 1. 23, etc. (4) The guttural nasal (r) is used instead of anusvara before 8, and h, e.g., nfubhio 1. 2, pransu 1.3, sad-vansa 1. 9, vanse l. 14, sinhena 1. 42. (5) Nowhere is the sign of avagraha used, e.g., kulajo=Ranabhita 11. 9-10 (where the second word is a proper name, Aranabhita), jato= Yasobhita l. 14 (where also the second word is a proper name, Ayasobhita). (6) The sign of anusvara is sometimes neglected, e.g., in mandala l. 6, vanchchha 1. 8. (7) Before dental 8, the visarga is changed to 8, e.g., tanayas=sukriti(ti) 1. 16. (8) Before & subscript r, the letter t is doubled, e.g., dharittri l. 14, deg8=charittraiol. 15, sva-gottrao 1. 18, puttrao 1. 26, pittrodeg 1. 32. (9) Final n is sometimes changed intor and m, e.g., or-gariyani ll. 12-13, asmin . 25, "niyu[kta*]kam=varttao 1. 27, sa-karanam 1. 28. (10) The sign for final m is used, e.g., sva-gottram 1. 18, Orrajasram l. 21, bhavatam l. 29. But at the end of the verse, anusvara (and not final m sign) has been used after the word phala in 1. 37. The inscription is dated in Samvat 20 (?) + 3 (-23 ?), which may be regarded as the regnal year. Some may feel tempted to read the first numeral symbol as representing 10; in that case the regnal year will be 13. The object of the charter is to record a revenue-free grant of the village Sala (or Mala?) situated within the vishaya of Thorana, made by king Madhavavarman (1.24) of the Saulod. bhava dynasty for the purpose of augmenting the religious merits of his parents and himself, to a Brahmana named Bhatta Vittadeva of the Kausika gotra having Utathya and other pravaras, & student of the Chhandoga charana, and belonging to the Kauthuma sakha. The grant was written by Upendrasimha, son of Kundabhogin, marked by Jayasimha and incised by Chhaddibhogin (11. 42-43). It is also stated (11. 43-44) that Gangabhadra, appointed to the *[See p. 129, n. 4 below. -Ed.]

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No. 19.) THE PURI PLATES OF MADHAVAVARMAN-SAINYABHITA. 125 duties of the Pratihara, acted as the dutaka of the grant. It may be noted here with advantage that the persons mentioned in 11. 42-44 are identical with those mentioned in the Buguda plates of the same king and hence it may be inferred that the latter plates which are undated were not far removed from the date of our plates. An abstract of the contents of the rest of the grant may be mentioned here. The first verse of the inscription forms an invocation of protection of the god Sambhu (Siva), which seems to be an indication that the kings of the Sailodbhava dynasty were devotees of Siva. The next verse relates that there was a great person of the name of Pulindasona who was ' famous amongst the people of Kalinga'. But he is stated (v. 3) to have been averse to rulership on earth for himself, although he was a highly accomplished man. By his ardent worship of the god Svayambhu for the creation of a fit and able ruler for the country, Sailodbhava was created as the lord of the earth, and from him originated a family of good rulers (v. 4). In the next verse (v. 5) we are told that & ruler of the name of Aranabhita was born in his family (kulaja) and that he was a terror to his enemies. His son was king Sainyabhita who achieved victory over his enemies with the help of a large troop of elephants (v. 6). In his family again (tasy=api vanse) was afterwards born a king of the significant name of Ayasobhita, who had a record of pious deeds at his credit which could not be expected of a king of the Kali age (v.7). His son was king Sainyabhita who was & great Warrior (v. 8). He was able, in his prosperous condition, to reduce the sovereign influence of his enemies over their own statal circle (mandala) of kings (v. 9). This king appears to have also been known by the biruda Srinivasa and is described in v. 10 to Wave performed Afvamedha and other sacrifices which had fallen into disuse on account of the negligence of impious kings of the Kali age, from which it appears that he helped in the restoration of these sacrifices in Kalinga. He was also called Madhavavarman and is stated to have issued this charter while residing in Kongoda (v. 11). After this verse 11, the record contains the formal address by the king to the various administrative officials and other people concerned. From the contents of our grant as mentioned above, and those of the Buguda plates, we obtain the following genealogical tree : Sailodbhava 1. Aranabhita (tat-kulaja, i.e., born in his lineage) 2. Sainyabhita 8. Ayasobhita (tasy-api ranse....jatah, i.e., born in No. 2's family) 6. Sainyabhita (Madhavavarman-Srinivasa) We are to notice carefully that Ayasobhita (No. 5 above) is not a son of Sainyabhita (No.2), but a descendant born in his family. We know that the Parikud plates of Madhyamaraja, and the Puri (Uttaraparsva Matha) plates and the Kondelda: grant of Dharmaraja contain the same genealogy as above, but only carrying it down respectively to one and two more rulers in succession, viz., (No. 7) Madhyamaraja (alias Ayasabhita ?) and (No. 8) Dharmaraja (alias Manabhita). 1 Above, Vol. XI, PP. 281-287. *J. B. O. R. 8., Vol. XVI, pp. 176 4. * Abovo, Vol. XIX, p. 265.]

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126 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXIII. The last king's dates are known as A.D. 756 and A.D. 743-44 in his above-mentioned grantsi? But the trouble for scholars in the matter of consideration of the full genealogy of the Sailodbhava dynasty arises when we look at the genealogy of three generations of kings as obtained from the undated Khurda and the dated (A.D. 619-20) Ganjam plates of Madhavaraja, both belonging paleographically to the same age. The genealogy obtained from these two plates may be thus stated :(Khurda plates.) (Ganjam plates.) 2. Saingabhita 2. Madhavaraja 3. Ayasabhita 3. Ayasobhita 4. Madhavaraja ("Master of all Kalingas ") 4. Madhavaraja (mentioned as Sainyabhita in the seal attached, Maharaja-Mahasamanta of king Sasarka). Identity of script in both these inscriptions leads us to the inevitable conclusion that the Sainyabhita of the Khurda plates is identical with the first Madhavaraja, of the Ganjam plates. The most important point here is that these three kinge (Nos. 2, 3 and 4) are stated in the relationship of father and son. But in both the Buguda plates and the Puri plates under notice Ayasobhita (No. 5) is stated to be not a son but a descendant of Sainyabhita (No. 2). Hence the Ayasabhita (No. 3) of the Khurda and Ganjam plates (stated to be a son of Sainyabhita No. 2) cannot be the Ayasobhita of the Buguda and Puri plates. So Sainyabhita (No. 6) (-Madhavavarman-Srinivasa) of Buguda and Puri plates cannot be equated with Madhavaraja (No. 4) of the Khurda and Ganjam plates. Moreover, there is absolutely no doubt that the palaeography of the Buguda and our Puri plates is later than that of the Khurda and Ganjam plates, belonging to the first quarter of the 7th century A.D. Attention of scholars should be drawn to the most cogent and proper remark made by Hultzsch, while editing the Ganjam plates of Madhavaraja (G. E. 300-A.D. 619-20), that " as the alphabet of these (Buguda) plates is considerably more modern than that of the subjoined inscription (i.e., the Ganjam plates), it follows that Yasobhita's (really Ayasobhita's) son Sainyabhita Madhavavarman of the Buguda plates was a remote descendant of Yasobhita's (Ayasabhita's) son Sainyabhita Madhavaraja II, the contemporary and subordinate of Sasarkaraja." I, however, do not think that Sainyabhita-Madhavavarman of the Buguda plates and the subjoined Puri plates is a very remote descendant of Sainyabhita-Madhavaraja II, but the former may only be the grandson of the latter. We have no hesitation in agreeing with Dr. N. P. Chakravarti, with the observations on the topography of Kongoda-mandala, Odra and Kalinga made by him in his article on the Nivina copper plates grant of Dharmarajadeva, but we are afraid we cannot subscribe to the view expressed by him though with doubt, that Sainyabhita-Madhavaraja of the Ganjam and the Khurda plates may be identical with Sainyabhita-Madhavavarman of the Buguda plates (and therefore, evidently with the king of the same name in our plates also). Our own view on this point has also been stated in detail elsewhere. We cannot also support Neither of these dates is certain. I think that all the dated records of the Sailodbhava rulers so far known, except the Ganjam plates of G. E. 300, have to be referred only to regnal years and not to any particular era-Ed.) * J. A. S. B., Vol. LXXIII (1904), pp. 282 ff. . Above, Vol. VI, pp. 143 ff. * Ibid., Vol. VI. p. 144. Ibid., Vol. XXI, pp. 34 ff. * Vide my History of North-Eastern India (C. 320-760 A.D.), pp. 170 ff.

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No. 19.] THE PURI PLATES OF MADHAVAVARMAN-SAINYABHITA. 127 the remark of Dr. Chakravartil who, following the late Mr. R. D. Banerji, says that inspite of palaeographic difficulty the Buguda and Ganjam plates might have to be assigned to one and the same ruler. We are, however, glad to note that he feels inclined to place the Parikud grant towards the end of the 7th or the early part of the 8th century A.D. On the above considerations, we have also taken the first Sainyabhita-Madhavaraja of the Khurda and Ganjam grants as identical with the first Sainyabhita of the Buguda and our Puri plates, in whose family Ayasobhita (No. 5) is described therein as being born. Hence the genealogy of the first six kings of the Sailodbhava dynasty according to our opinion should be settled as follows Sailodbhava 1. Aranabhita 2. Sainyabhita I (=Madhavaraja I) 3. Ayasobhita I 4. Sainyabhita II (=Madhavaraja II, A. D. 619-20) 5. Ayasabhita II 6. Sainyabhita III (=Madhavavarman Srinivisa). With these introductory words I edit the grant for the first time from the original plates and the inked impressions supplied by the Government Epigraphist. TEXT. [Metres: Vv. 1,3, Sardulavikridita; vv. 2, 5, 6, 8, 9, Vasantatilaka; vv. 4, 12-17, Anushtubk; v. 7, Indravajra ; v. 10, Sragdhara; v, 11, Arya.] First Plate. i Om Svasti [Ill [I]ndo[r-ddhau]ta-mrinala-tantubhir=iva slishta[h*) karai[h*) komalaiva (r=ba)ddh-aher=aru2 pai[h*] sphurat-phana-manai(ne)r=di(di)gdha-prabhaso=n(m)subhish 1] Parvvatya[h*] 8 [kacha*]-graha-vyatikara-vyavfita(tta)-va(ba)3 ndha-slatha Gang-ambha[h*-pluti-bhinna-bhasma-kanika[h*] Sambhor=jata[h*] pantu vah 1 [111] Pranku-mahabha(Pramgur=mabebha)-ka4 ra-pivara-charu-va(ba)hu[h*] krishn-asma-lanchaya-vibheda-visha(ba)la-vakshash *] raj[i]va-komala-dal-aya5 [ta]-lochan-anta(tah) syataskhyatah) Kalinga-janatasu Puli(li)ndasonash || 21*] Ten=ettham gunin=api satvattva)-mahata Op. cit., p. 36. * Expressed by a symbol.

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128 6 n-eshtham(shtam) bhuvo nama 88 7 dishta-vibh-utsavena vidhitsu dha-sama tachit(s-tach-chitt)-anugu-nam 8 r=adisad=vanchha[m*] Svayambho(bhu)r-api || [3 || *] Sa sila-sa(sa) kal-odbhedi ten-apy-alokya dhi(dhi)ma 9 th parikalpita-ssd-valoe(vathiab) prabhu[b] Sailodbhavab] kritab|[] 4||*] Sailodbhavasya kulajo='Rapa 10 bhita asid-yen-asakrit-krita-bhiyam dvishad-angananam [*] jyoti(t)sna-pravo(bo) sa[r]ddham-kampito nayana-pakshma-jaleshu ohandrab sunu(sunuh) sri-Sal' (Sai)nyabhita iti bhumipatir= mandala[m] sakto ya[*] paripalanaya jagata[*] ko syad=iti [*] pratyabhagavan-ara[dhi]ta[h*] 11 ye sva-dhiya[e](y=ai)va [ 5*] Tasy-abha 12 vad-vivu(bu)dhapala-samasya ga[ri] EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. eva 19 mahodayena graha-ga 13 yam(yan) [*] yam pra[pya*] n-aika-sata-naga-ghata-vighatta-lavdha(bdha)-prasada vijayam mu]mude 14 dharittri [ 6 ] Tasy-api van(vam)[e]-[tha*] yath-artha-nama jato="Yasobhita iti kahi kalanka(b*] 15 ti(ti)sah [*] yena praru(ru)dho-pi subhais-charittrair-mmrishta[h*] Kali(li)-darppanasya [ 7 ||*] sasvata Second Plate; Obverse. samanta-mahasama The name is Aranabhita. An example of Prakrit influence. 16 [Jato-tha*] tasya tanaya[s]-sukriti(ti) [b] () sri 17 Sainyabhita iti bhumipatir-mah-ebha-kumbha-sthali-dalana-durlalit-asi 18 dharah || 8 ||*] Jatena yena kamalakaravat-sva-gottra[m]" unmilitam dinakrit= [*] sankshipta-mandala-ruchas-cha gata[*] prapasam=asu dvisho 20 iva yasya diptya | 9 ||*] Kaleyair-bhutadhattripatibhir-upachit-anaka-pap-a21 vatarai[r]=nita yesham kath-api pralayam-abhimata kirtti-ma (pa)lair-ajasram [*] 22 yajnais-tair-Aevamedha-prabhritibhir=amara lambhita riptim-urvvim-uddpiparati 23 paksha-kshaya-kriti-patuna Srinivasona yena || [10 ||*] Kongoda-krita-niketah Second Plate; Reverse. [VOL. XXIII. ari-Madhava[va*]rmma ripu-ma 24 sarada-nisakara-mari(ri)chi-siti(ta)-kirtti[h [*] 25 na-vighattana[b*] kusali || [11 [*] Asmim(Asmin) bhu-mma(ma)ndale sri samasta-s[1]mantini-nayana-shatpada-pundarika Read lambhilde-tri". Bend furan-nilakara as in the Buguda plates. 88 3 There is a superfluous tasya here (1. 14), and a superfluous subha in 1. 15. The name is Ayasobhita. *Read -gram-unmilitam.

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No. 19.) THE PURI PLATES OF MADHAVAVARMAN-SAINYABHITA. 129 26 nta-maharaja-rajana(nya)ka-rajaputtr-[@]ta(nta)ranga-dandanayaka-dandapasi27 n=oparikara- vishayapati-tadaniyu[kta*]kamva(kan=va)rttamana-bhavishyato vya28 vaharina[h*] 8a-karanim(nan)=vra(bra)hmana-purdg-adi[n] janapadams-chatta(ta) bhaca-vallabha29 jatiyam(yan) yatharhamo pujayati manayati [1*] Viditam=astu bhavatam(ta)m 30 Thorana-vishaya-samvandha(mbaddha)-Sa(Ma ?)la-grama[h*j* ----- Kausika31 gotraya - 'Utathya-pravaraya --- 'nana-pravaraya Chchhandoga-charana32 ya Kauthuma-sakhaya Bhatta-Vittadevasya(vaya) mata-pittror=atmanas-cha puny-a33 bhivsiddhaye salila-dhara-pura[h*]saren=akaratvena machandr-arkka-kshiti(ti) sama34 kalam pratipadito=smabhish :*) Yatas=cha tamvra(mra)-pattakam dasudha dharmmagaura Third Plate. 35 va[t*] kalpa-kalp-antaren=api na kail=cha paripanthina bhavitavyam=iti 36 uktan=cha Manave dharmmasastre [*] Va(Ba)hubhiruvvasudha datta rajabhi [s*]=Sagar-adi37 bhih [1*] yasya yasya yada bhumita(s=ta)sya tasya tada phalam(m) 11[12 1*] Ma bhuva(d=a)phala-sa38 ika vah para-datt=eti pa[r]thivah(vah) [i*]sva-danatphalam=anantyam para datt-anupala39 nam(ne) [113 Il] Sva-dattam para-dattam=va(ttam va) yo hareti(ta) vagun dhara(ram) [1] B& vishthayam krimir-bhutva 40 pitsibhi[h*) saha pachyate (14 * Shashtim varsha-sahasrani svargg modati bhu41 midah [*] akshepta sh=anumanta sha tany=eva narakam=va(ke va)set || [15 IM La(Le)khit=0 42 pondrasithena(simbo)=tra tanayasyah) Kundabhogina(nah) [1*]. lanchhitam Jaya sin(simhena [u]tki: 43 rnpa[m*] Chchhaddibhogino(na) [ll 16 (1) Samyag-aradhita-svami-prasada-blishta manasah [*] data44 [ko] Gangabhadrd=[tra*) pratihaya(ryye) vyavasthitah || [1711] Samvat * 20 (?) 31 1 Read Of-Sparika-vishaya.. The repha meant for han has been wrongly put on pe by the engraver. * The five letters after this word seem to be vinirggalaya. [The reading of the first three of these five letters is quite uncertain. If the reading suggested is accepted the name of the village granted will have to be considered as missing which is unlikely.-Ed.] "[The reading of the second letter is uncertain. It may be pointed out that the Kaufika gora cannot have Utathya pravara.-Ed.) The letter before this word reads like lu. [The corrected reading is Al Aw)lathya.-Ed.] * The three letters before this word road like laluta. [The reading appoars to be Al...anupravariya.-Ed.] * Read Odchandr-arkka-. .[Reading seems to be tamera-paffala-darland[d*). -Ed.1 Read kinachit for baitacha. 10 The pa of this word looks like dha, the maird having closed up the top of the letter.

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130 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. TRANSLATION. [VOL. XXIII. Om Blessings. (Verse 1) May the matted locks of hair of Sambhu, in which the particles of ashes are separated by the overflowing waters of the Ganga (on his head), which are touched by the soft rays of the moon (also on his head) as if by white lotus fibres, of which the lustre is daubed by the red rays of the entwining snakes bearing sparkling gems on their hoods, and which are slackened because of their knot being set aside on account of Parvati's union accompanied with a grasp of His hair, protect you! (Verse 2) (There was a person) famous amongst the people of Kalinga, named Pulindasona, tall, with charming arms as stout as the trunk of a large elephant, having a chest as broad as the fragment(?) of a black mountain, and whose eyes were as large as the soft petals of lotuses. (Verse 3) By him, though so accomplished and great in spirit, (the rulership over) the circle of the earth was not longed for. (By this person) denying the pleasure of rulership, thinking as to who (else) would be the man that would be able to rule over the earth, was worshipped the lord Svayambhu (Brahma) the eternal, and (the latter) being desirous of creating (one), according to his heart's desires, granted his prayer. (Verse 4) As (he) was observed as splitting asunder pieces of rocks, Sailodbhava was made by this wise (god) as the lord with an illustrious dynasty (of rulers originating from him) vouchsafed. (Verse 5) A descendant in the family of Sailodbhava was Aranabhita, by whom, at the time of the rise of the moon-light, the moon was caused to tremble, along with their own intellect, in the waters from the eye-lashes of the wives of his enemies who were frightened repeatedly. (Verse 6) Of him who was equal to the lord of gods, (i.e., Indra), the very great king Sainyabhita was the son; by obtaining him who attained victory in which prevailed calmness of disposition (even) in havoc caused (amongst his enemies) by rows of many hundreds of elephants, (as her lord), the Earth felt delighted. (Verse 7) Afterwards, in his family was born King Ayasobhita, whose name carried a true import, by whom was purged, by means of his illustrious deeds, the accumulated dirt on the mirror of the Kali age. (Verse 8) Then was born his son, of meritorious deeds, the king, named Sainyabhita, who is (as it were) a lotus to the bee-like eyes of all ladies, and the edge of whose sword is playfully active in splitting asunder the frontal globes of the huge elephants (of his enemies). (Verse 9) By this (king), while in great prosperity, is made illustrious his own family, just like a lotus pool (in which the lotuses are) opened by the sun while rising; and on account of his majesty his enemies, with the power of their own circle of kings reduced, meet with destruction, just as all (the other) planets (disappear), with the brilliance of their own discs diminished, on account of the lustre (of the sun). (Verse 10) By this Srinivasa, who is skilful in the act of destruction of the partisans of his highly insolent enemies, the gods are made to enjoy extreme satisfaction on account of (his perfor 1 This king caused death of his enemies, whose wives were therefore compelled to shed tears of sorrow on account of their widowhood which destroyed for ever their union with their husbands at moon-rise. * Elephants played an important part in the army of the Kalinga kings in ancient times. It may be noted that the words, udaya, mandala and dipti as used in this verse convey by lesha the double mennings,(i) prosperity and (ii) rise, (i) the statal circle of kings and (ii) disc, and (i) majesty and (ii) lustre, respectively Sainyabhita-Madhava varman had a biruda Srinivasa, which also means Vishnu, as well as an abode of royalty.

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No. 20.] TWO INSCRIPTIONS FROM SHERGADH. 131 mance of) those Aevamedha1 and other sacrifices the very mention of which is (now) relegated to the domain of non-existence by kings of the earth belonging to the Kali age, who have accumu lated (newly) introduced sins of many kinds, (but) which was liked ever so much by (kings) who were upholders of fame. (Verse 11) This Madhavavarman, whose fame is as white as the rays of the autumnal moon and who is competent to crush the pride of his enemies, being in good health, and (while) putting up in his residence in Kongoda,*-- (Lines 25-35) duly honours and esteems the illustrious Samantas, Mahasamantas, Maharajas, Rajanyakas, Rajaputras, Antarangas, Dandanayakas, Dandapasikas, Uparikas, Vishayapatis and Tadaniyuktakas, the present and the future vyavaharins (administrative officers), the janapadas with the Karanas and the chief Brahmanas and (also) those of the Chata, Bhata and Vallabha classes (with the following information) : Be it known to you that the village of Sala(Mala?) situated in the vishaya of Thorana, has been given, free of all dues, by me, to last as long as the sun and the moon endure and the earth lasts, with a libation of water for the enhancement of the religious merit of my parents and of my own self, to Bhatta Vittadeva of the Kausika gotra, having for his pravaras Utathya and otherr) belonging to the Chhandoga charana and the Kauthuma sakha. As this was a copper-plate grant, no one should stand as an impediment (in its operation) even in future Kalpas, out of respect to dharma in ten ways. There are verses also mentioned in the Manava Dharmasastra (to the same effect) : (Verses 12-15) (There are four of the usual imprecatory and benedictory verses.) (Verse 16) In this (grant) Upendrasimha, son of Kundabhogin, was the writer, and the charter was marked by Jayasimha and incised by Chhaddibhogin. (Verse 17) Gangabhadra, whose mind was attached, through favour, to his master whom he served thoroughly, and who was appointed to the duties of the Pratihara, acted as the dulaka herein. Sarhvat 20(1)+ 3. No. 20.-TWO INSCRIPTIONS FROM SHERGADH. BY PROF. A. S. ALTEKAR, BENARES HINDU UNIVERSITY. Shergadh, where the two inscriptions edited here are found, is a deserted town in the Atru Nizamat or Taluka of the Kotah state in Rajputana. It is about 12 miles to the southwest of the railway station Atru on the Kotah-Bina line of the G. I. P. Railway. Within the stony massive walls of the town there are more than three thousand houses in different stages of dilapidation. The present population, however, is hardly more than 300 and so the township presents a dreary appearance even by day. According to local tradition, the present name 1 This refers to the restoration of the varnasramadharma in the seventh century A.D. not only in Kalinga, but in many other parts of North-Eastern India. Also spelt as Kaingoda in some of the other grants of the Sailod bhava dynasty. For the meaning and functions of these terms, vide the author's article in Bengali on "the administration of the Pala kings" of Bengal: Prabasi, Aavina issue, B. S. 1343. Thorana, is also mentioned as the vishaya in which the village of Arahanpa mentioned in the Khurda grant (J. A. S. B., Vol. LXXIII, 1904, pp. 282 ff.) is situated. [See p. 129, n. 8.-Ed.]

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132 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXIII. of the town was given to it after its capture by Sher Shah of the Sur dynasty in the course of his Malwa campaign. Its ancient name, mentioned in several inscriptions found at the place, was Kosavarddhana, the increaser or the asset of the treasury'. The Inscription B edited below, shows that the city was an important thriving centre of trade, industry and agriculture, contributing a good deal to the royal treasury. It was also an important military station. The present dilapidated township itself was a strong fort in the Hindu period, as its still existing powerful ramparts show. It is also expressly referred to as a fort (durga) in the Inscription A. A new fort was constructed outside the old one in the Muslim period. When Dr. Mathuralal, the State Historian, Kotah, and myself visited Shergadh in February 1936 in the course of our tour of archaeological explorations undertaken at the instance of the Kotah Government, we came across several Jain, Hindu and Buddhist inscriptions, both in the new and in the old fort, ranging from the 8th to the 13th century A.D. It is clear that during this period the citizens of this Hourishing city followed these three faiths. The inscriptions are engraved on two different stone tablets, built into the present temple of Lakshmi-Narayana. Of these, the Inscription B, has been edited with a short note by Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar in the Indian Antiquary, Vol. XL, pp. 175-6. Inscription A has not yet been noticed or published. As one ascends the platform of the temple, the Inscription A is to be seen in the wall on the left near the third stair step. The Inscription B is on a tablet built into a front line pillar of the mandapa to the left of the entrance. Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar, while editing this last mentioned record, has observed that it is inscribed on a stone lying outside the temple of Lakshmi-Narayana. The information supplied to him in this connection was incorrect. The two stone tablets in the temple have been occupying their present position ever since the time of the visit of the munshi of Col. Tod to this temple during the second quarter of the last century. According to the information given by the present priest, no repairs have been done to the temple during the last three generations. A.--Inscription of the Paramara Udayaditya. The stone on which this record has been inscribed is well dressed and is 27" x 22" in dimension. The record, however, is not complete and its concluding lines have been broken off. The present temple of Lakshmi-Narayana cannot be more than 300 or 400 years old. Hence it would appear that when the temple of the Paramara period was subsequently repaired, or overhauled, or pulled down, the inscribed tablets were re-set in the new structure in the course of which the lower portion of the tablet of this inscription might have been damaged. To judge from other Paramara grants, the lost portion of the record consisted probably of not more than two lines and contained the concluding line of the last verse, the stanza beginning with Iti kamala-dalambu-bindu-lolam, followed possibly by the name of the dutaka, the signature of the donor, and the date of the record given in figures at the end. The stone has further peeled off to its right, destroying in various degrees the concluding portions of the first twelve lines of the record. Local tradition ascribes this damage to a lightning stroke. With the exception of a portion of the date, the rest of the missing part can be restored with the help of other Paramara records. The record as preserved to-day consists of 24 lines, each line containing about 38 letters. The characters are the normal Nagari of the 11th century to which the record belongs. The duct of writing is good and the medial e matras are graceful. The engraver's mistakes are very few. * Ind. Ant., Vol. XL, p. 175.

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No. 20.] TWO INSCRIPTIONS FROM SHERGADH. 133 The Language of the record is Sanskrit throughout. The rules of sandhi are usually observed with a few exceptions like fri Udayaditya, 1. 6, vuddhva asmad, 1. 19. etc. Grammatical mistakes are also very few. We have matri-pitroh for mata-pitro" in l. 16 and anyaih for anyaih in 11. 19 and 22. The latter, however, may possibly be the engraver's mistake. The record is partly in prose and partly in poetry, poetical portions consisting of the introductory and the imprecatory verses. The object of the record is the grant of a village made by the Parama-Bhaltaraka-Malirajadhiraja-Paramesvara-bri-Udayaditya of the Paramara house. The arrangement of its contents is similar to what we see in many other Paramara grants. It opens with the two usual verses in the adoration of Siva followed by the name and genealogy of the donor, and then follow the name of the village granted, an address to its inhabitants, the date, the place, the occasion and the motive of the grant, the name of the donee and the usual exhortations to succeeding monarchs. Our record describes the donor, king Udayaditya, as meditating on the feet of Bhojadeva. The relationship between the two, however, is not stated. A late record from Udayapur, belonging to the 16th century A.D., states that Udayaditya was the son of Gyata, grandson of Gondala, and great grandson of Suravira, who belonged to the Paramara clan. This document would make Udayaditya a scion of a minor Paramara branch, and very remotely related, if related at all, to Bhojaraja. Two official Paramara documents, however, issued within a generation of the death of Udayaditya, contain quite & different statement. Thus the Nagpur prasasti, issued in the reign of Lakshmadeva, & son of Udayaditya, refers to the latter as a bandhu of Bhoja. Till recently this was the only early record describing the relationship of Bhoja with Udayaditya and it was possible to suggest, especially in view of the genealogy given in the Udayapur inscription, that the term bandhu may have been used in denoting a relation in general rather than a real brother. Recently, however, another Paramara record, the Jainad stone inscription of Jagaddeva, has been published. This ruler is very probably identical with Lakshmadeva in whose reign the Nagpur prasasti was composed. In this record a specific assertion is made that Udayaditya was the father and Bhoja the uncle of Jagaddeva, which shows that the word bandhu of the Nagpur prasasti must be taken as having its normal sense, viz., a brother. When two official Paramara documents, issued within less than 25 years of the death of Udayaditya, state that he was a brother of Bhoja, we have to accept their testimony in preference to that of an early 16th century record, which does not seem to have been properly edited as well. In the genealogy of Udayaditya, as given in our record, his predecessors Vakpati, Sindhuraja and Bhoja are mentioned. The predecessors of Vakpati are passed over, probably as being too remote in time. The omission of Jayasimha, the immediate predecessor of Udayaditya. however, cannot be explained on that ground. It is worth pointing out that no record either of Udayaditya or of any of his successors, mentions Jayasimha, even when the genealogy is taken back to Bhoja. This can hardly be regarded as accidental. It seems that Bhoja left behind no son and in the chaos that followed his death, several of his relations came forward to claim 1J.A. 8. B., Vol. IX, p. 549. * Ante., Vol. II, p. 185; cf. v. 32, net ( r) rayauf u fa: . Ganguly, History of the Paramara Dynasty, pp. 133-4. * An. Rep. Archaeol. Dept., Nisam'a Dominions, 1927-28, pp. 23 f.; ante, Vol. XXII, p. 64; cf. v. 6. cafeaua: pitAsIhavaH pivaNyaH sa ca bhiijraajH| Nagpur prasasti, ante, Vol. II, p. 185; Udayapur prasasti, ibid., Vol. I, p. 222; Mandhata plates of Devapala, ibid., Vol. IX, p. 108.

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134 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXIII. the Paramara thronel, when the victorious armies of Bhima and Karna returned to their homes. Udayaditya and Jayasimha were two among these claimants. Jayasitha succeeded in the beginning with the help of Somesvara I, the Chalukya ruler of Kalyani.' How he was related to Bhoja is not yet known. Probably he was not his son, but a distant relative. The success of Jayasitha must have for a time frustrated the ambition of Udayaditya. He, however, got his opportunity when Jayasimha was overthrown by Somesvara II. With the help of the Chahamana ruler Durlabha III, Udayaditya succeeded in reconquering Malava. If the above conjecture is correct, it is natural that the official records of his time should not describe bim as Jayasimhadera pad-anudhyata. Throughout his reign Jayasinha was practically a feudatory of the Chalukyas, the bitter and long-standing enemies of the Paramaras. He must therefore have been regarded as a disgrace to the Paramara house, and as one whose name even did not deserve to be included in its official genealogies. Udayaditya is therefore always described in his own and in his successors' records as meditating on the feet of Bhoja and not of his immediate predecessor, Jayasimba. The date of the grant which is now partially lost, is the Damanaka Festival on the fourteenth day of the bright half of Chaitra of the (Vikrama Samvat) year eleven hundred exceeded by........ It is unfortunate that the most material part of the date giving the years in excess of 1100 has been lost in the five letters peeled off at the end of the l. 9, as dated records are badly needed to determine the precise limits of the reign of king Udayaditya. Damanaka was a spring festival when a branch of damana tree was offered to god Siva or Vishnu with a prayer to him and to Madana for the happiness and felicity of the whole household. Our inscription agrees with Hemadri and Madanaratna in describing Chaitra suddha 14 as the day of this festival. Other authorities, however, lay down that it was to take place two days earlier. The grant made in this inscription, like most of those recorded in the Inscription B below, is made in favour of the temple of Somanatha, which is described as being situated in the fort of Kolavarddhana, i.e., modern Shergadh. From the boundaries of Somanathapalli given in the Inscription B, it is clear that the temple of Somanatha of the Paramara period was situated somewhere near the modern temple of Lakshmi-Narayana where the inscriptions are preserved at present. When I visited this temple in February 1936, its priest showed me a Siva-linga in its mandapa which is known as Somanatha even to this day. It may be that the ancient temple of Somanatha, which was the principal object of worship of the inhabitants of Kobavarddhana, 88 shown by the numerous grants given to it in the Inscription B below, was destroyed by the Muslims, probably when the fort was captured by them during the reign of Sher Shah. The temple of Lakshmi-Narayana may have escaped destruction as being of minor importance. Later on when the fury of the Muslim storm had passed over, the liriga of Somanitha may have been transferred to the neighbouring temple of Lakshmi-Narayana, along with its inscribed tablets recording various donations. It is also possible, though not probable, that Lakshmi and Narayana may be interlopers in their present temple, & Vaishnavite revolution being responsible for the The expression rdjye cha kuly-dkult of the Nagpur prasasti make this supposition very probable. * Vikramankadevacharita, III, 67. Udayaditys would have besitated to describe himself as meditating on the feet of his rival's father, * Prithvirajavijaya, V, 77. Smriti-kaustubha, pp. 19-23. * Ibid., p. 19.

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No. 20.] TWO INSCRIPTIONS FROM SHERGADH. enthronement of Lakshmi and Narayana in the sanctum of the present temple when Somanatha was relegated to a corner of its mandapa. 135 A portion of the inscription recording the details of the situation of the village granted is missing, but the village seems to have been Vilapadraka, since its inhabitants are exhorted to Day the usual royal dues to the temple. It is described as situated in the twelve-village subdivision of ... radraha, situated in the mandala or district of Chachchuroni. The last mentioned place is obviously identical with the village Chachurni, (spelt in Survey maps as Chachoni), situated about 24 miles S. S. E. of Shergadh, on the confluence of the Parwan and the Nimaj1. Vilapadraka may be Bilandi, a village about 11 miles S. S. E. of Shergadh. Or, it may be identified with the village Bilwaro, situated about 25 miles east of Shergadh. I am indebted to Dr. Mathuralal, the State Historian, Kotah, for this information. TEXT". 1 khasti [1] OM [ yobhyudayaca / jayati'] vyomakezosI [yaH sargAya bibharti tAm / ai* ]ndavIM si (zi) rasA lekhAM jaga2 [[]]jAMkurAjatim / [1] tantu (ntu vaH niraM jaTAH / kalpAntasamayoddAma [taDi*] smarArAteH kalyANama 3 ilayapiGgalAH // [ 2 // * ] paramabhaTTArakamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvarazrIvAkpatirAjadevapA [dAnu*] 4 dhyAtaparamabhaTTArakamahArAjAdhirAjaparameArakhosindhurAjadevapA[dAnudhyAtapara"]5 mabhaTTArakamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvarazrIbhojadevapAdAnudhyAtapara[mabhaTTArakama*] 6 DArAjAdhirAjaparameAracI 'udayAdityadeva [:] kuzalI // cakSuropamaMDa[lAnta pAti // *] * 7 draddAdazake zrIkovardhanadurgIya zrI somanAthadeva [bhu]zeranu............ 8 vilAmadrakagrAme samupagatAn samastarAjapuruSAn vrA (brA)hmaNottarAn prati [ nivAsipaTTakilaja * ] 9 napadAdakha vo (bo) dhayatyastu vaH saMviditaM // ' yathA karpAsikAyAmAvasthiterakhamA [bhi............vi"]" 10 kazataikAdazakasaMvatmare caitrasudi (zuddha) caturhazyAM damanakaparvvaNi srAtvA carAcaragu [ bhagavantaM bha'] 1 The name of this river is spelt as Mewaj in Survey maps. From the original stone and ink-impression. Expressed by a symbol, which is only partly visible. * Usually svasti is followed in Paramars records by the verse nayati vyomakezoso, etc. Here medial 5 sign is partly clear on the letter following ja and the place damaged can accommodate the letters supplied in the text. Read ery-Udayadityadevah. What followed in the text in the portion destroyed cannot be inferred. 'The sign of punctuation is superfluous. Only five letters have been lost in the missing portion of this line of which the last syllable must have been dhi. Hence it is apparent that the unit and the decimal figures together consisted of four letters only. F 2

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136 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXIII. 11 vAnIpatiM samabhyarthya saMsArasthAsAratAM dRSTvA / tathAhi [*] vAtAvavibhrama midaM vasudhAdhipa[tyamApAta*]12 mAtramadhuro viSayopabhogaH / prANAstuNAgrajalavi(bindumamA narANAM dharmaH sakhA parama[ho para]13 lokayAne / [ / 3 // ] bhramasaMsAracakrAmadhArAdhArAmimAM zriya(yam) / prApya ye na dadusteSAM pathAttApaH paraM phalaM(lam) [ // 4 // ] 14 iti jagato vinakharaM svarUpamAkalayyAdRSTaphalamaMgIkRtya candrArkAkavakSitisama kAlaM yA-. 15 vatparayA bhatyA zrIkozavaInadurgIyazrIsomanAthadevAyavoparilikhitagrAmaH sa(kha) ' sImADhaNayU16 tigocaraparyantaH savRkSamAlAkulaH sahiraNyabhAgabhogoparikarasarbAdAyasametaca mAva (tA)pitrorAtma17 nazca puNyayazobhivaDaye / ' zAsanenodakapUrvakatayA pradatta iti / tammatvA tatrivAsijanapadaiyathA[*]18 dIyamAnabhAgabhogakarahiraNyAdikaM devavrA(bA)hmaNabhuktivarjamAjJAzravaNavidheyairbhUtvA sarvamamumai 19 samupanetavyaM / sAmAnyaM caitatpuNyaphalaM vuhA asAiMzajeraNya (nya)rapi bhA vibhoktRbhirasmatpradattadharmA(marma)20 dAyoyamanumaMtavyaH pAlanIyaca // u ca [*] va(ba)hubhirvasudhA bhuttA rAjabhiH sagarAdibhiH / yasya ya21 sya yadA bhUmistasya tasya tadA phalaM(lam) / [ / 5 // *] yAnIha dattAni purA narendranAni dhamArthayazaskarANi / ni22 mAlyavAntipratimAni tAni ko nAma sAdhuH punarAdadota / [1 ] asmatkulakramamudAramudAharagiraNyai (nya)23 va dAnamidamabhyanumodanIya(yam) / lakSmyAstaDihalayavuDu buddha)dacaMcalAyA dAnaM phalaM parayaza:paripAla24 naM ca / [ / 7 // .] sarvAnetAn bhAvinaH pArthiveMdrAn bhUyo bhUyo yAcate rAmabhadraH / sAmAnyoyaM dharmasetu1 This dunda is sufriluous. Read buddhe aamud. About the probable extent of the lost portion of the inscription, see the introduction. p. 132.

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No. 20.) TWO INSCRIPTIONS FROM SHERGADH. 137 B.--The Somanatha Temple Inscription. This record is inscribed on a tablet, 16' x 13' in dimension, which is smoothly dressed. The original record was only in 15 lines, each line containing about 30 to 36 letters. At its end, however, there are scribbled two lines, of which the second is extensively damaged. This postscript was written in Samrat 1566 in the reign of Maharaja Sri-Jasasambhu, who seems to have been some local ruler. The characters of the record are the Nagari ones of the 11th century, to which it belongs. There is nothing particularly worth noting about them; attention, however, may be drawn to the way in which the medial i of bhu in bhumi has been written in l. 8. As regards the orthography, s is usually written for $; cf. Vaisakha for Vaisakha in 11. 1 and 3, steshthi for freshchi in l. 1, sala for sala in l. 6, samkhika for samkhika in l. 12. Sha, however, is not confounded with sa; cf. Gocsisha in l. 1, karsha in l. 2 and vpishabha in l. 4. The second letter of the conjunct, of which is the first member, is sometimes doubled and sometimes not; cf. purovatah in l. 13 and marggadaya in 11. 3 and 4, but chandrarka in 1l. 2, 4, 6 and 7, Kapardaka in l. 6 and maryada in l. 14. The Language of the record is Sanskrit, but showing many mistakes and some admixture of Prakrit. Wrong case-endings, or rather, no case-endings, are to be seen in the case of datta vrishabha for datta vpishabhah in l. 4, ghana for ghanau in l. 5, svakiya for svakiyau in l. 1). The sandhi rules are often neglected, cf. "dityaih bhattaraka for 'dityair-bhattaraka in l. 2. This inscription is a public register of several donations given mainly to the same temple of Somanatha, which is the donee of the Inscription A above. In this respect it resembles the first part of the Siyadoni inscription, inscribed about half a century earlier. Shergadh is only about 125 miles to the west of Siron Khurd, where the Siyadoni inscription was discovered. The donors in this record are all private individuals, mostly merchants or landlords. In the Siyadoni inscription the record of each donation is separated from that of the succeeding one by the interposing of & peculiar punctuation symbol; this bas been done only once in the present record, at the end of the second donation in l. 4. The dates of the donations have been given only in the first three cases. The latest of these, that of the donation No. 3, is Magha Suddha 13 of Samvat 1084. The dates of the subsequent donations mentioned in the last section of the record have not been given. These, however, seem to have been made on the same day. And since the oilman Thaiyaka, mentioned in the donation of Samvat 1084, figures here also as one of the donors, the record as a whole can hardly be much later than Samvat 1100. All the donations but one are in favour of Somanatha temple. The exception is the first donation which was given on the third day of the bright half of Vaisakha of Samvat 1074. As the week day is not given, this date cannot be verified, but it probably corresponds to the 2nd of April A. D. 2017. The donation was jointly given by three merchants named Narasimha, Govsisha and Thiraditya to Bhattaraka Nagnaka and consisted of the daily gift of a karsha, i.e., about three-fourths of a tola of ghee, for the purpose of the smearing of his feet. The record states that this quantity of ghee was to be given from out of the Mandapika tax. Mandapika is a word unknown to Sanskrit koshas, but it seems to be the original term from which the Marathi word mandai and the Hindustani one mandi, both meaning market, have been derived. The three merchants mentioned above seem to have constituted the Town Committee in cbarge of the collection of the market taxes, which were usually collected in kind. The donation given by them was a trifling one, and they may have possessed discretionary powers to make it. Bhatta.

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138 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXIII. raka Nagnaka, the donee, seems to have been a Saivite rather than a Jain monk, residing in the temple of Somanatha. He seems to have dispensed with clothing altogether, though he daily required some ghee for smearing his feet1. The second gift was made on Vaisakha sudi 3 of Samvat 1075, probably corresponding to the 21st of April A. D. 1018. The donor Varanga is described as marggadaye kauptika. The last word in this expression appears to be Sanskritic in origin, but it is not found in any Sanskrit dictionary. Kauptika seems to have been the name of an office connected with the collection of tolls on roads. The donation was made for the purpose of providing incense and sandal in the temple of Somanatha, and it consisted of five vrishabhas. On the analogy of varahas mentioned in 1. 7, we may conelude that vrishabha denotes not an ordinary bull but a coin, probably bearing the emblem of the said animal on one of its sides. The Paramaras are not known to have issued a currency of this description in Malava during the 11th century. Only one ruler of the dynasty, king Udayaditya of the Inscription A above, probably issued coins, but they bear the image of a seated goddess on one side and the name of the king on the other." In Central India and Rajputana gadhia paisas were current at this time, but they could not have been described as vrishabhas. At the time of our records the Hindu kings of Ohind and the Tomaras of Delhi were issuing silver and billon coins, having the horseman on the obverse and the bull on the reverse. Whether these coins were current in Malava and were popularly known as vrishabhas we do not know. A currency that could be more appropriately described by this term was issued in Malava, Gujarat and Kathiawar by Skandagupta in the 5th century. One of his silver issues bore the king's head on one side and the bull on the other. This type was probably imitated by the rulers of Valabhi in subsequent centuries. It is not improbable that some local rulers or private moneyers of Malava may have continued to issue coins of this type down to the 11th century. Not impossibly the Paramara administration may also have done the same, though we have not so far discovered their coins of this fabric. Probably coins of such a type are described as vrishabhas in our record. Silver coins current in Central and Northern India at this time were usually 60 grains or about one-third of a tola in weight. Five orishabhas would therefore approximately correspond to Rs. 2. Their purchasing power, however, at the time of the grant would have been approximately equal to that of Rs. 10 in the present day. The record does not state whether this amount for incense and sandal was to be paid monthly or annually. About nine years later than the last donation, viz., on the thirteenth day of the bright half of Magha of Samvat 1084, i.e., probably on the 12th of January A.D. 1028, three donations were given to the temple by Thakkura Devasvamin. In order to provide oil for the temple lamps, he assigned to the temple the entire produce of two of the oil mills owned by Thaiyaks, who is described as Tailika-raja, and who therefore was probably the chief of the guild of oilmen. He further undertook to give a daily gift of a vodi, i.e., vodri of cowries for providing incense at the parnasala. Vodri was equal to the fourth part of a copper pana, and since the latter was equal 1 [Since the gift is made to last as long as the sun and the moon (exist), it would be better to take Bhatta, raka Nagnaka as referring to an image and not to a person.-Ed.] J. A. 8. B., Vol. XVI, p. 84. Allan, Catalogue of Indian Coins, Gupta dynasties, p. 121. Ibid., p. ci. Virasina and Sasanka have issued coins bearing a bull on the reverse, (Ibid., pp. 147-8, 151-2), but these coins could hardly be meant here. These gold coins could hardly have been known in Malava in the 11th century. For the purchasing power of money at this time, see Altekar: The Rashtraktfas and their Times, pp. 378 fi

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TWO INSCRIPTIONS FROM SHERGADH. No. 20.] to 80 cowries, kapardaka-vodi must have been equal to 20 cowries. Copper panas were slightly bigger in weight than what a modern pice and a half would be. The donation for the daily incense was therefore slightly less than half a pice and its purchasing power would have been equal to that of half an anna of the present day. What exactly the parnasala was where this incense was to be burnt is difficult to guess. The term usually denotes huts for the hermits. It would appear that there were huts or sheds in the vicinity of the temple of Somanatha, where persons like Bhattaraka Nagnaka used to stay. If some of them required ghee for smearing their feet, others may quite possibly have felt the need of incense. The incense provided by Devasvamin may probably have been meant for some worthies of the latter category. 139 The third donation of Devasvamin was the monthly payment of two varahas to be made on the occasion of the samkranti. The object of this donation is not stated; it was probably a contribution to the general funds of the temple. Vardhas are obviously the silver coins issued by the Pratihara king Bhoja, and probably by some of his successors as well, which on one side had the image of a boar. These coins were also about 60 grains in weight; two of them would be equal to a twelve-anna silver piece, if one such were issued to-day. The present day value of the donation would be about three rupees and a half. The lines 8-13 record the donations of several vasanikas made to the temple by different individuals. Vasanika was a dwelling house of considerable dimensions; in the Siyadoni inscription two of the vasanikas are described as consisting of four and three houses respectively." All told, eight houses were given by nine donors. Among these, six were merchants, one a mahallaka (probably a well-to-do landlord), one an oilman (who is identical with the chief of the guild of oilmen mentioned in 1. 5), and one a Sankhika. What precisely the last word denotes is difficult to say. The term may denote either a worker in shells or a person of mixed parentage, born of a Sudra mother and a visvakarma father. Probably we have to take the word in its first sense, since most of the donors are merchants. For the temple establishment so many big houses were not necessary. It would appear that the temple management was expected to lease them either for residential or business purposes, and utilise the rent for the temple expenses. Lines 13-15 describe the boundaries of Somanathapalli. Palli usually denotes a hamlet, but here it seems to denote an outlying suburb or a ward. Since the boundaries of Somanathapalli are described immediately after the recording of the gift of eight big houses, it is probable that these latter may have constituted either a portion or the whole of Somanathapalli, which was obviously the name of that ward of Kosavarddhana, in which Somanatha temple was situated. To the east of this ward was the temple of Somanatha itself, to the south the river, to the west the house of Thakur Kundanaka and to the north a public thoroughfare. During my visit to Shergadh I found that it was possible to mark off a ward of the city in the vicinity of the modern temple of Lakshmi-Narayana, satisfying these boundaries. Some distance to the west of this temple, there are still some houses which are even to-day owned by Thakurs. The Parwan river continues to flow to the south of this ward. The precise road which separated it on the north cannot be singled out. The temple on the east may very probably be the older temple of Somanatha rather than the modern one of Lakshmi-Narayana. Traces of the old temple, however, are not to be seen to-day. [See above, p. 138, n.1-Ed.] Rapson, Indian Coins, para. 110. Ante, Vol. I, p. 174, 11. 7 and 32. Brahmavaivarta-purana as referred to in the Sabdakalpadruma under the term Sankhakara.

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140 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VoL. XXIII. TEXT. 1oN // saMvat 1074 vaisA(zA)khasudi 3 pacayavatIyAyAM maMDapikAdAyA [*] (ke)SThinarasiMhagoSathorA2 dityai bhaTTArakaconamnakasya pAdAbhyaMgAya dina prati ghRtakarSama[ka]pradattaM / ' AcandrA[ka] yAvat / 3 saMvat 1075 vaisA(zA)khasudi 3 zrIsImanAthadevAya caMdanadhUpanimittaM mArmAdAye kauptika4 varaMgena(Na) mArgAdAyAt(da) datta vRSabha 5 pAcaMdrArka yAvat // cha / saMvat 1084 mAghasudi 13 6 zrIsomanAthadevasya dIpatailanimitta ThakuradevasvAminA tailikarAjathAiyAkaghA (NI) 8 ho pradattau AcaMdrArka yAvat / tathA pavasAlAyAM dhUpanimitta kapardakavo DI(zrI) 1 dinaM pra7 ti dAtavyA pAcaMdrArka yAvat // tathA mAsavArake saMkrAMtI varAha(ho) hau pradattau AcaMdrArka 8 yAvat / [1] yasya yasya yadA bhUmistasya tasya tadA phalamiti / zrIsomanAthadevasya vaNi 9 iMdAmahiMdakA[bhyAM] satkA vAsanikA pradattA / tailikathAyAkana savA vA sanikA pra10 dattA / [1] tathA vaNi[*] soDhAkena satkA vAsanikA pradattA / tathA vaNika(ka) sAiyAkena sal kA vAsanikA pradattA / tathA vaNika(ka)bIharajasomAbhyAM svakIyA(yau) vAsaniko hau 2 pra 1 From the original stone and an ink-impression. * Expressed by a symbol. . The letter kaha is partly damaged. * Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar's reading caurA* in untenables of. dhUpa and sImanAtha in 1. 3. * This danda is superfluous. Read dattamA-. * Read dattA vRSabhAH . Read parNazAlAyAM- Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar reads this as pAsAlA (Ind. Ant, Vol. XL, p. 176), but the second letter is clearly . * Read vaNigaNyAmiMdA. * The syllable ka is damaged.

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No. 21.] UPALADA PLATES OF RANAKA RAMADEVA. 141 12 dattau // tathA vaNika (g ) mahalakena satkA (i) vikalakSmIdhareNa 13 satkA vAsanikA pradattA zrI somanAthadevapakSikA pUvaMtaH devamaryAdA | vAsanikA pradattA || tathA pazcimataH 14 [Tha*]kurakuDaNaka[sya *] vAsanikA maryAdA / uttarataH mArgamA (ma)ryAdA | dakSiNataH nadI maryA 15 dA / caturAghATasAdhitA zrIsomanAthadevapatrikA | maMgalaM mahAzrIH // // No. 21.-UPALADA PLATES OF RANAKA RAMADEVA. BY B. CH. CHHABRA, M.A., M.O.L., PH.D.(LUGD.), OOTACAMUND. This set of copper plates is one of the nine sets acquired for the Indian Museum, Calcutta, in 1935, some of which have already been published. They are said to have been unearthed by a cultivator, while digging a field, in the village of Upalada in the Parlakimedi Taluk, Ganjam District. I received ink-impressions of the plates from Mr. N. G. Majumdar, Superintendent, Archaeological Section, Indian Museum, for editing the record. These are three copper plates, each measuring 7"x2". They weigh 106 tolas. Their rims are raised and the writing on them is consequently well preserved. The first and the third plates are inscribed only on the inner side, while the second bears writing on both the sides. The inscription consists of nineteen lines in all, three sides containing six lines each and the fourth only one. The plates were originally held together by a ring, about 23" in diameter, passing through the hole cut in the centre of each plate half an inch away from the left margin. The ends of the ring were soldered under a circular seal. This and the ring together weigh 22 tolas. The central portion of the seal is occupied by the figure of a standing boar, cut in high relief, facing the proper left. At the bottom is placed an elephant-goad (ankusa), and at the top another weapon that looks like a battle-axe. Against the hook of the ankusa is to be seen an oval-shaped object-perhaps a lotus-bud. The seal does not contain any legend. 1 There is a symbol between the two pairs of dandas. See above, pp. 73 and 78. The characters belong to the northern class of about the 11th century, strongly influenced by the Nagari script. Letters like n and I show each two different forms; cf. n in -anudhyata-, 1. 2 and -dana-, 1. 3; and I in kusalinah, 1. 5 and sa-jala-sthala-, 1. 7. The language of the record is Sanskrit, though it also contains some vernacular terms in 11. 15-18 where boundaries of the donated village are defined. It is composed in prose, barring three of the customary verses found in 11. 9-15. The orthography of the document is as erroneous as its language is faulty. To instance the latter, the verb, adisanti or whatever it be, is missing after kusalinah (1. 5), while some such word as upabhogyam is wanting after samtatinam (1. 6). Among the orthographical peculiarities may be noted the usage of s for e and sh, of v for b, of y for j and of j for y. These and some other inaccuracies have been pointed out in the footnotes to the text as well as in the text itself. The record is not dated, but may on palaeographical evidence be assigned to the 11th or 12th century A.D. It was engraved by the goldsmith Taula.

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142 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXIII. The object of the record is the grant of a village called Upalabada to one Revana nayaka by the Ranaka sri-Ramadeva. The donee appears to have been an officer under the said Ranaka and might have received the gift as a reward for some heroic deed on his part. As regards his master, Ramadeva, we do not know anything from other sources, whilst the present epigraph relates so little of him. His title Ranaka, however, shows that he was a feudatory chief. Some conventional epithets added to his name indicate that he was a devout worshipper of Siva, had acquired the right to the Pancha Mahasabdas and was enjoying the favour of the goddess Agi. Besides, ne is styled Tailapa-vams-odbhava born in the family of Tailapa'. . It appears that the Ranaka Ramadeva had not to his credit any achievement worth the name. The same may be said of his father and grandfather, since neither of them is mentioned in the record. The only prestige the Ranaka could boast of seems to be his high descent as conveyed by his attribute Tailapa-vams-odbhava. This Tailapa, as is apparent from the manner in which he is adverted to in the inscription, must have been a great personality or a mighty ruler reputed enough to be the pride even of his indirect descendants and distant relations: Ramadeva could not have been & direct descendant of Tailapa, for in that case the inscription would have specifically described him so. Now as to who this Tailapa was, we know of several kingse who bore this name, but the one with whom Tailapa of our record can reasonably be identified is, I think, the famous Chalukya monarch, Tailapa II, who is credited with outstanding military achievements, and whose bitter rivalry with the Paramara sovereign, Vakpati Munja, is well-known. Further support to this identification is lent by the fact that the lafichhana, consisting of a standing boer, an elephantgoad, etc., depicted on the seal of the Runaka Ramadeva's inscription, is the same as is usually found on the seals of the Chelukya records. We may thus suppose that the Ranaka Ramadeva was a feudatory of and related to a Chalukys ruler subsequent to the time of the Chalukya Tailapa II whose death occurred towards A.D. 998. of the places mentioned in the record, Upalabada, the granted village, is apparently the same as Upalada where the plates have been discovered, while Chikhali-sthiti from where the grant was issued cannot definitely be identified. TEXT. First. Plate. 1 Om' avasti [ll*] Chikhali-sthitau parama-m[a]b[@]svara- samadhigata-pam2 cha-maha-sa(sa)vda(bda)-mata-pitsi-pad-anudhyata(ta)-satya-sau(sau)rya-daya 1 Agi obviously stands for Agni. In Vedic and later Sanskrit literature Agns is invariably a male deity. His mention here as goddess (devt) is owing to the vernacular influence. In Hindi and cognato tongues the word og fire is feminine. Agideva as the name of a female occurs in an early Prakrit inscription from Sanchi, see above Vol. II, p. 371. * For instance three kings of the Chalukya dynasty and two of the Kadamba family bore the name Taila or Tailapa (ne Index to G. M. Moraes's The Kadamba Kula). *Cf. D. C. Ganguly, Hist. of the Paramara Dynasty, p. 61. Cf. above, Vol. V, pp. 20, 135. This locality cannot be far removed from the donated village, as the principality under the Ranaka Rama. deva may not have been a very large one. Mention of one Chikhall-udjaka is found in the Madras Museum plates of Vajrahasta III : Saka 984 (above, Vol. IX, p. 95), but this place is not identified either. Chikhali-grama of the Kanker Plates of Pamparijadeva (Ibid., p. 168) is in C. P. * From ink-impressions. * Expressed by a symbol.

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UPALADA PLATES OF RANAKA RAMADEVA. LdA =e 1 naa| -dhn lN(nksstr'iinnr' maanr`pr'y'haam (r maatr| Amdnlgraam|"6aar 2nii ? 2/ baangr'iir'nnr' br'hsn | 7 bhebe maaraa yaay' ? l k baambe graamHkaal 4 ]] rr. 6EYn (mni nb nibngt krestt prmaann {{aan sbi bmi mntrii *12Tyaas4/tl 3 gyjnkl 4 || berunHnis bytne 1ok tere naa t besaad yaaddel 10 | Acs s m megh, f (b, se yz. 12 m k he- 3n sthaaniiy' bn ke ? i,b. b(A JE/TXhaate ghssmbojaan| 14 [ TIRn su n6 lok aa 1 14 saa| kldd Ttthaa&e 6 57-) 16 > grn hy'| prthm tthonn(m| 1/ [ 16 ntr utthe ernnaarlen ( baar'r: 18 nn-yaan bhelki (0)(1997] 18 Seal: Actual Size. -mbnaan| SCALE: THREE-FOURTHS. N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. REit No. 3998 E'35-295, SURVEY OF INDIA, CALOUTTA

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No. 22.] THE MELPATTI INSCRIPTION OF VIJAYA-KAMPAVIKRAMAVARMAN. 143 3 dana-guna-sa[m*]pad-adhara?-bhti(bhuta-Agidevi-vara-lavdha(bdha)-prasada4 Tailapa-vams(6)-odbhava-mahavijaya-raja-pravarddhama6 na-Ranaka-sri-Ramadeva-padah kusalinah [l*) yavacha(ch=cha)6 ndr-arka-medinio vartate tavata putra-pautra-samtatinam Second Plate; First Side. 7 sa-jala-sthala-chatu[h*]-si(si)m-avachhi(chchhi)nanna)-a-chatta-bhatta pravesa? Reva8 nana)-[na ?]yakasya Upalabada-gramo=yar prasida(ar)krito 18. 9 smabhi[Bm*] tamyra(mra sa(84)sanaholi*] Agoi | na vens-kha[y]e khi[n]e 10 ye ke cheta raja bhavisati [1*] tasa pade la11 [gnoj='ham mama data m=Opahareta II Agumeka pada12 m=ekam yo [ha]reta vasundharam [l*] divan varsa-sahasra[n] Second Plate ; Second Side. 13 [ya]yate vrahmarakhasa ICID)0 Sva-datam para-datam=va jo hareta va14 sundhari [*] sashthim=varsha-sahasrani narakaya jayata ksi15 mi KID pu(purva-kona ulumvara-ga[a ?Ji-11gandhish *] utatta)ra16 disa(si) palatsal-sandhi[h 1*] paschima-konane) [s]oma-rukha-18 17 sadhdhi(ndhi)[h *] dakhi(kshi)na-kora(ne) pachalisandhish 1*] Vaga-suta 1 Pakha 18 [1 !Jitilajasi-sandhish /*] Taula-gvarna(rna)karena(na) li(li)khitam ta. Third plate. 19 mvra(mra)sa (sa)sanah(nam) [II*] No. 22.-THE MELPATTI INSCRIPTION OF VIJAYA-KAMPAVIKRAMAVARMAN. BY V. VENKATASUBBA AIYAR, B.A., MADRAS. This inscription15 is engraved on a hero-stone set up in a field to the north of the railway sta. tion at Malpatti in the Gudiyattam taluk of the North Arcot District. Beneath the record is cut 1 The anusvara is indioated by a mere dot which is to be seen below me of mata in the previous line. * There appears to be a superfluous vertical stroke after dha. * The absence of sandhi here is ungrammatical. * The singular here is ungrammatical. . Above te & superscript seems to have been first engraved and then erased. * Read tavat. * Read a-chata-bhafa-pravesyo. . Perhaps we have to read - Sasa nena. Here follow the verses. Their text, which is highly corrupt in the inscription, is given without any emendations, as they are quite well-known. 10 The scribe seems to have confused two different verses, vie., Advamedha, etc., and Suvarnam-kam, eto.. cf. above Vol. II, p. 310. 1 What is meant is perhaps adumbura-gadi. Qadi seems to be a vernacular term. Cf. above Vol. XXI. p. 41, text l. 46. 11 Read plaksha13 Read -vriksha14 Probably pafali- is to be read. 15 No. 172 of 1921 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection. 02

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144 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXIII. in bas-relief the figure of a warrior advancing to the proper left with a bow in his left hand and a sword in his right. Though the stone is exposed to the ravages of the weather, the inscription has not suffered any damage, since the letters, as is usually the case with such stones, are incised deeply. The language of the record is Tamil which does not call for any special remarks. A few words which occur in the epigraph, however, require explanation. In the Tamil poem Maduraikkanchi, the word kavidi1 is used in the sense of a title given to experienced and capable ministers. The Tamil Nighantu explains this term as an accountant'. In our record it is used as a title given to a warrior. The word erittu3 (1. 6) is used in the sense of having defeated'. The inscription is dated in the 10th year of Vijaya-Kampavikramavarman and records the death of a soldier of Vaparaiyar while attacking the army of Prithvigangaraiyar stationed at Kavannur in Miyaru-nadu, a subdivision of Paduvur-kottam. This hero is distinguished in the record by the title 'who took Perunagar'. It may be pointed out here that Dr. Hultzsch explained this title occurring in a slightly modified form, viz., ' Perunagar-agarakkonda-kkavidi's as the chief of Kondar of Perunagar-Agaram and took Kondar as equivalent to Kondakkarar, a caste of fishermen. That this word is not used as a noun but as a verb qualifying 'Perunagar' will be evident from the present epigraph. The term has, therefore, to be interpreted as 'the kavidi who took Perunagar-Agaram'. This inscription helps us to determine the position of Kampavarman in the genealogy of the later Pallavas. About 35 inscriptions of this king have so far been secured, mainly in the Conjeeveram and Saidapet taluks of the Chingleput District and Arkonam, Cheyyar, Gudiyattam, Vellore and Wandiwash taluks of the North Arcot District. These records which are dated from his 2nd to 32nd' regnal years do not help us much in determining the exact period of his rule. Dr. Hultzsch gave a definite lead in this direction by explaining the name of the temple of NandiKampisvara occurring in a record from Solapuram as having been so called after Kampa, the son of Nandi, and thus he postulated that Kampa must have been the son of Nandivarman III and the brother of Nripatungavarman. Mr. K. V. Subrahmanya Ayyar made a further suggestion and stated that, Nandivarman III might have married a daughter of Kambha (or Stambha), the eldest son of the Rashtrakuta king Dharavarsha Dhruva and the name Kampavarman, just like Nripatunga, might have been derived from Kambha, the maternal grandfather of Kampavarman. Since the genealogy furnished in the Velurpalaiyam and Bahur plates does not allow us to place him before Nripatunga, and as he cannot be placed after Nripatunga, Mr. Ayyar concluded that Kampavarman must have been a joint ruler with either Nripatunga or Aparajita or with both. 1 Ll. 493-9. Compare Tellarr-erinda Nandivarman'. Generally in hero-stones, the nature of the death of the hero is also specified as vilundu paffar' (i.e., fell and died), konru pattar (s.e., killed and died), mittu pattar (i.e., rescued and died), etc. Above, Vol. IV, pp. 180 and 182. For a similar use of the word konda cf. the terms 'Madirai-konda Parakesari', 'Madirai-konda Rajakesari', 'Kachchiyum Tanjaiyum konda Kannaradeva', 'Madiraiyum Ilamum konda Rajadhirajadeva', etc., occurring too frequently in inscriptions. A stray record has also been found at Mallam in the Gudur taluk of the Nellore District (No. 498 of 1908) and another at Olakkur in the Tindivanam taluk of the South Arcot District (No. 357 of 1909) adjoining the Wandiwash taluk. No. 402 of 1923 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection. No. 144 of 1924 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection. Above, Vol. VII, p. 196. Nandikampa figures also as the name of a village in the inscriptions at Pallikopda in the North Arcot District, dated between Saka 878 and 885 (Nos. 473 and 469 of 1925). Above, Vol. XX, pp. 48-49.

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No. 22) THE MELPATTI INSCRIPTION OF VIJAYA-KAMPAVIKRAMAVARMAN. 145 This conclusion arrived at by Mr. Subrahmanya Ayyar is confirmed by the present inscription as will be shown presently! The name of the soldier who took Perunagar is not given in our record; but he may be identified with Akalankattuvarayar who figures with the same title, viz., 'who took Perunagar'in & record dated in the 26th year of Nripatunga, from Ambur in the North Arcot District, not far from Melpatti. This soldier, according to the present inscription, died in the 10th year of Kampavarman, while his son and nephew fell in a cattle raid in the 26th year of Nripatunga. The question then to be settled is whether Akalankattuvarayar died prior to his son and nephew; in other words, whether the 10th year of Kampavarman was prior to the 26th, i.e., the last year of Ntipatunga. From the fact that the son and father died in different reigns, one point is clear that, the reigns of Nripatunga and Kampavarman should have closely followed each other. If Akalanka had died earlier, Kampa should have been either a joint ruler with Nripatunga or his contemporary ruling over a portion of the Pallava territory, because according to the Bahur plates, he could not be accommodated before Nripatunga ; but if, on the uther hand, we suppose that Akalanka had died after his son, Kampa's rule should be placed immediately after that of Ntipatunga. The latter alternative is not possible, because we know that Nripatunga was a contemporary of Varaguna' (circa 862 A. D.) and that Aparajita lost his kingdom to the Cholas about A. D. 8884 and that within this period of 26 years, both Kampa with a reign of 32 years and Aparajita with one of 18 years could not be accommodated. One difficulty with regard to the contemporaneity theory is that inscriptions of both Nripatunga and Kampa are found at Uttaramalur, Kaverippakkam and Tiruvorriyur. That Kampa was an independent ruler and not a subordinate under Nripatunga will be evident from the grants issued in his own name and regnal years. If Nripatunga and Kampa were independent contemporary rulers, how could we have the inscriptions of both these rulers in identical villages ? This would be possible if these kings were administering the whole of the Pallava dominions jointly or if the three villages mentioned above were on the border and where the overlordship of both the rulers was recognised. We may approach the contemporaneity theory from another standpoint. The Banas and the Western Gangas were generally opposed to each other about this time, and their enmity ceased for a time by the marriage of Kundavaiyar, the daughter of Prithvipati I with the Bana King Banavidyadhara. The fight at Kavangur mentioned in our inscription must then represent, one of the series of fights that were being waged between the two dynasties. There were two Prithvigangaraiyars about this time, one was the chief of Pangala-nadu and the other was Prithvipati I, son of Sivamira II. Since the former had died by the 8th year of Kampavarman, we may identify 1 An attempt has recently been made to prove that Kampavarnan was the son of Aparajita and that he ruled from A. D. 907-933 (Journal of Oriental Research, Vol. VI. pp. 224 ff). The author of this theory connects a record of Kampa (No. 372 of 1911 of the Madras Epigraphical collection), wherein Niralijana-guru figures as the donor, with another record of the Rashtrakuta king Kapparadeva (No. 181 of 1912 of the Madras Epigraphical collection) which states that Chaturanana pandita received initiation at the hands of Nirajana.guru. The initial mistake of this theory lies in identifying the guru of Chaturanana, vis., Nirajans with the Nirajana of Kampavarman's time. The author himself admits that the successors of Chaturanana were known by the same name. On the same analogy the successors of Nirajana might have been called after their guru and therefore, the two Nirajanas mentioned above might be different persons. He ignores the implications of the name Nandi-Kampa. From palmographical evidence also Kamps cannot be brought dowa to 10th century A. D. *Above, Vol. IV, p. 182. No. 300 of 1921 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection. Above, Vol. XX, p. 49. Since the Pallava power ceased about this time, we find the Banas also who were hitberto subordinate to the Pallavas nasuming independence and issuing records in their own name. For similar instancesce page 45, A. R. on South Indian Epigraphy for 1930-31. Above, Vol. VII, p. 193.

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146 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA, [VOL. XXIII. the Pirudigangaraiyar mentioned in our record with the latter. Dr. Hultzsch has indentified the Banavidyadhara mentioned above with Vikramaditya I, who figures as a subordinate of Nripatunga in the latter's 24th year. This is the latest known date when the Bana chief figures as a subordinate under the Pallavas. Soon after, Vijayaditya Il, the son of the Bana chief Vikramaditya I mentioned above, seems to have declared his independence, as his records are dated in Saka years without mentioning any overlord. Since the Bana chief figures as a subordinate of the Pellava king in the present inscription, this record may be placed prior to the 24th year of Nripatunga and it also seems probable that the 24th year of Nripatunga should have closely followed the 10th year of Kampa without any long interval in the middle Since a certain Aparajita, probably named after the king of that name, figures as the donor in the 15th year of Kampavarman' the latter might have been a contemporary of the Pallava king Aparajita also. Kampavarman might, therefore, have been a contemporary of both Nripatunga and Aparajita. His position may be said to be analogous to that of the Chola-Pandya viceroys in the Pandya country in the 11th century A. D. Regarding the position of the Pallava territory about this period, it may be stated that, during the time of Nripatunga, it extended from Lalguli and Narttamalai in the south to Conjeeveram and Gudimallam in the north. Nripatunga's father Nandivarman III was a subordinate of the Pandya king, but in the time of Noipatunga the situation was reversed; Varaguna II appears as # subordinate of Ntipatunga in his 18th years; the Chelas had not by this time risen to the status of an independent power; the matrimonial alliance with the Rashtrakutas saved the Pallava empire from trouble from that quarter; and the Gangas, i.e., Prithvipati I and his successork, and the Banas were also subordinate to the Pallavas. Nripatunga was able to hold this empire intact, probably with the assistance of Kampavarman but towards the close of the reign of the former, we find the several neighbouring powers including the Nolambas rising to prominence with the result that the Pallava dominion diminished to such a, extent as to embrace, in the time of Aparajita, the Saida pet, Ponneri and Conjeeveram taluks in the Chingleput District and portions of the Tiruttani taluk in the Chittoor District. This small territory was easily conquered by the rising Cholas under Aditya I. The next point for consideration is that Akalankattuvarayar figures in Pallava records as a soldier under both the Ganga and Bana rulers thus indicating the subordinate position occupied by the two latter rulers under Pallava monarchy. The Bana ruler mentioned in our inscription is probably identical with Vikramaditya Vanavidyadhara, who also figures in the 24th year of Nripatunga. His warrior whom we have identified with Akalankattuvarayar claims to have taken Perunagar, which is a village about 13 miles from Conjeeveram on the road to Wandiwash. From whom could he have taken Perunagar? The inscriptions of this village do not give us any clue. The Ganga king Durvinita claims victories over his enemies at Andari, Alattur, Porulare and Pernagara. The last mentioned village was probably identical with Perunagar mentioned in the present inscription. However, during the last year of Nripatunga, the Nolambas attacked the Tondaimandalam region, especially the portion surrounding Ambur. Possibly it was from the Nolambas that the town of Perunagar was 1 No. 42 of 1898 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection. *A. R. on South Indian Epigraphy for 1930-31, p. 38. * No. 360 of 1921 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection. (1.e.) Prithvipati I. Ep. Carn. Vol. XII, Tm. 23; ibid., Vol. IX, Db. 68.

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MELPATTI INSCRIPTION OF VIJAYA KAMPAVIKRAMAVARMAN. N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Reg. No. 3977 E'36 295. SCALE: ONE-SEVENTH. SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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No. 23.) A GRANT OF THE GURJARA KING JAYABHATA III: YEAR 486. 147 Captured by Akalankattuvariyar. This view is strengthened by the fact that a Nolamba is said to have ruled as far as Kafichi in a record from Hindupur, dated in Saka 776 (A. D. 853). The territorial division Paduvur-kottam was in Tondaimandalam and it roughly comprised the modern Veilore and Gudiyattam taluks in the North Arcot District. It included the following nadus, viz., (1) Pangala-nadu, (2) Mugai-nadu, (3) Peruntimiri-nadu, (4) Miyarunadu, (5) Mel- Adaiyaru-nadu, (6) Karaivali Andi-nadu and (7) Karai-nadu. Mlyaru-nadu also known as Miyarai-nadu included the present Tiruvallam in the North Arcot District and the surrounding region. The village Kavapnur may be identified with the village of the same name in the Gudiyattam taluk. TEXT. 1 KO-Visaiya Kampavikkiramaparumasku (ya)2 ndu pattavadu Paduvur-kkottattu Miy[A*]ru-nattu-kKa. 3 vappur? Pirudigangaraiyar dandu nikka Vana4 [raiyar) padaivar Pe[runa]gar-kkonda-kkavadit nedirttu5 [v=aniyar] 6 [e]rittu 7 patrar [Il*] TRANSLATION (During the) tenth year (of the reign of the victorious Kampavikkiramaparumar-(when) the army (of) Pirudi-Gangaraiyar (as) stationed (at) Kavangur in Miyasu-nadu, (a subdivision of Paduvur-kottam, the Kavadi who took Perunagux (and) the soldier of Vanaraiyar, fell (after) attacking (and) defeating (the army of the enemy. No. 23.-A GRANT OF THE GURJARA KING JAYABHATA III:'[KALACHURI) YEAR 486. By G. V. ACHARYA, PRINCE OF WALES Museum, BOMBAY. These two plates were received by the Prince of Wales Museum from the Bombay Branch Royal Asiatic Society in 1920 when the Society's Collection was lent to that Museum. Their original find-spot is not known. Both the plates measure 122' x 10", while the holes, 5' apart in each plate and meant for rings and the seals, are in diameter. Neither the seals nor the rings are forthcoming. Both the plates are damaged at the top left hand corners and consequently some por. tions of the writing are lost. There are several small holes due to corrosion in the body of the plates also. Both of these are inscribed on the inner side only and their rims are thickened to protect the writing. There are 28 lines in the first and 23 in the second plate. The average size of the letters is". The engraving is carefully done and there are very few mistakes. The characters are of the northern type and very much resemble those found on Valabhi 1 No. 588 of 1912 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection. * Kavannur is used in the locative sense. * The reading in the Ambur record (above, Vol. IV, p. 182) is Perunagar-agarakkonda kkavidi, but it must be corrected as Perunagar-kkonda-kkavidi. The engraver seems to have unnecessarily added the letters ka and ra. Such typographical errors are common in inscriptions.

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148 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXIII. plates. The language is Sanskrit and, excepting a few imprecatory and benedictory verses at the end, the whole inscription is in prose. The object of the plates is to record the grant of the village Mannatha situated in the Bharukachchha-vishaya to Bhatta-Uchchada son of Adityanaga, a Brahmin of Hetavuka class who had come out from the district (ahara) called Lohigakakshapathaka, who belonged to Kaundinya gotra and was a student of Vaji-Madnyandina branch of the Yajur-Veda. The grant was made for the performance of the five great sacrifices' viz., Bali, Charu, Vaisvadeva, Agnihotra and Atithi. The donor of the grant was Jayabhata (III) of the Gurjara family of Broach. The date of the grant is given at the end both in words and in figures as the fifteenth day of the dark half of the month of Asvayuja of the year 486 (of the Chedi era) cortesponding to A. D. 736. Samgulla, the son of Alla, is the scribe and Deiyaka is the dutaka of the grant. At the end there is the sign manual of Sri-Jayabhata. Of the three place names mentioned in the grant Bharukachchha stands for the present Broach. It is not possible to locate Lohigakakshapathaka, while as regards the village granted, in the absence of the details about the boundaries, we have to look up for the name of some modern village having greatest possible resemblance with the name Mannatha. I would suggest Manad about a mile and a half north-east of Mehegam on the north bank of the river Narbada. The plates under consideration have great historical importance in that they conclusively decide the line of succession of the Gurjara princes, showing at the same time that the genealogy accepted so far stands in need of correction. The genealogy framed by Dr. Bhagwanlal is given in Bombay Gazetteer and is accepted by Prof. Bhandarkar in the revised list of inscriptions of Northern India'. The line of succession according to these scholars is as follows: Dadda I. K. 330. Jayabhata I. (Vitaraga) K. 355. Dadda II. (Prasantaraga) K. 380, 385, 392. Jayabhata II. K. 405. Dadda III. (BAhusahaya) K. 430. Jayabhata III. K. 456, 486. Three plates of Dadda II (Pradantaraga) dated Saka 400, 415 and 417 have to be left out of consideration because they have been accepted as spurious. The name of Ahirdla, the son of Jayabhata II and father of Jayabhata III, is known to us for the first time from these plates, and we are now in a position to say that the Nausari plates of K. 456 are not of Jayabhata III as supposed by Dr. Bhagwanlal, but must be attributed to Jayabhata II. In the Nausari plates the genealogy stops with Jayabhata II whose description agrees with that of the same ruler in the present record. In the 2nd plate of Jayabhata III dated K. 486 unfortunately the earlier descriptive portion is lost but the description of Jayabhata III is exactly similar to that of the donor of the present grant, which starts from the middle of line 21. These facts conclusively prove that the Nausari plates of K. 456 are to be attributed to Jayabhata II and the incomplete grant (second plate) of K. 486 and the present record both to 1 Certain other verses seem to occur in II. 30-32.-Ed.) Ab ve, Vol. XX, Appendix, pp. 161 f. Ibid., Vol. V, p. 113. * VOLI, Pt. 1, p. 114. . Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, pp. 77 ft.

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No. 23.) A GRANT OF THE GURJARA KING JAYABHATA III: YEAR 486. 149 S Jayabhata III, son of Ahirola and grandson of Jayabhata II. The order of succession, therefore, would stand thus : Dadda I. K. 330, 346. Jayabhata I. K. 355. Dadda II. (Bahusahaya) K. 380, 385, 392. Jayabhata II. K. 405, 456. Ahirola. Jayabhata III. K. 486. While Dadda I and Jayabhata I are referred to with the simple honorific title fri, Dadda II seems to have assumed more power and strength, as he is styled Parama-Mahesvara, Samadhigatapancha-mahasabda and Bahusahaya. The three remaining princes--Jayabhata II, Ahirola and Jayabhata III--have each the additional epithet of Mahasamantadhipati. The epithet Samadhigata-paitcha-mahatabda has been differently translated by different scholars. I always preferred to translate it as one who has obtained the prosperity and the privilege of five kinds of musical instruments and this meaning I am now in a position to support by a passage in Mahasudassana Suttantawhere Kulavati, the capital of the great king Sudassana is described as resounding with ten sorts of sounds (dasa-sadda, Skt. dasa-labda) and these sounds are detailed as the sounds of elephants, horses, chariots, bheri, mutinga, vina, etc. In Pali literature the expression Panchaturiyo is also used in a similar sense.' TEXT. First Plate. 1 [ .. . ... .. satata-lakshmi')-nivasa-bhute trishna-santapa-birini dina natha vistarit-anu[bhave] dvija2 [kul-opajivyamana-vibhava-salini] mahati mahara[ja-Ka]ron-a[nva]yo kamalakaka(ra) iva rajahamsah prava(ba)la-[ka]li-kala3 (vilasit-akulita-vimala-svabhavo gambhir-6]-dara-charita-vismapita-sakala-lokapala-ma nasa[h param[esvara-bri-Ha]rshadev-abhibhuta Va 4 [labhl-pati-paritran-opa]jata-bhramad-adabhra-subhr-abhra-vibbhrama-yabo-vitana[h*) sri Daddas-tasya sa[nur-a-bankit-agata-pranayi5 [jan-opabhukta-vibhava-sam Jchay-opachiyamana-ma[no]-nirveitir = aneka - kantaka - vansa (varsa)-samdoha-daha-du[zllallita-pratap-analo ni6 [sita-nistrinsa(strimsa)-dhara]-darit-arati-kari-kumbha-mukta-muktaphala-chchhal-ollasita yaso-nsu(mbu)k-avagunthita-dig-va[dhu]-vadana-sara1 Prof. C. S. Srinivasachari, M.A., of Annamalainagar has in his article " Further light on Panchamahababda" road at the Seventh Oriental Conference held at Baroda summarised the views of the opposite schools and on the strength of Vijayanagara inscriptions has discarded the interpretation of Sir Aurel Stein and Sir Walter Elliot and supported the views of Dr. S. K. Ayyangar and Mr. Padmanath Bhattacharya. Digha Nikaya, Vol. II, p. 170 (P. T. S. ed.). My attention to this reference was drawn by my nephew Mr. R. K. Acharys. * 1 sm indebted to Dr. N. P. Chakravarti for kindly going through this article and suggesting additions and alterations. . From the original plates and photographe. The text portions within the square bracketa in the beginnings of the first fourteen lines have been supplied from the Nausari Plates, Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, pp. 77 ff. * There is a superfluous mark of punctuation here. It consists of two dots or small dashes, one above the other. There are more such marks in the body of the inscription. In some cases they are represented by a single dash, This is what the Nausari Plates actually read. To this is added the editor's note : "the sonso requires us to correct this into vilasit-anakulita." * This portion has also been taken from tho Nansart Plates.

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150 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXIII. 7 (sijah sri-]Jayabhatas-tasy=atmajo mahamuni-Manu-pranita-pravachan-adhigama-viveka sva-dharmm-anushthana-spravano') [valmn-asrama. 8 (vyavasth-on]mu'ita-sakala-kali-ka(ka)l-avaipah pranayi-jana-manoratha-vajaya vyatita-vibhava-sampidan-a[paluit-aseja(sha)9 partthiva-dan-abhima(ma)no mada-vivas-ankus-ativartti-kupita-kari-nivarana-prathita guru-gaj-adhirohana-prabhavat vips10 [t-pra]pata-patita-narapati-sat-abhyuddharana-nikhila-loka-visra(sru)ta-par- opakara - ka(ka) rana-vyasanalprachya-pratichy-adhiraja-vijsimbhi11 [ta)-maha-samgrama-narapati-s hasra-parivar.t-aneka-gaja-ghata-vighatana-prakatita-bhuja viryya-vikhyata-Bahusahay-apa12 [ra]-nama parama-mahesvarah samadhigata-pancha-mabi-sabda[h*) sri-Daddas tasya sunur=aneka-samara-sarghatta-ghana-ghatita-gaja-gha 13 stal-patana-patur asahishnu-vana-gahana-dav-analo din-anath-atura-suhrit=svajana vanna-kumudakara-kaumudi-nisakaro [Bhag]i14 [ra]thi-pravaha iva vipaksha-kshobha-kshamah' Santanursiva samudbhuta-ka(ka)lakal arava-maha-vahini-patir-Adi-Tha(Va)raha iva sva-bhuja-va(ba)la15 parakram-oddhsita-dhara-dharah? parama-mahosvarah samadhigata-pancha-maha sabda(bdo) maha-samant-adhipati[h*] sri-Jayabhatas-tasya sutah sauryya)16 darpp-oday-ottung-ottamanga-bhupala-mauli-mala-chumbita-charana-yugalah sakal-abhiga mik-adi-gun-anuraga-nisrbbhajra-ma17 nasa svayam-vrito raja-lakshmya kaumud-indu-didhiti-chakravala-vimala-yasah-sekha rita-Meru-sikharo ran-angan-agata-vara-vai18 ri-varanu-gha[ta)-koti-kudda(tta)ka-dorddandas-chatur-vvidy-adhigam-Opabcin hi(bsimhi)ta prajn-atisaya-samyak-pravarttita-niti-margg-anu[ra]mji(ranji)ta19 prakritih praksiti-ka lyan-asayatvad-a-sprishtah kali-kala-kalimna sannihita-yauvan opanat-ananta-vishay-opabhoga-saukhye 20 sahaja-latrutaya valikrist-endrilya-gramah shald gu[n]ya-prayoga-nipunah Sakti rla(tra)y-Opachita-mahima parama-mahesvarah sama21 [dhi]gata-pancha-maha-sabda(bdo) maha-samanta(nt-a)dhipati[h*) sris mad-A]hirolas-tasya sakala-bhuvana-tilakasyratmajo nija-guna-gana-mal-alam 1 This word is not clear in the present inscription. The corresponding reading in the Nausari Plates is prarani which the editor has suggested to correct into pravand or pravino. Pravaro, however, fits better, and that has been adopted here. 2 [Instead of rajaya read vishaya. The Nausart Plates correctly read vishaya, but the given text contains vilaya which does not suit the sense. B. C. C.) * The position on the plate shows that there must have been & syllable or two before the word partthira. The Nausari Plates, however, contain nothing between asesha and .partthiva. * There is a superfluous mark of punctuation here. It consists of two dots or small dashes, one above the other. There aro more such marks in the body of the inscription. In some cases they are represented by a single dash. 5 Instead of ranna read bandhu. With this compare the passage in Bana's Harshacharita ("Nirnaya-sagar' Press, Bombay, 4th edition, p. 39): ... paksha-kshoba-kshamah, ..... Bhagirathi-pravaha va pavanah pravartala vipulo rowisah.-B.C.C.) * The corresponding reading in the Nausari Plates appears to be the same as in the present plates, though that portion is somewhat obscure there and has been road as-oddhila-dharanib). * The letter p in the conjunct syllable looks more like sh. * This ka appears like ka

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A GRANT OF THE GURJARA KING JAYABHATA III: [KALACHURI] YEAR 486, ER N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. SCALE: THREE-FIFTHS. SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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1, 2Nian hashi arupusuBone spaneundesune. piasutomesuga, [aghes 2013 13:08 de, purazumaraibano1Fnisuru KOA 3 2X1809.2 ! tsunoehuyamadamu surutonaruto34102233170 28Ri 1000 OK MAN shitsuku GRUPO demoshitsukarisurunara Biano masutaton komantoshi200700a0 201/272208C1CREE noromansu woireteo rosu 233028 takaminoharukanitsuraTORANku toshiteimasu. iie

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No. 23.) A GRANT OF THE GURJARA KING JAYABHATA III : YEAR 486. 181 22 krito=neka-narendra-vrindaraka-vrinda-vandita-charan-aravinda-dvayah kund-enda sita-sinduvara-kusuma-dhavala-yasah-sudha-dha23 valita-sakala-dha[ra-ma]odala[h*] pratapa(p-a)nala-kavalit-akhila-jagad-upaplavo durv. vara-sar-sara-samutsa[r]i[ta)24 [saka]l-arati-chakravalah pradhana-pradhana-pradhavita-prakata-kari-ghata-patana-patuh ($us=)ohatula-ran-angan-avangan[aranga)25 na-tunga- turangama-(pra ?]kara-bhanga-bhasuro: drava-dalita-dvirada [kumbha-sthali-*] mukta-muktaphala-nikara-dantur-asi-lata-marichi-nichaya26 mi(me)chakita-dakshina-bahu-sikharah padmakara i[va*) prakat-ana(ne)ka-lakshano na punar=mmal-asayah kshapakara i[va) 27 sakala-kala-[ka]lap-anchito na punar=ddosha-karah sagara i[v=a]ntah-pravesita-vipaksha bhu28 bhtin-mandalo na punah(nar=)grah-akulah(16) Narayana iva Sudarsana-chakra Second Plate. 29 [kshapita-*)vipaksho [na pu]nah ksishna-svabhavah(vo) Hara iv=avgiktita-bhuti-nicha/yo] na pu[na]r-bhujanga-pa30 [rigraha"]h | Bal-endu-[bimba)-pratimena yena pravarddhama(ma)na-sva-tan-udayena [1] pranama-kamo=lpa-karena lo- . 31 [kah ksio]tamja(t-anja)lih kantimata k[ri]to=yan(yam) || Su(A)si-dbara-jalena samitah prasabha-Valabhi-pateh? pure yon=asesha-loka-sa32 ..kalapadatajjik-anala) Ja[ra]bhata-jaladah [esha] sa vigiyate deva-vadhu kadamb[ai]+=npipa-sata-makuta-ratna-kirana(n-a)vali33 [ram*lji(ranji)ta-pada-pankajah samadhigata-pancha-maha-sabda(bdo) maharsamant-adhi pati-bri-Jayabhatah kusali sarvvan-eva raja-sa34 manta-vishayapati-rashtra-grama-mahattar-adhikarik-adin=eamanudarsayaty-astu vah samviditam yatha maya mata-pitro35 =a[tmana]s=ch=aihik-amushmika-punya-yaso-bhivsiddhaye Lohigakakshapakath-ahara vinirggata-tat-traividya-sama(ma)nya-Kaundinya-sa-gotra 1 The letter p in the conjunct syllable looks more like sh. There is a superfluous mark of punctuation here. It consists of two dote or small dasbes, one above the other. There are more such marks in the body of the inscription. In some cases they are represented by a single dash. This word has been supplied from the Kavi grant of Jayabhata III, Ind. Ant., Vol. V, p. 113. [This reading is mere conjecture.-B.C.C.] These two syllables have likewise been supplied from the Kivi grant. Metre Upajati. * This also appears to be in verse and the correct reading seems to be prasabham Valathi-pateh pure ! yo(vt)n-asesha-loka-samtapa*)-kalapa-da-Tagjik-analah Jafya]bhafa-jalarda daha sa[b*). The reading in the prosent record would show that there could not have been any reference to fight with the Lord of Valabhi in the fragmentazy Kavi Plate of Jayabhata III (K. 486) &s suggested by Buhler and adopted in the Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I. pt. i. On the other hand it appears that the latter came to Valabhi to help its ruler in fighting the Tajjikas or the Arab invaders who were the common enemies of all the rulers of the Western India-Ed.] The portion vigiyate deva-sadhu-kadambair= reads like a line of Upendravajra metre. The word vigiyald. if it is intended to convey the sense of 'is prained', is not appropriate, since it moans rather is condemned, B. C. C.) We have perhaps to read pathakahara for pakathahara. H 2

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152 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXIII. 36 Vaji[ma]dhya[ndi]na-sabrahmachari Helavuka-brahman-Adityanaga - putra - bhatt-- Ochcha daya(r) vaba)lie-charu-vai vadev-agnihotro- ]atithi-pa[ncha).37 vi(ma)ha[yajn-a]di-krisy-7]tsapra(rppa)n-arttha[m] bri-Bharukachchha - vishay - antarggata Mannatha-gramah B-Odraagah - parikarah sa-bhutapa(va)ta-pranya (tya)ya[h] 38 sa-dhanya-[hi]rany-adeyah sa-das-apara(ra)dhah s-otpadyama(ma)na-vishtikah &-chata bhata-pravesyah sarvva-rajakiyanam=a-hasta-praksh[@]pa[pij39 yah pu(purVva-pratta-deva-brahma-va(da)ya-rahitah(to) bhumichchhidra-nyayen=a chandra(ndr-)rkk-arnnava-kshiti-sarit-parvvata-sama-kalinah putra-paula(tr-a)nvaya40 kram-7pa[bho]gye(gyo-dy=Asvayuja-ma(ma)s-amu(ma)vasyasyam] udhaky -atisarggena bra(bra)hma-dayatve[na*] 'pratipadito ya(ya)[]=sychitaya pra(bra)hma41 dha(da)ya-sthitya bhumja(bhunja)tah ksishatah kaksharsha)yatah pratidisata va na kaischid=vya(vya)[sejdhe varttitavyam=a(a)gami-bhadra-npipatibhir-ayammalmad vambyai42 [r=alnyair-vv-ayam=akmassma)d-dayo=numantavyah pa(pa)layitavyas-cha | yabach [X]-jilana-tima(mi)ra=pata[1-*]vrita-matir=achchhindyaYndya)d=achchhidyama(ma)nakam v=knume(ma) de[ta] 88 43 [pajnchabhirmahapa(pa)takais-g-7(8-7)papa(pa)taka(kai)s=cha samyukta[h*) sya(sya)de ity=ukta[6=]cha bhagavata Vedavyasena | Shashti-varsha-sahasra(kra)ni svargge ti44 [shthati] bhum[i]dah [1*) achchhetta sh=anuma[nta] cha tasvestany=e)va narake vaseta(t) [ll] Vindhy-itavijva(shv-a)toyasu sushka-kotara visinab [*] krisho-Cahayo] hi 45 [jalyanta bhfu]m[il-dayar haranti ye || Va(Ba)hubhiruvvasudha bhukta rajabhish*1 Sagar-adibhish 1*] yasya yasya yada bhumis-tasya tasya [ta]da phalam(lam) [II*] 46 Agner-apatyarh prathamam suvarna bhur-Vvaishnavi Su(Su)ryya-sutas ch bilga)vah [1] loka-trayan ta/te)na bhaved=dhi dattam' yah kanchanath gan-cha (mahim) 47 cha dadyata(t) [1] Yan=iba dattani pura narendraih(drair)danani dharmm-ancha(rtha) yabar-karanil nirbhutta(kta)-ma(ma)lya-pratima(ma)ni tani ko nama sa 48 dhuh punar-Idadita | Sva-dattam para-dattam vi ya(ya)tnadram(d-ra)ksha Yudhi shtha(shthi)ra | mahin mahimatam sreshtha danach=chhreyo-nu[pa(pa)lanam-iti(nam [ll*]iti)] [ll] 49 Bhatta-sri-[Deiya]ka-datakam | Samvatsara-sata-chatushtayo shad-abity-adhiko Asvayaja-bahula-panchadasy[am ...] 50 Samva 400 80 6 Abvayuja va 10 5 likhitan-ch-aitan=maya va(ba)la(la)dhikfit-Alla-suta mahabala(la)dhiskrita-] * [On the photograph the reading looks like bhaft-Achchadaya.-B.C.C. There is superfluous mark of punctuation here. It consists of two dots or small daahe, one above the other. There are more such marks in the body of the inscription. In some case they are represented by single dash. The syllablo tra has a poouliar shape. It looks more like tha, though th again has a different form is seen in the very next word atithi. * Read syayamudak. On top of the syllables dhakya there is a sign of an uncertain letter. The two syllables yarhma are superfluous. Read - ripatibhirmaemad. * The Kivi grant roads : Srikandakapaka-datakas. The reading in the present inscription is not oertain. It can also be : Bhaffa-Srikhandayaka-datakan.B.C. C.]

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No. 23.] AGRANT OF THE GURJARA KING JAYABHATA III: YEAR 486 153 51. [Samgulle]na || Sva-hastd mama sri-Jayabhatasya || TRANSLATION. (LI. 1-4)........... In the great lineage of the great king Karna---which became the (perpetual) abode (of Lakshmi); which allayed the misery (caused by) desires; whose glory was wide-spread like that of the sun (and) which possessed (wealth that supported families) of Brahmins (there lived) like a swan in the lotus-pond, the illustrious Dadda, whose (pure temper was not agitated by the freaks) of the mighty Kali age; who, by his grave and noble conduct struck the minds of all kings (or dikpalas) with wonder (and) over whom there hung with the grace of & rolling mass of white clouds, & canopy of glory gained by (protecting the lord of Valabhi) who had been defeated by the great lord, the illustrious Harshadeva. (LI. 4-7) His son (was) the illustrious Jayabhata whose mental happiness increased as his stores of (wealth were enjoyed) by needy men coming (to him) without fear; the fire of whose valour was fierce enough to burn up numbers of inimical families ; (and) who veiled the lotus-like faces of the women who were the quarters with the cloth of (his) white glory that shone out in the guise of the pearls coming out of the temples of the elephants of (his) enemies, rent open by the (edge of (his) sharp sword). (LI. 7-12) His son (was) the illustrious Dadda, who was devoted to the performance of his own religious duties with discrimination due to his (right) understanding of the treatises composed by the great sage Manu; who had rooted out all the arrogance of the Kali age by the proper management) of the (four) castes (varna) and stages (aerama) (of life); who removed the pride of charity of all (other) kings by giving (lit. acquiring) wealth that was beyond the hopes of the supplicants; whose valour in mounting mighty elephants was rendered famous by holding in check infuriated elephants which were lost to all control through rut and which rebelled against the goad; whose habit of benevolence was famous among all people through (his) assisting hundreds of kings who were afflicted by misery; who was well known by his other name of Bahusahaya through the strength of (his) arm, that was displayed in tearing through innumerable troops of elephants surrounded by thousands of kings in the great wars waged with the great kings of the east and of the west ; who was a devout worshipper of Mahesvara and who had obtained the privilege of the five great sounds. (LI. 12-15) His son (was) the illustrious Jayabhata who was clever in tearing through the troops of elephants thickly arranged in the clash of numerous battles; who was a very forest fire to the intolerant (i.e., his opponents); who was a friend of the poor, the destitute and the sick; who was a full moon to the lotus-pond (in the state) of relations and friends; who like the stream of (the river) Bhagirathi was able to agitate his enemies (or rocks); who like Santanu was the lord of a great army (or of the great river) full of a humming noise ; who like the Primeval Boar held the earth raised by the might of his own arm; who was a devout worshipper of Mahesvara, who had obtained the privilege of the five great sounds and who was a Mahasamantadhipati. (LI. 15-21) His son (was) the illustrious Ahirola, whose feet were kissed by garlands on the crests of kings with their heads lofty on account of the rising pride of their valour ; who was chosen by Rajalakshmi (Royal splendour) of her own accord with her heart full of love for all his attractive virtues; whose glory, white like the mass of light of the full-moon, crowned the peak of the mount) Meru; whose bar-like (i.e., strong) arm was capable of crushing crores of troops of elephants belonging to his great enemies met in the battle field; who had pleased the subjects by properly chalking out the paths of morality through (his) surpassing wisdom which was inereused by (lais)

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154 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXIII. mastery over four-fold learning; who, being naturally of benevolent disposition, was not stained by the blackness (i.e., the wicked influence) of the Kali age; who had his senses controlled owing to (his) natural apathy towards the pleasures of countless objects (of enjoyment) attendant upon the approaching youth; who was well-versed in the employment of the six expedients; whose greatness was enhanced by (his) three saktis; who was a devout worshipper of Mahesvara, who had obtained the privilege of the five great sounds and who was a Mahasamantadhipati. (Ll. 21-33) His-who was the ornament of the whole world-son, Sri-Jayabhata, who is adorned by the garland (in the form of) the collection of his own virtues; whose lotus-like feet are saluted by numerous great kings; who has the whole earth brightened with the lime-wash (in the form) of his glory, which is as white as the kunda, the moon and the white sinduvara flower; who has consumed the misfortune of the whole world by the fire (in the form) of his great prowess; who has expelled the multitude of all enemies by the torrents of his irresistible arrows; who is clever in destroying the troops of elephants running about in the best of battles; who is shining (on account) of the breaking of the multitude of lofty horses capricing(?) and dancing in the unsteady battlefield; whose right shoulder has been darkened by the collection of the rays (issuing) out of the sword which looked like having projecting teeth on account of the pearls (sticking to it) which had fallen from the (temples) of elephants violently split by him; who like a lotus-pool manifests various auspicious marks (as the lotus-pool has many cranes) but is not wicked (or with a muddy bottom); who like the moon is endowed with all the fine arts (as the moon has digits) but is not a repository of vices (as the moon is the night-maker'); who like the sea has caused the hostile kings to come in (i.e., submit ?) (as the sea has given shelter to wingless mountains) but is not afflicted with disease (as the sea is full of crocodiles); who like Narayana has destroyed his foes with his excellent discus (as Narayana did with the Sudarsana wheel) but is not of wicked nature (as Narayana is an incarnation of Krishna); who like Hara has secured all prosperity (as Siva has his body besmeared with ashes) but is not surrounded by dissolute people (or serpents); who resembles the new moon, since whilst the splendour of his body is increasing he causes the people to worship with folded hands on account of the lightness of the taxation (alpa-kara) just as the new moon when she is on the increase and sheds slender rays (alpa-kara) still causes the people to salute; 1who by the edge of his sword quieted the impetuosity of the lord of Valabhi, (who quenching the fire of the desires of the great Pandits of the whole world and giving them the fruits of their wishes) is praised in songs by the whole crowds of the wives of the gods; whose lotus-feet are reddened by the rays of the crest jewels of hundred of princes; who has obtained the privilege of the five great sounds and is a Mahasamantadhipati; (Ll. 33-40) being in the best of health, informs all princes, feudal chiefs, district officers and Mahattaras in charge of rashtra and villages: Be it known to you that, for the increase of merit and glory of (my) parents and of myself, both in this and the next world, the village Mannatha, lying within the district of Bharukachchha, together with the udranga and uparikara and BhutaVata-pratyaya, with its income in grain and gold, with (the proceeds of fines for) the ten faults, with the right to forced labour, not to be entered by chata and bhata, not to be meddled with by any royal officer, exclusive of former grants made to gods and Brahmins, according to bhumichchhidra nyaya, to continue as long as the moon, the sun, the ocean, the earth, the rivers and the mountains endure (and) to be enjoyed in succession by sons and grandsons, has, to-day on the new moon of the month of Asvayuja, been given by me as a brahmadaya with libations of water, for the 1[Here the author has followed the translation given by Buhler, which was based on his imperfect reading of the text. I would translate this passage as: he is the very cloud (in the form of) Jayabhata who has forcibly extinguished the fire (in the state) of Tajjikas who had caused plenty of suffering to numerous people, in the city of the Lord of Valabhi with the water of the edge of his sword; who is praised, etc. See above p. 151 n 7-Ed.]

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No. 24.) MALLASARUL COPPER-PLATE OF VIJAYASENA. 155 purpose of performing the five great sacrifices, viz., Bali, Char, Vaivadeva, Agnihotra, and Atithi, to Bhatta Uchchada', who came from the district of Lohigakakshapathaka, who is of Kaundinya gotra, who belongs to the community of Traividya Brahmins, who is a student of the Vaji-Madhyandina (sakha) and who is the son of Adityanaga, a Hetavuka Brahmin. (LI. 40-43) Wherefore no one should behave so as to obstruct him when enjoying (it), cultivating (it), causing (it) to be eultivated or entrusting (it to any one else) in accordance with the proper conditions of a brahmadaya. (And) this our gift should be assented to and preserved by future good kings whether of our own lineage or others. And he shall incur the guilt of five great sins together with the minor sins who, having his mind obscured by the thick darkness of ignorance, may confiscate (this grant) or assent to its confiscation. (LL. 43-48) [Here follow six of the customary verses.] (Ll. 49-51) The illustrious bhatta Deiyaka is the dutaka, In the year four hundred increased by eighty-six on the 18th day of the dark hall of Asvayuja (the year 400, 80, 6 Asvayuja, va 10 5) this has been written by me, the Mahabaladhihrita Samgulla, the son of the Baladhikrita Alla. (This is) the sign manual of me, Sri-Jayabhata. No. 24.-MALLASARUL COPPER-PLATE OF VIJAYASENA. By N. G. MAJUMDAR, M.A., INDIAN MUSEUM, CALCUTTA. This copper-plate comes from Mallasarul, a village about a mile and a half from the north bank of the Damodar river, within the jurisdiction of Galsi Police Station of the Burdwan District, Bengal. It was discovered in 1929 by Dr. Sureshwar Roy in course of re-excavation of an old tank adjoining his house and was subsequently presented by him to the VangiyaSahitya Parishat of Calcutta. The decipherment of the text inscribed on the plate was entrusted to the late Mahamahopadhyaya Haraprasad Sastri, but due to his continuous ill health he could not take it up seriously and the copper-plate, which remained unpublished, attracted little attention after his death. Recently I approached the Sahitya-Parishat for permission to edit the record, which was very kindly accorded, and the original plate together with & tentative and incomplete transcript, prepared partly by the late Mahamahopadhyaya and partly by Mr. Chintaharan Chakravarti, M.A., was handed over to me. An article in Bengali giving a preliminary account of the plate has been contributed by me to the quarterly journal of the Sahitya-Parishat. But considering the importance of the record I have tbought it desirable to edit the same with fuller details in the Epigraphia Indica. This is a single sheet of copper, measuring 10-4 long by 6.5'broad, which is inscribed on both faces lengthwise. A circular seal about 2-8' in diameter is soldered on the left side of the plate. It bears in relief a standing figure of a two-armed deity with a chakra in the back. ground representing perhaps the 'Wheel of Law. Below the figure occurs in raised letters the legend (Maha)raja-Vijaya[se]nasya, i.e., 'Of the Maharaja Vijayasena,' which is partly defaced. The plate contains 25 lines of writing; of these fifteen lines are engraved on the obverse and ten on the reverse. The engraver has not been able to follow the draft with uniform accuracy: there are slips and lapses at a number of places, which have been duly pointed out in the 1 (See above p. 152, n. 1.-Ed.] * The place is marked as Sarul' in Survey of India map No. 73 M: 11 (l' to a mile scale) of 1029-30, and as . Mallasarul' in the Map of the District of Burdwan.

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156 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXIII. text. The uneven surface of the reverse side, showing a number of fissures, must have made the engraver's task somewhat difficult. In several instances he has been obliged to leave blank space in the middle of a line and re-engrave a letter er letters, as in the last line, after the blank space. The plate is cracked at the upper left corner and some slices appear to have been cut away from here, as also from the lower left corner. As a result of the damage, which happened probably when the plate was being dug out, several letters are lost from the commencement of lines 1-3 and 14-15. The characters belong to the Eastern variety of the. Gupta alphabet ', representing a further stage of development as compared to those of the copper-plates of Bengal dating from the 5th century A.D. Palaeographically, it resembles the Faridpur plates of Dharmaditya and Gopachandra' which are referable to the 6th century. As pointed out below, the approximate age of the plate can be determined also from its internal evidence. As regards the forms of individual letters, noteworthy are m, y, sh and 8, and the conjuncts fich, tm, lp and Im. The letter y shows a curl on the left with opening on the outer side. This particular form of the letter has been found by Hoernle also in the Bower Manuscript,' and it appears in the Faridpur plates, the Gunaighar plate of Vainyagupta (A.D. 507)' and in the latest one (A.D. 543-44) of the Damodarpur plates. The letter h has the lower portion of its curve shaped like a hook. turned to the right. It differs from the h occurring in the Baigram, Pahappur and Damodarpur' plates in which the curve is much shorter and is turned to the left. Attention may also be drawn to the use of the peculiar medial o, consisting of the 2-stroke on top of consonant and the hook-like a-stroke added to its stem below. The record contains examples of the final t and m and the numeral signs for 3, 7, 8 and 20. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit. With the exception of two verses in Arya metre at the beginning and eight other verses relating to land grant, the document is composed in prose throughout. The superfluous addition of the suffix ka in datlaka (1. 12) is a well-known feature of the records of the Gupta period. The word varakrita, in asmad-varakritaih (1. 12), which probably refers to a class of officers, is of lexical importance. As regards orthography, mention may be made of the doubling of a consonant either preceding & subscript r or following a superscript r, the use of the dental nasal in tansa (1. 17), and of the same nasal instead of m, once in danbha (1. 1). The sign for b occurs only in a single instance in brahmanasya (1. 16), but everywhere else in the record the sign for v has been employed for 6. This orthographical distinction between b and v, as is well known, gradually became obsolete after the Gupta period. 1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXIX, 1910, pp. 193 f. * Introduction to the Bower Manuscript (Reprint, Bombay 1914), p. 46. * Indian Historical Quarterly, Vol. VI, 1930, pp. 45 ff. Above, Vol. XV, pp. 141 ff. and Vol. XVII, p. 193. . Indian Historical Quarterly, Vol. XXI, pp. 78 ff. . Above, Vol. XX, pp. 59 ff. * Above, Vol. XV, pp. 113 ff. * The primary meaning of vara is a person's turn or proper place', and varakrita would mean one appointed in turn or one appointed in a place'. In the Ghugrahati plate of Samacharadeva certain persons are said to have been appointed kulavara (karasika-Nayanaga-Kesav-adin kalavarau prakalpya) in connection with the land granted. Also in a Faridpur plate of the time of Gopachandra we have Vishayadhikaranen-adhikaranakajiankulavaran-prakalpya, i.e., having appointed, through the Vishayadhikarana, kulawaras who are acquainted with administrative affairs'. The word kulandra has been taken by Pargiter to mean a referee' or 'an arbitra (Ind. Ant., 1910, p. 205, n. 49; in the above passage I read juan for juana of Pargiter). Evidently the word vorabnia is used in a similar sense in the present record. In line 12, this class of officers are supposed to carry out the appor. tionment of the price of the land at the Vithi.

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No. 24.) MALLASARUL COPPER-PLATE OF VIJAYASENA. 157 The record opens with an eulogy of the god Lokanatha, of Dharma, and of the saints (santah), i.e., the Buddhist Sangha. In line 2 of the inscription occurs the name of a paramount sovereign (Maharajadhiraja), the first two letters of which can be clearly read as Gopa. The remaining portion of the name, appearing at the beginning of line 3, evidently consisted of two letters which are only partially preserved. It is clear, however, that the last letter of the name was a conjunct with subscript as a component. The lower portion of the third letter has the shape of a triangle with an acute angle pointing downwards, from which it is evident that this is a fragment of the letter cha. Moreover, the name must have been in the locative case, in conformity with the present participle form prasasati that immediately follows. Under the circumstances I feel no hesitation in restoring the passage as Gopachandre prasasati, i.e., during the reign of . Gopachandra.' In lines 3-5, honour is shown to a number of officers who are mentioned by their respective designation and not by name, viz., Karttakritika, Kumaramatya, Chauroddharanika, Uparika, Audrangika, Agraharika, Aurnasthanika, Bhoga patika, Vishayapati, Tadayuktaka, Hiranyasamudayika, Pattalaka, Avasathika and officers entrusted with devadroni (i.e., procession or ablution of images ?). As these officers are mentioned immediately after Varddhamana-bhuktau there is no doubt they were the various functionaries of the provincial administration directly concerned with the affairs of this bhukti. The enumeration of the officers is followed by a list of the Elders (mahattaras) and other important persons concerned with the present grant, viz., mahattara Himadatta, an agraharin of Ardhakaraka; mahattara Suvarnayasas of Nirvsitavataka ; mahattara Dhanasvamin, an agraharin of Kapisthavataka; the mahattaras Shasbthidatta and Sridatta, agraharins of Vatavallaka; Bhatta Vamanasvamin, an agraharin of Koddavira; Mahidatta and Rajyadatta, agraharins of Godhagrama; Jivasvamin of Salmalivataka ; Khadgi-Hari of Vakkattaka; Khadgi-Goika of Madhuvataka; Khadgi-Bhadranandin of Khandajotika; and Vahanayaka Hari and others of Vindhyapuri. The object of the inscription is to record a grant of land during the reign of King Gopachandra by Maharaja Vijayasena, to a Brahmin named Vatsasvamin of the Kaundinya gottra, belonging to the Bahvricha sakha of the Rigveda, to enable him to perform the five great sacrificial rites'. The land granted measured eight kulyavapas: in area and was situated in the village of Vettragartta within the Vakkattaka vithi of the Varddhamana bhukti. It was bounded on the east and south by Godhagrama, on the north by the Vatavallaka agrahara and on the west in part by Amragarttika. The plot was duly marked out by pegs (kilaka), a system that finds a parallel in the land survey of modern times. The transaction took place in the following manner : Vijayasena approached the Elders (mahattaras) and other notabilities of the neighbouring villages and also the Court of the Vithi (rithy-adhikarana), expressing his desire to purchase, in the customary way, eight kulyavapas of land for the aforesaid purpose. The Vithi Court and the Elders enquired into the matter and signified their approval, considering that's sixth part of the religious merit will accrue to the Paramabhattaraka, i.e., the King, and they themselves, as the protectors of the gift, will also have fame and prosperity'. The necessary amount of money in dinaras was then duly paid at the Vithi Court by Vijayasena to cover the price of the land, which was divided by the Vara officergs and the gift was made subject to the express condition that the usual dues in respect of the land 1 The figure on the seal of the copper-plate may be a representation of Lokanatha, although it is too indistinct to admit of a definite identification. These comprise the five daily rites, viz., bali, charu, vaisvadeva, agnihotra and atithi. * The area is specified in figure also in l. 24 (kulya 8). * The pegs are said to have borne the devioe of kamal-aksha-mala, i.e., ' a string of lotus soods'. See above, p. 156, R. 8.

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168 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXIII. would be borne by him and credited to the revenues of the Vithi. Having in this manner obtained the right of ownership, he next transferred it to the donee Vatsasvamin by means of a copperplate charter. In this transaction a person named Subhadatta acted as the Dutaka, the Sandhivigrahika Bhogachandra prepared the draft, while the Pustapala Jayadasa was responsible for getting the copper-plate heated' (tapita), by which evidently the process of engraving, that is to say the technical part of it, is to be understood. The date is given as the year, i.e., the regnal year, 3, the month of Sravana, the 27th day. Maharajadhiraja Gopachandra, the reigning king, should be identified with the Maharajadhiraja of the same name mentioned in one of the Faridpur copper-plates. Maharaja Vijayasena, the donor, whose name appears on the seal and also in lines 8 and 13, and who must have been a vassal chief of Gopachandra, should be identified with the Maharaja, Mahasamanta Vijayasena, the Dutaka of the Gunaighar plate of Vainyagupta (A.D. 507). The present charter therefore may be placed in the first half of the sixth century, a conclusion, we have already seen, is borne out by the palaeography of the inscription. It appears that VijayaBens served both under Vainyagupta and Gopachandra, at different dates ; but it is difficult to say which of the two kings was the earlier. It is likely, however, that as Vijayasena issued the present charter under his own seal, he occupied a more dignified position under Gopachandra; and this would probably indicate a point of time later than A.D. 507, in which year he was associated as & Dritaka with Vainyagupta's Gunaighar plate. It should be noted also that although Vainyagupta, his overlord, was at this date enjoying some sort of independent status, he styled himself only as Maharaja, and not as Maharajadhiraja. Vainyagupta, as his name would suggest, might have been related to the Guptas of Magadha. Gopachandra on the other hand was probably a member of a local family. That he had the status of a paramount sovereign is certain. As we already know, this king, like Dharmaditya of the Faridpur plates who enjoyed a similar status, had placed one of his chiefs in charge of a territory in Eastern Bengal. From the evidence of this record it now appears that Gopachandra had under him also the Vardhamana bhukti, answering to the present Burdwan Division. He appears therefore to have owned & fairly extensive territory. By the middle of the sixth century, or a little earlier, Bengal seems to have been lost to the Guptas of Magadha and local princes had established their independence. They probably retained this position until the rise of the Emperor Harshavardhana. One of the Faridpur plates (the Ghugrahati plate) mentions another independent king of Bengal named Samacharadeva. The script of this plate is definitely later than that of the plates of Dharmaditya and Gopachandra. Hence he should be placed after them, that is either at the end of the sixth or at the beginning of the seventh century. Some remarks are called for regarding the identification of the localities mentioned in the copper-plate. Most of them appear to have been situated in the neighbourhood of Vettragartta within Vakkattaka vithi, a part of which was granted to the donee. Vottragartta itself cannot be located with certainty. But Godhagrama may be identical with Gohagram on the Damodar, to the south-east of Mallasarul where the plate has been found. Amragarttika may be modern Ambahula (also called Simasimi), to the south of Mallasarul. Khandajotika is perhaps Khandajuli between Mallasarul and Gohagram, while Salmali may be Mallasarul itself. The name of the vithi Vakkattaka seems to have survived in Bakta, a place immediately to the east of Gohagram. The Vakkattaka vithi, representing a part of the Vardhamana bhukti, included a strip of the country along the north bank of the Damodar river. Another vithi of the same bhukti was known during the Sena period as Svalpa-dakshina-vithi, which lay along the Bhagirathi river in the north

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No. 24.] MALLASARUL COPPER-PLATE OF VIJAYASENA.. 159 eastern corner of the Burdwan District. In the unpublished Nalanda plate of Dharmapala a vithi in Gaya-vishaya is described as Jambunadi-vithi, i.e., 'the vithi on the Jambu river'. Again in a grant of the Gupta period from Monghyr District there is reference to a Nanda-vithi, the name being recognizable in Nandapur', the findspot of the grant, situated on the Ganges. From these scattered references it would appear as if the term vithi was applied in ancient times to a tract of land immediately bordering on a river. The expression vithy-adhikarana, i.e., the Vithi Court (1. 8) is interesting. A similar expression adhishthan-adhikarana is used in reference to the town or district of Kotivarsha in the Damodarpur copper-plates, where it seems to denote' the City Court'. The persons mentioned in lines 5-8 immediately before vithy-adhikarana, among whom are mahattaras, i.e., Elders, and agraharins, 1.e., 'holders of agraharas', were probably the heads of administration of the vithi. In connection with vithy-adhikarana we may compare the expression Suvarna-vithy-adhikrita, i.e., one who is in charge of the administration of Suvarna-vithi' occurring in the Ghugrahati plate of Samacharadeva. TEXT. Obverse. .......... (Lo)kanathah' yah pumsam sukfita-karmma-phala-hetuh [1*] satya tapomaya-murttirelloka-dvaya-sadhano dharmmab [l| 11 Tad-anu jita-danbhambha) lobha jaya2 [nti*)....para-hit-arthaho [*]ni[rma]tsarah su-charitaih para-loka-jigishavah santah [|| 2*) prithivim Prithur-iva(Prithuvat) prathita-pratapa-naya-sauryy[e] Maharajadbiraja sri-Gopa3 [chandre)? prasasati tad-anujnaptayam puny-ottara-janapad-adhyasitaya[m] satata dharmma-kriya-varddhamunayam Varddhamand-bhuktau pujyan=varttaman-opasthi. tata-karttaklitika-ku4 maramatya-ch[au]r[o]ddharanik-oparik-audrangik-agraharik-aurnasthanika-bhogapatika-visha yapati-tada(da)yuktaka-hiranyasamudayika-pattalak-avasathika-devadroni-samva(mba)5 ddh-adin=vidhivat=sampujya Vakkattaka-vithi-samva(mba)ddh-Arddhakarak-agraharina mahattara Himadattah Nirvritavatakiya-mahattara-Su[va*]rnnayasa[h*] Kapistha vatak-agrah[a]rina6 mahattara-Dhanasvami(mi) Vatavallak-agraharina-mahattara-Shashthidatta-Sridattau Kod davir-agraharina-bhatta-Vamanasvami(mi) Godhagram-agraharina-Mahidatta-Rajya7 dattau Salmalivatakiya-Jivasvami(mi) Vakkattakiya-khadgi-Harih Madhuvatakiya khadgi-Goika(kah) Khandajotikeya-khadgi-Bhadranandi(ndi) Vindhyapureya-vahanayaka 1 Majumdar, Inacrs. of Bengal, p. 71. . Above, p. 52. Above, Vol. XVIII, p. 76. Mr. Bhatlasali renders it as master of the bullion market which cannot be accepted. . From the original copper-plate. About eight letters are missing at the beginning of this lino. * Some letters are missing also here, of which one has been tentatively restored. ? For this restoration see remarks above p. 157. * The second la is superfluous and should be omitted.

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100 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXIII. 8 Hari-prabhu(bhri)tayo vithy-adhikaranan-cha vijnapayanti [1] pujyam-Maharaja. Vijayasonona vayam-abhyarthita ichchheha(ya)m-eta[de]-vithi-samva(mba)ddha* Vettragartta-grame yushmabhyo ya9 tha-nyaya(ye)n=Opakriy=ashtau kulyavapan mata-pittror=atmanas-cha puny abhivsiddhaye kalpantara-sthiyinya pravrittya puttra-pauttr-anvaya-bhogyatvena Kaundinya-sagottraya 10 Va(Bu)hvpicha-Vatsasvamin(no) pancha-maha-yajna-pravarttanaya pratipava(da)yi tum=iti [l *) yato=smabhir-asy=abhyartha na*]y=avadhtitam=asyosho(aisho)=nukramah ubhaya-loka-vijigishu[bhi)(bhih) 11 [s]dhubhih kriyamana-punya-skandheshu sri-Param.(ma)bhattaraka-pa(pa)danam dharmma-shad-bhago cha yos-smakam=api pratipalayatam kirtti-ereyobhyam yogah [1] uktan=cha [1] Yah kriyam dharmma-sam 12 yuktam manasupy=abhinandati [1] [va*]rddhate ba yath-esht-eva sukla paksha iv=oqurat [ll 3*] tat=sampadyatam=asy=abhipraya ity=asman(d)-vara ksitair=anena dattaka-dinara[n*] vithyam samvibhajy=asman(d)-Vettra13 gartta-grame=shtabhyah kulyavapebhyo yatb-ochitam danam ta[d]-vithi-samu daya eva pranaryya vodhavyam=ity=avachuray=&shtau kulyavapa Maharaja Vijayasenasya dattoh(dattah) 14 ...pie rajn=usmai Kaundinya-sagottraya Va(Ba)hvpicha-Vatsasvamine pancha mahi-yajna-pravarttaniya tamra-pra(pa)ttena pratipadita' atha cha c h aishuiin chaturshu diksbu sima bhavanti pu15 (ryvasyardi)gi Godhagrima-sima dakshinyam(nagyim) Godhagrama(ma) [@] va uttarasy Vatavallak-agrahara-sima paschimasyanmayar) disi arddhena Amragarttika-sima kilakas-ch=attra kama[l-a) Reverse. 16 ksha-mal-arkita(tas=)chaturshu dikshu nyasta bhavanty=evam=esham krita sim-arkanam=asya brahmanasya pancha-maba-yajna-pravarttanen=opabhunjanasya na 17 kenachid=etad-vansajen10-anyatamena vasvalpapy(svalp=apy)=ava(ba)dha hasta prakshepa va kla]ryyah [1] evam=avadhrite yo=tha karoti sa vadhyah panchabhir-mma18 hapataksih B-opapatakaih samyuktah syad-apicha [I] N-Asya deva na pitaro havih pindam samapnuyuh [ 1*) (chhi]nna-mastaka-vat-talah apra 1 Read pujya[Correct reading seems to be sasty-{T}aho-nukramah-Ed.) [Intended reading is dharmma-shad-bhag-opachayos; pa in the last word has apparently been inadver. tently omitted by the scribe.--Ed.) "On the plate the reading seems to be yadh-ishfe cha. But the reading yath-ishfar cha may have been Intended.-Ed.! . Read pranayya. .Not more than three letters are missing. Probable restoration anen-dpi. Read pratipuditablatha. * This cha is superfluous and should be omitted from text. * Read chatur-dikahw or chataapishu dikalne. 10 Read vamajas.

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MALLASARUL COPPER PLATE OF VIJAYASENA. Obverse. -- rgyu [[m6:4 it22 peij'u-taaivechgxinmtshpc / 4n-nY 2 1:|k // n1:r/T+npaa3:7 pjgqq7-0tgtaa-naa87 / mate:] ptaai-lo-qnmgtsho-taa-m-ttaabaoonni-maaw m-mnkunoqgaaataaktshul-tutaann'i- 4 su ihn gmtsho=ncifgwgtaaikwtn-mchp-rnm3ser- aga2#tsittMaaatsaarngqitalpp'i mdzdw7,329 mmhkaa-199-br-shugc3.jp 8 c1376&grutsaa1%in@jitstshtshu*33#*#qtoscavnp&szdmgi- 30 E3:4]nirdziutsaa*knytsntuwtaa, a 53 tsimja -jd-:o+ay j aginpnnonct shu72regdtimggxjqgm-#deam1:sgyu-ttifi%gsd3 yuytsindh73jmWu / spyos mzntso%? IN%>>i;9nn35 &gidtsminuse'us-riwirgyGawytmjntaa lcjw@**E| ni 10 11 2? n 25naanshizjriwfir**taa17] / [rnm-dkuaNto dhua@&1:<Page #221
Seal. 24 2 : 55 ro *s;rinu-7 gyi nuc27nya 7671nnaaut24 lu5 nyi-mnwwtshn yis]]i naantn-dbaf]aempbloga@ia 22 yowtops:juiEn}, wnyes // 29 +3 sbruwyirlg 29 mnu 79%o.noir gctn-lsof naayeg 2 on t=13:%ry 12/gr: du 2x.34:37g4 *ar: *%>>ies 4: 2- 09 stkhye/g 72 3E4 zlwvi: /An:|:>>te%2 /ga;& sr|:#la gsts : gpgzgxuals/ 7 4tte at tseIEve+ / rgyuc, Agicztaggf3f1app/20 ltt (c) 2 3%E3hp 16 guzal66 dmig d / shuxyq3yng 16 Reverse.

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No. 25.) TANDIKONDA GRANT OF AMMARAJA II. 161 19 tishthah patishyati [14*] bhumi-dan-apaharana-pratipalana-guna-dosa(sha)-vyanjakah arshah sloka bhavanti [*] Shashtim varsha-sahasrani 20 svargge nandati bhumidah [*] akshepta ch=anumanta cha tany=&va narake vaset [115*] Asphotayanti pitarah pravalganti pitamahah [1] bhumidor 21 sman(t)-kule jatah sa nah santarayishyati (116*] Yat-kinchin(t)=kuruta papam naro lobha-sama(ma)nvitah [*] api go-charmma-mattrena bhumi danena sudhyati [117*] Pu22 ryva-dattam dvijatibhyo yat[n]ad=raksha Yudhishthira [1] bhumiin bhumi [ma*]tam breshtha danach=chhreyo=nupalanam [118*) Iyam raja-bataireddatta diyati cha punah 23 punah [*] yasya yasya yada bhumis-tasya tasya tada phalam [89] Tadit taranga-va(ba)hulam briyam matva cha marttyanam [l] na dharmma sthitaya24 s=sadbhih(dbhir=)yukta loke vilopitum [l/10*] kulya 8 dutakah subhadatto likhitam sandhivigrahika-Bhogachandrena 26 tapitam pustapala-Jayadasena ( * ) samvvad(sarkivat). 3 srava di 20 7 No. 25.-TANDIKONDA GRANT OF AMMARAJA II. BY BHAVARAJ V. KRISHNARAO, B.A., B.L., RAJAHMUNDRY. This interesting inscription is engraved on & set of tour copper-platos, which was secured by the Rev. Dr. Isac Cannaday in 1915, while he was at Sattenapalli, Guntur District, and forwarded to the Assistant Archaeological Superintendent for Epigraphy, Southern Circle, Madras, in the early part of the same year. It is marked as C. P. No. 11 of 1914-15. From the incomplete nature of the text, the writing appears to have continued on the fifth plate which, however, along with the seal and the ring that held these plates together, was lost and never afterwarde traced. Dr. Cannaday informs me in the course of his letters, that while he was on tour on Mission work in Sattenapalli taluk during the cold season of 1914-15 and camping at a place called Oruvakallu, he was told by the local catechist that one Chilaka Satyanandam, a Christian of Madiga extraction, had found, while digging for old earth (pati-mannu) with which to construct house walls, a set of copper plates and that he was considerably disturbed over that matter. It appears that the fifth plate and perhaps the seal and the ring, too, were melted down by that man; and Dr. Cannaday who learnt everything about the discovery, allayed the fears of the man and secured the remaining plates for the Department. The place of the discovery of those plates is near the huge granite boulder or rock which is nearly 250 feet high and which is situated to the west of the village Oruvakallu. The plates were found in a good state of preservation; and I now edit the inscription on them from the excellent estampages kindly sent to me by Dr. N. P. Chakravarti at my request. Each of these four plates measures roughly 11 inches by 5 inches. Except for the first plats which contains writing on the inner side alone the remaining three plates are engraved on both 1 Madras Epigraphical Report, 1914-15, pp. 90 f. * In the rock at Oruvakallu there is a cave and in it is goddess called Ganga. A large village s ms to bave fourished round the rock at one time and there are ruins and mounds soattered round the locality.

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162 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXIII. sides. The first plate contains nine lines and the remaining three ten lines of writing on each side. Thus the inscription runs into sixty-nine lines in all. The writing on the plates is well preserved. The characters are Telugu and belong to the tenth century and to the later cursive type, except for the primary forms of vowels a, a and i which still retain their earlier forms. The final n (lines 10, 20 and 28) and m (lines 11, 16, 21 and 31) have special signs but not the final (lines 7 and 8), which is denoted by the ordinary sign for ta with the sign of viruma above it. The sign of the medial au is almost similar to one of the signs of the medial 7, so that it is somewhat difficult to distinguish between the two signs. The language is Sanskrit, except the passage in lines 48 to 51 which contain names of the localities which are in the Telugu language. Besides the usual benedictory verses at the end (lines 64-67), the inscription contains 19 verses, and the rest is in prose. The text in general is fairly free from clerical errors and doubtless incised with great care and neatness. In respect of orthography, it will be sufficient to note that the visarga before the labial surd is changed into upadhmaniya (line 59). The inscription belongs to the Eastern Chalukya king Ammaraja II, who reigned from A.D. 945 to 970. It opens with an invocation to god Siva. The inscription consists of two parts. The first part deals with the usual Eastern Chalukya genealogy and the charity made by the king (lines 3 to 51). The second part (lines 51 to 65) is devoted to the description of the spiritual lineage of Vidyesvara-Pandita and his pupil Prabhitarasi (III) of the Kalamukha school of the Pasupata-Saivas founded by Lakuli. The genealogical account of the Eastern Chalukya kings found in this record corresponds to what is given in the Elavarru, Padamkaluru' and the Maliyapundi grants of the king. It contains no more historical information about the dynasty than what is known to us from the other charters of the king. The record is not dated; but the scribe seems to have committed a very curious, perhaps a serious, mistake in giving the date of the king's coronation. He was apparently confused. He probably had the year of the grant in question in his mind in numerical words as nabhatasu-vasu, i.e. (Saka) 880, when he engraved the date of the coronation of king Amma II, which in numerical words is given in the other charters of the king as giri-rasa-rasu, meaning 867. There is reason to believe that the grant was made on the occasion of the Uttarayana-sankranti (winter solstice) in the Saka Samvat 880. The expression of the purpose of the charity mentioned in line 44, namely," for the increase of long life, good health and prosperity of my kingdom, i.e., people", seems to give us the clue for our conjecture. The Mangallu plates of Amma II' inform us that the king after eleven years of his victorious reign proceeded to Kalinga in wrath against Krishna (Krishna-kopat), and that at that time the kingdom " was protected by the king's elder brother Danarnava, to the great joy of the people". Aimaraja's expedition into Kalinga seems to have been occasioned by a hostile coalition of kings led by the Rashtrakuta king Krishna III who wanted to uproot him (i.e., the reigning king Amma Il) and place his own protege Budapa on the throne of the Andhra country. The turbulent kingdom of the Eastern Ganyas of Kalinga on the north-east might have readily joined Badapa and his adly Krishna III * Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, pp. 91 ff. ? Ibid., Vol. VII, pp. 15 ff. * Above, Vol. IX, pp. 47 ff. * The expression asmad-dada-sanlaly-ayur-drogy-aifuaryy-abhivriddhy-arttham should literally mean for the increase of our country, progeny, life, health and prosperity'. Therefore, it does not soem to contain reference to any of the king's wars and does not afford any clue for fixing the date of the grant.-Ed.] .C.P. No. 1 of 1016-17 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection. * ibul., text, line 23. *Abore, Vol. XIX, p. 140, and p. 142 text, lines 17-18.

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No. 25.) TANDIKONDA GRANT OF AMMARAJA II. 163 for its own purpose. It was evidently for these reasons that Ammaraja II proceeded against Krishna III in the direction of Kalinga, when the latter invaded his territories. The expedition would have lasted at least a year if not two; and doubtless it ended in a colossal victory for the lord of Vengi. Ammaraja II who was apparently stricken with the sorrows of his people on account of the devastating war with the enemies of his country, would have made the charity recorded in the subjoined inscription under the advice or inducement of his guru (preceptor), immediately after his victorious return to the kingdom. Thus the date mentioned in the grant, Saka 880, corresponding to A.D. 958-9, may be reasonably assumed to be the date of the grant, and would fall in the thirteenth year of the king's reign. If this is correct the expedition against Ktishna III in the direction of Kalinga, after the eleventh year and the charity recorded in the present edict, would show that by the date of the subjoined grant, Ling Ammaraja II had returned to his kingdom after successful conclusion of a great war against his enemies, the Rashtrakutas and their allies. Verse 13 also seems to refer to such a great victory. The inscription informs us that in the city of Vijayavati, i.e., the modern town of Bezwada, king Vijayaditya Narendramrigaraja, the ornament of the race of Chalukyas (Chalukyakula-tilaka), the asylum of the universe (Samastabhuvanasraya) built a temple called Samastabhuvanasraya and established in it the image of Uma-Mahesvara. To that deity, on the occasion of Uttarayana, king Ammaraja II made a grant for the increase of prosperity, long life and freedom from disease of his people, for repairs to the temple, for offering bali, naivedya and music to the god, and for a satra (free feeding house.) The object of the grant is the village Tandikonda, situated in Gudla-Kandervvalivishaya, together with three other villages Ammalapundi, Gollapundi and Asuvulaparru. Ammaraja granted these four villages, having made them all a devabhoga, with the exemption of all taxes, with the libation of water, as a humble gift to the deity, for the good of his people. The boundaries of the aforesaid village (Tandikonda) along with the other three villages, are : on the east Tunderu, a stream; on the south-east Garalagunta, on the south a burugu tree situated to the north of the village Lamu; on the south-west, Oddagunta; on the west a tank called Chayita; on the north-west a tank known as Bhimasamudra ; on the north (a heap of boulders called) Enuka-galu and on the north-east, Regadugunta. The second part of the inscription which begins with a verse in line 51, is devoted to the description of the spiritual lineage of Kalamukha Saiva saints, who were held in great veneration in Andhradeba, and who were also the religious preceptors of the kings of the land. It states that in every age saints like Lakuli and others took upon themselves the forms of Rudra, i.e., Siva, and became self-incarnate in this world for blessing the righteous men. It is said that they were self-born, of their own free will, for the purpose of preaching and setting up the path of the dharma, meaning the Saiva doctrine. In the lineage of these ascetics, arose the Kalamukhas, who looked to the Sruti (Vedas) for their guidance. They were worshipped by the kings of various lands and belonged to Simha Parishad (which was a division of the Kalamukha sect). In the lineage of these Kalamukhas, who inhabited the ancient and celebrated temples of Siva like Amaravatesvara, was born Lakabipu-Pasupati (or Lakasipu who was a Pasupata), who WAA well versed in all the agamas. He nourished his holy body by living on pure water, greens, milk, fruits and roots. His disciple was Prabhttarasi-Papdita who was an incarnation of dharma itself. He had two disciples, Vidyesvara and Vamesvara. Prabhutarasi-Pandita [See n. 4 on p. 162.-Ed.)

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164 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXIII. had a brother named Bhuvanarasi-Muni, who had also two pupils, named Pabupati (II) and Prabhatarisi (II). The former bore a secondary name Kalamukhendra," the lord of the Kalsmukhas", and the epithet Parahita-vyasani (i.e., one who was devoted to the well-being of others). His (Kalamukhendra's) pupil was Vidyesvara II who was virtually an ocean of learning. His spiritual son or disciple was Prabhutarasi (III), who was like yuvaraja or heir-apparent to the spiritual kingdom of which Vidyesvara (II) was the supreme head. Prabhutarasi III rendered help to mankind in so many ways that his fame spread far and wide. He was not merely Prabhutarabi in name; he was so in fact, in deed and conduct. In the immediate presence and under the directions of his guru, he built a devakula and a matha consisting of three storeys, and beautified the places with coloured paintings. He obtained from king Ammaraja II for the aforesaid purposes three villages, and a thousand she-goats. The following is the pedigree of the spiritual family of the Kalamukhas, described in the record : (1) Lakalipa-Pabupati (I) (2) Prabhitarasi-Pandita (1) (3) Bhuvanarati-Muni. (4) Vidyesvara (I) (5) Vimisvara (7) Prabhatarisi (IT) (6) Pabupati (IT) Burnamed Kalamukhendra (8) Vidyesvara (II) (9) Prabhatarasi (III) The inscription then states that the donor of the grant was king Amma II, the composer of the inscription was the king's preceptor Vidyesvara (II) and that the ajnapti (executor) was Katakanayaka. After this the record breaks off rather abruptly in the middle of a sentence which doubtless continued on the fifth plate which is now missing. The half sentence repeats, however, the grant of she-goats and provision for white-washing, running the feeding-house and for offering naivedya to the deity. The Cintra Prasasti as well as the Puranas Agni and Vayu mention four pupils of Lakuli, viz., Kusika, Gargya, Kaurusha and Maitrega, in the order of their precedence. These four dis. ciples of Lakuli became according to the Cintra Prasasti (vv. 16-17), the founders of the four lines of Saiva ascetics or schools amongst the Pasupatas. But the subjoined inscription does not refer to any one of the four disciples of Lakuli, but merely states that the Kalamukhas were born as selfincarnates in the lineage of great saints beginning with the great sage Lakuli and others. It is not clear, therefore, whether the lineage of the Kalamukhas of the Andhra country were descendants of any one of the four well-known disciples of Lakuli. The Kalamukha-Pasupatas of the Andhra country were guided by the precepts of the Sruti or the Vedas, and lived in monasteries attached to great Saiva temples like Amaravatesvars at Amaravati. The present record, however, is not the earliest epigraphical reference to the Kalamukhas of the Pasupata school and to its divi. sion called Simha Parishad, in the Deccan and the south. We have an earlier reference to this 1 It is not clear whether Prabhutarasi-Pandita and Bhuvanarasi-Muni were spiritual or lay brothers. It appears to me that Kalamukhendra was the surname or title of Prabhutarasi (II) and not of Pafupati and that Pabupati, the guru of Vidykvars II, was Prabhatarasi's disciple and not identical with the latter's oolleague of the same name (i.e., Pasupati II).-N. L R.) . Above, Vol. I, pp. 271 ff.

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NO. 25.) TANDIKONDA GRANT OF AMMARAJA II. 165 sect of Saivas in a copper-plate grant of A.D. 810 from Mysore. The earliest reference to the Kalamukha Saivas in the Tamil country seems to be contained in the KodumbaJur inscription of prince Vikramakesarin which mentions a certain Mallikarjuna who was the disciple of two teachers named Vidyarasi and Taporabi. The inscription further states that "having built three shrines (vimana) in his own name and in the name of his two wives, he, i.e., Vikramakesarin, set up Mahesvara (Siva) and presented a big matha (brihan-matha) to Mallikarjuna, who was the chief ascetic of the Kalamukha (sect), with eleven villages for feeding fifty ascetics of the same sect (here called asita-oaktra)". The approximate period of these shrines is determined partly by the alphabet of the inscription referred to and partly by the reference to ViraPandya who was among the enemies overcome by Vikramakesarin. Rai Bahadur V. Venkayya thinks that Vikramakesarin must have flourished roughly about the first half or middle of the tenth century A.D. Thus the two preceptors of Mallikarjuna would have lived almost about the same period or more probably slightly later than that and would have been contemporaries of king Amma II of Andhra country. The name Vidyarasi is very much similar to Vidyesvara of the subjoined record, who is stated to be the repository of various kinds of learning. For these reasons, therefore, it might be that Vidyaraki and Taporasi mentioned in the Kodumbalur inscription were identical with Vidye vara and his disciple Prabhutarasi referred to in the subjoined record. If this identification be correct, then we may believe that disciples of Vidyesvara and Prabhutarabi went to the south, i.e. Chola and Pandya countries and preached the doctrines of Kalamukha-Pasupata Saivism, converted the rulers of the country wherever they went and established monasteries for their ascetics. The Kalamukhas spread themselves also at an earlier period into the Kanarese country. From Morigere in Hadagalli taluk, Bellary District, come two interesting inscriptions, engraved on two slabs set up in the verandah of the temple of Uddi-Basavanna, of the time of AhavamallaSomesvara I.. Both of them are dated in Saka 967, on the Karttika paurnamasi, on the occasion of an eclipse of the moon, the corresponding English date being Monday, 28th October, A.D. 1045. These inscriptions state that there existed in that part of the Kanarese country a community of Saiva ascetics who belonged to the Lakulisa-Pabupata sect and to the school of Simha-parshe (parishad). Another school of the same sect, perhaps of later origin, was Sakti-parshe (parishad) to which belonged Muvara-koneya-santati of the Parvat-imnaya, whose teachers also had a strong pontifical seat at Balagami. The Kalamukhas, as has been shown above, spread themselves into far south and the Pandyan country. An inscription from the shrine of Kalanathasvamin at Pallimadam, hamlet of Tiruchchuli, Ramnad District, refers to a matha of the Mahavratins. These Mahavratins, according to Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar, were the followers of the great vrata a vow of religious devotion and observance in general', and denoted the ancient sect of Saivas called Kapalikas or Kalamukhas. With due respect for the learned scholar, it seems to me that Kapalikas and Kalamukhas 1 Mys. Arch. Rep. for 1914, p. 39. I am indebted to Mr. N. Lakshminarayan Rao for this information. * No. 129 of 1907 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection. * Ibid., Madras Epigraphical Report, 1908, p. 75, para. 86. For the date of Vikramakenarin and the Kodumbalur inscription also see the remarks by Prof. K. A. Nilakanta Sastri in the Journal of Oriental Research, Vol. VII, pp. l-12. [The conjecture seems to be far-fetched. There is not enough similarity in the names to suggest tbo identity of the two sets of teachers.-Ed.) * Nos. 441 and 443 of 1914 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection. Above, Vol. V, pp. 221 ff. * No. 423 of 1914 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection. Vaishnaviam, Saiviam and Minor Religiowe Systems, p. 118.

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166 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXIII. were not identical sects and that their tenets differed largely. The matter is an important one and requires further elucidation and study. Of the places mentioned in the record Tandikonda, Lamu and Gollapundi alone can be identified to-day. Tandikonda is the modern village of Tadikonda in the Guntur taluk of the Guntur District and is situated at a distance of about eight miles to the north of the head-quarters of the district. Among the boundaries of Tandikonda, it may be observed that the two tanks Chayita-tataka and Bhimasamudra are still existing. Bhimasamudra is a huge tank on the bank of which there is a large mound called Bhimalingamu-dibba, where there are extensive ruins of & Siva temple. Chayita-tataka seems to be the ancient name of a huge tank which occupies an area of about three or four square miles adjoining the village. It is the source of irrigation for an extensive area in the vieinity. Lamu is situated two miles to the south of Tadikonda. There is a village Gollapudi on the northern bank of the Krishna river near Bezwada in Kistna District, about twelve miles to the north of Tadikonda ; and it may be identified with the Gollapundi of the subjoined grant. The remaining villages Ammalapundi and Asuvulaparru can not be traced in that locality. It is probable that Anamarlapundiagraharam, twelve miles to the south-east of Tadikonda, was the Ammalapundi of the grant. Perhaps Asuvulaparru stood on the other side of the river in Bezwada taluk. Gudla-Kandervvati-vishaya was the ancient name of the tract of country lying on the southern bank of the river round the celebrated place Amaravati which was noted for its beautiful temples and chuityas, of Amaravatesvara and Buddha, respectively. Gudla-Kandervvali means "Kandervvadi of the temples " for the term gudla means " of the temples". Apparently that part of Kanderuvati acquired the name Gudla-Kanderuvati-vishaya from its temples at Amaravati, its chief town. The distriet Kanderuvati-vishaya seems to have acquired its name from the ancient township Kanderu or the modern Kanteru, a village in the Guntur taluk, which must have been a very important place in former times. Kanderuvati-vishaya? seems to have been sub-divided into three or four small districts, viz., Kanderuvati-vishaya, Uttara-Kanderuvati-vishaya, Imani-Kanderuvati-vishaya. and GadlaKandiruvati-vishaya. Kanderuvati-vishaya comprised apparently the whole of Guntur taluk, the eastern portion of Sattenapalli and the northern parts of Tenali taluk. The central portion of Guntur together with the south-eastern part of Settenapalli taluk was called Uttara-Kanderuvativishaya. Gudla-Kanderuvati-vishaya was the name for the northern portion of Guntar and eastern part of Sattenapalli taluks; and Imani-Kanderuvati or Imani-Kandravadi-viskaya comprised the northern portion of Tenali taluk TEXT. First Plate. 1 47[*] am m a 977GHT: [1] Rurface 2 fra fe [*] afer [*] At H THQUATTATT. 1 The term gudla is the archaic genitive form of gudi. The modern form is gula, the medial d having given place to the Dravidian. * 8. I. I., Vol. I, Nos. 36 and 37 ; above, Vol. XVIII, p. 268. . Above, Vol. V, p. 127; C. P. No. 1 of App. A to the Madras Epigraphical Report for 1913-14. .8. I. T., Vol. IV, No. 681. . From the excellent ink-impressions supplied to me by Dr. N. P. Chakravarti. * Metre: Anuaktubh. * Read atat * Road svayaM.

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No. 25.] 3 vyasagotrANAM hArItiyutrAyAM kauzikIvaraprasAdalabarAyAnAmA tRgaNaparipAlitA 4 nAM svAmimahAnapAdAnudhyAtAnAM bhagavanArAyaNaprasAdasamAsAditava[ra*] 5 dharAilAbchanecaNacacaktrodyatArAtimaNDavAnAma samedhAvamRdhastrAmapa TANDIKONDA GRANT OF AMMARAJA II. 6 fastanayi cAlukyAnI kulamalaMkariSNosatyAzrayavajJamendra 7 va bhrAtA kujaviSNuvahaMmannRpatiraSTAdazavarSANi / bemodezamapAzayat // 8 tadAnano jayasiMhastrayastriMzat (saM) / tadanujendra rAjanandamo viSNuvardhano nava // ta 9 sUnugiyuvarAjaH paMcaviMzatiM [*] tatputro jayasiMhastrayodaza // tadava 167 Second Plate; First Bide. 10 rajaH koziliSSaNmAsAn // tasya jyeSTho bhrAtA viSNuvardhanastacAvya saptaciMzatam // tatpu 11 jo vijayAdityabhaTTArakopyaSTAdaza // tavluto viSNuvardhamaSSaTtriMzattam // tabbUzubha 12 nubhAso raNavigaNanayA nIlakaNThAlayAnAM // sagrAmArAmakANAM salalitarama porsa 13 pardA satpadAnAM (nAma) [1] katvA protuMgamaSTottarazatamabhumagvIradhIraSTayuktAyatvA14 riMzatsamAM (mAH) mAM jananutavijayAdityanAmA narendraH | [ 2* ] tatpucaH kaliviSNuva 15 nobhyavarSam / tatsuto guNagAMkavijayAdityacatuzcatvA 16 riMzatam / tadanujayuvarAjavikramAditya narapAtmajaH cAlukyabhImabhUpastriMzatam [*] 17 tatputrI vijayAdityo viSadindhanapAvakAH [*] sa SamAsAnasau sAkSAdindro bhogena bhU18 mipaH // [ 3 ] tasUnurammarAjassaptavarSANi / tatpitAmahI (ha) guNagAMkavijayAdityA nujayu tAlAdhipI mAsamekam / taM yudhi vinihatya cAlukyabhImAtmajo 19 hamajJAtmajaH * vikramA parAjastha 21 sUnussUnRtavAkrabhuH nasi Second Plate; Second Side. 20 divyaH arinikaratimiradinakaraH hinadInAnAthabandhurekAdazamAsAn / tatastAla / yuddamazadharAdhIzastaptavarSANyapAdbhuvam " [8] farfeta 1 Punctuation mark here is unnecessary. Metre: Sragdhara. * Mark of punctuation is unnecessary. 4 Metre: Anushtubh. * Metre: Sardulavikridita

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168 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VoL.XXIII. 22 bhI jamapadAttavirmAmayyohatAndAyAdAginabhAnuzInabhagaNAkArAvidhAyatarAn [*] 23 vacIvorjitanAkamammanRpaterdhAtA kanauyAnbhuvaM bhaumI bhImaparAkramasamabhunasaMva. 24 tmarAndAdaza / [*] 'tasya mhekhrmuurti(tkmaasmaamaalteH|' kumArAbha: [1] loka25 mahAdevyAH khalu yAmabhavadamparAjAkhyaH // [*] 'jalajAtapacacAmaraka28 lazAMkuzalakSaNAMkakaracaraNatala. [*] lasadAjAmbavalaMbitabhujayugaparigho girondra27 sAnUraskaH // [7] "viditadharAdhipavidyo vividhAyudhakovido vilInArikulaH / karituragAgama28 kuzalo haracaraNAMbhojayugalamadhupaH zrImAn [8] kavigAyakakalpataru dina sunidI29 nAndhabandhujanasurabhiH ] yAcaka[ga]cintAmaNirivanIzamaNimahopamahasA dhumabhiH [] Third Plate; First Side, 30 'nabhaSasuvasusakhyAbde sakasamaye mArgazIrSamAsesmin [1] kRSNatrayodazadi31 ne bhaguvAra maicanacane [10] 'dhanuSi ravI ghaTalamne hAdazavarSe tu janmanaH pam / 'yo32 dhAradayagirIndro ravimiva zokAturAgAya [11] 'yasminzAsati' tRpatI pari pakkAne33 ka[sastha']saMpacchAkhI / satatapayodhenuramaurvirItirapanirastacorI deyaH [12] _ 'yasminbrajati citi34 pe 'barudyAnAvalokanArya bhItAH / tahigdeyAdhImA dinti maNikanakAyagaje35 ndrapratati [13] 'yo peNa manojaM vibhavena mahendramadhimakaramukamAsA 36 10 ramaripura dahana vyakurbagbhAti vitatadigavanikIrtiH 4 sa sakalaripunRpatimaku 1 Metre : Arya. * Mark of punctuation is noodless here * Metre : Aryagiti. * Read takahina . Read Jufo: The first half of this verse is in the Arya metro and the second in the Aryagiti * Read yodhAdudaya. Read yaSiJcA* Read adhika eta is the reading suggested by Dr. Haltzsch (above, Vol. XII, p. 83 note). But the present record shows that the correct reading is pratatin. 10 Read

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TANDIKONDA GRANT OF AMMARAJA II. - - 10 | 62 29 0 6 1 taatyy att nddumu 1922 y n r l r t t vittut rNgN 12 114 kaarNgsvyNgN graamN lt rjini | 12 RG an 21 Lahore gek elrenne a gelaga APART tIsag4 Reema cuestaura as an FEAL O ACRaughter greega tea gla l G N Give: * FORTyagaa 16641 142 Jaggana an i | 16 18 mNdrN , paanugN | 18 More shNkutlN ndduN I ii,b. , indireegaaglkatarangaraiage 07 PREMIKI | Capricornealole 1 18 1 2 room rgaro Baa GG | 26 || 4 kddlnu 1 v s vNtu ciyaa ninn rNdrmunu | 24 | pvrpurN vNsh: 1 pen 1 || 24 | e yimsvN c puttloo aNtrnn || 26 || n t l m t rN rnnN llgu pulul jyrlloo 4 || 26 * 4ju rtnaalu aNduvul t tyi 4 tllu nrnu gmyynu dung nv nvvukulu gNgu tummulu guru8310 gN 08 May 2015 Adire Arere...Neen m angipoAngela Angel Sankara 76 | Singa gangarangm more lapeg gallamu 20 | 7 are roopama wigaa 228 N8Eas a won: area || 18 a ge te langu Aly muniyu vaari mt rtm rsaalu 86 | mind a muNdu nu tvritNgaa guNdde btimlu 36 burmun vr pootul rtrmu auto31aaglu vlyN lu tm nirv t sum 38 - guNjdd kuNdeelu druvu vrusn gty tigg N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Rea. No. 1446637-275. SCALE: ONE-HALF. SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA,

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68 CALDEUTEND cresceltered forcorare levroleter POSIXDI: TOKD7:12 de tele Crononcohelfer en de arcollarealisusons te 99 Brain Damoja gumu 2012. g klvr prm aaNtterin gnnikyn 13: 81 64 62 60 54 52 46 sendbreifdiegogik, BEING F. Fjalettes 58 56 S50 44 42 40 ng fauxy OPLEIAD BR Geel Praeefrollere desprak alone 628 13 poddangon Claroids TRATARI DIRIRIA PRR PHURrod V#RVigl&EUR:3eoz# Religious Schoemok 2 Ta uleerde PRED ffajor MOTOR Cortets segmeles DIED Groene kwadranteegree karAra zilang iv.b. Hell Seleni 87neering & en pr D PS22 2 CO 12:00127XO 68 66 iv.a. 64 NTR 99 from A2 DNRACORPAE mokigacteal Brooke Barrowfugeezyon ponerl Premergate geld zorgmok rel DORES.Paggiore Dire. Escleroty 60 58 202 par 2009 54 52 iii.b. 48 46 44 42 40

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No. 25.] TANDIKONDA GRANT OF AMMARAJA II. 169 37 TataTaghaTitamaNikiraNagaNamadhukaranikaraparicuMbitacaraNasarasirahayugalIs38 yugalocanapadakamalavilasammadhupAyamAno mAnovato natohatamamastabhu39 vanAcayazrIvijayAdityamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvaraH paramabhaTTArakaH parama Third Plate; Second Side. 40 mAhezvaraH // guDakaNDervADiviSayanivAsino rASTrakUTapramukhAnkuTuMbinaH sa41 mAjhyatyamAJApayati viditamastu vaH / vijayavAvyA cAlukyakulatila42 kasamastabhuvanAcayavijayAdityanarendramRgarAjapratiSThApitAya samasta43 bhuvanAzrayanAmadevAlayanivAsAya umAmahezvarAya uttarAyaNanimi44 ta prasmahenasantatyAyurArogyaizvAbhivRddhyatya tahevAlayakha46 haspaTitanavakarmavazinivedyAtodyasatrapravartanArtha ca / palpa48 vRttitayA pAlUnavizINa punarNavokattuM sarvakaraparihAraNa deva[bho] gau[0) 47 yodakapUrva tADikoNDanAmamAmaH ammalapUNDigojapUNDiAsuvulapAnA48 mAdisamatomAbhiItta iti // astra samyAma[*]dikasthAvadhayaH / pUrvata: tU. 49 deg // bhAmneyata: gAralaguNTa / dakSiNata[:] lAmuna yuttaraMbuna rugu / naira()tya(ta)taH Fourth Plate ; First ride. 50 pohaguNTa / pazcimataH 'cayitanAmasaTAkam / vAyavyataH bhImasamudramA. 61. mataTAka[m / "] uttarataH enukAlu // yAnataH regaDuguNTa / 'yuge yuge 52 khokatandramUrtayo sunaukharAH zrIlakulIkharAdayaH // 0) babhUvurabAnugrahItasabbanAH / / 53 vayaMbhuvo dharmapathapradarzinaH [15] tadanvaye kAsamukhAzzrutimukhyAsvayaMbhuvo bhuvi 54 bhUstAmabhivanyA[:] tasiMhaparSadaste sthAnasyAsyAdhipataya TT hisaca65 ritAH / teSAmamaravaTekharAdhanakapurANadevAyatananivAsi nAM] kAlamukhA66 nAM snttii| 'sakamipurvikhitAgamapAradak pazapatiyunipopi patizziyaH // (1) suja57 lazAkapaya:phasamUcakairvihitadharmazarIravivaIna: [1] yastambhuneziSyAH ] prabhUta rAzi ma 58 paNDitasmAcAdammAvatAraH [*] tacchiyau vidyezvaradhAmakharau // tatprabhUtarAzi vADhabhuvanarA 1 Mark of punctuation is unnecessary. *[The reading is correctly parfewer -N. L. R.] Could cayita beacorrupt form of caitya ? * Metre : Vanastha. sMetre: Drstavilambila.

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170 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [ VoL XXIII. 59 zimuneziSyau pazupati [ : *] prabhUtarAbhizca / kAlamukhendrAdyaparanAmA / ' tacchi yaH pacapati-para Fourth Plate; Second Side. as "viddAnyiyeAro nAma kartumanvartakacinaM [1"] 60 hitavyasau / tatha sarvvavidyApramA 61 se yathAMbUna mahAbudhi // [10] 'tatvosisacyIkuMdarAja ekopyanekalIkIpatAvaneka [*] na 62 nAmataH kevalamartyataya prabhUtarAbhiH prabhurAzritAnAm [18" ] vavidho [1"] 'milA sa koyaguru 63 mayaM devA (ma) tribhUmi citritamaca kallA | grAmatrayaM jAsaha cAlayaM zeSama 64 sraM prabhUtarAzitamate sma bhUpAt / [18* ] asyopari na kenacicAdhA karttavyA yaH karo 65 ti sa paMcabhihApAtakairttipyate / ukta / paradatAM vA yo tava 86 zam / pahilAdi bichAyA jAyate kimiH // [20] vamisudhA dattA 67 bhivAnupAfent / yasya yasya yadA bhUmistasya tasya tadA phalam // [ 21* ] zAsanasya vi[ye] 68 cA dAtA vAdagrabhUmipaH [1"] vidyezvarI guru: vatiH kAkaH // 22*] asya sama* 89 svamAyAdevAlayasya dakSepaSudhAvarbhAsayanivedhanimittamaNAsa 1 Punctuation mark seems to be needless here *Metre: Anushfubh. * Metro : Upajati. * Read SaSTivarSasahakhAci The inscription breaks off here abruptly; it is possible that it continued on twitting plate

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No. 26.] A NOTE ON THE DATES OF UCHCHAKALPA KINGS. 171 No. 26.-A NOTE ON THE DATES OF UCHCHAKALPA KINGS. By PROF. V. V. MIRASHT, M.A., NAGPUR. There have been in all seven copper-plate inscriptions of the kings of the Uchchakalpa family discovered so tar in Central India, from which we can make out the following genealogy : Oghadeva -m. Kumaradevi Kumaradeva -m. Jayasvamini. Jayasvamin m. Ramadevi. Vyaghra -m. Ajjhitadevi. Jayanatha -m. Murundadevi. (known dates : 174, 177) Sarvanatha. (known dates : 191, 198, 197 and 214) The last two kings, whose copper-plates have been discovered, use the Twelve Year Cycle of Jupiter in dating their records, but do not specify any era to which their dates are to be referred. Nor do they, except in one case, which will be discussed below, contain any astronomical details that can be tested by calculation. The Bhumara pillar inscription states, however, that Sarvanatha was a contemporary of Maharaja Hastin, who must be identified with the Hastin of the Parivrajaka family, many of whose records have also been found in Central India and who was, therefore, ruling over the contiguous territory. From the copper-plates of the latter and his son Bashkshobha we get the following genealogy - Devadhya. Prabhanjana. Damodara. Hastin. (known dates : 156, 163, 191 and 198) Samkshobha. (known dates: 199 and 209) In these plates also the Twelve Year Cycle of Jupiter is used for dating. The expression Guptanpipa-rajya-bhuktau which occurs in all of them clearly indicates that their dates must be referred to the Gupta era, the epoch of which has been determined to be A.D. 319-320. As the kings of the Uchchakalpa family were the neighbours of those of the Parivrajaka family who use the Gupta cra in dating their records, the presumption is that the dates of the former also are in the Gupta era. It is, however, urged on the other hand, that the fact that the Uchchakalpa kings, unlike then contemporaries and neighbours, the kings of the Parivrajaka family, do not specify any era ia dating their records, goes to show that they used some other era. Again, the circum. stance that the Bhumara pillar inscription, which is as much a record of the Parivrajaka king Hastin as of the Uchchakalpa Sarvanatha, does not, contrary to the practice observed in other records of the Parivrajaka kings, specify any era, points to the same conclusion ; for the Maharajas Hastin and Sarvanatha, being feudatories of two rival dynasties, could not agree as to which of the two rival eras should be used in a joint record ; and compromised the matter by quoting only the year of the Twelve Year Cycle of Jupiter, as a method of reckoning which could hurt the dignity of neither of them. Now the only era, to which the dates of the 1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XIX, p. 228.

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172 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXIII. Uchchakalpa kings could be referred, is the Kalachuri-Chedi era, the epoch of which has been determined by Kielhorn to be A.D. 248-9. On this supposition we find that the known dates of Sarvanatha range from A.D. 439-40 to A.D. 462-3, while those of Hastin (which clearly refer to the Gupta era) are from A.D. 475-6 to A.D. 517-8. The Betul plates of Samk. shobha again show that he succeeded his father in the next year G.E. 199 or A.D. 518-9. As the Kalachuri era was started 72 years before the Gupta era, we shall have to take the latest known date of Sarvanatha and the earliest of Hastin and see which year between the two would correspond to the Mahamagha samvatsara mentioned in their joint record. As stated above, the last known date of Sarvanatha would correspond to A.D. 462 (on the basis that it refers to the Kalachuri era), while the earliest known date of Hastin is A.D. 475. There would, thus, be a difference of 13 years between these two dates. The only year in this interval which could have been Mahamagha sarvatsara is that corresponding to A.D. 472, but according to the calculation of Sh. B. Dikshit the Mahamagha samratsara in that eycle was omitted. We must, therefore, take the next Mabamagha samvatsara which commenced in A.D. 484. This no doubt falls in the reign of Hastin, but is 22 years later than the last known date of Sarvanaths. Now Sarvanatha is known to have ruled for at least 23 years before his last date, viz., A.D. 462-3 and the possibility that his reign commenced earlier than 439-40 is not altogether excluded; for, the last known date of his father Jayanatha is A.D. 425-6, i.e., 14 years earlier. We shall, therefore, have to suppose that Sarvanatha reigned for more than 46 years (A.D. 439-484)---perhaps 50 or even 55 years. Such a long reign is improbable, though not impossible. If, on the other hand, the dates of the Uchchakalpa kings also are referred to the Gupta era, Sarvanatha becomes a contemporary of Hastin, in the closing years of the latter's reign (G. E. 191 to 198). There was of course no Mahamagha samvatsara in this period but there was one only two years before, in G. E. 189. As the year 191 is not the date of Sarvanatha's accession, which, as shown above, may have taken place a few years earlier, Sarvanatha will, on this supposition, bave a reign of at least 26 years--which does not appear improbable. There are some other considerations also which rule out the theory that the Uchchakalpa dates refer to the Kalachuri era - (1) If we except these doubtful cases of Uchchakalpa dates, there is not a single record of Central India dated in the Kalachuri-Chedi era, earlier than A.D. 973. All the earlier dates in this era come from Gujarat and Thana District in Bombay. R. B. Hiralal's theory that the Traikutakas, whom he identifies with the Kalachuris, were the founders of the era and the Trikuts, from which they hailed, is modern Satpura is untenable ; for not a single record of the Traikutakas has been found in Central India and what little evidence is available about the identity of Trikuta points to its location in Western India. (2) Vyaghra, the grand father of the Uchchakalpa king Sarvanatha, appears on palaeographical evidence to be identical with the Vyaghradeva of Nachna' and Ganje inscriptions, who was a feudatory of the Vakataka Prithivishena II, as shown by Dubreuil and Dikshit.10 The Balaghat 1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XIX, p. 228. .C.I. 1., Vol. III, p. 121. * Chandrche Inscription of Prabodhaliva, dated K. 724 ; above, Vol. XXI, pp. 148 ff. * Seo Nos. 1199-1221 in Bhandarkar's List of Northern Inscriptions. Annals of the Bhandarkar Institute, Vol. IX, pp. 283 ff. * Kalidasa places Trikuta on the Western coast. See Raghuvamsa, Canto IV, verses 68-59. C. I, I., Vol. III, pp. 233 ff. Above, Vol. XVII, pp. 12 ff. Iul. Ant., Vol. LV, Pp. 103 ff. 10 Above, Vol. XVII, p. 362.

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No. 26.] A NOTE ON THE DATES OF UCHCHAKALPA KINGS. 173 plates of Prithivishena II state that the king of Malwa was a feudatory of his father Narendrasena1 and there is no difficulty in supposing that Prithivishena's authority was recognized in Central India towards the close of the fifth century A.D. As for the difficulty pointed out by Aiyangar (who identifies the Vyaghradeva of the Nachna and Ganj inscriptions with the Vyaghraraja defeated by Samudragupta), viz., how could Jayanatha and Sarvanatha, who, on the above supposition, were feudatories of the Vakatakas, date their records in the Gupta era, it may be noted that the Vakatakas never founded any era and do not seem to have insisted on their feudatories specifically mentioning their suzerainty in their records. The Traikutakas and kings of Sarabhapura who were evidently their feudatories do not mention any suzerain power in their charters. It is not again true that the use of a particular era signifies acknowledgment of the suzerainty of the power that founded it. The Kalachuri-Chedi era is, for instance, found used by the Sendrakas and the Chalukyas of Gujarat though they were not then the feudatories of the Traikutakas, Abhiras, Kalachuris, or any other power that may have founded it. The fact of the matter seems to be that the earlier Uchchakalpas were feudatories of the Guptas and used the Gupta era in dating their records. Vyaghra who flourished about A.D. 475, seems to be the first Uchchakalpa who transferred his allegiance to the Vakatakas. His successors Jayanatha and Sarvanatha continued to use the Gupta era, which was well established in the country, though they were no feudatories of the Guptas. The expression Gupta-nripa-rajyabhuktau which occurs in the records of the Parivrajakas indicates not so much the Gupta era as the sovereignty of the Guptas. Hence, we find it omitted in the records of the Uchchakalpa Maharajas. Sarvanatha might have objected to the use of the expression in the joint record on the Bhumra pillar, which, therefore, does not contain it. As for the omission of the date, it must have been thought unnecessary in an inscription on a boundary pillar when the particular year was clearly specified. (3) Nearly all the scholars who have recently written on the subject have accepted the view that the Uchchakalpa records are dated in the Gupta era. Kielhorn, though he gives these dates under the Kalachuri era, was not certain about the matter. Fleet seems to have long wavered between the two alternatives. While editing the Uchchakalpa records in the C. I. I., III, pp. 117 ff. he held the view that they were dated in the Gupta era. When later on he came to write the introduction he felt inclined to the other view, which he affirmed subsequently in his article in the Indian Antiquary, Vol. XIX, pp. 227 ff. In his last article on the subject," he finally adopted the view that the Uchchakalpa dates must be referred to the Gupta era. Dubreuil, G. S. Ojha,' Haldar10 and Dikshit" who had occasion to write on the subject have subscribed to the same view. S. K. Aiyangar, though he does not accept the identification of the Uchchakalpa Vyaghra with Vyaghradeva who caused the Nachna and Ganj inscriptions to be incised, finds no difficulty in referring the Uchchakalpa dates to the Gupta era. The only dissentient is D. R. Bhan 1 Above, Vol. IX, P. 271. Ind. Ant., Vol. LV, p. 224. Cf. the inscription No. 3 in the Ajanta cave XVI (A. S. W. I., Vol. IV, pp. 124 ff.). Above, Vol. XXII, p. 22. In the Supplement to his List of Inscriptions of Northern India (above, Vol. VIII) he expressed his opinion that the inscriptions of the Maharajas of Uchchakalpa are dated, very probably, according to the Gupta era. C. I. I., Vol. III, Introduction pp. 8-10, 119, 121. J. R. A. S., 1905, p. 566. Ind. Ant., Vol. LV, p. 103. Annual Report, Rajputana Museum, Ajmer, 1923-24, p. 2. 10 Above, Vol. XIX, p. 128. 11 Ibid., Vol. XXI, pp. 125-26.

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174 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [ VOL. XXIII. darkar who points out the difficulty that if the year of the Sohawal plates is taken as the Gupta year, the month Ashadha should be intercalary, but in none of the years 509,510,511 and 512, which might be taken to correspond to G. E. 191, was it so. "Perhaps in this date", says Prof. Bhandarkar, " ekona-navaty-uttare is intended for eka-navaty-uttare, which is not unlikely 48 we know that when there are two or more identical letters or words, one or more are inadvertently omitted by the writer or engraver. This date 189, if referred to the Gupta era, becomes equivalent to A.D. 507 or 508, but even then there was no intercalary Ashadha in 506, 507, 508 or 509. On the other hand, if we refer 189 to the Kalachuri era, we obtain A.D. 437 as its English equivalent. And we do find an intercalary month of Ashadha in A.D. 437." The difficulty pointed out by Bhandarkar is more apparent than real; for as Dikshit has shown the month intercalated in the Gupta year 191, (which according to the rules of intercalations was Sravana) must have received its name from the preceding month, a conclusion to which the late Dr. Kielhorn was forced in the calculation of the date of the Betul plates of Samkshobha'. An authority for such a custom bas again been recently pointed out. No valid objection, therefore, remains to the view that the dates of the Uchchakalpas are in the Gupta era. (4) The drafting of the Uchchakalpa records and the symbol on their seals indicate that the Uchchakalpas rose after the Guptas. In the genealogical portions of their inscriptions we find the same form used as in the Gupta records. Unfortunately nearly all the seals of the Uchchakalpa plates are lost; but from the one specimen that has been described by Fleet it seems that the Uchchakalpa kings formed their seals on the model of those of the Guptas. There is no such resemblance noticeable between the records of the Uchchakalpas and those of the Early Kalachuris. The foregoing discussion will show that the view that the Uchchakalpa dates refer to the Gupta era is the probable one in the present state of our knowledge. No. 27.-THE AILUR INSCRIPTION OF KOPPERUNJINGADEVA. By V. VENKATASUBBA AGYAR, B.A., MADRAS. This inscription' is engraved on a rock above a natural reservoir of water to the south of the village of Vailurs in the Wandiwash taluq of the North Arcot District. The letters are incised boldly and the record is in a good state of preservation. 1 See his List of Northern Inscriptions, p. 159, n. 5. ? Even this view is not free from difficulties. According to the epoch which suits early Kalachuri dates the English equivalent for the present date occurring in Ashadha would be expected to fall in A.D. 438 or 439. According to the epoch which suits later Kalachuri dates it should fall in A.D. 438, if the year is taken as expired as is usually the case. If the year is taken as current, it will of course fall in A.D. 437, but such cases are exceptional, apart from the fact that the epoch determined by Kielhorn does not suit early dates. 3 Above, Vol. XXI, p. 125. * Indian Culture, Vol. I, p. 693. See for instance that the names of the queens sre mentioned along with those of the ruling princes in the l'chchakalpa plates as in the Mathura Stone Inscription of Chandragupta II (C. I. I., Vol. III, p. 25), the Bilsad Stone Pillar Inscription of Kumaragupta I (Ibid. p. 42), etc. .C.I.I., Vol. 111, p. 125. No. 418 of 1922 of the Madras Epigraphical collection * This village is different from Vayalur in the Chingleput District, wherein the inscription of the Pallava king Rajasimha is found. It is, however, spelt as Vayalur in the d. R. on Epigraphy for 1922, but its present name is Vailur as given above.

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No. 27.) THE VAILUR INSCRIPTION OF KOPPERUNJINGADEVA. 175 The record is in Tamil language and consists of a proge passage followed by five vorses extolling the greatness of the later Pallava chief Kopperunjingadeva. In engraving the epigraph, each line of the verse is not metrically arranged, but the stanzas themselves are divided by punctuation marks. The verses employed are: Pannirusirkkati-nedilasiriya viruttam (v. 1), Neribaivenba (v. 3), Kali viruttam (v. 3) and Ensirkkali-nedilasiriya viruttam (vv. 4 and 5). The record is free from any admixture of Grantha letters except Svasti sri (1.1) and the letters ri in Tiribuvana (1. 16) and a in anai (1. 16). The use of the word arai in this inscription requires some explanation. It is derived from the Sanskrit word ajna through the Prakpit form ana meaning command' or order'. The Tamil lexicon Pingala-Nighantu renders the word assign' or 'insignia of authority and the word seems to have been used in this sense here since no order is conveyed in the inscription. Analogous to the word Sokkachohiyan anai, some inscriptions of this period conclude with the words Pallavaraiyan (or Vallavaraiyan) sattiyan, Avarimulududaiyar anai", Tribhuvanamusududaiyar anai, etc. A record from Aragandanallurt ends with the words idarkku maru sonnavan Sokkanayanar anai', 6.e., he (who) says contrary to this (shall be a transgressor of) the authority (of) Sokkanayanar,' and from a record of Tiruvendipuram we learn that such transgression was treated as a cognizable offence by the assembly. The few verbal errors found in the record are corrected in foot-notes under the text. The main theme of the epigraph is to celebrate a unique event in South Indian history, viz., the capture and imprisonment of the Chola sovereign along with his ministers and the annexation of a portion of the Chola territory by the Pallava chief Kopperutjinga. This is expressed in the prose passage commencing the record. The name of the Chola sovereign whom Kopperun. jinga imprisoned as also that of the poet who composed the verses is not given. The verses them. selves reveal that the poet has limited himself to facts without indulging in any far-fetched imagery. The concluding words of the present inscription indicate that the verses had been approved by the hero of the theme. The first verse extols the greatness and prowess of KOpperunjingadeva in accomplishing the imprisonment of the Chola king along with his ministers and annexing the Chola territory, and further, it refers to his encounter with Hoysala warriors, his vast army, his favourite deity in the Golden Hall at Chidambaram' and to his love for and patronage of Tamil literature. The second verse warns other kings not to oppose this chief but to submit themselves quietly by paying tribute, considering the fate of the Chola king. The next verse, after referring to the exploits of this ruler in stamping the insignis of his banner on the breast and shoulders of powerful kings, refers to the langour of the Chola sovereign in prison. The last two verses are addressed directly to the king describing the state of his lady-loved during his absence on a campaign against the Chola king. Nos. 204, 206 and 248 of 1934-35 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. No. 162 of 1902 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. .No. 157 of 1902 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. * No. 195 of 1934-35 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. * No. 160 of 1902 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. * In the Annual Report on Epigraphy, Madras, for 1923, p. 96, the name of the poet is taken m Sokka-Stya). sokke Slyan was the name of Kopperunjingadeva and not of the poet. Kopperunjinga appears to have been a poet himself judging from the title Kavi-edruablauma applied to him in a record from Tirupati in the Chittoor District. Reference to love affairs in martial themes is peculiar to Tamil poetry. This subject to treated at length in the Tolkappiyam.

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176 EPIGRAPHTA INDICA. (VOL. XXIII. The record comes from a village close to Tellaru where Kopperunjinga claims to have defeated the Chola monarch. The reason for engraving the inscription in a place about twelve miles from the scene of action is not clear, Tellaru is remembered in South Indian history in connection with the Pallava monarch Nandivarman III, who assumed the title. Tellarrerinda-Nandi' to perpetuate his victory over his enemies in this place. Our poet seems to have been conversant with Nandikkalambagam, & poetical work recounting the exploits of Pallava Nandivarman, wherein the victory at Tellaru is frequently mentioned. Some of the titles given to Kopperunjingadeva in our inscription such as Avarinarayana, king of Mallai, lord of Tondai, lord of the land watered by the Kaveri, patron of Tamil literature, etc., are found applied to Nandivarman in the Kalambagam mentioned above. The identity of Kopperunjinga mentioned in our record must first be established. As early as 1906,1 the late Mr. Venkayya suggested that "there must have been two or more chiefs with the name Kopperunjingadeva". The late Mr. Krishna Sastri also accepted the existence of two Kadava kings of this name and identified the later one with Kadava-Kumara who is stated in the Tiruvannamalai record to have driven the Telungar to the north so that they may perish in the north;' but his further identification of the same chief with Perunjinga who captured and confined the Chola king at Sendamangalam is not borne out by the latest discovery, as will be shown presently. Sewelle also accepted with caution the lead given by his predecessors and distinguished two chiefs of the name Kopperunjingadeva. But recently an opinion has been expressed against the theory of two Kopperunjingas and postulating only one king of the name in the period A.D. 1229 to 1278. This interval really becomes still wider because Kopperunjinga is mentioned in ingcriptions as early as the 35th year of Kulottungs-Chela III corresponding to A.D. 1213. The acceptance of two KOpperunjingas so far rested on mere inference, but an important discovery made recently at Villiyanur in the French territory when I went there at the request of Prof. Dubreuil of Pondicherry, settles this question conclusively. A record in this village, dated in the 6th year of Sakalabhuvanachchakravarttigal Avaniyalappifandar Kopperunjingadeva refers to the audit of temple accounts by Perumangalam-Udaiyar Udaiyapperumal alias Kaduvettigal for the period commencing from the 37th year of Tribhuvanaviradeva, i.e., Kulottunga-Chola III down to the 11th year of (another) Kopperunjingadeva Alagiyasiyar. Since this inscription? which is dated in the 6th year of Kopperunjingadeva refers to the 11th year of (another) Kopperunjingadeva, it is evident that there must have been two KOpperunjingas and that the earlier had at least a reign of 11 years. Probably the last year of the reign of the first Kopperunjingadeva was the 11th, because we know that he made an attempt to supplant the Chola king by imprisoning him at Sendamangalam in A.D. 1232 and that from A.D. 12436, another Kopperunjingadeva counted his reign. Thus the Villiyanur inscription establishes beyond doubt the existence of two Kopperunjingas, the first commencing his reign, probably from A.D. 1232 and the second from A.D. 1243. Kopperunjingadeva I. was probably a vassal of the Chola king or & semi-independent chief from at least the 37th year of Tribhuvanaviradeva, 1 A. R. on Epigraphy, Madras, for 1906, p. 63. * No. 480 of 1902 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. . A. R. on Epigraphy, Madras, for 1913, pp. 128-27. * Historical. Inscriptions of Southern India, pp. 144 and 376. * The Pandyan Kingdom by K. A. Nilakanta Sastri, p. 164, n. 4 and Prof. Krishnaswami Iyengar Commemoralios Volume. pp. 212-14. * No. 487 of 1921 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. All the dates in this record are expressed in words so that there is no doubt about their correct reading. * No. 38 of 1890 of the Madras Epigraphical collection.

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No. 27.] THE VAILUR INSCRIPTION OF KOPPERUNJINGADEVA. 177 i.e., A.D. 1215 to A.D. 1232. The king mentioned in our inscription may, therefore, be identified with KOpperunjingadeva I. The earlier Kopperunjingadeva has left a few inscriptions at Tiruvannamalai', in one of which he is given the titles Nissankamalla, Mallai-Kavalan and Bharatam-valla. The southern gopura of the Nataraja temple at Chidambaram was constructed by him. The officer Sola-kon seems to have served under him at Chidambaram". He is distinctly called Alagiyasiyan in the Villiyanur inscription mentioned above and may be identified with Jiya.Mahipati of the Tripurantakam inscriptions We shall next determine who the Chala king was that was defeated at Telagu. The contemporaries of Kopperunjingadeva I. on the Chola throne were Kulottunga-Chola III and Rajaraja III, of whom the first lived till A.D. 12176 and the second commenced his reign in A.D. 12167. For the present enquiry, Kulottunga-Chela III may be omitted, because our record mentions the defeat of the Hoysalas who came to the assistance of the Cholas only in the time of Hoysala Vira-Narasimha II who ascended the throne in A.D. 1220, by which time, however, KulottungaChola III had died. The Chola king mentioned in the present record must, therefore, be Rajaraja III, 88 may also be inferred from the Tiruvendipuram inscription The last mentioned record gives a detailed account of the attempt of KOpperunjingadeva to subvert the power of his overlord the Chola emperor. It states that Kopperunjingadeva captured the Chola monarch at Sendamangalam. Our inscription, however, specifies the place where the Chola king was first defeated and thus links the two incidents by mentioning them together. The Vailur and the Tiruvendipuram records, therefore, appear to be complementary to each other. If so, Rajaraja III must have been imprisoned only once and not twice as has hitherto been supposed by some scholars10. The fact that the Tiruvendipuram record refers to the complete annihilation of the Pallava forces by the Hoysalas, from which Kopperunjinga could not have easily recovered, would indicate that the Tellaru battle was probably fought prior to the Sendamangalam incident. The latter event may be placed in A.D. 1232 corresponding to the 16th year of Rajaraja III. By this time Kopperunjinga had consolidated his position and his territory is referred to as Kopperunjingan. desam' in the Tiruvendipuram record. From the accession of Rajaraja III, Kopperunjinga never figured as his subordinatell. As early as A.D. 1222 Hoysala Vira-Narasimha is said to be marching towards Srirangam in the Chola country". Two years later (i.e., A.D. 1224), we find that Vira 1 Nos. 480, 500, 512 and 513 of 1902 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. * No. 480 of 1902 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. No. 285 of 1921 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. .No. 463 of 1902 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. .No. 197 of 1905 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. .No. 282 of 1909 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. No. 367 of 1919 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. . Above, Vol. VII, pp. 167-68. .Nos. 418 of 1922 and 142 of 1902 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. 10 A. R. on Epigraphy, Madras, for 1923, p. 97. 11 From the mere mention of Kopperunjinga in & record from Vriddhahalam in the South Arcot District (No. 136 of 1900 of the Madras Epigraphical collection) dated in the 14th year of Rajarija III, it has been supposed that the former was a Chola vassal till A.D. 1229. This inscription mentions as donor an agamadimudali of Kopperusjinga which fact need not establish the subordination of this chief to the Chola. Similarly, a brother of an officer of Kopperunjinga figures as donor in the 30th year of Rajaraja III i.e., A.D. 1246 (No. 504 of 1902 of the Madras Epigraphical collection) when Kopperunjitiga lund openly declared his independence. 11 Ep. Carn, Vol. VI, Cm. 66.

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178 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXII. Narasimha was called the establisher of the Chala kingdom' and a Kadava is said to have been his opponent'. The battle of Uratti' where the Kadava (Kopperunjiiga) was wounded in the 7th year of the reign of Rajaraja III, corresponding to A.D. 1223, was also fought in the period when Vira-Narasimha came to the assistance of the Chola monarch. The second war of Maravarman Sundara-Pandya I. with the Chola is placed in this period'. From the beginning of Rajaraja III's reign, therefore, Kopperunjinga was a source of danger to the Chola empire and when the latter was able in A.D. 1232 to effect his coup de theatre by imprisoning the Chola king after defeating him at Tellugu, be signified the event by assuming the role of a monarch counting his accession from this date. Evidently to perpetuate his victory at Tellaru, the naddu comprising this village was called Simhaporuda-valanadu' i.e., the valanadu where Simha (KOpperunjinga) fought. For a clear understanding of the present record a knowledge of the political situation in the Chola country about this time is necessary. The Chola empire which had been assiduously built up by Rajaraja I. and his successors showed signs of decay in the beginning of the 13th century A.D. Even during the early years of Kulottunga-Chela III, this empire was intact, but real trouble began towards the close of his reign. The Pandyas under Maravarman Sundara-Pandya I. began to assert themselves, with the result that the Chola country was taken by the conqueror and soon after restored, as a matter of grace, to Kulottunga-Chola III. In the historical introduction to his inscriptions beginning with the words 'pu-maruviya tirumadandaiyum' etc., Maravarman Sundara-Pandya I. claims to have invested with a crown the Chola king's son i.e., Rajaraja III, who sometimes later began to protest against his submission by refusing tribute to the Pandya king, who thereupon immediately chastised' him. In this plight Rajaraja III appealed for help to the Hoysala monarch Narasimha II who forth with despatched a contingent of forces into the Chola country. When Rajaraja III was pushed north by the Pandya forces, KOpperunjinga should, as suggested by Mr. Subrahmanya Aiyar", have joined issues with the Pandyas and defeated the Chola monarch at Tellaru. The timely assistance of the Hoysalas saved the Chola empire for a time, but it introduced a new power into the politics of the Tamil country. Having come, the Hoynalas took deep root in the Chola country by making KannaNGur their capital and building fortifications right along the south bank of the river Kaveri". Later on they shifted their capital further up to Tiruvannamalai when their original capital Dvarasamudra was devastated by Malik Kafur. In our record Kopperunjinga is called a Kadava. The earliest reference to this term is found in the Ve vikudi grant of Jatila-Parantaka-Nedunjadaiyan who is stated therein to have defeated the Kadava king at Pennagadam on the north bank of the river Kaveri. In Tamil literature the term Kadava along with Tondaiyar and Kaduvetti is invariably used to denote the Pallavas. A Kadava king, who is styled a Pallava, is said in the Periyapuranam to have built a temple of Siva called Gunadaravichcharam at Tiruvadi in the South Arcot District. The Tamil poem Vikramasolan-ula mentions a Kadava as the ruler of Gingee in the same district. The Kadavas, therefore, appear to have been in power in this district, but who exactly these chiefs were and what their 1 Fleet : Dyn. Kan. Dist., p. 507; in this record Narasimha is said to be a very Janardana (Vishnu) in destroying the demon Kaitabha in the form of the Kadava king'. * No. 271 of 1904 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. This battle was fought against the Kadava by the Yadeva Chief Vira Narsingadeva who was a contemporary of the Hoysala Vira-Narasimha II. * Above, Vol. XXII, p. 44. * Xo. 382 of 1025 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. . Above, Vol. XXII, pp. 45 ff. * Ibid., p. 44. * No. 514 of 1918 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. . Ind. Ant., Vol. XXII, p. 143.

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No. 27.] THE VAILUR INSCRIPTION OF KOPPERUNJINGADEVA. 179 relationship was to the main branch of the Pallavas, may be inferred from the descriptive labels of the sculptures found in the Vaikunta-Parumal temple at Conjeeveram. Here we find that the kings of the collateral branch of the Pallavas which descended from Bhimavarman, the brother of Simhavarman, were actually called Kadavas. These appear to have been in power over a distant part of the Pallava empire, since, according to the labels mentioned above, Pallava malla had to go a long distance crossing several mountains and impassable forests' to reach Kanchi. When the Pallava power was eclipsed by that of the Cholas, the descendants of the former, under the name Kadava, Tondaiman etc., seem to have drifted away from Kanchi towards the South and employed themselves as officers under the Chola monarchs. In the time of Kulottunga-Chola II, we find the Kadavas figuring as police officers collecting padikaval rent in the region now covered by the South Arcot District. Gradually they strengthened their power by influential marriages and by forming compacts with neighbouring chiefs for collective action to safeguard and protect their interests. The most important of these chiefs in the 13th century was Kopperunjingadeva, the hero of our record. He is first mentioned in an inscription of the 35th year of Kulottunga-Chola III, i.e., A.D. 12135 and the title Kavalar-Tambiran indicates his early position in the state. He had seen the weakness of the Chola empire exposed by Maravarman Sundara-Pandya I, who took the Chola country and presented it back to King Kulottunga Chola III. The time was, therefore, opportune for Kopperunjinga to assert his independence. So he tried a few years later to supplant the Chola monarch and failed in the attempt owing to the interference of the Hoysalas. He was, however, able to secede from the Chola empire and establish an independent kingdom comprising the present South Arcot, Chingleput, and North Arcot Districts. If the Chola was only an 'Emperor of three worlds' (Tribhuvanachakravarttin), his rival Kopperunjinga styled himself an Emperor of all the worlds' (Sakalabhuvanachakravarttin). In the Cambridge History of India, this chief is identified with the son and successor of the Pallava chieftain who was responsible for turning the Ceylonese out of the Pandya country in the war of the Pandya succession'. There is, however, no evidence to support this statement. In fact, such a view is untenable because, the two generals who took a leading part in this war viz., Kulattulan Tiruchchirrambalam-Udaiyan Peramanambi alias Pallavatayar and Vedavanam-Udaiyan Ammaiyappan Annan Pallavarajan belonged respectively to Kulattur (Chingleput District) and Palaiyanur10 (near Madras), whereas Kopperunjinga was a native of Kudal in Tirumunaippadi" in the South Arcot District. The kingdom established by Kopperunjinga I. hardly lasted for half a century, and after Kopperunjinga II, it fell an easy prey to the Pandyas when they extended their power into Tondaimandalam. Though a rebel, Kopperunjinga is recognised as a ruler in a number of later records, and in one of them found at Kattumannarkoyil in the South Arcot District, his successor Kopperunjinga II is placed between Rajaraja III and Sundara-Pandya1. 1 Some of the Sambuvaraya Chiefs also called themselves Pallavas. Rajanarayana Sambuvarayan was known as Siyan Pallavan (No. 428 of 1922). These chiefs, like the Kadavas, had the title' Alappirandan,' Alagiya Styan, Arasanarayanan, etc. Nos. 137 of 1900, 45 and 46 of 1903 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. Nos. 203 of 1902, 460 of 1905, 112 of 1912 and 435 of 1913 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. Nos. 516 of 1902, 435 of 1913, 234 of 1919, 487 of 1921 and 56 of 1922 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. No. 487 of 1921 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. No. 480 of 1902 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. Nos. 72 of 1924 and 9 of 1926 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. Vol. III, p. 482. Above, Vol. XXI, p. 188. 10 Above, Vol. XXII, p. 88. 11 No. 83 of 1918 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. 12 No. 570 of 1920 of the Madras Epigraphical collection.

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180 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXIII. KOpperunjinga's devotion to the God at Chidambaram and his patronage of Tamil literature alluded to in our inscription are also mentioned in other records of this chief. The title Rajakkal Tambiran was also assumed by Maravarman Vikrama-Pandya who calls himself the consuming fire to the Katahaka' i.e., Kadava). The name Sokkachchiyan, i.e., Alagiyasiyan found in our inscription applied to the Chief, was given to the southern gopura of the Nataraja temple at Chidambaram which was built by him and also to other places in this village which probably owed their existence to him. Of the places mentioned in the present inscription, Tallaru may be identified with the village of the same name in the North Arcot District. The identification of Pippi is not certain, but judging from the title Pennanadi-nathas applied to Kopperunjinga, it seems to refer to the river Penpai which flows through the South Arcot District. Pugar is the modern Kavirippattinam in the Tanjore District. Kappi is the name of the river that flowed in ancient times near Cape Comorin. The town Mallai is Mahabalipuram in the Chingleput District. TEXT. 1 Svasti sri[l[*] Sakalabuvanachchakkaravatti Sri-Kopperudfingar Solanai=tTallarfil 2 venru sakala parichchinnamun=kondu solapas-chchiraiy-ittu vaittu sonalu-konda A3 Jagiyasiyano. | Poppi-nadanum=urimaiyum amaichcharum=iruppad=un biraik-kottam [] P[0]rupp-ira4 nd=ena vala[r*]nda to[n]valiyinas-kondadu Sonadu[l] Kanni Kaviri Bagirati nin piriya tendurai vavi[1] 5 kaval mannavar tiraiyudan=unanguvad=un perun=tiruvasal [l vennidada por kKannadar vennida6 Pporudad=un perun-chemai vilangu semponin-ambalakkuttu nily) virumbiya devaram[i] Pippik[a]vala 7 Avaginarayapa penu bentami vaja-ppiranda Kacava Kopperunjinga nin perumai yar pugalvare(y)[|| 1*] 8 Tiraiy=itt-irumingal tev-vendar sempon[] ticaiy?=itta Pampugar-ch Cholan sirai kidanda[l] kottandanai ninai. 9 min Kopperunjingan kamala[l]nattan=kadai sivanda na! || [2*] Mil=ivan kodi vidai-vendar marbinun[:] tolilu10 n-tattiya TondaimaNGNGavar[|] valil venridu Sirai-valavan tuagiya[l] nalinum periyad=in-nalena-[p*]purambe. [3*] 14. R. on Epigraphy, Madras for 1914, para. 21 ; also for 1917, p. 127. This title was also assumed by Maravarman Kulabokhara (4. R. on Epigraphy, Madras for 1919, p. 83) and by another king in Kollam 761 (No. 60 of 1916 of the Madras Epigraphical collection). The Vijayanagara king Krishnadevarsys also had this title (No. 466 of 1913). In the variant form Rajakkalnaya, Hoysals Somesvars or bis son Ramanatha wed it (4. R. on Epigraphy, Madras for 1910, p. 110). . Nos. 197 of 1905, 285 of 1921, 467 of 1902, etc., of the Madras Epigraphical collection. No. 286 of 1921 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. * Road tol. * Read vennidida. * Read nin. * The letter ti is corrected from tu. * Kead pulambund.

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No. 27.) THE VAILUR INSCRIPTION OF KOPPERUNJINGADEVA. 181 11 Arai-kalalin=isaiyudaney-andar veyinam pa[l*[li]sai sevi kavarat andi-malai[] niraimadiyi-nilave[n]nu-neruppu-ppat12 tal nerisai ninr-arruva![0] Nirupatunga[!] pirai poruda kana-makara-kimpuri (va]n kottu-pperunkalurruchCholanaiyum=ema. 13 chcharaiyum pidittu=ch[l] chiraiyil-ida-kkaluru vidu mindan Siya Tiri[buva) nattirasakkal Tambiranem.. [4*) Oru nalum vediya. 14 da ne[di]ya kangul=uliyena[l] nindu-vara ulagir-pun-kan[l] marunmalai yidu munne vandatenralvadandai yival=arruval(0) 15 Mallai-vende[l] porumalai-mudi-arasar kanni[madar] porrisaiyum Buvanamuludu daiyar tamun[1] tirumadum punar 16 [pulyattu [mi]ndan Siya Tiri bu[va]nattirabakkal Tambirane LI [5*] idu sokkach chiyam Anai' s TRANSLATION (Lines 1-3) Hail! Prosperity ! Sakalabuvanachchakkaravatti, (the) prosperous Kopperutjingay Alagiyasiyan, (who) conquered the Chola king at Tallaru, deprived (him) of all (royal) insignia, (and after) imprisoning the Chola (king), took the Chola country. (Ll. 3-7) Protector of Pippi, Avapinarayana, Kalava born to protect (and) foster Sen. Tamil, Kopperunjinga! Who can extol thy greatness! Your prison-house is the abode of the lord of Popni, (his) wife (and of his) ministers; by the growing valour of (your) shoulders (which) resemble two mountains the Chola country was acquired ; (the rivers) Kappi, Kaviri (and) Bagirati are your favourite reservoirs (ever having) billows of clear water; ruling chiefs (carrying) tributes (wait) pining (at) your beautiful big gates; your invincible army fought with the warlike Kanyadar who knew no retreat ; the dancing (god) in the shining Golden Hall is your beloved deity. (Ll. 8-9) (Oh! kings !) Live paying (of your) tribute, remembering (well) the prisonhouse wherein lay-on the day when the ends of the lotus-like eyes of KOpperunjinga became red -the Chola (Lord) of Pugar (to whom) the enemy kings paid (their) tributes in gold. (Ll. 9-10) Let the day when the lord of Tondaio conquered (with his sword the haughty kings and painted the insignia of his) banner on their chests and shoulders, be hailed a greater day than the one when the Valava was sent to droop in prison. 1 With andar teyinam pallikai devi kavara, compare arar vayin mullaiyan tinkulal kelamo toff in Ayichchiyarkuravai of the Silappadigaram. Andar may be taken with either veyin (flute) or ambal-idai. Ambal is a kind of musical note. * Read kalori. * Read amai. * Read vidiya. . Read madandai. * The letter ri in tiri is engraved in Grantha. * The letter a in ayai is engraved in Grantha. The Chola king is called Ponnitturaivay in Sendan Divakaram. . cf. the epithet Tondamanna who won the sacred Tondai-nadu through the strength of (his) shoulders applied to Pallavandar alias Kadavariyar in the Atti record (No. 296 of 1912 of the Madras Epigraphical collection). 10 The word tangiya is generally used in inscriptions in the sense of sent to a long sleep i.e., death. But since the Chola king was released from prison by Hoysala Vira-Narasimha IT about 1232 A.D. and actually ruled thoreafter, for about 20 years, the word tangiya is here reudered as sent to droop'.

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182 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXIII. (Ll. 11-13) Oh! Nripatunga, lord of the kings of the three worlds, powerful Siya (lion) (who) despatched elephants to capture and put in prison the Chola (emperor) (with his) ministers (riding on a) huge elephant (whose) powerful tusks vying with the crescent, (were adorned with) heavy makara1 and kimpuri (jewels)! (Consider how your) lady-love could endure (in your absence) the heat(!) of the full-moon in the evening (when her ears were) filled with the sounds of the roaring ocean resonant with the musical note emanating from the divine flute. (Ll. 13-16) Oh lord of Mallai, powerful Siya (lion), lord of the kings of the three worlds, of arms espoused by Bhuvanamulududaiyar (i.e., the goddess of Earth) (who is) praised by the queens of kings wearing crowns with wreaths of garlands and by Prosperity (i.e., the goddess of Wealth)! (Consider also) whether this madandai (i.e., your lady-love) could (further) bear (in separation) the unending tedious night being prolonged like a yuga (especially when) preceded by a chain of bewilderments brought on by the troubles of this world. This (is the) order of Sokkachchiyan. No. 28. SANGUR INSCRIPTION OF DEVARAYA-MAHARAYA: SAKA 1329. BY R. S. PANCHAMUKHI, M.A., MADRAS. The subjoined inscription is engraved on a stone tablet set up near the village gate at Sangur in the Haveri Taluk of the Dharwar District. The record is published here for the first time, from the estampages secured by me in 1932-33: The writing covers an area of 2' 2" by 7" and the size of each letter is approximately 2" in height. The top of the stone bears the sculpture, in bold relief, of a hero seated on horse-back, which closely resembles the one found at Hosa Kummata near Anegondi. The hero has a dagger hanging at his waist and holds a drawn sword in his right hand. This is evidently the image of Kumara-Ramanathadeva mentioned in line 6 of the inscription. The characters are Kannada of the 14th and 15th centuries A.D. and do not call for any comment except that th in pruthvi (1. 1) and Ramanatha (1. 6) is marked with a vertical stroke at the bottom to denote aspiration as in the modern script. Orthography is generally free from errors. In line 4 vinogadhipati is written through mistake by the engraver for niggadhipati. The language of the inscription is Kannada prose throughout. The inscription opens with the description of the Vijayanagara king Devaraya I, son of Harihara-Maharaya, who is given the Western Chalukya epithets Samastabhuvanasraya, Prithvivallabha, Maharajadhiraja Rajaparamesvara and Satyasraya-kula-tilaka. It then states that the statue of Kumara-Ramanatha was installed by Madarasa, son of Senadhipati Sangama and grandson of Baichaveggade who was the Bahattara-niyogadkipati and a devout servant of Kampilaraya, at Changapura included in Chandragutti-nadu which belonged to Goveya-rajya. The consecration of the image is stated to have been performed on 1 Makara, which usually signifies an alligator or crocodile is a conventional beast like the European dragon, commonly found in Hindu, Jaina and Buddhist decorative art in India and Greater India. The Tamil lexicon Chudamani-Nighantu defines kimpurs as an ornamental band fixed to the tusks of a royal elephant. Here the Pallava chief with his consorte Bhuvanamulududaiyar and Tirumadu is compared to Vishnu with his consorts Bhudevi and Sridevi. B. K. No. 173 of 1932-33: *Its photograph is given in Qart. Journ. Myth. Soc., Vol. XX, between pages 266 and 267.

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No. 28.] SANGUR INSCRIPTION OF DEVARAYA-MAHARAYA: SAKA 1329. 183 Sunday, the 10th day of the bright half of Advayuja in the cyclic year Sarvvajit which fell in the Saka year 1329. The details of the date regularly correspond to Sunday, 11th September, A. D. 1407, f. d. t. 23. The inscription is important in more respects than one. Firstly, this is a rare epigraphical instance of the Vijayanagara period which attributes the epithets of the Western Chalukya kings of Kalyana to king Devaraya. It is not possible to understand the exact significance of this departure since we are not in possession of any evidence connecting politically or otherwise with the Western Chalukyas, the Vijayanagara kings of the Sangama dynasty who rose into power nearly one hundred and fifty years after the downfall of the former. It may, however, be suggested that the locality where the inscription is found was fed strongly with the tradition that the Vijayanagara kings were the rightful successors of the Imperial Chalukyas inasmuch as they held the entire Chalukya territory, or the composer of the record had access to some political document of the Chalukyas and inadvertently copied its preamble while describing the king. It is, however, hazardous to surmise any blood relationship between the two families from a solitary record like the present one. Secondly, the present record is the first epigraph so far known which bears a reference to Baichaveggade the minister of Kampilaraya and furnishes two generations after hini, viz.,. his son Senadhipati Sangama and grandson Madarasa. These officers are known to us for the first time, though Baicha-Dandanayaka figures as a minister of Kampiladeva in the Kannada works Paradara-sodara-Ramana-charite and Kumara-Ramanathana Sangatya of the 16th and 17th centuries A.D. It further lends epigraphical confirmation to the authenticity of Kumara Ramanatha who is not mentioned in the accounts of the foreign travellers of this period, though his relationship with Kampilaraya is not disclosed in the record. The Karnada works mentioned above supply us the information that he was the son of Kampila, waged successful wars against the Hoysala, Turushka and Telunga kings during the life time of his father and at last was killed in a battle with the Turushkas at Kummata. An undated inscription in a Siva temple in Hemakuta at Hampi records that Vira Kampiladeva, son of Mummadi Singeya-Nayaka constructed the Siva temple and set up the lingas therein in memory of his mother MadaNa[ya*]kiti, Singeya-Nayaka and Perumeya-Nayaka. Perumeya-Nayaka's relationship to Singeya is not stated in the record, though from the way in which he is mentioned, he appears to be Singeya's father. It is not improbable that Singeya-Nayaka installed the lingas for the merit of his father and grandfather. If this suggestion proves to be correct, one more generation would be added to the genealogy of Kampila which, from the records known so far, is given below: Perumeya-Nayaka ? Mummadi Singeya-Nayaka, m. Mada-Nayakiti Vira Kampiladova Kumara Ramanatha 1 For further historical details gathered from these works, see the articles entitled Studies in Vijayanagara History and King Kampila and Kumara-Ramanatha by Mr. M. H. Rama Sharma in Q. J. M. S., Vol. XX and Supplement to it pp. 1-18 and Dr. N. V. Ramanayya's Kampila and Vijayanagara. * No. 353 of 1934-35 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. In The Inscriptions of the Madras Presidency, Vol. I, p. 305, No. 335 evidently refers to this inscription. The cyclic year Saumya mentioned there is evidently a mistake as no cyclic or Saka year is quoted in it. This mistake has crept into the writings of Mr. Rama Sharma and Dr. Ramanayya.

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184 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXIII. So far, only two dates namely A.D. 12801 and 1282* are known for Mummadi Singeya-Nayaka who, on the former date, defeated and killed Yadava Ramadeva's subordinate Mahapradang Chavundarasa when the latter had invaded Doravadi in Kurugodu-nadu. From a hero-stone at Lakshmesvar", it is learnt that Dame-Nayaka, son of Mahadevaraya despatched a general Sa.... Raneya who was stationed at Huligere, to Kummata against Mummadi Singeya-Nayaka in the 17th year of the reign of Yadava Ramachandra corresponding to A.D. 1287-88. It may be noted that this is the first epigraphical reference to Kummata which is the same as Crynamata of Nuniz. Kummata must have been, as the capital of this chief, situated in Doravadinadu over which he was ruling. It has been rightly identified with Kumara-Ramana Kummata situated at a distance of about eight miles from Anegondi. It is clear from the above account that the rebellion raised by Mummadi Singeya in defiance of the suzerain power at Devagiri was quelled on two occasions by the Yadavas, by despatching a force to the very heart of his chiefdom. The insurrection being thus subdued, Singeya himself was probably made to acknowledge the Yadava overlordship. We find his son Kampiladeva, also called Khandeya-Raya," figuring as & subordinate of Yadava Ramachandra in A.D. 1300 and renewing the gift of Hariharapura which had been formerly granted to Brahmans by king Ktishna-Kandhara. Since the Huligere country was held by the viceroys appointed by Ramadeva in A.D. 1287-889 and 1295-967 and since portions of the Chitaldrug District, especially Davanagere, were held by this king till at least A.D. 1300, it is evident that Mummadi Singeya's chiefdom did not extend beyond Doravadi and never included the Nolambavadi province after the killing of Vira-Chavundarasa mentioned above. It is not unlikely that after the death of Mummadi-Singeya, Vira-Kampila was entrusted with the government of the country extending up to the northern border of the Hoysala kingdom, so that he might not only stem the Hoysala invasion on the Yadava kingdom but also acquire new territory by making fresh conquests in the enemy's country. Kampila is accordingly seen fighting with the Hoysala subordinates in the latter's territory in A.D. 13039 and 13254, and Hoysala Ballaja (III) opposing Ka[m]pila in Doravadi in A.D. 132011 and marching against Siruguppels where Kampila met him with a big force and probably killed his general Chamba-Dandanayaka. When the Yadava power was weakened by the invasion of Malik Kafur, Kampila might possibly have declared independance in the ensuing political chaos. In one of the inscriptions of Lakshmesvar,1% reference is made to the death of Kampila and Sidila Bomma in a military campaign from Dilli. The inscription is unfortunately not dated : 1 Ep. Carn., Vol. VII, Channagiri 24. 1 lbid., Vol. XI, Hiriyur 86. In the published text of this record, however, the name Singeya is not fully preserved. *B. K. No. 23 of 1935-36. 40. J. M. S., Vol. XX, pp. 5 ff. Mr. Rama Sharma, depending upon & verse in Chenna-Basara-purdna thinks that the fortressf Kummata was built newly by Kampila (ibid., p. 11). This is not tenable as the Lakshme var inscription of A.D. 1287-88 mentions Kummata as the capital of Mummadi Singeya. Kampila might, however, bave strengthened the fortification by fresh constructions. Ep. Carn., Vol. XI, Dg. 26 ; Mys. Arch. Rep. for 1923, No. 121. * The Lakshmesvar inscription quoted above. + Bom. Gaz., Vol. I, part ii, p. 530. . See Dr. Ramanayya's Vijayanagara--the Origin of the City and the Empire, p. 81. He holds that Mummadi Singeya's territory included the Nolambavadi province. But from Ep. Carn., Vol. XI, Dg. 26, 59, 81, etc., it is evident that this was held by the Yadavas. . Ep. Carn., Vol. XI, Holalkere 106. The name of the chief is given in the published text as Kamdilideva. wbich may be a wrong reading for Kampilideva. 10 lbid., Vol. XII, Tiptur 24. 11 Ibid., Vol. VIII, Nr. 19. 1: Mys. 4. R. 1923, No. 121. 13 B. K. No. 21 of 1935-36.

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No. 28.] SANGUR INSCRIPTION OF DEVARAYA-MAHARAYA: SAKA 1329. 135 but it may be assigned on paleaographical grounds to the first half of the 14th century A.D. According to the Muhammadan historians, Kampila was slain by Khwaja Jahan, the leader of the Muhammadan army in A.D. 1327. The Kumara-Ramana Sangatya gives a graphic account of the fight between the forces of Kampila and of the Turushka king at Kummata and states that Kumara-Ramanatha's head was cut off from his body and despatched to Dilli. The fact that his statue is set up at Sangur in the Haviri taluk indicates that Kampila's sway was recognised in that part of the country, which was probably under the enjoyment of his minister Baichaveggade and continued to be held in his family for at least two generations more. In fact, in another inscription, at Sangur, of the reign of Devaraya I. and dated in the Saka year 1334, mention is made, among the ancestors of a local chief (name lost), of a certain Baichaveggade as the Kavanali (chief guard or officer) of Sanguru included in the Eighteen-Kampana province of Gutti. It is just possible that this Baichaveggade is identical with the minister of Kampila. It is not known what circumstances actuated Madarasa to set up the image of Ramanatha after a lapse of 80 years from the latter's death. Among the places mentioned in the record, Goveya-rajya and Chandragutti-nadu are too well. known to require identification. Changapura is the modern Sangur where the inscription is found. TEXT.: 1 Svasti (1) Samastabhuvanasraya Sri-pru(pri)thvivallabha Maharajad hiraja Rujaparamesvara Satya 2 sraya-kula-tilaka sri-Virapratapa Harihara-Maharayara kumara Devaraya 3 ru sukakha)dim rajyam-geyvuttirddallu [i*] Goveya-rajyakke saluha(va) Chandraguttiya-nado agana 4 Chamgapuradalu Kampilarayana Bahattaravinogadhipati pati-karyya-dha am5 dharanum-appa Bayichaveggadeya momma Senadhipati Samgamana kamara Madarasru 6 Kumara-Ramanathadevara pratishtheya Saka-varsha 1329 neya Sarvva[ji]tu samvatsarada A7 svayuja suddha 10 Adityavaradalu madisida[ru] [I] Mangala mahabri 8 Sri Sri Sri Sri TRANSLATION (Lines 1 to 3) Hail! When. Davaraya, an asylum of the whole world, the illustrious Prithvivallabha, Maharajadhiraja, Rajaparamesvara, an ornament of the family of Satyasraya and son of Virapratapa Harihara-Maharaya was ruling in happiness, (LI. 4 to 8) Madarasa son of the Senadhipati Sangama and grandson of Baichaveggade who was the devout servant and Bahattaraniyogadhipati of Kampilaraya set up (the image of Kumara-Ramanathadeva at Chamgapura in Chandragutti-nadu belonging to Goveya-rajya, on Sunday, 10th (day) of the bright half of Asvayuja of the (cyclic) year Sarvvajit (falling in the Saka year 1329. See Cambridge History of India, Vol. III, p. 140. B. K. No. 170 of 1932-33. * It is now held by some scholars that the first Vijayanagara dynasty grew out of the wreck of the kingdom of Kampila (Q.J.M.S., Vol. XX). For different views on the subject, see Dr. Ramanayya's thesis Vijayanagarathe Origin of the City and the Empire where previous opinions also are summarised. See also Dr. Salatore's article, Theories concerning the Origin of Vijayanagara in the Vijayanagara Sex-centenary Commemoration Volume (1936), pp. 139 ff. . From ink impressions. * Read -riyogadhipati.

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186 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXIIL No. 29.-FRAGMENTARY STONE INSCRIPTION OF QUEEN UDDALLADEVI: V. S. 1294. BY M. M. NAGAR, M.A., SARNATH MUSEUM, BENARES. The inscription was secured by Mr. B. M. Vyas from Nagod State, Central India, for the Allahabad Municipal Museum wherein it is now preserved, and was kindly placed at my disposal by him together with an estampage for editing it. I am here publishing it for the first time. The Inscription is incised on a rectangular block of buff-coloured sandstone measuring 181" by 12%" and is broken at the top. Consequently, some of the opening lines of the record have been lost; what may have been their exact number cannot be ascertained. The writing which is in 22 lines covers a space of 18)" by 12" and is in a fairly good state of preservation excepting some letters of the last four lines which are only partly preserved. The opening and concluding letters of some of the lines are also much worn out. The letters are cut shallow and being much corroded at places present some difficulty in decipherment. Their average size is 3". The characters belong to the Northern variety of alphabets of the 12th and 13th centuries A.D. They resemble modern Nagari, the exceptions being the letters ch, 10 (1. 8), i (1. 12), m (1. 16), etc. The language is Sanskrit and up to the first half of line 12 it is in verse and thereafter in prose. The orthography is regular and calls for no remarks. The epigraph refers itself to the time of one Uddalladevi, the chief queen of the illustrious Mahamandadeva, and the daughter of the illustrious Mahasamanta Bharahadeva of the Rashtrakula(kuta) family. Mahamanda was a feudatory of the illustrious Adakkamalla who seems to have belonged to the Gahadavala family. It records the erection of a shrine for the illustrious Vindhyesvara Siva on Thursday), the Damanaka Chaturdasi, Samvat 1294, corresponding to Thursday, 12th March, A.D. 1237. To judge from the description of the temple it seems to have been an imposing structure. The eulogy was composed by the learned, the illustrious Sukhakara. Line 2 of the extant record eulogizes some lady but it is not certain who she is as the major part of the verse has been lost. Supposing she be Uddalla devi, even then, owing to the lacunae in the epigraph it is not possible to ascertain 'the exact relation between her and the illustrious Lakshamana of 11. 3-4 and the overlord Dharmadeva of 1. 5. The inscription shows that even after the extermination of the Imperial Branch of the Gahadavalas of Kanauj by the Muslims, local chiefs of the same dynasty were in existence in various parts of Central India and Rajputana. One such chief was Adakkamalla and that he was of some importance is clear from the mention of Mahamanda as bis feudatory. King Harischandra (c. A.D. 1197-1200)", the last known ruler of this dynasty, meeting his final defcat in A.D. 1226 at the hands of Iltutmish, fled with his family towards Farrukhabad Mr. A. Ghosh mentions Mau (U. P.) as its findspot, which is denied by the discoverer. [Mr. Vyas told me that he had got the inscription from Unchabra in Nagod State.-Ed.) ? A note on this inscription has appeared in the Journal of the U. P. Historical Society, July 1935, Vol. VIII, Pt. 1, pp. 21-23, by A. Ghosh, M.A., who is referred to in the notes below as A. G. [According to the context Ranaka Dharmadeva belonged to the mother's family of Lakshmana and was probably his maternal uncle.-Ed.] Though A.D. 1200 is the last date hitherto known of Harischandra from his Macchlishar Grant (above, Vol X, p. 95), it appears that his power lingered in the more inaccessible parts of Kanauj up to A.D. 1226 when it was tinally captured by Iltutmish. Dr. H. C. Ray seems to be correct in his assumption that the battle of Chandwar gave to Muslims only the possession of the more important cities and strongholds: the countryside beyond the reach of the Muslim posts still continued to be under Hindu rule' (Dynastic History of N.I., Vol. I, p. 547).

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No. 29.] FRAGMENTARY STONE INSCRIPTION OF QUEEN UDDALLADEVI: V.S. 1294. 187 (U. P.) from where after a short time his son's son Sihaji is said to have gone to Marwar and with the assistance of the Brahmins of that place to have established a principality of his own after defeating the Muhammadan marauders of Multan. Tod also records that in 8. 1268 (A.D-1212), eighteen years subsequent to the overthrow of Kanauj, Siahji and Setram, grandsons of its last monarch, abandoned the land of their birth, and with two hundred retainers, the wreck of their vassalage, journeyed westward to the desert............. His date regarding the final overthrow of Kanauj and the exact relation of Saitram and Sihaji may be accepted with a grain of salt, nevertheless the fact that Sihaji moved towards Mirwar remains unquestioned. Mahamandadeva, who was certainly a Hindu ruler, adopted this Muslim-like name", obviously to please the sensibilities of his Muslim overlord (Iltutmish or Queen Raziyya) of Delhi. This is by no means a solitary instance of the assumption of a Muhammadan name by a Hindu ruler. We also know that a Chauhan king of Ranathambhor (c. A.D. 1283-1301) called himself Hathmira (hamaurabhUpatiraviva(da)ta bhUtadhAcA). which is a Muslim name' and was used by certain Sultans of Delhi on their coins. TEXT. 1 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . -- - 2 na guNena bhAnti bhuvane sadhaiM [tayA nyastAstasmA -..-.- . 3 tvavicalaM rAjyaM prazAstvadbhutam' // [1] sAmantarAjatilakaH pra[thi]ta: [thi]4 vyA zrIlakSmaNo [...] lakSmaNatusvakIrtiH / yATapakSa iha rA[Na] 5 kacakravartI yAthArthyataH khalu tathA sa ca dharmadevaH // [2] zrIvindhye8 varazUlinodbhutataraH sambAklozobhitaH prAsAdoya[mane7 kabha[kha]cito10 nAnApatAkAnvitaH / ya[cchaNa divaMspR[zA ga]8 tiro vindhyo raverusthito vyAjAdya(dyo) [dhvajapaMktipAtita[nati]9 bhI(bhI)to gurorkhAkyataH // [3] prAsAdIyaM tayAkAri zrIvindhyezva10 radhUrjaTeH / putrapautrAdisampatya (tyai) pitRNAntAraNAya ca // [*] 1 Ren's Prdeina Bharata ke Rajavainia (in Hindi), Vol. III, pp. 114-115 and 118-119. * Tod, Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan (ed. Crooke), Vol. II, p. 940. Bhandarkar List of Inscriptions of N. India, No. 682 wherein Muhammad ibn Tughlaq has been called Mahamanda Sahi. Above. Vol. XIX, p. 50, 1. 8. (This was also the name bome by a ruler of Chitor.-Ed.] . Badaun Inscription of Lakhanapala, above, Vol. I, p. 62, n. 5, and Mahoba Inscription, ibid., p. 221. .S. Lanepoole : Coins of the Sultans of Delhi in British Museum. Coins Nos. 9, 24-26, 32-33, 38-42, 51-52, 63-66, 70-72 and 96-98. 7 Metre : Sardulavikridila. * Three syllables have been left out probably by the engraver through oversight .A. G. reads Vermadeau. Sletre: Vasantatilak). 10 May be [citI in which case the translation of anekabhadaracitI would be + made of or containing much gold'. 11 Metre : Anushfubh.

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188 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXIII. 11 prazastiracanAcakra paNDita: zrIsukhAkaraH / sujanAMhisaroja12 arajorascitamUha (I)jaH // [*] iti zrIkanyakumadezotayA rASTriA(gha)]13 kula(kUTa)vaMzapradIpa mahAsAmantarAjazvobharahadevasutayA zrIma14 ihaDavAlakulakamalavikAzanasahasrAMzu zrIzrA[Dakka] malla15 sAmAntazaraNAgatavajjapaJjara'zrImanmahamandadevapaTTa[ga]16 jya zrIuddaladevyA svakulaikaviMzatipuruSasaMtAraNArthamA[tmanaH 17 pa]ramaniHzreyasaprAtyai putrapautrAdisampattyai saMva[sa][rA18 NAM] hAdazazateSu caturvavatyadhikeSu damanakacaturdazyA' [gu19 ru"]vAre zrIvindhyezvaradevasya svapnA . . . . . [prA*]20 sAdoyaM kArita: pratiSThApitaJca // vA . . . . . 21 riNA paNDitacIsukhAkaraNa prazasti likhitA"] 22 . . . . . . . . . [ hitamastu savvasya sa . . . . . . . TRANSLATION. (Verse 1) ........... ..........all being eclipsed by her in merit, do not shine in the world.............. may rule [her] firm and unique kingdom. (Verse 2) The illustrious Lakshamana, the ornament (lit. mark on the forehead) of the great feudatory chiefs, is renowned on the earth (and) possesses a fame like that of Lakshamana....... ..........on whose mother's side (evas born in this world the foremost of the Ranakas who was justly (called) Dharmadhva. (Verse 3) This temple of the illustrious Vindhyesvara Sulin (lit. the trident-holder, lord of the Vindhyes) is beautified by series of pillars, is carved with many auspicious [scenes and is endowed with many banners. It stands as the very Vindhya (mountain) with its summit touching the sky and obstructing the movement of the sun (but), taking fright at the command of the preceptor (i.e., the sage Agastya) [has bent down ?] under the semblance of the series of banners. (Verse 4) This temple of Siva, the illustrious Vindhyesvara, has been caused to be erected by her for the prosperity of (her) sons, sons' sons, etc., as well as for the deliverance of (her) forefathers. (Verse 5) The learned, the illustrious Sukhakara whose hair is tinged by the pollen of the lotus flowers that are the feet of good-men, effected the composition of [this] eulogy. 1 Metre: Anushubh. Cr. 'momavaMzapradIpa' of Copper-plate Grant of Visvaripasina of Bengal. I.H.Q.. Vol. II, p. 84. .cf. 'kulakamalavikAsabhAskara ibid., and 'paudhamarAjadevakukhakamaladyotana' of Hathal plates of Dharavarsha. Ind. Ant., Vol. XLIII, p. 193,1.3. *cr. I. H.Q., Vol. II, p. 84,1.3 and J. B. B.R.A.S., Vol. XXI, p. 329. 'damanakacaturdazI in the particular caturdazI falling in the bright half of Chaitra. See katikaustabha (Bom. ed.), p. 23. Also see S. K. Pillai's Indian Ephemeris, Vol. I, Pt. I, p. 60.

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No. 30.] SANGUR INSCRIPTION OF YADAVA MAHADEVARAYA: SAKA 1186. (Lines 12-20) Thus this temple of the illustrious God Vindhyesvara has been caused to be erected and consecrated on [Thursday], the Damanaka Chaturdasi, in the (Vikrama) Samvat 1294, for the deliverance of twenty-one generations of her own family, for the attainment of the supreme bliss for herself and for the prosperity of (her) sons, sons' sons, etc., by the illustrious Uddalladevi, born in the country of Sri-Kanyakubja, daughter of the illustrious Bharahadeva, the prince of the Mahasamantas and a lamp to the family of the Rashtrakulas("kutas) and the chief queen of the illustrious Mahamandadeva, who was a cage of adamant to those seeking refuge (in him) and a feudatory of the illustrious Adakkamalla, the very sun causing to bloom the lotus of the illustrious family of the Gahadavalas. (Line 21) The eulogy [was composed] by the learned, the illustrious Sukhakara... (Line 22) Let there be welfare to all. 189 No. 30-SANGUR INSCRIPTION OF YADAVA MAHADEVARAYA: SAKA 1186. By R. S. PANCHAMUKHI, M.A., MADRAS. Sangur which is variously called as Sangavuru, Sangur, Changura and Changapura in the inscriptions of the place, is situated at a distance of about 8 miles south west of Haveri on the road to Sirsi in the North Kanara District. The inscription1 edited below is engraved on the Nandi pillar standing near the temple of Virabhadra in the village. It covers an area of 3'7" by 1' 4" and contains sixty-six lines of writing. The size of each letter is approximately between " and " in height. The writing is in a fairly good state of preservation. The characters are medieval Kannada of the 13th century A. D. to which the record belongs. The secondary forms of y, v and m are used in deseya (1. 48), vumbali (11. 63 and 64) and maduve (1. 61). It is noteworthy that the record indicates the aspiration of dh, th and dh in praudha (1. 24), tathya (1. 31) and nidhanam (1. 31) by a vertical stroke at the bottom of the letter. In respect of orthography it may be remarked that vowel i is wrongly used in the body of the word kondoivudu (1. 55) and the anusvara is employed superfluously in some cases before conjunct consonants as in pumnya (11. 9, 17), hiramnya (1. 44); b is used for in dharmma-byayaya (1. 38), sarbba (1. 42), purbbakam (1. 44), etc.; the consonants coming after a repha are doubled as in acharyya (1. 6), urvvi parvvi (1. 4), dharmma (1. 38), Mallikarjuna (1. 9), vartti (1. 39), etc.; dental s is used in place of & throughout the record which may be due to the influence of Kannada phonetics on Sanskrit vocabulary. S is used for sh in purusa (1. 26) and Pusya (1.43), etc. Excepting the benedictory and imprecatory verses in lines 1-3 and 57-58, the whole record is in prose. Lines 4-19 and 45-57 comprising the two wachanas of Siddharama and lines 59 to 66 giving the specification of certain estates to be enjoyed by private persons are in Kannada, while the description of the king and the minister and the grant portion (11. 19-44) are in Sanskrit. In respect of the Sanskrit language, it may be noted that its vocabulary is influenced by the Kannada phonology as for example paduma for padma (1. 26), labudha for labdha (1. 33), etc.; the insertion of the Kannada word neya in the date portion in Sanskrit (11. 42-43) may also be noted The language of the two tachanas is rhythmic, elegant and simple Kannada. There are, however, several redundant expressions used perhaps for the sake of alliteration and balance as e.g., embatana atana mata mata pitru (11. 13 and 50), valeyado lage volage (1. 48f.), chaturasrayada nalkum deseya (1. 48), bega sighram (11. 16 and 53). 1 B. K. No. 172 of 1932-33.

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190 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXIII. The subjoined inscription belongs to the reign of the Yadava king Mahadeva who began to rule in A. D. 1260. It introduces his minister Devaraja whose pedigree for three generations is given as follows: Chavupdarasa was born in the family of Vasishtha and was a devotee of Siva. To him was born Amitarasa who begot Devamantrisa. This Devamantrisa is described as having obtained a great boon from god Somanathadeva and as protecting the southern region at the command of king Mahadeva. The record states that the Mahapradhana Devaraja visited Sonnalige-nagara which had been formerly the residence of the saint Siddharama and feeling himself purified at the sight of the god Kapilasiddha-Mallikarjunadeva there, made a gift of the village Changur included in Basura-vishaya together with a right over all treasure-troves, etc., and with various incomes accruing from fines and sulkas, to provide for worship and offerings to the deity and for the expenses of renovation of the temple, maintenance of the poor and the orphans and for conducting several charities such as watersheds and daily oblations. Lines 59-66 contain a stipulation that certain estates and incomes of the village specified therein must be enjoyed by the Gaudas, Hittukaras and Chaudarasa, the Heggade of the temple (devara mane). The record is dated on the day of arddhodaya in Pushya of the cyclic year Raktakshin falling in the Saka year 1186. Arddhodaya is an astronomical combination of "Sravana", Vyatipata and Sunday on the new moon day of Pushya. These details coincided in the year quoted in the record and. regularly corresponded to Sunday, 18th January, A.D. 1265 on which day the nakashatra Sravana ended at 88 of the day. The chief interest of the record lies in the fact that it contains two vachanas (11. 4-19 and 45-57) of saint Siddharamanatha who is one of the famous vachanakaras of the Virasaiva sect. Vachanagalu in Kannada literature denotes a particular class of works embodying sayings of great saints, particularly of the Lingayat sect, who flourished in and after the 12th century A. D. From the Siddharamapurana of Raghavanka (A. D. 1165), it is learnt that Siddharama constructed a tank at Sonnalige, installed therein several Lingas and defeated a mendicant Karpara in disputation, who had borne the biruda Vidyasamudra. Other Virasaiva works add that he received diksha from Chennabasava, the sister's son of Basava who flourished in about A. D. 1160. Prabhudeva alias Allama (A. D. 1160) is also credited with having taught the Saiva doctrines to Siddharama.3 The first of the two vachanas is reproduced in an inscription from Sorab which records the gift of a village by a local chief Birarasa for the benefit of the temple of Kapilasiddha-Mallikar 1 S. K. Pillai's Indian Ephemeris, Vol. I. Part I, p. 64. * Karnataka Kavicharite, Vol. I (Revised Edition), p. 183. Ibid., p. 180. For further details regarding the life and works of this saint, see ibid., under Siddharama. Mr. Murugaiya Jangina, a leading Lingayat gentleman of Bagalkot (Bijapur District), whom I had addressed, has kindly communicated to me the following information on Siddharama: Siddharama was born at Sonnalige, one of the sixteen hamlets of the modern Sholapur. A stone image of this saint still exists there. Close to the place where he attained samadhi, is planted a stone with shadakshara-mantra which is still worshipped by all the devotees. In front of this samadhi over which are set up two lingas, stands the extensive temple of Siddheevara. Just behind this temple there stood formerly a shrine of Mallikarjuna-Linga, the upasya-deva of Siddharams. But during the Muhammadan rule some difficulty was experienced in offering worship to the deity on account of the mosque built in its vicinity and the linga was therefore removed from its place and installed in a temple in the town which is now known as the temple of Mallikarjuna. The present temple is at the most one hundred years old. Siddharama is credited with the authorship of more than a lac of vachanas of which only a few hundreds have appeared in print. Epigraphia Carnatica, Vol. VIII. Sorab 561. This same vachana is found in the beginning of the unpublished inscriptions at Kotbagi (No. 447 of 1926 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection) and Yadihalli (B. K. No. 95 of 1928-1929) in the Bombay-Karnatak. The second vachana is only partially reproduced in the imprecatory portion of an inscription of Bukkaraya, dated in Saka 1278 (Ep. Carn., Vol. XI. Chitaldroog 4). But it is not specified there as the vachana of Siddharama.

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No. 30.) SANGUR INSCRIPTION OF YADAVA MAHADEVARAYA : SAKA 1186. 191 junadeva of Sonnalige in Saka 1176, i.e., exactly ten years before the date of the present epigraph. But the text given in the Epigraphia Carnatica is mutilated and corrupt. Both the vachanas given in the present inscription relate to the merit or sin of protecting or destroying the gift of land or money made to the temple of Kapilasiddha-Mallikarjunadeva of Sonnalige. From their wording, it would appear as if Siddharama composed them as a preamble to some grant to the temple made during his time. They are incorporated in the present record to serve as passages enjoining the protection of the gift under all circumstances. Only a few inscriptions of the Yadava dynasty--and none of Mahadeval_have been edited so far. The subjoined inscription will, therefore, be the first document of the king to be published. Mahadeva is described here as "a goad to the elephant of the Gurjara king, a three-eyed God (i.e., Siva) to the Cupid of the Malava king and the shatterer of the skull of the Telunga king ". In his Kotbagi inscription dated in the same year as the present record, he is given the additional epithet Hoysanaraya-kolahala. Thus it would appear that the Yadava monarch Mahadeva had to contend for power and territory with the four neighbouring kings namely the Hoysalas in the south, the Kakatiyas in the east, the Gurjaras, i.e., the Chaulukyas of Anhilvada in the west and north-west and the Paramaras of Malava in the north. It may be noted that these epithets are borne with slight modifications by every king from Bhillama' downwards, which would only indicate that in their attempt to expand their empire by fresh conquests, the Yadavas had to fight with these neighbouring powers since the very beginning of their political career. From & close study of the stone and copper-plate documents of the family, we learn that Bhillama, Jaitugi,' and his son Singana waged constant wars with the kings of Malava, i.e., the Paramaras of Dhara. According to his Bahal inscription and the Paithan platest of Ramachandru, Singana defeated one Arjuna who has been identified with the Malava king Arjunavarman The Hammiramadamardana, a Sanskrit drama of the 13th century A. D., records an additional fact that he defeated and killed the Malava king's feudatory, Chahamana Sindhuraja of Lata'. The Vasantavilasa, & Sanskrit mahakavya of the 13th century A. D., contains another historical fact that Sindhuraja's son Sankha was taken prisoner by the leader of the Yadava army and was subsequently released by Simhana''. On a later occasion, Sankha sued Simhana for help and with his army marched against Viradhavala, the king of Gujarat who had forcibly occupied Cambay in Lata. Simultaneously with this, the Malava king Devapala also invaded Gujarat, apparently to assist his feudatory chief of Lata in wresting back the lost Cambay. As stated in the Hammiramadamardana, the Gujarat king appears to have managed to break the coalition through the strategic skill of his minister Vastupala and turned the events of war in his favour'. This is testified to by the Dabhoi fragmentary inscription which records that Viradhavala routed a combin 1 A date of his Hulgur inscription is noticed in Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII. p. 128. * Madras Epigraphical Report, 1926, No. 447 of Appendix C. * Above, Vol. XV. pp. 34 ff.; Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV. p. 314. * Above, Vol. XV. pp. 34 ff. Bhillama must have entered the territory of Kolhana, the Chihamina king of Nadol, after defeating the Malave and Gurjara kings on the way (ibid., Vols. IX. pp. 72 and 77, and XI. pp. 72 and 73). * Above, Vol. V. p. 31. * Above, Vol. III. p. 113. * Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV. p. 316. . Above, Vol. III. p. 111. Gaekwad's Oriental Series, No. X, Act II. p. 17. 10 Ibid., No. VII, Sarga V. Verse 42. 11 Hammiramadamardana, Introduction, pp. vi. f. 11 Vasantavilas, Introduction, p. ix. 11 Hammiramadamardana, Introduction, pp. viii and iz. 11 Above, Vol. I. p. 28,

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192 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXIII. ed attack of the lord of Dhara and the king of the Deccan who must be Yadava Simhana. This enmity between the Yadava and the Malava kings' is continued in the time of Krishna-Kandhara and Mahadeva who are described in their inscriptions as the destroyers of the Malava king. The attitude of the Yadavas towards the Gurjaras, i.e, the Chaulukyas of Anhilvada is one of frequent warfare. Viradhavala's son Visaladeva (A. D. 1243-1263) wanted to take revenge on the Malava and the Yadava kings who had invaded Gujarat during his father's time. He is described in his inscriptions as 'a submarine fire that dried up the ocean of Simhana's army'. The Paithan plates of Ramachandra attribute the defeat of Visala to Mahadeva which would show that the latter had to cross swords with Visala within two or three years of his accession to the throne. We have seen above that the Gurjara king had seized Cambay and portions of Lata from Sindhuraja, a feudatory of Devapala. It is not impossible that he carried his arms still further to the south as a result of which north Konkan came under his sway. Or, Konkan must have been annexed to Gujarat during the time of the Chaulukya king Kumarapala (A.D. 1143-74)', though its northern portions had been occupied by the Malava king in the intervening period. An inscription of Arjunavarman (A. D. 1233), the predecessor of Deva pala, states that the king was encamped at Bhrigukachchha at the time of the grant. This shows that the Paramara kingdom extended up to the Broach District on the weat in the early part of the 13th century A. D. According to Marco Polo (A. D. 1290), the chiefs in the west coast of north Konkan were dependent on the Aphilvada kings. Rashid-ud-din (A. D. 1300) states that Gujarat included at the close of the 13th century A. D. Cambay, Somnath and Korkan-Thana. Thus it is evident from these references that the Paramara hold on the northern part of Konkan was dislodged and the Gurjara sway established in the latter half of the 13th century A. D. Hemadri records in his Vrata-khanda?, Mahadeva's fight with Somesvara who was the Silahara chief of north Konkan and refers to the latter's drowning in the sea as a result of ship-wreck. Since Somesvara's inscriptions' dated in Saka 1171 (A.D. 1249) and Saka 1182 (A. D. 1260) are found in Ranvad and Chadiche near Uran, his fight and death must have taken place some time after 1260 A. D. As the last year of Visala is known to be A. D. 1263, the defeat of Visala and Somesvars might possibly have formed part of a single campaign undertaken by Mahadeva soon after his accession to the throne. The epithet Telungaraya-sirash-kamala-mulot patana borne by the king is significant as it indicates that Mahadeva had crossed arms with the Kakatiya king of his time and inflicted a crushing blow on his power. It is noteworthy that his brother Krishna is called the establisher of the Telunga king' in his Mamdapur inscription of Saka 1172 and the Arjunvad inscriptionio of Saka 1182 which was the last year of his reign. According to the chronology of the Kakatiya kings, the Telunga contemporary of Mahadeva was Rudramamba, the daughter of Ganapati whose latest known year is Saka 1183. Since Hemadri says that the Andhras placed a woman on the throne thinking that the Yadava king Mahadevs would not deign to fight with her, the crushing 1 For particulars see also D. C. Ganguly, History of the Paramara Dynasty, pp. 208-217. * Early History of the Dekkan by Bhandarkar, p. 242. * History of the Konkay in Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. L. Part 2, p. 24. .J. A. 0. 8., Vol. VII. p. 33. History of the Konkan, p. 25. * Ibid. * Early Hisory of the Dekkan, App. C. * History of the Korkan, p. 21, n. 1. . Above, Vol. XIX. p. 29. 10 Ibid., Vol. XXI. Pp. 9 ff.

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No. 30,1 SANGUR INSCRIPTION OF YADAVA MAHADEVARAYA : SAKA 1186. 193 of the Telunga power suggested by the above epithet must have a reference to the wars conducted in the time of Ganapati especially after A. D. 12601 Mahadeva must have taken away from him (the title of) Panchamahasabda and the elephants of war as recorded by Hemadri, soon after his accession to the throne. It is not, however, possible to understand the exact circumstances which favoured the rising of the Silahara, Gurjara and Kakatiya kings immediately after the death of Koishna. Mahadeva, like his predecessors, entrusted the government of his southern country to his minister Devaraja: apparently to guard against the Hoysala invasion into his territory. The Hoysalas of Dorasamudra who had lost considerable territory in the north-west of Mysore to the Yadavas under Simhana and Krishna must have endeavoured to wrest back from them their past possessions and the struggle seems to have continued till the last quarter of the 13th century A. D. when we find some Yadava regiment stationed at Haveri marching against Dorasamudra. The Mamdapur inscription of Koishna (Saka 1172) records the defeat of Hoysala Somesvara by the king, perhaps in conjunction with his brother Mahadeva who was the Yuvaraja under him The epithet Hoysanaraya-kolahala may bear reference to this or any subsequent fight undertaken by Mahadeva against the Hoysalas. Incidentally, the record throws some light on the extent of the Kannada language in the north in the 12th and 13th centuries A.D. Sonnalige which was the home of Siddharama now forms part of the modern Sholapur, the headquarters of the Sholapur District in the Bombay Presidency. The Kannada language must have been prevalent in this part of the country in the 12th century A. D. This view finds confirmation from the statement in the Marathi work Lilacharitra of the Mahanubhava school, written in A. D. 1190 that the sixty-lac Maharashtra country extended as far as Tryambaka-kshetra (i.e., Nasik) on the bank of the Ganga (i.e., Godavari) in the west. Janesvara the celebrated saint of Maharashtra who flourished about 1290 A. D., praises in his abhangas the god Vitthala of Pandharpur as the deity of Kannada and Karpataka and also remarks in his Gitabhavadipika that the southern limit of Maharashtra in his time was the south bank of the Godavari?. This would show that even as late as the 13th century A. D. Kannada which is a southern neighbour of Marathi, extended up to at least Nasik and the Godavari, not to speak of Sholapur and Pandharpur on the bank of the Bhima in the farther south There can, therefore, be no doubt about the veracity of the statement contained in the Kavirajamarga that the northern limit of the Kannada language in the 9th century A. D. was the Godavari8. 1 This was the last year of Krishna. See Fleet, Dynasties, etc., p. 527. * The Yadava sway in the territory of the Kakatiyas is testified to by the discovery in 1922 of a pot of trea. sure buried in the earth at Rachapatnam in the Kaikkalur Taluk of the Kistna District. The pot contained 43 gold coins known by the name of padma-fankas which bear the legends Singhapa, Kanhapa, Mahadeva and Sri Rama in Deva-Nagari script (J.P.A. 8. B., Vol. XXI-Numismatic Supplement No. XXXIX, pp. 6 ff). The find may be taken to support the epigraphical and literary evidence regarding the defeat of the Kakatiyas by the sucobesive Yadava kings from Singhans downwards. . Dr. Fleet thinks that he may be identical with Toragaleya Devarasa appearing in an inscription at Haveri. See Dynasties, etc., p. 528. *B. K. No. 75 of 1932-33. Poet Chaundarasa (cir. 1300 A. D.) is supposed to have lived at Pandharpur. Karnataka Kavicharite, Vol. I p. 403. * Marathi-bhasha-udgama va vikasa by Mr. Kulkarni, pp. 191-2. Maharashtrada-mula by Mr. S. B. Joshi of Dharwar, pp. 40 and 49-50. * Parichchheda 1. Kumara-Ramana-kathe of Nanjunda (cir. A. D. 1626) sloo states, in conformity with the evidence of the Marathi literature, that Karnataks was bounded on the north by the Godavarl and on the south by the Kavert in his time.

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194 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXIII. The following geographical places are mentioned in the record : Kavilasa, Sonnaligenagara, Basura-vishaya and Changuru. Kavilasa which is mentioned under this form in an inscription of Challakere is evidently the Mount Kailasa, the abode of Siva. It should not be confounded with Kavilasapura whose greatness is extolled in 11. 50 to 55 of the Arjunavada inscription and which is identical with the modern village of the same name near Nulegrama, in the Hukkeri taluk of the Belgaum District. Sonnalige which is called abhinava-Srisaila is, 88 stated above, a part of the modern Sholapur. Basura-vishaya, which included the gift village Changuru, comprised 140 villages and included the southern part of the Haveri taluk of the Dharwar District. Changuru is the modern Sangur where the inscription is found. It may be noted that this village was included in the Chandragutti-nadu during the Vijayanagara period' TEXT. 1 Sri-Siddharamanatha saranu || Namas-tungasi(si)2 ras(6)-tumbhi(chumbi)-chandra-chamara-charave trailakyam(lokya)-nagar-a3 rambhaya(bha)-mu(mu)la-stamba(bha)ya Sa(Sa)mbhave |16|| 4 Svasti Sri Om[l*] Jaya Paramesvara Paramatma Yi(I)svaran=urvvi-parvvi[y=a]5 damgikondippanu vorbbamanigey=agi yogigala manada koneya 6 jotisvaranum Vrisa bhana rup=agi (ya]jamananum acharyyanum ta7 ney=agi yogadi-sampamna-[ba]leyamgal=ellavam sampadisi(si) yo8 ga-[taru]niya kshetravane stalav-ittu salakhe-vididu abhinava- Srisailavane ma9 di Kapilasiddha-Mallikarjjunadevane nelasi nimdu pumnya(punya)-papamgalam 10 baram peldu [be]sam peluttav-iralu em besa deva enalu yi sta11 nadalu manyaymagi vurugalam bhumigalain dhanamgalan yi Lingakke 12 hast-odukavam madi kottuduvam manam pesade kaladukondape13 n=embatana atana mata-mata-pitrugal=ellan=eppattelu-koti varusam14 baram pulu-gomdada narakado?ag=ikki nin=ahuti-goluttiru gamda e16 le papave || Yi devana bhumi-dhanakk=an=amjuven=emdu pandeyam 16 pav=adarddamte manam bedari podavattanam bega sighram komdu ba kamla 17 ele pumnyave Kavilasake [l*] yimt=eradara bemge pumnya(punya)-papamga18 lum parddu komdoyvudu tappadu ditha dithar satyam-gamdire |yembu19 du guru Siddharamanathadevara vachana || Svasti[l*]Sri-prithvi-vallabham (vallabha) 20 Maharajadhiraja-Paramebvara-Paramabhattaraka-Dvara 21 vati-pura-var-adhisvara-Yadava-kula-kamala-kalika-vikab(s)a-bha22 skara-Gurjjararaya-varanamkusa-Malavaraya-Madana-Trinetra23 Telumgaraya-si(si)rash(h)-kamala-mal-otpatana-Raya-jhaga-jhampa-Ra24 ya-Narayan-ety-adi-namavali-virajamana-Praudha-pratapa25 Chakravartti-sri-Mahadevaraya-vijaya-rajy-oda(day) || Tat-pa26 da-padum(padro)-opajivino Devarajasya purbha(vva)-purusa(sha)-varananam Sa27 majani Vasishtha-vamse * Chaudarasah Siva-pad-abja-madhu-bhrimgah(bhfimgah) [*] 28 tasmad-Amitaraso=bhud=anupama-guna-ratna- sagarah suja. 29 nah (I*] Tato=bhud=Deva-mamtrisah kshir-abdher=iva Chamdramah [*] yatu(t)-ka. 30 ro vibudh-anamda-karah sarvv-abhayamkarah || Svasti [I*] eri=Danu(n)-m31 hapradhanam(h) sakala-jana-tathyo-nidhanam(b) niyoga-Yogandharah 1 Ep. Carn., Vol. XI. Challakere 22. * Above, Vol. XXI. p. 11. * B. K. No. 173 of 1932-33. * From ink-impressions. * The danda is superfluous.

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No. 30.) SANGUR INSCRIPTION OF YADAVA MAHADEVARAYA : SAKA 1186. 195 32 pati-karyya-du(dhu)ramdharah sarbb(rvv)adhikari(i) sujan-opakari(i) samara. 33 dhi(dhi) ta-bhudevah sri-Somanathadeva-labudhabdha)-vara-prasade Davarajo(jah) 34 sri-Mahadeva-nru(nsi)p-ajnaya dakshinam bhuvam palayamnu(palayan) 35 sri-Siddharam-adhishthitam (1) Somnalige-nagaram avalokya ari-Kapilasiddha36 Mallikarjjuna-alokana-put-amtaramgo dhamrmme (dharmme) mano 37 nidhaya tasya dovasy=arga-ramga-bhog-artham jirppoddhar-anatha 38 samrakshana-vari-satra-nitya-hom-ady-aneka-dharmma-b(v)ya39 yaya 1 Basura-vishaya-madhya-varttina prasiddha-sima-samamma)nvitam Chamgura-namdheyam gra40 mam nidhi-nikshepa-jala-pas(sh)ana-samam(sama)nvitam darda-su(su)41 lk-adi vividh-ay-annvitam (anvitam) raja-purushairanamguli-pre42 kshaniyam sarbba(vva)-namasyam kru(kri)tva || Saka (Saka)d=arabhya 1[1]86 ne43 ya Raktakshi-samvatsarasya Pus(sh)ya-mase arddhodaya44 tithau hiramny(hirany)-odaka-purbba(vva)kam pra(a)dat oll 45 Yirulum pagalum pariva kolli-kal]an=adodan mamneya 46 mahamamdalesvaran=adadam dhareyan=alva Chakravarttiy=ada47 dar Srimanu-maba-mahima Kapilasiddha-Mallesvaradevara 48 kshetrada chaturasrayada nalkum-deseya valeyadolage vo49 lage horagrippa dhanakke arasugalo!-akku kolli-kal]arol-akku manam pesa 50 de kaladukonden-embatana utana mata-mata-pitrurgga(pitriga). 51 1=ellamo The rest of the vachana is a reproduction of 11. 13-19 of the previous vachana. to 57 (11. 4-19) with slight orthographical variations. 57-58 Imprecatory verse beginning with dana-palana 59 [87]dara Soma-Gauda Sodara Soma-Gauda Hittuka60 farige aruvana mattarimge hamneradu homna mariya61 de kolu kolaga devarige | Maduveyaya man-emane (enne) hadiyade 62 tippe-sumka ashta-bhoga-teja-sammya (samya) (gau]dugalige Hiriya63 Soma-Gaumdana vumbati mattaru eradu Chikka-Soma-Gaumdana vum64 bali mattaru eradu yi Gaudu Hittukarara belada belasin=aya65 vu tammadu | Dovara-maneya Heggade Chaudarasange mattaru eradu 66 maneyumam brimamnya(manya)v agi kottarul ABSTRACT OF CONTENTS. (Line 1) Invocation to Siddharama. (Ll. 2-3) Invocation to Sambhu. (LI. 4-19) A vachana of Siddharama. (Ll. 19-25) While Praudhapratapachakravartin Mahadevardya who was Prithvioallabha, Maharajadhiraja, Paramesvara and Paramabhattaraka, & chosen lord of Dvaravatipura, a vanquisher of Gurjara, Majava and Telunga kings, a Raya-Narayana was ruling the darth, (and) (Ll. 26-34) his minister, the Mahapradhana Devaraja, son of Amitarasa and grandson of Chaudarasa of the Vasishtha family was governing at his command the southern country, (the latter) (LI. 35-44) visited Sonnalige-nagara, the former residence of Siddharama and heing pleased at the sight of god Kapilasiddha-Mallikarjunadeva made a gift of the village Changura in Basura-vishaya together with a right over treasure-troves and the incomes derived from 1 Read Mullikarijun-alokant

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196 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (Vol. XXIII. fines, bulka, etc., for the worship of the deity, renovation of the temple and for water-shed and daily oblations, etc., on the occasion of arddhodaya on the new moon day of Pushya in the (cyclic) year Raktakshin, the Saka year 1186. (Ll. 45-58) Another vachana of Siddharama. (Ll. 59-66) Specifies certain estates and incomes in the village to be enjoyed by some Gaudas, Hitfukaras and Chaudarasa, the Heggade of the temple (devara-mane). No. 31.-A NOTE ON THE TIRIYAY ROCK INSCRIPTION. BY B. CH. CHHABRA, M.A., M.O.L., Ph.D. (LUGD.), OOTACAMUND. This interesting epigraph was brought to light in the year 1931.1 The rock on which it is engraved is situated on the north-eastern sea-coast, near the village of Tiriyay, in Ceylon. The inscription has recently been published by Mr. S. Paranavitana. It is written in the PallavaGrantha script and in the Sanskrit language : both these features are rather uncommon in Ceylon. It is not dated, but is palaeographically assigned to the late seventh century A.D. Like the other few Sanskrit records discovered in the island, the present one also is associated with the Mahayana form of Buddhism. Its contents constitute a hymn in praise of a sanctuary, called in the inscription itself Girikandi-chaitya, which had apparently been set up by a guild of sea-faring merchants. The principal deity in the shrine is Sugata (i.e., the Buddha) attended by Avalokitesvara and Maojuvag. For a detailed discussion on these and kindred points, the reader is referred to the exhaustive study of the record made by Mr. Paranavitana.? In the present paper, special attention is drawn to what has somehow escaped the notice of that scholar concerning the text. Mr. Paranavitana has taken the inscription to be entirely in prose', whereas to my observation it has revealed itself to be almost wholly in verse, the last line apparently being the only exception. It will be seen that the composer has displayed his peculiar taste in employing throughout one and the same metre and that of a very rare occurrence, namely Nardataka. The engraver, on his part, has exhibited a like trait by allotting one line to each stanza. Thus the first ten lines of the text, the whole of which consists of eleven lines, comprise ten stanzas. The above discovery has led me to a further conclusion that the record is not fraginentary as Mr. Paranavitana has shown it to be. Lines 1 to 4', says he, are totally illegible at the beginning for a distance of nearly three feet and the ends of lines 4 to 10 are much damaged'. One does get such an impression while glancing at the illustration of the record. On comparing the text, however, it becomes manifest that, in spite of its irregular appearance, the document has reached us almost in its entirety. Thus, in contradiction to Mr. Paranavitana's remarks, I may state that no inscribed portion has been lost at the ends of lines 4 to 10. The same can be said of the beginnings of the lines 1 to 4, with only this reservation that the portion in question does seem to have originally contained some sort of engraving on it, and that about eight An. Rep. on Arch. Survey of Ceylon for 1931-32 (Pt. IV.- Education, Science and Art (J) ), p. 19; An. Bibliography of Ind. Arch. (Kern Institute, Leyden), Vol. VII (1932), pp. 34-35; J. A. 8. B. Letters, Vol. I (1935), p. 12. * Epigraphia Zeylanica, Vol. IV, pp. 151-160 and Plate. I may add that the portion might have contained some letters. The second line of our text begins from (0)lila, but before these letters the stone shows traces of at least two more syllables, though as such they are superfluous in our text. It may also be pointed out that there are three signs, one below the other, facing the extremities of the lines 4-6, but they do not have any bearing on the text, although they have the appearance of regular letters dha, dhi and ghah respectively.

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No. 32.] FOUR COPPER PLATES FROM SORO. 197 aksharas at the commencement of the fourth line have peeled off along with the engraving above. , the The space occupied by the inscription roughly corresponds to this shape upper rectangle containing the first three lines of the writing and the lower the remaining eight. It will further be noticed that there are some natural cracks and rough patches which existed on the stone even at the time of the incising of the inscription and which the engraver has carefully avoided. For example, blank spaces between vishada-harah and kanaka-vibhushana, 1. 6, and gandha-jalah and kara-bhrita, 1.7, are original gaps and not the lacunae in the text. It is obvious that in the light of the observations made above, the task of deciphering the record has become particularly easy, as it always happens in case the composition of a document turns out to be metrical. It is, I believe, possible now to restore the text more or less completely by examining either the original epigraph or a good estampage of it, neither of which has been at my disposal. The photographic reproduction accompanying Mr. Paranavitana's paper being too inadequate for the purpose, it has not been possible for me to amend all the doubtful readings or to read all the portions left undeciphered. Below I suggest some alterations and additions in the text given by Mr. Paranavitana : L. 2. At the end we may read [Girikandi]kam=ity=udite. L. 3. Instead of -nagara-ja[na*]. I would read [na]ga[ra]ja.. L. 4. The reading appears to be natan where -nata- has been read. L. 5. Perhaps we have to read siddha- instead of sada, and -pujyatama) in place of -pujyatam[6]. Before Girikandika we may read namami. The last letter is final m, so indicated by its smaller size. Thus we have to read =aham and not =ahamma(pi). L. 6. The reading is =madana-dosha-vishada-harah and not =mano-dosha-visha-dahara. So also -ruchir=nniyatam= and not -tuchin=niyatam- ; -varam and not varan. L. 7. Read -jalah instead of -jala, and pajanam for pujani. The two letters after Girikandi seem to read jushah. L. 8. Instead of pranipatam kurute the reading is probably pranipatan-kurute. L. 9. The anustara indicated within square brackets is not found in the original, nor is it necessary. Read -karanam for-karana[m]=, and -gatar Sugatan(tam) for .data-sugata. L. 10. The last word is jagat and not jagatah. It may also be pointed out that after the first half of each stanza, except perhaps the third, fourth and sixth, a single danda is clearly visible on the stone. A superfluous danda is found after the first quarter of the second verse. In certain places Mr. Paranavitana's reading is not tenable as warranted by the metre, e.g., Buddhankuro (1. 5). His translation will naturally have to be considerably modified after so many changes in the text. No. 32.-FOUR COPPER PLATES FROM SORO BY N. G. MAJUMDAR, M.A., INDIAN MUSEUM, CALCUTTA. These copper plates, which are edited here for the first time, wete unearthed at Badkhuri near Soro in the Balasore District of Orissa, and recently acquired by the Ravenshaw College Museum, Cuttack. Prof. N. C. Banerji of the College brought the plates to me for decipherment in March 1937, and as they had a thick incrustation of verdigris they were chemically treated in the Indian Museum, Archaeological Section. I am obliged to the authorities of the Ravenshaw College Museum for the loan of the plates, as also for the permission to edit them in this Journal.

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198 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. These are four plates (A, B, C and D), representing four separate documents, each complete in itself. Their respective sizes are as follows:-A, 7"x4"; B, 8"x5"; C, 7"x4" and D, 72"x3". The plates are engraved on both sides, there being 19 lines of writing in A, 21 lines in B, 18 lines in C and 21 lines in D. Originally each plate had a seal attached to it at the left hand side, but the seals of plates A, B and C are missing. Plate D still retains the seal, but it is very much worn out and its details are completely obliterated. The characters are a form of the Northern alphabet, representing an earlier phase of the writing as compared with the Ganjam plates of Sasanka. Palaeographically, Plate A, which shows slightly earlier forms of letters, should be placed first in the series, while Plates B, C and D between A and the Ganjam plates. The chief points of difference between the Ganjam and the Soro plates in respect of alphabet may be noted. The characters of the Ganjam plates are of "the acute-angled type with nail-heads,' which, as pointed out by Buhler, forms the transition from the Gupta to the Nagari alphabet. These acute-angled letters are absent in the present records. In the Ganjam plates the medial i and i strokes are more developed and often extend below the head of the letter; and the letter j is of the later type in which the top bar is reduced to a mere stroke, and the bottom bar, and often also the middle bar, hang down, in which respects it resembles the same letter in Plates B and C. Some examples showing these tendencies of the letter j occur also in Plates A and D; but in Plate A, and in some cases in Plates B, C and D, the top bar is not reduced. The letter r in the Ganjam plates has a stroke added to its base on the left side, which is absent in the Soro plates. Plate A shows uniformly the earlier tripartite form of y, while in Plates B, C and D it is of the later bipartite type akin to that used in the Ganjam plates. The letter & in the Ganjam plates shows in the majority of cases an oval loop at the top, while in the Soro Plates it still retains its angular form, often having the shape of a perfect rectangle. The Ganjam plates are dated in the Gupta year 300, i.e., A. D. 619-20. Plates B, C and D, which should be placed somewhat earlier than this date, may be assigned to the second half of the sixth century, while Plate A which must be still earlier, to the first half of the sixth century. Paleographically, Plate A closely resembles the Patiakella grant of Maharaja Sivaraja. The language of the copper plates is Sanskrit. Each has the usual benedictive and imprecatory verses at the end, but the rest of the document is in prose. As regards orthography, a final m is occasionally joined to the following consonant, a consonant following or preceding r is occasionally doubled, and both b and are uniformly expressed by the sign for the latter, the only exception being in Plate A, in which the two letters are clearly distinguished in bahubhir-vvasudha (1. 16). The general character of the four plates, so far as their phraseology is concerned, is more or less uniform. This is to be expected in view of the fact that they belong not only to the same age but also to the same locality. First is mentioned the place of issue of the charter, which is followed by the name and titles of the donor. Next is introduced the name of the province or subdivision wherein the grant is made, and in this connection are enumerated the various officers forming the administrative machinery of the province to whom the document is addressed. The name of the village as well as the names of the donees in whose favour the charter (tamrapatta) is issued is then given. The prose portion of the plates recording all these details of grant is followed by benedictive and imprecatory verses. These are followed by the names of persons entrusted with drafting of the document, mechanical execution of the copper sheet by heating, and also 1 Above, Vol. VI, Ph. facing p. 144. Indian Paleography, English translation, p. 49. Above, Vol. IX, p. 285 and Pl.

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No. 32) FOUR COPPER PLATES FROM SORO. 199 (in Plate C) with engraving. The date of the grant is specified either at the end (in A), or immediately before the names of the draughtsman and others (in Plates B and C), or just before the commencement of the metrical portion (in Plate D) Plate A records a grant of eight timpirasl of land by Maharaja Sambhuyasas of the Mudgala family in a village called Ghantakarppakshetra adjoining Sarepha, evidently the headquarters of the same vishaya, in Uttara.Tosali. It was issued from the royal camp at Tamparavadama to a Brahmin named Bharapasvamin, belonging to the Bharadvaja-gotra and the Kanva-sakha (of the Yajurveda). The draft was made by the Mahasandhevigrahika Narayana and the plate was heated' by the Mahaitara Videsasya. min. It is dated in the year 260, the 30th day of Karttika. This date in view of the palaeography is referable to the Kalachuri era and becomes therefore equivalent to A. D. 508-9. Plate B records the grant of a village called Adayara situated in the Sareph-aharavishaya in Uttara.Tosali which again formed a part of the Odra.vishaya. The donees are Dhruvamitrasvamin, Arungasvamin and others of the Vatsya-gotra and the Vaja, saneya-charana (of the Yajurveda). The grant was issued by the Mahabaladhikrita, Antaranga and Makasandhivigrahika Somadatta, from his camp at Amratakshaka. It was written by the Sandhivigrahika Kobava and heated by the Mahattaraka Suryadeva. It is dated in the year 15, the 13th day of Vaisakha. Plate C is another grant of the same Mahabaladhikrita, Antaranga, Mchasandhirigrahika Somadatta. It was issued from a place called Sanchataka, the grant consisting of a village called Bahirvvataka, situated in Varukana - vishaya in Sareph-ahara. The donees are Dhruvamitrasvamin and Arungasvamin of the Vatsya-gotra and the Vajasaneyacharana (of the Yajurveda). The grant was written by Subhasimha and heated by the Pedapalaka Divakara, while the engraving was carried out by Narayana. It is dated in the year 15, the 24th day of Magha. It should be noted that in this plate Varukanavishaya is said to have been within Sareph-ahara which itself was also a vishaya, as we know already from Plates A and B. Plate D was issued from a place called Viranja by the Mahapratihara, Maharaja Bhanu datta. The same Bahirvataka village, which is mentioned in Plate C as having been granted to Dhruvamitrasvamin and Arungasvamin, is hereby granted once again. The donees this time are Priyamitrasvamin, Vatamitrasvamin, Dhruvamitrasvamin and Arungamitrasvamin, all of them belonging to the Vatsa-gotra and Vajasaneya-charana. In this plate the village is stated as being within the Sareph-ahara-vishaya and not Varukana-viskaya as in Plate C. The grant was written by the Sandhivigrahika Arunadatta and heated by the Pedapalaka Pratishthitachandra. The date is the year 5, the 17th day of Phalguna. It has been already stated that the year 260 of Plate A, which refers itself to the reign of Maharaja Sambhuyasas, should be assigned to the Kalachuri era of A.D. 248, the date thus corresponding to A.D. 508-9. The difficulty in assigning the year to a later reckoning such as the Gupta or the Harsha era is obvious, because palaeographically the record is not referable to a date later than the middle of the sixth century. The same difficulty also arises in the case of the Patiakella plate of Maharaja Sivaraja of the year 283. R. D. Banerji, who has edited it, refers the date to the 1 The word timpira which occurs also in the Parikud and Nivina grants (above, Vol. XI, p. 286. 1. 41 of the text and Vol. XXI, p. 35 and n. 1) denotes a unit of land measurement. *[Soe below p. 201 n. 5.-Ed.)

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200 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXIII. Gupta era, but as pointed out by Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar, the palmography of the record is not in favour of this assumption. The latter has accordingly suggested that the year 283 should be referred to the Kalachuri era. According to this view, with which I entirely agree, the Patiakella plate should be placed twenty-three years after the present record. The Patiakella plate records & grant of land in Dakshina-Tosali by Maharaja Sivaraja. In line 3 of the plate occurs a passage containing the name of the immediate overlord of Sivaraja, which has been read by Banerji as Paramamahesvara-bri-Sagguyayyane sasati. This he translated as, "when the great worshipper of Mahesvara (Siva), the illustrious Sagguyayyana . . . . was ruling". In an editorial note on Banerji's article Dr. Sten Konow observed, "I am unable to see Sagguyayyane, but I cannot suggest a satisfactory reading; I think I see Sambhuyayye-n." The plate which is now deposited in the Indian Museum, Calcutta, was subsequently re-examined by Banerji, but he found himself unable to accept Konow's emended version. Recently I had occasion to examine the record very closely in connection with my study of the Soro plates, when I found that neither of the two readings could be accepted. The actual text in the Patiakella plate is Paramamahesvara-sri-Sambhuyakasyranusasati, i.e.," during the rule of the illustrious Sambhuyasas, the great devotee of Mahesvara". There is no doubt that this Sambhuyabas, who also belonged to the Mudgala family, is identical with Maharaja Sam. bhuyasas of the Soro plate. The expression Paramadevat-adhidaivata and Paramabhatraraka used in reference to him in line 4 of the Patiakella plate shows that Sambhuyasas held the position of a paramount ruler. It should be noted that he has only the epithet Paramamahesvara prefixed to his name in this grant, while in the Soro plate he is described as a Maharaja. It is difficult to say what position he precisely held in the year 260 when the latter record was issued. It is likely that he enjoyed & sort of independent status. The combined evidence of the Soro and Patiakella plates shows that King Sambhuyasas ruled over the whole of Tosali. The expression Paramadaivata-va(ba)ppa-padanudhyata, i.e., meditating on the feet of his father who was (to him) like a great divinity,' used in reference to him in line 5 of the Soro plate may be compared with similar phrases occurring in the land grants of the kings of Kalinga, e.g., the Komarti plates of Chandavarman' which describe him as bappabhagfaraka-padabhaktah. Maharaja Bhanudatta of Plate D, who calls himself also Mahapratihara, must have been a Vassal chief like Sivaraja of the Patiakella plate. That he was under some Paramabhattaruka, i.e., & sovereign ruler, follows from lines 8-9 and 13 of Plate D, although we do not know who this ruler was. Of a somewhat lower rank was Somadatta, the donor of Plates B and C, who is styled Mahabaladhikrita, Antaranga and Mahasandhivigrahika. His overlord, who likewise remains unknown, is referred to as Paramadaival-adhidaivata or Paramadaivata, and Paramabhattaraka. Neither Bhanudatta nor Somadatta is known from any other sources. There could not be a difference of more than & generation between these two persons, as the donees Dhruvamitrasvamin and Arungasvamin of Plate C issued by Somadatta were evidently identical with the donees of the same names mentioned in Plate D of Bhanudatta. As is well known, Tosali is first mentioned in Asoka's Rock Edicts at Dhauli near Bhuvane vara in Puri District which itselt must have been comprised in that province. From several copper plates from Orissa it appears that the province was divided into two sections, namely, 1 Above, Vol. IX, p. 287. Bhandarkar, List of Inscriptions of Northern India, p. 160 (No. 1203) and n. 2. History of Orissa, Vol. I, 1930, p. 118. * For similar expressions used in other records soe Fleet, C. 1. 1., Vol. III, pp. 186-187, note, Above, Vol. IV, p. 144.

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FOUR COPPER PLATES FROM SORO: A. PLATE OF MAHARAJA SAMBHUYASAS; THE YEAR 260. Obverse. Shao Xi Ren Bai EQu Xia Zhao Pian Shou Fa Bu rumareru 2. Ann ganmand Bart 2 Bu Ping Cheng nuganza EE 4SELFATHE Lina Thia machidearuga, sorenishiteitekouiu 6 TESAN:45dekaburu. onotataitetesu sannosumahodesutodesusakarasumida. kasureruiYan o. InThinadeno 10 nariot IntPnazu naa. Reverse. IrenMou gner hurai toosarainamaretenakatsutanodesu 14 MATORANTER714 nagaiteiide! ta shikainaidesusuruuede, idesuJiao esuesurusukunomabuden Bu Shi Bu Xin Zhi Nei Ting 18 SCALE: ACTUAL SIZE, N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Rea No.14930'37-295. SURVEY OF INDTA, CALCUTTA.

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B. PLATE OF SOMADATTA; THE YEAR 15. Obverse. 2 9 9 thaadhaa,F:293+dhaa p jhaa | Tu, qF 2,fre UTChapnaa 1105 naap '2 . pNdh + 5 G (@HS naam Vi Tyagithaidd ) naal 25 4 maaN baap dhiithvii 'n$? nee 7 7 nuuN lii haanuuN nuuN naa paakh 2gh 17 1 x 6 Un 0+TVQ| 50n). nuuN daan pNnaa 15:5, ySinvrRl1 | 8 1 paayaa naa 1 25:5 jaaN 6 pgnaa haa | 5 Pjh p n / / / 10 paa haaz))jpaa 4 / 5only naa // naan 13 #Tohii aalee jhit11, 05_112 Reverse. 14 Rup 514.tn 1701) 1 ) / 3F3a L F / dhwtee daa 77! F % n : 14 4) vHddee p l z 19htaa| ) 11 (74 Ang 7 on : 1157 13 ) pni | 16 pii 410 Gs 11 dee 1nedhaa nt. pNj jaap jr khookhgsirph T[D. 18 1 12 13 1) 74 71 17 1, 2, 31 Khu Ton m 2 ) nuuN 8T | 20 In naa 144 ) Tn it 18 . 20 SCALE: GEVEN-CIGHTHS.

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No. 32] FOUR COPPER PLATES FROM SORO. 201 Uttara-Tosali and Dakshina-Tosali. The latter included Kongoda-mandala, which according to some scholars was to the south-west of Puri and might have extended as far as the borders of the Ganjam District. As regards the extent of Uttara-Tosali, light is thrown by the Neulpur grant of Subhakaradeva' and also by the present copper plates. The Neulpur plate records the grant of certain villages in Uttara-Tosali which are to be located in the Balasore District. All the four plates published here refer to grants of land in Sareph-ahara which also was situated in Uttara-Tosali. Sarepha (or Sarepha) should be identified with Soro in Balasore, in the vicinity of which the present copper plates were discovered. In the Revised Rent-roll of Shah Sujah (circa A.D. 1650) Soro appears as one of the principal divisions of Sarkar Jalesar. It is also mentioned as Soro-dandapata in the Madala- panji. Even now Soro is an important station in the Balasore District. Varukana, the name of the adjoining vishaya, is perhaps to be identified with the present Barua pargana which appears as Barwa, a mahal under Sarkar Bhadrak, in the Ain-i-Akbari. The other localities I am unable to identify. A.-Plate of Maharaja Sambhuyasas; the year 260. TEXT. Obverse. 1 Om [*] jaya-skandhavarat=Tamparavadama(?)-vasakach=chhruta vinaya-vibhu2 shanah pranayi-jana-yatheshta-bhogya-vibhavah sarvva-dik-parisara3 pratishthit-ananta-punya-kirttir=apann-abhaya-mantra-dikshito nija4 bhuja-parakrama kranta-sattru-pakshah praja-palana-dakshino Mudgala.. 5 kul-amva(mba)r-endu-sri-chula-manih paramadaivata-va(ba)ppa-pad-anuddhyato Maha6 raja-sri-Sambhuyasah kusali Uttara-Tosalyam varttamuna-bhavi7 shyan-mahasamanta maharaja-rajaputtra-kumaramaty-oparika8 vishayapati-tadayuktaka-dandavasika-sthanantarikan-anya[m)9 sucha Vallabha-jatiyan Sarepha-(ph-a)hara vishaya-mahamahattare10 kultakolas-ady-adhikaranam manayati viditam-astu vo yath=ai Reverse. 11 tad-vishaya-samva(mba)ddha-Sareph-asanga-grameto Ghantakarnna.kshettre timpir-a12 shtau sasya-sahita vastu-hasta-sata-dvaya-sametah s-Oparikarah 13 s-oddesa[ h] sarvva-pida-varjjita a-chandr-arkka-samakala mata-pittro14 Twatmanas=cha puny-abhivriddhaye Bharadvaja-sagottra-Kanveya15 Bharanasvamine pratipaditas=tad=esh=asmad-dattih pratipala Cf. above, Vol. XXI, p. 38. 2 Above, Vol. XV, p. 1. Misra, Orissa under the Bhauma Kings, 1934, p. 3. M. Chakravarti, J. P. A. 8. B., 1916, pp. 46, 48. The reading may be Varu(or Varu)kona. Names of villages ending in kona are not uncommon; cf. Bukudrarakona in the Indian Museum Plates of Devendravarman' (above, p. 74) and Varahakona in the Saktipur copper plate of Lakshmanasena' (above, Vol. XXI, p. 214). It may be pointed out that there is a place called Markona (on the B. N. R.) only ten miles to the south-west of Soro.-Ed.] . See J. P. A. S. B., 1916, p. 44. Expressed by a symbol. & For this reading I am indebted to the Editor. This word, which was omitted at first, has been added below. 10 [Reading appears to be Sardph-oftsu]aga-yrame, i.e., in the village in the vicinity of Sarepha. -Ed.]

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202 EPIGRAPHIA INDIOA. [VOL. XXIII. 16 yitavy=ety=ajna svayamuktan-cha dharmma-sastre [*] Bahubhir-yvasudha datta 17 rajabhi[h*] Sagar-idibhish 1] yasya yasya yada bhumih tamiseta)sya tasya tada 18 phalam(m) [i*l) likhittam(tam) mahasandhivigrabika-Narayanona 19 tapittam(tam) mahattara-Vido[ba]svemin[a] | sanhvva(va)t 200 60 Kartti di 30 B.-Plate of Somadatta ; the year 15. TEXT. Obverse. 1 Omi svasti jaya-skandhavarad-Amratakshaka-vasakat parama-daivatadhidaivata-sri2 Parasmajbhattaraka-pad-anudhyato mahava(ba)ladhiktit-antaranga-mahasandhi3 vigrahika-Somadattah kusali Odra.vishaye Uttara-Tosalyam Sareph-a. 4 hara vishaye varttamana-bhavishyan-mahasamanta-maharaja-rajaputra-kumara5 maty-oparika-vishayapati-tadayu(yu)ktaka-dandavasika-sthanantarikan=86 nyams=cha chata-bhata-vallabha-jatiyan=vishaya-mahamahattara-kutakolasa7 pustapal-ady-adhikaranan=cha yath-arham=pujayaty=avagamayati cha vidita8 m-astu bhavatam yath=asmabhir=etad-vishaya-samva(mba)ddha-Adayara-gramo(mah) Sri-Parama9 [bhalttaraka-padanam-8-chandr-arka-sama-kalam-puny-abhivriddhaye raja-datti10 tamra-patta-sthitya Vatsya-sagotra-Vajasaneya-Dhruvamitrasvamy-Arunga. 11 svamy-adinam=pratipaditas-tad=esham samuchita-tamra-patta-da{na*]n=datva(ttva) 12 bhunjananath na kenachid=anyatha karaniya esha cha dattih paramadaivata Reverse. 13 sri-Paramabhattaraka-padanam dharmmasya cha gauravat-pratipalayitavya || 14 uktan-cha dharmma-sastre [1*] Va(Ba)hubhir=vvasudha datta rajabhih Sagar-adibhih [1*] 15 yasya yasya yada bhumis-tasya tasya tada phalam(m) [18] Sva-dattam-para-dattam=va 16 yo hareta vasundharam(m) []*] sa vishthayam klimir=bhutva pitsibhih saha pachyate || [2*] 17 Ma bhud=aphala-sanka vah para-datt=eti parthivah[*sva-danat=phalam=anantyam 18 para-dan-anupalanam(m) || [3*] Shashtim=varsha-sahasrani svarge modati 19 bhumidah [1*] akshepta ch=anumanta cha tany=eva narakam=va(ke va)sed=iti || (t || [4*]iti) 20 samvat 10 5 Vaisakha di 10 3 likhitam sandhivigrahika. 21 Kosavana tapitam mahattaraka-Suryadovena !! C. Another Plate of Somadatta ; the year 15. TEXT. Obverse. 1 Om svastis *Sanchatakat paramadaivata-sri-Paramabhattaraka-pad-anudhyato maha. 2 va(ba)ladbiksit-antaranga-mahasandhivigrahika-Somadattah kusali Sareph-ahara. 3 sambamba)ddha-Varukana-vishaye varttamana-bhavishyan-mabasamanta-maharaja-raja4 puttra-kumaramaty-oparika-vishayapati-tadayuktaka-dandavasika-sthanantarika. 5 n=anyams-cha chata-bhata-vallabha-jatiyan=vishaya-mahamahattara-kutakolasa6 pustapal-ady-adhikaranam cha yatharham=pujayatv-avaga mayati cha viditam-astu bhava 1 Expressed by a symbol. *[See above, p. 201 n. 5.-E..]

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FOUR COPPER PLATES FROM SORO: C. ANOTHER PLATE OF SOMADATTA; THE YEAR 15. Obverse. 6 * % - 2:; as ''it, k]] 7) kld h7 '' 44. rgyu 8 n- - 229T-f) k ]] 7 2 35 351]]ju a -l7% 2 --7 , fr @qq***ltfg]] nyishgjkM / %A77 , 3 cere Y?s@{\7deg / (76<>7 tt''' 2 'w5 njz]]l 5 3.v. no 0 lu r ts-ky9 tshct: # waany / 32 zl / 18z:niy''28. <Page #269
D. PLATE OF MAHARAJA BHANUDATTA; THE YEAR 5. Obverse. / cphyia dc.s:3tshp*#dl bdzdz-nt nnan sh%iss n- 3ngn-rtctsa nngs12 1nymgoHE:k45?p tkyngtsxh http@ -gn-n / n-turrnctA 4 sprnykyisuassen 1:gs N1rt-gis- s-sc3dh8 gshin* 6 phyitk79 +9 ticl . cnpni>>amajl = ssibfrop$ 3satgs-np:kyi-'1:zugar jarlio t g-ldy G at Reverse. ztr 1:3d tNGE: 42:232n 388) ] 12 chg ch]] ahrunust xts if / tvaihr@jkgA |7ting6lr-tchu / , 14 mi-m cs4 kk5 nppoil Pn-=r6416 50tlrtti 4 nyin-krxtshnuzkn / nu ?utist, 'untk2prtktcmaa snyn- 3 bl kyi- plkalth@y >> nyinshing- b lhashpn-nint *- phyi"th3%81 ALMOST ACTUAL SIZE

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No. 32] 7 tam etad-vishaya-samva(mba)ddha-chira-khila-[6]nyo Va(Ba)hirvvataka-gramah paramadaivata 8 eri-Paramabhatta(tta)raka-pa(pa) danam-a-chandr-arkka-samakalam puny-abhivriddhaye Vatsya-sago 9 ttra-Vajasaneya-charana Dhruvamittrasvamy-Arungasvamibhyam raja-tamra-pattasthitya 10 pratipaditas-tad-anayos-samuchita-rajadatti-tamra-patta-danam dattva bhunjanayor=na 11 kenachid=va(ba)dha kazya esha cha dattih paramadaivata-sri-Paramabhattaraka-padanam FOUR COPPER PLATES FROM SORO Reverse. 12 dharmmasya cha gauravat-pratipalayitavya | uktam cha dharmma-sastre[[*] Va(Ba)hubhir= vvasu 13 dha datta rajabhis-Sagar-adibhih[*] yasya yasya yada bhumis-tasya tasya tada 14 phalam(m) [1*] Ma bhud-aphala-banka vah para-datt-eti parthivah[*] sva-danat=phala15 manantyam para-dan-anupalanam(m) || [2*] Shashtim varsha sahasrani svargge ti 16 shthati bhumidah[*] akshepta ch-anumanta cha tany-eva narake vased-iti(t || || [3*] iti) 17 samvat 10 5 Magha di 20 4 likhitam Subhasimhona | 18 tapitam pedapalaka-Divakarena utkirnnam Narayanena || D.-Plate of Maharaja Bhanudatta; the year 5. TEXT. Obverse. 1 Om3 svasti[*] Viranja-vasakan-mahapratibara-maharaja-Bhanudattah kusali 2 Sareph-ahara-vishaye samupagatan-varttamana-bhavishayan-mahasa 3 manta-maharaja-rajaputtra-kumaramaty-oparika-vishayapati 4 tadayuktaka-dandavasika-sthanantarikan-anyams-cha chata-bhata-jati 5 yan(yams)-tad-vishaya-viniyuktakams-cha sa-mahamahattara-vri(bri) hadbhogika 6 kutakolas-ady-adhikaranan-yatharham-pujayati manayati ch=astu 7 vo viditam-etad-vishaya-samva(mba)ddha-chira-khila(la)-sunya Va(Ba)[hirva]taka 8 gramo-smabhih sri-Paramabhattaraka-padanam-a-chandr-arka-sama 9 kalam puny-abhivriddhaye Vatsa-sagottra-Vajasaneya-charanebhyah 10 mahamahattara-Priyamitrasvami.Vatamitrasvami-Dhruvamitrasvami. 11 Arungamitrasvaminam-pratipaditah sarvva-pida-varjitah[*] 203 Reverse. 12 tad-esham samuchita-tamra-patta-danam datva(ttva) bhunjananam na kenachit 13 va(ba)dha karaniya sri-Paramabhattaraka-padanan-gauravach-ch-aisha dattih 14 paripalayitavy-eti samvat 5 Phalgu di 10 7 || uktan-cha dharmma 15 sastre[*] Va(Ba)hubhir-vvasudha datta rajabhih Sagar-adibbih[*] yasya 16 yasya yada bhumih(mis-)tasya tasya tada phalam(lam) | [1*] Ma bhud-aphala-sha(sa)17 nka vah para-datt-eti parthivah[*] sva-danat-phalam-anantyam para-dan-a18 nupalanam(nam) || [2] Sva-dattam para-dattam-va yo hareta vasundharam[*] 19 sa vishthayam krimir-bhutva pitribhih saha pachyate-ti3 || [3*] likhitam 20 sandhivigrahik-Arunadattena tapitam pedapalaka-Prati 21 shthitachandron=eti || 1 Expressed by a symbol, Read -svamibhyah pratipaditah. Read pachyate 3* iti.

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204 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXIII. No. 33.-TWO COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS FROM BERAR. By Prof. V. V. MIRASHI, M.A., NAGPUR. Two sets of copper-platos, each consisting of three plates, complete with ring and scal, were discovered in 1935 in the possession of a Muhammadan of Sirso, a village two miles north of Murtizapur, the head-quarters of a taluka of the same name in the Akola District, Berar. They have since been acquired by the Local Government and deposited in the Central Museum, Nagpur. I am obliged to the Curator of the Museum for permission to edit them. To distinguish the sets, both of which were found at Sirso, I name them here as Sisavai grant and Lohara grant after the villages granted by them. A.-Sisavai grant of Govinda III; Saka Year 729. These are three copper-plates each measuring about 12.6' in length and 6.5" in breadth. Their ends are either raised or thickened for the protection of the writing. The first and third plates are inscribed on the inner side and the second on both the sides. About .6" from the centre of the proper right side of each plate there is a roundish hole about 9" in diameter for the ring which has joined it to other plates of the set. The ends of this ring, which is about 5" in thickness and 2-9" in diameter, are soldered into the socket of a round seal 1:6" in diameter. The latter contains in relief on a countersunk surface the figure of Garula, facing full front and squatting on a lotus. He carries a serpent in each hand. The ring was cut before the plates reached the Museum, but there is no reason to doubt its connection with the grant. The weight of the three plates is 213 tolas and that of the ring and the scal 56 Lolas. The plates are fairly well preserved. Some letters here and there and especially in the centre of both the sides of the second plate are damaged by verdigris, but they can be read without much difficulty from the traces left behind. There are sixty-two lines in all, of which sixteen are in scribed on the first plate, seventeen and sixteen on the first and second side respectively of the second plate and the remaining thirteen on the third plate. The letters are beautifully formed and deeply engraved. Some of them can be marked on the back of the first and the third plate. Their size varies from 2 to 3". The writer has treated ornamentally the mutras for medial e, ai, and 7 and the curve for medial i, especially in the last line on each inscribed surface. It may be noted in this connection that the encircling curve for medial short i resembles that seen in the Khamkhed plates. A floral device is incised to fill up the empty space to the left of the hole opposite 11. 24-26. The writer has inadvertently omitted letters and even words in some places; see e. g., degpy-akrishna-charito bhuri in l. 2. In some cases these mistakes are corrected by incising the omitted letter immediately below; see e.g., va in drisht-asu-radhayah in l. 17, ni in nijam and pa in naya-paro both in 1. 25. In a few cases letters are upnecessarily repeated; see e.g., py-amalaya in l. 7. The characters are of the North Indian alphabet and resemble those of the Nesario and Radhanpur plates of Govinda III. The forms of the initial i in ira (1. 8), the rare jh in nirjhara (1. 11), th in yatha (1. 33) and of ph in phalake (1. 22) are noteworthy. The superscript r everywhere appears above the line ; see e.g., inndur-yatha (1. 15). The form of the superscript is not different from that of n; see chanchalait-cha (1. 50). A final consonant is generally indicated by a slanting stroke to the left of its vertical. The sign of risarga is in many places used as a mark of 1 Above, Vol. XXII, p. 93. *G. H. Khare-Sourecse, the Mediaral History of the Derean (Marath), Vol. T., pp. 15 f. 3 Above, Vol. VI, pp. 239 tf.

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No. 33.] TWO COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS FROM BERAR. 205 punctuation. The language is Sanskrit. The first thirty-three lines and part of the thrity-fourth, which contain the eulogistic portion, are in verse. Then comes the formal part of the grant in prose, which is followed by the usual benedictory and imprecatory verses. The record ends with a line in prose which states the names of the writer and the dutaka. In respect of orthography we may note that (a) the consonant following r is in some cases doubled, e.g., in anyair=nna, l. 8, durmmarggan, 1. 12; (6) one of the two similarly sounding members of a conjunct is often dropped; see e.g., rudhra, 1. 10, matar for mattam, l. 12, -valabho for vallabho, 1. 14 ; (c) the final consonant is wrongly omitted in many places; see e.g., Pallava, 1. 11; (d) the final n is either dropped (e.g., in vidva, 1.25) or changed to anusvara as in tasmin, 1. 19, silimukham, 1.23, etc. ; (e) the final visarga is omitted, in accordance with a varttika on Panini VIII,3, 36, in Karnn-adha-sthita, 1.7 and -vibhushita sphutam., 1. 18, etc.; but wrongly in some cases; see e.g., pada sutah, l. 15; (1) the vowel ri is used for ri in many places (e.g., ssiyam, 1. 29) and vice versd, though rarely, as in eriti, 1. 30; (g) y is used for j in yeshtho, 1.6 and vice versd in akalajya, 1. 50; (h) v is used for b throughout (e.g., vanasana., 1. 23), and the palatal & for the dental 8; see e.g., suduram, l. 13, and rice versa in sva-sarm-echchhaya, 1. 30. In one case the lingual sibilant takes the place of the palatal in praveshya, 1. 43. As instances of wrong sandhi may be cited Vindhy-adresh=katake, 1. 26, purvaish-paraih, l. 27, narakavaso syat, 1. 57, etc. The plates were issued from Mayurakhandi by the Rashtrakuta king Govinda (III), who is described in II. 34-35 as Paramabhataraka, Maharajadhiraja, Parameswara with the birudas the illustrious Prithvivallabha, the illustrious Prabhutavarsha and the illustrious Vallabhanarendra, who meditated on the feet of the Paramabhattaraka, Maharajadhiraja, Paramesvara, the illustrious Dharavarsha. The object of the inscription is to record the royal gift of the village Sisavai together with the site of habitation in another named Moragana on the occasion of a lunar eclipse on the full moon day of Bhadrapada in the cyclic year Vyaya in the expired) Saka year 729 (expressed in words only). This date corresponds to Saturday the 21st August A.D. 807, when there was a lunar eclipse as stated. The cyclic year according to the southern luni-solar system was, however, Sarvajit and not Vyaya! The latter cyclic year can be connected with the expired Saka year only by the so-called northern luni-solar system, which, as Kielhorn has shown, was current in the south down to Saka 855. The donated village was situated in the Manaka vishaya and was bounded on the east by the village Haripura, on the south by Khairade, on the west by Athakavida and on the north by Lakhaipari. The donee was the illustrious Risiyapabhatta of the Kasyapa gotra, a religious student of the Rigveda, who was the son of Annasavi-bhatta and the grandson of Vishnu who had studied the four Vedas. He is described as a resident of Dharasiva and a member of the community of the Chaturvidyas of that place. The charter was written by Arunaditya, the son of Vatsaraja. The dutaka was the illustrious Jadavulabharta. 1 If notwithstanding the wording Sako-nripa-kal-alita, etc., we take the Saka year as current as proposed in some cases by Kielhorn (nee Ind. Ant., Vol. XXV, p. 266) the date would correspond to the lst September A.D. 806, on which day also there was a lunar eclipse. Besides, the cyclic year was Vyaya, as required, according to the southern luni-solar system ; but as in all other dates of Govinda's reign the Saka years cited are expired and the system followed is the so-called northern luni-solar system, I prefer to interpret the date as above. Ind. Asl., Vol. XXV, pp. 268-269. The cyclic year mentioned in the Wani-Dindori plates also is Vyaya. As we find the northern luni-solar system used regularly in all other records of Govinda III, the same was in all probability adopted in the Wapi-Dindori plates. The expired Saks year intended to be mentioned in that grant was, therefore, 729 as in the present plates, but the word elona was inadvertently omitted before trimbat in 1. 46 of that record. Or, the year 730 may be taken as current, notwithstanding the wording Saka-n ripa-kalatita. The lunar eclipse which, on no hypothesis, occurred on the full-moon day of Vaisakha (ace Ind. ant., Vol. XXV. p. 11) was another mistake of the soribe. The nearest lunar eclipse was that which occurred in the previous Phalgune.

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206 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXIIL Unlike the earlier Paithan and Anjanavati plates the present plates contain a long description of the conquests of Govinda III. They do not, however, make any addition to our knowledge of the events in his reign as the draft followed here is identical with that used in the Radhanpur plates, the number of introductory verses being exactly the same. The earliest record in which this draft is known to have been adopted is the Manne plates of Saka 724 recording a grant of Govinda III's brother Saucha-Khambha (or Stambha). The draft continued to be used regularly in all the plates issued subsequently by Govinda III from his capital. It was also generally used by the Governors of the Karnataka. The longest form of this draft is that seen in the Nesari plates where we find five verses (viz., vv 21-25) not occurring in any other grant. As shown below, the same draft is used in the Lohara grant. Its importance in fixing the chronological order of events in Govinda III's reign will be discussed later on. As for the geographical names occurring in the present grant, Sribhavana has now been satisfactorily identified with Sarbhon in the Broach District. Vengi, the capital of the Eastern Chalukyas, is too well-known to need identification. I have elsewhere suggested an identification of Mayurakhandi, the capital of Govinda III, different from the one originally proposed by Buhler. Sisavai, the donated village, is evidently Sirso where the plates were discovered. Moragana, which must have been situated in its vicinity, cannot now be traced. Its site may have been occupied by modern Murtizapur. Manaka which gave its name to the district in which the donated villages were situated is probably Mana, a station on the Bombay-Nagpur line of the G. I. P. Railway, 8 miles east of Murtizapur. Most of the boundary villages mentioned in the present grant can still be identified in the neighbourhood of Sirso. Thus Haripura is undoubtedly modern Hirpur two miles to the east, Khairade may be Kharbadi three miles to the southeast, and Athakavada Atkali about three and half miles to the west of Sirso. Lakhaipari is clearly Lakhpuri five miles north of Sirso. Dharasiva, where the donee resided cannot be definitely identified, but may be Dharur in the Akot taluka of the Akola District.? TEXT. [Metres: Vv. 1, 22, 23, 25, 26 and 28 Anushtubh ; v. 2, 6 and 9 Vasantatilaka; vv. 3-5, 7, 8, 10-20 Sardulavikridita ; v. 21 Arya; vv. 24 and 27 Indravajra; v. 29 Salini; v. 30 Pushpitagra] . First Plate. 1 (to I "ZEYT VIA Jaf#"*H3 () [1] FIT JR acant: Fried(a) [87 - - 13 [H2)1 Above, Vol. III, p. 106. Ibid., Vol. XXIII, pp. 13 ff. * Ep. Carnatica, Vol. IX, Nelamangala Taluka inscriptions, p. 51. It is not used in the British Museum plates and the Kadab plates ; but the former were granted not at the capital, but at the Ramesvara tirtha on the Tungabhadra, and the latter are suspected to be spurious. . This identification first suggested by Pandit Bhagvanlal Indraji (Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, Part I, p. 123) has been shown to be satisfactory by Dr. Altekar (see his Rashtrakifas etc., pp. 67-68). * Above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 12 f. [Dharasiva may with greater probability be identified with the village of the same name (spelt Dharaseo in the Imperial Gazetteer Atlas Plate 42) now changed to Osmanabad, the headquarters of the district of that name in the Nizam's Dominions, and famous for its caves described by Burgess in the Arch. Surv. of Western India, Vol. III (pp. 4 ff.)-N. L. R.] From the original plates. The facsimiles accompanying this article are prepared from ink-impressions kindly supplied by Mr. Natarajan, Superintendent, Government Press, Nagpur. . Expressed by a symbol. 1. Only faint traces of the akaharas in the brackets car. be seen on the plate. 11 Read for. 11 Read T. 13 Supply 4

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No. 33.) TWO COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS FROM BERAR. 207 2 [(da)ha durasthalarAjamAnazrIkaustubhAyatakarairupagUDhakaNTha: [1*] satyAnvito vipulacakra vinirjitAri[cakro]3 pyakaSNa'rAja: [ // 2*] pakSacchedabhayA"(tri)tAkhilamahAbhUbhutkulamAjitAt durladhyAda parairanekavimalabhAjiSNuranA]. 4 vitAt [*] yazcAlukya kulAdanUnavivu(budhavAtAzrayo vAridhIkSmi(kSmI)maMdarayatma lolamacirAdAvaSTavAnvanama: [ // 3*] tasyA5 bhUta(tta)nayaH pratApavisarairAvaMta diiNDalazcaNDAMzo:*] sadRzopyacaNDakaratAprahAdita mAtala[H / "] dhoro dhairyadhanI vipa6 [kSava] nitAvakAvu(bu)jazroharo hArokatya yazo yadIyamanizaM dinAyikAbhirdhita ___[us*] yeSTho laMghanajAtayA[pyama]layA 7 pyamalayA lakSmyA sametopi saMnyobhUvirmakhamaNDalasthitiyuto doSAkaro na kvacit [*] karNAdhasthitadAna[saMtatibha]8 to yasyAnyadAnAdhikaM dA[naM] vIkSya mulaji(jji)tA iva dizAM prAMte sthitA digga[jA]: [ // 5] anyatra jAtu vijitaM guruza9 ktisAramAkrAMtabhUtalamanaM(na)nyasamAnamAnaM(nam) [*] yeneha vadha (badda)mavalokya ci[rA]ya gaMgaM(gam) / ' dUraM svanigrahabhi10 yeva kaliH prayAtaH [*] ekatrAtmava(ba)lena vArinidhinA(nA)pyanyatra rudhvA ___(hA) ghanaM / niSkaSTAsibhaTohatena viharadgrAhAtibhImena ca / 11 mAtaMgAnmadavArinijharamucaH prApyAva(na)tAtpallavA[*] taccitraM madalezamapyanudinaM ya spRSTAM na kvacit [ // 7*] helAkhau (strI)ka12 tagaur3agajyakamalAmataM(taM) pravezyAcirAt dummArga mAmadhyamaprativa(ba)loM vatma. rAjaM va(ba)laiH [*] gauDIyaM zaradaudu"pA The writer has omitted seven akaharas here by haplography as his eye caught only the second of the twion occurring word kRSNa. Read pyakazAcarito bhuvi laNarAja:. * Read bhAjitAda. * Read rAkrAnta IRead dhRtam. * Read jyeSThIlaMghana-- * These four aksharas are redundant. * The anusvara is redundant. * The engraver at first cut al, and afterwards cancelled the subscript Mark of punctuation superfluous. 1deg Read spaSTavAn 1 Read zaradiMdu-.

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208 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VoL. XXIII. 13 dadhavalaM chatra iyaM kevalaM / tasmAnA(bA)[]ta tadyathopi kakubhAM prAMta sthitAM(taM) takSaNAM(kSaNam) [*] labdha(ba)pratiSThamacirAya kaliM zu(sa) dUramU(su)14 cchA(tsA)rya zudha(i)caritAraNItalasya [*] [tvA] punaH ] katayunA:(gA)(tha)yama pyazeSaM citraM kathaM nirupama: kalivala (sa)bhIbhUt [re"] prAbhUdhai(3)yaMva16 tastato nirupamAdiMdaryathA vAridhaH rAhAtmA paramezvarInata ziraHsaMsaktapAda[*] sutaH // (1) panAmaMdakara pratApasahi. 16 to nityodayaH sobateH pUrkhAdevi bhAnumAnabhimato goviMdarAja[:] satAM / [ // 1..] yasmi' sA(sa)rvaguNAzraye citipatau zrI. _Second Plate ; First Side. 17 rASTrakUTAnvayo jAte yAdavavaMzavaMmadhuripAvAsIda[laM]dhyaH paraiH [*] dRSTAzAvadhayaH kRtA[:*] syu(su)ya(sa)dRzA dAnana yeno[]tA 18 muktAhAravibhUSitA sphuTamiti pratyarthinopyarthinAM(nAm) [11] yasyAkAramamAnuSaM (tribhuvanavyApati(tti)rakSocitaM kRSNasyeva nirIkSya yacchati 19 pite(ta)yeMkAdhipatyaM bhuvaH [*] prAstAM tAta tavaitadapratihatA datA(tA) tvayA kaNThikA kiM nAjJeva mayA dhRtati pitaraM yuktaM vaco yobhyadhAt [12] . tami 20 "[mi] gAvibhUSaNAya janake jA(yA)te yazaHzeSatA"mekIbhUya samudyatAM vasumatIsaM hAramAdhicchayA" [*] vicchAyAM" sahasA vyadhata(tta) nRpatIna 1 Read * Danda superfluous. - Read paramezarIvata-- *It would be better to read panAmaMdakaraH prabApa-as in the Radhanpur plates. 'y which was first omitted is written below the line. * What looks like an anusvara on sa may be due to a fault in the plato. - Read yasmin * The engraver at first out but subsequently cancelled the stroke for medlal y * Read vaMzavanmadhu"" which was at first omitted, is written below the line. 11 The aruarara here is a little displaced. B Read sammina 1. The engraver first cut for which he afterwards tried to change into without cancelling the curve for medial i and the anusara. Read er. 11 The anusvara is redundant. >> Read samudyatAn "Read mAdhisayA. " Read viccAyAn

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No. 33.) TWO COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS FROM BERAR. 209 l kopi] yo hAdaza / khyAtAnapyadhikapratApavisare[:*] saMvartakorkAniva / [13*] yenAtyaMtadayAlunAtha nigaDaklemAdapAzyAyatAt svaM dezaM 22 gamitIpi darpavisarAyaH prAtiku(kU)lye sthitaH [*] yAvaM na bhukuTI lakSA [Ta*]phalake yasyona(ba)te lakSyate vikSepeNa vijitya tAvadacirAha(i)[:*] sa 23 gaMga: punaH / [14] saMdhAyAzu bhI(zilImukhAM(khAn) svasamayAhA(hANAsanasyopari prAptaM vardhitava(baM)dhujIvavibhavaM padmAbhivRdhyA(khyA)nvitaM(tam)[*] saMna kSatramudI. 24 cya yaM zaradRta parjanyavarjaro naSTa[:] kvApi bhaya(yA)ta(tta thA na samaraM svapnepi pazyedyathA [ // 15*] yatpAdAnatimAtrakaikazaraNAmA. 25 lokya lami(kSmI) 'nijAM dUrAM mAlavanAyakI nayaparo yaM prANamAMjali: [*] ko vihAn*] va(ba)lino(nA) sahAyava(ba)laka: spahI vi[dha*]te(tte) parI 26 nItastadhi(di) phalaM yadAtmaparayorAdhikyasaMvedana(nam) [ // 16] vidhyA kaTaka niviSTakaTakaM zrutvA carairya(ya) nije[:"] svaM dezaM samupA27 gataM dhru[va]miva jJAtvA bhiyA prerita[*] mArAzarvamahIpatirdutamagAdaprAptapUrve'SparaiH yasyecchAmanukUlayAM kuladhanaiH pA28 do praNAmerapi / [17] nItvA zrIbhavane "dhano ghanaghanavyAptAMva(ba)raM prAdRSaM tasmAdAgata(vAn) samaM niya(ja)va(ba)lerAtuMgabhadrAta. 29 TaM(Tam) [*] [sa]vastha[:.] "khakarasthitAmapi puna: nizyeSa"mAvaSTavAM vikSepaipi citramAnataripuryaH pala(la)vAnAM zRya (zriyam) [18] lekhAhArasukho30 ditA(Da)vacasA "yatva ve(3)gIkharo nityaM kI(ki) karavayadhAdavirata(ta) karma kha(sva)sa(ma)rmecchayA [*] vAghAlI[vi](E)tirasya yena racitA vye(vyo) 1 The mark of punctuation here is superfluous. - Read degdapAsyAyatAt. * Read yAvanna. * Read sanakSatrani whieh was first omitted is written below the line. * The anusara is superfluous. ig which was first omitted is written below. * Read ciMdhyATe: kaTake. Read pUcaH parathasse. 10 Read manukUlayan 11 Read ghanAghanaghanavyAnAMvarI as in the Radhanpur plates. 18 which was first omitted is incised below. WRead ni:zeSamAkRSTavAn. . u The engraver at first cut a but subsequently caucelled the stroke for medial 1

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210 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXIII. 31 mAmalagnAracadrAtra(co) mauktikamAlikAmiva tA mUI sthatArAgaNe // 18'] saMtrA sAtparacakrarAjakamagAta(tatpUrvasevA32 vidhivyAva(ba)cAMgalizobhitena zaraNaM mUbhA(o) yadaMza(ti)dvayaM(yam) [1] yadya data pa[ga] IvabhUSaNagaNainA(narmA)lanataM tata(ta)thA mA bhaiSI33 riti satyapAlitayazasthityA yathA hirA [2.] tenedamanilavidyaca (ca)Jcalama valokya jIvitamasAraM(rama)[*] citidA Second Plate ; Second Side. 34 naparamapukhya[*] pravartito bra(bra) pradAyoyaM (yam) [21] sa ca paramabhaTTArakamahA rAjAdhirAjaparama(me)kharabImahArAvarSade35 vapAdAnudhyAtaparamabharakamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvarazrIpRthvIvallabhazrImatprabhUtavarSazrIvalamana 36 va[:] kuzalI sarvAneva yathAsa(saM)[ba*dhyamAnaka(kAn) rASTrapativiSayapatigrAmakUTA yuklakA(ka)niyuktakAdhikArikamahata(kta)37 padon*] samAdizatyastu va[:] saMviditaM(tam) / yathA zrImayUrakhaNDIsamA. vAsitana mayA mAtApicorAtmanacaihikA38 mubhikapuNyayazobhivRdha(i)ye / dhArAsivA[stavyatacAturvidyasAmANya (nya)kAsya(gya) pasagoSava(ba)casava(ba)pracAri39 viSNucaturvedapautrAya pravasAvibhaTTasutAya zrIrisiyapabhaTTAya mANakaviSayAMtargato moragaNagrAmadhA40 nasamanvito' sausarve' nAma grAma[*] tasya cAghATanAni pUrvataH - haripuragrAmaH dakSiNataH khairaDe pazcimataH pa 1 In the Radhanpur plates also the reading was saruchade but Kielhorn proposed to amend it as warachadfor reasons stated above, Vol. VI, P. 245, f. n. 1. I would read lagnAracadrAvI mauktikamAlikeva viztA, etc. The Nom. singular wat which is evidently intended as an adjective of faahf917 shows that the latter also must have originally been in the Nom. singular. paracata is aorist, third person singular form of ica. The intended sense is that the circular enclosure of the royal camp looked beautiful at night like a garland worn hy clusters of stars. Read yadyaddatta. Read samAdizati / pastu. . The mark of punctuation here is superfluous. * Read dhArAzivavAstavya as in the Bharata Itihasa Samsodhala Mandala and Lohara plates. * Read samanvitaH . What looks like a slanting stroke on the top of sa is an accidental scratch.

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it. YS lAla 8 (.8) mA ma da tarAra (nAka, ( ramitA se pUrA kara denA cArA 420 horo FA (mada saya yA kAya kAya mata ra saragute yAsaha karATe ( ramajura khIra (guru vRhat * vidaya: dIya?).rAmamA yadaranirAmada (((mAmalA yaMkara dAya rAbAda pura devanAvi ((( ON tAvita kara dendI sUTakara na TAka dala, jAtA madana AyAya karake kara salAharalAla mArera Temaka aramAna rahA ha Ta ra Dipa pula TuTela ( mahilA ke sAmane sitAre dilelA ni 56 58

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Two COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS FROM BERAR. A-SISAVAI GRANT OF GOVINDA III; SAKA YEAR 729. iib. HARAJ (rAjadara navavaraNamA ACCIATI.marahara ma rIcAlImA lyAekA 36 lA rahA . drug PSLAGYA kahatamA maTAra rAvata (IN yA vAhanAtmatat ekadA jaya se daliya ra STREETbhArata tarAlayamA janajAmagi darapuramAyAlA 4 8580 (2 vara( rAdhamAlAmAla (yahara, rAmaprasAda " mI kuTA ra kATana((kalara ra vi sa jI AR para RTUREAKATE kara para polAra / ra, tarakaTa 380 jaba cUhala nikAlanA SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA. N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. SCALE: THREE-FOURTHS.

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No. 33.] 41 TWO COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS FROM BERAR. thakavADa uta (tta) rataH lakhaiparigrAma evamayaM caturAghATanopalacito sodraMgaH saparo (ri) grAma [:*] 42 kara [:"] sadaNDadazAparAdha [: *] sabhUtopAta (tta ) pratyAya [:] zo (so) tpadyamAnaviSTika [: * ] sadhANya (nya) hiraNyA 43 deyo' acATabhaTaprAveSya(zyaH) sarvvarA [jakIyAnAmahasta ] prakSepaNoya pAcaMdrArkArNavaciti saritpa 44 rvvatasamakAlona [:"] putrapautrAnvayakramopabhogya [: *] pUrvvaprattadevatrA (brA) [dA] varahitama (to)bhyaMta (ra) sidhyA (yA) bhUmicchi 48 45 dranyAyena zakannRpakA [lA] tItasa (saM)vaccha (sa) rasa (bha) teSu saptaSu (su) 'ekUna tRSatyadhikeSu vya[*] nAmni | saMvatsare] [bhA] dra 46 padapaurNamAsyAM somagrahaNaparvvaNi va (ba) li [ caru ] vaizvadevAgnihocAtithipaJcamahAyajJaka(kri)yotsappai]NA 47 rthaM khAtvAdyodakA tisargeNa bhuMjato bhojayata: pratipAdi [ to ] ' kaSataH kaSayataH pratidizato vA na kecidalyApi paripaMthanA kAryA tathAgAmibhadranRpati 49 bhiramahaMzyairanyairvvI sAmAnyaM bhUmidAnaphalamavetya vidyujholAnyanityaizvaryANi tRNA Third Plate. 50 lagnajasaviM( biM) ducaJcalaJca jIvitamAkalajya (yya) numaMtavya [:] pratipA 211 yato svocitayA vra (brahmadAyasthityA 51 la[yi*]tavyaya [*] yathAjJAnatimirapaTa lAvRtamatirAcchiMdyAdAcchidyamAna [kaM numodeta sa paJcabhihApAta 53 ti bhUmidaH / AcchetA (ttA) khadAyanirvvise' SoyamasmadA (ddA) yo 1 Read deyocATa. The engraver at first cut and then changed it into a. * Road ekonaciMzadadhikeSu. * Read pratipAditaH / * Read syAditi / utAca Read cAnumantA. 62 kaithopapAtakaizca sayukta [ : * ] syA" ityuktaJca bhagavatA vedavyAsena vyAsena [*] SaSTiM varSA (srANi kharge ticha cAnumAtA ca tAnyeva narake vaset [ // 22* ] vidhyApakha (va) soyAsu zuSkakoTaravAsinaH [*] ka vA ] * Road nirvizeSI .

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212 55 lokaca 'yaM tena bhavedhi (ci) (ba) hubhirvvasudhA bhuktA EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. 54 cAiyo hi jAyaMta bhUmidAnaM tithe // [23] ammerapatyaM prathamaM bhUyavI sUryasutAya gAvaH [*] 56 bhi: [*] [VOL. XXIII. da(sa) yaH kAcanaM gAtha mahoM ca dadyAt // [24] rAjabhiH sagarAdi yasya yasya yadA bhUmistaca tasya tadA phalam // [25] - mekaM gAmekAM bhUmema (ra) pyekamaMgulaM (lam) [*] 57 raM 'narakavAso syAt yAvadAha (bhU) tasaMplavaM ( vam ) // [ 26 *] yAnIha datA (ttA) ni purA nareMdAMnAni dhamArthayaskarANi [*] 38 nirmukamANyamatimAni tAni kI nAma sAdhu [: * ] punarAdadIta [ // 27* ] svadattAM / mahIM mahima paradattAM vA yatnAdraca narAdhipa 59 tAM zreSTha dAnA' zreyonupAlanaM (nam ) vanitA bhAvina[:] pArthiveMdrA' [ // 28 * ] tathA coktaM rAmabhaTrena ( ga ) [ // *] bhUyo bhUyo yAcate rAnabha 60 dra[: / *] sAmAnyoyaM dharmasetu (nRpANAM kAle kAle pAlanIyo bhavadbhiH [ // 28* ] iti kamaladalAMvuviMdu lolA (zriyamanuciM 61 tya manuSyajIvitaM ca [*] ativimalamanobhirAtmanInaina (naM) hi pu[ru*]bai [ : ] parakIrtayo vikopyAH [30] likhi 62 taM zrIvatsarAjasUnumA zrI aruNAdityena / zrIjaDavulabhaTTadUtakaM // B. Lohara grant of Govinda III; Saka Year 734. These also are three copper-plates, each measuring 10-6" in length and about 7-7" in breadth. The first two plates are thinner than the third. Though their total weight is exactly the same as that of the Sisavai grant, they are smaller in length and larger in breadth than the latter. All the edges of the third plate and the proper right edge of the other two are raised, while the rest are flat. The first is inscribed on the inner side only and the other two on both the sides, but as the record ended about the middle of the outer side of the third plate, its lower portion measuring about 3-2" in breadth is blank. About 4" from the middle of the proper right side of each plate there is a roundish hole about 9" in diameter for the ring which joined it to the other plates of the set. The ring and the seal attached to it, though more substantial, resemble those of the Sisavai grant. The ring was not cut when the plates reached the Museum. The seal contains a worn out figure of Garuda larger in size, but otherwise of the same type as that of the Sisavai grant described above. The plates weigh 213 tolas and the ring and the seal together 86 tolas. 1 The engraver first cut and then changed it into a. Read haran narakavAsaH. Read mahauM. * Read savAnertAn. * Read pArthivendrAn. The punctuation mark is followed here by several dots and an ornamental figure indicating completion of the record. * Read dAnAcchreyo'. Read kamaladalAbubiMdu.

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No. 33.] TWO COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS FROM BERAR. 213 The plates are generally in a state of good preservation. Only a few letters at the end of lines 7-14 have been completely damaged by rust and two letters, one in the beginning of line 24 and the other at the end of line 40, have been lost on account of the subsequent widening of the hole for the ring; but these can be easily supplied from cognate records. There are seventy-two lines in all, of which sixteen occur on each inscribed surface except the second side of the second and third plates which have fifteen and nine lines respectively. The letters are deeply engraved, but do not show through on the back of the plates. Their average size is 3'. The characters are of the North Indian alphabet. As we shall see below, the writer of the present record is stated to be Arunaditya, the son of Vatsaraja, who, as stated above, was also the writer of the Sisavai grant, but to judge from the formation of letters, the present inscription seems to have been actually written by a different person. We do not, for instance, find here any ornamentation of the matras such as that noted above in the case of the Sisavai plates. The formation of several letters, again, is different. The stroke for medial u is not round as in the other inscription and is added not at the lower end of the vertical stroke but a little above; see vrihad-ura- and vipula both in 1. 2. The forms of i, th (whether independent or subscript), v, $, the subscript of the conjunct nn and the final t are considerably different from those occurring in the earlier record ; see e.g., iva (1. 10), katha (1. 16) and pratyartthino (1. 21), vinirjit- (11. 2-3), sadrisso- (1.6), karnn-adha- (1.9) and bhrajitat (1.3). R as the first member of the conjunct rya does not rise above the line but appears as a horizontal stroke to the left at the top ; see dhairya- (11. 6 and 16), om=utsarya (1. 15), etc. The language is Sanskrit and like the previous record the inscription is partly in verse and partly in prose. It shows many of the orthographical peculiarities noticed in connection with the previous record and though not altogether free from orthographical and other kinds of mistakes is, on the whole, more correctly written than the latter. The plates were granted by the Rashtrakuta king Govinda III, residing at Mayura. khapdi. His genealogy, titles and birudas are identical with those in the previous record. In fact the text of the whole inscription, with the exception of the names of the donated village and its boundaries, the dutaka, the date and some minor details and with the omission of seven verses three of them being from the eulogistic portion, generally agrees with that of the Sisavai grant edited above. The object of the present inscription is to record the royal gift of the village Lohara in the Murumba district to Bhatta Rishiyappa of the Kasyapa-gotra, who was a religious student of the Rigveda, the son of Annamabhatta and the grandson of Bhatta Masopavasin. He is described as residing at Dharasiva and belonging to the community of the Traividyas of that place. The donated village was bounded on the east by the smaller Lohara village, on the south by two villages named Mudupa, on the west by the villages Pipparika and Marurika and on the north also by two villages Samaripalla and Kheda. It is also recorded that Rishiyappa, reserving 400 nivartanas of the land in the afore-mentioned village for himself, divided (the revenue of the remaining land) into 120 parts of which he assigned sixty to Madhava, Sridhara, Dodhama, Aghakuti and others and the remaining sixty to Lokabhatta, Sridhara Dikshita, Madhuka Dvivedin, Prithivibhatta and others. These transactions took place on the occasion of the solar eclipse on the first tithi of the bright fortnight of Margasirsha in the expired Saka year 734 (expressed in words only). No cyclic year is mentioned in the grant. We find that in the expired Saka year 734 there was a solar eclipse on the previous day which was the new. moon day of Karttika. The first tithi of the bright fortnight of Margasirsha was current at sunrise of and therefore civilly connected with the next day, Tuesday the 9th November, A.D. 812, 1 These are vv. 7, 16 and 17 of the Staavai grant. . These were probably the smaller (laghu) and the larger (hihat) Mudape.

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214 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXIII. which is thus the date of the present plates. The charter was written by Arupaditya, the son of Vatse raja. There were two dutakas Chandiyamma and Vayama. It will be noticed that the donee of the present pletee is, in spite of slight diserepancies in his description, ideatical with that of the Bisavai grant. He is aleo the donee of the Bharsta Itihasa Samsodhaka Mandala plates of Govinda III. The provenance of the latter is not known but it is not unlikely to be some place in Berar. The villages mentioned in the plates were, therefore, probably situated somewhere in Berar, not very far from Sireo (Sisavai of the previous plates) where he or his descendants seem to have lived, and not in distant Gujarat & murmised by the editor of the above plates. It may also be noted that Aranaditya, the son of Vatsaraja, who is mentioned as the writer of this grant whether he actually wrote it or not, figures in that capacity in five other sete of plates, vie., the Nesari platest of Saka 726, the Wani-Dindori plate of Seka 780 (for the expired Saka 729), the Sibavai grant of Saka 729, the Bahulawad plates of Baka 782 (for the expired Saka 731% and the B. I. 8. M. plates of Baka 782. He was also probably the writer of the incomplete Radhanpur plates of Sake 780, judging by the writing on them which resembles that on the Nesari and the Sisa vai plates. He was thus the official writer in Govinda III's secretariat at least from Saka 726 to Baka 784. Having disposed of the format part of the grant, let us now turn to the historical information furnished by it. The charters granted by Govinda III fall into two main groups. Under the first of these come the Paithan plates of Saka 716 and the Anjanavati plates of Saka 722. The second group includes almost all the rest. The draft of the genealogical and eulogistic portion adopted in the two grants of the first group consists for the most part of old verses descriptive of the ancestors of Govinda III, which are known from the earlier records of Dantidurga, Krishna and Dhruva. To the glorification of the reigning king, the draft devotes only two verses which mention no historical event except that he obtained the kingdom from his father in supersession of his brothers. No exploits of Govinda III.-- not even his victory over the twelve kings headed by *[There are instances of the tithi which commenced some time after sunrise being cited as the surrent tithi. (See e... Nos. 215 and 269 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1918, whose dates have been caloulated by the late Mr. Swamikannu Pillai on pages 84 and 85 of the Madras Epigraphical Report, 1919.) It is, therefore, not necessary to take Tuesday the 9th November A.D. 812 as the date of the record for, the pratipat-tithi commenced at 51 ghatikas after sunrise on the previous Monday which was also the day of the eclipse. The latter, viz., A.D. 812 November 8 Monday may thus be the date of this charter. N. L R.) These plates were first noticed by Mr. Y. R. Gupte in the Journal of Indian History for 1925, pp. 100 f. and subsequently edited by Mr. G. H. Khare in the Sources of the Mediaval History of Me Deccan, Vol. III, pp. 27 EUR. The grandfather of Rishiyappa is called Vishnu in the Steavai grant, but Mas pavisin in the B.I.S.M. plates as in the present plates ; his father is called Anpama in the present record, but Appasivi (not Sappasa vi as Mr. Khare has read in the B. I. 8. M. plates) in the other two recorde. Riskiyapps is said to belong to the community of the Chaturvidyas in the Slavni graxt, bo to that of the Trovidyas in the sther two.moorde. His name, gotra, Veds and place of residence (which both Mr. Gupte and Mr. K bare som to have incorrectly rood Vinidiva) are the eame in all the recorde. The plates record the grant of the village Dasapura which was bounded on the north by the Vindhya mountain. This is likely to be Dasur in the Ellichpur tahsil of the Akola Distriot, situated only two miles to the south of the town hills which were to ancient times called Vindhya. Beme of the places mentioned in will be traced in the vicinity of Daour. Thus Ladavadiki, Pieppariki and Khida of the great se probably modern Ghat-ladki, Pimpri and Khed in the neighborhood of Daanr. The Ambili kunda at which the king bathed before making the grant was probably a kusda at the source of the hole river Paydahol (modern Purni) not far from Dasar. - G. H. Khare-Sources of the Medimal thistory of the Decoan, Vol. I, p. 23. . Ind. Ant., Vol. XI, p. 160. * Sources of the Mediaval History of the Deccan, Vol. II, pp. 18., The only exceptions so far known are the British Museum and the Kadab plates, for which see aboro, A, 806, a. 4.

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TWO COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS FROM BERAR. Stambha and the release and subsequent reimprisonment of the Ganga king. events which we know happened soon after his accessionare alluded to. And this is but natural; for that draft is found used as early as Saka 716, within a year of his father's death. When it was prepared, none of the afore-mentioned disturbances may have occurred. The same draft is again used in the Anjanavati plates issued six years later, without adding any verses descriptive of Govinda's achievements. It would scarcely be correct to infer from this that these six years in the beginning of Govinda's reign were altogether uneventful. At least the revolt of Stambha and the Ganga prince and their subsequent defeat must have happened during this interval; but for some reason or other we find Govinda using the same old draft even in his Anjanavati plates. Only two years later in Saka year 724 we find his brother Stambha issuing his Manne plates with his consent. Here we find for the first time the other draft describing the brilliant exploits of Govinda III,-his victory over twelve kings, the release and subsequent reimprisonment of the Ganga prince, the complete rout of the Gurjara and the submission of the Malava king, the presentation of the choicest heir-looms to him by Marasarva, his stay at Sribhavana during the rainy season and his subsequent march to the bank of the Tungabhadra, the despoilment of the fortune of the Pallavas, the humiliation of the lord of Vengi and finally the submission of the enemy's feudatories. It is incredible that all these events or even a majority of them occurred during the brief period of two years from Saka 722 to Saka 724. We have, therefore, to suppose either that the Manne plates are spurious or that some of these events occurred even before Saka 722, the date of the Anjanavati plates. The first of these two alternatives will appear more plausible to the historian who knows the abundance of spurious records of this period in Mysore, to which Fleet has called attention. Again, until recently the draft was not known to have been used in any record before Saka 730, in which year we find it adopted in the Wani-Dindori and Radhanpur plates. Besides, one of the events mentioned in that draft, viz., Govinda's victory over the Pallava king, seems to have occurred only a short time before Saka 726 in which year he granted the British Museum plates while he was encamped on the bank of the Tungabhadra after levying tribute on the Pallava king. How then can that event be referred to in the Manne plates issued two years earlier? To add to these suspicious circumstances, the date of the above mentioned Manne plates, though Sewell has declared it to be sound, appears to be irregular. The grant purports to have been made on the occasion of a lunar eclipse, the asterism being Pushya in the expired Saka year 724. Sewell takes this as equivalent to the 13th November. A.D. 802. He, therefore, evidently takes the lunar eclipse to be that which occurred on the full-moon day of Margadirsha. But the asterism on that tithi was Rohipi and not Pushya. One is therefore naturally led to conclude that the plates are spurious. As stated above, until recently the draft was not known to have been used in any genuine record before Saka 730. It was, of course, known from the British Museum plates that Govinda's victory over the Pallava king had occurred before Saka 726; but as his other exploits have not been mentioned in any genuine record dated before Saka 730, Dr. Altekar in his history of the No. 33.] 215 1 See e.g., v. 12 of the present grant. I do not now hold the view which I previously advocated from the mention of Chakiraja as dutaku in the Anjanavati plates that the revolt of Stambha must have taken place after Saka 722 (or A.D. 800); see above, p. 11. Epigraphia Carnatica, Vol. IX (Nelamangala), p. 51. Ind. Ant., Vol. XXX, pp. 204 and 212. The date of the Wani-Dindori plates is more likely to be the expired Saka year 729 as shown above, p. 205, n. 2. These plates have a sound date, naming the eclipse of the moon on the day stated.'-Sewell in Historical Inscriptions of Southern India (ed. S. K. Alyangar), p. 33. My attention to this apparent irregularity was drawn by Dr. Altekar.

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216 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXIII. Rashtrakutasi has placed Govinda III's expeditions against the Pallava and Eastern Chalukya kings before his northern conquests which according to him occurred during the period A.D. 806-808. The draft adopted in the Wani-Dindori and Radhanpur plates states, however, that from Srivardhana Govinda marched with his forces to the bank of the Tungabhadra, where he despoiled the Pallavas of their riches and humiliated the lord of Vengi. Dr. Altekar, therefore, supposes that this was a second expedition of Govinda III against thera, which must have been necessitated by their revolt during his absence in the north. According to him this second southern campaign may have terminated in A.D. 810 or 811. The discovery in recent times of several records of Govinda III, in which the second draft descriptive of his glorious achievements has been regularly used, must lead to a revision of the above conclusions regarding the chronological order of events in his reign. Besides the Manne plates (first set) of Saka 724, we have nine other records with dates ranging from Saka 727 to Saka 734 in which the same draft is met with, viz., the Nesari plates of $. 727, the Sisavai grant of $. 729, the Wani-Dindori plates of $. 730 (for 729), the Radhanpur and the Badangupper plates, both of 8.730, the Bahulawad plates of Saka 732 (for Saka 731). the B. I. S. Mandala and the Manne plates (second set), both of $. 732, and the present Lohara grant of S. 734. Of these the Badanaguppe plates, like the Manne plates of $. 724, were issued by Govinda III's brother Stambha, while the rest were issued by Govinda III himself. The combined testimony of so many plates from different parts of the country renders probable the genuineness of Manne plates of $. 724. It may be noted again, that the first of these, viz., the Nesari plates were issued only three years after the Marne plates of $. 724 and clearly show that all the important campaigns of Govinda III had been completed, in any case, before $. 727 (A.D. 805). As for the other arguments which seemed to render the authenticity of the Manne plates open to question, it may be pointed out that they are not inexplicable. A careful study of the British Museum plates of Saka 726 will show that it was the second time that Govinda was encamped at the tirtha of Ramesvara on the bank of the Tungabhadra when he had gone to exact tribute from the king of Kanchi in 8. 726. Obviously his first visit to the tirtha must have occurred when he was encamped on the bank of that river in the course of his earlier expedition against the Pallavas as stated in the Manne, Nesari and other later inscriptions of his reign. This second expedition must have been necessitated by the refusal or failure of the Pallava king to pay the tribute which had been forced on him when he was vanquished. The date of the Manne plates also is not so suspicious as might appear at first sight. It is clear that some 1 See his Rashtrakufas and Their Times, p. 64, n. 42 and p. 65, n. 49. * Ibid., p. 69. * Mysore Archaeological Survey Report for 1927, pp. 112 ff. * Sources of the Mediaval History of the Deccan, Vol. II, p. 13. The name of the cyclic year Sarvadharin shows that the Saka year 732 is a mistake for Saka 731 (according to the Northern system); or the year may be taken as ourrent. It may be noted that the plates were issued from Mayrakhand and the writ Arunaditya. So the system adopted here was the northern luni-solar as in other similar cases. * Journal of the Mythic Society, Vol. XIV, p. 88. * The Nesari plates have undoubtedly a sound date. The ogelio year according to the northern luni-solar system was Tarana as stated in the grant. The sankranti took place 55 ghafikas after mean sunrise on the 21st December, A.D. 805, when the 13th tithi of the dark half of Pausha was current as stated in the grant. The titki onded 42 ghafikas after mean sunrise on the next day when the religious rites must have been performed and the gift made. Soo Floet's translation .... when baving at (his) first (visit) approved of the tirtha called Ramdhvara became there again) to spear the boars, etc.' Ind. Ant., Vol. XI, p. 127. See c.g., v. 15 of the present inscription

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No. 33.] TWO COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS FROM BERAR. 217 words like Margasiraha-paurnamasyam are inadvertently omitted in the record. As for the discrepancy of the nakshatra Pushya not being current at the time of the eclipse as mentioned in the record, it can be explained by supposing that though the grant was made at the lunar eclipse the plates were actually issued four days later when the moon was in conjunction with the asterism Pushya. Analogous instances in justification of this explanation can be easily cited from the records of the period. There are, thus, no insuperable difficulties in admitting the Manne plates of Saka 724 to be genuine. All the important conquests of Govinda III seem, therefore, to have been made during the first seven or eight years of his reign. It seems that soon after Govinda III's accession the twelve kings headed by Stambha rose in revolt against him. Govinda released the Ganga prince apparently to create a rival in the Karnataka to his rebellious brother, but as he seems to have joined Stambha and his allies, Govinda III defeated them all and put the Ganga prince into fetters again. The ease and rapidity with which these victories were attained are graphically described in two stanzas included in all records of the second group. These operations could not have taken more than two years ($. 716 and 717) after his accession. The next four or five years seem to have been occupied by his campaigns in the Northern and Central India at the end of which his son was born in circa $721. In Ashadha of the next year we find him again at his capital Mayurakhandi, issuing his Anjanavati plates. Engrossed in planning and fighting wars as he was during all these years, he had apparently no time to think of getting a new draft prepared for the plates which he issued in that year. His expedition against the southern kings may have occurred in $. 722 and 723. At the end of it when his position was supreme both in the north and in the south, he seems to have caused a new draft descriptive of all his important conquests to be prepared which we find him adopting in all his later charters. This draft is composed in an ornate kavya style recalling, as Kielhorn has shown, 'many expressions and poetical devices used in the works of Bana and Subandhu. Noticing the king's predilection for it, his governors in the Karnataka also seem to have adopted the same draft in their charters issued during his lifetime. If the chronological order of events in Govinda III's reign as stated above is correct, his son Amoghavarsha must have been a fairly grown-up youth of about sixteen, when he ascended the throne in circa Saka 736. In that case the statement in the Sanjan plates' that Govinda III went to heaven, because he felt sure that his son was able to bear the burden of the three worlds, need not be taken as exaggerated. Amoghavarsha I, must, therefore, have been nearly eighty at the time of his death. See the wording of the grant-'afanynig wag ang w arna: waterafora [a]eum? mAnyapuramadhivamati vijayaskandhAvAra sImagrahaNe puSyamakSave bhalaye......' * As shown above, the present plates were issued a day after the solar eclipse. [ See note 1 on p.214. -Ed.) We may also note that the date of the Manne plates (second set) fangutanay nay n g ....... etcaret 998 hari yauwa... According to S. K. Pillai's Indian Ephemeris the lunar eclipse occurred on the lithi mentioned in the grant, but the week day was Saturday and the asterism Punarvasu. It seems, therefore, that the plates were issued two days later on Monday when the asterism was Pushya as required. . See e..., vv. 12 and 13 of the present grant. * See v. 24 of the Sanjan plates, above, Vol. XVIII, p. 246. 6 Two of these, the Pallava king and the lord of Vengi are mentioned in the present record. The kings of Korala, Pandya, Chola and other countries are mentioned in verses 21-23 of the Nesarl and v. 32 of the Sanjau plates. * See notes to his translation of the Radhanpur platos, above, Vol. VI, pp. 246-250. 7 V. 25, above, Vol. XVIII, p. 246.

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218 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXIII. As for the places mentioned in the present plates, Vangi, Br[bhavana and Mayurakhand have already been notioed. Lohara, the donated village may be modern Lohara about 8 miles to the west of Karanja in the Murtizapur idluka. Muramba, the headquarters of the district in which it was situated, may be Murambi, 3 miles south-east of Lohara. Of the boundary villages only two can be traced at present. Mudapa may be Mandav, 3 miles to the south and Pippariked modern Pimpalgaon 4 miles to the east of Lohara. The other villages cannot be identified. TEXT: [ Metres : Vv. 1, 19-22 Antishtubh ; v. 2, 6 and 8 Vasantatilaka; v. 3-5, 7, 9-17 Sardulavikridita ; v. 18 Aryd ; v. 23 Pushpritagra.] First Plate. 1 moma ] sa vovyAdhasA dhAma yaMnAbhikamala chata(tam) / haraca yasa kAMtadukalayA kamasaMnata(tam) [it'] bhUpobha2 vA(1)jadurakhasarAjamAnaukaustubhAyatakarairupagUDhakaNThaH . [1] satyAnvito vipula cakravinirSi 3 tAricakrobasacarita(to) bhuvi kRSNarAna: [12] pakSacchedabhayAna(tri)tAkhilamahA mUsatkusamASitAt 4 dulaMdhyAdaparairanekavimalambANipAravAnvitAt [*] yacAlukyakulAdanUnaviyu(bu)dhavAtA ayo 5 vAridhaH sanI maMdasvamasaulamacirAdAjaSTavA(vAn) vanabhaH [3] tasyAbhUtanayaH pratApavisara. 8 rAtidinAko pAyopyacaDakaratApravAditAtaNa: [1] dhaurI dhairyadhano 7 vipakSavalitAvakAvu(bu)jabIharI hArIkatva yazo yadIyamanizaM dinAyikAbhidhRta ] _ [4][ ]8 cholaMghanajAtayApyamakhayA samyA samatopi sanyobhUbimalamaNDala[sthiti]. 9 yutI dIpAkaro na bAcit [1] kadhikhitadAnasaMtatibhRto yasyAnya[dAnAdhi]. 10 karaka) dAna baukha kSaNitA va dizAM prati sthitA diggajAH // [*] payana jAtu 11 vijituM(ta) gurupatisAramAkrAntabhUtasamananyasamAnamAna(nam)[*] yemeha va(ba)[camava lokA cirAyaH] ink-impressions From the original plates. The facsimiles accompanying this article are prepared from kindly taken by Mr. Natarajan, Superintendent, Government Prese, Nagpur. * Expressed by a symbol. Read bannAbhi-. Only faint traces of some of the ataharas in the brackets can be seen on the plate. ekete can be awesort Read bhAjitAi.

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TWO COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS FROM BERAR. No. 33.] 12 gaMgaM dUraM svanigrahabhiyeva kaliH prayAta: 1[14*] helAvojata gauDarAjyaka _l 13 cirAt durmArgamadhyamapratiya(ba) leyoM basarA (ca) [*] goDo ghara 3 14 laM chatraiyaM kevalaM tasmAcAhata vayoSi karmA prati khitaM vaaccaat| [*] 15 macirAya kathaM musArya rAcariteravIla [] vA punaH jatayuga (gA) Tha 16 madhyazeSAM (i) citraM kathaM nirupama kalivajJabhobhUt / [15] * ] prAbhUSavatAta nirupamA 1 Restore malAmataM pravekhA. * Restore labdhaprati'. * Read yasmin. * The lost letter in bhya. 11 Read vicchAyAn Second Plate; First Side. 17 diduSA vAridha grahAlA paramedharovataziraH saMsaktapAdaH sutaH / padmAnandaka pati nityodaya pUrvAdrariva bhAnumAnabhimato goviMdarA 18 ko 19 jaH satAM (tAm ) [ 12 * ] yasmiM sarvaguNAzraye kSitipatau zrIrASTrakUTAnvayo jAte yAdavavaMza 20 vammadhuripAvAsIdadhyaH pare [i] dRSTAyAvadhayaH jatAssusamA dAnena yeno21 patA muktAhAravibhUSitA sphuTamiti pratyakhinopya viMga (nAm ) [10] yasyAkAramamAnuSaM tu (tri) 22 bhuvanavyApattiracocita (taM) kRSNasyeva girI yacchati pitayeM kAdhipatyaM bhuvaH [12] AstAM tAta 23 tavaitadapratihatA dattA tvayA kaNThikA kiM nAzeva mayA iti pitaraM yukaM vaco yo dhAt * ] 24 [011) ta ivargavibhUSapAya jana yAte yazaH zeSatAmekobhUya sa25 sucatAvasumatI samAdhiyA [1] vizvAya" [wwe vyathata patIna 26 kopi yo dAdaza khyAtAnapyadhikapratApavisare[:] *] saMvarttako []niya / [12] yenAtyaMtadayA #Read cirAda. * It would be better to read padmAnaMdakaraH. 1 The anuseara is superfluous. * Read afer. 219 #Restore 'hiMdupAdadhava . 10 Bond kahatI ha

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXIII. 27 lunAtha nigaDaklezAdapAsyAyatAtkha' dezaM gamitopi darpavisarAya: prAtikUlye sthi 28 29 taH [*] yAvana' mukuTo lalATaphalake yasyovate lacyate vikSepeNa vijitya tAvadacirAha (ca) Ga: sa gaMga: puna: / [13] saMdhAyAzu zilImukhAM (khAn) svasamayAdA (bA)NAsanasyopari prAptaM 220 30 (baMdhujIvavibhavaM padmAbhivRdhyA (yA) nvitaM (tam ) [ 1*] sanakSatramudIcya yaM zarahapa ]rjanyava [ 31 hUrjarI naSThaH (STaH kApi bhayAttathA na samaraM svapnepi pazyedyathA // [ 14* ] nItvA zrIbhavane ghanAghana 32 ghanavyAptAMva(ca)rAM prAvRSaM tasmAdAgatavAM (vAn ) samaM nijava (ba) lerAtuMgabhadrAtaTaM tatrastha [: vaka] ra Second Plate; Second Side. 33 sthi[tA]mapi punarnizzeSamAkRSTavA (vAn) vikSepairapi citramAnataripurya: pajJavAnAM - yaM ( zriyam) |[15*] 34 lekhAhAramukhoditArDavacasA yatraitya veMgauzvaro nityaM kiMkaravadhyadhAdavirataM karma 35 svarmecchayA [*] vAhyAlIhatirasya yena racitA vyomAgralagnArucat rAtrau maukti kamA 36 kimi dhRtA mUrdhasthatArAgaNaiH |[ 16* ] saMcAsAtparacakrarAjakamagAttatpUrva sevAvi37 dhi'rvyAvaddhAMjalizobhitena zaraNaM nAmnA' yadaM hRdayaM (yam) [*] yadyaddattaparArdhyabhUSaNagaNe 38 rnAlaMkRtaM tattathA mA bhaiSoriti satyapAlitayazasthityA yathA tahirA // [17*] tenedama 39 nilavidyuzcaJcalamavalokya jIvitamasA raM (ram) [1] citidAnaparamapuSyaH pravartito vra (ba) hma 40 dAyoyaM (yam ) [18* ] sa ca paramabhaTTAraka mahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvara zrIdhArA [va*]devapAdAnudhyAtaparamabhaTTAraka mahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvarazrI 41 42 matprabhUtava pRthvIvajJabhazrIvajJa bhanareMndradevaH kuzalI sarvAneva yathA saMgha (ba) - 43dhyamAnakA cASTrapativiSayapati grAma kUTAyuktaka niyuktakAdhikArikamaha 1 Read yAvatra. 4 Road vidhivyAva 1deg. * maulikamAlikeva vidhRtA Sec above, p. 210, n. 1. * Read mUrdhA. * Read yahi'.

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Two COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS FROM BERAR. B-LOHARA GRANT OF GOVINDA III; SAKA YEAR 734. ra tapAimAyakavAda yAta 347 sAla 18 padilA. dayAdhyAyamA kAnAvAvA 18 nayAsa balojI rAtavAhaniyAdadAra 20 padayAbAra sadara reTAyalAsusahanAdAnakA 20 nAma kAhAnI nAkA yasakapamahApahAMayra karInA kAla ya subhatyA kI sAtiya pahilA - sunitA ducAka TakAhilA hu~ yamApana yanava vayAcyA balAba kayAlAla jakhamATarakI kUTAna manamAviyAMcavAyA sAtapaya tIba 20 yA isa para donovatayA yuvaka hAmI dayA / rana pAdAbhAbalAITa banalAya mAdhyiAti 28 [yAlaya vAhatubanavidayAlA tAyada HORI LUGAnjaa suryanayAdaramamA yAtrA yavasAya yA sAla tasadI ra apa yAbAsAhAyalAhAmAvaruvAkAyana 4ApAlApanadAaara SyadAnamasU32 44 yAta tupayaza mApadayapagatakA padA kArabA hImAjikikavakhavAvA gumAyAkalAlasAmanAvamAmalavAmAmA mAmAhA / niyamAmavatAnA mAnyavara kalA sAdAbAda 36 lAvA sAtavAsada hogadAvA yAvara DAra lAmA kAravAda, 116 yA anya tamAzA yA mAlika yazavamAyayA yA yA gAvAta saya ra kamabAhayaradhanavAna badamadAra hajAratamAdhyamabaralA 42yataba yamanapadayAvalImA mAlakAlA ba tAyanakA kAkA pakSamatA 44 jAniya 64 varAmabhA ma/vayatayA mAnakAlanATA 46 pariyAra giTa) YATJA tsdiithisaar| KARISTIANAlA prAdhArAyalA WADIVAL COALE'S. BURVEY OF INDIA, CALOUTTA. N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Ram No. 1479537-275.

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4858 50 52 56 iiia. 62 54 nApA da yAvata kI yAko mahAdevalI 483( dAtI luka parvatamA kAlIkoTa baadhllkA 58 padavikA 04 00 dina 68 mAyAmA They off 50 yAmAsa jIta iiib. kama eaura yA anya kRti prada52 to: dAdAi dahAHkR 784 kA thaa| jo jAgiya pravRti kATha vA pradhAnR candra mAtA inA 48 708 TUlaoNja 72 yAda ganIdevI yAlA pratii 54 56 58 60 nAva 60 yaha mAlavA kuna kAryaka kAzIdIta kAgadAvarUna tayAra davA kA rAhadAnI da da 'va' pratyeka 70 62 64 66 68

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No. 33.] TWO COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS FROM BERAR. 221 44 ttarAdoM(don) samAdizatyastu vaH saMviditaM(tam) / yathA mayUrakhaNDosamAvAsi tena ma45 yA zrImahAravyA dhvA' vijJaptikayA mAtApitrorAtmanacaihikAsabhikapuNyayazobhivAye / 46 [dhA] rAzivavAstavyata vidyasAmAnyakAzyapasagotrava(ba)dRcasatra(brahmacAriNe bhaTTamA mo]. pavA47 sipau[cAya paNamasutAya bhariSiprayAya murumba(mba)viSayaprativa(ba)ilohArA Third Plate ; First Side. 48 grAmaH kIlaGgaka-karI] kasamanvitaH tasya cAghATanAni pUrvataH laghalohArAgrAma49 : dakSiNataH sadupagrAmadayaM pazcima[ta:] pipparikAgrAma: mArurikagrAmatha / utta50 rataH sAmaripakSagrAmakheDagrAmau / evamayaM caturAghATanopalakSito grAma: ri51 Siyapye nApi nivartanazatacatuSTayaM(ya)mAtmanimi[taM] mAnyasthityA va(ba)hiSkRtvA(tya) mAdhavatrodha52 rado[dhAmaaghakuTidIkSitapramukhAnAM SaSTibhAgA[:*] tathA zokabhayo dhara dIkSita madhuka53 hivedipRthivibhapramukhAnA pa(Sa)STibhAgAH evaM viMzottarazata(ta) mahAjanasyAharapIkata: ___ sodaMga: sa54 parikaraH sadaNDadazAparAdhaH sabhUtopAttapratyAyaH sotpadyamAnaviSTikaH sadhAnyahiraNyA deyaH acATa55 bhaTanAvazyaH sarvarAjakIyAnAmahastaprakSepaNIyaH pAcaMdrAArNavakSi- . 56 tisarityarvatasamakAlIna: - putrapautrAnvayakramopabhogyaH pUrvapradattadeva57 vA(brAhmadAyarahitobhyaMtarasidhyA bhUmichidra nyAyena zakatRpakAlAtItasaMvatsaraza58 teSu saptasu catustaGgadadhikaSu' mArgazira[:] zuddha pratipadi sUryagrahaNamahAparvaNi va. (ba)lica59 rupaiya(kha)devAgnihotrAtithipaJcamahAyajayotsarpaNAtya sAtvAdyodakAtisarga60 Na pratipAditaH yatosyocitayA vra(ba)jhadAyasthityA bhaMjato bhojayata: kRSata: 1 This akshara is rodundant. . These dandas aro superfluous. * Read sarca vidya* The akaharas in the brackets appear to be incised subsequently in place of the original ones. * Hero and in some places below the rules of sandhi have not been observed. * This mark of punctuation is superduous here. Read' sihayA - Read bhUmicchidra. * Read 'zadadhikaSu. A" Real niyAmarSaNa

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222 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXIIL 61 varSayataH pratidizato vA na kecidalyApi paripaMdhanA pAryA [0] tathAgAmibhadra nRpati62 bhiramAiMzyairanyairvA sAmAnya bhUmidAnaphalamapetya vidyumolAnyanityaizvaryANi tu63 gANalagnamalaviMdu'caJcalaM ca jIvitamAvalaya khadAyanirSiSoyamasmadA(hA)[yo']numaMtavyaH Third Plate ; Second Sido. 64 pratipAlayitavyazca [*] yazcAjJAnatimirapaTalAtamatirAcchiMdyAdAcchidyamAna kAnumo65 deta sa paMcabhirmahApAtaka: saMyukta[:] syAt [*] uktaM ca bhagavatA vedavyAsana vyAsana [*] SaSTiM 66 varSasahasrANi svarge tiSThati bhUmidaH [] pAcchettA cAnumantA ca tAndheva narava vase[*] [1e*] viMdhyA. 67 TavISvatIyAsu zaSkakoTaravAsina: [1] jaNAhayo hi jAyaMta bhUmidAnaM harati ye [20] va(ba)hu68 bhirvasudhA bhuktA rAjabhiH sagarAdibhiH [*] yasya yasya yadA bhUmistasa tasva __ tadA phalaM(lam) [21] 69 khadattA(ttA) paradattA vA yabAdakSa narAdhipa [*] mahIM maho[matA] zreSTha dAnAccheyonupAlana(nam) [ // 22*] 70 iti kamaladalAvu(bu)vi(vi)dulolA (vi)yamanucitya manuSyajIvitaM ca [1] pati vimalamanIbhirA71 manIne ri puruSaiH parakottayo vizopyA[22] likhitaM ca zrIparaNAditvena vatsarAja 72 sUnunA [*] caMdiyaaSayamA(mI) dUtako . No. 34.-SONE-EAST-BANK COPPER PLATE OF INDRADEVA AND UDAYARAJA. ____BY HARIT KRISHNA DEB, CALCUTTA. A copper-plate said to have been discovered in the river-bed near Sone-East-Bank, was brought to my notice by Prof. Satyendra Nath Bose, Professor of Physics, Dacca University, during the summer vacation of 1936. Prof. Bose has since then kindly sent me a photograph of the record after cleaning it at Dacca from which it is possible to read the text more clearly than from the original when shown to me before cleaning. I am grateful to Prof. Bose for his valuable help in the decipherment of the inscription. ___ Read biMdu. - Read mahIlatA. After is incised a round figure indicating completion of the racord.

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No. 34.) SONE-EAST-BANK COPPER PLATE OF INDRADEVA AND UDAYARAJA. 223 DINANCIARE ALLAR The record consists of a single sheet of copper, engraved on both sides and contains 28 lines of writing, of which the first 24 occur on the first side. The last line on the reverse has * peouliarity; the original record had left & considerable blank space between its 13th akshara (with which the text proper terminates) and the enumeration of the date in figures and words at the end ; this space was afterwards filled out by another hand with 21 aksharas out of which the last two could not be accommodated therein and were consequently inscribed lower down. The language is Sanskrit. The text is partly in verse, partly in proge. There are a few mistakes due, no doubt, to the scribe; but these are of minor importance. The alphabet agrees more or less closely with Tafel V, columns XX-XXIII, in Buhler's Indische Palaeographie. The object of the document is to record the grant of a village called Gambhari, by the Mahamandalika Udayaraja whose overlord was the king Indradhavala, jointly to the Brahmins, Dharesvara and Mahaditya in the proportion of three to two. The interpolated portion of line 28-upadhyaya-Dharesvaraya panchahasya-bhumir=data Chuchuddana-grame-seems intended to specify the apportionment so far as concerned Dharesvara; if so, the village must have been alternatively designated Chuchuddana. The document (except this interpolated portion) was caused to be written by the Thakkura sri-Sujana, the Akshapatalika. The record opens with an invocation to Siva (11. 1-2). It then proceeds to set out, with suitable eulogia, the lineage of king Indradhavala : the founder of his family was Khadirapala in whose lineage was born king Sadhava, from whom was born king Rapadhavala, whose son was the king Pratapadhavala, whose son was the king Sri-Sahasa, whose son was the king Sri-Vikrama, whose brother was the great king (mahanripati) Indradhavala. The next enumeration (11. 12-16) appertains to the family of Udayaraja : his descent is traced back to the Kadambas, in whose lineage was born Samarasimha, whose son Praharaja became the Prime Minister (pradhana-sachiva) to the (unnamed) king of the line of Khadirapala; his son, Udayaraja, was a feudatory (mahumandalika) under Indradhavala. It is stated (11. 15-16) that Udayaraja was left in charge while his overlord, king Indradhavala, was engaged in sports, surrounded by women. Possibly, Indradhavala was, at the time, staying at Udyanna, which seems identifiable with the town Bihar (see infra, p. 225), since there is a reference to the place (11. 9-10) in association with his ability for sport; albeit the sport of conquest (Indradevo nipa Udyanne (tri*]jagat-pratapa-samana-krida-garishtha-dyutih). The grant was made (11. 16-18) at Navanera (or Navinara?)-pattana' (? mod. Nabinagar). after notifying, ordering and explaining to the assembled inhabitants of the village Gambhari as well as to the king's officers beginning with the heir-apparent (yuvaraja) and ending with the subordinate rulers and the military officers (samanta-8enadhikarika). The rights conferred by the grant are enumerated in 11. 18-19; they are the usual ones found in the records of the period. The date is given (11. 19-20) in words as: Srimad-Vikramadityasya dvadasa-sata-samvatsare chatuhpanchasad-varshadhike Karttika-masasya purnimasyam(yan) tithau Soma-dine," in the year of Srimad Vikramaditya, twelve centuries and fifty-four, on the full-moon day (tithi) of the Karttika month, on Monday", and regularly corresponds to Monday, the 27th October, A.D. 1197. In 11. 20-22 are set out the genealogies of the two donees: (1) upadhyaya-bri-Dharesvara, of the Brahmana caste, and the Bharadvaja-gotra, grandson of pandita sri-Vasu(su)deva, son of 1 The metre requires a syllable like tri; in the record itzelf tri does not occur. [The reading is dy, not dya and I suggest the restoration wdyann-awa(r)) which is in keeping with the simile of the moon introduced in the Terse. According to my reading there should be no reference to Uddapdapure or Bihar.-Ed.] *[See below, p. 229, n. 2.-Ed.)

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224 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXIII avasathil sri-Ri(Ri)shi, and (2) pandita sri-Mahaditya, of the Brahmana caste, and the Kausikagotra, grandson of pandita sri-Sridhara, son of pandita sri-Kirttipala. In 11. 22-23 occur the statements that the grant was made by a copper-plate with the usual auspicious ceremonies and the injunction that the customary rights should be given to the donees in obedience to the established custome Lines 23-27 contain the usual benedictive and imprecatory verses relating to land-grants. Lines 27-28 record that the document was caused to be written by the Akshapatalika, Thakkura bri-Sujana, & scion of the Sri-Vastavya-kayastha community and the date is repeated in figures. The historical value of this record is considerable. The following pedigrees of two ruling lines-one tracing itself back to Khadirapala, another to Samarasimha of the Kadamba stock-are disclosed : Khadirapala Kadambas Sadhava Ranadhavala Samarasimha Pratapadhavala Sahasa Praharaja Udayaraja Vikrama Indradhavala We already possess some knowledge about Pratapadhavala. In his Memoir on The Palas of Bengal (1915), the late Mr. R. D. Banerji wrote "During the reign of Lakamanasena the western part of Magadha seems to have passed into the hands of the Gahadavala kings of Kanauj. The local rulers practically acquired independence, as an example of which we may cite the name of the Mahanayaka Pratapadhavala of Japila. The earliest record of this generation is a short rock inscription near the Tutrahi Falls in the Shahabad District, the date of which corresponds to 19th April, 1158 A.D. According to an unpublished inscription at Rohtasgadh, the King set up some monuments on the 27th March, 1169 A.D. In the same district, there is another rock inscription at Tarachandi incised in the Vikrama era 1225, corresponding to 1169 A.D. According to another inscription at Rohtasgadh, the family to which this dynasty belonged is called Khayaravala Vamsa. The relation between this chief and the Gahadavala Kings of Kanauj has been made clear by the Tarachandi inscription of the same prince. This inscription was edited by Dr. Fitz-Edward Hall in 1860. According to this inscription, in Samvat 1225 on Wednesday, the 3rd day of the dark half of Jyaintha,=16th April, 1 The reading avanath was first made out by Prof. Bose. It signifies a person keeping the sacred fire known as avasathya which, together with four other fires, would be called panch-ugnaya). We are reminded of thu tradition that five panch-agnika Brahmins were imported into Bengal by " Adifora." Cf. the expression...Almaj-Japiliya-Chandikd-charana-pash keja-paryupdaana-para .... applied to Indra. dhavala in 11. 11-12 of our record. Japila ia modern Japla.

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No. 34.) SONE-EAST-BANK COPPER PLATE OF INDRADEVA AND UDAYARAJA. 225 1169 A.D., Pratapadhavala announces that a certain copper-plate recording the grant of the villages of Kalahandi and Badapila has been obtained by several Brahmanas by bribing one, Deu, the slave of King Vijayacandra of Kanyakubja. The inscription finally adds that the proprietary share of the rent should be collected yearly as before. This inscription shows very clearly that though Pratapadhavala was semi-independent, he was obliged to recognize the suzerainty of the Gabadavala King of Kanauj. The villages stated above within his territories could be granted by the King of Kanyakubja to anybody he liked." (Memoirs A. S. B., Vol. V, pp.107-8). The Khayaravala of the Rohtasgadh inscription is evidently the Khadirapala of our record. Reading between the lines the conventional eulogies attached to the princes descended from *the great family of Khadirapala, we feel that it was Pratapadhavala who probably first at tained an independent status by war: he is designated Sankara and specially likened to Siva in his aspect as the destroyer of the pride of Daksha. His son, Sahasa, was doubtless an independent monarch, since he is described as being revered by kings once his enemies (... pranata. vairi-narendra-mauli-manikya-kokanada-pujita-pada-pathah). I understand from Prof Bose that there is a place called Sahasapura near the find-spot of the record : it may have been named after Sahasa. And it is interesting to observe the close resemblance, in style and phraseology, between ouz inscription and the copper-plate land-grants of the Gahadavala kings the cessation of whose suzerainty over rulers of this region must have been a matter of recent history when the present record was issued. King Vikarama, son of Sahasa, is described in rather tame terms. His enemies are stated to have avoided facing a fight with him out of fear for the strength of his arms (v.7). * King Indradeva, also called Indradhavaladeva and Indradhavala, was a brother of Vikrama. He seems to have considerably enlarged his kingdom by warfare. His titles, parama-Mahesvara, sar-etara-vichara-Chaturanana and Mahanripati, imply high status; the first two appear modelled on the styles parama-Mahesvara and Vachaspati of the Gahadavalas. His other epithet, samaranissarkamalla, suggests connection with the Chalukyas ; we may compare the epithet NiharikaSankara applied to king Vallalasena who married & Chalukya princess, Ramadevi, as proved by copper plate inscriptions of the Sena kings.' In Ceylon, also, about this time, we come across a king called Kittinissanka, said to have belonged to the Kalinga race. Indradhavaladeva, according to our inscription, was successful with his sword against his foes and is described as having shone in the sport of conquest at Udyanna or Udyanna. Udyanna or Udyanna seems to be identical with Taranath's Otantapuri, going back to some such form as Uddiyana or Uddina". Alberunis gives the form Udunpur, in connection with his statement that the Bhaikshuki lipi ("script used by Buddhist monks") was current in that place situated in Purva-desa. The feudatory chief Udayaraja claims to belong to the Kadamba-kulao and is styled Mahamandalika. He seems to have been connected with the Kadambas of Goa : our copper-plate 1 The reff. given by Banerji are: Ep. Ind., Vol. iv, p. 311; Ep. Ind., Vol. v, App., PP. 22, No. 152; J. A. 0.8., Vol. vi, p. 547. In Buchanan's Shahabad Report (Patna 1934), we are told of an inscription setting out the succession of these rulers (p. 48), wherein Pratapa, Vikrams and Sahase figure ; but afterwards there are names which seem to indicate a change of dynasty. At p. 48 of this Report there is mention of another inscription naming Pratapa and Sabasa ; it is apparently identical with No. 1759 of the "List of Inscriptions of Northern India" (above, Vol. XX, App.). * Majumdar, Inscrs. of Bengal, pp. 58, 107, 118 etc. * Calavathua (P. T. 8. ed.), cb. 80. [See above, p. n. -Ed.] * India, Vol. 1, p. 173 and Vol. 2, p. 314 (transl. Sachau). * There is now a regular treatise on the Kadambas entitled The Kadamba-Kula by G. M. Moraes (Bombay, 1931) copy of which was kindly placed at my disposal by Prof. S. K. Chatterji.

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226 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXIII. begins with an invocation to Siva as enemy of the demon Tripura, and we know that the family deity of the Goa Kadambas was Siva in the same aspect (as Sapta-kot-isvara). The style Mahamandalika, known to have been affected also by Ievaraghosha in the Ramganj copper-plate, seems to have been superior to the style Mahamandalesvara adopted by the feudatory families of the Kanarese districts including the Goa Kadambas. In a copper-plate grant dated Saka 1017, the Silahara prince Anantadeva (or Anantapala) calls himself Mahamandalika as well as Mahamandalesvaradhipati; so that we may perhaps presume that Udayaraja had Mahamandalesvaras under him. He may have been connected also with the Kadambas of Kalingaa line of feudatory chiefs under the Ganga kings; his father's name, Praharaja, points in the same direction, since it is a family surname in Orissa; the surname occurs in Orissan records, e.g., in the Puri copperplate of Nrisimhadeva IV, dated Saka 1305, and the inscription of A.D. 1436 on the Jayvijaya doorway in the Temple of Jagannatha at Puri." Praharaja, father of Udayaraja, is stated to have been Prime Minister (pradhana-sachiva) to an unnamed prince of the family of Khadirapala. This prince was in all probability Sahasa. Some link between Praharaja and Sahasa seems to be suggested by the circumstance that the words sura, vairi, pranata and kirtti employed by the composer of our record in his description of Sahasa are repeated by him in his description of Praharaja, and both descriptions are couched in the same metre, Vasantatilaka. Regarding Samarasimha, father of Praharaja, described in our copper-plate as belonging to the Kadamba stock, it would be interesting to investigate data which might lead to his identity. In the Prithviraja Vijaya, a Kadamba-Vasa figures as Chief Adviser to Prithviraja who was victorious over the Muhammadans in 1192 A.D. In the Prithviraja Rasa, a similar role is played by a Samarr-Sing. Tod' who identifies him with the ruler of Chitor, says: "The bard represents him as the Ulysses of the host; brave, cool, and skilful in the fight; prudent, wise, and eloquent in Council; pious and decorous on all occasions; beloved by his own chiefs, and reverenced by the vassals of the Chauhan." It seems possible that Prithviraja's Chief Adviser was remembered by his family-designation KadambaVasa (-Kadamba-Vamea) in the tradition embodied in the Prithviraja Vijaya, while he was remembered by his personal name Samar-Sing in the tradition relied on by the author of the Prithviraja Rasa and that the latter confounded him with a homonymous personage who ruled over Chitor long after Prithviraja. If so, we might perhaps think of identifying this KadambaVasa Samar-Sing with our Kadambakulavatamsa Samarasimha. Our inscription shows that Udyanna (Bihar) was, even at the end of October, A.D. 1197, not yet conquered by the Muhammadans. But its fall was not delayed. The event is usually assigned to the year A.D. 1197. It probably happened slightly later. There is every reason to believe that the capture of Nadia took place in the cold season of A.D. 1199. The data given in the Tabaqat-i-Nasiri seem to have the effect of placing the capture of the fortress of Bihar' less than one year before the fall of Nadia. We are told that Muhammad-i-Bakhtyar, after obtaining a fief in the Mirzapur District, used to make occasional incursions into the territories of Monghyr (Muner') and Bihar; and with the plunder thus secured, he organised an attack upon the fortified city called Bihar'. The attack succeeded, and the victor went with valuable booty to Qutbud-din who bestowed on him special favours. Meanwhile, astrologers at Nadia announced their 1 Ind. Ant.. Vol. IX, p. 35. a J. A. S. B., Vol. LXIV (1895), pp. 132, 134: and Vol. LXII (1893), pp. 89, 92. 3 J. R. A. S., 1913, p. 277. Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan. (Ed.-W. Crooke), Vol. I, p. 301. [Sce above, p. 223, n. 1.-Ed.] Tabagt-i-Nasiri, transi. Raverty, (Bibl. Ind.), Vol. 2, pp. 548ff.

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No. 34.] SONE-EAST-BANK COPPER PLATE OF INDRADEVA AND UDAYARAJA. 227 prediction that the man who had captured Bihar would invade Nadia" next year ", whereupon the king Rai Lakhmaniya (=Lakshmanasena) permitted those who did not desire contact with the Muhammadans to leave his capital. We know from the Adbhutasagara that the king was a believer in astrology; we may take it that he believed in the prophecy and was preparing to leave Nadia, when Muhammad-i-Bakhtyar, posing as a horse-dealer, made his surprise attack on the palace. It would be reasonable to infer that the surprise-attack was launched before the period assured by the prophecy; in other words, not more than about one year elapsed between the fall of the 'Bihar fortress' and the capture of Nadia. It appears from the Tabaqat-i-Nasiri account that the district of Monghyr (Muner '), like Bihar, was at this period independent of Lakshmanasena (Rai Lakhmaniya '). Local tradition remembers it to have been under a Hindu king of Magadha called Inderdaun who is said to have succumbed to the Muhammadans led by Muhammad-i-Bakhtyar. The stronghold of Inderdaun is reputed to have been at Jaynagar (near Kiul) where, the story goes, his treasury was located. According to O'Malley!, the Jaynagar tradition affirms that Inderdaun had " a trusted warrior, whom he raised to the highest posts, until at last he asked for the hand of his master's daughter in marriage. The king was very angry, and had a cavern made in which he placed all his treasure. When all was safely stowed away, the king invited his general to see his treasury, and when he unsuspectingly went in, he let fall the trap-door and sealed it with a magic seal. It was not long before he suffered for thus killing his best general; for the Muhammadans came down and drove him a fugitive from place to place, until he was obliged to fly to Orissa." According to Waddelle forts' ascribed to Inderdaun are pointed out by local people at Mt. Uran, 20 miles south-west of the town of Monghyr. We may perhaps identify this Inderdaun with the Indradhavaladevs or Indradeva of our copper-plate. The element-dhavala is found in the style Vikrama-dhavala applied in a Kadamba record to a Chalukya king otherwise known as Vikramaditya", our inscription also has & pun on -dhavala with reference to our Vikramarka (... dhavalita-suramargge Vikramarkkasya rajna) .. 11. 8-9). The name Inderdaun is usually restored to Skt. Indradyumna, where the element -drumna seems to correspond to the - deva in Indradeva. It is worth while enquiring if the trusted warrior whom Inderdaun raised to the highest posts' was identical with our mahamandalika Udayaraja. TEXT. [Metres : v. 1, Sragdhara; vv. 2, 8, Malini; v. 3, Sikharini ; vv. 4, 6, 9 and 14, Sardulavikri dita ; vv. 5, 7, 10-12, Vasantatilaka ; v. 13, Indravajra; vv. 15-20, Anushtubh ; v. 21, Pushpitagra.] Obverse. 1 OM [I] zubhyatsaptApavAni khaladamaradhuno jhAtikavirANi bhasvatyoSodhagaNi pracalakacataloriyasatArokharANi (0) manamakalAni pasadasarasurobhutAhAhA. 2 Taf T ita: harfyret TATA () [") avfar afer me cfaecherchain: opa: wis() (1) forne[A] 1 Bihar and Orissa District Gazetteers, Monghyr, Patna, 1926, pp. 218-9. * J. A. 8. B., 1892, pp. lff. * Ind. Ant., Vol. IV, pp. 205-6. * Expressed by a symbol.

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228 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXIII. 3 stArAtimattebhakunakhalavigalitamukhAvatA saMgarauH // 2 // "] tato jAta: zrImAna gaNitaguNagrAmacibhiyaMzobhistejobhistrijagadavatIrkhAhutabhavaH [*] ma. 4 hAyoro vairivyatikarazistreNimaNibhiH sphuratpAdopAnto raNadhavalanAmA kSitipatiH [2 // "] tatputro bhagavAnahInakaTakaH satizobhAkaraH bahAva(ba)ndhuravIrabhadrasahitaH saM[pRktA]5 zatikramaH // (0) nAnAdarzanabhogyamUrtimahimAbayaMpracArI vRSaprakhAno'tiva(ba)la: pratApa dhavalo bokezvaraH zaharaH // [1"] tasyAtmajaH praNataverinarendramaulimANikya kokama[dapU]6 jitapAdapIThaH [*] zrIsAhaso narapatiH surasundarIbhirahIyamAnabhujavikramavibha madhIH // [5 // "] vaikuNThIyakarapratiSThalAhIkambu(mbu)kAnticchaTAluNThAkobhirudAra vikramasiyo yA7 svIrtivisphUrtibhiH [*] etA: prasphuritomimiduracatuHpAthodhiviccheditakSmAcakreNa karAlitA gumugumAyante samantAhizaH [6 // *] tasyAtmajatribhuvanapravarapravIraH zrI vikra8 mo narapatirvijayI jagatyAM [1] yasya pracaNDabhujadaNDa calakapANavastArayo yudhi bhRzaM vimukhIbhavanti / [7 // *] riputimiranikAyaH sastabhUmaNDalIH sarati gi. ridarIbhyo'khaNDale ma9 NDalAye haripukusudAme dhAmabhirhAmadhAmro dhavalitasuramArge vikramArkasya rAtaH // [1] taDAtA zitakhaNakhaNDitaripuzrIrindradevo nRpa uDyo jagapratApa zamanakrI10 DAgariSThadyutiH / gobhizchinaparAndhakArapaTalasaMlaba(ba)puNyodayaH sAkSAcandra ivAparI vijayate bhUmauzacUDAmaNi: [*] dugdhAbdhi(ndhi) phenarucayo yadaripriyA NAma[pyu]1 bratAni jahati stanamaNDalAni [*] netrotpalAdigaladaJjanamizritAzrusaMparkasaMbhavakala ebhiyeva hArAH [10 // "] soyaM zrImajjApilIyacaNDikAcaraNapajaparyupAsana12 paraparamamAhekharasamaraniHsamajhasArataravicAracaturAnanamahAnRpatizrImadindradhavaladevena vi jayinA / pAmotkalau kila kadamba(mba)kulAvatanmaH(taMsa:) 13 sphU dyayAH samarasiMha iti prasihaH / tasyAtmajaH khadirapAlakulapradIpakSamApa pradhAnasaciva: praharAjanAmA // [11] vAci sthiraH suraguroH sa samAna vu(bu)hiH prakhyAtakIrtirama. [See above, p. 223, n.l-Ed.]

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SONE-EAST-BANK COPPER PLATE OF INDRADEVA AND UDAYARAJA. Obverse. yamaprAnavAniravanamAnI sAnilimandiragAnImAnivalakaranAlAkinAra karAni vAmanunAnivasadasUdanAcAnTaka marahivAzanAHsamannAvisahanamahAgokuvA ina gAlA halavalanasAhAyaDavAda sahasUmAmalA sAbaba binAnimatra mAnandaviganinamukAzanAsamatasImA mAotIna nagaligulyAma tiliyAMsAnimAjAmaginIja ranihitama pIvilipatiktazinasAnamanaHstatvasAmAnavakla nAmaliniyaniHsanAtanadAna hInakArakaH saniAzapAyAlaya samaya ziviramA nAnadarzanalayamamihimukhyapravAsa padAlA itidala pratApavAnAlA rAkSasarAI bhaya ma mulatAnAnAmanAme mAlabAhara taparapeTha hI sAha kAnasakana putrasamisanajAtimaviSyavAna dekalAvaTabala disya bilie yA tATAvAhunavaTa pAkAtalyAraklaka lAgyamAyAta satanAdezamA lasa marga kA andA mAnaviya kampIya sAyakati dalapalakApancamAyAyavazAdisvInivAsana RTRATARIKETAbAyakA hAla tigrasta kuvAnakA mAnavamisAve lasunamA sakkimakamA tarAtarakaratASTATEMEM sanamAyAlAi8 Sa BAmatakAsapanimanapAdayatAdAdUrakhApalAvaNyAta mazaraDAmuna kA nAma anuhAyAnAraka havakAsapurana sanaphlAyamAjhAhadaravAgAyoAAyAcArApANDavata mahodaya tinamAnamAtyalAhagalAda namisimalamayamAdaka-nAnAyadA sAnI bAla kamiyama samayamA sAta nizamanasAsamavivAnacetanaTa mahAvisamASEARSHAlIya jala kAma siMhastavikAsakAlasAkSika pradIpa kAdiraza vivasvAnA mAlika sAdhatAparalAsamakSatAvAdAra jAntrimupayAjidArI pradhAnAcAramA payumAzrayAmAyApadinasamagArakhatanAmAvatipakSamAyanijAma PERniavilamatrA manamAnA dIvAmadaNDakImamaradAnA kamasamAna vAmAnAvayatApamahAyuta vimahi tayAdhIvAdhikapIlara nemiEiARE nAsArakhA vidhAlayasApisAniyA minAvadika sanada liyAvinamA MASAlAsa bariyAnamAradAnAcArAvidhisahitavAda ASSAMARNATRE yo sAmAna niyabAsanATIyalilAbola RAthAzaya kyAmA mInapA sakhIyAtinIdhitAla para cale tI mAzivAya kAhI KA sAtAmAdhAmanakhapavAra yAnavAIka lAladarI kAmanA kAmAlAkA mAyAskiyavAdasyamA pravapra bAnilavirahAdiyAliliyA kA nirAhA IN yAniyatyayAmAna bahAnAkara THE jANyAyadAnamA naTara Reverse. mimakrAnikSalaviza mahamidanAvaravAdakA viSayamA mAniSatindrasiMha zAkamA vAnamanbAdapadastabahalAmAnamarUmadhya sAnuna kamiTibadAnaMdana bhikamanAta mAnakaradanAlakanAmANahamAnakararamA yonimAraka vArasAsanI viramAlalanAmabahatAlasaMttanamA yastAvaanAvazyAvalaNanavaracanAmariza bamakAyAbAyA bhArata kA bhI samApapala madalA-bANAsavahAra taqa ma sAyapadhAvapatiA . N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Rea. No. 1458 E'37-275. SCALE: THREE-FOURTHS. SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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No. 34.) SONE-EAST-BANK COPPER PLATE OF INDRADEVA AND UDAYARAJA. 229 14 vAtAnukamyau / yastra pratApadahanAsamatApataptAH svargepi zAntimupayAnti na vairivaurAH / [12 // *] tanandano vandinanAbhinandI vAmekSaNAvIkSaNavANalakSa: [1] [zrI]15 mamahAmADalikaH sajAta [mu.] kalAsUdayarAjanAmA [12] yasyodagrasamaya . saGgaramilabatyarthipRthvIpatiprohAmebhaghaTAbhipATanapaTau dordaNDayugme 16 svayaM / sAmAkhaM(jya) sakalaM nidhAya vilasadrAmAjanairAvataH khaira vIranarendra indradhavala: krIDArasaM sevate [14 // *] sa mahAmANDalikatrIudayarAjaH / na[vana]rapattaNA17 yA / gambhArogrAmanivAsilokAnupagatAnapi ca rAjJo yuvarAjamantripurohitamANDA gArikAkSapaTalikapratauhAranaimittikAntaHpurikadUtakarituragoSTa18 nausAvanikadaNDanAyakasAmantasenAdhikArikAnAjJApayatyAdizati vo(bo)dhayati ca vidi. tamastu bhavatAM yathoparilikhitagrAma svamI(sI)mAparyantaM sajalasthala 19 salohasavaNAkaraM sagauSaraH(ra) sAmamadhukaM vanavATikAtuNajantugocaraparyantaM sodhica.. turAdhATivirAI zrImahikramAdityasya hAdazazatasamvatsare 20 cataHpaMcAzaharSa(rSA)dhike kAttikamAsasya pUrNimAsyAM(yo) tithau somadine / bhArahA jagocAya vA(bA)maNajAtIyapaNDitazrIvAza(su)devapautrAya pAvasathivIri(RSipu bAya upA21 dhyAyatrIdhArezvarAya pI aMzatrayaM 3 tathA kauzikagocAya vA( brANajA.. tauyapaNDitabIvIdharapocAya paNDitathokIrtipAlapucAya paNDitadhaumahAdityAya pI paMza22 iyaM 2 vidhivata(ba) sAtvA mAtApitrIrAtmanazca puNyayazobhivaye gokaraNa kumakusamakaratalodakapUrNa kRtvA candrAkSe yAvattAmeNodakapUrveNa zAsanokkatya 23 pradApitavAniti matvA bhAgabhogAdikaM yathAdIyamAnaM pUrvapravAhenAjAvidhayobhUya dAsyatha [*] tathA hi bhavantyatra paurANikAH nokAH / bhUmiM yaH pratigrajAti 24 yazca bhUmi prayacchati [*] ubhau tau puNyakANI niyataM svagaMgAminI [15 // *] va(ba)hubhirvaza(sa)dhA dattA rAjabhiH sagarAdibhiryasya yasya yadAbhUmistasya tasya tadA pha Reverse 25 lam [16] hiraNyamaNimuktAni vastrAyAbharaNAni ca [*] tena sarvamidaM dattaM yena dattA vaza(sa)ndharA [17] SaSTivarSasahamANi svarNe tiSThati bhUmidaH [*] pAkSeptA cAnumattA(ntA) ca haye (yye)va narakaM vrajetAta) [ // 18 // "]. - Read sujAta or sa jAta. * [I would read pattalAya.-Ed.] * Read sagarAdibhiH / yasya.

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230 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [ VOL. XXIII. 28 taLAgAnAM sahasreNa pabamadhazatena ca [1] gavA koTipradAnena bhUmihartA na (u)fa [pera] at an ATHARI [1] Fiat TATUTA UTAFITE (E) ETH [2018] UA27 Fugleaf(T)R fafafea f eat TirT: [*] H atu vizvaM svayamanucintya na kIrtayo vilopyAH [21 // *] likhApitamidaM zrIvAstavyakAyasthAvayAca28 paTalikaThAracausunaneneti // 'upAdhyAyadhArevarAya paMcahasya bhUmirdatA(ttA) putru khaDA grAma sambat 1254 kArtikazadi 15 some / No. 35.-SRINGI-RISHI INSCRIPTION OF PRINCE MOKALA. BY SAMSKRITI PT. AKSHAYA KEERTY VYAS, M.A., UDAIPUR. The inscription under consideration was noticed for the first time by Rai Bahadur Gaurishankar Ojha in the An. Rep. Rajputana Museum, Ajmer, 1924-25. He has also made full use of this record in his Rajaputane ka Itihasa. But as the record is not yet published in full I edit it here for the first time at the instance of Dr. N. P. Chakravarti, Government Epigraphist for India. The place known as spingi-fishi is situated in the heart of hills about a mile and a half west of the village Vikharani which is about four miles south-east of the famous shrine of Sri Eklingji and is rather difficult of access. The inscription is fixed in a niche in the western wall of a small verandah below the temple whose plinth is about 4 ft. high from a small reservoir of water the construction and subsequent consecration of which is the main theme of the record. Excluding Srih(Sri) Visva-Mastre namah] on the top, there are in all thirty-one and a half lines of writing in the inscription which covers a space about 1' 10" broad by 1' 3" high. The record is engraved on & slab of black stone which has been damaged by two big cracks running almost parallel to each other. In addition to these cracks the slab is broken in three places thus destroying portions of the inscription. With regard to the palaeography attention may be drawn to the representation of the medial vowels e, ai, 8 and au which are joined to the consonants both by prishtha-matras and by firomatras side by side ; for examples of e and o cf. pur-esvarena (1. 8) and krodh-akulo (1.6) and for ai and au cf. uttamataraih and svarn-adikaih (1. 18) and tithau (1. 17) and praudha (1. 9). This method of indicating the matras may be due to the fact that though by this time Nagari characters had assumed almost a definite form, the representation of the medial vowels, particularly the dipthongs, was still in a state of transition. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit. Of the few minor mistakes it shows, it may be pointed out that the dental nasal has been employed for the palatal one in guha-gehakan=jitoa (1. 5); kaschit=samah (1. 6) has been used for kaschit=samah and 80=yan prasastih (1. 27, v. 28) This portion beginning with W T is written in a different hand. * The word which the scribe could not fit into the space available was written below the line. For quotations from this record, see Rajaputane ka Itihasa, Faso. II, foot-notes on Pp. 340-89.

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No. 35. SRINGI-RISHI INSCRIPTION OF PRINCE MOKALA. . 231 for seeyan prasastih. The word gadhal in mandal-akriti-gadho (1. 9) is evidently a deji word. Besides, there are some mistakes of engraving which are noticed in dealing with the text. Regarding orthography we find that the dental sibilant has once been employed for the palatal one in Sambhur-akarod (1. 17). So also has once been used for b in Sake vana-vas(1. 29). Consonant after ris occasionally reduplicated. The whole inscription is in verse except adorations to Visva-Ma[ta) (at the top) and Bhagavati (1.1), as well as portions of 11. 28 and 32. The inscription belongs to the time of prince Mokala of Mewar whose date of accession is not yet definitely known; and its object is to record the consecration of a small reservoir of water constructed by him at the hilly site known as Spingi-pishi, thereby to achieve bliss in the other world for one of his wives, named Gaurambika, who was apparently not living at the time. She came of the Baghela family and was the daughter of some prince, only last three syllables of whose name, viz... ....nabhramai are visible in the text now preserved. The ceremony took place on the Afth day of the bright half of the month of Sravana in the Vikrama year 1485 (=A.D. 1428). Mokala accompanied by his other wife Mayapurl worshipped the sage Rishyassings and with the permission of his religious preceptor Trilochana consecrated the reservoir. The inscription is important inasmuch as it gives some historical information with regard to the four successive princes Hammira, Kshetra, Laksha and Mokala. It opens with an invocatory verse in praise of Bharati, the goddess of learning; in the next verse the poet declares his intention of describing the princes born in the family of Bappa. Then begins the genealogy from Hammira to Mokala. It has been said about Hammira that he captured the city Chela by name, and conquered by his might the notorious Bhls who were his enemies. He went to Ranathambaka' or Ranthambhor, and there killed Jaitresvara who was inimical to him. He also reduced Palhanapura to ashes. Chala as mentioned here is the Chela-vata of the Eklingji inscription of V.S. 1545deg (=A.D. 1488) and the Jilwada of modern times, situated on a high plateau on the north-western border of Mewar, overlooking the territory of Godwar, a part of Marwar. From the time of prince Rai Mal (A.D. 1473-1509), this place has been in the possession of a Solanki Sardar as his jagir. Formerly this Sardar held authority over some portion of Godwar also, which was in all probability conquered by Hammira together with Chela. Before the time of Rai Mal, the place might have been in the possession of the Chauhanas. His victory over Bhils means that Hammira had also acquired the portion of Mewar now known as Bhomata, almost fully occupied by the Bhil community, which evidently was not a part of Mewar at the time. Or, it may hint at 1 See Hemachandra's Dekinamamala, p. 99 (ed. Buhler). Below this last half line of the record is clearly visible in the impression a line of writing too carelessly engravod to be legible. It appears to read ..............1 PORI?) etc) and seems to be a later ddition made by a mason engaged to repair the older structure of the verandah containing the inscription. No record helpful in definitely determining either the date of the death of prince Laksha, the father of Mokala, or the time of the latter's accession to the throne of Mewar has till now been discovered. But it is certain that Mokala ascended the throne prior to V.8. 1478 (A.D. 1421) as an inscription of his reign found in a ruined Jaina temple at Jawar is dated in that year. It is not certain whether this is the concluding part of a personal or place name as the compound may be either Karmadharaya or Genitive Tatpurusha. 5 The reading appears to be Na[rathari akan which, by metathesis, may stand for Ranathambakas-(Skt. Hanastambhaka), popularly known as Ranthambbor. * Bhavanagar Inscriptions, pp. 117-23. Raj. Itihs., Faso. II, p. 548, n. 4.

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232 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. the acquisition of the part of Mewar now known as Vagada (Vatapadraka of inscriptions), which at present forms the territory of two different states, viz., Dungarpur and Banswara.1 About the identification of Jaitresvara, who died at the hands of Hammira, the present inscription does not give any clue. But in v. 25 of the Eklingji inscription of V.S. 1545 mention has been made of a Jaitrakarna born in Ilachala (Idar), sustaining the loss of life at the hands of Hammira. The Ekalinga-mahatmya also mentions Jitakarna, the Ila-durga-nayaka or the lord of the fort of Idar' as conquered by Hammira. Thus it is not difficult to ascertain that Jaitresvara of the present record was none else than Jaitrakarna of the inscription at Eklingji and Jitakarna of the Ekalinga-mahatmya. He was, as is evident, the master of the fort of Idar, but when killed by Hammira he seems to have been at Ranthambhor as known from this record. There is absolutely no evidence to prove that Ranthambhor was a part of his dominions; but as it was at that time the centre of Rajput confederacy against the Pathan monarchy of Delhi, it seems quite probable that he might have gone there in connection with some such activity. The last exploit of Hammira as mentioned here is the reduction of Palhanapura to ashes. The latter is the phonetically decayed form of Prahladanapura. This city was founded by Prahladanadeva, the younger brother of Dharavarsha, the Paramara ruler of Abu. Formerly it was a part of the Paramara dominion, but now it is the capital of a separate state known as Palanpur. 1 Raj. Itihs., Fasc. II, p. 549, u. 1. 2 Ibid., p. 549, n. 2. [VOL. XXIII. Hammira was succeeded by his son Kshetra popularly known as Khetsi. With regard to him it has been recorded here that he conquered Ami Saha in battle, leaving alive not a single man of his army, and brought his entire treasury and numberless horses to his own capital. He also demolished Mandalgarh which a monarch as mighty as Ala-ud-din had dared not touch. Though the present inscription is of little help in identifying Ami Saha we are in a position to do so from other records. Thus, this event has been mentioned in v. 156 of the Princes' chapter of the Ekalinga-mahatmya, as a bygone illustration to prince Kumbha's victory over Mahamud Khilji of Malwa, where Ami Saha, conquered and killed by Kshetra, has been described as Malavapati or the Sultan of Malwa. It is therefore clear that Ami Saha whom prince Kshetra defeated, was the governor of Malwa, and the scene of this battle was somewhere in the vicinity of the famous fort of Chitor as recorded in v. 223 of the unpublished inscription of V.S. 1517(=A.D. 1460) located in the uppermost story of Kumbha's Tower of Victory at Chitor. Thus Ami Saha was none else than Dilavar Khan Ghuri who was the first Sultan of Mandu (Malwa) as known from the Memoirs of Jahangir. He was contemporary to the Delhi Sultan Mahammad Tughlak. Col. Tod in his treatment of Kshetra says that he obtained a victory over the Delhi monarch Humayun at Bakrol.'s Here he has obviously been misled by the bardic chronicles wherein 'Ami' might have been identified with Humayun' on the meagre phonetic semblance between the two names; or the name of a well-known monarch such as Humayun might have been inserted in place of that of one who was not so well-known, a practice that was not infrequent among the bards of Rajputana. Humayun ascended the throne in V.S. 1587 (=A.D. 1530), whereas Kshetra's accession had taken place in V.S. 1421 (=A.D. 1364). They, therefore, could not be contemporary to each other. Rai Bahadur Ojha says that Col. Tod had in his knowledge the dates of accession of both Kshetra and Humayun, but that the misstatement was due to not comparing them at the time of writing. Ibid., p. 563, n. 1. A. Rogers' Eng. Trans., Vol. I, p. 107. Tod's Rajasthan, Vol. I, p. 321 (W. Crooke's ed.). Raj. Itiks., Fast. II, p. 565, para. 2.

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No. 35.] SRINGI-RISHI INSCRIPTION OF PRINCE MOKALA. Kshetra was succeeded by his son Laksha, about whom it has been stated in the present inscription that he was a prince of great religious ardour and that he freed Gaya of the barbarous tax levied by the Muhammadans, which all Hindu pilgrims had to pay. This tax was a source of great discomfort and torment to the Hindus and evidently prevented them to a great extent from undertaking any pilgrimages. Laksha, the pious Hindu prince, pacified the Muhammadan governor of Gaya with offers of gold and horses and got this tax totally abolished for the Hindus. This tax was in force not only at Gaya, but was, in fact, levied over Tristhali or the three main Hindu religious centres, viz., Kasi, Prayaga, and Gaya. Laksha got all these sacred places freed from the tax as known from v. 2071 of the Kumbhalgarh inscription of V.S. 1517 (A.D. 1460). This meritorious deed of Laksha also finds mention in v. 383 of Rai Mal's inscription of V.S. 1545 at Eklingji. Mokala, the son of Laksha, ascended the throne of Mewar after his father's death. According to this record he fought two battles, one with Firuz Khan and the other with Ahmad, wherein he utterly defeated both. This Firuz Khan was the son of Shams Khan Dandani, the brother of Zafar Khan or Muzaffar Shah I. whom Muhammad Tughluq II had appointed as the governor of Gujarat in place of Furhut-ool-moolk and who afterwards became an independent Sultan." When Tatar Khan, the son of Muzaffar Shah, having deprived his father of his kingdom, himself seized the throne, he appointed Shams Khan, his uncle, as his minister. Shams Khan afterwards poisoned Tatar Khan at the instigation of Muzaffar Shah, his brother, and the latter being pleased with this service had bestowed upon him the jagir of Nagor. When Shams Khan died, his son Firuz Khan became the owner of Nagor. When he began to annoy Mokala by his foul intentions, the latter attacked Nagor and Firuz Khan fled from the field of battle and his army was utterly routed. This victory of Mokala over Firuz Khan is recorded not only in this inscription, but also in v. 51 of the Samiddhesvara temple inscription at Chitor of the same year as the present one and in v. 44 of the Eklingji inscription of V.S. 1545. The event is also described in Persian chronicles such as Tabkat-i-Akbari, but there it is said that Rana Mokala was defeated by Firuz Khan and three thousand men of his army were killed in the battle." This discrepancy between the two records-epigraphical and historical,-has wrongly led the author of ViraVinoda to think of two battles fought between Firuz Khan and Mokala in one of which the latter was victorious and in the other defeated." 233 Mokala's second battle as known from this record was waged against Ahmad wherein also the latter was defeated. It is rather difficult to ascertain who this Ahmad was. In v. 221' of the Kumbhalgarh inscription of V.S. 1517, Ahmad of our inscription has been confused with Mahammad whom Col. Tod has regarded as Nasir-ud-din Mahmud, the grand-son of Firuz Tughluq, and the son of Muhammad Shah, and whom he believes to have been defeated by Mokala near Raipur in Mewar, on his way to Gujarat to which direction he was fleeing after his defeat at the hands of Timur in the battlefield of Panipat.10 But this is not possible, for Timur reached 1 Raj. Itihs., Fasc. II, p. 572, n. 1. Bhav. Insers., p. 111. 3 Raj. Itihs., Fasc. II, p. 584. Briggs, Firishta, Vol. IV, p. 9 and Raj. Itihs., Fasc. II, p. 584. 5 Raj. Itihe., Fasc. II, pp. 584-85. Above, Vol. II, p. 417. Bayley. History of Gujarat, p. 148, n. 5. 5 Raj. Itiha.. Fasc. II, p. 585, n. 5. Ibid., p. 586, n. 1. 10 Tod's Rajasthan, Vol. I, p. 331 (W. Crooke's ed.).

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234 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXIII. Delhi on December 18, A.D. 1898, a period much prior to the accession of Mokala. Therefore Ahmad of our inscription seems to be Ahmad Shah I. of Gujarat who was a contemporary of Mokala and the latter might have defeated him in some battle. It also seems quite probable that the author of the Kumbhalgarh inscription might have inserted by mistake Mahammad in place of Ahmad, the two names being phonetically similar. An attack of Ahmad Shah I. of Gujarat directed against Jilwara in the dominion of Rana Mokala, after extracting tribute from the ruler of Dungarpur, has been referred to in Tabkat--Akbari and Tarikh-i-Alfi, but this event is said to have taken place in A.H. 836 (A.D. 1433) which is five years later than the time of our inscription. This shows that the fight referred to in our inscription is quite different from that mentioned in the Persian chronicles. It is possible that Mokala had to fight Ahmad Shah twice. Other historical information from the record with regard to Mokala is that he erected a strong rampart with three gates round the famous shrine of Sri Ekalingaji. He weighed himself against gold, silver and other precious objects and gave them in charity as many as twenty-five times. He performed one of these ceremonies at the holy Tirtha of Pushkar, on the full-moon day of the month of Karttika. The record was composed by one Yogisvara who had the epithets Vanivilasa and Kaviraja. These epithets show that he was a very learned man and was held in high esteem at that time. Nothing else is directly known of him from this epigraph. The use of ru in place of the vowel si in Rushyassimga-rushi (1. 20), however, seems to suggest that he was a native of South India. The mason (sutradhara) was Phana, the son of Hada. According to the inscription he was & famous figure and was held in high respect by others of his profession, and was fully conversant with works on literature and architecture. The date of the inscription which is given both in numerals and in words is Sunday, the 5th of the bright half of Sravana in Sarvat 1485. It seems to be irregular for it corresponds to Saturday, 17th July, 1428 A.D. TEXT. *:fa ATTA:) 1 // // zrIbhagavatyai namaH / devI devakirITarakhanikarAsaMzobhipAdAMbujA vINAsphATi[ka] -u-vu -[--- ---I---vu-u-u VU--- - 2 [at]menit at a n oat Format gmiferuat(TH) ne? altera gruoa[fa] -- [u]ungfe *[fa]-vu-uvu- [AT][f] 1 Raj. I tihe., Fasc. II, p. 586. * Bayley. His. of Guj., p. 120, n. 4. . From ink-impressions and the original. . Read Sri. Each line generally ends with one or two dandas which are for the most part to be regarded either as oma mental or superfluoue. * Syllables within these brackets are only partially visible. Metre : Sardulavikridita.

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No. 35.] SRINGI RISUI INSCRIPTION OF PRINCE MOKALA. 235 .3 vAn / zazvadyAcakavAMchitAdhikalasatvaraNa pradAnodyatAsaMgrAmAhatavairirAjanikarAngaurI yasevApa]rAn // 2' moyaM bappajavaMzabhUSaNa[maNI rUpeNa puSpAyudho hammI4 ro dharaNIdharaH [samabhavahIraH sudhIro raNe / nityA vyAptacarAcarA vijayino yasyeMdukuMdo[va]lA kIrtimartiri vaikharI vijayate mAnyA sadA bhUbhujA (jAm) 3' celAkhyaM puramagrahoda. 5 rigaNAnbhinnAnguhAgahakAmji(khitvA tAnakhilAnihatya ca balAkhyAtAsinA saMgare / yo ga[lA na[rathaM] bakaM samavadhojjaikharaM vairiNaM yo darasthita. 6 palhaNApuramapi krodhAkunto dagdhavAn 4 evaM sarvamakaMTakaM samagamamaMDalaM bhUpatihamauro lala[nAsparaH] surapadaM saMpAtya ka(kA)zcitsamAH [1] samyagva. maharaM tataH svatana7 [yaM] saMsthApya rAjye nije se kSatriyavaMzamaMDanamaNiM pratyarthikAlAnalaM (lam) // 5 // pAjAvamausAhamiprabhAvAjjitvA ca hatvA yavanAnazeSAn (0) yaH koza jAtaM turagAnasaMkhya[] 8 samAnayatvA kina rAjadhAnI(nIma) 6 Timo cArapurezvaraNa balinA spRSTopi no pANinA rAjA zrImada[lAvadIti vilasavAnA [ga]jasvAminA / sopi kSetramahIbhujA 9 nijabhujaprauDhaprabhAvAdaho bhagno vizrutamaMDalAkkatigaDho jitvA samastAnarIn // 7 // iMTreNAsurazaMkinA praNama[tA saM]prArthitaH zaMkaraH saMtyete danujAH padaM mama balAdAdAtukAmA vibho / 10 evaM kiM karavAyathI vada para' zrutvA vacaH zaMbhunA nausa[:] kSetramahI patini(ni)japadaM daityAtahetoH svayaM(yam) / divyAMganAbhUSi[tavAma]bhAge detyAMti(ta)ke kSetradharAdhinAtha / svargasthite kalpitadAnadakSe(kSo) 11 lakSobhavaddevatabaMdhAnA(nAm) [*]" yena kAMcanatulAdidAnatastoSitA hijavarA mahItale / yena durjayasamastabhUbhujaH saMhatA]: sadasidhArayA raNe // 1.1 datvA(cA) [taMgata raMgahamanicayAsta gaDha(yA) IMetre: Sardalavikridita.. . The stroke in the body of this letter is too faint on the original to be visible in the impression. * The arrangement of words in this line is obscure. Samagamat is to be connected with sura-padam and earn palya with bha-marindalarit. *Metre: Upajati. . The name of this well-known capital of India begins either with ? or Dhi in most of the inscriptions of this period. * This syllable seems to have been engraved over an orasuro. Read Hara. .Metre: Indratrajri Metro : Rathoddhata.

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236 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXIII. 15 12 [svAmine muktA yena katA gayA karabharAharSAsthanekAnyataH / prItAH svargagatA vadaMti pitarastvadyApi satyAziSaM tasyAsA[viti] lacabhUtalabhujo vaMzavira naMdatu // 11' tasminprayAte tridivaM 13 -- larthisaMkalpitakalpavRkSe [*] devaikaliMgArcanabahalakSe vikhyAtadurbodhanayaikadakSe // 12' tasyA' mApativaMditAMghrikamalo (la]kSezvarasyAtmajaH zrImo(mA)nmokala eSa vaMzatilaka: saMpUrNacaMdrAna14 [na: / *] -- [gA]hatamaMtrapAvanajalairjAtAbhiSekastataH svaM rAjyaM paripAlayatyari kulaM saMtrAsayanmavata: // 13' yasyAye samabhUtpalAyanapa[2]: perojaSA(khA)mA svayaM pAyAhAhmadI duHsahopi samare saMtyajya ko- - - [*] - - vANavaNena ekavadano matAnako ruDa vAgavenApi vivarjito giriguhAgehAvita: sAMprata(sam) // 14' yaH paMcaviMzati[]nAH samadAhije (je)bhyo hecastathaiva rajatasya ca phadyakAnA (nAm) / 16 ----- -- -- tha vimuktihetoH soyaM kRpo vijayate varakIrtipuraH // 150 yena sphATikasachi(cchi)lAmaya iva khyAtI mahI[maM]Dale prAkArI racitaH sudhAdhavalito devaikali17 - --|--- --... sakapATavilamahA(hA)racayAlaMkRta: kaizAsaM nu vidhAya saM(za)bhurakarodyatrAdhivAme mati(tim) 16' kArtikyAmatha pU[f]mAvaratithau yodAttulA kAMcanoM zAstrajJaH prathama 18 - ---- -dika ma hijaiH / deva' puSkaratIrthasAkSiNamamaM nArAyaNaM zAzvataM rUpeNAdivarAhamuttamataH svarNAdiH pUjayan // 17' kanyAdhenudharA turaMgamaratha graMthAdidA- ----- puSkareSu viditI jeSTA(jyeSThA)[di]Su zraddhayA / tena rastasamasta bhUpalalanAsaMgotamatkIrtinApu(kha)mmANAnvaya[karaNa sudhiyA vivatriyeNa kSitau // 18 paryAye 1 Metre : Gardalavileridita. * The stroke in the body of this letter is too faint on the original to be visible in the impression. * Metro: Indravajra. * Read tasya. * The composer seems to have employed this foreign name without the one tertination. Metre : Varantatilaka. "The syllable var secins to be carved over au crayure.

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12 14 dasaMpa yA nAkA sa vAtilA mAna gIraH samavahAra suraniyA vyApracarAvijayAsoba sudhI vizvarI vijayAtamA nyAdAntarama * kAnakhilA manakavIzvarAve riyA dUra meM pala palamA marmata rAmaprasAda korega * samAlakhA vopi nopAlanAmA nilimA nAminA mi nidAna kara de malA kAma dilA 10 dina se 10 jJAnavAda mAno yana kAMcana didAno birAmI mArama yA kanakAnnA sAnikAnada 12 16 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 18 32 SRINGI-RISHI INSCRIPTION OF PRINCE MOKALA. dIpikA vitara zrIH (vasama karIrAmana pATAvara N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Rsa. No. 1462 E37-275. rAva kI kAzta sAsadidIuralAI kati pAramitAnurodhAyamAnatA ka 1 kAkaH / mana makArataHvi miritIrtha madirAgyanurAgamAdyAdidA viditothAna naagiitaavini| bhArumA mAyA gavisthAna vitA niyataH samaH zrImA gItakArAlA 23vikAyAnijavala 24 yA saMpUrNa vAparAvinA pitAyA: zrIrvatI mevanamA nAnAle 27 cA yA yasari nasyAmi nAnayAka mahAvidyAlayakA zivarA pa ja pina ka mAnikavAda 28 rAma musAkAmanAmA SCALE: TWO-FIFTHS 8 zrImA sA 18 20 32 SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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No. 35. SRINGI-RISHI INSCRIPTION OF PRINCE MOKALA. 237 20 . --. . . . . . . . . . -paraM(ram) / (RSyazraMgaru(RSisto vyAjamAraMbya bhUpa[]: 1 kiM vAco mahimA girarihama yogIkha [reNA]munA vikhyAtasya mahItale himavatA A -- ------- -- tara nivasati zrIzAMtayA ' kAMtayA sAkaM puNyanadaulasatparisare sAkhyA(kSAda(ha)Si[:*] aMgikaH // 2. [yatrA sau kSaNamekameva vasatiH zrImAvRSo(Si:) 22 [aMgikaH puNyAcAraparo vibhADakasuto yogI tapaHsAgaraH / kAle tatra niraMtaraM jaladharA varSetvapArAbu(mbabhina~vAkAlamRtirbhaveva hi ta[thA vaM]dhyA bhaveyuH striyaH // 21 .bAghelAnva23 yadIpikA vitaraNaprakhyAtahastA ca [yA*] - NabhramabhUmipAlatanayA puSpAyudha preyasI(soma) [*] yA rUpeNa nijena tAM samajayatsaubhAgyasaMzobhi[tA] yA sarvatra pativratAnugaNane mukhyai24 va saMkocate // 222 tasyA[:*] sadiMdIvaralo[canA]yAH saMpUrNapoyaSakarAnanA[yA: / ] . guNAnvitAyA guNatoSitAyAH zrIpArvatIsevanasAdarA yA]: // 23 gaurAMbikAyA nijavana25 bhAyAH salokasaMprAptiphalaikahetoH / "] eSA pura[stasya] vibhADamUnohA(|)pI nibaDA kila mokalena // 24 vApyAM puNyasarijalena satataM saMpUritAyAmiha sAnaM yaH kurute 26 dvijaH sa hi bhaveddedAdividyAvatI / rAjanyo yadi [kaMTakai]virahitaM prApnoti rAjyaM ciraM vaizyo vaizravaNAdhikAM zriyamaho zUdropi sau[dhyaM para(ram) // 25' yaH kuryAdRSipaMcamyAM - 27 sAnaM vApyAM miyAnvitaH / brAhmaNo vA tathAnyopi sa la[bhatepsitaM phalaM (lam) // 2 // 1 yogokharaNa kavinA racitA manonA so(se)yaM prazastirucitA mRta[pUraNaM]varNA / pAkarNya yAM suvi[bu]28 dhAH sukhino bhavaMti zrIbhA[tI]miva kathAM kaluSApatrI(/m) // 27deg [iti] zrIvANIvilAsakavirAjayogIkharaviracitA prazastirjayati // mAyApurI vallabhayA samato vibhAMDamU 1Metre : Anushtubh. * Metre : sardalavikridita. Read vasati. * AIetre: Upajali. --- Metre: Indrarajra. *Metre: Vasantatilaka.

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238 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VoL.XXIII. 29 naM(na) paripUjayastaM cilocanasyAtmaguroranujA saMprApya cAmaukaradAna daca]:"] 28 mAke vA(vA)pavasutipravilasatacaM(ca)drAMkita(ta) vizruta paMcamyA zu(sa)tithau [2]vo ca nabhasa: pakSe site 30 sanmatiH [1] zrI[malakSanarezvarasya tanayaH dhaumokalo bhUpa [vibhUSita: samakarohApaupratiSTA(ThA)miha // 26 utkIrNASi(khi)lasUcadhAraguruNA me[yaM] prazasti :*] zubhA vi. 31 khyAle [na] phanAbhidhena [sa]dhiyA hAdAlanAmunA [*] sAhityAdikazi spi] zAstravilasatpA(tyA)thodhinA sAdhunA baunArAyaNasevana nRpateH zrImokala syAjayA [ // 3. *] 32 'saMvat 1485 varSe zrAvaNa zudi 5 ravidina(ne) // cira(ra) naMdati // zrIH / TRANSLATION. [obeisance to] the illustrious [Mother] of the universe. Adoration to the illustrious Bhagavati. (Verse 1) Having paid obeisance to the illustrious goddess of learning, my supreme mother and the dispeller of delusion, with (her) lotus-like feet (looking) lovely with the gems on the crests of gods all round ; holding a lyre and a crystal [rosary]......and wearing beautiful ornamenta studded with pearls ; (Verse 2) [I describe) to the best of my knowledge, the heroes such as.... prince Hammira, etc., the descendants of Bappa, who had been ever-ready to offer shining gold more than desired by those in need, who had killed numbers of powerful enemies in battles and who had been devout worshippers of the Lord of Gauri (i.e., Siva). (Verse 3) There came in being the well-known ornamental gem to the family of the descen. dants of Bappa, the heroic prince Hammfra, the very Cupid in form, resolute in battles and victorious, whose fame, like the body of Isvara (i.e., Siva), permanent, all-pervading, white as the moon and the jasmine flower and always respected by (other) princes ....reigns supreme. (Verse 4) (It was he) who captured the city of Chela after having conquered and perforce killed in battle with (his) famous sword his enemies, the Bhils, residing in caves; who murdered the inimical Jaitresvara going himself to Narathambaka (Ranthambhor) and also being agitated by anger, burnt down the distant city of Palhapapura. (Verse 5) Hammira, the very god of love for damsels, having thus protected the earth for a certain number of years and having then established over his kingdom his son Kshetra, (who was) an ornamental jewel of the Kshatriya race, the destructive fire to (his) enemies, and worthy well to take up responsibility, went to the abode of gods. 1 There is an anusvara over pa which is redundant. .Metro: Upajati. .Metre: Saraalarikridita. . This half line begins from the middle of the sla.. . This is a topless chha and many people employ it even now particularly at the end of letters to denoto

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No. 38.] SRINGI-RISHI INSCRIPTION OY PRINCE MOKALA. 239 (Verse 6) (It was Kahetra) who having conquered in battle Apol Baba by the might of (his) sword and totally annihilated the Yevenas, verily brought the entire treasury and numberless steeds to his own capital. (Verse 7) Oh! even that famous fort of Mandala, which even the lord of the lovely city of Delhi, powerful and owning elephants, known by the shining name of Alavadi, dared not touch with his hand, was shattered by prince Kshetra, after having conquered all the enemies with the impetuous might of his arms. (Verse 8) (God) Sankara was thus) solicited by humble Indra in fear of demons, " O Eternal Hara! here are these demons aspiring to seize my position by force ; 0 tell me, what should I do under such circumstances !" On hearing these) words, prince Kshetra was taken away by Sambhu himself to his own abode, in order to destroy the demons. (Verse 9) Prince Kshobra, the death-incarnate for demons, having (thus) settled down in heaven with heavenly damsels adorning (his) left side-Laksha, expert in giving (as much) charities (as could be) imagined, came to be the desire-yielding tree for the learned. (Verse 10) (It was he) by whom best of the Brahmanas on the surface of the earth were gratified by various charities, like gold weighed against himself, and by whom all other) invincible princes were killed in battles with the sharp edge of (his) sword. (Verse 11) May the famous line of that prince Laksha ever rejoice in this world) by whom Gaya (the holy Tirtha) was freed from the burden of tax for a considerable number of years, by paying (as ransom) lofty horses and heaps of gold to the lord of Gaya, and for which (whose) ancestors gone to the upper world, gratified as they are, even now confer (on him) genuine benedictions. (Verse 12) That Laksha-who...., who had assigned the desire-yielding tree to suppliants, who had (his) attention fixed upon the worship of God Ekalinga and who had been the only expert in political matters which are a vowed to be inscrutable-having gone to the upper world, (Verse 13) This illustrious Mokala, the son of that lord Laksha, the holy forehead-mark of the family, with face like the full-moon and with lotus-like feet revered by (other) princes, having been (installed king) by bathing in water made holy by incantations (and) fetched from......, protects his kingdom frightening the group of enemies all round. (Verse 14) (It was he) from whose presence Peroja Khana (Firuz Khan) himself had resorted to fleeing (and) Patsaha Abmada, although irresistible in battle.... abandoning (his) .... has, at present, with face dried up, with hair dishevelled, with speech obstructed and bereft even of (his) horse, taken refuge in the habitation of a mountain cave in order to save. (Verse 15) This well-known prince, who weighed himself against gold, silver and Phadyakas! twenty-five times and distributed them among dvijas for the liberation of ...., and who is full of glorious fame, reigns supreme. (Verse 16) By him was erected a rampart, which was renowned all over the earth, which looked as if built of nioe crystal slabs being whitewashed with lime and which was adorned with three beautiful gates having handsome panels, [round the site of] the God Ekalinga, where Lord Sambhu bad indeed made up his mind to reside, leaving aside Kailasa. 1 Lit. the circular fort ; modern Mandalgarh. * This seems to be the name of a small silver coin whose value might have been worth two anno, for in some parts of Rajputana a two-anna piece is even now called a Phadigd or Phadyaka. (Raj. Itihe., Faso. II, p. 888, a. 4.)

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240 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXIII. (Verse 17) He who was conversant with the holy lore having first of all worshipped with high-class gold, etc., the Eternal Narayana with the external) appearar ce of the Primeval Boar, at the holy site of Pushkara, (and having....).... in company of Brahmanas--weighed himself against gold on the beautiful full-moon day of the month of) Karttika, and gave it away in charity. (Verse 184) By giving maidens, cows, pieces of land, horses, chariots, books, etc., in charity, ..........looked upon in the land of Pushkara with reverence (even) among (his) seniors (?) By him who was wise, dear to the learned on earth, conducive of felicity to the family of Khummana and whose fame was sung by the frightened wives of all princes. (Verse 19) In turn.......... ......... Of the prince, resorting to the pretext of eulogising the sage Rishyabsinga. (Verse 20) How is to be described by me, this Yogisvars, the majesty of the mountain here, which is famous all over the earth and which........with the Himalaya ; and on which, in the beautiful vicinity of a holy river', resides (the sage) Kishyabringa in person, with (his) beloved, the illustrious Santa. (Verse 21) Wherever this illustrious sage Sringika who is the son of Vibhandaka, who is an ocean of austerity, and solely given to meritorious deeds, puts up even for a moment, there the clouds pour inexhaustible waters at the proper time, untimely death never takes place and romen do not remain barren. (Verse 22) (For her) who was illuminating to the family of Baghelas, who had her hand renowned for charities, who was the daughter of prince.... pabhrama, who by virtue of her own beauty surpassed (even) Cupid's beloved (i.e., Rati), who was graced with prosperity, (and) who in the enumeration of women true to their consorts is celebrated everywhere as the foremost (Verse 23) For her, whose eyes were like beautiful lotuses, whose face was like the full-moon, who was possessed of merits, who could be pleased with merits (and) who took delight in attending upon the illustrious Parvati (Verse 24) For (that) Gaurambika, his own beloved, this reservoir of water in front of that son of Vibhanda has been constructed by Mokala with the sole view of her achieving (a blissful situation in the other world. (Veme 25) Whosoever takes bath in (this) reservoir here, perpetually filled up with the waters of the holy river--if) a Brahmana, he verily becomes versed in (branches of learning like Veda, etc.; if a Kshatriya, (he) gains lasting royalty free of adversaries; (it) a Vaisya, (he obtains) wealth more than that possessed by Kubera ; (and if) Sudra, (he) too gets a unique state of excellence. (Verse 26) Whosoever, a Brahmana or anybody else, would bathe in (this) reservoir with (his) wife on the fifth day of the bright half of the month of Bhadrapada called) Rishi-Panchami, (he) would gain his desired aim. (Verse 27) This well-known charming panegyric-whose letters are appropriate and full of sweetness, (and) which the learned delight upon hearing as they do) by (hearing) the illustrious story of the Mahabharata, the dispeller of opacity-has been composed by the poet Yogibvara. (Line 28) Let there be victory to this panegyric composed by Yogisvara, the lord of poets (kavitaja), and who had the epithet Varivilasa (lit. in whom moved gracefully the goddess of learning). 1 Owing to their fragmentary nature it is difficult to understand correctly the sense of this and the next verse # This really speaking is not river but an ordinary monntain stream which flows in rainy season

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No. 36.] A PALI COUNTERPART OF THE NALANDA TEXT. 241 (Verses 28-29) Prince Mokala, son of the illustrious prince Laksha, of refined intellect and expert in giving charities of gold, after worshipping that son of Vibhanda, with his beloved Mayapuri (and) having obtained the permission of his religious preceptor Trilochana, consecrated the reservoir here attended by a host of learned people, on Sunday the auspicious fifth day of the bright half of Sravana in the happy year signified by the shining moon, the Vedas, the Vasus and the arrows (=1485). (Verse 30) This well-known auspicious epigraph has been engraved by order of the illustrious prince Mokala, by the famous and wise Phana, who is the son of Hada, who is foremost of all (other) masons, who is a glittering ocean of the lore of mechanics and literature, etc., and who is a devotee of the illustrious Narayana. (Line 32) Sunday, the 5th of the bright half of Sravana in the year 1485 (of the Vikrama era). May (this) rejoice for long. No. 36.-A PALI COUNTERPART OF THE NALANDA TEXT OF PRATITYASAMUT PADAVIBHANGA. BY BIMALA CHURN LAW, Ph.D., M.A., B.L., CALCUTTA. Dr. N. P. Chakravarti has rendered a distinct service to Buddhist scholarship by editing from two brick inscriptions found at Nalandat a Sanskrit text of what is presumably the Pratityasamutpada-vibhanga-sutra. This is found to be the same work as one on which Vasubandhu wrote a commentary, the title of which, as preserved in Tibetan, is Prutityasamutpada-vibhangawirdesa. Vasubandhu's commentary, only a few fragments of which have been published by Professor Tucci from a manuscript found in Nepal, was popularly known as Pratityasamutpuda-cya. khya. A Sanskrit text similar to that found at Nalanda was translated into Chinese by Yuan Chwang in 661 A. D. The title of the Sanskrit original, as restored by Nanjio from the Chinese, is Nidana-sitra. Now all that is wanted is a Pali counterpart of the Nalanda text. Though the actual title of the text is not recorded in any of the two brick inscriptions, there can be hardly any doubt that the text presented in them is & Pratityasamut pada-vibhanga-sutra, a Sutra of the Vibhanga or Niddesa class, of which several examples are to be found in the Majjhimanikaya, particularly in its Vibhanga-vagga. As a Sutra, the text bears all the main characteristics of a discourse, viz., an introduction, a statement of the subject matter, elucidation of the points raised, and a fitting conclusion. Vibhanga is, of course, the same Buddhist term as niddesa, e.g., Sachcha-niddesa -Sachchavibhanga. The Vibhanga-suttas developed and contained in the Five Nikayas, i.e., in the Suttapitaka, represent the earlier stage or form of exegesis in the second book of the Abhidhamma-pitaka, called Vibhanga. The earlier or Sutta form of each vibhanga or exegesis has been distinguished in it as Suttanta-bhajaniya from Abhidhamma-bhajaniya. In the Suttanta-bhajaniya portion of each of the vibhangas, Sachcha, Satipatthana, Dhatu, Indriya, and the rest, the unnecessary Sutra characteristics have been done away with and only the relevant points have been concisely stated, 1 Above, Vol. XXI, pp. 193-199. * J. R. A. 8., 1930, pp. 611-623. Above, Vol. XXI, p. 200. * Nanjio's Catalogue No. 628. .Digha, II, pp. 304-313. Majjhima, III, pp. 248-252.

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242 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXIII. nothing of doctrinal importance being left out of consideration. The Suttanta-bhajaniyas presuppose each a full text somewhere in the Sutta-pitaka, but unfortunately all such texts cannot be traced in the extant Pali Canon. The only reasonable inference to draw from this would be that the text of the Pali Canon as it comes down to us is not complete in all respects, and accordingly it needs to be supplemented. It is historically important to note that there is a Pali counterpart of the Sanskrit Pratityasamutpada-vibhanga-sutra, which is contained in the Suttanta-bhajaniya section of a vibhanga, called Pafichchasamuppada-vibhanga. The title adopted in the P. T. 8. edition of the Abhidhamma text is Pachchayakara-vibhanga! But Patichchasamuppada-vibhanga is precisely the title under which the chapter was known to Buddhaghosa. Besides the correspondence between the titles in Sanskrit and Pali, there are other points in which the two texts show an agreement. First, in both, only the anuloma mode of formulation of the Law of Causal Genesis has been adopted to explain the samudaya, achaya or prabhava aspect of duhkha. Secondly, in both, the uddesa or desana is followed by a vibhanga or exegesis. Comparing the two texts, item by item, one may natice only slight differences here and there. But, upon the whole, there is nothing in excess and of importance in the Sanskrit version of the Vibhanga-sutta which is not included either in the Pali Patichchasamuppada-vibhanga or in the text of the Vibhanga as a whole. Further, the Abhidhamma chapter has a purely Abhidhamma section without its counterpart in the Sanskrit text. One has to regret the loss of the full text of the Pali Pafichchasamuppada-vibhanga-sutta which is presupposed by the Suttanta-bhajaniya in the Abhidhamma treatise. No. 37.-A NOTE ON THE BARAH COPPER-PLATE OF BHOJADEVA. BY C. R. KRISHNAMACHARLU, B.A., MADRAS. In his article on the above inscription (Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XIX, pp. 16 ff.) Dr. Hirananda Sastri has wrongly understood two expressions and suggested interpretations which do not appear to be correct. Dr. Sastri says (ibid., p. 16) that the Maukhari king Sarvavarman is called Parameswara in the Asirgadh Seal inscription. But it is not so. Both this and the Nalanda Seal inscriptions call him Paramamahesvara. On the other hand it is the Deo-Baranark inscription of Jivitagupta II that refers, among previous kings, to Paramesvara Sarvarman whom Fleet identifies with the Sarvavarman of the Abirgadh seal. Again, Dr. Sastri asserts that the fact that he is described as a Paramefuara would show that he was a 'subordinate prince' (loc. cit., p. 15). Here again the doctor is unfortunately misled, for the title in question denotes paramount sovereignty' (C. I. I., Vol. III, p. 332), and not a subordinate position. It must be noted in this connection that this title was of such special significance that a conquering monarch took great pride in assuming it after he vanquished a mighty 1 Vibhanga, pp. 135 ff. Sammoha-vinodant, p. 130 : Idani ... Patichchasamuppada-vibhange yd ayar avijfpachchaya sankhardti adind nayena tanti niklehitta. .0.1. I., Vol. III, p. 220 and above, Vol. XXI, p. 74. * Ibid., p. 216, text I. 15. Ibid., p. 215.

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No. 37.) A NOTE ON THE BARAH COPPER-PLATE OF BHOJ ADEVA 243 foe. The Western Chalukya king Satyabraya acquired the surname Parametuara (labdha-Parametvar-para-namadheya) by the conquest of Harshavardhana, the lord of the entire Northern Country'. In the matter of identifying Parameswara Sarvavarman with Maharaja Sarva, of the Sanjan plates, who in his own words was a petty ruler', Dr. Sastri, has, I think, fallen into an error in interpreting the significance not only of the surname Parameswara as pointed above, but also of the expression anumati. The points to be considered in this connection are: (1) whether the petty ruler" Sarva of a kingdom at the foot of the Vindhya hills could or should have had any hand in the gift of a village lying in the Kanyakubja-bhukti which, from the nature of the circumstances, must have been directly under the king (i.e., overlord) Nagabhata himself, whose capital was Kanyakubja and (2) whether the expression anumati here connotes, the sanction of an overlord to a gift made by his subordinate. In fact the question of a suzerain's sanction does not arise here for the reason given in the foregoing clause; but it implies the confirmation and maintenance by a later king of the grant made by a predecessor. For example, we find that grants made by previous monarchs, of the same village to the same deity, were re-affirmed by the subsequent kings, in their respective times. A very good example of this is found in the Deb-Baranark inscription of Jivitagupta II (C. 1. I., Vol. III, p. 216, text, lines 12 ff.). From a careful study of this grant, it will be seen that the expression sasana is applied to the original grant or later affirmation made by the overlord, the king (ibid., lines 13 and 16). The subsequent affirmations are made in accordance with the original gift (cf. purva-dattakam-aralambya of line 15 of the grant). The expression anumati of the Barah copper-plate must be construed in the sense of anu[mo]dita of line 17 of this grant. The issue, therefore, reduces itself to this, vit., the grant made originally by the Maukhari). Parametvara Sarvavarman and confirmed later by (the Pratihara) Maharaja Nagabhata was restored by Maharaja Bhojadeva, after suspension (of it) for some time in the reign of Ramabhadradeva. The village granted as agrahara, namely, Valaka is evidently Barah, where the plates were discovered. Dr. Sastri's readings and interpretations of two other important expressions in this inscription also appear to me to need correction. In line 10 of the text (p. 18) he reads ET HUY ATRI.... ....aiyarefret and translates it (p. 19) as finding that the allotment was for the time being obstructed .......'. The original, I think, correctly reads en WT.... which would give the natural sense that the enjoyment was for some time obstructed'. There is no relevancy in supposing a reference here to bhaga while the plate actually reads 'bhoga'. A similar mistake is committed by the editor in his reading AT HTTanta in line 13 of the text and translating it as in accordance with the same old apportionment'. Here also the plate actually reads i n which means in accordance with the original or previous enjoyment'. Here too there is no necessity or relevancy in assuming a reference to bhaga, i. e., apportionment." 1 Above, Vol. IX, p. 100 and Vol. X, p. 102. *(Prof. Bhandarkar is also inclined to identify Sarvavarman of the Barah Plate with the Maukhari prince of that name. See his List of Inscriptions of Northern India, p. 6, n. 1.-Ed.) [While this article was in the press, & note discussing some of the points noticed her, appeared in I. 8. Q VOL XIII. No. 3, pp. 503 ff.-Ed.)

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244 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXIII. No. 38.-A NOTE ON THE RAJAPURA COPPER-PLATES OF MADHURANTAKADEVA: SAMVAT 987. BY KHAN SAHEB S. R. DAVER. At the end of his explanatory note on these copper-plates1 Dr. Hiralal advances a theory that Bhramarakotya was possibly an alternative name of Chakrakotya, on the ground that the name of Chakrakotya seems to survive in Ghumara, which he believes to be a name given to the falls of the river Indravati at Chitrakota. This theory is incorrect for the reasons given below: (i) Ghumara is not a proper name and it is not applicable only to the falls of the Indravati at Chitrakota; it is a word used in Bastar meaning "waterfall". (ii) In his introductory note Dr. Hiralal has stated "though styled 'Lord of Bhogavati, the best of cities' Madhurantakadeva appears to have been a Mandalika (feudatory chief) as the verse in ll. 24-25 shows that his raj was limited to Bhramarakotya which is described as a mandala in 1. 15". On the second plate in lines 15 and 16, it is stated that the village of Rajapura is situated in Bhramarakotya-mandala (province). Again on the third plate in lines 28-29 names of witnesses from Chakrakotya-mandala are given. This grant was made in A. D. 1065 and Bhramarakotya-mandala and Chakrakotya-mandala are mentioned in it as two separate units of administrative territories. Madhurantakadeva was not only the feudatory chief of Bhramarakotya-mandala, but appears to have been a relative of the ruling king, as his birudavali are the same as those of the Nagavamsi kings. We know from the Barsur inscription of the time of Jagadekabhushana that King Dharavarsha was alive in A. D. 1060 (i.e., 5 years before this grant. of Rajapura was made by Madhurantakadeva). At this time one Chandraditya was the feudatory chief in South Bastar and it seems that Madhurantakadeva was holding a similar position in Bhramarakotya-mandala. (iii) From the Kuruspal Tank slab inscription it is clear that King Dharavarsha's son Somesvaradeva was the ruler of Chakrakotya in A. D. 1069. We can say this much that King Dhara varsha's death took place between A. D. 1060 and 1069 and during this period (perhaps a period of minority administration) Madhurantakadeva, although a Mandalika, became more powerful and perhaps made attempts to oust the rightful person from the throne. The Kuruspal stone inscription tells us that Somesvaradeva finally defeated and killed Madhurantakadeva. Thus it will be seen that Bhramarakotya was not an alternative name of Chakrakotya, as suggested by Dr. Hiralal. I would place Bhramarakotya-mandala on the right bank of the river Narangi as it is stated in the copper-plates that Rajapura is situated in the Bhramarakotyamandala. Above, Vol. IX, p. 179. * Ibid., p. 178. Hiralal, Inscriptions in the C. P. and Berar (2nd ed.) No. 269. Above, Vol. X, pp. 32 f. Ibid., pp. 25 ff.

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No. 39.] ALLAHABAD MUSEUM INSCRIPTIONS OF THE YEAR 87. 215 No. 39.-ALLAHABAD MUSEUM INSCRIPTIONS OF THE YEAR 87. BY STEN KONOW, Oslo. The Government Epigraphist has sent me estampages of two inscriptions on stone slabs, now preserved in the Allahabad Municipal Museum. No particulars about their findspot', he says, are available but like the two inscriptions already published in the Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XVIII, pp. 159-160 these also have undoubtedly come from Kosam!! The two records mentioned by him were published by Rai Bahadur Daya Ram Sahni. One, No. II, belongs to the reign of the Maharaja Sivamegha, the other, No. III, is, according to the editor, dated in the year 88, probably of the Gupta era, during the reign of the Jaharaja Bhadramegha. The latter, which I shall henceforth simply call III, is of special interest in the present connexion. According to Mr. Sahni it was secured from the village of Hasanabad, close to the ancient remains of Kosam. It was lying near a well and would appear to have been used for sharpening tools and other utilitarian purposes. The slab is rounded at the top and a portion of it is broken off at the bottom. Its present dimensions are 2' 10" in height and the same in width, the thickness being only 3". Only four lines of the inscription now remain in the upper round portion of the stone, but that originally the record covered some more space of the slab is obvious from the traces of aksharas which have survived in the rest of the defaced surface'. His reading of the remaining portion is : 1. Maharajasya Sri-Bhadram[eghasya] 2 [Saruvatsa ]re 80 8 varsha paksha 3 divana 5 3 . . . . . . . Sya Samarasya (?) puttra Him[i]agana 4 . . . . . . ayayadavadara. The two inscriptions sent to me I shall distinguish as a and b respectively. The slab containing a seems to be almost identical in shape with that described by the Rai Bahadur. It 18 rounded at the top, and the inscription, in five lines, covers a space 2' 4' wide and l'high. The other slab is rectangular, and the record b is 1' 9" long, the height being 1' 4". There are seven lines, the seventh only containing two aksharas. The contents of the two epigraphs are prac. tically the same. I shall therefore deal with them together and also discuss their bearing on the reading and interpretation of III. The alphabet is early Gupta or pre-Gupta of the Eastern variety. We find la with the downward turn of the left limb, e.g., in Madgali b 4, and the characteristic eastern ha, e.g., in Maharajasya 1. 1; sha, on the other hand, has not the round eastern base-stroke attached to the central bar as a loop. With regard to individual letters we may note the rounded e in saptasite l. 2, putrehi 1. 4, Shandhakena b 1. 5, etc., which looks like i (the regular form is seen in -megha- b 1.1); the ri in bhratrihi bl. 4, but regular in tritiya 1. 2; the different shapes of lla in pallana. 1. 3, where the a form is calculated to raise doubt about the correctness of the reading. I have therefore seked one of our leading authorities in Gupta palaeography, Dr. Else Luders, how she would read the akshara, without telling her how I read and explained it. Without any hesitation she read lla, and this reading must be considered to be absolutely certain. The final m with the 1 (Mr. B. M. Vyas, the Executive Officer, Allahabad Municipality, informs me that the insoriptions were found in a village adjacent to the Fort of Kausambl in Manjhanpur Tabsil of the Allahabad District.Ed.)

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246 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXIII. virama stroke above is found in siddham in a l. 1. The numeral symbols for 3, 5, 7, and 80 are used both in a and in b. The execution and preservation of the inscriptions are, on the whole, very good. The sixth to eighth aksharas of l. 4, and the seventh and eighth of l. 5 of a are defaced, and so are the final letters of II. 3-5 of b. There are, further, several superfluous and accidental strokes and dots, e.g., in a above l. 1; above the va of samvatsare l. 2; across and above the ta of etayam and va of puruvayam 1. 3 ; before the s-matra of the second putrehi 1. 4; after Sanik[@]ya l. 4, where the three strokes are perhaps meant to be a sign of division; across the right leg of ga in bhagava1. 4; in b after the bha and above the gha of Bhadrameghasya 1. 1; above the ya of tritiya l. 2; above the ryye of saudaryyehi l. 4, etc. The apparent i-matra above the e of etayan a l. 3 has perhaps been cancelled, and the same may be the case with the i above shk in pushkirinya b 1.5. The a-stroke is absent or defaced in several places, e.g., Mahar[ajasya a l. 1; sapt[a]site a l. 2; et[@]yam b 1.3; pallanak[ajrasya 1. 3; Sanik[@]ya a l. 4; bhagavaty[a] ala)ryyaya a 11. 4-5 ; sth[@]pit[a] a 1. 5; the same is the case with the i of d[i]easa a l. 3; the e of Bhadram[e] at the end of a 1. 1 (and of III 1. 1) and of Sandhak[a]na a l. 4 and sa[m]vatsar[a bl. 1; the anusvara in punya[m] a 1.5 ; sa[]vatsara bl.1; et[a]yam puruvaya[m] b 1. 3; the ta in sap[ta)fiteb l. 2, etc. The orthography is fairly consistent. But we find vardhatu a l. 5, varddhatu b 1.7; Sandhak[e]na a l. 4 for Shandhakena b 1. 5. The writing pratishchapita for pratishthapita b 1. 6 is a mere slip. Instead of bhagava-a l. 4 the engraver seems to have begun to write bhagva.. The language is mixed Sanskrit, and the dual has, as usual, been replaced by the plural. We may note the use of the plural-dual of the words putra and bhratri forson and daughter', brother and sister', respectively, in accordance with Panini I. ii. 68 (bhratriputrau svasriduhitgibhyam). The word pallana for Sanskrit paryana saddle', cannot in any way prove eastern affinities, on account of its l. Pischel, Grammatik der Prakrit-Sprachen para. 285, gives pallana from Jaina-Maharashtri, and it is a well-known fact that such words are often widely distributed outside the territory where they have developed in accordance with the phonetical laws of an individual language or dialect; cf. the common pallaika, Sanskrit paryarka. As already stated, the contents of the two records are almost identical, though some details are found only in a and others only in b. They record the setting up of two slabs as a seat (asanapata), at a pond (pushkarinyan, only in b), for the Holy Noble Devi (bhagavaty[a] a(a)ryyaya devisya), only in a), by the son and daughter (putrehi) of the saddler (pallanak[a]ra-) Sapshara, the brother and sister born from the same womb (saudaryyehi bhratrihi, only in b), the son and daughter of Midgali (Madgali putrehi), Sanika and Shandhaka. The two slabs were accordingly intended to form a seat for an image of Devi. It is then evident that the slab with the rounded top was to be placed vertically behind the image, and the rectangular one below it. In such circumstances we must evidently take a as the first record, and this inference is further strengthened through the fact that a begins with siddham. It is further evident that there can never have been more than two such slabs in the asana, and this makes it necessary to say something about the slab containing inscription III, published by Mr. Sahni. A look at the plate published with his paper will show at once that the slab containing III has the same shape as that on which a is engraved. And a close examination of the facsimile will show that the text is the same as that of a, with some minor differences. It is easy to see that the defaced aksharas in the beginning are, as in a, siddham. Then the first line contains maharfaljasya fri-Bhadrama, just as a, even with the same omission of the final

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No. 39.] ALLAHABAD MUSEUM INSCRIPTIONS OF THE YEAR 87. 247 e. In the opening of l. 2 we can still distinguish the first akshara, viz., gha, so that we must read ghasya. After this a runs sa[Jratsare sapt[a]site 80 7, but there is not room enough for so many aksharus in III. Mr. Sahni read the defaced letters which can still be traced at the end of the passage as re 80 8, but that reading seems to me to be impossible. What he read as 8 looks like da, and what he took to be 80 can hardly be that numeral figure, which has a straight upright within a circle. Before the apparent da (Mr. Sahni's 8) I can see a distinct te. It almost has the appearance that the engraver had misread his draft. Then follows, as in a, varshapaksha, but instead of a's tritiya 3 divase 5, which runs into 1.3, we find 3 divasa 5 as the end of l. 2. The beginning of l. 3 is effaced, and about ten or eleven aksharas are missing. What follows after the gap is clearly sya Sapharasya putrehi Madgal[i], and there cannot be the slightest doubt that the gap must be filled by the help of a as [etayam puruvayam pallanakara sya putrehi Madgali (putrehi). Including the three letters of putrehi fifteen or sixteen aksharas are absolutely defaced at the beginning of III 1. 4, and as the end of the line can be read vatya arya .. der... a, I have no doubt that we must restore the missing portion from a as Sanikaya Shandhakena cha bhaga.. a. We thus arrive at the conclusion that III is practically identical with a, and we must try to explain this state of things. Now the traces of aksharas which Mr. Sahni mentions, are hardly visible in the plate of III below 1. 4, and it is a priori not unlikely that the inscription was never completed, that the engraver, for some reason, did not proceed beyond 1. 4. And if I am right in my explanation of l. 2, the reason was evidently that he had made some serious mistakes in copying his draft. In other words, the slab containing III was meant to form the back of the Devi-throne, but was discarded when the engraver's slips were discovered, and the slab containing a was dressed and provided with a new and corrected legend in its stead. In such circumstances it would be permissible to make use of III for settling the reading of a, because the engraver may have made some mistakes even there. And I think that such must have been the case in the name of the pallanakara. In a it is clearly Spa]para-, while the second akshara in b is entirely defaced. Now III almost certainly has Saphara-, and I have little doubt that the actual form of the name was Saphara. Our records are dated in the year 87, in the third paksha of the Rains and on the 5th day. Rai Bahadur Daya Ram Sahni thought of the Gupta era, so that the corresponding Christian date would be in the summer of A.D. 406. The Maharaja Bhadramegha is not known from other sources, but we must apparently assume that he held sway in Kausambi. Little as we know about the history of Kausambi in early times, we cannot do more than to note the names of this Maharaja and of the Maharaja Sivamegha of Mr. Sahni's Inscription II. The latter is probably identical with the ruler known from & Bhita seal, which Sir Johu Marshall refers to the 2nd or 3rd Century, while the late Jayaswal thought of the 4th Century A.D. If Sir John is right, the era of our record must be the Kanishka reckoning, and the date correspond to A.D. 215-6, while the Kalachuri era would take us to 335-6. Sir John's dating is perbaps, after all, the most probable one. The two rulers mentioned above evidently belong to one and the same dynasty, but we have no means of ascertaining who is the older of them. TEXT. 1 Siddham Mahar[a]jasya sri-Bhadram[@] 2 ghasya sa[m]vatsare saptsa]site 807 varsha-paksha tfiti. [ From the impression Mr. Sahni's reailing appears to be correct.-Ed.) A.S.., An. Rep. 1911-12, p. 61. .J.B.O.R.S., Vol. XIX, p. 299. B2

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248 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXIII. 3 ya 3 a[i]vasa 5 esta]yam puruvayam pallanak[a]rasya $[aJpa(pha)4 rasya putrehi (Madgali]-putrehi Saniksa]ya Sandhak[@]na cha bha[ga]va5 tyla] a(a)ryyaya d[ejvisya a]sanapatta sth[@]pit[a] [*) Punya[m] vardhatu (ll*7 1 Mahar[a]jasya sri-Bhadremeghasyal sa[m]vatsar[o] sa3 p[ta]bite 807 varsha-paksha tsitiya 3 divasa (pa)3 chama 5 esta]yam puruvaya[m] pallanak[a]rasya Sapa(sapha)4 rasya putrehi saudaryyehi bhrat[ri]hi Madgalipu[tre). 5 hi Sanikaya Shandhakena cha pushki(shka)rinyam a[sa)6 napatta pratishcha(shtha)pita [i*] Priyatam dharmma Punyam va7. rddhatu (ile) TRANSLATION.' (Hail]-Of the Maharaja sri-Bhadramagha, in the eighty-seventh-87-year, the third. 3-paksha of the Rains, (the fifth)-5-day, at this date, by the son and daughter of the saddler Saphara, (the brother and sister from the same womb), the son and daughter of Madgali, Sanika and Shandhaka, slabs for a seat [for the Holy Noble Devi] were put up (at her pond. May Dharma be pleased). May merit increase. No. 40.-SONEPUR PLATES OF MAHA-BHAVAGUPTA(II)-JANAMEJAYA; THE YEAR 17. By B. CH. CHHABRA, M.A., M.O.L., PH.D.(LUGD.), OOTACAMUND. These plates were first inspected by me at Sonepur Raj, the headquarters of the Sonepur State in Orissa, in November 1936 when I was on tour in that part. Regarding their discovery I have been told that some three years prior to my visit certain workmen, while digging foundations on a plot of land opposite the modern Khambesvarai temple at Sonopur Raj, lighted upon a massive stone coffer which was forthwith made over to the State authorities. It was this box that contained the present plates. This along with its contents had since been kept intact at the Sonepur Police Station where it was shown to me. It is oblong in shape and measures 16" long, 12" broad and 13 high. It has a slipping lid on it and was evidently designed specially for the safe deposit of the tamrasasana. It was not possible then to examine the writing on the plates, because they had been preserved just as they were found, stuck together with crust and verdigris. Later, in April 1937, the plates were obtained on loan from the Sonepur Durbar by the Gov. ernment Epigraphist for India, who got them properly cleaned by the Archaological Chemist in India and had their impressions taken. This afforded me an opportunity of studying the record from the original as well as from its inked estampages. The document consists of three copper leaves, held together by a ring of the same metal. Each leaf is slightly narrower in the middle and measures about 8t' long by 51' high at either end. The ring is 4" in diameter. Its ends are secured under a circular seal (diameter 11"). The seal is completely defaced, so that it cannot be ascertained whether it originally contained any legend. It shows, however, some very faint traces of the Gajalakshmi symbol in the centre. The plates together with the ring and the seal weigh 202 tolas. The first plate is inscribed only on one face, while the remaining two bear writing on both the sides. There are altogether 51 lines of writing, [The name in question decidedly ends in magha as found in other inscriptions including those recently discovered. The stroke above m in this record may be accidental.-Ed.) ? Brackets in only : parentheses in b only.

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ALLAHABAD MUSEUM INSCRIPTIONS OF THE YEAR 87. STOS ? 3,78jrgoj Luli 2 SELAMATLITU Fig? ACHERUBIASA Zitas 120DA B. Ch. FASE bhAsadAra 2 680 EUR 861 z 2 baxaf <*c*4[PSes 19 133 81,803 3329 batin 3n2f2S+1344.125 M2 SCALE: ABOUT ONE QUARTER. SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA. N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Reo. No. 1617 E'37-275.

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No. 40.) SONEPUR PLATES OF MAHA-BHAVAGUPTA(II)-JANAMEJAYA. 249 of which 11 are on the first face, 12 on the second, 13 on each of the third and the fourth and only 2 on the fifth The alphabet is of the same northern type as is usually found in the records of Somavamsi rulers of Kosala. The language is Sanskrit. The record is composed in prose, except that twelve of the customary verses and a eulogistic one occur at the end. Of orthography the following points may be noted : (1) As a rule, s is used for $; $udhyati (1. 33) and sulao (1. 37) being exceptions. However, o is correctly used in those conjunct consonants where it appears as the first member, e.g., eri, eva, echa, etc. (2) B is invariably represented by the sign for r. (3) The consonant after r is doubled in most cases. (4) An anu svara takes the place of a final m. (5) The sign for avagraha is employed twice (1. 21 and 1. 45). (6) Sandhi is not observed in a few cases. Besides, the inscription contains various mistakes, such as wrong spelling, incorrect grammar, omission of letters and words, etc. They, too, have been pointed out partly in the text and partly in the notes below. The inscription belongs to the Somakuli P. M. P. Maha-Bhavaguptarajadeva(II)-Jana. mejayadeva, the successor of the P. M. P. Sivaguptadeva. It records the donation of a village, called Gottalkala, included in the Luputura-khanda in Kosala. While the king himself is the donor, the donee is Kamalavana-vanik-sthana, by which term possibly a merchants' association is meant. This vanik-ethana is described to have migrated from Khadirapadra and to be resident in Suvarnapura. It is further stated that the Kamalavana Merchants' Association transferred the same gift, as a registered grant, to Sri-Kesava-bhattaraka-devakula and Sri-Adityabhattarakadevakula (i.e., two temples, one of Vishnu and the other of Surya) for defraying the costs of offerings to the deities and of repairs to the shrines. The charter was issued from Arama on the 5th day of the bright fortnight of the month of Ashadha in the 17th year of the king Janamejayadeva's reign. It was written by Kailasa's son, Alava, the Mahakshapatalin (attached to the Mahasandhivigrahin Runaka Malladatta. and engraved by Haradasa, son of Sivrilla. The writer Alava is undoubtedly identical with Kailasa's son, Allava, the Kayastha, who wrote the Nagpur Museum Plates of the 8th year, in which he is explicitly mentioned to be connected (pratibaddha) with the Mahasandhirigrahin Ranaka. Malladatta, son of Dharadatta. This Malladatta appears to have served for a long time as Minister of War and Peace under Maha-Bhavagupta(II)-Janamejaya, for he figures in his Patna Plates of the 6th year on the one extreme and in his three Katak Grants of the 31st year on the other. As may appear from the above references, several copper-plate grants of Maha-Bhavagupta(II)Janamejaya have already been published, from which we know the 3rd-6th8th, 13th and 31st years of his reign. The record under discussion now adds the 17th year to that list. The king had a minister, named Sadharana, who is highly extolled in a stanza towards the close of the present inscription. He is described there to be a profound scholar and an able administrator, in whom the king reposed great reliance. The same person acted as Dutaka in the Nagpur Museum Plates referred to above, wherein his father's name is stated to be Sobhana and he himself is styled Mahamahattama Bhata(tla), but is not mentioned as Mantrin. Probably he was raised to ministership sometime subsequent to the 8th year of the king's reign. Evidently he, too, remained long in service, enjoying royal favours all along. He received a munificent gift of four villages from his master in the latter's 31st regnal year, as is recorded in the Above, Vol. VIII, p. 143; Bhandarkar's List of Inpriptions of Northern India, No. 1600. : J. P. A. S. B., Vol. I (1905), p. 13; Bhandarkar's List, No. 1558. * Above, Vol. III, p. 350 and note 5; Bhandarkar's Lixl, Nos. 1562-64. * Bhandarkar's List, Nos. 1687-1564.

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250 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXIII. aforementioned three Katak Grants. From these records we learn that Sadharana was "an immigrant from Takari, a resident of Turvuna in Kosala, belonging to the Bharadvaja gotra.. " Of the localities mentioned in the record, Suvarnapura is the same as the modern town of Sonepur, situated at the confluence of the Tel and the Mahanadi. Arama, from where the charter was issued, is described to be a prosperous city with palatial buildings, temples, gardens, tanks and what not. On the other hand, we know that the three Katak Grants of the 31st year were issued from the same Arama, but that in those records it appears as a mere site of the royal camp (kataka). Besides, a part of the description of Arama in the present plates is practically identicale with the account of Murasiman (another camping place from where somes of MahaBhavagupta(II)-Janamejaya's grants have been issued) in the Nagpur Museum Plates of the 8th year. It follows, therefore, that the present description of Arama is only conventional and may not be depended upon as an exact portrayal of the locality. In view of these considerations it is safer to assume that Arama was a place, perhaps not far from the town of Sonepur, where the royal camp was often pitched. Luputura-khanda, wherein the donated village was included, is mentioned also in an earlier grant of the same donor, where the word is spelt as Lupatura.? According to Rai Bahadur Hira Lal' this Lupatura-khanda is probably the same as Lipatunga of the Patna Plates of the 6th year', which he was inclined to identify with Lepta, six miles southeast of Bolangir in the Patna State. B. C. Mazumdarlo has, on the other hand, pointed out Nuptara and Nuparsinga within the Sonepur State one of which, he thought, must be identical with Lupatura. I agree with the latter view and opine that Nuptara must be the village after which Luputura-khanda was named. As for Gottaikela the donated village, Mr. Sarkar, the Secretary of the Sonepur State, kindly informs me that it is now known as Gotarkela and is about three miles from the town of Sonepur. TEXT. First Plate. 1 gall RACHTETTE (a)aya acarafamento 2 Terragraza (TUTTO(a)agaugen()fufracufeira . Above, Vol. III, p. 350, The reading seenis to be Turerula rather than T'urvouna. See also below p. 253, n. 7. We have Tela-Mahanadi-sanyuma vimala-jala-paritrikrita................pittuna-Sururunupur-acusilaSrimad-vijaya-kafakal in the Jatesingi-Dungri Plates of Maha-Sivagupta(I)-Yayitidiva. .1. B. 0. R. S.. Vol. II, p. 52, Bhandarkar's List, No. 1856. Srimad- Arama-samavasinah srimato vijaya-katakal. It may be pointed out here that Fleet, who has edited these grants, has explained Irama as pleasure-garden' and taken kvakn for the city of) Kataka, identifying it with the modern Cuttack. Some other scholars have correctly taken this word in the sense of' camp' See above , Vol. XI, pp. 188f. See below n. 14. Bhandarkar's List, Nos. 1558-60. . We may even take Arama to mean a pleasure.garden with a palace where the king occasionally resided. * Above, Vol. XI, p. 94. It has been read as Lupattard, but the correct reading is Luptura. & Above, Vol. XI, p. 201. . Above, Vol. III, p. 314. 10 Above, Vol. XI, p. 101. 11 Expressed by a symbol. 12 This akshara looks more like ne. The e-stroke is parted into two at the end, whereby perhaps ai is meant. The proper sign for ai-matra is, however, seen below in nai of naitrdy 1. 23. 11 The letter ra is clear on the plate, though the impression shows a curve against the horizontal stroke of it. 14 Read -dada-dido nana-. With this description we may compare aneka-wira-rilasini-charawa-nopinupu)Ta-rar-odbhrantamatta pararata-kulata(6) Arkola-dig-antar-agata-indi-juna ristirita-Kivllah Srimato Murasi(87)mwah of the Nagpur Museum Plates of the 8th year (above, Volume VIII, p. 141).

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No. 40.] SONEPUR PLATES OF MAHA-BHAVAGUPTA(II)-JANAMEJAYA. 251 3 desA(yA)ntarAdAgatavandijanavistAritaki(ko)ttai vividhavidyAlaMkRtavidvajjanaja4 nitakAvyAlApastutadhanapattivibhavasthA hitaracitavicicaprAsAdAhA5 likAdevakulodyAnavApIkUpataDAgopaso(zo)bhAjitasurapurama6 hinaH / pracaNDadordaNDamaNDalAgratuNDakhaNDitArAtimatta7 mAtaGgavimuktamuktAphalaprasAdhitAma()SamahImaNDala' 8 sakalabhUpAlamaulimAlAvilagnamANikyamayu(ya)khavAtAbhirazci9 takramakamalayugalAt zrImadArAmAt paramabhaTTArakamahArAjA10 dhirAjaparamezvaraparamamAhezvarazrIsi(zi)vaguptadevapAdAnudhyA11 taparamamAhavaraparamabhadhArakamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvara Second Plate ; First Side. 12 somakulatilakadhikaliGgAdhipatizrImahAbhavaguptarAjadevaH kusa(za)13 lI kosalAyA' luputurAkhaNDaprativa(ba)cagottaskalAgrAma / vA(brAhmaNAn saMpu(pU) jya tahiSa14 yauyayathAkAlAdhyAsinaH samAhartRsavidhAtRdANDapAsi(zi)kapisu(za)navetakA-" 18 varodhajanarAjavAbhAdaun sarvAn samAjJApayati / viditamastu bhavatAM / ya16 thAsmAbhirayaM grAmaH sanidhiH sopanidhiH sarvavA(bA)dhAvivarjita: sarboparika17 rakarAdAnasametaH sAmba(ma)madhukaH sagauSaracatuHsImApa18 ryanta: sajalasthalasahitaH / khadirapadravinimgatAya suvarNa19 puravAstavyAya zrIkamalavanavaNikathAnAya saliladhArApura:saramAca20 ndratAra kArkakSitisamakAlopabhogArthaM mA(tA)pitrorAtmanazca puNyayaso(zo)21 'bhiye sAmba(ma)sA(zA)sanenAkaraulatya pratipAdita ityavagatya samucita Probably the intended reading is -tibhara-sparddhino rachita-. . This danda is unnecessary. * Read .prasidhit-asisha-raya-mahi-mandalal. This and the following compound qualify Maha-Bhunte guptarajadera and not Irama. These two attributes of the king occur also in his Katak Plates of the 31st year (above, Vol. III, p. 349, text al. 34-37). - Read -ympalak and see the foregoing note. The word Konalayan, which was evidently first omitted by inalvertence and later supplieel, is engravedl in smaller characters on the space above the ring-hole oppositel.17and is to be read after knikalt in 1. 13, as indionted by a kakupada sign after cach of the two words. * Read vaitril-i'. * The letter ra appears below the line. Evitlently it was first omitted and war Inter supplied.

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252 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXIII. 22 bhogabhAgakarahiraNyAdibhirbhavatiH sukhena prativastavya(vyam) / anenApi prA23 (ta)sA(zA)sanena suvarNapurIyatrIkamalavanavaNikthAnena va(ba)licasnaivedya ___Second Plate ; Second Side. 24 khaNDasphuTitapratikaraNArya(ya or |) zrIkesa(za)vazrIpAdityabhaTTArakAbhyAM / devakulo(lA)25 bhyAM sA(zA)sanaukatya prdtt:*]| bhAvibhizca bhUpati bhittiriyaM(ya)mAdauthA dharmagau26 ravAdasmadanurohA(dhA)cca vadattiriyA(vA)nupAlanauyA / tathA cotaM dharmasA(zAstre / 27 va(ba) hubhirvasudhA dattA rAjabhiH sagarAdibhirya(bhiH / ya)sya [yasya"] yadA bhUbhi stasya tasya tadA 28 phala (lam) [10] mA bhUdaphalasaMkA(zahA) va: paradatteti pArthivAH / khadAnAtpha la[mA ]nantyaM pa29 radattAnupAlane [120*] SaSTivarSasahasrANi svarmo modati bhUmidaH [*] 30 AsphoTayanti pitaro valAyanti pitAmahAH [1] bhUmidAtA kule jA31 taH sa nakhAtA bhaviSyati [140"] bhUmi yaH pratigrahA(lA)ti yazca bhUmi praya cchati / ubhau 32 to puNyakarmANo niyataM svarga(gA)minI [ibu*] taDAgAnAM sahasrANi(Na) vAjapeyasa(za)* 33 tAni(tena) ca / gavAM koTipradAnena bhUmihartA na zudhyati [ion"] svarName ke gAmekAM bhUma34 rapyahamala' (lam) / harana(ba)rakamAyAti yAvadAhatasaMbhavaH [170"] anyAyana itA bhUmi35 ranyAyana ta hAritA / rato hArayata va sahanyAsaptamaM kulaM (lama) 8.] khadattA parada * This is clearly a mistake for -hirany-adikam=upanayadbhiru. * This danda is unnecessary. . The impression shows a superfluous sorateb attached to ti giving it the appearance of tri, but on the plato it is plain ti. The small vertical stroke seen after samh on the impression does not appear on the plate. The second half of this stanza has been left out through mistake. We may add it thus: akshapa cha unumania cha tany=eva narake vaiset ! 31. .Read suvaranam= or the pada will be too short of a syllable. "The unustara over la, which is clear on the plate, has not come out on the impression. * Read harayatascha or the quarter will have a syllable in excess.

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i. 6 2 malAla kuhima sadaya yAga kA yantra vAjavilA ji.nI i. navalapurA pAlana viSaya madi kA 2 dastAgra mA bhAkAta vadi vidhi kavi vi vi dyAla kuna viddha huna 4 kakkA dhAnya sutara cina vidhika sAkSa kAlada va kulAdyAnavApI kRpayA 4 pura (517439 ZA Z MA Z Z OG A mAdivama kumukAya prasAla Sama homa la 6 8 8 sakala hamAla malamA lAvi lAgU mAlikA mayA na ki kamalAmA 10 patra mA.zrI.savAda va yA 10 pAnamA kAyApa iia. SONEPUR PLATES OF MAHA-BHAVAGUPTA(II)-JANAMEJAYA; THE YEAR 17. 12 18 12 kavi kali phukita zrImadAnanurAdeva : kusa nIlA kalA grAma vAyuya 14 zrIyAkA lAgiH samAsamapAdA yA sikapi. sunA hai kA 14 rAjavallAdIna samAjA payati vahima suruvA 16 grAma saviH sAsavA pAva parSika 16 koyanAmataH samaH usI mAya padaviyada 18 vAyokama lavakavalA kAya salilAza putra mAdhya 20 sa ma kAlAya nAva mA TApu yayalA 20 kAyA sA sAmanA karI kRtya patipAditamuti 22 phLI tAkandanyadi vahniH vasUlA sAmasu vatugrIka mala bama pani ma kaba liyaka nivida 22 N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. REG. No, 1496 E'37-295. 50 iiib. lIyona morana lInA kilAyasu iib. vakula 24 243harule kAryagrIvIzradi 6 kA sAsanI kRpAvirUpaviditi viyaM msu| dIyA va ma 26 svAyatU dAdara yA pAla mI yAnA ke varmA vahu ki supAdAya ji. se mAyA 28 phalo mArudale saMkAvaH parayala ki paarthivaaH| sudAmAla dahA pAlA va sAmAdatirumiya: madhyama pitarIvallU yadi pitAmara miyAnI kula 30 diti yaH pa 32 to pu ke mata kiyA jo saruvA 32 nA kiyA gayA dAna bhUmi ke gAma kA ruma 34/maramA yA diyA budA kama prAyadvatA 34 rAhilA hAra va sahaku 36 viyA kRSimivAla phisa 36 30 azza. dizA va viSuvatAnA salamA suru gavAnA phila kimiyAM sAmAnyAyaM kRpA kA kAyala kI khopaDi: 38 kisI kevinaH pAvayAsa da kamaladalA juvilAlA jI agrima juSa / Diviyaphalamidamu 40 dAya puruSapAdakamA parAmA kuna dina karikali dukhapatI ina 42 miyAdava yadi yasada mA. bA 44 sa sa ASATa budi51 duyA 44 bAI sAsusumita yA va dAva yA vidyA kal 46 surumA mAyA gari kAma 46 kalAyata viditAda kAmakraya 48 148 38 40 42 (4. mahAmAnAvA gAvAlaka zrI maladaH // lAla dAnena // SCALE: ONE-HALF. 50 26 28 SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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No. 40 ] SONEPUR PLATES OF MAHA-BHAVAGUPTA (II)-JANAMEJAYA. 36 tAM mbA (vA) / ' yo hareza vasundharAM (rAm) [1* ] sa viSThAyAM kamibhUmi tvA pacate pitubhiH saha [[10*1] thA Third Plate; First Side. 37 divyo varuNo viSNuva (brahmA somo hatAsa (za) na: / zu (zU) lapANistu abhina bhagavAn / ' 38 danti bhUmidaM (dam ) 1[1100*] sAmAnyoyaM dharmasetu (nRpANAM kAle kAle pAlanoyo bhavahniH [1"] 39 riti sarvvAnetAn bhAvinaH pArthivendrAn bhUyo bhUyo yAcate rAmacandra[:] [111*] pati 40 kamaladalAmbu ( ba ) vi (bi) ndulIlAM / ' zrI ( zri ) yamanucintya manuSyaji (jo ) vitaM ca [1*] sakalamidamu 41 dAhRtaM ca vuddA ( buddhA) / nahi puruSaH paraki ( ko ) rttayo vilopyAH |[1120 * ] paramabhaTTArakamahArAjAbhi 42 rAjaparamezvarasomakulatilakacikaliGgAdhipatizrI [ma *]jjana 43 mejayadevasya vijayarAjye samva (saMva) sare saptadasame' bhASADha 44 mAmasitapacapacamyo yacAvataH / 45 'zeSArthasA (zA) svasmRtivima[la* ]dhiyA 46 kaTasuraguruprAptabhUyiSThadhAntrA / nAkamA 47 gtriNA yasya rAjyaM nirv (yU) DhaM 48 [1130*] 49. .. suta tki "harada 253 1 This danda is unnecessary. s This mi is superfluous read krimir=bhatevi. The two syllables riti are superfluous. The portion vuddha occurs below the line. samya (saMgha) t 17 bhASAdAdi 5 ASADhazadi 5 / jJeyAvedavedAGgavidyA / ' so (zi) cAkalpetihAsa prasAdhAraNena dvijavaratanunA masoyamucaistu (stri) jagati vidito devajanamejayasa suta / Read saptadase. The impression shows a small stroke attached to sa, which does not exist on the plate. Instead of Sri-Janamejayadevah, the writer has used deva-Janamejaya-srih evidently to conform to the metrical scheme, which purpose still remains partly unfulfilled unless we read Janmejaya for Janamejaya. The corresponding reading in the Katak Plates of the 31st year is dharmma-Kandarppadech. The Katak Plates have two verses in praise of Sadharapa, one of which is the same as occurs here. ( Above, Vol. III, p. 349, text 1. 37-42.) * Metre : Sragdhara. It appears that the matter engraved after arih in this line and the next has intentionally been scored out by the original engraver himself, probably because some objectionable mistakes might have crept in. In spite of his attempt to erase the engraving of this part, certain letters can still be made out, which indicate that the contents of this portion mentioned the names of the writer, the engraver and so forth. If so, nothing of the original charter has been lost, as those names appear in the two lines on the reverse of this plate.

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254 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXIII. Third Plate; Second Side. 50 'lokhotamodaM tAmbusAsanaM mahAsandhIvogra ho rANaka zromazadattaH // mahAcapaTa 5] launA kailAsasutena zrIalavena // utkIrNaca sovRjJAsutena haradAsenetI // // TRANSLATION. (Ll. 1-13) Om! Hail! From the prosperous Arama, which has (all) the ten quarters deafened by the fluttering noise of the flocks of pigeons frightened by the jingle of the anklets (worn) on the feet of the numerous excellent courtesans (moving) within the enclosures of mansions having floors (studded) with bright jewels, which has its fame spread by minstrels hailing from different countries, which [vies (in opulence) with] the wealth of Kubera (lit. lord of riches) exalted in poetic narrations produced by scholars endowed with various learning, (and) which has eclipsed the grandeur of Amaravati (lit. city of gods) by the splendour of its array of magnificent palaces, lofty buildings, temples, gardens, step-wells, wells and tanks; the illustrious Paramabhattaraka Maharajadhiraja Paramesvara Maha-Bhavaguptarajadeva, the overlord of Trikalinga, an ornament of the Soma-kula, (and) a devout worshipper of Mahesvara, who has meditated on the feet of the illustrious P. M. P. Sivaguptadeva, a devout worshipper of Mahesvara, who (i.e., Maha-Bhavagupta) has the entire circle of the [battle-field decorated by the pearls loosened from the (temples of the) enemies' rutting elephants rent asunder with the point of the scimitar (wielded) by his cudgel-like impetuous arm, (and) who has the pair of his lotus-like feet tinted by the collection of rays (emanating) from the precious stones attached to the wreaths over the coronets of all the princes, being in good health, (Ll. 13-15) having paid homage to the Brahmanas in the Gottalkela village included in the Luputura-khanda in Kosala, issues a command to all (his officials) of that district, (persons) who may at any time be holding office, (namely) Samahartri, Sannidhatri, Dandapasika, Pisura, Vaitrika, Avarodhajana, Rajavallabha, and so forth : (Ll. 15-21) Be it known to you that by (this) copper-charter We have, for the accretion of merit and fame to (Our) parents as well as to Ourself, donated this (Gottaikela) village, with libations of water, having made (it) tax-free, exempt from all hindrance, extending up to (its) four 1 Mistakes of spelling in this and the next line are too many and too obvious to need correction. As surmised in the foregoing note, these two lines seem to contain the same matter in its revised form as was written and cancelled in 11. 48-49. It may, however, be observed that the writing of 11. 50-51 is not by the same hand to which the engraving of nearly the entire grant is due, and differs from the rest in several respects; its mistakes of spelling are more numerous, its characters are bigger in size and some of them are quite different in shape, e.g. v and medial u. This rouses a suspicion as to whether it was the original engraver himself who is res ponsible for effacing the writing of ll. 48-49 and adding that in 11. 50-51 or whether it was somebody else who sometime later tampered with that portion of the charter. If latter is the case, the motive of the tamperer is not clear. Any way, no material harm has been done to the original grant by altering or substituting the last lines in question. Not all of these designations have been satisfactorily explained. Samahartri, literally one who collects', probably answers to a collector of revenue'. Sannidhatri means 'one who approaches or ushers' and perhaps significe an usher'. These two terms occur also in Kautilya's Arthafastra, where they have been rendered respectively as collector-general' and chamberlain' by Dr. R. Shamasastry in his translation of that work (second edition, pp. 63 and 60). Dandapabika denotes one who holds rod and rope' and may stand for ' an officer entrusted with the punishment of criminals' (See N. G. Majumdar, Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. III, p. 185). Pibuna may correspond to a spy'. Vaitrika, one who holds a cane', may be the same as a doorkeeper'. Avarodhajana can here mean either royal ladies' or a warden of ladies' apartment or simply a watchman. What exactly the function of a Rajavallabha, literally king's favourite', was is difficult to explain "

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No. 41.] KARITALAI INSCRIPTION, LAKSHMANARAJA: [KALACHURI] SAMVAT 593. 255 boundaries, along with (its) hidden treasures and deposits, mango and Bassia latifolia trees, pits and barren plots, water and land, with (the privilege of) collecting toll and revenue, to the illustrious Kamalavana Merchants' Association, immigrant from Khadirapadra (and) resident in Suvarnapura, to be enjoyed as long as the sun, the moon, the stars and the earth (endure). (Ll. 21-22)" Being aware of this, you should dwell in happiness, offering (to it its)customary share of income, rent, (tribute of) gold, and so forth. (LI. 22-25) Being in possession of the charter, this illustrious Kamalavana Merchants' Association has, in its turn, bestowed (the same village), having registered it as a deed, on the two temples, (one) of the lord Kesava (and the other) of the lord Aditya, for charity, oblation and offerings as well as for repairing wear and tear (in the temples). 46 66 (Ll. 25-26) And, future kings should, through respect for the dharma and out of regard for Us, protect this Our grant as their own grant. For, it is declared in the Dharmasastra :-" (Ll. 27-41) [Here follow twelve of the customary verses.] (Ll. 41-44) (This charter has been issued) during the victorious reign of the illustrious P. M. P. Janamejayadeva, the overlord of Trikalinga, an ornament of the Soma-kula, in the seventeenth year on the fifth day of the bright fortnight of the month of Ashadha, where in figures (it is) Anno 17 Ashadha sudi 5. (Ll. 44-48) Highly renowned in (all) the three worlds is this very illustrious Janamejayadeva, the administration of whose kingdom has been carried on by his minister, Sadharana by name, an eminent Dvija (lit. twice-born) by birth, whose intellect is clear owing to (his knowledge of) all the lores of polity and law worth knowing, who is manifestly a very Brihaspati (lit. preceptor of gods) in (expounding) the Vedas and the Vedanga-vidyas (such as) Siksha, Kalpa, Itihasa (and so forth), (and) who is (on account of all that) possessed of suprem lory. (Ll. 50-51) This tamrasasana has been composed by Kailasa's son, the illustrious Alava, the Mahakshapatalin1 (attached to) the illustrious Mahasandhivigrahin Ranaka Malladatta ; and engraved by Haradasa, son of Sivrilla. No. 41.--KARITALAI STONE INSCRIPTION OF LAKSHMANARAJA: [KALACHURI] SAMVAT 593. BY PROF. V. V. MIRASHI, M.A., NAGPUR. Karitalai is now a small village twenty-nine miles North by East of Murwara, the headquarters of a tahsil of the same name in the Jubbulpore District. The place seems to be of great antiquity, for an inscription in shell characters and another of the Gupta period3 have been discovered there. There are several old temples at Karitalai, from one of which, probably dedicated to the Boar incarnation of Vishnu, a fragmentary inscription of the reign of the Kalachuri king Lakshmanaraja, the son of Yuvarajadeva I -Keyuravarsha was brought over to Nagpur and is 1 This designation denotes the high officer in charge of the akshapatala office. The latter term has been variously rendered by Record Office', ' Court of Rolls', Court of Justice', Archive' and Accountant General's Office'. The word mahakshapatalin has been discussed by Prof. J. Ph. Vogel in his Antiquities of Chamba State, Pt. I, p. 133. Dr. Shamasastry translates the term akshapatala as 'accountants' office' in Kautilya's Arthasastra (p. 66). Hiralal, Inscriptions in C. P. and Berar (Second Ed.), p. 45. C. I. I., Vol. III, pp 117ff. 4 Cunningham has described the ruins at Karitalai in A. S. R., Vol. IX, pp. 7-8. He mentions a huge statue of the Boar 8' long, 7' high and 2'9" broad. The Karltalai stone inscription was probably put up at a templeof the Boar incarnation, see vv. 27 and 35 of it, above, Vol. II, pp. 178-9. 0 2

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256 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXIII. at present preserved in the Central Museum, Nagpur. The present inscription seems to have been discovered by the late R. B. Hiralal in 1928 when he visited the place on his way to the Silahara caves which are situated not very far from Karitalai'. A short notice of it appears in his Inscriptions in the Central Provinces and Berar, but the record has not been published so far. I edit it here from excellent estampages kindly supplied by the Director General of Archaeology in India. From the account given by R. B. Hiralal the inscription seems now to be affixed to the temple of Devi Madhia at Karitalai. It is fragmentary. The preserved portion measures 101" in breadth and 1' 101" in height. Originally there were fourteen lines only, of which thirteen were inscribed breadthwise. Each of these now contains on an average fourteen aksharas. The fourteenth line runs along the margin on the left. In addition to these, there is one more line incised recently to record the date (Vikrama) Samvat 1981, which runs parallel to the original marginal line. As said before, the inscription is fragmentary. Nothing is, of course, lost at the top, the bottom and the left hand side; but on the right hand, sixty to seventy aksharas have been lost in each line. The record, when entire, must have occupied a space of 4' 6" in breadth. Of this only about onefifth portion on the left has been preserved and the remaining four-fifths broken away and lost. The characters belong to the North Indian alphabet. They have been deeply and beautifully cut. The strokes of the medial vowels have, here and there, been ornamentally treated. As regards individual letters, attention may be drawn to the two forms of n, one in Lakshmanaraja(1. 14) and the other in Druhinah (1. 2), etc., and to those of gh in Amoghavarsha- (1. 12) and Ghatanraya- (1. 14). The form of g is in many places closely similar to that of ra, compare g in jagat and drag-eva, both in 1. 2, Nagabhate in 1. 9. etc., with ra in yair-asantati in 1. 6; th has not yet developed a vertical stroke at the top, see pariluthanti (1. 4). Similarly th is still circular and not flattened on the right side, see prithuni (1. 4). The medial u has been generally denoted by a serif, (see payasur-, 1. 3; nag-anukari, 1. 13, etc.), but in some cases by a curve turned to the left as in kshinotu (1. 2). The matras for medial diphthongs generally appear above the line (see namo, and Upendra-, 1. 1), but in two cases viz., Rudrebhyah (1. 1) and sri-Lakshmanarajadeve (1. 14) the medial e is obtained by continuing the top stroke of the consonant to the left to end in a small curve; while in two others we see fully developed prishtha-matras also (see Vedho- 1. 3 and padau 1. 12). The characters thus show a transitional stage of the Nagari alphabet and may be referred to the ninth century A. D. The language is Sanskrit. Except the introductory obeisance and the marginal line recording the date, etc., the whole record is metrically composed. It seems to have originally consisted of thirteen verses. As regards orthography we may note that the consonant preceding and following has in certain cases been doubled as in chatur-varnnyam (1. 1) and-mattram (1. 2); v has been used for b in vala (1. 7) and the guttural nasal for anusvara in kshin-anhaso (1. 6). Owing to the unfortunate loss of a major portion of the record it is not possible to give a complete description of its contents. After the introductory obeisance to Druhina (Brahman), Upendra (Vishnu) and Rudra (Siva) come three verses invoking the blessings of the three deities. Ll. 6 and 7 seem to eulogize some persons possessed of strength, wealth, gaiety, liberality and courtesy. The next line refers to some personage who was to great kings what the fall of a thunderbolt is to high mountains. The ninth line mentions the rout of Nagabhata, while the eleventh refers to some saintly person whose mind was devoted to the observance of the rules of conduct laid down 1 The second edition of his Inscriptions in the C. P., etc. (1932) mentions it, while the first edition of it (1916) contained no reference to it. In 1928 R. B. Hiralal was accompanied by the Government Epigraphist (see Inscriptions, etc., p. 45, n. 1), but there is no mention of this record in his report for 1927-8. Perhaps it was not considered as of sufficient importance.

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No. 41.) KARITALAI INSCRIPTION, LAKSHMANARAJA: [KALACHURIJ SAMVAT 593. 257 in the Sruti and Smriti. From the twelfth line we learn that the illustrious king Amoghavarsha bowed to the feet of some one who was probably identical with the saintly person mentioned above. The thirteenth line speaks of the erection by him of a structure resembling a hill. Finally the marginal line states that the record was composed by Prasannaditya of the Ghata family in the year 593 (expressed in numerical figures only) during the reign of the illustrious king Lakshmanarajadeva. The late Rai Bahadur Hiralal who first noticed this inscription read the date as 693 and as it evidently refers to the Kalachuri-Chedi era which was current at least from the ninth to the twelfth century A. D. in Baghelkhand, he took it as equivalent to A. D. 941, obviously identifying Lakshmanaraja mentioned in it with the king of the same name, of whose reign we have another fragmentary inscription from Karitalai itself. As Yuvarajadeva l-Keyuravarsha, the father of Lakshmanaraja, was the father-in-law of the Rashtrakuta king Baddiga-Amoghavarsha III, it is clear that he flourished in the beginning of the tenth and his son Lakshmanaraja about the middle of the same century. The mention of Amoghavarsha may be adduced to support this view. In A, D. 941, which, according to R. B. Hiralal, is the date of this record, Amoghavarsha III was no doubt dead; for his son Krishna III succeeded him towards the end of A. D. 939. But this presents no difficulty; for the record does not state that Amoghavarsha was living in A. D. 941. It refers to him incidentally in connection with the holy person who constructed the temple at which the inscription was originally put up. Besides, from the Sudi inscription we leern that Amoghavarsha III was staying for some time at Tripuri where he celebrated the marriage of his daughter with Permadi-Butuga II. That inscription is no doubt taken to be spurious, but we need not for that reason reject all historical information in it, unless it is contradicted by other incontrovertible evidence. As there was no other Lakshmanaraja in the family of the Kalachuris of Tripuri known till then, R. B. Hiralal seems to have felt amply justified in reading the date as above. But the reading is probably incorrect. The first figure closely resembles that of the tithi in the Chandrehe inscription of Prabodhasiva and the latter was read as five by Dr. Kielhorn. The late Mr. R. D. Banerjee first read it as 6, but it appears as 5 in his article on the Chandrehe inscription. Other instances ia which the figure stands for 5 can also be cited.' So the date of the present inscription is 593 and this being referred to the Kalachuri era corresponds to A. D. 841-2. The mention of Amoghavarsha in this record does not also preclude this reading; for this Amoghavarsha would be the first Rashtrakuta king of that name who ruled from a. D. 814 to 880. We know that the royal families of the Rashtrakutas and the Kalachuris were 1 See his Inscriptions in C. P. and Berar, (second ed.) p. 45. * For Amoghavarsha III we have the dates 937 and 939 (see E.C., Vol. XI, pp. 29 and 30). His son Krishna LII's Deoli plates were issued in A. D. 940. * Above, Vol. III, p. 179. * Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, p. 85; above, Vol. I, p. 354. . Memoirs A. 8. I., No. 23, p. 119. * Above, Vol. XXI, p. 148. There is a similar difference of opinion about the reading of the year in 11. 6-7 of the Sarada inscription from Hund, above, Vol. XXII, p. 98 and n. 3. * See for instance the figures of the year and the tithi of the Baleri plates of the Chaulukya Molaraja, above, Vol. X, plate facing p. 78; the figure of the year in the Khajuraho inscription of Kokkala, Cunningham's A. 8. R.. Vol. XXI, pl. XIX and that of the tithi in the Palanpur plates of Bhimadeva, above, Vol. XXI, pl. facing p. 172. The evidence of paleography is also in favour of this earlier date. I would particularly draw attention to the formation of the medial diphthongs by lengthening the top line to the left to end in a small ourvo (1. 14) and the round form of th. In the later Karitaldi stone inscription of the reign of Lakshmanarja (circa 950 A. D.) the medial diphthongs are in all cases denoted either by strokes on the top or by prishthu-nder and this flattened on the right side.

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258 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (Vol. XXIII. matrimonially connected in the ninth century also; for Amoghavarsha I's son Krishna II was married to Kokalla l's daughter, though this marriage may not have taken place before A. D. 842 ? Besides, Amoghavarshe was of a spiritual temperament. He was a fervent devotee, at least in the early part of his life, of Hindu deities. The Sanjan plates tell us that he had cut off a finger of his left hand and offered it to Maha-Lakshmi to ward off a public calamity. It is not, therefore, unlikely that Amoghavarsha had gone to the Chedi country to pay his respects to the holy person who put up the present inscription. The mention of Nagabhata's defeat in l. 9 may also be adduced in support of the above-mentioned date. This Nagabhata is evidently Nagabhata II of the Gurjara-Pratihara dynasty, who was completely routed by Amoghavarsha's father Govinda III. Nagabhata was not living in A. D. 841-2 the date of the present inscription; for, according to the Jain work Prabhavaka-charita' he died in V. S. 890 (A. D. 833-4); nor is Amoghavarsha known to have raided North India like his father and grandfather. The defeat of Nagabhata II mentioned in this inscription must be that inflicted on him by Govinda III before A. D. 800. The personage, who in the preceding line is described as a destroyer of great kings as a thunderbolt is of high mountains, is therefore probably Govinda III. The name of the king whom he destroyed (samjahre) is lost at the end of that line. It is not known in what connection the defeat of Nagabhata is mentioned in 1. 9; but as the name of Amoghavarsha occurs only after two lines, it is clear that the event must have happened not long before the reign of Amoghavarsha. The latter must consequently be the first king of that name; for, otherwise, there would be a long gap of more than one hundred and thirty years between the two events, if the king is identified with Baddiga-Amoghavarsha III. If my reading of the date is accepted the Lakshmanaraja mentioned in the present inscription becomes the earliest known king of the Kalachuri dynasty of Tripuri. He was the predecessor and may have been the father of Kokalla 1,' who stands at the head of the genealogical lists in the Bilhari stone inscription and the Benares plates of Karna." The Sanjan plates of Amoghavarsha state that after his victorious campaign in North India, Govinda III returned to the bank of the Narmada and conquering Kosala, Kalinga, Vergi, Dahala, Odraka and Malava, made his servants govern them. This seems to mean that Govinda raided these countries and either exacted tributes from the ruling princes or, deposing them, placed his own nominees in charge of their countries. That he did so in one case at least is known from other records. The Baroda plates of Karka, dated Saka 734, state that Karka was made a door-bolt to protect the king of Malwa from the Gurjara king who had become puffed up by conquering the lords of Gauda and Vanga.10 In some other records of the Gujarat Rashtrakutas we find references to battles fought Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, pp. 263-70. * As I have shown elsewhere (above, p. 217) Amoghsvarsha I was born about A. D. 799. He was therefore, forty-two years old at the time of the present inscription, but it is not likely that in A. D. 841-2 his son Krishna II was already married to Lakshmanarija's grand-daughter, for he is known to have reigned till about 914 A. D. Perhape Amoghavarsha had gone to Tripurt to seek the Kalachuri king's help when he was deposed in the early part of his reign. . Above, Vol. XVIII, p. 248. * Ibid., p. 245. . Above, Vol. XIV, p. 179, n. 3. * This Kokalls was a contemporary of Bhoja I of Kansuj who flourished from circa A. D. 835 to 885. His son-in-law Krishna II reigned from about A. D. 880 to 914. Kokalla may have therefore flourishod from about A. D. 850 to 886. * Above, Vol. I, pp. 264ff. * Ibid., Vol. II, pp. 306ff. Ibid., Vol. XVIII, p. 245. 10 See lines 26-27 of the Baroda plates of Karka, Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 160.

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No. 41.) KARITALAI INSCRIPTION, LAKSHMANARAJA : [KALACHURIJ SAMVAT 593. 259 by them with the Gurjara-Pratiharas in Ujjayini. Malwa was, therefore, made a protectorate and a subordinate branch of the Rashtrakutas established in Gujarat to check the advance of the Pratibaras. The same may have happened in the case of Dahala also.As Lakshmanaraja is the earliest known prince of the Kalachuri dynasty of Dahals, it is not unlikely that the present record in its lost portion mentioned the establishment of the Kalachuri family in Dahala after the defeat of Nagabhata. Subsequently the Rashtrakutas made many matrimonial alliances with the Kalachurise and thus made the Kalachuri kingdom a bulwark on the north of the Narmada against any possible invasion of their territory by the Gurjara-Pratiharas. It would not be out of place to discuss here the relation of this Lakshmanaraja with other princes of the same name known from two other records discovered in North India. The Kahla plates of Sodhadeva mention a Kalachuri prince Lakshmanaraja in whose family was born the prince Rajaputra whose descendant in the eleventh generation named Sodhadeva made a grant in V. S. 1134 (A. D. 1077). The date of this Rajaputra is approximately settled by the statement in the record that Gunambhodhideva I, his descendant in the third generation, helped Bhoja in his wars against a Gauda king. This Bhoja can be no other than the Gurjara-Pratihara Bhoja whose known dates range from A. D. 836 to 882. Gunambhodhideva I may therefore have flourished about A. D. 850. His third lineal ancestor Rajaputra can consequently be placed in circa A. D. 775 The indefinite manner in which the relationship of Rajaputra to Laksamanaraja is mentioned in the Kahla plates makes it difficult to conjecture the date of the latter, but that he did not flourish later than the beginning of the eighth century A. D. seems certain. He cannot, therefore, be identified with Lakshmanaraja of the present inscription There are three other kings named Lakshmanaraja known from a stone inscription found at Kasias in the Gorakhpur District, U. P. Rai Bahadur D. R. Sahni has assigned this inscription to the 11th or 12th century A. D., but on paleographic evidence it appears to belong to a period not later than the tenth century A. D. The princes mentioned in this inscription were ruling over a territory contiguous to the kingdom of the Kalachuris of the Kahla plates. One would, therefore, expect to find some links connecting the two families in the genealogical lists of the two inscriptions, but none have been noticed so far. A careful comparison of the two lists would show, however, that there are two names common to them, viz., Rajaputra and his son Sivaraja. The former name is evidently a biruda and we find it actually stated in the Kasia inscription that the real name of the prince was Lakshmana and that he was called Rajaputra because of his virtues. The Rajaputra of the Kahla plates flourished about A. D. 775 which is, therefore, the date of Lakshmanaraja II of the Kasia inscription. Lakshmanaraja I, his great-grandfather, and 1 See c. ., Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, p. 67. * So far as one can judge from the present fragmentary record, it seems to have contained glorification of the Rashtrakutas rather than of the Kalachuris. It is noteworthy that the line containing the name of the reigning king is added in the margin. See e.g., the Karda plates of Karka III, II. 16-25, Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 265. Above, Vol. VII, p. 89. Ibid., Vol. XVIII, pp. 128ff. . It may be noted here that in the Kasik inscription, (1) the medial diphthongs are denoted by small curves added to the left of the top line : (2) the medial appears as a small serif at the bottom of the vertical; (3) the left limba of dh and kh, the tail of h and the vertical of th have not yet developed as in the Nagarf alphabet of the eleventh or twelfth century A. D. Its th has, however, developed a vertical stroke on the right. I would, therefore, assign the inscription to the tenth century A. D. The record seems to mention two successors of Lakshmanarija III and the names of one or two more may bave been lost in the mutilated portion. As I have placed Lakshmaparaja III of the Kasia inscription in circa A. D. 850, the last Kalachuri prince mentioned in the record must have reigned some time during the tenth century A. D. This date is corroborated by the palaeographic evidence detailed above.

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260 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXIII. Lakshmaparaja III, his great-grandson, must therefore have flourished about A. D. 700 and 860 respectively. Though Lakshmanaraja III of the Kasia inscription thus flourished about the same time as the Lakshmanaraja of the present inscription, the two are not likely to be identical ; for none of the descendants of the former can be identified with the Kalachuri princes mentioned in the Bilhari inscription and the Benares plates, who were evidently the successors of the Lakshmanaraja of the present inscription. TEXT. 1 siham' [*] bhI namostu duhiyopendrakTrebhyaH / cAturvaNasya [ni] . . . 1 namAtra jagat [1] drAgeva dvahiNa: kSiNotu ... 3 vedhohasa(ga): / pAyAsumadhusUdanA[1] . ... 4 kapatpRithuni pariluThanto yasya mU[stha] . . 5 na kramaH paramiti khAnputrakAmpATha[ya] . .. 6 cINAso' jajire yairAsantati santata' . . . 7 vRttiH / va(ba)lavibhavavilAsatyAgadA' . . . . 8 mahAbhUmibhacapAtA(sa:) saMjar3e kA[t] . . 9 bhUyasA cAnehasA // bhanne nAgabhaTe' . . . . 10 kaSapAvadalako varAhavyAhAraH sma" . . . . 11 "tismRtvAcArapravaNadhiSaNaH puNya]" . .. 12 "zrImadamoghavarSanRpatiH pAdau [na]13 . . . . 13 vAparaH // tenAkAri nagAnukAri ga... 141 bhI sambat 58. zraulanaNarAjadeve rAjani ghaTAnvayatrI prasabAdityasya tiriyam [1] 1 Expressed by a symbol. * Metre : Salini. .Metre: Sardalavikridita. * Read mUstha la. Metre: Malini. * Read pAThayet. Metre : Bardialarikridita. * Real cauDisI. - Real dAkSiA - Metre: Malini. Perhaps xifent was written here. Metre : Sragdhara. * Metre : Sikharini. " Read yutimatyAcAraII Read puzyacarita:- Metres Sikharini. " Rend yasya before zrImada13 Rond were4. Metre : Sardilavikridila. "Metre: Sardalavikridita, " This line in written along the margin. Another line below it ineised recently readaausa[cata 1981. "Expressed by a symbol.

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KARITALAI STONE INSCRIPTION OF LAKSHMANARAJA: [KALACHURI] SAMVAT 593. N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Rea. No. 1534 E'38-275. mammIta jhAlarAja dave yA kRtiya OM vAyu Agala vamA jarA dArAvara dila: kilA mu ruhave (vasara pAyAsamprezsa davA ka yo pani yarila kI yA maI vakramaH yara giniyAkA kIlAI mA jariye rAmavani sata kRtibhavata vibhavavitAmArAda mahAmitra yAtA saM jaya sAha sArA mA 2 SCALE: ONE-THIRD. 4 6 8 kasa gAva itakA varAdagrAhAraH 10 tiyAra padalavilaya (zImarAva trayatiH (12 vATAramA kAzigA ga SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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No. 42.] FOUR GANGA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS. 261 No. 42.-FOUR GANGA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS By S. N. CHAKRAVARTI, M.A., CALCUTTA. The four sets of copper-plate grants belonging to the Ganga kings of Kalinga were acquired through Mr. S. Rajaguru, Municipal Councillor, Parlakimedi, Ganjam. They have been found, as Mr. Rajaguru was told by the owner of the plates, in some villages of Northern Ganjam, and were purchased by Mr. N. G. Majumdar, M.A., Superintendent, Archeological Survey of India. They are now deposited in the Archaeological Section, Indian Museum, Calcutta. I edit the charters by the kind permission of Mr. Majumdar. A.-Plates of Maharaja Jayavarmadeva. The copper-plates which bear the subjoined inscription are three in number and measure about 57" by 31". Their rims are not raised. Each plate is inscribed on both sides. The inscription is damaged in several places. But practically the whole of it can be made out quite satisfactorily. The ring on which the plates were strung is about 3" in diameter. The small oval seal, below which the ends of the ring are secured, measures about " by ". It is damaged and the emblem on it is no more visible. The weight of the three plates, with ring and seal, is about 70 tolas. The alphabet of the inscription resembles that of the Dhanantara Plates of Samantavarman;1 and may be assigned to the 7th Century A.D. The language is Sanskrit. Except three of the customary verses in lines 28-35 the inscription is in prose. As regards orthography the following peculiarities call for remark :-v and b are not distinguished, both being indicated by the sign for v. A consonant after r is doubled only in a few instances, e.g., Gokarnnesvara (1. 5), and ki(ki)rttayo (1. 35). The letter t preceding r is doubled in sakti-ttraya- (1.9), etc. Visarga has been wrongly used in bhagavatahs-char-achara- (11. 1-2), -pitrih- (1. 11), and vehubhihr-vasudha (1. 28), and wrongly dropped in Sagar-adibhi (1. 29). The sign for final t has been used twice, though wrongly, in -adhishthanatd-bhagavatah (1. 1) and sa-karanat (1. 14). The inscription is of the Ganga King of Kalinga, Maharaja Jayavarmadeva, who was a devout worshipper of the lord Gokarnnesvara, residing on the summit of the Mahendra mountain. From his residence at Svotaka the king by this document informs his officials and the inhabitants concerned in the Ndada ringa(?)-vishaya, that he gave the village of Bhusunda in the said province to Ravisarman, a Brahmana of the Kasyapa-gottra, the Vajasaneya-charana and the Kanva-sakha, who was a resident of the Pratishthana-vishaya of the bhattaraka Gunesvara. The dutaka was the Mahasamanta Purnpadeva who had the title of Panchamahasabda. The grant was written by Khanda, the son of the Mahasandhivigrahin Srisamanta and engraved by Vichitra hasta. I am inclined to identify Jayavarman of the present grant with Jayavarman, brother of Anantavarman of the Parlakimedi plates, which record the gift of the village Talatthere in the district of Kroshtukavarttani by Anantavarman, son of Devendravarman, at the request of his brother Jayavarman, to Vishnusomacharya, a Brahmana of the Parasara-gotra, who was an inhabitant of the village of Srangatika in the district of Kamarupa or Assam. 1 Above, Vol. XV, pp. 275 ff. [See p. 262, nn. 8 and 12 below.-Ed.] [This may be only a title in which case the name of the official has not been given.-Ed.] Annual Report of the Assistant superintendent for Epigraphy, Southern Circle, for the year 1920-21, pp. 15, 93; R. D. Banerji, History of Orissa,Vol. I, pp. 232-33; J. A. H. R. S., Vol. II, pp. 273 ff. D

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262 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. First Plate; First Side. 1 Om svasti [*] Svetak-adhishthanat d-bhagavatah 2 s-char-achara-go sakala-sasanka-sekhara 4 [na-he]toh 5 ngh 3 [dha]ra[sya*] sthity-utpatti-pralaya-karaMahendr-achala-sikhara-nivasierimad-Gokarnneevara-bhatarakah chara TEXT,1 First Plate; Second Side. 6 pa-kamal-aradhanad-avapta-punya-ni 7 chayo Gang-amala-kul-amvar"-enduh sva-bhu 8 ja-va(ba)la-parakram-akranta-sakala-Ka 9 ling-adhirajya[b*] sakti-ttrayah-praka 10 rsh-anuranjit-ah sesha-samantah para 11 mamaheevaro mata-pitrih-pad-an[u] Second Plate; First Side. 12 dhyato maharaja-sri-Jayavarmadeva[*] kusa13 li Ndadasringa"-vi[sha*]ye yatha-kal-adhyasi14 no vya(vya)vaharinah sa-karanat(n) vra(bra)hmana 15 purog-adi-rajanaka-rajaputtra-pra[dha] 16 nu(na)purusha-ratrakuta-dandanayaka-bho 17 gi-bhogina10-nivasi-janapada[me-]chata-bhata-va18 la(lla)bha-[jatiya-] Second Plate; Second Side. yath-arham pu(pu)jayaty=ajnapayati cha [*] 19 ns-cha(ms-cha) 20 Viditam-astu bhavatam-etad-vishaya-samva 21 ndha-Bhusunda-gramo-yam chatuh-simn(sim)-opala 22 kshitah bhata(tta)raka-Gupesvara-Pratishtha-13 * Read -bhatfarakasya. Read -kul-ambar-. 23 yam vishaya-vastavya-vra(bra)hmana-Ravisa[r*]mma[ne*] Ka 24 yapa-gottraya Vajasani(ne)ya-charanaya 25 anvah-sakhine salila-dhara-pura hsare 1 From the original plates and impressions. Expressed by a symbol. The sign for t is superfluous; read "nad-bha". The visarga is superfluous. Read -gurob. [The reading may be Jedalgata)eringa.-Ed.] Read -rashtrakuta.. 10 Read -bhogi-bhoga-nivasi-. [VOL. XXIII. 11 Read -sambaddha-. 12 Read -Pratishthana-vishaya. [It is more probable that the grant was made on the occasion of the consecration of the image of Guneevara (Siva) and that the name of the vishaya or district to which the donee belonged has been omitted by the scribe through oversight.-Ed.]

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FOUR GANGA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS: A.-PLATES OF MAHARAJA JAYAVARMADEVA. 22 raang 3 304 na kh ng `.dd 2 khn aela 20 phaakh 32T 3 n. 62) T33,724 * 10 2 1 wn: | 5 | 6 : : d 2 5 (2) 19 9. k aar" 12 3 2 1 262 2133 2 19 len 92Resto F@C3 * ) kaaa 20 5 E s (Sr | 2pief | 8 16 24 19 312 0 27 I ia, 18 N. P. CHAKRAVARTT. Rea, No, 1603 E'37-275. SCALE: SEVEN-EIGHTHS. SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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aa saa 5 20 cicinnmuk 1821 rkN dggr cepootaa du: SMITA Mddu reddddi ci 99 suucn 24 addgaa goovu deereedi U 26 28 30 32 34 36 iib. 38 40 iiia. iiib. Shou 20 ts: T Awws 55 #DJMA 2 26 ciiddiyoo okktee r : deeshaagmee 23: jg gebunnaamn '' J 24 28 830 30 32 34 36 38 40

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No. 42.) FOUR GANGA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS. 263 Third Plate; First Side. 26 n=a-chandr-arka-kshiti-sama-kalamrakari(ri)ksitya dato(tto) 27 smabhish I*] Etad=bhavatah palaniyeti || Uktam 28 cha dharma-sastre [I]. Ve(Ba)hubhih?r=vasudha data(tta) 29 rajabhih Sagar-adibhi(bhih) [*] yasya yasya 30 yada bhubhu)mita(8=ta)gya tasya tada phalam(lam) || Ma bhu(bhu). 31 d=aphala-banka vah para-da[tt=e]ti parthiva[hl*] sva32 danat=phalam=a[nantyam] para-datt=anupala Third Plate; Second Side. 33 nam(nam) || Iti kamala-dal-a=dal-amvu(bu)-vi(bi)ndu-lolam briya34 m-anuchintya manushya-ji(ji)vita cha sakalam=idam=uda. 35 htitan=cha vu(bu)dhva(ddhva) na hi purushaih para-ki(ki)rttayo vilopya(pyah) (11*]* 36 Iti fduta*]ko-dh[i]krita-prapta-pancha-mah-lavda(bda)-sri-ma37 hasamanta-[Purona]deva[h *] Likhitam mahasandhivi38 [gra]hi-Srisamanta-[su]nuna(na) Khandena [l*] Utki(tki)rynam sri-Vi39 chittrahastena [*] Vya(vya)vaharino deva-sprajtiha40 (rinah II*] B.-Plates of Danarnnavadeva, The inscription is incised on three copper-plates, each measuring about 54" long by 39" broad. The plates are strung on & copper ring about 3" in diameter. The two ends of the ring are soldered below a circular seal, which measures about it" in diameter. The seal is much damaged and broken on one side. It bears in relief on countersunk surface the figures of a crescent at the top, a seated bull in the centre and an indistinct emblem at the bottom. The three plates, with ring and seal, weigh 118 tolas. The first and the third plates are inscribed on one side only, while the second plate has inscription on both the sides. There are altogether thirty-four lines of writing. Though the plates have no raised rims, the writing on them is well-preserved. The engraving has been carelessly done. Wrong spelling and omission of syllables are common mistakes. The record is not dated but on palaeographic grounds may be assigned to the 10th century A.D. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit. With the exception of five of the customary stanzas in lines 23-31, the record is written in prose. In respect of orthography we may note the following points : The letter b is throughout denoted by the sign for v. The consonant after r is, as a rule, doubled, e.g., chandr-arkka- (1. 18), svargga- (1. 27); but m has not been doubled in -hator=Mahendr-achala- (1. 2). Anusvara has been used instead of the dental n in vimdu (11. 29-30). The dental e represents the palatal e in some cases, e.g., -sasanka- (11. 1-2), -sikhara(11. 2-3). The sign for avagraha has been used in-gramo= 'yam (1. 15) and pratipadika='smabhih (1. 21). The final t has been used in anyat (1. 14). The inscription is of Prithvivarmman's son, the devout worshipper of Mahesvara, the Paramesvara Paramabhattaraka Maharajadhiraja, the ornament of the spotless family of the Gangas, the Ranaka Danarnpavadeva, who had obtained a store of merit by worshipping the lotus-feet of the holy lord Gokarnnesvara, dwelling on the summit of Mount Mahendra and who 1 Read etad-bhavadbhih palaniyam=iti. * The visarga is superfluous. * Metre : Anushubh. * The two syllables dala have been wrongly repeated. Metre : Pushpitagra.

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264 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXIII. by the excellence of his threefold power had endeared himself to all his vassals, and had acquired by the strength of his own arms the overlordship of the entire Kalinga country. From his residence at Sveta, evidently the same as Svetaka, the king informs his officials and the inhabitants concerned, that on the occasion of an eclipse of the sun he gave the village Kasidda, situated in the Jayada-vishaya to bhatta Bodhana's son bhatta Durggakhandika, (a Brahmana) of the Vatsa-gotra, who was a student of the Chhandoga-charana, and had the fivefold pravara and anu pravara. The inscription was written by the Samdhimigrahin Dhanadatta and engraved by Damodara Danarnnava, by whom this charter was issued, cannot at present be identified. He is evidently distinct from and later than another Danarnnava, who was the father of Indravarman of the Purle and Tekkali plates, which are written in much earlier characters and are dated in the Ganga years 1379 and 154 respectively, roughly corresponding to A.D. 631 and 648. TEXT. First Plate. 1 Oms svasti [1] Svet-adhishthanad=bhagavatag=char-achara-gurossa (=sa)kala-sa (ba)sa(**)2 nka-sekhara-dha[rasya*] sthity-utpattio-pralaya-karana-betor=Mahendr-achala-si(fi)3 khara-nivasinah srimad-Gokarnnesvara-bhattarakasya chara4 na-kamal-aradhan-avapti(pta)-punyanichaya[h*] sakti-traya-prakarsh-.- 5 nuranji(nji)t-abesha-ssa (sa)manta-chakra[h*) sva-bhuja-vaba)lo-para6 kram-akranta-sa kala-Kala(li)ng-adhirajye(jyah) I'para mama. 7 hesvaro mata-pitsi-pad-anudhyatah paramesvara-paramabha9 tta[ra*]ko maharaja[dhi*]raja-Gang-amala-kula-tilaka-Ranaka-sri-DA 9 narnnavadevah Prithvivarmma-sutah kusali 1' Jayada-vishaye Second Plate; First Side. 10 vatha-kal-adhyasi(si)-grisamanta-mahasamanta-rajanaka-raja11 putra-kumaramaty-opariska*]-dandanayaka-vishayapati-grama12 pati-danqapasi(si)[ka*)-chatta(ta)-bhata-vallabha-jatiyana(n) bhogi(gi)[ka*)-jana13 padane yath-arbam manayati !? vo(bo)dhayati | samajnapayati cha 14 sarvatah Sivam=asmakam=anyat l' viditam=astu bhava15 tam letad-vishayam(ya)-shativaddha-Kasisada ]-gramo'yam sa-ja16 la-sthala sa-padr-aranyalo satavill vitapa-samanvitatas=)chatus-si17 m-opalakshitah ' ih=aiva surya-grahane mata-pitror=atmanah 18 puny-abhivriddhaye sa-salidharaspuraskpitala chandra-arkka-kalam-a 1 Above, Vol. XIV, pp. 360 ff. 2 Ibid., Vol. XVIII, pp. 307 ff. * Ibid., p. 308. Originally this date was read as 149. . From impressions and the original plates. 5 Expressed by a symbol. * The conjunet Ipa appears as pe. The left limb of ta is elongated downwards, so much so that it looks like the e-matra. This mark of punctuation is superfluous. * Note that the halanta mark is expressed by the omission of the top line. The right hand short downward stroke with a bend at about the middle is a constituent of the dental na. Read .pratibaddha.. 10 Read -aranyah. 11 Read s-afavikah. 11 Read atmanasacha. 13 Read salila-dhara-puraskritams...

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4 6 12 14 16 18 FOUR GANGA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS: B.-PLATES OF DANARNAVADEVA. nAnAmamA bhaya kA bhalA maMdirAlA : vAmina:zrIsthAna-ra 2 iia. yatiyanigrAma 10 "yathA kAlAdhAmI zrImA matra mahAsAmanaja vanAja 10 yUUmA nAsAdya yadiSu yAtriyAzramavajAnIyAtrA kAgajA mudrA yathAkramAnayati vAyayanijAmApa yayAdita manaHsamA atidina mudata " vikAsamA yamamAmAtiya samAnI sa maanaa ( dazama mA kamalAnAtha prakA ina sAmana rAja valaya kramAka jhaalaa| gaMgA divasamA nAyikayAdA thAna" yAmadhAya namaru jasajasA ki nAkIdA lAdana: pAvara OMlA (jayAviSaya N. P. CHAKHAVARTI. REG. No. 1503 E37-275. 4 SCALE: ACTUAL SIZE. 8 12 16 18 SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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iib. debrenbodhekhbrutre 20 hbuthCaahbaab-mdh8.20 | keh(saanby de, 20Nh meherii sbaarbthdebe| 24 | rN-8 m heshbr' 24 hlmukh ibdhuuemss khaady / 24 ghre (dh:sulemdebe rubehestre (dehktter'nyj-je| 24 | jiibheber by'aah 4 debrkelmmebe betnbdmb 30 dhnnyjy'Hhnn daay'bhne oi rsrebe (lesbiy'32 subker 34 ((dne 4

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No. 42.) FOUR GANGA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS. 265 Second Plate ; Second Side. 19 kariksitya bhatta-Vodhunal -sutaya Chchhandoga-charanaya Vachchha -gotra. 20 ya pancharishaya-pravaraya panch-anupravariya bhatta-Durggakha21 ndikaya tamvra(mra)-sasanens pratipadika(to)-'smabhih [ll ] basa22 na-darsanad-dharmma-gauravach=cha na ken=api pani" pari panthina 23 bhavitavya(vyam) | Tatha cha pathyate dharmma-sastre [1] Va(Ba)hubhir=vva24 sudha data(tta) rajabhih Sagar-adibhir bhih [l*) yasya yasya ya 26 da bhumis-tasya tasya tada phalar(lam) [*] Sva-danat=phalamanantya26 m-para-datt-anupalanes [*] Bhumim yah pratigrihna(hna)ti yas-cha bhumi27 m=prayachchhati [l*] ubhau tau punya-karmmanau na(ni)yatau avargga-ga(ga)mi Third Plate. 28 nau [*] Sva-datam(ttam) para-dattam=va yo hared=vasundharam sa vishthayam ksi29 mir-bhutva(tva) pitsibhis=saha pachyate [1] Iti kamala-dal-amvumbu)-vim30 du(bindu)-lolan sriyam-anuchintya manushya-jivista*]n-cha sa kalam-idam=u31 dahpitan-cha vudhva(buddhva) na hi purushaih para-kirttayo vilopyah [ll*}' iti [II*] 32 Likhista*]n-cha sakala-karana-viditena samti(dhi)vigrahi(hi)33 sri-Dhanadata(ttena) | mahadevil yuchha(yuva)raja! mahasa[ma*]nta 34 dharmma(rmma)dhika[ra*]na maha(ha)ta(tta)ra i pratihara Utkirnnarnnam) Damo darena [*] C.-Plates of Bhupendravarmadeva, The inscription is on three copper-plates, each measuring about 5" in breadth and 27" in height. The plates are held together by a ring, about 27" in diameter. The ends of the ring are secured by an oval seal, which contains the figure of a seated bull. Above this bull is a crescent, and below it a lotus, of which five petals are visible. The three plates, with ring and seal, weigh 54 tolas. The first and third plates are inscribed on one side only, while the second plate has inscription on both the sides. There are altogether thirty-six lines of writing, each side having nine lines. The plates have slightly raised rims in order to protect the writing, which is well-preserved. The characters are of what Dr. Burnell named the South Indian Nagari type, and may be assigned to the 10th century A.D. The laguage is Sanskrit. Excepting the benedictive and imprecatory verses in lines 26-34, the inscription is in prose. In respect of orthography the following points may be noted : b and v are not distinguished ; 8 is used for $, as in-sasaka- (1.2), and for sh, as in manusya- (1.32); sh is used for 8, in rashundharam (1. 29); the visarga has been wrongly dropped in many. instances, e.g., -guro (1.2), -nicusina (1. 4), -nichaya (1.5); and the anusvara has been used instead of the class nasal, as in-Kalinga- (1.7), pancha (1. 19), -samanta(ll. 6, 12). The inscription is of the time of the Maharajadhiraja Paramesvara Paramabhattaraka, sriBhupendravarmadeva, who was a devout worshipper of Mahesvara, who was the ornament of the spotless family of the Gangas, who had accumulated a store of merit by worshipping the lotus 1 Read bhala Batham. Note the close topper (h. But the open-topped form of the lotter is the commonest. * Read Valsa* Read patch-arshi or pauch-urskeya.. * This pani is intended to be pari and is supertuous. The first half of this verse has been omittel, which is a bhidanphula-sanla u paru-lall=eli parthirah. * Read harita rauharir. * Motre : Push piligru.

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266 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXIII. feet of the god, Gokarnesvara (Siva), situated on the summit of the Mahendra mountain, and who had acquired the overlordship of the entire Kalinga country. The grant was issued from the capital city of Svetka (Svetaka), and seems to record the donation of a plot of land, the boundaries of which are given in lines 15-19, in the Vadode village of the Khalugakhanda-vishaya, to bhatlaputra Manikadeva, (a Brahmana) of the Vatsa-gotra, who had the fivefold pravara, by the Ranaka Ganga-Kavilasa (Ganga-Kailasa ?)'. According to Il. 10-11 the charter seems to have been issued by his son whose name is not given. The inscription was written by the Samdhivigrahin Asokadanta, engraved by the brazier Vimalachandra and registered by the chief queen. TEXT First Plate. 1 Omo svasti[ll*] svetk-adhishthanad=bhagavatab=char-achara2 gurd[b] sakala-sasaka(banka)-sekhara-dharasya sthity-u3 tpati(tti)-pralaya-karana-hetor-Mahendralcha(r-acha)la-si(si)kha4 ra-nivabi(si)na[h*) srimad-Gokarne(rne)eva(sva)ra-bhattarakasya charana-ka5 mal-aradhan-avapta-punya(nya)-nichaya[h*] shatki(Saktiy-traya-pra6 karsh-anuramji(ranji)t-asve(e)sha-samanta(manta)chakra[h*] sva-bhuja-vaba)la-pa 7 rakram-akranta-sa(sa)kala-Kaling(ling)-adhiraje(jyah) parama-ma8 hesva(bva)ro m ata-pitri-pad-anudhyato Gang-amala9 [ku]la-tilaka-maharajadhiraja-parame[6]vara Second Plate; First Side. 10 paramabhatta(ta)raka-sri-Bhu(Bhupendravarmadeva[h*] kush(sa)li [1] Gamga (Ganga). 11 Kavilasa-su(su)tah Khalugakhanda-vishaye yatha-kal-a12 dhyasino ma(ma)hasamamta(manta)-srisamamta(manta)-gramapati-vra(bra)hma13 na-pu[ro*]hita-rashthakutta-kutumvina c hata-bhatta(bhata)-vala(lla)bha-jati(jati). 14, ya[n*] yath-arharham) manayati samadisa(sa)ti (cha*) viditam=15 stu bhava[tar) eta-vishaya-samvamdha(baddha)-Vadode-gramasya madhe(dhye) 16 khanda-kshetra(tram) pu(pu)rva-disa (sa)-vare vrita-maira-ali-shi(si)ma-sa(sa)17 ndhifb*1 [a]g[n*]eya-disa (sa)-vare mvaumtigada-parichh(chchh)eda[b*] pachhi(schi) ma-di18 sa(sa)-vare maira ali [*] uta(tta)ra-disa (sa)-vare tath=aiva cha[*] E Second Plate ; Second Side. 19 ta ch*]-chatuh-si(si)m-opalakshitamcha | Vachha(Vatsa)-gotraya pamcha20 rishaya'-pravaraya bhattaputra-mahatra - Manikadeva. 21 ya iva Gangakavila[sa*]-ranakena datam(ttam) mata-pitro 1 As the expression Ganga-Kavildsa-sutah comes after kusali it does not seem to have any connection with Bhs. pendravurmadeva. * From impressions and the original plates * Expressed by a symbol. * Read rashtrukuta-kutumbinas=. . Read "lam=etad-vishaya-. Read Agneya-. I believe that the word intended is dakshina, for the already incomplete a in agneya seems to bave been altered into da. * Read panch-arshi or paich-arsheya-. . Kead - mahnitara-. The intended reading scems to be dirayraira.

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FOUR GANGA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS: C.-PLATES OF BHUPENDRAVARMADEVA, iib. 2 phuuech`aair taw 25 ** rang ( 276 27 (2) 2 eTcchang aesng`rud 213 214 eE 215 2 , 20 kra 23\neriiaichedii ainech JZ 20 - oet( santing+ 20 (51C4 6 14 emtrng+) (( 3 4 "e` 4 29 em+ chQ; &9. ng engaa 29 * * aimaid) 3 ( Gaedii+ 1 wan 1 22 (ASE 6 28 242 wangwr thang 6 24 (rwng (25S 24 - phuu eraaaid n `an ( 4 e n (chienewiraiw 5) 8 53(e`w 25 9 wirach mii 8 26 `k39) 2411-24 taw wain 26 raa air,521) | , way 51 S iia. iii. 10 sn) 2.4 ngaach 10 28 a" srng 2 t' 15 . A 28 5 miinaaw `ewned16 e`k thiiai A4 ( 215wadedk 12 ("aiCT ) ew TK 2 12 30 wan waa r (5) a 30 chi h qngaiet 59 ngaansay 2 (2. r. 0 2iiyamy 14 ( 2 ) cchaai(2, wiirwm 14 322 (1) 2 3 4 5 62 32 ( 263 21 ru " odii) 412) na owa84% 13 24 25 1626-ewng !! ying 53 16 34 8 eE) -18) 24801C eraaep 54 34 5, 136 ( 21siw 5 wngengaimwangdang ngwi 18 "aaecchngaid 18 36 th) ) 1163 5 eka 36 SCALE: SEVEN-EIGHTHS. SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA, N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Reg. No. 1503 E'37-275.

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No. 42.] 22 ratma(tma)nas-cha 23 chandr-arka-kshiti-sama-kalam-akari(ri) kritya pratipa FOUR GANGA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS. punyapivirdhae1 sa(sa)lila-dhara-pura[h*]sarena(na) 24 dito="smabhir-yatam(tab) [*] sasana-darsha(rsa)na[d*1=dharma-gauravad=a 25 sma(sma)d-gaurava[ch*]=cha na kenachit-paripamthi(panthi)na bhavitavyam [*] Ta26 tha cha pathyate dharma-sastre [*] Va(Ba)hubhir vashu(su)dha data(tta) rajana (jabhih) 27 Sa(Sa)gar-adibhi[*] yasya yasya yada bhumi tasya ta Third Plate. 28 sya tada phalam [*] Ma bhu(bhu) [dha] (d=a)phala-saka(sanka) va[h*] para-da[tt-e*]ti parthi Sva-datam(ttam) para-datam(ttam) va yo hareti(ta) vashumdha(sundha)ra[m [*] sa vishtha 30 yam krimir-bhu(bhu)tva pitribhi[h*] saha pachyate [*] Sashthim (Shashtim) varsha-sa31 hasrani sagam(svarge) modati bhu(bhu)midah [*] Iti kamala-dal-a 32 mvu(mbu) vidu(bindu)-181&(1ath) art(ri)yam-anuchintya(chintya) manusya(shya) 29 va[*] 267 ji(ji)vitam 33 cha [*] sakalam-idam=udarha (hri)tam [cha*] vu(bu)dha(ddhva) na hi purusai(shaih) para-ki(ki)rtayo 34 vilopya[*] Likshi(khi) tam=idam sandhivigrahi-Aso(so)kadamtena [*] 35 Utkirnam" cha kamsara-kulaputraka-Vimalachandrena(na) | Lamchhita(r) 36 cha sri-Ma(Ma)hadevya [*] Unya(un-a)ksharam-adhik-aksharam va tat-sarva(rvam) pra[manam-iti [*] D.-Plates of Ranaka Jayavarmadeva, The inscription is on three copper-plates, each measuring about 63" in breadth and 3" in height. The plates are held together by a ring, about 34" in diameter. To this ring is affixed a circular seal, about 1" in diameter. The seal, which is broken on one side, bears the figure of a seated bull. Above this bull is a crescent, and below it a lotus, of which five petals are visible. The three plates, with ring and seal, weigh 104 tolas. The first plate is inscribed on one side only and the second and third plates on both, the sides. There are altogether 37 lines of writing, which are distributed as follows: the first plate has 8 lines; the second, 7 lines on each side; and the third, 8 lines on the first side and 7 lines on the second side. The plates have rims slightly raised for the protection of writing, which is in a good state of preservation almost throughout. The characters are of the South Indian Nagari type and probably are not much later than the 10th century A.D. The language is Sanskrit. Words like darashana (1. 23) and varisha(1.28), which are found in the text, are evidently due to Prakrit influence. Excepting the benedictive and imprecatory verses in lines 25-33, the record is in prose. In respect of ortho graphy the following points call for notice: b and v are not distinguished; s is often used for s 1 Read puny-abhivriddhaye. Read pratipaditam-asmadeg. Read bhumis-tasya. + The second half of this verse has been omitted, which is sva-danat-phalam-anantyam para-dati-anupalane. The second half of this verse has been omitted, which is akshepta ch-anumanta cha tany-eva narake varet. Metre: Pushpitagra. "Read utkirnam. Read lanchhitam.

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268 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXIII. and vice versa; sh stands for & in shatki-traya- (1. 5) and for sin vashundhara (1. 27); visarga has been wrongly used and wrongly dropped in several instances. The grant was issued by the Paramamahesvara Ranaka sri-Jayavarmadeva of the Ganga family from his residence at Sveta. Its object is to register the gift of a plot of land in the Pa. dala[sujiga village situated in the Khalugakhanda-vishaya on the occasion of an equinox, to Bhata putra Padma, (a Brahmana) of the Vatsa-gotra, the Pancharshi-pravara, and the Kanvasakha. Lines 16-19 give in detail the boundaries of the plot of land. The grant was engraved by Vimalachandra, written by Samanta, and registered by Tri-Kalinga-mahadevi. The inscription is dated in the hundredth year (in words and numerical symbols) apparently of the Gangeya era. Jayavarman, by whom this charter was issued, is distinct from and later than the Maharaja Jayavarma of grant A above TEXT. First Plate. 1 Om svasti [ll] Se($vet)-adhishthanad=bhagavatas-char-achara-gurd[bo] B&($a)ka2 la-sasa($aba)nka-sekhara-dharasyah(sya) thity-utpati--pralaya-karana-he3 tor=Mahendrascha(cha)la-sikhara-nivasinah Srimad-Gokarnesva(rnesva)4 ra-bhattarakasya charana-kamal-aradhan-avapta-punya(nya)-ni5 chaya[h*) shatki(sakti)-traye-prakarsh-anuranjit-ase(67)sha-samanta-chakra[b*] bva(sva)6 bhuja(ja)-va(ba)la parakram-akrantah(nta)-sakala-Kaling-adhirajyeliyah) parama7 mahesva(sva)ro mata-pitsi-pa(pa)d-anudhyato Gang-amala-kula-tilaka8 Ranaka-sri-Jayavarmadeva[1] kusa(sa)li || Khalugakha(kha) da-visha Second Plate; First Side. 9 (ye) srisamanta-ma(ma)hasamanta-rajanaka-raja(ja)putra-kuma. 10 ramaty-utparie-dandanayaka-vishayapati-gramapatin-anya[m]11 Sucha chita-bha(bha)ta-vala(valla)bha-jati(ti)ya[n]!! yath-arha(rhar) manaya12 ti vo(bo)dhayati samadisa(ka)ti [cha*) viditam=astu bhavata[m] l' eta13 d-vishaya-sama(mba)ndha(ddha)-gramo-ya(yam) Padala[su]oga-nama(ma) tasya madhe (madhye) 14 khanda-kshetra-kariya chhedaddatam chatu-sima-paryanta-va15 satigrama-madhe padra-sahitena datam kehitrasya sima [There is enough room for suspicion about the genuineness of this record. The donor Jayavarmadova, though only & Ra aka, is given such titles as are found in the records of the paramount rulers of the Eastern Ganga dynasty and like many of them he issues the grant from Sveta. It cannot be argued that he is only a late ruler of the family and has copied portions from earlier grants. The year 100, which is given in decimal figures, is apparently meant to refer to the Ganga ere. But the script used in the inscription though containing a mixture of early and late forms as found in many Ganga records must on the whole be placed at a date much later than the 6th century A.D.-Ed.) From impressions and the original plates. * Expressed by a symbol. * Read sthity-utpatti-. . This mark of punctuation is superfluous. * Read ty-oparika. From here onward the text is given uncorrected, as it contains too many mistakes.

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iiia. ii-31003/31 jAnavara kA 24/ 7SLATE24 BRICIST va na 28583126 1505jAkAhA 280 DibaEST zAsanamA 30 50 yA 3bhAlanAlaya iiib. 3dged: lAlaja . sa RUg2) halavA 2 ENJAR kA 340330334 vAmana STRETARPAya) 38 Bardevgan Tota 36

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FOUR GANGA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS: D.-PLATES OF RANAKA JAYAVARMADEVA, demnenahinmukha 2 7TIDIOnAlaya 12 nivAsana pani 41ATodmAdAnakA sAlamA GETamilagatA BEATRA 8Mrs tApamAna iia. 1751 nakA"Jagat 1008520Lcroad banAuna 10 EMAIlyaamaanaa| 12 E 318sAlavATADatura.5 19512 liyA (saralanAudA 14 dafranchisdrAisa kusAhAyalA 1371357paTanayata vana iib. 10itic15 JASNL 16 SYNjAnavatA kA dAna 18 hona /3855ss 18 1300 vAjIka 20 MONS.yA gaTAlA 20 2006JOTTERY 22 JPOSTA TE 22 N. P. ORAZBAVARTI. ReNo. 1800237-275. BCALE: SEVEN-EIGHTHS. SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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No. 43.) SIX SILAHARA INSCRIPTIONS IN THE PRINCE OF WALES MUSEUM. 269 Second Plate ; Second Side. 16 parilikhitam purva-konena gadari dhruvam tasya thito dakhi. 17 n-abhimukhena gitar dakhinena tu vakra-vivakrena gata pachhi. 18 ma mukhan gatar gramatah Tertura-g[r*]ama-sandhi thito utar-abhimukhe cha 19 utarena patha-paryanta eta chatu-sim-opalikhitan cha Vachha-go. 20 trayah panch-arishaya-pravarayah Kanva-sakhaya bhata(tta)putra-Padma-ma21 hatrayah iha va Visuva-sakrantya datam li mata-pitror=atmana22 g-cha puny-upividhdhae salila-dha[ri*l-purahsarena chandr-arka-thiti-sama Third Plate ; First Side. 23 kala akariktitya pratipadito=smabhirayatanissana-darashana 24 dharma-gauravad asmad-gaurava cha na kenachit=paripathina bhavi. 25 tavya tatha cha pathyate dharma-sastra [*] Vahubhir=vasudha data rajana (Sa*]ga26 r-adibhih [l*) yanya yasya yada bhumi tasya tasya tada phalam [1] Sva-data para-da27 tam vi yo hareti vashundhara [*]sha vishthaya kimi bhutva pit;ibhi 28 saha pachyateh " Shasthin varisha-sahasrani svarga modati bhumida [*] achhi. 29 pta ch=anumatya dva eva naraka vrajyota ! Sa danat=phalan kurya para-da30 t-anupalanam (*) ubhan to punya-karmanau niyatau sarga-gaminau [*] Third Plate ; Second Side. 31 Iti kamala-dal-amvu-vindu-lola srim-anuchintya manushya). 32 jivitan-cha sakalamidam=udahritan vu[dhva] na hi purashai para). 33 kitayo vilopya Utkirnan=cha Vima[la*]chandres na*) li Sama[nte). 34 na lanchhitari cha sri-Tri-Kali(i)nga-ma(ma)hadevya.......... pra35 vardhdhamana-vijaya-rajye samvachhare sa[te] ankon=api varsha 100 [*] 36 Uny-aksharam-adhik-akshara ya............ tat-sarvvam pramanam=i37 til No. 43.-SIX SILAHARA INSCRIPTIONS IN THE PRINCE OF WALES MUSEUM. By H. D. SANKALIA, M.A.,.LL.B., PH.D. (LOND.), AND S.C. UPADHYAYA, M.A., LL.B. The following six inscriptions of the Silahara dynasty lying in the Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay, are collectively published here from the stones themselves as well as with the help of the ink-impressions and photographs. Though their contents have been briefly referred to at some places, their regular publication now enables us to correct many conjectural readings of dates and names. We take this opportunity of expressing our gratitude to the Trustees of the Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay, for kindly allowing us to edit these inscriptions and also to Mr. Acharya, Curator of the Archeological Section, for giving considerable help at every stage of the work. All the inscriptions have been found, as noted in detail under each inscription, in the vicinity of Bombay and they refer to lands donated therein. Hence the epithet the Silaharas of Northern Konkan" as applied to the kings of these inscriptions seems to be correct, though it * Bomb. Caz., Vol. I, Pt. ii, pp. 19-21; Vol. XIII, Pt. ii, p. 4:26; Vol. XIV, Appendix A, pp. 385, 388 ; also Altckar, Indian Culture, Vol. II, pp. 130-31. * Bomb. Gar., Vol. I, Pt. ii, pp. 19-21 aud 338; also Altekar, op. cit., p. 401.

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270 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [ VOL. XXIII. must be noted that the inscriptions give no pedigree; even the dynastic title. Silahara' is not found except in inscriptions B and C. The relationship of the kings mentioned in these inscriptions, which are arranged below in chronological order, therefore, remains undetermined. These records extend over a period of about 125 years from the time of Aparaditya (I), Saka 1060 to that of Somesvara, Saka 1182. The find-spots of these inscriptions and the places mentioned therein indicate that the sway of the Northern Silaharas extended at least over the modern Panvel, Bassein, Bhiwndi, Thana and perhaps Kalyan Talukas of the Bombay Presidency. Oue peculiarity of these inscriptions may be noted. Below every inscription there is a sculpture of an ass covering a woman, and this is a representation of the curse in old Marathi which can be partly read only in C. The curse and the sculpture are also found in an inscription, (now in the P. W. M.) of the Yadava Ramachandra of Saka 1222 which is published below. We are unable to trace back at present, the existence and use of the curse and its representation, but it seems to have become popular after the 10th century. The script is Devanagari with a few traces of the earlier Nagari letters seen, for example, in i, ja, and in the use of matras. The language is corrupt Sanskrit and the text is usually in prose except for II. 1-2 and 17-18 in F, containing a prayer to Ganapati and the usual imprecatory verse about the violation of the grant. As regards orthography, may be noted the use of-(i) the dental sa for the palatal sa ; (ii) the anusvara for the nasal, e.g.,mardala for mandala ; (iii) ja for ya : surja for surya and (iv) chha for stha. Prakrit formations are found usually in the names of ministers and other officers, in those of villages and in the grant portion. In the last may be noted the words like deyire (D, 1. 11), bhatarem (E, 1. 10), thakurachi (F, 1. 11). Deyave seems to be the old Marathi form of dyare; hhataveTM, if the reading is correct, is perhaps a local dialectical formation; and the genitive formation with chi in thakurachi is even now common in modern Marathi.. A word may be said about the method of punctuation in these inscriptions. In inscriptions A, B and F either one or two dots (which at first may be mistaken for a visarga) are placed as stops instead of dandas. Inscription E has no stop at all; whereas in inscriptions C and D the usual dandas are found. A.--Chanje Inscription of Aparadityadeva (I): Saka 1060. This inscription was found from the village Chanje near Uran in 1881. The stone on which it is inscribed is 2' 9" x 1' 21" and the inscribed portion which contains 17 lines of writing is 1' 11" x 1' 21". The average size of letters is y". At the top of the stone are 1 Also in an Inscription of Aparaditya (II), J. B. B. R. A. 8., Vol. XII, p. 333. * Its echoes are still heard in the language of the masses. Bhagwanlal Indraji notes (J. B. B. R. A. S., Vol. XII, p. 333) that inscriptions with such sculptures were seen by him in Gujarat and Kathiwar and at some places on the Coromandel coast. [Such representations are alan found outside the Bombay Presidency : e.g., at Gooty fort in the Madras Presidency there is an inscription with similar depiction. See also copper-plate from Rajapura in Bastar State, E.' S. A. (Above, Vol. IX, plate fucing p. 179).-Ed.) lan obliged to Profs. Bhagavat and Shembavnekar, of St. Xavier's College, Bombay, for this information.-H. D. S. * Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, Pt. ii, p. 19, n. 2.

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No. 43.] SIX SILAHARA INSCRIPTIONS IN THE PRINCE OF WALES MUSEUM. 271 figured in low relief, on the left, the Sun, and on the right, the Moon. Below the inscribed portion is cut out a square 9" x 9" and this contains a representation of the curse mentioned above. It is dated in Saka 1060, Magha Suddha 1, both in words and in numerals. This is equivalent to Thursday, 13th January, A.D. 1138, when the Southern cyclic year (which is not mentioned in the inscription) was Pingala.' This inscription records the grant of a mango (?) field in Naguma village to one Sridhara for the welfare of the king's mother Liladevi and also the grant of some land in Chadija village by the King Aparadityadeva himself. The latter grant, it appears, was made separately on a solar eclipse. The King styles himself as a Mahamandalesvaradhipati and the administration was carried on by the Mahamatya sri-Sodha (?) Nayaku, the Mahasamdhivigrahika sri-Amuka, the Mahapradhana sri-Lakshmanaiyaprabhu in charge of the srikarana and bhandagara, in the first instance, and in the second, Sena Amuka, etc. King Aparadityadeva is to be identified with the ruler of the same name mentioned in the Vadavali plates, (also called Aparajita), as the son of Anantapala of the Silara family. According to these plates he was the ruler of the whole of Konkan, though the title he claims there is that of a Mahamandalesvara only. Aparaditya of our inscription is further identified with Aparaditya, King of Kunkana who sent an ambassador called Tejakantha to Kashmir." However, Aparaditya of this inscription is different from the one mentioned in D, whose minister Lakshmananayaka gave some land to god Somanatha of Surashtra. That king, as it has been pointed out below, is Aparaditya II." This is the first stone inscription of Aparaditya I published so far; if we include the Vadavali plates, it would be his second inscription. The villages Naguma and Chadija may be identified, as already suggested,10 respectively with the modern Nagaon, which is about 2 miles10 S. W. and Chanje, which is about 2 miles W. of Uran in the Panvel Taluka of the Bombay Presidency. 1 Cf. S. K. Pillai, Indian Ephemeris, Vol. III, p. 278. According to Bomb. Gaz., op. cit., p. 19, n. 2, " of a garden". There are stops indicated in the original by a dot placed on the right hand top corner of the letter. That this interpretation is correct is shown by referring to the copper plate of Anantadeva.of Saka 1016 (Ind. Ant., Vol. IX, p. 33), where the divisions are clearly indicated by vertical bars. See also J. B. B. R. A. 8., Vol. XII, p. 333. Altekar calls him Apararka (I), op. cit., p. 411, and attributes the Vadavali plates to him. These plates, however, mention this ruler as Aparaditya (also Aparajita) and not as Apararka. J. B. B. R. A. 8., Vol. XXI, p. 508, 1. 30. * According to Mankha's Srikanthacharita, sarga 25, elokas 108-111, first cited in Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, Pt. ii, p. 19, n. 2. 1 Somesvaradeva had a minister called Taijaprabhu. See E below. Altekar, op. cit., p. 411, who identifies him with Aparaditya I, is wrong. For he bases his argument on an inscription of Aparaditya (in A. B. O. R. I., Vol. V, p. 169) of (V. S.) 1176. The reading of the date, as has been pointed out below, is wrong for in V. S. 1176, the cyclic year was not Visvavasu as mentioned in the inscription. [See below p. 277 n. 2.-Ed.] Another inscription of Saka 1051 is cited from Festgabe der Hermann Jacobi by Kane, History of Dharmabastra, Vol. I, p. 333 and by Altekar, The Silaharas of Western India (Ind. Cul., Vol. II, p. 411, and n. 5). [This stone inscription is now preserved at Cintra, near Lisbon, in Penha Verde (Green Rock) which had been the country seat of Dom Joao de Castro, the Portuguese Viceroy in India. The date of the record as given by Hultzsch, the editor, is Saka-samvatu [1]059 Pingala-samvatsare Chaitra buddha 12 and not Saku 1051 as stated by Kane.-Ed.] 10 Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, Pt. i, p. 19, n. 2 and Vol. XIII, Pt. ii, p. 426 give 4 miles but referring to the modern Taluka map (1924) the distance seems to be 2 miles only. E 2

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272 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXIII. TEXT. 1 'khasti jayasthA(cA)bhyudayaca sakapakAlAtItasaMvatsa 2 [ra"]sa(za)teSu dazasu SaSThi(TI)tyadhikeSu yatrAMkatopi zakasaMvata 1.. 3 mAgha sudha 1 pu(pUrvasamastarAjAvalIvirAjitamahAmaMDalekha (kha)rA4 dhipati zrImadaparAdiyadevakalyANa vijayarAjye tathaitabasAdA5 [] samastamaMDalaciMtAbhA[2] samuhati / mahAmAtyatrIsoDhada[nA*]8 yaku mahAsAMdhivigrahIka[zrI ca]muka zrIkaraNa bhAMDAgAra"] 7 prathamacche (sthe) pATI mahApradhAnazrIlamaya prabho tiauyacche(kheM) 8 [pA*]dya sena zrISamuka ityAdi baukaraNe satyetasmi' kAle prava. 9 []mAne zrImadaparAdisyadevena svakIyapariSade [pAtmaveyorthe] 10 nAgumamadhye(dhyavarti pAMvakSetra svakIyamAta[:] zrIlIlAdevyA[:] zre11 [yo ]) zrIdharakramavidArAmakarasiyA nA]dAyAkasya ca pArAma[ka]. 12 mabhyaMtarItya sahacamAlAkula[:.] satuNakASThodakopata[:] sva[sau"]. 13 ma(mA)paryaMta / purvata [paMja:] daSiNatA aMbaDA pazcima pagAga / uttaraga 14 [mA']rga 1.12 udakAtisargeNa pradattaM / tathA zrImadaparAdityadevenai(na) mU16 yaMparcaNi / [murukSece / vAdu -- 1 vidhikebhyaH caDijagrAmAt 18 4-makaH udakAtisargeNa dhama(ma)sya kRtvAvA) pradata(ta): [svasya yo]17 bayA karoti tasya pu(pUrvapuruSa eka viMzati -- " raurava ma. * There might be a symbol for om before this as found in other Silahira grants. * Read Buddha. * The small circle signifies a stop. * A broken letter can be seen on the stone; it has not come out on the impression. . Whether this word should be padi (padi) or padhi cannot be ascertained. In an inscription of the ParamArms of Aba, V. 8. 1894, now in the Vakinhtha Asrama at Aba, I found the words mahaddvapidhi in the same context as above.-H. D. S. * Read patyan. Read Gemin. * Read piruvata). *Apparently.place-name. 10 Read dakshinatas. 11 Read uttaralah. 11 The visarga should precede the stop. "Two letters illegible. [Reading seems to be Vadu-jyawishikibhya Chadija-gramina(a-ayramakad.-Ed.] 14 This letter is broken. 1. The initial i oan be clearly seen on the stone. The rest of the line is illegible. 10 Letters illegible. [Reading is samshyakhya)ks.-Ed.) 11 The following letter and the next line bave partly pooled off.

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No. 43.) SIX SILAHARA INSCRIPTIONS IN THE PRINCE OF WALES MUSEUM. 273 B.- Agashi Stone Inscription of Haripaladeva : Saka 1072, This inscription was found near Agashi in 1881.' It is inscribed on a stone which is 9'84" by 1'43". The inscribed portion measures 14" X 16" and contains 16 lines. The last line is not complete and it appears that the inscription contained a line or two more which are now peeled off. The average size of letters is 3". Below the inscribed portion is a sculpture similar to that in A, cut in a rectangle 12" x 3". At the top are the Sun on the left and the Moon on the right and between them a kalasa. It is dated Saka 1072 , Pramoda Samvatsara, Margatirsha suddha 1, which corresponds to Wednesday, 22nd November, A.D. 1150. The inscription records that in the reign of Silahara Haripaladeva, Ahavamalladova, who was in the enjoyment of the Vattara village in Surparaka, granted something (?) for the. (worship of) Siva of Anevadi in charge of Patakila Rajanaka to Upadhyayas: Brahma. deva-bhatta, Divakara-bhatta and Govardha[na]bhatta', on the Uttarayana samkranti day. The witnesses to the grant were the headmen of the Vattara village, to wit, Risi Mahattara and also Naguji Mahattara, Anamtanayaka and Chaingadeva Mahattara. The king styles himself as a Mahamandalesvaradhi pati and the administration was carried on by sri-Vesupadavala, the Mahapradhana Sri-Lakshmanaprabhu, the Mahapradhana sri-Padmasiva Raula, and the Pradhana Vasugi Nayaka. This is the first inscription of King Haripaladeva so far published. On the strength of his other dated unpublished inscriptions, he may be regarded as the successor of Aparaditya I and the predecessor of Mallikarjuna (A.D. 1155-1170). But it must be noted that he is not mentioned in the subsequent inscriptions of the dynasty. Perhaps his relation with his predecessor is shown by the name of his minister the Mahapradhana Lakshmanaprabhu ; the same name figures among the ministers of Aparaditya I. Surpparaka is the modern Nala Sopara and Vattara is to be identified with Vatar, a village about 6 miles N. W. of Nala Sopara, and 4 miles S. W. of Agashi. All the villages are in the Bassein Taluka of the Bombay Presidency. TEXT. 1 aty after warga? (2) Tuatemia (]uag (u)! 2 frenifuay vifo bag() Por FHYTT3 mamife(fy)? E gaten we afumat(at) dau[*]F747 ( ) 1 Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, Pt. ii, p. 19, n. 3; also noticed by Altekar, Ind. Cul., II, p. 431, No. 14. * Cf. Pillai, Indian Ephemeris, Vol. III, p. 303. * According to Bhagwanlal Indraji," the permanent income of Shrinevadi in charge of a Pattakil (Patil) named Raja." Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, Pt. ii, p. 19, n. 3. [In my opinion the sense of the passage is that the Mard. pradhana Ahavamalla granted to Brahmadeva wpadhaya the fixed income (siddh-ayr) of (the village) Anevadi which was probably in charge of the Patta kila Rajanaka. According to this interpretation Rajanaka would be . proper name and not a title. See also p. 274, n. 3, below.-Ed.) Bhagwanlal takes Brahmadevabhatta as the son and grandson of the two latter respectiveiy; be also reada Govardhana for Govaddha. [See p. 274, n. 3, below.-Ed.) Of Saks 1071 and 1075 referred to in Bomb. Gaz., op. cit., p. 19, n. 3. * Denoted by a symbol. Should be oyas-cha. . This letter an is superfluous. Read Auddha.

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274 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VoL.XXIIL. + zrIsIlAhAranareMdrajImUtavAhanAnvayaprasUtasamastarAjAva5 lIsamalaMcatamahAmaNDalasa(kha)rAdhipatithImada(da)haripAladeva6 kavANavijayarAjye / tabasAdAvAptasamastamaMDalacintAbhA7 () samuhahati zrIvasupaDavala / ' tathA mahApradhAna bolama(sa)Na8 prabho / tathA mahApradhAna zrIpasi(ziva rAula 1 tathA pradhAna vAsa. 9 ginAyaka / satyetasmin kAle pravartamAne / bosU(zU)oraka10 savahAragrAmaprabhU(bhu)jyamAn(na)mA[pradhA[nadhIpAhavamanadevena / 11 zrIgovaIbhaTaupAdhyAya ca divAkarabhaTa upAdhyAsuta (ba)cadeva12 bhaTa upAdhye / ' mahAparvaNi utagaNa' saMkrAMtisamaye dharmeNa udakapU13 bk(k)|' paTakIla rAnAnaka pAnevaDisi(zi)vAya prdtt[:]|' pAcaMdrArka14 tAraka jAvatu tiSThati medinI kenApi --' vA(bA)dhA na karaNIyA / ' 15 apArthe sAkSi bahAragrAmapramukha risimhatArA / ' tathA sAdhi nAgujimha16 taaraa| tathA sAci anNtnaayk| sAci cAMgadeva mhata(tA)ra---- C.-Bassein Stone Inscription of Mallikarjuna : Saka 1083, This inscription is reported to have been brought from Bassein, and it is briefly noticed in the Bombay Gazetteer. The stone measures 3' 53' by 1'61' and the inscribed portion 14' by 14". It contained 18 lines, but, now, the last line is almost illegible. Below the inscribed portion, in a rectangle there is a representation of the ass-curse similar to that noticed before, though it is much worn out. At the top, between the inscribed portion and the figures of the Sun and the Moon, in & rectangle there are two figures and between them are two one big and the other 1 Stop indicated by two dots which look like the visarga sign. : The last syllable of this line and the first of the next are not clear. [Reading may be Stil Stu)rpparakack-d). ntarggulu.-Ed.] . May stand for Govardhana as suggested by Bhagwanlal Indraji (Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, Pt. ii, p. 19, n. 3). (TO me the reading appears to be Govanna-bhata-upadhya ya]-suta-Divakara, eto. In this case the donee would be only Brahmadeva.-Ed.) * Read Uttarayana. . [Reading seems to be Anevadi-sid (ddh)-aya. See p. 273, n. 3, above.-Ed.] * Read -larakanyavat. * These two letters are not clear. * The last syllable is not clear; it looks like kaha. Stop indicated by two dots which look like the visarga siga. 10 Read ad.kahi. 11 This portion of the line is not clear. 11 Bomb. Gaz., Vol. XIII, Pt. ii, p.428,n.42 Vol. XIV, p. 388 and Vol. I. Pt. ii, p. 20,n.15 see also above. Vol. VII, Appendix, p. 56, n. 4. Altekar, (op. cit., Vol. II, p. 416) calls this the Chiplan stone inscription. But tbis inscription is dated, according to Kielhorn, in Sala 1078 (+), Dhatri Samvatsara, Vaisakha Suddha s. Tuesday. See above, Vol. VII, Appendix, p. 56, No. 311, and Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, Pt. ii, p. 19, and Vol. XIV. B.380. So the inscription that Altekar seems to have " traced" in the P.W.M.in the Bassein stone insorip. tion atul not the one from Chiplun.

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No. 43.] SIX SILAHARA INSCRIPTIONS IN THE PRINCE OF WALES MUSEUM. 275 small-Siva-lingas. The figure on the right, probably a woman with peculiar head-dress is seated facing the full front and its left hand is held over the big linga. The figure on the left is seated similarly, with its right hand supported by the left resting on the small linga. The big linga is placed on a very high yonipatta. It is dated saka 1083, Vrisha Samvatsara, Pushya (Pausha) Vadi 15, Soma-dino which would correspond to January 17, A.D. 1162, when there was a solar eclipse. This seems to be the intended date in our inscription though the week-day would be Wednesday. It records that in the reign of Silahara king Mallikarjunadeva, lord of Tagarapura, something was repaired and a garden called Lona in Padhalasaka in KatashadiVishaya was granted to a teacher (vajha = Skt. upadhyaya). The name of the donor cannot be read with certainty. The ministers mentioned are the Mahasamdhivigrahika Prabhakara Nayaka, and the Mahapradhana sri-Anata(Ananta)paiprabhu. There is no evidence at present to connect Mallikarjuna with other kings of the dynasty of the Northern Silaharas. But he seems to be identical with Mallikarjuna mentioned in the Kumara palacharita? and hence a contemporary of the Gujarat Chaulukya king Kumarpala (c. 1145-1171 A.D.). The other known date of Mallikarjuna is Saka 1078. Mallikarjuna is called Tagarapura-paramesvara, the Lord of the city of Tagara'. As the title is also assumed by the kings of the Kolhapur branch of the Silaharas, it only implies, as has been suggested to that the original home of the Silaharas was Tagara. Among the place-names, Lona may be identified with Lonad, a village 6 miles E. of Bhiwnditi in Bhiwndi Taluka. Padhalasaka, though it cannot be identified now, must be a It is neither 1082 (as read in Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, Pt. ii, p. 20, n. 1 and Vol. XIII, Pt. ii, p. 426) nor 107(9) but is 1083 As once read in Bomb. Gaz., Vol. XIV, p. 386, for the last digit is definitely 3 on the stone, though on the impression the lower half of 3 seems to form a circle. The numeral before it is 8. For an identical form of it see the date portions, lines 5 and 9 in the two inscriptions of Somesvaradevs below, where no doubt exists as to the numerical value of that sign. Moreover, on going through the Ephemeris it will be found that it is only in Saka 1083 that Vrisha Samvatsara occurs and in no other. [It appears to me that the last digit was first written as 9 and then corrected into 3. The penultimate digit is different from the symbol for 8 in E and F below and looks more like 7. But as 1073 would be too early for Mallikarjuna and neither this date nor 1079 would admit of verification, it may be that the intended date is 1083 and the engraver wrote the figure of 7 instead of that of 8 by mistake.-Ed.] The reading in Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, Pt. ii, p. 20, n. 1 and Vol. XIII, Pt. ii, p. 426, n. 4, is" Vishva", whereas in Vol. XIV, p. 386, it is " Vrisha ". Perhaps identical with the modern Lonad. See Bomb. Gaz., Vol. XIV, p. 212. * Bomb. Gaz. Vol. XIV, p. 386 reads "Shilarvavak" and " Katakhadi" instead of " oshadi". It is definitely not the king. Perhaps the grantors are Rajaguru Vedasiva and the Bhopaka (temple priest ?) Vyomasiva as suggested in Bomb. Gus., Vol. XIV, p. 386. * Ministers with the same names are mentioned in the Parel Inscription of Aparadityadeva Saka 1109, J.B. B. R. A. S., Vol. XII, p. 333. See canto VI, verses 65 to 70. The relation was first pointed out in Bomb. Gas., Vol. I, Pt. ii, p. 20, n. l. For details regarding the relation sec ibid. As Dvyasraya-kavya, another work by Hemachandra, does not incntion it, it appears that the war with Mallikarjuna took place after the events described in that work. According to a stone from Chiplun, see Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, Pt. ii, p. 19. "Exact identity of this city is not yet established. Fleet identified it with Ter, 95 miles S. E. of Paithan (J. R. A. S., 1901, pp. 537-52). For other suggestions and references see Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, Pt. ii, p. 3, n. 6; p. 16, n. 4, etc. 10 Bomb. Gaz., op. cit., p. 536; subsequently Altekar, Ind. Cul., Vol. II, p. 396, following Jsin, who oites relevant extracts from Karakanda-C(ch)ariu. A. B. O. R. I., Vol. XVI, pp. 1-11. 11 This is as it is spelt in the modern Taluki map. It should be Bhiwandi.

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276 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VoL.XXIII. bigger village comprising Lona. Katashaci Vishaya cannot be located with any certainty at presents TEXT. 1 zrI svasti sakusaMvat 1.83 [] Sasamva]sa(sa)rAMtargata2 puSye' mAsi vadi 15 somadine // sUrja(ya)parvaNi / 3 padheza samadhigatAzeSapaMcama[] sa(sa)bdamahAsAmaMtA4 dhipatitagarapuraparamezvara / zrIsilAdhAra bhareMdra 6 ityAdi samatta(sta)rA[jA*]valIvirAjitazrImalikArjanadeva6 rAjye / mahAsAMdhivigrahikaprabhAkaranAyako(ka:) zrIka7 raNe prathamasthapATi mahApradhAnanISaNata(nanta)paiprabho hitI. 8 ya[stha] pATi amuka / satye tamiman] kAle pravartamAne sati / 9 rAjaguru zrovedasi (zi)va / bhopade [va'] 'vyamasi(za)va viveka - - 10 guNapala[nidhiH] // saMpatisApaH" / satkIrti puNyaH / (zre)yaH phale 11 ja(yA cakakalpa vRkSaH / zrIbhopakavyamasivo vibhAti / 12 - - - sa jIrmodhAro kArita(ta:) / mahadugivajhAsutaH / lASa13 za vAhaka taktata: ----- prasAdena / tAbhyaM gurukule 14 ----- baTaSaDIviSayAMtapAtI / paDhAlasakasa / lo 16 navATake sASaNa uvAihAya data:(tta) / [tathA]-------- paH so-- 16 ma pradata(tta:) / jayaca -- Sa aSTApAsyamena vApaH tapi sadhaNala 17 ---- na kenA -prati: vijAtIya ya[sa] paripa(paMthI --- 18 tasva mAtA gadamena . . . . . . . 1 Indicated by a symbol. * Read Saka. * The reading in Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, Pt, u, p. 20, n. 1 and in Vol. XIII, Pt. ii, p. 426, n. 4, is Vishuu but in Vol. XIV, p. 386 it is l'risha. As pointed out above the correct reading is Vrish. * Read Paushe. * Dunda unnecessary. * Apparently the two letters ra and da look similar, so Bomb. Guz., Vol. XIV, p. 386 reads as Dievo * Bomb. Gaz., op. cit., reads as Dharmasira. * Not clear. [This is a verse in Upajati metre and the correct reading seems to the Fireke-niile(18) yara-palaa (lla)e-aughah san pati(tti)-sapab(sakhah) sa cha kirtti-pushpah (U) srilare)yah-phale(lo) juli)chaku-Kalpa-vriksha! fri-Bhopaku. Iyal Vyo) mnai(di)vo vibhati[*].--Ed.] * Might be ripula. 10 Should be sam prati pruptah. 11 Read jirnoddharah. 11 Bomb. Gar, Vol. XIV, p. 386, reads Takhanak ideajha. Probably we have to rearl mjhikinakrilab. As the language of the root of the inscription is very corrupt the text is left uncorrecteel. 13 Bomb. Gaz., Vol. XIV. p. 386 seems to have read katakhadi ... . . . . Shilarvavak . . . [Reading seems to be ravika=Skt. rapii (?).-Ed.

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No. 43.] SIX SILAHARA INSCRIPTIONS IN THE PRINCE OF WALES MUSEUM. 277 D.-Inscription of Aparadityadeva : [Saka) 1107. This inscription was formerly in the Museum of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, and seems to be identical with the one mentioned in the Bombay Gazetteer. However, it seems to be different from another inscription of this king which is dated in (Vikrama) Samvat, 1176, Sunday the 14th of the bright half of Chaitra. The stone measures l'11" by 1'5', and the inscribed portion l' 4" by 121". At the top, the stone is in the shape of a triangle, within which is carved a kalasa, resting on a linga. The inscription is dated Saka) 11073 Visvavasu Samvatsara, Chaitra Suddha 15, Sunday. This is equivalent to Sunday, 17th March, A.D. 1185. The inscription records that in the reign of Aparadityadevat the Mahapradhana Lakshmana Nayaka, son of Bhaskara Nayaka, after having bathed in a tirtha (probably Somanatha in Kathiawar) near the sea gave away something in a vatika in Sthana (modern Thana) and a sum of money for the worship, etc., of the god Somanatha in Saurashtra. The grant closes with the words "hail to the illustrious Chahadadeva " This inscription resembles in some respects an inscription of Aparadityadeva of Saka 10497 and to A above belonging to Saka 1060. Our attention is drawn to the names of the king and the minister Laksmanaiya Prabhu, but it is otherwise different from the latter inscriptions. The present record is dated about sixty years later and we have dated records of two other rulers, viz., Haripaladeva and Mallikarjuna in between. The inscription therefore belongs to the reign of Aparaditya II and not Aparaditya I as mentioned by Altekar. The inscription shows that even in the last quarter of the 12th century, the temple of Somanatha in Saurashtra, though once destroyed by the Muhammadans, was still a popular shrine and that among its property could be counted some land in Konkan. I Vol. I, Pt. ii, p. 20, n. 2. The date here mentioned is Sunday the sixth of the bright half of Chaitra, while the grant under question is dated on Sunday the 15th of the bright half of Chaitra. As there cannot be two Bun. days within 9 days, and as 15 can clearly be read in the inscription, the reading of the Gazetteer seems to be incorrect. The date is wrongly given in Ind. Ant., Vol. IX, p. 40, n. 62. The correct date has been noticed by Kielhorn in his List of Inscriptions of Southern India, p. 56, No. 312.-Ed.] 14. B. O. R. I., Vol. V, p. 170. Even if they were identical, as they are in their contents, the reading of the your and date seems to be wrong, for in Vikrama 1176 the Northern cyclio year was Subhakrit, and the Southern Vikarin. The Vikvivasu samvatsara occurs in Vikrama 1179; see Pillai, Indian Ephemeris, Vol. III, pp. 240 and 247. An examination of the text will show that this inscription is identical with the record under considere tion. Mr. Diskalkar is apparently wrong in the reading of the date and referring it to the Vikrama era.-Ed.] . .. Bomb. Gar., Vol. I, Pt. ii, p. 20, n. 2, reads 1109 and mentions the tithi as the sixth. This is wrong because the Southern cyclio year in 1109 was Plavangs and not Visvivasu; also the tithi Chaitra suddha 6 would tall on Saturday, whereas the day mentioned in the inscription is Sunday. Neither any title of the ruler, nor the name of the dynasty is mentioned, though in his other inscription of Saka 1109 he is called Maharajadhiraja and Kon kanachakravartin: J. B. B. R. 4. 8., XII, p. 333. (This inaoription in dated Saka 1108 and not Saka 1109 as given in the Journal and read by Kielhorn (List of Incription of Southern India, No. 313). The Southern cyclic year in Saka 1109 was Plavanga, not Paribhava.-Bd.] . Rather an unusual ending in a Silahara inscription. * Cr. specially 11. 4-7 and II. 57-59 of the inscription of Saka 1049. J.B.B. R. A. 8., Vol. XXI, p. 505. * Op. cit., p. 411, though the Bomb. (lar., Vol. I, Pt. ii, p. 30 had already credited it to Aparaditya II. At thin time Kathia war still formed part of Gujarat, and the king of the latter was Obaulukya Bhima II.

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278 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VoL.XXIII. TEXT. 1 bhIma saMvat 11.7 visvA(khA)vasusaMvaccha(sa)re caivazuddha 15 rakho(vau) dine 2 poSa zrImadaparAdityadevarAvdhe / saurASTrIyatroso3 manAthadevAya pUjAsatkArAtheM mahAmAtyatrolAva4 nAyakena pramodadhau sutoH khAtvA gaganaikacakracUDA6 mapaye kamalinIkAmukAya bhagavate savitre nAnAvidha. 6 kusumannAdhyamayaM datvA(svA) sakalasurAsuragurucailokyaskhA7 minaM bhagavaMtamumApatimabhyarthaH / bhAskaranAyakapuSeNa zrI8 laNanAyakena tvAtmaneyA(zreyo) zrIdevAdhidevasya zrI9 sthAnakauyapA[] navATikAmadhye [dAnavidhau dAtavyabhA[ga] 10 dama 4 da[syAvadhIupa(pa)ttisamagrasya] - - - - - dAma 24 11 deyAve / zubhage pUjApaMcaparvaNi ------ - zi12 varAcidakSiNAyaNa(na)uttarAyaNa svasti zrIcAhaDadevAya [] E.-Inscription of Somesvaradeva : Saka 1181. This inscription was found in Ranvad near Uran. The stone measures 3' by l' 6". The inscribed portion is l' by 1' 5" and contains 11 lines of writing, the average size of letters being t". Below this is an ass sculpture differing slightly in position of the woman from those Doticed before, carved in low relief in a rectangle (18" x 11"). At the top, above the inscription, are the Sun and the Moon and between them a double kalasa.. The inscription is dated Saka 1181 Siddhartha Samvatsara Chaitra Vadi 15 (?) Monday, and reference is made in l. 9 to a suryaparvan but it is not clear whether it implies a solar eclipse, and whether the grant was made on that occasion. The reading of the date however remains uncertain, for though according to Pillai? in Saks 1181 the Southern cyclic year was Siddharthin, Chaitra vadi 15 fell on a Thurdsay and radi 13 on Tuesday, while Monday, the day mentioned in the inscription, was a kshaya tithi and no solar eclipse occurred in that year. Under the circumstances we may read the tithi as 13, the date corresponding to 21st April, A.D. 1259, Monday. It records that Somesvaradeva, the paramount Lord of Konkana, granted some land (?)* in the village of Padivasa in Urana to Damodarabhatta on the occasion of surya-parvan (solar eclipse ?) for (the worship, etc.,) of Sambhu. The ministers of Somesvara were the Mahamatya Jhampadaprabhu, the Mahasandhivigrahika [Taijjaprabhu and Chandraprabhu in charge of the srikarana. 1 Expressed by a symbol. .This anuandra is placed on the left of the letter. Should be param-ddadhan. * Both the visarga and the dandas are unnecessary. * Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, Pt. ii, p. 21, n. 1: also noticed by Altekar, Ind. Cul., Vol. II, p. 431, No. 97. * For a similar sculpture from Borivli see p. 279 below. Indian Ephemeris, Vol. IV, p. 120. * Details are not clear to us.

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No. 43.] SIX SILAHARA INSCRIPTIONS IN THE PRINCE OF WALES MUSEUM. 279 The inscriptions do not give any important information about Somesvara. He is merely called Konkanachakravartin and Maharajadhiraja, titles which are mentioned in connection with Aparadityadeva II also. Neither is there any hint as to his relationship with his predecessor Kesiraja whose two unpublished inscriptions are referred to in the Bombay Gazetteer. Probably he was a son of the latter as suggested by Altekar." According to our present knowledge of the history of this family, Somesvara seems to be the last king of the Northern Silahara dynasty. He was defeated and perhaps killed and the country conquered by Mahadeva3 of the (Devagiri) Yadava dynasty. Cousens thinks that the scene of the battle between Somesvara and Mahadeva is sculptured on some stones lying about Borivli. In this connection it may be noted that the kalasa-like sculpture which appears on the middle stone, figured by Cousens, very much resembles in ornamentation the kalasa-like figure on the stone F described below. Among the place-names Urapa is the modern Uran, and Padivasa may be identified either with Phunda about 2 miles north-east of Uran or with Panja, another village about 3 miles to the north of Uran, in the Panvel Taluka of the Bombay Presidency. TEXT. 1 sati zrI [1] padyeha samasta rAjAvanIsamalaMkRtamahArAjAdhi 2 rAja kI [ca] cakravartticImada (tu) somezvaradeva rAya kalyANavijayarAjye 3 tathaita (a) sAdAvyA (vA) tasa masta maMDala ciMtA (tA) bhAraM samuddahati mahAmAtyazrI 4 jhaMpaDaprabhu mahAsAMdhivigrahI [te] japrabhu zrIkaraNI caMda (dra) prabhu ityAdi zrI5 [karaNamAMDAmAre satyetasmin kAle praztaMmA ne] sati makasaMvat 1981 si (ka) caitravadi 1 [2] sAmA: ( some) zrodAmodara bhaTTa tathA bhrAtara vAsu[va] lekhana 2 nAriyale pAyeM nimi zrIsUrya dAmodaramahAM vidhA 6 8 uraNeM paDivaseM [grAma ] prativahAM khaMDapalAsthAni 9 samamitI 3 10 ba~ka dAmodara bhaTAyeM 11 jo maMgalamaDAvIH // cA bhAga 1 deulekhaMDa nimitte sUryaparve hastodakapU - karatidoha F.-Inscription of Somesvaradeva: Saka 1182. This inscription was found from Chanje near Uran. The stone measures 3' 5" by 1' 7" and the inscribed portion is 1' 6" by 1' 5" and contains 18 lines; the average size of letters is". Below this, in a rectangle (16" x 11") was an ass-sculpture as in B, but now it is completely worn out. Above the inscription, between the Sun and the Moon, on a pedestal is a purna-kalasa; on its 1 Vol. I, Pt. ii, p. 20, n. 3. Op. cit., p. 417. * This is according to Hemadri's Chaturvargachintamani, first cited in Bomb Gaz, Vol. I, Pt. ii, p. 246; then Altekar, op. cit., p. 417; Cousens, Mediaeval Temples of the Dakhan, p. 21; Chalukyan Architecture. p. 143, pls. CLIII-IV. Cousens, op. cit., p. 21, pl. XV. Denoted by a symbol. * Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, Pt. ii, p. 21. P 2

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280 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VoL.XXIII. bulging part is a band and leaves on either side. The kalasa is crowned with what looks like a smaller kalata and may be a cocoanut. ___It is dated in Saka 1182, Raudra Sanvatsara Chaitra vadi 15, Monday on a solar eclipse. The date thus corresponds to Monday, April 12, A.D. 1260, when there was a solar eclipse.1 It records that Somesvaradeva, lord of Korkana, granted land* (whose limits are mentioned) in Komthala vatika in the village of Chamdije in Urana and 162 Porutthao (?) drammas to god Uttaresvara of Srl-sthana on the occasion of an eclipse of the sun. The king is the same as in E but the names of the ministers are different, except that of the Mahamatya who is, as before, Jhampadaprabhu. Other ministers are the Mahasamdhivigrahika Mainiku, Bebalaprabhu, Pomadepandita, and Govenaku. The places mentioned in the inscription, Urana and Chamdijoare the modern Uran and Chanja respectively, while Kontha(dha)lasthana may be the same as Kaladhonda, a place a little north of Uran. TEXT. 1 kI namo vinAyakAya / saMyo(bo)dara namastubhyaM satataM modakapayaM / ' 2 avighnaM kuru me deva sarvakAryeSu sarvadA [*]| praveza samastarA3 jAvalIsamalaMktamA(ma)hArAjAdhirAjadeg10 kokaNacakrava4 ticausomekha(kha)radevarAyakalyANavijayarAjye tathaitabasAdA5 vyA(vA)ptasamastamaMDalaciMtAbhAraM samuhahati mahAmAtyatrIjhApaDaprabhu 6 mA(ma)hAsAMdhivigrahI mAinAku bevasaprabhu pomadepaMDita zrIkaraNabhAM7 DAgAre prthmcche| pATI govenAku ityetasminkAle pravartamAne sati za. 8 kanRpakAlAtItasaMvaccha (ma)resace kAdazamu013 hAsItyadhaukeSu atrAMkatopi . 9 sakusaMvata 1182 raudrasaMvaccharamu(sara) caitravadi 15 somedine13 sUryoparAge - 10 ru(ra)[grAmasthabhUva] cAMDijeM grAmA(ma)pratiba[]013 kothale sthAnavATikAbhU pasya cA 1 Pillai, Indian Ephemeris, Vol. IV, p. 122. * In the inscription the word for this is bhd. * [The inscription seems to record the gift of some building-site at Urana and some garden-land at Komthala in the Chandije village.-Ed.] * Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, Pt. ii, p. 21, n. 1, suggests that this might stand for Parthian drammas. . Ibid., p. 21, n. 1, takes the drammas " as a fixed income of a garden in . . . . ." which does not seem to be correct, for if no land were granted it would not be necessary to mention its boundaries. [Apparently the money was granted in addition to the land.-Ed.] * This name occurs also in inscription A, see p. 272, Text, 1. 16, above. Denoted by asymbol. * The stop is indicated by two dote. Read .priya. 10 This stop is superfluous. 11 Read the. 12 Read kat&sho-. 1 This dot which stands for a stop is unnecessary. 1. Reas dvasity-dhiktaku. 15 Read Saka-samvat. "[Reading seems to be trana dpard(gara)-IAC.-Ed.]

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No. 44.] A STONE INSCRIPTION OF YADAVA RAMACHANDRA : SAKA 1222. 281 11 ghATanAni" pUrve " sAnuThAkurAcI vRti (tti) dakSiNeM viSNunhAco vRti (tti) pakhimeM 12 rAjamArga utare virA" evaM (ca) turAghATanAni" su (sva) sImAparyataM satRNakASTho 13 dakopetaM dAyAdyadi' saMbaMdhavivarjitaM sarvotpatti (tti) mahitaM sidhAM-porudra 14 mANAM dazaviso ca diSaSTho dramAtyadhI karmakazatAni aMkatopi dra 12 // 15 zrIsthAnIya zrIuttarekha (kha) radevAya" zAsanapratibadhaM ( iM ) katvA" mahArAjazrI - vartamAnasyAsya dharmasya paripaM 16 somekha (kha) ravena" udakAtisaca pradattaM // 17 dhanA na se (ke) nApi kAryA" vadatAM (nt) kAryA" vadatAM (ttAM) vasuMdharA (paThi(STi)varSa paradatAM ( tAM) vA yo haret (ta) 18 sAMci biThAyAM jAyate kami (miH) | maMgala mA(ma) hAtho[:] [zubhaM bhavatu / No. 44. A STONE INSCRIPTION OF YADAVA RAMACHANDRA; SAKA 1222. BY H. D. SANKALIA, M.A., LL.B., Ph.D. (LOND.) AND S. C. UPADHYAYA, M.A., LL.B. This inscription is now preserved in the Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay. It is not known whence it came. The trustees of the Museum and the Curator, Mr. G. V. Acharya, have been good enough to allow us to edit it. The stone on which it is inscribed measures 2' 8" by 1' 3", and the inscribed portion, which contains 17 lines of writing, is 1' 4" in length. The average size of letters is". Above the inscribed portion is cut out a rectangle 13" by 34". In this are carved in low relief, on the left the Sun and on the right the Moon. Above this on the apex is a kalasa. Below the inscribed portion also there is a rectangle, now half broken off, which contains the figure of an ass facing right as found in many other Silahara and Devagiri Yadava inscriptions.5 The record is dated in Saka 1222 Sarvari Samvatsara, Sravana Vadi 7, Monday and regularly corresponds to Monday 8th August, A.D. 1300. The inscription is of Jaideva, a governor appointed by Ramadeva, to rule over Konkan. Ramadeva himself was a commander-in-chief, and lord of the Western coast under Ramachandradeva, who bore the biruda Praudhapratapachakravartin. From the date and the biruda it is evident that the inscription belongs to the reign of Ramadeva or Ramachandradeva the last king of the Devagiri Yadavas. Though many copper plates and stone inscriptions of his or his reign are noted and a few published, this would be the first -stone inscription from Konkan ( ? ) published so far. However, so far as the date is concerned, 1 This dot which stands for a stop is unnecessary. 2 Read-margah. 3 Read rin-day-adi. 4 Read dvi-shashti-dramm-idhilaai satam = ekuin Cf. above pp. 270ff. and Vol. VII, Appendix, pp. 66 and 68, Nos. 372 and 381. * See Rice, Mysore Inscriptions, and Graham, Kolhapoor, extracts from these are noted above, Vol. VII, Appendix, pp. 66-68 (Nos. 368-382). Even the copper plate is only one, see J. R. A. S., Vol. V, P. 178.

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282 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VoL. XXIII. we learn nothing new, as one more inscription of this year and one of a later date are already known.1 The names of the governor and the viceroy, Jaideva and Ramadeva respectively, are not found in earlier inscriptions. But Jaideva seems to have succeeded Krishnadeva, who is mentioned in an earlier grant as the governor of Konkan. Ramadeva, however, may be identified with the person called Sri-Rama mentioned in the Thana plates of the reign of the Yadava Ramachandra of $. 1212, according to which Ktishnadeva was ruling over Kaunkana under the orders of Sri-Rama, provided that Sri-Rama, whose birudas, etc., are not given, is regarded as a different person, as suggested by the context, from the Yadava king, who in the two cases in which he is mentioned in the plates, is called Sri Ramachandradeva. The object of the grant is to record the donation of a village, the name of which seems to be Supali. To the east of it was a village called Gharavali, and on the other three sides a river. The inscription is in prose and the language incorrect Sanskrit and old Maralhi. As regards orthography there is nothing particularly to note but the frequent use of dental sibilant for the palatal. TEXT. 1 svasti zrI saku(zakasaMvat 1222 sA(zA)varIsaMvacha(sa) / mA(zrA)2 vaNavadi 7 some / adheha zromaprauDhapratApacakrava3 tizrIrAmacaMdradevavijayodayo tatyAdapadmopajIvI(vi)4 mahAmaMDalekha(kha)rasakalasainyAdhipatipazcimasa6 mudrAdhipatithI--rAmadevana(na) niropitakIkaNa 6 [a]dhikArI(ri)zrIjAideva --'na zrIrAmadevA(va)rA7 jye jaMvaleM vInavunikIkaNasaMbaMdhaThANA cAdaTha 8 - A paivAbahideg ghArAce pAkapAkaniprasA.9 didatta nikaluke saMbaMdha / akSaNa bAhegrAmasupa10 lI / tasya AghATanAn / pUrve ghAravalogrAma(ma) / pa 11 vimeM nado / uttareM nado / dakSiNe nado / evaM caturA12 ghi AghATanAn / sa(sva)saumAparyaMta taNakASToda13 kopata sakSamAlAnidhinikSepasahita mahA14 doSavivarjita karuniM caMdrasUryutapataM gharaisaba16 hi vAharenaputrapautrI bhogAvA hAgAMDa / pAli16 sApuThIn / jo lopI tehAcI mAe gADhau jhaMveM / maM17 galaM mAhAzrI sumaM bhavatu // 1 See above, Vol. VII, Appendix, p. 68 (Nos. 381 and 582). * Thana plates of S. 1212,J.R.A.N., Vol. V.p.178. .J. R.A.S., Vol. V. P. 178. Expressed by anymbol. The reading, according to me, in R ain I. 5 sad Napina in I. 6. This title is also found in the unpublished Volapur inoription of the year Saka 1287, belonging to tbe same ruler-Ed.) * The langasko is NO corrupt from barro that the text han muntly been left uncomold. ? This letter cannot be made out for merlain; it may l ri. * Thin letteer may also lne real mermi.

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No. 45.) YOUR PANDYA RECORDS FROM UKKIRANKOTTAI. 283 No. 45.-FOUR PANDYA RECORDS FROM UKKIRANKOTTAI. By A. S. RAMANATHA AYYAR, B.A., MADRAS. The subjoined Pandya records' come from Ukkirankottai, a village in the Tinnevelly taluk of the Tinnevelly District. Three of them are in the Tamil language and are engraved in Vatteluttu characters assignable to the 10th century A.D., while the fourth in Sanskrit is in Grantha characters of the same period. There are no new points worth mentioning about the graphic peculiarities of these Vatteluttu and Grantha scripts, as they are of the usual variety employed in other contemporaneous records of the locality. Record A is dated in the 13th year opposite to the 2nd year of reign of the Pandya king Sadaiya Maran and registers a gift of sheep by a lady named Tudaruri, wife of Tennavan Pallavadizraiyaq alias Maran -Suran for maintaining a perpetual lamp in the temple of god Aditya-Bhatara: at the eastern entrance of Karavandapuram in Kalakkudi-nalu. Record B is a Sanskrit version of the same endowment made by Tudaruri, here called the wife of Srikantha. Sura to the temple of god Vikarttana at Karavandapura, but the king's name is not mentioned in it. Record C was originally engraved on a broad slab of stone, which has been cut longitudinally into two and planted in the temple compound to serve as gate-posts, and in the process, its first line containing the king's name has suffered mutilation. But the regnal year quoted for the king, viz., 2+9, as well as the fact that the same Tennavan Pallavadiaraiyan alias Kandan (Srikantha)Sugan is herein mentioned as being in charge of Kalakkuli (Kalakkudi mahanayakam seyya perra) help us to attribute this inscription also to the Sadaiya-Maran of record A. Further, as it is stated that this Pallavadisraiyan erected an ambalam (wayside choultry) called 'Nagarattan in the name of the trading guild (Nagarattar) of the colony called Rajasinga-pperangadi, newly founded by him, apparently in the name of his sovereign, the Sadaiya-Maras of these records can be identified with Rajasimha III, who is already well-known from the Sinnamanur plates issued in the 2+14th year of his reign, and to whose period the characters employed in all these epigraphs can very appropriately belong. Record D, though it does not mention any king's name, can, palaeographically, be attributed to the same king's reign. The village now known by the name of Ukkirankottai has been called Karavandapuram in Kalakkudi_nadu in A, while in D it is simply called Kalakkudi. Karavandapuram alias Kalakkudis (and Kalandai) 'has been mentioned as the birth-place of Maran-Kari, the excavator of the rock-cut shrine of Narasimha at Anaimalai in the Madura District, and of his brother Maran-Eyinan, both of whom successively held the office of Uttaramantri under the Pandya ruler Maran-Sadaiyan, and also that of Sattan-Ganavadi, the king's Mahasamanta, and it was 1 Nos. 194, 195 196 and 199 of 1935-36 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. 1 The first part of the name . Maran' is based on the name of the reigning Pandya king. * The temple in which this record is found is now called the Chokkalinga temple and a linga is installed in ita central shrine. It was probably temple dedicated exclusively to Sarya in earlier days. But as the people in the locality say that the present temple was built from stones brought from the adjoining fields, it is also possible that the temple of Aditya-Bhatara may have existed as a separate shrine in the vicinity, and that when it fell into ruins, its stones were built into the present shrine. In this connection it has to be remembered that inside a fort, a Siva temple should be constructed in the north-east, and that of Borya in the east. (Gopi. nath Rao, El. of Hindu Iconography, Vol. I, p. 22.) * South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. III, p. 444. * Above, Vol. VIII, p. 319 and Vol. XVII, p. 303. The name Kalandai mentioned as the native place of Marti-Eyipap, appears to be only a poetie form of the word Kalakkudi (Ind. Ant., Vol. XXII, p. 71 and above, Vol. XVII, p. 296). * Ind. Ant., Vol. XXII, p. 67, wherein is quoted No. 37 of 1908.

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284 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXIII considered that this Kalakkudi might be Kalakkad' in the Nanguneri taluk of the Tinnevelly District. But from the present inscriptions this identification has to be given up and Karavandapurm alias Kalakkuli to be identified with Ukkirankottai in the Tinnevelly taluk. Karavandapuram must have been a place of sufficient strategic importance in early Pandya days as to necessitate the building of a fort here by the Pandya king Nedunjadaiyan, who in the Madras Museum Plates dated in the 17th year of his reign, claims to have built, along with a broad stone ditch, a lofty wall whose top never loses the moisture caused by the sky coming in contact (with it), and the clouds resting (on ut), so that the town of) Karavandapuram might get resplendent, which has beautiful halls and long streets, (where even) warriors are afraid of the arrow (-like) pointed and long eyes of women with lotus faces. This Nequzjadaiyan has been identified with the king figuring in the Anaimalai inscriptions (c. A.D. 770) and the Velvikudi copperplates. Though in the latter record several birudas are applied to him, he is not known to have had the surname of Ukkiran' or 'Ugra'; and it is therefore not clear why and when Karavandapuram came to acquire its present name of Ukkirankottai, or Ukkiran's fort'. Its origin cannot be connected with the name of the early king Ugrapperuvaludi, for he is believed to have flourished long anterior to Nedunjadaiyan's time. In the Sanskrit portion of the larger Sinnamanar plates, it is stated that Paraataka Viranarayana. Sadaiyan (c. A.D. 900) fought a battle at Kharagiri and captured a certain Ugra, who, it has been surmised, was probably a scion of the Pandya family. In that case, it may perhaps be hazarded that Karavandapuram which was fortified by Nedunjadaiyan (Jatila Parantaka) before about A.D. 785, was temporarily in the possession of this Ugra-Pandya a century later, and thus got the name which has survived to the present day, though it has also to be pointed out that the place was known only as Karavandapuram in the time of Solanralaikonda Vira-Pandya (c. A.D. 970), as evidenced by & record copied from the Chokkanayaki shrine in the same village. Vestiges of a fort and a moat are even now pointed out at some spots in the village as evidence of its former greatness, but the villagers have no information of value to offer regarding its ancient history. That the fortification may have been of fairly extensive dimensions can, however, be Burmised from the fact that the temple of Aditya-Bhatara which is described in record A as being situated in the kilaivayil or eastern gate, apparently of the fortified village, is nearly half a mile distant from the Chokkanayaki shrine which, as implied by the name of the goddess "Vadavayilnangai' must have been located at the northern gateway. It is interesting to note in this connection that the shrines of Aditya and Chokkanayaki were located in the appropriate directions of the east and the north, in conformity with the rule mentioned in Kautilya? and the Agamas that the shrines of guardian deities should be erected in the appropriate cardinal points inside a fort. From other inscriptions copied at the place, it is learnt that there were two Siva temples called Arikegaribvaram and Rajasingisvaram in the vicinity of the village, though possibly not inside the fort itself and named as such after the Pandya kinge Arikesari and Rajasimha. 1 Above, Vol. VIII, p. 319 and Vol. XVII, p. 298. * Ind. Ant., Vol. XXII, p. 74. . Above, Vol. XVII, p. 295. Nilakantha Sastri : The Pandyan Kingdom, p. 30. 8. I. I., Vol. III, p. 457. * No. 197 of 1935-38 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. This fragmentary record reads as follows: Solanralai-konda #ri. Virapandyadevarku yandu padin-ahju ivvandu Karttiyai-tingal mudal-pakkam ardm-pakkam wudulaga Pandimattanda-valanaffu-kKaravandapurattu Vadavayil-nangai...... * Shamasastri's Translation, p. 62. * Thements of Hindu Iconography, Vol. I, lntroduction, p. 22. Chokkaniyaki was probably one of the Suptumatri group, veral archaic statues of which are found strewn about in the temple compound.

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No. 15.) FOUR PANDYA RECORDS FROM UKKIRANKOTTAI. 285 In the Larger Sinnamapur plates, an earlier Pandya king Srivallabha' is stated to have fought a battle at Kunnur and his conquests are said to have extended from Kunnur to Singalam. If this Kunnur is identical with the native place of the donatrix Tudaruri mentioned in record A, the geographical detail that it was situated in Karunilakkudi-nadu is of some interest. The same village Kunnur is stated to be located in Nilakkudi-nadu (probably a shortened form of Karunilakkudi-nadu) in an epigraph from Pallimadam in the Aruppukkottai taluk of the Ramnad District. The colony which Tennavan Pallavadiaraiyan founded in front of the korrarayil or palace at Karavandapuram was, as stated already, called Rajasinga-pperangadi in honour of the reigning king. It must have been a fairly influential community, for in record D Inban Devanasetti, a member of the Ayyapoli2-500 guild, who was probably the agent in charge at this place, is stated to have built a circumambulatory verandah (tiruchchurralai) called 'Nagarattan 'round the temple of Vadavavil-nangai, in the name and on behalf of the Nagarattar. Ayyapolil which is the Tamilised form of the word Ayyavole (i.e., Aihole in the Hungund taluka of the Bijapur District, Bombay Presidency) is famous as the headquarters of a very influential and prosperous trading corporation which boasted of branches even in distant parts. Several trading centres were called 'Ayyavoles of the South', apparently because they were branches founded by the merchants or agents of the Ayyavole guild proper. The elaborate prasasti of the Ayyavole guild found in an inscription in Mysore describes the guild as having been composed of 500 svamis, and this conventional numerical strength of the guild is also indicated by the title. Ainnurruvan borne by the local Agent mentioned above. One other point of interest in these records is that the endowments were not only left under the protection of the merchant-guild of the place, but that the madi-chevagar or 'the soldiers on guard at the ramparts were also enjoined to supervise the proper conduct of the charities. As already noted in the Annual Report on S. I. Epigraphy for 1932-33, page 68, endowments made in the time of the Pandya king Sundara-Pandya (A.D. 1225) to the temple at Perungulam, a medieval military cantonment in the Tinnevelly District, were left in charge of a governing body composed of representatives from the several battalions stationed at the place. In an inscription from Tiruvalisvaram in the same district, it is stated that the temple of TiruvalisvaramUdaiyar, its treasury and the temple servants were placed under the protection of the Chola garrison called Munrukai-Mahasenai 'stationed at that place. Similarly in a record copied at Sangramanallur in the Coimbatore District, which was evidently fortified and garrisoned in olden days, the soldiers were required to protect the gopura, the temple and its premises. It is therefore evident that in places which were under the control of the military, a body composed of some military officers and men functioned in respect of religious and other institutions under their charge, in a manner similar to that of village assemblies in purely civil stations. TEXT. A 1 Sri [*] [K].ch Chadaiya-Marafku yandu irandu idan=edir padinmupru ivv-[andu] Kalakkudi-nattu-kKaravandapurattu kilaivail srikoi18. I. I., Vol. III, p. 461. * No. 430 of 1914 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. * Ep. Carn., Vol. VII, Sk. 118. * The term madifchchamgar (madil=rampart+chevagar soldiers) means 'the soldiers guarding the rampart in the fort at the place. Compare wfviftuchchanger and Malayan-orrichchegar in the sense of soldiers' (Trav. Arch. Series, Vol. I, p. 169 and f. n. 8). * No. 120 of 1908 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. * No. 167 of 1909 of the same collection.

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286 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXIII. 2 lil Adityabatarafku Tennavan Pallavadiaraiyan-alya Ma[ra].soran manava[ttilen Karunilakkuli-natu-kKunpur Tudaruri itta ti3 runundavilakku onrinukku adutta adu anbadu [*] ivy-adu (ai]nbadum ivy=ur ....... [fi]nga-Isvarattu vettikkuli Pudi-Poran nisadippa4 di ulakku ney Soliyattal attuvadaga konda sava-muva-ppera[du] aimbadu [*] avichcharu kal' irandum itpun nagarattar rakshai [l*) madit-chchevagar kaval |||*] B 1 'Srikanthah(Srikantha).sura. dayita Tudartri-namni Vaikarttanaya Kara[va]nta pur-alayaya [*] prada[d-dhi) 2 dipam-amalikriyamana-lokam yan=tishthatat-sa bhuvi yavad-abesha-lokam (11"] 2 sku yandu irandu i dan-edir o)3 nbadu ivy=a[ndu) Kalakkudi maba 4 'nasakan=seyyaperra Topnava. 5 Pallavadi[a]raiyan ivy-ur6 kkorravayilin munbu kudi 7 erruvitta (Ira]jasingappe8 rangadiil na[ga]rattar peral 9 Tennavan Pallavadiaraiya10 n-ana Kandan-Suran eduppi11 tta ambalam Nagarattanukku 12 itta tudarvilakkronrinukku 13 vilakku-neyppuramaga ivv=u14 r-ppadaittalaivan Nakkan.Mun. 15 nurruvap niyadippadi uri16 y ney attusvaldaga adutta sa. 17 va muva-pperadu munru niyayat18 (ta]n nusu [*] ivy-Attukkum(n)-ne19 y attuvippadanukkum 20 iraippunai ivv=ur-ppadait21 talaivan Vepravaypesi [i*] i22 nney muttamal nagarattarum 23 madit-chchevagarum kattu at24 tuvippadaga vaittadu !!! 25 Ambala[m*] Nagara[t]tan melugu26 v-alukku nagaratstalr kaivvali Te. 27 nnavan-pPallavadiaraiya28 n=ana Kandan=$uran kudutta 29 Ilakkasu pattu [1*] i-kkalain 1. Aditya' is engraved in Grantha letters. * This is not understood. * The metre is Vasantatilaka. . Mahanasakam is properly Makandyakam.

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2 N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. REG. No, 1495 E'37-295. 4 6 8 222 22 2 2 2 2 FOUR PANDYA RECORDS FROM UKKIRANKOTTAI. C-1 20 TO 10903 JUUN 200 26 waawnwnaanaet 133211 Hddn mt 12 TO 12 2742023 222 14 100 232 14 234us BRUGA 160 16 ZUZUU22 18 20 4022 ZyudayaUTOUR 180523 Verzor 222204023 2330 181, notttthaadzaa7 )lng- 23.239. CU SO 10 30 10 SCALE: ABOUT ONE-FIFTH. n 33 340116? 2 6 8 10 22 24 26 28 30 32 34 36 SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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38 40 42 44 46 48 50 52 54 56 58 F ere C-2 330 38 2 40 42 44 46 48 50 52 54 56 58 2 2 8 B. Left half 12:37 Kore 10 Right half 718 INSURA 20 222207 D. 6 8 10

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No. 45.] FOUR PANDYA RECORDS FROM UKKIRANKOTTAI. 287 30 ju-mudal mudalai (nJirpadaga iva31 rrin poli meluguy-alukku 32 niyadi ainnali nellum=883 livu belavum vaittadu ll! 34 merpadi i[k]kagu irandu erri Ilakki36 bu papnirandum na[ga]rattom ivv-u. 36 r vetkovar Vira... nayanum ko 37 Sattanum 38 kon*] Nagaratta39 num Tattan40 Sendilu41 m oruvar-k42 koru[var) tuda 43 rvi.. aka i44 (va]li.. chela45 vum ka-chi46. . vu meluga. 47 vum ivagal 48 vali vali le49 yvadaga ku50 Juttana !!! 51 Tennava52 Palla53 vadiarai64 yan=eva A. 65 raiyamani56 kkan (kuldu67 ppitta68 du - 1 Svasti Sri [1*] 2 Kalakkudi Va. 8 davay:l=amanda4 | tiruchchurra6 lai Ayyapoli61 Ainurruva. 7 (0)-Iqban-Devanach. 8 chetti seyvi. 9 ch[cha] surfalai Nagara10 ttan [ll] 1 At this place rectangular hole has been out into the slab damaging some letters. The more correct form is amarndal.

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288 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXIII. TRANSLATION Prosperity ! The thirteenth year opposite the second year of king Sadaiya-Maran-in this year, Tudaruri of Kunnur in Karunilakkudi-nanu, wife of Teppavan Pallavadiaraiyan alias Maran-Suras, gave fifty sheep for (maintaining) a perpetual lamp endowed by her to god AdityaBhatara of the temple at the eastern entrance of Karavandapuram in Kalakkudi-nadu. These fifty sheep which neither die nor grow old, Pudi-Poran a rettikkudi of the .... singa-Isvaram (tennple) of this village, took over, agreeing to supply daily one ulakku of ghee by the measure called) Soliyam.......... This shall be under the protection of the Nagarattar and of the Madit-chevagar (soldiers guarding the ramparts). The wife of Srikantha Sura, named Tuqaruri, gave to the temple of (gol) Vikarttana at Karavantapura, a lamp which has brightened the world ; may it last as long as all the worlds (exist). (Lines 1 to 18) The ninth year opposite the second year of ......-in this year, the number of) sheep which the Padaittalaivan Nakkas-Mungurruvan of this village received, agreeing to measure daily one uri of ghee for a chain-lamp which had been presented to the ambalam (called) Nagarattan erected in the name of the Nagarattar by Tennavan Pallavadi. araiyan alias Kandan-suran who was the Mahanayaka of Kalakkuli in Rajasingapperangadi, (a settlement) which had been formed by him in front of the korrarayil of this village, is one hundred. (Ll. 18-21) For these sheep and for the proper) supply of ghee, the surety is the Padaittalaican Vepravaypesi of this village. (Ll. 22-24) This was left under the care of the Nagarattar and the soldiers of the rampart so that they may arrange for the unfailing supply of this ghee. (Ll. 25-33) The amount which Tennavan Pallavadikraiyan alias Kandan-Suran deposited with the Nagarattar for the maintenance of the sweeper of the ambalam called Nagarattan is ten Tlakkaeu. This kalanju amount is to remain as capital, and from the interest thereon five nali of paddy shall be given to the sweeper daily. (Ll. 31-50) Two kasu together with this, (i.e.) twelve flakkasu (in all), the Nagarattar gave to the Vetkovar Vira . ..nayan, Kon Sattan, Kon Nagarattan, Tattan-Sendil, so that the work of ........ and of sweeping may be performed by them and their descendants. (Ll. 51-58) By order of Tennavan Pallavadiaraiyan, Araiyamanikkan gave this (edict). Hail ! Prosperity! Nagarattan, the circumambulatory verandah (tiruchchurralai) of (the shrine of the goddess Vadavayil-amanda) at Kalakkudi was erected by Inban-Devanachchetti, a member of the) Ayyapojil. Ainnurruvan (-guild). 1 The service expected of the melugue-al was smearing the floor with cow-dung and sweeping. * The inscription is damaged at this place, and the details of service which had to be rendered in addition to weeping, cannot be made out.

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Page #381
UTMANZAI LAMP INSCRIPTION IN KHAROSHTHI. N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. A. From impression; (LETTERS ACTUAL SIZE) B. C. D. from Photographs. SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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No. 46.] UTMANZAI LAMP INSCRIPTION IN KHAROSHTHI. 289 No. 46.- UTMANZAI LAMP INSCRIPTION IN KHAROSHTHI. By B. CH. CHHABRA, M.A., M.O.L., PH.D. (LUOD.), OOTACAMUND. This inscribed stone lamp comes from Utmanzai, Tahsil Charsadda, District Peshawar. Mr. Gobind Ram Joneja, a druggist of that village, in whose possession the object is and who has kindly lent it to me for studying the inscription on it, informs nie that he acquired it from a Pathan boy of a place near Dargai in the Malakand Agency. Its exact find-spot is not known, but from what Mr. Joneja wrote to me it appears that in the neighbourhood of Dargai there are ruins of an ancient stupa. Possibly the same site is the provenance of our piece. The lamp is made of sandstone of dark grey colour. It weighs 32 tolas, stands 1.6" high and measures 4" at its broadest. One line of inscription, which is in Kharoshthi characters, appears on its outer side, running the whole length. The size of letters varies between 1 and 13". With regard to the forms of individual letters, attention may be drawn to mu in danamukhe where the u-stroke is not clear. Similar raised mu is found in Yakubi Image Inscription. Other forms are quite reguler. The language is the same northern Prakrit as is found in most of the Kharoshthi inscriptions from the N.-W. Frontier Province. It may be observed that the words thuvami dananukhe in the beginning are redundant, as the purport of the inscription is fully expressed by the remaining portion which states that the lamp was a gift of Samgharakshita' to the Grama-stupa. The name of the donor shows that he was probably a monk (bhikshu). Stone lamps figure among the utensils that are often the objects of donations. One such inscribed lamp was discovered at Taxila. A fragment of a stone lamp, also inscribed, was unearthed at Jamalgarhi.' I read the inscription from the original. TEXT. Thuvami dana mukhe Grama-thuvami Sagarakshidasa danamukhe. TRANSLATION. Gift in the Stupa. Gift of Samgharakshita, in the Grama-stupa. 1 It may be pointed out that the region north of Peshawar abounds in Buddhistio relios. Remains of stupas and sangharamas are met with at short intervals. See Yotes on the Ancient Geography of Gandhara by A. Foucher, translated into English by H. Hargreaves. 10.1. I., Vol. II, Pt. I, Kharoshthi Inscriptions, p. 133, pl. XXIV, 4. * The donor may have wished to have the whole of the available space inscribed, hence the repitition of the words in question. * In the Beladi Copper Ladle Inscription (C. 1. 1., Vol. II, Pt. I, p. 89), the donor of the ladle is an individual of the same name, but, I think, he is not identical with Sangharakshita of the present record, *C. 1. I., Vol. II, Pt. I, p. crei. * Ibid., p. 89, pl. XVII, 5, 1. 1 Ibid., p. 116, pl. XXII, 7. . In transliterating this letter as kah I have followed Sten Konow (above, Vol. XIX, p. 2, n. 2). The same sign has generally been taken for chh. * It is not certain whether this is the proper name of the Stapa or whether this simply means village aipa.

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290 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXIII. No. 47.-NALANDA PLATE OF DHARMAPALADEVA. By P. N. BHATTACHARYYA, INDIAN MUSEUM, CALCUTTA. This copper-plate was unearthed in course of excavations in 1927-28 by Mr. J. A. Page of the Archaeological Survey of India at Nalanda, Patna District. It was lying among burnt debris in the north verandah of Monastery No. 1, at the same level where the grant of Devapaladeva was found. The plate has already been noticed by Dr. Hirananda Sastri in the Annual Report of the Archaeological Surney of India, 1927-28, p. 138. This is a single plate of copper, measuring about 77" broad and 104" high, having the usual highly wrought seal soldered on the top. The seal bears the legend Sriman=Dharmapaladevah in raised letters in one line below the emblem of the dharmachakra. The emblem consists of a wheel flanked on each side by a deer, indicating the Buddha's first sermon at Sarnath. The plate is inscribed on both sides. The obverse contains 24 lines of writing. On the reverse, which is very much defaced, some 12 lines can be clearly recognized. Of the rest of the writing it is not possible to offer even a tentative reading. The destruction of the monastery by fire was no doubt the cause of the defacement of the copper-plate. The characters belong to the northern class of alphabets resembling those of the Khalimpur plate. The following peculiarities may, however, be noted: The left limb of the letter n is not so elongated. as in the Khalimpur, Mungir and Nalandao plates. The forms of the letters kta (1. 12) and ku (11. 5, 10, 14) are almost identical. Separate signs have been used for finalt (e.g., skandhavarat, 1. 2) and n (e.g., akirttitan, 1. 15). The medial a is expressed in some cases by full strokes and in others by half strokes (cf.orajah, l. 4; maha, l. 8, etc.). It is worthy of notice, however, that not a single instance of half stroke is found in the Khalimpur, Nalanda and Mungir plates. Similarly the medial i is also expressed both by full and half strokes. The latter form appears in vishaya, 1. 10; kulika, 1. 14; kirtli and jicinah, l. 15; and likhita, 1. 17. The medial e has been expressed by a short curve in continuation of the matra on the left side. The medial o has been expressed in two different ways, sometimes with the half stroke of e together with the vertical stroke for medial a on the right side (cf. puroga, 1. 16; rarjito, 1. 22) and sometimes with a curved line above the consonant together with the right vertical stroke (cf. pada-padm-opajivinah, l. 15; yath-oparilikhita, 1. 17) as in the Khalimpur and Nalanda plates. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit, the text being wholly in prose. As regards orthography the only point to be noted is that b is throughout expressed by the sign for v. After the opening words, Om svasti, the inscription proceeds to record the subject matter of the plate, namely a grant by the Paramesvara Paramabhatlaraka Maharajadhiraja, the illustrious Dharma. paladeva, the son and successor of the devout worshipper of Sugata (i.e., Buddha) the Maharajadhiraja Gopaladeva. It was issued from the royal camp of victory at Kapila (?). The object of the document is to record the gift of the village of Uttarama near the village of Niguha in the Gaya vishaya of the Nagara bhukti (11. 5-7) and belonging to Jambunadi vithi. The purpose of this grant cannot be made out owing to the damaged condition of the 12. 8. I., Annual Report, 1927-28, p. 159. * Above, Vol. XVII, pp. 310-327. See below p. 292, n. 1.-Ed.] J. A.8. B., Vol. LXIII, pl. III. Abore, Vol. XVIII, p. 306, 1. 39. * Ibid., Vol. XVII, p. 320, 1. 9. Vitki is found here to denote a small sub-division of the rishaya. This term occurs also in the Nalanda plate of Devapala in connection with the village granted in the Gaya rishayu. From the Naihati grant (N. G. Majumdar. Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. III, p. 74) of Vallalasena it is found that eithi formed a part of a mandala. See also a dove, p. 159.

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No. 47.] last line on the obverse and the top lines on the reverse, which portion must have contained this information. NALANDA PLATE OF DHARMAPALADEVA. An account of the exploits of the king which are so elaborately described in the Khalimpur plate is absent in the present record. The designations of the officials and the order in which they have been mentioned in it tally more with those of the Mungir plate of Devapala than with those of the Khalimpur plate of Dharmapala. No new designations, however, occur here. Like the Mungir plate this charter mentions Gauda-Malava-Khasa-Kulika-Huna, but not Karnata and Lata. Mahasenapati mentioned in line 5 (reverse) was probably the dutaka of this grant. Line 7 on the same side gives the name of the writer as Kuladatta, son of Dharmadatta. The words kasakarasya in line 11 and (u)tkirna in line 12 show that the grant contained the name of the engraver which is now lost. From what remains on the reverse it can be safely asserted that no imprecatory verses, which are usually found at the end of land grants, have been added in the present record. Of the place-names mentioned in this record Nagara-bhukti has been identified with modern Patna, which as a division includes the district of Gaya even now. Nagara-bhukti is also found on the seals' discovered at Nalanda, and in the inscription of Jivitagupta II found at Deo-Baranark in the Shahabad District. From the Nalanda inscription of Devapala we learn that Nagara-bhukti included the vishayas of Rajagriha (Rajgir) and Gaya. The Krimila district which is mentioned as included in this bhukti in the Mungir plate has not been identified. From epigraphic documents we can assume that the Nagara-bhukti included the districts of Patna, Gaya and Shahabad. The other places mentioned in the grant I am unable to identify. TEXT. First Side. maha-nau-hasty-asva-ratha-patti-sampat (tt)y-upatta-jaya-savda(bda). 1 Om2 svasti 2 [t Kapila ]-vasakat srimaj-jaya-skandhavarat parama 3 saugato-maharajadhiraja sri-Gopaladova-padanudhya 4 tab parameevarah paramabhattarako maharajadhirajab - 5 man Dharmmapaladevah kusali Nagara-bhuktau 1 Gaya-vish 291 6 y-antahpati Jamvu (mbu)-nadi-vithi-prativa(ba)ddha- Nigaha-gram-asanna U 7 ttarama-gramake samupagatan sarvvan-eva raja-rajana8 ka-rajaputra-rajamatya-mahakarttakritika-mahadandanaya9 ka-mahapratihara-mahasamanta-maharaja-dauhsadhasadhanika 10 pramatri-sarabhanga-kumaramatya-rajasthaniy-oparika-vishaya 11 pati-dasaparadhika-chauroddharanika-dandika-danda pasika-ksha(khe) 12 [trapa-pra]ntapala-tada yuktaka-viniyuktaka-hasty-asv-oshtra-va(ba)la-vya13 [pritaka]-kisora-vadava-go-mahishy-adhikrita-duta-pre(prai)shanika-gama14 [gami]k-abhitvaramanaka-Gauda-Malava-Khasa-Kulika-Huna-bhata 15 [chata]-sevak-adin-anyan (m)s-ch-akirttitan-[sva]-pada-padm-opajivinah pra 16 [tivasinas-cha] vra(bra)hman-ottaran-mahattara-kutumvi(mbi)-puroga-med-andhra-chanda 17 [la]-[paryantan-sa*]majnapayaty=astu [vah] samvi[di*]tam yath=oparilikhita Utta 1 P. R. A. S., E. C., 1916-17, p. 43. Expressed by a symbol. For analogous passages see Nidhanpur plate of Bhaskaravarman (above, Vol. XII, p. 73) and Deo-Barauark inscription of Jivitagupta II (Fleet, C. I. I., Vol. III, p. 213). Danda unnecessary.

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292 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXIII. 18 [rama-gramakah*] [sva-sima-trina-yuti]-gochara-paryantah s-Oparikara[l*] 19 . . . . . . . . . [sa-chau]roddharanah sarvva-pida-parihsiti. 20 . . .. . . . . (r-a*]chata-bhata-pra[veso=kinchilt-pragrahyo raja-bhavya sarvva-pra21 (tyaya-sameto bhumichchhidra-nyayeju=a-cha(cha)ndr-Arkka-kshiti-sama-kali. 22 (yah pu*]rva-bhuktaka-bhujya[mana)-deva-Vru(bra)hma-doya-varjjito mava 23 [mata-pitror*]-atmanag=cha pu[nya-yaso]-bhivriddhaye vaudya-acharya Dharmma. 24 . [bhatta]ke arya-Tara-bhattari' ka*] Second Side. .. . . . (prativa*]sibhis-ch-ajna-sravana-vi.? 2 [dheyair-bhutva*) samuchita-doya-bhas ga-bhoga)-kara-hirany-adi. 1 . . . . . . . . prativa sibhishwa . . . 5 . . . . . . [ma]husenapati-sri. .. .. . .. dattal . ... [likhi*]tam=ida[m] Sasana[m] mahakshapatali[ka] ..... 7.. [Kulla[da]tte[na] Dharmmadatta-putren=eti . . . 8 . . . . . . . . . . . chatuhshashtika datti[h*) . . . . . 9 . . . . . . . . . . . . pratipadita . . . . . . 10 tatha . . . . . tasya mulam [chatuhshashtikah . . . . . 11 ka[m ]sakarasya. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12 [u]tkirna[i] s[u]ttradhara .....3 . . . . . . . . . : 1 This line ends with ri. Traces of another half line are visible below it.-Ed.) There seem to have been six lines of inscription before this line which are completely destroyed.-Ed.] [Reading seems to be Govinden=iti-Ed.]

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No. 48.) NOTE ON DATE OF MANNE PLATES OF STAMBHA RANAVALOKA. 293 No. 48.-A NCTE ON THE DATE OF THE MANNE PLATES OF STAMBHA RANA. VALOKA. BY PROF. A. S. ALTEKAR, M,A., D.Litt., BENARES. The question of the genuineness and the date of issue of the Manne plates of Stambha Ranavalokat has been recently raised in the pages of this journal (see above pp. 215-217) by Prof. V. V. Mirashi, while editing the Two Copper-plate Inscriptions from Berar'. Prof. Mirashi concludes that the plates are genuine, that they were really issued in the Saka year 724, and that all the important conquests of Govinda III seem therefore to have been made before the date of this charter, i.e. during the first seven or eight years of his reign. I propose to show in this note that though the Manne plates are genuine, they were not really issued on the occasion of a lunar eclipse in the month of Pausha in the Saka year 724, when they purport to have been issued. They were issued a few years later, probably in Saka 730 or 731, when the permission of Govinda III was received for making the contemplated grant in favour of the Jain basadi at Manne. Prof. Mirashi has rightly drawn our attention to the fact that the stereotyped account of Govinda's exploits, which has been used in as many as ten grants made during his reign, has been used for the first time in the Manne plates. It cannot be however conceded that it was prepared at the order of Stambha, who has issued the Manne plates, or that he was the first to use it. We must in this connection note that Stambha had rebelled against Govinda in the beginning of his reign, forming a formidable confederacy of 12 kings for this purpose. Govinda was successful in crushing this rebellion. The two brothers were however reconciled afterwards, and Govinda showed the magnanimity of reappointing his brother to the governorship of Gangavadi. Human nature, however, being what it is, it is not likely that a court poet of Stambha would prepare a draft of Govinda's exploits, which would specifically refer to the defeat of his patron's rebellion. The Manne plates however mention its defeat in v. 13. It is therefore clear that the draft of the Manne plates was prepared by a court poet of Govinda III, and was primarily intended for his charters. As a matter of faot it cannot suit a charter issued by any ruler, other than Govinda himself. For, after describing Govinda's exploits, the charter says: tenedamanilavidyuccaJcalamavalokya jIvitamasAram / citidAnaparamapuNyaM pravartitaM devabhogAya / Obviously this verse is out of place in a charter intended to be issued by Govinda's brother Stambha. The Manne plates state later on that Stambha had asked for the permission of Govinda for granting the village concerned to the Jain basadi at Mapne. It would appear that when the imperial government granted the necessary permission, it forwarded a draft approved by the emperor with orders that it should be incorporated in the charter. Stambha carried out the order rather too literally; he did not omit even the verse beginning with ten=edam= , which was quite out of place in his own charter. The draft that was sent to Stambha seems to have been prepared under the special instructions of Govinda by one of his favourite court poets. The emperor had liked it so much that he is seen to be using it throughout his reign after this period in as many as eight other charters. ! Ep. Carn., Vol. IX, pp. 51-3. ** han rettet rolifecam y wigan.... foramra . () ... 49:-Ep. Carn., Vol. IX, Nelamangala 61.

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294 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXIII. It is unlikely that a draft, which had so strongly appealed to the emperor, should have been first allowed to be used in a grant issued by his elder brother, who was erstwhile a rebel. We may therefore presume that it was first used by Govinda himself. This he does for the first time in the Nesari plates1 issued in the Saka year 727. As far as our present knowledge goes, the draft seems to have been prepared just about this time. How then is it used in the Manne plates issued in the Saka year 724? It would appear that Stambha had no doubt promised to grant a village to the Jain establishment at Manne in that year, but he could not immediately issue a charter. He had to wait till the permission of the imperial government was received. This seems to have required a fairly long time, because Govinda himself was engaged in a number of campaigns and the necessary prasasti was not yet ready. By the time this permission came, the exact date and month of the first promise was forgotten. The plates purport to be issued in the Saka year 724 on the occasion of a lunar eclipse on Pushya nakshatra, i.e. in the month of Pausha. But there was no lunar eclipse in the month of Pausha in that year, as would appear from a reference to The Indian Ephemeris of Diwan Bahadur Swamikannu Pillai. The same work shows that a lunar eclipse in the month of Pausha occurred in the Saka years 730 and 731. It would appear that. Stambha got the necessary permission at the end of one of these two years. At the time when the supplementary portion of the charter of Stambha, containing the date, was being drafted, this lunar eclipse in the month of Pausha was fresh in the mind of the donor, the donee and the drafter. They further had a dim idea that the original promise was made on the occasion of a lunar eclipse in the winter. They therefore transferred the lunar eclipse in the month of Pausha from the Saka year 730 or 731 to the Saka year 724, when the original promise was made. This has given rise to the irregularity of the date of the Manne plates. We need not therefore suppose that the stereotyped account of Govinda's exploits was really ready in the Saka year 724, when the Manne plates purport to have been issued. The earliest undoubted year in which it is known to be definitely used is the Saka year 727, when the Nesari plates were issued. Govinda's exploits mentioned in this stereotyped draft have therefore to be placed not before the Saka year 724 but before the Saka year 727. The various exploits mentioned in this draft were therefore achieved not within the first seven or eight years of his reign, but may have required as many as 11 or 12 years. Seven or eight years is too short a period for them, when we remember the conditions of the roads and the means of transport of the period. A reconsideration of the whole problem has now led me to the conclusion that the sensational victories of Govinda III in his north Indian campaign, during which he humbled down Chakrayudha and Dharmapala and his armies penetrated right up to the vicinity of the Himalayas, as maintained in the Sanjan plates of his son Amoghavarsha I,-are not mentioned or described in this stereotyped draft. The verse mentioning the defeat of the Gurjara king merely refers to a raid of Nagabhata being repulsed. The poet, who drafted this charter, was well acquainted with the complications of the northern Indian politics, as is clear from his specific reference to the exploits of Govinda's father Dhruva in snatching away the white umbrella from Vatsaraja, which he had carried as a trophy from the king of the Gaudas. A poet, who mentions the submission of a third rate Vindhyan chief like Marasarva, would certainly have grown eloquent over the discomfiture of such celebrated rulers as Dharmapala and Chakrayudha. Nor would Govinda have approved a draft, which did not refer to the feat of his forces in approaching the Himalayas after penetrating into the Doab. This famous northern expedition of Govinda has therefore to be placed at a date later than the issue of this stereotyped charter. We cannot however discuss the complicated question of its approximate date in the present note. 1 Khare, Sources of the Medieval History of the Dekkan, Vol. I, p. 13.

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No. 49.] A FURTHER NOTE ON THE DATE OF THE MANNE PLATES OF STAMBHA. 295 No. 49.-A FURTHER NOTE ON THE DATE OF THE MANNE PLATES OF STAMBHA. BY PROF. V. V. MIRASHI, M.A., NAGPUR. I am obliged to the Government Epigraphist for giving me an opportunity to state my views on the points raised in Dr. Altekar's note on the date of the Manne plates of Stambha Ranavaloka. This date1 is admittedly imperfect, as the name of the month in which the lunar eclipse occurred is not mentioned in it. The mere mention of a nakshatra in connection with a lunar eclipse is not sufficient to specify the exact month in which it occurred, as the paurnima of a month is not invariably associated with the nakshatra after which the month is named. In my article on the Lohara grant I have suggested that some words like Margasirsha-paurnamasyam are inadvertently omitted in the date of the Manne plates, as the only lunar eclipses which could have been intended is that in the month of Margasirsha. Even then the date does not become quite regular; for the asterism on the full-moon day of Margasirsha in Saka 724 was Rohini, not Pushya. But we can easily explain this irregularity by supposing that though the grant was made on the occasion of a lunar eclipse on the 13th November A.D. 802, the plates were actually issued four days later, on the 17th November, when the moon was in conjunction with the asterism Pushya. Those who are familiar with the dates of our ancient records know that copper-plates were sometimes issued a few days after the particular grants recorded in them were made and that such irregularities in their dates are by no means rare. In my article I have cited the date of the second set of Manne plates, which belongs to the same period, as another instance of the same irregularity. These latter plates purport to have been issued on the occasion of a lunar eclipse on Monday, the full-moon day of Pausha, when the moon was in conjunction with the asterism Pushya, in the Saka year 732. A reference to Diwan Bahadur S. K. Pillai's Indian Ephemeris will show that the lunar eclipse did, indeed, occur on the full-moon day of Pausha in A.D. 810 (corresponding to the expired Saka year 732), but the week-day was Saturday and the asterism at the time of the eclipse was Punarvasu, not Pushya. It seems plain therefore that though the grant was made on Saturday, the 14th December A.D. 810, the plates were actually issued two days later on Monday, the 16th December, when the moon was in conjunction with Pushya. The irregularity in the date of the Manne plates (first set) is exactly 'of the same type as that in the date of this grant.. Dr. Altekar prefers to account for the irregularity in the date of the Manne plates (first set) in a different manner. He concedes that the grant was made in Saka 724, but he supposes that the plates were actually issued six or seven years later in Saka 730 or 731, when there was a lunar eclipse in the month of Pausha. The reason for this unusual delay in the issue of the plates, according to Dr. Altekar, is that Stambha did not receive the permission of the imperial government earlier, as Govinda was himself engaged in a number of campaigns and the necessary prasasti was not yet ready. Dr. Altekar further supposes that the drafter, the donor and the donee had no accurate information about the occasion of the original grant, but only remembered that it had been made at a lunar eclipse in winter in Saka 724. They therefore mentioned, as the occasion of the grant, the lunar eclipse which had occurred recently in the month of Pausha in Saka 730 or 731. Hence the date is found to be irregular. 1 The wording of the date is chatur-vvim saty-uttareshu sapta-bateshu Saka-varshishu samatiteshu.... Soma-grahane Pushya-nakshatre....Ep. Carn., Vol. IX, Nelamangala 61. Above, p. 217. There was another lunar sclipse in this year, but it occurred much earlier, on Jyeshtha-paurnima, the 21st May A.D. 802.

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296 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. This explanation of the irregularity of the date is, I submit, too farfetched. It is incredible that it took Stambha six or seven years to obtain the imperial sanction to his grant. Even granting that Govinda could not give the required sanction in Saka 724 because he was then constantly engaged in fighting, one fails to understand why the sanction was not forthcoming in Saka 727 at least, by which time Govinda had finished all his important campaigns both in the north and in the south and the draft of the prasasti was also ready for use, as we find it actually used in the Nesari plates of that year. The prasasti was of course composed by a court-poet of Govinda III, not by that of Stambha. Govinda must have used it in his own grants made before Saka 727, though they have not been discovered so far. [VOL. XXIII. Let us next examine the reason which has led Dr. Altekar to offer the foregoing farfetched explanation. He thinks that the various exploits mentioned in the stereotyped prasasti could not have been achieved during seven or eight years (A.D. 794-802). But are there not instances, in our ancient history, of equally remarkable victories being achieved by great military commanders in the same or even smaller periods of time? I will mention here only one or two cases of this type. The Rashtrakuta king Indra III invaded North India and pressed as far as Kanauj, the imperial capital, which he conquered and devastated. As Dr. Altekar himself has shown, Indra came to the throne in A.D. 915 and died in A.D. 917. So this brilliant achievement of his could not have taken more than two years. Is it then impossible that Govinda finished his campaigns in Northern and Central India within a period of four or five years (Saka 717-21) as suggested in my article? Another instance is that of the Kalachuri Karna. We know from his Benares plates that he succeeded his father in the Kalachuri year 792 (A.D. 1040). The Rewah stone inscription, which I have recently edited in this Journal, describes his victories over a king, probably of the Chandra dynasty, in the East, the Pallavas, Cholas and Chalukyas in the South and the Gurjaras in the West. As this inscription is dated in the Kalachuri year 800 (A.D. 1048-49), it is plain that these victories of Karna must bave been attained within a period of only seven years. The adversaries of Karna were surely not less powerful than those of Govinda III and the means of transport had not probably improved much during the period of about two centuries and a half that separated these two kings. Dr. Altekar thinks that Govinda's sensational victories in North India, during which he humbled Chakrayudha and Dharmapala, were attained after the stereotyped draft was prepared, as they are not mentioned in it. This is at best an argumentum ex silentio and should be used with caution; for we know of several cases in which conclusions based on such absence of mention have been disproved by fresh discoveries. Besides, we do not know for certain the exact length of the stereotyped draft when it was first prepared. Though it has been used in as many as eleven charters," it is well-known that it is not of uniform length in all these cases. The longest form of it known so far is that noticed in the Nesari plates in which the eulogistic portion consists of 24 verses. In other charters the draft is shorter by from 5 to 10 verses. We 1 G. H. Khare, Sources of the Medieval History of the Dekkan (Marathi), Vol. I, pp. 15 ff. See his Rashtrakutas and Their Times, pp. 100 and 105, Above, p. 217. Ibid., Vol. II, pp. 305 ff. Below, Vol. XXIV, pp. 101 ff. See e.g. above, Vol. XIX, p. 63. Ten of these have been mentioned above, p. 216. Since then I have noticed one more charter of the same type, see J. B. B. R. A. 8. (New Series), Vol. III, pp. 187-89. These do not include the opening mangala-bloka and the concluding verse ten-dam-anila. etc, The Radhanpur plates, for instance, have 19, the Lohara grant 16 and the Bahulawad plates only 14 verses.

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No. 49.] A FURTHER NOTE ON THE DATE OF THE MANNE PLATES OF STAMBHA. 297 cannot therefore conclude that the original form of it did not contain any verses descriptive of Govinda's sensational victories over Dharmapala, Chakrayudha and others, much less that these victories had not been attained when it was prepared. Besides, the Sanjan plates1 show that these sensational vietories of Govinda III in Northern and Central India were achieved before his encampment at the capital of Maharaja Sarva. Verse 23 of this grant describes the march of Govinda's army to the Himalayas, during the course of which Dharmapala and Chakrayudha submitted to him. The next verse (24) tells us that returning from there (tatah pratinivritya) he came down to the bank of the Narmada and conquered the Malava, Kosala, Kalinga, Vengi, Dahala and Odraka countries which he placed in charge of his feudatories. He then returned (pratyavrittah) again to the Narmada and encamped at the capital of Maharaja Sarva at the foot of the Vindhya, where his son Amoghavarsha was born (vv. 25-6). The wording of the verses 23-26 makes it plain that these events occurred in the chronological order stated therein. The existing versions of the stereotyped draft do not, of course, refer to Govinda's victorious campaigns in Northern and Central India (except that in which he defeated a Gurjara king) and the submission of Dharmapala and Chakrayudha, but they almost invariably mention his encampment during the rainy season at Sribhavana, the capital of Marasarva. Scholars are now agreed that this Marasarva is none other than the Maharaja Sarva mentioned in the Sanjan plates. It is plain, therefore, that Dharmapala and Chakrayudha must have submitted to Govinda long before the stereotyped draft of the latter's grants, was prepared; for the draft describes also Govinda's expeditions against the southern kings of Chola, Pandya, Kerala, Vengi, etc., which followed his campaigns in Northern and Central India. If the Manne plates of Stambha were, therefore, issued, as I have tried to show, in Saka 724, all the important victories of Govinda III-including the submission of Dharmapala and Chakrayudha-ust have been attained before Saka 724 or A.D. 802 i.e., during the first seven or eight years of his reign. ^ Above, Vol. XVIII, pp. 235 ff. 2 Dr. Altekar also has accepted the identification, see his Rashtrakutas etc., p. 68, n. 55 (iv).

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Page #392
INDEX. By B. CH. CHHABRA, M.A., M.O.L., Ph.D. [The figures refer to pages; n. after a figure to footnotes and add. to additions. The following other abbre. viations are also used :-a. apital; ch.-chief; ci.city: co.= country: com.composer; di, district or division; do.=ditto ; dy.-dynasty ; E. Eastern ; engr.=engraver ; ep.= epithet; f.=female; k=king: 1.=locality; 1. m. land measure; m. male ; mo.mountain; myth.=mythic or mythological ; 1. = name; N=Northern; off. office : q:-queen; ri-river; 8.-Southern; 8. G. same 48 ; .=surname; t. d.=territorial division : te.templo; tit.-title; vi,=village; W.--Weatern.) . . . 117 m. a, do. . . . . . 45, 63, 81, 123, 86 PAGE a, initial,. . . . 88, 162 . 9, 88, 123, 162 d, medial, . . . , abhanga, . . 193 a-bhafa-chchhatra-privebya, privilege, Abhidhamma, Buddhist work, 242 Abhidhamma-bhajaniya, do.. Abhidhamma-pitaka, do.. . i Abhidhanachintamani, work, * 12n. Abhinava-Srikaila, 8. a. vi. Sonnalige, . Abhira, tribe. . . . . . 48, 173 Abhitparamanaka, off., . . . . abhyantara-siddhi, . . . 16, 211, 221 Abo, mo., . . . . . 272 . Achala, ., . . 106, 110 Achalapura, di.. . . . . . 11, 13, 16 Achalapura, vi... . . 13 & n. Achantapura, Di., . . 59, 60, 61 a-char-deana-charm-angara, privilege, i . 87 acharya, . . . a-chaja-bhafa-pradla, privilege, . . . a-chafa-bhafa-pravdbya, do.,. . . . 152 a-chaya-bhafa-praudbya, do... 21, 143 7., 211, 221 a-chatta-bhaffa-prautka, 8. 4. -chafa-bhata prodbya, . . . achaya, Buddhist term, Achchada, donce, 8. a., Uchchade, . 152. achchu, tax, . . , 26, 27 Achyutapuram Plates of Indravarman II, 62, 78, 94 & . Adakkamalla, Gahadavila k., . 186, 188, 189 Adisa, vi.. . . . . . . 117 n. Adbhutanigara, work, . . . . . 227 adhikarana, 'court',. 64, 201, 202, 203 udhikaranakajna, . . . . 1861, Adhikarika, off.,. . 15, 106, 151, 210, 220 Adhikrita, . . 86 Adhirkja Indra, . a. Ganga k. Indravarman I, 92 PAGE adhishthanadhikarara,city court , . . 159 Adisha, ci., . . Adisdra, k., . . . . 224 . Aditya, deity, . . . 284, 286 ni. Aditya, 8. a. god Surya, , 249, 252, 263, 255 Aditya I, Chola k., . . . . . 146 Aditya-Bhatara, deity, 283 & n., 284, 286, 288 Aditya-Bhogika, com.. . . . . . 64 Aditya-Bhogika or Aditya-Maschin, engr.,. 59 Aditya-manchin, com.. . . . . 64 Adityanaga, m., . . . . . 148, 152, 155 Adityas, gods, . Adi-Varaha, incarnation of Vishni, 150, 236 Adyara, vi.. . . 199, 202 Agamas, , . . . . . . 294 agambadimudali, 177 n. Agashi, vi., . . . . . . 273 Agashi Inscription of Haripala, . Agastya, sage, . .. . . . 7, 188 Aghakuti Dikabita, donee . . . 213, 221 Agi, .. a.god Agni, . . . . 142 & *. Agideva, f., . . . 142 n. Agi or Agidevi, goddess, . 142 & 11., 143 Agni, god, Agnihotra, mahayajia, . 16, 65 ., 148, 152, 155, 157 1., 211, 221 Agni-Purana, work, agrahara, . 53, 54, 55, 57, 60, 61, 67, 86 n., 89, 98, 99. 107, 157, 159, 160, 243 Agraharika, off. . . . . . 157, 159 agraharin, 'holder of agrahara ', , 157, 159 agraharina, 8. a. agraharin, . . . 159 agraja, 'first born son, ugraja, elder brother, agra prachamsa, 8. a. ugra pratyanto.. . agraprachaya, 8. 4. agrapratyaya,. . ugrapratyansa, . agrapratyuya, . . agre, . . . . . . . . 41 . . 292 * . 143 242 .

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300 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXIII. * 111 PAGE agri, o. a. agri, . . . 41, 42 ahara, t. d., 148, 151, 199, 201, 202, 203 #-hasta-prakahepaniya, privilege, 17, 211, 221 Ahavamalla, 4. a. Somesvars I, . . 165 Abavamalladeva, Silahara ch., . 273 & n., 274 Ahimakara, sun', . . . 108 Ahirola, Gurjara k., . . 147, 149, 150, 153 ai, medial, . . . . 204, 230 Aihole, 8. a. Ayyavole, . . 285 Aibole Prakasti of Pulakesin II, 83, 89, 93, 94, 118 Ain-i-Akbari, work, . . . 201 Ainnurruvan. 'guild composed of 500 members ', . . . . Aitareya-Brahniana, work, . . 43, 44 & n. Aivani or Alyani, donee, * 11 & 11., 16 & 11., 18 Ahmad or Ahmada, 8. a. Ahmad Shah I, 233, 234, 236, 239 Ahmad Shah I, of Gujarat,. Ajanta Cave XVI Inscription No. 3, 84 #., 173 n. Ajanta Inscription, . . . . 92 Ajjhitadevi, Uchchakalpa q.. . . 171 Ajaapalaka, off., cf. dataka, Ajnapti, off.. . . . . . 89, 98, 164, 170 Ajnasa ncharin, off., . . 86 ajta svayam, . . . 202 Akalanka or Akalankattuvarayar, m., 145, 146, 147 Akalavarsha, sur. of Siyaka, a-kara-dayin, privilege, . 86 a-kinchat-pragrahya, do., . 292 a-kinchit-pratikara, (land) without any yield of revenue', . . . . . . 64 akshapatala, 'accountants' office', . 255 n. Akshapatalika, off., . . 223, 224, 229, 230 Aksha salin, of... . . . . 76, 78 akshaya-niri, 'perpetual endowment', 54, 55 & n.. Akshaya-purnamasi, . . . 105, 108 Akshaya-tritiya, tithi,. . . 140 Alachapura, 8. a. Achalapura, . . 13 . Alagiya Siyan, tit., . . . . 179 1.. Alagiyablyar, sur. of Pallava ch. Kopperufijinge. deva I and II, . . . 176, 177, 180, 181 Alaka, f. . . . 115 & 7., 121 & n., 122 alakku, measure of capacity. . . . 25 Alappirandan, Sambuvaraya and Kadavu tit.. 179 n. Alas Plates of Yuvaraja Govinda II, 13 n., 14 Alattur, ri.. . . . . 146 Ala-ud-din, . . 232 Alava, com. 249, 254, 255 Alavadl, 4. a. Ala-ud-din, . . 235, 239 Alavaka, . . . . . . 39 a-larana-kreni-khanaka, privilege, . . . 87 Alberuni, author, . . 225 Alin, m.; . . . . . 148, 152, 155 Adahabad Pillar Inscription of Samudragupta, 89 Aliama. 8. 4. Prabhudeva, . . . 190 Paga alphabets - Acute-angled, . . . 198 Abokan Brahml, . 47 Bhaikshukl, . . . . . . 225 Box-headed, . . . . 19, 81,114 Brahml, . . . . . 38, 114, 119 Devanagart, . 28, 102, 193 n., 270 Eastern,. . . . . . 245 Eastern Gupta, 45, 53, 156 Grantha, . . 175, 181 1., 283, 286 , Gupta, . . . . . 198, 245 Kannada, . . . 182, 189 Khardshthi, . . . 35, 38, 289 Nagart, 1, 9, 87, 74, 77 11., 78, 132, 137, 141, 186, 198, 230, 256, 259 ., 270 Nail-headed, . . . . . 198. Northern, . 74, 102, 123, 141, 147, 186, 198, 249, 290 North Indian, , . . . 204, 213, 256 Old-Kannada, . . . . . . 33 n. Pallava-Granths, . . . . . 196 Pre-Gupta, . . . . . 245 Shell, . . . . . . 255 Southern, . . 88, 102 Southern, early type, 56 South Indian, Nagarl, 266, 267 Telugu, . . . . . . 162 Vatteluttu, . . . 283 Amaradhunt, &. a. ri. Ganga, 227 Amaravatekvara, te., 163, 164, 166, 169 Amaravati, ci of gode, . . . 254 Amaravati, I., 164, 166 Amatta, donec, . . . . . 108, 110 amitys, minister', . . . . 72, 100 Ambahuli, vi., .. . . . . 158 dinbu-kshetra, mango field', .. . 272 ambalum, wayside choultry', . 283, 286, 288 Ambikapati, .. a. god Siva, Ambila, vi., . . 53, 54, 55 & n. Ambili-kunda, . . . . . 214 m. Ambar Inscription of Nripatunga's Time, 145, 147 . Ami Saha or Aml Saba, 8. a. Dilavar Khan Ghuri, . . . . . 232, 235, 239 Amitarasa, M., . . . . 190, 194, 195 Anjanavantt, vi, . . . . 10, 13, 16 Am!, vi. . . . . . 13 Ammalapundi, vi.. . . . 163, 166, 169 Ammarija I, E. Chalukya k., Ammaraja II, do. . 69, 97, 162, 163, 164, 165, 168, 170 Amoda Platos of Jajalladeva II,. . . 2*, Amoda Plates of Prithvideva I, . . . 2 . Amoghavarsha, Rashtrakufa k.. . 92., 297 Amoghavarsha, sur. of Vakpati, 102, 108, 112 Amoghavarsha I, Rashtrakufa k., 217, 256, 257, 258 & 1., 260, 294 58

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INDEX. 301 PAGE Amoghavarsha III, 3. a. Baddiga-Amoghavarbis III, . . * 257 & n. Amragartiki, vi., . 157, 168, 160 Amratakshaka, he . . . . . 199, 202 Amaks, h . 271, 272, 276 dpai (Skt. djma), sign', 'insignia', . . 175 Apaimalai, ... . . . 283 Apaimalai Inscriptions, . . 284 Anamarlapundi-agraharam, vi., 166 ananguli-prakshepariya, privilege, 32 ananguli-prekahaniya, dong . 195 Anantadeva, Silahara ch.. . 226 Anantadeva's Copper Plate of Saka 1016, .. 271 .. Anantaditya, donde, . 105, 109 Anantaniyaka, M., . . 273, 274 Anantapaiprabhu, . a. Apatapaiprabhu, 275, 276 Anantapala, 8. G. Silahara ch. Anantadeve, 226 Anantapala, Silahara k.. . . . . 271 Anantavarman, Ganga k.. . 57, 58, 60, 61 & n., 63, 64, 261 Anantavarman, k. of Kalinga, , . . 89, 90 Anantavarman, s. 4. Ganga k. Vajrahasta III, 68, 72 Anantavarman-Chodaganga, Ganga k... 101 1. Anargha-mandala, di. . . . . . 2, 6, 8 Anarghavalli, see Anargha-mandala, . 3 Apatapsiprabhu, minister. . . . 276, 276 andtha-sarrakahana, purpose of donation, 195 Andari, vi.. . . . . . . Andhrs, a low caste, . . 291 Andhrs or Andhra, co., . 47, 92, 116, 119, 162, 163, 164, 165 Andhrs, people, . . . . . . 192 - Anegondi, vi., . . . . 182, 184 Anavadi, vi.. . . . 273 & *., 274 & >>. anga-ranga-bhoga, purpose of donation,. 195 Anbilavada, ca., . . . . 191, 192 Aniyankabhima, Ganga k... : .. . 71 Anjanavati or Anjati, vi., . . 8, 13, 16 . Adjanavati Plates of Govinda III, 12 n., 83, 206, 214, 215 & 1. ahbuba, emblem on seal, . . 141 ankuba, 'good', auspicious sign,. . . 168 Appamabhatta, &. a. Annasavibhatta, 213, 214 n., 221 Annasavibhatte, m... , 205, 210, 214 n. Andha, vi.. . . . . 103, 106, 110 Antahpurika, off-, . . . . . 229 Antaranga, of... . 129, 131, 199, 200, 202 antaraya, 'tax',. . 24, 26, 27 An-to-lo, 3. a. Andhra, . . 119 anuloma, Buddhist term, . . . 242 anusudra, . . . 1, 10, 83 7., 88, 143 . anusvara, changed to ", . . 10 anusidra, in Kharoshthi, . .. 36, 40 andre, omitted, . . 115, 124 Pags andra, superfluous, . . . . 19, 189 ansvara, used for class nasal, 30., 57, 68, 74, 263, 265, 270 ansvara, used for final .,. . 62, 124, 249 ansvara, used for final .,. . . . 62, 74 anusudra, used for length of vowel, . . 10 anwavdra, wrongly changed to m., . . . 115 Aparaditya I, Silahara k, 270, 271 & 16., 272, 273, 277 Aparaditya II, do., 270 n., 271, 275 #.., 277 & #., 278, 279 Aparajita, ih, . . . . . . 146 Aparajita, Pallara k.. . .144, 145 & n., 146 Aparajita, .. a. Silahdra k., Aparaditya I, 271 & *. 4-parampara-go-balivarda, privilege, * 87 Apararka I, .. . Aparaditya I, . . 271 7h. a-pushpa-kahira-sandoha, privilege, . . 87 Arab invaders, . . 152 . Aragandanallar Inscription, . . . . 175 Arabanni, vi.. . . 131 7 Araimanikkan, m., . . 287, 288 arama, pleasure garden',. 250 * Arapabhita, Sailodbhava k., 124, 125, 127, 128 & th, 130 Arang vi.. . . . . . 18, 20 Arang, vi.. . . . . . . 117, 119 Arang Inscription, 116 . Arang Stone Inscription in Brahmi, . 119 Aralanarayanan, til.,. . . . 179 . archanabhoga, . . Ardhakaraka, vi., 157, 159 Ardhodaya, an astronomical combination, 190, 195, 196 Arikesari, Pandya k., . . . . . 2 Arikesartavaram, le., . . . . . 284 Arjuna, epic hero, . . . . 167 Arjuna or Arjunavarman, Malava k., . . 191 Arjunavada Inscription of Krishna, 192, 194 Arjunavarman's Inscription, . 192 Arkakirti, Jain ascetic, . . . . 11 Arthasastra, . . . . . 253 Artha fastra, work, 255 . Arthna Inscription of Paramara Mandana dova, . . . . . . 8*. Arumbaka Plates of Badapa, . 69. Arunadatta, com.. . . . 199, 203 Arunaditya, com.. . 205, 212, 213, 214, 216 :: 222 Arungamitrasvamin or Arungasvamin, donce, 199, 200, 202, 203 Aryabhata, astronomer, . Arya-Tari, deity (?), . . . . . 292 Abiditya, dones, . . . . . 106, 110 asanapatta, slab as seat', . 246, 248 Gidsha-paricha-maha sabda, . . . 273, 278 ashfa-bhoga-leja-admya, . 31, 32 . . . 49

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302 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXIII. * * 242 165 PAGH Ayyana-sinha, ep. of Gandardity, 28, 31, 33 >>. Ayyapolil, o. 4. Ayyavole,. . . 286 Ayyapolil-500, guild,. . 286, 287, 288 Ayyavole 8. a. Aihole, . . . . . 285 Ayyavolos of the South, trading centres, . 285 PAGE Abfrgadh Seal Inscription of Sarvavarman, Asitavaktra, 8. a. Kalamukha, . . Aslesha, nakshatra, . . . . 104, 107 Abbka, Maurya k., . . . 43, 200 Asokadanta, com.. . . 266, 267 Asuresa-mandala, di., . 105, 109 Asuvula parru, vi.. . . . 163, 166, 169 Asvalayana, author, . . . . . 43 Akvapati, Madra k., . . . . 47 n. Asvatthakhtaka, vi... . . . 82, 84, 86 atapatra, umbrella', auspicious sign, . 168 Athakavade, vi.. 205, 206, 210, 211 Atithi, mahayajia, . 16, 55 *., 148, 162, 155, 157 1., 211, 221 Atkall, 8. a. vi. Atbakavada, . . . 206 atodya, 'music , . . . . . . 169 Atti Inscription, . . . . . 181 1. Atuka, donce, . . . . . 106, 110 Atyantamaheerara, til. Atyantasvamimahabhairavabhakta, til... 85 & . au, medial, . . . . 81, 162, 230 all, used for au, . . . . . 120. Auchityavicharacharcha, work, . . 83 & *. Asdrangika, off.. . . . 157, 159 avagraha,, . . . , 1, 249, 263 Avalladevi, Kalachuri q.. . . . . 102 Avalokitesvara, Buddhist deity. . Avani-Janaoraya, sur. of Chalukya k. Pala. kesiraja, . . . . . . . 93 n. Avanijanasraya, sur. of Pulakesin, . . 8. Avanimulududaiyar, . . . . . 175 Avarinarayana, tit. of Pallara ch. Kopperufij. ingadeva I, . . . . 176, 180, 181 Avapiyalappirandar, tit. of Pallava ch. Kopper. unjingadeva I, . . . . . 176 Avanti, co., . . . . . . Avanti-mandala, . . . . . 102, 112 Avantisundarikatha, work, . . . 93 & n. Avaraka, di.. . . . . 102, 108 Aparodhajana, off.watchman' (?), 251, 254 & .. Avasathska, off., . 157, 159 avasathin, one who keeps the sacred fire avasathya . . . . 224 & 1., 229 dvasathya, one of the five sacred fire ! 224 n. avasthika, . . . . . 106, 109, 110 Aviva, vi. . . . . 103, 105, 109 Awar, vi. . . . . . . . 102 Ayaka, vi, f. Yaka,. . . 103, 105, 109 Ayasobhita I, Sailodbhava k., 64, 126, 127 Ayasobhita II, do., 124, 125, 126, 127, 128 & w., 130 Ayasobhita III, sur. of Sailodbhava k. Madhya maraja,. . . . . Ayugalochana, 4. a. god Siva, . . . 169 Ayuktaka, of. . 16, 54, 55 s., 106, 210, 220 OF 6. . . . . 63 & .., 67, 62, 81, 168 b, used for , . . . 189 Badakhimedi, estate . . 73, 78 Badami, ca., . , Badanaguppo Platoo of Khambbadora, 11 ... 12 .. 216 Bedape, : . . . . . . . . . 162 Badapil, vi.. . Badaun Inscription of Lakbapapala, 187. Baddiga-Amoghavarsha III, Rashrabilia k., 267, 268 Badkhuri, . . . . . . . 197 Badvi, vi.. . . 42, 44, 45, 47, 48, 51 Badri Yapa Inscriptione, . . . . 46, 31 Bagalkot, i., . . . Bagbola, family,. . . 231, 237, 240 Bagfrati, o, a, ri, Bhagiratht, . . 180, 181 Bahal Inscription, . . . 191 Bahatlara niyogadhipati, of. 182, 185 Bahe, vi.. . . . . . . . 282 Bahirvitaka, vi.. . . 199, 20% Bahulawad Plates, 214, 216, 206. Bahar Plates, . . 144, 145 Babusahaya, sur, of Gurjara k. Dadda II or III . . . 148, 149, 150, 153 Baicha-Dandanayake, . Baicha veggade, m., . . 182, 183, 185 Baigrama, vi.. . . Baigram Copper-plate Inscription, 63, 64, 65. 156 Bakrol, L., . . . . . . 232 Bakta, ti, . . . . . 158 Bala, m., . . . . . . 47 .. Bala, Maukhari ch.. . 46, 47, 48, 61, 62& .. Baladhikrita, 00. . . . 17, 182, 186 Balagami, I., . . . . 186 Balaghat Plates of Prithivishena II, 172, 173 Balarjuna, 4. 4. Somavani k., Mahi-Siva gupta, . . . 115, 116 & n., 118, 119 Balasimba, Mauthars ch., . 45, 46, 47, 52 Balavadi, . a. Badv. (1), . . . . 51 Balavardhana, Maukhari ch., . . 46, 47, 52 Beleri Plates of Chaulukya Molarija, 267 >>. bali, . . . . . . 163, 160 Bali, mahdyajsia, . 16, 56 n.., 66, 67, 148, 182, 185, 187 *., 211, 221 Bali, myth. k., . . . 2, 6, 7 bali-chars-naipedya, . . . . 262 . 126 4. god Siva

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INDEX. 303 29 184 * . 229 . . . 200 200 943 PAGE Ballala, Silahara k., . Bellala III, Hoysala k., . Baloda, a., Baloda Plates of Mahaliva Tvararije, 19, 114, 116, 118 W., 119 Balpur, ., . . Bapa, author, . . 12 r., 119 w., 160 m., 217 Bana, dy... . . . 145 & n., 146 Bane-Vidyadhars, Bana k., . . . 145, 146 Bandhudasa, . . . . . . 34, 86 Bandhuvarman, Gupta governor, . . . 49, 61 Bangalore Plates of Devendravarman,. . 75, 76 B&nswirl, state, * 232 Bappe, ch. of Merdr, . 231, 234, 235, 238 bappa, 'father' (*), . bappa-bhaffaraks, . Barah, 8. a. vi. Valika, 248 Barsh Copper-Plate of Bhojaders, .. &.. Baroda Plates of Karks, . 258 Baraar Inscription of Jagadekabhashana's Time, . . . . Barua, vi.. . . . . . . . 201 Barwa, vi.. . . . . 201 Bassein Stone Inscription of Mallikarjuna, 971 & n. Bastar, state, . . . 244 Basura, di.. . . . . 190, 194, 195 Basya, . . . battlo-axo, emblem on seal, . Baudhayans, author,. . Bebalaprabha, minister, 280 Bedadi Copper Ladle Insoription, . Belilghkta, di, . . . . . 62 Benachamatti Inscription, . . . 100 Benares Plates of Karna, . . 258, 260, 298 Benki, vi... . . 102 Betul Plates of Samkahobhs, . . 172, 174 Bezwada, 8. c. Vijayavitt, . . . . 163 th, . . . . . . . . 9, 62 Bhadramaghe, .. a. k. Bhadrameghe. 248. Bhadrameghe, k of Kaubambi, 245, 247, 248 Bhadreswar Inscription of Chaulukya Jayasimha's Time, . bhaga, sllotment', . . 243 bhaga, t. d., . . . . . . 82, 86 bhaga-blog-adila, . . . . 229 bhaga-bhoga-lara-Mirany-adiba, . 111 Bhagavata Purana, work, 82 .. Bhagavati, &. a. goddess Parvati, 231, 234, 238 Bhagavatt-Arya-Devt, deity' Holy Noble Devt', 246, 248 Bhagtrathi, ri., . Bhagirathi, 8. d. ri. Gangi, . . 85, 150 & *., 163 Bhaile, donec, . . . . . 106, 110 Bhamgkra-pavvata, see Bhringara-parvata,. 119 Bhamragarh, mo.. . . . . 119. PAGE bhandagara, store-boue, 271, 272, 279, 280 Bhandagarika, op. Bhandak, ni.. . . 116, 117 & ., 118, 119 Bhandewal, to... . * * 18 Bhanuchandrs, . . 83 , 66, 67 Bhanudatta, ch. 199, 200, 203 Bharabadava, ch.. . 186, 188, 189 Bharapasvamin, doncs, * 199, 201 Bharukiva, dy... . . . 85 Bharatacharita, work,. . . . 84 Bharata Itihasa Sambodhaka Mandala Platen, 12, 210 *., 214 & 1., 216 Bharalt-katha, s. a. Mahabharata, . . . 237 Bharatam-valla, tit. of Pallava ch. Kopperub. jingadeva II, . * 177 Bharatt, 1. 4. goddess Sarasvati, . . 231, 234 Bharavi, author, . 90, 93 Bharukachchhs, di.. . 148, 162, 164 Bhaskara, donce, . 32, 34 BhLakars Nayaka, m., 277, 278 Bhaskaravarman, Maukhari prince, 115, 121, 122 Bhaja, o... 77, 79, 86, 129, 131, 184, 202, 203, 262, 264, 266, 268, 291 Bhata, . a. Bhatta, . . . 274 & .. Bhafaputra, &. a. Bhaflapra, . . . 80 Bhafta, til., 32, 34, 74, 77, 80, 124, 129, 131, 148, 152 & 1., 155, 167, 169, 213, 221, 249, 264, 265 & n., 273 & . Bhattaputra, tit., . . 16, 78, 266, 268, 269 Bhaffaraka, tit. of god, . 79, 137, 138 m., 139, 249, 252, 261, 262, 264, 266, 268 Bhafrika, tit., . . . 992 Bhattopddhydya, tit.. . Bhaums, dy. . Bhavadeva, Somavari E.,. 116 & n., 117, 118 Bhavaniga, Bharativa k., . . . 85 Bhavanipati, . a. god Siva, . . 108, 185, 136 Bhavatarman, donde, . . . 89, 98, 99 bniikhs . 38 bhitkhunleasingha, . 88 bhikaks, monk, 289 Bhil, tribe. . . . 231, 238 Bhilla, 3. a. Bhil, 235 Bhillsma, Yadava k... 191 & Bhima II, Chaulukya k., 277. Bhima II, E. Chalukya k.,. . . 97, 168 Bhima, Kalachurid., Bhimi, ri. Bhimalingamu-dibba, mound, . . . 166 Bhimananayaks, ... . . . . 89, 73 Bhimasamudra, tank, . . . 163, 166, 109 Bhimavarman, Pallava k.,. . Bhita Beal of sivamegha, . bhoga, enjoyment', . . . 243 bhoga, t. d., 59, 61, 64 & 7., 102, 116, 120, 122, 283 141 . . . 32, 34 . * 18 193

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304 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXIII. PAGE Mhepo-blaga, bhaga-bhdpa-bara-hirany-ddi, Bhogachandrs, com... . 158, 161 Bhogapati, of... . Bhogapatika, off.. . . .. 157, 100 Magika, groom , housekeeper'. . * Bhogtits, of.. . . 59, 64, 66, 67, 264 Magiba, realdent (1), . . 40 . 50, 60 Bhogilla, ., . Blogin, . . . . . . 262 bhoi, of. bhogika,. . . . . . 59, 64 Bhoja, author . . . . . . 83 Bhoja, Pratthara k., .. . . 139, 243 Bhoja, Bhojadevs or Bhojarija, Paramdra k., 133 & 16., 134, 135 Bhoja I, Gurjana-Pratihara k., . 268 n., 250 Bhojadeva, Silakara L., . . 20 & N., 30, 23 bhojanaadla, 'almahouse', . . . . 39 Bhojavati, ca., . . . . . 244 Bhomata, l, . . . . . 231 Bhopaders, . . ... . 276 Bhopaka, M., 275 m., 276 & *. Bhor State Museum Copper Plate of Khamba II,. . . . . . . 99, 100. Bhramaragirl, mo.. . . . 119 & .. Bhramatakotya or Bhramarakotya-mandala, di. or province. . . . . 119 n., 244 Bhrigukachchha, 4, a. Brosch, . 192 Bhringina-parvata, ma, . . . 119 & *. Bhadovi, goddess . . . 182 . buildi, t. d., 20, 102, 116 , 136, 157, 158, 150, 290, 291 Bhumari Pillar Inscription, . . . 171, 173 152, 154, 211, 221, 292 hdmi-dana, . . 161, 211, 212, 222 Bhopendradova, Ganga k., 265, 266 & . Bhusunda, vi.. . . . . . . 261, 262 bh ata-udta pratydya, . . . . 184 Bhuvanardi-Muni, Saira ascetic, 164 & n., 169, 170 Bhuvanesvars, vi.. . . . . . 200 Bihar, . . . . . . 47 & ..., 48, 54 Bihar, ci., . . . . 223 & n., 226, 227 Bijayagadh Ydpa Inscription, 44, 45 , 48, 49, 61 Bilandi, vi. . . . . . 186 Bilhiri Stone Inscription, , 117 n., 258, 260 Bilad Stone Pillar Inscription of Kymaragupta . . . Bilwird, wi. . . . 136 Piraram, ch.. . . . 190 boar, emblem on coin, 139 boar, emblem on real,... . 141, 142 Boar, incarnation of Vishnu, 256 & . Boddupadu Grant of Vajrahasta, . . Bodha . . . . 78, 80, 284, 285 . PAGE Bodhisattve, . Borivli, L.,. . 278 .., 279 Borneo, . . . , Bower Manuscript . 156 & A Brahmacharin,. . brahmadaya, 17, 152, 164, 166, 210, 211, 220, 221, 292 Brahmadov, dondt, . . 273 & M., 274 & the brahmadiya, . . . . 23 Brahmagupta, astronomer,. . . Brahman, god . 2. 3. 6, 31, 34, 130, 253, 256 Bribmana, caste, 223, 224, 225, 229, 237, 239, 240, 284, 261, 262, 264, 266, 268 Brahmonework. . . . . . 93 Brahmanandin, m., . . . . 157, 159 Brahmapandita, m., . 106, 109 Brahmapurt, L.,. . 29, 30, 31, 32, 34 Brahmavivarta-Purds, work, . . 139. Brihadbhogika, off., . . . . 203 brihan-mana, large measure, cf. vishaya, , , . 82. Brihatprdahtha Grant of Umavarman, 68 7., 89 $ add. British Museum Plates 206 m., 214 ., 2103 216 British Museum Plates of Charudev, . . 88 Broach, . . . . 148, 192, 206 Buddha, the . 37, 38, 39, 117, 166, 196, 290 Buddhaghosa, commentator, . . . 38, 242 Buddha-mafichi-Bhogika, m., 64, 65, 66, 67 Buddhmkurs, Bodhisattva (+), . . 197 Buddharsje, Konda padumati ch., . . . 96 Buddhavarman,. . . . . . 96 Buddhile, mouk, . . . . . Buddhism, . . . 65, 117, 119, 196 Buddhist Pillars, . . . Buguda Plates of Midhavavarman, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127, 128 >>. Bukkariya's Inscription, . . . 190. Bukudravaka, di. . . . . . 74, 77 Bukudravakona, di.,. 74, 77 ..., 2017. 138.& .. bull, emblem on seal 62, 73, 75 7h., 78, 114, 263, 265, 267 Burhanath Mahideva, Siva-lingar Buvanamudududaiyar, g. of Pallava ch. Kopper ufjingadeva, . . . 181, 182 & . Byrey, . . . . . . . . 65 . . 38 . . 176 . Cambay, . . . . Cambay Plates of Govinda IV, Cape Comorin, . Ceylon, . . . 191, 192 10., 12., 106 . 180 . 196, 225

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INDEX. 800 .. ......... emblem on geal, . 84 183 PAGE 186 Chachchuroni, di., . . . . 136 Chachoni, vi.. . . . . . . 136 Chachurni, vi.,. . . . 135 Chadiche, 1., . . . . 192 Chadija or Chadija, vi. 271, 272 & .. Chahadadeva, m., . . . 277, 278 Chahamana, dy. . . 184, 191 & #. Chabarbagh, I., . . . * " . * 36 chastya, . . . . . 166, 160. Chaityspurs, . . . . . 120. Chakirija or Chakkiraja, ch., 11, 12 & 16., 17, 216 N. chakra, emblem on geal, . . . . 155 Chakradasa, com., . . Chakrakotya or Chakrakotya-mandala, pro vince, . . . . . . . 244 Chakrayudha, ch., . . 294, 296, 297 Challakere Inscription, . . . 194 Chalukya, dy. . . . . 99, 100, 173, 296 Chalukya, E. dy. 68 ., 69, 70, 88, 89, 90, 93, 74 & r., 95 & 7., 101 n., 104, 119, 162, 163, 167, 169, 206, 216, 225, 227 Chalukys, W.co. Chilukya, W. dy.. 79, 82 ., 90, 134, 142& .. 182, 183, 217, 218, 243 Chalukyabbima, E. Chalukya k.,. . 167 Chalukya-Bhima II, Chalukya k., . . 27 chamara, emblem on seal, . . chamara, 'flywhisk', auspicious sign, . 168 Chamba-Dandanayaks, . . 184 Chandije,. . . . . . 280 & n. Changadeva, .. . 273, 274 Chamidasa, com.. . Chammak Plates of Pravarasena II, 82 ., 831, 86 m. Chinda, si.. . . . . . . . 118 Chandala, a low caste,. . . . 291 Chandalur Plates of Kumara Vishnu, . . 89. Chandavarman, Ganga k., . 56, 58, 80 , 200 Chandella, dy.. . . . . . 70 Chandika, 6. d. godess Parvati, .224 n., 228 Chandiyamma, ., . . 2. 214, 222 Chandra, dy.. . . E 298 Chandraditya, ch., . 244 Chandraditya, doncs, . 106, 109 Chandraditya, Silahara k,,. 29 & *., 30, 33 Chandragupta, Somavana prince, Chandragupta II, Gupla k., . . 83, 174. Chandragutti-nadu, di., . . 182, 185, 194 Chandraprabhu, minister, . 278, 279 Chandraraja, Silahara k.. . .. . 29, 30, 33 Chandravalli Inscription of Mayrndarman, 48 Chandrehe Inscription of Prabodhaliva, 172..., 267 Chandwar, L., . . . . . . 188 . Changdpurs, . a. vi. Sangtr, 182, 186, 189 PAGE Changura, &. a. vi. Sangur, 189, 190, 194, 196 Chanjo or Chanje, . a. vi. Chadija, 270, 279, 280 Chanjo Inscription of Aparaditya I, . 270 charapas Chhandoga or Chhindoga, 63, 64, 65, 78, 80, 94 m., 98, 99, 124, 129, 131, 284, 265 Katha,. . . . . . . 74, 77 Taittirika or Taittirfya, . . . 94 & .. Vajasandys, . 199, 202, 203, 261, 262 Charu, mahayajna, 16, 55 7..66, 67, 148, 152 166, 167 *., 211, 221 Charudovi, chashala, part of yupa, . . . 44 & r., 45 Chaga, of.. 77, 79, 129, 131, 154, 202, 203, 262, 284, 286, 268, 291 chatul-md-paryanta, privilege. . . . 251 chatur-aghafi-vibuddha, . . . 229 Chatur nana, 8. d. god Brahman . . 225, 228 Chatur nana-pandita, . . . . . : 145. chaturdanta, . . . * 93 .. Chaturdid-arya-bhikahu-sangha, . Chaturvaryachintamani, work, * 33., 279. Chaturvedin, . . . . . . 32, 34 Chaturvidya, . . . . . 88 Chaturvidya-samanya, . . 208, 210, 214 *. Chatucharana Brahmanas, . . . 104, 107 chatuah-banaka-vibuddha, . . . . 113 Chaadarasa, Heggade, . . 190, 196, 196 Chaudara, ., . . 190 & add., 194, 195 Chauhan, dy. . . . . 187, 226, 231 Chaulukya, dy... . 50, 191, 192, 276, 277 . Chaundarasa, author,. 193 . Chauramba, vi, . . . 106, 109 Chauroddharapika, of. .. . 157, 150, 291 Chavunda II, Sinda k., 100& .. Chavandarass, m., . . 184 Chayita, tank, . . * 163, 166, 169 & . Chodi, co., . . . * 2, 4, 7, 258 Chels or Chelsvsta, ci. 231, 235, 238 Chenna-Bandua-Purana, Kannada work, 184. Chennabasave.. Chennirpodivi, tax, . 23 Chorupara, vi.. . . . 94 chi, Kbardshthi . 269. chh, waed for th, Chhadasilk, ci.,. . . 37 Chhaddibhogin, engr... 124, 129, 131, Chhathikumara, doncs, 8, 11, 16, 18 Chhatra, off. . . . . 86 Chhatramaha, m., 63, 64, 66, 66 Chicacole Plates of Devendra varman, . . 76, 78 Chicacole Plates of Indravarman, . . . 64 1 Chicacole Plates of Vajrahasta, 67 , 08. Chidambaram, ci., . . 176, 177, 180 * 84 . 190 * 270

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXIII. PAON Chikhali-grama, vi.. . . 149. Chikhali-willik, oi.. . . . 142 Chikhali-odtaka, vi.. . 149 . Chikulla Plates of Vikramendravarman, 88, 90 N. 91 & n., 92 & m., 03 & ..., 98 Chlplan, L., . 276. Chiplan Stone Inscription,. * 274 .. Chlpturupalle, vi, . . . . & *. chird-bila-finya, 203 Chitor, .. . . . . 187 h., Chitrakota, , . 944 Chitrtphl, 8. a. ni. Mahanadi, 19 n. Ohitta, M., . . Chodagting, sh., , . hot kalinga, N., . 289 Thokkahayuki, to. . Chle, co., . . . 176, 177, 178, 180, 181 Chola or Chole, dy. 10, 14 & .. 95, 96, 97, 116., 145, 146, 165, 176, 176, 177 & #., 180, 181 & 4., 182, 217 ., 985, 296, 997 Chola-Pandya viceroy, . . . . 146 Chuchaddani, vi., . 223, 230 Chidamasi Nighantu, Tamil work, 182 . Cintra Inscription, . . . . 971 *. Oiatra Prasasti, . . 164 conch, ble on seal, . . . . 66, 67 Conjesveram, . . 146, 179 oohonante, torongly doubled, student, emblem on seal, . 73, 268, 266, 267 Orynamata, 4. . Kummata, . . 184 llavamaa, work, . . . . 225 m. Capid, . . . . . . . 191 Cattack, ci.. . . . . . 200 Pacz Damasvimin, doncs, Dime-Niyaks, . . . . . * 184 Damodar, ri.. . 165, 168 Dimodara, author, . . . . 93 & 1. Dimodan, engr., 264, 265 Damodar, Pariurdjaba k.,. . . * 171 Dimodatabhatta, donee, . 278, 279 D&modatasvamin, donde, . . 20, 21 Danfodarpur Coppet-plata Inscription, 83, 56 . Dimodarpur Plates, . 158, 159 dana-dharma, . . * 66 Dinarpava, E. Chalukya k., . . . 69, 162 Dinarnava, Ganga ch., 263, 264 Danimava, Ganga k., . . . 78, 284 danas (gift) Abraha, . . . . . 107 Bhaisha yadina, 107 Kalpavriksbadana, . . . . . 107 Prithividina, . . . . . Tuliparushadina, . . . Vidyadina, . . . . . . 107 Dandandyald, of, 48, 79, 100, 129, 131, 183, 184, 229, 264, 968 Dandandyaka, op. . . . . . 162 Dandapdik, ot. . . 77, 129, & 16., 131, 264 Dandapafika, off. an officer entrusted with the punishment of criminals', 251, 204 & .., 291 danda-bulk-adi-vividh-aya-samanvita, privilege, 195 Dandaodaiba, oft. . . . 201, 20, 903 Dandika, off. . . . . . . 291 Dantidurga, Rashtrakufa k., . . . 10, 14, 214 Dapurs, vi., . . . 103, 106, 110 Dardurika, vi., 103, 106, 110 Durgal, vi.. . . . . . . 289 darta, emblem on seal, . . . . 87 Darullarma, measure, . 84, 55, 56 Danapura, ci... . . . 89 . dab-apanidha, of. sa-das-aparddha, privilege,. 107 Daparddhiba, of. . . 291 Datapura, wi.. . . 214 . dasa-abda (daca-labda), . 149 Dalvatara, H., . . * 13 Dadur, 8. G. vi. Dasapura (), 214 datti, gift'. . . 262, 292 Daubaddhasadhanika, off. . 291 Devanagare, si... daya, ' gift' . . . . . 182 dayuda, . . . . . . 92, 168 days, lutar bright fortnight : 213, 221, 271, 273 72, 187, 138, 140, 274 .. . 30, 31, 34 5th, . . 48, 49, 52, 231, 234, 238, 241, 240, 268, 265 28 .. ......... Dabhoi Inscription, . 191 Dadda I, Gurjara k.. . 148, 149, 163 Dadda II, do., . 148, 149, 150, 163 Dadda II, do. . . . * . 148 Dedra, vi.. . . . . . . 103 Dahala, ca.. . . . . 288, 260, 297 Daksha, . . . . . . . 225 dakahind or dakahinya . . . . 46, 52 Dakshina Kosala, co... . . 116, 118, 119 Dakshina patha-Sadhara, mur. of Avanijankaraya Pulakedin, Dakshina-Radhe, co., . . . 103, 108, 109 Dakshina-Tocali, co.,. . . 200, 201 Dakshindyana, . . . . . 278 dama or dama, 4. a. dramma, . . * 278 Dumanaba-chaturda A. . 188, 188 & *., 189 Dumanaka-paruan . a. Damanaka-chaturdas, 184, 136 Dimondarman, .. . . . . . 93, 94 . . 8 .

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INDEX. 307 PAGE Davidity, m... . 106, 110 depadroal, procession or ablution of imagen '1 167, 159 Dovagiri, ca. . . . 184, 279, 281 d&v-dgraldra, . . . . . 64, 66 Derugupta, 1. a. Chandragupta II . . 82, 88 drakula, temple, . 164, 170, 249, 261, 262 Dovada Devi, Chalukyo - . . . 100& .. Davali Dovl, Sinda q.) * 100 & #. ddudlaya, 'temple', . . . 168, 170 Dovamantrite, m., * 190, 194 Devapilo, Pala k., . . 290 & 1., 291 Dovapala, Paramana k., * 191, 192 Devapuri, ca., . . . . . . 58 Devaraja, Yadaes minister, 190, 193, 194, 195 Devarishtra, co.. . 57, 58, 59, 60, 61 Devarkys I, Vijayanagara k.. . 192, 183, 186 Diyavimin, ., . . . . 106, 110 Devavimin Thakkura, m., . . 138, 139, 140 demalars, 8. a. kalpataru, . . . . 236 Diyavarman, Vishnubundin prince, 88, 91, 92, 93, 246, 247 98 RDOS days, lanar-cond bright fortnight-contd. Oth, . . . . . . 277 *. 7th, . . . 64 add., 56 add., 69, 73 10th,. . 3, 6, 8, 104, 111, 183, 185 12th,. . . . 66, 67, 271 . 13th,. 49, 137, 138, 140 14th,. . 134, 135, 186, 188 & *., 189, 277 18th (full-moon), 48, 89, 98, 99, 104, 108, 166, 205, 216, 217 & n., 223, 229, 230, 234, 236, 240, 277 & 1., 278 dark fortnight:3rd, . . . . . 224 7th, . . 82, 87, 281, 282 10th, . . 13th,. . . 104. 118 104, 113, 168, 216 n., 278 15th (new moon), 48, 115, 119, 121, 122, 148, 152, 155, 196, 213, 275, 276, 278, 280 days of the month - sth. . . 13th, . . . 199, 202 17th, . . . 199, 203 24th,. . . 190, 203 27th,. . 168, 161 29th,. . . 19, 22 30th,. . . 199, 201 days of the reign 988th, . . days of the week: Sunday, . . 72, 104, 107, 183, 185, 190, 234, 238, 241, 277 & >>., 278 Monday, 69, 78, 214 m., 217 *., 223, 220, 230, 275, 276, 278, 279, 280, 281 Tuesday, 3, 6, 8, 104, 213, 214 n., 274 1., 278 Wednesday, . . . 3 #., 224, 273, 276 Thursday, . . 3, 186, 188, 180, 271, 278 . 104, 168 Saturday, 30, 31, 34, 217 1., 234, 277 . Dedoka, donee, . . 107, 110 deer, emblem on real, . . . 200 . 148, 152, 155 Delhi, . . 187, 232, 234, 239 Dendaldru, ca... D6-Baraqirk Inscription of Jivitagupta II, 242, 243, 291 & n. Deoli Plates of Krishna III, 257 n. duhend, Buddhist term, . . . . 242 Dulindmarla, work, . 231. Dea, m., . . . . . 225 divabhips, . . 107, 163, 160, 293 diwa-brihmapa-thoi-narja, privilege, . . 136 padana, . . . . * . 22, 24, 25, 26 Deradatta, donec, , , 10, 11, 16 & n., 18 didundaya,. . . . 152, 211, 221, 292 Devidhy, Pariwijala k., * 171 Davidity , donec, . . . . 106, 110 . 258 Friday, .. * 261 dEakyatana, 'temple temple . . . . . . 160 Devendravarman, Ganga k., . . 201 m., 281 Dorendravarman II, do. . . . . 76 n. Depondravarman IV, do.. . . 74, 75 & n., 77 Devt-Madhia, te., . . . Dovf-throne, . a. deanapafta, . . . 247 . . . . . 9, 180, 200 n., 265 n. 189 Dhammapagrama, ., . . 106, 107 Dhammapada, work,. . . . 40>>. Dhanadatta, com., . 264, 286 Dhankidaba Copper-plate Inscription, * * 63 Dhanantars Plates of Samantavarman, 261 Dhanapala, author, . 101 .. Dhanapati, ... god Kubers, Dhanusvamin, ., . . 167, 169 Dhangatapataka, i. . 117. Dhanusk, radi, . . . . 168 Dhiri, ca., . . . 191, 192 Dharadatta, ., . 240 Dharasco, . a. vi., Dharasiva, . . 206 n. Dhirikiva, wi... 30, 205, 206 & n., 210, 213, 221 Dhan vanhe, ch. of Chakrakotya,. . . 244 Dharivarahe, Paramara k. of Abe . 232 Dharavarsha, Rashfrakita k., . 18, 206, 210, 220 Dharivaraba, sur. of Rashfrakufa k.Dhruv 144 Dhare vara, donee, . . . 223, 229, 230 Dharma, 136, 157, 159, 163, 160, 202, 203, 285, 287, 269 Dharms ... donee (), . . 292 dharmachakra, emblem on seal, . 230 dharm-adara-karang, . . . 87 Dharmadatta, .. . . . . 291, 292 Daiyaks, 19., . . 90

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308 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. . 96 PAGE dharmadaya, . . . . 111, 113 Dharmadeva, ch., . . 180 & 16., 187, 188 dharm-adhikarana, . . . . 265 Dharmaditya, k., Dharma-Kandarpadeva, . 4. Mahi Bhavagupta II, . 253 n. Dharmapala, ch., . . . 294, 296, 297 Dharmapals, Pala k., . . . 158, 290, 291 dharmapradana, . . . . . . 98 Dharmapuri Plates of Vakpati, . . 102, 104 Dharmarajadeva, Sailodbhava k. 91, 94 7., 125, 126 Dharma bastra, 43, 80, 202, 203, 262, 255, 263, 265, 267, 269, 271 7. Dharmaliva, misreading for Vyamasiva, 276 *. dharmasthana, office of justice',. 82 7., 86 Dharmasutras, . . . . . . 93 Dharur, 8. a. vi. Dharasiva (), . . . 206 dhatu, Buddhist term, . . . . 241 Dhauli Rock Edicts of Asoka, . . . 200 Dhiniki Inscription of Jaikadeva, . . 50 n. dhrita-latayuga, . . . . . 86 & n. Dhruva, Rashtrakiifa k., 10, 11, 15, 144, 214, 294 Dhruvamitrasvamin, donee, 199, 200, 202, 203 Dhumarijadeva, k., . . . . 188 *. Dhurjati, .. a. god Siva, . . 114 m., 187 Dighanikaya, Buddhist work, 149 n., 241 n. Dikshita, 8. a. Ruddappa Dikshita, . . 18 Dikshita Ayanika, donce, . . . . 20, 21 Dilavar Khan Ghuri, Sultan of Mandu, . . 232 Dilli, ca.. . . 184, 185 dinara, coin, . . 53, 54, 55, 56, 157, 160 Divakars, donee . . 273, 274 & n. Divakars, engr... . . . 199, 203 Divakara, m.. . . . 2, 5, 7, 8 Dodhama, donee, . 213, 221 Dom Joao de Castro, Portuguese Viceroy in India . . 271 n. Donaka, donde,. . 103, 105, 109 Dorasamudra, ca.. . . . . 193 Doravadi, ca., . . . . . 184 Dorsvadi-nadu, di., . drama, 8. a. dramma,. . . 281 dramma, coin, . . * 280 1., 281 . drisha, used drishfad for drishtam in the beginning of a charter, , . . . 82 & n., 85 & *. Dronasimgha, engr. . . . . . 22 Druhina, 8. a. god Brahman, drum, emblem on seal, . . . . . 67 Dudia Plates of Pravarasena II, . . 83, 84 dubkha, Buddhist term, . . . 242 Dungarpur, state, Durgakhandi, donet, . . . . 78, 80 Durgakhapdika, 4. a. donee Durgakhandi, 264, 265 Durgappa, donee, . 10, 16 & *. PAGE Durgalarman, doncs, . . . . Durgasarman, . .. . . . 94 & n. Durjaya, family, Durjaya, 8. a. Ranadurjaya, . 96 Durlabha, of. . . . . . 60, 61 7h. Durlabha III, Chahamana k., * 134 Durvinfta, Ganga k... . 93 n., 146 dula or dulaka,. 11, 17, 124, 125, 129, 131, 132, 148, 152 & ., 155, 158, 161, 205, 212, 213, 214, 215 7., 222 229, 249, 261, 263, 291 Dvarasamudra, 4. a. ca. Dorasamudra,. . 178 Dvaravatipura, ca., . . . . 194, 195 Dvija, 8. a. Brahmana, , 237, 239, 253, 255 Dvya rayakavya, work, . . . 275 .. E e, initial, e, medial, 45, 68, 81, 132, 204, 230, 256, 290 echchoru, tax,. . . . . . . 23, 24 eclipses - lunar, 90, 104, 107, 108, 165, 205 & n., 211, 215 & n., 217 1., 293, 294, 295 & solar, 10, 12, 17, 80, 115, 119, 121, 122, 213, 217 1., 221, 264, 271, 272, 275, 276, 278, 280 Ekalingajt, te., deity., . . 234, 236, 239 Ekalingamdhamya, work, . . . . 232 Ekalingji Stone Inscription, . . . . 83 1. Eklingji, te., . . . . 230 Eklingji Inscription of Naravahana, . 50. Eklingji Inscription of V. S. 1545, 231, 232, 233 Elamanchi-Kalingadeka, di., . 57 Elsvartu Grant of Ammaraja II, . 162 elephant, emblem on seal, . . 75 n. clephant goud, emblem on seal, 141, 142 Ellichpur, 8. a. Acbalapura, - 13 Enuka-pilu, mo.. . 163, 169 equinox, . . . . 268 Eran Posthumous Pillar Inscription of Gopa. raja, . . . . . . . 20 eras: Chalukya-Vikrama, . . . . . 100 Chedi, . . . . 3, 148, 172, 173 Ganga,. . 63, 75 & 1., 92, 94, 264, 268 & n. Gaupta, &. a. Gupta, . . . . 50, 51 Gupta, . 54, 91, 171, 172, 173 & 7., 174, 198, 199, 200, 245, 247 Harsha, . . . 199 Kalachuri-Chedi, 8. a. Chedi, 3, 172, 173, 174 & the 199, 200, 247, 257, 298 Kaliyuga, Kanishka, . . . . . . 247 Kollam, . . . . . . 180 1. Krita, 8. a. Vikrama (?),. . 48, 49, 50, 51, 52 Malava, . . . . . . . 115 . . . 184

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INDEX. 309 PAGE eras-cond Saks, . 79 213, 195, 196185, 1902 163, 165 10, 16, 29, 30, 34, 58, 59, 60, 72, 73, 104, 106, 107, 146, 148, 162, 163, 165, 168, 183 & 7., 185, 190 & ., 191, 162, 195, 196, 206, & 7., 211, 213, 214, 215 & 1., 216 15., 217 ., 221, 226, 258, 270, 271 & n., 272, 273 & 1., 264 & A., 275 & 1., 276, 277, 278, 279, 280, 281, 282 & 1., 293, 294, 295 & 1., 296, 297 49 . . . . . . 50, 51 46, 49, 50, 51, 104, 134, 189, 223, 224, 229, 231, 241, 256, 277 & n. Saptarsbi, Valabhl, Vikrama, Faridpur Plates of Dharmaditya's Timo, 68 n., 166, 168 Faridpur Plato of Gopachandra's Time, 53 n., 168 & n., 158 Farrukhabad, . . . . . . 186 Firuz Khan, . . . . . 233, 239 Firuz Tughluq, . . . . . . 233 fly-whisk, emblem on seal, . . . 87 Furhut-ool-moolk, governor of Gujarat, . 233 . . . . 82, 74, 256 ga, abbreviation for Gangavamba, . . 78 . gadhid paisa, coin, . . . . . 138 Oddi, . . . . . . . 143 & .. Gahadevala, dy. . 186, 188, 189, 224, 225 Gahva, vi.. 13, 16 . Gajalakshmi, emblem on seal, . . . 248 Gamagamika, off.. . . . 291 Gambbari, vi., . . . . . 223, 229 Ganapati, ch., . . . 192, 193 Gayapati, k., Ganapati, 8. d. god Ganesa, . . . 270 Gandaraditya, Silahara k.,. , 29, 31, 33, 34 Ganebapurana, work, Ganga or Ganga dy., 11, 12 n., 56, 58, 59, 62, 63, 66, 68 & ., 69, 70, 71, 72, 74, 75, 76, 78 1., 79, 93 n., 94, 101 n., 162, 207, 209, 215, 217, 219, 220, 226, 261, 262, 263, 264, 265, 266, 268 Ganga, goddess, . . . . 161 n. Ganga, ri., . . . 127, 130 Ganga, 8. a. ri. Godavari, . . 193 Ganga, W. dy.,. . . 79, 145, 146 Gangabhadra, m.. . 124, 129, 131 Gangadbars, donce, . . 32, 34 Ganga-Kavilasa (Ganga-Kailasa 1), . 266 & n. Ganga-mandala, co., . 11 & 1., 12. Canga-mandal-adhiraja, ep. of Chakirkja, 12 . Gangavadi . . . . . 293 Gangdhar, L., . . . 61 Gangdhar Inscription, . . . . 49, 51 PAGE Ganges, ri., . . . . 53, 89, 103, 159 Ganjam, di., . . . 67 Ganjam Grant of Prithivivarman, . Ganjam Plates of Madhavaraja, 91, 95, 128 & n., 127 Ganjam Plates of Sasanka's Timo, . 50, 198 Ganj Inscription, waonphon, . . . . 172, 173 Gantiyamma, donce,. . . . 11, 16, 18 Gaonri, vi., . . 101, 102 Gaonri Plate of Govinda IV, . 106 Gaonri Plates of Vakpati : V. S. 1038, 106, 106, 108 Gaonri Plates of Vakpati: V. 8. 1043,. 111 Garalagupta, vi.. . . . 163, 169 Garavapidu Grant of Ganapati, . . . 96 Gargys, one of Lakuli's four pupils, . 164 Garuda, . . . . . 30, 32 Garuda, emblem on banner, . . . 33 & n. Garuda, emblem on seal, 8, 28, 119, 204, 212 Gauda, co., . . 258, 259, 291 Gauda, family, . . . . . 2, 6, 294 Gauda, oft. . . . . 190, 196, 196 Gaudardjys Gaudiya,. . , * 207, 219 Esurambika, Mokala's wife, . . 231, 237, 240 Gaurl, 8. . goddess Parvati, . . . 235, 239 Gaurila, 8. a. god biva, . . . . 235 Gauta, m... . . 11, 17 Gautamiputra, Vakafaka prince, . . 85 & *. Gays. . . . Gaya, di... 290 & n., 291 Gaya, tirtha, . . . 233, 235, 236, 239 Gaya-vishaya, di., . . . . 159 124, 256 Ghantakarnakshetra, ti. . . . 199, 201 Gharsvall, vi.. . . . . . . 282 | Ghata, family . . 256, 257, 260 Ghafa, lagna, &. c. Kumbha, . . . 168 Ghat-ladki, . a. vi. Ladavallika (1), Ghugrahati Plate of Samkeharadevs. 159 ghumara, 'waterfall ', . Ghumara Falls, . . . . . 244 Girija, 3. a. goddess Parvati, Girikandi-chaitya, in Ceylon, . 196, 197 Gitabhavadipika, Marathi work, . . 193 gna, used for jia, . . . 19 Goa, Kadambas of . . 225, 226 Godavarl, ri., . 69, 193 & n. Godavart Plates of Prithvimala, . . 88, 32 Godhagrima, vi., 157, 158, 159, 160 Godwar, L., . . . . 131 Gohagrama, vi., . . . . . 159 Gohaaddvi, vi... . 11, 13, 16 Goika, M., . . 157, 159 Gokananayaka, donse, . . 69, 73 . . 244 . . . 108, 112

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310 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXII. 2, 4, 7 &a- tema-karataloni . . 84 . . . . 32, 34 - PAGE gotras :-contd. PAGE Gokarna, ch., . . Sigulf (Sangali), . 11, 18 gokarna-kassa-kuruma karatal-Odata-purna, 229 Vachchha, 8. G. Vstas, 265, 266, 269 Gokarnasvamin, n. of god Siva, . 65, 71, 76 Vajasaneya (1) . 11, 18 Gokarnesvara, n. of god Siva, 79, 281, 262, 263, 264, Viraba, . . 106, 110 266, 268 Vasishtha or Valishtha, . 58 ., 105, 109, 190, Goladasa, com. . . . . 194, 195 Golasvamin, donee, . . . . 20, 21 Vatan, 74, 77, 103, 105, 106, 109, 110, 199, 202, Gollapadi, vi.. . . 166 203, 264, 265 7., 266, 268 Gollapundi, vi. 163, 166, 169 Vataya, cf. Vates, . . 78, 80, 199, 202, 203 Gomkalle, Silalara k., 29 & 11., 30, 33 Vishnuvsiddha, Gondala, Paramara ch., 133 Gottaikela, vi... . 249, 250, 251, 2014 Gooty Fort, . 270 n. Govaddha, 8. a. donee Govardhana, 273 1., 274 Gopachandra, k.. . 156 & 7., 157, 158, 159 Govanna, 3. a. Govaddha. . . . . 274. Gopaladeva, Pala k.,. . . 290, 291 Govardhana, donee, . 273 & n., 274 . Gopalibhoga, l., . . . 64, 65, 56 Govenaku, minister, 280 Goperaja,. . . Goveys-rajya, di., 182, 185 gopura, . . . . 177, 180, 285 Govinda, dones, . . Gorakshita, I., . . . 53, 55, 56 Govinda, engr... . 292 n. Gosarana, m . . . . 105, 109 Govinda I, Rashtrakufa k... . 10, 14 Gosvamint, Ganga q.. . 79, 80 Govinda II, do., . . 10, 11, 15 Gotarkein, s. . vi. Gottakell, . . . 250 Govinda III, do., 10, 11 & n., 12 & n., 13, 15, 92 n.. Gofraprayaranibandhakadamba, work, . 16 . 204, 205 & n., 206, 208, 213, 214, 215, golnar: 216, 217, 219, 258, 293, 294, 295, 296, Agastya. . . . . . 105, 109 297 Atreya,. . . . 20, 21, 70 Govinda IV, do.. . . . . 104, 106 Atri, . . . 82, 34 Govindaearman, donee, . . 74, 77 Bharadvaja, 11, 18, 20, 21, 32, 34, 106, 110, Govindasvamin, donee, . . 105, 110 199, 201, 223, 229, 250 Gavindavarman, Vishpukundin k., 21, 93, 95 & n. Bhargava, . . 105, 106, 110 Govsisha, m., . . . . 137, 140 Dhananjaya . . . . . 32, 34 Govvaikabhatta, ... . . 10 Gargya,. . . . 105, 109 Gramakuta, off... . . 15, 106, 210, 220 Gautama, . . . 32, 34, 94, 105, 109 Gramamahalara, off-.. . . . . 151 Haridra, . . . . . . 10, 11, 18 Gramapati, off... 73, 264, 266, 268 Jamadgnya-Vatsa,. . . . . 32, 34 Grima-stupa, . . 289 & n. Kamakiyana, . . . . . 89, 98, 99 Grilyaratras, . . . . . 43 Kasyapa, 11, 18, 32, 34, 53, 54, 55, 89, 96, 97, Guddavadi, di... . 99 & n., 105, 106, 110, 205, 210, 213, pudi, ' templo', . . 166 . 221, 261, 262 Gudimallam, vi. . . 146 Katyayans, . . . . 20, 21 gudla, of temples ', . . 166 &. Kaundinya, . . 148, 151, 155, 157, 160 Gudin-Kanderuvati, &. a. Gudla-Kandervvadi, 166 Kausiks, 20, 21, 60, 61, 124, 129, 131, 224, Gudla-Kandervvadi, di., 163, 166, 169 289 Gudrahara 8. a. Kudrahara, . . . 89 >>. Kramatta (!). . . . . 10, 16 & n. Guhala I, Silahara k., . . . . 29 & n. Kutimasha (Kulmasha 1), 30, 33 Mihula,. . . . 106, 110 Guhala II, do.. . ... 29, 30, 33 Maitreya, 105, 110 Gujarat, co., 48, 138, 172, 173, 191, 192, 214, 233, Manavys, 116, 167 234, 258, 270 , 275, 277 . Maudgalya, . 105, 109 gulfa, . a. gudla, . . . . . 166 n. Mauni,, . 106, 110 Gunadaravichcharam, te., . . . . 178 Moggala, cf. Maudgalya, . 11, 18 Gunaganka-Vijayaditya, $. G. E. Chalukya k. Mudgala, do... . . 199, 200, 201 Vijayaditya III, . . * 767 Parisara or Parabara, 2, 5, 7, 105, 106, 109, 110, Gunaighar Plate of Vainyagupta, 156, 158 261 Gunakara, m., . . . 106, 110 Rama-Kasyapa, . . . 99 s. Gunamahirnava, Ganga 4., . 71 Biokritya, . . . 105, 109, 1131 Guna.mbhodhidevs I, Kalachuri prince,. 259 Sandilya, . . 105, 106, 109, 110 Gunavarman, Ganga k., 57, 58 & W., 60, 61 & .

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PAGE Gundama I, Ganga k., . Gundama II, do., Gunesvara, s. a. god Siva, Gupta, dy., 71 72 261, 262 & n. 45 m., 83, 84 & m., 89, 103, 156, 158, 159, 173, 174, 255 Gupta-nripa-rajya-bhukti, 171, 173 Gurjars or Gurjara, dy., 148, 191 & n., 192, 193, 194, 195, 209, 215, 220, 258, 259, 294, 206, 297 Gurjara-Pratihara, dy., 12 n., 258, 259 Gatti, di., 185 29 29 n. 51 133 Gavala, s. a. Guhala I, Guvalla, do., Gyaraspur, vi., Gyata, Paramara ch., A. Hada, m., Haihaya, s. a. Kalachuri dy., hala, 1. m., Hallanyara, di., Halsi Plates of Ravivarman, Hammira, Chauhan k., Hammira, ch. of Mewar, H Haradasa, engr.,. Haraha Inscription, Haraja, m., Hari, m., Hari, m., Khadgi, 2, 4, 6, 7 66, 67 78, 79 91 m. 187 231, 232, 234, 235, 238 191 & n. 183 Hammiramadamardana, work, Hampi, L.,. Hara, s. a. god Siva, 13, 151, 154, 108, 206, 218, 235, 239 249, 254, 255 47 n., 115, 116 140 106, 110 157, 159 Hari, m., Vahanayaka, Hari Dikshita, m., Harihara-Maharaya, Vijayanagara k., Hariharapura, vi., Haripaladeva, Silahara k., INDEX. * 9, 156, 245, 259. 234, 238, 241 Haripura, vi., Harischandra, Gahadavala k., Harishena, Vakataka k., Harlti, Harsha, k., Harsha, k. of Kanauj, Harshacharita, work, Harshadeva, k., Harshadeva or Harshagupta, Somavams of Kosala, 115 & n., 116, 119, Harshavardhana, k. of Kanauj, Harsola Grant of Siyaka, Haryavana, Krita's son, Hasanabad, vi., hasta, cubit', hasta, 1. m., hasta-prakshepa, obstruction", 157, 160 105, 109 182, 185 184 273,274,277 205, 206, 210 186 & n. 92, 117 167 . 10, 14 119 n. 119 n., 150 n. 149, 153 k. 120, 122 158, 243 102 50 245 31, 32 201 160 Hastin, Parivrajaka k., Hastivarman, Ganga k., Hastivarman, Salankayana k., Hasty-av-oshtra-bala-vyapritaka, off., Hathal Plates of Dharavarsha, Haveri, vi., Haveri Inscription, Heggade, off.. Hemachandra, author, . Hemadri, author, Hemakuta, l., Hetavuka, caste,. Hetiloka, donee, Hidda, L., Hidda Inscription of the year 28, Himadatta, m., Himalaya, mo., Himavat, s. a. mo., Himalaya, Him[i]ngana, m., Hindu, Hindupur Inscription of Saka 775, Hiranyakesi-Grihyasutra, work, Hiranyanabha, Krita's preceptor, Hiranyasamudayika, off., Hirpur, 8. a. vi. Haripura, Hittukaras horseman, emblem on coin Hosa Kummata, I., 138 182 Hotri, 46 Hoysala, dy., 175, 177, 178 & n., 179, 180 n., 181 n., 183, 184, 191, 193 Hoyasanarayakolahala, tit. of Yadava k.. Mahadeva, Huligere, I., Humayun, Moghal k., Hana, tribe, Hana-mandala, di., Hutasana, s. a. god Agni, PAGE 171, 172 56, 57, 62, 63 & n., 64, 66, 69 89 n. 291 188 n. 193 193 n. 190, 195, 196 12 n., 13 n., 231 m., 275 . 33 n., 134, 192, 193, 279 n. 183 148, 152, 155 4, initial, i, medial, i, medial, used for i, i, superfluously used, i, initial, 5, medial, Hakkusu, coin, Ilam, s. a. Ceylon, 311 . 75 n. 35 35, 37, 42 157, 159 30, 240, 294, 297 237 245 233 147 43 50 157, 159 206 190, 195, 196 191, 193 184 232 102 & n., 201 102, 108 253 I 78 n., 81, 123, 162, 204, 213, 270 68, 74, 198, 204, 290 115 189 Idar, fort of Ikhaku, 8. dy.. Ikshvaku, dy.. Ilachala, s. a. Idar, Iladurganayaka, lord of the fort of Idar', 81 74, 81, 88, 91 m., 114, 198 232 52 1. 47 232 232 280, 287, 288 144 n.

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312 Iltutmish, imani-Kanderuvati, di., Imda, m., Inban Dovanasetti, m., Indian Museum Plates of Devendravarman, 76, 201n. Indra, god,. 44, 99, 130, 167, 235, 239 10, 14 Indra II, Rashtrakuta k., Indra III, do., Indrabhattarakavarman, Vishnukundin k., 104, 296 Isanadeva, Samavami k., Isanavarman, Maukhari k, Isapura Yupa Inscriptions, Isvara (Bharadvaja gotra), m., Isvara, (Gautama gotra) m.,. Ievara, s. a. god Siva levaradatta, bhira k., 91, 92, 93, 95 227 Indradeva, s. a. k. Indradhavala, 225, 227, 228 Indradhavala, k., 223, 224 & n., 227, 228, Indradaun, s. a. k. Indradhavala (?), 229 Ievaradatta, engr., Isvaraghosha, k., Ievaravarman, Maukhari k., Itihasa, EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. Indradyumna, 8. a. Indradaun (?), 227 Indrapala's Inscription, Indraraja, E. Chalukya prince, Indravarman, E. Chalukya k., 103 167 94, 95 n. Indravarman, Ganga k., Indravarman I, don, 2 Indravarman II, don, 56, 57, 78, 79, 94, 264 62, 63, 64 n., 78 62, 63 m., 64 93 n. 244 241 Indravarman, Vishnukundin k., Indravati, ri., indriya, Buddhist term, Ipur Plates (Set I), 88, 91 & n., 92 & n., 93 n., Ipur Plates (Set II), 95 .. 96 91 & n., 92 & n., 95 n. Ipur Plates of Madhavavarman I, 116 Ita, s. a god Siva, 235 loa, s. a. raja, 29 116 115, 116 & n. 44, 45 & n., 51 106, 110 105, 109 238 48 82, 83, 87 226 116 253, 255 J PAGE 186 & n., 187 166 140 285, 287, 288 . 3. j, used for y, Jadavulabhatta, m., Jagaddeva, Kalachuri k., Jagaddeva, Paramara k., Jagadekabhushana, Chhindaka ch., Jagannatha, te. at Puri, Jahangir, Memoirs of - Jaideva, Yadava governor, Jainad Inscription of Jagaddeva, Jain tradition, - Jsitrakarna, . . Jaitrevara, * . 9, 74, 81, 186, 198, 270 141, 205, 270 205, 212 2 & n., 5, 7 117 .. 133 244 226 232 281, 282 117 14., 133 51 232 RAOK 231, 232, 235, 238 Jajalladeva I, Kalachuri k., Jajalladeva II, do., 191 120 2, 4, 7 2 168 289 106, 110 jalaja, lotus', auspicious sign, Jamalgarhl Lamp Inscription, Jamata, donee, Jambanadi-vithi, di., 159, 290, 291 Janamejaya, s. a. Maha-Bhavagupta II, 249, 253 & n., Jaitre vara, ch., Jaitugi, Yadava k., Jaitpur, vi., 255 janapada, 72, 79, 108, 111, 112, 113, 135, 159, 262, janapada, Janardana, s. a. god Vishnu, Janaaraya, sur. of Vishnukundin k. Madhavavarman III, 90, 91, 93 & n., 95 264 77, 129, 131 178 n. 90, 93, 95 . Janasrayi Chhandovichiti, work, Jangoyika, vi., Japila, L., Jaraaambhu, ch., Jataka, work, 53, 54, 55, 56 224 & n., 228 137 39 Jatesinga-Dungri Plates of Maha-Sivagupta I, 250 n. Jatiga I, Silahara k., Jatiga II, do., 29, 30, 33 29 & n., 30, 33 Jatila Parantaka, Pandya k., 284 Jaunpur Stone Inscription of Ievaravarman,. 116 Jawar Inscription of V. S. 1478, Jayabhata I, Gurjara k., Jayabhata II, do., Jayabhata III, do., * * Jayasinha II, do., Jayasimha, m., [VOL. XXIII. Jaynagar, L., Jeda (Jata)eringa, di., jh, " Jayada, di., Jayadasa, engr., . Jayanatha, Uchchakalpa k., Jayangondasola-mandalam, di., Jayasimha I, E. Chalukya k., 88, 90, 94 & n., 95 m., 24 Jayasimha, Paramara k., jaya-stambha, 167 167 124, 129, 131 133, 134 43 171 171 Jayasvamin, Uchchakalpa k., Jayasvamini, Uchchakalpa q., Jayavarmadeva, Ganga ch., Jayavarmadeva, Ganga k., 261, 262, 268 Jayavijaya, so called doorway in the Jagannatha temple at Puri, 267, 268 & n. jihvamiliya, Jijjil.n, ri., Jilwada, . a. Chelavata, . 231 . 148, 149, 150, 153 148, 149, 150, 153 148, 149, 151 & n., 153, 154 & n., 155 264 158, 161 171, 172, 173 . 226 227 262 n. & add. 204 Jhampa Japrabhu or Jhampadaprabhu, minister, 278, 279, 280 . 19, 57 64 n. 23)

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INDEX. 313 PAGE Jilwara, . . . . 234 Jimutavahana, progenitor of Silahara dy... 274 Jimotavahana, Vidyadhara prince, 30, 31, 32, 33 & . Jinabhavana, . . . . . 293 n. Jirjingi Grant of Indravarman I, 62 & n., 63, 64 m., 92 jirn-addhara, purpose of donation, . . 195 jirn-oldhara, 'repairs, . . 276 Jitakarna, #. a. Jaitresvara,. . * 232 Jivasvamin, m.,. . . 157, 159 Jivitagupta II, Gupta k. . . . 242, 243 Jiya- Mahipati, 8. a. Alagiyaltyar, . . * 177 . 124 Jhanesvara, saint, . . . . 193 Jupiter, Twelve year Cycle of . . . 171 jyotishka, . . . . . . 272 m. . 128 PAGE Kalakkudi, . a. Ukkirakottai, 283 & n., 284, 286, 287, 288 Kalakkudi-nadu, 4. a. Ukkirankottai, 283, 285, 288 kalam, measure of capacity, , , , 25, 26, 27 Kalamukha, sub-sect of the Pa hupalas, 162, 163, 164, 165, 169 Kalamukhendra, 8. a. Pasupati II, or Prabhu tarasi II, . . . . 164 & n., 170 Kalanathasvamin, te., . . . . . 165 Kalandai, 8. a. Karavandapuram, . 283 & 1. Kalanjara, l. Kalanjara Stone Inscription of Udayana, 116 kalaniju, . . . . . 286, 287, 288 kalaba, part of ypa,. . . . . 43 , kalaba, depicted over inscription, 273, 277, 278, 279, 280 kalaba, 'pitcher', anspicious sign, 168, 281 Kalas Inscription of Govinda IV, . . . 104 Kalawan Inscription,. . . . 37 & 7. Kaleya, belonging to Kali', . Kalha Plates of Sodhadeva, . Kali, age,. 125, 128, 130, 131, 149, 150, 153, 154, 207, 208, 219, 228 Kalidasa, author, . . 64, 83, 84 & n., 93, 172 n. Klidasa, com.,. . . 82, 83, 84, 87 Kalinga, co., 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 64, 65, 69 & 1., 70, 75, 79, 89, 90, 92, 94, 95, 119, 123, 125, 126, 127, 130 & 9., 131n., 1125, 62, 163, 200, 225, 226, 258, 261, 262, 264, 266, 268, 297 Kaling-adhipati, . . . . . . 89 Kalinganagara, ca., 65 & n., 66, 68, 69, 72, 75, 76 Kalingapatam, Kalingaraja, Kalachuri k.,. 2, 4,7 Kalivallabha, 8. a. Rashfrakila k. Nirupama, 208, 219 Kali-Vishnuvardhana, 8. a. E. Chalukya k. Vishnuvardhana V,. . . . . 167 Kaliyuga-Vikramaditya, sur. of Gandaraditya, . . . . . . . 31, 33 Kalpa, Vedanga, . . . . . 253, 255 Kalyana, ca. . . . . . . 183 Kalyani, ca.. . . . . . . 134 Kamalaraja, Kalachuri k., . . Kamalavana-vanik-athana, Kamalavana Mer chants' Association', . 249, 251, 252, 255 kamandalu, emblem on seal, * 114 Kamarpava I, Ganga k. . . . 71 Kamarnava II, do.. . Kamirnava III, do., . . . . 68, 72 Kamarupa, a. a. Assam, . . . 261 Kambha, 4. a. Rashtrakuta k. Stambha, 144 Kandilideva, 8. c. Kampilideva,. . 184 n. Kammaraslatra, di.. . . . . 89 7., 94 Kampa or Kampavarman, Pallava k., 144, 145 &#.. 146, 147 . 178 . Kaccdyana (Katyayana), work, . . 38 Kachchi, 8. a. Kanchi, . 144 1. Kadaba Plates of Govinda III's Time, 11, 12 & 1. Kadab Plates, . . . . 206 1., 214 n. Kadacha, vi., . . . . . . 10? Kadahichchhaka, vi... . . 102, 112 Kadahisthaka, vi.. . . . . 112 . Kadamba, dy... 48, 89 7., 91 7., 142 1., 223, 224, 225 & n., 226, 227, 228 Kadambavisa, 6. a. Kadamba ch. Samara. simha (). . . . . . . 226 Kadava, 8. a. Pallava, 176, 178 & 1., 179 & n., 180, 181 Kadava-kumara, .. a. Pallava ch. Kopper ujingadeva II, Kadavariyar, 8. a. Pallavindir, . . 181n. Kaditamatya, off.. : . 31, 34 Kaduvetti, Kaduvettigal, 8. a. Perumangalam-Udaiyar,. 176 Kailasa, .. . 249, 254, 255 Kailasa, mo. . . 194, 236, 239 Kailasapura, vi.. . . . . 115, 120, 122 Kaingoda, 8. a. Kongoda, 131 s. Kaitabba, demon destroyed by Vishnu,: 178 n. Kajangala, .. . . . . . . 39 kakapada, sign, . . . , 21 7., 22 n., 251 . Kakatiya, dy. . . . 96, 191, 192, 193 & n. Kakka I, Rashtrakufa k., . . * 10, 14 KAkusthavarman, . . . Kalachuri, dy.. . 2, 3, 4 & n., 5, 7, 8, 102, 103, 118, 172, 173, 174, 255, 257, 258 & n., 250 & n., 260, 296 Kaladondha, . a. Konthalanthina ()... Kalahandi, ci... . Kalakachuryukathanaka, werk. . . . 10 Kalakkad, vi.. . . . . . . 284 178

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314 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXIII. . . 188 PAGE Kampana-Eighteen, di., . . 185 Kampila, Kampiladeva or Kampilaraya, k., 182, 183 & n., 184 & n., 185 & n. Kampilideva, 8. a. Kampiladeva, . . 184 n. ka[n]sakara, brazier ', . . . 291, 292 kamadra do. . . . . . . 267 kamsara, do. . . . . . . 80 Kanaswa, L., . 51 Kanaswa Inscription, . . Kanauj, . 47 & 7., 108, 187, 224, 225, 268 *., 298 Kanchanabula, gift, . . . . 235, 236 Kanchi, ca., 10, 14, 89 7., 147, 179, 216 Kandan-Suran, 6. a. Tennavan Pallava diaraiyan . . . . 283, 286, 288 Kanderu, ci.. . . . . . 166 Kanderuvati, 8. a. Kandervvadi, . . . 168 Kandervvadi, see Gudla-Kandervvadi, . . 166 Kanhapa, Yadava k... . . . 1931. Kanishka, Kushana k.,. . . . 47 & n. Kanker Plates of Pamparajadeva, . 142 n. Kannada literature, . . . . . Kannadar, 180, 181 Kannanur, ca., . . . 178 Kannaradeva, Rashfrakuta k., . 144 1., 145 1. Kanni, ri., . . . . 180, 181 Kanopa, vi. . . 102, 105, 109, 113 Kanteru, 8. a. Kanderu, . kanthika, . . . . , 208, 219 kanya-dhenu-dhara-turangama-ratha-grantha, gifts, . . . * 236 Kanyakubja, ca., . 225, 243 Kanyakubja-bhukti, di, . . . 243 Kanyakubja-dela, . . 188, 189 Kanyakumari Inscription,. * 97 n. Kapalika, Saiva sect, . . * 165 kaparda ka-podi, see vodi, 139, 140 Kapila, l... . . . 290, 291 Kapilasiddha-Mallesvaradeva, 195 Kapilasiddha-Mallikarjunadeva, te., 190, 191, 194, 195 Kapiei, ci., . Kapisthavataka, vi., . . . 157, 159 Kapitthakheda, vi.. . . . 105, 107 Kapotin, yupa,. . . 44 n. Kar, 'first harvesting season of. Tula, 26, 27 kara, "toll' or 'tax', 41, 60, 66, 98, 236 Karahataka, 1... . . . 104, 107 Karai-nidu, di., Karaivali Andi-nadu, di., . . . . 147 Karakayda-chariu, work, . 30 & 1., 275 *. Karana, off., . 120, 129, 131, 262, 265 Karanika off., . . . . . 156 n. karapaka, see karavaka, . . . 83 n. karavaka, used for karaka,. . 82, 83, 7., 87 Karavandapuram, 3. a. Kalakkudi, 283, 284 & n., 285, 288 ' PAGE Karavantapura, .. a. Karavandapuram, 286, 288 Karcha, vi., * 102 Karda Plates of Karka III, 259 n. Karhada Brahmanas, ef. Karabataka, i . . 104 Karigrama, vi... . 105, 107 Karikala, Chola ch., . . 96 Karikala, family, . 96 Karikala-Chola, 96 Karltalai, ti.. . . 255 & n., 256, 257 Karltalai Inscription, . . . 255 & n., 257 11. kari-urag-agama, elephant and horse lore',. 168 Kari-turay-Oshtra-nau-addhanika, off. . . 229 kariyavarachchi, tax, . . . . 26, 27 Karka, Rashtrakufa k. . . 258 Karkka, 8. a. Kakka, . Karna, epic hero,. . 207, 218 Karna, Gurjara k. 149, 153 Karna, Kalachuri k., . . 102, 134, 258,296 Karnata, people, . . . . 10, 14, 291 Karnataka Brahmanas, . 104, 107 Karnataka, co.,. . . 193 & n., 206, 217 Karnul Plates of Vikramaditya I,. . 82 n. Karpara, saint, . . . . . . 190 Karpasikagrama, vi., . . 135 karsha, measure of capacity, . 137, 140 Kartakritika, off.. . .. . 157, 159 Kartavirya, myth. k.,. . . 2, 4, 6, 43 n. Kartayuga, . 86 & n. Karttiladi, (year), . . . . . 104 Karttikeya, god, Karunilakkudi-nadu, di., . . 285, 286, 288 Kagamana or Kasamana, donee, 11 & n., 16, 18 Kaseli Plates of Bhojadeva, . . . . 29 n. Kashmir,. . . . . : 271 Kasi, tirtha, . . . . . 233 Kasia Stone Inscription, . 259 & n., 260 Kisidda, vi., . . . . 264 Kasimkota Plates, . . : 57 kabu, coin, . . . 24, 26, 27, 287, 288 Katahaka, 8. a. Kadava, . . . . 180 kataka, 'camp', . . . . . . 250 & *. kataka, 8. a. chashala, . . . . . 44 Kataka, 8. a. Cuttack (?), . . . 250 n. Katakanayaka, off. . . 164, 170 Katak Grants (Three) of the 31st year, 249, 250, 251 1., 253 h Katakhadi, 8. a. Katashadi, . 275 . Katashadi, di., . . . , 275 & 1., 276 Kathiawar, co.,. 138, 270 n., 277 & n. Kattumannarkayil Inscription, . . . 179 Katyayana, m.,. . . . . . 82, 87 Katyayana-Srautasutra, work, . 43, 44 n. Kaundaraja, m., . . . . . . 83, 87 Kaunkana, 8. a. Konkana, . . . . 282 Kauptika, off., . . . . 138, 140

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INDEX. 315 . . 105, 109 . . 179 185 PAGE Kaurusha, one of Lakuli's four pupils,. . 164 Kaukambl, ca.,. . . 245 ., 247 Kaulikf, goddess, . . . 167 Kautilya, author, * 254 n., 255 *.., 284 Kavada, vi.. Kanadi, til., see also Kavidi, . . . . 147 Kavalar-Tambiran, tit. of Pallava ch. Kopper ujingadeva I, . . . kavamuli, chief guard'. Kavannur, vi. . . . 144, 145, 147 & .. Kavort, ri.. . . . . 176, 178, 193 n. Kaverippakkam, vi.,, . . . 145 Kavidi, tit., . 144, 147 m. Kavi Grant of Jayabhata III, 3, 151 n., 152 m. Kavilasa, 8. a. mo. Kailasa, . . . 194 Kavilasapura, ci.. . . 194 Kaviraja, tit. of Yoglavara,. . 234, 237, 240 Kavirajamarga, work, . . . 193 Kaviri, 8. a. ri. Kaveri, . 180, 181 Kavirippattinam, vi, . . 180 Kavisarvabhauma, tit. of Pallava ch. Kopper. ujingadeva I, 175. Kavyamala, work, . . . 83. Kavyamimansa, do. Kayastha, caste, . . Kiyatha, vi., . . . . . 2, 3, 5, 8 Kelhana, Chahamana k., . . . . 191n. Kerala, co., . . 10, 14, 217 m., 297 Kekava, com., . . . . . 199, 202 Kekava, m., . . . . . 156. Kesava, 8. a. god Vishnu, . . 249, 252, 255 Kesiraja, Silahara k. . . . . . 279 Keala, vi., . . . . . . . 120 kh. . . . . . . . 72, 259 . Khachara, 8. a. Vidyadhara dy... . 33 . Khadgi, til., . . . 157, 159 Khadirapadra, vi.. . . 240, 251, 255 Khadirapala, k., 223, 224, 225, 226, 227, 228 Khadupallika, vi.. . 103, 105, 109 Khailapataks, vi., . * 117 n. Khairade, vi., . . 205, 206, 210 Khajuraho Inscription of Kokkala, 257. Khajuriya, vi... . . Khalimpur Plates of Dharmapala, 64 n., 290, 291 Khalugakhands, di... . . . 266, 268 Khambeevart, te., . . . 248 Khambha, .. a. Rashtraktita ch. Stambha, 12 n. Khamba II, Chalukya k.. . . 99, 100 n. Khimkhed Plates, . . . . 204 khampana, t. d., . . . 28, 29, 31, 34 Khanda, com. . . . . 261, 263 khanda, t. d., 249, 250, 261, 264 Khandajotika, ti, . . 157, 158, 159 Khandajuli, v., . . . . . 158 Ihandakahara, . . . . 268, 268 PAGE khanda-sphufita-jirn-oddhara, repairs ',. . 32 khanda-aphufita-navakarman, do.. khanda-sphufita-pratikarana, do. . . . 252 Khandoya-Raya, 8. a. Kampiladeva, . . 184 Khandimala or Khandivili, engr., . . . 76, 78 Kharagiri, L., . . . . . * . 284 Kharbadi, .. a. vi. Khairada (?), . . 206 Khariyar Plates of Maha-Sudevaraja, Kharjarika, vi., . . . 103, 106, 110 Kharod, vi. . . . . 116 Kharod Inscription of Ratnadeva III, 2, 3 Khardshthi Inscriptions, . . 289 & n. Khasa, tribe . . . . * 291 khata, 'engraved ', 6. a. kahata, 82 ., 87 Khatapurana, vi.. . . 53, 54, 55 Khayaravala, 8. a. k. Khadirapala (1), 224, 225 Khed, 4. G. vi. Kheda, 214 n. Khoda, vi.. . . . 213, 214 ., 221 Khedaditya, deity, . . . 29, 31, 32, 34 Khedapalika, vi. 103, 106, 119 Khedaulis, cf. Khedapalika, . . . 103 Khedavals, of. Khedapalika, Khedaval Brahmanas, . . 103 Kheri, vi... . . . . 203 Khetaka, vi.. . 103, 106, 110 Khetri, . a. Mewar ch. Kshetra, * . * 232 khila-kshatra, 'fallow land, . . 54, 55 Khoh Plates of Sarvanatha, . 101 n. Khummana, family, . . . . 236, 240 Khurda Plates of Madhavarija, . 126, 127, 131 >>. Khwaja Jahan, . . . . . . . 185 Kidangil, vi., . . . . 24, 25 Kiladrangaka. . . . 221 kilaka, 'peg' (for marking boundaries), 157, 160 Kindeppa, vi.. . . . 57, 59, 60, 61 Kindoppa Grant of Anantavarman, . . 89 Kirkt Pillar Inscription, . . . . 13 - Kiratarjuniya, work,. . . 90, 93 & n. Kirtipals, m., . . . . . 224, 229 Kirtiraja, Silahara k., . . . 29 & 1., 30, 33 Kifora-radavd-go-mahishy-adhikrita, off. . 291 Kitkai-nadu, di., .. . 24 Kittinissanka, k. of Ceylon, . . 225 Kodavalli, di.. . 29, 30, 31, 34 Koddavira, vi... . 157, 159 Kodoll, vi.. . 30 Kodumbalur Inscription of Vikramakesarin, 165 & n. Koetei, 2. in Borneo, . Kokalavalapura, 8. a. Kolbalapura, . 79 Kokalla, Kalachurid., 2, 4, 7 Kokalla I, do., . . . . . 258 & n. Kokkili, E. Chalukya k., . . . . 167 Kolahalapura, ca. . . . 79 Kolancha, &. a. vi. Kulancha Kolar, 8. a. Kolabalapura,. . . 79

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316 Kolleru Plates of Vijayanandivarman, Komarti Plates of Chandavarman, Kolaulapura, s. a. Kolahalapura,. Kolavennu Plates of Chalukya-Bhima II, Kolhapur, Kollapura, s. a. Kolhapur, Komnijavada, vi., Komthala-vatika, Kondakkarar, a caste of fishermen, Kondamanchi, vi., Kondapadumati, family, Kondapalem, vi., Konkanachakravartin, Silahara tit., Konkan-Thana, Kon Nagarattan, Koon Sattan, Konthalasthana, vi., Kopparam Plates of Pulikesin II, Kopperunjingadeva I, Pallava ch., Kopperunjingadeva II, do., . Kopperunjingan-desam, di., . Koradeva, m., 91, 94 n., 125 26 Kondar, s. a. Kondakkarar,. Kondaraja, s. a. Kaundaraja, Kondodda Grant of Dharmaraja, Konerirajapuram Inscription, Kongoda, co., Konkan, Konkan, Konkan or Konkana, 192 & n., 269, 271, 277, 278, 280, 281, 282 277, 279, 280 192 64, 69 n., 123, 125, 126, 128, 131, 201 CO., 287, 288 287, 288 280 &n. 88, 94, 95 n. 175 & n., 176, 178, 179, 180, 181 176, 177 & n., 179 177 115 & n., 121 & n., 122 70. 70 Korni Grant, Saka 1003, Korni Plates of Anantavarman Chodaganga, Kosala, Kosala or Koeala, co., 19, 20, 70, 92, 94, 116, 117, 118, 119, 249, 250, 251 & n., 254, 258, 297 Kosam, s. a. Kausambi, 245 Kesavardhana, s. a. vi. Shergadh, 132, 134, 135, 136, 139 117 42, 48, 52 190 n., 191 PAGE 79 27, 69 28, 29, 30, 275 29, 30, 31, 34 56 Kramaltta, m., kramavid, Kramavit, 8. a. Kramaitta, Krimila, di., Krishna, Kushtrakuta k., Krishna, s. a. god Vishnu,. Krishna I, Rashtrakuta k., Krishna II, do., Krishna III, do., * EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. 56, 58 n., 89 .. 200 29, 30, 31, 34 280 144 89, 97, 98, 99 96 59 Kosgain Stone Inscription of Vaharendra, Kotah, state, Kotbagi Inscription, Kotivarsha, ci. or di., Kramaditya, 8. a. Kramaltta, . 9, 16 n. 9, 11, 16 n. 32, 34, 272 16 n. 291 207 & n., 214, 218 151, 154, 208, 219 . 10, 14 258 & N. 162, 163, 257 & n. * * 144 83 . Krishnadeva, Yadava governor, Krishnadevaraya, Vijayanagara k., Krishna-Kandhara or Krishna, Yadava k., Krishnaraja, Paramara k., Krishana-Subhatunga-Akalavarsha, kula k... Krita, age, krita, fruit', 'booty', ' reward Krita, Hiranyanabha's pupil, Krita or Krita, n. of era, Krita, n. of k., Krita, one of Visvedevas, Krita, Vasudeva's son,. Krittivasas, s. a. god Siva, Kroshtukavartani, di., [VOL. XXIII. kah, ksh, confused with kv., kah, Kharoshthi-, kahata, engraved, 8. a. khata, Kshatrapa, tit., Kshatriya, caste,. kshaya-tithi, Kshema, m., 184, 192, 193 & n. 102, 108, 112 Rashtra 50 120 261 124 9 289 n. 82 n. 47, 48 47, 119, 235, 238, 240 278 37 83 & N. Kshemendra, author, Kshetra, ch. of Mewar,. 231, 232, 233, 235, 238, 239 Kshetrapala, off.. kshitidana, s. a. bhumidana, 291 210, 220, 293 kta, confused with ku,. ku, confused with kta,. Kubera, god, 290 290 240, 254 Kubja-Vishnuvardhana, E. Chalukya k., 90, 93, 94, 95 & n., 96, 167 89 n. 179 24 89 n., 92 n. 11, 18 291, 292 103 103, 105, 109 Kulanch, vi., Kulancha, vi., kulaputra, kulaputraka, 86 70, 267 Kulattulan Tiruchchirrambalam-Udaiyan Perunanambi Pallavarayar, general, Kulattur, vi., Kulavara, off., Kulika, tribe, Kumara, s. a. god Karttikeya, Kumaradeva, Uchchakalpa k., 10, 14 208, 219 50) 50 48, 49, 50, 51, 52 50 50 Kudegere Platos of Siva-Mandhatrivarman, Kadal, vi.,. kudimai, tax, Kudrahara, di., Kukkaika, minister & com., Kuladatta, com., PAGE 282 180 n. Kulottunga-Chola II, Chola k., Kulottunga-Chola III, do., kulya, s. a. kulyavapa,. kulyarupa, measure of capacity & I. m., . . 179 170 156 N. 291 179 176, 177, 178, 179 157., 161 53, 54, 55, 56, 157, ICO 168 171

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INDEX. 317 miradevi, Uchchakulpa qui 49.51, 174 n. . 239 . . 214 n. PAGE . 171 Kumaragupta I, Gupta k... . 49, 51, 174 n. Kumaramatya, ofl., 79, 157, 159, 201, 202, 203, 264, 268, 291 Kumarapala, Chaulukya k., . . . 192, 275 Kumarapalacharita, work, . . . . 275 Kumara-Ramana Kummata, see Kummata, 184 Kumara-Ramanathadeva, 182, 183 & n., 185 Kumara-Ramanathana-rangalya, Kannada work, . . . . . . 183, 185 Kumaru-Ramana-kathe, Kannada work, 193 n. Kumarasambhava, work, . .84 n. Kumaravatsa, donee,. . . 20, 21 Kumara vishnu, . . . .89 n. Kumbha, ch. of Mewar, . . 232 Kumbhalgarh Inscription of V. S. 1517, 233, 234 Kumbha's Tower of Victory, at Chitor, . . 232 Kummata, ca., . . . 183, 184 & n., 185 kunda, spring, Kundabhogin, m., . 124, 129, 131 Kundanaka, m., . 139, 141 Kundavaiyar, W. Ganga princess, . . . 145 kundi, l. m., . . . 31, 34 Kunkana, 8. a. Konkan, . . 271 Kunnur, vi.. . . 285, 286, 288 Kuntala, co., . . . . 84, 92 Kuntalesa, 8. a. l'ravarasina II,. . 84 & n. Kuntaleea, tit. of Vakutaka kings, . . . 84 Kuntalesvarudautyu, work,. . . 83 & n. Kuntesraradautyu, do. 8. a. Kuntaleorura. dautya,. . . 83 R. Kuraka-raskfra, di.. . 65 Kure, ti.,. . . 11, 13, 16 Kurha, ti, Kurram Casket Inscription, kurranel, tax, . 24 Kurugodu-nadu, di.. 184 Kuruspal Tank Slab Inscription, . . 244 kururam,. . 32 Kusavati, cu.. . 149 Kushana, tribe,. 47 Kusika, one of Lakuli's four pupils, . Kufakolasu, off., . . . 201, 202, 203 kutriran, . : 32 kutumbin, householder', 'ryot', 20, 54, 55, 60, 79 & N., 97, 99, 100, 266, 291 kv, confused with ksh, . . PAGE Lakakipu-Pasupati I, Saira ascelic, 163, 164, 160 Lakhaipari, vi... . . . 205, 206, 211 Lakhanesvar Temple Inscription, . . . 110 Lakhpuri, 8. a. vi. Lakhaipari, i . . 206 Laksba, ch. of Mewur, . 231 & n., 233, 235, 236, 238, 239, 241 Lakshmadeva, Paramaru k., . . . 133 Lakshmana, ch., . . . 186 & n., 187, 188 Lakshmana, epic hero, . . . . 187, 188 Lakshmana, Kalachuri k., Lakshmanaiya Prabhu, minister, 271, 272, 277 Lakshmananayaka, . . 271, 277, 278. Lakshmanaprabhu, m., . . . 273, 274 Lakshmanaraja I, Kalachuri k., 255, 256, 257 &#., 258 & n., 259, 260 Lakshmanaraja II, do., Lakshmanaraja III, do.. . . 259 n., 260 Lakshmanasena, Sena k., . Lakshmana Temple Inscription, 115 ., 119 #. Lakshmesvar Inscription, . . . . 184 & n. Lakshmi, emblem on seal, . .. . . 1, 18 Lakshmi, goddess , 108, 112, 134, 135, 1.53 Lakshmidhara, m., . . . . . 141 Lakshmi Nariyana, te. . 132, 134, 1:39 Lakuli, founder of Kalamukha sub-sect of the Pasupatas, . . . . 162, 163, 161 LakulicaPabupata, 8. a. Pasupata sect, . . 165 Lakulisvara, 8. a. Lukuli, . . . . Lalgudi, ci., . . . . Lambodara, 8. a. god Gececa, . . " Lamkesa,. . . . . . 31 n., 33 . Lamu, vi., . . . . 163, 166, 169 lances, emblem on seal, . . . 67 languages: Chinese, . . . . 37, 241 Dardic, . . . . . 40 Hindi, . . . 142. Hindustant, . . . 137 Iranian, Jaina-Maharashtri, . 240 Kanarese, . 6 . Kannada, 8. a. Kanareso, 28, 33 n., 34 n., 104, 182, 189, 193 Khotant Saka. . . . 36, 40 Marathi, . . 37, 100, 137, 193 & n., 270, 282 Mixed Sanskrit, . . . . . 246 13 . 240 North-Westeru Prakrit Pali, . Prakrit,. Sanskrit, 9, 74, 124, 141, 215 . . 40, 83 ., 149, 241, 24: 9, 40, 62, 84, 128 n., 137, 175, 267, 270, 289 2, 4, 19, 28, 46, 53, 57, 62, 68, 71, 78, 82, 87, 88, 100, 115, 124, 133, 137, 1:1, 148, 100, 162, 175, 186, 189, 191, 197, 198, 2005. 213, 223, 2:0, 241, 242, 246, 249, 250, 261, 203, 265, 207, 270, 282, 283, 284, 200 1, confused with , Lachcbhaiya, 8. u. Lavvaiya, Laduvallika, vi... . Laghu-Lohara, ri., . * . . 10 n. 214 n. . 221 .

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318 languages-contd. Tamil, Telugu, Tibetan,. PAGE 144, 175, 283 162 37, 38, 241 . 70 37 37 276 92, 103, 106, 110, 191, 192, 291 11, 16 250 82 105, 110 193 271,272 106, 110 275, 277, 283 n. 190 & n. 250 245 156 74, 77 82, 84, 86 105, 109 213, 218, 221 Lohapa Agnihotrin, donee, Lohara, vi., Lohara Grant of Govinda III, 204, 206, 210 m., 212, 216, 295, 296 n. 106, 110 148, 151, 155 105, 109 Lokabhatta, donee, 213, 221 Lokamahadevi, q. of E. Chalukya k. Bhima II, 168 Lokananda Dikshita, m., 105, 109, 113 157, 159 157 n. 275, 276 275 & n. 84 73, 114, 265, 267 . 141 156 Languliya, ri., Lanka, Lankeevara, s. a. Ravana, Lashana, m., Lata, co., Lavvaiya, donee, Lepta, vi.,. li, used for li, Liha, m., Lilacharita, Marathi work, Liladevi, Silahara q., Liladitya, m., linga, s. a. Siva-linga Lingayat, sect, Lipatunga, cf. Luputura, lla, Im, Lohadhangara, di., Lohanagara, di.,. . Lohata, m., Lohigakakshapathaka, di., Lohina, donee, Lokanatha, god, . Lokanatha god, emblem on seal Lona, vi. or garden (?), Lonad, vi.,. Loni, vi., lotus, emblem on seal lotus-bud, emblem on seal, lp,. Lupattara, s. a. Luputura, Lupatura, s. a. Luputura, Luputura, vi., m, m, confused with p, m, final, M EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. * . may la mu Macchlishar Grant of Harischandra, Madala-panji, work, Madana, s. a. god Kama, Madanaratna, author, . 250 n. 250 & n. 249, 250, 251, 254 9, 74, 156, 186, 199 1 " 45, 53, 57, 62, 67, 81, 156, 162, 197, 198, 245 * 26, 27 186 n. * 201 134, 194 134 PAGE 183 182, 183, 185 Mada-Na[ya kiti, g., Madarasa, Madgall, f., Madhava, donee,. 246, 247, 248 213, 221 32, 34 Madhava (Bharadvaja), donee, Madhavaraja I, Sailodhbava k., Madhavaraja II, do.,. Madhavaaarman, donee, 126, 127 91, 94 N., 126, 127 94 Madhavavarman III, Sailodbhava, k., 122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127, 128, 130 n., 131 Madhavavarman I, Vishnubundin k., 90, 91, 92 & n., 94 n., 95 & n., 116 88, 91, 92, 93, 95 & n. 88, 90, 91 & n., 92 n., 93, 94, 95 & n., 96 106, 110 102, 112 213, 221 72 106; 110 104, 105, 110 244 208, 219 260 157, 159 103, 105, 109, 110 91, 125 144 m. . Madhavavarman II, do., Madhavavarman III, do. Madhu, m., Madhuka, di., Madhuka Dvivedin, donee, Madhukamarava, Ganga k., Madhumathana, donee, Madhupalika, v., . Madhurantakadeva, ch. of Bhramarakolya, Madhuripu, s. a. god Vishnu, Madhusudana, do., Madhuvataka, vi, Madhyadesa, co., Madhyamaraja, Sailsdbhava k., Madirai, ca., Madit-chevagar, soldiers on guard at ramparts", 285 & n., 286, 288 47 n. 284 [VOL. XXIII. Madra, tribe, Madras Museum Pletes of Jatilavarman, Madras Museum Plates of Vajrahasta III; Saka 984, 64 n., 67 n., 68 & n., 142 n. Maduraikkanchi, work, 144 Magadha, co., 103, 105, 109, 113, 115, 15, 224, 227 magila, site for house", 28, 31, 32, 34 n. Mahabaladhikrita, off., 199, 200, 202 Mahabalipuram, vi., 180. Mahabharata, epic, 12 m., 240Mahabhashya, work, 47. Maha-Bhavagupta II, Somavam k., 249, 251 & n., 254 38 291 184, 190, 191, 192, 193 & n., 194, 195, 279 272 n. queen', 11, 12, 17, 79, 80, 100, 221, 265, 267 223, 224, 229 282 276 mahadanapati, 'great giftlord', Mahadandanayaka, off, Mahadevaraya, Yadava k.. mahadevapidhi, cf. pati, mahadeti, 'queen' or 'chief * Mahaditya, donee, makadosha-vivarjita, privilege, Mahaduji, m..

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INDEX. 319 * 100 PAGE PAGE Mahala Deval, 9.. . Maharashtras, three . 118 Mahajana, . . . 32, 34 & n. Mahasamanta, tit., 79, 126, 128, 129, 131, 168, 186, Mahi-Jayaraja, k., . . . 19 188, 189, 201, 202, 203, 261, 263, Mahakartaksilika, off., . 291 264, 265, 266, 268, 283, 291 Mahakavya, . . . . 191 Mahasamantadhipati, tit., 149, 150, 151, 153, 154, Mahi-kosala, co. 19 & n., 90, 91, 92, n., 95 n. 276 Mahakshapafalika, off. . . . 292 Mahasandhivigrahadhikrita, off., . . .17, 18 Mahakshapatalin, off-, . 249, 254, 255 & n. Mahasandhivigrohika, off., 59, 199, 200, 201, 202, Mahalakshmi, 8. a. goddess Lakshmi, 31, 33, 258 271, 272, 275, 276, 278, 280 mahallaka, landlord ', . . . . 139, 141 Mahaandhivigrahin, off, 249, 254, 255, 261, 263 Mahamahatlama, off... . . . . 249 Mahasandhivigrahin, off. . . . 279, 280 Mahamahattara, off. . . . 201, 202, 203 Mahasenapati, tit., 46, 47, 48, 51, 52 & 1., 291, 292 Mahamandadeva, ch., . . 186, 187, 188, 189 Mahl-Sivagupta, Somavamii k., 90., 92 7., 115, Mahamandale beara, til., 31, 33, 195, 226, 271, 116 & n., 118, 119, 120, 222 274, 282 Maha-Sivagupta I, Somavan si E., , 250 %. Mahamandalbearadhipati, tit., 226, 271, 272, 273 Mahasiva-Tivaradeva, 4. a. Tivaradeva, . 90 Mahamandalika, tit... 223, 225, 226, 227, 229 Mahasiva-Tivararaja, Kosala k.,. . . 19 Mahamandalika, tie.. Mahasudassana Suttanta, work, . 149 Mahamanda Sahi, 8. 4. Muhammad ibn Maha-Sudevaraja, k., . . . . 18, 19, 20 Tughlaq, . . . . 187 n. mahattara, elder', . . . 157, 159, 291 Mahamatya, off., 271, 272, 278, 279, 280 Mahattara, off... 15, 151, 154, 199, 201, 210, 220, Mabimaya, te., . . . . . . 18 221, 265, 266, 269, 273 Makamayuri, work, . . . . . 37, 38 Mahattaraka, off. . . . . 199, 202 Mahammad, . . . . . 234 Mahavratin, .. a. Kapalika,. . . . 165 Mahammad, 8. a. Nasir-ud-din Mahmud, 233 Mahayana, form of Buddhism, . . 196 Mahammad Tughlak, Sultan of Delhi, 232 Mahendra, k. of Pishtapura, . Mahanadi, ti., . . 3, 19 & n., 20, 70, 250 &n. Mahendra, mo... 70, 71, 78, 79, 261, 262, 263, 264, Mahana saka, 8. a. Mahanayaka,. . 286 & no 266, 268 Mahanayaka, off-, . . .283, 286 1., 288 Mahendra, 8. a. god Indra,. . . . 168 Mahanaya.ka, tit., . . 224 Mahesvara, 6. q. god Siv, 61, 115, 122, 153, 154, Mahanila, Vidyadhara prince, . 30 165, 168, 200, 254, 263, 265 Mahantipati, tit., . 223, 225, 228 Mahidatta, . . 157, 159 Mahanubhava, sect, . . . . . 193 Mabindaka, m., . Mahapradana (Mahapradhana), off., Mahmud Khilji, of Malwa,.. Mahapradhana, of.. 31, 34, 190, 194, 195, 271, Mahoba Inscription, . . 187 n. 272, 273 & n., 274, 275, 276, 277 Mahodaya, ca... . . 12 n. Mahaprafihara, off. . 199, 200, 203, 291 Maha, vi... * 103 Maha-Pravararaja, k., . . . . . 19 Mahula, m., . . 106, 110 Mabapurusha or Mahapurusha, 4. a. god Maillapayya, minister, . . . . 29, 31, 34 Vishnu, . . . . . 82 & n., 86 Mainaku, minister, . Alaharaja, tit, . 57, 60, 61, 62, 66, 71, 74, 77, 82, Maitra, nakshatra, 8. a. Anuradha, 85, 86, 89, 90, 91, 93, 95, 97, 90, Maitreya, one of Lakuli's four pupils, . 164 101 11., 126, 129, 137, 149, 155, Majhowli, vi.. . . . 104 157, 158, 160, 171, 173 & n., 198, Majjhimanikaya, Buddist work, . 241 & . 199, 200, 201, 202, 203, 243, 245, makara-torana, emblem on seal, . 247, 248, 261, 262, 268, 281, 291, 297 Mala, vi... . . 124, 129, 131 Maharajadhiraja, tit., 15, 72, 79, 86, 106, 108, 112, Malava, co. . 134, 138 & ., 191 & n., 192, 194, 133, 135, 157, 158, 159, 169, 182, 195, 209, 215, 258, 291, 297 185, 194, 195, 205, 210, 220, 251, Malava, tribe, . 49, 50, 51 & n. 253, 254, 263, 264, 265, 266, 277n.. Malana-gan-amnata, . . . . 48, 51 n. 279, 280, 290, 291 Malava-gana-sthiti, ... . . 49, 51 n. Maharani, lit, . . . . . . 100 malavam, . . . . 28, 32, 34. Maharashtra, co., . . . 57, 104, 193 & n. 57, 104, 193 & n. Malarapati, Sultan of Malwa,' . . . 232 Mabarashtra, 8. a. Vidarbha (?), . . 118, 119 Malava-parni, . . . . 49 Naharishtra, the sixty lac . . . 193 Valavikagnimitra, work, . . .100 n.

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320 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXIII. - 266 PAGE Malays, mo.. . * 91 Maleya, tribe, Malik Kafar, . . . 178, 184 Maliyapundi Grant of Ammarkja IT, . 162 Malkhed, .. a. Minyakheta, Malladatta, m.,. . . 249, 254, 256 Mallai, pi., . . . 176, 180, 181, 182 Mallai-Kavalan, tit. of Pallava ch. Kopper. ujingadova II, . . . . 177 Mallale, vi. . . . 114 & n., 120 Mallam, ti. . . . . . 144 . Mallapanayaka, m.. . Mallar, wi.... . 113, 114 & ., 118 ., 120 & . Mallasiral, vi... . 155 & *., 158 mallaram, Mallikarjuna, Saiva cacetic, . . . Mallikarjuna, Sahara k., * 273, 274, 275 & R., 276, 277 Mallikarjuna-Linga, te.. . 190 #. Malwl, co., 101 & n., 102, 103, 132, 173, 232, 258, 259 Mamdapur Inscription of Krishna, 192, 193 Mans, ri., . . . Mini, si., cf. Mapaks, . . Marabbita, eur. of Bailodbhave the Dharma . 69, 73 . 28, 32 . . 19 25 PAGE Mangi-Yuvarije, E. Chalukya k... 101 m., 167 Manikadeva, doncs, . Manikiala Inscription, . . . . 38 Mafijuvag, Buddhist deity, . . . 196 Mankha, author, . . * 271 n. Mannatha, si, . . 148, 152, 154 Mappe, vs., . . 11 *., 293, 294 Mappe Plates of Govinda III, . . .12 Mappe Plates of Khambhadeva,. 11 *., 12 n. Mappe Plates of Baks 724, 206, 215, 216, 217, 293, 294, 295, 297 Mappe Plates of Saka 732,. . 216, 217 r., 295 Manoja, 4. a, god Kima, . . . . 188 Manorathaperant, commentary, . . . 39 Mantrafakti, . . . . . . 61 n. mantrin, minister'. . . . 229, 249, 253 Manu, myth, E.,. . . . . 2, 4, 6 Manu, aage, . . . . . 150, 163 manya, 'tax-free', . . . 31, 32, 34 Manyakheta, ca.. . 101 n., 104, 105, 106, 107 Mangapurs, . d. vi. Manne, .. . .11 n., 217. manya-sthiti, . . . . . . marakkal, measure', . , Marap, . a. Sadaiya-Maran, . . . 283 . Maran-Eyinen, minister, . . . Maran-Kari, minister, . . . . . 283 Murad-Sadaiyan, 8. a. Sadaiya-Maran.. Maras-Soran, 8. a. Tennavan Pallavadiraiyan 283, 286, 288 Marakarva, k., . . 209, 215, 294, 297 Marasimha, Silahara k., . 29 & n., 30, 33 Marasitha's Grant of Saka 980,. . 29 n. Marasingha, Senavara ch., . . . 33 n. Marithi literature, . . . 193. Maravarman Kulasekbara, Pandya k... 180 r. Maravarman Sundara-Pandya I, do.. . 178, 179 Maravarman Sundara Pandya II, do.. . Maravarman Vikrama-Pandya, do.. . 180 Marco Polo, . . . 192 marg-addys, ' toll, . . . . 138, 140 Mari, ri., . . . 11, 13, 16 Marichi, Yaksha, . Markandeya, sage, . 13 Markandi, *. a. ca. Mayarakhand, . Markons, ri.. . . 201 n. Maru, . . 207, 219 Marurike, wi., 213, 221 maruwakka, 'hostile army', . . 33 n. Maswrakka-sarppa, 6. a. Marwanka-sarppa, 33>>. Maruvathka-sarppa, ep. of Gandaraditya, 28, 31 Mirwar, . . . . . 187, 231 Misopavasin, 8. a. m. Vishnu, 213, 214 n., 221 Masulipatam Plates of Amma I,. . . 69 Masulipatam Plates of Chalukya-Bhima I, . 69 Masulipatam Plates of Chalukya-Bhima II, 27 matha, . . . . . 164, 165, 170 * Manad, vi., . . 148 Mpaks, di., . 205, 206, 210 Minamatra, k., . . . . . . 19, 22 Manana-Dharma bostra, work, . . 129, 131 Maficha pabhattaraks, Vishubundin prince, 95 Maschin,. . . . . . . 64 mandal, .. a. mandapika, . . . . 137 Mandalakritigadhe, .. a. Mandalgarh,, 238, 239 mandala, 6. d. 2, 4, 7, 102, 105, 117 ., 119 ., 120, 126, 135, 201, 244, 272, 274, 279, 280, 290 n. Mandalia, . . . 31, 33, 244 Mandalgarh, fort, . . 232, 239. mandapibd, market . . . 137 mandapik-adaya,' market tax', . . . 140 Mandasor, I., . . . Mandasor Inscription of Kumaragupta and Bandhuvarman, . . . . . 49. 61 Mandasor Inscription of Naravarman, . Mandesor Inscription of Yabodharman, Mindav, .. q. v. Mudupa (), . . Mandavaka, i, . 106, 107 Mindh, .. a. ri. Mans, . . . . * 19 Mandhata Plates of Devapila, . . 133. mandi, 4, 4. mandapika, * 137 Mindu, . a. Malwi, . . 232 Mangallu Grant, . . * 69 . Mangallu Plates of Ammardja II,. . * 182 Mangeppe, doncs, . . . . * 10, 16 27 . 37 .. 13 * 218

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INDEX 321 89 43 n. . 102 PAGE Mathara, family, Mathura Stone Inscription of Chandragupta . . . . 174 n. Mathuri Inscription of the year 80, - 47 n. Matridatta, commentator, . . . Matrisarman, donee, 87, 59, 60, 61 Meu, vi., . , . . 186 n. Maukhara, progenitor of Maukharidy., . . 47 Maukhari, dy., 42, 46, 47 & 1., 48, 52, 116, 116 & 7., 242, 243 & n. Maukhari Inscriptions on Yipas, . . . 42 Mayapuri, Mokala's wife, . , 231, 237, 241 Mayurakhandi, ca., 10, 12 & n., 13 16, 17, 205, 206, 210, 213, 216 n., 217, 218, 221 Mayarabarman, Kadamba k., . . 48 Mayarl, 8. a. Mahamayuri, . . . 37 Meda, a low caste, . . . 291 Meghadata, work, . . . . 84 Mel-Adaiyaru-nadu, di.. . * 147 Melpatti, vi. . . 143, 145 Menamatura, ci., * 89 n. Meru, mo., . . . 150, 153 metres : Anushtubb, 3, 13, 22 n., 80, 77 1., 78 +.., 87 n., 121 n., 122 n., 127, 167 16., 170 n., 187 n., 188 n., 206, 218, 227, 237 1., 263 ). Arya, 18, 71 1., 127, 156, 168 1., 206, 218 Aryagsti, . . . 168. Drutavilambita, . . . 169 n. Enkirkkali-nedilasiriya, . . . 175 Gayatri, . . . . . 44 n. Giti, . . . . 13, 72 n. Indravajri, . . 3, 13, 21 n., 121 n., 127, 206, 227, 235 1., 236 n., 237 n. Kali, . . . . . . 175 Malini,. . . . 3,72 1., 227, 260 m. Nardataka, . 196 Norisaivenba, . . 175 Pannirusirkkali-nedilasiriya . 175 Pushpitagrs, 13, 78 ., 206, 218, 227, 263 n., 266 n., 267 . Rathoddhata, 236 n. . . 206, 280 n. Sardolavikridita, 3, 30, 71 5., 72 7., 127, 167 16., 187 1., 206, 218, 227, 234 th., 235 1., 236 m., 237 6., 238 ..., 260 m. Siki rini, . . . . 3, 227, 260 . Sloka, 8. a. Anushtubh, . . 71 n., 169 . Bragdhara, 3, 13, 127, 167 ., 227, 263 n., 280 *. Udgata, * . . . . . . 93 Upajati, . 3, 13, 30, 151 7., 170 n... 295 n., 237 ., 288 ., 278 n. Upondravajra, . . 181 .. PAGS Vambastha, . . . . 71 m., 169 h. Vasantatilaka, 3, 13, 21 *., 72 m., 121 n., 127, 189 %., 200, 218, 220, 22, 238 , 237., 286 m. Mewaj, s. a. ni. Nimaj, . . . 135 #. Mewar, alate, . . . 231 & W., 282, 283 Mhatara, 3. a. Mahattara, . . . . 274 Mhow, vi... . . Miraj, vi... . Mirifiji, di.. . . . 29, 30, 31, 34 Mitail, vi., . . . . 108 Mitialpara, vi... . . 103 Mitila-pafaka, vi.. . 103, 106, 110 Mitrananda, m., . . . . 106, 110 Miyarai-nadu, 8. a. Miyaru-nadu, . . 147 Mlyaru-nadu, di. . . . . 144, 147 Mokala, ch. of Mewar, 231 & *., 233, 234, 236, 237, 238, 239, 240, 241 Mokhalapa taka, vi. . . . . 117 . Mokhali, &. a. Maukhari, . . . . 47 Mokhara, vi.. . . . . . 117 Mokhari, 8. a. Maukhari, . . 46, 62 & *. Monghyr, di. doi., . . . . 226, 227 months Apelse (Appellaios), . . . 36, 42 Ashadha, 10, 30, 31, 34, 69, 73, 118, 119, 121, 122, 217, 249, 253, 255 Ashidha, Second, . . 104, 111, 174 & n. Akvayuja, 148, 162, 154, 155, 183, 185 Advoja, .. a. Asvayujs, . 48 206, 211, 240 Chaitra 1 48, 134, 135, 188 R., 271 n., 277 & 1... 278, 280 Jyaishths, . . . . . . 224 Jyeshtha, 4. a. Jyaishtha,. 66 & +.., 67, 296 *. Karttika, 49, 82, 87, 89, 98, 99, 104, 108, 166, 199, 201, 213, 223, 229, 230, 234, 236, 240 Magha, 3, 6, 8, 77, 104, 105, 107, 112, 113, 187, 138, 140, 199, 203, 271, 272 Margabtraha, 188, 213, 216, 217, 221, 273, 296 Nabhas, 8. a. Sravana, . . . 238 Pausha, 3, 216 n., 217 n., 275, 276 n., 293, 294, 295 Phalgu, 8. a. Phalguna, . . . . 203 Phalguna, . . 46, 48, 52, 90, 199, 205 n. Pushya, 8. a. Pausha, 190, 195, 198, 276, 278 Sravana, 158, 161, 231, 234, 238, 241, 281, 282 Vaibikha, 19, 22, 54, 56, 187, 188, 140, 190, 202, 206 #., 274 . moon, depicted over inscription, 271, 273, 274, 278, 279, 281 moon, emblem on seal, . . . . 87 Moragana, vi.. . . . . 205, 206, 210 Morigere Inscriptions, . . . . . 165 Salin,

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822 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXII. . . . 213 PAGE Morkhand, I., . . . . . 12, 13 mu, Khardshthi - . . . 289 Mudupa (Laghu' and Brihat), vi., 213 & 1., 218, 221 Magai-nadu, di.. . . . . . 147 Muhammadans, . . . 226, 227, 233, 277 Muhammad-i-Bakhtyar, . . . 226, 227 Muhammad ibn Tughlaq, . . 187 1. Muhammad Shah, . . . 233 Muhammad Tuplaq II, . . 233 Mukhalingam, ci.. . 65 & ., 69, 76, 119 & n. Molavarman, k. of Borneo, . . 44 & n. Molasthana, dones, . . . . 205, 109 Multan, . . . Mumjala, dones, . . . . . 106, 110 Mumjaya, m., . . 100 Murjoya Maharani, . a. Chalukya g. Biriya Devi, . . . . . . . 100 Mummadi Singeya-Nayaka, .. a. Singeya Nayaks, . . . . . 183, 184 & n. Mummadidanalldr, . a. vi. Kidangil, 24, 26 Muner, &. a. Mongbyr,. . . . 226, 227 Mungir Plate of Devapala, * . . 290, 291 . 100 Munja, Paramara, k., . Manrukai-Mabasepai, Chola garrison, Murambi, ni.. . . . . . Muraripu, 4. a. god Vishua, Muraslman, ., . Murkapd, sage, . . . Murti-Eyinan, . . . muru kshetra, Murumba, di., . Murundadevt, Uchchakalpa q... Makittaikudi, vi., muftiyaj, tax, . Mivara-koneyd-santati, Muzaffar Shah I, governor of Gujarat, Mysore, state, . Mysore Copper Plate of A. D. 810, . 142 , 285 . . 218 108, 112 250 &n. . . 283 h. 272 213, 218, 221 171 25 24 166 233 RAOS , confused with 1, . *), subscript, . 7, superscript, . . . . 204 Nabinagar, 8. a. vi. Navinarapattana,, . 223 Nachna Inscription, . . 172, 173 Nadagam Plates of Vajrahasta of Saka 979, 67 *., 88 ., 70 Nadaganda, . a. Nargavunda. . . * 34 n. Nadia, ca., . . . . . . 226, 227 Nadol, ca. . . . . . . * 191 nadu, t. d., . . . . . . 147, 178 Nagabhata, Pratthara k., . . . 243, 294 Nagabhata II, Gurjara-Pratihara k., 256, 258, 259, 260 Nagara-bhuldi, di.. . . . . 290, 291 Nagarattap, choultry, 283, 285, 286, 287, 288 Nagarattar,' trading guild ',. . 283, 285, 286 287, 288 Nagart Ydpa Inscription, . . . 46, 49, 51 Nagavamat, dy., . . . . . . 244 Nagnaka, monk or deity. . 137, 138 & 1., 139 Nagor, . . . . . . . 2 Nagpur, . . . . . . 256, 256 Nagpur Museum Inscription of Bhavadeva,. 116 Nagpur Museum Plates of the 8th year, 249, 250 & 1. Nagpur Museum Prasasti of Malwa Rulers, 117 & n. Nagpur Prasasti, . . . 133 & n., 134 n. Naguji Mahattara, m., : . . 273, 274 Naguma, vi., . . . . 271, 272 Naihati Grant of Vallalasena, Naimittika, off.. . * 229 naivedya, offering', . . 163, 164 Nakkas-Munnarruvan, ... 286, 288 Nala 8x 9, measure, . . 54, 55 Nalanda, . . . 241, 290, 291 Naland& Plate of Devapala, . . 290 & n., 291 Nalanda Plate of Dharmapala, . . 159 NilandA Seal Inscripions, . Nala Sopara, l... . . 273 nafi, measure of capacity, . 25, 287, 288 namasya, . . . . 107 Namidias, com., . 84 Nanda, family,. . * 58 Nanda, m.. * 83, 87 Nandagiri, . a. Nandidroog. . . 79 Nandagirinatha, ep. of Ganga k. Indrawarman, 79 Nandalagrama, vi.. . . . . 105, 107 Nanda-Prabhanjanavarman, Ganga k., . . 58 Nandapur or Nandapura, vi.. . 63, 54, 159 Nandasura, vi, . . . . . 106, 107 Nanda-fthi, di., . . 53, 54, 55, 159 nandt, see also bull, emblem on seal, 67, 119 Nandidroog, 5, a. Nandagiri, . . . 79 Nandi-Kampa, 4. a. Pallapa k. Kampa, . 145 n. Nandikampa, vi.. . . . . 144 A. 193 . . 242 *. . . . . n, changed to anuadra, 1, final, . . . n, final, changed to m, 1, final, changed to th, 1, final omitted, . . ##, used for anuadra, . 1, used for m, . . 1, uned for i . . , used for anunvara, . . . . . 1h, superscript, . . *, . . . . 9, 38, 62, 74, 81, 88, 141 . . . . 10 162, 264 1., 290 * 124 . . . 124, 205 . . . 115, 205 . . . 82, 166 . . . . 158 . . . . 230 19, 62, 82, 115, 124, 256 . . . 68, 124 . . . . 204 38, 82, 81, 124, 286, 290

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INDEX. 323 30 PAGE Nandi-Kampiavara, te.. . . . 144 Nandi or Nandivarman III, Pallava k., 144 & Th., 146 Nandi pillar, mar, . . . . . . . . . 189 Nandipura, vi.,. . . 103, 106, 110 Nandivarman III, Pallava k., . . . Nandod, vi., . . . . . . 103 Nandpur, 6. a. Nandapura, . . . . 53. Nandsi, 1., . . . Nandsi Yupa Inscription,. 45, 46, 47, 48, 51 Nanjunda, author, . . Nannadeva, Somavanti k., . . . . 116 Nannadeva, Somavari prince, . . 92 . Naogam, vi.. . . . 65, 69 Napa, m.. . . . 80 Narangi, ri., . * 244 Narana, .. a. donee Narayana, . 10 7., 18 Narasimha, m.,. . . . . 137, 140 Narasimha, te., . . 283 Narasimha II, 8. a. Hoysala k. Vira-Narasimha II, . . . . . . . 178 & . Narasingapalli, vi.. . Narasingapalli Plates of Hastivarman,. , 69 Narathambaka, 8. a. Ranathambaka, 231 16., 236, 238 Narauka, doncs, . . . . . 11, 16 Narayana, com.. . . . . Narayana, donee, . . . 10, 16, 18 n. Narayana, engr... . 199, 203 Narayana, m., . . . . . 74, 77 Narayana, 8. a. god Vishnu, 62, 64, 65, 66, 67 & n., 134, 135, 151, 154, 167, 236, 238, 240, 241 Narayana bhatta, donee,. . . . . 32, 34 Narayanaraja, m., . . . . . 82, 86 Narbada, ri., . . . . . . 148 Narendradova, sur. of Govinda IV, . . 106 Narendradova, our of Vakpati Munja, 108, 112 Narendramrigaraja, . a. E. Chalukyak. Vijayaditya II, . . . . 163, 169 Narendrasena, Vakafaka k., . . Nargavunda, off... . . 31, 32, 34 & n. Nargavunda-ramyabhata, Narmada, ri. . . . 103, 258, 259, 297 Narttamalai, . . Nasapura, vi. . . . . 105, 107 N&sik, . . . . . . 193 Nasir-ud-din Mahmud, . . . 233 Nataraja, te., . . . . 177, 180 Nausart Plates of Jayabhata III, 148, 149 ... 150 n. Navagrama, vi.. . . . . . 65, 69, 73 navakamma (navakarman), . . . . 38, 39 navakammika (navakarmika), . . . 38, 39 nakummika, do. . . . . 38 navakammika, . . . navakarmika,' superintendent of work, . Navanera-pattala, . . . 229 n. PAGE Navanerapattana, ui., . . . 223, 229 Navinara-pattana, 8. a. vi. Navanerapattana, 223 Niyaka, family, . . . . . Nayaka, off-, . . . . . 142, 143 Nayanaga, m., . . . . . 156 n. Nayimma, Silahara k., . . 29, 30, 33 Ndaarings, di... . . 261, 262 Nedunjadaiyan, 3. a. Pandya k. Jatila Parantaka, . . . . . . . . . . 284 Nenaiyaka, donce, . . . . 106, 110 nerayam, tas, . . . . . . 23 Nesari Platee, 11, 12 *., 204, 206, 214, 216 & 1., 217 7., 294, 296 Neulpur Grant of Subhikaradeva, . . 201 TCA, . . . . . . . . 156 ng, . . . . . . . 124 Nidana-sutra, Buddhist work, . . . 241 riddesa, exegesis' . . . . . 241 Nidhanapur Plates of Bhaskaravarman, 8 n., 291 . nidhi-nikahepa-jala-pashana samanvita, privilege, . . . . . . . . 195 Nighantu, Tamil work, . . . . 144 Niguba, vi., . . . . . 290, 291 Niheanka bankara, ep. of Sena k. Vallalasona, . 225 Nikaya, Buddhist work, 241 Nila, Vidyadhara prince, Nilakkudi-nadu, di... . . . 285 Nimaj, ri., . . 135 Nirafljana, m., . . 145 n. Nirasijana-guru,. . 145 n. Niruddhapura, ca.. . . . . . 12 n. Nirupama, Rashtrakufa k., . 15, 208, 219 nirvina, . . . . . . 41, 42 nirvilai, tax, . Nirvritavataka, vi., . . . 157, 159 Nissankamalla, tit. of Pallava ch. Kopperufij. ingadeva II, . . . . . . 177 Nityavansha, sur. of Indra III, 104, 106 nivartana, l. m., 31, 32, 34, 82, 86 & n.., 213, 221 nivasin, . . . . . . . 262 nivedya, 8. a. naivedya, . . . . 169 nive sana, 'house' or 'house-site', 32, 62, 66 Nivina Grant, 91, 94 n., 128, 199 n. Niya Inscription, . . . . . 41 niyogadhipats, . . . . . . 182 Niyogariyukta, off, . . . 88 Niyuktaka, off... . 16, 210, 220 Nolamba, dy. . * . 146, 147 Nolambavadi, di., 184 & n. nolli, . . . . . 33 n. Npipa, . a. Napa, 79, 80 n. Nripatunga or Nripatungavarman, Pallava k. 144, 145, 146 Nripatunga, 8, a. Pallava ch. Kopperufijinga. deva I,. . . . . . 181, 182 * 31 146

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224 2, 3, Nulegrama, vi., numerals, sign or symbol : 1, 230, 238, 241, 253, 255, 268 & n., 269, 271, 272, 273, 275 & n., 276, 277 & n., 278, 279, 280, 281, 282 230, 273, 275 m., 278, 280, 281, 282 156, 161, 229, 246, 248, 257, 260, 275 & n., 276, 281 42, 53, 55, 56, 230, 238, 241, 278 45, 52, 152, 155, 230, 238, 241, 246, 248, 253, 255, 257, 260, 275, 276, 277, 278, 280 152, 155, 257, 271, 272, 280, 281 22 n., 53 add., 55 add., 56 add., 156, 161, 246, 247, 248, 253, 255, 273, 275 n., 277, 278, 282 19, 22, 53, 55, 56, 90 m., 156, 161, 238, 241, 247, 275 & n., 276, 277 n., 279, 280 19, 22, 53, 55, 56, 62, 66, 67, 257, 260, 275 n., 277 n. 42, 152, 155 19, 22, 42, 156, 161 90 n. 90 n. 53, 55, 56 62, 66, 67 152, 155, 246, 247, 218 45, 52 53, 55, 56 45, 52 152, 155 4, 5, 7, 8, 9, * * . * * 10, 20, 40, 48, 60, 70, 80, 90, 100, 200, * . * . * 400, numerals, words: bana (-5), chandra (=1), giri (-7), nabha (=0), rasa (=6), bruti (-4), vasu (=8), Vida (=4), Nuparsinga, vi., Nuptara, s. a. Luputura (?), Nyaya, bastra, * EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. o, medial,. Oddagunta, vi., Odra, co., Odraka, co., Oghadeva, Uchchakalpa k., Olakkur, vi., olukkavi, oblation, . * . PAGE 194 238 238 162 162, 168 162 238 162, 168, 238, 241 241 250 250 5, 8, 89, 98, 99 0 53, 81, 135 m., 156, 162, 204, 230 163, 169 126, 199, 202 258, 27 171 144 n. 23 & n. * olukku, oblation, Om, symbol for, Omgodu Grant I, Omgodu Grant II, Oruvakallu, vi., Osmanabad, s. a. Dharaseo, Osmanabad, vi.,. Otantapuri, s. a. Udyanna, Oyma-nadu, di.,. PAGE 23 & n. 3, 13, 20, 60, 65, 70, 76, 79, 108, 111, 120, 127, 135, 140, 142, 201, 202, 203, 206, 218, 227, 250, 260, 262, 264, 266, 268, 272 n., 273, 276, 278, 279, 280, 282, 291 P, p, confused with y, P, used for ph, pachchaya, s. a. pralyaya, Pachchayakara-vibhanga, Buddhist work, Padaittalaisan, Padala[u]nga, vi., Padamkaluru Grant of Ammaraja II, Padamula, " Pali canen, palidhvaja,. [VOL. XXIII. Paithan Plates of Ramachandra, Pala, dy.,. Palaiyanur, vi., Palaki, di., Palakkada, ci., Palanpur, state, Palanpur Plates of Bhimadeva, Palasada, I., Palhanapura, a. a. Prahladanapura, pallana (Skt. paryana), 'saddle pallanakara, saddler', 89 n. 89 n. 161 & n. 206 n. 30 Padhalasaka, vi., Padhi, 8. a. Pati, padi or padi, s. a. pati, padikaval, tax, Padivasa, vi., Padma, donee, Padmasiva Raul, m., padma-funka, coin, Paduvur-kottam, di., Pagunara, di., 193 . 144, 147 89, 97, 99 Pagunavara, s. a. Pagunara di., Pagunavara, do., 97 97 53, 54 n., 156 Paharpur Copper-plate Inscription, Paiyalachchhi, work, 101 n. Paithan Plates of Govinda III, 9, 10, 14 m., 15 m., 16 n., 206, 214 191, 192 131 . 179 94 89 n. 232 257 n. 3, 6 & 7., 8 225 24 115 41 242 286, 288 268 162 86 275, 276 272 n. 272 n. 79 278, 279 268, 269 273, 274 . 9 1 . 231, 232, 235, 238 242 14 246 246, 248

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INDEX. 325 139 285 . . 48 PAGE Pallava, dy. 48, 89 & n., 94, 96, 144, 145 ., 146, 174 n., 175, 176, 177, 178, 179 & ., 182 n., 207, 209, 215, 216, 217 n., 220 296, Pallava, territory, . . . 145, 146 Pallavamalla, Pallava k., . . . . . 179 Pallavandar, . . . 181 n. Pallavaraiyan. . . 175 palli, hamlet', . . Passichchanda, . . . . 22 Pallikonda Inscription, 144 1. Pallimadam, vi., . . 165 Pallimadam Inscription, pana, coin, 138, 139 Pancha, 8. a. Mahajana, . * 34 n. Panchaganga, ri.. . . 30 panchagni, five sacred fires, 224 n. paachagnika, . . . 224 . Panchalisvamin, donee, 20, 21 parcha-mahapataka, 17, 152, 160, 170, 211, 222 pancha-mahasabda, 31, 33, 71, 142, 149 & n., 150, 151, 193, 261, 263, 273, 276 pancha-mahayajria, 16, 54, 160, 211, 221 panchaturiyo, cf. pancha-maha sabda, . 149 parchavara, tax, . . . . 23, 24, 25, 26 parchavarakkal, measure of capacity, . . 25 Panchavara-variyam, committee.. 23 & n., 27 panchavari, . 27, 28 panchupili, tax, . 26, 27 Pandavas, epic heroes, * 119 Pandharpur, 193 & n. Pandita, tit.. . . 223, 224, 229 Pandu, epic k., . - 119 Panduvamal, dy., . . . 118 Pandya, co. . . . 146, 179,,297 Pandya, dy. 10, 14, 146, 165, 178, 179, 217 m.., 283 & n., 284, 285 Pangala-nadu, di., . . . . 145, 147 Panini, author, . Panipat, I., . . . . . . 233 Panja, 8. a. Padivasa (?). . Paparichasudani, commentary, Para-bala-sarppa, cf. Maruvakka-sarppa, 33. Paradara addara-Ramana-charite, Kannada work, . . . . . . . 183 Parakesari, Chola tit.. . . . . 144 n. Parakesarivarman, Chola til., . . 25, 26 Paramabhagavata, til., . . 20 Paramabhaffaraka, tit. 15, 54, 55, 72, 79, 106, 108, 112, 133, 135, 157, 160,169, 194, 195, 200, 202, 203, 205, 210, 220, 251, 253, 254, 263, 264, 265, 266, 290, 291 Paramabrahmanya, tit., . : 89, 97 Paramadaivata, tit., . , 200, 201, 202, 203 PAGE Paramadaivatadhidaivata, tit., . 200, 202 Paramadevatadhidaivata, til.. . . 200 Paramamahesvara, tit., 60, 65, 72, 77, 79, 86, 120, 142, 149, 150, 169, 200, 225, 228, 242, 251, 264, 266, 268 Paramara, dy... 101, 102, 103, 117 n., 132, 133 & 1., 134, 135 n., 142, 191, 192 & 1., 232, 272 n. Paramasa ugata, tit., . . . . . 291 Paramavaishnava, tit., . . . 119 n. Paramavaishnavi, tit.. . . . 80 Paramesvara, .. a. god Siva, . . 75, 208, 219 Parameswara, tit.. . 10, 14, 15, 17, 79, 108, 108, 112, 133, 135, 149, 169, 194, 195, 205, 210, 220, 242, 243, 251, 251, 263, 264, 263, 264, 265, 266, 290. 291, 293 n. Parantaka I, Chola k., Parantaka Viranarayana Sadaiyan, k.,. . 284 Parel Inseription of Aparadityadeva, . 275 . Parikud Grant, . Parikud Plates of Madhyamaraja, 125, 127 Parivrajaka, dy.. . . 59, 171, 173 Pariyatrika, tribe, . Parlukimedi, ci.. . . . . 119 Parlakimedi Plates, . . . . . . 79 Parlakimedi Plates of Anantavarman,. . 261 Parlakimedi Plates of Indravarman II,. . parnasala, . . . 138, 139, 140 n. Parsada, vi., . Parsadi, vi., . Parsodi, vi., . . Partha, s. a. epic hero Arjuna, . . . 15 Parthian dramma, coin, . . 280 . Parvat-amnaya, . . . 165 Parvati, goddess, . . . . 127, 130, 240 Parwan, ri. . . . . . . 135, 139 pasanam, tax, . Paschimasamudradhipati, tit. of Yadava governor Ramadeva, . . 282 Pabupata, Saiva secl,. . 162, 163, 164, 165 Pabupati II, Saiva ascetic, . . 164 & n., 170 pafaka, 4. d., . . . . 117 . Patakabejya (), vi, , . . 77 Patakila, off. . . , 273, 274 Patanjala Mahabhashya, 8. a. Mahabhashya,. 47 . pathaka, t. d., . . . . 102 Pathan, . . . . 232 paft, . . . 272 & n., 276, 280 Patiakella Grant of Sivaraja, 198, 199, 200 Pafichchasamuppada-vibhanga, Buddhist work, . . . . . . 242 & n. Pafichchaamuppada-vibhanga-eutta. Buddhist work, . . . . . . . 242 Pahl, O. d. Pafakkia, . . . . 273 n.

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326 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXIII. 116 n. * 180 PAGE Patna, di., . * 291 Patna Plates of the 6th year, 249, 250 Patadha, til.. . . 236, 239 Pattakil, 8. a. Patakila, 273 n. Paffakila, off.. . . . 108, 111, 112, 135 Papakilu, 6. a. Papakila, . 273 n. Pattalaka, off., . 157, 159 Pattan, nin . . 81, 84, 85 paffarajrit, chief queen', . . . 188 Paundarika, ul., . . . . 103, 105, 109 Pavunavara, 8. a. Pagunkra di., . 97 Payalipattana, vi.. . . . . 104, 107 Payoahni, ri., . . 214 n. Peda palaka, off-, . . . . 199, 203 Pedavegi Grant of Vijayanandivarman, 56 Peddavegi Plates of Jayasimha I,. . . 88 Pendrabandh, vi.. . . . 1,3 Pennagadam, vi.. . * 178 Pennai, ri. . . . . . . 180 Pennanadi, .. a. ri. Pernai,. . 180 Penthama-bhukti, . . . . 116 n. Periyapuranam, Tamil work, 178 Pernagara, 8. a. Perunagar, . . . 146 Perojakbana, 6. a. Firuz Khan, . Perumangalam-Udaiyar Udaiyapperuma, 176 Perumeya-Nayaka, ch., 183 Perunagar, vi.. . . . * 144, 145, 146 Perunagar-Agaram, &. a. Perunagar, 144, 147 n. Perungulam, l... . Pernnjinga, ch.. . . 176 Peruntimiri-nadu, di., . . . 147 pervari, tax, . . . 24, 25 ph, . . . . 204 phadiya, .. a. phadyaka, phedyaka, coin,. 237, 239 & n. Phank, engr. . 234, 238, 241 Phunda, ... Padivas (?), . . 279 Pimpalgaon, vi.. . . . 218 Pimpariki, ... . . 214-. Pimparipadraka, o.. . Pimpri, . . . Pimparika (1), Pingala-Nighantu, Tamil work, . . 175 Ping-Chi-(ki)lo, .. a. Vengt (1) . Pinni, s. a. ri. Peppai (?), . . 180, 181 Pipparika, 1.. . . . . 213, 218, 221 Pipod, v. . . . . 116 n. Pishtapura, ca., 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 89, 90, 95, 96, 97, PAGE Podagadh Inscription. . 82 n. & add. Po-lo-mo-lo-ki-li, &. a. Bhramaragiri, . . 119 Pomadepandita, minister, . 280 Pondh, vi.. . Ponninadan, 8. a. Chola k., . Ponpitturaivan, cf. Ponninadan, . . 181 n. Pon-variyam, committee, . 23 n. Poona Plates, . . . . . . 84 Poona Plates of Prabhavatigupta, . 84 n. Porulare, vi.. . . . . . . 146 Poruttha-dramma, coin, 8. a. Parthian dramma (?) . . . . . . 280, 281 Prabhajjanavarman, 8. a. Prabhajanavarman, 67 Prabhakara Nayaka, minister, . . 275, 276 Prabhanjana, Pariurajaka k. . 171 Prabhanjanavarman, Ganga k., 57, 58 & 1., 60, 61 prabhara, Buddhist term, . . . . 242 Prabhavakacharita, work, . . . . 258 Prabhavatigupta, Vakafaka q.. . . . 86 Prabhudeva,. . . . . . . . 190 Prabhusakti, . . . . . 61 n. Prabhatarati (Pandita) I, Soita ascetic, 163, 164 & n., 169 Prabhutarasi II, Saira ascetic, . 164 & n., 107 Prabhutaradi' (III), do.. . 162, 164, 165, 170 Prabhutavarsha, sur. of Rashtrakula k. Govinda III 10, 15, 206, 210, 220, 293 n. prachaya, 8. a. pratyaya, . . Pradhana, off, . . 120, 273, 274 Pradhanapurusha, . . 262 Pradhanasachina, off., Prime Minister', 223, 226, 228 Pradyotasimha, m., . . . . 54, 55 Praharaja, Kadamba ch.. . 223, 224, 226, 228 Prahladanadeva, Paramana ch.. Prahladanapura, ci., . . 232 Praisharika, .. a. Preshanika, . 291 Prajapati, .. . god Brahman, . 46 Pramatri, off-, . . . * 291 Printapala, off., . . . * 291 Prasanna or Prasannamatra, k., . .19, 22 Prasannaditya, com. . . 257, 260 Prasantaraga, sur. of Gurjara k. Dadds II, 148 prasasti, 117 & n., 188, 231, 237, 285, 294, 295, 296 Pratapadhavala, k., 223, 224, 225 & n., 228 Pratapamalla, Kalachuri k.. . 1, 2, 3, 5, 7, 8 pratihara, 'door-keeper . . . . 265 Pratihara, dy. . . . 12., 139, 243, 259 Pratihara, off, 20, 21, 125, 131, 229 pratiharin, door-keeper' . . 263 Pratiharya, see Pratihara, . . . . 129 Pratirija, writer, . . . . . 2, pratishiddha-chafa-bhafa-praveda, privilege, 120 Pratishthana, di.. . . . . 261, 262 n. Pratishthitachandra, engr.,. . , 199, 203 Pratityawamutpada-vibhanganirdesa, Buddhist work, . . . . . . . 241 . . 41 285 279. 232 116 . 214 n. 119 99 Pibuna, op.'apy . . Pitamaha, m., . . . Petavisa, m.. . . Pithapuram, 8. a. Pishtapura, Pithapuram Pillar Inscription . . . plural-dual, . . . 261, 254 & *. . . . 83, 87 . . . 105, 109 . 58, 97 of Mallaps. . . 69, 96 n. . . 246

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Pratityasamulpada-vibhangasutra, Pratityasamulpada-vyakhya, do., work, prativasin,. pratyaya, Pravarapura, ca., pravaras : Praudhapratapachakravartin, Yadava tit., Aurava-Bhrigu-Chyavana-Apnavana-Jama dagni,. Autathya or Utathya, Vasishtha-Sakti-Paradara, Pravarasena I, Vakataka k.,. Pravarasena II, do., Prayaga, tirtha, Preshanika, off.. Primeval Boar, s. a. Adi-Varaha, Prithivibhatta, donee, Prithivimula, s. a. Prithvimula, Prithivisarman, m., Prithivishena I, Vakataka k., Prithivishena II, do., Prithivlevara, Prithivivallabha, sur. of Govinda III, Prithivivarman, Ganga k, Prithu, myth. k.,.. Prithvideva I, Kalachuri k., . Prithvidova II, do., . Buddhist 241, 242 241 108, 112, 120, 135, 291, 292 41 194, 195, 281, 282 82, 85, 90 n. 78, 80 124, 129 & n., 131 2, 5, 7 85 82, 83, 84 & n., 86, 88, 90 m., 92, 114 233 291 153 213, 221 Prithivi-Maharaja, Chola k.(?), 88, 89, 90, 95, 96, 97, 98 92 * * . . Prolakava, f., Pudi-Poran, m... Pugar, vi., Pulakesiraja, Gujarat Chalukya k., . * " Rashtrakuta k. 88, 89, 98, 99 84, 85 & n. 114, 172, 173 96 n. INDEX. . Prithvigangaraiyar, ch., of Pangala-nadu, Prithvigangaraiyar, s. a. W. Ganga k. Prithvi pati I, Prithvimula, Prithvipati I, W. Ganga k., Prithviraja, Chauhan k., PAGE 10, 15 78, 79 15, 159 2, 4, 7 2, 5, 7 145 Prithvirajarasa, work, Prithvirajavijaya, work, Prithvivallabha, sur. of Govinda III, Prithvivallabha, sur. of Govinda IV, Prithvivallabha, sur. of Vakpati Munja, Prithvivallabha, sur. of Vijayanagara Devaraya I, Prithvivallabha, tit. of Yadava k. Mahadeva raya, Prithvivarman, Ganga k., Priyamitrasvamin, donee, Prola, Karikala ch., 144, 145, 146, 147 88 145, 146 & n. 226 226 134, 226 205, 210, 220 106 108, 112 . k. 182, 185 194, 195 263, 264 199, 203 96 69, 73 286, 288 180, 181 98. PAGR 818. .88, 90 88, 89, 90, 98, 94, 95 &, 96, 118, 119 Pulindasona, ancestor of Sailodblava, 126, 127, 130 Pulomburu, vi., 1. Pulorbaru Grant of Madhavavarman, 93 88, 90, 91 & n., 92, 98 &., 94, 95 &#., 96, 116 48 217 296 102, 112 96 24 123, 226 228 123, 128, 127 Pulakoein, W. Chalukya ch., Pulibamra Grant of Jayasimha I,. Pulikoein II, W. Chalukya k., Punada, tribe, Punarvasu, nakshatra, Punyabhra, ri., Punyakumara, Chola k., pu-ppon, tax Puri, ci., Puri Copper-plate of Nrisimhadova IV,. Puri Plates of Madhavavarman,. Puri (Uttaraparava Matha) Plates of Dharma. raja,. Purle Plates, Purle Plates of Indravarman, Parna, s. a. ri. Payoshni, Parnadeva, m., purna-kalaba, depicted over inscription, Parna-pathaka, ca., purnimanta, puroga, s. a. purohita (?), purohita, 'priest' Purujvana, vi., . Qutb-ud-din, Purushottama, donee, Purushthana, cf. Purujvana, parva-bhuktaka-bhujyamana-deva-brahma-daya Q R 327 292 225 varjita, privilege, Parvadesa, purvagraharika, Parva-pathaka, di., 94 112 234, 236, 240 . Pushkar or Pushkara, tirtha, Pushkaripl, di., 75 Pushpayudha, s. a. god Kama, 235, 237 Pushya, nakshatra, 215, 217 & n., 294, 295 & n. Pushyamitra, Sunga k., 47 Pustapala, off. record-keeper', 54, 158, 161, 202 125 74 78, 284 T, r, doubling of consonant after 214 n. 261, 263 279 102, 112 3, 104, 119 262 229, 266 74,77 105, 110 74, 77 226 9, 24, 198 2, 9, 28, 58, 57, 62, 68, 74, 89, 115, 124, 137, 156, 189, 198, 205, 249, 256, 261, 263 r, doubling of consonant before -, 53, 57, 68, 82, 115, 124, 156, 198, 256, 281

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328 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (Vol. XXIII. 89 227 231 19 Rajput, . . * 144 . RAav 1, subscript, . 20 ., 114 1, superscript, . . . . . 1, 204, 213 Rachapatnam, vi.. 193 n. Radha, Krishna's consort, 108, 112 Radhanagart, 8. a. Val . 30 Radhanpur Plates, 12, 204, 206,208 7., 209 1., 210 n., 214, 215, 216, 217 n... 296 n. Raghavanka, author, . . . . 190 Raghuvamda, work, 43 n., 64, 671., 172 n., 238 n. Rigola Plates of Saktivarman, . . Rahappa, k., . . . . . 10, 14 Rahasya, of, . . . 76, 78 Rai Lakhamaniye, .. a. Lakshmanana, Rai Mal, prince,. . . . Rai Mal's Inscription of V. 8. 1646, . 233 Raipur, . . . . . . 233 Raipur Plates of Mahl-Sudevarija . raja, . . . . . . . Raja, m., . . . 273. rajabhavya-sarva-pratyaya-nameta, privilege, 292 raja-datti, 'royal gift, . . 202, 203 rajadhant, capital', . . . 235 Rajidhiraja I, Chola k., . . . Rajadhiraja, tit., . . . 10, 14, 15, 293. Rajadhirajadeva, Chola k... Rajadbirkjavitaskar-Sandelvaradovar, deity, . 24, 25 Rajagriba, di.. . . . * 291 Rajaguru, . . . . 275 n., 276 Rajakesari, Chola til... . . . 144 . Rajakesarivarman, Choja til., . . . 24 Rajakiya-grama, vi.. . . . . . 103, 110 rajakiya-mana, royal measure', . . * 86 n. Rajakkalnayan, tit. of Hoysala Somovar, 180 . Rajakkal Tambiran, tit.. . * 180 rajakya-mana, 4. a. rdjakiya-mana . 82 >>., 86 raja-mana, d. 4. majakiya-mana, . . . 82. Rajamatya, off, . . . 291 rajan, 'prince', . 151, 229 Rajar, til., . . 291 Rajanaks, m., . 273 & n. Rajanaka, tit.. . 9, 129, 262, 264, 268, 291 Rajan rayana Sambuvarkyan. Sambuvariya 179 n. Rajanya, 6. a. Kshatriya, . . . . 237 Rajanyaka, tit., . . . . . 129, 131 Rajaparamdavara, til., . 182, 185 Rajapurs, vi.. . . * 244 Rajapars Copper-plate, . . 270 . majapurusha, . . . . 108, 120, 135 Rajaputra, Kalachuri prince, . . 259 Rajaputra, sur. of Kalachuri k. Lakahmana,. 259 Rajaputra, til., 79, 129, 131, 201, 202, 203, 262, 264, 268, 291 Rajaraja I, Chola k., . 178 PAGE Rajaraja III, Chola k.. . 177 & n., 178, 179 Rajasekhara, author, . . . . 83 Rajasimha, Pallava k., Rajasimha, Pandya k., . . . 284 Rajasimha, sur. of Ganga k. Hastivarman, 63, 66, 67 Rajasins III, Pandya k.,. . 283 Rajasinga-pporangadi, colony, 283, 285, 286, 288 Rajasingtavaram, te.. . . . . 284 Rajasthaniya, off. . . . 291 Rajavallabha, off., , 251, 254 & n. Rajaya, ., . . . . 31, 34 Rajendra, . a. Sailodbhava k. Madhavavarman III, . . . . . . . 124 Rajendravarman, Ganga k., . . . 74, 75, 77 Rajgir, 4. a. Rajagriha, . . . . 291 Rijim, ti, . . . . . . 116 & n. Rajim Plates of Tivaradeve, 19, 114, 116 & 1., 118 n., 119 . . 232 Rajputana, . . . 232, 239 n. Rajyadatta, m., . 157, 159 Rajyadhikrita, chiof minister', . . 83 Rama, epic hero, . . 107 Rama, 8. a. Rama m., . . . 36 Rama, m., . . . . 37, 41, 42 Ramabhadra, 8. a. epic hero Rama, 107, 111, 113, 136, 212 Ramabhadradeva, Pratihara k., . . 243 Ramachandra, 4. a. epic hero Rama, . . 253 Ramachandra, Yadava k., 184, 191, 192, 193 n., 270, 281, 282 Ramadasa, commentator, . . . . 84 Ramadeva, ch... . . . 142 & 1., 143 Ramadeva, Yadava general, . 281, 282 Ramadeva, Yadava k., 184, 281, 282 Ramadevi, Chalukya princess, Sena q.. . 225 Ramadevi, Uchchakalpa q.. . . . . 171 Ramagiri, . a. mo. Ramtek, . . 84 & n. Rama grove, . . . . Ramakakaha, I., . . . . . . 37 Ramakakshaka, .. a. Ramakaksha, . 38 Ramakhila, 8. a. Ramakaksha, . . . 37 Ramaleprurija, m., . . . . 89, 98, 99 Ramanatha, Hoysala k., . . . 180 n. Ramanatha, s. . Kumara-Ramanathadeva, 182, 185 Ramaranya, 8. a. Ramakaksha, . . 38 Ramatirtham Plates,. 91 & 1., 92 & 1., 93 n., 94, 96 Rameevara-tirtha, . . 206 7., 216 & n. Ramganj Copper-plato, . . . . 226 Ramtek, mo.. . . 84 rania, Skt. aranya, . . . . . 37 Rana, til.. . . . . 282. Rand, tit., . . 233, 234

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INDEX 329 PAGE Ranabhita, Sailodbhara k., see Aranabhita, . Ranabbita, sur. of Ganga k. Hastivarman, 63, 64, 66, 67 Ranabhitodaya, n. of god Vishnu, . 64, 66, 67 Ranadhavala, k., . 223, 224, 228 Ranaditya, m., . . . . . 105, 109 Ranadurjaya, . . . . 98 n. Ranadurjaya, Chola k., . . 89, 96, 97, 99 Ranadurjaya-Durjaya, Karikala ch., . . 96 Ranaka, tit., 142 & n., 143, 186 n., 187, 188, 249, 254, 255, 263, 264, 266, 267, 268 Ranakesarin, 8. a. brother of Maha-Sivagupta (?), . . . . . . 116 n. Ranakesarin, 8. a. Somavun 6 k. Bhava deva, . . . , 116 & 7., 117, 118 Ranastambhaka, 8. a. Ranathambaka, . 231 n. Ranathambaka, I., . . . . 231& . Ranathambor, ca. . . . . . 187 Ranavaloka, 8. a. Rashtrakufa ch. Stambha, 2, 93 & n., 952 Ranthambor, I., . . . 231 & n., 232, 238 Raneya, . . . . . . 184 Rangalachhyi, vi.. . . . . 11, 13, 16 rani, queen, . . . . . 100 Ranvad, vi.. . . . . . 192, 278 Rashid-ud-din,. . 192 rashtra, t. d., . . . . . 65, 94 Rashtrakula(kuta), family, . 186, 188, 189 rashtrakuta, 79 & n., 169, 262, 266 Rashtrakuta, dy. . 8, 10, 12, 13, 14, 83, 101, 102, 104, 106, 144, 145 n., 146, 162, 163, 205, 208, 213, 216, 219, 257, 258, 259 n., 296 Rashtra-mahattara, of.. . . . 151,154 Rashtrapati, off. . . 15, 106, 210, 220 Ratanpur, ca. . . 2, 3, 4 n., 118 Ratanpur Inscription of Prithvideva II and Brahmadeva,. . . 114 *., 118 n., 120 n. Ratanpur Stone Inscription of Jajalladeva I, 117, 118 n. Rathantara, Vedic hymn, . . Rati, Kama's wife. . * 240 Ratnadeva I, Kalachuri k., * 118 Ratnadeva II, do.. 2, 4,7 Ratnadeva III, do. . 3, 103 Ratnaraja I, do., Ratnaraja III, do., . . 2, 5, 7 Raula, tit., . . 273, 274 Ravikirti, author, . . Ravisarman, donee, . 261, 262 Raya-jhaga-jhampa, tit., of Yadava k. Mahideva, . . . . . 194 Raya-Narayana, mit. of Yadava k. Mahidova, 194, 195 Raziyya, 9. .. 187 Regadugunta, vi., 163, 169 Renandu, co., . . 97 Revana, donee, . . . !42, 143 PAGE Rewah Stone Inscription . . . . ri., used for ti... . . . 82, 205 . . 114, 245 ri., used for ri.,. . 10, 19, 82, 205 Riddhapur Plates of Prabhavatigupta,. 84 n. rin-aday-adi-sambandha-warjita, privilege, 281 Rishi, m., . . . . . . 224, 229 Rishi paichami,' 5th day of bright half of Bhadrapada' . . . 327, 240 Rishiyappa, 8. a. Risiyapabhatta, 213, 214 n., 921 Rishyassinga, sage, . 231, 237, 240 Risi Mahattara, w., . . . , 273, 274 Risiula, m.. . . 105, 109 Risiyapabhatta, donee, . 205, 210 Rithpur Plates of Bhavattavarman, . . 82 n. ro, . . . . . . 186 Rohanaki, vi. . 62, 65, 66 Rohini, nakshatra, . . . . 72, 215, 295 Rohini, Vasudeva's wife, . . . 50 Rohinimitra, m., . . . . 38 Rohtasgadh Inscription, . . Ronanki, 8. a. vi. Rohanara, Ronunky, 8. a. vi., Ronanki, . . . . 65 rth, . . . . . ru, used for ri, . . . 234 Ruddappa Dikshita, donee, . . . 10, 11, 16 Rudra, . a. god Siva,. 163, 169, 256, 260 Rudraditya, m.. . . . . . 102, 111 Rudramamba, Kakatiya q-, . . . . 192 Rudras, gods, . . . . . 46 Rudrasarman, donee, . . . . . 90, 94 Rudrasena I, Vakataka k., . 85 & n. Rudrasena II, do. . . . . Rupavartani, di.. . . . ... 65 Rupyavati, di... . . . . . 65 2, 4,7 . . . . . . 9, 74, 156 8, used for d, 2, 68, 102, 137, 141, 189, 205, 231, 249, 263, 265, 270, 282 used for sh, . . . . 68, 141, 265 62, 74, 198, 213 &, used for 8, . . . 2, 10, 68, 205, 268 &, used for ah, . . 189 Sabara, donee, . . 105, 109 sa-bhuta-rita-pratyaya, privilege,. . . . 152 sa-bhul-opatta-pratyaya, do., . . 211, 221 sa-chauroddharana, do. . . 292 sachcha, Buddhist term, . . . 241 Sachcha-niddesa, Buddhist work, Sachcha-vibhanga, do., . . . 241 Bacrifices : Agnishtoma, 46, 85, 89, 91, 92 n., 95 n., 98, 99 Aptoryama, . . . . . 85 Akvamodha, 44, 45, 85, 91, 92 n., 95 n., 126, 128, 131, 167 93 241

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330 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXIII. . 107 . 20, 21 . 100 * 97 Sacrifices.-contd. PAGB Agvi-Trirktra, . Aticktra, . . 46,85 Brihaspatisava, Garga-Trirktra . Sadyaskara, . . sahasradakshina-Triratra, Shodasi, . . . 85 Triratra, . . 46, 52 Ukthya,. . . . 46, 85 Vajapeya, . 44, 46, 85, 252 Sadaiya-Maran, 6.a. Pandya k. Rajasimha III, 283, 285, 288 sa-danda-dab-aparadha, privilege, . sa-danda-dosha, do.. . . sa-das-aparadha, do... . 120, 152 Baddaniti (Sabdaniti), work, . . 38 Sadhani, off., Counsellor', . . sa-dhanya-hirany-adiya, privilege,. 16, 107, 152, 211, 221 Sadhara, donee, . . . . 2, 5, 7, 8 & n. Sadharana, minister, . . 249, 250, 253 & n., 255 Sadhava, k., . . . 223, 224, 227 Sagara, myth, k., 6, 17, 22, 32, 77, 80, 111, 113, 121, 129, 136, 152, 202, 203, 212, 222, 229, 262, 263, 265, 267 Sagarakshida, a.a. Samhgharakshita, . 289 8a-gart-Oshara, privilege, . . 229, 251 Bagguyayyana, misreading for Sambhuyafas, 200 Bahani, 8.9. Sadhani, . . . . . 100 Sahasa, k., . 223, 224, 225 & n., 226, 228 Sahasa pura, vl.,. . . . . . . 225 Sahasrabahu, myth.k... . . . . 43 R. Sahasrasa manya Brahmanas, . . 104, 107 sa-hiranya-bhaga-bhoga, privilege, . . . 109 sa-hiranya-bhaga-bhog oparikara-sarv-adaya sameta, do. . . . . . . 136 sai, used for sai (Prakrit influence), . 128 & n. Bailodbhava, dy. 59, 64 & n., 91, 94 n., 123, 124, 125, 126 & n., 131 m. Bailodbhava, k. eponymous of Sailodbhara dy.. 125, 127, 128, 130 Bainya bhita, Sailodbhara k., . . Bainyabhita I, sur. of Sailodbhava k. Madhava. raja I. . . . 125, 126, 127, 128, 130 Sainya bhita II, sur. of Sailodbhara k. Midha. varija II, . . . , 91, 126, 127 Sainyabhita III, sur. of Sailodbhara k. Madha Vavarman III, . 122, 125, 126, 127, 128, Saitrim, Gahada dla k., . . 187 Saiva doctrine,. . . . . 163, 190 Saiva saints, int, . . . . . 163, 165 Baiviam, 165 na-jala-athala, privilege, . . 73, 143, 229, 264 sa-jala-athal-aranya, do.. . . . . 79 PAGE sa-jala-athala-sahita, privilege, . . . Saka, tribe, . . . . . 48, 50, 51 Sakalabhuvanachakravartigal, tit. of Pallana ch. KOpperusjingadeva I, . 178, 179, 180, 181 Sakalasainyadhipati, tit., . . . 282 baki, samvat, . . . . . 238 sakhas - Asvalayana, . . . . 113 Babvpicha or Bahvricha, 16, 105, 106, 109, 110, 113, 157, 160, 210, 221 Chhandoga, . 94 n., 98, 99, 103, 105, 106, 109, 110 Kanva or Kanva, 20, 21, 104, 107, 199, 201, 261, 262, 268, 269 Kauthuma, . . 106, 110, 124, 129, 131 Madhyandina, . . Ranayansya,. . . . . 78, 80 & n. Taittirika, . . . . . 94 Taittiriya, 60, 61, 94 n. Vajasaneyi, . 11, 21 Vajimadhyandina, 105, 106, 107, 109, 110, 148, 152, 155 sa-klipl-opaklipta, privilege, . . . . 87 Sakra, 8. 4. god Indra, . sakshin,' witness', . . 274 Sakti-parshe (parshe = parishad),. . . 165 Saktipur Copper-plate of Lakshmanasena, 201 *. Saktivarman, Ganga k., . Saktivarman, k. of Kalinga, . . Sakyamuni, 8. a. the Buddha, . 37 Slaa, vi.. . . . . 124, 129, 131 balabhoga, . Salankayana, dy.. . 66, 89 & 7., 90, 92 & 1. Salha, m., . . . Salhepali, vi.. . . Sallaimala, vi.. . . . 11, 13, 16 Salmalivataka, vi.. . 157, 158, 159 sa-loha-lavan-akara, privilege, . . . 229 Salori, vi., . . . Samacharadeva, k., . 176 n., 158, 159 Samahartri, off... . . 120, 251, 254 & *. Samangad Plates of Dantidurga,. . .10 >>, Samanta, com... . . . . 268, 269 admanta, 'feudatory,. 20, 78, 79, 89, 97, 99, 161, 187, 188, 262, 264, 266, 268 Samanta, off-, . . . . 11, 131 Samanta, tit., . 17, 48, 131, 223, 229 Samantapaaddika, commentary,. . 38 Samantavarman, Ganga, k., . . 261 Samantavarman's Inscription, . 79 *. Samara, .. . . . . . . 245 Samarani bankamalla, ep. of k. Indradha vala, . . . . . . 228, 228 Samarasimba, Kadamba ch., .223, 224, 226, 228 Samaripalla, u., . . . . 213, 221 . . 58 89 * 22 38 19 130 &n.

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INDEX. 831 . 191 PAGE Bamar-Sing... a. Kadambach. Samar simba (). . . . . samasta-bhaga-bhoga-kara-hirany-adaya-samila, privilege, . . . . . . Bamastabhuvanakrays, our. of E. Chalukya k. Ammarja II, . . . . . Bamasta bhuvanasraya, sur. of E. Chalukya k. Vijayaditya II, . . . . 163, 169 Samastabhuvanasraya, sur. of Vijayanagara k. Devaraya I, . . . . . 182, 185 Esmastabhuvanaeraya, te.,. .. 163, 169, 170 samast-otpatti-bulk-otpatti-okita, privilege, . 107 admavayika. . . . . . . Sambalpur, . . 19 Sambhu, 8. a.god Siva, . 86, 125, 127, 130, 194, 195, 235, 236, 239, 278 Bambhuyakas, k., . 199, 200, 201 Sambhuyayya, misreading for Sambhuyasas,. 200 Bambuvaraya, dy. . . . . .179 *. Samgha, . . . . . . . 38 Sanghamitra, monk, . . . . . 38, 42 Bamgharakshita, monk, . 280 & n. samgharama, . . . . 38, 289 1. Samgulla, com... . 148, 153, 155 Bamiddhesvara Temple Inscription, . . 233 samkrantisDakshini yans, . . 31, 34 Dhanush, . . . . 72 Karka,. . . 30 Makars, . . 2, 3, 6,8 Uttariyap, 60, 61, 162, 163, 169, 273, 274 & n. Vishuva, . . . . . . 269 Bathkshobha, Pariorajaka k.. . 171, 172, 174 Sammoha-vinodini, Buddhist work, .242 n. samma-madhula, privilege,. . . . 251 --dmra-madheka, do. samuchita-deya-bhaga-bhoga-kara-hirany-ddi,. 292 samudaya, Buddhist term,. . 242 samudaya-bahy-ddy-astamba, ' (land) originally devoid of vegetation, which does not yield any revenue (to the state)' . Samudragupta, Gupla k., 44, 45, 57, 58, 89, 173 samoyavailarin, . . . . . . 54, 55 samya, . . . Banchataka, I., . . 199, 202 Banchi Prakrit Inscription, . . . . 142 n. landii, not observed, . 46, 133, 137, 143 n., 221 n., 249 sandhi, wrong. . . 10, 82, 84, 115, 205 Sandhivigrahika, of... 83, 168, 161, 199, 202, 203 Sandhivigrahin, off, . 79, 80, 264, 265, 266, 267 sandu(eandhi)vigrahapperu, tax, . . . 26, 27 Sangama, dy.. . . . . . . 188 Sangaza, M., . . . . . 182, 183, 186 Sangaviru, . d. ti. Sangte, . . . . 189 PAGB Sangha, Buddhist . . 157 Sangrilmanallar, vi.. . 285 Sangar, ti., . . . . 182, 186, 189, 194 Sangar Inscription, . . . 185 Sangaru, vi., . . . . 185 10-nidhi, privilege, . 21, 87, 120, 251 Saniki, f... . 246, 247, 248 Sanivdrasiddhi, ep. of Gandaraditya, . . 31 Sanjin Plates of Amoghavarsha I, 11, 92 1., 243, 258, 994, 291 Sanjan Plates of Govinda III, . . 217 & n. Sankara, donce, . . . 106, 110 Sankara, .. a. god Siva, 225, 228, 235, 236, 239, 294, 297 Sankha, Chahamana k., . . bankha, emblem on seal, . . . . 19 bankhakira, sve bankhika, . . . . 139 n. Sankhyana-frautastra, work, . . 48 & A. Sankhoda Plates (1st set) of Dadda II,. 82. Sankheda Plates (2nd set) of Dadda II, 82 . Sankhika, 'worker in shells' or person of mixed parentage'. . . . . . 139, 141 Sannasivi, misreading for Annaskvi, . .214.1. Sannidhatri, off.. . . 120, 261, 264 &. Santa, Spingika's wife, . . 237, 240 Santabomali Plates of Indravarman II,. 82, 84 santaka,' sorvant, . 83 & *., 86, 87 Santanu, epic hero, . . . . 150, 153 santika, proximity presence, cf. santaka, . 83, Sanuthakura, m., . . . . . 281 sa-padr-dranya, privilego, . . . 264 sa-parikara, mistake for s-Oparikara, 16, 211, 221 Saphars or Saphara, m., . . 246, 247, 248 Saptakotisvara, deity, . . . 226 Sapta-lok-aika- natha, ep. of god Vishnu, . . 88 Sapta-18k-aika-aan raya, do.. . . . . 67. sapla-mari group, images of Sapt-drchir-mukha, ep. of god Vishnu, . . 87. Saptarnava-jaledaya, do.. . . . . 87. Saptarnaus-sayin, do.. . . . 88 Sapla-am-7pagita, do.. . . . 66, 67 *. Sarabhanga, off., . . . . . . 291 Sarabhapura, co., . i 19, 20, 74, 115, 173 Sarabharaja, . . . . 20 Sarabpur, vi., . Barada Inscription from Hund, . . . 287. Sa......Raneya, general, . . . . 184 Sarapgarh, vi.. . . . . 19 Sarasvati, goddess, . . . . . 72 Sarasvati kanthabharaya, work, . . 83 Sarawa, vi.. . 19 Sarbbon, .. Q. vi. Srbhavana . . 206 Sardar, tit. . . . 231 Sarepha or Sarepha, ei, de di.. . 190, 201 & n., 202, 203 Barkar Bhadrak, . . 201 . . . 19

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332 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXII. 201 91 6.5 . 109 169 PAGE Sarkar Jalesar, . . Sarkh8 Plates of Ratnadeva II, . . Sarkh Plates of Ratnadeva III,. . . 103 Sarnath, vi.. . . . . . 290 Sarngachara paddhali, work, . . . . 27. Sarul, 8. a. vi. Mallasarul, . . . . 155 n. Sarva, 8. a. Marakarva (?), . . . 243, 297 sarva-badha-parihara, privilege, . . 32 aarva-badha-vitarjita, do.. . * 251 Sarvachandra or Sarvachandra, com.. 76, 78 Mru-adaya-sameta, privilege, Sarvadeva Avasthika, dones, 106, 110 Saruddhyaksha,. . . 86 sarva-kara-parihara,' exemption of all taxes, sarva-kara-sameta, privilego, . . sarua-namasya,. . . 32, 34, 195 Sarvananda, donee . 102, 103, 105, 109, 1113 Sarvanatha, Uchchakalpa k., 101 n., 171, 172, 173 sarva-pida-parihriti......, privilege, . 292 sarva-pida-varjita, do.. . . . 120, 201, 203 sarva-pida-vitarjita, do.. . Sarvavarman, Maukhari k., . 242, 243 & . sarva-vishti-parihara-parihita, privilege, . 87 sart-aya-visuddha, do.. . . . . 32 aaru-Oparikara-kar-dana-samela, do.. . 251 sarv-olpatti-sahita, do., . -dahila, do. . . . . . . 281 sdsana, 'grant',. 78, 80, 87, 88, 104, 107, 111, 113, 122, 170, 229, 243, 252, 267, 269, 281, 202 Sasinka, k., . . . . . 138 n., 198 Sasanka or Sasankaraja, k., . . . . 126 Salapatha-Brahmana, work, . . . 44 n., 48 n. 8-ajavi-vitapa-samanvita, privilege, , . 264 satipatthana, Buddhist term, . . . 241 . Satpuri, mo. . . 172, 214 n. datra, .. . 60, 67, 82, 86, 104, 107, 183, 169 8a-trina-kushth-odak-opeta, privilege, 272, 281 Satrughnaraja, mn., . . Sattan-Ganavadi, ch., . . . . . 283 Satyaditya, Chola k.,. 96 Satyasadhara, donee, . . 3,8 n. Satyasraya, our. of Pulakebin II,. . . 187 Satyasraya, W. Chalukya k., . . 243 Satya braya-bula-tilaka, ep. of Vijayanagara k. Devariya I, . . . . . 182, 185 Saucha-Khambha (or -Stambha), Rashtra. kapach., . . . . . . 206, 293 . Saurashtra, co., . . . . . 277, 278 Savathi, di. . . . 103 Savathidoba, Savathika of Savathikadeks, di.. . . . . . 103, 105, 106, 110 Savitri, 8. a.god Sarya, . . . 278 na-vrikshamal-akula, privilege, . 107, 109, 112, 136, 272 na-vrikshamala-nidhs-nikah&pa-sahita, do. 282 Beasons - Gihma (Grahma), . . . . . 91 PAGE Beasons-com.td. Vasa (Varsha), . . Sellada, vi.. . Sollavi, vi.. . . . 105, 107 Sena, dy... . . 158, 225 Sena Amuka, ., . 271, 272 Senadhibrika, off. . . 223, 229 Senadhipati, til... . . . 182, 183, 185 Senapati, tit. . . . . 47, 48, 82, 81, 87 Sena varn, family, . . . 33 n. Senaya, m., . . . 31, 3-4 Sendamangalam, vi... 176, 177 Sendan Divakaram, work, . 181 n. Sendraka, dy.. . . * 173 Sen-Tamil, Tamil literature 180, 181 Seoni Plates, . . * 86 r. Seta, 8.a. ca. Svetaka, . 208 Setram, 8.a. Saitram,. . . 187 Setubandha, work, . 84 sivaka, . . . 201 156, 245 sh, used for s. . 10, 68, 265, 268 sh, used for a * 205, 265 shad-akshara mantra, (Om namah Sivaya), 190 R. Sbababud, di.. . . 291 Shah Sujah, . . . 201 Shamskhan Dandani, . . 233 Shandaka, m., . . 215, 246, 247 Shashthidatta, m.. . . 157, 159 Shashthikum&ra, . a. Chhathikumara,. Shergadh, vi., . . 131, 132, 134, 135, 137, 139 Shergadh Inscription of Udayaditya. . 133 Sbergadh So manatha Temple Inscription, . 137 Sher Shah, Sur k., . . : 132, 134 Shilarvavak, . . . . . .275 . sh, . . . . . Sholapur, vi.. . . . * 190 n., 193, 194 Shrinevadi, vi... . . .273 n. shfh, used for sht. . . . 115 Shummana, 6. a. Khummana, Siahji, .. a. Sthaji, . . . 187 Siddha-Hemachandra, work, . . 13 n. siddham,'hail, . . . . 246, 247, 218 siddham, symbol for . . . . 260 Siddhantam, vi., . . 65 Siddharama or Siddharamanatha, saint, 189, 190 & ., 191, 193, 194, 195, 196 Siddharamapurana, Kannada work, . 190 Siddharthaka, vi.. . . . . . . 65 Siddhati, vi.. . . 75 siddh-aya, fixed income', . . siddhayam, tax,. . . 24, 25 Siddhesvars, god, . .190 . Sidila Bomma, . . . 184 Sihajt, Gahadavala k., . . 187 Sihata, donee, . . 105, 110 . 124 83

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Siksha, Vidanga, Silahara, dy., 29 & n., 30, 31, 32, 193, 226, 269, 270, 271 n., 272 n., Silahara, 8. a. Silahara, Silahara, a. a. Silahara, Silahara Caves, Silappadigaram, Tamil work, Silara, s. a. Silahara, silvari, tax, Simasimi, vi., Simha-parshad, a. a. Simha-parishad, Simha-parshe, s. a. Simha-parishad, Simhaporuda-valanadu, di., . Simhavarman, Pallava k., Sinda, dy.,. Sindhuraja, Chahamana k., Sindhuraja, Paramara k., ... [si]nga-Isvaram, te., Singalam, . Singana, Yadava k., Singeya-Nayaka k., Simha, m.,. 100 178 Simha, 8. a. Pallava ch. Kopperunjinga, Simhana, 8. a. Singana, .. 191, 192, 193 & n. Simha-Parishad, division of the Kalamukhas, Siruguppe, L., Sisavai, vi., Sisavai Grant of Govinda III, gupta I,. Siva-linga,. Siva-linga, depicted over inscription, Sivalingaka, vi., Sivamagha, 8. a. k. Sivamegha, . Siva-Mandhatrivarman, Kadamba k., Sivamara II, W. Ganga k., Sivamegha, k. of Kausambi,. PAGE 253, 255 33 n., 192, 275, 277 n., 279, 281 273, 274 275, 276 256 * INDEX. . 181 n. 271 24, 25 158 183, 184 & n. Singupura, vi., 65 Sinnamanur Plates (larger), Siripuram Plates of Anantavarman, Siriya Devi, Chalukya q., Siriya Devi, Sinda q., . Sirpur, 19, 20, 115, 117, 118, 119 & n. Sirpur Inscription of Vasata, 115 92 n. . 116 n. 284, 285 57 & n., 58 100 & n. 100 & n. Sirpur Lakshmana Temple Inscription, . Sirpur Stone Inscription, Sirso, vi., 163, 164 169 165 178 179 100 &n. 191, 192 133, 135 286, 288 285 191 . 204, 206, 214 184 205, 206, 210, 214 . 204, 212, 213 & n., 214 & n., 216 13, 85, 102, 115, 119 & n., 122, 125, Siva, god, 130, 133, 134, 142, 154, 162, 163, 165, 166, 178, 183, 186, 188, 190, 191, 194, 200, 223, 226, 238, 241, 256, 262 n., 273, 274, 278, 283 n., 284 Sivagupta, 8. a. Maha-Sivaguptaraja, Sivagupta, 8. a. Somavamet k. Maha-Siva. 122 249, 251, 254 85 275 20 248 n. 89 n. 145 . 245, 247 . PAGE Sivaraja, k., 198, 199, 200 259 278 Sivaraja, Kalachuri k., Siva-ratri, . Sivaaarman, donee, Sivrilla, m. or f.,. 90, 93, 94 249, 254, 255 28, 137, 139 Slyadon! Inscription, Siyaka, Paramara k., 102 & n., 108, 112 Siyan Pallavan, 8. a. Rajanarayana Sambuvarayan, Skandagupta, Gupta k., skandhavara, akandhavara, capital', Smara, 8. a. god Kama, Smararati, s. a. god Siva, Smriti, Smritikaustubha, work, Snake Temple, at Bhandak, Sobhana, 8-oddesa, privilege, Sodha[da] Nayaku, minister, Sodhaka, m., 179 n. 138 217 n., 291 12 & n. 235 135 & n. 89, 98, 99, 253, 257, 260 & n. 134, 188 n. 117 n. 249 201 271, 272 110 16, 152, 211, 221. 174 8-odranga, privilege, Sohawal Plates, . Sokkachchiyan, sur. of Pallava ch. Kopperun jingadeva I, Sokkanayanar, Sokka-Siyan, s. a. Sokkachchiyan, Sola-kon, m., Solanki, dy., Solanralaikonda Vira-Pandya, Pandya k., Solapuram Inscription, Sofiyam, measure, Soma, god,. Soma, m., Somadatta, ch., Somadeva, Maukhari ch., Somakula, dy., Somakuli, 8. a. Somavami, Somanatha, deity, Somanatha, te.,. Somanathadeva, s. a. god Siva, Somanatha-palli (or -pallika), Somavamsa, dy. of Kosala, Somavamsa, lunar race', . Somavamal, family, Somesvara, Hoysala k., Some vara I, . Somesvara, Silahara k., Somesvara I, W. Chalukya k., Somesvara II, do., . 333 175, 180, 181, 182 175 175 . 177 231 284 & n 144 286, 288 253 140 199, 200, 202 45, 46, 52 251, 253, 254, 255 249 . . 271, 277, 278 134, 137, 138, 139 135, 136, 140, 190, 193 134, 139, 141 70, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120 . 188 n. 90 ., 91, 94 n., 249 180 n., 193 165 192 134 134 Somesvaradeva, ch. of Chakrakety, 244 Somesvaradeva, Silahara k., 270, 275 n., 278, 279, 280, 281

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334 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (Vol. XXIII. . 106 * 198 10 . . 157, 159 PAGE Somnath, . . . 192 Sonabhadra, .. a. vi. Sravanabhadra, . . 103 Bone-East-Bank, ., . . . : Sonopur, state, . . . 248, 250 Sonepur or Sonepur Raj, ci., 8. a. ca. Suvarnapura, . . . . 248, 250 Sonnaligo, vi.. . 190 & n., 191, 193, 194, 195 s-panidhi, privilege,. 21, 87, 120, 251 8-Oparikara, do., . . 16 n., 109, 152, 201, 291 Sopura, vi., . Sorab Inscription, . . . . 190 &n. 3-Ordhu-adhas, privilege, . . . . 229 Soro, vi. . . 197, 201 & n. Soro-dandapata, . . . 201 Soro Plate of Maharaja Bhanudatta, . . 203 Soro Plate of Maharaja Sambhuyabas,. . 201 Soro Plates, Soro Plates of Somadatta, 202 s-otpadyamana-vishtika, privilege, 152, 211, 221 Sravana, nakshatra,.. . . 190 Sravanabhadra, vi.. . . 103, 105, 106, 110 Srivasti, .. a. Savathi, . . . 103 freshthin, banker . . 79, 80, 140 Srl, 8. a. goddess Lakshmi,. . . 72 Srbhavana, vi... 208, 209, 215, 216, 218, 220, 297 Sridatta, m., . . Sridovi, .. a. goddess Lakshmi, * 182 n. Sridhara, donee, . . . 213, 221 Sridhara Dikshita, donee, . 213, 221 Srldbara Kaubiks, m... 224, 229 Sridhars Kramavid, donee,. 271, 272 Sridhara Mahuls, m... 106, 110 Sikandakanaka, m... . 152 1. Srikantha, 7. a. god Siva, 108, 112 Srikanthacharita, work, . . 271. Srikantha-kura, .. a. Tennavan Pallavadiarai. yan. . . . . . 283, 286, 288 erikarana, record office!, 2 add., 6, 8, 271, 272, 276, 278, 279, 280 Srikhandayaka, m., . . . . Sringaraprakada, work, . . 83 and 1. Spingatika, vi.. . . . . 261 Spingika, 8. a. Rishyalinga, . . 237, 240 Spingi Rishi, I., . . . . . 230, 231 Sriniv.ba, ., . . . . 106, 110 Srinivise, .. a. Sailodbhara k. Madhavavar man III, 122, 125, 126, 127, 128, 130 & n. Sripura, ca., 6. a. Sirpur, 19, 20, 115, 118 & n. Sri-Rama, 8. a. Yadava general Ramadeva, 282 Srirama, sur. of Prithivt.Mahirkja 89, 90 n. Srirangam, ci., . . . . . : 177 Srisamanta, m. (?), . . . . 261, 263 Srisamanta, tit... 76, 78, 70, 80, 128, 261, 283, 284, 206, 208 Sristina, L., . . . . 280 PAGE Sristhanska, 281 Srivallabha, Pandya k.. . 285 Srivallabha, aur. of Govinda IV, Srivallabha, sur. of Rashtrakula k. Govinda III, Srivallabha, aur. of Vakpati Munja, 108, 112 Srivastavya-Kayastha, caste, . . 224, 230 Srungavarapukota, vi.. . . . . 56, 59 Srungavarapukota Grant of Anantavarman, 64 Sruti, 8. a. Veda, . 89, 98, 99, 163, 164, 257, 260 & R. Stambha, Rashfrakufa ch., . 11 & 1., 12 n., 215 & n., 216, 293, 294, 295, 296, 297 Stambha, Rashfraktifa k. . . Stambha-Torna, 6. a. Thamb-Toran, . . 42, 43 star, emblem on seal, . . . 73 Sthana, h., . . . . 277, 278 Sthanantarika, off.. alapa, ... . . 289 & n. Subandhu, author, . . . 217 Subhadatta, m.,. . 158, 161 Subhakaradeve, Bhauma k.. . 201 Subhasimha, com.. . . . 199, 203 Sudarsana, Vishnu's discus, . . . 151, 154 Sudassana, myth. k., . . 149 Sudevaraja, 6. a. Mahi-Sudevaraja, .22 n. sudha-karma, white-washing'. . . . 170 Sudhamma, monk, . . . . . 39 Sudi Inscription, . 257 Sadrs, caste, 139, 237, 240 Sugata, 8. a. the Buddha, . 117, 196, 197, 290 Sujana, com.. . . 223, 224, 230 Sukhakara, com. . * 186, 188, 189 Salapani, a. a. god Siva, . . . 253 Saliks, 4. a. Chola (1), . . 116 r. Solin, 8. a. pod Sive, . 187, 188 bulba, . . . 190, 196 Sultan, . . . . . . . 233 Sultan of Malwa, . . . . 232 Sultans of Delhi, Sumati-sadhars, ., . . . 8 n. sun, depicted over inscription, 271, 273, 274, 278, 279, 281 sun, emblem on seal, . . . . . . 67 Sunak Plates of Karpadeva, Sundarananda, wun, Sundara-Pandya, Pandya ... Sundara-Pandyan-kol, 1. m., . bunya, . a. nolli, Supali, vi., . . . . . . . 282 . 132 Suraditya, ch., . . . 103 Buraditya, 9.. 108, 109 Buraguru, preceptor of gode , .. a. Brihas. pati. . . . . . . 110, 203 . . . 38 Sar, dy. .

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INDEX. 335 * 251 . . 250 . . 37 108 . . 13 ates of Krishnaraja. PAGE Surapura, 8. 4. Amaravati,. Surashtra, co., . . , 271 Surat Plates of Vyaghrasena, * 12 n. Suravira, Paramara ch., 133 Surparaka, l., . . . 273, 274 & n. Surya, gord, . . . * 249, 283 *. Suryadeva, engr., . . 199, 202 Suryavarman, Maukhari k., . . . . 115 sutra, 8. a. sutta, . . . 241 sutradhara, mason', . . 234, 238, 292 sutta, 8. a. sutra, . . . . 241 Suttanta-bhajaniya, Buddhist work, 241, 242 Sutta-pitaka, Buddhist work, . 241, 242 Suvarna-garuda-dhtaja, ep. of Gandaraditya 31, 33 & *. Suvarnakara, m., . . . 2, 5, 7 suvarnakara, 'goldsmith ', . . . 87 Suvarnapura, ca., , 249, 250 & n., 252, 255 Suvarnavarshadeva, sur. of Govinda IV, 104, 106, 107 Suvarna-vithi, di. . . . . 150 Suvarnayasas, m., . . 157, 159 sva-hasta, sign manual', . . . 111, 153 Svalpa-dakshina-vithi, di... svamavajika, see samavayika, 79 svami, member of a guild ', 285 Svami-Mahasena, . . 167 svarnakara, goldsmith , 143 era-sima paryanta, . .229, 272, 281, 282 sva-sima-trina-gochara-goyuli-paryanta, privi lege, . . . . . . . 112 sta-sima-trina kashtha-yuti-gochara-paryanta, do., . . . . . . 109 sa-sima-trina-yuti-gochara-paryanta, do., 136, 292 Svayambhu, engr., . . . . . 79, 80 Svayambhu, . a. god Brahman, 125, 128, 130 Svayamtapa, donee, . . . . 106, 110 Sveta, 8. a. ca. Svetaka, . . 264, 265 & n. Svetaka, ca., . . 78, 79, 261, 262, 264, 266 Svetka, 8. a. ca. Svetaka, sword, emblem on coins, . . . . sword, emblem on seal, . . . . . 1 * 158 PAGE T'agarapura-paramibvara, ep. of Silandra k.'s, 275, 276 Taijaprabhu, minister, . . . . 278, 279 Taila, k., . . . . . . . 142 1. Tailapa, k., Tailapa II, W. Chalukya k., . . lailikaraja, chief of guild of oilmen', . 138, 140 Taittiriya-samhita, work, . . . 46 & n. Tajjika, Arab) . . .151 & . Takart, vi. . Takkolam Inscription of Parantaka ,. . 25 Takshabil, ca.,. . . . Tala or Talapa, E. Chalukya k., Talahari-mandala, di... . . . 120 talaka, t. d., Talakad, vi.. . Talatthere, vi.. . . . . . 201 Talavananagara, 8. a. vi. Talakad 11 . Talegaon, vi.. . . Talegaon Plates of Krishnaraja, . . . 14 . Talevataka, vi... . . . 10, 13, 16 Tallaru, vi. . . 176, 177, 178, 180, 181 Tamil, co.,. . . . . 178 Tamil literature,. . .175 & n., 176, 178, 180 Tamparavadama, I., . . . . . 199, 201 tamra, 8. a. lamradeana. . . . . 229 tamrapatra, copper plate ', . . 104 lamrapafta, copper plate ', . 54, 55, 160, 198, 202, 203 tamrapalpaka, 'copper plate'. . . . 129 Kamrabisana, . 21, 121, 143, 248, 251, 254, 255 Tanarda, vi., . . . . 78, 79, 80 Tandikonda, vi, . . 163, 166, 169 Tandivaca, bl., . . . . 89, 97, 99 Tanjai, 3. a. Tanjore, . . . .144 n. tapita, heated' or engraved', 158, 161,202, 203 Taporabi, Saiva ascetic, . . Tara-Bhaffarika, 8. 4. Arya-Tari, 292 Tarachandi Rock Inscription, 224 Taradamhsaka, di.. saka, .. . . . 115, 120 & 2., 122 Tarikh-i-Alk, work . 234 Tarkshyapura, cf. Torke, . . . 30 Tarod, vi., . . . 120 Tatar Khan, governor of Gujarat, * 233 Tattan-Sendil, . . 287, 288 Taula, engr., . . 141, 143 Taxila Copper plate, . 37, 38 Taxila Lamp Inscription, * 289 Taxila Silver Scroll, . . . 37, 41 Tejakantha, m., . . . . . . 271 Tekkali Plates, . . . . . . 58 *. Tekkali Plates of Devendravarman, 75, 76, 77 n., 78 n. Tekkali Plates of Indravarman, . . . 264 165 T 1, . . . . . . . 9, 74, 88 1, final, 9, 53, 57, 81, 115, 166, 162, 213, 261, 263, 290 t, used for th, . . . . . . 10 Tabkat-i-Albari, work, . . . 233, 234 T'abaqat--Nasiri, . . . 226 & 1., 227 T'adaniyuktaka, off., . . . . 129, 131 Tadayuktaka, off. 157, 159, 201, 202, 203, 291 Tadiparru, vi., . . . . . . 97 Tagara or Tagarapura, oa., 29, 30, 31, 33, 275

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXII. 336 59 80 269 RAOS Tel, ri. . . . . Tel, .. a. ri. Tela, . . 250 Tela, ri, . . . . . . . 250 *. Telivahi, .. a. ri. Tel. . Tella-gamudy, vi.. . . . . . 59 Teljaru, see Tallaru. Tellavalli, di.. . . . 67, 59, 60, 61 Tellavalli, cf. Tellavalli, . . 69 Telunga, . . 183, 191, 192, 193, 194, 195 Telungar,. . . . . . 176 Temtura, vi. . . . Tonnavap Pallevadiaraiyan, m., 283, 286, 286, 287, 288 Ter, . a. Tagarapura (1), . . . 275. Ter, vi.. . . . . 30 Tewar, vi., . . 90. th. . . . 189, 204, 213, 256, 257 1., 269 . . 9, 256, 259 n. Thiyika, , , , * 137, 138, 139 Thakkura, tit., . 138, 140, 141, 223, 224, 230 Thakur, tit., . . 139 Thakurdiya Plates of Maha-Pravararaja, 116 7., 118 Thamb-Toran, I., Thana, 8. a. Sthana, . 277 Thana, vi., . . . 282 Thana Platos of Yadava Ramachandra's Time, 282 & *. Thiraditya, ., . . . 137, 140 Thorana, di.. . . 124, 129, 131 & n. Tilak wada Plates of Bhoja, . . . 103 Tilli, 8. a, Delhi, . . . 235 Timisa, mo., . . . 11, 13, 16 Timmapuram Plates, 89, 95 7., 96 limpira, l. ., . . 199 & 11., 201 Timur, . . . . 233 tiramam, s. a. dramma, . . 26, 27 Tiriyay, v. in Ceylon, . . 196 Tirlingi Grant,. . 63 n. Tirodi Plates of Pravarasina II, Tirumadu, q. of Pallava ch. Kopperunjingadeva, 181, 182 n. Tirumunaippadi, di... Tirupati Inscription, . .175 n. Tiruttindiavaramudaiya Mahadeva, te., . . 24, 25 Tiruvadi, vi.. . . . * 178 Tiruvalangadu Plates, * 97 n. Tiruvalisvaram, ti. . . . . 285 Tiruvilisvaram-udaiyar, te., . Tiruvannamalai, ca.,. . Tiruvannamalai Inscription, 176, 177 Tiruvendipuram Inscription, 175, 177 Tiruvorriyur, vi.. . . . . . 145 Tivers or Tivaradeva, Somavans k. of Maha. Konala, 90, 91, 92 & n., 94 & n., 95 n., 114, 115, 116, 118 & n., 119 & 1. PAGE Tivarkhod Plates of Rashtrakata Nannaraja, 13. . . 156 Tolkappiyam, Tamil work, . .175 n. Tomara, clan, . . 139 Tondai, co., . . . . 176, 180, 181 Topdaiman, . . . 179 Tondaimandalam, co., . 146, 147, 179 Tondai-nadu, . . 181 n. Topdaiyar, . 178 Tondamannan,. . . 181 n. Toragaleya Dovarasa, &. a. minister Devaraja (1) . . . . . 193 n. Tor Dherai Inscription, . . 37 Torke, vi, . . 30 Tosadda, vi., . . . . . 20 Tosall, co., . . . 200 Tosara, vi., 20 Traikataka, dy., . . 48, 172, 173 Traividya-simanya,.. 151, 155, 213, 214 n., 221 Tribhuvanachakravartin, tit. of Chola k. Kulottunga-Chola III, . . . . . 179 Tribhuvanamulududaiyar,. . . . 175 Tribhuvanaviradeva, sur. of Chola k. Kulot tungn-Chola III, . . . . . 176 Tridatapati, s. . god Indra, . . . . 20 Tri-Kalinga, co.,. 69 & n., 70, 71, 254, 255 Trikalingadhipati, Ganga tif., . , 69, 70, 72 Trikalingadhipati, sur. of Maha-Bhavagupta II, . . . . . . 251, 253 Trikalingadhipati, tit. of Somavamof rulers, 119 Trikalinga-Mahadevi, . . . . 268, 269 Trikata, mo. or co., . . . 91, 92, 172 & . Trikata prasada, te.. . . . . 31, 32, 34 Trilochana, preceptor, . . . 231, 238, 241 trina-kaahth-odak-opeta, privilege, . . 282 Trinetra, 8. a. god Siva, . . : 194 Triplicane Grant of Vajrahasta, Saka 982, 68, 70 n. Tripura, demon destroyed by Siva, . . . 226 Tripura or Tripurl, ca.. Tripurahara, 4. q. god Siva, . . . 227 Tripurintakam Inscription, . . . 177 Tripurl, ca. . . . 2, 4, 7, 257, 258 & n. tri-sahaara-vidya, . . . . . 89, 98 Tristhall,' Kast, Prayaga and Gaya ',. . 233 trisula, emblem on seal, . . . . 114 Trivara, 8. a. Tivaradeva, . . . . 90, 91 Trivaranagara, oa., . . . 90, 91, 92 n. Tryambaka-kshetra, 8. a. Nasik,. . . 193 Tsandavolu Inscription of Buddharija, 96, 97 Tudaruri, f. . . . 283, 285, 286, 288 Tula, second harvesting season'. d. Kar, 26, 27 T'ula-purusha.pradana, . . . . 17 tuld-purusha-sthita, . . . . . 10 . Tunderu, ri, . . 163, 169 Tungabhadra, ri., . 206 1., 209, 215, 216, 220 . . 179 . . 178

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INDEX. 337 PAGE Turushka, Mohammadan, 183, 185 Turvula, 8. a. vi. Turvuni, . . . 250 n. Turvuni, vi.. . . . . 250 & n. Tusda, vi., . . . . Tutrahi Falls, . . 224 Tyagadhonu, sur. of E. Chalukya k. Indravar. man, . . . . . . . 95 n. . 20 . . 123 PAGE upadhyaya, , 38, 223, 229, 230, 273 & n., 274 & n., 275 Upalabada, vi., . . . . 142, 143 Upalada, vi.. . . . . . 141, 142 Upanishad. . . . . . 89, 98, 99 upapataka,. . . . 17, 152, 160, 211 Uparichara, Krita's son, . chara, Arila's son, . . 50 . U parika, off, . . 79 & n., 129 & 1., 131, 157, 150, 201, 202, 203, 264, 268, 291 uparikara, . . . upavita, . . . 44, 45 & . Upayuktika, off. . . . . 106 Upendra, 8. a. god Vishnu, . . . 266, 260 Upendrasimba, com... 124, 129, 131 wposathagara Uposatha halo, 39 Uran, Mo.,. . . 227 Uran, vi... 192, 279, 280 Urana, 4. a. Urapa, . . 280 n. Urana, vi... . . 278, 279, 280 & #. Uratti, vi., . . . . 178 uri, measure of capacity. . . 25, 286, 288 Urlam Plates of Hastiverman, . . . 62, 63 Utkals, co., . . . . . . 69 n. Utmanzai, vi.. . . . 289 utpratikara, 8. a. akiichit-pratikara, . 54 Uladhasakti, . . 61 n. Uttama Chola, Cholu k., Uttara-Kanderuvati, di.. . . 166 Uttarakuladesa, di.. . . . 103, 105, 109 Uttarama, vi., . . . 290, 291, 292 Uttaramallur, vi., . . 145 Uttaramallor Inscription I, . 23 n., 28 Uttaramallar Inscription II, . . 23 1., 28 Uttaramantri, off.. . . . . . 283 Uttara-Radha, co., . . . . 74, 76, 77 Uttara-Tosall, co., . . . 199, 201, 202 Uttarayana, . . . . . . 278 Uttaresvara, deity. . . . . 280, 281 uvajhha, 8. a. upadhyaya, . . . . 276 - 116 . s, initial, . . , medial, . . 9, 74, 81, 213, 254 n., 256, 259 7. u, medial, used for ,. . . . 115 1, medial,. . . . . . 9, 74, 137 ubhayatomukhi, parturient cow . 33. Uchchada, donee, . . . 148, 152, 155 Uchchakalpa, dy., 59, 171, 172, 173 n., 174 & n. Udagayana, winter solstice' . . 104 Udaiyar Rajadhirajadeva, . a. Chola k. Raja dhiraja I, . . . . . . 24 Udayaditya, Paramara ch... . Udayaditya, Paramara k., 117, n., 132, 133 & n., 134 & n., 135 & 1., 138 Udayana, Somavan & k., . Udayapur Inscription, . . 133 Udayapur Prasasti, . .133 n. Udayaraja, Kadamba ch. 223, 224, 225, 226, 229 Uddalladevi, 9.,. . 186, 188, 189 Uddandapura, ci., . . 223 n. uddesa, Buddhist term, . 242 Uddi-Basavanna, te., . 165 Uddina, cf. Udyanna, 225 Uddiyana, cf. Udyanna, * 225 udranga, . . . . 154 Udunpur, cf. Udyanna, . 225 Udyanna, 8. a. t'dyanna, .. . 225 Udyanna, ci. (?), 223, 225, 226, 228 Ugra, Pandya ch., . 284 Ugrapperuvaludi, Pandya k., . . 284 Ujjain Plates of V. 8. 1036,. * 102, 104 Ujjayini, ca., . . * 50, 51, 259 Ujjayini-vishaya, di... 102, 112 Ukkiran, 8. a. Ugra, . * 284 Ukkirankottai, vi.. . 283, 284 ulakku, measure of onpacity, 286, 288 Uma, 8. a. goddess Parvati, . 168 Uma-Mahesvara, deity, * 163, 169 Umapati, 8. a. god Siva, . . . 278 Umavarman, Ganga k., . 58 & 1., 89 1. umbrella, emblem on seal, Umvarachara, vi. . . . 105, 109 Una Inscription, . . . . . 60 r. Unchahra, vi., . . . . . . 186 . upadhmaniya, . . .19, 57, 77 1., 81, 162 25 , . . 9, 53, 57, 62, 189, 213, 254 . , used for b. . . 2, 10, 28, 53 & n., 68, 74, 102, 124, 141, 156, 198, 206, 231, 249, 286, 261, 263, 265, 267, 290 vachana,' saying' 189, 190 & 1., 191, 194, 195, 196 vachanakara, . . . . . . 190 Vachaspati, . . . . . . 225 Vadavali Plates of Aparidity . . 271 & *. Vadavayil-amandal, deity,. . . 287, 288 Vadaviyil-nangai, deity. . . 284 & *., 285 Vadi, dones, . . . . . . 11, 16 Vadode, vi.. . . . . . . 288

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338 PAGE 272&#. 13 232 .37, 41 37 157, 159 72 103 286 179174 & n. 177 166, 158 102, 106, 112 79 237 16, 55 m., 148, Vailya, caste, 152, 155, 157., 211, 221 69, 73 m., 237, 240 251, 254 & n. 275 276 276 Vaitrika, off, doorkeeper', vajha, s: a. upadhyaya, vajha, s. a, upadhyaya, vajhha, s. a. upadhyaya, Vajrahasta, Ganga k., Vajrahasta I, Ganga k., Vajrahasta II, do., Vajrahasta 1II, do., Vajrata, k., . 101 n. 71 71 Vajrin, s. a. god Indra, Vikataka, dy., 65, 67, 68, 69, 70, 72 10, 14 168 19, 81, 82 & n., 83 & n., 84 & n., 85 & n., 86, 88, 90 & n., 92, 114, 117, 118, 172, 173 Vakkattaka, di.,. 157, 158, 159 Vakkattaka, vi., 157, 159 Vakpati, Vakpati-Munja or Vakpatiraja, Para. 102 & n., 104, 108, 111, 112, 133, 135, 142 138, 147, 149, 151 & n., 153, 154 & n. 243 180, 181 30 30 mara k., Valabbi, ca., Valaka, vi., Valava, s. a. Chola, Valavada, s. a. Vallavada, Valayavada, s. a. Vallavada, Vallabha, Vallabha, k., Vallabha, off.. Vadu, m. (?), Vadur, vi.,. Vigada, s. a. Vatapadraka, Vagramariya, m., Vagramariya vihara, Vahanayaka, off.. Vaidumba, family, Vaigrama, vi., Vaikartana,' of Vikartana Vaikunta-Perumal, le., EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. Velax, vi... Vallar Inscription of Kopperanjingadeva, Vainyagupta, k., Vairisimha, Paramara k., Vaishnavi, see Paramavaishnavi, Vaisravana, s. a. god Kubera, Vaisvadiva, mahayajna, * . * * 15 10, 14 60, 61 m., 77, 79, 129, 131, 201, 202, 203, 262, 204, 266, 268 Vallabha, a. a. Rashtrakuta k. Krishna, 207, 218 Vallabhanarendra, eur. of Govinda III, 205, 210, 220 Vallabharaja, s. a. Rashtrakuta k. Dantidurga, 14 Vallabhendra, e. a. Rashtrakuta b. Govinda ni, Vallabhendra, eur. of Pulakeain II, Vallsvida, vi.. Vallavariyan, s. a. Pallavaralyan, 12 n. add. 167 20, 30, 31, 34 175 [VOL. XXIII. Vamana Bharadvaja, donee, Vamana Kaeyapa, donee, Vamanasvamin, donee, Vamanasvamin, m., Vameevara, Saiva ascetic, Vamheadhari, ri., Vameadhara, ri., Vanaraiyar, ch., vana-valika-trina-jantu-gochara-paryanta, pri vilege, Vana-Vidyadhara, s. a. Bana-Vidyadhara, Vandaram Plates of Ammaraja II, Vanga, co., Vanl-Dindori Plates, Vanika, vi., * Varadakheta, vi., varagoshihi, Varaguna, Pandya k., Varaguna II, do., vardha, coin, Varaha, donee, Varahakopa, 1. vapik-sthana, merchants' association', . Vanivildea, tit. of Yoglevara, vappaka, 1. m., vara,. PAGE .32, 34 32, 34 105, 109 157, 159 163, 164, 169 65 119 144, 147 Vasishtha, author, Vasishtha, family, Vadishtha Adrama, at Aba, * Varaha-lanchhana, emblem of the Chalukyas, Varahamihira, astronomer, Varahavartani, di., Varakrita, off., Varanga, m., vara-pramukha, Varakiva, misreading for Dharasiva, Vardhamana-bhukti, Burdwan di., vari-satra-nityahoma, purpose of donation, 258 12 102, 104, 108 249 234, 237, 240 32, 34 & n. 156 n., 157 82, 84, 85, 86 27, 28 145 146 138, 139, 140 106, 110 201 n. 167 49 + 229 146 97 62, 65, 66, 69, 73, 75, 94 156 & n., 160 138, 140 28 214. 157, 158, 159 195 23 28 27 . 187 n. . variyam, committee', variya-pperumakkal, of. vara-pramukha, variyilar, off., . 115 150, 153 Varmadeva, misreading for Dharmadeva, Varman, dy., varn-abrama, varn-abrama-dharma, Varsha, Rains', Varukana, di., 131. . 245, 247, 248 199, 201, 202 Varukona or Varukona, s. a. Varukana, Varuna, god, vasaka, camp', 201 n. 253 201, 202, 203 96 vasaka, capital', vasanika, dwelling', 139, 140, 141 Vasantavilasa, work, 191 & n. Vasata, Maukhari princess and Somavam q., 115, 116 43 58 & ., 60, 81, 90 .272 n.

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INDEX. 339 . 191 50 * . 273 PAGE Vholahthfputra, meronymic of Ganpak. Sakti . 58 & . Visiahthiputra, metronymic of Baktivarman,. 89 Vastupala, minister, Vasubandhu, author, 241 Vasudove, m.. . . 106, 109 Visudevs, m., . . 229 Vasudova, Rohini'a husband, Vasudevabhatta, donee, . * 279 Visugi Nayake, m., 273, 274 Vous, gods, . . . 46 Vatamitrasvamin, doncs, 199, 203 Vatapadraka, 4. a. Vagada, * 232 Vatapura, u., . . . 11, 13, 16 Vatar, vi, . . . Vstavallaka, w., . 157, 159, 160 odfiki, . . * 277, 278 Vatsar js, k., . 207, 219, 294 Vataaraja, m., . 205, 212, 213, 214, 222 Vataasvamin, doncs, 167, 168, 160 Vattara, vi, . . 273, 274 wolk, . a. papild (1), . 276 n. Vayalar, 8. a. vi. Vailor, 174 . Vayalur, vi.. . . . 174 .. Vayalar Inscription of RAjasimha, . . 174 >>. Vayama, m., . . 214, 222 Vayigrima, 8. a. ti. Vaigrima, 103 Vayw.Purana, work, . . . 164 Vida, 5, 7, 89, 98, 99, 103, 163, 164, 205, 210, 214 n., 237, 240, 253, 255 Vidanga, . . . . 89, 98, 99, 253, 255 Vidangajyotisha, work, . . . . 91 Vedas Rigveda, . . 10, 36, 44 n., 102, 106, 106, 157, 205, 213 Samaveda, 63, 85, 94 n., 103, 105, 106 Yajurveda, . 74, 77, 94 7., 105, 106, 199 Yajurvoda (white), . . . . 20, 148 Vedasiva, Rajaguru, . . Vodavanam-Udaiyan Ammaiyappan Appen Pallavarajan, general, . . 179 Vodavysa, 6. a. sage Vyasa, 17, 152, 211, 222 Vodbae, . a. god Brahman, 13, 206, 218 Vedie revival, . . . . 43, 44, 51 Vedic sacrifices, vedinai, tax, . . . 23 Velanaodu, family, Velkpur Inscription of Saka 1227 . . . 282. oli, I. .,. . . . 26, 27 wlikkies, tax, . . 24 Vallavala, vi.. . . . . . 106, 107 Volparu Inscription of Madhavavarman, . 98 Voldrpalaiyam Plates, . . . 144 Valvikudi Copper Plates RDOS V&vikudi Grant of Jatils-Parintaka-Nedufija daiyan,. . . . . . 178 Vong, ca, * * * * * 119 * , 258 Vengt or Venglmandala, co., . 57, 89, 89 R., 92 & *., 96, 163, 167, 206, 209, 216, 216, 217 ., 218, 220, 297 Vepraviypedi, m.. . . . 236, 288 Vesupadavala, m.. * 273, 274 sya, orror for tyd or Vaidys,. 89 & ., 73 odbyd, courtesan! . . . . 60,18 Vetkovar Virs.... niyan. . . * 287, 288 Vetragarta, vi... . 167, 168, 160 veffi, tax, . . . * 23, 24 peffikbudi,. . . . 286, 288 Deffipaffam, tax, . . . . 26, 27 Veyaghans, si... . * 10, 13, 16 Vibhands or Vibhandaka, father of rage Rishyaepinga, . . . 237, 240, 241 vibhanga, exegesis, . 241, 242&n. Vibhanga-sutta, Buddhist work, , 241, 242 Vibhanga-rappa, Buddhist work, , , 241 Vichitrahasta, engr.. . . 261, 263 Vidarbha, co., . . . . 84, 117 & *., 118 Videkasvamin, engr. . . . . 199, 201 Vidyadhara, dy. . . 30, 32, 33*. Vidyariki, Saiva ascetic, . . . . 165 Vidydisamudra, sit. of Karpara. . . . 190 Vidydvar I, Saina ascetic, . 163, 164, 169 Vidyokvara-Pandita II, Saiva ascetic, slao com.. . . . . 162, 164 & n., 166, 170 vihara, . . * * 38, 39, 41 viharibi, small monastery', . . 121 Vijayachandra, Gahadavala k., . . . 225 Vijayadaman, Kshatrapa, . . . . 48 Vijayaditys I (Bhaffaraka), E. Chalukya k., 167 Vijayaditys II, do.. 163, 167, 169 Vijayaditya III, do. . . 69, 107 Vijayaditya IV, do.. . . 60, 167 Vijayaditya, sur. of E. Chalukya k. Ammarija II,. . . . . . . . 100 Vijaya-Kampavikramavarman, .. 4. Pallano k. Kampavarman,. . . 144, 147 Vijayanagara, ca., . 180., 182, 183 & n., 184 n., 185 m., 194 Vijayanagara Inscriptions, . . . . 149 n. Vijayanandivarman, Salasbiyana k., . . 56, 57 Vijaya-aldhar, m., . . . . . 8 n. Vijayana, A., . . . 156, 187, 188, 160 Vijayaviti, ca., . a. Beswide, . . 163, 169 virapti, . . . . . . 86 vijapya, used for vijfiapti,. . . . 82, 86 Vikartana, .. a. god Bory . . . 283, 288 . . 230 Vikrama, do . 223, 224, 225 & ., 328 Vikrama or Vikramiditya, Malaca k.. 80, 81 jurveda (white), . : 276 1., 276 Vikharani, .. . 294 295 & ... 928 . 284

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340 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXIII. . . 233 227 147 124 RAav Vikramadhavala, .. a. Chalukya k. Vikrama dity, . . . . Vikramiditya, Choja k. 96 Vikramaditya I, Bana ch... 146 Vikramaditya, ll, do. . Vikramaditya, E. Chalukya prince, . * 167 Vikramaditya II, E. Chalukya k., . . Vikramaditya, avt. of Chandragupta II, 83, 84 Vikramaditya Vi, Chalukya k.. . . . 100 Vikramakesarin, . . . . . 165 & R. Vikrama[ma]hendravarman,.. a. Vishnu bundin k. Vikramendravarman II, 91 & n. Vikramarkadevacharita, work, . . . 134 Vikramarka, 8. a. k. Vikrama, Vikrama-solan-ula, Tamil work,. . 178 Vikramasraya, sur. of Vishnukundin k. Govin. da varman, . . . . . 93, 95 Vikramendra, Chola k., 89, 95, 97, 99 Vikramendravarman I, Vishnukundin k., 91, 95 Vikramendravarman II, do.. 88, 91 & n., 92, 93, 95 & n. Vilachi, m., . . . . . 75 n. Vilapadraka, vi.. . . . . 135 Villiyanur, vi., . . . . 176 Villiyanur Inscription, . . 176, 177 Vilvagavisa, vi... . . 103, 105, 109 Vimalachandra, engr... 266, 267, 268, 269 Vimaladitya, ch., vimana, shrine', . : 165 Vinayachandra, com... * 62, 63 ., 64, 66, 67 Vinayaditya, Ganga k.. . . . . 71 Vinayaka, 6. a. god Ganeta, . . . . 280 Vinayamabadevi, Ganga q. . . . . 68, 72 Kinaya-Pijaka, work, . . . . . 38, 39 Vindhya, mo.. . 94 n., 187, 188, 209, 211, 214 n., 222, 243, 297 Vindhyapuri, vi.. . . . . 157, 159 Vindhyesvara, le., . . 186, 187, 188, 189 viniyoga, tax, . . . 26, 27 Viniyuktaka, ofl. . . . . . 291 Virabhadra, . . . Virabhacira, le... Vira-Chavundarasa, 6. a. Chavundarasa, 184 Viradhavala, Chaulukya k., . . . 191, 192 Vira-Kampiladova, 4. a. Kampiladeva, 183, 184 virama, sign indicating consonant being muto, 67, 68, 162 Vira-Narasimha II, Hoyaala k., 177, 178 & ., 181 m. Vira-Narasingadeva, Yadava ch.,. . .178 n. Viranja, I., . . . . . . 199, 203 Vira-Pandya, Pandya k., . . . . 165 Vira-Pandyan-kal, measure of capacity, .. 26, 27 Vtrapratapa, tit. of Vijayanagara k., . . 185 Virasena, k., . . . 138 n. Virasiva, sect, . . . . 190 PAGE Viravinoda, work, Virinika, vi., . . * 75 n. Virintika, vi.. . . . 75 Visakhasvamin, donee, . 20, 21 Visakhavarman, Ganga k... . . 58 Visaladeva, Chaulukya k.. . * 192 visarga, . . . . 124 visarga, changed to e, . visarga, mark of punctuation resembling 204 visarga, omitted, 10, 115, 205, 261, 265, 268 visarga, superfluous, . . 21 N., 261, 269 visarga, used for punctuation mark, vishaya, t. d., 54, 55, 57, 59, 61, 65, 66, 75, 78, 79, 89 & n., 93, 94, 97, 99, 102, 124, 129, 131 & n., 148, 152, 159, 163, 166, 169, 190, 194, 195, 199, 201, 202, 203, 205, 221, 261, 262 & 1., 264, 266, 268, 275, 276, 290 & n., 291 Vishayadhikarana, . . . . .156 . vishaya-mana, local measure ', cf. raja-mana, 82. Vishayapati, off. . 15, 53, 54, 55 & n., 64 n., 79, 106, 129, 131, 151, 157, 159, 201, 202, 203, 210, 220, 264, 268, 291 Vishnu, author, . . . . . . 43 Vishnu, donce, Vishnu, god, 13, 30, 31, 34, 71, 82 9., 102, 119, 130 n., 134, 178 n., 182 >>., 249, 253, 255, 256 Vishnu, m., . . . . . . 106, 110 Vishnu, m., . . . . 205, 210, 214 n. Vishnu, te.. . . . . . . 116 Vishnugopa, Pallava k.. . . . . 89 n. Vishnukundin, dy., . 89, 90, 91, 92, & n., 93 & n., 04 n., 95 & 1., 96, 116 Vishnunha, m., . . . . . . 281 Vishnu arman, .. . . . . 89, 98, 99 Vishnukarman, donce, . . . . . 94 Vishnusomacharya, donee, . . . . 261 Vishnuvardhana, 8. a. Kubja-Vishnuvardhana, 93 & n. Vishnuvardhana II, E. Chalukya k., . 167 Vishnuvardhana III, do., . . . . 167 Vishnuvardhana IV, do. . . . Vishnuvardhana V, do. . . . 97, 167 viskuva, equinox', . . * 269 Visvakarman, caste, . . 139 Vigvamatri, s. 4. goddess Parvati, 230, 231, 234 Visvarupa, work, Visvarupasena's Copper-plate Grant, . . 188 . . 54, 55 n. Visvedevas, gods, . . . . 50 Vitaraga, sur. of Gurjara k. Jayabhata I, 148 vithi, t. d., . . 53, 54, 56 & n., 156 7., 157, 158, 159, 160, 290 & #., 291 Vithy-adhikarana, 'Vith court', . 157, 159, 160 Vithy-adhikrita, off., . . . . 159 . . . 298 vibrasa, . . . .

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Vittadeva, donee, Vitthala, deity, Vizagapatam Grant, Saka 1003, Vizagapatam Grant, Saka 1057, Vizagapatam Plates of Anantavarman Choda ganga, Vodhuna, 8. a. Bodhana, vodi, coin, vodri, s. a. vod, Vonkharabhoga, di., Voppana, donee,. Vratakhanda, work, Vriddhachalam Inscription, vrishabha, coin, Vrishabha, rasi, Vyaghradeva, Uchchakalpa k., Vyaghraraja, k.,. vyakhyana, commentary', Vyamasiva, s. a. Vyomasiva, Vyapura, vi., Vyasa, sage, vyavaharin, Vyomakesa, s. a. god Siva, Vyomasiva, priest, * W Waigaon, vi., Wainganga, ri., Wairgarh, vi., Wani-Dindori Plates, Warid, a. a. vi. Varadakheta, Wardak Vase Inscription, Wheel of Law, emblem on seal, Wurgaon, vi., 70 265 138 138 64 n. 11, 16, 18 192 177 n. 138, 140 & n. 72 171, 172, 173 173 89, 98 276 & n. 117. 17, 21, 55, 56, 66, 67, 87, 98, 99, 121, 211, 222 129, 131, 262, 263 Y . 1, y, confused with p, y, doubling of consonant before, y, used for j, PAGE 124, 129, 131 193 70 n. 70 n. 13, 16 n. add. 13 118 205 m., 214, 215 & m., 216 84, 85 37, 41 155 . 117 n. INDEX. * * 135 & n. 275 n., 276 n. 2, 141, 205 Yadava, dy., 178 m., 184 & n., 190, 191, 192, 193 & n., 194, 208, 219, 270, 279, 281, 282 Yajnasvamin Atreya, donee, Yajnasvamin Katyayana, donee, Yajnavarman, Maukhari ch., Yaka, vi., cf. Ayaka, Yaksha, Yakubi Image Inscription, 9, 45, 156, 189, 198 1 9, 57, 62, 82 . Yamalagrama, vi., Yasobhita, Sailodbhava k., see Ayasobhita, Yasodharman, k., yatha-kal-adhyasin, 20, 21 20, 21 46 103 37, 41 289 105, 107 64 49 251, 262, 264, 266 yatha-pradiyamana-bhaga-bhoga-hirany-adika, Mahamagha, Mahasvayuja, Parabhava, privilege, yath-otpadyamana-bhaga-bhog-adika, Yaudheya, tribe,. 136 113 47. 235, 239 90. Yavana, Mohammadan', Yayati, s. a. Maha-Sivagupta I Yayati, s. a. Somavamei k. Maha-Sivagupta, . 90 n. Yayatinagara, ca., 90 n. years of the cycle:Dhatri, . Pingala,. Plavanga, Pramoda, Raktakshin, Raudra, . Sarvadharin, Sarvajit, Sarvari,. Saumya, Siddhartha, Subhakrit, Tirana, Vikarin, . Vikrita, Vishva, s. a. Vrisha, Visvavasu, Vrisha, Vyaya, years, regnal : 2+9, 2+13, 2+14, 3rd, 5th, 6th, 7th, 8th, 10th, 11th, 13th, 14th, 15th, 17th, 18th, 23rd, 27th, 28th, 31st, 46th, 48th, Yellamanchili, vi.. Yi-tsing, Chinese pilgrim, 341 . PAGE . 274 n. 172 58 31, 34, 277 n. 271 & n. . 277 n. 273 190, 195, 196 280 . 216 n. 183, 185, 205 281, 232 . 183 n. 278, 279 . 277 n. . 216 n. . 277 R. 104, 107 275 *., 276 n. 271 & n., 277 & n., 278 275 & n., 276 & n. 205 & u., 211 283, 286, 288 283, 285, 288 283 158, 161, 249 199, 203 26, 176, 249 26 19, 22, 27, 249 144, 147 176 124, 249 25 199, 202, 203 249, 253, 255 94 124, 129, 131 . 82, 87 . 24, 25 249 89, 98, 99 90 57 .37, 38

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342 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (Vor. XXIII. . 1901. PAGN Yapa, 43 & n., 44 & n., 45 & 1., 46, 51, 52 Yupa Inscriptions of King Molavarman, S. 44n. Yuvaraja, . . . . 167, 193, 223, 229, 265 Yuvaraja I-Koyuravarsha, Kalachuri k., 255, 257 PAGE Yadihalli Inscription, Yoga, sastra, . . . 89, 98, 99 Yogtavara, com... . 234, 237, 240 yonipafta,. . . . . 275 Yuan Chwang, Chinese pilgrim, . . 118, 119 & n., 241 Yuddhamalla I, E. Chalukya prince, 167 Yuddhamalla II, do... . . 167 Yudhishthira, epic hero, 22, 60, 86, 86, 98, 121, 162, 161 Zafar Khan, s. 4. Muzaffar Shah I, . . 233

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