Epigraphia Indica Vol 23

Author(s): Hirananda Shastri
Publisher: Archaeological Survey of India
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032577/1

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Volume XXIII (1935-36)
Soo
प्रत्नकीर्तिमपावृण
PUBLISHED BY THE DIRECTOR GENERAL ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA JANPATH, NEW DELHI-110001
1984

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Volume XXIII
boo
PUBLISHED BY THE DIRECTOR GENERAL ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA,
NEW DELHI
1984

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Reprinted 1984
C
ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA
GOVERNMENT OF INDIA
Price : Rs. 75.00
Printed at Pearl Offset Press Private Limited 5/33, Kirti Nagar Indl. Area,
New Delhi-110015

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PUBLISHED UNDER THE AUTHORITY OF THE GOVERNMENT OF INDIA
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
AND
RECORD OF THE ARCHÆOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA.
Vol. XXIII. 1935-36.
EDITED BY N. P. CHAKRAVARTI, M.A., Ph.D.,
GOVERNMENT EPIGRAPHIST FOR INDIA.
PUBLISHED BY MANAGE OF PUBLICATIONS, DELHI PRINTED BY MANAGER, GOVERNMENT OF INDIA Press, CALCUTTA
1940

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ACHARYA, G. V. :
No. 23. A Grant of Gurjara King Jayabhata III: [Kalachuri] year 486 ALTEKAR, A. S., M.A., D.LITT. :
No. 7. Three Maukhari Inscriptions on Yupas: Krita year 295
20. Two Inscriptions from Shergadh
48. A Note on the Date of the Manne Plates of Stambha Ranavaloka
"
33
BASAK, R. G., M.A., PH.D. :
No. 19. The Puri Plates of Madhavavarman-Sainyabhita
BHATTACHARYYA, P. N. :
No. 13. Badakhimedi Copper-plates of Indravarman
47. Nalanda Plate of Dharmapaladeva.
"
The names of contributors are arranged alphabetically.
CHAKRAVARTI, S. N., M.A. :
No. 42. Four Ganga Copper-plate Grants
CHHABRA, B. CH., M.A., M.O.L., PH.D. :
No. 12. Indian Museum Plates of Ganga Devendravarman: the year 308
21. Upalada Plates of Ranaka Ramadeva
"
"
"
DAVER, S. R., KHAN SAHEB :
No. 38. A Note on the Rajapura Copper-plates of Madhurantakadeva: Samvat 987
DEB, HABIT KRISHNA :
CONTENTS.
31. A Note on the Tiriyay Rock Inscription.
40. Sonepur Plates of Maha-Bhavagupta (II)-Janamejaya; the year 17
46. Utmanzai Lamp Inscription in Kharoshthi
No. 34. Sone-East-Bank Copper-plate of Indradeva and Udayaraja
DIKSHIT, K. N., M.A., RAO BAHADUR :
No. 16. A Note on the Bhor State Museum Copper Plate of Khambha II
17. Three Copper-plate Inscriptions from Gaonri.
23
KONOW, STEN, PH.D.:
"
No. 6. Hidda Inscription of the year 28.
39. Allahabad Museum Inscriptions of the year 87
KRISHNAMACHARLU, C. R., B.A. :
No. 37. A Note on the Barah Copper-plate of Bhojadeva
KRISHNARAO, BHAVARAJ V., B.A., B.L.:
·
No. 25. Tandikonda Grant of Ammaraja II
LAW, BIMALA CHURN, PH.D., M.A., B.L. :
No. 36. A Pali Counterpart of the Nalanda Text of Pratityasamutpadavibhanga
MAJUMDAR, N. G., M.A. :
No. 8. Nandapur Copper-plate of the Gupta year 100
24. Mallasarul Copper-plate of Vijayasena
33
32. Four Copper-plates from Soro
PAOB
117
42
131
293
W
122
78 290
261
73
141
196
248
289
244
222
99
101
35
945
242
161
241
52
155
197

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXIII.
PAGE
81
113 171 204 255 295
88
182
189
M.A.)
:
:
:
:
18 113
MUSUNDAB, R. C., M.A., PH.D. :
No. 9. Srungavarapukota Platos of Anantavarman King of Kalinga . . . . .
10. Narasingapalli Plates of Haativarman; the year 79 .
11. Ganjam Coppor-platos of Vajrahasta III; Saka-Samvat 991 . MIBASHI, V. V., M.A.
No. 1. Pendrabandh Plates of Pratapamalla: the [ Kalachuri) year 066 . . .
2. Anjanavati Plates of Govinda III; Saka year 722 . . . 14. Pattan Plates of Pravarasena II . . . . . .
18. Mallar Plates of Maha-Sivagupta (see alao Pandeya, L. P., Pandit). . . . 26. A Note on the Dates of Uchchakalpa Kings . . . .
83. Two Copper-plate Inscriptions from Berar .
41. Karitalai Stone Inscription of Lakshmanaraja : ( Kalachuri) Samvat 593. .
... 49. A Further Note on the Date of the Manne Platee of Stambha. . . . . NAGAR, M. M., M.A. -
No. 29. Fragmentary Stone Inscription of Queen Uddalladevi: V. 8. 1294 . . PANCHAMUKRI, R. S., M.A.:
No. 15. Tandivada Grant of Prithivi-Maharaja : 46th year. . . . . . . » 28. Sangur Inscription of Devaraya-Maharaya : Saka 1329 . . . . . .
#30. Sangur Inscription of Yadava Mahadevaraya : Saka 1186 . . . . . PANDEYA, L. P., PANDIT :
No. 3. Arang Plates of Maha-Sudevaraja.
, 18. Mallar Plates of Maha-Sivagupta (see also Mirashi, V. V., M.A.) RAMANATHA AYYAR, A.S., B.A. -
No. 46. Four Pandya Records from Ukkirankottai . . . . . . . . BANKALIA, H. D., M.A., LL.B., Ph.D. :
No. 43. Six Silahara Inscriptions in the Prince of Wales Museum (see also Upadhyaya, 8. C.,
M.A., LL.B.) .. 44. A Stone Inscription of Yadava Ramachandra : Saka 1222 (sce also Upadhyaya, 8. C..
M.A., LL.B.) . . . . SUBRAHMANYA AIYAR, K. V., B.A. -
No. 4. A Note on the Panchavara Committee . . . . . . . . UPADHYAYA, S. C., M.A., LL.B. - No. 43. Six Silahara Inscriptions in Prince of Wales Museum (see also sankalia, H. D., M.A.,
LL.B.). . „ 44. A Stone Inscription of Yadava Ramachandra': Saka 1222 (oce ales's
M.A., LL.B.) UPADHY., A. N., M.A. -
No. 5. Kolhapur Copper-plates of Gandaradityadeva: Saka 1048 . . . . . VENKATASUBBA AIYER, V., B.A.S
No. 22. The Melpatti Inscription of Vijaya-Kamparikramavarman .
, 27. Tbo Vailur Inscription of Kopperunjingadeva . . . . VYAS, AKSHAYA KEERTY, M.A., SAMSKRITI PT. :
No. 35. Sringi-Rishi Inscription of Prince Mokala . . . . . . . .
230
INDEX.- by B. Ch. Chhabra, M.A., M.O.L., Ph.D. . . . Tittle-page, Contents, List of Platus and Additions and Corrections .
. .
.
.
,
209 i-vili

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LIST OF PLATES.
142
No. 1. Pendrabandh Plates of Pratapamalla : the Kalachuri Year 963.
between pages & 2. Anjanavati Plates of Govinda III ; Baka Year 722 . . . . . to face page 3. Arang Plates of Mahasudevaraja . .
between pages 20 & 21 4. Kolhapur Copper-plates of Gandaradityadeva, Saka 1048 . .
30 & 31 5. Hidda Inscription of the Year 28 . . . . .
to face page 8. Threo Maukhari Inscriptions on Yupas: Krita Year 295 .
between pages 52 & 52 7. Nandapur Copper-plate of the Gupta Year 169 . . .
to face page 8. Srungavarapukota Plates of Anantavarman, King of Kalings
between pages 60 & 9. Narasingapalli Plates of Hastivarman; the Year 79. .. 10. Ganjam Copper-plates of Vajrahasta III; Saks-Samvat 991
to face page 11. Indian Museum Plates of Ganga Devendravarman; the Year 308 . between pages 76 & 12. Badakhimedi Copper-plates of Indravarman . .
80 & 81 13. Pattan Plates of Pravarasena II: i to iv, a . .
. 86 & 87 14, Pattan Plates of Pravarasena II. iv, o to .
. to face page 16. Tandivada Grant of Prithivi-Maharajs; 48th Year. . . . between pages 96 & 97 16. Three Copper-plate Inscriptions from GaonriA.-Fragmentary Grant of the Rashtrakuta Suvarnnavarahs (Govinda IV): Saks 851 . . . .
to face page
106 17. B.-Plates of Vakpati-Munja : V. 8. 1038 .
between pages 108 & 103 18. B.-Plates of Vakpati-Munja : V. 8. 1038 (II) .
to face page
111 19. C.-Plates of Vakpati-Munja : V. 8. 1043 , .
between pages 112 & 113 20. Mallar Plates of Maha-Sivagupta . .
•
120 & 121 21. Puri Plates of Madhavavarman Sainyabhita .
. 128 & 129 22. Upalada Plates of Ranaka Ramadeva . . . .
. . to face page 23. Melpatti Inscription of Vijaya Kampavikramavarman .
147 24. A Grant of the Gurjars King Jayabhata III: Kalachuri Year 486 between pages 150 & 151 25. Mallasaru) Copper-plate of Vijayasena .
-
160 & 161 26. Tandikonds Grant of Ammaraja II . .
168 & 169 27. The Vailur Inscription of Kopperunjingadeva.
to face page Four Copper-plates from Soro
A.-Plate of Maharaja Sambhuy18s; the Year 260 . . . to face page 200 B.-Plate of Somadatta; the Year 15 . . . . C.-Another plate of Somadatta; the Year 15 . .
202 D.-Plate of Maharaja Bhanudatta; the Year 6. . .
203 Two Copper-plate Inscriptions from Berar A. Sisavai Grant of Govinda III; Saka Year 729 . .
between pages 210 & 211 31. B.-Lobara Grant of Govinda III; Saka Year 734 . .
220 & 221 32. Sone-East-Bank Copper-plate of Indradeva and Udayaraja . . . to face page
228 33. Sringi-Rishi Inscription of Prince Mokala . .
236 34. Allahabad Museum Inscriptions of the Year 87. .
248 35. Bonepur Plates of Maha-Bhavagupta (II)-Janamejaya; the Year 17 . .
252 36. Karitalai Stone Inscription of Lakshmanaraja : ( Kalachuri) Samvat 593.
260 37. Four Ganga Copper-plate Grants :A. -Plates of Mabarsja Jayavarmadeva
. . . between pages 382 & 263 38. B.-Plates of Danarnavadeva . .
»
264 & 26.5 39. C.-Plates of Bhupendravarmadeva . . . . . . to face page
267 40. D.--Plates of Rangka Jayavarmadeva . . . . . . between pages 288 & 269 41. Four Pandya Records from Ukkirankottai
>
286 & 287 42. Utmanzai Lamp Inscription in Kharoshthi . . . . . to face pago
180
201
289

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ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS.
Page 2, last 1.–For Karaṇa read Srīkarana.
4, text I. 13.-For PTT read : , 7, (V. 15).-For Brahmana read Brāhmana. , 9, 1. 25.-For niyukta- read niyuktak-.
10, 1. 25.-Omit I in the beginning of the line. 12, f. n. 2.- For n. 4 read p. 11, n. 7. 12, f. n. 6.-For
read . 12, f. n. 10.-For Abhidhāna Chintamani read Abhidhānachintamani. 12, f. n: 11.-For पुरात read पुरात्। 15, text I. 17.--For read . 16, f. n. 1.-For Vaigaon read Waigaon. 26, 1. 14.-For irukka read irukka. 27, 1. 37.-For -Bhim read - Bhima. 27, last 1.--For ovärim read vārim. 37, 1. 9.--For Khema read Kshema. 38, 1. 30.-Insert In before. Vinaya Pitaka'. 41, para. 5, last 1.-For pacchaya read pachohaya. 46, 1. 27.-For Hori read Hotri.
53, 1. 26.—For 8 read 7. (N. G. M.) , 53, last 1.-For bounded on the south by... and on read situated to the south of
... and to. (N. G. M.) 55, text I. 15.-For kā-lam= read kālam 55, text I. 19.-For 8 read 7. (N. G. M.) 66, 1. 3.--For ... bounded) on the south by. ... and on read ( .. situated)
to the south of ... and to. (N. G. M.) 56, 1. 13.--For 8th read 7th. (N. G. M.) 64, f. n. 1.- For XVIII read XVII. 66, text I. 13.-For Ranabhitoday- read Ranabbitoday-. 67, f. n. 1, 1. 2.-For Saka read Saka. 71, last f. n.-For 36 read 26. 75, top 1.--For 398 read 308. 77, f. n. 14.-For danda read danda. 78, text 1. 37.-For khandimala read Khandimala. 82, f. n. 5.-For Pödägad read Podāgadh. 84, lant f. n.-Insert the figure 8 before See. 86, f. n. 9.-For Kritya read okritya. 87, text l. 44.-For सेना ति read सेनापति 89, f. n. 7.-For Brihatproshta inscription of Umăvarman read Brihatproshtha grant of
Umavarman. 90, f. n. 5.-For Sõmavamsi read Sõmavambi. 107, f. n. 2.- For vyāghatë read vyāghātë; and for kartlaryä road karttavyam. 119, f. n. 5.--For Penthäma read Penthänia.

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viii
Page 141, text 1. 14.-For
33
39
39
33
33
39
39
99
33
2°
33
39
23
33
""
39
33
33
39
39
دو
39
22
29
23
22
29
39
39
93
39
33
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
read .
144, 1. 11.-For Miyaru- read MIyaru-.
147, 1. 6. For Miyaru read Miyāru.
156, f. n. 5.-For Indian Historical Quarterly read Above.
165, 1. 28.-For Lakulisa- read Lakulisa-.
166, 1. 26. For Kanderuvați- read Kandĕruvați-.
168, text 1. 28. For विनोश read रवनीश
174, f. n. 8.-For Rajasimha read Rājasimha.
175, 1. 4. For verses read metres.
190, 1. 3.-For Chavundarasa read Chaudarasa.
190, 1. 9.-For Changür read Changara.
192, last para. 1. 4.-For Arjunvaḍ read Arjunavāda.
194, 1. 2.-For Basura read Basura and for Chanjuru read Changüra.
194, 1. 7.-For Basura read Bäsūra.
194, 1. 9.-For Changuru read Changūra.
195, last 1.-For Basura read Basura.
204, para. 3, 1. 13.-For -asa-vadhayaḥ read as-avadhayaḥ.
206, f. n. 4.-For Tungabhadra read Tungabhadra.
214, f. n. 2.-For Appasavi read Annasavi and for Sannasavi read Sannasävi,
216, 1. 4.-For Srivardhana read Sribhavana.
220, f, n. 3. For मौलिक read मौशिक.
221, f. n. 9. — For 'शदधिकेषु read चतुस्त्रिंशदधिकेषु.
223, para. 5, 1. 5.--For nipa read nripa.
224, 1. 2.-For Sridhara read Sridhara.
225, f. n. 4.-Insert 223 after p. and 1 after n.
226, 1. 6. For Mahamanda- read Mahamanda-.
226, 1. 11.-For Jayvijaya read Jayavijaya.
227, 1. 25.-For Chalukya read Chalukya.
227, 1. 32.-For Sikharini read Sikharini.
229, text 1. 23.-For
read
242, 1. 4 from below. For p. 15 read p. 16 and delete the first inverted comma,
242, f. n. 2.-For Ibid. read C. I. I. Vol. III.
[VOL. XXIII.
248, No. 40, para. 1, 1. 4.-For Khambesvarai read Khambesvari.
250, f. n. 14, 1. 2.-For sakala- read sakala-.
252, text 1. 32.-For () read ().
262, f. n. 8.-For Jeda(gata) bringa read Jeḍa(Jaļā)śringa.
268, f. n. 1, 1. 2.-For Rã aka read Rāņaka.
276, text 1. 9.-For f(x) read fe(fx)
280, 1. 7.-For Charhdije read Charhdije.
280, 1. 13.-For Chanja read Chanje.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
VOLUME XXIII.
No. 1.-PENDRABANDH PLATES OF PRATAPAMALLA: THE (KALACHURI] YEAR 965.
By Prof. V. V. MIRASHI, M.A., NAGPUR. These plates were first brought to my notice in February 1934 by Pandit Lochana Prasada Pandeya, Honorary Secretary, Mahäkosala Historical Society, who desired me to edit them. I requested the Curator of the Nagpur Museum to procure the plates for my examination, which he kindly did through the good offices of the Deputy Commissioner of Raipur. The plates are in the possession of Thakur Gokul Singh, Mälguzar of Pēndrābandh, a village (N. Lat. 21:39, E. Long. 83) in the Baloda Bazār tahsil of the Raipur District, C. P., and it is said that they have been in his family for some generations.
They are two massive copper-plates measuring from 111 to 12" in length and from 71" to 8' in breadth and about l" in thickness. The first plate weighs 155 tolas and the second 133 tolas. At the centre of the top of each plate there is a hole, 1' in diameter for a ring to connect it with the other plate. This ring, which is also of copper, is circular in shape and about 4' in diameter, with a round seal 2.6" in diameter. About one-third portion of the ring was broken off when the plates reached me. The plates were not, therefore, connected by the ring, but there is no reason to doubt that the latter actually belongs to the plates. The weight of the broken ring with the seal is 16 tolas. The edges of the plates have been neither fashioned thicker nor raised into rims. Still the inscription is very well preserved and there is no uncertainty about its reading. The plates are inscribed on the inner side only. There are 35 lines in all, 17 being inscribed on the first plate and the remaining 18 on the second. The average size of letters is 3" except in the last two lines where it is reduced to .2". On the seal is inscribed in the centre & crudely executed figure of Lakshmi, seated cross-legged on a lotus seat, flanked on either side by an elephant with a jar in his uplifted trunk to pour water on the head of the goddess. In the lower part of the seal there is the legend Raja-srimat-Pratāpamalladērah in a horizontal line and below it appears a sheathed sword lying parallel to it. The characters are Nāgari. The letters are deeply cut but not well formed. Besides the usual form of k, there appears another in the conjunct ksh and OCCAsionally in kr; see di(vi)kramena, 1. 9 and samkrānta., 1. 10. In writing conjunct letters the engraver has not distinguished between pa and ya and la and na; in some cases he has also incised pa for ma; see tasya, 1. 6, Gokarnnau, 1. 12 and Suvarnna-, 1. 21, and nirmpita for nirmmita, 1. 9. A final consonant is shown by a slunting stroke at the foot of the vertical only in one case, viz., vasel, 1. 32; but contrast randhuna for bandhün, 1. 6, satrūna for satrün, 1. 9, etc. The signs for the superscript and anusvära are, in some cases, added before the sign for medial i; cf. -redine, 1. 19 and mahatim, 1. 19. The sign for avagraha in l. 2 differs from that in 1. 26. A superfluous syllable is scored off by two short vertical strokes at the top, see noi in l. 32. The visarga which was wrongly omitted after khamdana in l. 14 is written inmediately below the line. In two other cases the omission is indicated by & käkapada, whose position and

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXIII.
form indicate whether the addenda ere given at the top or at the bottom of the plate. A figure following the addendum indicates the line where the omitted syllable or word is to be supplied. Thus suorittah and ga which were omitted in 11. 11 and 14 are supplied with the figures 11 and 14 respectively at the bottom on the first plate. Similarly nē, which was omitted in the second line on the second plate, is incised with the figure 2 at the top of the plate.
The language is Sanskrit. Except the customary salutation to Brahman in the first line and mention of the date and the place of issue in the last, the whole record is in verse. The verses, of which there are twenty-nine, are all numbered except the last one. As regards orthography we may note that v is generally written for b and the dental & for the palatal & (cf. Vrahmane and Sivath in l. l) and vice versd, e.g., in afid-āfima- for asid-äsima-, 1. 16; y is used for jin Vāyapěya, 1. 31. The consonant following ris reduplicated only in a few cases; cf. Karttavīryah, 11. 2-3, mdrggand, 1. 4, etc.
The object of the plates is to record a grant made by Pratāpamalla, a Kalachuri king of Ratanpur. After the usual salutation to Brahman in the first verse, comes the description of the genealogy of the donor. In the family of Manu, the primeval king, who was descended from the Sun, was born Kärttavirya. From him were descended the Haihayas. Their descendants became well known as Kalachuris in the Chēdi country. In their family was born Kökalla who had eighteen very brave song. The eldest of them became the lord of Tripuri. He made his brothers lords of mandalas. In the family of their younger brother was born Kalingarāja. The engraver has, inadvertently, omitted here one complete verse which occurs in cognate records and mentions Kamalarāja, the son of Kalingarāja. The present record, as it stands, makes Ratnarāja (I.) the son and successor of Kalingaraja. From Ratnarāja (I.) was born Prithvidēva(I.), the father of Jajalladēva(I.). The latter's son was Ratnadēva(II.), of matchless valour who routed Choda. franga and Gokarppa in battle. From Ratnadēva (II.) was born Prithvidēva(II.) ; his son was Jagaddiva, the father of Ratnarāja(III.). From the latter was born Pratāpamalla the donor of the present plates. From the description in the plates that, though a boy, he was a second Bali in strength, it seems that Pratapamalla came to the throne while quite young. The only important point in the otherwise conventional description of these princes is the mention of Gokarna as an associate of Chōdaganga in the fight with Ratnadēva II. I have, elsewhere, discussed in detail the bearing of this on the date of the fight. Again, it is noteworthy that the present inscription has corroborated what Dr. N. P. Chakravarti had already shown from the damaged Kharöd inscription, viz., that Jājalladēva II had a brother named Jagaddēva, the father of Ratnadēva III. Our inscription has omitted Jājalladēva II's name probably because he was a collateral.
The next four verses (15-18) give the genealogy and description of the donee and state the occasion of the grant. There was a Brāhmaṇa named Suvarnnakara of the Parăsara-gotra and three pravaras, viz., Vasishtha, Sakti, and Pārāśara. He had a son named Divakara, who was proficient in the Vēdas. From him was born Sādhāras who was honoured by the Kalachuris. To him Pratäpamalle gave a village named Kāyathā situated in the Anargha-mandala on the day of the Makara-sankranti. Then follow nine benedictory and imprecatory verses of the usual type, The last verse states that Pratirkja, who was born in a Gauda family and was the light (i.e., the chief) of the Karana or Record Office, wrote on the plates with clear letters. The last line states
+ See 6.g. the Amoda plates of Prithvidēva I, above. Vol. XIX, p. 79, the Amoda platce of Jajalladēva II, ibid., pp. 211-212, etc.
Ct. the Sarkhổ plates of Ratnadeva II, above, Vol. XXII, pp. 1614. . Above, Vol. XXI, pp. 160 and 162.
• This king may be identical with king Jagaddēva glorified in v. 1201 of the Sarrigadhara-paddhati (Bombay Banskrit Serice, 1888, p. 207).
See below, p. 8, footaote 1.

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No. 1.
PENDRABANDH PLATES OF PRATAPAMALLA.
that the plates were issued from the victorious camp at Palasada on Tuesday the tenth day of the bright hall of Magba in Sazovat 865. The tithi and the year are expressed in decimal figures only.
As in the case of most other records of the Kalachuri kings of Ratanpur, this date must evi. dently be referred to the Kalachuri-Chēdi era. Till now Ratnadēva III, whose Kharod inscription is dated Chēdi Samvat 933, was the last known prince of the Ratanpur branch of the Kalachuris. The present plates give us one more name, viz., that of Pratäpamalla, in this line. As a matter of fact the name of this prince was already known from some copper coins, round or hexagonal in shape, found in the vicinity of Bālpur on the Mahanadi. Mr. Pandeya's conjecture that Pratāpamalla was a Kalachuri king' has been corroborated by the discovery of the present plates. It may be noted in this connection that like the seal of the present plates, these coins also bear the figure of & sword on the reverse and can, therefore, be undoubtedly assigned to the donor of the present plates.
The date of our record appears to be irregular, for according to R. B. S. K. Pillai's Indian Ephemeris, the tenth day of the bright half of Māgha in the Chēdi year 965 (taking it to be an expired year as in the case of most other dates in the Chēdi era) fell on Thursday, 23rd January, A.D. 1214 and not on Tuesday as stated in our plates. If we take the year to be current, the tithi falls on Saturday, 2nd February, A.D. 1213. The discrepancy can, however, be explained as follows: Though the grant was made on the day of the Makara-sankranti, the plates were actually issued a few days later as in the case of the Kāvi grant of Jayabhata III. Now the Makarasankranti in the expired Chedi year 965 fell on Wednesday, the eleventh tithi of the bright half of Pausha (25th December, A.D. 1213). The plates were, however, actually incised after about a fortnight on the tenth tithi of the dark half of Māgha, which taking the month to be purnimanta as in the case of other Chēdi dates) fell on a Tuesday. The engraver may have, by mistake, incised sudi for vadi. The corresponding English date is, therefore, Tuesday, 7th January, A.D. 1214.
As for the geographical names mentioned in the present plates, Anarghavalli, as stated elsewhere, roughly corresponds to the modern Janjgir tahsil of the Bilaspur District. The village named Kāyathā is still extant in the form Kaita about 14 miles almost due west of Pēndrábandh and about 4 miles beyond the southern limit of the Janjgir tahsil. About Palasada I may mention that there are several villages named Parsadā or Parsadi in the Balodā Bazar tahsil, but the village, where Pratápamalla's camp was pitched, may be Parsodi about a mile to the north of Kaita.
I edit the inscription from the original plates.
TEXT. Metres: Vv. 1, 7, 9, 11, 15-16 and 19-28 Anushțubh; vv. 2, 5 and 14, Upajäti; vv. 3 and 12 Sragdhara; v. 13 Särdülavikridita; vv. 8 and 18 Mälini; v. 10 Sikharini; vv. 4, 6 and 17 Vasantatilakd ; v. 29 Indravajra.)
First Plate. i ato (a) : forf () -142 faren farfu). TAUTE( )
भावयाचं पर ज्योतिस्वी मद्र(मणे नमः ॥१॥
1 Ind. Hist. Quart., Vol. III, p. 175.
I owe this information to Mr. L. P. Pandeya who has kindly sent me some coins of this typo.
* The date may be Wednesday, 22nd January, as on this day the tenth tithi commenced 1 hour 45 minutes after mesn sunrise. -Ed.)
• Ind. Ant., Vol. XVII, pp. 220-21. . Above, Vol. XXII, p. 163. • Expressed by the letter with a dot on it.

Page #15

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXIII.
2 यदेतदग्रेसरमंव ( ब ) रस्य
ज्योतिः स पूषा पुरुषः पुराण: 1 अथास्य पुषो मनुरादिराजस्तदन्वये भूविका
३ बो
4 रयो मार्गणे कल्पवृचाः । तहंसा (शा) चेदिदेसे (शे) कलचुरिरिति च ख्याति - मौखरेन्द्रा जातः कोकनदेव
अष्टादसा (शा) रिकरिकुंभविभन्न सिंहाः पुषा
॥२॥ तस्माच्छ्रातिकीर्तेः सकलगुणधरा हैहया नेकसः' को जाता: प्रत्यर्थिपुष्योपतिकरि
5 पतिररिकुलमा धूमकेतुः ॥२॥ भुजां (ब) भूवुरतिसौ (शौर्यप
6 राय तस्य 1 तचाग्रजो नृपवरस्त्रिपुरोस (श) आशी (सी) त्यार्खे (खें) च मंडलपतीस चकार वं (बं) धून (न्) ॥४॥ तेषामनू' जस्तु
7 कलिंगराजः प्रतापवन्हि (चिपितारिराज: । जातीखये [दु]'ष्टरिपुप्रयोरप्रियानमाम्भोरुहपार्व्वणे
8 न्दुः ॥५॥ तेनाथ चंद्रवदनोजनि रत्नराजो विस्वो (खो) पकारक रुयातिपुष्यभारः । येन वा वायु
9 गनिर्म्यि (नि) तदि (वि) क्रमेण नीतं यस (श) स्त्रि (स्त्रि) भुवने विनिहत्य स(भ) जून (न्) ॥५॥ पृषदेवोभवत्तस्यावृपः सा(मा) र्दूल
10 विक्रमः । नखदर्पणसंक्रान्तनमहू पालमंडलः ॥७॥ अथ बचिररुचिस्ती(श्री) राश्रयः
सत्कलाना
11 मनुपचितकलंकीनमूर्तिः सुत्त: [*] सकल [ गु] पसमूहः श्री (ची) मतदा सूनुर्व्विधुरिव सुकतानारधा (वा) म जाजज्ञदेव
12 : ॥ ८ ॥ रत्नदेवोभवत्तस्मादभूतोपमविक्रमः । यच्चोडगंगगोकर्णौ युधि चक्रे परामुखी' ॥ ८ ॥ ततोभूदासीम
13 चितिवलयविक्रान्त महिमा
हिमानीयकान्तगदपि
यशोभि (ई) वलयन (न्) ।
रथे कहा (च) षिरिपदलनदोचापरिसमः
1 Read [नेकशः
± The intended change of न् to या here is ungrammatical. See Pänini, VIII, 4, 1. Read ईरेन्द्रा
• Read - विभङ्ग.
read
The vowel of is lengthened for the sake of metre. Many other records of the Kalachuris of Ratanpur चनजस्य which seems to be proper, since such a word is required to be connected with. See Sarkho plates (above, Vol. XXII, p. 165, footnote 1).
Other cognate plates read दिष्ट.
This word which was omitted here is supplied with the figure 11 at the bottom of the plate.
The engraver had first incised the conjunct
at the top of मु
The vertical stroke of a is not engraved.
त
but afterwards cancelled it and incised only the letter

Page #16

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PENDRABANDH PLATES OF PRATAPAMALLA: THE KALACHURI YEAR 965.
ईल
उनले नमानियापक नित्य सर्व पन मका ही जात या ही तुझे तिसरे मे सरस ले नमः ॥ पदेन दये समंदर सिषानुषखायनादिना विका वाघः॥२॥ नरमाई व निको ने सकलगुलबना है हथा ने कसको जातायता शिष्यापतिक निह यो मामले वृत्तात साखेदि देखिल निनितान्तःको कुन देवान पति नकुलम जी भूमकेतुः॥ ३ ॥ दानिक निवात्रात सोयप नाखतक्ष्यत जान पनि समाशी पालन मंडलपतीन्स का वन ॥ ४॥ सामन्त्र कलिंग नाऊः वाहि कविता तिम्रो दोजनाका कानात का जति नदि कमल नीतं वसति ने विनित्यत्र ॥ ६ ॥ देवास उत्तरमान पः सार्द्र ल विक्रनशनरत पलसं काम पाल मंडल ॥ ततखी नाप सकला ना मनुपरि तक को न त्रिकल विकताना समजाऊ लादेव ॥ देवो वाद तो पति खोडगंग गोकल प्रति के पना रौ॥ ततो सदा सौम दिलयत कान महि माहि माना वा अपयशोविल बना ले कुट्टा पसल नवोदय सिनः सुतः तदनुरुदल नानपारा पालक निवडून बोलवतमान पसाईल विक्रमः॥९॥ पुत्रखत्री कलकल बलसीः सीमा पुलमूलाभि वनित सोना सिनिया विश्वः । श्रासीदाशी मंजू भी वलेपनि बाद दो को टुलीला पतीः ॥ १२ ॥ वस्त्रस्या सौ हिलो - निर्द्धता से वैदितिपतिनिहोत
सुत्रः १२
лек
लहनी निईत दिग्मंड लो मूनिर्जितमन्मयः समजवत सोमप्रतापढ़ापा लाई सोबले मुनि सो पालामाल, दीने वैदिन लिगल नित्यहि विनामहि ॥ मला महत्या महतोम ही सोप मनोजजकमल सीमो मनोवलेन वालों पितति द्वितीयः ॥२४॥ वसिस कि पानास नहुति प्रवः सुनना मानो ने पानासने दिवाकराम लोके ते नाऊ निदिता के नाना ज्ञान नमो न वेदविद्य॥ २६॥ तस्मादा तली गुलिभागले बुदा नंदद कृपया विद्यमान वसमा महिला मनाससाखाना भवनात सिविल नवनिन अनि अनविपय निज्ञान संकलन मामा मान्यता लेना २. मंडलामो कालोपन प्रकार का बना होमिदानपति हानिपखर्भनंदन॥२॥ सवादी निःसमता दिया दान मानस्या तदा फलमै ॥ २९ ॥ मिंटा: प्रतिष्टावियस तु मिश्रा निपुला कर्मानियत गा मिनी पूर्वदत्रानिपोखना पुनंद नाम ही महीन. तो सेहा दाना हो या दि पाल, नीर३॥ स्वद ही पसंद बी वा यो हुने सविनाला कृमि तापितृतिः॥ * वाजपेयी कोहि प्रदानेन निति ॥ २ ॥ वर्षसहस्र लिख दि खाने के ला लानु म वा जनान्यं वनत के वसे ॥२॥ वैयक्तिले नसीमायाः 'हमने पुलस्पति ॥ वासु पनि तैलविंदु सित भूमिदानं स स नोहति ॥ गोहाना पतिता ऊ माना विद्यामु विकलः सर्वमितिले प्रह संततिकिट के मा दिदि
सरखेल
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI.
REG. No. 3919 E'35-425.
SCALE: ONE-HALF.
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SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

Page #17

ACTUAL SIZE,
SEAL.
From a photograph.

Page #18

No. 1.]
PENDRABANDH PLATES OF PRATAPAMALLA.
14 सुत: पृथ्वीदेवो दनुजदलनस्तस्य नृपतेः' १०॥ प्रचंडाखंडभूपाल युगकंडूतिखंडन:'
[*] जग हेवोभवत्तस्मात्पः स्प(मा)दल. 16 विक्रमः ॥११॥ तत्पुत्रविषकीर्तिः सकलकलचुरिमाभुजां भूषषधीः श्रीमानुत्पुश
मल्लौनि16 करनिभयसो(गो)रामि(भि)
भिर्याप्तविस्व:(ग्वः) । पाथी(सौदाचौरसौ)मभूमौरलयपरिक्षढप्रौढदोःकांडलीला17 नि तास(शेषवैरिचितिपतिनिवहो भूपती रबराजः ॥१२ पुषस्तस्य यसो(यो)
धि(बि)खो
Second Plate. 18 ललहरीनिहूतदिग्मंडलो मूर्त्या निर्जितमन्मथः समभवतत्री(छी)मप्रतापो वृपः ।
भूपालारणवसो(शो)षणे । 19 मुनिरसौ मापालचूडामचिर्दीने बंदिजने हिल गुधिगये नित्यं हि चिन्तामधि:
॥१३॥ मत्या महत्वा महतीं म20 हौस:(श:) प्रतापमझो जगदेकमनः । एषीमपृषीमकरोत्कराव्या व(ब)लन
वा(बा)लोपि व(ब)लिहितीयः ॥१४॥ 21 वसिष्ठस(श)क्तिपारास(शोर इति प्रवरचयः । सुवर्णकारनामाभूहोंने पाराम(श)रे
हिजः ॥१॥ दिवाकरम(स)मी लोके 22 तेनाजनि दिवाकरः । येनानानतमो मष्टं वदतत्व(च)विदा भुवि ।।। तस्माद
जायत गुणी गुणिनां मणे23 षु दानं ददव्सु लपयार्थिजते(ने) वदान्धः । मूर्खा मनोभवसमो महिलामन
साधार इत्यमवनीत- . 24 लसुप्रसिद्धः ॥१७॥ पखिलजनवरिष्टो(ठो) धर्मकीर्तिप्रतिष्टो(ठो) जनितजनविसु(श)
दिल्()यनिसा(ष्णा)तवु(बुदिः । सकलगु25 समूहः सत्यसाधारनामा कलचुरिकुलमाग्यो योभवत्तस्य पुषः ॥१८॥ तसी
प्रतापमल्लेन कायठा
* The engraver first incised , and then corrected it into * The vowel of y was first incised as long and then shortened. • The visarga after which was omitted at first is incised below the line.
• The syllable which was omitted here is incised with the figure 14 at the bottom of the plate. superfluous marks of ripha on both a and बी.
• The curve of the medial & here is not clearly formed. • The syllable which was omitted here is incised with the figure 2 at the top. * The sense requires the form fact here.
There are

Page #19

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
20 वर्ष धामी मरकान्तो दशः संशयपूर्वकः ॥१८ ( ) 'भद्रासनं गजा) वरवाहनं (नम्) । भूमिदानमा (स्व) चि 27 पुरंदर ॥२- व (ब) भिर्व्वसुधा दत्ता दिभिः । यस्य यस्य यदा भूमिस्तस्य तस्य । प्रतिग्टन्हा (जाति यत्र भूमिं प्रवच्यति । स्वर्गगा
दत्ता राजभिः समरा
28 तदा फलम ( स ) ४२१४ भूमिं यः उभौ तौ पुण्यकर्माणो नियतौ 29 मिनो ॥२२॥ पूर्वदतां दिशातियो यज्ञाद्रच्च पुरंदर । सहीं महीभृतां
से (श्रेष्ठ दानाच्छ्रेयो हि प्रालनं (नम् ) ॥ २२ ॥
[VOL. XXIII.
30 दत्त परदत्तो वा यो पितृभिः सह मध्यति 31 वाय (ख) पेयस (घ) तेन च । षष्टिवर्षसहस्राणि स 32 प्रातां चातुमत्ता (खा) च यत्किंचितसंचित (तम्) । 33 रथेन प्रयस्य (य) ति ॥२७॥
एवं भूमितं दानं स स प्रकृति॥१८॥ 34 मोडायी
समय: 35)
हरे ( वसुंधर(राम्स वि[]यां शमिला ॥२४॥ तडागानां सत्र (से) च
गर्वा
कोटिप्रदानेन भूमिहर्त्ता व (क) ध्वति ॥२५॥ तिष्ठति भूमिदः ।
तान्येव नरके वसेत् ॥२५॥ ष्टतं हुतं चैव अर्द्धांगुलेन सीमाया"
यथासु पतितं स (म) तैखविं (बिं) दुर्व्विसर्पति ।
प्रतिराजमा (का) मा विद्याम्बु(म्बु) थि: सी(श्रीकरणप्रदीपः । स्वच्छासर्व्वजनमसिम (कामे) नियमको व॥[२४] दास (तविजयकर माचइदि १० मंगलदिने ।
TRANSLATION.
Om! Obeisance to Brahman !
(Verse 1) Obeisance to that reality, Brahman, which is attributeless, all-pervasive, eternal and auspicious, the ultimate cause (of the universe) and supreme light, conceivable by the mind.
(V. 2) This foremost luminary of the firmament that is the Sun, the primeval Being. Then was (born ) his son, Manu, the first of kings. In his dynasty was (born ) Kārtavirya on the earth. (V. 3 ) From him who surpassed the fame of Indra, were born on the earth many Haihayas, endowed with all merits, who were lions to the elephants in the form of hostile kings and wish
1 The engraver first incised and then corrected it into
which was first incised is corrected into .
This danda is superfluous.
There is a syllable nri after a but the engraver has indicated by two vertical strokes on it that the syllable was incised by mistake and is to be omitted.
Read Ayer.
This syllable is superfluous. In the present case, it can hardly be taken as the Kanerese genitive affix. [The portion in this line beginning with Palasada and ending with the dandas after katake should perhaps have come at the beginning. It may be that the engrayer finding out his mistake used this sign to indicate that this portion is not connected with the date.-Ed.]

Page #20

No. 1.]
PENDRABANDH PLATES OF PRATAPAMALLA.
fulfilling trees to the supplicant. The kings, who were born) in their family, became famous as Kalachuris in the Chedi country. (In their family) was born king Kotaladora; who was a comet to the kings of the families of his enemies.
(V. 4) To him were born eighteen, very valorous sons, (who were) lions in breaking open the temples of elephants in the form of his enemies. The eldest of them was the lord of Tripuri, and he made his brothers the lords of mandalas by his side.
(V.5) In (that) family was born their younger brother, Kalingar#ja, who exterminated the hostile kings by the fire of his valour, and who was the full-moon to the day-lotures in the form of the faces of the beloveds of the mighty warriors of (his) wieked enemies.
(V. 6) He begat the moon-faced Ratnarāja, who had acquired a mass of religiotte merit by showing compassion to and conferring obligation on the whole) world (and) who, destroying his enemies by the valour of both his arms, spread his fame in the three worlds.
(V.7) From him was born king Pșithvideva whose prowess was like that of a tiger (and) in the mirrors of whose nails was reflected a host of princes who bowed to him.
(V.8) Then that glorious king's son was Jājalladēva who was, like the moon, without any spots, who was of radiant complexion and majesty, was the repository of good arts as the moon contains the kalās), was endowed with an inestimable form, was virtuous as the moon Has a well-rounded form), who possessed all the qualities and who was ar abode of all merits.
(V. 9) From him was born Ratnadēva of incomparable valour, who, in battle, Vanquished Chodaganga and Gokarnna (lit. made them turn their faces away).
(V. 10) Then was born to that king & son named Prithvidēva, whose power extended to the bounds of the circle of the earth, who whitened the world with his lovely glory, like a mass of snow, who devoted himself to the extermination of his wrathful foes in battle, as a lion does (in the case of) infuriated elephants and who was a destroyer of demons (i.e., wicked peoplo).
(V. 11) From him was borx king Jagaddēva, who possessed the prowess of a tiger and who destroyed the itch of fighting of all powerful kings.
(V. 12) His son was the glorious king Rattarāja, of wonderful fame, who was the excellent ornament of all Kalachuri kings, who filled the universe with the mass of his fame resembling & heap of blooming jasmine flowers, who destroyed all the hosts of hostile kings by the play of his massive arms, which were the masters of the circle of the earth to the extreme) boundaries.
(V. 18) Then was born his son, the glorious king Pratapa, who has cleaned the circle of quarters with the rolling waves of the ocean of his fame, who has surpassed Cupid by his form, who is the sage (Agastya) in drying up the ocean in the form of (hostile) kings, (who is) the crest-jewel of kings and who is always the philosopher's stone to the poor, the panegyrists, the Brāhmeras and the meritorious.
(V. 14) Pratapamalla, of great intellect, who is the lord of the earth, (and) the preeminent warrior of the world, and who, though a boy, is a second Bali in strength and has made, by his arms, this wide earth (look) small.
(V. 15) There was a Brahmana named Suvarnakata in the Päräsara-gotra, with three praparas-viz., Vasishtha, Sakti and Päräsara.
(V. 16) He begat Divākara, who was like the sun in this world, who knowing the essence of the Vēdas, dispelled the darkness of ignorance on the earth,
(V. 17) From him was born a meritorious (son), who has become well-known by the name of Sädhära, who, is (reckoned as) the (most) meritorious among multitudes of meritorious persons (and as) beneficent among those who make gifts out of compassion (and) who in form appears like the mind-born (Cupid) to the minds of ladies.
11.c., he caused their destruction.

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[VOL. XXIII.
(V. 18) Who was his (i.e., Diväkara's) son, the foremost among all people, who is famed for religious merit, who has caused the purification of the people, whose intellect is proficient in Nyaya (logic), who, being possessed of the whole multitude of merits, is truly called Sadhara and who is honoured by the Kalachuri family.
(V. 19) To him Pratapamalla gave, with a solemn declaration, on the Makara-sankranti, a village named Kayatha (situated) in Anargha-mandala.
(Here follow nine benedictory and imprecatory verses.)
This ocean of learning named Pratiraja of the Gauḍa family, the light (i.e., chief) of śrī-karana (Record Office), who entertains pure thoughts and is famous among all people has written (on this) copper (charter) with clear letters.
At the victorious camp pitched at Palasada, on Tuesday the tenth of the bright half of Magha in the year 965.
No. 2.-ANJANAVATI PLATES OF GOVINDA III; SAKA YEAR 722.
BY PROF. V. V. MIRASHI, M.A., AND L. R. KULKARNI, M.A., NAGPUR.
The copper-plates, which are edited here for the first time, were found in May 1935, in the possession of Mr. Narayan Tukaram Pande of Añjanavati or Añjati, a village (Lat. 20° 55' N., Long. 78° 6' W.) in the Chandur Taluq, about 22 miles almost due east of Amraoti, in Berár. We obtained them for editing from Mr. N. R. Puranik of Nachangaon through the good offices of Dr. K. B. Hedgewar of Nagpur. The plates when first found, were covered with verdigris in some places but they have since been cleaned by the Government Epigraphist who has also kindly supplied us with ink-impressions.
They are three copper-plates each measuring 10.3" in length, from 6'5" to 6.9" in breadth and about " in thickness. The middle plate is slightly thicker than the others. Their ends are raised to serve as rims for the protection of the inscription. The' first and third plates are inscribed on one side only and the second on both the sides. At the centre of the proper right side, about from the end, each plate has a circular hole about 6" in diameter for the ring which has connected it with other plates of the set. The ends of this ring, which is about 4" in thick. ness and 3.1" in diameter, were soldered into the socket of a seal. The latter is circular, 1.6" in diameter, and contains on a countersunk surface a representation of Garuda, sitting crosslegged on a lotus and facing full front. The seal does not contain any legend. The ring was not cut when the plates came to our hands. The weight of the plates together with the ring and the seal is 228 tolas.
The plates are fairly well preserved. Some letters here and there are damaged by verdigris, but in almost all cases they can either be read from the traces left on the plates or easily supplied from other records of the Rashtrakutas, with which the present plates have a considerable portion in common. The names of the donees and localities are difficult of deciphering due to the careless manner in which the record is incised. The repetition of the names of most of the donees in 11. 55-58 where their götras as well as the shares assigned to each are recorded, has, however, helped us in the correct decipherment of some doubtful letters. There are 58 lines in all, of which fourteen are inscribed on the first plate, thirteen and fifteen on the first and second sides respectively of the second plate, and the remaining sixteen on the third plate. The last line
1 This verse prima facie seems to describe a person named Satyasädhära, who was a son of Sadhara mentioned in the preceding verse. But, in that case, Satyasadhara would be a queer name, though the title DakshinapathaSädhära of Avanijanäéraya Pulakesin may be cited in support of it. I think the poet shows in this verse how the name Sadhara was truly significant. He was so called because he was the support (ädhära) of all virtues. There are thus two verses in praise of Sadhara. An analogous instance is furnished by the Nidhanapur plates of Bhaskaravarman. See verses 17-18 (above, Vol. XII, p. 74) and footnote 11 (ibid., p. 77). [But cf. names like Vijaya-sadhara and Sumati-sadhara in the Arthuna inscription of the Paramara Mandanadeva (above, Vol. XIV, p. 303). On this analogy Sadhara and Satya-sadhara of the present inscription may be the names of the father and the son respectively.-Ed.]

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No. 2.]
ANJANAVATI PLATES OF GOVINDA III.
9
which is incised in the right hand corner of the third plate for want of space, is only 3" in length. The letters are deeply, though somewhat carelessly, cut. They do not, however, show through on the reverse. Their average size is about 3" except in the last four lines where it is reduced to 2". Several letters have identical or closely similar forms, so that in many cases it is difficult to say which of them is meant; see, for example, è, v and dh in -vadhaḥ, 1. 11, and evam, 1. 35 and compare 8 in nasira-, 11. 19-20, and patakais, 1. 47 with m in -agamad-, 1. 19. Similarly, p and y are exactly alike in Paramabhaṭṭāraka, 1. 28 and yatha, 1. 31; so also, ku and ksh in kv-äpi, 1. 18, and kshitau, 1. 5. Again, the looped form of n stands for bh in a-bhru-vibhamgam-, 1. 9, bhaya-, 1. 18, -bhyantara-, 1. 41, etc. ; for k in -kshayakaram, l. 18-19; and also for the subscript d and the superscript t in danda-, 1. 10 and -atapattra, 1. 19 respectively. The vertical stroke of k is not incised in some cases, e.g., in kshmäpaḥ, 1. 5, kshata-, 1. 11, Kutimasha, 1. 56, Narauka and Chhathikumarashya, 1. 57 and probably also in Kukkaiken-eti, 1. 55. The engraver has again inadvertently omitted some words and syllables in a few places, e.g., °r-vidhu- in 1. 2, chāru in 1. 25, -krah in 1. 22, etc., and has wrongly repeated bhupaḥ in 1. 2, dhama in l. 4, s-odramgaḥ sa-parikaraḥ in 1. 39, etc. The words [nadi] Mari[cha], (1. 37) and the letter sa in Vajasane (1. 57) which were at first omitted are engraved immediately below. In one case the engraver has corrected his mistake by scoring out a wrong stroke; see Amjanavamty- in 1. 37 where the curve for medial u of ju is cancelled.
The characters are Nagari as in the Paithan plates of Govinda III. As regards individual letters we may note the following peculiarities :-Besides the regular form of initial a in asid=, 1. 1, another in which the letter is laid on its side occurs in a-chandr°, 1. 40. The medial a is generally marked by downward vertical stroke, but in conjunction with j, f, and h it rises upwards, occasionally ending in a curve, cf. -praja-vädhaḥ, 1. 11, -bhattaraka- and Mahārāja-, 1. 28. The medial u is generally shown either with a serif as in Dantidurgga-, 1. 7, or with a curve open on the left as in chatur-, 1. 6, but also occasionally with a loop as in krödhäd-utkhata-, 1. 16, niyukta-, 1. 31, vindu, 1. 52 and with a curve turned downwards in cases where the vertical stroke already ends in a serif as in ruchi-, 1. 17 and Dhruva-, 1. 22. Besides the usual form of the medial u as in bhupaḥ, 1. 2, tanujaḥ, 1. 6, etc., there are two others seen in rupam, 1. 19, and -grāmakuf-, 1. 31. Several letters have more than one form; see for example, j in Rājādhirāja-, 1. 16 and rajasu, 1. 3; p in pranayishu, 11. 13-14 and nirvvapanam, 1. 14; bh in bhōktā, 1. 7 and a-bhru-vibhamgam-, 1. 9; 1 in Vallabha- and dhuli both in 1. 20 and ruchir-öllikhit-, 1. 5; v in vō 1. 1, Vajrata, 1. 8 and -varggo, 1. 18; th in Chhathikumara-, 11. 34-35 and Vasishtha, 1. 32; and finally the subscript d in Pandya-, 1. 8, Mayurakhandi, 1. 42 and danda, 1. 10. N is generally shown with a loop and without it, but the opposite forms also occur sporadically; see n in -abhidhāno, 1. 37, -bhyantara, 1. 41, Vajasaně, 1. 57, etc., and the superscript t in -atapattra, 1. 19. H occasionally shows a tail as in mahā-, 1. 22 and r a loop on the left as in -ruchir°, 1. 5, -prahāraiḥ, 1. 15; when the latter forms a member of the ligatures rya and rea it is placed horizontally as in surya, 1. 42 and parvamta, 1. 40. The conjunct rth is marked by a curled curve turned to the left as in samarthaḥ and Parth-opamaḥ in 1. 23. The final form of t, which occurs in 11. 7, 12, 49, and 50, is shown with an encircling curve.
The language is Sanskrit. Some of the names of the donees and götras, however, are in Prakrit, e.g., Chhathikumara for Shashthikumāra, Kramaitta, for Kramaditya, etc. The first twentyseven lines which form the eulogistic part are in verse. Then comes the formal part of the grant in prose, which is followed by four benedictory and imprecatory verses of the usual type. The last four lines are again in prose, and record the name of the writer and the dutaka of the record as well as the gōtras and shares of some of the donees. As regards orthography attention may be drawn to the following:-(1) The consonant following r and that before y are occasionally doubled;

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[VOL. XXI
eg., Dantidurgga, 1. 7 and pād-anuddhyāta, 1. 29. (2) A class nasal is only rarely used for anusvära, e.g., afrānta, 1. 10; pafcha, 1. 36, etc. (3) V is used for throughout, cf. la for bala, 1. 8; -vadhaḥ for Bädhäh, l. 11, etc. (4) Ri is wrongly incised fot ni in Kanak-addri, 1.6, kriy-disarppan., 1. 36, eto. (5) Anusvāra is wrongly changed to n in -ansa-pithaḥ, 1.5 and sice verse in mdhallar-ādim, l. 31, etc. (6) The palatal & and the lingual sh are wrongly incised for the dental in vijaya-skandhaga(v)r., 1. 42 and Chhathikumarashya, 1. 57 respectively.
Besides these, there are several mistakes due to the carelessness of the writer of the engraver, e.g., the use of the unaspiratet for the aspirate tha in shitya, 1. 43, the omission of visarga be. fores in sarhyukta syöd, I. 47, the use of anusvāra to denote length in maran-devya, 1. 54 and itáridra, l. 55. In the formal part of the grant there are some wrong sandhis, e.g., prakahepaniyð ā-chandr-ārk-, 1. 40; parvanyiudaka, 1. 42, etc.
The plates were issued by the Rashtrakata king Govinda m from his victorious capital at Mayurakhandi on the occasion of a tulā-purusha gift at the time of & solar eclipse in the expired Saka year seven hundred and twenty-two. The date cannot be verified for want of the necessary details. There was only one solar eclipse in the expired Saka year 722, viz., that which occurred on the New Moon day of the month of Ashādha, the corresponding Christian date being Thursday, 25th June, A.D. 800. This date falls in the reign of Govinda III, who ruled from circa A.D. 794 to A.D. 814.
Like the earlier Paithan plates the present inscription incorporates many old verses descriptive of the ancestors of Govinda III, which are known from the older redunts of Dantidur Krishna I and Dhruva. The eulogistic part of the present plates is, however, shorter than that of the Paithan plates, as eleven verses, miz., 3, 4, 17, 20-22, 20-27, which occur in the lattor are not included here.
The genealogy of Govinda III is given here as in his other plates, commencing from Govinda I, viz., Govinda (I); his son Kakka (1); his son Indra (II); his son Dantidurga, who defeated the innumerable forces of the Karnātas which were clever in defeating the lord of Kanchi, the king of Kerala, the Chola, the Pandya, the illustrious Harsha and Vajrata and who attained the position of Räjädhiraja Paramēsvara by easily defeating Vallabha; (his uncle) Krishna-Subhaturga-Akālavarsha, the son of Kakka I, who defeated Rahappa and assumed the titles Rajadhirāja and Paramèsvara ; his son, Govinda (IT); his younger brother Dhruva; his son Govinds (IIT), who was crowned king by his father in supersession of his other sons. Govinda HI is here said to have assumed the Birudas of Prithivi-vallabha, Prabhutavatsha and Srirattadha. There is nothing new in the eutogistic verses, which, as stated abovo, are copied from earlier records. As in the Paithan plates there is here no reference to any of Govinda's campaigns in the north or the south.
The object of the present inscription is to record the grant of the village Athanavathu on the occasion of a solar eclipse to the following thirteen Brāhmaṇas (1) Ruddappa Dikoita, son of Gövvaika-bhatta of Vasishtha-gotra, who was a teligions student of the Rigvēde, and resident of Věyaghana ; (2) Durgappa of Kramaitta-götra who was a rosident of Talvitaks; (3) Dēvadatta of Häridra-götra'; (4) Nārāyana of Kutimäsha (Kulmåsha !) -getra; 5) Matigappa ;
Govinda IIT seems to have weighed himself against gold before making the gift; of. The Caun bay Plates of Govinda IV, 11. 46-47 and 50-53, above, Vol. VII, p. 40. A similar expression tula purusha-sthite occurs in the Sämängad plates of Dantidurga which Fleet was inclined to take man astronomical expression (Ind. Ant., Vol. XI, p. 114), but the expression probably qualifies the word may' which seems to have been omitted inadvertently.
+ Above, Vol. III, p. 1'. * The götras of now. 8, 4, 6-8, and 10-12, which were at tirat omitted, are supplied in L. 55-57.
This name appears wrongly as Närapa in 1. 56.

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ANJANAVATI PLATES OF GOVINDA III.
(6) Võppana of Haridra-gōtra; (7) Aiyani1 of Moggala-götra; (8) Gantiyamma of Bharadvājagötra; (9) Lavvaiya; (10) Kasamaņa of Kasyapa-gotra; (11) Chhathikumara of Vajasane(ya)gotras (?); (12) Narauka of Siguli (Sangali ?)-götra and (13) Vādi. The revenue of the village was divided into eighteen (equal) shares of which the Dikshita Ruddappa was given five, Devadatta two and the remaining eleven one each. The donated village was situated in the vishaya (district) of Achala pura and was bounded on the east by the village Rangalachhyi and the river Mari, on the south by the village Gōhasōdva, on the west by the village Sallaimala and the hill Timisa, and on the north by the village Kure and Vaṭapura. The charter was written by Kukkaika, the minister in charge of peace and war, and the son of the military officer Samanta ári-Gauta, by the order of the Emperor (Govinda III), and with the consent of the Great Queen (Mahādēvi). The dutaka was the illustrious Chakkiräja.
11
The present plates do not add anything to our knowledge of Govinda III's reign, but the mention of Chakkiraja as the dutaka of the present grant is interesting. He evidently occupied a high position at Govinda's court and is probably identical with the illustrious Chakirāja, the lord (adhiraja) of the entire Ganga-mandala, who made a request to Govinda III to grant a vil. lage to the Jaina ascetic Arkakirti to avert the adverse influence of Saturn from his sister's son Vimaladitya as recorded in the Kaḍaba plates of the reign of Govinda III. The circumstances which led to the elevation of Chakiraja, who was at first an officer at the court of Govinda III, to the position of the ruler of the entire Ganga province can now be clearly stated. The Ganga king was one of those princes who had come to the help of Govinda II, when his brother Dhruva rebelled against him. He was imprisoned by the latter who placed his son Stambha in charge of the conquered Ganga province. The Ganga prince was released by Govinda III after his accession, probably to create a rival to his brother who had become hostile to him. He ungratefully joined Stambha but was speedily defeated along with the latter. Though Govinda III magnanimously pardoned Stambha as implied in the Sanjan plates, he is not likely to have reinstated him as a ruler of the whole of the Ganga province. He must have placed some trusted officer of his, like Chakiraja, in charge of some portion of the Ganga-mandala to serve as a check on his brother. Later on, when the whole Ganga country was annexed consequent on a second revolt or, perhaps, the death of Stambha, Chakiraja must have been put in charge of the entire Ganga province as stated in the Kadaba plates. If the above reasoning is correct, Stambha's revolt and defeat must be placed between A.D. 800, the date of the present grant and A.D. 805, the date of the Nesari plates, in which the defeat of the Ganga king is mentioned for the first time".
1 This name is written as Alya[ni] in 1. 56.
The name appears as Kasamana in 1. 56.
The name of the sakhi is here wrongly mentioned as götra.
Above, Vol. IV, p. 332.
Altekar-The Rashtrakutas and Their Times, pp. 61 f.
Above, Vol. XVIII, p. 244, verse 18.
* [In this connection attention may be drawn to the following note of Mr. N. Lakshminarayan Rao :Though it is known from inscriptions that Govinda III put down the rebellion headed by his elder brother Stambha, it is nowhere stated that Govinda pardoned him. But from the Manne plates (Ep. Carn., Vol. IX, Nl. 61) of A.D. 802 and the Badanaguppe plates (Mys. Archl. Report 1927, p. 112) of A.D. 808, both issued by Khambhaders (ie., Stambha), we learn that he was a subordinate of Govinda. The former of these records states that Khambha made the grant specified in it with the permission of his younger brother while in the latter be acknowledges the suzerainty of Govinda. There is no reason to suppose that he was placed in charge of only a portion of the Ganga-mandala, since the two grants referred to above were issued respectively from Man. yapura (Mappe in Mysore State) and Talavananagara (Talakad in Mysore), the two important capitals of the

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
While editing the Kadaba plates Dr. Lüders has enumerated in detail the several circumstances which, in his opinion, create a suspicion about the genuineness of those plates1. The occurrence of Chakiraja's name in the present plates, though it cannot decide the question, may still be adduced as a point in favour of the genuineness of the Kaḍaba grant.
[VOL. XXIII.
As for the places mentioned in the present plates, Mayurakhandi where the King's victorious capital was situated is mentioned as the place of issue in four other published records, viz.:-Vani-Dindori, Radhanpur, Bharata Itihasa Samsōdhaka Mandala and Kadaba plates. In the first three of these the word 'vijayaskandhāvāra' does not occur. Our plates, however, have it in common with the Kadaba plates. Dr. Bühler first identified Mayurakhandi with Morkhand, a hill fort in the Sätmälä or Ajanṭā range, close to Saptasringi and north of Vani in the Nasik District and this identification has, since then, been accepted without question. As Mayurakhaṇḍi has been mentioned as a place of royal residence in as many as five records, it could not have been only a temporary site of the royal camp. Besides in the present plates the charter is said to have been written with the consent of the Great Queen (Mahadevi), who was, thus, probably present at Mayurakhandi at the time of the solar eclipse. The place may, therefore, have been the Rashtrakuta capital in the time of Govinda III. No other place has been mentioned as the capital in any of his plates. We may, again, note in this connection that skandhavara is used in Sanskrit in the sense of a royal capitalo also and the word vijaya (victorious) is not unknown as a prefix of its name11. As for Bühler's observation that Mayurakhandi does not seem to have been Govinda III's capital, though it may have been an occasional place of residence' because 'Indian princes do not usually govern their dominions from lonely forts', we may point out that the difficulty pointed out
Ganga-mandala. Further, neither in the record under publication, which contains the earliest mention of Chaki. raja, nor in another set of Manne plates issued by Govinda in Saka 732 (Journal of the Mythic Society, Vol. XIV, p. 88), is he called Ganga-mandal-adhiraja, which epithet is applied to him for the first time in the Kadaba plates of A.D. 812. It is therefore likely that he was appointed to govern the Ganga-mandala only after the death of Khambha, which must have taken place subsequent to the date of his Badanaguppe plates, viz., A.D. 808, and probably after A.D. 810, the date of the second set of Manne plates which does not style him 'the ruler of Ganga-mandala. So, the mention of Chakiraja-without even an official designation or title-in the Añjanavati plates cannot help us in fixing the date of Stambha's revolt or defeat. All that can be said is that Stambha must have submitted to Govinda before A. D. 802, the date of the first set of Manne plates where also we find the earliest mention of the defeat and re-imprisonment of the Ganga king-and not in the Nesari plates of A.D. 805 as stated by Prof. Mirashi.-Ed.]
Above, Vol. IV, pp. 333 f.
[Chakiraja's name is found also in the Mappe plates of A.D. 810; see n. 4 above.-Ed.] geelementer, etc. Ind. Ant., Vol. XI, p. 159.
Safe, etc. Above, Vol. VI, p. 245.
6 since stemmanfera a, etc. Khare, Sources of the Mediaeval History of the Deccan, Vol. III, pp. 271. (pub. by B. I. S. Mandala, Poona).
* मयूरखण्डिमधिवसति विजयस्कन्धावारे चाकिराजेन विशप्तो बज्ञभनरेन्द्रः ete.
•
मया
• मयूरस्वछीसमावासितविजयश्क (स्क) स्थान (वा) रावस्थितेन below p. 17.
Ind. Ant., Vol. VI, p. 64. The expression vijayaskandhäväravasthita' occurs also in two more sets of Govinda III's plates recently found in Berar, which record donations of villages in Berar.
See the above foot-notes.
10 The word is used in the sense of capital in the Mahabharata, Adiparvan, Adhyaya 185, verse 6, (Bombay Recension) and Bapa's Harsha-charita, p. 153 (Nirnaya Sagar ed.). Cf. Hemachandra's Abhidhana Chintamant (ed. by N. C. Bhattacharya) p. 25. Note also in this connection the expression ariceremtanfean aritzepz faezeki which occurs in many plates of the Gurjara-Pratihāras. Mahodaya was the capital of the Pratibarac. Cf. The Cambay Plates of Govinda IV, v. 19 (above, Vol. VII, p. 38).
11Cf. faceface in the Surat Plates of Vyaghrasena.

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ANJANAVATI PLATES OF GOVINDA III.
13
by Bühler is of his own creation. For we need not identify Mayūrakhandi with Morkhand, the hillfort in the Näsik District, where no early remains of any kind are found. There is a village called Markandi on the bank of the Waingangā, 56 miles south-east of Chăndă in the Central Provinces. It contains some twenty elaborately carved temples which have been described and enthusiastically praised by Cunningham whose opinion Bloch has endorsed. As Cunningham says, it was once a large place, but frequent inundations have driven most of the people away. The principal temple is called after Mārkandēya Rishi ; there is another, named after his brother Murkand Rishi. Both of these are dedicated to Siva and assigned to the 10th or 11th century A.D. by Cunningham. There is another temple called Daśāvatāra dedicated to Vishņu to which Cunningham assigned a period two or three centuries earlier. There are, besides, inscriptions on square munolith pillars which, on palæographic grounds, can be referred to the 6th or 7th century A.D. It is clear, therefore, that Markaņdi was a flourishing place in the time of the Rashtrakūtas and may have been the ancient Mayūrakhandi mentioned as a place of royal residence in several grants of Govinda III. In later times, when its ancient name was forgotten, it seems to have been eonjecturally connected with Mārkandēya Rishi. Amjanavamti the donated village still retains its name practically unchanged. Achalapura, which gave its name to the district in which the above village was situated is identical with modern Ellichpur in Berār'. Most of the boundary villages can also be definitely identified in the vicinity of Añjanavati. Thus, Gohasodva is Gahvā, 1 miles to the south; the village Sallaimāla is now represented by two villagesSalora, 2 miles to the west and Amlā which lies about 5 miles to the south-west ; Kurē is undoubtedly modern Kurhā, 3 miles to the north-west and Vațapura is Vadur about a mile east of Kurha. Ramgalachhyi cannot be identified. Timisa may have been the ancient name of the hills west of Añjanavati and Mari that of a nālā flowing near by, which have no particular names now. Vēyaghana and Talēvāțaka where the donees resided are now represented by Waigaon 3 miles south and Talegaon about 10 miles south by west of Añjanavati.
TEXT. [Metres : Vv. 1, 18 and 20 Anushfubh ; vv. 2, 3, 4, 6, 7, 11, 15 and 16 Vasantatilaka; v. 5 Giti; w. 8-10 and 17 Aryā; v. 12 and 13 Sragdharā; v. 14 Upajāti; v. 19 Indravajra; v. 21 Pushpitägra.]
. First Plate. i t [1] # aga []TH RH [*] HT te
PT[ migranteren heina] [*] weitfe(fyo2 fafaty Heat [w]feruafi ruuang [*] 0:0:f'[fija
स्त दिगन्तकी
* Cunningham, A. 8. R., Vol. IX, pp. 142 ff. • PRAS, E 0., for 1907-1908. .
• This name is & corrupt form of Alaoba pars whloh is derived from Achslapura by metatheais. Hôma. chandra has actually cited the present name to illustrate metathesis (Achalapurl chalo) in his Prakrit Grammar (Siddha-Himachandra, VIII, 2, 118). Achalapurs is mentioned as the place of issue in the Tivarkhód plates of the Rashtrakūta Nannaraja, Saka 563 (above, Vol. XI, pp. 276 ft.).
• From the original plates and ink-impressions. • Expressed by a symbol. • This word is raperfluous. .. Read ofty after of • Road . The Alle platos of Yuvarija Govinda II road www .

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXIII.
३ तिर्गोविंदराज इति राजसु राजसिंहः [२] तस्यात्मजो जगति विबुतदीर्घ
कीर्तिरा[र्ता]तिहारिहरिवि4 क्रमधाम धमधारो] [*] [भू]पस्तु विष्टपापा[कतिः कृतज्ञः श्रीक कराव इति
गोत्रमणिर्व(ब)[भूव] [३१] त। स्थ प्र[मित्र] करटच्युतदानदन्तिदन्तमहाररुचिरोशिखिताम पौठः [*] मापः किती
क्षपित श]चुरभू6 तनूजः सद्राष्ट्रकूटकानका रिवेंद्रराबः [४] तस्योपार्जितमहसः' तनयचतुदधि 7 वल[यमालिन्याः [1] भोला भुवः शतक्रतुसदृश बीदन्तिदुर्माराजोभूत [५*]
काञ्चीयक(के)रल8 नराधिपचौल पायद्यौहर्षवबटविभेदविधानदच [*] कार्याटकं व(ब)लमनन्त9 मजयमय त्यैः कियविरपि यः सहसा जिमाय [.] अभूविभंगमएहीत10 निशातशास्त्रमत्रान्तमप्रतिकताचमपतयन [*] यो वशमं सपदि दण्डव(ब)नि
जित्वा 11 राजाधिराजपरमेश्वरतामवाप ॥[७] तनि" दिवं प्रमाते वक्षभराजे शतप्रजा
वा(बा)ध: [1] 12 श्रीकबराजमनीहीपतिः कृष्णराजोभूत् [८] शुभतंगतंगतुरगावहरण13 (१) सहरविकिरणं [1] ग्रोमेपि नभो निखिलं पाहदालायते स्पष्ट [...]
दीनानाथप्रण14 यिषु यथेष्टचेष्ट समोहितमजन [*] तत्क्षणमकालवर्षों वर्षति सार्तिनिईपर्व [१ ]
Second Plate; First Side. 15 राहप्पमाामुजजातव(ब)लावले[पमाजी विजित्य निशितासिलताप्रहारः []
[पालि
1 The Alis plates read tranfci. * This word is superfluous. • Read स्विविष्टप. • This name generally appears am here. The Paithap plates, however, give श्रीकर्करान रति. • Read लिखितांबपीट•Pend बनबाड़ि
The Alieplateridpure and the Talegaon plates of Krishnaraja (above, Vol. XIII, pp. 279 f.) CUR. • Read सशः बौदन्तिदुर्ग.
Road in the Paithan and many other plates. 2. The Aläs and Talegaon plates road w ahufafart. - Read अभिन्दिवं.
The Alis and Talgemonplatemed: सम्बोधिनियंचने.

Page #28

No.2.]
ANJANAVATI PLATES OF GOVINDA III.
18 ध्वजापलिशभामचिरेण यो हि राजाधिराजपरमेश्वरतां ततान [११] क्रो
[धादु]त्खातख17 अमृतरुचिचयर्भासमानं समतादाजावुत्तवैरिप्रकटगजघटाटोपसंक्षोभ18 दक्षं [*] शौर्यं त्यक्वा(जा)रिव! भयचकितवपुः क्वापि दृष्टैव' सद्यो दो
यातारिचक्रक्षयक19 रमगमद्यस्य दोर्दण्डरूप [१२] येन शे(वे) तातपञ्चमहतरविकरवाततापासलीख
जग्मे [ना]20 सौरधूलोधवलितशिरसा वनभाख्या (ख्यः) सदाजी [*] स श्रीगोविंदरानो जित
जगदहि[तस्त्र]21 णवैधव्यहेतुस्तस्यासी त्'] सूनुरेकक्षणरणदलितारातिमत्तेमकुंभ: ॥[१३] तस्थानु22 'जबोध्रुवराजनामा महानुभावो विततप्रताप [:] प्रसाधिताशेषनरेन्द्रच[क्र:"]
क्रमेण 23 व वा(बा)लावपुर्च(ब)भूव ॥[१४] तस्याप्यभूवनभारभृतौ समर्थः पार्थोपमः
पृथु[स]मा24 नगुणो गुणन्नः [*] दुर्वाग्वैरिवनितातुलतापहेतुर्गोविंदराज इति सूनुरिनप्रता25 पः [१५] यश्च प्रभुश्चतुरदारकीर्तरासैदिवाविरुपमस्य पितुः सकाथान
(त् । मत्स्वप्य ने26 कतनयेषु गुणातिरेकान्मू भिषिक्तनृपसम्मतमाश राज्यं ।[१] तैनेदमनि27 लविद्युच्चंचलमवलोक्य जीवितमसारं [*] चितिदानपरमपुण्यः प्रवर्तितो
. Second Plate Second Side. 28 व्र(ब)मदायोयं ॥[१०] स च परमभट्टारकमहाराजाधिराज[प]रमेश्वरश्रीमहारावर्ष29 देवपादामुख्यातपरमभट्टारकमहाराजाधिराजपरमखरपृथ्वीवज्ञभप्रभूतव30 श्रीवल्लभनरेंद्रदेवः कुशली ॥ सर्वानेव यथासंव(ब)ध्यमानकान्राष्ट्रपतिविषय[प]
तिग्राम31 कूटायुक्तकनियुक्तकाधिकारिकमहत्तरादी समाज्ञापयन्यस्तु वः संविदितं यथा मया
मातापि
Read होय. . Read • The Paithay plates read महानुभावीप्रहतप्रताप:• This syllable is redundant. * Read -बतुरचाकरदार-min the Paithap plates. • Read महत्तरादौन

Page #29

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXIII.
32 बोरामनचैहिकामुभिकपुण्ययशोभिहाये []यघन वास्तव्य वसिष्ठसगोचव(ब)एच.
सव(ब)33 प्रचारिमंचकगीब्बैकभपुचवायदौषित । तथा तलवाटकवास्तव्यदुर्गप्यक्रमहत्त । गों34 त । देवदत्त । नारायण । मंगप्प । वोप्पण' । ऐयनि । गंतियन्म ।
लब्बैय्य] । कसमण । छठि36 कुमर । नारौक । वादि । एवमाद्यष्टादशसंख्यामागविभताय महाजनस्व
[व(ब)लि]-. 36 चस्वैश्वदेवाग्निहोत्रातिथिपञ्चमहायज(क्रि)योत्सप्पणार्थ श्रीमदचलपुरविषिया तातअ 'अंजु(ज)णवंत्यभिधानो ग्रामः यस्याघाटनानि पूर्वती रंगलछि पामः [नदी]
मरिचि] दक्षिणतः] [गो]हसी 38 [] प्रामः पश्चिमि]त: सऊमालग्रामस्तिमिसगिरिच उत्तरतः कुरेपा[मः] वट
[पुरं च एवम39 यं [चतु] राघाटनोपलचितः सोद्गः सपरिकरः सधान्यहिरण्यादय[:] सोद्गः।"
सपरिकरः समस्तराजकीयानामहस्तप्रक्षेपणीयो। पाचन्द्रार्काकवचितिसरित्यवे(व)तसमकालीन[:]
पुत्रपौवाब41 यक्रमोपभोग्योभ्यन्तरसिद्ध्या शकनृपकालातीतसंवत्सरी(स)तेषु म(स)प्तसु हाविंश
त्यधिकेषु मयूर
The first letter of this place-name can also be read as f or and the third letter is damaged by rost; but the reading given above appears probable, as it corresponds to Vaigaon in the vicinity of Anjanavati.
- Read कमरगीच। It may be noted in this connection that the enumeration of the gotras in 1. 5617 starte with देवदत्त. The gotra of दुर्गाप्प must, therefore, have been mentioned before. Besides, the number of the Brahmin donees was only thirteen. So gorta cannot be taken as namo. (Kramaitta probably stands for Skt. Kramavit and not Kramaditya as suggested by Prof. Mirashi. Kramiditya as a götra namo doce not find place in the Gotra-Pravara-nibandha-kadamba. It may be that the gotra of Durggappa who was kramavit, was omitted through inadvertenco.-Ed.)
With the first letter of this, compare वी in महासभावी in1.22. The name occurs again in1.58where the first letter is olearly बी.
. That the first letter of this name is is clear from the form ( ya: which occurs in 1. 55.
[Or probably Lachohaiya.-Ed.] • This expression should properly qualify TTH: in 1. 37. Read, therefore, farm:.
* The anus dra on is clear on the original plate. The engraver first incined the medial & of y and then onnoelled it. Road गतांजनवत्य भिधानो. (The fourth lotter hero looka more like pain than wom.
Ed.)
This syllable oma slao be read as T, but the reading given above is probable, since the name oorreeponds to Gahvi near Anjanavati.
• This word appearnu here in the Paithan plates also. Read सौपरिकरः min many other plates. 10 Thia and the next word are unnaoessarily repeated here. 1 Road प्रीपचीव पाचन्दा

Page #30

ANJANAVATI PLATES OF GOVINDA III; SAKA YEAR 722.
iii.
या राय
रातारात स्वाहाहात सका। 2145116 CINEM
नाहरू पडतद ७० वापराय:लायतीला काहालक्षवसायाशाला 30
2150 टकवतातोदोदिमाता सकिरातामाटामा 321315/काटिदारानटाला नाही वाकायका ।।।
यत। पावसहादीविहिवार वारा वास्तु पाकला अकाल 34 dainireleriotifiediवटा दिनाडियातिदिशातरामा -
लोकादिव वसूट सिविल कम् 36 वेदवशंकाईयावतीनतम यातायात
MahasranARNER .38 Lavaraditer मा सिताराम जायसवा
EHOREST (150का-सानाठादाराष्ट्रासाकरः 40 तारबारम/लीटारसायहरनल शनिवाब साइपाहा
TEJमसिहालकलासवरताबाहार रहस्य करार श्रीमान तासिनविटा तमिर पदलालितपयकवादलाउनका
iii.
ALoपादकार सुधाराचा 441520 तीर कमाने वालवालावर
MANGarauBालिसिसाहर जाना 44 __BOVER THE TERNMENTNEEसहावट 46 रवि कुटीरटिश
हावर 46 नगदमारक बनावमादिता 485 साल का विवाद
मुशियम 48 विठा व स्व चा की सारी मार सहसा 50दतटकर ने दिया जाना हात हातावर 50
525 Te 3 राजदूत अलविदा तापी वाले महाय
कसानवर
ANGRES नाशका प्रसाद'5016
FREE6zinाएमावासमायलमा 50. Salmमराक
SCALE: THREE-FIFTHS.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.
N.P. CHAKRAVARTI. REG. No.3942E36-435.

Page #31


Page #32

No. 2.]
ANJANAVATI PLATES OF GOVINDA III.
42 [ख]ण्डीसमावासितविजयश्कन्धागरावस्थितेन सूर्यग्रहणे तुलापुरुषप्रदानप[व]ण्डेिदकातिसर्ग
Third Plate. 43 ण प्रतिपादितो महाजनस्य [*] यतोखोचितया व(ब)प्रदायस्ति (स्थि)[त्या]
कषत: क[षयतः भुंजतो भोजयतः 44 प्रतिदिशतोर्वा न केनचियामधे प्रवर्तितव्यं [*] तथागामिभद्रपतिभिरस्मई.
श्यैरन्या सामान्य 45 भूमिदानफलमवेत्य विद्युलोलान्यनित्यैश्वर्याणि व[णा] अलग्नजलवि(वि)दुर(च)चल
च जीवितमाकल. 48 य्य स्वदायनिर्विशेषोयमस्महायोनुमंतव्यः रा(पा)लयितव्यश्च । यश्चाज्ञानतिमिरपट
लात47 मतिराछि(च्छि)द्यादाछि(च्छि)द्यमानं वानुमा(मो)देत स पंचभिर्महापातकस्मोप
पातकच संयुक्त [:*] स्यादित्य48 च त(भ)गवता वेदव्यासेन व्यासेन । षष्टिं वर्भ(ब)सहस्राणि स्वर्ग
तिष्ठति भूमिदः [*] आच्छेत्ता चा49 नुमंताच' तान्धेव नरके वसेत् [१८] पम्नरपव्यात्यं) प्रप्र(थ)मं सुवरणं
भूष्णवी सूर्यसुताश्च ग(गा)50 वः [0] लोकवयं ते[न] भवेहि दत्त(त) यः काञ्चनं गां च महीं च दद्यात ___[१८] व(ब)हुभिर्वसुधा 51 भुक्ता राजभिः सगरादिभ(मि.) [i] यस्य यस्य यदा भूमिस्तस्य तस्य तदा
फ[ल] [२०] रति .52 कमलदलाम्बुविंदुलोलो त्रियप्र(म)नुचिव मनुथजीवितं च [1] सकलमिदमशाश्व
में च वबडा न हि पुरुषैः परकीर्तयो वित्तीयाः [॥२१॥*] लिखितं
चैतन्मया पर[मेखराजया 54 श्रीमहादेव्यानुमतेन श्रीचालिराजदूतकं सामन्तवीगोतव(ब)लाधिकृतसूनुना महामा
1 Read विजयस्कन्धावारावस्थितेन.
+ The writer first wrote पर्वणि and then thought of joining the last syllable with the initial go उदक. Read पर्वयुदक..
• Read प्रतिदिशतो बा. • Read दिति । - Read भुमन्ता च. • Read दलाम्युबिन्दुलीला

Page #33

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
55 विविग्रहाधिकृत श्रीकु [क्के' ] केनेति । देवदत्तस्य ह ( हा) रिद्रगोलं । मोग्गलगो [] [अ] ध्यने [1] [गं]
56 तियास्य भ(भा) राजगामी नारणस्य कुतिमाषगोचं । वोप्ययस्य हारि गोत्रं । कसमनस्य का [य] प
57 गोत्रं । नारोकस्य' सीगुलि [1] छठिकुमरष्य' वाजसने ' गोत्र ( चं) [*] दोचितस्य भागाः पंर (च) देवदत्तस्य [ हौ भागौ ']
58 शेषा एकादश [1*] एवमष्टादश भा[गाः । *]"
18
No. 3.-ARANG PLATES OF MAHASUDEVARAJA.
BY PANDIT L. P. PANDEYA.
The charter which is edited below consists of three copper-plates and was first brought to light by me in March, 1929. I published a short notice of it in the English paper "The Hitavada" of Nagpur in its issue of April 11, 1929. The plates were in the possession of a cultivator named Bhagirathi Sonkar of Arang in the Raipur District of the C. P. Nothing definite is known about the provenance of the grant except that it had been lying in the house of the owner for over fifty years since the time of his father.
[VOL. XXIII.
Arang has all the appearance of having once been a large and important city. Here and there are many fine old tanks with numerous remains of temples and sculptures, both Jain and Brahmanical. The only temple that is now standing is of Jain origin. It is popularly known as Bhanddewal from the fact that it contains three colossal naked Jain figures. The temple is richly carved and adorned with a profusion of sculptured statues on the outside, many of which are highly indecent. To the west of the town on the bank of a tank there is a small temple dedicated to Mahāmāyā. A description of this temple and also that of the other antiquarian remains at Arang has been given by Cunningham.10 Besides the present set, two other sets of copper. plates were discovered at the place in addition to a fragmentary Brahmi inscription.11
The plates are held together by a ring the ends of which are secured in a circular seal about 38" in diameter. The seal is identical with that described by Fleet in C. I. I., Vol. III, p. 196. Its upper part shows the representation of a standing Lakshmi facing full front; on each side of her
1 The vertical stroke of the superscript k of is not incised.
Read नारायणस्य.
This name is evidently identical with in 1. 35 above, though here the medial stroke of
not interred.
Read face. The vertical stroke of in is not incised.
• Road वाजसनेय.
These letters are damaged by ruse, but traces of the first and the last can be marked on the plate. Traces of are visible on the plate.
• Hiralal also has noticed it in his List of Inscriptions in C. P. and Berar (2nd ed.), p. 108-A.
• Since writing this the plates have been acquired by the Central Museum, Nagpur, where they are now deposited.
10 Cunningham, A. 8. R., Vol. XVII, pp. 20 ff.; see also Raipur District Gazetteer, pp. 257 ff.
11 See above, Vol. IX, pp. 342 ff.; O. I. I., Vol. III, pp. 191 ff. and Hiralal, List of Inscriptions in C. P. and Berar (2nd ed.), pp. 94, 105 and 110.

Page #34

NO. 3.)
ARANG PLATES OF MAHASUDEVARAJA.
an elephant is standing on a water-lily, with its trunk raised above her head. In the proper right corner there is a figure of an expanded water-lily and in the proper left that of a conch (sankha). Below is the legend in two lines. The rims of the plates are not raised. The plates measure 6'4" in length and 3.2' in breadth. The weight of the plates is 48% tolas and that of the seal 45 tolas. The letters show through on the back of the plates, especially in the case of the last plate which was too thin and was, therefore, cut while incising the second and third letters of L. 21. The engraver has, therefore, left 1" of the breadth on the back of the last plate unincised. The first plate contains five lines of writing on its second side and the second plate has the same number of lines on its first side. The second side of the second plate and the first side of the third contain each six lines of writing, while the second side of the third plate has only four lines.
The characters belong to the box-headed type in which the inscriptions of the Vākāțakas and the Räjim and Balodā plates of Mahāśiva Tivararāja, are written. The sign of the upadhmāniya occurs in 11. 3, 8 and 17, and that of the jihrāmuliya in l. 21. The numerical symbols for 8, 9 and 20 occur in l. 26. The language is Sanskrit and, excepting the five benedictory and imprecatory verses at the close, the whole record is in prose.
As regards orthography, attention may be drawn to the use of ri forri in trida sapati, 1.6 ; of " for anusvāra in adhyarddharsēna, 1. 10 and of gna for jña in svamukh-ägnayā, 11. 25-26. In bhavannti, 1. 21, the anusvāra is wrongly retained after its change to the nasal of the class to which the following letter belongs.
The engraver was Drönasimgha, who also engraved the Khariyar Plates of Maha-Sudēvarāja and the Raipur Plates of the same king, both of which records were issued from Sarabhapura.
The record is dated in the 8th regnal year of the donor Maha-Sudövarāja on the 29th day of Vaisakha. The place of issue was Sarabhapura, which town or city has not yet been definitely identified. Sambalpur town in Orissa, Sirpur (old Sripura) the ancient capital of Mahā. kõsala on the bank of the Mahanadi, in the Raipur District, Sarabhavaram in the Godavari Dis. trict, Sarapgarh or Sarabpur in the Gangpur Feudatory State in the E. S. A. and Sarawa, a village near Sheorinarayan town in the Bilaspur District have been suggested by different scholars as the probable site of the ancient Sarabhapura. These suggestions have been made on the similarity of names only. No authentic evidence has yet been found to confirm the identification. But this seems certain that the dynasty held sway, at least over a part of Mahākosala present Chhattisgarh Division in C. P.--where about seven charters of this family have been discovered. They belong to three different kings viz., Mahā-Sudēvarāja, Mahā-Jayarāja and Mahā-Pravararāja.
Mahā-Pravararaja's charter was issued from Sripura, which is no other than the capital town of Mahakösala referred to in the Rājim and the Balodā Plates of Mahasiva Tivararaja who is styled as the supreme lord of Kõsala (Kösalādhipati). The other charters were issued from Sarabhapura. Whether Sarabhapura was also the capital of Prasannamätra and of his son Månamätra is not known. No copper charters of either have yet been brought to light.
A silver coin of Sri-Prasannamätra, the grandfather of Mahā-Sudēvarāja and Maha-Pravara raja and the father of Maha-Jayarāja, with the legend inscribed in beautiful box-headed characters was recovered from the bed of the Māna or Māndhriver near Salhepali, a village lying in the
10. I. I., Vol. III, pp. 291 ff. and above, Vol. VII, pp. 108 f. [Soe below p. 22 n. 4.-Ed.] This river is a tributary of the Mahanadi--the groat river of Mabakosa la otherwise known w Chitrötpali.

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20
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXIII.
Raigarh Feudatory State, E. S. A. and is in the possession of the Mahākösala Historical Society at Balpur in the Bilaspur District.
No materials are available to ascertain whether the town or city of Sarabhapura was situated on the Mahanadi and whether it was ever the royal capital of the lords of Kosala. Not & single charter out of the seven sets of plates of this family known to us, mentions its donor as the lord of Kösala'. Nor does any set describe the village granted to be situated in the Kõsala kingdom. The only reference to the name 'Sarabha' is found in the Eran Posthumous Stone Pillar Inscription of Göparāja, dated in the Gupta year 191 (A. D. 510-511), in which he is stated to be the daughter's son of one Sarabharāja.
The present charter records the royal confirmation of the grant of a village named Sivilingaka situated in the Tosadda-bhukti, by the Pratihara Bhögilla. The particulars of the donees and their shares in the village are as follows: (1) Yajñasvimin of Kâtyāyana-yötra, a student of the Madhyandina-sakha of the white Yajurvēda; one
share and a half. (2) Kumiravatsa of Bhiradvāja-götra , (3) Yajñagvāmin of Atreya-gotra, a student of the Kaņva-bakha of the white ono share each.
Yajurveda. . . . . . . . . . . (4) Višāktasvimin of Katyayana-gðlra . . (5) Golasvåmin of Kausika-gotra, a student of the Mädhyandina-sakha . . (6) Dimodarasvamin, same as above. . .
share each. (7) Dámasvamin, same as above . . . . (8) Pañchälisvåmin of Bhäradvaja-golra . . (9) Dikshita Ayanika of Bhäradvāja-götra . .
Of the geographical names Tosadda may be the Tõsarā village in the Patna Stato, E. S. A. Prof. V. V. Mirashi identifies Tõsadda with Tusdä near Dumarpalli about 30 miles to the south-east of Arang. Sivilingaka is not traceable near about Arang and Sirpur (old Sripura),
I edit the inscription from the original plates.
TEXT.
First Plate. 1 tafe [hafaaHTH THETANCHI2 सेकाम्बुधौतपादयुगलो रिपविलासिनोसीमन्तोहरणहेतु3 वसुवसुधागोपद परममागवतो मातापितपादानुध्यात4 श्रीमहासुदेवराजः तोस(होभनीयशिविलिाके प्रतिवासि6 कुटम्बिनसामानापयति । विदितमस्त वो यथायं ग्राम
Second Plate; First Side. स्त (स्त्रि)दयपतिसदनसुखप्रतिष्ठा[क]रो यावद्रविशथिताराकिरणप्रति
1 Ink-impressions of this inscription were also kindly supplied to me by Mr. M. A. Saboor of the Nigpur Museum, through Prof. V. V. Mirashi of the Nagpur University. I am indebted to Prof. Mirashi for very valuable suggestions towards the correct reading and interpretation of certain portions in the text.
* Expressed by a symbol. • The engraver had begun to incise ma after pa, but later on correoted it into a. . The subscripts appears like the sign of medial ri,
This mark of punotuation is shown by two dota.

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ARANG PLATES OF MAHASUDEVARAJA.
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18
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No. 3.]
ARANG PLATES OF MAHASUDEVARAJA.
7 इतघोरान्धका[२]' बंगदवतिष्ठते तावदुपभोग्यस्मनिधिस्मोपनिधि8 रचाटभट'प्रावश्यमबंकरविसर्जित: प्रतिहारभोगिल्लेन माता9 पित्रीरात्मनच पुण्याभिहये कात्यायनसगोत्रमाध्यन्दिनवाज10 सनेययज्ञस्वामिन (ने) अध्ययन भारद्वाजकुमारवत्सपा(वत्सा)चे
Second Plate ; Second Side. 11 यकाखवाजसनेययज्ञस्वामिन(नौ) प्रत्यलेन कात्यायमविया[ख]- . 12 खामिकौशिकम(मा)ध्यन्दिनगोलखामि एवं दामोदरखामि दामस्वामि 13 भारहानपञ्चालिस्वामि दौषितायनीकान*] प्रत्य डॉन' ताम्ब(मशास14 नेनातिमष्टो भूत्वाम्माभिरनुमोदितः [*] ते यूयमेवमुपलभ्यैषा15 मात्राबवणविधेया भूत्वा यथोचितं भोगभागमुपनयन्तस्मुखं 18 प्रतिवत्स्यथ [*] भविष्यतश्च भूमिपाननुदर्शयति [*] दानादिशिष्ट'
Third Plate : First Side. 17 मनुपालनज(ज) पुराणा धर्मेषु निश्चितधिय प्रवदन्ति धर्म(मम्) (1)
तस्मादि(दि)18 नाय सुविशुद्ध कुन्चश्रुताय दत्तां भुवं भवतु वो मतिरेव गोप्त [म] 010 19 सजवतिरप्येषा दति(त्ति)रनुपालयितव्या [*] व्यासगोता (at)मात्र शोकानु. 20 दाहरन्ति [1] भम्नरपत्य (त्यं) प्रथम सुवएणं " भूइँणवी सूर्यसु21 ताच गावा: ।'] दत्तात्रयस्तेन भवं(व)न्ति लोका यज्ञापन गां च मही
() दद्यात् [*] The letter ra which was first omitted is writton below ja of jagad with kika pada sign and the annoudra meant for ra is placed on bl.
* The cross on a shows that & syllable was omitted. Ta is written below the line, The visarga is superfluous. • Read अध्यहाँ न. • Read प्रत्यंशन. - Read प्रत्याशन. • Tho medial i sign which was first engraved above tal by mistake has been cancelled. • There are two small horizontal strokes here. 10 Metre: Vasantatilaka. 11 The sign of punctuation here is superfluous. 12 Metre : Indravajra,

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXIII.
22 afë adhuff
Htefa Ha[: 1*]
ET
JA(HRT pat
Third Plate ; Second Side. 23 ata ta aa[a *}' agfingar FATTI) funtfefu[:*] 24 Te R agi faal) en er wei(27) [»*]} RETTI(TI)
UTERT(Ft) 9 uur25 su grafet [*] Afeftuara eraldaturgafafane [19] - 26 189(T)at (TV) a ante fe poc Bat(at) tv[fa]a u
The Seal. 1 we[wrap]any [a]H[A]HTTEGA Va: 1") . 2 ........... [m]ht [n*]
No. 4.-A NOTE ON THE PANCHAVARA COMMITTEE.
BY K. V. SUBRAHMANYA AIYER, B.A., COIMBATORE. One of the principal duties of the village assemblies, of whatever description they may be, sabhā, úr or nagara, was to secure to the king the taxes or incomes due by the village as a whole. These incomes seem to have been once for all determined and entered in the accounts of the State, the nādu and the village. The various assemblies mentioned above are given a latitude of free action in the general management of the lands in the village, but are made primarily responsible for the realisation and payment to the State of the incomes due to it. Subject to this responsibility, they seem to have been empowered to dispose of lands according to circumstances, viz., to compound taxes on lands given away as dēvadānas, brahmadēgas, passichchandas, tālābhāgas, etc.; to afford facilities for making the waste lands arable ; to authorise the opening of channels, tanks and the like for improving farms; and to regulate the supply of water both for drinking and for onltivation purposes. Besides this responsibility, their chief function appears to have been the management of endowments made to temples and charitable institutions in the villages under their jurisdiction; the well-being of the subjects; local administration of justice, etc., for which they seem to have been vested with necessary powers. For carrying out these varying duties, the members of village assemblies appear to have formed themselves into different committees.
Metro: Anushubh. * The syllables which were omitted here have been incised below the line with a kakapada sign. • Read Opalanam ili.
[I am inclined to read this symbol s 7.-Ed.]
Metro: Anushubh. Read the latter half of the verse as Srimat-SudEvardjanya sthiran jagati hennai(*) following the other plates of this ruler.

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No. 4.]
A NOTE ON THE PANCHAVARA COMMITTEE.
23
Of such committees, the Panchavāra-vāriyam' is one. Beyond the mere mention of the name Panchavāra vāriyam we have not as yet been able to understand the object for which it was formed. And this is the case with the other vāriyams as well. Neither does the designation of this committee give us a clue as to the probable sphere of its work. In the compound Panchavara-vāriyam, the latter part, viz., vāriyam, has been understood to mean a committee as in the case of the other groups, the first part, viz., Panchavāra, like toltam, ēri, kudumbu, kalani, with which the other committees were connected, may denote the object of prime concern of this body. Panchavāra, however, is not a simple word like tõllam, ēri, etc., but is a compound in itself with a qualifying particle. Literally, it may be rendered into five shares' (pancha-five, vāra=share).
There are a few inscriptions which throw some light on the interpretation of the term Panchavāra-vāriyam. We give below extracts from these, with translations and short notes, from which it will be seen that it was a committee concerned in the realisation of the revenue in kind due to the king on certain class of lands amounting to five shares (pancha-vāra) out of the six of the entire assessment.
EXTRACT I. LI. 54-61 ...aļa[n]du araiyēy=oru-mā=chcheyyum olu[kkavi]ppuramum-olukkuppuramum a[r*]chchanābhogamum-āga i·nni[la*]ttāl pañchavāramum echchöfum nēr[v]āyamum vettivedinaiyun-chenyir-podivi........
TRANSLATION For olukkavi, olukkus and archanābhoga, (the incomes from) this land, viz., pañchavāram, echchoru, nērvāyam, vetti, vedinai, and chennirpodivi....
NOTE.-The earliest use of the word panchavāra occurs in this extract from an inscription dated in the 21st year of the reign of the Pallava king Nộipatunga (circa A.D. 865), found at Tirukkandiyūr in the Tanjore District. Here, it will be noted that the word pañchavāra is used as the name of one of the dues on land, being grouped with echchoru, nērvāyam, velti, vedinai and others, all of which we know from numerous epigraphs to be the names of taxes or fees.
1 Line 10 of the first Uttaramallur inscription published in the A. 8. R. for 1904-05, pp. 131 ff., describes the method of selection of the members of the committees of Paichavara-variyam and Pon-vatiyam in the following words :
Panchavāra-vāriyattukkum pon-váriyattukkum muppadu kudu[m]b[i]lum mup[padu) kuda[v-ö]lai ittu höriyal o[ru]ttarai-kkudav-olai pari[t]tu panniruvārilum [a]ruvār pañche(vāra*]-vāriyam-avid(ävad)-agavum [1] apuvár p[on]-vāriyam=avid (āvad)-agavum [ll].
This means : "for the Panchavira committee and the gold committee, thirty pot-tickets shall be put in for the thirty kudumbu and one man for each chiri shall be taken: and of the twelve persons (so taken), six shall constitute the Panchavara committee and the other) six shall constitute the gold committee". The second Uttaramallūr inscription describes more clearly how the members for these two committees were selected. Lines 13 and 14 of its text run as under
Panohavára-v[ariyajt(tukkum] pop-vāri]yattukku-muppadu (k)kudum bilum kudav-olaikku pēr titti mappadu valy-6]lai-kattum puge [it]tu muppa Jdu kudav-ol[ai) parittu muppadilum (pang Jirandu për (pa)rittu-kkolvad-agavum [l*) paritta pappirandilum Aruvar pop-väriyam apuvár panchavara-variyamum ávanavāgavum [ll].
passage means : " for the Pachavira committee and the gold committee, names shall be written in the thirty Ludumb for pot tickets and thirty bundles with covering tickets shall be put in and thirty pot-tickets shall be taken: from (these) thirty, twelve persons shall be drawn. Of the twelve (80) taken, there shall be constituted six for gold committee and six for Pasichavira committee ".
* It will be unnatural to take váriyam in panchavāra-tariyam in a sense different from what it connotes (vis, committee) in other places in the same inscription.
.8. 1. I., Vol. V, No. 572. .ofukku and ofukkavi seem to be some kinds of oblations,

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXIII.
EXTRACT II. I-ynilattal vanda pū-pponnum pañchavāramum vēlikkäsum nirvilaiyum ullitta antarāyan. gaļum vetti muttaiya! echchórru-kkūrrunel ullitta kudimaigal eppērpattadum engal urga! mēlē ērpi..... .i-nnilattal vanda iraiy-ilichchi.
TRANSLATION. All the internal taxes (antarāya) inclusive of pu-ppon (gold due at harvest) pañchavāram, vēlikkäsu (the käsu due on vēli), and nirvilai (water-rate), as well as all kulimai inclusive of velli, mutfaiyil, echchóru and kürrunel, accruing from this land, shall (hereafter) be iniposed un our village and this land shall be enjoyed free of taxes.
NOTE. From this extract it is made plain that pafchavära is one of the internal taxes or fees (antarāya) accruing from lands such as pu-ppon, vēlikkāšu and nirvilai, which incomes, we know from other inscriptions, were due to the king from lands. The fees forming the antarüya are, in this inscription, differentiated from another kind of fees named kudisai.
EXTRACT III. . L. 8 ......kov-Irājakesaripanmar-āya udaiyar sri-Rājādh[i*]rājadēvaku yandu 28āvadu Jayangondaśõla-mandalattu
9 Oymā nāttu=kKītkkay-nāttu=kKidangil-āna Mummadisolanallur [ūrõm] nilavilaiy-āvanam [*] engaļūr=tTiruttin[disvaramu]daiya-mādēva[r]
10 kõyilil sri-Irājādhirājavitarkar-Sandēsvaradēvar-pakkal konda kābu 100 i-kkāšu nurun=kondu nāngalēyuenrum samträdittavar siddhāya-ppañchavāram ut.
11 pada-chchilvariyum peruvariyum ellām irukka ittēvar-iraiyili agubavikka=kkadavarāga virrukkuļutta nilam-āvadu [.*]
18 ........ sri-Rājādh[i*]rājavitarkarku nāngal-iraiyili dēvadānamāga vifrukudutta
19 pariśāvadu [i*] ūrāskum ēri-vēņdum siddhāya-pañchavāram silvarigaļu[m*] marrum epperpatta irai kalippittu-tTiruttindiśvaramudaiyarkēy=iraiyili dēvadāna
20 māga anubavikka kkadavārgaļāga virrukkudutta nilattil uludu kudigaļai epper. pațţa. . iraimarra.. kattapperādomāgavum=ipparisu virru vilai-käsum Sa
21 ndesvaradevar-pakkal vilai-pporuļum=isai-pporuļumäga-kkondu ivv-ūrum eriyum iraiyili dēvadānam=ākki [vi]mru vilaiyāvanam seydu kuduttom
22 Tiruttiņdīśvaratt-elundaruluvitta Irājādh[i*]rājavitaňkadēvar Sandēsvaradēvar[k*]ku Kidangil-apa Mummadisolanallür üröm.
TRANSLATION. In the 28th year of the reign of) king Rājakēsarivarman alias Udaiyār Rājādhirajadēva, we, the village (assembly) of Kidangil alias Mummadiśõlanallur in Kitkai-nadu, a sub-division of Oymanādu, (which was a district) of Jayangondaśāla-mandalam, made the following sale deed of land. (We) received from Rājādhirājavitankar-Saņdēsvaradēvar of the temple of Tiruttindīśvaramudaiya-Mahādēva of our village 100 kāśu. Having received (this amount of) one hundred kāśu, we seld the following) land, ourselves paying for it, as long as the moon and the sun last, all (the dues of) silvari and peruvari including siddhāyam, pañchavāram, etc., and the god enjoying it free of taxes.
18. I. I., Vol. III, No. 64, unpublished portion. 18. I. I., Vol. VII, No. 842.

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No. 4.)
A NOTE ON THE PANCHAVARA COMMITTEE.
In this wise, we sold (the land) as a tax-free dēvadāna to the god Rājādhirajavițankar. Causing the deduction of all kinds of dues such as siddhāyam, pañchavāram and silvari required (to be paid) to the ur and the tank, we sold and gave the land to the god) Tiruttiņdīśvaramudaiyar to be enjoyed as a tax-free dévadāna. We shall not (let) this land for cultivation or receive any kind of dues thereon. We, the village (assembly), of Kidangil alias Mummadisolanallur, having sold the land in this wise, and having received from Saņdēsvaradevar the sale amount and tax amount, made this village and the tank a tax-free dēvadāna, drew up the sale deed and gave it to Rājādhiräjavitaikar-Sandēsvaradēvar set up in the temple of) Tiruttiņdisvaram.
NOTE.-The above extract is from an inscription of the time of the Chola king Rājādhirāja I., dated in the 28th year of his reign (-A.D. 1040), found at Kidangil in the South Arcot District. The inscription registers a sale of land-together with the right to three-fourths of the tanks irrigating it (this is found in the unextracted portion of the inscription to the temple of Tiruttindiśvaramudaiyar at the place, by the u assembly. In this, the assembly, after acknowledging receipt of the price of the land sold and the amount for making it tax-free, states that it had caused the taxes due on the land to be deducted (from the accounts) and conveyed it to the temple to be enjoyed as a tax-free dēvadāna, the ur assembly meeting the taxes due on the land and the tank. Here also, as in the second extract pañchavāram is mentioned among the taxes due from lands, e.g., siddhāyam, silvari and peruvari.
EXTRACT IV. L. 4 .......iraņdu tirunandāviļakk-erippadakku pañchavāra-kkālod-okku[m*] nāļiyal tinga!
6 padin-aru-näli uri älākku neyyum köyilukke kondu-sepru....
TRANSLATION. For burning the two perpetual lamps, sixteen näli, (one) uri, and one āļākku of ghee, as measured by the measure equal in capacity to the pastchavārakkāl, shall be taken monthly to the temple.
NOTE.The above extract is dated in the 14th year (-A.D. 983-4) of the reign of the Chöļa king Parakēsarivarman Uttama-Chöļa and states that the quantity of ghee given to the temple must be measured by the näli equal in capacity to the measure called pañchavārakkāl. Incidentally this inscription helps us to understand that pañchavāra is a payment in kind and that for measuring it a special measure was employed which derived its name pañchavārakkāl from the use which it was put to. From one of the Takkõlam inscriptions of Parāntaka I,* we get the information that the capacity of a pañchavāra measure (marakkāl) was 7 nāļi and 1 uri as measured by the Rājakesari-nāli. Thus the panchavāra-marakkāl was less than the ordinary marakkal only by 1 uri.
EXTRACT V. L. 27 Palan-dēvadāpamāna Pungudi nilam pappiru-vēliyiņāl muy dēvarkku nikki irukkakkadava pañchavāram nel
28 lu arunārru-kkalamum Musittaikkudi nilam näl-vēliyināl dēvarkku nikki irukkakkadava pañchavära-nell-j
18. I. I., Vol. VII, No. 114. * No. 261 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1921.
8.1. I., Vol. III, No. 161.

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26.
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXIII.
nikkı
iraiyiliyāga
yand-agāva
29 runūrru-kkalamum i-dēvarkkėy-iruppadaga=kkudi du-mudal variyil-ittu=kkudutt-aruļi
30 tru []
TRANSLATION In order that the six hundred kalam of paddy of panchavāram which previously had to be set apart and paid to the dēva (king) from the twelve vēli of land of the old dēvadāna village of Punguļi and the two hundred kalam of paddy of pañcharāran which had to be set apart and paid to the dēva (king) from the four vēli of land of Musitaikkudi, shall (hereafter) be paid to this god (temple), the ryots removed and the lands made tax-free and entered as such in the accounts and given over with effect from the sixth year of the king's reign).
NOTE.-This extract is from an inscription from Kõņērirājąpuram in the Tanjore District, dated in the 7th year of the reign of Parakesarivarman and relates to grants of lands in the two villages Pungudi and Musittaikkudi to the temple at the village. From it, it is seen that this item of pañchavāram was paid in paddy and to the king before the assignment of the lands in the two villages was made to the temple. The phrase dēvarkku Nikki irukka-kkadava qualifying panchavāram occurring twice in the extract makes this sense clear, and precludes us from taking the word diva in this phrase to mean the temple or god. The effect of the grant of the lands was that the stated incomes in paddy which till then used to be paid to the king were transferred to the temple. This extract further lets us know the rate at which this fee of pañchavāram was paid. Since 600 kalam was the pañchavāra for 12 vēli and 200 kalam for 4 véli, it works out at 50 kalams per vēli. The extracts IV and V thus make it quite plain that panchavāra was a tax or fee paid to the king, in kind, on the lands of a village, at 50 kalam per vēli.
To judge from the rate, it may be said that pañchavāra was not an insigniticant item in the revenue of the king but was the chief one. The word vāram in the compound pañchavāram would even suggest that it may be the king's) share, rent or assessment on land. And the particle pancha can have nothing to do with pañchi or pañchu meaningcotton' or with pancham meaning famine.
We shall now give one more extract with translation to show what the ordinary rate of 888088ment on lands was and how and when it was realised. It will furnish the ratio of pafichavāram to the entire assessment.
EXTRACT VI. L. 20 ........ Ivvār irukkum-idattu irubattu
21 [n]a[l-a]diyāna Sundara-Pāņdiyan-kõlal nilam=aļandu payir pā[1][t*]tu viļainda nilattukku [a]ntarāyamu[m] vinisylogamum taruvadāpa achchum kāriyavarachchiyum' vettipāttamum pañchupili sanduvikkiragappērum mar[ru]m [p]pe[ya]rpa[ttipavum utpada kärukku mättal
22 kāśu kälum mudal Vira-Pāņdiyanāl nellu mukkalamum tulā viraichchu vilainda nilattukku ivvarilaiyil [o]oru-padiyum el [va]ragu [tilgaippull-irungu visainda nilattukku mättāl tira[malm=irandum (pasāŋam=ivva[ri]šaisyu]mäga ivv-andu-mudal iruppa
19. I. 1., Vol. V, No. 448, pp. 170-1. - Rcad kariyardůchchiyum.

Page #44

No. 4.)
A NOTE ON THE PANCHAVARA COMMITTEE.
27
23 däga ittu variyilār eluttitta uļvariyum nam õ[lai]yun=tara-chchongõm [*] kaikkondu ippadi cha ndră]dityavat selvadāga=kka[l*]lilum sembilum vet[ti]kkolgavepru tiruväymo[li]ndaruļinar Ell*]
TRANSLATION In respect of payment of taxes of this village, the lands shall be measured by the rod Sundara-Pandyan köl of twenty-four feet length, the crops examined, and on lands on which crops had been realised, for antarāya and viniyoga, for achchu, kāriyavārāchchi, vettipātam, pañchupili, sandu(sandhi)vigrahappēru and for all other payable dues, there shall be paid from this year one-fourth kāśu and three kalam of paddy as measured by Vira-Pandyan (-kal) during Kār on each mā of land ; one-half of this rate shall be paid on lands sown in Tulā and crops raised; two tiranam shall be paid on each ma of land in which el, varagu, tinaippul and irungu had been harvested ; and that this same rate shall be (levied) for pasānam also: and that a copy of the tax register signed by the variyslāt as well as a copy of our order shall be issued. Thus receiving (it), let the same be engraved on stone and copper so that it may remain in force as long as the moon and the sun last.
NOTE.-This inscription is dated in the 8th year and 988th day of the reign of Märavarman Sundara-Pandya II and is of importance in several ways. In the first place it lets us know that arrangements existed for the periodical inspection of crops and land ; that assessment was charged only on such of the lands as had been sown and crops realised ; that this assessment was paid both in kind and in money, which included a number of fees, small and great. The following are stated to be the rates, viz., 3 kalam of paddy and kābu on each mā for Kār, half of this rate for Tulā cultivation, 2 tiramam (drammas) on each mā for the cultivation of el, varagu, etc.; for pašānam also, the above rates prevailed. The information would have been complete and left nothing to be desired, had the inscription specified the quantity to be paid for each item separately. Even as it is, it serves a very useful purpose as we shall see presently. From the rate given for mā, the assessment for a vēli works out to 60 kalam of paddy and 5 kātu. This covered all the taxes payable on land, antarāya and others, mentioned and unmentioned as the inscription puts it, some of which were given in kind and others in money. We have already shown that one of the items included in the antarāya was pañchavāra and it was 50 kalam for a vēli. Therefore, deducting this 50 kalam, the balance of 10 kalam and 5 kāśu should have been the charge for all the other items put together. Thus, the single item of pañchavāra, amounting to as much as 50 kalam out of 60 paid in paddy, seems to be the prime source of the state income from lands. The proportion of this item of pañchavāra to the entire income in paddy being five-sixths, an explanation of the connotation of this term is furnished. The duty of the Pafichavāra committee may therefore be taken to be the realisation of this important revenue. Here we may note also that a few Sanskrit charters make mention of committee889emblies and that one in particular has reference evidently to the Panchavāra committee. Verse 6 of the Kolavennu platest of Chālukya-Bhim II, in describing the donee of the grant, has “yat-putra-pautrāh patavo vațavo väragoshthishu." The Masulipatam plates of the same king, besides employing the term vāragoshthi, refer to pañchavāri. The verse in question runs as follows:
yat-putra-pautrā vai vāragoshthishu vägminah pafchavärin samāpayya sampujyantë mahājanaih ||
18. I. I., Vol. I, p. 45. • Above, VOL V, p. 137, v. 8; see also p. 138, n. 7.

Page #45

28
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXIII.
It is not unlikely that väragoshthi in these inscriptions is an equivalent of väriyam and that pañchavāri has the same significance as pañchavaravariyam of the Uttaramallur records. The Siyadoņi inscription1 uses the word tāra pramukha in which one may easily recognise the Tamil väriya-pperumakkal. From the reference in the Masulipatam plates, it may be gathered that the choice of a person to serve on the Panchavara committee was done by the Mahajanas by which term are perhaps meant the great men of the village assembly and that the selection was considered a great honour.
No. 5.-KOLHAPUR COPPER-PLATES OF GANDARADITYADEVA: SAKA 1048.
BY A. N. UPADHYE, M.A., KOLHAPUR.
The present copper-plates were discovered in course of the operations of levelling the Khasbag grounds, Kolhapur. They were put in a nice stone-case with a slipping lid, and buried some six to seven feet below the surface. The plates with the stone-case are now kept in the Rajaram College Museum, Kolhapur. I am very thankful to the Principal, Rajaram College, for his kindness in placing these plates at my disposal for their study.
The plates consist of three copper sheets each measuring 11 inches in length and about 7 inches in breadth. They are strung together with a ring of 3 inches in diameter to which is fixed a square seal (2) by 24 inches) bearing in relief a well and prominently carved figure of Garuda holding a cobra in his left hand. On the prominent border line of the surface there are the marks of the moon and the sun. The plates are tolerably thick, at least 1/10 of an inch, and the inside edges are slightly raised to protect the writing. The first side of the first plate is blank. On the second side of the last plate there is a line-drawing of a cow with a linga and a sword in front, and the sun and the moon in the corners above.
The plates are preserved in a good condition, due to being enclosed in the heavy stonecase. The characters are Devanagari, and they are deeply incised. A few letters are worn out, but the reading can be easily guessed. The record is composed partly in prose and partly in verse, the language being Sanskrit. As to orthography almost all the conjuncts with r have their other consonant duplicated, e.g., kirtti (1. 7), dharmma, varnna (1. 12), sarppa (1. 18), nirmmita (1.25), etc. Sometimes the consonants have been doubled wrongly, e.g., maulli (1. 9), paṁchchanana (1. 10), akhillän (1. 12), vikalla (1. 13), pratipallana (1. 21), adhigammya (1. 27), etc. Almost uniformly b is represented by v in these plates. Though the language is Sanskrit, it shows a good deal of Kannada influence. Perhaps the grant was drafted on a Kannada model. The text contains a few Kannada words too, viz., maruvaṁka-sarppa, ayyana-sihō (1. 18), iḍuvar-ādityō (1. 19), viḍ-ānuvritya (1. 22), khampana (1. 30) and magila (11. 32, 38). Vid-anuvrityā is decidedly an imitation of Kannada bidinol which occurs in the same context in various Kannada grants. The meaning of malavam or mallavam, etc. (11. 34, 38) is not clear; even the scribe, in fact, does not appear to be sure about its sound, as he is not uniform in its spelling.
1 Above, Vol. I, pp. 173.

Page #46

No. 5.]
KOLHAPUR COPPER-PLATES OF GANDARADITYADEVA: SAKA 1048.
The genealogy of the Silahāra dynasty given in these plates is as shown below:
Jatiga (1) Nayimma
Gühala (I)
Chandraraja
1 Jatiga (II)
Gōmkalla I Marasimha.
Kirttiraja
Chandraditya.
29
Gühala (II)
Bhojadeva
Gandaräditya.
It agrees with the usual genealogy of the Silähäras of Kolhapur1 with the differences: (i) that here we have no mention of Ballāļa, a brother between Bhōjadeva and Gandaraditya; and (ii) that Guhala (I), in these plates, is shown as the elder brother of Gōmkalia which information we have got here for the first time. In other Silahāra plates we are only told that Gōmkalla and Gūvala were the sons of Jatiga, but in the present record Guhala is definitely mentioned as an agraja which cannot mean anything but an elder brother. Guhala is called isa here, and in the plates published by Bhagvanlal Indraji we also get: tad-bhrātā Gūvalō rājā nirjit-āri-vrajō'bhavat. But it is very difficult to say in the light of the available materials whether Guhala ruled the country any time, for it appears to have been usual to call all the royal brothers as rājā, etc. Possibly Guhala died early and without any issue. That might explain why Gōmkalla is so prominently mentioned; and after him Guhala is mentioned casually, though he was the elder brother.
As to the contents of the plates, the grant opens with a few verses giving the genealogy of Gaṇḍarādityadeva of the Kolhapur branch of the Silahāra dynasty. Then we have a long list of the titles of this ruler. Gandaraditya, in response to the request of his minister Maillapayya, is stated to have granted lands at Kōmnijavāḍa which is in the khampana (something like our modern Taluk) of Koḍavalli in the district of Miriñji, for the repairs of the temple of Khedäditya at Brahmapuri in Köllapura and for the maintenance of eight Brahmins whose names and gōtras are given. The grant was made in the Saka year 1048 when Gaṇḍaradityadeva was in his camp at Vallavaḍa-grama. The grant concludes with the usual verses of curse on those who may violate the conditions of the grant.
A few words may be added regarding the localities mentioned in these records. The Silahāras are called Tagarapuravaradhisvara, and about the identification of the city of Tagara
1 See J. B. B. R. A. S., Vol. XIII, p. 8; Bhandarkar, Collected Works, Vol. III, p. 175. Sce Khare, Sources of the Medieval History of the Deccan, Vol. I, p. 33.
[The word agraja here has probably to be taken in the sense of the first born son' (i.e., Gönkalla was the eldest son of Jatiga). The Silahara grant of Marasimha dated Saka 980 published in the Inscriptions from the Cave Temples of Western India (pp. 102 ff.) states clearly that Gühala was the younger brother of Gönkalla. The Kasēļi plates of Bhōjadeva (An. Rep. of the Bharata Itihasa Samsödhaka Mandala for Saka 1835, pp. 222 ff.), which also contain the verse under discussion give the reading aditaḥ in place of agrajab. Thus we find in the plates under publication the same order of descent of the brothers, viz,, Gönkalla, Güvalla, Kirttiraja and Chandraditya as in other Silähāra charters.-N. L. R.]

Page #47

EPIGRAPHIA INDIOA.
[Vol. XXII.
much has been written. Fleet's identification of Tagara with Tēr is now generally accepted. I might, however, refer here to two latest papers on the subject. Prof. K. G. Kundangar proposes that. Tagara should be identified with Törke. But it is difficult to derive the form Tõrke from Tagara, and moreover, the place is nowhere called Tärkshyapura from which he has tried to derive it. Recently Prof. Hiralal has pointed out that a Vidyadhara dynasty is associated with Tēr, twelve miles to the north of Dhārāśiva or modern Osmanabad in the Nizam's Dominions. He indicates the possibility that Nila and Mahânila, two Vidyadhars princes from Himālaya, were the ancestors of Silāhāras, and they migrated to Tēr for some political reasons. Thus Prof. Hiralal confirms, on the authority of Karakanda-chariu and other literary sources, the opinion of Fleet that Tagars should be identified with Tēr near Osmanabad. Vallavāda is to be identified with Valayavāda also called Valavāda, the site of the present Radhanagari about 27 miles to the southwest of Kolhapur. Kollāpura is the present Kolhapur ; and Brahmapuri is, even to this day, a local name of a part of Kolhapur adjoining the bank of the river Pañchaganga. Mirifji is to be identified with Miraj, and Ködavalli with Kõdõli about seven miles to the east of Kolhapur. Komnijаvāda is not identified, but it might have been a small village near about Kõdavalli.
The date, Sanivära, Ashidha kukla Chaturthi, Saka 1048 of the plates, as kindly worked out for me by Principal R. N. Apte, corresponds with Saturday, 26th June 1126 A.D., which was a day of Karka-samkranti.
TEXT [Metres : vv. 1-3, 5, 9, 10 Anushçubh ; vv. 4, 6, 8 Sārdülavikridita ; v. 7 U pajāti.)
First Plate. 1 Svasti eri [] Jayaty=ivishkțitam Vishnor-väräham kshõbhit-ārņavam [1*] dakshin.Omns
(onna)ta-damshţr-Agra-vibranta-bhuvanam 2 vapuh [ 1 ||*) Asid=vidyādharah pūrvam nānmä* Jimītavāhana) [l*] par-ārtham jivitath
gēna Garudaya 3 nivēditar |[12 Il*] Silahár-akhya-vambo=yam Tagarēsvara-bhūbhritam [1*] tad-varse
Jatigo nama jā4 to bhübhpich-oh hikhāmaṇiḥ 1 [1 311*] Svasti éri-Jatiga-kahitība-tanayo Nāyimma-nāmi nși5 paḥ putras-tasya cha Chandrarāt-prithu-yaśās=tasy=āpi sūnuḥ kila [l*) samjāto Jatigð 6 jagaj-jana-nutah srimams=cha tan(n)-namdano Gomkallo bhuvi bhumi-pala-ti7 lakas-tasy-āpywabhudwagrajah 1 [14 ] Gahalöso tha tad-bhrātā Kirttiräjo=nujo8 sya cha [1] Chandrädityasutatas-tasya chakro räjyam-akamtakarh 1 [15 II*] Srimad-gon
kala-bhū9 mi-pala-tanayah bri-Mārasimho nsipas-tat-sūnurennpipa-maulli(li)-lålitar pa10 da-bri-Gühal-ākhyö nsipah [*] tad-bhrātă bhuvi Bhojadēva-nfipatir-vair-ibha-pamchcha
(cha)
Boo Karnataka Sahitya-parishat-patrike, October, 1934.
Soo Introduction to his edition of Karakanda-chariu, pp. 41 f, and his article in the Annals of the B.O.R.I. Vol. XVI, pp. 44.
In these plates very often anuadra is used in place of paranavarna.
Road nduna. - [800 note 8 on p. 29 Ed.]

Page #48

KOLHAPUR COPPER-PLATES OF GANDARADITYADEVA: SAKA 1048.
दिनवितावलावावादादाता वहिवद या वयो 2 पीसी हिदायापूर्वनामा सीमतवादनानाननविताना
निावदिताशिलादा पाहावंशोटीतगायतर ती तशमानगोनासका जनहित्या मामा सियोनतिमा दूतावातनटोना माना माना
पवनानंदपाटामा शासमापिसनाकलनतातो तातो। तगहननतेशी मा सतनंदनाचा कालानजिमि पालात लकामा पानदेगा दलगायतदातानानि राजनता
ततं दादित मतनमान के पातामकोट कात्या मटूगा कल त मायाल तनदायीमापनि दो नवमतानन चौमाजिलालित
यासाद लावानंदा तामितिदवनवातावात 10 अननसके पाठा मोडित छटाशालकारात्याकिलातत्यानाहामा 12ीवर बता दवारमीन याला वसविधामावावा व नाना 12
iia.
मटा दिया जानादविदा शिविका वाती दिन । 14 विवपगि वामपसाटोगपतिदिनंगमाहादाननटाटा कजानित 14
नतमानटातामयादि वानवाद नटुटानातववाददातदवका । 16ATक्नविदितनविगतपतमानासिवमहापडलातचन्नमा पुय 16 जवान पनिलांनाचन दोसीनूतवाहनाजधानसताना
डालाइव न माछाटा तसिटे विन तलिकालावत चविषा न होनालया | 18
धादिलो योनागाछोरीला नवा समिधा चमचानवाजिनामावदाना। विता त्यांना सातवालयमादा दिन नाम तिवलावियातिन 20 ही माध्याला ती दले व मोदी ईसविता देवीदनातहति प्रतिनिधीला नवराय नमसी के हवन पनि सानो वजावाजा मेवी मानक 122 यामध्ये मी कायाविना दन विटा वा कातिवादावनतियातन । वडापती विनतापमानन कडिलामावानल मानवतात
PEE
SCALE:THREE-FIFTHS.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Rea. No. 39200'36-425.

Page #49

योनिशात बानित वाटा सामनावतादेवयानीमायामा है।
मम् वागमन पनि टपाट वनिमुदित व वादा विजय ॥2 निपाल वर्मनिपटा विवाक्तिली बाईपादिदेव सवितामा ।। 28 | कवध तवया पल्या पारवासितिगाता यावत मानपना नवगवती ।
योतीता पाढरान वनधी तिवा वैवातामाटान सदा तिमिचिदिरा 30 ततवाडवासपागनुिवानिका नजावाडवा मतबगनाता
तालटा मेनव्या यांना जोमानतेन हिडेननिवा 82 नदी मानवतादितिवनविनसेमगित मनमो गातेत सामाजिकटापडाटा 32
चामानामि मातानवडेनतबाचिनिवर्तनानानामिक नानिमानी कवीता 34 रतिवमान देना युवतक वात विराति नै नदि बिडियम नयनवतातता कता
निवेशनने तावदासप्रति विना मनातीलतामात्सर्वनाटा वेडसानी कवात । ___960 यी सामायो हिनदिदा मायानाडामाडोलारतदीधाजनिन माडियो दिगोपना । 36
[ক্রের নিবজাট। ছল|Hবননার ১টানাটাবন । 98 | मलकवेरमतिलमायावतुतिसादमानवानंतमतता गत 138
सानाले तोतवावधानमाविमापनितका मातमगा वादातीत जनावरापा 40 या जानाडावापाटमाविश्वामविक मामा चारकप स्तुदिन नामक तन 140
मावानामा टागना मारहातमा वीमावव काश्यपगोवावामान वन 42 [ यानो जाविधुत्ता तापहागाबावामनःVवमला डागा पता
तानवदंडेनवणकशतत्तुलटमागनमवापतोकपटविसनिवा 44 तपाकिटगानाद मायड माटिनानीहा बाटातानवडेनवपाकातन्तः 14 विशवपादपकाललयानपूर्वकामनमत्यासर्वकामपविना साटो विश 46 पाडवीटगाना मनालिकामाचंदा दवानात मदद मियागावापान46 ਨਵੀਨ| aਫ਼ ਬੰਟ
ਬsਗਵਿਜਿਟਰਸਿਮਰਨਜੀਤ 48औषगताबाटोसित वाणिमिकमामितिवाटा माया निशानवालमाती 146

Page #50

No. 5.]
KOLHAPUR COPPER-PLATES OF GANDARADITYADEVA: SAKA 1048. 31
11 nanas-chakre rajyam-akhamḍitam pritha-yasa lamkasa1-tullyam(lyam) kila 1 [16] Tasy= änujō dha
12 rmma-dharo dharitryäm dadhāra varnṇan-akhilla(la)n-sva-dharmme [*] dhairy-agra-dhuryō Dhanadō dhanānām
Second Plate: First Side.
13 śri-Gamḍaraditya iti prasiddhaḥ I [17] Din-anatha-daridra-duḥkhi-vikalla(la)-vyākirṇa
nänä
14 vidha-prani-trāṇa-parāyaṇaḥ pratidinam gupt-akhya-daněna yaḥ [1] yaḥ krishn-ajina-dhe15 nu-bhumy-ubhayatōmukhy-adi-däna-pradaḥ saśvad-V(B) rahma-mati-pravīņa-hridayō bhu
deva-ka
16 Ipa-drumaḥ || [ 8 ] Svasti [*] Samadhigata-pamchamahāśav(b)da-Mahamamdalēśvaras= Tagara-pura
17 var-adhiśvaraḥ śrī-Silahara-naremdrō Jimutavahan-anvaya-prasutas-suvarna-Ga
18 ruda-dhvajō maruvamka-sarppa ayyana-si(sim) ho ripu-maṁḍalika-bhairavo vidvishtagaja kamṭhirava
19 iḍuvar-ädityō rupa-Nārāyaṇaḥ Sanivara-sidhdhi(ddhir-)giri-durga-lamghanah Kali-yuga.
Vikrama
20 dityaḥ śri-Mahalakshmi-lav(b) dha-vara-prasad-adi-samasta-rājāvali-virajita
21 śrīman-Mahāmamḍallē(lē)śvarō Gamḍarāditya-dēvō dushța-nigraha-sishta-pratipalla(la) 22 na-purassaram sva-dharmmep-aika-chchhatram-upabhumjāno Vallavada-grāmē vid
anuvṛi
23 tyä(ttyä) sukha-samkatha-vinodēna vijaya-rājjyam(jyam) chiram kurvan virajate [*] Tat-pá24 da-padm-opajivi-mahāpradhānēna Kaditämatya-Maillapayyēna maha-tirthe
Second Plate: Second Side.
25 śri-Kölläpurē V(B) rahma-nirmmita-V(B)rahmapuryam śrī-Khēḍāditya-dēvassya (sya) jirnaprāsā.
26 da-samudhdh(ddha) arana-purassaram Triküṭa-prāsādam vinirmmāya tatra V(B)rahmaVishnu pra
27 tishṭhāpya tatra dharmma-chikīrshaya vijñāpita-ári-Gamdarādityadevas-tad=adhigammya (mya)
28 Saka-varshēshu sahasr-õparyy-ashtachatvārimsati gatāyām varttamana-Parabhava
samvatsa
29 r-amtarggat-Ashadha-sukla-chaturthyam Saniväre dakshinayana-samkrämtau Mirimji-de
āṁ
30 targgata-Kōdavalli-kham pan-anuvarttini Kōmnijavāḍa-grāmē tatratya-Nārgā
31 vunda-Rajaya-Senayabhyam Nārgāvumḍa-samyabhūtam Kumdi-damḍēna nivartta
32 na-dvayaṁ manyam chaturvinsati-hasta-vistaram magilam-ashta-bhoga-tēja-samyam cha krayon=ādāya
1 Apparently there is a scribal error. I propose the reading Lankesa,
Read maruvakka-sarppa.

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32
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
VOL. XXIII.
33 grāma-bhūmi-madhyē tēn=aiva damdēna chatvāri nivarttanāni nikshipya shaņ=nivarttanāni
manyam ksitvā ta34 t-prativadhdhan' mallavan kutruvam cha kļitvä сhaturvinnsati-hastar vistarar nivēšana
anyad-ashțāchatvārimsadh(d)-dhasta-vi35 starari nivēšanam ch=ēty=ēvam dvāsaptati-hasta-vistarań magilar ch=ēty=ētat-sarva
Närgāvumdam sāmyam kļitva tan-ma36 dhyö V(B)rahmapuryam Sri-Kho lādityadeva-sannidhau dvadasanam v(b)rähmaņānām
svēta-vrihy-odanēna ādhaky-adi-süpēna ghi
Third Plate. 37 tēna takröna chaturbhiḥ sākais cha bhojanāya tāmbūlāya cha tēn-aiva damdēna māngam
nivarttana-dvayam 38 malavar cha kuruvara cha magila-madhya chaturvvisati-hasta-vistarar nivēsanam cha
ashta-bhoga-tēja39 sāmyam ch-ēty=ētat | Tatha tat-sarvva-dharmma-prachintakāh Gautama-gotrā Gamgādhara
chaturvvēdi-bhatt-opadhyā40 yaḥ Bhäradvāja-gotrā Govinda(nda)-kramavidaḥ Atri-gotrā Bhāskara-Chaturvvēdinaḥ
Jāmadagnya41 Vatsa-gotrā Nārāyaṇa-bhattāh Bhäradvāja-gõtro Madhavaḥ Kāśyapa-gotro Vāmanah Dhan
amja42 ya(ya)-götrā Vishnu-bhattāḥ Bhāradvāja-götro Vāmanaḥ ēvam=ashțau v(b)rāhmaṇāḥ
tēbhyaḥ pratyēkam 43 tēn=aiva damdēna vappaka-sata-chatushtayam magila-madhyē pratyēkam shadh(d)--hasta
vistaram nivē. 44 sana cha tathā tat-Trikūta-prāsādasya khamda-sphuţita-jirņn-oddhārāya tēn=aiva damdēna
vappaka-sata-chatu. 45 shtayam ēvam=ētat-sarvvam păda-prakshālana-dhärä-pürvvakam sarvve-Damasyam sarvva
vä(ba)dhā-parihāram sarv-aye-vibu45 ddham rājakiyanam-anamguli-prēkshaniyam ā-chan dr-arkkam dattavin Etat-sarvva-dha.
rmma-göptāro V(B)rahmapuri47 mahājanāḥ | V&(Ba)hubhir=vvasudha dattā rājabhiḥ Sagar-ādibhiḥ [1*] yasya yasya yada
bhūmis-tasya tasya tada phalam | [ 9 ] Sva-da48 ttam para-dattárh vi yo harita vasundharamshashţir-vvarsha-sahasrāņi vishthāyām
jáyatě krimiḥ || [10 m] Mangalam mā(ma)hā-sri (bll*]
. TRANSLATION. (Line 1) Welfare ! Prosperity!
(Verse 1) Victorious is that Vishņu's manifested form of a boar which has agitated the ocean and which bas the earth resting on the tip of its uplifted right tusk.
(Verses 2-8) Formerly there was & Vidyadhara, Jimātavāhana by name, who, for the sake of others, offered his life to Garuda. This family, called Silāhāra, (is) of kings (who were) the lords
Read pratibaddhan. • Road ahashiri warsha-.

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No. 5.) KOLHAPUR COPPER-PLATES OF GANDARADITYADEVA: SAKA 1048.
33
of Tagara; in that family was born a crest-jewel of kings Jatiga by name. Welfare! The prosperous lord of earth Jatiga had a son, king Näyimma by name; his son was Chandrarāț of great fame; to him in turn was born a son, Jatiga by name, who was praised by the people of the world; and his prosperous son was Gorkalla who was a saffron-mark (on the forehead) of all the kings on the earth. His elder brother was king (? isa) Gühala ; his younger brother was Kirtirāja, and next to him was Chandrāditya who made his kingdom free from all the troubles. That prosperous lord of the earth, Gomkalla, had a son, viz., king Mārasimha; his son was king Gühala by name whose feet were fondled by the crowns of kings; his brother was king Bhöjadēva who was a lion to the elephants in the form of enemies on the earth, and who is reported (kila) to have consolidated his kingdom with wide fame like that of the king of Lankı (?). His younger brother is the famous Gaņdarāditya who is a protector of Dharma on the earth, who has maintained all the Varnas in their respective duties, who is a courageous and foremost leader, and who is a Kubēra of treasures. Day to day he is engrossed in sheltering by anonymous gifts the various living beings that are distressed, helpless, poor, miserable, maimed and wandering; he bestows, in both the ways, eminent gifts such as the skin of the blackantelope, cows and lands; his mind is skilled in reflecting on the eternal Brahman; and he is a wish-fulfilling tree to the Brahmins.
(Ll. 16 23). Welfare! The prosperous Mahamandalēsvara Gandarādityadēva-who is honoured by all the royal titles such as: one who has obtained panchamahā sabda, a Mahāmandalesvara, the overlord of Tagara, the best of towns, the prosperous Silāhāra Monarch, one born, in the lineage of Jimūtavāhana, one who has the banner of golden Garuda, one whose shelter is sought by the serpent, a lion to his father, a Bhairava to the inimical Mandalikas, a lion to the elephants (in the form) of antagonists, the sun of the archers, Nārāyana in handsomeness, one who achieved success (even) on Saturdays, one who seized the mountain forte, a Vikramaditya of the Kali age, and one who received the favours of the boon from Sri-Mahalakshmi-is carrying on for a long time his victorious reign enjoying the sole mastery of the kingdom by carrying out his
[See p. 29 n. 3, above.-Ed.] * The reading prithuyaba lankasa is decidedly defective, and the metre too is spoiled. I have taken it as Lankēša.
• Ubhayatah refers to gifts given in two ways, namely, openly and anonymously. [Dr. Chhabra correctly points out that ubhayatömukhi has been used here in the sense of a parturient cow, a gift of which is highly eulogised in the Smritis. Of. Hēmādri, Chaturvargachintamani, Dánakhanda, prakarana 7.-Ed.]
• The correct reading should be maruvakka-sarppa. The nasal here is due to that deceptive bünya (called nolli) used in Old-Kannada script which has two values, when it is fat with space inside it means that the next consonant is duplicated, when small it is an anusvára. Maruvakka is a Kannada word, a further corruption from maru or mare pokka or hokka from the root maru or mare pogu to seek shelter'. It is a title of the Silähäras. because they are Garuda-dhvajas, the serpent being always at the meroy of Garuda. [Mr. N. Lakshminarayan Rao suggests that it would be better to interpret the expression as a 'serpent to the hostile army' taking maruvakka to mean 's hostile army'-in which sense it is widely used in Mediaeval Kannada literature-than to consider both the component parts of the word as corruptions (i.e., of mare and pokka). Maruvakka-sarppa corresponda to Skt. paru-bala-sarppa which is found among the birudas of the chief Marasingha of the Senavåra family which, like the Silāhāras, claimed to belong to Jimütavahan-anvaya and Khachara (1.e., Vidyadhara)-varsa (sce Ep. Carn., Vol. VI, Cm. 94).-Ed.]
Ayyana sinho: again a Kannada word ' a lion(- like son) of his father', meaning a pet and brave son of his father. This reminds us of the Kannada phrase "bappare huliya', meaning, Bravo, my tiger', generally addressed by the father to his son.
Iduvar is a Kannada word meaning those that put (an arrow to the bow), those that aboob Arrows', that is, the archers.

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34
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXIII.
duties (svadharmēņa), by punishing the wicked and protecting the good, and spending his time merrily in happy talks in his standing camp1 at Vallavaḍa-grāma.
(Ll. 23-39) Kaḍitāmatya Maillapayya, the Mahapradhana dependent on his (i.e., of Gandaradityadeva) lotus-like feet, after repairing the dilapidated temple of sri-Khēḍādityadeva, situated in Brahmapuri, created by Brahman in the great holy place of śri-Kollapura, built a Trikūțapräsäda, installed there (the images of) Brahma and Vishnu, and with a desire to do some religious act requested Gandaradityadeva who understood it (i.e., his desire). And when the Saka years one thousand and forty-eight had elapsed, in the Parabhava year, on the fourth day of the bright half of the month of Ashadha, on Saturday, on the Dakshinayana-samkranti, he bought, by paying the cost, from Rajaya and Senaya of the Nargavunda' family in the village of Kōmnijavāda in the khampana of Kōdavalli in the province of Mirinji two nivartanas of non-taxable land (mānya) that had the rights of Nargavundas, measured by the Kundi pole, and a plot for a house twenty-four cubits in extent with the eight rights, etc.; then he added thereto from the land in the village, four nivartanas measured by the same pole, and thus made six nivartanas of land free from tax, etc., ... [constructed] a house 24 cubits in extent and another 48 cubits in extent: thus in all 72 cubits in extent. All these had the rights of the Nargavuṇḍas. In Brahmapuri, in the presence of (the god) śri-Khēḍādityadeva, he gave two nivartanas of land measured by the same pole with a house 24 cubits in extent along with eight rights, etc., to twelve Brahmins for their food with rice of white grains, with broth made of adhaki and other pulses, with ghee, butter-milk and four vegetables and for tambula.
(Ll. 39-44) Then there are these eight Brahmins all of them intent on religious practices: Gangadhara-Chaturvedi-Bhaṭṭopadhyaya of Gautama-gotra, Govinda-kramavid of Bharadvājagötra, Bhaskara-Chaturvedin of Atri-götra, Nārāyaṇa-bhaṭṭa of Jamadagnya-Vatsa-götra, Madhava of Bharadvaja-gōtra, Vamana of Kasyapa-gotra, Vishnu-bhaṭṭa of Dhananjaya-göōtra and Vamana of Bharadvaja-götra. To each of them were granted 400 vappakas measured by the same pole and to each a house six cubits in extent. Similarly for the repairs of the broken parts, etc., of the Trikuṭa-prāsāda 400 vappakass were given by the same measure.
(LL 44-47) This sarva-namasya (grant) which is free from all obstacles, which is faultless with regard to its income and which is not to be touched by finger (even) by the royal officers, is made to last as long as the sun and the moon after a libation of water and a washing of the feet. The Mahajanas" of Brahmapuri shall protect all these religious gifts.
(Verses 9-10) [These are two of the well-known imprecatory verses.]
(L. 48) Auspicious glory.
1 Vidanurittyä is probably to be taken as meaning following the custom of a vidu (i.e., camp)'. It reminds us of a similar expression in Kannada grants bidinol meaning in the camp'.
■ Närgavundas are those who are now known as Nadagaudas, a Kannada word meaning headmen of the country'.
Magila means a site for a house.
The meaning of malavam, etc., is not clear. The same phrase is spelt differently in 11. 34 and 38.
• It should be noted that some names are in singular and some in plural.
• Vappaka is a measure.
• Mahajanas were members of a particular assembly probably something like our Panchas.
My thanks are due to my colleague Prof. K. G. Kundangar who helped me in translating certain technical terms in the plates.

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No. 6.]
HIDDA INSCRIPTION OF THE YEAR 28.
No. 6.-HIDDA INSCRIPTION OF THE YEAR 28.
BY DR. STEN KONOW, OSLO. The credit for bringing this record to light belongs to Professor F. W. Thomas. In a paper contributed to the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1915, pp. 91 ff., he draws attention to sume remarks by Masson about & Kharöshthi inscription he had found at Tope No. 13 of Hidda' on an earthen jar, and which he had copied. A lithographed reproduction is found opposite p. 262 of the Ariana Antiqua.
Professor Thomas further tells us that, in going through Masson's papers in the India Office Library, he found a number of attempts at decipherment of one or two Kharðshthi inscriptions', and one of them proved to be the very record reproduced in the old publication. There were several attempts, and Professor Thomas reproduced the most careful one and published his reading of the inscription, which was subsequently, with some alterations, reproduced in my edition of the record in the Corpus, pp. 157 ff.
The copy published by Professor Thomas is far from being satisfactory, but the way in which he was able to rearrange the sequence of the letters and bring out the meaning is highly to be admired. But now new material has come to hand, which makes it possible to read the legend with greater certainty.
In a letter of the 13th December 1935, Dr. E. H. Johnston writes: 'In the course of cataloguing the Masson papers in the India Office Library, I have come across & number of copies of the inscription on the Hiddah jar........ Most date from after Masson's return to England early in 1842 and have no special value....... Three however are on blue paper; one neems to be a new working copy, written out for an attempted transliteration. The others are on two strips of paper, which Masson pasted on to another sheet of paper after his return to England.'
Fuller particulars about these last-mentioned copies were given in another letter from Dr. Johnston of the 13th January 1936: The copies are on two strips of blue foolscap, measuring 55 by 315 millimetres and 98 by 313 millimetres, respectively. I regard them as Masson's originale for various reasons. That he looked on them as particularly important is shown by the fact that he has cut them out of the particular sheet on which they were and pasted them on to another sheet; this must have been done after his return to England, as the kind of paper on to which they have been pasted shows. Masson used this blue foolacap almost exclusively in 1834 and many of his original sketches of the Topes of Hiddah and Chaharbagh are on similar paper, having been done that year (1834) at the time of excavation. The writing is done with a broader pen than he was in the habit of using. There are at least a dozen copies of this inscription among his papers, most of them made after he had left Afghanistan, and in every case except this the copy was evidently made in order to put between the lines an attempt at transliteration. No room has been left for such writing on these strips, though you will notice some remains of such an attempt at the bottom. I imagine the first strip was left incomplete after writing the first line because of the disfigurement by blots.'
With the kind permission of Dr. Randle, the Librarian of the India Office, excellent photographs of these strips have been prepared, and I have been authorized to make use of them for an eventual new edition of the record.
There cannot be any doubt that Dr. Johnston is right in considering these strips as Masson's original draft And we can also see that the incomplete strip is the first one. It has partly been corrected in the second. And we shall find several certain indications which show that the copies reproduced in the Ariana Antigua and in Professor Thomas' plate have been made from our strips.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXIII.
The arrangement of the letters is the same as in the published plates, and it is clear that the two lines of the inscription ran all round the jar, and that Masson failed to see where the record begins. Professor Thomas' ingenious restoration of the sequence is absolutely certain, and I shall follow it in my ensuing remarks, using the abbreviations A for the Ariana Antiqua plate, B for the copy published by Professor Thomas, I for the first strip and II for the second.
The first word is correctly given as sambat sarae in I. In II the anu svāra hook is more rounded, and Masson has added an e-mätrā above saṁ, probably because the top of the akshara was blurred. This wrong e-stroke is then found both in A, which here faithfully reproduces II, and in B, which represents a combination of I and II.
The ensuing athavitatihi 20 4 4 do not call for any remark. We can only see that Masson first misread the vi, but corrected it in II.
Then follows mase with a bottom stroke crossed by a horizontal, bent downwards at both ends and surmounted by a curved upright, below se in I, while these additions have been omitted in II, evidently as the result of closer inspection, so that we must certainly read mase. The bottom strokes return, however, in B, where they are the same as in I, and in A, where there is only a long horizontal.
Then comes Apelae in I. In II the pe and the final e have been slightly modified. In A pe has been misread as pi, and la, which is a little misshapen in I, has been miswritten. In B the two different forms of e have been entered, that of II in the line, that of I, slightly misshapen, above.
The ensuing sasthehi is quite clear; but it is hardly probable that sta with the vertical to the right had a different sound from the ordinary sta. The word itself is, as we know, Iranian, ef. Av. sand- 'to appear', Khotani Saka sasta- ' appeared'. Between the letters sa and sthe there is in II a long vertical stroke. It is impossible to tell why Masson has inserted it.
The hi of the following daśahi is misdrawn in II, the bottom having been continued into the preceding ea, causing a break in the left bar of the latter. Both forms are reproduced in B.
The i of the enguing isa (not ide as read by Professor Thomas) has an angular top in I, and this form recurs in A, and also in B, where, however, the rounded form of II is added above the line; da is misshapen in A, and in B & second form has been added above the line, we cannot say from which source.
In the word pratisthapita we can clearly follow the process of deterioration. I is quite clear, though the upright of stha is separated from the cross-bar. In II the horizontal of pra protrudes slightly to the left of the vertical, and the bottom of the final ta has been lengthened, and a short vertical has been added, so that the akshara looks almost like to. The results can be seen in the apparent phra, the disjointed atha and the misshapen ta of A, and in the similar pra and the splitting up of tistha into three aksharas in B.
In the word read as [rahavartimi by Professor Thomas, we can now see that the apparent hook which he took to be a mutilated ja is a clear ma. The preceding ra shows a short horizontal stroke protruding to the left just above the bottom in I, so that we could think of reading ro. But it is absent in II, and as the same rama recurs in l. 2, the reading seems to be certain. Rama can hardly be anything else than the name of a person, probably the Indian name, which aiready occurs in the Rigvēda.
The akshara following after rama looks like tam, but can also be a shortened cursive ram. Then conies an evidently misdrawn letter in I, while II has an unmistakable fia. A and B give both forms, one above the other, and here again clearly show their dependence on I and II. With the ensuing mi we thus get ramatamfiami or ramaranhami. If it were possible to assume a

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No. 6.]
HIDDA INSCRIPTION OF THE YEAR 28.
37
doublet tanya besides taniya own', which we read on a Tor Dherai potsherd, we might think of connecting ramatarNami with the following thubami 'in the Stūpa belonging to Räma', but we have no reason for supposing the existence of such a variant, taniya itself being doubtful and probably only the final portion of ataniya. The word raña, Skr. aranya 'wood, grove', on the other hand, occurs in connection with thuba on the Kurram casket.
The Räma wood' is then the name of the place where the stupa was situated, and most probably the real name. Cf. passages such as Takhasilae nagare-utarena prachu detoKshema nama-alra...... sariram (pra*]tithaveti 'in the town of Takshasilā, to the north, the eastern quarter,-Khema by name,-here he establishes a relic' (Taxila copper-plate, with the enumerating idiom which we know so well from Marathi); ime pradistavita bhagavato dhatuo dhammaraže Taksha si[la* Je tanuvae bosi(dhi)satvagahami 'these relics of the Lord were established in the Buddha relic-stūpa of Takshasilā, in his own Bodhisattva-chapel' (Taxila silver scroll); Chhadasilae sarira pražstaveli gahathubami in Chhadasilā he establishes & relic in the house-stūpa ' ; Vagramarig(r)aviharam(r)i thu[ba]m(r)i bhag(t)avada Sakyamune sarira parithavets
in the Vagramariya vibāra, in a stūpa, he (sc. Vagramariya) establishes & relic of the Lord Sakyamuni' (Wardak vase), etc. The last-mentioned passage shows that such a name can be derived from the name of a living person.
In my edition of the Kalawān record I have shown that the list of Yakshas in the Mahamīvüria contains details which may be of interest in connection with Kharoshthi inscriptions, but that the forms of the names used in the Māyūri must sometimes be checked by the help of the Chinese and Tibetan versions of the work. I believe that such is also the case with reference to our record.
In the Mahāmāyüri l. 83 we read : Larkesvaras ca Kapisyan Marici Rāmakakshayam' the lord of Lanka (i.e., Rävaņa, is the Yaksha) in Kapisi, Mārici in Rämakakshā.'
Now the arrangement of the various localities in the Mahāmāyuri is roughly geographical and we are probably justified in assuming that Rāmakakshā should be looked for in Afghanistan. Professor Helmer Smith has drawn my attention to the fact that the irregular form -kakshayām for -kakshāyām may point to some corruption. Of the Chinese versions one has lo-mo-k'i-lo, i.e., Rāmakhile, which is just as unsuitable in the rhythm as Rāmakakshāyām. Yi-tsing gives o-lomo-lin the forest of Rāma', and the Tibetan translation dga-bahi tshan-tshin the wood of the pleasant one'. From these renderings we learn that the literal meaning of the name was Rāma wood', and from the fact that Mārichi and not Rāma is mentioned as the Yaksha of the place. we must necessarily draw the inference that the Räma wood was not considered to be a grove dedicated to a Yaksha or other supernatural being called Rāma, but as a place founded or owned by a person of the name Rāma.
As indicated above, the Rāma-grove was most probably situated in Afghanistan, and I think that we are justified in assuming that it was the very same 'Rama-grove' which is mentioned in our record. Since the inscription in l. 2 contains wishes for the welfare of Rāma, he was probably at that time the owner of the wood, and we may draw the inference from the Mahāmāyuri that his name stuck to the place also in later times, after his death.
The Hidda inscription would then be the oldest record in which this Rāma-grove' is mentioned. It is, besides, written in proge, and we have every reason for assuming that it contains the genuine form of the name. The author of the Mahāmāyuri, who, according to Professor
10.1. I., Vol. II, Pt. I, p. 176. * Kalawan inscription, Ep. Ind., Vol. XXI, pp. 251 ff.
Of. the late Sylvain Lévi's important paper, J. 4., XI, it, 1916, pp. 19 f.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXIIL
Smith's observations, is remarkably careful with regard to the rhythm, could not use Rämäranye in his verse. He therefore chose a synonym of aranya, as indicated by Yi-tsing and the Tibetan translation. Khila might be a translation of aranya, taking this to mean wilderness, desert', but the word does not suit the metre and is evidently a later 'improvement'. Kakshayām might be considered as a metrical license instead of kakshāyām, but then kakshä is not known to have had the meaning 'wood, forest'. Kaksha, on the other hand, has this sense, and it is, therefore, I think, probable that the author of the Mahāmāyüri wrote Rāmakakshake, and that this was subsequently changed to - kakshayām by somebody who did not know that there was 8 'Rāma wood', but knew the word kakshā.
After ramararami both I and II have thubami sanghamitrena pavakarmiana, i.e., navakariena ' in the stūpa, through the Navakarmika Sanghamitra'. The shape of gha is a little irregular, and the loop is half open in II, which has led to a misshapen gha, with the better form above it, in B. No importance can be attached to the fact that the initial na of pavakarmiselna looks like a cerebral na. Since we have a dental na in the beginning of nirvana-, 1. 2, it is clear that the two characters are not distinguished in such a way that the apparent n is used when initial and the apparent n between vowels, in which case we should have to assume that » in reality denotes the dental, and n the lingual . It is, on the contrary, probable that the clear distinction between and n which we find in the Dutreuil de Rhins manuscript only corresponds to the actual state of things in a restricted area and is partly due to the influence of literary tradition, while the North-Western Prakrit generally only knew the dental n.
The designation navakarmika is used in two other Kharoshthi records. In the Taxila copper plate we read, according to Professor Thomas' evident correction, mahadanapati Patika saja woajhae[na*] Rohinimitrena ya imami sangharame navakarmika 'the great gift-lord Patika together with the Upadhyaya Röhipimitra, who is navakarmika in this Vihāra'. The Mänikials inscription, l. 12 runs sadha Budhilena navakarmigena 'together with the navakarmika Buddhils'. The term is also met with in Brahmi inscriptions, of. Professor Lüders' List, and in several passages in Pali literature, to which Professor Smith has been good enough to give me some references. According to Kaccāyana 353, Saddaniti 786-& nåvakammika is one who is entrusted with a novakamma, a monk or & nun selected by the Samgha in order to act on its behalf. Vinaya Pitaka II, 159, 11. 22 ff., we read about people who undertake some navakamma and take care of the monks who supervise the work (napakammam adhitthenti), and the Buddha gives instructions about the choice of such bhikkhus. A navakammika monk is to be zealous so that a Vibāra may be completed quickly and dilapidated portions repaired (navakammiko, bhikkhave, bhikkhu wasukkan äpajjissati kinti mu ktho viharo khippan pariyosānam gaccheya ti, khandaphullari pafisamkharissati), and he should be selected by the Samgha after such assistance has been requested by some householder. In Vinaya Pitaka IV, 211, Sajha wants to build a Vihara and asks for & nun es navakammikā, and the bhikkhunisamgha deputes the nun Sundarfnandã for the purpose. She constantly repairs to Salha's residence and asks for various implements (vāsim detha, pharasuni detha, kuharin datha, kuddāla detha, mikhādanamh detha ti), while Bä]ha constantly goes to follow the progress of the work (katakatam jānitum). In accordance with such passages Buddhaghosa, Samantapăsădika on Vinaya Pifaka II, 160, L. 12 says that the navakammika does not do the manual work, but supervises the progress (laddhangoakammena bhikkhunā odaipharasu-mikhädanādini gahetud sayan na kätabbani, katakatan jānitabbant). In Vinaya
Protonor Turner has been good enough to tell me that in Shina Sk r egularly appears as -- and offe M .
Godingiache gelehrte Anzeigen, 1931, p. 6. • Profesor Thomas explains saja = sadya at present '. I identity it with Vedio and together.

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HIDDA INSCRIPTION OF THE YEAR 28.
Pitaka IV, 34, 11. 2 ff. we read about the Alavaka monks that they were engaged in navakamma (navakammari karontā), and that they cut down trees or had trees cut down. But one of the monks, who was felling a tree, was warned by its dēvatā not to destroy her dwelling in order to make one for himself, and the Buddha speaks about the offence in connection with the destruction of life which was inevitable when a tree was cut.
A navakammika may reside for a prolonged period at one place. In Vinaya Pițaka II, 15, 11. 29 ft. we read about the venerable Sudhamma, who stayed with the householder Chitta as his navakanmika, and in Jätaka IV, 310, 11, 13 f. about residence as navakammika in & great Vihara in Kajangala (äväsiko hotu mahāvihäre, navakanmiko hotu Kajangalāyan), and the commentary here speaks of a dilapidated Vihara (jinnavihara), i.e., one in need of repairs.
It is evident from the above quotations that the navakamma was of different kinds, from the building of a Vihara down to various sorts of repairs. Manorathapūrani I, 31, 1. 15 speaks of a navakanumika in connection with Uposatha halls, almshouses, etc. (uposathāgarabhojanasālādini), and such work was formerly considered as a good means of banishing distracting thoughts (porānakapandita pana navakamman katrā pi vitakkan pachhindińsu, Papafichasüdani II, 91, 1. 18). And in Vinaya Pitaka II, 172 we hear of several minor kind of navakamma such as heaping up clay or earth, replastering & wall, making a door or & socket for a bolt, white-washing, etc.
A navakarmika is consequently in most cases a monk, acting on behalf of the Samgha in supervising new buildings, repairs, etc., and such was evidently the case with Sarghamitra. What he had to superintend may have been the erection of the Stūpa, or some repairs, or even only the putting down of the relic.
For the second line the new material consists of one copy only, viz. II. As seen by Professor Thomas, we must evidently begin with the sixth akshara from the end.
The first word is certainly edena, though the e- stroke of de is curved and joined to the upright in such & way that Masson in A and B has introduced a small loop.
The next word was correctly read as kusalamulena by Professor Thomas, who pointed out that the u of ku and the final na are missing. The new copy shows definitely that I was wrong in assuming that the ensuing e was misdrawn for na. After sa follows in II what looks like a second ta, corrected to na, and then a cancelled letter which looks as an unsuccessful attempt at writing a la. In A both these letters are clumsily imitated, one above the other, while B seems to combine them into one misshapen akshara. What looks like da corrected to na might be the na we miss after le, in which case we would have to infer that it had been mieplaced in the original. It is, however, more probable that Masson has forgotten to cancel it properly. The dot before the ensuing la is, as Dr. Johnston informs me, not in ink, but the remains of a drop of moisture.
Then follows, as read by Professor Thomas, etesha dharmana, where the final na is misshapen in A.
The next aksharas were read lokika vija by Professor Thomas, while I suggested to read abhibhuti. The new copy clearly shows that the first akshara was la. A comparatively long sloping line descends towards the left from the underside of the hook of la, which itself is continued on to the vertical. It might be taken to be the o- stroke, which, however, protrudes from the vertical in other inscriptions. It is therefore possible that it is of the same kind as the superfluous and meaningless stroke between 8a and 8the in sasthehi II, 1. 1. It is considerably shortened in B and it has led to a distorted sign in A. The next akshara is certainly bhi, as stated by Professor Thomas, and the new copy clearly shows that it is followed by bhadima.

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The curve of ma is here narrower than in rama, 1. 1, and we understand how Masson has come to write the hook which has been misinterpreted as a mutilated ja. If we bear in mind that the nom. pl. of in-bases frequently ends in i in Päli and Prakrit, it becomes evident that we must translate labhi (or, lobhi) bhavima may we become possessed (or, desirous) of,' and the usual wording of such wishes in other texts favours the reading labhi.
With regard to the ensuing yasha, which is perfectly clear in all copies, it is, of course, possible that it corresponds to Skt. yat shat. But, in the first place, we should expect sho for shat, and, in the second, the parallelism with the preceding etesha dharmana leads us to expect yesha, so that ya is probably a miswriting or misreading for ye. But then it seems almost certain that the akshara following after dharma must be nam and not kha, so that we must read dharmanam. The use of na instead of na does not make any difficulty, as we have already seen. As a matter of fact the akshara in question looks more like nam than kha. And there is also another difficulty in reading kha. This kha would have to be connected with the following e to khae, corrresponding to Skt. kshaye. But the regular development of old ksha in our dialect is to become a sound written with a sign which has been variously transliterated ksha and chha, and which clearly denotes the cerebral affricative known from Dardic.1
It cannot be objected that the anusvära is suspicious. We have the same uncertainty in kshunammi, ramñami, thubami. I shall only mention in passing that in all other instances of the genitive plural in our record a consonant follows, while here the next sound is a vowel. But it may be worth while remembering that final am is written a in the Dutreuil de Rhins manuscript, and still we can see that the final nasal made itself felt, so that, e.g., Päli siham va is represented by siha ba and not siha va.
E must then be taken to the following akshara, which we now see cannot be ba but must be ta, a reading which Professor Thomas mentions as possible.
Then follows what he read as dho, but which looks much more like vo and may be the enclitic personal pronoun of the second plural, used in a weakened sense you see, much like the corresponding u in Khotani Saka.
The next two aksharas seem to be syeta; A has syata. I do not any more think that we can adopt Professor Thomas' emendation of tavosyeta to bodhisatva, because Masson's new copy seems to be so reliable throughout. The only way of explaining syeta I can think of is that the e above sya has come in in the same way as the e of sembatsarae in II 1. 1, as also assumed by Professor Thomas, and that there has been an invisible i-matra in ta. I would therefore read syati and translate: may we become possessed of these dharmas of which dharmas this may be, i.e., of which dharmas the following may consist (or, be the cause).
The next passage can be read without any doubt, as done by Professor Thomas: sarira sarvasatvana nirvanasambharae bhavatu. The final ra of sarira is provided with a small hook, which has become a regular anusvära in A, but there is no reason for reading sariram. The r-loop of (sa)rva runs into the vertical of the preceding sa; the top of the sa of satvana has been connected with the upright of the va of tva, and there is an apparent bar to the right of the vertical of rea in nirvana, which evidently is only the disjointed continuation of the istroke of the preceding ni. The result is that we find various distortions both in A and in B which here again clearly show their dependence on II. Sarva looks like sam and a mutilated rea; satvana has been split up and mutilated in different ways; the rea of nirvana looks
Cf. Turner, Gypsy Lore Society, Monographs No. 4, p. 11.
The form avalasa va (A 15) shows that we have to do with the acc. pl., and that abalassam in the Dhammapada is due to a misunderstanding of the original.

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HIDDA INSCRIPTION OF THE YEAR 28.
41.
almost like rka, and in B slightly differing forms have been added above the na of this word. In A, moreover, the bha of sambharae, has been slightly distorted.
The whole sentence is a blessing of the same kind as the final clause of the Taxila silver scroll. We may only be in doubt whether sarira should be connected with the preceding eta, in which case we might think of construing y[e*]sha dharmanam with nirvanasambharae and taking bhavatu as a further explanation of syeta, i.e., syati 'to the nirvana equipment of which dharmas for all beings this your sarira might serve'. Such an explanation seems, however, to be rather hard, and it is more in accordance with the usual formula to translate: out of which dharmas this may result: let the sarira be for the nirvana equipment of all beings', or, more probably, of which dharmas this your sarira may consist (or, be the cause). Let it be for the nirvana equipment of all beings'.
As already indicated the next word is clearly ramasa, and the suspicious form rajasa instead of raño of the king' disappears from the dialect. The form rajasa in the Niya inscriptions corresponds to Skt. rajyasya.
Then comes a difficult akshara, which Professor Thomas describes as an unintelligible form, which seems to contain a y.' He read the ensuing letters as griprachamya and added: 'We have a sufficiency of parallels to prove that the idea intended is that conveyed by the word agrapratyamsa, and we are free to choose between two suppositions: either there has been a misreading of agraprachamsa (confusion of ya and sa being easy), or the inscription had employed a synonym, possibly agraprachāya-agrapratyāya, in which the second member had the (rare) sense of "tribute," "share"".
C
As long as we did not know Masson's original copy, we were justified in assuming that his reproductions were not quite reliable. Now we cannot do so any more, and we must assume that the unintelligible' letter, which has become quite disfigured in A and B, is a fairly reliable copy of what Masson saw on the jar. So far as I can see, it is possible to read it as no, the akshara being turned backwards in a similar way as the de of edena, but it is more probable that we have to do with a misshapen a. Then follows griprachaya. The p of pra shows the same protrusion, only more pronounced, as in pratisthapita 1. 1. The same is the case in A, and also in B, where we find two slightly varying attempts at rendering the akshara. The bottom of cha is curved like the bottom of dha, but it does not seem possible to read cham. Prachaya may represent Skt. pratyaya as well as pratyāya. The latter word is, so far as I know, only found in lexicographical works as one of the meanings of kara, e.g., in Hemachandra's Anekarthasangraha 405 karaḥ pratyaya-sundayöḥ raśmau varshōpalē pānau 'kara means toll, trunk, ray, hail, hand.' We have no right to assume that it could mean 'share'. Moreover, it is a priori unlikely that prachaya in a Buddhist inscription is anything else than the well-known pratyaya, Pāli pacchaya.
If the reading a is correct, we thus have ramasa agri prachaya, where agri-agre. It is hardly allowed to connect this agri with the ensuing prachaya into a compound. There cannot however, in my opinion, be much doubt that Professor Thomas was right in supposing that what is meant is to invoke a blessing on Rama as the person who is to receive the principal share of the punya connected with the establishment of the relic, just as we read in the Wardak vase inscription mahiya cha Vag(r)amareg(r)as(r)a agrabhag(r)apad(r)iyamsae bhavatu
may it be for the sharing in the principal lot for myself Vagramareya,' where the person there singled out is the owner of the Vihara, which fact makes me inclined to think that Rama in our inscription occupied a similar position, i.e., that he was the donor or owner of the Stupa and not an eponymous Yaksha.

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If I am right about the prerport of the sentence, (a)gri means or it is ' in future,' the locative of agra 'first, principal,' and means about the same thing as agrapratyamsa. With regard to prachaya, if it is not miswritten for prachasa, i.e., prachanga=pratyamsa, we may doubt whether it is to be taken as a nominative or as an ablative, but the former seems to me to be the proper explanation.
I cannot finish these times without paying my tribute to Professor Thomas for the sagacity and ingeniousness with which he has succeeded in solving almost all the problems connected with the Hidda record at the hand of the inferior reproductions at his disposal. And I should also like to give expression to my admiration of Masson's achievement. Without apparently understanding a single word he has left us a reliable and extremely careful copy, which gives an almost perfect reproduction of the original.
With some confidence I then give the following text and translation.
TEXT. L 1-sambatkarse athaviếatihi 20 4 4 mase Apelae sasthehi dasahi 10 isa kshunammi pratisthapita Sariya Ramaramñami thubami Samghamitrena pavakarmiana(-ena.).
L 2 edena k[usalamule[na*) etesha dharmana labhi bhavima y[e*]sha dharmaņam eta Vo ayeta (syati) barira sarvasatana dirvanasambharae bhavatu Ramasa agri prachaya.
TRANSLATION. In the twenty-eighth-28-year, in the month Appellaios, after ten---10-had appeared, in this instant was established & relie in the Rāma grove, in the Stūpa by Samghamitra the superintendent of work. Through this root of bliss, might we become recipients of these dharmas; of which dtarmas this your relic may be. Let it lead to nirvāņa equipment for all beings and be the support in future for, the cause for the foremost share) for Rāma.
No. 7.-THREE MAUKHARI INSCRIPTIONS ON YUPAS : KRITA YEAR 295.
BY PROF. A. 8. ALEKAR, DENARES HINDU UNIVERSITY. The three Maukhari inscriptions, that are being published here for the first time, were discovered by me at Badvă in Kotah State in Rājputäna on the 1st of March 1936 in the course of a tour of archeological exploration organised by the State Historian, Dr. Mathuralal, at the instance of the Kotah government. Badvā is a large village, about 5 miles south-west of Antah, á railway station on the Kotah-Bina line of the G. I. P. Railway. The stone pillars, on which the inscriptions are engraved were at the time of their discovery situated outside the village, about half a mile to its east, at a locality known as Thamb-Tõran which is obviously a vernacular form of the Straktit espression Sttembha-Törana. This name was probably given to the locality, about 1,700 years ago, when two stone structures, partially resembling an arch, were raised there by the erection of four sacrttrcial posts by the Maukhari rulers, then ruling over the territory. At the time of their discovery only three of these pillars were in adtu, one inclined at an angle of about -80°, Kuid the other two tying flat on the ground. One of the latter pillare had to be raised before inkimpressions of its inscription could be taken, as it had fallen with the inscribed side downwards. The remnants of the fourth pillar could be found at a distance of about two furlongs, where a
1 The Kotab government is taking steps to remove these pillars to Kotah.

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No. 7.]
THREE MAUKHARI INSCRIPTIONS ON YUPAS: KRITA YEAR 295.
43
portion of it was discovered converted into & sati stone. On one side of this stone are still to be seen the letters yajño of the original inscription of the 3rd century A. D. It is therefore clear that this fourth pillar also bore an inscription, similar to, but not identical in its contents with those on the other three.
The two pillars of the front row were separated from each other by a distance of about 25 feet. The rear row, of which only one pillar was in situ, stood behind the first at a distance of about 25 yards. The ends of the yüpas turn inwards to their proper right, as will be seen from the accompanying photograph; two yūpas, standing at a distance of about 25 feet with their inclined portions facing each other, must have appeared like the lower portions of a törana. This may have been the reason, as I have already suggested, for the name Stambha-Torana being given to the locality, probably ever since the time of the erection of the pillars.
Each of the three pillars is described as a yüpa in the inscription engraved upon it. Sacred texts declare that yūpas should be made of wood. The Kätyāyana-Srautasútra vividly describes the expedition for securing a suitable stump for this purpose how the tree is to be felled, how its superfluous branches are to be chopped, etc. Different results are promised to the sacrificer according to the tree that may be selected for making the yūpa. The Aitarēya-Brahmana lays down that the yüpa itself was to be offered as an oblation at the end of the sacrifice. No wooden yūpas have, however, been so far discovered. The stone ones, that we have come across so far, begin from the 2nd century A. D., and seem to be an innovation introduced for commemorative purposes by the advocates of the Vedic revival, probably with a view to emulate Buddhist pillars like those of Asoka. We have so far discovered only four complete stone yūpas, besides the present three. In the early centuries of the Christian era the stone yūpas, commemorating different sacrificers, must have been fairly common; otherwise the word yüpa would not have acquired the sense of a jaya-stambha."
It is interesting to note that the practice of erecting commemorative yūpas runs counter to the sentiments expressed in this connection by the authors of the Grihyasūtra and Dharmasūtra literature. Their writers probably flourished just after the time of the Upanishadic and Buddhist revolt against the practice of slaughter of animals in sacrifices. Many of them like Väsishtha, Baudhiyana, Vishnu and Asvalāyana declare that the touch of a yüpa is as polluting as that of a funeral pyre or a woman in her courses; the Hiranyakëti-Grihyasūtra says that by touching & yüpa one brings upon oneself the guilt of whatever faults may have been committed in the sacrifice.16 It would appear that with the revival of Vedic sacrifices, the leaders of society and of the new movement ceased to subscribe to the above views of the Dharmaśāstra writers
1 In the inscriptons on the pillars completely preserved the word yaj o does not ooour. *VI, 3. * II, 1.
The wooden post, bearing a fragmentary inscription, discovered at Kirari (ante, Vol. XVIII, p. 152), does not look like a yüpa. It has a kalaba at the top, which no sacred text recommends in the case of yūpa. Its inscription is too fragmentary to determine whether it was a yüpa. . Cf. er fufe e tcurtfararaza: WENT
format : Raghuvanda, VI, 38.
.Of. affermato carerrafelgueye efect vog turu afar IV, 31. 'I, 5, 9, 5. .22, 69.
III, 6, 8. 10 of. Tugaveta i sfee ure ufarejafer T 1642 TL 1,5, 16, 18, Tho commentator HTET adda-fefafa yafacetE unit afatet WEAT-11

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and began to encourage the construction of stone yūpas as a triumphant and enduring testimony to the revival of the old Vedic religion. Yüpa is a veritable thunderbolt, says the Aitarēya-Brāhmana. Hindu champions of the revival of the Vedic religion were obviously te groud of their commemorative stone yüpas as Indra was of his thunderbolt.
Detailed instructions have been given in the Vedic literature about the shape and size of the sacrificial post. The height was rigidly fixed only in the case of the Vājapěya sacrifice, where the post had to be made 17 cubits high ; in the case of other sacrifices it could vary from five to fifteen cubits. After the leaves and branches of the stem were cut off, it was to be given an octagonal shape, for that was the shape of the thunderbolt of Indra, and yūpa is a thunderbolt. The stem was not to be straight, it was to be curved both at the top and the centre, the concavity in either case facing the same side. It was never to be made tapering at the top, for such a post was supposed to hasten the death of the sacrificer. At a distance of two to eight inches from the top of the post was to be slipped in a ring or kațaka, technically known as chashāla, which also had naturally to be octagonal in shape. Yüpa resembled in its external appearance a Brahmacharin; so it had a girdle at its centre and a triple upavita across it. It was to be covered by a number of cloths.? - These detailed instructions about the nature of the yūpas do not seem to have been known to the sculptors responsible for the construction of the stone yūpas of King Mūlavarman of Borneo; for they are roughly dressed stones of irregular shape. In India, however, the Hindu revivalist tried to conform to the requirements of the sacred texts as far as possible. Thus none of the complete and undamaged yūpas discovered so far is pointed at the end. They all bend at the top. The yūpas on the Asvamēdha coins of Samudragupta show a bend at the middle also; the omission of this feature in the case of stone yūpas-for we do not find it on a single yüpa so far discovered-is probably to be attributed to a greater regard being paid to artistic beauty than to the injunctions of the sacred texts. A stone pillar showing a bend in the middle and at the top would be hardly graceful. The portion above the ground of the three yüpas at Badvā is octagonal; the underground shaft of two of them is, however, square. The shafts of the yüpas discovered at Isāpur and Bijayagadho are, however, square at the bottom and octagonal above. This departure from the requirements as laid down in the sacred texts also seems to be due to architectural considerations. A pillar square at the bottom and octagonal above was probably regarded as more graceful than one octagonal throughout. The
1 II, 1.
: Katyāyana-Srautasūtra, VI, 3. The cubit is to be the cubit of the Yajamana. The Satapatha-Brähmana, however, allows any height for the yupa; see III, 6, 4, 26.
Aitarēya-Brāhmana, II, 1. The Satapatha-Brāhmaṇa connects the eight sides of the shaft of the post to the eight syllables of each line of the Gayatri metre (V, 2, 1, 5). This is a fanciful reason.
The Satapatha-Brähmana requires it to be a fetuar and not worth, XI, 7, 4, 3; the Katyayana-Srautasūtra lays down that it should be
4 VI, 1. Cf. Satapatha-Brahmana, XI, 7, 4, 3; Y T ..
Hafa y a 76 I EN 9 कुरुते पुरा हायुषोऽम लोकमेति।
Katyāyana-Srautasūtra, VI, 1, 26. Some authorities permitted a chashala made of wheaten dough. See Satapatha-Brāhmana, V, 2, 1, 6.
Salapatha-Brahmana, III, 7, 1, 21. For the resemblance between the sacrificial post and a Brahmacharin, Bee Rigvēda, III, 8, 4 & 5.
Vogel, The Yüpa inscriptions of King Mülavarman from Koetei, p. 202, [As Dr. B. C. Chhabra has pointed out, they might not have been intended to represent sacrificial posts; 800 J. A. S. B. Letters, Vol. I (1995). p. 41-Ed.).
Annual Report, 4. 8. 1., 1910-11, pp. 40ff. Fleet. C. 1. J., Vol. III, p. 253.

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THREE MAUKHARI INSCRIPTIONS ON YUPAS: KRITA YEAR 295. 45
architect responsible for the yupa at Nandsā seems to have paid scanty regard to the sacred texts; for he has fashioned a pillar entirely circular. None of the pillars at Baḍva has a girdle at the middle; we can, however, see it clearly on the yupas of the Asvamedha coins of Samudragupta and on one of the two Isapur pillars. Our yupas, like all the rest discovered so far, do not show any upavita. Nor do they show any cloths carved round them. Probably it was felt that it would not be easy to show this detail in stone, and so the architects in all cases. discovered so far, have omitted it. Cloths fluttering like banners at the ends of the yupas on the coins of Samudragupta seem to be the ends of the cloths with which the yupa was to be covered. The yupas on these coins have pedestals; no traces of these were discovered near the yupas at Badva. Sacred texts do not recommend them.
The total height of two of our yupas is 13' 3" and that of the third 15' 8"; the length of the shaft underground is about 4' in each case. Each of them has a square chashala about eight inches from the top, as laid down in the sacred texts. The portion above the chashala bends inwards, as is the case with all the other sacrificial pillars discovered so far.
The inscriptions on these yupas have been written not in horizontal lines, as is the case with the Isapur pillar, but in one long vertical line, reading from the top to the bottom, and about 8 feet in length. The inscription on the yupa of Balasimha, however, is written in two such vertical lines on two different facets of the octagonal pillar owing to some natural defect in the stone in the first facet. Each of these lines is 4 feet and 8 inches long. The height of the normal letters is about 1-8", of letters with verticals like ka, ra, etc., about 4", of conjunct letters like kla, sya, etc., 4" and of conjuncts with medial vowels like tri about 6". The letters on the yupa of Balasimha are slightly bigger and broader, and seem to have been engraved by a different mason, copying a manuscript written in a different duct. The Characters bear a general resemblance to those of the third century A. D. in general, and to those on the Nändsā yupa in particular, engraved 13 years earlier. We do not see here any precursors of the Eastern variety forms of the Gupta alphabet. Medial a and è strokes are still indicated by horizontal lines (except in some rare cases like de in Somadeva in inscription B) usually attached at the top. In mo of Mokhareḥ the vowel sign is attached in the middle. Ya has developed a lcop in its left limb, and when the last member of a conjunct, it shows all possible varieties of form. Sometimes it is archaic,-tripartite and with a curved back (cf. sya in suklasya in the first line of the record of Balasimha; in this same inscription, however, is to be seen the relatively later bipartite form in -simhasya). Normally, however, this letter shows a loop on the left. In inscription C, there is the stop m at the end; it is denoted by the normal form of the letter ma, but smaller in size and written below the line as is usually found in the writing of this period.
Numerical Symbols for 200, 90 and 5 occur in each of the three records. The signs for 90 and 5 are the usual ones for the period, but the additional stroke attached to the symbol for hundred in order to convert it into 200 is rather unusual. Instead of a short horizontal stroke being attached to the vertical, in each of the three inscriptions we find the horizontal stroke first talen upwards and then led right across the top of the symbol to more than half its breadth. That this modified symbol stands for two hundred is rendered absolutely certain by its being identical in form with the symbol used in the Nändsa yupa inscription. In the latter record the
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. LVIII, p. 53.
Allan, The Catalogue of the Coins of the Gupta Dynasties, Pl. V, Nos. 9-14.
Possibly the garlands round the top of the Yupas discovered at Isapur may have been intended as substitutes for the upavita.
The inscription on the Bijayagadh pillar is also vertical and written in the same manner. Ind. Ant., Vol. LVIII, p. 53,

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date is also expressed in words and the import of the numerical symbol engraved there is thus absolutely certain. As will be presently shown, the year 295 of the record has to be referred to the Vikrama era. The earliest known inscription of this era is that on the Nāndså yüpa, which is dated in the year 282. This record, however, has not yet been properly edited.
The Language of the record may be described as incorrect Sanskrit. Kritēhi at the begin. ning of the inscriptions seems to be a mistake for Kritaih. Among other mistakes may be pointed out Phalguna for Phālguna, panche for panchame and fri for fri. The reading dakshinyam is absolutely certain on the yüpa of Balasimha; it seems to be a mistake for dakshina. In the inscriptions on the yüpas of Somadēva and Balavardhana sahasran has been spelt as sahashrani. Usually no sandhi rules have been observed, the solitary exception being Mokharer-Bala-puttrasya in the inscription on the pillar of Balasimha.
Each record commemorates the performance of a Trirätra sacrifice. The Taittiriya-Samhita gives a detailed description of the origin and nature of this sacrifice. We are told that Prajāpati invented it for Vasus, Rudras and Adityas and won thereby the three worlds. The Säskhayana-Srautasütra declares that by the merit of this sacrifice, the sacrificer can win for himself whatever is threefold (trividha) in affairs both mundane and spiritual. This sacrifice is an amalgam of Agnishtöma, Ukthya and Atirätra sacrifices, performed on the first, second and third days respectively! Its full name is Garga-Trirätra; it was called Asvi-Tritātra if a horse was immolated on the second day. The wording of the concluding portion of each record, Trirätra-sanmi. tasya dakshinyan(na) gavām sahasran appears to be suggested by that of the concluding sentence of the description of this sacrifice in the Taittiriya-Samhita (VII, 15) where we read,
तदेतत्सहस्रायनं सहसं स्तोत्रियः सहसं दक्षिणा सहस्रसंमितः खर्गो लोकः।। The Maukhari sacrificers gave precisely the same amount of dakshiņā as prescribed by the sacred texts. As a matter of fact, Tritātra sacrifice has been described in one place as Sahasradakshina-Trirätra. Out of these 1,000 cows, 333 were to be given every day in groups of ten; the three that remained every day, along with the thousandth one, which was required to be variegated in colour, were to be given to the Höri on the last day of the sacrifice.
The fragmentary yūpa, discovered at Nagari, records the performance of a Vājapēya sacri. fice by at least three brothers. The three sacrificers at Badva, though brothers, chose to set different commemorative yūpas. Their number was four, but the name of the fourth sacrificer has perished along with his commemorative yüpa, of which only a fragment could be discovered and recovered.
The names of the brothers, whose memory has been preserved by their commemorative pillars, are Balavardhana, Somadöva and Balasimha. They are described as the sons of Mökhari Mahāsénāpati Bala.. The term Mökhari is a mere variant for Maukhari and thus our record, which is dated in the year 295 of the Vikrama era, is the earliest dated Man. khari record to be so far published. The Maukhari family of Bala is undoubtedly earlier than the house of Yajñavarman ruling in Bihār, as the former was ruling in Rājputāna in the first half of the 3rd century A. D., and Yajñavarman cannot be placed earlier than the fourth
1 Ibid.; ante, Vol. XIX, Appendix, p. 1, No. 1. · VII, 15. *XVI, 21. • Taittiriya-Samhita, VII, 15. . Sankhayana-Srautasūtra, XVI, 21. • Satapatha Br., XIII, 4, 2, 1. Memoirs, A. 8. I., Vol. IV, p. 120. [8 p. 52 n. 8 below,-Ed.)

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THREE MAUKHARI INSCRIPTIONS ON YUPAS : KRITA YEAR 295.
47
century A. D. The seal discovered by General Cunningham in Gayā district bearing the legend Mokhalinam in Asokan Brāhmi is still the earliest Maukhari document, but it bears no personal name.1
The term Maukhari connotes that the family was founded by a progenitor named Maukhara ;' if he was a real historical personage, we have now to place him earlier than the third century A. D. Whether the Maukhari families of Bihar, Kanauj and Badvā were all descended from him, we do not know. No evidence is available at present to establish any family connection between these three houses. The varman-ending names of the members of the Bihār and Kanauj Maukhari families, along with the epithet kshatrasthitēr=dētikaḥ given to one of the members of the former family, make it clear that they were Kshatriyas by caste. Three of the four names of the members of the new Maukhari family, Bala, Balavarddhana and Balasimha, confirm the same conclusion. It is also interesting to note that all these Maukhari rulers are seen to be zealous patrons of the Vedic sacrifices.
None of the Maukhari chiefs mentioned in these records were known to us so far. Bala, the head of the family, is designated as Mahāsēnāpati. It is, however, not easy to determine the precise political status denoted by this title. Sēnāpati, the title by which Pushyamitra, the founder of the Sunga dynasty, was known even to posterity, is a humbler title than the one given to Bala in our records. Bala, therefore, may well have been more than & mere general. In contemporary Andhra and Ikshvāku records, however, this title seems to denote a feudal chief of considerable importance, ruling over a fairly big district. It would appear that the Maukhari Commander-in-chief Bala was very probably enjoying a similar status. He does not seem to have been an independent ruler.
If he was not independent, whose feudatory was he? This question cannot be confidently answered at present. At the time of our record, i.e., in A. D. 239, the Kushāņas were too weak to exercise any paramount control over southern Rajputāna, even if we suppose that the accession of Kanishka took place in c. 120 A. D. From the very brief and imperfect summary of the Nändsk yüpa inscription published so far, it would appear that in A. D. 226, i.e.. 13 years earlier than the time of our record, the rule of the Western Kshatrapas extended up to Nāndsă, which is about 70 miles nearly due west of Badvā.10 It is therefore not improbable that the imperial overlord of
10.1.1., Vol. III, Introduction, p. 14. It may be pointed out that the facsimile of this important seal has never been published and that its present whereabouts are unknown.
See Kaiyata on the Patañjala Mahabhashya on Paņini IV, 1, 79. Our record does not conneot the May. kharis with Aśvapati, the Madra king, as does the Hapāhā record. The Madras were originally in the Punjab, and if the statement of the Hapāhā inscription is true, it is likely, as my colleague Dr. R. 8. Trpathi has suggested, that like the Mälēyas and Yaudhēyas, the Maukharis also may have had their home in the Punjab, from where they may have gradually migrated south-eastwards. If so, this movement must have begun very early : for we find the Maukharis in Bibār in the 3rd century B. C. It is, however, possible that the connection with Aévapati may be more Puranic than historical.
• C. I. I., Vol. III, Inscription No. 49.
. For the Bihár family's patronage of the Vedic religion, see ibid., Inscription No. 49, v. 1. For the Kanaal family's patronage see v. 7 of the Hapāhā inscription, ante, Vol. XIV, p. 116. These references are not merely conventional
A Mathurā inscription dated in the year 80 mentions Bala as a son of a certain lady (ante, Vol. I, p. 392, No. 24). If we place Kanishka in c. 120 A. D., then the date of this Bats would be c. 200 and-it-would be possible to identify him with Bala of our inscriptions. But from the fragmentary Mathura record it does not appear that Bala, mentioned therein, was a Maukhari.
• Ante, Vol. VIII, p. 94. ? Ante, Vol. XIX, p. 1. • Ibid., p. 6. . Ind. Ant., Vol. LVIII, p. 53. 10 Nandsă is 36 miles from the railway station Bhilwara on the Chitor-Ajmet Imer

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the Maukhari Commander-in-chief Bala was the Kshatrapa ruler Vijayadāman, who was ruling from A. D. 238 to 250.1 If agreeing with Prof. Rapson and disagreeing with Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar, we place Isvaradatta Abhira's intervention in A. D. 236, it is probable that Bala may have been compelled to transfer his allegiance to the interloper, provided he had made his power felt ap to Kotah.
From the Chandravalli inscription of Mayūrasarman, the famous founder of the Kadamba house, it appears that he had defeated the Pallavas, Punadas, Traikutakas, Abhiras, Päriyātrikas, Sakas and Maukharis. Since the record mentions specific kings and dynasties defeated, we cannot suppose that it contains mere empty boasts. All except the first two powers in the above list, belong to Central or Western India. The date of Mayūrafarman is, however, not definitely fixed, but I think the view of Dr. Krishna that he flourished about the middle of the 3rd century A. D., is to be preferred to that of Mr. Moraes who places him a century later. If such be the case, then our new Maukhari inscriptions will throw considerable light upon the political situation of the time. It has been suggested that the Maukharis defeated by Mayūrasarman were the Maukharis of Bihār; but it does not appear from the list of Mayūrasarman's victories that he had extended his sphere of activity much beyond Western. India. If, as suggested above, the Maukharis of Badvă were the feudatories of the Sakas (and of the Abhiras also during their temporary &scendancy), then it is very probable that the Maukharis whom Mayūraśarman defeated were some of the descendants of Bala. After defeating (or encountering) the Traikūtakas and Abhiras, Mayārabarman attacked Central Gujarāt. He was there opposed by the Sakas, & portion of whose forces were under the command of their Maukhari feudatories of Central India. This circumstance is very probably responsible for the victory over the Maukharis claimed by Mayūraśarman. It does not seem that he had ever invaded Bihār.
It would appear that at the time of the performance of the sacrifice in A. D. 239, Mahäsēnēpati Bala was still alive. His sons were probably occupying subordinate positions in his principality. None of them seems to have made much progress in his official career, as no title like Sämanta or Sēnāpati or Dandanāyaka is associated with any one of them.?
The date of the records is given at the beginning of each of them in identical phrases. The expression used is :- Kritēhi 200, 90, 5, Phalguna-su klasya pañche di.
In order to get at the real meaning of the first word used here, it is necessary to compare the expression with similar ones occurring in early Indian inscriptions. Relevant passages to be considered are the following - (1) Kritayor-dvayor=varsha-latayőr-dvya sitayoh 200 80 2 Chaittra-purnamāsi(syā)m.
Nāndsä pillar inscription (Ind. Ant., Vol. LVIII, p. 53). (2) Kritēshu chaturshu varsha-satēshv=ashtāvini () dëshu 400 20 8 Phälguna(na)-bahulasya
panchadassyūm=ētasyām=pūrvvāyām.Bijayagadh pillar inscription (Fleet, C.1.1.,
Vol. III, p. 253). (3) Sril-m) Malava-gan-amnāte pra faste krita-samjfitë ēkashashty-adhikė präptē sama
sata-chatushaye.......dine A svoja-buklasya pañchamyām.-Mandasor inscription of Naravarman (ante, Vol. XII, p. 320).
1 Rapson, Catalogue, etc., p. 129. • Ibid., p. CXXXV. . Annual Report, A. 8. I., 1913-14, pp. 227-45. • Archæological Survey of Mysore, Annual Report, 1929, p. 50. * Ibid., p. 56. • The Kadamba-kula, p. 71. (See p. 52 n. 8 below.Ed.)

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THREE MAUKHARI INSCRIPTIONS ON YUPAS : KRITA YEAR 295. 49
(4) Yatëshu chatuftshu Kri(Kri)teshu katēshu sausyaishvā (9 shtha) fita-8őttara-padeshu=
iha vatsa[rëshull $ukle trayodasa-dinë bhuvi Kārttikasya māsasya.-Gangdhär ins
cription (C. 1. I., Vol. III, p. 74). (5) Kritēshu chaturshu varsha-latēshv=ékäsity-uttarësho=asyām Mālava-purvāyāṁ 400
80 1 Kārttika-tukla-pafchamyāń.-Nagari inscription (PR AS WC., 1915-16,
p. 56; Memoirs 4. 8. 1., No. 4, p. 120). Besides the present three records, we have thus five other instances where the word Krita Is used in connection with the reckoning of an era. Out of these, in three passages, viz., Nos. 1, 2, and 4, the term Ksita alone has been used and in the remaining two, viz., Nos. 3 and 5, it is used along with a reference to the Mālavas. In the two other Mandasor inscriptions, one of Kumāragupta and Bandhuvarman and the other of Yabodharman. the term Krita has been omitted altogether and the era is indicated as Malavānām gana-sthityā and Mälava-gana-sthiti-va sat.
The controversy connected with the interpretation of the term Krita used in the above passages has not yet closed. That all the above passages refer to the years of the Vikrama era is now admitted, but why the terms Kritēshu, Kritayoh, etc. have been used in connection with the era is not yet definitely known. On the analogy of the passages Nos. 1 and 2 above, it is clear that Kritēhi of our inscriptions is to be corrected into Kritaik and is to be taken as governing a term like varshai” which is understood. The usual locative is here supplanted by the instru-' mental. But the meaning is the same, viz., 'when Krita years 295 had passed away.'
Dr. Fleet, while discussing the passage No. 4 above, was inclined to hold that yātēshu Kritēshu vatsarēshu should be interpreted as 'when fully completed (480) years had passed.' He held that kritēshu is more or less synonymous with yātēshu. The passage No. 3 above, however, makes it clear that krita cannot be taken in that sense, but is clearly the proper name of the year or the era referred to in that document. While discussing the passage No. 3 above, the late MM. Haraprasad Sastri suggested that Krita was the proper name of the first year of a cycle of four years current in ancient India. He could substantiate his theory only by supposing that Bijayagadh and Gangdhār inscriptions, which are dated in the years 428 and 480 respectively, expressed expired years. This theory is now no longer tenable, for in our present records and in the passage No. 1 above, the years mentioned are 295 and 282 respectively, and still they are described as Kpita. In a cycle of four years, these years would be 3rd and 2nd respectively or 4th and 3rd, if we take them to be expired years. MM. Sastri's theory has therefore to be abandoned in the light of the new data.
While commenting upon the passage No. 3 above, Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar has observed that time has not yet come for suggesting a definite interpretation for the word Krita. He was in. clined to hold that Krita was not the name of a king or royal dynasty associated with this era. To him it appeared that what is now known as Vikrama era was invented by the people or astronomers for the purpose of counting years and was consequently originally known as krita or made'. We do not so far know of any great astronomer having flourished in c. 57 B.C. None of the famous Hindu astronomers like Aryabhata, Varāhamihira or Brahmagupta is known to have attempted the founding of an era. Astronomers in ancient India have invented eras like the Saptarshi and the Kaliyuga ones going back to pre-historic times, they are not known to have founded era, commencing at any specific historic date.
10.1.1., Vol. III, p. 81.
Ibid., p. 152. • Ind. Ant., Vol. XLII, p. 163.

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What then is the meaning of the term Krito in the above passages ? I see no reason why it should not be taken as the proper name of the er&. From the passage No. 3 above it is clear that though the era was traditionally handed down in the Mālava tribe, it was known as Kpita. The term Krita there does not designate any particular year of the era, but the whole collection of years, cf. Krita-samjflite ekashashty-adhikė prāpte sama-sata-chatushtayė. The era may have been originally known by that term because of the name of its founder. Krita as a personal proper name is not familiar in later Indian history and literature, but the case seems to have been different in earlier times. Kpita was the name of one of the Visvēdēvas; Vasudeva had given it to one of his sons from Röhiņi; a pupil of Hiranyanābha was known by that name; and fathers of Uparichara and Haryavana were christened by it. What inherent improbability is there in postulating that the so-called Vikrama era may have been originally started by a king named Kțita ? According to the Visvarūpa, kita has also the sense of fruit or reward. This meaning seems to be connected with one of the Vedic meanings of the word, -booty'. At the time of the found ing of the era, a king named Krita may probably have scored a memorable viotory and won great booty (krita). To commemorate the victory an era was started called Krita named after its founder and his great achievement.
This theory is only a tentative one. I admit that so far we have no evidence whatsoever of a king named Kțita having flourished by ths middle of the 1st century B. C. But it is not improbable that in course of time we may discover a king of that name ruling at that time. It is also true that an era named after king Kțita should be known by a laddhita expression like Kārta-varsha or samvatsara, on the analogy of the expression Gaupt-ābde varsha-sata-traye varttamāné occurring in the Ganjām plates of the time of Sasankarāja. The authors of early inscriptions were not particularly strong in Sanskrit (as is, for instance, evidenced by the present ingcriptions) and the expression Kita (samvatsara) for Kārta (samvatsara) is quite possible in their compositions. It may be further pointed out that in several cases taddhita expressions have not been used in such cases. Thus in the Sūnak plates of Karnadeval dated in the year 1148 and in the Bhadreswar inscription of the time of Chaulukya king Jayasimhadēva dated in the year 1195, we have the expressions Vikrama samvat 1148 and 1195 and not Vaikrama sanhvat 1148 and 1195. Similarly we come across the expression Valabhi Santwat and not Valabhëya samvat. There is therefore nothing unusual in the years of the era of king Kpita being known as Kritaih varshaih or Kritēshu vatsarēshu or Kritayoravatsata-katayoh.
The foundation of the Vikrama era is still shrouded in impenetrable mystery. Dr. Sten Konow has suggested on the authority of the Kalakācharya-kathānala that the era was founded by king Vikramāditya of Mālava in commemoration of his ousting the Sakas from Ujjayini, where they had obtained a temporary footing. What is stated by the Jaina tradition is not, however, confirmed by the epigraphical data. If we analyse the inscriptions where the Vikrama era has been used, we find that the earliest instance, so far known, of the term Vikrama being associated with the era occurs full 794 years after its foundation. This Vikrama is for the first time called a king only in the 11th century of the era. It is therefore clear that in the
1 See Monier Williams' Sanskrit-English Dictionary under Krita. * Anle, Vol. VI, p. 144. • Ante. Vol. I, p. 317. • Archæological Survey Report for Western India, No. 2, Appendix, p. xiii, No. 66. . Una inscription, ante, Vol. IX, p. 4. • Ante, Vol. XIV, pp. 293-5. 1 Dhiniki insoription of Jāikadēva, Ind. t., Vol. XII, p. 165. • Eklingji insoription of Naravāhana, dated V, 1028; J. B. B. R. A. 8., Vol. XXII, p. 166.

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first seven centuries of this era, its connection with a king named Vikrama was altogether unknown. If, as the Jaina tradition asserts, king Vikramaditya of Ujjayini, the expeller of the Sakas, was the founder of the era, it has to be admitted that people had completely forgotten his memory within 250 years after his death. We shall have to suppose that it was somehow revived in the 11th century, probably due to the historic researches of the time; and that the era came to be renamed after him. This seems to be altogether improbable.
THREE MAUKHARI INSCRIPTIONS ON YUPAS: KRITA YEAR 295. 51
The precise interpretation of the term krita being for a long time doubtful, the earliest proper name associated with the era was for a long time considered to be that of the Malavas. Kielhorn had observed that from about the 5th to the 9th century of this era it was believed by poets to be specially used by the princes and people of Malava. The Mälavas, however, do not seem to be connected with the foundation of the era. It is interesting to note that in the three earliest instances of the use of this era, viz., the present records and the passages Nos. 1 and 2 above, the Malavas have not been associated with the era at all. The term Krita alone is used to denote it. The same is the case with the Gangdhär inscription of the year 480 (passage No. 4 above). The passage No. 3 above is the earliest instance, known so far, of the association of the Malavas with the era; but there it is expressly stated that Krita was its proper name, though it was traditionally handed down among the Malavas. The evidence available so far shows that the associa tion of the Malavas with the era commenced sometime towards the middle of the 5th century A. D., as evidenced by the passage No. 3 above. Towards the end of that century its original name Krita was dropped, as would appear from the name of the era in the Mandasor inscription of Kumaragupta and Bandhuvarman. People of the 8th century believed that the era was founded by a Malava ruler. Down to the 4th century, however, the Vikrama era was known as Krito and was not known to be connected with the tribe or king of the Malavas. The supersession of the name Krita by Mälava is paralleled by the supersession of the name of Gupta era by the term Valabhi era in western India.
The geographical position of the places, where Yupa inscriptions and inscriptions with the term Krita occur, is worth noting. Yupa inscriptions have been found at Isapur, Bijayagaḍh, Baḍva, Nagari and Nandsa. Bijayagaḍh is about 50 miles south-east of Isapur; Baḍvā is about 140 miles south-south-east of Bijayagadh; Nagari is about 90 miles east of Baḍvā; and Nandsā is about 40 miles north-east of Nagari. It would appear from this that eastern Rajputana played an important part in the revival of Vedic religion. Krita era inscriptions have been discovered at Nandsa, Baḍvā, Mandasor, Bijayagadh, Gangadhar and Nagari. Mandasor is about 100 miles south-west of Baḍva and Gangadhar is about 36 miles east of Mandasor. South-eastern Rajputana was thus the country where the designation Krita was current. It is worth noting that it is precisely in this area that the term Malava came to be later associated with the era; for Mandasor, Nagari, Kanaswa and Gyäräspur are situated in the same sector of the country. It is therefore clear that in this province the term Malava superseded the earlier name Krita after the 4th century.
The inscriptions mention no places. The village where they were discovered, is known as Baḍva; it is not improbable that Baḍva may be a contraction of Balavāḍī and that the modern humble village may have been once a flourishing capital,-founded by the Mahāsēnāpati Bala,
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XXI, pp. 403-4.
This is no place to discuss the precise interpretation of the terms Mälava-gan-ämnātē, Mälava-gana-sthitiväsät and Malavänäm-gaṇa-sthilyä. All these refer to the established usage in the Malava tribe. I do not think that the era has anything to do with any tribal organisation of the Mälavas.
Fleet, C. I. I., Vol. III, p. 81.
*See Kapaswa inscription, Ind. Ant., Vol. XIX, p. 57.

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who may have been the founder of the Maukhari branch in Kotah state. Its present population is only about 1,600, but half a century ago, it is said to have been four times more populous.
[VOL. XXIII.
Before concluding, I would like to express my deep indebtedness to Major-General Ap-Onkar Singh, O.I.E., Dewan of Kotah, and to Dr. Mathuralal, State Historian, Kotah, for procuring the photographs of the Yupas and supplying valuable information for the preparation of this article.
TEXT.1
A. The Yupa of Balavarddhana.
L. 1. Siddham [*] Kritēhi(Kritaiḥ) 200 90 5 Phalguna(Phalguna)-buklasya pañche di éri(sri)-maha-senäpatēḥ Mōkharēḥ Bala-puttrasya Balavarddhanasya yüpaḥ[*] Tri-rättrasammitasya dakshinyam(pā) gavām sahashram(sahasram)*[*].
2
B. The Yupa of Somadeva.
L. 1. Siddham[*] Kritēhi(Kritaiḥ) 200 90 5 Phalguna (Phalguna)-suklasya pañche di ári (brī)-maha-senäpatēḥ Mōkhareḥ Bala-puttrasya Somadevasya yupaḥ[*] Tri-rattra-sammitasya dakahiyam() gavdah sahashram(sahasram)[*]
C. The Yupa of Balasimha.
L. 1. Kritēhi(Kritaiḥ) 200 90 5 Phalguna (Phalguna)-suklasya pañche da(di) śri(śrī)-mahā. sapatēr]-Mökhard
L. 2. r-Bala-puttrasya Balasimha(ha)sya yushaḥ" (paḥ) [*] Tri-ratra-sammitasya dakshinyaṁ(ņā) gavām sahasram [*].
TRANSLATION.
Well accomplished! On the fifth day of the bright half of Phalguna (of the year) 295 by Krita(years, this) sacrificial pillar (was erected) by Balavardhana (Somadeva in inscription B and Balasimha in inscription C), son of Bala, the glorious Mōkhari commander-in-chief. The fee of a thousand cows as laid down for the Triratra sacrifice (was duly given to Brahmaṇas).
No. 8.-NANDAPUR COPPER-PLATE OF THE GUPTA YEAR 169.
BY N. G. MAJUMDAR, M.A., INDIAN MUSEUM, CALCUTTA.
This copper-plate, which is edited here for the first time, has been in the possession of Mr. Ganapati Sarkar, Zemindar of Beliaghață, Calcutta, since 1929. I first saw it at the Annual
1 From ink-impressions.
Read -pater.
Read Mökharer.
There is a triangular symbol at the end.
There are two symbols at the end of this record, one triangular and the other circular.
The word siddham has been omitted in this record.
The letter sha is a result of the engraver's carelessness.
[According to the text Mökhareh and éri-mahā-sēnāpatēḥ would refer to each of the three brothers and not to their father Bala. Since all the three bear the title of maha-senapati it is to be presumed that it was meant to be only a title of nobility as in the inscriptions of the southern Ikhāku rulers.-Ed.]

Page #74

THREE MAUKHARI INSCRIPTIONS ON YUPAS: KRITA YEAR 295.
A. The Yupa of Balavarddhana.
Left half.
Right half.
B. The Yupa of Somadeva.
Left half.
Right half.
C.' The Yupa of Balasimha.
First line
Second line
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Reg. No. 3977 E-36-285.
SCALE: ONE-EIGHTH.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

Page #75

A photograph of the Yupas.

Page #76

•
No. 8.)
NANDAPOR COPPER-PLATE OF GUPTA YEAR 169.
Exhibition of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, held on the 3rd February, 1936. Subsequently, at my request Mr. Sarkar very kindly handed it over to me for decipherment and publication. So far as available information goes, the copper-plate comes from a village called Nandapurl which lies on the southern bank of the Ganges, at a distance of about two miles to the north-east of Surajgarhā in the District of Monghyr. The plate is said to have been fixed to the wall of a niche in a dilapidated temple close to the site of a Siva-linga locally known as "Burhānáth Mahādēva'. According to reports collected by Mr. Sarkar, Nandapur and its neighbourhood are full of ruins representing an ancient site, a part of which has perished due to the erosion of the river bank.
This is a single sheet of copper, measuring about 74'X4%. It bears inscription on both sides, there being in all nineteen lines of writing of which fifteen are on the obverse and only four on the reverse. A seal is attached to the plate, which originally must have borne an inscription. But it has since suffered much from corrosion with the result that none of the letters is at present preserved. Probably two letters are also missing in line 4, just where the donee's namo was mentioned, and a few are damaged, or partly obliterated, in lines 17 and 18. The rest of the document is in a fair state of preservation, and the engraving is, on the whole, well executed.
The characters belong to the eastern variety of the Gupta Alphabet (cf. la, sha, sa and ha) as found in the Dhānäidaha, Damodarpur, Baigram and Pāhārpur copper-plates, being typical of the writing prevalent in Bengal during the fifth century A.D. Attention may be drawn to the hook-like sign for medial ā attached to the bottom of some letters in making up the sign for the medial o, e.g., in Görakshita (1. 12), which occurs also in other records of the period. Another form of the medial a sign is also used, in the shape of an upright stroke hanging from the right side of the mätra. When applied to na and ma this stroke is lengthened, reaching the bottom of the letter where it is slightly bent to the left, e.g., in Brāhmanā- (1. 3) and sarimānam (1. 15), in which we must recognize an advanced form of the sign. The forms of the final t and m are noteworthy, e.g., in vaset (1. 19) and dattam (1.13). The numerical signs for 4, 100, 60, 9 and 8 occur in the inscription (11. 13, 19).
The language of the record is Sanskrit prose, excepting that there are two imprecatory verses in lines 17-18. The phraseology will be found to tally in many respects with that of the Baigrām copper-plate. As regards orthography, we should note the use of both ba and va. But the writer of the document has failed to distinguish between the two letters in the words bāhya (11. 5, 9), stamba (11. 5, 9), kutumbin (1l. 2, 13) and Bandhudāsa (1. 8), in all these instances the sign for va being used instead of that for ba. The consonants ka and ta are often doubled before a subscript , e.g., in vikkrayo (11. 6, 9), göttra (1. 3) and kshettra (1. 13), although the word vikraya is spelt with a single ka in line 10. Some of the consonants following a superscript rare occasionally doubled, e.g., in pravarttanäya (1. 4) and dharmma (1. 11).
The charter was issued from a village called Ambila. It records the purchase of 4 kulyavapas of fallow land within the village of Jangöyikā, at the rate of two dināras per kulyavāpa, by the Vishayapati Chhattramaha, and the transfer of the same property as gift to a Brāhmaṇa, to enable him to perform the Five Great Sacrifices'. The name of the donee ending in svāmin cannot be made out with certainty. He was an inhabitant of Nanda-vithi and Khata. porana-agrahāra, and belonged to the Kāsyapa-gotra and the Chhandōga (charana of the Samavēda). The land was bounded on the south by the plot given away to Gorakshita and on the
It is marked as Nandpur' in the 1'-scale map of the Survey of India (Sheet No. 72 K:3 and 7) published in 1925.
Cf. e.g., Faridpur grant of Gopachandra, Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXIX, Pl. III (facing p. 204), 1. 24. . Ante, Vol. XXI, pp. 81-82.
Similarly in the Baigräm copper-plate the letter va instead of ba occurs in stamba in line 5, while ha is oor rootly employed in samba in line 11, in bahya in lines 5 and 11, and in kufumbin in line %.

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54
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXIII.
west by the land known as Gopālibhöga. In the present transaction, the Vishayapati Chhattramahs himself was the applicant and appeared before the Adhikarana to secure the plot of land by means of a tömra-parfa. The matter was enquired into and reported on by the Record-keepers (Pustapăla) Pradyötasimha and Bandhudāsa. The land was measured by the standard unit of 8x9 nalas, following the recognized cubit length of Darvvikarmma, as in the Baigrãm charter. The copper-plate is dated the 8th day of the bright halt of Vaisakha, the yoar 169, which is referable to the Gupta era of 319 A.D: The date would thus correspond to the year 488 A.D.
I am unable to identify Ambila whence the charter was issued, or Jangöyika, the village in which the plot of land was situated. But the name 'Nanda-vithi' has perhaps survived in
Nandapura' where the plate is said to have been discovered. That the document was drafted, engraved and issued from Bengal, or more precisely from North Bengal, follows not only from the nature of the script but also from the close agreement of its phraseology with that of Baigrām and other plates of this century discovered in North Bengal. Moreover, from the mention of 8x9 nalas and the standard cubit length of Darvvikermma, the conclusion becomes irresistible that the land that was so measured and given away must have also belonged to the same region, although the donee himself resided at Nandapura in the Monghyr District of Bibār.
ТЕХт.1
Obverse. 1 Svasty-Amvi(mbila-grām- grahārät-sa-visvāsam-adhikaraņām(nam) Jangöyikā-grāmē
Brāhman-õttarán=samvyavaha2 ry-ādi-kutumvi(mbi)naḥ kusalam=anuvarnoya bödhayanti(ti) likhanti(ti) cha [l*] Vijñāpayati
nah vishayapati-Chhattramahan 3 ichchhämy=aham V8-puny-abhivriddhayê Nanda-vaithěya-Khatäpäran-ägrahärika
Chchhāndöga-Kasyapa-sa-gottra-Brāhmaṇā4 ....svāminē pancha-maha-yajña-pravarttanāya khila-kshēttra-kulyavāpa-chatushtayar
kritv=ātisrashţum [*] 6 Yushmad-vishayē cha samudaya-vā(ba)hy..dy-astamva(mba)-khila-kahēttrāņām babvad-a
chandr-ärks-tāraka-bhojyā[nā*]6 m-akshaya-nivyāḥ dvi-dinárikya-kulyavipa-vikkrayo=nuvšittas-tad=arhatha matto=sbtau
dinārān=upa. 7 sangrihya Jangöylka-grāmå khila-kshēttra-kulyavāpa-chatushţayam-akshaya nivyās=
tämrapattēna datum=ita [l*] 8 Yataḥ Pustapāla-Pradyötasinha(sichha)-Va(Ba)ndhudāsayõr-avadhāraṇay=&vadhfitam=ast=
The vishayě samudaya9 vā(bā)hy-ädy-astamva(mba)-khila-kshattrăţām-akiñchit-pratikarāņām dvi-dīnārikya-kulya
väpa-vikkrayo=nuvrittaḥ (1*] 10 Evam-vidh-otpratikara-khila-kshēttra-vikrayē cha na kaś=chid=rāj-arttha-virodhaḥ diya.
mānē tu Paramabhattāraka11 pådână dharmma-shad-bhāg-āvāptis-tad-diyatām=ity=ētasmād-vishayapati-Chhattra
mahad-ashtau dinärān=up&
1 From the original.
[As in the Påhärpar Plato one would expect here the mention of some officers like Ayuktakae who con royed the necessary information to the Court. Boo p. 65 n. 1.-Ed.]
The letter va in savadharapay- was at first omitted through inadvertence and later inserted below.

Page #78

NANDAPUR COPPER-PLATE OF THE GUPTA YEAR 169.
Obverse.
2
1
ਆ
ਸਨ) : 'T Tਚ 11 12 ਜਾਂ 3 3 , , , ਨੂੰ
- 3 ਸਨ 392 1 2 3 ਚ 1 6ਯੂ ਕੇ isi ,2 ॥ ਤੇ ਕਰੂ , ਗੁਰੂ 74 15 16 1753 513" ਗਾਧੀ 'ਚ ਹਾਂ ,
y (3 ਤਹਿ ਹੀ {ਨੂੰਨ ਨੂੰ ਸੌ ਪ , ੫੧ * * * (ਤੇ , ਕ :: 4 , ਉ , 7 ਕਤ ਹੀ ਨਾ , ਤੇਨਰ ਨਾ ੪ : 1 ਤੋਂ 1 E _/ ਕੰਘ ਦੇ ਨੂੰ
ਚਾਰ ਚੰਨ , ਹੈ ਬ7) ਨੂੰ 9 ਸਤ ' , 1 | 6 ੩ 3 ਤੋਂ 71 7 ਤੇ ਚ ਹੀ 5 1:17:, ਭੁ ਕਤ ਨੂੰ ਤੇ ਹ7 ਨੂੰ , ਚੋਂ 5 ਤੋਂ 7 7 ਨਹੀ ? ਹਾ। ) ਹਨ । ' । | 8 ਕੇ 3 ਖੇਤ ਨੂੰ ' ਤੇ 1 'ਚ) ਨੇ 15 5 8' ਤੇ ਤੋਂ ਚ, ਨੂੰ ਹੈ : 8 ਨੂੰ ਸ਼ੁੱਧ ਪ n ਮੈਂ ਲੱਨੇ ਹੈ। ) ਉ ਜੋ ਧ : ਹੈ ), 4 , j jਹ ਨੂੰ 710 gਣ ਬ 11,87 ਤੋਂ । । ਤੇ ਚ 10 | ਪਰ ਚੌਤ । 1ਝ ਨ [ ਚ) ਟੀਮ 13 ਜੋ ਸx 73, 7 ni 5 , ' ਚ ਕੀ ? : ਉਹ 'ਸ਼ੇਰ 12 ਦੇ ਨੂੰ ਨਹੀਂ ) 5.1177) - ਝ ਟ = 71 ਚ , ਵੱ
) | Ji) ਨੇ 17 ) ਨੇ + E ਨੇ 17' , ' : ੧ ) 14 : +2 C' , ' ਲr ) ਸ਼ ਨੂੰ : 1 , 2 ,
14
:
Reverse.
16 ਨੂੰ 03 (fਨੇ ਨੂੰ ਕਦੇ ਨੂੰ. 337 3, , ਪਾਨ ਨੂੰ 53 3 * 16
' ਨੇ ਇਕ ਤੋਂ ਦੋਵਾਂ ਨੂੰ ' ਚ 5 sit : . 18 ੧ . . # 3 ਚ 3
ਵਾਰ
ਉ ਹ '22 ਕੁ ੭ 7 6 18 ਨੇ ਰਹੋ। 'ਸ 'ਤੇ ਫੋਣ ਨੂੰ
SCALE: FULL BIZE,
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.
N. P. CHAKRAVABTI. REG. No. 398E86 - 20s.

Page #79


Page #80

No. 8.]
NANDAPUR COPPER-PLATE OF GUPTA YEAR 169.
12 samgrihya Jangöyikä-grāmē Görakshita-tamrapaṭṭa-dakshinēna Gōpalibhōgāyā paśchiměna khila
13 kshēttra-kulyavapa-chatushtayam dattam ku 4 [*] Te yüyam-ēvam viditva kuṭumvi.
(mbi)nām karshan-avirōdhi-sthanë
14 Darvvikarmma-hasten-ashṭaka-navaka-nalabhyam-apaviñchhya
chira-kala-sthayi-tush
ängar-ādi-chihnais-chaturddi
15 n-niyamita-sammanam kritvä dasyatha datvä(ttva) ch-akshaya-nivi-dharmmēņa sasvat ka-lam-anupalayishyatha
Reverse.
55
16 varttamana-bhavishyais-cha samvyavaharibhir-ētad-dharmm-āpēkshay-anupalayitavyam=
iti [*] Uktañ-cha bhaga
17 [vata Vyājse[na] [*] Sva-dattam paradattam va yo harēta vasundharam [*] sa vishthayam krimir-bhūtvā pitribhiḥ saha
18 pachyate [*] [Shashtim] varsha-sahasrani svargë môdati bhumidaḥ [*] akshēptā ch=ānumanța cha tany-ēva na
19 rakē vaset [*] Sarh 100 60 9 Vai sudi 8
TRANSLATION.
(Ll. 1-2) Hail! From the (royal) grant (agrahara) of Ambila village, our Head of the District (Vishayapati) Chhattramaha', with confidence intimates, addresses in writing and informs the Court (Adhikarana), as well as the Brahmanas, the chief officers and others, and also the householders, at the village of Jangōyikä, after having enquired about their well-being:
(Ll. 3-7) "I wish to make over, for the sake of the increase of my religious merit, 4 kulyavapas of fallow land, after (it) has been purchased, to the Brāhmaṇa...... svamin, an inhabitant of the agrahara of Khatäpürapa in Nanda-vithi, belonging to the Kasyapa-göttra and the Chhändōga(-charana of the Samaveda), to enable him to perform the Five Great Sacrifices. Now, in your District (vishaya) there is established the system of sale at the rate of two dināras per each kulyavapa of fallow land, originally devoid of vegetation, which does not yield any revenue (to the State) and being under perpetual endowment (akshaya-nivi) can be enjoyed eternally, as long as the moon, the sun and the stars endure. So you should aecept from me eight dināras and grant (me) by means of a copper-plate, for the sake of perpetual endowment, four kulyavapas of fallow land in the village of Jangōyikā."
(Ll. 8-11) Whereas it has been ascertained on enquiry by the Record-keepers, Pradyōtasimha and Bandhudasa, that there is established in this District the system of sale at the rate of two dināras per each kulyavapa of fallow land, originally devoid of vegetation, which does not yield any revenue (to the State), and whereas there can be no loss of income to the Crown in such sale of revenue-free fallow land-rather in case of gift a sixth part of the religious merit would accrue to the King (Paramabhaṭṭāraka-pada)-now therefore let (the land) be granted.
.
1 [See p. 54 n. 2. I should translate: 'From.. Ambila (the Ayuktakas). and write to (bodhayanti likhanti cha) the Court that Fishayapati Chhatramaha informs us. Cf. sa-visvasam in a Damodarpur copper-plate; ante, Vol. XV, p. 136, 1. 2.
The term withi is used in the sense of a part of a district or sub-division. Cf. Majumdar, Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. III, p. 71.
. intimate -Ed.
The five sacrificial rites are bali, charu, vaiévadeva, agnihotra and atithi.
The expression akshayanivi is used in 1. 6 as well as in 1. 7 in the fifth case, evidently as hetas. In the Baigrām oopper-plate, 1. 17 it has the same case-ending in this sense.
The reigning king is thus referred to also in other grants, e.g., in Baigram (1. 13), Damodarpur, No. 5 (11. 12. 13, where the correct reading should be dharmma-shad-bhag-äväpti), and in Faridpur grant of Dharmaditya (Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXIX, p. 195, 1. 13).

Page #81

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXIII.
(LI. 11-13) So having realized eight dinaras from the Head of the District, Chhattramaha, four kulyavāpas of fallow land, ku 4, is being granted in the village of Jangoyikā, (the land being bounded) on the south by the plot granted by) a copper-plate charter to Gõrakshita and on the west by Gopālibhöga.
(Ll. 13-16) Therefore having known this, you should give away (the plot) in a land that may not cause hindrance to cultivation of householders, after measuring (it) by (the standard unit of) 8X9 reede, according to the cubit length of Darvvikarmma, and also after demarcating the area in four directions by permanent marks of chaff, charcoal, etc.
(Ll. 15-16) And having made over you should still maintain (it) for ever, under the operation of the principle of perpetual endowment (akshaya-nivi). Likewise, it should be maintained, out of regard for piety, by the present and future administrative officers as well. And 80 says Lord Vyāsa. (Here follow two imprecatory verses.)
(L. 19) The year 169, the 8th day of the bright hall of Vallakha).
No. 9.-SRUNGAVARAPUKOTA PLATES OF ANANTAVARMAN, KING OF KALINGA.
BY PROF. R. C. MAJUMDAR, M.A., Ph.D., DACCA. This is a set of three copper-plates, measuring 81 inches in length and 2 inches in breadth. The right half of the third plate is broken and missing. The outer faces of the first and third plates are blank, while the second plate bears writing on both the sides. The plates are strung on & ring, the ends of which are soldered to a circular seal bearing in relief the figure of a conch with some indistinct emblem inside it.
The plates were discovered at the village of Srungavarapukota, in the district of Vizagapatam (Madras). The cultivator who found them was under the impression that the metal was gold. So he broke the third plate, and had one piece melted by a goldsmith who, of course, declared it to be made of copper. Thus the remaining plates were left intact and secured by Dr. C. Narayana Rao, M.A., Ph.D. He gave them to Mr. M. Narasimham, who sold them to the Madras Museum where the plates are now preserved.
Mr. M. Narasimham edited the inscription in the Journal of the Andhra Historical Research Society (Vol. VIII, pp. 153-160), with Photo-prints of the plates. Unfortunately, his reading contains several errors, and many of his introductory remarks are either palpably wrong or open to serious objections.
I re-edit the inscription from ink-impressions kindly supplied by Dr. N. P. Chakravarti, the Government Epigraphist for India.
The alphabet.is of an early southern type. It is undoubtedly earlier than the early Ganga records, e.g., those of Hastivarman' and Indravarman,' dated respectively in the years 80 and 87 of the era used by the family. It shows great resemblance to the alphabet of the Kōmarti plates of Chandavarman. Dr. Hultzsch, who edited this inscription, observed that its alphabet resembled that of the Kollēru plates of the Salankäyana King Vijayanandivarman. Since then the Pedavegi grant of this king has given us an approximate idea of his date. He was the great
1 Above, Vol. XVII, pp. 332 ff.
Above, Vol. III, pp. 128 ff. Above, Vol. IV, pp. 142 ff. * J. A. H. R. 8., Vol. I, pp. 99 ff.

Page #82

No. 9.) SRUNGAVARAPUKOTA PLATES OF ANANTAVARMAN, KING OF KALINGA. 57
vrandson of Hastivarman, who must almost certainly be identified with the king of Vengi defeated by Samudragupta. The reign of Vijayanandivarman thus falls in the fifth century A. D.
The present record is dated only in the regnal year, but so far as we can judge from palæography alone, it would, I think, be safe to presume that the present plates belong to the century 450-550 A.D.
The language is Sanskrit. With the exception of the three well-known imprecatory verses (11. 16-19) the inscription is written in prose.
As regards orthography, the following points may be noted. Separate signs are used for b and u. Consonants are doubled after r with a few exceptions, viz., -chandrārka (1. 10), -ājñairbhavao (1. 11), "bhir-upittam (1. 14) and rājarshi (1. 13). Consonants k, m and t, followed by r, are also doubled, and dh is doubled before y. Anusvāra is used for palatal ni in prabhamjana (1. 4), the anusvāra sign being wrongly placed above j. Both jihvāmūliya and upadhmāniya are used. The finalt and m are indicated by small-sized letters (m in l. 12, t in l. 19).
The inscription records the grant of the village of Kiņdāppa in Tõllavalli-vishaya as an agrahāra to the Brahmaņa Mātrisarman, by the king of Kalinga, Mahārāja Anantavarman, son of Mahārāja Prabhañjanavarman, and the grandson of Mahārāja Gunavarman, lord of Dēvarāshtra. The grant was issued from the victorious city of Pishtapura.
King Anantavarman is also known to us from the Siripuram copper-plate grant. It was issued by Anantavarman, lord of Kalinga, from the victorious city of Dēvapura. It gives the name of the king's father as Prabhajjanavarman, evidently a mistake for Prabhañjanavarman, and that of his grandfather as Guņavarman: There is no mention, however, of the last named king being lord of Dēvarashtra.
There can, of course, be no doubt about the identity of the donors of the two grants. Still, it may be remarked in passing that the phraseology of the two grants shows no close resemblance, and that they were issued from different places. This point is noteworthy as, very often, arguments for and against the identity or close association of two kings are based on such considerations.
Dēvarashtra, over which king Gunavarman ruled, must be the kingdom of the same name which was conquered by Samudragupta. Formerly this was identified with Mahārāshtra. But G. Jouveau-Dubreuil proved, with the help of the Kāsimkoța plates, that Elamanchi-Kalingadēsa formed part of Dēvarāshtra. Elamañchi-Kalingadēša was taken to mean "the Kalinga country of which Elamanchi (the modern Yellamanchili) was the chief town"; and hence Dēvarāshtra was located in the Vizagapatam District. This view is supported by the present grant, inasmuch as it seems to show that Pishtapura was included within the kingdom of Dēvarāshtra. It is, no doubt, possible to take the view that Dēvarāshtra, over which Guņavarman ruled, did not originally include Pishtapura which was subsequently acquired by Anantavarman; but, even then, we must regard the two as neighbouring localities.
In any case, it appears to be reasonably certain, that Anantavarman ruled over both Pishtapura and Dēvarashtra which were two separate kingdoms in the time of Samudragupta. Of the two Victorious Cities' from which he issued the grants, Pishtapura is, no doubt, the same as
It was edited by Mr. M. Narasimham in the Telugu Journal Bharati (September, 1931) which is not accessible to me. A short account of its contents is given in his article on the present grant (J. A. H. R. S., Vol. VIII, p. 153). The Government Epigraphist has, at my request, very kindly placed at my disposal an excellent inkin pression of the Siripuram plates. My remarks are based on the original reading of these platea.
decient History of the Deccan, p. 60.

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58
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXIII.
Pithapuram in the Godavari District. The other, Dövapura, from the close resemblance in name, may be regarded as the capital of Devarashtra, but of this there is no definite evidence as yet.
Of the kings who ruled in Kalinga during the interval between the invasion of Samudragupta and the rise of the Ganga dynasty, only the names of Chandavarman, Umavarman, NandaPrabhañjanavarman, Saktivarman and Visakhavarman' were hitherto known from inscriptions. The present grant adds the names of three new kings belonging to a dynasty, viz., Gunavarman, Prabhañjanavarman and Anantavarman.
We cannot definitely postulate any relationship between this dynasty and the kings previously known, although they all probably flourished between 400 and 550 A. D. But, in view of the very little knowledge we possess of the history of Kalinga during this period, two suggestions are made below in the hope that they may be of some use for future research in this direction.
As regards the king Nanda-Prabhañjanavarman, it has been suggested by Mr. D. C. Sarkar, that the name probably signifies" Prabhañjanavarman of the Nanda family." If this view were accepted, this Prabhañjanavarman might be tentatively identified with the father of Anantavarman. It may, however, be pointed out that no other ruler of Kalinga styles himself as belonging to the Nanda family.
Some association may also be inferred between Anantavarman and Saktivarman. Both issued their plates from the victorious city of Pishtapura, and both had Varman as their nameendings. Further, Saktivarman is called "Väsishthiputra', while in the present grant, Anantavarman's father is described as moon in the Väsishtha family ".
As to the time of King Anantavarman, I have already expressed above my view that the grant is to be placed, on palæographical grounds, during the period between 450 and 550 A. D. The date, most probably a regnal year, was mentioned at the end of line 19, but unfortunately this portion is missing, as noted above.
Mr. M. Narasimham has referred King Anantavarman to the first century A. D. He bases this conclusion on the following expression in the Siripuram grant : ashţāšsakasamkhyabhya.. . mahāsvayujë savva(mva)tsarē. He interprets it as the eighth year of the Saka era, in the year of Mahāśvayuja'. He ignores, however, the fact that ashtāśćaka-sankhyabhya', obviously & mistake for samkhyēbhyah,' cannot be taken as either qualifying the word samvatsarē, or as an independent word expressing date. I believe, the word qualifies the preceding word 'brāhmanebhyah' and denotes the number of Brāhmanas to whom the grant is made. I must confess, however that I am unable to explain the word, beyond merely suggesting that it might stand for 18, 28 or 88.
In any case, whatever may be the interpretation of the word, the king Anantavarman can never be referred to the first century A. D., as the alphabet of the inscription is too late for that
1 Komarti pl. ; above, Vol. IV, pp. 144 ff.
2 Brihatproshtha grant; above, Vol. XII, pp. 4 ff. Tekkali pl.; J. A. H. R. 8., Vol. VI, pp. 63-4. King Umavarman mentioned in these two plates may be the same or different persons. • Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, pp. 48 ff.
Ragölu pl. ; above, Vol. XII, pp. 1 ff. . Above, Vol. XXI, pp. 23 ff. • Journal of the Department of Letters (published by the Calcutta University), Vol. XXVI, p. 66, f. n. 2.
+ [It may be noted that while Prabhañjanavarman and his father Gunavarman are described as Moon in tbe Väsishtha family, i.e., belonging to the Vásishtha-gotra, Saktivarman bears the metronymic Visishthiputra, which indicates that probably the last mentioned belonged to a family different from that of the two formor rulers. -Ed.]
J.A. H. R. 8., Vol. VIII, p. 158.

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No. 9.1 SRUNGAVARAPUKOTA PLATES OF ANANTAVARMAN, KING OF KALINGA. 59
period. It may be further pointed out that ashţātsaka is not a correct grammatical form for denoting the eighth Saka year', and that no king of Kalinga was likely to use the era, under that express name, in the eighth year of its foundation.
As to the localities mentioned in the inscription, Pishtapura and Dāvarāshtra have already been dealt with. The village Kiņdēppa, the object of the grant, was situated in the Tallavallivishaya. Neither of these can be identified with certainty. Mr M. Narasimham says that the river called 'Tel'in the Zamindary of Jeypore used to be called the Telivähi' in early times. He then argues that "the modern Jayapore (sic) must have been called Tellavalli (sic) vishaya on account of the river Telivāhi which flows across it.". This cannot, however, be regarded as a satisfactory argument.
About fourteen or fifteen miles to the south-west of Srungavarapukõţa, where the plates were found, there is a village called Tella-gamudy (820-58' x 170-58') and near it, another village, called Kondapālem. The former is situated at the crossing of two roads, and on the bank of a rivulet, thus indicating an important site. I venture to suggest that Tella-gamudy may be identified with the Tēllavalli-vishaya of the grant. But as there are several villages of the name of Kon. dapālem in the neighbourhood of Srungavarapukota it is not certain which of these is referred to in the inscription as the Kindēppa-grāma. Probably the latter has to be identified with Kon. dapālem near Tella-gamudy.
The donee is styled Achantapura-bhogika. I have translated it as resident of Achantapura', taking the term bhöga' as a territorial division. I am unable to identify this place.
In the inscriptions of the Sailodbhava, the Parivrājaka and the Uchchakalpa kings, the term 'bhögika' is used as a technical official title, possibly connected, according to Fleet, with the territorial division called bhöga. But the term is used only with reference to the fathers and grandfathers of persons who wrote the charters. In the case of the records of the Ganga dynasty we have, as the engravers of their charters, (1) Aditya-Mañchin, also called Aditya-Bhögika, and his son (2) Khandichandra, also called Khandichandra-Bhögika. In all these cases, the term bhogika must be taken as an official title, probably the chief of a bhöga, and whatever may be the particular duties of this official, the writing and engraving of charters were most probably included in them. But there is no doubt that the office carried dignity and prestige with it; for, in the records of the Parivrājaka and Uchchakalpa kings, even high officials like Mahāsāṁdhi. vigrahika performed the same office, and described their fathers and grandfathers as bhogika. In Sanskrit Dictionaries, the term bhogika is explained as 'groom, horse-keeper'. The term has also been regarded as equivalent to Telugu Bhõi, a palankeen-bearer.
None of the above meanings of bhõgika is suitable in the present case. We cannot think of the donee Mātsišarman who was a Brāhmana, possibly following scholarly pursuits, either as a regular official, or following such menial occupations as those of a groom or a palankeen-bearer. We have, therefore, to take Achanțapura-bhoga as the name of a territorial unit, and regard Mätsi. sarman as a resident of the same.
1 J. A. H. R. 8., Vol. VIII, p. 157. * Fleet, C.1.1., Vol. III, p. 100, f. n. 2. • Ibid., pp. 100, 105, 100, 120, 124, 129, 134; above, Vol. III, p. 46; J. B.O.R. 8., Vol. XVI, p. 182 . Above, Vol. XVIII, p. 308.
Ibid., f. n. 8.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXIII.
TEXT
First Plate. 1 Om Svasti[i]*]Vijaya-Pishtapur-ädhishthānān=mahi-mandala-vyäpi-tārad-ēndu-kara-nirmma
la-gunasya 2 Dēvarāshtr-adhipatēr=anēka-samara-sanghatta-vijay-ādhigata-yasaső Mahārāja-sri-Gu3 ņavarmmarah parama-pautraḥ bakti-ttray-opanata-rājya-sampado Vāsishtha-kula-chand
rama 4 saḥ sri-Mahārāja-Prabhajamna'varmmapaḥ priya-puttras=sva-bala-vikkram-õpārjjita
bhūr=nna5 ya-vinaya-sattva-sampann-ādhigata-yaśā dēva-dvijāti-guru-jan-anuddhyāna-sam.
Second Plate; First Side. 6 varddhita-mahimā parama-mahēévaro mātā-pitfi-pād-anuddhyatal Kaling-adhipatis
sri7 Mahārāj-Anantävarmmā. Tēllavalli-vishayo Kindeppa-grāmē sarvva-samavētán-kutu8 mbinaḥ samājñāpayaty=asti ēsha grāmõ=smābhir=Uttārāyaņēø=smat-puny-abhivriddha9 yē ētasmai Kausika-sa-göttraya Taittiriya-sa-bramhachāriņēs Achanţapura -bhögi10 ka-Mātrisarmmaņē ā-chandr-ārka-tāraka-pratishtham=agrahāram kritvā sarvva-kara
bharaih
Second Plate ; Second Side. 11 parihțitya sampradattastad=ēvam=avadhrit-ājñair=bhavadbhistad-ājī-ānuvidhāyibhi
pratyaha12 m=upasthātavyam[11*] Brāhmaņēna ch=ātmano=grahāraḥ puttra-pauttrikam=upabhujyama13 no na kais-chid=vallabha-durllabhair=upahantavya”(!l*] Agāmibhir-api rājarshi14 bhir=vsittam=anupālayadbhir=yyath=āsya dharmma-prasavasy=āvichchhēdēna pravfi15 ttir=bhbhavatio tath=anushthěyam évañ cha sati tatra tēsbām=api dharmmēņ=ābhisamba
Third Plate ; First Side. 16 ndhas=smaryyatē || Bahubhir=vvasudhā dattā bahubhi [ś=chranupālitāyasya yasya yada
bhūmista.* ] 17 sya tasya tadã phala [ll*) Sva-dattām-para-dattām vā yatnā[d=raksha Yudhishthira i
mahim mahimatām śrēshtha dānā.*]
1 Expressed by a symbol. - Read Prabharjana. Read vikkramo
Read Ananta. . N. reads Kindóppa,--but the right vertical stroke is a regular part of the letter » (N. denotes Mr. Narasimham). • Read Uttarayane. * Read Taittiriyao. • Read -brahmao
N. reads Achantapura, 10 Read bbhavati.

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SRUNGAVARAPUKOTA PLATES OF ANANTAVARMAN, KING OF KALINGA.
)
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N. P. CHAKRAVARTI, | Rea, No. 3977 E'36 - 275,
SCALE: THREE-QUARTERS.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

Page #87

Seal.
From a photograph

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No. 9.] SRUNGAVARAPUKOTA PLATES OF ANANTAVARMAN, KING OF KALINGA. 61
18 ch=chhr@yo=nupālanam(m) [11*] Shashtim varsha-sahasrāņi svarggē (modati bhūmidaḥ
äkshēptă ch=anumantä сha tā ]19 ny=ēva narakē vasēt (1) Pravarddhamanaya räjya-briyā rājava . . . . . (tra*) 20 yödabyām=Uttarāyaņē dharmma-pradānam kfitam=iti bhū .......
TRANSLATION Om. Hail! From his residence in the victorious city of Pishtapura, the glorious Mahārāja Anantavarman,-who is the lord of Kalinga ; who adores the feet of (his) mother and father ; who is the devout worshipper of Mahēsvara ; whose greatness has been enhanced by affectionate solicitude for the gods, the twice-born, and the elders, who has acquired fame by reason of his being endowed with wisdom, modesty, and virtue; who has acquired the earth by his own strength and valour;
who is the dear son of the glorious Mahārāja Prabhañjanavarman, the moon of the Vāsishtha family, who (Prabhañjanavarman) brought about the prosperity of the kingdom by the three elements of regal power; who is the most excellent grandson of the glorious Mahārāja Gunavarman, who acquired fame by victories in many stubbornly fought battles, who was the lord of Dēvarashtra, and whose spotless virtues, like the rays of autumn moon, pervaded the whole world :
commande* (as follows all the ryota present at the village of Kindöppa in the district (vishaya) of Tēllavalli: this village has been granted by us, during summer solstice, for the sake of increasing our religious merit, to this Matfisarman,-a member of the Kaubika götra, a student of the Taittiriya (bakha), and a resident of Achantapura-bhoga-after having made (it) an agrahāra, which is to last as long as the moon, the sun, and the stars, and exempting (it) from all burdens of taxation.
Having understood this command you should, every day, act in accordance with it. The Brāhmana, enjoying his own agrahāra in hereditary succession (lit. through sons and grandsons) should not be hindered in any way, by any officer (however) eminent.
The future royal ascetics, following the traditional usage, should pursue that (course) which would lead to continuous progress (or practice) of this act of virtue. This being so, the association of these (succeeding kings) also with religious merit in this matter is mentioned in the Smritis. [Three customary verses follow.] By the increasing majesty . . . . . . On the thirteenth (tithi), during the summer solstice, this religious gift is made.
* N. roads. bha'. The 7-kara-like sign may really be part of the next letter.
1 There are three elements of royal power (bakti), viz., (1) prabhubalti, 1.c., the majesty or pre-eminent position of the king himself; (2) mantrafakti, i.e., the power of good counsel, and (3) utadhalakti, 6.c., the power of energy. • Refers to Gunaverman.
• Refers to Anantavarman,
The original expression is. Vallabha-durllabha. The first word moans Overseer, Superintendent, or herdeman', and probably stands for royal officials in general. I am unable to suggest any definite meaning for durllabha. One of its meanings given in the lexioon, isominent or extraordinary,' and it may be regarded as an adjective of Vallabha (Mayura-vyamaakadivat). Or possibly, from its association with Vallabha, it may also have to be taken in the sense of an Official, though the term in this sense is not known from any other source.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXIII.
No. 10.--NARASINGAPALLI PLATES OF HABTIVARMAN; THE YEAR 79.
BY PROF. R. C. MAJUMDAR, M.A., Ph.D.. DACCA. This is a set of three copper-plates, measuring 6 inches in length and 24 inches in breadth. The outer face of the first plate has been left blank while the two other plates bear writing on both the sides. The writing is distinct and in good preservation. The plates are strung on a ring, the ends of which are soldered to the bottom of a circular seal showing indistinctly a couchant bull, facing right.
The plates were discovered in a field in the village of Narasingapalli, Chicacole täluk, Ganjam District, by one Suran Nayudu, while digging earth. He gave it to Mr. Byri Appalagwami Nayudu, from whom it was obtained by Mr. M. S. Barma and sold to the Madras Museum. The inscription has been published in the Telugu Journal Bharati, Vol. XI (September, 1934), pp. 461 ff., whieh is not accessible to me. I edit the inscription from an excellent ink-impression supplied by the Government Epigraphist for India.
The alphabet is of an early southern type and closely resembles that of the Urläm plates of the same king and the copper-plate grants of Indravarman II. This is only what could be expected, for Vinayachandra, who wrote the present plates, is also the writer of all the plates of the Kalinga kings Hąstivarman and Indravarman II, viz. (1) Urlām plates of Hastivarman;' (2) Achyutapuram plates of Indravarman II ;' (3) Santabommali plates of Indravarman II ; and (4) Parla-kimēdi plates of Indravarman II.
If we compare the alphabet of our grant with that of the Jirjingi grant of Indravarman 1, dated in the year 39, we find that the latter belongs to a distinctly earlier class, and indeed the difference appears to be far greater than would be warranted by the interval of 40 years between the two. Attention may be specially drawn to the forms of kh, g, h, n, bh, m, v and 6.
The final form of m occurs at the end of the inscription, while it is replaced by anusvāra in phala (1. 23), "nupālanan (1. 24), and dvādaśyāṁ (1. 27). The two numerical symbols 70 and 9 are used in the date (1. 27).
The language is Sanskrit, and with the exception of five verses, the inscription is written in prose. The influence of Prakrit may be traced in the form ekūnāfiti (1. 27). As regards orthography, anustāra is represented by guttural si in Rajasirihasya (1. 28) and sanghatzḥ (for sarhatah, 1. 29), while dental - is represented by anusvāra in gitāti (1. 21). Consonants are doubled after 1, with the exception of sh in varsha (L. 25), and dh is doubled before y in anuddhyāta (1. 8). Seperate signs are used for b and v.
The inscription records the grant of a piece of land for defraying the expenses of the worship of god Nārāyana and repairing his temples. The land included four nivēšanas (which means houses or probably sites for the same) and was situated in the village Röhanaki in the district of Varahavartani. Mahārāja Hastivarman of Kalinga, who makes the grant, belongs to the Ganga family. As noted above, this king is already known to us from the Urlām plates, dated in the year 80. The present grant is dated in the year 79, and is thus earlier of the two. Except
1 Above, Vol. XVII, p. 330. 1 Above, Vol. III, p. 128. • J. A. H. R. 8., Vol. IV, p. 21. • Ind. Ant., Vol. XVI, p. 134. .J. A. H. R. s., Vol. III, p. 49.
• The difference is, no doubt, partly the result of difference in the style of writing, but as the two records belong to the same locality, we may assume, with a tolerable degree of certainty, on the basis of the palmogrophio examination alone, that the Jirjingi grant is earlier than the present ono.
Above, Vol. XVII, p. 330.

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No. 10 .]
NARASINGAPALLI PLATES OF HASTIVARMAN; THE YEAR 79.
63
the Jirjingi grant of Indravarman I, dated in the year 39, this is the earliest copper-plate grant of the Ganga family so far discovered.1
The introductory portion of this grant agrees word for word with that of the Urlām plates, save that in the latter the word sukha is added after the word sarvvarttu in line i. As is well known, this long phraseology became stereotyped in the grants of the family, and, with some additions and alterations, continued for nearly five hundred years. The corresponding phraseology of the Jirjingi grant is, however, quite different. The present grant is, therefore, the earliest document where we can trace the stereotyped phraseology of the Ganga records. The five verses of the Urlām plates also occur in this grant.
The inscription is dated in the year 79. The exact equivalence of this date depends upon the determination of the epoch of the Ganga era to which it is presumably to be referred. As is well known, scholars differ widely on this point. This subject is too vast and complicated to be dealt with here. I may note, however, that whereas some earlier writers like Sewell and R. D. Banerjis placed the initial date of the era, respectively in the ninth and eighth century A.D., Mr. G. Ramdas pushes it back to the fourth century A.D. Dr. Fleet, who first dealt with the subject, was of opinion that the two extreme dates for the epoch of the Ganga era were A.D. 481 and 634. He based his views partly on palæographic and partly on historical grounds. The latter have now lost much of their force, but I believe his view still holds good on paleographic grounds. The present grant may be regarded on palaeographic grounds as somewhat later than that of Anantavarman which I have edited above. I have there shown my grounds for referring the latter to the century 450-550 A.D. The present grant may, therefore, be referred to the period 550-650 A.D. The epoch of the Gänga era would accordingly fall between 470570 A.D.
This is in accord with the latest theory on the subject, viz., that of Prof. R. Subba Rao, who is the first to work on the subject with the help of some positive data. He fixes the epoch of the era at A.D. 494. Although one may differ from him in some of his arguments and conclusions, and may not be inclined to be dogmatic about the particular year A.D. 494, I think, the data presented by him would reasonably lead to the hypothesis that the epoch of the Ganga era lies between 494 and 560 A.D., i.e., roughly speaking, about the first half of the sixth century A.D. Hastivarman may thus be regarded as flourishing towards the end of the sixth or the first half of the seventh century A.D.
No new information of Hastivarman's reign is furnished by this recorti. As in the Urlām plates, two of his birudas or epithets, viz., Rajasirhha and Rapabhita are mentioned in the present grant. As regards the last, Dr. Hultzsch has already drawn attention to its peculiar
1I leave out of account the Tirlingi grant, dated 28 (J. A. H. R. S., Vol. III, p. 54), for the reading of the date appears to me to be very doubtful. The writer of this grant is also Vinayachandra, son of Bhanuchandra. So if the year of the Tirlingi plate belongs to the same era to which those of Hastivarman and Indravarman II are to be referred, we have to presume that Vinayachandra was in active service from the year 28, or some time previous to it, to the year 91 (date of Parla-kimedi plates of Indravarman II), or some time posterior to it. In other words, he held the office for nearly sixty-five to seventy years. This appears to be highly improbable.
The Historical Inscriptions of Southern India, edited by Dr. S. K. Aiyangar, p. 357.
History of Orissa, Vol. I, p. 239.
J. B. O. R. S., Vol. IX, pp. 398 ff.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XVI, p. 133.
J. A. H. R. S., Vol. V, pp. 272-4.
"Mr. J. C. Ghosh suggested that it should more properly be A.D. 496; Ind. Ant, 1932, p. 237. See also Bhandarkar's List, p. 201, note 1.
I shall discuss the question more fully in a separate article.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXIII.
character and the fact that it occurs as a name of a member of the Sailodbhava family. I may add that several other members of the same family bear similar names, viz., Yasőbhita (or A-yasobhita) and Sainyabhita.
So far as is at present known, such names do not occur elsewhere. Hastivarman's rule in Kalinga falls during the period when the Sailodbhava family was ruling in Köngöda immediately to its north. The assumption of such a peculiar title by Hastivarman may not be totally unrelated to the rule of Sailodbhava family, though we have no definite information as to any relation between the two.
The present grant of Hastivarman is a dev-āgrahāra, i.e., & free-hold created, not for the benefit of an individual person, but for the regular worship of god Nārāyana and the repairs of his temples. We have a similar example in the Santabommali plates of Indravarman IIwhich repeat the exact phraseology of this inscription denoting the object of the grant.
As noted below, the three epithets of god Nārāyana (11. 12-13) occur in a single verse of KA11dāsa's Raghuvamsa (canto X, verse 21), and it is not unreasonable to presume that the composer of the record was acquainted with that work. Of far greater interest, from the historical point of view, is the designation of the god, viz., Ranabhītodaya (1. 13). There can be hardly any doubt, that this was derived from the king's own bituda, Ranabhita. It thus furnishes an example, well known in India and Indian Colonies in the Far East, of designating (the image of) a god after the king who set it up.
The king made this grant presumably at the request, or on the recommendation, of Buddhamañchi-Bhögika (1. 16). The word pratibodhita (1.17), used in this connection, literally means
to awaken, to inform, to entrust, etc.', but, considering the context, it is clear that 'to request' or to recommend' would convey the real sense.
As to Buddha-mañchi-Bhögika, there is no doubt that Buddha-mañchin was the name of a person who beld the office of a 'Bhögika'. The different meanings of the term 'Bhogika' have been discussed by me while editing the Srungavarapuköta grant of Anantavarman (above, p. 59). For an example of personal name of this type I may refer to Aditya-mañchin, the writer of the Chicacole plates, and the son of Vinayachandra who wrote the present grant. It is interesting to note that this Aditya-mañchin is referred to as Aditya-Bhögika in the Purle plates. This alteration of titles led Dr. Hultzsch to remark that like Bhogika', Manchin is perhaps an equivalent of the Telugu Bhoi, a palankeen-bearer'. The presence of both the words in the name of Buddha-mañchi-Bhögika disproves this assertion. Besides, the sense palankeen-bearer' can hardly be applied to either Aditya-, or Buddha-mañchin. I have shown that the duties of the official called Bhögika included writing or engraving of royal charters. In the present instance the term might mean the chief of the territorial unit called bhoga. In that case it would be the duty of this officer to suggest to the king the grant of land for the maintenance of a temple of
1 Above, Vol. XVIII, p. 331. * For the Sailodbhava Inscriptions, cf. Bandarkar's List, Nos. 1672-6.
* The phrase khanda-ophufita-bhagna-ghafana occurs in the Madras Museum plates of Vajrahasta; above, Vol. IX, p. 98.
J. A. H. R. 8., Vol. IV, p. 21. *Cf. my book Ancient Indian Colonies in the Far East, Vol. I. Champa, pp. 184-6. . Cf. Ind. Ant., Vol. XVI, p. 132, f. n. 3. 7 Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, p. 121. . Above, Vol. XIV, p. 362.
. It is a sub-division of district. Of. e... 'Vishayapats-bhogapali' in Khalimpur Copper plate of Dharmapala ; above, Vol. IV, p. 243 ; also Vonkhara-bhoga-sambaddha-Jijjika-grame in l. 11 of the Jirjingi grant of king Indravarman (J. A. H. R. 8., Vol. III, p. 52). The editor reads Jijjika.

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No. 10.]
NARASINGAPALLI PLATES OF HASTIVARMAN; THE YEAR 79
65
Nārāyana in his jurisdiction. The first part of the name Buddha-mañchin may be a reminiscence of the stronghold which Buddhism once had in this region.
Of the localities mentioned, Kalinganagara is now usually identified with Mukhalingam'. The district Varāhavartani (1.9) is mentioned, in several Gänga records. Dr. Sten Konow suggested that it was probably near Chicacole. This view is supported by the present grant. For the village Rohaņaki, mentioned in the present grant as situated in the district of Varahavartani, may be identified with modern Roparki (Ronunky of the Indian Atlas, Degree Sheet, 84° x 180-20'), a hamlet of Singupura of the Chicacole täluk. Further, an unpublished grant of Vajrahasta III' refers to the village of Navagrāma in Varahavartani-vishaya, and this village can be easily identified with the present Naogam in Tekkali täluk of the Ganjām District. Mr. G. R. Pantulu has identified the village Siddhārthaka in the Varāhavartani-vishaya with Sid. dhāntam near Chicacole. The Varāhavartani district would thus roughly correspond to the coastal region between Chicacole and Tekkali. It was presumably bounded on the west by Kuraka. rāshtra, corresponding to modern Palakonda tāluks. According to Mr. G. Ramdas, the village Sellada in the Rūpăvartani-vishayao belongs to Tekkali taluk. If this identification be accepted, Rūpävartani-vishaya may be located to the north of Varāhavartani. As already suggested by Hultzsch, this Rūpāvartani-vishaya is probably the same as Rūpyavati-vishaya mentioned in the Tekkali plates of Indravarman.
About two miles to the south-east of Rõnanki, there is a village called Byrey in the Atlas. It is at the junction of two roads, and on the bank of the Vamsadharā river. Is the name a reminiscence of the old Varāha-vartani ? Local investigations alone can solve this problem.
TEXT:
First Plate. 1 Om Svasti (lI*] Sarvv-arttu-ramaṇīyād=vijaya-Kalinga-nagarāt=sa kala-bhuvana2 nirmmän-aika-sūtradhäragya bhagavató Gökarnna-gvuminag-charana-kamala3 yugale-pranāmåd=apagata-kali-kalankö vinaya-naya-sampada4 m-adharah sv-asi-dhārā-parispand-ādhigata-sakala-Kaling-adhirājya8 fechatur-udadhi-taranga-mēkhal-āvani-tala-pravitat-amala-yabah anēka. 6 samara-samkshõbha-janita-jaya-babdo Gang-amala-kula-pratishthaḥ pratā. 7 p-atibay-ānāmita-samasta-bāmanta-chūdā-maņi-prabha-mañjari
Second Plate; First Side. 8 puñja-rañjita-charaņi mātā-pitfi-pād-ānuddhyātaḥ parama-māhēsvarah
Kalinganagara was identified by Fleet with Kalingapatam (Ind. Ant., Vol XVI, p. 132). Mr. G. V. Ramamurti proposed the identification with Mukhalingam (above, Vol. IV, pp. 187-8). This view is now generally accepted, but it is not free from doubts (cf. Ann. Rep. 8. Ind. Ep. 1924-25, p. 79). Fleet's view is still upheld by some (d., e.g. Prof. B. C. Bhattacharya's article in J. B. O. R. 8., Vol. XV, pp. 823 ff.). For a detailed discus. sion of the subject, cf. J. A. H. R. 8., Vol. VI, pp. 67 ff.
. Above, Vol. IX, p. 96. • Edited below, pp. 67 ft. . Above, Vol. XIII, p. 213. * See above, Vol. XIV, p. 861. • Journal of the Mythic Society, Vol. XIV, p. 271, *Above, Vol. XVIII, pp. 807 ff. • Expressed by a symbol.
. This letter has been read by Dr. Hultzsch (above, Vol. XVII, p. 382, 1. 2) asrana. But undoubtedly we have to take it as the normal symbol for runa, in which the curves of are not repeated twice

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXIII.
9 srl- Maharaj Bastivarmama / Vardhavarttant-vishaye Rohanakyam 10 sarvv&-samavētän-kutumbinas-samājõāpayati (1) Viditam=astu võ ya11 th=&smin=gråmé shapokrb halânâm bhūs-chhëdikritya chatur-nnivē12 sans-sahitā bhagavató sapt-arppava-sãyinē sapta-säm-opa13 gitaya sapta-kok-aika-nåthaya Rapabhitoday-abhidhaniya 14 Nariyapāya bali-obatu-satze-pravarttanaya khandar-sphuţita
Second Plate; Second Side. 16 sathskiraya sha sarva-kataib parihrity=i-chandr-arkka-pratishtham dåv-&grahāramh 16 kaitvi måtärpitrrwtmanaboba puny-Abhivriddhaye Buddha-matchi-bhogikëna prati 17 bodhitair-asmábhir-ddattá (1) tad=viditvå na kēnachit-parivādha' käryy: [1] 18 Simânta-bogani ch-atra purvven-asys gråma-garttă dakshiņēna 19 varandakah paschimona vishaya-garttä kuravaka-mula-sahitā utta 20 rõps saba tāls-väţikay-ti Bhavishyad-rajabhis-cb=&yan-dana21 dharmmo-nupalaniya tatha cha Vyiss-gitara blokanudaharanti [l*]
Third Plate; First Side. 22 Bahubhir yasudha datta babubhis-ch-ánupälită (1) yasya yasya 23 yadā bhūmisetasya tasya tadĀ phalam(lam) [111*] Sva-dattām-para-dattách vå
yatnād=ra24 kaha Yudhishthira [1*] mahim-mahimatăzh breshtha dānäch=chhrēyo=nupalanan
(nam) [12] 25 Shashtim varsha-sahasrani mödata divi bhimidaß [1*] akshēptă ch=826 numantă cha tanyelva nataka vasedatio i pravarddhamana-vijaya-täjya-sarva27 tsarāḥ ekūnaditi (ekonalitih) 70 9 J&shthal-Sukla-dvädasyām(byam) | Idam Vinaya
chandrēna 28. Bhanuchandrasya sūnună [*] lisanam Raja-sibhasya likhitarh sva-mukh-ajñaya
Third Plate; Second Side. 29 Mapdalāgr-agra-nishpaha-nish pisht-árata-sanghatěh" [1*] 80 Srimată=pratigh-ajñasys Rapabhitasya Hanam II B*]
TRANSLATION. Om. Hail! From the victorious (city of) Kalthganagara, which is pleasant in all seasons, the glorious Mahārdja Hastivarman'. . . . . commands (as folloros) all the ryota assembled at Rohanali, in the district of Varthavarttant :
* This mark of punctuation is unnecebay. • Read paribadhd.
Read parandalas. • Read gilan. . Read past til3] H. • Read Jyishtha.
Road it haeyo. Road athalth
.The long epithota of the king an omitted in the trapalation, above, Vol. III, p. 129).
they have been translated many times (a.

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4
16
18
8
NARASINGAPALLI PLATES OF HASTIVARMAN; THE YEAR 79.
శ్రి
Earan @add ప్రసna hina 2 21st dogal anసుక్వనా బారాగా శ్రీగరా బాబు పోరి HU CaDays THE PEORY THమామను జగ్గున
లెకర్ 15 మ పె
ii,a.
J
శ్రీజ బాగా
బహు తెమడ బాఖ జాతివాది 8 బాబా J బాలలు గుద్ద జద్యులు alagaina జితమును బలితీని 12 నా గుబ గమనించాను ఏ రాజము 14 ప్రాలు మరియ విఖడిగే 14
ప్రే
అనిత విజ్ఞాన
ii, b
సురా
4
10
yani
జాతర 6జి అంబ్రల్లో 16 వారధిని వానికి నా
గోపరాజు 18
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Reg. No. 3977 E'36-275.
విజయవ@avaraj
20 విను అ విజే డి సామి శG. ES కాల లైన 20 తపము విద్యాం శ్
శ్రీకృష్ణబాబా
SCALE: ACTUAL SIZE.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA,

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iii, a.
బాలెన్స్
24
దుబ్బాక పురాణం యదన్న టిన్ని పది శ్రీ గి 2.20 27212 వ య క్తి * జయరి ... జజ్జ అజగరాం ఆది జబ్బ నా ప్రతివాని వేమన గాలి For NEARI 323 అవి అని STERY
222
బ్ర
బాండి 24 22: బలివ ఉమ న క స 26 పక్షము వేక్షణ విడలు 28
ణ
22
26
28
30
iii,b.
అవి ఏపి నా Suby any action yet
Seal; From a photograph.
22
30

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No. 11. ] GANJAM COPPER-PLATES OF VAJRAHASTA III; SAKA-SAMVAT 991.
67
Be it known to you, that having constituted six halas of land, with four cottages, in this village, as (a separate) section, and making it an agrahāra for god, which is to last as long as the moon and the sun, and having exempted it from all taxation, we have, at the request of (lit. being informed by) Buddha-mafichi, the Bhögika, and for increasing the religious merit of (our) parents and ourselves, granted it to god Närāyaṇa,-who lies on the seven seas, who is sung in seven hymns (Rathantara, etc.), who is the sole lord of seven worlds'; and who has the designation Rapabhitodaya, for the sake of performing (oblations known as) bali, charu and satra, and for the repairs of dilapidations (of the temple).
Having known this, nobody should cause any hindrance.
The boundary marks are as follows :-On the east, the trenches of the village ; on the south, the mound of earth; on the west, the trenches of the district with the Kuravaka-thicket; on the north, along with the palm-grove.
The future kings should maintain this religions gift. And likewise the verses sung by Vyāsa are quoted.
(Here follow three of the customary verses). In the year Seventy-nine 70, 9 of the prosperous victorious reign, on the twelfth day of the bright fortnight of Jyēshtha.
(Verse 4) At the command of his (the king's) own mouth, this charter of Rajasirha has been written by Vinayachandra, son of Bhanuchandra.
(Verse 5) (This is a charter of the glorious Rapabhita, whose commands are irresistible, and who has totally crushed the hostile confederacy by the strokes of the point of (his) scimitar,
No. 11 .-GANJAM COPPER-PLATES OF VAJRAHASTA III ; SAKA-SAMVAT 991.
BY PROF. R. C. MAJUMDAR, M.A., PH.D., DACCA. This is a set of five copper-plates measuring 81 inches in length and about 4 inches in breadth. The outer face of the first plate has been left blank, while there is no writing on the last plate, which was evidently put in to protect the writing on the second side of the fourth plate. The plates are strung on a ring, the ends of which are soldered to the bottom of a circular seal bear. ing a couchant Nandi, a drum, a conch, two fly-whisks (chämaras), two darts or lances, an umbrella, a makara-tõrana and the sun and the moon.
The inscription consists of fifty-three lines. It is, generally speaking, in a good state of preservation. The second side of the third plate and the first side of the fourth plate, are, however, partly corroded, and a few letters are either wholly or partly effaced.
The plates were found somewhere in the Ganjām District and are now deposited in the Madras Museum. The text was published in the Telugu Journal Bharati, which is not accessible to me. I edit them from excellent Ink-impressions supplied by the Government Epigraphist for India.
The alphabet is northern Nägari of the same kind as is used in four other plates of Vairahasta. The final form of m occurs in mahim (1. 36) where, in addition to the sign of the virāma. the top-stroke of the letter is omitted. The sign of the virāma is also found in ardakan (1. 17) and
1 All the three epithets of Nārāyana occur in the Raghupamba, X, 21. Sapta-sm-opagitan tvih sapt-arnava-jalēdayam sapt-archir-mukham-dchakhyah aapla-lok-aika-sarayam 1
See introductory remarks...
• (a) The Nadagam plates, year 979 Saka (above, Vol. IV, p. 183): (b) The Madras Museum platea, year 984 Saka (above, Vol. IX, p. 04): (c) The Chicacolo plates, year 971 Saka (J. A. H. R. S, Vol. VIII, p. 171) and (d) Narasapatam plates, year 967 Saka (above, Vol. XI. p. 147).

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vāranān (1. 41). The letter A in conjuncta fich and nichh is placed after ch and chh and is not connected with it (cf., e.g., läfichhana in l. 8, and pañchabhih in l. 13). The anusvāra is denoted by a circle after the consonant, and very often a virāma is added underneath.
There are several superfluous signs of interpunctuation in the grant (cf. 11. 47, 61, 62), the most glaring instance being that in line 2, where the sign is used between two words of the same compound, dakshinya and satya.
As regards orthography, the class nasal is used before surds, the only exception being samkhyāṁ (1. 33). The letter v is used throughout for b. Consonants are doubled after r, except in varsha (1..16), and paursha (1.53), but cf. varshshāni in 11. 26-27. In doubling bh, the form bhbh is used instead of bbh. In one case alone, t seems to be doubled before r (puttrah, 1. 51), though it is doubtful whether the letter really denotes ttra. There are several cases of interchange of sibilants. Thus s is used for & in samit-āri (1. 24), mahisaḥ (1. 26), and for sh in Asādha (1. 50); $ is used for sin salila (1. 3), afinë (1. 42), and sh for s in shutah (1. 12). As in the other platest of Vajrahasta, we have prakshyālita (1. 3) instead of prakshālita, and samujvala (11. 8, 25) instead of sam ujjvala. It is difficult to distinguish between medial i and d.
The language of the inscription is Sanskrit. It contains twelve verses, the remainder being in prose.
The inscription is one of king Vajrahasta (III, or, according to another reckoning, V) of the Gänga dynasty, the son of Kāmărņava and Vinayamahādēvi. Six other copper-plate grants of this king are known, of which four have been edited and published in well-known journals'. Of the remaining two, the Triplicane Grant, dated in the Saka year 982, is noticed in the Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy, 1924-25 (p. 7, No. 5) with a summary of its contents. The remaining one, the Boddapādu Grant, is described by Prof. Subba Rao', but no reference is given. It was published in the Telugu Journal Bharati (Vo) II, No. 5). In the following remarks I shall confine myself to the four published copper-plate grants of the king known to me.
The introductory portion of the present grant, which covers the first forty-two lines and six letters of the forty-third line, is an exact repetition of what we find in the other four platest. It contains, in addition to the opening stereotyped panegyrical passage, the genealogical account of the family, to which we shall refer later.
The next portion beginning with Kalinga-nagarāt in l. 43, and ending with viditam-astu bhavatām in l. 46, also ooours in the first three grants mentioned in footnote 1, with this difference, that whereas in the present grant, and the Madras Museum plates, the name of the king is written as Srimad- Anantavarmmā Vajrahasta-devah, it is simply "Srimad-Vajrahastadevah " in the other two.
The remaining portion, which actually records the grant, is, of course, different, though the ugual legal phrases, which occur in 11. 47-49, are common to all. Thus, with the exception of the name of the village in 1. 47, the first forty-nine lines of the present inscription contain nothing new. It must be noted, however, that the present grant contains, comparatively speaking, fewer mistakes than the others.
(a) The Nadagim plates, year 979 Saka (above, Vol. IV, p. 183); (b) The Madras Museum plates, year 984 Saka (above, Vol. IX, p. 94); (c) The Chicacole plates, year 971 Saka (J. A. H. R. 8., Vol. VIII, p. 171) and (d) Narasapatam platos, year 967 Saks (above, Vol. XI, p. 147).
* J. A. H. R. 8., Vol. VI, pp. 203-205.
. This has been noticed also in the Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy for 1925-26 (No. 1 of Appendix A). But by mistake the name of the dynasty is given as Eastern Chalukya instead of Eastern Ganga.
• A few minor changes are introduced in Narasa patam plates. Hence I do not give any translation of the text, for which cf. above, Vol. IV, pp. 102-93 and Vol. XI Pp. 162
53.

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No. 11. ] GANJAM COPPER-PLATES OF VAJRAHASTA III; SAKA-SAMVAT 991. 69
From the concluding four lines of the inscription we learn that the village mentioned in l. 47, viz., Navagrāma in (the district of) Varāhavartani was granted by the king, in the Saka year 991, on Monday, the seventh day of the first fortnight of the month of Ashādha, to Gokananāyaka, son of Bhimana-nayaka and his wife Prõlakavā, and the grandson of Mallapa-näyaka. The donee is said to be Vēsyä(tyä)-varsodbhava, i.e., descended from a courtesan. The word vēsyā is possibly a mistake for Vaisya, but I may point out that grants to courtesans, who were royal favourites, were not unknown in those days. The word paursha in the last line I am unable to explain, but it is possibly a mistake for paurusha. In that case, the royal grant was a recognition of the donee's devotion and valour extending over a long period.
The date of the grant has been calculated to correspond to 9th June, 1068 A.D., taking the Saka year as current.
Of the localities mentioned, the village Navagrama is to be identified with the present Naogām in Tekkali tāluk of the Ganjām District. As to Varahavartani, which must have been in the neighbourhood of Chicacole, and Kalinganagara, usually identified with Mukhalingam, I have already discussed their identification while editing the Narasingapalli plates of Hastivarman, on p. 65 above.
Lastly, there is the title, 'Lord of Tri-Kalinga', applied to Vajrahasta. Tri-Kalinga is usually interpreted as the whole of Kalinga in its widest extent. Thus Prof. R. Subba Rao, on the strength of the above title of Vajrahasta, infers that he was also the paramount sovereign of Tri-Kalinga country which extended from the river Ganges in the North to the river Godāvari in the South "s. Apart from well-known historical facts which militate against this view, I may point out that it is impossible to accept this meaning of the term Tri-Kalinga, at least for the period to which the present grant belongs. A perusa) of the records of the Eastern Chālukyas throws very interesting light on this point. We learn from the Masulipatam plates of Chāluky&Bhima I (888-918 A.D.), and the Pithapuram Pillar Inscription of Malla padēva', dated Sakasamvat 1124, that the Eastern Chalukya king Vijayāditya III (844-888 A.D.) took by force the gold of the Ganga kings of Kalinga', and received elephants as tribute from the Kalinga king'. The Masulipatam plates of Amma I (918-925 A.D.) tell us that king Vijayāditya IV (918 A.D.) ruled the 'Vēngimaņdala, joined with Tri-Kalinga forest' (Trikalingg-ātavi-yuktam). Aecording to the Kolavennu grant of Chalukya-Bhima II, king Vikramāditya II (who ruled some time after 925 A.D.) ruled over Vēngi and Tri-Kalinga. Ammarāja II (945-970 A.D.) is also stated to have at first ruled over the Véngi country with Tri-Kalinga, but later left the parental throne and ruled in Kalinga for fourteen years (956-970 A.D.). Dānārņava, too, ruled in Kalinga for three years, after the loss of Vëngi'.
These extracts show that in the Eastern Chālukya records of the tenth and subsequent centuries, Tri-Kalinga is distinguished from Kalinga and is obviously regarded as a place of less
1[Apparently vēsyā in the present record is an error in writing for Vaisya to which caste the Nāyakas in this part are known to have belonged. Cf. An. Rep. on Epigraphy, 1918-19, C. P. No. 5.-Ed.)
+ Cunningham-Anc. Geogr., p. 594. Fleet, above, Vol. III, p. 327. Recently Mr. B. C. Majumdar and Mr. B. Misra have interpreted Tri-Kalinga as denoting the three countries 'Kalinga, Kongõda, and Utkala '(Orissu in the Making, p. 187; J. B. O. R. S., Vol. XIV, p. 145).
.J.A. H. R. S., Vol. VI, p. 203. . Ann. Rep. on Epigraphy, 1914, p. 84.
Above, Vol. IV, p. 240. • Above, Vol. V, p. 131.
8.1. I., Vol. I, pp. 43 ff. • Arumbāka pl. of Bädapa, above, Vol. XIX, p. 137.
langallu Grant, Ann. Rep. on Epigraphy, 1917, p. 132 ; also cf. 1. 7. Q., Vol. XI, p. 43.

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(VOL. XXIII.
importance than Kalinga. In any case, it is impossible to take Tri-Kalinga in these records in anything like the sense in which Prof. Subba Rao has taken it. The same conclusion follows from the fact that the Haihayas, the Chandēllas, and the Somavamsi kings of Kobala also assumed the title Tri-Kaling-adhipati.
Mr. G. Ramadas has suggested that Tri-Kalinga denotes the highland to the west of the Mahēndra hills of Ganjām, from the upper course of the Mahanadi to about the source of the Languliyā river'. He was apparently unaware of the references to Tri-Kalinga and Kalinga in the Chālukys records cited above. But there is no doubt that they generally support his view, though we may have to extend the boundaries of the region further south. Without entering in to further discussion on this point, I think we have to admit that we cannot take Tri-Kalinga in the present record to denote the whole of Kalinga, and that it was the designation of a separate region, most probably the hilly tract to the west of Kalinga.
The genealogy of the Gänga family, as given in this and the four other inscriptions referred to above, was shown in a tabular form by Mr. G. V. Ramamurti, while editing the Nadagam plates. The same scholar also drew attention to the fact that it differs substantially from the genealogical account given in the Vizagapatam plates of Anantavarman Chodaganga, dated Saka 1040". The latter is also repeated in the Korni copper-plate grant of Anantavarman Chodaganga, dated Saka 1034. Curiously enough, the other copper-plate grants of the same king Anantavarman Chödaganga corroborate the genealogical account given in the plates of Vajrahasta, including the present grant.
This is not the proper place for entering into a detailed discussion on these discrepancies. It is only necessary to point out that the genealogy given in the present grant and the other plates of Vajrahasta III appears to have far more historical value than the more elaborate genealogical account in the Korni and Vizagapatam plates of Anantavarman Chödaganga, dated respectively in 1034 and 1040 Saka. The former looks like one based on family records, while the latter is undoubtedly an artificially concocted pedigree, reaching back to the creator of the universe.
The grant, like the other plates of Vajrahasta III, gives the exact time of the coronation of the Icing (11. 33-35). This has been calculated to correspond to 3rd May, 1038 A.D., 8 h. 27 m. P. M.
TEXT.
First Plate. 1 Om' svasti [ll] Srimatām-akhila-bhuvana-vinuta-naya-vinaya-daya-dana-dakshi3 nya * -satya-baucha-kauryya-dhairyy-idi-guna-ratna-pavitrakāņām-Atre3 ya-gðtrāņām vimala-vichār-achāra-punya-balila-prakshyālita.oka.
1J. B.O.R.S., Vol. XIV, pp. 547 ff ; Vol. XV, pp. 635 ff..
See f. n. 1 on 1.68. The Triplicane Grant also gives the same genealogy (Ann. Rep. on 8. Ind. Ep., 192425, p. 78).
• Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, pp. 165 ff.
J. A. H. R, S., Vol. I, p. 108.
(a) Vizagapatam Grant, dated 1003 8. (Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, p. 161): () Vizagapatam Grant, dated 1057 S. (Ibid., p. 172) and (c) Korni Grant, dated 1003 8. (J. A.H.R. S., Vol. I, p. 39).
Above. Vol. IV, p. 185. Prof. 8. Rao gives the date of Vajrahasta, onde as 1037-1070 A.D. (J. A. H. R. 8.. Vol. V, p. 276; Vol. VI, p. 208), and again as 1038-1069 A.D. (Ibid., Vol. VI, p. 212). Expressed by a symbol.
• This sign of interpunctuation is unnecondary. . Read salila.
10 Read prakshüliia.

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No. 11.) GANJAM COPPER-PLATES OF VAJRAHASTA III; SAKA-SAMVAT 991.
71
4 li-kāla-kalmasha-mashiņām mahā-Mahēndr-achala-bikhara-pra6 tishthatasyal sa char-āchara-guroh sakala-bhuvani nirmma6 D-aika-sutradhārasya Sasanka-chūļā-maņ&r=bhbhagavatót Gökarpna-sviminaḥ 7 sādātesamāsādit-aika-sankha-bhārl-patioha-mahalavda(bda)-dhavala-chehhatta8 hēma-chamara-vara-vpishabha-lañobhana-lataujvala-samasta-sarajyar-ma
pra
Second Plate; First Side. 9 himnām=anēka-samara-sanghatta-samupalavdhaf-vijaya-lakshmi-samili. 10 ngit-ötunga-bhuja-danda-manditanah Tri-Kalinga-mahibkujāmă Ga. 11 ngānām-anvayam-alankarishmor-v Vishnor-iva vikram-äkrinta-dhara-ma12 pdalasya Gunamahārņpava-ksha(ma)hārājasya shutah oll Pürvvar bhū13 patibhi[r]=vvibhajya vasudha ya pañchabhiḥ pažchadha bhuktv bhūri14 parākramo bhuja-valātio=tām=ēka öva svayam [] ēkiksitya vijitys 16 katru-nivahāna" bri-Vajrahastas-chatuschatvārimsatam=atyudāra-charitaḥ 16 sarvvām=arakshit-samaḥll [*]u Tasya tanay Gundama-räjau varsha-trayam apālaya
Second Plate; Second Side. 17 demahim || () tad-anuja) Kamar pavadávaḥ pañcha-trimsatam=avdakan | Ta. 18 symänuj8 Vinayadityassamowisah # Tataḥ Kämärộnaväj-ját jaguti19 kalpa-bhūruhaḥ || (1) yo=rājad-täjita-chchhayo Vajrhastovanipatiḥ | [2] Prag
chyöda(ta) 20 n-mada-gandha-luvdha-madhupa-vyalidha-gandān=gajānn(n)=artthibhyas=samadāt=s&21 hasram=atuloy&s-tyaginām=agrani[h!) wahubrimän-Aniyankabhima-ni22 patir=gGang-anvay-otamsakaḥ* pafchatrithkatam-avdakan samabhuna23 k=pithvim stutaḥ pārttbivaiḥ || [3*]* Tad-agra-odnuß gura-rāja-sūnuna samaan
samasta24 samit.&ri-mandala) [lo] sma påti Kimaropava-bhtipatir bhbhuvauw samrid
dhimãn arddha25 semām samujvalah || [4*}" Tad-anu tad-anujanmo chittajanm-Opamând par
* Read pratishthitasya.
! Read bluedna. • Read bbhagawatd.
• Read samuffvala. . Read samapalabdha.
• Read -ottunga. * Read Gao.
. Read sulal. . Read bhukta.
10 Read balai. 11 Read nivahan
u Metre : Sardalavikridita + Read -najo.
u Read abdakan. (This also appears to be a verse in faulty Aryd metre, though none of the published aditions seems to have noticed it.-Ed.) 4 Metre: śloka.
16 Read lubdha. 17 Read sa.
u Read gang.Anvay-ottathaakad. 1Read abdakan.
** Read prithvinh. 11 Metre : Sardalavikridita.
1 Read kamilo. ** Read bbhuvan.
* Read eamujjouluh. * Metre: Vamasths.
* Read yanmd.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXIII.
Third Plate; First Side. 26 nidhir-anavadyo Gundam-ākhyo mahisaḥ1 [*] sakalam=ida[m=arakshat=]trini va 27 Tshshāņi dhātri-valayam-alaghu-tējā-nirjjit-ārāti-chakraḥ || [5*]* Tato dvai. 28 maturas-tasya Madhukilmárppavo nfipaḥ | avati sm=āvanim=ētām-avda29 meēkārņņa vimbatir loll [6*] Atha Vajrahasta-nçipatēr=agra-sutād-akhila-gu30 ni-jan-āgranyaḥ [1*) Kämārņnavät-kavindra-pragiyaman-ävadāta31 subha-kirttēḥ ||[7*}* Siya' iva Vaidumv-anvaya-payah-payonidhi-samu32 bhbh(dbha)vāyāt-cha[l*] yah samajani Vinayamahadövya Sri-Vajrahasta iti
tana33 yaḥ |[8*7* Viyad-situ-nidhi-samkhyām gāti Sāk-āvda -sarghê Dinakçiti Vrishabha 34 sthē Rõhiņi-bhe sulagnē [1] Dhanudhiu che sita-pakshe Süryya-värē tritiyām.
Third Plate; Second Side: 35 yuji sakala-dharitram rakshitum yo=bhishiktaḥ ||[9*]" Nyāyyēna yatra samam-ā36 charitum tri-varggēl märggēna rakshati mahim mahita-pratāpē [l*) nirvvy37 dhayab=cha miraghās-cha nirāpadas-cha salvat-prajā bhuvi bhavanti vibhu38 timarttyahı |[10*]* Vyāptē Ganga W-kul-ottamasya yabasă dik-chakravāla 39 saki-padyota-amaliněna yasya bhuvanahm-prahlada-sa40 mpādinā [l*] saindūrair-ati-sāndra-parka-patalai[h*] kumbha-sthali-pattakēshv=āli41 mpanti punaḥ punas-cha haritām=adhoraņā vāraṇān || [11*]" Anuragēna 42 guņing yasya vaksho-mukh-āvjayoḥ* D*) afinen Sri-Sarasvatyāv-anu
Fourth Plate; First Side. 43 kūlē virājatah loll (12*] Kalinganagart=parama-mähësvara-parama44 bhattāraka-mahārāj-adhiraja-Tri-Kaling-adhipati-Srimad-Anuntava48 rmma Vajrahasta-[de]vah kubali samast-āmātya-pramukha-janapadán-8a46 māhūya samājñapayati viditam-astu bhavatā || (Viditam-&
1 Road makibah. Read abdan. Metro: Sloka. Read Sriya. Metre: Giti. * Read Dhanushi, * Road dharitrit. 16 Read varggan. 17 Motre: Vasantakilala. 1. Read prodyota 11 Metro: śardalavikridita.
There is a redundant medial i dgn before. Read deind.
* Metre: Malini, . Read eanna. • Metre: Giti. . Read Vaidumbo 10 Read Sak-abda. u Read tritiyd..
Metre: Malini, 1. Read matyal.
Read Ganga. 30 Read bhuvand,
* Read -abjayob. ** Metre : Sloka.

Page #102

GANJAM COPPER-PLATES OF VAJRAHASTA III: SARA-SAMVAT 991.
R हराका मम गवगतका गवाह यादव का का
या- १० ति मल (वयानी या पुजाललघमालका +लकाल कलामबाला महामहशयल (उत्तम नित रायगारमा सकल व (म (मम्मान सक सलमान 7 रानपावत्मकल यानि अका यादा शभागादित काटनाघउमहाजलपवलठ हम गामात उघ सामा० उमसमजुतमाम सम मानस
ira.
कला महाराज हमाघमा HTTERS ला दधानाम 4 भात भात या सामाजिक सेवा समाघि बनिन में सूरत कमाल
भागामचनुरामा
लायनमा चारा विवाह समाययाङ्क | यनिता का
पालन माग
ग या । रितु । 50 Kान विकास मनानाठमारनाम50
iv,b.
यशा (मामवारवाताहतधनाचमायकाच्या खुनना 521व्यायकरायाघालकनालयातायाहाको 52
काय रिसकालमा वा सायाधयारिला विनायर न.६०
SCALE: THREE-QUARTERS.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. REG. No.3977E'36-275.

Page #103


Page #104

No. 12.) INDIAN MUSEUM PLATES OF GANGA DEVENDRAVARMAN : YEAR 308.73
47 stu bhava) ..... 'Varāhavarttanyam | Navagramas-chatus-sim-iva48 chchhinnas-sa-jala-sthalas=sarvva-pidā-vivarjjitam=ā-chandr-arkka49 kshiti-sama-kālam (yāvan)-mātā-pitror=ātmanas-cha punya-yaső-bhivriddha50 yē | sasi-nanda-nidhi-[śā]k-āvdēm
Āsādha-māsa-prathama-paksha-sa
Fourth Plate ; Second Side. 51 ptamyāṁ Sõma-vāré vēsyā-vams-odbhavaḥ Mallapa-näyakas-tasya puttraḥ 52 Bhimana-näyakas-tasya bhāryy. Prolakavă | tayoḥ putrāya | Gokana? 53 nāyakāya chira-kālam-ārādhya 8va-paursha-paritoshitāya datta itil
No. 12.-INDIAN MUSEUM PLATES OF GANGA DEVENDRAVARMAN :
THE YEAR 308. BY B. Ca. CHHABRA, M.A., M.O.L., Pa.D. (LUGD.), OOTACAMUND. The charter under examination is one of the nine sets of copper-plates that were acquired, in the year 1935, by Mr. N. G. Majumdar, Superintendent, Archeological Section, Indian Museum, Calcutta, through Mr. Satyanarayan Rajguru of Parlakimedi, District Ganjam. Regarding its find-spot no definite information is available. Mr. Rajguru, however, informs me that a cultivator, while digging a field in a village of the Badakhimedi Estate of Ganjām, came upon an earthen pot containing some ten sets of copper-plates of which the present record is one. Inkimpressions of these plates were kindly supplied to me by Mr. Majumder with whose permission I edit them here.
These are thres copper-plates, each measuring 57" x 3". They were strung on a ring, about 3 inches in diameter, fixed to a circular seal. The seal, 14" in diameter, is intact and bears the figures in high relief of a seated bull, facing the proper left, a crescent and a star above it and a blown lotus below. The plates weigh 112 tolas, while the ring and the seal together weigh 14 iolas. The plates have flat rims. The writing on them has undergone a slight damage, especially on the obverse of the second plate. There are 38 lines of writing in all, the first and the last faces bearing 7 each and the remaining three 8 each. All the three plates are inscribed on both the sides, the charter ending on the obverse of the third plate. On the reverse of this last appear two different writings, one upon the other, but neither seems to be relevant to the present grant. The three lines of writing on the lower portion, the first consisting of four aksharas only and the
1 The syllables within the brackets are indistinct. Probably the engraver, through mistake, repeated the phrase Viditamastu bhavatan, and then tried to cancel it by rubbing off the letters.
* The portion of the plate before this letter is very damaged, and there might have been two or three letters. The last one, immediately preceding Va, seems to be tra. There might be the word atra.
• These three letters are very indistinct, as this portinn of the plate is very damaged. • The letter kd is very indistinct. Read - Sak-abdē. Read Ashadha.
. Read vasya or Vailya. + There is a dot over ka, but I doubt whether it was intended for anusvira, as this is usually represented in this plate by a circle to the right of the consonant.

Page #105

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXIII.
other two of nine each, in clearer and bigger letters, were evidently engraved later without first completely smoothing the surface, for it shows traces of a previous engraving a considerable part of which can still be read. It presents the same text as found in 11. 27-32 of our inscription. It also betrays the same hand to which the incision of the present charter is due. Probably, the engraver, while incising the record on the plates, omitted the text contained in the 11. 24-26. But later, when he had engraved the subsequent six lines, he discovered his mistake. Thereupon he rejected that plate and carved afresh on the other one, beginning with what he had omitted. The rejected engraving was left as it was. The later addition of the three lines of writing in bigger characters, though quite clear, does not yield any coherent sense to me.
The alphabet belongs to a Northern variety and resembles closely that of the other known records of the king, Dēvēndravarman. The writing is cursive and is rather carelessly done. It does not look uniform. There are even instances where two independent syllables have been written with one flowing stroke, cf. Osali of kusali, 1. 14, and sati of samadićati, 1. 16. In these as well as in certain other cases, the letter & does not show the central bar which is shown clearly elsewhere, e.g., in sagāṁka, 1. 5. Several letters exhibit each more than one form, ef. g in-dagarāns, 1. 3, -gure, 1.4, bhagavato, 1. 6, and Gāng, 1. 8; ; in vijaya", 1.2, -janita-, 11. 9-10, -jaya-, 1. 10, 1 in ortu., l. 1, pratishthi°, 1. 4, gata- 1. 8, -tilako, 1. 9, janita-, 11. 9-10, and samavētām, 1. 15; d in samadišati, viditam=, 1. 16, and -ādibhiḥ, 1. 26; n in -ānu", 1. 1, and -janita-, 11. 9-10; r in sa-charāchara-, 1.4; 1 in Kalanga, 1.2, and mala-kula-tilako, L. 9; & in šašāmka-, 1.5, - savda-, 1. 10, and -danda pāśik-, 1. 26; 8 in sa-char-āchara-, 1.4, sa[ka]la-, 11. 4-5, and -saghatta-, 1. 9, etc. Moreover, only in one instance, m has its Nāgari form, whereas in all the other cases it has been represented by its ancient form. Both of them may be compared in Srīsāmantēna and pravarddhamana in the last line, i.e., 1. 38. It may further be noticed that, except in one or two cases, the media) long i has throughout been represented by the sign of the medial short i, the exceptions being
tki, 1. 37, and tri-, 1. 38. In like manner the signs of medial u and ů are not distinguished, that of the former representing the both.
The record is composed in Sanskrit prose, except that three verses occur in 11. 28-36. It offurs only a few noteworthy points of orthography. The consonant after r is very rarely doubled; see for example sarvvartu-, l. 1, nirman., 1. 5. - Rājëndravarma-, l. 13, Yajurvēda-, l. 18, Govindasarmanè, 1. 19, and -kirttay[i], 1. 35. In most cases v is used for b, like in -sarda-, 1. 10. Anusvāra is used instead of the class nasal, in sašāmka-, l. 5, -kalamkā, 1. 8, -ambu- 1. 33, etc., as well as for the final n, cf. samavētāri, l. 15, and jānapadām, 1. 16. In certain instances an akshara or visarga has been wrongly left out, e.g., in 11. 2, 6 and 8. A few more mistakes of spelling, possibly attributable to the engraver, will be noticed in the footnotes to the text.
The charter records the gift of a village called Purujvanā (?) in Bukudravaka or Bukudravakõna, in Lõhadhangara, by the Ganga king Dēvēndravarman, son of the Mahārāja Rajendravarman, to one Govindaśarman, son of Bhatta Nārāyana. The donee is described to be & resident of a place in Uttara-Rādhā, a member of the Vatsa-gotra and a follower of the Yajurvēda and the Katha-charana. The name of the donee's native place could not be clearly made out. The name of the donated village which may be read as Purushthanā or Purujvanā occurs in l. 21, but the subsequent details are not clear, as that part of the inscription is badly disfigured.
What is of chief importance in this record is its date which is the year 308. Although it is indicated only by decimal figures, yet there can be no uncertainty or ambiguity about its reading. This mention of date thpows, as we shall presently see, a decisive light on the date, which up till now rests on a mere surmise, of another grant of the same ruler

Page #106

No. 12) INDIAN MUSEUM PLATES OF GANGA DEVENDRAVARMAN : YEAR 398. 75
Besides the present one, three more records are known of the same Dēvēndravarman, namely (1) Bangalore Plates,() Chicacole Plates and (3) Tekkali Plates. The first of these, like the present one, has been issued from Kalinganagara, but it contains no date beyond mentioning an ayana-sankranti on which occasion the village Sidhatā of the Varāhavartani-vishaya is stated to have been granted to an individual "in order to provide for the worship and offerings to the god) Paramëkvara." The Chicacole grant, it is reported, "records the gift of the village Virin. tika in the Pushkariņi-vishaya to four brothers." It is undated, and it has been issued from Kalinganagara. The Tekkali Plates have been edited by Dr. Hultzsch. This record has likewise been issued from Kalinganagara and it is dated. The wording of the date is, however, doubtful. The editor has supposed it to be the year 310. This supposition now becomes most acceptable in the light of the present record, as has been pointed out above. The year refers itself to the Ganga era the initial date of which has been much discussed, but not yet been quite settled. Recently Mr. R. Subba Rao has outlined a history of the Gangas of Kalinga. According to his calculation, the Ganga years 308 and 310 would correspond respectively to A. D. 802 and A. D. 804, which may not be far wrong, if not exact. This date may, moreover, be borne out by the palaeographical evidence.
The name Dēvēndravarman has been borne by several Ganga kings. That of our record stands, in the genealogical order, as Dēvēndravarman IV.? That the self-same person figures as the grantor in all the four, dated and undated, records described above, is evident from two main considerations : firstly in all the instances he is mentioned as the son of Rājëndravarman, and secondly all the four charters have evidently been engraved by one and the same person. Moreover, except for the Bangalore grant which does not mention the composer's name, the re
1 Epigraphia Carnatica, Vol. IX, Bn 140, and Plates; see also the Introduction, p. 9 (text on p. 33 of the section called Text of the Inscriptions in Roman characters, and translation on pp. 26 f. of the section called Translations of the Inscriptions). It is stated that there is the figure of an elephant on the seal'. Possibly the figure of a bull has been mistaken here for that of an elephant. Moreover, the editor assigns the plates roughly to A.D. 700, of course without the knowledge of the dated records of this Dévendravarman.
1 An. Rep. on 8. I. Epigraphy, 1918-19, Appendix A, No. 7. These plates have been published first in Telugu by R. Subba Rao in the Rao Sahib G. V. Ramamurti Pantulu Garu Commemoration Volume, pp. 294 f. and later in English by C. Narayana Rao and R. Subba Rao jointly in the J. A. H. R. S., Vol. VIII, pp. 185 ff.
. Above, Vol. XVIII, pp. 311-313, and Plates.
• According to the editors, while the name of the village is Virinika, it was granted to Hētiloka, son of Vilachi" (J. A. H. R. 8., Vol. VIII, p. 193). It may be pointed out that the text given by the editors is obviously inac. carate in several places. Their account, therefore, may not entirely be depended upon. At the same time, it may be admitted that the writing on the plates is not very clear.
* The reading is data-maye dat-oltare. The first compound is suggested to be a clerical error for sata-traye; f. above, Vol. XVIII, p. 312, and A. R. on 8. I. E., 1923-24, pp. 97-98.
.J.A. H. R. 8., Vol. VI, pp. 196-97. See also A. R. on 8. I. E., 1931-32, p. 45, where the origin of the Eastern Ganga ers has been discussed, and almost the same conclusion has been reached.
* This is sooording to R. Subba Rao, whereas according to some other views, he is Dévëndravarman IIL 100 .9., R. D. Bagerji's History of Oriana, Vol. I, p. 234.

Page #107

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXIII.
maining three have likewise been composed by an identical individual. Both the composer and the engraver bear titles, as is shown below:
Plates.
Composer.
Engraver.
.
.
Bangalore. Chicacole . Tekkali
. .
.
Sarvvachandra-Srisamanta Rahmaya Srisamanta Sarvvachan
dra. Rahasya Sarvachandra .
Srt-Khandivili. Srisämanta-Khapdimala. Akshabalin-Srtaimanta-Khapdimala.
Indian Museum
.
.
.
Akshaśālin-Khapdimala-Srisämanta.
Notwithstanding the variant readings presented and in spite of the omission of titles in certain cases, we may safely assume that the composer and the engraver, in each case, were respectively Rahasya Srīsāmanta Sarv vachandra and Akshasālin Srisāmanta Khandimala. . The official titles Rahasya and Akshaśālin are met with also in several other Ganga records, They have been rendered by Dr. Hultzsch respectively as private secretary' and 'keeper of records '.3 The latter term perhaps simply denotes an engraver'.
Among the localities mentioned in the inscription, Kalinganagara has been identifted with Mukhalingam, a place of pilgrimage, 20 miles from Parlakimedi in the Ganjām District, while Uttara-Rādhā is that part of Bengal which includes a portion of the district of Murshidā. bad. I am unable to identify the other places occurring in the record.
TEXT.
First Plate ; First Side, 1 Om Svasty Amarapur-ānukärinaḥ sarvv-artu2 sukha-ramani(ni)yä[d*]=vijayavatä(tah) Kala(11)nga. 3 da/na)garān-Mahēnda(ndr-ā)chala (l-a)-mala-likhara. 4 pratishthida(ta)sya sa-char-achara-gurē(8)[ho] sa5 [ka]la-[bh]uvana-nirma(rmā)n-aika-su(sū)tradhärasya sasarka6 chu(chū)damanė[r*]-[bha]gava(to'y Gokarnało.gvāminas-cha7 raņa-[ka]mala
First Plate; Second Side. 8 yugala-pa(pra)nalnā)ma(mā)[d*]=v[i]gata-kali-kala[m]kā(kö) Gäng-2 9 mala-kula-tilakõ=nēka-samara-sa[m*-ghatta-jani10 ta-jaya-savda(bdah) pratāp-ā[va]nata-samasta-sama. 11 [n]ta-chūdamaņi-prabhā mañjari(II)-pusija-rañji
1 This reading is due to restoration.
* See, for instance, Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, p. 145. Above, Vol. III, p. 21.
From the impressions. 5 Expressed by a symbol.
• This ti looks more like ni. * This letter has a peculiar form. It no doubt stands for ka. In -avanata., 1. 10, va has an almost lilo shape, but in that case only the central dash is superfluous.
The right-hand curve attached to the ka is superfluous here. Usually it represents medial in this in oription; see, for example, in kusali, I. 14.
. The formation of this syllable is hardly recoguizabio. 10 The doubling of the consonant is doubtful here.

Page #108

6
12
14
2
8
20
18
22
INDIAN MUSEUM PLATES OF GANGA DEVENDRAVARMAN: THE YEAR 308.
i.a.
रुম্ভ80ঘ
isperzeers 5. लागल टेक, पROS के
47203
08 noe Jepa
5
8.28 10594 क एक पुरु 83 पा JOMUTSEROT 85 7 7 Z8585033 घृক৫০8? 08 एक 05.00 80
T
CON
JUN
i,b.
कडक
120
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. REG. No. 3996 E'36-295.
ii,a.
16 INSS 8 238 D G J = 16
500 চা4
টস ८० के
कंकणले ढा Gics 207 104053
Bala
8
SCALE: ACTUAL SIZE.
10
12
14
18
20
22
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

Page #109

ii,b.
8.5E51024
S'ONPUIS ROPE
ド保 みかんじ
すいかたちがこちらですが、
かみまさまざまでするTE
30FPSにして、
ういったさっかーなのでこっ 「ありえなくていいでい SITY SITO3T...
Seal.

Page #110

No. 12.) INDIAN MUSEUM PLATES OF GANGA DEVENDRAVARMAN : YEAR 308.77
12 ta-charaṇa[h*}' parama-mēhēsvara(ro) mātā-pitri13 pād-anudhyāta(to) Mahārāja-bri(brī)-Rājēndravarma14 su(su)nu[b*) sri( sri)-Dēvēndravarma(rmā) kusali(li) 15 ra-samva(ba)ndhini Bukudravak sa samavēt[&]r(n)
Lühadharga.
Second Plate; First Side. 16 jānapadám(n) sama(mā)dišati viditam=astu bhavatā[m yathā ?] 17 ch-Ottara-Radha | Pā[ta"]ka[böjya ?]-vāstavyāya Vatsa18 götrāya Yajur-vēda-katha-charaṇāya bhatta-Nära(ra)ya19 na-su(sū)navē | Govindaśarmaņö . . . . . . 20 ba(pa)ņditāya Magha-māsē . . . . . . . . 21 ma . . pari Purushtha(or jva)na-nama-grāma[s-tri-dharma. 22 mam-ānuvõ(bo)[dhēnal[mā]tā-pistr]ő[r=ātma]nas-cha pu[my]-abhi23 vrid[dhjaye basa? . . . . chandr-a. . . . . .
Second Plate; Second Side. 24 gra(grā)mē(mā)=yam=asmābhir=datta[h] | yatő-sya bha25 vishyad-rāja-pu(pū)rva-rājā(ja)-va[l*)-labha -chāta-bhata. 26 dandapāśik-ādibhiḥ kē(kai)[$]-chid=vā(bā)dha na kartavy[á] [11] 27 pūrva'-sthityā si(sī)mā sētu-parichęto(chchhē)dē-na pra29 bhasyatēņu uktañ-cha! Va(Ba)hubhir=vasu[dh]a 29 dast*]tā rājabhiḥ Sagar-ādibhil (*) yasya yasya 30 yadāus bhusbhūymis-tasya tasya tadā phalam(lam)[11*] [1* Sva-datām(ttăm) 31 para-datām(ttän)vå yo. harēta vasundharam(rām) 17
1 A dash and adot above ane superfluoualy added to the left-hand vertical stroke of the pa. That they may have stood for an upadhmaniya is highly improbable. Besides, the right-hand vertical stroke of the pa 'is ab. normally long.
1 The danda is unnecessary.
This syllable seems to be redundant. Mr. N. L. Rao reada Bukudravakond in which case there will be no superfluous syllable.
• The formation of this syllable is hardly recognizable.
Tho roading fais tonable, only if the dash and the two dots above it are regarded superfluous. •The reading is very uncertain. Moreover, in case of the suggested reading, the form of j would be Nägarl.
Read probably dasanena. • The corresponding phrase in the Tekkali Plates is chandr-aditya-paryantan.
Perhaps we have to read this syllable as put and correct it into pú, but the vowel sign bere is quite different from that in the pu of the purva-, 1. 25.
10 There is a curve below the ch, but it can hardly represent the required chh after the ch. 11 Read perhaps prabhashyatt. The visargs after this word must originally have been intended to be a dumt. 11 The syllablo rå here resembles the ka as seen in -aika., 1. 5. '11 The right-hand portion of the ya looks separated from it and affixed to the next lotter. 14 There is a sign after phalam, perhaps meant to be the required double dandu. 15 Metre Anushtub.

Page #111

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXIII.
Third Plate; First Side. 32 sa vishțhāyām krim[ir]=bhūtvā pitribhiḥ saha pachyatë [118] [2*]* I. 33 ti kamala-dalo-ambu-vindu-lola(lā)ř sriyam-anuchi34 [n*]tya manusha (shya)-ji(ji) vitañ=cha sakalam=idam=udahsi35 tam cha vudhvā(buddhvā) na hi purushaiḥ para-ki(ki)rttay[7] vi36 109-pyäh [11*] [3*j* likhitam=idam sāsanam Sarvachandrāsndra)37 rahasyễn=ē()tkirnam ch=āksha'śāli-khandimala38 Srisämantēna gas pravarddhamāna-samvachha 308
No. 13.-BADAKHIMEDI COPPER-PLATES OF INDRAVARMAN.
BY P. N. BHATTACHARYYA, INDIAN MUSEUM, These plates were found in Badakhimedi Estate in Ganjām and acquired for the Indian Museum, Archæological Section, in 1935-36 through Mr. Satyanarayana Rajaguru, Municipal Councillor, Parlakimedi.
The plates are three in number of which the first and the third are engraved on one side only and the second on both sides. The size of the plates is 7}" in length by 4" in breadth. They were strung on a ring having a diameter of 31 inches and thickness of inch. The ends of the ring are secured in a circular seal (11" diam.) which bears in relief the figure of a recumbent bull.
The inscription which is in a good state of preservation consists of 38 lines of writing. The characters are Nāgari. The record is not dated but on palaeographical grounds it may be placed in the 12th century A.D. The language is Sanskrit, but the text is full of errors and contains a number of vernacular forms. Excepting the customary benedictive and imprecatory verses the whole record is in prose. In respect of orthography the only point that deserves notice is that in many cases sibilants have been used promiscuously.
The object of the inscription is to record the grant by the P. M. P. Indravarmadēva, son of Prithivivarmadēva, of the village called Tanarda in Hallanyara vishaya to Bhattaputra Durgakhandi, son of Bhatta Bödhans and belonging to the Chhändöga-charana, the Rāņāyaniya-sākhā, the Vātaya götra, the Aurva-Bhrigu-Chyavana-Apnavāna-Jamadagni pravara, and anupravara. The grant was issued on the occasion of a solar eclipse from the royal residence of Svēt(ta)ka.
Indravarman of this grant appears to be different from Indravarman mentioned in the Purle? plates; the father of the former was Prithivivarman whereas the father of the latter was Dānárnava. This Indravarman cannot also be identified with Indravarman I of the Achyutapuram and
1 Metre Anushubh.
* Two dota placed next to each other and a dash or a curve below constitute the usual sign for initial i in this script. In the present instance, however, only the two dots are visible. It looks probable that the scribe did put a dash beneath, but that the engraver mistakenly mixed it with the letter chi further below in the next
line.
• The formation of this syllable is hardly recognizable. • Metre Pushpitägra.
This ga possibly stands for Gangavanda as is found in the Tekkali Plates. Evidently the soribe intended to conclude the obarter on this very face of the plate and was, through want of space, obliged to employ the abbreviation.
• Read samvatsare. * Above, Vol. XIV, p. 362.
Ibid., Vol. III, pp. 198 L

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No. 13.]
BADAKHIMEDI COPPER-PLATES OF INDRAVARMAN.
79
the Parlakimedi' plates on palaeographical grounds. The former appears to be the son of Pșithivivarman who issued a Ganjam grant which like the present record was also issued from Svēt(ta)ka, written by the Sandhivigrahin Sri-Samanta, and engraved by Svayambhu. The name of this Indravarman is known from our plates for the first time. He is described as Kökalāvalapurapaffanavinirgata (11. 7-8). Prithivivarman, father of Indravarman, also calls himself Kolaulapurapattanaka i.e., belonging to the city of Kõlaulapura. Generally the Eastern Ganga kings have the title Kölāhalapuravarēśvara (Lord of the city of Kölāhala). The terms Kökalāvalapura, Kõlāhalapura and Kõlaulapura seem to denote one and the same place which has been identified by Mr. L. Rice with Kolar in the Mysore State. Indravarman bears the title of Nandagirinātha, or the Lord of Nandagiri, which has been identified with the well-known fortified hill to the west of Kolär District, Mysore, now called Nandidroog. It may be noted that both the above titles were also adopted by some of the Western Chalukyat and Western Ganga kings.
The inscription was written by the Samdhivigrahin who also bears the designation Sri-Samanta but his name seems to have been omitted. It was engraved by the Sreshthin the Sri-Sämanta Svayambhu of the brazier class, son of Nripa, and registered by the Vaishnavi Sri-Gösvāmini Sri-Mahadevi by which the chief queen may have been referred to.
TEXT.
First Plate. 1 Om svasti (*) Svēt(ta)k-ādhishthānād=bhagavataḥ sacharāchara-gurāḥ sa(sa)2 kala-sansämnka -sēkhara-dharasya | sthity-utpati(tti)-pralaya-karana -ho3 tör-Mahendrāscha(cha)la-si(si)khara-nivāsi(si)naḥ srimaḥ(ma)daḥ(d)-Gökarna(në)sva(sva)ra
bha4 třärakasya charana-kamal-ārādhanāt(d-a)vāpta-punya(nya)nichaya(yah) ! sakkti(kti).
traya-praka8rish-anuranjit-a(ā) sēša 10-sāmanta-chakra[h*] śva(sva)-bhuja-va(ba)la-parākram-ākrānta-sa6 kala-Kaling-ādhirājē(jyah) l' parama-mähēsvarā mātā-pitsi-pād-ānu 7 dhyāto !" Gang-amala-kula-tilaka[h*) !? sri-Nandagirinātha[h*] Kökalāvala8 pura-pattana-vinirgata-kāmvalya-varayaghosa-mā(ma)härājādhiraja-pa9 ramēsvara-paramabhatýāraka-sri-Indravarmadēva[h]* kusa(sa)li sri-Prithi10 vivarmadēva-sutaḥ Hallanyara-vishaēlyė) yathākāl-ādhyāsi-mahäsä
Second Plate; First Side. 11 manpa(nta)-brisamanta-rājanaka-rajaputra-kumārāmāty-utpa1-dandana12 yakaḥ(ka)-vishayapati-[grá]mapati(tin) anya(nyām)s=cha chăta-bhā(bha)ţa-vallabha-já 13 ti(ti)yä[n] räțrakuța-kutumvinām svāmavājikais sãmanta-janapadānā(dān) sa 14 mädisati viditam-astu bhavata * etad-vishaya-samvandha-gramo=yam Tana
* Ind. Ant., Vol. XVI, p. 134.
. Above, Vol. IV, pp. 198 f. Imp. Gaz., Vol. XVIII, p. 369.
• Kichhorn's Last of 8. I. Inscr., Nos. 168, 170n. . Ibid., Nos. 95, 124, 125, 130, 132 and 133.
• Expressed by a symbol. Danda unnecessary.
8 Read dabänka. Karana has been omitted in the Samantavarma inscription. Above, Vol. XV, p. 277. 10 Read .prakarsh-anuraljit-allaha.
11 Read -Oparika. 11 Read räshfrakufa-kutumbinah.
1 Read aimarrvikun. * Darda unnecessary. Read tamEtad-,
15 Read eambadia.

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80
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA,
15 rdā nāma sa-jala-sthal-aranya1 chatuḥ-si(si)m-opalla(la)kshitañ(tas)=cha |
16 Chhandōga-charaṇayaḥ(ya) | Ṛārāņi-sā (sa)khāya | Vachha(Vatsa)-gōtrāya | pa(pa)ñcha
17 pravaraya || Aürvva(Aurvva) Bhri(Bhri)gu-Chyavana-A(A)pnavana-Jamadagni(ni)|| tatha iva (tath-aiva)
18 anupravarā[h*] pañcha || bhāṭaputra-Duga(rga)khaṇḍi[ne*] || bhaṭṭa-Vō(Bō)dhanasutaḥ(taya) ihi
19 va (ih-aiva) su(su)rya-grahane data mata-pitrōr-ātmanas-cha
13 punya(uya).
pravṛidhaĕ(ddhaye) | sali(li)
20 [la*]-dhara-puraḥsarena | chandr-arka-sthiti | -sama-kāla[m*] a-kari(ri)kṛitya | pratipă.
Second Plate; Second Side.
21 "paditō-smābhir-yatam" | sa(sa)sana-darasanat dharma-gaüravāḥt-tasmādaḥ-dgau
22 ravā cha na kēna-chipta (t-pa)ripanthinā bhavitavya[m*] tatha cha paṭhyatë dharma-sastrē [*] Va
[VOL. XXIII.
23 hubhir-vasudha datā rājānai Sagar-adhibhiḥ [*] yasya yasya yada bhumi tasya tasya ta24 da phalam [*] Ma bhumi phala-sankā va para-dat-ēti pārthiva 10 Haratē harayatē
25 bhumi manda-vudhi tama-vṛita[/*] sa vadhdhō Vāruņai pāsai tirya-yō26 nyañ-cha gachhati|| Sva-datam-para-datam-va yō harēti vasundhara | sha
27 vishṭhāyā krimir-bhutva pitribhiḥ saha pachate || Hi[ra*]nyam-ēkam gōmē
23 kan-cha 2 rbhum-ēkam chatur-angulaṁ [*] haran-narakaṁm-āyāti yāvad-āhu29 ti-samplava || Sashṭhim-varisa satani svagram mōdati bhumija ||(16
Third Plate.
30 ākshēptā ch-anumanta[cha*]tany-e[va*] narakam vrijēt || sva-dānāt-phalaṁ kurya 31 paradatt-anupalanaṁ [*] 11ubhau to punya-karmaņau niyatō svarga-ga
32 minau || Iti kamala-dal-amvu-vindu-lōlā[m] śrīyam-anu
33 chintya manusya-jivitañ-cha | sakalam-idam=udahṛitam vudhā
34 na hi purusai para-kirtayo vilōpyäll likhitam-idam sa
35 ndhivigrahi-śrī-sāmaṁtēna || utkirnañ-cha12 sa(sa)sanam kaṁsärä-kulaputraka
1 Read -aranya.
3 Read Ranayaniya..
6 Read purakaram.
?F ad yatah.
36 śreshți(shṭhi)-śrī-sāmanta-Svayambhuna Napa-suttenna13 | lañchhitañ=cha parama37 vaishnavi-sri-Gōsvāmini(ni) śrī-ma(ma) hādēvyā || uny-aksharam-adidhikāksha38 ram-va tat sarvva[m] pramaṇam=itiḥ(ti)||||1
11 The first half of this verse has been omitted.
12 Read utkirṇan cha.
13 Read Nripa-sutēna.
14 Read vaishnavi.
• Read-darśanad: dharmma-gauravăd asmad-gauravach-cha.
⚫ Reading of these verses is hopelessly incorrect. Since they are well known no correction is made.
10 The second half of this verse is found in 11. 30-31.
1s Read an-aksharam-adhik-aksharam va
1 There is a symbol after this.
Danda unnecessary.
Probably intended for datteä which is superfluous. This på is superfluous.

Page #114

BADAKHIMEDI COPPER-PLATES OF INDRAVARMAN.
P
कलाकार बनाइ
REM वलयाकाल VASIोगचलनमाहा +TRA नावलाईनकालकराज 4 PATTERN हरयारक नाकामा
कानमा ॐ काल महाराहाकाकुला राणिकामलावरानाडा 10100415ोरालाल-5/08 10
लजला बसलामाल
20
.
सीमामाकी हा तक पुस्तक का शीशा की या 12 बिलियत दरमहा 12 Aba विलकमा मामान 14 भारत र जया
14 साडसलामाका 16 मारा CONTEN ली साहायानाकर रवाशी 16 स
गुलविजनवाद कानात 18 आहा
रालाहाबाद : 6. 18 याबाबत. 20 LL ये मामला
20
N. P. CHAKRAVARTE REG. No. 3995E'36-295.
SCALE: FOUR-FIFTHS.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

Page #115

আজ নাই, দিপুর বিমান বগওঁর জীবন 22 ঘণ<েAA & S Aমই জী বা হা/CWika |s at on
ot ]!=0*3= =বার্তা(: মঞ্জস্য জে৭/৯ . 24 ds@cয (২ (দ্যালভেরনে 24 হক ও মারণ লেজিয়ে 28 | মানেন না ন গর 28
হজরে আছে, সেই কম। 2s a ইজগুফু ল ৬২য়ক তলা দিয়ে as
৭ কলেজ 5ে- Ani৯৯৩) ((@% ৯৯ .
so ijজমকাকেব পু লক ) We যণীনে ১টেনের হ্র ) ফ্রী ( এলেঞ্জ 32 জেনে??? যা বলাই 2
34
/ 5 &ৰ এলে ক্লিফ 34 | (এই তরীর ম
ন নানান ভুল 36 57 ওমী মনে করে যে এম 6
এ সূত্র ((asedাম’cy;&q= কারে || ৪৪ এsla০-cণ (মনে
.

Page #116

No. 14.]
PATTAN PLATES OF PRAVARASENA II.
No. 14.-PATTAN PLATES OF PRAVARASENA II.
By Prof. V. V. MIRASHI, M.A., NAGPUR. Pattan is a substantial village with a population of about 1,500 souls in the Multāi tahsil of the Betul District, Central Provinces. It lies about 10 miles south of Multāi, on the Multāi-Amrãoti road. Tradition says that the original village was turned upside down and buried underground by the curse of a Muhommadan saint Sulaiman Shah. Even now when excavations are made, large-size bricks, beads of onyx and coins are found, which also shows that the modern village is occupying an old site. The present plates were turned up in a field by the plough of a farmer in 1935. Mr. Rajaram Jain, Head Master of the local Vernacular Middle School, first brought them to notice in the beginning of the next year. Finding himself unable to decipher the record, he made fairly accurate eye-copies of it, one of which reached the hands of Mr. M. A. Suboor, of the Central Museum, Nagpur. The latter took immediate steps to acquire the plates for the Museum and thoroughly cleaned them when they were received. They are now deposited in the Museum. I edit them here as desired by Mr. Suboor.
They are five copper-plates of which the first and the last are inscribed on one side only and the remaining three on both the sides. Each plate measures 6-9" by 4" and is about .1' in thickness. The ends of the plates are neither fashioned thicker, nor raised into rims for the protection of the writing. About 1.9' from the proper right side of each plate there is a hole 1' in diameter for the ring which originally connected the plates. When the plates reached the Nāgpur Museum, the ring had been straightened, and its seal, which is a round disc, 3' in diameter, separated from it. The usual band, to which the seal must have been rivetted, is not forthcoming now. The weight of the plates is 134 tolas and that of the seal 81 tolas.
Some of the plates have cracked at the edges. Their surface, which originally was not made quite smooth, has been further damaged by rust. The letters were deeply cut. Some of them show through on the reverse, especially in the case of the first and last plates which are somewhat thinner than the rest. Many letters in the right half of 1. 45 and most of those in the two following lines have been almost obliterated by friction but can be read, though with some difficulty, from the traces left on the plate. The record consists of 47 lines. Each inscribed surface contains six lines, except the first side of the third plate which has only five lines incised on it. The seal contains the usual Vākāțaka legend in verse, inscribed in four lines.
The characters are of the box-headed variety and closely resemble those of the Tirodi plates. They include the signs for the initial short i in l 27, long i in l. 46 and for the initial short 4 in 1. 28. The only peculiarities worth noticing here are that the length of the medial i is generally denoted by a ringlet in the curve which represents its short form, but in one case by a curve turned in the opposite direction, cf. Bhagiratthy., 1. 7, and in another by a dot in the circle, cf. Sri-Pravarasēnasya, 1. 19; the mätrās for the medial ā, 2 and 7 are added at the foot of the letters m and kh; see om-Aptöryyām-Okthya, 1. 1, Afvamëdha-, 11. 2-3 and Varadākheta-, 1. 20; the medial o is cursive in Lõhanagar., 1. 20; the medial au is everywhere bipartite ; see Gautamiputra-, 11. 8-9; the subscript forms of n and » are not distinguished, while those of j and b have no notch on the left; see utpannasya, 1. 18, and suvarnna-, 1. 45; -ārijava., 1. 10, and -ayur-bbala, 1. 27; a final consonant is indicated by its small form and in some cases by a short horizontal line at the top (see Pravarapurāt, l. 1, dattam, 1. 23, etc.). The upadhmāniya occurs in 11. 15, 18, and 35 of the inscription and
1 Betul District Gazetteer, p. 256. * Above, Vol. XXII, pp. 167 f.

Page #117

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXIII.
in l. 3 of the legend on the seal. Punctuation is marked by two or three vertical and somewhat curved lines followed by a dash.
The language is Sanskrit. Except the legend on the seal and the customary benedictory and imprecatory verses at the end, the whole record is in prose. It abounds in mistakes of orthography, sandhi, syntax, declension, conjugation, verbal and nominal derivatives, etc., most of which must be attributed to the ignorance or carelessness of the writer. As regards mistakes of orthography, we find sunoh everywhere written for sūnoh (see 11. 4, 9, 15 and 16), Bhäraśivānām for Bhārasivānām in l. 8, atyantya for atyanta, 11. 4 and 10; ri is used for the vowel si in Prithivi, 1. 14, and vice versd in kriyābhis., 1.35; similarly li is used for the vowel si in-klipe-Opakliptah in l. 33; the dental n is used for the lingual n in kārunya-, l. 10 and puny, 1.38; the anusvāra before a sibilant is incorrectly changed to the dental nasal in ansa-, 1. 5, and to the guttural in varisão, 1. 6 and saptāvirise, l. 43. Other instances of orthographical mistakes are furnished by -dalyā, 1. 28 dhimatra, l. 11, agrāhāra, 1. 30, vështi, 1. 32, etc. In many cases rules of euphony have not been followed or have been violated; see for instance - niyuktāḥ ajñā-, 1. 24, gunai samupetasya, 1. 12, -aganayamāna svalpām, 1. 36, etc. For mistakes of declension, see samrāt for samrājah in 1. 3, pūrvvāyā for pürvvaya in l. 25, etc.; and for those of conjugation, notice kārayita for kārayet, 1. 36 and kuryyāmah for kuryyāma, 1. 37. Attention may also be drawn here to the verbal derivatives vijñāpyëna for vijfaptyain l. 23 and kārāvaka for kāraka in 11. 46-47, and the nominal derivative rājakya for rājakiya, 1. 22. The writer has violated the elementary rule of concord in sutāyāḥ Prabhāvatiguptāyām, 1. 17 and in caha....pratisrishtah, 11. 26-29, and of compounding in murdhnābhishiklānān-, 1. 7. His carelessness is responsible for the repetition of pătra-gata-bhaktitva in II. 11-12. As regards the orthographical peculiarities sanctioned by Sanskrit grammar, we may notice that the consonant preceding r and y is doubled in parākkrama, 1. 6, sarvvāddhyaksha, 1. 24, etc.; and that following is similarly doubled in varddhamana, l. 13, dharmma, l. 12, etc.
Like several other Vākātaka records, the present plates contain the word drishta in the beginning. They were issued by the Mahārāja Prayarasõna II. of the Vakațaka dynasty from Pravarapura.. His genealogy is given here as in his other plates, his maternal grandfather being called Dēvagupta. The present plates record the royal grant of 400 nivartanas of land by the royal measure in the village of Afvatthakhőtaka for the maintenance of a sattra or charitable hall in honour of the footprints of Mahāpurusha (Vishņu). The village was situated on the road to Varadakhēta in the division (bhāga) of Lohapagara. The gift was made at the request of Nārāyaparāja. The charter was written on the seventh day of the dark fortnight of Kār. ttika in the twenty-seventh (regnal) year. The scribe was Kālidāsa who was serving under the Senapati Kätyāyana. The record was engraved by the goldsmith Isvaradatta
1 The Chammak plates use the word correctly, see 0. I. I., Vol. III, p. 237.
. In the present record its masculine form drishtal is used, whereas everywhere else its neuter form drisham is met with.
. Since the grant was made at the capital, the expression saijayikê dharmmasthand, at the victorious office of justice', occurs in it as it does in similar other Väkätaks grants, of. above, Vol. XXII, p. 170.
Rajakya-månëna, 1. 22, like raja-månena in the Karnül plates of the Chalukya Vikramaditya I (J. B. B. R. A. 8., Vol. XVI, p. 240) denotes & royal measure as distinguished from local measures which were called
vishaya-mana' as in the Bankhada plates (first set) of Dadda II (above, Vol. V, p. 39). The second set of the Sankhodi plates of the same king mentions a brihan-mana larger measure' (ibid.).
For a similar grant of a slightly later period see the Podagad inscription, above, Vol. XXI, p. 186. For Mahapurushu or Mahapurusha meaning Vishnu see the Bhagavata Purana-II, 1. 10 ; V. 15, 4 and 6: 17, 16-17, VIII, 5, 32, etc.
• With khatanongraved of. kohatam in the Rithpur plates of Bhavattavarman, above, Vol. XIX, p. 103.

Page #118

No. 14.)
PATTAN PLATES OF PRAVARASENA II.
who was a servant (santaka) of Kaundarāja. It is stated at the end that Pitämaha and Nanda caused the charter to be drafted.
Till now the latest known year of Pravarasēna Il's reign was the twenty-third, furnished by his Dudia® and Tirodie plates. The present plates therefore increase his reign by about four years. Kaupdarāja, whose servant Isvaradatta incised the present charter, is evidently identical with Kõndarāja, the son of Satrughnarāja, at whose request the grant recorded in the Chammak plates was made.
The mention of Kālidāsa in the present grant raises the interesting question of his identity with the illustrious Sanskrit poet of that name. The date of the latter has been for more than a century the subject of controversy, and various theories have been advanced, attempting to fix it in periods ranging from the first century B.C. to the sixth century A.D. Of these the theory which places him in the Gupta age and makes him a contemporary of Chandragupta (II)-Vikramāditya is gradually gaining ground and receiving general acceptance. But nothing short of a contemporary inscriptional record mentioning the poet's name would remove the doubts of sceptics in this matter. The earliest epigraphical mention of this name, so far known, was that in the Aihole prasasti of Pulakēsin II, Saka 556 ( A.D. 634) This is, therefore, the first time that the name Kalidasa has been discovered in a record of the Gupta period.
Kalidasa, no doubt, figures only as a scribe in the present grant; but that does not per se disprove his identity with the great Sanskrit poet. Such charters were generally drafted and written on copper-plates by clerks working in the office of the Sāndhivigrahika or Minister for peace and war, but sometimes we find even great officers mentioned as writers of such documents. Thus the writer of the recently published Tiroời plates of this very Pravarasēna II was the Chief Minister (Räjyādhikrita) himself. The Añjanavati grant of the Rashtrakūta Govinda III, was written by his Minister for peace and war. So there is nothing improbable in the supposition that the writer of the present plates was identical with Kálidāsa, the great Sanskrit poet. Recent researches have, again, shown that Kālidāsa was for some time at least connected with the Vākāțaka court. From certain passages in the Kuntalēšvaradautya, a Sanskrit work ascribed to Kālidāsa, which have been cited in the Kavyamimāṁsāto of Rājaśēkhara, the Spingāraprakāśall and the Sarasvatikanthābharanglt of Bhoja, and the Auchityavicharacharcha of Kshēmēndra, it has been conjectured with great probability that Kalidasa was sent as an ambassador by his patron Vikramaditya to the
1 Santaka which is connected with the Pali word santika meaning 'proximity, presence occurs elsewhere M technical territorial term (see C. I. I., Vol.III, pp. 118, 120 and 132). It is used in Vakataka grants in the sense of & subordinate officer or a servant.
. Cf. C. 1. 1., Vol. III, p. 99 note 3. The word Kārāvaka used here corresponds to Karapaka which occurs elsewhere, e.g., in the Eklingji Stone Inscription, J. B. B. R. A. 8., Vol. XXII, p. 167.
. Above, Vol. III, p. 262. . Ibid., Vol. XXII, p. 174. .C.I.I., Vol. III, p. 237. • Above, Vol. VI, p. 3.
Above, Vol. XXII, p. 174. Above p. 18; also C. I. I., Vol. III, p. 99, note 3.
. The name occurs as Kuntisvaradautya in the Auchityavicharacharcha of Kshēmēndra (Nirnayasagara Press ed., p. 139), but it is there probably a mistake for Kuntalesvaradantya.
10 Gaekwad's Oriental Series, Second edition, pp. 60-61. u Sringaraprakaba, Chapters XXII-XXIV, Introd., p. xxii. 12 Nirnayasagara Press ed., p. 168. w Kavyamala, Guchrhha 1, Nirnayasagara Press ed., pp. 139-40.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXIII.
court of a Kuntalēša (lord of Kuntala). He stayed there for some time and when he returned, he reported to his patron that the lord of Kuntala was spending his time in enjoyment, throwing the responsibility of governing his kingdom on him (i.e., Vikramaditya). This lord of Kuntala is probably none other than the Vākāțaka king Pravarasēna II; for it was during his reign that Gupta influence was at its highest at the Vākāțaka court. It seems that the Vākāțaka princes had assumed the title of Kuntalēša since the conquest of Kuntala by Prithivishēņa I. It may be noted in this connection that the author of the Satubandha, who is none otuor than this Pravarasēna II, is called Kuntalēša in the Sanskrit work Bharatacharita. According to a tradition recorded by Rāmadāsa, & commentator of the Setubandha. Kālidāsa composed the Präkțit work for Pravarasēna by the order of Vikramāditya. This he must have done during his sojourn in Vidarbha. The idea of writing the Meghaduta seems to have suggested itself to his mind at Ramtek near Nagpur (Rāmagiri of the Mėghadüta) which, we know, was a holy place visited by the Vākāțakas. It is not urlikely that while in Vidarbha, Kālidāsa was attached to the office of the Sēnāpati as stated in the present record. There is, thus, primd facie, nothing against, and much in favour of, the identification of the scribe of the present grant with the illustrious Sanskrit poet.
But a close examination of the present record shows that this view is untenable. The scribe of the present plates had a very imperfect knowledge of Sanskrit. As pointed out above, there are numerous orthographical and grammatical mistakes, for most of which the writer, and not the engraver, must have been responsible. On the other hand, Kālidasa had a great command over the Sanskrit language. He has emphasised the importance of correct speech in one of his similes and his works contain fewer instances of solecism than those of his predecessors and successors. It is incredible that such a great poet as Kālidāsa would commit so many mistakes of orthography, sandhi, syntax, nominal and verbal forms, etc., which disfigure the present record. Disappointing as it is, one has to admit that the scribe was only a namesake and contemporary of, and not identical with, the prince of Sanskrit poets. We may note here that similar names ending in dasa were current in Vidarbha in the age of the Väkātakas. Thus we know of Namidāsa & Senapati, Chamidāsa the Chief Minister, as well as Chakradāsa and Gõladäss the scribes of the Poons and Dudia plates respectively.
As for the localities mentioned in the present grant VaradAlchēta is probably Warūd in the Morsi tālukā of the Amraoti District, about 12 miles due south of Pattan. Lühapagara, the headquarters of an ancient division, may be represented by Lõni about 9 miles south-west of Warūd. The name of the village Asvattha-Ihotaka, in which the donated land was situated,
1 For a full discussion on the subject see A. Rangaswami Sarasvati 'Further glimpses into Gupta Literary History ' Quart. J. Mythic Society, Vol. XVI, pp. 93 ff; K. 8. Aiyangar Vakatakas and their place in Indian His. tory, pp. 40 f.; V. V. Mirashi, Kalidasa (Marathi), PP. 37 ff.; N. Lakshminarayan Rao, 'The Gupta contem. porary of Kakusthavarman, I. H. Q., Vol. IX, pp. 200 f.; K. S. Ramaswami Sastri 'King Pravaraséna and Kali. dass , Proceedings and Transactions of the Seventh Oriental Conference, pp. 99 ff.
• Note for instance that in both the Poona and Riddhapur plates of the Vakataka Dowager Queen Prabha. vatiguptă, the genealogy of the Guptas, and not that of the Vakatakas is given in the beginning.
See the inscription in the Ajanta Cave XVI, 4. 8. W. I., Vol. IV, p. 125. 'मलामयस्थान्तरगाढमार्गमलबबन्ध गिरि चौर्यहत्या ।
4 radex et garen || Canto I. v. 4. Trivandrum Skt. Serios. Nimayasigara Press ed., p. 3 ; see also the colophon of the last chapter, ibid., p. 497.
• The Riddhapur Plates of Prabhavatigupta (J. A. 8. B., Vol. XXII, pp. 58 ff.) were issued from the feet of the Lord of Råmagiri.
Kumarasambhava, Santo I, verse 27, See Ind. Ani., Vol. XLI, p. 214.

Page #120

No. 14.]
PATTAN PLATES OF PRAVARASENA II.
can no longer be traced ; its site seems to be occupied by the modern village of Pattan. It may be noted in this connection that it lies on the way from Multäi to Warūd (ancient Varadākhēta), and thus, answers to the description of its situation in the present plates.
I edit the inscription from the original plates.
TEXT.
First Plate. 1 दृष्ट: "] स्वस्ति । प्रवरपुरात् पम्निष्टोमाप्तोयामोक्थ्यषो. 2 उपयतिराचवाजपेयवृहस्पतिसवसाधनचतुरन3 मेधयाजिनः विष्णुशासगोषस्य सम्राट' वाकाटका4 नामहाराजश्रीप्रवरसेनस्य सु(सू)नोः सु(सू)नोरत्यन्य(न्त)खामिमBहाभैरवभवस्व पन्स'भारमनिवेथितशिवलियोनधि6 वसपरितुष्टसमुत्पादितराजवानाम्पराकमाधिगतमा
___Second Plate ; First Side. 7 गोरस्या(स्य)मलजलमूर्धा(र्धा)भिषिलानान्दशाश्वमेधावस्थखाता8 नाधारथी(शिवा नामहाराजश्रीभवनाग[दौ]'शिवस्य गौतमीपु9 त्रपुत्रस्य वाकाटकानाम्महाराजवीबद्रसेनस्थ सु(च)नोर10 त्यस्य(न्त)माहेखरस्य सत्याजवकारुन्य(ख्य)शौर्यविक्रमन11 यविनयमाहाव्यधीमत्व(ख)पात्रगतभ[क्तित्व] पात्रगतम12 लित्वधर्मविजयिलमनोनीवादिगुणैः"]. समुपेतस्व
Second Plate; Second Side. 13 वर्षयतमभिवर्षमानकोशदण्डसाधनसन्तानपुत्रपौ14 (पिणः युधिष्ठिरहत्तेर्वाकाटकानामहाराजबीप्रिथिविस-10
1 Read e as in other Vākātaka grants.
Here and in many places below, rules of sandhi have not been observed. . Tbe letter t isolear on the original plator Road समान:• Read चंस-- - Read वंशा. • The box at the top of the letter od is not completely incised. * The right ourve at the top is not sufficiently raised for want of space.
• All the other Vakitake plates discovered so far read गौतमीपुत्रस्य पुषस्य. thus making the construotion ambiguous. See, above, Vol. XXII, p. 175. The reading in the present grant shows that the adjectival exproonions from अत्यन्तखामिमहाभैरवभक्तास्य onwards quality बद्रसेगस्थ.
. This expression is unnecessarily repeated. " Road पृथिविषेख.

Page #121

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL.XXIII.
18 मस्य सानोमवतम्या प्रमदोपार्जितचीस16 दयस्य वाकाटकानामहाराजश्रीमद्रसेनस्य सु(सू)नी17 ()हाराजाधिराजश्रीदेवगुप्तसुताया प्रभाव[ति गुप्ता18 यामुत्पत्रस्य शम्भोरप्रसादधतिकात युगस्य वाकाटकाना
Third Plate ; First Side. 19 म्परममाहेबरमहाराजश्रीप्रवरसेनम्य वचना[*] ॥ 20 लोषणगराभाग वरदाखेटमाझे अवस्थ(त्य)खेटके 2l सब्राह्मणपुरोगी पामो वक्तव्यः [*] पत्र प्रामे रा22 जक्यमानेम' भूमेर्विवर्तनशतानि चत्वारि महापुरुषपा23 दमूलसीपयोज्य नारायणराजविाप्यन' दत्तम् [11]
Third Plate ; Second Side. 24 यतीमात्मन्तकामविनियोगनियुताः पात्रासचा25 रिकुलपुवाधिवता भटावावाच विश्रुतपूर्वा(व)याजया26 जापयितव्याः [*] विदितमस्तु ब(वो) यथ(2)षास्माभिराम27 नो धमायुबलविजयखर्यविहाय हामवहिता28 र्थमात्मानुग्रहाय वैजयिके धर्मस्थाने अपूर्वदत्या(त्या) उदक29 पूर्वम्प्रतिसृष्टः [0] अथास्योचिताम्पूर्वग[जान[मता] चातु
Fourth Plate; First Side. 30 व्य(ब)द्यापा(अ)हारमर्यादान्वितराम: "] तद्यथा पकरदायी अभट1 The medial u sign is faintly seen on the plato.
Read सुतायो •so in the Seoni and Chammak plates. Read प्रसादधतकायुगस्य. • Read राजकीयमानन
The engraver has canoelled a wrongly incised stroke on the left of ta. • Read -yojyani and dattant.
It is better to read विज्ञत्या.
• The engraver first incised the subscript letter as cha and then tried to convert it into chha by adding & vertical stroke in the middle of the rectangle. Contrast the proper form of chha in 1. 42.
• The feminine form एषा in 1. 26 seems to qualify some word like भूमि:- प्रतिष्टा is, therefore, required bere. The writer has, however, used the masculine form throughout, as he has blindly cond the usual draft for the grant of a village (ग्राम: ). [The intended reference here may be to the agrahāra mentioned in 1.30 in which case Lsh-damabhin should be corrected into showamābhit. Apparently the 400 nivartanas of land constituted the agrahara granted to the temple and an expression like agraharikrilya has been omitted before dattam in 1. 23. As such an agrahara wonld be mainly inhabited by Brahmins, the objections rained by Prof. Mirashi in this rote and the next do not seem to be justified.Ed.]
10 Read et fact ! The writer has forgotten that the present grant was made to a temple and not to Brāhmaṇas versed in the four lores. See also w afere in 11. 36-37 below. Some of the prohibitions and exemptions laid down here are appropriate only in the case of the gift of a whole village.

Page #122

PATTAN PLATES OF PRAVARASENA II.
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SCALE: SEVEN-TENTHS.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI, REa. No. 3977 E"36-275,

Page #123

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Page #124

No. 14.]
31 वे अपारंपरंगो बलिर्थ: पुष्पचोरसन्दोह [:] -
32_पा (चा)रा'सनचनाङगा (ङ्गा)र: अलवणक्केषिखनकः सर्व्ववे (वि)ष्टिपरोहा33 रपरित [: "] सनिधिः सोपनिधिस्स क्लि (क्) तोर्पाक्लि (क्ल)त: आचन्द्रादित्यका34 लोय: पुत्रपौवानुगामी भुज्यमान (नो न केनचिराघातयितव्यः
35 सर्व्व( क्रियाभि (क) रचितव्य) परिवर्तयितव्यय [1] य [ या] मच्छासनम
Fourth Plate; Second Side.
36
गण्यमान [ : ]
37
यामपि परिवाधां कुर्य्यात्कारयोत वा तस्य ब्राह्म वैदितस्य सदण्डनिग्रहं कुर्य्याम: (म ) [1] पवि' धमादरक 38 [*] अतीतानेक राजदत्ता (त्त) सञ्चिन्तन परिपालन' कृतपुन्या (ण्या) 39 तकीर्त्तनपरिचारार्थ व कीर्तयामः [*] व्यासगोती चाल खोकी
40 प्रमाणोकर्त्तव्यौ [1*] स्वदत्ताम्परदत्तां व्वा (वा) यो हरेत वसुन्धराम् [1 *]
41 तथा इन्तुर्धरति दुष्कृतम्] []
PATTAN PLATES OF PRAVARASENA II.
Fifth Plate.
42 षष्टिवर्षसहस्राणि खर्गे मोदति भूमिद [: । *] त्राच्छेत्ता
43 चानुमन्ता च तान्येव नरके वसेदिति ॥' [२] सांव्वारे सप्तावि
10
44 कार्त्तिकमलपच साम्याम्" सेना तिकात्यायन
45 सन्तकेन लिखित (तं) कालिदासेन [1*] [कोण्डराजसन्तकेन सुव] 12 -
46 कार ईश्वरदत्तेन खातं ॥ अस्य शासनस्य कारा
47 को पितामहनन्दी |
2 Read kärayed-vā.
• Read
प्रिंय
1 As the stroke for medial à at the side of r was not quite clear, the engraver seems to have added another
at the top.
4 Read परिपालनं कृत
The anuevara is superfluous.
• Motre: Anushtubh.
? Read vasêt] [[[*] iti | Metro Anushtubh.
8 Read संवार
• Read सप्तविंशे
10 Read सप्तम्यां
87
11 What looks like a dot in the middle of the circle for media i is probably due to a fault in the plate
13 The letters in the brackets and those in the next two lines can be read with certainty on the origins I plate. 13 Read सुवर्णकारेश्वर

Page #125

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXIII.
The Seal.
1 412 (a) (The 2 491aftu: [l*] 3 Xacher 4 art figurat(TH) [0*]
No. 15.-TANDIVADA GRANT OF PRITHIVI-MAHARAJA : 46TH YEAR.
BY R. S. PANCHAMUKHI, M.A., MADRAS. , The subjoined inscription is engraved on a set of four copper platos received by the Assistant Archeological Superintendent for Epigraphy, Madras, from M. R. Ry. M. Ramakrishna Kavi Garu, M. A., Assistant Curator, Government Oriental Manuscript Library, Madras, in the year 1917. They are included in Appendix A of the Annual Report on Epigraphy, Madras, as O. P. No. 6 of 1916-17 and described in a slip attached to the impression as follows: “ These are four copper-plates oblong in shape and bearing a ring hole of about 1' in diameter at about " from the proper right margin. They have writing on six faces in all, the first and the last plates being blank on the outer faces. All the engraved faces have very slightly perceptible rims. The plates have an average thickness of about to" and measure about 61' in breadth and a little over 2" in height. It is much to be regretted that the seal of this record, the dynasty of which is not known, is missing."
The alphabet is of an early Southern type. It resembles the characters of the Chikkulla platest of Vikramēndravarman, the Pulombūru grant of Madhavavarman, the Kopparam plates 'of Pulikēsin II and the Gödāvari platest of Prithvimūla. The letters of the British Museum plates of Chārudēvi and the Ipūr plates of Dēvavarman's son Madhavavarman are angular in shape and more antique than those of the present inscription. The Pulibūmra grant' and the Peddavēgi plates, both belonging to the Eastern Chāļukya king Jayasimha I., appear to be written in more developed characters. Thus the alphabet of the present inscription may be said to belong to the period between the dates of these two sets of inscriptions, i.e., to the beginning of the 7th century A.D. The letters t and n are not distinguished here by a loop as both have a similar shape except that the right curve of t is continued on the left side at the bottom. The medial long iis distinguished from the short one by an inside curl at the top as in Prithivi-Mahārāja (1. 8) and Prithivisarmmanah (1. 14). The initial a is used thrice (11. 11, 19 & 24) and a in two places (11. 23 & 28). Orthography is generally free from errors. The language is Sanskrit prose with the exception of the three verses at the end.
1 Above, Vol. IV, p. 193. * M. E. R., 1913-14, C. P. No. 7; J.A. H. R. 8., Vol. VI, pp. 17 ff. * Above, Vol. XVIII, p. 257. • J. B. B. R. A. 8., Vol. XVI, p. 114.
Above, Vol. VIII, pp. 143 f. Ibid., Vol. XVII, p. 337. * Ibid., Vol. XIX, p. 254. • Ibid., vol. XIX, p. 258.

Page #126

PATTAN PLATES OF PRAVARASENA II.
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SCALE: SEVEN-TENTHS.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

Page #127


Page #128

No. 15.)
TANDIVADA GRANT OF PRITHIVI-MAHARAJA: 46TH YEAR.
The object of the record is to register a grant of the agrahāra village Tāņçivāda in Pāgupāra-vishaya made from Pishtapura by Prithivi-Mahārāja of the Kāsyapa-gotra who bore the biruda Srirama, son of Vikramēndra and grandson of Mahārāja Raņadurjjaya, to Bhavatarman of the Kāmakāyana-gotra, who was the son of Přithivīšarman and grandson of Vishņusarman and was a resident of Kondamañchi, on the full-moon day of Kārttika in the 46th year of his reign. The Ajñapti of the grant was Rāmaleprurāja. The donor is extolled as meditating on the feet of his parents, a parama-brahmanya and as having subdued the whole circle of the sāmantas. His father Vikramēndra is not given the regal title Mahārāja, which perhaps indicates that he did not rule at all or his rule was very short and uneventful. The donee is described as a scholar well-versed in the Vēda, Vēdānga, Nyāya, Upanishad and Yoga and in three thousand sciences' (TH C ) and as the author of twenty commentaries (vyākhyāna). His father, Pțithivīšarman, had mastered the three thousand.sciences and could expound and comment on them and his grandfather, Vishņusarman, had studied the Sruti and Smriti and performed the Agnishtoma and other sacrifices.
There is no clue in the record to find out the exact period when Prithivi-Mahārāja lived. The language, phraseology and the formal elements of the inscription are strictly official and unostentatious and remind us of the Sanskrit charters of the early Pallava kings, the plates of the Śálarkāyanas and the Vishnukundins, the Rāgõlu plates of Saktivarman, etc. As stated above, the alphabet belongs to about the beginning of the 7th century A.D. Since it is known from the Aihole inscriptions and the Timmāpuram plates that Pishtapura passed to the Eastern Chālukyas after its conquest by Pulikēsin II and remained in their hands since then, the present record must be assigned to a period prior to that event. A clear understanding of the political situation in the East Coast before the time of Pulikēsin (II)'s expedition will help us to determine the most approximate time when Pțithivi-Mahārāja might have lived.
The earliest epigraphical reference to Pishta pura is found in the Allahābād Pillar inscriptions of Samudragupta (4th century A.D.) which shows that the city was held by Mahēndra at the time of the Gupta king's southern expedition. The Rāgālu plates? which may belong palæographically to the 5th century A.D., were issued from Pishtapura which was evidently the capital of the Kalinga king Vāsishthiputra Saktivarman who calls himself "an ornament of the Māthara family". The Kindõppa grant of Anantavarman 'Lord of Kalinga' who belonged to the
1 See note 1, p. 99.
Dr. O. Stein opines that the "formal elements "in inscriptions "serve as a guide for chronological considerations, when other sources are lacking"; see the Ind. Hist. Quarterly, Vol. IX, pp. 215 ff.
. Above, Vol. VI, p. 4. • Ibid., Vol. IX, p. 317. 50. I. I., Vol. III, p. 7.
• This Mahendra has been conjectured to be a king of the Pallava family (The Godavari Dist. Gazett., p. 18). This does not, however, seem likely, since (Pallava) Vishņugopa of Kanchi is mentioned separately in the same epigraph. Further, there is no evidence to show that the Pallava territory had extended in the north beyond Kammarashtra, the modern Guntur District, since the Salankāyana Hastivarman was holding the Vengi country (i..., the Kistna District) at this period. We know that the Chandalur plates of Kumāravishnu and the Orgödu grants 1 and 2 mention Kammarāshtra as the district under the control of the Pallavas. The towns of Palakkada, Dasanapura and Menamātura from where the Sanskrit charters were issued, were probably situated in this district (J. Dubreuil : Ancient History of the Deccan, p. 66). And Kudrahăra-vishaya of the Salankāyanas is identical with Gudrahāra of the later inscriptions, which comprised portions of the Kistna District.
* Above, Vol. XII, pp. 21. The alphabet is similar to that of the Kodagere plates of the early Kadamba king Siva-Mändhätrivarman. Compnre also the Brihatproshta inscription of Umavarman and the Kömarti pletas of Chapdavarman which are assigned to the first quarter of the 6th century A.D. (Ancient History of the Decoux by J. Dubreuil, p. 94).

Page #129

90
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXIII.
Väsishtha-kula is also stated to have been issued from Vijaya-Pishtapurădhishthāna. After Anantavarmar, Pishtapura appears to have been a bone of contention between the kings of Kalinga and the Vishnukundins of Dendalūru who had succeeded the Sālankāyanas in the Kistna and a part of the Guntur Districts, and ultimately to have passed into the hands of the latter whom the Chalukyas of Bädämi conquered in the first half of the 7th oentury A.D. Since, as stated above, the present charter belongs palæographically to this period, it is necessary to find out exactly when and in what capacity Prithivi-Mahārāja ruled at Pishtapura during the Vishnukundin supremacy in the east coast. This object cannot be acoomplished, as is evident from the sequel, without a full discussion of the genealogy and chronology of the Vishnukundin kings.
The most important document of the Vishņukundin family is the Pulomburu grant of JanaśrayaMaharaja Madhavavarman III issued on the occasion of a lunar eclipse in the month of Phälguna in the 48th year of the king's reign. During the period of about seventy years in the sixth and the seventh centuries to which the record may be assigned on palæographic grounds, lunar eclipse in the month of Phālguna occurred in the following years: (1) A.D. 593, February 21, Saturday; (2) A.D. 594, February 10, Wednesday; (3) A.D. 612, February 22, Tuesday; (4) A.D. 621, February 12, Thursday: (5) A.D. 639, February 23, Tuesday and (6) A.D. 659, February 23, Friday. Of these, on (1) and (3), the eclipse was not visible in India ; (2) is too early for the 18th year of a king who was defeated, as shown below, in about A.D. 631, by Pulikēsin II or his brother Kubja-Vishnuvarddhana ; (5) and (6) are too late for the king who had been defeated with his territory annexed to the Chāļukya dominions prior to them. Hence the date of the Pulombūru grant may be equated with A.D. 621, February 12, Thursday on which day the lunar eclipse was visible in India. It is noteworthy that this grant furnishes a few synchronisms for determining the genealogy and chronolgy of the Vishnukundin dynasty. Janäsraya-Mahārāja Madhavavarman is described with the significant epithet Trīvara-nagara-bhavana-gata-parama-yuvati-jana-viharanaratih (1. 8)' who delighted himself in playing with the maidens in the palace of Trivara-nagara', i.e., the city founded by Trivara who has been identified in the sequel with Mahäsiva-Tivaradēva of Mahäkösala. Secondly, Sivasarman, the donee of this record, figures as the father of Rudraśarman who was the recipient of a gift in the Pulibūmra grant of the Eastern Chāļukya king Jayasimha I. In addition to these, other historical and astronomical considerations gathered from the published charters of the family and contemporaneous history will help us considerably in the study of the family. These are : the archaic method of dating the inscriptions in seasons and fortnights; the Vākāțaka-Vishņukundin relationship in the time of Madhavavarman I ; an ancient work on prosody called Jānāśrayi Chhandovichiti written presumably under the patronage of Janäsraya-Mahāraja of the Pulombūru record, which quotes a verse from the Kirätārjuniya of Bhāravi; and lastly, the Eastern Chāļukya conquest of Kalinga which has an indirect bearing upon the subject. The cumulative evidence of all these points proves, as shown below, that the
1 J. A. H. R. 8., Vol. VIII, p. 153.
* This regnal year is expressed by the numerical symbol which appears to have been made up of standing for 40, (see Kaye in Ind. Ant., Vol. XL, p. 52 and Bühler's Indian Paleography, plate IX) and which resembles the one in the Chikkulla plates (1. 26) for 8. Mr. D. C. Siroar, however, takes it to be a single symbol for 40 which lacks epigraphical support (Ind. Hist. Quarterly, Vol. IX, p. 275, f. n. 2).
Sewell's Eclipses of the Moon in India.
Scholars have attempted to identify this place with Tewar in Central India (above, Vol. XVII, p. 334). This is unlikely, since Tewar is known to ancient literature and epigraphy under the name of Tripuri or Tripura.
Similar instances are not rare in inscriptions. Pravarapura was the city founded by Vikataka Pravarasena and Yayātinagara by Yayati, otherwise known as Mahādiva-gupta of the Somavahsi family.
.I am indebted to Mr. T. N. Subramaniam for drawing my attention to this work.

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Vishņukundins ceased to be an independent ruling power by the middle of the 7th century A.D. and that Janäsraya-Maharija Madhavavarman was the last king and a later member of the family different from the homonymous king who was probably the originator of the dynasty.
Of the five copper-plate inscriptions belonging to this family, the Ipār plates (set 1): bears a date in the seventh fortnight of the hot season (gihma) and the Ipār plates (set II) in the seventh fortnight of the rainy season (vāsa). Similarly the Chilkulla plates are dated in the eighth fortnight of the hot season (gihma). This dating presupposes the division of a year into three seasons of eight fortnights each, which is mentioned in the earliest extant works Vēdāngajyotisha and the Brāhmanas. The latest epigraphical instances giving similar dates belong to about the 6th century A.D.
From the Rämatirtham and the Chikkulla plates we get four generations of kings, viz., Madhavavarman I, his son Vikramēndravarman I, his son Indrabhattārakavarman, his son Vikramēndravarman II. In both the records Madhavavarman is described as a performer of one thousand Agnish(oma and eleven Afvamedha sacrifices. The pur plates (set II) furnish 19 with the geneslogy: Madhavavarman I with the above epithets, his son Dēvavarman, his son Madhavavarman II, the lord of Trikūta and Malaya. On account of the common epithets and the relatively early script of the record, Madhavavarman II may be supposed to be the grandson of Madhavavarman I through his another son Dēvavarman. The Ipur plates (set I) and the Pulombūru grant should be studied together. The former supplies the pedigree for two generations only, viz., Govindavarman and his son Madhavavarman, while the latter supplements it by adding Govinda varman's father Vikrama[ma*]höndravarman. In both the inscriptions, Mādhavavarman is given the additional adjunct Trivara-nagara, etc., which distinguishes him from the homonymous king Madhavavarman 1, mentioned above.' Trivara is evidently the Sanskritised form of Tivara, a Sõmavamsi king of Mabākosala who flourished about this period and who is the only king of that name known to Indian History. He is also mentioned under this Sanskritised name in the Kõndēdda and the Nivină grants of the Sailodbhava king Dharmarājadēva. Dr. N. P. Chakravarti who has edited the Niviná grant is inclined to think that Tivaradēva of Mahäkosala was a contemporary of Dharmarāja, grandson of Madhavarāja II whom he has identified with Madhavarāja Sainyabhita of the Ganjām plates dated in the Gupta Era 300 (A.D. 619-20). The only known regnal year of Madhyamarāja, son of Madhavarāja II, being twenty-six, Dharmarāja may have to be placed in the middle
1 Abovo, Vol. XVII, p. 334. * Ibid., p. 337. • Ibid., Vol. IV, p. 193.
• The Halsi plates of the Kadanba king Ravivarman (Ind. Ant., Vol. VI, p. 28). See also above, Vol. XVII, p. 237, f. n. 7 and Vol. IV, p. 105, f. n. 4.
*Vikrama[ma*]hēndravarman is presumably the Vikramēndravarman II of the Chikkulla plates.
I find from the impressions of the Pulornbüro grant, and of the Ipur plates (set I) that the i-sign in Trivara is distinctly long.
This desoriptiva clauso does not occur in connection with Madhavavarman of the Chikkulla, Ramatirtham and Ipur (set II) plates. This is significant and I take that it is a vyävarlaka dharma, which differentiates him from his namesake though there are other adjectives common to both.
. Above, Vols. XIX, pp. 267ff. and XXI, pp. 34 ff. *Abore, Vol. XXT. p. 36.

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of the 7th century A.D. and accordingly his opponent Tivaradeva would belong to that period. It is thus clear that Madhavavarman of the Ipūr plates (set I) and the Pulombūru grant, who was a contemporary of Tivara, must be considered to be one and the same person and that he was a later member of the family, in spite of the fact that he bore some of the epithets of Mādhavavarman I. It is noteworthy that the alphabet employed in both the charters belongs roughly to the same period and from the examination of individual letters, it does not appear to differ much from that of the Rāmatirtham and the Chikkulla plates, whereas the script of the second set of the Ipār plates is undoubtedly more archaic as remarked by Dr. Hultzsch.
Since Vikramēndravarman is described as an ornament of the Vishnukundin and the Vākātaka families, his mother must have been a Vākāțaka princess. According to Dr. Dubreuil, this Väki. taka princess was the daughter or the grand-daughter of Rudrasēna II whose son Pravarasēna II placed his relative Vishņukundin Madhava (I) on the throne of Vēngi by uprooting the Sālankāyanas in the 5th century A.D. But neither Rudrasēna II nor his son Pravarasēna II is known to have conquered any of the territories in the East Coast. On the other hand Harishēņa, the last Väkātaka king (circa 500 A.D.) is stated in the Ajanţă inscription to have conquered Kuntala, Avanti, Kalinga, Kösala, Trikūta, Lāta and Andhra, and it is very likely that he contracted some matrimonial alliance with Madhava l and with his help defeated the kings of the East Coast as stated above.
Indrabhattārakavarman, who has been identified with Indrabhattāraka of the Gödāvari plates of Pțithivimüla,' was an opponent of Adhirāja Indra who may possibly be the same person as the donor of the Jirjingi plates dated in the year 39 of the Ganga era. If the view of some scholars that the era was started in about A.D. 496 be correct, the date of this grant would be about A.D. 535. According to the Chikkulla plates Indrabhatýāraka defeated all the dāyādas in battle. We do not know of any dāyādas excepting the members of the collateral branch, viz., Dévavarman and his son Madhavavarman II. Since, as shown below, the Vishņukuņņins ceased
1 Fleet and Kielhorn have placed Tīvara in about the 8th century A.D. (0.1. I., Vol. III, p. 293 ; above, Vol. IV, p. 238). The Sirpur Lakshmana Temple inscription of Mahāśivagupta (above, Vol. XI, p. 184) is written in characters of about the 8th century A.D. Hence his grand-uncle Tivars would belong to the middle of the 7th century A.D. More likely, he lived in the beginning of the 7th century. Tivarados appears to have had a long reign, since there is a reference to Trivara-nagara in the Ipār plates (set I) dated in the 37th rognal year (i.e., A.D. 610) of Mādhavavarman III whose 48th year has been equated with A.D. 121. This date would no doubt be too early for him if it is assumed with Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar (above, Vol. XVIII, p. 240) that Chandragupta men. tioned in the Sañjān plates of Amõghavarsha as the contemporary of Govinda III (A.D. 790-814) was the son of Nannayadēva and brother of Tivaradēva of Mabākosala. But for reasons stated above, he cannot be identified with the brother of Tivaradēva.
* The late Rao Bahadur Krishna Sastri has expressed & similar opinion in M. E. R. for 1913-14, pp. 6 and 102. [But the description of Madhavavarman in these two sets of plates as a performer of eleven afvamedha sacrifices and one thousand kratus or agnishtömas' seems to show that he may not be different from Madhava I of the other Vishnukuņdin charters. It may also be pointed out that, according to Dr. Hultzach, the paleography of the Ipār plates (first set) is earlier than those of the Rāmatirtham and Chikkulla plates (above, Vol. XVII, p. 334).--Ed.]
Ancient History of the Deccan, p. 74. We know that the prinoipality of Vengi and Kudrahāra was held by the Saladkāyanas up to the 5th century A.D. (J. A. H. R. 8., Vol. V, pp. 28 ff.)
J. B. B. R. A. S., Vol. XVI, pp. 114 ff. and above, Vol. IV, pp. 193 ff.
J. A. H. R. S., Vol. III, pp. 49 f. • Ind. Ant., Vol. LXI, p. 237.

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to be an independent ruling power before A.D. 631, all the kings of the family must be accommodated in the interval of about 131 years (circa 500-631). According to our scheme of the genealogy there will be only six kings in the main line who can be very reasonably fitted in in this period. But if the kings Dēvavarman and Mädhavavarman II are also to be included, there will be in all eight kings among whom the regnal years 10, 27, 48 and 47 are so far known for four kings. Granting that these are the last regnal years of the respective kings, the periods of their reign will cover at least 132 years which is in excess of the allotted interval and we will be driven to the contingency of eliminating the remaining four kings from the family. It is therefore reasonable to assume that Dēvavarman and his son Mädhavavarman II belonged to the collateral branch and held a small principality in the Vishņukuņdin territory.
Vikramêndravarman II, the eldest son of Indrabhattāraka, as stated in his Chikkulla plates, appears to have become king even as a child, which perhaps indicates that his father died young leaving his eldest son only a child and consequently his rule might not have extended beyond 27 years. The next king was Mahārāja Govindavarman who bore the biruda Vikramāśraya. Lastly his son Madhavavarman III was the most powerful king of the family who bore the distinguished biruda Janaśraya-Mahārāja.
Mādhavavarman III, Janäsraya Mahārāja, must have been the last crowned king of the Vishpukuņdin dynasty from whom the Eastern Chāļukyas conquered portions of their eastern posses. sions. He must have lived some time after Bhāravi, the celebrated author of Kirātārjuniya. For, there is an ancient work on prosody called Janaśrayi Chhandovichitia which quotes the verse ve arhe a , etc., of Bhāravid under the Udgatā-prakarana. The work must have been named after Janāsraya-Mahārāja of the Vishņukundin family, who is the only king of that name in the whole range of Indian History. We know from the Avantisundarikathā that poet Damodara was introduced to the presence of prince Vishņuvarddhana by Bhäravi. Consequently Bhāravi must have lived in the Court of Vishņuvarddhana who is no other than Kubja Vishsuvarddhana, the younger brother of Pulikēsin II. Since Ravikirtti compares himself to Kálidāsa and Bharavi in the Aihole inscription of A.D. 634, Bhāravi must have been well known as a great poet by A.D. 634. It is probable that he flourished about 600 A.D. and JanāsrayaMahārāja lived some time after that date. This date can be determined to some extent by the following synchronism. The king is stated in the Pulombūru grant to have endowed the village Pulombūru in Guddavādi-vishaya upon Sivasarman, son of Dāmasarman and grandson of
1 [In spite of the arguments of the author, it is not impossible that the Vishnukundins were struggling hard to maintain their independence in some portion of their territory even after A.D. 631. The description of IndraVarman in the Rāmatirtham and Chikkulla plates as having gained viotories in several chaturdanta battles' might also indicate the same state of affairs.-Ed.]
1 The work is published partially in the Tirumalai Sri Venkaltba by Mr. M. Ramakrishna Kavi, M.A. • Kirātārjuniya, XII, 1. .
The opening verse in the work describes the king with the biruda Janásraya, as having celebrated several Bacrifices. This is in keeping with the account given in the Pulombūru grant and the Ipār plates (first set). See A Triennial Catalogue of Manuscripts 1925-26 to (1927-28, Madras), Introduction p. 1 and R. No. 5043. (From the information available at present it is not certain whether Janāóraya refers to a different ruler or is an abbreviation of Avani-Janāáraya which was a surname of the Gujarat Chāļukya king Pulakēsirāja.-Ed.]
5 See the correct text of the relevant passage of the Katha in Ind. Hist. Quarterly, Vol. III, p. 169.
• As Vishņuvarddhana is called merely rāja-sūnu in the Avantisundarikatha, p. 6, it is probable that he had not yet become king.
This date is rendered plausible by the fact that Damodara, after staying with Vishnuvarddhana for & short period, went to the court of the Ganga king Durvinita, whose last date in the Ganga chronology cannot be beyond A.D. 805.

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Rudrabarman of the Gautama-götra and Taittirika-sakha. The same village was granted by the Eastorn Chalukya king Jayasimha I in his 15th regnal year (A.D. 648) to the pürvägrahārika Rudra. karman of the Gautama-götra, who was the son of Sivašarman and grandson of Damasarman. It is evident that this Rudrabarman was the son of Sivasarman, the donee of the Pulombūru grant. The word pårvägrahārika indicates that he was in the enjoyment of the village for some time after his father, and that he had lost it during some troublous period, or his title to the village was contested and confirmed by a fresh order after the change of political power from the Vishnukun. dins to the Eastern Châļukyas. This latter event took place probably some time before A.D. 631 when the Kopparam platest of Pulikēsin II were issued. For, we learn from this copper-plate grant that Kammarashtra, which had been included in the Pallava and the Vishnukundin kingdoms formerly, formed part of the Chāļukya country at the time. A study of the political history of the Kalinga kingdom at this period would help us in fixing the date more precisely. The Chipurupalle grant of Kubja-Vishņuvardhana records the gift of land by the king from his camp at Cherupüra in Plaki-vishaya to two Brahmans, Vishņuśarman and Madhavasarman, sons of Durgasarman, who belonged to the Gautama-gotra, in his 18th regnal year, i.e., A.D. 632. In the Achyutapuram plates of the Eastern Ganga king Indravarman bearing a date in the year 87 of the Ganga era, the donee is stated to be Durgaśarman of the Gautama-götra. This date may be equated with A.D. 581 provided the initial year of the Ganga era is accepted to be A.D. 496. It is very likely that the donees of the Chipurapalle grant were the sons of the donee in the Ganga record. If this is correct, the southern portion of the Kalinga country must have been conquered and annexed by the Chāļukyas some time between A.D. 581 and 632. This period is brought into a narrower compass by the statement in the Aihoļe inscription (A.D. 634) that kings of Kalinga and Kösala submitted of their own accord, to the increasing power of Pulikësin II (A.D. 610). It may be noted that the Varāhavartani-vishaya of the Ganga grants was situated close to the Paki-vishaya (or rashtra) and that the latter district had been a debatable ground between the Vishnukundins and the Eastern Gangas for a long time. The Eastern Gangas appear to have occupied it for some time after the date of the Rāmatirtham plates of Indravarman (cir. 535). It is probably to wrest back this province that Madhava III started on an expedition to the Eastern region (prägdik) as recorded in his Pulombūru grant, the result of which is, however, not known. The conquests of South Kalinga and the territory of the Vishņukundins must possibly have been effected in one and the same campaign by Pulikēsin II. Since Tivaradēva Kved, as shown above, in the middle of the 7th century, it is possible that Madhavavárman of the Vishnukundin
* Above, Vol. XVIII, pp. 257 f. * Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, p. 16. Above, Vol. III, pp. 127.
(But it may be noted that while the two sons of Durgašarman of the Chipurupale plates were followers of the Thittiriya-charana, which is a branch of the Yajurvēda, Durgalarman of the Achyutapuram plates was a Brahmana of the Chhandöga school which is a sakha of the Samavēda.-Ed.)
Prof. V. V. Mirashi postulates two Tivaradēvas in the Somavami family and thinks that Trivers who wa a contemporary of the Vishnukundin Madhava was an earlier member and lived between A.D. 525-568 (above, Vol. XXII, pp. 15 ff). But among the Somavamsi kings there is only one TTvaradeva known so far (above, Vol. XI, p. 187). And such an early date is not possible for Madhavs who must have been an immediate predecessor in time of the Eastern Chalukya king Jayasimsha I (ibid, p. 2), f. n. 3 and Bhandarkar's Northern List, p. 293, 1 D. 3).
• The Kondedda and Nivina grants of Dharmaraja mention certain Madhava, who coutemplated to oust the elderly relations to than bhean) from the country, but being forted in his attempt took shelter under Tivars déva and was ultimately defeated along with his master at the foot of the Vindhya hill. Since this Madhava is supposed to be prince of the Sailodbhava family, he cannot be identified with the Vishnukundin king of that name, though it happens that the latter bad also contracted some political or matrimonial alliance with Tlvaradēva

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TANDIVADA GRANT OF PRITHIVI-MAHARAJA : 46TH YEAR.
95
family ruled for some time after A.D. 619, the date of the Ganjānı plates, and was subsequently defeated by Pulikēsin II or Kubja-Vishņu. As we have shown above that the date of the Pulombūru grant would fall in A.D. 621, we may conclude that the Chāļukya conquest of the Vishnukundins was accomplished between A.D. 621 and A.D. 631.
With the facts set forth above, the genealogy of the family with known regnal years and approximate dates for a few kings is given below for easy reference:
Mādhavavarman I (circa 500 A.D.).
Vikramēndra I.
-
Dēvavarman.
Indrabhattāraka (535 A.D.) (year 27).
Madhavavarman II (year 47). Vikramēndra II (year 10).
Vikramáśraya Gõvindavarman. Mādhavavarman III Janāśraya-Mahārāja (A.D. 621) (years 37, 48).
Prince Mañchannabhattāraka. The name of Vikramendra, the father of Prithivi-Mahārāja of the present record may perhaps suggest some relationship with the Vishņukuņdins among whom that name is found twice. It is not impossible that Prithivi-Mahārāja's father Vikramēndra was a subordinate of Vikramēndravarman who was the grandfather of Madhavavarman, the donor of the Pulombūru grant. This surmise finds support from the fact that Pishtapura, the capital of Prithivi-Mahārāja, was situated within the limits of the Vishộukuņdin dominions which comprised the country to the south of Kalinga up to the present Guntur district which was the northern limit of the
Dr. Holteach's arrangement of the genealogy above, Vol. XVII, pp. 334 and 337) comes into conflict with the pedigree given in the present record. According to him, Govindavarman's father would be Madhavavarman, whereas his name is given as Vikramahendra in the Pulombūru grant. A recent writer on the subject (Ind. Hist. Quart., Vol. IX, pp. 275 f.) thinks that Madhava III of the Palombūru grant is identical with Madhava I as both Are stated to have performed eleven Aframedha and one thousand Agnishtöma sacrifices. He holds that the family rove to political power in A.D. 500 under Vikramahēndrs, grandfather of Madhava and continued to rule till the 8th century A.D. when it was completely overthrown by the Chalukyas. This view is not tenable. For, he has not taken into account the palæographio evidence of the charters while constructing the history of the family. According to him, Ipûr plates (set I) and the Palohbūru grant would be earlier than the Ipür plates (set II) whose script has been declared by Dr. Hultzsch to be more archaic than that of the other charters of the family (see also Madras Epigraphical Report 1913-14, pp. 8 and 102). Further, he has not considered the important synchronism with the Mahakosala king Tivaradēva in the time of Madhava (III) and the references contained in the Janäsrayi Chhandovichiti mentioned above. And we find from the records of Palikesin II, Kubja-Vishņuvarddhana, Jayasimha I., Tyagadhënu Indravarman and his successors that portions of the Vizaga patam, Godavari, Kistna and Guntur Districts, which comprised the Vishņukundin territory, were held by the Chalukyas since the first quarter of the 7th century A.D. and it is impossible that the Vishnukundins could have ruled as independent kings in that region after A.D. 631 when, according to the Kopparam and the Timmäpuram plates, the Eastern Chalukys rule had been fully established. [See note l on p. 93.-Ed.]

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Pallava territory, as can be gathered from the situations of villages or divisions mentioned in the Rāmatirtham, Chikkulla, and Ipār plates (set I) and the Pulombūru grant and also from the stone inscription of Vishnukundin Madhavavarman at Vēlpūru in the Sattenapalle Taluk of the Guntur district. Simultaneously with the subjugation of the Vishnukundins by Pulikēsin II and occupation of their territory by his brother Kubja-Vishộuvarddhana, Pșithivi-Mahārāja, the ruler of Pishtapura, appears to have held out against the Chāļukyan attack for a while and finally to have sustained a crushing defeat in the fight. For, we definitely know from the Timmāpuram plates that Kubja-Vishnuvarddhana was in possession of Pishtapura which is mentioned as his secondary capital (vāsaka). It is, therefore, quite plausible that Pulikēsin II captured the fortress of Pishtapura from the hands of Prithivi-Mahārāja who must have lived in the beginning of the 7th century A.D. This period perfectly agrees with the palæographical evidence of the record.
It is noteworthy that the present inscription is the only early record that makes mention of Rapadurjaya as a historical person. We know that many of the ruling families in the Eastern Deccan, who flourished in the 12th and 13th centuries A.D., trace their descent from Durjaya or Raņadurjaya whose time and place in their genealogy are, however, not certain on account of the varying accounts given in their records. The Kakatiyas, the Kondapadumati* and Velanānu Chiefs each claim for their ancestor Durjaya or Ranadurjaya. The Garavapādu grant of Gaņapati mentions Prola as a descendant of Raņadurjaya-Durjaya who belonged to the Karikāl-anvaya. The most important document of this later period, which gives a glimpse into the period of Ranadurjaya, is the Tsandavõlu inscription of Buddharāja which appears to embody a genuine historical tradition. It is stated in it that the Kondapadumaţi chief Buddharaja was the lion of the mountain, the Durjaya family--which shows that Durjaya was the originator of his family-and had for an ancestor one Buddhavarman who belonged to the fourth caste and was a servant of king Kubja-Vishnu of the lunar race who conferred on him the country west of the hill, which contained 73 villages. Kubja-Vishnu is, evidently, the brother of Pulikēsin II, who ruled from A.D. 615 to 633 in the Vēngi country. Buddhavarman's date, accordingly, falls in this period. Durjaya, who was his ancestor, must have lived some time before the 7th century A.D. Since Karikāla is said to be his lineal ancestor whose date has been approximately fixed to fall in the 5th century A.D.,. it is possible that Durjaya lived in the intermediate period and most probably in the 6th century A.D.; and his grandson Přithivi-Mahārāja, who had a long reign of at least 46 years, must have begun to rule in the latter half of that century.
The record does not disclose the name of the dynasty to which Prithivi-Mahārāja belonged. It only states that he belonged to the Kāśyapa-gotra. It is clear from the foregoing discussion that Durjaya was a descendant of Karikāla-Choļa. The Chola king Punyakumāra of the Cuddapah District belonged to the Kāsyapa-gotra and Karikāl-ānvaya.? The Chōļa Satyāditya, son of Vikramaditya, was of the same götra and family. The Chöļas of Tanjore also are known to have
1 Above, Vol. V, p. 142; ibid, Vol. XVIII, pp. 346 ff. • £. I. I., Vol. IV, No. 692; above, Vol. VI, pp. 288 ff.
. Above, Vol. IV, pp. 33 ff; the pedigree given in the Pithapuram Pillar inscription is a jumble of confused traditions. It contains two Rapadurjayas among the ancestors of Prithivisvara.
• Above, Vol. XVIII, p. 346. Above, Vol. VI, pp. 268 ff. Ibid., Vol. XI, p. 340. Above, Vol. XI, p. 346. • Zbid.

Page #136

2
8
10
12
14
i.
ii,a.
ii,b.
TANDIVADA GRANT OF PRITHIVI - MAHARAJA; 46th YEAR.
శ్రిత అబూ హాలి వారి వత్తననుతు స్వర శ జాతకాలు తాక్రారి జనాలు అశక్షేను మనసుక Bమి, శ్రావిశ్య శిక్షలే నా నమస్త్రి మరశయ
వైరం ఆంధ్ర కావాలన విజయా వారి గానే జీవితని చినుగాక బుతునా కార్యక్రమమిదినాము రాజు
JE
9
తాకాను కలి
తుదిశన్న కుత్తను తుత కాకిబసుతు రై
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI.
Ree. No. 3961 E'36-295.
2
SCALE: ACTUAL SIZE.
4
6
కాని కై 10
మంతుల రి కళ్లకు ఈ క్రమాన్యుకణ వచ్చుడుగా, క్రమము వ అంచనా ఖన కలిసి పుత్రా గ్రామ ప్రేతమైన శిబి శ్రీవారి ప్రేమ. కాలి చెలికి మత్తు 14
8
12
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

Page #137

16
:
16
0
ਏ , 0 3 .32 ਬੂਹਾ ਤੂੰ ਦਾਰੂ (3 3 3 10: ਰ ਨ ਨ ਚ ਹਰਾ
3 ਨੂੰ 17 ੜਾ ੜ ਤੋਂ ਪੰਜ 30 ) ਲ 39 0 ਤੋਂ 7 0 ,
ਨੂੰ 21 ਤੋਂ 23 ਹੋਰ ਹਰ ਵਾਰਤਾ
t,b.
20 ) 37
3 ਨੂੰ ਹ ਦ ਹ ਨਾਮ ਹੈ 20 ' ਤੋਂ 5 ਤੋਂ 3 ਤੋਂ 7 ਨੂੰ ਉਹ ਹਾ ਮੈਚ ਨੂੰ
ਪਤਾ ਹ੪੩ ੪ੜ 2 | 7 ਤੋਂ 8ਪ ਦਾ ਰਜ਼ਾਂ ਨੂੰ 285 ਨੂੰ ਹੁਖ 24 9 ਵੀ ਹੈ : (83 ਤੇ 2 3 : 7: ਉ ੫੦੮ ਨੂੰ 4
2 ਨੀਰ2 ਹਨ) 3 ਤੋਂ ਹਵਾ : ਹੇ ਪ੨ ਤਾਂ ਦJਕ ਨੂੰ 2005 ੪ ਤਹ। 25 ਰਾ
ਤੂੰ ਹ ਮ1 07 () A S : . ਤੱਚ ਤੇ ਹੋ ਤਾਂ ਹਾਲ "
ਤੋਂ ਏਡ: Jਨ ਮੁ ਹੈ ।

Page #138

No. 15.]
TANDIVADA GRANT OF PRITHIVI-MAHARAJA : 46TH YEAR.
91
belonged to the Käsyapa-gotra. It is therefore very likely that Raņadurjaya was a Chola and his ancestors had settled in the Eastern Deccan, like their brethren in the Renandu country, in some early period. It may be noted that Raņadurjaya was a member of the fourth caste as can be gathered from the Tsandavõlu inscription referred to above.
Of the places mentioned in the record, Pishțapura is well known as the ancient name of Pithapuram in the East Godavari District. Pāguņāra-vishaya in which the village Tāndivāda was situated is the same as Pavunavāra-vishaya of the Vandaram plates of Ammarāja II, Pagunavaravishaya occurring in a grants of Bhima II, and Pagunavara-vishaya of a record of Vishnuvarddhana V. This vishaya appears to have comprised the modern Tanuku Taluk of the Kistna District as can be seen from the stone inscriptions at Juttiga in that Taluk. Tāndivāda might be identical with Tadiparru in the Tanuku Taluk. Kõndamañchi, where the donee resided, I am not able to identify.
TEXT.
Piret Plate 1 स्वस्ति' [*] श्रीमत्पिष्टपुरासकलजगदवनसमुद्भूतकीर्ति2 चारचन्द्रिकासमुधो (पो)तितदिगत्त(स्तारस्व म3 हाराजरणदुर्जयस्य सूनोसमतिः 4 गयितशक्रविभूतविक्रमेन्द्रस्व प्रियतनयः"]
Second Plate; First Side. 6 प्रवईमानप्रतापोपनतसमस्तसामन्तमण्डल(लो) निज8 भुजविजयोदयाधिमतयशोविशेषभूषवः श्रीरम[:] 7 काश्यपसगोषः परमननयो मातापित्पा8 दानुख्यात श्रीप्रिथिवी"महाराजः पागुणारविषये ताडि9 वाडग्राममधिवतम(सतम)बसमवेताम्कटि(2)म्बिनम[माजाप
1 Soo the Tiruvälangadu plator and the Kanyakumari inscription and the Madras Epigraphical Report for 1905, p.40.
+Above, Vol. Ix, p. 133. 'Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, p.213. • Madras Epigraphical Report, 1913-14, C. P. No. 8. INon. 734and 736 of 1920 of the M.E. R. for 1921. • List of Villages in the Madras Presidency, p. 344.
From an ink-impression. . This word is engraved in the margin to the left of the ring hole near the third line of the text.
[Thoro is also a root yw.bhdsand.-B. C. C.] 16 Rond gfernt

Page #139

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXIII.
Second Plate ; Second Side. 10 यति यथा। अतिम्म(क)तिपारहवनः यथावदनुष्ठिताम्म(म्निष्टी11 मादिक्रियापूतात्मनो विशुधर्माणः पुत्राय' असलदिल्या12 प्रयोगनरायमाणद्रविणसूचितर्खिक्य13 दस्वसरले पिसहसविद्याध्ययनप्रवचनव्याख्यान14 गोलिनः प्रिथिवो(पृथिवी)शर्मणः पुत्राय वेदवेदानन्याय(यो)प
Third Plate ; First Side. 16 निषद्योग(गा)वबोधनिर्मलीकतबुद्धये विविधावरावस्था18 अपवित्रीकतविग्रहाय देवपितमनुष्यसमर्चन17 समानौतराचिन्दिवाय कोखमचिग्रामनिवासिने 18 चिसहमविद्याय विंशतिव्याख्यानाय कामकायनस19 गोचाय छ(च्छ)न्दोगसब्रह्मचारिणे भवयमणे पसादाबु
Third, Plate ; Second Side 20 रारा(रो)ग्ययशोभिवाये सर्वकरपरिहारेणाग्रहारी21 कृत्य प्रामोयन्दत्तः न कैचिदपि बाधा करणीया [*] प्र. 22 [व]मानविजयराज्यसंवत्सरे षट्चत्वारी(रिश 23 कार्तिकपीमास्वान्धर्मप्रदानमेतत् [1] पात्रमि[:] श्रीराम24 सेमराजः [1] पण व्यासगीता[:] बोकाः [1] बहुभिर्वसुधा दत्ता
Fourth Plate.
25 बहुभिश्चानुपालिता [0"] यस्य यस्य यदा भूमित(स्त)स्य तस्य 28 तदा फलम् [*] खदत्ता परदत्ता(त्ता) वा यनाद्रच युधिषि(ष्ठि)र । 27 मही महीमा श्रेष्ठ धमाच्छ्यौनुपालनं [0"] 28 पास्कीटयन्ति पितरी बलान्ति प्रपितामहाः' (1) 29 भूमिदाता कुरी जातः (1) स नखाता भविष्यति ।
I Read पोचाय. •The risarga is faintly visible in the impression.
Generally the reading of this pada ia pravalganti pitamahdb.

Page #140

No. 16.] A NOTE ON THE BHOR STATE MUSEUM COPPER PLATE OF KHAMBHA II. 99
TRANSLATION.
(Lines 1-8.) Hail! From the illustrious Pishṭapura, Śri Prithivi-Mahārāja—who has meditated on the feet of his parents, who is extremely pious, who belongs to the Kasyapa-gotra, who has subdued the whole circle of the Samantas by his ever increasing prowess and has as his ornament the distinguishing fame acquired by the rise of victory of his arms, who is the lord of wealth dear son of Vikramendra who had excelled Indra in prosperity, who was the son of Mahārāja Rapadurjaya who had lighted the whole region of the quarters by the beautiful moonlight, the fame arising from the protection of the whole world,
(Ll. 8-10.) commands all the kutumbins assembled together, who are the residents of Tāṇḍivāḍa in Pagupara-vishaya, that
(Ll. 10-21.) this village (i.e., Tāṇḍivāḍa) has been made into an agrahāra and conferred, free of all imposts, for the increase of our life, health and fame, upon Bhavasarman, who is a student of Chhandōga (school), belongs to the Kämakayana-götra, has studied three thousand sciences and (written) twenty commentaries, a resident of the village Kondamañchi, is spending days and nights in worshipping the gods, the pitris and mankind, whose body has been purified by the water of sacred ablution in various sacrifices, whose intellect has been clarified by the knowledge of the Vedas, Vedängas, Nyaya, Upanishads and Yoga-son of Prithivisarman whose habit it was to study, teach and comment on the three thousand sciences, and whose prosperity was revealed among the priests (ritvij) and assistants (sadasya) by the riches given away in sacrifices frequently performed (by him)-grandson of Vishnusarman whose mind had been purified by the due performance of Agnishtoma, and other (sacrifices) and who had mastered the Sruti and Smriti.
(Ll. 21-24.) No one should create any obstruction (to this). In the 46th year of the ever prosperous and victorious reign on the full moon day of Kärttika, this religious gift was made. Sri Ramalepruraja was the executor (of the order).
(Ll. 24-29.) Here are the slokas sung by Vyasa. (Then follow three of the customary verses.)
No. 16.-A NOTE ON THE BHOR STATE MUSEUM COPPER PLATE OF KHAMBHA II.
BY RAO BAHADUR K. N. DIKSHIT, M.A.
On page 186 of part IV, of Volume XXII of the Epigraphia Indica Dr. Altekar has published an article on the Bhor State Museum Plates of Khambha II of the Chalukya dynasty, dated in the Saka year 1001. There is no facsimile of the original attached to the article, but as the editor of the Plates has remarked, the order in which the different parts of the grant occur, is topsyturvy. Thus after specifying the date, the writer at once proceeds to the specification of the donor and the village granted without mentioning the donee. Then are mentioned certain dignitaries followed by some verses describing exploits of the dynasty of the donor. After the imprecatory verses, the grant closes with the bare names (without specification of gotras, etc., of the donees) clearly as an after-thought. It is thus evident that the grant is not a regular and officially issued
1 Srirama may also be taken as the biruda of the king. Mr. C. R. Krishnamacharlu whom I consulted thinks that Rama-Kasyapa might be one of the sub-divisions of the Kasyapa-gōtra in which case, the expression will have to be rendered who belonged to the illustrious Rama-Kasyapa-gōtra".

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190
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXIII.
charter, and cannot be considered as indicating the existence of a feudatory Chālukya king in the Saka year 1001 for reasons given below:
.
In the first place it is very unlikely that an inscription dated in the 4th year of the powerful Chālukya Emperor Vikramāditya VI, who had already started his own era (named the Chalukya- Vikrama Era) should be without any mention of this paramount sovereign. In fact the first line specifying the date appears to have been written in smaller characters than the other lines and may possibly have been inserted later. The most important reason why the inscription appears to me to have been written somewhere in the middle of the 12th Century is the mention of certain officers and queens in lines 12 to 15. The two queens mentioned in line 14, namely, Siriya Dēvi and Dēvalā Dēvi appear to be identical with the queens Siriyā Dēvi and Dēvala Dēvi of the Sinda King Chāvunda II referred to on page 111 of the Vol. XX of the Epigraphia Indica. It is interesting to see that one Murjaya Sāhani also occurs in the Benachamatti inscription referred to above, while in the present inscription the same Mumjēya appears to have been referred to as the minister (amatya) of the Mahārāņi Siriya Dēvi. There are at least two other Sähanis (Prakrit form of Sadhani, a counsellor). It is therefore incorrect to take with Dr. Altekar that Siriyā Dēvi was called Muñjèya Maharani because she was a daughter of Muñja. The intended reading of the end of line 14 and beginning of line 15 should be “Rāņi Mahalā Dēbalva)lāyā damdanāyaka Simha". There seems to have been some confusion here in the name of the queen. The name Mahādēvi being that of the step-mother of Chåvunda II himself, the writer probably confused it with the name Dēvalā, of one of his queens.
As regards the language, there appears to have been some mixture of words in Marathi which again may indicate a later date. The word varila in line 9 and käru kadënën in the same line are clearly Marathi. The sense of the whole phrase from sarvavāhao is that all dues including the dues from artisans and oilmen were to be given to the donees. The phrase agumthitapushpim (not pushyim) rājadarsa(rea)nan in lines 10 and 11 is explainable only in the light of the subsequent verse in lines 28 to 30 and means that an interview with the king should be with unstrung flowers, the stem gunth being a Marāthi adaptation from grath in Sanskrit. The propriety of such a reference is shown in lines 28 to 30 where it is mentioned that any future king of my family should be interviewed by you with flowers not strung into a garland) and requested on my behalf that he should maintain his religion (and continue this gift)'. There are passages in Sanskrit literature, which support the existence of this custom of approaching a king with an offering of unstrung flowers.
On the whole I am inclined to think that the grant belongs to the middle of the 12th century A D. and was probably forged in the interest of the persons mentioned in the postscript of the grant. It is, however, not understood how the names of queens and ministers in places over 200 miles away are included, unless we suppose that the Sinda Queens had some private estates managed by their ministers in the locality of Bhor
1Ct. Malavikagnimitra, Act IV, whore Vidushaka pretends to have been bitten by enako, while spreading out his hand for a bunch of Asöks flowers, as he wanted to see the queen with the customary flowor offering.
* There is certainly room for suspicion about the genuineness of the Bhor Museum Plates of Khambha. But a great difficulty in accepting the identification proposed here is that the name of the husband of the queens Siriya Dēvi and Dévala Devi is expressly mentioned as Khambhs in these plates. Neither the name nor the genealogy of this ruler has any similarity with that of the Sinds chief Chāvunda II. It seems unlikely, even considering the grant to be a forged one, that the forgers would make use of the names of the two Sinda queens alone. If they were aware of the names of the queens one would expect them to know the name and family of their husband as well, who was the governor of a number of distriota.-Ed.]

Page #142

No. 17.]
THREE COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS FROM GAONRI.
101
No. 17.-THREE COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS FROM GAONRI.
BY RAO BAHADUR K. N. DIKSHIT, SIMLA. These plates were discovered on 20th June 1931 at the village Gaonri three miles to the north-east of Narwal (the Narhwal of the maps), the headquarters of an estate of the same Dame, eleven miles to the south-east of Ujjain, on the Ujjain-Dewas Road. They were discovered in the course of cutting the channel or sluice of a tank at the village, and found their way into the hands of the Raoji Saheb of Narwal Estate. Having come to learn of their existence from Pandit Surya Narayan Vyas of Bharati Bhavan, Ujjain, I approached the Raoji Saheb, who very kindly sent the plates to me for decipherment and publication.
The plates, which are five in number, consist of two sets of which three constitute one grant (marked B) and the other two another (marked C). The plates of the set B measure 15" to 151" by 101" to 101". Each of the plates is " in thickness. The rims have been raised to protect the writing and there are two holes in diameter on one side through which rings were passed. The set C consists of two plates measuring 121" to 12" in length and 91" to 10" in breadth, which have holes similar to those in the plates of the set B for passing the rings. The first set weighs 552 tolas and the second 218. The rings of the first set are still with the Raoji Saheb, but those of the second set were in a very fragmentary state of preservation when discovered and are stated to be made of irou, but it is likely that they were of copper. No seal appears to have been found with them. It appears that the labourers who found the plates considered them to be of iron and they thought of making blades of shovels out of them, but the Rao Saheb, having come to know of this, ordered them to be brought before him and had them cleaned with chemicals. On receiving them at the Indian Museum, I had them cleaned again, when I discovered the most interesting fact that the outer side of the first plate of the bigger set (marked A) was a palimpsest and contained regular lines of writing which in spite of the attempt made by the Paramāra engravers to obliterate it by rubbing were still quite legible. Much of this older inscription can be read from the original plate, and the inked impressions are sufficiently legible, in spite of the thinness of the letters. It shows an earlier record of the Rashtrakūtas preceding the date of the Paramāra grant by 52 years. It has been seldom found that one and the same copper-plate bears, the inscription of two different kings, particularly as the injunctions which one ruler caused to be recorded and expected his successors to respect them could not with propriety be broken by himself in respect of the donations of previous rulers. In the present case, however, the occurrence of a fresh grant on an old copper-plate record after obliterating the writing can be explained by the state of warfare between the Răshtrakūta kingdom of the Deccan and the Paramāra rulers of Mālwā in the latter half of the tenth century A.D. It seems probable that the Rāshtrakūta charter was either snatched away from the possession of the donees or, being an office copy, seized from the Rashtrakūta treasury in course of the invasion of the Deccan
1 Dr. Fleet records a palimpsest in Indian Antiquary, Vol. VII, pp. 251 ff., but the cancelled grant is practically identical with the renewed grant, which was necessitated by some flaw in the original. [Similar instances are found in the Khoh Copper-plate Inscription of the Maharaja Sarvanātha of the year 193 (C. I. I., VOL. III, p. 126) and the copper-plate of the Eastern Chalukya ruler Māngi-Yuvarāja noticed in the Madras Epigraphical Report for 1908, pt. ii, paragraphs 12-13. I can also give at least one example where thọ plates belonging to an earlier ruler were made use of by a later king of the same dynasty by obliterating the original record, cf. C. P. No. 6 of 1921-25 (An. Rep. on 8. I. E., 1924-25, PP. 78-79) of the time of the Ganga king Anantavarman Chodaganga which originally contained an earlier grant of his grandfather Vajrahasta. What necessitated the obliteratiou of the original grant or if it was at all issued is not known.-Ed.]
: This event must have occurred sometime about 973 A.D., as Dhanapāla mentions in his raiyalachchhi, that the work was written at Manyakhēta when it was looted by the people of Malwa.

Page #143

102
EP.GRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXIII.
by the Paramāra King Siyaka and consigned to the Mälwă treasury along with other treasure and booty brought back from the campaign. Subsequently Siyaka's son Vākpati-Muñja utilised the plates for engraving a fresh inscription after obliterating the Rashtrakūta record. It is thus that we can explain the find of a plate granting a village in the Deccan carried away about five h 30 3d miles from the place of its origin.
The characters of the Paramāra grants (B and C) are Dēvanāgari, regular for the period and locality of the inscription. There is little to record about the Rashtrakūta grant (A) as well, except that the characters are of the northern instead of the southern type to which most records of this dynasty are to be attributed. As regards orthography, no distinction has been observed between va and ba and sa is often confused with $a.
The Paramāra records (B and C) open each with two verses one in praise of Siva and the other in that of Vishņu. Then follows in prose the genealogy of Vakpatirāja. As in other records of Vākpati such as the Dharampuri plates only three predecessors of his, riz. : Krishộarāja, Vairisimha and Siyaka are mentioned but not others known from other stone inscriptions. Vākpati is said to have Amoghavarsha as another name of his, which is interesting in view of the fact that in the Harsola grant of his father Siyaka the latter is probably to be credited with the epithet Akālavarsha. Then follows the specification of the villages granted, which in grant B is said to be Vaņikā in the Avaraka-Bhöga and Hūņa-Mandala ; while in grant C it is stated to be kadahichchhaka' in the Bhukti of Maddhuka, in the east Pathaka of the Ujjayani-Vishaya and the Avanti-Mandala. The latter village can be easily identified, as its situation can be located with certainty, being to the east of Ujjain. The village Karcha or Kadacha three miles to the north of Narwal and a similar distance to the north-west of Gaonri can be confidently identified with Kadahichchhaka. The Madhuka-Bhukti in which the village granted was situated may perhaps be identified with lanû or Mhow, the well-known cantonment near Indore which would be about 40 miles from Narwal. As the Hüņa-Mandala of the first plate must evidently refer to the country ruled over by the Hūnast in Mälwā, it must be taken as the northern part of the Malwă plateau. The queen Avalladēvi of the Kalachūri King Karna is said to have been the daughter of a Hūņa king. The Avaraka-Bhoga may possibly have been identical with the country round the town of Agar, north-east of Ujjain, close to which there is a place called Awar. Vaņikā is to be identified with the village of Benkā, 15 miles north-west of Awar. The place of the king's encampment is specified in the second set as Purpņa-Pathaka, which appears to have been situated on a river named Punyabira, which I am unable to identify. The officer who conveyed the grant in the first set was Rudrāditya, who is also mentioned in the Ujjain plates of 1036 V.S.
The donees in the set B are stated to be 26 Brāhmaṇas who received portions of the village of Vanikā out of an aggregate of 78 parts. On an average, thus, each Brāhmaṇa received three parts, although two Brāhmaṇas seem to have received only one part each and as many as 9 of them two parts each. The Brāhmaṇas belonging to the Rig Veda seem to have received special preference, inasmuch as four of them received as many as 19 shares. The first-mentioned person is a Brāhmaṇa named Sarvānanda hailing from the village of Kaņāpās in the
* Ind. Ant., Vol. VI, pp. 43 ff. * Above, Vol. XIX, p. 236.
[See p. 112, note 1 below.-Ed.)
• The Hūnas are said to have been defeated both by Siyaka, the father of Vakpati (above, Vol. I, p. 223), and by Väkrati-Mufja himself (Ind. Ant., Vol. XVI, p. 156).
. This place should be looked for in the moderr Patna Division, particularly in the Shabābād District of Bihar, its present equivalent being something like Kanpa or Kanwa.

Page #144

No. 17.] THREE COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS FROM GAONRI.
country of Magadha who received as many as eight parts. It is worthy of note that the sole recipient of the second grant which is dated about five years later is the identical Sarvananda. It is therefore likely that the Brahmana settled down in the village of which he was the sole proprietor and carried with him the charter which conferred on him the title of the second village as well as that of the other grant of which he was the senior partner. It is noteworthy that the provenance of the plates is within three miles from the second village, while its distance from the first is about 40 miles.
The most important information contained in these plates is regarding the migration of Brāhmaṇas from various parts of the country to Malwa where they were recipients of donations at the hands of the Paramara prince. In several instances the donees seem to have migrated all the way from Bengal, which (contrary to the current belief that there were no Brahmaņas left in Bengal in the 12th century A.D.) appears as a country where Brahmaņas studying different Vedas were flourishing. Thus we find a Brahmana named Dōnāka, hailing from Vilvagavasa falling within the southern Radha country, who received as many as five shares. Another person is said to have migrated from Kuläñcha, which in the form of Kōlañcha and Krödañcha occurs as the original place of Brahmanas who received grants in Assam, North Bihar and Orissa. I propose to identify this with Kulanch in the Bogra District of North Bengal. Another locality mentioned in these plates is Sāvathidēša or Savathikā which is most likely the tract more or less corresponding to North Bogra and South Dinajpur in Bengal. An inscription of Indrapala, a king of Assam, refers to this Savathi (which is apparently the same as Srävasti) and mentions the presence of a place called Vaigrama in it. The identity of the latter has now been completely established by the find of a copper-plate of the Gupta period found at Baigram at the north-west corner of the Bogra District, in which the place is mentioned as Vayigrama. There can be no doubt that Savathi, Śrāvasti or the Savathidesa included the northern part of Bogra District. In the present case the two villages in this tract are Dardurika and Mitila-pataka which it is possible to identify with Dadra in Panchbibi Thana of the Bogra District and Mitail or Matialpãrã both of which are in the Bogra District. Most of the Brahmanas mentioned in the places from Bengal just referred to are stated to have belonged to the Chhandōga-sakha (of the Sama-Võda), which is significant in view of the preponderance of the adherents of this Vēda among the Brahmaņas of Bengal. Madhyadesa which is roughly equivalent to the United Provinces is the original home of at least three of the donees but the place-name Yaka or Ayaka stated to be included within the Madhyadesa cannot be identified. Uttarakuladēsa in which the village Paundarika was the home of a Brahmaņa must be some tract to the north of the Ganges. Śravanabhadra, stated to be the home of two Brahmaņas, also occurs in the plates of Bhoja found at Tilakwada' near Baroda and must be some place in northern India, near Kanauj, as the family of Suraditya in the Tilakwädä plates is stated to have come from Kanauj. It is also mentioned as Sõnabhadra in the Madhyadesa in the Sarkho3 plates of the Kalachuri Ratnadēva III, being the original home of a family of Brahmaņas also of the Vatsa lineage. Khēṭaka is undoubtedly the modern Khera in Gujarat, while Nandipura in the Lața country is certainly the modern Nandod on the Narmada. Khēḍāpälikä and Khaḍupallikā may indicate a place-name like Khedavala or Khedaulia, being perhaps the original place of the modern Khedaval Brahmanas. Other places like Kharjürikā, Sōpura, Dapura, Anōha, Aviva and Rājakiya-grāma may be found in the neighbourhood or within the province of Mälwa. The
1 Kamarupa-sasanavali, p. 137.
2 Proceedings and Transactions of the First Oriental Conference, Poona, pp. 324 f. Above, Vol. XXII, pp. 159 ff.
103
B 2

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name Khajuriya is very common around Ujjain. Madhupalikā may be same as Majhowli, a village-name common to U. P. There is thus & vast amount of information regarding the original places of Brāhmaṇas in the present plates which will be of great importance to the social history of this period. .
The date of the donation of the grant B is mentioned as the full-moon day of Kärttika in the (Vikrama) year 1038, on the occasion of a lunar eclipse, which is equivalent to Sunday, the 16th October, A.D. 981. The date on which the grant was actually written and conveyed appears to be nearly nine months later, being mentioned as the tenth day of the bright half of the second Ashādha of V. S. 1038. Obviously the year is to be considered as Kārttikādi or Southern and the equivalent date accordingly is July 3, Tuesday, A.D. 982, as there was no intercalation in the month of Ashādha in Samvat 1038 according to the Northern reckoning. The second grant (C) was made at the winter solstico (Udagayana) in the year 1043 V. S. which fell on 22nd December, A. D. 986, while the charter was issued on the thirteenth day of the dark (half) of the month of Māgha which is equivalent to Friday, the 31st December, A.D. 986 taking the month to be Purnimanta. The dates of these plates slightly advance our knowledge of the reigning period of Väkpatirāja for whom we already have 1031 and 1036 V.S. as the dates of his Dharampuril and Ujjain piates; but the tragic end of Vākpatirāja in the Chālukya capital must be dated several years later than the date of the second grant.
The plates are all engraved only on one side, the last plate in grant B containing on the back only the words Vanikā-grāma-šāsanaṁ tāmrapatrāņi cha tri(tri)ni stating that the plates of the charter for the village Vaņikā were three in number. On the first plate the obliterated Rāshtrakūța inscription (A) consists of 22 lines. The inscription fortunately contains all the most important information about the record, although there must have been at least two more plates in the beginning, one giving the genealogy and possibly one more at the end containing the concluding portion and the imprecatory verses. The donor Suvarpavarshadēva (Govinda IV) is stated to be the son of Nityavarsha (Indra III). The date of the grant is mentioned in detail as Sunday the full-moon day of Māgha in the Saka yoar 851 Vikrita-samvatsara, when the moon was in the constellation of Aslēshā and there was an eclipse of the moon. This date is identical in every particular with that of another Kannada inscription of the same ruler, viz., the Kalas inscription and is equivalent to Sunday, the 17th January, A.D. 930, when there was an eclipse of the moon. The inscription records that on the great occasion of the lunar eclipse, the king after having made grants of land, learning, food, desire-fulfilling tree, medicine, etc., and having weighed himself (against precious commodities) ordered the donation of the village of Payalipattana situated in the western boundary of Minyakhēta or Malkhed the Rashtrakūta capital. The object of the donation was to establish & sattra or charitable feeding house where a thousand Brāhmaṇas belonging to different denominations were to be fed ; thus 360 were the Karnāțaka Brahmaņas of Malkhed; 300 belonged to the Kaņva-säkhā, 240 were Brāhmaṇas from Karabataka (apparently those now known as Karhādā Brāhmaṇas in Maharashtra); 72 were Brahmaņas of the Chatus-Charana or all the four Charanas and 28 Brähmaņas are mentioned as Sahasrasāmänya or common to the thousand. The reference to the donations of this king in the phrase prati....prayachchhată = daily giving away (to Brāhmaṇas, etc.) incessantly
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. VI, pp. 48 ff. : Ibid., Vol. XIV, p. 160, Above, Vol. XIII, PP. 329 ff.

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No. 17.]
Serial No.
charters of villages respected (by all) by the hundred' is borne out by his Cambay Plates issued about four months later, when he granted 600 villages and 3 lacs of gold coins to Brāhmanas and 800 villages and 4 lacs of gold coins to temples. The arrangement of the donor is stated to be that the proceeds of the village granted were to be utilised for the feeding of a thousand Brahmanas every day (apparently at Manyakheta). There is mention of some ceremonies on the Akshaya-purṇamāsī, which is probably the same day as the full moon of Magha, the date of the present grant. The boundaries of the village granted beginning from the east were the villages Karigrama, Maṇḍavaka, Nandasura, Nandalagrāma, Nasapura, Yamalagrāma, Vēllavasa, Dhammanagrama, Sellavi and Kapitthakhēda. None of these localities I have yet been able to identify, but they are apparently to be looked for in the western part of the Deccan plateau.
Table of the Brahmana donees of the Gaonri Plates of Vakpati Muñja: V.S. 1038.
1
2
4
5
3 Lõhina
6
7
8
10
12
THREE COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS FROM GAONRI.
Name of Donee. Father's name.
13
Sarvananda
14
Mülasthāna
Chandraditya
Anantaditya
Sabara
Rapaditya Agnihotrin, Lo- Vasudeva hapa.
Dōnāka
Atuka.
Dikshita Lökä- Kanopa in Maga- Rigveda, nanda. dha. vricha.
Brahmapandita.
Iévara.
Sihata
Pitavāsa
Sankara.
.Gōsarana
11 Purushottama. Liha
Suraditya
Risiula.
Original place. Veda and Sakha.
·
Mitränanda
Devaditya
Bah- Samkritya. 3.
Ayaka in Madhya- Samaveda, Chhan- Vasishtha 3 desa. dōga.
Kavada
Chauramba.
in Madhyaděéa Govindasvamin. Devasvamin. Madhupalikā
Sravanabhadra
Kuläficha
Aviva in Asuresamandala.
Vilvagavasa in Dakshina Radha.
Khaḍupallika
9 Vamanasvamin Dikshita Hari Paundarika in Ut- Samaveda, Chhan- Gargya
dōga.
tarakula. Umvarachara
.Yajurvēda, Vaji- Agastya madhyandina.
Do. Maitreya Samaveda, Chhan- Kasyapa dōga. Rigveda, vricha. Dardurika in Sa- Samaveda, Chhan- Bhargava vathika. dōga.
.
Gōtra and Pravara.
Yajurvēda, Vaji- Gautama madhyandina.
Samaveda, Chhan- Sandilya dōga.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Vatsa
.Päräsara
Bah- Vatsa
4
1 Above, Vol. VII, pp. 26 ff.
[See p. 108, note 1 below. --Ed.]
This is apparently a mistake for 3, as this götra is never found to have five pravaras.
•
.
Yajurvēda, Vaji. Maudgalya. 3 madhyandina.
.
3
•
3
3
5
53
5
3
3
3
5
105
3
Parts of village granted.
8
3
3
2
5
2
3
1
3
2

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXIII.
Table of the Brāhmana donece of the Gaohn Plates of Vakpati Mufija: V. S. 1038-contd.
No.
"
Name of Donee. Father's name.
Original place.
Voda and Sakhi.
Götra and Prsvara.
Parts
of village granted.
15
Madhumathana
Achala.
Svayantapa Nēnaiyaks
Srinivasa Madhu.
.
Jāmata.
Vishnu.
Dedēks . Avasthika
Vadēvs. Varaha..
. Do.. Sar. Löhata
Mitilapätaks in Yajurvöda, Väji- Parabara 3
Savathikkadha. madhyandias. Khodāpalika . Do. .Mauni 31 Khotaka i Rigvēda, Bah. Bhäradväja. 3
vricha, Andha . Yajurvēds, VājiBhargava 3
madhyandina. Do.. Do.. .
Do. Söpura
Samavödu, Kau Bandily . 3
thums. Kharjüriks. Samavēde, Chhan-Mihula . 3
dogs. Dapura
Rigveda, Bahvricha Väriha 3 in Lätadesa Yajurvēda, Vaji- Käsyapa . 3
madhyandina. Rajakiya . . Simavöda, Chhan Vatas 51
döga. Nandipara in Yajurvdda, Vaji- Bharadväja 8
Lätaděda. madhyandins. Sravap&bhadra | Do. Vatas ..8
Sridhar
Asaditya. Bhails .
Māhula Hari
Dévaditya
Latäditya
Mumjala.
Isvara .
26
Amatta.
Gunakars
Total . 1
A.-Fragmentary grant of the R&shtrakata Suvarnavarsha (Govinda IV):
Saka 851.
TEXT.
1 परमेश्वरश्रीमबित्ववर्षि देवपादानुख्यातपरमभट्टारकमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरश्रीमन्मुव2 montearea ANAHT : gran partão [te]4** (2017)34
मानकापराष्ट्रपति३ विषयपतिवामकूटमहत्तरायुक्तकोपयुक्तकाधिकारिकान्समादिशत्यस्तु वः संविदितं
JUTAT4 न्यखेटराजधानीखिरतरावस्थानन मातापित्रीरात्मनश्च पुण्ययशोभिवषये पूर्वलु
[T]

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THREE COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS FROM GAONRI. A.-FRAGMENTARY GRANT OF THE RASHTRAKUTA SUVARNNAVARSHA (GOVINDA IV): SAKA 851.
SCALE: THREE-FIFTHS.
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Reg. No. 3977 E'36-295.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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No. 17.]
THREE COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS FROM GAONRI.
5 पि देवभोगाग्रहारान्प्रतिपालयता प्रतिदिनं च निरखवि नमस्ययामशासनानि
शतसः (शः) प्रयच्छ[ता]
6 मया शकनृपकालातीत संव[कार ] मलेच्चष्टखेकपंचामदबिकेकातोपि
10
107
८५१ प्र
7 वर्त्तमानविकतसम्वत्सरान्तर्गत माघषौ समास्यां त्वा चानेषानचत्व[स्था ] मे शसि -
(शि) नि सो
8 [ग्रह] महापर्व्वणि पृथिवोदानविद्यादानाहारदानकल्पवृचना (दा)नभेषव्यदानानानि (दानानि ) दत्वा (चा)
9 तुलापुरुषाद[नु]तरता मया प्रथमं करोदकातिसमण सहस्रप्रमाणमहाजनाय वर्थः (बा)
[..[मान्य] खेट की]टकप्रमुखा (ब्राह्मणा (ष) टयधिकशतचयं वाजिकरप्रमुखत्रा (ब्रा) प्रणानां
11 मलवयं करहाटकप्रमुखत्रा (ब्रा) चानां चत्वारिंशदधिकं मतदयं चतुवरणसामान्यषष्टि
12 वर्णव्रा (ब्रा) अयानां
सिमति: सहजसामान्यवा (बाह्मणानामष्टाविंशतिरेवं
(स) (ब्रा) -
सम्बत्सराणां
13 णेभ्यः श्रीमान्यखेटपश्चिमाघाटव्यवस्खितपयलोपत्तनं सहचमालाकु [लं] सधान्यहिर
खादेयं
14 सदण्डदोश (ष) न्दशापराधं
समस्तो[य]क्तिहरूकोत्पत्तिसहितं पूर्वप्रसिद्दचतुस्त्रीम
पर्यन्तमाचन्द्रार्क] [चत्रप्रतिपारा]
15 गोयां'चास्य पूर्व्वदिवसं [सा ]दि (१) प्रा[ग्द]चियेनः करियामः मण्डवकनन्द सुर
1 The reading of the last five letters is doubtful.
Probably the intended reading was vyaghatë bhütv⇒änyathä karttavyä.
नलग्रामय........
16 ना[स]पुरयमलग्रामवेज्ञवयधनाचा महेशविपिलखेडयामाः एवं श(स) वघाटविपयलीय.
17 रा ( स ) ( ) महाजनस्य कृषतः वार्षथतो भु(भुंजतो भोजयतो वा न कै. चि(केचिद्याघतिः (घातः) भूयः व्या[?]न्याकर्त्त[व्या *]
18 ब्र(ब्रह्मग्राम: [पुस्यविध्य]त्यकानि च भवन्ति ॥ स ( रा ) मवचनं
धर्मासेतुर्नृपाचां काले काले त्पा (पा)लबी
19 यो भवद्भिः [*] सर्व्वानेतान्भाविनः पार्थिवेन्द्रान्भूयो भूयो याचते रामभद्रः ॥
व्यवस्था चाच ॥ श्रीमत्सुवर्णवर्षदे
सामान्योय

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20 वस्याचय[पूर्ण]मास्या [देव]प्रीत्यर्थ [] सिडिरस्त्वित्येतेन योर्धव(ब)प्रशाला
___ प्रसाद(द)यकविस्तीर्णवासां स्वर्चतो 21 [परिवचितविशेष...] श(स)हसवा(बा) भोजनं प्रतिदिनं प्रवर्तनीयनिनि
(मिति) ॥ धर्माभिवृदये तेन 22 या...वण मया...कौयस्य...स मिन च...
B.-Plates of Vakpati-Munja: V.S.1038.
TEXT.
Pirst Plate. 1 पो [*] याः स्फूर्णत्फणभविषानलमिलम[*]भाः प्रोकसमूव(ब)शया
. कोटिघटिता या: मैथि(मह)केयोपमाः []• याचच(च)हिरिजा2 कपोललुलिता[:] कस्तूरिकाविभ्रमास्ताः श्रीकण्ठकठोरकण्ठरुचयः श्रेयान्मि
(यासि) पुष्णन्तु वः ॥ यलक्ष्मीवदनेदुन्द)ना न मुखितं यवा8 दिसम्वारिधारा यब निजेन [नाभिसरसीपोन शान्तिङ्गतं [*] यच्छेषा
हिफणासहसमधुरश्वासै चाश्वासितं तदाधाविरहा4 तुरं सुररिपोर्बेलहपुः पातु वः ॥ परमभट्टारकमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरश्री
कृष्णराजदेवपादानुध्यातपरमभट्टार। कमहाराजाधिराजपरमेखरचीवैरिसि(सिंह)देवपादानुध्यातपरमभट्टारकमहाराजा
धिराजपरमेश्वरश्रीसीयकदेवपादानु8 ध्यातपरमभट्टारकमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरबीमदमोघवर्षदेवापराभिधानश्रीमहाक्पति
राजदेवपृथ्वीवनभ7 थोवनभनरेन्द्रदेवः कुशलौ । यथा इणमंडले पावरकभोगसम्ब(म्ब)डपूर्व
भोक्तभिर्भुतभुक्तिक्रमेण यथासम्ब(म्ब)[य]मा. 8 न[:*] समस्ततलकैः सहित(ते) वणिकाग्रामे समुपगतान्समस्तराजपुरुषां(षा)न्वा
(ब्राह्मणोत्तरान्प्रतिवासि[प] किलजनप[दा9 दोश्च वो(बो)धयत्यस्तु वः सम्बि(संवि)दितं यथा प्रतीत(ता)ष्टतृस(त्रिंश)दुत्तर
साहसिकसम्ब(संव)मरस्मिन् कार्त्तिक्यां सोम] ग्रहणपर्वणि10 सात्वा चराचरगुरु भगवन्तं भवानीपतिमभ्यर्च सन्मा(संसा)रस्थासारतां
दृष्ट्वा । वातावविभ्रममिदं वसुधा] धिपत्यमापातमात्र
[The reading appears to be=akshaya-punyammastvam abhiprityarthash.-Ed.] • Expressed by asymbol.
First dhi was written, then the scribe put the à sign without deleting the i sign.

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THREE COPPER-PLATE INSCIPTIONS FROM GAONRI.
B.-PLATES OF VAKPATI-MUNJA: V. S. 1038.
यापपरियारलमिल मुसलमाहोलहवाशाकाटिपटिनाया सटिकाटारमायाशाररि रिका लायालाललताकसरिकाविसमासाशीकष्ठकोठारतरत्याशियाशियुषतरायललीतररमानमुतिया 2
रतकशारिखतारायंटिङवारिसरसीपशाकित यहपादिारणासदसमपुरशालेले नास्तितामतिरदा । 41घरमररियालहपु:यातायरमहाररमदारादाविराङपरमश्वरक्षीटरपूरकर यादाशात यरममसर 14
नभदागदादिरापरमश्वरशीवर हिरवपारोशमगरमसहारकामदारताविराङयरमशरशीमीयकरपारावा 6गात्परमसहारकमदारादाविराटपरमारतीमुरमापरीट वापरालितानशी महाकातिराकारतराष्ट्रीवलस
शीतवस्तार त कुशलायघाटमंडल आरकमोगसमर्पीमाकृमिनमुकि लगला यक्षांश 8 समसूतलाकासदिततलिकायामेसमुरगुतागमसूराकापुरषाकाहालात राहिलो उक्तित्वकला 8
राइसातापयामुबहसमिरित्यूचीजतीतासहरसादमिकममममाकूलादिकारको शुटलायनलिस 10 सातारातराररूपासता यतिमासकारणासारतापावातादि ममित माहित्यिहा भायातमा 10
मपुराविषयायासागराध्यामागुलविठसमानरागारमे सेयरपरमदिायलक्यालस्मशासको 12 सहारामा रमिमाशियंगायकररसूघाययातायटयरप्लाइतिहरातातिनारसकरभिरमाललगायरिलिदिर 12
तामाम्सीमारपरकाप्रतिमांतरपणेळूसतत मालाकुलमदिरणसागसागासापरिकर सोरायसमता 14 परिलिखितगामस्मन्मालातोशमसपूतमोथातमवाइलझापातिकलापासहमतिकिगत सातासगाव 14
परावर राहिले नादालमत्रोक्दा ययारितीहिलाकारसमेन्मशाखिोरमशरशापति एक्स्ट्रगान 16वलियोनदासिवयशोवतरशराशासिवादा मूलसानाटयआरसूधिकलहायरित्सूकमजत्य। 16
१३ कारडमहामविगतगतिममगावल्पवरवादि माझाविरवादाललादिपाय शरसूमावशी 18यलारस्तमरगामतिक्रियति साडिला सोतसय वरदशा शाहिरवाटमारंडादजगतराममूक्तमशहम 518
लारयामविठ शेत महिलाममा लपवरकरणाशाविरळवाढाल झावरायरमाटिसकतशय अपुरसमलालू या 20 निजवितामामविकिरदरामया व्यरपरकायाराहारिलदाढायरिताविमदारकलादयारावामुहिम्मुवमहाउत 20
गठन्किएराटाळूश्यातिविशावासतिलि तयारसरममाव्य तयार कारागारियाल वादातरला कारण 22 मार सनवरायंतापनि कागतिशतमालासयालयतरतादिमातारिमाशिम तादारजननादला 22
यसूसरितगतम.
७१
an
ednadiane
SCALE: THREE-FIFTHS.
SURVEY OF INDIA. CALCUTTA.
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI, REG. No. 3977 E36-295.

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124
24 धारय रऊवरलाशाकण्यातजाररिकसहगामावलगतगारोमगाँवयं मयत दरजज्ञाशिक ताटालता
कशमिदीक्तिहरिसूतावयु ३उम्म.रावरविनिमरजगामशावळ एतरवाहि माहि वयावर वाटा। 26 आउँकायरिउलस मारमशाम त मरजावणतामानवासमाहर्ताकरगाहमागहमारा सादालायुरुषामाय ।। 26
लीदासूबातमझने उपवाहमयालिका गतिलोतकामाय मागावम्यूतरदादा गंजाधियानाहा गतिर हामिलेर तयामि । 28 मानतलाशेवयरत पसरविवीततासगाव यसतरद्द हाशिरमतादातासंदटायमिवानर संजातमाशातयन | 28
झातक्षिकामयातिरिकागामतिटियोतसारोत्स्गोवा यूरकार महाशिराठता दालसंत राय साटिहा सूधानमंशय 301रसावधि जाकयातिमितिलपाट कतिविशनपराशरमा बग्यतरवासातरिक माखिला गंदापमछुमघमासान 30 लसूनावमशरा करडांगाल कारिनिगेनामोनिसांगावतायतरताक्षिमाडीरिकमासिनता
परनवाहासरस्पायनिवास 32सून मशव्यरटकविलियतमारहाउसगाव तयुतरहरापन तानाजलयकायमसमतिमाशयमा132
दसरगामलिनि गत मागेत सामावरवादमारवशाह रमवारसदासदागतिषसाहाशयरतवातलोतमा 34वाहाररकाधमझायरसारखाकातशाहलास्थातरायूचरकातुमधामकलादालजावर कमारगयोदटसम34
मास्यरसारिकागानतिनियाँदाहुलसवात्पूनर काटामाझादरवालदायशाम 36 - रसुतिकोनगरादे संगो नल्यूरदरशानियाल नादापामाशािनाशाखमा उद्या
(बालवादापलाशादियायमानसूक्तमशानटरिलिगेन 36 कापसापाढण्यवरवाईमाधार बारिशवाहाललायुदरसूवमझाम राडाजात बागवानरोततास 38 गोवयवपार करोगज्ञानवादाएर गरिबलाला सूरमजायलाटारमायातमहिए रविठिशेतसार 38 कराड गौवक गरवातिमाविहारवादबाएदललाटरशरसूक्तमज्ञाएर दररतिक्रोितसा 40संगतियश यतश्यामिरनाक्यसलवामानालाल सुनुवमा टाउपतमामाकामउ 40
शालारस्त गामायगरला स्तनादारमाहवाहशतकामातापितारामनारायशस्तिरयरल 421 मारयातोपतवितिसमकालपस्यारुहासलगायत पूदित पूतिगारतलनि महातनिवासिय
रिकिलटलपरि कवारीय मवि संपरागः स रद यादवाममाताशवाविवार र तासन्तेरागतपाल

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No. 17.]
THREE COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS FROM GAONRI.
109
ll मधुरो विषयोपभोगः [*] प्राणास्तुणाग्रजम्नवि(बिन्दुसमा नराणां धर्मः सखा
परमही परलोकयाने [*] भ्रममन्सा(संसा)रचक्रा12 अधाराधारामिमां श्रियं [1] प्राप्य ये न ददुस्तेषां पश्चात्तापः परं फलं ॥
रति जगतो विनखरं सकलमिदमाकलय्या(य्यो)परिलिखि13 तग्रामः स्वसौमाणकाष्ट(छ)यतिगोचरपर्यन्त(न्तः) सहक्षमालाकुल(ल:) स
हिरण्यभागभोग(गः) सोपरिकरः सह्यदायसमेतः उ. 14 परिलिखितग्रामस्मिन् कल्पितांश पष्टसप्तवर्मध्यात् मगछ(ध)देशान्तःपातिकणो
पाभग्रामविमिर्गतसांवत्यसगोचत(चि)16 प्रवरव(ब)चशाखिने वा(ब्राह्मणसर्वानंदाय पखितदोषि[त*] लोकानंदसूनवे
अंशाऽष्टौ'८ मध्यदेशान्तःपातित्यकभप्राम18 विनिर्गतवासिष्ठसगोत्रत(चि)प्रवरछ(च्छ)न्दोगशाखिने बा(बा)अणमूलस्थानाय आव
स्थिकत्र(ब्रह्मपण्डितसूनवे शत्रयं । 17 ३ कावडभग्रामविनिग(गोतगौतमसगोत्रत(चि)प्रवरवाजिमाध्यन्दिनगाखिने वा(बा)
अणलोहिणाय (ई) रसूनवे अंशव18 यं ३ चौरम्व(म्ब)भग्रामविनिर्गतसा(गां)डिल्य सगोत्रत(वि)प्रवरच्छंदोगशाखिने
वा(बा)मणचंद्रादित्यपि(पौ)तवाससूनवे अंशचतुष्टयं ४ __19 कुलांचाग्रामविनिर्गतसा(शा)डिवसगोचत(चि)प्रवरई(च्छ)दोगशाखिने वा(बा)यण.
शाव(ब)राय रना(णा)दित्यसूनवे अंशयं २ अरेसमंडलान्तःपा20 ति पविवाग्रामविनिर्गतवत्सगोत्रपंचप्रवरछ(च्छ)दोगशाखिने वा(ब्रा)प्रणपंडिता.
बिहोत(वि)कलोहपाय वासुदेवसु(सू)नवे अंशचतुष्ट- . 21 यं ४ दक्षिणराठान्त:पातिविल्वगवामविनिर्गतपारास(श)रसगोत्रपंचप्रवर;()दो.
गशाखिने वा(ब्रावणदोनाकाय गो22 सरणम(सू)नवे शपंच ५ खडुपलिकामा[म*]वि[नि*]र्गतमौहल्यसगोत्र(वि)
प्रवरवाजिमाध्यंदिनमाखिने वा(ब्रा)अणपनन्तादित्या23 य सुरादित्य (सू)नव अं
Second Plate. 24 शहयं २ उत्तरकुलदेशान्त:पातिपौण्डरिकभट्टग्रामविनिर्गतगाय सगोत्रपंचप्र
वरछ(च्छ)दोगमाखिने वा(ब्राह्मणवाम25 नवा(खा)मिने दीक्षितहरिसूनवे अंशत्रयं . उम्वराचरविनिर्गत अगस्त्यस
गोच(चि)प्रवरवाजिमाध्यन्दिनशाखिने ब्रा(ब्रा)
1 Read अंशाष्टक. • Read वंशपञ्चक

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110
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXIII
28 ए भ्रातुकाय रिसिवलसूनवे अंसमेकं ९ मध्यदेशान्तः पातिमैत्रेय सगोचट (चि)प्रवरवाजिमाध्यन्दिनमाखिने ब्रा (ब्रा) प्रणपुरुषोत्तमाय
27 लोहासून चतुष्टयं ४ मधुपालिका ग्रामविनिर्गत कास्य (श्य) यसगोत्रट (चि)प्रवर (च्छंदोमशाखिले व्रा (बा) डायगोविन्दश्वा (स्खा) मिने देवखा (खा) मि
28 सुमायं श्रवणभद्रविनिर्गतवस सगमेचपचप्रवरव (ब) नृचशाखिने ब्रा (ब्रा)ह्मण सहाय मित्रानंदसूनवे चंशचतुष्टयं 8
29 शावधिकान्तःपाविदर्द्ध रिका ग्राम विनिर्गत भार्गव स गोत्रट (त्रि) प्रवर (च्छं) दोगशाखिने व्रा (ब्राह्मणसं (शंकराय देवादित्यसूनवे अंशद्दयं
30 २ सावर्थि[का]देशान्तःपातिमि तिलपाटकविनिग (र्ग) तपराशर सगोचट (चि) प्रवरवाजिमाध्यंदिनशाखिने व्रा (ब्रा)ह्मणमधुमथनाय
-
31 चलसूनवे अंशचयं २ खेडापालिकाविनिर्गतमौनिसगोचट (चि) प्रवरवाजिमाध्यंदिनेशाखिने वा (ब्रा)ह्मणस्वयं तपाय श्रीनिवास
32 सूनवे अंशचर्य ३ खेटकविनिर्गतभारद्दाजसगोचट (चि) प्रवरव (ब) नृचशाखिने
ar (ब्राह्मणनेने काय मधुसूनवे अंशचतुष्टयं 8 भा
33 नोहभट्टग्रामविनिर्गतभार्गवसगोचट (चि) पवरवाजि माध्यं दिनशाखिने व्रा (ब्रा)ह्मणजामटाय विष्णुसूनवे अंशडयं २ तथा तस्यैव वा •
34 त्रे ब्रा (ब्राह्मण देदेकाय अंशइयं २ सोपुरविनिर्गतशांडिल्य सगोत्रट (त्रि) प्रवरकोथुमशाखिने व़ा(चा)ह्मणभावस्थिकस (म)र्व्वदेवाय लोहसून
35 वे अंगद, खर्जूरिका ग्रामविनिर्गत माल सगोचय (चि) प्रवर (च्छंदोगशाखिने व्रा (ब्राह्मणवराहाय श्रीधरनवे संग्रचतुष्टयं 8
36 दपुरविनिर्गतवारा सगोचट (चि) प्रवरब(ब) हृचशाखिने
माखनये अंगनयं १ [ला] उदेशविनिर्गत
व्रा (मा) भाशादित्याय
37 कास्य (य) पसमोट(त्रि) प्रवरवाजिसाध्यंदिनाखिवे वा (ब्रा) अणभारलाय हरिसुनवे मेकं १ राज [कोयग्राम ] विनिर्गत वस
लीलादित्य सूनव
39 हाजसगोत्र ( चि) प्रवरवाजिमाध्यन्दिनशाखिने वा (ब्रा) अयमुंजालाय (ईश्वरसूनवे यं २ श्रवणभद्रविनिर्गतवत्स
38 गोचपंचप्रवर (च्छं) दोगमा [खि *] ने ब्रा (ब्राह्मणदेवादित्याय
अंगद २ लटकेशान्तःपातिनान्दिपुर विनिर्गतभार
40 वर्गाचपञ्चप्रवरवाजिमाध्या (ध्य) िदनशाखिने व्रा (ब्रा) प्रणामात (स्म?) गुणाकार (लू)वे संयचयं २ एवमसुना क्रमय उ

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THREE COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS FROM GAONRI. B.-PLATES OF VAKPATI-MUNJA: V. S. 1038 (II).
iii
कारामा
4 परिति रितमितरतावासमुपता मामाकान्त गुणलतु मायाहंशादरका र का।
तमाक सिरसापुरतमोराट्यामकुमवारयाल कायस्याउतरतावरसुगडेता राजरिठ 46 मगरिमिायणगगायरा भूमिसूतंयतयालायाला हरतालियुरारोगाला मोतिय 46
शहरामिनिटमोलगवान तिमाकितानिकानामागुन राताजम्माकुलममुरारमुरादरहिर 48 शालमिर महामोर नीटालासटि सलिलतुररत्नलायादानगरलपरयापरिपालन सहोल तातिमध्यातित शाळाटाया उतारामन यामागोयंमोमट पाणी
काल काल या नीटयार ना ग पालिस्टलानि गलालाशियम कुरिझमडातिहाससकरवाजबादतततुड्डा नदियुरपेयर ती वेगातलाशातिसमत१० ३१रापाशुदिनयमाझा जिरायतश्यावधीरयदि रामदलायजीवा बाल दिवस
Ren. No. 3977 E"36- 295.

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Page #158

No. 17.)
THREE COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS FROM GAONRI.
in
41 परिलिखितमामोर्य उपरिलिखितवा(ब्रा)अणेभ्यः षदि(विशतिभ्यः मातापिनोराम
नश्च पुण्ययशोभिवृदयेऽदृष्टफल42 मङ्गोलत्याचन्द्रार्काकवक्षितिसमकालं परया भत्तया शासनेनीदवापूर्वक प्रति
पादित इति मत्वा तंनि(सचि)वासिप43 टि(ड)किलजनपदैर्यथादीयमानभागभोग:(ग)वरहिरण्यादिकं सर्वमाजाचवणविधे
सर्बदा एतेषां उ.
Third Plate. 44 परिलिखितनिव(ब)इक्रमेण समुपनेतव्यं । सामान्यं चैतत्पुण्यफल ()[4]sa
इंशजैरन्यैरपि भा45 विभोक्तृभिरस्मत्प्रदत्तधर्मदायोय(य)मनुमन्तव्यः ॥ पालनीयश्च । उतच ।
व(ब) हुभिर्वसुधा भुक्ता राजभिः 48 सगरादिभिः [*] यस्य यस्य यदा भूमिस्तस्य तस्य तदा फलं ॥ यानौष
दत्तानि पुरा नरेन्द्रनानि धमार्थय47 शस्कराणि [*] निर्मात्यवान्तप्रतिमानि तानि को नाम शा(सा)धुः पुन
राद*]दीत । अस्मत्कुलक्रममुदारमुदाहरदिर48 न्यैश्च दानमिदमभ्यनुमोदनीयं [1] लक्ष्म्यास्तडिसलिलवुड(बुडु)दचंचलाया दान
फल परयशःपरिपालनं. 49 च [*] सानेताम्भाविनः पार्थिवेन्द्रान्भूयो भूयी याचते रामभद्रः। सामान्योय
धर्मसेतुर्नपाणां 50 काले काले पालनीयो भवशिः ॥ इति कमलदलाम्बुधि(म्बुबि)न्दुलीला
थियम51 नुचिन्त्य मेनुष्यजीविता । सकलमिदमुदायतं च (बु)द्धा नहि पुरुषैः
धनचतु
. 52 कीर्तयो विसोप्याः । प्रति सम्व(संवत् १०३८ हिराषाढदि १०. स्वय
माता___53 दापकश्चात्र श्रीरुद्रादित्यः । स्वहस्तोयं श्रीवाक्पतिराजदेवस्य ।
C.-Plates of Vaikpati(-Munja): v.s. 1043.
TEXT.
First Plate. ___1 भो"["] याः स्फूर्जत्फणविषानलमिलडूम(म)प्रभा: प्रौलसमूव(ब)चपकको
- टिवटिता याः - ipooby a symbol

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[Vol. XXIII.
2 सैडिकेयोपमाः । याचंच गिरिजाकपोललुलिताः कस्तूरिकाविभ्रमास्ताः श्रीकण्ठकठो
3 रकण्ठरुचयः श्रेयांसि पुष्यन्तु वः ॥ यज्ञमवदनेन्दुना न सुखित (सं) यत्राद्रितं वारिधेर्व्वारा यत्र नि
4 जेन नाभिसरसीपद्मेन शान्ति (ति) गतं । यच्छेषाहि फणासहस्रमधुरश्वासैर्य चावासे (सि) तं तद्राधाविरहा
5 तुरं सुररिपोर्बेशद्दपुः पातु वः ॥ परमभट्टारकमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरश्रीकृष्णराजदेव
रमभ
6 पादानुध्यातपरमभट्टारकमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरश्रीवैरिसिङ्ग (सिंह) देवपादानुध्यातप
7 हारकमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरश्रीसीयकदेवपादानुध्यातपरमभट्टारकमहाराजाधिराजप
8 रंमेश्वरश्रीमदमोघवर्षदेवापराभिधानश्रीवाक्वतिराजदेवपृथ्वीवल्लभ श्रीवल्लभनरेंद्रदेवः
9 कुशली ॥ अवन्तीमण्डले श्रीमदुज्जयनीविषयपूर्वपथकसम्व (म्ब) ध्यमानमडुकभुत (तो) कहिच्छक
10 ग्राम समुपगतान्समस्तराजपुरुषान्वा (ब्राह्मणोत्तरान्प्रतिनिवासि पट्टकिल जनपदादींच वो (बो)
11 धयत्यस्तु वः सम्वि (संवि) दितं यथा । पूर्खपथकावास्थितेरस्माभिस्त्रिचत्वारिस(रिंश) सम्व (संव) त्सरसहस्र" माघे मासि
12 उदगयनपर्व्वणि । पुण्याभ्रसरिति स्नात्वा चराचरगुरुं भगवत (न्त ) मम्वि (बि) कापतिमभ्यर्च्य स (सं) सारस्यासा
13 रतां दृष्ट्वा ॥ वातान्त्रविभ्भ्रममिदं वसुधाधिपत्य मापातमात्रमधुरो विषयोपभोगः । प्राणास्तृणा
14 जलवि (बि) दु (न्दु) समा नराणां धर्मः सखा परमही परलोकयाने ॥ भ्रम त्संसारचक्राग्रधाराधारामिमां
15 श्रियं । प्राप्य ये न ददुस्तेषां पचात्तापः परम्फलम् ॥ इति जगतो विनश्वरं सकलमिदमाकल
16 व्य । यमुपरि समारोपितग्रामः । स्वसोमाटणगोचरगोयूतिपय (र्य) : -
वृक्षमालाकुल
The reading appears to be Kadahisthaka.-Ed.] Read त्रिचत्वारिंशदधिके संवत्सर इसे

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THREE COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS FROM GAONRI.
C.-PLATES OF VAKPATI-MUNJA: V. S. 1043.
या: हम हिणवलमिलमयूनाध्यालसम्मोह मजाकामटियाटि गया। 2 सदिलायायमुरायाचदिसाकायालललिता कमरिकाविनमानाशकामा
एकातिर नटाचा मित्खनुशावावरन्नानमुनियमादिनमाविबाग यानि ! 4 निनातिमासीयामनशान्गितायतबादिरगाहम्मतुरशासनताशामिनासावाविवार 14
उमुरसियावलहराया उतरायरमनदारकमदारानावराजयरामशरण खराकारता यादानशातपरमसहारकमदारामाविरघरमतरशावरसिहादतगारानुशतयरमा हारवगदारामावराएर अरजीमीयूलाद यादानुशायरमनदाखमदारजावराज्य रामरममावर्षदायरासिवन्नादिरातारावरजसनहस
जित्नमालबम सामनीतष्टायगायनसमरामानमानसलादमा 10 गामसमुपगता गराड पुराना पीनावातमतासलिलउत्पदादाशना
महामु समिनिवागायनाटितरमानिमित्तारसमसमरसादाममाया मेशि 12रगन्यतालियागमयतिमाततरावर सरसरातनममकायतमानामसारमांसा
ताद तातार विसुमामुदागितामायातमालगाताराविषयायासागरीयलिसला 14 गतवरसमानराणाम समायरमादारालात यानालगसमान कागती रावागा14
लिया या मनामधारसमलमासतजगताविनसिकलमिरमाकलन 16 सामामुपरिमभारायिनगामायममारतवायूलियजस्वमालकाला 16
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI,
SCALE: THREE-FIFTHS.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.
REG. No. 3977 E'36-295.

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शशका निममनुगमगलादिमादायसमभामगानातिकापायागमविनिरी 18 नायासंतति सामागवतमाहामनसायायायदरादादावितलाको नरममयोवाहाल
सोनाबागिनारामनरायणमामालिसुदामनाएलमहतियारकाशितमम
कालपरवारकासासननादकतमयतयादितलावाकानयाटिटोबागोमानसा । गासागरिक माहारातपतिवासावासदासर्वमधसमुपनतासामनावताराया । । अमाइमननामविसावास्स्यिायुदतवमहामाटामनुमनवायालनामावनिक सुगम सकाराइनिःस गरिरायगवासाभिमानतदारतापानीदतीनियमनार
निविदास मरालिनिमालवानयातमानतानिाकाममान रातासतौनता सानिध्यातिनसया लाटालातरामनमानानाननम्नासयाकालकाला मालदीवास्तहिाजमातालकममारसुवालाइरानाथदनाममशमोरनी गरिमाललवडतलावासायलिगमाश धरयासमा तिक बदलाव गुलालागिधमति लागाडावित मामलाममुयानल मानदि गुरम यरकीत.
यातिलाशा मानहाभारावादरमगलमाधी॥

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No. 18.]
MALLAR PLATES OF MAHA-SIVAGUPTA.
113
Second Plate. 17 चतुष्ककटवि[श]छः समस्तभागभोगकरहिरण्यादायसमेत: ॥ मगधांत:पातिकणो
पाग्रामविनिर्मा18 ताय । स(सं)कृतिसगोत्राय व(ब)चे पाला(खला)यनसा(शा)खाय । त्रिप्रव
राय । दीक्षितलोकानन्दसुताय । वा(ब्राह्मण19 सर्वानन्दाय । पित्रोरात्मनश्च पुण्ययशोभिवइये अदृष्टफलमङ्गोकत्याचन्द्रार्का
रणवचितिसम20 कालं परया भक्त्या सा(शा)सनेनोदकपूर्वम्स(व सं)प्रतिपादित इत्यवेत्यात्रत्यज
नपदैर्यथा(थो)त्पद्यमानभा21 गभोगादिकमाज्ञाचवणविधेयभू(भूत्वा सदा सर्वमस्मै समुपनेतव्यं ॥ सामा
न्यं चैतत्पुण्यफलं वुध्वा(बुड्डा) । 22 प्रस्मस(श)जैरन्यैश्च भाविभोक्ताभिरमबदत्तधर्मदायोयमनुमंतव्यः पालनीयश्च ।
व(ब)हुभिर्बसुधा 23 भुक्ता राजभिः सगरादिभिः । यस्य यस्य यदा भूमिस्तस्य तस्य तदा
फलं ॥ यानीह दत्तानि पुरा नरेन्द्र24 नानि धर्मार्थयशस्कराणि । निर्मात्यवान्तप्रतिमानि तानि को नाम साधुः
पुनराददौत ॥ स नेता25 भाविनः पार्थिवेद्रान्भूयो भूयो याचते रामभद्रः । सामान्योयन्धर्मसेतुपाणां
काले काले 26 पालनौयो भवद्भिः ॥ अस्मत्कुलक्रममुदारमुदाहरगिरन्यैश्च दानमिदमभ्यनुमोद
नीयम् । 27 लक्षम्यास्तडित्सलिलवुहु(बुद्ध)दचंचलाया दानं फलं परयशःपरिपालनं च ॥
इति कमलदलाम्वुवि(म्बुबि)28 न्दुलोला थियमनुचिन्त्य मनुष्यजीवितं च । सकलमिदमुदाहृतं च वुध्वा(बुडा)
नहि पुरुषैः परकीर्त29 यो विलोप्याः ॥ सम्व(संवत् १०४३ माघवदि १३ मंगलं महावीः ।
No. 18.--MALLAR PLATES OF MAHA-SIVAGUPTA.
BY PROF. V. V. MIRASHT, M.A., AND PANDIT L. P. PANDEYA. Mallar is a large village with a population of over 2,000 souls, 16 miles south-east of Bilaspur, the headquarters of the Bilaspur District in the Central Provinces. It was an important place in former times as can be judged by the ruins of an old fort near by, with a moat all round and a number of old tanks on all sides. It still contains numerous ruins of old temples as well as Buddhist

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114
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[VOL. XXIII.
and Jain sculptures. Several stone inscriptions have been found there, one of which has been removed to Bilaspur and another has been deposited in the Nagpur Museum. The place is called Mallāla in these inscriptions. Two more statue inscriptions have been recently discovered at Mallār, one of which is incised in early Brāhmi characters. The present plates were discovered underground near a temple between the village and the fort in August 1936. They were first brought to notice by Mr. P. L. Gupta, Joint Secretary of the Mahākösala Historical Society, Biläspur, through the courtesy of Mr. Sudha Ram, Malguzar of Mallar and a member of the Bilaspur Local Board, and have since been acquired by Mr. K. N. Nagarakatti, I.C..., Deputy Commissioner of Bilaspur for the Central Museum, Nagpur, where they are now deposited.
They are three copper plates of which the first and the third are inscribed on one side and the second on both the sides. Their surface was corroded in some places, but, fortunately, no letter has been lost. The plates have since been cleaned by Mr. M. A. Suboor of the Nagpur Museum, who has kindly supplied us with their ink-impressions. The letters were deeply engraved and show through in many places on the back of the first and the third plate. Each plate measures 8.4" in length, 5" in breadth and about 1" in thickness. The middle plate is somewhat thicker than the others. The rims of the plates were not raised, still the inscription is in a good state of preservation. About 1" from the middle of the proper right side of each plate there is a round hole 6" in diameter for the ring which connects it with the other plates of the set. The ends of this ring which is about 4" in thickness and 4.3" in diameter are secured below & circular seal 3.5" in diameter. The ring was not cut when the plates reached the Nāgpur Museum. The surface of the seal, which is somewhat deeply counter-sunk, is divided into three parts. The upper part bears in relief the figure of a couchant bull with a tribula in front. Behind the animal is what looks like a kamandalu with something placed on it. Below this comes the legend in two lines, which is separated from the upper device by two horizontal parallel lines. Below the legend is shown a large full-blown lotus flanked by two leaves one on either side. In form, fabric and disposition of the device and the legend, the seal of the present plates resembles those of the Räjim and Balodā plates of Tivaradēva and of the plates of the kings of Sarabhapura ". The weight of three plates is 1234 tolas and that of the seal and the ring 824 tolas.
The record consists of 28 lines, there being seven on each inscribed surface. The letters were neatly written and deeply engraved. Their average size is '. The characters are of the boxheaded variety and closely resemble those on the Räjim and Balodā plates of Tivaradēva. These are somewhat more elongated and angular than those of the plates of the kings of Sarabhapura and much more so than those of the plates of the Vákätaka kings Pravarasēna II and Prithivishēna 11. The only peculiarities worth noticing here are that the length of the medial iis denoted by & dot in the circle which denotes its short form ; see gita- ). 21 and vaishnavi l. 22; the medial au is tripartite; see sauryya 11. 2-3; the right vertical stroke of ch and kh is lengthened below the rectangle on the left ; see, e.g., chăturdis- l. 12, chandr- 11. 13-14, su(pra)mukhān 11. 7-8; the subscript has in many places the same form as the vowel ri; see sri and pitsi both in l. 5; the
Now deposited in the Town Hall of Bilaspur. See Hiralal, Inscriptions in C. P. and Berar (Second Ed.), No. 220.
Bhandarkar's List of Northern Inscriptions No. 1241. The Ratanpur inscription of Prithvidova II and Brahmadova (ibid., No. 1240) also seems to have originally come from Mallār: for 1.22 of it reads महालेऽखिन्लवलधवलंबुवंटेडाम चके ।
90. I. T., Vol. III, plate XLV. . Above, Vol. VII, p. 102. Seo, e.g., the Thakurdiyi plates of Mahi-Pravarsråja, above, Vol. XXII, pp. 18 Seo, c.9., C. 1. I., Vol. III, plate XXXV. Abovo, Vol. IX, pp. 28788.

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No. 18.]
MALLAR PLATES OF MAHA-SIVAGUPTA.
final form of t occurs in ll. 19, 24 and 25; punctuation is denoted by a vertical line hooked at the top. The language is Sanskrit and with the exception of the customary benedictory and imprecatory verses at the end the whole record is in prose. Unlike the charters of Tivaradeva1 it contains no expressions in common with the formal portion of the grants of the kings of Sarabhapura.' The inscription is somewhat carelessly written. The writer has for instance used in many places the short for the long form of mediali (see, e.g., kehitisa and mahaniya in 1. 1, kusali in 1, 5, etc.) and, in some places of medial u also (see sunu, 1. 4, suryya 1. 23, etc.); the anusvāra, visarga and final consonants are omitted in many cases; see sapadita 1. 2, mahābhyudaya 1. 3 and purusha 1.9; the unaspirated consonant is used for the aspirated one in-palam and vice versa in abhishtham both in 1. 20. The anuseara is wrongly changed to m before v in paradattam=vā 1. 27 and to n before a sibilant in vansa 1. 4, Taradansaka 1. 11 and nrisansat 1. 19; cases of wrong sandhi occur in anyāns-cha 1. 8, uchchhrijya 1. 21 and dānāt-sreyo 1, 28, etc. As regards orthographical peculiarities sanctioned by Sanskrit grammar we may notice that the consonant preceding and following is doubled in some cases, e.g., bauryya 11. 2-3, sarvva- 1. 8, pittro 1. 14, ch-attra 1. 22, etc.
115
The plates were issued by the illustrious Maha-Sivaguptaraja, the son of the illustrious Harshadeva', who was born in the lunar dynasty and was a most devout worshipper of Mahes vara (Siva). They record the king's donation of the village Kailasapura in the bhoga or subdivision of Taraḍamsaka to the community of venerable monks from the four quarters residing in the small monastery at Taraḍamsaka, which had been constructed by Alaka, the wife of Kōra deva3. The gift was made on the occasion of a solar eclipse on the new-moon day of Ashadha at the request of the king's maternal uncle the illustrious Bhaskaravarman..
-2
This Maha-Sivaguptaraja, the son of Harshagupta, is evidently identical with the homonymous king, also known as Bälärjuna and mentioned in several stone inscriptions at Sirpur (ancient Sripura) in the Raipur District. From one edit Varman dynasty of Magadha. As shown of these by R. B. Hiralals we learn that his mother Văsață was a daughter of king Suryavarman elsewhere, this Suryavarman is probably identical with the pri prince Suryavarman, a son of the Maukhari king Isänavarman, whose Haraha stone inscription is dated in (Malava) Samvat 611 (A. D. 555). Bhaskaravarman who is called in the present plates the maternal uncle of MahaSivagupta was, thus, a son of Süryavarman. The name of Suryavarman is omitted in the later Maukhari genealogy and it is therefore supposed that he must have predeceased his father" or if he came to the throne he left no male issue. The present inscription shows, however, that his son Bhaskaravarman lived to a fairly advanced age. Was Suryavarman, then, a younger son of Itänavarman who consequently never came to the throne? Or if he succeeded his father as implied by his title nripa in the Sirpur stone inscription of Vasață, was his son Bhaskaravarman prevented from succeeding him in consequence of a war of succession? These questions cannot yet be answered in the absence of sufficient evidence.
1 See, above, Vol. XXII, p. 17, n. 5.
The king is named Harshagupta in the legend on the seal
The text reads
कीरदेवभाय्यालकाकारित.
but as this gives no satisfactory meaning, we propose to read
See Bhandarkar's List of Northern Inscriptions, Nos. 1654 and 1655. Also Hiralal's List of O. P. Intrig sions, Nos. 173 and 184.
The Lakshmana Temple Inscription, above, Vol. XI, pp. 184ff.
See Thakurdiya plates of Maha-Pravararaja, above, Vol. XXII, p. 19. Above, Vol. XIV, p. 115.
Ibid., p. 111.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXIII.
From the Jaunpurl and Harāhā stone inscriptions we learn that the Maukhari kings Isvaravarman and his son Isänavarman raided the Andhra country and defeated the ruling king. As the country of Dakshina Kösala (modern Chhattisgarh), where the early Sõmavamsi kings were ruling, is contiguous to the Andhra country, it is not unlikely that the marriage of the Maukhari princess Vāsațā with king Harshagupta of Dakshiņa Kösala had a political significance. It may be noted in this connection that Udayana the earliest known king of the Sõmavami dynasty was ruling in Central India, as & stone inscription found at Kalañjara' records his construction of a temple of Vishņu, evidently at Kālañjara. It is not unlikely that he was a feudatory of the then Maukhari Emperor and either he or his sons invaded Dakshina Kösala or Chhattisgarh during the campaigns of the Maukhari king Isvaravarman against the Andhra king who was probably & prince of the Vishnukundin family. In any case we find Udayana's grandsons Nannadēva and Isänadēva firmly established in Chhattisgarh. A mutilated stone inscription in the temple of Lakhaņēsvar at Kharöd in the Bilaspur District records Isänadeva's gift of some villages evidently to the god enshrined in that temple. Isānadēva's nephew Tivaradēva is known from two sets of plates found at Räjir in the Raipur District and Baloda in the Phuljhar Zamindari in the old Sambalpur and present Raipur District, both the places being included in Chhattisgarh. The villages mentioned in the Balöda plates cannot be traced but those named in the Räjim plates can be identified in the vicinity of Räjim. As stated before, Tivaradēva's grand-nephew MabāSivagupta-Bālārjuna, the donor of the present plates, is known from several stone inscriptions at Sirpur. The find-spots of these inscriptions and the identification of the villages mentioned in them clearly show that these Sõmavamsi kings were at first ruling in the Western parts of Dakshina Kösala. It is not therefore unlikely that the Maukhari kings Isvaravarman and Isänavarman were helped in their southern campaigns by these Sõmavamsi princes of Dakshina Kõsala. This also accounts for the Vishņukundin king Madhavavarman l's invasion and oucupation of the capital of Trivara (i.e., Tivaradēva) as stated in his Pulõmburu and Ipür plates. The political alliance between the Maukhari and Sömavamsi houses seems to have been cemented subsequently by the marriage of Vāsaţă and Harshagupta.
There is one more stone inscription of this dynasty which is said to have been found at Bhandak outside the limits of Dakshiņa Kösala, viz., the stone inscription of Bhavadēva Raņakēsarin, now deposited in the Nagpur Museum.' But one cannot be certain about its find-spot ; for, as pointed out by R. B. Hiralal, no accurate record has been kept of the provenance of inscriptions collected before the establishment of the Nagpur Museum. Besides, this inscription is fragmentary. The extant portion unfortunately contains no place-name, otherwise it may have helped us in tracing its find-spot. We have therefore to rely on conjecture in this respect. In 1873 while Cunningham was at Bhandak he was informed that "an inscription on a long red slab had been taken to Nagpur during the time of the Räjä about 40, or 50 years previously by Wilkinson Saheb."8 Cunningham
10. I. I., Vol. III, pp. 228ff.
* If the Sülikas over whom Isanavarman won a victory are identified with the Cholas, the Maukhari king must have penetrated much further to the south.
Cunningham, A.S. R., Vol. XXI, p. 40 and plate IX ; above Vol. IV, p. 257, note 4.
Bhandarkar's List, No. 1651. In an inscription at Arang, the name of Ranakēsarin occurs (see Hiralal's List, No. 183), but it cannot be said if he is identical with Bhavadēva Ranakesarin, or with the brother of MahaSivagupta Bālārjuna mentioned in the Sirpur stone inscription. (Above, Vol. XI, p. 191.)
The RĀjim plates record the grant of Pimparipadraka in the Penthäma-bhukti (C. I. I., Vol. III, p. 295). These places have not yet been identified, but the former is certainly Pipröd, 3 miles north-weut of Rajim and the latter may be Põndh 6 miles north of Rajim.
. See above, Vol. XXII, pp. 19ff.
Edited by Kielhorn in J R. A. 8. (1905), pp. 617ff. *Cunningham, A. S. ., Vol. IX, p. 127.

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MALLAR PLATES OF MAHA-SIVAGUPTA.
117
conjectured that the stone slab containing the inscription of Bhavadēva Ranakēsarin must have been the one removed by Mr. Wilkinson from Bhāndak on the following grounds : (1) It is a long slab just as described to him by the people of Bhandak and it is of the very same fine-grained reddish stone as that of the Wijāsan hill at Bhāndak ; (2) Dr. Stevenson, who has translated it, received a copy of it from Major Wilkinson who was a resident at the Nagpur Court and (3) the inscription records that it was attached to the house of Sugata (Buddha) and therefore it probably belonged to Bhāndak which has ancient Buddhist caves. Cunningham's opinion was subsequently endorsed by R. B. Hiralalt and we find the stone inscription now relegated to Bhandak. None of the arguments, however, on which Cunningham's opinion was based appear to be convincing. Inscribed slabs of fine-grained reddish sandstone have been found in Chhattisgarh also. The Ratanpur stone inscription of Jajalladēva I. and the Kosgain stone inscription of Väharēndra, which are now deposited in the Nagpur Museum, are incised on such slabs. As for the statement that such a slab was taken away from Bhindak we may point out that it may relate to another inscription, viz., 'the Nagpur Museum prasasti of the rulers of Malwa,' as has already been conjectured in the second edition of the Central Provinces Gazetteers (published in 1870). This latter inscription was translated in the Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society in 1843 and this date, curious as it might appear, roughly corresponds to the time when according to the account of both the writer in the Gazetteer and Cunningham an inscription was removed from Bhāndak to Nāgpur. There are, again, some ancient ruins of Buddhist temples and sculptures at Arang and Sirpur in Chhattisgarh, and our present inscription, which records the donation of a village to a Buddhist monastery, shows that Buddhism continued to flourish in Chhattisgarh for at least three generations after Bhavadēva Raņakēsarin. What is more, if we except this doubtful case of the so-called Bhāndak inscription, we find no other instance of an inscription of the Sõmavam i dynasty discovered in ancient Vidarbha in which, as shown elsewhere, the whole country from the western boundary of modern Berār to the eastern one of the Marathi district of Bhandārā in C. P. was included. This country was in the beginning of the sixth century under the direct rule of the Vákatakas. Harishēņa, the last known Vākāțaka king, mentions the king of Kõsala among his feudatories. If the period A. D. 530-550 assigned
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXVII, p. 208, note 20 ; Vol. LXII, p. 163 ; Hiralal's List, p. 13. * See Bhandarkar's List, No. 1650. . Above, Vol. I, pp. 32 ff. • Hiralal's Liat, No. 210.
5. The date of its (i.c., of the Nagpur Museum prasasti) translation coincides curiously with the time at which an inscription was removed by the Nagpur Raja from the famous Snake temple at Bhandak in the Chanda District.' c. P. Gazetteer (Second Edition) Introduction p. liv. Rai Bahadur Hiralal conjecturally relegated this prasasti to Bilbări in the Jubbulpur District, because the name of the village Mökhalapätaka granted by it sounds like Dhangatapataka, Khailapataka, etc., mentioned in the Bilhári stone inscription (see his List f. n. on p. 1). But no such name can be found in the list of villages in the Jubbulpore District, while we have been able to trace one closely resembling it in the Chåndā District (viz., Mökhara, 50 miles east of Bhandak). Vyapura, the name of the mandala, in which it was included, may be represented by Wurgaon near Vairagarh, 30 miles north-east of Mökhara. These identifications would show that the prasasti originally came from the Chandă District. For a Paramara record of a slightly earlier date, found still further to the south, see the Jainad inscription describing the victories of Jagaddēva, a son of Udayāditya. (Annual Report of the Hyderabad Archæological Survey 1927-1928, pp. 23-24 and above, Vol. XXII, pp. 64-63.)
• See Hiralal's List, No. 184.
1 Above, Vol. XXII, pp. 169 and 211. It may be noted in this connection that the Gantáa-Purana (kridakhanda, adhyāya 26, #l. 2) mentions the town Adisha (modern Adass near Saoner in the Nagpur District) as situated in Vidarbha. This clearly shows that the Wardha was not the eastern boundary of ancient Vidarbha as it is of modern Berar.
* A. S. W. I., Vol. IV, pp. 124 ff.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXIII.
to Tivaradēva in the article on the Thakurdiyā plates is correct, an inscription of his predecesor is not likely to have been found at Bhāndak in the heart of the Väkäţaka territory. We have, therefore, to conclude that the stone inscription of Bhavadēva Ranakēsarin must have been found somewhere in Dakshina Kosala or Chhattisgarh and not at Bhandak in ancient Vidarbha. When Kielhorn edited the inscription in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, he was informed that the inscription was found at Ratanpur, but this information also was probably incorrect; for the present Ratanpur was founded by Ratnadēva I. of the Kalachuri dynasty in the eleventh century A.D.: What seems to have happened is that the stone inscription was first removed to Ratanpur from some place in Chhattisgarh and was later transferred to Nagpur where it was recorded to have come from Ratanpur.
It has been shown elsewhere on palæographical and epigraphical evidence that Tivaradēva flourished from circa A.D. 530 to 550. His grand-nephew Maha-Sivagupta Bālārjuna will have to be placed in the first half of the seventh century A. D. Either he or his successor must have been the ruling king when Yuan Chwang visited the capital of Dakshina Kosala. Though the present plates do not mention any place of issue, we know that Sripura in the Raipur District continued to be the capital of Sõmavamsi kings at least from the time of Tīvaradēva to that of Maha-Sivagupta Bälärjuna.. It would therefore be interesting to see how far Yuan Chwang's description of the capital of Dakshiņa Kosala suits Sripura.
Several scholars have attempted in the past to locate the capital of Dakshina Kosala. Fergusson and Grant identified it with Wairāgarh," while Cunningham took it to be Chanda.& But, as pointed out by R. B. Hiralal, 'what is missing at both these places is any trace of remains of the Buddhistic monasteries and temples which Yuan Chwang so prominently mentioned. R. B. Hiralal himself at first identified it with Bhāndak ;10 for he thought that the country of Dakshiņa Kosala extended in the west to the eastern boundry of modern Berăr. He believed with Cunningham that the stone inscription of Bhavadēva Raņakēsarin originally belonged to a Buddhist cave at Bhāndak and following Kielhorn he held that a line of Buddhist kings belonging to the Panduvamai line ruled in that place down to the 9th century A.D. Later on, after weighing all evidence R. B. Hiralal concluded that both the places (Sirpur and Bhāndak) seem at present to have an equal claim to the honour of a visit from the great pilgrim of China, but Bhandak seems to possess more tangible evidence than Sirpur':11 But, as pointed out above, Bhandak was included in ancient Vidarbha and not in Kösala and must have been under the direct rule of Pulakēsin II., who, in the Aihose inscription, is called the lord of three Mahārāshtras comprising 99,000 villages.'18 One of these Mahārāshtras must have been ancient Vidarbha, since it is not separately mentioned in the Aihole inscription. From the same inscription we learn that Pulakēśin did not annex Kõsala but only exacted submission from the ruling king. Yuan Chwang
Above, Vol. XXII, p. 19. *J. R. A. S. for 1905, p. 618. * See the Ratanpur inscription of Jājalladēva I, above, Vol. I, pp. 32 ff.
• A similar thing seems to have happened in the case of the Ratanpur inscription of Prithvideva II and Prahmadēva, which originally seems to have belonged to Mallår. See above p. 114, n. 2.
. Both the Räjim and Balodā plates of Tivaradēvs are issued from Sripurs. • As stated above, there are several stone inscriptions of the reign of the bag & Sirpur.
J. R. A. 8. (1875), p. 260. • Cunningham, Ancient Geography of India (1994), p. 686. . Ind. Ant., Vol. LXII. p. 163. 10 Toid., Vol. XXXVII, p. 208, note 19 11 Ibid., Vol. LXII, p. 168. 11 Above, Vol. VI, pp. 1 ff.

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MALLAR PLATES OF MAHA-SIVAGUPTA.
119
also mentions the king of Kösala as different from Pulakasin II. whom he calls the king of Mabarashtra. So the capital of Kāsala cannot be located at Bhandak.
From Yuan Chwang's account we learn that from Kalinga he went north-west by hill and wood for above 1800 li to Kõsala.... The king was a Kshatriya by birth, a Buddhist in religion and of noted benevolence ..To the south-west of this country, above 300 li from the capital was a mountain called Po-lo-ma-lo-ki-li'. From Kösala he travelled South, through a forest, for above 900 li to the An-to-lo (Andhra) country, the capital of which was Ping-chi-(ki)-lo. This description suits Sirpur better than any other place in Chhattisgarh. Sirpur lies north-west of Mukhalingam on the left bank of the Varsadhārā, 18 miles from Parlākimedi in the Ganjam District, which is now generally taken to be the ancient capital of Kalinga. The reigning king, who was either Mahā-Sivagupta Bālārjuna or his successor, was no doubt a Kshatriya, as the Sõmavamsi kings traced their descent from Pāņdu, the father of the Epic heroes Pandavas. Mahā-Sivagupta was a devotee of Siva, but the present grant shows that he patronised Buddhism also and the same can probably be said of his successor. The mountain Po-lo-mo-lo-ki-li, which has been rendered by Bhramara-giri, may refer to Bhamgāra-Pavvato (Skt. Bhringāra-parvata) which is mentioned in an ancient Brāhmi stone inscription at Arang. It may be noted in this connection that Ārang lies south-west of Sirpur as required by the Chinese pilgrim's description. If Ping-chi-lo, the capital of the Andhra country, is identified with Vongi (which was then the capital of the Eastern Chalukyas), it will be seen to lie almost due south of Sirpur. Sirpur, therefore, answers best to the bearings and other description of the capital of Kösala in Yuan Chwang's account. It is true that the distance of Sirpur from Mukhalingam, Arang and Vēngi does not exactly agree with Yuan Chwang's account, but this is not the only case in which the Chinese pilgrim's distances are found to be incorrect. We have, therefore, no hesitation in identifying the capital of Kõsala in the seventh century A.D. with Sirpur in the Raipur District.
The present grant is not dated, but as stated above it can be assigned to the first half of the seventh century A.D. It records the donation of a village on the occasion of a solar eclipse on the new-moon day of Ashādha. Taking the month to be purnimānta we find that there was a solar eclipse in Ashādha four times in the period A.D. 600 to 650, viz., A. D. 606, 616, 633 and 643. Of these A.D. 633 and 643 would perhaps be too late dates for Maha-Sivagupta Bālārjuna. So A.D. 606 or 616 may be the date of the present grant. It does not, of course, admit of verification.
Unlike his ancestors Tīvaradēva and Harshadēva who are known to be devotees of Vishnu, Mahā-Sivagupta Bālārjuna was a worshipper of Siva. The seal of the present grant has consequently Nandi, the emblem of Siva, and not Garuda, that of Vishņu, who figures on the seal of the Räjim and Balodā plates of Tivaradēva. It may again be noted that like the afore-mentioned grants of Tivaradēva, the present inscription does not mention the title Trikaling-adhipati which is met with in many records of the later kings of the Sõmavamsi dynasty who ruled over the eastern parts of Dakshiņa Kösala.
1 Watters, On Yuan Chwang, Vol. II, pp. 200, 209.
For a similar discrepanoy in Yuan Chwang's account, see his description of Harsha, who from his copper plate inscriptions and Bapa's Harshacharita is known to have been a devotee of Siva.
* Hiralal's List, No. 183. Bhringåra which means a cricket is after all not very different from bhramara. Or was it some mountain in the Bhramara-kötya-mandala in the Bastar State ? (Above, Vol. IX, pp. 179 1.) There is, again, a hill named Bhamragarh in the Ahiri Zamindari of the Chanda District, which also lies SouthWest of Sirpur, but the distance is more than 160 miles.
• Sirpur is about 275 miles as the crow flies from Mukhalingam and about 300 miles from Vēögl. Those distances will be somewhat increased if the inevitable windings of the road are taken into consideration.
• Tivaradēva calls himself Parama-Vaishnava in his plates. • Soe v. 20 of the Sirpur Lakshmana Temple Inscription, above, Vol. XI, p. 192.
D 2

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
As for the geographical names occurring in the present plates, Taraḍarhéaka-bhōga in which the donated village was situated is probably identical with the Talahari-mandala mentioned in several later inscriptions. From one of these we learn that the Talahari-mandala included Mallala (modern Mallar, where the plates were found). The Buddhist images at present deposited in Mallar are said to have been brought from Jaitpur, a village about a mile to the north of Mallar. The site of ancient Taraḍamsaka where the Buddhist monastery was situated is, therefore, probably marked by the modern village Jaitpur. As regards Kailasapura granted by the present charter, there is now no village of that name in the Bilaspur and Janjgir tahsils, but there are several of the name Kesla, which may be taken to correspond to ancient Kailasapura. Of them the one which is nearest to Mallar is Kesla, about 8 miles to the south-east, which contains ruins of an old temple.
We edit the inscription from the briginal plates.
3
4
TEXT.
First Plate.
2
1 मोम् स्वस्त्यशेषचिति (ती) शविद्याभ्यासविशेषासादितमहनि (नो) यविनयसगुणवत्स [मा] श्रयप्रकष्टतरशौकार्ति(र्सि ) केय इव कृति (त्ति) वाससो सोमवङ्ग सम्भवः परममाहे
म्पस (सं)पादितसकलविजिगि (गो) बुगुणो प्रचाप्रभाक्स (सं)भावितमहाभ्युदय [:]
रान[*] त्रि(श्री) हर्षदेवस्य च (ख) न [:]
5 खरो मातापितृपादानुध्यात [ : * ]
6 रडक भोगि (गो) के लासपुरग्रामे ब्राह्मणा [[]] सम्पूण्य समधा7 'नात्प्रतिवासिनो यथाकालाध्या सिनस्समाहर्त्तृसन्निधाटसु (प्र)
[VOL. XXIII.
बंध.
The dandas are superfluous.
• Read तरडंशक.
• Read सप्रधानान्प्रतिवासिनी.
श्रि (श्री) महाशिवगुप्तराज [ : * ] कुशलि (लो) ॥" त
Second Plate; First Side.
8 सुखानधिकारिच [:] [सकरचा गन्धान्यात्पादोपजि (जी) बिनः सर्व्व[]
9 जपुरुषा [न् *] समाज्ञापयति [1"] विदितमस्तु भवतां यथास्माभिरयं प्रा10 मः सनिधि : *] सोपनिधिः सदयापराधः सर्व्वकरसमेतः सम्यंपोडा
11 वर्णित [: *] प्रतिषिधचाटभटप्रवेशतया ।" तरडङ्घक" प्रतिष्ठि
Bhandarkar's List, Nos. 1231, 1232, and 1240.
Ratanpur Inscription of the time of Prithvidēva II and Brahmadeva. See above p. 114, note 2. This name may represent ancient Chaityapura. There is a village named Tarod 11 miles north-east of Mallar and 3 miles south of Akaltara in which ruins of temples and tanks are to be seen. Its name would also correspond to Taradamsaka, but it is not known if it contains any Buddhist remains.
• Expressed by a symbol. • Read
• Read नन्यांचाय. [The synthesis requires खपाद' instead of बाई -Ed.]
10 This danda is superfluous.
22 Road तरसंशक

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MALLAR PLATES OF MAHA-SIVAGUPTA.
2
EATEI A의 | SIEF 4 TEN
RIP 4 5
TITE LETTINI FIRST IDE
ii,a.
100
EiE
DELA
4 114
MIR LA ITA
F FE
다
DARD S다.
10 IS 11 10 H
EE GET 12 3 1 13
12 11 14
14
I
VAPE HIHI NGREERIFF 1;
18 E EP F
20 L
ELO -
AR X
18 20
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Ria. No. 1413 E136-285.
SCALE: ONE-HALE.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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다.
KI UL.
다
22 A TTA EIBP | 22
채 21 1F THE 24 비오 1
24
26 BEATE ARTER 1
26 EVIETRIP En
Seal-From a photograph.
ACTUAL SIZE.

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MALLAR PLATES OF MAHA-SIVAGUPTA.
No. 18.]
12 तको देवभोयिलक' कारितविहारिकानिवासिचातुर्दिशाभि13 सहाय श्रीभास्कर व मातुलविज्ञत्या ताम्व्र'शासनेनाच14 न्द्रार्कसमकालम्मातापिचोरात्मनस पुण्याभिवृहये । प्राषाढा
Second Plate; Second Side.
15 मावास्या सूर्य्यग्रहोपरागे' उदकपूर्व्वं प्रतिपादित इत्यत
16 विधेयतया समुचितम्भोगभागादिकमुपनयनिभ(र्भ) वह्निः सुख17 प्रतिवस्तव्यमिति ॥ भाविनच भूमिपालानुदि (हि) श्येदमभिधोयते [*]
18 भूमिप्रदा दिवि ललन्ति पतन्ति हन्त हत्वा महि(हीं) नृपतयो
19 नरके नृशङ्खात् (शंसा : ) । एतद्द (इ) यं परिकलय्य चलाच लक्ष्मी: मायुस्त20 था कुरुत यद्भवतामभि ( भी )ष्ठं (टम् ) [ ॥१॥ *] अपि च [*] रक्षापालनयोस्तावत्प(ल्फ)लं सु
21 गतिदुर्गति (ती) [1 *] को नाम स्वर्गमुच्छ्रिज्य नरकं प्रतिपद्यते " व्यासगीता (तां)
1 Read कोरदेवभाय्यालका..
• Read ताब.
Third Plate.
22 चा लोकानुदाहा (ह) रन्ति [ 1 *] अम्नेरपत्य (त्यं) 23 सु(सू)र्य्यसुताश्च गाव [: । *] दत्ता" त्रयस्तेन
गाव म
24 हि (ही) च दद्यात् " ॥ [ ३॥ *] षष्टि (ष्टिं) वर्षसहस्राणि स्वर्गे मोदति भूमिदः [*] भावसेत् " ॥ [ ॥४॥ * ] बहुभिर्व्वसु
25 चेता चानुमन्ता च तान्येव नरके 26 धा दत्ता राजभि[: *] सगरादिभिः । *] यस्य यस्य यदा भूमिस्तस्य तस्य 27 दा फलं [ ॥५॥ * ] खदत्ता (त्तां) परदत्ताम्वा " यत्वाद्रच युधिष्ठिर:" [1*] महि(ह)
महिमता (तां)
This danda is superfluous Road पुण्याभिवृद्धय भाषाढा.
4 Read 'पराग उदकपूर्व.
● Read इति । अतय.
121
• Read लक्ष्मीमायु
Metre Vasantatilaka.
● Read मुत्सृज्य
• Metre Anushtuhik.
10 Read दत्तास्त्रय
11 Metre Indravajra.
12 Metre Anushtubh; and of the two following verses.
34 Read परदत बा.
14 Read युधिष्ठिर
[ ॥२. *]
प्रथम (मं) सुवर्ण भूवैष्ण[वो] भवन्ति लोका य[:*] काञ्चनं
त

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192
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXIIL
28
#8 ra
gurrufafar [ano]
The Seal. audien: 1*] fecunya feat: r*]*
1 T. Edghe 2 med fagre
TRANSLATION. (Ll. 1-9) Om. Hail! The illustrious Maha-Sivaguptarāja, born in the lunar dynasty, a most devout worshippet of Mohēbvara (Siva), who meditates on the feet of his father and mother, who is a son of the king, the illustrious Harghadēva even as Kärttiköya is of Siva, who has acquired all the accomplishments of a conqueror through the perfection of commendable discipline attained by & special study of all the royal lores, who has attained great prosperity by his patronage of accomplished persons, exceedingly great valour, intelligence and majesty, being in good health; issues the folowing command, after honouring the Brāhmaṇas in the village Kailāsapura of the Taradamsaka bhöga (sub-division), to the inhabitants of the village) together with their Headman, the Collector, the Receiver and other officers who may be in charge (of the village) from time to time, together with their subordinates, as well as to all other royal officials who may be dependant on him .
(Ll. 9-15) Be it known to you that on the occasion of) an eclipse of the sun on the newmoon day of Ashādha, this village together with treasures and deposits, together with the fines imposed for) the ten offences, together with all taxes, free from all obstructions, (and) not to be entered by the regular or irregular forces, has been granted by Us for as long as the sun and the moon will endure at the request of (Our) maternal uncle Bhāskaravarman (and) for the increase of the religious merit of Our parents and of Ourself by a copper-charter (and) by (a libation of water, to the Community of venerable (Buddhist) Monks from the four quarters, residing in the small monastery situated in Taradamsaka, which was caused to be constructed by Alakā, the wife of Koradēva
(LL. 15-98) Wherefore, offering submissively due taxes, revenue, eto. (to the donee), you should dwell happily in this village. And this we say to the future rulers of the land(Here follow six benedictory and imprecatory verses.)
The Seal. This is a charter, enduring as long as the world, of Sivagupta, the son of the king, the illustrious Harshagupta, who shines by his good qualities.
No. 19.-THE PURI PLATES OF MADHAVAVARMAN-SAINYABHITA.
BY PROF. R. G. BASAK, M.A., Ph.D., CALCUTTA. In February March of 1913 I published an article in Bengali on a single copper-plate inscribed on both sides of it. belonging to the reign of King Mādhavavarman (Sainyabhita, alias Srinivasa),
1 Read opalanam (16*ll its | * Metre Anushfubh. . Lit. on our feet. • She above, Vol. IX, p. 47 and n. 1. Boc, above, Vol. XXII, p. 176, n. 8.

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of the Sailodbhava dynasty of Köngöda in Kalinga, in the now defunct Bengali monthly magazine, the Sahitya of Calcutta in its Phälguna issue of 1319 B. 8. (pp. 889 ff.). It was stated in that article that that plate was undoubtedly the second of a set of at least three such plates which contained the whole text of the epigraph and that the other two plates (viz., the first and the third) had been missing. A hole in the plate indicated that that plate and the other missing ones were originally held together by means of a ring. It is not easy to say if any seal with any legend was soldered on to it just as, we are informed, the Buguda plates of the same king possessed. Both the late Mr. R. D. Banerji and Mr. Vinayaka Misra (I. H.Q., 1931, pp. 665 ff.) omitted to take notice of that plate or my article on the same, while they dealt with the chronology of the Sailödbhava kings of Köngöda. This plate is preserved in the Museum of the Varēndra Research Society, Rājshāhi (Bengal). Luckily enough, last year (1935) my friend Dr. N. P. Chakravarti, the Government Epigraphist for India, sent to me the impressions of two plates of the length of the above-mentioned (Rājshāhi) plate with marks of ring-holes of the same dimension on them, and remarked that those two plates must have belonged to an incomplete set and added that they had recently been acquired by the Indian Museum, Calcutta. Dr. Chakravarti also said in his letter to me that he had inferred that the incomplete Sailodbhava plate of the Rājshāhi Museum which I previously edited in Bengali, and the newly acquired two plates belonged to the same set. I am glad to find that with this discovery of Dr. Chakravarti the whole grant of king Mädhavavarman is now completely recovered, making it possible for me to make a contribution on the whole grant to the pages of this journal. The second plate was obtained on behalf of the Varendra Research Society, Rājshāhi, from Mahämahopädhyāya Pandit Sadasiva Misra, by my friend Mr. (now Rai Bahadur) Rama Prasad Chanda, when the latter, with some other members of the Society, toured in the autumn of 1912 in Orissa, visiting places of antiquarian interest. The Mahāmahõpādhyāya got it, as we were told, from the late Mr. Padma Charan Mahanti, formerly Superintendent of the Puri Collectorate, an inhabitant of the village Birobai in the Puri District. The provenance of that plate, as well as of the two newly discovered ones, is not known. We prefer to call the whole set as the Puri Plates of Madhavavarman, because we got the second plate at Puri from an inhabitant of the same district.
Of the three plates the first and the third are engraved on one side only, but the second plate is engraved on both the sides. The first plate contains 12 lines of writing on its reverse side only, the second 11 lines on each of the obverse and reverse sides, and the third 10 lines on its obverse side only. Each plate measures 6' 31'. In some places, specially on the reverse side of the second plate, some letters appear to be blurred and illegible. Otherwise the inscription is in a fair state of preservation. There is a mark of fracture in the second plate.
The characters in which the inscription is written belong to what Kielhorn would call the Ganjām variety of the northern alphabet. But I should like to differ greatly from his view that they " cannot be earlier than about the 10th century A.D." Such characters were rather prevalent in Kalinga in the 7th-8th century A.D. They mostly resemble those used in the Buguda plates of the same king. The age of the script has been discussed by the presont writer elsewhere. Of initial vowels we have in this epigraph signs for a, i, and u, e.g., asio 1. 10, ākshēptā 1. 41, iti 11. 12, 14 and 17, ia 1. 20, unmilitaṁ 1. 18, Utathyao 1. 31, etc. The peculiar sign for medial a in the Buguda plates, pointed out by Kielhorn, as " denoted by a small hook,
1 Above, Vol. VII, p. 101. # Ibid., p. 102.
Above, Vol. III, pp. 41 ff. and Vol. VII, pp. 100 ff. • Vide my The History of North-Eastern India (C. $20-780 A.D.), Calcutta, 1934, pp. 168-170.
Above, Vol. VII, p. 101.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXIII.
turned upwards and attached to the top of the consonant-sign" also sometimes occurs here. Of individual consonants the sign for gh (e.g., in nāga-ghatā-vighatta- 1. 13, -vighatana. 1. 25) calls for attention. The signs for ņ and I are sometimes almost similar (e.g., -mrināla. 1.1). The peculiar forms of the conjuncts ksh (e.g., in-vakshā l. 4, -paksha-kshaya- 1. 23), ng (e.g., in Kongoda- 1. 23), jn (e.g., in yajnaio 1. 22), and shn (e.g., krishnão 1. 4) are noteworthy. It may also be observed that the sign for as the first part of a conjunct differs very little from that for n in the same position (e.g., -vāñchhā l. 8, -sanchaya- 1. 4, mandala 1. 6). I could not guess properly the reading of 9 letters, 5 in 1. 30, 1 in l. 31 after the word -gotrāya, and 3 letters before nāna in the same line.
The language of the grant is Sanskrit. The charter contains, after the introductory words Om svasti, 11 verses followed by 12 lines of prose, which again are followed by four of the usual imprecatory and benedictory verses after which occur two other verses in which the names of the persons who wrote, marked, incised and acted as the dutaka in the grant are respectively mentioned. The language of the document contains a large number of errors as may be noticed from the corrections proposed in the preparation of the text. All the eleven verses which describe the genealogy of the donor in this grant are indentical with the verses of the Buguda plates which contain only one additional verse (v. 2) which glorifies the donor, described therein as Rājēndra Madhavavarman.
As regards orthography the following peculiarities require attention :-(1) No separate signs for b and v are used anywhere. (2) The consonants k, g, n, 6, dh, p, m and v are doubled after the superscript 1, e.g., -chandr-arkka- 1. 33, svarggē l. 40 (but in -patir-gao 1. 12, g is left single), [u]lkirnna ll. 42-43, kīrtti 1l. 21, 24, Orddhauta- 1. 1, darppaņasya 1. 15, dharmma1. 34 (but in -patir-maheo 1. 17 m is left single), Omurvvio 1. 22. It may also be noted that the expected doubling of j and l in this position has not been made, e.g., Sambhor jala l. 3, durlalitā° 1. 17. (3) No sign of visarga has been used, except in a few cases, e.g., vaḥ 1. 3, kritaḥ 1. 9, -niketah 1. 23, etc. (4) The guttural nasal (r) is used instead of anusvāra before 8, and h, e.g., nfubhio 1. 2, prānsu 1.3, sad-vansa 1. 9, vansē l. 14, sinhêna 1. 42. (5) Nowhere is the sign of avagraha used, e.g., kulajo=Ranabhita 11. 9-10 (where the second word is a proper name, Aranabhita), jāto= Yasobhita l. 14 (where also the second word is a proper name, Ayasobhita). (6) The sign of anusvāra is sometimes neglected, e.g., in mandala l. 6, vāñchchhā 1. 8. (7) Before dental 8, the visarga is changed to 8, e.g., tanayas=sukriti(ti) 1. 16. (8) Before & subscript r, the letter t is doubled, e.g., dharittri l. 14, °8=charittraiol. 15, sva-göttrao 1. 18, puttrao 1. 26, pittro° 1. 32. (9) Final n is sometimes changed intor and m, e.g., or-gariyāni ll. 12-13, asmin . 25, "niyu[kta*]kām=varttao 1. 27, sa-karanāṁ 1. 28. (10) The sign for final m is used, e.g., sva-göttram 1. 18, Orrajasram l. 21, bhavatām l. 29. But at the end of the verse, anusvāra (and not final m sign) has been used after the word phala in 1. 37.
The inscription is dated in Samvat 20 (?) + 3 (-23 ?), which may be regarded as the regnal year. Some may feel tempted to read the first numeral symbol as representing 10; in that case the regnal year will be 13.
The object of the charter is to record a revenue-free grant of the village Sāla (or Mala?) situated within the vishaya of Thorana, made by king Madhavavarman (1.24) of the Saulod. bhava dynasty for the purpose of augmenting the religious merits of his parents and himself, to a Brāhmaṇa named Bhatta Vittadēva of the Kausika götra having Utathya and other pravaras, & student of the Chhandöga charana, and belonging to the Kauthuma sākhā. The grant was written by Upēndrasimha, son of Kundabhögin, marked by Jayasimha and incised by Chhaddibhögin (11. 42-43). It is also stated (11. 43-44) that Gangabhadra, appointed to the
*[See p. 129, n. 4 below. -Ed.]

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duties of the Pratihära, acted as the dutaka of the grant. It may be noted here with advantage that the persons mentioned in 11. 42-44 are identical with those mentioned in the Buguda plates of the same king and hence it may be inferred that the latter plates which are undated were not far removed from the date of our plates.
An abstract of the contents of the rest of the grant may be mentioned here. The first verse of the inscription forms an invocation of protection of the god Sambhu (Siva), which seems to be an indication that the kings of the Sailodbhava dynasty were devotees of Siva. The next verse relates that there was a great person of the name of Pulindasõna who was ' famous amongst the people of Kalinga'. But he is stated (v. 3) to have been averse to rulership on earth for himself, although he was a highly accomplished man. By his ardent worship of the god Svayambhū for the creation of a fit and able ruler for the country, Sailodbhava was created as the lord of the earth, and from him originated a family of good rulers (v. 4). In the next verse (v. 5) we are told that & ruler of the name of Araṇabhita was born in his family (kulaja) and that he was a terror to his enemies. His son was king Sainyabhita who achieved victory over his enemies with the help of a large troop of elephants (v. 6). In his family again (tasy=āpi vansē) was afterwards born a king of the significant name of Ayasobhita, who had a record of pious deeds at his credit which could not be expected of a king of the Kali age (v.7). His son was king Sainyabhita who was & great Warrior (v. 8). He was able, in his prosperous condition, to reduce the sovereign influence of his enemies over their own statal circle (mandala) of kings (v. 9). This king appears to have also been known by the biruda Srinivasa and is described in v. 10 to Wave performed Afvamëdha and other sacrifices which had fallen into disuse on account of the negligence of impious kings of the Kali age, from which it appears that he helped in the restoration of these sacrifices in Kalinga. He was also called Madhavavarman and is stated to have issued this charter while residing in Kongoda (v. 11). After this verse 11, the record contains the formal address by the king to the various administrative officials and other people concerned. From the contents of our grant as mentioned above, and those of the Buguda plates, we obtain the following genealogical tree :
Sailodbhava
1. Aranabhita (tat-kulaja, i.e., born in his lineage)
2. Sainyabhita
8. Ayasõbhita (tasy-āpi ranse....jātaḥ, i.e., born in No. 2's family)
6. Sainyabhita (Madhavavarman-Srinivasa)
We are to notice carefully that Ayasobhita (No. 5 above) is not a son of Sainyabhita (No.2), but a descendant born in his family. We know that the Pārikud plates of Madhyamarāja, and the Puri (Uttarapārsva Matha) plates and the Kõndēļdā: grant of Dharmarāja contain the same genealogy as above, but only carrying it down respectively to one and two more rulers in succession, viz., (No. 7) Madhyamarāja (alias Ayaśābhita ?) and (No. 8) Dharmarāja (alias Mänabhita).
1 Above, Vol. XI, PP. 281-287. *J. B. O. R. 8., Vol. XVI, pp. 176 4. * Abovo, Vol. XIX, p. 265.]

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXIII.
The last king's dates are known as A.D. 756 and A.D. 743-44 in his above-mentioned grantsi? But the trouble for scholars in the matter of consideration of the full genealogy of the Sailodbhava dynasty arises when we look at the genealogy of three generations of kings as obtained from the undated Khurda and the dated (A.D. 619-20) Ganjām plates of Madhavarāja, both belonging paleographically to the same age. The genealogy obtained from these two plates may be thus stated :(Khurda plates.)
(Ganjām plates.) 2. Saingabhita
2. Madhavarāja 3. Ayaśābhīta
3. Ayasobhita
4. Madhavarāja ("Master of all Kalingas ") 4. Madhavarāja (mentioned as Sainyabhita
in the seal attached, Mahārāja-Mahāsāmanta of king Saśāřka).
Identity of script in both these inscriptions leads us to the inevitable conclusion that the Sainyabhita of the Khurda plates is identical with the first Madhavarāja, of the Ganjām plates. The most important point here is that these three kinge (Nos. 2, 3 and 4) are stated in the relationship of father and son. But in both the Buguda plates and the Puri plates under notice Ayasõbhita (No. 5) is stated to be not a son but a descendant of Sainyabhita (No. 2). Hence the Ayaśābhita (No. 3) of the Khurda and Ganjam plates (stated to be a son of Sainyabhīta No. 2) cannot be the Ayasőbhita of the Buguda and Puri plates. So Sainyabhita (No. 6) (-Madhavavarman-Srinivasa) of Buguda and Puri plates cannot be equated with Madhavarāja (No. 4) of the Khurda and Ganjām plates. Moreover, there is absolutely no doubt that the palæography of the Buguda and our Puri plates is later than that of the Khurda and Ganjām plates, belonging to the first quarter of the 7th century A.D. Attention of scholars should be drawn to the most cogent and proper remark made by Hultzsch, while editing the Ganjām plates of Mādhavarāja (G. E. 300-A.D. 619-20), that " as the alphabet of these (Buguda) plates is considerably more modern than that of the subjoined inscription (i.e., the Ganjām plates), it follows that Yaśõbhita's (really Ayasõbhita's) son Sainyábhita Mādhavavarman of the Buguda plates was a remote descendant of Yasõbhita's (Ayaśābhīta's) son Sainyabhita Madhavarāja II, the contemporary and subordinate of Saśārkarāja." I, however, do not think that Sainyabhita-Madhavavarman of the Buguda plates and the subjoined Puri plates is a very remote descendant of Sainyabhita-Madhavarāja II, but the former may only be the grandson of the latter. We have no hesitation in agreeing with Dr. N. P. Chakravarti, with the observations on the topography of Köngöda-mandala, Odra and Kalinga made by him in his article on the Nivina copper plates grant of Dharmarajadēva, but we are afraid we cannot subscribe to the view expressed by him though with doubt, that Sainyabhita-Madhavarāja of the Ganjām and the Khurda plates may be identical with Sainyabhita-Madhavavarman of the Buguda plates (and therefore, evidently with the king of the same name in our plates also). Our own view on this point has also been stated in detail elsewhere. We cannot also support
Neither of these dates is certain. I think that all the dated records of the Sailodbhava rulers so far known, except the Ganjam plates of G. E. 300, have to be referred only to regnal years and not to any particular era-Ed.)
* J. A. S. B., Vol. LXXIII (1904), pp. 282 ff. . Above, Vol. VI, pp. 143 ff. • Ibid., Vol. VI. p. 144.
Ibid., Vol. XXI, pp. 34 ff. • Vide my History of North-Eastern India (C. 320-760 A.D.), pp. 170 ff.

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127
the remark of Dr. Chakravartil who, following the late Mr. R. D. Banerji, says that inspite of palæographic difficulty the Buguda and Ganjām plates might have to be assigned to one and the same ruler. We are, however, glad to note that he feels inclined to place the Pärikud grant towards the end of the 7th or the early part of the 8th century A.D. On the above considerations, we have also taken the first Sainyabhīta-Mädhavarāja of the Khurda and Ganjām grants as identical with the first Sainyabhita of the Buguda and our Puri plates, in whose family Ayasõbhīta (No. 5) is described therein as being born. Hence the genealogy of the first six kings of the Sailödbhava dynasty according to our opinion should be settled as follows
Sailodbhava
1. Aranabhīta
2. Sainyabhita I (=Mādhavarāja I)
3. Ayasõbhita I
4. Sainyabhīta II (=Mādhavarāja II, A. D. 619-20)
5. Ayaśābhīta II
6. Sainyabhīta III (=Mādhavavarman Srinivisa). With these introductory words I edit the grant for the first time from the original plates and the inked impressions supplied by the Government Epigraphist.
TEXT. [Metres: Vv. 1,3, Sārdülavikridita; vv. 2, 5, 6, 8, 9, Vasantatilaka; vv. 4, 12-17, Anushtubk; v. 7, Indravajra ; v. 10, Sragdharā; v, 11, Arya.]
First Plate. i Om Svasti [Ill [I]ndő[r-ddhau]ta-mriņāla-tantubhir=iva ślishțā[h*) karai[h*) kõmalaiva
(r=ba)ddh-ahēr=aru2 pai[h*] sphurat-phana-manai(nē)r=di(di)gdha-prabhāsõ=n(m)subhish 1] Pārvvatyä[h*] 8
[kacha*]-graha-vyatikara-vyāvfita(tta)-va(ba)3 ndha-slathā Gang-ambha[h*-pluti-bhinna-bhasma-kaņikā[h*] Sambhor=jatā[h*] pântu
vaḥ 1 [111] Pränku-mahabha(Prāmgur=mabēbha)-ka4 ra-pivara-chāru-vā(ba)hu[h*] krishn-āsma-lañchaya-vibhēda-vishä(bā)la-vakshash *]
rāj[ī]va-komala-dal-āya5 [ta]-lochan-āntā(tah) syātaskhyātaḥ) Kalinga-janatāsu Puli(li)ndasõnash || 21*]
Tēn=ēttham guņin=āpi satvattva)-mahatā
Op. cit., p. 36. * Expressed by a symbol.

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128
6 n-eshtham(shtam) bhuvō
nāma
88
7 dishta-vibh-ütsavena
vidhitsu
dha-sama
tachit(s-tach-chitt)-anugu-nam
8 r=adisad=vañchha[m*] Svayambhō(bhū)r-api || [3 || *] Sa sila-sa(sa) kal-ōdbhēdi ten-apy-älökya dhi(dhi)ma
9 th parikalpita-ssd-valóē(vathiab) prabhu[b] Sailodbhavab] kritab|[] 4||*] Sailōdbhavasya kulajō='Rapa
10 bhita asid-yen-āsakrit-krita-bhiyam
dvishad-anganānāṁ [*] jyoti(t)sna-pravō(bō)
så[r]ddham-kampitö nayana-pakshma-jalēshu ohandrab
sunu(sūnuḥ) śri-Sal' (Sai)nyabhita
iti bhumipatir=
manḍala[m] sakto ya[*] paripalanaya jagata[*] kō syad=iti [*] pratyabhagavan-ārā[dhi]ta[ḥ*]
11 ye sva-dhiya[e](y=ai)va
[ 5*] Tasy-abha
12 vad-vivu(bu)dhapala-samasya
ga[ri]
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
ēva
19 mahōdayēna
graha-ga
13 yam(yan) [*] yam pra[pya*]
n-aika-sata-naga-ghata-vighatta-lavdha(bdha)-prasāda
vijayam
mu]mudē
14 dharittri [ 6 ] Tasy-api van(vam)[e]-[tha*] yath-artha-nāmā jātō="Yasobhita iti kahi
kalanka(b*]
15 ti(ti)śaḥ [*] yēna praru(ru)ḍhō-pi subhais-charittrair-mmrishta[h*] Kali(li)-darppanasya [ 7 ||*]
śāśvata
Second Plate; Obverse.
samanta-mahāsāma
The name is Aranabhita.
An example of Prakrit influence.
16 [Jätō-tha*] tasya tanaya[s]-sukriti(ti)
[b] () śri
17 Sainyabhita
iti
bhumipatir-mah-ēbha-kumbha-sthali-dalana-durlalit-äsi
18 dharah || 8 ||*] Jātēna yena kamalākaravat-sva-göttra[m]" unmilitam dinakrit=
[*] sankshipta-mandala-ruchas-cha gata[*] prapasam=āsu dvishō
20
iva yasya diptya | 9 ||*] Kālēyair-bhūtadhattrīpatibhir-upachit-ānāka-pap-ā21 vatārai[r]=nītā yēshām kath-āpi pralayam-abhimatā kirtti-mā (pā)lair-ajasram [*] 22 yajñais-tair-Aévamedha-prabhritibhir=amarā lambhita riptim-urvvim-uddpiparāti 23 paksha-kshaya-kriti-paṭunā Srinivasōna yēna || [10 ||*] Kōngōda-krita-nikētaḥ Second Plate; Reverse.
[VOL. XXIII.
ári-Madhava[va*]rmma ripu-mă
24 śārada-niśākara-mari(ri)chi-siti(ta)-kirtti[ḥ [*] 25 na-vighaṭṭana[b*] kusali || [11 [*] Asmim(Asmin) bhu-mma(ma)ndale śrī
samasta-s[1]mantini-nayana-shaṭpada-pundarika
Read lambhilde-tri".
Bend furan-nilākara as in the Buguda plates.
88
3 There is a superfluous tasya here (1. 14), and a superfluous subha in 1. 15.
The name is Ayasōbhita.
*Read -gram-unmilitam.

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ང་།<(༥ ( ) འང་ངུའི་ན| ཏན་ ནས་འ༩༩༥༩ :༩ ?༥ tr (*(༩ - 38 ར་ ༥:། (༨༩»(༩༩༥:༣༥༥༽འ(པ། པཎ**༽ ནy༢པཏྟ༦༣༨ན༽ ༩ 38
:.qtxt{13 ད་་ཡི; <༣ ཏཱ ཙ་ཏྲ༔ ( ཀཾ ttr ༩༨fi། དེ འི་ 40 57/ s55༥tts་ ཏttc79<[༢; <<འ༩ (' ་ ར ཏུt: 40
པདི༢ོ cདྨར་ཉུལr)y pདུ༩ : 7ཛད། '' "h- ( ) 42 ; ) ཉ ༼ ཕུལ་བrd༽ད*༩)༩.༢ (;its 42 3 ༢༽ Page #182

No. 19.)
THE PURI PLATES OF MADHAVAVARMAN-SAINYABHITA.
129
26 nta-mahārāja-rājana(nya)ka-rājaputtr-[@]ta(nta)ranga-dandanāyaka-daņdapāsi27 n=öparikara- vishayapati-tadaniyu[kta*]kāmva(kān=va)rttamāna-bhavishyato vya28 vahāriņa[h*] 8a-karanim(nan)=vrä(brā)hmaņa-purðg-adi[n] jānapadāms-chatta(ta)
bhaça-vallabha29 jātiyām(yan) yathārhamo pūjayati mānayati [1*] Viditam=astu bhavatām(tā)m 30 Thoraņa-vishaya-samvandha(mbaddha)-Sa(Ma ?)la-grāma[h*j* ----- Kausika31 götrāya - 'Utathya-pravarāya --- 'nānā-pravarāya Chchhandöga-charaņā32 ya Kauthuma-śākhāya Bhatta-Vittadēvasya(vāya) mātā-pittrör=ātmanas-cha puny-ā33 bhivșiddhayē salila-dhara-pura[h*]sarēņ=ākaratvēna machandr-arkka-kshiti(ti)
sama34 kälam pratipādito=smābhish :*) Yatas=cha tāmvra(mra)-pattakam dasudha dharmmagaura
Third Plate. 35 vā[t*] kalpa-kalp-ántarēņ=āpi na kail=cha paripanthinā bhavitavyam=iti 36 uktañ=cha Mänavě dharmmaśāstrē [*] Va(Ba)hubhiruvvasudhā datta rajabhi
[s*]=Sagar-adi37 bhiḥ [1*] yasya yasya yadā bhūmita(s=ta)sya tasya tadã phalam(m)
11[12 1*] Mã bhūva(d=a)phala-sa38 ikā vaḥ para-datt=ēti pā[r]thivaḥ(väh) [i*]sva-dānātphalam=ānantyaṁ para
datt-anupāla39 nam(nē) [113 Il] Sva-dattam para-dattam=vā(ttām vā) yo harēti(ta) vagun
dharā(rām) [1] B& vishthāyām krimir-bhūtvā 40 pitsibhi[h*) saha pachyatē (14 * Shashtim varsha-sahasrāņi svargg
mödati bhū41 midaḥ [*] ákshēptä сh=anumantä сha täny=ēva narakam=va(kē va)sēt || [15 IM
Lä(Lē)khit=0 42 pondrasithēna(simbo)=tra tanayāsyah) Kundabhõginā(nah) [1*]. lāñchhitam Jaya
sin(simhēna [u]tki: 43 rnpa[m*] Chchhaddibhogino(na) [ll 16 (1) Samyag-ārădhita-svāmi-prasāda-blishţa
manasaḥ [*] data44 [ko] Gangabhadrð=[tra*) prätihāya(ryyê) vyavasthitaḥ || [1711] Samvat
· 20 (?) 31
1 Read Of-Sparika-vishaya..
The rëpha meant for han has been wrongly put on pe by the engraver.
• The five letters after this word seem to be vinirggalaya. [The reading of the first three of these five letters is quite uncertain. If the reading suggested is accepted the name of the village granted will have to be considered as missing which is unlikely.-Ed.]
"[The reading of the second letter is uncertain. It may be pointed out that the Kaufika göra cannot have Utathya pravara.-Ed.)
The letter before this word reads like lu. [The corrected reading is Al Aw)lathya.-Ed.] • The three letters before this word road like laluta. [The reading appoars to be Al...anupravariya.-Ed.] * Read Odchandr-arkka-. .[Reading seems to be tamera-paffala-darland[d*). -Ed.1
Read kinachit for baitacha. 10 The pa of this word looks like dha, the maird having closed up the top of the letter.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
TRANSLATION.
[VOL. XXIII.
Om Blessings.
(Verse 1) May the matted locks of hair of Sambhu, in which the particles of ashes are separated by the overflowing waters of the Ganga (on his head), which are touched by the soft rays of the moon (also on his head) as if by white lotus fibres, of which the lustre is daubed by the red rays of the entwining snakes bearing sparkling gems on their hoods, and which are slackened because of their knot being set aside on account of Parvati's union accompanied with a grasp of His hair, protect you!
(Verse 2) (There was a person) famous amongst the people of Kalinga, named Pulindasõna, tall, with charming arms as stout as the trunk of a large elephant, having a chest as broad as the fragment(?) of a black mountain, and whose eyes were as large as the soft petals of lotuses.
(Verse 3) By him, though so accomplished and great in spirit, (the rulership over) the circle of the earth was not longed for. (By this person) denying the pleasure of rulership, thinking as to who (else) would be the man that would be able to rule over the earth, was worshipped the lord Svayambhu (Brahma) the eternal, and (the latter) being desirous of creating (one), according to his heart's desires, granted his prayer.
(Verse 4) As (he) was observed as splitting asunder pieces of rocks, Sailōdbhava was made by this wise (god) as the lord with an illustrious dynasty (of rulers originating from him) vouchsafed. (Verse 5) A descendant in the family of Sailōdbhava was Aranabhita, by whom, at the time of the rise of the moon-light, the moon was caused to tremble, along with their own intellect, in the waters from the eye-lashes of the wives of his enemies who were frightened repeatedly.
(Verse 6) Of him who was equal to the lord of gods, (i.e., Indra), the very great king Sainyabhita was the son; by obtaining him who attained victory in which prevailed calmness of disposition (even) in havoc caused (amongst his enemies) by rows of many hundreds of elephants, (as her lord), the Earth felt delighted.
(Verse 7) Afterwards, in his family was born King Ayasobhita, whose name carried a true import, by whom was purged, by means of his illustrious deeds, the accumulated dirt on the mirror of the Kali age.
(Verse 8) Then was born his son, of meritorious deeds, the king, named Sainyabhita, who is (as it were) a lotus to the bee-like eyes of all ladies, and the edge of whose sword is playfully active in splitting asunder the frontal globes of the huge elephants (of his enemies).
(Verse 9) By this (king), while in great prosperity, is made illustrious his own family, just like a lotus pool (in which the lotuses are) opened by the sun while rising; and on account of his majesty his enemies, with the power of their own circle of kings reduced, meet with destruction, just as all (the other) planets (disappear), with the brilliance of their own discs diminished, on account of the lustre (of the sun).
(Verse 10) By this Śrinivasa, who is skilful in the act of destruction of the partisans of his highly insolent enemies, the gods are made to enjoy extreme satisfaction on account of (his perfor
1 This king caused death of his enemies, whose wives were therefore compelled to shed tears of sorrow on account of their widowhood which destroyed for ever their union with their husbands at moon-rise.
* Elephants played an important part in the army of the Kalinga kings in ancient times.
It may be noted that the words, udaya, mandala and dipti as used in this verse convey by lesha the double mennings,(i) prosperity and (ii) rise, (i) the statal circle of kings and (ii) disc, and (i) majesty and (ii) lustre, respectively
Sainyabhita-Madhava varman had a biruda Srinivasa, which also means Vishnu, as well as an abode of royalty.

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mance of) those Aévamedha1 and other sacrifices the very mention of which is (now) relegated to the domain of non-existence by kings of the earth belonging to the Kali age, who have accumu lated (newly) introduced sins of many kinds, (but) which was liked ever so much by (kings) who were upholders of fame.
(Verse 11) This Madhavavarman, whose fame is as white as the rays of the autumnal moon and who is competent to crush the pride of his enemies, being in good health, and (while) putting up in his residence in Köngöda,*—
(Lines 25-35) duly honours and esteems the illustrious Samantas, Mahāsāmantas, Mahārājas, Rājanyakas, Rajaputras, Antarangas, Dandanayakas, Dandapāsikas, Uparikas, Vishayapatis and Tadaniyuktakas, the present and the future vyavaharins (administrative officers), the janapadas with the Karanas and the chief Brahmanas and (also) those of the Chata, Bhata and Vallabha classes (with the following information) :
Be it known to you that the village of Sala(Māla?) situated in the vishaya of Thōraṇa, has been given, free of all dues, by me, to last as long as the sun and the moon endure and the earth lasts, with a libation of water for the enhancement of the religious merit of my parents and of my own self, to Bhatta Vittadeva of the Kausika götra, having for his pravaras Utathya and otherr) belonging to the Chhandōga charana and the Kauthuma sākhā.
As this was a copper-plate grant, no one should stand as an impediment (in its operation) even in future Kalpas, out of respect to dharma in ten ways. There are verses also mentioned in the Manava Dharmasastra (to the same effect) :
(Verses 12-15) (There are four of the usual imprecatory and benedictory verses.)
(Verse 16) In this (grant) Upendrasimha, son of Kunḍabhögin, was the writer, and the charter was marked by Jayasimha and incised by Chhaddibhögin.
(Verse 17) Gangabhadra, whose mind was attached, through favour, to his master whom he served thoroughly, and who was appointed to the duties of the Pratihāra, acted as the dulaka herein.
Sarhvat 20(1)+ 3.
No. 20.-TWO INSCRIPTIONS FROM SHERGADH.
BY PROF. A. S. ALTEKAR, BENARES HINDU UNIVERSITY.
Shergadh, where the two inscriptions edited here are found, is a deserted town in the Atru Nizamat or Taluka of the Kotah state in Rajputana. It is about 12 miles to the southwest of the railway station Atru on the Kotah-Bina line of the G. I. P. Railway. Within the stony massive walls of the town there are more than three thousand houses in different stages of dilapidation. The present population, however, is hardly more than 300 and so the township presents a dreary appearance even by day. According to local tradition, the present name
1 This refers to the restoration of the varnasramadharma in the seventh century A.D. not only in Kalinga, but in many other parts of North-Eastern India.
Also spelt as Kaingöda in some of the other grants of the Sailöd bhava dynasty.
For the meaning and functions of these terms, vide the author's article in Bengali on "the administration of the Pala kings" of Bengal: Prabasi, Aávina issue, B. S. 1343.
Thōrana, is also mentioned as the vishaya in which the village of Arahanpa mentioned in the Khurda grant (J. A. S. B., Vol. LXXIII, 1904, pp. 282 ff.) is situated.
[See p. 129, n. 8.-Ed.]

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of the town was given to it after its capture by Sher Shah of the Sur dynasty in the course of his Malwă campaign. Its ancient name, mentioned in several inscriptions found at the place, was Kösavarddhana, the increaser or the asset of the treasury'. The Inscription B edited below, shows that the city was an important thriving centre of trade, industry and agriculture, contributing a good deal to the royal treasury. It was also an important military station. The present dilapidated township itself was a strong fort in the Hindu period, as its still existing powerful ramparts show. It is also expressly referred to as a fort (durga) in the Inscription A. A new fort was constructed outside the old one in the Muslim period. When Dr. Mathuralal, the State Historian, Kotah, and myself visited Shergadh in February 1936 in the course of our tour of archæological explorations undertaken at the instance of the Kotah Government, we came across several Jain, Hindu and Buddhist inscriptions, both in the new and in the old fort, ranging from the 8th to the 13th century A.D. It is clear that during this period the citizens of this Hourishing city followed these three faiths.
The inscriptions are engraved on two different stone tablets, built into the present temple of Lakshmi-Nārāyāņa. Of these, the Inscription B, has been edited with a short note by Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar in the Indian Antiquary, Vol. XL, pp. 175-6. Inscription A has not yet been noticed or published. As one ascends the platform of the temple, the Inscription A is to be seen in the wall on the left near the third stair step. The Inscription B is on a tablet built into a front line pillar of the mandapa to the left of the entrance. Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar, while editing this last mentioned record, has observed that it is inscribed on a stone lying outside the temple of Lakshmi-Nārāyāņa. The information supplied to him in this connection was incorrect. The two stone tablets in the temple have been occupying their present position ever since the time of the visit of the munshi of Col. Tod to this temple during the second quarter of the last century. According to the information given by the present priest, no repairs have been done to the temple during the last three generations.
A.--Inscription of the Paramāra Udayāditya. The stone on which this record has been inscribed is well dressed and is 27" x 22" in dimension. The record, however, is not complete and its concluding lines have been broken off. The present temple of Lakshmi-Nārāyāņa cannot be more than 300 or 400 years old. Hence it would appear that when the temple of the Paramāra period was subsequently repaired, or overhauled, or pulled down, the inscribed tablets were re-set in the new structure in the course of which the lower portion of the tablet of this inscription might have been damaged. To judge from other Paramāra grants, the lost portion of the record consisted probably of not more than two lines and contained the concluding line of the last verse, the stanza beginning with Iti kamala-dalambu-bindu-lölām, followed possibly by the name of the dutaka, the signature of the donor, and the date of the record given in figures at the end.
The stone has further peeled off to its right, destroying in various degrees the concluding portions of the first twelve lines of the record. Local tradition ascribes this damage to a lightning stroke. With the exception of a portion of the date, the rest of the missing part can be restored with the help of other Paramāra records. The record as preserved to-day consists of 24 lines, each line containing about 38 letters.
The characters are the normal Nagari of the 11th century to which the record belongs. The duct of writing is good and the medial é mātrās are graceful. The engraver's mistakes are very few.
* Ind. Ant., Vol. XL, p. 175.

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The Language of the record is Sanskrit throughout. The rules of sandhi are usually observed with a few exceptions like fri Udayāditya, 1. 6, vuddhva asmad, 1. 19. etc. Grammatical mistakes are also very few. We have mātri-pitroh for mātā-pitro” in l. 16 and anyaiḥ for anyaih in 11. 19 and 22. The latter, however, may possibly be the engraver's mistake. The record is partly in prose and partly in poetry, poetical portions consisting of the introductory and the imprecatory verses.
The object of the record is the grant of a village made by the Parama-Bhaltāraka-Malirājadhiraja-Paramesvara-bri-Udayaditya of the Paramāra house. The arrangement of its contents is similar to what we see in many other Paramāra grants. It opens with the two usual verses in the adoration of Siva followed by the name and genealogy of the donor, and then follow the name of the village granted, an address to its inhabitants, the date, the place, the occasion and the motive of the grant, the name of the donee and the usual exhortations to succeeding monarchs.
Our record describes the donor, king Udayāditya, as meditating on the feet of Bhöjadēva. The relationship between the two, however, is not stated. A late record from Udayapur, belonging to the 16th century A.D., states that Udayaditya was the son of Gyātā, grandson of Göndala, and great grandson of Sūravira, who belonged to the Paramāra clan. This document would make Udayāditya a scion of a minor Paramāra branch, and very remotely related, if related at all, to Bhöjarāja. Two official Paramāra documents, however, issued within a generation of the death of Udayāditya, contain quite & different statement. Thus the Nāgpur prasasti, issued in the reign of Lakshmadēva, & son of Udayāditya, refers to the latter as a bandhu of Bhoja. Till recently this was the only early record describing the relationship of Bhoja with Udayāditya and it was possible to suggest, especially in view of the genealogy given in the Udayapur inscription, that the term bandhu may have been used in denoting a relation in general rather than a real brother. Recently, however, another Paramāra record, the Jainad stone inscription of Jagaddēva, has been published. This ruler is very probably identical with Lakshmadēva in whose reign the Nāgpur prasasti was composed. In this record a specific assertion is made that Udayaditya was the father and Bhõja the uncle of Jagaddēva, which shows that the word bandhu of the Nāgpur prasasti must be taken as having its normal sense, viz., a brother.
When two official Paramāra documents, issued within less than 25 years of the death of Udayāditya, state that he was a brother of Bhoja, we have to accept their testimony in preference to that of an early 16th century record, which does not seem to have been properly edited as well.
In the genealogy of Udayāditya, as given in our record, his predecessors Vākpati, Sindhurāja and Bhöja are mentioned. The predecessors of Vākpati are passed over, probably as being too remote in time. The omission of Jayasimha, the immediate predecessor of Udayaditya. however, cannot be explained on that ground. It is worth pointing out that no record either of Udayāditya or of any of his successors, mentions Jayasimha, even when the genealogy is taken back to Bhoja. This can hardly be regarded as accidental. It seems that Bhoja left behind no son and in the chaos that followed his death, several of his relations came forward to claim
1J.A. 8. B., Vol. IX, p. 549. * Ante., Vol. II, p. 185; cf. v. 32, net ( r) rayauf u fa: . Ganguly, History of the Paramära Dynasty, pp. 133-4.
• An. Rep. Archæol. Dept., Nisam'a Dominions, 1927-28, pp. 23 f.; ante, Vol. XXII, p. 64; cf. v. 6. cafeaua: पितासीहवः पिवण्यः स च भीजराजः।
Någpur prasasti, ante, Vol. II, p. 185; Udayapur prasasti, ibid., Vol. I, p. 222; Mändhätă plates of Dévapåla, ibid., Vol. IX, p. 108.

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the Paramära thronel, when the victorious armies of Bhima and Karna returned to their homes. Udayāditya and Jayasimha were two among these claimants. Jayasitha succeeded in the beginning with the help of Sömēsvara I, the Chalukya ruler of Kalyani.' How he was related to Bhöja is not yet known. Probably he was not his son, but a distant relative.
The success of Jayasitha must have for a time frustrated the ambition of Udayāditya. He, however, got his opportunity when Jayasimha was overthrown by Sömēsvara II. With the help of the Chāhamana ruler Durlabha III, Udayāditya succeeded in reconquering Mälava. If the above conjecture is correct, it is natural that the official records of his time should not describe bim as Jayasimhadēra pād-änudhyāta. Throughout his reign Jayasinha was practically a feudatory of the Chalukyas, the bitter and long-standing enemies of the Paramaras. He must therefore have been regarded as a disgrace to the Paramāra house, and as one whose name even did not deserve to be included in its official genealogies. Udayaditya is therefore always described in his own and in his successors' records as meditating on the feet of Bhöja and not of his immediate predecessor, Jayasimba.
The date of the grant which is now partially lost, is the Damanaka Festival on the fourteenth day of the bright half of Chaitra of the (Vikrama Samvat) year eleven hundred exceeded by........ It is unfortunate that the most material part of the date giving the years in excess of 1100 has been lost in the five letters peeled off at the end of the l. 9, as dated records are badly needed to determine the precise limits of the reign of king Udayaditya.
Damanaka was a spring festival when a branch of damana tree was offered to god Siva or Vishnu with a prayer to him and to Madana for the happiness and felicity of the whole household. Our inscription agrees with Hēmādri and Madanaratna in describing Chaitra suddha 14 as the day of this festival. Other authorities, however, lay down that it was to take place two days earlier.
The grant made in this inscription, like most of those recorded in the Inscription B below, is made in favour of the temple of Somanātha, which is described as being situated in the fort of Kõlavarddhana, i.e., modern Shergadh. From the boundaries of Somanathapalli given in the Inscription B, it is clear that the temple of Sõmanatha of the Paramāra period was situated somewhere near the modern temple of Lakshmi-Nārāyana where the inscriptions are preserved at present. When I visited this temple in February 1936, its priest showed me a Siva-linga in its mandapa which is known as Sömanātha even to this day. It may be that the ancient temple of Somanátha, which was the principal object of worship of the inhabitants of Kobavarddhana, 88 shown by the numerous grants given to it in the Inscription B below, was destroyed by the Muslims, probably when the fort was captured by them during the reign of Sher Shah. The temple of Lakshmi-Nārāyana may have escaped destruction as being of minor importance. Later on when the fury of the Muslim storm had passed over, the liriga of Somanitha may have been transferred to the neighbouring temple of Lakshmi-Nārāyana, along with its inscribed tablets recording various donations. It is also possible, though not probable, that Lakshmi and Närayana may be interlopers in their present temple, & Vaishnavite revolution being responsible for the
The expression rdjye cha kuly-dkult of the Nagpur prasasti make this supposition very probable. • Vikramankadevacharita, III, 67.
Udayaditys would have besitated to describe himself as meditating on the feet of his rival's father, • Prithvirajavijaya, V, 77.
Smriti-kaustubha, pp. 19-23. • Ibid., p. 19.

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enthronement of Lakshmi and Nārāyana in the sanctum of the present temple when Sōmanatha was relegated to a corner of its mandapa.
135
A portion of the inscription recording the details of the situation of the village granted is missing, but the village seems to have been Vilapadraka, since its inhabitants are exhorted to Day the usual royal dues to the temple. It is described as situated in the twelve-village subdivision of ... radraha, situated in the mandala or district of Chachchuroni. The last mentioned place is obviously identical with the village Chachurņi, (spelt in Survey maps as Chachoni), situated about 24 miles S. S. E. of Shergadh, on the confluence of the Parwän and the Nimaj1. Vilāpadraka may be Bilandi, a village about 11 miles S. S. E. of Shergadh. Or, it may be identified with the village Bilwarō, situated about 25 miles east of Shergadh. I am indebted to Dr. Mathuralal, the State Historian, Kotah, for this information.
TEXT".
1 खस्ति [1] ॐ
[ योभ्युदयच । जयति'] व्योमकेशोसी [यः सर्गाय बिभर्ति ताम् । ऐ* ]न्दवीं सि (शि) रसा लेखां जग2 [[]]जांकुराजतिम् । [१] तन्तु (न्तु वः निरं जटाः । कल्पान्तसमयोद्दाम [तडि*]
स्मरारातेः कल्याणम
3 इलयपिङ्गलाः ॥ [ २ ॥ * ] परमभट्टारकमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरश्रीवाक्पतिराजदेवपा [दानु*]
4 ध्यातपरमभट्टारकमहाराजाधिराजपरमेारखोसिन्धुराजदेवपा[दानुध्यातपर"]5 मभट्टारकमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरश्रीभोजदेवपादानुध्यातपर[मभट्टारकम*]
6 डाराजाधिराजपरमेारची 'उदयादित्यदेव [:] कुशली
॥
चक्षुरोपमंड[लान्त
पाति ॥ *]
•
7 द्रद्दादशके श्रीकोवर्धनदुर्गीय श्री सोमनाथदेव [भु]शेरनु............
8 विलामद्रकग्रामे समुपगतान् समस्तराजपुरुषान् व्रा (ब्रा)ह्मणोत्तरान् प्रति [ निवासिपट्टकिलज * ]
9 नपदादख वो (बो) धयत्यस्तु वः संविदितं ॥' यथा कर्पासिकायामावस्थितेरखमा [भि............वि"]"
10 कशतैकादशकसंवत्मरे चैत्रसुदि (शुद्ध) चतुर्हश्यां दमनकपर्व्वणि स्रात्वा चराचरगु
[ भगवन्तं भ']
1 The name of this river is spelt as Mewaj in Survey maps.
From the original stone and ink-impression.
Expressed by a symbol, which is only partly visible.
• Usually स्वस्ति is followed in Paramärs records by the verse नयति व्योमकेशोसो, etc. Here medial 5 sign
is partly clear on the letter following ja and the place damaged can accommodate the letters supplied in the text. Read éry-Udayadityadevah.
What followed in the text in the portion destroyed cannot be inferred.
'The sign of punctuation is superfluous.
Only five letters have been lost in the missing portion of this line of which the last syllable must have been dhi. Hence it is apparent that the unit and the decimal figures together consisted of four letters only.
F 2

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXIII.
11 वानीपतिं समभ्यर्थ्य संसारस्थासारतां दृष्ट्वा । तथाहि [*] वातावविभ्रम
मिदं वसुधाधिप[त्यमापात*]12 मात्रमधुरो विषयोपभोगः । प्राणास्तुणाग्रजलवि(बिन्दुममा नराणां धर्मः
सखा परम[हो पर]13 लोकयाने । [। ३ ॥] भ्रमसंसारचक्रामधाराधारामिमां श्रिय(यम्) ।
प्राप्य ये न ददुस्तेषां पथात्तापः परं फलं(लम्) [॥ ४ ॥] 14 इति जगतो विनखरं स्वरूपमाकलय्यादृष्टफलमंगीकृत्य चन्द्रार्काकवक्षितिसम
कालं या-. 15 वत्परया भत्या श्रीकोशवईनदुर्गीयश्रीसोमनाथदेवायवोपरिलिखितग्रामः स(ख)
' सीमाढणयू16 तिगोचरपर्यन्तः सवृक्षमालाकुलः सहिरण्यभागभोगोपरिकरसर्बादायसमेतच माव
(ता)पित्रोरात्म17 नश्च पुण्ययशोभिवडये ।' शासनेनोदकपूर्वकतया प्रदत्त इति । तम्मत्वा
तत्रिवासिजनपदैयथा[*]18 दीयमानभागभोगकरहिरण्यादिकं देवव्रा(बा)ह्मणभुक्तिवर्जमाज्ञाश्रवणविधेयैर्भूत्वा
सर्वममुमै 19 समुपनेतव्यं । सामान्यं चैतत्पुण्यफलं वुहा असाइंशजेरण्य (न्य)रपि भा
विभोक्तृभिरस्मत्प्रदत्तधर्मा(मर्म)20 दायोयमनुमंतव्यः पालनीयच ॥ उ च [*] व(ब)हुभिर्वसुधा भुत्ता
राजभिः सगरादिभिः । यस्य य21 स्य यदा भूमिस्तस्य तस्य तदा फलं(लम्) । [। ५ ॥*] यानीह
दत्तानि पुरा नरेन्द्रनानि धमार्थयशस्कराणि । नि22 माल्यवान्तिप्रतिमानि तानि को नाम साधुः पुनराददोत । [1 ]
अस्मत्कुलक्रममुदारमुदाहरगिरण्यै (न्य)23 व दानमिदमभ्यनुमोदनीय(यम्) । लक्ष्म्यास्तडिहलयवुडु बुद्ध)दचंचलाया दानं
फलं परयश:परिपाल24 नं च । [। ७ ॥.] सर्वानेतान् भाविनः पार्थिवेंद्रान् भूयो भूयो
याचते रामभद्रः । सामान्योयं धर्मसेतु1 This dunda is sufriluous. Read buddhe aamud. About the probable extent of the lost portion of the inscription, see the introduction. p. 132.

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No. 20.)
TWO INSCRIPTIONS FROM SHERGADH.
137
B.--The Sömanātha Temple Inscription. This record is inscribed on a tablet, 16' x 13' in dimension, which is smoothly dressed. The original record was only in 15 lines, each line containing about 30 to 36 letters. At its end, however, there are scribbled two lines, of which the second is extensively damaged. This postscript was written in Samrat 1566 in the reign of Maharāja Sri-Jasasambhu, who seems to have been some local ruler.
The characters of the record are the Nāgari ones of the 11th century, to which it belongs. There is nothing particularly worth noting about them; attention, however, may be drawn to the way in which the medial i of bhù in bhūmi has been written in l. 8.
As regards the orthography, s is usually written for $; cf. Vaisakha for Vaišākha in 11. 1 and 3, stështhi for freshchi in l. 1, sālā for sālā in l. 6, samkhika for samkhika in l. 12. Sha, however, is not confounded with sa; cf. Gocsisha in l. 1, karsha in l. 2 and vpishabha in l. 4. The second letter of the conjunct, of which is the first member, is sometimes doubled and sometimes not; cf. pūrovataḥ in l. 13 and märggādāya in 11. 3 and 4, but chandrārka in 1l. 2, 4, 6 and 7, Kapardaka in l. 6 and maryādā in l. 14.
The Language of the record is Sanskrit, but showing many mistakes and some admixture of Prakrit. Wrong case-endings, or rather, no case-endings, are to be seen in the case of datta vrishabha for dattā vpishabhāh in l. 4, ghāna for ghānau in l. 5, svakiyā for svakiyau in l. 1). The sandhi rules are often neglected, cf. "dityaih bhattāraka for 'dityair-bhattāraka in l. 2.
This inscription is a public register of several donations given mainly to the same temple of Sõmanātha, which is the donee of the Inscription A above. In this respect it resembles the first part of the Siyadoņi inscription, inscribed about half a century earlier. Shergadh is only about 125 miles to the west of Siroņ Khurd, where the Siyadoņi inscription was discovered.
The donors in this record are all private individuals, mostly merchants or landlords. In the Siyadoni inscription the record of each donation is separated from that of the succeeding one by the interposing of & peculiar punctuation symbol; this bas been done only once in the present record, at the end of the second donation in l. 4. The dates of the donations have been given only in the first three cases. The latest of these, that of the donation No. 3, is Māgha Suddha 13 of Samvat 1084. The dates of the subsequent donations mentioned in the last section of the record have not been given. These, however, seem to have been made on the same day. And since the oilman Thãiyāka, mentioned in the donation of Samvat 1084, figures here also as one of the donors, the record as a whole can hardly be much later than Samvat 1100.
All the donations but one are in favour of Sõmanātha temple. The exception is the first donation which was given on the third day of the bright half of Vaišākha of Samvat 1074. As the week day is not given, this date cannot be verified, but it probably corresponds to the 2nd of April A. D. 2017. The donation was jointly given by three merchants named Narasimha, Gövsisha and Thīrāditya to Bhattáraka Nagnaka and consisted of the daily gift of a karsha, i.e., about three-fourths of a tola of ghee, for the purpose of the smearing of his feet. The record states that this quantity of ghee was to be given from out of the Mandapikā tax. Mandapika is a word unknown to Sanskrit köshas, but it seems to be the original term from which the Marathi word mandai and the Hindustani one mandi, both meaning market, have been derived. The three merchants mentioned above seem to have constituted the Town Committee in cbarge of the collection of the market taxes, which were usually collected in kind. The donation given by them was a trifling one, and they may have possessed discretionary powers to make it. Bhattā.

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138
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXIII.
raka Nagnaka, the donee, seems to have been a Saivite rather than a Jain monk, residing in the temple of Somanatha. He seems to have dispensed with clothing altogether, though he daily required some ghee for smearing his feet1.
The second gift was made on Vaisakha sudi 3 of Samvat 1075, probably corresponding to the 21st of April A. D. 1018. The donor Varanga is described as märggädäyė kauptika. The last word in this expression appears to be Sanskritic in origin, but it is not found in any Sanskrit dictionary. Kauptika seems to have been the name of an office connected with the collection of tolls on roads. The donation was made for the purpose of providing incense and sandal in the temple of Somanatha, and it consisted of five vrishabhas. On the analogy of varahas mentioned in 1. 7, we may conélude that vrishabha denotes not an ordinary bull but a coin, probably bearing the emblem of the said animal on one of its sides. The Paramāras are not known to have issued a currency of this description in Malava during the 11th century. Only one ruler of the dynasty, king Udayaditya of the Inscription A above, probably issued coins, but they bear the image of a seated goddess on one side and the name of the king on the other." In Central India and Rajputana gadhia paisās were current at this time, but they could not have been described as vrishabhas. At the time of our records the Hindu kings of Ohind and the Tomaras of Delhi were issuing silver and billon coins, having the horseman on the obverse and the bull on the reverse. Whether these coins were current in Malava and were popularly known as vrishabhas we do not know. A currency that could be more appropriately described by this term was issued in Malava, Gujarat and Käthiäwär by Skandagupta in the 5th century. One of his silver issues bore the king's head on one side and the bull on the other. This type was probably imitated by the rulers of Valabhi in subsequent centuries. It is not improbable that some local rulers or private moneyers of Malava may have continued to issue coins of this type down to the 11th century. Not impossibly the Paramara administration may also have done the same, though we have not so far discovered their coins of this fabric. Probably coins of such a type are described as vrishabhas in our record. Silver coins current in Central and Northern India at this time were usually 60 grains or about one-third of a tola in weight. Five orishabhas would therefore approximately correspond to Rs. 2. Their purchasing power, however, at the time of the grant would have been approximately equal to that of Rs. 10 in the present day. The record does not state whether this amount for incense and sandal was to be paid monthly or annually.
About nine years later than the last donation, viz., on the thirteenth day of the bright half of Magha of Samvat 1084, i.e., probably on the 12th of January A.D. 1028, three donations were given to the temple by Thakkura Devasvamin. In order to provide oil for the temple lamps, he assigned to the temple the entire produce of two of the oil mills owned by Thaiyäks, who is described as Tailika-raja, and who therefore was probably the chief of the guild of oilmen. He further undertook to give a daily gift of a vodi, i.e., vodri of cowries for providing incense at the parṇaśālā. Võḍri was equal to the fourth part of a copper pana, and since the latter was equal
1 [Since the gift is made to last as long as the sun and the moon (exist), it would be better to take Bhatta, raka Nagnaka as referring to an image and not to a person.-Ed.]
J. A. 8. B., Vol. XVI, p. 84.
Allan, Catalogue of Indian Coins, Gupta dynasties, p. 121. Ibid., p. ci.
Virasina and Sasanka have issued coins bearing a bull on the reverse, (Ibid., pp. 147-8, 151-2), but these coins could hardly be meant here. These gold coins could hardly have been known in Malava in the 11th century.
For the purchasing power of money at this time, see Altekar: The Rashtraktfas and their Times, pp. 378 fi

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TWO INSCRIPTIONS FROM SHERGADH.
No. 20.]
to 80 cowries, kapardaka-vodi must have been equal to 20 cowries. Copper panas were slightly bigger in weight than what a modern pice and a half would be. The donation for the daily incense was therefore slightly less than half a pice and its purchasing power would have been equal to that of half an anna of the present day. What exactly the parnasala was where this incense was to be burnt is difficult to guess. The term usually denotes huts for the hermits. It would appear that there were huts or sheds in the vicinity of the temple of Somanätha, where persons like Bhaṭṭāraka Nagnaka used to stay. If some of them required ghee for smearing their feet, others may quite possibly have felt the need of incense. The incense provided by Devasvāmin may probably have been meant for some worthies of the latter category.
139
The third donation of Devasvamin was the monthly payment of two varahas to be made on the occasion of the samkranti. The object of this donation is not stated; it was probably a contribution to the general funds of the temple. Vardhas are obviously the silver coins issued by the Pratihāra king Bhoja, and probably by some of his successors as well, which on one side had the image of a boar. These coins were also about 60 grains in weight; two of them would be equal to a twelve-anna silver piece, if one such were issued to-day. The present day value of the donation would be about three rupees and a half.
The lines 8-13 record the donations of several väsanikäs made to the temple by different individuals. Vasanika was a dwelling house of considerable dimensions; in the Siyadoni inscription two of the vasanikäs are described as consisting of four and three houses respectively." All told, eight houses were given by nine donors. Among these, six were merchants, one a mahallaka (probably a well-to-do landlord), one an oilman (who is identical with the chief of the guild of oilmen mentioned in 1. 5), and one a Sankhika. What precisely the last word denotes is difficult to say. The term may denote either a worker in shells or a person of mixed parentage, born of a Sūdra mother and a viśvakarma father. Probably we have to take the word in its first sense, since most of the donors are merchants.
For the temple establishment so many big houses were not necessary. It would appear that the temple management was expected to lease them either for residential or business purposes, and utilise the rent for the temple expenses.
Lines 13-15 describe the boundaries of Somanathapalli. Palli usually denotes a hamlet, but here it seems to denote an outlying suburb or a ward. Since the boundaries of Somanāthapalli are described immediately after the recording of the gift of eight big houses, it is probable that these latter may have constituted either a portion or the whole of Somanathapalli, which was obviously the name of that ward of Kösavarddhana, in which Sōmanatha temple was situated. To the east of this ward was the temple of Sōmanatha itself, to the south the river, to the west the house of Thakur Kundanaka and to the north a public thoroughfare. During my visit to Shergadh I found that it was possible to mark off a ward of the city in the vicinity of the modern temple of Lakshmi-Nārāyaṇa, satisfying these boundaries. Some distance to the west of this temple, there are still some houses which are even to-day owned by Thakurs. The Parwan river continues to flow to the south of this ward. The precise road which separated it on the north cannot be singled out. The temple on the east may very probably be the older temple of Somanatha rather than the modern one of Lakshmi-Narayana. Traces of the old temple, however, are not to be seen to-day.
[See above, p. 138, n.1-Ed.]
Rapson, Indian Coins, para. 110. Ante, Vol. I, p. 174, 11. 7 and 32.
Brahmavaivarta-purana as referred to in the Sabdakalpadruma under the term Sankhakara.

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140
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. XXIII.
TEXT. 1ों ॥ संवत् १०७४ वैसा(शा)खसुदि ३ पचयवतीयायां मंडपिकादाया
[*] (के)ष्ठिनरसिंहगोषथोरा2 दित्यै भट्टारकचोनम्नकस्य पादाभ्यंगाय दिन प्रति घृतकर्षम[क]प्रदत्तं ।'
आचन्द्रा[क] यावत् । 3 संवत् १०७५ वैसा(शा)खसुदि ३ श्रीसीमनाथदेवाय चंदनधूपनिमित्तं मार्मादाये
कौप्तिक4 वरंगेन(ण) मार्गादायात्(द) दत्त वृषभ ५ पाचंद्रार्क यावत् ॥ छ ।
संवत् १०८४ माघसुदि १३ 6 श्रीसोमनाथदेवस्य दीपतैलनिमित्त ठकुरदेवस्वामिना तैलिकराजथाइयाकघा
(णी) 8 हो प्रदत्तौ आचंद्रार्क यावत् । तथा पवसालायां धूपनिमित्त कपर्दकवो
डी(श्री) १ दिनं प्र7 ति दातव्या पाचंद्रार्क यावत् ॥ तथा मासवारके संक्रांती वराह(हो) हौ
प्रदत्तौ आचंद्रार्क 8 यावत् । [1] यस्य यस्य यदा भूमिस्तस्य तस्य तदा फलमिति ।
श्रीसोमनाथदेवस्य वणि 9 इंदामहिंदका[भ्यां] सत्का वासनिका प्रदत्ता । तैलिकथायाकन सवा वा
सनिका प्र10 दत्ता । [1] तथा वणि[*] सोढाकेन सत्का वासनिका प्रदत्ता ।
तथा वणिक(क) साइयाकेन सl का वासनिका प्रदत्ता । तथा वणिक(क)बीहरजसोमाभ्यां स्वकीया(यौ)
वासनिको हौ २ प्र
1 From the original stone and an ink-impression. · Expressed by a symbol. . The letter kaha is partly damaged. • Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar's reading चौरा• in untenables of. धूप and सीमनाथ in 1. 3. • This danda is superfluous. Read दत्तमा-. • Read दत्ता वृषभाः
. Read पर्णशालायां- Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar reads this as पासाला (Ind. Ant, Vol. XL, p. 176), but the second letter is clearly .
• Read वणिगण्यामिंदा. • The syllable ka is damaged.

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No. 21.]
UPALADA PLATES OF RANAKA RAMADEVA.
141
12 दत्तौ ॥ तथा वणिक (ग् ) महलकेन सत्का (i) विकलक्ष्मीधरेण
13 सत्का वासनिका प्रदत्ता श्री सोमनाथदेवपक्षिका पूवंतः देवमर्यादा |
वासनिका प्रदत्ता || तथा
पश्चिमतः
14 [ठ*]कुरकुडणक[स्य *] वासनिका मर्यादा । उत्तरतः मार्गमा (म)र्यादा | दक्षिणतः नदी मर्या
15 दा । चतुराघाटसाधिता श्रीसोमनाथदेवपत्रिका | मंगलं महाश्रीः ॥ ॥
No. 21.-UPALADA PLATES OF RANAKA RAMADEVA.
BY B. CH. CHHABRA, M.A., M.O.L., PH.D.(LUGD.), OOTACAMUND.
This set of copper plates is one of the nine sets acquired for the Indian Museum, Calcutta, in 1935, some of which have already been published. They are said to have been unearthed by a cultivator, while digging a field, in the village of Upalada in the Parlakimedi Taluk, Ganjam District. I received ink-impressions of the plates from Mr. N. G. Majumdar, Superintendent, Archæological Section, Indian Museum, for editing the record.
These are three copper plates, each measuring 7"x2". They weigh 106 tolas. Their rims are raised and the writing on them is consequently well preserved. The first and the third plates are inscribed only on the inner side, while the second bears writing on both the sides. The inscription consists of nineteen lines in all, three sides containing six lines each and the fourth only one. The plates were originally held together by a ring, about 23" in diameter, passing through the hole cut in the centre of each plate half an inch away from the left margin. The ends of the ring were soldered under a circular seal. This and the ring together weigh 22 tolas. The central portion of the seal is occupied by the figure of a standing boar, cut in high relief, facing the proper left. At the bottom is placed an elephant-goad (ankusa), and at the top another weapon that looks like a battle-axe. Against the hook of the ankusa is to be seen an oval-shaped object-perhaps a lotus-bud. The seal does not contain any legend.
1 There is a symbol between the two pairs of dandas. See above, pp. 73 and 78.
The characters belong to the northern class of about the 11th century, strongly influenced by the Nagari script. Letters like n and I show each two different forms; cf. n in -anudhyāta-, 1. 2 and -dana-, 1. 3; and I in kusalinaḥ, 1. 5 and sa-jala-sthala-, 1. 7. The language of the record is Sanskrit, though it also contains some vernacular terms in 11. 15-18 where boundaries of the donated village are defined. It is composed in prose, barring three of the customary verses found in 11. 9-15. The orthography of the document is as erroneous as its language is faulty. To instance the latter, the verb, adisanti or whatever it be, is missing after kusalinaḥ (1. 5), while some such word as upabhogyam is wanting after samtatīnām (1. 6). Among the orthographical peculiarities may be noted the usage of s for é and sh, of v for b, of y for j and of j for y. These and some other inaccuracies have been pointed out in the footnotes to the text as well as in the text itself.
The record is not dated, but may on palæographical evidence be assigned to the 11th or 12th century A.D. It was engraved by the goldsmith Taula.

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142
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXIII.
The object of the record is the grant of a village called Upalabadā to one Rēvaņa nāyaka by the Ränaka sri-Rāmadēva. The donee appears to have been an officer under the said Ränaka and might have received the gift as a reward for some heroic deed on his part. As regards his master, Ramadeva, we do not know anything from other sources, whilst the present epigraph relates so little of him. His title Ränaka, however, shows that he was a feudatory chief. Some conventional epithets added to his name indicate that he was a devout worshipper of Siva, had acquired the right to the Pancha Mahasabdas and was enjoying the favour of the goddess Agi. Besides, ne is styled Tailapa-vams-odbhava born in the family of Tailapa'. .
It appears that the Rānaka Ramadēva had not to his credit any achievement worth the name. The same may be said of his father and grandfather, since neither of them is mentioned in the record. The only prestige the Rāņaka could boast of seems to be his high descent as conveyed by his attribute Tailapa-vams-odbhava. This Tailapa, as is apparent from the manner in which he is adverted to in the inscription, must have been a great personality or a mighty ruler reputed enough to be the pride even of his indirect descendants and distant relations: Ramadēva could not have been & direct descendant of Tailapa, for in that case the inscription would have specifically described him so.
Now as to who this Tailapa was, we know of several kingse who bore this name, but the one with whom Tailapа of our record can reasonably be identified is, I think, the famous Chalukya monarch, Tailapa II, who is credited with outstanding military achievements, and whose bitter rivalry with the Paramāra sovereign, Vakpati Muñja, is well-known. Further support to this identification is lent by the fact that the lāfichhana, consisting of a standing boer, an elephantgoad, etc., depicted on the seal of the Rūnaka Rámadēva's inscription, is the same as is usually found on the seals of the Chēlukya records. We may thus suppose that the Ranaka Ramadēva was a feudatory of and related to a Chalukys ruler subsequent to the time of the Chalukya Tailapa II whose death occurred towards A.D. 998.
of the places mentioned in the record, Upalabada, the granted village, is apparently the same as Upalada where the plates have been discovered, while Chikhali-sthiti from where the grant was issued cannot definitely be identified.
TEXT.
First. Plate. 1 Om' avasti [ll*] Chikhali-sthitau parama-m[a]b[@]svara- samadhigata-pam2 cha-maha-sa(sa)vda(bda)-mātā-pitsi-păd-ánudhyātā(ta)-satya-sau(sau)rya-daya
1 Agi obviously stands for Agni. In Vedic and later Sanskrit literature Agns is invariably a male deity. His mention here as goddess (devt) is owing to the vernacular influence. In Hindi and cognato tongues the word og fire is feminine. Agidevä as the name of a female occurs in an early Prakrit inscription from Sanchi, see above Vol. II, p. 371.
* For instance three kings of the Chalukya dynasty and two of the Kadamba family bore the name Taila or Tailapa (ne Index to G. M. Moraes's The Kadamba Kula).
*Cf. D. C. Ganguly, Hist. of the Paramara Dynasty, p. 61. Cf. above, Vol. V, pp. 20, 135.
This locality cannot be far removed from the donated village, as the principality under the Ranaka Rāma. deva may not have been a very large one. Mention of one Chikhall-udjaka is found in the Madras Museum plates of Vajrahasta III : Saka 984 (above, Vol. IX, p. 95), but this place is not identified either. Chikhali-grama of the Kanker Plates of Pamparijadeva (Ibid., p. 168) is in C. P.
• From ink-impressions. * Expressed by a symbol.

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UPALADA PLATES OF RANAKA RAMADEVA.
LdA =ে ১ না।
-ধন
লং(নক্ষত্ৰীণৰ মানৱপ্ৰয়হাম (র মাত্র। Aমদনলগ্রাম।"6ার ২নী ?
২/ বাঙৰীৰণৰ ব্ৰহসন |
7 ভেবে মারা যায় ?
ল ক বামবে গ্রামঃকাল ৪ ]] রর. 6EYন (মনি নব নিবনগত ক্রেস্ট প্রমাণ
{{ান সবই বমি মন্ত্রী *12Tযাস৷তল 3 গ্যজনকল ৪ || বেরুনঃনিস বযত্নে 1ok তেরে না ত বেসাদ যাডেল 10 | Acs স ম মেঘ, f (ব, সে যz. 12 ম ক হে- 3ন স্থানীয় বন কে ?
i,b.
ব(A JE/TXহাতে ঘষম্বোজান। 14 [ TIRন সু ন6 লোক া ১ 14
সা। কলড Tঠা&ে 6 5৭-) 16 > গ্রন হয়। প্রথম ঠোণ(ম। ১/ [ 16
নত্র উঠে এrণারলেন ( বাৰr: 18 নন-যান ভেলকি (0)(১৯৯৭] 18
Seal: Actual Size.
-ম্বনান।
SCALE: THREE-FOURTHS.
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. REit No. 3998 E'35-295,
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALOUTTA

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No. 22.] THE MELPATTI INSCRIPTION OF VIJAYA-KAMPAVIKRAMAVARMAN. 143
3 dāna-guņa-sa[m*]pad-adhāra?-bhți(bhūta-Agidēvi-vara-lavdha(bdha)-prasāda4 Tailapa-vams(6)-odbhava-mahāvijaya-räja-pravarddhamā6 na-Rāņaka-sri-Rāmadēva-pādāḥ kusalinaḥ [l*) yāvacha(ch=cha)6 ndr-ärka-mēdinio vartatē tāvata putra-pautra-samtatinām
Second Plate; First Side. 7 sa-jala-sthala-chatu[h*]-si(si)m-āvachhi(chchhi)nanna)-a-chatta-bhatta pravēsa? Rēva8 naņa)-[nā ?]yakasya Upalabadā-grāmõ=yar prasida(ar)krito 18. 9 smābhi[Bm*] tảmyra(mra sẵ(84)sanaholi*] Agoi | na vens-kha[y]ẽ khi[n]ẽ 10 yē kē chēta rājā bhavisāti [1*] tasa pādē la11 [gnoj='ham mama data m=Õpaharēta II Agumēka pada12 m=ēkam yo [ha]rēta vasundharam [l*] divan varsa-sahasrā[n]
Second Plate ; Second Side. 13 [yā]yatē vrahmarakhasa ICID)0 Sva-datam para-datam=vā jo harēta va14 sundhari [*] sashthim=varsha-sahasrāņi narakāyā jāyāta ksi15 mi KID pu(pūrva-koņa ulumvara-gā[a ?Ji-11gandhish *] utatta)ra16 disa(si) palatsal-sandhi[h 1*] paschima-köņaņē) [s]oma-rukha-18 17 sadhdhi(ndhi)[h *] dakhi(kshi)ņa-kora(nē) pāchalisandhish 1*] Vaga-suta 1
Pakha 18 [1 !Jitilajasi-sandhish /*] Taula-gvarna(rņa)karēnā(na) li(li)khitam ta.
Third plate. 19 mvra(mra)sā (sā)sanaḥ(nam) [II*]
No. 22.-THE MELPATTI INSCRIPTION OF VIJAYA-KAMPAVIKRAMAVARMAN.
BY V. VENKATASUBBA AIYAR, B.A., MADRAS. This inscription15 is engraved on a hero-stone set up in a field to the north of the railway sta. tion at Mālpatti in the Gudiyattam taluk of the North Arcot District. Beneath the record is cut
1 The anusvára is indioated by a mere dot which is to be seen below me of mata in the previous line. * There appears to be a superfluous vertical stroke after dha. • The absence of sandhi here is ungrammatical. • The singular here is ungrammatical. . Above te & superscript seems to have been first engraved and then erased. • Read tavat. * Read a-châta-bhafa-pravēšyo. . Perhaps we have to read - Sasa nena.
Here follow the verses. Their text, which is highly corrupt in the inscription, is given without any emendations, as they are quite well-known.
10 The scribe seems to have confused two different verses, vie., Advamëdha, etc., and Suvarnam-kam, eto.. cf. above Vol. II, p. 310.
1 What is meant is perhaps adumbura-gadi. Qadi seems to be a vernacular term. Cf. above Vol. XXI. p. 41, text l. 46.
11 Read plaksha13 Read -vriksha14 Probably påfali- is to be read. 15 No. 172 of 1921 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection.
02

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[VOL. XXIII.
in bas-relief the figure of a warrior advancing to the proper left with a bow in his left hand and a sword in his right. Though the stone is exposed to the ravages of the weather, the inscription has not suffered any damage, since the letters, as is usually the case with such stones, are incised deeply.
The language of the record is Tamil which does not call for any special remarks. A few words which occur in the epigraph, however, require explanation. In the Tamil poem Maduraikkāñchi, the word kävidi1 is used in the sense of a title given to experienced and capable ministers. The Tamil Nighantu explains this term as an accountant'. In our record it is used as a title given to a warrior. The word erittu3 (1. 6) is used in the sense of having defeated'.
The inscription is dated in the 10th year of Vijaya-Kampavikramavarman and records the death of a soldier of Vaparaiyar while attacking the army of Prithvigangaraiyar stationed at Kavannur in Miyāru-nādu, a subdivision of Paduvür-köṭṭam. This hero is distinguished in the record by the title 'who took Perunagar'. It may be pointed out here that Dr. Hultzsch explained this title occurring in a slightly modified form, viz., ' Perunagar-agarakkonḍa-kkāvidi's as the chief of Kondar of Perunagar-Agaram and took Kondar as equivalent to Kondakkarar, a caste of fishermen. That this word is not used as a noun but as a verb qualifying 'Perunagar' will be evident from the present epigraph. The term has, therefore, to be interpreted as 'the kāvidi who took Perunagar-Agaram'.
This inscription helps us to determine the position of Kampavarman in the genealogy of the later Pallavas. About 35 inscriptions of this king have so far been secured, mainly in the Conjeeveram and Saidapet taluks of the Chingleput District and Arkōnam, Cheyyar, Gudiyattam, Vellore and Wandiwash taluks of the North Arcot District. These records which are dated from his 2nd to 32nd' regnal years do not help us much in determining the exact period of his rule. Dr. Hultzsch gave a definite lead in this direction by explaining the name of the temple of NandiKampisvara occurring in a record from Solapuram as having been so called after Kampa, the son of Nandi, and thus he postulated that Kampa must have been the son of Nandivarman III and the brother of Nripatungavarman. Mr. K. V. Subrahmanya Ayyar made a further suggestion and stated that, Nandivarman III might have married a daughter of Kambha (or Stambha), the eldest son of the Rashtrakuta king Dhārāvarsha Dhruva and the name Kampavarman, just like Nripatunga, might have been derived from Kambha, the maternal grandfather of Kampavarman. Since the genealogy furnished in the Velurpālaiyam and Bahur plates does not allow us to place him before Nripatunga, and as he cannot be placed after Nripatunga, Mr. Ayyar concluded that Kampavarman must have been a joint ruler with either Nripatunga or Aparajita or with both.
1 Ll. 493-9.
Compare Tellärr-erinda Nandivarman'. Generally in hero-stones, the nature of the death of the hero is also specified as vilundu paffär' (i.e., fell and died), konru pattar (s.e., killed and died), mittu pattar (i.e., rescued and died), etc.
Above, Vol. IV, pp. 180 and 182.
For a similar use of the word konda cf. the terms 'Madirai-konda Parakesari', 'Madirai-konda Rājakēsari', 'Kachchiyum Tañjaiyum konda Kannaradeva', 'Madiraiyum Ilamum konda Rājādhirajadēva', etc., occurring too frequently in inscriptions.
A stray record has also been found at Mallam in the Gudur taluk of the Nellore District (No. 498 of 1908) and another at Olakkur in the Tindivanam taluk of the South Arcot District (No. 357 of 1909) adjoining the Wandiwash taluk.
No. 402 of 1923 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection.
No. 144 of 1924 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection.
Above, Vol. VII, p. 196. Nandikampa figures also as the name of a village in the inscriptions at Pallikopda in the North Arcot District, dated between Saka 878 and 885 (Nos. 473 and 469 of 1925).
Above, Vol. XX, pp. 48-49.

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No. 22) THE MELPATTI INSCRIPTION OF VIJAYA-KAMPAVIKRAMAVARMAN. 145
This conclusion arrived at by Mr. Subrahmanya Ayyar is confirmed by the present inscription as will be shown presently!
The name of the soldier who took Perunagar is not given in our record; but he may be identified with Akaļankattuvarāyar who figures with the same title, viz., 'who took Perunagar'in & record dated in the 26th year of Nřipatunga, from Ambūr in the North Arcot District, not far from Mēlpaţti. This soldier, according to the present inscription, died in the 10th year of Kampavarman, while his son and nephew fell in a cattle raid in the 26th year of Nřipatunga. The question then to be settled is whether Akaļankattuvarāyar died prior to his son and nephew; in other words, whether the 10th year of Kampavarman was prior to the 26th, i.e., the last year of Nțipatunga. From the fact that the son and father died in different reigns, one point is clear that, the reigns of Nřipatunga and Kampavarman should have closely followed each other. If Akalanka had died earlier, Kampa should have been either a joint ruler with Nřipatunga or his contemporary ruling over a portion of the Pallava territory, because according to the Bāhūr plates, he could not be accommodated before Nřipatunga ; but if, on the uther hand, we suppose that Akaļanka had died after his son, Kampa's rule should be placed immediately after that of Nțipatunga. The latter alternative is not possible, because we know that Nripatunga was a contemporary of Varaguna' (circa 862 A. D.) and that Aparajita lost his kingdom to the Cholas about A. D. 8884 and that within this period of 26 years, both Kampa with a reign of 32 years and Aparajita with one of 18 years could not be accommodated.
One difficulty with regard to the contemporaneity theory is that inscriptions of both Nřipatunga and Kampa are found at Uttaramalūr, Kävērippakkam and Tiruvorriyūr. That Kampa was an independent ruler and not a subordinate under Nřipatunga will be evident from the grants issued in his own name and regnal years. If Nripatunga and Kampa were independent contemporary rulers, how could we have the inscriptions of both these rulers in identical villages ? This would be possible if these kings were administering the whole of the Pallava dominions jointly or if the three villages mentioned above were on the border and where the overlordship of both the rulers was recognised.
We may approach the contemporaneity theory from another standpoint. The Bānas and the Western Gangas were generally opposed to each other about this time, and their enmity ceased for a time by the marriage of Kundavaiyār, the daughter of Přithvipati I with the Bāņa King Bāņavidyadhara. The fight at Kävangur mentioned in our inscription must then represent, one of the series of fights that were being waged between the two dynasties. There were two Prithvigangaraiyars about this time, one was the chief of Pangaļa-nadu and the other was Prithvipati I, son of Sivamira II. Since the former had died by the 8th year of Kampavarman, we may identify
1 An attempt has recently been made to prove that Kampavarnan was the son of Aparajita and that he ruled from A. D. 907-933 (Journal of Oriental Research, Vol. VI. pp. 224 ff). The author of this theory connects a record of Kampa (No. 372 of 1911 of the Madras Epigraphical collection), wherein Niralijana-guru figures as the donor, with another record of the Rashtrakūta king Kapparadeva (No. 181 of 1912 of the Madras Epigraphical collection) which states that Chaturanana pandita received initiation at the hands of Nirajana.guru. The initial mistake of this theory lies in identifying the guru of Chaturanana, vis., Nirajans with the Nirajana of Kampavarman's time. The author himself admits that the successors of Chaturanana were known by the same name. On the same analogy the successors of Nirajana might have been called after their guru and therefore, the two Nirajanas mentioned above might be different persons. He ignores the implications of the name Nandi-Kampa. From palmographical evidence also Kamps cannot be brought dowa to 10th century A. D.
*Above, Vol. IV, p. 182. No. 300 of 1921 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection.
Above, Vol. XX, p. 49. Since the Pallava power ceased about this time, we find the Banas also who were hitberto subordinate to the Pallavas nasuming independence and issuing records in their own name.
For similar instancesce page 45, A. R. on South Indian Epigraphy for 1930-31. Above, Vol. VII, p. 193.

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146
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA,
[VOL. XXIII.
the Pirudigangaraiyar mentioned in our record with the latter. Dr. Hultzsch has indentified the Bāņavidyādhara mentioned above with Vikramāditya I, who figures as a subordinate of Nřipatunga in the latter's 24th year. This is the latest known date when the Bāņa chief figures as a subordinate under the Pallavas. Soon after, Vijayāditya Il, the son of the Bāņa chief Vikramaditya I mentioned above, seems to have declared his independence, as his records are dated in Saka years without mentioning any overlord. Since the Bāņa chief figures as a subordinate of the Pellava king in the present inscription, this record may be placed prior to the 24th year of Nřipatunga and it also seems probable that the 24th year of Nřipatunga should have closely followed the 10th year of Kampa without any long interval in the middle
Since a certain Aparājita, probably named after the king of that name, figures as the donor in the 15th year of Kampavarman' the latter might have been a contemporary of the Pallava king Aparajita also. Kampavarman might, therefore, have been a contemporary of both Nřipatunga and Aparajita. His position may be said to be analogous to that of the Chola-Pāndya viceroys in the Pandya country in the 11th century A. D.
Regarding the position of the Pallava territory about this period, it may be stated that, during the time of Nřipatunga, it extended from Lālguļi and Nārttāmalai in the south to Conjeeveram and Gudimallam in the north. Nřipatunga's father Nandivarman III was a subordinate of the Pāņdya king, but in the time of Nộipatunga the situation was reversed; Varaguņa II appears as # subordinate of Nțipatunga in his 18th years; the Chēļas had not by this time risen to the status of an independent power; the matrimonial alliance with the Rashtrakūtas saved the Pallava empire from trouble from that quarter; and the Gangas, i.e., Prithvipati I and his successork, and the Bānas were also subordinate to the Pallavas. Nřipatunga was able to hold this empire intact, probably with the assistance of Kampavarman but towards the close of the reign of the former, we find the several neighbouring powers including the Nolambas rising to prominence with the result that the Pallava dominion diminished to such a, extent as to embrace, in the time of Aparajita, the Saida pet, Ponneri and Conjeeveram taluks in the Chingleput District and portions of the Tiruttani taluk in the Chittoor District. This small territory was easily conquered by the rising Cholas under Aditya I.
The next point for consideration is that Akalankattuvarāyar figures in Pallava records as a soldier under both the Ganga and Bāņa rulers thus indicating the subordinate position occupied by the two latter rulers under Pallava monarchy.
The Bāna ruler mentioned in our inscription is probably identical with Vikramaditya Vanavidyadhara, who also figures in the 24th year of Nřipatunga. His warrior whom we have identified with Akaļankattuvarāyar claims to have taken Perunagar, which is a village about 13 miles from Conjeeveram on the road to Wandiwash. From whom could he have taken Perunagar? The inscriptions of this village do not give us any clue. The Ganga king Durvinita claims victories over his enemies at Andari, Alattūr, Porulare and Pernagara. The last mentioned village was probably identical with Perunagar mentioned in the present inscription. However, during the last year of Nřipatunga, the Nolambas attacked the Tondaimandalam region, especially the portion surrounding Ambür. Possibly it was from the Nolambas that the town of Perunagar was
1 No. 42 of 1898 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection. *A. R. on South Indian Epigraphy for 1930-31, p. 38. • No. 360 of 1921 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection. (1.e.) Prithvipati I. Ep. Carn. Vol. XII, Tm. 23; ibid., Vol. IX, Db. 68.

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MELPATTI INSCRIPTION OF VIJAYA KAMPAVIKRAMAVARMAN.
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Reg. No. 3977 E'36 295.
SCALE: ONE-SEVENTH.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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No. 23.) A GRANT OF THE GURJARA KING JAYABHATA III: YEAR 486.
147
Captured by Akalankattuvariyar. This view is strengthened by the fact that a Nolamba is said to have ruled as far as Käfichi in a record from Hindupur, dated in Saka 776 (A. D. 853).
The territorial division Paduvür-kottam was in Tondaimandalam and it roughly comprised the modern Veilore and Gudiyattam taluks in the North Arcot District. It included the following nädus, viz., (1) Pangala-nādu, (2) Mugai-nādu, (3) Peruntimiri-nadu, (4) Miyarunādu, (5) Mēl- Adaiyāru-nädu, (6) Karaivali Andi-nādu and (7) Kārai-nădu. Mlyäru-nādu also known as Miyårai-nādu included the present Tiruvallam in the North Arcot District and the surrounding region. The village Kävapnür may be identified with the village of the same name in the Gudiyattam taluk.
TEXT.
1 KO-Visaiya Kampavikkiramaparumasku (yā)2 ņdu pattāvadu Paduvür-kkottattu Miy[Ā*]ru-năttu-kKa. 3 vappur? Pirudigangaraiyar dandu nikka Vāņa4 [raiyar) padaivar Pe[runa]gar-kkonda-kkāvadit nedirttu5 [v=aniyar] 6 [e]rittu 7 patřār [Il*]
TRANSLATION
(During the) tenth year (of the reign of the victorious Kampavikkiramaparumar-(when) the army (of) Pirudi-Gangaraiyar (as) stationed (at) Kävangur in Miyasu-nadu, (a subdivision of Paduvür-kottam, the Kāvadi who took Perunagux (and) the soldier of Vāņaraiyar, fell (after) attacking (and) defeating (the army of the enemy.
No. 23.–A GRANT OF THE GURJARA KING JAYABHATA III:'[KALACHURI) YEAR 486.
By G. V. ACHARYA, PRINCE OF WALES Museum, BOMBAY. These two plates were received by the Prince of Wales Museum from the Bombay Branch Royal Asiatic Society in 1920 when the Society's Collection was lent to that Museum. Their original find-spot is not known. Both the plates measure 122' x 10", while the holes, 5' apart in each plate and meant for rings and the seals, are in diameter. Neither the seals nor the rings are forthcoming. Both the plates are damaged at the top left hand corners and consequently some por. tions of the writing are lost. There are several small holes due to corrosion in the body of the plates also. Both of these are inscribed on the inner side only and their rims are thickened to protect the writing. There are 28 lines in the first and 23 in the second plate. The average size of the letters is". The engraving is carefully done and there are very few mistakes. The characters are of the northern type and very much resemble those found on Valabhi
1 No. 588 of 1912 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection. * Kavannür is used in the locative sense.
* The reading in the Ambūr record (above, Vol. IV, p. 182) is Perunagar-agarakkonda kkāvidi, but it must be corrected as Perunagar-kkonda-kkavidi. The engraver seems to have unnecessarily added the letters ka and ra. Such typographical errors are common in inscriptions.

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[VOL. XXIII.
plates. The language is Sanskrit and, excepting a few imprecatory and benedictory verses at the end, the whole inscription is in prose.
The object of the plates is to record the grant of the village Mannātha situated in the Bharukachchha-vishaya to Bhatta-Uchchada son of Adityanāga, a Brahmin of Hētāvuka class who had come out from the district (āhāra) called Lõhigakakshapathaka, who belonged to Kaundinya gotra and was a student of Vāji-Mādnyandina branch of the Yajur-Vēda. The grant was made for the performance of the five great sacrifices' viz., Bali, Charu, Vaisvadeva, Agnihotra and Atithi. The donor of the grant was Jayabhata (III) of the Gurjara family of Broach.
The date of the grant is given at the end both in words and in figures as the fifteenth day of the dark half of the month of Asvayuja of the year 486 (of the Chēdi era) cortesponding to A. D. 736.
Samgulla, the son of Alla, is the scribe and Dēiyaka is the dutaka of the grant. At the end there is the sign manual of Sri-Jayabhata.
Of the three place names mentioned in the grant Bharukachchha stands for the present Broach. It is not possible to locate Lohigakakshapathaka, while as regards the village granted, in the absence of the details about the boundaries, we have to look up for the name of some modern village having greatest possible resemblance with the name Mannātha. I would suggest Manad about a mile and a half north-east of Mehegam on the north bank of the river Narbadā.
The plates under consideration have great historical importance in that they conclusively decide the line of succession of the Gurjara princes, showing at the same time that the genealogy accepted so far stands in need of correction.
The genealogy framed by Dr. Bhagwanlal is given in Bombay Gazetteer and is accepted by Prof. Bhandarkar in the revised list of inscriptions of Northern India'. The line of succession according to these scholars is as follows:
Dadda I. K. 330. Jayabhata I. (Vītaräga) K. 355. Dadda II. (Praśāntarāga) K. 380, 385, 392. Jayabhata II. K. 405. Dadda III. (BĀhusahāya) K. 430.
Jayabhata III. K. 456, 486.
Three plates of Dadda II (Pradāntarāga) dated Saka 400, 415 and 417 have to be left out of consideration because they have been accepted as spurious.
The name of Ahirðla, the son of Jayabhata II and father of Jayabhata III, is known to us for the first time from these plates, and we are now in a position to say that the Nausäri plates of K. 456 are not of Jayabhata III as supposed by Dr. Bhagwanlal, but must be attributed to Jayabhata II. In the Nausäri plates the genealogy stops with Jayabhata II whose description agrees with that of the same ruler in the present record. In the 2nd plate of Jayabhata III dated K. 486 unfortunately the earlier descriptive portion is lost but the description of Jayabhata III is exactly similar to that of the donor of the present grant, which starts from the middle of line 21. These facts conclusively prove that the Nausāri plates of K. 456 are to be attributed to Jayabhata II and the incomplete grant (second plate) of K. 486 and the present record both to
1 Certain other verses seem to occur in II. 30-32.-Ed.) Ab ve, Vol. XX, Appendix, pp. 161 f. Ibid., Vol. V, p. 113.
* VOLI, Pt. 1, p. 114. . Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, pp. 77 ft.

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No. 23.)
A GRANT OF THE GURJARA KING JÁYABHATA III: YEAR 486.
149
S
Jayabhata III, son of Ahirola and grandson of Jayabhata II. The order of succession, therefore, would stand thus :
Dadda I. K. 330, 346. Jayabhata I. K. 355. Dadda II. (Bahusahāya) K. 380, 385, 392. Jayabhata II. K. 405, 456. Ahirola.
Jayabhata III. K. 486.
While Dadda I and Jayabhata I are referred to with the simple honorific title fri, Dadda II seems to have assumed more power and strength, as he is styled Parama-Māhesvara, Samadhigatapancha-mahāśabda and Bāhusahāya. The three remaining princes—Jayabhata II, Ahirola and Jayabhata III—have each the additional epithet of Mahäsämantādhipati.
The epithet Samadhigata-paitcha-mahatabda has been differently translated by different scholars. I always preferred to translate it as one who has obtained the prosperity and the privilege of five kinds of musical instruments and this meaning I am now in a position to support by a passage in Mahasudassana Suttantawhere Kulāvati, the capital of the great king Sudassana is described as resounding with ten sorts of sounds (dasa-sadda, Skt. dasa-labda) and these sounds are detailed as the sounds of elephants, horses, chariots, bhëri, mutinga, viņā, etc. In Pāli literature the expression Panchatūriyo is also used in a similar sense.'
TEXT.
First Plate. 1 [ .. . ... .. satata-lakshmi')-nivasa-bhūtë trishņā-santapa-birini dina
nātha vistārit-anu[bhāvē] dvija2 [kul-opajivyamana-vibhava-sālini] mahati mahārā[ja-Ka]ron-a[nva]yo kamalakaka(ra)
iva rajahamsaḥ prava(ba)la-[ka]li-kala3 (vilasit-akulita-vimala-svabhävo gambhir-6]-dara-charita-vismāpita-sakala-lokapāla-ma
nasa[h param[ēsvara-bri-Ha]rshadēv-ábhibhūta Va 4 [labhl-pati-paritrāņ-opa]jāta-bhramad-adabhra-subhr-abhra-vibbhrama-yabő-vitāna[h*) sri
Daddas-tasya sā[nur-a-bankit-agata-pranayi5 [jan-opabhukta-vibhava-sam Jchay-õpachiyamāna-ma[no]-nirveitir = anēka - kantaka - vansa
(varsa)-samdöha-dāha-du[zllallita-pratāp-analo ni6 [sita-nistrinsa(strimsa)-dhārā]-därit-arāti-kari-kumbha-mukta-muktāphala-chchhal-ollasita
yaso-nsu(mbu)k-āvagunthita-dig-va[dhū]-vadana-sara1 Prof. C. S. Srinivasachari, M.A., of Annamalainagar has in his article " Further light on Panchamahababda" road at the Seventh Oriental Conference held at Baroda summarised the views of the opposite schools and on the strength of Vijayanagara inscriptions has discarded the interpretation of Sir Aurel Stein and Sir Walter Elliot and supported the views of Dr. S. K. Ayyangar and Mr. Padmanath Bhattacharya.
Digha Nikaya, Vol. II, p. 170 (P. T. S. ed.). My attention to this reference was drawn by my nephew Mr. R. K. Acharys.
• 1 sm indebted to Dr. N. P. Chakravarti for kindly going through this article and suggesting additions and alterations.
. From the original plates and photographe.
The text portions within the square bracketa in the beginnings of the first fourteen lines have been supplied from the Nausāri Plates, Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, pp. 77 ff.
• There is a superfluous mark of punctuation here. It consists of two dots or small dashes, one above the other. There are more such marks in the body of the inscription. In some cases they are represented by a single dash,
This is what the Nausari Plates actually read. To this is added the editor's note : "the sonso requires us to correct this into vilasit-anakulita."
* This portion has also been taken from tho Nansart Plates.

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150
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXIII.
7 (sijah sri-]Jayabhatas-tasy=ātmajo mahāmuni-Manu-pranita-pravachan-adhigama-vivēka
sva-dharmm-ānushthana-spravano') [valmn-asrama. 8 (vyavasth-on]mū'ita-sakala-kali-ka(ka)l-ävaipah
pranayi-jana-manõratha-vajaya vyatita-vibhava-sampidan-a[paluit-āšēja(sha)9 pārtthiva-dan-abhima(ma)no mada-vivas-ānkus-ātivartti-kupita-kari-nivārana-prathita
guru-gaj-adhirõhana-prabhāvāt vips10 [t-pra]pāta-patita-narapati-sat-abhyuddharana-nikhila-loka-visra(sru)ta-par- opakāra - kā(ka)
rana-vyasanalprächya-pratichy-adhiraja-vijsimbhi11 [ta)-maha-samgrāma-narapati-s hasra-parivär.t-ānēka-gaja-ghatā-vighatana-prakațita-bhuja
viryya-vikhyāta-Bāhusahāy-apa12 [ra]-nāmā parama-mahēśvaraḥ samadhigata-pancha-mabi-sabda[h*) sri-Daddas
tasya sūnur=anēka-samara-sarghatta-ghana-ghatita-gaja-gha 13 stal-patana-patur asahishnu-vana-gahana-dāv-analo din-änäth-atura-suhrit=svajana
vanna-kumudākara-kaumudi-niśäkaro [Bhag]i14 [ra]thi-pravāha iva vipaksha-kshõbha-kshamah' Santanursiva samudbhūta-kä(ka)lakal
ärāva-maha-vähini-patir-Adi-Tha(Va)rāha iva sva-bhuja-va(ba)la15 paräkram-oddhșita-dhara-dharah? parama-mähöśvarah samadhigata-pancha-maha
sabda(bdo) maha-samant-adhipati[h*] śri-Jayabhatas-tasya sutaḥ sauryya)16 darpp-oday-õttung-õttamānga-bhūpāla-mauli-mālā-chumbita-charaņa-yugalaḥ sakal-abhiga
mik-adi-gun-anurāga-nisrbbhajra-ma17 nasa svayam-vrito raja-lakshmya kaumud-indu-didhiti-chakravāla-vimala-yasah-sēkha
rita-Meru-sikharo ran-angan-agata-vara-vai18 ri-văranu-gha[ta)-koti-kuddä(ttā)ka-dörddandas-chatur-vvidy-adhigam-Öpabçin hi(bsimhi)ta
prajñ-atisaya-samyak-pravarttita-nīti-märgg-anu[ra]mji(ranji)ta19 prakritih praksiti-ka lyān-āśayatvād-a-sprishtaḥ kali-kala-kälimná sannihita-yauvan
opanat-ananta-vishay-opabhoga-saukhyē 20 sahaja-latrutayā valikrist-ëndrilya-grāmah shald gu[n]ya-prayoga-nipunah Sakti
rla(tra)y-Opachita-mahimā parama-mahesvarah sama21 [dhi]gata-pañcha-mahā-sabda(bdo) maha-samanta(nt-ā)dhipati[h*) srīs mad-A]hirolas-tasya
sakala-bhuvana-tilakasyrātmajo nija-guna-gana-mal-alam
1 This word is not clear in the present inscription. The corresponding reading in the Nausāri Plates is prarani which the editor has suggested to correct into pravand or pravíno. Pravaró, however, fits better, and that has been adopted here.
2 [Instead of rajaya read vishaya. The Nausart Plates correctly read vishaya, but the given text contains vilaya which does not suit the sense. B. C. C.)
* The position on the plate shows that there must have been & syllable or two before the word partthira. The Nausäri Plates, however, contain nothing between asësha and .partthiva.
• There is a superfluous mark of punctuation here. It consists of two dots or small dashes, one above the other. There aro more such marks in the body of the inscription. In some cases they are represented by a single dash.
5 Instead of ranna read bandhu.
With this compare the passage in Bana's Harshacharita ("Nirnaya-sagar' Press, Bombay, 4th edition, p. 39): ... paksha-kshoba-kshamah, ..... Bhagirathi-praváha va pávanah pravartala vipulo rowisah.-B.C.C.)
* The corresponding reading in the Nausäri Plates appears to be the same as in the present plates, though that portion is somewhat obscure there and has been road as-oddhila-dharanib). • The letter p in the conjunct syllable looks more like sh.
• This ka appears like ka

Page #208

A GRANT OF THE GURJARA KING JAYABHATA III: [KALACHURI] YEAR 486,
ER
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI.
SCALE: THREE-FIFTHS.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

Page #209

1、2年はし
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をいれてお ロース 233028
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としています。
いいえ

Page #210

No. 23.)
A GRANT OF THE GURJARA KING JAYABHATA III : YEAR 486.
181
22 krito=nēka-narëndra-vrindāraka-vrinda-vandita-charan-äravinda-dvayah kund-enda
sita-sinduvära-kusuma-dhavala-yasah-sudha-dha23 valita-sakala-dha[rā-ma]odala[h*] pratāpa(p-ā)nala-kavalit-akhila-jagad-upaplavo durv.
vāra-sar-sära-samutsä[r]i[ta)24 [saka]l-arāti-chakravālaḥ pradhāna-pradhana-pradhāvita-prakața-kari-ghaţā-pātana-patuh
($us=)ohatula-ran-āngan-āvangan[äranga)25 na-tunga- turangama-(pra ?]kara-bhanga-bhāsuro: drava-dalita-dvirada [kumbha-sthali-*]
mukta-muktāphala-nikara-dantur-äsi-lata-marichi-nichaya26 mi(mē)chakita-dakshiņa-bāhu-sikharaḥ padmākara i[va*) prakat-ana(nē)ka-lakshano na
punar=mmal-āsayaḥ kshapakara i[va) 27 sakala-kalā-[ka]lāp-āñchito na punar=ddõsha-karaḥ sāgara i[v=a]ntah-pravēsita-vipaksha
bhū28 bhțin-mandalo na punaḥ(nar=)grāh-ākulah(16) Nārāyana iva Sudarsana-chakra
Second Plate. 29 [kshapita-*)vipaksho [na pu]naḥ kṣishṇa-svabhāvaḥ(vő) Hara iv=āvgikțita-bhūti-nicha/yö]
na pu[na]r-bhujanga-pa30 [rigraha"]ḥ | Bäl-ēndu-[bimba)-pratimēna yēna pravarddhama(mā)na-sva-tan-ūdayēna [1] praņāma-kämõ=lpa-karēņa lö-
. 31 [kaḥ kṣió]tāṁja(t-āñja)liḥ kāntimatā k[ri]to=yan(yam) || Su(A)si-dbārā-jalēna sāmitaḥ
prasabha-Valabhi-patēh? purē yön=āsēsha-löka-sa32 ..kalāpadatajjik-ānala) Ja[rā]bhata-jaladaḥ [ēsha] sa vigiyatē dēva-vadhū
kadamb[ai]+=npipa-sata-makuta-ratna-kiraņa(n-a)vali33 [ram*lji(ranji)ta-pāda-pankajaḥ samadhigata-pancha-mahā-sabda(bdo) mahārsamant-adhi
pati-bri-Jayabhataḥ kusali sarvvän-eva raja-sa34 manta-vishayapati-rashtra-grāma-mahattar-adhikärik-adin=eamanudarsayaty-astu vah
samviditam yathā mayā mātā-pitro35 =ā[tmana]s=ch=aihik-amushmika-punya-yaső-bhivsiddhayė Lõhigakakshapakath-āhāra
vinirggata-tat-traividya-sāma(mā)nya-Kauņdinya-sa-gotra
1 The letter p in the conjunct syllable looks more like sh.
There is a superfluous mark of punctuation here. It consists of two dote or small dasbes, one above the other. There are more such marks in the body of the inscription. In some cases they are represented by a single dash.
This word has been supplied from the Kävi grant of Jayabhata III, Ind. Ant., Vol. V, p. 113. [This reading is mere conjecture.-B.C.C.] These two syllables have likewise been supplied from the Kivi grant. Metre Upajäti.
* This also appears to be in verse and the correct reading seems to be prasabham Valathi-pateh pure ! yo(vt)n-ášesha-lõka-samtapa*)-kalapa-da-Tagjik-analah Jafya]bhafa-jalarda daha sa[b*). The reading in the prosent record would show that there could not have been any reference to fight with the Lord of Valabhi in the fragmentazy Kävi Plate of Jayabhata III (K. 486) &s suggested by Bühler and adopted in the Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I. pt. i. On the other hand it appears that the latter came to Valabhi to help its ruler in fighting the Tajjikas or the Arab invaders who were the common enemies of all the rulers of the Western India-Ed.]
The portion vigiyaté deva-sadhu-kadambair= reads like a line of Upendravajra metre. The word vigiyald. if it is intended to convey the sense of 'is prained', is not appropriate, since it moans rather is condemned, B. C. C.) We have perhaps to read pathakahara for pakathahara.
H 2

Page #211

152
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXIII.
36 Vāji[mā]dhya[ndi]na-sabrahmachāri Hēļāvuka-brāhman-Adityanāga - putra - bhatt-- Ochcha
daya® vaba)lie-charu-vai vadēv-āgnihotro- ]ātithi-pa[ñcha).37 vi(ma)hä[yajñ-a]di-krisy-7]tsaprā(rppa)n-ārttha[m] bri-Bharukachchha - vishay - antarggata
Mannātha-grāmaḥ B-Odraågaḥ - parikaraḥ sa-bhūtapā(vā)ta-pranya
(tyä)ya[h] 38 sa-dhānya-[hi]rany-ādēyaḥ sa-das-āpara(ra)dhaḥ s-otpadyama(mā)na-vishţikah &-chāta
bhata-pravēsyaḥ sarvva-rājakiyānām=a-hasta-praksh[@]pa[pij39 yaḥ pu(pūrVva-pratta-dēva-brahma-vā(dā)ya-rahitāḥ(to) bhūmichchhidra-nyäyên=ā
chandra(ndr-)rkk-årnnava-kshiti-sarit-parvvata-sama-kalinah putra-paulā(tr-a)nvaya40 kram-7pa[bhõ]gyē(gyo-dy=Āśvayuja-ma(mā)s-āmu(mā)vāsyāsyām] ūdhaky -ātisarggēna
bra(bra)hma-dayatvē[na*] 'pratipădito ya(ya)[]=sychitaya pra(bra)hma41 dhā(dā)ya-sthitya bhumja(bhuñja)taḥ kṣishataḥ kaksharsha)yataḥ pratidisată vå na
kaischid=vya(vyā)[sējdhē varttitavyam=a(ā)gāmi-bhadra-npipatibhir-ayammalmad
vambyai42 [r=alnyair-vv-āyam=akmässma)d-dâyo=numantavyaḥ pa(pā)layitavyas-cha | yabach
[X]-jilāna-tima(mi)ra=pata[1-*]vrita-matir=āchchhindyaYndyā)d=achchhidyama(mä)nakam
v=knumē(mā) dē[ta] 88 43 [pajnchabhirmahapa(pa)takais-g-7(8-7)papa(pā)takā(kai)s=cha samyukta[h*) sya(syä)de
ity=ukta[6=]cha bhagavatā Vēdavyāsēna | Shashți-varsha-sahasra(krā)ni
svargge ti44 [shthati] bhūm[i]daḥ [1*) achchhēttä сh=ānuma[ntā] cha tasvēstāny=ē)va narakë vasēta(t)
[ll] Vindhy-itavijvä(shv-a)töyāsu sushka-kotara visinab [*] krisho-Cahayö] hi 45 [jalyanta bhfü]m[il-dayar haranti yė || Va(Ba)hubhiruvvasudha bhukta räjabhish*1
Sagar-adibhish 1*] yasya yasya yadā bhūmis-tasya tasya [ta]da phalam(lam) [II*] 46 Agnēr-apatyarh prathamam suvarna bhūr-Vvaishnavi Su(Sü)ryya-sutas ch bilgā)vah
[1] loka-trayan ta/tē)na bhavēd=dhi dattam' yaḥ kañchanath gañ-cha (mahim) 47 cha dadyata(t) [1] Yan=ība dattāni pură narendraih(drair)danani dharmm-añchä(rtha)
yabar-karanil nirbhutta(kta)-ma(mā)lya-pratima(mā)ni tāni ko nama så 48 dhuḥ punar-Idadita | Sva-dattām para-dattām vi ya(ya)tnädram(d-ra)ksha Yudhi
shtha(shthi)ra | mahin mahimatām śrēshtha dānäch=chhrēyo-nu[pa(på)lanam-iti(nam
[ll*]iti)] [ll] 49 Bhatta-sri-[Deiya]ka-datakam | Samvatsara-sata-chatushtayo shad-abity-adhikö
Asvayaja-bahula-pañchadasy[ām ...] 50 Samva 400 80 6 Ābvayuja va 10 5 likhitañ-ch-aitan=mayā va(ba)la(la)dhikfit-Alla-suta
mahābala(la)dhiskrita-]
* [On the photograph the reading looks like bhaft-Achchadaya.-B.C.C.
There is superfluous mark of punctuation here. It consists of two dots or small daahe, one above the other. There are more such marks in the body of the inscription. In some case they are represented by single dash.
The syllablo tra has a poouliar shape. It looks more like tha, though th again has a different form is seen in the very next word atithi.
• Read syayamudak. On top of the syllables dhakya there is a sign of an uncertain letter.
The two syllables yarhma are superfluous. Read - ripatibhirmaemad.
• The Kivi grant roads : Srikandakapaka-datakas. The reading in the present inscription is not oertain. It can also be : Bhaffa-Srikhandayaka-datakan.B.C. C.]

Page #212

No. 23.]
AGRANT OF THE GURJARA KING JAYABHATA III: YEAR 486
153
51. [Samgullē]na || Sva-hastð mama sri-Jayabhatasya ||
TRANSLATION. (LI. 1-4)........... In the great lineage of the great king Karna---which became the (perpetual) abode (of Lakshmi); which allayed the misery (caused by) desires; whose glory was wide-spread like that of the sun (and) which possessed (wealth that supported families) of Brahmins (there lived) like a swan in the lotus-pond, the illustrious Dadda, whose (pure temper was not agitated by the freaks) of the mighty Kali age; who, by his grave and noble conduct struck the minds of all kings (or dikpālas) with wonder (and) over whom there hung with the grace of & rolling mass of white clouds, & canopy of glory gained by (protecting the lord of Valabhi) who had been defeated by the great lord, the illustrious Harshadēva.
(LI. 4-7) His son (was) the illustrious Jayabhata whose mental happiness increased as his stores of (wealth were enjoyed) by needy men coming (to him) without fear; the fire of whose valour was fierce enough to burn up numbers of inimical families ; (and) who veiled the lotus-like faces of the women who were the quarters with the cloth of (his) white glory that shone out in the guise of the pearls coming out of the temples of the elephants of (his) enemies, rent open by the (edge of (his) sharp sword).
(LI. 7-12) His son (was) the illustrious Dadda, who was devoted to the performance of his own religious duties with discrimination due to his (right) understanding of the treatises composed by the great sage Manu; who had rooted out all the arrogance of the Kali age by the proper management) of the (four) castes (varna) and stages (aérama) (of life); who removed the pride of charity of all (other) kings by giving (lit. acquiring) wealth that was beyond the hopes of the supplicants; whose valour in mounting mighty elephants was rendered famous by holding in check infuriated elephants which were lost to all control through rut and which rebelled against the goad; whose habit of benevolence was famous among all people through (his) assisting hundreds of kings who were afflicted by misery; who was well known by his other name of Bāhusahāya through the strength of (his) arm, that was displayed in tearing through innumerable troops of elephants surrounded by thousands of kings in the great wars waged with the great kings of the east and of the west ; who was a devout worshipper of Mahēsvara and who had obtained the privilege of the five great sounds.
(LI. 12-15) His son (was) the illustrious Jayabhata who was clever in tearing through the troops of elephants thickly arranged in the clash of numerous battles; who was a very forest fire to the intolerant (i.e., his opponents); who was a friend of the poor, the destitute and the sick; who was a full moon to the lotus-pond (in the state) of relations and friends; who like the stream of (the river) Bhagirathi was able to agitate his enemies (or rocks); who like Šāntanu was the lord of a great army (or of the great river) full of a humming noise ; who like the Primeval Boar held the earth raised by the might of his own arm; who was a devout worshipper of Mahēsvara, who had obtained the privilege of the five great sounds and who was a Mahāsāmantādhipati.
(LI. 15-21) His son (was) the illustrious Ahirola, whose feet were kissed by garlands on the crests of kings with their heads lofty on account of the rising pride of their valour ; who was chosen by Rajalakshmi (Royal splendour) of her own accord with her heart full of love for all his attractive virtues; whose glory, white like the mass of light of the full-moon, crowned the peak of the mount) Mēru; whose bar-like (i.e., strong) arm was capable of crushing crores of troops of elephants belonging to his great enemies met in the battle field; who had pleased the subjects by properly chalking out the paths of morality through (his) surpassing wisdom which was inereused by (lais)

Page #213

154
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXIII.
mastery over four-fold learning; who, being naturally of benevolent disposition, was not stained by the blackness (i.e., the wicked influence) of the Kali age; who had his senses controlled owing to (his) natural apathy towards the pleasures of countless objects (of enjoyment) attendant upon the approaching youth; who was well-versed in the employment of the six expedients; whose greatness was enhanced by (his) three saktis; who was a devout worshipper of Mahesvara, who had obtained the privilege of the five great sounds and who was a Mahāsāmantadhipati.
(Ll. 21-33) His-who was the ornament of the whole world-son, Sri-Jayabhața, who is adorned by the garland (in the form of) the collection of his own virtues; whose lotus-like feet are saluted by numerous great kings; who has the whole earth brightened with the lime-wash (in the form) of his glory, which is as white as the kunda, the moon and the white sinduvāra flower; who has consumed the misfortune of the whole world by the fire (in the form) of his great prowess; who has expelled the multitude of all enemies by the torrents of his irresistible arrows; who is clever in destroying the troops of elephants running about in the best of battles; who is shining (on account) of the breaking of the multitude of lofty horses capricing(?) and dancing in the unsteady battlefield; whose right shoulder has been darkened by the collection of the rays (issuing) out of the sword which looked like having projecting teeth on account of the pearls (sticking to it) which had fallen from the (temples) of elephants violently split by him; who like a lotus-pool manifests various auspicious marks (as the lotus-pool has many cranes) but is not wicked (or with a muddy bottom); who like the moon is endowed with all the fine arts (as the moon has digits) but is not a repository of vices (as the moon is the night-maker'); who like the sea has caused the hostile kings to come in (i.e., submit ?) (as the sea has given shelter to wingless mountains) but is not afflicted with disease (as the sea is full of crocodiles); who like Nārāyaṇa has destroyed his foes with his excellent discus (as Nārāyaṇa did with the Sudarsana wheel) but is not of wicked nature (as Nārāyaṇa is an incarnation of Krishna); who like Hara has secured all prosperity (as Siva has his body besmeared with ashes) but is not surrounded by dissolute people (or serpents); who resembles the new moon, since whilst the splendour of his body is increasing he causes the people to worship with folded hands on account of the lightness of the taxation (alpa-kara) just as the new moon when she is on the increase and sheds slender rays (alpa-kara) still causes the people to salute; 1who by the edge of his sword quieted the impetuosity of the lord of Valabhi, (who quenching the fire of the desires of the great Pandits of the whole world and giving them the fruits of their wishes) is praised in songs by the whole crowds of the wives of the gods; whose lotus-feet are reddened by the rays of the crest jewels of hundred of princes; who has obtained the privilege of the five great sounds and is a Mahāsāmantādhipati;
(Ll. 33-40) being in the best of health, informs all princes, feudal chiefs, district officers and Mahattaras in charge of rashtra and villages: Be it known to you that, for the increase of merit and glory of (my) parents and of myself, both in this and the next world, the village Mannatha, lying within the district of Bharukachchha, together with the udranga and uparikara and BhutaVata-pratyaya, with its income in grain and gold, with (the proceeds of fines for) the ten faults, with the right to forced labour, not to be entered by chata and bhata, not to be meddled with by any royal officer, exclusive of former grants made to gods and Brahmins, according to bhumichchhidra nyaya, to continue as long as the moon, the sun, the ocean, the earth, the rivers and the mountains endure (and) to be enjoyed in succession by sons and grandsons, has, to-day on the new moon of the month of Asvayuja, been given by me as a brahmadaya with libations of water, for the
1[Here the author has followed the translation given by Bühler, which was based on his imperfect reading of the text. I would translate this passage as: he is the very cloud (in the form of) Jayabhata who has forcibly extinguished the fire (in the state) of Tajjikas who had caused plenty of suffering to numerous people, in the city of the Lord of Valabhi with the water of the edge of his sword; who is praised, etc. See above p. 151 n 7-Ed.]

Page #214

No. 24.)
MALLASARUL COPPER-PLATE OF VIJAYASENA.
155
purpose of performing the five great sacrifices, viz., Bali, Char, Vaivadeva, Agnihotra, and Atithi, to Bhatta Uchchada', who came from the district of Lõhigakakshapathaka, who is of Kaundinya gotra, who belongs to the community of Traividya Brahmins, who is a student of the Vāji-Madhyandina (säkhā) and who is the son of Adityanāga, a Hētāvuka Brāhmin.
(LI. 40-43) Wherefore no one should behave so as to obstruct him when enjoying (it), cultivating (it), causing (it) to be eultivated or entrusting (it to any one else) in accordance with the proper conditions of a brahmadāya. (And) this our gift should be assented to and preserved by future good kings whether of our own lineage or others. And he shall incur the guilt of five great sins together with the minor sins who, having his mind obscured by the thick darkness of ignorance, may confiscate (this grant) or assent to its confiscation.
(LL. 43-48) [Here follow six of the customary verses.] (Ll. 49-51) The illustrious bhatta Dēiyaka is the dutaka,
In the year four hundred increased by eighty-six on the 18th day of the dark hall of Asvayuja (the year 400, 80, 6 Asvayuja, va 10 5) this has been written by me, the Mahābalādhihrita Samgulla, the son of the Baladhikrita Alla.
(This is) the sign manual of me, Sri-Jayabhata.
No. 24.-MALLASARUL COPPER-PLATE OF VIJAYASENA.
By N. G. MAJUMDAR, M.A., INDIAN MUSEUM, CALCUTTA. This copper-plate comes from Mallasărul, a village about a mile and a half from the north bank of the Damodar river, within the jurisdiction of Galsi Police Station of the Burdwan District, Bengal. It was discovered in 1929 by Dr. Sureshwar Roy in course of re-excavation of an old tank adjoining his house and was subsequently presented by him to the VangiyaSahitya Parishat of Calcutta. The decipherment of the text inscribed on the plate was entrusted to the late Mahamahõpādhyāya Haraprasad Šāstri, but due to his continuous ill health he could not take it up seriously and the copper-plate, which remained unpublished, attracted little attention after his death. Recently I approached the Sahitya-Parishat for permission to edit the record, which was very kindly accorded, and the original plate together with & tentative and incomplete transcript, prepared partly by the late Mahāmahöpādhyāya and partly by Mr. Chintäharan Chakravarti, M.A., was handed over to me. An article in Bengali giving a preliminary account of the plate has been contributed by me to the quarterly journal of the Sahitya-Parishat. But considering the importance of the record I have tbought it desirable to edit the same with fuller details in the Epigraphia Indica.
This is a single sheet of copper, measuring 10-4 long by 6.5'broad, which is inscribed on both faces lengthwise. A circular seal about 2-8' in diameter is soldered on the left side of the plate. It bears in relief a standing figure of a two-armed deity with a chakra in the back. ground representing perhaps the 'Wheel of Law. Below the figure occurs in raised letters the legend (Maha)rāja-Vijaya[se]nasya, i.e., 'Of the Mahārāja Vijayasēna,' which is partly defaced. The plate contains 25 lines of writing; of these fifteen lines are engraved on the obverse and ten on the reverse. The engraver has not been able to follow the draft with uniform accuracy: there are slips and lapses at a number of places, which have been duly pointed out in the
1 (See above p. 152, n. 1.-Ed.]
* The place is marked as Särul' in Survey of India map No. 73 M: 11 (l' to a mile scale) of 1029-30, and as . Mallasarul' in the Map of the District of Burdwan.

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text. The uneven surface of the reverse side, showing a number of fissures, must have made the engraver's task somewhat difficult. In several instances he has been obliged to leave blank space in the middle of a line and re-engrave a letter er letters, as in the last line, after the blank space. The plate is cracked at the upper left corner and some slices appear to have been cut away from here, as also from the lower left corner. As a result of the damage, which happened probably when the plate was being dug out, several letters are lost from the commencement of lines 1-3 and 14-15.
The characters belong to the Eastern variety of the. Gupta alphabet ', representing a further stage of development as compared to those of the copper-plates of Bengal dating from the 5th century A.D. Palæographically, it resembles the Faridpur plates of Dharmaditya and Gopachandra' which are referable to the 6th century. As pointed out below, the approximate age of the plate can be determined also from its internal evidence. As regards the forms of individual letters, noteworthy are m, y, sh and 8, and the conjuncts fich, tm, lp and Im. The letter y shows a curl on the left with opening on the outer side. This particular form of the letter has been found by Hoernle also in the Bower Manuscript,' and it appears in the Faridpur plates, the Gunaighar plate of Vainyagupta (A.D. 507)' and in the latest one (A.D. 543-44) of the Dämödarpur plates. The letter h has the lower portion of its curve shaped like a hook. turned to the right. It differs from the h occurring in the Baigrām, Pähäppur and Damodarpur' plates in which the curve is much shorter and is turned to the left. Attention may also be drawn to the use of the peculiar medial o, consisting of the 2-stroke on top of consonant and the hook-like a-stroke added to its stem below. The record contains examples of the final t and m and the numeral signs for 3, 7, 8 and 20.
The language of the inscription is Sanskrit. With the exception of two verses in Arya metre at the beginning and eight other verses relating to land grant, the document is composed in prose throughout. The superfluous addition of the suffix ka in datlaka (1. 12) is a well-known feature of the records of the Gupta period. The word vārakrita, in asmad-vārakritaih (1. 12), which probably refers to a class of officers, is of lexical importance. As regards orthography, mention may be made of the doubling of a consonant either preceding & subscript r or following a superscript r, the use of the dental nasal in tansa (1. 17), and of the same nasal instead of m, once in danbha (1. 1). The sign for b occurs only in a single instance in brāhmanasya (1. 16), but everywhere else in the record the sign for v has been employed for 6. This orthographical distinction between b and v, as is well known, gradually became obsolete after the Gupta period.
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXIX, 1910, pp. 193 f. * Introduction to the Bower Manuscript (Reprint, Bombay 1914), p. 46. • Indian Historical Quarterly, Vol. VI, 1930, pp. 45 ff.
Above, Vol. XV, pp. 141 ff. and Vol. XVII, p. 193. . Indian Historical Quarterly, Vol. XXI, pp. 78 ff. . Above, Vol. XX, pp. 59 ff. * Above, Vol. XV, pp. 113 ff.
• The primary meaning of vara is a person's turn or proper place', and várakrita would mean one appointed in turn or one appointed in a place'. In the Ghugrahati plate of Samacharadeva certain persons are said to have been appointed kulavara (karaşika-Nayanaga-Kēšav-adin kalavarau prakalpya) in connection with the land granted. Also in a Faridpur plate of the time of Gopachandra we have Vishayadhikaranen-adhikaranakajiankulavåran-prakalpya, i.e., having appointed, through the Vishayadhikarana, kulawaras who are acquainted with administrative affairs'. The word kulandra has been taken by Pargiter to mean a referee' or 'an arbitra (Ind. Ant., 1910, p. 205, n. 49; in the above passage I read juan for juana of Pargiter). Evidently the word vorabnia is used in a similar sense in the present record. In line 12, this class of officers are supposed to carry out the appor. tionment of the price of the land at the Vithi.

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No. 24.)
MALLASARUL COPPER-PLATE OF VIJAYASENA.
157
The record opens with an eulogy of the god Lõkanātha, of Dharma, and of the saints (santah), i.e., the Buddhist Sangha. In line 2 of the inscription occurs the name of a paramount sovereign (Mahārājādhirāja), the first two letters of which can be clearly read as Göpa. The remaining portion of the name, appearing at the beginning of line 3, evidently consisted of two letters which are only partially preserved. It is clear, however, that the last letter of the name was a conjunct with subscript as a component. The lower portion of the third letter has the shape of a triangle with an acute angle pointing downwards, from which it is evident that this is a fragment of the letter cha. Moreover, the name must have been in the locative case, in conformity with the present participle form prasāsati that immediately follows. Under the circumstances I feel no hesitation in restoring the passage as Gopachandrē praśāsati, i.e., during the reign of . Gopachandra.'
In lines 3-5, honour is shown to a number of officers who are mentioned by their respective designation and not by name, viz., Kārttākritika, Kumārāmātya, Chaurõddharanika, Uparika, Audrangika, Agrahārika, Aurnasthānika, Bhöga patika, Vishayapati, Tadāyuktaka, Hiranyasāmudayika, Pattalaka, Avasathika and officers entrusted with dēvadrõni (i.e., procession or ablution of images ?). As these officers are mentioned immediately after Varddhamāna-bhuktau there is no doubt they were the various functionaries of the provincial administration directly concerned with the affairs of this bhukti. The enumeration of the officers is followed by a list of the Elders (mahattaras) and other important persons concerned with the present grant, viz., mahattara Himadatta, an agrahārin of Ardhakaraka; mahattara Suvarnayasas of Nirvșitavāțaka ; mahattara Dhanasvamin, an agrahārin of Kapisthavāțaka; the mahattaras Shasbthidatta and Sridatta, agrahārins of Vatavallaka; Bhatta Vāmanasvāmin, an agrahārin of Koddavira; Mahidatta and Rājyadatta, agrahārins of Godhagrāma; Jīvasvāmin of Sālmalivātaka ; Khadgi-Hari of Vakkattaka; Khādgi-Gõika of Madhuvātaka; Khādgi-Bhadranandin of Khandajõţikā; and Vāhanayaka Hari and others of Vindhyapuri.
The object of the inscription is to record a grant of land during the reign of King Gopachandra by Mahārāja Vijayasēna, to a Brahmin named Vatsasvāmin of the Kaundinya göttra, belonging to the Bahvřicha sākhā of the Rigvēda, to enable him to perform the five great sacrificial rites'. The land granted measured eight kulyavāpas: in area and was situated in the village of Vēttragartta within the Vakkattaka vithi of the Varddhamāna bhukti. It was bounded on the east and south by Gödhagrāma, on the north by the Vațavallaka agrahāra and on the west in part by Āmragarttikā. The plot was duly marked out by pegs (kilaka), a system that finds a parallel in the land survey of modern times.
The transaction took place in the following manner : Vijayasēna approached the Elders (mahattaras) and other notabilities of the neighbouring villages and also the Court of the Vithi (rithy-adhikarana), expressing his desire to purchase, in the customary way, eight kulyavāpas of land for the aforesaid purpose. The Vithi Court and the Elders enquired into the matter and signified their approval, considering that's sixth part of the religious merit will accrue to the Paramabhattāraka, i.e., the King, and they themselves, as the protectors of the gift, will also have fame and prosperity'. The necessary amount of money in dināras was then duly paid at the Vithi Court by Vijayasēna to cover the price of the land, which was divided by the Vāra officergs and the gift was made subject to the express condition that the usual dues in respect of the land
1 The figure on the seal of the copper-plate may be a representation of Lokanatha, although it is too indistinct to admit of a definite identification.
These comprise the five daily rites, viz., bali, charu, vaišvadēva, agnihotra and atithi. • The area is specified in figure also in l. 24 (kulya 8). • The pegs are said to have borne the devioe of kamal-aksha-mala, i.e., ' a string of lotus soods'. See above, p. 156, R. 8.

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would be borne by him and credited to the revenues of the Vithi. Having in this manner obtained the right of ownership, he next transferred it to the donee Vatsasvāmin by means of a copperplate charter. In this transaction a person named Subhadatta acted as the Dütaka, the Sāndhivigrahika Bhögachandra prepared the draft, while the Pustapāla Jayadāsa was responsible for getting the copper-plate heated' (tāpita), by which evidently the process of engraving, that is to say the technical part of it, is to be understood. The date is given as the year, i.e., the regnal year, 3, the month of Śrāvana, the 27th day.
Mahārājādhiraja Gopachandra, the reigning king, should be identified with the Mahārājadhiraja of the same name mentioned in one of the Faridpur copper-plates. Mahārāja Vijayasēna, the donor, whose name appears on the seal and also in lines 8 and 13, and who must have been a vassal chief of Göpachandra, should be identified with the Mahārāja, Mahāsāmanta Vijayasēna, the Dutaka of the Gunaighar plate of Vainyagupta (A.D. 507). The present charter therefore may be placed in the first half of the sixth century, a conclusion, we have already seen, is borne out by the palæography of the inscription. It appears that VijayaBēns served both under Vainyagupta and Gopachandra, at different dates ; but it is difficult to say which of the two kings was the earlier. It is likely, however, that as Vijayasēna issued the present charter under his own seal, he occupied a more dignified position under Gopachandra; and this would probably indicate a point of time later than A.D. 507, in which year he was associated as & Dritaka with Vainyagupta's Gunaighar plate. It should be noted also that although Vainyagupta, his overlord, was at this date enjoying some sort of independent status, he styled himself only as Mahārāja, and not as Mahārājādhirāja. Vainyagupta, as his name would suggest, might have been related to the Guptas of Magadha. Gopachandra on the other hand was probably a member of a local family. That he had the status of a paramount sovereign is certain. As we already know, this king, like Dharmāditya of the Faridpur plates who enjoyed a similar status, had placed one of his chiefs in charge of a territory in Eastern Bengal. From the evidence of this record it now appears that Gopachandra had under him also the Vardhamana bhukti, answering to the present Burdwan Division. He appears therefore to have owned & fairly extensive territory. By the middle of the sixth century, or a little earlier, Bengal seems to have been lost to the Guptas of Magadha and local princes had established their independence. They probably retained this position until the rise of the Emperor Harshavardhana. One of the Faridpur plates (the Ghugrahati plate) mentions another independent king of Bengal named Samācharadēva. The script of this plate is definitely later than that of the plates of Dharmāditya and Gopachandra. Hence he should be placed after them, that is either at the end of the sixth or at the beginning of the seventh century.
Some remarks are called for regarding the identification of the localities mentioned in the copper-plate. Most of them appear to have been situated in the neighbourhood of Vēttragartta within Vakkattaka vithi, a part of which was granted to the donee. Võttragartta itself cannot be located with certainty. But Gödhagrama may be identical with Gohagram on the Damodar, to the south-east of Mallasārul where the plate has been found. Amragarttikā may be modern Ambahula (also called Simāsimi), to the south of Mallasărul. Khandajöţikā is perhaps Khāndajuli between Mallasărul and Göhagram, while Sālmali may be Mallasārul itself. The name of the vithi Vakkattaka seems to have survived in Baktā, a place immediately to the east of Göhagram.
The Vakkattaka vithi, representing a part of the Vardhamana bhukti, included a strip of the country along the north bank of the Damodar river. Another vithi of the same bhukti was known during the Sēna period as Svalpa-dakshiņa-vithi, which lay along the Bhagirathi river in the north

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No. 24.]
MALLASARUL COPPER-PLATE OF VIJAYASENA..
159
eastern corner of the Burdwan District. In the unpublished Nalanda plate of Dharmapala a vithi in Gayà-vishaya is described as Jambūnadi-vithi, i.e., 'the vithi on the Jambû river'. Again in a grant of the Gupta period from Monghyr District there is reference to a Nanda-vithi, the name being recognizable in Nandapur', the findspot of the grant, situated on the Ganges. From these scattered references it would appear as if the term vithi was applied in ancient times to a tract of land immediately bordering on a river.
The expression vithy-adhikarana, i.e., the Vithi Court (1. 8) is interesting. A similar expression adhishthan-adhikarana is used in reference to the town or district of Kõțivarsha in the Damodarpur copper-plates, where it seems to denote' the City Court'. The persons mentioned in lines 5-8 immediately before vithy-adhikarana, among whom are mahattaras, i.e., Elders, and agrahārins, 1.e., 'holders of agrahāras', were probably the heads of administration of the vithi. In connection with vithy-adhikarana we may compare the expression Suvarna-vithy-adhikrita, i.e., one who is in charge of the administration of Suvarna-vithi' occurring in the Ghugrahati plate of Samachäradēva.
TEXT.
Obverse. .......... (Lö)kanāthah' yaḥ puṁsām sukfita-karmma-phala-hētuḥ [1*] satya
tapomaya-mürttirellóka-dvaya-sadhano dharmmab [l| 11 Tad-anu jita-danbhambha)
lõbha jaya2 [nti*)....para-hit-ārthäho [*]ni[rma]tsarāḥ su-charitaiḥ para-loka-jigishavaḥ santaḥ
[|| 2*) prithivim Prithur-iva(Prithuvat) prathita-pratāpa-naya-sauryy[e] Mahārājādbirāja
sri-Gopa3 [chandrē)? prasāsati tad-anujñaptāyāṁ puny-őttara-janapad-adhyāsitāyā[m] satata
dharmma-kriyā-varddhamūnāyām Varddhamand-bhuktau pūjyān=varttamān-opasthi.
tata-kārttākļitika-ku4 mārāmātya-ch[au]r[o]ddharanik-õparik-audrangik-agrahārik-aurņasthānika-bhögapatika-visha
yapati-tada(dā)yuktaka-hiranyasāmudāyika-pattalak-āvasathika-dēvadroņi-samva(mba)5 ddh-ādin=vidhivat=sampūjya Vakkattaka-vīthi-samva(mba)ddh-Arddhakarak-ägrahārīņa
mahattara Himadattaḥ Nirvritavāțakiya-mahattara-Su[va*]rnnayaśā[h*] Kapistha
vātak-āgrah[ä]rīņa6 mahattara-Dhanasvämi(mi) Vatavallak-agrahāriņa-mahattara-Shashthidatta-Sridattau Kod
davir-āgrahārīņa-bhatta-Vāmanasvāmi(mi) Gödhagrām-agrahāriņa-Mahidatta-Rajya7 dattau Sālmalivāțakiya-Jivasvāmi(mi) Vakkattakiya-khādgi-Hariḥ Madhuvātakiya
khādgi-Gõika(kah) Khaņdajõţikēya-khādgi-Bhadranandi(ndi) Vindhyapurēya-vāhanayaka
1 Majumdar, Inacrs. of Bengal, p. 71. . Above, p. 52.
Above, Vol. XVIII, p. 76. Mr. Bhatlasali renders it as master of the bullion market which cannot be accepted.
. From the original copper-plate.
About eight letters are missing at the beginning of this lino. • Some letters are missing also here, of which one has been tentatively restored. ? For this restoration see remarks above p. 157. * The second la is superfluous and should be omitted.

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[Vol. XXIII.
8 Hari-prabhu(bhri)tayo vithy-adhikaraṇañ-cha vijñāpayanti [1] pūjyam-Mahārāja.
Vijayasönöna vayam-abhyarthitā ichchheha(ya)m-ēta[de]-vithi-samva(mba)ddha· Vēttragartta-grāmē yushmabhyo ya9 thá-nyaya(yē)n=Õpakriy=ashtau kulyavāpān māta-pittror=ātmanas-cha puny
abhivsiddhaye kalpantara-sthiyinyā pravřittyä puttra-pauttr-ānvaya-bhogyatvēna
Kaundinya-sagottraya 10 Vā(Bū)hvpicha-Vatsasvāmin(nő) pañcha-maha-yajña-pravarttanāya pratipāva(da)yi
tum=iti [l *) yato=småbhir-asy=ābhyartha na*]y=āvadhțitam=asyöshö(aishō)=nukramah
ubhaya-loka-vijigishu[bhi)(bhiḥ) 11 [s]dhubhih kriyamana-punya-skandhēshu sri-Param.(ma)bhattāraka-pa(pā)dänām
dharmma-shad-bhāgo cha yos-smākam=api pratipālayatām kirtti-éréyobhyām
yogaḥ [1] uktañ=cha [1] Yaḥ kriyām dharmma-sam 12 yuktām manasūpy=abhinandati [1] [va*]rddhatē ba yath-ēsht-éva sukla
paksha iv=oqurāt [ll 3*] tat=sampadyatām=asy=ābhiprāya ity=asman(d)-vāra
ksitair=anēna dattaka-dinārā[n*] vithyām samvibhajy=āsman(d)-Vēttra13 gartta-grāmē=shțābhyaḥ kulyavāpēbhyo yatb-ochitam dānam ta[d]-vīthi-samu
daya ēva pranăryya vodhavyam=ity=avachūrạy=&shtau kulyavāpå Mahārāja
Vijayasēnasya dattöh(dattāḥ) 14 ...pie rājñ=ūsmai Kaundinya-sagötträya Vä(Bā)hvpicha-Vatsasvāminē pañcha
mahi-yajña-pravarttaniya tämra-pra(pa)ttēna pratipădita' atha cha c h
aishūiin chaturshu diksbu simā bhavanti pü15 (ryvasyārdi)gi Godhagrima-simā dakshinyam(nagyim) Godhagrāmā(ma) [@]
va uttarasy Vatavallak-agrahāra-simā paschimasyanmayar) disi arddhēna Āmragarttikā-simă kilakās-ch=ättra kama[l-a)
Reverse. 16 ksha-mal-arkitä(tās=)chaturshu dikshu nyastā bhavanty=ēvam=ēshăm krita
sim-ārkānām=asya brāhmaṇasya pañcha-mabā-yajña-pravarttanēn=opabhuñjānasya
na 17 kēnachid=ētad-vansajēn10-ânyatamēna väsvalpapy(svalp=āpy)=āvā(bā)dhả hasta
prakshēpā vā kļā]ryyaḥ [1] ēvam=avadhritē yo=tha karoti sa vadhyaḥ
pañchabhir-mma18 häpätaksih B-opapātakaih samyuktah syäd-apicha [I] N-Asya dēva na
pitaro haviḥ pindam samāpnuyuh [ 1*) (chhi]nna-mastaka-vat-tālaḥ apra
1 Read pujya[Correct reading seems to be sasty-{T}aho-nukramah-Ed.)
[Intended reading is dharmma-shad-bhag-opachayös; pa in the last word has apparently been inadver. tently omitted by the scribe.--Ed.)
"On the plate the reading seems to be yadh-ishfe cha. But the reading yath-ishfar cha may have been Intended.-Ed.!
. Read pranayya. .Not more than three letters are missing. Probable restoration anën-dpi.
Read pratipuditablatha. • This cha is superfluous and should be omitted from text. • Read chatur-dikahw or chataapishu dikalne. 10 Read vamajas.

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MALLASARUL COPPER PLATE OF VIJAYASENA.
Obverse.
་་
རྒྱུ ༼མ6:༤ it༢༢ peijའུ་ཏཱiveཆgxinམཚཔc། ༤ན་ནY 2 1:|ཀ ༈ ན1:r/T+nཔཱ3:༧ པjgqq7-0ཏgཏཱ་ནཱ87།མate:]
པཏཱི་ལོ་qནམgཚོ་ཏཱ་མ་ཏཏཱབཨཽཎི་མཱཝ མ་མནཀུནོqgཨཱཏཱཀཚུལ་ཏུཏཱཎའི་ 4 su ihn gམཚོ=ncifgwགཏཱིཀwཏན་མཆཔ་རྣམ༣སེར་
aga༢#ཙིཏྟཾཨཱཙཱརngqitalpཔའི མཛདྭ༧,༣༢༩ མམཧཀཱ་༡༩༩་བར་ཤུgc༣.jp 8 c༡376&gruཙཱ1%in@jiཙྪཚུ*33#*#qtoscavནp&szདམགི་ ༣༠ E3:4]ནིrཛིuཙཱ*ཀཉྩནྟུwཏཱ༔ ཨ ༥༣ ཙིམja -jད་:ོ+ay
j aginཔཎོནct ཤུ72regdtimggxjqgམ་#deaམ1:སྒྱུ་ཊིfi%གསd3 yuyཙིནྡྷ73jམWu།སྤྱོs མzནཙོ%?
IN%»i;9ཎ༣༥ &gidཙམིནུསེའུས་རིwirgyGawyཏམjnཏཱ ལྕjw@**E| ནི 10 ༡༡ ༢?
n 2༥ནཱནཤིzjriwfir**ཏཱ༡༧]།[རྣམ་དཀuaNཏོ དྷུa@&1:《མཉིཀ/9 19 33%པལ་དུཎ རྨt7དཀ-tགླིjjati-pནཱ1༩ཉིད་ཆེནyregge3%jསྤྱན 12 ཚཔ༣jཎནg )ལོEgཏཾ
བ quཔིང་འa cxt | 14 Tin Visa - TIẾC TÚIỀrái tim lầy xin
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...
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SCALE: THREE-FOURTHS.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Rsa, No. 1461 E'37-295.

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།ཤུxyq3yང
16
Reverse.

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No. 25.)
TANDIKONDA GRANT OF AMMARAJA II.
161
19 tishthaḥ patishyati [14*] bhūmi-dan-āpaharana-pratipälana-guna-dosa(sha)-vyañjakaḥ
årshäh slökā bhavanti [*] Shashtim varsha-sahasrani 20 svarggē nandati bhūmidaḥ [*] ākshēptā ch=ānumantă cha täny=&va
narakē vasēt [115*] Asphòțayanti pitaraḥ pravalganti piţāmahāḥ [1]
bhūmidor 21 sman(t)-kulē jātaḥ sa naḥ santārayishyati (116*] Yat-kiñchin(t)=kurută
pāpam naro lõbha-samā(ma)nvitaḥ [*] api go-charmma-mättrēņa bhūmi
dānēna sudhyati [117*] Pū22 ryva-dattām dvijätibhyo yat[n]ād=raksha Yudhishthira [1] bhūmiin bhūmi
[ma*]tām brēshtha dānāch=chhrēyo=nupālanam [118*) Iyam rāja-bataireddatta
diyati cha punaḥ 23 punaḥ [*] yasya yasya yadā bhūmis-tasya tasya tadã phalam [89] Tadit
taranga-va(ba)hulam briyam matvā cha marttyánām [l] na dharmma
sthitaya24 s=sadbhiḥ(dbhir=)yuktā lõke vilõpitum [l/10*] kulya 8 dūtakaḥ śubhadatto
likhitam sāndhivigrahika-Bhögachandrēna 26 tāpitāṁ pustapāla-Jayadāsēna ( * ) samvvad(sarkivat). 3 śráva di 20 7
No. 25.-TANDIKONDA GRANT OF AMMARAJA II.
BY BHAVARAJ V. KRISHNARAO, B.A., B.L., RAJAHMUNDRY. This interesting inscription is engraved on & set of tour copper-platos, which was secured by the Rev. Dr. Isac Cannaday in 1915, while he was at Sattenapalli, Gunţür District, and forwarded to the Assistant Archæological Superintendent for Epigraphy, Southern Circle, Madras, in the early part of the same year. It is marked as C. P. No. 11 of 1914-15. From the incomplete nature of the text, the writing appears to have continued on the fifth plate which, however, along with the seal and the ring that held these plates together, was lost and never afterwarde traced. Dr. Cannaday informs me in the course of his letters, that while he was on tour on Mission work in Sattenapalli taluk during the cold season of 1914-15 and camping at a place called Oruvakallu, he was told by the local catechist that one Chilaka Satyanandam, a Christian of Mādiga extraction, had found, while digging for old earth (pāti-mannu) with which to construct house walls, a set of copper plates and that he was considerably disturbed over that matter. It appears that the fifth plate and perhaps the seal and the ring, too, were melted down by that man; and Dr. Cannaday who learnt everything about the discovery, allayed the fears of the man and secured the remaining plates for the Department. The place of the discovery of those plates is near the huge granite boulder or rock which is nearly 250 feet high and which is situated to the west of the village Oruvakallu. The plates were found in a good state of preservation; and I now edit the inscription on them from the excellent estampages kindly sent to me by Dr. N. P. Chakravarti at my request.
Each of these four plates measures roughly 11 inches by 5 inches. Except for the first plats which contains writing on the inner side alone the remaining three plates are engraved on both
1 Madras Epigraphical Report, 1914-15, pp. 90 f.
• In the rock at Oruvakallu there is a cave and in it is goddess called Gangā. A large village s ms to bave fourished round the rock at one time and there are ruins and mounds soattered round the locality.

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sides. The first plate contains nine lines and the remaining three ten lines of writing on each side. Thus the inscription runs into sixty-nine lines in all. The writing on the plates is well preserved. The characters are Telugu and belong to the tenth century and to the later cursive type, except for the primary forms of vowels a, ā and i which still retain their earlier forms. The final n (lines 10, 20 and 28) and m (lines 11, 16, 21 and 31) have special signs but not the final
(lines 7 and 8), which is denoted by the ordinary sign for ta with the sign of virūma above it. The sign of the medial au is almost similar to one of the signs of the medial 7, so that it is somewhat difficult to distinguish between the two signs. The language is Sanskrit, except the passage in lines 48 to 51 which contain names of the localities which are in the Telugu language. Besides the usual benedictory verses at the end (lines 64-67), the inscription contains 19 verses, and the rest is in prose. The text in general is fairly free from clerical errors and doubtless incised with great care and neatness. In respect of orthography, it will be sufficient to note that the visarga before the labial surd is changed into upadhmānīya (line 59).
The inscription belongs to the Eastern Chalukya king Ammarāja II, who reigned from A.D. 945 to 970. It opens with an invocation to god Siva. The inscription consists of two parts. The first part deals with the usual Eastern Chalukya genealogy and the charity made by the king (lines 3 to 51). The second part (lines 51 to 65) is devoted to the description of the spiritual lineage of Vidyēsvara-Pandita and his pupil Prabhitarăsi (III) of the Kālamukha school of the Pasupata-Saivas founded by Lakuli. The genealogical account of the Eastern Chalukya kings found in this record corresponds to what is given in the Elavarru, Padamkalūru' and the Maliyapūņdi grants of the king. It contains no more historical information about the dynasty than what is known to us from the other charters of the king.
The record is not dated; but the scribe seems to have committed a very curious, perhaps a serious, mistake in giving the date of the king's coronation. He was apparently confused. He probably had the year of the grant in question in his mind in numerical words as nabhatasu-vasu, i.e. (Saka) 880, when he engraved the date of the coronation of king Amma II, which in numerical words is given in the other charters of the king as giri-rasa-rasu, meaning 867. There is reason to believe that the grant was made on the occasion of the Uttarāyana-saņkrānti (winter solstice) in the Saka Samvat 880. The expression of the purpose of the charity mentioned in line 44, namely," for the increase of long life, good health and prosperity of my kingdom, i.e., people", seems to give us the clue for our conjecture. The Māngallu plates of Amma II' inform us that the king after eleven years of his victorious reign proceeded to Kalinga in wrath against Krishna (Krishna-kopāt), and that at that time the kingdom " was protected by the king's elder brother Dānārņava, to the great joy of the people". Aimarāja's expedition into Kalinga seems to have been occasioned by a hostile coalition of kings led by the Rashtrakūta king Krishna III who wanted to uproot him (i.e., the reigning king Amma Il) and place his own protégé Budapa on the throne of the Andhra country. The turbulent kingdom of the Eastern Ganyas of Kalinga on the north-east might have readily joined Bädapa and his adly Krishna III
* Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, pp. 91 ff. ? Ibid., Vol. VII, pp. 15 ff. * Above, Vol. IX, pp. 47 ff.
• The expression asmad-dada-sanlaly-ayur-drogy-aifuaryy-abhivriddhy-arttham should literally mean for the increase of our country, progeny, life, health and prosperity'. Therefore, it does not soem to contain reference to any of the king's wars and does not afford any clue for fixing the date of the grant.-Ed.]
.C.P. No. 1 of 1016-17 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection. • ibul., text, line 23. *Abore, Vol. XIX, p. 140, and p. 142 text, lines 17-18.

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No. 25.)
TANDIKONDA GRANT OF AMMARAJA II.
163
for its own purpose. It was evidently for these reasons that Ammarāja II proceeded against Krishna III in the direction of Kalinga, when the latter invaded his territories. The expedition would have lasted at least a year if not two; and doubtless it ended in a colossal victory for the lord of Vēngi. Ammarāja II who was apparently stricken with the sorrows of his people on account of the devastating war with the enemies of his country, would have made the charity recorded in the subjoined inscription under the advice or inducement of his guru (preceptor), immediately after his victorious return to the kingdom. Thus the date mentioned in the grant, Saka 880, corresponding to A.D. 958-9, may be reasonably assumed to be the date of the grant, and would fall in the thirteenth year of the king's reign. If this is correct the expedition against Kțishņa III in the direction of Kalinga, after the eleventh year and the charity recorded in the present edict, would show that by the date of the subjoined grant, Ling Ammarāja II had returned to his kingdom after successful conclusion of a great war against his enemies, the Rashtrakūtas and their allies. Verse 13 also seems to refer to such a great victory.
The inscription informs us that in the city of Vijayavāți, i.e., the modern town of Bezwāda, king Vijayāditya Narēndramrigarāja, the ornament of the race of Chalukyas (Chalukyakula-tilaka), the asylum of the universe (Samastabhuvanäsraya) built a temple called Samastabhuvanāśraya and established in it the image of Umā-Mahēšvara. To that deity, on the occasion of Uttarayana, king Ammarāja II made a grant for the increase of prosperity, long life and freedom from disease of his people, for repairs to the temple, for offering bali, naivedya and music to the god, and for a satra (free feeding house.)
The object of the grant is the village Tāņdikonda, situated in Gudla-Kandērvvāļivishaya, together with three other villages Ammalapündi, Gollapundi and Asuvulaparru. Ammarāja granted these four villages, having made them all a dēvabhöga, with the exemption of all taxes, with the libation of water, as a humble gift to the deity, for the good of his people.
The boundaries of the aforesaid village (Tändikonda) along with the other three villages, are : on the east Tündéru, a stream; on the south-east Gāralagunta, on the south a burugu tree situated to the north of the village Lāmu; on the south-west, Oddagunța; on the west a tank called Chayita; on the north-west a tank known as Bhimasamudra ; on the north (a heap of boulders called) Enuka-gälu and on the north-east, Rēgadugunta.
The second part of the inscription which begins with a verse in line 51, is devoted to the description of the spiritual lineage of Kālamukha Saiva saints, who were held in great veneration in Andhradëba, and who were also the religious preceptors of the kings of the land. It states that in every age saints like Lakuli and others took upon themselves the forms of Rudra, i.e., Siva, and became self-incarnate in this world for blessing the righteous men. It is said that they were self-born, of their own free will, for the purpose of preaching and setting up the path of the dharma, meaning the Saiva doctrine. In the lineage of these ascetics, arose the Kālamukhas, who looked to the Sruti (Vēdas) for their guidance. They were worshipped by the kings of various lands and belonged to Simha Parishad (which was a division of the Kalamukha
sect).
In the lineage of these Kālamukhas, who inhabited the ancient and celebrated temples of Siva like Amaravatēsvara, was born Lakabipu-Pasupati (or Lakasipu who was a Pasupata), who WAA well versed in all the agamas. He nourished his holy body by living on pure water, greens, milk, fruits and roots. His disciple was Prabhttarăsi-Papdita who was an incarnation of dharma itself. He had two disciples, Vidyēśvara and Vāmēśvara. Prabhūtarasi-Pandita
[See n. 4 on p. 162.-Ed.)

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had a brother named Bhuvanarasi-Muni, who had also two pupils, named Pabupati (II) and Prabhatarisi (II). The former bore a secondary name Kālamukhēndra," the lord of the Kālsmukhas", and the epithet Parahita-vyasani (i.e., one who was devoted to the well-being of others). His (Kālamukhēndra's) pupil was Vidyēsvara II who was virtually an ocean of learning. His spiritual son or disciple was Prabhūtarāśi (III), who was like yuvarāja or heir-apparent to the spiritual kingdom of which Vidyēsvara (II) was the supreme head. Prabhūtarāśi III rendered help to mankind in so many ways that his fame spread far and wide. He was not merely Prabhūtarabi in name; he was so in fact, in deed and conduct. In the immediate presence and under the directions of his guru, he built a dēvakula and a matha consisting of three storeys, and beautified the places with coloured paintings. He obtained from king Ammarāja II for the aforesaid purposes three villages, and a thousand she-goats.
The following is the pedigree of the spiritual family of the Kālamukhas, described in the record :
(1) Lakalipa-Pabupati (I)
(2) Prabhitarasi-Pandita (1)
(3) Bhuvanarati-Muni.
(4) Vidyēsvara (I)
(5) Vimisvara
(7) Prabhatarisi (IT)
(6) Pabupati (IT)
Burnamed Kalamukhēndra
(8) Vidyēsvara (II)
(9) Prabhatarasi (III) The inscription then states that the donor of the grant was king Amma II, the composer of the inscription was the king's preceptor Vidyēśvara (II) and that the ajñapti (executor) was Katakanāyaka. After this the record breaks off rather abruptly in the middle of a sentence which doubtless continued on the fifth plate which is now missing. The half sentence repeats, however, the grant of she-goats and provision for white-washing, running the feeding-house and for offering naivedya to the deity.
The Cintra Prasasti as well as the Purānas Agni and Väyu mention four pupils of Lakuli, viz., Kusika, Gārgya, Kaurusha and Maitrēga, in the order of their precedence. These four dis. ciples of Lakuli became according to the Cintra Prasasti (vv. 16-17), the founders of the four lines of Saiva ascetics or schools amongst the Pasupatas. But the subjoined inscription does not refer to any one of the four disciples of Lakuli, but merely states that the Kālamukhas were born as selfincarnates in the lineage of great saints beginning with the great sage Lakuli and others. It is not clear, therefore, whether the lineage of the Kālamukhas of the Andhra country were descendants of any one of the four well-known disciples of Lakuli. The Kālamukha-Pasupatas of the Andhra country were guided by the precepts of the Sruti or the Vēdas, and lived in monasteries attached to great Saiva temples like Amaravatēsvars at Amarāvati. The present record, however, is not the earliest epigraphical reference to the Kālamukhas of the Pāśupata school and to its divi. sion called Simha Parishad, in the Deccan and the south. We have an earlier reference to this
1 It is not clear whether Prabhūtarasi-Pandita and Bhuvanarasi-Muni were spiritual or lay brothers.
It appears to me that Kalamukhēndra was the surname or title of Prabhūtarasi (II) and not of Pafupati and that Pabupati, the guru of Vidykvars II, was Prabhatarasi's disciple and not identical with the latter's oolleague of the same name (i.e., Pasupati II).-N. L R.)
. Above, Vol. I, pp. 271 ff.

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NO. 25.)
TANDIKONDA GRANT OF AMMARAJA II.
165
sect of Saivas in a copper-plate grant of A.D. 810 from Mysore. The earliest reference to the Kālamukha Saivas in the Tamil country seems to be contained in the KodumbāJūr inscription of prince Vikramakēsarin which mentions a certain Mallikarjuna who was the disciple of two teachers named Vidyārāsi and Tapõrābi. The inscription further states that "having built three shrines (vimäna) in his own name and in the name of his two wives, he, i.e., Vikramakësarin, set up Mahēsvara (Siva) and presented a big matha (brihan-matha) to Mallikarjuna, who was the chief ascetic of the Kālamukha (sect), with eleven villages for feeding fifty ascetics of the same sect (here called asita-oaktra)". The approximate period of these shrines is determined partly by the alphabet of the inscription referred to and partly by the reference to ViraPandya who was among the enemies overcome by Vikramakēsarin. Rai Bahadur V. Venkayya thinks that Vikramakēsarin must have flourished roughly about the first half or middle of the tenth century A.D. Thus the two preceptors of Mallikarjuna would have lived almost about the same period or more probably slightly later than that and would have been contemporaries of king Amma II of Andhra country. The name Vidyārāsi is very much similar to Vidyēsvara of the subjoined record, who is stated to be the repository of various kinds of learning. For these reasons, therefore, it might be that Vidyārāki and Tapõrāsi mentioned in the Kodumbāļūr inscription were identical with Vidye vara and his disciple Prabhūtarăsi referred to in the subjoined record. If this identification be correct, then we may believe that disciples of Vidyēsvara and Prabhūtarăbi went to the south, i.e. Chola and Pandya countries and preached the doctrines of Kälamukha-Pasupata Saivism, converted the rulers of the country wherever they went and established monasteries for their ascetics.
The Kalamukhas spread themselves also at an earlier period into the Kanarese country. From Morigere in Hadagalli taluk, Bellary District, come two interesting inscriptions, engraved on two slabs set up in the verandah of the temple of Uddi-Basavaņņa, of the time of ĀhavamallaSömēsvara I.. Both of them are dated in Saka 967, on the Kärttika paurnamāsi, on the occasion of an eclipse of the moon, the corresponding English date being Monday, 28th October, A.D. 1045. These inscriptions state that there existed in that part of the Kanarese country a community of Saiva ascetics who belonged to the Lakulisa-Pabupata sect and to the school of Simha-parshe (parishad). Another school of the same sect, perhaps of later origin, was Sakti-parshe (parishad) to which belonged Müvara-koneya-santati of the Parvat-imnāya, whose teachers also had a strong pontifical seat at Balagami.
The Kālamukhas, as has been shown above, spread themselves into far south and the Pandyan country. An inscription from the shrine of Kälanāthasvämin at Pallimadam, hamlet of Tiruchchuli, Râmnad District, refers to a matha of the Mahāvratins. These Mahāvratins, according to Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar, were the followers of the great vrata a vow of religious devotion and observance in general', and denoted the ancient sect of Saivas called Käpälikas or Kalamukhas. With due respect for the learned scholar, it seems to me that Käpälikas and Kālamukhas
1 Mys. Arch. Rep. for 1914, p. 39. I am indebted to Mr. N. Lakshminarayan Rao for this information. • No. 129 of 1907 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection. • Ibid., Madras Epigraphical Report, 1908, p. 75, para. 86.
For the date of Vikramakënarin and the Kodumbāļür inscription also see the remarks by Prof. K. A. Nilakanta Sastri in the Journal of Oriental Research, Vol. VII, pp. l-12.
[The conjecture seems to be far-fetched. There is not enough similarity in the names to suggest tbo identity of the two sets of teachers.-Ed.)
• Nos. 441 and 443 of 1914 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection.
Above, Vol. V, pp. 221 ff. * No. 423 of 1914 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection.
Vaishnaviam, Saiviam and Minor Religiowe Systems, p. 118.

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were not identical sects and that their tenets differed largely. The matter is an important one and requires further elucidation and study.
Of the places mentioned in the record Tāņdikonda, Lāmu and Gollapundi alone can be identified to-day. Tandikonda is the modern village of Tadikonda in the Guntur taluk of the Guntur District and is situated at a distance of about eight miles to the north of the head-quarters of the district. Among the boundaries of Tändikonda, it may be observed that the two tanks Chayita-tataka and Bhimasamudra are still existing. Bhimasamudra is a huge tank on the bank of which there is a large mound called Bhimalingamu-dibba, where there are extensive ruins of & Siva temple. Chayita-taţāka seems to be the ancient name of a huge tank which occupies an area of about three or four square miles adjoining the village. It is the source of irrigation for an extensive area in the vieinity. Lamu is situated two miles to the south of Tadikonda. There is a village Gollapudi on the northern bank of the Krishna river near Bezwada in Kistna District, about twelve miles to the north of Tädikonda ; and it may be identified with the Gollapundi of the subjoined grant. The remaining villages Ammalapundi and Asuvulaparru can not be traced in that locality. It is probable that Anamarlapündiagrahāram, twelve miles to the south-east of Tadikonda, was the Ammalapūndi of the grant. Perhaps Āsuvulaparru stood on the other side of the river in Bezwada taluk. Gudla-Kandērvvăţi-vishaya was the ancient name of the tract of country lying on the southern bank of the river round the celebrated place Amaravati which was noted for its beautiful temples and chuityas, of Amaravatēsvara and Buddha, respectively. Gudla-Kandērvvaļi means "Kandërvvādi of the temples " for the term gudla means “ of the temples". Apparently that part of Kandēruvāți acquired the name Gudla-Kanderuväți-vishaya from its temples at Amaravati, its chief town. The distriet Kaņdēruvāti-vishaya seems to have acquired its name from the ancient township Kandēru or the modern Kantēru, a village in the Guntur taluk, which must have been a very important place in former times. Kandēruvaţi-vishaya? seems to have been sub-divided into three or four small districts, viz., Kandēruvāți-vishaya, Uttara-Kanderuväţi-vishaya, Imani-Kanderuvāți-vishaya. and GadlaKandiruvāți-vishaya. Kandéruvāți-vishaya comprised apparently the whole of Guntur taluk, the eastern portion of Sattenapalli and the northern parts of Tenäli taluk. The central portion of Gunţūr together with the south-eastern part of Settenapalli taluk was called Uttara-Kandēruvātivishaya. Gudla-Kandēruvāți-vishaya was the name for the northern portion of Guņtār and eastern part of Sattenapalli taluks; and Imani-Kanderuvāti or Imani-Kandravādi-viskaya comprised the northern portion of Tenali taluk
TEXT.
First Plate. 1 47[*] am m a 977GHT: [1] Rurface 2 fra fe
[*] afer [*] At H THQUATTATT. 1 The term gudla is the archaic genitive form of gudi. The modern form is guļa, the medial d having given place to the Dravidian.
* 8. I. I., Vol. I, Nos. 36 and 37 ; above, Vol. XVIII, p. 268. . Above, Vol. V, p. 127; C. P. No. 1 of App. A to the Madras Epigraphical Report for 1913-14. .8. I. T., Vol. IV, No. 681. . From the excellent ink-impressions supplied to me by Dr. N. P. Chakravarti. • Metre: Anuaktubh. * Read atat • Road स्वयं.

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No. 25.]
3 व्यसगोत्राणां हारीतियुत्रायां कौशिकीवरप्रसादलबरायानामा तृगणपरिपालिता
4 नां स्वामिमहानपादानुध्यातानां भगवनारायणप्रसादसमासादितव[र*]
5 धराइलाब्छनेचणचचक्त्रोद्यतारातिमण्डवानाम समेधावमृधस्त्रामप
TANDIKONDA GRANT OF AMMARAJA II.
6 fastanayi चालुक्यानी कुलमलंकरिष्णोसत्याश्रयवज्ञमेन्द्र
7 व भ्राता कुजविष्णुवहंमन्नृपतिरष्टादशवर्षाणि । बेमोदेशमपाशयत् ॥
8 तदाननो जयसिंहस्त्रयस्त्रिंशत् (सं) । तदनुजेन्द्र राजनन्दमो विष्णुवर्धनो नव ॥ त
9 सूनुगियुवराजः पंचविंशतिं [*] तत्पुत्रो जयसिंहस्त्रयोदश ॥ तदव
167
Second Plate; First Bide.
10 रजः कोशिलिष्षण्मासान् ॥ तस्य ज्येष्ठो भ्राता विष्णुवर्धनस्तचाव्य सप्तचिंशतम् ॥ तत्पु
11 जो विजयादित्यभट्टारकोप्यष्टादश ॥ तव्लुतो विष्णुवर्धमष्षट्त्रिंशत्तम् ॥ तब्बूशुभ
12 नुभासो रणविगणनया नीलकण्ठालयानां ॥ सग्रामारामकाणां सललितरम पोर्स
13 पर्दा सत्पदानां (नाम) [1] कत्वा प्रोतुंगमष्टोत्तरशतमभुमग्वीरधीरष्टयुक्तायत्वा14 रिंशत्समां (माः) मां जननुतविजयादित्यनामा नरेन्द्रः | [ २* ] तत्पुचः कलिविष्णुव 15 नोभ्यवर्षम् । तत्सुतो गुणगांकविजयादित्यचतुश्चत्वा
16 रिंशतम् । तदनुजयुवराजविक्रमादित्य नरपात्मजः चालुक्यभीमभूपस्त्रिंशतम् [*] 17 तत्पुत्री विजयादित्यो विषदिन्धनपावकाः [*] स षमासानसौ साक्षादिन्द्रो भोगेन भू18 मिपः ॥[ ३ ] तसूनुरम्मराजस्सप्तवर्षाणि । तत्पितामही (ह) गुणगांकविजयादित्या
नुजयु
तालाधिपी मासमेकम् । तं युधि विनिहत्य चालुक्यभीमात्मजो
19 हमज्ञात्मजः • विक्रमा
पराजस्थ
21 सूनुस्सूनृतवाक्रभुः
नसि
Second Plate; Second Side.
20 दिव्यः अरिनिकरतिमिरदिनकरः हिनदीनानाथबन्धुरेकादशमासान् । ततस्ताल
। युद्दमशधराधीशस्तप्तवर्षाण्यपाद्भुवम्
" [8] farfeta
1 Punctuation mark here is unnecessary. Metre: Sragdhara.
• Mark of punctuation is unnecessary.
4 Metre: Anushtubh.
• Metre: Sārdūlavikridita

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168
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL.XXIII.
22 भी जमपदात्तविर्मामय्योहतान्दायादागिनभानुशीनभगणाकाराविधायतरान् [*] 23 वचीवोर्जितनाकमम्मनृपतेर्धाता कनौयान्भुवं भौमी भीमपराक्रमसमभुनसंव. 24 त्मरान्दादश । [*] 'तस्य महेखरमूर्ति(तकमासमामालतेः।' कुमाराभ: [1] लोक25 महादेव्याः खलु यामभवदम्पराजाख्यः ॥ [*] 'जलजातपचचामरक28 लशांकुशलक्षणांककरचरणतल. [*] लसदाजाम्बवलंबितभुजयुगपरिघो गिरोन्द्र27 सानूरस्कः ॥ [७] "विदितधराधिपविद्यो विविधायुधकोविदो विलीनारिकुलः ।
करितुरगागम28 कुशलो हरचरणांभोजयुगलमधुपः श्रीमान् [८] कविगायककल्पतरु दिन
सुनिदी29 नान्धबन्धुजनसुरभिः ] याचक[ग]चिन्तामणिरिवनीशमणिमहोपमहसा
धुमभिः []
Third Plate; First Side, 30 'नभषसुवसुसख्याब्दे सकसमये मार्गशीर्षमासेस्मिन् [1] कृष्णत्रयोदशदि31 ने भगुवार मैचनचने [१०] 'धनुषि रवी घटलम्ने हादशवर्षे तु जन्मनः
पम् । 'यो32 धारदयगिरीन्द्रो रविमिव शोकातुरागाय [११] 'यस्मिन्शासति' तृपती परि
पक्काने33 क[सस्थ']संपच्छाखी । सततपयोधेनुरमौर्विरीतिरपनिरस्तचोरी देयः [१२] _ 'यस्मिन्ब्रजति चिति34 पे 'बरुद्यानावलोकनार्य भीताः । तहिग्देयाधीमा दिन्ति मणिकनकायगजे35 न्द्रप्रतति [१३] 'यो पेण मनोजं विभवेन महेन्द्रमधिमकरमुकमासा 36 10 रमरिपुर दहन व्यकुर्बग्भाति विततदिगवनिकीर्तिः ४ स
सकलरिपुनृपतिमकु
1 Metre : Arya. * Mark of punctuation is noodless here • Metre : Aryāgiti. • Read तकहिन . Read Jufo: The first half of this verse is in the Arya metro and the second in the Aryagiti • Read योधादुदय.
Read यषिञ्चा• Read अधिक
eta is the reading suggested by Dr. Haltzsch (above, Vol. XII, p. 83 note). But the present record shows that the correct reading is pratatin.
10 Read

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TANDIKONDA GRANT OF AMMARAJA II.
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బురమున వర పోతుల రతరము auto31ఆగలు వలయం లు తమ నిర్వ త సుమ 38
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SCALE: ONE-HALF.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA,

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Page #232

No. 25.]
TANDIKONDA GRANT OF AMMARAJA II.
169
37 टतटघटितमणिकिरणगणमधुकरनिकरपरिचुंबितचरणसरसिरहयुगलीs38 युगलोचनपदकमलविलसम्मधुपायमानो मानोवतो नतोहतममस्तभु39 वनाचयश्रीविजयादित्यमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरः परमभट्टारकः परम
Third Plate; Second Side. 40 माहेश्वरः ॥ गुडकण्डेर्वाडिविषयनिवासिनो राष्ट्रकूटप्रमुखान्कुटुंबिनः स41 माझ्यत्यमाञापयति विदितमस्तु वः । विजयवाव्या चालुक्यकुलतिल42 कसमस्तभुवनाचयविजयादित्यनरेन्द्रमृगराजप्रतिष्ठापिताय समस्त43 भुवनाश्रयनामदेवालयनिवासाय उमामहेश्वराय उत्तरायणनिमि44 त प्रस्महेनसन्तत्यायुरारोग्यैश्वाभिवृद्ध्यत्य तहेवालयख46 हस्पटितनवकर्मवशिनिवेद्यातोद्यसत्रप्रवर्तनार्थ च । पल्प48 वृत्तितया पालूनविशीण पुनर्णवोकत्तुं सर्वकरपरिहारण देव[भो] गौ[0) 47 योदकपूर्व ताडिकोण्डनाममामः अम्मलपूण्डिगोजपूण्डिासुवुलपाना48 मादिसमतोमाभिईत्त इति ॥ अस्त्र सम्याम[*]दिकस्थावधयः । पूर्वत: तू. 49 deg ॥ भाम्नेयत: गारलगुण्ट । दक्षिणत[:] लामुन युत्तरंबुन रुगु । नैर()त्य(त)तः
Fourth Plate ; First ride. 50 पोहगुण्ट । पश्चिमतः 'चयितनामसटाकम् । वायव्यतः भीमसमुद्रमा. 61. मतटाक[म् ।"] उत्तरतः एनुकालु ॥ यानतः रेगडुगुण्ट । 'युगे युगे 52 खोकतन्द्रमूर्तयो सुनौखराः श्रीलकुलीखरादयः ॥0) बभूवुरबानुग्रहीतसब्बनाः ।। 53 वयंभुवो धर्मपथप्रदर्शिनः [१५] तदन्वये कासमुखाश्श्रुतिमुख्यास्वयंभुवो भुवि 54 भूस्तामभिवन्या[:] तसिंहपर्षदस्ते स्थानस्यास्याधिपतय TT हिसच65 रिताः । तेषाममरवटेखराधनकपुराणदेवायतननिवासि नां] कालमुखा66 नां सन्तती। 'सकमिपुर्विखितागमपारदक् पशपतियुनिपोपि पतिश्शियः ॥(1) सुज57 लशाकपय:फसमूचकैर्विहितधर्मशरीरविवईन: [१] यस्तम्भुनेशिष्याः ] प्रभूत
राशि म 58 पण्डितस्माचादम्मावतारः [*] तच्छियौ विद्येश्वरधामखरौ ॥ तत्प्रभूतराशि
वाढभुवनरा
1 Mark of punctuation is unnecessary. *[The reading is correctly parfewer -N. L. R.]
Could चयित beacorrupt form of चैत्य ? • Metre : Vanastha. sMetre: Drstavilambila.

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170
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[ VoL XXIII.
59 शिमुनेशिष्यौ पशुपति [ : *] प्रभूतराभिश्च । कालमुखेन्द्राद्यपरनामा ।' तच्छि
यः पचपति-पर
Fourth Plate; Second Side.
as "विद्दान्यियेारो नाम कर्तुमन्वर्तकचिनं [1"]
60 हितव्यसौ । तथ सर्व्वविद्याप्रमा
61 से यथांबून महाबुधि ॥[१०] 'तत्वोसिसच्यीकुंदराज एकोप्यनेकलीकीपतावनेक [*] न
62 नामतः केवलमर्त्यतय प्रभूतराभिः प्रभुराश्रितानाम् [१८" ] वविधो [1"] 'मिला
स कोयगुरु
63 मयं देवा (म) त्रिभूमि चित्रितमच कल्ला | ग्रामत्रयं
जासह
चालयं शेषम
64 स्रं प्रभूतराशितमते स्म भूपात् । [१८* ] अस्योपरि न केनचिचाधा कर्त्तव्या यः करो
65 ति स पंचभिहापातकैर्त्तिप्यते । उक्त
। परदतां वा यो
तव
86 शम् । पहिलादि बिछाया जायते किमिः ॥[२०] वमिसुधा
दत्ता
67 भिवानुपाfent । यस्य यस्य यदा भूमिस्तस्य तस्य तदा फलम् ॥ [ २१* ] शासनस्य वि[ये]
68 चा दाता वादग्रभूमिपः [1"] विद्येश्वरी गुरु: वतिः काकः ॥ २२*]
अस्य सम•
89 स्वमायादेवालयस्य दक्षेपषुधावर्भासयनिवेधनिमित्तमणास
1 Punctuation mark seems to be needless here
*Metre: Anushfubh.
• Metro : Upajati.
• Read षष्टिवर्षसहखाचि
The inscription breaks off here abruptly; it is possible that it continued on twitting plate

Page #234

No. 26.]
A NOTE ON THE DATES OF UCHCHAKALPA KINGS.
171
No. 26.-A NOTE ON THE DATES OF UCHCHAKALPA KINGS.
By PROF. V. V. MIRASHT, M.A., NAGPUR. There have been in all seven copper-plate inscriptions of the kings of the Uchchakalpa family discovered so tar in Central India, from which we can make out the following genealogy :
Oghadēva -m. Kumāradēvi Kumāradēva -m. Jayasvāmini. Jayasvāmin m. Rāmadēvi. Vyāghra -m. Ajjhitaděvi. Jayanātha -m. Murundadēvi.
(known dates : 174, 177) Sarvanatha. (known dates : 191, 198, 197 and 214) The last two kings, whose copper-plates have been discovered, use the Twelve Year Cycle of Jupiter in dating their records, but do not specify any era to which their dates are to be referred. Nor do they, except in one case, which will be discussed below, contain any astronomical details that can be tested by calculation. The Bhumara pillar inscription states, however, that Sarvanátha was a contemporary of Maharaja Hastin, who must be identified with the Hastin of the Parivrajaka family, many of whose records have also been found in Central India and who was, therefore, ruling over the contiguous territory. From the copper-plates of the latter and his son Bashkshobha we get the following genealogy -
Dēvādhya. Prabhañjana. Damodara.
Hastin. (known dates : 156, 163, 191 and 198)
Samkshobha.
(known dates: 199 and 209) In these plates also the Twelve Year Cycle of Jupiter is used for dating. The expression Guptanpipa-rājya-bhuktau which occurs in all of them clearly indicates that their dates must be referred to the Gupta era, the epoch of which has been determined to be A.D. 319-320. As the kings of the Uchchakalpa family were the neighbours of those of the Parivrājaka family who use the Gupta cra in dating their records, the presumption is that the dates of the former also are in the Gupta era. It is, however, urged on the other hand, that the fact that the Uchchakalpa kings, unlike then contemporaries and neighbours, the kings of the Parivrājaka family, do not specify any era ia dating their records, goes to show that they used some other era. Again, the circum. stance that the Bhumarā pillar inscription, which is as much a record of the Parivräjaka king Hastin as of the Uchchakalpa Sarvanátha, does not, contrary to the practice observed in other records of the Parivrājaka kings, specify any era, points to the same conclusion ; for the Mahārājas Hastin and Sarvanātha, being feudatories of two rival dynasties, could not agree as to which of the two rival eras should be used in a joint record ; and compromised the matter by quoting only the year of the Twelve Year Cycle of Jupiter, as a method of reckoning which could hurt the dignity of neither of them. Now the only era, to which the dates of the
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XIX, p. 228.

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172
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXIII.
Uchchakalpa kings could be referred, is the Kalachuri-Chēdi era, the epoch of which has been determined by Kielhorn to be A.D. 248-9. On this supposition we find that the known dates of Sarvanātha range from A.D. 439-40 to A.D. 462-3, while those of Hastin (which clearly refer to the Gupta era) are from A.D. 475-6 to A.D. 517-8. The Betul plates of Samk. shobha again show that he succeeded his father in the next year G.E. 199 or A.D. 518-9. As the Kalachuri era was started 72 years before the Gupta era, we shall have to take the latest known date of Sarvanātha and the earliest of Hastin and see which year between the two would correspond to the Mahāmāgha samvatsara mentioned in their joint record. As stated above, the last known date of Sarvanātha would correspond to A.D. 462 (on the basis that it refers to the Kalachuri era), while the earliest known date of Hastin is A.D. 475. There would, thus, be a difference of 13 years between these two dates. The only year in this interval which could have been Mahāmāgha sarvatsara is that corresponding to A.D. 472, but according to the calculation of Sh. B. Dikshit the Mahāmāgha samratsara in that eycle was omitted. We must, therefore, take the next Mabāmágha samvatsara which commenced in A.D. 484. This no doubt falls in the reign of Hastin, but is 22 years later than the last known date of Sarvanäths. Now Sarvanätha is known to have ruled for at least 23 years before his last date, viz., A.D. 462-3 and the possibility that his reign commenced earlier than 439-40 is not altogether excluded; for, the last known date of his father Jayanātha is A.D. 425-6, i.e., 14 years earlier. We shall, therefore, have to suppose that Sarvanātha reigned for more than 46 years (A.D. 439-484)---perhaps 50 or even 55 years. Such a long reign is improbable, though not impossible.
If, on the other hand, the dates of the Uchchakalpa kings also are referred to the Gupta era, Sarvanātha becomes a contemporary of Hastin, in the closing years of the latter's reign (G. E. 191 to 198). There was of course no Mahāmāgha samvatsara in this period but there was one only two years before, in G. E. 189. As the year 191 is not the date of Sarvanatha's accession, which, as shown above, may have taken place a few years earlier, Sarvanätha will, on this supposition, bave a reign of at least 26 years—which does not appear improbable.
There are some other considerations also which rule out the theory that the Uchchakalpa dates refer to the Kalachuri era -
(1) If we except these doubtful cases of Uchchakalpa dates, there is not a single record of Central India dated in the Kalachuri-Chēdi era, earlier than A.D. 973. All the earlier dates in this era come from Gujarat and Thāņā District in Bombay. R. B. Hiralal's theory that the Traikutakas, whom he identifies with the Kalachuris, were the founders of the era and the Trikūts, from which they hailed, is modern Satpura is untenable ; for not a single record of the Traikutakas has been found in Central India and what little evidence is available about the identity of Trikūta points to its location in Western India.
(2) Vyāghra, the grand father of the Uchchakalpa king Sarvanātha, appears on palæographical evidence to be identical with the Vyāghradēva of Nachna' and Ganje inscriptions, who was a feudatory of the Vākāțaka Prithivishēņa II, as shown by Dubreuil and Dikshit.10 The Bālāghāt
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XIX, p. 228. .C.I. 1., Vol. III, p. 121. * Chandrche Inscription of Prabodhaliva, dated K. 724 ; above, Vol. XXI, pp. 148 ff. • Seo Nos. 1199-1221 in Bhandarkar's List of Northern Inscriptions.
Annals of the Bhandarkar Institute, Vol. IX, pp. 283 ff. • Kalidasa places Triküta on the Western coast. See Raghuvamsa, Canto IV, verses 68-59.
C. I, I., Vol. III, pp. 233 ff. Above, Vol. XVII, pp. 12 ff.
Iul. Ant., Vol. LV, Pp. 103 ff. 10 Above, Vol. XVII, p. 362.

Page #236

No. 26.]
A NOTE ON THE DATES OF UCHCHAKALPA KINGS.
173
plates of Prithivishēņa II state that the king of Malwa was a feudatory of his father Narendrasēna1 and there is no difficulty in supposing that Prithivishēņa's authority was recognized in Central India towards the close of the fifth century A.D. As for the difficulty pointed out by Aiyangar (who identifies the Vyaghradeva of the Nachna and Ganj inscriptions with the Vyaghrarāja defeated by Samudragupta), viz., how could Jayanatha and Sarvanatha, who, on the above supposition, were feudatories of the Vākāṭakas, date their records in the Gupta era, it may be noted that the Vākāṭakas never founded any era and do not seem to have insisted on their feudatories specifically mentioning their suzerainty in their records. The Traikuṭakas and kings of Sarabhapura who were evidently their feudatories do not mention any suzerain power in their charters. It is not again true that the use of a particular era signifies acknowledgment of the suzerainty of the power that founded it. The Kalachuri-Chedi era is, for instance, found used by the Sendrakas and the Chalukyas of Gujarat though they were not then the feudatories of the Traiküṭakas, Abhiras, Kalachuris, or any other power that may have founded it. The fact of the matter seems to be that the earlier Uchchakalpas were feudatories of the Guptas and used the Gupta era in dating their records. Vyaghra who flourished about A.D. 475, seems to be the first Uchchakalpa who transferred his allegiance to the Vākāṭakas. His successors Jayanatha and Sarvanatha continued to use the Gupta era, which was well established in the country, though they were no feudatories of the Guptas. The expression Gupta-nripa-rājyabhuktau which occurs in the records of the Parivrajakas indicates not so much the Gupta era as the sovereignty of the Guptas. Hence, we find it omitted in the records of the Uchchakalpa Mahārājas. Sarvanatha might have objected to the use of the expression in the joint record on the Bhumra pillar, which, therefore, does not contain it. As for the omission of the date, it must have been thought unnecessary in an inscription on a boundary pillar when the particular year was clearly specified.
(3) Nearly all the scholars who have recently written on the subject have accepted the view that the Uchchakalpa records are dated in the Gupta era. Kielhorn, though he gives these dates under the Kalachuri era, was not certain about the matter. Fleet seems to have long wavered between the two alternatives. While editing the Uchchakalpa records in the C. I. I., III, pp. 117 ff. he held the view that they were dated in the Gupta era. When later on he came to write the introduction he felt inclined to the other view, which he affirmed subsequently in his article in the Indian Antiquary, Vol. XIX, pp. 227 ff. In his last article on the subject," he finally adopted the view that the Uchchakalpa dates must be referred to the Gupta era. Dubreuil, G. S. Ojha,' Haldar10 and Dikshit" who had occasion to write on the subject have subscribed to the same view. S. K. Aiyangar, though he does not accept the identification of the Uchchakalpa Vyaghra with Vyaghradeva who caused the Nachna and Ganj inscriptions to be incised, finds no difficulty in referring the Uchchakalpa dates to the Gupta era. The only dissentient is D. R. Bhan
1 Above, Vol. IX, P. 271.
Ind. Ant., Vol. LV, p. 224.
Cf. the inscription No. 3 in the Ajanta cave XVI (A. S. W. I., Vol. IV, pp. 124 ff.).
Above, Vol. XXII, p. 22.
In the Supplement to his List of Inscriptions of Northern India (above, Vol. VIII) he expressed his opinion that the inscriptions of the Maharajas of Uchchakalpa are dated, very probably, according to the Gupta era.
C. I. I., Vol. III, Introduction pp. 8-10, 119, 121.
J. R. A. S., 1905, p. 566.
Ind. Ant., Vol. LV, p. 103.
Annual Report, Rajputana Museum, Ajmer, 1923-24, p. 2.
10 Above, Vol. XIX, p. 128.
11 Ibid., Vol. XXI, pp. 125-26.

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darkar who points out the difficulty that if the year of the Sõhāwal plates is taken as the Gupta year, the month Ashādha should be intercalary, but in none of the years 509,510,511 and 512, which might be taken to correspond to G. E. 191, was it so. "Perhaps in this date”, says Prof. Bhandarkar, " ēkõna-navaty-uttarë is intended for eka-navaty-uttarē, which is not unlikely 48 we know that when there are two or more identical letters or words, one or more are inadvertently omitted by the writer or engraver. This date 189, if referred to the Gupta era, becomes equivalent to A.D. 507 or 508, but even then there was no intercalary Ashādha in 506, 507, 508 or 509. On the other hand, if we refer 189 to the Kalachuri era, we obtain A.D. 437 as its English equivalent. And we do find an intercalary month of Ashādha in A.D. 437." The difficulty pointed out by Bhandarkar is more apparent than real; for as Dikshit has shown the month intercalated in the Gupta year 191, (which according to the rules of intercalations was Srāvana) must have received its name from the preceding month, a conclusion to which the late Dr. Kielhorn was forced in the calculation of the date of the Betul plates of Samkshõbha'. An authority for such a custom bas again been recently pointed out. No valid objection, therefore, remains to the view that the dates of the Uchchakalpas are in the Gupta era.
(4) The drafting of the Uchchakalpa records and the symbol on their seals indicate that the Uchchakalpas rose after the Guptas. In the genealogical portions of their inscriptions we find the same form used as in the Gupta records. Unfortunately nearly all the seals of the Uchchakalpa plates are lost; but from the one specimen that has been described by Fleet it seems that the Uchchakalpa kings formed their seals on the model of those of the Guptas. There is no such resemblance noticeable between the records of the Uchchakalpas and those of the Early Kalachuris.
The foregoing discussion will show that the view that the Uchchakalpa dates refer to the Gupta era is the probable one in the present state of our knowledge.
No. 27.-THE AILUR INSCRIPTION OF KOPPERUNJINGADEVA.
By V. VENKATASUBBA AGYAR, B.A., MADRAS. This inscription' is engraved on a rock above a natural reservoir of water to the south of the village of Vailûrs in the Wandiwash taluq of the North Arcot District. The letters are incised boldly and the record is in a good state of preservation.
1 See his List of Northern Inscriptions, p. 159, n. 5.
? Even this view is not free from difficulties. According to the epoch which suits early Kalachuri dates the English equivalent for the present date occurring in Ashādha would be expected to fall in A.D. 438 or 439. According to the epoch which suits later Kalachuri dates it should fall in A.D. 438, if the year is taken as expired as is usually the case. If the year is taken as current, it will of course fall in A.D. 437, but such cases are exceptional, apart from the fact that the epoch determined by Kielhorn does not suit early dates.
3 Above, Vol. XXI, p. 125. • Indian Culture, Vol. I, p. 693.
See for instance that the names of the queens sre mentioned along with those of the ruling princes in the l'chchakalpa plates as in the Mathura Stone Inscription of Chandragupta II (C. I. I., Vol. III, p. 25), the Bilsad Stone Pillar Inscription of Kumāragupta I (Ibid. p. 42), etc.
.C.I.I., Vol. 111, p. 125.
No. 418 of 1922 of the Madras Epigraphical collection
* This village is different from Vayalür in the Chingleput District, wherein the inscription of the Pallava king Rajasimha is found. It is, however, spelt as Vāyalür in the d. R. on Epigraphy for 1922, but its present name is Vailür as given above.

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The record is in Tamil language and consists of a proge passage followed by five vorses extolling the greatness of the later Pallava chief Kopperuñjingadēva. In engraving the epigraph, each line of the verse is not metrically arranged, but the stanzas themselves are divided by punctuation marks. The verses employed are: Pannirusirkkați-nedilāśiriya viruttam (v. 1), Neribaiveņba (v. 3), Kali viruttam (v. 3) and Ensirkkaļi-nedilāsiriya viruttam (vv. 4 and 5). The record is free from any admixture of Grantha letters except Svasti sri (1.1) and the letters ri in Tiribuvana (1. 16) and ä in āņai (1. 16). The use of the word ārai in this inscription requires some explanation. It is derived from the Sanskrit word ajñā through the Prākpit form änā meaning
command' or order'. The Tamil lexicon Pingala-Nighantu renders the word assign' or 'insignia of authority and the word seems to have been used in this sense here since no order is conveyed in the inscription. Analogous to the word Sokkachohiyan anai, some inscriptions of this period conclude with the words Pallavaraiyan (or Vallavaraiyan) sattiyan, Avarimulududaiyār anai", Tribhuvanamusududaiyar anai, etc. A record from Aragandanallürt ends with the words idarkku māru sonnavan Sokkanāyanär änai', 6.e., he (who) says contrary to this (shall be a transgressor of) the authority (of) Sokkanayanår,' and from a record of Tiruvēndipuram we learn that such transgression was treated as a cognizable offence by the assembly.
The few verbal errors found in the record are corrected in foot-notes under the text.
The main theme of the epigraph is to celebrate a unique event in South Indian history, viz., the capture and imprisonment of the Chola sovereign along with his ministers and the annexation of a portion of the Chola territory by the Pallava chief Kopperutjinga. This is expressed in the prose passage commencing the record. The name of the Chõļa sovereign whom Köpperuñ. jinga imprisoned as also that of the poet who composed the verses is not given. The verses them. selves reveal that the poet has limited himself to facts without indulging in any far-fetched imagery.
The concluding words of the present inscription indícate that the verses had been approved by the hero of the theme.
The first verse extols the greatness and prowess of KÕpperuñjingadēva in accomplishing the imprisonment of the Chola king along with his ministers and annexing the Chola territory, and further, it refers to his encounter with Hoysaļa warriors, his vast army, his favourite deity in the Golden Hall at Chidambaram' and to his love for and patronage of Tamil literature. The second verse warns other kings not to oppose this chief but to submit themselves quietly by paying tribute, considering the fate of the Chola king. The next verse, after referring to the exploits of this ruler in stamping the insignis of his banner on the breast and shoulders of powerful kings, refers to the langour of the Chola sovereign in prison. The last two verses are addressed directly to the king describing the state of his lady-loved during his absence on a campaign against the Chola king.
Nos. 204, 206 and 248 of 1934-35 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. No. 162 of 1902 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. .No. 157 of 1902 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. • No. 195 of 1934-35 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. • No. 160 of 1902 of the Madras Epigraphical collection.
• In the Annual Report on Epigraphy, Madras, for 1923, p. 96, the name of the poet is taken m Sokka-Stya). śokke Slyan was the name of Köpperuñjingadēva and not of the poet.
Köpperunjinga appears to have been a poet himself judging from the title Kavi-edruablauma applied to him in a record from Tirupati in the Chittoor District.
Reference to love affairs in martial themes is peculiar to Tamil poetry. This subject to treated at length in the Tolkappiyam.

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The record comes from a village close to Telláru where Köpperuñjinga claims to have defeated the Chola monarch. The reason for engraving the inscription in a place about twelve miles from the scene of action is not clear, Telläru is remembered in South Indian history in connection with the Pallava monarch Nandivarman III, who assumed the title. Tellárrerinda-Nandi' to perpetuate his victory over his enemies in this place. Our poet seems to have been conversant with Nandikkalambagam, & poetical work recounting the exploits of Pallava Nandivarman, wherein the victory at Tellāru is frequently mentioned. Some of the titles given to Köpperuñjingadēva in our inscription such as Avarinārāyana, king of Mallai, lord of Tondai, lord of the land watered by the Kāvēri, patron of Tamil literature, etc., are found applied to Nandivarman in the Kalambagam mentioned above.
The identity of Köpperuñjinga mentioned in our record must first be established. As early as 1906,1 the late Mr. Venkayya suggested that "there must have been two or more chiefs with the name Köpperuñjingadēva". The late Mr. Krishna Sastri also accepted the existence of two Kādava kings of this name and identified the later one with Kādava-Kumāra who is stated in the Tiruvannamalai record to have driven the Telungar to the north so that they may perish in the north;' but his further identification of the same chief with Peruñjinga who captured and confined the Chola king at Sēndamangalam is not borne out by the latest discovery, as will be shown presently. Sewelle also accepted with caution the lead given by his predecessors and distinguished two chiefs of the name Köpperuñjingadēva. But recently an opinion has been expressed against the theory of two Köpperuñjingas and postulating only one king of the name in the period A.D. 1229 to 1278. This interval really becomes still wider because Köpperuñjinga is mentioned in ingcriptions as early as the 35th year of Kulõttungs-Chēļa III corresponding to A.D. 1213. The acceptance of two KÕpperuñjingas so far rested on mere inference, but an important discovery made recently at Villiyanür in the French territory when I went there at the request of Prof. Dubreuil of Pondicherry, settles this question conclusively.
A record in this village, dated in the 6th year of Sakalabhuvanachchakravarttigal Avaniyālappifandār Köpperuñjingadēva refers to the audit of temple accounts by Perumangalam-Udaiyar Udaiyapperumāļ alias Käduvettigal for the period commencing from the 37th year of Tribhuvanaviradēva, i.e., Kulõttunga-Chola III down to the 11th year of (another) Köpperuñjingadēva Alagiyasiyar. Since this inscription? which is dated in the 6th year of Köpperuñjingadēva refers to the 11th year of (another) Köpperuñjingadēva, it is evident that there must have been two KÕpperuñjingas and that the earlier had at least a reign of 11 years. Probably the last year of the reign of the first Kõpperuñjingadēva was the 11th, because we know that he made an attempt to supplant the Chola king by imprisoning him at Sēndamangalam in A.D. 1232 and that from A.D. 12436, another Köpperuñjingadēva counted his reign. Thus the Villiyanür inscription establishes beyond doubt the existence of two Kopperuñjingas, the first commencing his reign, probably from A.D. 1232 and the second from A.D. 1243. Köpperuñjingadēva I. was probably a vassal of the Chola king or & semi-independent chief from at least the 37th year of Tribhuvanaviradēva,
1 A. R. on Epigraphy, Madras, for 1906, p. 63. * No. 480 of 1902 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. . A. R. on Epigraphy, Madras, for 1913, pp. 128-27. • Historical. Inscriptions of Southern India, pp. 144 and 376.
• The Pandyan Kingdom by K. A. Nilakanta Sastri, p. 164, n. 4 and Prof. Krishnaswami Iyengar Commemoralios Volume. pp. 212-14.
• No. 487 of 1921 of the Madras Epigraphical collection.
All the dates in this record are expressed in words so that there is no doubt about their correct reading. • No. 38 of 1890 of the Madras Epigraphical collection.

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i.e., A.D. 1215 to A.D. 1232. The king mentioned in our inscription may, therefore, be identified with KÕpperuñjingadēva I.
The earlier Köpperuñjingadēva has left a few inscriptions at Tiruvannāmalai', in one of which he is given the titles Nissankamalla, Mallai-Kāvalan and Bharatam-valla. The southern gópura of the Natarāja temple at Chidambaram was constructed by him. The officer Sola-kon seems to have served under him at Chidambaram". He is distinctly called Alagiyasīyan in the Villiyanür inscription mentioned above and may be identified with Jiya.Mahipati of the Tripurantakam inscriptions
We shall next determine who the Chāļa king was that was defeated at Telāgu. The contemporaries of Kõpperuñjingadēva I. on the Chöļa throne were Kulõttunga-Chola III and Rājarāja III, of whom the first lived till A.D. 12176 and the second commenced his reign in A.D. 12167. For the present enquiry, Kulottunga-Chēļa III may be omitted, because our record mentions the defeat of the Hoysaļas who came to the assistance of the Cholas only in the time of Hoysala Vira-Narasimha II who ascended the throne in A.D. 1220, by which time, however, KulöttungaChola III had died. The Chola king mentioned in the present record must, therefore, be Rājarāja III, 88 may also be inferred from the Tiruvēndipuram inscription
The last mentioned record gives a detailed account of the attempt of KÕpperuñjingadēva to subvert the power of his overlord the Chöļa emperor. It states that Köpperuñjingadēva captured the Chola monarch at Sēndamangalam. Our inscription, however, specifies the place where the Chola king was first defeated and thus links the two incidents by mentioning them together. The Vailūr and the Tiruvēndipuram records, therefore, appear to be complementary to each other. If so, Rājarāja III must have been imprisoned only once and not twice as has hitherto been supposed by some scholars10.
The fact that the Tiruvēndipuram record refers to the complete annihilation of the Pallava forces by the Hoysaļas, from which Kõpperuñjinga could not have easily recovered, would indicate that the Tellaru battle was probably fought prior to the Sēndamangalam incident. The latter event may be placed in A.D. 1232 corresponding to the 16th year of Rājarāja III. By this time Kõpperuñjinga had consolidated his position and his territory is referred to as Köpperuñjingan. dēšam' in the Tiruvēndipuram record. From the accession of Rājarāja III, Köpperuñjinga never figured as his subordinatell. As early as A.D. 1222 Hoysala Vira-Narasimha is said to be marching towards Srirangam in the Chola country". Two years later (i.e., A.D. 1224), we find that Vira
1 Nos. 480, 500, 512 and 513 of 1902 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. * No. 480 of 1902 of the Madras Epigraphical collection.
No. 285 of 1921 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. .No. 463 of 1902 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. .No. 197 of 1905 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. .No. 282 of 1909 of the Madras Epigraphical collection.
No. 367 of 1919 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. . Above, Vol. VII, pp. 167-68. .Nos. 418 of 1922 and 142 of 1902 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. 10 A. R. on Epigraphy, Madras, for 1923, p. 97.
11 From the mere mention of Köpperuñjinga in & record from Vriddhahalam in the South Arcot District (No. 136 of 1900 of the Madras Epigraphical collection) dated in the 14th year of Räjarija III, it has been supposed that the former was a Chola vassal till A.D. 1229. This inscription mentions as donor an agamadimudali of Köpperusjinga which fact need not establish the subordination of this chief to the Chola. Similarly, a brother of an officer of Köpperuñjinga figures as donor in the 30th year of Rājarāja III i.e., A.D. 1246 (No. 504 of 1902 of the Madras Epigraphical collection) when Köpperuñjitiga lund openly declared his independence.
11 Ep. Carn, Vol. VI, Cm. 66.

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Narasimha was called the establisher of the Chāļa kingdom' and a Kādava is said to have been his opponent'. The battle of Uratti' where the Kādava (Köpperuñjiiga) was wounded in the 7th year of the reign of Rājarāja III, corresponding to A.D. 1223, was also fought in the period when Vira-Narasimha came to the assistance of the Chõļa monarch. The second war of Māravarman Sundara-Pandya I. with the Chola is placed in this period'. From the beginning of Rajarāja III's reign, therefore, Köpperunjinga was a source of danger to the Chola empire and when the latter was able in A.D. 1232 to effect his coup de théâtre by imprisoning the Chola king after defeating him at Tellūgu, be signified the event by assuming the role of a monarch counting his accession from this date. Evidently to perpetuate his victory at Telläru, the näddu comprising this village was called Simhaporuda-vaļanadu' i.e., the valanādu where Simha (KÕpperuñjinga) fought.
For a clear understanding of the present record a knowledge of the political situation in the Chõļa country about this time is necessary. The Chola empire which had been assiduously built up by Rājarāja I. and his successors showed signs of decay in the beginning of the 13th century A.D. Even during the early years of Kulõttunga-Chēļa III, this empire was intact, but real trouble began towards the close of his reign. The Pāņdyas under Māravarman Sundara-Pandya I. began to assert themselves, with the result that the Chola country was taken by the conqueror and soon after restored, as a matter of grace, to Kulõttunga-Chola III. In the historical introduction to his inscriptions beginning with the words 'pu-maruviya tirumadandaiyum' etc., Māravarman Sundara-Pandya I. claims to have invested with a crown the Choļa king's son i.e., Rājarāja III, who sometimes later began to protest against his submission by refusing tribute to the Pāņdya king, who thereupon immediately chastised' him. In this plight Rājarāja III appealed for help to the Hoysala monarch Narasimha II who forth with despatched a contingent of forces into the Chöļa country. When Rājarāja III was pushed north by the Pandya forces, KÕpperuñjinga should, as suggested by Mr. Subrahmanya Aiyar", have joined issues with the Pandyas and defeated the Chola monarch at Telläru. The timely assistance of the Hoysalas saved the Chola empire for a time, but it introduced a new power into the politics of the Tamil country. Having come, the Hoynalas took deep root in the Chola country by making Kannaŋür their capital and building fortifications right along the south bank of the river Kāvēri”. Later on they shifted their capital further up to Tiruvannamalai when their original capital Dvārasamudra was devastated by Malik Kafür.
In our record Köpperuñjinga is called a Kadava. The earliest reference to this term is found in the Vē vikudi grant of Jatila-Parantaka-Neduñjadaiyan who is stated therein to have defeated the Kādava king at Pennāgadam on the north bank of the river Kāvēri. In Tamil literature the term Kādava along with Tondaiyar and Käduvetti is invariably used to denote the Pallavas. A Kadava king, who is styled a Pallava, is said in the Periyapurānam to have built a temple of Siva called Gunadaravichcharam at Tiruvadi in the South Arcot District. The Tamil poem Vikramasolan-ulā mentions a Kādava as the ruler of Gingee in the same district. The Kādavas, therefore, appear to have been in power in this district, but who exactly these chiefs were and what their
1 Fleet : Dyn. Kan. Dist., p. 507; in this record Narasimha is said to be a very Janardana (Vishnu) in destroying the demon Kaitabha in the form of the Kadava king'.
* No. 271 of 1904 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. This battle was fought against the Kādava by the Yådeva Chief Vira Narsingadēva who was a contemporary of the Hoysala Vira-Narasimha II.
* Above, Vol. XXII, p. 44. • Xo. 382 of 1025 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. . Above, Vol. XXII, pp. 45 ff. • Ibid., p. 44. * No. 514 of 1918 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. . Ind. Ant., Vol. XXII, p. 143.

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relationship was to the main branch of the Pallavas, may be inferred from the descriptive labels of the sculptures found in the Vaikunta-Parumal temple at Conjeeveram. Here we find that the kings of the collateral branch of the Pallavas which descended from Bhimavarman, the brother of Simhavarman, were actually called Kadavas. These appear to have been in power over a distant part of the Pallava empire, since, according to the labels mentioned above, Pallava malla had to go a long distance crossing several mountains and impassable forests' to reach Kanchi. When the Pallava power was eclipsed by that of the Cholas, the descendants of the former, under the name Kadava, Tonḍaiman etc., seem to have drifted away from Käñchi towards the South and employed themselves as officers under the Chōla monarchs. In the time of Kulottunga-Chōla II, we find the Kadavas figuring as police officers collecting päḍikával rent in the region now covered by the South Arcot District. Gradually they strengthened their power by influential marriages and by forming compacts with neighbouring chiefs for collective action to safeguard and protect their interests. The most important of these chiefs in the 13th century was Köpperuñjingadeva, the hero of our record. He is first mentioned in an inscription of the 35th year of Kulottunga-Chōla III, i.e., A.D. 12135 and the title Kavalar-Tambiran indicates his early position in the state. He had seen the weakness of the Chōla empire exposed by Maravarman Sundara-Pandya I, who took the Chola country and presented it back to King Kulottunga Chōla III. The time was, therefore, opportune for Kopperuñjinga to assert his independence. So he tried a few years later to supplant the Chōla monarch and failed in the attempt owing to the interference of the Hoysalas. He was, however, able to secede from the Chōla empire and establish an independent kingdom comprising the present South Arcot, Chingleput, and North Arcot Districts. If the Chōla was only an 'Emperor of three worlds' (Tribhuvanachakravarttin), his rival Kōpperuñjinga styled himself an Emperor of all the worlds' (Sakalabhuvanachakravarttin). In the Cambridge History of India, this chief is identified with the son and successor of the Pallava chieftain who was responsible for turning the Ceylonese out of the Pandya country in the war of the Pandya succession'. There is, however, no evidence to support this statement. In fact, such a view is untenable because, the two generals who took a leading part in this war viz., Kulattulan Tiruchchirrambalam-Udaiyan Peramanambi alias Pallavatayar and Vēdavanam-Uḍaiyan Ammaiyappan Annan Pallavarajan belonged respectively to Kulattür (Chingleput District) and Palaiyanur10 (near Madras), whereas Kopperuñjinga was a native of Kudal in Tirumunaippadi" in the South Arcot District.
The kingdom established by Köpperuñjinga I. hardly lasted for half a century, and after Kōpperuñjinga II, it fell an easy prey to the Pandyas when they extended their power into Tondaimandalam. Though a rebel, Köpperuñjinga is recognised as a ruler in a number of later records, and in one of them found at Kattumannarkōyil in the South Arcot District, his successor Köpperuñjinga II is placed between Rajaraja III and Sundara-Pandya1.
1 Some of the Sambuvaraya Chiefs also called themselves Pallavas. Rajanarayana Sambuvarayan was known as Siyan Pallavan (No. 428 of 1922). These chiefs, like the Kadavas, had the title' Alappirandan,' Alagiya Styan, Araśanarayanan, etc.
Nos. 137 of 1900, 45 and 46 of 1903 of the Madras Epigraphical collection.
Nos. 203 of 1902, 460 of 1905, 112 of 1912 and 435 of 1913 of the Madras Epigraphical collection.
Nos. 516 of 1902, 435 of 1913, 234 of 1919, 487 of 1921 and 56 of 1922 of the Madras Epigraphical collection.
No. 487 of 1921 of the Madras Epigraphical collection.
No. 480 of 1902 of the Madras Epigraphical collection.
Nos. 72 of 1924 and 9 of 1926 of the Madras Epigraphical collection.
Vol. III, p. 482.
Above, Vol. XXI, p. 188.
10 Above, Vol. XXII, p. 88.
11 No. 83 of 1918 of the Madras Epigraphical collection.
12 No. 570 of 1920 of the Madras Epigraphical collection.

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(VOL. XXIII.
KÕpperuñjinga's devotion to the God at Chidambaram and his patronage of Tamil literature alluded to in our inscription are also mentioned in other records of this chief. The title Rājākkal Tambiran was also assumed by Märavarman Vikrama-Pandya who calls himself the consuming fire to the Kātahaka' i.e., Kädava). The name Sokkachchiyan, i.e., Alagiyasiyan found in our inscription applied to the Chief, was given to the southern gópura of the Națarāja temple at Chidambaram which was built by him and also to other places in this village which probably owed their existence to him.
Of the places mentioned in the present inscription, Tallāru may be identified with the village of the same name in the North Arcot District. The identification of Pippi is not certain, but judging from the title Pennānadi-näthas applied to Köpperuñjinga, it seems to refer to the river Penpai which flows through the South Arcot District. Pugār is the modern Kävirippattinam in the Tanjore District. Kappi is the name of the river that flowed in ancient times near Cape Comorin. The town Mallai is Mahābalipuram in the Chingleput District.
TEXT. 1 Svasti sri[l[*] Sakalabuvaňachchakkaravatti Sri-Köpperuðfingar Solanai=tTallàrfil 2 venru sakala parichchinnamun=kondu solapas-chchiraiy-ittu vaittu sonāļu-konda
A3 Jagiyasiyaņo. | Poppi-nädaņum=urimaiyum amaichcharum=iruppad=un biraik-kõttam []
P[0]rupp-ira4 nd=eņa vala[r*]nda to[n]valiyinās-kondadu Söņādu[l] Kaņņi Kāviri Bagirati
nin piriyā tendurai vāvi[1] 5 kāval mannavar tiraiyudaņ=unanguvad=un perun=tiruvāśal [l vennidāda põr
kKannadar vennidā6 Pporudad=un peruñ-chēmai vilangu sempoņin-ambalakküttu nily) virumbiya
dēvāram[i] Pippik[a]vala 7 Avaginārāyapa pēņu bentami vāja-ppiranda Kaçava Kõpperuñjinga nin
perumai yâr pugalvarē(y)[|| 1*] 8 Tiraiy=itt-irumingal tev-vēndar sempon[] tiçaiy?=itta Pampugār-ch Cholan sirai
kidanda[l] kõttandaņai niņai. 9 min Kõpperuñjingan kamala[l]nāttan=kadai sivanda nā! || [2*] Mil=ivan kodi
vidai-vendar mārbiņun[:] tõļilu10 n-tāțțiya Tondaimaŋŋavar[|] vāļil venriđu Sirai-vaļavan tūågiya[l] nāļinum
periyad=in-nāļena-[p*]purambē. [3*]
14. R. on Epigraphy, Madras for 1914, para. 21 ; also for 1917, p. 127. This title was also assumed by Märavarman Kulabókhara (4. R. on Epigraphy, Madras for 1919, p. 83) and by another king in Kollam 761 (No. 60 of 1916 of the Madras Epigraphical collection). The Vijayanagara king Krishnadevaršys also had this title (No. 466 of 1913). In the variant form Rajakkalnaya, Hoysals Soměsvars or bis son Ramanatha wed it (4. R. on Epigraphy, Madras for 1910, p. 110).
. Nos. 197 of 1905, 285 of 1921, 467 of 1902, etc., of the Madras Epigraphical collection.
No. 286 of 1921 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. • Road tol. • Read vennidida. • Read nin. * The letter ti is corrected from tu. • Kead pulambund.

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No. 27.)
THE VAILUR INSCRIPTION OF KOPPERUNJINGADEVA.
181
11 Arai-kaļaliņ=isaiyudaněy-andar vēyiņām pa[l*[li]sai sevi kavarat andi-mälai[]
niraimadiyi-nilave[n]nu-neruppu-ppat12 tāl nērisai ninr-arruva![0] Nirupatungā[!] pirai poruda kaņa-makara-kimpuri (va]n
köttu-pperunkalurruchCholanaiyum=ema. 13 chcharaiyum pidittu=ch[l] chiraiyil-ida-kkaluru vidu mindan Siya Tiri[buva)
nattirāsākkal Tambirāņēm.. [4*) Oru nāļum vediya. 14 da ne[di]ya kangul=ūliyeņa[l] nindu-vara ulagir-pun-kaņ[l] maruņmālai yidu
munnē vandatenrālvadandai yival=arruval(0) 15 Mallai-vēndē[l] porumālai-mudi-arasar kanni[mādar] põrrisaiyum Buvanamuļudu
daiyar tāmun[1] tirumādum punar 16 [pulyattu [mi]ndan Siya Tiri bu[va]nattirābākkal Tambirānē LI [5*] idu śokkach
chiyam Anai' s
TRANSLATION (Lines 1-3) Hail! Prosperity ! Sakalabuvanachchakkaravatti, (the) prosperous Kopperutjingay Alagiyasiyan, (who) conquered the Chola king at Tallāru, deprived (him) of all (royal) insignia, (and after) imprisoning the Chöļa (king), took the Chola country.
(Ll. 3-7) Protector of Pippi, Avapinārāyaṇa, Kāļava born to protect (and) foster Sen. Tamil, Köpperunjinga! Who can extol thy greatness! Your prison-house is the abode of the lord of Popni, (his) wife (and of his) ministers; by the growing valour of (your) shoulders (which) resemble two mountains the Chõļa country was acquired ; (the rivers) Kappi, Kaviri (and) Bagirati are your favourite reservoirs (ever having) billows of clear water; ruling chiefs (carrying) tributes (wait) pining (at) your beautiful big gates; your invincible army fought with the warlike Kanyadar who knew no retreat ; the dancing (god) in the shining Golden Hall is your beloved deity.
(Ll. 8-9) (Oh! kings !) Live paying (of your) tribute, remembering (well) the prisonhouse wherein lay-on the day when the ends of the lotus-like eyes of KÕpperuñjinga became red -the Chola (Lord) of Pugar (to whom) the enemy kings paid (their) tributes in gold.
(Ll. 9-10) Let the day when the lord of Tondaio conquered (with his sword the haughty kings and painted the insignia of his) banner on their chests and shoulders, be hailed a greater day than the one when the Valava was sent to droop in prison.
1 With andar teyinām pallikai devi kavara, compare arar vāyin mullaiyan tinkulal kelamo toff in Ayichchiyarkuravai of the Silappadigaram. Andar may be taken with either vēyin (flute) or ambal-idai. Ambal is a kind of musical note.
* Read kalori. * Read amai. • Read vidiya. . Read madandai. • The letter ri in tiri is engraved in Grantha. * The letter å in ayai is engraved in Grantha.
The Chola king is called Ponnitturaivay in Sendan Divakaram.
. cf. the epithet Tondamanna who won the sacred Tondai-nadu through the strength of (his) shoulders applied to Pallavandär alias Kadavariyar in the Atti record (No. 296 of 1912 of the Madras Epigraphical collection).
10 The word tangiya is generally used in inscriptions in the sense of sent to a long sleep i.e., death. But since the Chola king was released from prison by Hoysala Vira-Narasimha IT about 1232 A.D. and actually ruled thoreafter, for about 20 years, the word tangiya is here reudered as sent to droop'.

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[VOL. XXIII.
(Ll. 11-13) Oh! Nripatunga, lord of the kings of the three worlds, powerful Siya (lion) (who) despatched elephants to capture and put in prison the Chola (emperor) (with his) ministers (riding on a) huge elephant (whose) powerful tusks vying with the crescent, (were adorned with) heavy makara1 and kimpuri (jewels)! (Consider how your) lady-love could endure (in your absence) the heat(!) of the full-moon in the evening (when her ears were) filled with the sounds of the roaring ocean resonant with the musical note emanating from the divine flute.
(Ll. 13-16) Oh lord of Mallai, powerful Siya (lion), lord of the kings of the three worlds, of arms espoused by Bhuvanamulududaiyar (i.e., the goddess of Earth) (who is) praised by the queens of kings wearing crowns with wreaths of garlands and by Prosperity (i.e., the goddess of Wealth)! (Consider also) whether this madandai (i.e., your lady-love) could (further) bear (in separation) the unending tedious night being prolonged like a yuga (especially when) preceded by a chain of bewilderments brought on by the troubles of this world.
This (is the) order of Sokkachchiyan.
No. 28. SANGUR INSCRIPTION OF DEVARAYA-MAHARAYA: SAKA 1329.
BY R. S. PANCHAMUKHI, M.A., MADRAS.
The subjoined inscription is engraved on a stone tablet set up near the village gate at Sangür in the Haveri Taluk of the Dharwar District. The record is published here for the first time, from the estampages secured by me in 1932-33: The writing covers an area of 2' 2" by 7" and the size of each letter is approximately 2" in height. The top of the stone bears the sculpture, in bold relief, of a hero seated on horse-back, which closely resembles the one found at Hosa Kummața near Anegondi. The hero has a dagger hanging at his waist and holds a drawn sword in his right hand. This is evidently the image of Kumara-Ramanathadeva mentioned in line 6 of the inscription.
The characters are Kannada of the 14th and 15th centuries A.D. and do not call for any comment except that th in pruthvi (1. 1) and Ramanatha (1. 6) is marked with a vertical stroke at the bottom to denote aspiration as in the modern script. Orthography is generally free from errors. In line 4 vinogadhipati is written through mistake by the engraver for niggadhipati. The language of the inscription is Kannada prose throughout.
The inscription opens with the description of the Vijayanagara king Dēvaraya I, son of Harihara-Maharaya, who is given the Western Chalukya epithets Samastabhuvanäsraya, Prithvivallabha, Mahäräjädhiraja Rajaparamesvara and Satyasraya-kula-tilaka. It then states that the statue of Kumara-Ramanatha was installed by Madarasa, son of Senādhipati Sangama and grandson of Baichaveggade who was the Bahattara-niyögädkipati and a devout servant of Kampilaraya, at Changapura included in Chandragutti-năḍu which belonged to Goveya-rajya. The consecration of the image is stated to have been performed on
1 Makara, which usually signifies an alligator or crocodile is a conventional beast like the European dragon, commonly found in Hindu, Jaina and Buddhist decorative art in India and Greater India.
The Tamil lexicon Chudamani-Nighantu defines kimpurs as an ornamental band fixed to the tusks of a royal elephant.
Here the Pallava chief with his consorte Bhuvanamuluduḍaiyar and Tirumādu is compared to Vishnu with his consorts Bhudevi and Sridevi.
B. K. No. 173 of 1932-33:
*Its photograph is given in Qart. Journ. Myth. Soc., Vol. XX, between pages 266 and 267.

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No. 28.]
SANGUR INSCRIPTION OF DEVARAYA-MAHARAYA: SAKA 1329.
183
Sunday, the 10th day of the bright half of Advayuja in the cyclic year Sarvvajit which fell in the Saka year 1329. The details of the date regularly correspond to Sunday, 11th September, A. D. 1407, f. d. t. 23.
The inscription is important in more respects than one. Firstly, this is a rare epigraphical instance of the Vijayanagara period which attributes the epithets of the Western Chalukya kings of Kalyāņa to king Devaraya. It is not possible to understand the exact significance of this departure since we are not in possession of any evidence connecting politically or otherwise with the Western Chalukyas, the Vijayanagara kings of the Sangama dynasty who rose into power nearly one hundred and fifty years after the downfall of the former. It may, however, be suggested that the locality where the inscription is found was fed strongly with the tradition that the Vijayanagara kings were the rightful successors of the Imperial Chalukyas inasmuch as they held the entire Chalukya territory, or the composer of the record had access to some political document of the Chalukyas and inadvertently copied its preamble while describing the king. It is, however, hazardous to surmise any blood relationship between the two families from a solitary record like the present one.
Secondly, the present record is the first epigraph so far known which bears a reference to Baichaveggade the minister of Kampilaraya and furnishes two generations after hini, viz.,. his son Senädhipati Sangama and grandson Madarasa. These officers are known to us for the first time, though Baicha-Dandanayaka figures as a minister of Kampiladeva in the Kannada works Paradara-sodara-Ramana-charite and Kumāra-Ramanathana Sangatya of the 16th and 17th centuries A.D. It further lends epigraphical confirmation to the authenticity of Kumāra Ramanatha who is not mentioned in the accounts of the foreign travellers of this period, though his relationship with Kampilaraya is not disclosed in the record. The Karnada works mentioned above supply us the information that he was the son of Kampila, waged successful wars against the Hoysala, Turushka and Telunga kings during the life time of his father and at last was killed in a battle with the Turushkas at Kummata. An undated inscription in a Siva temple in Hemakūta at Hampi records that Vira Kampiladēva, son of Mummadi Singeya-Nayaka constructed the Siva temple and set up the lingas therein in memory of his mother MädäNa[ya*]kiti, Singeya-Nayaka and Perumeya-Nayaka. Perumeya-Nayaka's relationship to Singeya is not stated in the record, though from the way in which he is mentioned, he appears to be Singeya's father. It is not improbable that Singeya-Nayaka installed the lingas for the merit of his father and grandfather. If this suggestion proves to be correct, one more generation would be added to the genealogy of Kampila which, from the records known so far, is given below:
Perumeya-Nayaka
?
Mummaḍi Singeya-Nayaka, m. Mādā-Nāyakiti
Vira Kampiladova
Kumāra Ramanatha
1 For further historical details gathered from these works, see the articles entitled Studies in Vijayanagara History and King Kampila and Kumara-Ramanatha by Mr. M. H. Rama Sharma in Q. J. M. S., Vol. XX and Supplement to it pp. 1-18 and Dr. N. V. Ramanayya's Kampila and Vijayanagara.
* No. 353 of 1934-35 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. In The Inscriptions of the Madras Presidency, Vol. I, p. 305, No. 335 evidently refers to this inscription. The cyclic year Saumya mentioned there is evidently a mistake as no cyclic or Saka year is quoted in it. This mistake has crept into the writings of Mr. Rama Sharma and Dr. Ramanayya.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXIII.
So far, only two dates namely A.D. 12801 and 1282* are known for Mummadi Singeya-Näyaka who, on the former date, defeated and killed Yadava Rāmadēva's subordinate Mahāpradang Chāvundarasa when the latter had invaded Doravadi in Kurugõdu-nādu. From a hero-stone at Lakshmēsvar", it is learnt that Dāme-Näyaka, son of Mahādēvarāya despatched a general Sa.... Rāņeya who was stationed at Huligere, to Kummața against Mummadi Singeya-Nayaka in the 17th year of the reign of Yadava Ramachandra corresponding to A.D. 1287-88. It may be noted that this is the first epigraphical reference to Kummata which is the same as Crynamata of Nuniz. Kummaţa must have been, as the capital of this chief, situated in Doravadinadu over which he was ruling. It has been rightly identified with Kumara-Ramana Kummata situated at a distance of about eight miles from Anegondi. It is clear from the above account that the rebellion raised by Mummadi Singeya in defiance of the suzerain power at Dēvagiri was quelled on two occasions by the Yadavas, by despatching a force to the very heart of his chiefdom. The insurrection being thus subdued, Singeya himself was probably made to acknowledge the Yadava overlordship. We find his son Kampiladēva, also called Khandeya-Raya," figuring as & subordinate of Yādava Ramachandra in A.D. 1300 and renewing the gift of Hariharapura which had been formerly granted to Brahmans by king Kțishņa-Kandhāra. Since the Huligere country was held by the viceroys appointed by Rāmadēva in A.D. 1287-889 and 1295-967 and since portions of the Chitaldrug District, especially Dāvanagere, were held by this king till at least A.D. 1300, it is evident that Mummadi Singeya's chiefdom did not extend beyond Doravadi and never included the Nolambavādi province after the killing of Vira-Chāvundarasa mentioned above. It is not unlikely that after the death of Mummadi-Singeya, Vira-Kampila was entrusted with the government of the country extending up to the northern border of the Hoysala kingdom, so that he might not only stem the Hoysala invasion on the Yādava kingdom but also acquire new territory by making fresh conquests in the enemy's country. Kampila is accordingly seen fighting with the Hoysaļa subordinates in the latter's territory in A.D. 13039 and 13254, and Hoysala Ballāja (III) opposing Ka[m]pila in Doravadi in A.D. 132011 and marching against Siruguppels where Kampila met him with a big force and probably killed his general Chamba-Dandanayaka. When the Yādava power was weakened by the invasion of Malik Kafur, Kampila might possibly have declared independance in the ensuing political chaos.
In one of the inscriptions of Lakshmēsvar,1% reference is made to the death of Kampila and Sidila Bomma in a military campaign from Dilli. The inscription is unfortunately not dated :
1 Ep. Carn., Vol. VII, Channagiri 24.
1 lbid., Vol. XI, Hiriyur 86. In the published text of this record, however, the name Singeya is not fully preserved.
•B. K. No. 23 of 1935-36.
40. J. M. S., Vol. XX, pp. 5 ff. Mr. Rama Sharma, depending upon & verse in Chenna-Basara-purdna thinks that the fortressf Kummata was built newly by Kampila (ibid., p. 11). This is not tenable as the Lakshme var inscription of A.D. 1287-88 mentions Kummata as the capital of Mummadi Singeya. Kampila might, however, bave strengthened the fortification by fresh constructions.
Ep. Carn., Vol. XI, Dg. 26 ; Mys. Arch. Rep. for 1923, No. 121. • The Lakshmēsvar inscription quoted above. + Bom. Gaz., Vol. I, part ii, p. 530.
. See Dr. Ramanayya's Vijayanagara--the Origin of the City and the Empire, p. 81. He holds that Mummadi Singeya's territory included the Nolambavādi province. But from Ep. Carn., Vol. XI, Dg. 26, 59, 81, etc., it is evident that this was held by the Yadavas.
. Ep. Carn., Vol. XI, Holalkere 106. The name of the chief is given in the published text as Kamdilidēva. wbich may be a wrong reading for Kampilidēva.
10 lbid., Vol. XII, Tiptur 24. 11 Ibid., Vol. VIII, Nr. 19. 1: Mys. 4. R. 1923, No. 121. 13 B. K. No. 21 of 1935-36.

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No. 28.]
SANGUR INSCRIPTION OF DEVARAYA-MAHARAYA: SAKA 1329.
135
but it may be assigned on paleaographical grounds to the first half of the 14th century A.D. According to the Muhammadan historians, Kampila was slain by Khwaja Jahan, the leader of the Muhammadan army in A.D. 1327. The Kumāra-Rāmana Sangatya gives a graphic account of the fight between the forces of Kampila and of the Turushka king at Kummata and states that Kumāra-Rāmanātha's head was cut off from his body and despatched to Dilli. The fact that his statue is set up at Sangür in the Hāvīri taluk indicates that Kampila's sway was recognised in that part of the country, which was probably under the enjoyment of his minister Baichaveggade and continued to be held in his family for at least two generations more. In fact, in another inscription, at Sangūr, of the reign of Devaraya I. and dated in the Saka year 1334, mention is made, among the ancestors of a local chief (name lost), of a certain Baichaveggade as the Kāvanāli (chief guard or officer) of Sangūru included in the Eighteen-Kampaņa province of Gutti. It is just possible that this Baichaveggade is identical with the minister of Kampila. It is not known what circumstances actuated Madarasa to set up the image of Rāmanātha after a lapse of 80 years from the latter's death.
Among the places mentioned in the record, Goveya-rājya and Chandragutti-nādu are too well. known to require identification. Changāpura is the modern Sangür where the inscription is found.
TEXT.: 1 Svasti (1) Samastabhuvanāśraya Sri-pru(pri)thvivallabha Mahārājād hirāja Rūjaparamēsvara Satya
2 śraya-kuļa-tilaka sri-Virapratāpa Harihara-Mahārāyara kumāra Dēvarāya
3 ru sukakha)dim rajyam-geyvuttirddallu [i*] Goveya-rajyakke saluha(va) Chandraguttiya-nādo agaña
4 Chamgapuradalu Kampilarāyana Bähattaravinogādhipati pati-kāryya-dha am5 dharanum-appa Bayichaveggadeya momma Sēnādhipati Samgamana kamāra
Mādarasru 6 Kumāra-Ramanathadëvara pratishtheya Saka-varsha 1329 neya Sarvva[ji]tu
samvatsarada A7 svayuja suddha 10 Adityavāradalu mādisida[ru] [I] Mangaļa mahabri 8 Sri Sri Sri Sri
TRANSLATION (Lines 1 to 3) Hail! When. Dāvarāya, an asylum of the whole world, the illustrious Prithvivallabha, Mahārājādhiraja, Rajaparamēšvara, an ornament of the family of Satyāśraya and son of Virapratāpa Harihara-Mahārāya was ruling in happiness,
(LI. 4 to 8) Mādarasa son of the Senādhipati Sangama and grandson of Baichaveggade who was the devout servant and Bāhattaraniyogādhipati of Kampilarāya set up (the image of Kumāra-Rāmanāthadēva at Chamgāpura in Chandragutti-nädu belonging to Goveya-rājya, on Sunday, 10th (day) of the bright half of Aśvayuja of the (cyclic) year Sarvvajit (falling in the Saka year 1329.
See Cambridge History of India, Vol. III, p. 140.
B. K. No. 170 of 1932-33.
• It is now held by some scholars that the first Vijayanagara dynasty grew out of the wreck of the kingdom of Kampila (Q.J.M.S., Vol. XX). For different views on the subject, see Dr. Ramanayya's thesis Vijayanagarathe Origin of the City and the Empire where previous opinions also are summarised. See also Dr. Salatore's article, Theories concerning the Origin of Vijayanagara in the Vijayanagara Sex-centenary Commemoration Volume (1936), pp. 139 ff.
. From ink impressions. • Read -riyogadhipati.

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[VOL. XXIIL
No. 29.-FRAGMENTARY STONE INSCRIPTION OF QUEEN UDDALLADEVI:
V. S. 1294.
BY M. M. NAGAR, M.A., SARNATH MUSEUM, BENARES. The inscription was secured by Mr. B. M. Vyas from Nagod State, Central India, for the Allahabad Municipal Museum wherein it is now preserved, and was kindly placed at my disposal by him together with an estampage for editing it. I am here publishing it for the first time.
The Inscription is incised on a rectangular block of buff-coloured sandstone measuring 181" by 12%" and is broken at the top. Consequently, some of the opening lines of the record have been lost; what may have been their exact number cannot be ascertained.
The writing which is in 22 lines covers a space of 18)" by 12" and is in a fairly good state of preservation excepting some letters of the last four lines which are only partly preserved. The opening and concluding letters of some of the lines are also much worn out. The letters are cut shallow and being much corroded at places present some difficulty in decipherment. Their average size is 3". The characters belong to the Northern variety of alphabets of the 12th and 13th centuries A.D. They resemble modern Nāgari, the exceptions being the letters ch, 10 (1. 8), i (1. 12), m (1. 16), etc. The language is Sanskrit and up to the first half of line 12 it is in verse and thereafter in prose. The orthography is regular and calls for no remarks.
The epigraph refers itself to the time of one Uddalladēvi, the chief queen of the illustrious Mahamandadēva, and the daughter of the illustrious Mahāsāmanta Bharahadēva of the Rashtrakula(kūta) family. Mahamanda was a feudatory of the illustrious Adakkamalla who seems to have belonged to the Gahadavāla family. It records the erection of a shrine for the illustrious Vindhyēsvara Siva on Thursday), the Damanaka Chaturdasi, Samvat 1294, corresponding to Thursday, 12th March, A.D. 1237. To judge from the description of the temple it seems to have been an imposing structure. The eulogy was composed by the learned, the illustrious Sukhākara.
Line 2 of the extant record eulogizes some lady but it is not certain who she is as the major part of the verse has been lost. Supposing she be Uddalla dēvi, even then, owing to the lacunae in the epigraph it is not possible to ascertain 'the exact relation between her and the illustrious Lakshamaņa of 11. 3-4 and the overlord Dharmadēva of 1. 5.
The inscription shows that even after the extermination of the Imperial Branch of the Gahadavālas of Kanauj by the Muslims, local chiefs of the same dynasty were in existence in various parts of Central India and Rajputāna. One such chief was Adakkamalla and that he was of some importance is clear from the mention of Mahamanda as bis feudatory.
King Harischandra (c. A.D. 1197-1200)", the last known ruler of this dynasty, meeting his final defcat in A.D. 1226 at the hands of Iltutmish, fled with his family towards Farrukhābād
Mr. A. Ghosh mentions Mau (U. P.) as its findspot, which is denied by the discoverer. [Mr. Vyas told me that he had got the inscription from Unchabra in Nagod State.-Ed.)
? A note on this inscription has appeared in the Journal of the U. P. Historical Society, July 1935, Vol. VIII, Pt. 1, pp. 21-23, by A. Ghosh, M.A., who is referred to in the notes below as A. G.
[According to the context Ränaka Dharmadeva belonged to the mother's family of Lakshmana and was probably his maternal uncle.-Ed.]
Though A.D. 1200 is the last date hitherto known of Harischandra from his Macchlishar Grant (above, Vol X, p. 95), it appears that his power lingered in the more inaccessible parts of Kanauj up to A.D. 1226 when it was tinally captured by Iltutmish. Dr. H. C. Ray seems to be correct in his assumption that the battle of Chandwar gave to Muslims only the possession of the more important cities and strongholds: the countryside beyond the reach of the Muslim posts still continued to be under Hindu rule' (Dynastic History of N.I., Vol. I, p. 547).

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No. 29.] FRAGMENTARY STONE INSCRIPTION OF QUEEN UDDALLADEVI: V.S. 1294. 187
(U. P.) from where after a short time his son's son Sihāji is said to have gone to Mārwär and with the assistance of the Brahmins of that place to have established a principality of his own after defeating the Muhammadan marauders of Multan. Tod also records that in 8. 1268 (A.D-1212), eighteen years subsequent to the overthrow of Kanauj, Siahji and Setram, grandsons of its last monarch, abandoned the land of their birth, and with two hundred retainers, the wreck of their vassalage, journeyed westward to the desert............. His date regarding the final overthrow of Kanauj and the exact relation of Saitrām and Sihāji may be accepted with a grain of salt, nevertheless the fact that Sihāji moved towards Mirwar remains unquestioned.
Mahamandadēva, who was certainly a Hindu ruler, adopted this Muslim-like name", obviously to please the sensibilities of his Muslim overlord (Iltutmish or Queen Raziyya) of Delhi. This is by no means a solitary instance of the assumption of a Muhammadan name by a Hindu ruler. We also know that a Chauhān king of Ranathambhor (c. A.D. 1283-1301) called himself Hathmira (हमौरभूपतिरविव(द)त भूतधाचा). which is a Muslim name' and was used by certain Sultans of Delhi on their coins.
TEXT. 1 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . -- - 2 न गुणेन भान्ति भुवने सधैं [तया न्यस्तास्तस्मा -..-.- . 3 त्वविचलं राज्यं प्रशास्त्वद्भुतम्' ॥ [१] सामन्तराजतिलकः प्र[थि]त: [थि]4 व्या श्रीलक्ष्मणो [...] लक्ष्मणतुस्वकीर्तिः । याटपक्ष इह रा[ण] 5 कचक्रवर्ती याथार्थ्यतः खलु तथा स च धर्मदेवः ॥ [२] श्रीविन्ध्ये8 वरशूलिनोद्भुततरः सम्बाक्लोशोभितः प्रासादोय[मने7 कभ[ख]चितो10 नानापताकान्वितः । य[च्छण दिवंस्पृ[शा ग]8 तिरो विन्ध्यो रवेरुस्थितो व्याजाद्य(द्यो) [ध्वजपंक्तिपातित[नति]9 भी(भी)तो गुरोर्खाक्यतः ॥ [३] प्रासादीयं तयाकारि श्रीविन्ध्येश्व10 रधूर्जटेः । पुत्रपौत्रादिसम्पत्य (त्यै) पितृणान्तारणाय च ॥ [*]
1 Ren's Prdeina Bhārata ke Rajavainia (in Hindi), Vol. III, pp. 114-115 and 118-119. * Tod, Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan (ed. Crooke), Vol. II, p. 940.
Bhandarkar List of Inscriptions of N. India, No. 682 wherein Muhammad ibn Tughlaq has been called Mahamanda Sahi.
Above. Vol. XIX, p. 50, 1. 8. (This was also the name bome by a ruler of Chitor.-Ed.] . Badaun Inscription of Lakhanapāla, above, Vol. I, p. 62, n. 5, and Mahoba Inscription, ibid., p. 221.
.S. Lanepoole : Coins of the Sultans of Delhi in British Museum. Coins Nos. 9, 24-26, 32-33, 38-42, 51-52, 63-66, 70-72 and 96-98.
7 Metre : Sardūlavikridila. * Three syllables have been left out probably by the engraver through oversight
.A. G. reads Vermadeau. Sletre: Vasantatilak). 10 May be [चिती in which case the translation of अनेकभदरचिती would be + made of or containing much gold'.
11 Metre : Anushfubh.

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11 प्रशस्तिरचनाचक्र पण्डित: श्रीसुखाकरः । सुजनांहिसरोज12 अरजोरस्चितमूह (ई)जः ॥ [*] इति श्रीकन्यकुमदेशोतया राष्ट्रिा(घ)]13 कुल(कूट)वंशप्रदीप महासामन्तराजश्वोभरहदेवसुतया श्रीम14 इहडवालकुलकमलविकाशनसहस्रांशु श्रीश्रा[डक्क] मल्ल15 सामान्तशरणागतवज्जपञ्जर'श्रीमन्महमन्ददेवपट्ट[ग]16 ज्य श्रीउद्दलदेव्या स्वकुलैकविंशतिपुरुषसंतारणार्थमा[त्मनः 17 प]रमनिःश्रेयसप्रात्यै पुत्रपौत्रादिसम्पत्त्यै संव[स][रा18 णां] हादशशतेषु चतुर्ववत्यधिकेषु दमनकचतुर्दश्या' [गु19 रु"]वारे श्रीविन्ध्येश्वरदेवस्य स्वप्ना . . . . . [प्रा*]20 सादोयं कारित: प्रतिष्ठापितञ्च ॥ वा . . . . . 21 रिणा पण्डितचीसुखाकरण प्रशस्ति लिखिता"] 22 . . . . . . . . . [
हितमस्तु सव्वस्य स . . . . . . .
TRANSLATION. (Verse 1) ........... ..........all being eclipsed by her in merit, do not shine in the world.............. may rule [her] firm and unique kingdom.
(Verse 2) The illustrious Lakshamana, the ornament (lit. mark on the forehead) of the great feudatory chiefs, is renowned on the earth (and) possesses a fame like that of Lakshamana....... ..........on whose mother's side (evas born in this world the foremost of the Ranakas who was justly (called) Dharmadhva.
(Verse 3) This temple of the illustrious Vindhyēsvara Sulin (lit. the trident-holder, lord of the Vindhyes) is beautified by series of pillars, is carved with many auspicious [scenes and is endowed with many banners. It stands as the very Vindhya (mountain) with its summit touching the sky and obstructing the movement of the sun (but), taking fright at the command of the preceptor (i.e., the sage Agastya) [has bent down ?] under the semblance of the series of banners.
(Verse 4) This temple of Siva, the illustrious Vindhyésvara, has been caused to be erected by her for the prosperity of (her) sons, sons' sons, etc., as well as for the deliverance of (her) forefathers.
(Verse 5) The learned, the illustrious Sukhākara whose hair is tinged by the pollen of the lotus flowers that are the feet of good-men, effected the composition of [this] eulogy.
1 Metre: Anushubh.
Cr. 'मोमवंशप्रदीप' of Copper-plate Grant of Visvaripasina of Bengal. I.H.Q.. Vol. II, p. 84.
.cf. 'कुलकमलविकासभास्कर ibid., and 'पौधमराजदेवकुखकमलद्योतन' of Hathal plates of Dharavarsha. Ind. Ant., Vol. XLIII, p. 193,1.3.
•cr. I. H.Q., Vol. II, p. 84,1.3 and J. B. B.R.A.S., Vol. XXI, p. 329.
'दमनकचतुर्दशी in the particular चतुर्दशी falling in the bright half of Chaitra. See कतिकौस्तभ (Bom. ed.), p. 23. Also see S. K. Pillai's Indian Ephemeris, Vol. I, Pt. I, p. 60.

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(Lines 12-20) Thus this temple of the illustrious God Vindhyesvara has been caused to be erected and consecrated on [Thursday], the Damanaka Chaturdasi, in the (Vikrama) Samvat 1294, for the deliverance of twenty-one generations of her own family, for the attainment of the supreme bliss for herself and for the prosperity of (her) sons, sons' sons, etc., by the illustrious Uddalladevi, born in the country of Sri-Kanyakubja, daughter of the illustrious Bharahadeva, the prince of the Mahāsāmantas and a lamp to the family of the Rashtrakulas("kuṭas) and the chief queen of the illustrious Mahamandadeva, who was a cage of adamant to those seeking refuge (in him) and a feudatory of the illustrious Adakkamalla, the very sun causing to bloom the lotus of the illustrious family of the Gahaḍavālas.
(Line 21) The eulogy [was composed] by the learned, the illustrious Sukhākara... (Line 22) Let there be welfare to all.
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No. 30-SANGUR INSCRIPTION OF YADAVA MAHADEVARAYA: SAKA 1186.
By R. S. PANCHAMUKHI, M.A., MADRAS.
Sangür which is variously called as Sangavüru, Sangür, Changūra and Changapura in the inscriptions of the place, is situated at a distance of about 8 miles south west of Haveri on the road to Sirsi in the North Kanara District. The inscription1 edited below is engraved on the Nandi pillar standing near the temple of Virabhadra in the village. It covers an area of 3'7" by 1' 4" and contains sixty-six lines of writing. The size of each letter is approximately between " and " in height. The writing is in a fairly good state of preservation.
The characters are medieval Kannada of the 13th century A. D. to which the record belongs. The secondary forms of y, v and m are used in deseya (1. 48), vumbali (11. 63 and 64) and maduve (1. 61). It is noteworthy that the record indicates the aspiration of dh, th and dh in praudha (1. 24), tathya (1. 31) and nidhanam (1. 31) by a vertical stroke at the bottom of the letter. In respect of orthography it may be remarked that vowel i is wrongly used in the body of the word kondoivudu (1. 55) and the anusvara is employed superfluously in some cases before conjunct consonants as in pumnya (11. 9, 17), hiramnya (1. 44); b is used for in dharmma-byayaya (1. 38), sarbba (1. 42), purbbakam (1. 44), etc.; the consonants coming after a repha are doubled as in acharyya (1. 6), urvvi parvvi (1. 4), dharmma (1. 38), Mallikarjuna (1. 9), vartti (1. 39), etc.; dental s is used in place of & throughout the record which may be due to the influence of Kannada phonetics on Sanskrit vocabulary. S is used for sh in purusa (1. 26) and Pusya (1.43), etc.
Excepting the benedictory and imprecatory verses in lines 1-3 and 57-58, the whole record is in prose. Lines 4-19 and 45-57 comprising the two wachanas of Siddharama and lines 59 to 66 giving the specification of certain estates to be enjoyed by private persons are in Kannada, while the description of the king and the minister and the grant portion (11. 19-44) are in Sanskrit. In respect of the Sanskrit language, it may be noted that its vocabulary is influenced by the Kannada phonology as for example paduma for padma (1. 26), labudha for labdha (1. 33), etc.; the insertion of the Kannada word neya in the date portion in Sanskrit (11. 42-43) may also be noted The language of the two tachanas is rhythmic, elegant and simple Kannada. There are, however, several redundant expressions used perhaps for the sake of alliteration and balance as e.g., embatana atana mātā mātā pitru (11. 13 and 50), valeyado lage volage (1. 48f.), chaturäsrayada nälkum deseya (1. 48), bēga sighram (11. 16 and 53).
1 B. K. No. 172 of 1932-33.

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The subjoined inscription belongs to the reign of the Yadava king Mahādēva who began to rule in A. D. 1260. It introduces his minister Devaraja whose pedigree for three generations is given as follows: Chavupḍarasa was born in the family of Vasishtha and was a devotee of Siva. To him was born Amitarasa who begot Devamantrisa. This Devamantrisa is described as having obtained a great boon from god Sōmanathadēva and as protecting the southern region at the command of king Mahādēva. The record states that the Mahapradhana Dēvarāja visited Sonnalige-nagara which had been formerly the residence of the saint Siddharama and feeling himself purified at the sight of the god Kapilasiddha-Mallikarjunadēva there, made a gift of the village Changür included in Basüra-vishaya together with a right over all treasure-troves, etc., and with various incomes accruing from fines and sulkas, to provide for worship and offerings to the deity and for the expenses of renovation of the temple, maintenance of the poor and the orphans and for conducting several charities such as watersheds and daily oblations. Lines 59-66 contain a stipulation that certain estates and incomes of the village specified therein must be enjoyed by the Gaudas, Hittukaras and Chaudarasa, the Heggade of the temple (devara mane).
The record is dated on the day of arddhodaya in Pushya of the cyclic year Raktakshin falling in the Saka year 1186. Arddhodaya is an astronomical combination of "Sravana", Vyatipata and Sunday on the new moon day of Pushya. These details coincided in the year quoted in the record and. regularly corresponded to Sunday, 18th January, A.D. 1265 on which day the nakashatra Sravana ended at 88 of the day.
The chief interest of the record lies in the fact that it contains two vachanas (11. 4-19 and 45-57) of saint Siddharamanatha who is one of the famous vachanakaras of the Virasaiva sect. Vachanagalu in Kannada literature denotes a particular class of works embodying sayings of great saints, particularly of the Lingayat sect, who flourished in and after the 12th century A. D. From the Siddharamapurana of Raghavanka (A. D. 1165), it is learnt that Siddharama constructed a tank at Sonnalige, installed therein several Lingas and defeated a mendicant Karpara in disputation, who had borne the biruda Vidyasamudra. Other Virasaiva works add that he received diksha from Chennabasava, the sister's son of Basava who flourished in about A. D. 1160. Prabhudeva alias Allama (A. D. 1160) is also credited with having taught the Saiva doctrines to Siddharama.3
The first of the two vachanas is reproduced in an inscription from Sorab which records the gift of a village by a local chief Birarasa for the benefit of the temple of Kapilasiddha-Mallikar
1 S. K. Pillai's Indian Ephemeris, Vol. I. Part I, p. 64.
* Karnataka Kavicharite, Vol. I (Revised Edition), p. 183.
Ibid., p. 180. For further details regarding the life and works of this saint, see ibid., under Siddharäma. Mr. Murugaiya Jangina, a leading Lingayat gentleman of Bagalkot (Bijapur District), whom I had addressed, has kindly communicated to me the following information on Siddharama: Siddharama was born at Sonnalige, one of the sixteen hamlets of the modern Sholapur. A stone image of this saint still exists there. Close to the place where he attained samadhi, is planted a stone with shadakshara-mantra which is still worshipped by all the devotees. In front of this samadhi over which are set up two lingas, stands the extensive temple of Siddhēévara. Just behind this temple there stood formerly a shrine of Mallikarjuna-Linga, the upäsya-deva of Siddharams. But during the Muhammadan rule some difficulty was experienced in offering worship to the deity on account of the mosque built in its vicinity and the linga was therefore removed from its place and installed in a temple in the town which is now known as the temple of Mallikarjuna. The present temple is at the most one hundred years old. Siddharama is credited with the authorship of more than a lac of vachanas of which only a few hundreds have appeared in print.
Epigraphia Carnatica, Vol. VIII. Sorab 561. This same vachana is found in the beginning of the unpublished inscriptions at Kotbägi (No. 447 of 1926 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection) and Yadihalli (B. K. No. 95 of 1928-1929) in the Bombay-Karnatak. The second vachana is only partially reproduced in the imprecatory portion of an inscription of Bukkaraya, dated in Saka 1278 (Ep. Carn., Vol. XI. Chitaldroog 4). But it is not specified there as the vachana of Siddharäma.

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junadēva of Sonnalige in Saka 1176, i.e., exactly ten years before the date of the present epigraph. But the text given in the Epigraphia Carnatica is mutilated and corrupt. Both the vachanas given in the present inscription relate to the merit or sin of protecting or destroying the gift of land or money made to the temple of Kapilasiddha-Mallikarjunadēva of Sonnalige. From their wording, it would appear as if Siddharama composed them as a preamble to some grant to the temple made during his time. They are incorporated in the present record to serve as passages enjoining the protection of the gift under all circumstances.
Only a few inscriptions of the Yadava dynasty--and none of Mahadeval_have been edited so far. The subjoined inscription will, therefore, be the first document of the king to be published. Mahādēva is described here as "a goad to the elephant of the Gurjara king, a three-eyed God (i.e., Siva) to the Cupid of the Māļava king and the shatterer of the skull of the Telunga king ". In his Koțbāgi inscription dated in the same year as the present record, he is given the additional epithet Hoysanarāya-kölähala. Thus it would appear that the Yadava monarch Mahādēva had to contend for power and territory with the four neighbouring kings namely the Hoysaļas in the south, the Kakatiyas in the east, the Gürjaras, i.e., the Chauļukyas of Anhilvāda in the west and north-west and the Paramāras of Māļava in the north. It may be noted that these epithets are borne with slight modifications by every king from Bhillama' downwards, which would only indicate that in their attempt to expand their empire by fresh conquests, the Yädavas had to fight with these neighbouring powers since the very beginning of their political career.
From & close study of the stone and copper-plate documents of the family, we learn that Bhillama, Jaitugi,' and his son Singana waged constant wars with the kings of Māļava, i.e., the Paramäras of Dhärā. According to his Bahal inscription and the Paithan platest of Rāmachandru, Singana defeated one Arjuna who has been identified with the Mälava king Arjunavarman The Hammiramadamardana, a Sanskrit drama of the 13th century A. D., records an additional fact that he defeated and killed the Māļava king's feudatory, Chāhamāna Sindhurāja of Lāta'. The Vasantavilāsa, & Sanskrit mahākāvya of the 13th century A. D., contains another historical fact that Sindhurāja's son Sankha was taken prisoner by the leader of the Yadava army and was subsequently released by Simhana''. On a later occasion, Sankha sued Simhana for help and with his army marched against Viradhavala, the king of Gujarat who had forcibly occupied Cambay in Läța. Simultaneously with this, the Māļava king Dēvapāla also invaded Gujarāt, apparently to assist his feudatory chief of Lāta in wresting back the lost Cambay. As stated in the Hammiramadamardana, the Gujarāt king appears to have managed to break the coalition through the strategic skill of his minister Vastupāla and turned the events of war in his favour'. This is testified to by the Dabhoi fragmentary inscription which records that Viradhavala routed a combin
1 A date of his Hulgur inscription is noticed in Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII. p. 128. * Madras Epigraphical Report, 1926, No. 447 of Appendix C. • Above, Vol. XV. pp. 34 ff.; Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV. p. 314.
• Above, Vol. XV. pp. 34 ff. Bhillama must have entered the territory of Kolhana, the Chihamina king of Nadol, after defeating the Malave and Gurjara kings on the way (ibid., Vols. IX. pp. 72 and 77, and XI. pp. 72 and 73).
* Above, Vol. V. p. 31. • Above, Vol. III. p. 113. * Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV. p. 316. . Above, Vol. III. p. 111.
Gaekwad's Oriental Series, No. X, Act II. p. 17. 10 Ibid., No. VII, Sarga V. Verse 42. 11 Hammiramadamardana, Introduction, pp. vi. f. 11 Vasantavilās, Introduction, p. ix. 11 Hammiramadamardana, Introduction, pp. viii and iz. 11 Above, Vol. I. p. 28,

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ed attack of the lord of Dhärä and the king of the Deccan who must be Yadava Simhana. This enmity between the Yadava and the Māļava kings' is continued in the time of Krishna-Kandhara and Mahadeva who are described in their inscriptions as the destroyers of the Mäļava king.
The attitude of the Yādavas towards the Gurjaras, i.e, the Chaulukyas of Anhilvāda is one of frequent warfare. Viradhavala's son Visaladēva (A. D. 1243-1263) wanted to take revenge on the Māļava and the Yadava kings who had invaded Gujarat during his father's time. He is described in his inscriptions as 'a submarine fire that dried up the ocean of Simhana's army'. The Paithan plates of Ramachandra attribute the defeat of Visala to Mahādēva which would show that the latter had to cross swords with Visala within two or three years of his accession to the throne. We have seen above that the Gürjara king had seized Cambay and portions of Lāta from Sindhurāja, a feudatory of Dēvapāla. It is not impossible that he carried his arms still further to the south as a result of which north Konkan came under his sway. Or, Konkan must have been annexed to Gujarat during the time of the Chauļukya king Kumarapala (A.D. 1143-74)', though its northern portions had been occupied by the Māļava king in the intervening period. An inscription of Arjunavarman (A. D. 1233), the predecessor of Dēva pala, states that the king was encamped at Bhrigukachchha at the time of the grant. This shows that the Paramara kingdom extended up to the Broach District on the weat in the early part of the 13th century A. D. According to Marco Polo (A. D. 1290), the chiefs in the west coast of north Konkan were dependent on the Aphilvāda kings. Rashid-ud-din (A. D. 1300) states that Gujarat included at the close of the 13th century A. D. Cambay, Somnath and Korkan-Thāņā. Thus it is evident from these references that the Paramāra hold on the northern part of Konkan was dislodged and the Gurjara sway established in the latter half of the 13th century A. D. Hēmādri records in his Vrata-khanda?, Mahādēva's fight with Sömēsvara who was the Silähära chief of north Konkan and refers to the latter's drowning in the sea as a result of ship-wreck. Since Sömēsvara's inscriptions' dated in Saka 1171 (A.D. 1249) and Saka 1182 (A. D. 1260) are found in Ranvad and Chadiche near Uran, his fight and death must have taken place some time after 1260 A. D. As the last year of Visala is known to be A. D. 1263, the defeat of Visala and Sõmēsvars might possibly have formed part of a single campaign undertaken by Mahadeva soon after his accession to the throne.
The epithet Telungarāya-sirash-kamala-mulot pāțana borne by the king is significant as it indicates that Mahädēva had crossed arms with the Käkatiya king of his time and inflicted a crushing blow on his power. It is noteworthy that his brother Krishna is called the establisher of the Telunga king' in his Mamdäpur inscription of Saka 1172 and the Arjunvăd inscriptionio of Saka 1182 which was the last year of his reign. According to the chronology of the Käkatiya kings, the Telunga contemporary of Mahādēva was Rudramāmbā, the daughter of Ganapati whose latest known year is Saka 1183. Since Hēmādri says that the Andhras placed a woman on the throne thinking that the Yadava king Mahādēvs would not deign to fight with her, the crushing
1 For particulars see also D. C. Ganguly, History of the Paramara Dynasty, pp. 208-217. • Early History of the Dekkan by Bhandarkar, p. 242. • History of the Konkay in Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. L. Part 2, p. 24. .J. A. 0. 8., Vol. VII. p. 33.
History of the Konkan, p. 25. • Ibid. * Early Hisory of the Dekkan, App. C. • History of the Korkan, p. 21, n. 1. . Above, Vol. XIX. p. 29. 10 Ibid., Vol. XXI. Pp. 9 ff.

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of the Telunga power suggested by the above epithet must have a reference to the wars conducted in the time of Ganapati especially after A. D. 12601 Mahādēva must have taken away from him (the title of) Panchamahāśabda and the elephants of war as recorded by Hēmādri, soon after his accession to the throne. It is not, however, possible to understand the exact circumstances which favoured the rising of the Silāhāra, Gūrjara and Kakatiya kings immediately after the death of Kộishņa.
Mahādēva, like his predecessors, entrusted the government of his southern country to his minister Dēvarāja: apparently to guard against the Hoysala invasion into his territory. The Hoysaļas of Dorasamudra who had lost considerable territory in the north-west of Mysore to the Yadavas under Simhaņa and Křishņa must have endeavoured to wrest back from them their past possessions and the struggle seems to have continued till the last quarter of the 13th century A. D. when we find some Yādava regiment stationed at Hāvēri marching against Dõrasamudra. The Mamdāpur inscription of Kộishņa (Saka 1172) records the defeat of Hoysala Sõmēsvara by the king, perhaps in conjunction with his brother Mahādēva who was the Yuvarāja under him The epithet Hoysaņarāya-kolāhala may bear reference to this or any subsequent fight undertaken by Mahādēva against the Hoysalas.
Incidentally, the record throws some light on the extent of the Kannada language in the north in the 12th and 13th centuries A.D. Sonnalige which was the home of Siddharāma now forms part of the modern Sholapur, the headquarters of the Sholāpur District in the Bombay Presidency. The Kannada language must have been prevalent in this part of the country in the 12th century A. D. This view finds confirmation from the statement in the Marāthi work Lilācharitra of the Mahānubhāva school, written in A. D. 1190 that the sixty-lac Mahārāshtra country extended as far as Tryambaka-kshētra (i.e., Nāsik) on the bank of the Gangā (i.e., Godavarī) in the west. Jānēsvara the celebrated saint of Mahārāshțra who flourished about 1290 A. D., praises in his abhangas the god Vitthala of Pandharpur as the deity of Kannada and Karpātaka and also remarks in his Gitabhāvadipikā that the southern limit of Mahārāshtra in his time was the south bank of the Godāvari?. This would show that even as late as the 13th century A. D. Kannada which is a southern neighbour of Marāthi, extended up to at least Nāsik and the Godavari, not to speak of Sholāpur and Pandharpur on the bank of the Bhimā in the farther south There can, therefore, be no doubt about the veracity of the statement contained in the Kavirājamārga that the northern limit of the Kannada language in the 9th century A. D. was the Gödāvari8.
1 This was the last year of Krishņa. See Fleet, Dynasties, etc., p. 527.
* The Yadava sway in the territory of the Kakatiyas is testified to by the discovery in 1922 of a pot of trea. sure buried in the earth at Rachapatnam in the Kaikkalur Taluk of the Kistna District. The pot contained 43 gold coins known by the name of padma-fankas which bear the legends Singhapa, Kanhapa, Mahādēva and Sri Rāma in Deva-Nagari script (J.P.A. 8. B., Vol. XXI-Numismatic Supplement No. XXXIX, pp. 6 ff). The find may be taken to support the epigraphical and literary evidence regarding the defeat of the Kakatiyas by the sucobesive Yadava kings from Singhans downwards.
. Dr. Fleet thinks that he may be identical with Toragaleya Dēvarasa appearing in an inscription at Hávēri. See Dynasties, etc., p. 528.
*B. K. No. 75 of 1932-33.
Poet Chaundarasa (cir. 1300 A. D.) is supposed to have lived at Pandharpur. Karnataka Kavicharite, Vol. I p. 403.
• Marathi-bhasha-udgama va vikäsa by Mr. Kulkarni, pp. 191-2.
Maharashtrada-mula by Mr. S. B. Joshi of Dharwar, pp. 40 and 49-50.
• Parichchheda 1. Kumara-Ramana-kathe of Nanjunda (cir. A. D. 1626) sloo states, in conformity with the evidence of the Marathi literature, that Karnataks was bounded on the north by the Godavarl and on the south by the Kávērt in his time.

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The following geographical places are mentioned in the record : Kaviļāsa, Sonnaligenagara, Bäsura-vishaya and Changūru. Kaviļāsa which is mentioned under this form in an inscription of Challakere is evidently the Mount Kailasa, the abode of Siva. It should not be confounded with Kaviļāsapura whose greatness is extolled in 11. 50 to 55 of the Arjunavāda inscription and which is identical with the modern village of the same name near Nūlegrāma, in the Hukkeri taluk of the Belgaum District. Sonnalige which is called abhinava-Srisaila is, 88 stated above, a part of the modern Sholapur. Bāsura-vishaya, which included the gift village Changūru, comprised 140 villages and included the southern part of the Hävēri taluk of the Dhārwār District. Changūru is the modern Sangür where the inscription is found. It may be noted that this village was included in the Chandragutti-nādu during the Vijayanagara period'
TEXT. 1 Sri-Siddharāmanātha saranu || Namas-tungasi(si)2 ras(6)-tumbhi(chumbi)-chandra-chamara-chāravē traiļākyam(lökya)-nagar-a3 rambhāya(bha)-mu(mū)la-stambā(bhā)ya Sa(Sa)mbhavē |16|| 4 Svasti Sri Om[l*] Jaya Paramēsvara Paramātma Yi(I)svaran=urvvi-parvvi[y=a]5 damgikondippanu võrbbamạnigey=āgi yögigaļa manada koneya 6 jötisvaranum Vrisa bhana rūp=āgi (ya]jamānanum ächäryyanum tā7 ney=āgi yögādi-sampamna-[ba]leyamgal=ellavam sampadisi(si) yö8 ga-[taru]niya kshētravane stalav-ittu salākhe-vididu abhinava- Srisaiļavane ma9 di Kapilasiddha-Mallikärjjunadēvane nelasi nimdu pumnya(punya)-pāpamgalam 10 baram peldu [be]sam pēļuttav-iralu ēm besa dēvā enalu yi stā11 nadalu mänyaymägi vūrugaļam bhūmigaļain dhanamgalan yi Lingakke 12 hast-õdukavam mādi koţtuduvam manam pēsade kaladukondape13 n=embātana ātana mātā-mātā-pitrugal=ellan=eppattēļu-köti varusam14 baram puļu-gomdada narakado?ag=ikki nin=āhuti-goluttiru gamdā e16 le păpavē || Yi dēvana bhūmi-dhanakk=ān=amjuven=emdu pandeyam 16 pāv=adarddamte manam bedari podavattanam bēga sīghram komdu bā kamļā 17 ele pumnyavē Kaviļāsake [l*] yimt=eradara bemge pumnya(punya)-pāpamga18 luṁ pārddu komdoyvudu tappadu ditha dithar satyam-gamdire |yembu19 du guru Siddharamanāthadēvara vachana || Svasti[l*]Sri-prithvi-vallabham (vallabha) 20 Mahäräjädhirāja-Paramēbvara-Paramabhattaraka-Dvārā 21 vati-pura-var-adhisvara-Yadava-kuļa-kamala-kaļikā-vikāb(s)a-bhā22 skara-Gürjjararāya-vāraņāmkusa-Mālavarāya-Madana-Trinētra23 Telumgarāya-si(si)rash(h)-kamala-mal-otpăţana-Rāya-jhaga-jhampa-Rā24 ya-Nārāyan-ēty-adi-nāmāvaļi-virājamāna-Praudha-pratāpa25 Chakravartti-sri-Mahādēvarāya-vijaya-rājy-oda(day) || Tat-pa26 da-padum(padro)-öpajivino Dēvarājasya pūrbha(vva)-purusa(sha)-varạnanam Sa27 majani Vasishtha-vamsē * Chaudarasaḥ Siva-pad-abja-madhu-bhrimgaḥ(bhfimgah) [*] 28 tasmād-Amitarasõ=bhūd=anupama-guna-ratna- sāgarah suja. 29 naḥ (I*] Tato=bhūd=Dēva-mamtrīsaḥ kshir-abdhēr=iva Chamdramah [*] yatu(t)-ka. 30 rõ vibudh-ānamda-karaḥ sarvv-ābhayamkaraḥ || Svasti [I*] éri=Danu(n)-m31 hāpradhānam(h) sakala-jana-tathyo-nidhānam(b) niyoga-Yögandharaḥ
1 Ep. Carn., Vol. XI. Challakere 22. * Above, Vol. XXI. p. 11. * B. K. No. 173 of 1932-33. • From ink-impressions. • The danda is superfluous.

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32 pati-käryya-du(dhu)ramdharaḥ sarbb(rvv)ādhikäri(i) sujan-öpakāri(i) samara. 33 dhi(dhi) ta-bhūdēvaḥ śri-Sõmanāthadēva-labudhabdha)-vara-prasādē Dāvarājo(jah) 34 sri-Mahädēva-nru(nsi)p-ājñayā dakshiņām bhuvam palayamnu(palayan) 35 sri-Siddharäm-adhishthitam (1) Somnalige-nagaram avalökya ári-Kapilasiddha36 Mallikarjjuna-alokana-püt-ämtaramgö dhamrmmë (dharmmē) mano 37 nidhaya tasya dövasy=ārga-ramga-bhög-artham jirppöddhår-anatha 38 samrakshaņa-väri-satra-nitya-hom-ady-anēka-dharmma-b(v)ya39 yâya 1 Basura-vishaya-madhya-varttina prasiddha-simā-samamma)nvitam
Chamgūra-nāmdhēyam grä40 mam nidhi-nikshēpa-jala-pās(sh)āņa-samam(sama)nvitam darda-su(su)41 lk-adi vividh-ay-annvitam (änvitam) rāja-purushairanamguli-pre42 kshaniyam sarbba(vva)-namasyam kru(kri)tvā || Saka (Sakā)d=ărabhya 1[1]86 ne43 ya Raktākshi-samvatsarasya Pus(sh)ya-măsë arddhodaya44 tithau hiramny(hirany)-odaka-pürbba(vva)kam pra(a)dät oll 45 Yirulum pagalum pariva kolli-kal]an=ādodan mamneya 46 mahamamdalēsvaran=ādadam dhareyan=alva Chakravarttiy=āda47 dar Srimanu-maba-mahima Kapilasiddha-Mallēsvaradëvara 48 kshētrada chaturāsrayada nälkum-deseya valeyadoľage vo49 lage horagrippa dhanakke arasugalo!-akku kolli-kal]arol-akku manam pēsa 50 de kaladukonden-embatana utana mata-mata-pitrurgga(pitriga). 51 1=ellamo The rest of the vachana is a reproduction of 11. 13-19 of the previous vachana. to 57 (11. 4-19) with slight orthographical variations. 57-58 Imprecatory verse beginning with dāna-palana 59 [87]dara Soma-Gauda Sõdara Soma-Gauda Hittuka60 farige aruvana mattarimge hamneradu homna mariya61 de kölu kolaga dēvarige | Maduveyaya man-emạne (enne) hadiyade 62 tippe-sumka ashta-bhöga-tēja-sämmya (sāmya) (gau]dugalige Hiriya63 Söma-Gaumdana vumbați mattaru eradu Chikka-Soma-Gaumdana vum64 bali mattaru eradu yi Gaudu Hittukarara belada belasin=aya65 vu tammadu | Dövara-maneya Heggade Chaudarasange mattaru eradu 66 maneyumam brimämnya(manya)v ägi kottarul
ABSTRACT OF CONTENTS. (Line 1) Invocation to Siddharama. (Ll. 2-3) Invocation to Sambhu. (LI. 4-19) A vachana of Siddharăma.
(Ll. 19-25) While Praudhapratāpachakravartin Mahādēvardya who was Prithvioallabha, Mahārājādhiraja, Paramēśvara and Paramabhattāraka, & chosen lord of Dvārāvatipura, a vanquisher of Gurjara, Majava and Telunga kings, a Rāya-Nārāyana was ruling the darth, (and)
(Ll. 26-34) his minister, the Mahāpradhana Dēvarāja, son of Amitarasa and grandson of Chaudarasa of the Vasishtha family was governing at his command the southern country, (the latter)
(LI. 35-44) visited Sonnalige-nagara, the former residence of Siddharama and heing pleased at the sight of god Kapilasiddha-Mallikarjunadēva made a gift of the village Changura in Băsura-vishaya together with a right over treasure-troves and the incomes derived from
1 Read Mullikarijun-alokant

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fines, bulka, etc., for the worship of the deity, renovation of the temple and for water-shed and daily oblations, etc., on the occasion of arddhodaya on the new moon day of Pushya in the (cyclic) year Raktākshin, the Saka year 1186.
(Ll. 45-58) Another vachana of Siddharāma.
(Ll. 59-66) Specifies certain estates and incomes in the village to be enjoyed by some Gaudas, Hitfukāras and Chaudarasa, the Heggade of the temple (dēvara-mane).
No. 31.-A NOTE ON THE TIRIYAY ROCK INSCRIPTION.
BY B. CH. CHHABRA, M.A., M.O.L., Ph.D. (LUGD.), OOTACAMUND. This interesting epigraph was brought to light in the year 1931.1 The rock on which it is engraved is situated on the north-eastern sea-coast, near the village of Tiriyāy, in Ceylon. The inscription has recently been published by Mr. S. Paranavitana. It is written in the PallavaGrantha script and in the Sanskrit language : both these features are rather uncommon in Ceylon. It is not dated, but is palaeographically assigned to the late seventh century A.D. Like the other few Sanskrit records discovered in the island, the present one also is associated with the Mahāyāna form of Buddhism. Its contents constitute a hymn in praise of a sanctuary, called in the inscription itself Girikandi-chaitya, which had apparently been set up by a guild of sea-faring merchants. The principal deity in the shrine is Sugata (i.e., the Buddha) attended by Avalokitēśvara and Maõjuvāg. For a detailed discussion on these and kindred points, the reader is referred to the exhaustive study of the record made by Mr. Paranavitana.? In the present paper, special attention is drawn to what has somehow escaped the notice of that scholar concerning the text.
Mr. Paranavitana has taken the inscription to be entirely in prose', whereas to my observation it has revealed itself to be almost wholly in verse, the last line apparently being the only exception. It will be seen that the composer has displayed his peculiar taste in employing throughout one and the same metre and that of a very rare occurrence, namely Nardataka. The engraver, on his part, has exhibited a like trait by allotting one line to each stanza. Thus the first ten lines of the text, the whole of which consists of eleven lines, comprise ten stanzas.
The above discovery has led me to a further conclusion that the record is not fraginentary as Mr. Paranavitana has shown it to be. Lines 1 to 4', says he, are totally illegible at the beginning for a distance of nearly three feet and the ends of lines 4 to 10 are much damaged'. One does get such an impression while glancing at the illustration of the record. On comparing the text, however, it becomes manifest that, in spite of its irregular appearance, the document has reached us almost in its entirety. Thus, in contradiction to Mr. Paranavitana's remarks, I may state that no inscribed portion has been lost at the ends of lines 4 to 10. The same can be said of the beginnings of the lines 1 to 4, with only this reservation that the portion in question does seem to have originally contained some sort of engraving on it, and that about eight
An. Rep. on Arch. Survey of Ceylon for 1931-32 (Pt. IV.- Education, Science and Art (J) ), p. 19; An. Bibliography of Ind. Arch. (Kern Institute, Leyden), Vol. VII (1932), pp. 34-35; J. A. 8. B. Letters, Vol. I (1935), p. 12.
* Epigraphia Zeylanica, Vol. IV, pp. 151-160 and Plate.
I may add that the portion might have contained some letters. The second line of our text begins from (0)lila, but before these letters the stone shows traces of at least two more syllables, though as such they are superfluous in our text. It may also be pointed out that there are three signs, one below the other, facing the extremities of the lines 4-6, but they do not have any bearing on the text, although they have the appearance of regular letters dha, dhi and ghah respectively.

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aksharas at the commencement of the fourth line have peeled off along with the engraving above.
, the
The space occupied by the inscription roughly corresponds to this shape upper rectangle containing the first three lines of the writing and the lower the remaining eight. It will further be noticed that there are some natural cracks and rough patches which existed on the stone even at the time of the incising of the inscription and which the engraver has carefully avoided. For example, blank spaces between vishäda-harah and kanaka-vibhushana, 1. 6, and gandha-jalāh and kara-bhrita, 1.7, are original gaps and not the lacunae in the text.
It is obvious that in the light of the observations made above, the task of deciphering the record has become particularly easy, as it always happens in case the composition of a document turns out to be metrical. It is, I believe, possible now to restore the text more or less completely by examining either the original epigraph or a good estampage of it, neither of which has been at my disposal. The photographic reproduction accompanying Mr. Paranavitana's paper being too inadequate for the purpose, it has not been possible for me to amend all the doubtful readings or to read all the portions left undeciphered. Below I suggest some alterations and additions in the text given by Mr. Paranavitana :
L. 2. At the end we may read [Girikandi]kam=ity=udite. L. 3. Instead of -nagara-ja[na*]. I would read [nā]ga[rā]ja.. L. 4. The reading appears to be natań where -nata- has been read.
L. 5. Perhaps we have to read siddha- instead of sada, and -pujyatama) in place of -pujyatam[6]. Before Girikandika we may read namāmi. The last letter is final m, so indicated by its smaller size. Thus we have to read =aham and not =ahamma(pi).
L. 6. The reading is =madana-dosha-vishāda-harah and not =mano-dosha-visha-dahara. So also -ruchir=nniyatam= and not -tuchin=niyatam- ; -varam and not varan.
L. 7. Read -jalāḥ instead of -jala, and pājanāṁ for pūjāni. The two letters after Girikandi seem to read jushah.
L. 8. Instead of pranipātam kurutë the reading is probably pranipatan-kurutë.
L. 9. The anustära indicated within square brackets is not found in the original, nor is it necessary. Read -käranam for-karana[m]=, and -gatar Sugatan(tam) for .data-sugata.
L. 10. The last word is jagat and not jagataḥ.
It may also be pointed out that after the first half of each stanza, except perhaps the third, fourth and sixth, a single danda is clearly visible on the stone. A superfluous danda is found after the first quarter of the second verse. In certain places Mr. Paranavitana's reading is not tenable as warranted by the metre, e.g., Buddhänkuro (1. 5). His translation will naturally have to be considerably modified after so many changes in the text.
No. 32.-FOUR COPPER PLATES FROM SORO
BY N. G. MAJUMDAR, M.A., INDIAN MUSEUM, CALCUTTA. These copper plates, which are edited here for the first time, wete unearthed at Badkhuri near Sörö in the Balasore District of Orissa, and recently acquired by the Ravenshaw College Museum, Cuttack. Prof. N. C. Banerji of the College brought the plates to me for decipherment in March 1937, and as they had a thick incrustation of verdigris they were chemically treated in the Indian Museum, Archæological Section. I am obliged to the authorities of the Ravenshaw College Museum for the loan of the plates, as also for the permission to edit them in this Journal.

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These are four plates (A, B, C and D), representing four separate documents, each complete in itself. Their respective sizes are as follows:-A, 7"x4"; B, 8"x5"; C, 7"x4" and D, 72"x3". The plates are engraved on both sides, there being 19 lines of writing in A, 21 lines in B, 18 lines in C and 21 lines in D. Originally each plate had a seal attached to it at the left hand side, but the seals of plates A, B and C are missing. Plate D still retains the seal, but it is very much worn out and its details are completely obliterated.
The characters are a form of the Northern alphabet, representing an earlier phase of the writing as compared with the Gañjām plates of Sasanka. Palæographically, Plate A, which shows slightly earlier forms of letters, should be placed first in the series, while Plates B, C and D between A and the Gañjām plates. The chief points of difference between the Gañjām and the Sōrō plates in respect of alphabet may be noted. The characters of the Gañjām plates are of "the acute-angled type with nail-heads,' which, as pointed out by Bühler, forms the transition from the Gupta to the Nagari alphabet. These acute-angled letters are absent in the present records. In the Gañjām plates the medial i and i strokes are more developed and often extend below the head of the letter; and the letter j is of the later type in which the top bar is reduced to a mere stroke, and the bottom bar, and often also the middle bar, hang down, in which respects it resembles the same letter in Plates B and C. Some examples showing these tendencies of the letter j occur also in Plates A and D; but in Plate A, and in some cases in Plates B, C and D, the top bar is not reduced. The letter r in the Gañjām plates has a stroke added to its base on the left side, which is absent in the Sōrō plates. Plate A shows uniformly the earlier tripartite form of y, while in Plates B, C and D it is of the later bipartite type akin to that used in the Gañjām plates. The letter & in the Gañjām plates shows in the majority of cases an oval loop at the top, while in the Sōrō Plates it still retains its angular form, often having the shape of a perfect rectangle. The Gañjām plates are dated in the Gupta year 300, i.e., A. D. 619-20. Plates B, C and D, which should be placed somewhat earlier than this date, may be assigned to the second half of the sixth century, while Plate A which must be still earlier, to the first half of the sixth century. Paleographically, Plate A closely resembles the Pațiākellā grant of Maharaja Sivarāja.
The language of the copper plates is Sanskrit. Each has the usual benedictive and imprecatory verses at the end, but the rest of the document is in prose. As regards orthography, a final m is occasionally joined to the following consonant, a consonant following or preceding r is occasionally doubled, and both b and are uniformly expressed by the sign for the latter, the only exception being in Plate A, in which the two letters are clearly distinguished in bahubhir-vvasudha (1. 16).
The general character of the four plates, so far as their phraseology is concerned, is more or less uniform. This is to be expected in view of the fact that they belong not only to the same age but also to the same locality. First is mentioned the place of issue of the charter, which is followed by the name and titles of the donor. Next is introduced the name of the province or subdivision wherein the grant is made, and in this connection are enumerated the various officers forming the administrative machinery of the province to whom the document is addressed. The name of the village as well as the names of the donees in whose favour the charter (tāmrapaṭṭa) is issued is then given. The prose portion of the plates recording all these details of grant is followed by benedictive and imprecatory verses. These are followed by the names of persons entrusted with drafting of the document, mechanical execution of the copper sheet by heating, and also
1 Above, Vol. VI, Ph. facing p. 144.
Indian Paleography, English translation, p. 49. Above, Vol. IX, p. 285 and Pl.

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(in Plate C) with engraving. The date of the grant is specified either at the end (in A), or immediately before the names of the draughtsman and others (in Plates B and C), or just before the commencement of the metrical portion (in Plate D)
Plate A records a grant of eight timpirasl of land by Mahārāja Sambhuyasas of the Mudgala family in a village called Ghanțăkarppakshētra adjoining Sarēphā, evidently the headquarters of the same vishaya, in Uttara.Tösali. It was issued from the royal camp at Tamparavadama to a Brahmin named Bharapasvämin, belonging to the Bharadvāja-götra and the Kāņva-sākha (of the Yajurvēda). The draft was made by the Mahāsāndhevigrahika Nārāyaṇa and the plate was heated' by the Mahaitara Vidēśasyā. min. It is dated in the year 260, the 30th day of Kārttika. This date in view of the palæography is referable to the Kalachuri era and becomes therefore equivalent to A. D. 508-9.
Plate B records the grant of a village called Adayāra situated in the Sarēph-āhāravishaya in Uttara.Tosali which again formed a part of the Odra.vishaya. The donees are Dhruvamitrasvāmin, Arungasvāmin and others of the Vätsya-gotra and the Vāja, saněya-charana (of the Yajurvēda). The grant was issued by the Mahābalādhikrita, Antaranga and Makäsāndhivigrahika Somadatta, from his camp at Amratakshaka. It was written by the Sāndhivigrahika Köbava and heated by the Mahattaraka Süryadēva. It is dated in the year 15, the 13th day of Vaisakha.
Plate C is another grant of the same Mahābalādhikrita, Antaranga, Mchāsāndhirigrahika Sömadatta. It was issued from a place called Śāñchāțaka, the grant consisting of a village called Bahirvvāțaka, situated in Varukāņa - vishaya in Sarēph-āhāra. The donees are Dhruvamitrasvāmin and Arungasvāmin of the Vätsya-götra and the Vājasaneyacharana (of the Yajurvēda). The grant was written by Subhasimha and heated by the Pēdāpālaka Divākara, while the engraving was carried out by Nārāyaṇa. It is dated in the year 15, the 24th day of Māgha. It should be noted that in this plate Varukānavishaya is said to have been within Sarēph-āhāra which itself was also a vishaya, as we know already from Plates A and B.
Plate D was issued from a place called Virañjā by the Mahapratihāra, Mahārāja Bhānu datta. The same Bahirvātaka village, which is mentioned in Plate C as having been granted to Dhruvamitrasvāmin and Arungasvāmin, is hereby granted once again. The donees this time are Priyamitrasvāmin, Văţamitrasvāmin, Dhruvamitrasvāmin and Arungamitrasvāmin, all of them belonging to the Vatsa-gõtra and Vājasanēya-charana. In this plate the village is stated as being within the Sarēph-āhāra-vishaya and not Varukāņa-viskaya as in Plate C. The grant was written by the Sāndhivigrahika Aruņadatta and heated by the Pēdāpālaka Pratishthitachandra. The date is the year 5, the 17th day of Phālguna.
It has been already stated that the year 260 of Plate A, which refers itself to the reign of Maharāja Sambhuyasas, should be assigned to the Kalachuri era of A.D. 248, the date thus corresponding to A.D. 508-9. The difficulty in assigning the year to a later reckoning such as the Gupta or the Harsha era is obvious, because palæographically the record is not referable to a date later than the middle of the sixth century. The same difficulty also arises in the case of the Pațiākellā plate of Mahārāja Sivarāja of the year 283. R. D. Banerji, who has edited it, refers the date to the
1 The word timpira which occurs also in the Parikud and Nivina grants (above, Vol. XI, p. 286. 1. 41 of the text and Vol. XXI, p. 35 and n. 1) denotes a unit of land measurement.
*[Soe below p. 201 n. 5.-Ed.)

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[VOL. XXIII.
Gupta era, but as pointed out by Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar, the palmography of the record is not in favour of this assumption. The latter has accordingly suggested that the year 283 should be referred to the Kalachuri era. According to this view, with which I entirely agree, the Pațiäkellä plate should be placed twenty-three years after the present record.
The Pațiäkellă plate records & grant of land in Dakshina-Tõsali by Mahārāja Sivarāja. In line 3 of the plate occurs a passage containing the name of the immediate overlord of Sivaraja, which has been read by Banerji as Paramamahësvara-bri-Sagguyayyanë säsati. This he translated as, "when the great worshipper of Mahēsvara (Siva), the illustrious Sagguyayyana . . . . was ruling". In an editorial note on Banerji's article Dr. Sten Konow observed, "I am unable to see Sagguyayyane, but I cannot suggest a satisfactory reading; I think I see Sambhuyayye-n." The plate which is now deposited in the Indian Museum, Calcutta, was subsequently re-examined by Banerji, but he found himself unable to accept Konow's emended version. Recently I had occasion to examine the record very closely in connection with my study of the Sõro plates, when I found that neither of the two readings could be accepted. The actual text in the Patiäkella plate is Paramamäheśvara-sri-Sambhuyakasyranusāsati, i.e.," during the rule of the illustrious Sambhuyasas, the great devotee of Mahēsvara". There is no doubt that this Sambhuyabas, who also belonged to the Mudgala family, is identical with Mahārāja Sam. bhuyaśas of the Sörő plate. The expression Paramadevat-adhidaivata and Paramabhatřāraka used in reference to him in line 4 of the Pațiäkella plate shows that Sambhuyasas held the position of a paramount ruler. It should be noted that he has only the epithet Paramamähèsvara prefixed to his name in this grant, while in the Soro plate he is described as a Mahārāja. It is difficult to say what position he precisely held in the year 260 when the latter record was issued. It is likely that he enjoyed & sort of independent status. The combined evidence of the Sõro and Patiakellä plates shows that King Sambhuyasas ruled over the whole of Tõsali. The expression Paramadaivata-va(ba)ppa-pādānudhyāta, i.e., meditating on the feet of his father who was (to him) like a great divinity,' used in reference to him in line 5 of the Soro plate may be compared with similar phrases occurring in the land grants of the kings of Kalinga, e.g., the Komarti plates of Chandavarman' which describe him as bappabhagfāraka-pădabhaktah.
Mahārāja Bhänudatta of Plate D, who calls himself also Mahāpratihāra, must have been a Vassal chief like Sivarāja of the Pațiākellä plate. That he was under some Paramabhattāruka, i.e., & sovereign ruler, follows from lines 8-9 and 13 of Plate D, although we do not know who this ruler was. Of a somewhat lower rank was Somadatta, the donor of Plates B and C, who is styled Mahabalādhikrita, Antaranga and Mahasāndhivigrahika. His overlord, who likewise remains unknown, is referred to as Paramadaival-ādhidaivata or Paramadaivata, and Paramabhattāraka. Neither Bhānudatta nor Somadatta is known from any other sources. There could not be a difference of more than & generation between these two persons, as the donees Dhruvamitrasvāmin and Ārungasvāmin of Plate C issued by Sömadatta were evidently identical with the donees of the same names mentioned in Plate D of Bhanudatta.
As is well known, Tosali is first mentioned in Asöka's Rock Edicts at Dhauli near Bhuvanē vara in Puri District which itselt must have been comprised in that province. From several copper plates from Orissa it appears that the province was divided into two sections, namely,
1 Above, Vol. IX, p. 287.
Bhandarkar, List of Inscriptions of Northern India, p. 160 (No. 1203) and n. 2. History of Orissa, Vol. I, 1930, p. 118. • For similar expressions used in other records soe Fleet, C. 1. 1., Vol. III, pp. 186-187, note, Above, Vol. IV, p. 144.

Page #264

FOUR COPPER PLATES FROM SORO: A. PLATE OF MAHARAJA SAMBHUYASAS; THE YEAR 260.
Obverse.
少系人百E去下照片手法不るまれる 2. Ann ganmand Bart 2
不平成nuganza EE 4SELFATHE Lina Thia まちであるが、それにしていてこういう 6 TESAN:45でかぶる。
おのたたいててす さんのスマホでストですさからすみだ。
かすれるイ广o. InThinaでの 10 nariot IntPなず なあ。
Reverse.
Iren某gner ふらい
とおさらいなまれてなかったのです 14 MATORANTER714
ながいてイイで! た しかいないです・・するうえで、
いです教えすえするスクのまぶでん 不是不信之内町
18
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Page #265

B. PLATE OF SOMADATTA; THE YEAR 15.
Obverse.
2
9 ੯ ਥਾਧਾ,F:293+ਧਾ ਪ ਝਾ | Tu, qF 2,fre UTChapਨਾ 1105
ਨਾਪ '2 . ਪੰਧ + ੫ G (@HS ਨਾਮ Vi Tyagiਥੈਡ )
ਨਾਲ 25 4 ਮਾਂ ਬਾਪ ਧੀਥਵੀ 'ਨ¤ ਨੇ 7 7 ਨੂੰ ਲਈ ਹਾਨੂੰ ਨੂੰ ਨਾ ਪਾਖ 2ਘ 17 1 x 6
Un 0+TVQ| 50n). ਨੂੰ ਦਾਨ ਪੰਨਾ ੧੫:੫, ਯSinvrRl1 | 8 1 ਪਾਯਾ ਨਾ ੧ ੨੫:੫ ਜਾਂ
੬ ਪgਨਾ ਹਾ | 5 Pਝ ਪ ਨ । । । 10 ਪਾ ਹਾz))ਜਪਾ ੪ ।੫only ਨਾ ॥ ਨਾਨ 13 #Tohਈ ਆਲੇ ਝit11, 05_112
Reverse.
14
Ruਪ 514.tn 1701) 1 ) । 3F3a L F। ਧwਤੇ ਦਾ 77! F % n : 14 4) ਵੱਡੇ p l z 19hਤਾ। ) 11 (74
Ang 7 on : 1157 13 ) ਪni | 16 ਪੀ 410 Gਸ 11 ਦੇ 1neਧਾ ਨt. ਪੰਜ ਜਾਪ ਜਰ ਖੋਖgsirph T[D. 18 1 12 13 1) 74 71 17 1, 2, 31 Khu Ton m 2 ) ਨੂੰ 8T | 20
Iਨ ਨਾ 144 ) Tਨ it
18
.
20
SCALE: GEVEN-CIGHTHS.

Page #266

No. 32]
FOUR COPPER PLATES FROM SORO.
201
Uttara-Tosali and Dakshiņa-Tõsali. The latter included Köngöda-mandala, which according to some scholars was to the south-west of Puri and might have extended as far as the borders of the Ganjam District. As regards the extent of Uttara-Tösali, light is thrown by the Neulpur grant of Subhākaradēva' and also by the present copper plates. The Neulpur plate records the grant of certain villages in Uttara-Tösali which are to be located in the Balasore District. All the four plates published here refer to grants of land in Sarēph-āhāra which also was situated in Uttara-Tõsali. Sarēphā (or Sarepha) should be identified with Sõro in Balasore, in the vicinity of which the present copper plates were discovered. In the Revised Rent-roll of Shah Sujah (circa A.D. 1650) Sõro appears as one of the principal divisions of Sarkar Jalesar. It is also mentioned as Sõro-dandapāta in the Mädaļā- pāñji. Even now Sõro is an important station in the Balasore District. Varukāņa, the name of the adjoining vishaya, is perhaps to be identified with the present Baruã pargana which appears as Barwa, a mahal under Sarkar Bhadrak, in the Ain-i-Akbari. The other localities I am unable to identify.
A.-Plate of Mahārāja Sambhuyasas; the year 260.
TEXT.
Obverse. 1 Om [*] jaya-skandhāvārāt=Tamparavadama(?)-vāsakāch=chhruta vinaya-vibhū2 shanaḥ pranayi-jana-yathëshța-bhogya-vibhavaḥ sarvva-dik-parisara3 pratishthit-ananta-punya-kirttir=apann-ābhaya-mantra-dikshito nija4 bhuja-parakrama krānta-sattru-pakshaḥ prajā-pālana-dakshiņo Mudgala.. 5 kul-āmva(mba)r-ēndu-sri-chūļā-maniḥ paramadaivata-va(ba)ppa-pād-ānuddhyāto Mahā6 raja-sri-Sambhuyaśāḥ kusali Uttara-Tosalyäm varttamüna-bhavi7 shyan-mahäsämanta maharaja-rajaputtra-kumārāmaty-oparika8 vishayapati-tadãyuktaka-dandavāsika-sthānantarikan-anya[m)9 sucha Vallabha-jātiyān Sarēpha-(ph-a)hāra vishaya-mahāmahattare10 kültakõlas-ady-adhikaraṇam mānayati viditam-astu võ yath=ai
Reverse. 11 tad-vishaya-samva(mba)ddha-Sarēph-asanga-grāmēto Ghantakarnna.kshēttrē timpir-ā12 shtau sasya-sahitā vāstu-hasta-sata-dvaya-samētāḥ s-Õparikarāḥ 13 s-õddēšā[ h] sarvva-pidā-varjjită a-chandr-arkka-samakāla mātā-pittro14 Twatmanaś=cha puny-abhivriddhayē Bhāradvāja-sagottra-Kānvēya15 Bharaṇasvāminé pratipăditās=tad=ēsh=āsmad-dattiḥ pratipäla
Cf. above, Vol. XXI, p. 38. 2 Above, Vol. XV, p. 1. Misra, Orissa under the Bhauma Kings, 1934, p. 3. M. Chakravarti, J. P. A. 8. B., 1916, pp. 46, 48.
The reading may be Väru(or Varu)koņa. Names of villages ending in kona are not uncommon; cf. Bukudraraköna in the Indian Museum Plates of Devendravarman' (above, p. 74) and Värahakona in the Saktipur copper plate of Lakshmanasēna' (above, Vol. XXI, p. 214). It may be pointed out that there is a place called Märkona (on the B. N. R.) only ten miles to the south-west of Soro.-Ed.]
. See J. P. A. S. B., 1916, p. 44.
Expressed by a symbol. & For this reading I am indebted to the Editor.
This word, which was omitted at first, has been added below. 10 [Reading appears to be Sardph-oftsu]ága-yramé, i.e., in the village in the vicinity of Sarēpha. -Ed.]

Page #267

202
EPIGRAPHIA INDIOA.
[VOL. XXIII.
16 yitavy=ēty=ājñā svayamuktan-cha dharmma-sastrē [*] Bahubhir-yvasudhā datta 17 rājabhi[h*] Sagar-idibhish 1] yasya yasya yadā bhūmiḥ tamiseta)sya tasya tada 18 phalam(m) [i*l) likhittam(tam) mahasandhivigrabika-Nārāyaṇöna 19 tapittaṁ(tam) mahattara-Vidő[ba]svémin[a] | sanhvva(va)t 200 60 Kārtti di 30
B.-Plate of Somadatta ; the year 15.
TEXT.
Obverse. 1 Omi svasti jaya-skandhāvarād-Amratakshaka-vasakāt parama-daivatadhidaivata-sri2 Parasmajbhattāraka-păd-ānudhyāto mahāva(ba)lädhikțit-antaranga-mahäsāndhi3 vigrahika-Somadattah kusali Odra.vishayē Uttara-Tosalyām Sarēph-a. 4 hāra vishayē varttamāna-bhavishyan-mahāsāmanta-mahārāja-rājaputra-kumārā5 māty-õparika-vishayapati-tadāyū(yu)ktaka-dāņdavåsika-sthānāntarikān=86 nyams=cha châta-bhata-vallabha-jātiyān=vishaya-mahāmahattara-kūtakölasa7 pustapāl-ady-adhikaraņañ=cha yath-arham=pūjayaty=avagamayati cha vidita8 m-astu bhavatām yath=āsmābhir=ētad-vishaya-samva(mba)ddha-Adayāra-grāmõ(mah)
Sri-Parama9 [bhalttāraka-pädänām-8-chandr-ārka-sama-kālam-puny-abhivriddhayē rāja-datti10 tāmra-patta-sthityā Vātsya-sagotra-Vājasanēya-Dhruvamitrasvāmy-Arunga. 11 svāmy-ādīnām=pratipăditas-tad=ēshāṁ samuchita-tāmra-patta-dā{na*]n=datvā(ttva) 12 bhuñjānānāth na kēnachid=anyatha karaniyā ēsha cha dattiḥ paramadaivata
Reverse. 13 sri-Paramabhattāraka-pādānām dharmmasya cha gauravat-pratipălayitavya || 14 uktañ-cha dharmma-sastre [1*] Va(Ba)hubhir=vvasudhā dattā rājabhiḥ Sagar-ādibhiḥ [1*] 15 yasya yasya yadā bhūmis-tasya tasya tadā phalam(m) [18] Sva-dattām-para-dattām=vā 16 yo harēta vasundharām(m) []*] sa vishthāyām kļimir=bhūtvā pitsibhiḥ saha pachyatē || [2*] 17 Mā bhūd=aphala-sankā vaḥ para-datt=ēti pārthivāh[*sva-dānāt=phalam=ānantyam 18 para-dan-anupālanam(m) || [3*] Shashtim=varsha-sahasrāņi svargē mödati 19 bhūmidaḥ [1*] ākshēptā ch=ānumantă cha täny=ēva narakam=va(kē va)sēd=iti || (t || [4*]iti) 20 samvat 10 5 Vaišākha di 10 3 likhitam sāndhivigrahika. 21 Kösavāna tăpitam mahattaraka-Süryadövēna !!
C. Another Plate of Somadatta ; the year 15.
TEXT.
Obverse. 1 Om svastis *Sāñchătakāt paramadaivata-sri-Paramabhattāraka-pād-anudhyāto mahā. 2 va(ba)lādbiksit-antaranga-mahāsāndhivigrahika-Somadattah kusali Sarēph-āhāra. 3 sambamba)ddha-Varukāņa-vishayē varttamāna-bhavishyan-mabāsāmanta-mahāraja-raja4 puttra-kumārāmāty-oparika-vishayapati-tadāyuktaka-dāņdavāsika-sthānāntarikā. 5 n=anyāms-cha chăta-bhata-vallabha-jātiyān=vishaya-mahamahattara-kūtakõlasa6 pustapāl-ādy-adhikaranam cha yathārham=pūjayatv-avaga mayati cha viditam-astu bhava
1 Expressed by a symbol.
*[See above, p. 201 n. 5.-E..]

Page #268

FOUR COPPER PLATES FROM SORO: C. ANOTHER PLATE OF SOMADATTA; THE YEAR 15.
Obverse.
༦ * % - ༢:; as ''it, ཀ༽ ༧) ཀླད h7 '' 44. རྒྱུ 8 ན་ ་ 2༢༩T-f) ཀ ༽ ༧ ༢ ༣༥ ༣༥༡༽ཇུ a -ལ7% 2
་་༧ ༔ fr @qq***ལྟfག༽ ཉིཤgjཀཾ།%A77 , 3 cere Y?s@{\7°། (76《e hཀ( s༠ ཀ' ཏུ་ ༽x, = 4
,ན A n%E»7 ཊ''' 2 'ཝ༥ ནjz༽ལ ༥ ༣.v. no ༠ ལུ ར ཙ་ཀྱ༩ ཚct: # ཝཱཉ། 32 ཟླ། 18z:ནིy''28. 《ཧཚ་。
༢ ༤༢.ཝཱtzམ |:ཀླུ ( ཀཱཀཾ ༩3: 2:ཀ ནོ་ ༠༩:| ཀླ|:༧7 | ཙ 8 7Tgir༩༧ ཀུན་༧རྒྱུ ་ ༥ 11:* ༩Y gzu '། ༣༢ རྒྱལྟུད 4 8
ས་ ཀ, ཨ་ན(Inq7 Fཀཱ མ བུ rཊ་ཏ་པ ་ 10 | c༢༥ ནལེq «༣ ཙཱ་ ༢༡ ཟླ་ སa བྷ ན ཤུ z | X 10
* :5@G 2. :/%3 % -uTp s/ A#31:|: Fit| ་
Reverse.
1
diajw། ཉའི་(ཐོ ༽ ༡༩༦ ། ༡ - ཨུཏྟ ༡༩ ཀིག' ', ས 12 འ?ན71: 'ཀི། -1:|:ཀྱི ཨུ ཀ 2! [ 2:|: 'ཀ), \ཀ 1 ཀམ་
z༩༩v-ting , zt.67.#འི ཀ- 1 ཀ་༧ ༽*ཀ༩51 15:5%7 14 དུ་༧:༢ ༡༢/
༡༡༽zio7.3:11ལུ་ ན ཉ ཉཀཾ ནད་ ༡ ༽ j157: $$t༢༩ ཤུa''༡༦༨.: ཀུ (༩། ༣1:2,77# 16 , Vg29 ... 37 hསུ $+༩ ན་ ༢ ༩༥ ༡༩༩༡༠ ན་ [ - ཏུནྟི @ 8 ཟླ། ༥ལོའི་ཉི།། 18
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Page #269

D. PLATE OF MAHARAJA BHANUDATTA; THE YEAR 5.
Obverse.
། ཅཕྱིa དc.s:༣ཚཔ*#དl བཛྫ་ནt ནནan སh%iss ན་ 3ངན་རྟctsa ནངས12 1ཉམགོHE:ཀ༤༥?p tཀྱངtsxh http@
་གན་ན། ན་ཏུrrནctA 4 སྤrཉཀྱིསuassen 1:གས N1རཏ་གིས་
ས་སc3dh༨ གཤིན* 6
ཕྱིtཀ༧༩ +༩ ticl
。
ཅnpནི»amajl =
ssiབfrop$ ༣saཏགས་ནp:ཀྱི་འ1:ཟུགar jarལio
t ག་ལདy G at
Reverse.
ztr 1:3ད ཏNGE: 42:232ན 388) ] 12 ཆག ཆ༽ ahrunust xts if ། tvaihr@jཀgA |༧ཏིང6ལr-tཆུ།, 14
མི་མ cs༤ ཀཀ༥ ནppoil Pན་=r6416 50tlrtཏི ༤ ཉིན་ཀrxཚནuzཀན། ནུ ?utiསt, 'untཀ2prཏཀཏཅམཱ སྙན་
3 བལ ཀྱི་ plཀalth@y » ཉིnཤིང་ བ lhashpན་ནིnt *་ ཕྱི”ཐ3%81
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Page #270

No. 32]
7 tām ētad-vishaya-samva(mba)ddha-chira-khila-[6]nyō Va(Ba)hirvvāṭaka-grāmaḥ paramadaivata
8 éri-Paramabhatṭā(ṭṭā)raka-pa(pa) danām-a-chandr-arkka-samakālaṁ puny-abhivriddhaye
Vätsya-sagō
9 ttra-Vajasaneya-charana Dhruvamittrasvamy-Arungasvamibhyam rāja-tāmra-paṭṭasthitya
10 pratipaditas-tad-anayos-samuchita-rajadatti-tamra-paṭṭa-dānam dattva bhuñjānayōr=na 11 kēnachid=vā(bā)dhā kāzyā ēshā cha dattiḥ paramadaivata-sri-Paramabhaṭṭāraka-pādānāṁ
FOUR COPPER PLATES FROM SORO
Reverse.
12 dharmmasya cha gauravat-pratipālayitavyā | uktam cha dharmma-sastrē[[*] Va(Ba)hubhir=
vvasu
13 dha datta rajabhis-Sagar-adibhiḥ[*] yasya yasya yada bhumis-tasya tasya tada
14 phalam(m) [1*] Ma bhūd-aphala-bankā vaḥ para-datt-ēti parthivaḥ[*] sva-dānāt=phala15 manantyam para-dan-anupalanam(m) || [2*] Shashtim varsha sahasrani svarggē ti
16 shṭhati bhumidaḥ[*] akshēptā ch-anumanta cha tany-ēva narakē vased-iti(t || || [3*] iti) 17 samvat 10 5 Magha di 20 4 likhitam Subhasimhōna |
18 tāpitaṁ pēḍāpālaka-Divākarēṇa utkirṇṇaṁ Nārāyaṇēna ||
D.-Plate of Mahārāja Bhanudatta; the year 5.
TEXT. Obverse.
1 Om3 svasti[*] Virañjā-vāsakān-mahāpratībāra-mahārāja-Bhānudattaḥ kuśalī 2 Sareph-āhāra-vishaye samupagatan-varttamana-bhavishayan-mahāsā
3 manta-mahārāja-rajaputtra-kumārāmäty-öparika-vishayapati
4 tadayuktaka-dāṇḍavāsika-sthānāntarikan-anyams-cha chața-bhata-jātī
5 yan(yams)-tad-vishaya-viniyuktakāmś-cha sa-mahāmahattara-vṛi(bri) hadbhōgika
6 kūṭakōlas-ady-adhikaraṇān-yatharham-pūjayati manayati ch=āstu
7 vo viditam-êtad-vishaya-samva(mba)ddha-chira-khila(la)-sünya Va(Ba)[hirvā]ṭaka
8 grāmō-smābhiḥ śri-Paramabhaṭṭāraka-pādānām-a-chandr-arka-sama
9 kalaṁ puny-abhivriddhaye Vatsa-sagōttra-Vajasaneya-charanebhyaḥ
10 mahāmahattara-Priyamitrasvāmi.Vāṭamitrasvāmi-Dhruvamitrasvami.
11 Arungamitrasvaminām-pratipaditaḥ sarvva-piḍā-varjitaḥ[*]
203
Reverse.
12 tad-ēshām samuchita-tamra-paṭṭa-danaṁ datvä(ttvä) bhuñjānānāṁ na kēnachit 13 vä(bā)dhā karaņiya śri-Paramabhaṭṭāraka-pādānan-gauravach-ch-aisha dattiḥ 14 paripalayitavy-ēti samvat 5 Phalgu di 10 7 || uktañ-cha dharmma
15 sastrē[*] Va(Ba)hubhir-vvasudha datta rajabhiḥ Sagar-ädibbiḥ[*] yasya 16 yasya yada bhumiḥ(mis-)tasya tasya tada phalam(lam) | [1*] Ma bhūd-aphala-sha(sa)17 nka vaḥ para-datt-ēti parthiväḥ[*] sva-dänat-phalam-anantyam para-dan-ā18 nupalanam(nam) || [2] Sva-dattam para-dattam-va yō harēta vasundharam[*] 19 sa vishṭhāyām krimir-bhütvä pitṛibhiḥ saha pachyate-ti3 || [3*] likhitam 20 sandhivigrahik-Aruņadattēna tapitam pēḍāpālaka-Prati
21 shṭhitachandrōn=ēti ||
1 Expressed by a symbol,
Read -svamibhyaḥ pratipaditaḥ. Read pachyaté 3* iti.

Page #271

204
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXIII.
No. 33.-TWO COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS FROM BERAR.
By Prof. V. V. MIRASHI, M.A., NAGPUR. Two sets of copper-platos, each consisting of three plates, complete with ring and scal, were discovered in 1935 in the possession of a Muhammadan of Sirso, a village two miles north of Murtizāpur, the head-quarters of a talukā of the same name in the Akola District, Berär. They have since been acquired by the Local Government and deposited in the Central Museum, Nagpur. I am obliged to the Curator of the Museum for permission to edit them. To distinguish the sets, both of which were found at Sirso, I name them here as Sisavai grant and Lõhārā grant after the villages granted by them.
A.-Sisavai grant of Govinda III; Śaka Year 729. These are three copper-plates each measuring about 12.6' in length and 6.5" in breadth. Their ends are either raised or thickened for the protection of the writing. The first and third plates are inscribed on the inner side and the second on both the sides. About .6" from the centre of the proper right side of each plate there is a roundish hole about 9" in diameter for the ring which has joined it to other plates of the set. The ends of this ring, which is about 5" in thickness and 2-9" in diameter, are soldered into the socket of a round seal 1:6" in diameter. The latter contains in relief on a countersunk surface the figure of Garula, facing full front and squatting on a lotus. He carries a serpent in each hand. The ring was cut before the plates reached the Museum, but there is no reason to doubt its connection with the grant. The weight of the three plates is 213 tolas and that of the ring and the scal 56 Lolas.
The plates are fairly well preserved. Some letters here and there and especially in the centre of both the sides of the second plate are damaged by verdigris, but they can be read without much difficulty from the traces left behind. There are sixty-two lines in all, of which sixteen are in scribed on the first plate, seventeen and sixteen on the first and second side respectively of the second plate and the remaining thirteen on the third plate. The letters are beautifully formed and deeply engraved. Some of them can be marked on the back of the first and the third plate. Their size varies from 2 to 3". The writer has treated ornamentally the mütrās for medial e, ai, and 7 and the curve for medial i, especially in the last line on each inscribed surface. It may be noted in this connection that the encircling curve for medial short i resembles that seen in the Khămkhēd plates. A floral device is incised to fill up the empty space to the left of the hole opposite 11. 24-26. The writer has inadvertently omitted letters and even words in some places; see e. g., °py-akrishna-charito bhuri in l. 2. In some cases these mistakes are corrected by incising the omitted letter immediately below; see e.g., va in drisht-āšū-radhayah in l. 17, ni in nijām and pa in naya-paro both in 1. 25. In a few cases letters are upnecessarily repeated; see e.g., py-amalaya in l. 7.
The characters are of the North Indian alphabet and resemble those of the Nēsario and Rādhanpur plates of Govinda III. The forms of the initial i in ira (1. 8), the rare jh in nirjhara (1. 11), th in yathā (1. 33) and of ph in phalakë (1. 22) are noteworthy. The superscript r everywhere appears above the line ; see e.g., inndur-yathā (1. 15). The form of the superscript is not different from that of ņ; see chanchalait-cha (1. 50). A final consonant is generally indicated by a slanting stroke to the left of its vertical. The sign of risarga is in many places used as a mark of
1 Above, Vol. XXII, p. 93. *G. H. Khare-Sourecse, the Mediaral History of the Derean (Marath), Vol. T., pp. 15 f. 3 Above, Vol. VI, pp. 239 tf.

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punctuation. The language is Sanskrit. The first thirty-three lines and part of the thrity-fourth, which contain the eulogistic portion, are in verse. Then comes the formal part of the grant in prose, which is followed by the usual benedictory and imprecatory verses. The record ends with a line in prose which states the names of the writer and the dutaka. In respect of orthography we may note that (a) the consonant following r is in some cases doubled, e.g., in anyair=nna, l. 8, durmmärggan, 1. 12; (6) one of the two similarly sounding members of a conjunct is often dropped; see e.g., rudhra, 1. 10, matar for mattam, l. 12, -valabho for vallabho, 1. 14 ; (c) the final consonant is wrongly omitted in many places; see e.g., Pallavā, 1. 11; (d) the final n is either dropped (e.g., in vidvā, 1.25) or changed to anusvāra as in tasmin, 1. 19, silimukhām, 1.23, etc. ; (e) the final visarga is omitted, in accordance with a vārttika on Pāņini VIII,3, 36, in Karnn-ādha-sthita, 1.7 and -vibhushitā sphutam., 1. 18, etc.; but wrongly in some cases; see e.g., pāda sutaḥ, l. 15; (1) the vowel ri is used for ri in many places (e.g., šsiyam, 1. 29) and vice versd, though rarely, as in eriti, 1. 30; (g) y is used for j in yėshtho, 1.6 and vice versd in ākalajya, 1. 50; (h) v is used for b throughout (e.g., vāņāsana., 1. 23), and the palatal & for the dental 8; see e.g., suduram, l. 13, and rice versa in sva-sarm-échchhayā, 1. 30. In one case the lingual sibilant takes the place of the palatal in prāvēshya, 1. 43. As instances of wrong sandhi may be cited Vindhy-ādrësh=kațakė, 1. 26, purvaish-paraih, l. 27, narakavāső syāt, 1. 57, etc.
The plates were issued from Mayurakhandi by the Rashtrakūta king Govinda (III), who is described in II. 34-35 as Paramabhatāraka, Mahārājādhiraja, Parameswara with the birudas the illustrious Prithvivallabha, the illustrious Prabhūtavarsha and the illustrious Vallabhanarendra, who meditated on the feet of the Paramabhattāraka, Mahārājadhiraja, Paramēsvara, the illustrious Dhārāvarsha. The object of the inscription is to record the royal gift of the village Sisavai together with the site of habitation in another named Moragana on the occasion of a lunar eclipse on the full moon day of Bhadrapada in the cyclic year Vyaya in the expired) Saka year 729 (expressed in words only). This date corresponds to Saturday the 21st August A.D. 807, when there was a lunar eclipse as stated. The cyclic year according to the southern luni-solar system was, however, Sarvajit and not Vyaya! The latter cyclic year can be connected with the expired Saka year only by the so-called northern luni-solar system, which, as Kielhorn has shown, was current in the south down to Saka 855.
The donated village was situated in the Māņaka vishaya and was bounded on the east by the village Haripura, on the south by Khairadē, on the west by Athakavida and on the north by Lakhaipari. The donee was the illustrious Risiyapabhatta of the Kāśyapa götra, a religious student of the Rigvēda, who was the son of Annasävi-bhatta and the grandson of Vishnu who had studied the four Vēdas. He is described as a resident of Dhārāśiva and a member of the community of the Chaturvidyas of that place. The charter was written by Aruņāditya, the son of Vatsarāja. The dutaka was the illustrious Jadavulabharta.
1 If notwithstanding the wording Sako-nripa-kal-alita, etc., we take the Saka year as current as proposed in some cases by Kielhorn (nee Ind. Ant., Vol. XXV, p. 266) the date would correspond to the lst September A.D. 806, on which day also there was a lunar eclipse. Besides, the cyclic year was Vyaya, as required, according to the southern luni-solar system ; but as in all other dates of Govinda's reign the Saka years cited are expired and the system followed is the so-called northern luni-solar system, I prefer to interpret the date as above.
Ind. Asl., Vol. XXV, pp. 268-269. The cyclic year mentioned in the Wani-Dindori plates also is Vyaya. As we find the northern luni-solar system used regularly in all other records of Govinda III, the same was in all probability adopted in the Wapi-Dindori plates. The expired Saks year intended to be mentioned in that grant was, therefore, 729 as in the present plates, but the word élona was inadvertently omitted before trimbat in 1. 46 of that record. Or, the year 730 may be taken as current, notwithstanding the wording Saka-n ripa-kalätita. The lunar eclipse which, on no hypothesis, occurred on the full-moon day of Vaisakha (ace Ind. ant., Vol. XXV. p. 11) was another mistake of the soribe. The nearest lunar eclipse was that which occurred in the previous Phålgune.

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Unlike the earlier Paithan and Añjanavati plates the present plates contain a long description of the conquests of Govinda III. They do not, however, make any addition to our knowledge of the events in his reign as the draft followed here is identical with that used in the Rādhanpur plates, the number of introductory verses being exactly the same. The earliest record in which this draft is known to have been adopted is the Maņņē plates of Saka 724 recording a grant of Govinda III's brother Saucha-Khambha (or Stambha). The draft continued to be used regularly in all the plates issued subsequently by Govinda III from his capital. It was also generally used by the Governors of the Karnataka. The longest form of this draft is that seen in the Nēsari plates where we find five verses (viz., vv 21-25) not occurring in any other grant. As shown below, the same draft is used in the Lõhärä grant. Its importance in fixing the chronological order of events in Govinda III's reign will be discussed later on.
As for the geographical names occurring in the present grant, Śribhavana has now been satisfactorily identified with Sarbhon in the Broach District. Vēngi, the capital of the Eastern Chalukyas, is too well-known to need identification. I have elsewhere suggested an identification of Mayurakhandi, the capital of Govinda III, different from the one originally proposed by Bühler. Sīsavai, the donated village, is evidently Sirso where the plates were discovered. Moragana, which must have been situated in its vicinity, cannot now be traced. Its site may have been occupied by modern Mürtizāpur. Māņaka which gave its name to the district in which the donated villages were situated is probably Mānā, a station on the Bombay-Nagpur line of the G. I. P. Railway, 8 miles east of Mūrtizāpur. Most of the boundary villages mentioned in the present grant can still be identified in the neighbourhood of Sirso. Thus Haripura is undoubtedly modern Hirpur two miles to the east, Khairadē may be Kharbādi three miles to the southeast, and Athakavāda Atkali about three and half miles to the west of Sirso. Lakhaipari is clearly Lakhpuri five miles north of Sirso. Dhārāśiva, where the donee resided cannot be definitely identified, but may be Dharur in the Akõt tälukā of the Akola District.?
TEXT. [Metres: Vv. 1, 22, 23, 25, 26 and 28 Anushtubh ; v. 2, 6 and 9 Vasantatilakā; vv. 3-5, 7, 8, 10-20 Sārdūlavikridita ; v. 21 Aryā; vv. 24 and 27 Indravajrā; v. 29 Salini; v. 30 Pushpitāgrā] .
First Plate. 1 (to I "ZEYT VIA Jaf#"*H3 () [1] FIT JR
açant: Fried(a) [87 - - 13 [H2)1 Above, Vol. III, p. 106.
Ibid., Vol. XXIII, pp. 13 ff. • Ep. Carnatica, Vol. IX, Nelamangala Taluka inscriptions, p. 51.
It is not used in the British Museum plates and the Kadab plates ; but the former were granted not at the capital, but at the Rāmēśvara tirtha on the Tungabhadra, and the latter are suspected to be spurious.
. This identification first suggested by Pandit Bhagvanlal Indraji (Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, Part I, p. 123) has been shown to be satisfactory by Dr. Altekar (see his Rashtrakifas etc., pp. 67-68).
• Above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 12 f.
[Dhärāsiva may with greater probability be identified with the village of the same name (spelt Dharaseo in the Imperial Gazetteer Atlas Plate 42) now changed to Osmanabad, the headquarters of the district of that name in the Nizam's Dominions, and famous for its caves described by Burgess in the Arch. Surv. of Western India, Vol. III (pp. 4 ff.)-N. L. R.]
From the original plates. The facsimiles accompanying this article are prepared from ink-impressions kindly supplied by Mr. Natarajan, Superintendent, Government Press, Nagpur.
. Expressed by a symbol. 1. Only faint traces of the akaharas in the brackets car. be seen on the plate. 11 Read for. 11 Read T.
13 Supply 4

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2 [(द)ह दुरस्थलराजमानश्रीकौस्तुभायतकरैरुपगूढकण्ठ: [1*] सत्यान्वितो विपुलचक्र
विनिर्जितारि[चक्रो]3 प्यकष्ण'राज: [॥२*] पक्षच्छेदभया”(त्रि)ताखिलमहाभूभुत्कुलमाजितात् दुर्लध्याद
परैरनेकविमलभाजिष्णुरना]. 4 वितात् [*] यश्चालुक्य कुलादनूनविवु(बुधवाताश्रयो वारिधीक्ष्मि(क्ष्मी)मंदरयत्म
लोलमचिरादावष्टवान्वनम: [॥३*] तस्या5 भूत(त्त)नयः प्रतापविसरैरावंत दिइण्डलश्चण्डांशो:*] सदृशोप्यचण्डकरताप्रहादित
मातल[ः ।"] धोरो धैर्यधनी विप6 [क्षव] नितावकावु(बु)जश्रोहरो हारोकत्य यशो यदीयमनिशं दिनायिकाभिर्धित
___[us*] येष्ठो लंघनजातया[प्यम]लया 7 प्यमलया लक्ष्म्या समेतोपि संन्योभूविर्मखमण्डलस्थितियुतो दोषाकरो न क्वचित् [*]
कर्णाधस्थितदान[संततिभ]8 तो यस्यान्यदानाधिकं दा[नं] वीक्ष्य मुलजि(ज्जि)ता इव दिशां प्रांते स्थिता
दिग्ग[जा]: [॥५] अन्यत्र जातु विजितं गुरुश9 क्तिसारमाक्रांतभूतलमनं(न)न्यसमानमानं(नम्) [*] येनेह वध (बद्द)मवलोक्य
चि[रा]य गंगं(गम्) ।' दूरं स्वनिग्रहभि10 येव कलिः प्रयातः [*] एकत्रात्मव(ब)लेन वारिनिधिना(ना)प्यन्यत्र रुध्वा
___(हा) घनं । निष्कष्टासिभटोहतेन विहरद्ग्राहातिभीमेन च । 11 मातंगान्मदवारिनिझरमुचः प्राप्याव(न)तात्पल्लवा[*] तच्चित्रं मदलेशमप्यनुदिनं
य स्पृष्टां न क्वचित् [॥७*] हेलाखौ (स्त्री)क12 तगौड़गज्यकमलामतं(तं) प्रवेश्याचिरात् दुम्मार्ग मामध्यमप्रतिव(ब)लों वत्म.
राजं व(ब)लैः [*] गौडीयं शरदौदु"पा
The writer has omitted seven akaharas here by haplography as his eye caught only the second of the twion occurring word कृष्ण. Read प्यकशाचरितो भुवि लणराज:. • Read भाजिताद. • Read राक्रान्त
IRead धृतम्. • Read ज्येष्ठीलंघन-- • These four aksharas are redundant. * The anusvāra is redundant. • The engraver at first cut al, and afterwards cancelled the subscript
Mark of punctuation superfluous. 1° Read स्पष्टवान्
1 Read शरदिंदु-.

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[VoL. XXIII.
13 दधवलं छत्र इयं केवलं । तस्माना(बा)[]त तद्यथोपि ककुभां प्रांत
स्थितां(तं) तक्षणां(क्षणम्) [*] लब्ध(ब)प्रतिष्ठमचिराय कलिं शु(स)
दूरमू(सु)14 च्छा(त्सा)र्य शुध(इ)चरितारणीतलस्य [*] [त्वा] पुनः ] कतयुना:(गा)(थ)यम
प्यशेषं चित्रं कथं निरुपम: कलिवल (स)भीभूत् [re"] प्राभूधै(३)यंव16 तस्ततो निरुपमादिंदर्यथा वारिधः राहात्मा परमेश्वरीनत शिरःसंसक्तपाद[*]
सुतः ॥(1) पनामंदकर प्रतापसहि. 16 तो नित्योदयः सोबतेः पूर्खादेवि भानुमानभिमतो गोविंदराज[:] सतां ।
[॥१..] यस्मि' सा(स)र्वगुणाश्रये चितिपतौ श्री.
_Second Plate ; First Side. 17 राष्ट्रकूटान्वयो जाते यादववंशवंमधुरिपावासीद[लं]ध्यः परैः [*] दृष्टाशावधयः
कृता[:*] स्यु(सु)य(स)दृशा दानन येनो[]ता 18 मुक्ताहारविभूषिता स्फुटमिति प्रत्यर्थिनोप्यर्थिनां(नाम्) [११] यस्याकारममानुषं
(त्रिभुवनव्यापति(त्ति)रक्षोचितं कृष्णस्येव निरीक्ष्य यच्छति 19 पिते(त)येंकाधिपत्यं भुवः [*] प्रास्तां तात तवैतदप्रतिहता दता(ता) त्वया
कण्ठिका किं नाज्ञेव मया धृतति पितरं युक्तं वचो योभ्यधात् [१२] . तमि 20 "[मि] गाविभूषणाय जनके जा(या)ते यशःशेषता"मेकीभूय समुद्यतां वसुमतीसं
हारमाधिच्छया" [*] विच्छायां" सहसा व्यधत(त्त) नृपतीन
1 Read
* Danda superfluous. - Read परमेशरीवत-- •It would be better to read पनामंदकरः प्रबाप-as in the Radhanpur plates. 'y which was first omitted is written below the line. • What looks like an anusvara on sa may be due to a fault in the plato. - Read यस्मिन् • The engraver at first out but subsequently cancelled the stroke for medlal y • Read वंशवन्मधु"" which was at first omitted, is written below the line. 11 The aruarára here is a little displaced. B Read सम्मिन
1. The engraver first cut for which he afterwards tried to change into without cancelling the curve for medial i and the anusara. Read er.
11 The anusvåra is redundant. » Read समुद्यतान्
"Read माधिसया.
" Read विच्चायान्

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l कोपि] यो हादश । ख्यातानप्यधिकप्रतापविसरे[:*] संवर्तकोर्कानिव ।
[१३*] येनात्यंतदयालुनाथ निगडक्लेमादपाश्यायतात् स्वं देशं 22 गमितीपि दर्पविसरायः प्रातिकु(कू)ल्ये स्थितः [*] यावं न भुकुटी लक्षा
[ट*]फलके यस्योन(ब)ते लक्ष्यते विक्षेपेण विजित्य तावदचिराह(इ)[:*] स
23 गंग: पुनः ।[१४] संधायाशु भी(शिलीमुखां(खान्) स्वसमयाहा(हाणासनस्योपरि
प्राप्तं वर्धितव(बं)धुजीवविभवं पद्माभिवृध्या(ख्या)न्वितं(तम्)[*] संन क्षत्रमुदी.
24 च्य यं शरदृत पर्जन्यवर्जरो नष्ट[:] क्वापि भय(या)त(त्त था न समरं
स्वप्नेपि पश्येद्यथा [॥१५*] यत्पादानतिमात्रकैकशरणामा. 25 लोक्य लमि(क्ष्मी) 'निजां दूरां मालवनायकी नयपरो यं प्राणमांजलि: [*]
को विहान्*] व(ब)लिनो(ना) सहायव(ब)लक: स्पही वि[ध*]ते(त्ते) परी 26 नीतस्तधि(दि) फलं यदात्मपरयोराधिक्यसंवेदन(नम्) [॥१६] विध्या कटक
निविष्टकटकं श्रुत्वा चरैर्य(य) निजे[:"] स्वं देशं समुपा27 गतं ध्रु[व]मिव ज्ञात्वा भिया प्रेरित[*] माराशर्वमहीपतिर्दुतमगादप्राप्तपूर्वेऽष्परैः
यस्येच्छामनुकूलयां कुलधनैः पा28 दो प्रणामेरपि ।[१७] नीत्वा श्रीभवने "धनो घनघनव्याप्तांव(ब)रं प्रादृषं
तस्मादागत(वान्) समं निय(ज)व(ब)लेरातुंगभद्रात.
29 टं(टम्) [*] [स]वस्थ[:.] "खकरस्थितामपि पुन: निश्येष"मावष्टवां विक्षेपैपि
चित्रमानतरिपुर्यः पल(ल)वानां शृय (श्रियम्) [१८] लेखाहारसुखो30 दिता(ड)वचसा "यत्व वे(३)गीखरो नित्यं की(कि) करवयधादविरत(त)
कर्म ख(स्व)स(म)र्मेच्छया [*] वाघाली[वि](E)तिरस्य येन रचिता व्ये(व्यो)
1 The mark of punctuation here is superfluous. - Read °दपास्यायतात्. • Read यावन्न.
• Read सनक्षत्रनि whieh was first omitted is written below the line. • The anusara is superfluous. ig which was first omitted is written below. • Read चिंध्याटे: कटके.
Read पूचः परथस्से.
10 Read मनुकूलयन् 11 Read घनाघनघनव्यानांवरी as in the Radhanpur plates. 18 which was first omitted is incised below. WRead नि:शेषमाकृष्टवान्. . u The engraver at first cut a but subsequently caucelled the stroke for medial 1

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[VOL. XXIII.
31 मामलग्नारचद्रात्र(चो) मौक्तिकमालिकामिव ता मूई स्थतारागणे ॥१८'] संत्रा
सात्परचक्रराजकमगात(तत्पूर्वसेवा32 विधिव्याव(ब)चांगलिशोभितेन शरणं मूभा(ओ) यदंश(ति)द्वयं(यम्) [1] यद्य
दत प[ग] ईवभूषणगणैना(नर्मा)लनतं तत(त)था मा भैषी33 रिति सत्यपालितयशस्थित्या यथा हिरा [२.] तेनेदमनिलविद्यच (च)ञ्चलम
वलोक्य जीवितमसारं(रम)[*] चितिदा
Second Plate ; Second Side. 34 नपरमपुख्य[*] प्रवर्तितो ब्र(ब्र) प्रदायोयं (यम्) [२१] स च परमभट्टारकमहा
राजाधिराजपरम(मे)खरबीमहारावर्षदे35 वपादानुध्यातपरमभरकमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरश्रीपृथ्वीवल्लभश्रीमत्प्रभूतवर्षश्रीवलमन
36 व[:] कुशली सर्वानेव यथास(सं)[ब*ध्यमानक(कान्) राष्ट्रपतिविषयपतिग्रामकूटा
युक्लका(क)नियुक्तकाधिकारिकमहत(क्त)37 पदोन्*] समादिशत्यस्तु व[:] संविदितं(तम्) । यथा श्रीमयूरखण्डीसमा.
वासितन मया मातापिचोरात्मनचैहिका38 मुभिकपुण्ययशोभिवृध(इ)ये । धारासिवा[स्तव्यतचातुर्विद्यसामाण्य (न्य)कास्य(ग्य)
पसगोषव(ब)चसव(ब)प्रचारि39 विष्णुचतुर्वेदपौत्राय प्रवसाविभट्टसुताय श्रीरिसियपभट्टाय माणकविषयांतर्गतो
मोरगणग्रामधा40 नसमन्वितो' सौसर्वे' नाम ग्राम[*] तस्य चाघाटनानि पूर्वतः - हरिपुरग्रामः
दक्षिणतः खैरडे पश्चिमतः प
1 In the Rādhanpur plates also the reading was saruchade but Kielhorn proposed to amend it as warachadfor reasons stated above, Vol. VI, P. 245, f. n. 1. I would read लग्नारचद्रावी मौक्तिकमालिकेव विश्ता, etc. The Nom. singular wat which is evidently intended as an adjective of faahf917 shows that the latter also must have originally been in the Nom. singular. परचत is aorist, third person singular form of इच. The intended sense is that the circular enclosure of the royal camp looked beautiful at night like a garland worn hy clusters of stars. Read यद्यद्दत्त.
Read समादिशति । पस्तु. . The mark of punctuation here is superfluous. • Read धाराशिववास्तव्य as in the Bhārata Itihasa Samsodhala Mandala and Lohara plates. • Read समन्वितः .
What looks like a slanting stroke on the top of sa is an accidental scratch.

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it.
YS लाल ८ (.८) मा म द तरार (नाक, ( रमिता से पूरा
कर देना चारा 420 horo FA (मद सय या काय काय मत र सरगुते यासह कराटे (
रमजुर खीर (गुरु वृहत् * विदय: दीय?).राममा
यदरनिरामद (((मामला यंकर दाय राबाद पुर देवनावि ((( ON
तावित कर देन्दी सूटकर न टाक दल, जाता मदन Ayाय करके कर सलाहरलाल मारेर
टेमक अरमान रहा ह ट र डिप पुल टुटेल (
महिला के सामने सितारे दिलेला नि
56
58

Page #279

Two COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS FROM BERAR. A-SISAVAI GRANT OF GOVINDA III; SAKA YEAR 729.
iib.
HARAJ (राजदर नववरणमा ACCIATI.मरहर म
रीचालीमा ल्याएका 36 ला रहा . drug PSLAGYA
कहतमा मटार रावत (IN या वाहनात्मतत् एकदा जय से दलिय र STREETभारत तरालयमा
जनजामगि दरपुरमायाला 4 ८५८० (२ वर(
राधमालामाल (यहर,
रामप्रसाद " मी कुटा र
काटन((कलर र वि स जी
AR पर
RTUREAKATE कर पर पोलार । र, तरकट ३८० जब चूहल निकालना
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI.
SCALE: THREE-FOURTHS.

Page #280

No. 33.]
41
TWO COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS FROM BERAR.
थकवाड
उत (त्त) रतः लखैपरिग्राम एवमयं चतुराघाटनोपलचितो सोद्रंगः सपरो (रि)
ग्राम [:*]
42 कर [:"] सदण्डदशापराध [: *] सभूतोपात (त्त ) प्रत्याय [:] शो (सो) त्पद्यमानविष्टिक [: * ] सधाण्य (न्य) हिरण्या
43 देयो'
अचाटभटप्रावेष्य(श्यः) सर्व्वरा [जकीयानामहस्त ] प्रक्षेपणोय पाचंद्रार्कार्णवचिति
सरित्प
44 र्व्वतसमकालोन [:"] पुत्रपौत्रान्वयक्रमोपभोग्य [: *] पूर्व्वप्रत्तदेवत्रा (ब्रा) [दा] वरहितम (तो)भ्यंत (र) सिध्या (या) भूमिच्छि
48
45 द्रन्यायेन शकन्नृपका [ला] तीतस (सं)वच्छ (स) रस (भ) तेषु सप्तषु (सु) 'एकून तृषत्यधिकेषु व्य[*] नाम्नि | संवत्सरे] [भा] द्र
46 पदपौर्णमास्यां सोमग्रहणपर्व्वणि व (ब) लि [ चरु ] वैश्वदेवाग्निहोचातिथिपञ्चमहायज्ञक(क्रि)योत्सप्पै]णा
47 र्थं खात्वाद्योदका तिसर्गेण भुंजतो भोजयत:
प्रतिपादि [ तो ] '
कषतः कषयतः प्रतिदिशतो वा न केचिदल्यापि परिपंथना कार्या तथागामिभद्रनृपति
49 भिरमहंश्यैरन्यैर्व्वी सामान्यं भूमिदानफलमवेत्य विद्युझोलान्यनित्यैश्वर्याणि तृणा
Third Plate.
50 लग्नजसविं( बिं) दुचञ्चलञ्च जीवितमाकलज्य (य्य) नुमंतव्य [:] प्रतिपा
211
यतो स्वोचितया व्र (ब्रह्मदायस्थित्या
51 ल[यि*]तव्यय [*] यथाज्ञानतिमिरपट लावृतमतिराच्छिंद्यादाच्छिद्यमान [कं नुमोदेत स पञ्चभिहापात
53 ति भूमिदः । आच्छेता (त्ता)
खदायनिर्व्विसे' षोयमस्मदा (द्दा) यो
1 Read देयोचाट.
The engraver at first cut and then changed it into a.
• Road एकोनचिंशदधिकेषु.
• Read प्रतिपादितः ।
• Read स्यादिति । उताच
Read चानुमन्ता.
62 कैथोपपातकैश्च सयुक्त [ : * ] स्या" इत्युक्तञ्च भगवता वेदव्यासेन व्यासेन [*] षष्टिं वर्षा (स्राणि खर्गे तिछ
चानुमाता च तान्येव नरके वसेत् [ ॥२२* ] विध्यापख (व) सोयासु शुष्ककोटरवासिनः [*] क
वा ]
• Road निर्विशेषी .

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212
55 लोकच 'यं तेन भवेधि (चि) (ब) हुभिर्व्वसुधा भुक्ता
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
54 चाइयो हि जायंत भूमिदानं तिथे ॥ [२३] अम्मेरपत्यं प्रथमं
भूयवी सूर्यसुताय गावः [*]
56 भि: [*]
[VOL. XXIII.
द(स) यः काचनं गाथ महों च दद्यात् ॥ [२४] राजभिः सगरादि
यस्य यस्य यदा भूमिस्तच तस्य तदा फलम् ॥[२५] - मेकं गामेकां भूमेम (र) प्येकमंगुलं (लम्) [*]
57 रं 'नरकवासो स्यात् यावदाह (भू) तसंप्लवं ( वम् ) ॥ [ २६ *] यानीह दता (त्ता) नि पुरा नरेंदांनानि धमार्थयस्कराणि [*]
38 निर्मुकमाण्यमतिमानि तानि की नाम साधु [: * ] पुनराददीत [ ॥ २७* ] स्वदत्तां । महीं महिम
परदत्तां वा यत्नाद्रच नराधिप
59 तां श्रेष्ठ दाना' श्रेयोनुपालनं (नम् ) वनिता भाविन[:] पार्थिवेंद्रा'
[
॥२८ * ] तथा चोक्तं रामभट्रेन ( ग ) [ ॥*] भूयो भूयो याचते रानभ
60 द्र[: । *] सामान्योयं धर्मसेतु (नृपाणां काले काले पालनीयो भवद्भिः [॥२८* ] इति कमलदलांवुविंदु लोला (श्रियमनुचिं
61 त्य मनुष्यजीवितं च [*] अतिविमलमनोभिरात्मनीनैन (नं) हि पु[रु*]बै [ : ] परकीर्तयो विकोप्याः [३०] लिखि
62 तं श्रीवत्सराजसूनुमा श्री अरुणादित्येन । श्रीजडवुलभट्टदूतकं ॥
B. Lohārā grant of Govinda III; Saka Year 734.
These also are three copper-plates, each measuring 10-6" in length and about 7-7" in breadth. The first two plates are thinner than the third. Though their total weight is exactly the same as that of the Sisavai grant, they are smaller in length and larger in breadth than the latter. All the edges of the third plate and the proper right edge of the other two are raised, while the rest are flat. The first is inscribed on the inner side only and the other two on both the sides, but as the record ended about the middle of the outer side of the third plate, its lower portion measuring about 3-2" in breadth is blank. About 4" from the middle of the proper right side of each plate there is a roundish hole about 9" in diameter for the ring which joined it to the other plates of the set. The ring and the seal attached to it, though more substantial, resemble those of the Sisavai grant. The ring was not cut when the plates reached the Museum. The seal contains a worn out figure of Garuda larger in size, but otherwise of the same type as that of the Sisavai grant described above. The plates weigh 213 tolas and the ring and the seal together 86 tolas.
1 The engraver first cut and then changed it into a.
Read हरन् नरकवासः.
Read महौं.
• Read सवानेर्तान्.
• Read पार्थिवेन्द्रान्.
The punctuation mark is followed here by several dots and an ornamental figure indicating completion
of the record.
• Read दानाच्छ्रेयो'.
Read कमलदलाबुबिंदु.

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No. 33.]
TWO COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS FROM BERAR.
213
The plates are generally in a state of good preservation. Only a few letters at the end of lines 7-14 have been completely damaged by rust and two letters, one in the beginning of line 24 and the other at the end of line 40, have been lost on account of the subsequent widening of the hole for the ring; but these can be easily supplied from cognate records. There are seventy-two lines in all, of which sixteen occur on each inscribed surface except the second side of the second and third plates which have fifteen and nine lines respectively. The letters are deeply engraved, but do not show through on the back of the plates. Their average size is 3'. The characters are of the North Indian alphabet. As we shall see below, the writer of the present record is stated to be Aruņāditya, the son of Vatsarāja, who, as stated above, was also the writer of the Sīsavai grant, but to judge from the formation of letters, the present inscription seems to have been actually written by a different person. We do not, for instance, find here any ornamentation of the mātrās such as that noted above in the case of the Sisavai plates. The formation of several letters, again, is different. The stroke for medial u is not round as in the other inscription and is added not at the lower end of the vertical stroke but a little above; see vrihad-ura- and vipula both in 1. 2. The forms of i, th (whether independent or subscript), v, $, the subscript
of the conjunct nn and the final t are considerably different from those occurring in the earlier record ; see e.g., iva (1. 10), katha (1. 16) and pratyartthino (1. 21), vinirjit- (11. 2-3), sadrißo- (1.6), karnn-ādha- (1.9) and bhräjität (1.3). R as the first member of the conjunct rya does not rise above the line but appears as a horizontal stroke to the left at the top ; see dhairya- (11. 6 and 16), om=utsärya (1. 15), etc. The language is Sanskrit and like the previous record the inscription is partly in verse and partly in prose. It shows many of the orthographical peculiarities noticed in connection with the previous record and though not altogether free from orthographical and other kinds of mistakes is, on the whole, more correctly written than the latter.
The plates were granted by the Rāshtrakūta king Govinda III, residing at Mayūra. khapdi. His genealogy, titles and birudas are identical with those in the previous record. In fact the text of the whole inscription, with the exception of the names of the donated village and its boundaries, the dütaka, the date and some minor details and with the omission of seven verses three of them being from the eulogistic portion, generally agrees with that of the Sisavai grant edited above. The object of the present inscription is to record the royal gift of the village Löhārā in the Murumba district to Bhatta Rishiyappa of the Käsyapa-gotra, who was a religious student of the Rigvēda, the son of Annamabhatta and the grandson of Bhatta Mäsõpavāsin. He is described as residing at Dhārāśiva and belonging to the community of the Traividyas of that place. The donated village was bounded on the east by the smaller Lõhārā village, on the south by two villages named Mudupa, on the west by the villages Pipparika and Mārurika and on the north also by two villages Sämaripalla and Khēda. It is also recorded that Rishiyappa, reserving 400 nivartanas of the land in the afore-mentioned village for himself, divided (the revenue of the remaining land) into 120 parts of which he assigned sixty to Madhava, Sridhara, Dödhäma, Aghakuți and others and the remaining sixty to Lokabhatta, Sridhara Dikshita, Madhuka Dvivēdin, Prithivibhatta and others. These transactions took place on the occasion of the solar eclipse on the first tithi of the bright fortnight of Mārgasirsha in the expired Saka year 734 (expressed in words only). No cyclic year is mentioned in the grant. We find that in the expired Saka year 734 there was a solar eclipse on the previous day which was the new. moon day of Kärttika. The first tithi of the bright fortnight of Mārgasirsha was current at sunrise of and therefore civilly connected with the next day, Tuesday the 9th November, A.D. 812,
1 These are vv. 7, 16 and 17 of the Staavai grant. . These were probably the smaller (laghu) and the larger (hihat) Mudape.

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214
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXIII.
which is thus the date of the present plates. The charter was written by Arupaditya, the son of Vatse rāja. There were two dutakas Chandiyamma and Vayama.
It will be noticed that the donee of the present pletee is, in spite of slight diserepancies in his description, ideatical with that of the Bisavai grant. He is aleo the donee of the Bhärsta Itihasa Samsödhaka Mandala plates of Govinda III. The provenance of the latter is not known but it is not unlikely to be some place in Berär. The villages mentioned in the plates were, therefore, probably situated somewhere in Berär, not very far from Sireo (Sisavai of the previous plates) where he or his descendants seem to have lived, and not in distant Gujarat & murmised by the editor of the above plates. It may also be noted that Araņāditya, the son of Vatsaraja, who is mentioned as the writer of this grant whether he actually wrote it or not, figures in that capacity in five other sete of plates, vie., the Nēsari platest of Saka 726, the Waņi-Dindori plate of Seka 780 (for the expired Saka 729), the Sibavai grant of Saka 729, the Bahulāwad plates of Baka 782 (for the expired Saka 731% and the B. I. 8. M. plates of Baka 782. He was also probably the writer of the incomplete Rådhanpur plates of Sake 780, judging by the writing on them which resembles that on the Nesari and the Sisa vai plates. He was thus the official writer in Govinda III's secretariat at least from Saka 726 to Baka 784.
Having disposed of the format part of the grant, let us now turn to the historical information furnished by it. The charters granted by Govinda III fall into two main groups. Under the first of these come the Paithan plates of Saka 716 and the Añjanavati plates of Saka 722. The second group includes almost all the rest. The draft of the genealogical and eulogistic portion adopted in the two grants of the first group consists for the most part of old verses descriptive of the ancestors of Govinda III, which are known from the earlier records of Dantidurga, Krishna and Dhruva. To the glorification of the reigning king, the draft devotes only two verses which mention no historical event except that he obtained the kingdom from his father in supersession of his brothers. No exploits of Govinda III.-- not even his victory over the twelve kings headed by
*[There are instances of the tithi which commenced some time after sunrise being cited as the surrent tithi. (See e... Nos. 215 and 269 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1918, whose dates have been caloulated by the late Mr. Swamikannu Pillai on pages 84 and 85 of the Madras Epigraphical Report, 1919.) It is, therefore, not necessary to take Tuesday the 9th November A.D. 812 as the date of the record for, the pratipat-tithi commenced at 51 ghatikās after sunrise on the previous Monday which was also the day of the eclipse. The latter, viz., A.D. 812 November 8 Monday may thus be the date of this charter. N. L R.)
These plates were first noticed by Mr. Y. R. Gupte in the Journal of Indian History for 1925, pp. 100 f. and subsequently edited by Mr. G. H. Khare in the Sources of the Mediaval History of Me Deccan, Vol. III, pp. 27 €. The grandfather of Rishiyappa is called Vishnu in the Steavai grant, but Mas pavisin in the B.I.S.M. plates as in the present plates ; his father is called Anpama in the present record, but Appasivi (not Sappasā vi as Mr. Khare has read in the B. I. 8. M. plates) in the other two recorde. Riskiyapps is said to belong to the community of the Chaturvidyas in the Slavni graxt, bo to that of the Trovidyas in the sther two.moorde. His name, götra, Vēds and place of residence (which both Mr. Gupte and Mr. K bare som to have incorrectly rood Vinidiva) are the eame in all the recorde.
The plates record the grant of the village Dasapura which was bounded on the north by the Vindhya mountain. This is likely to be Dasur in the Ellichpur tahsil of the Akola Distriot, situated only two miles to the south of the town hills which were to ancient times called Vindhya. Beme of the places mentioned in will be traced in the vicinity of Daour. Thus Ladávadiki, Pieppariki and Khida of the great se probably modern Ghāt-ladki, Pimpri and Khed in the neighborhood of Daanr. The Ambili kunda at which the king bathed before making the grant was probably a kusda at the source of the hole river Paydahol (modern Purni) not far from Dasar.
- G. H. Khare-Sources of the Medimal thistory of the Decoan, Vol. I, p. 23. . Ind. Ant., Vol. XI, p. 160. • Sources of the Mediaval History of the Deccan, Vol. II, pp. 18.,
The only exceptions so far known are the British Museum and the Kadab plates, for which see aboro, A, 806,
a. 4.

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TWO COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS FROM BERAR.
Stambha and the release and subsequent reimprisonment of the Ganga king. events which we know happened soon after his accessionare alluded to. And this is but natural; for that draft is found used as early as Saka 716, within a year of his father's death. When it was prepared, none of the afore-mentioned disturbances may have occurred. The same draft is again used in the Añjanavati plates issued six years later, without adding any verses descriptive of Govinda's achievements. It would scarcely be correct to infer from this that these six years in the beginning of Govinda's reign were altogether uneventful. At least the revolt of Stambha and the Ganga prince and their subsequent defeat must have happened during this interval; but for some reason or other we find Govinda using the same old draft even in his Añjanavati plates. Only two years later in Saka year 724 we find his brother Stambha issuing his Manne plates with his consent. Here we find for the first time the other draft describing the brilliant exploits of Govinda III,-his victory over twelve kings, the release and subsequent reimprisonment of the Ganga prince, the complete rout of the Gurjara and the submission of the Malava king, the presentation of the choicest heir-looms to him by Marasarva, his stay at Sribhavana during the rainy season and his subsequent march to the bank of the Tungabhadra, the despoilment of the fortune of the Pallavas, the humiliation of the lord of Vengi and finally the submission of the enemy's feudatories. It is incredible that all these events or even a majority of them occurred during the brief period of two years from Šaka 722 to Saka 724. We have, therefore, to suppose either that the Manne plates are spurious or that some of these events occurred even before Saka 722, the date of the Añjanavati plates. The first of these two alternatives will appear more plausible to the historian who knows the abundance of spurious records of this period in Mysore, to which Fleet has called attention. Again, until recently the draft was not known to have been used in any record before Saka 730, in which year we find it adopted in the Wani-Dindori and Radhanpur plates. Besides, one of the events mentioned in that draft, viz., Govinda's victory over the Pallava king, seems to have occurred only a short time before Saka 726 in which year he granted the British Museum plates while he was encamped on the bank of the Tungabhadra after levying tribute on the Pallava king. How then can that event be referred to in the Manne plates issued two years earlier? To add to these suspicious circumstances, the date of the above mentioned Manne plates, though Sewell has declared it to be sound, appears to be irregular. The grant purports to have been made on the occasion of a lunar eclipse, the asterism being Pushya in the expired Saka year 724. Sewell takes this as equivalent to the 13th November. A.D. 802. He, therefore, evidently takes the lunar eclipse to be that which occurred on the full-moon day of Märgadirsha. But the asterism on that tithi was Rōhipi and not Pushya. One is therefore naturally led to conclude that the plates are spurious. As stated above, until recently the draft was not known to have been used in any genuine record before Saka 730. It was, of course, known from the British Museum plates that Govinda's victory over the Pallava king had occurred before Saka 726; but as his other exploits have not been mentioned in any genuine record dated before Saka 730, Dr. Altekar in his history of the
No. 33.]
215
1 See e.g., v. 12 of the present grant.
I do not now hold the view which I previously advocated from the mention of Chakiraja as dûtaku in the Añjanavati plates that the revolt of Stambha must have taken place after Saka 722 (or A.D. 800); see above, p. 11.
Epigraphia Carnatica, Vol. IX (Nelamangala), p. 51.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XXX, pp. 204 and 212.
The date of the Wani-Dindori plates is more likely to be the expired Saka year 729 as shown above, p. 205,
n. 2.
These plates have a sound date, naming the eclipse of the moon on the day stated.'-Sewell in Historical Inscriptions of Southern India (ed. S. K. Alyangar), p. 33. My attention to this apparent irregularity was drawn by Dr. Altekar.

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216
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXIII.
Rashtrakūtası has placed Govinda III's expeditions against the Pallava and Eastern Chalukya kings before his northern conquests which according to him occurred during the period A.D. 806-808. The draft adopted in the Wani-Dindori and Rādhanpur plates states, however, that from Srivardhana Govinda marched with his forces to the bank of the Tungabhadra, where he despoiled the Pallavas of their riches and humiliated the lord of Vēngi. Dr. Altekar, therefore, supposes that this was a second expedition of Govinda III against thera, which must have been necessitated by their revolt during his absence in the north. According to him this second southern campaign may have terminated in A.D. 810 or 811.
The discovery in recent times of several records of Govinda III, in which the second draft descriptive of his glorious achievements has been regularly used, must lead to a revision of the above conclusions regarding the chronological order of events in his reign. Besides the Manne plates (first set) of Saka 724, we have nine other records with dates ranging from Saka 727 to Saka 734 in which the same draft is met with, viz., the Nēsari plates of $. 727, the Sisavai grant of $. 729, the Waņi-Dindori plates of $. 730 (for 729), the Rädhanpur and the Badangupper plates, both of 8.730, the Bahulāwād plates of Saka 732 (for Saka 731). the B. I. S. Mandala and the Manne plates (second set), both of $. 732, and the present Lõhārā grant of S. 734. Of these the Badanaguppe plates, like the Manne plates of $. 724, were issued by Govinda III's brother Stambha, while the rest were issued by Govinda III himself. The combined testimony of so many plates from different parts of the country renders probable the genuineness of Manne plates of $. 724. It may be noted again, that the first of these, viz., the Nēsari plates were issued only three years after the Marne plates of $. 724 and clearly show that all the important campaigns of Govinda III had been completed, in any case, before $. 727 (A.D. 805). As for the other arguments which seemed to render the authenticity of the Manne plates open to question, it may be pointed out that they are not inexplicable. A careful study of the British Museum plates of Saka 726 will show that it was the second time that Govinda was encamped at the tirtha of Rāmēsvara on the bank of the Tungabhadrā when he had gone to exact tribute from the king of Kāñchi in 8. 726. Obviously his first visit to the tirtha must have occurred when he was encamped on the bank of that river in the course of his earlier expedition against the Pallavas as stated in the Manne, Něsari and other later inscriptions of his reign. This second expedition must have been necessitated by the refusal or failure of the Pallava king to pay the tribute which had been forced on him when he was vanquished. The date of the Manne plates also is not so suspicious as might appear at first sight. It is clear that some
1 See his Rashtrakúfas and Their Times, p. 64, n. 42 and p. 65, n. 49. • Ibid., p. 69. • Mysore Archæological Survey Report for 1927, pp. 112 ff.
• Sources of the Mediaval History of the Deccan, Vol. II, p. 13. The name of the cyclic year Sarvadharin shows that the Saka year 732 is a mistake for Saka 731 (according to the Northern system); or the year may be taken as ourrent. It may be noted that the plates were issued from Mayrakhand and the writ Aruņāditya. So the system adopted here was the northern luni-solar as in other similar cases.
• Journal of the Mythic Society, Vol. XIV, p. 88.
• The Nesari plates have undoubtedly a sound date. The ogelio year according to the northern luni-solar system was Tarana as stated in the grant. The sankranti took place 55 ghafikas after mean sunrise on the 21st December, A.D. 805, when the 13th tithi of the dark half of Pausha was current as stated in the grant. The titki onded 42 ghafikas after mean sunrise on the next day when the religious rites must have been performed and the gift made.
Soo Floet's translation .... when baving at (his) first (visit) approved of the tirtha called Ramdhvara became there again) to spear the boars, etc.' Ind. Ant., Vol. XI, p. 127.
See c.g., v. 15 of the present inscription

Page #286

No. 33.]
TWO COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS FROM BERAR.
217
words like Märgasiraha-paurnamāsyām are inadvertently omitted in the record. As for the discrepancy of the nakshatra Pushya not being current at the time of the eclipse as mentioned in the record, it can be explained by supposing that though the grant was made at the lunar eclipse the plates were actually issued four days later when the moon was in conjunction with the asterism Pushya. Analogous instances in justification of this explanation can be easily cited from the records of the period. There are, thus, no insuperable difficulties in admitting the Manne plates of Saka 724 to be genuine. All the important conquests of Govinda III seem, therefore, to have been made during the first seven or eight years of his reign.
It seems that soon after Govinda III's accession the twelve kings headed by Stambha rose in revolt against him. Govinda released the Ganga prince apparently to create a rival in the Karņāțaka to his rebellious brother, but as he seems to have joined Stambha and his allies, Govinda III defeated them all and put the Ganga prince into fetters again. The ease and rapidity with which these victories were attained are graphically described in two stanzas included in all records of the second group. These operations could not have taken more than two years ($. 716 and 717) after his accession. The next four or five years seem to have been occupied by his campaigns in the Northern and Central India at the end of which his son was born in circa $721. In Ashādha of the next year we find him again at his capital Mayūrakhandi, issuing his Añjanavati plates. Engrossed in planning and fighting wars as he was during all these years, he had apparently no time to think of getting a new draft prepared for the plates which he issued in that year. His expedition against the southern kings may have occurred in $. 722 and 723. At the end of it when his position was supreme both in the north and in the south, he seems to have caused a new draft descriptive of all his important conquests to be prepared which we find him adopting in all his later charters. This draft is composed in an ornate kävya style recalling, as Kielhorn has shown, 'many expressions and poetical devices used in the works of Bāna and Subandhu. Noticing the king's predilection for it, his governors in the Karnataka also seem to have adopted the same draft in their charters issued during his lifetime.
If the chronological order of events in Govinda III's reign as stated above is correct, his son Amõghavarsha must have been a fairly grown-up youth of about sixteen, when he ascended the throne in circa Saka 736. In that case the statement in the Sanjān plates' that Govinda III went to heaven, because he felt sure that his son was able to bear the burden of the three worlds, need not be taken as exaggerated. Amoghavarsha I, must, therefore, have been nearly eighty at the time of his death.
See the wording of the grant-'afanynig wag ang w arna: waterafora [a]eum? मान्यपुरमधिवमति विजयस्कन्धावार सीमग्रहणे पुष्यमक्षवे भलये......'
* As shown above, the present plates were issued a day after the solar eclipse. [ See note 1 on p.214. -Ed.) We may also note that the date of the Manne plates (second set) fangutanay nay n g ....... etcaret 998 hari yauwa... According to S. K. Pillai's Indian Ephemeris the lunar eclipse occurred on the lithi mentioned in the grant, but the week day was Saturday and the asterism Punarvasu. It seems, therefore, that the plates were issued two days later on Monday when the asterism was Pushya as required.
. See e..., vv. 12 and 13 of the present grant. • See v. 24 of the Sanjän plates, above, Vol. XVIII, p. 246.
6 Two of these, the Pallava king and the lord of Vēngi are mentioned in the present record. The kings of Kõrala, Pandya, Chola and other countries are mentioned in verses 21-23 of the Nésarl and v. 32 of the Sanjau plates.
• See notes to his translation of the Rādhanpur platos, above, Vol. VI, pp. 246-250. 7 V. 25, above, Vol. XVIII, p. 246.

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218
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXIII.
As for the places mentioned in the present plates, Vangi, Br[bhavana and Mayůrakhand have already been notioed. Lohara, the donated village may be modern Lohārā about 8 miles to the west of Karañjā in the Murtizāpur idluka. Muramba, the headquarters of the district in which it was situated, may be Murambi, 3 miles south-east of Lohára. Of the boundary villages only two can be traced at present. Mudapa may be Måndav, 3 miles to the south and Pippariked modern Pimpalgaon 4 miles to the east of Löhāra. The other villages cannot be identified.
TEXT: [ Metres : Vv. 1, 19-22 Antishtubh ; v. 2, 6 and 8 Vasantatilakā; v. 3-5, 7, 9-17 Sardūlavikridita ; v. 18 Aryd ; v. 23 Pushpritágra.]
First Plate. 1 मोम ] स वोव्याधसा धाम यंनाभिकमल छत(तम्) । हरच यस
कांतदुकलया कमसंनत(तम्) [it'] भूपोभ2 वा(१)जदुरखसराजमानौकौस्तुभायतकरैरुपगूढकण्ठः . [1] सत्यान्वितो विपुल
चक्रविनिर्षि ३ तारिचक्रोबसचरित(तो) भुवि कृष्णरान: [१२] पक्षच्छेदभयान(त्रि)ताखिलमहा
मूसत्कुसमाषितात् 4 दुलंध्यादपरैरनेकविमलम्बाणिपारवान्वितात् [*] यचालुक्यकुलादनूनवियु(बु)धवाता
अयो
5 वारिधः सनी मंदस्वमसौलमचिरादाजष्टवा(वान्) वनभः [३] तस्याभूतनयः
प्रतापविसर. 8 रातिदिनाको पायोप्यचडकरताप्रवादितातण: [1] धौरी धैर्यधनो 7 विपक्षवलितावकावु(बु)जबीहरी हारीकत्व यशो यदीयमनिशं दिनायिकाभिधृत ] _ [४][ ]8 छोलंघनजातयाप्यमखया सम्या समतोपि सन्योभूबिमलमण्डल[स्थिति]. 9 युती दीपाकरो न बाचित् [1] कधिखितदानसंततिभृतो यस्यान्य[दानाधि]. 10 करक) दान बौख क्षणिता व दिशां प्रति स्थिता दिग्गजाः ॥[*]
पयन जातु 11 विजितुं(त) गुरुपतिसारमाक्रान्तभूतसमनन्यसमानमान(नम्)[*] येमेह व(ब)[चमव
लोका चिरायः]
ink-impressions
From the original plates. The facsimiles accompanying this article are prepared from kindly taken by Mr. Natarajan, Superintendent, Government Prese, Nagpur. • Expressed by a symbol.
Read बन्नाभि-. Only faint traces of some of the ataharas in the brackets can be seen on the plate.
ekete can be awesort
Read भाजिताइ.

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TWO COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS FROM BERAR.
No. 33.]
12 गंगं दूरं स्वनिग्रहभियेव कलिः प्रयात: 1[14*] हेलावोजत गौडराज्यक
_l
13 चिरात् दुर्मार्गमध्यमप्रतिय(ब) लेयों बसरा (च) [*] गोडो घर
3
14 लं छत्रइयं केवलं तस्माचाहत
वयोषि कर्मा प्रति खितं वाचचात्।
[*]
15 मचिराय कथं मुसार्य राचरितेरवील [] वा पुनः जतयुग (गा)
ठ
16 मध्यशेषां (i) चित्रं कथं निरुपम कलिवज्ञभोभूत् ।[15] * ] प्राभूषवतात निरुपमा
1 Restore मलामतं प्रवेखा.
• Restore लब्धप्रति'.
• Read यस्मिन्.
• The lost letter in भ्य.
11 Read विच्छायान्
Second Plate; First Side.
17 दिदुषा वारिध ग्रहाला परमेधरोवतशिरः संसक्तपादः सुतः । पद्मानन्दक पति नित्योदय पूर्वाद्ररिव भानुमानभिमतो गोविंदरा
18
को 19 जः सतां (ताम् ) [ 12 * ] यस्मिं
सर्वगुणाश्रये क्षितिपतौ श्रीराष्ट्रकूटान्वयो जाते
यादववंश
20 वम्मधुरिपावासीदध्यः परे [i] दृष्टायावधयः जतास्सुसमा दानेन येनो21 पता मुक्ताहारविभूषिता स्फुटमिति प्रत्यखिनोप्य विंग (नाम् ) [१०] यस्याकारममानुषं तु (त्रि)
22 भुवनव्यापत्तिरचोचित (तं) कृष्णस्येव गिरी यच्छति पितयें काधिपत्यं भुवः [12] आस्तां तात
23 तवैतदप्रतिहता दत्ता त्वया कण्ठिका किं नाशेव मया इति पितरं युकं वचो यो
धात् * ]
24 [०११) त िवर्गविभूषपाय जन याते यशः शेषतामेकोभूय स25 सुचतावसुमती समाधिया [1] विश्वाय" [wwe व्यथत पतीन
26 कोपि यो दादश
ख्यातानप्यधिकप्रतापविसरे[:]
*]
संवर्त्तको []निय । [१२]
येनात्यंतदया
#Read
चिराद.
* It would be better to read पद्मानंदकरः.
1 The anuseara is superfluous. * Read afer.
219
#Restore 'हिंदुपादधव .
10 Bond कहती ह

Page #289

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXIII.
27 लुनाथ निगडक्लेशादपास्यायतात्ख' देशं गमितोपि दर्पविसराय: प्रातिकूल्ये स्थि
28
29
तः [*] यावन' मुकुटो ललाटफलके यस्योवते लच्यते विक्षेपेण विजित्य तावदचिराह (च) ङ: स गंग: पुन: । [१३] संधायाशु शिलीमुखां (खान्) स्वसमयादा (बा)णासनस्योपरि प्राप्तं
220
30 (बंधुजीवविभवं पद्माभिवृध्या (या) न्वितं (तम् ) [ 1*] सनक्षत्रमुदीच्य यं शरहप ]र्जन्यव
[
31 हूर्जरी नष्ठः (ष्टः कापि भयात्तथा न समरं स्वप्नेपि पश्येद्यथा ॥ [ १४* ] नीत्वा श्रीभवने घनाघन
32 घनव्याप्तांव(च)रां प्रावृषं तस्मादागतवां (वान् ) समं निजव (ब) लेरातुंगभद्रातटं तत्रस्थ [: वक] र
Second Plate; Second Side.
33 स्थि[ता]मपि पुनर्निश्शेषमाकृष्टवा (वान्) विक्षेपैरपि चित्रमानतरिपुर्य: पज्ञवानां - यं ( श्रियम्) |[१५*]
34 लेखाहारमुखोदितार्डवचसा यत्रैत्य वेंगौश्वरो नित्यं किंकरवध्यधादविरतं कर्म
35 स्वर्मेच्छया [*] वाह्यालीहतिरस्य येन रचिता व्योमाग्रलग्नारुचत् रात्रौ मौक्ति
कमा
36 किमि धृता मूर्धस्थतारागणैः |[ १६* ] संचासात्परचक्रराजकमगात्तत्पूर्व सेवावि37 धि'र्व्यावद्धांजलिशोभितेन शरणं नाम्ना' यदं हृदयं (यम्) [*] यद्यद्दत्तपरार्ध्यभूषणगणे
38 र्नालंकृतं तत्तथा मा भैषोरिति सत्यपालितयशस्थित्या यथा तहिरा ॥[१७*] तेनेदम
39 निलविद्युश्चञ्चलमवलोक्य जीवितमसा रं (रम्) [1] चितिदानपरमपुष्यः प्रवर्तितो व्र (ब) ह्म
40 दायोयं (यम् ) [१८* ] स च परमभट्टारक महाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वर श्रीधारा [व*]देवपादानुध्यातपरमभट्टारक महाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरश्री
41
42 मत्प्रभूतव पृथ्वीवज्ञभश्रीवज्ञ भनरेंन्द्रदेवः कुशली सर्वानेव यथा संघ (ब) -
43ध्यमानका चाष्ट्रपतिविषयपति ग्राम कूटायुक्तक नियुक्तकाधिकारिकमह
1 Read यावत्र.
4 Road विधिव्याव
1°.
• मौलिकमालिकेव विधृता Sec above, p. 210, n. 1. ● Read मूर्धा. • Read यहि'.

Page #290

Two COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS FROM BERAR. B-LOHARA GRANT OF GOVINDA III; SAKA YEAR 734.
र तपाइमायकवाद यात 347 साल 18 पदिला. दयाध्यायमा कानावावा 18 नयास
बलोजी रातवाहनियाददार 20 पदयाबार सदर रेटायलासुसहनादानका 20
नाम काहानी नाका यसकपमहापहाMayर करीना काल य सुभत्या की सातिय पहिला - सुनिता दुचाक टकाहिला हुँ यमापन यनव वयाच्या
बलाब कयालाल जखमाटरकी कूटान
मनमावियांचवाया सातपय तीब 20 या इस पर दोनोवतया युवक हामी दया ।
रन पादाभाबलाईट बनलाय माध्यिाति 28 [यालय वाहतुबनविदयाला तायद
HORI LUGAnjा सुर्यनयादरममा यात्रा यवसाय या साल तसदी र अप
याबासाहायलाहामावरुवाकायन 4ापालापनदाaara Sयदानमसू32
44 यात तुपयश मापदयपगतका पदा कारबा हीमाजिकिकवखवावा
गुमायाकलालसामनावमामलवामामा मामाहा । नियमामवताना मान्यवर कला सादाबाद 36 लावा सातवासद होगदावा यावर डार लामा कारवाद, ११६ या अन्य तमाशा या मालिक यशवमायया
या या
गावात सय र
कमबाहयरधनवान बदमदार हजारतमाध्यमबरला 42यतब
यमनपदयावलीमा मालकाला ब
तायनका काका पक्षमता 44 जानिय ६४ वरामभा
म/वयतया मानकालनाटा 46 परियार गिट) YATJA तसदीतहिसार। KARISTIAणाला प्राधारायला
WADIVAL
COALE'S.
BURVEY OF INDIA, CALOUTTA.
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Ram No. 1479537-275.

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4858
50
52
56
iiia.
62
54 नापा
द
यावत की याको महादेवली 483( दाती लुक पर्वतमा कालीकोट বাধললका 58 पदविका
04
00 दिन
68
मायामा
They off 50
यामास जीत
iiib.
कम
এऔर या
अन्य कृति प्रद52 तो:
दादाि
दहाঃकृ 784 का था। जो जागिय प्रवृति काठ वा प्रधानृ चन्द्र माता इना
48
708 टूलॉज
72 याद
गनीदेवी याला प्रतिि
54
56
58
60
नाव
60 यह मालवा कुन कार्यक काशीदीत कागदावरून तयार दवा का राहदानी द
द
'व' प्रत्येक 70
62
64
66
68

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No. 33.]
TWO COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS FROM BERAR.
221
44 त्तरादों(दोन्) समादिशत्यस्तु वः संविदितं(तम्) । यथा मयूरखण्डोसमावासि
तेन म45 या श्रीमहारव्या ध्वा' विज्ञप्तिकया मातापित्रोरात्मनचैहिकासभिकपुण्ययशोभिवाये । 46 [धा] राशिववास्तव्यत विद्यसामान्यकाश्यपसगोत्रव(ब)दृचसत्र(ब्रह्मचारिणे भट्टमा मो].
पवा47 सिपौ[चाय पणमसुताय भरिषिप्रयाय मुरुम्ब(म्ब)विषयप्रतिव(ब)इलोहारा
Third Plate ; First Side. 48 ग्रामः कीलङ्गक-करी] कसमन्वितः तस्य चाघाटनानि पूर्वतः लघलोहाराग्राम49 : दक्षिणतः सदुपग्रामदयं पश्चिम[त:] पिप्परिकाग्राम: मारुरिकग्रामथ ।
उत्त50 रतः सामरिपक्षग्रामखेडग्रामौ । एवमयं चतुराघाटनोपलक्षितो ग्राम: रि51 षियप्ये नापि निवर्तनशतचतुष्टयं(य)मात्मनिमि[तं] मान्यस्थित्या व(ब)हिष्कृत्वा(त्य)
माधवत्रोध52 रदो[धामअघकुटिदीक्षितप्रमुखानां षष्टिभागा[:*] तथा शोकभयो धर दीक्षित
मधुक53 हिवेदिपृथिविभप्रमुखाना प(ष)ष्टिभागाः एवं विंशोत्तरशत(त) महाजनस्याहरपीकत:
___ सोदंग: स54 परिकरः सदण्डदशापराधः सभूतोपात्तप्रत्यायः सोत्पद्यमानविष्टिकः सधान्यहिरण्या
देयः अचाट55 भटनावश्यः सर्वराजकीयानामहस्तप्रक्षेपणीयः पाचंद्राार्णवक्षि- . 56 तिसरित्यर्वतसमकालीन: - पुत्रपौत्रान्वयक्रमोपभोग्यः पूर्वप्रदत्तदेव57 वा(ब्राह्मदायरहितोभ्यंतरसिध्या भूमिछिद्र न्यायेन शकतृपकालातीतसंवत्सरश58 तेषु सप्तसु चतुस्तङ्गदधिकषु' मार्गशिर[:] शुद्ध प्रतिपदि सूर्यग्रहणमहापर्वणि व.
(ब)लिच59 रुपैय(ख)देवाग्निहोत्रातिथिपञ्चमहायजयोत्सर्पणात्य सात्वाद्योदकातिसर्ग60 ण प्रतिपादितः यतोस्योचितया व्र(ब)झदायस्थित्या भंजतो भोजयत: कृषत:
1 This akshara is rodundant.
. These dandas aro superfluous. • Read सर्च विद्य• The akaharas in the brackets appear to be incised subsequently in place of the original ones. • Hero and in some places below the rules of sandhi have not been observed. • This mark of punctuation is superduous here. Read' सिहया
- Read भूमिच्छिद्र. • Read 'शदधिकषु. A" Real नियामर्षण

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61 वर्षयतः प्रतिदिशतो वा न केचिदल्यापि परिपंधना पार्या [0] तथागामिभद्र
नृपति62 भिरमाइंश्यैरन्यैर्वा सामान्य भूमिदानफलमपेत्य विद्युमोलान्यनित्यैश्वर्याणि तु63 गाणलग्नमलविंदु'चञ्चलं च जीवितमावलय खदायनिर्षिषोयमस्मदा(हा)[यो']नुमंतव्यः
Third Plate ; Second Sido. 64 प्रतिपालयितव्यश्च [*] यश्चाज्ञानतिमिरपटलातमतिराच्छिंद्यादाच्छिद्यमान कानुमो65 देत स पंचभिर्महापातक: संयुक्त[:] स्यात् [*] उक्तं च भगवता वेदव्यासन
व्यासन [*] षष्टिं 66 वर्षसहस्राणि स्वर्गे तिष्ठति भूमिदः [] पाच्छेत्ता चानुमन्ता च तान्धेव नरव
वसे[*] [१e*] विंध्या. 67 टवीष्वतीयासु शष्ककोटरवासिन: [१] जणाहयो हि जायंत भूमिदानं हरति
ये [२०] व(ब)हु68 भिर्वसुधा भुक्ता राजभिः सगरादिभिः [*] यस्य यस्य यदा भूमिस्तस तस्व
__ तदा फलं(लम्) [२१] 69 खदत्ता(त्ता) परदत्ता वा यबादक्ष नराधिप [*] महीं महो[मता] श्रेष्ठ
दानाच्छेयोनुपालन(नम्) [॥२२*] 70 इति कमलदलावु(बु)वि(वि)दुलोला (वि)यमनुचित्य मनुष्यजीवितं च [1] पति
विमलमनीभिरा71 मनीने रि पुरुषैः परकोत्तयो विशोप्या[२२] लिखितं च श्रीपरणादित्वेन
वत्सराज 72 सूनुना [*] चंदियअषयमा(मी) दूतको .
No. 34.-SONE-EAST-BANK COPPER PLATE OF INDRADEVA AND UDAYARAJA.
____BY HARIT KRISHNA DEB, CALCUTTA. A copper-plate said to have been discovered in the river-bed near Sone-East-Bank, was brought to my notice by Prof. Satyendra Nath Bose, Professor of Physics, Dacca University, during the summer vacation of 1936. Prof. Bose has since then kindly sent me a photograph of the record after cleaning it at Dacca from which it is possible to read the text more clearly than from the original when shown to me before cleaning. I am grateful to Prof. Bose for his valuable help in the decipherment of the inscription. ___ Read बिंदु.
- Read महीलता. After is incised a round figure indicating completion of the racord.

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No. 34.) SONE-EAST-BANK COPPER PLATE OF INDRADEVA AND UDAYARAJA. 223
DINANCIARE ALLAR
The record consists of a single sheet of copper, engraved on both sides and contains 28 lines of writing, of which the first 24 occur on the first side. The last line on the reverse has * peouliarity; the original record had left & considerable blank space between its 13th akshara (with which the text proper terminates) and the enumeration of the date in figures and words at the end ; this space was afterwards filled out by another hand with 21 aksharas out of which the last two could not be accommodated therein and were consequently inscribed lower down.
The language is Sanskrit. The text is partly in verse, partly in proge. There are a few mistakes due, no doubt, to the scribe; but these are of minor importance. The alphabet agrees more or less closely with Tafel V, columns XX-XXIII, in Bühler's Indische Palaeographie.
The object of the document is to record the grant of a village called Gambhari, by the Mahāmāndalika Udayarāja whose overlord was the king Indradhavala, jointly to the Brahmins, Dhārēśvara and Mahāditya in the proportion of three to two. The interpolated portion of line 28-upādhyāya-Dhårēsvarāya pańchahasya-bhūmir=data Chuchuddaña-grāmë-seems intended to specify the apportionment so far as concerned Dhārēsvara; if so, the village must have been alternatively designated Chuchuddañā. The document (except this interpolated portion) was caused to be written by the Thakkura sri-Sujana, the Akshapatalika.
The record opens with an invocation to Siva (11. 1-2). It then proceeds to set out, with suitable eulogia, the lineage of king Indradhavala : the founder of his family was Khadirapala in whose lineage was born king Sādhava, from whom was born king Rapadhavala, whose son was the king Pratāpadhavala, whose son was the king Sri-Sähasa, whose son was the king Sri-Vikrama, whose brother was the great king (mahānripati) Indradhavala. The next enumeration (11. 12-16) appertains to the family of Udayarāja : his descent is traced back to the Kadambas, in whose lineage was born Samarasimha, whose son Praharāja became the Prime Minister (pradhāna-sachiva) to the (unnamed) king of the line of Khadirapāla; his son, Udayarāja, was a feudatory (mahūmāndalika) under Indradhavala.
It is stated (11. 15-16) that Udayarāja was left in charge while his overlord, king Indradhavala, was engaged in sports, surrounded by women. Possibly, Indradhavala was, at the time, staying at Udyanna, which seems identifiable with the town Bihar (see infra, p. 225), since there is a reference to the place (11. 9-10) in association with his ability for sport; albeit the sport of conquest (Indradevo nipa Udyanne (tri*]jagat-pratāpa-samana-krida-garishtha-dyutih).
The grant was made (11. 16-18) at Navanēra (or Navinara?)-pattana' (? mod. Nabinagar). after notifying, ordering and explaining to the assembled inhabitants of the village Gambhāri as well as to the king's officers beginning with the heir-apparent (yuvarāja) and ending with the subordinate rulers and the military officers (sāmanta-8ēnādhikarika). The rights conferred by the grant are enumerated in 11. 18-19; they are the usual ones found in the records of the period. The date is given (11. 19-20) in words as: Srimad-Vikramadityasya dvādasa-sata-samvatsare chatuhpanchāśad-varshadhike Kärttika-māsasya pūrnimāsyām(yan) tithau Soma-dinë," in the year of Srimad Vikramāditya, twelve centuries and fifty-four, on the full-moon day (tithi) of the Kärttika month, on Monday", and regularly corresponds to Monday, the 27th October, A.D. 1197.
In 11. 20-22 are set out the genealogies of the two donees: (1) upadhyāya-bri-Dhārēsvara, of the Brāhmaṇa caste, and the Bharadvāja-gotra, grandson of pandita sri-Vāsu(su)dēva, son of
1 The metre requires a syllable like tri; in the record itzelf tri does not occur. [The reading is dy, not dya and I suggest the restoration wdyann-awa®) which is in keeping with the simile of the moon introduced in the Terse. According to my reading there should be no reference to Uddapdapure or Bihar.-Ed.]
*[See below, p. 229, n. 2.-Ed.)

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(VOL. XXIII
avasathil sri-Ri(Ri)shi, and (2) pandita sri-Mahāditya, of the Brähmana caste, and the Kausikagotra, grandson of pandita sri-Sridhara, son of pandita sri-Kirttipala.
In 11. 22-23 occur the statements that the grant was made by a copper-plate with the usual auspicious ceremonies and the injunction that the customary rights should be given to the donees in obedience to the established custome
Lines 23-27 contain the usual benedictive and imprecatory verses relating to land-grants.
Lines 27-28 record that the document was caused to be written by the Akshapatalika, Thakkura bri-Sujana, & scion of the Sri-Vastavya-kayastha community and the date is repeated in figures.
The historical value of this record is considerable. The following pedigrees of two ruling lines-one tracing itself back to Khadirapala, another to Samarasimha of the Kadamba stock-are disclosed : Khadirapāla
Kadambas
Sadhava
Ranadhavala
Samarasimha
Pratápadhavala
Sāhasa
Praharaja
Udayarāja
Vikrama
Indradhavala We already possess some knowledge about Pratäpadhavala. In his Memoir on The Palas of Bengal (1915), the late Mr. R. D. Banerji wrote
"During the reign of Lakamanasena the western part of Magadha seems to have passed into the hands of the Gähadavala kings of Kanauj. The local rulers practically acquired independence, as an example of which we may cite the name of the Mahānāyaka Pratápadhavala of Jäpila. The earliest record of this generation is a short rock inscription near the Tutrahi Falls in the Shahabad District, the date of which corresponds to 19th April, 1158 A.D. According to an unpublished inscription at Rohtasgadh, the King set up some monuments on the 27th March, 1169 A.D. In the same district, there is another rock inscription at Tärāchandi incised in the Vikrama era 1225, corresponding to 1169 A.D. According to another inscription at Rohtasgadh, the family to which this dynasty belonged is called Khayāravāla Vamsa. The relation between this chief and the Gáhadaväla Kings of Kanauj has been made clear by the Tärächandi inscription of the same prince. This inscription was edited by Dr. Fitz-Edward Hall in 1860. According to this inscription, in Samvat 1225 on Wednesday, the 3rd day of the dark half of Jyaintha,=16th April,
1 The reading avanath was first made out by Prof. Bose. It signifies a person keeping the sacred fire known as avasathya which, together with four other fires, would be called panch-ugnaya). We are reminded of thu tradition that five pañch-agnika Brahmins were imported into Bengal by " Adifora."
Cf. the expression...Almaj-Jäpiliya-Chandikd-charana-pash keja-paryupdaana-para .... applied to Indra. dhavala in 11. 11-12 of our record. Jäpila ia modern Japla.

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No. 34.) SONE-EAST-BANK COPPER PLATE OF INDRADEVA AND UDAYARAJA. 225
1169 A.D., Pratäpadhavala announces that a certain copper-plate recording the grant of the villages of Kalahandi and Badapilā has been obtained by several Brāhmaṇas by bribing one, Deu, the slave of King Vijayacandra of Kanyakubja. The inscription finally adds that the proprietary share of the rent should be collected yearly as before. This inscription shows very clearly that though Pratápadhavala was semi-independent, he was obliged to recognize the suzerainty of the Gābadavāla King of Kanauj. The villages stated above within his territories could be granted by the King of Kanyakubja to anybody he liked.” (Memoirs A. S. B., Vol. V, pp.107-8).
The Khayāravāla of the Rohtasgadh inscription is evidently the Khadirapala of our record. Reading between the lines the conventional eulogies attached to the princes descended from *the great family of Khadirapāla, we feel that it was Pratāpadhavala who probably first at tained an independent status by war: he is designated Sankara and specially likened to Siva in his aspect as the destroyer of the pride of Daksha. His son, Sāhasa, was doubtless an independent monarch, since he is described as being revered by kings once his enemies (... pranata. vairi-narendra-mauli-mānikya-kökanada-pujita-pāda-pathah). I understand from Prof Bose that there is a place called Sāhasapura near the find-spot of the record : it may have been named after Sāhasa. And it is interesting to observe the close resemblance, in style and phraseology, between ouz inscription and the copper-plate land-grants of the Gahadavāla kings the cessation of whose suzerainty over rulers of this region must have been a matter of recent history when the present record was issued.
King Vikarama, son of Sähasa, is described in rather tame terms. His enemies are stated to have avoided facing a fight with him out of fear for the strength of his arms (v.7).
• King Indradēva, also called Indradhavaladēva and Indradhavala, was a brother of Vikrama. He seems to have considerably enlarged his kingdom by warfare. His titles, parama-Māhëśvara, sār-étara-vichara-Chaturanana and Mahānripati, imply high status; the first two appear modelled on the styles parama-Mähèsvara and Vāchaspati of the Gahadavālas. His other epithet, samaranişšarkamalla, suggests connection with the Chalukyas ; we may compare the epithet NiharikaSankara applied to king Vallalasēna who married & Chalukya princess, Ramadēvi, as proved by copper plate inscriptions of the Sēna kings.' In Ceylon, also, about this time, we come across a king called Kittinissanka, said to have belonged to the Kalinga race.
Indradhavaladēva, according to our inscription, was successful with his sword against his foes and is described as having shone in the sport of conquest at Udyanna or Udyanna. Udyanna or Udyanna seems to be identical with Täranāth's Otantapuri, going back to some such form as Uddiyana or Uddina". Alberunis gives the form Udunpur, in connection with his statement that the Bhaikshuki lipi ("script used by Buddhist monks") was current in that place situated in Pūrva-dēša.
The feudatory chief Udayarāja claims to belong to the Kadamba-kulao and is styled Mahāmandalika. He seems to have been connected with the Kadambas of Goa : our copper-plate
1 The reff. given by Banerji are: Ep. Ind., Vol. iv, p. 311; Ep. Ind., Vol. v, App., PP. 22, No. 152; J. A. 0.8., Vol. vi, p. 547.
In Buchanan's Shahabad Report (Patna 1934), we are told of an inscription setting out the succession of these rulers (p. 48), wherein Pratápa, Vikrams and Sähase figure ; but afterwards there are names which seem to indicate a change of dynasty. At p. 48 of this Report there is mention of another inscription naming Pratápa and Sabasa ; it is apparently identical with No. 1759 of the "List of Inscriptions of Northern India" (above, Vol. XX, App.).
• Majumdar, Inscrs. of Bengal, pp. 58, 107, 118 etc. • Calavathua (P. T. 8. ed.), cb. 80.
[See above, p. n. -Ed.] • India, Vol. 1, p. 173 and Vol. 2, p. 314 (transl. Sachau).
• There is now a regular treatise on the Kadambas entitled The Kadamba-Kula by G. M. Moraes (Bombay, 1931) copy of which was kindly placed at my disposal by Prof. S. K. Chatterji.

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begins with an invocation to Siva as enemy of the demon Tripura, and we know that the family deity of the Goa Kadambas was Siva in the same aspect (as Sapta-kot-iśvara). The style Mahamandalika, known to have been affected also by Iévaraghōsha in the Ramganj copper-plate, seems to have been superior to the style Mahamandalesvara adopted by the feudatory families of the Kanarese districts including the Goa Kadambas. In a copper-plate grant dated Saka 1017, the Silähära prince Anantadeva (or Anantapala) calls himself Mahamandalika as well as Mahamandalesvaradhipati; so that we may perhaps presume that Udayaraja had Mahamandalesvaras under him. He may have been connected also with the Kadambas of Kalingaa line of feudatory chiefs under the Ganga kings; his father's name, Praharaja, points in the same direction, since it is a family surname in Orissa; the surname occurs in Orissan records, e.g., in the Puri copperplate of Nrisimhadeva IV, dated Saka 1305, and the inscription of A.D. 1436 on the Jayvijaya doorway in the Temple of Jagannatha at Puri."
Praharaja, father of Udayaraja, is stated to have been Prime Minister (pradhana-sachiva) to an unnamed prince of the family of Khadirapala. This prince was in all probability Sahasa. Some link between Praharaja and Sahasa seems to be suggested by the circumstance that the words sura, vairi, pranata and kirtti employed by the composer of our record in his description of Sahasa are repeated by him in his description of Praharaja, and both descriptions are couched in the same metre, Vasantatilaka. Regarding Samarasimha, father of Praharaja, described in our copper-plate as belonging to the Kadamba stock, it would be interesting to investigate data which might lead to his identity. In the Prithviraja Vijaya, a Kādamba-Väsa figures as Chief Adviser to Prithviraja who was victorious over the Muhammadans in 1192 A.D. In the Prithviraja Rāsā, a similar rôle is played by a Samarr-Sing. Tod' who identifies him with the ruler of Chitor, says: "The bard represents him as the Ulysses of the host; brave, cool, and skilful in the fight; prudent, wise, and eloquent in Council; pious and decorous on all occasions; beloved by his own chiefs, and reverenced by the vassals of the Chauhan." It seems possible that Prithviraja's Chief Adviser was remembered by his family-designation KadambaVasa (-Kadamba-Vaméa) in the tradition embodied in the Prithviraja Vijaya, while he was remembered by his personal name Samar-Sing in the tradition relied on by the author of the Prithviraja Räsä and that the latter confounded him with a homonymous personage who ruled over Chitor long after Prithviraja. If so, we might perhaps think of identifying this KadambaVāsa Samar-Sing with our Kadambakulāvatamsa Samarasimha.
Our inscription shows that Udyanna (Bihar) was, even at the end of October, A.D. 1197, not yet conquered by the Muhammadans. But its fall was not delayed. The event is usually assigned to the year A.D. 1197. It probably happened slightly later. There is every reason to believe that the capture of Nadia took place in the cold season of A.D. 1199. The data given in the Tabaqat-i-Nasiri seem to have the effect of placing the capture of the fortress of Bihar' less than one year before the fall of Nadia. We are told that Muhammad-i-Bakhtyär, after obtaining a fief in the Mirzapur District, used to make occasional incursions into the territories of Monghyr (Muner') and Bihar; and with the plunder thus secured, he organised an attack upon the fortified city called Bihar'. The attack succeeded, and the victor went with valuable booty to Qutbud-din who bestowed on him special favours. Meanwhile, astrologers at Nadia announced their
1 Ind. Ant.. Vol. IX, p. 35.
a J. A. S. B., Vol. LXIV (1895), pp. 132, 134: and Vol. LXII (1893), pp. 89, 92.
3 J. R. A. S., 1913, p. 277.
Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan. (Ed.-W. Crooke), Vol. I, p. 301.
[Sce above, p. 223, n. 1.-Ed.]
Tabagt-i-Nasiri, transi. Raverty, (Bibl. Ind.), Vol. 2, pp. 548ff.

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No. 34.] SONE-EAST-BANK COPPER PLATE OF INDRADEVA AND UDAYARAJA. 227
prediction that the man who had captured Bihar would invade Nadia" next year ", whereupon the king Rai Lakhmaniya (=Lakshmaņasēna) permitted those who did not desire contact with the Muhammadans to leave his capital. We know from the Adbhutasagara that the king was a believer in astrology; we may take it that he believed in the prophecy and was preparing to leave Nadia, when Muhammad-i-Bakhtyår, posing as a horse-dealer, made his surprise attack on the palace. It would be reasonable to infer that the surprise-attack was launched before the period assured by the prophecy; in other words, not more than about one year elapsed between the fall of the 'Bihär fortress' and the capture of Nadiā.
It appears from the Tabaqāt-i-Nāsiri account that the district of Monghyr (Muner '), like Bihār, was at this period independent of Lakshmaņasēna (Rai Lakhmaniya '). Local tradition remembers it to have been under a Hindu king of Magadha called Inderdaun who is said to have succumbed to the Muhammadans led by Muhammad-i-Bakhtyar. The stronghold of Inderdaun is reputed to have been at Jaynagar (near Kiul) where, the story goes, his treasury was located. According to O'Malley!, the Jaynagar tradition affirms that Inderdaun had " a trusted warrior, whom he raised to the highest posts, until at last he asked for the hand of his master's daughter in marriage. The king was very angry, and had a cavern made in which he placed all his treasure. When all was safely stowed away, the king invited his general to see his treasury, and when he unsuspectingly went in, he let fall the trap-door and sealed it with a magic seal. It was not long before he suffered for thus killing his best general; for the Muhammadans came down and drove him a fugitive from place to place, until he was obliged to fly to Orissa." According to Waddelle
forts' ascribed to Inderdaun are pointed out by local people at Mt. Uran, 20 miles south-west of the town of Monghyr.
We may perhaps identify this Inderdaun with the Indradhavaladēvs or Indradēva of our copper-plate. The element-dhavala is found in the style Vikrama-dhavala applied in a Kadamba record to a Chalukya king otherwise known as Vikramaditya", our inscription also has & pun on -dhavala with reference to our Vikramārka (... dhavalita-suramärgge Vikramārkkasya rājña) .. 11. 8-9). The name Inderdaun is usually restored to Skt. Indradyumna, where the element -drumna seems to correspond to the - dēva in Indradeva. It is worth while enquiring if the
trusted warrior whom Inderdaun raised to the highest posts' was identical with our mahamāndalika Udayarāja.
TEXT. [Metres : v. 1, Sragdharā; vv. 2, 8, Mālini; v. 3, Sikharini ; vv. 4, 6, 9 and 14, Sardúlavikri
dita ; vv. 5, 7, 10-12, Vasantatilaka ; v. 13, Indravajra; vv. 15-20, Anushțubh ; v. 21, Pushpitāgrā.]
Obverse. 1 ॐ [I] शुभ्यत्सप्तापवानि खलदमरधुनो झातिकविराणि भस्वत्योषोधगणि
प्रचलकचतलोरियसतारोखराणि (0) मनमकलानि पसदसरसुरोभुताहाहा. 2 Taf T ita: harfyret TATA () [") avfar afer
me çfaecherchain: opa: wis() (1) forne[A]
1 Bihar and Orissa District Gazetteers, Monghyr, Patna, 1926, pp. 218-9. * J. A. 8. B., 1892, pp. lff. • Ind. Ant., Vol. IV, pp. 205-6. • Expressed by a symbol.

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228
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXIII.
3 स्तारातिमत्तेभकुनखलविगलितमुखावता संगरौः ॥२॥"] ततो जात: श्रीमान
गणितगुणग्रामचिभियंशोभिस्तेजोभिस्त्रिजगदवतीर्खाहुतभवः [*] म. 4 हायोरो वैरिव्यतिकरशिस्त्रेणिमणिभिः स्फुरत्पादोपान्तो रणधवलनामा क्षितिपतिः
[२॥"] तत्पुत्रो भगवानहीनकटकः सतिशोभाकरः बहाव(ब)न्धुरवीरभद्रसहितः
सं[पृक्ता]5 शतिक्रमः ॥(0) नानादर्शनभोग्यमूर्तिमहिमाबयंप्रचारी वृषप्रखानोऽतिव(ब)ल: प्रताप
धवलो बोकेश्वरः शहरः ॥[1"] तस्यात्मजः प्रणतवेरिनरेन्द्रमौलिमाणिक्य
कोकम[दपू]6 जितपादपीठः [*] श्रीसाहसो नरपतिः सुरसुन्दरीभिरहीयमानभुजविक्रमविभ
मधीः ॥[५॥"] वैकुण्ठीयकरप्रतिष्ठलाहीकम्बु(म्बु)कान्तिच्छटालुण्ठाकोभिरुदार
विक्रमसियो या7 स्वीर्तिविस्फूर्तिभिः [*] एता: प्रस्फुरितोमिमिदुरचतुःपाथोधिविच्छेदितक्ष्माचक्रेण
करालिता गुमुगुमायन्ते समन्ताहिशः [६॥*] तस्यात्मजत्रिभुवनप्रवरप्रवीरः
श्री विक्र8 मो नरपतिर्विजयी जगत्यां [1] यस्य प्रचण्डभुजदण्ड चलकपाणवस्तारयो युधि
भृशं विमुखीभवन्ति ।[७॥*] रिपुतिमिरनिकायः सस्तभूमण्डलीः सरति गि.
रिदरीभ्योऽखण्डले म9 ण्डलाये हरिपुकुसुदामे धामभिर्हामधाम्रो धवलितसुरमार्गे विक्रमार्कस्य रातः
॥[1] तडाता शितखणखण्डितरिपुश्रीरिन्द्रदेवो नृप उड्यो जगप्रताप
शमनक्री10 डागरिष्ठद्युतिः । गोभिश्छिनपरान्धकारपटलसंलब(ब)पुण्योदयः साक्षाचन्द्र इवापरी
विजयते भूमौशचूडामणि: [*] दुग्धाब्धि(न्धि) फेनरुचयो यदरिप्रिया
णाम[प्यु]1 ब्रतानि जहति स्तनमण्डलानि [*] नेत्रोत्पलादिगलदञ्जनमिश्रिताश्रुसंपर्कसंभवकल
एभियेव हाराः [१०॥"] सोयं श्रीमज्जापिलीयचण्डिकाचरणपजपर्युपासन12 परपरममाहेखरसमरनिःसमझसारतरविचारचतुराननमहानृपतिश्रीमदिन्द्रधवलदेवेन वि
जयिना । पामोत्कलौ किल कदम्ब(म्ब)कुलावतन्मः(तंस:) 13 स्फू द्ययाः समरसिंह इति प्रसिहः । तस्यात्मजः खदिरपालकुलप्रदीपक्षमाप
प्रधानसचिव: प्रहराजनामा ॥[११] वाचि स्थिरः सुरगुरोः स समान
वु(बु)हिः प्रख्यातकीर्तिरम. [See above, p. 223, n.l-Ed.]

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SONE-EAST-BANK COPPER PLATE OF INDRADEVA AND UDAYARAJA.
Obverse.
यमप्रानवानिरवनमानी सानिलिमन्दिरगानीमानिवलकरनालाकिनार करानि वामनुनानिवसदसूदनाचान्टक मरहिवाशनाःसमन्नाविसहनमहागोकुवा इन गाला हलवलनसाहायडवाद सहसूमामला साबब बिनानिमत्र मानन्दविगनिनमुकाशनासमतसीमा माओतीन नगलिगुल्याम तिलियांसानिमाजामगिनीज
रनिहितम पीविलिपतिक्तशिनसानमनःस्तत्वसामानवक्ल नामलिनियनिःसनातनदान हीनकारकः सनिाशपायालय समय शिविरमा नानदर्शनलयममिहिमुख्यप्रवास पदाला इतिदल प्रतापवानाला राक्षसराई भय म मुलतानानामनामे मालबाहर तपरपेठ ही साह कानसकन पुत्रसमिसनजातिमविष्यवान देकलावटबल दिस्य बिलिए या ताटावाहुनवट पाकातल्यारक्लक लाग्यमायात सतनादेशमा लस मर्ग का अन्दा
मानविय कम्पीय सायकति दलपलकापन्चमायायवशादिस्वीनिवासन RTRATARIKETAबायका हाल तिग्रस्त कुवानका मानवमिसावे लसुनमा सक्किमकमा तरातरकरताSTATEMEM सनमायालाइ8
Sa Bामतकासपनिमनपादयतादादूरखापलावण्यात मशरडामुन का नाम अनुहायानारक हवकासपुरन सनफ्लायमाझाहदरवागायोAAयाचारापाण्डवत महोदय
तिनमानमात्यलाहगलाद नमिसिमलमयमादक-नानायदा सानी बाल कमियम समयमा सात निशमनसासमविवानचेतनट महाविसमाSEARSHAलीय जल काम
सिंहस्तविकासकालसाक्षिक प्रदीप कादिरश विवस्वाना मालिक साधतापरलासमक्षतावादार जान्त्रिमुपयाजिदारी प्रधानाचारमा
पयुमाश्रयामायापदिनसमगारखतनामावतिपक्षमायनिजाम PERनिअविलमत्रा मनमाना दीवामदण्डकीममरदाना कमसमान
वामानावयतापमहायुत विमहि तयाधीवाधिकपीलर नेमिEिARE
नासारखा विधालयसापिसानिया मिनावदिक सनद लियाविनमा MASAलास बरियानमारदानाचाराविधिसहितवाद ASSAMARNATRE
यो सामान नियबासनाटीयलिलाबोल RAथाशय क्यामा मीनपा सखीयातिनीधिताल पर चले ती माशिवाय काही KA सातामाधामनखपवार यानवाईक लालदरी कामना कामालाका
मायास्कियवादस्यमा प्रवप्र बानिलविरहादियालिलिया का निराहा IN यानियत्ययामान बहानाकर THE जाण्यायदानमा नटर
Reverse.
मिमक्रानिक्षलविश महमिदनावरवादका विषयमा मानिषतिन्द्रसिंह शाकमा वानमन्बादपदस्तबहलामानमरूमध्य सानुन कमिटिबदानंदन भिकमनात मानकरदनालकनामाणहमानकररमा योनिमारक वारसासनी
विरमाललनामबहतालसंत्तनमा यस्तावअनावश्यावलणनवरचनामरिश बमकायाबाया भारत का भी समापपल
मदला-बाणासवहार taqa
म
सायपधावपतिा .
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Rea. No. 1458 E'37-275.
SCALE: THREE-FOURTHS.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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No. 34.) SONE-EAST-BANK COPPER PLATE OF INDRADEVA AND UDAYARAJA. 229
14 वातानुकम्यौ । यस्त्र प्रतापदहनासमतापतप्ताः स्वर्गेपि शान्तिमुपयान्ति न
वैरिवौराः ।[१२॥*] तनन्दनो वन्दिननाभिनन्दी वामेक्षणावीक्षणवाणलक्ष: [1] [श्री]15 ममहामाडलिकः सजात [मु.] कलासूदयराजनामा [१२] यस्योदग्रसमय
. सङ्गरमिलबत्यर्थिपृथ्वीपतिप्रोहामेभघटाभिपाटनपटौ दोर्दण्डयुग्मे 16 स्वयं । सामाखं(ज्य) सकलं निधाय विलसद्रामाजनैरावतः खैर वीरनरेन्द्र
इन्द्रधवल: क्रीडारसं सेवते [१४॥*] स महामाण्डलिकत्रीउदयराजः ।
न[वन]रपत्तणा17 या । गम्भारोग्रामनिवासिलोकानुपगतानपि च राज्ञो युवराजमन्त्रिपुरोहितमाण्डा
गारिकाक्षपटलिकप्रतौहारनैमित्तिकान्तःपुरिकदूतकरितुरगोष्ट18 नौसावनिकदण्डनायकसामन्तसेनाधिकारिकानाज्ञापयत्यादिशति वो(बो)धयति च विदि.
तमस्तु भवतां यथोपरिलिखितग्राम स्वमी(सी)मापर्यन्तं सजलस्थल 19 सलोहसवणाकरं सगौषरः(र) साममधुकं वनवाटिकातुणजन्तुगोचरपर्यन्तं सोधिच..
तुराधाटिविराई श्रीमहिक्रमादित्यस्य हादशशतसम्वत्सरे 20 चतःपंचाशहर्ष(र्षा)धिके कात्तिकमासस्य पूर्णिमास्यां(यो) तिथौ सोमदिने । भारहा
जगोचाय वा(बा)मणजातीयपण्डितश्रीवाश(सु)देवपौत्राय पावसथिवीरि(ऋषिपु
बाय उपा21 ध्यायत्रीधारेश्वराय पी अंशत्रयं ३ तथा कौशिकगोचाय वा(
ब्राणजा.. तौयपण्डितबीवीधरपोचाय पण्डितथोकीर्तिपालपुचाय पण्डितधौमहादित्याय
पी पंश22 इयं २ विधिवत(ब) सात्वा मातापित्रीरात्मनश्च पुण्ययशोभिवये गोकरण
कुमकुसमकरतलोदकपूर्ण कृत्वा चन्द्राक्षे यावत्तामेणोदकपूर्वेण शासनोक्कत्य 23 प्रदापितवानिति मत्वा भागभोगादिकं यथादीयमानं पूर्वप्रवाहेनाजाविधयोभूय
दास्यथ [*] तथा हि भवन्त्यत्र पौराणिकाः नोकाः । भूमिं यः प्रतिग्रजाति 24 यश्च भूमि प्रयच्छति [*] उभौ तौ पुण्यकाणी नियतं स्वगंगामिनी
[१५॥*] व(ब)हुभिर्वश(स)धा दत्ता राजभिः सगरादिभिर्यस्य यस्य यदाभूमिस्तस्य तस्य तदा फ
Reverse 25 लम् [१६] हिरण्यमणिमुक्तानि वस्त्रायाभरणानि च [*] तेन सर्वमिदं
दत्तं येन दत्ता वश(स)न्धरा [१७] षष्टिवर्षसहमाणि स्वर्णे तिष्ठति भूमिदः [*] पाक्षेप्ता चानुमत्ता(न्ता) च हये (य्ये)व नरकं व्रजेतात) [॥१८॥"].
- Read सुजात or स जात. * [I would read पत्तलाय.-Ed.] • Read सगरादिभिः । यस्य.

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230
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[ VOL. XXIII.
28 तळागानां सहस्रेण पबमधशतेन च [1] गवा कोटिप्रदानेन भूमिहर्ता न (u)fa [pera] at an
ATHARI [1] Fiat TATUTA UTAFITE (E) ETH [2018] UA27 Fugleaf(T)R fafafea f eat TirT: [*] H atu
विश्वं स्वयमनुचिन्त्य न कीर्तयो विलोप्याः [२१॥*] लिखापितमिदं
श्रीवास्तव्यकायस्थावयाच28 पटलिकठारचौसुननेनेति ॥ 'उपाध्यायधारेवराय पंचहस्य भूमिर्दता(त्ता) पुत्रु
खडा ग्राम सम्बत् १२५४ कार्तिकशदि १५ सोमे ।
No. 35.-SRINGI-RISHI INSCRIPTION OF PRINCE MOKALA.
BY SAMSKRITI PT. AKSHAYA KEERTY VYAS, M.A., UDAIPUR. The inscription under consideration was noticed for the first time by Rai Bahadur Gaurishankar Ojhā in the An. Rep. Rajputana Museum, Ajmer, 1924-25. He has also made full use of this record in his Rājaputāne kā Itihasa. But as the record is not yet published in full I edit it here for the first time at the instance of Dr. N. P. Chakravarti, Government Epigraphist for India.
The place known as śpingi-fishi is situated in the heart of hills about a mile and a half west of the village Vikharani which is about four miles south-east of the famous shrine of Sri Eklingji and is rather difficult of access.
The inscription is fixed in a niche in the western wall of a small verandah below the temple whose plinth is about 4 ft. high from a small reservoir of water the construction and subsequent consecration of which is the main theme of the record.
Excluding Srih(Sri) Visva-Māstre namah] on the top, there are in all thirty-one and a half lines of writing in the inscription which covers a space about 1' 10" broad by 1' 3" high. The record is engraved on & slab of black stone which has been damaged by two big cracks running almost parallel to each other. In addition to these cracks the slab is broken in three places thus destroying portions of the inscription.
With regard to the palaeography attention may be drawn to the representation of the medial vowels e, ai, 8 and au which are joined to the consonants both by prishtha-mātrās and by firomätrās side by side ; for examples of ē and o cf. pur-ēsvarēna (1. 8) and krõdh-akulo (1.6) and for ai and au cf. uttamataraiḥ and svarn-ādikaih (1. 18) and tithau (1. 17) and praudha (1. 9). This method of indicating the matrās may be due to the fact that though by this time Nägari characters had assumed almost a definite form, the representation of the medial vowels, particularly the dipthongs, was still in a state of transition.
The language of the inscription is Sanskrit. Of the few minor mistakes it shows, it may be pointed out that the dental nasal has been employed for the palatal one in guhā-gehakān=jitoa (1. 5); kaschit=samah (1. 6) has been used for kāschit=samāħ and 80=yan prasastih (1. 27, v. 28)
This portion beginning with W T is written in a different hand. • The word which the scribe could not fit into the space available was written below the line. For quotations from this record, see Rajaputāne ka Itihasa, Faso. II, foot-notes on Pp. 340-89.

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No. 35.
SRINGI-RISHI INSCRIPTION OF PRINCE MOKALA.
.
231
for seěyan prasastih. The word gadhal in mandal-ākriti-gadho (1. 9) is evidently a dēji word. Besides, there are some mistakes of engraving which are noticed in dealing with the text.
Regarding orthography we find that the dental sibilant has once been employed for the palatal one in Sambhur-akarod (1. 17). So also has once been used for b in Sakė väna-vas(1. 29). Consonant after ris occasionally reduplicated. The whole inscription is in verse except adorations to Visva-Mä[ta) (at the top) and Bhagavati (1.1), as well as portions of 11. 28 and 32.
The inscription belongs to the time of prince Mokala of Mewar whose date of accession is not yet definitely known; and its object is to record the consecration of a small reservoir of water constructed by him at the hilly site known as Spingi-pishi, thereby to achieve bliss in the other world for one of his wives, named Gaurambikā, who was apparently not living at the time. She came of the Bäghēlā family and was the daughter of some prince, only last three syllables of whose name, viz... ....nabhramai are visible in the text now preserved. The ceremony took place on the Afth day of the bright half of the month of Śrāvana in the Vikrama year 1485 (=A.D. 1428). Mökala accompanied by his other wife Māyāpurl worshipped the sage Rishyassings and with the permission of his religious preceptor Trilochana consecrated the reservoir.
The inscription is important inasmuch as it gives some historical information with regard to the four successive princes Hammira, Kshētra, Laksha and Mokala. It opens with an invocatory verse in praise of Bhārati, the goddess of learning; in the next verse the poet declares his intention of describing the princes born in the family of Bappa. Then begins the genealogy from Hammira to Mokala.
It has been said about Hammira that he captured the city Chēla by name, and conquered by his might the notorious Bhls who were his enemies. He went to Ranathambaka' or Ranthambhor, and there killed Jaitrēsvara who was inimical to him. He also reduced Palhaņapura to ashes.
Chāla as mentioned here is the Chēla-vāta of the Eklingji inscription of V.S. 1545° (=A.D. 1488) and the Jilwäda of modern times, situated on a high plateau on the north-western border of Mewār, overlooking the territory of Godwar, a part of Mārwar. From the time of prince Rai Mal (A.D. 1473-1509), this place has been in the possession of a Solanki Sardär as his jägir. Formerly this Sardār held authority over some portion of Godwär also, which was in all probability conquered by Hammira together with Chēla. Before the time of Rāi Mal, the place might have been in the possession of the Chauhānas. His victory over Bhils means that Hammira had also acquired the portion of Mewär now known as Bhömata, almost fully occupied by the Bhil community, which evidently was not a part of Mewär at the time. Or, it may hint at
1 See Hēmachandra's Dekinamamala, p. 99 (ed. Bühler).
Below this last half line of the record is clearly visible in the impression a line of writing too carelessly engravod to be legible. It appears to read
..............1 PORI?) etc) and seems to be a later ddition made by a mason engaged to repair the older structure of the verandah containing the inscription.
No record helpful in definitely determining either the date of the death of prince Laksha, the father of Mökala, or the time of the latter's accession to the throne of Mewar has till now been discovered. But it is certain that Mokala ascended the throne prior to V.8. 1478 (A.D. 1421) as an inscription of his reign found in a ruined Jaina temple at Jāwar is dated in that year.
It is not certain whether this is the concluding part of a personal or place name as the compound may be either Karmadharaya or Genitive Tatpurusha.
5 The reading appears to be Na[rathari akan which, by metathesis, may stand for Ranathambakas-(Skt. Hanastambhaka), popularly known as Ranthambbor.
• Bhavanagar Inscriptions, pp. 117-23. Raj. Itihs., Faso. II, p. 548, n. 4.

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the acquisition of the part of Mewar now known as Vāgada (Vaṭapadraka of inscriptions), which at present forms the territory of two different states, viz., Dungarpur and Banswara.1 About the identification of Jaitresvara, who died at the hands of Hammira, the present inscription does not give any clue. But in v. 25 of the Eklingji inscription of V.S. 1545 mention has been made of a Jaitrakarna born in Ilachala (Idar), sustaining the loss of life at the hands of Hammira. The Ekalinga-mahatmya also mentions Jitakarna, the Ila-durga-nayaka or the lord of the fort of Idar' as conquered by Hammira. Thus it is not difficult to ascertain that Jaitresvara of the present record was none else than Jaitrakarna of the inscription at Eklingji and Jitakarna of the Ekalinga-mahatmya. He was, as is evident, the master of the fort of Idar, but when killed by Hammira he seems to have been at Ranthambhor as known from this record. There is absolutely no evidence to prove that Ranthambhor was a part of his dominions; but as it was at that time the centre of Rajput confederacy against the Pathan monarchy of Delhi, it seems quite probable that he might have gone there in connection with some such activity. The last exploit of Hammira as mentioned here is the reduction of Palhanapura to ashes. The latter is the phonetically decayed form of Prahladanapura. This city was founded by Prahladanadeva, the younger brother of Dharavarsha, the Paramara ruler of Abu. Formerly it was a part of the Paramāra dominion, but now it is the capital of a separate state known as Palanpur.
1 Raj. Itihs., Fasc. II, p. 549, u. 1.
2 Ibid., p. 549, n. 2.
[VOL. XXIII.
Hammira was succeeded by his son Kshetra popularly known as Khetsi. With regard to him it has been recorded here that he conquered Ami Saha in battle, leaving alive not a single man of his army, and brought his entire treasury and numberless horses to his own capital. He also demolished Māṇḍalgarh which a monarch as mighty as Ala-ud-din had dared not touch. Though the present inscription is of little help in identifying Ami Šaha we are in a position to do so from other records. Thus, this event has been mentioned in v. 156 of the Princes' chapter of the Ekalinga-māhātmya, as a bygone illustration to prince Kumbha's victory over Mahamud Khilji of Malwa, where Ami Saha, conquered and killed by Kshetra, has been described as Malavapati or the Sultan of Malwa. It is therefore clear that Ami Šaha whom prince Kshetra defeated, was the governor of Malwa, and the scene of this battle was somewhere in the vicinity of the famous fort of Chitor as recorded in v. 223 of the unpublished inscription of V.S. 1517(=A.D. 1460) located in the uppermost story of Kumbha's Tower of Victory at Chitor. Thus Ami Šaha was none else than Dilavar Khan Ghuri who was the first Sultan of Mandu (Malwa) as known from the Memoirs of Jahangir. He was contemporary to the Delhi Sultan Mahammad Tughlak. Col. Tod in his treatment of Kshetra says that he obtained a victory over the Delhi monarch Humayun at Bakrol.'s Here he has obviously been misled by the bardic chronicles wherein 'Ami' might have been identified with Humayun' on the meagre phonetic semblance between the two names; or the name of a well-known monarch such as Humayun might have been inserted in place of that of one who was not so well-known, a practice that was not infrequent among the bards of Rajputana. Humayun ascended the throne in V.S. 1587 (=A.D. 1530), whereas Kshetra's accession had taken place in V.S. 1421 (=A.D. 1364). They, therefore, could not be contemporary to each other. Rai Bahadur Ojha says that Col. Tod had in his knowledge the dates of accession of both Kshetra and Humayun, but that the misstatement was due to not comparing them at the time of writing.
Ibid., p. 563, n. 1.
A. Rogers' Eng. Trans., Vol. I, p. 107.
Tod's Rajasthan, Vol. I, p. 321 (W. Crooke's ed.).
Raj. Itiks., Fast. II, p. 565, para. 2.

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No. 35.]
SRINGI-RISHI INSCRIPTION OF PRINCE MOKALA.
Kshetra was succeeded by his son Laksha, about whom it has been stated in the present inscription that he was a prince of great religious ardour and that he freed Gaya of the barbarous tax levied by the Muhammadans, which all Hindu pilgrims had to pay. This tax was a source of great discomfort and torment to the Hindus and evidently prevented them to a great extent from undertaking any pilgrimages. Laksha, the pious Hindu prince, pacified the Muhammadan governor of Gaya with offers of gold and horses and got this tax totally abolished for the Hindus. This tax was in force not only at Gaya, but was, in fact, levied over Tristhali or the three main Hindu religious centres, viz., Käsi, Prayaga, and Gaya. Laksha got all these sacred places freed from the tax as known from v. 2071 of the Kumbhalgarh inscription of V.S. 1517 (A.D. 1460). This meritorious deed of Laksha also finds mention in v. 383 of Rai Mal's inscription of V.S. 1545 at Eklingji.
Mokala, the son of Laksha, ascended the throne of Mewar after his father's death. According to this record he fought two battles, one with Firüz Khan and the other with Ahmad, wherein he utterly defeated both. This Firüz Khan was the son of Shams Khan Dandani, the brother of Zafar Khan or Muzaffar Shah I. whom Muhammad Tughluq II had appointed as the governor of Gujarat in place of Furhut-ool-moolk and who afterwards became an independent Sultan." When Tätär Khan, the son of Muzaffar Shah, having deprived his father of his kingdom, himself seized the throne, he appointed Shams Khan, his uncle, as his minister. Shams Khan afterwards poisoned Tätär Khan at the instigation of Muzaffar Shah, his brother, and the latter being pleased with this service had bestowed upon him the jägir of Nagor. When Shams Khan died, his son Firüz Khan became the owner of Nagor. When he began to annoy Mōkala by his foul intentions, the latter attacked Nagor and Firüz Khan fled from the field of battle and his army was utterly routed. This victory of Mokala over Firüz Khan is recorded not only in this inscription, but also in v. 51 of the Samiddhësvara temple inscription at Chitor of the same year as the present one and in v. 44 of the Eklingji inscription of V.S. 1545. The event is also described in Persian chronicles such as Tabkat-i-Akbari, but there it is said that Rāņā Mōkala was defeated by Firüz Khan and three thousand men of his army were killed in the battle." This discrepancy between the two records-epigraphical and historical,-has wrongly led the author of ViraVinoda to think of two battles fought between Firüz Khan and Mōkala in one of which the latter was victorious and in the other defeated."
233
Mōkala's second battle as known from this record was waged against Ahmad wherein also the latter was defeated. It is rather difficult to ascertain who this Ahmad was. In v. 221' of the Kumbhalgarh inscription of V.S. 1517, Ahmad of our inscription has been confused with Mahammad whom Col. Tod has regarded as Nasir-ud-din Mahmud, the grand-son of Firüz Tughluq, and the son of Muhammad Shah, and whom he believes to have been defeated by Mōkala near Raipur in Mewar, on his way to Gujarat to which direction he was fleeing after his defeat at the hands of Timur in the battlefield of Panipat.10 But this is not possible, for Timur reached
1 Raj. Itihs., Fasc. II, p. 572, n. 1.
Bhav. Insers., p. 111.
3 Raj. Itihs., Fasc. II, p. 584.
Briggs, Firishta, Vol. IV, p. 9 and Raj. Itihs., Fasc. II, p. 584.
5 Raj. Itihe., Fasc. II, pp. 584-85.
Above, Vol. II, p. 417.
Bayley. History of Gujarat, p. 148, n. 5.
5 Raj. Itiha.. Fasc. II, p. 585, n. 5.
Ibid., p. 586, n. 1.
10 Tod's Rajasthan, Vol. I, p. 331 (W. Crooke's ed.).

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(VOL. XXIII.
Delhi on December 18, A.D. 1898, a period much prior to the accession of Mökala. Therefore Ahmad of our inscription seems to be Ahmad Shāh I. of Gujarät who was a contemporary of Mökala and the latter might have defeated him in some battle. It also seems quite probable that the author of the Kumbhalgarh inscription might have inserted by mistake Mahammad in place of Ahmad, the two names being phonetically similar. An attack of Ahmad Shāh I. of Gujarat directed against Jilwärä in the dominion of Rāņā Mökala, after extracting tribute from the ruler of Dungarpur, has been referred to in Tabkāt--Akbari and Tārikh-i-Alfi, but this event is said to have taken place in A.H. 836 (A.D. 1433) which is five years later than the time of our inscription. This shows that the fight referred to in our inscription is quite different from that mentioned in the Persian chronicles. It is possible that Mökala had to fight Ahmad Shah twice.
Other historical information from the record with regard to Mökala is that he erected a strong rampart with three gates round the famous shrine of Sri Ekalingaji. He weighed himself against gold, silver and other precious objects and gave them in charity as many as twenty-five times. He performed one of these ceremonies at the holy Tirtha of Pushkar, on the full-moon day of the month of Kärttika.
The record was composed by one Yögisvara who had the epithets Vānivilāsa and Kavirāja. These epithets show that he was a very learned man and was held in high esteem at that time. Nothing else is directly known of him from this epigraph. The use of ru in place of the vowel si in Rushyassimga-rushi (1. 20), however, seems to suggest that he was a native of South India.
The mason (sūtradhāra) was Phana, the son of Hādā. According to the inscription he was & famous figure and was held in high respect by others of his profession, and was fully conversant with works on literature and architecture.
The date of the inscription which is given both in numerals and in words is Sunday, the 5th of the bright half of Srāvana in Sarvat 1485. It seems to be irregular for it corresponds to Saturday, 17th July, 1428 A.D.
TEXT.
*:fa ATTA:) 1 ॥॥ श्रीभगवत्यै नमः । देवी देवकिरीटरखनिकरासंशोभिपादांबुजा वीणास्फाटि[क]
-u-vu -[--- ---I---vu-u-u
VU--- - 2 [at]menit at a n oat Format gmiferuat(TH) ne? altera
gruoa[fa] -- [u]ungfe *[fa]-vu-uvu- [AT][f]
1 Raj. I tihe., Fasc. II, p. 586. * Bayley. His. of Guj., p. 120, n. 4. . From ink-impressions and the original. . Read Sri.
Each line generally ends with one or two dandas which are for the most part to be regarded either as oma mental or superfluoue.
* Syllables within these brackets are only partially visible. Metre : Sardúlavikridita.

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No. 35.]
SRINGI RISUI INSCRIPTION OF PRINCE MOKALA.
235
.3 वान् । शश्वद्याचकवांछिताधिकलसत्वरण प्रदानोद्यतासंग्रामाहतवैरिराजनिकरान्गौरी
यसेवाप]रान् ॥२' मोयं बप्पजवंशभूषण[मणी रूपेण पुष्पायुधो हम्मी4 रो धरणीधरः [समभवहीरः सुधीरो रणे । नित्या व्याप्तचराचरा विजयिनो
यस्येंदुकुंदो[व]ला कीर्तिमर्तिरि वैखरी विजयते मान्या सदा भूभुजा
(जाम्) ३' चेलाख्यं पुरमग्रहोद. 5 रिगणान्भिन्नान्गुहागहकाम्जि(खित्वा तानखिलानिहत्य च बलाख्यातासिना
संगरे । यो ग[ला न[रथं] बकं समवधोज्जैखरं वैरिणं यो दरस्थित. 6 पल्हणापुरमपि क्रोधाकुन्तो दग्धवान् ४ एवं सर्वमकंटकं समगममंडलं
भूपतिहमौरो लल[नास्परः] सुरपदं संपात्य क(का)श्चित्समाः [1] सम्यग्व.
महरं ततः स्वतन7 [यं] संस्थाप्य राज्ये निजे से क्षत्रियवंशमंडनमणिं प्रत्यर्थिकालानलं (लम्) ॥५॥
पाजावमौसाहमिप्रभावाज्जित्वा च हत्वा यवनानशेषान् (0) यः कोश
जातं तुरगानसंख्य[] 8 समानयत्वा किन राजधानी(नीम) ६ टिमो चारपुरेश्वरण बलिना स्पृष्टोपि
नो पाणिना राजा श्रीमद[लावदीति विलसवाना [ग]जस्वामिना ।
सोपि क्षेत्रमहीभुजा 9 निजभुजप्रौढप्रभावादहो भग्नो विश्रुतमंडलाक्कतिगढो जित्वा समस्तानरीन् ॥७॥
इंट्रेणासुरशंकिना प्रणम[ता सं]प्रार्थितः शंकरः संत्येते दनुजाः पदं मम
बलादादातुकामा विभो । 10 एवं किं करवायथी वद पर' श्रुत्वा वचः शंभुना नौस[:] क्षेत्रमही
पतिनि(नि)जपदं दैत्यातहेतोः स्वयं(यम्) । दिव्यांगनाभूषि[तवाम]भागे
देत्यांति(त)के क्षेत्रधराधिनाथ । स्वर्गस्थिते कल्पितदानदक्षे(क्षो) 11 लक्षोभवद्देवतबंधाना(नाम्) [*]" येन कांचनतुलादिदानतस्तोषिता हिजवरा
महीतले । येन दुर्जयसमस्तभूभुजः संहता]: सदसिधारया रणे ॥१.१ दत्वा(चा) [तंगत रंगहमनिचयास्त गढ(या)
IMetre: Sardalavikridita.. . The stroke in the body of this letter is too faint on the original to be visible in the impression.
• The arrangement of words in this line is obscure. Samagamat is to be connected with sura-padam and earn palya with bha-marindalarit.
•Metre: Upajati.
. The name of this well-known capital of India begins either with ? or Dhi in most of the inscriptions of this period.
• This syllable seems to have been engraved over an orasuro.
Read Hara. .Metre: Indratrajri Metro : Rathoddhata.

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[Vol. XXIII.
15
12 [स्वामिने मुक्ता येन कता गया करभराहर्षास्थनेकान्यतः । प्रीताः स्वर्गगता
वदंति पितरस्त्वद्यापि सत्याशिषं तस्यासा[विति] लचभूतलभुजो वंशविर
नंदतु ॥११' तस्मिन्प्रयाते त्रिदिवं 13 -- लर्थिसंकल्पितकल्पवृक्षे [*] देवैकलिंगार्चनबहलक्षे विख्यातदुर्बोधनयैकदक्षे
॥१२' तस्या' मापतिवंदितांघ्रिकमलो (ल]क्षेश्वरस्यात्मजः श्रीमो(मा)न्मोकल
एष वंशतिलक: संपूर्णचंद्रान14 [न: ।*] -- [गा]हतमंत्रपावनजलैर्जाताभिषेकस्ततः स्वं राज्यं परिपालयत्यरि
कुलं संत्रासयन्मवत: ॥१३' यस्याये समभूत्पलायनप[२]: पेरोजषा(खा)मा
स्वयं पायाहाह्मदी दुःसहोपि समरे संत्यज्य को- - - [*] - - वाणवणेन एकवदनो मतानको रुड
वागवेनापि विवर्जितो गिरिगुहागेहावित: सांप्रत(सम्) ॥१४' यः पंचविंशति[]नाः समदाहिजे (जे)भ्यो हेचस्तथैव रजतस्य च फद्यकाना
(नाम्) । 16 ----- -- -- थ विमुक्तिहेतोः सोयं कृपो विजयते वरकीर्तिपुरः
॥१५० येन स्फाटिकसछि(च्छि)लामय इव ख्याती मही[मं]डले प्राकारी
रचितः सुधाधवलितो देवैकलि17 - --|--- --... सकपाटविलमहा(हा)रचयालंकृत: कैशासं नु विधाय
सं(श)भुरकरोद्यत्राधिवामे मति(तिम्) १६' कार्तिक्यामथ पू[f]मावरतिथौ
योदात्तुला कांचनों शास्त्रज्ञः प्रथम 18 - ---- -दिक म हिजैः । देव' पुष्करतीर्थसाक्षिणममं नारायणं
शाश्वतं रूपेणादिवराहमुत्तमतः स्वर्णादिः पूजयन् ॥१७' कन्याधेनुधरा
तुरंगमरथ ग्रंथादिदा- ----- पुष्करेषु विदिती जेष्टा(ज्येष्ठा)[दि]षु श्रद्धया । तेन
रस्तसमस्त भूपललनासंगोतमत्कीर्तिनापु(ख)म्माणान्वय[करण सुधिया विवत्रियेण क्षितौ ॥१८ पर्याये
1 Metre : Gardalavileridita. * The stroke in the body of this letter is too faint on the original to be visible in the impression. * Metro: Indravajra. • Read tasya. • The composer seems to have employed this foreign name without the one tertination.
Metre : Varantatilaka. "The syllable var secins to be carved over au crayure.

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12
14
दसंप
या नाका
स
वातिला मान गीरः समवहार सुरनिया व्याप्रचराविजयासोब
सुधी
विश्वरी विजयातमा न्यादान्तरम
●
कानखिला मनकवीश्वरावे रिया दूर में पल पलमा मर्मत रामप्रसाद कोरेग ● समालखा वोपि नोपालनामा निलिमा नामिना मि निदान कर दे मला काम दिला 10 दिन से 10 ज्ञानवाद मानो यन कांचन दिदानो बिरामी मारम या कनकान्ना सानिकानद
12
16
2 2 2 2 2 2 2
18
32
SRINGI-RISHI INSCRIPTION OF PRINCE MOKALA.
दीपिका वितर
श्रीः (वसम
करीरामन पाटावर
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI.
Rsa. No. 1462 E37-275.
राव
की काश्त सासदिदीउरलाई
कति
पारमितानुरोधायमानता क
1
काकः । मन मकारतःवि
मिरितीर्थ मदिराग्यनुरागमाद्यादिदा
विदितोथान नागीताविनि। भारुमा माया गविस्थान
विता
नियतः समः श्रीमा
गीतकाराला
२३विकायानिजवल 24
या संपूर्ण वापराविना पिताया: श्रीर्वती मेवनमा नानाले २७ चा या यसरि नस्यामि नानयाक महाविद्यालयका शिवरा
प
ज
पिन क
मानिकवाद 28
राम
मुसाकामनामा
SCALE: TWO-FIFTHS
8
श्रीमा
सा
18
20
32
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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20 . --. . . . . . . . . . -परं(रम्) । (ऋष्यश्रंगरु(ऋषिस्तो
व्याजमारंब्य भूप[]: १ किं वाचो महिमा गिररिहम योगीख
[रेणा]मुना विख्यातस्य महीतले हिमवता A -- ------- -- तर निवसति श्रीशांतया ' कांतया
साकं पुण्यनदौलसत्परिसरे साख्या(क्षाद(ह)षि[:*] अंगिकः ॥२. [यत्रा सौ
क्षणमेकमेव वसतिः श्रीमावृषो(षि:) 22 [अंगिकः पुण्याचारपरो विभाडकसुतो योगी तपःसागरः । काले तत्र निरंतरं
जलधरा वर्षेत्वपाराबु(म्बभिनँवाकालमृतिर्भवेव हि त[था वं]ध्या भवेयुः
स्त्रियः ॥२१ .बाघेलान्व23 यदीपिका वितरणप्रख्यातहस्ता च [या*] - णभ्रमभूमिपालतनया पुष्पायुध
प्रेयसी(सोम) [*] या रूपेण निजेन तां समजयत्सौभाग्यसंशोभि[ता] या
सर्वत्र पतिव्रतानुगणने मुख्यै24 व संकोचते ॥२२२ तस्या[:*] सदिंदीवरलो[चना]याः संपूर्णपोयषकरानना[या: ।]
. गुणान्विताया गुणतोषितायाः श्रीपार्वतीसेवनसादरा या]: ॥२३ गौरांबिकाया
निजवन25 भायाः सलोकसंप्राप्तिफलैकहेतोः ।"] एषा पुर[स्तस्य] विभाडमूनोहा(|)पी
निबडा किल मोकलेन ॥२४ वाप्यां पुण्यसरिजलेन सततं संपूरितायामिह
सानं यः कुरुते 26 द्विजः स हि भवेद्देदादिविद्यावती । राजन्यो यदि [कंटकै]विरहितं प्राप्नोति
राज्यं चिरं वैश्यो वैश्रवणाधिकां श्रियमहो शूद्रोपि सौ[ध्यं पर(रम्) ॥२५'
यः कुर्यादृषिपंचम्यां - 27 सानं वाप्यां मियान्वितः । ब्राह्मणो वा तथान्योपि स ल[भतेप्सितं फलं
(लम्) ॥२॥1 योगोखरण कविना रचिता मनोना सो(से)यं प्रशस्तिरुचिता
मृत[पूरणं]वर्णा । पाकर्ण्य यां सुवि[बु]28 धाः सुखिनो भवंति श्रीभा[ती]मिव कथां कलुषापत्री(/म्) ॥२७° [इति]
श्रीवाणीविलासकविराजयोगीखरविरचिता प्रशस्तिर्जयति ॥ मायापुरी वल्लभया समतो विभांडमू
1Metre : Anushtubh. * Metre : sārdalavikridita.
Read vasati. • AIetre: Upajali. ---
Metre: Indrarajra. •Metre: Vasantatilaka.

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29 नं(न) परिपूजयस्तं चिलोचनस्यात्मगुरोरनुजा संप्राप्य चामौकरदान दच]:"]
२८ माके वा(वा)पवसुतिप्रविलसतचं(च)द्रांकित(त) विश्रुत पंचम्या
शु(स)तिथौ [२]वो च नभस: पक्षे सिते 30 सन्मतिः [1] श्री[मलक्षनरेश्वरस्य तनयः धौमोकलो भूप [विभूषित:
समकरोहापौप्रतिष्टा(ठा)मिह ॥२६ उत्कीर्णाषि(खि)लसूचधारगुरुणा मे[यं]
प्रशस्ति :*] शुभा वि. 31 ख्याले [न] फनाभिधेन [स]धिया हादालनामुना [*] साहित्यादिकशि स्पि]
शास्त्रविलसत्पा(त्या)थोधिना साधुना बौनारायणसेवन नृपतेः श्रीमोकल
स्याजया [॥३. *] 32 'संवत् १४८५ वर्षे श्रावण शुदि ५ रविदिन(ने) ॥ चिर(र) नंदति ॥ श्रीः ।
TRANSLATION. [obeisance to] the illustrious [Mother] of the universe. Adoration to the illustrious Bhagavati.
(Verse 1) Having paid obeisance to the illustrious goddess of learning, my supreme mother and the dispeller of delusion, with (her) lotus-like feet (looking) lovely with the gems on the crests of gods all round ; holding a lyre and a crystal [rosary]......and wearing beautiful ornamenta studded with pearls ;
(Verse 2) [I describe) to the best of my knowledge, the heroes such as.... prince Hammira, etc., the descendants of Bappa, who had been ever-ready to offer shining gold more than desired by those in need, who had killed numbers of powerful enemies in battles and who had been devout worshippers of the Lord of Gauri (i.e., Siva).
(Verse 3) There came in being the well-known ornamental gem to the family of the descen. dants of Bappa, the heroic prince Hammfra, the very Cupid in form, resolute in battles and victorious, whose fame, like the body of Isvara (i.e., Siva), permanent, all-pervading, white as the moon and the jasmine flower and always respected by (other) princes ....reigns supreme.
(Verse 4) (It was he) who captured the city of Chēla after having conquered and perforce killed in battle with (his) famous sword his enemies, the Bhils, residing in caves; who murdered the inimical Jaitrēšvara going himself to Narathambaka (Ranthambhor) and also being agitated by anger, burnt down the distant city of Palhapăpura.
(Verse 5) Hammira, the very god of love for damsels, having thus protected the earth for a certain number of years and having then established over his kingdom his son Kshētra, (who was) an ornamental jewel of the Kshatriya race, the destructive fire to (his) enemies, and worthy well to take up responsibility, went to the abode of gods.
1 There is an anusvara over pa which is redundant. .Metro: Upajati. .Metre: Sarāalarikridita. . This half line begins from the middle of the sla.. . This is a topless chha and many people employ it even now particularly at the end of letters to denoto

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(Verse 6) (It was Kahetra) who having conquered in battle Apol Baba by the might of (his) sword and totally annihilated the Yevenas, verily brought the entire treasury and numberless steeds to his own capital.
(Verse 7) Oh! even that famous fort of Mandala, which even the lord of the lovely city of Delhi, powerful and owning elephants, known by the shining name of Alāvadi, dared not touch with his hand, was shattered by prince Kshetra, after having conquered all the enemies with the impetuous might of his arms.
(Verse 8) (God) Sankara was thus) solicited by humble Indra in fear of demons, “ O Eternal Hara! here are these demons aspiring to seize my position by force ; 0 tell me, what should I do under such circumstances !" On hearing these) words, prince Kshetra was taken away by Sambhu himself to his own abode, in order to destroy the demons.
(Verse 9) Prince Kshobra, the death-incarnate for demons, having (thus) settled down in heaven with heavenly damsels adorning (his) left side-Laksha, expert in giving (as much) charities (as could be) imagined, came to be the desire-yielding tree for the learned.
(Verse 10) (It was he) by whom best of the Brāhmaṇas on the surface of the earth were gratified by various charities, like gold weighed against himself, and by whom all other) invincible princes were killed in battles with the sharp edge of (his) sword.
(Verse 11) May the famous line of that prince Laksha ever rejoice in this world) by whom Gayă (the holy Tirtha) was freed from the burden of tax for a considerable number of years, by paying (as ransom) lofty horses and heaps of gold to the lord of Gaya, and for which (whose) ancestors gone to the upper world, gratified as they are, even now confer (on him) genuine benedictions.
(Verse 12) That Laksha-who...., who had assigned the desire-yielding tree to suppliants, who had (his) attention fixed upon the worship of God Ekalinga and who had been the only expert in political matters which are a vowed to be inscrutable-having gone to the upper world,
(Verse 13) This illustrious Mokala, the son of that lord Laksha, the holy forehead-mark of the family, with face like the full-moon and with lotus-like feet revered by (other) princes, having been (installed king) by bathing in water made holy by incantations (and) fetched from......, protects his kingdom frightening the group of enemies all round.
(Verse 14) (It was he) from whose presence Pēroja Khână (Firüz Khan) himself had resorted to fleeing (and) Påtsäha Abmada, although irresistible in battle.... abandoning (his) .... has, at present, with face dried up, with hair dishevelled, with speech obstructed and bereft even of (his) horse, taken refuge in the habitation of a mountain cave in order to save.
(Verse 15) This well-known prince, who weighed himself against gold, silver and Phadyakas! twenty-five times and distributed them among dvijas for the liberation of ...., and who is full of glorious fame, reigns supreme.
(Verse 16) By him was erected a rampart, which was renowned all over the earth, which looked as if built of nioe crystal slabs being whitewashed with lime and which was adorned with three beautiful gates having handsome panels, [round the site of] the God Ekalinga, where Lord Sambhu bad indeed made up his mind to reside, leaving aside Kailāsa.
1 Lit. the circular fort ; modern Mandalgarh.
* This seems to be the name of a small silver coin whose value might have been worth two anno, for in some parts of Rajputāná a two-anna piece is even now called a Phadigd or Phadyaka. (Raj. Itihe., Faso. II, p. 888, a. 4.)

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(Verse 17) He who was conversant with the holy lore having first of all worshipped with high-class gold, etc., the Eternal Nārāyaṇa with the external) appearar ce of the Primeval Boar, at the holy site of Pushkara, (and having....).... in company of Brāhmaṇas—weighed himself against gold on the beautiful full-moon day of the month of) Kärttika, and gave it away in charity.
(Verse 184) By giving maidens, cows, pieces of land, horses, chariots, books, etc., in charity, ..........looked upon in the land of Pushkara with reverence (even) among (his) seniors (?)
By him who was wise, dear to the learned on earth, conducive of felicity to the family of Khummana and whose fame was sung by the frightened wives of all princes. (Verse 19) In turn..........
......... Of the prince, resorting to the pretext of eulogising the sage Rishyabsinga.
(Verse 20) How is to be described by me, this Yögisvars, the majesty of the mountain here, which is famous all over the earth and which........with the Himalaya ; and on which, in the beautiful vicinity of a holy river', resides (the sage) Kishyabringa in person, with (his) beloved, the illustrious Sāntā.
(Verse 21) Wherever this illustrious sage Sringika who is the son of Vibhāņdaka, who is an ocean of austerity, and solely given to meritorious deeds, puts up even for a moment, there the clouds pour inexhaustible waters at the proper time, untimely death never takes place and romen do not remain barren.
(Verse 22) (For her) who was illuminating to the family of Bāghēlās, who had her hand renowned for charities, who was the daughter of prince.... pabhrama, who by virtue of her own beauty surpassed (even) Cupid's beloved (i.e., Rati), who was graced with prosperity, (and) who in the enumeration of women true to their consorts is celebrated everywhere as the foremost
(Verse 23) For her, whose eyes were like beautiful lotuses, whose face was like the full-moon, who was possessed of merits, who could be pleased with merits (and) who took delight in attending upon the illustrious Pārvati
(Verse 24) For (that) Gaurāmbikā, his own beloved, this reservoir of water in front of that son of Vibhända has been constructed by Mokala with the sole view of her achieving (a blissful situation in the other world.
(Veme 25) Whosoever takes bath in (this) reservoir here, perpetually filled up with the waters of the holy river--if) a Brāhmaṇa, he verily becomes versed in (branches of learning like Vēda, etc.; if a Kshatriya, (he) gains lasting royalty free of adversaries; (it) a Vaisya, (he obtains) wealth more than that possessed by Kubera ; (and if) Sūdra, (he) too gets a unique state of excellence.
(Verse 26) Whosoever, a Brāhmaṇa or anybody else, would bathe in (this) reservoir with (his) wife on the fifth day of the bright half of the month of Bhädrapada called) Rishi-Panchami, (he) would gain his desired aim.
(Verse 27) This well-known charming panegyric-whose letters are appropriate and full of sweetness, (and) which the learned delight upon hearing as they do) by (hearing) the illustrious story of the Mahābhārata, the dispeller of opacity-has been composed by the poet Yogibvara.
(Line 28) Let there be victory to this panegyric composed by Yögisvara, the lord of poets (kavitāja), and who had the epithet Värivilāsa (lit. in whom moved gracefully the goddess of learning).
1 Owing to their fragmentary nature it is difficult to understand correctly the sense of this and the next verse # This really speaking is not river but an ordinary monntain stream which flows in rainy season

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(Verses 28-29) Prince Mokala, son of the illustrious prince Lakshà, of refined intellect and expert in giving charities of gold, after worshipping that son of Vibhända, with his beloved Mayapuri (and) having obtained the permission of his religious preceptor Trilochana, consecrated the reservoir here attended by a host of learned people, on Sunday the auspicious fifth day of the bright half of Srāvana in the happy year signified by the shining moon, the Vēdas, the Vasus and the arrows (=1485).
(Verse 30) This well-known auspicious epigraph has been engraved by order of the illustrious prince Mõkala, by the famous and wise Phanā, who is the son of Hādā, who is foremost of all (other) masons, who is a glittering ocean of the lore of mechanics and literature, etc., and who is a devotee of the illustrious Nārāyana.
(Line 32) Sunday, the 5th of the bright half of Srāvana in the year 1485 (of the Vikrama era). May (this) rejoice for long.
No. 36.-A PALI COUNTERPART OF THE NALANDA TEXT OF PRATITYASAMUT
PADAVIBHANGA.
BY BIMALA CHURN LAW, Ph.D., M.A., B.L., CALCUTTA. Dr. N. P. Chakravarti has rendered a distinct service to Buddhist scholarship by editing from two brick inscriptions found at Nālandāt a Sanskrit text of what is presumably the Pratityasamutpäda-vibhanga-sutra. This is found to be the same work as one on which Vasubandhu wrote a commentary, the title of which, as preserved in Tibetan, is Prutityasamutpäda-vibhangawirdēsa. Vasubandhu's commentary, only a few fragments of which have been published by Professor Tucci from a manuscript found in Nepal, was popularly known as Pratityasamutpūda-cyā. khya. A Sanskrit text similar to that found at Nalanda was translated into Chinese by Yuan Chwang in 661 A. D. The title of the Sanskrit original, as restored by Nanjio from the Chinese, is Nidāna-sitra. Now all that is wanted is a Pāli counterpart of the Nālandā text.
Though the actual title of the text is not recorded in any of the two brick inscriptions, there can be hardly any doubt that the text presented in them is & Pratītyasamut pāda-vibhanga-sútra, a Sutra of the Vibhanga or Niddesa class, of which several examples are to be found in the Majjhimanikāya, particularly in its Vibhanga-vagga. As a Sūtra, the text bears all the main characteristics of a discourse, viz., an introduction, a statement of the subject matter, elucidation of the points raised, and a fitting conclusion.
Vibhanga is, of course, the same Buddhist term as niddesa, e.g., Sachcha-niddesa -Sachchavibhanga. The Vibhanga-suttas developed and contained in the Five Nikāyas, i.e., in the Suttapitaka, represent the earlier stage or form of exegesis in the second book of the Abhidhamma-pitaka, called Vibhanga. The earlier or Sutta form of each vibhanga or exegesis has been distinguished in it as Suttanta-bhäjaniya from Abhidhamma-bhājaniya. In the Suttanta-bhājaniya portion of each of the vibhangas, Sachcha, Satipatthāna, Dhātu, Indriya, and the rest, the unnecessary Sütra characteristics have been done away with and only the relevant points have been concisely stated,
1 Above, Vol. XXI, pp. 193-199. * J. R. A. 8., 1930, pp. 611-623.
Above, Vol. XXI, p. 200. • Nanjio's Catalogue No. 628. .Digha, II, pp. 304-313. Majjhima, III, pp. 248-252.

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nothing of doctrinal importance being left out of consideration. The Suttanta-bhajaniyas presuppose each a full text somewhere in the Sutta-pitaka, but unfortunately all such texts cannot be traced in the extant Pāli Canon. The only reasonable inference to draw from this would be that the text of the Pāli Canon as it comes down to us is not complete in all respects, and accordingly it needs to be supplemented.
It is historically important to note that there is a Påli counterpart of the Sanskrit Pratityasamutpäda-vibhanga-sútra, which is contained in the Suttanta-bhājaniya section of a vibhanga, called Pafichchasamuppāda-vibhanga. The title adopted in the P. T. 8. edition of the Abhidhamma text is Pachchayākära-vibhanga! But Pațichchasamuppāda-vibhanga is precisely the title under which the chapter was known to Buddhaghosa. Besides the correspondence between the titles in Sanskrit and Päli, there are other points in which the two texts show an agreement. First, in both, only the anuloma mode of formulation of the Law of Causal Genesis has been adopted to explain the samudaya, achaya or prabhava aspect of duḥkha. Secondly, in both, the uddesa or désana is followed by a vibhanga or exegesis. Comparing the two texts, item by item, one may natice only slight differences here and there. But, upon the whole, there is nothing in excess and of importance in the Sanskrit version of the Vibhanga-sutta which is not included either in the Pali Pațichchasamuppāda-vibhanga or in the text of the Vibhanga as a whole. Further, the Abhidhamma chapter has a purely Abhidhamma section without its counterpart in the Sanskrit text. One has to regret the loss of the full text of the Pali Pafichchasamuppāda-vibhanga-sutta which is presupposed by the Suttanta-bhājaniya in the Abhidhamma treatise.
No. 37.-A NOTE ON THE BARAH COPPER-PLATE OF BHOJADEVA.
BY C. R. KRISHNAMACHARLU, B.A., MADRAS.
In his article on the above inscription (Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XIX, pp. 16 ff.) Dr. Hirananda Sastri has wrongly understood two expressions and suggested interpretations which do not appear to be correct.
Dr. Sastri says (ibid., p. 16) that the Maukhari king Sarvavarman is called Parameswara in the Asirgadh Seal inscription. But it is not so. Both this and the Nalanda Seal inscriptions call him Paramamāhësvara. On the other hand it is the Deo-Baranårk inscription of Jivitagupta II that refers, among previous kings, to Paramèsvara Sarvarman whom Fleet identifies with the Sarvavarman of the Abirgadh seal.
Again, Dr. Sastri asserts that the fact that he is described as a Paramefuara would show that he was a 'subordinate prince' (loc. cit., p. 15). Here again the doctor is unfortunately misled, for the title in question denotes paramount sovereignty' (C. I. I., Vol. III, p. 332), and not a subordinate position. It must be noted in this connection that this title was of such special significance that a conquering monarch took great pride in assuming it after he vanquished a mighty
1 Vibhanga, pp. 135 ff.
Sammoha-vinodant, p. 130 : Idani ... Patichchasamuppåda-vibhange yd ayar avijfpachchaya sankhårdti adind nayena tanti niklehitta.
.0.1. I., Vol. III, p. 220 and above, Vol. XXI, p. 74. • Ibid., p. 216, text I. 15.
Ibid., p. 215.

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foe. The Western Chalukya king Satyābraya acquired the surname Paramëtuara (labdha-Parametvar-para-nāmadheya) by the conquest of Harshavardhana, the lord of the entire Northern Country'.
In the matter of identifying Parameswara Sarvavarman with Mahārāja Sarva, of the Sañján plates, who in his own words was a petty ruler', Dr. Sastri, has, I think, fallen into an error in interpreting the significance not only of the surname Parameswara as pointed above, but also of the expression anumati.
The points to be considered in this connection are: (1) whether the petty ruler" Sarva of a kingdom at the foot of the Vindhya hills could or should have had any hand in the gift of a village lying in the Kanyakubja-bhukti which, from the nature of the circumstances, must have been directly under the king (i.e., overlord) Nägabhata himself, whose capital was Känyakubja and (2) whether the expression anumati here connotes, the sanction of an overlord to a gift made by his subordinate. In fact the question of a suzerain's sanction does not arise here for the reason given in the foregoing clause; but it implies the confirmation and maintenance by a later king of the grant made by a predecessor. For example, we find that grants made by previous monarchs, of the same village to the same deity, were re-affirmed by the subsequent kings, in their respective times. A very good example of this is found in the Dēb-Baraņārk inscription of Jivitagupta II (C. 1. I., Vol. III, p. 216, text, lines 12 ff.). From a careful study of this grant, it will be seen that the expression sāsana is applied to the original grant or later affirmation made by the overlord, the king (ibid., lines 13 and 16). The subsequent affirmations are made in accordance with the original gift (cf. pūrva-dattakam-aralambya of line 15 of the grant). The expression anumati of the Barah copper-plate must be construed in the sense of anu[mo]dita of line 17 of this grant. The issue, therefore, reduces itself to this, vit., the grant made originally by the Maukhari). Parametvara Sarvavarman and confirmed later by (the Pratihāra) Mahārāja Nägabhata was restored by Mahārāja Bhöjadēva, after suspension (of it) for some time in the reign of Ramabhadradēva.
The village granted as agrahāra, namely, Valākā is evidently Barah, where the plates were discovered.
Dr. Sastri's readings and interpretations of two other important expressions in this inscription also appear to me to need correction.
In line 10 of the text (p. 18) he reads ET HUY ATRI.... ....aiyarefret and translates it (p. 19) as finding that the allotment was for the time being obstructed .......'. The original, I think, correctly reads en WT.... which would give the natural sense that the enjoyment was for some time obstructed'. There is no relevancy in supposing a reference here to bhäga while the plate actually reads 'bhoga'.
A similar mistake is committed by the editor in his reading AT HTTanta in line 13 of the text and translating it as in accordance with the same old apportionment'. Here also the plate actually reads i n which means in accordance with the original or previous enjoyment'. Here too there is no necessity or relevancy in assuming a reference to bhāga, i. e., apportionment."
1 Above, Vol. IX, p. 100 and Vol. X, p. 102.
*(Prof. Bhandarkar is also inclined to identify Sarvavarman of the Barah Plate with the Maukhari prince of that name. See his List of Inscriptions of Northern India, p. 6, n. 1.-Ed.)
[While this article was in the press, & note discussing some of the points noticed her, appeared in I. 8. Q VOL XIII. No. 3, pp. 503 ff.-Ed.)

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No. 38.-A NOTE ON THE RAJAPURA COPPER-PLATES OF MADHURANTAKADEVA:
SAMVAT 987.
BY KHAN SAHEB S. R. DAVER.
At the end of his explanatory note on these copper-plates1 Dr. Hiralal advances a theory that Bhramarakōtya was possibly an alternative name of Chakrakōtya, on the ground that the name of Chakrakōtya seems to survive in Ghumara, which he believes to be a name given to the falls of the river Indravati at Chitrakōta. This theory is incorrect for the reasons given below:
(i) Ghumara is not a proper name and it is not applicable only to the falls of the Indravati at Chitrakōta; it is a word used in Bastar meaning "waterfall".
(ii) In his introductory note Dr. Hiralal has stated "though styled 'Lord of Bhōgavati, the best of cities' Madhurantakadēva appears to have been a Mandalika (feudatory chief) as the verse in ll. 24-25 shows that his raj was limited to Bhramarakōtya which is described as a mandala in 1. 15". On the second plate in lines 15 and 16, it is stated that the village of Rajapura is situated in Bhramarakötya-mandala (province). Again on the third plate in lines 28-29 names of witnesses from Chakrakōtya-mandala are given. This grant was made in A. D. 1065 and Bhramarakōtya-mandala and Chakrakōtya-mandala are mentioned in it as two separate units of administrative territories. Madhurantakadēva was not only the feudatory chief of Bhramarakötya-mandala, but appears to have been a relative of the ruling king, as his birudavali are the same as those of the Nagavaṁsi kings. We know from the Bärsür inscription of the time of Jagadēkabhushana that King Dhärävarsha was alive in A. D. 1060 (i.e., 5 years before this grant. of Rajapura was made by Madhuräntakadēva). At this time one Chandraditya was the feudatory chief in South Bastar and it seems that Madhurantakadēva was holding a similar position in Bhramarakōtya-mandala.
(iii) From the Kuruspal Tank slab inscription it is clear that King Dhärävarsha's son Sōmesvaradeva was the ruler of Chakrakoṭya in A. D. 1069. We can say this much that King Dhara varsha's death took place between A. D. 1060 and 1069 and during this period (perhaps a period of minority administration) Madhurantakadeva, although a Mandalika, became more powerful and perhaps made attempts to oust the rightful person from the throne. The Kuruspal stone inscription tells us that Sōmesvaradeva finally defeated and killed Madhurantakadeva.
Thus it will be seen that Bhramarakōṭya was not an alternative name of Chakrakōtya, as suggested by Dr. Hiralal. I would place Bhramarakōtya-mandala on the right bank of the river Narangi as it is stated in the copper-plates that Rajapura is situated in the Bhramarakōṭyamandala.
Above, Vol. IX, p. 179.
* Ibid., p. 178.
Hiralal, Inscriptions in the C. P. and Berar (2nd ed.) No. 269.
Above, Vol. X, pp. 32 f.
Ibid., pp. 25 ff.

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No. 39.-ALLAHABAD MUSEUM INSCRIPTIONS OF THE YEAR 87.
BY STEN KONOW, Oslo. The Government Epigraphist has sent me estampages of two inscriptions on stone slabs, now preserved in the Allahabad Municipal Museum. No particulars about their findspot', he says, are available but like the two inscriptions already published in the Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XVIII, pp. 159-160 these also have undoubtedly come from Kosam!!
The two records mentioned by him were published by Rai Bahadur Daya Ram Sahni. One, No. II, belongs to the reign of the Mahārāja Sivamēgha, the other, No. III, is, according to the editor, dated in the year 88, probably of the Gupta era, during the reign of the Jahārāja Bhadramēgha. The latter, which I shall henceforth simply call III, is of special interest in the present connexion.
According to Mr. Sahni it was secured from the village of Hasanābād, close to the ancient remains of Kosam. It was lying near a well and would appear to have been used for sharpening tools and other utilitarian purposes. The slab is rounded at the top and a portion of it is broken off at the bottom. Its present dimensions are 2' 10" in height and the same in width, the thickness being only 3". Only four lines of the inscription now remain in the upper round portion of the stone, but that originally the record covered some more space of the slab is obvious from the traces of aksharas which have survived in the rest of the defaced surface'. His reading of the remaining portion is :
1. Mahārājasya Sri-Bhadram[ēghasya] 2 [Saruvatsa ]re 80 8 varsha paksha 3 divana 5 3 . . . . . . . Sya Samarasya (?) puttra Him[i]ågana
4 . . . . . . ayayadavadāra.
The two inscriptions sent to me I shall distinguish as a and b respectively. The slab containing a seems to be almost identical in shape with that described by the Rai Bahadur. It 18 rounded at the top, and the inscription, in five lines, covers a space 2' 4' wide and l'high. The other slab is rectangular, and the record b is 1' 9" long, the height being 1' 4". There are seven lines, the seventh only containing two aksharas. The contents of the two epigraphs are prac. tically the same. I shall therefore deal with them together and also discuss their bearing on the reading and interpretation of III.
The alphabet is early Gupta or pre-Gupta of the Eastern variety. We find la with the downward turn of the left limb, e.g., in Madgali b 4, and the characteristic eastern ha, e.g., in Mahārājasya 1. 1; sha, on the other hand, has not the round eastern base-stroke attached to the central bar as a loop.
With regard to individual letters we may note the rounded è in saptāsītē l. 2, putrēhi 1. 4, Shandhakena b 1. 5, etc., which looks like i (the regular form is seen in -megha- b 1.1); the ri in bhrätrihi bl. 4, but regular in tritiya 1. 2; the different shapes of llä in pallāna. 1. 3, where the a form is calculated to raise doubt about the correctness of the reading. I have therefore seked one of our leading authorities in Gupta palæography, Dr. Else Lüders, how she would read the akshara, without telling her how I read and explained it. Without any hesitation she read lla, and this reading must be considered to be absolutely certain. The final m with the
1 (Mr. B. M. Vyas, the Executive Officer, Allahabad Municipality, informs me that the insoriptions were found in a village adjacent to the Fort of Kausambl in Manjhanpur Tabsil of the Allahabad District.Ed.)

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virāma stroke above is found in siddham in a l. 1. The numeral symbols for 3, 5, 7, and 80 are used both in a and in b.
The execution and preservation of the inscriptions are, on the whole, very good. The sixth to eighth aksharas of l. 4, and the seventh and eighth of l. 5 of a are defaced, and so are the final letters of II. 3-5 of b. There are, further, several superfluous and accidental strokes and dots, e.g., in a above l. 1; above the va of samvatsarë l. 2; across and above the tā of etāyam and vā of puruvāyam 1. 3 ; before the s-mātrā of the second putrehi 1. 4; after Sanik[@]ya l. 4, where the three strokes are perhaps meant to be a sign of division; across the right leg of ga in bhagava1. 4; in b after the bha and above the gha of Bhadramėghasya 1. 1; above the ya of tritiya l. 2; above the ryye of saudaryyēhi l. 4, etc. The apparent i-matrā above the è of ētāyan a l. 3 has perhaps been cancelled, and the same may be the case with the i above shk in pushkirinya b 1.5. The a-stroke is absent or defaced in several places, e.g., Mahăr[ājasya a l. 1; sapt[a]site a l. 2; ēt[@]yam b 1.3; pallanak[ājrasya 1. 3; Sanik[@]ya a l. 4; bhagavaty[a] alā)ryyāya a 11. 4-5 ; sth[@]pit[a] a 1. 5; the same is the case with the i of d[i]easa a l. 3; the è of Bhadram[e] at the end of a 1. 1 (and of III 1. 1) and of Sandhak[a]na a l. 4 and sa[m]vatsar[a bl. 1; the anusvåra in punya[m] a 1.5 ; sa[]vatsara bl.1; ēt[ā]yaṁ puruvāya[m] b 1. 3; the tā in sap[ta)fiteb l. 2, etc.
The orthography is fairly consistent. But we find vardhatu a l. 5, varddhatu b 1.7; Sandhak[e]na a l. 4 for Shandhakēna b 1. 5. The writing pratishchapitā for pratishthäpitā b 1. 6 is a mere slip. Instead of bhagava-a l. 4 the engraver seems to have begun to write bhagva..
The language is mixed Sanskrit, and the dual has, as usual, been replaced by the plural. We may note the use of the plural-dual of the words putra and bhrätri forson and daughter',
brother and sister', respectively, in accordance with Päņini I. ii. 68 (bhrätriputrau svasriduhitgibhyām). The word pallāna for Sanskrit paryāna saddle', cannot in any way prove eastern affinities, on account of its l. Pischel, Grammatik der Prakrit-Sprachen para. 285, gives pallāna from Jaina-Maharashtri, and it is a well-known fact that such words are often widely distributed outside the territory where they have developed in accordance with the phonetical laws of an individual language or dialect; cf. the common pallaika, Sanskrit paryarka.
As already stated, the contents of the two records are almost identical, though some details are found only in a and others only in b. They record the setting up of two slabs as a seat (āsanapata), at a pond (pushkarinyan, only in b), for the Holy Noble Devi (bhagavaty[a] a(ā)ryyāya devisya), only in a), by the son and daughter (putrēhi) of the saddler (pallānak[a]ra-) Sapshara, the brother and sister born from the same womb (saudāryyehi bhrātrihi, only in b), the son and daughter of Midgali (Mädgali putrehi), Sanikā and Shandhaka.
The two slabs were accordingly intended to form a seat for an image of Dëvi. It is then evident that the slab with the rounded top was to be placed vertically behind the image, and the rectangular one below it. In such circumstances we must evidently take a as the first record, and this inference is further strengthened through the fact that a begins with siddham.
It is further evident that there can never have been more than two such slabs in the asana, and this makes it necessary to say something about the slab containing inscription III, published by Mr. Sahni.
A look at the plate published with his paper will show at once that the slab containing III has the same shape as that on which a is engraved. And a close examination of the facsimile will show that the text is the same as that of a, with some minor differences.
It is easy to see that the defaced aksharas in the beginning are, as in a, siddham. Then the first line contains mahārfaljasya fri-Bhadrama, just as a, even with the same omission of the final

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e. In the opening of l. 2 we can still distinguish the first akshara, viz., gha, so that we must read ghasya. After this a runs sa[Jratsarē sapt[a]sītē 80 7, but there is not room enough for so many aksharus in III. Mr. Sahni read the defaced letters which can still be traced at the end of the passage as rē 80 8, but that reading seems to me to be impossible. What he read as 8 looks like da, and what he took to be 80 can hardly be that numeral figure, which has a straight upright within a circle. Before the apparent da (Mr. Sahni's 8) I can see a distinct te. It almost has the appearance that the engraver had misread his draft. Then follows, as in a, varshapaksha, but instead of a's tritiya 3 divase 5, which runs into 1.3, we find 3 divasa 5 as the end of l. 2. The beginning of l. 3 is effaced, and about ten or eleven aksharas are missing. What follows after the gap is clearly sya Sapharasya putrēhi Mādgal[i], and there cannot be the slightest doubt that the gap must be filled by the help of a as [ētāyam puruvayam pallānakära sya putrēhi Mădgali (putrēhi). Including the three letters of putrēhi fifteen or sixteen aksharas are absolutely defaced at the beginning of III 1. 4, and as the end of the line can be read vatyā ārya .. der... a, I have no doubt that we must restore the missing portion from a as Sanikāya Shandhakēna cha bhaga.. a.
We thus arrive at the conclusion that III is practically identical with a, and we must try to explain this state of things. Now the traces of aksharas which Mr. Sahni mentions, are hardly visible in the plate of III below 1. 4, and it is a priori not unlikely that the inscription was never completed, that the engraver, for some reason, did not proceed beyond 1. 4. And if I am right in my explanation of l. 2, the reason was evidently that he had made some serious mistakes in copying his draft. In other words, the slab containing III was meant to form the back of the Dēvi-throne, but was discarded when the engraver's slips were discovered, and the slab containing a was dressed and provided with a new and corrected legend in its stead.
In such circumstances it would be permissible to make use of III for settling the reading of a, because the engraver may have made some mistakes even there. And I think that such must have been the case in the name of the pallānakāra. In a it is clearly Śpā]para-, while the second akshara in b is entirely defaced. Now III almost certainly has Saphara-, and I have little doubt that the actual form of the name was Šāphara.
Our records are dated in the year 87, in the third paksha of the Rains and on the 5th day. Rai Bahadur Daya Ram Sahni thought of the Gupta era, so that the corresponding Christian date would be in the summer of A.D. 406. The Mahārāja Bhadramēgha is not known from other sources, but we must apparently assume that he held sway in Kaušāmbi. Little as we know about the history of Kausāmbi in early times, we cannot do more than to note the names of this Mahārāja and of the Mahārāja Śivamēgha of Mr. Sahni's Inscription II. The latter is probably identical with the ruler known from & Bhiţă seal, which Sir Johu Marshall refers to the 2nd or 3rd Century, while the late Jayaswal thought of the 4th Century A.D. If Sir John is right, the era of our record must be the Kanishka reckoning, and the date correspond to A.D. 215-6, while the Kalachuri era would take us to 335-6. Sir John's dating is perbaps, after all, the most probable one. The two rulers mentioned above evidently belong to one and the same dynasty, but we have no means of ascertaining who is the older of them.
TEXT.
1 Siddham Mahār[a]jasya sri-Bhadram[@]
2 ghasya sa[m]vatsarē saptsā]šitē 807 varsha-paksha tfiti. [ From the impression Mr. Sahni's reailing appears to be correct.-Ed.)
A.S.., An. Rep. 1911-12, p. 61. .J.B.O.R.S., Vol. XIX, p. 299.
B2

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3 ya 3 a[i]vasa 5 ēstā]yam puruvāyam pallānak[a]rasya $[aJpa(pha)4 rasya putrēhi (Mädgali]-putrēhi Saniksā]ya Saņdhak[@]na cha bha[ga]va5 tylā] a(ā)ryyāya d[ējvisya ā]sanapattā sth[@]pit[ä] [*) Punya[m] vardhatu (ll*7
1 Mahār[a]jasya sri-Bhadremēghasyal sa[m]vatsar[o] sa3 p[ta]bitē 807 varsha-paksha tsitiya 3 divasa (pa)3 chama 5 ēstä]yam puruvāya[m] pallānak[a]rasya Sapa(sāpha)4 rasya putrēhi saudäryyēhi bhrāt[ri]hi Mädgalīpu[trē). 5 hi Sanikaya Shandhakēna cha pushki(shka)riņyām ā[sa)6 napațţă pratishchā(shțhā)pitā [i*] Priyatām dharmma Punyam va7. rddhatu (ile)
TRANSLATION.' (Hail]-Of the Mahārāja sri-Bhadramāgha, in the eighty-seventh-87-year, the third. 3-paksha of the Rains, (the fifth)-5-day, at this date, by the son and daughter of the saddler Sāphara, (the brother and sister from the same womb), the son and daughter of Madgali, Sanikā and Shandhaka, slabs for a seat [for the Holy Noble Devi] were put up (at her pond. May Dharma be pleased). May merit increase.
No. 40.-SONEPUR PLATES OF MAHA-BHAVAGUPTA(II)-JANAMEJAYA; THE YEAR 17.
By B. CH. CHHABRA, M.A., M.O.L., PH.D.(LUGD.), OOTACAMUND. These plates were first inspected by me at Sonepur Raj, the headquarters of the Sonepur State in Orissa, in November 1936 when I was on tour in that part. Regarding their discovery I have been told that some three years prior to my visit certain workmen, while digging foundations on a plot of land opposite the modern Khambēšvarai temple at Sonopur Raj, lighted upon a massive stone coffer which was forthwith made over to the State authorities. It was this box that contained the present plates. This along with its contents had since been kept intact at the Sonępur Police Station where it was shown to me. It is oblong in shape and measures 16" long, 12" broad and 13 high. It has a slipping lid on it and was evidently designed specially for the safe deposit of the tämrasāsana. It was not possible then to examine the writing on the plates, because they had been preserved just as they were found, stuck together with crust and verdigris.
Later, in April 1937, the plates were obtained on loan from the Sonepur Durbar by the Gov. ernment Epigraphist for India, who got them properly cleaned by the Archäological Chemist in India and had their impressions taken. This afforded me an opportunity of studying the record from the original as well as from its inked estampages.
The document consists of three copper leaves, held together by a ring of the same metal. Each leaf is slightly narrower in the middle and measures about 8t' long by 51' high at either end. The ring is 4" in diameter. Its ends are secured under a circular seal (diameter 11"). The seal is completely defaced, so that it cannot be ascertained whether it originally contained any legend. It shows, however, some very faint traces of the Gajalakshmi symbol in the centre. The plates together with the ring and the seal weigh 202 tolas. The first plate is inscribed only on one face, while the remaining two bear writing on both the sides. There are altogether 51 lines of writing,
[The name in question decidedly ends in magha as found in other inscriptions including those recently discovered. The stroke above m in this record may be accidental.-Ed.)
? Brackets in only : parentheses in b only.

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STOŠ ? 3,78jrgoj Luli 2 SELAMATLITU Fig? ACHERUBIASA Zitas 120DA
B.
Ch.
FASE भासदार 2 680 EUR 861 z 2 baxaf <*c*4[£es 19 133 81,803 3329 batin 3n2f2S+1344.125 M2
SCALE: ABOUT ONE QUARTER.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Reo. No. 1617 E'37-275.

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of which 11 are on the first face, 12 on the second, 13 on each of the third and the fourth and only 2 on the fifth
The alphabet is of the same northern type as is usually found in the records of Somavamsi rulers of Kõsala. The language is Sanskrit. The record is composed in prose, except that twelve of the customary verses and a eulogistic one occur at the end. Of orthography the following points may be noted : (1) As a rule, s is used for $; $udhyati (1. 33) and sulao (1. 37) being exceptions. However, ø is correctly used in those conjunct consonants where it appears as the first member, e.g., éri, éva, écha, etc. (2) B is invariably represented by the sign for r. (3) The consonant after r is doubled in most cases. (4) An anu svāra takes the place of a final m. (5) The sign for avagraha is employed twice (1. 21 and 1. 45). (6) Sandhi is not observed in a few cases. Besides, the inscription contains various mistakes, such as wrong spelling, incorrect grammar, omission of letters and words, etc. They, too, have been pointed out partly in the text and partly in the notes below.
The inscription belongs to the Sõmakuli P. M. P. Maha-Bhavaguptarājadēva(II)-Jana. mējayadēva, the successor of the P. M. P. Sivaguptadēva. It records the donation of a village, called Gottalkāla, included in the Luputurā-khanda in Kösala. While the king himself is the donor, the donee is Kamalavana-vanik-sthāna, by which term possibly a merchants' association is meant. This vanik-ethana is described to have migrated from Khadirapadra and to be resident in Suvarnapura. It is further stated that the Kamalavana Merchants' Association transferred the same gift, as a registered grant, to Sri-Kēšava-bhattāraka-devakula and Sri-Adityabhattārakadēvakula (i.e., two temples, one of Vishnu and the other of Surya) for defraying the costs of offerings to the deities and of repairs to the shrines.
The charter was issued from Arāma on the 5th day of the bright fortnight of the month of Ashadha in the 17th year of the king Janamējayadēva's reign. It was written by Kailäsa's son, Alava, the Māhākshapatalin (attached to the Mahāsandhivigrahin Rünaka Malladatta. and engraved by Haradāsa, son of Sivrilla. The writer Alava is undoubtedly identical with Kailāsa's son, Allava, the Kāyastha, who wrote the Nāgpur Museum Plates of the 8th year, in which he is explicitly mentioned to be connected (pratibaddha) with the Mahäsandhirigrahin Ränaka. Malladatta, son of Dhäradatta. This Malladatta appears to have served for a long time as Minister of War and Peace under Maha-Bhavagupta(II)-Janamējaya, for he figures in his Pātņā Plates of the 6th year on the one extreme and in his three Katak Grants of the 31st year on the other. As may appear from the above references, several copper-plate grants of Maha-Bhavagupta(II)Janamējaya have already been published, from which we know the 3rd-6th8th, 13th and 31st years of his reign. The record under discussion now adds the 17th year to that list.
The king had a minister, named Sadhāraņa, who is highly extolled in a stanza towards the close of the present inscription. He is described there to be a profound scholar and an able administrator, in whom the king reposed great reliance. The same person acted as Dütaka in the Nagpur Museum Plates referred to above, wherein his father's name is stated to be Sobhana and he himself is styled Mahāmahattama Bhata(tła), but is not mentioned as Mantrin. Probably he was raised to ministership sometime subsequent to the 8th year of the king's reign. Evidently he, too, remained long in service, enjoying royal favours all along. He received a munificent gift of four villages from his master in the latter's 31st regnal year, as is recorded in the
Above, Vol. VIII, p. 143; Bhandarkar's List of Inpriptions of Northern India, No. 1600. : J. P. A. S. B., Vol. I (1905), p. 13; Bhandarkar's List, No. 1558. * Above, Vol. III, p. 350 and note 5; Bhandarkar's Lixl, Nos. 1562-64. • Bhandarkar's List, Nos. 1687-1564.

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aforementioned three Katak Grants. From these records we learn that Sadhāraṇa was "an immigrant from Takāri, a resident of Turvuna in Kõsala, belonging to the Bharadvāja gotra.. "
Of the localities mentioned in the record, Suvarnapura is the same as the modern town of Sonepur, situated at the confluence of the Tel and the Mahanadi. Arāma, from where the charter was issued, is described to be a prosperous city with palatial buildings, temples, gardens, tanks and what not. On the other hand, we know that the three Katak Grants of the 31st year were issued from the same Ārāma, but that in those records it appears as a mere site of the royal camp (kataka). Besides, a part of the description of Ārāma in the present plates is practically identicale with the account of Murasiman (another camping place from where somes of MahaBhavagupta(II)-Janamējaya's grants have been issued) in the Nagpur Museum Plates of the 8th year. It follows, therefore, that the present description of Ārāma is only conventional and may not be depended upon as an exact portrayal of the locality. In view of these considerations it is safer to assume that Arāma was a place, perhaps not far from the town of Sonepur, where the royal camp was often pitched. Luputurā-khanda, wherein the donated village was included, is mentioned also in an earlier grant of the same donor, where the word is spelt as Lupaturā.? According to Rai Bahadur Hira Lal' this Lupaturā-khanda is probably the same as Lipatungā of the Pätná Plates of the 6th year', which he was inclined to identify with Lepta, six miles southeast of Bolangir in the Pātņā State. B. C. Mazumdarlo has, on the other hand, pointed out Nuptara and Nuparšinga within the Sonepur State one of which, he thought, must be identical with Lupatura. I agree with the latter view and opine that Nuptara must be the village after which Luputurā-khanda was named. As for Gottaikēlā the donated village, Mr. Sarkar, the Secretary of the Sonepur State, kindly informs me that it is now known as Gotarkela and is about three miles from the town of Sonepur.
TEXT.
First Plate. 1 gall RACHTETTE (a)aya acarafamento
2 Terragraza (TUTTO(a)agaugen()fufracufeira . Above, Vol. III, p. 350, The reading seenis to be Turerula rather than T'urvouna. See also below p. 253, n. 7.
We have Tela-Mahanadi-sanyuma vimala-jala-paritrikrita................pittuna-Sururunupur-acusilaSrimad-vijaya-kafakal in the Jātēsingi-Dungri Plates of Maha-Sivagupta(I)-Yayitidiva. .1. B. 0. R. S.. Vol. II, p. 52, Bhandarkar's List, No. 1856.
Srimad- Arama-samāvāsinah srimato vijaya-katakal. It may be pointed out here that Fleet, who has edited these grants, has explained Irama as pleasure-garden' and taken kvakn for the city of) Kataka, identifying it with the modern Cuttack. Some other scholars have correctly taken this word in the sense of' camp' See above , Vol. XI, pp. 188f.
See below n. 14. Bhandarkar's List, Nos. 1558-60. . We may even take Arama to mean a pleasure.garden with a palace where the king occasionally resided. * Above, Vol. XI, p. 94. It has been read as Lupattard, but the correct reading is Luptura. & Above, Vol. XI, p. 201. . Above, Vol. III, p. 314. 10 Above, Vol. XI, p. 101. 11 Expressed by a symbol.
12 This akshara looks more like ne. The e-stroke is parted into two at the end, whereby perhaps ai is meant. The proper sign for ai-matra is, however, seen below in nai of naitrdy 1. 23.
11 The letter ra is clear on the plate, though the impression shows a curve against the horizontal stroke of it.
14 Read -dada-dido nana-. With this description we may compare aneka-wira-rilasini-charawa-nopinupu)Ta-rar-odbhrantamatta pararata-kulata(6) Arkola-dig-antar-agata-indi-juna ristirita-Kivllah Srimato Murasi(87)mwah of the Nagpur Museum Plates of the 8th year (above, Volume VIII, p. 141).

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No. 40.] SONEPUR PLATES OF MAHA-BHAVAGUPTA(II)-JANAMEJAYA.
251
3 देसा(या)न्तरादागतवन्दिजनविस्तारितकि(को)त्तै विविधविद्यालंकृतविद्वज्जनज4 नितकाव्यालापस्तुतधनपत्तिविभवस्था हितरचितविचिचप्रासादाहा5 लिकादेवकुलोद्यानवापीकूपतडागोपसो(शो)भाजितसुरपुरम6 हिनः । प्रचण्डदोर्दण्डमण्डलाग्रतुण्डखण्डितारातिमत्त7 मातङ्गविमुक्तमुक्ताफलप्रसाधिताम()षमहीमण्डल' 8 सकलभूपालमौलिमालाविलग्नमाणिक्यमयु(य)खवाताभिरश्चि9 तक्रमकमलयुगलात् श्रीमदारामात् परमभट्टारकमहाराजा10 धिराजपरमेश्वरपरममाहेश्वरश्रीसि(शि)वगुप्तदेवपादानुध्या11 तपरममाहवरपरमभधारकमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वर
Second Plate ; First Side. 12 सोमकुलतिलकधिकलिङ्गाधिपतिश्रीमहाभवगुप्तराजदेवः कुस(श)13 ली कोसलाया' लुपुतुराखण्डप्रतिव(ब)चगोत्तस्कलाग्राम । वा(ब्राह्मणान् संपु(पू)
ज्य तहिष14 यौययथाकालाध्यासिनः समाहर्तृसविधातृदाण्डपासि(शि)कपिसु(श)नवेतका-" 18 वरोधजनराजवाभादौन् सर्वान् समाज्ञापयति । विदितमस्तु भवतां । य16 थास्माभिरयं ग्रामः सनिधिः सोपनिधिः सर्ववा(बा)धाविवर्जित: सर्बोपरिक17 रकरादानसमेतः साम्ब(म)मधुकः सगौषरचतुःसीमाप18 र्यन्त: सजलस्थलसहितः । खदिरपद्रविनिम्गताय सुवर्ण19 पुरवास्तव्याय श्रीकमलवनवणिकथानाय सलिलधारापुर:सरमाच20 न्द्रतार कार्कक्षितिसमकालोपभोगार्थं मा(ता)पित्रोरात्मनश्च पुण्ययसो(शो)21 ऽभिये साम्ब(म)सा(शा)सनेनाकरौलत्य प्रतिपादित इत्यवगत्य समुचित
Probably the intended reading is -tibhara-sparddhino rachita-. . This danda is unnecessary.
• Read .prasidhit-asisha-raya-mahi-mandalal. This and the following compound qualify Maha-Bhunte guptarajadēra and not Irama. These two attributes of the king occur also in his Katak Plates of the 31st year (above, Vol. III, p. 349, text al. 34-37).
- Read -ympalak and see the foregoing note.
The word Konalayan, which was evidently first omitted by inalvertence and later supplieel, is engravedl in smaller characters on the space above the ring-hole oppositel.17and is to be read after knikalt in 1. 13, as indionted by a kakupada sign after cach of the two words.
• Read vaitril-i'. • The letter ra appears below the line. Evitlently it was first omitted and war Inter supplied.

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252
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXIII.
22 भोगभागकरहिरण्यादिभिर्भवतिः सुखेन प्रतिवस्तव्य(व्यम्) । अनेनापि प्रा23 (त)सा(शा)सनेन सुवर्णपुरीयत्रीकमलवनवणिक्थानेन व(ब)लिचस्नैवेद्य
___Second Plate ; Second Side. 24 खण्डस्फुटितप्रतिकरणार्य(य or |) श्रीकेस(श)वश्रीपादित्यभट्टारकाभ्यां । देवकुलो(ला)25 भ्यां सा(शा)सनौकत्य प्रदत्त:*]। भाविभिश्च भूपति भित्तिरियं(य)मादौथा धर्मगौ26 रवादस्मदनुरोहा(धा)च्च वदत्तिरिया(वा)नुपालनौया । तथा चोतं धर्मसा(शास्त्रे । 27 व(ब) हुभिर्वसुधा दत्ता राजभिः सगरादिभिर्य(भिः । य)स्य [यस्य"] यदा भूभि
स्तस्य तस्य तदा 28 फल (लम्) [10] मा भूदफलसंका(शहा) व: परदत्तेति पार्थिवाः । खदानात्फ
ल[मा ]नन्त्यं प29 रदत्तानुपालने [120*] षष्टिवर्षसहस्राणि स्वर्मो मोदति भूमिदः [*] 30 आस्फोटयन्ति पितरो वलायन्ति पितामहाः [1] भूमिदाता कुले जा31 तः स नखाता भविष्यति [140"] भूमि यः प्रतिग्रहा(ला)ति यश्च भूमि प्रय
च्छति । उभौ 32 तो पुण्यकर्माणो नियतं स्वर्ग(गा)मिनी [ibu*] तडागानां सहस्राणि(ण)
वाजपेयस(श)• 33 तानि(तेन) च । गवां कोटिप्रदानेन भूमिहर्ता न शुध्यति [ion"] स्वर्णमे के
गामेकां भूम34 रप्यहमल' (लम्) । हरन(ब)रकमायाति यावदाहतसंभवः [170"] अन्यायन
इता भूमि35 रन्यायन त हारिता । रतो हारयत व सहन्यासप्तमं कुलं (लम) 8.]
खदत्ता परद
* This is clearly a mistake for -hirany-adikam=upanayadbhiru. * This danda is unnecessary.
. The impression shows a superfluous sorateb attached to ti giving it the appearance of tri, but on the plato it is plain ti.
The small vertical stroke seen after samh on the impression does not appear on the plate.
The second half of this stanza has been left out through mistake. We may add it thus: akshapa cha unumania cha tany=ēva narake vaiset ! 31.
.Read suvaranam= or the pada will be too short of a syllable. "The unustara over la, which is clear on the plate, has not come out on the impression. • Read harayatascha or the quarter will have a syllable in excess.

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i.
6
2
मलाल कुहिम सदय याग का यन्त्र वाजविला जि.नी इ. नवलपुरा पालन विषय मदि का 2 दस्ताग्र मा भाकात वदि विधि कवि वि वि द्याल कुन विद्ध हुन 4 कक्का धान्य सुतर चिन विधिक साक्ष कालद व कुलाद्यानवापी कृपया
4
पुर
(517439 ZA Z MA Z Z OG A मादिवम कुमुकाय प्रसाल षम होम ल
6
8
8 सकल हमाल मलमा लावि लागू मालिका मया न कि कमलामा 10 पत्र मा.श्री.सवाद व या
10
पानमा कायाप
iia.
SONEPUR PLATES OF MAHA-BHAVAGUPTA(II)-JANAMEJAYA; THE YEAR 17.
12
18
12 कवि कलि फुकित श्रीमदाननुरादेव : कुस नीला कला ग्राम वायुय 14 श्रीयाका लागिः समासमपादा या सिकपि. सुना है का 14 राजवल्लादीन समाजा पयति वहिम सुरुवा 16 ग्राम सविः सासवा पाव पर्षिक 16 कोयनामतः समः उसी माय पदवियद 18 वायोकम लवकवला काय सलिलाश पुत्र माध्य 20 स म कालाय नाव मा टापु ययला 20 काया सा सामना करी कृत्य पतिपादितमुति 22 ফळी ताकনदনयदि वह्निः वसूला सामसु वतुग्रीक मल बम पनि म कब लियक निविद
22
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI.
REG. No, 1496 E'37-295.
50
iiib.
लीयोन मोरन लीना किलायसु
iib.
वकुल 24
243हरुले कार्यग्रीवीश्रदि ६ का सासनी कृपाविरूपविदिति वियं मसु। दीया व म 26 स्वायतू दादर या पाल मी याना के वर्मा वहु कि सुपादाय जि. से माया 28 फलो मारुदले संकावः परयल कि पार्थिवाः। सुदामाल दहा पाला व सामादतिरुमिय: मध्यम पितरीवल्लू यदि पितामर मियानी कुल 30 दिति यः प 32 तो पु के मत किया जो सरुवा 32 ना किया गया दान भूमि के गाम का रुम 34/मरमा या दिया बुदा कम प्रायद्वता 34 राहिला हार व सहकु 36 विया कृषिमिवाल फिस
36
30
azza.
दिशा व विषुवताना सलमा सुरु गवाना फिल किमियां सामान्यायं कृपा का कायल की खोपडि: 38 किसी केविनः पावयास द कमलदला जुविलाला जी अग्रिम जुष / डिवियफलमिदमु 40 दाय पुरुषपादकमा
परामा कुन दिन करिकलि दुखपती इन 42 मियादव यदि यसद मा. बा 44 स स आषाट बुदि51 दुया 44 बाई सासुसुमित या व दाव या विद्या कल्
46 सुरुमा माया गरि काम 46 कलायत विदिताद कामक्रय 48 148
38
40
42
(4.
महामानावा गावालक श्री मलदः ॥ लाल दानेन ॥
SCALE: ONE-HALF.
50
26
28
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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Page #332

No. 40 ]
SONEPUR PLATES OF MAHA-BHAVAGUPTA (II)-JANAMEJAYA.
36 तां म्बा (वा) ।' यो हरेश वसुन्धरां (राम्) [1* ] स विष्ठायां कमिभूमि त्वा पचते पितुभिः सह [[10*1] था
Third Plate; First Side.
37 दिव्यो वरुणो विष्णुव (ब्रह्मा सोमो हतास (श) न: । शु (शू) लपाणिस्तु
अभिन
भगवान् ।'
38 दन्ति भूमिदं (दम् ) 1[1100*] सामान्योयं धर्मसेतु (नृपाणां काले काले पालनोयो भवह्निः [1"]
39 रिति सर्व्वानेतान् भाविनः पार्थिवेन्द्रान् भूयो भूयो याचते रामचन्द्र[:] [111*] पति
40 कमलदलाम्बु ( ब ) वि (बि) न्दुलीलां ।' श्री ( श्रि ) यमनुचिन्त्य मनुष्यजि (जो ) वितं च [1*] सकलमिदमु
41 दाहृतं च वुद्दा ( बुद्धा) । नहि पुरुषः परकि ( को ) र्त्तयो विलोप्याः |[1120 * ] परमभट्टारकमहाराजाभि
42 राजपरमेश्वरसोमकुलतिलकचिकलिङ्गाधिपतिश्री [म *]ज्जन
43 मेजयदेवस्य विजयराज्ये सम्व (संव) सरे सप्तदसमे' भाषाढ
44 मामसितपचपचम्यो यचावतः । 45 ऽशेषार्थसा (शा) स्वस्मृतिविम[ल* ]धिया 46 कटसुरगुरुप्राप्तभूयिष्ठधान्त्रा । नाकमा 47 ग्त्रिणा यस्य राज्यं निर्व् (यू) ढं 48 [1130*]
49.
..
सुत त्कि "हरद
253
1 This danda is unnecessary.
s This mi is superfluous read krimir=bhatevi.
The two syllables riti are superfluous.
The portion vuddha occurs below the line.
सम्य (संघ) त् १७ भाषादादि ५ आषाढशदि ५ । ज्ञेयावेदवेदाङ्गविद्या ।' सो (शि) चाकल्पेतिहास प्रसाधारणेन द्विजवरतनुना मसोयमुचैस्तु (स्त्रि) जगति विदितो देवजनमेजयस सुत ।
Read saptadase.
The impression shows a small stroke attached to sa, which does not exist on the plate.
Instead of Sri-Janamejayadevah, the writer has used deva-Janamejaya-sriḥ evidently to conform to the metrical scheme, which purpose still remains partly unfulfilled unless we read Janmejaya for Janamejaya. The corresponding reading in the Katak Plates of the 31st year is dharmma-Kandarppadech. The Katak Plates have two verses in praise of Sādhārapa, one of which is the same as occurs here. ( Above, Vol. III, p. 349, text 1. 37-42.)
• Metre : Sragdhara.
It appears that the matter engraved after arih in this line and the next has intentionally been scored out by the original engraver himself, probably because some objectionable mistakes might have crept in. In spite of his attempt to erase the engraving of this part, certain letters can still be made out, which indicate that the contents of this portion mentioned the names of the writer, the engraver and so forth. If so, nothing of the original charter has been lost, as those names appear in the two lines on the reverse of this plate.

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254
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXIII.
Third Plate; Second Side.
50 'लोखोतमोदं ताम्बुसासनं
महासन्धीवोग्र हो राणक श्रोमशदत्तः ॥ महाचपट
5] लौना कैलाससुतेन श्रीअलवेन ॥ उत्कीर्णच सोवृज्ञासुतेन हरदासेनेती ॥॥
TRANSLATION.
(Ll. 1-13) Om! Hail!
From the prosperous Arama, which has (all) the ten quarters deafened by the fluttering noise of the flocks of pigeons frightened by the jingle of the anklets (worn) on the feet of the numerous excellent courtesans (moving) within the enclosures of mansions having floors (studded) with bright jewels, which has its fame spread by minstrels hailing from different countries, which [vies (in opulence) with] the wealth of Kubera (lit. lord of riches) exalted in poetic narrations produced by scholars endowed with various learning, (and) which has eclipsed the grandeur of Amaravati (lit. city of gods) by the splendour of its array of magnificent palaces, lofty buildings, temples, gardens, step-wells, wells and tanks;
the illustrious Paramabhaṭṭāraka Mahārājādhirāja Paramesvara Maha-Bhavaguptarājadeva, the overlord of Trikalinga, an ornament of the Soma-kula, (and) a devout worshipper of Mahesvara, who has meditated on the feet of the illustrious P. M. P. Šivaguptadēva, a devout worshipper of Mahesvara, who (i.e., Maha-Bhavagupta) has the entire circle of the [battle-field decorated by the pearls loosened from the (temples of the) enemies' rutting elephants rent asunder with the point of the scimitar (wielded) by his cudgel-like impetuous arm, (and) who has the pair of his lotus-like feet tinted by the collection of rays (emanating) from the precious stones attached to the wreaths over the coronets of all the princes, being in good health,
(Ll. 13-15) having paid homage to the Brahmanas in the Göttalkēlā village included in the Luputura-khanda in Kōsala, issues a command to all (his officials) of that district, (persons) who may at any time be holding office, (namely) Samahartri, Sannidhātri, Dandapäsika, Pisura, Vaitrika, Avarodhajana, Rajavallabha, and so forth :
(Ll. 15-21) Be it known to you that by (this) copper-charter We have, for the accretion of merit and fame to (Our) parents as well as to Ourself, donated this (Göttaïkelä) village, with libations of water, having made (it) tax-free, exempt from all hindrance, extending up to (its) four
1 Mistakes of spelling in this and the next line are too many and too obvious to need correction.
As surmised in the foregoing note, these two lines seem to contain the same matter in its revised form as was written and cancelled in 11. 48-49. It may, however, be observed that the writing of 11. 50-51 is not by the same hand to which the engraving of nearly the entire grant is due, and differs from the rest in several respects; its mistakes of spelling are more numerous, its characters are bigger in size and some of them are quite different in shape, e.g. v and medial u. This rouses a suspicion as to whether it was the original engraver himself who is res ponsible for effacing the writing of ll. 48-49 and adding that in 11. 50-51 or whether it was somebody else who sometime later tampered with that portion of the charter. If latter is the case, the motive of the tamperer is not clear. Any way, no material harm has been done to the original grant by altering or substituting the last lines in question. Not all of these designations have been satisfactorily explained. Samähartri, literally one who collects', probably answers to a collector of revenue'. Sannidhätri means 'one who approaches or ushers' and perhaps significe an usher'. These two terms occur also in Kautilya's Arthafastra, where they have been rendered respectively as collector-general' and chamberlain' by Dr. R. Shamasastry in his translation of that work (second edition, pp. 63 and 60). Dandapäbika denotes one who holds rod and rope' and may stand for ' an officer entrusted with the punishment of criminals' (See N. G. Majumdar, Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. III, p. 185). Pibuna may correspond to a spy'. Vaitrika, one who holds a cane', may be the same as a doorkeeper'. Avarödhajana can here mean either royal ladies' or a warden of ladies' apartment or simply a watchman. What exactly the function of a Rajavallabha, literally king's favourite', was is difficult to explain
"

Page #334

No. 41.] KARITALAI INSCRIPTION, LAKSHMANARAJA: [KALACHURI] SAMVAT 593. 255
boundaries, along with (its) hidden treasures and deposits, mango and Bassia latifolia trees, pits and barren plots, water and land, with (the privilege of) collecting toll and revenue, to the illustrious Kamalavana Merchants' Association, immigrant from Khadirapadra (and) resident in Suvarnapura, to be enjoyed as long as the sun, the moon, the stars and the earth (endure).
(Ll. 21-22)" Being aware of this, you should dwell in happiness, offering (to it its)customary share of income, rent, (tribute of) gold, and so forth.
(LI. 22-25) Being in possession of the charter, this illustrious Kamalavana Merchants' Association has, in its turn, bestowed (the same village), having registered it as a deed, on the two temples, (one) of the lord Kesava (and the other) of the lord Aditya, for charity, oblation and offerings as well as for repairing wear and tear (in the temples).
46
66
(Ll. 25-26) And, future kings should, through respect for the dharma and out of regard for Us, protect this Our grant as their own grant. For, it is declared in the Dharmasastra :-"
(Ll. 27-41) [Here follow twelve of the customary verses.]
(Ll. 41-44) (This charter has been issued) during the victorious reign of the illustrious P. M. P. Janamejayadeva, the overlord of Trikalinga, an ornament of the Sōma-kula, in the seventeenth year on the fifth day of the bright fortnight of the month of Ashāḍha, where in figures (it is) Anno 17 Ashadha sudi 5.
(Ll. 44-48) Highly renowned in (all) the three worlds is this very illustrious Janamējayadēva, the administration of whose kingdom has been carried on by his minister, Sadhāraṇa by name, an eminent Dvija (lit. twice-born) by birth, whose intellect is clear owing to (his knowledge of) all the lores of polity and law worth knowing, who is manifestly a very Brihaspati (lit. preceptor of gods) in (expounding) the Vedas and the Vedanga-vidyas (such as) Siksha, Kalpa, Itihasa (and so forth), (and) who is (on account of all that) possessed of suprem lory.
(Ll. 50-51) This tāmrasāsana has been composed by Kailasa's son, the illustrious Alava, the Mahākshapaṭalin1 (attached to) the illustrious Mahāsāndhivigrahin Rāṇaka Malladatta ; and engraved by Haradasa, son of Sīvṛillā.
No. 41.--KARITALAI STONE INSCRIPTION OF LAKSHMANARAJA: [KALACHURI] SAMVAT 593.
BY PROF. V. V. MIRASHI, M.A., NAGPUR.
Kārītalai is now a small village twenty-nine miles North by East of Murwārā, the headquarters of a tahsil of the same name in the Jubbulpore District. The place seems to be of great antiquity, for an inscription in shell characters and another of the Gupta period3 have been discovered there. There are several old temples at Kārītalai, from one of which, probably dedicated to the Boar incarnation of Vishnu, a fragmentary inscription of the reign of the Kalachuri king Lakshmaṇarāja, the son of Yuvarajadeva I -Keyūravarsha was brought over to Nagpur and is
1 This designation denotes the high officer in charge of the akshapatala office. The latter term has been variously rendered by Record Office', ' Court of Rolls', Court of Justice', Archive' and Accountant General's Office'. The word mahakshapatalin has been discussed by Prof. J. Ph. Vogel in his Antiquities of Chamba State, Pt. I, p. 133. Dr. Shamasastry translates the term akshapatala as 'accountants' office' in Kautilya's Arthasästra (p. 66).
Hiralal, Inscriptions in C. P. and Berar (Second Ed.), p. 45.
C. I. I., Vol. III, pp 117ff.
4
Cunningham has described the ruins at Karitalai in A. S. R., Vol. IX, pp. 7-8. He mentions a huge statue of the Boar 8' long, 7' high and 2'9" broad. The Kärltalai stone inscription was probably put up at a templeof the Boar incarnation, see vv. 27 and 35 of it, above, Vol. II, pp. 178-9.
0 2

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256
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXIII.
at present preserved in the Central Museum, Nagpur. The present inscription seems to have been discovered by the late R. B. Hiralal in 1928 when he visited the place on his way to the Silahara caves which are situated not very far from Kārītalai'. A short notice of it appears in his Inscriptions in the Central Provinces and Berar, but the record has not been published so far. I edit it here from excellent estampages kindly supplied by the Director General of Archaeology in India.
From the account given by R. B. Hiralal the inscription seems now to be affixed to the temple of Devi Madhia at Kārītalai. It is fragmentary. The preserved portion measures 101" in breadth and 1' 101" in height. Originally there were fourteen lines only, of which thirteen were inscribed breadthwise. Each of these now contains on an average fourteen aksharas. The fourteenth line runs along the margin on the left. In addition to these, there is one more line incised recently to record the date (Vikrama) Samvat 1981, which runs parallel to the original marginal line. As said before, the inscription is fragmentary. Nothing is, of course, lost at the top, the bottom and the left hand side; but on the right hand, sixty to seventy aksharas have been lost in each line. The record, when entire, must have occupied a space of 4' 6" in breadth. Of this only about onefifth portion on the left has been preserved and the remaining four-fifths broken away and lost.
The characters belong to the North Indian alphabet. They have been deeply and beautifully cut. The strokes of the medial vowels have, here and there, been ornamentally treated. As regards individual letters, attention may be drawn to the two forms of n, one in Lakshmaṇarāja(1. 14) and the other in Druhinaḥ (1. 2), etc., and to those of gh in Amoghavarsha- (1. 12) and Ghatanraya- (1. 14). The form of g is in many places closely similar to that of ra, compare g in jagat and drag-ēva, both in 1. 2, Nagabhate in 1. 9. etc., with ra in yair-äsantati in 1. 6; th has not yet developed a vertical stroke at the top, see pariluthanti (1. 4). Similarly th is still circular and not flattened on the right side, see prithuni (1. 4). The medial u has been generally denoted by a serif, (see pāyāsur-, 1. 3; nag-ānukāri, 1. 13, etc.), but in some cases by a curve turned to the left as in kshinötu (1. 2). The matras for medial diphthongs generally appear above the line (see namo, and Upendra-, 1. 1), but in two cases viz., Rudrēbhyaḥ (1. 1) and śri-Lakshmaṇarājadēvē (1. 14) the medial è is obtained by continuing the top stroke of the consonant to the left to end in a small curve; while in two others we see fully developed prishtha-mātrās also (see Vedhō- 1. 3 and padau 1. 12). The characters thus show a transitional stage of the Nagari alphabet and may be referred to the ninth century A. D.
The language is Sanskrit. Except the introductory obeisance and the marginal line recording the date, etc., the whole record is metrically composed. It seems to have originally consisted of thirteen verses. As regards orthography we may note that the consonant preceding and following has in certain cases been doubled as in chatur-varnnyaṁ (1. 1) and-mättraṁ (1. 2); v has been used for b in vala (1. 7) and the guttural nasal for anusvāra in kshin-ānhasō (1. 6).
Owing to the unfortunate loss of a major portion of the record it is not possible to give a complete description of its contents. After the introductory obeisance to Druhina (Brahman), Upendra (Vishnu) and Rudra (Siva) come three verses invoking the blessings of the three deities. Ll. 6 and 7 seem to eulogize some persons possessed of strength, wealth, gaiety, liberality and courtesy. The next line refers to some personage who was to great kings what the fall of a thunderbolt is to high mountains. The ninth line mentions the rout of Nagabhata, while the eleventh refers to some saintly person whose mind was devoted to the observance of the rules of conduct laid down
1 The second edition of his Inscriptions in the C. P., etc. (1932) mentions it, while the first edition of it (1916) contained no reference to it. In 1928 R. B. Hiralal was accompanied by the Government Epigraphist (see Inscriptions, etc., p. 45, n. 1), but there is no mention of this record in his report for 1927-8. Perhaps it was not considered as of sufficient importance.

Page #336

No. 41.) KARITALAI INSCRIPTION, LAKSHMANARAJA: [KALACHURIJ SAMVAT 593. 257
in the Sruti and Smriti. From the twelfth line we learn that the illustrious king Amoghavarsha bowed to the feet of some one who was probably identical with the saintly person mentioned above. The thirteenth line speaks of the erection by him of a structure resembling a hill. Finally the marginal line states that the record was composed by Prasannaditya of the Ghata family in the year 593 (expressed in numerical figures only) during the reign of the illustrious king Lakshmanarājadēva.
The late Rai Bahadur Hiralal who first noticed this inscription read the date as 693 and as it evidently refers to the Kalachuri-Chēdi era which was current at least from the ninth to the twelfth century A. D. in Băghēlkhand, he took it as equivalent to A. D. 941, obviously identifying Lakshmanarāja mentioned in it with the king of the same name, of whose reign we have another fragmentary inscription from Karitalãi itself. As Yuvarājadēva l-Kěyūravarsha, the father of Lakshmanarāja, was the father-in-law of the Rashtrakūta king Baddiga-Amõghavarsha III, it is clear that he flourished in the beginning of the tenth and his son Lakshmanarāja about the middle of the same century. The mention of Amõghavarsha may be adduced to support this view. In A, D. 941, which, according to R. B. Hiralal, is the date of this record, Amõghavarsha III was no doubt dead; for his son Krishna III succeeded him towards the end of A. D. 939. But this presents no difficulty; for the record does not state that Amoghavarsha was living in A. D. 941. It refers to him incidentally in connection with the holy person who constructed the temple at which the inscription was originally put up. Besides, from the Sudi inscription we leern that Amöghavarsha III was staying for some time at Tripuri where he celebrated the marriage of his daughter with Permādi-Buțuga II. That inscription is no doubt taken to be spurious, but we need not for that reason reject all historical information in it, unless it is contradicted by other incontrovertible evidence. As there was no other Lakshmanarāja in the family of the Kalachuris of Tripuri known till then, R. B. Hiralal seems to have felt amply justified in reading the date as above.
But the reading is probably incorrect. The first figure closely resembles that of the tithi in the Chandrēhē inscription of Prabodhaśiva and the latter was read as five by Dr. Kielhorn. The late Mr. R. D. Banerjee first read it as 6, but it appears as 5 in his article on the Chandrēhē inscription. Other instances ia which the figure stands for 5 can also be cited.' So the date of the present inscription is 593 and this being referred to the Kalachuri era corresponds to A. D. 841-2. The mention of Amõghavarsha in this record does not also preclude this reading; for this Amõghavarsha would be the first Rashtrakūta king of that name who ruled from a. D. 814 to 880. We know that the royal families of the Rashtrakūtas and the Kalachuris were
1 See his Inscriptions in C. P. and Berar, (second ed.) p. 45.
* For Amoghavarsha III we have the dates 937 and 939 (see E.C., Vol. XI, pp. 29 and 30). His son Krishna LII's Deoli plates were issued in A. D. 940.
* Above, Vol. III, p. 179. * Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, p. 85; above, Vol. I, p. 354. . Memoirs A. 8. I., No. 23, p. 119.
• Above, Vol. XXI, p. 148. There is a similar difference of opinion about the reading of the year in 11. 6-7 of the Särada inscription from Hund, above, Vol. XXII, p. 98 and n. 3.
* See for instance the figures of the year and the tithi of the Baléri plates of the Chaulukya Molaraja, above, Vol. X, plate facing p. 78; the figure of the year in the Khajuraho inscription of Kokkala, Cunningham's A. 8. R.. Vol. XXI, pl. XIX and that of the tithi in the Palanpur plates of Bhimadeva, above, Vol. XXI, pl. facing p. 172.
The evidence of paleography is also in favour of this earlier date. I would particularly draw attention to the formation of the medial diphthongs by lengthening the top line to the left to end in a small ourvo (1. 14) and the round form of th. In the later Karitaldi stone inscription of the reign of Lakshmanarja (circa 950 A. D.) the medial diphthongs are in all cases denoted either by strokes on the top or by prishthu-nder and this flattened on the right side.

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258
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(Vol. XXIII.
matrimonially connected in the ninth century also; for Amoghavarsha I's son Krishna II was married to Kõkalla l's daughter, though this marriage may not have taken place before A. D. 842 ? Besides, Amõghavarshe was of a spiritual temperament. He was a fervent devotee, at least in the early part of his life, of Hindu deities. The Sanjān plates tell us that he had cut off a finger of his left hand and offered it to Mahā-Lakshmi to ward off a public calamity. It is not, therefore, unlikely that Amoghavarsha had gone to the Chēdi country to pay his respects to the holy person who put up the present inscription. The mention of Nāgabhata's defeat in l. 9 may also be adduced in support of the above-mentioned date. This Någabhata is evidently Nagabhata II of the Gurjara-Pratihāra dynasty, who was completely routed by Amoghavarsha's father Govinda III. Nāgabhata was not living in A. D. 841-2 the date of the present inscription; for, according to the Jain work Prabhāvaka-charita' he died in V. S. 890 (A. D. 833-4); nor is Amõghavarsha known to have raided North India like his father and grandfather. The defeat of Nägabhata II mentioned in this inscription must be that inflicted on him by Govinda III before A. D. 800. The personage, who in the preceding line is described as a destroyer of great kings as a thunderbolt is of high mountains, is therefore probably Govinda III. The name of the king whom he destroyed (samjahrē) is lost at the end of that line. It is not known in what connection the defeat of Nagabhata is mentioned in 1. 9; but as the name of Amõghavarsha occurs only after two lines, it is clear that the event must have happened not long before the reign of Amöghavarsha. The latter must consequently be the first king of that name; for, otherwise, there would be a long gap of more than one hundred and thirty years between the two events, if the king is identified with Baddiga-Amõghavarsha III.
If my reading of the date is accepted the Lakshmanarāja mentioned in the present inscription becomes the earliest known king of the Kalachuri dynasty of Tripuri. He was the predecessor and may have been the father of Kökalla 1,' who stands at the head of the genealogical lists in the Bilhári stone inscription and the Benares plates of Karna." The Sanjān plates of Amõghavarsha state that after his victorious campaign in North India, Govinda III returned to the bank of the Narmada and conquering Kösala, Kalinga, Vērgi, Dahala, Odraka and Mälava, made his servants govern them. This seems to mean that Govinda raided these countries and either exacted tributes from the ruling princes or, deposing them, placed his own nominees in charge of their countries. That he did so in one case at least is known from other records. The Baroda plates of Karka, dated Saka 734, state that Karka was made a door-bolt to protect the king of Mālwa from the Gurjara king who had become puffed up by conquering the lords of Gauda and Vanga.10 In some other records of the Gujarat Rashtrakūtas we find references to battles fought
Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, pp. 263-70.
* As I have shown elsewhere (above, p. 217) Amõghsvarsha I was born about A. D. 799. He was therefore, forty-two years old at the time of the present inscription, but it is not likely that in A. D. 841-2 his son Krishna II was already married to Lakshmanarija's grand-daughter, for he is known to have reigned till about 914 A. D. Perhape Amoghavarsha had gone to Tripurt to seek the Kalachuri king's help when he was deposed in the early part of his reign.
. Above, Vol. XVIII, p. 248. • Ibid., p. 245. . Above, Vol. XIV, p. 179, n. 3.
• This Kökalls was a contemporary of Bhöja I of Kansuj who flourished from circa A. D. 835 to 885. His son-in-law Krishna II reigned from about A. D. 880 to 914. Kokalla may have therefore flourishod from about A. D. 850 to 886.
* Above, Vol. I, pp. 264ff. • Ibid., Vol. II, pp. 306ff.
Ibid., Vol. XVIII, p. 245. 10 See lines 26-27 of the Baroda plates of Karka, Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 160.

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No. 41.) KARITALAI INSCRIPTION, LAKSHMANARAJA : [KALACHURIJ SAMVAT 593. 259
by them with the Gurjara-Pratihäras in Ujjayini. Mälwā was, therefore, made a protectorate and a subordinate branch of the Rashtrakūtas established in Gujarat to check the advance of the Pratibāras. The same may have happened in the case of Dahala also.As Lakshmanarāja is the earliest known prince of the Kalachuri dynasty of Dähals, it is not unlikely that the present record in its lost portion mentioned the establishment of the Kalachuri family in Dáhala after the defeat of Nagabhata. Subsequently the Rashtrakūtas made many matrimonial alliances with the Kalachurise and thus made the Kalachuri kingdom a bulwark on the north of the Narmadā against any possible invasion of their territory by the Gurjara-Pratihäras.
It would not be out of place to discuss here the relation of this Lakshmanarāja with other princes of the same name known from two other records discovered in North India. The Kahlā plates of Sodhadēva mention a Kalachuri prince Lakshmanarāja in whose family was born the prince Rājaputra whose descendant in the eleventh generation named Södhadēva made a grant in V. S. 1134 (A. D. 1077). The date of this Rājaputra is approximately settled by the statement in the record that Guņāmbhodhidēva I, his descendant in the third generation, helped Bhoja in his wars against a Gauda king. This Bhoja can be no other than the Gurjara-Pratihāra Bhõja whose known dates range from A. D. 836 to 882. Guņāmbhõdhidēva I may therefore have flourished about A. D. 850. His third lineal ancestor Rājaputra can consequently be placed in circa A. D. 775 The indefinite manner in which the relationship of Rajaputra to Laksamanarāja is mentioned in the Kahlā plates makes it difficult to conjecture the date of the latter, but that he did not flourish later than the beginning of the eighth century A. D. seems certain. He cannot, therefore, be identified with Lakshmanarāja of the present inscription
There are three other kings named Lakshmaņarāja known from a stone inscription found at Kasiãs in the Gorakhpur District, U. P. Rai Bahadur D. R. Sahni has assigned this inscription to the 11th or 12th century A. D., but on paleographic evidence it appears to belong to a period not later than the tenth century A. D. The princes mentioned in this inscription were ruling over a territory contiguous to the kingdom of the Kalachuris of the Kahla plates. One would, therefore, expect to find some links connecting the two families in the genealogical lists of the two inscriptions, but none have been noticed so far. A careful comparison of the two lists would show, however, that there are two names common to them, viz., Rājaputra and his son Sivarāja. The former name is evidently a biruda and we find it actually stated in the Kasiã inscription that the real name of the prince was Lakshmana and that he was called Rajaputra because of his virtues. The Rajaputra of the Kahlā plates flourished about A. D. 775 which is, therefore, the date of Lakshmanarāja II of the Kasia inscription. Lakshmanarāja I, his great-grandfather, and
1 See c. ., Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, p. 67.
* So far as one can judge from the present fragmentary record, it seems to have contained glorification of the Rashtrakūtas rather than of the Kalachuris. It is noteworthy that the line containing the name of the reigning king is added in the margin.
See e.g., the Kardā plates of Karka III, II. 16-25, Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 265. Above, Vol. VII, p. 89.
Ibid., Vol. XVIII, pp. 128ff.
. It may be noted here that in the Kasik inscription, (1) the medial diphthongs are denoted by small curves added to the left of the top line : (2) the medial appears as a small serif at the bottom of the vertical; (3) the left limba of dh and kh, the tail of h and the vertical of th have not yet developed as in the Nagarf alphabet of the eleventh or twelfth century A. D. Its th has, however, developed a vertical stroke on the right. I would, therefore, assign the inscription to the tenth century A. D. The record seems to mention two successors of Lakshmanarija III and the names of one or two more may bave been lost in the mutilated portion. As I have placed Lakshmaparaja III of the Kasia inscription in circa A. D. 850, the last Kalachuri prince mentioned in the record must have reigned some time during the tenth century A. D. This date is corroborated by the palæographic evidence detailed above.

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260
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXIII.
Lakshmaparāja III, his great-grandson, must therefore have flourished about A. D. 700 and 860 respectively. Though Lakshmanarāja III of the Kasiā inscription thus flourished about the same time as the Lakshmanarāja of the present inscription, the two are not likely to be identical ; for none of the descendants of the former can be identified with the Kalachuri princes mentioned in the Bilhări inscription and the Benares plates, who were evidently the successors of the Lakshmanarāja of the present inscription.
TEXT. 1 सिहम्' [*] भी नमोस्तु दुहियोपेन्द्रक्ट्रेभ्यः । चातुर्वणस्य [नि] . . . १ नमात्र जगत् [1] द्रागेव द्वहिण: क्षिणोतु ... 3 वेधोहस(ग): । पायासुमधुसूदना[१] . ... 4 कपत्पृिथुनि परिलुठन्तो यस्य मू[स्थ] . . 5 न क्रमः परमिति खान्पुत्रकाम्पाठ[य] . .. 6 चीणासो' जजिरे यैरासन्तति सन्तत' . . . 7 वृत्तिः । व(ब)लविभवविलासत्यागदा' . . . . 8 महाभूमिभचपाता(स:) संजड़े का[t] . . 9 भूयसा चानेहसा ॥ भन्ने नागभटे' . . . . 10 कषपावदलको वराहव्याहारः स्म" . . . . 11 "तिस्मृत्वाचारप्रवणधिषणः पुण्य]" . .. 12 "श्रीमदमोघवर्षनृपतिः पादौ [न]13 . . . . 13 वापरः ॥ तेनाकारि नगानुकारि ग... 141 भी सम्बत् ५८. श्रौलनणराजदेवे राजनि घटान्वयत्री
प्रसबादित्यस्य तिरियम् [1]
1 Expressed by a symbol. • Metre : Salini. .Metre: Sardalavikridita. • Read मूस्थ ल. Metre: Malini. • Read पाठयेत्. Metre : Bardialarikridita. • Real चौडिसी. - Real दाक्षिा - Metre: Malini.
Perhaps xifent was written here. Metre : Sragdhara. • Metre : Sikharini. " Read युतिमत्याचारII Read पुश्यचरित:- Metres Sikharini. " Rend यस्य before श्रीमद13 Rond were4. Metre : Sardilavikridila. "Metre: Sardalavikridita, " This line in written along the margin. Another line below it ineised recently readaौस[चत १९८१. "Expressed by a symbol.

Page #340

KARITALAI STONE INSCRIPTION OF LAKSHMANARAJA: [KALACHURI] SAMVAT 593.
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI.
Rea. No. 1534 E'38-275.
मम्मीत झालराज दवे या कृतिय
ॐ वायु
आगल
वमा जरा दारावर दिल: किला मु
रुहवे (वसर पायासम्प्रेश्स दवा
क यो पनि यरिल की या मई
वक्रमः यर गिनियाका कीलाई मा जरिये रामवनि सत कृतिभवत विभववितामाराद महामित्र याता सं
जय साह सारा मा
2
SCALE: ONE-THIRD.
4
6
8
कस गाव इतका वरादग्राहारः 10 तियार पदलविलय (शीमराव त्रयतिः (12 वाटारमा काशिगा
ग
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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Page #342

No. 42.]
FOUR GANGA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS.
261
No. 42.-FOUR GANGA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS
By S. N. CHAKRAVARTI, M.A., CALCUTTA.
The four sets of copper-plate grants belonging to the Ganga kings of Kalinga were acquired through Mr. S. Rajaguru, Municipal Councillor, Parlakimedi, Ganjam. They have been found, as Mr. Rajaguru was told by the owner of the plates, in some villages of Northern Ganjam, and were purchased by Mr. N. G. Majumdar, M.A., Superintendent, Archeological Survey of India. They are now deposited in the Archæological Section, Indian Museum, Calcutta. I edit the charters by the kind permission of Mr. Majumdar.
A.-Plates of Mahārāja Jayavarmadēva.
The copper-plates which bear the subjoined inscription are three in number and measure about 57" by 31". Their rims are not raised. Each plate is inscribed on both sides. The inscription is damaged in several places. But practically the whole of it can be made out quite satisfactorily. The ring on which the plates were strung is about 3" in diameter. The small oval seal, below which the ends of the ring are secured, measures about " by ". It is damaged and the emblem on it is no more visible. The weight of the three plates, with ring and seal, is about 70 tolas.
The alphabet of the inscription resembles that of the Dhanantara Plates of Samantavarman;1 and may be assigned to the 7th Century A.D. The language is Sanskrit. Except three of the customary verses in lines 28-35 the inscription is in prose. As regards orthography the following peculiarities call for remark :-v and b are not distinguished, both being indicated by the sign for v. A consonant after r is doubled only in a few instances, e.g., Gokarnnesvara (1. 5), and ki(ki)rttayō (1. 35). The letter t preceding r is doubled in sakti-ttraya- (1.9), etc. Visarga has been wrongly used in bhagavataḥs-char-achara- (11. 1-2), -pitriḥ- (1. 11), and vehubhiḥr-vasudha (1. 28), and wrongly dropped in Sagar-ädibhi (1. 29). The sign for final t has been used twice, though wrongly, in -adhishthänätd-bhagavataḥ (1. 1) and sa-karaṇāt (1. 14).
The inscription is of the Ganga King of Kalinga, Mahārāja Jayavarmadēva, who was a devout worshipper of the lord Gokarnņēśvara, residing on the summit of the Mahendra mountain. From his residence at Svötaka the king by this document informs his officials and the inhabitants concerned in the Ndada ringa(?)-vishaya, that he gave the village of Bhusunda in the said province to Ravisarman, a Brahmana of the Kasyapa-göttra, the Vajasaneya-charana and the Kanva-sakha, who was a resident of the Pratishthana-vishaya of the bhaṭṭāraka Gunesvara. The dutaka was the Mahāsāmanta Pürnpadēva who had the title of Pañchamahāsabda. The grant was written by Khanda, the son of the Mahasandhivigrahin Śrīsāmanta and engraved by Vichitra
hasta.
I am inclined to identify Jayavarman of the present grant with Jayavarman, brother of Anantavarman of the Parlakimedi plates, which record the gift of the village Tālatthērē in the district of Krōshtukavarttani by Anantavarman, son of Devendravarman, at the request of his brother Jayavarman, to Vishnusōmacharya, a Brahmana of the Parasara-gotra, who was an inhabitant of the village of Śrangātikā in the district of Kamarupa or Assam.
1 Above, Vol. XV, pp. 275 ff.
[See p. 262, nn. 8 and 12 below.-Ed.]
[This may be only a title in which case the name of the official has not been given.-Ed.]
Annual Report of the Assistant superintendent for Epigraphy, Southern Circle, for the year 1920-21, pp. 15, 93; R. D. Banerji, History of Orissa,Vol. I, pp. 232-33; J. A. H. R. S., Vol. II, pp. 273 ff.
D

Page #343

262
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
First Plate; First Side.
1 Om svasti [*] Svētak-adhishṭhānāt d-bhagavataḥ
2 s-char-achara-go sakala-sasanka-sekhara
4 [na-he]toh 5 ngh
3 [dha]ra[sya*] sthity-utpatti-pralaya-karaMahendr-achala-sikhara-nivasiérimad-Gokarnņēévara-bhaṭarakah chara
TEXT,1
First Plate; Second Side.
6 pa-kamal-aradhanad-avapta-punya-ni
7 chayō Gang-amala-kul-amvar"-enduḥ sva-bhu
8 ja-va(ba)la-paräkram-ākrānta-sakala-Ka
9 ling-adhirajya[b*] sakti-ttrayaḥ-praka
10 rsh-anurañjit-ah sesha-samantaḥ para
11 mamahēévarō mātā-pitriḥ-pad-an[u]
Second Plate; First Side.
12 dhyātō mahārāja-śrī-Jayavarmadeva[*] kusa13 li Nḍadasringa"-vi[sha*]ye yatha-kal-adhyasi14 no vya(vya)vahāriṇaḥ sa-karaṇāt(n) vrā(brā)hmaņa 15 purög-adi-rajanaka-rajaputtra-pra[dha]
16 nu(na)purusha-raṭrakuta-dandanayaka-bhō
17 gi-bhōgina10-nivasi-janapada[mé-]chata-bhata-va18 la(lla)bha-[jatiya-]
Second Plate; Second Side.
yath-arham pu(pu)jayaty=ajñāpayati cha [*]
19 ns-cha(ms-cha) 20 Viditam-astu bhavatam-etad-vishaya-samva
21 ndha-Bhusuṇḍā-grāmō-yam chatuḥ-simn(sim)-opala
22 kshitaḥ bhaṭā(ṭṭā)raka-Gupēsvara-Pratishtha-13
• Read -bhatfarakasya.
Read -kul-ambar-.
23 yām vishaya-vastavya-vra(brā)hmaņa-Ravisa[r*]mma[ņē*] Kā
24
yapa-göttrāya Vājasani(ne)ya-charaṇāya
25 anvaḥ-sakhine salila-dhara-pura ḥsare
1 From the original plates and impressions.
Expressed by a symbol.
The sign for t is superfluous; read "nad-bha". The visarga is superfluous.
Read -gurob.
[The reading may be Jédalgață)éringa.-Ed.]
Read -räshtrakuta..
10 Read -bhōgi-bhoga-nivasi-.
[VOL. XXIII.
11 Read -sambaddha-.
12 Read -Pratishthäna-vishaya. [It is more probable that the grant was made on the occasion of the consecration of the image of Guneévara (Siva) and that the name of the vishaya or district to which the donee belonged has been omitted by the scribe through oversight.-Ed.]

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FOUR GANGA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS: A.-PLATES OF MAHARAJA JAYAVARMADEVA.
22 ราง 3 304 นะ ค ง อ.ดด 2 คน และ
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| 2pief | 8 16 24 19 312 0 27
I
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18
N. P. CHAKRAVARTT. Rea, No, 1603 E'37-275.
SCALE: SEVEN-EIGHTHS.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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30
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34
36
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40
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#DJMA 2 26 చీడియో ఒక్కతే ర : దేశాగమే 23: జగ గెబున్నామన ''
J 24
28
830
30
32
34
36
38
40

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No. 42.)
FOUR GANGA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS.
263
Third Plate; First Side. 26 ņ=ā-chandr-ārka-kshiti-sama-kālamrakari(rī)ksitya dato(tto) 27 smābhish I*] Etad=bhavatāḥ pālaniyēti || Uktam 28 cha dharma-śāstrē [I]. Vē(Ba)hubhih?r=vasudha datā(tta) 29 rājabhiḥ Sagar-adibhi(bhiḥ) [*] yasya yasya 30 yada bhubhū)mita(8=ta)gya tasya tada phalam(lam) || Mä bhu(bhū). 31 d=aphala-bankā vaḥ para-da[tt=ē]ti pārthivā[hl*] sva32 dânāt=phalam=ā[nantyam] para-datt=ānupāla
Third Plate; Second Side. 33 nam(nam) || Iti kamala-dal-ā=dal-āmvu(bu)-vi(bi)ndu-lölām briya34 m-anuchintya manushya-ji(ji)vita cha sakalam=idam=udā. 35 hțitañ=cha vu(bu)dhvā(ddhvā) na hi purushaih para-ki(ki)rttayo vilopya(pyāh) (11*]* 36 Iti fdūta*]kö-dh[i]krita-prāpta-pancha-mah-lavda(bda)-sri-ma37 hāsāmanta-[Pūrona]dēva[h *] Likhitam mahasandhivi38 [gra]hi-Srisämanta-[sū]nuna(na) Khandēna [l*] Utki(tki)rynam sri-Vi39 chittrahastēna [*] Vyā(vya)vahāriņo dēva-sprajtiha40 (riņaḥ II*]
B.-Plates of Dānārņņavadēva, The inscription is incised on three copper-plates, each measuring about 54" long by 39" broad. The plates are strung on & copper ring about 3" in diameter. The two ends of the ring are soldered below a circular seal, which measures about it" in diameter. The seal is much damaged and broken on one side. It bears in relief on countersunk surface the figures of a crescent at the top, a seated bull in the centre and an indistinct emblem at the bottom. The three plates, with ring and seal, weigh 118 tolas. The first and the third plates are inscribed on one side only, while the second plate has inscription on both the sides. There are altogether thirty-four lines of writing. Though the plates have no raised rims, the writing on them is well-preserved. The engraving has been carelessly done. Wrong spelling and omission of syllables are common mistakes.
The record is not dated but on palæographic grounds may be assigned to the 10th century A.D. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit. With the exception of five of the customary stanzas in lines 23-31, the record is written in prose. In respect of orthography we may note the following points : The letter b is throughout denoted by the sign for v. The consonant after r is, as a rule, doubled, e.g., chandr-ārkka- (1. 18), svargga- (1. 27); but m has not been doubled in -hător=Mahendr-āchala- (1. 2). Anusvāra has been used instead of the dental n in vimdu (11. 29-30). The dental e represents the palatal é in some cases, e.g., -sasänka- (11. 1-2), -sikhara(11. 2-3). The sign for avagraha has been used in-grāmõ= 'yam (1. 15) and pratipādikā='smābhiḥ (1. 21). The final t has been used in anyat (1. 14).
The inscription is of Prithvivarmman's son, the devout worshipper of Mahēšvara, the Paramēsvara Paramabhattāraka Mahārājādhiraja, the ornament of the spotless family of the Gangas, the Ränaka Dānārņpavadēva, who had obtained a store of merit by worshipping the lotus-feet of the holy lord Gökarņņēsvara, dwelling on the summit of Mount Mahendra and who
1 Read étad-bhavadbhih palaniyam=iti. * The visarga is superfluous. • Metre : Anushubh. • The two syllables dala have been wrongly repeated. Metre : Pushpitagră.

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264
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXIII.
by the excellence of his threefold power had endeared himself to all his vassals, and had acquired by the strength of his own arms the overlordship of the entire Kalinga country. From his residence at Svēta, evidently the same as Svētaka, the king informs his officials and the inhabitants concerned, that on the occasion of an eclipse of the sun he gave the village Käsidda, situated in the Jayada-vishaya to bhatta Bodhana's son bhatta Durggakhandika, (a Brāhmaṇa) of the Vatsa-gotra, who was a student of the Chhändöga-charana, and had the fivefold pravara and anu pravara. The inscription was written by the Saṁdhimigrahin Dhanadatta and engraved by Damodara
Dānārņņava, by whom this charter was issued, cannot at present be identified. He is evidently distinct from and later than another Dānārņņava, who was the father of Indravarman of the Purle and Tekkali plates, which are written in much earlier characters and are dated in the Ganga years 1379 and 154 respectively, roughly corresponding to A.D. 631 and 648.
TEXT.
First Plate. 1 Oms svasti [1] Svēt-adhishthänād=bhagavatag=char-achara-gurössa (=sa)kala-sa (ba)sa(**)2 nka-sēkhara-dha[rasya*] sthity-utpattio-pralaya-kāraņa-bētör=Mahendr-achala-si(fi)3 khara-nivāsinah srimad-Gökarņņēsvara-bhattārakasya chara4 ņa-kamal-ārādhan-āvāpti(pta)-punyanichaya[h*] sakti-traya-prakarsh-.- 5 nurañji(ñji)t-ābēsha-ssā (sā)manta-chakra[h*) sva-bhuja-vaba)lo-para6 kram-ākrānta-sa kala-Kala(li)ng-adhirājyē(jyah) I'para mamā. 7 hēsvaro mātā-pitsi-pad-anudhyātah paramèsvara-paramabha9 ttå[ra*]kö mahärājā[dhi*]rāja-Gang-amala-kula-tilaka-Ränaka-sri-DA 9 nārņņavadēvaḥ Prithvivarmma-sutaḥ kusali 1' Jayadā-vishaye
Second Plate; First Side. 10 vatha-kāl-adhyāsi(si)-grisamanta-mahäsämanta-rajanaka-raja11 putra-kumärämäty-opariska*]-dandanāyaka-vishayapati-grāma12 pati-danqapāsi(si)[ka*)-chätta(ta)-bhata-vallabha-jātīyāna(n) bhõgi(gi)[ka*)-jana13 padāne yath-ārbam mānayati !? võ(bo)dhayati | samājñāpayati cha 14 sarvatah Sivam=asmākam=anyat l' viditam=astu bhava15 tām lētad-vishayam(ya)-shativaddha-Käsisada ]-gramo'yam sa-ja16 la-sthala sa-padr-āraṇyalo sātavill vitapa-samanvitatas=)chatus-si17 m-õpalakshitaḥ ' ih=aiva surya-grahaņē mātā-pitrör=ātmanah 18 puny-abhivriddhayē sa-salidhäräspuraskpitāla chandra-ārkka-kälam-a
1 Above, Vol. XIV, pp. 360 ff. 2 Ibid., Vol. XVIII, pp. 307 ff. • Ibid., p. 308. Originally this date was read as 149. . From impressions and the original plates. 5 Expressed by a symbol.
• The conjunet Ipa appears as pē. The left limb of ta is elongated downwards, so much so that it looks like the e-matra.
This mark of punctuation is superfluous.
• Note that the halanta mark is expressed by the omission of the top line. The right hand short downward stroke with a bend at about the middle is a constituent of the dental na.
Read .pratibaddha.. 10 Read -aranyah. 11 Read s-afavikah. 11 Read ātmanasacha. 13 Read salila-dhara-puraskritams...

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4
6
12
14
16
18
FOUR GANGA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS: B.-PLATES OF DANARNAVADEVA.
नानाममा भय का भला मंदिराला : वामिन:श्रीस्थान-र
2
iia.
यतियनिग्राम
10 "यथा कालाधामी श्रीमा मत्र महासामनज वनाज 10 यूऊमा नासाद्य यदिषु यात्रियाश्रमवजानीयात्रा कागजा मुद्रा यथाक्रमानयति वाययनिजामाप ययादित मनःसमा अतिदिन मुदत " विकासमा यममामातिय समानी स মানা ( दशम मा
कमलानाथ प्रका इन सामन राज वलय क्रमाक झाला। गंगा दिवसमा नायिकयादा थान" यामधाय नमरु जसजसा कि नाकीदा लादन: पावर ॐला (जयाविषय
N. P. CHAKHAVARTI.
REG. No. 1503 E37-275.
4
SCALE: ACTUAL SIZE.
8
12
16
18
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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iib.
দেবরেনবোধেখবরুত্রে 20 হবুথCাহবাব-মধ8.20 | কেহ(সানব্য
দে, 20ংহ মেহেরী
সবারবথদেবে। 24 | রং-৮ ম হেশ্বৰ 24 হলমুখ ইবধূেমষ খাদ্য । 24 ঘরে (ধ:সুলেমদেবে
রুবেহেস্ত্রে (দেহক্টেৰঞ্জ-জে।
24 | জীবহেবের বয়াহ ৪ দেবরকেলম্মেবে বেতনবদম্ব 30
ধনঞ্জয়ঃহণ দায়বহনে ওই
রসরেবে (লেসবিয়32
সুবকের 34 ((দনে 4

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No. 42.)
FOUR GANGA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS.
265
Second Plate ; Second Side. 19 kariksitya bhätta-Vodhūnal -sutāya Chchhändöga-charanaya Vachchha -götrā. 20 ya pañcharishaya-pravarāya pañch-ānupravariya bhatta-Durggakha21 ndikāya tâmvra(mra)-säsanēns pratipädikā(to)-'smābhiḥ [ll ] basa22 na-darsanād-dharmma-gauravāch=cha na kēn=api pani“ pari panthinā 23 bhavitavya(vyam) | Tatha cha pathyatē dharmma-sästrē [1] Va(Ba)hubhir=vva24 sudhā datā(ttā) rājabhiḥ Sagar-ādibhir bhiḥ [l*) yasya yasya ya 26 dā bhümis-tasya tasya tada phalar(lam) [*] Sva-dänāt=phalamanantya26 m-para-datt-anupālanēs [*] Bhūmim yaḥ pratigrihnä(hņā)ti yas-cha bhūmi27 m=prayachchhati [l*] ubhau tau punya-karmmānau na(ni)yatau avargga-ga(ga)mi
Third Plate. 28 nau [*] Sva-datām(ttām) para-dattām=vā yo harēd=vasundharam sa vishțhāyām ksi29 mir-bhūtva(tvā) pitsibhis=saha pachyatē [1] Iti kamala-dal-amvumbu)-vim30 du(bindu)-lolan sriyam-anuchintya manushya-jivista*]n-cha sa kalam-idam=u31 dãhpitañ-cha vudhvā(buddhva) na hi purushaiḥ para-kirttayo vilõpyāḥ [ll*}' iti [II*] 32 Likhista*]n-cha sakala-karaņa-viditēna samti(dhi)vigrahi(hi)33 sri-Dhanadata(ttēna) | mahādēvil yuchha(yuva)rāja! mahasā[ma*]nta 34 dharmma(rmmā)dhika[ra*]ņa mahā(ha)ta(tta)ra i pratihāra Utkirnnarnnam) Dämo
darēņa [*]
C.-Plates of Bhūpēndravarmadēva, The inscription is on three copper-plates, each measuring about 5" in breadth and 27" in height. The plates are held together by a ring, about 27" in diameter. The ends of the ring are secured by an oval seal, which contains the figure of a seated bull. Above this bull is a crescent, and below it a lotus, of which five petals are visible. The three plates, with ring and seal, weigh 54 tolas. The first and third plates are inscribed on one side only, while the second plate has inscription on both the sides. There are altogether thirty-six lines of writing, each side having nine lines. The plates have slightly raised rims in order to protect the writing, which is well-preserved.
The characters are of what Dr. Burnell named the South Indian Nagari type, and may be assigned to the 10th century A.D. The laguage is Sanskrit. Excepting the benedictive and imprecatory verses in lines 26-34, the inscription is in prose. In respect of orthography the following points may be noted : b and v are not distinguished ; 8 is used for $, as in-sasāka- (1.2), and for sh, as in manusya- (1.32); sh is used for 8, in rashundharām (1. 29); the visarga has been wrongly dropped in many. instances, e.g., -guro (1.2), -nicūsina (1. 4), -nichaya (1.5); and the anusvära has been used instead of the class nasal, as in-Kalinga- (1.7), pancha (1. 19), -sämanta(ll. 6, 12).
The inscription is of the time of the Mahārājādhiraja Paramēsvara Paramabhattāraka, sriBhupēndravarmadēva, who was a devout worshipper of Mahēsvara, who was the ornament of the spotless family of the Gangas, who had accumulated a store of merit by worshipping the lotus
1 Read bhala Batham. Note the close topper (h. But the open-topped form of the lotter is the commonest. * Read Valsa• Read patch-arshi or pauch-urskéya.. • This pani is intended to be pari and is supertuous.
The first half of this verse has been omittel, which is a bhidanphula-sanla u paru-lall=eli parthirah. • Read harita rauharir. • Motre : Push piligrú.

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266
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXIII.
feet of the god, Gokarņēsvara (Siva), situated on the summit of the Mahendra mountain, and who had acquired the overlordship of the entire Kalinga country. The grant was issued from the capital city of Svētka (Svētaka), and seems to record the donation of a plot of land, the boundaries of which are given in lines 15-19, in the Vādodē village of the Khalugakhanda-vishaya, to bhatļaputra Mānikadēva, (a Brāhmaṇa) of the Vatsa-gotra, who had the fivefold pravara, by the Ränaka Ganga-Kavilasa (Ganga-Kailasa ?)'. According to Il. 10-11 the charter seems to have been issued by his son whose name is not given. The inscription was written by the Samdhivigrahin Asökadanta, engraved by the brazier Vimalachandra and registered by the chief queen.
TEXT
First Plate. 1 Omo svasti[ll*] svētk-adhishthänăd=bhagavatab=char-achara2 gurð[b] sakala-sasāka(bänka)-sēkhara-dharasya sthity-u3 tpati(tti)-pralaya-karana-hētör-Mahěndrālcha(r-acha)la-si(si)kha4 ra-nivābi(si)na[h*) srimad-Gokarnē(rņē)eva(sva)ra-bhattarakasya charaṇa-ka5 mal-ärädhan-āvāpta-punya(nya)-nichaya[h*] shatki(Saktiy-traya-pra6 karsh-anurāmji(rañji)t-āsvē(ē)sha-samanta(manta)chakra[h*] sva-bhuja-vaba)la-pa 7 räkram-äkränta-sā(sa)kala-Kaling(ling)-adhirājē(jyah) parama-ma8 hēsva(bva)ro m ātā-pitři-pad-ānudhyāto Gang-amala9 [ku]la-tilaka-mahārājādhiraja-parame[6]vara
Second Plate; First Side. 10 paramabhatta(ta)raka-sri-Bhu(Bhūpēndravarmadēva[h*] kush(sa)li [1] Gamga
(Ganga). 11 Kaviläsa-su(su)taḥ Khalugakhanda-vishayē yatha-kal-a12 dhyasino mā(ma)häsämamta(manta)-srisāmamta(manta)-grāmapati-vrâ(brä)hma13 na-pu[ro*]hita-rāshthakutta-kutumvina c háta-bhätta(bhata)-vala(lla)bha-jati(jāti). 14, yä[n*] yath-arharham) mānayati samādisa(sa)ti (cha*) viditam=15 stu bhava[tar) éta-vishaya-samvamdha(baddha)-Vadode-grāmasya madhē(dhyė) 16 khanda-kshētra(tram) pu(pū)rva-disā (sā)-varē vrita-maira-ali-shi(si)mā-sā(sa)17 ndhifb*1 [a]g[n*]ëya-disā (sā)-varë mväumtigada-parichh(chchh)ēda[b*] pachhi(schi) ma-di18 sā(sā)-varē maira ali [*] uta(tta)ra-disā (sā)-varē tath=aiva cha[*] E
Second Plate ; Second Side. 19 ta ch*]-chatuh-si(si)m-opalakshitamcha | Vachha(Vatsa)-götrāya pamcha20 rishaya'-pravarāya bhattaputra-māhātra - Mänikadēvä. 21 ya iva Gangakavilā[sa*]-rāņakēna datam(ttam) mätä-pitro
1 As the expression Ganga-Kavildsa-sutah comes after kusali it does not seem to have any connection with Bhs. pendravurmadēva.
* From impressions and the original plates * Expressed by a symbol. • Read råshtrukūta-kutumbinas=. . Read "làm=ētad-vishaya-.
Read Agneya-. I believe that the word intended is dakshina, for the already incomplete a in agneyà seems to bave been altered into da.
* Read panch-arshi or paich-arsheya-. . Kead - mahnitara-.
The intended reading scems to be dirayraira.

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FOUR GANGA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS: C.-PLATES OF BHUPENDRAVARMADEVA,
iib.
2 ผู้เชอะไร ตัว 25
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276 27 (2) 2 เTจัง แสงอรุด 213 214
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Gะเดีๆ 1 วัน 1 22 (ASE 6 28 242 วังวร ทั้ง 6 24 (รวง (25S
24 - ผู้ เราได้ น้ อัน ( 4
e n (ชิเนเวิรไว้ 5) 8 53(เอว 25 9 วิรัช มี 8 26 อก39) 2411-24 ตัว วใน 26
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iii.
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สน) 2.4 งาช 10 28 ะ" ศรง 2 ต' 15 . A 28 5 มีนาว อเวนเด16 เอก ที่ใ A4 ( 215วัดเด็ก 12 (“ไCT ) เว้ TK 2 12 30
วัน วา ร (๕) ะ 30 ซิ
h qงใet 59 งานสัย 2 (2. ร. 0 2ียัมย์ 14 ( 2 ) จะใ(2, วีรวม 14 322 (1) 2 3 4 5 62 32
( 263 21 รุ ” โดี) 412) นะ โวั84% 13 24 25 1626-เวง !! ยิง 53 16 34 8 เE) -18) 24801C เราเป็ 54 34
5, 136 ( 21สิว 5 วงเงไม้วังดัง งวิ 18 “าเจ้งได้ 18 36 ธ) ) 1163 5 เกะ 36
SCALE: SEVEN-EIGHTHS.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA,
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Reg. No. 1503 E'37-275.

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No. 42.]
22 rätma(tma)nas-cha
23 chandr-arka-kshiti-sama-kalam-akari(ri) kritya pratipa
FOUR GANGA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS.
punyapivirdhae1
sa(sa)lila-dhara-pura[h*]sarena(na)
24 ditō="smābhir-yatam(tab)
[*]
sasana-darsha(rsa)na[d*1=dharma-gauravād=a
25 sma(sma)d-gaurava[ch*]=cha na kēnachit-paripamthi(panthi)na bhavitavyam [*] Ta26 tha cha pathyatē dharma-sastrē [*] Va(Ba)hubhir vashu(su)dhā datā(ttā) rājāna (jabhiḥ) 27 Sa(Sa)gar-ādibhi[*] yasya yasya yada bhumi tasya ta
Third Plate.
28 sya tada phalam [*] Ma bhu(bhu) [dha] (d=a)phala-sakā(śańkā) va[ḥ*] para-da[tt-e*]ti parthi
Sva-datām(ttam) para-datām(ttāṁ) vā yō harēti(ta) vashumdha(sundha)rā[m
[*] sa vishṭhā
30 yam krimir-bhu(bhu)tvä pitṛibhi[h*] saha pachyate [*] Sashṭhim (Shashtim) varsha-sa31 hasrāņi sagam(svarge) mōdati bhu(bhu)midaḥ [*] Iti kamala-dal-ā
32 mvu(mbu) vidu(bindu)-181&(1äth)
art(ri)yam-anuchintya(chintya) manusya(shya)
29 va[*]
267
ji(ji)vitam
33 cha [*] sakalam-idam=udarha (hri)tam [cha*] vu(bu)dhā(ddhvā) na hi purusai(shaiḥ) para-ki(ki)rtayō
34 vilōpya[*] Likshi(khi) tam=idam sandhivigrahi-Asō(śō)kadamtēna [*]
35 Utkirnam" cha kamsara-kulaputraka-Vimalachandrēna(na) | Lamchhita®
36 cha śrī-Ma(Ma)hādēvya [*] Unya(un-a)ksharam-adhik-aksharam va tat-sarva(rvam) pra[māņam-iti [*]
D.-Plates of Rāņaka Jayavarmadēva,
The inscription is on three copper-plates, each measuring about 63" in breadth and 3" in height. The plates are held together by a ring, about 34" in diameter. To this ring is affixed a circular seal, about 1" in diameter. The seal, which is broken on one side, bears the figure of a seated bull. Above this bull is a crescent, and below it a lotus, of which five petals are visible. The three plates, with ring and seal, weigh 104 tolas. The first plate is inscribed on one side only and the second and third plates on both, the sides. There are altogether 37 lines of writing, which are distributed as follows: the first plate has 8 lines; the second, 7 lines on each side; and the third, 8 lines on the first side and 7 lines on the second side. The plates have rims slightly raised for the protection of writing, which is in a good state of preservation almost throughout.
The characters are of the South Indian Nagari type and probably are not much later than the 10th century A.D. The language is Sanskrit. Words like darashana (1. 23) and varisha(1.28), which are found in the text, are evidently due to Prakrit influence. Excepting the benedictive and imprecatory verses in lines 25-33, the record is in prose. In respect of ortho graphy the following points call for notice: b and v are not distinguished; s is often used for s
1 Read puny-abhivriddhaye.
Read pratipaditam-asmā°.
Read bhumis-tasya.
+ The second half of this verse has been omitted, which is sva-danat-phalam-anantyam para-dati-änupălanë. The second half of this verse has been omitted, which is åkshēpta ch-anumanta cha tany-ēva narake varët. Metre: Pushpitägrä.
"Read utkirnam. Read lanchhitam.

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and vice versa; sh stands for & in shatki-traya- (1. 5) and for sin vashundharā (1. 27); visarga has been wrongly used and wrongly dropped in several instances.
The grant was issued by the Paramamahēsvara Rānaka sri-Jayavarmadēva of the Ganga family from his residence at Svēta. Its object is to register the gift of a plot of land in the Pa. dala[sujiga village situated in the Khalugakhanda-vishaya on the occasion of an equinox, to Bhata putra Padma, (a Brahmana) of the Vatsa-gotra, the Pancharshi-pravara, and the Kānvasākha. Lines 16-19 give in detail the boundaries of the plot of land. The grant was engraved by Vimalachandra, written by Samanta, and registered by Tri-Kalinga-mahadevi.
The inscription is dated in the hundredth year (in words and numerical symbols) apparently of the Gangēya era.
Jayavarman, by whom this charter was issued, is distinct from and later than the Maharaja Jayavarma of grant A above
TEXT.
First Plate. 1 Om svasti [ll] Śē($vēt)-adhishtḥānād=bhagavatas-char-achara-gurð[bo] B&($a)ka2 la-sasä($abā)ńka-sēkhara-dharasyah(sya) thity-utpati--pralaya-kāraņa-he3 tör=Mahēndräscha(cha)la-sikhara-niväsinah Srimad-Gökarnēsva(rņēsva)4 ra-bhattārakasya charaṇa-kamal-ārädhan-āvāpta-punya(nya)-ni5 chaya[h*) shatki(sakti)-traye-prakarsh-anurañjit-ásē(67)sha-sāmanta-chakra[b*] bva(sva)6 bhujā(ja)-va(ba)la parakram-akrāntah(nta)-sakala-Kaling-adhirājyēliyah) parama7 mähēsva(sva)ro mātä-pitsi-pa(pā)d-anudhyāto Gang-amala-kula-tilaka8 Rāņaka-sri-Jayavarmadēva[1] kusa(sa)li || Khalugakhā(kha) da-visha
Second Plate; First Side. 9 (yë) srisämanta-mä(ma)häsāmanta-räjänaka-räjā(ja)putra-kumā. 10 råmäty-utparie-dandanayaka-vishayapati-gråmapatin-anya[m]11 Sucha chita-bhä(bha)ţa-väla(valla)bha-jāti(ti)ya[n]!! yath-arha(rhar) mănaya12 ti võ(bo)dhayati samādisa(ka)ti [cha*) viditam=astu bhavata[m] l' éta13 d-vishaya-sama(mba)ndha(ddha)-grāmö-ya(yam) Padala[su]óga-nama(mā) tasya madhe
(madhye) 14 khända-kshētra-kariya chhēdaddatam chatu-simā-paryanta-va15 satigrāma-madhē padra-sahitēna datam kehitrasya simă
[There is enough room for suspicion about the genuineness of this record. The donor Jayavarmadova, though only & Ra aka, is given such titles as are found in the records of the paramount rulers of the Eastern Ganga dynasty and like many of them he issues the grant from Svēta. It cannot be argued that he is only a late ruler of the family and has copied portions from earlier grants. The year 100, which is given in decimal figures, is apparently meant to refer to the Ganga ere. But the script used in the inscription though containing a mixture of early and late forms as found in many Ganga records must on the whole be placed at a date much later than the 6th century A.D.-Ed.)
From impressions and the original plates. • Expressed by a symbol. • Read sthity-utpatti-. . This mark of punctuation is superfluous. • Read ty-oparika.
From here onward the text is given uncorrected, as it contains too many mistakes.

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FOUR GANGA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS: D.-PLATES OF RANAKA JAYAVARMADEVA,
demneनहिन्मुख 2 7TIDIOनालय 12
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N. P. ORAZBAVARTI. ReNo. 1800237-275.
BCALE: SEVEN-EIGHTHS.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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No. 43.) SIX SILAHARA INSCRIPTIONS IN THE PRINCE OF WALES MUSEUM. 269
Second Plate ; Second Side. 16 parilikhitam purva-kõņēna gādari dhruvam tasya thito dakhi. 17 n-abhimukhēna gitar dakhiņēna tu vakra-vivakrēna gåta pachhi. 18 mã mukhan gåtar grāmatah Tērtura-g[r*]ama-sändhi thito utar-abhimukhe cha 19 utarēna patha-paryanta ēta chatu-sim-opalikhitan cha Vachha-go. 20 trāyaḥ pañch-arishaya-pravarāyah Kanva-săkhāya bhata(tta)putra-Padma-ma21 hatrayaḥ iha va Visuva-sakrāntyā datam li mātā-pitrõr=ātmana22 g-cha puny-ūpividhdhae salila-dha[ri*l-puraḥsarēna chandr-ärka-thiti-sama
Third Plate ; First Side. 23 kala akarikțitya pratipădito=smabhirayatanissana-darashana 24 dharma-gauravad asmäd-gauravá cha na kēnachit=paripathinā bhavi. 25 tavya tathā cha pathyatë dharma-sästra [*] Vahubhir=vasudha dată rājāna (Sa*]ga26 r-adibhiḥ [l*) yanya yasya yadā bhumi tasya tasya tada phalam [1] Sva-data para-da27 täm vi yo hareti vashundhara [*]sha vishthaya kimi bhutvä pit;ibhi 28 saha pachyatēh " Shasthin varisha-sahasrani svarga mõdati bhūmida [*] achhi. 29 ptá ch=ānumatyä dva ēva naraka vrajyota ! Sa dānät=phalan kuryä para-da30 t-ánupālanam (*) ubhan to punya-karmāņau niyatau sarga-gaminau [*]
Third Plate ; Second Side. 31 Iti kamala-dal-āmvu-vindu-lölā srim-anuchintya manushya). 32 jivitañ-cha sakalamidam=udāhritan vu[dhvā] na hi purashai para). 33 kitayo vilopya Utkirnañ=cha Vima[la*]chandrēs na*) li Sāma[ntē). 34 na lanchhitari cha śri-Tri-Kali(i)nga-mā(ma)hädēvyā.......... pra35 vardhdhamāna-vijaya-rajyē samvachhare sa[tē] ankön=äpi varsha 100 [*] 36 Uny-aksharam-adhik-akshara ya............ tat-sarvvam pramāņam=i37 til
No. 43.-SIX SILAHARA INSCRIPTIONS IN THE PRINCE OF WALES MUSEUM.
By H. D. SANKALIA, M.A.,.LL.B., PH.D. (LOND.), AND S.C. UPADHYAYA, M.A., LL.B.
The following six inscriptions of the Silāhāra dynasty lying in the Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay, are collectively published here from the stones themselves as well as with the help of the ink-impressions and photographs. Though their contents have been briefly referred to at some places, their regular publication now enables us to correct many conjectural readings of dates and names. We take this opportunity of expressing our gratitude to the Trustees of the Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay, for kindly allowing us to edit these inscriptions and also to Mr. Acharya, Curator of the Archeological Section, for giving considerable help at every stage of the work.
All the inscriptions have been found, as noted in detail under each inscription, in the vicinity of Bombay and they refer to lands donated therein. Hence the epithet the Silahāras of Northern Konkan" as applied to the kings of these inscriptions seems to be correct, though it
* Bomb. Caz., Vol. I, Pt. ii, pp. 19-21; Vol. XIII, Pt. ii, p. 4:26; Vol. XIV, Appendix A, pp. 385, 388 ; also Altckar, Indian Culture, Vol. II, pp. 130-31.
• Bomb. Gar., Vol. I, Pt. ii, pp. 19-21 aud 338; also Altekar, op. cit., p. 401.

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must be noted that the inscriptions give no pedigree; even the dynastic title. Silāhāra' is not found except in inscriptions B and C. The relationship of the kings mentioned in these inscriptions, which are arranged below in chronological order, therefore, remains undetermined. These records extend over a period of about 125 years from the time of Aparāditya (I), Saka 1060 to that of Sõmēsvara, Saka 1182.
The find-spots of these inscriptions and the places mentioned therein indicate that the sway of the Northern Silāhāras extended at least over the modern Panvel, Bassein, Bhiwndi, Thāna and perhaps Kalyan Talukās of the Bombay Presidency.
Oue peculiarity of these inscriptions may be noted. Below every inscription there is a sculpture of an ass covering a woman, and this is a representation of the curse in old Marathi which can be partly read only in C.
The curse and the sculpture are also found in an inscription, (now in the P. W. M.) of the Yadava Ramachandra of Saka 1222 which is published below. We are unable to trace back at present, the existence and use of the curse and its representation, but it seems to have become popular after the 10th century.
The script is Dēvanagari with a few traces of the earlier Nagari letters seen, for example, in i, ja, and in the use of mātrās.
The language is corrupt Sanskrit and the text is usually in prose except for II. 1-2 and 17-18 in F, containing a prayer to Ganapati and the usual imprecatory verse about the violation of the grant.
As regards orthography, may be noted the use of-(i) the dental sa for the palatal sa ; (ii) the anusvāra for the nasal, e.g.,mardala for mandala ; (iii) ja for ya : surja for surya and (iv) chha for stha.
Prākrit formations are found usually in the names of ministers and other officers, in those of villages and in the grant portion. In the last may be noted the words like deyire (D, 1. 11), bhatārem (E, 1. 10), thākurāchi (F, 1. 11). Deyāve seems to be the old Marăthi form of dyare; hhațāveTM, if the reading is correct, is perhaps a local dialectical formation; and the genitive formation with chi in thâkurāchi is even now common in modern Marathi..
A word may be said about the method of punctuation in these inscriptions. In inscriptions A, B and F either one or two dots (which at first may be mistaken for a visarga) are placed as stops instead of dandas. Inscription E has no stop at all; whereas in inscriptions C and D the usual dandas are found.
A.--Chânje Inscription of Aparādityadēva (I): Śaka 1060. This inscription was found from the village Chanje near Uran in 1881. The stone on which it is inscribed is 2' 9" x 1' 21" and the inscribed portion which contains 17 lines of writing is 1' 11" x 1' 21". The average size of letters is y". At the top of the stone are
1 Also in an Inscription of Aparāditya (II), J. B. B. R. A. 8., Vol. XII, p. 333. * Its echoes are still heard in the language of the masses.
Bhagwanlal Indraji notes (J. B. B. R. A. S., Vol. XII, p. 333) that inscriptions with such sculptures were seen by him in Gujarat and Kathiwar and at some places on the Coromandel coast. [Such representations are alan found outside the Bombay Presidency : e.g., at Gooty fort in the Madras Presidency there is an inscription with similar depiction. See also copper-plate from Rajapura in Bastar State, E.' S. A. (Above, Vol. IX, plate fucing p. 179).-Ed.)
lan obliged to Profs. Bhagavat and Shembavnekar, of St. Xavier's College, Bombay, for this information.-H. D. S.
• Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, Pt. ii, p. 19, n. 2.

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figured in low relief, on the left, the Sun, and on the right, the Moon. Below the inscribed portion is cut out a square 9" x 9" and this contains a representation of the curse mentioned above.
It is dated in Saka 1060, Magha Suddha 1, both in words and in numerals. This is equivalent to Thursday, 13th January, A.D. 1138, when the Southern cyclic year (which is not mentioned in the inscription) was Pingala.'
This inscription records the grant of a mango (?) field in Naguma village to one Sridhara for the welfare of the king's mother Liladevi and also the grant of some land in Chadija village by the King Aparadityadeva himself. The latter grant, it appears, was made separately on a solar eclipse.
The King styles himself as a Mahamandalesvarādhipati and the administration was carried on by the Mahamatya śrī-Sōdha (?) Nayaku, the Mahasamdhivigrahika śrī-Amuka, the Mahāpradhana śri-Lakshmanaiyaprabhu in charge of the śrikarana and bhānḍāgara, in the first instance, and in the second, Sena Amuka, etc.
King Aparadityadeva is to be identified with the ruler of the same name mentioned in the Vadavali plates, (also called Aparajita), as the son of Anantapala of the Silära family. According to these plates he was the ruler of the whole of Konkan, though the title he claims there is that of a Mahamandalesvara only. Aparaditya of our inscription is further identified with Aparaditya, King of Kunkana who sent an ambassador called Tejakantha to Kashmir."
However, Aparaditya of this inscription is different from the one mentioned in D, whose minister Lakshmananayaka gave some land to god Sōmanatha of Surashtra. That king, as it has been pointed out below, is Aparäditya II."
This is the first stone inscription of Aparaditya I published so far; if we include the Vadavali plates, it would be his second inscription.
The villages Naguma and Chaḍija may be identified, as already suggested,10 respectively with the modern Nagaon, which is about 2 miles10 S. W. and Chanje, which is about 2 miles W. of Uran in the Panvel Taluka of the Bombay Presidency.
1 Cf. S. K. Pillai, Indian Ephemeris, Vol. III, p. 278.
According to Bomb. Gaz., op. cit., p. 19, n. 2, " of a garden".
There are stops indicated in the original by a dot placed on the right hand top corner of the letter. That this interpretation is correct is shown by referring to the copper plate of Anantadeva.of Saka 1016 (Ind. Ant., Vol. IX, p. 33), where the divisions are clearly indicated by vertical bars. See also J. B. B. R. A. 8., Vol. XII, p. 333.
Altekar calls him Apararka (I), op. cit., p. 411, and attributes the Vadavali plates to him. These plates, however, mention this ruler as Aparaditya (also Aparajita) and not as Apararka.
J. B. B. R. A. 8., Vol. XXI, p. 508, 1. 30.
• According to Mankha's Srikanthacharita, sarga 25, élõkas 108-111, first cited in Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, Pt. ii, p. 19, n. 2.
1 Sōmēsvaradeva had a minister called Taijaprabhu. See E below. Altekar, op. cit., p. 411, who identifies him with Aparaditya I, is wrong. For he bases his argument on an inscription of Aparaditya (in A. B. O. R. I., Vol. V, p. 169) of (V. S.) 1176. The reading of the date, as has been pointed out below, is wrong for in V. S. 1176, the cyclic year was not Viśvāvasu as mentioned in the inscription. [See below p. 277 n. 2.-Ed.]
Another inscription of Saka 1051 is cited from Festgabe der Hermann Jacobi by Kane, History of Dharmabastra, Vol. I, p. 333 and by Altekar, The Silähäras of Western India (Ind. Cul., Vol. II, p. 411, and n. 5). [This stone inscription is now preserved at Cintra, near Lisbon, in Penha Verde (Green Rock) which had been the country seat of Dom João de Castro, the Portuguese Viceroy in India. The date of the record as given by Hultzsch, the editor, is Saka-samvatu [1]059 Pingala-samvatsare Chaitra buddha 12 and not Saku 1051 as stated by Kane.-Ed.]
10 Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, Pt. i, p. 19, n. 2 and Vol. XIII, Pt. ii, p. 426 give 4 miles but referring to the modern Taluka map (1924) the distance seems to be 2 miles only.
E 2

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TEXT.
1 'खस्ति जयस्था(चा)भ्युदयच सकपकालातीतसंवत्स 2 [र"]स(श)तेषु दशसु षष्ठि(टी)त्यधिकेषु यत्रांकतोपि शकसंवत १.. 3 माघ सुध १ पु(पूर्वसमस्तराजावलीविराजितमहामंडलेख (ख)रा4 धिपति श्रीमदपरादियदेवकल्याण विजयराज्ये तथैतबसादा5 [] समस्तमंडलचिंताभा[२] समुहति । महामात्यत्रीसोढद[ना*]8 यकु महासांधिविग्रहीक[श्री च]मुक श्रीकरण भांडागार"] 7 प्रथमच्छे (स्थे) पाटी महाप्रधानश्रीलमय प्रभो तिौयच्छे(खें) 8 [पा*]द्य सेन श्रीषमुक इत्यादि बौकरणे सत्येतस्मि' काले प्रव. 9 []माने श्रीमदपरादिस्यदेवेन स्वकीयपरिषदे [पात्मवेयोर्थे] 10 नागुममध्ये(ध्यवर्ति पांवक्षेत्र स्वकीयमात[:] श्रीलीलादेव्या[:] श्रे11 [यो ]) श्रीधरक्रमविदारामकरसिया ना]दायाकस्य च पाराम[क]. 12 मभ्यंतरीत्य सहचमालाकुल[:.] सतुणकाष्ठोदकोपत[:] स्व[सौ"]. 13 म(मा)पर्यंत । पुर्वत [पंज:] दषिणता अंबडा पश्चिम पगाग । उत्तरग 14 [मा']र्ग 1.12 उदकातिसर्गेण प्रदत्तं । तथा श्रीमदपरादित्यदेवेनै(न) मू16 यंपर्चणि । [मुरुक्षेचे । वादु -- 1 विधिकेभ्यः चडिजग्रामात् 18 4-मकः उदकातिसर्गेण धम(म)स्य कृत्वावा) प्रदत(त): [स्वस्य यो]17 बया करोति तस्य पु(पूर्वपुरुष एक विंशति -- " रौरव म.
* There might be a symbol for om before this as found in other Silahira grants. • Read Buddha. • The small circle signifies a stop. • A broken letter can be seen on the stone; it has not come out on the impression.
. Whether this word should be padi (padi) or pådhi cannot be ascertained. In an inscription of the ParamArms of Aba, V. 8. 1894, now in the Vakinhtha Asrama at Aba, I found the words mahaddvapidhi in the same context as above.-H. D. S.
• Read patyän.
Read Gemin. • Read piruvata). •Apparently.place-name. 10 Read dakshinatas. 11 Read uttaralah. 11 The visarga should precede the stop. "Two letters illegible. [Reading seems to be Vadu-jyawishikibhya Chadija-gramina(a-ayrāmakad.-Ed.] 14 This letter is broken. 1. The initial i oan be clearly seen on the stone. The rest of the line is illegible. 10 Letters illegible. [Reading is samshyakhya)ks.-Ed.) 11 The following letter and the next line bave partly pooled off.

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B.- Agashi Stone Inscription of Haripaladēva : Saka 1072, This inscription was found near Agāshi in 1881.' It is inscribed on a stone which is 9'84" by 1'43". The inscribed portion measures 14" X 16" and contains 16 lines. The last line is not complete and it appears that the inscription contained a line or two more which are now peeled off. The average size of letters is 3". Below the inscribed portion is a sculpture similar to that in A, cut in a rectangle 12" x 3". At the top are the Sun on the left and the Moon on the right and between them a kalasa.
It is dated Saka 1072 , Pramoda Samvatsara, Märgatirsha suddha 1, which corresponds to Wednesday, 22nd November, A.D. 1150.
The inscription records that in the reign of Silāhāra Haripäladēva, Ahavamalladöva, who was in the enjoyment of the Vattāra village in Sürpăraka, granted something (?) for the. (worship of) Śiva of Anēvadi in charge of Pațakila Rājānaka to Upadhyāyas: Brahma. dēva-bhatta, Divākara-bhatta and Govardha[na]bhatta', on the Uttarāyana samkrānti day. The witnesses to the grant were the headmen of the Vattāra village, to wit, Risi Mahattara and also Nāguji Mahattara, Anamtanāyaka and Chāingadēva Mahattara. The king styles himself as a Mahamandalesvarādhi pati and the administration was carried on by śri-Vēsupadavala, the Mahāpradhana Sri-Lakshmanaprabhu, the Mahāpradhana sri-Padmasiva Răula, and the Pradhana Väsugi Nāyaka.
This is the first inscription of King Haripāladeva so far published. On the strength of his other dated unpublished inscriptions, he may be regarded as the successor of Aparāditya I and the predecessor of Mallikarjuna (A.D. 1155-1170). But it must be noted that he is not mentioned in the subsequent inscriptions of the dynasty. Perhaps his relation with his predecessor is shown by the name of his minister the Mahapradhana Lakshmanaprabhu ; the same name figures among the ministers of Aparaditya I.
Surppäraka is the modern Nala Sopara and Vattāra is to be identified with Vatar, a village about 6 miles N. W. of Nala Sopara, and 4 miles S. W. of Agashi. All the villages are in the Bassein Tālukā of the Bombay Presidency.
TEXT. 1 aty after warga? (2) Tuatemia (]uag (u)! 2 frenifuay vifo bag() Por FHYTT3 mamife(fy)? E gaten we afumat(at) dau[*]F747
( )
1 Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, Pt. ii, p. 19, n. 3; also noticed by Altekar, Ind. Cul., II, p. 431, No. 14. * Cf. Pillai, Indian Ephemeris, Vol. III, p. 303.
• According to Bhagwanlal Indraji," the permanent income of Shrinēvadi in charge of a Pattakil (Pâtil) named Raja.” Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, Pt. ii, p. 19, n. 3. [In my opinion the sense of the passage is that the Mard. pradhana Ahavamalla granted to Brahmadēva wpadhaya the fixed income (siddh-ayr) of (the village) Anevadi which was probably in charge of the Patta kila Räjánaka. According to this interpretation Rájánaka would be . proper name and not a title. See also p. 274, n. 3, below.-Ed.)
Bhagwanlal takes Brahmadēvabhatta as the son and grandson of the two latter respectiveiy; be also reada Govardhana for Govaddha. [See p. 274, n. 3, below.-Ed.)
Of Saks 1071 and 1075 referred to in Bomb. Gaz., op. cit., p. 19, n. 3. • Denoted by a symbol.
Should be oyas-cha. . This letter an is superfluous. Read Auddha.

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[VoL.XXIIL.
+ श्रीसीलाहारनरेंद्रजीमूतवाहनान्वयप्रसूतसमस्तराजाव5 लीसमलंचतमहामण्डलस(ख)राधिपतिथीमद(द)हरिपालदेव6 कवाणविजयराज्ये । तबसादावाप्तसमस्तमंडलचिन्ताभा7 () समुहहति श्रीवसुपडवल ।' तथा महाप्रधान बोलम(स)ण8 प्रभो । तथा महाप्रधान श्रीपसि(शिव राउल 1 तथा प्रधान वास. 9 गिनायक । सत्येतस्मिन् काले प्रवर्तमाने । बोसू(शू)ोरक10 सवहारग्रामप्रभू(भु)ज्यमान्(न)मा[प्रधा[नधीपाहवमनदेवेन । 11 श्रीगोवईभटउपाध्याय च दिवाकरभट उपाध्यासुत (ब)चदेव12 भट उपाध्ये ।' महापर्वणि उतगण' संक्रांतिसमये धर्मेण उदकपू13 बक(क)।' पटकील रानानक पानेवडिसि(शि)वाय प्रदत्त[:]।' पाचंद्रार्क14 तारक जावतु तिष्ठति मेदिनी केनापि --' वा(बा)धा न करणीया ।' 15 अपार्थे साक्षि बहारग्रामप्रमुख रिसिम्हतारा ।' तथा साधि नागुजिम्ह16 तारा। तथा साचि अनंतनायक। साचि चांगदेव म्हत(ता)र----
C.-Bassein Stone Inscription of Mallikarjuna : Saka 1083, This inscription is reported to have been brought from Bassein, and it is briefly noticed in the Bombay Gazetteer. The stone measures 3' 53' by 1'61' and the inscribed portion 14' by 14". It contained 18 lines, but, now, the last line is almost illegible. Below the inscribed portion, in a rectangle there is a representation of the ass-curse similar to that noticed before, though it is much worn out. At the top, between the inscribed portion and the figures of the Sun and the Moon, in & rectangle there are two figures and between them are two one big and the other
1 Stop indicated by two dots which look like the visarga sign.
: The last syllable of this line and the first of the next are not clear. [Reading may be Stil Stü)rppärakack-d). ntarggulu.-Ed.]
. May stand for Govardhana as suggested by Bhagwanlal Indraji (Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, Pt. ii, p. 19, n. 3). (TO me the reading appears to be Gõvanna-bhata-upadhyā ya]-suta-Divakara, eto. In this case the donee would be only Brahmadēva.-Ed.)
• Read Uttarayana. . [Reading seems to be Anévadi-sid (ddh)-aya. See p. 273, n. 3, above.-Ed.] • Read -larakanyāvat. * These two letters are not clear. • The last syllable is not clear; it looks like kaha.
Stop indicated by two dots which look like the visarga siga. 10 Read ad.kahi. 11 This portion of the line is not clear.
11 Bomb. Gaz., Vol. XIII, Pt. ii, p.428,n.42 Vol. XIV, p. 388 and Vol. I. Pt. ii, p. 20,n.15 see also above. Vol. VII, Appendix, p. 56, n. 4. Altekar, (op. cit., Vol. II, p. 416) calls this the Chiplan stone inscription. But tbis inscription is dated, according to Kielhorn, in Sala 1078 (+), Dhätri Samvatsara, Vaisakha Suddha s. Tuesday. See above, Vol. VII, Appendix, p. 56, No. 311, and Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, Pt. ii, p. 19, and Vol. XIV. B.380. So the inscription that Altekar seems to have " traced" in the P.W.M.in the Bassein stone insorip. tion atul not the one from Chiplun.

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small-Siva-lingas. The figure on the right, probably a woman with peculiar head-dress is seated facing the full front and its left hand is held over the big linga. The figure on the left is seated similarly, with its right hand supported by the left resting on the small linga. The big linga is placed on a very high yonipatta.
It is dated saka 1083, Vrisha Samvatsara, Pushya (Pausha) Vadi 15, Soma-dino which would correspond to January 17, A.D. 1162, when there was a solar eclipse. This seems to be the intended date in our inscription though the week-day would be Wednesday.
It records that in the reign of Silāhāra king Mallikarjunadēva, lord of Tagarapura, something was repaired and a garden called Lona in Padhālasaka in KațashadiVishaya was granted to a teacher (vajha = Skt. upādhyāya). The name of the donor cannot be read with certainty. The ministers mentioned are the Mahāsāṁdhivigrahika Prabhākara Nāyaka, and the Mahāpradhana sri-Anata(Ananta)paiprabhu.
There is no evidence at present to connect Mallikarjuna with other kings of the dynasty of the Northern Silāhāras. But he seems to be identical with Mallikārjuna mentioned in the Kumāra pālacharita? and hence a contemporary of the Gujarāt Chaulukya king Kumārpāla (c. 1145-1171 A.D.). The other known date of Mallikarjuna is Saka 1078.
Mallikārjuna is called Tagarapura-paramēsvara, the Lord of the city of Tagara'. As the title is also assumed by the kings of the Kolhapur branch of the Silāhāras, it only implies, as has been suggested to that the original home of the Silahāras was Tagara.
Among the place-names, Lona may be identified with Lonad, a village 6 miles E. of Bhiwnditi in Bhiwndi Talukā. Padhālasaka, though it cannot be identified now, must be a
It is neither 1082 (as read in Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, Pt. ii, p. 20, n. 1 and Vol. XIII, Pt. ii, p. 426) nor 107(9) but is 1083 As once read in Bomb. Gaz., Vol. XIV, p. 386, for the last digit is definitely 3 on the stone, though on the impression the lower half of 3 seems to form a circle. The numeral before it is 8. For an identical form of it see the date portions, lines 5 and 9 in the two inscriptions of Sõmēsvaradēvs below, where no doubt exists as to the numerical value of that sign. Moreover, on going through the Ephemeris it will be found that it is only in Saka 1083 that Vrisha Samvatsara occurs and in no other. [It appears to me that the last digit was first written as 9 and then corrected into 3. The penultimate digit is different from the symbol for 8 in E and F below and looks more like 7. But as 1073 would be too early for Mallikarjuna and neither this date nor 1079 would admit of verification, it may be that the intended date is 1083 and the engraver wrote the figure of 7 instead of that of 8 by mistake.-Ed.]
The reading in Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, Pt. ii, p. 20, n. 1 and Vol. XIII, Pt. ii, p. 426, n. 4, is" Vishva", whereas in Vol. XIV, p. 386, it is " Vrisha ".
Perhaps identical with the modern Lonad. See Bomb. Gaz., Vol. XIV, p. 212. • Bomb. Gaz. Vol. XIV, p. 386 reads "Shilárvavak" and " Katakhadi" instead of " oshadi".
It is definitely not the king. Perhaps the grantors are Rājaguru Vēdasiva and the Bhopaka (temple priest ?) Vyömasiva as suggested in Bomb. Gus., Vol. XIV, p. 386.
• Ministers with the same names are mentioned in the Parel Inscription of Aparādityadēva Saka 1109, J.B. B. R. A. S., Vol. XII, p. 333.
See canto VI, verses 65 to 70. The relation was first pointed out in Bomb. Gas., Vol. I, Pt. ii, p. 20, n. l. For details regarding the relation sec ibid. As Dvyasraya-kavya, another work by Hēmachandra, does not incntion it, it appears that the war with Mallikarjuna took place after the events described in that work.
According to a stone from Chiplūņ, see Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, Pt. ii, p. 19.
"Exact identity of this city is not yet established. Fleet identified it with Ter, 95 miles S. E. of Paithan (J. R. A. S., 1901, pp. 537-52). For other suggestions and references see Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, Pt. ii, p. 3, n. 6; p. 16, n. 4, etc.
10 Bomb. Gaz., op. cit., p. 536; subsequently Altekar, Ind. Cul., Vol. II, p. 396, following Jsin, who oites relevant extracts from Karakanda-C(ch)ariu. A. B. O. R. I., Vol. XVI, pp. 1-11.
11 This is as it is spelt in the modern Taluki map. It should be Bhiwandi.

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bigger village comprising Lõna. Katashaçi Vishaya cannot be located with any certainty at presents
TEXT. 1 श्री स्वस्ति सकुसंवत् १.८३ [] षसम्व]स(स)रांतर्गत2 पुष्ये' मासि वदि १५ सोमदिने ॥ सूर्ज(य)पर्वणि । 3 पधेश समधिगताशेषपंचम[] स(स)ब्दमहासामंता4 धिपतितगरपुरपरमेश्वर । श्रीसिलाधार भरेंद्र 6 इत्यादि समत्त(स्त)रा[जा*]वलीविराजितश्रीमलिकार्जनदेव6 राज्ये । महासांधिविग्रहिकप्रभाकरनायको(क:) श्रीक7 रणे प्रथमस्थपाटि महाप्रधाननीषणत(नन्त)पैप्रभो हिती. 8 य[स्थ] पाटि अमुक । सत्ये तमिमन्] काले प्रवर्तमाने सति । 9 राजगुरु श्रोवेदसि (शि)व । भोपदे [व'] 'व्यमसि(श)व विवेक - - 10 गुणपल[निधिः] ॥ संपतिसापः" । सत्कीर्ति पुण्यः । (श्रे)यः फले 11 ज(या चककल्प वृक्षः । श्रीभोपकव्यमसिवो विभाति । 12 - - - स जीर्मोधारो कारित(त:) । महदुगिवझासुतः । लाष13 श वाहक तक्तत: ----- प्रसादेन । ताभ्यं गुरुकुले 14 ----- बटषडीविषयांतपाती । पढालसकस । लो 16 नवाटके साषण उवाइहाय दत:(त्त) । [तथा]-------- पः सो-- 16 म प्रदत(त्त:) । जयच -- ष अष्टापास्यमेन वापः तपि सधणल 17 ---- न केना -प्रति: विजातीय य[स] परिप(पंथी --- 18 तस्व माता गदमेन . . . . . . .
1 Indicated by a symbol. * Read Saka.
• The reading in Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, Pt, ü, p. 20, n. 1 and in Vol. XIII, Pt. ii, p. 426, n. 4, is Vishuu but in Vol. XIV, p. 386 it is l'risha. As pointed out above the correct reading is Vrish.
• Read Paushe. • Dunda unnecessary. • Apparently the two letters ra and da look similar, so Bomb. Guz., Vol. XIV, p. 386 reads as Dievo * Bomb. Gaz., op. cit., reads as Dharmasira.
• Not clear. [This is a verse in Upajati metre and the correct reading seems to the Fireke-niile(18) yara-palaa (lla)e-aughah san pati(tti)-sápab(sakhah) sa cha kirtti-pushpah (U) srilare)yah-phalé(lo) juli)chaku-Kalpa-vriksha! fri-Bhopaku. Iyal Vyo) mnai(di)vo vibhati[*].--Ed.]
• Might be ripula. 10 Should be sam prati prūptah. 11 Read jirnöddharah.
11 Bomb. Gar, Vol. XIV, p. 386, reads Takhanak ideajha. Probably we have to rearl mjhikinakrilab. As the language of the root of the inscription is very corrupt the text is left uncorrecteel.
13 Bomb. Gaz., Vol. XIV. p. 386 seems to have read katakhadi ... . . . . Shilarvavak . . . [Reading seems to be ravika=Skt. rapii (?).-Ed.

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D.-Inscription of Aparādityadēva : [Saka) 1107. This inscription was formerly in the Museum of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, and seems to be identical with the one mentioned in the Bombay Gazetteer. However, it seems to be different from another inscription of this king which is dated in (Vikrama) Samvat, 1176, Sunday the 14th of the bright half of Chaitra. The stone measures l'11" by 1'5', and the inscribed portion l' 4" by 121". At the top, the stone is in the shape of a triangle, within which is carved a kalasa, resting on a linga.
The inscription is dated Saka) 11073 Viśvāvasu Samvatsara, Chaitra Suddha 15, Sunday. This is equivalent to Sunday, 17th March, A.D. 1185.
The inscription records that in the reign of Aparadityadēvat the Mahapradhana Lakshmaņa Nāyaka, son of Bhāskara Nāyaka, after having bathed in a tirtha (probably Somanātha in Käthiāwār) near the sea gave away something in a vātikā in Sthāna (modern Thana) and a sum of money for the worship, etc., of the god Somanātha in Saurāşhtra. The grant closes with the words "hail to the illustrious Chähadadēva "
This inscription resembles in some respects an inscription of Aparādityadēva of Saka 10497 and to A above belonging to Saka 1060. Our attention is drawn to the names of the king and the minister Lakşmaņaiya Prabhu, but it is otherwise different from the latter inscriptions. The present record is dated about sixty years later and we have dated records of two other rulers, viz., Haripäladēva and Mallikarjuna in between.
The inscription therefore belongs to the reign of Aparāditya II and not Aparaditya I as mentioned by Altekar.
The inscription shows that even in the last quarter of the 12th century, the temple of Somanātha in Saurashtra, though once destroyed by the Muhammadans, was still a popular shrine and that among its property could be counted some land in Konkan.
I Vol. I, Pt. ii, p. 20, n. 2. The date here mentioned is Sunday the sixth of the bright half of Chaitra, while the grant under question is dated on Sunday the 15th of the bright half of Chaitra. As there cannot be two Bun. days within 9 days, and as 15 can clearly be read in the inscription, the reading of the Gazetteer seems to be incorrect. The date is wrongly given in Ind. Ant., Vol. IX, p. 40, n. 62. The correct date has been noticed by Kielhorn in his List of Inscriptions of Southern India, p. 56, No. 312.-Ed.]
14. B. O. R. I., Vol. V, p. 170. Even if they were identical, as they are in their contents, the reading of the your and date seems to be wrong, for in Vikrama 1176 the Northern cyclio year was Subhakrit, and the Southern Vikarin. The Vikvivasu samvatsara occurs in Vikrama 1179; see Pillai, Indian Ephemeris, Vol. III, pp. 240 and 247. An examination of the text will show that this inscription is identical with the record under considere tion. Mr. Diskalkar is apparently wrong in the reading of the date and referring it to the Vikrama era.-Ed.] . .. Bomb. Gar., Vol. I, Pt. ii, p. 20, n. 2, reads 1109 and mentions the tithi as the sixth. This is wrong because the Southern cyclio year in 1109 was Plavangs and not Visvivasu; also the tithi Chaitra suddha 6 would tall on Saturday, whereas the day mentioned in the inscription is Sunday.
Neither any title of the ruler, nor the name of the dynasty is mentioned, though in his other inscription of Saka 1109 he is called Maharajadhiraja and Kön kanachakravartin: J. B. B. R. 4. 8., XII, p. 333. (This inaoription in dated Saka 1108 and not Saka 1109 as given in the Journal and read by Kielhorn (List of Incription of Southern India, No. 313). The Southern cyclic year in Saka 1109 was Plavanga, not Paribhava.-Bd.]
. Rather an unusual ending in a Silahāra inscription. • Cr. specially 11. 4-7 and II. 57-59 of the inscription of Saka 1049.
J.B.B. R. A. 8., Vol. XXI, p. 505. • Op. cit., p. 411, though the Bomb. (lar., Vol. I, Pt. ii, p. 30 had already credited it to Aparaditya II.
At thin time Kathia war still formed part of Gujarat, and the king of the latter was Obaulukya Bhima II.

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TEXT. 1 भीम संवत् ११.७ विस्वा(खा)वसुसंवच्छ(स)रे चैवशुद्ध १५ रखो(वौ) दिने 2 पोष श्रीमदपरादित्यदेवराव्धे । सौराष्ट्रीयत्रोसो3 मनाथदेवाय पूजासत्काराथें महामात्यत्रोलाव4 नायकेन प्रमोदधौ सुतोः खात्वा गगनैकचक्रचूडा6 मपये कमलिनीकामुकाय भगवते सवित्रे नानाविध. 6 कुसुमन्नाध्यमयं दत्वा(स्वा) सकलसुरासुरगुरुचैलोक्यस्खा7 मिनं भगवंतमुमापतिमभ्यर्थः । भास्करनायकपुषेण श्री8 लणनायकेन त्वात्मनेया(श्रेयो) श्रीदेवाधिदेवस्य श्री9 स्थानकौयपा[] नवाटिकामध्ये [दानविधौ दातव्यभा[ग] 10 दम ४ द[स्यावधीउप(प)त्तिसमग्रस्य] - - - - - दाम २४ 11 देयावे । शुभगे पूजापंचपर्वणि ------ - शि12 वराचिदक्षिणायण(न)उत्तरायण स्वस्ति श्रीचाहडदेवाय []
E.-Inscription of Soměsvaradēva : Saka 1181. This inscription was found in Ranvad near Uran. The stone measures 3' by l' 6". The inscribed portion is l' by 1' 5" and contains 11 lines of writing, the average size of letters being t". Below this is an ass sculpture differing slightly in position of the woman from those Doticed before, carved in low relief in a rectangle (18" x 11"). At the top, above the inscription, are the Sun and the Moon and between them a double kalasa..
The inscription is dated Saka 1181 Siddhartha Samvatsara Chaitra Vadi 15 (?) Monday, and reference is made in l. 9 to a suryaparvan but it is not clear whether it implies a solar eclipse, and whether the grant was made on that occasion.
The reading of the date however remains uncertain, for though according to Pillai? in Saks 1181 the Southern cyclic year was Siddharthin, Chaitra vadi 15 fell on a Thurdsay and radi 13 on Tuesday, while Monday, the day mentioned in the inscription, was a kshaya tithi and no solar eclipse occurred in that year. Under the circumstances we may read the tithi as 13, the date corresponding to 21st April, A.D. 1259, Monday.
It records that Somēśvaradēva, the paramount Lord of Konkana, granted some land (?)* in the village of Padivasa in Uraņa to Dāmódarabhatta on the occasion of surya-parvan (solar eclipse ?) for (the worship, etc.,) of Sambhu.
The ministers of Sömēsvara were the Mahamatya Jhampadaprabhu, the Mahāsāndhivigrahika [Taijjaprabhu and Chandraprabhu in charge of the srikarana.
1 Expressed by a symbol. .This anuandra is placed on the left of the letter.
Should be param-ddadhan. • Both the visarga and the dandas are unnecessary. • Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, Pt. ii, p. 21, n. 1: also noticed by Altekar, Ind. Cul., Vol. II, p. 431, No. 97. • For a similar sculpture from Borivli see p. 279 below.
Indian Ephemeris, Vol. IV, p. 120. • Details are not clear to us.

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The inscriptions do not give any important information about Sōmesvara. He is merely called Konkanachakravartin and Mahārājādhirāja, titles which are mentioned in connection with Aparadityadeva II also. Neither is there any hint as to his relationship with his predecessor Kēsiraja whose two unpublished inscriptions are referred to in the Bombay Gazetteer. Probably he was a son of the latter as suggested by Altekar."
According to our present knowledge of the history of this family, Sōmēsvara seems to be the last king of the Northern Silahara dynasty. He was defeated and perhaps killed and the country conquered by Mahadeva3 of the (Devagiri) Yadava dynasty. Cousens thinks that the scene of the battle between Sömesvara and Mahādēva is sculptured on some stones lying about Borivli. In this connection it may be noted that the kalasa-like sculpture which appears on the middle stone, figured by Cousens, very much resembles in ornamentation the kalasa-like figure on the stone F described below.
Among the place-names Urapa is the modern Uran, and Paḍivasa may be identified either with Phunda about 2 miles north-east of Uran or with Panja, another village about 3 miles to the north of Uran, in the Panvel Taluka of the Bombay Presidency.
TEXT.
1
सति श्री [1] पद्येह समस्त राजावनीसमलंकृतमहाराजाधि 2 राज की [च] चक्रवर्त्तिचीमद (तु) सोमेश्वरदेव राय कल्याणविजयराज्ये
3 तथैत (अ) सादाव्या (वा) तस मस्त मंडल चिंता (ता) भारं समुद्दहति महामात्यश्री
4 झंपडप्रभु महासांधिविग्रही [ते] जप्रभु श्रीकरणी चंद (द्र) प्रभु इत्यादि श्री5 [करणमांडामारे सत्येतस्मिन् काले प्रश्तंमा ने] सति मकसंवत् १९८१ सि (क) चैत्रवदि १ [२] सामा: ( सोमे) श्रोदामोदर भट्ट तथा भ्रातर वासु[व] लेखन २ नारियले पायें निमि श्रीसूर्य दामोदरमहां विधा
6
8 उरणें पडिवसें [ग्राम ] प्रतिवहां खंडपलास्थानि 9 सममिती ३
10 बँक दामोदर भटायें
11 जो मंगलमडावीः ॥
चा भाग १ देउलेखंड निमित्ते सूर्यपर्वे हस्तोदकपू - करतिदोह
F.-Inscription of Sōmēsvaradeva: Šaka 1182.
This inscription was found from Chanje near Uran. The stone measures 3' 5" by 1' 7" and the inscribed portion is 1' 6" by 1' 5" and contains 18 lines; the average size of letters is". Below this, in a rectangle (16" x 11") was an ass-sculpture as in B, but now it is completely worn out. Above the inscription, between the Sun and the Moon, on a pedestal is a purna-kalasa; on its
1 Vol. I, Pt. ii, p. 20, n. 3.
Op. cit., p. 417.
* This is according to Hēmadri's Chaturvargachintamani, first cited in Bomb Gaz, Vol. I, Pt. ii, p. 246; then Altekar, op. cit., p. 417; Cousens, Mediaeval Temples of the Dakhan, p. 21; Chalukyan Architecture. p. 143, pls.
CLIII-IV.
Cousens, op. cit., p. 21, pl. XV.
Denoted by a symbol.
• Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, Pt. ii, p. 21.
P 2

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bulging part is a band and leaves on either side. The kalasa is crowned with what looks like a smaller kalata and may be a cocoanut.
___It is dated in Saka 1182, Raudra Sanvatsara Chaitra vadi 15, Monday on a solar eclipse. The date thus corresponds to Monday, April 12, A.D. 1260, when there was a solar eclipse.1
It records that Sömēsvaradēva, lord of Kõrkana, granted land* (whose limits are mentioned) in Kömthala văţika in the village of Chămdije in Urana and 162 Põrutthao (?) drammas to god Uttarēsvara of Śrl-sthăna on the occasion of an eclipse of the sun.
The king is the same as in E but the names of the ministers are different, except that of the Mahämätya who is, as before, Jhāmpadaprabhu. Other ministers are the Mahāsāṁdhivigrahika Mainiku, Bebalaprabhu, Pomadépandita, and Govénāku.
The places mentioned in the inscription, Urana and Chamdijöare the modern Uran and Chanja respectively, while Kontha(dha)lasthāna may be the same as Kaladhonda, a place a little north of Uran.
TEXT. 1 की नमो विनायकाय । संयो(बो)दर नमस्तुभ्यं सततं मोदकपयं ।' 2 अविघ्नं कुरु मे देव सर्वकार्येषु सर्वदा [*]| प्रवेश समस्तरा3 जावलीसमलंक्तमा(म)हाराजाधिराज°10 कोकणचक्रव4 तिचौसोमेख(ख)रदेवरायकल्याणविजयराज्ये तथैतबसादा5 व्या(वा)प्तसमस्तमंडलचिंताभारं समुहहति महामात्यत्रीझापडप्रभु 6 मा(म)हासांधिविग्रही माइनाकु बेवसप्रभु पोमदेपंडित श्रीकरणभां7 डागारे प्रथमच्छे। पाटी गोवेनाकु इत्येतस्मिन्काले प्रवर्तमाने सति श.
8 कनृपकालातीतसंवच्छ (म)रेसचे कादशमु०13 हासीत्यधौकेषु अत्रांकतोपि . 9 सकुसंवत ११८२ रौद्रसंवच्छरमु(सर) चैत्रवदि १५ सोमेदिने13 सूर्योपरागे - 10 रु(र)[ग्रामस्थभूव] चांडिजें ग्रामा(म)प्रतिब[]013 कोथले स्थानवाटिकाभू पस्य चा
1 Pillai, Indian Ephemeris, Vol. IV, p. 122. • In the inscription the word for this is bhd.
• [The inscription seems to record the gift of some building-site at Urana and some garden-land at Kömthala in the Chandije village.-Ed.]
• Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, Pt. ii, p. 21, n. 1, suggests that this might stand for Parthian drammas.
. Ibid., p. 21, n. 1, takes the drammas " as a fixed income of a garden in . . . . ." which does not seem to be correct, for if no land were granted it would not be necessary to mention its boundaries. [Apparently the money was granted in addition to the land.-Ed.]
• This name occurs also in inscription A, see p. 272, Text, 1. 16, above.
Denoted by asymbol. • The stop is indicated by two dote.
Read .priya. 10 This stop is superfluous. 11 Read the. 12 Read kat&sho-. 1 This dot which stands for a stop is unnecessary. 1. Reas dväsity-dhiktaku. 15 Read Saka-samvat. "[Reading seems to be trana dpard(gara)-IAC.-Ed.]

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No. 44.] A STONE INSCRIPTION OF YADAVA RAMACHANDRA : SAKA 1222. 281
11 घाटनानि" पूर्वे " सानुठाकुराची वृति (त्ति) दक्षिणें विष्णुन्हाचो वृति (त्ति) पखिमें 12 राजमार्ग उतरे विरा" एवं (च) तुराघाटनानि" सु (स्व) सीमापर्यतं सतृणकाष्ठो 13 दकोपेतं दायाद्यदि' संबंधविवर्जितं सर्वोत्पत्ति (त्ति) महितं सिधां-पोरुद्र
14 माणां दशविसो च दिषष्ठो द्रमात्यधी कर्मकशतानि
अंकतोपि द्र १२ ॥
15 श्रीस्थानीय श्रीउत्तरेख (ख) रदेवाय" शासनप्रतिबधं ( इं ) कत्वा" महाराजश्री - वर्तमानस्यास्य धर्मस्य परिपं
16 सोमेख (ख) रवेन" उदकातिसच प्रदत्तं ॥ 17 धना न से (के) नापि कार्या" वदतां (nt) कार्या" वदतां (त्तां) वसुंधरा (पठि(ष्टि)वर्ष
परदतां ( तां) वा यो हरेत् (त)
18 सांचि बिठायां जायते कमि (मिः) | मंगल मा(म) हाथो[:] [शुभं भवतु ।
No. 44. A STONE INSCRIPTION OF YADAVA RAMACHANDRA; SAKA 1222.
BY H. D. SANKALIA, M.A., LL.B., Ph.D. (LOND.) AND S. C. UPADHYAYA, M.A., LL.B.
This inscription is now preserved in the Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay. It is not known whence it came. The trustees of the Museum and the Curator, Mr. G. V. Acharya, have been good enough to allow us to edit it.
The stone on which it is inscribed measures 2' 8" by 1' 3", and the inscribed portion, which contains 17 lines of writing, is 1' 4" in length. The average size of letters is". Above the inscribed portion is cut out a rectangle 13" by 34". In this are carved in low relief, on the left the Sun and on the right the Moon. Above this on the apex is a kalasa. Below the inscribed portion also there is a rectangle, now half broken off, which contains the figure of an ass facing right as found in many other Silahāra and Devagiri Yadava inscriptions.5
The record is dated in Saka 1222 Sārvari Samvatsara, Srāvana Vadi 7, Monday and regularly corresponds to Monday 8th August, A.D. 1300.
The inscription is of Jaideva, a governor appointed by Ramadeva, to rule over Konkan. Rāmadēva himself was a commander-in-chief, and lord of the Western coast under Ramachandradēva, who bore the biruda Praudhapratāpachakravartin.
From the date and the biruda it is evident that the inscription belongs to the reign of Ramadēva or Ramachandradeva the last king of the Devagiri Yadavas. Though many copper plates and stone inscriptions of his or his reign are noted and a few published, this would be the first -stone inscription from Konkan ( ? ) published so far. However, so far as the date is concerned,
1 This dot which stands for a stop is unnecessary.
2 Read-mārgah.
3 Read rin-day-adi.
4 Read dvi-shashti-dramm-idhilaai satam = ēkuin
Cf. above pp. 270ff. and Vol. VII, Appendix, pp. 66 and 68, Nos. 372 and 381.
• See Rice, Mysore Inscriptions, and Graham, Kolhapoor, extracts from these are noted above, Vol. VII, Appendix, pp. 66-68 (Nos. 368-382).
Even the copper plate is only one, see J. R. A. S., Vol. V,
P. 178.

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282
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. XXIII.
we learn nothing new, as one more inscription of this year and one of a later date are already known.1
The names of the governor and the viceroy, Jäidēva and Rāmadēva respectively, are not found in earlier inscriptions. But Jäidēva seems to have succeeded Krishnadēva, who is mentioned in an earlier grant as the governor of Kõnkan. Ramadēva, however, may be identified with the person called Sri-Rāma mentioned in the Thâņā plates of the reign of the Yadava Ramachandra of $. 1212, according to which Kțishṇadēva was ruling over Kaunkaņa under the orders of Sri-Rāma, provided that Sri-Rāma, whose birudas, etc., are not given, is regarded as a different person, as suggested by the context, from the Yadava king, who in the two cases in which he is mentioned in the plates, is called Sri Ramachandradēva.
The object of the grant is to record the donation of a village, the name of which seems to be Supali. To the east of it was a village called Gharavali, and on the other three sides a river.
The inscription is in prose and the language incorrect Sanskrit and old Marāļhi. As regards orthography there is nothing particularly to note but the frequent use of dental sibilant for the palatal.
TEXT. 1 स्वस्ति श्री सकु(शकसंवत् १२२२ सा(शा)वरीसंवछ(स) । मा(श्रा)2 वणवदि ७ सोमे । अधेह श्रोमप्रौढप्रतापचक्रव3 तिश्रीरामचंद्रदेवविजयोदयो तत्यादपद्मोपजीवी(वि)4 महामंडलेख(ख)रसकलसैन्याधिपतिपश्चिमस6 मुद्राधिपतिथी--रामदेवन(न) निरोपितकीकण 6 [अ]धिकारी(रि)श्रीजाइदेव --'न श्रीरामदेवा(व)रा7 ज्ये जंवलें वीनवुनिकीकणसंबंधठाणा चादठ
8 - आ पैवाबहि° घाराचे पाकपाकनिप्रसा.9 दिदत्त निकलुके संबंध । अक्षण बाहेग्रामसुप10 ली । तस्य आघाटनान् । पूर्वे घारवलोग्राम(म) । प 11 विमें नदो । उत्तरें नदो । दक्षिणे नदो । एवं चतुरा12 घि आघाटनान् । स(स्व)सौमापर्यंत तणकाष्टोद13 कोपत सक्षमालानिधिनिक्षेपसहित महा14 दोषविवर्जित करुनिं चंद्रसूर्युतपतं घरैसब16 हि वाहरेनपुत्रपौत्री भोगावा हागांड । पालि16 सापुठीन् । जो लोपी तेहाची माए गाढउ झंवें । मं17 गलं माहाश्री सुमं भवतु ॥
1 See above, Vol. VII, Appendix, p. 68 (Nos. 381 and 582). * Thāna plates of S. 1212,J.R.A.N., Vol. V.p.178. .J. R.A.S., Vol. V. P. 178. Expressed by anymbol.
The reading, according to me, in R ain I. 5 sad Napina in I. 6. This title is also found in the unpublished Volapur inoription of the year Saka 1287, belonging to tbe same ruler-Ed.)
• The langasko is NO corrupt from barro that the text han muntly been left uncomold. ? This letter cannot be made out for merlain; it may l ri. * Thin letteer may also lne real mermi.

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No. 45.)
YOUR PANDYA RECORDS FROM UKKIRANKOTTAI.
283
No. 45.-FOUR PANDYA RECORDS FROM UKKIRANKOTTAI.
By A. S. RAMANATHA AYYAR, B.A., MADRAS. The subjoined Pandya records' come from Ukkiranköttai, a village in the Tinnevelly taluk of the Tinnevelly District. Three of them are in the Tamil language and are engraved in Vatteluttu characters assignable to the 10th century A.D., while the fourth in Sanskrit is in Grantha characters of the same period. There are no new points worth mentioning about the graphic peculiarities of these Vatteluttu and Grantha scripts, as they are of the usual variety employed in other contemporaneous records of the locality.
Record A is dated in the 13th year opposite to the 2nd year of reign of the Pandya king Sadaiya Märan and registers a gift of sheep by a lady named Tudaruri, wife of Tennavan Pallavadižraiyaq alias Māran -Suran for maintaining a perpetual lamp in the temple of god Aditya-Bhatāra: at the eastern entrance of Karavandapuram in Kaļakkudi-nāļu. Record B is a Sanskrit version of the same endowment made by Tudarüri, here called the wife of Srikantha. Sura to the temple of god Vikarttana at Karavandapura, but the king's name is not mentioned in it. Record C was originally engraved on a broad slab of stone, which has been cut longitudinally into two and planted in the temple compound to serve as gate-posts, and in the process, its first line containing the king's name has suffered mutilation. But the regnal year quoted for the king, viz., 2+9, as well as the fact that the same Tennavan Pallavadiäraiyan alias Kandan (Srikantha)Sügan is herein mentioned as being in charge of Kalakkuļi (Kaļakkudi mahānāyakam seyya perra) help us to attribute this inscription also to the Sadaiya-Māran of record A. Further, as it is stated that this Pallavadišraiyan erected an ambalam (wayside choultry) called 'Nagarattan in the name of the trading guild (Nagarattar) of the colony called Rajasinga-ppėrangādi, newly founded by him, apparently in the name of his sovereign, the Sadaiya-Māraş of these records can be identified with Rājasimha III, who is already well-known from the Sinnamanür plates issued in the 2+14th year of his reign, and to whose period the characters employed in all these epigraphs can very appropriately belong. Record D, though it does not mention any king's name, can, palæographically, be attributed to the same king's reign.
The village now known by the name of Ukkirankottai has been called Karavandapuram in Kalakkudi_nādu in A, while in D it is simply called Kaļakkudi. Karavandapuram alias Kalakkudis (and Kalandai) 'has been mentioned as the birth-place of Māran-Käri, the excavator of the rock-cut shrine of Narasimha at Anaimalai in the Madura District, and of his brother Maran-Eyinan, both of whom successively held the office of Uttaramantri under the Pandya ruler Marañ-Sadaiyan, and also that of Sattan-Ganavadi, the king's Mahäsämanta, and it was
1 Nos. 194, 195 196 and 199 of 1935-36 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. 1 The first part of the name . Maran' is based on the name of the reigning Pandya king.
• The temple in which this record is found is now called the Chokkalinga temple and a linga is installed in ita central shrine. It was probably temple dedicated exclusively to Sarya in earlier days. But as the people in the locality say that the present temple was built from stones brought from the adjoining fields, it is also possible that the temple of Aditya-Bhatara may have existed as a separate shrine in the vicinity, and that when it fell into ruins, its stones were built into the present shrine. In this connection it has to be remembered that inside a fort, a Siva temple should be constructed in the north-east, and that of Borya in the east. (Gopi. nath Rao, El. of Hindu Iconography, Vol. I, p. 22.)
• South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. III, p. 444.
* Above, Vol. VIII, p. 319 and Vol. XVII, p. 303. The name Kalandai mentioned as the native place of Mārti-Eyipap, appears to be only a poetie form of the word Kalakkudi (Ind. Ant., Vol. XXII, p. 71 and above, Vol. XVII, p. 296).
• Ind. Ant., Vol. XXII, p. 67, wherein is quoted No. 37 of 1908.

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284
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXIII
considered that this Kalakkudi might be Kalakkād' in the Nanguneri taluk of the Tinnevelly District. But from the present inscriptions this identification has to be given up and Karavandapurm alias Kalakkuļi to be identified with Ukkiraņkoţtai in the Tinnevelly taluk.
Karavandapuram must have been a place of sufficient strategic importance in early Pāņdya days as to necessitate the building of a fort here by the Pandya king Neduñjadaiyan, who in the Madras Museum Plates dated in the 17th year of his reign, claims to have built, along with a broad stone ditch, a lofty wall whose top never loses the moisture caused by the sky coming in contact (with it), and the clouds resting (on ut), so that the town of) Karavandapuram might get resplendent, which has beautiful halls and long streets, (where even) warriors are afraid of the arrow (-like) pointed and long eyes of women with lotus faces. This Nequžjadaiyan has been identified with the king figuring in the Anaimalai inscriptions (c. A.D. 770) and the Vēļvikudi copperplates. Though in the latter record several birudas are applied to him, he is not known to have had the surname of Ukkiran' or 'Ugra'; and it is therefore not clear why and when Karavandapuram came to acquire its present name of Ukkiranköţtai, or Ukkiran's fort'. Its origin cannot be connected with the name of the early king Ugrapperuvaludi, for he is believed to have flourished long anterior to Neduñjadaiyan's time. In the Sanskrit portion of the larger Sinnamaņār plates, it is stated that Parāataka Viranarayana. Sadaiyan (c. A.D. 900) fought a battle at Kharagiri and captured a certain Ugra, who, it has been surmised, was probably a scion of the Pandya family. In that case, it may perhaps be hazarded that Karavandapuram which was fortified by Neduñjadaiyan (Jaţila Parāntaka) before about A.D. 785, was temporarily in the possession of this Ugra-Pāņdya a century later, and thus got the name which has survived to the present day, though it has also to be pointed out that the place was known only as Karavandapuram in the time of Solanralaikonda Vira-Pandya (c. A.D. 970), as evidenced by & record copied from the Chokkanāyaki shrine in the same village.
Vestiges of a fort and a moat are even now pointed out at some spots in the village as evidence of its former greatness, but the villagers have no information of value to offer regarding its ancient history. That the fortification may have been of fairly extensive dimensions can, however, be Burmised from the fact that the temple of Aditya-Bhatāra which is described in record A as being situated in the kilaivāyil or eastern gate, apparently of the fortified village, is nearly half a mile distant from the Chokkanāyaki shrine which, as implied by the name of the goddess "Vadavāyilnangai' must have been located at the northern gateway. It is interesting to note in this connection that the shrines of Aditya and Chokkanāyaki were located in the appropriate directions of the east and the north, in conformity with the rule mentioned in Kautilya? and the Āgamas that the shrines of guardian deities should be erected in the appropriate cardinal points inside a fort. From other inscriptions copied at the place, it is learnt that there were two Śiva temples called Arikegarībvaram and Rājasingisvaram in the vicinity of the village, though possibly not inside the fort itself and named as such after the Pandya kinge Arikësari and Rājasimha.
1 Above, Vol. VIII, p. 319 and Vol. XVII, p. 298. * Ind. Ant., Vol. XXII, p. 74. . Above, Vol. XVII, p. 295. Nilakantha Sastri : The Pandyan Kingdom, p. 30.
8. I. I., Vol. III, p. 457. • No. 197 of 1935-38 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. This fragmentary record reads as follows: Solanralai-konda #ri. Virapandyadëvarku yandu padin-ahju ivvändu Karttiyai-tingal mudal-pakkam ardm-pakkam wudulaga Pandimättända-valanaffu-kKaravandapurattu Vadavayil-nangai......
* Shamasastri's Translation, p. 62.
• Thements of Hindu Iconography, Vol. I, lntroduction, p. 22. Chokkaniyaki was probably one of the Suptumatri group, veral archaic statues of which are found strewn about in the temple compound.

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No. 15.)
FOUR PANDYA RECORDS FROM UKKIRANKOTTAI.
285
In the Larger Sinnamapur plates, an earlier Pandya king Srivallabha' is stated to have fought a battle at Kunnur and his conquests are said to have extended from Kunnur to Singalam. If this Kunnür is identical with the native place of the donatrix Tudarūri mentioned in record A, the geographical detail that it was situated in Karunilakkudi-nādu is of some interest. The same village Kuņņür is stated to be located in Nilakkudi-nadu (probably a shortened form of Karunilakkudi-nādu) in an epigraph from Pallimadam in the Aruppukkottai taluk of the Ramnad District.
The colony which Tennavan Pallavadiäraiyan founded in front of the korrarāyil or palace at Karavandapuram was, as stated already, called Rājasinga-pperangādi in honour of the reigning king. It must have been a fairly influential community, for in record D Inban Devaņasetti, a member of the Ayyapoli2-500 guild, who was probably the agent in charge at this place, is stated to have built a circumambulatory verandah (tiruchchurrālai) called 'Nagarattān 'round the temple of Vadavāvil-nangai, in the name and on behalf of the Nagarattar. Ayyapolil which is the Tamilised form of the word Ayyavole (i.e., Aihole in the Hungund tālukā of the Bijāpur District, Bombay Presidency) is famous as the headquarters of a very influential and prosperous trading corporation which boasted of branches even in distant parts. Several trading centres were called 'Ayyavoles of the South', apparently because they were branches founded by the merchants or agents of the Ayyavole guild proper. The elaborate prašasti of the Ayyavole guild found in an inscription in Mysore describes the guild as having been composed of 500 svāmis, and this conventional numerical strength of the guild is also indicated by the title. Ainnurruvan borne by the local Agent mentioned above.
One other point of interest in these records is that the endowments were not only left under the protection of the merchant-guild of the place, but that the madi-chevagar or 'the soldiers on guard at the ramparts were also enjoined to supervise the proper conduct of the charities. As already noted in the Annual Report on S. I. Epigraphy for 1932-33, page 68, endowments made in the time of the Pandya king Sundara-Pāņdya (A.D. 1225) to the temple at Perunguļam, a medieval military cantonment in the Tinnevelly District, were left in charge of a governing body composed of representatives from the several battalions stationed at the place. In an inscription from Tiruvälisvaram in the same district, it is stated that the temple of TiruvälisvaramUdaiyār, its treasury and the temple servants were placed under the protection of the Chola garrison called Münrukai-Mahäsēņai 'stationed at that place. Similarly in a record copied at Sangråmanallur in the Coimbatore District, which was evidently fortified and garrisoned in olden days, the soldiers were required to protect the gopura, the temple and its premises. It is therefore evident that in places which were under the control of the military, a body composed of some military officers and men functioned in respect of religious and other institutions under their charge, in a manner similar to that of village assemblies in purely civil stations.
TEXT.
A
1 Sri [*] [K].ch Chadaiya-Mārafku yāņdu irandu idan=edir padiņmupru ivv-[āņdu]
Kalakkudi-náttu-kKaravandapurattu kilaivail srikoi18. I. I., Vol. III, p. 461. * No. 430 of 1914 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. • Ep. Carn., Vol. VII, Sk. 118.
• The term madifchchamgar (madil=rampart+chevagar soldiers) means 'the soldiers guarding the rampart in the fort at the place. Compare wfviftuchchanger and Malayan-orrichchegar in the sense of soldiers' (Trav. Arch. Series, Vol. I, p. 169 and f. n. 8).
* No. 120 of 1908 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. • No. 167 of 1909 of the same collection.

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286
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXIII.
2 lil Adityabatārafku Tennavan Pallavadiäraiyan-alya Ma[ra].soran maņavā[ttilen
Karunilakkuļi-nātu-kKuņpur Tudaruri itta ti3 runundāvilakku onrinukku adutta ādu añbadu [*] ivy-adu (ai]ñbadum ivy=ūr .......
[fi]nga-Isvarattu vețţikkuļi Pūdi-Porān nišadippa4 di ulakku ney Soliyattāl attuvadāga konda savā-mūvā-ppērā[du] aimbadu [*] avichcharu
kal' irandum itpun nagarattār rakshai [l*) madit-chchēvagar käval |||*]
B 1 'Srikanthaḥ(Srikantha).śūra. dayită Tudartri-nāmni Vaikarttanāya Kara[va]nta
pur-ālayāya [*] prādā[d-dhi) 2 dīpam-amalikriyamāņa-lokam yan=tishthatāt-sa bhuvi yävad-abēsha-lokam (11"]
2 sku yāndu irandu i dan-edir o)3 nbadu ivy=ā[ndu) Kaļakkudi mabā 4 'nāsakañ=seyyaperra Topnava. 5 Pallavadi[ä]raiyan ivy-ūr6 kkorravāyilin munbu kudi 7 ērruvitta (Irā]jaśingappe8 rangādiil na[ga]rattar pērāl
9 Tennavan Pallavadiäraiya10 n-äna Kandan-Suran eduppi11 tta ambalam Nagarattānukku 12 itta tudarvilakkronrinukku 13 viļakku-neyppuramāga ivv=ū14 r-ppadaittalaivan Nakkan.Mun. 15 nurruvap niyadippadi uri16 y ney attusvaldāga adutta sā. 17 vā mūvā-ppērādu mūnru niyāyat18 (tā]n nūsu [*] ivy-Āttukkum(n)-ne19 y attuvippadaņukkum 20 iraippuņai ivv=ūr-ppadait21 talaivan Vepravāypēsi [i*] i22 nney muttāmal nagarattarum 23 madit-chchēvagarum kāttu at24 tuvippadāga vaittadu !!! 25 Ambala[m*] Nagara[t]tān melugu26 v-alukku nagaratstālr kaivvali Te. 27 nnavan-pPallavadiäraiya28 n=āna Kandañ=$ūran kudutta 29 Ilakkāśu pattu [1*] i-kkalain
1. Aditya' is engraved in Grantha letters. * This is not understood. • The metre is Vasantatilaka. . Mahanasakam is properly Makandyakam.

Page #376

2
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. REG. No, 1495 E'37-295.
4
6
8
222 22 2 2 2 2
FOUR PANDYA RECORDS FROM UKKIRANKOTTAI.
C-1
20
TO
10903
JUUN
200
26
วาวนวนานแต
133211
حدادن مات
12 TO 12 2742023 222
14 100 232 14 234us BRUGA 160 16
ZUZUU22 18
20
4022
ZyudayaUTOUR
180523 Verzor
222204023
2330
༡༨༡, ནོཊྛཱཛཱ༧ )ལྔ་ 23.239.
CU SO
10 30
10
SCALE: ABOUT ONE-FIFTH.
ان 33
340116?
2
6
8
10
22
24
26
28
30
32
34
36
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

Page #377

38
40
42
44
46
48
50
52
54
56
58
F
ere
C-2
330
38
2 40
42
44
46
48
50
52
54
56
58
2
2
8
B. Left half
12:37 Kore
10
Right half
718
INSURA 20 222207
D.
6
8
10

Page #378

No. 45.]
FOUR PANDYA RECORDS FROM UKKIRANKOTTAI.
287
30 ju-mudal mudalai (nJirpadäga iva31 rrin poli meluguy-alukku 32 niyadi aiññāli nellum=883 livu belavum vaittadu ll! 34 mērpadi i[k]kāgu irandu ērri Ilakki36 bu papnirandum na[ga]rattom ivv-u. 36 r vētkõvar Vīra... nāyaṇum ko 37 Sättanum 38 kön*] Nagaratta39 num Tattan40 Sendilu41 m oruvar-k42 koru[var) tuda 43 rvi.. aka i44 (va]li.. chela45 vum ka-chi46. . vu meluga. 47 vum ivagal 48 vali vali le49 yvadāga ku50 Juttana !!! 51 Tennava52 Palla53 vadiärai64 yan=ēva A. 65 raiyamāņi56 kkan (kuldu67 ppitta68 du -
1 Svasti Sri [1*] 2 Kalakkudi Va. 8 davay:l=amanda4 | tiruchchurra6 lai Ayyapoli61 Ainurruva. 7 (0)-Iqban-Dévanach. 8 chetti seyvi. 9 ch[cha] surfālai Nagara10 ttan [ll]
1 At this place rectangular hole has been out into the slab damaging some letters. The more correct form is amarndal.

Page #379

288
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXIII.
TRANSLATION
Prosperity !
The thirteenth year opposite the second year of king Sadaiya-Māran-in this year, Tudaruri of Kunnur in Karunilakkudi-nāņu, wife of Teppavan Pallavadiäraiyan alias Māran-Śūras, gave fifty sheep for (maintaining) a perpetual lamp endowed by her to god AdityaBhațāra of the temple at the eastern entrance of Karavandapuram in Kalakkudi-nadu. These fifty sheep which neither die nor grow old, Pūdi-Pörän a rettikkudi of the .... singa-Isvaram (tennple) of this village, took over, agreeing to supply daily one ulakku of ghee by the measure called) Sõliyam..........
This shall be under the protection of the Nagarattār and of the Madiț-chevagar (soldiers guarding the ramparts).
The wife of Srikantha Süra, named Tuqaruri, gave to the temple of (gol) Vikarttana at Karavantapura, a lamp which has brightened the world ; may it last as long as all the worlds (exist).
(Lines 1 to 18) The ninth year opposite the second year of ......-in this year, the number of) sheep which the Padaittalaivan Nakkaş-Mungurruvan of this village received, agreeing to measure daily one uri of ghee for a chain-lamp which had been presented to the ambalam (called) Nagarattan erected in the name of the Nagarattar by Tennavan Pallavadi. äraiyan alias Kandan-suran who was the Mahānāyaka of Kalakkuļi in Rājasingappērangadi, (a settlement) which had been formed by him in front of the korrarāyil of this village, is one hundred.
(Ll. 18-21) For these sheep and for the proper) supply of ghee, the surety is the Padaittalaican Vepraväypēsi of this village.
(Ll. 22-24) This was left under the care of the Nagarattār and the soldiers of the rampart so that they may arrange for the unfailing supply of this ghee.
(Ll. 25-33) The amount which Tennavan Pallavadikraiyan alias Kandan-Suran deposited with the Nagarattar for the maintenance of the sweeper of the ambalam called Nagarattān is ten Tlakkāếu. This kalanju amount is to remain as capital, and from the interest thereon five nali of paddy shall be given to the sweeper daily.
(Ll. 31-50) Two kāśu together with this, (i.e.) twelve flakkäsu (in all), the Nagarattār gave to the Vētkövar Vira . ..nayan, Kön Sättan, Kön Nagarattan, Tattañ-Sendil, so that the work of ........ and of sweeping may be performed by them and their descendants.
(Ll. 51-58) By order of Tennavan Pallavadiäraiyan, Araiyamāņikkan gave this (edict).
Hail ! Prosperity!
Nagarattān, the circumambulatory verandah (tiruchchurrālai) of (the shrine of the goddess Vadavāyil-amanda) at Kalakkudi was erected by Inban-Devanachchetti, a member of the) Ayyapojil. Aiññurruvan (-guild).
1 The service expected of the melugue-al was smearing the floor with cow-dung and sweeping.
* The inscription is damaged at this place, and the details of service which had to be rendered in addition to weeping, cannot be made out.

Page #380


Page #381

UTMANZAI LAMP INSCRIPTION IN KHAROSHTHI.
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI.
A. From
impression; (LETTERS ACTUAL SIZE)
B. C. D. from Photographs.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

Page #382

No. 46.]
UTMANZAI LAMP INSCRIPTION IN KHAROSHTHI.
289
No. 46.- UTMANZAI LAMP INSCRIPTION IN KHAROSHTHI.
By B. CH. CHHABRA, M.A., M.O.L., PH.D. (LUOD.), OOTACAMUND.
This inscribed stone lamp comes from Utmănzai, Tahsil Charsadda, District Peshawar. Mr. Gobind Ram Joneja, a druggist of that village, in whose possession the object is and who has kindly lent it to me for studying the inscription on it, informs nie that he acquired it from a Pathan boy of a place near Dargai in the Malakand Agency. Its exact find-spot is not known, but from what Mr. Joneja wrote to me it appears that in the neighbourhood of Dargai there are ruins of an ancient stūpa. Possibly the same site is the provenance of our piece.
The lamp is made of sandstone of dark grey colour. It weighs 32 tolas, stands 1.6" high and measures 4" at its broadest. One line of inscription, which is in Kharoshthi characters, appears on its outer side, running the whole length. The size of letters varies between 1 and 13". With regard to the forms of individual letters, attention may be drawn to mu in danamukhe where the u-stroke is not clear. Similar raised mu is found in Yâkubi Image Inscription. Other forms are quite reguler. The language is the same northern Prākrit as is found in most of the Kharoshthi inscriptions from the N.-W. Frontier Province.
It may be observed that the words thuvami dananukhe in the beginning are redundant, as the purport of the inscription is fully expressed by the remaining portion which states that the lamp was a gift of Samgharakshita' to the Gráma-stūpa. The name of the donor shows that he was probably a monk (bhikshu).
Stone lamps figure among the utensils that are often the objects of donations. One such inscribed lamp was discovered at Taxila. A fragment of a stone lamp, also inscribed, was unearthed at Jamālgarhi.'
I read the inscription from the original.
TEXT. Thuvamı dana mukhe Grama-thuvami Sagarakshidasa danamukhe.
TRANSLATION. Gift in the Stupa. Gift of Samgharakshita, in the Grāma-stupa.
1 It may be pointed out that the region north of Peshawar abounds in Buddhistio relios. Remains of stūpas and sangharamas are met with at short intervals. See Yotes on the Ancient Geography of Gandhara by A. Foucher, translated into English by H. Hargreaves.
10.1. I., Vol. II, Pt. I, Kharoshthi Inscriptions, p. 133, pl. XXIV, 4.
• The donor may have wished to have the whole of the available space inscribed, hence the repitition of the words in question.
• In the Beladi Copper Ladle Inscription (C. 1. 1., Vol. II, Pt. I, p. 89), the donor of the ladle is an individual of the same name, but, I think, he is not identical with Sangharakshita of the present record,
*C. 1. I., Vol. II, Pt. I, p. crei. • Ibid., p. 89, pl. XVII, 5, 1. 1 Ibid., p. 116, pl. XXII, 7.
. In transliterating this letter as kah I have followed Sten Konow (above, Vol. XIX, p. 2, n. 2). The same sign has generally been taken for chh.
• It is not certain whether this is the proper name of the Stapa or whether this simply means village aipa.

Page #383

290
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXIII.
No. 47.-NALANDA PLATE OF DHARMAPALADEVA.
By P. N. BHATTACHARYYA, INDIAN MUSEUM, CALCUTTA. This copper-plate was unearthed in course of excavations in 1927-28 by Mr. J. A. Page of the Archæological Survey of India at Nalandā, Patna District. It was lying among burnt debris in the north verandah of Monastery No. 1, at the same level where the grant of Dēvapāladēva was found. The plate has already been noticed by Dr. Hirananda Sastri in the Annual Report of the Archæological Surney of India, 1927-28, p. 138.
This is a single plate of copper, measuring about 77" broad and 104" high, having the usual highly wrought seal soldered on the top. The seal bears the legend Srimān=Dharmapāladevah in raised letters in one line below the emblem of the dharmachakra. The emblem consists of a wheel flanked on each side by a deer, indicating the Buddha's first sermon at Sārnāth.
The plate is inscribed on both sides. The obverse contains 24 lines of writing. On the reverse, which is very much defaced, some 12 lines can be clearly recognized. Of the rest of the writing it is not possible to offer even a tentative reading. The destruction of the monastery by fire was no doubt the cause of the defacement of the copper-plate.
The characters belong to the northern class of alphabets resembling those of the Khalimpur plate. The following peculiarities may, however, be noted: The left limb of the letter n is not so elongated. as in the Khalimpur, Mungir and Nālandão plates. The forms of the letters kta (1. 12) and ku (11. 5, 10, 14) are almost identical. Separate signs have been used for finalt (e.g., skandhävārāt, 1. 2) and n (e.g., akirttitān, 1. 15). The medial a is expressed in some cases by full strokes and in others by half strokes (cf.orājaḥ, l. 4; mahā, l. 8, etc.). It is worthy of notice, however, that not a single instance of half stroke is found in the Khalimpur, Nälandā and Mungir plates. Similarly the medial i is also expressed both by full and half strokes. The latter form appears in vishaya, 1. 10; kulika, 1. 14; kirtli and jīcinah, l. 15; and likhita, 1. 17. The medial e has been expressed by a short curve in continuation of the mātrā on the left side. The medial o has been expressed in two different ways, sometimes with the half stroke of è together with the vertical stroke for medial a on the right side (cf. puroga, 1. 16; rarjito, 1. 22) and sometimes with a curved line above the consonant together with the right vertical stroke (cf. pāda-padm-opajivinaḥ, l. 15; yath-oparilikhita, 1. 17) as in the Khalimpur and Nalandă plates.
The language of the inscription is Sanskrit, the text being wholly in prose. As regards orthography the only point to be noted is that b is throughout expressed by the sign for v. After the opening words, Om svasti, the inscription proceeds to record the subject matter of the plate, namely a grant by the Paramèsvara Paramabhatļāraka Mahārājädhiräja, the illustrious Dharma. paladēva, the son and successor of the devout worshipper of Sugata (i.e., Buddha) the Maharäjādhiraja Gopāladēva. It was issued from the royal camp of victory at Kapilā (?). The object of the document is to record the gift of the village of Uttarama near the village of Nigüha in the Gayā vishaya of the Nagara bhukti (11. 5-7) and belonging to Jambûnadi vithi. The purpose of this grant cannot be made out owing to the damaged condition of the
12. 8. I., Annual Report, 1927-28, p. 159. * Above, Vol. XVII, pp. 310-327.
See below p. 292, n. 1.-Ed.] J. A.8. B., Vol. LXIII, pl. III. Abore, Vol. XVIII, p. 306, 1. 39. • Ibid., Vol. XVII, p. 320, 1. 9.
Vitki is found here to denote a small sub-division of the rishaya. This term occurs also in the Nalanda plate of Devapala in connection with the village granted in the Gaya rishayu. From the Naihati grant (N. G. Majumdar. Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. III, p. 74) of Vallalasēna it is found that eithi formed a part of a mandala. See also a dove, p. 159.

Page #384

No. 47.]
last line on the obverse and the top lines on the reverse, which portion must have contained this information.
NALANDA PLATE OF DHARMAPALADEVA.
An account of the exploits of the king which are so elaborately described in the Khalimpur plate is absent in the present record. The designations of the officials and the order in which they have been mentioned in it tally more with those of the Mungir plate of Devapala than with those of the Khalimpur plate of Dharmapala. No new designations, however, occur here. Like the Mungir plate this charter mentions Gauda-Mälava-Khasa-Kulika-Huna, but not Karṇāta and Lata. Mahāsēnapati mentioned in line 5 (reverse) was probably the dutaka of this grant. Line 7 on the same side gives the name of the writer as Kuladatta, son of Dharmadatta. The words kasakārasya in line 11 and (u)tkirna in line 12 show that the grant contained the name of the engraver which is now lost. From what remains on the reverse it can be safely asserted that no imprecatory verses, which are usually found at the end of land grants, have been added in the present record.
Of the place-names mentioned in this record Nagara-bhukti has been identified with modern Patna, which as a division includes the district of Gaya even now. Nagara-bhukti is also found on the seals' discovered at Nalanda, and in the inscription of Jivitagupta II found at Deo-Baranark in the Shāhābād District. From the Nalanda inscription of Devapāla we learn that Nagara-bhukti included the vishayas of Rajagriha (Rajgir) and Gaya. The Krimila district which is mentioned as included in this bhukti in the Mungir plate has not been identified. From epigraphic documents we can assume that the Nagara-bhukti included the districts of Patna, Gaya and Shahabad. The other places mentioned in the grant I am unable to identify.
TEXT. First Side.
maha-nau-hasty-aśva-ratha-patti-sampat (tt)y-upatta-jaya-savda(bdā).
1 Om2 svasti
2 [t Kapilä ]-vasakāt śrīmaj-jaya-skandhavarat parama
3 saugatō-mahārājādhirāja śrī-Gōpäladova-pādānudhya
4 tab paraméévarah paramabhattárakö mahäräjädhirajab -
5 män Dharmmapaladēvaḥ kusali Nagara-bhuktau
1
Gaya-vish
291
6 y-antaḥpāti Jamvů (mbu)-nadi-vithi-prativa(ba)ddha- Nigaha-grām-asanna U
7 ttarama-grāmakē samupagatan sarvvan-ēva raja-rajana8 ka-rajaputra-rājāmātya-mahākārttäkritika-mahädandanaya9 ka-mahāpratihāra-mahāsāmanta-mahārāja-dauḥsadhasādhanika
10 pramatri-sarabhanga-kumārāmātya-rajasthāniy-ōparika-vishaya
11 pati-dāśāparādhika-chaurōddharanika-daṇḍika-danda pasika-ksha(khē)
12 [trapa-pra]ntapala-tada yuktaka-viniyuktaka-hasty-aśv-oshtra-va(ba)la-vya13 [pritaka]-kiśōra-vaḍava-gō-mahishy-adhikrita-düta-pre(prai)shanika-gama14 [gami]k-abhitvaramāņaka-Gauda-Malava-Khasa-Kulika-Huna-bhața
15 [chata]-sevak-ädin-anyan (m)ś-ch-äkirttitan-[sva]-pada-padm-ōpajīvinaḥ pra
16 [tivasinas-cha] vra(bra)hman-ōttaran-mahattara-kuṭumvi(mbi)-purōga-med-andhra-chaṇḍā
17 [la]-[paryantan-sa*]mājñāpayaty=astu [vaḥ] samvi[di*]tam yath=ōparilikhita Utta
1 P. R. A. S., E. C., 1916-17, p. 43.
Expressed by a symbol.
For analogous passages see Nidhanpur plate of Bhaskaravarman (above, Vol. XII, p. 73) and Deo-Barauark inscription of Jivitagupta II (Fleet, C. I. I., Vol. III, p. 213).
Danda unnecessary.

Page #385

292
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXIII.
18 [rāma-grămakah*] [sva-simā-trina-yūti]-gochara-paryantaḥ s-Õparikara[l*] 19 . . . . . . . . . [sa-chau]rõddharanah sarvva-pida-parihsiti. 20 . . .. . . . . (r-a*]chăța-bhata-pra[vēsõ=kiñchilt-pragrāhyo rāja-bhavya
sarvva-pra21 (tyāya-samēto bhūmichchhidra-nyayēju=ă-chā(cha)ndr-Arkka-kshiti-sama-kāli. 22 (yah pü*]rva-bhuktaka-bhujya[māna)-deva-Vrū(bra)hma-döya-varjjito mavā 23 [mata-pitror*]-ātmanag=cha pu[nya-yaso]-bhivriddhayē vaudya-acharya Dharmma. 24 .
[bhatta]kē arya-Tärä-bhattări' kā*]
Second Side. .. . .
. (prativă*]sibhis-ch-ajña-sravana-vi.? 2 [dhēyair-bhūtvä*) samuchita-döya-bhās ga-bhõga)-kara-hirany-ādi.
1
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
prativa sibhishwa
.
.
.
5 . . . . . . [ma]hūsēnāpati-sri. .. .. . .. dattal .
... [likhi*]tam=ida[m] Sasana[m] mahakshapatali[ka] ..... 7.. [Kulla[da]ttē[na] Dharmmadatta-putrēn=ēti . . . 8 . . . . . . . . . . . chatuhshashţika datti[h*) . . . . . 9 . . . . . . . . .
. . . pratipădită . . . . . . 10 tathā . . . . . tasya mūlam [chatuhshashtikah . . . . . 11 ka[m ]sakārasya. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12 [u]tkirna[i] s[ū]ttradhāra .....3
. . . .
. . . .
. :
1 This line ends with ri. Traces of another half line are visible below it.-Ed.)
There seem to have been six lines of inscription before this line which are completely destroyed.-Ed.] [Reading seems to be Govinden=iti-Ed.]

Page #386

No. 48.) NOTE ON DATE OF MANNE PLATES OF STAMBHA RANAVALOKA.
293
No. 48.-A NCTE ON THE DATE OF THE MANNE PLATES OF STAMBHA RANA.
VALOKA.
BY PROF. A. S. ALTEKAR, M,A., D.Litt., BENARES. The question of the genuineness and the date of issue of the Maņne plates of Stambha Raņāvalókat has been recently raised in the pages of this journal (see above pp. 215-217) by Prof. V. V. Mirashi, while editing the Two Copper-plate Inscriptions from Berar'. Prof. Mirashi concludes that the plates are genuine, that they were really issued in the Saka year 724, and that all the important conquests of Govinda III seem therefore to have been made before the date of this charter, i.e. during the first seven or eight years of his reign.
I propose to show in this note that though the Manne plates are genuine, they were not really issued on the occasion of a lunar eclipse in the month of Pausha in the Saka year 724, when they purport to have been issued. They were issued a few years later, probably in Saka 730 or 731, when the permission of Govinda III was received for making the contemplated grant in favour of the Jain basadi at Manne.
Prof. Mirashi has rightly drawn our attention to the fact that the stereotyped account of Govinda's exploits, which has been used in as many as ten grants made during his reign, has been used for the first time in the Manne plates. It cannot be however conceded that it was prepared at the order of Stambha, who has issued the Manne plates, or that he was the first to use it. We must in this connection note that Stambha had rebelled against Govinda in the beginning of his reign, forming a formidable confederacy of 12 kings for this purpose. Govinda was successful in crushing this rebellion. The two brothers were however reconciled afterwards, and Govinda showed the magnanimity of reappointing his brother to the governorship of Gangavādi. Human nature, however, being what it is, it is not likely that a court poet of Stambha would prepare a draft of Govinda's exploits, which would specifically refer to the defeat of his patron's rebellion. The Manne plates however mention its defeat in v. 13. It is therefore clear that the draft of the Manne plates was prepared by a court poet of Govinda III, and was primarily intended for his charters. As a matter of faot it cannot suit a charter issued by any ruler, other than Govinda himself. For, after describing Govinda's exploits, the charter says:
तेनेदमनिलविद्युच्चञ्चलमवलोक्य जीवितमसारम् ।
चितिदानपरमपुण्यं प्रवर्तितं देवभोगाय । Obviously this verse is out of place in a charter intended to be issued by Govinda's brother Stambha.
The Manne plates state later on that Stambha had asked for the permission of Govinda for granting the village concerned to the Jain basadi at Mapne. It would appear that when the imperial government granted the necessary permission, it forwarded a draft approved by the emperor with orders that it should be incorporated in the charter. Stambha carried out the order rather too literally; he did not omit even the verse beginning with tên=ėdam= , which was quite out of place in his own charter.
The draft that was sent to Stambha seems to have been prepared under the special instructions of Govinda by one of his favourite court poets. The emperor had liked it so much that he is seen to be using it throughout his reign after this period in as many as eight other charters.
! Ep. Carn., Vol. IX, pp. 51-3. ** han rettet rolifecam y wigan.... foramra . ()
... 49:-Ep. Carn., Vol. IX, Nelamangala 61.

Page #387

294
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXIII.
It is unlikely that a draft, which had so strongly appealed to the emperor, should have been first allowed to be used in a grant issued by his elder brother, who was erstwhile a rebel. We may therefore presume that it was first used by Govinda himself. This he does for the first time in the Nesari plates1 issued in the Saka year 727. As far as our present knowledge goes, the draft seems to have been prepared just about this time.
How then is it used in the Manne plates issued in the Saka year 724? It would appear that Stambha had no doubt promised to grant a village to the Jain establishment at Manne in that year, but he could not immediately issue a charter. He had to wait till the permission of the imperial government was received. This seems to have required a fairly long time, because Govinda himself was engaged in a number of campaigns and the necessary prasasti was not yet ready. By the time this permission came, the exact date and month of the first promise was forgotten. The plates purport to be issued in the Saka year 724 on the occasion of a lunar eclipse on Pushya nakshatra, i.e. in the month of Pausha. But there was no lunar eclipse in the month of Pausha in that year, as would appear from a reference to The Indian Ephemeris of Diwan Bahadur Swamikannu Pillai. The same work shows that a lunar eclipse in the month of Pausha occurred in the Saka years 730 and 731. It would appear that. Stambha got the necessary permission at the end of one of these two years. At the time when the supplementary portion of the charter of Stambha, containing the date, was being drafted, this lunar eclipse in the month of Pausha was fresh in the mind of the donor, the donee and the drafter. They further had a dim idea that the original promise was made on the occasion of a lunar eclipse in the winter. They therefore transferred the lunar eclipse in the month of Pausha from the Saka year 730 or 731 to the Saka year 724, when the original promise was made. This has given rise to the irregularity of the date of the Manne plates. We need not therefore suppose that the stereotyped account of Govinda's exploits was really ready in the Saka year 724, when the Manne plates purport to have been issued. The earliest undoubted year in which it is known to be definitely used is the Saka year 727, when the Nesari plates were issued. Govinda's exploits mentioned in this stereotyped draft have therefore to be placed not before the Saka year 724 but before the Saka year 727. The various exploits mentioned in this draft were therefore achieved not within the first seven or eight years of his reign, but may have required as many as 11 or 12 years. Seven or eight years is too short a period for them, when we remember the conditions of the roads and the means of transport of the period.
A reconsideration of the whole problem has now led me to the conclusion that the sensational victories of Govinda III in his north Indian campaign, during which he humbled down Chakrayudha and Dharmapala and his armies penetrated right up to the vicinity of the Himalayas, as maintained in the Sanjan plates of his son Amoghavarsha I,-are not mentioned or described in this stereotyped draft. The verse mentioning the defeat of the Gurjara king merely refers to a raid of Nagabhata being repulsed. The poet, who drafted this charter, was well acquainted with the complications of the northern Indian politics, as is clear from his specific reference to the exploits of Govinda's father Dhruva in snatching away the white umbrella from Vatsaraja, which he had carried as a trophy from the king of the Gaudas. A poet, who mentions the submission of a third rate Vindhyan chief like Märäsarva, would certainly have grown eloquent over the discomfiture of such celebrated rulers as Dharmapala and Chakrayudha. Nor would Govinda have approved a draft, which did not refer to the feat of his forces in approaching the Himalayas after penetrating into the Doab. This famous northern expedition of Govinda has therefore to be placed at a date later than the issue of this stereotyped charter. We cannot however discuss the complicated question of its approximate date in the present note.
1 Khare, Sources of the Medieval History of the Dekkan, Vol. I, p. 13.

Page #388

No. 49.] A FURTHER NOTE ON THE DATE OF THE MANNE PLATES OF STAMBHA. 295
No. 49.-A FURTHER NOTE ON THE DATE OF THE MANNE PLATES OF STAMBHA.
BY PROF. V. V. MIRASHI, M.A., NAGPUR.
I am obliged to the Government Epigraphist for giving me an opportunity to state my views on the points raised in Dr. Altekar's note on the date of the Manne plates of Stambha Ranavalōka. This date1 is admittedly imperfect, as the name of the month in which the lunar eclipse occurred is not mentioned in it. The mere mention of a nakshatra in connection with a lunar eclipse is not sufficient to specify the exact month in which it occurred, as the paurnima of a month is not invariably associated with the nakshatra after which the month is named. In my article on the Lōhārā grant I have suggested that some words like Märgasirsha-paurṇamāsyām are inadvertently omitted in the date of the Manne plates, as the only lunar eclipses which could have been intended is that in the month of Margasirsha. Even then the date does not become quite regular; for the asterism on the full-moon day of Märgaśirsha in Saka 724 was Rōhiņi, not Pushya. But we can easily explain this irregularity by supposing that though the grant was made on the occasion of a lunar eclipse on the 13th November A.D. 802, the plates were actually issued four days later, on the 17th November, when the moon was in conjunction with the asterism Pushya. Those who are familiar with the dates of our ancient records know that copper-plates were sometimes issued a few days after the particular grants recorded in them were made and that such irregularities in their dates are by no means rare. In my article I have cited the date of the second set of Manne plates, which belongs to the same period, as another instance of the same irregularity. These latter plates purport to have been issued on the occasion of a lunar eclipse on Monday, the full-moon day of Pausha, when the moon was in conjunction with the asterism Pushya, in the Saka year 732. A reference to Diwan Bahadur S. K. Pillai's Indian Ephemeris will show that the lunar eclipse did, indeed, occur on the full-moon day of Pausha in A.D. 810 (corresponding to the expired Saka year 732), but the week-day was Saturday and the asterism at the time of the eclipse was Punarvasu, not Pushya. It seems plain therefore that though the grant was made on Saturday, the 14th December A.D. 810, the plates were actually issued two days later on Monday, the 16th December, when the moon was in conjunction with Pushya. The irregularity in the date of the Manne plates (first set) is exactly 'of the same type as that in the date of this grant..
Dr. Altekar prefers to account for the irregularity in the date of the Manne plates (first set) in a different manner. He concedes that the grant was made in Saka 724, but he supposes that the plates were actually issued six or seven years later in Saka 730 or 731, when there was a lunar eclipse in the month of Pausha. The reason for this unusual delay in the issue of the plates, according to Dr. Altekar, is that Stambha did not receive the permission of the imperial government earlier, as Govinda was himself engaged in a number of campaigns and the necessary prasasti was not yet ready. Dr. Altekar further supposes that the drafter, the donor and the donee had no accurate information about the occasion of the original grant, but only remembered that it had been made at a lunar eclipse in winter in Saka 724. They therefore mentioned, as the occasion of the grant, the lunar eclipse which had occurred recently in the month of Pausha in Saka 730 or 731. Hence the date is found to be irregular.
1 The wording of the date is chatur-vvim saty-uttareshu sapta-bateshu Saka-varshishu samatiteshu.... Soma-grahane Pushya-nakshatre....Ep. Carn., Vol. IX, Nelamangala 61.
Above, p. 217.
There was another lunar sclipse in this year, but it occurred much earlier, on Jyeshtha-paurnima, the 21st May A.D. 802.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
This explanation of the irregularity of the date is, I submit, too farfetched. It is incredible that it took Stambha six or seven years to obtain the imperial sanction to his grant. Even granting that Govinda could not give the required sanction in Saka 724 because he was then constantly engaged in fighting, one fails to understand why the sanction was not forthcoming in Saka 727 at least, by which time Govinda had finished all his important campaigns both in the north and in the south and the draft of the prasasti was also ready for use, as we find it actually used in the Nesari plates of that year. The prasasti was of course composed by a court-poet of Govinda III, not by that of Stambha. Govinda must have used it in his own grants made before Saka 727, though they have not been discovered so far.
[VOL. XXIII.
Let us next examine the reason which has led Dr. Altekar to offer the foregoing farfetched explanation. He thinks that the various exploits mentioned in the stereotyped prasasti could not have been achieved during seven or eight years (A.D. 794-802). But are there not instances, in our ancient history, of equally remarkable victories being achieved by great military commanders in the same or even smaller periods of time? I will mention here only one or two cases of this type. The Rashtrakuta king Indra III invaded North India and pressed as far as Kanauj, the imperial capital, which he conquered and devastated. As Dr. Altekar himself has shown, Indra came to the throne in A.D. 915 and died in A.D. 917. So this brilliant achievement of his could not have taken more than two years. Is it then impossible that Govinda finished his campaigns in Northern and Central India within a period of four or five years (Saka 717-21) as suggested in my article? Another instance is that of the Kalachuri Karna. We know from his Benares plates that he succeeded his father in the Kalachuri year 792 (A.D. 1040). The Rewah stone inscription, which I have recently edited in this Journal, describes his victories over a king, probably of the Chandra dynasty, in the East, the Pallavas, Chōlas and Chalukyas in the South and the Gurjaras in the West. As this inscription is dated in the Kalachuri year 800 (A.D. 1048-49), it is plain that these victories of Karna must bave been attained within a period of only seven years. The adversaries of Karna were surely not less powerful than those of Govinda III and the means of transport had not probably improved much during the period of about two centuries and a half that separated these two kings.
Dr. Altekar thinks that Govinda's sensational victories in North India, during which he humbled Chakrayudha and Dharmapala, were attained after the stereotyped draft was prepared, as they are not mentioned in it. This is at best an argumentum ex silentio and should be used with caution; for we know of several cases in which conclusions based on such absence of mention have been disproved by fresh discoveries. Besides, we do not know for certain the exact length of the stereotyped draft when it was first prepared. Though it has been used in as many as eleven charters," it is well-known that it is not of uniform length in all these cases. The longest form of it known so far is that noticed in the Nesari plates in which the eulogistic portion consists of 24 verses. In other charters the draft is shorter by from 5 to 10 verses. We
1 G. H. Khare, Sources of the Medieval History of the Dekkan (Marathi), Vol. I, pp. 15 ff.
See his Rashtrakutas and Their Times, pp. 100 and 105,
Above, p. 217.
Ibid., Vol. II, pp. 305 ff.
Below, Vol. XXIV, pp. 101 ff.
See e.g. above, Vol. XIX, p. 63.
Ten of these have been mentioned above, p. 216. Since then I have noticed one more charter of the same type, see J. B. B. R. A. 8. (New Series), Vol. III, pp. 187-89.
These do not include the opening mangala-bloka and the concluding verse ten-dam-anila. etc,
The Radhanpur plates, for instance, have 19, the Lohärä grant 16 and the Bahuläwäd plates only 14 verses.

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No. 49.] A FURTHER NOTE ON THE DATE OF THE MANNE PLATES OF STAMBHA. 297
cannot therefore conclude that the original form of it did not contain any verses descriptive of Govinda's sensational victories over Dharmapala, Chakrayudha and others, much less that these victories had not been attained when it was prepared.
Besides, the Sanjan plates1 show that these sensational vietories of Govinda III in Northern and Central India were achieved before his encampment at the capital of Mahārāja Sarva. Verse 23 of this grant describes the march of Govinda's army to the Himalayas, during the course of which Dharmapala and Chakrayudha submitted to him. The next verse (24) tells us that returning from there (tataḥ pratinivritya) he came down to the bank of the Narmada and conquered the Malava, Kōsala, Kalinga, Vēngi, Dahala and Oḍraka countries which he placed in charge of his feudatories. He then returned (pratyavrittaḥ) again to the Narmada and encamped at the capital of Mahārāja Sarva at the foot of the Vindhya, where his son Amōghavarsha was born (vv. 25-6). The wording of the verses 23-26 makes it plain that these events occurred in the chronological order stated therein. The existing versions of the stereotyped draft do not, of course, refer to Govinda's victorious campaigns in Northern and Central India (except that in which he defeated a Gurjara king) and the submission of Dharmapala and Chakrayudha, but they almost invariably mention his encampment during the rainy season at Sribhavana, the capital of Marasarva. Scholars are now agreed that this Mārasarva is none other than the Mahārāja Sarva mentioned in the Sanjan plates. It is plain, therefore, that Dharmapala and Chakrayudha must have submitted to Govinda long before the stereotyped draft of the latter's grants, was prepared; for the draft describes also Govinda's expeditions against the southern kings of Chōla, Pandya, Kerala, Vēngi, etc., which followed his campaigns in Northern and Central India.
If the Manne plates of Stambha were, therefore, issued, as I have tried to show, in Śaka 724, all the important victories of Govinda III-including the submission of Dharmapala and Chakrayudha-ust have been attained before Saka 724 or A.D. 802 i.e., during the first seven or eight years of his reign.
▲ Above, Vol. XVIII, pp. 235 ff.
2 Dr. Altekar also has accepted the identification, see his Rashtrakutas etc., p. 68, n. 55 (iv).

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Page #392

INDEX.
By B. CH. CHHABRA, M.A., M.O.L., Ph.D.
[The figures refer to pages; n. after a figure to footnotes and add. to additions. The following other abbre. viations are also used :-a. apital; ch.-chief; ci.city: co.= country: com.composer; di, district or division; do.=ditto ; dy.-dynasty ; E. Eastern ; engr.=engraver ; ep.= epithet; f.=female; k=king: 1.=locality; 1. m. land measure; m. male ; mo.mountain; myth.=mythic or mythological ; 1. = name; N=Northern; off. office : q:-queen; ri-river; 8.-Southern; 8. G. same 48 ; .=surname; t. d.=territorial division : te.templo; tit.-title; vi,=village; W.--Weatern.)
.
.
.
117 m.
a, do.
.
.
.
.
. 45, 63, 81, 123,
86
PAGE a, initial,.
. . .
88, 162
. 9, 88, 123, 162 d, medial, . . . , abhanga, . .
193 a-bhafa-chchhatra-privébya, privilege, Abhidhamma, Buddhist work,
242 Abhidhamma-bhajaniya, do.. Abhidhamma-pitaka, do.. . i Abhidhanachintamani, work,
• 12n. Abhinava-Srikaila, 8. a. vi. Sonnalige, . Abhira, tribe. . . . . .
48, 173 Abhitparamánaka, off., . . . . abhyantara-siddhi,
. . . 16, 211, 221 Abo, mo., . . . . .
272 . Achala, ., . .
106, 110 Achalapura, di.. . . . . . 11, 13, 16 Achalapura, vi...
. . 13 & n. Achantapura, Di.,
. . 59, 60, 61 a-char-deana-charm-angara, privilege, i . 87 acharya, . . . a-chaja-bhafa-pradla, privilege, . . . a-chäfa-bhafa-pravdbya, do.,. .
. . 152 a-chaya-bhafa-praudbya, do... 21, 143 7., 211, 221 a-chatta-bhaffa-prautka, 8. 4. -chäfa-bhata
prodbya, . . . achaya, Buddhist term, Achchada, donce, 8. a., Uchchade, . 152. achchu, tax, . .
, 26, 27 Achyutapuram Plates of Indravarman II, 62, 78,
94 & . Adakkamalla, Gahadavila k., . 186, 188, 189 Adisa, vi.. . . . . . . 117 n. Adbhutanigara, work, . . . . . 227 adhikarana, 'court',.
64, 201, 202, 203 udhikaranakajña, . . . . 1861, Adhikarika, off.,. . 15, 106, 151, 210, 220 Adhikrita, . .
86 Adhirkja Indra, . a. Ganga k. Indravarman I, 92
PAGE adhishthanadhikarara,city court , . . 159 Adisha, ci., . . Adisdra, k., . .
. . 224 . Aditya, deity, . . . 284, 286 ni. Aditya, 8. a. god Surya, , 249, 252, 263, 255 Aditya I, Chola k., . . . . . 146 Aditya-Bhatára, deity, 283 & n., 284, 286, 288 Aditya-Bhögika, com.. . . . . . 64 Aditya-Bhogika or Aditya-Maschin, engr.,. 59 Aditya-mañchin, com.. . . . . 64 Adityanaga, m., . . . . . 148, 152, 155 Adityas, gods, . Adi-Varaha, incarnation of Vishnı, 150, 236 Adyara, vi.. . .
199, 202 Agamas, , . . . . .
. 294 agambadimudali,
177 n. Agashi, vi., . . . . . . 273 Agashi Inscription of Haripāla, . Agastya, sage, . ..
. . . 7, 188 Aghakuti Dikabita, donee . . . 213, 221 Agi, .. a.god Agni, . . . . 142 & *. Agideva, f., .
. . 142 n. Agi or Agidēvi, goddess, . 142 & 11., 143 Agni, god, Agnihotra, mahāyajia, . 16, 65 ., 148, 152, 155,
157 1., 211, 221 Agni-Purana, work, agrahāra, . 53, 54, 55, 57, 60, 61, 67, 86 n., 89, 98,
99. 107, 157, 159, 160, 243 Agraharika, off. . . . . . 157, 159 agraharin, 'holder of agrahara ', ,
157, 159 agrahārina, 8. a. agraharin, . . . 159 agraja, 'first born son, ugraja, elder brother, agra prachamsa, 8. a. ugra pratyanto.. . agraprachaya, 8. 4. agrapratyaya,. . ugrapratyansa, . agrapratyüya, . . agre, . . . . . . . . 41
.
.
292
• .
143 242
.

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300
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXIII.
•
111
PAGE agri, o. a. agri, . .
. 41, 42 ahāra, t. d., 148, 151, 199, 201, 202, 203 #-hasta-prakahepaniya, privilege, 17, 211, 221 Ahavamalla, 4. a. Sómēsvars I, . . 165 Abavamalladeva, Silahara ch., . 273 & n., 274 Ahimakara, sun', .
. . 108 Ahirola, Gurjara k., . .
147, 149, 150, 153 ai, medial, . .
. . 204, 230 Aihole, 8. a. Ayyavole,
. . 285 Aibole Prakasti of Pulakësin II, 83, 89, 93, 94, 118 Ain-i-Akbari, work,
. . . 201 Ainnurruvan. 'guild composed of 500
members ', . . . . Aitarēya-Brähniana, work, . . 43, 44 & n. Aivani or Alyani, donee, • 11 & 11., 16 & 11., 18 Ahmad or Ahmada, 8. a. Ahmad Shah I, 233, 234,
236, 239 Ahmad Shah I, of Gujarat,. Ajanta Cave XVI Inscription No. 3, 84 #., 173 n. Ajanta Inscription, . .
. . 92 Ajjhitadevi, Uchchakalpa q.. .
. 171 Ajääpalaka, off., cf. dataka, Ajnapti, off.. . . .
. .
89, 98, 164, 170 Ajñāsa ncharin, off., .
. 86 ajta svayam, . .
. 202 Akalanka or Akalankattuvarāyar, m., 145, 146, 147 Akalavarsha, sur. of Siyaka, a-kara-dayin, privilege, .
86 a-kinchat-pragrāhya, do., .
292 a-kinchit-pratikara, (land) without any yield of revenue', . . . . .
. 64 akshapatala, 'accountants' office', . 255 n. Akshapatalika, off., . . 223, 224, 229, 230 Aksha salin, of... . . . . 76, 78 akshaya-niri, 'perpetual endowment', 54, 55 & n.. Akshaya-pürnamäsi, . . . 105, 108 Akshaya-tritiya, tithi,.
. . 140 Alachapura, 8. a. Achalapura, . . 13 . Alagiya Siyan, tit., . . . . 179 1.. Alagiyablyar, sur. of Pallava ch. Köpperufijinge.
dēva I and II, . . . 176, 177, 180, 181 Alaka, f. . . . 115 & 7., 121 & n., 122 alakku, measure of capacity. . . . 25
Alappirandan, Sambuvaraya and Kadavu tit.. 179 n. Alas Plates of Yuvaraja Govinda II, 13 n., 14 Alattūr, ri.. . .
. . 146 Ala-ud-din,
. . 232 Alava, com.
249, 254, 255 Alävadl, 4. a. Ala-ud-din, . . 235, 239 Alavaka, . . .
. . . 39 a-larana-krēni-khanaka, privilege, . . . 87 Alberuni, author,
. . 225 Alin, m.; . . . . . 148, 152, 155 Adahabad Pillar Inscription of Samudragupta, 89 Aliama. 8. 4. Prabhudēva, . . . 190
Paga alphabets - Acute-angled,
. . . 198 Abokan Brāhml,
. 47 Bhaikshukl, . .
. . . . 225 Box-headed, . . . . 19, 81,114 Brahml, . . . . . 38, 114, 119 Devanagart,
. 28, 102, 193 n., 270 Eastern,. . .
. . . 245 Eastern Gupta,
45, 53, 156 Grantha, . .
175, 181 1., 283, 286 , Gupta, . .
. . . 198, 245 Kannada,
. . . 182, 189 Kharðshthi, . . . 35, 38, 289 Nägart, 1, 9, 87, 74, 77 11., 78, 132, 137, 141,
186, 198, 230, 256, 259 ., 270 Nail-headed, . . . . . 198. Northern, . 74, 102, 123, 141, 147, 186, 198,
249, 290 North Indian, , . . . 204, 213, 256 Old-Kannada, . . .
. . . 33 n. Pallava-Granths, . . . . . 196 Pre-Gupta, . . .
. . 245 Shell, . . . .
. . 255 Southern, . .
88, 102 Southern, early type,
56 South Indian, Nägarl,
266, 267 Telugu, . . . .
. . 162 Vatteluttu, . .
. 283 Amaradhunt, &. a. ri. Ganga,
227 Amaravatëkvara, te.,
163, 164, 166, 169 Amaravati, ci of gode, . .
.
254 Amaravati, I.,
164, 166 Amătta, donec, . . . . . 108, 110 amitys, minister', . . . . 72, 100 Ambahuli, vi., .. . .
. . 158 dinbu-kshetra, mango field',
.. . 272 ambalum, wayside choultry', . 283, 286, 288 Ambikāpati, .. a. god Siva, Ambila, vi., .
. 53, 54, 55 & n. Ambili-kunda, . . . . . 214 m. Ambar Inscription of Nripatunga's Time, 145, 147 . Ami Sāha or Aml Saba, 8. a. Dilavar Khan
Ghuri, . . . . . 232, 235, 239 Amitarasa, M., . . . . 190, 194, 195 Anjanavantt, vi, . . . . 10, 13, 16 Am!, vi.
. . . . . 13 Ammalapündi, vi.. . . . 163, 166, 169 Ammarija I, E. Chalukya k., Ammarāja II, do. . 69, 97, 162, 163, 164, 165,
168, 170 Amoda Platos of Jājalladēva II,. . . 2*, Amodă Plates of Prithvidēva I, . . . 2 . Amoghavarsha, Rashtrakufa k.. . 92., 297 Amoghavarsha, sur. of Våkpati, 102, 108, 112 Amoghavarsha I, Rashtrakufa k., 217, 256, 257,
258 & 1., 260, 294
58

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INDEX.
301
PAGE Amoghavarsha III, 3. a. Baddiga-Amoghavarbis III, . .
• 257 & n. Amragartiki, vi., .
157, 168, 160 Amratakshaka, he . . . . . 199, 202 Amaks, h
.
271, 272, 276 dpai (Skt. djma), sign', 'insignia',
. . 175 Apaimalai, ... . . .
283 Apaimalai Inscriptions, . .
284 Anamarlapundi-agraharam, vi.,
166 ananguli-prakshepariya, privilege,
32 ananguli-prēkahaniya, dong .
195 Anantadēva, Silahara ch.. .
226 Anantadēva's Copper Plate of Saka 1016, .. 271 .. Anantaditya, donde, .
105, 109 Anantaniyaka, M., . .
273, 274 Anantapaiprabhu, . a. Apatapaiprabhu, 275, 276 Anantapala, 8. G. Silahara ch. Anantadëve, 226 Anantapăla, Silahara k.. . . . . 271 Anantavarman, Ganga k.. . 57, 58, 60, 61 & n.,
63, 64, 261 Anantavarman, k. of Kalinga, , . . 89, 90 Anantavarman, s. 4. Ganga k. Vajrahasta III, 68, 72 Anantavarman-Chodaganga, Ganga k... 101 1. Anargha-mandala, di. . . . . . 2, 6, 8 Anarghavalli, see Anargha-mandala, .
3 Apatapsiprabhu, minister. . . . 276, 276 andtha-sarrakahana, purpose of donation, 195 Andari, vi.. . . . . . . Andhrs, a low caste, . .
291 Andhrs or Andhra, co., . 47, 92, 116, 119, 162, 163,
164, 165 Andhrs, people, . . . . . . 192 - Anegondi, vi., . . . . 182, 184
Anavadi, vi.. . . . 273 & *., 274 & ». anga-ranga-bhöga, purpose of donation,. 195 Anbilavāda, ca., . . . . 191, 192 Aniyankabhima, Ganga k... : .. . 71 Añjanavati or Añjati, vi., . . 8, 13, 16 . Adjanavati Plates of Govinda III, 12 n., 83, 206,
214, 215 & 1. ahbuba, emblem on seal, .
. 141 ankuba, 'good', auspicious sign,. . . 168 Appamabhatta, &. a. Annasávibhatta, 213, 214 n.,
221 Annasávibhatte, m... , 205, 210, 214 n. Ånðha, vi.. . . . . 103, 106, 110 Antahpurika, off-, . . . . . 229 Antaranga, of... . 129, 131, 199, 200, 202 antaraya, 'tax',. .
24, 26, 27 An-to-lo, 3. a. Andhra,
. . 119 anuloma, Buddhist term,
. . . 242 anusudra, . . . 1, 10, 83 7., 88, 143 . anusvåra, changed to ",
. . 10 anusidra, in Kharoshthi,
. .. 36, 40 andre, omitted, . .
115, 124
Pags andra, superfluous, . . . . 19, 189 ansvara, used for class nasal, 30., 57, 68, 74, 263,
265, 270 ansvara, used for final .,. . 62, 124, 249 ansvara, used for final .,. . . . 62, 74 anusudra, used for length of vowel, . . 10 anwavdra, wrongly changed to m., . . . 115 Aparāditya I, Silahara k, 270, 271 & 16., 272,
273, 277 Aparāditya II, do., 270 n., 271, 275 #.., 277 & #., 278,
279 Aparajita, ih, . . . . . . 146 Aparajita, Pallara k.. . .144, 145 & n., 146 Aparajita, .. a. Silähdra k., Aparāditya I, 271 & *. 4-parampara-go-balivarda, privilege, • 87 Aparárka I, .. . Aparaditya I, . .
271 7h. a-pushpa-kahira-sandoha, privilege, . . 87 Arab invaders, . .
152 . Aragandanallar Inscription, . . . . 175 Arabanni, vi.. . .
131 7 Araimanikkan, m., . .
287, 288 arama, pleasure garden',.
250 * Arapabhita, Sailodbhava k., 124, 125, 127, 128 & th,
130 Arang vi.. . . . . . 18, 20 Arang, vi.. . . . . . . 117, 119 Arang Inscription,
116 . Arang Stone Inscription in Brahmi, . 119 Aralanarayanan, til.,. . . .
179 . archanabhoga, . . Ardhakaraka, vi.,
157, 159 Ardhodaya, an astronomical combination, 190, 195,
196
Arikësari, Pandya k., . . . . . 2 Arikësartávaram, le., . . . . . 284 Arjuna, epic hero, .
. . . 167 Arjuna or Arjunavarman, Malava k., . . 191 Arjunavåda Inscription of Krishna, 192, 194 Arjunavarman's Inscription,
. 192 Arkakirti, Jain ascetic, . . . . 11 Arthasastra, . . . . . 253 Artha fästra, work,
255 . Arthna Inscription of Paramära Mandana
döva, . . . . . . 8*. Arumbāka Plates of Bädapa, .
69. Arunadatta, com.. .
. . 199, 203 Aruņāditya, com.. . 205, 212, 213, 214, 216 ::
222 Arungamitrasvāmin or Arungasvamin, donce, 199,
200, 202, 203 Aryabhata, astronomer, . Arya-Täri, deity (?), . .
. . . 292 Abiditya, dones, . . . . . 106, 110 asanapatta, slab as seat', .
246, 248 Gidsha-paricha-maha sabda, . . . 273, 278 ashfa-bhoga-leja-admya, .
31, 32
.
.
.
49

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXIII.
• •
242 165
PAGH Ayyana-sinha, ep. of Gandardity, 28, 31, 33 ». Ayyapolil, o. 4. Ayyavole,. . . 286 Ayyapolil-500, guild,.
. 286, 287, 288 Ayyavole 8. a. Aihole,
. . . . . 285 Ayyavolos of the South, trading centres, . 285
PAGE Abfrgadh Seal Inscription of Sarvavarman, Asitavaktra, 8. a. Kālamukha, . . Aslesha, nakshatra, . .
. . 104, 107 Abbka, Maurya k., . .
. 43, 200 Asokadanta, com.. . .
266, 267 Asurēsa-mandala, di., .
105, 109 Asuvula parru, vi.. . . . 163, 166, 169 Asvalāyana, author, . . . . . 43 Akvapati, Madra k., . . . . 47 n. Asvatthakhtaka, vi... . . . 82, 84, 86 ätapatra, umbrella', auspicious sign, . 168 Athakavāde, vi..
205, 206, 210, 211 Atithi, mahayajia, . 16, 55 *., 148, 162, 155,
157 1., 211, 221 Atkall, 8. a. vi. Atbakavāda, . . . 206 åtõdya, 'music , . . . . . . 169 Atti Inscription, . . . . . 181 1. Atuka, donce, . . . . . 106, 110 Atyantamahéérara, til. Atyantasvamimahabhairavabhakta, til... 85 & . au, medial, . . .
. 81, 162, 230 all, used for au, . . . . . 120. Auchityavicharacharcha, work, . . 83 & *. Asdrangika, off.. . . . 157, 159 avagraha,, . . . , 1, 249, 263 Avalladēvi, Kalachuri q.. . . . . 102 Avalokitēšvara, Buddhist deity. . Avani-Janāóraya, sur. of Chalukya k. Pala.
kēsiraja, . . . . . . . 93 n. Avanijanäsraya, sur. of Pulakēsin, . . 8. Avanimulududaiyår, . . . . . 175 Avarinarayana, tit. of Pallara ch. Köpperufij.
ingadēva I, . . . . 176, 180, 181 Avapiyalappirandar, tit. of Pallava ch. Kopper.
uñjingadēva I, . . . . . 176 Avanti, co., . . . . . . Avanti-mandala, . .
. . . 102, 112 Avantisundarikatha, work, . . . 93 & n. Avaraka, di.. . . . . 102, 108 Aparodhajana, off.watchman' (?), 251, 254 & .. Avasathska, off.,
. 157, 159 ävasathin, one who keeps the sacred fire
avasathya . . . . 224 & 1., 229 dvasathya, one of the five sacred fire ! 224 n. avasthika, . . . . . 106, 109, 110 Avivā, vi. . . . . 103, 105, 109 Awar, vi. . . . . . . . 102 Ayaka, vi, f. Yaka,. . . 103, 105, 109 Ayasõbhita I, Sailodbhava k.,
64, 126, 127 Ayasõbhita II, do., 124, 125, 126, 127, 128 & w.,
130 Ayasõbhita III, sur. of Sailodbhava k. Madhya
marája,. . . . . Ayugalochana, 4. a. god Siva, . . . 169 Ayuktaka, of. . 16, 54, 55 s., 106, 210, 220
OF
6. . . . . 63 & .., 67, 62, 81, 168 b, used for , .
. . 189 Badakhimedi, estate .
. 73, 78 Badami, ca., . , Badanaguppo Platoo of Khambbadóra, 11 ... 12 ..
216 Bedape,
: .
. .
. . . . . . 162 Badapil, vi.. . Badaun Inscription of Lakbapapala,
187. Baddiga-Amöghavarsha III, Rashrabilia k., 267, 268 Badkhuri, . . . . . . . 197 Badvi, vi.. . . 42, 44, 45, 47, 48, 51 Badri Yapa Inscriptione, . . . . 46, 31 Bagalkot, i., . . . Bågbola, family,. . . 231, 237, 240 Bagfrati, o, a, ri, Bhagiratht, . . 180, 181 Bahal Inscription, .
. . 191 Bahatlara niyogadhipati, of.
182, 185 Bahé, vi.. . . . . . . . 282 Bahirvitaka, vi.. .
. 199, 20% Bahulawad Plates,
214, 216, 206. Bahar Plates, .
. 144, 145 Babusahaya, sur, of Gurjara k. Dadda II or III . .
. 148, 149, 150, 153 Baicha-Dandanayake, . Baicha veggade, m., .
. 182, 183, 185 Baigrama, vi.. . . Baigram Copper-plate Inscription, 63, 64, 65.
156 Bakrol, L., . . .
. . . 232 Baktā, ti, . . .
. . 158 Bala, m., . . . . . . 47 .. Bala, Maukhari ch.. . 46, 47, 48, 61, 62& .. Baladhikrita, 00. . . . 17, 182, 186 Balagámi, I., .
. . . 186 Balaghat Plates of Prithivishēna II, 172, 173 Balärjuna, 4. 4. Sómavani k., Mahi-Siva
gupta, . . . 115, 116 & n., 118, 119 Balasimba, Mauthars ch., . 45, 46, 47, 52 Balavadi, . a. Badv. (1), . . . . 51 Balavardhana, Maukhari ch., . . 46, 47, 52 Beléri Plates of Chaulukya Molarija, 267 ». bali, . . . . . . 163, 160 Bali, mahdyajšia, . 16, 56 n.., 66, 67, 148, 182,
185, 187 *., 211, 221 Bali, myth. k., . . .
2, 6, 7 bali-chars-naipedya, . . . . 262
.
126
4. god Siva

Page #396

INDEX.
303
29 184
•
.
229
.
. .
200 200
943
PAGE Ballāla, Silahara k., . Bellala III, Hoysala k., . Balodā, a., Baloda Plates of Mahaliva Tvararije, 19, 114, 116,
118 W., 119 Balpur, ., . . Bapa, author, . . 12 r., 119 w., 160 m., 217 Bāna, dy... .
. . 145 & n., 146 Báne-Vidyadhars, Bana k., . . . 145, 146 Bandhudása, . . . . . . 34, 86 Bandhuvarman, Gupta governor, . . . 49, 61 Bangalore Plates of Devendravarman,. . 75, 76 B&nswirl, state,
• 232 Bappe, ch. of Merdr, . 231, 234, 235, 238 bappa, 'father' (*), . bappa-bhaffäraks, . Barah, 8. a. vi. Valika,
248 Barsh Copper-Plate of Bhöjaders, .. &.. Baroda Plates of Karks, .
258 Baraar Inscription of Jagadēkabhashana's
Time, . . . . Baruā, vi.. . . . . . . . 201 Barwa, vi.. . .
. . 201 Bassein Stone Inscription of Mallikarjuna, 971 & n. Bastar, state,
. . . 244 Basura, di.. . . . . 190, 194, 195 Basya, . . . battlo-axo, emblem on seal, . Baudhayans, author,. . Bébalaprabha, minister,
280 Bedadi Copper Ladle Insoription, . Belilghkta, di, . . .
. . 62 Benachamatti Inscription,
. . . 100 Benares Plates of Karna, . . 258, 260, 298 Benki, vi...
. . 102 Betul Plates of Samkahobhs, . . 172, 174 Bezwada, 8. c. Vijayavitt, . . . . 163 th, . . . . . . . . 9, 62 Bhadramaghe, .. a. k. Bhadraméghe. 248. Bhadraméghe, k of Kaubambi, 245, 247, 248 Bhadreswar Inscription of Chaulukya Jayasimha's Time,
. bhaga, sllotment', . . 243 bhaga, t. d., . . . . . . 82, 86 bhaga-blog-adila,
. . . . 229 bhaga-bhoga-lara-Mirany-adiba,
. 111 Bhagavata Purana, work,
82 .. Bhagavati, &. a. goddess Parvati, 231, 234, 238 Bhagavatt-Arya-Dévt, deity' Holy Noble Devt', 246,
248 Bhagtrathi, ri., . Bhagirathi, 8. d. ri. Gangi, . . 85, 150 & *., 163 Bhaile, donec, . . . . . 106, 110 Bhamgkra-pavvata, see Bhringara-parvata,. 119 Bhamragarh, mo.. . . . . 119.
PAGE bhandagåra, store-boue, 271, 272, 279, 280 Bhandagarika, op. Bhandak, ni.. . . 116, 117 & ., 118, 119 Bhandewal, to... .
• • 18 Bhanuchandrs, . .
83 , 66, 67 Bhanudatta, ch.
199, 200, 203 Bharabadáva, ch.. .
186, 188, 189 Bharapasvamin, doncs,
• 199, 201 Bharukiva, dy... .
. . 85 Bharatacharita, work,. . . . 84 Bharata Itihasa Sambodhaka Mandala Platen, 12,
210 *., 214 & 1., 216 Bharalt-katha, s. a. Mahabharata, . . . 237 Bharatam-valla, tit. of Pallava ch. Köpperub. jingadeva II, .
• 177 Bharatt, 1. 4. goddess Sarasvati, . . 231, 234 Bharavi, author,
. 90, 93 Bharukachchhs, di.. .
148, 162, 164 Bhaskara, donce,
. 32, 34 BhLakars Nayaka, m.,
277, 278 Bhaskaravarman, Maukhari prince, 115, 121, 122 Bhaja, o... 77, 79, 86, 129, 131, 184, 202, 203,
262, 264, 266, 268, 291 Bhata, . a. Bhatta, . . . 274 & .. Bhafaputra, &. a. Bhaflapra, . . . 80 Bhafta, til., 32, 34, 74, 77, 80, 124, 129, 131,
148, 152 & 1., 155, 167, 169, 213,
221, 249, 264, 265 & n., 273 & . Bhattaputra, tit., . . 16, 78, 266, 268, 269 Bhaffaraka, tit. of god, . 79, 137, 138 m., 139, 249,
252, 261, 262, 264, 266, 268 Bhafrika, tit.,
. . . 992 Bhattopddhydya, tit.. . Bhaums, dy. . Bhavadeva, Sómavari E.,. 116 & n., 117, 118 Bhavaniga, Bharativa k., .
. . 85 Bhavanipati, . a. god Siva, . . 108, 185, 136 Bhavatarman, donde, . . . 89, 98, 99 bᏂikhs .
38 bhitkhunleasingha,
. 88 bhikaks, monk,
289 Bhil, tribe. . . .
231, 238 Bhilla, 3. a. Bhil,
235 Bhillsma, Yadava k...
191 & Bhima II, Chaulukya k.,
277. Bhima II, E. Chalukya k.,. . . 97, 168 Bhima, Kalachurid., Bhimi, ri. Bhimalingamu-dibba, mound, . . . 166 Bhimananayaks, ... . . .
. 89, 73 Bhimasamudra, tank, . . . 163, 166, 109 Bhimavarman, Pallava k.,. . Bhita Beal of sivamegha, . bhoga, enjoyment', . . .
243 bhoga, t. d., 59, 61, 64 & 7., 102, 116, 120, 122,
283
141
.
.
. 32, 34
. •
18 193

Page #397

304
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXIII.
PAGE Mhepo-blaga, bhaga-bhdpa-bara-hirany-ddi, Bhögachandrs, com...
. 158, 161 Bhogapati, of... . Bhogapatika, off.. . . .. 157, 100 Mágika, groom , housekeeper'. . * Bhögtits, of.. . . 59, 64, 66, 67, 264 Magiba, realdent (1), . .
40
. 50, 60 Bhogilla, ., . Blogin, . . . .
. . 262 bhoi, of. bhogika,. . . . . . 59, 64 Bhoja, author . .
. . . . 83 Bhoja, Pratthara k., .. . . 139, 243 Bhoja, Bhojadevs or Bhojarija, Paramdra k.,
133 & 16., 134, 135 Bhoja I, Gurjana-Pratihara k., . 268 n., 250 Bhöjadēva, Silakara L., . . 20 & N., 30, 23 bhojanaadla, 'almahouse', . . . . 39 Bhojavati, ca., . .
. . . 244 Bhomata, l, . .
. . . 231 Bhopaders, . . ... . 276 Bhopaka, M.,
275 m., 276 & *. Bhor State Museum Copper Plate of Khamba II,. .
. . . . . 99, 100. Bhramaragirl, mo.. .
. . 119 & .. Bhramatakotya or Bhramarakótya-mandala,
di. or province. . . . . 119 n., 244 Bhrigukachchha, 4, a. Brosch,
.
192 Bhringina-parvata, ma, . . . 119 & *. Bhadovi, goddess . . . 182 . buildi, t. d., 20, 102, 116 , 136, 157, 158,
150, 290, 291 Bhumari Pillar Inscription, . . . 171, 173
152, 154, 211, 221, 292 hdmi-dana, . .
161, 211, 212, 222 Bhopendradova, Ganga k.,
265, 266 & . Bhusunda, vi.. . . . . . . 261, 262 bh ata-udta pratydya, . .
. . 184 Bhuvanardi-Muni, Saira ascetic, 164 & n., 169,
170 Bhuvanesvars, vi.. . . . . . 200 Bihar, . . . . .
. 47 & ..., 48, 54 Bihar, ci., . . . . 223 & n., 226, 227 Bijayagadh Ydpa Inscription, 44, 45 , 48, 49, 61 Bilandi, vi. .
. . . . 186 Bilhiri Stone Inscription, , 117 n., 258, 260 Bilad Stone Pillar Inscription of Kymäragupta
. . . Bilwird, wi. .
. . 136 Piraram, ch.. .
. . 190 boar, emblem on coin,
139 boar, emblem on real,...
. 141, 142 Boar, incarnation of Vishnu,
256 & . Boddupadu Grant of Vajrahasta, . . Bodha . . . . 78, 80, 284, 285 .
PAGE Bodhisattve, . Borivli, L.,. .
278 .., 279 Borneo, . . . , Bower Manuscript .
156 & A Brahmacharin,. . brahmadaya, 17, 152, 164, 166, 210, 211, 220,
221, 292 Brahmadov, dondt, . . 273 & M., 274 & the brahmadiya, .
. . . 23 Brahmagupta, astronomer,. . . Brahman, god . 2. 3. 6, 31, 34, 130, 253, 256 Bribmana, caste, 223, 224, 225, 229, 237, 239, 240,
284, 261, 262, 264, 266, 268 Brahmonework. . . . . . 93 Brahmanandin, m., . . . . 157, 159 Brahmapandita, m.,
.
106, 109 Brahmapurt, L.,.
. 29, 30, 31, 32, 34 Brahmavivarta-Purds, work, . . 139. Brihadbhogika, off., . . . . 203 brihan-mana, large measure, cf. vishaya, , ,
. 82. Brihatprðahtha Grant of Umavarman, 68 7., 89
$ add. British Museum Plates 206 m., 214 ., 2103
216 British Museum Plates of Chårudev, . . 88 Broach, .
. . . 148, 192, 206 Buddha, the . 37, 38, 39, 117, 166, 196, 290 Buddhaghosa, commentator, . . . 38, 242 Buddha-mafichi-Bhögika, m.,
64, 65, 66, 67 Buddhmkurs, Bodhisattva (+), . . 197 Buddharšje, Konda padumati ch., . . . 96 Buddhavarman,. . . . . . 96 Buddhile, mouk, . . . . . Buddhism, . . . 65, 117, 119, 196 Buddhist Pillars, . . . Buguda Plates of Midhavavarman, 123, 124, 125,
126, 127, 128 ». Bukkariya's Inscription, . . . 190. Bukudravaka, di. . . . . . 74, 77 Bukudravakona, di.,.
74, 77 ..., 2017.
138.& .. bull, emblem on seal 62, 73, 75 7h., 78, 114, 263,
265, 267 Burhånáth Mahidēva, Siva-lingar Buvanamudududaiyar, g. of Pallava ch. Kopper
ufjingadēva, . . . 181, 182 & . Byrey, . . . . . . . . 65
.
.
38
.
.
176
.
Cambay, . . .
. Cambay Plates of Govinda IV, Cape Comorin, . Ceylon, . .
. 191, 192 10., 12., 106
. 180 . 196, 225

Page #398

INDEX.
800
..
.........
emblem on geal,
.
84
183
PAGE
186 Chachchuroni, di., . .
. . 136 Chachoni, vi.. . . . . . . 136 Chachurni, vi.,. .
. . 135 Chadiche, 1., . . . . 192 Chadija or Chadijā, vi.
271, 272 & .. Chahadadēva, m., . . . 277, 278 Chahamāna, dy. . . 184, 191 & #. Chabarbagh, I., . . . • " . • 36 chastya, . . . . . 166, 160. Chaityspurs, . . .
. . 120. Chakirija or Chākkirāja, ch., 11, 12 & 16., 17, 216 N. chakra, emblem on geal, . . . . 155 Chakradāsa, com., . . Chakrakötya or Chakrakötya-mandala, pro
vince, . . . . . . . 244 Chakrayudha, ch., . .
294, 296, 297 Challakere Inscription, . . . 194 Chalukya, dy. . . . . 99, 100, 173, 296 Chalukya, E. dy. 68 ., 69, 70, 88, 89, 90, 93, 74 & r.,
95 & 7., 101 n., 104, 119, 162, 163,
167, 169, 206, 216, 225, 227 Chålukys, W.co. Chilukya, W. dy.. 79, 82 ., 90, 134, 142& .. 182,
183, 217, 218, 243 Chalukyabbima, E. Chalukya k.,. . 167 Chalukya-Bhima II, Chalukya k., . . 27 chamara, emblem on seal, . . chämara, 'flywhisk', auspicious sign, . 168 Chamba-Dandanayaks, . .
184 Chandije,. . . . . .
280 & n. Changadēva, .. .
273, 274 Chamidāsa, com.. . Chammak Plates of Pravarasena II, 82 ., 831,
86 m. Chinda, si.. . . .
. .
. . 118 Chandála, a low caste,. . . . 291 Chandalûr Plates of Kumāra Vishnu, . . 89. Chandavarman, Ganga k., . 56, 58, 80 , 200 Chandella, dy.. . . .
. . 70 Chandika, 6. d. godess Pärvati, .224 n., 228 Chandiyamma, ., . .
2. 214, 222 Chandra, dy.. . .
E 298 Chandräditya, ch., .
244 Chandrāditya, doncs,
. 106, 109 Chandräditya, Silähára k,,. 29 & *., 30, 33 Chandragupta, Somavaná prince, Chandragupta II, Gupla k., . . 83, 174. Chandragutti-nadu, di., . . 182, 185, 194 Chandraprabhu, minister, . 278, 279 Chandraraja, Silahara k.. . .. . 29, 30, 33 Chandravalli Inscription of Mayrndarman, 48 Chandrehe Inscription of Prabodhaliva, 172..., 267 Chandwar, L., . . . . . . 188 . Changdpurs, . a. vi. Sangtr, 182, 186, 189
PAGE Changura, &. a. vi. Sangur, 189, 190, 194, 196 Chanjo or Chanje, . a. vi. Chadija, 270, 279, 280 Chanjo Inscription of Aparaditya I, . 270 charapas Chhandoga or Chhindöga, 63, 64, 65, 78, 80, 94 m., 98, 99, 124, 129, 131, 284,
265 Katha,. . . . . . . 74, 77 Taittirika or Taittirfya, . . . 94 & .. Vajasandys, .
199, 202, 203, 261, 262 Charu, mahayajña, 16, 55 7..66, 67, 148, 152
166, 167 *., 211, 221 Chårudovi, chashala, part of yüpa, . . . 44 & r., 45 Chaga, of.. 77, 79, 129, 131, 154, 202, 203, 262,
284, 286, 268, 291 chatul-md-paryanta, privilege. . . . 251 chatur-aghafi-vibuddha, . .
. 229 Chatur nana, 8. d. god Brahman . . 225, 228 Chatur nana-pandita, . . . . . : 145. chaturdanta, . . .
· 93 .. Chaturdid-arya-bhikahu-sangha, . Chaturvaryachintamani, work, • 33., 279. Chaturvedin, . . . . . . 32, 34 Chaturvidya, .
. .
. . 88 Chaturvidya-samanya, . . 208, 210, 214 *. Chatucharana Brahmanas, . . . 104, 107 chatuah-banaka-vibuddha, . . . . 113 Chaadarasa, Heggade, . . 190, 196, 196 Chaudara, ., . .
190 & add., 194, 195 Chauhan, dy. . . . . 187, 226, 231 Chaulukya, dy... . 50, 191, 192, 276, 277 . Chaundarasa, author,.
193 . Chauramba, vi, . .
. 106, 109 Chauróddharapika, of. .. . 157, 150, 291 Chávunda II, Sinda k.,
100& .. Chåvandarass, m., .
. 184 Chayita, tank, . . • 163, 166, 169 & . Chodi, co., . . . • 2, 4, 7, 258 Chels or Chelsvšta, ci.
231, 235, 238 Chenna-Bandua-Purana, Kannada work, 184. Chennabasave.. Chennirpodivi, tax,
. 23 Chorupära, vi.. . .
. 94 chi, Kbarðshthi .
269. chh, waed for th, Chhadasilk, ci.,. .
. 37 Chhaddibhôgin, engr...
124, 129, 131, Chhathikumara, doncs,
8, 11, 16, 18 Chhatra, off. . .
. . 86 Chhatramaha, m.,
63, 64, 66, 66 Chicacole Plates of Devendra varman, . . 76, 78
Chicacole Plates of Indravarman, . . . 64 1 Chicacole Plates of Vajrahasta,
67 , 08. Chidambaram, ci., . . 176, 177, 180
•
84
.
190
•
270

Page #399

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXIII.
PAON Chikhali-grama, vi.. . .
149. Chikhali-willik, oi.. .
. . 142 Chikhali-odtaka, vi.. .
149 . Chikulla Plates of Vikramendravarman, 88, 90 N.
91 & n., 92 & m., 03 & ..., 98 Chlplan, L., .
276. Chiplan Stone Inscription,.
• 274 .. Chlpturupalle, vi,
. . . . & *. chird-bila-finya,
203 Chitor, .. . . . . 187 h., Chitrakota, , .
944 Chitrtphl, 8. a. ni. Mahanadi,
19 n. Ohitta, M., . . Chodagting, sh., , . hot kalinga, N., .
289 Thokkahāyuki, to. . Chle, co., . . . 176, 177, 178, 180, 181 Chola or Chole, dy. 10, 14 & .. 95, 96, 97, 116.,
145, 146, 165, 176, 176, 177 & #., 180,
181 & 4., 182, 217 ., 985, 296, 997 Chola-Pandya viceroy, . . . . 146 Chuchaddani, vi., .
223, 230 Chidamasi Nighantu, Tamil work,
182 . Cintra Inscription, . . . . 971 *. Oiatra Prasasti,
. . 164 conch, ble on seal, . . . . 66, 67 Conjesveram, . .
146, 179 oohonante, torongly doubled, student, emblem on seal, . 73, 268, 266, 267 Orynamata, 4. . Kummata, . .
184 llavamaa, work, . . . . 225 m. Capid, . . . . . . . 191 Cattack, ci.. . . . . . 200
Pacz Damasvimin, doncs, Dime-Niyaks, . . . . .
• 184 Damodar, ri.. .
165, 168 Dimodara, author, . . . . 93 & 1. Dimodan, engr.,
264, 265 Damodar, Pariurdjaba k.,. . .
• 171 Dimodatabhatta, donee, .
278, 279 D&modatasvamin, donde, .
. 20, 21 Danfodarpur Coppet-plata Inscription, 83, 56 . Dimodarpur Plates, .
158, 159 dana-dharma, . .
• 66 Dinärpáva, E. Chalukya k., . . . 69, 162 Dinarnava, Ganga ch.,
263, 264 Danimava, Ganga k., . . . 78, 284 danas (gift)
Abraha, . . . . . 107 Bhaisha yadina,
107 Kalpavriksbadāna, . . . . . 107 Prithividina, . . . . . Tuliparushadina, . . . Vidyadina, . . .
. . . 107 Dandandyald, of, 48, 79, 100, 129, 131, 183,
184, 229, 264, 968 Dandandyaka, op. . . . . . 162 Dandapdik, ot. . . 77, 129, & 16., 131, 264 Dandapafika, off. an officer entrusted with
the punishment of criminals', 251, 204 & .., 291 danda-bulk-adi-vividh-aya-samanvita, privilege, 195 Dandaodaiba, oft. . . . 201, 20, 903 Dandika, off. . . . . . . 291 Dantidurga, Rashtrakufa k., . . . 10, 14, 214 Dapurs, vi., . .
. 103, 106, 110 Dardurika, vi.,
103, 106, 110 Durgal, vi.. . . . . . . 289 darta, emblem on seal, . . . . 87 Darullarma, measure,
. 84, 55, 56 Danapura, ci... . .
. 89 . dab-apanidha, of. sa-das-aparddha, privilege,. 107 Daparddhiba, of. .
. 291 Datapura, wi.. . .
214 . dasa-abda (daca-labda),
. 149 Dalvatara, H., . .
• 13 Dadur, 8. G. vi. Dasapura (),
214 datti, gift'. . .
262, 292 Daubaddhasadhanika, off. .
291 Devanagare, si... daya, ' gift' .
. . . . 182 dayuda, . . . . . . 92, 168 days, lutar bright fortnight :
213, 221, 271, 273 72, 187, 138, 140, 274 ..
. 30, 31, 34 5th, . . 48, 49, 52, 231, 234, 238, 241,
240, 268, 265
28
..
.........
Dabhoi Inscription, .
191 Dadda I, Gurjara k.. . 148, 149, 163 Dadda II, do., .
148, 149, 150, 163 Dadda II, do. . . .
• . 148 Dedra, vi.. . . . .
. . 103 Dahala, ca.. . . . . 288, 260, 297 Daksha, . . . . . . . 225 dakahind or dakahinya .
.
. . 46, 52 Dakshina Kosala, co... . . 116, 118, 119 Dakshina patha-Sadhara, mur. of Avanijankaraya
Pulakedin, Dakshiņa-Radhe, co., . . . 103, 108, 109 Dakshina-Tocali, co.,. .
. 200, 201 Dakshindyana, . . . . . 278 dama or dama, 4. a. dramma, . . • 278 Dumanaba-chaturda A. . 188, 188 & *., 189 Dumanaka-paruan . a. Damanaka-chaturdas, 184,
136 Dimondarman, .. . . . . . 93, 94
.
.
8
.

Page #400

INDEX.
307
PAGE Davidity, m...
. 106, 110 dépadroal, procession or ablution of imagen '1 167,
159 Dövagiri, ca. . . . 184, 279, 281 d&v-dgraldra, . . .
. . 64, 66 Derugupta, 1. a. Chandragupta II . . 82, 88 drakula, temple, . 164, 170, 249, 261, 262 Dovada Devi, Chalukyo - . .
. 100& .. Dávali Dövl, Sinda q.)
• 100 & #. ddudlaya, 'temple', . .
. 168, 170 Dövamantrite, m.,
• 190, 194 Dévapilo, Pala k., .
. 290 & 1., 291 Dövapala, Paramana k.,
• 191, 192 Dévapuri, ca., . . . . . . 58 Devaraja, Yadaes minister, 190, 193, 194, 195 Dévarishtra, co.. .
57, 58, 59, 60, 61 Dévarkys I, Vijayanagara k.. . 192, 183, 186 Diyavimin, ., . . . . 106, 110 Dévavimin Thakkura, m., . . 138, 139, 140 démalars, 8. a. kalpataru, . . . . 236 Diyavarman, Vishnubundin prince, 88, 91, 92, 93,
246, 247
98
ΡΔΟΣ days, lanar-cond bright fortnight-contd. Oth, . . . . . .
277 *. 7th, . . . 64 add., 56 add., 69, 73 10th,. . 3, 6, 8, 104, 111, 183, 185 12th,. .
. . 66, 67, 271 . 13th,.
49, 137, 138, 140 14th,. . 134, 135, 186, 188 & *., 189, 277 18th (full-moon), 48, 89, 98, 99, 104, 108,
166, 205, 216, 217 & n., 223, 229,
230, 234, 236, 240, 277 & 1., 278 dark fortnight:3rd, . .
. . . 224 7th, . .
82, 87, 281, 282 10th, . . 13th,. . . 104. 118
104, 113, 168, 216 n., 278 15th (new moon), 48, 115, 119, 121, 122, 148,
152, 155, 196, 213, 275, 276, 278, 280 days of the month -
sth. . . 13th, . . .
199, 202 17th, . . .
199, 203 24th,. . .
190, 203 27th,. .
168, 161 29th,. . .
19, 22 30th,. . .
199, 201 days of the reign
988th, . . days of the week: Sunday, . . 72, 104, 107, 183, 185, 190, 234,
238, 241, 277 & »., 278 Monday, 69, 78, 214 m., 217 *., 223, 220,
230, 275, 276, 278, 279, 280, 281 Tuesday, 3, 6, 8, 104, 213, 214 n., 274 1.,
278 Wednesday, . . . 3 #., 224, 273, 276 Thursday, . . 3, 186, 188, 180, 271, 278
.
104, 168 Saturday,
30, 31, 34, 217 1., 234, 277 . Dédőka, donee,
. . 107, 110 deer, emblem on real,
. . . 200
. 148, 152, 155 Delhi, . .
187, 232, 234, 239 Dendaldru, ca... D6-Baraqirk Inscription of Jivitagupta II, 242, 243,
291 & n. Deoli Plates of Krishna III,
257 n. duhend, Buddhist term, . . . . 242 Dulindmarla, work,
. 231. Dea, m., . . . .
. 225 divabhips, . .
107, 163, 160, 293 diwa-brihmapa-thoi-narja, privilege, . . 136 padana, . . . .
• .
22, 24, 25, 26 Déradatta, donec, , , 10, 11, 16 & n., 18 didundaya,. . . . 152, 211, 221, 292 Devidhy, Pariwijala k.,
• 171 Dávidity , donec, . . . . 106, 110
.
258
Friday, ..
•
261
dEakyatana, 'temple
temple
.
. . . . . 160 Devendravarman, Ganga k., . . 201 m., 281 Dorëndravarman II, do. . . . . 76 n. Dépondravarman IV, do.. . . 74, 75 & n., 77 Devt-Madhia, te., . . . Dôvf-throne, . a. deanapafta, . . . 247 . . . . . 9, 180, 200 n., 265 n.
189 Dhammapagrama, ., . .
106, 107 Dhammapada, work,. . . . 40». Dhanadatta, com., .
264, 286 Dhankidaba Copper-plate Inscription, · · 63 Dhanantars Plates of Samantavarman,
261 Dhanapala, author, .
101 .. Dhanapati, ... god Kubers, Dhanusvámin, ., . .
167, 169 Dhangatapataka, i. .
117. Dhanusk, radi, . . .
. 168 Dhiri, ca., . . .
191, 192 Dhäradatta, ., .
240 Dharasco, . a. vi., Dhäräsiva, . . 206 n. Dhirikiva, wi... 30, 205, 206 & n., 210, 213, 221 Dhän vanhe, ch. of Chakrakótya,. . . 244 Dharivarahe, Paramara k. of Abe . 232 Dhåravarsha, Rashfrakita k., . 18, 206, 210, 220 Dharivaraba, sur. of Rashfraküfa k.Dhruv 144 Dhare vara, donee, . . . 223, 229, 230 Dharma, 136, 157, 159, 163, 160, 202, 203, 285,
287, 269 Dharms ... donee (),
. . 292 dharmachakra, emblem on seal, .
230 dharm-adara-karang, . .
. 87 Dharmadatta, .. . . . . 291, 292
Daiyaks, 19.,
.
.
90

Page #401

308
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXII.
.
96
PAGE dharmadaya, . .
. . 111, 113 Dharmadēva, ch., . . 180 & 16., 187, 188 dharm-adhikarana,
. . . . 265 Dharmaditya, k., Dharma-Kandarpadēva, . 4. Mahi Bhavagupta II,
. 253 n. Dharmapala, ch., . . . 294, 296, 297 Dharmapäls, Pala k., . . . 158, 290, 291 dharmapradana, . . . . . . 98 Dharmapuri Plates of Väkpati, . . 102, 104 Dharmarajadēva, Sailodbhava k. 91, 94 7., 125,
126 Dharma bästra, 43, 80, 202, 203, 262, 255, 263,
265, 267, 269, 271 7. Dharmaliva, misreading for Vyamasiva, 276 *. dharmasthana, office of justice',. 82 7., 86 Dharmasútras, . . . . . . 93 Dharur, 8. a. vi. Dhārāsiva (), . . . 206 dhätu, Buddhist term, . . . . 241 Dhauli Rock Edicts of Asoka, . . . 200 Dhiniki Inscription of Jāikadēva, . . 50 n. dhrita-latayuga, . .
. .
. 86 & n. Dhruva, Rashtrakiifa k., 10, 11, 15, 144, 214, 294 Dhruvamitrasvămin, donee, 199, 200, 202, 203 Dhumarijadēva, k., . . . . 188 *. Dhurjati, .. a. god Siva, . . 114 m., 187 Dighanikaya, Buddhist work,
149 n., 241 n. Dikshita, 8. a. Ruddappa Dikshita, . . 18 Dikshita Ayanika, donce, . . . . 20, 21 Dilävar Khan Ghüri, Sultan of Mandu, . . 232 Dilli, ca.. .
. 184, 185 dinara, coin,
. . 53, 54, 55, 56, 157, 160 Divakars, donee . .
273, 274 & n. Divakars, engr...
. . . 199, 203 Divakara, m.. .
. . 2, 5, 7, 8 Dödhåma, donee,
. 213, 221 Dom João de Castro, Portuguese Viceroy in India . .
271 n. Dönāka, donde,. .
103, 105, 109 Dorasamudra, ca.. .
. . . 193 Doravadi, ca., . .
. . . 184 Dorsvadi-nádu, di., . drama, 8. a. dramma,.
. . 281 dramma, coin, . . • 280 1., 281 . drisha, used drishfad for drishtam in the beginning of
a charter, , . . . 82 & n., 85 & *. Drönasimgha, engr. . . . . . 22 Druhiņa, 8. a. god Brahman, drum, emblem on seal, . .
. . . 67 Dudia Plates of Pravarasena II, . . 83, 84 dubkha, Buddhist term,
. . . 242 Dungarpur, state, Durgakhandi, donet, .
. . . 78, 80 Durgakhapdika, 4. a. donee Durgakhandi, 264, 265 Durgappa, donee, .
10, 16 & *.
PAGE Durgalarman, doncs, . . . . Durgasarman, . .. .
. . 94 & n. Durjaya, family, Durjaya, 8. a. Ranadurjaya,
. 96 Durlabha, of. . . . . . 60, 61 7h. Durlabha III, Chahamana k.,
• 134 Durvinfta, Ganga k... .
93 n., 146 dūla or dülaka,. 11, 17, 124, 125, 129, 131, 132,
148, 152 & ., 155, 158, 161, 205, 212, 213, 214, 215 7., 222 229, 249,
261, 263, 291 Dvarasamudra, 4. a. ca. Dorasamudra,. . 178 Dväravatipura, ca., . . . . 194, 195 Dvija, 8. a. Brāhmaṇa, , 237, 239, 253, 255 Dvya rayakávya, work, . . . 275 ..
E e, initial, e, medial, 45, 68, 81, 132, 204, 230, 256, 290 echchóru, tax,. . . . . . . 23, 24 eclipses - lunar, 90, 104, 107, 108, 165, 205 & n., 211,
215 & n., 217 1., 293, 294, 295 & solar, 10, 12, 17, 80, 115, 119, 121, 122, 213, 217 1., 221, 264, 271, 272, 275, 276,
278, 280 Ekalingajt, te., deity., . . 234, 236, 239
Ekalingamdhamya, work, . . . . 232 Ekalingji Stone Inscription, . . . . 83 1. Eklingji, te., . .
. . 230 Eklingji Inscription of Naraváhana, . 50. Eklingji Inscription of V. S. 1545, 231, 232, 233 Elamanchi-Kalingadēka, di.,
. 57 Elsvartu Grant of Ammarāja II, . 162 elephant, emblem on seal, . .
75 n. clephant goud, emblem on seal,
141, 142 Ellichpur, 8. a. Acbalapura,
- 13 Enuka-pilu, mo.. .
163, 169 equinox, . . .
. 268 Eran Posthumous Pillar Inscription of Gopa.
rája, . . . . . . . 20 eras:
Chalukya-Vikrama, . . . . . 100 Chēdi, . . . . 3, 148, 172, 173 Ganga,. . 63, 75 & 1., 92, 94, 264, 268 & n. Gaupta, &. a. Gupta, . . . . 50, 51 Gupta, . 54, 91, 171, 172, 173 & 7., 174, 198, 199,
200, 245, 247 Harsha,
. . . 199 Kalachuri-Chedi, 8. a. Chēdi, 3, 172, 173, 174 & the
199, 200, 247, 257, 298 Kaliyuga, Kanishka, . . . . . . 247 Kollam, . . . . . . 180 1. Krita, 8. a. Vikrama (?),. . 48, 49, 50, 51, 52 Mälava, . . . . . . . 115
.
.
.
184

Page #402

INDEX.
309
PAGE
eras-cond
Saks,
.
79
213,
195, 196185, 1902 163, 165
10, 16, 29, 30, 34, 58, 59, 60, 72, 73, 104, 106, 107, 146, 148, 162, 163, 165, 168, 183 & 7., 185, 190 & ., 191, 162, 195, 196, 206, & 7., 211, 213, 214, 215 & 1., 216 15., 217 ., 221, 226, 258, 270, 271 & n., 272, 273 & 1., 264 & A., 275 & 1., 276, 277, 278, 279, 280, 281, 282 & 1., 293, 294, 295 & 1., 296, 297
49 . . . . . . 50, 51
46, 49, 50, 51, 104, 134, 189, 223, 224, 229, 231, 241, 256, 277 & n.
Saptarsbi, Valabhl, Vikrama,
Faridpur Plates of Dharmaditya's Timo, 68 n., 166,
168 Faridpur Plato of Gopachandra's Time, 53 n., 168 & n.,
158 Farrukhabad, . . . .
. . 186 Firuz Khan, . . . . . 233, 239 Firuz Tughluq, . . . . . . 233 fly-whisk, emblem on seal, .
. . 87 Furhut-ool-moolk, governor of Gujarat, . 233
. . . . 82, 74, 256 ga, abbreviation for Gangavamba, . . 78 . gadhid paisà, coin, . . . . . 138 Oddi, . . . . . . . 143 & .. Gahadevala, dy. . 186, 188, 189, 224, 225 Gahvā, vi..
13, 16 . Gajalakshmi, emblem on seal, . . . 248 Gamagamika, off.. . .
. 291 Gambbări, vi., . . . . . 223, 229 Ganapati, ch., . .
. 192, 193 Gayapati, k., Ganapati, 8. d. god Ganesa, . . . 270 Gandarāditya, Silahara k.,. , 29, 31, 33, 34 Ganebapurana, work, Ganga or Ganga dy., 11, 12 n., 56, 58, 59, 62, 63, 66, 68 & ., 69, 70, 71, 72, 74, 75, 76, 78 1., 79, 93 n.,
94, 101 n., 162, 207, 209, 215, 217, 219,
220, 226, 261, 262, 263, 264, 265, 266, 268 Ganga, goddess, . .
. . 161 n. Gangá, ri., . . .
127, 130 Gangā, 8. a. ri. Godavari, .
. 193 Ganga, W. dy.,. .
. 79, 145, 146 Gangabhadra, m.. .
124, 129, 131 Gangādbars, donce,
. . 32, 34 Ganga-Kaviläsa (Ganga-Kailasa 1), . 266 & n. Ganga-mandala, co., .
11 & 1., 12. Canga-mandal-adhiraja, ep. of Chakirkja, 12 . Gangavadi . . .
. . 293 Gangdhăr, L., .
. . 61 Gangdhår Inscription, . . . . 49, 51
PAGE Ganges, ri., . . . . 53, 89, 103, 159 Ganjām, di., .
. . 67 Ganjam Grant of Prithivivarman, . Ganjam Plates of Madhavarāja, 91, 95, 128 & n.,
127 Ganjam Plates of Sasanka's Timo, . 50, 198 Ganj Inscription,
waonphon, . . . . 172, 173 Gantiyamma, donce,. . . . 11, 16, 18 Gaonri, vi.,
. . 101, 102 Gaonri Plate of Govinda IV, .
106 Gaonri Plates of Vakpati : V. S. 1038, 106, 106, 108 Gaonri Plates of Vakpati: V. 8. 1043,. 111 Gáralagupta, vi..
. . . 163, 169 Garavapidu Grant of Ganapati, . . . 96 Gårgys, one of Lakuli's four pupils, . 164 Garuda, . .
. . . 30, 32 Garuda, emblem on banner, . . . 33 & n. Garuda, emblem on seal, 8, 28, 119, 204, 212 Gauda, co., .
. 258, 259, 291 Gauda, family, . . . . . 2, 6, 294 Gauda, oft. . . . . 190, 196, 196 Gaudardjys Gaudiya,. . ,
• 207, 219 Esurambika, Mökala's wife, . . 231, 237, 240 Gaurl, 8. . goddess Parvati, . . . 235, 239 Gaurila, 8. a. god biva, . . . . 235 Gauta, m...
. . 11, 17 Gautamiputra, Vakafaka prince, . . 85 & *. Gays. . . . Gaya, di...
290 & n., 291 Gaya, tirtha, . . . 233, 235, 236, 239 Gaya-vishaya, di., .
. . . 159
124, 256 Ghantäkarnakshētra, ti. .
. . 199, 201 Ghårsvall, vi.. . . . . . . 282 | Ghata, family . .
256, 257, 260 Ghafa, lagna, &. c. Kumbha, . . . 168 Ghat-ladki, . a. vi. Ladávallika (1), Ghugrahati Plate of Samkeharadēvs.
159 ghumara, 'waterfall ', . Ghumara Falls, . . .
. . 244 Girija, 3. a. goddess Parvati, Girikandi-chaitya, in Ceylon,
. 196, 197 Gitábhavadīpika, Marathi work, . . 193 gna, used for jia, .
. . 19 Goa, Kadambas of
. . 225, 226 Gödávarl, ri., .
69, 193 & n. Gödávart Plates of Prithvimāla, . . 88, 32 Godhagrima, vi.,
157, 158, 159, 160 Gödwår, L., . .
. . 131 Göhagrama, vi., . . . . . 159 Göhaaðdvi, vi...
. 11, 13, 16 Goika, M., .
. 157, 159 Gokananāyaka, donse, .
. 69, 73
.
.
244
.
.
.
108, 112

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310
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXII.
2, 4, 7
&a-
tema-karataloni
.
.
84
.
.
.
. 32, 34
- PAGE gotras :-contd.
PAGE Gokarna, ch., . .
Sigulf (Sängali),
. 11, 18 gokarna-kassa-kuruma karatal-Odata-pürna, 229 Vachchha, 8. G. Vstas,
265, 266, 269 Gökarnasvamin, n. of god Siva, . 65, 71, 76 Vājasaneya (1)
. 11, 18 Gokarnēsvara, n. of god Siva, 79, 281, 262, 263, 264, Viraba, . .
106, 110 266, 268 Vasishtha or Valishtha, . 58 ., 105, 109, 190, Goladasa, com. . . . .
194, 195 Golasvamin, donee, .
. . . 20, 21 Vatan, 74, 77, 103, 105, 106, 109, 110, 199, 202, Gollapadi, vi.. .
. 166
203, 264, 265 7., 266, 268 Gollapundi, vi.
163, 166, 169 Vataya, cf. Vates, . . 78, 80, 199, 202, 203 Gomkalle, Silalara k.,
29 & 11., 30, 33
Vishnuvsiddha, Gondala, Paramara ch.,
133 Gottaikēlä, vi...
. 249, 250, 251, 2014 Gooty Fort,
. 270 n.
Gövaddha, 8. a. donee Govardhana, 273 1., 274 Gopachandra, k.. . 156 & 7., 157, 158, 159
Govanna, 3. a. Govaddha. . . . . 274. Göpåladeva, Pala k.,.
. . 290, 291 Govardhana, donee, .
273 & n., 274 . Göpalibhöga, l., . . . 64, 65, 56
Govēnāku, minister,
280 Goperāja,. . .
Göveys-rajya, di.,
182, 185 gopura, . . .
. 177, 180, 285
Govinda, dones, . . Görakshita, I., . .
. 53, 55, 56 Govinda, engr... .
292 n. Gosarana, m . .
. . 105, 109
Govinda I, Rashtrakufa k... . 10, 14 Gosvamint, Ganga q.. .
79, 80 Govinda II, do., .
. 10, 11, 15 Gotarkein, s. . vi. Gottakell, . . . 250
Govinda III, do., 10, 11 & n., 12 & n., 13, 15, 92 n.. Gofraprayaranibandhakadamba, work, . 16 .
204, 205 & n., 206, 208, 213, 214, 215, gólnar:
216, 217, 219, 258, 293, 294, 295, 296, Agastya. . . . . . 105, 109
297 Atréya,. . . .
20, 21, 70 Govinda IV, do.. . . . . 104, 106 Atri, . . . 82, 34 Govindaéarman, donee, .
. 74, 77 Bharadvāja, 11, 18, 20, 21, 32, 34, 106, 110, Govindasvămin, donee,
. . 105, 110 199, 201, 223, 229, 250 Gävindavarman, Vishpukundin k., 21, 93, 95 & n. Bhargava, . . 105, 106, 110 Gövsisha, m., . .
. . 137, 140 Dhananjaya . . .
. . 32, 34 Gövvaikabhatta, ...
. . 10 Gärgya,. . . .
105, 109 Gramakuta, off... . . 15, 106, 210, 220 Gautama, . . . 32, 34, 94, 105, 109 Gramamahalara, off-.. . . . . 151 Haridra, . . . . . . 10, 11, 18 Gråmapati, off...
73, 264, 266, 268 Jämadgnya-Vatsa,. .
. . . 32, 34 Grima-stupa, .
. 289 & n. Kamakiyana, . . . . . 89, 98, 99 Grilyarátras, . .
. . . 43 Kasyapa, 11, 18, 32, 34, 53, 54, 55, 89, 96, 97, Guddavādi, di... . 99 & n., 105, 106, 110, 205, 210, 213, pudi, ' templo', . .
166 . 221, 261, 262 Gudimallam, vi. .
. 146 Katyayans, . . . . 20, 21 gudla, of temples ', .
. 166 &. Kaundinya, . . 148, 151, 155, 157, 160 Gudin-Kanderuvāti, &. a. Gudla-Kandervvadi, 166 Kausiks, 20, 21, 60, 61, 124, 129, 131, 224, Gudla-Kandervvadi, di.,
163, 166, 169 289
Gudrahara 8. a. Kudrahära, . . . 89 ». Kramatta (!). . . . . 10, 16 & n.
Gühala I, Silahara k., . . . . 29 & n. Kutimäsha (Kulmasha 1),
30, 33 Mihula,. . . . 106, 110 Gühala II, do.. .
... 29, 30, 33 Maitreya,
105, 110 Gujarāt, co., 48, 138, 172, 173, 191, 192, 214, 233, Mänavys,
116, 167
234, 258, 270 , 275, 277 . Maudgalya, .
105, 109 gulfa, . a. gudla, . . . . . 166 n. Mauni,, .
106, 110 Gunadaravichcharam, te., . . . . 178 Möggala, cf. Maudgalya,
. 11, 18 Gunagānka-Vijayaditya, $. G. E. Chalukya k. Mudgala, do... . . 199, 200, 201 Vijayaditya III, . .
• 767 Parisara or Pārābara, 2, 5, 7, 105, 106, 109, 110, Gunaighar Plate of Vainyagupta,
156, 158 261 Gunākara, m., .
. . 106, 110 Rama-Kasyapa, . . . 99 s. Gunamahirnava, Ganga 4., .
71 Biokritya, .
. . 105, 109, 1131 Guņā.mbhodhidēvs I, Kalachuri prince,. 259 Sandilya, . . 105, 106, 109, 110 Gunavarman, Ganga k., 57, 58 & W., 60, 61 & .

Page #404

PAGE
Gundama I, Ganga k., . Gundama II, do., Gunesvara, s. a. god Siva, Gupta, dy.,
71 72 261, 262 & n. 45 m., 83, 84 & m., 89, 103, 156, 158, 159, 173, 174, 255 Gupta-nripa-rajya-bhukti, 171, 173 Gurjars or Gurjara, dy., 148, 191 & n., 192, 193, 194, 195, 209, 215, 220, 258, 259, 294, 206, 297 Gurjara-Pratihāra, dy., 12 n., 258, 259 Gatti, di., 185 29 29 n. 51 133
Gavala, s. a. Gühala I,
Güvalla, do.,
Gyaraspur, vi.,
Gyata, Paramāra ch.,
A.
Hädä, m.,
Haihaya, s. a. Kalachuri dy., hala, 1. m.,
Hallanyara, di.,
Halsi Plates of Ravivarman, Hammira, Chauhan k., Hammira, ch. of Mewar,
H
Haradāsa, engr.,. Harähä Inscription,
Haraja, m.,
Hari, m.,
Hari, m., Khadgi,
2, 4, 6, 7 66, 67
78, 79 91 m. 187 231, 232, 234, 235, 238 191 & n. 183
Hammiramadamardana, work,
Hampi, L.,. Hara, s. a. god Siva, 13, 151, 154, 108, 206, 218, 235, 239 249, 254, 255 47 n., 115, 116 140 106, 110
157, 159
Hari, m., Vahanayaka,
Hari Dikshita, m.,
Harihara-Mahārāya, Vijayanagara k.,
Hariharapura, vi., Haripaladeva, Silähära k.,
INDEX.
•
9, 156, 245, 259.
234, 238, 241
Haripura, vi.,
Harischandra, Gahadavala k.,
Harishēna, Vakataka k., Härlti,
Harsha, k.,
Harsha, k. of Kanauj,
Harshacharita, work, Harshadēva, k.,
Harshadeva or Harshagupta, Somavams of Kōsala, 115 & n., 116, 119, Harshavardhana, k. of Kanauj, Harsola Grant of Siyaka, Haryavana, Krita's son, Ḥasanābād, vi., hasta, cubit', hasta, 1. m.,
hasta-prakshēpa, obstruction",
157, 160
105, 109 182, 185 184
273,274,277 205, 206, 210
186 & n. 92, 117 167 . 10, 14 119 n.
119 n., 150 n. 149, 153
k.
120, 122
158, 243
102 50 245
31, 32
201
160
Hastin, Parivrājaka k., Hastivarman, Ganga k.,
Hastivarman, Sälankayana k., Hasty-av-oshtra-bala-vyapritaka, off., Hathal Plates of Dhärävarsha, Hāvēri, vi., Haveri Inscription, Heggade, off.. Hemachandra, author,
.
Hemadri, author, Hemakūta, l., Hētāvuka, caste,. Hětilōka, donee, Hidda, L.,
Hidda Inscription of the year 28, Himadatta, m., Himalaya, mo.,
Himavat, s. a. mo., Himalaya, Him[i]ngana, m., Hindu,
Hindupur Inscription of Saka 775, Hiranyakësi-Grihyasutra, work, Hiranyanabha, Krita's preceptor, Hiranyasamudayika, off., Hirpur, 8. a. vi. Haripura, Hittukaras
horseman, emblem on coin Hosa Kummata, I.,
138 182
Hōtri,
46
Hoysala, dy., 175, 177, 178 & n., 179, 180 n., 181 n., 183, 184, 191, 193 Hoyasanarayakölähala, tit. of Yadava k..
Mahadeva, Huligere, I., Humayun, Moghal k., Hana, tribe, Hana-mandala, di., Hutasana, s. a. god Agni,
PAGE 171, 172
56, 57, 62, 63 & n., 64, 66, 69
89 n. 291 188 n. 193 193 n.
190, 195, 196
12 n., 13 n., 231 m., 275 .
33 n., 134, 192, 193, 279 n. 183 148, 152, 155
4, initial,
i, medial,
i, medial, used for i, i, superfluously used,
i, initial,
5, medial,
Hakkusu, coin,
Ilam, s. a. Ceylon,
311
.
75 n. 35
35, 37, 42 157, 159
30, 240, 294, 297
237
245
233
147
43
50 157, 159 206
190, 195, 196
191, 193 184 232
102 & n., 201 102, 108 253
I
78 n., 81, 123, 162, 204, 213, 270
68, 74, 198, 204, 290
115 189
Idar, fort of Ikhāku, 8. dy.. Ikshvāku, dy..
Ilachala, s. a. Idar,
Iladurganayaka, lord of the fort of Idar',
81
74, 81, 88, 91 m., 114, 198
232 52 1. 47 232 232 280, 287, 288
144 n.

Page #405

312
Iltutmish,
imani-Kanderuvāți, di., Imda, m.,
Inban Dovanasetti, m., Indian Museum Plates of Devendravarman, 76, 201n. Indra, god,. 44, 99, 130, 167, 235, 239 10, 14
Indra II, Rashtrakuta k., Indra III, do., Indrabhattarakavarman, Vishnukundin k.,
104, 296
Isanadēva, Samavami k., Isänavarman, Maukhari k, Isapura Yupa Inscriptions, Isvara (Bharadvaja gōtra), m., Isvara, (Gautama götra) m.,. Iévara, s. a. god Siva lévaradatta, bhira k.,
91, 92, 93, 95 227 Indradeva, s. a. k. Indradhavala, 225, 227, 228 Indradhavala, k., 223, 224 & n., 227, 228,
Indradaun, s. a. k. Indradhavala (?),
229
Iévaradatta, engr., Isvaraghosha, k., Iévaravarman, Maukhari k.,
Itihasa,
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
Indradyumna, 8. a. Indradaun (?),
227
Indrapala's Inscription, Indraraja, E. Chalukya prince, Indravarman, E. Chalukya k.,
103 167 94, 95 n.
Indravarman, Ganga k., Indravarman I, don,
2
Indravarman II, don,
56, 57, 78, 79, 94, 264 62, 63, 64 n., 78 62, 63 m., 64 93 n. 244 241
Indravarman, Vishnukundin k., Indrāvati, ri.,
indriya, Buddhist term, Ipur Plates (Set I), 88, 91 & n., 92 & n., 93 n.,
Ipur Plates (Set II),
95 .. 96 91 & n., 92 & n., 95 n. Ipür Plates of Madhavavarman I, 116
Ita, s. a god Siva,
235
lóa, s. a. rājā,
29 116
115, 116 & n. 44, 45 & n., 51 106, 110
105, 109 238 48
82, 83, 87 226 116 253, 255
J
PAGE
186 & n., 187
166 140 285, 287, 288
.
3.
j, used for y, Jadavulabhatta, m., Jagaddēva, Kalachuri k., Jagaddeva, Paramāra k., Jagadekabhushana, Chhindaka ch., Jagannatha, te. at Puri, Jahangir, Memoirs of - Jaideva, Yadava governor, Jainad Inscription of Jagaddeva, Jain tradition,
-
Jsitrakarna, . . Jaitrevara,
·
.
9, 74, 81, 186, 198, 270 141, 205, 270 205, 212
2 & n., 5, 7 117 .. 133
244
226 232 281, 282
117 14., 133
51 232
РАОК
231, 232, 235, 238
Jājalladeva I, Kalachuri k., Jäjalladēva II, do.,
191 120 2, 4, 7 2 168 289 106, 110
jalaja, lotus', auspicious sign, Jamalgarhl Lamp Inscription, Jamata, donee, Jambanadi-vithi, di.,
159, 290, 291 Janamejaya, s. a. Maha-Bhavagupta II, 249, 253 & n.,
Jaitre vara, ch., Jaitugi, Yadava k., Jaitpur, vi.,
255
janapada, 72, 79, 108, 111, 112, 113, 135, 159, 262, jānapada, Janardana, s. a. god Vishnu, Janaáraya, sur. of Vishnukundin k. Madhavavarman III, 90, 91, 93 & n., 95
264 77, 129, 131 178 n.
90, 93, 95 .
Janasrayi Chhandovichiti, work, Jangōyikā, vi., Jāpila, L., Jaraáambhu, ch., Jātaka, work,
53, 54, 55, 56 224 & n., 228
137 39
Jätesinga-Dungri Plates of Maha-Sivagupta I, 250 n. Jatiga I, Silähära k.,
Jatiga II, do.,
29, 30, 33 29 & n., 30, 33 Jatila Parantaka, Pandya k., 284 Jaunpur Stone Inscription of Iévaravarman,. 116 Jawar Inscription of V. S. 1478, Jayabhata I, Gurjara k., Jayabhata II, do., Jayabhata III, do.,
•
•
Jayasinha II, do., Jayasimha, m.,
[VOL. XXIII.
Jaynagar, L.,
Jeda (Jata)éringa, di.,
jh,
"
Jayaḍā, di., Jayadasa, engr., .
Jayanatha, Uchchakalpa k., Jayangonḍaśola-mandalam, di., Jayasimha I, E. Chalukya k., 88, 90, 94 & n., 95 m.,
24
Jayasimha, Paramāra k., jaya-stambha,
167 167 124, 129, 131 133, 134 43 171
171
Jayasvamin, Uchchakalpa k., Jayasvamini, Uchchakalpa q., Jayavarmadeva, Ganga ch., Jayavarmadeva, Ganga k., 261, 262, 268 Jayavijaya, so called doorway in the Jagannatha temple at Puri,
267, 268 & n.
jihvāmiliya, Jijjil.n, ri.,
Jilwada, . a. Chelavata,
.
231 . 148, 149, 150, 153 148, 149, 150, 153
148, 149, 151 & n., 153, 154 & n., 155 264 158, 161 171, 172, 173
.
226 227
262 n. & add. 204
Jhampa Japrabhu or Jhampaḍaprabhu, minister, 278, 279, 280 . 19, 57 64 n. 23)

Page #406

INDEX.
313
PAGE Jilwära, . .
. . 234 Jimutavāhana, progenitor of Silahara dy... 274 Jimõtavahana, Vidyadhara prince, 30, 31, 32, 33 & . Jinabhavana, . . . . . 293 n. Jirjingi Grant of Indravarman I, 62 & n., 63, 64 m.,
92 jirn-äddhara, purpose of donation,
. . 195 jirn-oldhara, 'repairs,
. . 276 Jitakarna, #. a. Jaitreśvara,. .
• 232 Jivasvamin, m.,. . .
157, 159 Jivitagupta II, Gupta k. . . . 242, 243 Jiya- Mahipati, 8. a. Alagiyaltyar, . . • 177
. 124 Jhānēsvara, saint, . . .
. 193 Jupiter, Twelve year Cycle of . . . 171 jyotishka, . . . . . .
272 m.
.
128
PAGE Kalakkudi, . a. Ukkirakottai, 283 & n., 284, 286,
287, 288 Kalakkudi-nadu, 4. a. Ukkirankottai, 283, 285, 288 kalam, measure of capacity, , , , 25, 26, 27 Kalamukha, sub-sect of the Pa hupalas, 162, 163, 164,
165, 169 Kalamukhëndra, 8. a. Pasupati II, or Prabhu
tarăsi II, . . . . 164 & n., 170 Kālanāthasvāmin, te., . . . . . 165 Kalandai, 8. a. Karavandapuram, . 283 & 1. Kālañjara, l. Kalañjara Stone Inscription of Udayana, 116 kalaniju, . . . . . 286, 287, 288 kalaba, part of ypa,. . . . . 43 , kalaba, depicted over inscription, 273, 277, 278, 279,
280 kalaba, 'pitcher', anspicious sign,
168, 281 Kalas Inscription of Govinda IV, . . . 104 Kalawan Inscription,. . . . 37 & 7. Kālēya, belonging to Kali', . Kalha Plates of Sodhadēva, . Kali, age,. 125, 128, 130, 131, 149, 150, 153, 154,
207, 208, 219, 228 Kalidasa, author, . . 64, 83, 84 & n., 93,
172 n. Klidāsa, com.,. . . 82, 83, 84, 87 Kalinga, co., 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 64, 65, 69 & 1., 70,
75, 79, 89, 90, 92, 94, 95, 119, 123, 125, 126, 127, 130 & 9., 131n., 1125, 62, 163, 200, 225, 226,
258, 261, 262, 264, 266, 268, 297 Kaling-adhipati, . . . . . . 89 Kalinganagara, ca., 65 & n., 66, 68, 69, 72, 75, 76 Kalingapatam, Kalingaraja, Kalachuri k.,.
2, 4,7 Kalivallabha, 8. a. Rashfrakila k. Nirupama, 208, 219 Kali-Vishņuvardhana, 8. a. E. Chalukya k.
Vishnuvardhana V,. . . . . 167 Kaliyuga-Vikramaditya, sur. of Gandaraditya, . . . .
. . . 31, 33 Kalpa, Vedānga, . . . . . 253, 255 Kalyāna, ca. . . . . . . 183 Kalyāni, ca.. . . . . . . 134 Kamalaraja, Kalachuri k., . . Kamalavana-vanik-athāna, Kamalavana Mer
chants' Association', . 249, 251, 252, 255 kamandalu, emblem on seal,
• 114 Kamarpava I, Ganga k. . .
. 71 Kāmārnava II, do.. . Kámírnava III, do., . .
. . 68, 72 Kamarūpa, a. a. Assam, .
. . 261 Kambha, 4. a. Rashtrakūta k. Stambha, 144 Kandilidēva, 8. c. Kampilidēva,. . 184 n. Kammarāslatra, di.. . . . . 89 7., 94 Kampa or Kampavarman, Pallava k., 144, 145 &#..
146, 147
.
178
.
Kaccdyana (Katyayana), work, . . 38 Kachchi, 8. a. Käñchi,
. 144 1. Kadaba Plates of Govinda III's Time, 11, 12 & 1. Kadab Plates, . . . . 206 1., 214 n. Kadacha, vi., . . . . . . 10? Kadahichchhaka, vi... . . 102, 112 Kadahisthaka, vi.. . . . .
112 . Kadamba, dy... 48, 89 7., 91 7., 142 1., 223, 224,
225 & n., 226, 227, 228 Kadambavisa, 6. a. Kadamba ch. Samara.
simha (). . . . . . . 226 Kādava, 8. a. Pallava, 176, 178 & 1., 179 & n.,
180, 181 Kädava-kumara, .. a. Pallava ch. Köpper
ujingadēva II, Kādavariyar, 8. a. Pallavindir, . . 181n. Kaditāmatya, off..
: . 31, 34 Kaduvetti, Kaduvettigal, 8. a. Perumangalam-Udaiyar,. 176 Kailasa, .. .
249, 254, 255 Kailasa, mo. . .
194, 236, 239 Kailasapura, vi.. . . . . 115, 120, 122 Kaingoda, 8. a. Köngöda,
131 s. Kaitabba, demon destroyed by Vishnu,: 178 n. Kajangala, .. . . . . . . 39 kakapada, sign, . . . , 21 7., 22 n., 251 . Kakatiya, dy. . . . 96, 191, 192, 193 & n. Kakka I, Rashtrakufa k., . . • 10, 14 KĀkusthavarman, . . . Kalachuri, dy.. . 2, 3, 4 & n., 5, 7, 8, 102, 103, 118,
172, 173, 174, 255, 257, 258 & n.,
250 & n., 260, 296 Kaladondha, . a. Könthalanthina ()... Kalahandi, ci... . Kalakachūryukathanaka, werk. . . . 10 Kalakkad, vi.. . . . . . . 284
178

Page #407

314
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXIII.
.
.
188
PAGE Kampaņa-Eighteen, di.,
. . 185 Kampila, Kampiladēva or Kampilarāya, k., 182,
183 & n., 184 & n., 185 & n. Kampilidēva, 8. a. Kampiladeva, . . 184 n. ka[n]sakāra, brazier ', . . . 291, 292 kamadra do. . . . . . . 267 kamsára, do. . . . . . . 80 Kanaswa, L.,
. 51 Kaņaswa Inscription, . . Kanauj, . 47 & 7., 108, 187, 224, 225, 268 *., 298 Kanchanabula, gift, . . . . 235, 236 Kanchi, ca.,
10, 14, 89 7., 147, 179, 216 Kandan-Suran, 6. a. Tennavan Pallava
diäraiyan . . . . 283, 286, 288 Kändēru, ci.. . .
. . . 166 Kandéruvāti, 8. a. Kandërvvādi, . . . 168 Kandērvvädi, see Gudla-Kandérvvādi, . . 166 Kanhapa, Yadava k... .
. . 1931. Kanishka, Kushana k.,. .
. . 47 & n. Kanker Plates of Pamparajadēva, . 142 n. Kannada literature, . . . . . Kannadar,
180, 181 Kannanur, ca.,
. . . 178 Kannaradeva, Rashfrakūta k., . 144 1., 145 1. Kanni, ri., . .
. . 180, 181 Kanopă, vi. .
. 102, 105, 109, 113 Kantēru, 8. a. Kandēru, . kanthika, . . .
. , 208, 219 kanyà-dhënu-dhara-turangama-ratha-grantha, gifts, . . .
• 236 Kanyakubja, ca., .
225, 243 Kānyakubja-bhukti, di, .
. . 243 Kanyakubja-dēla, . .
188, 189 Kanyākumāri Inscription,.
• 97 n. Kāpālika, Saiva sect, . .
• 165 kaparda ka-põdi, see vodi,
139, 140 Kapilā, l... . . .
290, 291 Kapilasiddha-Mallēśvaradeva,
195 Kapilasiddha-Mallikarjunadeva, te., 190, 191, 194,
195 Kapiéi, ci., . Kapisthavataka, vi., . .
. 157, 159 Kapitthakhēda, vi.. .
. . 105, 107 Kapotin, yüpa,. .
. 44 n. Kar, 'first harvesting season of. Tula, 26, 27 kara, "toll' or 'tax',
41, 60, 66, 98, 236 Karahataka, 1... .
. . 104, 107 Kārai-nīdu, di., Karaivali Andi-nadu, di., . . . . 147 Karakayda-chariu, work, . 30 & 1., 275 *. Karana, off., . 120, 129, 131, 262, 265 Karanika off., . . . . . 156 n. karapaka, see karavaka, . . . 83 n. karavaka, used for käraka,. . 82, 83, 7., 87 Karavandapuram, 3. a. Kalakkudi, 283, 284 & n.,
285, 288
'
PAGE Karavantapura, .. a. Karavandapuram, 286, 288 Karcha, vi.,
• 102 Karda Plates of Karka III,
259 n. Karhādā Brāhmaṇas, ef. Karabataka, i . . 104 Karigrama, vi...
. 105, 107 Karikāla, Chola ch.,
. . 96 Karikāla, family,
. 96 Karikala-Chola,
96 Kārltalai, ti.. . .
255 & n., 256, 257 Kärltalai Inscription, . . . 255 & n., 257 11. kari-urag-agama, elephant and horse lore',. 168 Kari-turay-Oshtra-nau-addhanika, off. . . 229 kariyavārāchchi, tax, . .
. . 26, 27 Karka, Rashtrakufa k.
. . 258 Karkka, 8. a. Kakka, . Karna, epic hero,. .
207, 218 Karna, Gurjara k.
149, 153 Karna, Kalachuri k., . . 102, 134, 258,296 Karnāta, people, . . . . 10, 14, 291 Karnataka Brāhmaṇas,
. 104, 107 Karnataka, co.,. . . 193 & n., 206, 217 Karnül Plates of Vikramaditya I,. . 82 n. Karpara, saint, . . . . . . 190 Karpásikāgrama, vi., .
. 135 karsha, measure of capacity, . 137, 140 Kartākritika, off.. . .. .
157, 159 Kārtavirya, myth. k.,. . . 2, 4, 6, 43 n. Kartayuga,
. 86 & n. Karttiladi, (year), . . . . . 104 Kärttikēya, god, Karunilakkudi-nadu, di., . . 285, 286, 288 Kagamana or Kasamana, donee, 11 & n., 16, 18 Kasēļi Plates of Bhöjadēva, . . . . 29 n. Kashmir,. . .
. . : 271 Käsi, tirtha, . .
. . . 233 Kasia Stone Inscription,
. 259 & n., 260 Kisidda, vi., .
. . . 264 Käsimkota Plates, .
. : 57 kabu, coin, . . .
24, 26, 27, 287, 288 Kätahaka, 8. a. Kadava, . . . . 180 kataka, 'camp', . . . . . . 250 & *. kataka, 8. a. chashäla, . . . . . 44 Kataka, 8. a. Cuttack (?), . . . 250 n. Katakanayaka, off. .
. 164, 170 Katak Grants (Three) of the 31st year, 249, 250,
251 1., 253 h Katakhadi, 8. a. Katashadi, .
275 . Katashadi, di., . . . , 275 & 1., 276 Kāthiāwār, co.,.
138, 270 n., 277 & n. Kättumannārkāyil Inscription, . . . 179 Katyāyana, m.,. . . . . . 82, 87 Katyayana-Srautasūtra, work, . 43, 44 n. Kaundarāja, m., . . . . . . 83, 87 Kaunkana, 8. a. Konkana, . . . . 282 Kauptika, off., . . . . 138, 140

Page #408

INDEX.
315
.
.
105, 109
. .
179 185
PAGE Kaurusha, one of Lakuli's four pupils,. . 164 Kaukambl, ca.,. .
. 245 ., 247 Kaulikf, goddess,
. . . 167 Kautilya, author, · 254 n., 255 *.., 284 Kävada, vi.. Kanadi, til., see also Kavidi, . . . . 147 Kavalar-Tambiran, tit. of Pallava ch. Kopper
ujingadēva I, . . . kavamüli, chief guard'. Kavannur, vi. . . .
144, 145, 147 & .. Kävört, ri.. . . . . 176, 178, 193 n. Kávērippakkam, vi.,,
. . . 145 Kävidi, tit.,
. 144, 147 m. Kävi Grant of Jayabhata III, 3, 151 n., 152 m. Kavilása, 8. a. mo. Kailasa,
. . . 194 Kaviläsapura, ci..
. . 194 Kaviraja, tit. of Yöglávara,. . 234, 237, 240 Kavirajamarga, work,
. . . 193 Kåviri, 8. a. ri. Kāvēri,
. 180, 181 Kävirippattiņam, vi,
. . 180 Kavisarvabhauma, tit. of Pallava ch. Kopper. ujingadēva I,
175. Kavyamala, work,
. . . 83. Kavyamimanså, do. Kayastha, caste, . . Kiyatha, vi., . . . . . 2, 3, 5, 8 Kelhana, Chahamana k., . . . . 191n. Kerala, co., .
. 10, 14, 217 m., 297 Kēkava, com., . . . . . 199, 202 Kēkava, m., . . . . . 156. Kësava, 8. a. god Vishnu, . . 249, 252, 255 Kësiraja, Silāhara k. . . . . . 279 Keala, vi., . . . . . . . 120 kh. . . . . . . . 72, 259 . Khachara, 8. a. Vidyadhara dy... . 33 . Khadgi, til., .
. . 157, 159 Khadirapadra, vi.. . . 240, 251, 255 Khadirapāla, k., 223, 224, 225, 226, 227, 228 Khadupallika, vi.. .
103, 105, 109 Khailapätaks, vi., .
· 117 n. Khairadē, vi., . .
205, 206, 210 Khajuraho Inscription of Kökkala,
257. Khajuriya, vi... . . Khalimpur Plates of Dharmapala, 64 n., 290, 291 Khalugakhands, di... . . . 266, 268 Khambéévart, te., .
. . 248 Khambha, .. a. Rashtraktita ch. Stambha, 12 n. Khamba II, Chalukya k.. .
. 99, 100 n. Khimkhed Plates,
. . . . 204 khampana, t. d., .
. . 28, 29, 31, 34 Khanda, com. . .
. . 261, 263 khanda, t. d.,
249, 250, 261, 264 Khandajötikā, ti, .
. 157, 158, 159 Khandajuli, v., . . . . . 158 Ihandakahara, . . . . 268, 268
PAGE khanda-sphufita-jirn-oddhara, repairs ',. . 32 khanda-aphufita-navakarman, do.. khanda-sphufita-pratikarana, do. . . . 252 Khandoya-Raya, 8. a. Kampiladēva, . . 184 Khandimala or Khandivili, engr., . . . 76, 78 Kharagiri, L., . . . . .
• .
284 Kharbādi, .. a. vi. Khairada (?), . . 206 Khariyar Plates of Maha-Sudēvarāja, Kharjarikā, vi., . . .
103, 106, 110 Kharod, vi. . .
. . 116 Kharod Inscription of Ratnadēva III,
2, 3 Kharðshthi Inscriptions, . . 289 & n. Khasa, tribe . . . .
• 291 khata, 'engraved ', 6. a. kahata,
82 ., 87 Khatāpurana, vi.. .
. 53, 54, 55 Khayāravala, 8. a. k. Khadirapāla (1), 224, 225 Khed, 4. G. vi. Khēda,
214 n. Khoda, vi.. . . .
213, 214 ., 221 Khēdāditya, deity, . . . 29, 31, 32, 34 Khedäpälikā, vi.
103, 106, 119 Khedaulis, cf. Khēdāpālika,
. . . 103 Khedávals, of. Khēdäpälika, Khedával Brahmanas,
. . 103 Kheri, vi... . . . .
203 Khētaka, vi.. .
103, 106, 110 Khetri, . a. Mewar ch. Kshetra, • .
• 232 khila-kshatra, 'fallow land,
. . 54, 55 Khoh Plates of Sarvanātha,
. 101 n. Khummana, family, . . . . 236, 240 Khurda Plates of Madhavarija, . 126, 127, 131 ». Khwaja Jahan, . . . . . . . 185 Kidangil, vi., . .
. . 24, 25 Kiladrangaka. .
. . 221 kilaka, 'peg' (for marking boundaries), 157, 160 Kindeppa, vi.. . .
. 57, 59, 60, 61 Kindoppa Grant of Anantavarman, . . 89 Kirkt Pillar Inscription, . . . . 13 - Kiratarjuniya, work,. . . 90, 93 & n. Kirtipäls, m., . . . . . 224, 229 Kirtiraja, Silahara k., . . . 29 & 1., 30, 33 Kiföra-radavd-go-mahishy-adhikrita, off. . 291 Kitkai-nadu, di.,
.. . 24 Kittinissanka, k. of Ceylon,
. . 225 Kodavalli, di.. .
29, 30, 31, 34 Koddavira, vi...
. 157, 159 Ködöll, vi..
. 30 Kodumbalûr Inscription of Vikramakēsarin, 165 & n. Koetei, 2. in Borneo, . Kökalāvalapura, 8. a. Kolbalapura, .
79 Kokalla, Kalachurid.,
2, 4, 7 Kökalla I, do., . . . . . 258 & n. Kokkili, E. Chalukya k., . . .
. 167 Kõlahalapura, ca.
. . . 79 Kolañcha, &. a. vi. Kulancha Kolar, 8. a. Kõlābalapura,. . . 79

Page #409

316
Kolleru Plates of Vijayanandivarman, Kōmarti Plates of Chandavarman,
Kōlaulapura, s. a. Kōlāhalapura,.
Kolavennu Plates of Chalukya-Bhima II, Kolhapur,
Kōllapura, s. a. Kolhapur,
Kōmnijavāḍa, vi.,
Kömthala-vätikā,
Kondakkarar, a caste of fishermen,
Kōndamañchi, vi.,
Kondapadumati, family, Kondapalem, vi.,
Konkanachakravartin, Silähära tit., Konkan-Thānā, Kōn Nagarattan, Köōn Sättan,
Kōnthalasthāna, vi.,
Kopparam Plates of Pulikesin II, Köpperuñjingadeva I, Pallava ch.,
Köpperuñjingadeva II, do., . Köpperuñjingan-desam, di., . Köradeva, m.,
91, 94 n., 125
26
Kondär, s. a. Kondakkarar,. Könḍarāja, s. a. Kaundaraja, Köndödda Grant of Dharmaraja, Könerirajapuram Inscription, Kōngōda, co., Konkan, Konkan, Konkan or Konkana, 192 & n., 269, 271, 277, 278, 280, 281, 282 277, 279, 280 192
64, 69 n., 123, 125, 126, 128, 131, 201
CO.,
287, 288 287, 288 280 &n. 88, 94, 95 n. 175 & n., 176, 178, 179, 180, 181 176, 177 & n., 179
177
115 & n., 121 & n., 122 70. 70
Korni Grant, Saka 1003, Korni Plates of Anantavarman Chōdaganga, Kōsala, Kosala or Kōéala, co., 19, 20, 70, 92, 94, 116, 117, 118, 119, 249, 250, 251 & n., 254,
258, 297 Kosam, s. a. Kausambi, 245 Kesavardhana, s. a. vi. Shergadh, 132, 134, 135, 136,
139 117 42, 48, 52 190 n., 191
PAGE 79
27, 69
28, 29, 30, 275 29, 30, 31, 34
56
Kramaltta, m.,
kramavid,
Kramavit, 8. a. Kramaitta, Krimila, di.,
Krishna, Küshtrakuta k., Krishna, s. a. god Vishnu,. Krishna I, Rashtrakuta k.,
Krishna II, do., Krishna III, do.,
•
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
56, 58 n., 89 ..
200
29, 30, 31, 34
280 144
89, 97, 98, 99
96
59
Kosgain Stone Inscription of Väharendra,
Kotah, state,
Kotbagi Inscription,
Kötivarsha, ci. or di.,
Kramaditya, 8. a. Kramaltta,
.
9, 16 n. 9, 11, 16 n. 32, 34, 272
16 n. 291
207 & n., 214, 218
151, 154, 208, 219
.
10, 14 258 & N.
162, 163, 257 & n.
•
·
144 83
.
Krishnadeva, Yadava governor, Krishnadevaraya, Vijayanagara k., Krishna-Kandhara or Krishna, Yadava k.,
Krishnaraja, Paramāra k., Krishana-Subhatunga-Akālavarsha,
kūļa k... Krita, age,
krita, fruit', 'booty', ' reward Krita, Hiranyanabha's pupil, Krita or Krita, n. of era, Krita, n. of k.,
Krita, one of Viśvēdēvas, Krita, Vasudeva's son,. Krittiväsas, s. a. god Siva, Krōshtukavartani, di.,
[VOL. XXIII.
kah,
ksh, confused with kv., kah, Kharoshthi-, kahata, engraved, 8. a. khata, Kshatrapa, tit., Kshatriya, caste,. kshaya-tithi, Kshēma, m.,
184, 192, 193 & n. 102, 108, 112 Rashtra
50
120
261
124 9 289 n. 82 n. 47, 48
47, 119, 235, 238, 240
278 37
83 & N.
Kshēmēndra, author, Kshetra, ch. of Mewär,. 231, 232, 233, 235, 238, 239 Kshetrapala, off.. kshitidäna, s. a. bhumidana,
291
210, 220, 293
kta, confused with ku,. ku, confused with kta,. Kubera, god,
290 290 240, 254
Kubja-Vishnuvardhana, E. Chalukya k., 90, 93, 94,
95 & n., 96, 167
89 n. 179 24
89 n., 92 n.
11, 18 291, 292 103 103, 105, 109
Kulanch, vi., Kulancha, vi., kulaputra, kulaputraka,
86
70, 267 Kulattulan Tiruchchirrambalam-Udaiyan Perunanambi Pallavarayar, general,
Kulattur, vi., Kulavara, off., Kulika, tribe,
Kumāra, s. a. god Kārttikeya, Kumaradeva, Uchchakalpa k.,
10, 14 208, 219
50) 50
48, 49, 50, 51, 52
50
50
Küdegere Platos of Siva-Mandhätrivarman, Kadal, vi.,. kudimai, tax, Kudrahāra, di.,
Kukkaika, minister & com., Kuladatta, com.,
PAGE
282 180 n.
Kulottunga-Chola II, Chōla k., Kulottunga-Chōla III, do., kulya, s. a. kulyavāpa,. kulyarupa, measure of capacity & I. m.,
.
.
179 170 156 N. 291 179
176, 177, 178, 179 157., 161
53, 54, 55,
56, 157, ICO
168 171

Page #410

INDEX.
317
miradēvi, Uchchakulpa qui
49.51, 174 n.
.
239
.
.
214 n.
PAGE
. 171 Kumäragupta I, Gupta k... . 49, 51, 174 n. Kumaramátya, ofl., 79, 157, 159, 201, 202, 203,
264, 268, 291 Kumārapāla, Chauļukya k., . . . 192, 275 Kumarapalacharita, work, . . . . 275 Kumara-Ramana Kummata, see Kummata, 184 Kumāra-Rāmanāthadēva, 182, 183 & n., 185 Kumāra-Rāmanāthana-rangalya, Kannada
work, . . . . . . 183, 185 Kumaru-Ramana-kathe, Kannada work, 193 n. Kumarasambhava, work, .
.84 n. Kumäravatsa, donee,. .
. 20, 21 Kumāra vishnu, . . .
.89 n. Kumbhá, ch. of Mewar,
. . 232 Kumbhalgarh Inscription of V. S. 1517, 233, 234 Kumbha's Tower of Victory, at Chitor, . . 232 Kummata, ca., . .
. 183, 184 & n., 185 kunda, spring, Kundabhögin, m.,
. 124, 129, 131 Kundanaka, m.,
. 139, 141 Kundavaiyar, W. Ganga princess, . . . 145 kundi, l. m., . .
. 31, 34 Kunkana, 8. a. Konkan,
. . 271 Kunnur, vi.. .
. 285, 286, 288 Kuntala, co., .
. . . 84, 92 Kuntalēsa, 8. a. l'ravarasina II,. . 84 & n. Kuntalēéa, tit. of Vakutaka kings, . . . 84 Kuntalēšvarudautyu, work,. . . 83 & n. Kuntēšraradautyu, do. 8. a. Kuntalēórura. dautya,. . .
83 R. Kuraka-räskfra, di.. .
65 Kurē, ti.,.
. . 11, 13, 16 Kurhā, ti, Kurram Casket Inscription, kurranel, tax, .
24 Kurugodu-nādu, di..
184 Kuruspal Tank Slab Inscription, . . 244 kururam,. .
32 Kuśāvati, cu.. .
149 Kushāna, tribe,.
47 Kusika, one of Lakuli's four pupils, . Küfakölasu, off., . .
. 201, 202, 203 kutriran, .
:
32 kutumbin, householder', 'ryot', 20, 54, 55, 60,
79 & N., 97, 99, 100, 266, 291 kv, confused with ksh, . .
PAGE Lakakipu-Pasupati I, Saira ascelic, 163, 164, 160 Lakhaipari, vi... . . . 205, 206, 211 Lakhanesvar Temple Inscription, . . . 110 Lākhpuri, 8. a. vi. Lakhaipari, i . . 206 Laksba, ch. of Mewür, . 231 & n., 233, 235, 236,
238, 239, 241 Lakshmadēva, Paramaru k., . . . 133 Lakshmana, ch., . . . 186 & n., 187, 188 Lakshmaņa, epic hero, . . . . 187, 188 Lakshmana, Kalachuri k., Lakshmanaiya Prabhu, minister, 271, 272, 277 Lakshmananayaka, . .
271, 277, 278. Lakshmanaprabhu, m., . . . 273, 274 Lakshmanarāja I, Kalachuri k., 255, 256, 257 &#.,
258 & n., 259, 260 Lakshmanarāja II, do., Lakshmanarāja III, do.. . . 259 n., 260 Lakshmanasēna, Séna k., . Lakshmana Temple Inscription, 115 ., 119 #. Lakshmēsvar Inscription, . . . . 184 & n. Lakshmi, emblem on seal, .
.. . . 1, 18 Lakshmi, goddess , 108, 112, 134, 135, 1.53 Lakshmidhara, m., .
. . . . 141 Lakshmi Nariyana, te. .
132, 134, 1:39 Lakuli, founder of Kalamukha sub-sect of the
Pasupatas, . . . . 162, 163, 161 LakulićaPabupata, 8. a. Pasupata sect, . . 165 Lakulisvara, 8. a. Lukuli, . . . . Lälgudi, ci., .
. . . Lambödara, 8. a. god Geçēća, . . " Lamkeśa,. . . . . . 31 n., 33 . Lāmu, vi., . . . .
163, 166, 169 lances, emblem on seal, .
. . 67 languages: Chinese, . . .
. 37, 241 Dardic, . . .
. . 40 Hindi, . . .
142. Hindustant, .
. . 137 Iranian, Jaina-Maharashtri,
. 240 Kanarese,
. 6 . Kannada, 8. a. Kanareso, 28, 33 n., 34 n., 104,
182, 189, 193 Khotant Saka. .
. . 36, 40 Marathi, . . 37, 100, 137, 193 & n., 270, 282 Mixed Sanskrit, . . . . . 246
13
.
240
North-Westeru Prakrit
Pāli, . Präkrit,.
Sanskrit,
9, 74, 124, 141, 215
. . 40, 83 ., 149, 241, 24: 9, 40, 62, 84, 128 n., 137, 175, 267, 270,
289 2, 4, 19, 28, 46, 53, 57, 62, 68, 71,
78, 82, 87, 88, 100, 115, 124, 133, 137, 1:1, 148, 100, 162, 175, 186, 189, 191, 197, 198, 2005. 213, 223, 2:0, 241, 242, 246, 249, 250, 261, 203, 265, 207, 270, 282, 283, 284,
200
1, confused with , Lachcbhaiya, 8. u. Lavvaiya, Ladūvallikā, vi... . Laghu-Lõhāră, ri., .
• . .
10 n. 214 n. . 221
.

Page #411

318
languages-contd.
Tamil,
Telugu,
Tibetan,.
PAGE
144, 175, 283 162 37, 38, 241
.
70 37
37 276
92, 103, 106, 110, 191, 192, 291 11, 16 250 82 105, 110 193 271,272 106, 110 275, 277, 283 n. 190 & n. 250 245 156
74, 77 82, 84, 86 105, 109 213, 218, 221
Lõhapa Agnihotrin, donee,
Löhärä, vi.,
Löhärä Grant of Govinda III, 204, 206, 210 m., 212,
216, 295, 296 n. 106, 110 148, 151, 155 105, 109
Lokabhatta, donee,
213, 221
Lokamahādēvi, q. of E. Chalukya k. Bhima II, 168
Lökänanda Dikshita, m.,
105, 109, 113 157, 159 157 n. 275, 276 275 & n. 84 73, 114, 265, 267
.
141 156
Languliya, ri.,
Lanka,
Lankeévara, s. a. Rāvana,
Lashana, m.,
Lata, co., Lavvaiya, donee, Lepta, vi.,.
li, used for li, Liha, m.,
Lilacharita, Marathi work,
Lilādēvi, Silähära q.,
Liladitya, m.,
linga, s. a. Siva-linga
Lingayat, sect,
Lipatunga, cf. Luputură,
lla,
Im,
Lõhadhangara, di.,
Lohanagara, di.,.
.
Löhata, m.,
Lõhigakakshapathaka, di.,
Lõhina, donee,
Lokanatha, god, .
Lokanatha god, emblem on seal
Lóna, vi. or garden (?),
Lonad, vi.,.
Loņi, vi.,
lotus, emblem on seal lotus-bud, emblem on seal, lp,.
Lupattara, s. a. Luputura, Lupatura, s. a. Luputură, Luputura, vi.,
m,
m, confused with p, m, final,
M
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
•
.
mày là mu
Macchlishar Grant of Harischandra, Mädala-panji, work,
Madana, s. a. god Kāma, Madanaratna, author,
.
250 n. 250 & n.
249, 250, 251, 254
9, 74, 156, 186, 199
1
"
45, 53, 57, 62, 67, 81, 156, 162, 197,
198, 245
•
26, 27 186 n.
•
201 134, 194 134
PAGE
183
182, 183, 185
Mada-Na[ya kiti, g., Madarasa, Mädgall, f., Madhava, donee,.
246, 247, 248
213, 221
32, 34
Madhava (Bharadvāja), donee, Madhavaraja I, Sailödhbava k., Madhavaraja II, do.,. Madhavaáarman, donee,
126, 127 91, 94 N., 126, 127 94 Madhavavarman III, Sailödbhava, k., 122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127, 128, 130 n., 131 Madhavavarman I, Vishnubundin k., 90, 91, 92 & n., 94 n., 95 & n., 116 88, 91, 92, 93, 95 & n. 88, 90, 91 & n., 92 n., 93, 94, 95 & n., 96
106, 110 102, 112 213, 221 72 106; 110 104, 105, 110 244 208, 219 260 157, 159 103, 105, 109, 110 91, 125 144 m.
.
Madhavavarman II, do., Madhavavarman III, do.
Madhu, m., Madhuka, di.,
Madhuka Dvivedin, donee, Madhukamārava, Ganga k.,
Madhumathana, donee, Madhupalika, v.,
.
Madhurantakadeva, ch. of Bhramarakolya,
Madhuripu, s. a. god Vishnu, Madhusudana, do.,
Madhuvataka, vi, Madhyadesa, co., Madhyamaraja, Sailsdbhava k., Madirai, ca., Madit-chevagar, soldiers on guard at ramparts", 285 & n., 286, 288 47 n. 284
[VOL. XXIII.
Madra, tribe,
Madras Museum Pletes of Jatilavarman, Madras Museum Plates of Vajrahasta III; Saka 984, 64 n., 67 n., 68 & n., 142 n. Maduraikkanchi, work, 144 Magadha, co., 103, 105, 109, 113, 115, 15, 224, 227 magila, site for house", 28, 31, 32, 34 n. Mahabaladhikrita, off., 199, 200, 202 Mahabalipuram, vi., 180. Mahabharata, epic, 12 m., 240Mahabhashya, work, 47. Maha-Bhavagupta II, Somavam k., 249, 251 & n.,
254 38 291
184, 190, 191, 192, 193 & n., 194, 195, 279 272 n. queen', 11, 12, 17, 79, 80, 100, 221, 265, 267 223, 224, 229 282 276
mahādânapati, 'great giftlord', Mahadandanayaka, off, Mahadevaraya, Yadava k..
mahadevapidhi, cf. păți, mahādēti, 'queen' or 'chief
•
Mahaditya, donee, makadosha-vivarjita, privilege, Mahaduji, m..

Page #412

INDEX.
319
•
100
PAGE
PAGE Mahala Dēval, 9.. .
Maharashtras, three
. 118 Mahajana, . . .
32, 34 & n. Mahasamanta, tit., 79, 126, 128, 129, 131, 168, 186, Mahi-Jayarāja, k., . . . 19
188, 189, 201, 202, 203, 261, 263, Mahakārtāksilika, off.,
. 291
264, 265, 266, 268, 283, 291 Mahakavya, . .
. . 191 Mahasamantadhipati, tit., 149, 150, 151, 153, 154, Mahi-kosala, co. 19 & n., 90, 91, 92, n., 95 n.
276 Mahakshapafalika, off. . . . 292 Mahasandhivigrahādhikrita, off., . . .17, 18 Mahakshapatalin, off-, .
249, 254, 255 & n. Mahasandhivigrohika, off., 59, 199, 200, 201, 202, Mahalakshmi, 8. a. goddess Lakshmi, 31, 33, 258
271, 272, 275, 276, 278, 280 mahallaka, landlord ', . . . . 139, 141 Mahaandhivigrahin, off, 249, 254, 255, 261, 263 Mahamahatlama, off... . . . . 249 Mahasandhivigrahin, off. . . . 279, 280 Mahamahattara, off. . . . 201, 202, 203 Mahasénapati, tit., 46, 47, 48, 51, 52 & 1., 291, 292 Mahamandadeva, ch., . . 186, 187, 188, 189 Mahl-Sivagupta, Sõmavamii k., 90., 92 7., 115, Mahamandale beara, til., 31, 33, 195, 226, 271,
116 & n., 118, 119, 120, 222
274, 282 Maha-Sivagupta I, Sởmavan si E., , 250 %. Mahamandalbearadhipati, tit., 226, 271, 272, 273 Mahasiva-Tivaradēva, 4. a. Tivaradēva, . 90 Mahamandalika, tit... 223, 225, 226, 227, 229 Mahasiva-Tivararaja, Kösala k.,. . . 19 Mahamandalika, tie..
Mahasudassana Suttanta, work, . 149 Mahamanda Sahi, 8. 4. Muhammad ibn
Maha-Sudēvarāja, k., . . . . 18, 19, 20 Tughlaq, . .
. . 187 n. mahattara, elder', . . . 157, 159, 291 Mahamatya, off.,
271, 272, 278, 279, 280 Mahattara, off... 15, 151, 154, 199, 201, 210, 220, Mabimāyā, te., . . . . . . 18
221, 265, 266, 269, 273 Makamäyüri, work, . . . . . 37, 38 Mahattaraka, off. . . . . 199, 202 Mahammad, . .
. . . 234 Mahávratin, .. a. Käpälika,. . . . 165 Mahammad, 8. a. Näsir-ud-din Mahmud, 233 Mahāyāna, form of Buddhism, . . 196 Mahammad Tughlak, Sultan of Delhi,
232 Mahendra, k. of Pishtapura, . Mahanadi, ti., . . 3, 19 & n., 20, 70, 250 &n. Mahendra, mo... 70, 71, 78, 79, 261, 262, 263, 264, Mahånā saka, 8. a. Mahanayaka,. . 286 & no
266, 268 Mahanayaka, off-, . . .283, 286 1., 288 Mahendra, 8. a. god Indra,. . . . 168 Mahanaya.ka, tit.,
. . 224
Mahesvara, 6. q. god Siv, 61, 115, 122, 153, 154, Mahanila, Vidyadhara prince,
. 30
165, 168, 200, 254, 263, 265 Mahantipati, tit., . 223, 225, 228 Mahidatta,
. . 157, 159 Mahanubhāva, sect, . . . . . 193
Mabindaka, m., . Mahapradāna (Mahapradhana), off.,
Mahmûd Khilji, of Malwa,.. Mahapradhana, of.. 31, 34, 190, 194, 195, 271, Mahoba Inscription, .
. 187 n. 272, 273 & n., 274, 275, 276, 277 Mahodaya, ca... .
. 12 n. Mahaprafīhāra, off. . 199, 200, 203, 291 Maha, vi...
• 103 Maha-Pravararāja, k., . . . . . 19 Mähula, m., . .
106, 110 Mabapurusha or Mahāpurusha, 4. a. god
Maillapayya, minister, . . . . 29, 31, 34 Vishnu, . . .
. . 82 & n., 86 Mäinäku, minister, . Alahärája, tit, . 57, 60, 61, 62, 66, 71, 74, 77, 82, Maitra, nakshatra, 8. a. Anuradha,
85, 86, 89, 90, 91, 93, 95, 97, 90, Maitreya, one of Lakuli's four pupils, . 164 101 11., 126, 129, 137, 149, 155, Majhowli, vi.. .
. . 104 157, 158, 160, 171, 173 & n., 198, Majjhimanikāya, Buddist work, . 241 & .
199, 200, 201, 202, 203, 243, 245, makara-torana, emblem on seal, . 247, 248, 261, 262, 268, 281, 291, 297 Mala, vi... . .
124, 129, 131 Maharajadhiraja, tit., 15, 72, 79, 86, 106, 108, 112, Mälava, co. . 134, 138 & ., 191 & n., 192, 194, 133, 135, 157, 158, 159, 169, 182,
195, 209, 215, 258, 291, 297 185, 194, 195, 205, 210, 220, 251, Mälava, tribe,
. 49, 50, 51 & n. 253, 254, 263, 264, 265, 266, 277n.. Malana-gan-amnata, . . . . 48, 51 n.
279, 280, 290, 291 Malava-gana-sthiti, ... . . 49, 51 n. Maharani, lit, . . . . . . 100
malavam, . . .
. 28, 32, 34. Maharashtra, co., . . . 57, 104, 193 & n.
57, 104, 193 & n. Malarapati, Sultan of Malwa,' . . . 232 Mabărăshtra, 8. a. Vidarbha (?), . . 118, 119 Malava-parni, . .
. . 49 Naharishtra, the sixty lac . . . 193 Valavikagnimitra, work, .
. .100 n.

Page #413

320
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXIII.
-
266
PAGE Malays, mo.. .
• 91 Maleya, tribe, Malik Kafar, .
. . 178, 184 Maliyapundi Grant of Ammarkja IT, . 162 Malkhed, .. a. Minyakheta, Malladatta, m.,.
. . 249, 254, 256 Mallai, pi., . . . 176, 180, 181, 182 Mallai-Kavalan, tit. of Pallava ch. Kopper. ujingadova II, .
. . . 177 Mallale, vi. .
. . 114 & n., 120 Mallam, ti. . .
. . . 144 . Mallapanayaka, m.. . Mallar, wi.... . 113, 114 & ., 118 ., 120 & . Mallasiral, vi...
. 155 & *., 158 mallaram, Mallikarjuna, Saiva cacetic, . . . Mallikarjuna, Sahara k., • 273, 274, 275 & R.,
276, 277 Mallikarjuna-Linga, te.. .
190 #. Malwl, co., 101 & n., 102, 103, 132, 173, 232,
258, 259 Mamdāpur Inscription of Krishna, 192, 193 Mans, ri., . . . Mini, si., cf. Mapaks, . . Marabbita, eur. of Bailodbhave the Dharma
. 69, 73
. 28, 32
.
.
19
25
PAGE Mangi-Yuvarije, E. Chalukya k... 101 m., 167 Månikadēva, doncs, . Manikiāla Inscription, . . . . 38 Mafijuvag, Buddhist deity, . . . 196 Mankha, author, . .
• 271 n. Mannátha, si, . .
148, 152, 154 Mappe, vs., . .
11 *., 293, 294 Mappe Plates of Govinda III, . . .12 Mappe Plates of Khambhadeva,. 11 *., 12 n. Mappe Plates of Baks 724, 206, 215, 216, 217,
293, 294, 295, 297 Mappe Plates of Saka 732,. . 216, 217 r., 295 Manoja, 4. a, god Kima, . . . . 188 Manorathapérant, commentary, . . . 39 Mantrafakti, . . . . . . 61 n. mantrin, minister'. . . . 229, 249, 253 Manu, myth, E.,. . . . . 2, 4, 6 Manu, aage, . . . . . 150, 163 manya, 'tax-free', . . . 31, 32, 34 Mänyakhēta, ca.. . 101 n., 104, 105, 106, 107 Mångapurs, . d. vi. Manne, .. . .11 n., 217. mánya-sthiti, . . . . . . marakkal, measure', . , Marap, . a. Sadaiya-Māran, . . . 283 . Māran-Eyinen, minister, . . . Maran-Kari, minister, . . . . . 283 Mürad-Sadaiyan, 8. a. Sadaiya-Märan.. Maras-Soran, 8. a. Tennavan Pallavadiraiyan 283,
286, 288 Märäkarva, k., . . 209, 215, 294, 297 Marasimha, Silahara k., . 29 & n., 30, 33 Marasitha's Grant of Saka 980,. . 29 n. Mārasingha, Senavara ch., . . . 33 n. Marithi literature, . . . 193. Maravarman Kulasēkbara, Pandya k... 180 r. Maravarman Sundara-Pandya I, do.. . 178, 179 Märavarman Sundara Pandya II, do.. . Maravarman Vikrama-Pandya, do..
. 180 Marco Polo, . .
. 192 marg-addys, ' toll, . . . . 138, 140 Mari, ri., . . .
11, 13, 16 Marichi, Yaksha, . Markandeya, sage,
. 13 Markandi, •. a. ca. Mayarakhand, . Márkons, ri.. . .
201 n. Maru, . .
207, 219 Marurike, wi.,
213, 221 maruwakka, 'hostile army', . .
33 n. Maswrakka-sarppa, 6. a. Marwanka-sarppa, 33». Maruvathka-sarppa, ep. of Gandaraditya, 28, 31 Mirwar, . . .
. . 187, 231 Misopaväsin, 8. a. m. Vishnu, 213, 214 n., 221 Masulipatam Plates of Amma I,. . . 69 Masulipatam Plates of Chalukya-Bhima I, . 69 Masulipatam Plates of Chålukya-Bhima II, 27 matha, . . . . . 164, 165, 170
•
Manad, vi.,
. . 148 Mpaks, di.,
. 205, 206, 210 Minamåtra, k., . . . . . . 19, 22 Manana-Dharma bostra, work, . . 129, 131 Maficha pabhattáraks, Vishubundin prince, 95 Maschin,. . . . . . . 64 mandal, .. a. mandapika, . . . . 137 Mandalakritigadhe, .. a. Mandalgarh,, 238, 239 mandala, 6. d. 2, 4, 7, 102, 105, 117 ., 119 .,
120, 126, 135, 201, 244, 272, 274,
279, 280, 290 n. Mandalia,
. . . 31, 33, 244 Mandalgarh, fort,
. . 232, 239. mandapibd, market
. . . 137 mandapik-adaya,' market tax', . . . 140 Mandasor, I., . . . Mandasor Inscription of Kumăragupta and Bandhuvarman, . . .
. . 49. 61 Mandasor Inscription of Naravarman, . Mandesor Inscription of Yabodharman, Mindav, .. q. v. Mudupa (), . . Mandavaka, i, .
106, 107 Mindh, .. a. ri. Mans, . . . .
• 19 Mandhata Plates of Devapila, . . 133. mandi, 4, 4. mandapika,
• 137 Mindu, . a. Malwi, .
. 232 Mangallu Grant, . .
• 69 . Mangallu Plates of Ammardja II,. . • 182 Mangeppe, doncs, . . . . • 10, 16
27
.
37
..
13
•
218

Page #414

INDEX
321
89
43 n.
.
102
PAGE Mathara, family, Mathura Stone Inscription of Chandragupta
. . . . 174 n. Mathuri Inscription of the year 80, - 47 n. Mätridatta, commentator, . . . Mātrisarman, donee,
87, 59, 60, 61 Meu, vi.,
. , . . 186 n. Maukhara, progenitor of Maukharidy., . . 47 Maukhari, dy., 42, 46, 47 & 1., 48, 52, 116, 116 &
7., 242, 243 & n. Maukhari Inscriptions on Yipas, . . . 42 Māyāpuri, Mökala's wife, . , 231, 237, 241 Mayurakhandi, ca., 10, 12 & n., 13 16, 17, 205, 206,
210, 213, 216 n., 217, 218, 221 Mayarabarman, Kadamba k.,
. . 48 Mayarl, 8. a. Mahamayuri, . . . 37 Mēda, a low caste, .
. . 291 Meghadata, work, .
. . . 84 Mél-Adaiyāru-nādu, di.. .
• 147 Mēlpatti, vi.
.
. 143, 145 Menamātura, ci.,
• 89 n. Mēru, mo., . .
. 150, 153 metres : Anushţubb, 3, 13, 22 n., 80, 77 1., 78 +.., 87 n.,
121 n., 122 n., 127, 167 16., 170 n., 187 n., 188 n., 206, 218, 227,
237 1., 263 ). Arya, 18, 71 1., 127, 156, 168 1., 206, 218 Aryagsti,
. . . 168. Drutavilambita, . .
. 169 n. Eņkirkkali-nedilāsiriya, . . . 175 Gayatri, . . .
. . 44 n. Giti, . . .
. 13, 72 n. Indravajri, . . 3, 13, 21 n., 121 n., 127,
206, 227, 235 1., 236 n., 237 n. Kali, . .
. . . . 175 Malini,. . . . 3,72 1., 227, 260 m. Nardataka,
. 196 Nõrisaivenba, .
. 175 Pannirusirkkali-nedilāsiriya
. 175 Pushpitāgrs, 13, 78 ., 206, 218, 227, 263 n., 266 n.,
267 . Rathoddhată,
236 n.
. . 206, 280 n. Sārdolavikridita, 3, 30, 71 5., 72 7., 127, 167 16.,
187 1., 206, 218, 227, 234 th., 235 1., 236 m., 237 6., 238 ...,
260 m. Siki riņi, . . . . 3, 227, 260 . Sloka, 8. a. Anushtubh, . . 71 n., 169 . Bragdhară, 3, 13, 127, 167 ., 227, 263 n., 280 *. Udgatā, • . . . . . . 93 Upajáti, . 3, 13, 30, 151 7., 170 n... 295 n., 237 .,
288 ., 278 n. Upondravajrá, .
. 181 ..
PAGS Vambastha, . . . . 71 m., 169 h. Vasantatilaka, 3, 13, 21 *., 72 m., 121 n., 127, 189 %., 200, 218, 220, 22, 238 ,
237., 286 m. Mewaj, s. a. ni. Nimaj, . . . 135 #. Mewar, alate, . . . 231 & W., 282, 283 Mhatára, 3. a. Mahattara, . . . . 274 Mhow, vi... . . Miraj, vi... . Mirifiji, di.. .
. . 29, 30, 31, 34 Mitail, vi., .
. . . 108 Mitialpără, vi... .
. 103 Mitila-påfaka, vi.. .
103, 106, 110 Mitrānanda, m., .
. . . 106, 110 Miyarai-nadu, 8. a. Miyáru-nādu, . . 147 Mlyáru-nadu, di. . . . . 144, 147 Mökala, ch. of Mewar, 231 & *., 233, 234, 236, 237,
238, 239, 240, 241 Mökhalapā taka, vi. . . . . 117 . Mokhali, &. a. Maukhari, . . . . 47 Mokhara, vi.. . . . . . 117 Mökhari, 8. a. Maukhari, . . 46, 62 & *. Monghyr, di. doi., . . . . 226, 227 months Apelse (Appellaios),
. . . 36, 42 Ashādha, 10, 30, 31, 34, 69, 73, 118, 119, 121,
122, 217, 249, 253, 255 Ashidha, Second, . . 104, 111, 174 & n. Akvayuja,
148, 162, 154, 155, 183, 185 Advoja, .. a. Asvayujs, .
48
206, 211, 240 Chaitra 1 48, 134, 135, 188 R., 271 n., 277 & 1...
278, 280 Jyaishths, . . . . . . 224 Jyështha, 4. a. Jyaishtha,. 66 & +.., 67, 296 *. Karttika, 49, 82, 87, 89, 98, 99, 104, 108, 166, 199, 201, 213, 223, 229, 230, 234,
236, 240 Magha, 3, 6, 8, 77, 104, 105, 107, 112, 113, 187,
138, 140, 199, 203, 271, 272 Märgabtraha, 188, 213, 216, 217, 221, 273, 296 Nabhas, 8. a. Srāvana, . .
. 238 Pausha, 3, 216 n., 217 n., 275, 276 n., 293, 294, 295 Phalgu, 8. a. Phälguna, . . . . 203 Phålguna, . . 46, 48, 52, 90, 199, 205 n. Pushya, 8. a. Pausha, 190, 195, 198, 276, 278 Srāvana, 158, 161, 231, 234, 238, 241, 281,
282 Vaibikha, 19, 22, 54, 56, 187, 188, 140, 190, 202,
206 #., 274 . moon, depicted over inscription, 271, 273, 274, 278,
279, 281 moon, emblem on seal, . . . . 87 Moragana, vi.. . . . . 205, 206, 210 Morigere Inscriptions, . . . . . 165
Salin,

Page #415

822
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXII.
.
.
.
213
PAGE Morkhand, I., . . .
. . 12, 13 mu, Kharðshthi -
. . . 289 Mudupa (Laghu' and Brihat), vi., 213 & 1., 218, 221 Magai-nadu, di.. . . . . . 147 Muhammadans, . . . 226, 227, 233, 277 Muhammad-i-Bakhtyar, .
. . 226, 227 Muhammad ibn Tughlaq, . .
187 1. Muhammad Shah, . .
. 233 Muhammad Tuplaq II, .
. 233 Mukhalingam, ci.. . 65 & ., 69, 76, 119 & n. Molavarman, k. of Borneo, . . 44 & n. Molasthana, dones, . .
. . 205, 109 Multan, . . . Mumjāla, dones, . . . . . 106, 110 Mumjaya, m., . .
100 Murjoya Maharani, . a. Chalukya g. Biriya
Dēvi, . . . . . . . 100 Mummadi Singeya-Nayaka, .. a. Singeya
Nayaks, . . . . . 183, 184 & n. Mummadidanalldr, . a. vi. Kidangil, 24, 26 Muner, &. a. Mongbyr,. . . .
226, 227 Mungir Plate of Dévapāla, • . . 290, 291
.
100
Muñja, Paramara, k., . Mänrukai-Mabāsépai, Chola garrison, Murambi, ni.. .
. .
. . Muraripu, 4. a. god Vishua, Muraslman, ., . Murkapd, sage, . . . Mürti-Eyiñan, . . . muru kshetra, Murumba, di.,
. Murundaděvt, Uchchakalpa q... Makittaikudi, vi., muftiyaj, tax, . Mivara-koneyd-santati, Muzaffar Shah I, governor of Gujarat, Mysore, state, . Mysore Copper Plate of A. D. 810,
. 142 , 285 . . 218
108, 112
250 &n. . . 283 h.
272 213, 218, 221
171 25 24 166 233
ΡΑΟΣ , confused with 1, . *), subscript, . 7, superscript, .
. . . 204 Nabinagar, 8. a. vi. Navinarapattana,, . 223 Nachna Inscription, . .
172, 173 Nadagam Plates of Vajrahasta of Saka 979, 67 *.,
88 ., 70 Nadaganda, . a. Närgävunda. . . • 34 n. Nadia, ca., . . . . . . 226, 227 Nadol, ca. . . . . . .
• 191 nädu, t. d., . . . . . . 147, 178 Nāgabhata, Pratthara k., . . . 243, 294 Nāgabhata II, Gurjara-Pratihara k., 256, 258, 259,
260 Nagara-bhuldi, di.. . . . . 290, 291 Nagarattāp, choultry, 283, 285, 286, 287, 288 Nagarattar,' trading guild ',. . 283, 285, 286
287, 288 Nagart Ydpa Inscription, . . . 46, 49, 51 Nāgavamát, dy., . . . . . . 244 Nagnaka, monk or deity. . 137, 138 & 1., 139 Nagor, . . . . . . . 2 Nagpur, . . . . . . 256, 256 Nagpur Museum Inscription of Bhavadēva,. 116 Nagpur Museum Plates of the 8th year, 249, 250 & 1. Nägpur Museum Prasasti of Malwa Rulers, 117 & n. Nagpur Prasasti, . . . 133 & n., 134 n. Näguji Mahattara, m., : . . 273, 274 Näguma, vi., . . . . 271, 272 Naihati Grant of Vallālasēna, Naimittika, off.. .
• 229 naivedya, offering', . .
163, 164 Nakkaş-Munnārruvan, ...
286, 288 Nala 8x 9, measure, .
. 54, 55 Nålandā, . . .
241, 290, 291 Naland& Plate of Dévapala, . . 290 & n., 291 Nålanda Plate of Dharmapala,
. . 159 NilandĀ Seal Inscripions, . Nala Sopara, l... .
. 273 nafi, measure of capacity, .
25,
287, 288 namasya, . . .
. 107 Namidias, com., .
84 Nanda, family,. .
• 58 Nanda, m..
• 83, 87 Nandagiri, . a. Nandidroog. . .
79 Nandagirinatha, ep. of Ganga k. Indrawarman, 79 Nandalagrāma, vi.. . . . . 105, 107 Nanda-Prabhanjanavarman, Ganga k., . . 58 Nandapur or Nandapura, vi.. . 63, 54, 159 Nandasura, vi, . . . . . 106, 107 Nanda-fthi, di., . . 53, 54, 55, 159 nandt, see also bull, emblem on seal, 67, 119 Nandidroog, 5, a. Nandagiri, . . . 79 Nandi-Kampa, 4. a. Pallapa k. Kampa, . 145 n. Nandikampa, vi.. . . . . 144 A.
193
.
.
242
*. . . . . n, changed to anuadra, 1, final, . . . n, final, changed to m, 1, final, changed to th, 1, final omitted, . . ##, used for anuadra, . 1, used for m, . . 1, uned for i . . , used for anunvåra, . . . . . 1h, superscript, . . *, . . . .
9, 38, 62, 74, 81, 88, 141 . . . . 10
162, 264 1., 290
• 124 . . . 124, 205 . . . 115, 205 . . . 82, 166 . . . . 158 . . . . 230
19, 62, 82, 115, 124, 256 . . . 68, 124 . . . . 204 38, 82, 81, 124, 286, 290

Page #416

INDEX.
323
30
PAGE Nandi-Kampiávara, te.. .
. . 144 Nandi or Nandivarman III, Pallava k., 144 & Th., 146 Nandi pillar, mar, .
. . . . .
. . . 189 Nandipura, vi.,. . . 103, 106, 110 Nandivarman III, Pallava k., . . . Nándod, vi., . . . . . . 103 Nandpur, 6. a. Nandapura, . . . . 53. Nändsi, 1., . . . Nändsi Yüpa Inscription,. 45, 46, 47, 48, 51 Nanjunda, author, . . Nannadēva, Sõmavanti k., . . . . 116 Nannadēva, Somavari prince, . . 92 . Naogam, vi.. .
. . 65, 69 Napa, m.. .
. . 80 Narangi, ri., .
• 244 Nárana, .. a. donee Nārāyana, . 10 7., 18 Narasimha, m.,. . . . . 137, 140 Narasimha, te., . .
283 Narasimha II, 8. a. Hoysala k. Vira-Narasimha
II, . . . . . . . 178 & . Narasingapalli, vi.. . Narasingapalli Plates of Hastivarman,. , 69 Narathambaka, 8. a. Ranathambaka, 231 16., 236,
238 Närauka, doncs,
. . . . . 11, 16 Närāyana, com.. . . . . Närāyana, donee, . . . 10, 16, 18 n. Nārāyana, engr...
. 199, 203 Nārāyana, m., . . . . . 74, 77 Nārāyana, 8. a. god Vishnu, 62, 64, 65, 66, 67 & n., 134, 135, 151, 154, 167, 236, 238,
240, 241 Nārāyana bhatta, donee,. . . . . 32, 34 Nārāyanarāja, m., . . . . . 82, 86 Narbadă, ri., . . . . . . 148 Narendradova, sur. of Govinda IV, . . 106 Narendradova, our of Vakpati Muñja, 108, 112 Narendramrigarāja, . a. E. Chalukyak.
Vijayaditya II, . . . . 163, 169 Narendrasēna, Vakafaka k., . . Nargávunda, off... . . 31, 32, 34 & n. Nárgávunda-ramyabhata, Narmada, ri. . . . 103, 258, 259, 297 Nårttamalai, . . Nasapura, vi. . .
. . 105, 107 N&sik, . . .
. . . 193 Näsir-ud-din Mahmud,
. . . 233 Nataraja, te., . .
. . 177, 180 Nausart Plates of Jayabhata III, 148, 149 ... 150 n. Navagrama, vi.. . . . . . 65, 69, 73 navakamma (navakarman), . . . . 38, 39 navakammika (navakarmika), . . . 38, 39 nakummika, do. . . . . 38 navakammika, . . . navakarmika,' superintendent of work, . Navanera-pattala, . . .
229 n.
PAGE Navanērapattana, ui., .
. . 223, 229 Navinara-pattana, 8. a. vi. Navanērapattana, 223 Niyaka, family, . . . . . Nayaka, off-, . . . . . 142, 143 Nayanaga, m., . . . . . 156 n. Náyimma, Silāhāra k., . . 29, 30, 33 Ndaárings, di...
. . 261, 262 Neduñjadaiyan, 3. a. Pandya k. Jatila Parantaka, .
.
. .
.
. . . . . 284 Nēnaiyaka, donce, . . . . 106, 110 nérayam, tas, . . . . . . 23 Nesari Platee, 11, 12 *., 204, 206, 214, 216 & 1.,
217 7., 294, 296 Neulpur Grant of Subhikaradēva, . . 201 TCA, . . . . . . . . 156 ng, .
. . . . . . 124 Nidana-sútra, Buddhist work, . . . 241 riddesa, exegesis' . . . . . 241 Nidhanapur Plates of Bhāskaravarman, 8 n., 291 . nidhi-nikahepa-jala-påshana samanvita, privilege, . .
. .
. . . . 195 Nighantu, Tamil work, . . . . 144 Nigūba, vi., . . . . . 290, 291 Nihéanka bankara, ep. of Sena k. Vallalasõna, . 225 Nikaya, Buddhist work,
241 Nila, Vidyadhara prince, Nilakkudi-nadu, di... . . . 285 Nimaj, ri., . .
135 Nirafljana, m., . .
145 n. Nirašijana-guru,. .
145 n. Niruddhapura, ca.. . . . . . 12 n. Nirupama, Rashtrakufa k., . 15, 208, 219 nirvina, . . .
. . . 41, 42 nirvilai, tax, . Nirvritavātaka, vi., .
. . 157, 159 Nissankamalla, tit. of Pallava ch. Köpperufij.
ingadēva II, . . . . . . 177 Nityavansha, sur. of Indra III,
104, 106 nivartana, l. m., 31, 32, 34, 82, 86 & n.., 213, 221 nivåsin, . . . . . . . 262 nivēdya, 8. a. naivedya, . . . . 169 nivè sana, 'house' or 'house-site', 32, 62, 66 Nivina Grant,
91, 94 n., 128, 199 n. Niya Inscription, . . . . . 41 niyogādhipats, . . . . . . 182 Niyogariyukta, off, .
. . 88 Niyuktaka, off... .
16, 210, 220 Nolamba, dy. .
• . 146, 147 Nolambavadi, di.,
184 & n. nolli, . . . .
. 33 n. Npipa, . a. Napa,
79, 80 n. Nripatunga or Nripatungavarman, Pallava k. 144,
145, 146 Nripatunga, 8, a. Pallava ch. Köpperufijinga.
dēva I,. . . . . . 181, 182
•
31
146

Page #417

224
2, 3,
Nülegrama, vi.,
numerals, sign or symbol :
1, 230, 238, 241, 253, 255, 268 & n., 269,
271, 272, 273, 275 & n., 276,
277 & n., 278, 279, 280, 281, 282
230, 273, 275 m., 278, 280, 281, 282
156, 161, 229, 246, 248, 257, 260, 275 & n., 276, 281 42, 53, 55, 56, 230, 238, 241, 278 45, 52, 152, 155, 230, 238, 241, 246, 248, 253, 255, 257, 260, 275, 276, 277, 278, 280 152, 155, 257, 271, 272, 280, 281
22 n., 53 add., 55 add., 56 add., 156,
161, 246, 247, 248, 253, 255, 273, 275 n., 277, 278, 282
19, 22, 53, 55, 56, 90 m., 156, 161, 238, 241, 247, 275 & n., 276, 277 n., 279, 280 19, 22, 53, 55, 56, 62, 66, 67, 257, 260, 275 n., 277 n.
42, 152, 155
19, 22, 42, 156, 161
90 n. 90 n. 53, 55, 56 62, 66, 67
152, 155, 246, 247, 218 45, 52 53, 55, 56 45, 52 152, 155
4,
5,
7,
8,
9,
•
•
.
·
•
10,
20,
40,
48,
60,
70,
80,
90,
100,
200,
•
.
•
.
•
400,
numerals, words:
bāna (-5),
chandra (=1),
giri (-7), nabha (=0),
rasa (=6),
bruti (-4),
vasu (=8), Vida (=4), Nuparsinga, vi., Nuptara, s. a. Luputură (?), Nyaya, bastra,
•
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
ō, medial,.
Oddagunta, vi., Odra, co., Odraka, co.,
Oghadeva, Uchchakalpa k.,
Olakkür, vi.,
olukkavi, oblation,
.
•
.
PAGE
194
238 238 162 162, 168
162 238 162, 168, 238, 241
241 250
250
5, 8, 89, 98, 99
0
53, 81, 135 m., 156, 162, 204,
230 163, 169 126, 199, 202 258, 27 171 144 n. 23 & n.
•
olukku, oblation,
Om, symbol for,
Omgöḍu Grant I, Omgödu Grant II, Oruvakallu, vi.,
Osmanabad, s. a. Dharaseo, Osmanabad, vi.,.
Otantapuri, s. a. Udyanna, Oyma-nādu, di.,.
PAGE
23 & n.
3, 13, 20, 60, 65, 70, 76, 79, 108, 111, 120, 127, 135, 140, 142, 201, 202, 203, 206, 218, 227, 250, 260, 262, 264, 266, 268, 272 n., 273, 276, 278, 279, 280, 282, 291
P,
p, confused with y, P, used for ph,
pachchaya, s. a. přalyaya,
Pachchayakara-vibhanga, Buddhist work,
Padaittalaisan, Padala[u]nga, vi.,
Padamkaluru Grant of Ammaraja II, Pädamüla,
"
Páli canen, pälidhvaja,.
[VOL. XXIII.
Paithan Plates of Ramachandra,
Pala, dy.,. Palaiyanür, vi., Palaki, di., Palakkada, ci.,
Palanpur, state,
Palanpur Plates of Bhimadeva, Palasada, I.,
Palhanapura, a. a. Prahladanapura,
pallana (Skt. paryāṇa), 'saddle pallǎnakära, saddler',
89 n. 89 n. 161 & n. 206 n. 30
Padhalasaka, vi.,
Pādhi, 8. a. Păți,
pādi or pādī, s. a. păți, pāḍikával, tax,
Padivasa, vi.,
Padma, donee,
Padmasiva Raul, m., padma-funka, coin, Paḍuvür-kōttam, di., Pagunāra, di.,
193 . 144, 147 89, 97, 99
Pagunavara, s. a. Pāguṇāra di., Pagunavara, do.,
97 97
53, 54 n., 156
Påhärpur Copper-plate Inscription, Paiyalachchhi, work, 101 n. Paithan Plates of Govinda III, 9, 10, 14 m., 15 m., 16 n., 206, 214 191, 192 131 . 179 94 89 n. 232 257 n.
3, 6 & 7., 8
225
24
115 41 242
286, 288 268 162 86
275, 276 272 n. 272 n. 79
278, 279 268, 269 273, 274
.
9
1
.
231, 232, 235,
238 242 14 246
246, 248

Page #418

INDEX.
325
139
285
.
.
48
PAGE Pallava, dy. 48, 89 & n., 94, 96, 144, 145 ., 146,
174 n., 175, 176, 177, 178, 179 & ., 182 n., 207, 209, 215, 216,
217 n., 220 296, Pallava, territory, . . . 145, 146 Pallavamalla, Pallava k., .
. . . . 179 Pallavandar,
. . . 181 n. Pallavaraiyan. . .
175 palli, hamlet', . . Passichchanda, . .
. . 22 Pallikonda Inscription,
144 1. Pallimadam, vi., . .
165 Pallimadam Inscription, pana, coin,
138, 139 Pancha, 8. a. Mahajana, .
• 34 n. Panchaganga, ri.. .
. 30 panchagni, five sacred fires,
224 n. paachågnika, . . .
224 . Panchälisvāmin, donee,
20, 21 parcha-mahapataka, 17, 152, 160, 170, 211, 222 pancha-mahasabda, 31, 33, 71, 142, 149 & n.,
150, 151, 193, 261, 263, 273, 276 pancha-mahayajria,
16, 54, 160, 211, 221 panchatüriyo, cf. pancha-maha sabda, . 149 parchavara, tax, . . . . 23, 24, 25, 26 parchavarakkal, measure of capacity, . . 25 Panchavara-väriyam, committee.. 23 & n., 27 panchavāri, .
27, 28 panchupili, tax,
. 26, 27 Pandavas, epic heroes,
• 119 Pandharpur,
193 & n. Pandita, tit.. . .
223, 224, 229 Pandu, epic k., .
- 119 Panduvamál, dy., . .
. 118 Pandya, co. . .
. 146, 179,,297 Pandya, dy. 10, 14, 146, 165, 178, 179, 217 m..,
283 & n., 284, 285 Pangala-nadu, di.,
. . . . 145, 147 Panini, author, . Panipat, I., . . . . . . 233 Panja, 8. a. Padivasa (?). . Paparichasüdani, commentary, Para-bala-sarppa, cf. Maruvakka-sarppa, 33. Paradara aðdara-Ramana-charite, Kannada
work, . . . . . . . 183 Parakesari, Chola tit.. . . . . 144 n. Parakēsarivarman, Chola til., . . 25, 26 Paramabhagavata, til., . .
20 Paramabhaffaraka, tit. 15, 54, 55, 72, 79, 106, 108,
112, 133, 135, 157, 160,169, 194, 195, 200, 202, 203, 205, 210, 220, 251, 253, 254, 263, 264, 265, 266,
290, 291 Paramabrahmanya, tit.,
. : 89, 97 Paramadaivata, tit., . , 200, 201, 202, 203
PAGE Paramadaivatadhidaivata, tit., . 200, 202 Paramadevatadhidaivata, til.. . .
200 Paramamahesvara, tit., 60, 65, 72, 77, 79, 86, 120,
142, 149, 150, 169, 200, 225, 228,
242, 251, 264, 266, 268 Paramāra, dy... 101, 102, 103, 117 n., 132, 133 & 1., 134, 135 n., 142, 191, 192 & 1.,
232, 272 n. Paramasa ugata, tit., . . . . . 291 Paramavaishnava, tit.,
. . . 119 n. Paramavaishnavi, tit.. .
. . 80 Paramēsvara, .. a. god Siva, . . 75, 208, 219 Parameswara, tit.. . 10, 14, 15, 17, 79, 108, 108,
112, 133, 135, 149, 169, 194, 195, 205, 210, 220, 242, 243, 251, 251, 263, 264, 263, 264, 265, 266, 290.
291, 293 n. Parantaka I, Chola k., Parantaka Viranārāyana Sadaiyan, k.,. . 284 Parel Inseription of Aparadityadēva, . 275 . Pärikud Grant, . Pärikud Plates of Madhyamarāja,
125, 127 Parivrājaka, dy..
. . 59, 171, 173 Pāriyātrika, tribe, . Parlūkimedi, ci.. .
. . . 119 Parlākimedi Plates, . . . . . . 79 Parläkimedi Plates of Anantavarman,. . 261 Parlākimedi Plates of Indravarman II,. . parnasala, . .
. 138, 139, 140 n. Parsadā, vi., . Parsadi, vi., . Parsodi, vi., . . Pārtha, s. a. epic hero Arjuna, . . . 15 Parthian dramma, coin,
. . 280 . Parvat-āmnāya, .
. . 165 Parvati, goddess, . . . . 127, 130, 240 Parwan, ri. . . . . . . 135, 139 pašānam, tax, . Paschimasamudradhipati, tit. of Yadava governor Ramadēva,
. . 282 Pābupata, Saiva secl,. . 162, 163, 164, 165 Pabupati II, Saiva ascetic, . . 164 & n., 170 påfaka, 4. d., .
. . . 117 . Patakabējya (), vi, ,
. . 77 Patakila, off. . .
, 273, 274 Patanjala Mahabhäshya, 8. a. Mahabhashya,. 47 . pathaka, t. d., . .
. . 102 Pathan, . .
. . 232 paft, . .
. 272 & n., 276, 280 Patiäkella Grant of Sivaraja,
198, 199, 200 Pafichchasamuppāda-vibhanga, Buddhist
work, . . . . . . 242 & n. Pafichchaamuppada-vibhanga-eutta. Buddhist
work, . . . . . . . 242 Pahl, O. d. Pafakkia, . . . . 273 n.

Page #419

326
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXIII.
116 n.
•
180
PAGE Patna, di., .
• 291 Pātnā Plates of the 6th year,
249, 250 Patadha, til.. . .
236, 239 Pattakil, 8. a. Patakila,
273 n. Paffakila, off.. . . . 108, 111, 112, 135 Papakilu, 6. a. Papakila, .
273 n. Pattalaka, off., .
157, 159 Pattan, nin . .
81, 84, 85 paffarajrit, chief queen', .
. . 188 Paundarika, ul., . . . . 103, 105, 109 Pavunavāra, 8. a. Pagunkra di., .
97 Payalipattana, vi.. . . . . 104, 107 Payoahni, ri., . .
214 n. Pēdä palaka, off-, . . . . 199, 203 Pedavegi Grant of Vijayanandivarman,
56 Peddavēgi Plates of Jayasimha I,. . . 88 Pēndrabandh, vi.. .
. . 1,3 Pennagadam, vi.. .
• 178 Pennai, ri. . . . . . . 180 Pennanadi, .. a. ri. Pernai,. .
180 Penthäma-bhukti, . . . . 116 n. Periyapuranam, Tamil work,
178 Pernagara, 8. a. Perunagar,
. . . 146 Pēröjakbänä, 6. a. Firüz Khan, . Perumangalam-Udaiyar Udaiyapperuma, 176 Perumeya-Nayaka, ch.,
183 Perunagar, vi.. . . . • 144, 145, 146 Perunagar-Agaram, &. a. Perunagar, 144, 147 n. Perungulam, l... . Pernñjinga, ch.. .
. 176 Peruntimiri-nadu, di., .
. . 147 pervari, tax, .
. . 24, 25 ph, . . .
.
204 phadiya, .. a. phadyaka, phedyaka, coin,.
237, 239 & n. Phank, engr. .
234, 238, 241 Phunda, ... Padivas (?),
. . 279 Pimpalgaon, vi.. .
. . 218 Pimpariki, ... . .
214-. Pimparipadraka, o.. . Pimpri, . . . Pimparika (1), Pingala-Nighantu, Tamil work,
. . 175 Ping-Chi-(ki)lo, .. a. Vengt (1) . Pinni, s. a. ri. Peppai (?), . . 180, 181 Pipparika, 1.. . . . . 213, 218, 221 Pipod, v. . . . . 116 n. Pishtapura, ca., 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 89, 90, 95, 96, 97,
PAGE Podagadh Inscription. .
82 n. & add. Po-lo-mo-lo-ki-li, &. a. Bhramaragiri, . . 119 Pomadepandita, minister,
. 280 Pondh, vi.. . Ponninädan, 8. a. Chola k.,
. Ponpitturaivan, cf. Ponninādan, . . 181 n. Pon-väriyam, committee, .
23 n. Poona Plates, . . . . . . 84 Poona Plates of Prabhāvatigupta, . 84 n. Porulare, vi.. . . . . . . 146 Põruttha-dramma, coin, 8. a. Parthian dramma
(?) . . . . . . 280, 281 Prabhajjanavarman, 8. a. Prabhajanavarman, 67 Prabhakara Nayaka, minister, . . 275, 276 Prabhañjana, Pariurājaka k. .
171 Prabhañjanavarman, Ganga k., 57, 58 & 1., 60, 61 prabhara, Buddhist term, . . . . 242 Prabhavakacharita, work, . . . . 258 Prabhāvatigupta, Vakafaka q.. . . . 86 Prabhudēva,. . . . . . . . 190 Prabhusakti, . . .
. . 61 n. Prabhatarāti (Pandita) I, Soita ascetic, 163, 164 & n.,
169 Prabhūtarasi II, Saira ascetic, . 164 & n., 107 Prabhūtarādi' (III), do.. . 162, 164, 165, 170 Prabhutavarsha, sur. of Rashtraküla k. Govinda III
10, 15, 206, 210, 220, 293 n. prachaya, 8. a. pratyaya, . . Pradhana, off, . .
120, 273, 274 Pradhanapurusha, .
.
262 Pradhanasachina, off., Prime Minister', 223, 226, 228 Pradyötasimha, m., . .
. . 54, 55 Praharaja, Kadamba ch.. . 223, 224, 226, 228 Prahlādanadēva, Paramana ch.. Prahladanapura, ci., . .
232 Praisharika, .. a. Preshanika,
. 291 Prajapati, .. . god Brahman,
. 46 Pramātri, off-, . . .
• 291 Printapala, off., . . .
• 291 Prasanna or Prasannamátra, k., . .19, 22 Prasannāditya, com. .
. 257, 260 Prasantarāga, sur. of Gurjara k. Dadds II, 148 prasasti, 117 & n., 188, 231, 237, 285, 294, 295, 296 Pratápadhavala, k.,
223, 224, 225 & n., 228 Pratapamalla, Kalachuri k.. . 1, 2, 3, 5, 7, 8 pratihara, 'door-keeper . . . . 265 Pratihara, dy. . . . 12., 139, 243, 259 Pratihara, off,
20, 21, 125, 131, 229 pratihárin, door-keeper'
. . 263 Prätiharya, see Pratihara, . . . . 129 Pratirija, writer, . . . . . 2, pratishiddha-chäfa-bhafa-praveda, privilege, 120 Pratishthana, di.. . . . . 261, 262 n. Pratishthitachandra, engr.,. . , 199, 203 Pratityawamutpada-vibhanganirdesa, Buddhist
work, . . . . . . . 241
.
.
41
285
279.
232
116 . 214 n.
119
99
Pibuna, op.'apy . . Pitamaha, m., . . . Petavisa, m.. . . Pithapuram, 8. a. Pishtapura, Pithapuram Pillar Inscription
. . . plural-dual, . .
. 261, 254 & *. .
. . 83, 87
. . . 105, 109
. 58, 97 of Mallaps. . . 69, 96 n.
. . 246

Page #420

Pratityasamulpada-vibhangasútra,
Pratityasamulpada-vyäkhya, do.,
work,
prativasin,. pratyaya,
Pravarapura, ca., pravaras :
Praudhapratapachakravartin, Yadava tit.,
Aurava-Bhrigu-Chyavana-Apnaväna-Jama
dagni,.
Autathya or Utathya, Vasishtha-Sakti-Parādara,
Pravarasena I, Vakataka k.,. Pravarasena II, do.,
Prayaga, tirtha,
Preshanika, off..
Primeval Boar, s. a. Adi-Varaha,
Prithivibhatta, donee,
Prithivimüla, s. a. Prithvimüla,
Prithivisarman, m.,
Prithivishēņa I, Vakataka k.,
Prithivishena II, do., Prithivlévara, Prithivivallabha, sur. of
Govinda III,
Prithivivarman, Ganga k, Prithu, myth. k.,..
Prithviděva I, Kalachuri k., .
Prithvidova II, do.,
.
Buddhist
241, 242 241 108, 112, 120, 135, 291, 292 41 194, 195, 281, 282 82, 85, 90 n.
78, 80 124, 129 & n., 131
2, 5, 7 85
82, 83, 84 & n., 86, 88,
90 m., 92, 114
233
291
153
213, 221
Prithivi-Mahārāja, Chola k.(?), 88, 89, 90, 95, 96, 97, 98
92
•
•
.
.
Prōlakavā, f.,
Püdi-Pörän, m... Pugar, vi.,
Pulakesiraja, Gujarat Chalukya k.,
.
•
"
Rashtrakuta k.
88, 89, 98, 99
84, 85 & n.
114, 172, 173
96 n.
INDEX.
.
Prithvigangaraiyar, ch., of Pangala-nādu, Prithvigangaraiyar, s. a. W. Ganga k. Prithvi
pati I, Prithvimüla,
Prithvipati I, W. Ganga k., Prithviraja, Chauhan k.,
PAGE
10, 15 78, 79
15, 159
2, 4, 7 2, 5, 7 145
Prithvirajaräsä, work,
Prithvirajavijaya, work,
Prithvivallabha, sur. of Govinda III, Prithvivallabha, sur. of Govinda IV, Prithvivallabha, sur. of Väkpati Muñja, Prithvivallabha, sur. of Vijayanagara Devaraya I,
Prithvivallabha, tit. of Yadava k. Mahadeva
rāya,
Prithvivarman, Ganga k., Priyamitrasvamin, donee,
Prôla, Karikala ch.,
144, 145, 146, 147 88 145, 146 & n.
226 226
134, 226 205, 210, 220
106 108, 112
.
k.
182, 185
194, 195
263, 264 199, 203
96
69, 73 286, 288 180, 181 98.
PAGR 818. .88, 90 88, 89, 90, 98, 94, 95 &, 96, 118, 119 Pulindasõna, ancestor of Sailödblava, 126, 127, 130 Pulömbūru, vi., 1.
Pulörbaru Grant of Madhavavarman,
93 88, 90, 91 & n., 92, 98 &., 94, 95 &#.,
96, 116 48 217 296 102, 112
96 24 123, 226 228 123, 128, 127
Pulakóéin, W. Chalukya ch., Pulibamra Grant of Jayasimha I,. Puliköéin II, W. Chalukya k.,
Punada, tribe, Punarvasu, nakshatra, Punyabhra, ri., Punyakumara, Chola k., pu-ppon, tax Puri, ci.,
Puri Copper-plate of Nrisimhadova IV,. Puri Plates of Madhavavarman,.
Puri (Uttaraparáva Matha) Plates of Dharma.
rāja,.
Purle Plates,
Purle Plates of Indravarman,
Pärna, s. a. ri. Payōshni, Parnadeva, m.,
purna-kalaba, depicted over inscription,
Parna-pathaka, ca.,
pūrṇimanta,
purōga, s. a. purohita (?),
purohita, 'priest' Purujvana, vi.,
.
Qutb-ud-din,
Purushottama, donee,
Purushthana, cf. Purujvana, parva-bhuktaka-bhujyamāna-dēva-brahma-daya
Q
R
327
292
225
varjita, privilege, Parvadesa, pürvägrahārika, Parva-pathaka, di.,
94 112
234, 236, 240
.
Pushkar or Pushkara, tirtha, Pushkaripl, di., 75 Pushpayudha, s. a. god Kama, 235, 237 Pushya, nakshatra, 215, 217 & n., 294, 295 & n. Pushyamitra, Sunga k., 47 Pustapala, off. record-keeper', 54, 158, 161, 202
125 74
78, 284
T,
r, doubling of consonant after
214 n. 261, 263 279 102, 112 3, 104, 119 262 229, 266 74,77 105, 110 74, 77
226
9, 24, 198 2, 9, 28, 58, 57,
62, 68, 74, 89, 115, 124, 137, 156,
189, 198, 205, 249, 256, 261, 263
r, doubling of consonant before -, 53, 57, 68, 82, 115, 124, 156, 198, 256, 281

Page #421

328
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(Vol. XXIII.
89
227 231
19
Rajput,
.
.
•
144 .
РАав 1, subscript,
. 20 ., 114 1, superscript, . . . . . 1, 204, 213 Rachapatnam, vi..
193 n. Rādha, Krishna's consort,
108, 112 Rädhänagart, 8. a. Val
. 30 Radhanpur Plates, 12, 204, 206,208 7., 209 1.,
210 n., 214, 215, 216, 217 n... 296 n. Rāghavanka, author, . .
. . 190 Raghuvamda, work, 43 n., 64, 671., 172 n.,
238 n. Rigola Plates of Saktivarman, . . Ráhappa, k., . . . .
. 10, 14 Rahasya, of, .
.
. 76, 78 Rai Lakhamaniye, .. a. Lakshmanana, Rai Mal, prince,. . . . Rai Mal's Inscription of V. 8. 1646, . 233 Raipur, . . . . . .
233 Raipur Plates of Mahl-Sudēvarija . raja, . . . . . . . Räja, m., . . .
273. rajabhavya-sarva-pratyaya-nameta, privilege, 292 raja-datti, 'royal gift, .
. 202, 203 rajadhant, capital', .
. . 235 Räjidhiraja I, Chola k., . . . Rajadhiraja, tit., . . .
10, 14, 15, 293. Rajadhirajadēva, Chola k... Rājādbirkjavitaskar-Sandelvaradóvar, deity, . 24, 25 Rajagriba, di.. . . .
• 291 Rājaguru, . . . . 275 n., 276 Rajakesari, Chola til... . . .
144 . Rajakesarivarman, Choja til., . .
. 24 Rajakiya-grama, vi.. . . .
.
. 103, 110 rājakiya-mana, royal measure', . . • 86 n. Rajakkalnayan, tit. of Hoysala Somovar, 180 . Rajakkal Tambiran, tit.. .
• 180 rajakya-mana, 4. a. rdjakiya-mana . 82 »., 86 raja-mana, d. 4. majakiya-mana, . .
. 82. Rajāmatya, off,
. . . 291 rajan, 'prince', .
151, 229 Rajar, til., .
. 291 Rájánaks, m., .
273 & n. Rajanaka, tit.. . 9, 129, 262, 264, 268, 291 Rajan rayana Sambuvarkyan. Sambuvariya
179 n. Rajanya, 6. a. Kshatriya, . . . . 237 Rajanyaka, tit., . . . . . 129, 131 Rajaparamdávara, til., .
182, 185 Rajapurs, vi.. . .
• 244 Rajapars Copper-plate,
. . 270 . majapurusha, . . . . 108, 120, 135 Räjaputra, Kalachuri prince, . . 259 Rajaputra, sur. of Kalachuri k. Lakahmana,. 259 Rajaputra, til., 79, 129, 131, 201, 202, 203, 262,
264, 268, 291 Rajaraja I, Chola k.,
. 178
PAGE Rajaraja III, Chola k.. . 177 & n., 178, 179 Rajasekhara, author,
. . . . 83 Rajasimha, Pallava k., Rajasimha, Pandya k.,
. . . 284 Rajasimha, sur. of Ganga k. Hastivarman, 63, 66,
67 Rajasins III, Pandya k.,. .
283 Rajasinga-ppörangadi, colony, 283, 285, 286, 288 Rajasingtávaram, te..
. . . . 284 Rajasthaniya, off. .
. . 291 Rajavallabha, off.,
, 251, 254 & n. Rajaya, ., . .
. . 31, 34 Rajendra, . a. Sailodbhava k. Madhavavarman III, . . .
. . . . 124 Rajendravarman, Ganga k., . . . 74, 75, 77 Rajgir, 4. a. Rajagriha, . . . . 291 Rijim, ti, . . . . . . 116 & n. Räjim Plates of Tivaradeve,
19, 114, 116 & 1., 118 n., 119
. . 232 Rajputāna,
. . . 232, 239 n. Rajyadatta, m., .
157, 159 Rajyadhikrita, chiof minister', .
. 83 Rāma, epic hero, .
. 107 Rama, 8. a. Rāma m., .
. . 36 Rāma, m., . . .
. 37, 41, 42 Rāmabhadra, 8. a. epic hero Rama, 107, 111,
113, 136, 212 Rámabhadradeva, Pratihara k., . . 243 Ramachandra, 4. a. epic hero Rama, . . 253 Ramachandra, Yadava k., 184, 191, 192, 193 n.,
270, 281, 282 Råmadása, commentator, . . . . 84 Ramadēva, ch... . . . 142 & 1., 143 Rámadēva, Yadava general,
. 281, 282 Ramadēva, Yadava k.,
184, 281, 282 Råmadēvi, Chalukya princess, Sena q.. . 225 Ramadevi, Uchchakalpa q.. . . . . 171 Ramagiri, . a. mo. Ramtek, . . 84 & n. Rama grove, . . . . Rämakakahā, I., . . . . .
. 37 Rāmakakshaka, .. a. Ramakaksha,
. 38 Rämakhila, 8. a. Ramakaksha, . . . 37 Rāmaleprurija, m., . . . . 89, 98, 99 Ramanatha, Hoysala k., . . . 180 n. Ramanatha, s. . Kumāra-Ramanāthadēva, 182, 185 Rāmäranya, 8. a. Ramakaksha, . . 38 Rāmatirtham Plates,. 91 & 1., 92 & 1., 93 n., 94,
96 Råméévara-tirtha, .
. 206 7., 216 & n. Ramganj Copper-plato, . .
. . 226 Ramtek, mo.. .
. 84 rania, Skt. aranya, . . . . . 37 Rana, til.. . . . .
282. Rand, tit., . .
233, 234

Page #422

INDEX
329
PAGE Ranabhita, Sailõdbhara k., see Aranabhita, . Ranabbita, sur. of Ganga k. Hastivarman, 63, 64,
66, 67 Ranabhitõdaya, n. of god Vishnu, . 64, 66, 67 Ranadhavala, k.,
. 223, 224, 228 Raņāditya, m., . . . . . 105, 109 Ranadurjaya, . .
. . 98 n. Ranadurjaya, Chöļa k., . . 89, 96, 97, 99 Ranadurjaya-Durjaya, Karikala ch., . . 96 Ranaka, tit., 142 & n., 143, 186 n., 187, 188, 249,
254, 255, 263, 264, 266, 267, 268 Ranakēsarin, 8. a. brother of Maha-Sivagupta
(?), . . . . . . 116 n. Ranakēsarin, 8. a. Sõmavun 6 k. Bhava
deva, . . . , 116 & 7., 117, 118 Ranastambhaka, 8. a. Ranathambaka, . 231 n. Ranathambaka, I., . . . . 231& . Ranathambor, ca. . . . . . 187 Ranávalóka, 8. a. Rashtrakufa ch. Stambha, 2, 93 & n.,
952 Ranthambor, I., . . . 231 & n., 232, 238 Rāņeya, . .
. . . . 184 Rangalachhyi, vi.. . . . . 11, 13, 16 räni, queen, . . .
. . 100 Ranvad, vi.. . . . . . 192, 278 Rashid-ud-din,.
. 192 rashtra, t. d., .
. . . . 65, 94 Răshtrakula(kūta), family, . 186, 188, 189 rashtrakūta,
79 & n., 169, 262, 266 Rāshtrakūta, dy. . 8, 10, 12, 13, 14, 83, 101,
102, 104, 106, 144, 145 n., 146, 162, 163, 205, 208, 213, 216,
219, 257, 258, 259 n., 296 Rashtra-mahattara, of.. . . . 151,154 Rashtrapati, off. . . 15, 106, 210, 220 Ratanpur, ca. . .
2, 3, 4 n., 118 Ratanpur Inscription of Prithvidēva II and
Brahmadēva,. . . 114 *., 118 n., 120 n. Ratanpur Stone Inscription of Jājalladēva I, 117,
118 n. Rathantara, Vedic hymn, . . Rati, Kāma's wife. .
• 240 Ratnadēva I, Kalachuri k.,
• 118 Ratnadēva II, do..
2, 4,7 Ratnadēva III, do.
. 3, 103 Ratnarāja I, do., Ratnarāja III, do., . .
2, 5, 7 Raula, tit., . .
273, 274 Ravikirti, author, . . Ravišarman, donee, .
261, 262 Raya-jhaga-jhampa, tit., of Yadava k. Mahidēva, . . . . .
194 Raya-Narayana, mit. of Yadava k. Mahidöva, 194, 195 Raziyya, 9. ..
187 Rēgadugunta, vi.,
163, 169 Rēnándu, co., .
. 97 Rēvana, donee, .
. . !42, 143
PAGE Rewah Stone Inscription . . . . ri., used for ti... .
. . 82, 205
. . 114, 245 ri., used for ri.,. .
10, 19, 82, 205 Riddhapur Plates of Prabhāvatiguptă,. 84 n. rin-adây-adi-sambandha-warjita, privilege, 281 Rishi, m., . . . . . . 224, 229 Rishi paichami,' 5th day of bright half of Bhadrapada' . .
. 327, 240 Rishiyappa, 8. a. Risiyapabhatta, 213, 214 n., 921 Rishyassinga, sage, .
231, 237, 240 Risi Mahattara, w., . . . , 273, 274 Risiula, m.. .
. 105, 109 Risiyapabhatta, donee,
. 205, 210 Rithpur Plates of Bhavattavarman,
. . 82 n. ro, . . . .
. . 186 Rõhanaki, vi.
. 62, 65, 66 Rohini, nakshatra, . . . . 72, 215, 295 Röhini, Vasudeva's wife, . .
. 50 Röhinimitra, m., . . .
. 38 Rohtasgadh Inscription, . . Rönanki, 8. a. vi. Röhanara, Ronunky, 8. a. vi., Rönanki,
. . . . 65 rth, . . . . . ru, used for ri, .
. . 234 Ruddappa Dikshita, donee, . . . 10, 11, 16 Rudra, . a. god Siva,.
163, 169, 256, 260 Rudraditya, m.. . . . . . 102, 111 Rudramāmba, Kakatiya q-, . . . . 192 Rudras, gods, .
. . . . 46 Rudraśarman, donee, . . . . . 90, 94 Rudrasena I, Vákataka k.,
. 85 & n. Rudrasēna II, do. . . . . Rūpävartani, di.. . . . ... 65 Rūpyavati, di... . . . . . 65
2, 4,7
. . . . . . 9, 74, 156 8, used for d, 2, 68, 102, 137, 141, 189, 205,
231, 249, 263, 265, 270, 282 used for sh, . . .
. 68, 141, 265
62, 74, 198, 213 &, used for 8, . . . 2, 10, 68, 205, 268 &, used for ah,
. . 189 Śābara, donee,
. . 105, 109 sa-bhuta-rita-pratyaya, privilege,. . . . 152 sa-bhül-opätta-pratyaya, do., . . 211, 221 sa-chaurõddharana, do. . .
292 sachcha, Buddhist term, . . . 241 Sachcha-niddesa, Buddhist work, Sachcha-vibhanga, do., . . . 241 Bacrifices :
Agnishtöma, 46, 85, 89, 91, 92 n., 95 n., 98, 99 Aptoryāma, . .
. . . 85 Akvamodha, 44, 45, 85, 91, 92 n., 95 n., 126,
128, 131, 167
93
241

Page #423

330
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXIII.
.
107
. 20, 21
.
100
•
97
Sacrifices.-contd.
PAGB Agvi-Trirktra, . Aticktra, . .
46,85 Brihaspatisava, Garga-Trirktra . Sadyaskara, . . sahasradakshina-Triratra, Shodasi,
. . . 85 Triratra,
. . 46, 52 Ukthya,. .
. . 46, 85 Vajapēya, .
44, 46, 85, 252 Sadaiya-Máran, 6.a. Pandya k. Rajasimha III,
283, 285, 288 sa-danda-dab-aparadha, privilege, . sa-danda-dosha, do.. . . sa-das-aparadha, do... .
120, 152 Baddaniti (Sabdaniti), work, . .
38 Sadhani, off., Counsellor', . . sa-dhanya-hirany-adiya, privilege,. 16, 107, 152,
211, 221 Sadhāra, donee, . . . . 2, 5, 7, 8 & n. Sadharana, minister, . . 249, 250, 253 & n., 255 Sadhava, k., . . .
223, 224, 227 Sagara, myth, k.,
6, 17, 22, 32, 77, 80, 111, 113, 121, 129, 136, 152, 202, 203, 212, 222, 229,
262, 263, 265, 267 Sagarakshida, a.a. Samhgharakshita, . 289 8a-gart-Oshara, privilege, . . 229, 251 Bagguyayyana, misreading for Sambhuyafas, 200 Bahani, 8.9. Sadhani, . . . . . 100 Sähasa, k., . 223, 224, 225 & n., 226, 228 Sähasa pura, vl.,. . . . . . . 225 Sahasrabahu, myth.k... . . . . 43 R. Sahasrasă mânya Brahmanas, . . 104, 107 sa-hiranya-bhaga-bhoga, privilege, . . . 109 sa-hiranya-bhaga-bhog oparikara-sarv-adaya
samēta, do. . . . . . . 136 sai, used for sai (Prakrit influence), . 128 & n. Bailodbhava, dy. 59, 64 & n., 91, 94 n., 123,
124, 125, 126 & n., 131 m. Bailodbhava, k. eponymous of Sailodbhara dy..
125, 127, 128, 130 Bainya bhita, Sailodbhara k., . . Bainyabhita I, sur. of Sailodbhava k. Madhava.
raja I. . . . 125, 126, 127, 128, 130 Sainya bhita II, sur. of Sailodbhara k. Midha.
varija II, . . . , 91, 126, 127 Sainyabhita III, sur. of Sailodbhara k. Madha
Vavarman III, . 122, 125, 126, 127, 128, Saitrim, Gahada dla k., .
.
187 Saiva doctrine,. . . . . 163, 190 Saiva saints,
int, . . . . . 163, 165 Baiviam,
165 na-jala-athala, privilege, . . 73, 143, 229, 264 sa-jala-athal-aranya, do.. . . . . 79
PAGE sa-jala-athala-sahita, privilege, . . . Saka, tribe, . . . . . 48, 50, 51 Sakalabhuvanachakravartigal, tit. of Pallana ch.
KÕpperusjingadēva I, . 178, 179, 180, 181 Sakalasainyadhipati, tit., .
. . 282 baki, samvat, . . . . . 238 sākhas - Asvalāyana, . .
. . 113 Babvpicha or Bähvricha, 16, 105, 106, 109,
110, 113, 157, 160, 210, 221 Chhandoga, . 94 n., 98, 99, 103, 105, 106,
109, 110 Kanva or Känva, 20, 21, 104, 107, 199, 201,
261, 262, 268, 269 Kauthuma, . . 106, 110, 124, 129, 131 Mädhyandina, . . Rāņāyansya,. . . . . 78, 80 & n. Taittirika, . .
. . . 94 Taittiriya,
60, 61, 94 n. Vajasaneyi,
. 11, 21 Vajimädhyandina, 105, 106, 107, 109, 110,
148, 152, 155 sa-klipl-õpakļipta, privilege, . . .
. 87 Sakra, 8. 4. god Indra, . sākshin,' witness', .
.
274 Sakti-parshe (parshe = parishad),. . . 165 Saktipur Copper-plate of Lakshmanasēna, 201 *. Saktivarman, Ganga k., . Saktivarman, k. of Kalinga, . . Sākyamuni, 8. a. the Buddha,
. 37 Slaa, vi.. . . . .
124, 129, 131 bālābhöga, . Sālankāyana, dy.. . 66, 89 & 7., 90, 92 & 1. Salha, m., . . . Salhepali, vi.. . . Sallaimāla, vi.. .
. . 11, 13, 16 Salmalivātaka, vi..
. 157, 158, 159 sa-lõha-lavan-akara, privilege, . . . 229 Salori, vi., . . . Samachāradēva, k., .
176 n., 158, 159 Samahartri, off... . . 120, 251, 254 & *. Sāmāngad Plates of Dantidurga,. . .10 », Samanta, com... . .
. . 268, 269 admanta, 'feudatory,. 20, 78, 79, 89, 97, 99, 161,
187, 188, 262, 264, 266, 268 Samanta, off-, .
. . . 11, 131 Sämanta, tit., .
17, 48, 131, 223, 229 Samantapäaddikā, commentary,. . 38 Sämantavarman, Ganga, k., . . 261 Samantavarman's Inscription, . 79 *. Samara, .. . . . . . . 245 Samarani bankamalla, ep. of k. Indradha
vala, . . . . . . 228, 228 Samarasimba, Kadamba ch., .223, 224, 226, 228 Şamaripalla, u., . . . . 213, 221
. .
58 89
•
22
38 19
130 &n.

Page #424

INDEX.
831
.
191
PAGE Bamar-Sing... a. Kadambach. Samar
simba (). . . . . samasta-bhaga-bhoga-kara-hirany-adaya-samila,
privilege, . . . . . . Bamastabhuvanåkrays, our. of E. Chalukya k.
Ammarja II, . . . . . Bamasta bhuvanäsraya, sur. of E. Chalukya k.
Vijayāditya II, . . . . 163, 169 Samastabhuvanäsraya, sur. of Vijayanagara k.
Devaraya I, . . . . . 182, 185 Esmastabhuvanäéraya, te.,. .. 163, 169, 170 samast-otpatti-bulk-otpatti-okita, privilege, . 107 admavayika. . . . . . . Sambalpur,
. . 19 Sambhu, 8. a.god Siva, . 86, 125, 127, 130,
194, 195, 235, 236, 239, 278 Bambhuyakas, k.,
. 199, 200, 201 Sambhuyayya, misreading for Sambhuyasas,. 200 Bambuvaraya, dy. . . . . .179 *. Samgha, . . . . . . . 38 Sanghamitra, monk, . . . . . 38, 42 Bamgharakshita, monk,
. 280 & n. samgharama, . .
. . 38, 289 1. Samgulla, com... .
148, 153, 155 Bamiddhësvara Temple Inscription, . . 233 samkrantisDakshini yans,
. . 31, 34 Dhanush,
. . . . 72 Karka,. .
. 30 Makars, . .
2, 3, 6,8 Uttariyap, 60, 61, 162, 163, 169, 273, 274 & n.
Vishuva, . . . . . . 269 Bathkshobha, Pariorajaka k.. . 171, 172, 174 Sammoha-vinodini, Buddhist work, .242 n. samma-madhula, privilege,. . . . 251 --dmra-madheka, do. samuchita-deya-bhaga-bhoga-kara-hirany-ddi,. 292 samudaya, Buddhist term,. .
242 samudaya-bahy-ddy-astamba, ' (land) originally
devoid of vegetation, which does not yield
any revenue (to the state)' . Samudragupta, Gupla k., 44, 45, 57, 58, 89, 173 samoyavailarin, . . . . . . 54, 55 samya, . . . Bañchâtaka, I., .
. 199, 202 Banchi Prakrit Inscription, . . . . 142 n. landii, not observed, . 46, 133, 137, 143 n., 221 n.,
249 sandhi, wrong. . . 10, 82, 84, 115, 205 Såndhivigrahika, of... 83, 168, 161, 199, 202, 203 Sandhivigrahin, off, . 79, 80, 264, 265, 266, 267 sandu(eandhi)vigrahappēru, tax, . . . 26, 27 Sangama, dy.. . . . . . . 188 Sangaza, M., . . . . . 182, 183, 186 Sangaviru, . d. ti. Sangte, . . . . 189
PAGB Sangha, Buddhist .
. 157 Sangrilmanallar, vi.. .
285 Sangar, ti., . . . . 182, 186, 189, 194 Sangar Inscription,
. . . 185 Sangaru, vi., .
. . . 185 10-nidhi, privilege,
. 21, 87, 120, 251 Saniki, f... .
246, 247, 248 Sanivdrasiddhi, ep. of Gandarāditya, . . 31 Sanjin Plates of Amoghavarsha I, 11, 92 1., 243, 258,
994, 291 Sanjän Plates of Govinda III, . . 217 & n. Sankara, donce, .
. . 106, 110 Sankara, .. a. god Siva, 225, 228, 235, 236, 239,
294, 297 Sankha, Chahamana k., . . bankha, emblem on seal, . . . . 19 bankhakira, sve bankhika, . . . . 139 n. Sankhyana-frautastra, work, . . 48 & A. Sankhóda Plates (1st set) of Dadda II,. 82. Sankheda Plates (2nd set) of Dadda II, 82 . Sankhika, 'worker in shells' or person of
mixed parentage'. . . . . . 139, 141 Sannasivi, misreading for Annaskvi, . .214.1. Sannidhatri, off.. .
. 120, 261, 264 &. Śänta, Spingika's wife,
. . 237, 240 Santabomali Plates of Indravarman II,. 82, 84 santaka,' sorvant, .
83 & *., 86, 87 Santanu, epic hero, . . . . 150, 153 santika, proximity presence, cf. santaka, . 83, Sånuthakura, m., . . . . . 281 sa-padr-dranya, privilego, . . . 264 sa-parikara, mistake for s-Oparikara, 16, 211, 221 Saphars or Saphara, m., . . 246, 247, 248 Saptakotisvara, deity, .
. . 226 Sapta-lok-aika- nátha, ep. of god Vishnu, . . 88 Sapta-18k-aika-aan raya, do.. . . . . 67. sapla-mari group, images of Sapt-drchir-mukha, ep. of god Vishnu, . . 87. Saptarnava-jalēdaya, do.. . . . . 87. Saptarnaus-sayin, do.. .
. . 88 Sapla-am-7pagita, do.. . . . 66, 67 *. Sarabhanga, off., . . . .
. . 291 Sarabhapura, co., . i 19, 20, 74, 115, 173 Sarabharaja, .
. . . 20 Sarabpur, vi., . Bāradā Inscription from Hund,
. . . 287. Sa......Raneya, general, .
. . . 184 Sarapgarh, vi.. .
. . . 19 Sarasvati, goddess, . .
. . . 72 Sarasvati kanthabharaya, work,
. . 83 Sarawa, vi.. .
19 Sarbbon, .. Q. vi. Srbhavana
. . 206 Sardar, tit.
. . . 231 Sarēpha or Sarēpha, ei, de di.. . 190, 201 & n.,
202, 203 Barkar Bhadrak, .
. 201
.
.
.
19

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332
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXII.
201
91 6.5
.
109
169
PAGE Sarkar Jalesar, . . Sarkh8 Plates of Ratnadēva II, . . Sarkh Plates of Ratnadēva III,. . . 103 Sarnath, vi.. . . . . .
290 Sarngachara paddhali, work, . . .
. 27. Sárul, 8. a. vi. Mallasărul, . . . . 155 n. Sarva, 8. a. Märakarva (?), . . . 243, 297 sarva-badha-parihara, privilege, . .
32 aarva-badha-vitarjita, do.. .
• 251 Sarvachandra or Sarvachandra, com..
76, 78 Mru-adaya-samēta, privilege, Sarvadeva Avasthika, dones,
106, 110 Saruddhyaksha,. . .
86 sarva-kara-parihara,' exemption of all taxes, sarva-kara-samēta, privilego, . . sarua-namasya,. . .
32, 34, 195 Sarvananda, donee . 102, 103, 105, 109, 1113 Sarvanātha, Uchchakalpa k., 101 n., 171, 172, 173 sarva-pida-parihriti......, privilege, . 292 sarva-pidā-varjita, do.. . . . 120, 201, 203 sarva-pida-vitarjita, do.. . Sarvavarman, Maukhari k., . 242, 243 & . sarva-vishți-parihara-parihita, privilege, . 87 sart-aya-visuddha, do.. . .
. . 32 aaru-Oparikara-kar-dana-samela, do.. . 251 sarv-olpatti-sahita, do., .
-dahila, do. . . . . . . 281 sdsana, 'grant',. 78, 80, 87, 88, 104, 107, 111,
113, 122, 170, 229, 243, 252, 267, 269, 281, 202 Sasinka, k., . . . . . 138 n., 198 Sasanka or Sasankarāja, k., . . . . 126 Salapatha-Brahmana, work, . . . 44 n., 48 n. 8-ajavi-vitapa-samanvita, privilege, , . 264
satipatthana, Buddhist term, . . . 241 . Satpuri, mo. . .
172, 214 n. datra, .. . 60, 67, 82, 86, 104, 107, 183, 169 8a-trina-kushth-odak-opéta, privilege, 272, 281 Satrughnaraja, mn., . . Sattan-Ganavadi, ch., . . . . . 283 Satyaditya, Chola k.,.
96 Satyasádhāra, donee, . . 3,8 n. Satyasraya, our. of Pulakëbin II,. . . 187 Satyasraya, W. Chalukya k., . . 243 Satya braya-bula-tilaka, ep. of Vijayanagara k.
Dévariya I, . . . . . 182, 185 Saucha-Khambha (or -Stambha), Rashtra.
kapach., . . . . . . 206, 293 . Saurashtra, co., . . . . . 277, 278 Savathi, di.
. . . 103 Savathidoba, Savathika of Sävathikadeks,
di.. . . . . . 103, 105, 106, 110 Savitri, 8. a.god Sarya, .
. . 278 na-vrikshamal-akula, privilege, . 107, 109, 112,
136, 272 na-vrikshamala-nidhs-nikah&pa-sahita, do. 282 Beasons -
Gihma (Grahma), . . . . . 91
PAGE Beasons-com.td. Vasa (Varshā),
. . Sellada, vi.. . Söllavi, vi.. . .
. 105, 107 Sena, dy... . .
158, 225 Sena Amuka, ., .
271, 272 Senadhibrika, off. .
. 223, 229 Senadhipati, til... . .
. 182, 183, 185 Senapati, tit. . . . . 47, 48, 82, 81, 87 Sēna vārn, family, . .
. 33 n. Senaya, m., . .
. 31, 3-4 Sendamangalam, vi...
176, 177 Sendan Divakaram, work,
. 181 n. Sendraka, dy.. . .
• 173 Sen-Tamil, Tamil literature
180, 181 Seoni Plates, . .
• 86 r. Sēta, 8.a. ca. Svētaka, .
208 Setram, 8.a. Saitram,.
. . 187 Setubandha, work,
. 84 sivaka, . .
. 201
156, 245 sh, used for s. .
10, 68, 265, 268 sh, used for á
• 205, 265 shad-akshara mantra, (Om namah Sivaya), 190 R. Sbabābūd, di.. .
. 291 Shah Sujah, . .
. 201 Shamskhan Dandāni,
. . 233 Shandaka, m., . .
215, 246, 247 Shashthidatta, m.. .
. 157, 159 Shashthikum&ra, . a. Chhathikumara,. Shergadh, vi., . . 131, 132, 134, 135, 137, 139 Shergadh Inscription of Udayaditya. . 133 Sbergadh So manātha Temple Inscription, . 137 Sher Shah, Sur k., . . : 132, 134 Shilarvavak, . . . . . .275 . sh, . . . . . Sholapur, vi.. . . . · 190 n., 193, 194 Shrinevadi, vi... .
. .273 n. shfh, used for sht.
. . . 115 Shummāna, 6. a. Khummana, Siahji, .. a. Sthāji, .
. . 187 Siddha-Hemachandra, work, .
. 13 n. siddham,'hail, . . . . 246, 247, 218 siddham, symbol for .
. . . 260 Siddhantam, vi., .
.
65 Siddharama or Siddharamanatha, saint, 189, 190 &
., 191, 193, 194, 195, 196 Siddharamapurana, Kannada work, . 190 Siddharthaka, vi.. . . . .
. . 65 Siddhati, vi.. . .
75 siddh-aya, fixed income', . . siddhayam, tax,.
. . 24, 25 Siddhësvars, god,
. .190 . Sidila Bomma, .
. . 184 Sihajt, Gahadavāla k.,
. . 187 Sihata, donee, .
. 105, 110
.
124
83

Page #426

Siksha, Vidanga, Silähāra, dy.,
29 & n., 30, 31, 32, 193, 226, 269, 270, 271 n., 272 n.,
Silähära, 8. a. Silahāra, Silahāra, a. a. Šilähära,
Silahara Caves,
Silappadigaram, Tamil work, Silära, s. a. Silähära,
silvari, tax,
Simăsimi, vi.,
Simha-parshad, a. a. Simha-parishad, Simha-parshe, s. a. Simha-parishad, Simhaporuda-valanādu, di., .
Simhavarman, Pallava k., Sinda, dy.,.
Sindhuraja, Chahamana k., Sindhuraja, Paramāra k., ... [si]nga-Isvaram, te., Singalam, .
Singana, Yadava k.,
Singeya-Nayaka k.,
Simha, m.,.
100 178
Simha, 8. a. Pallava ch. Köpperuñjinga, Simhana, 8. a. Singana, .. 191, 192, 193 & n. Simha-Parishad, division of the Kalamukhas,
Siruguppe, L.,
Sisavai, vi.,
Sisavai Grant of Govinda III,
gupta I,.
Siva-linga,.
Siva-linga, depicted over inscription, Sivalingaka, vi.,
Sivamagha, 8. a. k. Sivamegha,
.
Siva-Mandhätrivarman, Kadamba k.,
Sivamara II, W. Ganga k., Sivaměgha, k. of Kausambi,.
PAGE 253, 255
33 n., 192, 275, 277 n., 279, 281 273, 274 275, 276 256
•
INDEX.
. 181 n. 271 24, 25
158
183, 184 & n.
Singupura, vi.,
65
Sinnamanur Plates (larger), Siripuram Plates of Anantavarman, Siriya Devi, Chalukya q., Siriya Devi, Sinda q., . Sirpur, 19, 20, 115, 117, 118, 119 & n. Sirpur Inscription of Văsată, 115 92 n. . 116 n.
284, 285 57 & n., 58 100 & n. 100 & n.
Sirpur Lakshmana Temple Inscription, . Sirpur Stone Inscription,
Sirso, vi.,
163, 164
169 165
178
179 100 &n. 191, 192
133, 135
286, 288
285 191
.
204, 206, 214 184 205, 206, 210, 214 . 204, 212, 213 & n., 214 & n., 216 13, 85, 102, 115, 119 & n., 122, 125,
Siva, god,
130, 133, 134, 142, 154, 162, 163, 165, 166, 178, 183, 186, 188, 190, 191, 194, 200, 223, 226, 238, 241, 256, 262 n., 273, 274, 278, 283 n., 284 Sivagupta, 8. a. Maha-Sivaguptaraja, Sivagupta, 8. a. Somavamét k. Maha-Siva.
122
249, 251, 254
85 275 20 248 n. 89 n.
145
.
245, 247
.
PAGE
Sivaraja, k.,
198, 199, 200
259 278
Sivaraja, Kalachuri k., Siva-rätri, . Sivaáarman, donee, Sivrillä, m. or f.,.
90, 93, 94 249, 254, 255 28, 137, 139
Slyadon! Inscription,
Siyaka, Paramāra k., 102 & n., 108, 112 Siyan Pallavan, 8. a. Rajanārāyaṇa Sambuvarāyaṇ,
Skandagupta, Gupta k., skandhavara, akandhavara, capital', Smara, 8. a. god Kama, Smararati, s. a. god Siva, Smriti, Smritikaustubha, work, Snake Temple, at Bhandak, Sobhana,
8-öddesa, privilege,
Sōdha[da] Nayaku, minister, Södhaka, m.,
179 n. 138 217 n., 291 12 & n. 235 135 & n.
89, 98, 99, 253, 257, 260 & n. 134, 188 n.
117 n. 249
201
271, 272 110
16, 152, 211, 221. 174
8-ödranga, privilege, Söhawal Plates, .
Sokkachchiyan, sur. of Pallava ch. Köpperuñ jingadeva I, Sokkanāyaṇār,
Sokka-Siyan, s. a. Sokkachchiyan, Sōla-kōn, m., Solanki, dy.,
Solanralaikonda Vira-Pandya, Pandya k., Solapuram Inscription, Sofiyam, measure,
Söma, god,.
Soma, m., Somadatta, ch.,
Somadeva, Maukhari ch., Sömakula, dy.,
Somakuli, 8. a. Sōmavami, Somanatha, deity, Somanatha, te.,. Somanathadeva, s. a. god Siva,
Somanatha-palli (or -pallika), Somavamsa, dy. of Kosala,
Somavamsa, lunar race', . Somavamál, family, Somesvara, Hoysala k., Some vara I,
.
Sömesvara, Silähära k., Sömesvara I, W. Chalukya k., Somesvara II, do.,
.
333
175, 180, 181, 182
175 175 . 177 231 284 & n
144 286, 288
253 140 199, 200, 202 45, 46, 52 251, 253, 254, 255
249
.
.
271, 277, 278 134, 137, 138, 139
135, 136, 140, 190, 193
134, 139, 141
70, 116, 117, 118,
119, 120
. 188 n. 90 ., 91, 94 n., 249 180 n., 193
165
192
134
134
Somesvaradeva, ch. of Chakrakety,
244
Somesvaradeva, Silahara k., 270, 275 n., 278, 279,
280, 281

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.
106
•
198
10
.
.
157, 159
PAGE Somnath, .
. . 192 Sõnabhadra, .. a. vi. Sravanabhadra, . . 103 Bone-East-Bank, ., . . . : Sonopur, state, . .
. 248, 250 Sonepur or Sonepur Raj, ci., 8. a. ca. Suvarnapura, . .
. . 248, 250 Sonnaligo, vi.. . 190 & n., 191, 193, 194, 195 s-panidhi, privilege,.
21, 87, 120, 251 8-Oparikara, do., . .
16 n., 109, 152, 201, 291 Sopura, vi., . Sorab Inscription, . .
. . 190 &n. 3-Ordhu-adhas, privilege, . . . . 229 Soro, vi. .
. 197, 201 & n. Soro-dandapāta, .
. . 201 Soro Plate of Maharaja Bhånudatta, . . 203 Soro Plate of Maharaja Sambhuyabas,. . 201 Soro Plates, Soro Plates of Somadatta,
202 s-otpadyamana-vishţika, privilege, 152, 211, 221 Sravana, nakshatra,..
. . 190 Sravanabhadra, vi.. . . 103, 105, 106, 110 Srivasti, .. a. Savathi, .
. . 103 freshthin, banker . .
79, 80, 140 Srl, 8. a. goddess Lakshmi,.
. . 72 Srbhavana, vi... 208, 209, 215, 216, 218, 220, 297 Sridatta, m., .
. Sridőví, .. a. goddess Lakshmi,
• 182 n. Sridhara, donee, . . .
213, 221 Sridhara Dikshita, donee, .
213, 221 Srldbara Kaubiks, m...
224, 229 Sridhars Kramavid, donee,.
271, 272 Sridhara Mähuls, m...
106, 110 Sikandakanaka, m...
. 152 1. Srikantha, 7. a. god Siva,
108, 112 Srikanthacharita, work, .
. 271. Srikantha-kura, .. a. Tennavan Pallavadiarai.
yan. . . . . . 283, 286, 288 erikarana, record office!, 2 add., 6, 8, 271, 272, 276,
278, 279, 280 Srikhandayaka, m., . . . . Sringaraprakada, work, . . 83 and 1. Spingātika, vi.. . . . . 261 Spingika, 8. a. Rishyalinga, . . 237, 240 Spingi Rishi, I., . . . . . 230, 231 Sriniv.ba, ., .
. . . 106, 110 Srinivise, .. a. Sailodbhara k. Madhavavar
man III, 122, 125, 126, 127, 128, 130 & n. Sripura, ca., 6. a. Sirpur, 19, 20, 115, 118 & n. Sri-Rama, 8. a. Yadava general Ramadēva, 282 Srirama, sur. of Prithivt.Mahirkja 89, 90 n. Srirangam, ci., . . . . . : 177 Srisamanta, m. (?), . . . . 261, 263 Srisamanta, tit... 76, 78, 70, 80, 128, 261, 283,
284, 206, 208 Sristina, L., .
.
. . 280
PAGE Sristhånska,
281 Srivallabha, Pandya k.. .
285 Srivallabha, aur. of Govinda IV, Srivallabha, sur. of Rashtrakula k. Govinda
III, Srivallabha, aur. of Vakpati Muñja, 108, 112 Srivastavya-Kayastha, caste, . . 224, 230 Srungavarapukota, vi.. . . . . 56, 59 Srungavarapukota Grant of Anantavarman, 64 Sruti, 8. a. Vēda, . 89, 98, 99, 163, 164, 257,
260 & R. Stambha, Rashfraküfa ch., . 11 & 1., 12 n., 215 & n.,
216, 293, 294, 295, 296, 297 Stambha, Rashfraktifa k. . . Stambha-Torņa, 6. a. Thamb-Toran, . . 42, 43 star, emblem on seal, .
. . 73 Sthana, h., . .
. . 277, 278 Sthanantarika, off.. alapa, ... .
. 289 & n. Subandhu, author,
. . . 217 Subhadatta, m.,.
.
158, 161 Subhākaradëve, Bhauma k..
. 201 Subhasimha, com.. . . .
199, 203 Sudarsana, Vishnu's discus, . . . 151, 154 Sudassana, myth. k., .
. 149 Sudēvarāja, 6. a. Mahi-Sudēvaraja, .22 n. sudha-karma, white-washing'. . . . 170 Sudhamma, monk, . . . . . 39 Sudi Inscription,
. 257 Sadrs, caste,
139, 237, 240 Sugata, 8. a. the Buddha, . 117, 196, 197, 290 Sujana, com.. . .
223, 224, 230 Sukhākara, com. .
• 186, 188, 189 Salapāņi, a. a. god Siva,
. . . 253 Saliks, 4. a. Chola (1), .
. 116 r. Solin, 8. a. pod Sive, .
187, 188 bulba, . . .
190, 196 Sultan, . . .
. . . . 233 Sultan of Malwa,
. . . . 232 Sultāns of Delhi, Sumati-sadhars, ., . .
. 8 n. sun, depicted over inscription, 271, 273, 274,
278, 279, 281 sun, emblem on seal, . . .
. . . 67 Sunak Plates of Karpadeva, Sundarānanda, wun, Sundara-Pandya, Pandya ... Sundara-Pandyan-kol, 1. m., . bünya, . a. nolli, Supali, vi., . . . . . . . 282
. 132 Suraditya, ch., . .
. 103 Buraditya, 9..
108, 109 Buraguru, preceptor of gode , .. a. Brihas.
pati. . . . . . . 110, 203
.
.
.
38
Sar, dy.
.

Page #428

INDEX.
335
•
251
.
.
250
.
.
37
108
.
.
13
ates of Krishnaraja.
PAGE Surapura, 8. 4. Amaravati,. Surashtra, co., . .
, 271 Surat Plates of Vyāghrasēna,
• 12 n. Süravira, Paramara ch.,
133 Sürparaka, l., . . .
273, 274 & n. Sürya, gord, . . .
• 249, 283 *. Suryadeva, engr., .
. 199, 202 Suryavarman, Maukhari k., . .
. . 115 sutra, 8. a. sutta, . .
. 241 sūtradhāra, mason', . .
234, 238, 292 sutta, 8. a. sutra, . .
. . 241 Suttanta-bhajaniya, Buddhist work, 241, 242 Sutta-pitaka, Buddhist work, .
241, 242 Suvarna-garuda-dhtaja, ep. of Gandarāditya
31, 33 & *. Suvarnakara, m., . .
. 2, 5, 7 suvarnakära, 'goldsmith ', . . . 87 Suvarnapura, ca., , 249, 250 & n., 252, 255 Suvarnavarshadēva, sur. of Govinda IV, 104, 106,
107 Suvarna-vithi, di. . . . .
150 Suvarnayasas, m., . .
157, 159 sva-hasta, sign manual', . . .
111, 153 Svalpa-dakshina-vithi, di... svāmavajika, see samavayika,
79 svāmi, member of a guild ',
285 Svami-Mahasena, . .
167 svarnakära, goldsmith ,
143 era-sima paryanta, . .229, 272, 281, 282 sva-sima-trina-gochara-göyüli-paryanta, privi
lege, . . . . . . . 112 sta-simā-trina kashtha-yüti-gõchara-paryanta, do.,
. . . . . . 109 sa-sima-trina-yüti-gochara-paryanta, do., 136, 292 Svayambhu, engr., . .
. . . 79, 80 Svayambhū, . a. god Brahman, 125, 128, 130 Svayamtapa, donee, . . . . 106, 110 Svēta, 8. a. ca. Svētaka, . . 264, 265 & n. Svētaka, ca., . . 78, 79, 261, 262, 264, 266 Svētka, 8. a. ca. Svētaka, sword, emblem on coins, . . . . sword, emblem on seal, . . . . . 1
•
158
PAGE T'agarapura-paramībvara, ep. of Silandra k.'s,
275, 276 Taijaprabhu, minister, . . . . 278, 279 Taila, k., . . . . . . . 142 1. Tailapa, k., Tailapa II, W. Chalukya k., . . lailikarāja, chief of guild of oilmen', . 138, 140 Taittiriya-saṁhitä, work, . . . 46 & n. Tajjika, Arab) . . .151 & . Takārt, vi. . Takkõlam Inscription of Parantaka ,. . 25 Takshabil, ca.,. . . . Tāla or Tälapa, E. Chalukya k., Talahāri-mandala, di... . . .
120 talaka, t. d., Talakad, vi.. . Tälatthērē, vi.. . .
. . . 201 Talavananagara, 8. a. vi. Talakad
11 . Talegaon, vi.. . . Talegaon Plates of Krishnarāja, . . . 14 . Talēvātaka, vi... .
. . 10, 13, 16 Tallāru, vi. . . 176, 177, 178, 180, 181 Tamil, co.,. . .
. . 178 Tamil literature,. . .175 & n., 176, 178, 180 Tamparavadama, I., .
. . . . 199, 201 támra, 8. a. lamradeana. . . . . 229 tämrapatra, copper plate ', .
. 104 lamrapafta, copper plate ', . 54, 55, 160, 198,
202, 203 tamrapalpaka, 'copper plate'. . . . 129 Kamrabisana, . 21, 121, 143, 248, 251, 254, 255 Tanardá, vi., . .
. . 78, 79, 80 Tändikonda, vi, . .
163, 166, 169 Tandivaca, bl., . . .
. 89, 97, 99 Tañjai, 3. a. Tanjore, . .
. .144 n. tapita, heated' or engraved', 158, 161,202,
203 Taporabi, Saiva ascetic, . . Tārā-Bhaffärika, 8. 4. Arya-Tări,
292 Tärächandi Rock Inscription,
224 Taradamhsaka, di..
saka, .. . . . 115, 120 & 2., 122 Tarikh-i-Alk, work .
234 Tárkshyapura, cf. Törke, .
. . 30 Tarõd, vi., . .
. 120 Tätär Khan, governor of Gujarat,
• 233 Tattan-Sendil, . .
287, 288 Taula, engr., . .
141, 143 Taxila Copper plate,
. 37, 38 Taxila Lamp Inscription,
• 289 Taxila Silver Scroll, . .
. 37, 41 Tējakantha, m., . . . . . . 271 Tekkali Plates, . . . . . . 58 *. Tekkali Plates of Dēvēndravarman, 75, 76, 77 n.,
78 n. Tekkali Plates of Indravarman, . . . 264
165
T
1, . . . . . . . 9, 74, 88 1, final, 9, 53, 57, 81, 115, 166, 162, 213, 261,
263, 290 t, used for th, . . . . . . 10 Tabkát-i-Albari, work, . . . 233, 234 T'abaqát--Năsiri, . . . 226 & 1., 227 T'adaniyuktaka, off., . . . . 129, 131 Tadayuktaka, off. 157, 159, 201, 202, 203, 291 Tādiparru, vi., . . . . . . 97 Tagara or Tagarapura, oa., 29, 30, 31, 33, 275

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59
80
269
ΡΑΟΣ Tel, ri. . . . . Tel, .. a. ri. Tēla, . .
250 Tela, ri, . . . . . . . 250 *. Telivähi, .. a. ri. Tel. . Tella-gamudy, vi.. . . . . . 59 Teljáru, see Tallāru. Téllavalli, di.. . .
. 67, 59, 60, 61 Téllavalli, cf. Téllavalli,
. . 69 Telunga, . . 183, 191, 192, 193, 194, 195 Telungar,. . . . . . 176 Tēmtura, vi. . . . Tonnavap Pallevadiaraiyan, m., 283, 286, 286,
287, 288 Ter, . a. Tagarapura (1), . . . 275. Tér, vi.. . .
. . 30 Tewar, vi.,
. . 90. th. . . . 189, 204, 213, 256, 257 1., 269 .
. 9, 256, 259 n. Thiyika, , , ,
• 137, 138, 139 Thakkura, tit., . 138, 140, 141, 223, 224, 230 Thakur, tit.,
. . 139 Thakurdiya Plates of Maha-Pravararaja,
116 7., 118 Thamb-Toran, I., Thāna, 8. a. Sthana, .
277 Thaņā, vi., . . .
282 Thåna Platos of Yadava Ramachandra's Time,
282 & *. Thiraditya, ., . . .
137, 140 Thorana, di.. . .
124, 129, 131 & n. Tilak wada Plates of Bhoja, .
. . 103 Tilli, 8. a, Delhi, . .
. 235 Timisa, mo., . .
. 11, 13, 16 Timmäpuram Plates,
89, 95 7., 96 limpira, l. ., . .
199 & 11., 201 Timür, . . .
. 233 tiramam, s. a. dramma,
. . 26, 27 Tiriyay, v. in Ceylon, .
. 196 Tirlingi Grant,. .
63 n. Tirodi Plates of Pravarasina II, Tirumadu, q. of Pallava ch. Köpperuñjingadēva,
181, 182 n. Tirumunaippadi, di... Tirupati Inscription,
. .175 n. Tiruttindiávaramudaiya Mahadeva, te., . . 24, 25 Tiruvadi, vi.. . . .
• 178 Tiruvälangadu Plates,
• 97 n. Tiruvälisvaram, ti. . . . . 285 Tiruvilisvaram-udaiyar, te., . Tiruvannamalai, ca.,. . Tiruvannamalai Inscription,
176, 177 Tiruvēndipuram Inscription,
175, 177 Tiruvorriyur, vi.. . . . . . 145 Tivers or Tivaradeva, Somavans k. of Maha. Konala, 90, 91, 92 & n., 94 & n., 95 n., 114,
115, 116, 118 & n., 119 & 1.
PAGE Tivarkhod Plates of Rashtrakata Nannarāja, 13.
. . 156 Tolkappiyam, Tamil work,
. .175 n. Tomara, clan,
. . 139 Tondai, co., . . . .
176, 180, 181 Topdaimán, .
. . 179 Tondaimandalam, co., .
146, 147, 179 Tondai-nadu, . .
181 n. Topdaiyar, .
178 Tondamannan,. .
. 181 n. Toragaleya Dovarasa, &. a. minister Dévaraja (1) . . . .
. 193 n. Tor Dherai Inscription,
. . 37 Torke, vi,
. . 30 Tosadda, vi., . . . . . 20 Tosall, co., . . .
200 Tosarā, vi.,
20 Traikataka, dy., . .
48, 172, 173 Traividya-simánya,.. 151, 155, 213, 214 n., 221 Tribhuvanachakravartin, tit. of Chõla k. Kulottunga-Chola III, . . . . .
179 Tribhuvanamulududaiyar,. . . . 175 Tribhuvanaviradēva, sur. of Chõla k. Kulot
tungn-Chola III, . . . . . 176 Tridatapati, s. . god Indra, . . . . 20 Tri-Kalinga, co.,. 69 & n., 70, 71, 254, 255 Trikalingadhipati, Ganga tif., . , 69, 70, 72 Trikalingadhipati, sur. of Maha-Bhavagupta II, . . .
. . . 251, 253 Trikalingadhipati, tit. of Somavamof rulers, 119 Trikalinga-Mahadevi, . . . . 268, 269 Trikata, mo. or co., . . . 91, 92, 172 & . Trikāta prasada, te.. . . . . 31, 32, 34 Trilochana, preceptor, . . . 231, 238, 241 trina-käahth-odak-opéta, privilege, . . 282 Trinētra, 8. a. god Siva, . . : 194 Triplicane Grant of Vajrahasta, Saka 982, 68, 70 n. Tripura, demon destroyed by Siva, . . . 226 Tripura or Tripurl, ca.. Tripurahara, 4. q. god Siva, . .
. 227 Tripurintakam Inscription, . .
. 177 Tripurl, ca. . . . 2, 4, 7, 257, 258 & n. tri-sahaara-vidya, . .
. . . 89, 98 Tristhall,' Kast, Prayaga and Gaya ',. . 233 trisúla, emblem on seal, . . . . 114 Trivara, 8. a. Tivaradēva, . . . . 90, 91 Trivaranagara, oa., . . . 90, 91, 92 n. Tryambaka-kshetra, 8. a. Nāsik,. . . 193 Tsandavölu Inscription of Buddharija, 96, 97 Tudaruri, f. . . . 283, 285, 286, 288 Tula, second harvesting season'. d. Kar, 26, 27 T'ula-purusha.pradana, . . . . 17 tuld-purusha-sthita, . . . . . 10 . Tündéru, ri, . .
163, 169 Tungabhadra, ri., . 206 1., 209, 215, 216, 220
.
.
179
.
.
178

Page #430

INDEX.
337
PAGE Turushka, Mohammadan,
183, 185 Turvulā, 8. a. vi. Turvuni, .
. . 250 n. Turvuni, vi.. . . .
. 250 & n. Tusdā, vi., . . . . Tutrahi Falls, .
. 224 Tyagadhonu, sur. of E. Chalukya k. Indravar.
man, . . . . . . . 95 n.
.
20
.
.
123
PAGE upādhyaya, , 38, 223, 229, 230, 273 & n.,
274 & n., 275 Upalabada, vi., . .
. . 142, 143 Upalada, vi.. . .
. . . 141, 142 Upanishad. . .
. . . 89, 98, 99 upapataka,. . . . 17, 152, 160, 211 Uparichara, Krita's son, . chara, Arila's son,
. .
50
. U parika, off, . . 79 & n., 129 & 1., 131,
157, 150, 201, 202, 203, 264, 268, 291 uparikara, . . . upavita, . .
. 44, 45 & . Upayuktika, off. . . . . 106 Upendra, 8. a. god Vishnu, . .
. 266, 260 Upendrasimba, com...
124, 129, 131 wposathagara Uposatha halo,
39 Uran, Mo.,. .
. 227 Uran, vi...
192, 279, 280 Urana, 4. a. Urapa, . .
280 n. Urana, vi... .
. 278, 279, 280 & #. Uratti, vi., . . .
. 178 uri, measure of capacity. . . 25, 286, 288 Urlām Plates of Hastiverman, . . . 62, 63 Utkals, co., . . .
. . . 69 n. Utmanzai, vi.. .
. . 289 utpratikara, 8. a. akiichit-pratikara, . 54 Uladhasakti, . .
61 n. Uttama Chola, Cholu k., Uttara-Kandēruvati, di.. .
. 166 Uttarakuladesa, di.. . . .
103, 105, 109 Uttarāma, vi., . . .
290, 291, 292 Uttaramallür, vi.,
. . 145 Uttaramallor Inscription I,
. 23 n., 28 Uttaramallar Inscription II, . . 23 1., 28 Uttaramantri, off..
. . . . . 283 Uttara-Rādha, co., . . . . 74, 76, 77 Uttara-Tosall, co., . . .
199, 201, 202 Uttarayana, . . . . . . 278 Uttarēsvara, deity. . . . . 280, 281 uvājhha, 8. a. upadhyaya, . . . . 276
-
116
.
s, initial, . .
, medial, . . 9, 74, 81, 213, 254 n., 256, 259 7. u, medial, used for ,. .
. . 115 1, medial,. . . . . . 9, 74, 137 ubhayatömukhi, parturient cow . 33. Uchchada, donee, . . . 148, 152, 155 Uchchakalpa, dy., 59, 171, 172, 173 n., 174 & n. Udagayana, winter solstice' . . 104 Udaiyar Räjädhirajadēva, . a. Chola k. Raja
dhiraja I, . . . . . . 24 Udayāditya, Paramara ch... . Udayāditya, Paramara k., 117, n., 132, 133 & n.,
134 & n., 135 & 1., 138 Udayana, Sõmavan & k., . Udayapur Inscription,
. . 133 Udayapur Prasasti,
. .133 n. Udayaraja, Kadamba ch. 223, 224, 225, 226, 229 Uddalladēvi, 9.,. .
186, 188, 189 Uddandapura, ci., .
. 223 n. uddėsa, Buddhist term,
. 242 Uddi-Basavanna, te.,
. 165 Uddina, cf. Udyanna,
225 Uddiyana, cf. Udyanna,
• 225 udranga, . . .
. 154 Udunpur, cf. Udyanna,
. 225 Udyanna, 8. a. t'dyanna,
.. . 225 Udyanna, ci. (?),
223, 225, 226, 228 Ugra, Pandya ch.,
. 284 Ugrapperuvaludi, Pandya k.,
. . 284 Ujjain Plates of V. 8. 1036,. · 102, 104 Ujjayini, ca., . . • 50, 51, 259 Ujjayini-vishaya, di...
102, 112 Ukkiran, 8. a. Ugra, .
• 284 Ukkirankottai, vi.. .
283, 284 ulakku, measure of onpacity,
286, 288 Umā, 8. a. goddess Parvati,
. 168 Umā-Mahēsvara, deity,
• 163, 169 Umapati, 8. a. god Siva, . . . 278 Umavarman, Ganga k.,
. 58 & 1., 89 1. umbrella, emblem on seal, Umvarāchara, vi.
. . . 105, 109 Una Inscription, . . . . . 60 r. Unchahra, vi., . . . . . . 186 . upadhmaniya, . . .19, 57, 77 1., 81, 162
25
, . . 9, 53, 57, 62, 189, 213, 254 . , used for b. . . 2, 10, 28, 53 & n., 68, 74, 102, 124, 141, 156, 198, 206, 231, 249, 286,
261, 263, 265, 267, 290 vachana,' saying'
189, 190 & 1., 191,
194, 195, 196 vachanakara, . . . . . . 190 Våchaspati, . . . . . . 225 Vadavali Plates of Aparidity . . 271 & *. Vadavāyil-amandal, deity,. . . 287, 288 Vadaviyil-nangai, deity. . . 284 & *., 285 Vädi, dones, . . . . . . 11, 16 Vadodė, vi.. . . . . . . 288

Page #431

338
PAGE 272&#. 13 232 .37, 41 37 157, 159 72 103 286
179174 & n. 177 166, 158 102, 106, 112
79 237
16, 55 m., 148,
Vailya, caste,
152, 155, 157., 211, 221 69, 73 m., 237, 240 251, 254 & n.
275 276 276
Vaitrika, off, doorkeeper', vajha, s: a. upadhyaya, vajha, s. a, upadhyaya, vajhha, s. a. upadhyaya, Vajrahasta, Ganga k., Vajrahasta I, Ganga k., Vajrahasta II, do., Vajrahasta 1II, do., Vajrata, k.,
. 101 n. 71 71
Vajrin, s. a. god Indra, Vikātaka, dy.,
65, 67, 68, 69, 70, 72 10, 14 168 19, 81, 82 & n., 83 & n., 84 & n., 85 & n., 86, 88, 90 & n., 92, 114, 117, 118, 172, 173 Vakkattaka, di.,. 157, 158, 159 Vakkattaka, vi., 157, 159 Vakpati, Vakpati-Muñja or Väkpatirāja, Para. 102 & n., 104, 108, 111, 112, 133, 135, 142 138, 147, 149, 151 & n., 153, 154 & n. 243 180, 181 30 30
māra k.,
Valabbi, ca.,
Valākā, vi., Valava, s. a. Chola, Valavada, s. a. Vallavada, Valayavada, s. a. Vallavāda, Vallabha,
Vallabha, k., Vallabha, off..
Vadu, m. (?), Vadur, vi.,.
Vigada, s. a. Vatapadraka,
Vagramariya, m.,
Vagramariya vihara,
Vahanayaka, off.. Vaidumba, family, Vaigrama, vi.,
Vaikartana,' of Vikartana Vaikunta-Perumal, le.,
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
Velax, vi...
Vallar Inscription of Kopperañjingadeva,
Vainyagupta, k.,
Vairisimha, Paramāra k., Vaishnavi, see Paramavaishnavi, Vaisravana, s. a. god Kubera, Vaisvadiva, mahāyajña,
•
.
•
•
15
10, 14
60, 61 m., 77, 79, 129, 131, 201, 202, 203, 262, 204, 266, 268 Vallabha, a. a. Rashtrakuta k. Krishna, 207, 218 Vallabhanarendra, eur. of Govinda III, 205, 210, 220 Vallabharaja, s. a. Rashtrakuta k. Dantidurga, 14 Vallabhendra, e. a. Rashtrakuta b. Govinda
ni,
Vallabhendra, eur. of Pulakeáin II, Vallsvida, vi..
Vallavarıyan, s. a. Pallavaralyan,
12 n. add. 167
20, 30, 31, 34 175
[VOL. XXIII.
Vamana Bharadvaja, donee, Vamana Käéyapa, donee, Vamanasvamin, donee, Vämanasvamin, m., Vāmēévara, Saiva ascetic, Vamhéadhari, ri., Vaméadhārā, ri., Vanaraiyar, ch., vana-välikä-trina-jantu-göchara-paryanta, pri
vilege,
Vana-Vidyadhara, s. a. Bana-Vidyadhara, Vandaram Plates of Ammaraja II, Vanga, co., Vanl-Dindori Plates, Vanika, vi.,
•
Varadakhěta, vi., vāragōshihi,
Varaguna, Pandya k., Varaguna II, do., vardha, coin, Varaha, donee, Vārahakopā, 1.
vapik-sthāna, merchants' association', . Vanivildea, tit. of Yöglévara,
vappaka, 1. m.,
vāra,.
PAGE
.32, 34
32, 34
105, 109
157, 159
163, 164, 169
65 119 144, 147
Vasishtha, author, Vasishtha, family, Vadishtha Adrama, at Aba,
•
Varaha-lanchhana, emblem of the Chalukyas, Varahamihira, astronomer, Varahavartani, di., Varakrita, off., Varanga, m., vāra-pramukha,
Vārākiva, misreading for Dhäräsiva, Vardhamana-bhukti, Burdwan di., väri-satra-nityahōma, purpose of donation,
258 12
102, 104, 108
249 234, 237, 240 32, 34 & n. 156 n., 157
82, 84, 85, 86 27, 28 145 146
138, 139, 140 106, 110 201 n. 167 49
+
229
146
97
62, 65, 66, 69, 73, 75, 94 156 & n., 160 138, 140
28 214. 157, 158, 159
195 23 28 27
. 187 n.
.
väriyam, committee', väriya-pperumakkal, of. vara-pramukha, variyilar, off.,
. 115
150, 153
Varmadeva, misreading for Dharmadēva, Varman, dy., varn-abrama, varn-abrama-dharma, Varsha, Rains', Varukāna, di.,
131.
.
245, 247, 248
199, 201, 202
Varukōna or Varukoņa, s. a. Varukāņa, Varuna, god, vasaka, camp',
201 n. 253 201, 202, 203 96
vasaka, capital', väsanika, dwelling', 139, 140, 141 Vasantavilasa, work, 191 & n. Văsată, Maukhari princess and Somavam q.,
115, 116 43 58 & ., 60, 81, 90 .272 n.

Page #432

INDEX.
339
.
191
50
•
.
273
PAGE Vholahthfputra, meronymic of Ganpak. Sakti
. 58 & . Visiаhthiputra, metronymic of Baktivarman,. 89 Vastupala, minister, Vasubandhu, author,
241 Vasudove, m.. . .
106, 109 Visudēvs, m., . .
229 Vasudova, Röhini'a husband, Vasudevabhatta, donee, .
• 279 Visugi Näyake, m.,
273, 274 Vous, gods, . .
. 46 Vatamitrasvāmin, doncs,
199, 203 Vatapadraka, 4. a. Vägada,
• 232 Vatapura, u., . .
. 11, 13, 16 Vatar, vi, . . . Vstavallaka, w., .
157, 159, 160 odfiki, . .
• 277, 278 Vatsar js, k., .
207, 219, 294 Vataaraja, m., . 205, 212, 213, 214, 222 Vataasvämin, doncs,
167, 168, 160 Vattára, vi, . .
273, 274 wolk, . a. papild (1),
. 276 n. Vayalar, 8. a. vi. Vailor,
174 . Vayalür, vi.. . .
. 174 .. Vayalar Inscription of RAjasimha, . . 174 ». Vayama, m., . .
214, 222 Vayigrima, 8. a. ti. Vaigrima,
103 Väyw.Purana, work, . .
. 164 Vida,
5, 7, 89, 98, 99, 103, 163, 164,
205, 210, 214 n., 237, 240, 253, 255 Vidanga, . . . . 89, 98, 99, 253, 255 Vidangajyotisha, work, . . . . 91 Vedas Rigveda, . . 10, 36, 44 n., 102, 106,
106, 157, 205, 213 Samavěda,
63, 85, 94 n., 103, 105, 106 Yajurvēda, . 74, 77, 94 7., 105, 106, 199
Yajurvoda (white), . . . . 20, 148 Vēdasiva, Rajaguru, . . Vodavanam-Udaiyan Ammaiyappan Appen Pallavarājan, general,
. . 179 Vodavysa, 6. a. sage Vyasa,
17, 152, 211, 222 Vodbae, . a. god Brahman,
13, 206, 218 Vedie revival, . .
. . 43, 44, 51 Vedic sacrifices, vedinai, tax,
. . . 23 Velanäodu, family, Velkpur Inscription of Saka 1227 . . . 282. oli, I. .,. . .
. 26, 27 wlikkies, tax, . .
24 Vallavala, vi.. . . . . . 106, 107 Volparu Inscription of Madhavavarman,
. 98 Voldrpalaiyam Plates, .
. . 144 Valvikudi Copper Plates
ΡΔΟΣ V&vikudi Grant of Jatils-Parintaka-Nedufija
daiyan,. . . . . . 178 Võng, ca, • • • • • 119 * , 258 Vengt or Vēnglmandala, co., . 57, 89, 89 R., 92 & *., 96, 163, 167, 206, 209, 216, 216, 217 .,
218, 220, 297 Vepraviypēdi, m.. . . . 236, 288 Vesupadavala, m..
• 273, 274 sya, orror for tyd or Vaidys,. 89 & ., 73 odbyd, courtesan! . . . . 60,18 Vētkovar Virs.... niyan. . . • 287, 288 Vētragarta, vi... .
167, 168, 160 veffi, tax, . . .
• 23, 24 peffikbudi,. . .
. 286, 288 Deffipāffam, tax, . .
. . 26, 27 Vēyaghans, si... .
• 10, 13, 16 Vibhänds or Vibhandaka, father of rage Rishyaépinga, . . .
237, 240, 241 vibhanga, exegesis, .
241, 242&n. Vibhanga-sutta, Buddhist work, , 241, 242 Vibhanga-rappa, Buddhist work, , , 241 Vichitrahasta, engr.. . .
261, 263 Vidarbha, co., . . . . 84, 117 & *., 118 Vidēkasvamin, engr. . . . . 199, 201 Vidyadhara, dy.
. . 30, 32, 33*. Vidyariki, Saiva ascetic, . . . . 165 Vidydisamudra, sit. of Karpara. . . . 190 Vidydvar I, Saina ascetic, .
163, 164, 169 Vidyökvara-Pandita II, Saiva ascetic, slao
com.. . . . . 162, 164 & n., 166, 170 vihara, . .
· · 38, 39, 41 viharibi, small monastery', . . 121 Vijayachandra, Gahadavala k., . . . 225 Vijayadāman, Kshatrapa, . . . . 48 Vijayaditys I (Bhaffaraka), E. Chalukya k., 167 Vijayaditys II, do..
163, 167, 169 Vijayaditya III, do. .
. 69, 107 Vijayāditya IV, do.. .
. 60, 167 Vijayaditya, sur. of E. Chalukya k. Ammarija
II,. . . . . . . . 100 Vijaya-Kampavikramavarman, .. 4. Pallano k. Kampavarman,. .
.
144, 147 Vijayanagara, ca., . 180., 182, 183 & n.,
184 n., 185 m., 194 Vijayanagara Inscriptions, . . . . 149 n. Vijayanandivarman, Salasbiyana k., . . 56, 57 Vijaya-aldhår, m., . . . . . 8 n. Vijayana, A., . . . 156, 187, 188, 160 Vijayaviti, ca., . a. Beswide, . . 163, 169 virapti, . . . .
. . 86 vijäpya, used for vijfiapti,. . . . 82, 86 Vikartana, .. a. god Bory . . . 283, 288
. . 230 Vikrama, do .
223, 224, 225 & ., 328 Vikrama or Vikramiditya, Malaca k.. 80, 81
jurvēda (white), .
:
276 1., 276
Vikharani,
..
.
294 295 & ... 928
.
284

Page #433

340
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXIII.
.
.
233
227
147
124
РАав Vikramadhavala, .. a. Chalukya k. Vikrama
dity, . . . . Vikramiditya, Chöja k.
96 Vikramaditya I, Bana ch...
146 Vikramaditya, ll, do. . Vikramaditya, E. Chalukya prince, . • 167 Vikramaditya II, E. Chalukya k., . . Vikramaditya, avt. of Chandragupta II, 83, 84 Vikramaditya Vi, Chalukya k.. . . . 100 Vikramakesarin, . . . . . 165 & R. Vikrama[ma]hendravarman,.. a. Vishnu
bundin k. Vikramēndravarman II, 91 & n. Vikramarkadēvacharita, work, . . . 134 Vikramarka, 8. a. k. Vikrama, Vikrama-soļan-ula, Tamil work,. . 178 Vikramasraya, sur. of Vishnukundin k. Govin. da varman, . . .
. . 93, 95 Vikramêndra, Chola k.,
89, 95, 97, 99 Vikraméndravarman I, Vishnukundin k., 91, 95 Vikramēndravarman II, do..
88, 91 & n.,
92, 93, 95 & n. Vilachi, m., . .
. . . 75 n. Viläpadraka, vi.. .
. . . 135 Villiyanür, vi., .
. . . 176 Villiyanür Inscription,
. . 176, 177 Vilvagavisa, vi... .
. 103, 105, 109 Vimalachandra, engr...
266, 267, 268, 269 Vimaladitya, ch., vimana, shrine', .
:
165 Vinayachandra, com... · 62, 63 ., 64, 66, 67 Vinayaditya, Ganga k.. . . . . 71 Vinayaka, 6. a. god Gaņēta, . . . . 280 Vinayamabadevi, Ganga q. . . . . 68, 72 Kinaya-Pijaka, work, . . . . . 38, 39 Vindhya, mo.. . 94 n., 187, 188, 209, 211, 214 n.,
222, 243, 297 Vindhyapuri, vi.. . . . . 157, 159 Vindhyesvara, le., . . 186, 187, 188, 189 viniyoga, tax, .
. . 26, 27 Viniyuktaka, ofl. . . . . . 291 Virabhadra, . . . Virabhacira, le... Vira-Chavundarasa, 6. a. Chávundarasa, 184 Viradhavala, Chaulukya k., . . . 191, 192 Vira-Kampiladova, 4. a. Kampiladēva, 183, 184 viräma, sign indicating consonant being muto,
67, 68, 162 Vira-Narasimha II, Hoyaala k., 177, 178 & ., 181 m. Vira-Narasingadēva, Yadava ch.,. . .178 n. Viranja, I., . . . . . . 199, 203 Vira-Pandya, Pandya k., . . . . 165 Vira-Pandyan-kal, measure of capacity, .. 26, 27 Vtrapratapa, tit. of Vijayanagara k., . . 185 Virasena, k., .
. . 138 n. Virasiva, sect, .
. . . 190
PAGE Viravinõda, work, Viriņika, vi., . .
• 75 n. Virintika, vi.. .
. . 75 Visakhasvāmin, donee,
. 20, 21 Visakhavarman, Ganga k...
. . 58 Visaladeva, Chauļukya k.. .
• 192 visarga, . . .
. 124 visarga, changed to e, . visarga, mark of punctuation resembling 204 visarga, omitted, 10, 115, 205, 261, 265, 268 visarga, superfluous, . . 21 N., 261, 269 visarga, used for punctuation mark, vishaya, t. d., 54, 55, 57, 59, 61, 65, 66, 75,
78, 79, 89 & n., 93, 94, 97, 99, 102, 124, 129, 131 & n., 148, 152, 159, 163, 166, 169, 190, 194, 195, 199, 201, 202, 203, 205, 221, 261,
262 & 1., 264, 266, 268, 275, 276, 290 & n., 291 Vishayadhikarana, . . . . .156 . vishaya-mana, local measure ', cf. raja-mana, 82. Vishayapati, off. . 15, 53, 54, 55 & n., 64 n.,
79, 106, 129, 131, 151, 157, 159, 201,
202, 203, 210, 220, 264, 268, 291 Vishnu, author, . . . . . . 43 Vishnu, donce, Vishnu, god,
13, 30, 31, 34, 71, 82 9., 102, 119, 130 n., 134, 178 n., 182 »., 249,
253, 255, 256 Vishnu, m., . . . .
.
. 106, 110 Vishnu, m., . . . . 205, 210, 214 n. Vishnu, te.. . . . . . . 116 Vishnugopa, Pallava k.. . . . . 89 n. Vishnukundin, dy., . 89, 90, 91, 92, & n.,
93 & n., 04 n., 95 & 1., 96, 116 Vishnunha, m., . . . . . . 281 Vishnu arman, .. . . . . 89, 98, 99 Vishnukarman, donce, . . . . . 94 Vishņusomācharya, donee, . . . . 261 Vishnuvardhana, 8. a. Kubja-Vishnuvardhana,
93 & n. Vishnuvardhana II, E. Chalukya k., . 167 Vishnuvardhana III, do., . . . . 167 Vishnuvardhana IV, do. . . . Vishnuvardhana V, do. . . . 97, 167 viskuva, equinox', . .
• 269 Visvakarman, caste, .
. 139 Vigvamātri, s. 4. goddess Parvati, 230, 231, 234 Visvarūpa, work, Visvarūpasēna's Copper-plate Grant, . . 188 .
. 54, 55 n. Visvēdēvas, gods, . . . . 50 Vitarága, sur. of Gurjara k. Jayabhata I, 148 vithi, t. d., . . 53, 54, 56 & n., 156 7., 157,
158, 159, 160, 290 & #., 291 Vithy-adhikarana, 'Vith court', . 157, 159, 160 Vithy-adhikrita, off., . .
. . 159
.
.
.
298
vibrasa,
.
.
.
.

Page #434

Vittadeva, donee, Vitthala, deity, Vizagapatam Grant, Saka 1003,
Vizagapatam Grant, Saka 1057,
Vizagapatam Plates of Anantavarman Chōda
ganga,
Vödhūna, 8. a. Bodhana, vodi, coin,
vōdri, s. a. vōd,
Võnkhärabhöga, di.,
Võppana, donee,.
Vratakhanda, work,
Vriddhachalam Inscription,
vrishabha, coin,
Vrishabha, räsi,
Vyaghradeva, Uchchakalpa k., Vyaghrarāja, k.,.
vyakhyana, commentary', Vyamasiva, s. a. Vyomasiva, Vyapura, vi.,
Vyasa, sage,
vyavaharin, Vyomakësa, s. a. god Siva, Vyōmasiva, priest,
•
W
Waigaon, vi., Wainganga, ri., Wairgarh, vi., Wani-Dindori Plates, Warid, a. a. vi. Varadakhēta, Wardak Vase Inscription, Wheel of Law, emblem on seal, Wurgaon, vi.,
70 265
138
138
64 n.
11, 16, 18
192 177 n.
138, 140 & n.
72 171, 172, 173 173 89, 98 276 & n. 117.
17, 21, 55, 56, 66, 67, 87, 98, 99, 121, 211, 222 129, 131, 262, 263
Y
.
1,
y, confused with p,
y, doubling of consonant before,
y, used for j,
PAGE
124, 129, 131
193 70 n.
70 n.
13, 16 n. add.
13 118
205 m., 214, 215 & m., 216 84, 85
37, 41
155
. 117 n.
INDEX.
·
·
135 & n. 275 n., 276 n.
2, 141, 205
Yadava, dy.,
178 m., 184 & n., 190, 191,
192, 193 & n., 194, 208, 219, 270, 279, 281, 282 Yajñasvamin Atreya, donee, Yajñasvamin Katyayana, donee,
Yajnavarman, Maukhari ch.,
Yaka, vi., cf. Ayaka, Yaksha,
Yakubi Image Inscription,
9, 45, 156, 189, 198
1
9, 57, 62, 82
.
Yamalagrama, vi.,
Yasobhita, Sailödbhava k., see Ayasobhita,
Yasodharman, k., yatha-kal-ädhyasin,
20, 21
20, 21
46
103
37, 41
289
105, 107
64
49
251, 262, 264, 266
yatha-pradiyamana-bhāga-bhöga-hirany-adika,
Mahāmāgha,
Mahāśvayuja,
Parabhava,
privilege,
yath-otpadyamana-bhaga-bhōg-adika, Yaudheya, tribe,.
136 113 47. 235, 239 90.
Yavana, Mohammadan',
Yayati, s. a. Maha-Sivagupta I
Yayati, s. a. Sömavaméi k. Mahā-Sivagupta, . 90 n. Yayatinagara, ca.,
90 n.
years of the cycle:Dhātri, .
Pingala,.
Plavanga,
Pramoda, Raktākshin,
Raudra, . Sarvadhärin,
Sarvajit, Särvari,.
Saumya, Siddhartha, Subhakrit,
Tirana,
Vikärin, .
Vikrita,
Vishva, s. a. Vrisha, Viśvävasu,
Vrisha, Vyaya, years, regnal : 2+9,
2+13,
2+14,
3rd,
5th,
6th,
7th,
8th,
10th,
11th,
13th,
14th,
15th,
17th,
18th,
23rd,
27th,
28th,
31st,
46th,
48th, Yellamanchili, vi.. Yi-tsing, Chinese pilgrim,
341
.
PAGE
. 274 n.
172 58
31, 34, 277 n. 271 & n. . 277 n. 273
190, 195, 196
280
. 216 n.
183, 185, 205
281, 232 . 183 n. 278, 279 . 277 n.
. 216 n.
. 277 R.
104, 107
275 *., 276 n.
271 & n., 277 & n., 278
275 & n., 276 & n. 205 & u., 211
283, 286, 288 283, 285, 288
283
158, 161, 249 199, 203 26, 176, 249
26
19, 22, 27, 249 144, 147 176 124, 249
25 199, 202, 203 249, 253, 255
94 124, 129, 131
. 82, 87 . 24, 25 249 89, 98, 99 90 57 .37, 38

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342
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(Vor. XXIII.
. 1901.
PAGN Yapa, 43 & n., 44 & n., 45 & 1., 46, 51, 52 Yüpa Inscriptions of King Molavarman, S. 44n. Yuvaraja, . . . . 167, 193, 223, 229, 265 Yuvarāja I-Köyūravarsha, Kalachuri k., 255, 257
PAGE Yadihalli Inscription, Yoga, sastra, .
. . 89, 98, 99 Yogtávara, com...
. 234, 237, 240 yonipafta,. .
. . . 275 Yuan Chwang, Chinese pilgrim, . . 118, 119
& n., 241 Yuddhamalla I, E. Chalukya prince,
167 Yuddhamalla II, do...
. . 167 Yudhishthira, epic hero, 22, 60, 86, 86, 98,
121, 162, 161
Zafar Khān, s. 4. Muzaffar Shah I,
.
.
233

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