Makaranda Madhukar Anand Mahendale Festshrift

Author(s): M A Dhaky, Jitendra B Shah
Publisher: Shardaben Chimanbhai Educational Research Centre
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/012080/1

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Makaranda (Madhukar Anant Mehendale Festschrift) Editors : M. A. Dhaky J. B. Shah Sharadaben Chimanbhai Educational Research Centre Ahmedabad.- INDIA.

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Makaranda ( Madhukar Anant Mehendale Festschrift) Editors M. A. Dhaky J. B. Shah Sharadaben Chimanbhai Educational Research Centre 'Darshan' Opp. Ranakpur Society Shahibaug Ahmedabad-380 004 (Gujarat State) INDIA

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Makaranda (Madhukar Anant Mehendale Festschrift) Editors M. A. Dhaky J. B. Shah Published by J. B. Shah Sharadaben Chimanbhai Educational Research Centre "Darshan' Opp. Ranakpur Society Shahibaug Ahmedabad-380 004 (Gujarat State) INDIA Price : Rs. 600-00 Computer Type Setting Sharadaben Chimanbhai Educational Research Centre 'Darshan' Opp. Ranakpur Society Shahibaug Ahmedabad-380 004 (Gujarat State) INDIA Printer Navprabhat Printing Press Near Old Novelty Cinema Ghee-kanta Ahmedabad

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Prof. M. A. Mehendale

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Foreword In the publication programme contemplated by this Centre, one category involves publishing felicitation volumes for renowned scholars in the field of Jainology as well as Indology in general. We are happy to publish this second volume in that series for Prof. (Dr.) M. A. Mehendale, the distinguished and world famous scholar whose contributions to the fields of Sanskrit, Prakrit, and Avestan studies are outstanding and whose association with the institutions having great reputation like the Deccan College and the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, both located in Pune, is decades old. We hope and believe that the scholars in the fields in which he has been for many years working will welcome this publication. Sharadaben Chimanbhai Educational Research Centre 1st of September, 1999 Ajay Chimanbhai Trustee

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Editors' Preface In mid-May 1997, we for the first time met Prof. Mehendale at the world-renowned Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute in Pune where he has been working for the past several years after retiring from the Deccan College. We, of course, were aware of his researches in the fields of Sanskrit, Prakrit, and Avesta--an academic preoccupation in which he has been continually engaged, indeed for over half a century. We, moreover, were familiar with some of his more famous works. To meet him face to face, however, was for us a rare event and indeed was an experience as profound as was delightful. As we look back, in him we were meeting an academic of great stature, the surprising part was that we found him not only an humble yet dignified, and also a pleasantly communicative scholar, but also serene, soft-spoken, and forthright as well as fearless, a rare combination of several desirable facets of disposition for any scholar possessing outstanding merits and distinction. In the course of our conversation, an idea flashed in our minds. Then, just on an impulse, we proposed to allow us to produce a festschrift for him. After a few contemplative moments, and for certain to our delight, Prof. Mehendale agreed, the result being this Volume which we have pleasure in placing before the scholarly community. The papers, we feel, are well-written and needed only small editorial modifications and adjustments according to a few details of the stylesheet this Centre has adopted. However, we must clarify that we have

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VI largely allowed the author's own style for formal conventions in writing since we noticed that the scholars specializing in different disciplines followed their own particular style-sheet; and changes, indeed too many needed for effecting homogeneity in total style-conventions we adopt were, therefore, uncalled for and would end up in confusion even after putting in laborious efforts for long months at our end. We express our special thanks to the erudite authors for their learned contributions as also for their ready response to our request. They all, as we here do, hold Prof. Mehendale in high esteem and most of them for many years know him as well as his admirable work in the fields in which he is a specialist and has been untiringly active. (Prof. Mehendale's biographical sketch will appear in the volume of his collected papers compiled and edited by Dr. S. A. Laddu, Pune, which is currently in press.) At the Centre's end, we must specially thank the Computer Operator Shri Akhilesh Mishra for his flawless laser printing and to Shri Naranbhai Patel for his diligently and perceptively done proofreading. M. A. Dhaky J. B. Shah

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Contents Foreword Editors' Preface Ajay Chimanbhai M. A. Dhaky; J. B. Shah V 1. Kampa-pronunciation in TTI : RV 10.78.4 P. D. Navathe T. N. Dharmadhikari Madhavi Kolhatkar Hanns-Peter Schmidt 17 C. G. Kashikar G. U. Thite 2. Emendation to the text of the Maitrayani Samhita 3. On Some Similes in the Jaiminiya Brahmana 4. How to Kill a Sacrificial Victim 5. Varaha Srautasutra : A Further Textual Study 6. Vedisms in Daivarata's Chandodarsana 7. The Justification of Krsna's Annihilation of his own clan 8. A Note on Sabara's India 9. faran fe area zofa: ufora: 10. An Earlier Reference to salaturiga (Panini) 11. Vivaksa in Kasikavitti : Jayaditya and Vamana 12. Meaning of the Accusative in Desiderative S. J. Noel Sheth Shripad Bhat vA. bA. bhAgavata M. A. Dhaky Anna Radicchi V. P. Bhatta

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VIII 123 Henry M. Hoenigswald Ludo Rocher Minoru Hara 127 139 C. Panduranga Bhatta 161 Leela Arjunwadkar 173 Vidyut Aklujkar 13. Semantic Randomness and the Comparative Method 14. The Aurasa Son 15. Sara, A-Sara, Sam-sara 16. Anandavardhana's Contribution to Research Methodology 17. Ecological Awareness in Indian Tradition 18. Vyasa's Leftovers : Food Imagery in Indian Literature 19. The Resurrection of Carvaka 20. Valahassa Jataka and Telaputta Jataka 21. Notes on Avestic Asha 'Truth' 22. Avestan Eschatology Manuscript Collection in the Asiatic Society of Bombay 24. Concept of Sistacara 25. Padmasagara-gani-krta 'Pramanaprakasa' (in Gujarati) 26. Contributors K. S. Arjunwadkar Siegfried Lienhard Helmut Humbach N. M. Kansara, B. V. Shetti Hukam Chand Patyal 249 Jitendra Shah 255 271

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Kampa-pronunciation in rathAnAM na ye rA: RV 10.78.4 P. D. Navathe Kampa; which means tremor, is a peculiar kind of pronunciation which frequently occurs in the traditional recitation of the Rgveda (RV). According to a rule in the Rgveda-Pratisakhya', it takes place when an independent, circumflex (i. e., svarita of four kinds, namely jatya, abhinihita, ksaipra and Praslista) is followed by an acute or another independent circumflex. The same conditions for the occurrence of kampa are laid down in a karika cited by Bhattoji Diksita in the Praudha Manorama (PrMan) on his Siddhanta Kaumidi (SK) on the sutra | Astadhyayi 1. 2. 32. This karika, which is ascribed to Sakalya2, further states that, having uttered the first half of the independent circumflex with an acute accent the remaining half, which is grave, should be uttered with a tremor. The Upalekhasutra3, a school manual, states that when the said circumflex is on a short vowel the kampa is said to be short and when it is on a long vowel it is said to be long. According to the tradition of the Rgveda, if the preceding independent circumflex is on a short vowel, the figure is placed after it, e. g., if RV 2.6. 4; RV 2. 10. 1d etc., and the figure if it is on a long vowel, e. g., ha fag. RV 2.4.2: RV 2. 10. 5d etc. As may be noticed, these figures have vertical accent marks above and horizontal accent marks below them. In the former case, the pronunciation of the syllable is known as ekakampa and in the latter as trikampa. This pronunciation is a sort of analysis of the independent circumflex into its component parts.

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P. D. Navathe Makaranda However, it is difficult to determine the probable time when this practice of marking the kampa with figures and could have started. The RgvedaPratisakhya and Sakalya, who prescribe the kampa, are completely silent about this distinctions. So, for want of adequate evidence, we may surmise that the practice is as old as, or might be still older than the beginning of the manuscript tradition of the Rgveda. In the light of the aforementioned rules and practice regarding the kampa-phenomenon in the Rgveda let us examine the kampa in the passage TUTI 70 T: RV 1c. 78. 49, the subject of the present discussion. In the standard edition of the Rgveda the line is read as given here. The padapatha of the line : T1171711 37: I shows that, in the Samhita, the abhinihita circumflex #which is the result of the combination of the acute - with the following grave 37-, is followed by the acute T:. As the said circumflex is on a long vowel, according to the normal practice, the figure was expected to be placed after it. However, we find the figure instead. So, this is to be recorded as an irregular instance which deviates from the norm of marking the kampa. I have checked all the occurrences of kampa in the Mandalas 2 to 6. No other instance of violation of the norm was noticed in this portion. The case of kampa in TUTI 741: is comparable with that in the parallel passage getrait yafua fu fil41 34749 RV 6. 60. 7ab. The Padapatha : Schista' tan ISI 3169 | iH: 35148 I shows that the situation in both 737: and of is exactly identical. However, in the latter case the kampa is regularly marked by the figure 3. Regarding the accentuation of the line Teti n : a curious view is expressed by the Svarankusa siksa". Thus it observes : yatrAbhinihitAtpUrvohyudAtto dRzyate yadi / tatra svAraM na kurvIta rathAnAM neti darzanam // 16 // "If an acute is found to precede the abhinihita circumflex then in that case one should not pronounce the independent circumflex (Svara) as may be noticed in the sequence rathAnAM na". According to Bloomfield's Vedic Concordance (p. 818a), the said sequence occurs only at RV 10. 78. 4a where the abhinihita & is preceded by the acute

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Kampa-pronunciation in TT 7 T: RV 10.78.4 7. So, if my understanding is correct, according to the Siksa there is no pronunciation of the independent circumflex in the passage rathAnAM na ye 1 rA:. Consequently, there is no Kampa. In the context of the independent circumflex, due to the peculiar position of which the Kampa-pronunciation takes place, we come across an interesting discussion in the grammatical tradition of the SK. Attention is to be particularly drawn here to the exposition of the sutra prifca 3GITTEE 94 Ast 1-2-32 given in the said commentary. The discussion is important for us as the Rgvedic passage, which is the topic of the present article, is cited there as an example. In the preceding sutra HER: Tafa: Ast 1. 2. 31 the circumflex accent was defined as a combination of the acute and the grave accents. The aim of the present sutra is to clarify the nature of this combination. This is done by stating the sequence of the components of the combination in the cource of pronunciation and their proportion to each other in the combination. The sutra is explained as follows: "The word ea in the sutra is technically unnecessary. The first half of the circumflex is to be understood as acute. Consequently, the latter half is grave. It is distinctly heard when it is followed by an acute or another circumflex)". To illustrate this point are cited the following three examples : 1. cagatse: RV 5. 61. 2deg, 2. eti 3D: RV 10. 78. 49 and 3. Ynet 27 a RV 10. 144. 45. It is evident that, in this context, by circumflex, an independent circumflex is intended. In the first two examples the independent circumflex is followed by an acute. The Tattvabodhini, a sub-commentary of the SK observes that in the first example the said circumflex is on a short vowel and in the second on a long one'); in the third example the independent circumflex is followed by another independent circumflex'). According to the Balamnorama on the SK the circumflex in the last example is a Kampasvarita"). However, this designation is not appropriate as the kampa-pronunciation occurs in all the three cases and not in this one alone.

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P. D. Navathe Makaranda As the subject of kampa does not come within the scope of the present sutra, it is not treated in the SK and the PrMan. However, in the PrMan, the authority of Sakalya is invoked, as is already mentioned", to state that kampapronunciation takes place in the three examples thus cited. It is to be noted that, in the printed editions of the SK the figures g, and with the accent-marks given below and above them, are placed respectively after the circumflex in the first second and third example. The purpose behind the use of these figures is not quite clear. It may be noticed that in the SK as also in the PrMan, nowhere is there any mention of these figures. Similarly, neither of the two sub-commentaries of the SK throws any light on this point. The Kaumudi-Mahotsaha, an old Marathi exposition of the SK, explains that the figures, and bearing the accent-marks indicate that the preceding circumflex is respectively short, long, and prolated. Thus, according to this explanation, the circumflex is to be classified under three categories and the figures correspond to the respective category under which it is classified, they have nothing to do with the kampapronunciation observed in the Vedic tradition. It is evident that the figure in the second example is not in conformity with the traditional system of the RV. That the figures 3 and 5 show agreement with the tradition is a matter of mere coincidence. The explanation given in the Kaumudi-Mahotsaha can hardly be regarded as convincing for want of supporting evidence being available in the SK and the PrMan. Annotations : 1. Gefufifenda at: feste Taal ete svarAH prakampante yatroccasvaritodayAH // 3.38 Mangal Deva Shastri considers this karika as 'spurious', probably because it is not commented upon by Uvata. 2. lchsee

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Kampa-pronunciation in rathAnAM na ye pUrAH RV 10.78.4 aprAkRtastu yaH svAraH svaritodAttapUrvagaH / udAdAyArdhamasyAtha zeSaM nighnanti kampitam // 5 vibhA svarito dvidhA prAkRto'prAkRtazca tatra prakRtyA svabhAvenodAttayoryathAkathaMcit saMgati vinA jAto yaH sa / prAkRtaH taddhinno'prAkRta iti bodhyam prau. ma. udAdAya udAttaM kRtvA / The source of the karika is not known. " 3. hrasve hrasvaM vijAnIyAd dIrghe dIrghaM tathaiva ca / svaritasyAnusAreNa kampaM kurvIta zAstravit // 22 // 4. Cf. Whitney Sanskrit Grammar 87d, p. 30. Macdonell: Vedic Grammar 84 b, p. 78. 5. There seems to be no unanimity among the Vaidikas regarding the practice of pronouncing the ekakampa or trikampa. In this connection I heard from the Late Shri Vinayakabhatta Ghaisas, a reputed Rgvedin from Pune, that the Vaidikas from the southern Maharashtra everywhere follow the practice of pronouncing ekakampa irrespective of the short or long quality of the preceding independent circumflex. This information requires verification. 6. Rgveda ed. by Max Muller, Oxford, 1872. Rgveda Samhita ed. by the Vaidika Sarisodhana Mandala, Pune 1972. 7. Included in the Siksasamgraha, Varanasi 1989, p. 134. T 8. hUsvagrahaNamatantram / svaritasyAdito'rdhamudAttaM bodhym| uttarArdhaM tu prishessaadnudaattm| tasya codAttasvaritaparatve zravaNaM spaSTam / anyatra tUdAtta zrutiH prAtizAkhye prasiddhA / 'kva 1/2 vo'zvAH ' / ' rathA'nAM' na ye 2 rA:' / 'za'taca'kraM yo hyaH' ityAdiSvanudAttazrutiH / siddhAntakaumudI with tattvabodhinI, Nirnayasagara edition, Bombay, Saka 1830 (=A. D. 1908) 3 9. kveti .... udAttaparatve hrasvasvaritasyodAharaNamuktvA dIrghasvaritasyodAharaNamAha rathAnAM na ya iti / ye 3 arA iti padadvayamapi phiTsvareNAntodAttam / The relevance of the figure 3 placed after ye is inexplicable. 10. svaritaparatve udAharaNamAha- zatacakramiti / 11. 'zatacakraM yo' ityakAraH kampasvaritaH / sa tu 'hya' ityakArAtmakasvastiparakaH / 12. See annotation 2 above.

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Emendation to the text of the Maitrayani Samhita T. N. Dharmadhikari The Maitrayani Samhita (MS) has practically lost its oral tradition and is now found in few manuscripts only. Fortunately, the text of this Samhita was critically edited and brought out by Schroeder in Leipzig in 1881-1886 and later by Satavalekar in Aundha (Maharashtra) in 1942. Since the MS has been retained only in manuscript tradition, many (mis-) readings have crept in its text. Schroeder appears to have rectified some of them. Some other scholars have tried to suggest few conjectural emendations to the text of the MS. Martin Mittwede (1986) has collected such emendations in his text-critische Bemerkungen zur Maitrayani Samhita. I have to examine one emendation, along with the proper rationale behind it. In the printed text of the MS 3. 2. 8 (Satavalekar), we come across a line reading (yadetA upadhIyante'syA) anatidAhAya yadidannam (iti, hovAceyaM ya etA upadadhAtA ityannAdo bhavati yasyaitA updhiiynte)| In this line, the word afacer is accented twice, i. e. it shows two udatta accents, which is against the Paninian rule, namely 'anudattam padam ekavarjam' (Panini 6. 1. 158) Second, the word (in fc74) is marked as anudatta, which is also against the above-cited Paninian rule. It may be noted that the word is always udatta. The double udatta accent in TIRAGTER and the anudatta mark of u give us a clue to conclude that the passage is corrupt and needs emendation. Schroeder has tried to correct this passage, who reads it as STIGTER af 74 (Vol II, p 28). Thus following the rules of accents, he has removed the second udatta of Stafagiers and has marked it with udatta. However, he has neither given the support of manuscripts to this effect, nor has he recorded any other readings here.

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T. N. Dharmadhikari Makaranda. Further, Keith, while translating the Taittiriya Samhita (TS) 5. 2. 10, (p. 415), f. n. 1), notes that the text of MS should obviously be corrected to read adad for yad which is non-sense'. He has suggested the correction, obviously on the basis of the TS 5. 2. 10 which reads Tifacier 4466 etc. In fact, the Kathaka Samhita X. 9 also reads 37afacertara fa and supports this emendation. It may be noted here that, though the emendation is correct, it is based only on collateral literature, which cannot always be regarded as decisive, since such literature also show variant readings. Therefore this emendation needs further investigation into the original manuscripts of the MS. The manuscripts of the MS kept in the custody of Vaidika Samsodhana Mandala, Adarsha Sanskrit Shodha Samstha, (V. S. M) Pune, show the readings as follows : Manuscript No. 4554 and 2337 34-facerrat i Manuscript No. 2738 HIGIERIYECEI A Manuscript from private collection (Samvat 1665) reads the text as 3 Afacerricca etc. Even though these manuscripts do not give the correct readings here, they furnish some further clues for emending the text, namely they have recorded 7 in Hageer as long. This word may, therefore, be split into 34-facery 3440 FT 37714 | The second udatta of BTHRACIEN (Satavalekar's edn.) can now be shifted to s7 of 374g. Since I is replaced by 3pc the descrepancy of its (i. e of 6) being anudatta is also removed. The pada-patha (manuscript No. 14096 V. S. M.), though not very reliable and dependable, splits the text as 34facier facery I 3740 | SCI annam / , and retains the tradition of ayat instead of yat, suggesting that the pada-patha-kara has long 21 in 377faERRG 14 in his tradition. Since the meaning of the word 3PC cannot be satisfactorily interpreted in this context, it may be read as 376 (from Vad to eat), not only on the basis of the collateral literature of TS and KS, but also on the following arthavadanamely 3711 9afa i Thus the word G (Satavalekar) or 4 (Schroeder) be first read as 374% on the basis of manuscripts and then 344C be emended and read as adat / The helpderived from manuscripts accounts for ain adat /

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Emendation to the text of the Maitrayani Samhita Bhatta Bhaskara and Sayana derive from Vad vide. Their commentaries on TS 5-2-10-Sayana-4ff' and Bhatta Bhaskara - 'adadit adyAdevAnam / The meaning of the entire line would be `These (apasya) bricks are placed, it is to avoid excessive burning. The earth said-one who places these bricks verily eats food. He becomes consumer of food for whom these bricks are placed.'

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On some Similes in the Jaiminiya Brahmana Madhavi Kolhatkar The similes play a very important role in literature. They are used primarily as a means to convey the intended meaning with clarity and ease through a known illustration and then also as a poetic embellishment. They are used as an aid for the better understanding of something unknown with the description of the already known. The Brahmana literature is also not an exception to this known fact. Similes are used profusely in them. They are more of an explanatory or illustrative nature rather than that of decorative. They are generally very simple, yet appealing. The similes in the Aitareya and the Taittiriya Brahmana have been studied before and discussed in details, but such is not the case :. regarding the similes in the Jaiminiya Brahmana (= JaimiBr.) Compared to other Brahmanas, it can be seen that JaimiBr. exuberantly employs this poetic device, the simile. There are not less than 45 similes only in the first part of it which describes the ritual of the Agnihotra and the Agnistoma. They are used mainly to explain the ritual procedure. They are mostly simple, easy and appealing, and can be characterised as explanatory. They provide the illustrations from the every day life and hence are, on the whole, very easy to understand. Bodewitz's translation of the JaimiBr. is of much help in comprehending those. (In some cases, however, one cannot totally agree to his translation or emendation.) The aim of this paper is to discuss two such similes. toto11. i) The simile at JaimiBr. 1. 250 reads; yatha vittam pravaham ksipras pravahet evam evai 'nam eta devatas svargaya lokaya pravahanti / "Just as a river may quickly transport goods, even so these deities transport him with a view to heaven." (Bodewitz, 1990, P. 139).

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Madhavi Kolhatkar Makaranda There are certain difficulties in accepting this translation. The word pravaham is taken here as having neuter gender and the subject of the clause. Besides this grammatical difficulty, there is one more difficulty and that is; this meaning is not in accordance with the context. The context is as follows--"When the Trivrt Stoma covers the Gayatri, what does she procreate on account of this?" One should say: "The sacrifice with seven naves and the ida as its end. "The Gayatri becomes pregnant. She procreates the Puronuvakya (invitation). The Puronuvakya the yajya Yaja the Vasat-call, the Vasat-call the libations, the libations the Daksinas, the Daksinas heaven....and the Daksinas make him go to heaven." (Bodewitz, 1990, P. 139) And then the same idea is further explained through the above simile. Thus, from the context it is clear that, because of the union of the Trivrt stoma with the Gayatri metre, certain sacrificial elements are acquired successively and finally the Daksinas. It is the Daksinas, thus gained, which lead the sacrificer to heaven. Accordingly, the simile can be translated : "As the gained or accumulated (water? wave ? force ?) carries the flow further with speed, similarly the deities carry the sacrificer to heaven (with speed)." The idea behind this seems to be somewhat like a relay-race. As the accumulated waters, i. e. the waves or the force which is accumulated due to the waves carry the waters further with speed, the Daksinas thus gained by gradual succession lead the sacrificer to heaven. The next sentence clearly expresses this idea : trivrd evai 'nam stomo gayatryai prayacchati gayatri puronuvakyayai puronuvakya yajyayai yajya vasatkaraya vasatkara ahutibhya ahutayo daksinabhya daksinas svargam lokam gamayanti | "The Trivst stoma gives him to the Gayatri metre, the Gayatri metre gives him to the Puronuvakya invitation, the Puronuvakya invitation to the Yajya, the Yajya to the Vasat-call, the Vasat-call to the libations, the libations to the Daksinas, and the Daksinas make him go to heaven." (Bodewitz, 1990, p. 139). There might perhaps be some suggestion in this passage. It is obvious that since the sacrificer has already started the performance of the sacrifice, he is going to get the fruit of it sooner or later. But the same course of action will be expedited and the deities will carry him quickly to heaven if he will

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On some Similes in the Jaiminiya Brahmana 13 satisfy the priests by giving sufficient or rather abundant Daksinas. ii) The second simile is at JaimiBr. 1. 281. It reads--tad ha smaheyapis saumapas sa vadya yajeta sa vanyam yajayed yo yatha mahati tirthe sikate ga asambadhamanas santarpayed evam sarva devata anusavanam chandassy aksaram aksaram anusambadhamanas santrpyantir vidyad iti. Bodewitz (1990, p. 159) has translated it--"As to this also [yapi Saumapa said: "He may sacrifice now or act as a priest for someone else, who would find all the deities satiating themselves on account of the fact that he had satisfied them each according to his own Pressing and to every syllable in the (corresponding) metres and consequently) not pressed together just as one may satisfy cattle in a large ford without sandbanks (i. e.) not pressed together." In the notes Bodewitz (1990, p. 300) has stated, "For sikate read 'sikate (as suggested by Caland in his transcript). The absence of sandbanks creates room for the cows in the water." The word sikate is difficult to explain grammatically as an adjective of tirthe. But a river cannot be without sandbanks. The word asikate would suggest then that the river is so full of water that the sandbanks are not seen. It is used, perhaps to emphasise the vastness of the ford. Bodewitz has suggested one more emendation. regarding that he has noted (1990, p. 300). "The crit. ed. and Caland's transcript read aksaram aksaram anusambadhamanah. Evidently anu belongs to the preceding nouns as a postposition. On account of the comparison a negation before sambadhamanah is required here. The gods are asambadhamanah, since everyone has his own place (i. a. syllable) for his satisfaction. Therefore, I read aksaram aksaram any asambudhamanah." For better understanding of this paragraph, it is necessary to take into consideration the previous one. It reads - yo vai devanam grhan veda grhi bhavati vindate grhan/ chandamsi vava devanam grhah / astaksara gayatri astau vasavah / gayatryaiva vasavo grhinah / ekadasaksara tristub ekadasa rudrah/ tristubhaiva rudra grhinah / dvadasaksara jagati dvadasa adityah/ jagatyaivaditya grhinah /...sa ya evam etan devanam grhan veda grhi bhavati vindate grhan/ yo vai devanam trptir veda trpyatyatmana trpyaty 'asya praja

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14 Madhavi Kolhatkar Makaranda Bodewitz (1990, p. 159) has translated it--"He who knows the houses of the gods, obtains a house. The metres forsooth are the houses of the gods. The Gayatri has eight syllables; there are eight Vasus. Through the Gayatri the Vasus possess a house. The Tristubh has eleven syllables; there are eleven Rudras. Through the Tristubh the Rudras possess a house. The Jagati has twelve syllables, there are twelve Adityas. Through the Jagati the Adityas possess a house...He who thus knows these houses of gods, obtains a house. He who knows the satisfaction of the gods, becomes satisfied himself and his offspring becomes satisfied." From this passage, it becomes clear that each syllable of a particular metre is a house for each god of a particular group and he should get that particular syllable as his own house. Then only the deities will be satisfied. When the deities come to the sacrifice, they rush or swarm for their own house. They are in hurry to get their own house. They are aksaram aksaram anu sambadhamanah. But at that time, it is the priest yo vidyat..." who should know or who should see to it that when the stotras are chanted at the time of the Soma-pressing, they should be chanted in such a way that each and every syllable is uttered distinctly so as to enable the deities to occupy their own syllable, i.e. the house and they become satisfied." Now, if we interpret this simile in the light of this passage, the meaning can be understood without changing anu sambandhamanah to anu asambadhamanah. Thus the simile can be translated--"Regarding this, Iyapi Saumapa has said-He, who would know that all the deities who are rushing or swarming for their respective syllable are satisfied in their own (Soma) pressing (by getting it), just as one satisfies the cattle at a spacious ford without the sandbanks (being seen), without being pressed together, should sacrifice today or act as a priest for someone else." The same idea is further elaborately explained using the word anusambadhamanah three more times--astaksara gayatry astau vasavah vasunam gayatram pratassavanam / tat te pratassavane chandassv aksaram aksaram anusambadhamanas santspyanti / "The Gayatri has eight syllables. There are eight Vasus. The morning pressing is connected with Gayatri and belongs to the Vasus. Therefore they, rushing for their own syllable at the

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On some Similes in the Jaiminiya Brahmana 15 time of morning pressing, satisfy themselves (by getting it.)" In the same way the eleven Rudras and the twelve Adityas also satisfy themselves. Thus this passage can be translated satisfactorily without emending the word anu sambadhamanah as any asambadhamanah. It should be mentioned here that the English translation of the Adhyaya done by Bodewitz is very illuminating and of considerable help in understanding the subject. He has been quite successful in translating the first part of the difficult text like the JaimiBr. which deals with the complicated subject like that of arranging the Stotras, and the Samans and has no commentary on it. With due appreciation for his invaluable contribution to the field of Vedic Sanskrit, an attempt has been made in this paper to put forth some suggestions before the scholars, for their consideration.

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Madhavi Kolhatkar Makaranda. Bibliography : -H. W. Bodewitz, The Jyotistoma Ritual, Jaiminiya Brahmana I, 66-364, E. J. Brill, Leiden 1990. -W. Caband, Over en uit het Jaiminiya-Brahmana, Konigliche Akademi c. v. wer. (Amsterdam) Afd. (lett.) 5, Reeks I, Deel., 1915.

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How to Kill a Sacrificial Victim* Hanns-Peter Schmidt In the description of the animal sacrifice in the Satapatha-Brahmana 3.8.1.15 we find a statement about three ways of killing a victim : "Then, having come back (from the place of slaughter), they (the priests) sit down turning towards the Ahavaniya (thinking) : 'let us not be eyewitnesses to (the 'victim's) being made consent (to its death)'. They do not strike it with a hammer (or cudgel] (kutena praghnanti), for that is the way (to slay an animal) for man (manusam), nor behind the ear, for that is the way for the Fathers (pitrdevatyam). They either suffocate it by closing its mouth or they make a noose (for strangling it). Therefore he (the Adhvaryu) does not say: 'slay it, kill it !', for that is the way for man, but : 'make it consent ! It has passed on', for that is the way for the gods (devatra). For when he says : 'it has passed on', then it passes on to the gods; therefore he says: 'it has passed on'." Eggeling translated kutena by 'on the frontal bone', but grammatically this is incorrect, and, as Oldenberg has shown, the word kuta means 'hammer", to which one might prefer 'cudgel'. For manusam, Eggeling has 'for that is human manner, for pitrdevatyam 'after the manner of the Father', and for devatra "after the manner of the gods'. The translation of pitrdevatyam is incorrect since the word means 'having the Pitrs as deities', and thus can only refer to the worship of the fathers. Generally the victims for the fathers are killed the same way as those for the gods, but according to Katyayana Srautasutra 25.7.34 at the funeral the

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Hanns-Peter Schmidt Makaranda anustarini cow or goat is killed by striking it behind the ears, which is the custom with the Madhyandinas. In the Baudhayana Pitrmedhasutra 1.4 the statement tam anyatraiva sastrad ghnanti "they slay her otherwise than with a sword"? does not allow any conclusion as to the manner of killing Baudhayana followed, but indicates that killing by sword, namely decapitation, was practised by some people. manusam probably refers to the profane killing for human consumption, but, given sacred character of the Vedic texts, we know little of how animals were killed outside the sacrifice. i Eggeling's rendering of devatra also is misleading because not the manner in which the gods sacrifice is meant, but rather how men sacrifice for the gods. Decapitation probably was the ancient way of immolation. In the Asvamedha-sukta Rgveda 1.162.9, it is said : "what of the horse's flesh the fly has eaten, or what sticks to the post, to the axe, what to the hands of the slaughterer, what to the nails -- all that of you shall be with the gods." This passage speaks for itself and does not require any comment. J. C. Heesterman quotes this passage and adds: "Possibly the peculiar way in which the animal is bound to the stake points in the same direction: the cord is fastened to the right foot, goes round the left side of the neck and is then wound round the right horn and finally fastened to the stake. Thus room is left for the slaughterer's knife." For 'knife' we should substitute 'axe' because a knife is hardly the proper tool for decapitation. Heesterman also refers to the Taittiriya-Samhita 6.3.6.3 where an opposition between sacred and profane slaughter seems to be alluded to : "He winds (the rope) transversely, for they fasten a (beast) for killing in front; (verily it serves) for distinction," (aksnaya pari harati, vadhyam hi pratyancam pratimuncanti, vyavrttyai) According to Sayana, standing in front of the animal is the profane way of binding it to the pole, 'transversely' is the sacred way of doing it. If this interpretation is correct and reflects traditional knowledge, it would follow that also profane slaughter was originally done by decapitation, although Sayana was hardly aware of this since he only knew suffocation as the method of killing in Vedic sacrifice.

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How to Kill a Sacrificial Victim 19 Decapitation is still today the prevalent method of killing a victim in Hindu ritual, but also letting the animal slowly bleed to death has been reporteds. I have no information about how profane killing is done among Hindus. In the standard Vedic ritual as represented by the Brahmanas and the Srautasutras, the decapitation has been replaced by suffocation and strangling, but there is one expectation: the skulls of man, horse, bull, ram and goat, which must be placed in the middle of the first of the five brick layers of the fire altar, are taken from victims who are "released" (ud-srj) from the place of sacrifice and beheaded outside. The fact that their bodies are thrown into water to mix with the clay to be used for the bricks shows that they were not victims in the sense of the animal sacrifice since no offering of parts of them is made. The greatest problem for the authors of the ritual texts was the human victim because at their time human sacrifice had become practically obsolete. The many ways in which one tried to get out of the difficulties have been discussed by Heesterman". In the standard animal sacrifice, the head, except for the tongue, is not used at all. The reasons given for this are the following: When the gods first seized an animal for sacrifice, Tvastr spat on its head, thus claiming it as his own; the spittle. became the brain and the marrow of the spinal column, and therefore they are not to be eaten. The Asuras used the head, the shoulders, the neck (backbone) and the hind-thighs. These parts were accordingly not to be used in the sacrifice for the Devas. Since Tvastr spat on the neck, one should not use it?. Tvastr is an ambiguous character, standing between the Devas and the Asuras. In another text it is Visvarupa, Tvastr's Asuric son who spits (or vomits) on the animal from above; for that reason one does not cut portions of the animal from above; by anointing it from above one makes it fit for sacrifice, pure (medhya)". We do not know whether the Asuras were thought to kill the victim by decapitation. It is, however, clear that in Rgvedic times decapitation was not considered Asuric, but we do not know whether the head of the animal was used in the sacrifice. In the standard ritual it is discarded, but there seems to be one exception: in the domestic Sulagava the tail, the skin, the head and the feet are thrown into the fire. Among these pieces the tail belongs to those of which a portion is offered in the

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20 Hanns-Peter Schmidt Makaranda Pasubandha. Here, however, we may have a case of a burnt offering which is not a gift to the deity, but rather a sacrifice as abandonment and destruction of property Replacing decapitation by suffocation or strangulation may have several reasons. One is most probably that, by the time of the Brahmanas, blood was considered inauspicious and its spilling on the place of sacrifice polluting. The blood is dedicated to the Raksasas who are to stay in the deepest depth and be joined by the sacrificer's enemies". Only on two occasions is it made ritual use of once in the Asvamedha", where cooked blood is offered to Agni Svistakrt = Rudra; here the Devas, identifying themselves with the Agnayah Svistakrtah, take the blood for themselves in order to defeat the Asuras the reasoning for which may well be that by incorporating the ambiguous Rudra his possibly destructive interference is neutralized. The other occasion is the Sulagava, dedicated to Rudra, where the blood is offered to the snakes" or to Rudra and his cohorts" The fact that non-Aryan people used decapitation and offered the head and the blood to the deity, as practised until to-day in the sacrifice to Kali, may have contributed to the change. It has been suggested that one of the reasons for preferring suffocation was the desire to preserve the animal whole15. This can be supported by the sacrificer's wife's sprinkling the eyes, ears, nostrils and mouth of the immolated animal in order to quicken it. The openings of the head are the seats of the vital airs (prana) and thus the head is one of the most important parts of the body, second only to the omentum which is identified as the chief part (agra)". In one instance the pollution of the animal caused by Visvarupa is remedied by anointing it and thus making it pure again (see above n. 8), but this did not apply to the head. However, the parts not fit for sacrifice, including the head, are placed on the Vedi together with the cooked part and reinvigorated with the vital breaths prana and apana so that the animal is restored in the beyond1. In the Vedic texts there is, to my knowledge, no explicit reference to the victim's being preserved whole. But that the idea was current in antiquity is attested by the Greek author Strabo (first century B.C.) who states

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How to Kill a Sacrificial Victim (Geography 15.1.54), probably on the basis of Megasthenes (visited India ca. B.C. 300-290), that the Indians do not cut the throat of the victim but strangle it so that it is not mutilated but given to the god complete. The passage with which this note begins mentions killing a victim by hitting it on the head with a hammer or cudgel, for which I cannot find any evidence in Indian sources. Since it is unlikely that the author of the Brahmana invented this method without having either seen or heard of it, we should look beyond India. And indeed neighbouring Iran furnishes some evidence. The ancient Zoroastrian scriptures, the Avesta, do mention animal sacrifices, but not the method of killing. The earliest attestation is found in the Geography (15.3.15) of Strabo : "But in Cappadocia-for there the tribe of the Magi is large; they are also called fire-kindlers; and there are many sanctuaries of the Persian gods --they do not even sacrifice with a knife, but they beat (the animal to death) with a piece of wood as with a cudgel." In the preceding sections (13-14), Strabo refers to the animal sacrifices of the Persians, but is not explicit about the method of killing. He mentions that in the sacrifice for water they go to a lake, river or spring, dig a trench and immolate the victim over it, taking care that the water is not polluted with blood. Since no cudgel is mentioned, one might think that Strabo assumed that the method was cutting the throat, as it was the Greek one. In the middle Persian text Draxt i Asurig, 'the Babylonian tree', which goes back to a Parthian predecessor, a date-palm and a goat engage in a verbal contest, each of them extolling its uses, particularly for man, and its superiority. In verse 15 the date-palm says: "They make clubs of me which break your neck 20." The Armenian Bishop Eznik of Kolb (fifth century A.D.) mentions that the Magi first club the animal and then kill it by cutting its throat. The verb used for 'to club' is yazel, borrowed from Iranian yaz 'to sacrifice21. Eznik remarks that thus the Magi unknowingly kill the victim twice.

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Hanns-Peter Schmidt Makaranda The Bishop of Halvan, Mar Barhad Besebba (sixth century A.D.), has a similar version : According to Zardust, one should not cut the throat of the victim before beating it on the neck with a cudgel till it is without life so that it does not feel the pain22 In the middle Persian encyclopedic text Denkard (tenth century A.D.) we have the most detailed Zoroastrian testimony about the matter : "The reason for striking cattle with a log before (applying) the knife, together with the other things which are to be done in that matter, apart from the ritual efficacy of cleansing the body from a number of demons, especially the portions of excrement and bad taste, and (apart from) preventing the unjust and ill-considered slaughter of cattle, is first pity for the beast and on this account the lessening of its fear and pain when the knife is applied to it, and the prevention of the slaughter of cattle in an illconsidered manner, impulsively and at any time when one's desire is urgent23." In Islamic times clubbing the animal was still practised as appears from a hostile and probably distorting source, 'Abd al-Jabar: "They have among their laws other revolting things, such as eating carrion. This is done by tying the bull tightly, and making it ascend a mountain. Then they say to it: 'We have commanded you and have warned you, but you did not do (what you were commanded to do)'Then they beat it until it is dead, and eat it. This is what they call yazdan-kust, which means 'killed by God', and there are other foolish things which they do 24." The same author has another version of the same, in which the animal is not beaten to death : The Magi make a cow ascend an elevated place, fetter her feet and make her roll down, saying : "Descend !" and "Don't descend !" When she has fallen and is dead, they eat her saying: "It is God who has killed her25 !" The Muslim author has probably taken this cruelty to animals which may have occurred among uncivilized folk for standard behaviour. It is unlikely that this was ever an accepted Zoroastrian practice. The charge that the Zoroastrians eat carrion is also voiced by Abu Sa'id

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How to Kill a Sacrificial Victim 23 Nashwan al-Himyari: "The characteristics of Persians: Then we stop in Persia; there, we find unmatched intellects and unmatched wisdoms. Their political administration is odd; their king is a mobed and he arranges the affairs; he has knowledge of the future. In spite of these, they sleep with their mothers; they eat almaytah (non-ritually killed animal, carrion) and they perform ablution with (bull's) urine; water is acceptable for them and they honour fire"," Here the method of slaughter is not mentioned, and we cannot tell whether the author refers to ritual killing which did not comply with Muslim practice or to profane killing. Actually it is not known whether there was. any profane slaughter among Zoroastrians; the present day Irani Zoroastrians allow only ritual killing in sacrifice". The accusation of eating carrion is obviously based on the assumption that the animal was killed, either by clubbing (or strangulation, see below) before being bled. It is clear from the foregoing passages that the Zoroastrians generally killed the sacrificial victim by first hitting it with a club and then cut its throat. Ph. Gignoux writes that "we do not know how the Mazdeans were supposed to slaughter cattle ritually." This is a surprising statement in view of the evidence adduced above, some of which is even quoted by Gignoux. But Gignoux draws attention to other sources which show that there was another method in use in Sasanian times. The Acts of the Persian Martyrs claim that the Zoroastrians drank blood in their worship and tried to make the martyrs drink blood". In the Passion of Akepsimas, Joseph and Aitalaha the martyrs are ordered "to drink blood and prostrate themselves before the Sun", but the Christians refuse. Later the magus orders to bring pure meat of an animal not strangled or immolated to the idols. In spite of this concession and the promise of absolution the saints refuse because nothing pure can come from impure hands. Instead of clubbing, strangling before cutting the throat was accordingly practiced by some Magi. Strangling is mentioned by al-Tabari in the history of al-Afshin, a local Iranian prince from Transoxania, who, though converted to Islam, followed some unorthodox practices. In one instance he is accused by a Mobad: "This man used to eat the flesh of strangled beasts, and he urged me to

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24 Hanns-Peter Schmidt Makaranda eat it also, alleging that it was more tender than meat that had been [ritually] slaughtered. He used to kill a black ewe each Wednesday; he would sever it through the middle with a sword, walk between the two halves, and eat its flesh." It is odd that a Mobad should bring up such an accusation if strangling was an acceptable practice among Zoroastrians. Possibly, it was a minority practice not approved by the entire clergy. But since the same Mobad later converts to Islam, it may well be that he wanted to ingratiate himself with the Muslim masters. The accusation contributed to al-Afshin's arrest and final execution in 226 A.H. (A.D. 841) though the main, probably trumpedup, charge was that he was involved in a conspiracy of the followers of the rebel Babak whom he himself had defeated three years earlier as general in the service of the caliph. The Pahlavi commentary of the Nirangistan, a ritual handbook of the Sasanian or early Islamic period, does not mention the method of killing the sacrificial victim explicitly, but it appears that hitting with a club is not involved, and that the knife to cut the throat is applied after the animal has been excited by a serrated, comb-like knife in order to keep it alert at the moment of death so that its soul goes consciously to heaven32. In a 16th century Persian Rivayat, the following rules for the slaughter of cattle are given: "[A Herbad] should recite the Kshnuman [proportional] of Bahman Amshaspand [who is the protector of cattle] and recite one Yatha [the Ahuna vairya prayer].....up to Shyaothenanam and then he may draw over it [the animal] a pure and sharp knife. He should not so manipulate (the knife awkwardly) but he should fix his eyes on it and should retain his breath, so that the gospend may have less pain." Boyce deplores "that the old humane manner of first stunning the beast has been abandoned for the Muslim manner of slaughter"." Gignoux (see above n.27) argues that this practice is influenced by the Islamic one since the passage begins with bismillah. The borrowing of a formula does, however, not prove that another item in the same passage must be borrowed, too. If Boyce and Gignoux are right, the Nirangistan passage might also show Islamic

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How to Kill a Sacrificial Victim 25 influence. If my interpretation of Strabo 15.3.13 (see the beginning of section II) is correct, it is however possible that cutting the throat without previous clubbing was one of the ways practised since ancient times. The practice of the Irani Zoroastrians has been described by Mary Boyce: "The first day of the [Mihragan] festival was one of bright winter sunshine, and the animal was led out of its stall into the courtyard, which had been carefully swept according to the established ritual. It was offered water to drink, and a sweetmeat, which it readily accepted. Water was splashed upon the ground around it; and then it was cast on its back. Jamshid [the chief sacrificer) knelt beside it, spoke the appropriate Avestan words [as in the above Rivayat), kissed its left cheek in contrition, and then swiftly cut its throat. Zoroastrians, unlike Muslims, consume the blood of the sacrifice. This is therefore caught in a bowl. When it had ceased to flow, the sacrificer cut off the tip of the tongue, and since the priest was not present, this was wrapped in some of the head and sent to him to be consecrated in the name of the yazad Hom, the ancient Haoma, to whom a part of all animal sacrifices must be devoted 35." The blood is used to prepare a sort of fried black pudding. But it is regarded as ritually impure and accordingly it is not consecrated. Soup is made of the head, but it also is ritually unclean, as are the forelegs 36. This is quite similar to the Vedic attitude towards blood and the head, with the exception that both can be used for ordinary purposes. Of the inwards of the animal heart, lungs, liver, kidneys, and omentum are ritually used. All these are among the eighteen parts of the victim which are suitable as sacrificial food in the Vedic animal sacrifice37. In the Vedic ritual omentum gets special treatment, and such treatment was not completely unknown in Iran since Strabo (15.3.13) reports that--though in general the Persians do not leave any portion of the meat for the gods since they think that the god needs only the soul of the victim--some put a small piece of the omentum on the fire39. In spite of the fact that the head is not made use of ritually, the tongue is used in both, Iran and India. Some of the agreements pointed out may well reflect Indo-Iranian heritage.

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26 Hanns-Peter Schmidt Makaranda . Annotations : * The title of this note echoes that of an article and then a whole book by Calvert Watkins, How to Kill a Dragon. Aspects of Indo-European Poetics, New York - Oxford 1995, which tells us much about poetic formulas, but nothing about the "how" 1. H. Oldenberg, Rgveda. Textkritische und exegetische Noten. Siebentes bis zehntes Buch, Berlin 1912, 319. Cf. M. Mayrhofer, Etymologisches Worterbuch des Altindoarischen, Heidelberg 1986-96, s.v., with further literature, and especially H. W. Bodewitz, Jaiminiya Brahmana I, 1-65, Leiden 1973, 147f. 2 sastrad is Caland's emendation for sastra (see his note on Apastamba Srautasutra 31.2.8). 3. "Vratya and Sacrifice", Indo-Iranian Journal 6.1962.1-37 : 18f. 4. See A.B. Keith (transl.) The Veda of the Black Yajus School entitled Taittiriya Sanhita, Cambridge, Mass. 1914, 521 with fn. 3. 5. M. Witzel, "The Case of the Shattered Head," Studien zur Indologie und Iranistik 13/14.1987.363-416 : 391. 6. "The Case of the Severed Head," Wiener Zeitschrift fur die Kunde Sud- und Ostasisens 11.1967.22-43:3Off. Reprinted in The Inner Conflict of Tradition, Chicago 1985, 45-58:50ff. Cf., also for the following, The Broken World of Sacrifice, Chicago 1993, 72ff. 7. Satapatha Brahmana 3.8.3.11, 29. 8. Taittiriya Samhita 6.3.7.4. 9. Asvalayana Grhyasutra 4.8.25. 10. On this problem in general cf. Heesterman, The Broken World of Sacrifice, 9ff. 11. Taittiriya Samhita 1.3.9 h-k. 12. Taittiriya-Brahmana 3.9.11.3-4. Apastamba srautasutra 20.19.10; 20-21-15. Satapatha Brahmana 13.3.4.2ff. 13. Asvalayana Gshyasutra 4.8.27. 14. Paraskara Grhyasutra 3.8.11. 15. Heesterman, The Broken World of Sacrifice, 73. 16. Satapatha Brahmana 3.8.2.4-5.

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How to Kill a Sacrificial Victim 17. Taittiriya Samhita 6.3.9.5. 18. Taittiriya Samhita 1.3.10.d-e, Maitrayaniya Samhita 3.10.4, Apastamba Srautasutra 7.25.6-7. 19. The translation follows A. de Jong, Traditions of Magi. Zoroastrianism in Greek & Latin Literature, Leiden - New York-Koln 1997, 144. 20. M. Nawwabi (ed.), Mangumah-i Draxt Asurig. Tehran 1346. Ch. J. Brunner, "The Fable of the Babylonian Tree. Part II : Translation," Journal of Near Eastern Studies 39.1980.291-302. 21. E. Benveniste, "Sur la terminologie iranienne du sacrifice," Journal asiatique 252.1964.45-58:52/ 22. Quoted after R. C. Zaehner, Zurvan. A Zoroastrian Dilemma, Oxford 1955, 439f. 23. Dh. M. Madan (ed.) The Complete Text of the Pahlavi Dinkard, Bombay 1911, 466 line 12ff. Translation by R. C. Zaehner, Zurvan, 52 note A. 24. Quoted for S. Shaked, "Islamic reports concerning Zoroastrianism," Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 17.1994.43-84:76. 25. G. Monnot, Penseurs musulmans et religions iraniennes. 'Abd al-Jabbar et ses devenciers, Paris 1974, 268. 26. Al-Hur al-'ayn, ed. Kamal Mustafa. Cairo 1948, 228. I owe the knowledge of this passage and its translation to Siamak Adhami. 27. M. Boyce. A Persian Stronghold of Zoroastrianism. Oxford 1977, 162f. When nowadays buying meat for ordinary use from Muslim butchers they argue that the sin of killing is the butcher's (ibid., 98). This argument reminds us of the Buddhist and Jaina monks or ascetics who lived on begged food, including meat, the condition being that the animal was not especially killed and prepared for them; see L. Alsdorf, Beitrage zur Geschichte von Vegetarismus und Rinderverehrung in Indien, Wiesbaden 1962, 5ff. 28. Ph. Gignoux, "Dietary laws in pre-Islamic and post-Islamic Iran," Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 17.1994.16-42:21f. 29. P. Bedjan (ed.), Acta martyrum et sanctorum, Paris 1890-1897. II 302-3. 30. H. Delehaye, Bibliotheca Historiae Graecae 15-16, II 513. 31. The History of al-Tabari. Vol. XXXIII, transl. and annot. by C. E. Bosworth,

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28 Hanns-Peter Schmidt Makaranda Albany 1991, 188. I owe this reference to Siamak Adhami. 32. Nirangistan: a Photozincographed Facsimile of a MS, belonging to ... Hoshangjee Jamaspjee, ed. D. P. Sanjana, Bombay 1894, fol. 129 recto. Erbadistan and Nirangistan : Facsimile Edition of the Manuscript TD, Ed. F. M. Kotwal, J. W. Boyd, Cambridge, Mass. 1980, fol. 87 verso. Aerpatastan and Nirangastan, trnsl. S. J. Bulsara, Bombay 1915, 324. Cf. M. Boyce, A History of Zoroastrianism I, Leiden 1975, 149 n. 12. 33. M. R. Unvala, Darab Hormazyar's Rivayat, Bombay 1922, I, 261. B. N. Dhabhar (trnsl.), The Persian Rivayats of Hormazyar Framarz, Bombay 1932, 261. 34. M. Boyce, "Atas-zohr and Ab-zohr," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 1966, 100-118:109. Most of the evidence shows that the animal was not merely stunned but rather killed by the club. 35. M. Boyce, "Mihragan among the Irani Zoroastrians," Mithraic Studies, Ed. J. R. Hinnells, Manchester 1975, I, 106-118:111. 36. Boyce, ibid., 115. 37. Apastamba Srautasutra 7.22.6. 38. Ibid., 7.19-21. 39. On the significance of the omentum, cf. R. B. Onians, The Origins of European Thought, Cambridge 1954, 188 n.2, 271, 280 with n.1, 282, 484, 511f.

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Varaha Srautasutra A Further Textual Study C. G. Kashikar The first critical edition of the Varaha Srautasutra (VarSs)--a junior Sutratext belonging to the Maitrayani recension of the Krsna Yajurveda-was published by W. Caland and Raghu Vira (Lahore 1933). In spite of the efforts made by the learned editors to present a critically edited correct text, the edition left much to be desired by reason of the very defective and scanty manuscript-material. I could procure two manuscripts of the text, not used by the editors-one (B) from the Maharaja Sayajirao University Oriental Institute, Baroda and another (N) from a private collection from Nandurbar, Dist. Dhulia (Maharashtra). Even though both the manuscripts are much currupt and belong to one and the same group, I could improve the text considerably in my edition (Pune, 1987). In the absence of a sufficient number of reliable manuscripts, I had very often to resort to major and minor conjectures. ... Incidentally, I came across an old manuscript of Maitrayaniya Sutratexts. [I thank my friend Radhe Shyam Shastri for bringing this manuscript to my notice.] The manuscript (Acc. no. - 2800) is in possession of Vaidika Samsodham Mandala, Pune. It was procured from Bhadgaon, Dist. Jalgaon (Maharashtra), a centre of Manava-Maitrayaniya activities. The manuscript is written in Devanagari script on country paper, is worn out, and has withered borders. It is written in prsthamiatra style. The hand-writing is uniform throughout. Folios (except two) are numbered, but the opening and closing folios are missing. The opening folio is numbered 115 and the last one is 237; inbetween, too, several folios are missing. The available portions deal with parts of the Varaha Srautasutra, several Varaha Parisistas, and the Pravargya forming part of the Manava Srautasutra. In all 15 folios present

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30 C. G. Kashikar Makaranda the scattered portions of the Varss. As the external and internal evidence shows, the manuscript is much older than the two Varaha manuscripts B and N. So far only two manuscripts recording the Varaha tradition were known to be existing. The present manuscript, even though supplying a partial text, is the third one. It must therefore be regarded as a veritable source for the preservation of the Varaha Sutra-text. In consideration of the similarity of corrupt readings, the present manuscript, which I designate as Bh., belongs to the same group as that of Band N. There must have been a common source of the three manuscripts. Whether Bh. was the source of B and N, it is difficult to say. In spite of the common corrupt readings, Bh exhibits certain independent readings which are undoubtedly worthy of attention. There are certain orthographical peculiarities of Bh. Where there is a conjunction of dental nasals, the scribe writes, as many other scribes have done, a single dental nasal with a dot on the preceding syllable, e. g. III. 4. 2. 8 Haf. The scribe writes guttural Kh in place of sibilant s e. g. sukhada for susada (III. 3. 3. 12). He also turns the other way round, e. g. premsa for prerkha (III. 2. 5. 55). When there is an occasion to change the genitive plural suffix dental onam into cerebral onam, he retains the dental, e. g. mesanam for mesanam (III. 4.4.23); also accusative plural trihayanan for trihayanan (III. 4. 3. 18). When there is a conclusion of a Khanda he sometimes writes Khanda, but sometimes changes as Khandaka (III. 3. 3; 4. 1. 4). The 15 folios (115-117, 119-128 and two without numbers) give the following portions of the text : III. 2. 2. 37 to III. 2. 3. 11; III. 2. 5. 42 to III. 2. 6. 4; III 2. 8. 34 to III. 3. 1. 54, III. 3. 2. 27 to III. 4. 4. 28. I record below the preferable readings of Bh where the present text is defective. At a few places, I have recorded the variant from Bh even though it is also corrupt. I hope the portions of Manava Srautasutra and Varaha Parisistas as found in Bh will be exploited for the purpose of checking and improving, if possible, corresponding portions available in printed or manuscript form. Mahavrata III 2. 5. 46. a: itamfet. This is the quarter D of the verse beginning

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Varaha Srautasutra : A Further Textual Study 31 with na vai gAvo mAgIrasya. Bh reads tAH prAcI: sacagAhire Vaitanasatra 34.9 reads tAH 4184: H IST. The third verse in the same sutra reads the first line as 2G TE vadato grAmyamatirasAkasaijanasya. Bh reads sAkaMsaujanasya. All this is corrupt. II. 2. 5. 47- Huisi teref Tosoft Bh (folio not numbered, A8) reads ninayaMti in place of yathArthaM gacchanti. Mans's VII. 2.7.10 has ninIya pratipariyanti ApS'S XXI 20. 5 reads 3G TYYTYfir yere tafel. In the Mahavrata sacrifice, there is an interesting rite in which, according to VarsS. III. 2. 5. 46-47 four or six or eight maid-servants walk around the Marjaliya mound four times while each of the four verses is being recited four times, and strike their feet on the ground saying, "This is honey, this is honey." Having gone around the Marjaliya mound each time, they pour down water from their pitchers and at last they depart. Here the verbal form ninayanti (they pour down water) is essential in compassion with the relevant passages from the Mans's and APS's. The words zeel of are also necessary. III. 2. 5. 49-fevra: Hay Tae: efen Tery cafen: * faezf. The word HGIGYTET: is corrupt. Here Bh. (folio not numbered A9) reads HURRICE: which also is corrupt. There is no parallel construction in the Mans's and the ApS'S, hence I am not able to reconstruct the word. III. . 4. &?-TE 949-14 hd 9487246 E 97 RIH 75 94H bhakSayAmyannAdyaM te bhakSayAmi prajAM me bhakSayAmi pratiSThAM bhakSayAmi iti // Instead of prajAM me bhakSayAmi pratipaNaM bhakSayAmi Bh (folio not numbered B7-9) reads prajAM te bhakSayAmi pratiSThAM te bhakSayAmi sfa which seems to be correct. The formulas are not registered in Bloomfield's Vedic Concordance. Sautramani III. 2. 8. 48-ECT 49EUR574 sfa ftyfucaqtoriefa gaifa y Bh (115 A10) reads To Eat Elfa. Mans's V. P. 88.34 reads a caesafufagyfaf4: urch Hfileguzifista rentojala i MS. III. II covers the mantras to be employed in the Kaukili Sautramani. In MS. III. II. 10 the mantras beginning with heqi etc. concern the Avabhrtha. The fourth and the fifth verses respectively are 1 and 27 TH. VarSs. III. P. C. 80 reads : 112C UTA a histed This implies that the first three verses beginning with al are to be employed in offering oblations. The Mans's therefore rightly says fra hentuelfa. The Bh-reading "meSyannAhutI juhoti, therefore, requires to be emended as meSyannAhutIjuhoti.

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32 C. G. Kashikar Makaranda It is not expedient to offer a single oblation with three verses. ApS'S XIX. 10. 4 reads yaddevA devaheDanamityavabhRthe paJcAhutIrjuhotItyAzmarathyaH T Br. II. 6.6 provides mantras for the Avabhrtha in the Kaukili Sautramani. Apastamba rightly prescribes five oblations with five verses, and in the next sutra, he asks the sacrificer to follow the Avabhrtha with the subsequent verse. In all rituals the mantracollection and the prescriptions go concurrently. Rajasuya III. 3. 2. 29-rukmaNotpUya pAlAzamAzvatthamaudumbaraM naiyagrodhamiti pAtrANi teSu rAjasUyA ityapo vyAnayati. Bh (119 A4) reads svAhA rAjasUyAH instead of mere rAjasUyA: MS II. 6. 8 and Mans'S IX. i. 33 read svAhA rAjasUyA: III. 3. 2. 34-abhyaktamudakaM sparzayati Bh (119A8) reads avasparzayati Instead of sparzayati. III. 3. 3.1-asAvi devaM goRjIkamandho nyasminnindro jnussemuvoc| bodhAmasi tvA haryazva yajJai |dhA naH stomamandhasI padeSu // iti triSTubhA brahmAnveti / Bh (120 A5) reads padeSvetIMdhrA triSTubhA etc. This requires to be emended as 'padeSvityainyamiSTubhA. The verse is addressed to Indra. Therefore the addition of aindyA is right. cf. ManS'S. IX. 2. 3. 28; RV. VII. 21. 1. III. 3. 3. 17-saha sArathinA rathamAdadhAti (Bh 120 B5) reads saha sArathinA rathavAhana Theyifa. Rathavahana needs to be corrected as rathavahana. cf. MS. IV.4. 6 saha sArathinA rathavAhane rathamAdadhAti; Mans'S. IX. 1. 4. 11-saha sArathinA rathavAhane rathamAdadhAti, cf. also Varss III. 3. 4. 37, 39. III. 3. 3. 18-AhitAdavarohitA / / 78 // brahmAstvaM brahmAsi etc. After the 18th sutra, Bh (120 B5) leaves a lacuna indicated by four horizontal lines and then writes mer etc. B and N do not show this lacuna. Looking at the parallel procedure in ManS'S. IX. 1. 4. 9 do not think that anything is missing here. III. 3. 3. 21-eSa vajra iti brahmA sphaya~ rAjJe prayacchati / rAjA pratihitAya pratihitaH senAnye senAnI saMgrahItre saMgrahItA sUtAya sUto grAmaNye grAmaNIrakSAvApAya. Bh (120 B7) reads eSa vajra iti vaptA....paryAyaiH brahmA etc.

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Varaha Srautasutra : A Further Textual Study 33 The occasion is to prepare a gambling platform for the royal sacrificer. The Brahman passes on the wooden sword to the King who in his turn hands it over to the heir-apparent. The turn goes on further and ultimately the wooden sword is received by the dice-player. In all there are seven passings. Each one passes it on to the next reciting the formula eSa vajrastena me radhya. In the height of this series of actions the correct reading in Bh can be conjectured. The word an may be emended as HH and next two blank spaces may have been intended for yajuSaH. Thus one may read eSa vajra iti saptabhiryajaSaH paryAyairbrahmA spayaM rAjJe prayacchati etc. cf. MS. II. 6. 6; IV. 4.6; Mans'S. IX. 1. 4. 19; ApS'S XVIII. 18. 14. The word paryaya has been frequently used in the VarSs. III. 3. 3. 31-Rco gAthAzca hotA zaMsati hiraNyakUrca AsInaH // Bh (121 A4) reads Rcazca gAthAzca.. ... III. 3. 3. 36-38-abhiSekazeSaM gArhapatye juhoti // 36 // pratihitasya vayaM syAma patrayo ravINAmiti [vAcacati] // 37 // mAhendreNa paritvA] samAnamAvabhRthAt // 38 // This is the emended text. Caland and Raghu Viraedition and Band Nread abhiSekazeSaM gArhapatye jahotIti pratihitasya vayaM syAma patayo rayINAmiti japitvA. Bh (121 A7-10) reads abhiSekazeSaM gArhapatye hutvA prajApate na tvadityasAviti pratihitasya nAmAdizati dvipitaramaSyAsau putra iti pratihitasya vayaM syAma patayo rayINAmiti japitvA smaanmaavbhRthaat|| In comparison with parallel construction in Mans'S. IX. 1.4.27-29, the Bh-reading seems to have filled the gap, "the Adhvaryu offers the remnants of the sprinkling waters on the Garhapatya with the verse prajapate na tvad." Here he mentions the name of the heir-apparent. N. N. If the heir-apparent is a child of two fathers (by birth as well as by adoption), he should say, "N. N. son of N. N." He should then murmur the verse, "May we be lords of wealth...." The subsequent procedure upto the Avabhrtha is similar." __ IV. 3. 4. 36-sAyaM pUrvAH prayuja uttarANi havIMSi Bh. (122 A8) adds SaT after uttarANi. This is the correct reading. In the Dasapeya sacrifice forming part of the Rajasuya, there are six prior prayuj offerings to be offered in the evening, and six latter prayuj offerings to be offered next morning of VarsS. III. 3. 4. 38. SaDuttarANi prAtaH. Hence the Bh-reading is correct. cf. MS. IV. 4. 9 : yadetAH prayuja upaiti sAyamanyAH prAtaranyAH dvau vA RtU ahazca rAtrizca tA eva prayuGkte SaDanyAH SaD vA Rtava RtUneva prayuGkte tA ubhayIdvadiza dvAdaza mAsAH saMvatsaraH saMvatsarameva vRkte. cf. ApS'S. XVIII. 22. 5-7.

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C. G. Kashikar Makaranda Asvamedha III. 4. 1.17--: the stafa gerilgeasca EN TEIGITTERA I 3 HARITTI rAjaputrANAM zataiH sahAdhvardU rAjJAM brahmA sUtagrAmaNInAM hotA kSatRsaMgRhItRRNAmudgAtA / Bh reads prokSati (373 B1) instead of utafa and later " (123 B2) instead of ra:. The plural were is correct in consideration of the plural pia: and the mention of four priests beginning with the Adhvaryu. Later the instrumental singular da as recorded in Bh is also correct. The total number of princes participating in the sprinkling of the horse in company with the four chief priests is four hundred. There are four chief priests and each of them is to be accompanied by a hundred princes. Therefore, the first occurrence of sata is in plural and the second occurrence is in singular. cf. Mans'S. IX. 2. 1. 32. ___III. 4. 1. 35-saMsthitAsu pariplavamAcaSTe / Bh (124 A4) has pariplava instead of yfiya cf. ApS'S. XX. 6. 7. III. 4. 1. 57--tegratsfrag gafarrefst: utggalafya: I Bh (124 A10) reads ugGraiafya: which is preferable ManS'S, IX. 2. 2. 22 has pautudaravau. cf. also naitudarava. III. 4. 2. 9--yda nifur Hregnet 778782 397 aldaketar: The ending portion is corrupt. Bh ends this sutra with Peletal which is equally obscure. III. 4. 2. 14 arbudAya svAhA // Bh (125 B3) reads nyarbudAya svAhA which is correct : cf. TS. VII. 2. 20. 1; TBr. III. 8. 16. 3; KS (As'va) II. 10. III. 4. 3. 1-ityazvasya grIvAsu rukmaM pratimucya etc. Bh (126 A3) reads pratimuMcati which is found also in Mans'S. IX. 2. 3. 7. However the ApS'S. which has much influenced the Varss. reads pratimucya. III. 4.3.3--3GGR4Y5ufs etc. Bh (126 A5) reads 3G MARY CHUR. Also in the next sutra Bh reads avarundhanti. III. 4. 3. 21-Between the 21st and 22nd sutras Bh reads : tai a4 3te de frete JR 4-fthiday fashch40fa I Both the 21st sutra and the additional matter as reproduced above end with 3410fa. Hence it is obvious that B and N missed the subsequent portion through haplography. The Bh-portion is corrupt. MS. III. 14.1-21 records lists of forest-animals to be procured in connection with the Asvamedha. In these lists one comes across the words are at the end of Ms. III. 14. 10. Besides these, there

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Varaha Srautasutra : A Further Textual Study 35 is nothing in these lists which would correspond with a part of the Bh-portion. ManS'S IX. 2. 4. 3-4 refers the forest-animals recorded in Ms. ManS'S IX. 2. 4.4 mentions, among others, 7fsy (=71819194211 which approximates the ending part of the Bh portion. Even though the Bh-portion could not be deciphered completely, it is clear that the VarsS read some portion between the 21st and the 22nd sutras. ApS'S. XX. 14. 5. ff. does not render any help in this respect. _III. 4. 4. 1-pRcchAmi tvA bhuvanasya nAbhim. Bh (127 B1) reads pRcchAmi yatra bhuvanasya 7114:. The cited portion is the part B of the verse beginning with yusifa ali 4*4+yea: which is traced to TS. VII. 4. 18. 2; VS XIII. 61. The variant reading'as found in Bh is from RV. I. 164. 34. III. 4. 4. 26-tasya pavamAno lohitaM zrapayati. The word pavamAno, even though a correct grammatical form is obscure in the present context. Bh (128 B7) reads naat which is equally obscure.

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Vedisms in Daivarata's Chandodarsana G. U. Thite Daivarata, a modern rsi, to whom 448 mantras are claimed to have been revealed, was born on 4th Jan. 1892. He belonged to Gokarna. A collection of hymns revealed to him called "Chandodarsana" is published by Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, Mumbai, 1968. This text consists of 8 chapters called Anuvakas. There are in all 50 hymns composed in Vedic metres, namely Gayatri, Anustubh, Tristubh, and Jagati. The text consists of Samhita-patha as well as Pada-patha, both with the accentuation marks. The text is followed by the 'Chandodarsanasarvanukramanikasutram' which is an index to the text. There is also a commentary in Sanskrit by Ganapati Muni. The commentator who happened to be Daivarata's teacher has written a preface to his commentary in which he justifies the possibility of there being new rsis. For, he says that even in the Rgveda there are references to new and ancient rsis. The commentator-teacher of Daivarata claims that Daivarata was a great Yogi and seer and that he even without being properly trained in Sanskrit or Veda saw these Vedic Mantras in 1917 during the 15 days of the month of Karttika. Daivarata in his transcendental meditation recited these mantras and the teacher wrote them down. The teacher had to omit many a halfverse or quarter-verse because they were not sufficiently audible. In this paper it is intended to study the Vedisms in these Mantras. In the Rgveda when an independent Svarita immediately precedes an Udatta, the phenomenon of Kampa occurs. In that case the independent Svarita is accompanied by the sign of the numeral 1 if the vowel is short and 3 if the vowel is long. The figures are marked with both Svarita and Anudatta. In the Chandodarsana, there are several occasions of both these types of Kampa. Thus for example in I. 4. 2 agnirayam visvavijjatavedah svalr visvanyeva bhutani jatani Veda. For similar Kampas see I. 4. 7, I. 5. 9, 1. 5.

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38 G. U. Thite Makaranda 10, I. 8. 2, II. 7. 1, III. 4. 4, IV. 2. 6, IV. 4. 5, IV. 4. 11, V. 1. 6, V. 1. 8, V. 2. 3, V. 3. 8, VI. 2. 5, VI. 4. 7, VII. 2. 1-4, VII. 3. 1, VII. 4. 1-2, VIII. 4. 8, VIII. 5. 4. In all these cases there is the figure. In the following example there is a Kampa with the figure 3 - hrdayyozntaramrtah, I. 4. 4. For similar Kampa see I. 8. 2, III. 1. 6, IV. 3. 1, V. 1. 3, VI. 4. 15, VIII. 1. 9, VIII. 4. 7. In the Rgveda the refrains like sa janasa indrah (II. 12) or kuvit somasyapamiti (X. 119) are famous. As in the Rgveda, in the Chandodarsana also there are some refrains or some lines which are stylistically repeated. Indeed there is rather too much repetition and use of refrain. These are the oft repeated refrains. 1. jyotir visvasya darsayat : I. 1. 3, I. 2. 7, I. 3. 4, I. 5. 10, I. 6. 5, I. 7. 5, I. 8. 5, IV. 3. 12, IV. 4. 12, IV. 5. 8, IV. 5. 10, V. 2. 10, V. 3. 14, VI. 1. 8, VI. 2. 10, VI. 3. 16, VI. 4. 16, VII. 2. 11, VII. 3. 8, VII. 4. 7, VIII. 1. 10. 2. sendro marutvan rajatiha sa madhyamah: 1.6. 1-5. 3. vayuh sahasendravantsa madhyamah : I. 7. 1-5. 4. marutam sa pita rudrah sa madhyamah: I. 8. 1-5. 5. vag vida pratima brahmanah sa para: II. 2. 2-7. 6. vag vida mata visvasya brahmano yonih: II. 4. 1-10. 7. samena tam purusam prapadye rasena: III: 5. 1-7. 8. sendrameva tam vrne sam gamadhyai: IV. 2. 2-9. 9. indrasyaiva rni bhavanyanrno'nyad indrameva tam vrne sam gamadhyai: IV. 4. 1-11. 10. sa satyoyam amrto visvavedah : IV. 5. 1-7, IV. 6. 1-9, V. 2. 1-9, V. 3. 1-13. 11. tapasa dhibhih purusam tam prapadye: VI. 1. 1-7, VI. 3. 1-15, VI. 4. 1-15. 12. parasma purusah sa purnah paramah : VI. 2. 1-9. 13. ta apo devyah svamim ma punantu : VII. 2. 1-10.

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Vedisms in Daivarata's Chandodarsana 39 14. apo devih saranam prati prapadye : VII. 4. 1-6. 15. samapo mataro mrtayata mahyam : VII. 3. 8, VII. 4.7. 16. vatsasya me jivanaya : VIII. 1. 2-6. 17. tapasopavasan prapadye : VIII. 3. 1-3, 5, cp. 4, 6, 7. 18. tavagnisomau mrlayatam svam visvam; VIII. 4.1-6, 8. It is significant to note in this context that in all these repetitions the Pada-patha does not use the device called galita (dropped) as is normally done in the Pada-patha of the Rgveda. Thus here the Pada-patha also repeats all the words. Use of the consonant l or lh is a peculiarity of the Rgveda. This use is limited only to such cases as d or dh occurring in between two vowels only. In, Chandodarsana, too, we notice the same peculiarity. Thus the form mrlayatam occurs as a part of the refrain tavagnisomau mrlayatam svam visvam which occurs eight times in the Chandodarsana (VIII. 4.1-8). Similarly the sound lh occurs in the word samulhah (I. 8. 2; IV. 1. 2) and in the word abhyulhah (V.1.6). . In some Vedic words we find the sound r for which in the later language we get the sound l in them (see e. g. sithira / sithila). The word aram offers a similar case. In later Sanskrit we get the word alam while the Veda prefers aram. In the Chandodarsana also we find the use of aram. Thus we see for example 1. 7.5 : yo na drie'ram. In IV. 5. 6 however in one and the same verse alam as well as aram is used thus : yam pranaih svaritum pranabhrto nalam (b) and yam manasa mantu na manisino'ram. (c). The same two lines are also found in VI. 1. 6. For the use of the word aram see also VI. 1. 7 (b&c). In the Chandodarsana IV. 2. 2-9 we everywhere read sendram tam vrne sam gamadhayi. Here the double sandhi of sah indram is noteworthy. It is quite similar to the Rgvedic double sandhi in sedagnin (RV VII. 1. 14), sedagniryo vanusyatah (RV VII. 1. 15), semam nah kamamaprna (RV I. 16. 9). As in the Veda in the Chandodarsana the Upasargas and verbal forms are at times separated from each other. Thus for example VIII. 2. 5 we read indro balena samo'sminnadadhatu punah pranan. Here after the prefix sam there is a word asmin. The prefix sam is to be connected with a dadhatu. It

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G. U. Thite Makaranda however seems that the Vedic peculiarity about prefixes is very rare in the Chandodarsana. In the Veda prefixes can even come after the verbal forms. This peculiarity is not noticed in the Chandodarsana. Some of the peculiarities of nominal declensions in the Vedic language are also seen in the Chandodarsana. Thus for example the nominative plural forms brahmanasah and amrtasah occur in III. 1. 6. The nominative plural of the neuter gender words drop ni or ni. Thus see e. g. tri for trini in III. 5. 3; VI. 2. 6. The instrumental singular form citti is found in II. 3. 4, 7; II. 8. 1; II. 10.1, 8; VI. 3. 2; VI. 4. 14. The form sucitti is a similar one (VI. 1. 2). The instrumental plural forms with bhis are also noteworthy. See e. g. visvebhih, VI. 3. 4; tebhih, VIII. 5. 3. The locative singular forms without i of the words ending in an also are peculiar to Veda. Thus see the form atman (II. 10.8; III. 2. 3; VI. 3. 9; VIII. 5. 1). In Rgveda VIII. 60.5, in connection with Agni and in Rgveda IX. 62. 30, in connection with Soma, the word stah (right) is used in Masculine Nominative Singular. In Chandodarsana I. 4. 8 the word rta is used in Masculine Nominative Singular as an adjective of Agni (cp. also I. 5. 10). It is however used as an Active Past Participle of the root r in the sense of "gone". Similarly in Chandodarsana III. 4. 5 this word is used in connection with Brahmanaspati. The word darbata (worthy to be seen) occurs many times in the Rgveda (see I. 36. 9; 1. 38. 13; 1. 102. 2 etc. ) Similarly the word visvadarsata is also frequently used (see I. 25. 18; 1. 44.10; I. 50.4 etc.). In the Chandodarsana also both these words are used. Thus see the word darsata in I. 2. 7; I. 7.5; IV. 1. 8; IV. 2. 10; V. 2. 10; V. 4.8; VI. 1. 8; VI. 3. 16; VI. 4. 16 and the word visvadarsata in I. 6. 5. We also get the word adarsata ("invisible") in I. 7.5. The word visvatha is used thrice in the Rgveda (I. 141. 9; II. 24. 11; V. 44. 1). In Chandodarsana it is used very frequently I. 4. 13; 1. 5. 3; II. 2. 4; II. 4. 4; II. 6. 8; II. 10. 8; II. 12. 10; III. 2. 1; III. 2. 4-5; III. 3. 7-8; IV. 2. 1; IV. 3. 1; IV. 4. 4; IV. 6. 9; V. 2. 1; V. 2. 9; V. 3. 5; V. 4. 3; V. 6.5; VI. 2. 9; VI. 3. 1; VI. 3. 5; VI. 3. 10; VIII. 4. 1. Infinitive forms also constitute another peculiarity of the Vedic language. In the Chandodarsana also we find Vedic infinitives : See for example the

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Vedisms in Daivarata's Chandodarsana form drse (1. 7. 5; IV. 1. 6; VII. 4. 6). Another Vedic infinitive form is gamadhyai (II. 4. 6; IV. 1. 5; IV. 2. 9; IV. 3. 1-11; IV. 4. 1-11). The form jivase is found in IV. 1.7; VII. 4.6. In Chandodarsana II. 12. 8 Aorist Imperative Second Person Singular of the root kr viz. krdhi is used. Subjunctive forms like bhavati (III. 1.8) and codayasi (ii. 2. 6) are found in the Chandodarsana. A form from a denominative root viz. duvasya ("do you serve" from duvas "service") (III. 1. 4) is also typically Vedic. Gerundive form kartvam (III. 1. 5) is also a Vedic peculiarity. Use of the Perfect form cakartha in III. 6. 1 is a reminiscent of the Vedic language. Stylistic use of the particle u is a peculiarity of the Vedic language. This particle is used very frequently in the Rgveda. For e. g. I. 24. 8; I. 26. 5 etc. In the Pada-patha, however, this particle is invariably nasalized, lengthened and followed by iti (u iti). This peculiarity is noticed in the Chandodarsana in exactly the same manner in its Samhita-patha and Pada-patha. See I. 2.5; III. 1. 8 and VII. 1. 7. In the Vedic language the emphatic particle it ("only") is very commonly used (see e. g. RV I. 1. 4). In the Chandodarsana, too, this indeclinable is used in a similar manner. Thus see VI. 2.5: yo mimaya tridhed bhuvanam vagbhih. There are some typically Vedic words used in the Chandodarsana. Thus in I. 4. 1 the word purusa is used (cf. also VIII. 4. 8-9). The word pratnatha ("in the ancient manner") is used in I. 5. 4. Some other expressions like mithuya ("mutually") (VIII. 4.1); varutha ("protection") (III. 1.4); syadhaya ("at will") (V. 4.1); apraketah ("without a mark") (I. 4. 4); vedisad ("sitting upon the altar") (I. 4. 6); panca janah ("five tribes") (VI. 4. 13); durgrbhitah ("wrongly taken") (VII. 2. 7); visvavedah ("knower of all") (V.4.5); satpatih ("lord of existing things") (VI. 1. 4); sahasvan ("powerful") (I. 5. 5). In Chandodarsana II. 7. 7 the word ravatha is used in the sense of "sound". For the use of this word in the Rgveda : see I. 100. 13; IX. 80. 1. Many phrases used in the Chandodarsana remind us of the same or similar phrases used in the Vedic literature. Thus in Chandodarsana I. 3. 2 we read savita satyadharma which is comparable to savita satyadharma in RV X. 34. 8; X. 139. 3. In Chandodarsana I. 8. 1-4 Rudra is described to be

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42 G. U. Thite Makaranda marutam pita (cp. RV. II. 33.1 a te pitar marutam sumnametu). For the word brahmacodani (CD II. 2. 6) compare RV VI. 53. 8. CD I. 5. 5 agnirayam suniti supathasman susumnaih satye nayatu praneta is similar to RVI. 189.1 (agne naya su patha raye asman). The phrase sutarma nauh in CD II. 5. 7 is comparable to RV VIII. 42. 3 sutarmanam adhi navam ruhema (cp. also AB I. 13 : yajno vai sutarma nauh). The stylistic expressions devanam devatamah, maghonam maghavattamah, rathinam rathitamah (CD all IV.3.3); rasanam rasatamah (CD IV. 3. 6); priyanam priyatamah (CD IV. 3. 7); hitanam hitatamah (CD IV. 3.8); gurunam gurutamah (CD IV. 4.4); rsinam rsitamah (CD V.3.3; VI. 4.6) are very much in tune with the Rgvedic phrases gananam ganapatis (II. 23. 1); tavastamah tavasam (II. 33. 3); bhisaktamam bhisajam (II. 33. 4). When we read about Vaisvanara) in Cd V. 1. 7 ayam visvesu bhuvanesvadhiksitah we remember adhiksiyanti bhuvanani visva (RV I. 154. 2). The phrase savitresitah (CD VII. 1. 1) reminds us of the phrase anvasya ketamisitam savitra (RV II. 38.5). Use of the pronominal particles in and sim is a peculiarity of the Rgvedic language. In the Chandodarsana also, these particles are frequently used. Thus for im see II. 5. 2-4; IV. 2. 2-7; IV. 6. 2-5; VI. 2. 2-5; VII. 2, 1-10; VII. 3. 7; VII. 4. 1. For the use of sim see IV. 6.1; VI. 2. 1. ! There are some extremely queer constructions in the Chandodarsana which can neither be called Vedic nor classical. Thus for example in VI. 3. 9 we read ya atmanamevanvajuhvata bhuyah. Here yah is singular'and ajuhvata is a plural form. In IV. 4. 1-11c everywhere we read indrasyaiva rni bhavanyanrno'nyat. Here the form anyat is quite strange. We expect either the form anyasmat or just as the Genitive form is used of the word indra so also the Genitive form anyasya should have been used. In I. 6. 1 and I. 7.1 the word atmanvi is used in the sense of "possessing the self". This possessive form is irregular. In Chandodarsana I. 4. 6 Agni is described as vedisad yo havir devebhyo nayati. Here we expect an Accusative form rather than a Dative form of the word deva. In III. 2. 2 and in III. 6. 4 there is an expression dampativaiva. Here the word dampati is a Pragshya. Still there is a euphonic combination (sandhi) between dampati and iva. Indeed we have to describe these

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Vedisms in Daivarata's Chandodarsana 43 phenomena as arsa (belonging to rsis). From the above given details of the vedisms in the Chandodarsana one can safely conclude that the Chandodarsana has all the appearance of a Rgvedic Mandala. In the introduction to this book R. R. Divakar has quoted the views of Mahamahopadhyaya Datto Vaman Potdar, (Acharya) Vinoba Bhave, (Lokanayak) M. S. Aney (President, Vaidik Samsodhana Mandal), Dr. Sontakke (Secretary, Vaidik Samsodhana Mandal) and Dr. Hans Peter (Schmidt ?) a German Vedic scholar, who have accepted the Vedic character of the Chandodarsana. (There are, however, no reasons given.) I accept their view but with some reservations. There are numerous negative points which also should be taken into consideration. From the point of view of mythology, the Chandodarsana has nothing to either add or to agree with the extant Rgveda. There are numerous references to Indra but no reference either to Vstra or to any other demon. Among the most typical Vedic gods, Varuna'or Asvins find no place here. Last but not the least Soma and somasacrificial ritual are conspicuously absent. The overall tenor of the Chandodarsana is rather that of the philosophical Upanisads like Svetasvatara or Mundaka than that of the archaic Rgvedic hymns of the second Mandala for example. Thus in my estimate Chandodarsana is Vedic but not sufficiently archaic. . These limitations, however, are not mentioned here in order to diminish the importance of the Vedic nature of the Chandodarsana. They can be treated as the part of the personality of the modern rsi Daivarata. I only hope that the future history will not only accept the Chandodarsana as Veda but will also associate it with some new ritual. The future generations are likely to learn this text by heart in its Samhita-patha, Pada-patha and even with the other Vikrtis like Krama, Jata and Ghana etc. The future Mimamsakas, too, will try to establish the apauruseyatva of this text and its authoritativeness.

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The Justification of Krsna's Annihilation of His Own Clan S. J. Noel Sheth It is with a great sense of joy and gratitude that I write this essay in honour of Prof. M. A. Mehendale, who taught me Yaska's Nirukta. In the context of this etymological work, it may be incidentally remarked that the latter part of my article is replete with examples of etymologies employed by commentators for the purpose of exegesis. We will analyse the justification of Krsna's destruction of his own clan, the Yadavas, given by the Mahabharata (Mbh) and its commentator Nilakantha, by the Visnu Purana (Vip) and its commentator Sridhara, by the Bhagavata Purana (Bhp) and especially by the following 15 commentators on the Bhagavata : Bhagavatprasada (BP), Giridharalala (GD), Gangasahaya (GS), Jiva Gosvamin (JG)-the reference is to one of his three commentaries, called Krama-sandarbha(Ks), Madhva(MD), Purusottama, Radharamanadasa (RR), Sudarsanasurin, sukadeva (SD), Sridhara Svamin (SS), Vallabha (VB), Visvanatha Cakravartin (VC), Vamsidhara (VD), Vijayadhvaja (VJ), and Viraraghava (VR).3 The episode occurs in the "Mausala Parvan" (Book 16) of the Mbh, in 5.37.1-5.38.11 of the Vip, and in 11.1; 11.6; 11.30; and 11.31 of the BhP4. The bare outline of the story is as follows: Due to their impudent tomfoolery, some of the Yadava youths are cursed by brahmins that an iron pestle or club produced from Samba, one of the youths, will destroy the Yadava clan". The pestle is ground to powder and thrown into the sea, but the powdered iron grows into reeds on the shores of the ocean. Later, noticing evil omens, Krsna urges the Yadavas to leave Dvaraka and go to Prabhasa. There the * Yadavas get drunk and begin to kill one another. When they run out of

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46 S. J. Noel Sheth Makaranda weapons, they resort to the reeds on the shore which, due to the powdered iron, turn into iron clubs in their hands. Krsna too joins in the fray and strikes dead several of them with those iron clubs. After the destruction of the Yadavas, first Balarama, and then Krsna, leaves this world, the latter doing so after being shot by an arrow by a hunter named Jara ("Old Age"). Then the ocean submerges the city of Dvaraka. After Krsna's departure, the evil Kali Yuga is ushered in. It should be noted that, in the Harivamsa (97.3136), Narada foretells that Krsna will return to his own celestial region and that the ocean will inundate the cities of Bhogavati and Dvaraka, but the actual events are not narrated in the Harivamsa'. 1. The Problem and the Justification in the Mahabharata and its Commentator Nilakantha In his Introduction to the Critical Edition of the "Mausala Parvan" of the Mbh, Belvalkar asks "why Krsna did not prevent the misconduct of the Yadavas, overrule the curse of the sages...Krsna had done similar wholesome and righteous acts in the Kaurava-Pandava warfare. He not only did not prevent the evil, but even participated personally in the Mausala fight.....How are we to explain such happenings and such conduct in the ease of the reputed promulgator of the Bhagavadgita teaching?" In the Mbh, although at first Krsna's father Vasudeva points to Arjuna's two disciples, Pradyumna and Yuyudhana [Satyaki], as the primary cause of the annihilation of the Vrsnis or Yadavas, he does not want to censure them, because he thinks that the real cause is the curse of the Brahmins. (16.7.5-8). Their imprecation is often alluded to as the reason for the destruction (16.1.9; 2.16; 4.38; 5.3; 5.5; 8.30; 9.8; 9.25) It should be noted that the Mbh also mentions another curse, that of Gandhari on Krsna; she cursed him that he will kill his own relatives and he himself will meet an ignominious death because, according to her, he was willfully indifferent to the destruction of the Kauravas (11.25.36-42). It is also maintained that the Yadavas are impelled by destiny (16.2.5; 2.13; 9.26), and that the inundation of Dvaraka was also due to fate (16.8.41). Similarly, it is said that they are controlled by Time (Kala) (16.2.2; 4.29; 4.42; 9.10, 33). Moreover, the Yadavas, including Balarama, acted

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The Justification of Krsna's Annihilation of His Own Clan 47 under the influence of liquor (16.4.14-15; 4.31; 4.40). All this, at first sight, can be construed as an explanation as to why the Yadavas were annihilated. But, on the other hand, Vyasa declares in the text that Krsna is able to counteract the curse and destiny, since he is able even to alter the course of the three worlds; yet, even so, he chooses to be indifferent (16.9.24-33). Even Krsna's own father Vasudeva' laments that Krsna, the lord of the universe, is indifferent to this calamity (anaya) (16.7.911). He does not want to change fate (Krtanta) (16.2.14) It is true that he wants to prevent Yuyudhana from killing more people (16.428) but when, impelled by fate, all the Bhojas and Andhakas surrounded the son of Sini, i.e., Yuyudhana, then Krsna, knowing the opposition of Time (Kala) does not get angry [and does not interfere] (16.4.29-30). Commenting on 16.9.33, Nilakantha indicates that Time (Kala), mentioned in this verse, is none other than the Lord Krsna himself (on 16.9.33 16.8.33 in the vulgate). Not only does he not prevent the tragedy, but, becoming angry, he even kills with the iron club [nearly] all the Yadavas, practically leaving no survivors (16.4.34-35; 42-26). Similarly, after Gandhari has pronounced her curse, he tells her that she is thereby helping him to bring about what he has already determined to accomplish. The Yadavas will bring about their mutual slaughter. (11.25.44-45)." When the time for Gandhari's curse taking effect draws near (16.3.19), Krsna desires to make her words come true (16.3.21). = While there are attenuating circumstances in the passages cited above, the Mbh does not give clear and unambiguous justification of Krsna's destruction of his own relatives. Perhaps it could be pointed out that the Mbh implicitly indicates that the Yadavas reap their just deserts because they commit sins and do not repent; they hate Brahmins, the ancestors (Pitr) and the deities, and disrespect their preceptors (guru). Only Balarama and Krsna do not behave like this (16.3.8-9). Nilakantha asserts that the Yadavas perish because they are totally attached to wealth (artha) and sensuality (kama) (Introduction to Mausalaparvan.) Let us now move on the VIP. II. The Problem and the Justification in the Visnu Purana and Its Commentator Sridhara", Under the pretext (vyaja) of the curse of the Brahmins, Krsna destroys

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48 S. J. Noel Sheth Makaranda the Yadava clan (5.37.3, 5), and he who knows the highest truth does not want to counteract what destiny had predetermined (5.37.14). Krsna declares that he has begun the extermination of the Yadavas (5.37.21),13 and that he will leave this world and go to heaven only after he has annihilated them (5.37.22-23,34). The Yadava youth act as they do because they are drawn by the force of the impending event (5.37.7), namely the destruction of the Yadavas (Sridhara namely on 5.37.7). When the text states that the Yadavas are overpowered by fate (5.37.39), Sridhara says it means that they are deluded by Krsna (on 5.37.39). The commentator also asserts that, when the text mentions that the sages who pronounce the curse are endowed with divine knowledge (5.37.9), it implies that they are aware of Krsna's : intention (on 5.37.9). Even the portents are created by Krsna himself (on 5.37.28). He approves of the Kukkuras and Andhakas (both belonging to the Yadava clan) drinking the liquor (5.37.37), which incites them to lose their senses and fight with each other. And while Vyasa tells Arjuna that all beings are subject to Time (Kala) (5.38.54 ff), he also adds that Krsna is the one who takes the form of Time (Kalarupin) (5.38.39). According to Sridhara, the Yadavas, who are the amsas of adhikarika deities, would have obtained salvation if they died in Dvaraka. However, Krsna does not want this. Hence he cajoles them to go to Prabhasa, where they will attain only the temporary heaven (Svarloka) (on 5.37.29). It is true that, as in the Mbh, in the Vip, too, Krsna tries to stop them, but when they continue to fight with each other, 14 mistakenly thinking that he is actually coming to the help of each one of them (5.37.43), then Krsna gets angry with them and kills (almost all of] them, without remainder (5.37.44-45). Sridhara adds that the Yadava youth report the whole matter to king Ugrasena i.e., not to Krsna (on 5.37.10), and Ugrasena himself does not inform Krsna : which suggests that the Yadavas are opposed to Krsna (on 5.37.11). Furthermore, since the text refers to the Yadavas as killers (atatayin) (5.37.45), it means that they are intent on svavadha (on 5.37.4515). This can mean either that they want to kill Krsna himself, thus justifying his slaying them, or that they desire to destroy themselves (under the force of Krsna's deluding power), so that Krsna is merely carrying out their wish.

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The Justification of Krsna's Annihilation of His Own Clan However, a clear justification is given by the ViP when Krsna refers to the Yadavas as a very great burden to the earth (5.37.26), adding that even a youth of the Yadavas is no less than Jarasandha and others who were a heavy load on the earth (5.37.25); and he declares that the earth's burden will not be removed until the Yadavas are obliterated (5.37.22). So the VIP gives an unambiguous reason why the Yadavas should be destroyed. In the Mbh the grounds are not so strong, for, although it mentions the wickedness of the Yadavas, it does not state that they are a burden to the earth; in other words, their punishment need not have been so drastic as a complete annihilation. Whereas in the ViP the burden of the earth cannot be removed until they are extirpated. Hence, the ViP advances beyond the Mbh in justifying Krsna. III. The Problem and the Justifications in the Bhagavata Purana and its Commentaries The text states that the annihilation of the Yadavas is due to the curse of the Brahmins (11.6.26, 31, 34; 11.30.2, 24), and the commentators, explicitly or implicitly, mention the curse, when explaining these verses. Some of them refer to it even at other places (e.g., GD, SS on 11.1.1; BP, GD, GS, VR on 11.30.20) and even attribute Krsna's being shot by and arrow to it (GS, SS, VD on 11.30, 38). The curse cannot be averted (VR on 11.6.36; BP on 11.6.37) because of the difference between the divine, earthly and embodied souls (RR on 11.6.34). The idea would seem to be that Krsna is only seeing to it that the imprecation of the Brahmins is fulfiled, and it was pronounced precisely because of the misbehaviour of some of the Yadavas. However, the text also mentions that Krsna does not annul the curse, even though he is capable of doing so (11.6.42); on the contrary, he approves of it (11.1.24), and several commentators repeat this explicitly (e.g., BP, 16 GD, GS, SS, VD, VR) or almost explicitly (VB, RR, SD, Sudarsanasurin). He uses the curse of the Brahmins as a pretext (11.1.5) and the commentators explicitly (BP, GD, GS, JG (Ks), RR, SD, VB, VC, VD, VR on 11.1.5; see also SD on 11.1.1) or implicitly repeat what the verse says. In fact, VC and VD add that even though Krsna suggests to the Yadavas that they move to Prabhasa, ostensibly to remain alive and thus avoid the effect of the

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50 S. J. Noel Sheth Makaranda imprecation (11.6.35), his inner intention is not to counteract the curse (VC, VD on 11.6.42). Indeed the real cause of their destruction is Krsna's wish."? Krsna himself sets the stage for the Brahmins' imprecation (VC on 11.1.11). The various events in this whole episode take place through Krsna's will. E.g., it is he who internally urges the brahmins to proceed to Pindaraka (BP. GS. GD. VB. VJ. VR. Sudarsanasurin on 11.1.11); the Yadava youths, too, go there (GD on 11.1.13); they insult the brahmins (VB on 11.1.13); the brahmins get angry (JG(Ks), RR, VD on 11.1.16) and imprecate upon them (VB on 11.1.16); the juvenile Yadavas are afflicted by the curse (VD on 11.1.14); the punishment appears to be disproportionate to their fault (VB on 11.1.16), nor do the Brahmins regret this (Purusottama on 11.1.18); the frightened Yadava boys report the whole matter to the king, but not to Krsna, who could have counteracted the curse (RR, VD on 11.1.19); and the king himself had the pestle powdered, etc., but did not ask Krsna's advice (GD on 11.1.21)--all this takes place because of Krsna's will. Moreover, when Krsna suggests that they leave Dvaraka and go to the sacred place Prabhasa in order to neutralize the curse (11.6.35-38; see GS on 11.6.37, VR on 11.1.1), it is actually a trick (vyaja) (JG (Ks), RR, VD on 11.6.35-36), for it is not proper that even the semblance of inauspiciousness befalls the auspicious city of Dvaraka (JG (Ks), RR, VD on 11.6.35; RR, VD, on 11.30.6), since death is something inauspicious. So, while it is maintained that Krsna is the master of the situation and can, if he so wishes, counteract the curse, he is shown to be hardhearted, lacking in compassion towards his own relatives, nay, even taking an active part in their extirpation (11.30.23). Many commentators concede that it would not be proper for Krsna to destroy his own clan. Hence, they explain that, instead of killing the Yadavas himself, 18 he induces an internal feud among them (11.1.4), (so that they would kill one another) (BP, GD, GS, SS on 11.1.3; SD, VC on 11.1.4). In fact, the Yadavas are behaving thus precisely because they are deluded by Krsna's maya (11.30.13, 17, 24; the text may also be suggesting this in 11.30.19, 22, 49). Some of the commentators add that this is the main cause (GS, JG (Ks), SS on 11.30.13). Indeed the club episode and other such incidents are even created through Krsna's maya (JG (Ks), VD on 11.30.49). Even when the text says that the Yadavas lose their sense of

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The Justification of Krsna's Annihilation of His Own Clan judgement and drink liquor due to fate (11.30.12; see also GS, SS on 11.30.12), the commentators point out that this fate is another name for the wish of the Lord (JG (Ks), RR, VD, VJ, VR on 11.30.12). Thus, the BhP, too, places the problem before us. However, it goes further than the ViP in attempting to exonerate Krsna. And the commentators, who come much later, go still further than the BhP. Let us now discuss the justifications offered by the BhP and its commentators. 1. The Yadavas are wicked and a burden to the earth While both the ViP (5.37.21-22) and the BhP (11.1.3) mention that the Yadavas have become a burden to the earth, it is only the latter (11.1.3. 4; 11.6.29-30; 11.30.24) that gives reasons why they are a burden to the earth, thus demonstrating that Krsna is not annihilating them merely out of whim : the Yadavas have become proud due to their strength, bravery and wealth, so that once Krsna leaves the earth, no one will be able to restrain them from overrunning and destroying the world. They were intoxicated and blinded with liquor (11.30.13, 17) and angry due to jealousy (11.30.24). The commentators heartily endorse the text's criticism of the Yadavas. So these faults, which make them an unbearable burden to the earth, indicate that they deserve to be wiped out from the face of the earth. Although Krsna restrains them from killing one another, the Yadavas attack Krsna and Balarama (11.30.21), and so it is all right for Krsna to retaliate. It should be observed that, both in the Mbh and in the Vip, Krsna tries to stop them but the Yadavas do not attack Krsna himself in these two texts. In the BhP, however, they do so, thus making them more culpable and justifying Krsna's reaction all the more. 2. Krsna destroys the Yadavas as an act of grace to prevent them from sinning Contrary to the above reason, some of the commentators, basing themselves on the question of King Pariksita in 11.1.8, portray the Yadavas as religious people, pious and generous and at the service of the aged, so that it could be said that it would indeed be a blessing if they were to spread all over the earth (JG(Ks), VD on 11.6.30). The burden of the earth is not

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52 S. J. Noel Sheth Makaranda due to too many individuals (vyaktibahulya) since the load could well be from the eternal mountains, etc. which have excessive weight; nor is the burden due to irreligiousness (adharma) on the part of the Yadavas, for the text declares them to be "pious, generous and always at the service of the aged" and "with their minds on Krsna" (11.1.8). Hence the idea that the earth would be crushed by the innumerable Yadavas becoming agitated due to their separation (viraha) from Krsna [if he were to leave the visible world without taking them along with him), is poetically fancied to be a burden to the earth (RR, VD on 11.30.25; see also JG (Ks), RR, VD on 11.1.3). The Yadava race is said to be a burden, even though it is supremely religious (parama-dharmika) (VC on 11.1.3). If those who are [relatively] : indifferent to Krsna cross the darkness (of samsara and avidya, merely by listening to] his glory sung in beautiful stanzas (as mentioned in 11.1.7], all the more, surely, will this be the case with the Yadavas (JG (Ks), VD on 11.1.5; RR on 11.1.7); hence, it is established that the question of the burden of the earth has to be laid at other peoples' [and not at the Yadavas'] doors (JG (Ks), VD on 11.1.6). Nevertheless, Krsna decides to remove them so that they may not become sinful, for when the Kali Yuga arrives, the minds of even the good go astray. In fact, by accompanying Krsna, who is about to leave the earth, the goal of their human life (Purusartha) would be fulfilled all the more. Hence, it is with the idea of conferring grace on them that Krsna destroys the Yadavas. If he were not to protect them in this way, Krsna would be guilty of a fault (MD, VD, VJ on 11.6.30). If they were separated from Krsna, who is about to depart from the world, they would lose their sense of discernment between right and wrong, and thus indulge in mad behaviour (JG (Ks), RR, VD on 11.6.30); they would become proud and destroy the world (VD on 11.6.30), or they would become sorrowful and thus become unbearable to the earth (JG (Ks) on 11.30.25). So Krsna is also doing a favour to the earth by preventing the Yadavas from becoming a burden to the earth in the future. However, at present they are not weighing her down. If anything, the Yadavas are a sort of sweet burden to the earth. VC explains that, even though the earth does not consider the burden of Krsna's religious relatives to be really a load, yet, as her Lord, he must lessen her burden just

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The Justification of Krsna's Annihilation of His Own Clan as the lover lightens the weight of the excessive ornaments from his very young beloved; or just as the weight of a desirable thing is easy to carry but, when one has too much of it, it is not so easy to bear; or just as a greedy merchant finds it difficult to lift the weight of a heap of gold that he has suddenly obtained, so also it is difficult for the earth to bear the burden of the Yadavas (VC on 11.6.30). Therefore, the Yadavas are removed because they are too much of a good thing! SD adds two more reasons. The Yadavas are destroyed because otherwise, seeing their supremacy on earth, the asuras, being filled with hatred, would return again and thus become a renewed burden to the earth. Since there is this apprehension of the return of the asuras, the Yadava clan is destroyed. Secondly, since they have completed their work (krtakarya) on earth, the Yadavas are withdrawn. (SD on 11.1.3). 3. This annihilation is actually the removal of the deities who have entered Krsna's attendants. On the one hand, some commentators assert that the Yadavas are actually parts (asia) of deities, who are not eligible for immediate salvation (sadyomoksa). If they were to die in Dvaraka, they would attain salvation, hence Krsna leads them to Prabhasa, which will bring them the fruit of prosperity (GS, SS on 11.6.35), i. e., the temporary heaven (svarga), health etc. (VD on 11.6.35), but not salvation. On the other hand, some others claim that the Yadavas should be distinguished from the deities who have entered them (e.g., RR on 11.1.1, VD on 11.1.10). According to this latter view, Krsna desires that his Dvaraka should always retain its brilliance, characterized by his eternal retinue (parikara), viz., the Yadavas. Hence through his yogic power he expels from his attendants (such as Pradyumna, Samba, etc.) the deities (such as Kandarpa and Kartikeya), who had entered unseen into his attendants and, taking these deities to Prabhasa, involves them through his maya in the battle of the clubs, thus sending them to their temporary heaven (VC, VD on 11.6.35 and on 11.30.5; see also GS, RR on 11.6.35, and VD on 11.1.10). Incidentally, VC and VD remark that, even though Krsna talks about going to Prabhasa, he actually intends to remain always in Dvaraka in his complete form, together with his attendants (on

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54 S. J. Noel Sheth Makaranda 11.6.35). This is a reference to the belief of Bengal Vaisnavism that Krsna is always present on earth. We shall now deal with this doctrine. 4. The extermination of the Yadavas is actually their transition from the prakata-lila to the aprakata-lila. In order to make this point clear, it may be helpful to refer briefly to the understanding of prakata-lila and aprakata-lila in Bengal Vaisnavism. This school believes that Krsna is eternally present and playing his lilas (sports) not only in his heavenly Vaikuntha but also on earth, viz., in Mathura, Vrndavana and Dvaraka. His lila on earth, however, is not always visible to empirical beings. It becomes manifest in the Dvapara Yuga, when it is called prakata-lila (manifest sport), but at other times it generally remains concealed, and hence it is called aprakata-lila (unmanifest sport). The one and the sama lila appears in these two forms due to the limitations of the empirical beings. In the aprakata-lila there is no beginning, middle and end, while in the prakata-lila there is a beginning, middle and end, as well as a mixture of empirical and non-empirical elements 19. Although both the lilas are eternal, or rather aspects of the one eternal lila, yet, since there is no beginning, middle and end in the aprakata-lila, it may be referred to as the nitya-lila (eternal sport). In the prakata-lila there is the appearance of the birth, growth and death of Krsna, while in the aprakata-lila he is eternally present as a youth and there is neither birth nor death20. The abode (dhaman or loka) or Krsna is also simultaneously present in Vaikuntha as well as on earth. There are three kinds of prakasas or appearance of Krsna's abode : (i) aprakata-prakasa (unmanifest appearance), in which the abode remains hidden from empirical beings, (ii) prapancika-prakasa (empirical appearance), in which the abode becomes visible to empirical beings; and (iii) prakata-prakasa (manifest appearance), which takes place when, in the prapancika-prakasa, Krsna becomes manifest together with his attendants (parikara). Hence it is only in the prakata-lila of Krsna that the prakataprakasa of his abode takes place21. Let us now proceed to the explanations of the commentators. VC and VD quote a whole string of scriptural passages to prove that Krsna's bodies (vigraha), names, abodes, qualities (guna), sports (lila) and

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The Justification of Krsna's Annihilation of His Own Clan attendants are all eternal (VC, VD on 11.30.5). Their contention is that ordinary people, and even others, will be deceived by maya and think that Krsna is destroying the Yadavas and that he himself abandons his body, but actually the Yadavas and Krsna are only becoming invisible22 in the prakatOalila and entering into the aprakata-lila. This is how they explain it : It is only after Krsna's lilas are over, i.e. when his prakata-lila ceases, that the age of Kali will have authority on earth. Krsna has already destroyed those who were opposed to him (namely demons, wicked kings, etc. who were a burden to the earth (see., e.g., 11.1.1-3.)]; those who are for him will have their bhakti doubled, and those who are very much for him will have their love multiplied a hundredfold; and even those who are indifferent to him will become devotees. Hence dharma will in fact increase and, as a result, Kali's power cannot become manifest. (So in order to usher in the Kali Yuga), Krsna decides to bring about the restriction of dharma in the following manner. He decides to reign in Dvaraka together with his attendants, namely the Yadavas, but, becoming hidden to the empirical (prapancika) world, he will first expel the deities who have entered his attendants and establish those deities in their heaven, and then enter Vaikuntha together with his retinue (i.e., he will enter into his aprakata-lila]. Now, due to the defect of maya, the ordinary people mistakenly think that all the Yadavas go to Prabhasa where, under the influence of the curse of the Brahmins, they become intoxicated and, being killed by one another, they give up their bodies. Similarly, the people erroneously think that Krsna, too, together with Balarama, abandons his human body and ascends to his abode. In fact, others will publicly proclaim that just as the Kuru race was wiped out, so also Krsna falls in Prabhasa together with his own clan. Due to such despicable proclamations, dharma will suddenly be left with only one leg, 23 and then not only the ordinary people, but also Krsna's amsas like Arjuna and others, will look upon Krsna's exit (niryana) lila as an ordinary and calamitous (duravasthamayi) one. Sages like Vaisampayana, Parasara and others have described in their Samhitas that, in order to establish the power of Kali, even Krsna's devotee Sankara, who will be born in the Kali Yuga, will write his commentary on the Vedanta in a false light so that the other commentators, whose intellects are deprived of sense, will come to the wrong conclusion that the body of Krsna is illusory (VC, VD on 11.30.5). So these

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56 S. J. Noel Sheth Makaranda commentators claim that, even though not only the ordinary people, but also others like Arjuna, think that the Yadavas are annihilated, the real situation is that it is a mere transition from the prakata-lila to the aprakatalila. When Krsna decides that he will return to his abode in peace (11.1.4), he means that he will return to the nitya-lita, to his eternal abode of Dvaraka. It is not proper for Krsna to become invisible while leaving the Yadavas behind. In fact, when the text (11.1.4) asserts that the Yadavas cannot be overcome by others, it also implies that they cannot be destroyed by themselves nor by Krsna himself, since the same verse (11.1.4) mentions that they are always under his protection. Hence their being "overcome" (paribhava) really refers to their being made to turn away from the (prakata] prakasa (JG(Ks), VD on 11.1.4). Krsna's withdrawing the Yadavas (11.1.5) signifies his making them invisible (RR on 11.1.5), or making them enter into his abode (JG(Ks) on 11.1.5). Similarly, when 11.1.10 states that Krsna wants to withdraw the Yadavas, what is meant is that he desires to make them go to his own abode, whose prakasa is beyond the empirical (prapanca)(JG (Ks), VD on 11.1.10). Krsna still has things left to be done (11.1.10): These include his making himself as welll as his eternal attendants [the Yadavas) become invisible to the eyes of people who are in the empirical world (prapancika) (VD on 11.1.10). RR points out that when Krsna tells the Yadavas that they should all immediately leave Dvaraka (11.30.5), what he means is that they should not stay on in Dvaraka characterized by the prakasa-prakasa [i.e., where Krisna's abode as well as Krsna and his attendants are visible to empirical beings], but continue to stay on in the aprakata-prakasa [i.e., in which they are all invisible to empirical beings) (RR on 11.30.5). When Krsna tells the Yadavas that the worship of Brahmins is the best way to get rid of evil and secure auspiciousness (11.30.9), he does so in the context of obtaining the (aprakata-) prakasa which is beyond the empirical (JG (Ks) on 11.30.9). SS, commenting on 11.30.9, says that, according to Krsna, the Yadavas' worship of Brahmins, etc. would lead to the highest benefit in heaven (devaloka). By this Krsna secretly means to say that this worship will be the cause of welfare in his own divine world, namely in the aprakata-prakasa (VD, RR on 11.30.9). The description of

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The Justification of Krsna's Annihilation of His Own Clan 57 the Yadavas drinking liquor, slaying each other with weapons and the eraka grass-which becomes hard like iron-, as well as Krsna's participating in the killing, and Balarama's leaving the world (11.30.12-26), all this is not the true state of affairs. The real purpose is not to kill all the Yadavas, but in order that Krsna and Yadavas become invisible (and thus enter into the aprakata-lila] (VC, VD on 11.30.12). Since 11.30.13 states that Yadavas are deluded by Krsna's maya, it is clear that all this [destruction) is caused by his maya. Thus the passages in the Puranas which give the opposite meaning (namely that the destruction really takes place] should be construed as corroborating the fact that it is all brought about by his maya (JG(Ks), VD on 11.30.12). When 11:30.25 mentions that the Yadavas were destroyed (nastesu), it refers to their becoming invisible to the people who are in the empirical world (prapanca) (RR, VD, on 11.30.25). Similarly, when 11.30.26 states that Balarama united his soul with the Self and left the human world, it means that he united his soul, namely the prakasa in the prakata-lila, to the Self, namely the prakasa in the aprakata-lila; in other words, he considered both the prakasas as non-different from each other. His leaving the human world means that he became invisible to it. (RR, VD, on 11.30.26). The same idea is expressed more briefly by JG, when he explains that Balarama joined his soul manifest (prakasamana) in the prakata-lila to the Self manifest in the aprakata-lila, and thought of them as non-different from each other (JG(Ks) on 11.30.26). Again, Balarama's passing away (niryana), mentioned in 11.30.27, is said to refer to his entrance into the aprakata abode (RR on 11.30.27), or his return to Maha Vaikuntha24 in his own form (svarupa) and his going to Patala in his svamia forma (VD on 11.30.27). So also the condition (dasa) of Krsna after being shot by the hunter, does not refer to his impending death, but to his body becoming invisible (VD on 11.30.46), to his future entry into the aprakata-lila (VC, VD (who quotes VC] on 11.30.46), following in the footsteps of the Yadavas (JG(Ks), VD on 11.30.46). GS gives an interesting argument to show that the killing of the Yadavas could not have taken place. According to 3.4.2, the battle of the Yadavas took place in the evening. It is after this that the hunter is said to have

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58 S. J. Noel Sheth Makaranda arrived. Now this could not have been so because the animals would not have come out at that time due to their being frightened by the battle. involving crores of Yadavas; and it is impossible for the hunter not to have known the time beneficial for hunting. Hence it means that the hunter arrived in a solitary place, after the deities [the Yadavas] became invisible. Therefore the annihilation of the Yadavas has to be false (GS on 11.30.28). GS adds that, even though the destruction of the Yadavas is untrue, Krsna makes people believe in it in order to produce dispassion or indifference to the world (vairagya) in them (GS on 11.30.28). Just as the Yadavas enter into the aprakata-lila, so also does the city of Dvaraka. The impending inundation of Dvaraka by the sea (11.30.4, 11.31.23) is with the intention of making Dvaraka enter into the aprakatalila (VC and VD [who quotes VC] on 11.30.46). 11.30.47 mentions only the flooding [and not the destruction] of Dvaraka, so that the Yadavas would abandon it [to enter into the aprakata-lila] (VD on 11.30.47). Verses 11.31.23-24 speak of the submersion of Dvaraka, except for Krsna's palace or temple (alayam) where, he is always present. However, these verses are uttered by Suka to console king Pariksita, who is sad because.he imagines that Krsna's Dvaraka-lila is not eternal. The statement that Dvaraka was abandoned (tyaktam) by Krsna in v.23 is only from the popular point of view. In fact, the Dvaraka-lila is eternal, and the verse actually says that Dvaraka is not forsaken (atyaktam, taking the negative a from the long aending of the preceeding word, harina) since in v. 24 it is said that Krsna is always present there (tatra). The flooding is not of Dvaraka, which has been made by Visvakarman; rather, it is the inundation of the surrounding land; i.e., Krsna caused Dvaraka to be surrounded by water so as to act like a moat around it. The words maharaja srimadbhagavadalayam (in a11.31.23) can be construed as an attribute of the city of Dvaraka28: the city of Dvaraka (dvarakapuram) which is in the form of Krsna's eternal abode. (alayam srikrsnanityadhamarupam) which is characterized by the great kings, namely the Yadavas (maharaja=mahantah rajano yadavalaksana yatra tathabhutam tadalayam)" When the text says that the inundation did not include (varjayitva) Krsna's palace (v.23), and that Krsna is always present there (v.24), it means that Krsna was present also to those [Yadavas] who

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. The Justification of Krsna's Annihilation of His Own Clan belong to his palace, or it means that 'Krsna's palace' refers (not just to the palace in the narrows sense, but] to the palace situated in the beautiful ambience of the houses of the Yadavas30. 11.31.24 mentions the benefits gained by people remembering (smrti) Krsna's abode in Dvaraka : this remembrance is mentioned because it cannot be actually seen now31 (JG (Ks), RR, VD on 11.31.23-24). Hence, that Dvaraka is experienced otherwise [i.e., as if destroyed) is due only to the imitation of what is mundane, popular or secular (laukikatva); whereas, in reality, it is characterized by the eternally established supra-mundane (alaukika) prakasa (JG (Ks), VD on 11.1.1.) The 11th skandha of the Bhagavata really describes Krsna's ascension (aroha) into the aprakata-prakasa of Dvaraka (RR, VD on 11.1.1.) Dvaraka is eternal because it is the meeting point of all that is divine and superdivine (VD on 11.31.23). VC briefly states that the view that the Yadavas, Krisna's palace, etc. are not eternal is rejected in w. 23-24, since it is asserted that the Lord's palace is an exception (v. 23) and Krsna is present there eternally (v.24) (VC on 11.31.23.24). Hence, Krsna cannot abandon Dvaraka (VC on 11.1.7). Therefore, the so-called destruction of the Yadavas is actually their transition from the prakata-lita to the aprakata-lila. In keeping with this understanding, a number of verses are ingeniously interpreted to yield a meaning different from the obvious meaning that strikes one at first sight. We shall now take up examples of these different interpretations. 32 The plain meaning of verse 11.30.12 is: Then in that place, the Yadavas, whose judgement was destroyed by fate (distavibhramisitadhiyah), drank the highly intoxicating, sweet drink called Maireyaka, by whose juices the intellect is deluded. RR reinterprets this verse to show that the Yadavas move from the empirical (prapanca) to the nitya-lita, in the following manner. The intellect (dhiyah) of the Yadavas was deprived by time (dista = kala, one of the meaning given by the lexicographer Visva) which was under the influence of prakata-lila. 33. i.e., their intellect was deprived of the experience of the nitya-lila. They drank the honey (madhu) in the form of the maireyaka. The word maireyaka consists of ma + ira+ka. Ma means the nitya-lila, which is brought about by ira, i.e., by Sarasvati, a deity who is fond of nitya-lila, i.e. it pervades the devotees. In other words, ira stands for the Sruti or

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60 S. J. Noel Sheth Makaranda : Scripture (e.g., "What was, may be, and will be becoming' which produces the nitya-lila. Ka is a suffix which does not convey any meaning of its own, i.e., it does not add anything to the original meaning of the base (maireya) to which it is appended (svarthe ka). Hence maireyaka means that which gives the understanding of the nitya-lila, since it makes one forget the empirical (prapanca). By the tasting (dravaih = asvadanaih) of this maireyaka's eternality (nityatva) the Yadava's intellect (mati) in the form of separation (viyoga) was destroyed, i.e., the eternal union (sanyoga) shone forth (RR on 11.30.12). 11.30.13 speaks of a clash (sangharsah) among the Yadavas, who were ; deluded by Krsna's maya(krinamayavimudhanam) and whose hearts were proud (drptacetasam). This is given a symbolic meaning : The conflict is actually between the prakata-lila and the nitya-lita. In this struggle the prakata-lila, consisting of separation (viyoga), was defeated by the nityalila. The Yadavas are those to whom (yebhah) Krsna's maya, namely his desire indicating separation, was hidden (vimulah = tirohitah), and their hearts are proud due to their union (sanyoga) with the nitya-lila (RR, VD, on 11.30.13). Th. The ordinary meaning of 11.30.14 is : Agitated by anger (krodhasamrabdhah) those killers (atatayinah), fought with one another (yuyudhuh) on the sea-shore (velayam) with bows (dhanurbhih), swords (asibhih), spears (bhallaih), maces (gadabhih), iron clubs and lances (tomararstibhih) Now RR and VD propose a deeper, spiritual meaning: This verse (and also the following verse) enumerates the order of the spiritual means (sadhana) for the adepts (sadhakas) to see the entrance to the nityalila. They are agitated by anger in order to destroy the pain of separation (viyoga) at the time (velayam) of their going to the abode of aprakata-prakasa. They become killers in order to destroy the pain of separation; they fight against avidya, etc. which are the cause of the cycle of rebirth. The spiritual means they use are bows, namely the pranava; swords, namely indifference to hope or hopelessness, spears, namely each one's purity, etc. The word gada (mace) is explained thus : Gada = ga+da. Ga is a dance characterized by song (ga=gitopalaksita nrtya) and da=diyante, 'are given'; i.e., ""with maces" (gadabhih) means 'with the clapping of hands, which are given in

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The Justification of Krsna's Annihilation of His Own Clan 61 dance, they fight with sins', since the Padma Purana says that, by the clapping of hands while dancing in front of the Lord, the sins in one's person fly away like so many birds. Similarly, tomararstibhih (with clubs and lances) is interpreted differently to mean the destruction of ignorance': Tomara= tau+mara. Tau=tauti, i.e. it goes to cover the svarupa-jnana (knowledge of the essence); mara=marayati, causes to die. So tomara is that which causes the svarupa-jnana to die, i.e., tomara means ignorance Rsayah=risanti=nasayanti, 'they destroy'. So the Yadavas fight with six kinds of prapattis, which destroy ignorance (RR, VD on 11.30.14). Verse 11.30.15 says that, having accosted (sametya) each other with their chariots, elephants, etc. (rathakunjaradibhih), as well as with donkeys, camels, bulls...and men (kharostrgobhih....naraih), all of which carried flying banners (patatpatakaih), the Yadavas killed (nyahan) each other with arrows (saraih). However, going beyond this mundane menaing, RR and VD interpret the verse in a spiritual sense : The Yadavas mutually tasted (sametya=asvadyatvena sametya=asvadya) the Vaisnava sastras like the Bhagavata, which are comparable to the storehouse (kunjara=kosa) of the components (ratha=avayava) of bhakti. 34 From these sastras blessings (pataka=saubhagya) in the form of Krsna's grace flow out (patantyah=nissarantyah). Thus fortified by these sastras,, the Yadavas encountered (sametya) men (nara) who were like donkeys, camels, etc. They made these men listen to the Bhagavata etc.--and this (making to listen) was made to flow like water (sara=jala).35 By these means, the Yadavas killed (nyahan) these men's dependence on sensual objects, which (dependence) had a nature similar to that of donkeys, camels etc. In other words, the Yadavas destroyed the karman and avidya characteristic of the Kali age, and through this victory over Kali, saved these men. The commentators justify the peculiar meanings they have given to some of the words in this verse by quoting the dictionaries of Hemacandra, Medini and Visva (RR, VD, on 11.30.15) Similarly, verse 11.30.16, which outwardly mentions duels between various couples, such as Pradyumna and Samba, is interpreted differently to mean : Each of these couples, namely Pradyumna and Samba, Akrura and Bhoja, etc. came together in twos (samiyatuh) in order to discuss with each other the highest truth (paramartha) with regard

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62 S. J. Noel Sheth Makaranda to the battle (yudhi) with samsara and with the separation (viyoga) [from the prakata-lila] (RR, VD, on 11.30.16). The statement in 11.30.17, namely that, deluded by Krsna, the Yadavas attacked (asadya) each other and struck or killed (jaghnuh) one another, is reinterpreted in the following way : The Yadavas are deluded (vimohitah) by Krsna, i.e., they are made to forget the separation from the prakata-lila by their coming in contact with the light of the nitya-(i.e. aprakata-) lila. That is, being blinded by the intoxication of exhilaration (madandhakaritah) generated by their experiencing the happiness of the nitya-lita they met (asadya=militva) each other, and came to know (jaghnuh=jnatavantah) the secret of the nitya-lila. The verb jaghnuh, which is derived from the verbal root han, does not mean they killed', but they came to know because, since the root han also means 'to go', it can mean 'to know? (RR, VD on 11.30.17). In 11.30.18 forgetting (visrjya) their friendship (sauhrdam), they fought (ayudhyan) with one another. This is interpreted differently: Having abandoned (visrjya) the empirical world (prapanca)36 they experienced? their mutual friendship in the state of nitya-lila (RR, VD on 11.30.18). They as it were waged war (ayudhyan=yuddham iva) in order to destroy the enemy38 in the form of the separation from the prakata-lila, and thus be connected with the aprakata-lila. The fighting among relatives in 11.30.19 is given the following new meaning : Being mudhah (v. 19), i.e., devoid of the contact with the separation from the prakata-lila, the relatives (jnatayah) recognized (ahan=jnatavanaah) their relatives (jnatin) as the eternal attendants of Krsna in other words, they thus obtained inspiration. In connection with this unconventional meaning given to the root han, RR and VD remark that the claim that the root han does not mean 'to go 39 because it is not used in this sense, is a mere rash statement or temerity on the part of those who are confined to the narrow well of poetry and not immersed in the vast ocean of the Scriptures. The Mahabhasya of Patanjali can be adduced in support of this remark (RR, VD on 11.30.19). 11.30.20. mentions that when their arrows were depleted, their bows broken, and their weapons exhausted, the Yadavas took hold of (jahruh) the eraka grass in their clenched fists (mustibhih) in order to use this grass as weapons. However, RR and VD bring to light the hidden and deeper

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The Justification of Krsna's Annihilation of His Own Clan 63 import of this verse: Once one has reached the goal (sadhya), namely the eternal world of nitya-lila, the means (sadhana) to the goal come to an end, just as in the maxim 'when Indra, the god of rain, is present, there is no need of implements to dig a well'. After the arrows in the form of the 'discernment of objects' were reduced, i.e., abandoned (ksiyamanesu=tyjyamanesu), the bows in the form of the 'reflections on the meaning of Om' were broken, and the weapons, namely the spiritual means (sadhana) in the form of the 'four kinds of asceticism' were neglected (ksiyamanesu=upeksyamanesu), the Yadavas grasped or recognized the 'erakas" by stealing away, i.e., by deception (mustibhih-mosanaih= vancanaih), i.e., by becoming invisible from the empirical world (prapanca).40 Eraka is composed of a+ira+ka, and thus means the happiness (ka=sukha) of Era. And Era (a+ira) means one who goes (ira), i.e., knows, from all sides (a=sarvatah); in other words, Era refers to the omniscient one, the Lord. Hence, erakah are those to whom (yabhyah) the omniscient Lord (Era) is their happiness (ka): these are the residents in the nitya-lila. Thus, when it is said that the Yadavas grasped (jahruh=jaghruh). i.e. recognized, these residents (erakah), it means that the Yadavas experienced the aprakataprakasa (RR, VD on 11.30.20). The ordinary meaning of 11.30.21-22 is: The eraka grass held (dhrtah) in the fists (mustina) of the Yadavas became (abhavan) iron bars (parighah) hard like adamant (vajrakalpah. (With these they struck (jaghnuh) their enemies. Being prevented by Krsna and being deluded (mohitah) by him, they considered Krsna and Balarama as opposed to them, and so, deciding to kill (hantum) them, they attacked them. However, RR and VD interpret these verses in the context of the Yadavas entering the nitya-lila: Those erakah, who were residing [in nitya-lila], who were vajrakalpah, i.e., shining (kalpa kalpante=prakasante) with spiritual diamonds (vajra) who were always abiding (dhrtah"=avasthitah) [in nitya-lila] due to the deception (mustina=vancanena), namely the hiding of the prapanca, and who were parighah, i.e. surrounded (pari=paritah) by bells (ghaah=ghantah, according to Medini), met (abhavan = prapuh) the Yadus. 42 Hating (dvisah) the prakatalila which was consisting of separation, the Yadavas, being prevented by Krsna, i.e. being prevented as it were from experiencing the nitya-lila through

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64 S. J. Noel Sheth Makaranda the guise of the prakata-lila and being mohitah, i.e., becoming devoid of the close connection with separation through the joy of experiencing the nityalila, with loving anger considered Krsna as an enemy as it were, due to his causing them to suffer separation, and so they came to know (jaghnuh, jnatavantah the root han signifies 'to know' since it means 'to go'43) Krsna and Balarama as united with the nitya-lila. Since they already held in their hands the weapons of dispassion, etc.,44 the Yadavas became eager (apannah=udyuktah) to kill (hantum) the prakata-prakasa that was replete with the sorrow of separation, i.e., they became eager to disappear from the prakata-lila (RR, VD on 11.30.21-22). 11.30.23 reports that after (atha) being attacked, Krsna and Balarama, angrily moving about (carantau) and exerting (udyamya) themselves in the battle, retaliated by hitting back (jaghnatuh) at the Yadavas with the eraka grass that had become like iron clubs (parigha) in their fists (musti). RR and VD, however, look at this verse from a different perspective: Afterwards (atha) i.e., after the Yadavas had reached nitya-lila, Krsna and Balarama, intending to remove their own pain of separation, became angry and began to exert (udyamya), i.e., in order to cross beyond the empirical (prapanca) world they began to make the effort of meditation etc. They began moving about (carantau) in the battle (yudhi), i.e., they began moving about in order to wage war as it were, and becoming destroyers (parighau=ghatakau) of deception (musti=vancana)45, they came to know (jaghnatuh= jnatavantau) the erakas, namely those who were residing in the nitya-lila. In other words, they made the two prakastas into the prakasa, thus making it an object of inspiration (RR, VD on 11.30.23): The obvious meaning of verse 11.30.24 is: The anger accompanied by rivalry (spardha) of the Yadavas, who were affected (upasrsta) by the curse of the Brahmins and whose souls were covered by the maya of Krsna, led them to their destruction (ksaya), just as fire generated from bamboo sticks destroys a forest (vanam). RR and VD give the verse a more sophisticated meaning The curse of the Brahmins was broken (upasrsta=rugna) or destroyed (upasrsta=upaplavam prapitah=nasitah) by the Yadavas : both these meanings of upasrsta are given by Medini. The soul of the Yadavas covered even Krsna's maya in the form of his desire showing separation : in

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The Justification of Krsna's Annihilation of His Own Clan 65 other words, their nature was eternally united with him [in the nitya-lila]. Their anger (krodha) accompanied by competition (spardha) led them to ksaya, i.e., to the place which is characterized by the eternal prakasa. Just as a fire born of the friction of bamboo sticks drives away the avana ('nonforest')47, namely human beings--who, being different from the natural produce of the forest, are intruders in the forest 48--and makes these humans reach their own residence, similarly the anger of the Yadavas drove themwho were foreign to what occurs in the empirical world (prapanca)--to their eternal abode [nitya-lila] (RR, VD, on 11.30.24). This interpretation is briefly, but essentially, mentioned by the earlier commentator JG, who writes that the real meaning of ksaya is the eternal abode of the Yadavas. Similarly, he gives the same explanation of the simile of the bamboo fire and the avana, as later given by VD and RR (JG (Ks) on 11.30.24). The death (nidhanam) of Krsna's relatives (11.30.46) is interpreted to mean not 'death', but nitaram dhanam, the acquisition of the great wealth of the aprakata-lila (JG(Ks), RR, VD on 11.30.46). 11.31.12 asserts that Krsna, who had restored his teacher Sandipani's son and worked other wonders, could surely protect his own person (svavane) [from dying at the hands of the hunter). Some of the commentators take the sva either to refer to Krsna's own attendants, namely the Yadavas, or to include them in addition to Krsna himself. Since Krsna is surely capable of protecting his own (sva), namely the Yadavas, interpreting their case otherwise would not be in accordance with the true lila of Krsna; rather their going to their abode together with their bodies [i.e., without being killed) is very appropriate (JG (KS), VD on 11.31.12) RR points out that it is very appropriate in the cases of both Krsna and of the Yadavas (RR on 11.31.12). VC derives a somewhat different conclusion, which, neverthless emphasizes the same idea, namely that the Yadavas are not really destroyed by Krsna. He says that, even though Krsna, together with his attendants (the Yadavas), is visible to the empirical world (prapanca) he can (at the same time) also shine, i.e., be manifest, [together with them, in the aprakata-lila] (VC on 11.31.12; also cited by VD on 11.31.12). The reference to the wives of Balarama and Vasudeva embracing the [dead] body of their respective husbands in 11.31.20 should not be taken

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S. J. Noel Sheth Makaranda literally. The wives of Balarama embraced Balarama himself, and not his body, for, according to a Brahmatarka saying, in the case of the Deity there is no difference between the body (deha) and the Embodied (dehin)49 Vasudeva' means the suddha-sattva or pure matter; in other words, since Vasudeva is the very essence of the hladini, samvit and svarupa saktis, 50, he cannot be an individual self (jiva), and so there cannot be a distinction between the body and the embodied for him either (RR on 11.31.19; VD on 11.31.2051) In other words, Balarama and Vasudeva did not die, but entered into the aprakata-lila. SD reasons that Balarama's wives could not have embraced his body, because it is said (in 11.31.18) that Devaki, Rohini and Vasudeva were unable to see Krsna and Rama, 52 and also because both Krsna and Balarama are eternal vigrahas. Therefore, in reality, his wives embraced Balarama's body made up of [the outline of] his clothes or they embraced a mental image of his body (SD on 11.31.20). VD points out that Krsna's wives, Rukmini and others, are said to be tadatmikah (11.31.20), i.e., their minds are given to him (tadarpitacittah): in other words, they meditated on him since his replica (body) had become invisible (VD on 11.31.20; so also GD on 11.31.2053). When it is said that Arjuna made the funeral arrangements (samparayika) for the Yadavas (11.31.22), the real meaning is that he arranged for the chanting of the names of God (nama-kirtana) and other such actions by Vaisnavas, which are appropriate for the uttarakala (the interval from one full moon to another : samparaya=uttarakala, according to Medini), which in turn helps in obtaining the eternal abode of aprakata-lila (RR, VD on 11.31.22). Although 11.31.25 appears to refer to those who have survived the killing (hatasesan) [thereby implying that many of the Yadavas were in fact annihilated], in reality the reference is to the Yadavas, who are known to have survived (hata=jnata54) [thus indicating that none of the Yadavas were destroyed] (RR, VD on 11.31.25). In 11.31.26 it is reported that the grandfathers, after hearing of the killing of their friends (suhrdvadha) (the Yadavas), took to the Great Path (mahapatha) [the other world). But the real meaning is that they heard about their friends (the Yadavas) having reached vadha or the place of nitya-lila, for vadha is that which gives (dha=dadhati) consolation (va=santvana, according to Medini). Then, being eager to reach that same place, they went to the Great Path, namely the place conducive to meditate on the nitya-lila (RR, VD on

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The Justification of Krsna's Annihilation of His Own Clan 11.31.26); i.e. they went to the Himalaya (VD on 11.31.26). Such then are the numerous examples of ingenious interpretations which demonstrate the way in which some of these commentators proceed in showing that Krsna does not really destroy the Yadavas, but only makes them enter into the aprakatalila. 67 In conclusion, we can see how the commentators go even beyond the BhP in justifying Krsna. These commentators are much later than the BhP.. They range from SS, who is said to be born around 1325 CE, to GS, whose birth is claimed to be in Samvat 1892 [1835 CE] Not coming from a folk background, they have a more sophisticated understanding of what it means to be divine. Further, although the commentators do not mention it, they may have been aware of adverse criticism from Christians and Muslims, and possibly even from other Hindu sects. Hence the changed sociocultural conditions and the further development in the understanding regarding Krsna's divinity impelled the commentators to go beyond even the Bhagavata in their efforts to remove any blemish that they felt tarnished Krsna's divine portrait. Annotations : 1. Originally presented at the 10th World Sanskrit Conference, Bangalore, 1997, this article has been both revised and enlarged, including as it also does much new material. 2. For justifications of Krsna in other matters, see my (A) Book: The Divinity of Krsna (New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1984). under "Justification of Krsna's" in the Index; and (B) Articles: (1) "The impeccable Krsna", Indica 18: 1 (March 1981): 1-6; (2) "Krsna as a portion of the Supreme", Purana 24:1 (January 1982): 79-90; (3) "The Justification of Krsna's Affair with the Hunchbacked Woman", Purana 25:2 (July 1983) 225234; (4) "Krsna's stealing of the Herdsmaidens' clothes", Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 66:1-4(1986): 161-174; (5) "Transformation through Denudation", Indica 23:1-2 (March-September, 1986): 51-62. (6) "The Justification of Krsna's Childhood Pranks": (a) proceedings of the VIIth World Sanskrit Conference Leiden, 1987, in Indologica Taurinensia 1516 (1989-90): 325-352; (b) The Journal of Religious Studies 18:1 (Spring 1990):

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68 S. J. Noel Sheth Makaranda 76-99. (7) "The Good Thief: The Justification of Krsna's Acts of Stealing", Wiener Zeitschrift fur die Kunde Sudasiens: 36, Supplement (1992): 149-166; (8) "The Justification of Krsna's Disfigurement of Rukmin", The Journal of Religious Studies 22:1 (Spring 1993): 118-125. 3. The following editions have been used: (1) Mausalaparvan. ciritically ed. by Shripad Krsna Belvalkar, Vol 19, pt 2(1959), of The Mahabharata, critically ed. by Visnu S. Sukthankar and others, 19 vols. : Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Poona 1933-1959. (ii) The Mahabharatam, with the Commentary of Nilakantha called Bharatabhavadipa, ed. Ramacandrasastri Kinjavdekar, 6 vols., vol. 6 Oriental Books Reprint Corporation, New Delhi 1979. I refer to this edition as the Vulgate ed. (iii) Harivamsah, critically ed. by Parashuram Lakshman Vaidya, 2 vols: Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Poona 1969. 71. (iii) Visnupuranam with the commentary of Sridhara called Svaprakasa ed. by Jivananda Vidyasagara: Sarasvati Press, Calcutta 1882 (iv), Srimadbhagavata-mahapuranam, Ekadasahskandah, with various commentaries, vol. 11. Samvat 2029 [1973], of Srimadbhagavatamahapuranam, with various commentaries, ed. by Krsnasankara Sastri, vols 1-9 and 11-12, Ahmedabad: Sribhagavata-vidyapitha, Samvat 2033 [1965]Samvat 2029 [1973]. (v) Sribhagavata-tatparya-nirnaya of Anandatirtha [Madhva], ed. by Bannanje Govindacarya, Sarvamula-granthah vol. 3. Udipi: Sarva Mula Publication committee. 1980. 4. There are a few passing references to this episode elsewhere in the BhP, e.g., 3.3.14-15, 24; 3.4.1-2, 23, 29. 5. In the Mbh it is stated that, after uttering the curse, the sages went to Krsna (16.2.12). The commentator Nilakantha suggests that they went to him to ask him to permit or pardon (ksantavya) it (on 16.2.12-16.1.23 in the Vulgate ed.) 6. Actually not all the Yadavas are destroyed. There are some survivors, e.g., Daruka (VhP 5.37.48) and Vajra, who is later crowned king (VhP 5.37.57). Similarly, Bhp 11.31.25 mentions not only Vajra, but also women, children and elders. Some commentators assert that, although women survived, no Yadava male-other than Vajra-escaped the destruction (GD on 11.31.25 [=23], BP on 11.31.25 [=24]; GD, VR on 11.31.25). See also BhP 3.4.28-31, where reference is made to Uddhava being spared.

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The Justification of Krsna's Annihilation of His Own Clan 7. See my book, Divinity of Krsna, pp. 70-73 8. See p. xxxiv. 9. See Belvalkar's note on 16.7.11 ed. critical ed. p. 48. 10. Nilakantha reads anayat, instead of anayam (Critical text, 16.7.11) : Krsna is indifferent, he says, because the Yadava boys are guilty. However, in an alternative explanation, he identifies Krsna's indifference with the calamity (on 16.7.11=on 16.6.13 in the vulgate text.) 11. This passage, however, is a later interpolation, according to Paranjpe : Striparvan, ed. Vasudev Gopal Paranjpe, Vol. 12. pt 2 (1956), of The Mahabharata, critically ed. by Vishnu S. Sukthankar and others, 19 vols. (Poona : Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Poona 1933-1959), p. 120, note on 12.26.1. 12. For some other past publications, I have also referred to the commentary of Ratnagarbha, called Vaisnavakutacandrika, Bombay Saka 1824. This time, however, in spite of searching in several libraries, I have not been successful in tracing the book. However, in connection with our topic, I do not expect Ratnagarbha's gloss to differ much from that of Sridhara. 13. Sridhara clarifies that Krsna does so under the guise of the Brahmins' curse (on 5.37.21). 14. Sridhara points out that this means they do not heed Krsna's words. (on 5.37.43; in my text, his comment is wrongly assigned to v.42). 15. Wrongly printed as his comment on v. 44. 16. In my printed text, BP's gloss is on the same verse, but his comment is numbered as 11.1.25. 17. GD on 11.1.1; GD, JG (Ks), RR, VD on 11.1.10; BP, SD, SS, VB, VR on 11.1.10 11; GS, VJ, Sudarsanasurin on 11.1.11; VB on 11.1.18; GS on 11.30.1. 18. However, in 11.30.24 Krsna himself kills some of the Yadavas, although he does so only when attacked by them (11.30.23). 19. See S.K. De, Early History of the Vaisnava Faith and Movement in Bengal, 2nd ed. : Firma K. L. Mukhopadhyay, Calcutta 1961, pp. 342-344. 20. For more details, see O.B.L. Kapoor, The Philosophy and Religion of Sri Caitanya : The Philosophical Background of the Hare Krsna Movement : Munshiram

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S. J. Noel Sheth Makaranda Manoharlal, N. Delhi 1977, pp. 115-117. 21. De, Vaisnava Faith and Movement, pp. 336-337. 22. In his introduction to XI.30. SS mentions that Krsna destroys his own clan. Commenting on this, RR points out that Krsna makes his race invisible under the pretence of destruction (RR on 11.30.1). 23. See Bhp 1.7.24-25 24. This is the highest abode, also called Goloka : See De, Vaisnava Faith and Movement, pp. 333-334. 25. On the Svamsa form, see ibid., pp. 240-241. 26. See also SS on 11.1.1., where he explains that the episode is meant to generate dispassion as well as the ephemeral character of the pleasure of sense objects. Of course, not belonging to Bengal Vaisnavism, he does not subscribe to the view that the Yadavas merely become invisible in the aprakata-lila, and are not really destroyed. BP and GD on 11.1.1. also mention dispassion. 27. That is, Krsna is not only present always in his palace or temple, but there, namely in Dvaraka. 28. This interpretation is not mentioned by RR. 29. In other words, Dvaraka is the central abode not only of Krsna but also of the Yadavas. 30. That is, not only is Krsna's palace not wrecked, but so too the Yadavas as well as their dwellings are not destroyed. 31. Since it has become invisible in the aprakata-lila. That is, it is a remembrance not of something that has been demolished, but of something that continues to exist, albeit invisibly. 32. In order to keep a better track of the reinterpretations by the commentators, it is recommended that the reader looks at the original text of each reinterpreted verse of the BhP. Space does not permit me to reproduce each verse in this article. 33. Prakata-lila the Yadavas the experience of time (kala) or temporality, as opposed to the eternality of the nitya-lila or aprakata-lila. 34. According to VD and RR (on 11.30.15), the components of bhakti, in this

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The Justification of Krsna's Annihilation of His Own Clan 71 context, are such forms of bhakti is listening (sravana) to, and chanting kirtana) the names and deeds of God. 35. Through this metaphor of water the verse suggests the producing of love (preman) by these sastras) (VD, RR on 11.30.15). 36. This word is not in the verse. Often words which are not in the text are supplied by the commentators. In particular they frequently supply the words prakata and aprakata-(or nitya-)lila. 37. Lit, 'came to know' (jnatavantah), which glosses jaghnuh, supplied from the previous verse. 38. Here, as well as in a few other places (e.g., in VD's commentary on v. 11.30.20), there appear some printing mistakes in the volume I am using. 39. And therefore does not mean 'to know', as explained in the commentary on 11.30.17, above. 40. Their entering into the aprakata-lita by disappearing from the prakatalita is a sort of deception, since ordinary people may not realize that they still continue to be present, albeit invisibly. 41. VD (on 11.30.21) mentions the v. 1. bhrtah which my edition has chosen as the preferred reading, but adds that the word comes to mean the same thing as dhrtah. 42. This word is to be supplied, according to RR and VD. 43. See the commentary of RR and VD on 11.30.17 and 19 above. 44. Mentioned in RR and VD's interpretation of 11.30.20. 45 See above, RR, VD on 11.30.20. 46. See above, RR, VD on 11.30.17. 47. VD and RR read avanam instead of vanam, supplying the negative a from the previous word, yatha, in the text : vainavo 'gniryatha vanam. 48. Human beings do not belong to the natural setting of the forest : they generally do not live in forests. 49. See De, Vaisnava Faith and Movement, pp. 284-285. 50. On these saktis, see ibid. pp. 276-284. 51. RR's reference is to v. 19, and not to v. 20, because RR takes the half verse

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72 S. J. Noel Sheth Makaranda (ramapatnyasca.....) as part of v. 19, while VD takes the same half verse as part of v. 20. 52. That, is, according to SD, they did not see the bodies of Krsna and Balarama. 53. However, unlike VD, he holds that the wives of Balarama embraced his (dead) body. 54. See above, RR, VD on 11.30.17, where the root han is claimed to mean 'to know'. 55. See Vasudeva Krsna Caturvedi, Srimadbhagavat ke tikakar (Mathura: Rajyashri Prakashan, 1977), pp. 66 and 159.

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A note on Sabara's India Shripad Bhat In the development of Indian philosophy, through the ages, the Purvamimamsa system plays an important role. The object of the Mimamsa seems to have been Vedarthavicara' or the investigation into the interpretation of the Vedas. In order to understand the Vedas, Jaimini sutras serve as an important tool of interpretation. The sutras of Jaimini were interpreted by some Bhasyakaras, such as Bodhayana, Bhavadasa Upavarsa, and so on. Among them Sabara became very popular, whose work is known as Sabarabhasya, which, in fact, formed the basis and starting point for all later Mimamsa works. In this work of Sabara, along with Dharmamimamsa, we find a number of geographical, social and cultural references which were subjected to a critical analysis as being reliable sources of Dharma. Besides Vedic texts, Smrti and Sadacara also got importance as the sources of Dharma. Sabara asserts the significance of the influence of Smrti texts, popular customs, rights of women etc. which are closely related and have become familiar in the life of ordinary people. He shows that there was a unity of language and culture from the Himalayas to Capecomorin. An effort has been made in the present work to being into limelight the geographical, social, and cultural facts as reflected in the Sabarabhasya. Date of Sabara-To fix the date of Sabara, a number of attempts have already been made. A. B. Keith concludes that 400. A. D. is the earliest date of Sabara!. According to P. V. Kane, the date of Sabara is not earlier than 100 A. D. and not later than 500 A. D2. G. N. Jha assigns him as a senior contemporary of the great Vikramaditya' the founder of the 'samvat' era and therefore believed as having lived in 57 B. C. He quotes a verse which

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74 Shripad Bhat Makaranda speaks of Sabara as the father of Vikramaditya4. Besides, Sabara refers to the Asmaka country more than once. Siddheshwar Shastri Citrav opines that whole Asmaka country might become under the Satavahana dynasty". Satavahana flourished in I cent. B. C6. Therefore, taking into consideration of the period of Satavahana and the Asmaka country one may conclude that the period of Sabara belongs to I cent. B. C. Geographical aspects--Sabara knows a wide geographical horizon. The extant of country known to him is indicated by several landmarks mentioned in the Bhasya. For example 1) On J. S. 7. 1. 7 Sabara refers to the colour of cloth. Such as, 'colour is spoken of in connection with a cloth; yet it does not subserve the purpose of cloth but of the man or woman?. This kind of fashion, according to Mandana Misra refers to the people of north-east or Kashmir. 2) On J. S. 7. 1. 8 the author of the Bhasya clearly refers to Punjab, when he says, "When it is said that a Punjabi [Vahika) has come as guest so prepare for him a barley-meal, this same barley-meal is prepared for any and every Punjabio. 3) On J. S. 2. 3.2 Sabara gives an example that 'One should eat sastika grain with milk; if he eats sali, he should mix curd with it10. Mandana Misra says that this type of tradition is in practice in Mithila". A. S. Agarwal says that it was best suited to grow in Punjab, since it does there with little water. It is a core rice, the grains of which agglutinate when boiled12. 4) On J. S. I. 3. 9 while discussing the Vedic sentence, Therefore cows run after Varaha', Sabara says that Varaha' the word denotes Hog, as it is Hog that cows run after13. This type of tradition is seen at a festival held along with the Dipavali. Mandana Misra says that this shows the close relation of Sabara with Mithila24. 5) On J. S. 1. 3. 20 the author of the Bhasya speaks of the Mathura resident of or born at or migrated from Mathura's. 6) On J. S. 2. 3. 3 the author says 'such usage would not be contrary to the usages of the Andhras 16. On this Kumarila comments that Bhasya refers to the usage of the Dravids who have been spoken of as Andhra".

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A note on Sabara's India 7) On J. S. 1. 1. 13 Sabara refers to Pataliputra (Patna) and Srughna (Hastinavati) more than once. 75 8) Sabara more than one place refers to the whole of India from the Himalaya to Kanyakumari, For example i) On J. S. 10. 2. 51 Sabara says that from the Himalaya down the Kumari (Capecomorin) the term 'parvan' is known as denoting a point of time as also a group. ii) At another place while discussing the meaning of 'caru' Purvapaksin refers to the use of the word as a pot. The term 'caru' is generally known from the Himalayas to Capecomorin as standing for a pot. As a matter of fact, all over the country the 'caru' is found to be used in the sense of a pot. The most reasonable course is to accept what is well recognised. Siddhantin's answer is that it is more reasonable to take the word as cooked rice. Further he adds that the term 'caru' is recognised as denoting cooked rice from the Himalayas down to Capecomorin"". 9) On J. S. 1. 3. 18 Sabara speaks of the southerners as dark skinned, large-bodied and red-eyed11. Social and cultural facts-Sabara is well acquainted with a number of social and cultural aspects which are subjected to a critical analysis of the sources of Dharma and their reliability. i) Education-P. V. Kane opines that the Mimamsasutra does not state how much of the Veda has to be studied before one enters on understanding the meaning of it. However J. S. 3. 8. 18 says that one who knows the Veda has adhikara for performing the sacrifices". In this connection Sabara raises a question how much of the Veda must a man know in order to be entitled to perform a Vedic sacrifice and replies that he must memorize as much as would enable him to carry to its completion the Vedic sacrifice undertaken by him. However, it should be noted that, one should study the Veda but he must also understand its meaning. The first sutra of Jaimini mentions that 'Now, therefore, comes to the enquiries into Dharma'. The word 'atha' in the sutra denotes reading the Vedas according to the prescribed text, according to the rules and injunctions prescribed for its study. Such

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76 Shripad Bhat Makaranda knowledge is a general requisite as the Mimamsa involves various kinds of discussion about the Vedic texts. After the study of the Vedas, a student may either return from the teacher's house and enter married life or may continue to remain in the teacher's house carrying on investigation into the meaning of the Vedic texts. ii) Respect to the teachers--Sabara gives great respect to the teachers. He emphasizes that the teacher should be followed and saluted25. Further he asserts that, if one follows his teacher, the teacher becomes pleased and teaches him with care and also being satisfied with the pupil, explains to him the reasonings that go to solve the various difficulties 26 : iii) Hospitality-Sabara shows great respect to hospitality. He emphasizes that what is done for the guest must be regarded as prompted by the guest, because in the honouring of the guests, what is enjoined is that the guests should be pleased. The injuction being that the guest is to be treated in such a manner as to please him. Gifts should be offered to him or he should be fed. Whatever else he wants should be done. He should not be forced to do what he does not wish to do 27. iv) Medicine-It is interesting to point out that Sabara suggests medicine for certain diseases. For example, in every case of eye-disease, mudga rice is eaten; and in every case of stomach disease, milk is drunk28. v) Killing of foetus--Sabara says that killing of foetus before its concept is known leads to sin, since it has been referred to as the sin of foetus murder. A foetus murder is the worst of sinners because it makes benefit in both worlds. Foetus means sacrifice. One who destroys sacrifice, he is called a murderer of foetus29. vi) Use of oil in meals-At many places Sabara refers to the use of oil in meals. He says that oil has capacity to lubricate the food. For example - i) On J. S. 10. 3. 16 the author says giving with an example that Yajnadatta should be fed with oil. Oil is mentioned as of use in feeding and it is to be used only in the place of clarified butter, the purpose of which alone can be served by oil, the capacity to lubricate the food being common to oil and clarified butter30

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A note on Sabara's India 77 2) On J. S. 7. 1. 5 he says regarding the results of using oil, such as it would be like drinking of oils just as when oil or clarified butter is drunk, though this drinking is ephemeral yet it brings about at another time. Such results as improvement of intelligence, memory strength and so forth31. vii) Authority of popular customs--There are certain duties which are not laid down in the Vedas but are established by the customs, such as, "Teacher should be followed; Tank should be dug; Drinking booths should be set up32. Sabara asserts that drinking booths and tanks are philanthropic works, conducive to the benefit of people and not conducive to the Dharma33. He shows the Vedic authority which indicates the digging of the water reservoirs 34. Further, he adds that the teacher should be followed and saluted; elders should be welcomed by rising from the seat and should be respected. He emphasizes that these customs should be repeated whenever the occasion presents itself35 There are some texts which say that the Holaka and the like should be practised by the Easterners only. The Ahninaibuka and the like should be practised by the southerners only. The Udvrsabhayajna and the like should be practised by Northerners only. Here, Purvapaksa tries to restrict them to the particular places, i. e. East, South, and North where the said customs are found. The answer for this question made by Siddhantin is that the customs like those mentioned should be a duty for all, because all injunction has that character and injunctive word that cannot denote either the class (universal) or the individual (particular). Hence there is no authority for restricting its application to any other particular person. It could be found that a person who has gone out of the southern country and is residing either in the East or in the North still continue to perform Ahninaibuka. In fact when a person migrates to another country, he does not follow its customs. Hence it can be concluded that there can be no restriction in the authority of popular customs 36 viii) Marriage is not a deed of sale and purchase. On J. S. 6. 1. 10 Purvapaksin says that women can possess no property on account of sale and purchase, because women are bought and sold. They are sold by their father and bought by their husband. And since they are sold

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78 Makaranda Shripad Bhat by their father, they have no rights over the father's property and since they have been bought by their husband, they have no right over the husband's property However, Sabara states in Siddhantapaksa that, as for the sale that is spoken of in regard to the wife, it is a purely religious function and not. really a sale. A thing is said to be sold when its price is a fluctuating factorsometimes more or sometimes less. In the case of marriage, however, the so called price is a fixed item, whether beautiful or ugly. Consequently, the case of wife is not one of sale or purchase. ix) Rights of women-While discussing the rights of women to perform a sacrifice, purvapaksin says that a woman cannot perform a sacrifice as she has not the property of her own and what she earns that belongs to her husband. He relies on the text of Manu, The wife, the slave, and the son are all devoid of property; whatever they can earn is the property of him to whom they themselves belong. However, the Siddhantin points out that the famous Vedic text 'svargakamo yajeta' applies equally to all men and all women because both have a desire for 'svarga'. This is established by Sabara as the correct one and this allows woman the right to perform a sacrifice. As a matter of fact, the woman is actually connected with property. Sabara emphasizes that in matters relating duty [religious acts], property and pleasure, the wife should not be ignored. Further he adds that religious acts should be performed jointly. Performance should be defective whether the man or woman did not participate in it and the performer cannot associate with any woman he likes, because the texts say that the performer should associate with only that woman who is his wife". Earth is a property of all men-Regarding the land on J. S. 6. 7. 3, Sabara states that the land should not be given away, because people are found to be owners of lands, not of the entire globe. In fact the 'Lordship of the earth' given to him by reason that he is being engaged in the protecting of corns and other produces. He receives a share out of it, which he alone possesses not the earth and there is nothing peculiar in regard to his ownership over such supporting and preserving etc. of living beings as are done by persons inhabiting the earth"

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A note on Sabara's India 79 Within the limited scope of this paper only a few references have been shown regarding the geographical, social and cultural aspects found in the Bhasya. It may be a good contribution, if one studies the Bhasya with the help of contemporary literature and evaluate the Bhasya on these above said aspects. Annotations : 1. D.V., Garge Citations in Sabarabhasya, p. 23. 2. bid. 3. Ganganath Jha, Purvamimamsa in its sources, p. 14. 4. brAhmaNyAmabhavadvarAhamihiro jyotirvidAmagraNI: rAjA bhartRharizca vikramanRpaH kSatrAtmajAyAmabhUt / vaizyAyAM haricaMdravedyatilako jAtazca zaGkaH kRtI: zUdrAyAmamaraH SaDeva zabarasvAmIdvijasyAtmajAH // Jha, Purvamimamsa., p. 14. 5. Chitrav Siddheshvar Shastri, Pracina Bharatiya Caritrakosa, Vol. I, p. 164. 6. Shobhana Gokhale, Purabhilekhavidya, p. 112. 7. vAsasi rAgaH, zrUyate, vAso raJjayatIti, vAsasi ca kriyate na cAsau tadarthaH, svyarthaH puruSArtho vA bhavati / 8. Mandanamisra Shastri, Mimamsadarsana; Ramesh Book Depot, Jaipur 1955, p. 137. 9. yathA vAhIko'tithirAgata: yavAnnamasmai prakriyatAmityukte yo yo vAhIkastasya tasya yavAnnaM kriyate / 10. payasA SASTikaM bhuJjIta, yadi zAli bhuJjIta tatra dadhi upasiJceta / 11. Shastri Mandanamisra, Mimamsadarsana, p. 167. 12. V. S. Agarwal, India as known to Panini, p. 206. 13. tasmAd varAhaM gAvo'nudhAvanti [za. brA. 4. 4. 3. 19] iti zUkare varAhaM darzayanti |.....suukrN hi gAvo'nudhAvanti / 14. Shastri Mandanamishra, p. 137. 15. yato dRzyate - mathurAbhiprasthito mAthura iti / mathurAyAM vasan, mathurAyA nirgatazca / 16. janapadaparipAlanamakurvatyapi rAjetyAndhrA vadantItyuktam / 17. Tantravarttika of Kumarila, Ed. Anandashrama, Vol. II, p. 160. 18. ubhayatra hi parvazabdo lokaprasiddhaH kAle samudAye ca A himavataH A ca kumArIbhyaH /

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80 Shripad Bhat 19. prasiddhazca sthAlyAM caru zabdaH / A ca himavataH A ca kumArIbhyaH / prasiddhasya grahaNaM nyAyyam / S. B. on 10. 1. 35. Makaranda 20. odane ca caru zabdaH A ca himavataH A ca kumArIbhyaH / S. B. on 10.1.42. 21. ye'pi zyAmA bRhanto lohitAkSA.........ye dAkSiNAtyA iti samAkhyAtAH / 22. P. V, Kane History of Dharmasastra, Vol. V, part II, p. 1280. 23. jJAte ca vacanaM na hyavidvAn vihito'sti / 24. na hyavidvAn vihito'sti / yohyavidvAnnasAvadhikRtaH sAmarthyAbhAvAt |.......kiytaa punaviditena vidvAnadhikriyata iti yAvatA viditena zakto bhavati yathoktaM kratumabhinivartayituM tAvadyo veda sa tena RtunA adhikriyate / 25. gururanugantavyaH 1. 3. 7 gururanugantavyo'bhivAdayitavyakSa 9. 2. 30. 26. gururanugamAtprIto gururadhyApayiSyati, granthagranthibhedinazca nyAyAn parituSTo vakSyatIti...... 27 AtithyamatithiprayuktaM syAt / Atithye hI ttpriitirvidhiiyte| atithiH paricaritavyaH / yathA prIyate tathA kartavyamiti / dAnaM bhojanaM vA kAryamiti / yadyatithaye rocate tatkartavyaM yattasmai na rocate na tadbalAtkArayitavyamiti / 9. 9.90. 28. yathA vA akSyAmaye mudgaudano bhoktavyaH, udarAmaye payaH pAtavyamiti sarvatra ca mudgaudano bhujyate, udarAmaye'pi payaH pIyate / 7. 1.8. 29. avijJAte garbhe hate bhrUNahatyAnuvAdo bhavati / tasmAdavijJAtena garbheNa hatena bhrUNahA bhavatIti bhrUNahA pApakRttamaH / yazcobhayorlokayorupakaroti tasya hantA bhrUNahA / yajJahantA bhrUNahA / .... tasmAdyajJaM bhrUNazabdenAbhidadhAti / 6. 1. 7. 30. devadattavat yajJadattastaileneti bhojane tailamupakArakaM zrUyamANaM yasya prAkRtasya kAryamabhinirvartayituM zaknoti, tasya kArye viniyujyate ghRtasya sAmAnyaM hAsya snehanakAryaM ghRteneti / 31. yathA tailapAnaM ghRtapAnaM vA bhaGgitve'pi sati kAlAntare medhAsmRti balapuSTyAkIni phalAni karoti / 32. gururanugantavyaH, taDAgaM khanitavyam, prapA pravartayitavyA.....1 3.1. 33. prapAstaDAgAni ca paropakArAya, na dharmAya ityavagamyate / 1. 3. 2. 34. Ibid., 35. gururanugantavyo'bhivAdayitavyazca vRddhavayAH pratyuttheyAH samantavyAzceti / 6.2.30. 36. Vide Holakadhikarana 1.3.15. 1 37. krayavikrayasaMyuktA hi striyaH / pitra vikrIyante bhartrA krIyante vikrItatvAcca pitRdhanAnAmanIzinaH / krItatvAcca bhartRdhanAnAm 6. 1.10. 38. yattu krayaH zrUyate dharmamAtraM tu tt| nAsau krayo iti| krayo hi uccanIcapaNyapaNo bhavati / niyataM tvidaM dAnam / / / zatamatirathaM zobhanAmazobhanAM ca kanyAM prati...... tasmAdavikrayo'yamiti /

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A note on Sabara's India 81 39. Vide 6. 1. 6-16. 40. He sai Tart End, 7orate ferairah ........ Get ferati GHI vrIhyAdInAM rakSaNena nirviSTasya kasyacid bhAgasyeSTe na bhUmeH, tanniviSTAzca ye manuSyAstairanyat sarvaprANinAM dhAraNacakramaNAdi yadbhUmikRtaM tatrezitvaM prati na kazcida vizeSaH / Bibliography - 1. Srimajjaiminipranitam Mimamsadarsanam Anandashrama Series, Pune, Vol. 1 & 2, 1974. 3. 1980, 5. 1984, 6. 1956. 2. Agarwal V. S., India as known to Panini. B. H. U, Varanasi 1953. 3. Chitrav Siddheshwar Shastri, Pracinabharatiya sthalakosa, Vol. I, Bhartiya Charitra Kosha Mandal, Pune 1969. 4. D. V. Garge, Citations in Sabara bhasya, DCPRI, Poona 1952. 5. Shobhana Gokhale, Purabhilekhavidya, Continental Prakashan, Pune 1975. 6. Ganganath Jha, Purvamimamsa in its sources, Benaras Hindu University, Benares 1942. 7.P. V. Kane, History of Dharmasastra, Vol. V. Part II, BORI, 2nd edition, Pune 1977. 8. Mandanamishra Shastri, Mimamsadarsana, Ramesh Book Depot, Jaipur 1955.

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vicitrA hi sUtrasya kRtiH pANineH vA. bA. bhAgavata bhagavatA pANininA saMskRtabhASAyAH sUtrarUpaM vyAkaraNaM prAyaH sArdhadvisahasra-saMvatsarebhyaH pUrvaM vyaraci / tadevASTAdhyAyIti nAmnA prathitam / tasya ca sUtrarUpatvAt sarvatantrasvatantra tantra nibaddhatvAcca sUtrArthaM jJAtuM vyAkhyAnaM nitarAmaparihAryaM vartate / tatra vyAkhyAnaM nAma tAvat kiMsvarUpamiti. jijJAsAyAM padacchedaH padArthoktiH vigraho vAkyayojanA / AkSepo'tha samAdhAnaM vyAkhyAnaM SaDvidhaM matam // iti paribhASitaM vartate / yadyapyatra vyAkhyAnalakSaNe SaDvidhatvaM saMgRhItaM, tathApi pANinisUtradRSTyA tadupalakSaNabhAvenaiva grAhyam / udAharaNapratyudAharaNAdInAmapyavazyasaMgrAhyatvAt / yata udAharaNaM nAma sUtrasya phalarUpaM sAdhyam, pratyudAharaNaM nAma sUtrasthapadAnAM samarthakam / / ___ etAdRzaM sarvAGgapUrNa vyAkhyAnaM bhagavatA pANininA svayameva svaziSyebhyaH pAThitaM syAdityanumAtuM zakyate / yadyapyetAdRzaM svopajJaM vyAkhyAnamadyatve na kvApyupalabhyate, tathApi vinaitAdRzaM vyAkhyAnaM bahUni sUtrANi mUkAni arthAt nirarthakAnyeva syuH, ata etAdRzaM svopajJaM vyAkhyAnaM kevalaM mukhaparaMparayA sAmAjikasmRtisaMtAnena bahUni saMvatsarazatakAni vedavat pravAharUpeNAbhyAsakai radhItaM jJAtaM ca syAdityatra na saMzItilezo'pi / 'AkaDArAdekAsaMjJA' 1. 4. 1 itisUtravivaraNe mahAbhASyakAraH vadati yat kecana ziSyAH bhagavatA evamadhyApitA iti / yadyapi mahAbhASyamapi pANinisUtravyAkhyAnameva, tathApi na tat sarvAGgaparipUrNam, nApi aSTAdhyAyyAH sameSAM sUtrANAM vyAkhyAnam / yataH aSTAdhyAyyAM vartamAnAnAM sUtrANAmardhAdhikAni sUtrANi mahAbhASye naiva vyAkhyAtAni / sAMpratamupalabdheSu naikeSu aSTAdhyAyIvyAkhyAneSu aizavIye saptamasaMvatsarazatake vAmanajayAdityAbhyAM dvAbhyAM vidvadbhyAM likhitA kAzikAvRttireva prAcInatamA sarvAGgaparipUrNA sarveSu sUtreSu upalabhyate / aSTAdhyAyI-sUtrakAlamArabhya kAzikAvRttikAlaM yAvat prAyaH sahasraM saMvatsarANAmatItam / teSu naikAni vyAkhyAnAni bahubhirvidvadbhilikhitAni syurevaparamadhunA

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vA. bA. bhAgavata Makaranda naikamapyupalabhyate ityaho mahaddaurbhAgyaM pANiniparaMparAyAH / kadAcitsyAdetadprastum, adhunA prastutamanusarAmaH / uccastarAM vA vaSaTkAraH' 1. 2. 35 itisUtravyAkhyAnAvasare kAzikAyAM vaSaT zabdenAtra vauSaT zabdo lakSyate, vauSaT zabdasyaivedaM svaravidhAnam, tarhi vauSaT grahaNameva kuto na kRtam ? vaicitryArtham, 'vicitrA hi sUtrasya kRtiH pANineH' iti likhati vRttikAraH / svaM rUpaM zabdasyAzabdasaMjJA 1. 1. 68 iti vyavasthA sUtrakAreNa pANininA svayameva pratijJAtA / tAmanusRtya sUtre nirdiSTAH zabdAH tAneva zabdAn uddizya prayujyante, na tatsamAnArthAn paryAyAn, vizeSAn vA / asyAM svatantravyavasthAyAM sUtre'tra nirdiSTaH 'vaSaT' zabdaH samAnArthaM vauSaT zabdaM lakSaNayA bodhayati, tasya lakSitasya vauSaTzabdasyaiva svaravizeSaNamuccastaratvaM sUtramidaM vidadhAti / iti svayamabhyupagatasya tanyasya parityAga: kataH ? ityanayoge kAzikAkAraH samAdhatte 'vaicitryArthama, vicitrA hi sUtrasya kRti: pANineH' iti / 'mantre vRSeSapacamanabhUvIrA udAttaH' 3.3.96 itIdaM sUtraM vede vRSiS ityAdibhyo dhAtubhyaH ktin pratyayaM tasyodAttasvaraM ca vidadhAti / pratyayavidhAyakeSu sUtreSu sarvatra 'paraH' ityadhikAro vartate / tadanusRtya sarvatra prakRtivAcakasya paJcamIvibhaktiH prayujyate / yathA 'dhAtoH' 'prAtipadikAt' 'guptickidbhyaH' ityAdi, paramatra sUtre prakRteH prathamA vibhaktiH prayuktA tadayaM svayamabhyupetAyA bahutrAnusRtAyA vyavasthAyAH parityAgaH kutaH ? kAzikAkAra: samAdhatte / 'vaicitryArtham' iti / __evamevAnyatrApi bahuSu sUtreSu sUtrakRtA kRtaM svatantraparityAgamanuyujya idameva vaicitryamuttaramAvartayati / 'udIcAbhij' 4. 1. 153, 'prAcAmavRddhAt phin bahulam' 4. 1. 160, 'uttamaikAbhyAM ca' 5. 4. 90 'IDajanoce ca' 7. 2. 78 eteSu sUtreSu kAzikAvRttirdraSTavyA / naikavAramevameva samAdhAtuH kAzikAkArasya ko'bhiprAyaH saMbhAvyate vicitra-zabdasyArthAH vakturabhiprAyaM saMdarbhaM cAnusRtya bhidyante 'vicitraM hi paramezAnasya sAmarthyam / atra kartumakartumanyathAkartumalaMbhAvaH ityarthaH pratIyate sa ca paramezituranyebhyaH vizeSaguNavattAM stauti / paraM 'hatavidhilasitAnAM hi vicitro vipAka:' zizupAlavadhe 11. 64 ityAdau anyavailakSaNyepi na stutiH paryavasyati, kiMtu ucchRGkhalatvamataeva doSavattvaM pratIyate / / __pANinimunau draDhiSThaM zraddhAnAH prAcInA abhyAsakA stAvat evamabhiprayanti yat-idaM kAzikArakRtaM naikavAramAvRttaM samAdhAnaM bhagavataH pANineH vizeSaguNavattAmeva stauti / paramezAnasya vizvaracanAyAM yathA kartumakartumanyathAkartuM vilakSaNaM sAmarthyamavyAhatam, "evameva

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vicitrA hi sUtrasya kRtiH pANineH vyAkaraNasUtraracanAyAM sUtrakartuH bhagavataH pANineH / ataH te prAcInAH TIkAkArAH kvacana kaMcana paryanuyogamudbhAvayanti paraM sarvatantrasvatantrasya munerIdRzaparyanuyogAnarhatvAditi samAdhAya paryanuyogamUle eva kuThArAghAtamAghnanti / mahAbhASyakArAdibhistatratatraivameva bahava udbhAvitAH paryanuyogAH sUtradoSA vA evamevApAtaramaNIyA ityeva zraddadhate zraddhAvantaH pANinIyAH / 85 adhunA aparA vimarzasaraNiH prastUyate - mahAbhASyaM tathaiva kAzikAyA anantaraM yAni naikAnyaSTAdhyAyyA vyAkhyAnAni aizavIyasaptadazazatasaMvatsaraM yAvat bahubhirvidvaddhi likhitAni, teSu kAzikAvyAkhyAnaM taditarebhyaH sarvebhyaH vailakSaNyaM bibharti / mahAbhASyAdIni vyAkhyAnAni pANinimunau pANinIyaparaMparAyAM viziSya vaidikaparaMparAyAM nitarAM zraddadhate / te sarvepi vyAkhyAkArAH 'bhagavAn pANiniH' ityeva saMvadanti / granthAdau mahAbhASyakAreNedaMprathamatayA bahutra nitarAM prastutAM maGgalAcaraNaparaMparAM zrutivacanamiva svataH pramANamiti niyatamanusaranti / kAzikAkAraH svavyAkhyopakrame neSTAM devatAM vandate, nApi sUtrakAraM smarati / taTasthatAmavalambyodAste / sAkSATTIkAvastvevopanyasyati 'vRttau bhASye tathA dhAtunAmapArAyaNAdiSu' ityAdi / yadyapi kAzikAkAra: pANinimunau vidyAkAraNAnmahAntamAdarabhAvaM bibharti yathA 'AkumAraMyazaH pANineH' (1. 4. 89, 2. 1. 13), tathApyanyaAdarabhAvaH, anyaH ca zraddhAtizayaH / zraddhAtizaye kevalaM guNapakSapAtinI bhaktirdRzyate sA zraddheyasya devatAyA, RSeH, munergranthasya vA kevalaM guNAneva pazyati, guNAneva gAyati, prazaMsati vA na doSaM doSasamudAyamapi / AdarabhAve AdarArhasya guNAnivaM doSAnapyAdartAvazyaM jAnIyAt, labdhe'vasare ca doSAnapi spaSTaM brUyAt sUcayedvA / yata AdarabhAve madhyasthatA, udAsInatA taTasthavRttirvA niyataM jAgarti, yA zraddhAtizaye AvRtA bhavati, nidrAti, andhatAmupayAti vA / ataH madhyasthaH kAzikAkAraH AdarabhAvaM dadhAno'pi naikavAramAvRttena vaicitryArtham iti samAdhAnenedameva sUcayati sUtrakArasyeyaM vicitrAkRtiH svayamabhyupagatasya tantrasya naikavAraM parityAgAdabhyAsakAnAM saMbhramakAriNyevAta eva na zobhanA, nApi kathamapi soDhuM zakyA kSamA vA / yataH manAgatabhyAvRtyA vA kAmaM kSAmyatu yaH kSamI / kriyAsamabhihAreNa nistantratvaM kSameta kaH // ataH etAni tantrollaMghanAni - kAmaM tAni sarvatantra svatantrasya munervartantAm - doSA eva /

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An Earlier Reference to 'Salaturiya (Panini)' M. A. Dhaky For some years past, George Cardona has emerged as one of the few frontranking authorities on Panini and Paninian literature. A few years ago, in his famous work-Panini : His Work and its Traditions, Vol. 1, "Background and Introduction"--, he had succinctly dwelt upon the historical facts relating to that greatest of all Sanskrit grammarians. Observed Cardona : "1. The available evidence does not allow one to determine Panini's dates with absolute precision. Nevertheless, the evidence also precludes placing Panini at a time later than the early fourth century B. C. : 500 B. C. is reasonable date to accept. According to a tradition which there is no cogent reason to doubt, Panini was native to Salatura, in the northwest of the subcontinent. Thus, in his Ganaratnamahodadhi (GRM 1.2 : picigsterrichele HorsgomidigvastrabhartRharivAmana-bhojamukhyAH / medhAvinaH pravaradIpakakartRyuktAH prAjJainiSevitapadadvitayA jayanti / / ) Vardhamana uses salaturiya in speaking of Panini, and in his commentary on the passage in question he explains (RTUIGU 774 474: HSPASPfa zAlAturIyastatrabhavAn pANiniH) that this term refers to the respected Panini (tatrabhavan paninih), whose ancestral place was the village Salatura. See A 4.3. 90, 94 (344, 345)."? Now, the date of the Jaina svetambara author whom Cardona quoted, namely Vardhamana Suri (of an unknown gaccha), is S. 1197 / A. D. 11413. There are, however, a couple of other references (and in one case at least definitely an earlier one) to the "Salaturiya' cognomen of Panini. The first is the lexicon Trikandasesama later supplementum to the Amarakosa (c. 6th cent. A. D.)--referred to by Visvanatha Sastri in his preface to the Laghusiddhantakaumudi (reprints, Delhi 1983, 1988)4. And some years ago, as I was going through Cardona's learned Introduction, I recalled a reference to 'Salaturiya' by another, but earlier, Svetambara Jaina writer, namely Siddhasena gani, that figures in his commentary on the SabhasyaTattvarthadhigama-sutra of Umasvati (c. A. D. 350). In his commentary on

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88 M. A. Dhaky Makaranda the bhasya of the Sutra 5-24, Siddhasena records the opinion of the followers of 'Salaturiya' that dhvani (suggestive notion) and sphota (connotative implication) are different from each other: tadvan dhvanir-eva ca sabdahsrotragrahanah, na sphotah salaturiya matanusari-vaiyakarana-nikaya parikalpitah..... Since Siddhasena gani lived between c. A. D. 690-7707, and the mean date for his commentary arguably seems c. A.D. 760-65, we now have an unambiguous reference to 'Salaturiya' which is at least 375 years anterior to the one encountered in the Ganaratnamahodadhi. Predictably, Siddhasena gani must have had before him an earlier written or oral tradition which so reported: hence this fact lends a very firm support to, and positively stipulates Cardona's palpably well-considered assertion. Annotations: 1. Delhi 1988. 2. Panini., "1. Panini's works, I. O. Introduction, Remarks," p. [2]. 3. See Mohanlal Dalichand Deshai, Jaina Sahitya-no Samskipta Itihasa, (Gujarati), Mumbai 1933, p. 254. 4. Laghusiddhantakaumudi (of Varadaraja), "Bhumika", p. 3. The editor, in his preface, however, does not quote the original verse/passage from the Trikandasesa, but quotes there from Vardhamana Suri cited also by Cardona. (Also see the 'Introduction' to the selfsame work, edited in this case by Pt. Narayanadatta Tripathi, 23rd edition, Gorakhapur S. 1993 / A. D. 1937, p. 2, for the identification of Salatur.) 5. Umasvati was a pre-Svetambara pontiff who belonged, according to his own colophon, to the Ucchairnagara-sakha of the main northern Nirgrantha stream. He was neither Yapaniya nor Digambara as I elsewhere have discussed. Siddhasena gani, the commentator, plausibly lived in the ancient Patala and Modhera tract, located within northeastern Gujarat. 6. Cf. the Tattvarthadhigamasutra, Pt. 1, Ed. Hiralal Rasikdas Kapadia, Sresthi Devacandra Lalbhai-Jaina Pustakoddhara Series, Vol. 67, Bombay 1926, p. 327. 7. See my paper, "A Propos of "The chronology of the Tattvartha Sutra and Some Early Commentaries"," Nirgrantha 3, Ahmedabad 1998, pp. 18-21, for the discussion on the date of Siddhasena gani.

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Vivaksa in Kasikavrtti: Jayaditya and Vamana Anna Radicchi The discussion regarding the authorship of the various parts of the Kasikavrtti by Jayaditya and Vamana respectively has been going on for more than a century. From the time when the Kasika began to be published in The Pandit (March 1874, Vol. VIII) by Balasastri, the task of reliably giving the name of the vrttikara at the end of each pada had to be faced. However, the manuscript tradition was contradictory. In the Report1 R. G. Bhandarkar concluded that the first five adhyayas of the Kasika should be attributed to Jayaditya and the last three to Vamana. This was contrary to the attribution of the first four adhyayas to Jayaditya and the last four to Vamana, believed to be valid, based as it was on the evidence of the Kashmirian manuscripts collected by G. Buhler in 1875-762. Haridiksita had stated yet another division in the Sabdaratna to Bhattojidiksita's Praudhamanorama under 5. 4. 42: the vrtti of the I, II, V and VI adhyayas is by Jayaditya, while the vrtti of the other adhyayas is by Vamana. Balasastri also took the latter division into consideration at the end of his edition of the Kasika3; in this edition he had however practically assigned the first four adhyayas and the fifth up to the end of the third pada to Jayaditya, the rest to Vamana, occasionally mentioning the name of the vrttikara at the end of the padas. Although the theory presented in their introductions may differ, this division has in fact remained in the three editions most frequently consulted today: Prachya Bharati's 1965-1967 edition, the one from 'Osmania University, and finally the most recent one edited by J. Sh. L. Tripathi and S. Malaviya1. When S. Ch. Chakravarti published the Bhasavrtti in 19185, one could

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90 Anna Radicchi Makaranda see that Purusottamadeva, who was writing in the XII century, frequently mentions Jayaditya in the first five adhyayas as the author of the Kasikavrtti, from the VI adhyaya onwards Jayaditya is no longer named, but a Vamanavrtti is referred to. Another important edition we owe to S. Ch. Chakravarti, that of the Nyasa or Kasikavivaranapanjika, marked a turning-point in these studies. Vol. I already contained sutra 1. 1. 5 under which the Nyasakara Jinendra pointed out Jayaditya and Vamana's respective contrasting opinions and mentioned the text of a vrtti by Jayaditya on 7. 2. 11. "Did Jayaditya write a complete commentary on the Kasika ?", wondered Chakravartio. The reference in the Nyasa to a vrtti by Jayaditya on the seventh adhyaya certainly contrasted with all previous attributions of parts of the vrtti to the two authors.' The Nyasa, carefully-studied with the support of the Padananjari, proved in fact to be the most important source for discovering and listing the internal contradictions in the Kasikavrtti. Initially, the research concentrated on linking contradictions to differences of opinions between the two authors, Jayaditya and Vamana. Dineshchandra Bhattacharya's work belongs to and emerges during this first period. In 1922, in "Paninian Studies in Bengal", he expressed his opinion, based on examination of references in the Nyasa, that Jayaditya had himself completed his vrtti and Jinendra had at least partial access to its lost portions. Vamana's vrtti thus seemed to assume the role of a revised enlarged edition of Jayaditya. What then led Vamana to revise only the last three chapters remained unexplained. Bhattacharya came back to the double authorship of the Kasikavrtti in 1946, in the Introduction to his edition of Purusottamadeva's Paribhasavrtti There he presented some 'interesting facts' gathered from a careful analysis of the respective works of Jayaditya and Vamana (i.e. the first five adhyayas and the last three adhyayas of the Kasikavrtti), which seemed to demonstrate that Jayaditya and Vamana were separated by 'some length of time'. This should lead, in his opinion, to the abandonment of the current view that Jayaditya and Vamana were contemporaries or that Vamana 'came soon after Jayaditya', as stated by S. K. Belvalkar in his Systems of Sanskrit Grammar. Bhattacharya counted 42 references to previous writers (under expressions

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Vivaksa in Kasikavytti : Jayaditya and Vamana such as 'kecit', etc.) in Jayaditya's larger portion (I-V) as opposed to 103 references in Vamana's smaller portion (VI-VIII). He then noted that in the section of the Vedic accent (VI. 2), all the illustrations under the sutras of the II and the III adhyayas commented on by Jayaditya were collected, but others were also added. Finally, the "polemical discussions'in which Vamana indulges, practically inexistent in Jayaditya. It seems, however, that rather than 'polemical discussions', it is a matter of a clear tendency on Vamana's part to go into the intricacies of the rules and grammatical technique, also constantly referring, in many passages cited by Bhattacharya, to the paribhasas, the rules of interpretation. The increase in reference to the other authors, as well as an increase in the number of examples certainly accounted for a period of time between Jayaditya and Vamana longer than what scholars had generally been ready to concede. "Vamana could never be supposed to have revised the last three chapters of Jayaditya's vrtti before 700 A. D. and probably did so about 750 A. D.", according to Bhattacharya, who placed Jayaditya in 650 A. D. However, it seems that-indeed Vamana's attention to the interpretation of the rules and interpretative technique also indicatesperhaps more than anything else, a later time in respect to Jayaditya, near the Middle Ages. In the 60's, Yutaka Ojihara began systematic research on facts of 'Incoherence interne chez la Kasika". Would a complete collection of these facts, Ojihara wondered, have served, if not to revise, at least to verify the standard opinion on the division of the extant text of the Kasika between Jayaditya and Vamana ? Ojihara's research was not completed and did not solve the problem of the division of the parts of the text of the Kasikavstti as we know it today between Jayaditya and Vamana. Judging from the state of research, Ojihara believed that each of them had independently commented, in his own time, on all of Panini's grammar. Ojihara's articles initiated the final stage in the history of these studies. By now the most important references from the Nyasa and the Padamanjari, as well as from native commentators, have all been taken, and confidence has been lost that we may be able to learn more about the original work by Jayaditya and Vamana. The II volume of the latest edition of the Kasika with Nyasa and Padamanjari edited by J. Sh. L. Tripathi and S. Malaviya, has

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92 Anna Radicchi Makaranda reprinted the Introduction to the Kasikavivaranapanjika by Srish Chandra Chakravarti, dated 1925. On the one hand this rightly indicates the importance of the publishing of the Nyasa, in Chakravarti's excellent edition, as a contribution to this field of studies; on the other hand, it implies that in 1986 it was believed that nothing of significance had been contributed to the subject following the 1925 study. Shortly afterwards, in 1988, Narayana Misra reconsidered, in "Varttamanakasikavettigata-jayadityavamanamsa-vibhajana-vivecanam", the evidence from native commentators already examined by Chakravarti and drew his first conclusion : the vrttis by Jayaditya and Vamana originally must have been extended to the entire Astadhyayi and the evidence now allows us to affirm that the Kasika we know contains Vamana's vrtti only from 6.2 to the end of the Astadhyayi. Then, however, Narayana Misra also considered the Nyasa under pratyaharasutra 4 and under 7.4.71 (and also the Padamanjari under 7.4.71 and 8. 2. 18) and reached the final conclusion that although the attribution of the Kasikavrtti to the double authorship of Jayaditya and Vamana is based on tradition, commentaries like the Nyasa do not in any case allow the definitive ascription of the parts of the yrtti to Vamana or Jayaditya respectively. Nor do we find greater clarity or authority in more recent native commentators. We must be satisfied with considering the Kasika as the work of the two authors. After more than a century of research, this is a meagre result indeed. Taking a different path in the same period, another scholar became even more sceptical regarding the possibility of now determining the real author of the Kasikavstti. J. Bronkhorst, on two occasions," dealt with the controversial passage of the Chinese pilgrim I-ching who mentions, in the context of Indian grammatical studies, a work he calls the vrtti-sutra that he attributes to Jayaditya who, he says, had died thirty years earlier. Both the term vrtti-sutra, which in fact is used in the Mahabhasya in the sense of sutra tout court, and the mere mention of Jayaditya, whom tradition names along with Vamana as the author of the Kasikavrtti, have been discussed since the first appearance of the translation from I-ching by Takakusu, who considered vrtti-sutra=Kasikavrtti.

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Vivaksa in Kasikavrtti: Jayaditya and Vamana Bronkhorst lastly adopted and elaborated J. Brough's idea12 (originally perceived by H. Oldenberg) that the vrtti-sutra cited by I-ching, who attributes its authorship to Jayaditya, must actually be understood as the body of varttikas that the curni, that is the bhasya, comments on, I-ching's vrtti-sutra and curni together making up the present Mahabhasya. 93 A few years earlier13, Bronkhorst had explained that Jayaditya's name must have emerged from confusion between varttikakaras, because the Kasika, as well as the Mahabhasya, includes a collection of varttikas. Bronkhorst initially spoke of two authors for the Kasika, the varttikakara Jayaditya and Vamana, and believed that I-ching was indicating the Kasika when using the term vrtti-sutra. But in the end he has fully rejected tradition : "The opinion that the Kasika had two authors, Jayaditya and Vamana, is almost certainly wrong and probably due to Jinendrabuddhi's Nyasa14." Here we would like to go back to the arguments set forth by D. Bhattacharya as early as 1946, when the inconsistencies which cannot be explained by assigning them to the respective opinions of Jayaditya and Vamana had not yet been sufficiently taken into consideration. However, the important annotations from the Nyasa, the Padamanjari, and the Bhasavrtti as well as those from more recent commentators had already been collected, and attention had focused on manuscript tradition. In 1946, that name mentioned by I-ching, Jayaditya, was still generally considered as the name of the author of the Kasika, the only inexplicably strange thing being that he had been regarded as the sole author, while tradition named two. On the basis of this knowledge and with the self-confidence of one who feels history has not completely left him in the dark, D. Bhattacharya had attempted to grasp the distinctive features of that part of the vrtti attributed to Vamana (VI-VIII adhyayas) as opposed to that attributed to Jayaditya. It is from this point of view that we wish to determine whether there was an evolution in the idea of vivaksa between the first and the second part of the Kasikavrtti1. From a review of the occurrences of vivaksa terminology in the two parts of the Kasikavrtti traditionally attributed to Jayaditya and Vamana respectively (adhyayas I-V; adhyayas VI-VIII), it becomes evident that the second part moves decisively towards the medieval idea of vivaksa

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94 Anna Radicchi Makaranda and towards the function the vivaksa will have in the grammatical technique of the Middle Ages. Thus the fact that the second part of the Kasika is later than the first remains demonstrated, just as the existence of different authors is demonstrated. Philology can make its voice heard where history does not shed sufficient light and where textual comparisons are not convincing. * * * We may attempt to group all the occurrences of the term vivaksa and related terminology in the first five adhyayas of the Kasikavitti under seven headings 16. They will naturally not be watertight compartments but broadly overlapping areas. The complete list of the occurrences grouped under the seven headings is found in the Appendix at the end of this article. Now follows a definition of the headings with selected examples for each of them. Let us establish the first heading, 1) in the most general way possible, as 'the desire to express or utter something.' It is indeed difficult to find, in a grammatical context, something that one wants to express or'utter which does not at the same time have a grammatical connotation. The most satisfactory example seems to be found in that 'desire to faithfully reproduce a sound in the vitti under 1. 1. 16, which is, freely translated, the sense of anukaryanukaranayorbhedasyavivaksitatvat. After all, even the desire to express a meaning not provided for by a sutra' is inseparably linked to the other face of the coin, that of the desire to express a meaning provided for by a sutra', with the consequent application of the same. We would therefore also place the examples for the desire to express meanings not provided forby the rules' under the second heading. * * * 2) The desire to express a meaning provided for or not provided for by the rules', a meaning, it should be noted, which can be analysed according to grammatical categories, concepts, and terminology. Here are included the paraphrases of the text of the sutras, which more fully explain the meaning provided for, that is the one wanted or not wanted to be expressed, and the

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Vivaksa in Kasikavrtti: Jayaditya and Vamana elucidations given in the debates on examples and counter-examples. Thus the vrtti explains under 1. 4. 42 what the sadhakatamam karanam of the sutra is, paraphrasing it with kriyasiddhau yatprakrstopakarakam vivaksitam, 'what one wants to express as the preeminent means for carrying out the action'; under 1. 4. 54 it describes the svatantrah karta as kriyasiddhau svatantryena vivaksyate, 'what one wants to express as independent in the carrying out of the action." 95 In these expressions, individual judgement and taste seem to be emerging. It is in the eye of the individual that in the course of an action something seems to assume the prominent role of a means, karana, like the sickle used to cut grass or the axe used to cut wood, and one wants to coherently express the carrying out of the action. It is once again the individual who bestows independence of action on a person and now expresses himself with devadattah pacati, 'Devadatta cooks', and then gives the pot the role of Devadatta because he sees it as the agent and therefore expressed himself with sthali pacati, 'the pot cooks.' It is however certain that what the speaker wants to express according to his own individual feeling must then be expressed grammatically to be correct and understandable. The means must be expressed with the instrumental and the agent, however singled out, becomes the grammatical subject. Sutra 4. 3. 163, phale luk, prescribes that, when dealing with the fruit, affixes indicating 'product or part' undergo luk and are thus elided. The vrtti glosses phale of the sutra with phale ...vivaksite, 'when one wants to express the fruit,' and gives as the first example amalakam (the fruit of the Emblic Myrobalan), in which the affix mayat prescribed by 4. 3. 144 is dropped. Phale vivaksite of the vrtti is the same as phale'bhidheye, which in fact substitutes it under 4. 3. 166: here the individuality contained in the desire to express oneself in one's own way is lost and is replaced by the meaning of 'what the speakers have to express', and want to express, to communicate correctly, according to rules. In the vrtti to the section under tasyapatyam (4. 1. 92), the expressions of the sutras, gotre (4. 1. 93), yuni (4. 1. 94), are amplified and explained

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96 Anna Radicchi Makaranda with gotrapatye vivaksite, yunyapatye vivaksite, that is when one wants to express a gotra descendant,' when one wants to express a yuvan descendant.' Under 4. 1.98 instead of vivaksite we find vacye, gotrasamjnake' patye vacye, which is in fact synonymous. In these contexts, vivaksa is nothing more than the desire to communicate, using, according to grammatical rules, the various affixes on the basis of their range of usage. The speaker's intention can be deduced from the form used. 4. 1. 161 regulates formations deriving from manu-, like manusah, manusyah, which indicates species, jati, not descend, apatya. However, one may want to express apatya, apatyavivaksayam : manavi praja, 'Manu's progeny', adopting the affix an which is used for apatya, clearly shows the speaker's intention, that of expressing descent. The yan affix is prescribed by 4. 1. 105 for formations indicating gotra descendants, with the gargadis. However, we find jamadagnyah, the name of Parasurama, 'Jamadagni's son,' and parasaryah, the name of Vyasa, 'Parasara's son' : here the affix has not been used for gotra descent as prescribed by the 4. 3. 166 sutra. A gotra form has been superimposed, says the Kasika. When, however, one wants to express direct descent, anantarapatyavivaksayam, this superimposition may not take place, and the affix prescribed for descent is used, with the resulting forms jamadagnah and parasarah, and we understand that direct descent is being expressed. There are numerous examples under this second heading: We might say that 'the meaning the speaker wants to communicate, which is or is not identified with the meaning codified by the rules' is the signification occupying the foremost place among all usages of vivaksa and related terminology observed in the first five adhyayas of the Kasikavitti. Forms like kartrabhiprayakriyaphalavivaksa, used repeatedly in the vrtti under 1. 3. 80 foll., meaning 'the desire to express that the fruits of the action are directed towards the agent,' are listed under this heading as well (see Appendix), as the concept of wanting to convey a meaning provided for by the rules overlaps and prevails over the concept of wanting to express oneself according to the dictates of the rules. This is also present, since the kartrabhiprayakriyaphalavivaksa involves a use of the atmanepada on the

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Vivaksa in Kasikavitti : Jayaditya and Vamana basis of what 1. 3. 72 prescribes, according to a fundamental analysis of functions assigned to verbal diathesis. Analogously, with tenses and moods, which want to follow the rules, and so on. More simply, one could say that vivaksa sometimes takes on the meaning of 'the desire to correctly apply the rules'; however, this leads to the specific cases under the third heading. *** 3) "The desire to express oneself by following the dictates of the rules', where the grammatical means rather than the meanings are directly involved; 'the desire to express oneself using specific grammatical means', as for example a pratyaya, with the consequent iter of the prakriya. We arrive at grammatically abstract expressions like the desire to express a pratyaya'; see under 4.1. 90 and 91 pragdivyatiye' jadau pratyaye vivaksite; under 4:4. 109 yakaradau pratyaye vivaksite, under 5. 4. 57 daci vivaksite; finally under 2. 4. 35 and 3.1.31 ardhadhatukavivaksayam. The vrtti under 2. 4. 35 warns : it is a visayasaptami : ardhadhatukavivaksayam means ardhadhatukavisaye, thus explicitly under 3. 1. 31, that is 'in the range of usage of the ardhadhatukas' or rather when an ardhadhatuka has to be used.' Elsewhere the vivaksa of pratyaya is explained as 'the pratyaya that one has in mind and wants to express'; clearly stated under 4. 1.90 : pragdivyatiye' jadau pratyaye vivaksite buddhisthe. The prakriya is in any case put to work both in the objective range of application of the rules and in the subjective choice of them. The vrtti under 2.4.35 says that when an ardhadhatuka affix has to be used, first one effects the substitutions and then uses the various affixes as required. Thus the form hanyat, 'let him kill', in the lin sarvadhatuka; but in the ardhadhatuka lin, the so-called Benedictive, first one must substitute vadh for han as prescribed by 2. 4. 42 and then the required affix is added and the correct third person is produced : vadhyat, 'may he kill. . In the same way, the vrtti explains under 4. 1.90 that when one wants to add a pratyaya of the pragdivyatiya type beginning with a vowel, pratyaya which one has in mind, elision of the yuvan affix takes place before it is

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98 Anna Radicchi Makaranda added. The example is phantahrtah, 'disciples of the yuvan descendant of Phantahrti'. To form phantahrtah, the pragdivyatiya ajadi affix which one has in mind is an of 4. 2. 112; before this can be added, the yuvan affix must be dropped, as it would otherwise produce the form phantahrtah, 'a descendant of phantahrtih.' Once the affix is dropped, an can be directly added to phantahrtih, producing phantahrtah as per 4. 2. 112, with the desired meaning of 'tasya chatrah'. The reverse of the process, which moves from the vivaksa through the iter of the prakriya to the form itself, is also practicable. One may start, for instance, with the dasarathaya form in the expression pradiyatam dasarathaya maithili, 'let Sita be given to Dasaratha's son', to conclude that the form does not follow 4. 1. 95, which regulates formations regarding descent. (tasyapatyam, 4. 1. 92) for bases in -a, because according to 4. 1. 95 Dasaratha's descent should have been called dasarathih. Thus it means there was no intent to use a specific affix for descent, but an affix generically indicating tasyedam was chosen, according to sutra 4. 3. 120 in the section beginning with sese in 4. 2. 92. The form, says the Kasika, will result from sesavivaksa sesavivaksaya bhavisyati. In conclusion, observing the usage one can go back to the vivaksa, what the speaker wants to express. It is clear that we are dealing with a speaker, or rather speakers, who want to express themselves in a grammatically correct way. *** 4) The vivaksa as determining usage, which is then recorded by the rules. Let us consider as an instance 4. 4. 83, vidhyatyadhanusa, which prescribes the use of the yat affix with the meaning of 'that pierces', provided that the piercing instrument is not a bow. The affix is added to the base indicating the object to be pierced, for example padya, 'that pierces the foot', said of pebbles which pierce the feet, padyah sarkarah, or of thorns that pierce the thighs, uravyah kantakah. For these forms, the sutra excludes the bow as the piercing instrument; here the spoken language provides confirmation, as we do not find formations in -ya meaning 'to pierce' when the piercing instrument is the bow. One would not

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Vivaksa in Kasikavstti : Jayaditya and Vamana understand the desired meaning, says the Kasika under the sutra : na vivaksito'rthah pratiyate. The vrtti under 2. 2. 36 speaks of visesana and visesya, i. e. of the qualifier and the qualified, alternating according to vivaksa. The example is krtakatah, who made the mat', in which the first member, nistha, is the qualifier; but the vigraha may also be kate krtam anena, 'made by him on the mat', and here krta, nistha, is qualified by kate (see Nyasa under the sutra). In other contexts the Mahabhasya had considered visesana and visesya alternating according to what one wants to express as fundamental (pradhanyena vivaksitah, under 2. 1.57, Vol. I. 399); the genus, samanyam, is gauh and the particular, visesa, is krsna only if this is what one wants to express, the bhasya says once again under 1. 1.67 (Vol. I, p. 172). But roles can be reversed. How? The reply is : vivaksatah, 'on the basis of vivaksa. Although visesana and visesya may alternate on the basis of vivaksa, the grammatical concepts the two terms convey remain firm : without them it is impossible to analyse compounds or to explain the concord which is the foundation of syntax. Analogously with svatantrya. The 'agent as possessing svatantrya'was already codified by Panini in 1. 4. 54, and remained acquired knowledge. But identification of the agent possessing svatantrya depended on one's subjective viewpoint and pointing or not pointing it out depended on vivaksa. When one says that a door looks towards', abhiniskramati dvaram, the vrtti under 4. 3. 86 comments, one wants to express the door as the agent possessing svatantrya, svatantryena vivaksyate". * * * 5) The desire to express oneself = usage, to be observed to integrate or limit, specify or render the rules more flexible. The Mahabhasya already pointed out the iti, which often appears in the text of the sutras especially in the section on taddhita affixes, as an indicator that in these cases usage must be observed; this allows us to go back to the desire to express oneself, vivaksa; it is indeed the vivaksa which finally determines the range and limits of application of these sutras. The formula itikaranas tatascedvivaksa, 'there is an iti in the sutra and vivaksa derives

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100 Anna Radicchi Makaranda from it', is already bhasyan. The Kasika uses it and often also uses its shorter equivalent, itikarano vivaksarthah. Under 4. 4. 125, which contains iti in the sutra, in place of itikarano vivaksarthah we read itikarano niyamarthah: niyama means the limit of application of the sutra depending on the speaker's desire to express himself, as shown by usage. 'Itikarana indicates there are limits on usage', itikaranadvisayaniyamah, we read under 5. 2. 94 before the traditional sloka enumerating the meanings in which we find the affix matup employed. The vrtti considers this itikarana repeated by anuvrtti, with its effect of evoking the vivaksa, under 5. 2. 95 and the following sutras regulating the use of the matvarthiya affixes. Under 2. 2. 27 governing the formation of compounds like kesakesi, 'by the hair,' and dandadandi, 'stick against stick', it is said that the iti in the sutra makes one go back to, i. e. it makes one understand what people want to express (laukikamartham); the seizing, fighting, reciprocity, the struggle: all contribute to the meaning of the compound and all derive from iti. Here one is talking about the laukiki vivaksa; the Mahabhasya had already named it, contrasting it with a prayoktri vivaksa, an 'individual vivaksa', which the Kasika does not mention. On the one hand, itikarana is restrictive, that is it specifies usages by referring back to spoken language; on the other hand, it leaves room for further additions. For example, iti in 5. 2. 93 indicates that the list of meanings of indriya given in the sutra can be enlarged in case different etymologies occur. Elsewhere, iti allows further clarifications to be added to the wording of the sutra, for instance, 5. 2. 45 names only '(numerals) ending in dasa in the sense of "this is surplus in it"; examples are ekadasam satam, 'hundred + eleven', ekadasam sahasram, 'thousand + eleven'. The sutra does not say that the surplus must be of the same nature as that to which it is added: 11 karsapana added to 100 others = ekadasam karsapanasatam, '111 karsapana'; nor does the sutra explain that it is to be applied only to the numbers one hundred and one thousand. A traditional sloka focused attention on these details. But, the vrtti concludes, it has been said that itikarana is vivaksartha',

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Vivaksa in Kasikavrtti: Jayaditya and Vamana and thus permits all these particularities. The vrtti under 5. 1. 16, which regulates formations like prakariya said of bricks 'sufficient to erect a wall' or prasadiya said of land 'sufficient to construct a building on', also goes back to the iti of the sutra which 'it has been said is "vivaksartha" when it poses the question: why is prasado devadattasya syat not integrated into prasadiya? Theoretically, the sutra would allow integration because what one wants to express, by forms which the sutra regulates, is only possibility, yogyatamatra; however, integration of the analytical expression prasado devadattasya syat is not found in usage. Here the Kasika reechoes Patanjali's bhasya under the sutra. 101 There is one more passage from the Kasika which should be cited under this heading. It is under 4. 2. 21 which the Kasika reads sasminpaurnamasiti samjnayam. The sutra must have originally read sasminpaurnamasiti; the proposal to add the term samjna is discussed in the bhasya, which rejects it. Samjna limited the application of the sutra to terms in use, actually only appellations of a month, a half-month or a year. But, Patanjali concludes, there is itikarana and that is sufficient, because the presence of iti in the sutra refers to vivaksa, and this accounts for the real range of the sutra application. The Kasika, which accepts the reading samjnayam, must then justify the redundancy and embarks on explanations. The Kasika says that the use of iti and samjna in the sutra, both having the same purpose, that of seeing that usage is observed, must aim at the indirect teaching (jnapaka) that it is synonymous with samjna. The expressions of usage (yattatra tatrocyate) are 'itikarana', they depend on people's desire to express themselves, and grammar must take them into consideration. *** 6) 'What a rule requires, or does not require.' This meaning is clear in akarasya vivaksitatvat under 3. 2. 61: 'because the sutra requires the form with an indicatory a (of the three dhatus : vida jnane, vida sattayam, vida vicarane)', thus excluding vid listed in the dhatupathas with the meaning of labha, with an indicatory l. ***

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102 Anna Radicchi Makaranda 7) 'What a formulation intends, or does not intend.' An important example is found under 4. 1.92 (tasyapatyam). The vrtti says that the genitive, tasya of the sutra, concerns the base upagu- in the expression upagorapatyam, and is restricted to the meaning of 'descent.' In place of upagorapatyam we may use aupagavah, 'the offspring of Upagu', deriving from the base upagu- with the affix an as per 4. 1. 83. The wording of the sutra indicates nothing else, neither gender nor number. lingavacanadikamanyatsarvamavivaksitam; the fact that tasya is masculine does not mean that the affixes whose use is regulated by 4. 1. 92 are added only to masculine bases nor does the singular form of apatyam restrict descent to a single individual. A varttika in the Mahabhasya under 4. 1.92 already advised that gender and number in the indication of the meaning of a taddhita are not meant to teach anything because they do not in fact attempt to communicate gender and number. taddhitarthanirdese lingavacanamapramanam tasyavivaksitatvat. The words of a text must obligatorially have gender and number, Patanjali reacts in his comment under the varttika. The varttika developed a following; we also find it in the form of paribhasa in the Candravyakarana : sutre lingavacanamapramanamavivaksitatvat. *** To analyse the difference between the Kasikavrtti to the last three adhyayas of the Astadhyayi and the Kasikavrtti to the first five adhyayas as regards the use of vivaksa terminology, it seems useful to review once again the meanings under the seven above-given headings for the first five adhyayas and see if they are also found in the last three adhyayas and what developments they eventually undergo there. 1) 'The desire to express or utter something' is present. One example of several : auttaradharyam...vivaksitam, 'the desire to express the state of one thing being over the other,' under 8. 1.7. 2) 'The desire to express a meaning provided for, or not provided for, by the rules;' for example, dravamurtisparsavivaksayam under 6.1.26, which repeats the wording of 6. 1. 24, or also samipye vivaksite under 8. 1. 7. In

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Vivaksa in Kasikavstti : Jayaditya and Vamana 103 these cases, vivaksa terminology is used to express 'the desired meaning', which is then that of the sutra. However, we also find, even more frequently, expressions with abhidheya, gamyamana and also vartamana which substitute vivaksita in constructions of absolute locatives or substitute -vivaksayam in compounds : see nagare' bhidheye under 6. 1. 155, etesvarthesu gamyamanesu under 6. 1. 139, gunakartsnye vartamanam under 6. 2. 93, etc. Vacin is often used in the sixth adhyaya, kratuvacini samase under 6. 2. 97, etc., where the fourth would use vacya. In the long second pada of the sixth adhyaya, vivaksita does not appear even once in the sense of wanted to be expressed according to the rules'; in its place we find synonyms which lack, however, that sense of individual will to express oneself which is present in vivaksa terminology. 3) 'The desire to express oneself by following the dictates of the rules'; 'the desire to express oneself using specific grammatical means', as for example a pratyaya. Here we will consider that 'not wanting to express the feminine', which actually represents the desire to express oneself not using specific grammatical means', that occurs repeatedly in the vrtti to the series of sutras, beginning from 6.3. 34, regulating the substitution of the masculine for the feminine. 6.3.34 governs forms like darsaniyabharyah, who has a beautiful wife,' with the masculine substituting the feminine in the first member of the compound. The formulation of the sutra excludes the priyadis from the application of the rule, but an instance like drdhabhaktih, 'of firm faith', with bhakti included in the list of the priyadis as its second member does not respect the exclusion of the sutra, with its masculine in the first member. How can this be justified? The vivaksa provides the answer : it was chosen not to use the feminine gender in the first member : stripurvapadasyavivaksitatvat. This teaching is found in the Mahabhasya where a varttika under 6. 3. 42 which prescribed masculine with the kukkutyadis in compounds with the andadis (kukkutya andam kukkutandam, 'a hen's egg') was followed by another : na va'stripurvapadavivaksitatvat. 'Perhaps', this second varttika said, "it is more correct to maintain that one did not want to use the feminine in the first member.' The Kasika, repeating the varttika, added under the sutra : the first pada means jati in general, not :

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104 Anna Radicchi Makaranda gender. The vrtti under 6. 3. 45 as well, which legitimates the alternating of forms with short i like sreyasitara and forms with long i like sreyasitara, turns to the stritvasyavivaksitatva for instances like sreyastara. One could formulate a rule to legitimate the masculine, but not wanting to express the feminine' accounts for the prakriya better one did not want to use the feminine before adding the comparative affix, which is then applied to sreyas, with the resulting sreyastara. In this way, one proceeds further. The Vedic nistaptam raksah and nistapta aratayah, with the cerebralization of nis before the verb tap prescribed by 8. 3. 100 (numbering from the Kasika), a cerebralization which according to the sutra itself should not have occurred because there is at sense of repetition, can be considered Vedic irregularities. However, the vivaksa can also provide an explanation: the sense of repetition is there but one does not want to express it. Not wanting to express something provided for by the sutra exempts one from applying the rule. Here we have a meaning of vivaksa not found in the Kasikavrtti to the first five adhyayas. A remark of the vrtti under 7. 4. 57 is also worth being noted. The sutra establishes the guna option for forms like moksate, as an alternative to mumuksate. The sutra speaks of muc akarmaka, intransitive muc. In the examples then given by the vrtti, moksate vatsah svayameva, mumuksate vatsah svayameva, 'the boy wants to free himself, the reflexive is used. The vrtti explains that muc is intransitive in the reflexive; therefore the sutra that speaks of the intransitive muc regularly applies. Then it adds a further consideration : karmavisesasyavivaksitatvadva, 'or, it may be maintained that one does not want to express the kind of action (but only action and that is all)'. It is the same as saying that the restriction of the sutra, akarmaka, is overcome if there is no desire to take into account, and consequently express, the type of karman. This is more than the vivaksa that guides the iter of the prakriya and determines the form; it is the vivaksa that legitimates forms which according to the rules should be considered irregular. In the final analysis, the vivaksa acts as a substitute for the rules. In the vrtti to the last three adhyayas we do not find 4) the vivaksa as determining usage, which is then recorded by the rules or 5) the desire to

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Vivaksa in Kasikavitti : Jayaditya and Vamana 105 express oneself = usage, to be observed to integrate or limit, specify or render the rules more flexible. Without observing the prayoga, which meant highlighting tendencies developing in the spoken language, the vivaksa remained only a device for justifying forms which would otherwise be considered aberrant according to the rules. The device lies at the beginning of a path it will continue to travel during succeeding centuries; the Kasikavrtti takes this path only in the last three adhyayas. As regards the observation of usage to integrate, limit, specify or render the rules more flexible, an important role in the vrtti to the first five adhyayas was played by the iti of the sutras, which acted as an indicator of the need in these cases to resort to vivaksa. The indication of the iti of the sutras as vivaksartha completely disappears from the vrtti to the last three adhyayas. It is true that the Mahabhasyan itikaranas tatascedvivaksa appeared in and was limited to the context of the taddhita affixes. However the Kasikavstti had also commented on it as itikaranasceha vivaksarthah under 2. 2. 27 on compounds, nor does the use of iti in the sutras disappear in these last three adhyayas; however, it is noted here and there without mentioning the vivaksa. See, under 7. 2. 34, itikaranam pradarsanartham : iti in this sutra comes to an end of a long list of Vedic forms, and here iti, says the Kasika, means that we are dealing with examples that do not exclude others. Along with amiti listed in the sutra we find abhyamiti in the Vedic expression ravimabhyamiti varunah. Regarding another iti, in sutra 7.4.65, again coming to an end of a list of Vedic forms, it is said that it is meant to include other forms of the same type : itikaranamevampraka-ranamanyesamapyupasamgrahartham. Itikaranah pradarsanarthah was already present in the vrtti under 3. 1. 41 and itikaranah prakararthah under 5. 2. 93 (note the masculine instead of the neuter); thus the interpretation of iti as pradarsanartha and prakarartha is not an innovation of the vrtti to the last three adhyayas. However, it is certain that here it is used to the exclusion of any other mention of iti as vivaksartha. Vedic forms, we have said, and this is not a negligible detail. Bhasa was the language in use, but Vedic was the sacred language which did not permit

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106 Anna Radicchi Makaranda innovation or free expression. It is no wonder that the prayoga is not taken into consideration in a Vedic context. 6) 'What a rule requires or does not require.' Avivaksite karmani under 6.1. 207, in which avivaksita is rather what a rule does not require', may be taken here as an example : it excludes asita in the passive sense. 7) 'What a formulation intends, or does not intend' is amply represented. For example, under 6. 1. 36 it is said of sratah that it does not intend to express the plural'; under 6.1.143 it is said of kustumburuni that 'it does not intend to express the neuter; the endings with which the kartakaujapadis in 6. 2. 37 are given 'do not want to express number', while for saitikaksapancaleyah 'the plural is not prescribed because saitikaksapancaleyau in the dual is also found; the genitive angasya in 6. 4. 1, which acts as adhikara until the end of the VII adhyaya, can also be considered a pure theme, without 'its use wanting to signify an ending'; finally, under 8. 2. 46, regarding the formulation of another sutra, 1. 3. 19, using jeh as an inflected form of the dhatu ji, it is said that the sutra merely uses the form ji and does not intend to express the meaning of the dhatu ji.' We have listed here all the examples of heading 7) occurring in the vrtti to the last three adhyayas. They are statistically numerous compared to the total number of occurrences of vivaksa terminology, much more numerous than in the first five adhyayas. *** In conclusion, in the last three adhyayas of the Astadhyayi commented on in the Kasikavrtti, anything referring to the prayoga, that is 4) and 5), disappears from the context of the vivaksa. 2) is modified, because the meaning to be expressed, as the rules prescribe it, is more often given as abhidheya, gamyamana, etc. than as vivaksita or vivaksa : it becomes the objective meaning prescribed by the rules rather than the individual choice of the meaning to be expressed, according to rules. 3) undergoes substantial evolution in the direction of a device to justify otherwise irregular forms.

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Vivaksa in Kasikavstti : Jayaditya and Vamana 107 6) is present, but it is principally 7) which expands due to the abovestated attention paid to the objective meaning, the positive aspect of which is a more profound analysis of the formulation and interpretation of the rules. Annotations : 1. A Report on the Search for Sanskrit Manuscripts in the Bombay Presidency during 1883-84, Bombay 1887, see pp. 57-58. 2. JBBRAS, Extra No. XXXIV A, Vol. XII, Bombay 1877. 3. The Pandit, N. S. III (1879), see Upasamhara, p. 20. 4. See Appendix for bibliography. 5. Savitaraya-smrtisamraksana-granthamala 1, The Varendra Research Society, Rajshahi. 6. The Kasika Vivarana Panjika (The Nyasa). A commentary on Vamana-Jayaditya's Kasika by Jinendra Buddhi, Vol. I, The Varendra Research Society, Rajshahi 1913-1916; see Introduction, separately paginated, p. 16, and Notes pp. 47-48. 7. Sir Asutosh Mookerjee Silver Jubilee Volumes, Vol. III, Orientalia - Part 1, Calcutta 1922 : 189-208; see pp. 190-191. 8. Paribhasavsttih, jnapakasamuccayah, karakacakram. Mahopadhyayasripurusottamadevavir-acitam, sridinesacandrabhattacaryena sampaditam. Paribhasavrtti Jnapakasamuccaya Karakacakra by Purusottamadeva. Ed. Dinesh Chandra Bhattacharya. Varendra Research Museum, Rajshahi 1946, see. pp. 2-3. 9. 'Causerie Vyakaranique III1, 112, 1113. Incoherence interne chez la Kasika'. Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies (Indogaku Bukkyogaku Kenkyu), IX, 2 (1961): 753-749 (11-15); X, 2 (1962) : 776-766 (7-17); XII, 2 (1964) : 847-845 (13 15). 10. V. Raghavan Commemoration Volume, Chief Editor V. Subrahamanya Sastri. Chaukhambha Prachyavidya Series 16, Varanasi Delhi 1988 : 185-188. 11. 'On the History of Paninian Grammar in the Early Centuries following Patanjali,' JIP 11 (1983): 357-412, see p. 401; 'Varttika', WZKS 34 (1990): 123-146, see p. 140 fol. 12. 'I-ching on the Sanskrit Grammarians,' BSOAS XXXVI (1973): 248-60, see p.

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108 Anna Radicchi 255 fol. 13. JIP 11 (1983), above quoted, p. 401. 14. WZKS 34 (1990), above quoted, p. 142. 15. On vivaksa see my articles: 'Vivaksa in the Vakyapadiya,' Proceedings of the First International Conference on Bhartrhari, University of Poona, January 68, 1992, AS/EA XLVII.1.1993: 221-233; 'Candravyakarana e buddhismo', Bandhu. Scritti in onore di Carlo Della Casa. Vol. I, Alessandria 1997: 389: 411. 16. This experiment was presented for discussion at one of the sections of the 35th ICANAS, held in Budapest in July 1997. We still hold to the general lines of that presentation, here revised and corrected. Makaranda 17. Regarding the desire to express the independence of the agent, cp. svatantryena karta vivaksitah in the Mahabhasya under 3.1.87, Vol. II, p. 67; and also imanindriyani kadacitsvatantryena vivaksitani under 1.2.59, Vol. I, p. 230 and passim. APPENDIX Occurrences of vivaksa terminology in Kasikavrtti I-V** : "The desire to express or utter something' : (anukaryanukaranayorbhedasya) avivaksitatvat : abhedavivaksa 1) 1.1.16 2.1.19 2.4.6 3.3.99 3.4.21 : niyatadravyavivaksayam : (vacyatvena) vivaksitah : (saktisaktimatorbhedasya) avivaksitatvat The following editions have been used: *) I) Bodhisattvadesiyacaryajinendrabuddhipadaviracitayanyasaparaparyaya-kasikavi varanapancikaya vidvadvaraharadattamisraviracitaya padamanjarivyakhyaya ca sahita srimadvamanajayadityaviracita kasikavrttih [paniniyastadhyayivyakhya]. Nyasa or Pancika Commentary of Acarya Jinendrabuddhipada and Padamanjari of Haradatta Misra on The Kasikavrtti [Commentary on The Astadhyayi of Panini] of Vamana-Jayaditya.

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Vivaksa in Kasikavstti: Jayaditya and Vamana 109 Critically edited by Dwarikadas Shastri and Kalikaprasad Shukla. Part I-VI. Prachya Bharati Series 2-7. Varanasi, 1965-67. II) Srivamanajayadityaviracita paniniyastadhyayisutravrttih kasika. Kasika. A Commentary on Panini's Grammar by Vamana & Jayaditya. Part I, Part II. Editors Aryendra Sharma, Khanderao Deshpande. Sanskrit Academy, Osmania University, Hyderabad, 1969, 1970. III) Srimadvamana-jayadityaviracita paniniyastadhyayisutravrttih kasika srimajjinendrabuddhivir acitaya nyasaparaparyayakasikavivaranapanjikakhyaya vidvadvarasriharadattamisraviracita-padamanjarisamakhyaya ca vyakhyaya sahita jayasankaralalatripathiviracitaya bhavabodhini-hindivyakhyaya ca vibhusita. Kasika (A Commentary on Panini's Grammar) of Vamana & Jayaditya, with Nyasa or Kasika-vivaranapanjika of Jinendrabuddhi and Padamanjari of Haradatta Misra, with Bhavabodhini Hindi Exposition by Jaya Shankar Lal Tripathi. Critically ed. Jaya Shankar Lal Tripathi and Sudhakar Malaviya. Vol. I-IX, Pracyabharatigranthamala 17, 18, 19, 20, 25, 26, 29, 30, 34, Varanasi 1985-1994... (planned in 11 volumes). 3.4.26 (na... Saktisaktimatorbhedo) vivaksyate 5.2.94 : astivivaksayam (twice) . 2) : The desire to express a meaning provided for, or not provided for, by the rules.' Here are included the paraphrases of the text of the sutras, which more fully explain the meaning, and the elucidations given in the debates on examples and counter-examples. 1.2.73 : sahavivaksayam 1.3.45 : (natra sarpiradi jneyatvena) vivaksitam... (karanatvena) 1.3.80 : kartrabhiprayakriyaphalavivaksayam 1.3.81 kartrabhiprayakriyaphalavivaksayam 1.3.86 : kartrabhiprayakriyaphalavivaksayam 1.3.87 kartrabhiprayakriyaphalavivaksayam 1.3.88 : kartrabhiprayakriyaphalavivaksayam 1.3.89 : kartrabhiprayakriyaphalavivaksayam

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110 Anna Radicchi Makaranda 1.4.42 : (yatprakrstopakarakam) vivaksitam 1.4.54 : (svatantryena) vivaksyate 2.3.16 : asirvivaksayam 2.3.67 : kartrvivaksayam 2.3.53 : kartrabhiprayakriyaphalavivaksayam 3.2.56 : (prakrter) avivaksayam 3.3.131 : viprakarsavivaksayam 3.3.143 : bhutavivaksayam bhavisyadvivaksayam 3.3.145 : bhutavivaksayam 3.4.71 (adikarmani...) vivaksite 4.1.90 : (tasya chattra iti) vivaksite (`rthe buddhisthe) 4.1.93 : (tasmin) vivaksite (bhedena pratyapatyam) (gotrapatye) vivaksite 4.1.94 : (yunyapatye) vivaksite 4.1.105 : anantarapatyavivaksayam 4.1.161 : apatyavivaksayam 4.3.50 : (phale rnatvena) vivaksite 4.3.74 : (mukhyam yadapadanam) vivaksitam 4.3.163 : (phale...) vivaksite 4.3.164 : (phale...) vivaksite 5.1.12 : (prakrterananyarthatve) vivaksite (prakrtyantaranivrttitatra) vivaksita (na tadarthyam) vivaksitah (prakrtivikarabhavo labhyate) 5.1.14 : (carmanyapi prakrtitvena) vivaksite 5.1.16 : (prakrtivikarabhavastadarthyam ceha na) vivaksitam... (yogyatamatram) 5.2.41 : (aparicchedakatvena) vivaksyate 5.4.47 : (ksepasya...) avivaksayam

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Vivaksa in Kasikavrtti : Jayaditya and Vamana 111 5.4.50 : (natra prakrtir) vivaksita 3) : The desire to express oneself by following the dictates of the rules', 'the desire to express oneself using specific grammatical means', as for example a pratyaya. 2.3.33 (dharmamatram karanataya) vivaksyate (na dravyam) 2.3.52 : (karmani karake sesatvena) vivaksite 2.3.53 : (karmani karake sesatvena) vivaksite 2.3.54 : (karmani karake sesatvena) vivaksite 2.3.55 (karmani karake sesatvena) vivaksite 2.4.35 : ardhadhatukavivaksayam 3.1.31 : ardhadhatukavivaksayam 4.1.90 (pragdivyatiye' jadau pratyaye) vivaksite (buddhisthe) 4.1.91 * : (pragdivyatiye' jadau pratyaye) vivaksite 4.1.95 : sesavivaksaya 4.4.109 : (yakaradau pratyaye) vivaksite 5.4.57 : (daci) vivaksite 4) : Vivaksa as determining usage, which is then recorded by the rules 2.2.36 : (visesanavisesyabhavasya) vivaksanibandhatvat 4.1.19 : tasyedamvivaksayam 4.3.86 : (svatantryena) vivaksyate 4.4.83 : vivaksito (rthah) 5) : The desire to express oneself = usage, to be observed to integrate or limit, specify or render the rules more flexible. It is made known by iti' in the wording of the sutras. 2.2.27 : (itikaranah...) vivaksarthah 4.2.21 : (itikaranastatasced) vivaksa (itikaranastatasced) vivaksa 4.2.55 : (itikarano) vivaksarthah

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112 Anna Radicchi Makaranda (itikaranastatasced) vivaksa 4.2.57 : (itikaranastatasced) vivaksa 4.2.58 : (itikarano) vivaksarthah 4.2.67 : (itikarano) vivaksarthah (itikaranastatasced) vivaksa 4.4.125 : (itikaranastatasced) vivaksa 5.1.16 : (itikarano) vivaksarthah (itikaranastatasced) vivaksa (itikarano) vivaksarthah (ityuktam) 5.2.45 : (itikaranastatasced) vivaksa (itikarano) vivaksarthah (ityuktam) 5.2.77 : (itikarano) vivaksarthah 5.2.94 : (itikarano) vivaksarthah (itikaranastatasced) vivaksa 5.2.95 : (itikarano) vivaksartho (nuvartate) 5.2.107 : (itikarano) vivaksarthah 5.4.10 : (itikarano) vivaksarthah . : What a rule requires, or does not require' 3.2.61 : (akarasya) vivaksitatvat What a formulation intends, or does not intend' 4.1.92 : (lingavacanadikamanyatsarvam) avivaksitam 4.3.120 : (prakrtipratyayarthayoh sasthyarthamatram tatsambandhi matram ca) 4.4.2 : (samkhyakalayor) avivaksa 5.1.47 (adhikaranatvena) vivaksitatvat 5.1.131 : (ayamartho) vivaksitah 5.2.47 : (ekatvam) vivaksitam (adhikyamatram) vivaksitam 7)

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Vivaksa in Kasikavrtti : Jayaditya and Vamana 113 1) 8.1.7 8.2.13 2) Occurrences of vivaksa terminology in Kasikavrtti VI-VII : The desire to express or utter something' (auttaradharyameva) vivaksitam : (udakasattasambandhasamanyam) [vivaksyate] : 'The desire to express a meaning provided for, or not provided for, by the rules : dravamurttisparsavivaksayam 6.1.26 6.1.144 : (na ... satatyaprabandho) vivaksitah 6.3.42 : (purvapadartho'tra jatih samanyena) vivaksitah 8.1.7 : (samipye) vivaksite (na samipyam) [vivaksitam] 8.1.12 (purvaprathamayor) arthatisayavivaksayam (it is a varttika) 8.2.13. : (dadhatyartho na) vivaksyate 8.2.59 : bhidikriyavivaksayam : The desire to express oneself by following the dictates of the rules,' 'the desire to express oneself using specific grammatical means', as for example a pratyaya 6.3.34 : (stripurvapadasya) avivaksitatvat 6.3.42 : (na va'stripurvapadasya) vivaksitatvat (varttika : nava'stripurvapad-avivaksitatvat) 6.3.45 : (stritvasya) avivaksitatvat 6) : 'What a rule requires, or does not require 6.1.207 : avivaksite (karmani) 7) : What a formulation intends, or does not intend 6.1.36 : (bahuvacanasya) avivaksitatvat 6.1.143 : (napussakalingam) avivaksitam 6.2.37 : vacanavivaksarthah (bahuvacanam) avivaksitam 6.4.1 avivaksitatvibhaktyartham

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114 Anna Radicchi Makaranda 8.2.46 : (dhatutvamanukaryagatam sadapy) avivaksitatvat 7.4.57 8.3.100 further more : (karmavibesasya) avivaksitatvat : (sadapyasevanam na) vivaksyate

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Meaning of the Accusative in Desiderative V. P. Bhatta Introduction Sanskrit, perhaps, is the only language which has a large number of finite non-periphrastic desideratives (sannantas). For instance consider, 'He wishes or desires to do' (cikirsati), and 'He wishes or desires to eat' (bubhuksate). These desideratives are found to be used with the accusatives such as 'cooking' (pakam) in 'He desires to do cooking', (pakam cikirssati) and 'rice' (odanam) in 'He desires to eat rice' (odanam bubhuksate) etc. When the desideratives are used, the agent (speaker) generally wishes to accomplish an object, and therefore, wishes to accomplish the actions as well. Consider for instance 'pakam cikirsati' and 'odanam bubhuksate' once again. Here the person wishes to accomplish the cooking and the rice; and therefore, wishes to accomplish the action of doing and the action of eating respectively. Recognising this fact, Panini has assigned the desiderative affix (san) optionally in the sense of the wishing (desiring) after a simple root expressing the (accomplishment of the) action, i. e. the object wished for, and having the same agent as the wisher there of (p. iii. 1. 7). Thus the desiderative 'cikirsati' in 'pakam cikirsati' can denote the desire to accomplish the action of doing which has the same agent as that of the desire and functions as the object of desire. A point to be noted here is that Sanskrit allows desiderative constructions such as 'cikirsati' only optionally; and hence periphrastic phrases such as 'kartum icchati' can be freely used to express the same sense of desire as the finite desiderative form 'cikirsati' in 'pakam cikirsati' etc. Also, it should be noted that Sanskrit restricts the desiderative affixes to the roots which are intended to express the objects of accomplishment; for instance the desiderative affix (san) is used after 'gam' in 'gantum icchati'

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116 V. P. Bhatta Makaranda = jigamisati as the root 'gam' is intended to express only the action of going, the object of accomplishment; whereas the same desiderative (san) is not used after gam'in 'gamanena icchati gramam'as the root 'gam' is not intended there to express the object of accomplishment. Cit is intended to express the instrument of accomplishing the village. By far the single most important criterion for the desiderative usage is that the subject (agent) of the verb 'to wish' should also be the subject (agent) of the verb denoting the action, the object of accomplishment (samanakartrka). For instance, consider 'odanam bubhuksate'. Here the subject of the verb 'to wish' is also the subject of the verb 'to eat' expressing the action of eating (the rice), the object of accomplishment. Thus, the desideratives 'bubhuksate' etc. are not found in 'Yajnadatta wishes that Devadatta should eat' (Devadattasya bhojanam icchati yajnadattah) where the subject of the verb 'to wish' is different from the subject of the verb 'to eat'. Also, while the desideratives are found to be mostly used in the sense of desire or wish (icchayam), the same desideratives are not found used in any other sense such as knowing; thus, 'kartum janati' is not 'cikirsati'. However, they are found to be used, as an exception, in the sense of doubt or fear of an imminent danger (sankayam). Thus, when one doubts or fears that the bank is in an imminent danger of breaching down, the desiderative usage 'sarke patisyati kulam = kulam pipatisati' is found. Lastly but not lastly, desideratives are stems or bases from which primary and secondary derivatives can be formed, and thus 'nididhyasitavyah' is explained. Problem: However, epistemologists differed as to whether the accusativemeanings (such as the cooking and the rice) function as the objects of the root-meanings or that of the desire; and also whether the root-meanings, such as the action of doing etc., function as the objects of desire or not. Consequently, different epistemologists have analysed the meanings of the accusative and that of the roots differently. Also, they have analysed the relationships between the accusative-objects and the root-meanings and the relationships between the root-meanings and the desire differently.

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Meaning of the Accusative in Desiderative 117 Grammarians' theory Influenced by Panini (p. iii. i. 7), Katyayana (Var, 10, on p. iii. 1. 7) analyses the desideratives such as 'He desires the doing' cikirsati' with an infinitive as 'He desires to do' (kartum icchati); and holds that the rootmeaning such as the action of doing functions as the object of the desire. Also, he opines that the desiderative such as 'devadattah bubhksate' is to be understood as 'Devadatta desires to eat rice by himself '(devadattah svatah bhoktum icchati); and therefore, the root-meaning such as the eating has the same agent as that of the desire (the desiderative is not used when Yajnadatta desires that Devadatta should eat (devadattasya bhojanam icchati). Thus Vartikakara suggests a direct relationship between the root meaning such as the action, and the desire. . Now, the grammarians such as Nagesa (Laghumanjusa, p. 1075) perceive that, when the root-meaning such as the doing is the object (karman) of desire and has the same agent as that of the desire (samanakartrka), the same becomes the qualifier (visesana) with respect to the desire, the chief qualificand (pradhana); and therefore, the same root-meaning, i. e. the action, can be related to the desire through the relations of both the objecthood (karmatva) and the state of having the same agents (samana kartykatva). Further, they perceive that when the root-meaning, i. e. the action qualifies the desire, the latter (desire) becomes the qualificand of the former (action), and the relations will be both the community of locus (samanadhikaranya) and the state of having the reference described by the objectness of the rootmeaning (visayatanirupita visayitva). For instance, consider the usage 'He desires to make the pot' (ghatam cikirsati). Here the desiderative expresses the desire which is qualified by the root-meaning, i. e. the action of doing (making), through the community of locus and the state of having a reference to the objectness described by the objectness of the doing itself. Now, in such cases, the accusative expresses the objecthood to be related to the rootmeaning, i. e. the action, directly through describing and to the desire indirectly through the action; and also in such cases the akhyata expresses the substratumness; therefore, the cognition produced is that one has the desire qualified by the root-meaning, i. e. the action of doing describing the objecthood resident in the pot.

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118 V. P. Bhatta Makaranda Accusative-meaning, too, is the object of desire. It should be observed here that, while the root-meanings such as the action of doing are the objects of desire (icchakarman), the accusativemeanings such as the cooking, too, can function as the objects of desire indirectly through the actions, as they are the objects that one ultimately wishes for. Consider, for instance, pakam cikirsati' and 'gramam jigamisati'. Here the cooking and the village, the accusative-meanings, which are the objects of doing and going respectively, function as the objects of desire indirectly through the actions of doing and going, as they are the objects that the agents wish for. Thus, recognizing this crucial linguistic factor, Patanjali (Mahabhasya on p. vii. i. 7) has suggested that, while the rootmeaning such as the going has one object, namely the village, the desire has two objects, namely the village and the action of going (gamer gramah karma ises tubhe karmani). Logician's Theory Logicians, especially Gangesa (Tattvacintamani, IV) etc. were greatly influenced by Patanjali's statement that accusative-meanings, too, can function as the objects of desire and so desire has two objects (ises tubhe karmani), and also they were greatly influenced by the semantic fact that in producing the effects such as the cooking, the root-meanings such as the doing function as the means of accomplishment while being accomplished in themselves. Thus, they have analysed the accusative desiderative usages such as 'He desires to do cooking' (pakam cikirsati) as 'He desires to accomplish the cooking by means of the doing' (pakam krtya sadhayati); and have held that the desideratives express the desire that has the rootmeaning, i. e. the action, as the qualifier and the accusative-meaning, i. e. the cooking, as the qualificand (object). Also thus, they have held that while the accusatives after 'paka' etc. express the objecthood of the form of qualificandness (visesyatarupakaramatva) relating to the desire through the describing, the instrumental expresses the instrumentality of the form of the qualifierness of the action that can be related to the desire through the relation of describing the accomplishedness of oneself (svasadhyatvaprakarita). Thus, one cognizes that one has the desire that has the action as the qualifier and

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Meaning of the Accusative in Desiderative 119 the cooking as the qualificand from 'pakam cikirsati' etc. Saundadas Theory However, the problem with such a theory of Gangesa is that it directly contradicts the grammatical convention that the desiderative suffix is applied after the root expressing the accomplishment of the) object wished for; and hence the root-meaning, i. e. the action functions as the object of desire. Further, it contradicts the grammatical convention that the karaka - casemeanings are to be related to the root-meanings such as the actions; and therefore, the objecthood expressed by the accusative pakam' etc. needs to be related to the root-meaning such as the action of doing in 'pakam cikirsati' etc. Also, suppose such a grammatical convention is not adhered to, then the problem would be that the incorrect accusative usages such as 'He desires to stay the home' (grham tisthasati) instead of the correct locative usage 'He desires to stay at home' (glhe tisthasati) could be contingent. This is possible on the ground that the desire to stay (as opposed to the staying),can have the home as its object; and hence the objecthood of the home expressed by the accusative (grham) can be related to the desire through describing. Thus Saundada (Nyayakosa) proposes that the accusative in pakam cikirsati' etc. must be admitted to express the objecthood of the form of objectness of cooking (visayatva); and the same can be related to the rootmeaning such as the action of doing; and thus the convention that karakacase-meanings are to be related to the root-meaning such as the action, gets adhered to. Also, he proposes that the root-meaning such as the action of doing can be held to function as the object of the form of being the object of desire and the same can be related to the desire through the objecthood and the state of having the same agent as that of the desire. Thus one cognizes in such cases that one has the desire that describes the objecthood of the action which in turn describes the objecthood of the cooking. Now, the advantage of this proposal is that the incorrect accusative usage 'grham tisthasati' can be avoided. Since the staying cannot be said to describe the objecthood of the home--it can only describe the locushood of the home--the same objecthood cannot be related to the staying; and thus the accusative usage expressing the objecthood of the home becomes avoided.

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120 V. P. Bhatta Makaranda Gadadhara's theory Gadadhara (Vyutpattivada, II (ii. 17) was also convinced of the fact that the desiderative cannot express the desire having the root-meaning (such as the action) as the qualifier and the accusative-meaning as the qualificand; and therefore, the accusative-meaning such as the qualificandness of the cooking cannot be related to the desire through describing. Thus, he proposes that the desiderative must be admitted to express the desire having the rootmeaning (the action) as the qualificand (krtivisesyakeccha) such as 'Let there be the action accomplishing the cooking' (pakakrtir bhavatu). Now, since in such a theory, the accusative is admitted to express only the objecthood of the cooking relating to the action (krtikarmatva) and not the objecthood of the cooking relating to the desire (icchakarmatvam), the incorrect accusative usage such as grham tisthasati', wherein the home can appear as the object of desire, is avoided. A point to be noted here is that, in the case of desideratives, the affix must be admitted to be expressing the desire as having the root-meaning as the qualificand (dhatvarthavisesyaka), (it cannot be admitted to be expressing the desire as having the root-meaning as the qualifier dhatvartha'prakaraka) to facilitate the usage 'odanam bubhuksate' wherein the eating of the rice is the qualificand. Also, it cannot be argued that in such a case as 'odanam bubhuksate', only a desire wherein the eating is the qualifier and the rice is the qualificand through the objectness, is understood; for, the same usage 'odanam bubhuksate' is made even when the desire such as 'odanabhojanam bhavatu', wherein the eating of the rice is cognised to be the qualificand. Further, it should be noted that while the cognitions produced in the active usages such as pakam cikirsati' and 'odanam bubhuksate' etc., are that one has the desire referring to the action of doing having the cooking as the object (pakadikarmakakrtyadi visayakecchasrayah) and that one has the desire referring to the eating having the rice as the object' (odanakarmakabhojana visayakecchasrayah), the cognitions produced in the passive usages such as 'pakah cikirsyate' and 'odano bubhuksyate' are that 'the cooking is the object of the action of doing, the object of desire' (icchavisayibhuta krti visayah pakah) and that the rice is the object of eating, the object of desire' (icchavisayibhuta bhaksannavisayah odanah).

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Meaning of the Accusative in Desiderative 121 Conclusion : While desideratives are a common features of all languages for expressing speaker's desire, non-periphrastic finite desideratives are the peculiarities of only Sanskrit. Now, since the primary condition for the desiderative usage is that the speaker must necessarily wish for the accomplishment of an object, the accusatives express the objects wished for in the desiderative usages as in 'pakam cikirsati' etc. (excepting that nominative expresses recipient of disadvantages) (when the san is used in the sense of fear) as in 'sva mumursati' etc. Also, since the speaker wishes to accomplish an object by accomplishing an action first, the desiderative roots express the actions functioning as the objects of desire. Also, since the speaker wishes to accomplish the object by accomplishing the action by himself, the action and the desire have the same person (speaker) as the agent (samanakartyka). Grammarians, especially Nagesa and others perceived that when the root-meaning such as the action is the object of desire and has the same agent as that of the desire, the same becomes a qualifier qualifying the desire, the qualificand, through the objected (karmatva) and the state of having the same agent (samanakartrkatva). However, the real point of difference among the epistemologists is regarding the function and the relation of the accusative-meanings. Following the Mahabhasya statement and general linguistic theory, Gangesa has proposed that the accusative meanings such as the cooking are the objects and hence the qualificands of desire; whereas the root-meanings such as the action of doing are the means and hence the qualifiers of the desire. However, since such a theory contradicts the general grammatical convention that karaka-meanings are related to the actions, and also since such a theory cannot avoid the incorrect accusative usages such as grham tisthasati', Saundada and Gadadhara have proposed the theory that the accusatives must be admitted to be expressive of the objecthood relating to the rootmeanings (actions) and the same root-meanings are the objects and hence the qualificands of desire. Now, as regards the Mahabhasya statement : Patanjali does not deny that accusative-meanings are the objects of the root

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122 V. P. Bhatta Makaranda meanings; rather he merely states that when the root-meanings are the objects of desire, even the accusative-meanings, which are the objects of rootmeanings, become the objects of desire indirectly. And this view is supported by the linguistic fact that the accusatives associated with the roots such as "jna' and 'is' referring to some objects as in ghatam janati' and 'sukham icchati' etc., refer to the objectness (visayatva) or the chief-qualificandness (mukhyavisesyatva); and hence the accusatives, associated with the desideratives referring to some objects, too, can refer to the objecthood, described by the root-meanings (actions), which can be considered as the chief qualificandness described by the desire. Select references Bhartshari : Vakyapadiya, translated by K. A. Subrahmaniya Iyer, Poona, Deccan College, 1965. Gadadhara : Vyutpattivada, translated by V.P. Bhatta, EB L. Delhi, 1990. Gangesa : Tattvacintamani, edited by Kamakhyanatha, AS B, Calcutta, 1897. Roodberge Joshi S. D. and Vyakarana Mahabhasya, Karakahnika, University of Poona, Poona-1974. Nagesabhatta : Laghusabdendu sekhara, edited by Gopal Sastri Nene, Kasi, 1954.

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Semantic Randomness and the Comparative Method Henry M. Hoenigswald 1. The prototypical phonological innovations are mergers, since by Polivanov's Law, phonemes can merge spontaneously but will split only in conjunction with a merger. In the prehistory of Sanskrit an Indo-European *e has merged with *o into a. The merger can be inferred from such facts as that (1) Skt. a will in some words be found to correspond to one Greek vowel (viz. e), while in other words Skt. a will correspond to another Gk. vowel (viz. a). Contrariwise, (2) Gk. h-, word-initially before a vowel, corresponds to a Skt. y- in some words (Gk. hepar, Skt. yakrt 'liver') but to a Skt. s- in others (Gk. hepta, Skt. sapta 'seven'). In the first case (1) it is Sanskrit that has innovated by eliminating a contrast; in the second case (2) it is Greek (phonetic properties are not at issue; only identities and differences). The languages, we say in such cases, are related. . 2. Two related languages may be related in a special way: they may be ancestor (or older stage) and descendant (or later stage). When (3) one language has all the mergers while the other has none, the second is the ancestor of the first. To the extent that it is true that Sanskrit has only retentions but no innovations when matched against the modern Indo-Aryan languages, Sanskrit is their ancestor. In most-perhaps all-known histories, perfectly pure ancestor languages are not on record, but a collection of all the retentions may always be constructed. The result is known as a reconstruction. The process leading to a reconstruction as we have just described it is the comparative method (which is not 'comparison' in the ordinary sense but rather a technique to tell phonological innovation from retention). 3. Thus, the German Traum 'dream' (with tr-) corresponds to

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124 Henry M. Hoenigswald English dream (with dr-), but Ger. treu 'faithful' (with the same Ger. tr-) corresponds to E. true (with tr-); here German has innovated. On the other hand, Ger. Schwalbe 'swallow (the bird)' has -lb- while schwelgen 'indulge" has -lg-. Since both appear in E. in identical shape as swallow, English is the innovator here. The two languages continue one common parent language ('West Germanic') which had two different initial consonants in 'true' and in 'dream', and two different internal clusters in the name of the bird and in 'devour, indulge'. Latin and Italian, however, exhibit (practically) only instances in which differences in Latin are matched by identities in Italian (e.g. Lat. credit '[s] he believes' but uidet '[s] he sees', with e and i, respectively, against Italian crede, rhyming with vede); (practically) never the other way round. Consequently we regard Latin as the ancestor of Italian2. Makaranda 4. This summary not only omits considerable additional detail; it is also flawed. Take the following case: German scheinen 'appear' matches English shine but Ger. Schaum 'froth' matches E. scum. Where German has one and the same sch- in both words, English shows a contrast between sh- and sc-. On the surface the lineup is the same as it is for G. Traum and treu as against E. dream and true. Our conclusion from that state of affairs was that German had undergone a sound-change where English had not (see section 3). But this cannot be the case here. Certain particular recurrences-we shall call them 'doublets'-give away the true story. Here is an example: Ger. Schiff corresponds to E. ship but also to E. skip- in skipper. The obvious fact that the two are semantically related (almost to the point of synonymy in this instance) shows that we are dealing here with only one earlier morpheme but, as it were, with two channels of transmission. From our extraneous knowledge of the historical setting, we designate the one carrying the sh- words as the channel of true descent and the one carrying the sc- words as loanwords from another Germanic language such as Dutch or Scandinavian3. To be sure, evidence of this kind is rare; we are not always lucky enough to have any of it. 5. We must now amend our earlier pronouncement. The rule covering true and dream and their German cognates should be this: if one phoneme (in a given environment) of a language A corresponds to one phoneme of a related language B in one set of words and to another phoneme in another

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125 Semantic Randomness and the Comparative Method set of words of randomly different meaning, A is the innovator in that particular respect. 6. In spite of its tenuous character and its precarious standing, this proviso is of uncanny importance. An accident of history has allowed us to lift the veil just a little from a fundamental relationship between the two layers of double articulation, narrow phonological and wide-ranging morphemic structure which will never cease to obsess us. Distinguishing what is distinct is fine, but absolute Manichaean dichotomy is not, and when all is said and done, language is an integral whole. Annotations : 1. There are others. 2. Something very much like this was in effect said long ago, though it was since forgotten. See Morpurgo Davies 1998 : 169. "Dialect borrowing is only half the story. There is another body of material to be taken care of before sound-changes can be formulated : analogic formations that look like sound-changes but aren't. These may in theory and under the same lucky circumstances be recognized in the same way as dialect loans, provided there is an added finding that the discrepancy between the doublets they create recurs also in alternants in paradigms (most of them originally created by sound-changes). The requirement of preliminary winnowing-out of non-sound-changes is, in other words, not always just a pious wish." See Hoenigswald 1983. REFERENCES Henry M. Hoenigswald, "Doublets" in F. Agard et al. (ed.), Essays in honor of Charles F. Hockett, 1983 pp. 167-171. Anna Morpurgo Davies, Nineteenth-Century Linguistics (= Giulio Lepschy (ed.), History of Linguistics, Volume IV). London and New York 1998 : Longman.

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The Aurasa Son Ludo Rocher "In modern times the courts generally recognize only two kinds of sons, namely aurasa and dattaka, the other kinds of sons being held to be obsolete." In fact, the claim that most of the various kinds of sons recognized by the ancient rsis had become obsolete is not restricted to "modern times." It goes back far into the past. According to a verse attributed to Bihaspati, "presentday" people were no longer able to distinguish between the different kinds of sons introduced by the Seers : anekadha krtah putra rsibhis-ca puratanaih; na sakyantedhuna kartum saktahinair-idantanaih. (26.69) Yet, the dharmasastras-including Brhaspati's, the commentators, and the modern treatises on Hindu law prior to 1955/56 went on to list and, in many cases, define and discuss 12 different kinds of sons. Even though the lists of 12 kinds of sons differ in detail, there are some features which most of them share : (1) The different kinds of sons are always listed in descending order of importance. Says Narada : purvah purvah smrtah srestho jaghanyo yo ya uttarah (13.47 cd/45cd"). And so does Visnu : etesam purvah purvah sreyan (15. 28) (2) Whereas all other sons appear at different places in the several lists, the aurasa son invariably occupies the first place. Some texts underscore this position explicitly. Vasistha's definition (17. 13; see below) does not include the term aurasas, but is followed by prathamah. Visnu's definition

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128 Ludo Rocher Makaranda (15. 2; see below) ends : aurasah prathamah. And the second half of the sloka in which Manu defines the aurasa son (9. 166; see below) reads : tam aurasam vijaniyat putram prathamakalpitam (or -kalpakam). Being prathama "first" in a descending line implies that the aurasa is also mukhya "most important." Vijnanesvara introduces Yajnavalkya's list of sons (2. 128) as follows : adhuna mukhyagaunaputranam dayagrahanavyavastham darsayisyams tesam svarupam tavad aha. Similarly, Nandapandita introduces Visnu's definition of aurasa (15. 2) : tatra mukhyam laksayati; and he comments : prathamo mukhya ityarthah. More important in the context of this article is the fact that Nandapandita subsequently introduces his discussion of the order eleven kinds of sons thus : atha gaunan laksayati. In other words, the aurasa is the single mukhya "primary" son; all others are gauna "secondary" sons. The idea that the aurasa son is different from all other kinds of sons is also expressed in another way. According to Manu : ksetrajadin sutan etan ekadasa yathoditan putrapratinidhin ahuh kriyalopan manisinah | (9.180) Whatever the often discussed meaning of kriyalopade, it is clear that any one of the other sons is only a pratinidhi "substitute" for the aurasa'. The fact that, and the reason why, substitute sons are allowed only when a father does not have an aurasa son appears in a verse attributed to Atri (Dharmakosa, p. 1352) : aputrenaiva kartavyah putrapratinidhih sada | pindodakakriyahetor yasmat tasmat prayatnataho 11 At this point it is necessary to digress for a moment and look at the peculiar position of one of the "substitutes," the putrikaputra "the son of an appointed daughter." In the lists of sons the putrikaputra occupies the second place with Baudhayana, Yajnavalkya, Behaspati, and Kautilya; the third place with Vasistha"), Sankha-Likhita, Narada, Visnu, and Yama; the fifth place with Harita and Devala 12, the tenth place with Gautama 13

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The Aurasa Son 129 Manu's position is ambivalent. The putrikaputra is not mentioned in the list of sons. On the other hand, on two occasions the son's son and the daughter's son (whom most commentators interpret as the son of a putrika) are said to be equall4 : pautradauhitrayor loke na viseso 'sti dharmatah (9. 133ab); pautradauhitrayor loke viseso nopapadyate (9. 139ab). Yajnvalkya goes farther, and clearly equates the putrikaputra with the aurasa : auraso dharmapatnijas tatsamah putrikasutah. (2. 128cd) 15 And so does Kautilya : tena tulyah putrikaputrah. (3. 7.5) When Brhaspati illustrates what it means to be a pratinidhi type of son, he excludes from that category not only the aurasa but the putrikaputra as well : (26.78) ajyam vina yatha tailam sadbhih pratinidhikrtam tathaikadasa putras tu pautrikaurasayor vina. || What this means is that the rules regarding the aurasa son that will be discussed in the remaining pages of this article in the opinion of many also apply to the putrikaputra. The aurasa being different from the superior to all other kinds of sons entails that he is entitled to special privileges. Most important are those related to inheritance. Without going into details which are beyond the scope of this study, I will just mention that, according to a number of sources, the aurasa alone inherits the paternal property to the exclusion of any other son. According to Manu : eka evaurasah putrah pitryasya vasunah prabhuh sesanam--anrsamsyartham pradadyat tu prajivanam || (9. 163) Similarly BIhaspati, although again ranking the putrikaputra with the aurasa :

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130 Ludo Rocher Makaranda eka evaurasah pitrye dhane svami prakirtitah || tattulyah putrikaputro bhartavyas tv apare smrtah || (26.70) Narada lays down the order in which different kinds of sons inherit as follows: kramad dhy-ete prapadyeran mrte pitari taddhanam | iyayaso jyayaso'bhave jaghanyas-tad avapnuyat || (13. 49/46) Yajnavalkya more generally concludes his discussion of the different kinds of sons as follows: pindado'msaharas-cainam purvabhave parah parah | (2. 132cd) In view of these and other privileges accorded to the aurasa son, it is important to define exactly which kind of son qualifies as an aurasa. I will now examine the various definitions of the term aurasa in the smrtis 16, and the several ways in which the commentators have tried to reconcile the differences. A number of smrtis provide remarkably similar definitions for the term aurasa : (1) Vasistha : svayam-utpaditah svaksetre samskrtayam (17. 13); (2) Visnu : svaksetre samskrtayam utpaditah svayam (15. 2); (3) Manu : svaksetre samskrtayam tu svayam-utpadayed dhi yam (9. 166ab); (4) Devala : samskrtayam tu bharyayam svayam-utpadito hi yah (Dharmakosa, p. 1350); (5) Harita :17 sadhvyam svayam-utpaditah (Dharmakosa, p. 1265); (6) Kautilya : svayamjatah krtakriyayam (3. 7. 4).

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The Aurasa Son 131 All these definitions basically require only two qualifications for a son to be aurasa : (1) he must have been sired by his father, and (2) his mother must be his father's duly wedded wife. Yet, there are other restrictions. First restriction Except for Kautilya, who uses the term jatah, all other texts quoted so far include either utpadayet or utpaditah "sire, be sired." As a result, some commentators require that the mother must be the father's duly wedded wife, not only at the time of their son's birth, but also at the time of his conception. E. g., Kullukabhatta (on Manu 9. 166): svabharyayam ... krtavivahasamskarayam yam svayam-utpadayet || That means that, according to Kulluka, a son born after the wedding of his father and his mother, but conceived prior to it, is not aurasa 18. Second restriction According to some commentators, for a son to be aurasa he must not only have been conceived after the wedding of his parents; his mother must also be a virgin at that time. Kulluka's sentence which I quoted earlier in a truncated form reads : svabharyayam kanyavasthayam-eva krtavivahasamskarayam yam svayam-utpadayet". Third restriction At least one dharmasutra explicitly requires that the mother of an aurasa son be of the same varna as his father's20. Baudhayana's definition of aurasa, although close to the definitions cited above, adds one important word: savarnayam samskrtayam svayam-utpaditam aurasam putram vidyat | (2. 2. 3. 14) A number of commentators interpret the term savarnayam literally. For instance, Kulluka (on Manu 9.166) quotes the Baudhayana text to restrict Manu's definition of the aurasa son: ... iti Baudhayanavacanat sajatiyayam-eva svayam-utpadita auraso jneyah21 Among the commentaries that accepted the requirement that the

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132 Ludo Rocher Makaranda mother of an aurasa son be of the same varna as his father's is Vijnanesvara's Mitaksara, which was to become very influential in Anglo-Indian law. While commenting on Yajnavalkya's requirement that the aurasa son be dharmapatnija (2.128a; see above), Vijnanesvara says: savarna dharmavivahodha dharmapatni; tasyam jata aurasah putro mukhyah22 | Other commentators adopted a more liberal interpretation. Even Vijnanesvara's own commentator, Balambhatta, argues that the term dharma in dharmapatnija, though preventing sons of pratiloma marriages to be aurasa, does not exclude sons of anuloma marriages, including sons of brahmans, ksatriyas, and vaisyas by duly wedded sudra wives (pp. 538-39)23. Similarly, Mitramisra, who most often supports the views of the Mitaksara, in this case criticizes Vijnanesvara for being inconsistent by excluding the sons of anuloma marriages, whom he elsewhere in the Mitaksara declares to be aurasa : "savarna dharmavivahodha dharmapati; tasyam jata aurasah putra" iti Mitaksara. vastutas tu nedam evam boddhavyam, (1) anulomajanam murdhavasiktadinam aurasesv antarbhavad iti svavacanavirodhat24 --na hi te savarnayam-utpannah; (2) brahmanadisu yesam yena dharmavivahastadudhotpannanam aurasaprasange tesu satsy-apy-anyesam dayagrahanaprasangac-ca (Vyavaharaprakasa p. 467). At the same time Mitramisra proposes an interesting way of reconciling the smrtis that require the wife to be savarna with those that do not : utkarsabhiprayah savarnabhiprayam. The idea that a son born to a woman of the same varna as his father's is a superior (utkrsta, prakrsta) type of aurasa son, but that a son born to a mother of a lower varna is aurasa as well, is formulated even more clearly by Nandapandita (on Visnu 15. 2): yat tu "savarnayam samskrtayam svayam-utpaditam aurasam putram janiyad" iti Baudhayaniyam savarnatvavisesanam tad-aurasesu prakrstaurasapratipadanaya nanyesam nirakaranayeti mantavyam25-||

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The Aurasa Son 133 As one might expect, even among those who accepted the fact that the son born to a duly wedded wife of a lower varna qualifies as aurasa, the question arose whether this extended meaning also applies to the case in which the husband was a twice-born and the wife a sudra26. The commentators disagree. Ramacandra (on Manu 9. 166), without explicitly excluding the son of a sudra, does so indirectly by referring to the aurasa as a dvija : svaksetre samskrtayam-udhayam svayam-utpadayed dvijam tam aurasam putram... vijaniyat | In its comment on the term savarna at Apastamba 2. 2. 3. 14, the Parijata (as quoted in the Vyavaharaprakasa, p. 468) is willing to extend the meaning of the term to include any dvija female married to any dvija male-it is not clear whether or not both anuloma and pratiloma marriages are included, but for the son of a sudra wife to be aurasa his father has to be a sudra : savarnatra dvijasya dvija sudrasya sudra na tu brahmanasya brahmani ksatriyasya ksatriya vaisyasya vaisya. anyatha brahmanadiparinitaksatriyadiputranam dvadasa-vidhaputrantarbhavo na syat | In the passage from the Mitaksara where Vijnanesvara includes sons of anuloma marriages among the aurasas, and, therefore, allows them to claim the entire inheritance prior to any other kind of sons, he immediately follows up by declaring that sons born of a sudra wife, though aurasa, do not enjoy that privilege : sudraputras tv auraso'pi krtsnam bhagam-anyabhave'pi na labhate | Apararka agrees, and adds a reason why this is so : dharmapatni-sabdena sudra vyavartate, tasyah sahadharmacarity abhavat. Balambhatta, on the contrary, in the passage quoted earlier, holds that patnitvam mukhyam-avivaksitam-iti sudrapi tadrsi dvijanam (p. 538). Nandapandita (on Visnu 15. 2) deals with this problem at length. He first mentions an objection to the effect that the son of a sudra cannot qualify

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134 Ludo Rocher Makaranda as an aurasa, because the saudra is listed among the "substitutes" for the aurasa (putrapratinidhitvena tasya gananam) at Manu 9. 16027. Nandapandita retorts that the saudra who is made a substitute (pratinidhikriyate) by Manu is not a son born to a duly wedded sudra woman, but to a sudra who is not his father's wife. And he concludes that nothing prevents the son born to a male dvija by his duly wedded sudra wife from being aurasa : tasmad udhayam sudrayam utpannasyaurasatve na kimcid badhakam | This brief survey of the various definitions of the term aurasa in the smrtis and of some of the ways in which the commentators have tried to reconcile the differences clearly shows that the concept of an aurasa son in Hindu legal literature is far more varied and complex than the English "legitimate son," the term which is most often used to translate it. . Annotations : 1. P. V. Kane : History of Dharmasastra, vol. 3, p. 657. Kane refers to Nagindas v. Bachoo (1916) 43 I. A. 56, 57, and adds : "But two more kinds of sons have been recognized in modern times in certain provinces only, namely the kstrima in Mithila (modern Tirhut) and the putrikaputra among the Nambudri brahmanas of Malabar." For details, see Ibid., pp. 659 and 660. 2. In only very few smrtis is the number of sons different from 12 : Baudhayana (2. 2. 3. 31-33) and BIhaspati (26. 70-74) list 13, Devala (Dharmakosa, vol. I, p. 1373; all references to the Dharmakosa are to vol. i : Vyavaharakanda) 15. The view that these were merely apparent deviations from the number 12 is clearly expressed by Nandapandita (on Visnu 15.2) :yat tu Brhaspatina "putras trayodasa prokta Manuna ye 'nupurvasa" (26. 77ab) iti trayodasatvam, Devalena ca "putrakhya dasa panca ca" iti pancadasatvam-uktam, tad avantariyabhedam adaya natyantabhedeneti na virodhah, tesas apy atrantarbhavat | 3. For comparative lists, see Kane : op. cit., p. 645; Mayne : Treatise on Hindu Law and Usage, 11th ed., 1950, p. 107. 4. The first verse number refers to Jolly's Naradasmrti edition (1885), the second to Lariviere's (1989). 5. The term aurasa does occur elsewhere in the text, in connection with the share ..of an adopted son in case an aurasa is born after the adoption : tasmims (=

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The Aurasa Son 135 dattake) cet pratigrhita aurasah putra utpadyate caturbhagabhagi syad dattakah (Vasistha 15. 9). 6. Baudhayana (2. 2. 3. 33) quotes the opinion of Aupajanghani to the effect that the aurasa is the one and only true son : tesam prathama evety-Aupajanghanih, on which Govindaraja comments : Aupajanghanir-acaryo manyate-sma aurasa eva putro na putrikaputradaya iti. 7. Cf. Apararka (on Vasistha 17. 13, sub Yajnavalkya 2. 128) : prathamo mukhyah. tena sa eva putrasabdasya mukhyo 'rthah ksetrajadis tu gaunah. 8. Eg., Vyavaharaprakasa, p. 480 : kriyalopat parinayadikriyalopad ity arthah. kriyalopad iti pratinidhitve hetuh | Smsticandrikayam tu "aurasabhave tatkartrkasraddhadilopad bibhyato manisina rsaya ekadasa putranidhin kartavyatvenahur" iti vyakhyatam 9. Immediately after the list of 12 kinds of sons Manu (9. 161) exhibits the following simile : yadrsam phalam-apnoti kuplavaih samtaran jalam tadrsam phalam-apnoti kuputraih samtarams tamah || Whether or not the term kuputra was originally meant to refer to "bad" sons generally, as opposed to "good" sons, the commentators agree that kuputra here refers to any son who is not an aurasa. E.g. Kulluka : kuputraih ksetrajadibhih 10. Cf. a verse attributed, among others, to Yama (Dharmakosa, p. 1352) : aputrena sutah karyo yadrk tadrk prayatnatah | pindodakakriyahetor-namasamkirtanaya ca 11 Jolly's interpretation of the existence of other sons than the aurasa : "originally an economic motive was perhaps a more important factor in it-to get for the family as many powerful workers as possible" (Law and Custom, p. 156), was dismissed by Kane (op. cit., pp. 648-49) and Mayne (op. cit., p. 114). Kane and Mayne refer to the fact that only in the absence of an aurasa son substitute sons could be recurred to. Both also agree that the lists of 12 different kinds of sons were due to "the systematizing habit of Sanskrit writers" (Mayne), or to "the ancient writers' great penchant for divisons and sub-divisions based upon very slight differences of circumstances" (Kane).

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136 Ludo Rocher Makaranda 11. Vasistha (17.15) lists the putrika rather than the putrikaputra : trtiyah putrika vijnayate. 12. In the enumeration of sons attributed to Devala (Nandapandita on Visnu 15. 27; cf. Dharmakosa, p. 1373 : smrtyantaram) putrikaputra occupies the fifth place, putrika the second. 13. For an interpretation of this unusual and extreme position at Gautama 28. 33, see, e.g., the Mitaksara (on Yajnavalkya 2. 132) : Gautamiye tu pautrikeyasya dasamatvena patho vijatiyavisayah. 14. Hence Brhaspati's statement (26. 77) that Manu recognizes 13 kinds of sons : putras trayodasa prokta Manuna ye'nupurvasah | sastanakaranam tesam aurasah putrika tatha || Cf. also Mayne (op. cit., p. 107) : "Manu mentions the aurasa and the appointed daughter's son as of equal status and then mentions the aurasa and the eleven secondary sons, altogether, thirteen sons." 15. The Mitaksara comments : tatsamah putrikapurah tatsama aurasasamah putrikayah sutah putrikasutah, but also adds an alternative interpretation based on Vasistha 17. 15 (cf. note 11): athava putrikaiva sutah. so'py-aurasasama eva pitravayavanam alpatvan matravayavanam bahulyatvac-ca. 16. I must mention in passing that some commentators offer etymological explanations for the term aurasa. For instance, the Mitaksara (on Yajnavalkya 2. 128) says that aurasa means uraso jatah; cf. Apararka (on the same verse): urasi bhavah. Hence the translation of aurasa as "son of the body." According to Raghavananda (on Manu 9. 166), svayam-udvahitayam urahsamslesanajatatvaad aurasah; ksetraje tadabhavo Naradenokto "gatrair gatrany asamsprsann" (12. 82d/81d) ity adina | 17. As far as we know from the fragments collected by Jolly (Munich, 1889), Harita does not use the term aurasa. 18. Nevertheless, in Pedda Amamni v. Zamindar of Marungapuri (1874) 1 1. A. 282, 293, the Privy Council decided that the fact that a son was conceived prior to the wedding of his parents does not prevent him from being a "legitimate" son. "That would be a most inconvenient doctrine. If it is the law that law must be administered. Their Lordships, however, do not think that it is the Hindu law. They are of opinion, that the Hindu Law is the same in that respect as the

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137 The Aurasa Son English law." This decision drew strong criticism from Gooroodass Banerjee : "with every respect due to the decision of the highest tribunal for India, I may be permitted to say that the doctrine of procreation in lawful wedlock is necessary to constitute legitimacy, is not only supported by the language of the texts cited above, but is also in accordance with the general spirit of the Hindu law, by which the nuptial rites are primarily meant only for girls (note : Manu 8. 226); while the necessity of marrying girls before puberty, reduces the practical inconvenience of the doctrine within the narrowest possible limits." (Marriage and Stridhana, 3rd ed., 1913, p. 166). 19. Although Kulluka does not say so explicitly, he may have been influenced here by several smrti texts which require that a bride be ananyapurva "not having belonged to another man." Cf. Yajnavalkya 1. 52 ananyapurvika, Apastamba 2. 6. 13. 1 apurva, etc. 20. One might be tempted to read the same requirement into Apastamba 2. 6. 13. 1-4, were it not that Apastamba's is the only text that is brief and vague on the subject of sons, to the extent of not mentioning any of the 12 kinds of sons by name. Yet, Apastamba distinguishes between two types of sons : (1) sons begotten on a woman who is savarna, apurva, and sastravihita, and (2) sons by a woman who is purvavati, by one who is asamskrta, and sons begotten varnantare maithune. The privileges of the first type of sons (tesam karmabhih sambandhah, dayenavyatikramas-ca) have been differently interpreted. In the second case there is dosa on the part of the father (or the parents ?), and, more important, the son (tatrapi dosavan putra eva). Based on Panini 5. 3. 14, according to which the suffix-tra in tatra can have other meanings than that of the locative, Haradatta interprets the latter sentence as follows: tabhyamubhabhyam-api putra evatisayena dosavan. This seems to indicate that for Apastamba and, even more so for his commentator Haradatta, the son of an asavarna marriage did not qualify as an aurasa. 21. Similarly, Sarvajnanarayana (on the same verse): svaksetre svasavarnaksetre. 22. The term dharmavivahodha may imply that, in Vijnanesvara's opinion, the parents' wedding must have been one of the "higher," not one of the "lower" types of wedding. Cf. Visvarupa's Balakrida (on the same verse) : savarna brahmadivivahasamskrta dharmapatni.

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138 Ludo Rocher Makaranda 23. References to the Balambhatti are according to the Chowkhamba Sanskrit Series (work 41) edition. 24. This is a reference to a passage in the Mitaksara (on Yajnavalkya 2. 132cd) where Vijnanesvara includes sons of anuloma marriages among the aurasas and, hence, makes them inherit prior to all other kinds of sons : anulomajanam murdhavasiktadinam aurasesv antarbhavat tesam-apy-abhave ksetrajadinam dayaharatvam boddhavyam | 25. Cf. Raghavananda (on Manu 9. 166, after quoting Baudhayana) : atra savarnapadam dvijatvadijatiparam. anyatha ksatriyavaisyasudrasu jatanam vipraditrayapitrkanam aurasabhavenaputratvapattir-iti. tatra param sajatiye mukhyam-aurasatvam-anyesam gaunam-iti bhavah | 26. Note that a number of smrti texts list the son of a sudra wife separately, invariably at or near the end of their lists. 27. Cf. Apararka (on Yajnavalkya 2. 128) : ata eva putrapratinidhisu ca tam aha Manuh.

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Sara, A-sara, Sam-sara Minoru Hara These three words do not appear in consecutive order with prefixes a- and sam- as indicated above in the title, but appear usually in the order asare samsare sara. The phrase is apparently intended to show the poetical device of alliteration (anuprasa). The phrase without the last word sara, that is asara samsara, means "the current of transmigration (samsara), destitute of solid essence (a-sara)," and thus is imbued with a pessimistic tinge, peculiar to the Hindu religion of asceticism and renunciation. A few examples suffice to illustrate this : (0-1) asaro 'yam samsarah/giri-nadi-vegopamam yauvanam/ trnagnisamam jivitam/abhra-cchaya-sadrsa bhogah/svapna-sadrsah putramitra-bhrtya-kalatra-varga-sambandhah ||. (PPT. Book 1, tale 4, p. 23, lines 18-21). "Essenceless is this world of transmigration. Youth is comparable to a rapid current in a mountain. Life is equal to fire on grass. Enjoyments are like clouds. Association with son, friends, servants and wife is like a dream." (0-2) aho asaro 'yam samsarah/ksana-bhangurah pranah/svapnasadrsah priya-samagamah/indrajalavat kutumba-parigrahah/tad dharma muktvanya gatir nasti || (PPT. Book 3, tale 3, p.190, lines 6-8). "Oh, essenceless indeed is this world of transmigration. Life is instantly breaking. Meeting with dear persons is like a dream. A family is like a magic. Thus, there is no way other than (practising) meritorious acts." (0-3) bhogas tungatarangabhanga-capalah pranah ksana-dhvamsinah stokany eva dinani yauvana-sukham pritih priyesv asthira tat samsaram

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140 Minoru Hara Makaranda asaram eva nikhilam buddhva budha bodhane lokanugraha-pesalena manasa yatnah samadhiyatam || (IS. 4634) "Enjoyments are unsteady like the breaking of billows. Life perishes in a moment. The happiness of youth lasts only a few days and love with one's beloved is unstable. Oh, wise men, having realized the whole world of transmigration as essenceless, an effort should be made for enlightenment with your mind skilled at helping people." With the addition to this of the word sara (essence), the phrase is endowed with a positive value, meaning "something solid or essential (sara) in this ephemeral world of human existence." An oft-quoted passage of the Pancatantra reads, Ananta-param kila sabda-sastram svalpam tathayur bahavas ca vighnah saram tato grahyam apasya phalgu hamsair yatha kliram ivambu-madyat || (IS. 243) "Verbal science is shorelessly extended), life is short and beset with many obstacles. Thus, one should grasp the essential, leaving the essenceless, as geese extract the milk out of water (mixed)." But, the content of the word sara here varies in accordance with the nature of the contexts in which it occurs. It is, then, an interesting task to collect the passages which contain the phrase and investigate their contexts, analysing what is meant by the word sara in each and every context. This analysis will show what is considered by the ancient Indians to be the most valuable thing in human life, and eventually reveal some aspects of the Hindu view of life in general. Though material will be multiplied in the course of further extensive reading in Sanskrit texts, here is presented the result of modest gleanings from classical Sanskrit literature which may encourage more competent scholars to further comprehensive and systematic studies in the future.

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Sara, A-sara, Sam-sara 141 (1) asare samsare... In addition to the three passages quoted above, we have the following examples. (1-1) The essencelessness of the world of transmigration is often compared to the interior of a plantain tree (kadali) : Asarah samsarah sarasa-kadali-sara-sadrso3 lasad-vidyul-lekha-cakita-capalam jivatam idam | Yad etat tarunyam naga-gata-nadi-vega-sadrsam aho dharstyam pumsam tad api visayan dhavati manah || (MSS. 3734) "Essenceless is the world of transmigration as a juicy stem of a plantain tree. Human life is shaky and unsteady like a momentary lightning flash. Youthfulness is similar to the rapids of a mountain-stream. Oh, men's impudence, that their mind still runs after (the enjoyment of) sense-objects." (1-2) An expression asara ghora-samsara is found in an address to Visnu by Garuda : Bhagavan devadevesa sarana-gata-vatsala | asare ghora-samsare sarva-duhkha-malimase || (Pretakalpa 16.2) "O Lord, the master god among gods, compassionate to those who seek refuge in this essenceless, terrible world of transmigration, stained by all sorts of suffering." (1-3) In this ephemeral world, meeting ends in separation. Asare bata samsare karma-tantrah saririnam jayante priya-samyoga viyoge hrdaya-chidah || (MSS. 3743) "In this essenceless world of transmigration, the thread of karma is interwoven through human beings. Union with one's beloved becomes heartrendering at separation."

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142 Minoru Hara Makaranda (1-4) We have a verse tinged with a pessimistic and deploring tone. Asare samsare visama-visa-pake nrpa-sukhe krtantenacante praksti-capale jivita-bale Ohruvapaye kaye visaya-megatrsnahata-hrdah ksara-pranaih pranan ahaha parimusnanti kudhiyah || (MSS. 3744) "In this essenceless world of transmigration, where even the happiness of kings eventually develops into vehement poison, where life-power, fickle by nature, is sucked away by death, and where the body is subject to sure annihilation, fools, whose mind are carried away by the mirage of (the enjoyment of) sense-objects, hurt their life by flowing breaths." (1-5) It is, then, a vain effort to look for happiness in this world. It simply ends in delusion : Asare khalu samsare sukha-bhrantih saririnam | lala-panam ivangusthe balanam stanya-vibhramah || (MSS. 3742) "In this essenceless world of transmigration, people conceive a delusion of happiness, as babies falsely consider the playful sucking on their thumbs as sucking their mother's breasts."6 (1-6) An Epic passage, then, recommends a wise man to abandon it : Janma-mrtyu-jara-vyadhi-vedanabhir upadrutam | asaram imam asvantam samsaram tyajatah sukham || (MBh. 12.9.33=Hitopadesa 4.87) "By abandoning this essenceless and unpleasant world of transmigration, which is beset by the anguish of birth, death, old age, and illness, one becomes happy." (1-7) Thus, a certain idea came into the mind of a wealthy merchant Dhanana one day, which led him to renunciation : evam sakala-sampadam asrayasya tasya cetasi sarva-vastusv anityabuddhir utpanna : kim iti, samsaro yam asarah : sarvam api vastu-jatam anityam

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Sara, A-sara, Sam-sara 143 (Vikramacarita Southern Recension of 7, p.78. lines 16-18) "Though he was thus endowed with all good fortune, there arose in his heart a consciousness of the transiency of all goods : 'How now! unprofitable is this round of existence, and the whole mass of objects of wealth is transient." (Edgerton) 8.9 (1-8) One should always think of asarata of samsara : Kaharnisam anucintya samsarasarata na tu pramada || Ka preyasi vidheya karuna daksinyam atha maitri || (IS. 1717) "What should be thought of day and night ? Essencelessness (asarata) of the world of transmigration (samsara), but not women. What should be taken to be the dearest ? Compassion, skilfulness and friendliness." II (2) asara (nihsara) and sara. (2-1) asara and sara. Prior to considering asare samsare sara, it is convenient to examine passages where the two words, asara and sara, are contrasted. (2-1-1) The best known example is found in the Pali Dhammapada. Asare sara-matino 10 sare casara-dassino | te saram nadhigacchanti miccha-sankappa-gocara || 11 Saran ca sarato natva asaran ca asarato te saras adhigacchanti samma-sankappa-gocara || (Dhammapada 12) "Holding the essential in the unessential, and seeing in the essential the unessential, they fail to reach the essential, their judgement being subject to error. Knowing the essential as the essential and the unessential as the unessential, they reach the essential, their judgement being subject to right."12

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144 Minoru Hara Makaranda (2-1-2) Two things are contrasted as asara and sara. One is recommended to take sara out of asara. In the Pali "Kanha-jataka" we read, Asarassa dhanassa danam saro, bahu-roga-sadharana-bhavena asarassa kayassa silavantesu abhivadanadi-kammam saro. aniccatabhibhutassa asarassa jivatassa aniccadivasena vipassana-yogo saro. tasma asarehi bhogehi sara-gahanattham danan dassami (Kanhajataka 440, J. 4. 7. 23-27) "Charity is the essence of essenceless wealth. Such actions as respectful greeting to the virtuous, and other things are the essence of body, essenceless because of its being the receptacle of various diseases. The essence of life, essenceless because of its being subject to transitoriness, is one's application to insight by means of transitory(-ness) and others (dukkha and anatta ?). Thus, I practise charity in order to get the essence from essenceless enjoyment." (2-1-3) We have a Sanskrit verse in a similar tone : Danam vittad rtam vacah kirti-dharmau tathayusah paropakaranam kayad asarat saram aharet (IS.2750) - "Man should take from the essenceless the essence; from wealth charity, 13 from speech the truth, from life fame and merit, from the body altruism."14 Here the sara-s are the act of giving (dana), truth (rta), fame (kirti) and religious merit (dharma) and altruism (paropakarana), while the asaras are wealth (vitta), speech (vac), life (ayus) and body (kaya).15 (2-2) nihsara and sara : (2-2-1) The contrast of wealth and charity is further emphasized : Dhanasya nihsara-laghoh sa saro yad diyate loka-hitonmukhena nidhanatam yati hi diyamanam adiyamanam nidhanaika-nistham || (JM. 2. 50) "Wealth is a contemptible thing, because it is pithless, yet it has one

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Sara, A-sara, Sam-sara 145 virtue, that it can be given away by him who aims at the welfare of the creature; for if given away, it becomes a treasure, otherwise its ultimate object is only death." (Speijer) (2-2-2) The human world (manusya) is styled as essenceless (nihsara). A man, who seeks after the essence there, is deluded: Manusye kadali-stambha-nihsare sara-marganam yah karoti sa sammudho jala-budbuda-samnibhe || (YS. 3. 8=IS. 4823) "He, who seeks after the essence in the essenceless world of human beings, comparable to the stem of the Kadali tree and to foam in water, is a fool." (3) Sara and samsara (3-1) In the Kuttanimata, the courtesan Malati is called samsara-sara, the essence of the world of transmigration : Sithilayatu kusama-capam ksipatu saran vanadhau manojanma samsarasara-bhuta vicarati bhuvi malatiyavat || (Kuttanimata 121) "Let the god of love unstring his flower-bow and place his arrows in his quiver, as long as Malati, the essence of the world of transmigration, roams over the earth." IV (4) asare samsare sara Despite its essencelessness, there exists something essential, what is indicated here by the word "essence" (sara) is nothing but the most valuable object in human life. Below, we shall investigate this. (4-1-1) The first sounds economico-practical : Asare khalu samsare saram svasura-mandiram | Haro Himalaye sete Visnuh sete mahodadhau || (IS. 776=MSS. 3739-40)

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146 Minoru Hara Makaranda "The essence of the essenceless world of transmigration is the house of one's father-in-law. Siva reposes in the Himalaya and Visnu in the Ocean." (4-1-2) The second sounds erotic, sara being "woman." In his reflections, king Vikramaditya says: tan mahat kastam krtvapi samsara-sara-bhutam stri-sukham eva bhoktavyam, uktam ca Asare khalu samsare saram saranga-locana tad-artham dhanam icchanti tat-tyage tu dhanena kim 16 asara-bhute samsare sara-bhuta nitambini iti samcintya vai sambhur ardhange kaminim dadhau ||" tad Vikramarko rajatra samagatah tam ekam agraharam yacayitva kam cana kanyam vivahya samsara-sukham anubhavisyami || (Vikramacarita 6 Story Southern Recension) (p. 74, lines 5-12) "Therefore even at the expense of great trouble one should certainly enjoy the pleasure of (the love of) women, a happiness which is the cream of this round of existence. And it is said: 'In this unprofitable round of existence, the best thing of all is a gazelleyed woman. For her sake men seek after wealth, and without her what is the use of wealth? In this unprofitable round of existence, the best thing of all is a fair hipped woman. It was with this thought in mind, I ween, that Sambhu took his beloved upon his lap." Now King Vikramarka has come hither. So I will beg of him a donation of land, marry some girl, and engage in worldly pleasure..." (Edgerton) (4-1-3) Gamblers consider gambling as sara. A gambler addresses king Vikrama as follows, Tasmad asare sammsare saram dyuta-sukham, yato 'sya layaprarthanam yogino 'pi kurvanti (Vikramacarita Jainistic Recension of 27, 4 prose, p. 200) "Therefore in this unprofitable round of existence, the cream of all is

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Sara, A-sara, Sam-sara 147 the joy of the play, so that even ascetics cherish the desire to become absorbed in it." (Edgerton) (4-1-4) The plighted word is called the sara : Samsare 'saratasare vaca sara-samuccayah vaca vicalita yasya sukrtam tena haritam || (Vikramacarita Brief Recention of 24, p. 183, lines 20-21) "In this wholly unprofitable round of existence (a plighted) word is the only thing of importance. Whosoever breaks his word loses his acquired merit.". (Edgerton) (4-1-5) Renunciation is recommended. He who seeks vainly after sara in samsara is betrayed and resorts to detachment (vairagya), renouncing the world : Samsaram eva nihsaram drstva sara-didrksaya | pravrajanty akrtodvahah param vairagyam asritah || (Naradaparivrajaka Upanisad 3. O. Schrader ed., p. 139, lines 2-3) "Seeing that samsara is truly without substance, people are imbued with intense detachment and desirous of seeing the substance, renounce while they are still unmarried." (Olivelle) (4-2) Though the following passages do not contain the word sara as such, what is meant there has a similar purport. (4-2-1) Corresponding to (4-1-2) above, which praises the enjoyment of women, we have a verse in the Malatimadhava, where the hero condemns a murderer of Malati, considering his beloved as if sara. We notice that in the case of Bhavabhuti the tone is much more serious than Vikramaditya ! Asaram samsaras parimusita-ratnam tribhuvanam | niralokam lokam marana-saranam bandhava-janam || adarpam kandarpam jana-nayana-nirmanam aphalam jagaj jirnaranyam katham asi vidhatum vyavasitah || (Malatimadhava 5.30)

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148 Minoru Hara Makaranda "How did you decide to make this world of transmigration deprived of essence, the three-worlds of a jewel, the shining world of light, her kinsfolk of hope to live, the god Kama of pride, the creation of human eyes of fruit, and to make the world like a weathered forest?" (4-2-2) Corresponding to (4-1-5) above, we have a verse in the Prabodhacandrodaya, which praises detachment (vairagya): Asare samsare virasa-pariname tu vidusam | viyogo vairagyam dradhayati vitanvan sama-sukham || (Prabodhacandrodaya 5.28cd) "On the contrary, in this essenceless world of transmigration which develops eventually into tastelessness, separation strengthens detachment in the case of the wise, manifesting the happiness of tranquillity.". (4-2-3) Friendship is also considered as the sara of samsara. The hardship of living in this world is rewarded by one's association with good people, especially a person who knows the right thing (ucita-jna). citresu pathisu caratam kvacid ucitajnah sa ko'pi samghatate yena samam samsaratam samsara-parisramah saphalah || (Vikramacarita, Jainistic Recension of 20 verse 8, p. 158) "Sometimes by chance those who wander on random paths meet with some man who knows what is truly fitting; and if they wander through life with him, the toil of their existence becomes fruitful." (Edgerton) 19 (4-2-4) The following verse sounds cultural, sara being the elegant taste of "poetical composition (kavya-karana)."20 Asare samsare sumati-sarane kavya-karane yathestam cestante kati na kavayah sva-sva-rucayah | param dugdha-snigdham madhura-racanam yas tu vacanam prasute brute va bhavati viralah ko 'pi saralah || (MSS. 3745=Vikramacarita p. 235 verse 14) "There are many poets, each brilliant in his own way, who busy themselves at their own pleasure with the art of poetry, which is the refuge

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Sara, A-sara, Sam-sara 149 of the wise in this unprofitable round of existence. But it's rare to find some genuine poet, who can produce or speak milk-sweet words, exquisite in composition." (Edgerton)21 (4-2-5) Sorne also sound philosophical and altruistic : Samsare kim saram bahuso'pi vicintyamanam idam eva manujesu drsta-tattvam sva-para-hitayodyatam janma || (IS. 6639) "What is the essence of the world of transmigration ? Thinking of this problem again and again, then (he finds) only this. Once born among human beings, (one should) see the truth and make an effort for the good of himself and others." (4-2-6) Similarly, genuine judgement (sattviki buddhi) is called the valuable object which is hard to find in this essenceless world of transmigration. In the reflections of king Vikramaditya it is said : Asare khalu samsare vartamanasya dehinah tattvatah sattviki buddhir jayate durlabha yada || (Vikramacarita 30th story, Metrical Recension p. 213, lines 11-12) "When genuinely pure consciousness, so hard to obtain, is produced in a mortal who dwells in the truely unprofitable round of existence..." (Edgerton) (5) Occasionally, two things are called sara in asara-samsara. (5-1) Wealth (vibhava) and a son (tanaya) are called sara-s. Samsare 'smin dvayam saram vibhavas tanayo'pi ca| tenaikaikena hinasya janmino janma nisphalam || (IS. 6640) "In this world of transmigration, the following two are its essence : wealth and a son. If destitute of one of them, one's birth is fruitless." (5-2) Worldly success (sri) and women (stri) are enumerated, with the

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150 Minoru Hara Makaranda intention of showing the poetical skill of alliteration. rajan, asare samsare sara-dvayam aham manye, srih stri ca (Vikramacarita 30th story Jainistic recension, p. 216, lines 12-13) "O, king, in this essenceless world of transmigration, I think the following two are its essence; success and women." (5-3) The essential two are expresed in a different way, philosophical insight (tattva-jnana) and women: Samsare'sminn asareparinnati-tarale dve gati panditanam tattvajnanamrtambhahpla-valulita-dhiyam yatu kalah kadacit no cet stanajaghanaghanabhoga-sambhogininam mugdhangananam sthulopasthasthalisu sthagita-karatalasparsalolodyamanam || (IS. 6642) "In this essenceless world of transmigration, transient after all, two (things) are the resort of the wise. Time should pass for those wise ones, whose minds are shaken on the raft on the water of ambrosia styled as knowledge of truth." Otherwise one should enjoy women." (too erotic to translate) (5-4) Four things 22 are considered as sara in a more religious context. Asare khalu samsare saram etac catustayam | Kasyam vasah satam sango Gangambhah Sambhu-sevanam || (IS.778) "The essence of the essenceless world of transmigration is the four things residence in Kasi, association with the good, the water of the Ganges and the serving of Siva." VI The contrast of sara and asara is not limited to the world of transmigration (samsara), but is further extended to the body (sarira), which is also ephemeral.23 The wise man seeks to find something contributive (sara) by means of this unprofitable (asara) body. This construction is met particularly frequently in the context of self-sacrifice for the sake of others.

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Sara, A-sara, Sam-sara 151 (6-1) A Brahmin boy decided to offer himself in order to save the life of the king, persuading his parents as follows: Tad etenatyasarena sukstam yad uparjyate tad eva saras samsare kita-buddhibhir ucyate || (KSS. 94. 107) "So wise men say that the only solid and permanent thing in a fleeting universe is that merit (sukrta) which is acquired by means of this very frail and perishable body." (Tawney and Penzer) (6-2) In Buddhist texts which relate the self-sacrifice of the Bodhisattva, we often meet passages of a similar purport. In the story of Jimutavahana who decided to sacrifice his life to save Sankhacuda, we read : Ity uktva sa mahasattvo hrdi cakre manoratham rena dehena saram atrapnuyam aham || (KSS. 90. 111) "When the noble-hearted one had said this, he formed this wish in his heart : May I obtain the one essential object in this world by the sacrifice of my unsubstantial body."24 (6-3) In the story of the great monkey, who tried to save a man with no regard for his own body, the monkey addresses the man as follows: Ehi prstham mamaruhya sulagno 'stu bhayan mayi yavad abhyuddharami tvam svadehat saram eva ca (11) Asarasya sarirasya saro hy esa matah satam yat paresam hitarthesu sadhani-kriyate budhaih || (JM. 24. 12) "Come, climb upon my back and cling fast to me, while I bring out both thee and the usefulness of my body. For the pious pronounce this to be the usefulness of the body, otherwise a worthless thing, that it may be employed by the wise as an instrument for benefitting our neighbour." (Spejer) The Mahayana Buddhist texts which speak of the great deeds of the Bodhisattva are full of these stories.25

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152 Minoru Hara Makaranda VII To sum up the result of our investigation. Though the contexts we have dealt with above are not always uniform, some being comical and others rather serious, we may classify them in several categories : (1) Some are economic and practical, the sara being the house of the father-in-law (svasura-mandira), and a son (tanaya). (2) Some are secular : sara being wealth (vibhava) and success (sri). (3) Some are hedonistic and erotic, sara being gambling and women, (stri). (4) Some are philosophical, sara being philosophical insight (tattvajnana and sattviki buddhi). (5) Some are moral, sara being to keep one's promised words. (6) Some are cultural, sara being poetical composition (kavya-karana). (7) Some are religious, sara being detachment (vairagya) and serving gods. (8) Some are social, sara being association with good men (satam sanga). (9) Some are altruistic, sara being serving others (para-hita, paropakarana). We notice here that those items which we have picked out of the examples mostly correspond to the Hindu ideals of human life purusartha (trivarga, or caturvarga), that is, dharma, artha, kama and moksa. Furthermore, this idea of finding sara in asara samsara is akin to that of janma-saphalya (fruitfulness, or the significance of birth as a human being).26 Annotations : 1. Cf. asaro samsaro bhanguram sariram, saray'abbha-vibbhamas jiviyam tadi vilasiyanugari jovvanam, kimpaga-phalovama bhoga... (Jacobi p. 14, lines 21ff.) janma-marana-roga-soga-pauro asaro samsaro (Jacobi p. 35, lines 34ff.)

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Sara, A-sara, Sam-sara Though not directly construed with each other, the following passages are worthy of attention: aho aniccya samsarassa, asaraya sarirassa (Jacobi p. 27, lines 21) jao asara parinama-daruna samsara-paribbhamana-heu kamabhoga (Jacobi p. 3, line 38-p. 4, line 1) For kama as asara, Cf. also Saundarananda 15. 11 (asaran...kaman) 2. Cf. IS. 245 (yat sara-bhutam tad upasaniyam) 3. For kadali-sara, Cf. also Mahommagga-jataka (546) 91 (yatha kadalino saram anvesam). Cf. also (546) 92 (simbalino saram) and note 8 below. 4. In the following passage, samsara is replaced by manusya (human world) and asara by nihsara: manusye kadali-stambha-nihsare sara-marganam | yah karoti sa sammudho jala-budbuda-samhnibhe || (IS. 4823) 153 5. Cf. samsare 'sminn asare kunrpati-bhavana-dvara-seva-kalankavyasangadhvastadhairyarh katham amaladhiyo manasam samvidadhyuh | (IS. 664lab) 6. Cf. IS. 4823 quoted above in note 4. 7. Cf. MBh. 12. 177. 45 (asaram iva manusyam...) 8. Cf. also Asara-samsara-vivartanesu ma yata tosam prasabham bravimi | sarvatra daityas samatam upeta samatvam aradhanam acyutasya || (Visnu Purana 1. 17.90) buddhva nihsaratam samhsarasya (Kadambari p.315, line 9) Ity evam smaratas tasya babhuva niyatatmanah | kadali-garbha-nihsarah samsara iti niscayah || (Buddhacarita 14. 6) For the expression kadali-garbha-nihsara (essenceless as the pith of a plantain tree), Cf. MBh. 12. 287. 16c (martya-loke) and kadali-stambha-nihsara, Cf. IS. 4832. Cf. also note 2 above. For the expression samsare 'sara-sagare, Cf.

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154 Minoru Hara Makaranda Indrajalam aham manye samsare 'sara-sagare karta ko 'tra mahabaho sarvas vada mama prabho || (Garuda Purana Uttarakanda 22. 4) 9. In the following passages, the word samsara is replaced by loka, jagat, etc. nihsaram pasyato lokam toya-budbuda-durbalam (Saundarananda 15.63ab) Yatas ca lokam samajanma-nistham pasyami ninsaram asac ca sarvam || (Saundarananda 18. 17ab) asaram asvantam aniscitam jagaj jagaty anitye balam avyavasthitam . (Saundarananda 9. 16cd) Paumaraha-raya vi muniuna asarattam jiva-loyassa . (Jacobi p.46, line 30) 10. The first part of the verse is quoted in Mahayana-sutralamkara (ed., by S.Levi vi p.82) with a hidden, and enigmatic meaning (abhisamdhi) Asare sara-matayo viparyase ca susthitah | klesena ca susamklista labhante bodhim uttamam || - Here, asara is used in the sense of samadhi and sara in the sense of visaras cetasah=viksepa. Cf. also E. Lamotte. La Somme du Grand Vehicule d'Asanga (Mahayana-samgraha) II (Louvain 1973) p.132. I owe this reference to M. Hattori. 11. Cf. also asare sara-yoganna matim na tv-eva vindati sarabho va giri-duggasmim antara yeva sidati || | (Hansa-Jataka 502.24) 12. Cf. Udanavarga 29.3-4, Asare sara-matayah sare casara-samjninah | te sara nadhigacchanti mithya-samkalpa-gocarah || saram tu sarato jnatva hy asaram capy asaratah | te saram adhigacchanti samyak-samkalpa-gocarah 11 For a further reference, see F. Bernhard Udanavarga (Gottingen 1965) pp. 366-7 and K.Mizuno, Studies in the Dhammapada (Tokyo 1981) pp. 86-7. .

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Sara, A-sara, Sam-sara 155 13. There are two verses which recommend charity : dhanasya nihsara-laghoh sa saro yad diyate loka-hitonmukhena | nidhanatam yati hi diyamanam adiyamanam nidhanaika-nistham | (JM. 2. 50) evam ca ye dravyam avapya loke mitresu dharme ca niyojayanti avapta-sarani dhanani tesam bhrastani nante janayanti tapam || (Buddhacarita 11. 5) 14. Cf. also its variant in Danam arthad stam vacah kirti-dharmau ca cetasah dehat paropakaritvam asarat saram uddharet || (Canakya-raja-niti-sastra 8.25) 15. Though in a different context, the contrast of sara and asara is found in the following passage. Tad etad avagamyaham asaras saram uttamam | nisamaya mahabhaga pranipatya bravimi || (Visnu Purana 1. 19. 42) varam alpa-balam saram na bahvi munda-mandali kuryad asara-bhango hi sara-bhangam api sphutam || (IS. 5966) 16. Cf. IS. 778=MSS. 3736. 17. Cf. MSS. 3737 18. Cf. also, raja samsarodara-sara-sukha-mayah samaajani (Jainistic Recension, 1, prose p. 77, line 11) tan maya labdham samsara-sukham maugdhyena muktam (Jainistic Recension, 2, prose p. 77, line 1) 19. Cf. also,

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156 Minoru Hara Makaranda Samsara-visa-vyksasya dve phale amstopame | kavyamsta-rasasvada alapah sajjanaih saha || (IS. 6636) Samsara-sranta-cittanam tisro visranti-bhumayah apatyam ca kalatram ca sadhu-samgatir eva ca || (IS. 6637) Snigdhair mugdhair vidagdhais ca yad aryais saha samgatih etad evayusah saram nisarga-ksana-bhanginah (Canakya-raja-niti-sastra 7.67) 20. Cf. also, kavyamrta-rasasvada of IS.6636 as quoted in the note 19 above. 21. Cf. also, Anityatavyanusstam karma-cchidrasasamsayam || atta-saram karisyami katham nemam sarasvatim || (Maticeta Satapancasataka 6) Poetical composition is called "the epitome of existence" by Jayadeva who uses the word bhava-sara in place of samsara-sara. Sri-jayadeva-kaver idam uditam udaram srnu sukhadam subhadam bhava-saram | kesava dhrta-dasa-vidha-rupa jaya jagad-isa hare 11 (Gitagovinda 1.15) 22. Three things are also enumerated in a similar context. Samsara-sranta-cittanam tisro visranti-bhumayah | apatyam ca kalatram ca sadhu-samgatir eva ca ||| (IS. 6637) 23. The body is often styled as asara. For example, Samucchrayam tadvad asaram udvahan balam vyavasyed visayartham udyatah (10cd) sariram amad api men-mayad ghatad. idam tu ninsaratamam matam mama || (Saundarananda 9. 11ab)

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Sara, A-sara, Sam-sara 24. Cf. also, Sa rupinam krtsnam arupinam ca | saram didrksur vicikaya kayam || (Saundarananda 17.16ab) tatah sa kayam samaveksammanah | saram vicintyanv api nopalebhe || (Saundarananda 17.36cd) Tad enam ekam artam ced dehenaikanta-nasina | raksari namuna nagarh tan me dhig janma nisphalam || (KSS. 90. 130) 25. Cf. D.R. Shackleton Bailey, The Satapancasatka of Matrceta (Cambridge 1951) p. 153. aham atta-sarah kalam karisyami...... (SS. p. 20, line 2) asafac-ccharirat saradanabhiprayya...(SS. p. 23, line 13) asarat kayat saram adatu-kamo...(SS. p. 26 line 2) (BB text) avahastena danamh dadati asarat kayat sara-samgrahartham | (Divyavadana p. 482, lines 6-7) 157 bhavanad iva pradiptan nimajjamanad ivapsu ratna-nidheh kayad vidhananidhanad ye saram nadhigacchanti te saram apasyantah sarasaresv akovidaprajnah te marana makara-vadana-pravesa-samaye visidanti | (Divyavadana p. 384, lines 4-7) (BB text) 26. I had an occasion to collect and discuss the passages of janma-saphalya in Japanese in 1972 (Ancient Indian Concept of Destiny pp. 25-78)

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158 Minoru Hara Makaranda Abbreviations and Texts used in this article are as follows: PPT BB : Bibliotheca Biddhica HOS : Harvard Oriental Series (Cambridge, Mass.) : Indische Spruche, by O. Bohtlingk 1-3 (St. Petersburg 1870-3) The Jataka, ed., by V. Fausbll (PTS. text) JM : Jatakamala, ed., by H. Kern (HOS 1, third ed. 1943) KSS : Kathasaritsagara of Somadevabhatta (NSP: 1930) MSS : Mahasubhasitasamgraha by L. Sternbach (Hoshiarpur 1974-) MBh The Mahabharata (Poona Critical Edition) NSP : The Nirnaya Sagar Press (Bombay) : The Pancatantra of Purnabhadra, ed., by J. Hertel (HOS 11,1908) : The siksasamuccaya : Yajnavalkya-smrti (NSP. 1949) Jacobi : Ausgewahlte Erzahlungen im Maharashtri (Leipzig 1886). Olivelle Samnyasa Upanisads, Hindu Scriptures on Asceticism and Renunciation, Translated and with an Introduction by P. Olivelle (New York, Oxford 1992) Buddhacarita : Text ed. by E. H. Johnston (Lahore 1936) Canakya-raja-niti-sastra: Text ed., by L. Sternbach (Vishveshvaranand Indological Series 28, Hoshiarpur 1964) Kadambari NSP. 1921. Kuttanimata : Bibliotheca Indica 266 (Calcutta 1944) Malatimadhava : Bombay Sanskrit and Prakrit Series 15 (Poona 1970) SS YS

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Sara, A-sara, Sam-sara 159 Naradaparivrajaka Upanisad : Text ed., by F. O. Schrader, The Minor Upanisads, vol. 1 : Samnyasa Upanisads (Adyar 1912) Prabodhacandrodaya : NSP. 1935. Pretakalpa : The Garuda Purana (Saroddhara) Sacred Books of Hindu 9 (Allahabad 1911) Saundarananda : Text ed., by E. H. Johnston (Oxford 1929) Vikramacarita : Text ed., by F. Edgerton (HOS 27 1926) Visnu Purana ; Text ed., by the Gitapress, Gorakhapur (date not given).

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Anandavardhana's Contribution to Research Methodology C. Panduranga Bhatta The aim of research is to advance over the knowledge already possessed in a subject. The ancient Indian teacher was expected to make his student superior to himself in the acquirement of the stock of knowledge. This is proven by the ancient Indian saying 'sisyat parabhavamicchet' (A teacher should invite defeat at the hands of his students). By preparing students superior to what he himself was, the teacher in Ancient India was expected to effect the progress of his branch of knowledge. Ancient Indian thinkers encouraged the dissemination of knowledge, as is evident in the following verse; apUrvaH ko'pi kozo'yaM vidyate tava bhArata / vyayato vRddhimAyAti kSayamAyAti saMcayAt // It may be said that the contribution of knowledge may be either by discovering new truths as such or by revising and correcting the existing knowledge of truths and thereby presenting the known truths in a new light. The history of Sanskrit poetics bears ample evidence of how each successive thinker has taken off from the point at which some previous thinker has left the state of knowledge, either by adding to it or by revising it. The search for the ultimate reality in the field of the Sanskrit poetics led to the emergence of various concepts. Each concept regard one or the other aspect as the soul of poetry. This process of evolution over the centuries marks clear advancement in formulating norms of evaluation of the poetic composition, from gross to more subtle aspects. Anandavardhana was a great poet of both Sanskrit and Prakrit and he had the first hand knowledge of the poetic process. He was well versed in the tenets of Vedanta, Tarka, Mimamsa,

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162 C. Panduranga Bhatta Makaranda Vyakarana, and Buddhism. He demonstrated the inadequacy of the ancient principles of criticism for a proper estimate of literature. Anandavardhana's dhvani-theory marks a clear advancement in the evolution of the concept of poetry. He investigates into the inner spirit which he finds in the suggestive power of word (vyanjana) and suggestion (dhvani). All theories of Alankara, Guna etc., formulated by rhetoricians of the past are confined to an elucidation of the beauty of the vacya element alone. Thus real philosophy of poetry, which is concerned with the soul, begins at the point where the early theories end. This paper attempts to analyse the research methods adopted by Anandavardhana in his Dhvanyaloka... (a) Introduction The introduction given by Ananda explains in detail the nature and importance of the problem proposed to be discussed. The introduction given by him is : kAvyasyAtmA dhvaniriti budhairyaH samAmnAtapUrva stasyAbhAvaM jagadurapare bhAktamAhustamanye / kecidvAcAM sthitamaviSaye tattvamUcustadIyaM tena brUmaH sahRdayamanaH prItaye tatsvarUpam // The earlier poeticians believed that the field of poetry had been exhaustively explained by the well-known categories of Alankara etc. and there was no scope left for propounding any original theory like Dhvani afresh, the philosophers denied the validity of the theory of Dhvani on logical grounds, and laymen simply asserted that Dhvani was a thing beyond their comprehension. The whole of the Dhvanyaloka, containing as it does the definition, classification and illustration of dhvani, as also the clear lines of demarcation between dhvani and other concepts, presents a long and sound response to the charge of poeticians and others that dhvani was a superfluous and meaningless concept. This is made clear in the introduction. In his introduction Ananda also states that the 'dhvani' is the quintessence of the poetry of all master poets and is the most beautiful in itself, though undetected and left unexplained by all the writers on poetry in the past. But it is widely instanced in great works like the Ramayana and the Mahabharata : f dhvane: svarUpaM sakalasatkavikAvyopaniSadbhUtamatiramaNIyasIbhirapi cirantakAvyalakSaNavidhAyinAma

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Anandavardhana's Contribution to Research Methodology 163 buddhibhiranunmIlitapUrvam, atha ca rAmAyaNamahAbhArataprabhRtini lakSye sarvatra prasiddhavyavahAraM lakSayatAM sahRdayAnAmAnando manasi labhatAM pratiSThAmiti prakAzyate // Only the experience of a tasteful reader can decide whether something is genuine poetry or not and not the pronouncements of theorists. The connoisseur of poetic art plays an important role in Anandavardhana's scheme of poetry. He was the first to assign such an important role to the poetic reader (Sahradaya or Samajika). Ananda mentions all these points in his introduction and hence we can say that the introduction found in his work sets the trend for the rest of the work and it stimulates reader's interest besides helping the reader to have the whole work in perspective. (b) Chapter Division and Headings The chapters in the Dhvanyaloka represents stages in the arguments of the work, each stage resting on a distinct class of data. Ananda has maintained some measure of uniformity in the size of the chapters. The Dhvanyaloka contains four chapters called Udyotas (Flashes). The first chapter deals with all the objections, assumed as well as real, that may possibly be brought against the validity of the theory of Dhvani. The charges made by the followers of different schools of Philosophy, Grammar and ancient poetics, are all shown here as baseless. After this Ananda gives a definition of Dhvani and a clear explanation of the various terms involved in the definition. He also gives a brief indication of the major varieties of Dhvani, their relative importance and their relation to the other concepts. In the second chapter he proceeds to enumerate the sub-divisions of Dhvani, and to bring out the peculiarity of each of them with the aid of striking examples. He also precisely defines the province of each of the several concepts like Guna, Riti and Alankara. The third chapter deals with various fundamental factors related to the the process of composition. Very interesting research relating to the theme, style, characters and propriety are all found here. He also discusses here the various degrees of excellence in poetry. In this chapter Ananda gives for the first time detailed rules on the following: (1) The relation of phonetic patterns of diction (Sanghatana) to the psychological theme of rasas. (2) The canon of propriety which decides the success or failure of a

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164 C. Panduranga Bhatta Makaranda poet. (3) Deterrents of rasa. (4) Opposition and harmony between rasa. In the fourth chapter he explains how the province of poetry is never completely exhausted even when the subject of poem happens to be one and the same thing for a number of poets. In this chapter he also makes interesting comments about the predominent sentiments of the Ramayana and the Mahabharata. This division of the Dhvanyaloka into four chapters is more arbitrary than logical. Instead of any exclusive consideration of the different aspects of Dhvani in the different chapters, we find all the topics running into each other in every chapter. On this K. Krishnamoorthy observes; "Ananda's treatment of all the various topics in the Dhvanyaloka may be said to be conditioned by his attitude towards Rasa. If, amidst all the mass of Ananda's scattered speculations, we are still able to recognise a running thread, it is entirely due to his steady and systematic appraisal of Rasa as the highest goal in poetry The plan adopted by Ananda in his treatment of Dhvani is very well brought out by Abhinavagupta in his Locana : per iratuaref: pret at sfa' sAmAnyalakSaNaM pratipAditam |vkssymaannyaa tunItyA vizeSalakSaNaM bhaviSyati arthAntaresaGkramitam' ityAdinA / tatra prathamodyote dhvaneH sAmAnyalakSaNameva kArikAkAreNa kRtam / dvitIyodyote kArikAkAro'vAntaravibhAgaM vizeSalakSaNaM ca vidadhadanuvAda-mukhena mUlavibhAgaM sUcitavAn / The whole of the first chapter is concerned with a general exposition (Samanya laksana) of Dhvani. The general definition itself is contained in the Karika "aref: prot at hefyuhstalicant fanent "etc. While all the preceding Karikas lead up to it, the succeeding ones follow from it. But the specific treatment (fat96801) of the types of Dhvani in poetry is to be found only in the following chapters, from the point of view of Vyangya in the second chapter and from the point of view of vyanjaka in the third chapter. The procedure adopted in the Dhvanyaloka is as follows; first the author states the theory in nut-shell, then examines it in all its implications, and

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Anandavardhana's Contribution to Research Methodology 165 finally sums up the main results of his investigation in a memorable verse. The bare essence of the theory is given in about 120 karikas. Ananda avoids all details and debates in the karika portions reserving them all for his prose vrtti or gloss. The vrtti is a supplement of the karika. It supplies illustrations and offers explanations, it adds new material and answers objections, both actual and anticipated. The remarkable observations made in the vrtti portion are summed up in the form of memorable verses called parikara-slokas. Thus the method adopted by Ananda for presenting the results of his investigation is very sound and novel. (c) Relevance of Research to Contemporary Society Ananda built a new structure of poetic theory on the foundation of the thought of his predecessors namely Bharata, Bhamaha, Udbhata and Vamana. For the first time in the history of Indian poetics he asked basic questions relating to aesthetics and semantics and answered them systematically like a philosopher. Ananda was both a poet-critic and philosopher of the first rank, a fact which is evidenced by one of his verses cited in the vrtti on Dhvanyaloka, III.44 yA vyApAravatI rasAn rasayituM kAcitkavInAM navA dRSTiryA pariniSThitArthaviSayonmeSA ca vaipshcitii| te dve apyavalambya vizvamanizaM nirvarNayanto vayaM zrAntA naiva ca labdhamabdhizayana tvadbhaktitulyaM sukham // Ananda defines poetry as combination of word and sense that imparts aesthetic pleasure to the refined reader; sahRdayahRdayAhAdi zabdArthamayattvameva chrum TUTH I His Dhvani-theory makes a clear advancement in the evolution of the concept of poetry. He investigates into the inner spirit which he finds in the suggestive power of word (Vyanjana) and suggestion (Dhvani). He recognised powers of word namely (i) Abhidha that gives literal sense, (ii) Laksana that gives secondary sense. He thought that these two were not adequate to give the complete meaning of poetry and hence he has accepted the meaning of poetry and hence he has accepted the third power of word called Vyanjana which gives deeper sense.

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C. Panduranga Bhatta For the first time in Indian literary criticism Ananda propounded the fundamental principle of aesthetic judgement namely "cArutvotkarSanibandhanA hi aag: fan." In all poetry, there will be two elements: the plainly stated and the suggested. The literary critic's judgment is involved in deciding which is relatively more prominent. The criterion for such judgment is provided only by his aesthetic impression of the two. That which strikes him as more beautiful will decide his characterizing it as Dhvanikavya or Gunibhuta-vyangya. Inspite of so much discussion of the nature of poetry by language philosophers, theoreticians, and rhetoricians, there is very little of practical criticism in Sanskrit poetics. Such applied criticism is available to some extent for the first time in the work of Ananda. 166 Makaranda According to Ananda, it is not consistent with propriety to describe love in its vulgar form, in the case of divine characters. Though Ananda criticises this in his Dhvanyaloka he is moderate in his remarks on this literary flaw. According to him, this poetic blemish does not become patent in Kalidasa as it is submerged by the artistic beauty of the description; mahAkavInAmavyutpattikRtamapyuttamadevatAviSayapratiSiddhasaMbhogazRGgAra nibandhanAdyanaucityaM zaktitiraskRtatvAt grAmyatvena na pratibhAseta yathA kumArasaMbhave devIsambhogavarNanam // Thus the adverse criticism raised by Ananda against Kalidasa paves the way for a glowing tribute to his extraordinary genius. This appears revolutionary in the light of the dogmatic approach of other poeticians who, following the traditional method, ignore or decry such tendencies in the literature of the period9. Ananda says that, in the Mahabharata, Moksa is depicted as the foremost of human values and Santa as the predominant sentiment1o. At the end of the war, Yudhisthira was in the dejected mood, and, being unable to derive any pleasure in victory, hankered after quietude and final emancipation. The self-realization on the part of Yudhisthira, the vibhava of Santarasa in the epic, is testified by the following verse. He says, fie on the usages of Ksatriya, fie on might and valour, fie on wrath, since through these such a calamity has overtaken us; dhigastu kSatramAcAraM dhigastu balamaurasam / dhigastvamarSaM yenemAmApadaM gamitA vayam //

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Anandavardhana's Contribution to Research Methodology 167 Thus the Mahabharata clearly shows that human nature ultimately pines for tranquility and peace. It further emphasizes the futility of war or violence as a means of attaining artha, kama, and dharma. The Mahabharata offers us an alternative method, which is self-realization through the control of human desire. To a world, which is seeking desperately for an alternative to war and violence, the poem seems to offer a solution. Again it is Anandavardhana who gave this remarkable interpretation of the epic poem for the first time. All these issues investigated by Anandavardhana were not only relevant to his own contemporary society but they will remain relevant for ever. (d) Citations and References In discussing different problems regarding the Dhvani theory, Ananda cites about 150 passages. Of these many verses are from the works of eminent poets like Kalidasa, Amaruka, Bana, Mayura, Sriharsa, Dharmakirti, Bhattanarayana, and others. In his efforts to propound his own theory of poetry by probing into its form and structure, he has drawn upon the evidence of his own experience as a poet; fu may calcuyarety Terrei afgha1111 It may be pointed out here that Ananda had no false modesty and did not refrain from citing a few of his own verses, too, as illustrations. Again, Ananda for the first time gives us, in Indian poetics examples of literacy analysis. Unlike his predecessors he cites a large number of illuminating examples from the best writers in Sanskrit literature and discusses with insight the reasons for their appeal to a man of taste. It may be observed here that citations made in the Dhvanyaloka serve the definite purpose and they are not cited for the sake of filling space or for displaying author's erudition. Some citations themselves form the subject of discussion and others lend support to author's own argument. (e) Style Ananda avoids making tall claims about the importance of his findings and slighting the work of other researchers in the same area. At one place Ananda says that he has nothing but respect for the work of the ancients; and that he will utilize the same wholeheartedly;

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168 C. Panduranga Bhatta tatra vAcyaH prasiddho yaH prakArairupamAdibhiH / bahudhA vyAkRtaH so'nyaiH kAvyalakSmavidhAyibhiH // tato neha pratanyate // and kevalamanUdyate yathopayogam" / Ananda has avoided strong language while criticizing others and this is instanced in the following: asphuTasphuritaM kAvyatattvametadyathoditam / azaknuvadbhirvyAkartuM rItayaH sampravartitAH 13 // Makaranda Those who were unable to explain properly this essential principle of poetry as they had only a glimmer of it, have brought into vogue the theory of styles. At one place Purvapaksin says that he cannot understand the reason why persons should close their eyes under the self-assumed illusion of being 'perceptive critics' and dance about with joy saying that they have discovered dhvani therein; dhvanirdhvaniriti yadetadalIkasahRdayatvabhAvanAmukulitalocanairnRtyate tatra hetuM na vidmaH 14 / For this Ananda says that the enthusiasm of persons imbued in their minds with the value of suggestion is quite proper. None need display jealousy to show somehow that they are all men of deranged minds; na ca teSu kathaJcidIrSyayA kaluSitazemuSIkatvamAviSkaraNIyam // 15 At another place Purvapaksin asks 'will quality of forcefulness ever arise from words without the texture of long compounds ? ojasaH punaH kathamaniyatasaGghaTanAzabdAzrayatvam na hyasamAsA saGghaTanA kadAcidojasa AzrayatAM pratipadyate " / For this Ananda very politely replies: 'if your mind is possessed by the ghost of blind faith in convention, we cannot say anything. Otherwise, we will ask you why it should not be so ? ucyate yadi na prasiddhimAtragrahadUSitaM cetastadatrApi nana brUmaH / ojasaH / kathamasamAsA saGghaTanA nAzrayaH" / Ananda avoids labouring the obvious and supplying the elementary information on the subject. He says : dimAtraM tUcyate yena vyutpannAnAM sacetasAm / buddhirAsAditAlokA sarvatraiva bhaviSyati //

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Anandavardhana's Contribution to Research Methodology 169 Refined critics can be educated even by a mere indication of the direction. With their enlightened minds they will guess aright everywhere. Ananda contented himself with indicating the broad types of Dhvani-varieties. He says that innumerable varieties of Dhvani were possible; evaM dhvaneH prabhedAH prabhedabhedAzca kena zakyante / saMkhyAtuM diGmAtraM teSAmidamuktamasmAbhiH // It may be pointed out here that Abhinavagupta gives 9940 varieties whereas Mammata's figure is 10455. But when we see the preponderance of minute classification and subtle hairsplitting arguments in the Dhvanyaloka we may feel that Ananda has wasted his energy on matters insignificant in respect of literary criticism. But we must not forget that Ananda is an ancient writer living in an age when the whole atmosphere was permeated with a love for philosophical argument and logical subtlety. Ananda refrains from illustrating the blemishes seen in the works of great poets. He feels that a loud exposure of the defects of great men who have the bright light of a thousand good sayings about them would amount to a censure of the critic himself; sUktisahasradyotitAtmanAM mahAtmanAM doSodghoSaNamAtmana eva dUSaNaM bhavatIti na vibhajya darzitam / Ananda's foremost aim was to establish the existence of the pratiyamana sense. About the function which was required to convey that sense, opinions might differ-he himself has acknowledged this and on his part he thought vyanjana or suggestion as the most logical and convenient way of revealing that sense : arach raucurata faini usaha ATUT: TG Curts - ityasmAbhirabhyupagatam / tasya caivamapi na kAcit kSatiH / taddhi vyaJjakatvaM liGgatvamastu anyadvA prasiddha zabdaprakAravilakSaNatvaM zabda vyApAraviSayatvaM ca tasyAsti-iti nAstyevAvayovivAdaH // On the whole, the style of Ananda is very similar to the style adopted in the research works of modern days. Conclusion The conclusion of Ananda recalls to the reader the claim made in the introduction and then, on the basis of the whole argument of the work, it reiterates in summary form the findings and this restatement highlights the soul of the argument in his work. Ananda in his conclusion says that the *

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170 C. Panduranga Bhatta Makaranda theory of principal suggestion has been propounded thus for in all its bearings with the view to clearing up conflicting opinions; vai saf Hus vipratipattinirAsArthaM vyutpAdyaM tadavyutpAdena prayojanAntaramucyate / He also explains the other practical uses to which such a theory might be put. According to him, endless of creative imagination in poets will be another outcome of the theory of principal and subordinated suggestion. He says in his conclusion that he has shown in poetry the presence of dhvani or suggestion so that it may prove a source of enjoyment to sublime souls even like magnificent wish-fulfilling tree; kAvyAkhye'khilasaukhyadhAmni vibudhodyAne dhvnirdrshitH| so'yaM kalpatarUpamAnamahimA bhogyo'stu bhavyAtmanAm // He further says that the true nature of the essence of good poetry was but dimly discerned and remained asleep as it were, all along, even in the minds of men with mature intelligence. It has now been set forth at length in order that it might wake-up once again in refined critics. satkAvyatattvanayavartma ciraprasupta kalpaM manassu, paripakvadhiyAM yadAsIt / tadavyAkarot sahRdayodayalAbhaheto rAnandavardhana iti prathitAbhidhAna:24 // Like a true research work, instead of stopping the controversy about literary theories once and for all time, the Dhvanyaloka gave a fresh impetus for discussions with a greater zest. Later poeticians of repute like Mammata, Visvanatha, Vidyanatha, Vidyadhara and Jagannatha simply accepted the Dhvani-theory as the last word in Indian poetics. Even independent writers, who differed from Ananda, found it impossible to ignore him. In fact, Kuntaka, Mahimabhatta, Rajasekhara and Bhoja have all restated as it were the essentials of the new theory itself by adopting different terminologies. Ananda is recognized as the greatest authority in the field of Sanskrit poetics by Jagannathapandita. He noted : dhvanikRtAM AlaGkArikasamayavyavasthApakatvAta25 // Ananda's Dhvanyaloka sums up and explains all the previous speculations on the subject. It makes the end of the old school of criticism and heralds the birth of a modern school, modern in style, in theory, and in approach.

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Anandavardhana's Contribution to Research Methodology 171 Annotations : 1. Subhasitaratnabhandagara, p. 29. 2. Dhvanyaloka, I.1. 3. Ibid., before 1.2. 4. The Dhvanyaloka and Its critics, p. 153. '5. See Locana on Dhvanyaloka I. 19. 6. Dhva., 1.13. 7. Ibid., p. 22. 8. Ibid., p. 124. 9. Ibid., p.274 : Pili wa THIRR, HTCHut: yaref: gaumentata 10. Mahabharata, "santi"., 7.5. 11. Dhvanyaloka, Ed. K. Krishnamoorthy, p. 12. Dhvanyaloka, I. 3. 13. Ibid., III. 46. 14. Ibid., p. 4. 15. Ibid., p. 28. 16. Ibid., p. 122. 17. Ibid. 18. Ibid., II. 14. 19. Ibid., III. 45. 20. Ibid., p. 70. 21. Ibid., III. 22. Ibid., IV Udyota beginning. 23. Ibid., after IV. 18. 24. Ibid., 25. Rasagangadhara, p. 19.

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Ecological Awareness in Indian Tradition (Specially as Reflected in Sanskrit literature) Leela Arjunwadkar Ecology is a relatively new science that concerns itself with the interrelationship of organisms and their environments. Paradoxically enough, it owes its existence to the amazing progress man has made in certain branches of science during the last 50 years. The span and stride of this progress is so great that it is threatening the very survival of man. And hence an awareness for ecological balance gained momentum all over the world. So ecological awareness, per se, is of very recent origin. Put an end to the destructive progress and use of science. Love and nurture, not loot and plunder, nature'is the motto of this new branch of science. In this ambit I have tried to see the relation between man and Nature as it existed in Indian tradition. My conclusions would be the ancient Indian attitude as reflected in Sanskrit literature (which is the most important source of information in this context) has never been anthropocentric and relationship between man and nature has always been that of love, harmony, and peaceful inter-dependence. In the end, however, I have posed some questions that are very pertinent to the present situation. Nature means 'the external world in its entirety, the creative and controlling force in the universe.' In that sense man is also a part, and a very important one, of nature. But we list him apart because he is intellectually the most gifted and developed species in nature. So much so, that he is able to pose serious threats even to nature. The present situation is so grave that man and nature could very well be a dichotomical division.

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174 Leela Arjunwadkar Makaranda Moreover, it is not unlikely that we Indians have started taking the attitude of man and nature as something different from each other since Western influences have started gathering around us. During the last 200 years in general and last 50 in particular, our life and attitudes have changed enormously. Our thinking patterns, attitudes, lifestyles have become more and more West-oriented-more specially with the thrust of industrialization, urbanization, and population explosion. The Greek and Roman cultures were born and brought up within the ramparted cities of Athens and Rome. Indian culture, on the other hand, was born and nurtured on the lap of Mother Nature. And hence, nature always had an inseparable and vibrant share in the Indian ethos, though affluent citylife was not unknown. We have vivid descriptions of big cities humming with various activities, crowded with people from all directions and resounding with tenfold sounds. Even today several rites and austerities are centered around trees and creepers, birds and mountains and rivers. A tulsi plant is a must in every Indian home. Pilgrimages to holy places that are mostly situated in natural surroundings hold an attraction for an Indian. Anchorite life has always fascinated Indian mind. In fact scriptures ordain it as the third stage in the life of every Hindu. The thought that there is a very intimate relationship between nature and man appeared in English literature as late as Wordsworth and Coleridge in the first generation and Keats, Shelley and Byron in the second. It is these poets that ushered in the era of Romanticism and in it there was a profound shift in sensibility. These poets had an altogether new intuition for the primal power of the wild landscape, the spiritual correspondence between man and nature. They displayed an immense sense of the Infinite and the Transcendental. Prior to that, Greek thought held its sway. Europe, following the Greek thought, had always felt a great attraction for tragedy in literature, where the hero is always in conflict with his surroundings. A culture that fights with its environment creates tragedies, while a culture that has a harmonious relationship with its environment has a liking for comedies, or rather happy endings in a drama. Following this pattern of thought a new branch of literary

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Ecological Awareness in Indian Tradition 175 studies, known as "literary ecology' has come into being. Though pastorals had been in vogue since Greek times, tragedy had always held the place of honour. In his constant battle against nature, his confirmed adversary whom man has always wanted to conquer and subjugate, the only saving grace for man in his moral height. This is the great quality of a tragic hero. To a Westerner, man is most blatantly the measure of all things and nature exists only for him. In Indian thought, on the other hand, this is not entirely and blatantly so. Since Vedic times, it has been believed that the world is a cosmos, and an ordered whole, governed by the principle of Rta. Then the metaphysical concept of Brahman linked up all things in this world as products of one and the same principle. Again the principles of rebirth and retribution (Karmavipaka) have resulted in the innate belief in the continuum of existence and linkage in all species, whether birds or animals or reptiles or insects or human beings or also gods. And so, by definition as well as in belief, Indian mind has not been totally anthropocentric. This awareness for existence may not have been cultivated on a conscious plane, but it has percolated down the centuries in the Indian mind as a vague nimbus of collective conscience. It got expressed through religious terms, through the concepts of Dharma and A-dharma, through the terms of merit and sin. Fear and attraction and awe for nature also must have got intermixed. Today in the twentieth century these beliefs seem to be tenuous and have mostly taken the form of dead tradition. Ancient Indian tradition has always cherished, respected and adored nature. Perhaps this is the characteristic of several ancient peoples like the Chinese, Japanese, the Red Indians, Eskimos. I remember to have read the letter written around 1880 by a Red Indian chieftain to the President of the United States regarding how the white man is recklessly plundering nature, denuding forests and killing wildlife just for the sake of his own pleasure and luxury, which is seriously and adversely affecting their own right to live. They themselves had been using nature-resources, no doubt, but very frugally and without in any way disturbing its cycle. That is the best way to love and respect Nature and live in harmony with it.

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176 Leela Arjunwadkar Makaranda Indian mind has always believed in a harmonious relationship with nature. (It is because of this attitude, among other things, that Sanskrit literature does not have any tragedy.) 'If by felling trees, slaughtering animals a person goes to heaven, which is the pathway to hell ?' asks one poet and registers his objection to sacrifice. Man may be different from other species because of his brain faculties and abilities, but he is as much an integral part of Nature as are other things and creatures. I remember a poem-a modern one-in which the sun gets uneasy because the tiny grass flower has not bloomed. The sweet little flower answers--'I will open up and smile provided you promise to shine.' Just imagine a puny thing laying down a condition for the sun! Man has no right to thwart and destroy this harmony and balance in Nature, through his unbridled grabbing of nature's resources. Manu, the well-known ancient Indian law-maker, asks hermitage-dwellers not to till the land around their penance-grove. They are supposed to be of very simple habits so far as food and other things are concerned. In this context the philosophical stand of Masanobu Fukuoka regarding man-nature relationship is worth noting. He has a lot to say on nature remaining undisturbed, unlooted and enriched. It is for this end, we find in Sanskrit literature, that man has sought peace and bliss from nature. For that end he has also sought to make a discreet distinction between need and greed, to lessen at least, if not to minimize, his wants and live a simple life with only a few wants. In this connection I am reminded of Galbraith's famous remark--'We have to give up the mania of changing our car every six months.' Another thoughtful American friend had said-'I am not so much afraid of the human over-population in the underdeveloped countries, as I am of the unbridled consumerism of the affluent countries.' In classical Sanskrit literature we have very happy pictures of the penance-groves, the entrancing beauties of thick forests that are uncontaminated by the hum and noise, hustle and bustle of urban life. We have contrasting pictures of the penance-grove culture and urban culture. The former is full of love, cherished memories, goodwill for everyone. No one is an orphan there. Lofty trees shower loving presents and cuckoos sing benedictions. Urban culture, on the other hand, is like a house engulfed in flames, full of a maddening crescendo of noises, unconcerned people and,

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Ecological Awareness in Indian Tradition 177 above all, bereft of memory, steadfast love and full of fickle passions. One poet wonders, like the Duke in Shakespeare's As You Like It, why people seek to wallow in the dirt of city life and go on begging and bowing before vile people when all good things are waiting for them in the forest glades. Nature is to them a living and loving character, a symbol of intense and deep love. In fact nature was the chief raw material of the Indian poet, who usually treated it in relation to man and rarely described it for its own sake. The phenomena of seasons, day and night, birds and beasts and flowers are employed to frame human emotions or are personified as counterparts of the human subjects of the poet. There are umpteen literary conventions or symbols to this effect. Throughout this literature a deep love of nature is implicit, especially in Kalidasa, who for this reason among others, has a higher reputation in the West than any other ancient Indian poet. In Indian thought a sharp line is not drawn between the worlds of man and nature. The Universe is an ordered Whole of which man is a part. Imbued with the spirit that is transcendent and immanent, the same life-giving essence that is in man, circulated in every part of it. The propelling force, therefore, in Kalidasa's poetry is to see nature, not as a setting for man and a backdrop to the human drama, but to perceive it as possessing a life of its own and as related to the human world in many complex ways. This is very true. To Kalidasa, not only the seasons, but all nature in all its aspects and moods, was a living being. To him it became a vivid and sentient replica of the human world--expecting and giving love in abundance, displaying intense emotions and attachments. This might be the cause why Lord Siva in his eight-fold form (Astamurti) appealed to him. That form embraces the whole universe. In the absence of this attitude he could not have written several of his beautiful pieces. In fact the ever-changing charms of the seasons, as also the beauty of rivers, ocean, mountains, sunrise and sunset have become a must for Sanskrit epic poetry. Stray verses also display a rich love of nature, though they frame it in the span of only four lines. It must be mentioned, however, that attitudes change from poet to poet and writer to writer and nature has been viewed by different poets and

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178 Leela Arjunwadkar Makaranda writers from diverse points of view-pragmatic, realistic, idealistic. Kautilya, not a poet but a third century B. C. theoretician, took an entirely pragmatic view of nature when he wrote on the science of statecraft. From that point of view he recommends how sites should be selected for the capital, for the royal palace, how particular plants and trees as also birds and animals be kept to protect the king from fire, poison and snakes. He tells us about how the king should use rivers, mountains, forests, lakes, trees to fix up boundaries. How, further, he should use barren land and develop special sanctuaries for elephants and deer. He has sharply decried addiction to hunting. But that is because it spoils the king, not because of any ecological awareness. In such details, we find, Kautilya is utilizing every detail and contour of nature for the benefit of the king. I have heard of a manuscript on the science of animals and birds (Mrgapaksisastra), a remarkable text of the 14th century. A king, who was fond of hunting, felt one day that if such unrestricted hunting continued all the beasts and birds would get destroyed. So he asked a Jain Pandit in his court to write down their descriptions, habits, habitats etc. This is a remarkable piece of awareness for nature. The fear of that king came into reality during the one hundred and fifty years of British rule, when because of too much hunting tigers, cheetas etc. actually became endangered or extinct species. Nature descriptions in the Ramayana are generally realistic or photographic. But there, too, the mental frame of the person concerned is not entirely absent. Kalidasa's nature pictures emerge as if from the brush of a painter, but still nature is a living reality for him. He expresses human emotions in terms of nature, and natural phenomena in terms of human emotions. Even in stray verses we have ideas and figures of speech that prove how macrocosm and microcosm merge into each other. In fact most of the imagery of Sanskrit poets, be they epic poets, dramatists or poets composing stray verses, is inspired and shaped by nature. If sun, moon, stars, sky, clouds, mountains, rivers, ocean, birds, animals, flowers--especially lotus,-fruits, trees etc. were to be left out, what would the poets do? Several figures of speech in Sanskrit literature mostly derived their material from nature.

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Ecological Awareness in Indian Tradition 179 Literary conventions like the longings (dohadas) of different trees also show how the hero with his erotic longings is symbolized in those trees. Along with this we must take into account one particularly striking facet of man-nature relationship in Sanskrit literature and Indian ethos. If the king does not behave properly, in keeping with Dharma, the cycle of nature stands obstructed. The King's sinful ways make his subjects suffer. An irresponsible king's sins visit upon his subjects. That means nature responds to or is affected by the good and evil of the humans, especially of the ones in high office. I have often wondered whether this is just a conventional belief or just a laudatory statement or if there is any grain of metaphysical or mystical truth in it. If we ponder over what Fukuoka has to say regarding man-nature relationship, if we try to fathom the depths of the Upanisadic statements like Thou art That', and if we read what great souls have to say about their mysterious mystical experiences, I think, this attitude towards nature, gives an altogether new perception and insight to us. We begin to realize that the emotional life of all things and species in nature is the same. That even the trees and plants are sentient was proved by J. C. Bose in the last century. That is why we find all types of characters in Sanskrit Literature-human beings, gods and goddesses, rivers, demons, trees, serpents, celestial nymphs etc., and that their share in the same emotional life is the umbilical cord that binds all to Mother Nature. Amazing corroboration for this point comes from modern physicists like Fritjof Capra and David Bohm. Capra tells us that mystics in the East have through intuition grasped the fundamental unity of all things in the universe. David Bohm, while discussing the cosmic dimension speaks of the healing touch of nature. Quite a few books dealing with the living touch of jungle life breathe of the same spirit. The thrilling account of a young girl who traversed the great Australian desert from the east to the west coast in the company of only four camels and two dogs describes the remarkable insight she got into space and time during that journey. The same is the attitude of Sanskrit writers towards nature. It shows a harmonious part-whole relationship with nature. To a certain extent at least

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180 Leela Arjunwadkar Makaranda it has percolated down to the present times as an inherited faith. I had to get a tree in my garden felled. The man whom I had hired for the purpose came with all the materials of worship. He worshipped the tree, broke a coconut, begged the tree to forgive him--for the sin of killing a living being, though for the sake of his livelihood. I was sincerely moved by this act of his and got indirectly a confirmation of the correctness of the picture of man-nature relationship in my mind. It can be said a bit derogatorily that this is just symbolic, an idealistically conceived point of view, and that also may be tinged with fear, merit-andsin consideration, Dharma-Adharma concept. That may be so. But what is significant is that it has seeped down to the lowest strata of Indian society as is evinced by the above experience of mine. But recently an agro-economist, who is also a Sanskritist, has completely shattered this picture to pieces. With his crassly pragmatic approach and ruthless logic he has pointed out that unless we want to have planned poverty', especially for the people in hilly and backward areas, we have got to take up more and more developmental projects. A harmonious and ideal relationship between man and nature was possible in olden days because there was no population explosion, and social fabric was essentially based on inequality and accepted as such. With the menacing problem of population growth and the aim of our development as a nation, we have to accept the fact of, as also the hazards of spiralling industrialization. May be, because of this, our moon and constellations will be contained in neon-signs and we will have to be content with indoor plants and pet animals etc. If ecological imbalance and environmental problems is the price we have to pay, we will have to pay it and seek newer solutions. But now the wheel cannot be turned back.. This shattering stance has completely undone me and quite a few vexing questions are tormenting me : 1. Is my analysis of the old Indian ethos correct or is it mere escapism or idealism? 2. Was the old harmonious relationship possible only because there was no population problem and inequality was the accepted norm of the social structure ?

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181 Ecological Awareness in Indian Tradition 3. Did the theory of retribution (Karmavipaka) gain a very strong foothold in India because it was the only panacea for this structure? 4. Is it, as the great philosopher J. Krishnamurti asked-is the mind in India being caught and carried away by the materialistic wave? The wave is threatening the Western World, expressing itself through technology, materialism, nationalism. The Western mind is moving in the direction of the outer and it dominates the world. So is India losing something that was there ?' 5. What is in store for us? Mutation or metamorphosis? Or is complete destruction waiting to pounce on us-the homo sapiens? To sum up : Science has been more a problem-monger than a problem-solver. It has created and complicated more problems, than it has solved. So we cannot hope to find any solution for the present crisis in the progress of science. We have to seek solution elsewhere. Religion in the traditional sense also will bring no solution as with all its dogma and ritual it has become outdated. So what is essential is a truly religious feeling, an inculcation of ethical values that make a clearcut distinction between need and greed as also deep feeling of reverence, love, sanctity and responsibility towards Nature. Ancient man had a close and live relationship with nature, which he kept alive through his myths, rites etc. Now in a complex society like ours every man, every scientist has to find out and reinterpret his own relationship with nature. To rediscover this is to have a true ecological awareness. For that, education at the individual level is the only solution, though it is a very slow meandering process. But it is as essential as it is difficult. In this great struggle of ours, no sacrifice is too great, no effort too small.

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182 Leela Arjunwadkar Makaranda Reference Literature 1. Ed. Margaret Frabble and Jenny Stringe : The Concise Oxford Companion to English Literature, Oxford University Press, 1987. 2. Masanobu Fukuoka : The One Straw Revolution, Friends Rural Centre, Rasulia, Hoshangabad 1978. 3. Basham A. L. : The Wonder That Was India, Orient Longman Ltd., 1963. 4. Rajan Chandra : Kalidasa - The Loom of Time, Penguin Books (India) Ltd., New Delhi 1989. 5. Capra Fritjof: The Tao of Physics, Bantam Books, 1980. 6. Bohm David and Teat David : Science, Order and Creativity, Bantam Books, 1987 7. Jaykar Pupul : Krishnamurti - A Biography, Harper and Row, 1986. 8. Krishnamurti on Education, Orient Longman Ltd., 1974. (This paper was presented to The Assembly of the World's Religions, Seoul, Korea, 1992 in the Section Making Peace with the Earth')

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Vyasa's Leftovers : Food Imagery in Indian Literature Vidyut Aklujkar I have a feeling that, in representing South and Southeast Asia on this panel on Food, I may have bitten off more than I can chew. But I am going to follow a practice of my childhood of finishing everything on my plate, once I have been served. A Marathi proverb prescribes that one should chew every bite thirty-two times. Hence, I am going to deal with my meal in all possible ways, even if in brief morsels, so as to savour all the rasas, or tastes that can be savoured. [Since the South and Southeast Asian section is habitually placed at the tail end of the plenary session panel, after the appetizers, main course and deserts have been served, my topic today is entitled, Leftovers, or to be exact, Vyasa's Leftovers : Food in Literature. I shall interpret literature to denote mainly Indian literature, in Sanskrit and in vernaculars, from Vedic to contemporary times.) The paper is divided into two sections. In the first, I shall take note of the most valuable conceptual and theoretical contributions of South Asia to the study of food, and in the second, I shall discuss the treatment of leftover food in life and literature. The latter excursion will allow me to discuss topics such as purity and pollution, clannish acceptance and rejection, Bhakti, or worship and its ritual practices, and finally, originality and plagiarism in literature. Since ancient times, food has been studied in India from all possible angles, such as the Dharma-sastra or religious lawbooks, politics, philosophy, including logic, ethics, and metaphysics, mythology, medicine, social studies, poetics and the science of literary criticism, to name a few. Although several

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Makaranda 184 Vidyut Aklujkar original contributions can be traced in each of these disciplines, the two or three most well-known deserve mention here. One is the Rasa theory of Indian science of dramaturgy and poetics. Rasa can be translated as juice, essence, sap, flavour or enjoyment. Rasa theory, first elaborated by Bharata' uses the culinary model/motif to explain literary enjoyment. Just as different tastes of food combine to produce flavour in food, similarly different emotions expressed by the actors and actresses generate the aesthetic enjoyment in the audience. Just as food is classified as sweet, sour, salty, bitter, hot and astringent, literature is classified with reference to the dominant moods: love, humour, pathos, valour, danger, disgust and terror. The rasa theory has had many eminent exponents since and it remains a standard theory of literary criticism even in contemporary India. The second most important current of thought is the one which upholds purity of food to be of central importance in purifying one's body and mind, thus leading on to the ultimate goal of human life, salvation. The earliest expression of this is in the Chandogya Upanisad VII. 26. 23. This line of thought links food with Karma and rebirth, thus generating several corollaries in ethics, religion and mythology. One such corollary is the supposition that a person should always give out portions of his cooked food to Gods, guests, beasts etc, and only after the sacrifice should himself eat. Those that cook for themselves are said to be the sin-eaters. The triangle of food, Karma and rebirth is pivotal to the later development of Indian religions such as Hinduism, Buddhism and Jainism which stress non-violence as a virtue and prescribe vegetarianism as a morally superior diet. Indians acknowledge the all-pervasiveness of food early on by equating food with the all-pervasive principle, Brahman. The Upanisads have declared food to be the highest ultimate principle, 'annam brahmeti vyajanat'.' The central concept regarding food in general in ancient Indian literature is that you are what you eat, and therefore, all actions of eating, conscious or unconscious, are to be taken seriously, and each one is supposed to have its consequences, if not here and now, then in the next birth, or even several births later. This conviction of dietary accountability gets translated in the Dharmasastra', into elaborate injunctions and taboos regarding food preparation, serving and consumption, whereas in the epics and the puranas,

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Vyasa's Leftovers : Food Imagery in Indian Literature 185 it generates innumerable myths and stories of rewards of pious actions such as guest-feeding, and gift of food, and stories of gory consequences to wrong food-consumption or food-theft. Such an attitude is crystallized in a celebrated definition of meat with reference to the reciprocity of dinner and diner. Manu, the most influential lawgiver (circa 1st c. A.D.), declares that the animal whose meat I am eating here and now will eat me later. That is why meat is called "me + eat" by the wise thinkers'. In most literature, food remains a central metaphor spanning the poles of life and death and encompassing everything in between. It is obvious that food is associated with life, since experience tells us that eating of food sustains life. This fact leads to the belief that food actually generates life, annad bhavanti bhutani, to quote the Bhagavad Gita 3.14. The idea is found in many texts such as the Taittiriya Brahmana10, the Taittiriya Upanisad 11 etc. Later on in the epics and puranas, this idea of the life-giving potency of food is stretehed to the point of literally positing certain foods as producing progeny. Many variations on the theme are found, where oral consumption of actual semen or of rice, ghee, mango etc. leads to the birth of a baby, eating multiple portions of a dish leads to multiple births, as in the case of the twin princes in the Ramayana, and eating of half portions leads to incomplete births as in the case of Jarasandha, or the king who was put together by the Demoness Jara, when he was born in two halves from his twin mothers' eating half a mango each. The transformation of food into progeny is a theme exploited innumerable times in the epic and puranic literature12. On the other hand, progeny may be viewed as food, either by human or divine diners, albeit in very rare instances. Myths centering upon cannibalism, ritual or real explore the darker side of the food/progeny complex13. In the eleventh canto of the Bhagavad Gita, when Lord Krsna manifests his cosmic form to the warrior Arjuna, he appears as Kala or Time which devours the entire universe. This cosmic vision of the Almighty manifests his multiple molars, chewing and pulverizing the multitudes of beings that enter the hungry hole. The triple world becomes a divine morsel and all people simply become sesame seeds on top. Food thus comes to be connected with death, in more ways than one. From the point of view of dietary commonsense, if a person has indigestion, then food is detrimental

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186 Vidyut Aklujkar Makaranda to his health and excess of food in extreme cases may lead to death. On the other hand, food is like medicine to starving people. Perhaps it is with similar outlook that the Taittiriya Brahmana II.8.8.3 declares that food is said to be both death and the medicine that averts death14. A carnivorous diet connects food at once with life and death. The epic Mahabharata illustrates a chain of successive victims and diners, such as a hunter killing an eagle, which is swooping on a snake, which is about to devour a frog which is finishing off a fly. Whether food is connected with life or death depends only on one's point of view. As a contemporary poet Shel Silverstein has noted in his poem, "Thanksgiving dinner's sad and thankless. Christmas dinner's dark and blue, When you stop and try to see it, from the turkey's point of view." As we noted earlier, the turkey's point of view is taken quite seriously in Indian literature and the awareness of the possibility of role reversal between the diner and his dinner permeates several myths and informs many lawbooks. Perhaps thanks to this built-in bipolarity, any concept of food exhibits ambivalent associations. This can be seen by examining the concept of leftover food as it is treated in Indian literature. Leftover food is a complex concept loaded with contradictory associations. In what follows, I shall attempt to show how it vacillates between opposites such as purity and pollution, generosity and miserliness, sacrality and profanity, desirability and disgust, acceptance in and rejection from a community, and plagiarism and originality in literature. The Sanskrit word for leftover food is 'ucchista,' which is explained as 'bhaktavasesa' which means food left over in a person's dish, or food that has once been in his mouth, or touched by his lips, tongue or saliva, and then left over, rejected or abandoned". Since purity of food is of central importance in the ancient Indian literature the topic of ucchista becomes equally important. The Bhagavad Gita16 classifies the ucchista along with food that is stale by standing overnight, food which is devoid of flavour, and stinking. The lawbooks consider leftover food even if it is not stale, polluted and hence unfit to be consumed by anyone. Texts like the Grhastha ratnakara explain the rationale by saying, "The evil deeds of men resort to their food. Whoever eats the food of another partakes of that man's sino7." The Dharmasastras or religious lawbooks allow only babies and children upto

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Vyasa's Leftovers : Food Imagery in Indian Literature 187 five years old to accept their parents' leftovers, but after that, no one can. Until the thread ceremony, a boy may dine from his mother's plate, but after that, he may not, since he then assumes his own personhood, and as an adult must observe the basic rules of hygiene and purity. Partaking of anyone's leftovers is forbidden, whereas partaking of a lower-class person's leftovers is particularly associated with dire consequences. The Visnu Smrti dictates that if one partakes of the leftovers of a Sudra, one should atone for it by throwing it up and later observe fast for seven nights in order to purify one's self18 Rules regarding purity and pollution that centre around the concept of leftover food are so strong that their observance is essential to an individual's acceptance in a community and their disregard, even inadvertent failure to observe them leads to the errant members' eviction from within a community. Eating someone else's leftover food is believed to be equivalent to sharing his sins. That is why it is dangerous, and such a behaviour gives rise to shame and disgust. These are not only old beliefs expressed in ancient texts, they are very much alive even today in most orthodox circles in India. So strong were these beliefs that in the early days of the Portugese regime in Goa, entire towns of Hindus were converted to Christianity because they happened to drink water from a well into which a piece of bread was thrown or even believed to be thrown by Christian missionaries. The villagers believed that they had eaten someone's leftover bread, and thereby were somehow 'changed' or 'defiled' and thereby they lost their own religious identity and were thus tricked into accepting the other's religious identity. This is an instance of what some scholars have called gastro-politics19. Of course, to all restrictions regarding leftover food there were exceptions, both within the orthodox tradition and within the subsequent reforms. Since ancient times, these exceptions were also practiced along with strong prohibitions. Thus we find injunctions such as : A person should always leave something on his plate, and whatever remains is to be given to his wife, servant or slave20." For a wife to be dining from her husband's plate eating his leftovers was supposed to be a sign of her loyalty. Even until now, such a behaviour was praised as exhibiting proper conjugal relationship. Needless to say that the opposite, that is, eating of the wife's leftovers by the

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188 Vidyut Aklujkar Makaranda husband, was rarely if ever publically practiced, and hardly ever confessed, let alone praised. To the general attitude of aversion towards eating anyone's leftovers, some other powerful exceptions have also been recorded. As early as in the Chandogya Upanisada, we find the story of Usasti Cakrayana which shows that in a dire calamity, to save one's life, one may eat even the remnants of another's food22. Considerations such as sustaining life may force one to eat leftovers, but on the other hand, we find that strong motives such as love or worship may lead a person to willingly accept leftovers from the beloved, the Guru, or God. This brings me to discuss the turnabout that the concept of leftover food makes under the sweeping influence of the doctrine of Bhakti or intense personal worship. Not only does it lose its negative associations with pollution, danger, and disgust but it assumes the connotations of highest purity, honour and bliss. The common practice of devotees is as follows: Food is prepared afresh daily and before serving anyone else, is arranged neatly in a dish and offered to God as one would to an honoured guest. It is believed that God blesses it, some believe that God actually samples it, and then, after the ritual offering is completed, the same food is offered as prasada, or blessed leftovers from God to all the assembled devotees. This ritual of worship transforms the profanity of defiled leftover food-consumption into the sacrality of sharing the divine feast. In some sects of worship or Bhakti, or in Sikhism where the Guru or spiritual teacher is equivalent to the Almighty, eating the leftovers of one's own Guru is taken to be the utmost token of the disciple's loyalty. Thus with the advent of Bhakti, or intimate personal worship of God, we find the concept of leftover food assuming interestingly significant and positive associations. It may seem that in the disciple's partaking of the teacher's leftovers there is a lopsided power politics as in the gender relations, where we noted how a wife is blessed when she eats the husband's leftovers but not vice versa. However, all such neat preconceived notions topple when we study the phenomenon of Bhakti. The concept of leftover food performs a double somersault as it were, and manages to land on all fours, without breaking

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Vyasa's Leftovers : Food Imagery in Indian Literature 189 any limbs. It is not only honourable for a devotee or a disciple to share the leftovers of his God or Guru, but we find stories in the Bhakti tradition where even God loves to share leftovers from his devotees. I have discussed these at length earlier in my paper "Sharing the Divine Feast"23, so here I shall mention a few examples just to explain the turnabout of the puritypollution notions. The earliest example of reciprocal love or reward of worship in this manner is noted by Sayana24 in explaining Rgveda 8.91, where Apala, a woman suffering from white leprosy chews the leaves of the soma plant to extract juice from them and offers it with love to Indra. Indra drinks the juice with pleasure, and sets up a paradigm of God's behaviour towards his devotees. Later Bhakti literature abounds in such instances where just like the devotee that partakes of God's leftover food, God also enjoys the leftovers of his devotees25. The earlier injunctions of observing purity of food are deliberately flaunted by the reformist strategies of the devotees of God, since they want to break the earlier barriers that separate humankind into rigid castes and they aspire to share the divine love among all, regardless of gender or status. We saw how the notions of purity and pollution undergo a radical change when coloured with Bhakti. The connected notions of clannish acceptance and rejection that we saw earlier expressed in orthodox Hinduism are also * turned upside-down when we are dealing with leftovers in the context of Bhakti. Eating of leftovers of "the other" was enough for an orthodox Hindu to be polluted and therefore, rejected from within his caste, and in extreme cases, from his religious identity. Under the discourse of Bhakti, ideally this is reversed, and it is precisely the eating of leftover food, of the God or of the devotees, that becomes desirable, and is denied to all but the fortunate few. I shall mention only one such instance. Bhakta poet Sant Ekanatha (15331599) was a brahmin by birth, and a well-read pandit by profession. He practised and preached the message of equality regardless of caste or creed. In his poems, he describes the pastoral life of Lord Krsna in great detail, dwelling at length on the favourite games of Krsna and his friends. He describes the communal meals of Krsna and his friends on the banks of Yamuna. Ekanatha's Krsna comes from an affluent home, so he brings from

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190 Vidyut Aklujkar Makaranda . home rich food for his midday meal, but his humble cowherd friends bring dried pieces of roties and whatever else they find tied somehow in their napkins27. Ekanatha's Krsna never eats alone. He makes everyone open his shidori, the bag-lunch, and makes each one put his meal together in a big pile. He adds his own meal to the pile as well. Then the friends feed each other, and share the mixture of all tastes. The superb flavour, the divine 'rasa' that this feast produces can only be imagined. Sometimes the cowherds engage in mock quarrels as to who should take the first morsel. Sometimes they accuse Krsna of being mischievous and gobbling up their food. Krsna often must break up their friendly quarrels by sharing his food with them. The gods in heaven are envious of the joy of the innocent cowherds and they want to share it too. So the gods assume the forms of the fish in the river Yamuna and wait in the hope of sharing the crumbs, ucchista; when the cowherds come to wash their hands in the river. But God Krsna plays a mischief again. He scares his cowherd friends away from the river by telling them about a ghost in the river. So they resume their play by simply wiping their hands on their bottoms. The cunning gods are thus deprived of sharing their leftovers, their ucchista which is freely available to those who are Krsna's friendly devotees. Ekanatha believes that he was blessed enough to partake the sacred leftovers from that common meal of Krsna's cowherds28 Now that we have travelled through centuries of Indian literature tracing the aroma of leftovers, it is time to turn to Vyasa and his leftovers. Vyasa is traditionally believed to be the visionary author of the great Indian epic, the Mahabharata. While praising the wealth of his insights, breadth of his topics and depth of his characters, it is said in Sanskrit, "vyasocchistam jagat sarvam" : "This entire world is Vyasa's leftovers." This can be interpreted in more than one senses. In one sense, it means that all later literature is like crumbs of Vyasa's plate. What is praise for Vyasa may sound like deprecation for other poets. Since Vyasa has already tasted it, it follows that the others are only savouring his stale leftovers, or using Vyasa's stolen goods. If this is so, then is there any room for freshness or originality in literature anymore ? Are all later poets plagiarizers? Interpreted thus, the metaphor of leftovers again helps us, since garnishing leftovers is a real test of any good cook's creativity. Any cook worthy of her salt will take the challenge and surprise

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Vyasa's Leftovers : Food Imagery in Indian Literature 191 her diners. Originality in this context simply gets redefined. Judging by the astounding volume and quality of reinterpretations of the themes, characters and messages of the Mahabharata, ranging from Bhasa and Bhattanarayana to Peter Brook and Shashi Tharoor, Vyasa's praise seems to have deterred no new poet or novelist of South Asia. * In another sense, the adage means, that there is nothing new under the sun, that Vyasa has anticipated it all in the Mahabharata. As his disciple Vaisampayana proclaims, "that which is elsewhere is already here, and what is not here is found nowhere29". When one seriously begins to study the Mahabharata, [I say, begins to study, since no one has yet finished studying the Mahabharata,] one finds the above praise to be not an exaggeration, but simply a modest description of the great epic. To take an example, in addition to all the topics that I have discussed so far in connection with the leftover food, the Mahabharata presents us with stories that give quite different connotations to the concept of leftover food. I am going to consider only two stories here before I conclude. In each of these there is a bird or a beast eating leftover food, and each in turn, links these birds and beasts with humans and their morality. Furthermore, each story takes the otherwise eulogized heroes of the epic such as Bhisma and Yudhisthira, and shows them in a less flattering light. One of these 30 mentions a curious female bird called Bhulinga sakuni, perhaps meaning the land-indicator bird, who lives on the other side of Mt. Himavat, and subsists by eating only leftover food. This bird eats not just any leftover food, but she carves out the particles of flesh stuck between a lion's teeth, and eats only those bits while chanting constantly, "Don't be foolhardy." King Sisupala of Cedi insults the grand old celibate Bhisma of the Kuru clan by equating his life with that of the Bhulinga bird. In calling Bhisma these names, sisupala doubly insults Bhisma. He implies that Bhisma's speech contradicts his own actions just as the silly bird's foolhardy action contradicts her own instruction. And secondly, Sisupala suggests that just as the bird stays alive only thanks to the lion's indulgence and mercy, Bhisma owes his life to the mercy and indulgence of Duryodhana, the present Kaurava king. The leftover-eating Bhulinga bird mentioned, to my knowledge, only in the Mahabharata, stands as a solitary example of someone who combines vanity and stupidity with a dangerously marginal

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192 Vidyut Aklujkar Makaranda existence. The second story is about a mongoose and the Pandava prince Yudhisthira". It frames the concepts of gift of food in the context of hunger, not only of the diners, but also of the donors. It makes us re-examine the normal connotations of miserliness and generosity associated with small and large gifts, in particular, gifts of food, with reference to leftover food. Needless to say that the gift of food is always praised in Indian literature as the most precious gift of all. We also saw that on the whole, leftover food was associated with defilement and pollution in the mainstream, and hence was forbidden as a gift". The Mahabharata narrates several stories of gifts of all kinds, and it often praises the eldest Pandava, Yudhisthira as a great donor, a kindhearted and generous king. However, in the Asvamedhika parvan, the following tale is told. Yudhisthira has just finished performing the great sacrifice, Asvamedha. He has given away untold wealth. Brahmins have received gold, gems, and money, the guest kings have received elephants, horses, jewels and women. There are streams of honey, wine and other intoxicants everywhere. There are tanks of ghee, and mountains of food being given away. Heavenly flowers are falling upon Yudhisthira's head and people are returning to their own countries singing praises of the great king. At that point a mongoose whose body is half golden comes out of a hole and makes a thunderous noise. The mongoose then declares in a human voice that this royal sacrifice cannot hold a candle to the one made by that poor brahmin living in this Kuruksetra earlier. They all are shocked to hear that and ask it to enlighten them further. The mongoose tells the king a story of the poor old Brahmin and his family. They had not had anything to eat for days together, because there was a famine. Finally, they come by some grains and with great effort prepare a meal. They are about to sit down to eat when a guest comes to the door, and the brahmin gives up his own share of food to satisfy the guest's hunger. When that is not enough, the brahmin's wife, then his son and then the daughter-in-law also give up their own portions of food to the guest. He eats, is satisfied, and praises the family, which remains starving. The guest declares, "Hunger gnaws at wisdom, hunger clouds morality. Hunger engulfs knowledge, and drives away courage. The one who can conquer hunger indeed wins the kingdom of heaven." With these words the guest leaves, and at

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Vyasa's Leftovers : Food Imagery in Indian Literature 193 heavenly chariot descends to take the blessed family to heaven. The mongoose says that he was drawn by the smell of food to that place of sacrifice by the Brahmin family, and he rolled in the leftover food and water spilled on the ground. Lo and behold, half his body which came into contact with those leftovers became golden. The other half, untouched by that food, remained dark. The mongoose says to King Yudhisthira, "Since then I have visited several sacred places in the hope of making my remaining body golden. I had no such luck again. I had come in great expectations to your sacrifice but even here, it did not turn golden. That is why I said earlier, that this sacrifice is not as great as the sacrifice made by that starving Brahmin and his family." The humbled King remains speechless. Annotations : 1. Natya Sastra 6.32-33 yathA bahudravyayutaivyaMjanairbahubhiryutam / AsvAdayanti bhuJjAnA bhaktaM bhaktavido janAH // ko dRSTAntaH / atrAha.... yathA hi nAnA vyaJjanauSadhidravyasaMyogAdrasaniSpattiH tathA nAnAbhAvopagamAd rasaniSpattiH bharata nATyazAstra, adhyAya 6 3. AhArazuddhau sattvazuddhiH sattvazuddhau dhuvA smRtiH / smRtilambhe sarvagranthInAM vipramokSaH // chAMdogya 7.26.2 4. yajJaziSTAzanaH santo mucyante sarvakilbiSaiH / bhuJjate te tvaghaM pApAH ye pacantyAtmakAraNAt // bhagavadgItA 5. Taittiriya Upanisad 3.2.1-3. 6. O"Flaherty 1980, David White in Khare 1992. 7.. Kane 1941, Rocher in O"Flaherty 1980. 8. Ludo Rocher in "Karma and Rebirth in the Dharma Sastra" in O"Flaherty, 1980. 9. mAMsa bhakSayitAmutra yasya mAMsamihAmyaham / etanmAMsasya mAMsatvaM pravadanti manISiNaH // manu 5.53 10. annamAhuH prajananaM prajAnAm / taittirIya brAhmaNa, annAdvai prajAH prajAyante // taittirIyopani. 22 11. annAd bhavanti bhUtAni jAtAnyannena vardhante / adyatetti ca bhUtAni tasmAdannaM taducyate // taittirIyopani. 22 12. O"Flaherty 1980; 13. Aklujkar 1996; Shulman 1993 etc. 14. annaM prANamannamapAnamAhuH / annaM mRtyu tamu jIvAtumAhuH // annaM brahmANo jarasaM vadanti / annamAhuH prajananaM prajAnAm // taittirIya brAhmaNa 2.8.8.3 15. By extension, 'ucchista' is also applied to a person who has not washed his hands and mouth after eating. Thus, Manu declares that one who is an ucshista

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194 Vidyut Aklujkar Makaranda should not go anywhere. na cocchistah kvacidvrajet. Manusmrti 2.56. This also is later connected with Tantra divinities such as the ucchista Ganesa and ucchista candali. I shall not deal with these in this paper. For more on these topics, see Chitrav Sastri's Bharatiya Sanskrti Kosa. 16. yAtayAmaM gatarasaM pUti paryuSitaM ca yat / ucchiSTamapi cAmedhyaM bhojanaM tAmasapriyam / / bhagavadgItA 17.10 17. Cited in Kane, 1941. p. 758. 18. E n aqui qoral H i farfa. This quotation is taken from Bharatiya Samskrti Kosa. p. 596. 19. Appadurai 1981. 20. Parasara madhaviya. I. pt. 1 p. 422, cited in Kane, 1941. p. 769. 21. Chandogya Upanisad 1. 10-11. 22. The learned brahmin Usasti declines from accepting water from the person whose leftover food he accepts, since taking any more than is absolutely necessary would be still accepting 'ucchista' or defiled food. This shows that even in dire circumstances, a man must use his own discretion and decline from indulging in acceptance of ucchista. For more on the subject of a particular ascetic practice of eating remnants of leftover meat, and on the word vighasasin : see Wezlar, 1978. 23. Aklujkar in Khare, 1992. 24. Cited in Chitrao, 1964. 25. Aklujkar 1992, Lutgendorf 1996, 26. SSG 3 : pp. abhangas 240-269. 27. "silya vitakya bhakari dahi bhata loni, melavoni mela kari cakrapani. SSG. 3 : p. 65, abhanga 240. 28. SSG. 4 : p. abhanga 241. Srihari vadhile, gopala jevile, ucchista sevile eka janardanim. 29. dharme cArthe ca kAme ca mokSe ca bharatarSabha / yadihAsti tadanyatra yatrehAsti na tatkvacit / / mahAbhArata. Adiparva 56.33 30. MBh Sabha Parva, sarga 42. 19-23. 31. MBh Asvamedhika parvan adhyaya 91-96. nakulopakhyanam. 32. annadAnAtparaM dAnaM na bhUtaM na bhaviSyati / puNyaM yazasyamAyuSyaM balapuSTivivardhanam // halAyudhakozaH / . 33. nocchiSTaM kasyaciddadyAt / manusmRti 2.56

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Vyasa's Leftovers: Food Imagery in Indian Literature 195 Bibliography: Aklujkar, Vidyut. "Sharing The Divine Feast: The Evolution of Food Metaphor in Marathi Sant Poetry." The Eternal Food: Gastronomic Ideas and Experiences of Hindus and Buddhists. edited by R. S. Khare. SUNY. New York 1992. Appadurai, Arjun. "Gastro-politics in Hindu South Asia." American Ethnologist, 8: 494-511. 1981. Chitrao, M. M. Siddheshwar Shastri. Bharatavarsiya Pracina Caritra Kosa. Bharatiya Caritra Kosa Mandala, Poona 1964. Chandogya Upanisad in Eighteen Principle Upanisads Vol. 1. ed. by V. P. Limaye and R. D. Vadekar. Vaidika Samsodhana Mandala. Poona 1958. Taittiriya Upanisad in Eighteen Principle Upanisads Vol. 1. ed. by V. P. Limaye and R. D. Vadekar. Vaidika Samsodhana Mandala. Poona 1958. Wendy Doniger O'Flaherty. ed. Karma And Rebirth in Classical Indian Traditions. Berkley. University of California Press 1980. P. V. Kane, "Bhojana," Chapter 22 in History of Dharmasastra, Vol. II, Part 11, 2nd. ed. (Poona : Bhandarkar Oriental Research Inst., 1941). The Mahabharata, the Adiparvan ed. by V. S. Sukthankar. Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Poona 1933. The Mahabharata, the Sabhaparvan ed. by Franklin Edgerton Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Poona 1944. Shulman, David. The Hungry God: Hindu Tales of Filicide and Devotion The University of Chicago Press. Chicago and London 1993. [BL 1236.76 S23 S581993.] Wezler, Albrecht. Die Wahren "Speiseresteesser" (Sk. Vighasasin) Akademie der Wissenschaften und der Literatur. Mainz 1978.

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The Resurrection of Carvaka Krishna S. Arjunwadkar THE INTELLECTUAL "The intellectual should constantly disturb, should bear witness to the misery of the world, should be provocative by being independent, should rebel against all hidden and open pressures and manipulations, should be the chief doubter of systems....and for this reason, an intellectual cannot fit into any role that might be assigned to him...and essentially doesn't belong anywhere he stands out as an irritant wherever he is." Quoted by Alan Clements in The Voice of Hope by Aung San Suu Kyi (Penguin Books, 1997; p. 92). (Abbr.: DPC stands for Debi Prasad Chattopadhyaya. p stands for page numbers from Lokayata. For consistency, I have used diacritical marks irrespective of their use or otherwise in the original works.) Prologue : Literature on Carvaka Since Debiprasad Chattopadhyaya (DPC) published his Lokayata: A Study in Ancient Indian Materialism (People's Publishing House, 1959), interest in Carvaka alias Lokayata seems to have been revived at least in Maharashtra. With the solitary exception of Sadashiv Athavale's work. Carvaka Itihasa va Tattvajnana (Vai 1958), all recent studies are postLokayata. Among them may be listed (1) Carvaka-darsana (1982, 1987), (2) Astika-siromani Carvaka (1992), and (3) Vaidika Parampara viruddha Carvaka (Jan.-Mr. 1994 issue of the

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198 Krishna S. Arjunwadkar Makaranda Navabharata magazine)--all the three by A. H. Salunkhe; and (4) Carvaka-samiksa (Ed. G. U. Thite, 1978). (5) Carvakavada va Advaitvada (Pradeep Gokhale, 1989). Of these, No. 1 is a doctoral thesis, later revised and enlarged into No. 2. No. 3 is a detailed refutation (221 pages in Royal size) of the review of No. 1 by Shriniwas Dikshit published in the Navabharata, Nov.-Dec. 1992. This game of polemic exchanges was going on in the Navabharata even at the time I was writing this article; and I, too, have made my own contribution to it as noted below. No. 4 is a collection of papers read at a seminar on Carvaka in Pune in 1975. All these four books, along with the one by Athavale, are in Marathi. In a Marathi article entitled "Carvakace Punarujjivan' (1 and 2), I have discussed points arising from the Marathi books, particularly those by Salunkhe. (The Navabharata, April and May, 1998). The present article is, therefore, focused on DPC's Lokayata, with occasional references to other works. In writing this article, my intention is not so much as to review Lokayata in detail as to discuss inherent weaknesses in DPC's methodology and arguments. Lokayata : an outline DPC's Lokayata, extending over about 700 pages and eight chapters, is divided into four books': I. The Problem and the Method (ch. 1-2); II. The Social Background (ch. 3-4); III. Materialism (ch. 5-7); IV. Idealism (ch. 8). He has discussed the nature of the contents of the book, chapter by chapter, in his 'Introduction'. DPC's span of ancient Indian materialism covers a wide range of cults, concepts, practices and philosophical schools spreading over a long period beginning with the Vedic times and reaching as far as our own, and detecting materialistic core even in apparently orthodox traditions. The tradition of materialism is traced by DPC to the Asuras (identified by some with Assyrians) of Vedic times who are associated with Deha-vada, the view that the material body itself is the soul, and is shown by him, through his interpretative skills, to cover the cults of the so-called orthodox deities like Ganapati and Gauri, Tantric cults and even the Samkhya-Yoga schools of philosophy and sections of Buddhism. He devotes the last two chapters to the discussion of the contrasting idealistic outlook, also having its roots in

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The Resurrection of Carvaka 199 the oldest stratum of the Vedas and found in some crucial concepts in Buddhism. In this study DPC has drawn inspiration from the writing of George Thompson upon which, he confesses, he has depended throughout his study. (Intro. p.xix). My criticism, therefore, applies in its essence as much to his guide as to DPC himself. Views DPC approves not DPC starts with the unreliability of Madhava's account of Carvaka as presented in his Sarva-darsana-samgraha, a Sanskrit work assigned to the 13th c. A.D. (p. 4), despite the fact that it is 'clear and coherent' (p. 9), and quotes views of authors like Tucci, Garbe and Dasgupta who believe, on the basis of stray references in old works, that authentic works on Carvaka school are lost. A certain Brhaspati Sutra posing to be an authentic work by Brhaspati, the mythical originator of the Carvaka school, published by F. W. Thomas (1921) is brushed aside by Tucci as unauthentic but consisting of authentic passages from older sources (p. 8). This is followed by different views regarding the origin and development of the Carvaka school. These vary between two extremes : (i) the Lokayata, as a branch of ancient Indian philosophy, never existed at all (p. 11, Rhys Davids p. 18); (ii) it was imported into India from Sumerian civilization (p. 13). This latter view is held by Dasgupta on the basis of the similarity between the burial custom of the Sumerians and that attributed to Asuras, who believed that the soul is not different from the body, in the Chandogya Upanisad (p. 14). DPC does not agree with Dasgupta, obviously because the former is interested in finding roots of materialism in ancient India. In between the two extremes stands the view that (iii) Lokayatas survive in India even today as one can judge from the practices of the Kapalikas and such other sects making sex a part of religious ritual (p. 16). Fact and fiction : Characteristics What is it that DPC is out to prove or establish? Is it his Marxist stand that, like all civilizations, Indian civilization, too, must have started at the lowest rung of the ladder, the primitive conditions, namely the primary needs of the man-food, clothing and shelter ? Perhaps not. This is too obvious a reality to need any evidence or argumentation, in line with the one that any

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200 Krishna S. Arjunwadkar Makaranda grown up man opens his account of growth from the womb of his mother. DPC is out to prove that these primitive conditions are reflected in the ancient Indian literature. In other words, it is his imaginative way of interpretation of the said literature based on certain presumptions/observations (such as importance of woman in primitive societies as the source of production, woman as the centre of an agricultural society and so on) that make his quasi-theoretical views unacceptable. If scientific exposition of a fact (which needs undeniable proof leading to inevitable conclusions) and writing classed as fiction in which imagination plays the decisive role) based on only a broad framework of the fact are considered to be the two extremes of literature, DPC's writing has the appearance of the former but in fact tends towards the latter. This is perhaps owing to the influence of the western tenets of hermeneutics which can work on possibilities lacking support to translate them into certainties. This may, incidentally, open up doors to a comparative study of hermeneutics--Western and ancient Indian, i.e., Mimamsa. Materialism, magic and ritual Materialism is defined as belief that only matter is real or important characterised by "rejection of spiritual values etc.' (OED) Materialism being this, how can it be reconciled with magic which is defined as the art of influencing events by occult control of nature or spirits' (OED) ? For, what is 'occult? It is something 'involving the supernatural, mystical,...' All this terminology militates against the very foundation of materialism which denies anything and everything beyond matter. And DPC talks of magic as a characteristic of materialism of primitive man and illustrates it by citing the description of dogs chanting for food occurring in a principal Upanisad, and enlists even some deities like Ganapati, Gauri and the whole gamut of Tantric practices as part of ancient Indian materialism. It is like avowed enemies being made to join hands for diametrically opposite goals. If this is said to be justified on the ground that it is meant for material, this-worldly gains, any religious prayer can have an equal claim to materialism, for being meant for material gains ! With this approach, DPC can enrol almost the whole of Vedic and later religious literature as representing ancient Indian materialistic tradition, leaving out very little of it as really religious; for the Vedic seers and common people pray gods for progeny, horses, wealth, conquest of the

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The Resurrection of Carvaka 201 enemies and what not everything material. Under these circumstances, I fail to understand why DPC had to rely on a solitary and rare example of the chanting dogs. Apparently it is confusion, may be deliberate, or judicial blindness' as Marx remarks. It is amusing to see this latter criticism, flung by DPC on non-Marxists, devolve on the champion of Marxism himself. Totemism Whenever DPC finds references to animals and plants in ancient Sanskrit literature, he thinks of totemism. Now, totemism is understood as taking animals as emblems of families. The chanting dogs, names of humans after birds and animals are, he thinks, indicators of totemism; and lots of these are found in ancient Indian society. Conceding his view as a possibility, how can he explain the fact that various physical postures in the Yoga tradition are named after animals and birds ? Is Yoga also materialistic in essence and a characteristic of the primitive society ? The primitive society which can develop such a complicated system as Yoga must be far advanced than many developed and civilized ones! I am aware that, in DPC's view, Yoga has its origin in the magic of the primitive man; but, as shown earlier, magic and materialism do not go together. Even if they are supposed to go together, the outlook and the approach of these two, on the one hand, and those of Yoga, on the other, are diametrically opposite--the former recognising no goal beyond worldly gains, and the latter advising control of mind through discarding everything worldly for spiritual sublimation. Talking of the chanting dogs in the Chandogya Upanisad (I.12.4) out of which he has made his major capital, DPC has blamed Radhakrishnan for tampering with the contents of the original passage by making the dogs go around, each following dog holding the tail of the preceding one. Had he consulted the samkarabhasya on the passage, he would have found it to be Radhakrishnan's source. It is sarkara who, considering that the dogs are meant to imitate the style of the brahmins going around in a particular ritual (associated with the bahispavamana song) in a Soma sacrifice, each holding on to the one ahead of him (cf. Srautakosa by Dandekar and Kashikar, English version, Vol. II, Pt. II, p. 454), makes the dogs hold tails, in a bid to complete the comparison. So, the blame, if any, lies at the door of Samkara. But the

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202 Krishna S. Arjunwadkar Makaranda context given above will make it clear that Samkara has introduced the said detail on the basis of his perfect knowledge of the sacrificial tradition and his sense of responsibility as a commentator. He in fact deserves to be praised for that. As to human beings being named after animals etc., men are even today named after birds and plants / flowers even among culturally and educationally advanced sections of human society. The suffix 'Simha' (meaning a lion) is added to men's names for centuries in many an Indian community like the Sikhs. Jawaharlal Nehru was never found in public functions without a rose in his button hole. None but DPC would think that it was a totem or its survival. In ancient Indian literature, we find some ksatriya families tracing their origins to the Sun and the Moon (this belief perpetuated through historical times even to this day), and display them on the banners of their chariots etc. There is no reason why it should be kept outside the span of totemism. In fact, even poetry with innumerable comparisons from the world of animals and plants cannot escape the claim of totemism and primitive character. The logical conclusion is : we are all a primitive society and shall so remain to the end ! This position, incidentally, so perfectly tallies with that of Samkara who maintains that, in matters fundamental, all human beings behave like animals, following their instinctspasvadibhis cavisesat. (Brahmasutrabhasya, introduction). The only difference would be : while a Marxist will stop at instincts, samkara goes deeper to trace the behaviour to a primordial cause, namely mistaking the identity of the Self as that of the non-Self. What about the monkeys in the Ramayana ? Humans with monkey .totems, actual monkeys or primates humanized for poetic effect aimed at an element of miracle ? And what again about the animal characters in Aesop's fables and the Pancatantra of Visnusarman ? If DPC cannot see them, is it a case of 'judicial blindness' as Marx observes ? This literary tradition of representing human beings by animals for artistic purposes comes as close as the too well known Animal Farm' of our own times criticizing Communistic way of thinking.

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The Resurrection of Carvaka 203 Varieties in names Many are the varieties in which names are given to persons and families. Of these, to give only some a preferential treatment as indicating a primitive practice, particularly when their style is seen persisting even in a contemporary society, is to ignore the resourcefulness of man in giving names and his reluctance to change them, may be for practical considerations, once they are established. This view presumes that words denoting animals and plants make their appearance in a language or attract its speakers earlier than any other words. Those who hold such a view should explain why we do not find words denoting food, clothing and shelter which are so basic to the primitive society, in the list of words used as given names in a sizeable proportion. By floating his theory of totemism as reflected in given names, DPC is unwittingly encroaching upon the domain of linguistics and risking postulates that cannot be defended on linguistic grounds. The purpose of names is to distinguish one thing from another; and this is achieved in at variety of ways reflecting man's resourcefulness. Even words expressing physical defects are found to be in vogue as family names. The point to be made is considering the vast variety of styles in naming animals and humans, it fails to convince a discrete reader to separate a group of words as reflecting totemism. The word totem is explained as a natural object (esp. animal) adopted among North American Indians as emblem of family or clan (OED). These emblems have found an expression there in huge wooden carved memorials that can still be verified. In extending the same tendency to primitive Indian society, DPC has relied solely on linguistic evidence without a support from archaeological findings. How far can a linguistic evidence be relied upon in the face of the fact that, as shown elsewhere in this article, names of families and individuals in India are drawn from a variety of fields, and the proportion of the so called 'totemic' family names to other varieties thereof is trivial. While interpreting Indian given names in his own way, is DPC aware that English given names normally do not mean or signify anything else? For instance, 'John' means just the name of a person and nothing else. English, therefore, does not leave any scope for the sort of deliberations DPC has

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204 Krishna S. Arjunwadkar Makaranda made in connection with Sanskrit names (that they suggest a primitive, totemic society). Does it mean that the English society managed to escape a stage of development which other societies could not? If it does, DPC owes an explanation why; as such a position militates against Marx's observation that every society begins from the lowest stage of development. Totemism and linguistics Treating use of words denoting animals, birds and plants as names of humans to be indicative of totemism, and hence of primitive society, DPC is presuming that the class of words he separates was the earliest to come into existence in Sanskrit (or, for that matter, in any language) before the rest as also before the practice of giving names to human beings; and also that they have retained their meanings through the ages. Is it possible to map on definite lines the development of a language and take it as the basis for a theory? All such attempts are no more than flights of imagination. This is not in keeping with the reality. Language continually changes with time in vocabulary and grammatical structure. Old words die, new words arise; the surviving old words, too, change their meaning. To summon language to give witness in defence of a theory is, therefore, a journey in the dark leading to nowhere. Uniform scheme of social development Another fallacy in DPC's argument is that everywhere in the world human society has a uniform scheme of development. This makes him think that if totemism is found to be a stage somewhere, it must be so everywhere. Human societies on the whole develop not in isolation but through an interaction with other societies. This has happened with ancient societies separated even by seas. Human beings can see what others do and follow suit if it is to their advantage. This is how India, after the stagnation of centuries, came to develop the ability to understand and produce the latest in technology developed by other societies. Evidence has been brought to light to show that ancient societies, with their crude technology, could establish contacts with distant continents. Like individuals, societies, too, differ in their ability to develop; it is, likewise, not a rare phenomenon that one can skip a stage in which another pulls on for ages. It is, therefore, idle,

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The Resurrection of Carvaka 205 to presume a single formula of development and try to fit it on the history of the human society everywhere in the world. It is primitive logic, if logic it could be named. Endogamy and exogamy DPC traces the practices of endogamy and exogamy still in vogue in India and associated with the gotra system, to those among ancient tribes. A rational approach to these practices would reveal that there are several factors responsible for them such as the proportion of males to females in a social group, relation of one group to another, development of means of communications with far-off groups, practical needs and instincts and so on, numerous instances of which can be drawn from history and mythology. The complex system of smaller castes and sub-castes owes its origin to the violation, rather than observation, of the practice of endogamy and exogamy. The Greek princes and their proteges settled in India after Alexander's invasion were presumably married to Indian women and were absorbed in Indian society in the course of time. History records that the daughter of Alexander's officer was married to Chandragupta. The surest counter force challenging these practices may be found in the development of the institution of prostitutes, a universal phenomenon not taken notice of by the learned author. It is, therefore, illogical to think, as DPC does, that these practices governed ancient tribes on a large scale and continued to prevail over the gotra groups even in the contemporary society. Human physiology being the same everywhere, man's intelligence must have discovered long ago the futility and irrationality of the practices under discussion. This is all the more true when seen in comparison to animal species that have, out of natural instincts, developed cross breeding without the intervention of man. The miraculous in Sanskrit literature DPC's approach to ancient Sk literature as a means of social history is based on certain presumptions. How is he going to defend his approach against those who regard it as a symbolic-cum-poetic representation of astronomical facts ? For example, Hanuman in the Ramayana is interpreted by some as a comet on the basis of the tradition associated with his exploit of jumping at the Sun soon after his birth. Similar explanations have been

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206 Krishna S. Arjunwadkar Makaranda offered of other characters in the celebrated epic. This point leads us to the general question how far can we rely on theories of the nature of possibilities based on interpretations of ancient literature as means of reconstructing ancient history, and prefer one to another ? For, all talk of possibility is inherently tied with the claims of other credible possibilities and even impossibility. This naturally lends them an utterly subjective character, and no scientific discussion can afford to allow a subjective element to colour an evidence. Viewed from this angle, one can reasonably maintain that all attempts at culling information of definite, specific facts from ancient literature, not produced as history, which are based on interpretations, are open to challenge and doubt as to their acceptability as proven conclusions. Ancient literature as a source of history Again, if ancient literature is viewed as a source of social history, what prevents its use as a source of the history of technology ? There are magical formulas for every imaginable purpose in the Atharvaveda. We find innumerable references to extra-sensory perception and supernatural powers. arising from penance and illustrated by curses and boons. There are references in the Ramayana to aerial carriers (vimanas) used by gods and gandharvas. Valmiki employs a huge aerial carrier, Puspaka (said to be in the service of Kubera before Ravana robbed him of it), spacious enough to accommodate an entire army (even Jumbo Jets of our own times of technological advancement cannot hope to perform this feat), to fetch Rama and his army to Ayodhya after the conquest of Ravana. Rama's army of monkeys is credited with building of a stone bridge across the sea to reach Lanka to wage a war against Ravana. Equally challenging is the episode of the touch of Rama's foot restoring Ahalya to her human form from the state of a stone she was reduced to as a result of her husband's curse. The great Mahabharata (really great!) speaks of an artificial nourishment of Gandhari's foetus, cut into a hundred pieces, finally producing a hundred sons called Kauravas. (Some scholars see in this episode an evidence of the practice of 'cloning' being known in those times !) Savitri is said to have restored her dead husband to life after negotiations with the god of death. Krsna, when in danger of being attacked by Duryodhana's guards in an open court where he was pleading for Pandavas, is said to have assumed myriad forms to confuse them. Hidimba,

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The Resurrection of Carvaka 207 Bhima's consort from a demonic family, could change her appearance at will. And so could Surpankha of the Ramayana fame. Such examples can be multiplied to any extent. There are innumerable references to weapons having unlimited destructive power when used along with magic chants, such as Brahmastra. One can infer from this (and some actually do that a highly developed technology existed in those times. DPC is using such methods to find evidence in ancient literature of a primitive society as are capable of supplying evidence that, like a boomrang, would recoil on him and prove to the contrary that the society reflected in it was technically far advanced than the present-day society boasting of its achievements. * Praksti in Samkhya : Building castles in the air Coming to the concept and term Prakrti in Samkhya which DPC regards as an indicator of the importance of woman in primitive societies and relates it to the worship of woman in Tantrism, what are we to say about the occurrence of the same term in Paninian grammar? Is it also a heritage of a primitive society ? Surely, DPC is confounding grammatical gender with sex. With his peculiar view regarding feminine words in technical works, he may also like to bring even Vedanta under the roof of materialism on the basis of important feminine words like Avidya, Maya etc. Is he aware that Sanskrit language has words meaning a wife in all the three genders (bharya f., dara m., kalatra n.) ? Even if the grammatical gender is supposed to be related to sex, it would be a gross mistake to take as a basis for building up social theory the metalanguage in scientific works which is exclusively decided by definitions. Building up a theory on the basis of a feminine word, DPC rounds up Vaisesika atomism with materialism despite the fact that the Vaisesika word for an atom is paramanu, a masculine word. Are Vaisesikas also related to Tantrism, male-oriented in this case ? If DPC's theory is extended to other areas of life, we will have to conclude that feminine words denoting parts of body (such as nasika, jihva, yoni, kati, jangha....) imply a female-dominated society. Its corollary would be that heart (hrdaya), being neuter, was the last part of the body to be identified. On the basis of this hypothesis, we can assume that the parts in feminine gender were the earliest to be identified. DPC owes special thanks to Sanskrit

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208 Krishna S. Arjunwadkar Makaranda language for its arbitrary scheme of genders of nouns providing an unthoughtof source for his research. The only question he has to answer is whether this theory is applicable to societies speaking languages which lack this characteristic. English, for example, has the use of masculine and feminine genders limited only to words denoting men and women, all the rest being generally treated as having the neuter gender. English shares this feature with many other languages with minor variations. In the light of DPC's theory that female domination indicates an agricultural society, would it be reasonable to conclude that speakers of these languages skipped some stages of developinent ? The basic weakness of DPC's theory is that he bases his social theory on linguistic facts which vary from language to language and, hence, are unreliable as a scientific evidence; and, even in doing so, he takes this evidence to areas of study in which meanings of words are controlled not by convention, but by definition. Woman as a link between Tantrism and Samkhya This brings us to a seminal question : is Tantrism necessarily centred round woman as the creative force as DPC maintains ? Tantrism in India has both male as well as female deities as its objects of worship, of which only the female element attracts DPC's attention. What about the Tantric traditions highlighting male as the creative force, as, for example, the Siva sect is, with 'phallus' (linga) as the symbol of its deity? Is it (male-oriented Tantrism) reflected in any philosophical system as, for instance, the female-oriented Tantrism is, according to DPC, in the Samkhya system ? Perhaps, DPC would like to associate Vaisesikas with male Tantrism, as they regard paramanu, atom, masculine in gender, as the ultimate cause of the world (a perfect symbolic description of phallus), and are traditionally associated with the Siva sect. In this way, any philosophical system, or, for that matter, any discourse in Sk tradition, necessarily using masculine and feminine words which abound in Sanskrit, can be associated with Tantrism, male or female, or both; and all Sanskrit literature can be brought under a single banner of Tantrism. This will show again that DPC is illogically mixing up philosophical systems with linguistic traits and social history, blissfully unaware of the logical conclusions that inevitably follow his presumptions. He is putting together unrelated areas to justify his favourite theory.

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The Resurrection of Carvaka 209 To show how irrelevant DPC is, I am tempted to cite the tradition of Sanskrit grammar known as Harinamamrta. This tradition explains Sanskrit grammar by using terms resembling, but different from, the grammatical terms in vogue. For example, vibhakti in Paninian grammar is Visnubhakti in it. Does it establish any natural relation between grammar and the devotional sect? As the author of the Harinamamsta grammar himself declares, his purpose is only to promote merit of the student by inducing him to utter God-related words while he studies grammar. Tantrism and the Samkhya system, too, do not have any natural relation; imagination of such a relation may, if at all, promote the merit of a Marxist if he cares to study Samkhya. Obsessed with the element of woman as a link between anything and Tantrism, DPC discovers succour from an unexpected direction. In a story related to the Samkhya tradition occurring in the Mahabharata, the name Kapila is found as Kapila being the name of the wife of Asuri, a celebrated authority of the system and traditionally the teacher of Pancasikha, another authority. What is unusual in this story is that this Kapila is said to have breast-fed Pancasikha, which DPC interprets to mean that she tutored him in the system, and raises the question whether the originator of the Samkhya system was a male or a female. (p..364..) DPC would be happy if the second alternative prevails; for it would smoothen his way to establish LokayataSamkhya-Tantra axis. But I have discussed elsewhere in this article the hazards of seeing history in ancient stories interpreted at will. In a story of a similar nature occurring in the Padmapurana (Uttara-khanda) in praise of the greatness of the Bhagavata Purana, the sage Gokarna is said to have been born of a cow and, consequently, having cow-like ears which gave him his name. How is DPC going to interpret it? I wonder how a useful reference in the Brahmasutra of Badarayana escaped the notice of DPC. He would have found the sutra I.1.3, sastrayonitvat, involving the word yoni, to be an evidence for aligning with Tantrism even Vedanta, presumably in its older version as in the case of Samkhya. This habit of sky-rocketing on the basis of solitary words usual with DPC's style is the most disqualifying factor in his research. Speaking of the name Kapila/a cited above, does he know that as an adjective it simply means tawney-coloured and may have (but not necessarily) the colour of the eyes

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210 Krishna S. Arjunwadkar Makaranda of the person concerned as the reason why it was selected as his / her name. In other words, there may be several Kapilas / Kapilas, including even the present-day cricketer. Even a tawney-coloured cow is named Kapila, even today. This would take the wind out of his novel suggestions of identifying Kapilavastu of the Buddha as the native place of the originator of the Samkhya system, and Kapila, the son of Prahlada, an asura, with Kapila the Samkhya. DPC may note that there is also a place named Kapilatirtha in Kolhapur in Maharashtra; it may help him to extend the area of influence of Kapila and materialism. Some years ago, Vatsayana, a contemporary celebrity from India, is said to have visited Indian Embassy abroad, where, in a reception in his honour, he was introduced as the author of the famous ancient Sanskrit work on erotics, the Kamasutra! We need not laugh at the embassy people for their ignorance. Primitive society in the Rgveda ? While referring to Vedic passages making a reference to Ganapati, is DPC aware that there is a whole sukta in the Rgveda devoted to thoughts on gambling presented in a poetic way as the monologue of a gambler. It strikes the repenting note of a gambler who has lost all his possession in a bait. There are likewise references in Vedic literature to theft, excessive drinking of liquor as well as womanisation. Now, even by Marxist standards, gambling etc. cannot be regarded as a natural development in a primitive society; it is necessarily an evil, an economically developed society breeds. The very fact that some seer thought of using language effectively for this purpose reflects an advanced stage of a language and literature that.no primitive society can be reasonably associated with. And that is not all. Besides compositions displaying considerable poetic quality, Vedic literature proves its strength of handling topics of philosophical significance with supreme confidence. Can these be explained on the presumption of a primitive society? Modern surveys reveal that backward social groups use a language with a poor vocabulary of a few hundred words and coarse grammatical structure putting severe limitations to their ability to think. In the light of these findings revealing essential relationship between language and social development, would it be reasonable to maintain that the Vedic society with a highly developed language and literature was little more than a primitive society? Reference

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The Resurrection of Carvaka 211 may be made to another Rgvedic sukta which portrays Indra jabbering under the effect of excessive drinking. Apart from the very unique, highly literary idea of composing such a hymn, it may be legitimately asked if such an event and its expression is possible in a primitive society. Marxist Utopia and exploitation DPC positions materialism against idealism, and, following in the footsteps of Marx and his followers, talks of the Utopia that the primitive human society was, and criticises surplus production as the root cause of exploitation. With Utopia as an ideal of human relations, it would be idle to speak of materialism and idealism as opposing outlooks. Secondly, all talk of Utopia is founded on the wrong presumption that it is possible to manage a society in isolation. The stark reality is that, given the possibility of intercommunication, no intelligent society can think of going its own way except at the cost of being severed from the rest of the world and, by implication, from better means of livelihood and openings for development. Tantra and Tantrism DPC relates Samkhya to Lokayata through Tantrism on the slender basis of the Samkhya being referred to as a Tantra by Samkara. This effort is as funny as one to relate gramasimha (dog) to simha (lion) or gehesura (coward) to sura (brave)! And he thinks that the etymology of the word Tantra supports his conclusions !! Judicious thinkers do not rely on etymologies of words when they are interested in a serious dialogue, knowing that, whatever the etymology, words denote the conventional meaning. And as to Samkara, he uses the term Tantra as much to refer to Samkhya as to Vaisesika. (Vide Brahmasutra-bhasya 2-2-17) Leaving Samkara aside, how would DPC account for the use of the term Tantra in such words as salyatantra, prasutitantra, pancatantra, katantra, and above all, svatantra and paratantra ? As with the word Tantra, DPC has fumbled with the pronominal feminine form kamcana in the passage 'na kamcana pariharet' ('one should never abstain from any woman'-DPC's translation) in the Chandogya II.13:2, which he understands to mean any woman (p. 66), not aware that it can, and, in the context, legitimately does, refer to one's wife. These instances show the weaknesses of a researcher who has no access to the first sources; and DPC admits that

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212 Krishna S. Arjunwadkar Makaranda he knows no Sanskrit and has to rely on translations of Sanskrit works. The other alternative conclusion is that he purposely avoids evidence that would damage his theory. It is for him to choose between the charges of being uncritical and dishonest. Samkhya, Yoga and Vedanta DPC's basic presumption is that the original Samkhya is materialistic and akin to Lokayata. So he owes an explanation of the non-materialistic elements in Samkhya. How does he meet with this problem? With reference to the oldest extant work on Samkhya, isvarakrsna's Samkhyakarika, he observes : The author of the Karika wanted to graft upon the Samkhya system certain elements of idealistic thought, evidently borrowed from the Vedantic circle.' This, he thinks, 'resulted in internal inconsistency in his work.' (p. 371) Weigh this view with isvarakrsna's own statement at the end of his work that he has presented the tenets of the system as reaching him through an unbroken tradition starting from Kapila, but in an abridged form (karika 69). Who should we consider is more reliable? And what is the basis on which to discredit isvarakrsna as unreliable ? If isvarakrsna's inconsistencies, as DPC views them, make him unreliable, what'evidence is there to prove that the original system itself did not have them ? DPC is obviously influenced by Garbe who thinks that all appeal to sruti in the Samkhya texts lying before us are subsequent additions. (p. 380). isvarakrsna, in karika 2, enumerates reasons why Vedic ritual is unacceptable as a means of permanent and final liberation from suffering. DPC reads in it Samkhya objection to the validity of the Vedas. (p. 378) The same view is shared even by Vedanta, to be found expressed in the Upanisads too. (Vide Mundaka Upanisad I. 7.) What is materialistic in it ? This view denies the efficacy of the Vedic ritual, not of knowledge. This, when read with a later reference to scriptures as a means of knowledge, led DPC to find an inconsistency / contradiction in the Karika which he attributes to the author's 'compromise', concluding therefrom the character of the earlier Samkhya as materialistic (p. 380). What Samkhya is emphasizing in the karika under discussion is the inability of the Vedic ritual to produce permanent results, leading to a search for other means for a permanent

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The Resurrection of Carvaka 213 solution to the problem of getting rid of suffering. This implies his acceptance of the Vedic ritual as a restricted means of the objective and not a total disapproval. DPC thinks that 'as contrasted with Prakrti, Purusa in the Samkhya was secondary or a-pradhana, udasina.' (p 383) How did such a principle creep into the system ? 'The whole thing was surreptitiously borrowed by some later exponent of Samkhya (DPC means isvarakrsna) from the circle of philosophers who were really the followers of the Vedas.' (p. 384) Further, 'the place of the Purusas... is utterly unimportant and even redundant or superfluous.' (p. 385) This is all confusion. Space is inactive in the process of creation. Is it unimportant ? Purusa is a class, a principle. A scientist has nothing to do with activity or otherwise of his subject. He just observes. What is the place of the myriad stars above us in our daily life, except, of course, those taken note of by astrologers ? Are they, too, redundant or superfluous ? What use are winter days to us to deserve notice in our calendars ? They must be superfluous. Wonderful logic ! What does DPC think about the substance called a 'catalytic agent' in scientific terminology ? Utterly useless, as it stays inactive and unaffected in electrolysis. Is not the scientist obliged to say so ? The duty of a scientist is to observe and present his conclusions on the support of evidence, not by choice or at will. Samkhya view of Prakrti and Purusa is thus the result of scientific thinking, not prompted by isvarakrsna's likes or dislikes. Such views create doubt about the very bonafides of DPC as a researcher. He has turned science into trade. This shows how a Marxist is in his subconscience dominated by trade unions ! Turning to Badarayana and his Brahmasutras (BS), DPC observes that, of the total 555 sutras, 60 sutras are devoted to refuting the Samkhya, considered to be the 'pradhana-malla', the chief opponent, as Samkara deems him; but there is not a single sutra to refute Lokayata; for 'to the author of the text, the refutation of the Samkhya was all that was needed to refute the materialistic standpoint.' (p. 374) This is absolutely wrong. BS 3-3-53 and 54 are sutras exclusively dealing with and refuting the Lokayata view with cogent arguments. As elsewhere, DPC is hiding this information from his readers only to damage his own credibility. Earlier on he has quoted only a part of samkara's evaluation of Samkhya. So does he tamper with Kautilya

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214 Krishna S. Arjunwadkar Makaranda by quoting from his work an isolated reference to Lokayata. No honest researcher would degrade himself into playing such tricks. It is on the authority of Samkara that DPC equates Samkhya with Tantra and further with Lokayata, setting aside Samkara's evaluation of Samkhya as a system closest to the Vedic philosophy (vaidikasya darsanasya pratyasannatvat)--a compliment DPC omits while citing a passage in Brahmasutra-bhasya (2-1-12) in which Samkara praises the Samkhya, however grudgingly' (p. 364). This is another example of DPC playing tricks with evidence. (The other one being that of the term "Tantra'). He omits this portion because it is damaging to his theory of aligning Samkhya with Lokayata. And if there is some evidence he is not free to omit, he chooses to abuse it as 'highly deceptive' (p. 364). To those who do not wish to lend themselves to DPC's ways of misleading, a remark from an authority on Vedanta may show the facts in their true perspective : If Samkhya and Yoga give up their insistence on the following three points, there would be no difference between them and Vedanta-(i) that Purusas Selves/Souls) are many; (ii) that the world is real; and (iii) that the Universal principle and the Self are different. (Pancadasi of Vidyaranya, VI. 228) But this valuation may be dubbed by DPC as based on an adulterated version of Samkhya resulting from Isvarakrsna's tampering of the original Samkhya in order to graft it on the Vedanta. (p 371) Primitive conditions : Symptom of retarded society What is objectionable in DPC's argument is that he takes a static view of a thought, denying possibilities of further development thereof, and, like a true Marxist, views the primitive conditions as ideal, Utopian. (Yes, the Marxists, too, like idealogists, have their own Utopia consistent with materialism.) This is the reason why he treats as adulteration the features of a system historically later to emerge. But thoughts, like those who create them, are never static, despite their champions' claims to their static nature. The child develops with years its intellectual and psychological, no less than its physical, faculties; and what is natural at one stage is not so at the next. If a full grown man continues to take interest in toys fit for a child, instead of human 'toys', it is perhaps a case of retarded growth and a matter of worry

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The Resurrection of Carvaka 215 to be concerned. This is true of a society too. If after generation after generations, it is not out of its primitive stage, it is a symptom of its retarded condition. Given enough intellectual capital of its members and favourable surroundings, a society is bound to change, howsoever slowly, in the direction of what is called civilisation. All effort to stall this process would be as futile as one to stall the development of an individual. The development of thought as the heritage of a society proceeds on similar lines from grosser to subtler, from outer to inner, from surfacial to fundamental, from force to psychological approach, from object to subject. All talk of going back to primitive conditions is as ridiculous as that of turning a grown up man into a child again. Epilogue : Motivated research The common characteristic of all the books on Carvaka listed at the opening of this article is that they are, on the whole, the outcome of a motivated research. An attempt is apparent in these books to raise Carvaka in status and thus compensate for his despised position for centuries, and thereby providing an ancient basis for some modern movements / outlooks of their authors' liking. Thus DPC is interested in establishing roots of materialism, styled also as Marxism, in ancient Indian thought, while Salunkhe sees in Carvaka an ancient champion of anti-Brahmanism and / or anti-Vedism. Both have based their conclusions on imaginative interpretations of material from mythical and poetic works which have no place in scientific discussions, along with philosophical and other treatises which are admissible as reliable sources, all in Sanskrit. What distinguishes DPC from others in his decent language characteristic of serious research and his anxiety to support his views by quoting from a wide range of literature. He claims no first hand knowledge of Sanskrit sources, and, as such, he has to rely on English translations thereof. Salunkhe is a Sanskritist and writes with a missionary / adolescent zeal that knows no bounds in reaching conclusions and attacking an adversary. Imaginative school of research DPC's claims made in behalf of Carvaka, shared by others listed at the beginning of this article, show that a distinct school of research-the

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Krishna S. Arjunwadkar imaginative school-is spreading, like an epidemic, with unprecedented speed, in humanity subjects. This conclusion is supported by DPC himself when he says that his is a 'systematic effort to study ancient Indian philosophy from the materialistic point of view' and that 'it has to be highly argumentative'; for, he argues, "What we are actually left with are merely a few fragmentary survivals of Lokayata...of those who wanted only to refute and ridicule it.' He, therefore, believes that 'Lokayata thus remains to be reconstructed from the essentially hostile references to it.' (Preface to Lokayata, pp. xiii and xv.) This explains why imagination plays the key-role in the writings of those who are for the resurrection of Carvaka. We do not find this type of research/ scientific discourse in ancient Indian tradition; it is a gift from the West-a boon to motivated research which inevitably leads to predetermined conclusions. The magic touch of the hand of Midas changed everything into the coveted precious metal; DPC's Marxist touch changes everything into materialism. What worries a discrete mind on seeing such a huge intellectual expenditure over anything but substantial is: in what way is human thought benefitted or furthered by such ventures founded basically on imagination? 216 Makaranda This, ultimately, leads us to a more serious question: does imagination which can at best indicate possibilities have a respectable place in a scientific discussion which requires its conclusions to be based on certainty? The difference between a possibility and a probability may be a point in a practical approach; for science, these two are no more than aspects of the same phenomenon. Unless a possibility is converted into a certainty by an unchallengeable proof, no guess can hope to be raised to the status of a scientific one. Till this stage is reached, all theories stand on the same level; and priorities are a matter of subjective views. This should not and must not prevent one from making and presenting enquiries at the sight of possibilities. What is to be noted is that an enquiry may start, but not end, with mere possibilities. This discussion may not be construed to mean a denial of the existence of sects in India centred around woman and sex and all that goes with a licentious way of life as part of religious practices. They were, are, and-will be there under one pretext or the other, even justifiably, as long as human

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The Resurrection of Carvaka 217 society is what it is. What is objected to is the unrestricted use of imagination in drawing biased conclusions based on data, at times partially presented, interpreted with prejudice by ignoring the context, going under the name of scientific research. Forces : Natural and Cultural All culture has developed as a counter-balancing psychological human invention to make social life possible and progressive against the natural forces of self-interest, greed, vices, immunity to the interests of fellow creatures, appropriation of others' assets by brutal force, and thus protect interests of humanity in exclusion of other forms of life. It would be worthwhile to see how culture achieves this end with its multi-pronged approach. It all starts with generating group interests to curb individual interests. This means creating a group ego side by side with the individual ego which is instinctive. An individual can be persuaded to surrender or delimit some of his interests when he is convinced that individual interests are test protected by the protection of the group interests. This is the beginning of the process we call reasoning which is corroborated particularly when groups are attacked by foreign groups. Success or failure in such events must have led people to form larger groups with increased power of group action which eventually developed into states. The so called primitive democracies form part of this process of boosting group strength. .. With the evolution and growth of groups came the need to form rules as an objective machinery to resolve internal conflicts which, considering the human nature as it is, were bound to arise. In the wake of the rules came a machinery to enforce them in case individuals, as a matter of instinct, tended to violate them. This is the beginning of what we now call law and administration. The 'communistic' rules which the primitive societies formed and followed were the precursors of the values' in more developed cultures. Even religion played its role in containing the human instincts. If values in any form cannot exist without faith, which is after all a cultivated view, why a faith in the unseen be labled as 'out of bounds'. The concept of the State is thus a natural development of the organisation of human society and in no way something that ruined the primitive tribal democracies. Tribal

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218 Krishna S. Arjunwadkar Makaranda democracies died because they could not survive in changed circumstances. Even tribal groups on their way to becoming states fight with each other for material or imaginary, even flimsy, reasons that hurt their group ego as illustrated by the war between Kosala and Magadha on the score of dowry unpaid. DPC assigns the responsibility of this war to the emergence of states, presuming that tribal groups never fight each other. Even today fights are not uncommon among the urban as well as rural groups. Nothing but prejudice can explain persistence in the view that social evils are the result only of civilization including religion. Cases after cases of corruption against political leaders today are enough to falsify this claim. Human nature is instinctively prone to go to any extent for personal gains. All roads lead to faith How to counter this nature has been a matter of worry for cultured minds for ages. No way has been found out of this situation except education in a wider sense in various forms. Education is the cultivation of social qualities which is based on the distinction between good and bad which is a matter of faith. Once this is realised, it carries little weight to argue about the foundation of faith, this worldly or other-worldly. Whatever the foundation, it is the result that matters for a practical man. That is the reason why the author of Arthasastra, an expounder of stark politics, advises the rulers to see that the established social order based on religious faith is scrupulously maintained. But prejudiced research finds in his work a reference to the study of Lokayata in exclusion of what he states elsewhere. It is not judicial blindness', to quote Marx's words?

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alahassajataka and Telapattajataka* Siegfried Lienhard The legend of the merchant Simhala as it appears in the later Sanskrit versions contained in the Mahavastu, the Divyavadana, the Karandavyuha, the Gunakarandavyuha as well as in the Newari recensions looks back on a long development. While its beginnings cannot be exactly localized in time, there is no doubt whatsoever that many persons worked on the narrative over a period of centuries and, attuned to new aims with the passages of time, often changed, supplemented and elaborated on it. Standing at the beginning of the development, it seems, is the Valahassajataka, 'The Reincarnation Story of the flying steed) Valaha', which was composed not in Sanskrit but in Pali, the language of Theravada Buddhism. What is remarkable is that in this early version', contained in the Jakata collection of the Pali recension of the Buddhist canon, we do not yet meet the merchant Simhala, the later hero of the Simhalavadana. The high point of the relatively short Pali version is the episode of the white and -- according to this text - crow-headed steed Valaha, who, as in the later versions, saves five hundred shipwrecked merchants. In this account, too, the witches' city?, here called Sirisavatthu, is located on Sri Lanka. Whenever merchants suffer shipwreck on the island, the witches regale them, pitiable and stranded that they are, with drinks and savory dishes. They allege that their husbands are merchants, whom, however, they are forced to assume to be dead, as they have undertaken a voyage by ship but have not yet returned, although three years have passed. In the Pali version, too, the witches deceive their newly arrived guests, whom they lead to their city Sirisavatthu. The men soon succumb to the alluring women's charms. However, this deception is not long-lived : Whenever persons turn up shipwrecked off the island's shores, those who had before them are put in

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220 Siegfried Lienhard Makaranda chains and thrown in prison. And so it happened when, one day, a large caravan with five hundred shipwrecked merchants went ashore on Sri Lanka. The witches again sported in games of love with the merchants, who were easily lured into their nets. The eldest witch chose the eldest merchant as her friend. After the latter had fallen into a deep sleep, she went to the witches' prison in order to slay the men held captive there and to eat their flesh. When she returned and they both again embraced, the merchant noticed that her body emitted a coldness, and immediately suspected that the friendly being must in reality be a dangerous witch who ate human flesh. The next day, when he revealed the truth to his men, only two hundred fifty believed his words of warning, and thus only one half of the trading company fled. Now, the Bodhisattva, i. e. the future Buddha, had been born at this time in the form of a white-coloured horse, and it was on Sri Lanka, as it happened, that he was sojourning, eating grass. When he compassionately called out three times to see whether anybody was there who wanted to return home, the fleeing men made themselves known immediately. At the horse's invitation some climbed on his back, while others clasped his tail, and still others held their place with folded hands. The Boddhisattva saved them all, but the witches ate the two hundred and fifty merchants who remained behind. As we see, in this Jataka the horse Valaha, or Valahassa, is identified with the Venerable One, whereas in the version of the legend contained in the Gunakarandavyuha and in the Newari version, the rescuing horse is taken to be a manifestation of Avalokitesvara. As for the plot, the episodes of the first part of the later versions differ only slightly from the events recounted in the Valahassajataka. Substantial differences can be seen, in the main, only in those particular elements which lead gradually, after the pairs have been formed, to the flight of the merchants. Whereas in the later versions it is the caravan leader who leaves his bed at night and, having come to the witches' prison, recognizes the extreme threat of the situation, in the Pali narrative, the eldest witch having stolen off for a short time, it is the renewed embrace which triggers the eldest merchant's plan to flee. Those who carry the action forward in the version in Pali are again the five hundred tradesmen and witches as well as, in the last part, the Buddha, reborn as a miraculous

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Valahassajataka and Telapattajataka 221 horse. Only the head witch and the eldest merchant, moreover, stand out as individuals clearly identifiable as such, though the role of the latter in the Nepalese tradition and in the versions of the Karanda- and Ganakarandavyuha is no longer anonymous, but has crystallized into the figure of Simhala, the young, handsome and pious son from a rich merchant's house. It is worth noting that the pretext of being widowed merchants' wives, and as such objects of pity, is obviously meant to excuse the lust of the Ceylonese witches, but this psychologically quite subtle nuance, which figures only in the Pali version, was no longer held to be so important in the later periodo. The narrative of the Valahassajataka extends up only to the rescue of the eldest merchant and according to this version also half of his followers. A story which presumably represents the pattern used for the fable's continuation spun out in the other versions is recounted, surprisingly in another reincarnation story in Pali, the Telapattajataka', whose hero, however, appears not as a seafaring merchant but as the Bodhisattva, i. e. the future Buddha, in his former existence as one of the hundred sons of King Brahmadatta of Benares. It has been prophesied to the young prince that he would never ascend his father's throne, but rather would be crowned * king of Taksasila in the far-off land of Gandhara. The prophesy, however, would only be fulfilled if the prince was able to defy the dangers lying in wait for all sojourners on the road to Gandhara : in a large forest live witches? who, able to infatuate men with their charms, continuously invite weary travellers for a refreshing drink. Once they have seduced their guests, they murder them and devour their barely cold corpses. The prince fares forth. He is accompanied by five men of the court who, in spite of his warning, want to go along at all costs. The first of them is a savorer of beauty, the second a music enthusiast, the third a connoisseur of select aromas, the fourth a gourmet and the fifth a lover of great comforts. When they reach the witches' villages together with the prince, all five fall victim in turn to the witches' seductive arts. Only the king's son remains steadfast. But when he moves on, one of the witches follows him. She tells the people living in the forest that she is the prince's spouse, and though the prince denies this, the forest dwellers give her a ready ear. She even produces a son later and, child in arm, follows in the tracks of the prince. When the

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222 Siegfried Lienhard Makaranda two arrive in Taksasila, the witch makes her small son disappear and waits, radiating in the sheen of her beauty, in front of the house where the king's son has found lodging. It so happens that the king of Taksasila just then comes past. He is blinded by the witch's charms and learns that the beautiful lady is the wife of a prince who has just come to Taksasila. The king now has the stranger to his city summoned but, like the people in the forest, does not believe the prince's words. He invites the beautiful woman into his palace, passes an evening in her company and finally, exhausted from the joys of love, falls into sleep. The witch immediately fetches her companions. While she eats the king up, her female comrades exterminate the remaining being in and around the palace. Since bones are lying in front of the palace the next day and the palace gate remains closed, the subjects come together and elect as their king the prince who had remained steadfast in spite of all temptations. It is interesting to note that individual elements of the fable just depicted are also met with in the account of the colonization of Sri Lanka, as rendered in two important chronicles of Ceylon composed in Pali, the Mahavamsa and, in shorter format, the Dipavamsa'. As these two works based on the historical tradition of old commentaries (atthakatha) report, the daughter of a king once coupled with a lion in India, and out of this unusual bond came both a son, Sihabahu (Skt. Simhabahu), who later became king of Lala, this native land, and Sivali, a daughter. From the marriage of these * two siblings sprang at last Vijaya, a surely prince and the eldest of a total of 32 brothers, whom Sihabahu presently banned, placing him, together with seven hundred families, on an ocean-going ship with distant destination. After many adventures, Vijaya and his men reached the island of Sri Lanka, at the time populated only by snakes and various kinds of demonic beings, above all raksasas and yaksas. Near the yaksa-city Sirisavatthu, Vijaya meets a dangerous yaksini, a threat to his people, who later, after the two have dined together, turns herself into a beautiful 16-year-old girl. At her command Vijaya destroys numerous yaksas and afterwards takes up residence in the city he himself has founded, Tambapanni (Tamraparni), together with his yaksa wife and his men, who call themselves--after Sihabahu--Sihalas (Skt. Simhala). Two children come out of this marriage, but hostile yaksas kill his

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Valahassajataka and Telapattajataka 223 spouse, and Vijaya, crowned king and ruling the whole of Ceylon, weds a second time. There is a magnificent wedding feast, and his bridge and future queen is now no longer a yaksini but a real princess from South India. As we see, the yaksa-city here, as in the Valahassajataka, again bears the name Sirisavatthu, and the witch is a yaksini who, at the suitable moment, takes on the appearance of a young and captivating girl. Annotations : * This article has originally been published in German and forms part of S. Lienhard, Die Abenteuer des Kaufmanns Simhala. Eine nepalische Bilderrolle aus der Sammlung des Museums fur Indische Kunst Berlin, Berlin 1985 (S. 16 - 20). The English translation presented here is by Philip Pierce, Nepal Research Centre, Kathmandu. 1. Jatakatthavannana no. 196. Text edition by V. Fausbll 1879 (reprint 1963), II, pp. 127ff. - Translations in E. B. Cowell 1895, pp. 89ff.; (the same translation) in H. T. Francis and E. J. Thomas 1916, pp. 164ff., J. Dutoit 1908, pp. 149ff.; E. luders 1961, pp. 26ff. : Die Kaufleute und das Flugelross; and H. Mode 1981, pp. 14ff. : Die Erzahlung von dem Flugelross. 2. The term applies in Pali is yakhini (Skt. yaksini) and not raksasi (as in the Sanskrit texts). 3. The noun valahassa, 'cloud horse', as in the designation of a mythical steed is documented also in the Samyuttanikaya (III, 145). Instead of valahassa, the forms valahaka or, in Sanskrit and Newari texts, balaha(ka) also occurs. It is worth noting that a horse of the breed of Valahassaraja, 'king of the cloud horses', is numbered among the seven precious objects (sattaratana) belonging to the throne of a universal monarch, namely the sovereign's wheel (cakka), state elephant (hatthi), state steed(assa, valahaka), wish-granting jewel (mani). consort (itthi), treasurer (gahapati) and field marshal or king's advisor (parinayaka or senapati). Thus in the "Mahasudassanasuttanta", Dighanikaya II, p. 174 (PTS) the assaratana, i. e. 'the jewel horse', is not only designated valahaka, but also, exactly like the steed Valaha in the Valahassajataka, as sabbaseto kakasiso munjakeso iddhima vehasamgamo, i. e. as completely white, crow-headed, having a mane like munja- grass, possessing supernatural powers .

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224 Siegfried Lienhard Makaranda (and) flying through the sky. As H. von Stietencron 1972, p. 8f. has shown, the cloud horse is closely connected with the folk cult of yaksas. Yaksas and yaksis have as their mount (vahana) a water or cloud horse, a normal horse or an animal half horse and half fish. Horses with magical powers also occur elsewhere in Indian literature. The steed Indrayudha in Bana's Sanskrit novel Kadambari, for example, a present given by king Tarapida to his son, Candrapida, is a magical wonder horse, as is a horse named Manojava in Subandhu's story Vasavadatta. 4. Both the Karandavyuha and the Gunakarandavyuha provide the reader only with the information that the witches are without husbands (Gunak.: asvamika), whereas the Newari tradition represents the beautiful ladies not as widows at all but as young girls still unlearned in the ways of love. 5. Jatakatthavannana no. 96. Text edition by V. Fausbll 1877 (reprint 1962), I, pp. 393ff. Translations in E. B. Cowell 1895 (reprint 1981), 1, pp. 232ff. 6. Pali Takkasila. 7. The term used in the Pali text is yakkhini (Skt. yaksini). Whereas most versions have the adventures of the hero transpiring in Ceylon, in that of the Telapattajataka the witches' mischief runs its course in or near Gandhara in the extreme northwest of ancient India. The folk tradition of Nepal, in contrast, shifts the scene of action to Tibet. 8. Chapters VI and VII: W. Geiger 1958, pp. 56 69 and W. Geiger 1980 (translation), pp. 51 - 61. 9. Chapter IX: H. Oldenberg 1879, pp. 54 57 (Pali text) and pp. 160 -163 (translation). 10. I. e. lion-armed'. In the Newari tradition the hero of the Simha (la) legend is often called Simhalasarthabaha. This name, however, is hardly understood any longer by the youngest generations in its meaning 'Simhala, the caravan leader', but usually-in its entirety-taken as the personal name for the short form Simhala, appearing in Newari usage often in the slightly corrupted form Simhalasarthabahu.

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Valahassajataka and Telapattajataka Abbreviations 225 Cowell, E. B. (Ed.), The jataka or Stories of the Budha's Former Births. Vols. IVI. Cambridge 1895 (reprint London 1981, PTS, Vols. I - Vi in 3 volumes). - Translations of the Valahassajataka, by W. H. D. Rouse in II, pp. 89ff., of the Telapattajataka in I, pp. 232ff. Dutoit, J., Jatakam. Das Buch der Erzahlungen aus fruheren Existenzen Buddhas. Vol. II. Leipzig 1908. Translation of the Valahassajataka pp. 149ff. Fausbll, V., The Jataka, together with its commentary. Vols. I - VI. PTS. London 1877 1896 (reprint 1962 1964). Jatakatthavannana 196 (=Valahassajataka) in II, pp. 127ff. and Jatakatthavannana 96 (= Telapattajataka) in I, pp. 393ff. Francis, H. T. and Thomas, E. J. (Eds.), Jataka Tales. Cambridge 1916. Translation of the Valahassajataka by W. H. D. Rouse pp. 164ff. Geiger, W., The Mahavamsa, edited. PTS. London 1908 (reprint 1958). Geiger, W., The Mahavamsa or The Great Chronicle of Ceylon, translated. PTS. (Translation Series No. 3.), London 1912 (latest reprint 1980). Luders, E., Buddhistische Marchen. Dusseldorf - Koln 1961 (reprint). Translation of the Valahassajatakaa pp. 31ff. Mode, H. (Ed.), Sri Lanka. Aus Legende, Marchen, historischer Ueberlieferung und Bericht. Hanau/Main 1981. Translation of the Valahassajataka pp. 14ff. Oldenberg, H., The Dipavamsa: An Ancient Buddhist Historical Record. Edited and translated. London 1879. Pts Pali Text Society Stietencron, H. von, Ganga und Yamuna, Zur symbolischen Bedeutung der Flussgottinnen an indischen Tempeln. Wiesbaden 1972 (Freiburger Beitrage zur Indologie, 5).

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Notes on Avestic Asha "Truth' Helmut Humbach As is well-known, numerous phrases found in the Avesta have parallels in the Rgveda, both the Iranian and the Indian branch of the Aryan languages and literatures having inherited them from the Proto-Aryan period. Thus OAv. Y33, 5 erezus pavo corresponds with RVI, 41, 5 rjuna patha 'straight path', and YAv. Y10, 4 zam perevSsim corresponds with RV1, 67, 5 ksam prthivim 'broad or spacious earth'. A few of these phrases, Gavic as well as Yound Avestic, show the term asa-/rta - 'truth' as one of their two members: Y 31, 22 asem hapti = RV5, 68, 4 rtam sapanta 'observe / hold truth'; Y 49, 9 asa.yuxta-(stem yuxti-) = RV10, 61, 10 rtayukti - 'yoking together with truth'. Y 10, 4 asahe xa = RV2, 28, 5 Kham rtasya 'source of truth'; Yt 10, 86 asahe....pantam-RV5, 45, 8 rtasya patha 'path of truth'. In the unspoken view of most scholars of Indo-Iranian, such correspondences justify the assumption that the meaning of Av. asa-exactly agrees with that of Ved. rta-, both of them continuing the meaning of their joint Proto-Aryan predecessor without any change. Yet this view seems to me too superficial, at least as far as the Avesta is concerned. The phrases just quoted are nothing but a sort of petrefacts from which only limited information can be drawn regarding the meaning of asa- in the entirety of its Avestic occurrences. As a matter of fact, there can be no doubt that the position of asa- in its semantic field and environment has undergone some notable changes in the Gavas of Zarathushtra, and some more in the Younger Avesta.

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228 Helmut Humbach Makaranda Whereas Vedic rta- always is non-personified, Ga Vic asa- is a divine entity which can manifest itself as a cosmical power or divine quality (nonpersonified), and as a divine person (personified). In a phrase such as asat haca 'in accordance with truth' personification is clearly ruled out whereas it is evident in the vocative case, e.g. in Y28, 5 asa kat opa dardsani "O truth, shall I see you'. A typical Gavic problem is just that due to the indistinctness of some transmitted forms of endings (asa=voc. or instr. sg. or nom. acc. pl.), and even more due to the mystical ambiguity of the Gadas it is difficult, if not impossible, to decide for non-personified or personified in the majority of the occurrences of asa-. In the case of non-personification there is also ambiguity regarding non-materiality and materiality. In the passages in which Ahura Mazda is said to be offered asa- by humans and in those in which humans are said to be granted asa- by Ahura Mazda, materiality of asa- is as possible as immateriality. Most typical of this ambiquity are the passages in which asais the grammatical object of the root da 'to place, offer, grant' in the meaning 'to acquire, accept, obtain' of its medial forms: Y 34, 1 asem....taibiio danha you (Ahura Mazda) obtain truth', i. e. you obtain the truth offered to you at the actual ceremony', in which not only the piety of the worshippers but also their ritual offering (myazd) are referred to; vad Y 46, 15 asam xsmaibiia daduiie 'you (human persons) will obtain truth', i. e. you will be granted bliss in this and / or the afterworld' or you will obtain material welfare'. The reference to material welfare is unequivocal in the phrase astuuat asom 'corporeal truth' found in Y 43, 16 in which Zarathushtra alludes to the Fraskok@rditi, the renovation of the world at the end of time, and, at the same time, to the sacrificial fee to be paid in pieces of cattle etc. he is entitled to expect (cf. particularly Y44, 18-19 and 46, 19). In the Gadas, the inherited concept of asa - 'truth' has proliferated the concept of a group of divine entities, led by Ahura Mazda and called Ahuras as attested in the phrase mazdasca ahuranho 'the Ahuras and (Ahura) Mazda' Y 30, 9 and 31, 4. Whereas the number of these Ahuras is as open in the

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Notes on Avestic Asha 'Truth' 229 Gavas as is the number of the Young Avestic Yazatas, that of the Young Avestic Am@sa Spontas is limited. Their canonical number is one-plus-six (= Ahura Mazda plus six), and it is just Yt 13, 83 (=19, 16) in which we find the number one-plus-seven (= Ahura Mazda plus seven): yoi hapta hamo. mananjo yoi hapta hamo. vacanho yoi hapta hamo siiao Unanho....yaesam asti hamo.ptaca frasastaca yodaspa ahuro mazda 'the seven (Am@sa Spontas) who are of the same manner of thinking...speaking.....acting.....whose father and master is the same, Ahura Mazda, the creator.' The picture reflected in the mystic poetry of the Gavas does not necessarily agree with what Zarathushtra taught in prose all the major part of the Gada text was unintelligible to his adherents. The only Gavic passage that could have some chance of being close to the prophet's actual teachings regarding the Ahuras (> Amesa Spontas) is Y 47, 1. In this stanza, the series maniiu - manah -, vacah-, siiao vana - 'spirit, thought, word, action' (cf. Y 30, 3 maniiu....manahica vacahica siiao Vanoi 'both spirits, both thoughts, both words, both actions') is artistically intercrossed with the series ahura- mazda, spenta- maniiu-, asa-, vohu- manah-, xsa vra-, armaiti-, hauruuatat-, amor tatat-'Ahura Mazda, holy spirit, truth, good thought, power/rule, rightmindedness, integrity/nectar (=liquid offering), immortality/ambrosia (=solid offering)', thus describing Ahura Mazda as being accompanied by seven divine entities (one-plus-seven): Y 47, 1. Sponta mainiiu vahistaca mananha .. with holy spirit and best thought haca asat siiao vanaca vacanhaca with action and word in accordance with truth ahmai dan hauruuata ameretata they shall offer Him nectar and ambrosia mazda xsa Ura armaiti ahuro The Lord is Wise through power and right-mindedness. There is an evident similarity between this Old Avestic Y 47, 1 which suggests the number one-plus-seven, and the Young Avestic Yt 13, 83 which expressly mentions this number. On the basis of this similarity one could * hypothesize that Y 47, 1 reflects the real teaching of Zarathushtra but it is

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230 Helmut Humbach Makaranda equally possible that the number one-plus-seven of Yt 13, 83 is derived by priestly speculation from the Gava stanza. The original precedence of asa- 'truth' over the other Ahuras is not perspicuous in Y 47, 1 for metrical reasons but it is ascertained by historical plausibility, by the overwhelming number of its occurrences in the Gavas, and by Y 37, 1-5 (Haptanhaiti), which has the one-plus-six series ahura mazda, asa vahista, vohu manah, vohu xsa vra, vanhidaena, vanhifseratu, vanhi armaiti Yet a notable rearrangement must have happened in the canonical series of the Younger Avesta in which asa-, having ceded his precedence to Vohu Manah, was shifted to the second place. This rearrangement is also mirrored in the report of Plutarch de Iside et Osiride 47 according to whom Oromazes created six divinities, namely first Good Will (eunoia), second Truthfulness (aletheia), third Good Order (eunomia), fourth Sound Judgement (sophia), fifth Wealth (plutos), sixth Producer of the pleasantness rewarding for good works (ton epi tois kalois hedeon demiurgos). The rearrangement is based on a speculative theological interpretation of Y 43, 7. 9. 11. 13. 15 spontam at BSsa mazda manhi ahura hiiat ma vohu pairi.jasat mananha as a recountal by Zarathushtra on his legendary meeting with Vohu Manah, who came to guide him to the first audience granted him by Ahura Mazda. (Actually, the prophet describes himself as meditating in front of the holy fire). The canonical number one-plus-six of the YAv. Amosa Spentas with the inversion of the precedence is found in Y 57, 24 ahuro mazda asauua...vohu mano...asom vahistom...xsa ordm vairim...xsa oram vairim...spenta armaitis....hauruuatas...amoratatas. The same can be detected in the Haft Amesaspand Yast (Yt 2, 1-3) and the two Sirozas (S1, 1-7, 2, 1-7). The Siroza occurrences particularly suggest that the development of the oneplus-six pattern is closely connected with the introduction of the Mazdayasnian calendar, which is customarily attributed to the period of the Younger Avesta. The Pahlavi translation of the Gavas tries to make a difference between the non-personified Ahurian concept ahlayih 'truthfulness (often glossed by fraronih 'honestly) and the personified Ahura aswahist, a differentiation which is appropriate in principle but which suffers very much from the translator's

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Notes on Avestic Asha "Truth' 231 incompetence in matters of Avesta grammar. In his Sanskrit version of the Pahlavi Neriosangh simply renders aswahist by asawahista-. More notable is his rendering of ahlayih 'truthfulness' by the expected dharma- or, alternatively, by the unexpected punya- 'religious merit'. Also surprising is Neriosangh's rendering of Phl. ahlaw 'truthful' by punyatman- 'whose soul has religious merit, of meritorious soul' or muktatman- 'of emancipated soul', and of Phl. druwand 'deceitful' by durgatimant 'unfortunate, distressful'. On this occasion he breaks the stereotype of the Pahlavi translation, obviously describing asa- as a condition that is enjoyed by pious people in both this world and the afterworld. - Av. asauuan- 'truthful' describes the condition of a pious person in this world in V 5, 61 juuascit noit buuat asauua, mosascit noit baxsait vahistahe anhdus = PhlT. ziwandag ne bawed ahlaw [ku be ne wizared a-s] murd ne baxsend an i pahlom axwan) 'when living he cannot become truthful [i.e. he cannot expiate his soul], when he has died they will not allot to him the best existence'. In contrast, Old Persian rtawan- is said of a person in the afterworld in Xerxes Ph 47-48 siyata ahaniy jiva uta mrta rtava ahaniy 'happy may I be when living, and when dead may I be truthful (=blessed)', and ibidem 5456 hauv uta jiva siyata bavatiy uta mrta rtawa bavatiy 'he becomes happy while living, and becomes truthful (=blessed) when dead'. A parallel of the Old Persian interpretation of the term is obvious in Menoy i Xrad 44, 34, which says of the inhabitants of Eran Wez ka mirend ahlaw hend 'when they die they are truthful (=blessed)' which in Neriosangh's Sanskrit reads yadi (*yada) mriyante mukta bhavanti 'when they die they become emancipated'.

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Avestan Eschatology N. M. Kansara The sacred literature produced by the efforts of the prophet Zarathushtra and his disciples, as well as the language of this literature, are generally designated 'Avesta' or Zend-Avesta'. The word 'Avesta' however, does not occur in this earliest Iranian texts, but is found first in the Pahlavi, a language which came into existence in Iran after the extinction of the Avestan tongue as a vernacular. It designates the original Zoroastrian texts as Avastak, Avistak, or Avastak u Zand. The Pahlavi word "Zand' has for its original Avestan 'Azainti' which means explanation. Hence, the expression 'Avastak u Zand' is generally taken to represent the original Avestan texts, together with the commentary upon them, in Pahlavi. "Zand' refers to the short commentaries, rather explanatory glosses in the Avestan language itself upon the difficult Avestan texts, and found interspersed in the extant Avestan texts. At a later period the expression Zend-Avesta became more popular among the Zoroastrians of Persia and India, both as the name of the Zoroastrian scripture and their language. The ancient Iranians and the Vedic Indians, in their pre-historic home, spoke two dialects of one original language. As a result, there is a close affinity between Avesta, the sacred language of Ancient Iran, and Vedic Sanskrit, the sacred tongue of Ancient India. The resemblance is so great that, with careful observance of certain phonetic laws, the whole lines and stanzas may be converted, word for word, from the one language into the other. Apart from certain distinctive idioms, the grammar and syntax of both languages are closely similar. Avesta is the sister language of Vedic Sanskrit?. Thus, 'Zand' would immediately remind us about 'Chandas' the name by which Panini refers to the Vedic Sanskrit in his Astadhyayi?. The Gathas, being the oldest part of the Avesta, embody the veritable words of Zarathushtra, and are akin to the verses of the Vedic bards. They contain the

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234 N. M. Kansara Makaranda teachings of the Prophet, summed up in metrical stanzas which he composed as a nucleus of his discourses. Among the nations of antiquity there seems to have been none else, except the Vedic ones, that had a more clearly developed system of eschatology, a firmer conviction of the immortality of the soul, and a surer belief in a resurrection and a future life, than had the ancient Iranians as can be judged from their sacred literature. Through all the writings of Zoroastrianism runs a stain of hope that the good will be rewarded hereafter and the wicked punished; that right will triumph and evil will be vanquished; that the dead shall arise and live again; and that the world will be restored to perfection so that joy and happiness may reign supreme. In the Gathas themselves, the pious expectatin of a new order of things is the motif upon which Zarathushtra rings continual changes. The Avesta and the Pahlavi texts often refer to a new era and the rejuvenation as frasokereti and fraskart, respectively. In this way the millennium is really the preparation of all mankind for eternity and perfection of the world, a blessed consummation in which man should have a shares. At the great crisis or final change of the world there will be a decisive division and separation of the evil from the good, and a complete establishment of Ahura's sovereignty, 'the Good Kingdom''. This dogma of a 'new heaven and a new earth' is found both in the Gathas and in the Younger Avesta. It is decidedly a millennial doctrine which is closely associated with the belief in the coming of a saviour (Saosyant) and the resurrection of the dead. In Gatha Ushtavaiti, Zarathushtra declares his message of immortality saying: 'All those who will give hearing for Meunto this one (the prophet) will come unto Salvation and Immortality through the works of the Good Spirit. 'Zarathushtra's pre-eminent concern with the bearing of eschatology was on conduct, as can easily be seen from a study of the Gathas. Faith and works form the foundation of the doctrine of salvation in the religion of Ancient Iran. A belief in the freedom of the will, in the acknowledgment of man's ability to choose the right or to choose the wrong, and in his consequent responsibility to his Creator, lies at the basis of the moral and ethical system

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Avestan Eschatology 235 of the Zoroastrian religion, which above all emphasizes the existence of the two warring principles of Good and Evil, Light and Darkness. To guide man to the choice of right, and thus to assure his gaining the eternal salvation, was the very purpose of Zarathushtra's mission upon earth. According to Zoroastrianism, death means the cessation of physical life, caused by the separation of the soul from the body!2. According to the Iranian Bundahishn, the five constituents of human personality, which are body (tan), life or vitality (jan), soul (ruvan), form (evinak), and Fravashi (frohar), are separated at death; the body returns to the earth, the life to the wind, the form to the sun, and the soul is joined to the Fravashi, so that the soul cannot be destroyed 13. As to the fate of the soul (urvan or ruvan) immediately after death, the Gathas do not provide us with a clear picture. The later Avesta, however, contains several passages explicitly describing how the soul of the righteous or of the wicked is believed to hover near its earthly tenement, in confidence or in fear, for three days and three nights before it passes to the individual judgment. The Pahlavi and the Parsi-Persian texts not only paraphrase the Avestan material with elaboration of detail but also contribute some new ideas concerning the state of the soul during this period of suspense?4. According to the description in the Hadhokht Nask, when a righteous man passes away, his soul takes his seat near the head, chanting the sacred hymns and proclaiming the happiness which Ahura Mazdah will accord to the blest. On the first night his soul experiences as much joy as all that which he experienced as a living being. On the second night and the third one, it continues. Thus during the first, second, and third nights after death the soul of the pious sings in exultation the Song of Salvation, beginning with the verse : usta ahmai yahmai usta kahmaicit. The Avestan texts do not state explicitly what other experiences befall the soul of the pious during these three nights, but we may infer from the developments in the Pahlavi literature that the demon Vizaresha, who awaits the soul at the Chinvat Bridge16, makes a fruitless attack on it beforehand and struggles in vain to capture it. In the attempt the other 'wicked malicious demons' may be thought to join, namely those who 'cut the thread' of life"?, and especially Asto-vidhatu and the evil Vayu, who would naturally seek to ill the soul as they do the body18. Probably for that reason the angel Sraosha is

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236 N. M. Kansara Makaranda invoked in the Avesta to protect in both lives against the onslaughts of Aeshma, which the evil-minded Aeshma, together with the demon-created Vidhati, launches'19. Contrary to the spirit of the Avesta, the Pahlavi writers picture the newly departed soul as more or less helpless, and they indulge in elaborate descriptions of how it must rely upon the righteous Srosh for protection from evil influences, and the surviving relatives are expected to properly propitiate him, so that he will afford his guardianship to the soul20 In accordance with the Zoroastrian fondness for symmetry, the experience of the soul of the wicked, as it lingers in anguish near the body, is the exact opposite in every detail to that of the righteous soul. The description given in the Hadhokht Nask informs us that during the first, second, and third nights after death the soul of the wicked cries aloud the Wail of Woe, the Gatha of lamentation, which begins with the verse : kam namoi zam kuora namoi ayeni. The cause of these lamentations of the soul is obviously the fact that, besides the mental anguish suffered on account of a life spent in sin, there is the prospect of the impending doom at the Chinvat Bridge21 The concept of the Daena, or Conscience, and the role it plays in determining man's destiny hereafter, is one of the fundamental doctrines of Zarathushtra and forms a keynote of his eschatological teachings in the Gathas. Man is endowed with free will. Though helped by the teachings of the Prophet, which are the revelation of the good laws of Mazdah, it is left entirely to man to make a free choice between the Two Principles, the warring kingdoms of Good and Evil22. It is the wise who choose aright, and who, by their good thoughts, words, and deeds, acquire merit in this life and felicity in the life hereafter. The foolish, on the other hand, do not choose rightly, but, yielding to the temptation of evil thoughts, words, and needs, bring misery upon themselves in the present world and demnation in the next23. Therefore, the Daena of the wicked destroys the verity of the Right Way for him, and his soul will suffer anguish at the Judgment of the Chinvat Bridge, having strayed from the Path of Asha through his own deeds and tongue24. Wholly in the spirit of the Gathas is the beautiful conception of the later scriptural writings, according to which the Conscience comes to greet

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Avestan Eschatology 237 the soul at the dawn of the fourth day after death, either in the form of a lovely maiden, or in the shape of a hideous hag. The maiden appears amid a breath of balmy wind, fragrant with scents and perfumes; the hag arrives amid the chill of a foul blast heavy with sickening stench25. According to the account given in the Datastan i Menak i Khrat, the soul of the righteous commences its journey to the great beyond with the help of the powers of Good, but not without facing opposition and impediments thrown in its way by the powers of Evil. The latter are ever eager to drag it to hell, without making any distinction whether it be a righteous or a wicked soul, and without waiting for the trial which it must undergo at the Judgment Seat before its destiny is determined26. The Denkart informs that if a person becomes a follower of the Principle of Evil by doing deeds that help sinfulness, the Daena appears in the guise of a courtesan, who drags him to hell27. The Shkand-vimanik Vichar also furnishas the converse picture to that of the lovely damsel, namely the ghastly form of the courtesan, who is a tormentor and comes to meet the wicked soul with the store of its sin28. However, the Iranian Bundahishn supplements its account of the hideous Hag, in contrast with the Maiden, by logically adding a lean cow and a barren garden to offset the figure of the milch-cow and the flourishing vineyard seen by the soul of the righteous. No sooner has the wicked breathed the stench of a foul wind than he beholds these frightful apparitions. They are the grim messengers of the coming retribution; and the soul, filled with anguish, questions each of them in turn as to its significance, and learns in answer that each typifies the individual Conscience (den), evil in thought, word, and deed, as the result of a life of sin in this world29. The soul now stands at the Individual Judgment in the presence of one or more heavenly assessors before whom the life-account is rendered. The good and evil deeds are weighed in the balance; and the final decision is made according to the turn of the scales, which are counterpoised with perfect justice. Next comes the crossing of the Chinvat Bridge, the Bridge of Judgment, over which the righteous and the wicked alike must pass--the one to felicity, the other to damnation. This doctrine of an individual judgment at the Bridge is clearly discernible throughout the Zoroastrian scriptures, from the Gathas to the latest Persian religious writings 30. This doctrine of a

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238 N. M. Kansara Makaranda spiritual accounting of man's life record, the weighing of merits and demerits, forms an integral part of Zarathushtra's message31. All the daily actions of man are entered, so to speak, as items (daOra) of debit and credit in the record for the hereafter; and only by increasing the credit side of the account can the debits be counterbalanced32. When the account is brought to a final reckoning (henkerata), if there be any excess of good deeds, as in the case of the righteous, these souls find their final destiny in the Abode of Good Thought or House of Song33. But if, owing to bad deeds, the claims (isudo) cannot be satisfied, the result is reversed, as in the case of the wicked, who are destined to become veritable inmates of the House of the Lie 34. All meritorious deeds are regarded as stored up in the treasure-house of Heaven, where they are entrusted to the divine protection of Mazdahs. There is no doubt that this takes place at the Individual Judgment, and before the twofold award is meted out to the souls, with a possible intermediate state. We are not in a position, however, to determine with precision the time when the Individual Judgment takes place. It is a matter of little concern to the Prophet whether the Judgment takes place immediately after death or on the dawn of the fourth day after death. That the fate of each man is determined in strict accordance with the kind of life he has led on earth, or the first life, is the thing that is of moment36. Another important observation to be made in this connection is that Zarathushtra's teachings of a strict reckoning of man's actions leaves no room for a real remission of sins, whereas later Zoroastrianism admits repentance, expiation, and remission. The laws of the first life"37, cannot be turned aside or altered by any sacrifices or offering; and it is in accordance with these laws that man shall be judged, both here and hereafter. Yet, in spite of this, we may infer that Zarathushtra's sense of justice allowed that strenuous effort in performing good deeds would ultimately create a surplus of merit to outweigh the accumulation of past evil38. As to the place where the Individual Judgment is held, there are several passages in the Gathas which either expressly, or by mere suggestion, point to the well-known Chinvat Bridge as the scene of reckoning and balancing where the souls of both pious and the wicked will stand in judgment. It is at the bridge, moreover, that the first separation of the pious from the wicked

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Avestan Eschatology 239 shall take place There are numerous passages in the Gathas where Ahura Mazdah is invoked by Zarathushtra as the Ruler over the twofold awards, who at the time of the Final Dispensation will divide the wise from the unwise". He is the supreme arbiter, and His decision is final. At the time of the Resurrection it is Zarathushtra who will be the Judge (ratav), Mazdah being the Overlord (ahu); and Zarathushtra expressly declares himself to be the ratav appointed by Ahura43. Thus the Gathas contain, at least in substance, those essential elements that are elaborated in the Later Avesta and in the Pahlavi books. And, the doctrine of the Individual Judgment is one of the cardinal teachings of Zarathushtra concerning the life hereafter". There is also in Zoroastrianism the doctrine of an intermediate stage, the tenet of Hamistakan, oe 'Equilibrium'. Zarathushtra recognized the possibility that the good and evil deeds of an individual might balance exactly when weighed in the scales at the heavenly tribunal; and a special place and condition are assigned to such a soul until its ultimate fate shall have been determined at the Universal Judgment. Zarathushtra's keen vision and logical mind caught glimpses of this General Judgment at the end of all things. This optimistic hope of the dawn of a new and better eon is the note that rings again and again in the Gathas. The Prophet's graphic presentation of these events may well have stirred the imagination of his hearers and inspired his followers to carry on the task of furthering the Wished-for-Kingdom (xsaOra vairya) and to look forward to the day when good shall finally triumph over evil, and the world shall be restored to perfection (frasokereti). The accounts given in the Later Avestan and Pahlavi books are essentially the same as those found in the Gathas, except that the picturesque side is more fully developed. Annotations : 1. Maneckji Nusservanji Dhalla Zoroastrian Civilization (ZC) Oxford University Press, New York 1922, pp. 38-39. 2. Panini - 'Astadhyayi", 1. 2. 61; 1. 4. 81; 3. 1. 84; 4. 3. 71; 5. 2. 89; 6. 4. 5; 7.1. 96; 8. 1. 35, etc. 3. A. V. Williams Jackson, Zoroastrian Studies (ZS), AMS press Inc., New York

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240 1963, pp. 143ff. N. M. Kansara Makaranda 4. Ibid., p. 149. 5. Avesta, Part 1. Yasna (Ys) and Visparat (Vsp), edited in Devanagari script by Ervad M. F. Kanga and N. S. Sontakke, Vaidika Samsodhana Mandala, Poona 1962; Ys. 62. 3; Yasht (Yt) 13. 58; Vendidad (Vd) 18. 51; Artak Viraz Namak (AVN) 64. 13; 87.9. 6. Ys. 30. 2; 51. 6; 43. 5. 7. Ys. 31. 19; 47.6. 8. Ys. 51. 1; 41. 2; 48. 8; 32. 6. 9. Jackson, ZS, p. 149. 10. Ys. 45. 5. 11. Jal Dastur Cursetji Pavry, The Zoroastrian Doctrine of a Future Life (ZDFL), AMS Press Inc., New York 1965, pp. 1-2. 12. Avesta, Part III: Vendidad (Vd) and Fragments, edited in Devanagari script by Ervad M. F. Kanga and N. S. Sontakke, Vaidika Samsodhana Mandala, Poona 1978, Vd. 5. 37; 7. 1-2; 8. 81; 9. 43; 13. 12. 13. Pavry, ZDFL, p. 1, Ft. Nt. 2. 14. Ibid., p. 9. 15. Ibid., pp. 12-13; 15-16. 16. Vd. 19. 29. 17. Vd. 19. 28. 18. Vd. 5. 8-9. 19. Ys 57.25; Avesta, Part II: Khordeh Avesta and Yasts (Yt), edited in Devanagari script by Ervad M. F. Kanga and N. S. Sontakke, Vaidika Samsodhana Mandala Poona 1962, Yt. 10. 93; Parvi, ZDFL, pp. 83-85. 20. Parvy, ZDFL, pp. 15-16. 21. Ibid., p. 22. 22. Ys. 30. 2-3; 31. 11-12. 23. Ys. 30. 3. 24. Ys. 51. 13; Parvy, ZDFL, pp. 29-31. 25. Pavry, op. cit., p. 33.

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Avestan Eschatology 241 26. Ibid., p. 39. 27. Denkart (Dk), 'The Dinkard' edited and translated by P. B. and D. P. Sanjana, Vols. 1-18, Bombay 1874-1926, Vol. 2, Text p. 74-75, Tr. p. 83. 28. Datastan i denik (DD), translated by E. W. West, in 'Pahlavi Texts, Part 2, p. 1 276, Oxford 1882 (SBE. Vol. 18), 25. 5; Shkand-vimanik Vichar (SVV), edited by H. D. J. Jamasp-Asana and E. W. West, Bombay 1887, 4. 91-96. 29. Pavry, ZDFL, pp. 43-44. 30. Ibid., p. 49. 31. Ys. 31. 14. 32. A. W. Williams Jackson, A Hymn of Zoroaster : Yasna 31', translated with comments, Stuttgart 1888, p. 45. 33. Ys. 32. 15; 46. 10; 15-17; 50. 4; 51. 15. 34. Ys. 49: 11; 46. 11; 31. 20. 35. Ys. 49. 10. 36. Pavry, ZDFL, p. 53. 37. Ys. 33. 1. . 38. Pavry, ZDFL, pp. 53-54. 39. Ys. 51. 13. 40. Ys. 51. 1. 41. Ys. 31. 19; 47. 6 (Vidatay) 42. Ys. 51. 14; 32. 6. 43. Ys. 33. 1 44. Pavry, ZDFL, p. 59. 45. Ibid., p. 113.

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Manuscript Collection in the Asiatic Society of Bombay B. V. Shetti The Asiatic Society of Bombay came into existence, as the Literary Society of Bombay on the 26th of November 1804, at the meeting held in the building which at present houses the Haffkins Institute, but which was then the Government House. At the suggestion of Sir John Malcolm, on the 27th of February 1828, Society's name was changed as Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, but it was not till the 27th of January of 1930, that the new name appears in the minutes of the Bombay Society. The Society moved into the Town Hall in September 1930. After Independence of India, the Society's name was changed as The Asiatic Society of Bombay. The Asiatic Society of Bombay has a collection of about 3,500 manuscripts, some of which are very rare. 17 manuscripts are illustrated. In 1826, the Government of Bombay gave to the Asiatic Library a rich collection of the very valuable collection of manuscripts, which had been bequeathed to the Court of Directors of the East India Company by Dr. Taylor. Some Gujarati MSS. procured in Gujarat were presented by Colonel Miles. The holdings were further enriched by the presentation of several Oriental MSS. in 1834 by Mr. Borradaile. Further, a part of the Pandit Bhagawanlal Indraji collection came by way of presentation to the Society. Thereafter, the most notable addition to the Library was a donation of Sanskrit MSS. belonging to Dr. Bhau Daji Lad: This was presented to the Society at the public meeting held in Bombay to perpetuate the memory of the departed scholar, and is known as the "Bhau Daji Memorial." A noteworthy presentation some years ago has been a collection of Sanskrit MSS. of the late Mr. Shankar Pandurang

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244 B. V. Shetti Makaranda Pandit by his daughter, Mrs. Kshamabai Row. Further additions were made by D. P. Podar and others. In 1919, a Sub-Committee had been appointed to prepare for a list of manuscripts in the Society's possession and to recommend steps necessary for their careful preservation. A catalogue of these collections which had been a desideratum all these years was at long last completed in 1931, albeit in parts-the Sanskrit, Jaina and Vernacular sections in four volumes by Prof. H. D. Velankar after an assiduous labour of ten years, and the Arabic, Persian, and Urdu sections by Mr. A A A Fyzee rendering a service of love. Velankar's catalogue includes 2093 MSS. and Fyzee's work includes 28 MSS. Velankar's catalogue which became out of stock is now being reprinted. At present the Society has 356 MSS. which are yet to be Studied and catalogued. In recent years not much effort has been made to collect manuscripts. Through the media, an appeal can be made to the public to donate manuscripts in their possession for study and preservation for posterity. In 1820, Mountstuart Elphistone, Governor of Bombay, and President of the Society, presented a number of books in foreign languages, which included, amongst others, the Dante Manuscript, one the most precious possessions of the Society, The Dante Ms. is a quinternion, 12"x 8" of great beauty and excellence. It has wide margins and is in single columns. The calligraphy is large, attractive and clear. The title of the cantos are done in beautiful red and gold. The initial letter of each canto is blue, embellished by scrolls and beautifully illuminated, while each terzina begins with a simple ornament alternating in gorgeous blue and red. The inside of the leather binding has an inscription in Italian which says: "Magnificient book in parchment of the Divina Commedia of Dante Aleghieri, which equals in preservation and beauty those existing in the leading libraries of Europe, especially those in the Ambrosian Library of Milan, with which it has been compared. The form of the characters shows that the date is near the middle of the fourteenth century, that is thirty years after the death of Dante, which took place in A. D. 1321 at the age of fifty-six. The miniatures at the head of each canto allude to the contents of each canto and indicate the style of the art of the fourteenth century in a way that renders the book highly precious."

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Manuscript Collection in the Asiatic Society of Bombay 245 The MS. was rebound in calf, when on a visit to the Library in 1906. His Excellency the Governor of Bombay remarked that it was in a dilapidated condition needing repairs. Offers for the purchase have been received in the past, including one from the Italian Government under Mussolini. But the Management rejected these offers and the manuscript remains one of the proudest possessions of the Society. Also, one more very prized collections of the library is an illustrated manuscript of Shahnamah of Firdausi. Shahnamah is an epic accounting the history of the early kings of Persia and other episodes, such as the fight between the hero Rustom and his son Suhrab, and from these epochs down to the reign of Yazdagir who reigned in A. H. 411/A. D. 1020, with whom the epic ends. The manuscript is profusely illustrated, every chapter beginning with a painting. The colophon of the manuscript mentions that it was prepared in A. H. 900/A. D. 1495 at Shiraz, which was a famous school of painting in Iran. The paintings are mainly illustrations of war scenes or of the feats of the heroes. The warriors and the heroes are seen fighting the enemies either on foot or on saddled horses, wearing heavy armours, inside the fort or outside in an open landscape. Paintings are colourful, being in various shades of red, pink, mauve, green, and also the prominent gold. The calligraphy of this very beautiful manuscript is of very high quality. The discovery of the dated illustrated manuscript of The 'Aranyaka Parva' has been an event of major importance for the history of Indian miniature painting. It affords a reasonable basis for ascribing approximate dates to a number of well known illustrated manuscripts, as also for determining their provenance. The Society got this manuscript along with other manuscripts of Dr. Bhau Daji Lad collection in 1882. It is apparent from the colophon folio that the manuscript originally had 362 folios but at present only 230 folios are extant. It is dated Samvat 1573/A. D. 1516. This manuscript was copied at Yoginipura, under the rule of Sikandar Lodi for Bhanudas Chaudhari. Almost all the folios of the Ms. are ornamented with beautiful old pictures indicative of the story written on them, The 'Aranyaka Parva' of the Mahabharata deals with the events during the 12 years of exile of the Pandavas after Yudhisthtira's defeat at the game of dice. The Jaina tradition has patronised painting illustrating the episodes

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246 B. V. Shetti Makaranda from the life of Tirthankaras a great deal, mainly as visual aid to the devotees. The illustrations were also done to aquire religious merit by the pious Jainas. The Society has four such illustrated MSS. of the Kalpasutra, one of the important religious texts of the Jainas. They are painted in the western Indian style of painting of the 15th century and later. They are in order dated A. D. 1415, 1625, 18th century, and A. D. 1826. Palm-leaf illustrated MSS. painted during Pala kings in Bihar and Bengal became very popular. They usually illustrated Tantric Buddhist deities. But the invasion of Bakhtyar Khalji in A. D. 1200 put an end to this art. However, this art later spread to Nepal and Tibet. In this art there is influence of paintings from Ajanta and Ellora. There are six palm-leaf illustrated folios from the Buddhist MS. Astasahasrika Prajnaparamita of c. A. D. 1200 in the Asiatic Library. All the MSS. in the Society's collection are now micro-filmed. Scholars can now refer to these MSS. with the help of the micro-film reader provided at the Society's premises. They can also get photostat copies of folios at nominal fixed rates. LIST OF RARE MANUSCRIPTS : Brahmanical : Ganaratnamahodadhi, Samvat 1480 (B. D. 63) Suryasiddhanta of Candesvara, Samvat 1452, Sake 1318 (B. D. 282). Suryasiddhanta of king Madanpala, Samvat 1459 (B. D. 282). Atharvavedasamhita of Paippaladasakha, Samvat 1925 (B. D. 246). Bhagavatapurana of Yogesvara, Samvat 1573 (B. D. 231). Aranyakaparva of Mahabharata, Samvat 1573 (B. D. 245). Pancadandatpatrachatraprabandha, Samvat 1499. Vikramacaritra, Samvat 1492, Sake 1357. JAINA: Kalpasutra, Samvat 1472 (B. D. 63/4). Sadavasyakasutra, Samvat 1455 (B. D. 202).

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Manuscript Collection in the Asiatic Society of Bombay 247 Sadavasyakasutra, Samvat 1525 (B. D. 141). Gautamapriccha of Sritilaka, Samvat 1480 (B. D. 234). Samgrahaniratna of Sritilaka, Sarnvat 1480 (B. D. 234). Vasupujyacaritra, Samvat 1440 (B. D. 184). BUDDHIST : Santasahasrika Prajnaparamita, Govindapala. A. D. 1200; No. 210 (B. I.) ARABIC : Tib-u ("Ahli') l-kisa, A. D. 1591-1681 (zz-c-9). Al-Jauharal al-munira fi jumal in min as-sirat, A. D. 1654 (zz-c-50). Risalat at-tarjamat az-zahira li firqati Bohrat al-bahira by Haji Salauddin Arai, A. H. 1265. PERSIAN : Shahnama of Firdausi, Dated 1495 (ZZ-a-1). Shahnama of Firdausi, A. D. 1843. Kershaspnama A. H. 625/A. D. 1227. Ain-i-Akbari by Abu'l-Fazl (zz-b-2). Mahabharat by Faizi, 18th century (zz-b-2) Nal-u-Daman by Faizi, A. D. 1594-95 5EX-d-68). URDU : Naqliyyat-i-Hindi 5z-b-31). Qissa-i-Rustam Ali European : Dante Alighieri Divina Commedia Dated c. 1350 LIST OF ILLUSTRATED MANUSCRIPTS : 1. BD26/3 1818 Yogasastra of Hemacandra and other stories - Sam. 1550, 1 III. 2. BD26/6 1674 Sangrahaniratna of Sricandra - 1 III. 3. BD26/9 1969 Silaratha Citra - 19 ILL.

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248 B. V. Shetti Makaranda 4. BD61/1 1639 Pravacana saroddhara of Nemicandra - 1 ILL. 5. BD63/4 1429 Kalpasutra of Bhadrabahu Sam. 1472= A. D. 1415 - 21 ILL. 6. BD72/6 1970 Silarasa of Vijayadeva Suri - Sam - 1799 - 1 ILL. 7. BD91/2A 2065 Bhagavadgita Samailoki of Vamana Pandita - 1 ILL. 8. BD91/5 382 Narapatijayacarya - Charts & diagrams. 9. BD94/2 380 Narapatijayacarya 13 ILL. 10. BD107/22 2041 Ramavinoda of Rama Kavisvara 1 ILL - Painted Wood covers. 11. BD156/2 1592 Ksetrasamasa, Ratnasekhara - 11 ILL. 12. BD205/1 1438 Kalpasutra - C-1625 A. D. Patan 31 ILL. 13. BD205/4 1593 Ksetrasamasa of Ratnasekhara - Illustrated with Diagrams. 14. BD245 966 Aranyakaparva Dt. 1516. 15. BD310/1 383 Narapatijayacharya - 3 ILL + Diagrams.. . 16. BD310/5 1464 Jnatadharmakathasutra - 1 ILL. 17. BI148 1428 Kalpasutra of Bhadrabahu, 18 Century - 311 18. B1194 Karandavyuha - 1 ILL. 19. BI206 Avalokitesvara Stotra - 1 ILL & 2 painted wood covers. 20. BI208 Gandavyuhamaharnava - 1 ILL. 21. BI210 Astasahasrika Prajnaparamita - 6 ILL Folio A. D. 1200. 22. DP 35 2322 Silpasastra of Visvakarma - 2 ILL. 23. DP 41 2344 Lilavati Dt. Sake 1625 - 1 ILL. 24. Forbes Manual 12 143693 Mahabharata in Persian - 17 Illustrations (Mahabharata by Faizee - Z. Z. B. 2 18th Century 25. ZZ. E-24 142564 Kalpasutra. Sam 1833 = A. D. 1826 - Bombay) 26. ZZ. A. 1 140714 Shahnamah 27. Forbes Memorial 15 Album of Painting by P. Dajieebhoy - 48 ILL.

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Concept of Sistacara Hukam Chand Patyal 0.0. An attempt is made in this paper to discuss the concept of sistacara ('practice or conduct of the sistas' [`learned or virtuous persons']). The word sista (< sas- (substituted by sis-, vide P. 6. 4. 34; 8. 3. 60; also see Vayu P. i. 59.33; Matsya P. 145. 34)'. The earliest occurrence of the word sista adj. 'taught, instructed' is met with in AV. 2. 29. 4; 5. 26. 4 etc. also cf Sat Br. 13. 1. 6. 1 wherein sistah prajah means clever children'. 0.1. In ancient India, law was closely connected with religion. According to the Dharma-texts, the whole body of dharma (sacred law) can be divided into three parts - namely acara 'rules of conduct or established practices'; vyavahara 'rules of government and judicature or jurisprudence'; and prayascitta 'atonement or penance and expiation' (see especially the division of Manu Sm. and Yajna Sm.). 1.0. The main contents of the Dharma - and Smrti - texts are concerned with the duties of men in different stages of life, namely studenthood, householdership, renunciation, asceticism; they are also concerned with dietary regulations, and also with the rights and duties and functions of kings. These texts also deal with socio-religious matters, such as purificatory rites, funeral ceremonies, modes of hospitality, daily observances etc. They are also concerned with juridical matters. 1.1. The term acara-religious custom, established usage--is transcendent law, and that should be very carefully observed by a twice-born person (Manu Sm. 1. 108). The term dharma is the most comprehensive and important term in the whole range of Sanskrit literature. It embraces sacred law and duty, justice, religious merit etc. Many Dharma-texts enumerate three sources (mulas) of dharma, namely the Veda, Tradition,

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250 Hukam Chand Patyal Makaranda 'Good Custom or Practice of the sistas' (Gaut DS. 1(1). 1-2; Vasi DS. 1. 4-7 (cf. Apa DS. 1(1). 1.2). Manu Sm. 2. 6. and Yajna Sm. 1. 7 add one more source, namely self-satisfaction or inner contentment (atratusti). Manu Sm. 2. 12 also enumerates these four sources of dharma (on the term dharma), see Patyal 1997 : 157-65). As a matter of fact, every rule of dharma must find its foundation in the Veda. "But in reality, it seems that when a Hindu affirms that dharma rests entirely upon the Veda, the word Veda does not mean in that connection the Vedic texts, but rather the totality of knowledge, the sum of all understanding of all religious and moral truths, whether revealed or not." (Lingat 1973 : 8; cf. HDS. I. 4). 1.2. Dharma is not visible' to an ordinary man. That rule is of great significance and importance for which there is 'no visible purpose' (adrstartha), than a rule for which there is visible purpose' (drstartha). The king should be impartial to both friends and foes (Yajna Sm. 2. 1-2). He should be the supporter and protector of dharma (Yajna Sm. 2. 21). The semidivine nature of the king was vested with temporal power, and the enforcement of law was primarily his responsibility (Manu Sm. 7. 4-5). , 2.0. The sistacara is the very touchstone for judging whether an act is in consonance with what the scriptures require us to do. The sadacaradharma and sistacaradharma are even above Sruti and Smrti. If Sruti and Smrti both fail to elucidate a ticklish problem, then the community may look for guidance and model in the actions of the people who practise what is right or proper' (sadacara), or who generally 'act according to the (Vedic) instruction' (sistacara). 2.1. The earliest reference to the sistas appears to be found in Tai U. I. II (though the word sista itself is not used in this text). If there is any doubt regarding any deeds, regarding conduct, one should behave in such matters, as the Brahmanas (who are) competent to judge, devoted (to noble deeds), not led by others, not harsh, lovers of virtues. In sum, the noble behaviour of the so-called Brahmanas is the secret doctrine of the Veda, this is the teaching. 2.2. The sistas are variously defined in the Dharma-texts and also in Maha

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Concept of Sistacara 251 Bha. and the Puranas. Baudh DS. (1. 1.5-6) clearly says 'sistas are those who are free from envy and pride, who keep only as much corn as is measured in kumbhi, who are free from greed and hypocrisy, arrogance, covetousness, delusion and anger. Those are sistas who have studied the Veda according to the prescribed methods, together with appendages (i. e. Itihasa and Purana), who know how to draw inferences from that and, who tend to make people realize the teaching of the Veda? Vasi DS. (1. 6) defines sista as one whose mind is free from desires. In Maha Bha. (3. 198. 55 ff.) it is said that department of the strict (sistacara) is difficult to acquire. In the same epic (3. 198. 57 f.) the following are mentioned as the means of acquiring sistacara 'Sacrifice, gifts, austerities, the Vedas, and truthfulness my good Brahmin, are five purifying means for those whose department is informed, and they are always effective. After controlling lust and anger, arrogance, greed and insincerity the strict or virtues (sistas) are contended with the law and are applauded by the sistas'. Matsya P. (145. 39) mentions eight characteristics of the sistas, namely gifts, truthfulness, asceticism, learning, sacrifice, worship, selfrestraint, and want of greed. Maha Bha. (13. 30. 20-23) defines and praises the sistas. The sistas are those who are engaged in carrying out the duties of the aggregate of three (namely dharma, artha and kama), who are engaged in righteous conduct or behaviour, who are conversant with Brahman, who are possessed of the knowledge of the Vedas, who are free from lust and follow righteous behaviour, who subsist on water and air alone, who partake of the remnants of food offered to the deities and guests, who observe diverse kinds of vows. They are worthy of worship who have no spouses (observe celibacy), who have spouses and maintain domestic fire, who are refuge of the Vedas and also of all creatures in the universe. 2.3. In Tantr Va. 1.3.7 (see p. 128 ff.) authoritativeness of the sadacara (the custom and usages of the sistas) is discussed. sistas are those who perform the religious acts expressly enjoined by the Veda. The sadacara is what is practised by the sistas and sistas are those who practise sadacara. These practices followed by the sistas constitute a part of dharma, and thereby dharma leads to heaven.

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252 Hukam Chand Patyal Makaranda These practises become authoritative with the observance of the sistas (HDS. III. 82, 843-4). 3.0. Resume From the foregoing discussion we are led to the following considerations argumenti causa : 1) The sistas are those who possess all virtues, knowledge of the Vedas and other sastras. 2) The conduct of the sistas (gistacara) is even above Sruti and Smrti. 3) The sistas are the refuge of the Vedas and also of all creatures in the universe. The religious practices become authoritative because of observence of the sistas. The sistacara is the very touchstone for knowing whether an act is in consonance with what the scriptures require us to do.* . Annotations : 1. It appears that Vayu P. 1.59.33 and Matsya P. 145. 34 derive sista from sis - 'to remain'. Hence sistacara by these Puranas is understood to be the conduct of life for those who remained i.e. survived) after the Manvantara. This Puranic etymology does not appear to be convincing. The correct etymology is sas - (sis - to teach') + -ga-. Sistah khalu vigatamatsara nirahamkarah kumbhidhanya alolupa dambhadarpalebhamoha-krodhavivarjitah / dharmenadhigato yesam vedas saparibmhanah / sistas tad anumanajnah srutipratyaksahetava iti // Baudh DS. 1. 1. 5-6. Baudh DS. 1. 1. 6 is found in Manu Sm. 12. 109 and Vasi DS. 6. 43 (with some variants). Cf. Maha Bh. iii. 174. 10 (on vi. 3. 109) which also gives more or less the same type of description of the sistas as is found in Baudha DS. * Paper read at the Xth World Sanskrit Conference held at Bangalore, January 3-9, 1997.

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Concept of Sistacara 253 REFERENCES HDS=Kane, P.V. P.V. Kane, History of Dharmasastra, Vols. I and III. Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute. Poona : 1941 and 1946. Robert Lingat, Eng. Tr. J. Duncan M. Derrett, The Classical Law of India. University of California Press, California 1973. H. C. Patyal, "The term dharma : its scope". (Sir William Jones Bicentenary Volume). BDCRI 1997, 54-55. 157-65.

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padmasAgaragaNikRta pramANaprakAza jitendra zAha kartA paricaya prastuta kRtinA racayitA pa. padmasAgaragaNi che. teo samrATu akabara pratibodhaka, prabhAvaka AcArya hIravijaya sUrinA praziSya che. temaNe prastuta kRtinA aMte prazasti svarUpa-lakhela kRtimAM jaNAvyuM che ke __ bhaTTArakaghaTAkoTikoTara zrI 6 hIravijayasUrIzvaravijayarAjye mahopAdhyAya zrI dharmasAgaragaNiziSya paM. padmasAgaragaNikRtA / ' arthAta teo AcArya hIravijayasUrinA ziSya mahopAdhyAya dharmasAgaranA ziSya che. A kRti temaNe kyAre racI teno ullekha prApta thato nathI paraMtu nayaprakAza nAmanI 1 anya kRtimAM teno racanA saMvata 1623 (IsvI 1567) darzAvyo che. A uparathI evuM anumAnI zakAya ke A graMtha paNa te ja varSonI AsapAsanA samayamAM lakhyo haze. temanA jIvana vize vizeSa mAhitI maLatI nathI paraMtu hIravijayasUrinA eka ziSya zrI zubhavijaye kezavamizra kRta tarkabhASA upara eka vArtika racanA karI che. te vArtika paM. padmasAgaragaNie saMzodhyAno ullekha prApta thAya che. A uparathI ema mAnI zakAya ke prastuta padmasAgaragaNi saMskRta bhASAnA ane darzanazAstranA UMDA abhyAsI haze. temaNe 'sAhitya ane itihAsa viSayaka graMtho to racyA che. sAthe sAthe darzanane lagatA graMtho paNa lakhyA che. temanA graMthonI yAdI nIce pramANe che. 1. svopajJa TIkA sahIta nayASTaka athavA nayaprakAza 2. zIlaprakAza (saM. 1634, sthUlibhadracaritra) 3. dharmaparIkSA (saM. 1645) 4. jagadgurukAvya (saM. 1646, hIravijaya sUri jIvanavRttAMta) 5. uttarAdhyanakathAsaMgraha (saM. 1657) 6. yuktiprakAza (svopajJa-TIkA sahita) 7. pramANaprakAza (svopajJa-TIkA sahita)

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256 8. tilakamaMjarIvRtti 9. yazodharacaritra jitendra zAha Makaranda Ama teoe saMskRta bhASAmAM sArI evI kRtio racI che ane temAMnI moTA bhAganI badhI ja prakAzita paNa thayelI che. prati paricaya : A graMthanI mULa prata bhogIlAla laheracaMda bhAratIya saMskRti vidyAmaMdiranA hastaprata saMgrahamAMthI prApta thayela che. teno kramAMka naMbara-727 che. kAgaLa upara lakhAyela A hastapratanI sAijha 11 x 26 semInI che. kula 12 pAnA che. dareka pAnAnI AgaLa pAchaLa suMdara suvAcya akSare paDimAtrA lipimAM lakhANa karyuM che. dareka pRSTha upara 13 paMktio che ane dareka paMktimAM Azare 45 akSaro che. pratanA aMte lekhana saMvat darzAvyo nathI paraMtu A hastapratanA akSara ane maroDanA AdhAre Azare 17mA saikAnI hastaprata hovAnuM anumAnI zakAya. darzana-viSayaka graMtho : paM. padmasAgaragaNie traNa prakAzAMta kRtionI racanA karI che. A kRtio kadamAM laghu hovA chatAM viSaya ane vivecananI dRSTie mahattvanI che. nayanA svarUpane darzAvatI kRti nayaprakAza che, yuktinA svarUpane spaSTa karatI yuktiprakAza che, ane pramANanA lakSaNane darzAvatI kRtinuM nAma pramANaprakAza che. A traNeya kRtio saMskRta bhASAmAM padyarUpe lakhAyela che. prAcIna kALamAM tema ja madhyakALamAM jaina dharmamAM dArzanika stotro racAtAM hatAM te svarUpanI A kRtio mULe to tIrthaMkaranA stavanA rUpe lakhAyela to che, paraMtu temAM bhaktinuM tattva atyalpa che. A kRtiomAM tIrthaMkaranI dezanA-svarUpa temanA tattvajJAnane kendrasvarUpe mUkI temanI stuti karI che. ane traNeya kRti upara temaNe svayaM saraLa bhASAmAM saMskRtamAM TIkA racI che, je upalabdha thAya che. prastuta kRtimAM darzanazAstramAM prasiddha evA pramANanA lakSaNa aMge carcA karavAmAM AvI che. bhAratIya darzana paraMparAmAM pramANane ghaNuM ja mahattvanuM sthAna ApavAmAM AvyuM che. paraMtu pramANanA lakSaNa vize vibhinna darzanomAM vaimatya pravarte che. naiyAyiko sannikarSane pramANa tarIke svIkAre che, sAMkhyo indriyavRttine, jaino jJAnane pramANa tarIke svIkAre che. ahIM naiyAyika saMmata indriya-saMnikarSane pUrvapakSarUpe sthApita karavAmAM Avyo che ane temAM rahelAM dUSaNa dAkhavI, aMte tenuM khaMDana karI, jainadarzana saMmata jJAnane pramANa tarIke sthApita karavAmAM Avela che.

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padmasAgaragaNikRta 'pramANaprakAza' svopajJavRttisahitaH pramANaprakAzaH // atha pramANaprakAzavRttiH // sarasvatyAH padadvandvaM namaskRtya punarguroH / zrI pramANaprakAzasya vRttiM kurve yathAmatim // 1 // iha sva-para-parichitti-janana - samartha - pramANa - lakSaNa - vyutpAdanAya pramANaprakAzaM cikIrSuH prakRtazAstra-parisamAptaye laukikAMvigIta - ziSTAcArAvabodhita- karttavyatAkaM prastuta - stutika zrI zAntijinanAmAGkita-prathamakAvyena maGgalamAcarati / svasti zriyAM yasya padaM pramANaprakAzamAviH kurute mataM matam // upAsmahe taM praNidhAna - susthitaM jJAnAtmakaM zAntijagatrayezvaram // 1 // 257 vyAkhyA - iha vakSyamANarItyA pratibandhApAyarUpa - yogyatAtmakatva - sva-para-vyavasAyijJAna lakSaNAkrAnta: sva-para-parichittijanaka - pramANavedyatvena bhAvAnAM sanniviSTatvAdbhAva vyavasthiterititAsthAttavyapadeza iti tvApramANazabdenAbhidhIyante padArthAsteSAM yaM prakAzaH sva- para parichitti-janarUpaH taM para-parichitti-kalpita-jaDarUpasannikarSAdi-janyatva-tiraskArapurassaramAviH kurute prakaTIkarotIti saMTakaH / tatra pramANa- prakAzeti padam / anantarameva vakSyamANa ekaviMzatikAvyAtmaka - zAntistavAbhidhAyitvena sAbhiprAyaM iti prathamakAvyArthaH / atha sva-samaya-siddha-jJAna-prAmANyavyavasthApanAya paraparikalpita - sannikarSAdi-prAmANyaM nirasyan jagannAtha-stuti - svarUpeNa dvitIyakAvyamAha / . prAmANya hemezvara - sannikarSa-pote kSipatyeSatavAriyaugaH / tvaddarzitaM na vyabhicArarandhraM dadarza jAtyandha ivApi pazyan // 2 // - vyAkhyA aho svAmin yoga-nAmA tvadIya-jJAna- pratibhAta-sakalapadArtha-sArtha svarUpAparathA-vaktRtva tvadukta vidhi - viparItAcaraNAbhyAM cArita-vadviT - sannikarSAtmake pote vAhane prAmANyarUpaM hemanuvarNyaM kSipati nyasyati / paraM paramakAruNyAdbhavetApadarzita anvaya-vyatirekAbhyAM vyabhicAra- randhraM sannikarSAntasthaM prAmANya - hemApagamakaraM jAtyandha iva nayanAbhyAM pazyannapi na dadarza na pazyati / smeti zabdArthA bhAvArthastvayam / yaugA hi kila sannikarSasya ghaTAdipadArthaviSayaka - pramAM pratyatizayita kAraNatvena prAmANyaM svIkurute / tatrAnvayavyatireka-vyabhicArAbhyAM sannikarSasyapramAM prati kAraNatvamapi nAstIti kutastasyAtizayita kAraNatvaM tAM pratIti syAdvAdibhi rnigadyate / tathAhi gaganasya vibhutvena sakalamUrttadravya-saMyogitva - lakSaNa - lakSitvena satyapi cakSuH sannikarSe pramAnutpAdAdanUya vyabhicAraH vizeSeNa jJAnena vaiziSTya pramitau janayitavyAyAM asatyapi sannikarSe pramotpAdAdvyatireka vyabhicAraH //

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jitendra zAha na ca tatra yogyatAyA abhAvAnnAnvayavyatireke vyabhicAra iti vAcyam / tadavaSTaMbhasyApyAgra (sU)?tre eva vikalpajAlairnirasyamANatvAt / tadetadanvaya- vyatirekavyabhicArarandhraM sannikarSavAhane tvayopadarzitamapi na dRSTavAn yogaH etena bhagavato vairiNAmapi hitopadezadAnenaM paramakAruNyaM dhvanyata iti dvitIya - kAvyArthaH // atha sannikarSavAhane vyabhicArarandhreNa ko doSaH / prAmANya hemna ityAha // 258 tacchidra tatsva-vinAzayAyinaH prAmANya hemnaH khalurakSaNAya / cikSepa dhUrto'tha ca yogya-bhAvA bhAvaikayuktyutkaTa- paTTikaMsaH // 3 // Makaranda atha tat chidratastvayopadarzitA vyabhicAra- randhrAt vinAzayAyino vinazyataH prAmANya hemnaH kSarataH prAmANyarUpa-svarNasya khalviti nizcitaM rakSaNAya trANAya dhUrttaH svagrahagrahila : sa yaugo.. yogyabhAvo yogyatA tatprati yogiko yo'bhAvastadavaSTaMbheNaikAdvaitayuktistUryetkaTa-paTTikaM tat chidrapidhAnAya cikSepa tatra yogyatAbhAvAccakSuH sannikarSasya gagane vidyamAnasyApi tadviSayaka pramitvajanakAtvapi na vyabhicAritvamiti tRtIya- kAvyArthaH / atha yaugena tadvAhanAntarvyabhicAra chidrapidhAnAya tatpadRkenyasteki- kRtaM bhagavaMstvAvatyAha / lagnatvayAnaika-vikalpa-mudguroretairamISAM kila paTTakaM tat / tathAhi bho kA vada yogyateti nUnaM bhavoccat sahakAri-saMnidhiH // 4 // aho svAmin etairiti anantarameva vakSyamANai ryogyatAvikalpa-mudgaraistatpaTTikaM bhavatA bhagnam / tathAhIti tAn vikalpAn sUtrakAra eva svayaM sUtrAntabadhnAti / bho yauMga vada brUhi / tat chidrapidhAyikA kA yogyateti syAdvAdinA pRSTe prAha yaugaH sahakAri sannidhiryogyatA / ayamAzayo yathA daNDAdi-sakalakAraNa-samavadhAnepyekaM dravyAdikAraNavaiguNye kila notpadyate ghaTastathA vyomnyapi sannikarSAdisakala-kAraNasamavadhAnepyeka dravyAdisahakArikAraNavaiguNye na tadviSayakapramotpAdanaM iti sahakAri - sannidhiryogyateti naiyAyikenokte dUSayati syAdvAdI cediti caturthakAvyArthaH // atha taddUSaNaprakAraka-sahakArikAraNa-vikalpAnAha // syAttatra kiM bho sahakArikAraNaM, dravyaM guNo vA vada yauga karma // dravyaM hi cedvyApyatha ko vizeSastat sannidhiryaghUTasannikarSAt // 5 // ahozcidyaugatvaM vidyamAne'pi sannikarSeNa pramAnutpattau sahakArikAraNa - saMnidhyAtmakayogyatA-pratiyogikAbhAvaM kAraNaM brUSe / tatra pramotpattau sahakAri - kAraNaM kiM dravyaM guNaH karma vA syAt dravyamapi vyApyavyApi veti vikalpya dUSayati cedvyApIti / ayaM bhAvaH yadi vyApi dravyaM sahakArikAraNaM syAt / tarhi digAdivyApidravya - lakSaNa - sahakArikAraNaM sahakRtatvAvizeSeNa sannikarSAd gaganaviSayaka pramotpAdaH kena nivAryaH / yadyasmAtkAraNAt ghaTasannikarSavaditi / ghaTa

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padmasAgaragaNikRta 'pramANaprakAza" 259 sannikarSe yathA vyApidravya-sahakAri-kAraNaM sannidhirasti / tathA prakRte'pi tatsannidhirastIti tena tadviSayaka pramotpAda-prasaMga iti paJcamakAvyArthaH / / athAnyApi dravyasya sahakArikAraNatvaM tiraskurvannAha // avyApi cevavyamaho tataH kiM manastathAloka ihedamaMbakam / etatrayasyApi ca tatra sannidhirghaTAdivadviyata eva yasmAt // 6 // vyAkhyA - cedyadyavyApidravyaM gagana-sannikarSeNa tatpramotpAde sahakArikaraNaM syAditi brUSe manastathe sati tatsahakAri kiM mano vAloko vA aMbakamiti cakSurvA sahakAri syAt naitatpakSatrayamapi saMgacchate / yatastadAnImamISAM trayANAmapi ghaTasannikarSavat sAnnidhyAt na ca manasA saha tadAnIM cakSuH / sannikarSAbhAvena AtmA manasA saha saMyujyate mana indriyeNetyAdi prakriyAstatrAsaMbhavena vidyamAnenApi sannikarSeNa na gaganaviSayaka pramotpAda iti vAcyam / manasaH zarIraparimANakatve-nendriyasannikRSTatvAt / prayogo yathA-mano madhyamaparimANAdhikaraNaM pRthivyAdiparamANuvyaNuka catuSTaya vyatiriktatve sati avibhu-dravyatvAt yazcaivaM sa caivaM sa caivaM yathA ghaTa iti ghaTa iti ghaTavatvasyApi madhyama parimANAdhikaraNatve siddhe Atmavaddeha parimANakatvaM siddhyati hi prayogaH manodeha parimANakaM madhyamaparimANAdhikaraNatvAt Atmavat na cAtmano madhyamaparimANAdhikaraNatvasyA-siddhatvena dRSTAntAsiddhiriti vAcyam / Atmano'pi madhyamaparimANAdhikaraNatvasya yuktisAdhyatvAt tathAhi yuktayastatra prathamamanumAnaM nigadyate / AtmAdehapramANastatraiva vizeSatadguNopalabdheH yasya yatrevopalabhyante guNAH sa tatraiva syAt / yathA ghaTaH na ca pakSAvRttitvenAzrayAsiddho'yaM heturiti vAcyam / jale candro gagane candropalambhAt / ityAderanumAnatvAGgIkAreNa pakSAvRttitve'pi hetoranAbhAsatvasya vakSyamANatvAt na ca puSpAdInAm / tatpradezAparagandhAdiguNopalabdhyA yAvadgandhapradezasthitikatvAbhAvena puSpAdiSu vyabhicAryayaM heturiti vAcyaM tatra puSpArambhakaparamANUnAM paraprayatna-svabhAvAparaparyAyAbhyAM prayogavizrasAbhyAmupalabdhernatu kevalaM gandhAdhupalabhyate / na jAtu guNo guNinamatiricya vartata iti prameyakamala-mArtaNDavacanAt / tasmAnnAyaM vyabhicArIhe(tu)riti / nanu mantrAderAkarSaNoccATanAdi guNAnAM yojana-zatAntare'pi labhyamAnatvena vyabhicAryevAyaM heturiti cet na nAyaM mantrAdirguNaH kintu tadadhiSThAtRdevasya tasya tu tattaddezagamanenaiva tadupalabdheH / tato ghaTAdidRSTAntAvaSTambheNa dehe. eva sukha-duHkhAditadguNopalabdhyAsiddhaM AtmanaH kAya-pramANatvaM iti na cAtmano dUradesIyakanakaratna-candanAGganAdibhogAtmano vyApakatvavyAhati-nivArakAdRSTasya dehAtiriktadeze satvAt asiddho'yaM heturiti vAcyam / adRSTasyAnumAnena dehAbahi: satvaniSedhAt tathAhi nAdRSTaM dehAbahiH sambhavati AtmAsAdhAraNaguNatvAt sukhataditthaM dRSTasyaiva bahiH satve niSiddhe kathantenAtmano dehAbahi: satvaM anumeyaM kanaka-ratnAdInAM tu adRSTajanitasAmarthyena dehasthasyaivAtmAno bhogasambhavAt tasmAd dehapramANamevAya mAtmeti / kiM cAyamAtmAbhogAyatanaM sarvAtma'nAvaSTabhnIyAt / eka dezena vA cet sarvAtmanA tatk(ttva) smatpakSAGgIkAraH / atha ceta

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260 jitendra zAha Makaranda ekadezenAvaSTabhnAti tahi sAvayavatva-prasaGga ekadeze naivAbhAtkRtvaM vA padyeta tasmAnna vyApaka pakSaH / nanvAtmanaH kAya-pramANatve bAlazarIraparimANavatastasya yuvazarIraparimANAMgIkAraH kathaM syAt iti cet na tasya kuNDalIbhUta sarpadRSTAntAvaSTambheNa saMbhavAt / yathA hi dvihasta-pramANo'pi sarpaH kuNDalIbhUtatvena vitastyAdi pramANaH samIkSyate tathAyamapi tattaddehaparimANavAnapi bAlAvasthAkatvena tAvat parimANavAnevopalabhyate / ityAtmanaH kAyapramANatve na kazciddoSalezo'pi / na cAtmanaH kAya-pramANatve hastapAdAdi khaNDane khaNDanaprasaGga iti vAcyam / Atmano'pi khaNDanasyAsmAkamiSTatvAtkathamanyathA chinnadehAvayave'pi kaM kopalabdhiH syAt ityAtmano madhyamaparimANAdhikaraNatve deha-pramANatvamiti manasA sahendriyasya sambandhatvenAvyApi-dravyasya manonayanAlokatrayasyApi sAnnidhyAt tadAnIM gagana-viSayakapramotpAdaprasaGgastasmAnnAvyApidravyamapi sahakArikAraNam / yasmAtkAraNAt ghaTAdIti ghaTAdi . . sannikarSasyeva asya trayasyApi sannidhividyata eveti SaSThakAvyArthaH / / sannikarSeNa pramotpAdevyApi-dravyasyAvyApi-dravyasya ca sahakArikAraNatvaM niSidhya guNasyApi vikalpadvayena sahakArikAraNatvaM niSedhayati // guNopi kiM mAtRgataH prameyagato'thavA tat sahakArikAraNam / prameyagaH syAnna ghaTAdivadyat vyomnopi saMkhyAdi gunnaanvittvaat|||7|| __ ahozcid yaugaguNo'pi prameyagataH sahakArikAraNaM syAt pramAtRgato vA syAt iti vikalpya prAgvikalpaM dUSayati / na syAnna bhavet prameyagato guNaH sahakAri kAraNam / yatkAraNAt ghaTAdivat / vyomno'pi gaganasyAsaMkhyAdi guNAnvitatvAt sannikarSeNa tatpramotpAdaprasaGgaH syAt ayamarthaH yathA hi guNavatvena ghaTaviSayakapramotpattidRzyate / tathA gaganaviSayakapramotpattirapyAstAm / ubhayatrApi guNavatvAvizeSAditi saptamakAvyArthaH // . atha ghaTAdau vidyamAnasya gagane cAvidyamAnasya guNavizeSasya sannikarSeNa pramotpAde sahakAri kAraNatvaM syAdityAzaMkApanodAyAha davyagrahotpAdaka rUpa( ? )vatvA bhAvasya tatra pratibandhakatvAt / na sannikarSo'pi vihAyasaH pramAM natvakSamaH kartumiheti cet na // 8 // nanu dravyagrahasya dravyaviSayaka pramAyA utpAdakaM rUpavatvaM syAttacca tatra nAstIti kathaM sannikarSeNApi tatpramitiH syAt / sannikarSeNApi tatpramitau janayitavyAyAM rUpavatvAbhAvasya tatra pratibandhakatvAt sannikarSo'pi vihAyaso gaganasya pramAM kartumakSama iti cennetyaSTamakAvyArthaH / ityevaM naiyAyikena zaMkite syAdvAdyAha vastvastu tAvatpratibandhanAzAtmakaM hi bhAvendriyameva kAraNam / . kilAtizAyi-svapara-pramAyAH pramANamAvazyaka-bhAvalAghavAt // 9 //

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padmasAgaragaNikRta 'pramANaprakAza" 261 aho yauga ! yadi rUpavatvAbhAvasya tatra pratibandhakatvena sannikarSasya na vyoma-viSayakapramAjanakatvamiti tvaM brUSe ! taoNstu pratibandhanAzaH pratibandhapratiyogikaM pradhvaMsaH tadAtmakaM tadanyonyAbhAvApratiyaugikaM bhAvendriyameva svaparapramAyA iti svaM jJAnaM tadanyo'rthaH parastayoH pramAparichittistasyA atizAyikAraNaM tadeva pramANam / Avazyaka-bhAva-lAghavAditi Avazyakatva viziSTa lAghavAt // AvazyakatvAllAghavAccetyarthaH / bhAvArthastAvadayaM yaugA hi sannikarSeNApi vyomaviSayaka pramotpAde pratyakSa-pramotpatti-prayojaka-pratibandhakAbhAvAtmaka-rUpavattvavaiguNyaM saMgirante / tatra syAdvAdinastAvaditthaM bruvate / sannikarSeNApi yadi pratyakSa-pramitau janayitavyAyAM pratibandhakAbhAvApekSyate tahi pratibandhakAbhAvasyaivopajIvyatvAllAghavAcca kAraNatve nAstu prAmANyaM kimityantargaDunA sannikarSeNa pratibandhAbhAvastu jJAnAtmako bhAvendriyameveti navamakAvyArthaH / atha prameyagataguNasyapratyakSa-pramitau sahakArikAraNatvaM niSidhya pramAtRgatasyApi guNasya sahakArikAraNatvaM niSedhayati adRSTamukhyasya guNavrajasya pramAtRgasyApi hi sannidhAnam / astItikuMbhAdikasannikarSavat tatsannikarSo janayenna kiM pramAm // 10 // . aho yauga ! yadi adRSTAdi guNAH pramAtRgatastatra sahakArikAraNaM svIkuruSe tarhi ghaTasannikarSavat sAnnidhye astIti sannikarSeNa pramAtRgatAdRSTAdi sAnnidhya sahakRtena gaganaviSayaka-pramotpAdaH syAt pramAtRgata guNAnAM sAnnidhyAvizeSAt / itthaM bhAvArthaM prapaJcyAkSaragamanikAM kurute / pramAtRgasyeti AtmAdhikaraNakasyAdRSTamukhyasyeti adRSTAderguNavrajasya api dvitIya vikalpA sAmarthya dyotakaH / tatretyanuvartamAnamadhyAhArya gaganasannikarSe'pi sannidhAnaM sannidhirasti iti hetoH kuMbhAdikasannikarSaH kathaM na pramAM janayedubhayatrAvizeSAditi dazamakAvyArthaH / atha prameyapramAtRgataguNasya sahakArikAraNatvaM niSedhya karmaNo'pi sahakArikAraNatvaM niSedhayati / - karmApi kiM tat sahakArikAraNaM vyomodbhavaM vA nayanodbhavaM vA // vyomodbhave tasya sadApyasiddhirnetrodbhavastasya tadeti sA syAt // 11 // aho yauga ! karmApi kiM vyAmodbhavaM vyomni samutpannaM nayanodbhavaM cakSuH samutpannaM vA sahakAri kAraNaM syAt / itthaM vikalpaM dUSayati vyAmodbhava iti vyomatastasya karmaNaH samutpattau asiddhiH vyomno ni:kriyatvena tajjananAsambhavAt / netrodbhavastu netratastadutpattirastIti tasya * vyomnaH pramA syAt samutpadyatetyekAdazakAvyArthaH /

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jitendra zAha Makaranda atha dravyaguNakarmaNAM tatra sahakArikAraNatve niSiddhe sannikarSavAhane vyabhicArachidrapidhAnAya yaugairyat yogyatAbhAvasrUpaM yadRkaM nyastaM tadbhaGge yobhUdguNo bhagavatastaM darzayati / 262 ityudbhaTairdeva vikalpamudgarai- statpota- saMnyastakuyukti yadRkam / bhaktvA tvayA tadvyabhicArarandhramAviH kRtaM tatparamopakArI // 12 // sugamaM dvAdazaM kAvyam / itthaM yaugamatasaMsiddhapramANalakSaNaM nirlovya paramopakAriNA bhagavatA yatpramANalakSaNaM nyagAdi tasya ratnahAraupamyaM darzayan bhagavatstuti svarUpeNa trayodazaM kAvyamAha // svAminnijAnya-vyavasAyisamyag jJAna- pramANottamaratnahAram // cikSepa yaH svahRdaye tvayArpitam zlAghyaH sa eva prakaTaM mahematam // 13 // aho svAminnija zabdena jJAnaM anya zabdena ghaTAdirarthastayorvyavasAyi nizcAyakaM yat samyagjJAnaM tacca tatpramANaM ceti tadrUpaM ratnahAraM cikSepa nyazyati sma yaH sva hRdaye pumAn kiM viziSTaM tvayArpitaM bhagavatpraNItatvena zraddhANAcarIkRtaM sa kIdRza ityAha sa evetyanyayogavyavacchedArtha evakAraH / sa eva nikhilasurAsurANAM zlAghyo yatazcaivaM tataH kimityAha mahe pUjayAmaH etena bhagavadvacaH zraddhAvatAM hi pUjyatvaM darzitamiti caturdazakAvyArthaH / atha pramANaskhpahArasya ekatve'pi spaSTAspaSTa - bhedarUpa saridvayaM darzayati / eko'pi yaH spaSTa tadanyabheda yugmAtmakoyaM hRdi paNDitAnAM / nyastAzcakAstIva manuSyadeva dvayAtmako loka itaM sphuradguNaH // 14 // eko'pi ekasaMkhyako'pi yo hAraH spaSTa (ta) danya bheda-yugmAtmaka iti pratyakSApratyakSa bhedayugmena dvi-sarika ityrthH| sa ca paNDitAnAM hRdi nyasta zcakAsti bhrAjate itaM yathA manuSyadeva dvayAtmako lokaH zobhate / itaH prAptaH sphuradvairyAdi lakSaNo davarakalakSaNazca guNo yeneti saMkSepArthaH // vyAsArthastvayaM syAdvAdimate kila pramANaM dvividhaM spaSTAspaSTabhedAt / tatra spaSTaM nAmAMta: kArmaNa, malavizleSa- vizeSa - kAraNako vizuddhivizeSa eva tat spaSTamapi dviprakArakaM sAvyavahArikaM mukhyaM ceti / tatra sAMvyavahArika mapi dviprakArakaM indriyapratyakSaM anIndri (ya) pratyakSaM ceti tatrendriyAnnayanAderyad ghaTAdiviSayasaMvedanaM tadindriya pratyakSaM, sukhAdeH smaraNAdi jJAnasya yat svarUpa vedanaM tadanindriya pratyakSaM, anindriyaM kSayopazamavizeSAdhyAsitaH kazcidAtmapradeza - vizeSa eva mano vA pratipattavyam / itIndriyAnindriyapratyakSabhedabhinnaM sAMvyavahArikapratyakSam mukhyaM tu pratyakSam / atIndriyameva tadapi dvividhaM vikalaM sakalaM ca / tatra vikalaM dvedhA avadhirmanaH paryAyazca / sakalaM tu kevalajJAnameveti mukhyaM pratyakSaM /

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padmasAgaragaNikRta 'pramANaprakAza' pratibhAsa - vizeSa: parokSam / tadapi dvividhaM anumAnaM Agamazceti anumAnamapi dvedhA gauNaM mukhyaM ceti tatra gauNaM tridhA smaraNaM pratyabhijJAnaM tarkazceti / mukhyaM tu tadatiriktaM dhUmAdinA vanyAdyanumAnamiti / tadapyanumAnaM dvedhA svArthaM parArthaJceti / yogyatA vizeSAttarkanirNItyavinAbhAvena sAdhyavijJAnaM svArthaM tatra sAdhyaM iSTamabAdhitamasiddhamiti tatra vAdyabhiprAyecchayA viSayIkRtamiSTaM yathA zabda: kathaJcidanityaH / syAdvAdino na sarvatheti abAdhitaM tu pratyakSAnumAnAdibhi ryathA zabdo nityaH zrAvaNatvAditi pratyakSaH bAdhitaM na tatheti / asiddhapadaM tu viparyastAdInAM sAdhyatvavyavasthApanAya prativAdyapekSayA hi asiddhaM bhavati tena sAdhyasya pratipAdya svarUpatvenAvijJAtArtha - svarUpakatvAt vAdinastu pratipAdakatvena vijJAtArthasvarUpakatvena na tatheti sAdhyavijJAnaM ca hetuvijJAnapUrvakameva hetuzca sAdhyAvinAbhAva - niyamalakSaNaH / kecittrairUpyaM pAJcarUpyaM hetorlakSaNaM vadanti tanna hetvAbhAse'pi tri-paJcarUpa sambhavAt / pakvAnyetAni phalAni ekazAkhAprabhavatvAt upayukta phalavadityAdau hetvAbhAse'pi AmaphalagrAhi pratyakSAdinA'gRhIta- bAdhapuruSApekSayA tridhA, paMcarUpasaMbhavAt / 263 pakSadharmatvaM hetAvagamakaM udeSyati zakaTaM kRttikodayAdityatra zakaTalakSaNapakSe udeSyatva sAdhyakakRttikodayalakSaNa hetoravRttitve'pi // anumiterjAyamAnatvena pakSadharmatvasyAgamakatvaM ityAdi trairUpyaM ca pAJcarUpyaM ca na hetorlakSaNamiti / kintu sAdhyAvinAbhAvaniyama eva hetorlakSaNaM tacca svArthAnumAne'pi samAnaM na tu sAdhyAvinAbhAvaniyatasya hetutvaM uktavatA bhavatA sAdhyAvinAbhAvo vyAptirityuktaM bhavati taccAnupapannaM idaM prameyatvAdabhidheyaM ityAdau kevalAnvayini avinAbhAvanirUpaka sAdhyabhAvasyAprasiddhatvenAvyApteriti cet na / abhidheyatvAbhAvasya samavAyitvAvacchedena ghaTe eva prasiddhatvAt / na caivaM prameyatvalakSaNahetu satve abhidheyatvalakSaNasAdhyAsatvena ghaTe eva vyabhicAra iti vAcyam / samavAyitvAvacchedena prameyatva lakSaNa - sAdhanasyApi tatrAsatvAt sAdhanatvAvacchedakAvacchinna-pratiyogikAbhAvavadvRttitvaM vyabhicAra iti tattvacintAmaNisUtravacanAcceti / na ca samavAyitvasya pratiyogitayA saha vyadhikaraNatvena nAvacchedakatvamiti vAcyaM sAmAnAdhikaraNyasyAtantratvAt zaze zRMgAbhAve vaktavye zrRMganiSThapratiyogitayA saha vaiyadhikaraNye'pi zazIyatvasyApya-vacchedakatvAt / uktaM ca tattvacintAmaNipragalbhyAM pratiyogitAvacchedakaprakAreNa pratiyogijJAnamabhAvapratyakSe kAraNam natu pratiyogitAvacchedakasya pratiyogivRttitvamapi tantraM gauravAditi na ca samavAyitvAvacchinna- prameyatva - lakSaNa - pratiyogino'prasiddhatvena na tadabhAvo ghaTe vaktuM zakya iti vAcyam / AhAryajJAna viSayatva dazAyAM tasya prasiddhatvAt na cAnAhAryajJAnaviSayatvasya tantratvAt anyathotkRSTaM nIlatamaM iha nAstItyatra kA gatiH tamasastavamate'bhAva rUpatvena utkRSTatvanIlatvAsaMbhavAt tasmAdyathA tatra tvayA AhArya jJAnaviSayatva dazAyAM utkRSTatvaM nIlatvaM ca vyavasthApyaM tathAsmAbhirapi samavAyitvAvacchinna

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jitendra zAha prameyatva - lakSaNati - pratiyogI AhAryajJAnaviSayatva dazAyAmapi vyavasthApyata iti siddhaH samavAyitvAvacchinna prameyatva pratiyogikAbhAvo ghaTa eveti / 264 Makaranda nanu pratiyogyAropapUrvikA abhAvapratItiH sambhavati na ca prakRte pratiyogyAropaH saMbhavati prameyatvasya vAstavatvAt iti cet na / pratiyogyAropasyAbhAva- pratyakSe'tantratvAt zyAmarUpasya vinazyadavasthasya dhvaMsagrahe AropAdarzanAt adhikaraNe pratiyogijJAnamevAbhAva - pratyakSa kAraNaM na ca ghaTavattA dazAyAmapi abhAvadhIprasaMga iti vAcyaM abhAvadhI prasaMgo hi kiM abhAva - pramA-prasaMgo bhAvabhrama-prasaMgo vA nAdyastatra ghaTasyAvidyamAnatvena tadviSayakajJAnasyApramAtvAt na bhramo'pi tadAnImindriyasyA duSTatvena bhramatvAbhAvAt / tasmA (dabhA) va grahe'dhikaraNe pratiyogijJAnaM tantraM na tu pratiyogyAropa iti / nanu samavAyitvAvacchinna prameyatva grahadazAyAM yaddoSa - sAcivyam / taddoSasAcivyaM tadabhAva grahe'pi asti naveti cedasti tarhi pratiyogigrAhake vidyamAne kathaM tadabhAvagrahaH syAt atha cennAsti tarhi pratiyogitad vyApyetara - sakalapratiyogigrAhakagrAhyatvAbhAvena kathaM tadabhAvo'pi gRhyata iti cet na samavAyitvAvacchinnAprameyatva grAhakAhAryajJAna-grAhyatvAttasteti pUrvokta doSA sambhavAditi / tasmAdavinAbhAvanirUpakAbhidheyatvalakSaNasAdhyapratiyogikAbhAvasya ghaTe eva prasiddhatvena nAvyAptiriti sAdhyAvinAbhAvo vyAptistannityatvaM ca hetorlakSaNaM iti siddham // yogyatA vizeSAttarka nirNItyavinAbhAvena sAdhyavijJAnaM svArthasAdhyasAdhane tadvimarzivacanodbhUtaM parArthAnumAnaM tadvacanasyApi tadartha hetutvAt prAmANyamupacArAt mukhyatastu jJAnasyaiveti / tatra hetu-prayogo dvedhA tathopapattiranyathAnupapattizceti / yadidaM sAdhanatvAbhimataM dhUmAdi vastusAdhyatvAbhimate vahnau satyeva bhavatIti tathopapattimanyathAbhAvena bhavatItyanyathAnupapattiM tatrApi hetorantaryAptya sAdhyasiddhau vahnivyAptiprayogo vyartha eva pakSIkRte sAdhyasya sAdhanena saha vyAptirantarvyApti-ryathA sarvamanekAntAtmakaM satvAditi dhUmAdinA vanyAdau sAdhya -bahirvyAptirevAtaH sAdhyAvinA-bhAvaniyama-lakSaNasya hetorvyApyatvaM sAdhyasya vyApakatvamiti / pratijJA dvayamevAnumAnAGgaM mandamati pratItyarthaM dRSTAnto'pi jJeyaH sa ca dvidhA sAdharmya vaidharmya bhedAt idaM dravyaM pRthivItvAdghaTavaditi sAdharmyadRSTAntaH / jIvaccharIraM sAtmakaM prANAdimatvAt iti vaidharmyadRSTAntaH / vastutastu pratijJAhetubhyAmeva sAdhyasiddheH zeSAvayavavyarthatvamiti / tataH sAdhyaM pratipitsunA hetuprayogavat pakSaprayogopyaGkIkAryaH / tataH sAdhyAvinAbhAva - niyama - lakSaNo heturiti siddham sAdhyasAdhanaM tadvimarzivacanodbhUtaM parArthAnumAnaM upamAnaJca pratyabhijJAnAnta: pAtyanumAnam / athAspaSTa pramANAntaH pAtyAgamo nirUpyate / sAkSAdAptajJAnAtizayaparichinna yathAvadarthapratipattirAgamaH sa ca zabdAtmakaH / AptapraNItatvAt AptazcAtIndriyArthadraSTA kevalajJAnI / ataeva nezvarapraNItavedAnAM prAmANyaM tasya sArvajJyAbhAvenAnAptatvAnna corvyAdi kartRtvena nityatvena svAtantryeNa ca tasya sArvajJaM siddhamiti vAcyam / sArvajJya niSedhe tanniSedhAt tathAhi tasya sArvajJyaM kena pramANena gRhItaM pratyakSeNa parokSeNa vA / na tAvat pratyakSeNa tasyendriyArthasannikarSotpannatayA

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265 padmasAgaragaNikRta 'pramANaprakAza' atIndriya-grahaNAsAmarthyAt nApi parokSeNa taddhi anumAnaM zAbdaM vA syAt na tAvadanumAnaM liMgaliMgisambandhasmaraNa-pUrvakatvAt / na ca tasya sarvajJatvaM vinA jagadvaicitryaM anupapadyamAnaM sarvajJatvaM arthAdApAdayatIti cet na avinAbhAvA (d ) jagadvaicitryasya sArvajJyaM vinApyupapatteH / tathAhi / dvividhaM jagat sthAvara jaMgama bhedAt / tatra jaMgamAnAM vaicitryaM svopAttazubhAzubhakarmaparipAkavazenaiva / sthAvarANAntu sacetanAnAmiyameva gatiH / acetanAnAntu tadupabhogayogyatA sAdhanatvenAnAdikAlasiddhameva vaicitryamiti nApyAgAma (gama) stat sAdhakaH / sa hi tatkRtaH parakRto vA syAt tatkRta eva cettasya sarvajJatAM sAdhayati tarhi tasya nIcatApatiM svayameva svaguNotkIrtane mahatAM lAghavAt zakro'pi laghutAM yAti / svayaM prakhyApitairguNairiti vacanAt kiM ca tasyAgamakartRtvamevAyuktaM Agamasya tAlvAdivyApArajanyavarNAtmakatvenAzarIriNastasya vidhAne samarthatvAt tasmAnna tatkRtAgamastasya sArvajJyaM sAdhayatIti anyakRtazcet sa cAnyaH sarvajJo'sarvajJo vA syAt sarvajJastarhi tenaiva saMsiddhau kimityantargaDunezvareNa / asarvajJazcettarhi kastasya vacasi vizvAsaH / asmadAdivattasyApyavizeSAt kiJca sa sarvajJaH racayati cejjagat tarhi kiM tadadhikSepakAriNo'smadAdIn sRjatIti tannAyaM sarvajJaH / na ca kSityAdikartRtvena tasya sArvajJyaM siddhyati tatra tatsiddhau kecidicchaM pramANayantiurvvI-parvata-tarvAdikaM buddhimatkartRkaM kAryatvAt yadyat kAryaM tattat sarvaM buddhimatkartRkaM yathA paTastathA cedaM tasmAttatheti vyatireke vyomAdi yastatkarttA buddhimAn sa Izvara eveti na cAyamasiddho hetuH / kAryatvasya sAvayavatvena parvatAdau siddhatvAt nApi vyabhicArIviruddho vA vipakSAdatyantaM vyAvRttatvAt / nApi bAdhaH pratyakSAnumAnopamAnAgamAbAdhitatvAt nApi prakaraNasamastatpratipaMthipratyanumAnAbhAvAt natvIzvaro bhUbhUdharAdervidhAtA na bhavati azarIritvAt nirvRtAtmavaditi pratyanumAnaM tadbAdhakamiti cet na yato'trezvararUpo dharmI pratIto'pratIto vA prarUpito na tAvadapratItastasyApratItatve hetorAzrayAsiddhi prasaGgAt pratItazcedyenaiva pramANena sa pratItastenaiva pramANena sapratItastenaiva kiM svayamutpAditasva tanu'pratIyate'to'zarIritvAbhAvena na prakaraNasamo'yaM hetu pIzvarasya vastugatyA zarIritvaM nAsti tathApyAgama- prakAzanAvasare tasya zarIritvAt azarIritvAbhAvaH sacorvI parvata-tarvAdikarttA eka eva bhagavAn sarvajJaH bahUnAM jagadvidhAtRtva svIkAre parasparavaimatye naikasyaivAnyAnya rUpa - tayAsarvamasarvAdi karttA eka eva bhagavAn sarvajJaH / vAmaMjasamApadyeta iti nAsyorvAdikartRtvena sArvajJyaM siddhyatIti tadayuktaM vyApteragrAhaNAt sAdhanaM hi sarvatra pramANasiddhAyAM vyAptau sAdhyagamakaM syAt / iti tAvat sarvavAdi-saMvAdaH sa cAyaM jagati sRjan zarIrI vA syAt azarIrI vA sazarIryapi kiM asmadAdivat dRzyazarIrI uta pizAcAdivat adRzya zarIrI prathamapakSe bAdhaH pratyakSAdinA zarIritvasya tasyAdRzyamANatvena bAdhitatvAt / dvitIyavikalpe tasyAdRzyazarIritve mAhAtmyavizeSaH kAraNaM asmadAdyadRSTa-vaiguNyaM varaM prathamavikalpakalpitakadAgrahagrahilobhavAn kozapAna - pratyAyanIyastatsiddhau pramANAbhAva anyonyAzrayApattezca siddhe hi mAhAtmyavizeSe tasyAdRzyazarIritvaM pratyetavyaM tat siddhau ca

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266 jitendra zAha Makaranda mAhAtmyavizeSa siddhiriti asmadAdyadRSTavaiguNya vikalpastu na sambhavatyeva saMzayAnivRtteH kiM tasyA dRzyatvAdadRzyazarIritvaM bAndheyAdivat yadvAsmadAdyadRSTa vaiguNyAditi na dvitIyavikalpenApi tasyAdRzyazarIritvaM siddhyati kiM ca ghaTAdikAryANAM zarIrikartRkatvadarzanAt / kathaM tada dRSTAntAvaSTambheNa bhU-bhUdharAdInAmazarIrikartA kalpayituM zakyaH tasmAt sazarIrAzarIralakSaNapakSadvaye'pi kAryatva hetorvyAptyasiddhi jagadvidhAtRNAmanekatve'pi na vaimatye nA samaMjasApattiH / kITikAzataniSpAdyate'pi zakramUni ekarUpatayopalaMbhAttathA prakRte 'pi saMbhavAt / kiM ca yathA aparakartR tiraskAreNa bhU-bhUdharANAmIzvaraH kartA kalpate tathA kiM na ghaTapaTAdInAmapi kuMbhakAra kuviMdAdi kartRtiraskAreNa sa eva kartA kalpate / atha teSAM pratyakSasiddhaM pratyakSa sakartRkatvaM kathamapahrotuM zakyate tarhi kITikAdibhiH kimaparAddhaM yatteSAM tathAvidhaprayAsasAdhye zakramU dau mahezvarakattRtvaM kalpata iti tasmAdvaimatya-bhayAnmaheziturekatva kalpanA vyathaiva tasmAdurvyAdi kartRtvAbhAvAnna tasya sArvazyaM nApi tasya nityatvena sArvazyaM siddhyati tasya nityatvAbhAvAttathAhi mahezvaraH khalu nityatvenaikasvabhAvaH san bhuvanAni sRjati aparasvabhAvo vA prathamavikalpedAna kadAcijja-gannirmANAduparamate / taduparame ca eka svabhAvatva vyAhateH tathA ca sakala kriyAyA aparyavasAnAt ekasyApi kAryasya na sRSTiM apara-svabhAvatve tu tasyA nityatvameva svabhAvabhedena svabhAvavato'pi bhedAt iti prameyakamala-mArtaNDavacanAt / kiMJcezvaro yenaiva svabhAvena jaganti sRjettenaiva tAni saMharet svabhAvAntareNa vA / tenaiva cet sRSTi saMhArayoryogapadyaprasaGga ekasvabhAvAvizeSAt / jagatsarjanasvabhAvabhinna svabhAvena cet saMharate tahi svabhAva bhedAt kutastasya sArvajyaM siddhyati nApi svAtantryeNa tasya sArvaiyaM siddhyati mahezvaro hi paramakAruNikaH svAdhIna eva vizvaM vidhatte tat kiM sukhita duHkhitAdyanekAvasthaM ghaTati anantAdvaitasukhavadeva kiM na nirmimIte atha pUrvArjita tattattadIya zubhAzubhAdRSTaprerita eva tathA karotIti cet tarhi adRSTajanye jagadvaicitrye kimanenAntargaDuneti / kiM ca jantUnAM dharmAdharmAvapekSya cet sRjati tarhi tu na to sRjatIti sampannaM tathA ca kathaM tasya jagati sakalotpattimatpadArthakartRtvaM tathA ca dharmAdharmApekSakatvena svAtantryAbhAvAna tasya sArvajJyaM tasmAdatIndriyArthadraSTA bhagavAn sarvajJa AptasUta AptajJAnaparichinna yAvatpadArtha pratipattirAgama ityAgama pramANaM tataH spaSTAspaSTabhedAbhyAM svaparavyavasAyijJAnAtmaka eka eva hAro yugmAtmako dvisariko bhAtIti bhAvaH etAdRzamapi hAraM tyaktvA viparItadarzIyaH kaJcidayogya hAraM paridhatte tasya mauDhyaM darzayannAha / yaugo hRdi sve jina sannikarSadhattUrahAraM nidadhAti mUDhaH / hitvA tamapyuSTra ivekSukANDaM bubbUlajAlaM vadane svakIye // 15 // tamapi sva-para-vyavasAyijJAnalakSaNapramANahAraM hitvA tyaktvA yaugaH svahRdi sannikarSarUpadhattUrahAraM nidadhAti nyasyati ayaM bhAvaH / jJAnAtmakatvena svaprakAze paramukha prekSitvAbhAvenA jADyavatyapi vastuni prAmANyamanAdRtya svaprakAzAsamarthe sannikarSAdau sa mUDhaH

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padmasAgaragaNikRta 'pramANaprakAza' prAmANyamaGgIkurute iti tatra dRSTAntamAha // iva yathA // uSTraH ikSukANDaM tyaktvA bubbUlajAlaM bubbUlavRndaM svamukhe nidadhAti / atra coSTrasthAnIyo yaugaH sa ca bubbUlasthAnIyaM sannikarSaprAmANyaM ikSukANDasthAnIyaM jJAnaprAmANyaM hitvA Adatta iti na ca sannikarSasya pramAkaraNatvena prAmANyaM syAditi vAcyam / pramAkaraNatvasya ghaTAdAvapyavizeSeNa tasyApi prAmANyaprasaMgAttathAhi kiM nAma karaNatvaM vyApAravatkAraNatvaM cetko hi vyApArastajjanyatve sati tajjanyajanakatvaM ced vyApAravatvaM tarhi ghaTAdAvapyavizeSAttasyeti saMnikarSasya hi ghaTajanyatve sati ghaTajanya cAkSuSa pramAjanakatvena ghaTasyApi sannikarSalakSaNavyApAravatvAt na ca tanmAtraniSTakAryatAnirUpita kAraNatA - vacchedakadharmavatvaM karaNatvaM iti vAcyam / tasyApi ghaTAdAvavizeSAt tat zabdena hi cAkSuSajJAnaM tanniSTA yA kAryatA tannirUpitAyA kAraNatA tasyA yo'vacchedako dharmastadvattvaM karaNatvaM ghaTe'pi samAnameva tatra tacchabdena hi ghaTaviSayakaM cAkSuSajJAnaM tanniSTakAryatAnirUpita kAraNatAvacchedaka dharmo hi ghaTatvaM bhavati / ghaTatvAvacchedenaiva ghaTaviSayaka cAkSuSa jJAnotpatteH / tato na pramAkaraNatvena sannikarSasya prAmANyaM syAt kiM ca na sannikarSaH pramANaM sva paricchitya janakatvAt yadevaM tadevaM yathA ghaTaH na ca pramANatvalakSaNasAdhyavyApakatva-paricchitya- janakatva lakSaNasAdhanAvyApakatvenArtha parichittijanakatvaM upAdhistasya sAdhanavyApakatvAt / na sannikarSaH pramANaM jaDatvAd ghaTavat ceti na ca yatra pramANatvaM tatra pramAkaraNatvamiti / sAdhyavyApako yatra ca jaDatvaM tatra pramAkaraNatvaM eva nAsti ghaTe vyabhicArAditi / sAdhanAvyApakaM pramAkaraNatvamupAdhiriti vAcyam upAdheH sAdhyavyAptau anvaya- vyatireka- vyabhicArasya pUrvoktatvAt / tasmAddhattUrahAraprAya sannikarSasya jaDarUpasyApi prAmANyAGgIkaraNe tasya mauDhyaM darzitamiti paJcadazakAvyArthaH // 267 atha yaugenopacArAdi prakArataH pramANAbhAsasyApi sannikarSasya kathaJcitprAmANyaM vyavasthApya tadrUpadhattUrahAraM parihitaM dRSTvA yatkRtaM bhagavatA tadAha // atroTi tIrthAdhipa sannikarSa hArastvayetthaM pratibaMdi pANinA / tathAhi vijJAna vidhAyakaratvopacAratastasya yadi pramANatA // 16 // aho svAmiMstvayetthaM vakSyamANa- prakArapratibaMdirUpo yaH pANistena kRtvA sannikarSa hArastroTitastasya prAmANyaM nirastamityarthaH / tAmeva pratibandIM darzayannAha tathAhIti // aho yaugetyadhyAhAryaM aho yoga ! tasya sannikarSasya vijJAnavidhAyakatvena upacArato ghRtamAyurityAdau yathA ghRte AyuH kAraNatvenAyurupacAro dRzyate tathA sva- para vyavasAyi - jJAna - lakSaNapramANajanaka sannikarSe jJAnalakSaNa pramANa kAraNatvena pramANopacArAt yadi prAmANyaM brUSe tarhi zruNu pratibandI vicAramiti SoDazakAvyArthaH / atha tameva pratibandImAha || AtmAdikaM tahyaMvizeSatastu tatkAraNatve tadivopacArataH // pramAtRmeyatva virodhitatvAdaGgino tanna tatheti vAcyam // 17 //

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268 jitendra zAha Makaranda aho yauga ! yadi sannikarSasya jJAnakAraNatvenopacArAt prAmANyamaGgIkaruSe tahi AtmAdikamapi avizeSato jJAnakAraNatvenopacArAvizeSAt pramANamastu avizeSaM sUtraM eva darzayati tatkAraNatva iti pramANajJAna kAraNatve tadiva sannikarSa iva jJAnAtmano rupacArasyA vizeSAditi / atha yauga vikalpitavatprAmANyavyavasthApaka-zaMkAnirAsamAha pramAtrIti / na ca ghaTAMginAviti ghaTAdiprameyaM vastu aGgI ityAtmAnau ghaTAtmAnau taditi pramANaM neti na syAt kutaH pramAtRmeyatva virodhitatvAt pramAtAtmAmeyaM ghaTAdivastu tayovirodhitatvaM svarUpaM yasyeti bhAvapradhAnanirdezAt ayamarthaH / pramAtRprameyayovirodhi kila pramANaM na tau tayovirodhinau pratyekaM syAtAM na hi sa eva ghaTastad ghaTavirodhIti vaktuM zakyate / tasmAt sannikarSa dRSTAntAvaSTaMbheNa pramANavirodhinau ghaTavadAtmanaH prAmANya-prasaMga-pratibandI-asiddhaiveti vAcyamiti saptadaza- . kAvyArthaH / atha pramANatvasya prameyatvavirodhitve dUSaNamAvi:kurvannAha / yadi prameyatva-virodhi-mAnatA syAttahmameyaM kila bho pramANam // vaMdhyAsutasyeva tathA ca tasyAsattA prasaMgazca tathAtmano'pi // 18 // aho yaugapramANatvasya prameyatvena saha virodhitve vaktavye yatra-yatra pramANatvaM na tatra prameyatvamiti sampannaM tathA ca pramANasyAprameyatvena vaMdhyAstanayavadasatvamApadyate / tatoyamarthaH / yadi prameyatva virodhinI-mAnatA-pramANatvaM syAttarhi pramANamaprameyameva syAt / nanu tarhi ko doSa ityAzakyAha vaMdhyeti tathA cAprameyatvApatyA tasya pramANasya vaMdhyAstanayasyevAsattva prasaMgaH yathA hi vaMdhyAstanayo prameyatvenAsanniti nigadyate / tathA pramANamapi aprameyatve nAsanniti nigadyaM syAditi bhAvArthaH / kiM ca sadbhUta bhAvasyApi pramANasya pramAviSayatvAbhAvAparaparyAye prameyatve pramANajJAnAbhAvena kathaM sarvajJasya sArvajyaM syAditi sarvajJocchedaH kiM ca yathA pramANatvaM prameyatvena saha virodhi tathA pramAtRtvamapi prameyatvena saha virodhyeva nigadyaM tathA ca tasyApi tadvadasatva prasaMga iti na pramAtRtva-prameyatva-virodhitvenAtmani sannikarSavat jJAnakAraNatvAvizeSa kalpanIya prAmANyopacArAvizeSeNopacArAt prAmANya-prasaMga-pratibaMdhyAnopacArAdapi sannikarSasya prAmANyamiti aSTAdazakAvyArthaH // atha prameyatva pramAtRtva virodhi pramANAjJAne mahezvarasyApi sArvajyaM na siddhayediti darzayannAha // kiM cAprameyatvavatA sadbhUta bhAvena kathaM tavezvaraH // sarvArthavedI pratibandi-pANinaivaM troTito yauga hadisthahAraH // 19 // ___ sukaramevedaM kiM ca sannikarSasya prAmANye vaktavye sarvajJAbhAvaH prasajyeta tathAhi cakSuSaH sAkSAtparamANvAdibhiH sambandho nAstIti sarvavAdisaMvAdastathA ca yogicakSuSo'pi

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padmasAgaragaNikRta "pramANaprakAza' 269 sAkSAtparamANubhiH sambandhAbhAvAt kathaM tasya sArvayaM, na ca taccakSuSo yogaja-dharmAnugrahAt tatsaMbandhaM syAdeveti vAcyaM, ko'yaM yogIndriyANAM yogaja-dharmAnugraha: svaviSaye pravarttamAnasya cakSurAderatizayAdhAnaM sahakArimAtraM vA / nAdyo yuktimAn pakSaH paramANvAdau pravartamAnasya cakSurAderasaMbhavAt atha yoginastatra pravartamAnamevAstIti cettarhi svayameva tatra pravarttamAnasya cakSuSaH ko yogajadharmeNAnugrahaH karttavyaH kiM cAnyonyAzrayadoSo'pi / siddhe hi yogajadharmAnugrahe tatra pravRttistatra pravRttau ca satyAM svaviSaye pravarttamAnAtizayApara-paryAya yogajadharmAnugraha: siddhayet na dvitIya pakSo'pi ghaTAdisvaviSayAtikrameNAha prasaMgaH tathA caikamevAntaHkaraNaM yogajadharmAnugRhItaM sat yugapatparamANvAdyanekAtIndriyArtha-viSayaka-jJAnajanakaM syAditi yogajadharmAnugrahasyAsaMbhavena cakSuH sannikarSajanya paramANuviSayakajJAnAbhAvena sarvajJAbhAvaprasaGgAnna cakSuHsannikarSaH pramANaM syAt iti / atha paraparikalpita sannikarSaprAmANyaM nirasya svamata siddhapramANalakSaNaM vyavasthApayan pramANarUpa-hAra-mAhAtmyaM varNayati // svAminnijAnyavasAyi samyag jJAna prAmANottama-ratnahAram / / yo nyasyati sve hRdaye sa nUnaM syAt sampadAmAspadamaMgi-vallabhaH // 20 // aho svAmin tvayArpitaM samyag vyavasAyi jJAna-lakSaNa-pramANarUpahAraM yaH pumAn sve hRdi nyasyati sthApayati sa aGgivallabhaH san sampadAmAspadaM syAdityakSarArtho, vyAsArthastvayaM samyaga sva-para vyavasAyijJAnaM pramANaM syAdvAdimate / nanvativyAptyavyAptyasaMbhavAdidoSanivArakANyeva padAni sArthakAni syuH prakRte caitAvadbhiH padaiH kAtivyAptyAdi doSAnivAryante iti cet zRNu prakRte hi na darzana-pratiyogikAnyonyAbhAvavat jJAnaM vivakSitaM kintu jJAyante sAmAnya vizeSAdhyAsitAH padArthA aneneti jJAna-darzana-sAdhAraNaM tathA ca jJAnamityukte darzane'tivyAptistanniSedhAya vyavasAyItyuktaM vizeSeNa gauNIbhAve dravyatvAdi sAmAnyadharmAgrAhakatve'pi mukhyatayA ghaTatvAdi vizeSadharmagrahaNa puraskAreNAvasyati nizcinotIti vyavasAyi na caitAdRzaM darzanaM saMbhavati / ye hi ghaTatvAdayo dharmA jJAne mukhyatayA bhAtAste hi darzane gauNatvena bhAsante ye hi jJAne gauNatayA dravyatvAdayo bhAtAste ca darzane mukhatayAvabhAsante iti darzanasya vyavasAyitvAbhAvena tatrAtivyApti niSedhakaM vyavasAyIti / vyavasAyijJAnaM cetyukte saMzayajJAneti / vyApti saMzayasyApi nizcAyakatvena vyavasAyitvAt iti taniSedhAya samyagiti / samyag vyavasAyijJAnaM pramANamityukte jJAnAdvaitavAdi kalpita-jJAnetivyAptistanniSedhAya pareti atha samyak para-vyavasAyi jJAnaM pramANamityukte apramANe yaugakalpita ghaTAdi jJAne'tivyAptirityuktaM sveti / nanu ghaTAdi jJAnasya mano grAhyatvenArpitaM svAkArAnuvyavasAya-vedyatvena kathamaprAmANyamiti cet tasya manogrAhyatve ghaTAdigraho na syAt tasya sva-gRhe eva vyagratvAt kiM ca ghaTajJAnaM manojanyAnuvyavasAyagrAhyaM manyojanyAnu vyavasAyastva parajJAnagrAhyastadapyaparajJAnagrAhyamityanavasthA-prasaMga iti sakalajJAnasya sva para-vyavasAyitvena yauga kalpite para vyavasAyinyapramANe jJAnetivyApti-niSedhakaM sveti padaM

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270 jitendra zAha Makaranda tataH siddhaM samyak sva-para-vyavasAyijJAnaM pramANamiti / tathAvidhajJAnalakSaNa pramANarUpahArasya kaNThe sthApakaH pumAn sampadAmAspadaM syAditi bhAvArthaH / athopasaMharanAha itisphuradvAcaka-dharmasAgara-kramAbjabhRGgaH kvipdmsaagrH|| zrI zAntinAthastavanaM pramANa-prakAzasaMjJaM vidadhe vizuddham // sukaramevedamiti // iti zrI pramANaprakAzavRttiH pUrNA // bhaTTAraka-ghaTAkoTi-koTIra-zrI hIravijayasUrIzvaravijayarAjye mahopAdhyAya zrI dharmasAgaragaNiziSya paM0 padmasAgara gaNikRtA //

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CONTRIBUTORS Dr. Anna Radicchi Viale Aviguone 19, 53100 Sienna, Italy (Europe) Prof. C. Panduranga Bhatta Indian Institute of Management, Calcutta G.U. Thite Department of Sanskrit, University of Poona, Pune-411007 Dr. H.C. Patyal Sanskrit Dictionary Dept., Deccan College Research Institute, Poona (Pune)-411006 Prof. Hanns-Peter Schmidt University of California Near Eastern languanges & Cultures 405, Hilgard Avenue, Los Angeles, California-90024-1511 (U.S.A) Prof. (Dr.) Helmut Humbach Fachbereich 14-20, Universitat, D-55099 MAINZ (Germany) EUROPE Prof. (Dr. ) Henry M. Hoenigswald University of Pennsylvania, Dept. of Linguistics, 6/8-Williams Hall, PA. 19104-6305 Philadelphia (U.S.A) Dr. Jitendra Shah Director, L. D. Institute of Indology, Navrangpura, Ahmedabad-9. Prof. K. S. Arjunwadkar 1192 Shukrawar Peth Subhasnagar Lane no.3 Pune-411002 Prof. Mrs. Leela Arjunwadkar 1192 Shukrawar Peth Subhasnagar Lane No. 3 Pune-411002 Prof. Ludo Rocher University of Pennsylvania, Dept. of Asian and Middle Eastern Studies, PA 19104-6305 Philadelphia (U.S.A.)

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272 Makaranda Mrs. Madhavi Kolhatkar Sanskrit Dictionary Dept, Deccan College Pune : 411006 Prof. Madhusudan Dhaky American Institute of Indian Studies, 22, Sector 32, Institutional Area, Gurgaon-122001, Haryana (India.) Prof. Minoru Hara 1-19-1-201 Ishikawa-cho Ota-ku, Tokyo-145 (Japan) Dr. N. M. Kansara Visiting Professor, L. D. Institute of Theology, Ahmedabad-38009 Prof. (Dr. ) Noel Sheth S. J. Head, Dept. of Indian Studies Jnana-Deepa Vidyapeeth Inst. of Philosophy & Religion Nagar Road Ramwadi, Pune : 411014 Dr. Shripad Bhat Lecturer T. M. V. 1242, Sada Shivpeth, Pune-411030 Prof. Siegfried Lieuhard August Wahlstroms Vag 1, 8 tr. S.- 18231 Danderyd (Stockholm, Sweden Dr. T. N. Dharmadhikari 'Adiparna' 42-43/63 United Western Soc., Opp. Vithal Mandir, Karve Nagar, Pune : 411052 Dr. V. P. Bhatta Editor & Co-Ordinator, Sanskrit Dictionary Project, Deccan College. Verawada Road, Pune-411006 Pt. Vamanshastri Bhagwat c/o Vaidik Samsodhan Mandal J. M. V. Nagar, Pune : 411037 Prof. Vidut Aklujkar University of British Columbia, Columbia, U.S.A C. G. Kashikar P. D. Navathe B. V. Shetti

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