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1. PHONOLOGICAL
Introduction Some definable tedencies of certain ‘irregular' sound changes
Although I have not consulted earlier discussions relating to the stray cases of aspiration in MIA. or OIA. non-aspirates, I had a strong impression that it has not been explained as noted by von Hinūber. In fact my explanation of MIA, inoganic aspiration and the discussion of the etymology of māhaņa- and kohamdi form sort of preamble to the discussion of the etymology of Amg. ghińsu. Which Caillat and others connect with Vedic ghimsa-, but which I think can be satisfactorily connected with Sk, grisma- as has been traditionally done. (C. Caillat, ABORI, 78, 1987, 551-557).
Although under the influence of the Neogrammrian doctrine of exceptionless phonetic 'laws', the demand of orderliness and rigour in dealing with phonological change was undeniably a revolutionary advance in historical phonology, it was rather a useful theoretical strategy. In real language situations, because languages and dialects are invariably of a mixed character – regionally, historically and due to coexistence of usages of three successive generations in any society, actually no phonological change is without exceptions. In the case of Prakrit also, apart from the explanation of 'deviant' cases with the help of analogy or borrowing, there seems to be scope for limited phonological explanations. Apart from a general 'rule' or 'law', we can point our 'tendencies', which can be accounted for by assuming their prevalence in a particular dialect. For OIA. -r- > ri-, -i-, -a-, u; -ks-> -cch-; i > e, -u- > -- before a cluster, 'spontaneous' nasalization, irregular cerebralization, etc., we can specify a group of instances in which specific phonological conditioning can be shown as the cause. The presence of counter-expamples would not I think nullify the usefulness of the explanation, because where earlier the change was taken to be arbitrary, or where any causing factor could not be pointed out, some positive explanation removes, no
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