Some Topics in the Development of OIA MIA NIA

Author(s): H C Bhayani
Publisher: L D Indology Ahmedabad
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/001575/1

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L. D. SERIES 118
SOME TOPICS IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF OIA, MIA, NIA
By
General Editor JITENDRA B. SHAH
H. C. BHAYANI
L. D. INSTITUTE OF INDOLOGY
AHMEDABAD-9
1997

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L. D. SERIES 118
SOME TOPICS IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF OIA, MIA, NIA
General Editor JITENDRA B. SHAH
By
H. C. BHAYANI
L. D. INSTITUTE OF INDOLOGY
AHMEDABAD-9
1997

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Published by : JITENDRA B. SHAH L. D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad-380 009
1st Edition : 1997
Price : 75-00
Copy : 500
Printed by : Kirit H. Patel Krishna Graphics 966, Naranpura Old Village, Ahmedabad-380 013 (Phone : 7484393)
.

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TO BHARATI MODI WITH AFFECTION AND REGARDS

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Foreword
The development of Indo-Aryan language from the earliest times down to the present day is a vast and a highly interesting area for linguistic studies. The research literature pertaining to it, data-based or adopting various and changing theoretical approaches, is enormous. Prof. (Dr.) H. C. Bhayani's present work is bound to attract attention of students of the history of Indo-Aryan languages, because among other things, it makes departure from earlier positions and discussions in the areas of Indo-Aryan phonology, morphology and lexicon. We are indeed happy to publish it in the L. D. Series.
JITENDRA B. SHAH
2nd October, 1997 Ahmedabad

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Preface
I have discussed certain topics in the development of Indo-Aryan, with a view to focus attention chiefly on ‘sporadic' tendencies (phonology), analogical restructuring (morphology), 'vector' verbs (syntax) and compound verbroots and varieties of non-standard Sanskrit(lexicon). The discussion is based on data, mostly, from Prakrit and Gujarati. It is hoped that thereby a clearer picture of the development at the Middle and Modern stages will emerge. I will be happy if this modest effort of mine rekindles interest in the historical problems of Indo-Aryan.
I am grateful to the Director and the Managing Committee of the L. D. Institute of Indology for publishing this book. My special thanks are due to Krishna Graphics for satisfactorily carrying out the printing of technical and considerably complicated text-matter.
H. C. Bhayani

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Introduction
1. The change of -s- to -h
2.
-dr- (or * dl) > -II
3.
-st--tt-/-mt
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
CONTENTS
I. PHONOLOGICAL
1.
2.
3.
4.
-sm- > -mh->-mh
Stop-insertion in Prakrit clusters
Post-labial -u-> -o- in the word-initial closed syllable in Prakrit.
Voiceless consonant + nasal/v changed to double voiceless stop of the same class as the nasal -a- preceding a cluster with a nasal as the anlaut
changed to -i
Nasalization of a pre-sibilant vowel in
Prakrit and thereafter
10.
Aspiration of non-aspirate stops
11. Doubling of a single consonant following a long vowel
12.
Prothetic h
13.
The assimilative change -i- > -u- in MIA and NIA Replacement of -nd- by -l1
14.
15.
Replacement of -b- by -g

II. MORPHOLOGICAL
(1) INFLEXIONAL
A. Developments in Prakrit verb-stems :
Passive verb-stems
New past passive participle bases
Development of new active intransitive verbal stems Phonological explanation versus analogical explanation
Appendix

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1.
66
72
2. · 3.
76
81
6. 7.
B. Some aspects of the development of the Gujarati passive : Passive, optative and future imperative stems Origin and development of O. Guj. stems ending in -īja, -iaOrigin and development of ā- passives The stative verb-stems in -āStative verbs used actively
79 The passive subjectless reflexive construction The active subjectless reflexive construction Abilitives Intransitives functioning as transitives
(2) DERIVATIONAL The nominal suffix -ota- in Sanskrit
85 The Late Middle Indo-Aryan suffix -āņa
(3) SYNTACTICAL On MIA lagg- used as a 'vector' verb :
101 The Gujarati constructions with marvŭ as a 'vector'
(4) LEXICAL
83
(1) (2)
1. 2.
106
114
1. 2.
121
Compound verbal roots in MIA and NIA Late non-standard Sanskrit usages General considerations (1) The Sủngāramañjari-kathā (2) The Subhāṣitaratnakosa (3) The Vasantavilāsa (4) Late Sanskrit doublets with the auslaut - Cya- / -Ci
APPENDIX Grammatical and Semantic factors as concommitant causes of sound-change. Information about earlier publication of some papers in the present collection.
122. 134 139 140
142
145

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1. PHONOLOGICAL
Introduction Some definable tedencies of certain ‘irregular' sound changes
Although I have not consulted earlier discussions relating to the stray cases of aspiration in MIA. or OIA. non-aspirates, I had a strong impression that it has not been explained as noted by von Hinūber. In fact my explanation of MIA, inoganic aspiration and the discussion of the etymology of māhaņa- and kohamdi form sort of preamble to the discussion of the etymology of Amg. ghińsu. Which Caillat and others connect with Vedic ghimsa-, but which I think can be satisfactorily connected with Sk, grisma- as has been traditionally done. (C. Caillat, ABORI, 78, 1987, 551-557).
Although under the influence of the Neogrammrian doctrine of exceptionless phonetic 'laws', the demand of orderliness and rigour in dealing with phonological change was undeniably a revolutionary advance in historical phonology, it was rather a useful theoretical strategy. In real language situations, because languages and dialects are invariably of a mixed character – regionally, historically and due to coexistence of usages of three successive generations in any society, actually no phonological change is without exceptions. In the case of Prakrit also, apart from the explanation of 'deviant' cases with the help of analogy or borrowing, there seems to be scope for limited phonological explanations. Apart from a general 'rule' or 'law', we can point our 'tendencies', which can be accounted for by assuming their prevalence in a particular dialect. For OIA. -r- > ri-, -i-, -a-, u; -ks-> -cch-; i > e, -u- > -- before a cluster, 'spontaneous' nasalization, irregular cerebralization, etc., we can specify a group of instances in which specific phonological conditioning can be shown as the cause. The presence of counter-expamples would not I think nullify the usefulness of the explanation, because where earlier the change was taken to be arbitrary, or where any causing factor could not be pointed out, some positive explanation removes, no

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matter partially, some obscurity.
There has been several similar efforts in this direction, as for example those of Turner (“Early shortening of geminates with compensatory lengthening in Indo-Aryan', BSOAS, 33, 1, 1970, 171-178) and Schwarzschild (“Some sporadic changes of vowels in Middle Indo-Aryan', Indo-Iranian Journal, 8, 1 1964, 25-31, reprinted in Collected Papers of L. A., Shwarzschild on Indo-Aryan 1953-1979, ed. R. Wiles, 1991.

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Pk.
1. The change of -s- to -h(1) In words (pronouns, pronominal doriratives, numerals, certain verbs and nouns) :
Sk. idrsa aisa-, ehakidrśa- kaisa-, kehayādría- jaisa-, jehatādrsa- taisa-, tehaetādría eddahakidrśa- keddahatādrśa- teddahayādssa- jeddahaşaşa- chaha daśa
dasa, daha (and similarly in words for 11,12,13,14,15,16,17,18) -saptati -hattari (in the numerals eka-saptati > ikkahattari, etc. up to astasaptati) eşaheho *oṣaḥ ohu (Ap.) kārsāpaņa- kāhāvanadivasa- diahaduḥsara- dūhaladhanus- dhaņuhanissarati niharai palāśa- palāhapāśāņa- pāhaņapratyusa- paccuhabhisayati bihei śās
sāhsnusă sunha (2) In flexional suffixes : si (pre. 2 sing.)
-hi -sya (fut. stem-formative) -hi

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-hi
-rśi(in aorist forms lika akārsit > kāhi) -smāt (abl. sing.) -mhā, hā -smin (loc. sing.) -inhi, -mini -saḥ
-so, hỗ (in abl. gen. sing. in forms like manasaḥ) -sām (gen. plu.)
-hã
-hê, hi
-se (in dat. sing. forns like manase,
(fem, gen. sing.)*
* For a detailed treatment and views of Pischel, Turner and Alsdorf see my paper ‘A few problems of Apabhramsa reconsidered". "Indian linguisties', 25, 1964, 71-75. In the late Apabhramśa of the Samdeśarāsaka with slight Early Panjabi influence we get niveh-> Sk. nives-, sannehaya- < Sk. samdeśaka, puhapa < Sk. puspa-.

•

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2. -dr- (or *-dl-) >-11From IAL we note the following instances (with some comments) :
(1) TAL 1340 ĀRDR- 'wet' : Pkt. alla- : Hindi ala etc.
(2) JAL 2057 UDRA- 'water' : Pkt. ulla-, olla- 'wet'. Apabhramba uhavai (with -lla- > - Iha-) is a denominative from ulla, and Gujarati olavvì holavvù presupposes olhava-,
(3) IAL 2061 * UDRICYATE, UDRECYATE is poured out": Pkt. *ulliccai, Gujarāti ulecvů etc.
(4) IAL 2064 *UDRUDHA- “risen' > Pkt. ulladha(5) IAL 3732 KȘULLA- < KȘUDRA
(6) IAL 5005 CHALLI- 'bark’. Turner thinks that CHALLIalong with *CHILLA- and *CHOLL- are of non-Aryan origin, but *chadra- *challa- covering' can well account for CHALLI-.
(7) Pkt. chilla- *hole' Page #15

3. -st--tt- / -mt-.
Below we will discuss some Prakrit and New Indo-Aryan words (mainly Gujarati) which evidence the change -st->-tt- instead of the usual change -st- > -tth-.
(1) IAL 1600 iṣṭaka- 'brick'. Turner has remarked, 'BHS iṣṭā-, Pkt. iṭṭä- and most NIA. equivalents do not have the expected aspiration'. Moreover, the nasalized vowel in several NIA forms (e.g. Gujarati) presuppose the change -st-> -mt-, i.e. nasal + t instead of geminated t
(2) IAL 2378 ustra- 'camel'. In Pkt. uṭṭa- and in several NIA. derivatives we have de-aspirated forms. In Gujarati út and in some NIA derivatives (Hindi, some Pahari languages) we have the nasalized form. In Siddhahema 8.2.34 Hemacandra has noted' three special cases of Skt. -st->Pkt. -tt- utta- (Page #16

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given with the gloss pumsia- (Pk.), pumsita- (Sk.). In view of Hemacandra's remark that eventhough the word is to be derived from udghusta (? It should be obviously udghrṣṭa-: Compare Pk. ugghus mrj-, Siddhahema 8,4,105). (Ramanujaswami has misunderstood pumsitaas 'courage'. It is Sanskritization of Pk. pumsia- 'wiped), Siddhahema 8,4,105 gives pums- mrj-. The variant ugghutta- is to he prefered because there is no point in giving the word as Desi if its form had been ugguttha-, the derivation of which from Sk. udghṛsta- is quite obvious. (8) The Gujarati forms rahet, catvu, carōthi, and chit- corresponding respectively to IAL 596 arahaṭṭa- 'Persian wheel', Pkt. cahuṭṭai 'stick', Pkt. cirihitti 'Abrus precatoris' ('guñja berry'), and IAL 5036 *chiṭṭā 'spotted cloth', presuppose nasalized variants as their pre-forms. Supplement
9. Pk. ghuṭṭaga 'stone used to smooth the newly smeared vessel' ( पिण्डनिर्मुक्ति १५ ) : वृत्ति : 'लेपित - पात्राणां घुटन - पाषाण' ), from Sk. ghrstaka-. Compare Pk. ghatta- from Sk. ghrsta- (394: Bolleés edition).
10. Turner 8165 piṭṭayați from Sk. pista. Turner's note: 'In view of complete absence of aspiration derivation from pista- (LM 368) is most doubtful'. But this objection is not valid. Pk. pittha- 'flour meal, etc. is due to semantic divergence.
11. Turner 1273 śliṣṭa- 'cliging'. Pk. *litta-, Ġuj. lit, lit 'liquid mucus' (cf. Sk. sleṣman, Turner 12744).
12. Turner 11707 *lutta-; 11708 *lasati. His note: Possibly influenced by musati. But luṭṭa- can be without difficulty derived from ppp. *lusta- ppp. of laṣayati (Turner 11094).
13. Turner 11712 vita- (*vitta-) 'impurity'. His note: 'vitka- and visthā (11990: Kum. bit, Or. bit, H. bit, etc.) are not readily distinguished as source'. But Sk. vistha-, Pk. *viṭṭa can easily account for the NIA. forms.

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4. -sm- > -mh- >- mh
(1) Amg. māhaņa “Brahmin' According to Pischel cquating (i.c. deriving) Amg. mahaņawith Sk. brāhmaṇa-, following Weber and others is linguistically impossible ($ 250). He derives the word from mākha- 'pertaining to a sacrifice from Sk. makha- 'sacrifice' and equates it, therefore with mākhaņa “sacrificial' (priest)
But, it seems, māhaņa- can be explained as 'regular' phonological development of Sk. brāhmaṇa-.
1. We know that in several Sanskrit forins there was variation of b- and v- in the initial position, for example, the root bịh- /vrh- and its derivatives, brsi/vrsi etc. So we can assume a variant form vrāhmaṇafor brāhmaṇa
2. vrāhmaṇa- changed first lo vámhaņa- then to vầhana > māhana-, involving the change - mha--hà- with the loss of nasaliration due to the following nasal. For -va- > -m- Pischel § 261
S.N. Ghosal has given a similar cxplanation in a paper referred to below, but simplification of conjunct consonants with lengthening of the preceding short vowel is mostly a later development. We can rather account for the -a- of māhana- with the fact that in Eastern Prakrits a long vowel preceding conjunct consonants was preserved and the conjunct got simplified. (Pischel 87: Bloch, p.92)
2. Pk. kohamda, 'pumpkin, -gourd'
We know that the Sk. Ablative ending smāt first changed to -mahā (Pk.) and then to -hà. So also the locative ending -smin first changed to -hi and then to -hi (Pischel, $8 313, 425)
Sk. kusmānda > Pk. kohmda- through the changes -smā > mhaha-, with the lāss of nasaligation due to the following nasal (Pischel $ 127, also $8 76, 89, 312; Turner accepts Kuiper's view that the word is of Munda origin (DIAL, 3374; Ghosal acccpts Pischel's view : S.N. Ghosal, The word mahaņa in Prakrit, Sambodhi, 8, 1989-80, p. 15-20)
Sk. kusmāņda-is probably a Sanskritization of Pk. kumhamda-.

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(3) Amg. ghińsu PSM. has recorded a lexical item ghini (as the first member of a compound) or ghimsu in the sense of the summer season', or *the sun's heat and has given for its occurrence references to the Ohanijjutti-(bhāsya), Uttarajjhayaņa, Pindanijjutti and Suyagađamga. A passage viz. ghimsisiraväse’ is also cited:
For the occurrence of the forms the following passages can be noted:
(1) ghimsu me vidhūņayam vijāņāhi (JAS, II, p. 51. no. 287) (v. 1. ghimsi)
Interpretition : ghińsuriti gimhāsu (Cūrņi); grisine (Śilārka) (2) (a) ghińsu vā paritāveņain sayaṁ no parideval.
(JAS, XV, p. 93, No. 58) (b) ghińsu vā pariyāveņam satam no parideval
(JAS, XV, p. 97, no. 86). Interpretation : ghimsư và tti grisine sabdacchisire vã (Säntyācārya) : grişme (in the word-index to the above)
(3) ti-pamca-satteva ghim-sisira-vāse. (Ohanijjutti-310)
According to Pischel ghinsu is to be derived from Vedic ghraṁsa- 'the sun's heat, 'sunshine', 'brightness' ($ 6, 101). Like pilakkhu ($205) and milakkhu ($253) it became an -au- stem in Prakrit ($372; also $379). In the above passages ghimsu stands for locative singular ghińso =Sk. ghramse. Turner following him has also assumed ghramsu (CDIAL 4391).
Pischel's etymology leaves the change -a- > -i- unexplained. Besides, the form ghim in ghin-sisira-vāse presents an unsolved problem. The derivation of ghimsa- from Sk. grismawith which it is synonynious can be, I think, explained as follows:
1. -sma- > -insa-.
Compare the change of the Sk. case ending -smin to Amg. -risi, e.g. Amg. taṁsi etc.
2. Long - ;- preceding a conjunct is shortened.
2

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3. -s- aspirated the preceding stop see more on this change in the present volume.
Hence -g
> gh-.
These changes would yield the form ghimsa
ghimsu as a locative form can be accounted as follows. gimhâsu ‘during summer' (like vāsāsu ‘during rains') frequently occurs in canonical texts. (e.g. at Dasaveāliya (3,12) gimhesu (v.l. gimhāsu. Agastyasimha's Curni), hemamtesu. -vāsāsu, Pali also has the plural form gimhāņa 'summer'. Accordingly we can assume a locative plural form ghimsāsu which can possibly yield ghimsu through the haplological loss of the first -s-, although it would rather require a collocation -sasu instead of -sāsu. If following Turner we assume a stem griṣman- (after heman-, usman) (CDIAL 4391), its locative plural gris-masu' changed to ghimsasu can give ghimsu.
In ghim-sisira-vase, ghim probably appeared for ghimsa due to haplology or scribal error.
Note
Colette Caillat has discussed in detail the etymology of AMg. ghimsu, taking the earlier views into consideration. The present at-tempt aims at defending on phonological ground the traditional equating of ghimsu with grisme.
1. Vedic ghramsa 'heat' of the sun, Ardhamāgadhi ghimsu burning heat', Jaina Mahāraştri ghim- 'hot season', ABORI, 68, 1987,
55-557.

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5. Stop-insertion in Prakrit clusters
The tendency of inserting a stop between medial clusters in Prakrit that are made up of a nasal followed immediately or mediately by a fricative, trill or flap, the intrusive stop being homo-organic with the nasal is well-known. See for example Pischel. $$ 267, 295.' This made for ease of pronunciation ('The economy of effort' principle). The present note aims at pointing out instances of such forms that display preservation and continuation of this tendency in Gujarati, taking the latter as typical for some other NIA languages. There are of course numerous instances in Prakrit in the case of which such insertion of stop does not take place under the same circumstances.
A classified list of instances exemplifying the said tendency is presented below:1. -nh- > -dhSk. Pk.
Guj. madana-phala- mayaņahala menahala, 'name of a fruit'
mīdhaļ/midho! 2. -nh- > - dhabhijñāna
ahinnāņa-, *ainhāņa > 'token of
ēdhān recognition' cihnacimdha
cidh-vũ ‘mark
(denominative)
'to point out; ślakşņa
lanha>nanha- nahānū 'smooth'. 'small'
nādhlü,
nādhaạiū. 3. -mh- > -mgh- ham ho
hamgho (Māgadhi) (prounounced samhāra
samghāra- saṁghāra (OG.) as -rih-)
‘killing' samssamgh
sāgne (Marathi) 'to tell'
(< sanh-) . āśams
āsamgh <āsanh-)

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śleşmāņa'mucus'
simghāņa(
In the presentday Vedic recitation. ganapati-gūhavāmahe ( -mbh-(pronounced as -ṁh-) brahman
baibha'Brahma' brāhmaṇa- bambhaņa- bãbhan (Brahmin) samsmarsambhar
sãbharvù remember' ( -mb- (< mbr-) āmraamba
abo ‘mango' amrātakaambādaa
ambado ‘hogplum *amrād
ambād“to upbraid' tāmratamba
tābū 'copper'

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6. -ml-> -ṁbl
amla
'sour'

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amba
amlikā
'tamarind
ācāmla
'sour gruel of rice-water'
gulma
gumba
gübḍū
'tumour'
śālmali
sambali, simbali simlo
'silk- cotton tree'.
7. -nn-> -md
(followed by r, 1 or d in the next syllable)
pañacadaśa 'fifteen'
vānara
'monkey'
vṛhannala
'eunuch'
cūrṇa
ambiliā
spotted
parna
'leaf'
ayambila
pannarasa
rājñi
'Name of a goddess'
(Sun's wife)
vannara
ranna-, ranna+la
vamāla-,vammāla- bambāla-(OG.)
'spread over, full of OG.vihamdala
cunna- + da'red sari with
ambāvu (denominative)
'to get sour'
abli
design'
panna- + da
janna- + di
janyā
'woman of
the bridegroom's party'
abel

pamdar
vãdro
rådala
vyamḍal
cudḍi
Notes
1. For a few other references see Śabdapariśilan, p. 41. The
pādḍū
jādraḍi (OG), janarḍī

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present note is a revised version of the treatment of this de
velopment there on pp.38-42. 2. For NIA. derivatives in general pertaining to the instances
noted here see IAL Nos. 9777, 4833, 12732, 13063, 13384, 1268, 1275, 1277, 5779, 9325, 9327, 13057, 1280, 1070, 4217, 1235, 7662, 11515, 4889, 7918.
H. C. Bhayani. R. Pischel.
REFERENCES Śabdaparisilan, 1973. Comparative Grammar of the Prakrit Languages, 1965. Comparative Dictionary of Indo-Aryan Languages. (IAL) 1966.
R. L. Turner.

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6. Post-labial -u->-o
in the word-initial closed syllable in Prakrit
I think a tenable (if not strong) case can be made out for recognizing a tendency in MIA. of changing an -u follwing a labial stop in the word-initial position to -o-, provided that -u- itself is closed i.e. followed by a conjunct consonant. Such word-forms are listed below: Sk.

putkāra
puşkara
pudgala
pundra
pustaka
pugaphala
prṣṭhavaha- (prsti)
phukka
bukka
bukkasa
bullai (Sk. brü-)
Pk.
pokkāra
pokkhara
poggala
pomḍa
potthaya
phupphusa
phopphasa
phosai
phusai (for phussai) phomphā-(DN. 8, 86) NIA. forms with phupha (e.
g. Guj. phuphāḍo)
bhujārgalabhūrjapatra
popphala-/phopphala
NIA forms pothi etc. (Turner,
9019)
NIA. forms phok- etc.
(Turner, 8391)
bokka
bokkasa
bollai
bhuaggala, G. bhogal
NIA. bhoja-pātā etc. (Turner,
9570)
bhumḍa
Pk. mukkala
(besides the forms mottūņa etc.)
mudgara
bhomda- (Turner, 9530) mokkala
muggara-/moggara
muktāphala- mottahala muttha/motthä
musta
Pk. mubbha- (DN. 6, 133) and mobbha- (8, 4) (Guj.
mobha)
mulya
molla

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It should be noted that wherever these words have come down to NIA. they have preserved the earlier - 0-. Pischel, Turner and others assume in many a case a vỊddhi derivative (that has -au- from -u-) as the source-from. That becomes unncessesary if the explanation put forth here is considered acceptable. There is of course no denying the fact that we hale counter-examples both ways. There are numerous forms in MIA. (and inherited by NIA.) which preserve such an original - U- unchanged (or lengthened where necessary in NIA.). So also there are MIA. words in which an earlier closed -u- is changed to -o- when the preceding consonant in the initial syllable is non-labial. Hence the tendency noted here can be supposed to have a dialectal origin.

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7. Voiceless consonant + nasal/v changed to double voiceless stop of the same class as the nasal
In MIA- there is a number of instances exemplifying a dialectal trend of changing a nasal consonant or v in the cluster voiceless consonant + a nasal consonant or v> to < a double voiceless stop of the same class as the nasal consonant or v >. They are noted below :
sn
Sk.
tṛṣṇā
'thirst'
vrsni
'A Yadava clan' Compare Bengali kitho vaiṣṇavi)
km.
rukmi
rukmini
kṣm
paksman
-tm
kutmala
'bud'
-tm
Sk.
ātmā
'self'
-sm
uṣmā
'heat, warmth'
bhiṣma
sleṣmā
'mucus'
yuşme/*tusme 'you'

Pk. tiṭṭhā
17
ruppi
ruppiņi
pappani
kumpala
vitthi
in amdhakaviṭṭhi etc.
(Pk. kittha- Page #27

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-sm
asme
IAL 986
ap(p)he (Eastern Asokan)
'we'
-ty
-ppi (Ap.), -ppiņu(Ap.)
Vedic absolutive suffixe,-tvi, -tvinaVedic Nominal derivative suffix -tvāna
-ppaņa-(AP)
G. pan
Notes For the various changes noted here vide Pischel's 'Comprative Grammar of Prakrit Languages, $§ 277, 300, 588, 597.
For a detailed discussion of the change Sk. - sn->Pk. - tthavide L. Alsdorf, Harivamsapurāņa, 1936, pp. 134-136. There he has referred to Jacobi's view. On the other hand Turner does not accept Bloch's derivation of Pk. vitthu from Sk. visņu (IAL 11991).

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19
8. -a- preceding a cluster with a nasal as the anlaut
changed to iAbbreviations: DN. : Hemacandra's Deśināmamālā. IA. : J. Bloch’s Indo-Aryan (i.e. A. Master's English
Translation, 1965). IAL. : R.L. Turner's A Comparative Dictionary of the
Indo Aryan Languages (1966 and thereafter). PG. : R.Pischel's Comparative Grammar of the Prākrit
Languages (i.e. S. Jha's English Translation, 1965) The abbreviations of language names are after IAL.
Against the general MIA tendency of unchanged preservation of OIA a, sporadic cases of a > i have been noted by Prakrit grammarians, old and new (PG., $$ 101-103, IA., pp. 34-35). According to Pischel most of the cases relate to OIA a in pre-accentual position. For the rest he either resorts to analogy or advances alternative etymologies against the traditional ones. Bloch adds a few cases from Sanskrit and NIA, and suggests the influence of gutturals and particularly palatals'.
Evidently some of the instances of this change explained by Pischel on accentual ground find a more satisfactory explanation in analogy or some other factor (e.g. vocalization of -y-) Any way, it is quite obvious that no single factor can account for all the known cases. The problem is to identify separately the various factors and to specify the conditioning where the change seems to be phonological. Here I suggest that in a good number of cases, an earlier a preceding a cluster with initial nasal has been replaced by i. The nasal in such a position has affected the raising and fronting of the preceding a. The pertinent data is presented and and discussed below. At relevant places reference is given to IAL for fuller data. G. dādharāmgo and dadharimgo 'cussed' (going back to Pk. daddha- + ramga-, Sk. dagdha- + ramga-)

Page #29

G. lavimg
G. vā-vadimg, A.birin Mid. G. sāvalimgā
Sk. lavamga 'clòve',
Pk. lavamga, H. lõg, etc.
(IAL. 10977) Sk. vidanga-‘Embilia Ribes?
Pk. vidaṁga-, H. bidang Sk. śyāmalānga- dark-bodied',
Pk. sāmalamgaSk, kuranga- 'deer',
Pk. kuramgaSk. bhujanga-‘snake'
PK. bhuyamgaSk. vallabha-husband'
(cf. IAL. 11428) Sk. kālañjara- 'name of a
mountain', Pk. kalamjara
Mid. G. korimga
Mid. G. bhorimg
Mid. G. vālambha, vālimbhal Sk. kāliñjara-, Pk. kalimjara-, H. kālimjar H. khîcnā etc. H. chițnā etc.
Pk. khamc- 'to pull (IAL. 3881) Pk. chamt- 'to sprinkle
(IAL.4965, 4970, 5035) Sk. pañjara - ‘cage' (IAL. 7685)
Sk. patamga- 'grasshopper
(IAL. 7721)
Sk. aśru 'tear' (IAL. 919) Sk. pangula= lame' (IAL. 7649) Sk. vakra- 'crooked', (IAL. 11914)
Pk., vaṁkaSk. eranda- 'castor-oil plant
(IAL. 2517)
Late Sk. piñjrā-, H. pijara Late Sk. phadingā, H. B. pharimgā, H. phatimgā etc. P. imjh P. prglā, S. pingulo P. bimga?, s. vings etc. P. arind, rindi

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21
Sk. rinkh- 'to crawl', Pk. rimkh-3
Sk. rankh- to move to and fro',
Pk. rankhol- 'to swing'
(IAL. 10735) Sk. angāra- 'glowing charcoal',
Pk. amgāra- (IAL. 125) Sk. nāranga- 'orange',
Pk. nāraṁga- (IAL. 7073) Sk. mrdanga- 'tabour'
Pk. muaṁga- (IAL. 10289)
Sk. lex. ingāla-, Pk. imgāra-etc. Pk. nārimga
Pa. mudimga-, mutimga-, Pk. muimgaSk. ring- 'to crawl Pk. rimg-4
Sk. rang- 'to move to and fro',
Pk. raṁg- (IAL. 10566, 10739) Pk. caṁcā-, cimcā--
'wicker work? Sk. kālāñjana
Pk. kālimjaņas “Tamāla' Pa. miñjā-7. etc
Sk. majjā- ' marrow'.
(IAL. 9712). Sk. kuranțaka-‘yellow Amaranth',
Pk. kuramțaya- (IAL. 3326) Pk. jhaṁti tuft of short hair'
(IAL. 5334, 5388)
Pk. korimțaya-, koremțaSk. jhiņti ‘name of
a tufted grass'; S. jhiņdā 'short
hair'
Pk. dimdi
Pk. damdi-, damda'cloth with old parts stiched
together", "G. dādiyū Sk. dindin-8 ‘vagabond', 'rough and rascally'. Greek Menandros
against G. dãą
Pa. milimda

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22
Pk. kālimba- 'cloud' (DN. 2,59). Pk. simbali
Sk. kādambini 'long line of clouds' Sk. śalmali-, śālmali‘silk- cotton tree'. Pk. sambali- (IAL. 12351) Sk. heramba- 'Gaņeśa' Sk. bhambhā-kettle drum',
Pk. bhambhāSk. avatamsa- 'ear-ornament' Pk. avayamsa
Pk. herimba- (DN. 8,72) Pk. bhimbhā
Pk. vadimsa-, vademsa
Even if some of the forms cited here have uncertain history and undecided priorities, in a large majority of instances there does not appear any reasonable doubt about the priority of the forms with a, and hence there seems to be quite a strong case for assuming a 'sporadic' tendency of changing a to i under the conditions here. specified. It requires further work to establish a regional or dialectal bias that seems to be tentatively indicated by the data from Hindi, Panjabi, Gujarati etc. 1. Besides, we have in Gujarati several pairs of words, mostly of
onomatopoetic origin, which show an ali alternation; e.g. admgoaạimgo, khadamg-khadimg, tadamg - taạimg, dhadaṁg-dhadimg, bhadamg-bhadimg, totamg-totimg, dhataṁg - dhatisg etc. See, Jain B.D... A Phonology of Panjabi, 1934, p. 15. Turner, IAL. 11914, connects p. bimgă etc. with an assumed vivanka. Compare also Sk. ankh- 'to stir up' and inkh- 'to move'. The priority between Pk. dhamkuņa- and dhimkuņa- is undecided. But compare M. dhekun (IAL. 5597). Note also Sk. vidanga
"clever', A. biringa 'beautiful' (IAL. 11714). 4. Some derive sphulinga- 'spark’ from spulanga- (Monier Williams).
Compare also Sk. ang-, ing- 'to go'. As to Telinga- and Telanga 'Telingana', the former seems to be prior as shown by Ptolemy's
3.

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23
5.
Trilingon and Tārānāth's Trilinga. See Yule and Burnell, HobosonJobson-, 1968, s.v. Telinga and Kalinga. Between Sk. viriñca- (or ci) and viranca- (or oci) the former
seems to be prior. 6. DN. 1, 37 records amjaņiā- with the meaning 'Tamāla'. DN,
2,29 records kālamjaņi- and kalimjana- in the same sense. Tamāla
is dark-barked. 7. The priority between Sk. aliñjara-, Pk. alimjara- and Sk, alamjara
(cf. Pk. ramjana-) 'water-pot' is undecided. The same is the case
with Sk. kiliñja- etc. kilañja- etc. 'bamboo' (IAL. 3186) 8. See Agrawal, V.S. Caturbhāņi (1959), p.50, note 4i and the word
index s.v. dindika- etc. Cf. also Sk. andaka- egg', G. idū (IAL. 1111). The relationship and priority between Pk. hamdi 'take and hiṁd- 'to take' is unclear.

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9. Nasalization of a Pre-sibilant Vowel in
Prakrit and thereafter 1. This tendency is evidenced by the following Prakrit words'. In those cases where we have NIA. derivatives they are noted and reference is given to corresponding entries in Turner's 'A Comparative Dictionary of Indo-Aryan Languages.' Sk.
Pk.
NIA.derivatives IAL aśru-' tear assu, aṁsu G. āsu, etc. 919 asri 'corner' edge' aṁsi
918 tryasra
transa
G.trāsu, etc, oblique' “three cornered' caturarastra -
cauramsa- G. coras, etc. 4598
“square' aśva- 'horse'assa-, aṁsaaśvattha- 'the pipal tree' aṁsotthadarśayati 'shows' damsei
6961 namasyati ‘bows' namaṁsai
7414 nigharşana- 'rubbing' nihařsaņa
7170 pārsva- ‘rib' pāṁsuliā G. plāşli, etc. 7948 pratiśrut 'promise'padassua manahašila manamsilā
arsenic' vayasya- 'friend? vayassa-, vayassa
11306 vimarsita- 'thought'vimamsia
11821 sparsa ‘thouch' phassa spāśa 'noose' phamsa
13809 G.phẩso 'noose phấsi 'gallows' etc. smaśru (“beard, moustache' inamsu

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svi possessive suffix' jaśasvi 'famous', tejasvi brillant, manasvi' tayaṁsi,
manamsi
“high-minded' jasaṁsi hrasva- 'short' hansahesita hisia
G. hîsrvũ etc. 14187 “neighing'
2. NIA. instances without known MIA. precedents. abhi-pis- 'to press closely G.bhisvű busa ‘haff.
G. bhūsū
9293 aśīti ‘eighty' Pk. asii
G. ési
911 tryasiti 'eighty three
trầsĩ
6086 dvyasīti "eightytwo'
bảśi
6699 kāsa - 'cough' Pk. khāsa- G. khãsi, etc.
3138 thãsvu 'to cram' 5499 G. thõso “knock' H. thũsnā to cram' G. dhûsū
5892 tala-sparsa/Pk. tala-phamsa G. talãsvì 'to gently 'touching the soles', tala-paṁsa rub the soles' ‘rubbing the soles'
6870 śvāsa Pk. sāsa 'breath
H. sãs
hasnā 'to laugh’, H. hãsi “fun' dhúrsa G.dhũso
6502 dhûrśara G.dhũsrũ
6869
5511
3. In the Gujarati dialect of Gohilvād (Saurashtra, Gujarat), nasalization of the vowel preceding an intervocaeic -ḥ- (which corresponds

Page #35

etc.
to the standard intervocalic -s-) is nasalized as a rule. Standard Guj.
Gohilvādi ghasvũ ‘to rub'
ghãḥvu hasvũ “to laugh' etc. hāḥvu ghãs 'grass'
ghẩh cūsvù 'to such
sühvu khosvu 'to push in khohvu
1. Pischel § 74; noted also by Indian Prakrit grammarians under the vakrādi or aśrvādi group.

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10. Arpiration of non-aspirate stops
(1) A list of instances
There is weighty evidence, it seems to me, for recognizing a tendency in Prakrit phonology, presumably dialectal, to aspirate a non-aspirate stop under the influence of a subsequent -5- (immediate or mediate) in the word-stem. Such an explanation of irregular aspiration in a number of cases dispenses with hypothetical sourceforms which the scholars have been forced to assume to account for them. The following list based on Pischel. ($ 209, 210) and a few other sources is presented here as evidence for the phonological tendency specified. Sk.
Pk. panasa
phaṇasaparusa
pharusa- (also Pali) paraśu
pharasu- (also Pali) prsata
phusaa-/ phusia- (Pali phusita-) prāśuka
phāsua- (Pali phāsuka) bisa
bhisa- (also Pali) bisini
bhisini brsi
bhisi (also pali) To these cases the following are to be added : Sk.
Pk.
kāsa
khāsa
grāsa pāsa nikasapāṁsanadursa busa
ghāsaphāsanighasa (through *nigasa-), nihasaphamsaņa*dhussa- (Turner, 6502) *bhusa- (Turner, 9293)

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tusa
Pk. pusai/phusai, pumsai /phumsai'
palasa
palahi
phalahi
Hemacandra's Deśināmamālā has recorded the following words. karpāsa-phala- (6,70)
=
28
(Pali) thusa (Turner, 5892)
=
karpāsa (6,4)
karpāsa(6,82)
In Prakrit literature we find phālahi and phaḍahi (e.g. Weber, 165, 359, 360, 550); Sukhabodhã Com. on the Uttaradhyana, fol. 79; Dk. under phalahi).
The varying forms can be explained as follows:
*padasa->palasa
*padasi->phadasi- > phaḍahi > phalahi
=
(2) Pk. phaḍahi 'cotton'

Ford-> -1- see Pischel § 240
For s--h- see Pischel § 264
In the Svyambhūechūndas the following verse by Udbhața is cited as an illustration of the metre Rohiņi. :
phaḍahi-gahanam dure chettaṁ ranṇam karaṁjāulam saraa-diaho pikkā sāli vai-jalam sialam
vasai sa pio tassim ekko attā-vi tatto saam uaha vigaa bhattam ghettum sue palottam ghaam
'The cotton field is far away and the Karañja thicket intervenes. It is a (clear) day of Sarad. Growing rice is ripe. There is the cool water of the stepwell. My loved one stays alone in that ricefield. His mother who had brought food to him herself has now returned (?). Thus, Ghee has happily spilled into the broth!
The expression phaḍahi-gahaṇam here supports the variant found in the MS. II (Weber, 165). From Weber 360 also it is clear that the cotton-field was favourite with the lovers for love-making. Weber, 550 is as follows (with a few variants differently chosen):

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29
boda-suņao vivaņņo, attā mattā pai-vi aņņattho/ phaďahi-vi modiā mahisaeņa ko kassa sāheu //
*The earless dog has died, the mother-in-law is drunk, my husband has gone elsewhere, the cotton-field is destroyed by a buffalo. Who is here who can convey this and to whom ?
The commentator rightly interpretes this as spoken by an unchaste woman within the hearing of his lover, implying the facts that the cotton-field was not available as their rendezous and that her house was then quiet convenient for their meeting.
Here the desired situation of meeting in privacy without all possible interference is comparable to that expressed in the verse by Udbhata quoted above. In the light of all this, the criticism by NittiDolci and her interpretation of the verse based on the choice of the variant phaliha meaning 'iron-bar', 'bolt (Sk. parigha-) (p. 44-45) is to be rejected: Consequently it also looses value attributed to it for providing an improved interpretation of some of Hāla's gāthās.
1. Pk. pus- and its variation puṁs- are probably of Dravidian origin. Compare Kannada (pusu, Telugu püya, Tamil puya 'smlar, besmear' (Dravidian Etymological Dictionary).

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11. Doubling of a single consonant
following a long vowel
According to Pischel (Prakrit Grammar, § 90) “when the original word had its accent on the final syllable a long vowel preceding a simple consonant is often shortened and the simple consonant is duplicated'. He has also noted the treatment of this change by indigenous Prakrit grammarians.' Jacobi held a different view but Pischel brushes it aside saying, The entire polemic of. Jacobi, KZ 35, 375 ff. against Pischel, KZ 35, 140 ff. does not alter in the least the situation, which may be explained by stating that a consonant is often reduplicated before a tonic syllable’. (Note 1 on $ 90)
Unfortunately I have not got access to Jacobi's paper referred to by Pischel, but in my view the explanation of doubling of the consonant after a long vowel in Prakrit words with the help of accent is very much doubtful and shaky, smacking of arguing in a circle, because we have no positive and reliable information what soever regarding accentuation in Prakrit. So long as the controlling factor or factors cannot be definitely pointed out, it is preferable to account for this sporadic change as a tendency or habit of the speakers. I note below some instances of such Prakrit words especially those in which a single consonant following i or u is doubled. For information on the development of the particular form reference to the relevant entries of Turner's Comparative Dictionary of Indo-Aryan Languages is given (IAL) Sk.
Pk. kulūta kulaa, H. kullu
3348 krida- kiờda- 'sport'
3592 nida. nedda- 'nest'
7541 styāna- thiņņa- (G. thinu) 'congealed' 13731 sthūla- thulla- 'fat
6389 duküla “silken cloth’ dugulla

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31
pid- piąd- hurt', 'sqneege'
8226 müka- mukka- 'dumb'
10231 vridā- viddā- shame'
12232 kila- khilla G. khilo etc. 'nail 3202 nilanilla- (G. lilấ) 'blue'
7563 Note that Pk. pahutta- *reached' (Sk. prabhūta-), Pk. jitta'conquered' (Sk. jita-) etc. are of analogical origin.
NOTES 1. e.g. Siddhahema, 8-2-98 (the aksti-gaña called tailādi) and 8-2-99 (sevādi)
2. Tieken (Hāla's Sattasai, 1983, p. 196-197) rejects Jacobi's analogical explanation for pahuppa-, saying that no certain instances of hutta from bhūta are known. The latter regularly becomes (bhữa. Insler finds Tieken's objection to Jacobi's view valid ("Prakrit Studies' 1, ‘Bulletin D'Etudes Indiennes', 9, 1991, p. 97. Both the scholars accept Pischel's etymology of pahuppa.
Besides Insler puts forth the view that the three homopho nous forms pahupp- are of different origins (pp. 97-105). Against these views there considerable evidence in support of the view held by Jacobi, Turner, Schwarzschild etc.
In the present note I have tried to make out a case for doubling of post-long vowel single consonant in some Prakrit words.

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12. Prothetic h
Pk.
This is a sort of supplement to extensive treatment in 11.C.Patyal's 'Prothetic h. in Indo-Aryan' (Vishveshvarnan Indological Paper Series - 472, 1980).
Instances from MIA : 'green'
SK atta-, hatta- 'market' attaidam 'this'
hidan (Aśokan) idrśa- 'like this
hedisa- (Asokan) aṁsa- 'shoulder
hamsala- 'a neck ornament' evam 'thus'
hevam oștha- 'lip'
hottha
Instances from Gujarati haras 'piles' (Sk. arśa-) havad. "empty well' (Sk. avata-, Pk. avada-) hā 'yes' (H.hầ) (Sk. ām) hẩsadi 'neck or nament (Sk. aṁśa- shoulder')
himgorũ (Sk. inguda, ingula-) ‘fruit of a medicinal plant' heli "continuous rain' (Pk. ayāli 'cloudy day') hojari 'stomach (Sk. ubadhya-) (IAL 2417) hoth 'lip (Sk. Ostha IAL 2563, Pk. hottha)

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13. The assimilative change - - > -u- in MIA and NIA
The ancient Prakrit grammarians Vararuci, Hemacandra and others have noted the change of i- to u- in Pk. ucchu, Sk. ikşu 'sugarcane'. Pischel has explained this change (8$ 117, 177); Amg. usu- Sk. işu- 'arrow' and suśu- < Sk. śiśu- in Amg. susumārasisumāra-' 'crocodile' which is also shared by Pali (susu-, sisu-, susunaga, sisunaga-)
As regards the development of iksu however, Turner thinks that because in the MIA and NIA derivative we have initially i, u, a and r, we should assume as the pre-form skṣu- instead of Sk. iksualthough he admits that for this assumption there no support from any other source (IAL. 1550). Compare also śiśu (12476), śiśunāka (12477) and sisumāra (12426). But against this view, we find several instances in NIA. languages of i- in the preceding syllable having changed to u- under the influence of -u- in the next syllable, which confirms Pischel's view that the change of i- to u- in ucchu is assimilative.
Below are listed the NIA. words evidencing this tendency of change that have come to my notice. 1. Sk. bindu- 'drop', Pk. bimdu-, H. būd, etc. (IAL. 9240)
Sk. virupa- 'ugly', Pk. virüa-, H. būrā etc. (IAL. 9289) Turner assumes -būra- 'defective' as the source form. Sk. amuka- 'certain', Old Guj. umuka- (Şadāvaśyakabālāvabodha, word-index). It is a Tatsama loan word. Pk. kaducchia ‘laddle' Old Guj. kudachi. Sk. kañcuki "chamberlain' , Old Guj. kumcukiu.
Sk. dardura- 'frog', Old Guj. dudara For the occurrence of the Old Guj. words under 4,5,6 see Madhyakālīn
Gujarāti Sabdakoś. The change in these words is in my view not due to metathesis, but is due to later change of -u- to -a-. The same is the case with the following instances. Sk. paraśurāma-, Old Guj. phurasarāma, phurisarāma- (Virāțaparva of Śāli-sūri, line 539) Sk. marudhara, Old Raj. muradhara noted in Grammar of Old Western Rajasthani.

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Sk. raghunätha, Old Guj. rughanātha. This is current as in Modern Gujarati personal name. Mod Guj. naguro, nugaro 'he who is without a guru'.
In Pk. dhidā, dhudā (Pischel. § 392) from Sk. duhitā daughter' u in the first syllable is assimilated to i in the second syllable or alternatively, i in the second syllable is assimilated to u in the first sylleble. So also in H.ũgali from Sk. Pk. amguli, the initial a is assimilated to to u in the second syllable.
REFERENCES Jayant Kothari, Madhyakālin Gujarāti Šabdakoś, 1995 R. Pischel, Comparative Grammar of the Prakrit Languages
(English Translation). L. P. Tessitori, Grammar of Old Western Rajasthani. R.L. Turner, Comparative Dictionary of Indo-Aryan Lan
guages (EIAL) Taruņaprabha's Şadavasyaka-bālāvabodha (dated 1355 A.C.)ed. P. B. Pandit, 1976. Śali-sūri, Virāta-parva (published in Gujararāsāvali, ed. M.C.
Modi and others, (dated 1422 A.C.), 1956.

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35
14. Replacement of -nd- by -11
(1) (2)
IAL 3999 ganda- ‘cheek'. IAL 4089 Galla- ditto'. Skt. gandaki- 'name of a river'. gallaki- 'ditto', galki is in popular use. IAL. 3374 kusmāņda- Pkt. kohanda-, kohala- 'the gourd plant'. Possibly -1- instead of -1l- is due to the influence of -hala- < -phala- ‘fruit'. IAL 9735 manda-, Skt. mandaka-, Pkt, mamdaa- ' a sort of pastry'. Hindi mālpuā, Nepali and Marathi mălpuvā, Panjabi mālhpurā, Gujarati mālpudo ‘a kind of rich, sweet cake' puā etc. derive from Skt. pupa-, apupa- (IAL 491). (Turner doubtfully connected māl with Skt. mālā- (ND. s.v. mālpuvā). But it probably derives from malla. (from manda-). IAL 5043 childra- 'hole' Pkt. chidda-, chilla-, chiņdi- 'opening in a hedge'. Skt. hiņdolayati, hillolayati 'swings'. Hindi hilor, Gujarati hilolvũ.
(5)
(6)

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36
15. Replacement of -b- by -g
(1) IAL 2072 udvartana- 'cosmetic ointment rubbed on the body after bathing'. Pkt. uvvaṭṭana-; Hindi ubṭan etc.; Gujarati ugaṭņū, ugto, ukto 'eye ointment'; Maithili ugtan, Bihari uktan.
(2) IAL 2082 * udvarayati. Skt. udvarta- 'left over as a remainder'; urvarita-; Pkt. uvvarai 'remains', uvvaria- 'left over'; Hindi ubarna etc; Nepali ubrinu, ubarnu, ubaru, ubro etc. (ND); Gujarati ugarvũ 'to escpe, be saved'; ugar, ugāro 'being saved'. In forms with -k- (1.4.1) the -k- is due to Sandhi with the following -t-. The Gujarati forms are wrongly connected with udgirati under IAL 1960.
(3) Hindi phabna 'to be suitable, appear at advantage or beautiful'; Panjābī phabbanā, Nepāli phapnu (ND); Gujarāti phagvū 'be infatuated, be rejoicing beyond control'.
(4) IAL 4484* ghumbapaṭṭa- 'cloth used as a head covering'. Nepali ghumto, Gujarati ghumto etc. 'woman's head cloth'. Gujarati ghaghat, Panjabi ghung(h)at etc. Turner has remarked that relationship between the two groups of words is not clear. But in the light of the other instances noted above this is also a case of -g- substituted for b-. -gh- is due to assimilation.
(5) Under 273, Turner has doubtfully set up *Adhyangakaas the source of Hindi jhaga, jhamgā (derivatives jhaguli, jhamguli) 'children's loose frock'. Gujarāti also has jhago. But besides these, Gujarāti also has jabbo, jhabbo 'loose,long shirt' (derivative jablu 'children's frock) which is a loan-word from Arabic jubbah. Possibly the Hindi and Gujarati forms with -g- derive from the latter.
(6) IAL 12445 Simba- 'pod, legume' (also IAL 12615 Śaimbya) Bengali sim etc. Hindi sem etc., Gujarati sig 'pod, bean, legume'.

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II MORPHOLOGICAL
(1) INFLEXIONAL A. DEVELOPMENTS IN PRAKRIT VERB-STEMS Analogically Developed New Verbal Stems *
1. Passive verb-stems
1. The formation and development of the passive verbal stems in Prakrit is quite interesting in that its examination can reveal to a degree some of the complexities of the functioning of analogy in bringing about devastating changes in MIA. morphology over a span of many centuries. The present limited attempt deals with data from Mahārāştri and Apabhramsa only. Secondly, the formation of passive stems is involved with the development of the MIA. verbal stems as a whole. Thirdly, the soundness of discussion and tenability of conclusions drawn are directly dependent upon the coverage of all attested forms, their chronology and frequency and we lack ready-at-hand reference sources in this regard. But in spite of these constraints we can hope to advance a more convincing explannation for some forms and formations and to clarify some trends and directions in the process of change.'
2. It is well-known that the Sanskrit system of passive formation with -ya- suffix disintergrated in Middle Indo-Aryan because the passive forın lost its structural transparency due to consonantal assimilation in clusters. The active and passive tense forms and the past passive participle forms could not be formally related, because the
The is a somewhat modified version of the author's Gujarati paper emtitled 'Prākst-nă sădrśya-mülak åkhyātik karmaņi amgo? first published in 'Vidyā' (Journal of the Gujarat University), VIII, 2, August, 1965, pp. 1-7; reprinted in the collection Sabdaparisilan, 1973, pp. 138-149.

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perception of the division into the root-portion and the suffix portion was obscured or altogether lost. This created considerable confusion for the language-users, forcing them to seek and resort to handy, make-shift alternatives to recast this part of their internal grammar.
38
3. The Prakrit medial cluster -cy- either became subject to anaptyxis (with -i- interpolated) or it underwent assimilation, the result depending upon the type of the preceding consonant in the cluster. Of these two treatments, the first gradually dominated, becoming productive and pervading. The forms resulting from phonological assimilation became subject to various analogical alterations.
labhyate > labhiyai > lahijjai (or lahiyai), for example, and similary developed forms yielded and fixed -ijj- or -iy- as the passive stem-formative suffix. On the other hand the process of assimilation created various strong forms, which were just the regular phonological tranformations of Sansktit passive forms.
The stem-final syllables of Sanskrit passive stems yielded through assimilation the stem-final syllables of Prakrit passive stems as follows:
-kkhy-> -kkh
-cy- > -CC
-jy
> -jj
-ny
> -nn
-ty
> -CC
-dy- > -jj
-dhy- > -jjh

-py- > -pp
-bhy- > -bbh
-my-> -mm
syl-sy-/-sy--ss(-iśy-/-isy-/-isy- > -is-) -hy-> -jjh
Under the circumstances the original identity of the passive suffix was lost and in the case of most forms the root-portions of the active and passive forms could not be matched.
4. In accordance with the developments outlined above, the

Page #48

39
Prkrit passive stems can be classified and illustrated (through pres. 3. pers. sing. forms with indication of the root-meaning ) as under : (1) Stems ending in -ijj- / -iy
karai : karijjai ('do') hasai : hasijjai (“laugh")
bhamai : bhamijjai ('wander') (2) Stems ending in -kkh
lih- : likkhai ('write') (3) Stems ending in -cc-. (i) payai : paccai (“cook')}
rayai : raccai (“make')
vayai : vuccai (“speak') (ii) muscai : muccai (“leave')
siṁcai : siccai (“sprinkle) (iii) kattai : kiccai (“cut)
ghāyai : ghaccai (‘kill') (4) Stems ending in -jji) khāyai : khajjai ('eat')
chāyai : chajjai ('cover') (ii) bhamjai : bhajjai (“break’)
ramjai : rajjai (“colour') (iii) chimdai : chijjai (“cut asunder')
bhimdai : bhijjai (“pierce') (5) Stems ending in -jjh
(i) dahai : dajjhai ('burn')

Page #49

nahai : najjhai ( bind') vahai : vujjhai (*flow') duhai : dujjhai (“milk”) ruhai : rujjhai ('heal') bamdhai : bajjhai ('bind') ramdhai : rajjhai (“cook')' vimdhai : vijjhai (“pierce')
rumdhai : rujjhai ('stop') (6) Stems ending in -^n
gaņai : gannai (“count) bhaņai : bhaņņai (“tell')
haņai : haņņai (“kill') (7) Stems ending in -pp(i) tavai : tappai (ʻbe hot')
khivai : khippai (“throw') chivai : chippai (“touch') govai : guppai (“entangle') vigovai: viguppai (“harass') vavai : vuppai (“sow')
khuvai : khuppai (“bury or pierce the ground') (ii) limpai : lippai (*smear')
lumpai : luppai ( 'eliminate') (8) Stems ending in -bbh(i) lahai : labbhai ("get)
khuhai : khubbhai ('be agitated)

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41
chuhai : chubbhai ("throw') ii) araṁbhai : árabbhai (“ begin') (9) Stems ending in -mm
gamai : gammai (“go') damai : dammai ('control')
dhamai : dhammai : ('blow') (10) Stems endings in -r
karai : kirai (“do') tarai": tirai (* be able')
harai : hirai (“take away') (11) Stems ending in -s-/-ssi) săsai : sisai 'rule')
sāhai : sisai (“say') ü) hasai : hassai (“laugh')
5. From the above listed groups it will be seen that there was no regular correlation evident beteween the final consonant of an active stem and the final cluster (or single consonant) of the corresponding passive stem. For the active stems ending in the same consonant, we have passive stems ending in different consonants and vice cersa. To illustrate. (1) khāyai
khajjai (2) lihai
likkhai dahai
dajjhai lahai ::
labbhai
payai
paccai

Page #51

karai
sāhai
sisai dahai :
dajjhai bamdhai
bajjhai chimdai
chijjai bhamjai
bhajjai
kijjai Quite obviously, for such a variety of forms no general rules can be formulated. This lack of any obvious principle to correlate the forms of the active and passive stems resulted in comfusing the users' sense of the structure of those forms i.e. the identification of the root and the formative. This was of course, as we shall see further below, aided also by the changes in the past passive patriciple formation as well as in the net-work of and cross linkings (formal and semantic) within the system of the verbal forms as a whole. As a result numerous passive verbal forms came to be re-analysed and their final parts acquired the value of a formative. From one (or more than one) stem/ stems that was/were in frequent or familiar use they spread to other stems, replacing the earlier end-syllables. In what follows we will attempt to deal with such renovations and figure out the likely process of their formation.
6.
1.
-VV- replacing -jjIn the case of the stems illustrated above under 4.3 (ii) , 4 (ii), 6,7(ii) 8 (ii) 9 and 11 (ii), the passive stems came to be interpreted as formed by reduplicating the final consonant of the active stem : mumc : mucc-, bhamj-: bhajj-, gan : gann, limp : lipp-, ārambh: ärabbh-gam : gamm-, has- : hass-. So on the analogy of, say, the chain
gamai : gaam : gammai

Page #52

was formed, say a chain
thuvai : thuam : thuvvai in which -vv- substituted the earlier -jj-. According to the same process were created new passive stems :
dhuvai : dhuaṁ : dhuvvai ruvai : ruam : ruvvai
luvai : luam : luvvai Again, the alternative forms thuņai/thuvai, luņai/luvai, hunai/huvai, played a similar role :
puņai : puam : puvvai
suņai : suam : suvvai This spread to stems ending in -in- or -āņ. :
ciņai : ciam : civvai jiņai : jiam : jivvai jāņai : ņāaṁ ņavvai -mm- replacing -ệnh : Following gamai : gaam : gammai we have khaņai : khaam : khammai haņai : haaṁ : hammai ciņai : ciaṁ : cimmai suņai : suaṁ : summai“
ghummai for the ealier ghuņņai was formed also following such a process. (3) -CC- replacing -jja- or -ppa-.
On the pattern of
(2)

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muttaṁ : muccai, rittam : riccai,
sittas : siccai, vuttam ; vaccai were created new forms wherein -cc- (or -ńc-) replaced earlier -jj- or -pp-. In some cases the passive form has acquired active meaning."
rattam : raccai (for rajjai) mattam : maccai (for majjai) pahuttaṁ : pahuccai (for pahujjai) vihattam : vihaṁcai (infulenced by vihamjai) guttam : guscai (for guppai)
viguttam : vigumcai (for viguppai) Of these Gujarati has inherited the first five (rāc-, māc, pahõc-, vahēc-, and gūcav- and the sixth is found in Old Guj. vigūc.
lumcia- and lua- being synonymous, luccai could be linked with lua- as the corresponding present passive. Then, following the linkage luam : luccai, succai was created (MP. 65, 9,2; rhyming with ruccai and so ruling out the possibility of it being scribal error for the previous formation suvvai) in the place of summai, suvvai ( passive of suņai). -pp- replacing -cc- or -jjOn the pattern of ādhattam : adhappai, vidhattam : vidhappai, samattam : samappai, khittar : khippai, luttam : luppai etc. new passives were formed wherein -pp- replaced the earlier -cc- or -jj- :
sittam : sippai (for siccai) (MP. 46,13,6; 80,11,3) virattam: virappai (MP. 46,13,6; 80,11,3; mi 43.8.11) juttaṁ : juppai
(4)

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(5)
muttam : muppai hittam : hippai
vāhittar : vähippai
pahuttam : pahuppai As rajjai was replaced by rappai, jujjai by juppai, so chijjai (active chimdai) was substituted by *chippai (compare Guj. chipvũ 'to allay thirst'; Aphbramśa has chijjai : piāsa kim chijjai 'Can the thirst be allayed ?' Siddhahema, 8, 4, 434.1). -bbh- replacing -jjhThe pattern
ārahai : araddham: ārabbhai, lahai : laddham : labbhai etc. gave rise to new passives in -bbh- (in the place of earlier-jjh-):
lihai : liddham : libbhai duhai : duddham : dubbhai rumdhai : ruddham : rubbhai
vahai : vodham : vubbhai The unsettled state of passive stem formation in Prakrit is further illustrated by the fact that an alternative passive stem lijjhai is also formed (corresponding to lahai) following the pattern duhai : dujjhai etc. It is also highlighted by the fact that the same root is seen to have in course of time several alternative stems, as illustrated by the following instances : For sun- we have summ-, suvv-, succ ; for simc- we have sicc-, sipp- : for pahav- we have pahucc-, pahupp-, pahutt; for ray- we have rajj-, racc-, rapp; for ci- we have cijj-, cimm-, civy

Page #55

2. New past passive participle bases
(Replacive -gga-, -dha- and a few others)
Analogical replacement has been widely recognized as a basic moulding factor of MIA. morphology. Its role in forming certain MIA. finite verbal and participial bases has been clarified previously, in very broad outlines, by a few scholars in a number of regular or casual studies. (See the bihlographical note at the end). The present attempt is confined to the discussion of certain replacive types in MIA. past passive patriciple bases
Besides -ia-, which has worked as a great leveller and has ultimately crowed out most of the rivals, we have replacive -kka-, -tta-ddha-, -ņņa-, -gga-, -dha- and a few other stray types. In the present attempt we shall consider replacive -gga-, -dha- and one or two other straggling formations. Relplacive -gga
Analogically developed MIA. bases *ummagga-, ragga*vagga-(1), *hagga - and *pugga- have been noted and explained by Turner. To these are to be added *vagga-(2), *bhigga-, rigga-, *cugga, *pugga-, bhugga-, *rugga-(1), lugga- and *rugga-(2).
Of the seventy-odd Sanskrit past passive participles formed with -na-, six are such as have a g-ending root-form before this -na. Their MIA, forms end in -gga-. They are as under :
bhagna- 'broken' : bhaggamagna- 'immersed': maggalagna - stuck': laggaudvigna-“sorrowful' : uvvigga(samvigna-'agitated': samvigga-) bhugna-'bent' : bhuggarugņa-‘sick’: rugga- (variant: lugga-)

Page #56

2.
rajjai
Besides the above-listed MIA. bases in -gga-, that have resulted through the working out of the system-wise phonological tendencies, there are several others that have developed through analogy, The working of the analogy in their case can be schematically figured out as under :verbal base
pass pres. 3.s ppp. (A) 1. Sk. bhañj- bhajyate bhagna Pk. bhamj
bhajjai bhagga(B) 1. Sk. rañj
rajyate raktaPk. ramj.
rattaUnder the influence of A (2), B (2) becomes (C) Pk. rañj
rajjai
raggaIn other words ragga- takes the place of earlier ratta-. -tta-in ratta- is replaced by -gga-.
All the cases of such replacement with -gga- are tabulated below : ppp.base remarks
MIA New MIA.
ppp 1. ummagga- presupposed by H.G.S. unmadyati ummajjai ummagga'excited' umang joyful enthusiasın', unmatta- ummatta
P. umag. S. umanghu.etc. N.D.S.V. umang (Addenda).
sk.
rajyate
2. ragga
'coloured'
rajjai rakta
ratta
ragga(DN. 7.3
raggayam = kausumbham .: vastram)
vagga
3. vagga-(1)
'struck' 'sounded'.
vadyate vãdita
vajjai vaia
presupposed by G.väg- 'strike' (intr.), be played upon' (wir.to musical instruments)

Page #57

vagga
4. vagga(2)
'gone", 'moved"
vajjai vajjia
.
presupposed by H.bag 'crawl', P.vag, A.bag. 'crawl', N.bag-'flow, etc.
vrajyati (cf. Sk. vrajati) vrajita
glide',
hagga
5. hagga
defecated'
presupposed by B.hag, H.G.M.N hag- etc.
hajjai hanna
hadyati (cf. Sk
hadati) hanna
6. bhigga
'wet'
presupposed by H. bhig-, abhyajyate abbhimjai bhiggabhig 'be wet'. ‘is annointed' bhimjai, G. bhin-'wet',
abhyakta- bhijjai (derived through nna
'is sprinkled' replacement)
abbhimjiabhijja
7. rigga
'crawled'
the source for H.riga rog-, rig-crawl' G.rimg.
riyati moves, flows'
ría- pass' through',
rig-, riggrimg-'crawl'
rijjiai
rigga'entrance'
8. cugga
'picked'
presupposed by H.cug. pick', (H.cun-pick up, glean, select', G. can*pick' etc. are derived through-on-replacement;)
cf. Sk. cinoti, ciyate, cita
cuņai picks', cuggacujjai ‘is picked'.
pujjai
pugga
9. pugga
'reached'
punna
presupposed by H.G.N püryate pug- 'reach, arrive', pumaP. pugg- etc, (G. pogderives from pot or pahot, pahoặc; Pk. pahutta-, pahucca- analogically formed ppp. to Pk. pahujjai=Sk. prabhūyate)
bhugga
10.bhugga
'baked'
cf. H. bhun-'bake' deriving from bhunna-,
bhrjjati bhrsta
bhujjai bhuttha

Page #58

'parched' (presupposing -n- replacement)
11.rugga-(1)
'wept'
presupposed by G. rũga
'weeping',
12.rugga-(2) 'broken'
13.lugga 'broken'
cf. Pk. lukka- formed
through -kka- replacement
14. chigga- (PSM.) 'touched'
15. sigga
siggai
'sunken'
(= śranta'- DN. 8,28)

gāhate
gāhai
ledhi
lihai
49
gühate
guhai
mohayati
mujjhai
rudyate rudita
ruccai, rumcai
'husks, cards'
rujjai
ruia-, roia-,
ruņṇa(analogical)
luyate 'is cut' lujjai
luna
lūṇa
chivvai
(for chippai)
sidyate
ruccia-rumcia
(cf. rumcani 'grinding mill')
gahyate
(gahijjai)
lihyate
lijjhai
gühyate
gujjhai
The Sanskrit pattern of certain verbal bases ending in -h- and their past-passive participle ending in -dha- (with the root vowel lengthened) remained untouched by the phonological developments leading to the Middle Indo-Aryan. So we find matching groups like the following in Sk. and Pk.
Sk.
Pk.
Sk.
Pk.
Sk.
Pk.
Sk.
Pk.

gāḍha
līdha
33
rugga
gūḍha
muhyate müḍha
mujjhai
rugga
lugga
chigga
sigga

Page #59

Sk. rohati
ruhyate rūdha Pk. ruhai
rujjhai Through this sort of association Pk. active bases in -h-, passive bases in -jjh- and ppp. bases in -dha- (with long root-vowel) came to be linked up . Under their influenced newly-developed MIA. bases in -h- (active), -jjh- (passive) also acquired a ppp. in -dha- in place of the earlier one of a different sort. The few cases of this replacive -dha- are listed below :
pass.pre S.S Old ppp. chubbhai chuddha
new ppp.
chudha
ppp.base
Act.Pre.S.s 1. chūdha- 'thrown' chuhai
(componded : ucchudha-, 'throws' nicchūdha- parichhudha-, vicchudha- etc.)
2. gidha-(Ap.)
"taken, seized'
gihai
gijjhai
gihia
gidha
"takes, seizes
3. uvvidha' thrown up' uvvihai uvvijjhai uvviddha- uvvidha“throws up'
uvvihia(from OLA. ud-vyadh-) 4. sannaddhasamnahai saṁnajjhai sasnaddha- sanādha
(Old Guj. sanadhaū ) arrmoured',
'equipped' 5. adha-desired
āhai
ajjhai ahia- ādha- (from desires' (cf. ajjhà
which treat'an excellent
ed as a base woman,
a new ppp. bride',)
ādhia'desired'
is formed) The following two cases have a short root-vowel : 6. jadha-'abandoned'
jahai
jadha(compounded: vijadha-, vippajadha )

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7. visadha
'endured'
ppp.base
galina (Ap.) 'melted' 'dropped'
miliņa", meliņa-`met, gathered
voliņa- gone', 'passed',
papalina- 'run away'12
NOTES:
1.
Replacive -ina
Pk. has several ppp. in -na- (deriving from OIA) formed mostly from monosyllabic verbal bases in -i-. Instances are khiņa- diņa-, thiņa, rina-, liņa, hiņa, etc. The verbal base li- combined with prepositions forms niliņa-, viliņa-, samliņa- etc.and the corresponding passive present 3. sing. forms are nilijjai. vilijjai, samlijjai etc. An association between these lijjai and liņa- came to be established and consequently some verbal bases in -1- developed a new ppp. in -iņa. They are listed below:
2.
visahai
3.
51
visajjhai (visahia-)
volia
paláa-,
palāṇa
We may note also caḍinna (occurring in Apabhrmša, e.g. in 'Viraś Jambūsāmi cariu, 3,6,22; 5,5,14; in 'Kanakamara's Karkaṁḍacariu' 3,3,7, formed on the basis of uttiņņa which replaced eartier caḍiya.
pass. pre. 3.s.
galijjai
milijjai,
melijjai
volijjai
palāijjai

visoḍha- visaḍha
old ppp.
new ppp.
galia
galiņa
milia-melia- meliņa
voliņa
papaliņa
A short reference list of the earlier work in this subject is given at the end. The present effort aims at just updating that work. In a way this paper is supplementary to my earlier paper in Bharatiya Vidya, 19,14,1959, pp. 111-115.
These two classes of forms are respectively called Sadhyamānāvastha and Siddhavastha by Indian Prakrit grammarians.
Crosss-influences are evident from piccai (Puşṣpadanta's Mahāpurāṇa 7.15.3) for paccai (influenced by siccai etc), and from ppp. riddha-, a blend of raddha- cooked' and siddha- 'cooked'.

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52
dummia- and the alternative form dūmia- 'distressed illustrate crossinfluencing. Intransitivity was a factor causing such a semantic change. We have in Apabhramsa rappiijai (MP. 89.12.10) 'is coloured a newy formed passive from earlier passive rappai (substituting still earlier raccai) correponding to the active ramjai. cf. Pischel, Grammatik, $ 66. ibid, $ 126. Bharateśvara-bāhubali-rāsa (ed. Jinavijaya Muni, 1941) hayagayarahavari kariya sanāļhu (St 87b) 'equipped with cavalry, elephant and chariot forces', Grammatik, $ 67. It occurs in a passage of Svayambhu's Paumacariya (8th cent.) (ed. H.C. Bhayani, Singhi Jain Series, Bombay, part I 1961): diņayare naha-kusume-vva galiņae, dime nisi-vairie-vva voliņae (Paumacariya 67-1-3) When the sun, lika a sky flower melted' (withered, i.e. slipped down) and the day. like an enemy of the night dissappeared' Pischel (Grammatik, $562) explains this with the help of Sk. åsinaPk. ūsiņa,Mudrārāksasa; 29, 15; 30, 1; Pischel, $$ 346, 567.
11.
12.
Bibliographical Note
In the section on the verbal substitutes in Hemacandra's Siddhahema-sabdānuśasana (VIII 4, 2-258), in his Desimamamāla and in other grammatical and lexicographical works of Indian Prakrit grammarians we find rich data relating to passive stems.
H. Jacobi was the first to put forth the view of analogical origin of some irregular' Prakrit passive stems ("über unregelmassige passiva im prakrit', Kuhn's Zeitschrift, 28, 249-256, 1887). He convincingly explained the formation of the form-types sippai, dubbhai, hammai, civvai, on the basis of linkage between the present active, past passive participle, infinitive of purpose, absolutive, etc. of certain

Page #62

groups. He has not noted the analogical stems ending in -cca- and his treatment requires some reconsideration of the interrelationship between the various form-types of the verbal system and of the forms that might have triggered the analogical process. Therafter K.F. Johansson acccepted and corroborated Jacobi's explanation in his paper 'Eine analoge Neubildung der verbalflexion im althnindischen und balt-slavischen', Kunh's Zeitschirft , 32, pp 434-513, especially pp. 446-450; 1893). But Pischel rejected outright this analogical explanation, saying it is 'ganz irrig' (completely erroneous), (Grammatik, 8535; also $8266,286 533 ff.). In this matter Pischel was quite evidently under the influence of the neogrammatical doctrine. Hence he tried to account for all 'irregular' forms under discussion simply on the basis of phonological change. The doctrine that 'the phonetic laws are universal and without exceptions' was dominant at that time. But M. Leumann criticised Pischel's stand on this issue and supported Jacobi's view in his contribution 'Zur stammbildung der verben im Indischen’, Indogermanische Forschungen, 57 (1940, pp. 205, 237, pp. 235,237).
Besides the above scholars, the analogically formed Prakrit past passive participles have been dealt with by R. L. Turner (1. Under various etymological notes in the Nepali Dictionary, 1939; 2. The Comparaive Dictionary of Indo-Aryan Languages, 1963, ff; 3. Some Problems of Sound Change in Indo-Aryan, 1960, pp. 34-37); by L.A. Schwartzschild (1. “Prakrit thakka-' tired', Indian Linguistics, Turner Jubilee Volume I, pp. 311-318; 2. * Middle Indo-Aryan Words in - 11-". Journal of the American Oriental Society, 73, 1957, pp. 203,207) and by the present writer (1. Discussion of the formation of the past passive participle ditta- in ‘Apabhramsa and Old Gujarati Studies-1, Bharatiya Vidyā XVII, 3-4, 1957, pp. 125-126; 2. Anušilano (in Gujarati), 1965, pp. 123-126; 132-134). Schwartzschild's papers are now available in Collected Articles of L.A. Schwarzschild on Indo-Aryan 1953-1979, ed. R. Wiles, 1991.
1

Page #63

Abbreviations DN. Deśināmamālā of Hemacandra. Ed. Pischel, Ramanujaswami,
1938." Grammatik. Grammatik der Prakrit Sprachen, R. Pischel, 1900 Mahāpurāņa of Puspadanta. Ed. P. L. Vaidya, 1937-1941. ND. Dictionary of the Nepali Language, R. L. Turner, 1931. PSM. Păiasaddamahaņņavo, H. Sheth.

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3. Development of new active intransitive
verbal-stems It is evident from the above-given list of the past passive participles regularly developed or analogically formed from the corresponding Sanskrit past passive participle of the aniț roots, that a large number of Pk. ppp. had a double or 'long' consonant (unaspirated or aspirated in keeping with the Pk. phonology.) in their end-syllable, e.g.
-dụh- / -ddha-, -^n-, -nna-, -tt-/-tta-, -ddh- etc.
In the case of some Sk, intransitive set roots ending in -t-, we have in Prakrit ppp. in -tta- also besides the regular one with the -iya- (< -ita--) suffix. *ksutati khudai
khudiya/khutta truțati/trutyati tuttai
tudiya/tutta sphatati phadai
phadiya/phatta sphitati phidal
phidiya/phitta sphuţati/sphutyati phudai/phuttai phuļiya/phutta
Pischel has explained these as deriving from an assumed ppp. in Sanskrit with the alternative -n- formative presumably current in popular dialect, in line with the ppp. of roots ending in -j-,d,
An alternative explanation however also can be considered. In course of time many of the Pk. 'irregular' ppp. came to be regularized i.e. the -ia- / -iya- suffix came to be attached to them.
mukkia-, dhukkia-, laggia-, cuggia, vaggia, haggia-, tutthia, baitthia, rutthia, kaddhia, vuddhia-, gattia-, juttia-, tuņņia-, puņņia-,
rumdhia-, baṁdhia- etc. In line with these were also formed alternative ppp.

Page #65

56
khudia-/-khutta-, tuļia-/ tutta- etc. Following the pattern
muccai : mukka were formed
tudai/ tuttai : tutta
phudai/ phuttai : phutta- etc Note also Turner's view :
'Possibly the series started with an adjective *ksuta- used as a past passive participle (compare Pk. chuttha- 'thrown', ~ sittha>srsta-) and forming the basis of a present stem, after which were formed another intransitive present stem, *ksuta- and a transitive stem kṣuta- and a similar formation s.v. TRUT, SPHUT' (under the entry KŞUȚ in (IAL).
Prakrit was a literary language cultivated for more than a thousand years over various extensive regions. It had several varieties and abundance of variation. A substantial part of Prakrit literature is in verse. Hence we find some of the earliest and latest forms and usages, archaic and newly developed expressions, side by side.
If we look at a comparatively later stage, we have a picture of the Prakrit verb-system in which, as a consequence of the regularization of the earlier 'irregular' or 'strong' ppp., their bases were interpreted as verbal roots. Hence we find numerous verbal roots in late MIA. and NIA. which have been derived from what were originally past passive participles. In the following illustrative list the relevant entry number from Turner's IAL is given for MIA. and NIA. data.
dhukkai dhūkvũ (5592) mukkai mūkvũ (10157) (vajjai) vāgvũ (11513) (bhamjai) bhāgvũ (9351) baisai
H.baithnā (2245) uvvisai
ubithnă And at a comparatively later stage we have a situation in

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which we find many a Pk. past passive participle identical with the corresponding verb-stems, i.e. without any formative suffix. All of them have a double consonant in their final syllable. An illustrative list of some such participles is given below :
thakka- dhukkakhuttapakka- mukka- cahuṭṭaparisakka lukka
chutta
sakkaa- Ihikka
tuṭṭa
sukka
phaṭṭa
phitta
phutta
bhiṭṭa
nivaṭṭa
luṭṭa
jikka
pikka
cukka
57
budda
phulla
bhulla
khalla- DN.2-6
jhulla
khulla
ummilla- dulla
nimmilla- tulla
uvvella

bolla
solla
nolla
pella
Similar illustrations of bases ending in -gga-, -ttha-, -nna/ -nna-, -tta-, -ddha-. etc. are well known.
+
4. Phonological explanation *versus analogical explanation.
Two most outstanding consequences of the phonetic wear and tear of OIA. were: (1) A form with the same phonetic shape now conveyed several different case-relations or stood for the meanings of several different persons, numbers etc. (ii) Personal verbforms tended to disapper and participal forms or verbal adjectives took their place. This second process was aided by the fact that in Sanskrit nominal sentence seems to have been more frequent than the verbal sentence. Nouns and adjectives could function as predicates without any need of a copula.
When the neo-grammarian tradition dominated there was strong compulsion to seek phonological explanation for phonologically 'irregular' forms.

Pischel has strongly favoured and advanced phonological explanation of many a Prakrit 'irregular forms. Against this view we have referred earlier (pp. 52-53) to the scholars who have put forth anological explanation. Turner was among the latest who offerer'

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convincing explanations of numerous phonological and morphological "irregular' developments in Indo-Aryan. Below I have given references to data from Pischel and Turner to illustrate both the views.
Pishel's view Some relevant data is cited below from Pischel's 'Comparative Grammar of Prakrit Languages' (English Translation by Subhadra Jha, 1965 edition), References are to the paragraphs.
pikka- (=pakva-), vivikka-(=vipakva-) and paripikka(-paripakva-) explained on the basis of the phonological change a > i( 101),
subbhi = surabhi, according to which has been formed dubbhi, which mostly occurs beside it : subbhi-durabhi or surabhi-durabhi ($148).
hammai (“goes to' with the compounds nihammai, āhammai, pahammai (= Pali ghammati) ( $ 188,266)
The same sound i ge (i.e. -V->-->-m-) has taken place in the case of the se ry v in the passive cimmai beside civvai from civ and JM. summai beside suvvai from svap (S 536, § 261).
The passive vubbhai = uhyate, dubbhai = duhyate, libbhai = lihyate ( $ 54+61,544) go back to the root-doublets vabh, dubh, libh. bh is related to the original gh, as v is relatd to k, g (8230-231), that is to say here is a case of transforination of guttarals to labialsrubbhai from rudh (8 546), also in the Parasmaipada rumbhai (8 507) is formed on the analogy of the roots in gutturals. ( § 266)
pp in some passive, which .........Jacobi and according to him Johansson wished to derive from false analogy, has regularly arisen fryuvbom py....... sippai = snihyate and sicyate (HC. 4, 255), ....belongs to simpai (HC 4, 96), which is related to Marathi simpņem, Gujarati simpvus and presupposes a root sip, which was parallel to sic, from sik. This is therefore, a case of interchange of gutturals and labials ( 215 )........ vähippai (HC.4,253)........which is derived, with HC. 4,253 from Vhr, is = vyāhriyate, is rather vyāksipyate with a somewhat more special meaning than in Sankrit..... As a proof we have M. nihippanta- (R.8,97) = niksipyamāna, which is wrongly derived by S. Goldschmidt. A. nihittau .......and M. Amg. J. M.

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vähitta = niksipta, vyäksipta. Possible is also hawever, the explanation from nihita, vyāhrta according to $194. ... Hitherto several forms with pp have been falsely regarded as passive, which are so according to neither their form nor their meaning, khuppai........is = ksupyati from kşupa avasādane, sāde...juppai (=yoks, HC. 4, 109) is = yupyati from yupa ekikarane, samikarane, M. pahuppai (HC. 3,142, 4, 63....), which has been explained by Weber as a deponentially used passive of bhū with pre, is a denominative from prabhutva = *prabhutvati *exercies authority'..... This is borne out by A. pahuccai (H. 4, 390, 491), which pressupposes prabhutyati with the phonetic change discussed in $ 299. so too M. ohuppanta- (R. 3, 18) = apabhutvanti..... belongs to ohāvai = apabhāvati, apabhavayati in the sense of äkramati (HC. 4, 160) ($286) sugga - is formed according to dugga = durga (§ 329).
One *nava, of which the regular passive is navvai, is to be deduced from the causatives such as āņavedi, vinnavedi. (The remark in the note ; wholly wrong in S. Goldschmidt, Z.D.M.G. 29, 494, Jacobi KZ. 28.255, Johansson KZ. 32, 449 f.)
Pischel derives mukka- from a hyhothetical Sk. mukna-, having -n- instead of -ta- (as in the regular mukta) as the past passive participial suffix. Similarly lukka- is derived from an assumed Sk. mlukna- (from mluc-)
nirumbhai, passive rubbhai....( 546) belong to a root rubh, which is an analogical formation according to the roots in guttarals (8 266, $ 535).
The derivation of the 'irregular passive', as suppai, juppai, adhappai, dubbhai, rubbhai, etc. from the past passive participles according to false analogy, which Jacobi has given with the approbation of Johansson, is wholly wrong (See $8266, 286, 535).
The roots is -u, -u, without distinction of the class, may be conjugated according to 5. class of Sk. and build their passive accordingly : ruvvai from ru; thuvvai from thu; dhuvvai from dhu; puvvai from pu; luvvai from lu; huvvai from hu; suvval from sru. TM has also summau as one sumai beside suvai is presupposed in accordance with $261. According to the grammarians ji and ci too

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have the same formation of the passive : civvai, ciņijjai, jivvai, jiņijaji, according to Hc. also cimmai, which is to be explained likewise as JM. summai. It is not correct to presume anaogical formation according to the roots in -u, -Ŭ with Jacobi, whose hypothesis is erroneous (KZ., 28, 255), and Johansson (KZ. 32, 449). Civvai is a regular passive from civ (Dhātupātha 31, 15, civị adanasamvaranayoh), jivvai apparently from jiv (Dhatupātha 15, 85 jiv priņanārthaḥ), that is equated as jinv. ($ 536).
Besides the usual khamijjai from khan is mentioned as passive khammai too (HC. 4. 244). The forın is not to be separated from jammai from jan (HC. 4, 186) and hammai from han. It is wholly improbable to assume a formation on the analogy of gammai from gam with Jacobi and (KZ 28, 254) and Johansson (KZ. 32, 449). jammai points to the fact that there occurred denominatives from janman, Pkt. jamma-, hanman, Pkt. hamma-, khanman, Pkt. khannacf. $440, $447) (3540)
palā has also a past passive participle with the suffix -ņa : palāņa, for a of which there apears i : papaliņu - prapalāyita, as in the pres. participle in -miņa, -iņa ($ 562).
mukka from mukna from muc; - ragga (HC. 2, 10) = ranga = Skt. rakta; - M. rikka = rikna from ric (airikka, pairikka, vivikka; -lukka = lukna from luñc. - Thikka beside the denominatives Thikkai, likkai (HC, 4, 55)--sikka = svaskna (osakka, parisakkia-, solla = sudna = sudita, (S 567)
Pk. mähaņa. 'Brahmin' he derives from Sk. makhana (supposed to be a derivative of makha-) 'pertaining to a sacrifice' (from makha- 'sacrifice').
The derivation from Sk. brähmana, given by earlier scholars he considers linguistically impossible. I think however, the development Sk. brāhmaṇa. Pk. māhana- can be satisfactorily explained, it we assume a by-form vrähmana- (cf. brhat-1 vrhat-, brsi-, / vrsietc.). In the Eastern Prakrit it would develop first as vāmhana(presevation of the vowel length and -inh- as a non-cluster) and then -07- changed to nasalization of the preceding vowel would give us vähaņa- māhaņa (compare svapna-suviņasumina-, kabandha

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61
kavandha->kamandha; vānavaitara>vāṇamamtara- etc.). Several other ‘irregular' Pk. forms also can be better explained as analogical change.
Turner's view Some relevant data is cited below from Turner's ‘A Comparative Dictionary of the Indo-Aryan Languages', 1966. References are to the entries.
2814 karoti krta- done :
ki- < kia- replaced by *kitta- after *ditta 'given', P. kittā;after MIA. dinn-, Mth. kinh, O Marv. kino; after labdha- etc., G. kidhũ.
3865 khādati. pp. khädita- replaced by anal, formations in S. khādho, L. P. khaddhā, G. khādhũ.
6140 datta
MIA. *dita- as pp. to deti after Pk. ņia- : ņei-; *ditta- from datta- with i from dita-. dinna- from *danna ( < *dadna) also with i from *dita- or *ditta.
8716 prabhuta
Pk. pahutta- as pp. of pahuvai (after type suvai-sutta-); Pk. pahuppai after type litta-lippai; Pk. pahuccai after type mutta~muccai.
9500 *bhiyagna
*bhigga- replaced by* bhinna- as pp. to passive bhijjai *bhiyajyate after type bhijjai < bhidyate-bhinna-,
9577 *bhșgnaReplaced by MIA. bhuņņa- as pp. of bhujjai after type bhijjai -bhinna10775. ruddha
anal. pres. stems : after laddha-labbhai : Pk, rubbhai; type raddha- - rambhati : pa. rumbhati, Pk. rumbhai.
10948 labhate.
MIA. deti and neti; Pk. lei, OAw. pp. linha, 0 Marw. pp. dinau (-dinna-), liyo, pp. lidhū.
11083 lupyate. Pk. lutta- replaced in MIA by lukka

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Pk. Thikka- x *lhissai < ślisyati ?, Thikkai. 11513 vādyate. Anal. MIA. pp. vagga- after type bhajjai-bhagga13960 hadati
In Pali replaced anal. after pp. hanna- by hanati whence pass. haññati, hanna- replaced after type bhajjai~bhagga- by hagga-.
12225 vrajati.
MIA. vracc- (? vacc-) either anal. formation for which the starting point is not clear or x vacyate 'moves' RV. MIA vagga - anal, formation after type bhajjai-bhagga- (bhagna-).
1.
NOTES So far as the noun-inflexion was concerned ambiguity in the expression of case-relations that resulted from MIA. homophony was sought to be remedied by employing aid-words called postpositions to convey specific meanings. As we pass on from Prakrit proper to Apabhramśa, i.e. Late MIA., we witness increasing use of postpositions with case-meanings, because by that time only a skeleton of the earlier case-system remained. Such form-types were called sādhyamānāvastha by Indian Prakrit grammarians. Such form-types were calles siddhāvastha by Indian Prakrit grammarians. Intransitivity was a factor causing this semantic change. We find in Apabhraíśa rappijjai (“Mahāpurāņa’, 89, 12, 10), a newly formed passive from rappai which is itself passive. MP. 46,3, 6, 80, 11-3. MP. 76, 3, 7 MP. 43, 8, 11 mi, 46, B, 6, 80, 11, 3-i. MP. Dhv. 5, 205 (p. 173) : vāhippau bhuttho : Guj. bhuttho etc. IAL. 9594. thiņo : Guj. thijvũ thinù IAL. 13731

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* thijjai : Guj. thijvù
Old Guj. pahutau (ppp. 'Gurjara-rāsavali', Inder. S.V.) Mod. Guj. poti (female personal name). It is based on pahoti 'reached'. It is given to a female child born after a few others, expressing the belief that by naming the child with a terin that signifies 'now we have got enough', there would he a stop to any more fenale child being born. Old Guj. pahuco, Mod. Guj. pahoc-. For pahucc- see 'Gurjara- rāsāvali", Index.
Modi rejects Pischel's and accept's Turner's explantaion. pahugga- : Old Guj. pūgau 'reached' ("Gurjara-rāsāvali' Index, s.v.) guccai. Sk. gup- 'to be confused or disturbed (vyakulatve)
("Dhätupātha'); Ap. gupp- 'to become entangled in, to be embarassed' (DMP., 909). Guj. gucav-' to entangle, to confuse', gucvā- (passive). Compare vigutta-, vigūc
vigutta- : "harassed', Old Guj. vigut-, vagutvigucc- : Old Guj. viguc-, vigücvihacca- : vihaṁc-, Mod. Guj. vahēckhucc : Guj. khic- 'to pierce'. Differently explained by Turner : IA. 3890
p. 20. pahutta-, pahoia- is given in DN. (6, 26) as synonymous with pajjatta- (= paryāpta-) or prabhutva-. pahoiais ppp. to pahavai as hoia- ("Samdeśarāsaka,' 112) is to havai. Hindi bahutta- preserves the meaning of Sk. prabhūta-. Change of long vowel + single consonant to short vowel + double (i.e. long) consonant in Pk. is attested in the following cases :
kiądā-, kidā (=krida): nidda-/ nedda- : nida-, thiņņa : thiņa, thulla- : thula, dugulla- : dugula-, pidd- : pid-, vidųā : vidā.
Inorganic doubling of consonants in general in Pk. is treated by Vararuci, under 3, 52, 58 and Hemacandra, under 21, 98,99. See Pischel $ 90, where the change is attributed to accent.
Against Insler ('Prakrit Studies-1', Bulletin D'Etudes Indiennes, 9,1991, 93-106) who assumes different source forms

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for various senses of pahuppai we think this is due to usual semantic change. We explain also pahuppai analogically, as has been done by Jacobi, Turner etc. Tieken's objections ('Hāla's Sattasai', 1983, p. 196) also to deriving Pk. pahuttafrom Sk. prabhuta- are not valid. The same applies to his view regarding parālutta-. He says, the derivation suggested by Weber from bhutta (.....Hem. II. 99. hutta for bhüta) fails to convince from the point of the meaning as well as from the fact that hutta for bhata does not actually occur'. But we think pahutta- and parāhutta derive from Sk. prabhata- and parabhūta- (= parii + bhota- i.e. paranmukha-). Eventhough the derivation of -hutta < Sk. mukha- in amtohutta- (= adhomukha also according to DN. 1.21), parahutta-, gharahutta-, piyahuttaetc. is wrong: its derivation from -vítta- (Insler, p. 101), is unconvicing
P. 21 Tessitori has explained OG. ppp. in -dha- as phonological development ("Grammar of Old Western Rajasthani', $126 (3). M. C. Modi has however favoured analogical explanation following Turner ("Gurjararāsā vali', 1956, word-index, under liddha). He has also accepted Turner's explanation of pahutta-, pahucca-.
Appendix
With regard to the large-scale restructuring that took place in morphology during the MIA. period, the following general observations about the grammatieal change made by Lightfoot in the 'Pinciples of Diachronic Syntax' will be found pertinent :
Peacemeal changes resulting in a complication of a grammar. rendering it as a whole more marked, less highly valued. This is followed by a catastrophe, a major re-analysis of grammar, eliminating the markedness and complexity--the symptoms of such a cataclysmnic restructuring will be a set of simaltaneous but apparently unrelated changes (p. 78).
Grammars practise therapy, not prophylaxis i.e. changes take place, which, while perhaps having therapeutic effect in one area of grammar, contribute to derivational opacity elesewhere..... When the

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limits are apprehended, therapy is performed by some kind of reanalysis, which eliminates the offending opacity. This position has been adopted by some earlierwriters. Samuels observes that it is a conmonplace that grammatical ambiguities arising from sound change may be remedied by selection of new analogical forms and he cites Sapir, Saussure, Hermann, Jespersen, Bally. Paul also denies prophyaxis. Longacker (1977) says, 'a re-analysis occurs in response to a particular set of factors present in a particular class of expressions, it resolves certain structural pressures or exploits the structural potential of those expressions. Speakers do not however redesign their entire language or check the implications of a modification for all other aspects of the linguistic system before adopting the modification. A change which resolves certain structural pressures may, therefore create new ones and lead to further changes' (p. 123-124)
Givon (1976) claims that ‘main clauses (and in particular declarative-affirmative ones) are the most progressive, innovative environment in language, where innovations are first introduced and from where they spread later on into other emvironments (p. 126)
Typically, changes in various places in the grammar may occur and happen to have the effect of making existing initial structure analyses more opaque to the language learner. There seems to be a tolcrance level for such exceptional behaviour or opacity, and when this is reached a radical re-structuring, more transparent, casier to figure out and closer to the respective surface structures results. The structuring is entailed by Transparency Principle and is manifested by a set of simultaneous changes in possible surface structures i.e. only the latter changes result from the Transparency Principle (p. 129).

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B. Some aspects of the development of the
Gujarati passive
Passive, optative and future imperative stems Development From Prakrit to Old and Modern Gujarati
1. Origin and development of O. Guj stems ending in -ija, -ia-.
(1.) According to Pāņini's Astādhyāyi (3,3,161) Sanskrit Optative (potential, lin, vidhi-lin, vidhyartha) is used in the following senscs :
(1) Prescription : yajcia; ivam grāmam gacchch (2) Invitation : iha bhavān bhuñjita. (3) Icavc permission : ihāsita bhavān. (4) Duty: putram adhyapaycd bhavān. (5) Politc query : bho vedamadhiyiya uta tarkam ? (6) Request : bho bhojanam labhcya.
It should be noted that Sanskrit Imperative as well as Potential Passive Participle also shared these meanings (Astädhyāyi, 3, 3, 163).
(2.) When optative is used to advise a particular conduct or to preach, it is subjectless :
äpadarthe dhanam raksci, dārās raksed dhanair api / atmānam satatam raksed, dārairapi dhanair api 11
(3.) In Prakrit the form ending in -(e)ijā, -(e) ja is used as optative. It can also take personal endings :-(C)jjāmi ctc. (Siddhahoma, 8.3 165; 167). The same form is used as Imperative second person singular (Siddhahcma, 8,3, 175). According to another view these forms are used to convey the meaning of other tenses and moods also (Siddhahema, 8, 3, 177).
4. According to Siddhahema 8.3, 160 - ia-or-ijja-suffixis used

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in Prakrit to form Passive stem (intransitive or transitive). But sometimes it takes additionlly the -jja suffix of the optative also, e.g.
Pk. navejja, navejjejja = Sk. namyate. Pk. lahejja, lahejjcjja = Sk. labhayate. Pk. acchejja, acchejjejja = Sk. asyate.
This will give an idea of the mutual influence of the Prakrit Optativc, Inperative and Passive forms and meanings.
5. With this background we shall examine the origin and development of O. Guj.(1) inherited passive, (2) inherited optative, (3) the new present First Person Plural forin, (4) apaņai as the Inclusive First Person plural pronoun, (5) the new passive stem-formative -- and (6) their respective meanings. 2. Stem-formative -ija-, -sa-.
(1) Sk. suffix -ya- became - izja- in. Prakrit. Alternatively it became -iyya-, which changed to -iya-, -ia-. For example in the Apabhraíša section of the Siddhahema we have forms like aniyai, bolliyai, māņiyai, pathaviyai. From Yogindu's Paramappapayāsu we can cite jhāiyai, jāņiyai, viyāņiai, pittiyai. Similar forms occur in the Dohā-pahuậa and the Sāvaya-dhamma-dohā.
(2) In Prakrit we have Optative third person singular forms with the stein-formative -cija-/-ijja- and personal ending - -- or without the latter, e.g. karejjai/karijjai, kareja/karijjā. The former developed as karije in Old Guj. which changed to karje in Mod. Guj. with a future or polite inperative sense.
(3) The forns with the stem-formative - ijja- / -ja- used in an optative sense can be illustrated from the Siddhahema.
1. Tahi desdai jäijjai (8, 4, 419-3)
(=Sk. tasınin dese gamyate)
'Let (us) go to that country' or (we) should go to that country 2. jai āvai to āņiyai (8, 4, 419-3)

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(= Sk. yadi ägacchati tataḥāniyate) (=Mod. Guj. ‘jo āve to āņie': compare H.'yadi āye, to leāiye’.)
* If he comes, he may be brought'. 3. tam bolliai ju nivvahai (8, 4, 360-2)
(= Mod. Guj. te bolie, je nabhe)
“That should be spoken, which can hold good'. 4. jam acchai tam māņiyai (8, 4, 388)
(= Mod. Guj. je che, te māņie)
“Whatever there is, it should be enjoyed'. 5. So lekhadau pathāviai (8, 4, 422-7)
1= Mod. Guj. evo lekh pāthavie)
'Such a letter should be sent'.
That form in the optative sense with injunctive shade is preserved in Mod. Guj. evũ na karie ‘Such a thing should not be done'. jutthủ na bolie. 'Lie should not be told'. In Mod. Hindi the form is used as polite imperative.
(3) In the medieval Sanskrit Prabandha works written by the Jainas during the period of about the 13th to the 16th century, we find passive forms with the same meaning force as noted above. Obviously this is based on the contemporary usage in the regional dialect. To cite a few instances : 1. tadā śresthi snuşāṁ pryatyavag, ‘anyatra grhe gamyate' (Pañc.
142, 9-10). "Then the merchant said to the daughter-in-law, "let us go to another house." (Mod. Guj. bije ghare jaic). 2. mesa-dvayam grhyate, svarņa-dvipe gamyate, tataḥ svarņam
anveşyate (Pañc. 89, 8-9). '(We) should take (with us) two lambs, go to the Svarna- dvipa and gold will be brought from there' (Mod. Guj. be ghețā laie, svarnadvip jaie).

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3. 'meṣāvimau hatvā'nayor bhastrikā-madhye gṛhita-kṣurikābhyāṁ praveśyate. (Pañc. 89, 9-10)
'Killing both these lambs, both (of us) should enter, holding knife (in our hand), into the sack made of their hide".
69
3. Emergence of a new Present first person plural form.
1. O. Guj. Present first person plural has the ending -ũ,
which is the same as for the singular.
amhe karaũ 'we do'.
amhe paḍivajaũ 'we accept'.
The fact of-u being common to the singular and the plural could have created ambiguity in practical communicative situations. 2. O. Guj. apaṇapau/āpaṇapu means 'one self', 'self'.
(= Sk. svayam)
te muni vādi āpaṇapu dhanya mānivā lāgi,
'Having bowed down to the monk, she began to regard herself to be fortunate'
3.
In one of its usages the Old Gujarati Passive could be employed to convey what was to be said by the speaker, or something to be proposed by the addresser, to the addressee. This construction was subjectless.
amhe yatna ghaṇau karau, pani jāņi na sakii.
(1) 'We make great effort, but it cannot be known (i.e. but (we) are unable to know').
(2) eka vāra kanyā...magāvii.
'Once the girl may be asked for (through somebody)`.
i.c. (We) may ask for the girl'.
(3) Narmada-sumdari māgii.
'N. may be asked for' i.e. (We) may ask for N.'
(4) ghari jai.
The home may be gone to' ie. (We) may go home`.

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(5) cālau, joi avii.
“Come on, seeing (her), may be returned by us'i.e '(We) may
(go) to see her and return'. (6) avi, pāse kari vali khelii.
"Come, let playing be done again with dice', i.e ‘Let (us)
play again with dice'. (7) cāla tau, e vāta joii.
‘Then come on, that matter may be looked into',
i.e. 'Let us look into that matter.' (8) Svāmi, Kuṁdina-puri jāii.
‘My lord K. may be gone to’,' i.e. “Let (us) go to K.'
Conpare with this usage the following: (9) pita-nau viyoga sahasiū, paņi prthvi-nā kautiga joii.
*(Although) we shall suffer separation from (our) father, the intersting things of the world would be seen' (i.e. We shall
see'). (10) āpaņape āgai desaṁtara-ni manasā karatā, hiva te saphala
karii. 'Since long ourselves used to cherish desire of going abroad, (So)now it may be fulfilled '(i.e)'(we) may fulfil it, let(us) fulfil
4. Emergence of Āpaņe as the First Person Plural Inclusive Pronoun
As a conrequence the form with the -iiending came to be linked with āpaņape, and it gave rise to a new contruction in which the subject pronoun of the first person plural included both the speaker and the hearer. 1. āpaņape jāi sầbhalii
'Going (there), we may hear it' (i.e 'Let us go and hear
itp.) 2. āpaņape jūe khelii
‘Let us play at gambling'

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ing).
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3. apaṇape behue yuddha karii. 'Let both of us fight'.
4. iņai nagari apaṇape rahii 'Let us stay in this city'.
5. prabhata-samayi āpaṇape jāii 'Let us go at the morning time'.
6. apaṇape apaṇau bala joii
'Let us test our strength'.
7. apaṇape eka-eka-ni bäha namāvi joii. 'Let us try to bend each other's arm'.
Consequently the earlier Present first person plural verbal ending -ũ was replaced by -ii. Thus there arose a contrast between the exclusive first person plural pronoun ame and the inclusive one apaṇape. O. Guj. Future also shares this construction.
āpaṇape ihā suisii
'we (inclusive) shall sleep here'.
In course of time apaṇape was replaced in this construction by apaṇe. āpaņai jaii-āvii nahĩ
'We should not go and come' (i.e. undertake going and com
āpaṇai..... rājya bhogavii chaî
'We are enjoying the kingdom (i.e kingship)'.
In these constructions apaṇa expresses the whole side inclusive of the addressor(s) and the addressee(s).
Mod. Guj. has inherited this system of first person plural exclusive and inclusive Pronoun.

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Origin and development of ā- passives*
1. The problem of the origin and developinent of Gujarati āpassives and their corresponding past participles (considered now dialectal) with -n-suffix has not been satisfactorily solved so far. These forms are attested in Old Gujarati. As against most of the other NIA languages with pariphrastic passive, Gujarati has like Sanskrit and Prakrit, a suffixal passive.?
Hoernle derived thesc forins from Sk. -ay-causatives (pāyayati etc.). Grierson and Tessitori accepted that view. Bloch did not find that view attractive, but he could not advance any alternative solution, althongh he is inclined to suspect some analogical inflnence. Pandit has referred to the various alternatives considered by Bloch and dismissed Dave's suggestion as unsatisfactory. Dave derived the Perfect participial -āņa- from the -āna- ending of the preset participle of Sk. Ātmanepadi verbs and O. Guj. mūkāi etc. were created on the analogy of O. Guj. mūkāņau etc. This suggestion is phonologically teneble but semantically it faces insuperable difficulties.4
It was K.K. Shastri who happens to have made a correct surinise in this matter. Like Chatterji he has derived the passive suffix -ā- from the -äy- of the Sanskrit denominatives, and has supported this with Gujarati denominative formations like kastāvī be pained', gamdhāvā ‘stink', sukāvù'dry up and has connected the -na-suffix of the perfect participle with the -ņa-suffix (instead of the usual -ta-) taken by a class of Sanskrit verbs. Both these suggestions are in the right direction, but Shastri has not examined their implications in detail and has not established his view by a systematic discussion of the relevant data and has not considered the diffuculties involved. In what follows an attempt is made to systematically work out his view.
2. Out of the six types of Sanskrit denominatives, among the kyar(=-ya-) type, which take Ātmanepadi endings there are some roots whose denoninative forins signify 'to experience a feeling-state', 'to be in a state or “to achieve a state', instead of the usual meaning of

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‘behaving like X.?" Instances :
mālāyate 'serves as a garland' śighrāyate ‘becomes hasty'. lohitāyate freddens' mandāyate “slows down' utsukāyate 'feels yearning śithilāyate 'loosens' adharāyate ‘suffers defeat durmanāyate becomes sad' taralāyate “suffers pain mandalāyate 'becomes circular' dhūmāyate emits fumes of smoke'...
It is obvious that these verbs are patient-oriented and not agen. oriented.
3. Secondly there are a few Sanskrit monosyllabic verb-stems, mostly intransitive and ending in -ā-, which have the passive meaning of 'to experience or achieve a state'. For example
glāyati 'feels fatigue’ mlāyati 'withers' śyāyate ‘congeals' styāyati solidifies' pyāyate 'fattens' vāyati 'dries up drāti/nidrāti 'runs/sleeps' āghrāti “smells' These verbs take suffix -ņa- to form the perfective participle : glāna-, mlāna-, śyāna-, styāna-, pyāna-, vāna-, drāņa-, äghrāņa

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4. When we come to MIA. (especially Pk. and Ap.) we find the following type of the chain of present tense and perfective participle forms of certain intransitive verbs ending in -ā-? Examples :
milāyai : milāņagilāyai : gilāņaniddāyai : niddāņaviddāyai : viddāņavijjha(ya)i : vijjhäņapalāyai : palānaagghāyai : agghāņanivvãi : nivvānauvvāi : uvvāņasammāi : sammāņa
Besides we have similar new intranstive verbs like orummāi ‘dries up!, vikkā(ya)i : ‘sells'; ulhāi 'is extinguished', kummāņai 'withered'. dhanai 'is kind'. Some of these verbs have come down to NIA. languages like Gujarati. More importantly, this grouping of verbal forms gave rise, on the one hand, to new stative denominatives in Gujarati (cidāvũ 'be irritated', laṁbāvũ ‘be lengthened'). Secondly, linked with the Perfective participle in - ņa-the final -à-of the intransitives became established as passive-fomative suffix. This filled up the gap : created by the merger of the earlier Pk. passive suffix -ijja- with the optative-ijja-and by the alternative form-iya- loosing its passive sense, and coming to function as the Present first person plural suffix.
Notes * This is translated from my book 'Gujarati Bhāṣānā Itihāsni Ketlik
Samasyā-o' (1976), 59-71. It is the text of the fifth lecture in the K.P. Trivedi Memorial Lectures delivered by me at the South Gujarat University on 15, 16 and 17 December 1975. Medieval Awadhi, Bengali etc. sometimes used ā-passives and their perfective participles in -ņ- (Chatterji,) 'In some NIA languages, notably Gujarati (and marginally in

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Bhojpuri, Maithili, Magahi, and Awadhi), there is a different passive suffix, -ā; āp-/apā- 'give, be given'. Chatterji (1926), following a suggestion of Grierson's supports its derivation from the OIA denominative. suffix -āya. See also Saksena (1971 : 293-4). Bloch (1965 : 238) objects that the OIA form had ‘no special force and clear antecedents go back only to MIA'.
(Masica, 317). 2. Bloch (1956), 237-238; 292-293. 3. Bloch (1965), 238. 4. Bloch (1965), 238; Tessitori (1914-1915), 140; Dave (1935),
47; Pandit (1974), 234-235. 5. Shastri (1958), 216-217 6. Gandhi (1887), 217-221 7. Bhayani (1972), 43-51.
References J.Bloch, Indo-Aryan (Alfred Master's translation), 1965. S.K.Chatterji, Origin and Development of the Bengali
Language, 1926. I.N.Dave, A Study of Gujarati Language, 1935. Colin P. Masica, The Indo-Aryan Languages, Cambridge
Uneversity Press, Cambridge, 1991. D.N.Gandhi, Dhāturupakos'a, 1887. P.B.Pandit, Gujarāti Bhāsānū Dhvanisvarūp ane Dhvaniparivartan,
1974. K.K.Shastri, Gujarāti Rūpracnā, 1958. L.P. Tessitori, 'Notes on the Grammar of Old Western Rajastani,'
Indian Antiquary, 1914-1915. H.C.Bhayani, Thodok Vyākraņ Vicār, 1978.

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The stative verb-stems in -ā1. At the subsequent stage -ā- was extented to verbs having a similar meaning and these verbs take the active construction. There are no corresponding 'active' verbs, which fact distinguishes this class of verbs from the regular passives in -ā. We can conveniently divide these stative verbs with -.- as the final vowel in three broad classes.
1. Verbs meaning ‘experiencing some feeling, sensation etc.' 2. Verbs meaning experiencing or suffering a change of state
or be subject to it passively or unvolitionarily.' 3. Verbs meaning ‘having some physical defect or handicap.'
The line of distinction between these classes and between their specific meanings is evidently unclear or blurred to some extent. The list of examples of the verbal bases cited below can be considerably extended. Where the verb is considered a denoninative the basic noun or adjective is shown by the side in parantheses.
osvā- 'be dispirited, dry up' kacvā- ‘be bothered' kastā- (kast) 'be pained' gabhrā- ‘be nervous' ciņā- (cid) be irritated' daghā- ‘be flabergasted' pastā- ‘be repentant' porsā- (poras) 'enthuse' bharmā (bharam) 'be deluded' mūjhā - 'be confused' ribā- 'be tortured' risā- (ris) 'be angry lalcā - (lālac) 'be tempted' lobhā - (lobh) 'be tempted'
Śarmā- (s'aram) 'be ashamed' hijrā- (hijrat ?) ‘pine' 2. akļā- (akkad) ‘be stiff abhļā- (ābhad) ‘be defiled' aļ pā- ‘be destroyed, disappear? olā- ‘be extinguished' katā- (kāt) be rusted' karmā-(?) 'wither' lamchă- (?) 'to wither' lambā- (lābū ) 'lengthen' salvā- (sal). get entangled' samkļā- (sākļū) 'narrow down' samkocā- (samkoc) 'contract?

:

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samtā- 'hide'
suka- (süku) 'dry'
havā- (havā) 'lose crispiness due to humidity', 'become 'damp'
77
hebtā- (hebat) 'have a shock of
fear, panic'
3.
2. One consequence of this development was that those verbs with allied meanings, which did not end in -ā-, got alternative forms with -ā-, the latter form showing a bent to express passivity.
athaḍ- /athḍā- 'dash'
āļas- /alsa- 'discontinue or leave out of laziness'
ojhap- /ojhpā- 'be put down' khij- /khijā- 'be angry' chalak-/chalkā- 'be spilled'
rüjh- /rüjhā- 'heal'
rel- /rela- 'overflow'
khoḍamga-(khoḍamg?) 'limp', 'walk haltingly' totḍā- (totḍu) 'stutter' thothvā -(thothu?) 'falter in speech' lamgḍā- (lamgḍũ) ‘limp'
phas- /phasã- 'be ensnared'
bhij- /bhijā- 'become wet/drenched'
malak- /malkā- 'smile'
lāj- /lajā 'be ashamed'
vāvath- /vavṭha- 'dry in the wind' (w.r. to wet cloth)
harakh- /harkha- 'be pleased'
lacak-/lacka- 'move with jerks'

3. Another consequence was that in some active-passive pairs of verbs, the form with -a- developed. a metaphorical mean
ing.
Examples:
phuk- 'blow air' with the mouth phûkā- 'blow' (w.r. to wind)
phul-'be inflated': phula- 'be puffed up'
le- 'take': leva- 'be reduced'

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āj- 'apply collyrum to the eyes', amjā 'be dazzled' kätar- 'clip with a pair of scissors' : katrā- 'look askance' jhāl- 'seize' : jhalā- 'get stiff” (w.r.to a limb). The Passive subjectless, reflexive construction
4. We are familiar with the following classification and terminology with respect to the subject under discussion.
When the focus is on the agent, that construction-type is called 'active'-kartari-prayog in the traditional terminology. e.g. 1. te kām kare 'He may work'. 2. te modhũ jue che 'He looks at the face' 3. te āvše 'He will come' 4. te jāy 'He may go.'
When the verb is transitive and the focus is on the patient that construction-type is called 'passive' (karmaņi prayog in the traditional terminology). For example 5. kām konäthi karāy che e mahattvanů nathi, karāy che e-j
mahattvanũ che. 'It is of no importance the work is done by whom; that the work
is done (at all) that is important.' 7. śāk vecāy che. 'The vegetables are sold' 8. kapờũ khovāũ ‘The clothe is lost. 6. temnāthi jețlū kahevāy che tețlű karātū nathi. “That much is not done by them, as much as is said by them.'
When the agenthood is secondary, or the patienthood is primarily intended the passive (or 'abilitive') stem is formed by suffixing -ā- to the active stem.
kar- 'do' > karā. pad- ‘fall' > padā

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av- 'come' > avā
khaḍ- 'pound' > khaṁḍā
These passive forms convey besides the sense of the subordinate status of the subject and of suffering or experiencing the action on the part of the subject, other shades of meaning also, of which (i) helplessness, (2) ability and (3) permissibility or appropriateness are the main.
4
Stative verbs used actively
1. -a- is a regular passive-formative suffix in Gujarati. The original basic meaning was to suffer or experience an action (or state etc.) as contrasted with the corresponding active meaning of doing. 'To experence' implies mostly 'to be subject to the experience of some feeling, sensation etc'., 'arising suddenly of some state or condition,' 'to experience a change of state or condition.' Thus the -ā- suffix began to be attached to verbal bases to convey the passive state as against active performance, the emphasis being on experiencing something or on becoming something. Consequently a new verbal construction came into use wherein these 'stative' verbs were used actively i.e. with the subject in the Nominative, agreeing with the verb. It may have started with the forming of denominatives from nouns or adjectives denoting mental or physical states.
Examples:
lobhāvũ 'be tempted', (< lobh 'greed')
akļāvu 'be impatient' (< ākļũ 'impatient')
samkocāvũ 'to contract' (< samkoc 'contraction')
khacka- (khacak) 'hesitate'
khamcă- 'hesitate'

khoṭkā- (khoṭko) 'be out of order'
gamdha- (gamdha) 'emit foul smell' guglā- 'be smothered'
ghava- (ghav) 'be wounded'

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cakrā- (cakkar) ‘reel' cimļā- 'wither' jharkhā- (jhākhũ), 'be dimmed' jhobā- (hobo) go in a coma' țakrā- (tākar) 'dash against tigā- ‘hang' tūkā- (tūkū)“be shortened' tếvā- (tev) 'become habituated' tharda- (tharad) 'make a harsh sound while whirling'. thĩgrā- (thikrū) 'become stunted' thēbā- (thebû) 'be kicked' thokrā- (thokar) 'stumble' dokā- (dok) 'to strain the neck to peep' duņā- 'get a reeky smell due to being burnt' najrā- (najar) 'catch an evil eye' dhûdhvā- 'emit fumes of smoke' padghā- (padgho) be echoed' posā- 'afford' phamț.- (phấto) 'to bifurcate' phugā- (phüg) 'be affected with fungus.' phägrā- (phẩgar ‘nostril') 'snort angrily' phelā- 'spread' bujhā- 'be extinguished' bhatkā- 'dash against mocvā- ‘be sprained' vilā- '(vilū)‘be dimmed' lapā- ‘hide' lamghā- "limp'

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The passive subjectless, reflexive consruction
The active subjectless reflexive construction
In the following passive constructions with transitive verbs, nominative subject and object are absent. Dative subject can be there as experiencer :
(mane) pet-mã cuthāy che. “Heaving disturbance is felt (by me) in the stomach'
In the following constructions with intransitive verbs nominative subject and object are absent. Dative subject is there as an experiencer : In number 5. even that is absent. It is a subject-less sentence or to put it alternatively, the verbal action is the subject.
mane ahĩ game/gothe/rūce/sorve/che.
'I like (being) here' 2. mane ahi phāve che
'It suits ine here' 3. mane dūkhe che
'It aches me 4. mane kathe che
'It rankles me' 5. āj bahu ghāme che
'Today it is very stuffy'
The following also seems to be quite allied : 6. ‘mane tenû bahu baļe/dājhe/lāge che
'I feel very much for him'.
3. When the verb is in transitive and the focus is on the verbal action that construction-type is called impersonal (bhāve prayog in the traditional terminolagy). Examples :
7. be so-ne, javāy che, śi utāva! che ?'
do please sit, going is being done, what is the hurry?'. 8. jem jem ahi vāśe ane rahevāśe, tem tem vadhu gamvā
inādśe'.

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“Gradually as the coming and staying will be done, it will began to be liked'.
Abilitives
Already in Apabhrams'a the passive has acquired the sense of ability. For example :
kim ghotteņa jalahi sosijjai (MP. 16. 20, 4) ‘Can the ocean be dried up by (drinking it) with mouth
fuls ?' jai saṁgaho na milijjai (SH. 8,3, 348/1) 'If (I) can not meet and have his personal company...' jāmai (< Pk jammai, Sk. yamyate) in the following: hatthi ki jāmai dharaṇaû kanni (NC 21) 'Can the elephant be controlled by siezing it by the ear?' ākhe dekhāy che (lit. “seeing can be done by the eyes'). “The eyes can see'. kāne sambhļãy che “ The ears can hear'. dãte cavāy che' the teeth can chew.' page jarā jarā calāy che “The walking can be done a bit with the legs. (“The legs can walk a bit'.) häthe thoạũ thodū pakļāy che “The grasping can be done a bit with the hands'. (“The hands can grasp a bit.') thodữ thoạū vascãy che 'It can be slightly read' 'can read slightly' pețmã cũthāy che ‘Heaving disturbance is felt in the stomach'. petmā vaļhãy che 'Galling or excrusiating sensation is felt in the stomach.'

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Intransitives funcetioning as transitives
1. There is an exceptional group of verbs, which although is transitive takes an object. But mostly this object is specific in that it is a verbal action noun derived from the corresponding verb and repeats the meaning of the verb.
te khel khelyo te pherā pharyo (hoļi khelyo) ame pher-phudarời pharyā te cāl cālyo
te kaļvā bol bolyo te tap tapyo
baļad cāro caryo te nāc nācyo
rasto vāk vaļe che te nahāņ nahāi
2. The verbs cūk ‘forget, miss, fail?, jam-, 'eat', paran 'marry', bhan- 'learn', bhūl- ‘forget, miss, loose’, raļ 'earn’, var ‘marry', śikh' 'learn' are used transitively and take the active construction in the perfective.
hũ nem cūkyo ' I missed the target' hũ śikhamd jamyo‘I ate śikhard'. tame bāji jityā “you won the game' tame bāji hāryā 'you lost the game' Rames Ramāne parnyo 'Rames married Ramă' hû rās ramyo 'I played the Rās dance'. (i. e. danced) te vyākran bhanyo ‘he learnt grammar? tame rasto bhalyā “you forgot the road'. hữenŭ nām visari gayo' I forgot his name? hũ ghaņū dhan raļyo ' I earned much wealth' Ramā Rameś ne vari ‘Ramā married Rames' Ramā aṁgreji śikhi ‘Ramā learnt English' Note in this connection the following observation by Masica :
'While Hindi, Punjabi, Lahanda, Sindhi, Gujarati, Marathi, West Pahari, Rajasthani, and Kashmiri have preserved the original split-ergative pattern (although in Marathi it has lost some transitives

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learn', 'forget', 'drink' — to a nominative-accusative construction), Asamese, Bishnupariya, Manipuri, and Shina have extended what is preserved of it, namely distinctive case-marking of the transitive act, to all tenses of transitive verbs (and of some intransitives), thus evolving a more consistent) marking of the category of the transitive Agent as such.' (Masica, 345)

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2. DERIVATIONAL (1) THE NOMINAL SUFFIX OȚA- IN SANSKRIT
1. Assumption of a Suffix -oțaDebrunner sets upi a Sanskrit nominal suffix -ota- on the basis of the words śarkota - (der. śārkota-) (AV.) 'scorpion or 'serpent'? and karkota-, karkotaka- 'name of a Nāga'. Besides śarkóta- we have sárku- (AV.) 'name of an evil demon' and besides karkota- we have karka- (lex.) 'crab', 'the sign cancer'. Obviously the evidence is very slender and suspect. As karkais unattested and kárkata- is not attested frequently in early literature, their usually assumed connexion with kárkinos, Latin cancer is doubted by Mayrhofer. Consequently we would have no ground left to analyse karkota- as karka- + -ota- There remains then only sarkota-, which (as well as sárku-) being isolated and obscure, we have no means to analyse them too with any degree of certainty.
It seems probable that karka- came to be created through reinterpreting karkața- under the analogical influence from L.ate Middle Indo-Aryan. We have quite a parallel case in the pair markata- and marka- ‘ape'. marka-'ape' is attested at Bhāgavata Purāņa, 10, 8, 29 c;
markän bhokşyan vibhajati sacen nätti bhāndam bhinatti.
Here describing the pranks of child Krsņa, it is said that he was habitually stealing curds and milk from the houses of the gopis, himself eating and if not, freely distributing them among the monkeys. This is the only recorded occurrence of
1. Debrunner, A., Altindische Grammatik, II. 2, 1954, 353. For Other
-la-suffixes (-ata-, -ita-, uta-, -eta-) see ibid., 410.
Macdonell, A.A. and Keith, A.B., Vedic Index s.v. śarkota-. 3. Mayrhofer, M., Kurzgefastes Ety. Worterbuch des Altindischen,
1956 etc., s.v. karkatah. Turner agrees with this view : A Comparative Dictionary of Indo-Aryan Languages, 1963, s.v. karkata'.

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marka- in the sense ‘ape', and this is in keeping with the known tendency of the language of the Bhagavata towards archaic and late usages and arbitrary innovations
Now besides sarkóta- and karkota-, the word bakoța-'a kind of crane' also has attracted attention in the present context'. It immediately invites comparison with baka-. Here there seems no escape from assuming a suffixal element ota- in bakota-. But preliminary to a diseussion of the exact meaning and formation of bakota-, we may note its several occurrences from literature, general as well as lexicographical.
2. Occurrences of bakota1. From Purusottamadeva's Trikāņdaśesa (a supplement to the Amarakośa) dated before 11502 : dirghajargho nišaitaḥ syād bakotaḥ śuklavāyasaḥ (4,23). These are synonyms of bakaḥ.
2. Narahari's Rājanighantu (alias Nighaṇturāja, Abhidhānacüdāmaņi) (1235-50) at 19,100 : vakaḥ kariko vakotas ca.
3. Viśvanātha's Kośakalpataru" (before 1649) has similarly mentioned bakotakaḥ at 4606.
4. Hemacandra's Trişaştiśalākāpurusa-caritra. (12th cent). at 6,8, 147 :
purān nirgatya Namuciḥ kapatāt kratuvātake abhavad dikşitaḥ pāpo dustádhyāyi bakoțavat
4.
2.
Debrunner (ibid, 63) refers to Brugmann's view of connecting marka- and markata-. Mayrhofer, ibid, s.v. bakotah, bakaḥ. Keith, A.B., A History of Sanskrit Literature. (1953 reprint), 414 C.n. 1. Edited, Banaras, 1975. See Keith, ibid, 512. Pw, gives the reference as 19, 97. Edited by Patkar. M. M. and Krishnamurthy Sarma K.V., 1957. The Jain-Dharma-Prasärak-Sabha edition, V.S. 1961 (1905 A.D.)
3.
5.

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deceitfully and was installed (as sacrificer), wicked, evil- minded like a crane."
The Jain-Dharma-Prasārak-Sabhā edition has glossed bakotavat with bakavat. The translator has included bakota- in the appendix of new and rare words and has given? "a kind of crane' as its meaning. In a note on the word 'crane' in the translation, she has observed: “The crane is a symbol of deceit.'
5. Someśvara's Karņāmstaprapās (first half of the 13th century) at 113 (p.14): ayi krtajña bakota bahu tvayā yaduşitam sarasiha nirambhasi tadadhunā pi sahasva dinadvayam yadayamambudharaḥ pura eva te
O grateful bakoța as you have stayed so long in this waterless lake, so please bear with it yet for a couple of days. For here that water-carrier (i.e. cloud) is now just in front of you'.
6. Anyoktyastakasamgraha,' 1.5. gataṁ tad gāmbhiryam tatam-upacitam jālaka-śataih sakhe hamsottiştha tvaritamamuto yāma sarasaḥ na yāvat parkāmbhaḥ-kalusita-tanur bhüri-vilasad bakoto vācāțaś caraṇayugalaṁ mūrdhni kurute.
'Gone is the profundity. The bank is overgrown with hundreds of tangled thickets. Friend goose, rise up quick. Let us depart from that lake before the garrulous bakoța, wildly
6. H.M. Johnson's Translation, IV, 1954, 98. 7. Johnson, ibid., 376. 8. Ed. Muni Jinavijaya, 1963.
Ed. P.D. Trivedi, 1946. For bakota- Jalhana's Suktimuktavali (1258) reads (15,8) bako'sau. Vallabhadeva's Subhasitavali (in the 15th cent.) reads (707) na kako. The gloss on bakota in the Anyoktyastakasamgraha is tittibha- 'osprey'.

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sporting and fouling its body with slush, plants its pair of feet on your head.
3. Different meaning-shades of -otaFrom the materials presented, it will be noticed that bakota- has been understood either simply as a synonym of baka- or else as a variety of the same. Accordingly -ota- would be more or less a pleonastic or diminutive suffix. But as is well known, such suffixes can hardly escape the association of endearing or deprecative shades. In the Trișaști passage (No.4), the crane is explicitly qualified as 'wicked' and 'evil-minded', So also in the passage No.6 the contrast between the status and conduct of the Hamsa and the Bakota is reinforced if the latter has pejorative shade - 'before that lowly crane' etc.
This double function of -ota- finds support through what is in all likelihood its Middle Indo-Aryan source. We have seen that bakoța- is not found earlier than about the tenth century. Several bases with the suffix -oda- can be cited from Late Middle Indo-Aryan and hence it may not be unreason- able to suggest that -ota- of bakota- is but a Sanskritization of MIA - oda
4. Late MIA Suffix -odaYogindudeva's Parmappapayāsu (c. 10th cent.?) 2.118 is as follows :
2. Other words ending in -ota- are obscure. For example sakhotaka -
“Trophis Aspera (a small, crooked, ugly tree) (MW.), and karota(along with karoti-, kararaka; karaka-. PK. karaya-, karara; Guj. karando, karodiya etc., with one or more of these meanings : water vessel, bowl, begging bowl, cocoanul cup, skull“). For karota- etc. and their obscure mutual relationship see Mayrhofer, op. cit., under the
respective words. 3. Ed. Upadhye, A.N. Second Edition, 1960.

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mokkhu ji sāhiu jiņavarahĩ, chandivi bahu-vihu rajju bhikkha-bharoơā jiva tuhủ, karahi ņa appau kajju.
The commentary paraphrases bhikkha- bharodā with Sk. bhiksa-bhojana. Obviously the latter is not intended to be the exact source of the former. It gives a near enough meaningequivalent. Really speaking bhikkha-bharodā is made up of bhikkha-bhara and the pejorative suffix -oda- extended with the suffix -a-' (<-ka-). One who fills up his belly with begged food is bhikkha-bhara-, bhikṣā-bhara-. In contempt such a person is called bhikkha-bharodā The translation would be:
“The excellent Jinas gave up sumptuous kingdom and obtained liberation. But (stupid) soul, you even though subsisting just on begged crumbs, do not work for your own benefit'.
Here one would immediately recall the word bharadayaSk. bharataka - (Gujarati bharợo) ' a Saiva mendicant'. Actually it is a derogatory term used by the Jainas for the Šaiva mendicants, who, in contrast with the emaciated Jain monks, are mocked as battening on alms and in this way using their monkhood just for indulging in gluttony. In character and usage it corresponds to Pk. dodda, a derisive term used by the Jainas for Brahmins, with similar implications. bharadaa- can be easily analysed as bhara- + -da- + -a-. bhara- has the sense of udarambhara-. With bharodaya-, compare lumcoda- from the same text discussed further below.
Besides Ap. bharodaya, we have also Pk. bhallodaya(Gujarati bhāloạù) 'a sort of arrow-head', which can be compared with Late Sanskrit bhalla-, bhalli with the same sense.
Further is to be cited Ap. lumcoda- 'a plucking'. occurring at Paramappapayāsu 2, 114 :
tali ahiraņi vari ghaņa-vadaņu, samdassaya-lumcodu lohaha laggivi huyavahahā, pikkhu padartau todu.

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'Below is anvil. Strokes of ) hammer fall upon it. There is detestable plucking with pincers; see the hardship that befalls fire for being attached to loha (iron, avarice)'.
luscoda- is evidently formed from luịca- which is derived from lurc- 'to pluck'.
5. Discussion of matkotakaFurther one more word of doubtful derivation is to be considered. It is Pk. makkodaya., Sanskritized matkotaka- 'a kind of black termite.'
Hemacandra's Deśināmamālā records at 6, 142 makkoda- in the sense of urņāpipilikā. It is not known what sort of insect the latter is. At 6,48 too it records a Deśya word pippadā in the same sense. But in Hemacandra's Parisistaparvan alias Sthaviravalicarita, matkotaka- occurs at 8, 342-343 and there it seems to have the same sense as Gujarati makodo a kind of black termite'. The relevant lines from the Parisistaparvan are as follows:
matkotaka-dariśvagnim ksipannāsīt tadă ca sah. mat-putropadrava-karan dustān matkotakānamūn. mülād- unmülayannasmi dustānām nányad arhati.
1.
Siddhahema. 8,4, 429-430; Pischel, R., Grammatik der PrakritSprachen, 1900. A collection of slanderous and derisive tales about the bharataka or bharadaka is available in Sanskrit (called Bharatakadvātrimsikä: vide Keith, ibid, 293) and in Old Gujarati 'called Bharadakabatrisiāsa; composed by Hiraji in 1625 or 1645; vide Desai, M.D.. Jain Gurjar Kavio, III, i 1944. 711-16). The Sanskrit version seems to be based on the Old Gujarati version. In that case the former's suggested date (c. 1400) may have to be revised. Compare Ratna Sriyan, A Critical Study of the Deśya ana Rare Words from Puspadanta's Mahăpurāņa and his other Apabhramsa works. 1966, 287-19.

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At that moment he was engaged in setting on fire the hole of the matkoțas'. “I am eradicating root and branch, those vile matkotakas who have troubled my son : Villains do not deserve anything better”.
Păiasaddamahannavo, Abhidhānarājendra, and Ratnacandraji's Ardha-Magadhi Dictionary all give this meaning to matkotaka and makkodaya. The Nighanțurăja has noted makorā, maṁkata - (19, 149) and makota- (19,150). Monier Willim's Sanskrit-English Dictionary records from lexicons markotapipilika ‘a kind of small black ant'.
makkodā- would invite comparision with PK. makkada(Sk markața). A late lexicon, viz., Rāmeśvara Śarman's Sabdarnālā has noted matka- in the sense of matkuņa-, and marka- occurs in Vedic language in the senses of eclipse', 'name of a demon'. But all these do not succeed in throwing light on the formation of makkoda- and we have no way of saying whether it contains a suffix - oda -. It is very likely that matka- is a late artificial creation from words like matkunaand matkotaka
6. Gujarati words with the suffix -odOccurrence of several words in Late Middle Indo-Aryan with the pejorative -pleonastic suffix -oda- suggests that the -ota- of the Late Sanskrit words like -bakoța- may have a Middle Indo-Aryan origin. The suffix -oda- has become frequent later on. For we find a number of formations with -od- (Page #101

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chār-ā 'bilious belches chārod-ā ibid. tār-oʻstar'
tārod-iy-o ibid. thāk 'fatigue'
thākod-o ibid. dhāp, dhāp-o 'bluff
dhāpod-o ibid. dhār 'line of downpouring dhārod-i, dhārod-o ibid,
fluid bath, bāth 'folding within arms' bathod-ā, bāthod
iyâ(with bharva 'struggling and
grappling'. bhāțhu 'shoal’ ‘sandbank' bhāthod-u ibid. bhāl-oʻlance'
bhālod-u 'arrow-head'. māti ‘earth'
matod-i ibid, matod-u, dirt
and refuse' māth-ñ 'head'
māthod-ù "head-deep (as a
depth measure). rākh · ashes'
rākhod-i, rekhod-o ibid.' lit-oʻline'
litod-o litod-o ibid.
Even if we grant the possibility of diverse origins for the -od- constituent of the above listed words, derivation from MIA. pejorative-pleonastic suffix -oda- (-odaa-) for a large number of them cannot be denied.
7. Origin of MIA. -oda
Such diminutive-pleonastic suffixes are known to have a complex origin and development. They originate in independent elements or through the segregation of the end portion of a word interpreted as a constituent i.e. metanalysis with reinterpretation, it spreads to analogous environments.

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Semantically it evolves through taking on associational shades of meanings. The slang stratum of the collquial speech is a very fruitful source of such elements, which always have a more or less expressive coloration. Regarding the development of the -oda- / oța suffix we can hardly risk any conjecture. Properly it cannot be considered in isolation. The whole group of -£- 1 d. suffixes (with -a-, -à-, -i-, -U-, -e-, -o-, as union vowels) should be studied together over the entire range of Indo-Aryan. There is however one instance which can be invested in this connection with some significance. Gunacandra's Mahāviracariyao(1083 A. C.) has the word, kavoda- in the following passage (p. 166a) :
jatthalliyai kavoạo saccam sā sūsai tarusāhā.
'On whichever branch of the tree the dove rests, that branch dries up for certain'.
kavoda- derives from kavoa-(kapota-) +-da-. Here though the suffixal element is really -da-, one can be led to suppose that kavoda- contains -oda- as a consituent. kavodaya-,
1.
2
Turner (IAL no. 10555) has derived it from sk raksaputaka Besides there are a few others in which either -od- cannot be yet definitely established as a constituent or it has an obscure origin or else it has a possessive or agentive force. They are : bākhod-iyã nailscratches', bhākhod-iyà 'crawlings', vikhod-iyā* nail-scratches'; titodo (cf. Pk. țittiha-, Sk. tittibha-)'osprey', kātod-o frusty iron scrap' (cf. kāț rust'), dābod, 'left-handed' (ef. dābūleft')vätod-iu "talkative' (ef. uät talk'); tapodiya“ boils caused by body-heat' (G. tāp' heat'); dājhod-iù 'full of concealed arger and illwill' (cf, dājh 'concealed anger and ill-will'(bājhod-iā clutchings' (cf. bajh-vu 'to catch at 'fight'('bãdhoạiū 'quarrelsome' (cf. bădh-vũ to quarrel'); vadhod-iũ cantankerous” (cf. G. vẫdh-o objection”). cf. Hindi häsod 'smiling' (ef. hãs - to smile'). Published as No. 121-123 on Devchand Lalbhai Jain Pustkoddhār Fund, 1929.
3.

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kakkoḍaya- (karkoṭaka-) and similar other forms might have led to the separation of the portion -oda- (-odaya-) as a suffixal element. Of course this could have been, if at all, only one of the formative factors.
:
Such a status acquired by -oda- and aided by the existence of -da- (Sk. -ta- ) as a closely allied suffix may have been the cause behind the creation of karka- (besides karkotaka-, karkaṭaka-), matka- (besides matkoṭaka-, matkuṇa.) and bakota- (besides baka-).
The list of Indo-Aryan words discussed or
referred to
Prakrit-Apabhramsa
Sanskrit
urṇāpipilikākapota
karaka
karanaka
karota
karoţi
karka
karkata
karkoṭa(ka)
baka
bakoṭa(ka)
bharaṭaka
94
bhalla
bhalli
makora

matka
matkuṇa
matkoṭaka
marka
markața
mamkata
makota
śarkoṭa
śārkoṭa
śarku
śākhotaka
kakkoḍaya
karaya
karava
karoḍaya
kavoa
kavoḍa(ya)
dodda
pippada
bharaḍaya
bharoḍaya
makkaḍa
makkaḍaya
lumcoḍa

Gujarati See Under
section 6)

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THE LATE MIDDLE INDO-ARYAN SUFFIX -ĀṆA
Of the numerous possessive postpositions and suffixes current during the Middle and Late Middle Indo-Aryan period, several like kera-, taṇa-, -ära- and -cca- have been noted by Prakrit grammarians'. The suffix -āṇa- has, however, so far remained almost unnoticed by the grammarians. The stem tujjhāṇa(y)a-, 'belonging to you (sing.)' underlying the word tujjhāņau (occurring in a passage of the Prakrit Campu 'Kuvalayamālā', dated A.D. 778-9) has been analysed as containig tujjha, the genitive singular form of the second person pronoun and an element, supposed to be either -na(y)'a- or -āņa (y)a-. The strongly Apabhramsa-coloured passage just referred to has several obscuritics. Until recently a properly edited text of the 'Kuvalayamālā' was not available. Positing a possessive suffixṇa(ya)a- or -ana(y)a- on the basis of such a dubious and isolated occurrence could not but appear presumptuous.
But there is another passage from a tenth century Apabhraṁśa text calling for consideration in this connection, namely, the following passage from Puspadanta's Mahapurānas (dated A.D. 957-65), 88.24.5 khaddhau jchi pisiu morāṇau, tehī ṇa kiyau vayaṇu morāṇau. The first morāṇau of this passage is glossed as mayūra-sambandhin, "pertaining to the peacock' in the 'Mahapurana' MS. styled A (Alsdorf) and as mayūrasya, 'peacock's', in the MS. styled C. The second morāņaù is glossed as mama sambandhi, 'pertaining to me', in A and madiyam, "my', in C. On the basis of these interpretations, Alsdorf has translated the passage as follows: 'Die Pfauenfleich essen handeln nacht nach meinem Wort.' Yet morāṇau in the sense of 'my' seemed to him a strange word and hence in a note on the passage reproduced above he has observed2 = 'Wieso morāṇaya=madiya sein soll, vermag ich nicht zu sagen; cin derartiges Wort ist, soviel ich sehe, ganz unbekennt'. When we compare the forms tujjhāņau and morāṇau (the latter having mora-, 'my' as a constituent). the assumption of a possessive suffix -āṇa(y)a- becomes more plausible. It is further strengthened by the form moraṇa(y)a-, 'peacock's'. In the light of several indubitable ocurrences I stumbled upon here and there in Apabhrmsa

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texts, the suffix now becomes unshakably established. The relvant forms and textural citations, including those referred to in the foregoing, are given below: 1. tujjhanaú (?) (dir. sing. n.) 'your (sing.)' (A.D. 778-9)
tujjhāņaû vanku calittaū (v. 1. tujjha na u; calitau) 'your conduct (was) crooked (Uddyotana's 'Kavalayamālā', 63.18 -āņa(y)a- is similarly found with a pronominal genitive fuctioning as a base in morāņaŭ (7) and amhäņaữ (10).
suggivānau (dir. sing. n.), 'belonginging to Sugriva, Sugriva's', 3. dahavayaņāņau (dir. sing. n.)'belonging to Daśavadana (i.e.
Rāvana), Rävaņa's '(A.C. 860-80). 2-3 Sic Sie kare vaddhāvāņaû, valu lottāviu Suggivāņaû. lai dappaņu jovahi appāņaŭ, muhu paricumvahi Dahavayaņāņaû/ (Svayambha's 'Paumacariu' 2 67. 6. 6-7) 'Sitā ! Sitā ! Have festival celebrations ! Sugriva's forces have been repulsed. Take the mirror and have a look at yourself. (Go and) kiss hard Daśavadana's (i.c. Rāvana's) mouth'. Here -āņa(y)a- is found with Suggiva- and Dahavayana-. ņāmānaủ (dir. sing. n.), 'having the namc, named'. tamuamgoamgu vi ņāmāņaŭ/ (Puspadanta's Mahāpurāņa, 11.31. 6b). 'Also (the karaman) having the name taņvamgovamga'. There is a variant nimmāņaù for ņāmāņaù in a few MSS. of the Mahāpurāņa. But to rhyme with samthāņaù ņāmāņaù is to be preferrred. The gloss ‘nirmāņam' is for ņimmāņau and not for ņāmāņaù. sarāņi (dir. sing. f) belonging to Smara, Smara's.' surummukka-selindha-vitthi visitthā / padanti sarāņi saroli-yva ditthā // (Mahāpurāņa, 42. 11.2)
“The remarkable shower of Nowers sent by the gods was seen falling like a volley of Smara's arrows'.

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The expression sarāṇī saroli-vva is paraphrased by the gloss on the Mahāpurāņa as ‘smarasyeyam bāṇapaṁktiriva."
Here -āņi (f.) is found with sara
morāṇau (dir. sing. n.). 'belonging to the peacock, peacock's. morāṇau (dir. sing. n.), 'belonging to me, my' (A.C. 956-65). See the 'Mahapurāṇa' passage cited earlier in this paper. Here -āṇa(y)a- is found with the substantive mora- and the possessive adjective mora-. With the latter compare tujjhāṇaū (1) and amhāṇau (10).
6-7.
8.
9.
97
kusumāņiya (dir. sing. f.), 'made of flowers, flowery' (tentatively c. A.D. 1000).
jai vāsa-sayam govāliyā, kusumāṇiya baṁdhai māliyā // tā kim sahāva-ghiya-gandhiyā, kusumehim hoi sugamdhiya / (Nanditaḍhya's 'Gāthālakṣāṇa', v. 67)
'If a cowherdess wears flower-garlands even for one hundred years, can she, with her innate smell of ghee, be perfumed by means of flowers ?'
Here -āṇa(y)a- is found in its feminine form (-āṇiya) attached
to the base kusuma
lukkāṇau(dir. sing. N.) 'of this world, secular, worldly' (first half of the 12th century).
bhanai 'jiņāgamu sahu vakkhāṇau /
tam-pi viyārami jam lukkāṇau //
(Jinadattasūri's 'Upadeśarasāyaṇarāsa', 2 v. 17cd)
'[The pseudo-priest] declares: I can expound the entire Jaina canon; even the worldly (sciences) are within the purview of my thought'.
The expression lukkāṇaũ in the above citation is explained by the commentator Jinapala (c. A.D. 1236) as laukikam śrutismrti purāṇādikaṁ śāstraṁ. Lukkāṇau is therefore to be analysed as lukka- (< Sk. loka-) + āṇa-.

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10.
98
amhānau (dir. sing. m.), 'belonging to us, our'. vesu amhāṇau nā jau dekhai
(Stone Inscription from Dhär, v. 29 b).
'If he does not look at our mode of dress'.
Here -āṇa(y)a- is found with the pronominal genitive form amha, functioning as a base. Cf. tujjhāņaữ (1) and morāṇau(7) 11. neurāņi (dir. sing. f.) of the anklets' (possibly c. 13th cent. A.D.). Jhuņi neurāņi kana suhāvai.
(Stone Inscription from Dhar, v. 39 a).
'The jingling of the anklets pleases the cars."
Here the feminine form -ānī of the suffix -āṇa(y)a- is found with neura
To the above list can also be added two Mod. Guj. words. māņā 'my' occurring in the Mod. Guj. expression māņā rāj, 'my prince'. It is used as a respectful and endearing term of adress in traditional marriage songs. It is generally found as a recurrent burden clossing the lines. māṇā can be taken as made up of the first person pronoun base ma- (Ap. maha)+ aņa-. The word pirāṇā designates a religious sect; it is made up of pir, 'saint' + aṇā.
In the light of the instances listed above, -āṇa(y)a- can easily be accepted as a suffix forming possessive adjectives from proper and common nouns (dahavayaṇa- sara-, suggïva-, kusuma-, nāma-, neura-, mora-, lukka-) and from pronominal genitives or possessive adjectives used as bases (amha, tujjha, * maha, mora-).
In considering the origin and connections of -äṇa(y)a- it can be easily shown that it has nothing to do either with the Mod. Guj. genitive postposition. n- (f. ni, case forms: m. dir. sing no, m. dir. pl. nå, n. dir. sing. nữ, n. dir. pl. na obl. nã) or archaic Guj tan- (Ap. taṇaya-). Phonologically AP. -äṇa(y)a- cannot develop into Mod. Guj. -nā-; loss of -a- and -->-n- would remain altogether unexplained Moreover our suffix is actually attested. -āṇa- in a class of modern place-names pertaining to villages, cities and regions of Gujarat, Rajasthan. Sindh, Punjab and other parts. Here -āṇa- occurs

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as the name-ending. Mesāņá (* Mahişánaka-), Pālitaņā (* Pädaliptānaka-), Kutiyāņā, Hariyāņā, Rājputānā, Ahirāņā, Didvāņā, etc. (And inscriptional Bhädánaka, Dindavänaka, Mangalánaka, etc.) can be cited as illustrations. They show the preservation of -āņa-. Ontil recently, -āņū was productive in literary language as shown by the modern formations Bhāvāņu Bhavangar' (from Bhāvasimha) and Jāmāņù “Jamnagar' (from the family name Jäm) both cities in Saurashtra.
Similarly tana(y)a- has preserved its initial t- (like all the inherited Apabhramsa pospositions) down to Modern Gujarti. So the assumption of its loss in Apabhramśa, eventually yielding -āņa(y)awould be indefensible.
Some guesswork can suggest the Sanskrit case ending -(ă)nām, feminine suffy -āņi (Indrāņi, Varunāni, Sivāni; extended to scripts: Yavanāni, Sakāni, etc.) as possible connections. The problem remains to be investigated.
Similarly the possibility of tracing the surname-ending āņi (forming surnames from ancestral personal names e.g. Gujarati Pop!āņi, Bhay-āņi. Hem-āņi. Jāmaņi, Jasāņi, Kośv-āņi, Jeraj-āņi, Madhyāņi and many others, as also the Sindhi surname-endin -āņi to our suffix -āņa(y)-a, though obvious, remains to be definitely cxtablished.
Notes 1. Hemacandra, Siddhahcma, VIII. 2. 147-9, 1. 246; II 99; IV. 422
(20); IV. 434; II 149; R. Pischel, Grammatik der prakrit-sprachen, strassburg. 1900, 176; G.V. Tagarc, Historical Grammar of Apabhraíša, Poona, 1948, 103-4; S.Sen Historical Syntax of Middle Indo-Aryan, 103, 12a; Indian Linguistics, 13(1953), Nos.
3-4, 75-6; etc. 2. A Master “Gleanings from the Kuvalayamālā kana', BSOAS, (13)
(1950), 411, originally suggested by L.B. Gandhi,
Apabhraíśakāvayatrayi, Baroda, 1927. Introd 109 3. L. A. Schwarzschild, 'The Possessive Adjectives of Late Prakrit,
Jras, 1954, 134 4. The passage is cites below.

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5. L. Alsdorf, Harivamsapurāņa, Hamburg., 1936; for P.L. Vaidya's
editions Mahāpurāņa of Puspadanta Bombay, 1937-41 6. Alsdorf, op. cit. 446 7 A.N. Upadhye, Kuvalayamālā, I SJS, 1959. The passage con
taining the cited words is highly confused the Icarncd editor of the k. has selected the bracketed variants. Hence the element of
doubt regarding the genuineness of the word. 8. H.C. Bhayani, Paumacariu, III, SJS, 19461 9. Ed. H.D. Velankar, ABORI, 1929, 1931, 1933. Nandiādhya has
cited the stanza as an illustration of the metre Uggāha, but the rhyme-scheme indicates it to be rather a stanza in the Paranaka
metre, with fifteen moras to each line. 10. Ed. L.B. Gandhi, Apabhramśakāvyatrayi, 1927.
H.C. Bhayani, ‘Prince of Wales Museum Stone Inscription from
Dhar', Bharatya Vidya, 17 (1957), 130-46 11. Master, op. cit., 411; Schwarzschild, op. cit., 134. 12. The place-name 'Gujarānwālā' presupposes a *Gujarāna ('of the
Gujars'), like Rajaputānā, ('of the Rajputs') and Āhirāņā ('of the
Āhirs') 13. Besides there are a few Mod. Guj. Words like kariyāņu, 'gro
cery' (Skt. kraya-, 'buying'), gandhiyāņū 'perfumes and fragrant articles of merchandise' (Skt. gandha- 'smell') turakāņù, ‘Turkish hordes' (from turka-), odāņu 'gang of Audicya Brahmins' (), hindvāņi 'Hindu woman' hatānů , 'shopping (G. hát. Pkt. hatta, 'shop') etc., which can be suspected of having - aņa- as a suffix.

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III SYNTACTICAL 1. ON MIA. LAGG- USED AS A VECTOR' VERB
1. As compared to the description and discussion of lagand other verbs used as the second verb (variously called 'operator', 'explicator', 'vector') in NIA compound verbs, we have meagre information about their history”. I have noted below some occurrences of Pk. Lagg- from some early texts in Prakrit, Apabhramśa and Sanskrit
2. lagg-/ lag- used as the second verb with the imperfective personal forms of the first verb. (1) bahave bhada-bhoiya lagga benu ya.
(Vasudevahimadi-madhyama-khanda, p. 138, 1-13 Date : G. 8th Cent. A.C.) ‘And many, soldiers and headmen began to speak'. nasami laggi (Paumacariya, 69, 18, 4: 9th Cent A.C.) 'I began to flee'. arahai laggai (Paumacariya, 71,12,7) "(Rāvaņa) has began to worship’. āvai laggau (Paumacariya, 73,8,9) ‘has started to come'. samappai laggau (Ritthanemicariya, 17,3,10; 9th Cent. A.C.) ‘has begun to be finished. olaemi laggo (Kathākośa-prakarana p. 122, 11,1314; 1052 A.C. I started serving'. amhnām ūsūram vattai, tumaṁ puņa khajjasi laggā deveņa (mūlasuddhi- ţika) p. 80, 1090 A.C.) 'We are getting late, but you are being devoured by (the desire of worshopping) the god'. kiyadbhirapi vásrairahamāgacchămi lagaḥ (śrngārmañjari-kathā, p.30, 10th Cent. A.C.) Within just a few days I will be coming and reaching herc'.

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(8)
vastudvayam nasyati lagnai (Srngāramañjari-kathā
p.64)
(10)
(15)
(9) nrtyati lagnā (Śrngāramañjari-kathā, p.6,9), 'She
began to dance. āgacchati lagnah (Kathäkośa, 6-8; 11th Cent. A.C.) “He started coming'. āgacchāmi lagnah (Kathākośa, 16-20)‘You began to strike'. mārayasi lagnaḥ (Kathākośa, 16,20) ‘You began to
strike' (13) mārayāmi laganah (Kathākośa, 39,3,53,9)“I began to
strike'. māryase lagnaḥ (Kathākośa, 19,14) began to be released'. mucyate lagnah (Kathākośa, 19,14) began to be
released'. (16) nigrhyate lagnaḥ (Kathākośa, 87,13) 'He began to be
restrianed', (17) yāti lagnaḥ (Kathākośa, 113,1)‘It began to go'. (18) svpimi lagnaþ (pañcākhyānaka, 122, 18. 1199 A.C.)
'I began to sleep'. (19) yojayati lagnaþ (Pañcākhyānaka, 268,10) 'He began
to join' anāvșstiḥ sampadyate lagnaþ (Pañcākhyānaka)
‘Drought began to take place'. 3. lagg-/lag-used as the second verb with the infinitive of purpose of the first verb. (1) padahu laggu (Paumacariya, 71,14,5)
‘Began to fall'. (2)
pariciṁtahu laggu (Paumacariya, 88,62) 'Began to reflect.
(20)

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(3)
(4)
(5)
103
bollaṇahu laggu (Paumacariya, 89, 12,9) 'Began to cry for help'.
dhāhāvaṇahu laggu (Paumacariya, 89,12,9)
'Began to cry for help'
olaggahu lagga (kahakosa, 3,18,8,1970 A.C.) '(They) began serving'.
There are numerous instances from the Mixed Sanskrit of the Jain Prabandhas (14th-15th cent. A.C.): lag- used with kṛ-, dã, nas-, path-, pa-, bhakṣ-, vand-, vyay-. rājñaḥ sirasi lagitum lagnah' 'began to strick to that king's head' is interesting in that therein lagis used in the primary and secondary sense side by side.
4. Several points are to be noted about the above-cited in stances. Both the constructions arc attested up to the 12th Century. Not only that, both of them appear in one and the same text (e.g. in the Apabhranisa epic poem Paumacariya). Later on only the second construction survives, and it continues in NIA. Language'. The Sunskrit instances are Prakritisms (or collaquialisms).
5. The first construction in which the second verb is used with the imerfect personal forms of the first verb is particlarly significant in that in provides us with and carly example of two similar controuction-types in NIA. The Hindi future forms in -gä, (karuga, sonal forms and gaPk. gao 'gone'. The semantic change however has not been satisfactorialy explained so far.
Secondly the Gujarati Finite Present, Formed with an suxiliary, stands apart in that the main verb and the auxiliary both have the personal endigs, as against many other NIA. languages which use the imperfective (Present) praticiple of the main verb in this construction.

The following three similar instances of a constuction are to be noted for apabhramsa from Svayambhu's Pamacariya (9th Cent. A.C.) iha nikkau karasi asi pavanu (78, 8,9)
'Here the wind god was sweeping refuse'.
jai jāmi asi paricatta - nhaya (18,6,1)

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'If I was going without any fear'. The alternative construction : acchiu jo jhuraitu ciru (61,3,9) 'Who was since long feeling dejected'.
REFERENCE WORKS A.N. Upadhye 'On the postposition lagna in some Jain texts' JOIB, 24 1-2, 1947, the date is also given in his edition of Prahtacandras Kathākoša, Introduction, pp. 22-23.
Bhoja. Śrrgāramañjari-katha- Edited by kalpalata Munshi, Bombay. 1959.
H.C. Bhayani. Gujarāti Bhäshä-nă Itihas-ni Ketlik Samasyão, Ahmedabad. 1976
H.C. Bhayani. Gujarāti Bhäşhâ-nù Aitihasik Vyākaraḥ, Ahmedabad. 1988
Devacandrāsūri. Mulaśuddhi-Tikā. Edited by Amrutlal Bhojak, Ahmcdabad. 1961
Jineśvara-suri, Kathākośaprakrana. Edited by Jinavijay Muni. Bombay. 1949.
Vol XIX 1994-1995 ON MIA LAGG Colin P. Masica, The Indo-Aryan Languages, Cambridge. 1991. Pūrņabhadra. Pañcākhyānaka. Prabhácandra-säri. Kathākośa. Edited by A.N. Upadhye. Svayambhū. Paumacariya. Edited by H.C. Bhayani, part 1. 2,3,Bombay 1953, 1955. R.N. Vale, Verbal composition in Indo-Aryan. Poona 1948. Ritthanemicariya, Edited by R.S. Tomar. Part I, Ahmedabad. 1993. Śricandra. Kahakosu. H.L. Jain, 1969. Ahmedabad.

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105
NOTES
1. Masica 1991, 326. 2. G.H. Shokker has noted some earlier uses of jā-as a vector
in “The ga- as Passive in the NIA Languages.' Indo-Iranian
Journal 12, 1 23. Bhayani 1976, pp. 62-70 has discussed it. 3. The present article is a revised version of the note in
Bhayani, 1988, 418-420. I am thankful to Prof. Michael Shapiro for his comments on the draft of this paper which I
had referred to him. 4. The Kathākośa illustrations are from Upadhye, 1974. 5. Fo the inceptive use of lag/lāg in NIA sce Vale, 1948, Table
10 on p.222, and the relevant section under different NIA. Languages.

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106 2. The Gujarati Constructions with Marvũ as a 'Vector'
Use of conjuct verbs and compound verbs is well-known as a remarkable characteristic of Indo-Aryan and Dravidian. It is s complex, multi-faceted subject and numerous studies pertaining to it, with varied theoretical stances, have appeared so far. The present attempt, quite modest and limited in its scope is primarily confined to give as a case-study an account of the current usage of one such Gujarati verb, viz; mar-/mar-. The source of the data presented is my personal usage which can be safely regarded by and large as representative of standard modern usage and based on the language sense of the average native speaker. 1. Guj. marvũ Intransitive. Primary meaning '10 die'. 11 The construcion. Absolutive of another verb followed by marvũ signifies the manner of dying as expressed by the first verb. e.g.
kapäi mo 'to die by being slaughtered' kacrāi m" 'being crushed' gũgmļāi m" being suffocated' dubi mo 'being drowned'
dājhi/baļi m being burnt'. 1.2 With reference to an inanimate or abstract noun as its subject
marvũ means 'to be lost', 'to be destroyed', 'to disappear'. In this usage usually the absolutive form of mar- is com bined with the vector verb javù to convey completeness of action. Examples : icchā mari gai “The desire was completely lost'. bhokh gai
‘The hunger was completely lost'. chod mari gayo * The plant withered'.
lohi mari gayù “the blood friezed and blackened'. 1.3 The construction, absolutive of another verb followed by
marvų signifies to be near-dead due to extremeness of the

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2.
2.1
2.2
action expressed by the first verb. Examples: chali mo
dodi m
thāki m
107
'to be near-dead by being (extremely) terrified'. 'to be near-dead by (continuous) running'.
'to be near-dead by (becoming (extremely) tired'. to be near-dead by (becoming (extremely)confused'. to be near-dead by (continuous) wandering'.
'to be near-dead by (being extremely) ashamed'. 'to be near-dead by (continuous) weeping'. mārvù. Transitive/causative of marvù. Primary meaning (1) 'to kill', (2) to strike', 'to beat', 'to deal a sudden blow'.
mūjāi m" rajhli m"
lāji m
roi mo
The second of these meanings derives from the first, and to exclude the former and leave no ambiguity māri nākhvũ (a compound verb meaning literally 'to kill completely') is used to express the latter.
The construction absolutive of another verb followed by marvu signifies the manner of killing expressed by the meaning of the first verb. Examples: kacḍi 'to kill by crushing`. dabi ma"
mä
to kill by pressing.
gūglāvi mā" to kill by suffocating'.
The second meaning can be illustrated by the phrases like the following in which the first constituent is the object. In the corresponding English construction the meaning is rendered instrumentally.
lagaḍvũ to apply'. 'to cause to stick' etc. can be synonymously used in several of such phrases (especially when the object is an sbstract noun). Examples:
ācko mā" 'to give a jerk'.
koni ma to strike with the elbow'.
căc
mā"

'to strike with the beak' (i.c.'to peck)

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108
2.3
goli mã "to shoot with a bullet'. charo mā to strike with a knife'. jhatko mā to deal a sudden stroke'. dhik mārvi 'to give a head-blow'. dhakko mārvi 'to give a forceful pat'. dhoi mārvi 'to give a slap'. phatko mā to deal a hard stroke'. bāņ mão 'to shoot an arrow'. lākļi mārvi 'to strike with a stick'. lāt mārvi 'to give a kick'. mārvũ is used in several secondary meanings, idoimatically like 'to strike', 'to throw', 'to stick to', 'to apply', 'to cxercise forcefully-quickly so as to reach the target', 'to arrange', etc.
To apply' (synonymous with lagădvù/lagāvvū), 'to fix'). Examples : mārvũ used with the following nouns : chäp 'brand, impression', seronoting', sil 'seal', cokdi 'cross, lito crossing line , ramg 'paint’, kücdo 'brush', jhādů broom, latār/cakkar/áto 'strawl'. 'take round', 'turn of visit”, tāļù 'lock', būc/dāto 'cork, stopper', thigdû patch', åkời/ āg!o 'stopper', khilo 'nail', patti 'plaster". "To emit forcefully, suddenly, strongly, loudly'. mārvũ used with phủk 'puff, phùphādo 'hiss', bum 'loud cry , khôkhāro *coughing, hāk ‘loud call', roph, 'to overawe by prompous uatterance', gandh/väs/chât 'smell', camkärā/jhabkārā 'flashes', tej 'light', sabākā/cāskā 'spasms of shooting pain', hāy 'cry of pain', "To executc, all of a sudden, with a sudden stroke'. mārvi used with kūdko/bhusko, thekdo/chalāg jump', dubki
'submerging', bukdo ‘a mouthful'. "To do freely non-stop, on the spur of the moment'. mārvi used with gap/gappũ/dhäp .bluff", tadākā/phaļākā free, loud
(2)
(3)

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109
chatter', ākh .eye' (with märvi) 'to oggle', matků 'wink', phẩphầ/valkhā 'vain struggles', mahcna/tono 'taunt'. vakhấno māryo 'almost dead duc to grief. śaramno māryo 'almost dead due to shame'. *To arrange the tying or binding (synonymous with valvù) or posture'. märvũ used with ảți 'cross tying', gãth 'knot', phảso 'noosc', palāțhi ‘cross-legged sitting, kachoto (mārvo) 'to tuck end of the loin-cloth on the back'. *To push in silently'. mārvù used in the following phrases : bagal-mā mārvũ 'to push under the arin-pit.' khisāmã mārvũ ' to push clandestinely into the pocket. *To happen or result all of a sudden'. Examples : kän baher märi gayā “The ears suddenly turned deat". jiv kācbimāri gayo' The heart suddenly sank. te medăn māri gayo ‘he suddenly achieved conquest of the
field'. *To ruin, spoil, destroy completely and quickly'. Compared with the construcion using nākhvù 'to throw as a vector verb that has the meaning-shade of performing the action thoroughly and all of a sudden, the construction with mārvù has the additional shade of ruining, spoiling, destroying'. mārvi with the following expressions alongwith a verb used in its absolutive form : abhļāvi ‘by polluting', chápi by printing'. phuki 'by blowing away'. bagāời mārvũ ‘to destroy completely hy spoiling'. boļi 'by submerging. bhadkāvi 'by scaring'. rajhļāvi/rakhdāvi ‘by causing to ramble aimlessly'. vatlāvi ‘by defiling and polluting the caste'. veci by selling' (i.g. without caring for the profit of outcome. vedphí mārvù 'to waste by useless spending'.
(8)

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3.
4.
110
marvu is secondarily (idiomatically) used to substitute a verb to express utter dislike, aversion or censure of the speaker towards the actor with regard to the latter's performing the action signified by the original verb. Examples: agho mar (for jā), 'move away (and be dead)' mugo mar (for rahe), 'keep mum' (and he dead)'.
sidho mar-ne (for rahe) 'stay without committing any trouble or nuisance (and be dead)'.
tu kya mari gayo? (for calyo gayo) 'Where have you gone (and are dead) ?
te mumbai maryo che (for gayo che),
'He has gone to Bombay' (lit. 'died in Bombay').
tù ahiya maris? (for avis ?) 'Will you come ( lit. ‘die') here?' mar (for nākh) 'bark it out (and die') (i.e. 'speak it out')
marvũis secondarily (idiomatically) used to express unwilling acceptance of a situation and giving permission or compromising agreement with regard to another's action. Examples:
hū to na kahi-ne thaki. toy doḍi gayo, marse, apņe sukarie? 'I tired myself by saying "no". Even then he ran away. He will die (i.e. 'let him die', 'face the worst'). What can we do ?
In the dialect of Saurashtra mary/mary-ne is synonymous with the adverb bhale/bhale-ne 'let'. It is commonly used in verbal expressions like mary zay, mary zato 'let him go (there is no harm or objection)'.
There is a traditional saying describing the characteristic of the women of Saurashtra (Sorath).
mary-mary kar vātu kare. garmary karc acar, e sorath-ni nary. That is the woman of Sorath who freely uses the word mary while talking, prepares pickles of garmar.

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111
According 'Eastern' grammarian Kramadikvara, (to convey idiomatically maru (inper 2, sing of mar-) and mariimper. 2, sing of mar-) were known to the sense of satirical surprise (sa-kațākşa-vismaye) (Prākṣtādhyāya, cd.by S.R.Banerjee, 1980; 5.15, p. 75. The text is to be emended as maru uha māri ahaha sakațākşavismaye. Sce aslo my remark in the foreword, p.7). For an account of Guj. padvú to fall' used idiomatically in conjuncion with a noun/adjective or with another verb see Bhāṣāvimarśa, 1978, 3, pp. 162-171; reprinted in Thodok Vyākaran Vicār, Third Edition, 1978, pp. 216-228; for a similar account of Guj. javũ 'to go' see Gujarati Bhāṣā-nā Itihāsni-ketlik Samasyão, 1976, pp. 64-70. For Gujarati verbs used as vectors see Thodok Vyakaran Vicār, 1978, pp. 24-34; Gujarāti Bhāṣā-nù Aitihasik Vyākaran, 1988, pp. 418-420, 435; for Old Gujarati, pp. 167, 307, 350, etc. Schematically and as a rough working arrangement we can assume five types of general basic meanings for the Gujarati verbs, viz.(1) to be, (2) to experience (feel as a sensation, physical or mental state or condition, (3) to become/ happen, (4) to do, (5) to make/cause to do. In the case of the last three types, modes of action can be expressed conveying either the state of action or the kind of the relation of the action with the perforiner or the beneficiary of the action. Accordingly the following additional shades of mcanings can be expressed : The action is bcgun, it has started or is about to be performed. The action continues or is in progress. The action is finished. The action is performed repeatedly, continuously or momentarily. The action is performed completely, is finished suddenly. or uuexprectedly or ruinously.

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112
The action is performed involuntarily, non-deliberately, unintentionally, helplessly or under compulsion. The action is wished to be performed. The action is performed for one's self of for others. The action can be or cannot be performed (i.e, ability or inability of performing the action). The action is permitted or allowed to be performed. This list is not exhaustive and the characterization of the shade of meaning has a degree of impercision. Below I give a list of Gujarati verbs, not quite exhaustive, which combined with either a noun/adjective (i.e. as conjunct verbs) or with another non-finite verbal form (i.e. as compound verbs) are used to express the above-outlined set of meanings. They are used mostly in their secondary (metaphorical) meanings. These phrases, belong to the class of established usage (rūdha) or idiomatic expressions. The gloss indicates the primary meaning of the verb. hovù “to be', thavũ ‘to become'. āvvu'to come : javũ 'to go' utarvũ ‘to climb down, descend' : cadbu'to climb' cadva 'to climb' : padvũ 'to fall' nika! vũ ‘to go out': kādhvũ ‘to take out, to draw out, to drive
out'. levũ ‘to take': devūāpvũ ‘to give'. marvũ 'to die' : mārvũ 'to kill'. nākhvũ ‘to throw', 'to place in', 'to put' : răkhvũ 'to keep'. lāgvū‘to be attached to', 'to be given to': māạvũ'to arrange', 'to undertake’. bhāgvū‘to run away'. rahevũ 'to stay'. rākhvĩ 'to keep', mokalvũ 'to send', jovữdekhvũ 'to see'. karvũ 'to do'. khāvũ 'to eat'. vaļ vữvāļvũ ‘to turn', 'to fend'. baļ vũ “to burn : cūkvũ 'to complete'.

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7.
113
Some general observations. There is enough evidence to think that in numerous cases the 'grammaticalization' of verbs has proceeded form their use as 'conjunct verbs' (i.e. the noun-verb nexus) to their use as 'compound verbs'. Hence it would be necessary to consider both the groups together.
In order to deal satisfactorily with the semantic development with regard to the generalized verbs in any one NIA language we shall have to take into accout the relevant data from allied NIA languages also.
As long as the vast amount of relevant data from Prakrit, Apabhramsa and Late non-standard Sanskrit sources remains unutilized, we cannot hope to fill the gaps in the historical explanations and developments in modern usages.

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IV LEXICAL
1. Compound verbal roots in MIA and NIA
1. Beside the denomnatives and cvi-forms, we have in Prakrit roots of phrasal origin, onomatapoctic roots of the simple repetitive and rhyming types and composite roots. In the later type two rhyming roots, near-synonymous or liaving allicd, complimentary or opposite meanings, are compounded to function as one root. Such compounding of two verbal roots to form a single root was historically a new development in Middle Indo-Aryan, which continued subsequently also in New Indo-Aryan. Somchow this important trait has not been noted by the students of MIA.The present inquiry is restricted to the data collected from Prakrit and Gujarati. The source for Prakrit is Päisaddamahannavo, when it is not given otherwise. For relevant historical and comparative data reference is given to the cntires in Turner's Comparative Dictionary of Indo-Aryan Languages (= IAL.)
Pk. adavad- 'totter, stagger'
Besides adavadaņa (verbal noun), adavadaṁta- (pres. part) occurs at Manoramākahā, p. 325, v. 1002.
It is a compound of ad- (= Sk. al-) 'to wander' and vad = pad (= Sk. pat-) 'to fall'. Guj. advadvù 'to stagger', advadiyû 'a stageer'.
kadamadd-'to destroy
It is commonly used in Apabhramśa; see for example Paumacariya, Vol. II and III glossary.
It is a compound of kad- 'to destroy' and madd- 'crush, trample down'. Pk. kadana- = Sk. kadana-; Pk. madd- = Sk. mard
Pk. khalabhal = -to be agitated', ppp. Ap. khalabhaliya
It is a compound of Pk.khal ( =Sk. skhal - 'to stumble') and bhal/phal- (=Sk. sphal-) 'move quickly, quiver, jerk'. See (IAL 13663 and 13822. 6. khalbhalvu.
Pk. khasaphas-(khasapphas-) to make restless movement, be agitated'. pre. part.khasaphasamāņa-. cvi-form (past. past. part). Ap. khasapphasihua

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115
It is a coinpound of Pk.khas- 'to slide, slip (IAL. 3856) and phas- 'to become loose (IAL-9068).
Pk. cadapad- to be restless' (secondary meanings); pre. part, caďapadamta- (Mudrāraksasa, p.72)
It is a compound of Pk. ca.- "to rise, mount, climb' and Pk.
pad- 'fall'.
Pk. talaval- 'to move body parts restlessly'.
It is a compound of tal-move off, disappear' (= Sk. naś) and val- 'to turn towards, bend, twist'. For tal- see IAL. 5450, for val. IAL. 11405. The restlessness is conveyed by now turning towards. now turning away. In Gujarati talva!- has also the secondary sense 'to ycarn.
Pk. daramal- 'to pulverise, pound'. It is commonly used in Apabhramsa, e.g. see Paumacariya Vol. I. II, III Glossary. A compound of dar- 'to tear, split' and mal- 'to crush, trample down'.
Pk. ppp. dariya; Pk mal- < Sk, mặd-/ mard
Pk. dalavatı- 'to crush'. It is commonly used in Apabhramsa e.g. in Paumacariya. See Part I, II, III glossary. It is a compound of dal- 'to grind' and vatt'- 'to pulverisc.
raňajhaî-'10 tinkle’. It is commonly used in Apabhraíba. It is a compound of ran- 'to clink', 'tinkle' and jha- (= Sk. dhvan-) 'to sound'. Guj. ranjhanvù
Pk. rulaghul. also occurs. frequental. The meaning 'to sigh given in PSM. following Jacobi's Bhavisattakaha (and the same adopted from PSM. by V.P. Jain for the occurrence of the word at Jambusāmicariu 4.22.21) is incorrect. It signifies 'to roll wallow' In the Jambusamicariu it is used in the description of the behaviour of a mad elephant. The verb is used also at Raidhu's Pasanahacariu, 5.9,10, to describe the behaviour of a drunken person who 'wallows on the ground' (rulughulai dhara). The editor R.R. jain has interpreted it correctly.
It is a compound of rul- *rollo and ghul- (= Sk. ghūrn-) 'whirl'. rula- is changed to rulu- for alliterative and onomatopoeic cffcct.

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Pk. kasamas- 'swing to and fro'
rasamas- 'be intoxicated' khasapphas- 'be agitated' cadapphad- bc agitated and restless'
taçaphad-, tadapphad- "turn to and fro restiessly
The first, second and fourth occur at Jambusāmicariya, 4.22,21 and 18.15.13. The third and six occur at Siddhahema 8.4.422 (15) and. 8.4.366 respectively.
These are onomatopocic. The two constituents of these compound roots convey the rhythmic variation within a particular sound sequence : kas - and mas-, khas- and phas, tad- and phad- etc.
2. This trend has continued later in the NIA. My obscrvations here are mostly confined to data from Gujarati. But this can be easily supplemented by some commonly shared or similarly formed verbal roots in other NIA. languages.
Chatterji has noted from Bengali some repeated verbal roots of onomatopoeic character. In one type we have 'modified' repctition, where another root of a similar sense and assonance echoes the prcceding one : culbula, cilbila ‘be fidgety, be cager to move away (from cul, bul), talabala 'be shaky and moving (from tal, bal = Sk. val), dalamala 'shake and pat' (from dal, mal) (Origin and Development of the Bengali Language, II., p. 891).
Chatterji has noted from Bengali katmata 'look with glaring cyes', kadmaļā 'gnash one's teeth', kudmüda chew something crisp. -jhalmala, 'dangle, be bright", tadbada 'clatter, chatter', (ibid. p. 89).
Guj. rakhdad- (rakhad-) 'to wander about'. For the derivation of the first constituent rad- scc under radvad-. The second constitucnt derives from Pk. khad-, a variant of Pk. Sk. phal 'to shake' or Pk. khal- (= Sk. skhal-) 'to stumble'. Compare Guj. khad to be dislocated'. (IAL. 3837, 13663).
Guj radvad- to wander about helplerly.'
The first constituent rad- derives from Pk. ruid-, rul-, lul- 'to roll,' 'stir', 'dangle' (IAL 410786, 11080). The second constituent

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vad- derives from Pk. pad.
Guj. ladihad- 'to stagger'.
The first constituent lad- derives from Pk. lad-'to dangle' (IAL. 11080). The second constitutent thad derives from Pk. thud (IAL 6099).
Guj. kanman- 'to moan?
It is a compound of kan, and man-. Pk. kaì- (=Sk. kvan)'to make a noise, sound', Pk. man- to utter inarticulate sounds indistinctly'.
Guj. caga! - (= calgal) 'to turn in the mouth and swallow the juice gradphally. It is a compound of cal- and ga!-. Pk. cal- 'to move'. Pk. ga!-'to swallow'. :
Guj. lalva.
It is a compound of la!vù 'to bend down and valvù 'to bend'. Pk. Jad-, la!- 'to move to and fro', and PK. val., 'to turn
Guj. salva!vù
It is a compound of roots sal- and val- Pk. sal. 'to move' (= Sk. sa!-) and Pk. val- of. Guj. ca!-va! 'agitation'.
The following illustrative list of Gujarati rhyming compounds, some of them onomatopoeic, can be taken as more or less representative in this regard of other NIA. languages also.
rum-jhum, 'tinkling kac-pac bothersome pratile' khat-pat 'craft and stratagem' cal-pa! 'fretting jhay-pat promptly' lat-pa; 'flattering gesture cad-phad squable' lad-phad hurriedly' khad-bad "thump, sound of digging gad-bad *confusion' tad-bad 'sound as of a running horse' dad-bad 'taking quick steps, rolling'

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dhad-bad
lad-bad lath-bath
khad-bad
gad-badiya
cad-bhad
can-bhan
jhag-mag
tag-mag
dag-mag
kal-bal
ras-bas
thath-math
gat-mat
jhar-mar
dhas-mas
jhal-mal
118
'quick and rhythmic thumps of
running steps' *dangling*
'closely embracing'
'heaving movement
'tingling'
'squable'

'talk in a low tone or whisper'
'glitter, glisten'
'shaky, unsteady'
'shaky, unsteady'
confused chatter'
'overflowing with or submerged in juice'
'pomp and pageant'
'fussy activity'
'drizzle'
'rushing'
'shining, glilittering
In Gujarati Bhāṣā-nā dvirukta prayogo, the list given on pp. 127-136 contains many more of onomatopoeic words of the above type. In the Appendix 2 of that book (pp. 155-179) listing reduplicatives given in Turner's Comparative and Etymological Dictionary of the Nepali Language, include many onomatapoeic words of the same type. For Bengali, reference has been given above to Chatterji's work. In the general survey this type is also repeated.
For Telugu, see Reduplication and Onomatopoeia in
Telugu.
Such compound verbs probably originated from the use of pairs of semantically allied but uncompounded verbal forms: aḍai padai, adamto paḍamto; talai valai, talio valio, raṇai jhaņai, rųļai ghulai etc.
As actual occurrences, we come across expressions like sadiya-padiya- 'fallen to pieces and crashed', Pk. ullatta-pallaṭṭa

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"topsy-urvy', uccara-paccara 'telling and circulating' probably formed from Pk. ucсhar - utter and Pk. pracar- 'to be circulated on the pattern of Pk. ullatta-palllatta-. It occurs in the Kathäkosa-prakarana (p.120, 1.1)
Guj. radyu-khadycū 'roaming alone and isolated'
In Bhoja's Srrigaramanjari occurs (p.25) lataksutkah 'taking rounds, loitering', which seems to be a Sanskritization of the colloquial expression ladakhudaya. Compare Hindi ladkhadānă "to be shaky' etc. It can be explained as derived from a compound root ladakhadPk. ladai 'moves hither and thither' (cf. Sk. ladita-) plus Pk. khudai 'breaks'.
MIA. is marked by a number of rhyming or alliterative compounds wherein the two members are synonymous or have complementary or contrastive meanings, This tendency gains considerablc strength in NIA. languages which have an abundance of this type of compounds.
In the case of many a word and form considered here the overlapping and interlacing of reduplicative, onomatopocic and merely rhyming compounds are quite ebvious. For our purpose here, however, it is not neccsscry to mark out a clear distinction between them.
In the case of onomatopocias the interpretation is ambiguous. Pk. tadaphad- etc. might have been formed either by compounding the roots tad- and phad- or alternatively from the nominal compound tada-phaça the denominative tadaphadai was derived. Compare Pk. khasapphasihua and numerous onomatopoeic nouns in NIA. from which corresponding verbs are derived.
Reference works A Comparative Dictionary of the Indo-Aryan Languages. R.L. Turner,
1960. Dictionary of the Nepali Language. R.L.Turner, 1931 Gujarāti Bhāṣānā Ithihās-ni ketli Samasyāo. H. C. Bhayani 1976. Gujarāti Bhāsā-nä Dvirukta Prayogo, P.R. Teraiya, 1970.

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Jambusāmicariu of Vira (1020 A.C). Ed. V.P. Jain, 1968. Kathākoṣa-prakarana of Jinesvara-suri (1052 A.C). Ed. Jinavijaya
Muni, 1949.
Origin and Development of the Bengali Language. S.K. Chatterji. Reprint, 1970.
Pāiasaddamahanṇavo. H.Sheth.
Reduplication and Onomatopoeia in Telugu, P.B.Rao, 1977.
Roots, Verb-Froms and Primary Derivatives of the Sanskrit Language. W.D.Whitney, 1963.
Some Aspects of Deśya Prakrit. H.C.Bhayani, 1992. Śrngāramañjari-kathā of Bhoja (11th Century). Ed. Kalpalata Munshi,
1959.

.

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2. Late non-standard Sanskrit usages
General Considerations (1) For a literary language like Classical Sanskrit, which has been used to produce enormous literature for some two thousand five hundred years, and which later on has coexisted with several other allied or non-allied literary languages current over driverse regions of India, it was quite inevitable and a sine-qua-non for existence to have been subject to continuous variation and varied types and amounts of linguistic influences. The non-standard Sanskrit words and experssions discussed below can be taken to represent a trend in the language of Sanskrit works written in the middle Classical period (say from eighth to eleventh century A. C.). From the early centuries of the Christian era, through the works of poets like Rājasekhara and the Kashmereans Somadeva, Kalhaņa and specially Ksemendra, down to the Jain Kathā works and Prabandhas which continued to be written till the seventeenth century we have forms of Sanskrit with highly varying degree and type of admixture of Prakritic, colloquial or rare, archaic usages. Within this vast domain, apart from the language of the epics and Purāņas, the Sanskrit termed Buddhist Hybrid (or Mixed) Sanskrit and Jain Sanskrit has attracted special attention (the latter, because of its increasingly abundant use of Prakritisms and regional colloquialisms). It is however quite evident that to deal with many types and varicties of Sanskrit we would require several terms like Mixed Sanskrit, Desya Sanskrit, Prakritized or Vernacularized Sanskrit, Hybrid Sanskrit etc. which may have to be subcategorized, depending upon numerous fcctors that would include regional base and stylistic trends. Theoretically also the reference frame with precise classification of the notions of ‘mixed language', 'adstrata'. ‘Pidginization', 'Creolization', 'convergence etc. shall have to be worked out in the present context.

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: 122
(1) The Sțăgāramañjari-kathā Below is presented an alphabetical glossary of peculilr and rare words and expressions occurring in the Sanskrit Gadyakāvya Śrngāramañjari-kathā written by the illustrious Paramāra king Bhoja in the first half of the eleventh century. The list is illustrative, not exhaustive.
1. Common names and words akka
· 61 22 ‘sister'. DMP 740. anūka
47 14 "back-bone, spine'. MW. avalag
59 4, 62 2, 63 18, 64 13, 65 28, 'to serve, to attend.' LJS 106 (avalagā). DMP 744
(olagg- ) anga-moţikā- 34 18 ‘stretching the body and yawning'.
IAL 10186 (moțati). DMP 104 (taņumodi). Compare amgavalijjam DN 1 42; LJS 30. 'to call.' IAL 1005, 1006. ākāraka- 69 18, 69 19, 22, 23 “caller'
ākāraṇa- 69 24 ‘calling.' ācchupta- 67 22 touched.' Dhātupātha 28, 125 (chup);
Pk. chuv; IAL 5055. āccheday- 87 16 'to cut, to wound by heating.' äli
53 18 'woman's female friend.' IAL. 1380. işikā
47 19 ‘an elephant's eyeball’., MW. utkanthula- 27 23, 83 13 'full of longing.'
Pk. ukkaṁthalaya. uddiptaka- (n.) 53 23, 54 4,5 bonfire'. Compare Pk. udditta
“kindled', palivaņa- (= Sk pradipana kindling, conflagration.' IAL. 1994, 8665.
a-kāray

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udyānikā- 25 4 'picnic in a garden.' Pk. ujjāņiā : Guj.
ujāņi. IAL 2052. unmath
80 6 'to dusturb'. Pk. ummah- unmātha
74 4 'destruction, removal.' Pk. ummāha
IAL. 2120. upaveśanaka- 59 17, 63 17, 66 3 'seat'. Guj. besņū IAL
2249. ūrdhva
32 9 'standing'. Guj. übhũ. IAL 2426. ūrdhva eva bhuñjāno ‘eating while standing';
ūrdhva-sthita- 63 6 ‘in a standing position.' kadavakka- 17 26 'a subsection of an Apabhramśa.
poem.' Apa., Old Guj. kadavaya-, kaạitallā- 63 6 Compare MW kaditula- (a misreading)'
'sword, scymiter.' kathānikā- a tale’. Pk. kahāņiā. IAL 2705. 66 7, 15
etc. kārvata
66 21 'a mountainous village.' Pk. kabbada
DMP 855. kuhukuhā-rava-78 19 ‘cries of Kokila.' krakara- 78 14 `a patridge'. kvatya- 80 17 ‘from where ?' 'belonging to which
place ?' Mahābhāşya on Pān. 4, 2 104. khorāyamāņa- 80 9 ? khongalaga- 80 5 ? (Compare Hindi khamgălnā 'to wash
(mouth) with water'. grahaņaka- 42 13, 55 8, 83 22, 84 l 'fees given to a
prostitute for exclusive service’. grha-vārttā 27 3, 65 17, grha-vārtyā 26 23 (to be
emended to - vārttā) ‘money paid for household expenses and subsistence.' Compare

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MW. vārtta- 'livelihood.' grāma-dhāna- 68 14, 18. a village region.' Pk. gămahāņa
= Sk. grāma-sthāna (DN 2. 90), Sk. khetaka,
padra- (PL. 399). candātaka- 31 24 ‘a short petticoat'. But according to
Abh. 674 it is used by women only. candrātapa- 38 20 ‘a canopy, awning.' DMP 330
(candovaya). Compare Abh. 681 candrodaya
in the same meaning jhagiti 70 12, 25 ‘all of a sudden'. Compare Pk.
jha-tti. Recorded from Jayadeva's
Prasannarrāghava (11th century). ţadavāra 78 14 (Onom.) ‘sound of cracking hard shell
of a fruit' (to be emended as tadatkāra) țiritillita- 25 15 ‘wandering. loitering’. Pk. țiritill- 'to
wander.' tiņtā
61 13, 20 'a gambling house'. DMK. 1000
(temta). thak
62 19, 21, 24, 28, 'to cheat'. IAL 5489.
63 2,4 thaka
62 28 ' a cheat'. SDP. 188. dindika- ( 18 2: ‘wayward rascal.' Pk. dimdiya. SDP.
188 dindira- 31 11 'foam of the sea.' DMP 1007. tarkuka- 42 10 ‘a beggar'. MW. Pk. takkuya. Wrongly
glossed as 'svajana-varga' in PSM). tudi-tāla. 70 5-6 'rhythmic playing of musical instru
ments'. Pk. tuţia73 14 'silken cloth'. MW. gives reference to the Bälaramāyana, 3, 85, but gives ‘a shuttle'
trasara

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125
as the meaning. Also MW. tasara, Pk. tasara
IAL. 5744. dara
67 12, 68 2 'a little'. Pk. dara. IAL 6186. danta-vadabhi 36 12 'a room on the house-top fashioned
with ivory. Compare Pk. dasta-valahiyā. dāya
86 22 'a throw or cast of dice in a gambling
game'. DMP 1079. dārikā- 33 last but one. ‘a prostitute'. DN 5 38 : Pk. dāriya,
Sk. veśyā. devakiya- 40 5, 6; 82 12; 'belonging to your lordship’.
88 18, 19 devakula-vela- 58 12 'the fixed time for dancing at the
temple. nātikā
88 18, ‘rope,strap': MW nādi; Sanskritization. of Pk. nāļiā. IAL 7049. At 87 16 it is called kari-varatrā ‘elephant
girth'. nirdhāt- 28 last line, 35 4, 55 2 'to drive out, to
drive away'. Pk. niddhād-. LJS. 153
(nirdhāțita-) pattanikā 70 19, 23, 71 5,9 ‘a parchment that can take
impressions when pressed on an object'. palyayana 37 18 a saddle'. MW. pāli
58 5 'turn, shift.' Guj. päli. IAL. 8041.
nartana-pāli 'turn of dancing'. pākhanda- 84 8 = paşanda = 71 23. puspa-danta
47 24 ‘sun and moon’. MW. Ap.
purpphayasta. pūt-kr- 30 15, 34 12 etc.'shout', Pk. pukkar- IAL.
8246.

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pūryate 65 20 ‘it is enough'. Pk. pujjai. pecaka 47 8, 12 tip or root of an elephant's tail'.
MW. petaka
33 'a multitude.' MW. Pk. pedaya-, pracalākin- 27 18 ‘a peacock'. Compare Abhi. 1320 :
pracalāka- = kalapa-. pracchada-pata-61 11, 12, 15, 16 ‘bed-spread, coverlet'. MW;
Abh. 676; LJS. 23 (Old Guj. pachevadau). prāghūrnika- 64 13 'guesť. IAL. 8973. prähvaņika- 59 3, 10, 16 ‘guest'. prāhvanika- 59 18, 19 'hospitality'. bhāti
64 last line. 'wages of prostitution'. IAL
9468. mocanaka- 48, 9; 65 11 ‘setting free from a binding'. rathya-karpata- 32 9 'rags thrown in streets'. Compare rathya
kārpatika- 'street-beggar', Subhāṣitaratna
koşa, verse 980 rahakkakā- 74 5, 82 20, 83 11. 'acute sense of isolation
due to love-lorn condition' (?) rucita-dhệstika 58 15 (to be emended as rucitaghrstikā); rucita-ghrstikā 84 1, 'having sexual intercourse with any
person one takes fancy for' (?) (with refernce
to a prostitute). rebh
82 16, 83 11. rebhita- ‘prattling' (?); rebhaka
‘prattler' (?) lataksutka- 25 8 ‘loitering'. Compare Hindi ladkhadānā. lālikā
37 last but one line. ‘a rope round the nose
of a hourse , reins'. MW. vardhāpanaka- 34 19, 46 9-10 'congratulatory celebration'.

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vāhyali
virūpakaviśrāvay
veni
śūra-vanthașinga
sațți
IAL. 11383. LJS. 34, 91, 197. 40 2 'a horse-riding track'. Compare LJS 34 : vāhakeli; LJS. 203 vāhyāli : ‘a royal procession on horse-back'. MW. 69 12 defective', “ugly?. IAL. 11873. 28 last but one line. 'to strip or drain of money'. 55 20, 22 ‘a continous line of generations'. 65 26 (?). vantha- means 'a servant, a slave'. 18 1, 2 13. Sk. vita, kāmuka-, vidagdha- See H. C. Bhayani 'Indological Studies', p. 29 30. 55 18, 20, 21 exchange'. Pk. satti. IAL. 13101. 42 15 'to convince about the truth, to prove'. Pk. saccav30 15 'to toss about', compare Pk. : samuvvella. 78 16-17 'cloth stretched above the chief person in a ceremonial procession' LJS 95 (śrikari); 98 (sīkari); DMP. 1370 (siggiri). 30 8, 10, 16, 17; smāraṇīyaka- 30:9 'a memento'.
2. Proper Names 88 26; Cella- 87 14 A queen.' Compare Pk. cilla- 'child disciple' 71 7, Chaddalaka- 71 last but one line. A feudatory prince. Pk. chadd- 'to leave, to relinquish'. Chaddaka or Chādāka occurs
satyāpay
samudvell
sikkiri
smāraniya
cilla.
chaddaka

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dhondha
tikkapaikka
pamarāka
batharaka
ladavaka
128
as name of a merchant in the Prabhavakacaritra (1278 A. C.), (p. 198, verse no. 452) and in the Prabandhakosa (1349 A. C.) (p. 48, 1. 26).
79 last line; 80 12, 17. A bawd. Compare Pk. dhumdhull- and NIA. derivatives IAL. 6839.

71 7, 14, 15, 16, 24 last line. A member of the king's assembly. Possibly to be emended as tikkhapaikka. Pk. tikkha-‘haughty, cruel', Pk. päikka- a foot-soldier."
81, 23, 84 3, 4 etc. A king. MW. pamara- 'a kind of fragrant substance'.
88 15. An elephant-driver. MW. 'stupid, blockhead.
81 17, 84 3
3. Some noteworthy expressions and usages
(1) Prostitutes belonged to different categories in accordance with the mode of wages they accepted.
The argha-vittikā (58 3; 80 12) (to be emended as arghya ?) earned her livelihood by performing temple-dance as a part of her duty. The raja-prasāda-vittikā (80 13) depended upon the king's favour. The sthänavittikā (69 13) was paid for performing the duty of dancing at an assigned place (e.g. in the royal assembly). This interpretation finds support in the expression velävittaka- (69 27, 72 6) meaning one who earns livelihood by announcing time.
(2) Use of the auxiliary verb. In the expression angikṛtavan asmi 'I have accepted'. as- is used to form present perfect.'

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(3) budhyate is used in the sense of sakyate in kartum na budhyate (27 3, 72 17) cannot be done.'
(4) ya- is used in the sense of sak- in vidhäritum na yati. (33 8) cannot be held back and na yatyasyaḥ pārśve' smabhiḥ śayitum (83 last but one line) 'we cannot lie down by this woman.'
(5) lag- 'to stick to, to adhere to' used idiomatically in kanthe lag- (34 20) 'to embrace' and padayor lag- (34 21) 'to fall at the feet, to bow down."
(6). lag- used as a compound verb imparting the modal meaning of initiatary and progressive action to the compounded verb, which has the form of past passive participle. The personal and tense endings are suffixed to lag-. nṛtyati lagna- (69 1) began to dance', vinaśyati lagnaḥ (69 3) may start to be destroyed'; ahamāgamiṣyāmi lagnah (29 last line-31 1) I will be coming'.
4. A note on proper names?
Apart from the long tradition of the use of Mixed Sanskrit in literature, the use of mixed Sanskrit in ordinary language of the practical world has been hardly noticed in MIA. studies. This is a subject of independent inquiry, but here we can just touch upon one or two aspects, although somewhat marginal but sufficiently suggestive of the general situation.
In the matter of personal names and placenames, if wescan the forms attested from the copper-plate grants of the Maitraka rulers of Valabhi in Sauraṣṭra (6th to 8th cent. A. C.) we find that besides names in the regional, colloquial speech. there are numerous instances wherein one part of the name is in Prakrit and the other part in Sanskrit. And it is to be noted that this is found in the case of the names of Brahmaņas also, who have been most accociated with the use and cultivation of Sanskrit. Note the following few instances of both the types.__

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Names of Brāhmaṇas Prakrit Non-Sanskrit (deśya) Sanskrit and
Prakrit mixed Accada Kakka
Kukkeśvara Dinnabhatti Avuka
Ammadhara Dhammila Khokkhaka Devadinna Nattaka Kikka
Bappasvāmin Anahaka Goggaka Boppasvāmin Gominda Ghamcaka Ludra Sambhulla Bappa Siha
Nanna Bāva Būța
Roggha Non-Brāhmaṇic Names Prakrit
Non-Sanskritic (Deśya) Khudda
Alla Khuddilaka
Āņuka Gadaha
Kakkuka Vimchiyaka
Gallaka Cacca Jajju Jamjlaka Gohaka Kuhunda Buttaka Lalluva Mammaka Bhondaka

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(Earlier in Gupta inscriptions also we find Prakritic or mixed names like छगलग, चिरातदत्त, खेज्जस्वामिन्, गण्डक, शुंकक, पिच्चकुंड, गोगिल, ककुटि etc., besides names of unknown origin like खासक, बोन्द, बम्पियक etc.
Village Names
पिप्पलरुंखरी probably for पिप्पलरुक्खडी (Pk. रुक्ख देसुरक्षितिज्ज = देव - सुरक्षित + Pk. - इज्ज (< Sk. -ईय). देसेनक = देवसेनक.
=
धम्मणहडिका धम्मण + Pk. खड्डा + इका. (खड्डा
डांडास
डंडुभवास (?).
भडासक = भटवासक.
In these proper names we find Prakritic suffixes attached to Prakrit or Sanskrit bases: Diminutive suffixes like इल, उल, उक, इक्कः किक्कुक, आलुक, दत्तिल, वत्सुल, दत्तुलिक, भोगिक्कस्वामिन्; ट (Page #141

132
the vocabulary of numerous passages of the Srigáramañjari.
The Srngaramarjari has numerous passages of personal and of natural description (desriptions of seasons, evening, night, moon-rise ctc.) in highly ornate style, customarily found in the Gadya Kavyas and Campūs. The languages of these passages in the Gaudi Riti i.e. in highly ornate style is characteristically Standard Sanskrit. On the other hand the narrative passages are mostly in a simpler style and their Sanskrit has an admixture of words and expressions which derive from MIA. (i. e. Prakrit and colloquial usages). They appear either in the original form, or Sanskritzed, partly or fully.
The wider implications of the words and expressions noted here from the Srngāramanjari-kathā are quite significant for the history of Sanskrit as a literary medium. Here we have a Sanskrit kathā in prose in highly omate classical style written by a non-jain polymath of Sanskrit learning, in which words of Prakrit or obscure origin are used without literary inhibitions. The type of Sanskrit used in the Sriigārmanjari is representatve of a continuous trend in later literary Sanskrit.
Notes 1. This usage is frequently found in the 'Desya' Sanskrit of later Jaina Prahandhas. Note for example the following instances from Merutunga's Prabandhacintamani :
facit
cafe p. 117, 1. 29. UC1229sf p. 7, 1. 5. FTTETTHET p. 117, 1.11 F918747116T p. 33, 1, 24 GT HRT p. 50, 1. 13 Some others have been noted in GAV. p. 361-362
2. For early proper names and their discussion see MKG, Jain-pustaka-prasasti-sangraha by Muni Jimavijay; Jain-Dhātupratimälekha samgraha by Lakshmanbhai Bhojak (to be shortly published by B. L. Institute of Indology, Delhi); BV, pp 80-88.

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Tejram Sharma, Personal and Geographical Names in the Gupta Inscriptions, 1978.
Abh.
BV.
DMP.
DN.
IAL.
LJS.
GAV.
MKK.
MV.
MW.
PSM.
PL.
SDP.
SM.

133
Abbreviations and References
Abhidhana-cintamani of Hemacandra. With Gujarati Translation, Indices etc. by Vijayakasturi Suri. 1957.
Bhāśāvimars, by H. C. Bhayani, 1987. Mahapurāna of Puspadanta (A Critical Study of the Desya and Rare Words from Puspadanta's Mahapurāna and his other Apabhramsa Works). 1969.
Dešināmamála of Hemcandra edited by R. Pischel, P. Ramanujaswami. 1938.
A Comparative Dictionary of Indo-Aryan Languages. by R. L. Turner 1966. Lexicographical Studies in 'Jaina Sanskrit' by B. J. Sandesara, J. P. Thaker. 1962. Gujarati Bhaṣā-nũ Aitihasik Vyakaran, 1988. Maitrakkalin Gujarati by H. G. Shastri, 1955. "Maitrakkälin Viseṣnāmo' by H. C. Bhayani, Vāñmaya, 2, 1, 1989, pp. 149-155.
Monier Monier-Williams' Sanskrit English Dic tionary.
Päisaddamahannavo by Hargovinddas Sheth.
Päialacchinämamälä of Dhanapala edited by
Bühler.
Studies in Desya Prakrit by H. C. Bhayani. 1988.
1963.
Śrigaramañjarī-katha of Bhoja edited by Kalpalata Munshi. 1959.

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(2) The Subhāṣitaratnakosa For various reasons, a number of stanzas of Vidyākara's Subhasitaratnakosa (edited by Kosambi and Gokhale, HOS. 42, 1957, here abbreviated as SRK.) present difficulties of interpretation. One obvious source of these difficulties is Prakritisms or dialectal expressions. The present effort to clear up a few of the obscurities is chiefly based on Middle Indo-Aryan materials and it is intended to supplement Ingalls' discussions in the Notes to the supplement of Ingalls' translation of the Subhasitaratnakosa (= An Anthology of Sanskrit Court Poetry, HOS. 44, 1965, here abbreviated as SCP)
In my previous paper (Middle Indo-Aryan Miscellany', Vidya 9, 3, 1966, 1 ff; reprinted in Studies in Des'ya Prakrit, 1988, 177-187), I have discussed the following words from SRR.
377 ifa/3710fen/sca (977, 1162, 1185, 1186), (964) fu (878), 247961 (381), 77012 (980), 116 (564), CEI (212), SIMUSICII (532), FCI (232), STC (993), (ZTA (878), fetch(191), FA: HE (202), FHM7 (709), JAHG31 (866), fac (522).
In what follows I discuss the following words from SRK:
37034 (864), 37TOI (1185), 37rER (1533), 375fsa (1414), gracia (363), JrhMCL (862, 1774), 1977 (1166), TFT (994), 19 (1185), FM (981). Galicia (1056), G: STC (1569), 756/5T5E (361, 342), hifcia (191), HEL, Puf (1421), 75 (1155), TE (1120), 414 (1575), TO (680, 1145), (1308), 27 (1313).
3706945 (864) 'a bear'
It is a Prakritism. MW. gives reference to the Bălarāmāyana. Under DN I 37 Henacandra observes that 37546 is recorded by some lexicographers as a Deśya word but he

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considers it to be a Sanskrit word. According to Turner (IAL) 37065 is from Sk. H and as along with fi is of Indo-European origin (IAL. 9415). But 345, TES and 3770'F (a synonymous compound) were also tlattering terins ('the good one', 'the benign one') to avoid the taboo word.
375103 (1185)
The herons are described as my-f1c1-1 -41-919
-9231823-afcc-491977-59: which Ingalls has rendered as 'with eyes suffused with tears by the dancing motion of a fat tish-tail slipping down their gullet.' Ho takes 4231-as made up of पुच्छ + आनच्छ and आनच्छ meaning dance', as a Prakritism from आ + नत् (Notes). But phonologically आनच्छ can not be derived from आनर्त. पुच्छानच्छ is rather made up of पुच्छ + 377779. 375103 signifies 'inconvenient'. 'troublesome.' Compare 377 meaning 'good' in several of its NIA derivatives (IAL 142).
31134 (1533)
In SRK. the reading is ådardaram. The verse is from the Mālatimadhava. Ingalls has remarked on it : This, as well as the other reading found in mss. of the play, aghargharam, has not been recorded as occuring elsewhere. The commentators take both words as onomatopoieic.' (p. 568). The reading in the qnotation in Namisādhu on Rudrata's Kāvyalaskāra (7. 30) is aghargharani. Compare Pk. gagghara- 'hoarse (PSM). So in the translation (p. 399) 'whining should be modified as 'hoarsely' (or 'with grunts').
316isa (1414)
Ingalls' note : "unrecorded, rendered in the margin by ākalita, ‘held'. Better, 'slightly shaken to and fro. CIAL. 14018). The sidelong glances were tremulous like the neeklace slightly

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swung by hand.
Brest (363)
Ingalls renders it as shimmering'. It qualifies farasit. Better to translate it as 'moving playfully' (um- < Pan-; IAL. 3918)
Brina (7, 862) v. I. JEBCTC. It should be rather EFTMCI, IAL. 1843. Jenifa is used in the śiśupālavadha. Pk. 303CTS.
Tischl (994) little ball, drop". IAL. 4181. Pk. gudia. 5744 (1155) jump'. Used in the Hitopadeśa. IAL. 5336. SIC (993)
The first line reads : Seacary SYST Y MO. In his Notes Ingalls observes : 'The verse is doubtless corrupt.....Kosambi.... would take patalán as 'trees.....at (it) is a dictionary meaning only, if not a ghost meaning.....As it stands the verse is hopeless. (p. 539). The difficulty is solved if we take cup as a corruption of the original reading jhāța. jhatameans 'bush, thicker IAL.5362 ). To cite one occurrence : 37 fquai-siè afefa ECHH) : 1 (Anyoktyastakasamgraha 3, 5 cd. P. D. Trivedi, 1946).
FA (981) •lake'. Unrecorded (IAL. 5393). It occurs in the Prakrit poem Gaüdavaha (5th century) (v. 554). There the commentator paraphrases it as lahari, but the meaning lake also can suit.
guifuta (1056)
Ingalls' note. “The form durlālita (for durlalita) appears to be unrecorded.' He has translated it as 'spoiled'. It has rather the sense of fond of" (< 'over-fondled'), 'addicted 10'. Compare Hindi dulārna 'to fondle. caress', dulārā dear', dulár 'affection etc.

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G:pitci (1569)
Ingalls' note : If kalāduhśila means 'wicked in the art of", (it) seems a rather unflattering expression.' But g:Vila, दुविदग्ध, दुर्ललित (or दुलालित) in such contexts signify 'overindulgent', 'addicted to,' 'fond of".
756 (361), 156 (342) 'attractive, charming. The word is a Prakritism. Pk. ladaha. Bhoja has used latabha in the Sarasvatikanthābharaṇa.
Pk. tif137 a fool
To the occurunces previously noted by me (Studies in Deśya Prakrit, p. 177) that from Vira's Jambūsāmicariu (dated 1019 A. C.Ed. V. P. Jain, 1944.), noted below is to be added : HETU asfa e as face, ot 1963 71f73 443f4ce II (9, 2, 10)
"One who giving up pleasures at his own disposal renounces the world and becomes initiated in a religious order, (is like) a fool who eventhough there is cooked food ready at home wanders begging alms'. The editor, V. P. Jain failing to make out the real meaning of picts has wrongly translated as ‘ripe lotus stalks' (ERC # 264MTM 4 EI, p. 169)
459 'previous or next year', Tuft 'year before the previous or after the next year'
They are used in a Muktaka attributed to Utpalarāja (probably Muñja of the Paramāra dynsty) in the Saduktikarņāmsta (v. 497). IAL. 7788t, 7907.
asfa (1155) 'submerges’. Used by Rājasekhara. vrudita in the Rājatarangiņi. Pk. buddai IAL. 9272.
Mr (1575)
lambhāvati is interpreted by Ingalls as hedged in' on the basis of lambhā, ‘hedge, enclosure' given in just one lexi
no

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con (Notes, p. 572). We can rather take it to mean a Kathā containing lambhas (mixed with the narrative of Arjuna). Lambhaka (wrongly lambaka) is known as designation of sections in the Kathasaritsāgara. In 1575 c the words 341647: विक्रममयीम् आख्यायिकां लोकान् वाचयति are significant. This आख्यायिका is erat.
Fitofa (680), 18461 (1145)
Ingalls' notes : loghati : ‘rolls' = luthati or loțati (p. 513). According to him in 1145 the reading lodayantaḥ may be preferable to lothayantaḥ. Lothayati is used in the Bhāgavatapuräna. Pk. ludhai. IAL. 11079.
atą (1308)‘father'.
Hemacandra's Abhidhānacintāmaņi has recorded it. He has also used it in his Trisastiśalākāpuruşacarita.
.de (1313)
Ingalls' note : 'distributing, dealing out', unrecorded; the root vant is given by the Dhātāpātha. IAL. 11238.

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3. The Vasantavilāsa Bālacandra-sūri's Vasantavilāsa, written in Gujarat in the thirteenth century during the Solanki-Vāghelā Period, is a Sanskrit Mahākāvya in 14 Cantos, eulogizing the life and achievements of the minister Vastupāla. It is in the tradition of the earlier famous five Mahākāvyas, but specially it follows the model of Māgha's Siśupālavadha. The sixth canto of the Vasantavilāsa, for example, regarding its subject matter, metre and style including the figures, is cast after the sixth canto of the Siśupālavadha and similarly its twelfth canto follows the fourth canto of the latter. Admirable mastery of Bālacandra over the ornate language and style of the Mahākāvyas was no bar to his using non-standard words and expressions also. In this case he has followed the of example sreveral earlier wellknown Sanskrit poets. The following may be ragarded as a representative list of such usages.
370JY (12, 7) bear'. Abh. 1289 (along with 4724, Prat, 7, 940 and , DN. YA 6, 99) regards 37879A as a Sk. word and rejects yaksa as its meaning given by some) and fregg (7, 7). According to PSM. T occurs in the Praśnavyākaraņa. MW. refers for 3709479 to the Hitopadeśa, Pañcatantra, Uņādisūtra (4, 41), Mahābhārata and Bhagavata for the words 8, 99, 99 and 47990. Apy-6 ocurs in the Mālatimādhava. Turner has given a note (IAL. 2445, 2446, 9415).
felfaret (6, 4) ‘mud'. Abh. 1090 : faftici, Jinadeva's Siloncha चिक्खल्ल, PSM. : चिक्खल्ल, चिखल, चिखिल्ल (DN. Gathākos'a etc.) (IAL. 4784 for words in various IA. languages).
sfat (12, 9) mouse'. Abh. 1300 : ict, G. Siloncha : 3a. PSM. : ja, jg, 5G6. (IA. 2095).
Det (6, ) exclamation of wonder. For its discussion (and

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also of af) see Bhayani, Anusamdhan, 1, 1993, pp. 9-10; 2, pp. 12-13.
(11, 48) 'loins'. Abh. 607. Śiśupālavadha (13, 34) chath (MW).
(11, 48) 'diadem'. Abh. 651. Pārsvanathacarita (2, 1, 54), Naiṣadhiya (11, 18) (meaning 'bunch of matted hair').
(12, 42) 'ground for practising archery'. Abh. 788. Bālarāmāyaṇa 4, 16-17.
140
practising archery'. Vikramānkadevacarita. 6, 46. (11, 49) 'being released'. (IA. between 3705 and 3706: क्षुट्).
'jump'. Occurs also in the Vikramānkadeva-carita and Parisistaparvan (MW.). In Prakrit in the Kumārapālapratibodha (PSM). G. .
हसंतिका ( 6, 37 ) (portable fire-vessel' (= अंगारधानी, अंगारशकटिका). Abh. १०२० : हसनी, हसंतिका. Used in the Vikramārkadevacarita and Rajatarangiņi (MW.).
*
4. Late Sanskrit doublets with the auslaut -Cya-/-CiWe find a number of doublets in Late Sanskrit which alternatively end in -Cya- or -Ci-, the first form being earlier. Instances:
aucityakärpaṇya
căturya
caurya
deśya
madhurya
maitryavaicitrya

>
auciti
kārpaṇi
cături
caurika- (Pk. curi)
cauri,
desi- (Pk. desi)
mādhuri
maitri
vaicitri

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> >
vaidhurya- vaidagdhya- vaidusyaśailyasāksya
A
vaidhuri vaidaghi vaidusiśaili sākṣi (presupposed by H. G. sakhi.
A
A
sākhi means 'stanzas or verse-lines occuring in me dieval devotional poems as authentication from
earlier tradition'. sāmagrya- > sāmagri
Similarly Pk. sāmatthi- (< samarthya-), Pk. rumdi- (noun of quality from Pk. rusda- 'extensive') and Pk. samasisi-, samasisiā- (< Sk. samaśirşikā-) (noun of quality from Pk. samasisa- 'equal'). also belong here. We should note also in this context Pk. dhutti ( = Sk. dhaurtya-) and loddhi (=lubdhakatā)
It is likely that the formation was somewhat influenced by a type of Sanskrit abstract nouns derived from adjectives e.g. pofstaat < dorst, ifric < 1c, ufah < 414 etc.

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Appendix Grammatical and semantic factors as concommitant causes of sound-change.*
The fact of adverbs, numerals, pronominal forms, post-positions, case-endigs etc. being prone to phonetic change earlier and more frequent as compared to other grammatic forms and elements and thus producing during a particular stage or time-period ‘irregularity' in the process of phonetic change can be well-substantiated from the history of Indo-Aryan. As far back as 1921, R. L. Turner had drawn our attention to this important characteristic of phonetic change in his article ‘The phonetic weakness of terminational elements in Indo-Aryan languages'.
He further developed this theme in the third lecture of his Gune Mimomrial Lectures (Some problems of Sound change in IndoAryan, 1960.). We can cite Apabhramśa flexional endings (especially those involving the 'exceptional' (i.e. earlier) change -s->-has further instances'.
While recognizing the relative prominence and subservience of sounds within a form or phrase as the chief conditioning factor of change, it has to be taken into consideration that the degree of prominence is controlled within the discourse situation by the grammatical or semantic importance given to particular elements as required by particular circumstances. 'Full’ words becoming empty words :
Within a phrase or compound expression when the meaning of one constituent is semantically subordinate to another constituent it effects the sound-form of the expression. The subordinate elements formning part of a compound looses the accent or stress it has when
Translation of pp. 77-84 of Gujarati Bhäsă-nă Itihăs-ni Ketlik Samasyão (= Some problems of the history of the Gujarati languaage), 1976. H. C. Bhayani, 'A few problems of Apabhramsa reconsidered,' Indian Linguistics, 25, 1961. 71-76. For the grammatical and morphophonemic conditioning of sound change in general see R. Anttila, 'An Introduction to Historical and Comparative Linguistics, 1972, 77-84.

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used independently. Hence the sounds of the subordinate elements are more subject to change than those of the prominent element. Consequently the character of the former as a separable form or word suffers. Subsequently the process of sound-change effects that elements to the extent that it becomes quite difficult to break the former compound into its constituents or separately characterize the stem and affix in flexional forms and derivatives. The form of the prominent constituent also becomes altered due to accretion and the compound word or inflected/derived word becomes a simple, compact word. Semantically the two meaning clements of the earlier composite form are carried by the resulting simple word as a unitary meaning, and not as a sum of two separate meanings. Due to these two combined proceses a composite word looses its earlier structural and semantic transparency. The subordinate constituent which was formerly a 'full' word now becomes an 'empty' word instead of a 'contentive', it becomes a 'functive'. Change in the subordinate constituent of a compound We may illustate this process of change by a few instances taken from Prakrit and Gujarati.
(1) In the case of Pk. ghara- 'house', when it is used as the second member of a compound, its initial consonant gh is treated as non-initial and hence according to the rule is changed to h.
For example
Pk. khamḍa ghara -> khamḍahara -' a dilapidated house'. Pk. deva ghara -> devahara-, 'a temple.' Pk. piti ghara -> piihara- 'father's house'
Pk. mai- + ghara -> māihara- 'mother's house'
Pk. bhumi + ghara -> bhumihara-' an undeground house Becoming subject to further changes in course of time these words, came down to Modern Gujarati respectively as.
khamḍer, deru, pihar/piyar, mā(h)yarũ, bhoyrû
(2) The transparency of the cardinal numerals of Sanskrit from ekādasan 'eleven' up to say navadaśan 'nineteen' is quite lost in the corresponding Gujarati deriatives agyār, bär, ter, caud, pamdar, sol, sattar, adhār, and ogniś.
(3) Sk. tala- 'bottom' can be recgnized in Guj. taliyù. but in

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hatheli (f.) 'palm', deriving from Sk. hasta-tala-, Pk. hatthayala(with a feminine suffix added) neither hasta- not tala- is preserved in identifiable form and it is a non-composite word.
Such instances can be multiplied in thousands.
When a word-group or phrase, becomes idiomatized, there occurs in the case of the word which is semantically subordinate, some meaning shift (through metaphor, metonymy, synecdoche), and functions semantically as unitary, the original subordinate constituent ends up as a postposition or preposition. For example - (4) Sk.
Ap.
Guj.
bhanitva 'having said' bhaniu 'having viewed as'
bhani towards'
in view of
karya
business of, 'concrened with'
bhavanta-'being'
(at a place) sthitva
144
keraya'belonging to'
hontaya-*from
'having stayed'(at a place) pārsve at the side'

thiu'from'
pāsai, pahai 'near, than'
kerů (poetic) (genitive postposition)

-tho (dialectal)
'from'
-thi 'with'
karne 'close to the ear' kannahi, kannai, 'near'
Similarly in the case of the vectors or operators in the compound verbs of NIA or the verbal constituents in the conjunct verbs, because of idiomatization, the original meanings are changed to modal meanings. Derivative affixes have the same history. A principal word, becomes subordinated, a subordinated word becomes a postposition, a postposition becomes an ending which is ultimately lost. To fill up the consequent gap in communication, new constructions develop to carry out the function served by the lost expression, which again goes through the same cycle. In other words, formally composite words tend to become unitary and vice versa, semantically 'full' words tend to become 'empty'. Semiotically iconic words become symbolic and vice versa2. This is the common historical process of linguistic change in some of its aspects.
2. Anttila, op. cit., 12-14.
päse, pe 'near,
than'
kane 'near'

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