Indian Antiquary Vol 37

Author(s): Richard Carnac Temple
Publisher: Swati Publications
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032529/1

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH IN ARCHAEOLOGY, EPIGRAPHY, ETHNOLOGY, GEOGRAPHY, HISTORY, FOLKLORE, LANGUAGES, LITERATURE, NUMISMATICS, PHILOSOPHY, RELIGION, &c. &c. EDITED BY SIR RICHARD CARNAC TEMPLE, BART., C.I.E., HON, FELLOW, TRIN, HALL, CAMBRIDGE, FORMERLY LIEUT.-COLONEL, INDIAN ARMY, VOL. XXXVII. - 1908. Swati Publications Delhi 1985

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Published by Swati Publications, 34, Central Market, Ashok Vihar, Delhi-110052 Ph. 7113395 and Printed by S.K. Mehra at Mehra Offset Press, Delhi.

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CONTENTS. The Names of Contributors are arranged alphabetically PAGE PAGE S. KRISHNASWAMI AIYANGAR, M.A., M.B.A.S.:-) Kalidasa's Abhijnana Sakuntalam, by SARADACELEBRITIES IN TAMIL LITERATURE ... ... 227 RANJAN RAY. Caloutta: The City Book Society, 1908. iv, 378 pages, 8vo. ... ... ... ... 112 P. GOPALA AIYER, B.A., B.L.: Vinoent A. Smith. The Early History of India THE DATE OF BUDDHA ... ... ... ... 841 from 600 B. O, to the Muhammadan Conquest, including the Invasion of Alexander the Great. LAVINIA MARY ANSTEY: Second Edition, revised and enlarged. Oxford: SOME ANGLO-INDIAN WORTHIES OF THE SEVEN Clarendon Press, [Maroh 9), 1908. ... ... 178 TRENTI CENTURY. No.III.-AMBROBI SALI8 Apvaghopa stralamkera. Tradnit en Francais BORY .. ... .. .. .. 213, 263, 284, 809 sur la version Chinoise de kumArajiva par M. K. NARAYANASAMI AYYAR, B.A., B.L.: EDOUARD HUBER. Paris : 1908. viii + 496 pp. 211 Reale Acondemia dello soienze dell'Instituto di TAMIL HISTORICAL TEXT ... ... ... 170, 193 Bologna. Classe di scienze morali. Serie I, R. D. BANERJI: Tomo 1. Bologna: 1908 ... ... ... ... 211 THU SOYTUTAN PERIOD OF INDIAN HISTORY ... 25 Devanagar. A Polyglot Magazine, Calcutta Col loge Square, Bowbazar ... ... ....... 212 A. BARTH, MEMBRE DE L'INSTITUT: R. Krishnamacharyar. Raghuvamsa Vimarsa THE INSCRIPTION P. ON THE MATHURA LION (Kavyagunadarsa Series, No. 1). Srirangam CAPITAL, translated from the French by 1908. Re. 1 ... ... ... ... ... ... 212 G. TAMBON ... . ... ....... . 245 | L. D. Barnett. A Supplementary Catalogue of c. O. BLAGDEN : Sanskrit, Pali, and Prakrit Books in the Library of the British Museum, aoquired during the Uber Sondersprachen und Ihre Entstehung. VON years 1892-1908. London: 1908. viii PP. DR. RICHARD LASCH. Beraratabdruck aus 1,093 cols. .. .. .. .. .. .. 279 Bard XXXVII (der dritten Folge Band TIT) der Mitteilungen der Anthropologischen Gesellschaft HIRA LAL, B.A., M.R.A.S.; NAGPUR:in Wien). Wien, im Selbstverlage der Anthro A VISIT TO RAMTEK ... ... ... ... 202 pologischen Gesellschaft, 1907 ... ... ... 839 The Ghoda of Chimur ... ... . .. ... 333 M. LONGWORTH DAMES, I.C.S. (RETD.) : CAPT, C. E. LUARD, M.A.:A Baker's Dozen of Catches from the Jhang Dis- GAZETTEER GLEANINGS IN CENTRAL INDIA...107, 329 triot, Panjab (collected and translated) 1740. M, MULVANY Rev. A. H. FRANCKE: A Boka Pillar, Ediot - Simale Sandake... ... 21 Remarks on a Photograph, Dear Ating, taken by G. K. NARIMAN :the Hon. Erio Upton, during a Tour in Zangakar TE RELIGION OF THE IRANIAN PEOPLES by the in 1907 ... ... ... .. ... .. .. 332 late C. P. TIELE (translated into English) .. 358 GEO. A. GRIERSON, C.I.E., Ph.D., D.LITT.:- F, O. OERTEL :THE NARAYANIYA AND THE BHAGAVATAS... 251, 873 SOME REMARKS ON THE EXCAVATION AT SAR NATH CARRIED OUT IN THE YEAR 1904-5 - 277 B. A. GUPTE, F.Z.S.: Peof. L. DE LA VALLEE POUSSIN :Selection of Ancestral Names among Hindus ... 243 THE BUDDHIST COUNCILE... ... ... 1,81 N. SUBBARAYA IYER: T. A. GOPINATHA RAO, M.A.:The Antarallas of Malabar .. ... . ... 834 TAMIL HISTORICAL TEXTS ... .. . 170, 193 DR. STEN KONOW: H. A. ROSE, C.S.:FBANZ KIELHORN .. ... .. ... .. 118 NOTES ON ANCIENT ADMINISTRATIVE TERMS Indian Historical Series, Vol. I. Early History of AND TITLES IN THE PANJAB ... 75 the Solankin, by GAURISHANKAR MIRACHAND LEGENDS FROM THE PANJAB, No. II. OJHA. Ajmer: 1907. Vaidik Yantralaya ... 24 MOHIYE KI HAR, OR BAB... Maurice Bloomfield. A Vedic Concordance, edit CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPAY, ed by O. R. LANMAN. Cambridge, Mass.: 1908. SERIES I. . ... mii, 2, 1,078 pages, 4to. Harvard Oriental The Legends of Mohan Bari .. Series, Vol. X. ... .. . ... 111 The Fagjdari of Banguah " 149 ... 299

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CONTENTS. PAGU PAGK The late Major Raverty'a General Index to hin G. TAMSON, M.A., PH.D. Translations * .. ** ... ... ... 176 TE INSCRIPTION P. ON TIH MATHURA LIONA Ballad of the Haklas of Gujrat in the Panjab... 209 CAPITAL, by A. BARTH (translated into English). 946 The Subahdars of Kabul under the Mughals ... 211 SIR L. C. TEMPLE, BART., O.1.E. - PANDIT DAYA RAM SAHNI: LEGENDE FROM THI PANJAD, No. II. .. 149 REFERENCES TO TAS BHOTTAB OR BEAUTTAB IN THE TRAVELS OF RICHARD BELL (AND JOR TA RAJATABANGINI OT KASHMIR (Translations CAMPBELL) IN THE EAST INDIA, PARSIA, AND and Notes on the Sanskrit Texta) (Notes on the PALESTINE, 1654-1670 .. ... ... .. 156 Tibetan Records by A. H. FRANCKB) ... ... 181 Origin of the Term Oringall Beteelahs ... 148 F. W. THOMAS RICHARD SCHMIDT: Parimala, a Commentary on Madana's Parijata ABOKA NOTES ... ... manjari, by BRI LAKSAMANA SURI. Leipzig Tex LATE Prov. C. P. TIELE:1907. (Bombay: British Ifidis Press, Byoalla). 80 Tas RELIGION OF THE IBANIAN PEOPLES (trans lated by G. K. NARIMAN) .. ... . . 838 VINCENT A. BMITH, M.A., LC.S. (RED.): V. VENKAYYA, M.A., RAI BAHADUR :ABOKA NOTES ... ... .. ... .. 19 TH HIBTORY AND COINAGH OY TH CHANDEL ANCIENT HISTORY OF THW NELLORE D18(CHANDYLLA) DYNASTY OY BUNDYELKHAND TRIOT ... ... ... . . 190, 281, 851 (JWJAKAB HOXTL) FROM 881 to 1203 A. D. ... 114 Prov. SATIS CHANDRA VIDYABHUSANA, Is Tobacco Indigenous to India ? ... .. ... 210 M.A., M.R.A.S.:The Early History of India, 2nd Edition .. ... 871 PesSIAN AFFINITIES OF THE LIORCEAVIS - MISCELLANEA AND CORRESPONDENCE. The Legends of Mohan Bari, by H. A. Rose . 110 Remarks on a Photograph, near Ating, taken by the The Faujdari of Bangash, by H. A. Rose ... 174 Hon. Erie Upton, during a Tour in Zangakar in A Baker's Dozen of Catches from the Jhang Dis 1907, by Rev. A. H. Franoko ... .. .. 932 triot, Panjab, by M. Longworth Dames .. ... 174 The Choda of Chimur, by Hira Lal . .. ... 838 A Ballad of the Haklas of Gujrat in the Panjab, by H. A. Rose .. . ... ... ... ... 209 Tho Antaralles of Malabar, by N. Subbaraya Iyer... 334 Is Tobacco Indigenous to India | By Vincent A. The Early History of India, 2nd Edition, by Vinoont Smith ... .. .. .. ... .. ... 210! A. Smith ... ... .. .. .. . 871 NOTES AND QUERIES. Origin of the Term Oringall Beteelahs, by Sir R.C. | The Subabdars of Kabul under the Mughals, by Temple ... ... ... ... ... ... 148 H. A. Rose .. .. . ... 211 The late Major Ravorty's General Index to his Trans. lations, by H A. Rose ... ... ... ... ... 176 Soleation of Anoestral Names among Hindus, by Asoka Pillar Edict V-Simale- Samdako, by O. M. B. A. Gapte . .. .. .243 Mulvany - . ... . ... 211 BOOK-NOTICES. Indian Historical Series, Vol. 1. Early History of Agvaghopa SatralamkAra. Traduit en Francais sur the Solankis, by Gaurishankar Hirachand Ojba, la version Chinoise de Kumirajevs par Edouard Ajmer: 1907. Vaidik Yantralaya. By Sten Haber. Paris : 1900. viii + 493 pp. By Sten Konow" . ... .. .. . 24 Konow .. .. . .. .. .. 211 Parimala, a Commentary on Madana's Parijata Realo Accademia delle scienze dell'Instituto di Bologna. Cla830 di scienze morali. Serio I, manjari, by Sri Lakshmana Suri. Leipzig * 1907 (Bombay: British India Prose, Byoulla). By Tomo 1. Bologna: 1908. By Sten Konow . 212 Devanagar. A Polyglot Magazine. Caloutta College Richard Schmidt... . .. .. .. 80 Square, Bow bazar. By Sten Konow ... ... 213 Maurice Bloomfield. A Vedio Concordanoe, edited by B. Krishnamacharyar. Raghuvamsa Vimarsa (Kav. C. R. Lanman. Cambridge, Mass.: 1906. xxii, 2, yagunadarsa. Series, No. 1). Srirangam: 1908. 1,078 pages, 4to. Harvard Oriental Series, Vol. X, Re. 1. By Sten Konow .. . .. ... 212 By Sten Konow ... ... ... ... .. 111 L. D. Bernett. A Supplementary Catalogue of Kalidasa's Abhijuana Sakuntalam, by Saradaranjan It, Pali, and Prakrit Books Bay. Caloutta: The City Book Society, 1908. of the British Museum, Soquired during the years iv, 376 pages, 3vo. By Sten Konow .. . 112 1802-1903. London: 1908, viii Pp., 1,093 cols. By Sten Konow ... . .. ... ... 276 Vincent A. Brith. The Early History of India Uler Sondersprachen und Ihre Entstehung. Von from 600 B. c. to the Muhammadan Conquest, Dr. Richard Lasch. (Separatabdruck aw Band including the Invasion of Alexander the Great. XXXVII (der dritten Folge Band VII) der MittesSecond Edition, revised and enlarged. lungen der Anthropologischen Gesellschaft in Clarendon Press, [March 9), 1908. By Sten Wien). Wien, im Selbstverlago der AnthropoloKonow we * * . .. 178 gischen Gesellschaft: 1907. By C. O. Blagden ... 839

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CONTENTS ILLUSTRATIONS. PAGS PAGS The Scythian Period of Indian History, Plato I. ... 58 Celebrities in Tamil Literature-South India at the Do. do. do. II. ... 64 Sangam Period ... .. .. ... .. .242 do. do III, ... 66 Bomo Remarks on the Excavations at Sarnath or ried out in the year 1904- ... 107 Antiquities of Mandator, Plate I. Capital of the Asoka Column at Sarnath ... ... . ... ... 278 Do. do. do. II. ... ... 106 Soulptures at the Seni Gonpa in Zangakar between Do. do. do. III. ... . ... 109 Ating Village and Padam (padum) * . 338 do. do Do. APPENDIX, INDEX OF PRAKRIT WORDB, BY DON M. DE ZILYA WIOKREMASINOIN... .. Pp. 183-184.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY, A. JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH. VOLUME XXXVII. -- 1908. THE BUDDHIST COUNCILS. BY PROFESSOR L. DE LA VALLEE POUSSIN. I. THE FIRST TWO COUNCILS. T HE discoveries and the researches of recent years have, at least partially, confirmed the views 1 that Messrs. Oldenberg, Rhys Davids, and Windisch, not to mention others, had expressed oncerning the antiquity of the Buddhist Canons; they have, to a large extent, invalidated several of the objections of Minayeff. I am all the more bound in candour to recognise this, as I reproach myself with having formerly adhered on certain points to the scepticism, or, if the expression is preferred, to the agnosticism of the great Russian savant, one of the most penetrating intellects which have done honour to our studies, who, however, in his short and fruitful career, evidently had not the tinie to point and bring to maturity all his ideas, and who has given us in his Researches merely the outline or the first edition of the book to which his life was consecrated. The moment seems to us to have arrived for resuming, in order to recapitulate it and perhaps advance it a little, a discussion which, at times, was almost impassioned ; to examine under what conditions and on what terrain it most be pursued at the present time; to determine what remains of the criticisms formulated by Minayeff. It will be seen that on some points where, according to Prof. Oldenberg, he was grievously mistaken, he sometimes was perfectly right, - notably in that which concerns the Councils; and that even where he was wrong - notably about the edict of Bhabra (Bairat ), - his work was useful and throws a singularly clear light on some of the problems of this old story. There is scarcely need to gay that all the studies bearing on the origin of the Canons are necessarily provisional. The fault of this lies above all with the sinologues, 80 zealous when it is & question of problems which interest sinology only, but at times negligent when Buddhism is concerned. We ought to be the more grateful to the few scholars who have revealed to us some details concerning the literature of the sects of the Little Vehicle. Recherches sur le Bouddhi me par I. P. Minayeff, translated from the Russian by R. H, Assier de Pompignan, Musee Guimet, Bibl. d'Etudes, t. IV. (1894). The original edition dates from 1887. H. Oldenberg, Buddhistische Studien, Z.D.M.G. LII. (1898), pp. 618-694. 1 Not to mention the older ones, Wassilioff, Beal. (The Vinaya of the Dharmaguptas according to the Chinese Version, Vhdl. of the 5 Or. Kongr., Ostasiat. Section, p. 17, Berlin, 1881, reprinted in Abstract of four Lectures, (1882), and the notes on the Mohicasukas, ap. Oldenberg, Intr. to Vinaya Pitaka, I. p. xliv ), -I should mention the artiole of M. Suzuki, The First Buddhist Council (Monist, XIV., 27th January 1904, pp. 252-283, with preface by A. J. Edmunds ) which is the most complete work we possess on the Chinese Sources.-Tibetan Bources for the First Counoil (Sarvaativadin School), Onoma Foer, Ann, du Musee Guimet, II. 196 ; Rookhill, Life of the Buddha, p. 159, Schiofaer (Lebongbeschreibung). Soe, also, Wassilieff, Buddhism, and the notes on Taranatha.

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2 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JANUARY, 1908. I. THE FIRST COUNCIL. So that the reader may have all the evidence before his eyes, let us first of all sum up the eleventh chapter of the Cullavaggas, which bears the title Chapter of the Five Hundred, and, as is well known, treats of the Council of Rajagrha, beld immediately after the death of Buddha. SS1. Kacyapa suddenly appears on the scene, no one knows where, and, addressing himself to no one knows whom, he relates how during his journey he has learned the death of the Master; he repeats the speeches of his travelling companions. Then the venerable Mahakassapa said to the bhikkhus. One day I was travelling on the road from Pava to Kusinara with .... about five hundred bhikkhus . " Along the road there comes a monk of the Ajivaka sect who announces to the travelling devotees the death of Buddha. The faithful but imperfect brethren abandon themselves to grief; those who are already perfect content themselves with saying, "Impermanent are all the elements (saskaras)." "Enough, my friends! Do not weep, nor give yourselves up to lamentation! Has not the Most Happy One declared unto us that it is even in the nature of the things near and dear to us that we must be separated from them...." "At this moment, my friends, a certain old monk, named Subhadda, was there Kacyapa relates how this Subhadda rejoices at the death of the Master: "Now we shall be able to do all that pleases us, and that which does not please us we shall no longer be forced to do." Kacyapa does not say if he reproved this blasphemy. He continues his discourse to the unnamed bhiksus: "Come, my brethren, let us chant together the Dhamma and the Vinays before the NonDhamma spread, and the Dhamma be put aside."s SS 2. "Let the venerable Thera choose, then the bhikkhus." Manifestly, the unnamed monks pray Kacyapa to choose the monks worthy of "chanting together the Dhamma and the Vinaya." "Then the venerable Kassapa chooses 499 Arabats." The bhikaus are not content; they demand that Ananda be admitted to the conclave. "My Lord, this venerable Ananda, although he is still under instruction, is nevertheless incapable of falling into an impasse, through desire, hatred, ignorance, or fear, and he has well learned the Dhamma, and Vinaya from the mouth of the Most Happy himself. Consequently, let your Lordship choose the venerable Ananda." Without hesitation Kacyapa subscribes to this request: "And the venerable Mabakassapa chose the venerable Ananda." The Vinayapitakam, one of the principal Buddhist Holy Scriptures in the Pali Language, edit. by Dr. H. Oldenberg, Vol. II. p. 284 and following (Williams and Norgate, 1880). Vinaya Texts, translated from the Pali, by T. W. Rhys Davids and Hermann Oldenberg, III. p. 370 (Sacred Books, XX., 1885). H. Kern, Geschiedenis (trans. by Gedeon Huet, Muste Guimet, Bibl. d'Etudes, t. X. and XI.), II. p. 253; Manual, p. 101. After having summed up and translated the Culla, M. Kern sets forth the northern traditions. (Appendix to the Tib. Lebensbeschreibung, Mahavastu and Hiouen-Thsang). Pancasatikakkhandaka. According to M. Suzuki, the Mahicasaka, Dharmagupta, Mahasanghika Vinayas, the Sudarcanavinayatibhasa (Nanjio, 1125) and the Vinayamatrkasutra give as motive of the convocation of the Council the blasphemy of Subhadra ([Ca]bhananda in Sources, 1, 2, and 5; simply "Maballaka" in 3, and Subhadramahallaka in 4). The Dharmagupta ascribes to Kacyaps this reason "that it is necessary to compile the law so that the heretics may not say that the law is like smoke "[similarly in the Dulva (Rockhill, p. 148), Mhe. and Culla]. No allusion to Subhadra [according to Suzuki] in the Sarvastivadins, but intervention of the gods before Kacyapa; similarly the Prajnaparamitacastra and the Life of Acoka. No allusion either to the gods, or to Subhadra in the Transmission of the Dharmapitaka (Nanjio, 1963) (Kacyapa says: "It is for the laymen to occupy themselves with the relics of the Tathagata, for us to tabulate the law") or in the Record of the Compilation of the three Pitakas and the Miscellaneous Pitaka." In Mhu. I. 60 Kacyapa spontaneously resolves to assemble the Council, so that the law may not be like smoke." See below, note 33. Sekhacaiksa, from ciksa, precept, rule, study, instruction. | Kin capi sekho abhabbo chanda dosa moha bhaya agatim gantum. "The four Agatis are lust, hatred, ignorance, and fear" (Childers.)- Vinaya Texts: " .. Although he have not yet attained (to Nirvana), yet he is incapable of falling into error through partiality, or malice, or stupidity, or fear." By Nirvana the translators understand the sopadhicesanirvana; see below, notes 44 and 52,

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JANUARY, 1908.) THE BUDDHIST COUNCILS. $ 3. The monks chosen by Kacyapa consult as to the place where it will be suitable to hold the conclave: they think of Rajageba, for it will be pleasant to pass the rainy season there : "What if we were to pass the rainy season at Rajagaha and there chant together the Dhamma and the Vinaya; and let no other bhikkhu come to Rajagaha for the rainy season!" $ 4. Kacyapa presents officially to the bhiksus (=the Samgha) the resolutions formulated above." ... Let the Samgha decide that these five hundred bhikkhus shall take up their residence during the rainy season at Rajagaha in order to chant together the Dhamma and the Vinays, and that no other bhikkhu shall spend the rainy season at Rajagaha...." The Sangha approves according to the rule. $5. The conclavists instal themselves at Rajagpha and spend the first month in repairing [the buildings] in ruins or in a bad state.10 $ 6. During the night preceding the day on which the assembly is to open Ananda attaing to the quality of Arbat: "To-morrow the assembly is to open; now it is not fitting that I should attend it, being still under instruction." He applies himself with success to a meditation which frees him from the passions. $$ 7-8. The Conclave! Kacyapa questions Upali on the Vinaya, Ananda on the Dharma 13. They "chant" beginning with the four Parajikas, the double Vinaya (ubhato vinaye) ; they chant the five Nikayas, beginning with the Brahmajala. Kacyapa conducts the recitation. "Where was the first Parajika proclaimed ? Concerning what person? Relative to what subject ?" And immediately Upali answers concerning the subject, the occasion, the individual introduced, the proclamation, the repetition of the proclamation, the fault, the case of non-responsibility. For the Nikayas (Dhamma) the interrogation only bears upon the place where the Sutta was pronounced and the person to whom it was addressed. 15 See below, note 69. 9 The proposition is made once, after having been defined and the assembly remains silent. It is the fallidutiya kamma; seo Vin. Tezts, I. p. 169. 10 Khandaphullapaian kharana; no Culla, VI. 5, 2 (Vinaya Teats, III. p. 191), . Vyut, $ 282, 252-Assembly room, see Suzuki, the article cited, p. 291. 11 To the Kaya-smrtyupasthana (Kayagata sati). 11 According to the Sarvastivadina (Chinese source, and Dulva, ap. Rockhill, p. 149) and the Mahasanghikas, according to a great number of documents of the Great Vehicles at the moment of the opening of the Council an incident happens of which Gavampati is the hero. At the order of Kayapa, Purns has just sounded the call.bell : all the arhats, except Gavampati, are present. Purpa goes to the hermitage of the tree Cirisa, where dwells this holy man, begs him to accept the salutations of Kacyapa and the Samghs and to come in haste for the business of the Samghs. Understanding that Buddha is dead, Gavampati gives his robes and his viso to Purna, consumes his body by his magic power, and disappears into Nirvana (Dulva). According to the Mahasanghikas, two arhata are absent from the assembly: Anuruddha, who soon joins his brethren and Gavampati. Anuruddbs explains that Garampati is "in one of the heavens." A messenger carries to him the request of the assembly. Gavampati is astonished that Kacyapa should govern the Samgha, questions the messenger and is consumed in a divine firo. Still, from the same source, Kacyapa renews the same attempt, but with the same result, with regard to several other saints who are already in possession of celestial dwelling places. From that time they ceased to convoke the bent saints and decided that no member of the assembly should enter the Nirvana before the end of the work. According to the Tib. Lebensbeschreibung (p. 305, n. 75), Gavampati was living in the cin-sa-ti-kaki gzhal-med Vimans of the tree Garika" (?).-Observe that, according to the Beschreibung, the chant begins with the Stras; the Vinaya followe. 15 The Dharma must here include the Abhidharms" (Kern, Geach. II. p. 234, n. 5). See below, note 41. That is to my, the Vinaya of the monks and the nuns. 16 We shall speak of the scriptural work attributed to the Council by our different sonroes when we study th relations of the Canons. . Life of Acoka, Mahaprajaparamitacastra, Compilation under Kacyapa, Record of the Transmission of the Dharmapitaka, Record of the Compilation of the Tripitaka and the Samyuktapitaka. - Susuki, article cited, p. 28T. It is interesting to authentionte the relation of the Mahasaighika to the Sarvastivads and the Mahayana. * Corresponds to the cuveksa-palace (P) of M. Suzuki. Is the translation exact P A noto tells us that the text speaks of the Prideva palace, According to Susuki, the Sartastiradivinaya, the Prajfiaparamitapastra and the Compilation of Kaj yapa say that four rivers flow from the transfigured body, proclaiming appropriate gathis.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JANUARY, 1908. $ 9. Ananda, who had not been questioned on the Vinaya - and besides, the method adopted did not permit any initiative except to the president, - Ananda begins to speak : Then the venerable Ananda said to the theras: "The Most Happy, at the moment of bis death, spake thus to me: When I am dead, O Ananda, let the Sanghs, if it wish, abolish the small and lesser precepts." "16 " Then, 0 Anands, did you ask the Most Happy which were those precepts ?""No, my friends." Which are the small precepta ? All the laws, except the four parajikas ? All, except the parajikas and the thirteen sanghadisesas? All, except the parajikas, the sannghadiacsas and the two aniyatas ? etc. The "Fathers" offer six different opinions. Kacyapa makes them accept his way of thinking: "For fear of scandalising the laymen, who know our laws of discipline, let us change nothing of what Buddha has decided." $ 10. The monks 17 reproach Ananda with a certain number of failings : " You committed a fault when you . .. confess this fault." Ananda consents to confess his faults: "It was by forgetfulness that I.... I did that with the intention ...." And all his replies end with the formula: "I do not see the wrong in that. Nevertheless, out of deferenco to youts, I confess this sin." The sins of Ananda are known to all the sources of M. Suzuki, with the exception of the Sudargana-vinaya. Their number is sometimes six, sometimes seven, sometimes nine. As the agreement is not absolute, we may distinguish twelve bends of the accusation,10 Here are the most important data : Cullavagga : (1) Not having informed himself concerning the lesser precepts; (2) Having stepped upon Buddha's robe for the rainy season, wben wishing to sew it (Vassikasatika, tarsacati, M. Vyut, 261, 92); (3) Having first admitted the women to venerate the body of the Master, so that the body should be profaned by their tears:0 ; (4) Not having prayed the Master to prolong his life ; (5) Having obtained from Buddha the admission of the women into the order. Mahipasakas : (1) Lesser precepts; (2) Having stepped on the Master's robe, when wishing to sew it; (3) Admission of the women into the order ; (4) Prolongation of the life of Buddha; (5) Not having given to Buddha something to drink, in spite of his thrice-repeated request; (6) Having first admitted the women to venerate the remains of the Master.21 Dharmaguptas :23 (1) Admission of the women ; (2) "Buddha asked Ananda three times to serve him as one who offers things (9) to Buddha, but be declined him ; (3) Having stepped on the * Khuddhanukh uddaka, "the lesser and minor precepte." ** See below, note 31. 18 Ayasmantananh saddhaya = out of my faith in you. 1 This is the number at which M. Suzuki arrives: One point is proper to the Sarvistivadins to have held ogloss discussions concerning the Pambles of Buddha. Two points are peculiar to the Collection of the Kacvara (1) When Ananda Was one time reproached by Buddha, he secretly cherished ill-will and was mischievous to others. (2) Ananda was not yet delivered from the three passions-lust, hatred, ignoranoe, while the other bhikkhus at the Coupoil were freed from them. One point (Dharmanupta, 2) is a duplicate of the refusal of the water. Lastly, M. Suzuki distinguishes three variants of the episode of the women: (i) Having first admitted the women to the veneration of the body, (ii) Having permitted this "gilded" body to be profaned by tears, (iii) Having uncovered it in the presence of the women, 70 A variant in " a recent Pali biography of Buddha," ap. Minayeff, p. 83, note. 1 Without mention of the tears that had profaned the body. The order in Beel is very different. 15 This point must not be confused with No. 5 of the Mahicasakas, which is repeated below. According to Beal, we must understand; three times Buddha anked Ananda to follow him and three times he refused.

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JANUARY, 1908.) THE BUDDHIST COUNCILS. robe when wishing to sew it; (4) Prolongation of the life of Buddha; (6) Having refused to give to drink to Buddha .... (6) Lesser precepts; (7) Having shown the gilded body of Buddha to a multitude of women, permitting them to profane it by their tears. Mahasanghikas: (1) Admission of women into the order ; (2) Prolongation of lifo ; (3) Having walked on the robe while sewing it; (4) Having refused to give Buddha to drink .... (5) Smaller precepts; (6) "Ananda exposed the secret parts of Buddha in the presence of women, thiuking that the act would tend to a cessation of their passion; but how could he know this when he had not yet attained to the stage of Arhatabip ? " ; (7) Having exposed the gilded body of Buddha .... According to the Mahavastu, III. 48, Ananda had authorised his disciples to eat in a group. This infringement of the rule, which we shall find again at Vaicali, does not appear to have been counted among the failings of Ananda. It is to be noticed that in the recital of the First Council Ananda is only named in passing (Mho. 1, 69 299.) Katyayana and Kacyapa are the only notable characters. Sarvastivadins. According to Rockhill (Dulva), like the Mabasamgaikas, except for No. 3, where the occasion of Ananda's sin sewing or washing the robe) is not determined, and for No. 6, where it speaks of men and women of ill-manners. According to M. Suzuki (Chinese source), we must add (2a) "When Buddha preached in parables, Anands made, in s vite of his presence, some superfluous remarks on them," and modify (3) "Having walked on the robe when washing it," and (4) "Having given muddy water to Buddha."25 $11. Purina, who was travelling in the mountain of the South with five hundred bhikkhus, arrives at Rijngeba as the recitation of the Vinaya and of the Dharma is finished. He comes to Balute the theras. The latter say to him: "The Dharma and the Vinaya, O Purina, have been chanted by the theras. Associate yourself with the oboir."26 Purina replios: "The Dharma and the Vinaya have been well ohanted by the thoras. However, in the way in which I have heard and received (the law] from the mouth of Bhagavat himself, in that manner 1 purpose to retain it in my memory." The episode of Parana is more fully developed in the three Chinese sources which speak of this important personage; that is, the Vinaya of the Dharmagaptas, that of the Mahicagakas and the Vinayamatykasutra.27 Parkna arrives at Rajagpha when the Council is ended. At his entreaty, Kacyaps gathers together the assembly afresh and Upali recommences his recitation. Parana approves of all ; only he demands the insertion of eight permissions, eight things" compatible with the law which forbids the eating of preserved foods and of which Buddba bad entirely approved : these are (I reproduce the translation of M. Suzaki) "(1) keeping food indoors; (2) cooking indoors ; (8) cooking of one's 24 According to Beal, only one woman was concerned. * Accordingly, Arbate only po nese abhijfas. --According to the Tib. Lebensbeschreibung: "Du hast vinem Ehepaare Geheimlehren mitgeteilt." 25 According to the Duwa, Ananda exonses himself for not having given water to the Tathagata to drink, because five hundred ohariote had disturbed the water of the river (Kakusthana = Kakuttha) in orossing it. * Upehi tarh sargitim.-Vinaya Texts: "Do thou, then, submit thyself to and learn the text so rehearsed by them," a travelation which is elegant, but somewhat long. Buddhista my wond buddhath sarapan. 21 Besides the reports of M. Susuki (article cited, p. 280), seo Wasilieff ad Taranatha, p. 4011.... " the tradition of the Chinese Vinays that already at the First Council, Parapa protested against seven point that "Kucyapa had introduced." We have seen that the Dulva apoake of a Parns, bell-ringor of the Council and delegate to Gutampati (above note 12).

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1908 own accord; (4) taking food of one's own accord; (5) receiving food when rising early in be morning: (6) carrying food home in compliance with the wish of the giver ; (7) having miscellaneous fruits ; (8) eating things grown in (or by ?) a pond." 28 Kacyapa agrees that Buddha did, in truth, authorise the eight "points"; but it was only because food was scarce, in case of apad, we should say ; later, he withdrew this permission. Parana replies that Buddbe, being omniscient, does not permit that which is otherwise forbidden, neither does he forbid that which is otherwise permitted. Kagyapa explains that the omniscience of the Master enables him on the contrary to modify the laws; he concludes : "Let us, O Porana, coine to this decision : that which Buddha does not forbid, shall not be forbidden, but his prohibitions shall not be transgressed. Let us exercise ourselves according to the disciplinary laws of Buddha." M. Suzuki did not observe that the eight points are discussed in the M. Vagga (VI. 17--19, 20; 4, 32); but, if I dare to say so, the whole episode is antedated; it was Buddha himself who, after having authorised the keeping food indoors, etc.," withdrew this concession.20 12. Ananda begins to speak : Bhagavat said to me at the moment of his death: When I am dead, Ananda, let the Samgha impose the brahmadandaso on the bhikkhu Channa.'" And on the demand of the theras, - Kasy pa does not play part here any more than in the chapter on the failings of Ananda,1 - the confidential disciple explains what is this punishment : "Let the bhikkbu Channa say what pleases him; the bhikkhus will not speak to him, will not axhort him, Deither will they warn him." He agrees to go and announce this sentence to Channa, but accompanied by a group of brethren, of five hundred brethern, " for this bhikkhu is fierce and passionate." $$ 13-14. These two paragraphs are devoted to an episode in Ananda's journey in search of Chanda: his meeting with the wives of King Udena and his conversation with this king. The recital is interesting and is not a digression in a book of Vinaya, for it is a question of the use of old garments and, in general, of all objects not in 186. $15. Ananda announces his sentence to Channa, who receives it with much humility. His grief and his remorse are such that he attains the quality of Arhat. He goes to Ananda. Suppress for me now, O Ananda, the brahmadarda." "From the same moment, O Channa, that you realised the quality of Arbat, from that same moment the brahmadanda was suppressed." 16. Conclusion of the Chapter: "As five hundred bhikkhus, without one less or one more, have taken part in this choir of the Vinaya, this choir of the Vinaya is called of the Five Hundred.'" What does Prof. Oldenberg think of this account ! It is rather difficult to say, for his opinion seems to be wanting in that fine unity which he is pleased to recognise in the first paragraphs which composed it.83 On the one hand, bo has stated and repeated that he did not believe in the account The Mabicasakas enumerate differently the "points" of Purapa; there are seven of them, "receiving food in compliance with the wish of another; (5) taking fruits of one's own scoord(6) receiving things coming out of pond: (7) onting fruit with its seeds (or stonon) removed, when received from one who is not regular attendant in the Sangba." -The Vinayamatska appears to 'ollow the Dharmaguptas, for the two points which it explains accord with the list of that sohool. >> To make the list of the Dharmaguptas correspond with that of the Oulla (soven points) it offices to combine the 4th and the 7th of the former, taking miscellaneous fruits of one's own accord." ** Brahmadanda "the higher penalty." This expression is only met with bore and Mahaparinibbancis VI. 4. See Korn, Gesch. II. 118-119. Channa had already incurred severo penalties (see Oulla, I. 26-31). In other sourcen (see p. 11-18) It is Kaoy pa who takes up the word against Ananda * Wassilioff ad Tarunatha, p. 291: "According to the tradition of the Chinese Vinaya, at the time of t. First Council the bhi' ya Chanda oreated at Kaucambi a division among the monks and Ananda was sent to adjust 53 "Sohonster Einbeitlichkeit"-Buddh. Studien, p. 614.

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JANUARY, 1908.] THE BUDDHIST COUNCILS. of the Coyncil proper [$$ 7-8]; - and that for reasons whose whole weight he has caused to be felt afresh by well-disposed persons, for, in truth, they affect as very little" ;-moreover, he Scarcely dares to attribute any historic value whatever to the discussion relative to the small and I esser precepte, and the major penance inflicted on Channa" ($9 9 and 12): "Es mag sogar an irgendwelche Uberbleibsel von bistorischer Erinnerung gedacht werden: das wird ebenso wenig zu beweisen wie zu widerlegen sein." On the other hand, he protests himself with great vigour against the observations of Minayeff. The latter, retaining as historic or semi-historic all the episodes (Subhadra, small rules, faults of Ananda, etc.), pats aside as apocryphal or tendencious the history of the Council in its officiel convocation ($$ 3-4), in its literary labours ($$ 7-8), and tries to show, on the one hand, the incoherence of $$ 1-2 and 3-4 ; on the other band, the contradiction between the episodes and the solemn drawing-up of a complete canon. Our Chapter of the Cullavagga, says Prof. Oldenberg, opens with the textual reproduction of an episode of the Mahaparinibbanasutta (Culla XI., $1. = Mahaparinibbana, VI., 36, 37, 38, 39, 41, 40); next it gives us a legendary reconstruction of the First Council, inspired by the narrative, authentic and historical in this case, of the Second Council; finally it makes use of Buddha's discourses relative to the secondary precepts and to the boycotting" of Channa, discourses reproduced in this same Mahaparinibbana. "The point of view of Minayeff, who claims to recognise in these episodes (and those of the " failings" of Ananda] an old kernel of authentic tradition (einen alten kern guter Uberlieferung) and to separate them from the rest of the account due to a much younger time, this point of view is illusory." In fact, "Der Culla, wenn er jene Andeutungen seinerseits ergriff und daraufhin die Geschichte von dem Konzil mit den in Rede stehenden Episoden ausstattete, beging damit nicht in mindesten, wie Minayeff will, einen Selbstwiderspruch." Minayeft has not put on his spectacles when he maintains that the Culla identifies Kuc yapa's five hundred companions, among whom were Subhadra and many of the faithful but imperfect bhikhus, with the five hundred Arbats (except one) whom Kacyapa elected for the conclave. The $1 of the Culla contains the account of his journey, given by Kacyapa before a numerous assembly probably at Kucinara; this assembly is the one convoked by Kacyapa to chant the choir and in which he is going to choose the members of the choir. Minayeff saw a contradictory repetition in the designation of the future conclavists by Kacyapa at the prayer of the Samgha, and the official decision following on a "double proposition" (and not quadruple, as tho Russian savaut says) which delegates to these same conclavists the power and the mission to hold their sessions at Rajaglha :35 wrongly, for, adds Prof. Oldenberg, "Nothing can be more probable, nor more conformable to the habits made known to us by the literature." There is here (551-5) neither incoherence nor contradiction. 30 NP. 628, noto. hose ronsons are, firstly, that the Mahaparinibana does not breatbe a word of the Council. See the Introduction to the text of the Mahavagga, P. xxvi and following, and the remarks of Mr. Rhys Du Buddhist Suttas, p. xiii. >> Minayeff believed that we have to do with two locounts : according to the first, "perhaps the nearer to the truth," Kacyapa chooses the members of the Council and to them he adds Ananda; the second, of later origin, introduced in order to give to the Councils character of authenticity, admits of our $ 4, the approbation by the Baragha of the measuroa it has itself instigated. MM, Oldenberg is in the right. It is all the same certain that if this part of the account, deftly interpreted, can be made to agree, the author has certainly not taken much trouble to make himself clear. To what monks does Kacyapa relate his encounter with the parivrajaka, bearer of the sad news, and his journey with Subhadra P The same, evidently, who heg him to choose the members of the future Council. Where does this soene take place ? "The Culla does not say formally," says M. Oldenberg, "but decidedly we cannot hesitate the editor of the Owlla has represented the matter. The modern Singalese sources, as also those of the North, place the soone at Kasinara.... The amount of the Culla, which joins on to (abschlieast) the Mahaparinibana. nutta, long passages of which it reproduces textually, has certainly no intention of making Kassapa appear in any other place than that to which the M. P. 8. oondasta him and where all the other sources quoted make him appear." I quite agroo; I should be more sure of it, if I were certain that the Culla has really interpolated the paragraphs X. P. 8., VI., 33-39, 41, 40;--which, M. Oldenberg has remarked many times, lead to nothing in the M. P. 8.; if I understood why Kacape gives no answer to Subhadra, any more than the other monks whose piety is manifonted by untimely weeping. Prof. Oldenberg, apparently, does not ng any difficulty in this last detail.

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8 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JANUARY, 1908. At the most we can only speak, in one sense, of a certain Discrepanz,- for we must never lose the feeling for nuances: "Von einer Discrepanz kann meines Erachtens nur in dem Sinne gesprochen werden, dass die Konzilerzahlung [SSSS 1-5, 7-8, 16] offenbar, wie ich eben gesprochen habe, an den Hauptvorgang ein paar dem Mahap. S. entnommene Daten resp. auf Grund dieser Daten hergestellte Konstructionen herangeschoben hat." That is, "At the most we may speak of a want of harmony, in this sense that the Culla has joined to the principal account [that is, to the account otherwise legendary or tendencious of the Council ]a certain number of data borrowed from M. P. S., or rather reconstructions suggested by these data." But what does it matter that these reconstructions and these data are contradictory to the principal account? This principal account is innocent of all contradiction: "Jene Erzahlung ist das werden wir nach allem hier erorterten gegen Min. fest halten durfen von inneren Widerspruchen frei." Wishing to set forth the primitive compilation of the Scriptures, postulated by orthodoxy, the compiler of Culla XI. has naturally brought forward Kacyapa, Ananda and Upali. He has added the story of Kacyapa's journey and the episode of the lesser precepts, has grouped and developed several other souvenirs relative to this period: almost all were known to him through the M. P. S. At the most can we notice that the adoration of the remains of Buddha by the women is not mentioned in this venerable Sutta.37 In one word, M. Oldenberg belies that all our chapter of the Culla is a "forgery," but a forgery very well done and that the analysis does not permit us to draw from it the conclusions formulated by Minayeff. The Russian savant did not read with sufficient attention the proofs of his admirable book; he would have avoided some mistakes over which his adversary triumphs.38 On the other hand, the chapters which he devotes to the Councils are composed in a mediocre manner; the thought often But the Buddhists have not understood it any better than Minayeff, as is proved by the variants of the episode. Only the Mahaparinibbanasutta, translated by Fa-hien (Nanjio, 118) imitates the reserve of the Pali text. But in the Sarrastivadavinaya (Nanjio, 1115) "An old, bad and stupid bhika. . . . Kagyapa heard his words, but others did not perceive them, because through deva's miraculous power they were kept secret." In the Mulasarcastivadanikayasamyuktavastu (Nanjio 1121) which, I may say in passing, makes the M. P. 8. followed by the account of the Council, this suits very well; "An old bhikgu....: many gods in the sky hearing his unjust utterance kept his voice secret by their miraculous power and let nobody hear it except Kapyapa. Kacyapa understood his words. Then the Venerable One, to exhort him, stood for a little at the wayside and addressed the assembly n'etam thanam vijjatiti' (M. P. S. VI. 41)." saying, 'Sabbeh'eva piyehi manapshi In other sources, the words of Subhadra (whose name varies) are, at least, mentioned by the narrator: Nanjio, 119" Ban-do of Cakya-olan. . . Kacyapa was displeased;" Nanjio, 545, 2: "A Cakyaputra called Ba-nan-da. ..; Kacyapa hearing this was sad." Similarly the Vinaya of the Dharmaguptas (Nanjio, 1117). In the Nanjio 552 (which would be, it is said, a translation anterior to 118, 119 and 515, 2), things happen less simply: "One bhikgu.... all other bhikpus disagreed with him and they complained to a deva, who, seizing that old bhiksu, threw him outside of the assembly;" and in the Mahasamghika Vinaya (Nanjio 1119): "Kagyapa was sad, and as he snapped his right hand finger, fire came out of it, and he stamped the ground with his right foot." M. Kern very usefully recalls the Bhadra, incarnation of the devil, whom we shall find again in discussing the Council of Pataliputra. It seems that the disconnectedness of our report (M. P. 8. VI. 1.- Nanjio 118 Culla XI.) is a mark of authenticity, and it is not without some reservations that I ament to M. Oldenberg's thought. "Wie sich sein (Culla's) Verfasser die Sache gedacht hat, kann doch schlechterdings nicht zweifelhaft sein." It seems that this editor has not taken any care to picture the things to himself. 37 "Merkwurdiger weise nicht in M. P. 8. berichtet wie schon 8. B. E. XI. 379, bemerkt ist." (Buddh. Stud, 618, n. 3.) 5.See above, p. 7, the confusion of the atticatuttha and the fattidutiya; below, note 55, the interpretation of ubhato vinaye and p. 18, inexact expression "in the canon." These are not serious faults. * This quotation, as well as those which follow, are, according to a kind communication, from M. N. Wogibara,

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JANUARY, 1908.) THE BUDDHIST COUNOILS. 9 is merely indicated, and the author does not draw all the desirable advantages possible from the positions that he occupies and the weapons which he has at his command. Lastly, his manner may repel a reader who sees himself, from the first line, treated somewhat "cavalierly," - 18 is the case with Prof. Oldenberg - and who sees the venerable Suttantas treated with even still less respect. In fact, and this is the main point, Prof. Oldenberg was mistaken concerning the thought of Minayeff on the historical value of the Council and the episodes, and it is the fault neither entirely of Minayeff nor of Prof. Oldenberg : the latter does not believe in the Council, but he is so very near it! the former seems to claim to make bistory with the Culla, although he believes neither in the Sutras nor in the Culla. These attempts at internal criticism are extremely delicate, especially for those who resign themselves to being ignorant of many things and who have not the faith of the coal-heaver in the texts. They are afraid, for subjective reasons, to distinguish that which can be historical from that which has not the slightest chance of being so ; never, and the mere thought of it disconcerts them, never will they believe that the silence of a Sutra about a dogma or an ecclesiastical event can furnish anything but an hypothesis. They read again two or three times Prof. Oldenberg's remark about the absence of allusion to the First Council in the Mahaparinibbana: "This silence is as valuable as the most direct testimony. It shows that the author of the Mahaparinibbanasutta did not know anything of the First Council "30; still they are not quite sure they have read correctly, For very little they would desert a discussion without issue, because it is without possible control and without any known principle. Bat if, like Minayeff, they think it necessary to take part in it, nobody shall be able to reproach them with relying upon data which they themselves do not accept without reserve, for their adversaries admit them. And it is a principle formulated by Dignaga in his controversy with the Brahmans, that in a dialectical tournament, every argument is of value, as soon as the adversary cannot refuse to accept it: it matters little what the arguer himself may think of it. Either I am mistaken, or Minayeff was too good a Buddhist to remain a stranger to this state of mind, and it is one of the reasons why he so often provokes his erudite and convinced antagonist. I am, however, persuaded, as he was himself, that the Culla can furnish something better than a pretext for clevernesses. It will suffice to establish that the want of harmony between the account of the conclave and the episodic data is still more radical than Prof. Oldenberg thinks; and perhaps the reader will admit that Minayeff judged rightly when he recognised in these episodes, not historical data properly speaking, but an old fund of authentic tradition of inappreciablo value for a right understanding of ancient Buddhism. Let us once again consider in its different parts the study of Minayeff, taking advantage, as it is right to do, of the indications and materials furnished by Prof. Oldenberg. 1. The 16 of Culla XI. recalls that "five hundred bhikkhus took part in this recitation of the Vinaya; in consequence this recitation of the Vinaya is called that of the Five Hundred." Now $ 8 sets forth the recitation of the Dharma, that is to say, of the five Nikayas. Why does the final paragraph ignore the work of Ananda ? Does it mean that the Council was occupied exclusively with discipline, and that $ 8 has been interpolated after Chapter XI. had received its title? Midayeff did not judge this little remark worthy of him; however, it borrows a certain interest from the fact that the Culla does not breathe a word of a recitation of the Abhidharma (a proof of antiquity, as M. Oldenberg very rightly observes),40 whilst the Vinayas of several sects, Dharmagtptas, Sarvastiradins, speak of the Abhidharme in their chapters corresponding to Culla XL. The Mabicasakas and the Mahasamghikas, on the contrary, imitate the reserve of the Culla in that which concerns the books of scholastic nomenclature "41: it would be curious if the Culla XI., in the edition which its title supposes, should, in omitting the five Nikayas, have possessed over the Mahicasakas the advantage which it shares with the Mahicasakas over the Dharmaguptas, and the Sarvastivadins by omitting the Abhidharma, do Seo Intr. to the Mahavagga, loc. land, above, note 85. - There is a very simple and attractive idea I owe to my friend M. Louis Finot: the history of the Council was formerly the end of the Satta dealing with Buddha'a nirvana, 1. e., the M. P. 8. When the Scriptures were tabulated in the Pitakas, it seemed more approprious to have the Council in the Vinaya (se above, note 36, 2nd 8). ** Buddh. Stud. p. 628. See above, note 12. Matrkas. Boo Kern, Man. pp. 2-3.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1906. 2. The sentence against Channa ($ $ 12-15). -- Of this procedere against Channa, the brahmadanda, the Vinaya, according to the authoritative opinion of M. Oldenberg, knows nothing ; the monks to whom Ananda addresses himself are no better informed, since he is forced to explain it to them. Only the Mahaparinibbuna makes mention of it (VI. 4) and furnishes us with the conversation which Ananda repeats word for word to the bhiksus of the conclave. (Culla, XI., $ 12.) This shows, at least, that Ananda did not make the members of the Council chant the integrity of the Mahaparinib bana ; for he would not have had to repeat to them this injunction of the dead Master, This shows, to argue a silentio, that the Vinayas, with their Vibhangas, are anterior to the Mahaparinibbana, since they do not speak of the brahmadanda. 3. Failings of Ananda ($ 16). - The recital is finished. The monks charge Ananda with a certain number of faults and Ananda replies as we have seen. I. - Before entering into the detail of the sins, a few observations are necessary. A. - How Can any charge whatever be brought against Ananda, who is a Arhat ? " Ananda had already become an impeccable saint, that is, an arhat, and yet he submits to a trial; the assembly calls upon him to do penitence for some wins: Buddhaghoga, in his account of the First Council, has left aside all this episode. Perhaps he thought it would scandalise the faithful to read of the sins of an Arhat, impeccable according to the later dogmas; at any rate, it is a fact that the most ancient accounts have, in spite of their late redaction, preserved the vagueness of the primitive ideas with regard to the saint. We can hardly consider even the fact of the trial as an invention of the legend, and even in the VIIth century, at the place where Ananda was judged, there stood, if we must believe Hiouen-Thsang on this matter, a stupa in memory of this event.'45 Here are Prof. Oldenberg's remarks on this point : "Does the trial of Ananda allow us to oppose to the definite dogmas concerning the Arhat, the vagueness of the primitive ideas with regard to the saint ? Have we really any reason for believing in this primitive uncertainty ? Everything seems to me to indicate that the "circle of ideas" of ancient Buddhism has endeavoured from its origin to establish the conception of the Impeccable, the Delivered. And the tradition, northern as well as southern, seems to me to be unanimous in guaranteeing this conception as very ancient : the divergences of view concerning the Arhat, which were met with in the later systematic theologians, do not, in my opinion, change anything on this point. But, in fact, it is useless to occupy myself with this problem here: it is sufficient to point out that Ananda becomes Arhat immediately before the operations of the Council. The account emphasises the point that he was not Arhat before. As regards the dukkaga that he has committed, he committed them during the Master's lifetime, before being Arbat. Now, whocver is, in a certain measure, familiar with the statement of the disciplinary proceedings, such as the Vinaya gives them, will see without difficulty that every fault once committed must find its disciplinary Sanction without taking account of the point as to whether the guilty person has in the meantime attained to some degree of spiritual perfection."45 I am not, alas! at home (zu Hause) in the disciplinary proceedings of the Vinaya: I may say, almost without affectation, that I have studied chiefly the eleventh chapter of the Culla. Fortune wills that I find in it an important detail relative to the problem which occupies as we know that Channa, when Ananda informed him of the boycotting" pronounced against him by 11 For other romarks on this episodo, see p. 11 and note 70. 45 Minayoff, Remarches, p. 81. This last phrase revolts M. Olderberg (p. 626). Perhaps Minayeff does not carry credulity as far as Prof. O. believes: we may see here a notable example of his irony. The story of the sins of Ananda bears in itself a character of authenticity: the monument of which the Chinese pilgrim speaks is only a subsidiary proof. Not a few centuries have passed, in fact, between the trial of Ananda and the time of HiouenThsang. But there are many people who believe in the birth of Buddha in the garden of Lumbini on the faith of an inscription of Apoka. Now who will say when the Cakravartin was born under the tree of the olonda ? " It is well known that the books of Abhidharma (Dhammasangani, Kathavatthu) distinguish very cloarly between the nirxana which alone is aanhaksia and the arhattua, which is nothing else than the disappearance of the amavaa, of the raga (vitargatva). The washakyta is saorava or anamava. See M. Vyut, $ 109, 101, and following. The impeccable is not delivered from the skandhaf. 46 Buidh, Studion, pp. 620-521.

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11 JANUARY, 1908.] THE BUDDHIST COUNCILS. Buddha, fell into such repentance that he at once became Arhat. Thereupon, as we have already said, but this is worthy of repetition, he goes to implore Ananda to remove the excommunication 46 he is then of the same opinion as Prof. Oldenberg. A fault committed before the acquisition of the "Arhatship" must find its disciplinary sanction. Ananda who, we believe, understands the matter better than anyone, answers him in suitable words: "From the very moment, friend Channa, that you acquired the quality of Arahat, from that moment penance ceased.""Whatever he may say, no one will speak to him, will exhort or admonish him": thus had Buddha spoken on his death-bed concerning Channa. But by the fact that one becomes Arhat, the penauce falls to the ground, although it had been pronounced as decisive. It is true that the Vinaya knows nothing of this penance styled "of Brahma," and that in consequence familiarity with the Vinayas is here without importance. Let us notice again that Channa finds himself absolved from the excommunication when it is no longer harmful to him. We know that, according to the orthodox argument, not only the Arbat cannot fall, but also that the assistance of others, counsel or instruction, is perfectly useless to him. The story of an Arhat culpable and subject to penance against his will is contrary to the orthodoxy of the "non-mahasamghikas."7 When it was composed, the scholastic had not yet made use of the scriptural data and spiritual experience to develop the dogma in all its details. I believe, with Prof. Oldenberg, that the two traditions are in agreement in attributing great antiquity to the conception of the saint; but I add that they seem to me to put beyond all question the very ancient divergences of the doctors on this dogma. One cannot, in fact, consider these divergences as differences of opinion which appeared " unter den spateren theologischen Systematikern." The heretical "inventors" of the five points (four of which are relative to the Arhat) are neither systematic theologians nor persons of late date, Buddhists connect with their names the memory of the first division of the Samgha. But, were they as ancient as I believe, it seems that before the period when the Buddhists divided themselves into affirmers and deniers of the possibility of the fall and ignorance of the Arhat, there was one in which the question had not been dogmatically propounded. That is what Minayeff saw here, and, in my opinion, with much reason.48 B. According to the Culla, the Vinayas of the Mabicasakas and of the Mahasamghikas and several other sources whose independent authority is doubtful, Ananda's examination of conscience, instituted by the conclave or by Kacyapa, took place after the operations of the Council and had not any connection with his qualification as Arhat or as member of the aforesaid Council.49 This is strange, it seems, and suspect; and one can only approve of the Dharmaguptas for having placed the trial of Ananda before the Council, and the Sarvastivadius as well as two other Chinese sources for having made Ananda's admission subordinate to his justification and to the acquisition of sanctity (arhattva). But this absence of order and propriety in three sources of the first rank, compared with the greater harmony which rules in the others, permits us to assert with Minayeff "the entire independence of the accounts, united by our diaskeuasts into one single whole." In the oldest account, we believe, there was no question of a Council: they reprimand Ananda. If one adds to this first nucleus the legend of a Council, the reprimand of Ananda will at first not change its character; and if orthodoxy, just about to be formed, exacts that all the members of the conclave should be Arhats, there will be no difficulty in assigning to the reprimand the place of second rank which is suitable to it after the narration of an event of so great importance as the redaction of the Scriptures. Orthodoxy is not yet sufficiently sensitive to feel the contradiction of this chronological arrangement; it is not sufficiently rigid to exclude the precise mention of the 46 What right does Ananda possess to take away an excommunication pronounced by Buddha and approved by 47 See our remarks on the Third Council. the Samgha? See Childers, 58b ad. fin.: "Araha properly means only a venerable man and in Dh. 240 [25] we find it applied by a non-Buddhist to Acelakas or naked ascetica." 49 The trial of Ananda takes place either before the compilation of the Scriptures (Dharmaguptas, Sarvastivadins, Mahaprajnaparamitacastra, The Collection of Kacyapa, [Nanjio 1363], Hionen-Thsang, I. 156), or after (Mahicasakas, Mahasamghikas, Vinayamatrkasutra, Life of Acoka). Sometimes there is no connection between the faults of Ananda and his quality of member of the Council (sources of the second group and Dharmaguptas); sometimes, on the contrary, the aim of the trial is to show that Ananda is not Arhat and ought to be excluded from the conclave.

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12 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1908. "non-sanct.ty" of Ananda at the time of a gathering the object of which was to punish him. 50 All that the orthodox tendency can obtain is to promote Ananda to sanctity during the night of the Council. With the Servastivadins, on the contrary, the reprimand of Ananda has become a trial. Kacyapa asserts that the presence of the pious friend of Buddha mars the general sanctity of the whole assembly : he sees that Anada is still subject to the passions, anger, lust, ignorance, attachment. He excludes him. Ananda replies: "I have not sinned, says the text, either against morality, or the doctrine, or against good conduct: I have done nothing tingeemly nor harmful to the community!" Kacyapr returns : "Immediate disciple of Buddha, what is there astonishing in that you have not committed the sins of which you speak? But, as for baving done nothing harmful to the community, did you not pray Buddha to receive the women into the Order, the women whom Buddha declared as dangerons, as serpents and noxious to the Order .... 01" We see that the idea of the Arhat is still very inchoate here and as an accessory. Also the text entitled Collection (of the Scripture] under Kacyapa adds to the reproaches addressed to Ananda the only one which is of importance and which, up till now, did not figure among the faults, although it had clipped into the Sarvastivadin context: "Ananda is not freed from lust, hatred, and ignorance." Then he is not Arhat, then he is not one of us! It is well to oppose to this version the text of the Culla: "Although he may still be a student, say the monks to Kagyapa, choose Ananda, for he is incapable of lust, hatred, ignorance, or fear." II. - Among the sins of Ananda especially interesting are the fifth, the fourth, and the first 53 A. - Fifth fault: "Again you did wrong, 0 Anands, when you exerted yourself to obtain the admission of the women into the Dhamma and the Vinaya proclaimed by the Tathagata." Ananda replies that he was thinking of Mahapajapati, the Gotami, sister of the mother of Bhagavat. The Sarvastividins add, according to Rockhill (Life, p. 159): "I asked only that the women who were [my] relations and friends might enter into the Order."54 Here we are treading upon very unstable ground. Minayoff asks himself if there is not in this accusation an echo of the very modern prophecies and ideas concerning the end of Buddhism in consequence of the admission of women into the monastic community." I believe, on the contrary, that here we hear an echo, very weak and indistinct, of "prehistoria" controversy relative to the admission of the women.56 B.-The fourth sin, says Minayeff, deserves to be noticed." In this also, O Ananda, have you committed a fault : when Bhagavat made to you a suggestion, an invitation so plsin, so evident, you did not supplicate him, saying, let Bhagavat remain during the 'age' (Kalpa)...., out of compassion for the world."" We do not know, continues Minayeff, if the author of the account that We are examining attributed to Buddha this power [of prolonging his life during a kalpa]but it is evident from these words that the holy members of the Council who were judging Ausoda did not doubt that Buddha could, if he had wished or if he had been properly asked, have continued to live for 00 The Karunapundarika knows an Anandacaiks. - See also Sukhavatav., $1. 81 According to Rookhill; cf. Kern, II. p. 239. 12 This is to say, he has laid aside the passions which the Arhats have laid aside. See note 94a, the confusion of the abhimas and of the arhattua. * With regard to the second sin (having stepped upon the robe) and similar faults (having refused water) Minayeff expresses himself thus "This conduct on the part of Ananda was not only a transgression of the rules of the Vibaya which determined in the sequel the relations of the disciple and the master, but it implied something more monstrous still, oontempt for the supreme saint, for Buddha." To me the observation does not seem conolusive. # We must connect with this datum those pointed out by Minayoff, p. 41, on the role of the family of the cikyas in the Community, Maharaggr, p. 71, and the recent arobsoologioal discoveries. 05 Soo noto 106, at the end. I do not insist on the absurdity of the reproach addressed to Apands of having made bimself the instigator of & measure taken by Buddha himself. And the monks have just "chanted," without objection, the 'donble Vinaya' (ubhato vinaye), that is to say, the Vinaya of the bhiksunis as well as that of the bhikpas ! I may my in passing that Minayoff seems to have been mistaken about the meaning of this expression (=, ace srding to him, Vibhanga and Khandakas). See Buddh. Studien, 9. 618, n. 1.

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JANUARY, 1908.] THE BUDDHIST COUNCILS. an entire kalpa ;56 they shred a conviction which, in the canon, is attributed to the Mahasamghikas and declared heretical. The teaching of the Mahayanikas on this possibility of prolonging buruan life was also the same. Prof. Oldenberg observes, with good reason, that the words which we have underlined, in the canon, constitute an inaccuracy. The Katharatthu condemns, it is true, the above opinion, - the Katharatthu, the youngest of the books of Abhidhamms, which orthodox tradition only makes go back to Tisaa Moggaliputta, to the Third Council, and which Minayeff himself considers as much later, so that we may, "if we wish," say that the above doctrine is condemned in the canon, but that it is best to be a little more precise. But it is not in the Kathavatthu, it is in the commentary of the Kathavatthru that the Mabasamghikas are designated as holding the beresy in question : 57 ** The Kathavatthu informs us concerning the activity of a generation of theologians who hold with the text of the Sattas a relationship analogous to that of the Christian scholastics with the text of the New Testament. The Suttas constitute firm data ; more or less lengthy fragments of them are often quoted; they enjoy an unlimited authority. But it is necessary to interpret them properly and to find a solution when they seen to contradict each other. It is thus that in the passage of the Kathadatthu with which we are concerned there is examined the contradiction between the scriptural datum on the power of prolonging life which the iddhi [magic virtue] procures and that other scriptural datum which declares it impossible that he wbo can grow old should not do so, and that he who is mortal should not die.58 The conclusion is that in fact such a power could not have been attributed to the iddhibala ; and the commentary, rich in exegetic devices, as frequent among the pious Buddhist dialecticians as among their Christian confreres - gets rid of the Scriptural testimony which in truth is perfectly clear, by an (ingenions] distinction between the different meanings of the word kappa." 59 I have made a point of reproducing the whole of this page because it is very happy and very instructive ; but it scarcely modifies the form which must be given to Minayoff's argument. It is granted that, according to the redactor of the Mahaparinibbana (III. 3, etc.), Buddha attributed to himself, as he attributed to all the possessors of the iddhibalas, the power of "remaining " until the end of the "age." Hence, the opinion of the Elders and of Ananda is in agreement with a text canonical in the highest degree. It is contradicted by the Kathavatthu, as also by the Milinda. This proves, as Prof. Oldenberg very rightly observes, that from the moment that the Buddhists tried to construct a "dogmatism" they came into collision with sacred texts irreconcilable one with another, or irreconcilable with the theoretical dogmatic views formed or in formation. Bat at what epoch did dogmatic preoccupation become concerned with the question of the virtues conferred by the iddhibala P Very early, in our opinion, for this question, like that of the impeccability of the Arhat, is in close connection with that of Buddha considered as iddhiman; besides, it is connected with the attitude which the community will take up with regard to the Yoga. It seems that orthodoxies must have, or may have, been formed on these points long before the time of the Kathapatthu. I easily believe the commentary of the Kathavatthu when it names on this subject the Mabasamghikas; for the Northern sources attribute to the group of the Mahasanghikas, Lokottaravadins, etc., the opinion that the life of the Buddhas has no limit; As also, that there is nothing "mondane," or, if one prefers, "terrestrial" in them. This doctrine, which exalts the Master and extols the magic virtues, the passage cited from the M. P. S. and our "legend" of the trial of Ananda prove to belong to the oldest tradition, to the tradition of the Elders." The Kathavatthu and the Milinda deviste from it, and although Buddhaghoga recognises clearly the sectarian views of the Kathavatthu, -"Buddha," he makes Tigga say, "is Vibhajyavadin," - it is not superfluous to state it in passing. Tho tendency of the " Southern " tradition is, if I may 80 express myself, ouhemerist. Further, it is characterised by great sobriety in that which 16 The Tathagata may remain alive for the lappa or for the remainder of the kappa, for an "age of the world" (many millions of human centuries ), or for the residue remaining of the present "age of the world." See M. P. 8. III. 8, 45, and Milinda, p. 140 = Rhys Davids, I. p. 188. of Buddh: Studien, p. 618. . 56 Ang. II. p. 172. 09 Kappa would here mean the normal doration of haman life. In other words, Buddha would have boosted of the power of soaping premature death (akalamarana). The problem of the akalamarama of the Arhat bas been much discussed. The olovorness of Buddhaghore is therefore not solely his achievement.

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14 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JANUARY, 1908. concerns Yogism and all its forms. Some Indianists, as celebrated as authoritative, like to surpass the Suttas and construct a reasonable" Ultra-Hinayanist" Buddhism, reasonable, parged as much as possible from magic and the supernatural. It is interesting to observe that the conflict which divides us to-day is only the reflection of the dissension, which, we believe, separated into sects the believers of the early ages. Is the historic Buddha, that is to say, the Buddha of the first Buddhist generations, merely a " saint," or is he a superior being, divine, lokottara? And, without questioning the sincerity of the old Singhalese theras of Vattagamani, the definitive compilers of the Nikayas, one notices, in spite of oneself, that the school which has preserved for us the canon in the Pali language is the same that has given us the Kathavatthu and the Milinda in their complete redaction.60 The men who play with the words of Bhagavat, as do Buddhaghosa and Nagasena, are they not to be suspected of having made sad mutilations in the old legend? Cannot we suppose, without too great credulity, that they have, more or less unconsciously, dropped a part of the "common tradition" of old Buddhism ? 61 At least we must notice all the indications which throw light upon this old and problematic history. And, from this point of view, the observation of Minayeff on the fourth sin of Ananda seems to us as precious as it is well-founded. C. The abolition of the small and lesser rules. See Culla XI., SS 9 and SS 10 initio (first sin of Ananda, according to the Pali reckoning). Compare Mahaparinibbanasutta VI. 3. "When I am no more, O Ananda, let the Order, if it so desire, abolish the lesser and minor rules"; and Pacittiya Ixxii: "If a bhikkhu at the time of the recitation of the Patimokkha should speak thus: What is the good of the recitation of the lesser and minor rules, except to engender doubt, weariness and perplexity ?', this bhikkhu is guilty of contemning the rules." 63 "The hypothesis forces itself upon us (drangt sich von selbst auf)," says Prof. Oldenberg, "that the redactor of our chapter of the Culla spoke of these things (that is to say, of Channa and of the lesser precepts) because the Mahaparinibbana had spoken of them." "Buddha had given orders to be executed after his death: ought one not, when one had to speak of what happened in the community after the death of Buddha, to explain how these orders had been executed? The tradition of the Mahaparinibbana speaks in the sense which we know of the khuddakanukhuddakas; on the other hand Buddhists did not know that the community had supposed any of the intended rules. Hence, what is more simple than to suppose that the community had resolved to keep to the established laws?" That is what the compiler of the Culla will have done, and the same reasoning holds good for the history of Channa and his penance: certainly, it is not bad; but it is not conclusive. Several other explanations may be given, if we wish, and all as good, on the question with which we are now occupied. The observation of Minayeff remains entire. Let us take into account the allusion of the M.P. S. to the abrogation of the lesser rules, or the discussion recounted in the Culla or the indication furnished by Pac. lxxii., or the three documents all at once; the fact remains that we have to do with a datum "bearing the mark of a remote antiquity," difficult doubtless to restore to the historical context to which it belongs, but "rather" irreconcilable with a rigorous constitution already fixed by discipline. It gives us pleasure, a somewhat cruel pleasure I confess, to see the poor theras seek in their sacred Patimokkha, where Buddha has formally condemned the contemners of the lesser laws (Pac. lxxii.), for the minor and very minor laws which this excellent Buddha, 6 On the ancient parts of the Kathavatthu, see our remarks on the Third Connoil. In any case, they have preserved for us many precious things; see the Akankeyyasutta and the remarks of Mr. Rhys Davids, Buddhist Buttas, p. 207, also the Mahasudassanasutta (ibid. p. 237). I can only call attention in passing to this question, on which it is easy to be lengthy, but difficult to be demonstrative. 62 According to Milinda (IV., 2, 8, p. 144), by khuddaka we must understand some dukkatas, by anukhuddaka some dubbhasitas. The Vinaya Teats translate: "the lesser and minor precepts." Tib. Phran-tahege Rookhill, R. H. R. IX. 168. es This text has escaped Kacyapa, Ananda, and the Elders. "Dis Uberlieferung des M. P. S. gab jones Wort uber die Khuddakannkhuddakant: Man wusste andrerseist nichts davon, dass eine Aufhebung irgend welcher derartiger Satzungen erfolgt sei; was war einfacher, als sich hier zu helfen, in dem man die Gemeinde einen Beschluss fassen liess wie den im Culla SS 9, berichteten?"

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JANUARY, 1908.) THE BUDDHIST COUNCILS. with the most annoying inconsequence, gave them permission to repeal. To adopt one of the six interpretations of the Fathers, there is hardly anything but assassination which is forbidden to the sons of Cukya! If the Most Happy One were still living, say the six bhiksus of the Mahasainghikavinaya,66 he would abolish all the laws !" The word of Buddha which authorises the Order to modify the laws fixed by the Omniscient is very extraordinary. Has he not, before making this confidence to Ananda, just declared solemnly that "the truths and the laws of the Order which I have promulgated and established for you all, let them hold the place of Master to you when I shall be no more ?" We are, in truth, in darkness so profound that it is difficult, not to formulate hypothesis. for they present themselves in crowds, but to attach oneself to one definite hypothesis. The thought of Minayeff, and we shall see in examining the history of Vaicali, that this thought appears very wise and judicious, is that the disciplinary rules at the death of the Master were very far from being fixed as we know them. To be a Buddhist inonk it was necessary, first of all, to be an ascetic, a cramana, that is, to conform to the general laws of religious life already determined under diverse forms, Jaina or brahmanic; it was necessary also to be a "son of Cakya," by submitting to the particular form of religious life that the ever-iucreasing experience of the Master, then of the community, shall deem it well to formulate; by forming part of the Sangha, presided over by Buddha and constituted of friendly brotherhoods. Now Buddha himself has recognised the inutility and the harmfulness of penance (tapas); the picture which he draws of the fruits of the religious life" has nothing terrible in it; his first official word is to announce - he is addressing ascetics, Yogins -& middle course between austerity and "laxity." 87 From that a truly seductive solution presents itself and one which we may recommend to the conservative school. When Buddha allows the Ichuddakanukhudakas to be suppressed, he does not mean principles proolaimed by himself, laws of the honest ascetio," who can live and walk with great strides, following the Eight-fold Way, towards Nirvana. He is speaking of the minor and very minor rules with which heretical disciplinarians encumber themselves and which overwhelm all spiritual vigonr. 68 The First Council was not what & vain people thinks. The codification of the Scripture did not hold the position in it that has been stated by ecclesiastical tradition. But, as Minayeff remarks, in our accounts we must not "confound the statements which do not deserve the same belief.... the assemblies were instituted quite naturally and were a necessary consequence of a given state of things." These assemblies, partial, as Culla XI., $ 11 (absention of Purana) indicates, were organised, perhaps, under the " already" classical form of the conferences held during the rainy season by all the monks, without exception, belonging to the same centre.80 Perhaps they are a little more solemn; they are provoked by difference of opinion among the monks, by accusations brought against one or another. The Master is no longer living: it was necessary that some authority should be organised or affirmed to formally contradict Subhadra, who believed himself freed from all rule by the disappearance of Buddha, to attaint Channa, whose sentence70 the Master 6 The discussion about the lesser rules is there very elaborate. Suzuki, article quoted, p. 277. M.P. 8. VL 1. It is strange also that Ananda should reveal to the Coupoil the delegation of power the Master made to the community, after the Vinaya bas been chanted by Upali, after Anands himself has chanted the Dharma. Is it still time to discuss the alteration of rules when they are already canonical? T See the remarks of Mr. Rhys Davids (Dialogues of the Buddha, p. 208), on the K8.48&pasibanada, . See Rhydo Davide, loc. cit.: "So hard, so very hard, was the struggle that the Arahat, or the man striving towards Arabatship, should be always sufficiently clothed, and take regular baths, regular exercise regular food. He was to avoid not what we noobssary to maintain himself in full bodily vigour and power, but all undue luxury and all worry about personal comfort." According to our texts, if there was in the quarters for the rainy season one monk who did not take part in the sembly, it would have no authority. I believe this diaposition ancient, at least in its origin, for it springs from the solidarity which the Master wished to establish between the souttered elements of his Satogha. (See p. 3, 1. 4, and the avasa and tha anumati kappa (Vaicali). To M. Karn has remarked that Buddha always remains a stranger to disciplinary proceedings. See Oldenberg, Buddha, 5th edit. p. 398, how the Samgha is raised itself to the dignity of "je wel."

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16 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JANUARY, 1908. did not have time to pronounce, to reprimand Ananda himself, who is no longer protected by the affection of Buddha against the jealousies it has aroused. Now the Master, as Parana will say, if we are to believe two respectable traditions, and as the texts sufficiently prove, the Master did not always express the same opinion on all the points of discipline. His omniscience allowed him to seize the essential part in everything and to accommodate his precepts, like his doctrine, to the needs of each. But he is no longer there to soothe the conflicts (vidada), and the community, widowed of its infallible chief, must have rules. Ananda will recall that the Master condemned disciplinary futilities: but not everyone hear or onderstand in the same way this word of freedom. "Even in the Vinaya, it seems to me," says M. Barth, "that there are several conceptions of the devout life. At one time the bhiksu is a solitary wanderer, without fire or resting-place; two of them may not follow the same road72; at another time they wander in numerous troops, ordinarily five hundred, in the train of the Master or of an eminent disciple; sometimes they form sedentary groups: there are the bhiksua of Kosambi, of Vesali, of Savatthi [avasika = Naivasika, M. Vyut, $ 270]; they are authorised to possess personal property, absolutely incompatible with a wandering life; the Patimokkha, the oldest nucleus, supposes the life of the convent." 73 Let us be sure that there are many later developments here, especially in the sense of the cenobitic life; but do not let us doubt, either, the primitive diversity of the Buddhist groups.74 Sometimes Buddha rallied to his banner of salvation communities of hermits, sometimes Yogins "solitary as the rhinoceros," the future "pratyekabaddhas "75 often he rescued from the world sons of good families, merchants and women. Thus, when Ananda, representative of the "worldly" elements, partisan of the broader ways, the man of the Eight-fold Way, as Upali is the man of the Vinayas, when Ananda wishes to cause an easy Pratimoksa to triumph, then Kacyapa, the man of the Dhutangas76 "ascetic attracted from outside into the cominunity," rises to answer him. We must not scandalise the laity; the sons of Cakya must not be less gramanas than the beretical priests; we must suppress nothing of the lesser and minor laws." He made sufficiently great concessions to Baddba when he clothed his ascetic nudity with the triple robe: before becoming the follower of the lion who roars out the way of Nirvana, be assured himself that Gotama does not condemn all penance, that he does not reprove ascetics who lead a hard life, and only then did he consent to moderate his own roaring. But he will not slip further than is necessary down the slope of " laxity." If we understand a certain passage of the Milinda as an apologue, we shall find there the confirmation of this manner of regarding the matter. "Why," asks Milinda, "did the Most Happy authorise the abrogation of the minor rules? And, does he not, by this deed, enter into contradiction with himself?"-"No," replies Nagasena ; " Bhagavat only authorised the abrogation of the lesser rules in order to prove his bhikkhus. Just so a king will counsel his children to abandon the frontier districts,* . for the kingdom is great and difficult to protect with the forces we have at our disposal.' But at the death of the king, will the princes abandon the frontier districts which they already hold ?" "No," replies Milinda, "kings love to take; the princes will perhaps conquer new territorios, two or three times greater than their heritage, but they will not give up an atom of what they hold." "In the same way, 0 King," replies Nagasena, "the sons of Buddha, in their love for the law, will be able to keep 250 rules, but they will never abandon one law which has been regularly established." 71 See p. 5. 72 See M. Barth's article on M. Vastu, p. 28. J. der Bauanta, 1899. M. Barth quotes Mhe. III... 415-420 (415, caratha bhiksagah carikat maca duue ekona agamith, and 421, pravvikta viharanti bhiksaval) and M. Vagga, 1. 11. Cf. the note of the Vinaya Theta, I. p. 118, on the phrase: "Let not two of you go the same way." "This cannot be understood ma general rule, for it is reported nowhere where precepta for wandering Bhikkus are given, and, on the contrary .... The precept given here is intended to refer only to the earliest period in the spread of the new doctrine.... 18 Bulletin des Religions de l'Inde, 1899-1909, III. i. p. 29. * We shall return to this problem after having examined the legend of Vaicali. *See Kem, Manual, p. 75, note 8 (Butta. Mp. I. 8 and 19; Thorag. 518-528 ) And 61, n. 7. (a. Whu. 1.-301 ); M. Vyut. ** See Kern, Manual, p. 75, note 3 (Dipar. IV. , V. 7; Sam. N. II. 156, Div. 61, 8 infra, 895), Baal, Latona p. 256, ap. Kern, Gouch. II. 15, Oullavagga, V, 10, 3. cf. below, our remarks on Dovadatta (note 100 and 104).

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JANUARY, 1908.] THE BUDDHIST COUNCILS. Like kings, the ascetics are very covetous (luddhatara). It is their successive conquests which have consecrated the 227 rules of the Pali Pratimoksa and the 250 rules of which Nagasena?? speaks. I fear that the "Vengeance" of Minayeff parries my zeal a littlo too far, for I am reasoning as a believer would do ! But at least the position of the author of the Researches is excellent from a strictly negative point of view, and I do not at all understand why Prof. Oldenberg refuses to follow, if not quite to the end. for I myself sball have to make some reservations,78 at least in that which is evident in itself, the interpretation of Minayeff, as he himself very well sums it up :79 "The episode of the Khuddakanuk huddakas] transports us to a time when no (Buddhist) code of religious discipline could exist:80 wben one could not as yet know what was important or not in the rules of the monastic life.81 When the Culla, before relating this episode to us, makes the assembled saints rocite the entire Vinaya, it contradicts itself." 82 Does Prof. Oldenberg believe that the Vinaya was chanted at Rajagtha, immediately after the death of Buddhe? No, it seems; and hence, why not admit that the discussion of the khuddakae takes us to a time when the Vinaya was net canonically codified? Does he believe in the authenticity of the words pronounced by Baddha on the khuddukas and on Channa, words preserved in the M. P. S.? Yes, doubtless ;- certainly, much more than Minayeff or myself. Why then suppose that the redactor of the Culla has invented the above discessions in the bosom of the Sangha in order to follow out the suggestions of the M. P. S. instead of admitting that the events themselves have followed out in the same way the Mastor's words? The only time that Minayeff believes in the tradition, Prof. Oldenberg calls it in question. That is really unfortunate. In vain will he tell us that the community was otherwise aware of not having changed anything in the rules fixed by the Omniscient; for it is too natural, in fact, that it should be persuaded of this, and the decision to abolish nothing, attributed to Kaeyapa, is the only one which could triumph officially in the chronicle and in the ecclesiastical formulary. It is not without utility that Prof. Oldenberg took up again this question; he has corrected several lapaus of Minayeff; he has, above a}], bronght to it useful material, by expressing his views on the progressive elaboration of orthodoxy, by pointing out the points of agreement between the Culla and the M. P. S. and several other references. It seems to us that he has not disturbed Minayeff's ruling thought. Without fearlag to betray the latter too seriously, we arrive at the following conclusions. It seems evident that the account of the Culla, in that which concerns the Council and its (properly speaking) scriptural deliberations, is not historic. We put aside the idea of a solemn recitation of the Nikayas and of the Vinaya, without, however, acoording any value wbatsoever to the celebrated argument a silentio. On the other hand, the episodes of Channa, and of Parana, the failings of Ananda, the discussion about the ksudrakas, bear the mark of a high antiquity; and TT This number recalls the Chinese Pratimoksa (Dharmaguptas, 250 articles) or the Tibetan Pratimoksa (253 artioles); but see Rockhill, R. H. R. IX. p. 9. According to M. Kern (Mar. p. 759) there are 259 articles in M. Vyut, of which 106 are quoted; M. Vyut, $ 253. It seems to be that we must deduct No. 1 of this last list. ** See below, the remarks on the Second Council. 13 "Dieser Argumentation kann ich nicht oder doch nur zum geringen Teil folgen." -Buddh. Studien, p. 621; Minayeff.p. 31 # That is too strong. There existed at this time only too great number of disciplinary "codes." Or better in the different conceptions of religious life. * Reply of Prof. Oldenberg, Buddh. Studien, p. 622, 1. 9, infra. "Denn darin liegt doch nichts ungereimtes, dass eine Monchversammlung zuerst feststellte, was fur Anordnungen der Meister getroffen, und denn erwog, ob man richt etwa aus eigener Machtvollkommenheit, sondern gestutzt auf eine ausdruoklioho dabin gebende Autorisation des Buddha - von diesen Anordnungen irgend einen Teil aufheben sollte.... Ioh bin weit davon entfernt diosen ganzen Vorgang moinerseits fur geschichtlich zu hatten...." Nor I, either, but also, I consider it absolutely improbable. If we take into account the narrative of the episode of Parkna, as the Sarvastivadins and the Mahasanghikas give it, and also this detail related in the Dulva, that Ananda had for disciple a certain Vrjiputra (Rockhill, Life, p. 156) we shall be led to establish a close relationship between the events of Rajagtha, the quarrel about the lesser precepts, and the Vajji-puttakss whom the Council of Vsigali will bring forward, great 'ovor reachers' in small matters of discipline.

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18 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1908. without fear of being too credulous we may admit as possible, indeed probable, not only that after the disappearance of Buddha assemblies did take place in which the ecclesiastical power was affirmed by the settling of questions of discipline, -of that we consider ourselves almost certain - but also that the cause of the existence of these assemblies was the discussion of our "episodes." But the misfortune is that in researches of this kind to give or to withhold are worth nothing." If we admit the deliberations and the disciplinary discussions, can we gracefully deny the possibility of deliberations and decisions doctrinal or scriptural? Why not accord some belief to the tradition, though it may be late and tendencious? It is impossible for the Sutras and the Nikayas to have made themselves, that is, that, like Minerva, having come out of the head of the Omniscient, they should have preserved and grouped themselves spontaneously. The agreement between the different sects - here, a little too soon, we touch upon a subject which it will be necessary to examine in detail - suppoece the collective activity whose existence Minayeff has affirmed in the discussion of the points of discipline. We believe that the account of the First Council has a historic value from a double point of view: as containing an ancient nucleus of authentic tradition, that is, " discussions on points of discipline," which are not necessarily anterior to all canonical codifications; and as resuming under the symbolical aspect of a regular Council, of a complete recitation, the work of compilation and arrangement which must have occupied the first centuries, work of which the assembly at Rajagrha constituted the germ and which tradition places at Rajagha, at Pataliputra and in Ceylon (Vattagamani). The scriptural question easily joins on to the question of discipline. Not only because the problems of discipline suppose laws or texts of Vinaya ; but also because the question will arise if s certain monk or a certain group should be admitted, or should remain in the communion of the Samgha. It will be necessary to know if this monk or this group is not heretical, if it recognises such and such a doctrine, if it believes in the karman or if it does not, and the community will be more exacting than was & Saint, who, at will, transformed tirtbikas into Arhats and Jatilas, into bhikkhus.84 They have "sacred words(subhasitos ityuktakas), authentic histories (iniorttalcas); soon they will class them in nikayus (agamas ) and the question of books will be most important: "any one is Mahayanist," says I-tsing," when he reads the Mahayanasutras." They could not but feel the necessity for drawing up the canon of the approved Sutras in order to distinguish the true word of Buddha (?) among the apocrypha which abounded : for it was an amusement to pour forth in the classical form, no matter what idea, disciplinary, legendary, or dogmatic. It is much more easy to make a good Sutra than a bad Upanisad. And we must consider this detail, that the questioning of Ananda bears only on the place and the interrogator of the Sutra, and that it does not allow, as does the interrogation of Upali on the Vinaya, precise details of the contents of the work. Thus we are led to adopt a much more conservative manner of thinking than the one Minayeff seems to have patronised, and this by the simple fact that with him we distinguish in the Culla between the elements which are authentic or nearly so, those which represent the Samgha as constituted as a " tribunal," elements certainly anterior to the data which give to the Council "the aspect of a conclave, met together with a theological and literary sim"; the latter not being nevertheless, exempt from all value, at least symbolical, and not baving necessarily been invented, as Minayeff believes, to establish against the Mahayanists the authority of the canon of the Hinayana, - or, as Prof. Oldenberg thinks, according to the events of the Second Council. I do not know that the Mahayanists have ever contested as a whole the authenticity of the Sattantas : their polemic is quite different; and the Second Council is a stranger, according to the tradition, to all questions of Scriptures, 86 (To be continued.) # We deviate from Minayoff. See our remarks on the Second Council. M. Vagya, VI. 31, is remarkable for the contempt Buddha which affects for questions of doctrine. This contempt goes even so far ao to become impertinence. "Do yon teach." they ask him, "Annihilation (uccheda) (that is to say, the doctrine of non-survival] P"-"1 teach," the Master replies, the annihilation of desire. " The same contempt for speculation, M. P. 8. V. 61 foll., ap. Kern, I. 225-6. 45 See, however, note 88.

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JANUARY, 1908.] ASOKA NOTES 19 ASOKA NOTES. BY VINCENT A. SMITH AND F. W. THOMAS (Continued from Vol. XXXIV, p. 851.) No. IX. --The Third Rock Edict. WHEN recently visiting the India Office Library, I had the advantage of discussing with Mr. F. W. Thomas the interpretation of the Third Rock Edict of Asoka, which gives instructions for the official promulgation of the Law of Piety during the prescribed quinquennial tours. The discussion turned chiefly on the concluding sentence, which is rendered by Buhler (Ep. Ind., II, 467) by the words : - Moreover, the teachers and ascetics of all schools will inculcate what is befitting at divine service, both according to the letter and according to the spirit.' In my book, Asoka, p. 117, the passage was translated, with reference to M. Senart's commentary: - The clergy will thus instruct the lieges in detail, both according to the letter and the spirit.' Neither of these versions is quite satisfactory, and it seems to be worth while to re-examine the text, and consider the possibility of an improved translation. Buhler's Tendering is based on the Shahbazgarhi text, but that document has some lacunse, and it will be convenient to set forth as the basis of discussion Buhler's transliteration of the Girnar text of the whole edict, which is perfect, as follows: Devanarh priyo Piyadasi rdja evasi Ghar :) doddasavdodbhisitena maya idant diapitan[:1] sarvata vijite mama yuta cha rdjuke cha prddesike cha pashchasu panchasu vasesu anusarn-[2] yanais niyatu etdyeva athaya imaya dhashmanusastiya yatha ana-[3] ya pi kammaya[:] oddhu matari cha pitari cha sueruod mitdramatutaidtinan bamhana-[4] samandnan sddhu danai prananan sadku anaraibho apavyayatd apabhanhdata sidhu[.5] Parisa pi yute ariapayisati ganandyas hetuto cha vyanjanato cha[.6] Buhler's English translation of the Dhauli and Jaugads texts in Arch. S. S.I., Vol. I, p. 122, is substantially identical with his rendering of the Shahbazgarht text. In the early part of the edict, Buhler, working on the Shahbazgarht text (sava.[5] vijite yuta rajuko pradetik[@]), translates everywhere in my empire both my loyal Rajakas and vagsals,' taking yuta as an adjective qualifying Rajuko. In the Orissan texts the corresponding words are: - Dhauli -.. (ta vijitasi me yut(a) la[j]uke (oha) ... se; Jangada cha pd(de)sike cha. The perfect Girnar text reads, sarvata vijite mama yuta cha rajuke cha prddesike cha. The insertion of the word cha, end,' thrice in the Girnar text seems to make Buhler's rendering of yuta untenable. That word, (as pointed out in Asoka, p. 116, note 4,) clearly must be taken as a substantive. M. Senart, long ago, in accordance with the Girnar text, had translated partout dans mon empire les fideles, le rajuka et le gouverneut da district.' Using modern Anglo-Indian terms, I followed the French scholar and translated, everywhere in my dominions the lieges, and the Commissioners, and the District officers. This version, I think, might stand ; but Mr. Thomas' rendering of yuta as equivalent to yiktd, meaning (minor) officials,' is preferable.

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20 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. The next question of interpretation concerns the word anusamyana, which Senart had no hesitation in translating as rendez-vous, assemblee.' Anusamydna, according to him (Inecr. de Piyadasi, Vol. I, p. 80), marquerait bien, par sa constitution etymologique, un vaste rendez-vous, une reunion publique, tenue dans certains lieux designes.' [JANUARY, 1908. But Professor Kern seems to be right in translating tour of inspection.' The word anusamyana, as Mr. Thomas observes, occurs in both Brahmanical and Buddhist Sanskrit. Samyana, means a tour, and the force of anu is to express the notion of to one place after another.' - The main difficulty lies in the last sentence, which is given as follows in the various texta : Girnar Parisd pi yute dnapayisati ganandyan hetuto cha vyashianato cha: Shahbazgarhi Pari[pi] [read Parisha pi] yuta[ni ga]nanasi anapesanti hetuto cha vananato cha : -- Kalsi Palisa-pi-cha yutd[ni] gananasi anapayisanti heturata-cha viyamjanat[e] cha[.] Mansehra Parisha pi cha yutani ganunasi [ana]payisati hetu[te] cha viya.[11] nate cha [.] Dhauli Palisa pi cha na[]i (yu)[d] (n)i anapayi(sati). tut(e) oha viyan(ja) [11] Jaugada [12] hetute cha viyamjanate cha[13] The variations, it will be observed, are merely dialectical; the words are the same in the texts. The Girnar form, being perfect, is the best to translate. Mr. Thomas suggests an entirely novel rendering, which makes the sentence refer to the audit of monastic expenses. I leave to him the task of explaining and justifying his interpretation of both the concluding sentence and the entire edict; and incidentally, of throwing new light upon the difficult texts of the Minor Rock Edicts. VINCENT A. SMITH. THE proposed interpretation to which Mr. Vincent Smith kindly refers is not very pretentious, but it may be submitted for consideration. I think it may be taken that the words apavyayata and apabhamdata near the end of the inscription correspond to a Sanskrit alparyayata, moderation in expenditure,' and alpabhamdata, " moderation in possessions (such as furniture).' So far as alpa is concerned, this was the view of Burnouf. But M. Senart, who, in his edition of the Edicts (pp. 82-3), has recorded Burnouf's opinion as tenable, prefers to find here, as in apaphala (Edict IX) and apaparisava (Edict X), the privative use of the preposition apa. Buhler, in his translation (Epigraphia Indica, II, pp. 447 sqq.), adheres in all the cases to this view, except that in the Girnar text he prints appaparierave. In spite of the authority of M. Senart and the late Prof. Buhler I venture to adopt the other opinion, for the following reasons. In the first place, analogous compounds with apa, are in Sanskrit and Pali less common than those with alra. Secondly, in Edict IX alpaphala forms a rather better antithesis than does apaphala, to the adjacent mahdphala. Thirdly, one word in the Edicts, where the interpreters have generally recognised the preposition, certainly contains alpa: this is apabadhata in the Bhabra inscription. That this word corresponds to the alpabidhata of the Buddhist Sanskrit (Mahavastu, I, 254, 16; Divyavadana 19, 15; 156, 13) and appabadho of the Pali, no une will be found to deny. If, accordingly, we understand Asoks to be inculcating economy, there can be no justification for ascribing to the gananayam, which follows, any but its proper arithmetical sense. In Pali and Sanskrit alike ganand is reckoning, calculation'; ganaka is accountant' or

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JANUARY, 1903.) ASORA NOTES. 21 astrologer.' We find ganana pati in the sense of finance minister,' a meaning which may perhaps also be assigned also to the ganaka in the Buddhist Sanskrit compound ganakamahamdtra (Mahavastu, III, p. 44, 1. 45). Concerning yuta, Mr. Vincent Smith has written above. The Sanskrit yukla, to which it corresponds, has the two meanings of (1) 'suitable,' (2) 'earnest.' Earnest men' might sait our present passage. But I feel rather confident that the word, like the Sanskrit dyukta, denotes officials,' especially subordinate officials, such as police officers and the like. Coupled earlier in the inscription with rajukas and pradcsikas, with whom they make quinquennial rounds, they are likely to be something more than the faithful' or she laity.' We have then the following sense: - Let the Parishads also (i. e., as M. Senart has explained, the (local) sanghas') appoint officials for reckoning.' What are they to reckon ? Plainly the expenditure and stores referred to in the alparya yatd and alpabh&mdata of the previous sentence. This seems to imply a suitable meaning for the often-discussed hetuto cha vyanjapato. The officials in question should in their audit take account both of the objects (hetuto ) and of actual documents or figures (vyanjanato) of the expenditure (vyaya) and supplies (bhavada) reqnired by the saiighas. An alternative, however, may be mentioned. Since the most proper sense of hetu lies in the domain of abstract reasoning, where it denotes reason' or middle term, (hetur idya, science of reasons' = logic '), while vyanjana has been shown (see M. Senart's observations, p. 85, and M. Levi's article in the Journal Asiatique for 1896 (VII, pp. 460 899.), to refer often to the actual wording of texts, we might be tempted to render the words here by with regard to the dictates of reason and the prescriptions of actual texts.' Vyanjana occurs a second time in the Edicts of Asoka, namely, in the SahasramBairat-Rapnath-Siddapur inscription. It is therefore pardonable if I now, following M. Levi, proceed to consider that text in connection with the preceding. It is unniccessary to remind the reader that the record is the famous one containing the word vyutha, vivutha, which has been by M. Senart explained as referring to missions, by M. Levi as denoting the courier conveying the edict, and by Buhler and other scholars as * synonym for Buddha. The much-disoussed number included in the text is by M. Senart regarded as the number of the missions despatched under the orders of Asoka, by M. Levi as the approximate number of aksharas in the edict, by Buhler and other scholars as the number of years elapsed since either Buddha's nirvana or his abhinishkramana. In propounding yet a fourth interpretation of the passage and the figures, which, in its general lines, agrees with those of M. Senart and M. Levi, I shall be content, as Mr. Vincent Smith has reproduced the text, to call attention to the words which seem to bear upon my conclusions. (1) Sahasram : 89 et dye athaye iyi savane. Rapnath : etiya athuya cha sarane kate. (Ind. Ant., XXII, 302.) Siddapur (Brahmagiri): e[t]dyafhaya iyai savane savd pite (in another version sdrite). (Ep. Ind., III, 138.) What is & savane and by whom was it kate (made'), savapite, or savite (proclaimed')? The word sivane denotes 'a making known by hearing,' and in the present passage this sense is enforced by the use of the verb sdvapile or doite. Bat, of course, we may find in it the weakened sense of sruti, 'an authoritative saying,' and so acquiesce in & supposition that Asoka is citing some word of Buddha or eveti a proverb. i =the Viharasramins of later times ? ? For a summary of previous views oonoorning this number 29 and the words vivutha, etc., in this Edict we may refer to the article by Dr. J. F. Fleet in the J. R. 4. 8. for 1904, pp. 1999.

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22 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JANUARY, 1908. But, according to one text, the savane is kate, made,' and this seems to imply rather a newly composed, than an ancient, precept. The actual tenor of the precept confirms this theory. After celebrating the important results of exertion on the part of small persons no less than of great, results which he has himself experienced, he goes on to say, This savane (i. e. proclamation) has been made, namely, "Let small and great exert themselves." The lesson, therefore, which he would inculcate is a new one, an outcome of a recent personal experience. 6 4 This being so, the author of the precept, the subject of the verbs kate, savapite, or savite, is Asoka himself. (2) Sahasram: iyush [cha savane] vivuthena. Rupnath: vyuthena savane kate. Siddapur (Brahmagiri): iya cha savan[e] sav[a]p[i]te vyuthena. From this passage it appears that the person who composed, or caused to be communicated, the sentiment in question was the rivutha, vyutha, or vyatha. What part of speech is this word? Probably all scholars agree that it is a participle corresponding to the Sanskrit vyushita and meaning gone abroad. To take it in this passage as a participle agreeing with may understood will be in entire harmony with syntax; and this I propose to do. The proclamation was made and published by Asoka upon his travels. What travels P (3) Sahasram: duve sapasinalati sata vivuthati 256. Rupnath: 256 satavivasd ta. Siddapur (Brahmagiri): vyuthena 256. The vivutha of Sahasram corresponds to virdad of Rupnath. It is therefore here a noun: bat in that there is nothing surprising. A Sanskrit neuter vyushitani would similarly correspond to vivasdh; and that a different sense is to be found in the present context (3) from what was found in (2) is proved by the fact that the Rupnath text has a distinction of words, here virded, there vyuthena. In this connection we ought to advert to the phrase vivuthe vase, the year having been passed, which occurs in the Khandagiri inscription. In Sanskrit vyushta ratri meaning the night has dawned (into day)' contains the root vas to shine but when we say vyushitah sasvatth samdh or tam vyushito ratrim, and perhaps sometimes when we say ad vyushid ratri, we are using the root vas, to dwell' (see B. and R.). Hence there is no inconsistency in taking vivutha as on one's travels' in the passage under discussion, while in the Khandagiri inscription it bears the passive sense of having been passed.' Now the vivasas or changes of abode' are 256 in number. What point is there in that? (4) Rupnath: etind cha vayajanena yavataka tu paka ahale savara vivasetarilyu (ti vyuthend savane kate). The new inscription from Sarnath (Epigraphia Indica, VIII, pp. 166 sqq., Dr. Vogel's article, with which, during the correction of the proof of this note, I have been enabled to consult M. Senart's paper, Comptes Rendus des Seances de l'Academie, 1907, pp. 18qq., and that of Mr. Venis, Journal and Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, III, pp. 1 sqq.) definitely proves that the reading here should be 'yavatakam tuphakam ahare savata vivasetaviya and that the meaning of the whole phrase is with this document (or in accordance with this 'signification' 'command') you must everywhere go abroad so far as your district extends," where I understand ahara, not with Professor Kern (see Dr. Vogel's article) as a new word= adhara, but as an equivalent of bhoga (1) 'food,' (2) 'source of revenue,' and with Dr. Vogel and M. Senart (p. 10) I regard vivasay as baving a non-causal sense. s Whitney, in his list of roots, gives both ushita and ushta to each of the two roots. The expression ratrish vivasayati, however, contains, as Professor Kielhorn has shown (J. R. A. B., 1904, pp. 384-5) the root vas, to shine.'

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JANUARY, 1908.] ASOKA NOTES 23 The fact that in this passage Aboka brings his own journeyings abroad (vyuthena) into so close connection with those which he enjoins upon his subordinates, is a reason for believing them to have been of a similar nature: and we are accordingly inclined to the supposition that Asoka's rivagas or 'goings abroad' (opposed to avasa ) were of a missionary or propagandist character. (5) Siddapur (Brahmagiri): ekav savachhara satireke tu kho sa[1]vaoh har[a]in yar mayd sanghe upayite badhani cha me pakanite. The other texts are not quoted, being all more or less fragmentary. But this is a matter of no moment, the interpretation being, except in one point, a matter of general agreement. After being for a period an ineffective layman (updsaka), Asoka had rather more than a year before the issue of this edict joined the sarigha and exerted himself greatly and with remarkable effect. The only difference of opinion Concerns the word savacharam which Buhler would take in the sense of a period of six years,' shudvatsaram. This interpretation is based upon the fact that the Rupnath version has chhacachhare, while at Sahasram he reads sadrachhale in place of savivchhale. It seems a strong objection to this interpretation that in the previous line the Sahasram has savachala in the sense of 'year,' and, further, 'year' is not a very early meaning of batsara. The Siddapur text replaces the former samvatsara by varsha : but this difference seems to me due merely to the fact that in speaking of the single year of his activity Asoka changes the expression to one (samvatsara) which denotes a calendar year, intending to emphasize the fact that he has been one whole year at work. The reading savinchale is indistinguishable from sadvachale : probably it is for sarkvichale. Chavachare may be due to the influence of the neighbouring cha's. Accordingly, I follow most recent scholars (but see Mr. Vincent Smith's Asoka, pp. 189-40) in taking sarachara to denote a year.' Now if. Asoka, having joined the Samgha, adoped a course of activity in the form of constant travel and changed his residence about once every day, 256 would be a probable number of changes - for the rainy season would be excluded. Regarding sata in Bata vivutha and 256 satavivase, I am inclined, in spite of the tautology in the latter case, to adhere to the view that we bave here the equivalent of sata. *a hundred. But certainly there would be no objection to recognizing in it the Sanskrit sattra * Verpflegungshaus,'Hospiz' (B. and R.), in which case saltradivdsa would mean moving from stage to stage.'. (6) In accordance with the above interpretations we should again have a choice between two alternatives as regards vyanjana. For the etind vayajanond of the Rupnath text may mean either with the text of my instruction' or rather more abstractly according to this signification' (or command). I can only lay these suggestions before the scholars interested in the matter. F. W. THOMAS. * The difference between taraha and sahwatsara corresponds to that between Tros aud (vautos. It may be observed that only in this edict does Aboka employ the word samvatsara. 6 (385 days - 119 = 246;-100 = 253 ; 190 or 121 days = 4 months. For the Buddhists of India as for the other people of that country the rainy season began on the 16th of the month AshAdha (the fourth of their year) and Qortinged for four months. This was ohiefly for religions purposes, but to the non-Bu idhists of India three months of this period formed also their summer. Bat the fall period of Retreat was three months, and Buddha ordained that this period might be counted either from the middle of the fonrth or the middle of the fifth month' (Watters, On Yuan Chuang, I, 145). - V. A. S.) [Fature editors of the Siddhpurs insoriptions should take note of the very clear facsimiles published by M. B. Lewis Rice in Epigraphia Carnatics, Vol. XI, Bangalore, 1903, p. 162, No. 14; p. 164, No. 21; p. 167, No. 34. - V. A. S.]

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24 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1908. * In order to make quite clear what the effect is of the suggested interpretation of Rock Edict III, we append a free version of that document, as understood by us : * Thus saith His Majesty King Priyadarsin : - In the thirteenth year of my reign I issued this command: - Everywhere in my dominions the (subordinate] officials and the Commissioners, and the District officers, every five years must go out on circuit, as well for their other duties, as for this special purpose, namely, to proclaim the Law of Piety, to wit, "A good thing is the hearkening to father and mother; a good thing is liberality to friends, acquaintances, relatives, Brahmans and ascetics; a good thing it is to spare living creatures?; a good thing it is to spend little and store little." . Let the Fraternities also appoint officials for the reckoning, with regard to both the objects and the accounts.' F. W. T. V. A. S. BOOK-NOTICE. INDIAN HISTORICAL SERIES, VOL. I. Early History benefited from such new materials as have been of the Solankis, Part I. By GAURISHANKAR HIBA- brought to light after the appearance of the CHAND OJHA. Ajmer : 1907. Vaidik Yantralaya. Bombay Gazetteer. Rs. 2. . MR. GAURISHANKAR OJHA has long been well The piecing together of the various documents known to students of Indian history and from which the history of India is gradually epigraphy, and many an important inscription being built up, is still going on, and so it is only has, during the last years, been made available to be expected that some of Mr. Ojba's statements through his disinterested zeal. The work now will, in future, have to be modified. I do not under review gives, in a connected form, a think that it is possible to state with certainty that summary of the results of his studies of the the famous Ajanta picture notually represents the history of the Chalukyas. He first deals with the reception of the embassy sent by Khusrau to western branch of the dynasty, down to its Polekesin II, and there may be some few instances overthrow by the Rashtrakutas, and further, elsewhere, where judgment should be deferred. from the re-establishment of their kingdom Thus the statement that the Vakkaleri plate of under Tailapa, down to its termination under Kirttivarman II gives Saka 679 as the eleventh Somesvara IV. Then he turns to the Eastern year of his reign is not quite certuin, the number Chalukyas of Vengi, from Kabja-Vishnu. "nine" of the date not being legible in the plate. vardhana and down to Rajendra Chola II, Another plate of the same king, which will soon and to the branches of the dynasty established in be published in the Epigraphia Indica, distinctly Pitthapura, Srikurmam, and Visakhapattana. gives Saka 672 as the ninth year of his reign. I do not mention this in order to find fault with The work has been numbered Part I, Vol. I, Mr. Oiba's book. The fact only shows how of a Series, and it is much to be hoped that it our knowledge of Indian history is incessantly will be continued. It is a very careful and proceeding, and it demonstrates how Mr Ojha's critical summary of the results obtainablu from treatise must necessarily add much to the informepigraphical and literary sources. It will be ation brought together by his predecessors. especially important to such Indian scholars as And it is impossible not to admire the patient cannot make use of Dr. Fleet's and Dr. Bhan work and the sane criticism to which every page darkar's studies on the same subject. And also of his book bears tescimony. to others it will be very useful, because it has been publisbed so recently and bas, consequently, i STEN KONOW. The word lambha is a good technical (euphemistic) expression in the Frahmanas for the laying hands on the animal for sacrifice, and no doubt andlan.bha in the text is the negative of this and not of the ordinary Arambha, F. W. T. But, as a friend points on the Giroar text given above has andrarbh, and it is difficult to suppose that has been changed into I, although the converse process is common. Considering the relations between 1 and I in Indian dialects (see e. 9., Wackernagel's Grammar, I, P. 215) this objection does not seem to me important. I may refer to the wordo Arambhana and andrambhana in Buhtlingk and Roth and to the roots rabh + d and labh + d in Grassman's Dictionary. Arambha, which means 'beginning.' ets., in originally setting bands (to a work) (F. W.T.). -V. A.S.).

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FEBRUARY, 1908.) SCYTHIAN PERIOD OF INDIAN HISTORY. THE SCYTHIAN PERIOD OF INDIAN HISTORY. BY R. D. BANERJI. A T the time of the departure of Alexander the Great from India in 326 B. C. his Indian A dominions were divided into three satrapies - (1) Paropanisadai, to the west of the Indns. Oxyartes, the father of Roxana, was the governor of this province ; (2) The second satrapy, the Panjab, including the kingdom of Taxila and those of Porus and Sophytes, together with the territories of the Oxydrakae and the Malloi, was placed under the military governorship of Philip, son of Machetas, while the civil administration was left in the hands of the native sovereigns (3) Sindh, including the kingdoms of Musikanus, Oxykanus, Sambus, and Maris of Patalene, formed the third satrapy and was entrusted to Peithon, the son of Agencr.1 Philip, the satrap of the Panjab, was killed in a mutiny shortly before the death of Alexander and was succeeded by Eudamos. This officer, wbo had no adequate forces at his command, managed * to remain in India ap to B. C. 317, when he departed to help Eumenes against Antigonos. At the time of the second partition of the Macedonian empire in B. C. 321, effective control of the Indian princes was impossible, and Peithon, the satrap of Sindh, was obliged to retire to the west of the Indus. The Indian provinces to the east of the Indus were consequently ignored at that partition. These arrangements prove that, within two years of Alexander's death, the Greek power to the east of the Indus had been extinguished, with the slight exception of a small territory, wherever it might have been, which Endamos managed to hold for some four years longer. Later on, when Seleukos Nikator tried to recover the lost provinces in B. C. 305, he found Candragupta Maurya too strong for him. He made a humiliating treaty, formally abandoning Greek claims to the provinces east of the Indus, and ceding Kabul, Qandahar, and Hirat to the victor. Candragupta, Bindusara, and Aboka kept all intruders outside their dominions. After the death of Asoka in ciroa B, C. 230, the decline of the Maurya power began, and from the beginning of the second century B. C. up to the year 318 A. D. no date of Indian History can be fixed with absolute certainty. During this period various foreign nations are known from the Puranas and other sources to have invaded India and subjugated portions of the country. Among these foreign nations are the Bactrian Gfeeks, Parthians, and various bordes of Scythians, such as the Se and the Yue-chi. The only available data for the construction of the history of this period are (1) Coins which are found in great abundance in Afghanistan and Northern India. (2) Inscriptions; these are written in two scripts, Brahmi and Karoghi. (3) Mentions of Indian and Central Asian affairs in foreign annals. The empire of Seleukos Nikator extended from the Mediterranean to the borders of the Maurya empire, and in this he was succeeded by his son, Antiokos Soter, and his grandson, Antiokos Theos. During the reign of the last named prince two of their easternmost provinces were lost to the Seleukidae, viz., Bactria and Parthia. Bactria became an independent kingdom under Diodotos, the former satrap. Diodotos was succeeded by his son, Diodotos, surnamed Soter, who was oasted by Enthydemos. Euthydemos was succeeded by his son, Demetrios. About this period the second invasion of India by the Greeks took place. Antiokos the Great, the grandson of Antiokos Soter, invaded India in B. C. 206. He did not succeed in penetrating into India proper, but seems to bave 1 Cunningham's Mumismatic Chronicle, 1868, p. 98. 7. Smith's Early History of Indian p. 100.

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26 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (FEBRUARY, 1908. defeated a border chief, named Sophagasenos or Subhagasens, and levied a contribution of elephants from him. It was under Demetrios that permanent conquests seem to have been made in India; because Kharosthi legends appear for the first time on Greek coins during the reign of Demetrios. There is, also, a coin of Demetrios which seems to be the result of a compromise between the Greek and Indian methods of coinage. The regular type of the Greek system is retained, but the coin is of the square Indian form. When Demetrios was absent in India, Eukratidas, one of his officers whom he most probably left in charge of Bactria, usurped his throne, and all attempts on the part of Demetrios to recover the province were of no avail. At this time, along with the coins of Demetrios, occur those of several other Greek princes, such as Antimnakos, Pantaleon, Agathokles, etc. Eukratidas seems to bave reigned in Bactria up to 160 B. C. He also conducted Beveral expeditions against Demetrios and seems to have subjugated him in the end. Eukratidas was murdered by one of his sons on return from one of his Indian expeditions. During the later years of Eukratidas, civil strife seems to have been rife in his dominions in which a rival prince, named Plato, seems to have played a prominent part. On one of the coins of Plato, occurs the date 147 of the Seleukidan era, equivalent to B. O. 165. Eukratidas was succeeded by Heliokles in Bactria, who seems to have been the last Greek ruler of that country. In or about the year 165 B. C., occurred one of the most importaat events in the history of Asia. At this time, & war broke out between two nomad hordes living on the borders of the Chinese Empire, the Yne-chi and the Hiung-Na, in which the former were completely defeated and ousted from their territories. The Yue-chi then marched westward with their flocks and herds in search of new lands and pastures. On their way they fell in with another nomad horde, the Wu-sun. In the fight which ensued, the Wu-sun were worsted and their chief, Nan-teou-mi, was killed. After this, the Yue-chi, still marching westward, attacked the Se or Sok, who abandoned their territories to the Yue-chi and migrated into Ki-pin to the south. Bat in the meantime Kwen-mo, son of the deceased Wu-san Chief, had grown up under the protection of the Hiung-Ny and attacked the Yue-chi to avenge his father's death. He succeeded in driving the Yue-chi out of their newlyacquired lands into Ta-his or Bactria. The Chinese historians derived their knowledge of the migration of the Yue-chi chiefly from the reports of Chang-Kien, who visited the Yue-chi in or about B. C. 125. The next mention of the Yue-chi is in Pan-ku's history of the first Han dynasty. Pan-ku states that the Yue-chi were no longer nomads and that the Yue-chi kingdom had become divided into five principalities, viz.-(1) The Hieou-mi; (2) Chouang-mo; (8) Kouei-chouang : (4) Hi-thun; and (5) Kao-fu. To this the history of the second Han dynasty adds that about a hundred years later, the Kouei-chouang prince, Kieou-tsieoo-kio, attacked and subjugated the other four principalities and made himself master of a kingdom which was called Koeichoang. This prince invaded Parthia and took possession of Kabul. Kiu-tsiu-kio died at the age of eighty, and his son, Yen-kao-chin, ascended the throne. He conquered Tien-tchou (India) and there set up generals who governed in the name of the Yue-chi. Thus it appears, that a few years after the defeat of the Yue-chi by the Hiung-Nu in 165 B. C., Ta-hia or Bactria was over-run by them, while the Se or Sok poured into Afghanistan and the Panjab. From this period onward, the scanty notices of the classical historians, which were of some use to Cunningham and other scholars in their attempt to re-construct the history of the Eastern Greeks, become scantier still and then ceased altogether. E. J. Rapson's Indian Coins, p. 5. * The above account is taken from Mr. V. A. Smith's admirable summary of the notices of the Chinese historiaas in his "Kusban period of Indian History," J. R. 4. &., 1908.

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FEBRUARY, 1908.) SCYTHIAN PERIOD OF INDIAN HISTORY. 27 Numerous coins of this period (B, C. 165 to 318 A. D.) are available and are our chief sources of information about its history. These coins inform us of the existence of a large number of princes among whom are to be found later Greeks, Parthian and Scythians. The later Greek princes are about twenty in number and the most important among them are Menander and Apollodotos mentioned by classical historians as conquerors of India. Besides the Greeks, the princes of three other foreign lines are known to us chiefly through their coins. These are: (1) The Se or Sok, such as Maues, Vonones, Azes, Azilises, and the satraps Liaka, Patika, Rajuvula, Sodasa, Kharahostes, Jibunia, etc. (2) The Parthians, such as, Gondopbernes, Abdagases, Arsakes, Pakores, and Sanabares. (3) The Kushan family: Kozoulo Kadphises, Vima Kadphises, Kanis ka, Huviska, and Vasudeva. There are several inscriptions of the Se or Sok, both in Brahmi and Kharogthi, but only one inscription of the Parthian dynasty has been discovered up to date, whereas the inscriptions of Kushan family are fairly numerous. The notices of the Chinese historians are confined chiefly to the fortunes of the Yue-chi. . Among these princes, the name of Kaniska stands pre-eminent as the patron of Buddhism and & mighty conqueror. Among the inscriptions of this period many are dated and the large majority of the dated inscriptions belong to the Kushan dynasty. One of the chief difficulties in the construction of a chronology of this period lies in the fact that the inscriptions do not refer themselves to any particular ers. The inscriptions of the Kushan period are dated in years from 3 to 99 of an unknown era. The single Parthian inscription is dated in the year 103 and two of the Sok inscriptions are dated. Various theories have been put forward by various scholars about the interpretation of these dates and the chronology of this period. They are eleven in number and carry the initial year of the era in which the Kushan inscriptions are dated over a period of more than 325 years, ranging from B. C. 57 to A. D. 278. These theories may be classified as follows: I. - Theories which maintain that the dates in the Kushan inscriptions should be referred to ar era of which the hundreds are omitted : (a) The theory put forth by Mr. V. A. Smith that the Kushan inscriptions are dated in the Laukika era with thirty-two hundreds omitted. (6) Mr. Devadatta R. Bbandarkar's theory that the Kushan inscriptions are dated in the Saka era with two hundred omitted. (c) General Cunningham's second theory that the Kushan inscriptions are dated according to the Seleukidan era with four hundre omitted. (d) The theory that these inscriptions are dated in the Vikrama era with one hundred omitted. II. - Theories which maintain that the Kushan inscriptions are dated in an era founded by Kaniska : (a) Cunningham's first theory which is still maintained by. Dr. Fleet that Kaniska founded the Vikrama era. (6) Ferguson and Oldenberg's theory that Kaniska founded the Saka era. (c) The theory that Kaniska founded an era of which the initial year still remains to be ascertained. * Trogus, p. 41.

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28 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1908. III.-Theories which arrive at a conclusion from the point of view of the Chinese historians :(a) M. Sylvain Levi's theory that the coronation of Kanigka took place in B. C. 5. (6) M. Boyer's theory that the coronation of Kaniska must be placed later than 90 A. D. (6) Dr. Francke's theory that Kaniska preceded Kujula Kadphises and Hima Kadphison, and that his coronation is to be placed about B. C. 2. (d) Mr. V. A. Smith's older theory that the coronation of Kaniska took place in 65 A. D. Out of these theories I. (d) seems never to have been worked out in detail and IIL () has been withdrawn by the author, while II. (.) is a bare statument and gives us no clue to its solution. As the dates on the Kushan inscriptions range from the year 3 to the year 99 it is certain that either Kaniska founded a special era of his own or that he used an older one with the hundreds omitted, since it is improbable that another reign of two or three years preceded that of Kaniska. The first of the theories enumerated above is that of Mr. Vincent A. Smith in which the author tries to prove that the Kushan inscriptions are dated according to the Laukika era, Mr. Smith's paper is a long one and deserves detailed consideration. Mr. Vincent Smith states: "Two relevant numismatic facts are absolutely certain, namely, that Kadphises I. struck copper coins on which the king's head is a copy of the head on the coins either of the later years of Augustus or of his successor Tiberias and that Kadphises II. issued a gold coinage agreeing in weight with the Aurei of the early Boman empire." In a footnote Mr. Smith adds that Mr. E. J. Rapson informs him that the portraits on the copper coins of Kadphises I. most closely resemble those on the coins of Osias and Lacius, the grandsons of Augustne, who died respectively in B. C. 4 and A. D. 2,7 This is admissible and does not stand in the way of the thesis which this paper pats forth. Mr. Vincent Smith refers the dates in the Kushan inscriptions to the Laukika era. The arguments which he adduces in favour of his theory are, that the years in the inscriptions which can be referred to one of the three kings Kaniska, Harigka, and Vasudeva with absolute certainty are all below one hundred, and that the use of the Laukika ere goes back to very early times, as both Varahamihira and Bhatotpala refer to the description of it given by Veddha Garga. Alberuni states that the era was in ordinary use among the common people in North-Western India in 1000 A. D. Mr. Smith then proceeds to explain the Laukika era and observes: "In practice the Laukika dates are written in tens and units, only the bundreds and thousands being omitted." This in fact is the case, but Mr. Smith is led after this to make some peculiar remarks contradicting himself. Alberuni states that "the common people in India date by the years of A centenium. ... if & centenium is finished they drop it and simply begin to date a new one." On which Canningham said, "the omission of the hundreds was a common practice in India in reckoning the Sapt Rishi Kal," that is, the Laskika era. This evidently means that in practice only the hundreds of this era were omitted, the thousands being retained. Mr. Smith is quite right in remarking that "no such mode or practice ever existed." Bat a few pages below he says," it seems, however, to be quite possible that exceptionally the thousands of a Laukika date may be omitted and the hundreds expressed," an assumption with which I do not agree. If in a date the hundreds are mentioned, it is absolutely certain that it cannot be referred to the Laukika era. Mt. Smith had fully recognised the value of this fact and has attempted to prove that the dates in three figures in inscriptions of this period cannot be referred to the same era as the main body of Kughan date, but to some other era, such as the Vikrama or Gupta Samvats. Inscriptions with dates above hundred, which can be referred to this period with sertainty, are written in two .J.R.A.W., 1903, p. 4, footnote. . Sachan's Alberuni's India, Vol. I. p. 8. TJ.R. 4. 8., 1903, pp. 6 and 80, footnote 1. J. R. A. 8., 1903, p. 16.

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SCYTHIAN PERIOD OF INDIAN HISTORY. 29 FEBRUARY, 1908.] scripts, Brahmi and Kharosthi. Mr. Smith mentions three Brahmi records with dates above one hundred. They are (1) Mathura inscription of the year 135,10 (2) Mathura inscription of the year 230,11 (3) Mathura inscription of the year 299,13 It will be seen later on that out of these three inscriptions the third does not fall within the Kushan period, as its characters are much earlier. The other two inscriptions have been referred by Dr. Fleet-to the Gupta era and Mr. Smith supports this view. During a recent visit to Allahabad I examined the inscriptions of the year 135 in the Public Library of that place and it struck me that the characters of the inscription are of a much earlier period than that to which it is now supposed to belong. If referred to the Gupta era the date of the inscription would be equivalent to 135 + 318/9-453-4 A. D. This date is too late for the inscription. The case of the inscription of the year 230 is similar to this. There is another dated inscription from Mathura, the date of which must be referred to the Gupta era because it mentions the name of Kumara Gupta. The date on that inscription is the year 113.13 A comparison of the characters of the two inscriptions shows that they cannot both be referred to the same era; in fact, the inscription of the year 135 is much earlier. The comparison reveals the following facts: (1) The Ja of the inscription of the year 135 is cursive in form, whereas in the other inscription it is angular. The cursive Ja is one of the peculiarities of the characters of the Kusana period. (2) The lower part of the Ra of the inscription of the year 135 is curved to the left, a characteristic to be found only among Kusana inscriptions and nowhere else among later inscriptions from Northern India. (The lower part of the Ra was changed into an angular projection to the left. It is to be noticed that it is not a curve. Cf. Buhler, Indische Palaeographie, Tafel III.) (3) The palatal Sa in the inscription of the year 135 has the lower part of its left vertical line curved to the left, but in the inscription of the year 114 it is not so. The form of Sa is ordinarily found in Kugana inscriptions, but very rarely met with in those of the Gupta period. Again the date of the inscription of the year 230, if referred to the Gupta era, becomes 230319 549, which is quite inadmissible. A glance at Dr. Fleet's facsimile will bear ont this statement. The other arguments of Mr. Smith in favour of the Gupta era are not of so much importance. The language of the two inscriptions is Sanskrit and in both of them the formula Sarvasativanin canuttarajnanaptaye or jaanavaptaye has been used. This formula has been chiefly found in the inscriptions of the 5th and 6th centuries of the Christian era. But inscriptions of the 3rd and 4th centuries are scarce and so it cannot be said that the formula was not in common use during that period. As to the language, with the rise of Mahayana Sanskrit became the canonical language of the sect, and so it is not at all surprising to find some Buddhist inscriptions after Kaniaka in that language. Hence, it is evident that these two dates cannot be referred to the Gupta era. As the characters betray a marked affinity to those of the Kugana inscriptions, the dates of these two inscriptions can be definitely referred to the same era as that of the inscriptions of the kings Kanigka, Huviska, and Vasudeva. The numerical symbols, Mr. Smith says, are those of the Gupta period. The only remarkable symbol is that for 200, and Dr. Buhler's tables show that the symbols used in those two inscriptions show transition forms between the Maurya and Gupta symbols for the same number. 10 Dowson, J. R. A. 8. (N. S.), Vol. V., p. 184, No. 8; Cunningham, A. 8. R., Vol. III, p. 36, No. 22; and Fleet, Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. III., p. 262, pl. XXXIX-A. 11 Dowson, J. R. A. 8. (N. S, ), Vol. V., p. 185, No. 9; Cunningham, 4. 8. R., Vol. III., p. 37, No. 29; and Fleet, Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. III., p. 278, pl. XL-D. 13 Buhler, W. Z. K. M. (Vienna Oriental Journal), Vol. X., p. 171. 13 E. I., Vol. II., No. XXXIX., p. 210, and plate. 14 Indische Palaeographie, Tafel IX, columns II and XI.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1908. Mr. Smith mentions five Kharowthi inscriptions with dates above one hundred. They are (1) The Takht-i-Babai inscription of Gondophernes or Guduphara, the year 103.46 (2) Dr. Waddell's Kaldara inscription, the year 113.16 (3) The Panjtar inscription, the year 122.17 (4) Mr. Caddy's Loriyan Tangai inscription, the year 318.18 (5) The Hashtnagar pedestal inscription, the year 384.10 Mr. Smith speaks of another inscription of the year 113 from Kaladara Nadi, which mentions a Kusana king, but I have failed to find it. Probably it is still in site. Mr. Smith does not mention it in his list of dated inscriptions. The last two inscriptions of the five above should be omitted as Dr. Vogel has proved that they refer to an era the initial year of which must be in the 4th century before the Christian ora. Mr. Smith refers these dates to the Vikrama era. The first inscription will be dealt later on. The date of the second inscription, if referred to the Vikrama era, becomes 113 + 56 A. D. which is too early. Dr. Buhler, in editing this inscription, made the following remarks : "The letters which vary between 1 and 2 inches in height and have been cnt deeply and boldly show the type of the Saks period which is known from the Taxila copper-plate of Patika and the inscription of his contemporary Sudasa or Sodasa on the Mathura Lion Capital." In his Indische Palaeographie Dr. Buhler divides the Kbaroghi documents into four chief varieties - (1) The archaic one of the fourth or third centuries B. C. found in the Asoka edicts. (2) The variety of the second and first centuries B, C, on the coins of Indo-Grecian kings. (3) The variety of the Saka period, first century B. C. to first century A. D., found on - (@) The Taxila copper-plate of Patika. (6) The Mathare Lion Capital inscription. (6) The Kaldara inscription. (4) The strongly cursive script of the first and second centuries A. D. which begins with the Takht-i-Bahai inscription of Gondophertes and is fully developed in the inscriptions of the lator Kupana kinga Kaniska and Huvi ka as found on - (1) The Zeda inscription, the year 11. (2) The Manikyala inscription, the year 18. (3) The Sue Vihar copper-plate, the year 11. (4) The Wardak vase, the year 51.30 16 Cunningham, 4. 8. R., Vol. V., p. 58, pl. XVI., fig. 3, and Sonart, Journal Asiatique, 8. serie, tom. XY,p. 114, et planche. * Buhler, Vienna Oriental Journal, pp. 55 and 397, and Senart, Journal Asiatique, serio, tom. XIII, p. 586, et planche. 11 Cunningham, 4. 8. R., Vol. V, p. 61, and pl. XVI., fig. 4. 10 Senart, Journal Asiatique, 9deg serie, tom. XIII, p. 526, et planche, and Vogel, Annual Report of the Archeological Survey of India (New Series ), 1908-4, p. 858, and pl. LXX, fig. 4. 10 Senart, Journal Asiatique, 9. serie, tom. XIII, PP. 528--37, and Vogel, Annual Report of the Archaological Survey of India (New Series), p. 251. 30 Taxila oopper-plate of Patika, E, I, Vol. IV, p. 56, and plate. The Mathura Lion Capital inscriptions edited by Buhler and Bhagwanlal Indraji, J. R. 4. 8., 1894, p. 525, but no facsimile has yet been published. The Zeda inscription, Senart, Journal Asiatique, 8 serie, tom. XV. p. 135, et planche. The Manikyala inscription, Senart, Journal Asiatique, 9e serio, tom. VII, p. 1, ot planebe. The Su Vihar plate, Hoerale, I. 4., VOL X. p. 324, and plato.

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FEBRUARY, 1908.] SCYTHIAN PERIOD OF INDIAN HISTORY. Only one inscription, the Sue Vihar copper-plate of the fourth variety, has been completely interpreted and this fact has led Dr. Buhler to adopt its letters as the characters representing the fourth variety. But this is questionable. The inscriptions of this last variety have been found on two classes of materials (1) stone and (2) metal, and it is evident to the most casual observer that the inscriptions on stone are clearly cut and archaic in form, but those on metal are strongly cursive in form. Thus the Zeda and Sue Vihar inscriptions both mention the name of Kaniska and are dated in the year 11, but the characters of the Zeda inscription are much earlier in form. Unfortunately the Zeda inscription is too far gone to allow of complete interpretation. But there is the Manikyala inscription which is neatly incised and the form of the characters of which are not cursive and may be taken to represent the fourth variety. The characters of this inscription are quite different from those of the Sue Vihar, Wardak, and Bimaran inscriptions. There is another objection against the Sue Vihar inscription being taken as the prototype of the fourth variety, which is, that the inscription has been very carelessly incised. If the characters of the Manikyala inscriptions are taken as the representatives of the fourth variety, one important fact follows. Most of the differences between the Saka and Kugana varieties of Karosthi, as pointed out by Dr. Buhler disappear. But it is certain that the Taxila copper-plate and the Mathura Lion Capital inscriptions belong to an earlier period. Now, if the Kaldara inscription is compared with the Manikyala inscription, it becomes evident that the characters of the former inscription are much later than those of the latter. The ka of Kaldara in Pukarani and Karavita is certainly later than that of Manikyala in Kaniska; at the same time the affinity between the ch..racters of the two inscriptions is clearly marked. The dental sa is not of the Saka period, but of the Kngana period. So it becomes clear that this inscription also must be referred to the same era as the other Brahmi and Kharosthi Kusana inscriptions, since it belongs to the same period, and other eras, such as the Vikrama and the Seleukidan, are not applicable to it,29 81 Similarly, the date in the Panjtar inscription is to be referred to the same era as the other dated Kugana records. Compare ka in 1, 2 and da in 1. 1 and the dental sa throughout.23 It is certain that this inscription is much later than the Manikyala inscription. There are several other Kharosthi inscriptions with dates above hundred which have been omitted by Mr. Smith, such as the Mount Banj inscriptions of the year 102 and the Skaradheri image inscription of the year 17925 and the Dewai inscription of the year 200. To these I have added a fourth from the Lahore Museum, which is dated in the year 111 and is edited probably for the first time at the end of this paper. Bhandarkar and Buhler were quite right in bringing the Kharosthi inscriptions with dates exceeding hundred in a line with those dated from 3 to 99. Mr. Smith, in attempting to bring the Mathura inscription of the year 299 in a line with those of the years from 3 to 99, has said that exceptionally the thousands of a Laukika date may be omitted, but the hundreds expressed. But instances of this have never been met with, and, as will be seen later on, the inscription of the year 299 does not belong to the Kushan group of inscriptions at all. In Laukika date only the tens and units should be mentioned. The mention of the hundreds or thousands clearly proves that the date is not a Laukika one. Now, if all the Kushin dates from 3 to 99 are to be referred to the same era, then the cognate dated inscriptions, with dates above hundred, should be in a line with the earlier inscriptions and refer to the same era. So it is clear that the dates in the Kushan inscriptions do not refer to the Laukika era. 11 The operator does not follow the original dotted lines. Cf. Hoernle, I. A., Vol. X, p. 326. "I publish a facsimile of the Kaldara inscription, as I found M. Senart's facsimile to be very indistinct and too difficult to work with. The inscription is now in the Lahore Museum (No. I, p. 77). 23 Cf. A. 8. R., Vol. V, pl. XVI, fig. 4. Senart, J. A., 9e serie, tom. IV, p. 510, No. 35, pl. V. Stratton, J. A. O. 8., Vol. XXIV, p. 1, and Vogel, Annual Report of the Archeological Survey of India, 903-4, p. 255, and pl. LXX, fig. 9. 2 Sonart, J. A., 9deg aorie, tom. IV, p. 510, No. 34, pl. V.

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32 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. FEBRUARY, 1908. The earliest Leakika date is that of the Baijnath Prasasti,year 80 and Saks 1126, i..., 1204-5. The mere mention in astronomical works of the imaginary motion of the seven Rais (the Great Bear) does not prove that the era was in use at that time. There is no proof that the Saptarsi era or Loka Kala was in use before the Gapta period. Albergni's statements do not in any way interfere with the above statement, Mr. Smith then proceeds to deal with the notices of Chinese historians enamerated above and tries to adapt their statements to his theory. After the final defeat of the Yuv-chi in 165 B. C. they migrated to the west and on their way met the Wa-Sun. In the fight which followed the Wu-San were worsted. This may have taken place in B. C. 163. The Yao-chi, though they defeated the Wu-San, were not able to appropriate their lands and passed on westwards. They next came into conflict with the Se or the Sok, who were also defeated, and, abandoning their lande, migrated southwards. This probably took place about the year 160 B. O., but the Yue-chi were not allowed to remain in peaceful possession of the conquered lands. The son of slain Wu-Sun chieftain, who had grown to manhood under the protection of the Hiung-Nu, attacked them to avenge the death of bis father and drove them further west. Mr. Smith places this event in B. C. 140 on the ground that at least twenty years are necessary for an infant to grow into manhood. This is not admissible. The age of an infant may be anything from a month to eight or ten years. Assuming that at the time of his father's death, Kwen-Mo was four or five years of age we find that an interval of ten or twelve years is quite snfficient to allow him to be of fighting age, for, in the north, they begin to fight early, Babar ascended the throne when he was in his teens and Akbar fought the second battle of Panipat long before he was twenty. It is quite possible that Kwen-Mo drove the Yue-chi out of the lands of the Sok in or about the year 150 B, C. The Yde-chi then migrated towards Tahis. According to Mr. Smith, the Yue-chi arrived in Tahis in the year 138 B. C., but, as we have seen, the year 148 B. C. would be somewhere nearer the mark. Mr. Smith for some unknown reason maintains that the Yue-chi remained to the north of the Oxus up to the year 115 B. C. Chang-Kian died in the year 115 B. O., and the messengers he sent to other countries are said to bave returned at the same time. This seems to be the only reason in favour of Mr. Smith's statement. Cbang-Kian returned to China in the year 122 B. O., and up to that time only authentic information about the position of the Yue-chi was available. Mr. Smith and M. Boyer distinguish two stages in the conquest of Tahia or Bactria by the Yue-chi. The first is that the Yue-chi occupied the ancient Persian province of Sogdians to the north of the Oxus, while they exercised supreme influence over the weak rulers of Bactrian cities, and the next is that they crossed the river and destroyed the remains of Greek sovereignty in that province. But is it at all necessary to do this? A nomad people driven forward by an enemy wonld not pause at a distance to exercise overlordship over a weak people, but would, on the other hand, try to place themselves at a greater distance from their enemies without the slightest regard for the people whom they supplant and destroy. The Chinese description of the state of Bactris fully supports this, for we find that the people of Tahia had no unity and were peace-loving. Moreover, the Greek kingdom was, at this time, convulsed by an internal struggle, probably led by the brothers, Holiokles and Apollodotos, after the demise of their father, Eakratidas. Chinese annals sufficiently prove that the Bactrian Greeks were unable to offer any resistance to the Domad hordes. Mr. Smith places the deposition of Heliocles in 130 B.O. which is possible. The next mention of Yue-chi is in Parku's annals of the first Han dynasty. It is rplated there that the Yue-chi had lost their nomad habits and bad divided themselves into five groups or principalities. Mr. Smith assumes that three generations must have elapsed before the Yue-chi lost their nomadic babits, but parallel cases are not rare in history, and actual experience has found that the time required by a nomadic people for the losing of their roving habits need not be so long. In fact, one generation of twentyfite or thirty years is quite sufficient for this purpose, and it is quite possible that the Yue-chi had lost their nomad babits and divided themselves into five kingdoms by the year 100 B. C. Maghals, who bad fought under Bairam Khan at Panipat in 1666, wore peacefully settled in Bengal and Bebar

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FEBRUARY, 1908.] by the year 1598 A. D. The next mention of the Yue-chi in the Chinese history is in the annals of the second Hun dynasty. There it is related that a hundred years after the division of the Yue-chi into five groups, Kiu-tsiu-kio, king of the Koei-chonang which was one of the five principalities, attacked and subjugated the other four divisions. This Kiu-tsiu-kio has been identified with the KozouloKadphises or Kuzulo-Kara-Kadaphes of the coins which seems to be certain. Mr. Smith, following his own line of argument, places the accession of Kadphises I in 45 A. D. But even if the Chinese text is taken to mean more than one hundred years by the phrase "about a hundred years," the accession of Kadphises I may be placed in 10 or 15 A. D. The fact, that the bust on some copper coins of Kadphises I resembles those on the coins of Caius and Lucius, grandsons of Augustus, who died in B. C. 4 and A. D. 2, respectively, in no way interferes with the truth of the above statement. In order to adapt his Laukika theory to the statements of the Chinese historians, Mr. Smith was obliged to add these extra 45 years to the true date, since it is impossible to place the accession of Kaniska in the earlier years of the first century A. D. Mr. Smith was therefore obliged to place him in the earlier portion of the second century. If we assume that Kadphises I reigned for forty years, then the accession of his successor, Yen-Kao-Ching, falls in the year 55 A. D. This prince has been identified with the Ooemo Kadphises or Hima Kadphises of the coins. If a reign of thirty-five years is allowed to Hima Kadphises, then the accession of Kaniska falls in or about 80 A. D. Years ago Prof. Oldenberg put forth the statement that Kaniska founded the Saka era, and this theory has been generally accepted by the majority of Oriental scholars. But recently serious objections have been raised against it, and some scholars now regard it as an exploded theory. The principal objections against the theory that Kaniska founded the Saka era were raised by General Cunningham and Mr. D. R. Bhandarkar. SOYTHIAN PERIOD OF INDIAN HISTORY. This brings us to the second theory of the first group. Mr. Bhandarkar's theory that the dates of the Kusana inscriptions should be referred to the Saka era with two hundred omitted is based on a Jaina inscription discovered by Dr. Fuhrer in the Kankali-tila at Mathura in the year 1895-96. This inscription should be fully dealt with before we proceed to examine the theory based on it. Mathura inscription of the year 299; Plate III (see opposite page 66). 28 The inscription was discovered during Dr. Fuhrer's last excavations at Mathura during the working season of the year 1895-96. It is mentioned in his Progress Report for that year. It is also mentioned in the Report of the Lucknow Provincial Museum, where it was deposited along with the other finds of the excavations. It is further mentioned in Mr. V. A. Smith'e Jaina Stupa of Mathura and other Antiquities, in which the author professes his ignorance as to the present locality of the inscription. It was published by Dr. Buhler in a short note in the Vienna Oriental Journal, Vol. X, p. 171. After the publication of his paper on the Kugana or Indo-Scythian periods of Indian History, Mr. V. A. Smith tried to obtain facsimiles of all dated Kugana inscriptions, and for this purpose Mr. Smith carried on a lengthy correspondence with Mr. Gangadhara Ganguly, the Curator of Lucknow Provincial Museum. But Mr. Smith could not obtain a copy of this inscription of the year 299.30 During a recent visit to the Lucknow Museum I found it lying close to the Mathura inscriptions of the year 33,31 Dr. Buhler published it very hastily without any facsimile. He read it as follows: (1) Nama Svarvasidhana Arahantana Maharajarya Rajatirajasya svarvacchara-svate d(u) (2) 200, 90, 9(?) hemamta Mase 2 divase 1 arahato Mahavirasya pratim (a). (3) (4) (5) . 88 sya Okharikaye vitu Ujhatikaye oa Okhaye svavikabhaginiy(e) sirikasya Sivadinasya ca eteh arahitayatane Sthapit(a) devakulam ca. 1 Projr338 Report of the Archaological Survey, N.-W. Proviness, 1895-93, p. 2. Report of the Lucknow Provincial Museum, 1895-96, p. 3. A Jaina Blupa at Mathura and other Antiquities, p. 4, footnote 8. n Growse, L. A., Vol. VI, p. 317, and Dr. Bloch, E, L, Vol. VIII, p. 181, and plate. 2 J. R. A. 8., 1906, p. 15L..

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34 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1908. Dr. Buhler then corrected Namas Sarva for Nama Svarva, Sasvaecharasate for Svarvaccharawate, Dhitu for Vitu, Sravika for Scavika and etaih for eteh. I now edit the inscription from the actual stone (1) Nama Sarva Sidhanai Arahatanam maharajasya rajatirajasya samvacchara sate (da) (2) 200, 90, 9 Hamata masa 2 divasa 1 Arahato Mahavirasya pratim(a). (3) sya Okharikaye Vitu Ujhatikaye ca Okhaye Savika-bhaginiy(e). Sirikasya Sivadinasya ca ete Arahatayatane sthapit(o). devakulam ca. (4) (5) The only corrections that are needed are Namas Sarva for Nama Sarva, Hemanta for Hamata, and staih for ete. Notes. (1) In the first line the Anusvara is clear and distinct after the final na in Sarva-dhanam and also after the final na in Arahatanah. (2) The third word is maharajasya instead of maharajasya. (8) The dental sa appears in three distinct forms in this inscription - (a) The sa in sarea in the first line. (Here the letter looks like the Samyuktakasra sva, the subscript va being triangular in form.) (8) The sa in savaccharasate and again in savika. (Here also it looks like the compound letter sva, the subscript va being spherical in form.) In these two cases it is natural to read sa as sea, but a little consideration shows that sach forms would be meaningless. Dr. J. Ph. Vogel suggests that these may be abnormal forms of the letter, due to the caprice of the mason. The ta in Arahatanam must also similarly be regarded as abnormal. (6) The normal sa in masa and divasa. (4) The third numerical symbol is certainly 9. It resembles the symbol for no other numeral. To some extent it resembles the symbol for 9 in the Mathura inscription of the year 19,33 The only difference between this symbol and others for the same number is that in this the earve is to the right, whereas in the others the curve is to the left.33 This may be the earlier symbol for 9. (5) In the fourth line the fourth word is ete instead of eteh, as the two short horizontal strokes which appear after it are probably interpunctuation marks. The inscription at this point descends from a higher to a lower level. Two similar horizontal strokes appear in the second line after the symbol for 9, and these would, if taken otherwise, be inexplicable. Dr. Buhler has remarked that the type of the characters of this inscription fully agrees with that of the numerous votive inscriptions from Mathura, and it preserves, in the broad-backed sa with the slanting central stroke and in the tripartite subscript ya, two archaic forms which, during this period, E. L., Vol. I, p. 382, No. III. "See R. L., Vol. I, p. 885, No. VI; Vol. II, p. 204, No. XX; Vol. 1, p. 392, No. XXII; and A. & R., Vol. III, p. 88, plate XIV, No. 9.

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FEBRUARY, 1908.] The occur only occasionally for the later sa with the horizontal cross-bar and the tripartite ya, following table shows the archaic forms to be found in Kusana inscriptions discovered up to date :List of Brahmi Kusana inscriptions showing archaic forms occurring in them. No. Year. 1 2 4 5 6 7 3 E. I., Vol. VIII, p. 173, and pl. iii-a 5 7 SCYTHIAN PERIOD OF INDIAN HISTORY. Reference. 12 18 13 19 14 20 15 20 16 22 17 22 18 25 19 20 28 21 29 J. A. S. B., 1898, p. 274, and E. I., Vol. VIII, p. 179. 4 E. I., Vol. II, p. 201, No. 11; I. A., Jaina Vol. XXXIII, p. 33, No. 1. 5 E. I., Vol. I, p. 381, No. 1; I. A., Vol. XXXIII, p. 34, No. 4. 5 E. I., Vol. II, p. 201, No. 12; I. A., Vol. XXXIII, p. 33, No. 2. 5 A. S. R., Vol. III, p. 30, No. 2; I. A., Vol. XXXIII, p. 35, No. 5. A. 9. R., Vol. III, p. 31, No. 3 E. I., Vol. I, p. 391, No. 19 ... 000 8 9 9 A. S. R, Vol. III, p. 81, No. 4; I. A., Vol. XXXIII, p. 37, No. 6. 10 15 E. I., Vol. I, p. 382, No. 2 11 18 E. I., Vol. II, p. 202, No. 13 E. I., Vol. II, p. 202, No. 14; I. A., Doubtful Vol. XXXIII, p. 33, No. 3. E. I., Vol. I, p. 383, No. 3 Jaina ... ... 22 29 E. I., Vol. II, p. 206, No. 26 ... I. A., Vol. VI, p. 217, and Vol. XXXIII, p. 38, No. 8. E. I., Vol. I, p. 385, No. 6... Religious Sect. ... Buddhist A 24 W. Z. K. M., V. 37 33 33 E. I., Vol. I, p. 395, No. 28; A. S. R., Vol. III, p. 31, No. 6. E. I., Vol. I, p. 383, No. 4... E. I., Vol. I, p. 395, No. 25 E. I., Vol. I, p. 391, No. 20 E. I., Vol. I, p. 384, No. 5; I. A., Vol. XXXIII, p. 37, No. 5. A. S. R.. Vol. III, p. 31, No. 5; I. A., Doubtful Vol. XXXIII, p. 149, No. 25. 17 22 "1 = 12 "3 39 " Jaina X, p. 173. ... 10 Tripartite subscript ya throughout. Neatly incised characters. Lingual a square and archaic. Palatal sa does not occur. Archaic sa-subscript ya bipartite only once. In all other cases it is tripartite. No archaic forms. "7 "9 REMARKS. 19 39 " 20 35 "2 Archaic sa, but bipartite ya. No archaic forms. Archaic sa occurs once. Sa with horizontal crossbar is also used. Ia bipartite. Archaic sa, subscript ya once tripartite,

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36 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. ARY [FEBRUARY, 1908. List of Brahmi Kusana inscriptions showing archaic forms occurring in them-(contd.). No. Year. Reference. Religious Seet. REMARKS. 31 E. J., Vol. II, p. 203, No. 15 ... ... Jains ... No archaic forms. E. I., Vol. II, p. 203, No. 16 ... ... , 331. A., Vol. VI, p. 217, No. 2; E. 1.. Buddhist ... Out of six instances of Vol. VIII, p. 181; and I. A., subscript ya, only two are Vol. XXXIII, p. 39, No. 9. tripartite. 35 E, I., Vol. I, p. 385, No. 7... ... ... Jaina .. No archaic forms. 38 A. S. R., Vol. III, p. 32, No. 9; J. A. S. B., , ... Subscript ya is tripartite 1998, p. 276, footnote; And I. 4., once out of four instances. Vol. XXXIII, p. 40, No. 10. Archaic ia occurs along with later forms. 40 E.I., Vol. VIII, p. 171, pl. ing ... ... Buddhist ... Subscript ya tripartite. Sa archaic as in some of the Asoka edicts. E. I., Vol. I, p. 387, No. 11; 1. A.. Jaina ..- No Brchaic forms. Vol. XXXIII, p. 103, No. 15. E.I., Vol. I, p. 38), No. 9... ... E.I., Vol. 1, p. 387, No. 10 - A. S. R., Vol. III, p. 33, No. 10; E. I. > Archaic sa, but bipartite Vol. I, p. 396, No. 30. subscript ya. A.S. R., Vol. III, p. 33, No. 11 ... .. (...No archaic forms, 47 A. S. R., Vol. III, p. 83, No. 12; I. A., Buddhist ... Sa archaic, but subscript Vol. XXXIII, p. 101, No. IL ya bipartite. 47 4. S. R., Vol. III, p. 34, No. 13; 1. A., .. No archaic forms. Vol. XXXIII, No. 13, p. 102. 47 A. S. R., Vol. III, p. 84, No. 14 ... ... Doubtful ... J.A, S. B., Vol. XXXIX, Part I, p. 130, Buddhist ... Unreliable facsimile. No No. 18; 1. A., Vol. XXXIII, p. lui, archaic forms in the No. 12. present one. A. S. R., Vol. III, p. 34, No. 15; 1. A., Jaina ... Archaic sa, but bipartite Vol. XXXIII, p. 103, No. 14. subscript ya. 1. A., Vol. VI, p. 219, No. 11; Growse's Buddhist ... No archaic forms. Mathura, 3rd Edition, p. 165. E. I., Vol. II, p. 203, No. 27 ... ... Jaina 50 E.I., Vol. II, p. 209, No. 36 ... 52 E. 1., Vol. II, p. 203, No. 18; 1. Vol. XXXIII, p. 104, No. 16. 54 E.I., Vol. I, p. 391, No. 21; I. 4., Vol. XXXIII, p. 104, No. 17. 60E, I., Vol. , p. 886, No. 8; I. Archaic sa, but subscript Vol. XXXIII, p. 105, No. 9. ya bipartite. 62 E.I., Vol. II, p. 204, No. 19 ... No archaic forms. 4662 A. S. R., Vol. XX, p. 37, pl. v, No. 6; W.Z.K M., p. 171 ; 1.4., Vol. XXXIII, p. 105, No. 9.

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FEBRUARY, 1908.) SOYTHIAN PERIOD OF INDIAN HISTORY. 97 List of Brahmi Kusana inscriptions showing archaic forms occurring in them-(contd.). Reference. Religious Sect. REMARKS No. Year. Baddhist ? " 51 80 E. I., Vol. I, 74A. S. R., Vol. III, p. 32, No. 8; 1. 4., Doubtful ... Archaic ka, but subscript Vol. XXXIII, p. 106, No. 20. ya bipartite. E. I., Yol. II, p. 212, No. 42 Buddhist ... 78 E.I., Vol. II, p. 370 ... ...No archaic forms. E. I., Vol. II, p. 204, No. 20 Jains Archaic sa, but subscript ya bipartite. E. I., Vol. I, p. 892, No. 24 No archaic forms. E. I., Vol. II, p. 204, No. 21 ... Doubtful ... A. S. R., Vol. III, p. 84, No. 16 ... Jaina 4. S. R., Vol. III, p. 34, No. 17 ... Buddhist E. I., Vol. I, p. 388, No. 12 .... Jains A. S. R., Vol. III, p. 35, No. 18 ... E. 1., Vol. 1, p. 388, No. 18 ... E, I., Vol. II, p. 205, No. 22; 4. ... Archaic say but gubscript Vol. III, p. 35, No. 19. ya bipartite E.I., Vol. II, p. 205, No. 23 ... E. 1., Vol. II, p. 205, No. 24 ... No archaic forms. A. S. R., Vol. III, p. 35, No. 19 ... E.I., Vol. I, p. 387, No. 11 E. 1., Vol. I, p. 389, No. 14 E. 1., Vol. I, p. 889, No. 15 E. 1., Vol. I, p. 889, No. 16 E. 1., Vol. I. p. 390, No. 17 Archaic Class. E. I., Vol. I, p. 390, No. 18 Doubtfal ... No archaic forms. E. I., Vol. I, p. 892, No. 28 Jains E. 1., Vol. I, p. 892, No. 25 Doubtfal .. PS. I., Vol I, p. 893, No. 26 Jeina 1., Vol. I, p. 898, No. 27 I., Vol. I, p. 396, No. 33 Archaic Clas. E. 1., Vol. I, p. 397, No. 84 No archaic forms. E. 1., Vol. I, p. 897, No. 35 Doubtful .. Archaic Class.

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38 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1908. List of Brahmi Kusans inscriptions showing arohaio forms occurring in them-(concld.). No. Year! Reference. Religious Soot. TEMARKS. Jaina AF Archaic ba, but bipartite subscript ya. No archaic forms. Archaic Class, E.I., Vol. II, p. 206, No. 27 ...E.I., Vol. II, p. 206, No. 28 E. I., Vol. II, p. 207, No. 29 E. 1., Vol. II, p. 207, No. 80 E. I., Vol. II, p. 207, No. 31 E. 1., Vol. II, p. 207, No. 32 E. 1., Vol. II, p. 208, No. 38 E. I., Vol. II, p. 208, No. 34 B. I., Vol. II, p. 208, No. 35 E. 1., Vol. II, p. 209, No. 37 No archaic forms. I have been obliged to omit the following inscriptions from Mr. Smith's list of dated inscription for reasons stated against them : Year. Reference. Rennon. ... Fuhrer's Progress Report, 1891-92 Ji These inscriptions bave not been as yet pro perly edited. In a few cases only mere mention of the years have been made. According to Dr. Fuhrer they are at present at the Lucknow Museum. 1895-96 The first three inscriptions were discovered Growse's Mathura, third edition, p. 116... at Ramnagar (Ahichatra) in the Bareilly Il District. The last two came from Mathura. 31 The inscription of the year 45, which has been published by Mr. D. R. Bhandarkar in the Journal of the Bombay Brancb of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. XX., has also been omitted from the above list for the want of a facsimile. The inscription of the year 5786 has been referred by Dr. Buhler to the Gapta era 'on perfectly secure palaeographic ground; but in his list Mr. Smith remarks, "Bubler, I think, is mistaken in referring this inscription to the Gupta era" for reasons which are not obvious. The characters of the inscription resemble those of the inscriptions of the year 114 of the reign of Komara Gupta rather than any of the Kugana inscriptions. I have examined the inscription very carefully in the Mathura Municipal Museum, and I am convinced that Buhler was perfectly right. The mere fact that an inscription contains a season date is not sufficient to refer it to any particnlar ers. The inscription of the year 114 is a compromise between Meason dates and lanar month dates, because it mentions both the season Homannta and the lunar month Karthika. I believe that Mr. Smith is also wrong in referring the Bodh Gaya image inscription of the year 64 to the same era as has been used in the Kugana inscriptions. The only Grow, L 4., Vol. VI. p. 919, and Buhler, E, I, Vol. II, p. 310, No. 38.

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FEBRUARY, 1908.) SCYTHIAN PERIOD OF INDIAN HISTORY. 99 cause of this seems to be that "the impression of a coin or medal of Huvieka was found under the throne." The throne referred to here is a square slab of red sandstone, along the four sides of which there is an inscription.36 The connection between the throne and the statue, on the base of which the above inscription occurs, is that both of them are of the same variety of sandstone, and that there is a certain similarity between the characters of the two inscriptions. General Cunningham has published a photograph of this inscription and it will be seen below that the resemblance between the characters is not very marked.37 The characters of the inscriptions of the year 64 resemble those of the early Gupta period as found on the Allahabad Prasasti of Samudra Gupta,38 The ha in the first line in Maharajasya and in the second line Sitharathe, also in Arthadharmasahaye in the third line and the la in the first line in Tukamalasya, are peculiar forms of these letters which are to be found, so far 88 I know, only on the Allahabad Prasasti of Harisena. Dr. Buhler was of opinion that the year 64 found in this inscription should be referred to the Gupta era.30 Dr. Bloch thinks that the inscription is of the fourth century A. D. Recently Dr. Luders of Rostock has opposed this view, but the above examination should clear all doubts about it. The reason for referring this date to the Gupta era is not only the looped sa as Dr. Luders observes, but the palaeography of the whole inscription. If the date is referred to the Gupta era it becomes equivalent to 64 + 818/ 9 382/3 A, D., which is . quite satisfactory. The list given above shows that among the inscriptions of the Kugapa period there is not single instance where the tripartite ya occurs throughout the inseription, except in the two Sarnath inscriptions Nos. 1 and 28 of the above list). Whenever the subscript ya is tripartite, the bipartite form occurs along with it. But in the inscription of the year 299, in all cases of subscript ya, the ya is fully expressed, i.e., it is tripartite. The palatal sa is expressed throughout in its archaic form, but in the above list, with the exception of the Sarnath inscriptions, it will be seer that there is not a single inscription in which all cases the ta is archaic and the subscript ya tripartite. In most cases the archaic ea occurs along with the bipartite form of the subscript ya. In the two Sarnath inscriptions, the palatal sa is absent in the first inscription, but it occurs in * more archaic form in the second one (No. 28 of the list). This is the wedge-shaped form of this letter which occurs in the Kalsi and Siddapur edicts of Asoka and the cave inscription at Ramgarh Hill in the Sirguja State. In both inscriptions the subscript ya bas always been fully expressed. The only later forms to be found in this inscription is the letter na. In the first line the base line of the na in Nama is slightly curved, as in the earliest inscription from Mathura. In other cases the base line of the Na is certainly & curve, the most pronounced being that of the na in Ayatane in the fourth line. But as Mr. Bhandarkar observes, this form of the na is to be found in the inscriptions of Sodasa, 66 Compare the na in Brahmanenate and again in Vranena. * Cunningham's Mahabodhi, p. 20, , No. 11. * Ibid, pp. 7 and 21. pl. sxv. # Cf. Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. III., pl. 1. ** Translation of Buhler's Indian Paleography, I. A., Vol. XXXIII, Appendix, p. 46, note 10. 40 J. A. 8. B., Vol. LXVII, Pt. I, P. 282, footnote 1. 41. 4., Vol. XXXIII, p. 40. * Buhler's Indiache Palacographie, Tafel II, p. 37. II., III. and XI. 9 Annual Report of the Archaological Survey, 1908-4, p. 128, pl. Iliii-b. E. 1., vol. II, p. 198, No. 1; the na in Torana. 4 J. B. B. R. 4. 8., Vol. XX, p. 275. 46 J. R. 4. 8. (N. S.), Vol. V, p. 188, No. 29. Cunningham has also published this inscription in 4. 8. R. Vol. III. p. 30, pl. xiii., No. 1, but Dr. Ludera observes that his facsimile is not fully trustworthy (I. 4. Vol. XXXIII, p. 149, footnote 79). IT A. 8. R., Vol. XX, p. 40, pl. Y., No. 4. I do not know where this inscription is at present. The sboro inscription is, I believe, in the Lucknow Museum. I have written to Mr. G. D. Ganguly for an impression of this inscription, and I hope to publish it was soon as I receive the impronion. I havo singo boon informed that this inscription cannot be traced out,

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40 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1908. If we compare the ya of this inscription (year 299) with those in the Sarnatb inscriptions we find that the ya in the Mathura inscription is much older and quite different from those of the Sarnath inscription. The ya in the Mathura inscription resembles those of the inscriptions of Soda8a48 and of the earlier inscriptions from Mathura, to some of wbich bave been included in the above list and marked as archaic, although they certainly do not belong to the Kngana period. The main difference between the forms of ya of these inscriptions is that in the Sarnath inscriptions tbe ya has a loop to the left which is a characteristic of the Kusa na period while the right limb is angular, but in the Mathura inscription neither the left limb is looped nor the right one is angular. This form of ya is not to be found in any of the inscriptions of the Kusans period. This detailed examination clearly proves that the inscription from Mathura of the year 299 does not belong to the Kusana period. And likewise its date cannot be referred to the same era in which the Kusans inscriptions are dated. Then the question arises as to which ers the date in the inscription is to be referred. The inscription was incised in the reign of a king who bore the titles Mabaraja and Rajatiraja in the year 299 of an unknown era. Dr. Buhler says that though nine kings of the Scythic period are known to have borne these two titles, vis., Azes, Azilises, Gondophernes, Pakores, Kadphises I and II, Kaniska, Huviske, and Vasudeva, only the last three can be here intended, because, as far as is known at present, none of the first six ruled over Mathura. But the above examination shows that this inscription of the year 299 cannot belong to the periods of Kaniska, Huvieka, and Vasudeva. There may be three causes which led to the omission of the name of this Mabaraja Rajatiraja - (1) That the title belongs to the founder of the era used in the inscription whose name was forgotten at the time of the incision of the record. This is extremely improbable, as the genitive case ending cannot be interpreted in a similar way in other instances. (2) That the titles are those of the reigning prince of the time whose name was too well-known to require mention. (3) That the name bas been omitted through the carelessness of the mason. The last cause is probably the best one as there are many signs of the mason's carelessness on this stone. The principal sign of this is that the right half of the inscription is on a lower level than the left half. Evidently the mason has not taken the trouble of reducing all portions of the face of the pedestal to the same plane. Thus the sya in Maharajasya in the first line, the numerical symbol for 1 in the second line, the ye in Ujhatikaye in the third line and the te in ete in the fourth line, are more than inch higher than ra in Rajatirajasya, the A in Arahato, the oa and the , in Arahalayatane in the first, second, third, and fourth line, rospectively. Whatever may be the cause of the omission of the prince's name, it is certain that the date 299 must be referred to an era, the initial point of which lies in the third or fourth centuries before the Christian era. Only two each oras are known to have been in actual use in India. The first is the Maurya era which probably was counted from the coronation of Candragupta in or about B. C. 321. This era has been found only in one inscription up to date, vie., the Udayagiri inscription of Kharavela.1 The other is the era founded by Seleukos Nikator in B. C. 312. Three instances of the use of the Seleucidan era have baen brought to notice up to date, tis. - (1) On the coin of the Bactrian king Plato, the year 147. (2) On the Hashtnagar pedestal inscription, the year 884. (8) On the Loriyan Tangai image inscription, the year 818.62 C. 4.8. R., Vol. III, p. 30, pl. xiii., No. 1, and J.R. 4. 8. (N. 8.), Vol. V, p. 188; E. J., Vol. 11, p. 199, No. 2. # . I., PP. 198-200, Nos. 1-10. Cf. the remarks of Buhler in his Indian Paleography, I. 4., Vol. XXXIII, Appendix, p. 41, and Tafel III ( 21, III, IV, and V). Edited by Bhagwanlal-Indraji in the Actes du nici me Congres orientalistes, Tome III, pp. 171-1. The argumenta of Dr. Vogel leave no doubt as to the early date of these two inscriptions. I think Dr. Vogel is quite right in referring these two dates to an era, the initial Yoar of which lies either in the Brd or 4th century B.O. But they may also be referred to the Maurya era.

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FEBRUARY, 1908.) SCYTHIAN PERIOD OF INDIAN HISTORY. If referred to the Maurya era, the year 299 is equivalent to 321-299=22 B, 0., and it referred to the Seleukidan era it becomes equal to 312-999.13 B. C. This detailed examination proves that the date in this inscription cannot be referred to the era used in the Kusans inscriptions and so it may be said with oertainty that any conclusions as to the chronology of the Kapana period based on this inscription cannot be regarded as valid. Mr. D. R. Bhandarkar begins his paper with arguments against the theory of Messrs. Ferguson and Oldenberg that Kanigka founded the Saks era and that the dates in the Kusans inscriptions should be referred to that era. Fergusson stated that (1) Coins of the Roman consular period (43 B. C.) are found in conjunction with those of Kaniska in the Manikyala tope. This certainly proves nothing beyond the fact that the Stupa was built after 43 B, C., not even that Kaniqka is to be placed after 43 B. C. (2) In the Ahinposh Stupa Dear Jallalabad, coins of Kadphises, Kanigka and Huvi ka were obtained together with the Roman coins of Domitian, Trajan, and the Empress Sabina, wife of Hadrian. This again only proves that the Stupa was built after 120 A. D. and nothing else, not even what Mr. Bhandarkar holds, ---that Huviska reigoed after 120 A. D. Prof. Oldenbergo read the Greek legend on a coin of the Soythian prince Hiaus or Miaus as containing the combined name Suka Kushan. This, he held, proved that the Sakas and KONADAS were not different people and Kaniqka therefore was a Saka. But objections were raised against this roading and it was finally proved that the word in the coin legend was not Saka. Mr. Bhandarkar then proceeds to prove that Kanigks was not a Saka and so it cannot be held that he was the originator of the Saks era. His arguments agaiost the Saka origin of Kanizka sro as follows: (1) The Rajataranyini (I, 170) speaks of Kaniska as aprung from a Turuska race. (2) Alberani (Sachau, II, 11) tells us a legend which makes Kaniaka the descendant of the Turki family called Shahiya whom he describes as wearing Turkish dress, viz., a short tonic, open in front, a high hat, boots, and arms. Mr. Bhandarkar finds a confirmation of the above two statements on the coins of Kadphises and Kaniska in which the king's effigy is somewbat similarly dressed. The distinction between a Saka and a Kusana was made for the first time by Cunningham. Mr. Bhandarkar has since added to this distinction. It may be that the Se or Sok were of a quite different race than the Kusanas who were a portion of Yue-chi. But this statement cannot be put forth as an argument against the use of the Saka era in Kusana inscriptions. Scholars up to date have taken the Saka conquerors of India to belong to the tribe who were dispossessed of their pastare lands by the Yue-chi about 160 B. O., and this assumption has led to the present chaotic state of the Scythian period of Indian history. The word Saka as used in India is A gonorio term and not specific as it has been taken to be by Mr. Bhandarkar, and the European scholars. Herodotos has recorded that the Persians used the word akas to denote all kybor, 56 Recently much light has been thrown on this distinction through the researches of Mr. F. W. Thomas.57 - The statement of Herodotus that the Persians gave the name Saka to all Scythians seems to be confirmed by the nsage of Darius who applies it both to European Scythians (Saka Taradaraya, the Sakas beyond the sea) and to his eastern subjects, the Saka Tigrak hauda (Sakas with pointed caps) and Saka Baumadarka." Mr. Thomas adds two other valuable statements to this, viz., " No one any longer doubts that the Scythians of Europe and Asia were merely the outer uncivilised belt of the Iranian family," and the feature by which the Greeks, and no doubt the Persians also, distinguished tribes as 56 N. O., 1892, PP. 42-43. 63 J. R. A. 8. (N. S.), 1880, pp. 261--7. ML 4., Vol. X., pp. 214-5. 16 Herodotus, Bk. VII, Chap. 64. (Cf. Rawlinson's Edition, Vol. IV, p. 62.) See his papors on Saksana. J.R. A. 8., 1906, pp. 181 and 160. *Ibid, R. 86.

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42 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1908. Scythian or Saka was their manner of living as Nomads, and this may have been peculiarity in virtue of which Darias applies the name Saka, if we have rendered, he did so, to the neighbour of the Makas."50. The Sanskrit language no doubt has taken the word Saka from its neighbour the Persians. But in it its denotation has increased and so we find in the Mahabhirata that Sakadvipa was twice the size of Jambudvipa.60 In fact, the Sanskrit word Saka means all nations to the west of India, including even the Parasikas or Persians, as we find in the verses cited above that the four castes existed there also and that the Brahmans are called Magas (i. e., the Magi). Another work confirms this statement "Jamvudvipat param yasmao Chakadvipam iti smrtam."61 Again, the Kusanas were a branch of the Yue-chi and the word Kusana was the name of a particular family or clan and not of a race. The adjective Gusanavasasamhvardhaka applied to Kaniska in the Manikyala inscription leaves no doubt as to this. The Chinese annalists also state that the Kusanas (Koei-Chouang) were one of the five tribes into which the Yue-chi had divided themselves. No distinction can be drawn between a genus and a species: a clan or a family and a race. To the main body of the Indian people the Kugana Kaniska, the Parth an Gondophernes, and the Sok Moas were Saka princes coming from beyond the limits of civilisation. Again, the inscriptions of the Kusana period occur both in Brahmi and Kharosthi, but the name Kugana or Gugana occurs only on Kharosthi records, such as the Manikyala stupa inscription, the Panjtar inscription, and, according to Mr. Vincent Smith, the newly discovered inscription from Kaladaranadi. Up to this day no Brahmi record has been discovered in which Kaniska, Huviska, and Vasudeva has been styled a Kugana. The most obvions explanation is that Indians knew very little about the particular family to which the king belonged. The conqueror came from the Sakadripa and so was a Saka. They cared very little whether he was a Parthian, Sok, or Kushin. Indeed, there was very little temptation at that time to go about searching for the antecedents of a foreign conqueror who lived in their midst and had abjured the religion, the manners, customs, and probably even the language of his ancestors and adopted those of their own. No reliable conclusion can be drawn from Alberuni's description of Shahiya kings and from the portraits of the Kusanas on their coins. "The first mention of the Taraska in Sanskrit literature is to be found in the Kathasarit-sagara and the Rajatarangini. Nor should we expect early references to a people who first acquired importance (and perhaps a common designation) not earlier than the 6th century A. D."62 Indeed, so much reliance cannot be placed on the Kasmirian chronicle regarding matters relating to the earlier centuries of the Christian era. Too much reliance has been placed on a story which Alberuni himself styles a "legend." As Mr. Thomas says, "we must put aside the Kasmirian belief that Kaniska and Huska and Juska were Turuskas, as this is precluded by their dates," ae (3) Mr. Bhandarkar's third argument is that "In the Allahabad inscription of Samudra Gupta, among the foreign powers with whom that prince entered into alliance, are the Daivaputra sahi-sahansahi-saka-murundai. There is some difference of opinion with respect to the first three words of this compound. Cunningham takes them all as a single compound title referring to a Kusana king. Dr. Fleet and Mr. Smith take them separately, each designating a different king. But whatever may be the explanation of the first three components of this compound, it remains incontrovertibie that the Sakas are distinguished from the Devaputra kings of whom Kaniska was one. The only proper view of this compound has been taken by Messrs. Fleet and Smith, who consider that each component of this compound designates a different king. When Samudra Gupta began his career of conquest about the middle of the 4th century A. D. the Great Scythian Empire was no longer under the sway of a single monarch, but was divided in its decline like all other oriental empires among a host of minor princelings, each holding different title. If in 59 Ibid, p. 198. 41 Bhavijayapurana, 139, pp. 78-77. 0 Mahabharata, Bhismaparvva, XI, 9, 62 J. R. A S., 1906, p. 204,

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FEBRUARY, 1908.) SCYTHIAN PERIOD OF INDIAN HISTORY, 43 this compound a Devaputra king is distinguished from a Saka king, then a Sahi king is also distingnished from a Saka one. But the Jains work Kalikacar ya-Kathanaka 6 states that the kings of the Sakas were called Sahi. Again Kaniska also is called a sahi in at least one of his inscriptions. So it is evident that no exact discrimination is possible, based on the words of the above compound. Mr. Bhandarkar proceeds to prove that the characters of the inscriptions of Sodasa are later than those of the inscriptions of Nahapana. This certainly is the case, but the characters of the inscriptions of Nabapana are earlier than those of the inscriptions of those princes who, at the present moment, are regarded to be his contemporaries. Most of the inscriptions of Nahapana's reign are the records of the donations of his son-in-law Usavadats (Rsabhadatta). In one of these inscriptions Usavadats has been called a Saka. Again, the name of Nahapana is certainly non-Indian and hence it has been assumed that the dates in his inscriptions, the years 41, 42, 45, and 46 are Saka years. It is beld that after the year 46, Nahapana was defeated and driven out of his dominions by Gotamiputra Satakarni, an Andhra prince. But in the year 72, which in all probability is a Saka year, we find another prince named Rudradama ruling over these territories, who had already been preceded by his father Jayadama and his grandfather Castana. So we find that 26 years has been allotted for the overthrow of Nahapana and the occupation of his territories for a certain period at least by the Andhra princes and then their recovering by Castana and the completion of his reign and that of his son, Jayadams, and the accession of his grandson, Rudradama. It is evident that this period is too short for such a long list of events. If we consider the statement of Dr. Buhler about the palaeography of Usavadata's inscriptions that the character of his inscriptions are certainly older than those of the Andbras who are regarded as the contemporaries of his father-in-law, Nahapana, we are led to the conclusion that Nahapana reigned at a period which is much earlier than that to which his reign is usually assigned. The mere mention that Gotamiputra Satakarni extinguished the Khakharata family does not imply that he defeated Nahapana himself. He might have defeated a weak descendant of that prince. Again, the argument that the absence of inscriptions and coins imply that none of Nabapana's family succeeded him on his throne is not a conclusive one. The fate of his successors might have been the same as that of the sons of Ranajit Simha of the Panjab. The omission of Ugavadata's titles in another Andhra inscription67 does not prove either that much time had not elapsed since his decease or that he was living at that time. It is extremely probable that as Nahapana is prior to Sodasa, the dates in his inscriptions refer to the era in which the dates in the inscriptions of the Northern satraps are dated. The arguments adduced by Mr. Bhandarkar against the theories that Nahapans or Castana founded the Saka era are, I think, conclusive. Both of them were satraps or provincial governors, and the Samnath inscription of Kanika (No. 1 of the above list) proves that the title Mahaksatrapa does not imply that the holders of it were independent sovereigns. It is impossible to hold that local governors founded or established eras of their own. The only remaining portions of Mr. Bhandarkar's paper which require consideration are his arguments against the theory which holds that Kaniska was the founder of a new era. The first of these is that Kaniska is not the first king who established the independence of the Kusanas. In reply it may be said that it is not absolutely necessary for the founder of an era to be the establisher of the independence of his dynasty. Harsavardhana did not establish the independence of the Thanesar dynasty, yet he was the founder of an era. The next argument is that Kanisks was not a great conqueror who extended the dominions inherited by bim. This statement is quite contrary to the statements of other historians. Chinese annalists affirm that Kaniska attacked P taliputra,68 and Mr. V. A. Smith holds that he was the conqueror of Kasmira. It is also possible that he Z. D. M. G., 1880, Vol. XXXIV. p. 254 E. L, Vol. I, p. 801, No. 19. # CS. the translation of Buhler's Indian Paleogrphy, p. 42. * Nasik inscription, No. 18; Senart, B. I., Vol. VIII, p. 60, NO. 2, and plate. of $. 1., Vol. VIII, p. 71, No. 4, plato ii. # V. A. Smith's Early History, p. 227, footnote 9.

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44 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1908. conquered the provinces between Mathura and Benares, as the co-existence of the coins of HimaKadphisa with those of Kaniska is not a conclusive proof of the conquest of the whole tract in which these coins are found by the former. Then again Yuan-Chuang or Hiuen Thsang has related that Kaniska conquered Kashgar, Yarkand, and Khotan. Though it is very hard to rely on this statement, it will be seen later on that fresh discoveries confirm them. In conclusion I may be allowed to state that Kaniska might have founded a new era. Mr. Bhandarkar then assumes that the Kusana king referred to in the Panjtar inscription is Kozoulo Kad phises. Mr. V. A. Smith has also supported this identification. The terms Maharaya and Maharaja are convertible terms in Prakrit, and the fact that a certain king is called Maharaya on his coins does not prove that he was not a Maharaja like the modern tributary chieftains of British India. As we have seen the inscription is much later than the Manikyala inscription of Kaniska, and so it must be admitted that the Maharaya Gusana referred to in the former inscription cannot be identified with Kozoulo Kadphises, the predecessor of Kaniska. Mr. Bbandarkar places three other princes, riz., Kujula-Kara-Kadpbisa, the nameless king, and Wema-Kadphises before Kaniska, and, with an average allotment of twenty years for each reign, arrives at the year 200 of the Saka era as the date of the accession of Kanigka. But it is well known that Kozonlo-Kadphises, Kajala-Kara-Kadphisa, and Kozoulo-Kadphises are variations of one and the same name, and that the coins of the nameless king were issued by the satraps of Hima-Kadphisa.70 Mr. Bhandarkar finds a confirmation of his assignation of dates in the Mathura inscription of the year 299, which he assumes should be referred to the Saka era. On this Mr. Bhandarkar assumes that the Kusana dates should be referred to the Saka era with 200 omitted. This would mean that at this time in the use of the Saka era the hundreds were both omitted and expressed, which is a contradiction in itself, but it has been shown that the Matburs inscription does not belong to the Kusana period, and so further examination of Mr. Bhandarkar's arguments is unnecessary. It is also futile to refer this inscription to the nine kings mentioned by Buhler simply because we find the title Maharaja-Rajatiraja on their coins. The title is common among princes who aspired to over-lordship. The third theory of the last group is the outcome of the ripe judgment of Sir Alexander Cunningham who maintains that the Kusana dates should be referred to the Seleucidan era with four hundreds omitted. The author finds that the coins of some of the Greek princes bear dates and cites two or three instances of this. These dates probably referred to the Seleucidan era. But. with the exception of the nnique tetradrachm of Plato, which bears the date 147, the occurrence of dates on other Greco-Indian coins are less certain.71 Recently it has been found that two Kharosthi inscriptions contain dates which may, with certainty, be referred to the Seleucidan era. The author proceeds to say that the use of Greek month names in Indo-Scythian inscriptions proves that the era used was also Greek, so probably Seleucidan, But it is to be observed that all three dates contain the hundreds, and if the Seleucidan era had really been used in the Kusana inscriptions we would have expected to see the hundreds expressed instead of being umitted, since there is absolutely nothing to prove the omission of the hundred.72 The first theory of the second group was first of all put forth by Cunningham73 but was afterwards abandoned by him. It has since found an eminent advocate in Dr, J. F. Fleet. But Dr. Fleet has not yet published his promised paper on this period of Indian history, and I have been obliged to collect his arguments from among his scattered notes published in the Journals of the Royal Asiatic Society for the past four years.74 In all of bis papers Dr. Fleet maintains that the MalavaVikrama era is the historic era of Northern India, and that Kaniska was its founder. In support of his view Dr. Fleet quotes one of Dr. Kielhorn's Papers on that era, but I must admit that I have * Rapson's Indian Coins, p. 17. 10 V. A. Smith's Early History of India, Pp. 222, 242, and 243, footnote 1. 11 Rapson's Indian Coins, p. 5. 1 For Cunningham's theory see his Book of Indian Eras, PP. 41-42 * T 4. 8. R., Vol. II, p. 68, note, and Vol. III, p. 30. J .R.A. 8., 1909-4-5-6.

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FRBRUARY, 1908.) SCYTHIAN PERIOD OF INDIAN HISTORY, 45 not been able to find out precisely the passage referred to, where Dr. Kielhorn states it to be the historic era.75 On the other band, Dr. Kiellorn's conclusions raise unsurpassable objections against Dr. Fleet's theory. After a detailed examination the highest authority on the subject of Indian eras is led to the following conclusions : (1) "....Speaking generally down to about A. D. 1300 the use of the Malava-Vikrama) era was confined to that comparatively small portion of India which would be included by straight lines drawn from the mouth of the Narmada to Gaya, from Gaya to Delhi, from Delbi to the Runn of Cutch and the line of the Coast from the Runn of Cutch down to the mouth of the Narmada."76 This observation shows that from the earliest time downwards the connection of this era with Northern India has been very scanty and that it was practically confined to Central and Western India, (2) "The era was neither established by, nor designedly invented in memory of, a king Vikramaditya. Had it been founded by a king Vikramiditya in 58 B. C., or had there existed any tradition to that effect, it would be indeed more than strange that no allusion should ever have been made to this for more than a thousand years.77 (3) "The Vikrama-kala of the dates originally was nothing else than the poet's war-time' from autumn transferred to the year,"78 Dr. Fleet's view of the origin of the Malava-Vikrama era is - "The Malava-Vikrama era was founded by Kaniska in the sense that the opening years of it were the years of his reign. It was actually set going as an era by his successor, who, instead of breaking the reckoning, so started, by introducing another according to his own regnal years, continued that same reckoning. It was accepted and propagated as an era by the Mulava people. ... it thus derived from the Malavas its earliest known appellation.'70 . To arrive at this conclusion two things have been assumed - (1) That Kaniska founded the Vikrama era, and (9) That it was adopted and perpetuated by the Malavas. But these assumptions are not based on anything which has any resemblance to facts, and as Mr. V. A. Smith puts it, "such exc-cathedra assertions .... do not carry immediate conviction."0 In his latest paper Dr. Fleet has brought to his aid a new thing, an assertion of Dr. Kielhorn, that the wording of the dates of the dated records of Kaniska, Huviska, and Visudeva is radically opposed to the wording of the Saka dates. On the other hand it is identical with the wording of the dates in the so-called Malava-Vikrama era."91 This statement was made by Dr. Kielhorn in his paper "The Dates of the Saka Era in Inscriptions."2 Dr. Kielhorn states that in the majority of Saka dates the term "year" is rendered by the word Varsa. In the dates of the inscriptions of Kaniska, Huviska and Vasndeva the word for year everywhere is Sarivatsara, Savutsora or San: and in those of the Satavahana or Andhrabhstya family we have Sarracehare, Saracchere or Seve throughout. In a footnote it is added that another difference between these dates and those of thy Western Ksatrapas is this that the former (with the exception of one date which quotes a Macedonian month) are all season dates, whereas the later all quote the ordinary lunar months. In the inscriptions of the Western Ksatrapas. ... the word for "year" everywhere is Varse, and this circumstance seems to me to connect these dates in unmistakable manner with the date which are distinctly referred to the Saka era in which the word Varsa decidedly predominates." 16 1. A., Vol. XX, p. 402, quoted in J.R. A. S., 1905, p. 232. 78 Jbid, p. 409. 19 J. R. A. S., 1905, p. 233. 1 Ibid, p. 992. $2 I. A., Vol. XXVI. p. 153. 76 Ibid, p. 401. 11 lvid, p. 407. St J.R A. S., October, 1906, p. 1086 8. Id, footnote 10.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1908. These two things seem to be in favour of Dr. Fleet's theory that the Kusana inscriptions are dated in the Vikrams ers. But the first observation of Dr. Bielhorn that in the Kupana inscriptions, the term year is always rendered either by Sash or Saravatsara, can be met with at once. Dr. Kielhorn himself has said on a previous occasion : " But in reality sandal and sain may be used of the years of any era, and only in quite modern times are those terms by the Hindus themselves employed to distinguish the Vikrama from Saka years."4 In fact the words Varga and Sashvatsara are synonymous and such differentiation can hardly be exact. Again, there are some Kharopthi inscriptions in which the term "year" has been rendered by the word Varsa or its Prakrit equivalent, and these are so intimately connected with the Kusada group of Indian inscriptions through palaeographical similarity that it is impossible to assert that the dates in them can be referred to any era other than that used in the Kusina insoription themselves. These are (1) An inscription found in a Hura in Muchai in Yasafzai and referred to in the Report of the exploration by the 10th Sappers, under Captain Maxwell, in 1882. The date is the year 81. This inscription, as far as I know, has not been edited before, so I bave edited it at the end of this paper. (2) The Skarradheri image inscription, the year 179.86 (3) The Kaldarra inscription of the year 113. As to Dr. Kielhorn's second observation, that the Kusana dates, with one exception which mentions a Macedonian month, are all season dates, while the dates of the inscriptions of the Western Ksatrapas, all quote ordinary lunar months, it mast be admitted that all Brahmi inscriptions belonging to the reigns of Kanigka, Havigka, and Vasudeva contain season dates. But the dates in the Kbarogthi inscriptions of these princes contain ordinary solar months (1) Zeda .. ... ... ... Sam 11, 28th day of Asada (Agadha). (2) Manikyala... ... ... ... ... San 18, 20th day of Kartiya (Karttika). Sar 18, 20th day (3) Ara (edited at the end of this Sarn 41, 5th day of Pothavada (Praustbapada). paper). To this may be added two others which do not contain the names of any princes - (4) Ohind ... ... ... ... .... Sam 61, 8th day of Cetra (Caitra). .. (6) Fateh Jang ... ... ... Sam 68, 16th day of Pothavada (Prausthapada). The dates, with years above one hundred, should also be taken in a line with these (6) Takht-i-Bahai Sam 108, 5th day of Vesakha (Vaisak ka). (7) Paja ... Sam 111, 15th day of Sravana (Sravana). (8) Kaldarra ... Sam 113, 20th day of Sravana (Sravana). (9) Panjtar - ... - Sam 122, 1st day of Sravana (Sravana). (10) Skarradheri ... ... ... Sam 179, 10th day of Asads (Asadha). (11) Dewai ... Sau 200, 8th day of Vesakha (Vwisakha). The Brahmi inscription of the year 135 mentions the month and day as " Pagyamase divase visabo di 20," which seems to be a compromise between solar month dates and sea son dates. Similarly, also, in the Mathara Jaina image inscription of the reign of Kumara Gupts I of the year 113 we find that the month and the day has been put in a niander which also seems to be a compromise between solar month dates and season dates, "Vijayarajya Sam (100, 10) 3 Karttika Hema) nta mi(sn 8) di(va) sa 20, asyapurvvayam" etc. According to Dr. Kielhorn himself, the solar month is also used in Saka dates. But this use of solar months in Saka dates appears for the first time so late as in the year 944 = 1022 A. D. Bat the months mentioned above are undoubtedly solar months, and in those we see that beginning with the year 11 up to the year 200 the months used in Kusina dates are solar months. With the exception of some of Ugavadata's inscriptions all Western Ksatrapa "1. 4., VOL. XX, P. 404. Stratton, J. A. 0. 8., Vol. XXIV, Part I, p. 1, and plate; and Yogol, Amwal Roport of the Archeological Burvey of India, 1901, p. 855, and plato Lux., No. 9.

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FEBRUARY, 1908.) SOYTHIAN PERIOD OF INDIAN HISTORY. 47 dates are Brahmanical records. May it not be that the Buddhists of the earlier centuries of the Christian era used solar months in the reckonings, while the Brahmans used the lunar month, as their religious ceremonies and festivals are always connected with Tithis and Paksas. Dr. Kielhorn holds that in the majority of Saks dates with solar months the Tithis and Palsas are also quoted. But this may have been the effect of the long residence of the era in Southern India where the solar reckoning, notwithstanding the nominal use of solar months, is of little practical importance" (I. A., Vol. XXV, p. 270). It may be that the use of the lunar month dates in Saka era is the result of its long residence in Southern India and that the use of the solar month names is the result of its northern and civil origin, The Saks era is undoubtedly of civil origin and during its earlier portion the omission of lunar months, Paksae and Tiths, in it does not seem irregular. In any way it can hardly be maintained now that the wording of the dates of Kaniska, Huviska and Vasudeva are radically opposed to the wording of the Saka dates." Dr. Fleet finds a confirmation of his theory in the Takht-i-Bahai inscription of Gondophernes which is dated in the year 103 and in the 26th year of the reign of Goodophernes, . The coins of Gondophernes indicate, according to Canningham, that he must be placed later than those of the dynasties of Vonones and Azaa and earlier than those of Kaniska.86 The Christian legends make Gondopbernes & contemporary of the Apostle Thomas. If the date of this inscription is referred to the Malava-Vikrama era, then only a satisfactory result is obtainable. Because in that case the accession of Gondophernee falls in the year 21 A. D. In the Christian logends the name of Gondophernes is associated with another Indian prince named Mazdai or Misdeos, and M. Sylvain Levi identifies this prince with the BAZAHO or BAZOAHO of the coins and the Vasudeva of the ingoriptions. The earliest inscription of Vasudeva is dated in the year 74, and so if this date is referred to the Vikrama era it becomes equivalent to 18 A. D., which makes bim a contemporary of Gondophernes. This result, according to Dr. Fleet, clearly shows that the dates in the Kusina inscriptions must be referred to the Malavs- Vikrama era, because in this case only a satisfactory solution of the problem is brought about conjointly by three separate lines of evidence, the palmographic, the numismatic, and the historic. These three separate lines of evidence tend to prove that the reign of Gondophernes is to be placed in the first half of the first century A. D. Dr. Bubler placed the Takht-i-Babai inscription of Gondophernes in the fourth group of his classification of Kharosthi records," which begins with the Takht-i-Bahai inscription of Godopherres and is fully developed in the inscriptions of the later Kusana kings Kanisks and Huviska." 87 But we have seen already that Dr. Buhler, thronghout his work, has taken the characters of the SueVihar inscription as representing the characters of the Kusana inscriptions, because that inseription is the only one of which a complete and intelligible interpretation has been given. But it has also been shown that the characters of the Soe-Vihar plate cannot be taken to represent Kharosthi characters of the Kusans period. If we compare the Takht-i-Babai inscription with that of Manikyala or that from Zeda, then the following conclusions follow: (1) The Ka, both in the Manikyala and Zeds inscriptions, is arobaio, while that in the fifth line of the Takht-i-Bahai inscription is later, as it shows a slight curve on the top as found also in the Panjtar and Kaldarra inscriptions. (2) The characters resemble those of the Panjtar and Kaldarra inscriptions rather than those of Manikyala or Zeda. (3) The symbol for 100 is exactly like those found in the Panjtar and Mount Banje inscriptions. * Ounningham's Coins of the Salas (reprinted from the Nomiamatic Chronicle), p. 15. Indian Palaography (od. Floot), p. 25. Senart's No. 36 in J. 4., 9 norio, tom, IV, p. 514; pl. v.

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48 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1908. The above conclusions show that from the palaeographic standpoint Kaniska cannot be placed later than Gondophernes as proposed by Dr. Bubler, General Cunningham, Mr. V. A. Smith, and others; 89 on the other hand the palaeographical evidence clearly proves that Gondophernes reigned after the Kusana group. The historic evidence is chiefly based on the Christian chroniclers. According to the Acts of St. Thomas, that apostle came to the Court of an Indian king named Gondopherres. These Acts also relate the visit of St. Thomas to another Indian king named Mazdai or Misdens who is thus made the contemporary of Gadnaphar or Gondophernes. These Acts occur in various languages, and in most cases the version of the story is the same.90 Dr. Wright, who edited these Acts, places the date of their composition not later than the 4th century, while Mr. Burkitt places the date before the middle of the 3rd century A. D.91 No author takes the date of the composition of these Acts to the first and second centuries of the Christian era, and no confidence can be placed on chroniclers who wrote two centuries after the actual occurrence. St. Thomas may have visited India, but the statement that he was a contemporary of the kings Gondophernes and Misdaios is extremely unreliable. "That the stories in the Acts of St. Thomas have little or no historical basis is indeed almost self-evident."92 Mazdai may be another form of Vasudeva, bat it cannot be said with absolute certainty that it is so. The numismatic evidence seems to fix the position of Gondophernes in the first half of the first century of the Christian era. But this happens only when the coins of this prince are compared with those of other Indian princes, but one important consideration has been lost sight of by the numismatists. This is that one class of coins of this prince on which the legend is only in Greek, the Kharosthi one being absent, are undoubtedly of the Parthian type. And that they should be compared with the coinage of Parthian monarchs and not with those of the Indian princes. The date of Gondophernes, if it is to be obtained from numismatic evidence only, should be deduced by comparing bis coins with those of the Arsakida. Thus we see that of the three separate lines of evidence which tend to place Gondophernes in or about the middle of the first century A. D., the first and second are uncertain, while the third is unreliable. The Takht-i-Babai inscriptions of Gondophernes is d'ated in the year 103, and the question arises to what particular era this date is to be referred. Three eras have been mentioned up to date - (1) Dr. Fleet's theory that the date should be referred to the Malava-Vikrama era. (2) Mr. V. A. Smith's theory that the inscription is dated in the Caesarean era of Antioch.% (3) The theory put forth by Messrs. Bhandarkar that the inscription is dated in the Saka era.95 The improbability of the use of the Malava-Vikrama era in the Panjab in the first two or three centuries of the Christian era is evident from the remarks of Dr. Kielhorn, Mr. V. A. Smith has also clearly shown that the use of that era in this inscription is impossible. The arguments put forth by Dr. Fleet against the use of Caesarean era of Antioch in India are decisive and leave no doubt.97 89 V. A. Smith's Early History of India, p. 202. 9. For further partioulars, see Levi, J. A., July-December, 1898, pp. 414-94, and Jannary Jane, 1807, PP. 27-2; also W. R. Philip. I. A., 1903, pp. 1 and 145, Aud Dr. Fleet, J. R. 4. 8., 1905, p. 203. 91 1. A., Vol. XXXII, p. 2. e Prof. Burkitt, quoted by Mr. J. Kennedy in his review of Bishop Medly cott's "India and Apostle Thomas," 9.1. 2, S., October, 1906, p. 1020. 95 J.A.A. 8., 1903, p. 331. * Z, D. M. G., 1903, p. 71. 9 J. B. BR. 4. B., Vol. XX, p. 382, and J. R. 4. 8., July, 1906, p. 705. 95 J. R, 18., October, 1903, p. 1005. 9 J. R. 4. 8., July, 1906, p. 706.

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FEBRUARY, 1903.) SCYTHIAN PERIOD OF INDIAN HISTORY 49 The third theory has been objected to by Dr. Fleet on the ground that there are no real grounds for thinking that the Sakas ever figured as invaders of any part of Northern India above Kathiawad, and the southern and western parts of the territory now known as Malwa."$ Up to date two inscriptions have been discovered in Northern India which contains the word Saka. These are -- (1) The inscription P. on the Mathura Lion Capital, 99 (2) A Jaina inscription from Mathura 100 The first inscription is in Kharosthi, and runs as follows : -. Sarvasa Sakastanasa puyae. This was translated by the late Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji as - 'In honour of the whole of Sakastana, i. e., Sakasthana or the land of the Sakas.' Dr. Fleet proves that in this inscription the word Saka is equal to Svaka, i. e., own,' and so he takes the inscription to mean - "In honour of his own home."1 Bat Dr. Hultzsch corrects him that evidently Sarvasa is the name of the donor in the genitive case. Dr. Fleet the translates it as follows: -- (The gift of Sarva in honour of his own home. It is plain that Dr. Bhagwanlal Indsaji's translation is quite natural, while Dr. Fleet's version is rather strained. In other votive inscriptions it is generally said that such and such things have been erected in honour of one's father and mother or other relations or one's gods, but the erection of anything in honour of a land is novel. But again the erection of something in honour of one's homestead is absolutely incompatible with Indian ideas. An Indian honours his father and mother, his spiritual teacher, and it may be also that he honours his other relations; he honours his own god, be it a Buddha or an Arhat; he may also erect something in honour of his country: but he never erects anything either in honour of his own self or his own homestead. Of course, it is possible to take these Prakrit words to mean many things at the same time, but there is always a limit beyond which these meanings, even when possible, should not be stretched. This interpretation of the word Sala as equivalent to Svaka takes the meaning beyond that limit. Dr. Fleet's other argument that the word Sthana in Sanskrit, does not mean a country is admissible, but Mr. Thomas' researches show that the word is foreign and probably of Persian origin, and it is sure that it has been used by one who was a non-Indian and probably a Persian. The Sakastania of the inscription P. of the Mathura Lion Capital is undoubtedly the Sakastene of Isidorus of Charax.3 The second inscription runs as follows: (1) (Na)mo Arahato Vardhamanasya Gotiputrasa Pohaya-Saka-ka lavalasa, (2).... Kosikiye Simitraye Ayagapato p(t)a(ti). The word Saka in this inscription has been interpreted in two ways. Dr. Buhler took it to mean the Scythians and tranlated the inscription as follows : -" Reverence to the Arbat Vardhamana! A tablet of homage (was set up) by Srimitra, the Kosiki (wife) of Gotiputrawho is (or was) a black serpent to Pothayas and Sakas." But Dr. Fleet takes this word Saka to mean a Buddhist and it is quite possible. The word Saka in Prakrit may mcan both a Scythian and a Sakya or Buddhist. To Dr. Fleet's list of instances in which the word Saka means a Sakya, I may add one more. During the working season of 1905-06 some excavations were made at Rajgir by Mr. J. H. Marshall and Dr. T. Bloch, during which a piece of inscribed red sand-stone was discovered. Only some boughs of trees are discernible on this stone, and below this are the words Saka Muni in Northern Ksatrapa characters and this undoubtedly becomes in Sanskrit Sakya Muni, i. e., Buddha. But it cannot be maintained that in the Prakrit of this period the word Saka or Saka means only a Buddhist and not a Scythian. * J. R. A. 8., 1905, p. 230. 1 J. R. A. 8., 1904, p. 703. * J. R. A. 8., 1894, p. 540. ? J. R.A. 8., 1905, p. 154. 100 E.I., Vol. I, p. 396, No. 33. J. R. 4. 8., Jangary, 1906, p. 192.

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50 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. FEBRUARY, 1908. : | 11 There is another evidence, which shows independently of numismatics, that the Sakas ruled in India before the Kusana family, but this has been altogether ignored by Dr. Fleet. He has repeatedly stated that Rajuvala and his son Sodaba were contemporaries of Vasudeva and that they kept him out of Mathura but this statement is not supported by a single fact :-On the other hand the characters of the three inscriptions of Sodans are decidedly archaic and earlier than those of the inscriptions of the Kusanas. These inscriptions constitute a special group in Indian palaeography which shows the transition between the earliest inscriptions from Mathura and the inscriptions of the Kusana period.5 Dr. Buhler has taken the characters of these inscriptions as the Northern types of Ksatrapa characters and has devoted a separate section to them. His remarks in the second volume of the Epigraphia Indica leave no doubt as to this - "Though the precise date assigned to Sodass may be doubted, still he must have ruled at Mathura in the first centary B. C., before the time of Kaniska and his successor." And again the Mahak atrapas of Mathura must have passed away before the Kusanas reigned there." These three inscriptions prove that there was a line of foreign rulers in Northern India before the Kusanas. Then again numismatics prove the existence of several other rulers who were also foreigners. They may be of Persian origin as Mr. Thomas takes them, but even then to the main body of the Indian people they were Sakas. The only other statement of Dr. Fleet which seems to me to be peculiar is that Kozoulo-Kadphises and Hima-Kadphises were preceded by Kaniska, Huviska, and Vasudeva, and that t'ey belong to quite a different dynasty. Dr. Fleet has found & supporter of this viewDr. Otto Francke. There is no doubt about the fact that KozouloKadphises and Wema-Kadphises were Kusadas, as on their coin legends they are expressly called 80. Then the types of the coins of these princes are decidedly earlier, and at the same time connected by a symbol to those of Kaniska, Huvisks, and Vasudeva. These two facts prove that Kozoulo-Kadphises and Wema-Kadphises belong to the same group as Kaniska, Haviska, and Vasudeva, and that former two princes preceded the later three. On the data at present available the exact relationship between Kozoulo and Hema-Kadphises and Kaniska cannot be determined. Indian numismatics has vastly improved since the days of James Prinsep, and his suggestion that the Kadphises belonged to a separate group can hardly be relied on at the present date. With regard to the latest argument of Dr. Fleet, adduced in favour of his theory, it may be said that the remarks of Hiuen Thsang bimself makes it impossible to place any reliance on them. The traditional date of Kaniska, which places him four hundred years after the death of Gautama Buddha, is a mere tradition. The exact date of Buddha's death still remains to be ascertained, and Dr. Fleet's assumption that Buddha died in 482 B. C. is a mere theory. Hiuen Thsang himself states that "As regards the period since Buddha's nirvana the schools are of very diverse views. Some say it dates back over twelve hundred years, others over thirteen hundred years, a third section over fifteen hundred years, others again over nine hundred. Yet Done say thousand. On this the statement of Dr. Francke, "The Tang-Annals and the Sui-Annals each get different dates from these, so that it is impossible to fix the accession of Kaniska by this data," seems to be conclusive 10 The second theory of the second group is that put forth by Messrs. Pergasson and Oldenberg. It holds that Kaniska founded the Saka ere and that the dates in the Kisana inscriptions should be referred to that era. It has already been shown that this theory was based upon insufficient grounds and so it is untenable. But in spite of that we find eminent scholars still maintaining that the Kusana inscriptions should be referred to the Saka era. Dr. Buhler never clearly expressed any opinion on this point, but the general tenor of his writings express that the * J. R. A. 8., 1904, p. 706. * Dr. Blooh has fully dealt with those inscriptions in bis paper "An Inscribed Buddhist Statue from Bravaati." J. 4. 8. B., Vol. LXVII, Part I, 1898, p. 274. * E. I, Vol. II, p. 196. 1.., February, 1906, p. 47. J.R. 4. 8., October, 1906, p. 979. Beal'. Buddhist Record of the Western Words, Vol. II, p. 38. . . A., February, 1906, p. 18.

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FEBRUARY, 1908. SOYTHIAN PERIOD OF INDIAN HISTORY. 51 Kagana dates should be referred to the Saka era. Though General Cunningham had pat forth two theories on Kusans dates, yet in his last work we find that he places the Saka era by the side of the Seleucidan ers in the interpretation of Kusana dates.11 Mr. Rapson, in his Indian Coins, says the Saka era has unusually been supposed to date from the abhisika of Kaniska at Mathura.13 Last of all Mr. V. A. Smith, before he undertook to prove the use of the Laukika era in Kusana inscriptions, was of opinion that the date of the accession of Kaniska lies between B. C. 57 and 78 A.D., and probably took place in the year 65 A. D.13 Later on, when he published his paper on the chronology of the Kushan period, he makes the following objections to the use of the Saka era in the Kusada inscriptions: - (1) The current belief that Kaniska ascended the throne in 78 A. D. adds half a century to the gap between the Kusanas and the Guptas and is less easily reconcilable with palaeographic facts. (2) The Saka or Salivahana era originated in Western India and did not come even into partial use in Northern India until a late period. (3) The theories of Oldenberg and Bbandarkar, which agree in doctrine that the Kusans inscriptions are dated according to the Saka era, require as, contrary to all probability, to assume that the Saka reckoning was adopted for a century in Northern India and then dropped. dropped. The arguments of Mr. Bhandarkar have already been dealt with above and we have seen that - (1) Kaniska was a Saka ; (2) The Kusans inscriptions are not dated in any era with the hundreds omitted ; and (3) It is possible to place the accession of Kaniska about the year 78 A.D. If Kaniska was a Saka, and his accession took place in or about 78 A. D., the natural tendency is to connect him with the Indian era, whose initial year falls in 78-9 A. D. and which is known by the name of Saka era. But serions obstacles mentioned above have been raised against the use of this era in Northern India. The first objection is that the use of the Saka era adds half a centary more to the gap between the Kusanas and the Guptas than does the Laukika theory, and so is less reconcilable with paleographical facts. As regards the palaeography of the Kusana inscriptions, Mr. Smith says :- "It is not always easy by mere inspection to distinguish an inscription of the Kusana from one of the Gupta period. Many alphabetical forms specially characteristic of the Gupta inscriptions are found sporadically in Kusana records, while on the other hand Gupta documents often exhibit archaic forms specially characteristic of the Kusans age." The above statement is only partially true, because a number of Kupana records do not at all exhibit later forms, but on the other hand exhibit many archaic formg. The study of Kusana and cognate inscriptions leads one to the following conclusions: (1) The inscriptions which are marked as archaic in the list on pages 37, 38 above do not belong to the Kusana period proper but to an earlier one. (2) The majority of Buddhist inscriptions exhibit arcbaic forms. Compare Nos. 1, 2, and 29 of the list. (3) Archaic forms are absent from the majority of the Jaina inscriptions. Thus, out of 57 inscriptions in the list which are undoubtedly Jaina and belong to the Kusana period, only 10 inscriptions exhibit archaic forms. (4) The characters of the Buddhist inscriptions are angular, neatly incised, and pleasing to the eye. Compare Nos. 1, 2, 29, 34, 89, and 48 of the list. (5) The characters of the Jaina inscriptions are extremely cursive, in most cases incorrect and ugly. 11 The date referred to here in the year 64 on the Bodh Gaya image inscription which Cunningham believed to be a Kagana date, but it has been proved above that this is really a Gupta dato. Seo Cunningham's Mahabodhi, Pp. 7 and 21. 11 Indian Coins, p. 18. 11 V. A. Smith's Jaina Stupa of Mathura and other Antiquitiss, pp. 4-5. 14 J. R. A. 8., 1909, p. 35.

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82 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1908. Thus, if a comparison is made between two inscriptions, one of which is Jaina and the other Buddhist, and which mention the name of the same king and contain dates near enough to allow of comparison, then the difference in the form of the characters would be instantly recognised. The characters of the Jains inscription would appear to be very late modifications of those of the Buddhist one. If the Sarnath inscription of the year 3 (No. 1), which is Buddhist, is compared with the Mathura inscription of the year 4, a Jaina record, the above statement would at once be evident. In fact, it is very difficult to distinguish between Jaina inscriptions of the Kusana period and those of the Gupta period, but not between Buddhist inscriptions of the Kusana period. The only cause of this is that the Jaina inscriptions of Mathura are in & script which was very much in advance even of the current script of the period. It is very well known that the current script used in every day lift of a period is very much more in advance of the script exhibited on epigrapbical records. Dr. Buhler has already noticed the influence of the current band of the period on Indo-Scythian inscriptions. Most of the Jaina inscriptions mention the particular Gana, Kula, and Sakhu to which the donor, belonged, and in particular cases mention is made that the donor was either a Srestbin or Sarthavaha 16 so it is extremely probable that these donors of the Indo-Scythian period, like their descendants at the present day, were merchants or traders. Now it is well known that Indian merchants and traders use an extremely cursive script in their daily transactions. The Banias and Modis and the clerks of merchants and big traders at the present day use a script which is very much in advance of the current hand and still more so of that used in print. It is also extremely probable that the Jains merchants and traders of the Indo-Scythian period, in recording their religious donations, used the same script as in their business transactions. This in fact is the only explanation for the presence of later forms in inscriptions of the first and the second century A. D. In this case a difference of 40 or 60 years would not matter very much, and it cannot be held that, if the date of the accession of Kanigka is placed 47 years earlier, it would be less easily reconcilable with palaeographical facts, because the later forms which occur in these inscriptions become common two centuries later. If we exclude the Jaina inscriptions we find that the characters of the other inscriptions of this period do not show any marked affinity to those of the inscriptions of the Gupta period. The Jains records of the Kusans period form a unique series of Indian epigraphs showing very advanced forms of characters, the parallel of which has not as yet been found in India. I may note here that one at least of the inscriptions of this period is official. This is No. 29 of the list. Nos. 1 and 2 may also be taken as official. No. 1 is decidedly official, as it mentions the name of the two satraps, probably father and son, the Mahaksatrapa Kharapallana and the Ksatrapa Vanaspars, while the second may also be taken to be an official inscription because the friars Bals and Pasyavaddhi were undoubtedly personages who possessed great influence at the Royal Court; for governors of provinces, however devout they may be, do not take so strong an interest in the gifts of ordinary monks as these two do. I may also note that I cannot agree with Dr. Vogel's interpretation of the relation between the satraps and the monks. Dr. Vogel says : - The question has been raised how mendicants who have to beg for their food and are not allowed worldly possessions could make donations which would necessarily involve considerable expenditure. Perhaps the Sarnath inscriptions afford an explanation. We may suppose that the two satraps supplied the necessary funds, but the gift was carried on under the supervision of the friar Bala, who thos was fully justified in calling the gift his own,"16 One of the main points of discussion which necessitated the making of a second Buddhist Council at Vaibali, was whether the monks were to receive gold or silver as gifts or not. Mention is made of monks of Vaisali who actually received gold and silver as gifts.17 This proves that the Buddhist monks were not above accepting gold and silver as gifts. Moreover, the inscriptions on the pedestal expressly states: - (1) Bhiksusya Balasya Trepitakasya Bodhisatvo pratisthapito (2) mahaksatrapena Kharapallanena sala ksatrapena Vanasparena. * B. I, Vol. I, p. 373. ogx. 1., Vol. VIII, p. 178. 11 Rockhill's Life of Buddha, p. 178.

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SOYTHIAN PERIOD OF INDIAN HISTORY. FEBRUARY, 1908.] That is, the Bodhisattva image of the Bhiksu Bala, who was well versed in the three pitakas, was set up by the great satrap Kharapallina and the satrap Vanaspara. They may have placed the money at the disposal of the satrap and then left Benares to some other holy place, while the satraps superintended the carving and the erection of the statue. The text of the inscription on the umbrella shaft: Line (3)... Bhiksusya Balasya Trepitakasya (4) Bodhisattvo. . . . . . pratisthapito 53 Line (8) saha kaatrapena Vanasparena Kharapalla >> (9) nena ca.... In the way expressed above means accordingly that the satraps also acquired merit by their labour of superintendence. The second and third objections to the use of the Saka era in Northern India in the Kusana period may be answered together. There is no direct proof that the Saka era originated in Western India. On the other hand, the researches of Mr. Bhandarkar clearly prove that the era was originally founded in Northern India, and that Nahapana and Castana were Northerners, and most probably were merely provincial governors. There is no need to assume that the Saka reckoning was adopted for a century in Northern India and then dropped. If we take the Saka era to have begun from the date of the accession of Kaniska, then we find that it was in use in Mathura up to the year 308-9 A. D. Thus the Saka reckoning was not merely adopted for a century but for two centuries or more. Then the invasions of later Kusanas from the North-Western provinces and the rise of the Gupta empire gradually drove it out of Northern India, but it remained in use in the South-Western provinces of the Kusana empire. The use of the Gupta era affords a parallel case. It originated in Northern India in A. D. 318-19. It remained there in use for three centuries (if we exclude the dates from Nepal, then the latest date is the year 300 on the Ganjam plate of SasankaE. I., Vol. VI, p. 143), then it was driven out of Northern India by the Harga and MalavaVikrama eras. It is possible that if the successors of Harsavardhana had been able and powerful rulers like those of Candra Gupta I, the Gupta era could hardly have remained in use in Nepal for two more centuries. But it is known that the Gupta era was current in Western India up to the 12th or 13th centuries A. D., and that in its later days it was known as the Valabhi Samvat. So it is evident that it is also possible for the Saka era to have originated in Northern India, and after three hundred years to have been driven out of it and to have remained current in one single part of its original area for several centuries longer. It is also probable that the name of the era was given to it long after its formation. The inscriptions of the Western satraps do not mention its name, though it is certain that their dates should be referred to the Saka era. The earliest inseription in which the name is mentioned is the Badami cave inscription of the Calakys Mangalisa,18 The name Salivahana was applied to it for the first time in the year 1194 of this era, i. e., 1272 A. D.19 Thus we find that all serious obstacles to the use of the Saka era in Northern India and in the Kugana inscriptions disappear. But we must admit that there is no direct evidence to show that Kaniska founded the Saka era, and it is doubtful whether any such evidence will ever be found. But it is possible, as Dr. Fleet says, that this era is one of those eras that originated in an extension of regnal or dynastic years.20 It was actually set going as an era by the successor who did not break the reckoning so started by introducing another according to his own regnal years. But between the accession of Kaniska in 78 A. D. and the death of Eukratidas in B. C. 156, we find a host of princes ruling the country between Bactria and the Panjab, whose position and sequence require to be settled before we proceed to deal with the events of the reigns of Kaniska and his 18 L A., Vol. II, p. 805; Vol. VI, p. 363; and Vol. X, p. 58; and E. I., Vol. VII, Appendix, p. 2, No. 8. >> Fleet, Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. III, p. 149. 1 Kielhorn in I. A., Vol. XXVI, p. 150. 31 V. A, Smith's Early History, p. 217.

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54 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (FEBRUARY, 1908. successors. Most of these princes are known to us only through their coins. They are, as we bave seen, divisible into three classes - (a) The Scythians; (6) the later Greeks; and (c) the Parthians. It will be shown later on that it is impossible to place a Parthian dynasty ruling over Seistan and Gandhara in the first century of the Christian era. There remain only the Greeks and the Beythians. The most important of the Greek princes were Menander and Apollodotos, who are mentioned by the classical historians as the conquerors of India.22 It is hardly possible to lay down the exact chronological sequence of the other Greek princes. The last of them is Hermaios, who probably ruled in the Kabul valley in the opening year of the Christian era and was to some extent the contemporary of Kiutsiu-kio or Kozoulo-Kadphases. There are some coins on which the Greek legend bears the name of Hermaios, while the Kharosthi one bears that of Kadphises I. It may be that Kadphises I acknowledged the over-lordship of Hermaios before he united the five Yue-ebi principalities under his sway. It is certain that Kadphises I swept away the Greek rule from Afghanistan. The Scythian prinoes, who preceded Kaniska, are also know to us chiefly from their coins, but they have also left several inscriptions. The earliest of them, according to the numismatists, is Maues or Meas, but his coins are found only in the Panjab, and Mr. D. B. Bbendarkar accordingly takes him to be the last of the Scythian princes. Vonones, whose coins are found in Kandahar, Ghazni, and Seistan, was probably the first prince of these early Seythian conquerors. He was succeeded by his nephew, Spalirises, who, with his father, Spalahores) and his brother, Spalagsdames, were his tributaries. After Spalirises, a prince named Azes or Aya seems to have ascended the throne. Azee was at first subordinate both to Vonones and Spalirises, Azes was succeeded by Azilises, after whom the dynasty seems to have been reduced to a subordinate position. According to the authority of Mr. Rapson, Vonones seems to have come to the throne at the beginning of the first centary B.O. His coins are fairly numerous, and we may safely assign to him a reign of 25 years. He seems to have lived in the West, probably in Seistan, while his deputies ruled Afghanistan and the Panjab in bis name. On the above assumption the accession of his nephew, Spalirises, may be placed in the year 70 B. C. Both Azes and his nephew, Spalagadames, were the taibutaries of this priace. His coins are not so very aumerous, and a reign of 15 years is quite sufficient for him. After Spalirises this dynasty comes to an end, and Azes, who was a tributary prince both under Venones and Spakirises, makes himself independent in the Panjab. Afghanistan seems to have passed into the sway of the Yue-chi chieftains. The coins of Azes are not obtainable in Afghanistan, but they are fairly numerous in the Panjab, and a reign of 15 years may be allowed to him, as he is known to have reigned for a long time as subordinate to Vonones and Spalarises. He was succeeded by Azilises, whose exact relationship to Azes cannot be ascertained. At this time a prince of the Koei-Cbaouang or the Kufanas or Heruns, who is most probably the In-mo-fu of the Chinese historians, conquered Ki-pin (Kapisa). The existence of Hermaios at the beginning of the Christian era shows, that a number of Greek principalities still remained in the hilly fastnesses of Afghanistan and the Western Panjab in a subordinate position to the Scythian monarchs. After the demise or overthrow of Acilises, the Scythian provincial governors made themselves independent. They were known by the Persian title satrap (Sanskrit Ksatrapa), and probably recognised the nominal supremacy of the descendants or successors of Azilises, such as Azes II, Maces, and others. But there is much difference of opinion as to the exact chronological position of the Scythian satraps. Two of these satrap dynasties are well known. These are the dynasties of Taxila or Taksasila and that of Mathari, while coins bearing the names of other straps are not wanting, such as Hagana and Bagamann, Zeionises or Jihadia, son of Manigal, and others. The folowing are the different opinions expressed about the chronological positions of these satrape : (1) Mr. V. A. Smith argues that the bemidrachms of Rajuvula imitate and are found with those of Strato II, who was the son of Strato I, who was a contemporary of Heliokjes, the last Greek king who raled north of the Hindu Kush. Heliokles is certainly the son and successor of Eukratides Trogas, p. 41.

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FEBRUARY, 1908.] who died about B. C. 150. contemporary with Strato I, Rajuvula, the Saka satrap of B. C. 120. SOYTHIAN PERIOD OF INDIAN HISTORY. 55 Inasmuch as Heliokles, the son and successor of Eukratides, was the father of Strato II, who was approximately contemporary with Mathura, the accession of the last named prince must be very close to The fact that the coins of Rajuvula imitate those of Strato II shows that Rajuvula must be placed after Strato II and not before him, and nothing more than this can be said to be an accurate deduction. Numismatics is of importance only when epigraphy is absent. It may also aid epigraphy, but numismatics can hardly be relied on against deductions based on epigraphy and paleography. These two satrap dynasties possess several inscriptions, and it will be seen later on that the characters of the inscriptions of these satraps preclude any possibility of their being placed 200 hundred years before the accession of Kaniska. One of the highest authorities on Indian numismatics places the Saka satraps in the middle of the let century B. C.23 (2) Mr. D. R. Bhandarkar places Sodasa, the son of Bajuvula, in the Saka year 72 = 150 A. D., and Patika of Taxila in the Saka year 78=156 A. D., while the accession of Kaniska is placed in the year 278 A. D. (3) Dr. Fleet takes Sodasa and Rajuvula to be nearly contemporaries of Vasudeve. The inscriptions of the Scythian satraps occur both in Brahmi and in Kharosthi. They are as follows: (1) The Taxila copperplate of Patika, the son of Liaka Kusulake. The record is dated in the year 78 of the (reign of the) Maharaja Moga.2 (2) The Mathura Lion Pillar Capital incriptions, recording the various donations of the two satrap families of Taxila and Mathura. This record establishes that Sodasa was a contemporary of Patika and consequently Rajuvula of Liaka,25 The records mentioned above are in Kharosthi, while the others given below are in Brahmi(3) A Jaina record of the year 72 of the reign of the great satrap Sodasa, 28 (4) A Brahmanical record of the reign of the great satrap Sodasa,37 (5) An inscription found on a well at Mora, seven miles from Mathura.20 The Kharosthi inscriptions mentioned above form the third variety of Dr. Buhler's division of Kharosthi records. But as has been shown above, if the characters of the Manikyala inscription are taken as representing the fourth variety instead of the Sue-Vihar inscription, the difference between the forms of the characters of these two varieties diminish. The characters of the third variety show that they immediately preceded those of the fourth variety. The Taxila copperplate cannot be placed two hundred years before the Manikyala inscription. The paleography of the Brahmi inscriptions also supports the above conclusion. When Dr. Buhler's Indische Palaeographie was published, it was supposed that the difference between the Ksatrapa and Kusana periods was considerable. But recent discoveries have shown that this difference cannot be much. The excavations of Sarnath have yielded three records to the list of dated Kugana inscriptions. Two of these are from Sarnath, and the third is from Set-Mabet and was discovered more than forty years ago. The first line of the Sravasti inscription is much damaged and consequently the name of the reigning monarch and the date is lost. When Dr. Bloch published this inscription in 189829 he was led by the paleography of the 13 Rapson's Indian Coins, p. 8. 24 A. S. R., Vol II, p. 133, and plate lix.; J. R. A. S., 1894, p. 551; and E. I., Vol. IV, p. 54, and plate. 25 J. R. A. 8., 1894, p. 525. Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji edited these inscriptions without any facsimile. A fresh edition with a facsimile is much needed, but this insoription is out of the reach of Indians as it is in the British Museum. 20 E. L, Vol. II, p. 199, No. 2. 37 A..S. R., Vol. III, p. 30, No. 1; and 1. A., Vol. XXXIII, p. 149, No. 24 24. S. R., Vol. XX, p. 49, plate v, No. 4. 2 J. A. 8. B., 1898, Part I, p. 274,

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56 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1908. inscription to place it in the period which included the reigns of Rajuvula and Sodasa. But the Sarnath inscription of the year 8 of the reign of Maharaja Kaniaka shows that the donors of the two statues are the same. There are also reasons to make us believe that the Sravasti inscription was incised after the Sarnath record. The subscript ya, which is always tripartite in the Sarnath inscriptions, is once bipartite in the Sravasti inscription (at the end of the second line in Pusya). This clearly indicates that the difference between the reigns of Rajuvula and Sodasa and Kaniska cannot be 200 years. In editing the inscriptions from Sarnatb, Dr. Vogel says, that "the similarity between the scripts of the Mathura satraps and that of the earliest of Kanizka is so striking that the two can hardly be separated by more than one century. If the former are to be placed in the 1st century B. C., paleographic evidence would point to the conclusion that the commencement of Kanigka's reign has been rightly supposed to fall in the first century A. D."30 It is evident then that the satraps of Mathura cannot be placed in B. C. 120. Dr. Fleet's statement as to the position of the satraps has been dealt with before, aod it is also evident that the statement that Sodasa was nearly the contemporary of Vasudeva is arbitrary. Mr. D. R. Bhandarkar also places Kaniska 200 years after Sodasa and makes the latter a contemporary of the Western Batrap Rudradams. But the characters of the Junagadh inscriptions of Rudradama are later than those of the Sarnath inscription of Kaniska, and so much later than those of the inscriptions of Sodasa. The date of Kaniaka certainly falls before Rudradama, and so it is not possible that Rudradama was a contemporary of Sodasa." The Sarnath inscription also shows that the title Mahaksatrapa does not imply that the holder of it was an independant sovereign. Rajuvula and Sodasa were probably the governors of Mathura under Azes II and Maues, who may thus be the king Moga of the Taxila copperplate inscription. Sodasa was probably succeeded by Kharabostes and Kalni.93 The reign of the earlier Scythian princes and satraps was brought to an end by the conquest of Northern India by Wema-Kadphises about the year 60 A. D. It is also probable, as Dr. Vogel remarks, that the satraps Kharapallana and Vanaspara were the descendants of the early Scythian satraps of Mathura.53 The fact that the coins of Wema-Kadphises are found as far As Ghazipur does not prove that Kadphises II conquered the whole of Northern India as far as Benares. The rapee bearing the bust and name of William IV of England, issued in 1885, is current up to the present day in the Panjab and the North-Western Frontier provinces. Is this a sufficient proof of the British occupation of the Panjab before 1848 A. D.? On the other band, the Sarnath inscription of Kaniska leaves no doubt as to the fact that Benares and the adjoining territory to some extent was included in the dominions of Kaniska. It is usual to find the coins of a previous reign current in provinces conquered years later. Numerous instances may be cited of this. We may safely assume, on the authority of the Chinese historians that Yeu-kao-ching or Wema-Kadphises conquered India. Bat it is impossible to state the extent of his conquests from numismatical evidence. Certain degree of probability may be imputed to the fact that he conquered only the Panjab and the country as far east as Mathura. Bat it is absolutely certain that Kaniske raled as far as Benares. It may be that Kaniska extended the empire up to Benares. It is not at all necessary to place the accession of Kaniska in B. C. 584 or in B. C. 235 simply because the Compendium of the We states that a Chinaman named King-la received Buddhist books from the Yue-cbi at that time. The unification of the Yue-chi might not have taken place before the initial * R. I, Vol. VIII, p. 175. 31 The truth of these remarks oan at once be proved by comparing the characters of the Junagadh innoription (E. I., Vol. VIII, p. 86) with those of the Sarnath inscription. The characters show that Rudradams must bave reigned at least 50 years after the incision of the Samnath record. * J. R. A. 8., 1894, PP. 588 and 549. * E. I., Vol. VIII, p. 173. # Philippe' translation of M. Levi's "Notes Sur les Indo-Soythes" in I. A., Vol. XXXI, p. 417. * Miss Nicholson's trapalation of Dr. Franke's "The Sok and Kaniska" in I. 4., Vol. XXXV, p. 33.

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MARCH, 1908.) SOYTHIAN PERIOD OF INDIAN HISTORY. 57 year of the Christian era. King-la might have received the Buddhist books from any other king of the five Yue-chi principalities. The coins of Kadphises I and II show that they favoured no particular religion. There is nothing to prevent as from supposing that King-lu received his Buddhist books before the conquest of the other Yae-chi principalities by Kiutsiu-Kio of the Koei-Chouang or that he received them from & private person at the command of the king. According to a lost Sanskrit work named Sri-Dharma-pitaka-sampradaya-nidana, translated into Chinese in the year 472 A. D., and quoted by M. Leri in his "Notes, " Kaniska is said to have conquered India as far as Patalipatra and carried off the Buddhist saint Asvaghosa. There is nothing in the shape of a direct evidence to show that Kaniska conquered Kasmira, but it is certain that be founded there a town called after him Kanigkapura, which is now known as Kanispor 37 So Kasmirs must have been included in his empire. His capital, as Mr. V. A. Smith holds, was probably Purusapura, 1. e., modern Peshawar. According to the Chinese translation quoted above, Kaniska engaged in a successful war with Parthis. The most glorious exploit of Kaniska was his conquest of Kashgar, Yarkand, and Khotan. It has been objected to by some scholars that the accession of Kaniska cannot be placed in 78 A, D., because a king of the Yue-chi at this time is known to have been defeated by the famous Chinese General Pan-Chao. M. Levi says, " if, as is generally done, we take the coronation of Kaniska as the starting point of the Saks era, we meet with an insurmountable difficulty. Pan-Chao's victorious campaign, pursued for thirty years ( 78=102 A. D.) without interruption, at this very time restored Si-Yu ( the Western provinces ) to the empire and carried Chinese arms beyond the regions explored by Chang-Kian as far as the confines of the Greco-Roman world. By 73 A. D. the king of Khotan had made his submission, and several other kings of that country followed his example and gave their eldest sons as hostages for their fidelity. Kashgar immediately after returned to obedience. The two passes by which the way to the South debouches into India were in the hands of the Chinese. The submission in the year 94, after a long resistance of Kharashar and the Kou-tche, secured to China also the route to the North. The Yue-chi bad not repounced their previous supremacy withont a struggle. In the year 90 the king of the Yue-chi sent an ambassador to domand a Chinese princess in marriage. . Pan-Chao deemed the request insolent, stopped the ambassador and sent him back. The king of the Yue-chi raised an army of 70,000 horsemen under the orders of the Viceroy Sie. Pan-Chao's troops were much frightened by this numerous army and his General had great trouble to reassure them; however, he made them see that the enemy, worn out by a long march and by the fatigues endured in crossing the Tsung-ling mountains, was not in # condition to attack them with advantage. Sie was vanquished and the king of the Yue-chi did not fail to send in every year the tribute imposed on him. It was not Kaniska at the apogee of his reign and power who consented to such a humiliation."38 Now tradition affirms that Kaniska was a great conqueror and conquered Kasbgar, Yarkand, and Khotan. Palaeography clearly places the accession of Kanigka in the year 78 A. D. The only possible conclusion that we can draw from all these data is that he was the king who was defeated and humiliated by Pan-Chao in A. D. 90, for it is certain that Kaniska was living in the year 96 A. D. To avoid this seeming discrepancy, Mr. V. A. Smith, as a further corroboration of his theory of Kusana chronology, holds that Kanigka conquered Kashgar, Yarkand, and Kbotan about the year 130 A. D., thus accomplishing what Wema-Kad phises, according to him, failed to do 40 years earlier. It is not the purpose of this paper to deny that Kanisks did not conquer Kashgar, Yarkand, and Khotan or that Pan-Chao did not defeat a Yue-chi king in 90 A. D., but to utilise fresh materials to render previous statements explicit and unite them into a homogeneous whole. * V. A. Smith's Early History, p. 827, footnote 2. * L 4., Vol. XXXI, pp. 421-22. . 7 Stofn'. Kajalarangini, Book I, pp. 188-72. * The Manikyala inscription of the year 18 = 98 A.D."

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38 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1908. - In & Kharosthi inscription, which is at present in the Lahore Museum, we find there confirmation of two things - (1) That Kaniska was possibly the Yue-chi king defeated by Pan-Chao ; and (2) Tbat Kaniska probably recovered Kashgar, Khotan, and Yarkand after the death of Pan-Chao in 102 A. D. The inscription itself contains no such thing, but the data which it supplies is sufficient to warrant such a conclusion. The inscription supplies us with two important informations. The first is that Wema-Kadphises was not the father of Kanigka, and that he was still reigning in the year 41 of his era. This inscription was discovered in an ancient well in a nala known as Ara, two miles from Bagnilab, and was presented to the Labore Museum, by Dr. M. A. Stein. It has been mentioned above as the Ara inscription (Lahore Museum, No. I, 133). The inscription is a small piece of stone measuring 1 ft. 8 ins. by 9 ins, and consists of six lines. The surface of the stone is extremely rough and uneven. The mason has not taken the trouble of planing the surface. I read the inscription as follows: Ara insoription of the year 41; Plate I. (1) Maharajasa rajatirajasa devapatrasa pa(?)thadbarasa ..... (2) Vasigpaputrasa Kaniskasa samvatsarae eka catari(60) .... (3) sam XX, XX, I, Cetasa masasa diva 4, 1 atra divasami Namikha .... (6) .... na puga paria pumana mabarathi Ratakhapata .. (5) atmanasa sabharya putrasa anugatyarthae savya .... (6) .... rae himacala. Kbipama .... Notes. (1) Some portions of the inscribed surface have peeled off, leaving holes, thus the upper portion of the second ja in Rajatirajasa is missing. The first line seems to have ended with a word which must have been an adjective, such as Devaputt asa, etc. The possessive case ending is clear and distinct. The ending words of all other lines, except the first, seems to be missing. There is a big hole after the letter va in diva in the third line. (2) The stroke in Devaputrasa is unusual. It has been attached to the nethermost part of the vertical line instead of the top of the horizontal loop. (3) The second letter of Kaniska's father's name is indistinct. It does not resemble any known Kharosthi single or compound letter. At first I took it to be dra, but now I find that dra has a quite different form in the Datreuil de Rbins Manuscript of the Dhammapada and on the coins of Menander and Epander. Dr. Vogel suggests that it is Si, and I accept it as the most probable solution. (4) The compound tna in Samvatsarae in the second line is new (cf. the inscription of the year 111 at the end of this paper, Lahore Museum, No. 1, 47, where tsa has a similar form ).. (5) In the fifth line the second letter ima is different from the form in which it appears in Dr. Bubler's Tables. (6) The subscript ya is expressed here by a complete loop as also in the Sue-Vihar copperplate inscription. Compare rya in Bharya and tya in Anugatyarthae. (7) The compound letter arthae has never been met with, and, as such, the reading is open to correction.

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Shakardarra inscription: the year 40. Plate I. 3x 33? n % 33ynt. TELEISSR7 risis SCALE -30 Ara inscription: the year 41. h . 10 razy 2213903273235 52 22 .2% SCALE +30 W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.

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MARCE, 1908.) SOYTHIAN PERIOD OF INDIAN HISTORY. 59 I have been able to translate fully only the first three lines of this inscription. The fifth line only out of the last three lines is to some extent intelligible. I translate only the first three lines here. While at Lahore I heard that impressions of this inscription have already been forwarded to Dr. Luders of Rostock, and we may confidently look forward to him for a complete rendering of this important inscription. Translation. In the year forty-one, 41, on the fifth day of the month of Caitra in the reign of Maharaja Rajatiraja Devaputra Kaniska, the son of Vasi pa ...." On the coins of the Western satraps such forms as Ghsamotika putrasa Castanasa are frequent. Though the inscription has not been fully deciphered, its more important parts are certain. It supplies us with two important facts. It is now certain that Wema-Kad pbises was not the father of Ksnika, though the latter certainly succeeded the former. Such forins of the mention of a king's father's name is found on the coins of the Western satraps with Castana, 40 also on the coins of some of the Northern satraps, such as Sodasa, Jihunia, and Kharabostes. The name Vasispa has a distinctly Iranian sound, but that does not prevent him from being a Saka to Indians. Moreover, ethnological speculations on such grounds are not possible. The more important part of the inscription is the date, which is certainly the year 41, and this leads us to certain irresistible conclusions. Heretofore the latest available date of Kanigka was the your 18, found on the Manikyala inscription, and the earliest date of Huviska is the year 83 on the Mathura Buddhist inscription No. 25 of the list on page 86 above). But, as Dr. Luders has suggested, the Mathura inscriptions of the year 28 and 29 also perhaps belong to the reign of Huviska. Then Kaniska was in the later years of his reign a contemporary of Huviska. Was Huviska a rival of Kaniska? We can hardly assume that. Had he been his rival he would never have prolonged the regnal years of Kaniska and set them going as an era. The coin types, as with the titles of Huviska, show that he was closely connected to Kaniska, and it may be that he was Kaniska's son. The latest Brahmi inscription of Kaniqka is the Mathura inscription of the year 9 (No. 9 of the list). Is it not possible that after a period of ten or fifteen years spent in campaigning in Eastern and Central India, that Kaniska might have left the government of India in the hands of his eldest son and crossed the Indus to attend to pressing affairs on his Northern and North-Western frontiers ? Panchao began his career of conquest in the last decade of the first century A. D. So we may safely assume that Kaniska's relations with China were strainod from the tenth year of his reign. He demanded Chinese princess in marriage, but his envoy was not allowed to proceed to the court of Heaven. In the 12th year of his reign he had sent an army across the Tsung-ling range under his viceroy Sie, but it was crushed by the genius of Panchao. The defeat was probably followed by a series of rebellions in Northern provinces; the Chinese were also pressing forward and the outlying provinces were soon lost. Within ten years all provinces to the north of the Hindu Kush were probably lost to the Kusana empire. So we see that Kanigks was probably very busy beyond the Indus after the 20th year of his reign. The only explanation of the synchronism of Kaniska and Huviska, who, up to date, are known as predecessors and successors, is that, after the first ten years of Kaniska's reign, Huviska was left in charge of Indian affairs with full imperial titles, while the former attended to the long war in the frontier and in trying to reclaim the lost provinces. Pauchao died in 102 A, D., and all further enterprise on the part of the Chinese died away with him. It is extremely probable that then Kaniska set out to reclaim his lost provinces, but accomplished more than this and added Kashgar, Yarkand, and Khotan to his empire. If this view be adopted, the trath of the tradition at once ** J. R. A. 8. 1890, P. 648, J. R. A. 8. 1894, p. 547. 21. A., Vol. XXXIII, pp. 38-9, No. 8.

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60 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1908. becomes evident, and the necessity of dragging Kaniska away from the Saka era, passes away. Moreover, Kaniska is known to Hiuen-Thsang or, as he is now called, Yuan-Chwang, as the king of Gandhara,43 which was probably the result of his long residence in Afghanistan. So as Kaniska was alive in the year 41 of the Saka era, i. e., 119 A. D., & reign of 45 years may safely be allowed to him. The tradition current about Kaniska's death proves that his life was a career of long warfare. He is said to have conquered three-quarters of the world, presumably India, Parthia, and China, and wanted to conquer the fourth which was the North. But his generals and ministers were already dissatisfied and loath to go on a campaign in far distant and unknown countries and so they smothered the aged king with a quilt. The most important event in Kaniska's reign was the convocation of the fourth Buddhist Council (Mahasangha or Mahasangiti), the chief authority for this is Yuan-Chwang, but the exact date or place of occurrence or the nature of business transacted in it cannot be determined.46 Coins of Kaniska show that he was a Buddhist, but he also respected Zoroastrian and Greek divinities. The stories of the devoutness as a Buddhist of a man who spent the whole of his life in bloody warfare must be accepted with limitation. The details of Hu viska's reign cannot be ascertained, but he is known to us from a large number of coins and inscriptions. After his predecessor or father's death he became the master of a vast empire which included Kabul, Kasmira, and the whole of Northern India as far as Benares. An inscription on the Sarnath pillar of Asoka records the gift of something, the name of which has been lost, in the year 40 = 118 A.D., in the reign of Asvaghosa, bat this prince is only mentioned as a Rajan, and most probably was a feudatory chief raling under Huvisk. Behar also was probably included in the Kusana empire at this time, as the impression of a medal of Hovigka was found under the Vajrasana throne inside the temple at Bodh Gaya. The four sides of this throne were originally inscribed with characters of the Kusana period, but it is too far gone to allow of decipherment. This throne is at present under the Bodhi tree at Bodh Gaya, where it was placed by General Cunningham after the completion of the restoration of the great temple. Huviska is also said to have founded a town in Kasmira, which was called after him Huskapura, and is now known as Fiuskur. According to Canningbam a large monastery existed at Mathura, which bore the name of Huviska Vibara. This monastery probably owed its existence to the munificence of this king. During the reign of Haviska, Castana, who was probably his governor at Ajmer, seems to have conquered Malwa and established himself at Ujjayini. Probably, it was this exploit which raised him to the rank of a Mabaksatraps. The reason for this assumption is that the coins of Castana are trilingual, the legend being in Greek, Brahmi, and Kharoshi. The Kharosthi legend and the title Kaatrapa proves that he was the subordinate officer of a king who ruled in a northern country where both Greek and Kharosthi coin-legends were current. As Rudradaman, the son's son of Castana, was a contemporary of Vasudeva, we may safely assume that this northern prince was Haviska. Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji places his tenure of office between the years 88 and 58 of the Saka era (111-136 A. D.), which is admissible.60 Caetana was succeeded by his son, Jayadama, in his governorship of Rajputana and Malwa. The only Kharosthi inscription of Huviska was found at Wardak, near Kabul, which was inscribed in the year 51 = 129 A.D. The latest inscription of the 13 See Beal's Buddhist Record of the Western World, and Watters' On Yuan-Chwang. The mentiona of "Kaniska raja of Gandbara " are innumerable. * See Mr. Philippo' translation of M. Levi's" Notes sur les Indo-Soyti 38" in I. A., Vol. XXXII, p. 388. t5 Beal's Buddhist Record, pp. 117 and 151. 46 For further particulars, see V, A. Smith's Early History, pp. 283-4. 41 A, . R., Vol. XVI, p. iv, N. O., 1892, p. 49; and Cunningham's Maha Bodhi, p. 58, plate y, fig. 11. 18 Stein's Rajatarungini Book, I, p. 168, and Vol. II, p. 483. Tiiuen Thsang is said to have passed several days in the monastery of Hugkapura (Beal's Life of Hiven Th sang, p. 68). ** A, S. R., Vol. I, p. 238. 49 J. R. A. 8., 1890, PP. 648-5.

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MARCH, 1908.] SCYTHIAN PERIOD OF INDIAN HISTORY. 61 reign of Haviska is dated the year 60. So we may safely assume that he was associated with his father in the empire from the year 10 to the year 45 (c. 88 - 123 A. D.) and ascended the throne after his father's death and enjoyed a reign of at least 15 years. We may safely place the year of his death in the Saka era 62 = 1:10 A. D. At the time of his death the age of Huvizka could not have been less than 80, for his reign extended over the long period of 52 years, one of the longest reigns in the history of India. The name Huviska is found in several forms, such as Huviska, Havaska, Huska and Hukna in the Brahmi inscriptions. Huviks was succeeded by Vasuska or Vasudeva, whose earliest recorded date is the year 68, found on an inscription from Sanci in Bhopal. Dr. Fleet bas based a theory on this inscription. He says that this Sanci record mentions the name Vasuska, which is also to be found in the Mathura inscription of the year 76, mentioned in Dr. Fuhrer's Progress Report for the year 1895-96, also in the Mathura inscription of the year 74.51 Inscriptions which were dated the year 80 and after mention the name of Vasudeva. So the successor of Huviska was Vasuska, and Vasuska and Vasudeva are not the same person. This reasoning possesses a seeming validity, as the transliteration of foreign names into the Indian language was as difficult then as it is at the present day. It was impossible for the Indians of the Scythian period to pronounce the name of a Scythian barbarian, and it was still more difficult for him to write it in his own language. As a result of this we find Rajuvala and Rajula as variations of the name of one and the same person. If Vasuska aad Vasudeva are taken to be different personages, then Huviska, Haska, and Huksa wonld also have to be taken as designating three different princes. The original name of this prince seoms to bave been Vasudeva, and this adoption of an Indian name by a foreign prince was the result of a long residente in India. The variation Vasuska may have been made by some ignorant person in order to harmonise it with the names Kaniska and Huviska. Nothing is known about the name of Vasudeva but that he also enjoyed a long reign and was alive in the year 99 = 177 A. D. The grert Kusana empira came to an end after Vasudeva. His dominions included the Panjab, the provinces around Mathuri, and the portion of Central India as far south as Bhopal. It was during the earlier years of the reign of Vasudeva that Rudradiman, the Satrap of Rajputana and Malwa, conquered Catch and Surat and the adjoining countries. The fact that he himself assumed the title of Maha-Ksatrapa shows that he did not wait for his paramount sovereign to bestow it on him. It is possible that Rudradaman, like the later Moghul governors, virtually became an independent monarch, but did not assume royal titles: Aliverdi Khan and Sa'adat Khan were practically independent sovereigns. Vasudeva was a feeble sovereign, and the Trans-Indus provinces were probably lost to the Kusans empire during his reign. Vasudeva enjoyed a long reign of 36 years from the year 62 to the year 99 of the Saka era (140-177 A. D.). During the later years of this reign, the Panjab gradually slipped out of his hands. A new conqneror appeared at this time on the North-Western borders of India. The last years of the second century witnessed the decadence of the powers of three great Asiatic monarchies, viz., the Parthian empire, the Kusans empire, and the Andhra empire. It was an evil time for Romo also, for at this time the reign of her good emperors was drawing to a close, and after the death of Commodus, the Great Oriental Empire was convalsed by a scramble for the purple in which all the great generals of the Roman Empire took part, For Parthia it was the third period of decline, as Rawlinson puts it, as the whole of the reign of Volngeses III is a blank bat for the occasional notices of Roman campaigns. In India, after the decease or deposition of Vasudeva, we find a Parthian king reigning over the province to the east of the Indus in the year 103. This is the date of the Takht-i-Bahai inscription of Gondophernes, which, as we have seen above, is closely allied by its palaeography to the Panjtar, Kaldarrs, and 4. 8. R., Vol. III, p. 89, No. 8 (No. 47 of the list ), and I 4., Vol. XXXIII, p. 103, No. 20.

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62 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1908. Mount Bauj inscriptions, which are dated in the era used in the Kusana inscriptions, i. c., the Saks era. But two objections have been raised against this (1) Gondophernes is the contemporary of the Apostle Thomas, and (2) The coins of Gondophernes resemble those of Azes and Soter Megas (the nameless king), which fact places his reign in the first half of the first century A. D. As to the first Gondophernes contemporaneity with St. Thomas is doubtfal. The first mention of the names of the two kings Mazdai and Gondophernes is to be found in the Acts of St. Thomas which were compiled in the first half of the third century A. D. and so cannot be trustworthy sources of bistorical fact. The probable cause of the mention of their names is that they were contemporaries whose names were still fresh for some reasons in the minds of Western sailors and that the chronologist connected their Dames by mere chance with the mission of the Apostle. As to the second it cannot be denied that numismatic evidence is of value only when epigraphy and palaeography are absent and to aid anil supplement the conclusions derived from them. The resemblance of coin-type and standards cannot be relied on against palaeograpbic evidence. The accession of Gondophernes must bave taken place in A. D. 155 or in the Saka era 77. The palaeography of the Greek legends on his coins supports this. The square omega and the square omskron also occur on the coins of Volageses IH of Parthia, who was a contemporary of the emperors Marcus Aurelius and Commodus and most probably also of Gondophernes and Vacudeva. The history of Parthia also compels is to placu Gondophernes in the last half of the second century A. D. For if Gondophernes is placed in the first half of the first century A. D., then he becomes a contemporary either of Phraataces, Orodes II, Vonones I or Artabanus III. The Parthian empire was even then too powerful to allow of the establishment of powerful rival monarchy on their frontiers. Gondophernes was, no doubt, Parthian. The establishment of an empire consisting of Seistan, Kabul, Kandahar, and the Western Panjab is only possible when the Parthian empire was too feeble to lift its arms in self-defence. According to Rawlinson, Parthis reached this stage of decline in the reign of Vala geses III and IV.53 Thas it is extremely probable that the accession of Gondophernes took place in the year 77 of Saka era and the year 103 of the Takht-i-Bahai inscription is equivalent to 181 A. D. The conqrest of the Western Panjab must have been taken place somewhat earlier, say, in 170 A. D. But Parthian domination in the Panjab must have been very short-lived, for 19 years after the Takht-i-Babai record we find a Kusana prince once more ruling over the country bordering on the Indus. The kingdom of the successors of Gondophernes lay towards Kandahar and Seistan. They were probably deprived of their dominions by the earlier Sassanians. In India the remnants of the Kusans empire were divided into several small monarchies which continued to exist up to the middle of the fourth century until Samudragupts and Candragupta II made an end of them. Inscriptions of the third and fourth conturies of the Christian era are very rare in Northern India and the coins of the later Kusanas are of no help, as they are mere copies of the coins of Vasudova. Some of these coins are imitations of those of Sapor I and Hormazd 11.4 The latter prince is said to have married the daughter of a Kusana king of Kabul. Further mentions in Persian history show that the later Kuganas continued to exist for a century or two longer until they were displaced by the Kidara-Kuganas or swept away by the White Hans. The latest date among Kharosthi inscriptions is the year 200 = 278 A. D. We may assume that the Kharosthi script was current op to this date, after which it was supplanted by the Brahmi as found on the coins of the Kidara-Kusanas. The characters of the Dewai inscription of the year 200 fully bear out the above conclusion. They are * degenerate form of Kharostbi, later than the characters of the Skarradheri inscription. The >> British Museum Catalogue of Greek Coim, Parthia, by Warwick Wroth, p. 284. # Rawlinson's Bio Oriental Monarchy, p. 330. V. A. Smith's Early History, p. 239, and Rapeon's Indian Coin, p. 19. See my "Nctes on Tudo-Saythia Ooinaga". Journal and Proc. 4. B. B., March 1908, for the coinage and history of the later Kapanas - Baphon's Indian Coisa, plate il, No. 16

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MARCH, 1908.) SCYTHIAN PERIOD OF INDIAN HISTORY. 68 characters are so bad that when I saw it for the first time, in the Lahore Musetim, I took it to be one of Col. Deane's novel inscriptions.66 It will be observed that nothing has been said about three dated inscriptions - (1) The years 41, 42, and 45 in the Nasik inscriptions of Ugavadata and the year 46 in the Junnar inscription of Ayama, all of which fall in the reign of Nabapana.67 (2) The year 72 on the Jaina inscription from Mathura.68 (8) The year 78 of the Taxila copperplate of Patika, son of Liaka.co The year 72 of the Mathara inscription falls in the reign of Maha-Ksatrapa Sodasa, and we lave seen that it cannot be placed in a line with the Kugana dates and so referred to the Saka era. It is impossible to refer it either to the Larkika, the Malava-Vikrama or the Caesarean eras, since there are reasons to believe that the first two eras were never current in Northern India during the first six or seven centuries of the Christian era or before, and that the third was never heard of on this side of the Euphrates in those days. It is also impossible to refer this to the Seleukidan era or the Maurya era, since palaeographical evidence proves that Sodass must be placed within one hundred years of the accession of Kanigka, i..., between B. C. 80 and A. D. 78. It is also impossible to imagine that any ere was in use in Northern India before the Gupta period in which the hundreds were omitted. The year 72 probably refers to an era long forgotten whieh was established by the earlier Scythian conquerors of Northern India, The case of the date in the Taxila copperplate inscription is also similar. The inscriptions on Dr. Bhagwanlal's Mathura Lion Capital prove that the Ksatrapas Sodasa and Patika were, to some extent, contemporaries; and on this ground it may be assumed with safety that the year 72 refer to the same era. It is not at all necessary to refer these to any Indian era which is still current or tho name of which has been discovered up to date. Many eras were established in India which havo fallen into oblivion. Some new discovery may farnish the clue to solve the problem which seems too difficult to solve with the scanty materials at present at our disposal. The dates of the Maba-Kaatrapa Nabapans should be referred to the same era as that used in the Mathura and Taxila inscriptions. We have seen above that it is hardly possible that Nahapans established an era of his own. His connection with a Northern monarch is proved by the presence of the Kharoshi legends on his coins. The characters of his inscriptions are earlier than those of the inscriptions who are now held to be his contemporaries, and so much earlier than those of the Junagadh inscription that it is impossible to place Rudradaman 26 years after Nabapana. The fact that the characters of Ugavadata's inscriptions are earlier than those of the inscriptions of Sodasa preclude any possibility of the use of the Saka era in these inscriptions. Moreover, Usavadata or Reabhadatta is a very good Indian name, and simply because he has been called a Saka it cannot be assumed that he was a foreigoer, and, further, that his father-in-law used the Saks era. Nahapana is a good old Persian name as Mr. Thomas had shown, and may it not be that the Sakya Rsabhadatta married his daughter Daksamitra to improve his own position. The Prakrit word Saka is equivalent to two Sanskrit words -(1) Saka, signifying a foreigner ; (2) Sakya, signifying either a Buddhist of * descendant of the tribesmen to which the Buddha Gautama bimaelf belonged. Yoyes, J. A, serie, tom. 46, p. 510, pl. 34, - B. I., VOL. VIII, p. 82, and plate, and Reports of the Archaological Survey of Western India, Vol. V, p. 168, and plate liv, No. 11. *B.I., Vol. II, p. 199, No. R.I., Vol. IV, p. 64, and plato. Uparadite has been called a saka in mutilated Nasik insoription. R. 1, Vol. VIII, p. 85, No. 14 plate J. R. A. 8., 1906, p. 211, No. 17.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1908. APPENDIX I. Now Kharosthi insoriptions from the Lahore Museum. Including the Ara inscription (Page 58 above), I edit fonr new Kharosthi inscriptions on this occasion. I have styled these inscriptions "new" because I have not come across them in any book or journal dealing with Indian epigraphy. Most of the inscriptions in Kharosthi characters were discovered in the new Frontier provinces and are now deposited in the Lahore Museum. The Kaldarra inscription has been edited before by Messrs. Buhler and Senart, but I have here reproduced it again because M. Senart's facsimile is too indistinct. Muohai insoription of the year 81; Plate II. I. - Dr. Stein's Catalogue of Inscriptions in the Lahore Museum mentions that this inscription was found in Hujra in Mucbai in Yusufzai. I am not certain as to the meaning of the word Huira, bat Muchai is the name of the place at which the inscription was discovered. The Lahore Museum Number of this inscription isI, 46. The inscription is incised on a big slab of bad sandatone or kankar and the inscribed surface measures 2 feet by 10 inches. The inscription is in two lines, and the characters are on the average 2 to 3 inches in height and have been clearly incised. Judging from the characters, the inscription can be safely classed with the Kusada group of Indian inscriptions, and consequently the date in it should be referred to the Saka era. The date of the inscription, thu year 81, falls in the reign of Vasudeva. The only other Kharosthi inscription of this prince's reign is the Fateh Jang inscription of the year 68. Beyond the year, the inscription gives no details of the date, such as the day and the month. Text. (1) Vace ekakitimaye XX, xx, xx, xx, I, (2) Sahayatena kae Vasiengena. Translation. "In the year eighty-one, 81, (this) was done by Sahayata (and) Vagisuga :" or "In the year eighty-one, 81 (this ) was done with assistance by Vasisnga." I am not quite sure of the two words Sahayatena and Vasisugena. They may also mean something also, but I have adopted Dr. Bloch's suggestion that both of them are proper names. Kao is equal to Kitam in Sanskrit. Sahayatena may also mean" by assistance (received from others ). Vasifuga is undoubtedly * proper name. I find in the Lahore Museum Catalogue that this inscription has been referred to in the Report of the explorations of the 10th Sappers under Captain Maxwell in 1882. If I am right in referring the Kurans dates to the Saks era, then the date of this inscription is 81 +78=159 A. D. Paja insoription of the year 111; Plate II, II. This inscription was discovered at Paja in Yusufzai and was presented by Major (now Sir H. A.) Deane to the Lahore Museum. The inscription has been incised on a big boulder and the inscribed surface is 4 feet by 1 foot. The characters of the inscription belong to the Kusana group of Kharop thi characters, the only archaio form being the dental sa in

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Muchai inscription: the year 81 Plate 11 SCALE 30 Paja inscription: the year 11. SCALE 30 W BRIGGS PHOTO-LITH

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MAROH, 1908.] SOYTHIAN PERIOD OF INDIAN HISTORY. 65 Now Kharofthi Inscriptions from the La hore Museum-(contd.). which there is a small vertical line in prolongation of the tail which seems to be the later form of the Maurya sa in which the left side of the head of the later is connected by a straight line with the tail. This form of sa is also found on the Hasinagar pedastal inscription and also in No. I above, where it occurs only once. Bat in this inscription the archaic variety occurs side by side with the later or Knsada variety. The inscription is dated both in words and in numerical symbols in the year 111 (189-90 A. D.) on the 15th day of the month of Sravana (Sravapa) and records some deed, probably the erection of a building and the excavation of a well by Samgamitra, son of Ananda. The votive formula at the end of the second line proves that the donor was Buddhist. The formula is Mata pitae puyae savasatana Aida suhae. If we compare with this the formnla used in the Sarnath inscription of Bhikgu Bale, Sarvasatvanasih hita sukhartthan, we at once come to the above conclusion. This formula is not altogetber absent from Jaina inscriptions and also occurs on some Jaina inscriptions from Mathura e though there it is rare. There is one word in this inscription which offers some difficulty. This is the second word in the 1st line, ekada-fatimaye, which is rather & curious form, evidently an apabhrunisa of Etadasadhika-satamaye. Fortunately the numerical symbols are quite distinct and verify the above conclusion. The word Kue oceurs in the second line, and is undoubtedly the apabhrashsa form of kupa, i. e., a well. The next word after kue is katite, which, as Dr. Bloch suggests, is the apabhrathea form of kartita, meaning cut or excavated. I do not know what this refers to. It may refer both to the excavation of a tank or kunda or to the quarrying of the block itself. The 'word Sawgamitra is probably the Northern Prakrit form of Sanghamitra, but it may also be Sangamitra, while dnanda is undoubtedly the apabhrarasa form of Ananda. Text. (1) Samvatsaraye ekadasatimaye, I, O. XI, Sravanasa masasa di (va) se pacadase 10, 4, 1. (2) Anamda patrena Samgamitrena kae katite mata pitae puyae sava satana hida subae. Notes, (1) The top of the word ku in kus in the second line is a littlo ourved. (2) The symbol for one hundred is like that in the Kaldarra and Takht-i-Bahaj inscriptions. (9) The last but one word Divase in the first line is incomplete, as the second letter va has boon omitted, apparently through carelessness. (4) The letters ra and ta are easily distinguishable, as the former has a short vertical line, while in the latter it is usually long. Compare the ra in Samvatsaraye and ta in Mata pitae. (5) The letters are nently incised, but the stone has suffered much from erosion, the last words of the second line having suffered most. Translation. "In the year one hundred and eloven, 111, on the fifteenth, 15, day of the month of Sravana (Sravana), this well was excavated by Samgamitra, the son of Ananda, in honour of his father and mother (and) and for the well-being and happiness of all beings." "1 E.I., Vol. 2, p. 208, No. XVIII.

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66 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. MARCH, 1908. Now Kharosthi inscriptions from the Lahore Museum-(concld.). Shakardarra inscription of the year 40; Plate I (see Opposite page 58). III. - This inscription was discovered in an old well in Shakardarra near Campbellpar, and was presented by F. S. Talbot, C. S., to the Lahore Museum (No. 1, 142 ). It is a very small inscription, being eqnal in size to the Mount Bauj inscription of the year 200. It is dated in the year 40 on the twentieth day of Prausthapada, and consequently falls within the reign of Kanisks. The name of the month is Pothavada and not Prothava la as Dr. Vogel observes, the right hand stroke of the subscript ra being absent at the end of the left vertical. I have been able to understand only the two first two lines of the inscription, the rest containing a strong mixture of some foreign dialect and consequently being unintelligible to me. My reading of the last two lines is consequently tentative and requires and admits of considerable improvement. At the end of the 4th line a horse and a pear or guava has been drawn on the stone, most probably by the sculptor himself. Text. (1) San xx, xx, Pothavadass masass divas(e). (2) Visamiti, 20 atra divass kale - (3) Ekameka Vokhada otro niva-nasa. (4).... Danamukho. The words in italics are uncertain. In the second line I have read the last but one word kale, because the first letter is almost like the ka in the Sue-Vibar copperplate. The second letter le is certain. The rest of the characters of the inscription belong to the fourth variety of Dr. Buhler's classification of Kharosthi. No full translation of the inscription is possible at present, and so I bave attempted the two first two lines only. Translation. "In the year 40 on the 20th day of the month of Prophavada (Prausthapada) on the above mentioned day and year. ..." Kaldarra insoription of the year 118; Plate III. IV.- This inscription was discovered by Dr. Waddell in the Kaldarra or Kaladara Nadi near Dargai in the North-West Frontier provinces and was presented to the Lahore Museum by Major (now Sir H. A.) Deane. It has been edited before by Dr. Buhler in a short note to the Vienna Oriental Journal, Vol. X, p. 55, and by M. Senart in the Journal Asiatique, 1899, Part I, p. 533. Text. (1) Datiaputrena Thaidorena puka (2) rani karavita savva sapana puyae (3) Vasa I, C. X, III, Sravanasa 20. Translation. "By the son of Dati, Thaidora, a tank was carged to be excavated for the worship of all snakes (in) the year 113 on the 20th (day) of the month of Sravana." Annual Report of the Archaological Survey of India, 1908-4, p. 251.

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Kaldarra inscription: the year 113. 5 MCHC 995 S75 hrs 22132 #21197 l ltHt SCALE 30 Mathura inscription: the year 299. ybnoxion sureom Fsa jeongdo eomceong STL 425 ?wazzu gefad yolda CALUAR LA 20thd * ***2= 2 x x x SCALE 30 W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH. Plate III.

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MARCH, 1908.) SOYTHIAN PERIOD OF INDIAN HISTORY. 67 APPENDIX II. List of dated Kharosthi inscriptions. No. Year. Era. Beference. Locality. I REMARKI. 78 Unknown, E.I., Vol. IV, p. 54, Shadberi probably and plate. ila). fonnded by Vonones in B. Q. 100. (Tax- This is in the Library of the R. A. S. of Great Britain and Ireland. 2 318 Maurya J. A., ge serie, tom. Loriyan Tangail Indian Museum, 13, 1899, Part 1, (Syat Valley). p. 528, et la planche, and Report of the Archeological Survey of India, 1948-4, pp. 25153, plate lxx, fig. 4. 384 . ...1..Vol. XX, Hashtnagar (near British Museum. Rajar in the Panjab). 4 11 Saka ... ...Lahore Museum, No. I, 2. J. A., ge serie, tom. Zeds 15, 1890, Part 1, p. 186, et la planche. I. A., Vol. X, p. 324. Sue-Vihar (Baha-Library of the A. S. of and Vol. X1, Walpore Estate ). Bengal. p. 128. 18 . 1 J. A., go serie, tom. Manikyala (Man- Paris, probably in the 7. p. 1, planches kialla Station. Bibliotheque nationale. 1 et 2. near Rawalpindi,l A worthless cast is in N.-W. Ry.). | the Indian Museum. 7140 Edited in this paper Shakardarrah, near Lahore Museum, by the author. Campbellpore, No. 1, 142. ... Ara, near Bagho- nilab. No. , 133. 9 51 ) J. R. A. S. (Old Wardak, near British Museum. series ), Vol. xx. Kabul. p. 255, platex., and 3. A. S. B., 1861, p. 837; and plate.

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68 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (MARCH, 1908. List of dated Kharosthi inscriptions-(concld.), No. Year. Era ! Reference. Locality. R ARES. 10 61 Saks d. S. R., Vol. V, Jhind on p. 58, plate xvi, Indus. the Lost. No. 2. J. A., 6deg serie, tom. Fatehjang, near Lahore Museum, No. 1, 3. 15, 1890, Part 1, Chasa. p. 130; et la planche. Edited in this paper Muchai in Yusuf- in No. I, 46. by the author. >> >> No. 1, 42. 14 108 1 ? >> No. 1, 1. ...J. A., 9deg serie, tom Mount Bauj 4, 1894, Part 2, p. 514, et la planche v, No. 85. J. A., 8deg serie, tom. Takht-i-Ba hai 15, 1890, Part 1. (now & station p. 119, et la on the Nowsheraplanche. Darghai Section of the N.-W. Ry.). ..Edited by the author Paja in Yusofzal. in this paper. No. I, 47. in this paper. I 118 , No. 1, 77. J. A., ga serie, tom. Kaldara, near 13, p. 533, et la Dargh planche; re-edited by the author in this paper. A. S. R., Vol. V, Panjtar on the Lost. p. 16, and plate Indas. xvi, no. 4. 18 179 , J. 4. 0. S.. Skarradheri ...Lahore Museum, Vol. XXIV, p. 1, and keports of the Archaeolugical Survey of India, 1903-4 p. 255, plates lxix? and lxx, No. 9. J. A., ge serie, tom. Dewai in Yusufzai > No. I, 44. 4, 1894, Part 2, p. 510, planche, No. 84. 19 2001

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MARCH, 1908.) SCYTHIAN PERIOD OF INDIAN HISTORY. 69 APPENDIX III, Synchronistio table of the Scythian period, Year. Events. B.C.231 Death of Asoka. Dismemberment of the Maurya Empire, B. C. 225 Loes of the Trans-Indus Provinces and the Panjab. B. C. 184 Brhadratha, the last Maurya King, killed. Acc. of Pasyami tra the Sunga. B. C. 165 Defeat of the Yue-cbi by the Hiung-Na ; war between Eukratides and Demetrius. B. C. 165 Plato, the Bactrian king and rival of Eukratides. B. 0.163 Nan teou-mi, the Chief of the Wu-Sun, defeated and slain by the Yue-chi. B. C. 160 Occupation of the territory of the Se by the Yue-chi. Retirement of the Se southwards into Kipin (Kapisa). B. C. 150 Heliokles succeeds Eukratides in Bactria. The Yue-chi expelled from the land of the Se by Kwen-Mo, the young Wu-San Chief. B, C. 148 Agnimitra the Sunga, Emperor of Northern India. B. C. 145 Extinction of the Greek dynasty to the North of Paropopisos. B. C. 140 The Yue-chi occupation of Bactria. Extinction of Aryan civilisation to the North of the Hindu Kush. Indian Expedition of Menander. B. C. 186 Death of Mithridates the Great of Parthia and acc, of Phraates II. B. C. 135 Chang-kien despatched by the Chinese Emperor Wuti on a mission to the Yue-chi. Strato I, King of the Panjab. B. C. 130 Scythian invasion of Parthia. B. C. 127 Death of Phraates II and acc. of Artabanos II. Repeated invasions of the Scythians. C. 125 Chang-kien's arrival in Bactria. B. C. 124 Death of Artabanos II, in a fight with the Scythians. Ace, of Mithridates II. B. C. 122 Return of Chang-kien to China.

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.70 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAECE, 1908. Synchronistic table of the Soythian period-contd.). Year. . Eventa. B. C. 120 Strato II, King of the Panjab. B. C. 114 Death of Chang-kien. B.O. 100 Extinction of the supreme power of the Greek princes in the East. Vonones, Emperor, of Seistan, Afghanistan, and the Panjab. Spalahores, Spalagadames, and Azas subordinate to Vonones, and Bhumaka, the Khaharata Satrap in Western India. Formation of the five Yue-chi principalities. .! B.O. 89 Death of Mithridates U. B. C. 76 Spalirises, son of Spalahores. Acc. of Spalagadames and Agns subordinate to Spalirises; Nabapana Satrap of Western India. 0.72 Destruction of the Bunga Empire. Vasudeva Kagva's ace, to the throne of. 66 Marder of a Chinese Officer by King of Kipin in the reign of the Emperor Bicenti (B. C. 73--49). Syria made a Roman province. B. C. 60 Disruption of the Empire of the earlier Scythians. Azas declares himself independent in the provinces to the East of Khyber. Azilibes and Aspavarma subordinate to Azas. Hagama and Hagamasa, Satraps of Mathura; Nabapana semi-independent in Western India. B. C. 53 Defeat of Crassus at Carrhae. B. C. 49 Yue-chi conquest of Kipin under Heraus (Yin-mo-fu ). B.O. 45 Azilises, the king of the Panjab and Mathura. Azas II subordinate ; Manigul, Satrap of Taxila. B, C. 44 Assassination of Julius Caesar. B. O. 42 Battle of Philippi. B.O. 40Refusal of the Chinese Emperor Yuen-ti (B. 0. 48-38 ) to resent the insult offered to his envoy by Yiu-mo-fu, King of Kipin. Rajuvula, Satrap of Mathura; Jibunia, Satrap of Taxila. B.O. 89 Syria recovered from the Parthians by Ventidius. B.C. 85 Liaka, Satrap of Taxila. Azas II, paminal King of the Panjab. B. 0.7-38 Parthian Expedition of Mark Antony,

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MARCE, 1908.) SCYTHIAN PERIOD OF INDIAN HISTORY. Synohronistia table of the Soythian period-(contd.). Year. Events, B. C. 31 Battle of Actiam. B. C. 30 Sodasa, Satrap of Mathara. Roman conquest of Egypt. B. C. 28 Mathura inscription of the year 72 of an unknown era, probably founded by Vonones, of the reign of the Mahakqatrapa Sodasa. B. C. 27| Extinction of the Kanya dynasty by the Andhras in Northern India. B.O. 28 Ratasal of the Chinese Emperor Ching-ti to acknowledge an embassy from the King of Kipin. Mates, Moa, or Moga succeeds Azas II in the nominal sovereignty of the Panjab, Kharahontes; son of Artaue, Satrap of some provinos." B. C. 22 Tazila copperplate inscription of Patika of the year 78 in the reign of the King Moge B.O. 20 Recovery of the standards of Crassus by Augustas during visit to Syria. A diplomatic success for Rome. B. O, 2 The Chinese graduate King Hien or King-lu receives Baddhist books from a king nf the Yue-chi. Death of Phraates IV of Parthia. A. D. 6 Loriyan Tangai image inscription of the Maurya year 818. A. D. 8 Temporary cessation of intercourse between China and the West. A. D. 14 Death of Augustus. Tiberius, the Emperor of Rome. A. D. 15 Consolidation of the five Yue-chi principalities into the Kusana Empire under Kadpbises I. Kadphises I conquers Kabul. A. D. 24 First Han dynasty of China ended. A. D.86-87 War between Artabanus III of Parthia and Tiberias. A. D. 38 Caias (Caligula ), the Emperor of Rome. Peace with Partbia. A. D. 40 Death of Artabanus III. A. D. 41 Claudias, the Emperor of Rome.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCE, 1908. Synchronistio table of the Soythian period-contd.). Year. Events. A. D. 51 Death of Gotarzes of Parthia. Rock-sculptures of Gotaszes, A. D. 52 Acc. of Volagases I. A. D. 54 Nero, the Roman Emperor, A. D. 55 Death of Kadphises I. Aco. of Wema-Kadphisos, A. D. 60 Rome recovers Armenia. Kadphises II conquers North India up to Mathura. A.D. 67 Buddhist books bronght to China by order of the Emperor Ming-ti. A. D. 68-89 Galba, Otho, and Vitellius, the Roman Emperors. A. D.70 Vespasian, the Roman Emperor. War between Parthia and Rome for Armenia. A. D. 76 Hashta agar image inscription. Maurya year 384. A. D. 78 Death of Kadphises II. Acc. of Kaniska. Establishment of the Saka era. Death of Volagases I. Kharapallana, the Satrap of Mathura. A. D. 79 Titus, the Roman Emperor. Kaniska conquers Northern India as far as Benaves. A. D. 81 Domitian, the Roman Emperor. Sarnath inscription of Traipitakopadhyaya Bala and Bhiksu Pusyavaddhi. Vanaspars, Satrap of Benares. A. D. 82 Mathura inscription of the year 4. Sravasti image inscription of Bala and Pugyavuddhi. A, D. 85 Eastern expedition. Attack on Patalipatra and Conquest of Magadha. A. D. 88 Strained relations with China, A. D. 89 Viceroy Sie crosses the Sung-lia to punish the Chinese. Sue-Vihar and Zeda inscriptions of the year 11. A. D. 90 Kushan army defeated by Panchao. A. D. 91 Huvigka left in charge of the Indian provinces with full imperial titles. Kaniska crosses the Indus and takes the field in person,

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MARCE, 1908.) SCYTHIAN PERIOD OF INDIAN HISTORY. Synchronistio table of the Soythian period.--contd.). Year. Eventa. A. D. 96 Vespasi, the Satrap of Taxila. Manikyala inscription of the year 18. Nerva, the Roman Emperor. A. D. 98 Loss of all provinces to the North of Hindu Kush. The Emperor Trajan. A.D. 100 Death of Tiridates of Parthia, Internal troubles in Parthia. A.D. 102 Death of Panchao. A.D. 105 Reconquest of Bactria. A, D. 110 Conquest of Kashgar, Yarkand, and Khotan. Mathura inscription of the year 88 of the reign of Havicka. A.D. 115 Fourth Buddhist Council in the Kundala-Vana-Vihara in Kasmira (?) A. D. 116 Parthian Expedition of Trajan. A. D. 116 Trajan conquers Mesopotamia. D. 117 Hadrian, the Roman Emperor. 118 Asvaghogha, a subordinate King of Benares. Aboka pillar inscription of the year 40. A.D. 118 Sakardarra insoription of the year 40. A. D. 119 The Ara inscription of the year 41. A. D. 123 Death of Kanigka. Acc. of Huviska. Catana, the Satrap of Ajmere, A. D. 188Antoninus Pius, the Roman Emperor. Conquest of Malwa. Castana becomes Mabaksatrapa of Ajmere. Jayadama, the Satrap of Ujjayini. Latest known date of Huviska. A. D. 140 Death of Huviska. Acc. of Vasudeva. A.D. 146 The Sanci inscription of the year 68. A.D. 148 | Acc. of Volagason IIL Rudradama kimself assumes the title of Mahakgatrapa.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (MARCH, 1908. Synchronistio table of the Boythian periodoontd.). Evelts. Year. A.D. 150 | Janagadh inscription of the year 72. Conquest of Kathiawad and Catch. A.D. 155 Acc. of Gondophernes in Seistan, A.D. 161 Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, the Roman Emperor. Parthian attack on Afghanistan. A.D. 165 End of the Roman War with Parthia. Tbird stage of Parthian decline. A.D. 170 Parthian Conquest of the Panjab. Damazada, son of Rudradama, becomes Satrap of Western India. A.D. 175 Eastern Campaign of Marcus Aurelius. Jivadama, son of Damazada, Satrap of Western India. A.D. 176 Latest known date of Vasudeva. A. D. 180 Commodus, the Roman Emperor. A. D. 181 Ganda inscription of the Ksatrapa Radrasimha, son of Rudradama, the year 108. A.D. 181 Takht-i-Bahai inscription of Gondophernes. A.D. 189 The Paja inscription of the year 111. A.D. 191 The Kaldarra inscription of Theodorus. Death of Volagases III. Begioning of the fall of the Parthian Empire. A.D. 198 Re-occupation of the Panjab and Afghanistan by the successor of Vasudeva. Muliasat inscription of the Mahaksatraps Rudrasens, son of Rudrasimha, the year 122. The Panjtar inscription of the Kusana prince, who was probably the successor of Vasaders in Mathuri.. A. D.211 Caracalls, the Roman Emperor. A.D. 218 Mathura inscription of the year 185. A. D. 222 Sangbadama, son of Rudrasimha, beoomes Satrap of Western India. Alexander Severus, the Roman Emperor. A. D. 226 Ardeshir-babekan found the Sinsanian Empire in Persia. Dimasens, son of Rudrasimha, Satrap of Western India. A. D. 257 | The Skarradheri image inscription, the year 179. A. D. 260 Sapor I, King of Persia, defeats Valerian, A.D. 278 Mount Baaj inscription of the year 200. Extinction of the Kharopthi script in India. A. D. 308 Mathura inscription of the year 230. A. D.310 Sapor II, the King of Persin. A. D.320 Accension of Candra Gupta I, and establishment of the Gupta era. A. D.880 Samudra Gupta, the Emperor of India. A. D. 850 Allahabad inscription of Samudra Gupta.

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MARCH, 1908.) PANJAB ADMINISTRATIVE TERMS AND TITLES. Synchronistio table of the Soythian period-concld.). Year. Events A. D.377 Mathura inscription of the Gupta year 57. A. D.384 Bodh Gaya image inscription of the Gupta year 64. Tukamala, a subordinate king of Bihar. A. D. 400 Extinction of the remnants of Kusana power to the East of the Indus. A. D. 414 | Mathura inscription of the Gupta year 114. (Postscriptum. - The above paper was written in November, 1906. Many new facts have been brought to light during this interval. Dr. Vogel informs me that according to Dr. Kielhorn the true date of the Baijnath Prasasti is Saka 1126. But this in no way affects my arguments, He has since discovered earlier inscriptions dated according to the Loka-Kala but none of them are earlier than the 10th century A. D. Dr. Fleet bas been kind enough to send me the reprints of the papers in Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society. But I am afraid I cannot agree with him in the reading of the date of the Skara-dberi image inscription. His notes on the Palaeography of Coins have opened up a subject in which practically nothing has been done and so require prolonged consideration. The publication of Mr. F. W. Thomas's paper on the Matbura Lion pillar capital inscriptions has removed a long felt want. It remains to be seen whether some Continental scholars shall take up the Wardak Bimaran and Mankiala inscriptions or not?--R. D. BANERJI. ] NOTES ON ANCIENT ADMINISTRATIVE TERMS AND TITLES IN THE PANJAB. BY H. A. ROSE. (Concluded from Vol. XXXVI, p. 851.) In the previous article on this subject it was shown how completely the ancient terms and titles connected with administration in the State of Chamba had fallen into disuse, and how an entirely new set of terms had come into use in modern times. The new terms are few in number, illustrating the simplicity of the more recent administrative system; and their meanings disclose how primitive, so to speak, the system has become. An investigation into the terms and titles in use in other Hill States in the Panjab gives equally meagre results, and illustrates the rough-and-ready methods of their administration. Hardly an ancient record exists, the most important, if not the oldest, being a Chronicle of the Mandi State, written in Tankri, from which the following terms are culled22 : - qaftar Animchari, a post held by the Kanwar (said to be equivalent to private secretary). i Ankar, & revenue in kind. fota Balichh, income-tax. a Barto, muafi, & revenue-free grant. sty Dangu, a gate-keeper. FIT Dharaptu, an assistant clerk. og Golakh, a fund out of which alms were given. gtart Hariyaga, an allowance for the Raja's kitchen. a Kharin, & teater of grain. aftar Pathiy dru, equivalent to tawilddr, receiver. FeaT santha, sanad, a deed of grant. 12 The terms tined in this Chronicle throw little light on the military organisation of the State. Anf is datided as a 'band of soldiers': both as a rofage. These terms appear to survive in place dames. On the other hand, words liko maslat (intrigue against the Btato), rund and abi (rebel), band-thdr (bloodshed and plunder), rata (An indecisiyo fight), and bhajndl (Aight to avoid plunder by an invader) point to constant dieorders..

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76 -THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (MAECE, 1908. In the adjacent State of Kulla, the principal patural tracts or pargands were divided into waziris, each under a wazir, as a collector of revenue subordinate to the chabitra watir, or chief minister. The title of wasir is clearly a modern importation from the Muhammadan system, but the remaining terms appear to be older. Each waziri was divided into kochis under pdlerds. The kotki was a gravary into which rerenne in kind was paid. Each kothi contained from 2 to 5 phatis and each phati comprised from 1 to 20 hamlets (grdon). Besides the pdlera each Kothi had its kothidld or treasurer: its panjauli, who collected supplies, milk, curds, wood, etc., for the royal kitchen : ita kait or accountant (not by caste a Kayastha): its jatali, a messenger and watchman: and its seok (sewak) who managed the corvee or begar. In the Highlands (Saraj) of Kulld the stok was called thatangru. The commandants of the migl (an Arabic term probably borrowed from the Sikbs) or militia of the kothis were called negis, and those in command of hill forts, garhid negis. Sir James Lyall gave an interesting account of the old administrative system in Kullo in his Settlement Report on that tract (1875). He describes the people as divided into two classes, those liable to military service, and daghis, ie, those who rendered only menial service. The men of the former class had a standard holding, called jeold, which may be put at 12 bhar 23, in area, of land, half of which was held rent-free in lieu of service and called bartojeold, the rest being styled hansili or revenue-paying land. Occasionally a family holding one jeold furnished two men and so got two bartos, i.e., the whole jeold free ; and it might acquire as many hdnsila jeolds as it corld, *at least in theory. A ddghi's holding was called chheti and ranged from 3 to 5 bhars of land, held rent-free. Traditionally the jeoldbandi, or distribution into jeolds, was ascribed to one of the Rajas (probably Jagat Singh), who had a dhol baht or doomsday book prepared. Annual registers of title (chik bahi) were also in use. In these records, the jeolds were classed as gashid (service in a fort), chdkd (service in cantonments), hdarikd (personal attendance on the rdja) and tarpagar (service as a constable); while the men liable to military service of different kinds were formed into mislo (regiments) under negis. All the jeolas in the same kothi, or some part of a kothi, were originally considered equal in value and assessed alike, but some of exceptionally inferior land were known as atkarki jeords and only paid a cash assessment. On an average in a hdnsili jeold of 6 bkars, 9 items were paid in kind and 3 in cash, viz., grain (wheat or barley); & rason karte or kitchen tax of a sheep, a goat, or a rapee; oil; ghi ; rape ; pulse ; paitan at a rupee a year ; rassam at 3 annas; and bharan at 2 annas. But the miscellaneous items varied in different waziris, e.g., in Saraj katha and jog, for religious ceremonies, were taken, as well as contributions for the Raghunath temple. Honey was taken in some places, the principle being to take a little of every thing.26 ... = 4 kruis 13 The Ordr was a need momuro and upon it was founded the ancient measure of lands, if unirrigated, and lees usually if irrigated. In Upper Kalla the latter land was divided into kaneis, each paying kar or gain-rent, which varied according to its quality, .... on some it was chahbard, B-fold, on others chanbara, 4fold-the quantity of seed required to sow it. The measures in uso were 1 patha = l wer 8 chitaka, Indian Monro. 2 pathas = 1 dhanaf. = 2 diangis 1 kanal. = 2 kanals = 1 dhonef. = 3 karuia = 1 frenul. > = 4 kdra jun. 20 .... = 14 20 bhari = 1 kh&r only used in the Saraj and Lag segiris. 100 khara = 1 karra" * Hansill and duriks are, of course, words of Urdd origin. Chheti is defined in Diack's Kulde Dialect of Hindi n ' married woman's private property': d. slec North Indian Notes and Queries, Vol. III, SS 363. The does levied also appear to illustrate another important principle of the old native administrations, vis.. to realino a separate tax for each and every purpose. Thus, the bathd and joy were levied special contribation for religious parposes. A study of the numerous contes levied in the Punjab Hill States will show to what an extreme this principle was carried. i bhar.

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MARCH, 1908.] PANJAB ADMINISTRATIVE TERMS AND TITLES. 77 The following is a list of the State officials in the Simla Hill Stato 37: Midi, the chief's next brother, holding the appointment of inspector and examiner in general Wazir, minister. 28 Mautd or mahtd, an officer of a pargand, corresponding to the pdlord, and having ander him 28 bis subordinates : A kerdule or kardwak (from kdrd, revende, and ughawna, to collect), whose dnty it is to collect the revenue and hand it over to the mautd for payment into the State treasury. Ghenchnd from ghi, clarified batter, and ughawnu, to collect), whose doty it is to collect the revenue in ghi imposed on certain grass-lands. Pydda (from Hindi pidda), & peon, whose duty is to do what the mautd and krduk order him. Blair, an inferior kardar, termed halmandi in the upper hills. Bhddri (from Hindi bhandart), the officer in charge of the granary, corresponding to kothari : from thdar (Hindi bhanddr), granary. In the Simla Hill States, the following terms are, or were, in use : - Barn, an oath2o taken on the Chief of the State, and therefore more binding than the chuk, thal, or darohi, q. v. : (used in the Rorhu tahsil of Bashahr State). The barn can only be cancelled by giving the chief a little gold, as well as a rupee (Kuraharsain). Pandit Tika Ram Joshi, late Secretary to the last Raja of Bashahr, notes, however, that there is no tradition of the barn in the Simla Hills. Chuk,30 an oath taken on an official of the State : (used in the State of Kamharsain). Chichhar, a collector of the grain, ghi, etc., levied as revenue, appointed by the State (Kamharsain). Darohi, 31 an oath on a State official (Kamharsain). Dio (Sansktit divya, an oath or ordeal). Ordeals were formerly used in cases which the State officials could not determine. One, called garm-dib, consisted in placing a coin in a pan full of boiling oil and requiring the party swearing to take it out without burning his hand. Another, called thandd-dib, was less severe. Two balls of flour were made, one containing a little gold, the other a little silver. These were pat in a jar full of water, and a boy made to take them out and give one to each party : be who got the silver won. Halmandi, mate," a village headman or his deputy (Kumharsain). Kohala, a watchman or keeper of the State granary (Kumharsain). Kshokra, a word used on the occasion of a dib, in which the parties pay one rupee each, in cash to the chief as a guarantee that so much will be paid by the man who is proved in the wrong. Mangnar,33 a village headman (Kumhirsain). Cf. mangni, demand for tribute in Mandi. According to Pandit Tka Ram Joght, the following are the officials of a village deota or godling in these States :- Dinwan, the person who speaks on behalf of a deity, and in whose soul the deity is sapposed to play (khelna), is held in great respect by all persone. He must keep himself clean and pure three days before he enters the temple. When playing his words are believed to be those of the deity itself. He has under him three officials, vis, #bhdari, a krduk, and & pyada, i, e., treasurer, collector, and peon. 2 Warlr is olearly a modern term, but it is widely used thronghont Chamba, Mandi, Kulld, and the Simla Hill States, as are its derivatives waxiri and wixarat. Waar does not appear to correspond at all to mahta, nor does waziri equal pargand. In Kanwar the term for waxlr is bist (feminine bietani), and a pargand is khunang. 29 Al these oaths (barn, chak, etc.) can also be taken on a god, in which case the parties go to the temple and offer him a rupee, with a goat as a sacrifice. 50 Possibly represents H. chikna, to orr, miss (Platte, 3. v.), also said to mean "to proceed against." 31 From Sanakpit droha, hostile action. From kotha, granary. * From mangna, to demand, beg.

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78 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1908. Mawii. The term mawdi or moi, in the hill dialect, means a powerful and independent man, who has no chief and pays no revenge. The word mava (a free grant of land) is from the same root. Generally, the Jats of the plains, who first invaded these hills and settled in them, were called maudis; and afterwards other castes, who followed their example and combined with them in their plots, came to be called mardi. Their descendants cannot now be traced. In Kathar State, Kishi Ram, the last of the mardis died about 1902 without issue. He lived in Katharger, & village in the Pheta pargand. There is an old tradition that Brahman mandis held possession of Bhajri, & village in pargand Ghar. The Badobt Kanets of Badoh invited them in a jay and gave them poison in their food. All died except a pregnant woman, who fortunately was not present at the jag, and she gave birth to a son, whose descendants are the Bhagoral (belonging to Bbagrt) Brahmans of Mailog State. The images (called naudo) of the Brahmans, who were poisoned, are still worshipped in Badoh, and a jag is held every third or fourth year in their memory, half its cost being defrayed by the State. Palard, the head of a pargan (36 (Kumharsain). Thal,30 if a dispute arise concerning land, a tree, or a house, an oath (called thal) is taken on the Chief of the State. If the person on whom it is imposed desires to be released from it, he must pay a rupee to the Chief (Kumharsnin). PERSIAN AFFINITIES OF THE LICCHAVIS, BY PROFESSOR SATIS CHANDRA VIDYABUSANA, M.A., M.R.A.S. In connection with Mr. Vincent A. Smith's very interesting article, Tibetan Affinities of the Licchavis, published ante, Vol. XXXII, pp. 233-236, I beg to offer a few observations for consideration. In the article referred to an attempt has been made to establish the theory that the Liochavis were & Tibetan tribe, which settled in the plaids during pre-historic times. While admitting the kinghip of the Licchavis with the early Tibetan Kings, I beg to differ from Mr. V. A. Smith in his main theory as to the origin of the Licchavis. in my humble opinion the Licchavis were & Persian tribe, whose original home was Nisibis, which they left for India and Tibet in the 6th century. B. C. and 4th century B. C., respectively. According to Ptolemy, Arrian, Strabo, and other classical writers, Nisibis was a most notable town in Aria to the south-east of the Caspian Sea. Wilson identifies it with the modern town of Nissa (off Herat) on the north of the Elburz Mountains between Asterabad and Meshd. Vines grew here abundantly and it is traditionally known to have been the birthplace of the wine-god Dionysos. M. de St. Martin observes that Nisibis must have been of Median or Persian foundation, for its name is purely Iranian and figures in the cosmogonic geography of the Zend Aresta, and this observation tallies well with the account of Arrian, who, in his Indika,7 distinctly says that the Nysaioi (the inhabitants of Nyra or Nisibis) were not an Indians Mawl, a term for the early inhabitants of these hills. Their descendants are still found there. -Note by Papdit Tiki Ram Joshi.) 5 In parts of the Simla Hills the pargands are divided into ghorie, a word not precisely defined. 28 Thain4, in Pabart, means to prohibit. In Jubbal the that is explained to be virtually the same as the darohs, thus - When a man wanted to prevent any one from doing a wrongful act he would my let the darohi or that of the RDA be upon you if you do it.' And then the man could not do the act until he had paid the Rand a rupee for *opening the thai.' The latter term might perhaps be translated ban. 1 MoCrinulo's Ancient India as Described by Ptolemy, Pp. 308 and 828. * MoCrindle's Ancient India Described by Megasthenku and Arrian, p. 170. Morindlo's Ancient India as Described in Classical Literature, p. 83. %SMoCrindle's Megoathones and Arrian, Pp. 179-180. . It is not definitely knows whether this Nisibis is in any way connected with the famous city of that name in Mesopotamia (on the borders of Armenis) which roso to importance during the Assyrian period, continued under the Seleucida and became the residence of the Kings of Armenia from 149 B.C. to 14 A. D., being afterwards con quered by the Romans. It is, however, probable that while Cyrus, the King of Persia (559 B. C.-530 B.O.), was ortending his way up to Chorasmia (modern Khiva) and Sogdiana (modern Samarkand and Bokhara). A colony from Nisibis in Mesopotamis was planted in the North of Aris (off Horat) which, too, thenceforth bore the name of Niibis (vide Encyclopadia Britannica, Oth Edition, Volumes XVII and XVIII, Articles Nimbia and Pornia)

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MARCE, 1908.] PERSIAN AFFINITIES OF THE LIOCHAVIS, 79 race. In fact, Nisibis was a part of Persia. It appears to me very probable that while about 515 B. C. Darias, the King of Persia, sent an expedition to India, or rather caused the Indus to be explored from the land of the Pakhtu (Afghans) to its month, some of his Persian subjects in Nisibis (off Herat) immigrated to India, and having found the Panjab over populated by the orthodox Brahmans, came down as far as Magadha (Bebar) which was at that time largely inhabited by Vratyaslo or outcaste people. "The earliest reference to the people of Nisibis in Indian writings occurs in the famous Brahmanic Sanskrit work, the Manusamhita (Chapter X, verse 12), in which they have been designated as Nicchibi, which is, no doubt, an Indian form of the Persian word Nisibis. Manu describes the Niochibis as Vratya-ksatriyas, or an outcaste royal race, and names them along with Khasa, Karana, and others. In the Bhavisya Purana, Chapter 139, verses 33-65, Niksubha is described as a daughter of the sage Rijis va of the Mihira Gotra or Solar clan, and under the name of Havani as married to Surya, the Sun-god. I imagine that Niksubha represents the Dane of a Persian girl of Nisibis, who worshipped the san-god, like other members of her race. In the Indian Pali works they have been called Lioohavi or Lioohivi, which is only & softened form of Niochibi or Nisibis, and have heen mentioned as living in a large number in Vaisuli (in Magadha). That in the 5th century B.C. the Liochavis were not yet fully established in India, is evident from the Mahiparinibbana Sutta, Chapter I, in which Ajutasatru, the King of Magadha, is found to have been making plans for their expulsion from his kingdom. But the excellent horse-carriages and magnificent Variegated dresses of the Licchavi youths and courtezan, Ambapali, described in Chapter II of the Mahaparinibbana Sutta, lead us to suppose that they must have descended from a civilized race. By the first half of the 4th century A. D. the Licobavis became very powerful in India and Nepal. In the Allahabad Pillar Inscription of Samudra Gupta (uide Fleet's Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. III, p. 16) we find that a Liechavi princess named Kumara Devi was married to Chandra Gupta I about 319 A. D. "That the Liochavis were then at least of equal rank and power with the early Guptas, is shown by the pride in this alliance manifested by the latter." Jayadeva I, the first historical member of the Liechavi tribe, reigned in Nepal A. D. 330-355 (vide Fleet, p. 135). In the Nepalese records, such as the Vaihkavali, the Licchavis bave been allotted to the Surys Vamsa or Solar race. As late as about 700 A.D. thero reigned in the east in Varendra (North-eastern Bengal) a king named Simha, who sprang from the Licchavi race (vide Lama Tarinatba's Gescluchte des Buddhismus von Schiefner, p. 146). According to Pag-saat-jon-zang, Gyal-rab-sal-wahi-me-long 11 and other Tibetan books, the earliest Kings of Tibet from Nya-thi-tsa u-po downwards belonged to the Li-tsa-byi race. There is, no doubt, that Li-tsa-byi is only a modified form of Licchavi. The first King of Tibet was Nya-thi-tsan-po, who was a wanderer from a foreign country. The exact date of his arrival in Tibot is unknown, but from Deb-ther-hon-po and other Tibetan records it appears that he lived between the 4th and 1st centuries B. C. It is probable that during the occupation of Sogdiana!and the neighbouring places by Alexander the Great, the Bactrian Greek Kings and subsequently the Scythians (the Yue-chi) about 150 B. O., some Persian people from Nisibis (off Herat) migrated to Tibet into the Himalyan regions, where they established a monarchical system of Government on the model of the Government in Persia. .. Encyclopaedia Britannica, 9th Edition, Volume XVIII, p. 569. 10 Vide Latyayana Srauta Sutra, 8/6. Compare also Rajaram Ramkrishna Bhagavat's article named "A Chapter from the Taodya-Bruhmapa " published in the Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Yolame XIX of 1895-97. 11 Compare Alexander Cwoma de Koros's Tibetan Grammar, P. 194. As hooks in Tibet were written long ntercourse of that country with India had been opened, the Litsabyi Kings of Tibet are often mentioned as having originally come from Vaisali in India. Ara matter of fact the Lioohavis of Yaisali and Tibet are collateral branches of a Persian race in Nisible (of Horat). 13 Encyclopaedia Britannica, 9th Edition, Volume XXII, p. 346.

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80 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1908. The Bam-yik variety of the Tibetan alphabet, which is in common use in Tibet, derived, I suppose, its name from the city of Bamyian (off Nisibis ), which was visited by Hiuen-thsiang in 680 A. D., and is now subject to the Afghans. The custom of exposing the dead to be devoured by wild animals, as it prevailed in Vaisali and is still found in Tibet, was, I believe, introduced into those countries from Persia by the Licchavi immigrants. It is hardly necessary to add that the practice of exposure of the dead was widely followed in Persia and its dependencies, including Nisibis. The Bonl8 religion, which preceded Buddhism in Tibet, is said to have originated from Tajik (Persia). According to Dub-thah-sel-kyi-me-long, twenty generations of Tibetan Rings from Nya-thi-tsan-po down to Thi-je-tsan-po followed no other religion than the Bon, which prevailed in Tibet up to 780 A. D., when it was persecuted by King Thi-srong-de-tsan. The various black arts--such as witchcraft, exorcism, magic, performance of miracles, sacrifice of animals, etc., in which the Bon-po priests were skilled-must have been imported from Nisibis (Persia) by the Magi priests, who accompanied the Licchavis into Tibet. Sen-rab, who was one of the most prominent Bon-teachers, had among his spiritual descendants a Persian sage, named Ma-tso-tra-he-si. That there was intercourse between Persia and Tibet in the ancient days, is evident from Kalidasa's (Sanskrit) Raghuvashsa, Canto IV (verses 60-81), in which the foreign conquests of Raghu are described. Raghu after subduing the Parasika (Persians), Huna (Hans), and Kamboja (the inhabitants of the Hindukush mountains, which separate the Gilgit Valley from Balkh), ascended the Himalayas, where he fought hard against the mountain tribes called U-tsa-va-sa-ketan, and afterwards crossing the Lauhitya (Brahmaputra River), came down to Pragiyotisa (Assam). This conquest of Raghu is, perhaps, a mere fiction, but it shows that in the days of Kalidasa, about 500 A.D., the people of India were aware of a route existing between Persia and India on the one hand and Pergia and Tibet on the other. BOOK-NOTICE. PARIMALA, A COMMENTARY ON MADANA'S PARIJITA- that the work is superficial. Quite the contrary. MANARI. By Sei LAKBIYANA SOBI, Leipzig, 1907 The commentary indeed occupies only 19 printed (Bombay: British India Press, Byculla). pages, but it is very learned, clear, easy to The works of Sri Lakshmana Sari show that, understand, and always to the point. That the even in modern India, there are still Pandits who author is fully acquainted with the various Sastras, are keeping up the traditions of the great com. is a matter of course with a good Pandit ; but mentators of past centuries like Mallinatha. | how few deserving this name can still be found at Sanskrit scholars owe to him commentaries on the present time? And which European wonld the Venisamhara, Mahaviracharitum, and Uttarari. bave been able to equal him ? Now, only, we are macharitam; and quite recently he has further able fully to enjoy Madana's sometimes fairly earned their gratitude by his commentary on difficult verses; see, for instance, the commentary Madana's Parijatamanjari. Having sent him a on Act I, verse 28. The author deserves our best copy of this drama in August, 1906, Prof. Hultzsch thanks, as also does Prof. Hultzsch for having had received the manuscript of Lakshmana Sari's the commentary composed by him. The drama commentary on it as early as the 3rd November itself may now be safely recommended as a textof the same year, with the remark that it would book, as it can be conveniently disposed of during have been finished even sooner, if the author a single term. had not been engaged in valuing examination RICHARD SCHMIDr. papers. It must not be concluded from this Halle, S. (Germany 18 Vide Rai Sarat Chandra Dan's article on "The Bon Religion" in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Part I, 1881. 14 Utsavarang ketan, according to the Mahabharata (Sabhaparva, Chapter 26, and Bhi maparva, Chapter 9) was the colleotive name of seven tribes that inhabited the Himalayas. It is a compound word, which may be analysed as follows:- + + + + ba + sang + ketan = 1 + da-yal + 48-yul + ba-thang + trang + khotan. In this compound we discern several well known Tibetan names, such as U-Central Tibet, Tsang - Western Tibet, Ba - Bathang, etc. Sa-yul, Da-yul, and Khotan wore also provinces of Tibet.

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APRIL, 1908.] THE BUDDHIST COUNCILS. THE BUDDHIST COUNCILS. BY PROFESSOR L. DE LA VALLEE POUSSIN. (Continued from page 18.) II. - THE SECOND COUNCIL. THE account of the Council of Vaicali (Culla XII.) is one of the finest pages of ancient 1 Indian literature. In spite, or perhaps even because of the clumsiness of the style and composition - "breakings-off," repetitions, brusque transitions, episodes badly connected with the general course of the story -- the writer pictures to us with a greyish back-ground, in the half light of a legend which aims at being history, or of a history which the Buddhist style unique in the world" cannot fail to render legendary, a wide plan, full of suggestive details, and every one seems agreed on this point, more or less susceptible of historical criticism. We will give first of all, as we did above, an outline of the Pali document. 1., 1. "At Vesali, a hundred years ofter the Nibbana of Bhagavat87 the Bhikkhus (named) song of Vajji, established at Vesali,88 proclaimod it lawful to practise the ten points:89 Singilona, drangula, gamantara, acasa, anumats, acinna, amathita, jalogi, adasaka nistdana, jataruparajata." 80 At this time Y 82,01 gon of Kakandaka, travelling in the country of the Vajjis, came to Vesali; he took up his lodging in the Great Wood (Mahavana), in the hall of the Belvedere (Kutagarasala). Now the Bhikkhu Vajjiputtakas of Vesali, on the day of the Uposatha, having filled a copper basin with water, and haviug placed it in the midst of the circle formed by the monks," say to the laymen who come: "Give to the community a kahapana, a half, a quarter, A sixth of a kahapana! The community will have need of divers things." In vain Yasa proteste : "Do not give ! Gold and silver are not allowed to the ascetics, sons of Sakya ...." * Sources: Culla (Minayeff, Pratimoka, p. xxxix., translated in Tar. note, p. 289); Chronicles, Buddhaghora. - Rhys Darids, Buddhism, p. 212. Vinayaksudraka (Dulva, XL, 323-330) pointed out by Taranatha, p. 41; "Da das Wesentliche dieser Geschichte Bus dem Vinaya ksudraka vollstandig sehr bekannt ist, ist es hier nicht auf geschrieben." This history has been translated by Rookhill, Life, 171-180 (see Suhiefner's note, Tar. p. 41); nevertheless we think it will be of atility to give below in an appendix the Tibetan text and the translation of the paragraph consecrated to the definition of the six infractions. Mahigasakavinaya, aooording to Wassilieff, note to Taranatha, pp. 289 and 290. Hiouen-thaaug, II. 891; Kern, II. 238. Dharmagaptas, Nanjio 1117, according to Beal, Four Lecturos, p. 83. >> According to Mossra, Rhys Davids and Oldenberg, those figures must be taken as round numbers. * Or: '[forming the community) of Vesali.' It must not be forgotten that five hundred bhiksus of Vaicali, Vajjiputtakas, ara represented, Culla VII. 4, 1, as having adhered to the five rigorist propositions of Devadatta. - A notable oontradiction. * According to Taranatha (p. 40) the brothers from Vaicali profited by the siok ness of the venerable Dhitiks to practise the teu "points." They were reproved by 700 arhate, with the Arhat Yacas at their head and in the Vihara Kuamapuri (=Pauliputra), under the reign of Nanda (dga-byed) as patron (danapatt) the aecond collection of the Soripture took place. The Arbats are said to be Babupratiyas (P) and from the region of Vaicata, or to have come from the " six towns." (Kern, II. 283.) # Vatthu =vastu = Tib: gshi. * These teshnical terms are merely enumerated hore; they will be explained later on, in the actual body of the account. We shall not discuss the porsonality of this Yacas ; see Korn, II. 884, and Man. p. 105, 8, and Oldenberg, Buddh. St., p. 624. In the midst of the Bhikkhusabgha." - Compare Dir. Arad, 885; Aradunasat. apud Burnouf, Intr. 457.

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82 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1908. When the night was ended, the monks shared the money between them, and also offered his portion to Yasa, who refused it. SS 2. The monks bring against Yasa the act of "reconciliation" (pratisaraniya kamma)" as having blamed pious laymen, full of excellent intentions"; that is to say, they condemn him to ask pardon from the laymen.89 Accompanied by a brother, whom he has demanded as attendant (anudita) in conformity with the rule, Yasa goes into the town and speaks to the laymen: "I acknowledge that I blamed you, you who are, nevertheless, laymen, pious and of good intention; it is true. But why? Because I call illegal (adhamma) that which is illegal, the law, the law; because I call disorder (avinaya) disorder, and discipline, discipline." SSSS 3-5. And he proves his right by citing discourses of Buddha, which are absolutely decisive on the question of the monks being forbidden gold and silver. 6. The laymen are convinced and decide to break with the lapsed brethren: "There is none but Yasa who is an ascetic and a son of Sakya ; all the others are neither ascetics, nor sons of Sakys." SS7. The attendant relates to the monks the unexpected issue of the "reconciliation" of Yasa. "Yasa, without being deputed by us, has preached to laymen": Let us bring against him the act of suspension (ukkhepaniya kamma)!" The Vajjiputtakas meet together to put this project into execution. However, Yasa rises into the air and descends at Kosambi; he sends messengers to the brethren of the West, to those of Avanti, and of the Deccan, saying: "Come! Let us take this question in hand before the non-Dhamma spreads and the Dhamma be put aside... (The same terms as in Kacyapa's speech before the First Council.) 8. Yasa pays a visit to Sambhuta Sanavasin he enumerates the ten points to him without furnishing any explanation and invites him in the same terms as above: "Let us take this question "Sapavasin accepts. There arrive on the mountain Ahoganga sixty ascetics from Patheyya (western), all arhats and observers of the Dhutangas, 100 eighty-eight ascetics from Avanti and the Dekkan all arhats, bat of whom some only practise the extreme austerity of the Occidentals.1 5 See Korn, II. 118. Amhohi asammato gihina pakaseri Without being deputed by us has proclaimed to laymen [a false doctrine]. The sin referred to is that of asammalavavada. Patheyyakas." Patheya is one of the four divisions into which India was divided and includes the great westerly kingdoms of Kuru, Pancala, Maccha, Surasena, Assaka, Avanti, Gandhara, Kamboja (Mahavagga, VII. i. 1; Milinda, 831)." E. Muller, J. P. T. 8. 1888, p. 54 (cited by Kern, Manual p. 104). 6 M. Vyut, SS 275, 11 avantakas. Imam adhikaranam adiyizsama: "let us take in charge this legal question.. 281, 208. M. Vynt, SS 276; 16, Elsewhere Sanasambhuta; in the northern sources Canavisa, Canavasika (Kern, II. 251, n. 1; 971) Sonavisin. imam adhikaranam adiyissama: "let us take in charge this last question. " (Vinaya Teats, III., p. 195). As if it was here a question of the tenth point only (gold and silver) and not of the nine others. Perhaps the original account was only concerned with the question of gold and silver. 100 Sabbe arannaka, sabbe pindapatika, sabbe pamsukulika, sabbe tecivarika, - Dhutangas 8, 8, 1, 2. See below .101, n. 6. 1 On the laws promulgated in favour of the monks of the South and from Avanti, see M. Vagga, V. 18.

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APRIL, 1903.) THE BUDDHIST COUNCILS. $ 9. The Bhikkhus (theras) deliberate : " This question is hard and troublesome. How can we obtain partisans so that we may be the stronger in this question ?" -They think of summoning Revat, - a contemporary of Bhagavat, if we are to believe II. Vagga (VIII. 31) who was dwelling at Soreyya. Revata, thanks to his celestial hearing, hears their discourse ; he thinks: "This question is hard and troublesome and surely (it is not or it would not be] seemly for me to mix myself up with such a question. Now the Bhikklus will come and, surrounded by them, I shall not easily get away. Whet if I took the prestation of leaving." Revata goes to Samkrssa. The theras, not finding him at Soreyya, hasten to Sumkassa ; but the saiut is no longer there, and they are obliged to pursue him from place to place, Kanna, Kajja, Udambara, Aggalapura. Finally, at Sahajati, where they finally arrive, they learn that Revata is still in the towo. 10. Sannvasin makes Yasa observe that Revata will probably be oocupied in giving a lesson to his pupil. When the lesson is finished, Yasa questions Revata on the ten points : "Is the practice of the Sing lona lawful ?" etc. The saint does not understand the formulas: "Wbat," he asks, " is the Singi luna, etc.?" After Yasa's explanations Revata replies that the ten practices are prohibited, except the sixth, which is sometimes lawful, sometimes not. Formulas 9 and 10 seem to have been sufficiently clear for them to have been condemned upon a mere Learing without Yasa having to take trouble to explain them. Such are, concludes Yasa, the 'ten points that the ascetics (called) Vajjipattakas, from Vesal, have proclaimed. Come, let us take this question...." Revata accepts. II., $1. The Vajjiputtakas learn the steps taken by Yasa. They also seek for allies : " Thig question is hard and troublesome...." They think to seduce Revata and repair to Sahajuti armed with all kinds of utensils for monastio life to give him. 62. Episode. The venerable Satha asks himself who is in accord with the Dhamma (dhammavadin), the Orientals or the Occidentals. Considering the Dhamma and the Vinaya, 1 Idanh kho ad ukaranah kakkhalan os valan on. "Kakkhafa hard dimloult. Vala is doubtful: although the substantive vyala may be represented by tal, I am inclined to believe that rala oor responds to the adjective tyala, bad." [Communication from M. Kern. -Vinaya Texts: "This legal question now is hard and subtle." Na kho me fail patrupath yo 'ham warpe adhikarane osakkoyyarlaidani ca pana to bhikkhu agacchinanti. ro' hail tehi akip na pharura gaminami. Yan nunahari pagigace 'era gaccheyyants. On osakkati, see Childers and Mhu. I. 389 (avasakkati; sokk representing svask) =" withdraw from." patigaxha and elsewhere pafikacca = pratiklya-means by way of precaution.' Be M. Vagga, I. 81 (kacoa) c. Yaga, VI. 11; Suttavibh. II. p. 46; Therajatha, 547; Jat. III, 208, 25 (kan ca). [Communicated by M Kern.] In order to follow M. Korn I depart from the version of Meagra, R. D. and O.: "This legal question is both hard and subtle, it would not become me to hold back therefrom. But even now those Bhikkhus (the Vajjians) will be coming. It would be unpleasant travelling for me were I to fall in with them. Let me go on before them." This version seems to me to be reconcilable neither with the text nor with the context. "These Bhikkhus" (te bhikkhi) can only be the thora bhikkhuss whose deliberations Revata has just heard and who are, in fact, coming to Soreyya, as the Saint had foreseen. * idani ca panayasma Revalo anterasikah sarabhanakam bhikkhum quhesissati, po tvar tanta bhikkhuro mantam Roraram.... puccheyyusili.-Vinaya Terla: "And eren sow Revata will call upon a Bhikkhu who is an intoner, and a pupil of his. Do you, therefore, when the Bhikkhu has concluded ....".-"agghesi pati" provided that the reading is correct, can only mean "will invite" (see Morris, J. P.T. 8. 1889). The Master will invite "(polite expression instead of " will command") his disciple (his pupil) to recite his losgon. Ajjhapessati would be more natural. The exact sense of sarabhanaka is not determined. Without doubt, a recitation of some nature or other." [ Communicated by M. Kern.] Buddha having forbidden the "intoned recital" of the Dharma (ayata kena gitassarena dhammals gayanti), the monks abstain from the sarabhaninia. The Master corrects them with regard to this (C. Vajga, Y. 3, and the translators' note). . Explanations whiob we shall examine below. * Facinatas and fatheyekas.

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94 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1908. le resolves the problem in favour of the second. A divinity comes to confirm him in this view. All the same, the page decides not to show his opinion before being chosen for this question." 3. The Vajjipattakas offer Revata the presents they have brought: "No," replies Revata, "I have the three robes." Not regarding themselves as beaten, they turn to Uttara, a monk attached to the person of Revata and having twenty years (of ordination). He refases at first; bat a little delicate fattery shakes his resolution. We accepts a robe, saying: "Tell me what do you wish ?" "Nothing but this, that the venerable Uttara say to the thera' that the thera should announce in the midst of the Samgha that the Buddhas rise in the countries of the East, that the Orientals agree with the Dhamma and the Occidentals are against the Dhamma.'" Uttara transmitted the request to his master, who, being indiguant, dismissed him. "What did the thera say?" ask the Vajjipattakas. "We have done wrong," replied Uttara ;10 " the thera dismissed me, saying that I was pledging him to non-dhamma." "Are you not old, and have you not twenty years' ordination ?" "Yes," replies Uttara. "Ought we, perhaps, to pnt ourselves under the guidance of a master?" 84. The Samgba meets to decide the question. Revata presides, and formally, in accordance with the rules, 12 remarks: "If we were to settle this affair here, it might bappen tha: the Bhikkhus who inaugurated it would be able to renew it; therefore the Samgha must make its decision at the place where the affair happened." Thereupon, the theras go to Vesili. A new episode. At Vesali lived the old Sabbakimin, "Father of the church for the [whole) carth,"13 who had had Ananda as apadhyaya, who counted a hundred and twenty years of devout life. Revata, after having taken the advice of Saanvasi, goes to this venerable old man. Couches are placed for the two saints. It is Inte, but Revata does not go to bed, for he thinks : "This thera is old, but he does not think of sleeping ;" and Sabbakimin does not go to bed, for he thinks : "This Bhikkhu, although wearied by his journey, does not think of sleeping." $5. And, as the night advances, a delightful dialogue ensues in which the two friends, to their edification and oars, forget the question of discipline.16 "We shall meet with an Uttara, a fomenter of schisms. . By somparing Rovata to Buddha, Uttara to Ananda, who often coopted prosents in his master's place and stead. puratthimeru janapadene. 10 papikam no avu so katam="It is an evil you have wrought me, Sirs." 11 api mu ca mayais garu nisaya lo ga Ahama 'ti. "Then we take the nisaya under yon as your pupila." M. Kern had translated (Gesch. II. p. 255); "the brothers of Vsicali .... tried to console him (Yacas ) and promised to take him under their proteotion." He is willing to ailow me to inake use of the following remarks: api mu always introduces & question; under you is not represented in the text. "We ought, perhaps, to put ourselves under the gaidance of a master ?," that is to say: "Wo (you and ourselves ) are wise enough to know how we ought to conduot ourselves we have no need of reprimands from Revata." It is not sure that guru = master. 19 Mossro, R. D. and 0. refer the reader to Cullaragja IV. 14, whore is fixed, with great fulness of detail, the procedure relative to th) settlement of difficulties of all kinda. Soo also Pacittiya lxjii. and lxxix. 13 Kern, II. p. 255-pathavya sainghalhero. # addhiviharika of Azanda. We have seen (n. 82 at the end) that Vriipatra was also a disciple of Apanda. tarahi bahulah vihardasti. Mettausharena lho aham etarahs bahulails viharamiti. kullakoviharena kira tvam bhummi etarahi bahulata iarasi, kullakaviharoyal idam met ta ti... The English translation is loss faithful than elegant: "By what manner of life, beloved one, have you lived these so many years"-"By continuing in the sense of love, honoured friend, have I continued thus so many years." "They say that you have continue thus, beloved one, by easiness of life, and that indeed, beloved one, is an easy lifo, [[ mean] the continuing in love." See Kern, Gesch. III. p. 253: "To what thing, honoured Lord, do you apply yourself before all at the prosent time?" "To benevolence," replied Berats "It is a fine thi to apply oneself to benevolence." "You," replied Revata, "already proviously, when I had a family .. ."

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APRIL 1908.] THE BUDDHIST COUNCILS. 85 $ 6. There arrives Sanavasin who questions the disciple of Ananda upon the ten points : " You have, O thera, mach stadied Dhamma and Vinaya at the feet of your teacher; what then is your opinion when you consider the Dhamma and the Vinaya ...." Very politely, the centenarian begs Sanavasin in the same terms to say himself, first, what is his way of thinking. The two sages are in favour of the Occidentals, but, before speaking, they will wait to be charged with the affair. 7. The Council begins. "But as they examined the affair many speeches were made, "away from the point," and the sense of not one single speech was understood [by the whole of the assembly]."'16 Confirmably to a rule established by Buddha,17 Revata proposes to refer the matter to & jury; he chooses four Bhikkhus from the East (Sabbakamin, Salha, Kajjasobhita, Vasabbagamika); four from the West (Revata, Sanavasin, Yasa, and Sumana) and has this choice formally approved by the Samgha. There is added to the arbitrators, as regulator of the sittings, a monk named Ajita, who counted ten years seniority and who, at this moment, was charged with the recitation of the Pratimokga. $ 8. Revata, as president, proposes to the Samgha, this time composed of the eight delegates, to hear the opinion of Sabbakamin on each of the ten points; he questions the old man who successively condemns the propositions of the Vajjiputtakas by appealing to the rules of the Vinaya, sometimes to the Patimokicha, sometimes to the Vaggas. As was just, Sabbakamin, except for the two last points, demanded the explanations that Revata himself had solicited from Yasa: "Pardon! Salt in a horn (singilonu), is it permitted ?" "What is salt in a horn P" asked Sabbakamin in his tarn. "Is it permitted to preserve salt in a horn in order to be able to use it later on when one has no salt under one's hand ?" - "No, that is not permitted." "Where was that forbidden ?" - "At Savatthi, [as is stated] in the Suttavibhanga," " Of what does one render oneself guilty then?""Of the use of food put aside."19 Similarly for the other points.20 The assembly agrees, by << unanimous vote, with the opinion of Subbakamin, who concludes: " This question is decided, settled once for all. However, question me on these ten points in the midst of the assembly, with a view to persuading these Bbikkhus." And thus it was done. 8 9. "And as in this recitation of the Vinaya seven hundred Bhikkhus, not one less and not one more, took part; this recital of the Vinaya is called the recital of the Seven Hundred." At first sight, it seems that the hesitation of the theras; the care with which the holders of the just cause, first Yacas and then Raivata, seek for light and patrons; the profound knowledge necessary for the examination of a problem declared by the good as by the evil ones, by the "foresters" as well as by the "monastics," "to be hard and troublesome"; - all this mise en scene 16 anagyani c'eva bhausanijayanti na c'ekana bhanitana attho vifitayati: "both was much pointless speaking brought forth and also the sense in no single speech was clear." The same formula, Culla IV. 14, 19, where is indicated the procedure to be followed in such currences, proceedings which Revata will propose here. 11 Culla IV. 14, 19. >> asanapatapaka, seat regulator.' This duty is unknown elsewhere ; it should have been mentioned (Cuilla VI, 81, 8), there are good reasons to justify this omission (Vinaya Teata, III. p. 408, note). 19 Kern, II. p. 257. As regards the sixth point, in which the treatment is somewhat different, see below, p. 80.

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86 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1908 which precedea the meeting, so interesting, so amusing when we have placed before us intrigues of the Vaijiputtakas with Raivata and Uttara,- it seems, we say, that all those preparations fall short and that even the least important of the Bhikkhas, as well as the centenarian, pupil of Ananda, "Father of the charch for the whole earth" might have found in the Patimoksha or in the Mahavagga, the formal articles, drawn up by Buddha, which condemn the innovators. Nevertheless, we are told that Raivata tries in vain to avoid so obscare a case, and that the sages, cleverly circumvented, while communicating their way of thinking to the leader of the Occidentals, are agreed to keep it secret until the great day of the assizes. What! there exists a formal text, a rule numbered xviii, in the collection of the Nissaggiya Pacittiyas, which forbids the Samgha to receive money; and the monks of Vaicali, not content with violating it, dare to decree against Yacas, who reproves them, the act of reconciliation and the act of suspension ! Further, they form a cabal, try to seduce Raivata and do seduce Uttara, who, a faithful disciple of a holy man, becomes the accomplice of the dissolute. This is strange and we conclude at first sight that the Vinaya did not exist at the time of Vaicali: if we must believe the Culla with regard to this, when it defines the nature of the "Points of discipline" practised and defended by the Vajjipattakas and when it narrates these pious debates to us, we could not admit that the Vinayas were known to the embarrassed theras and the heretical Vajjiputtakas. "Of the ten abuses which must have provoked the meeting of the Council, seven, at least, violate formal decisions of the Prati moksa. How could the Bhikkhus of Vaicali have hoped for a moment that they would be overlooked if they had known the formulary, if they had recited it twice # mouth ?" 21 Without observing this difficulty, Prof. Oldenberg, in his Introduction to the Mahavagga, so meritorious otherwise in so many respects, Messrs. Oldenberg and Rhys Davids, in the preface to the Vinaya Texts,22 have built up on the recital of the Culla a very curious combination, one very characteristic of the expedients to which we are reduced in the study of Buddhist origins. This combination Prof. Oldenberg has not abandoned in his Buddhistische Studien. Here, as shortly as possible, are the broad outlines of it. The general dispositions of the Pratimoksa are opposed to the innovations of Vaicali; but the Vinayas know nothing of these innovations in so much as they are designated by the laconic formule of which we have spoken; consequently, the Vinaya was drawn up before the eyents of Vaicali, since the innovations are not specially contemplated in it; a long time before, since these innovations are not contemplated in some interpolated passages. And to note the original: "Is it possible that is a collection of works like the Vibhanga and the Khandakas, which seek to set forth, down to the minutest detail, and oven with hair-splitting diffuseness, all that has any relation to the daily life of the Brethren, and the regulations of the Buddhist Order, - is it possible that in such a collection, if, when it was compiled, the struggle on the Ten Points had already burst into flame, there should be no reference at all even in interpolations, to any one of these ten disputes ?"23 21 Barth, Bulletin des Rel. de l'Inde, 1899-1902, III. ii. p. 29. 33 S. B. XIII. p. xxii. 33 Vinaya Teata, I. P. xxi-xxii. M. Oldenberg's thought is not expressed oxactly in the same terms, Buddh. Studien, p. 631, 2: "Ich habe fruher ingewiesen und kann jetzt nur von neuem thun, dass man noffenbar, wenn die Verfasser, sei es der Regeln selbst oder auch nur die jener Beigaben, von der Vorhandlungen von Verali otwas gewusst hatten, eine Spor davon, eine Bezagoahme auf den streitigen Punkt, zu erwarten berechtigt Wiro. M. Oldenberg saya a fow words of the singilona and the jalogi (ae ys a few words of the singtona and the jalogi (see below) and oonoludes: "loh meine also: ein Vinaya, der nach dem Streit uber den singilonakappa, uber das jalogi patum, ato., rodigiert worden ware, musste aller Wahrso heinlichkeit nach an den betreffenden Stellen anders aussehen als der uns erhaltene Vinaya." See below, p. 90, n. 41 ; P. 98, n. 82 ; P. 100, n. 1.

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APRIL, 1908.) THE BUDDHIST COUNCILS. 87 The argument is very subtle and very hard to tackle. The conclusion is, assuredly, somewhat heavy; but it furnishes a plausible explanation of the difficulty we have pointed out above. The innovations of Vaicali are indeed innovations; the legislator did not foresee them : the problem is truly "hard and subtle." However, on examining them, we perceive that they fall under general rules; and we condemn them by arging authentic texts. As advocate of the Pali tradition, Prof. Oldenberg deserves our congratulations: we shall not refuse them to him, Minayeff, whose powerful attention was strangely quickened in the critical sense, could not fail to consider this solution somewhat naive, or, to express his thought more exactly, almost frivolous. By this is explained why he treats the problems of Vaicali with a very fine bat disconcerting ease of manner, sustaining, as he does, at a distance of two pages, two opinions which apparently are contradictory. In truth, a firmly bound system is hilden under this outward disorder. Minayeff proves in fact, that the greater part of the derogations of Vaicali are condemned by the existing text of the Vinaya" -- which is absolutely unmistakable, if the derogations are faithfully defined in the Culla ; but he believes that even if one admits that in the Vinaya there is no special interdiction for all the innovations of Vaicali," this hypothetical assertion can, nevertheless, not serve as a proof of the age of the Vinaya, for, "in the present text, there are a number of concessions and prescriptions which perfectly justify, in principle, all the guilty inclinations of the brethren of Vaicali." There is not a strict tribunal, having before it the present text of the Vinaya, which could affirm the culpability of many of the innovations of Vaicali, or resolve to reject them as practices irreconcilable with the spirit of the Vinaya. In other words, either the innovations of Vaicali are condemned, at least the greater number of them, in the actual text of the Vinaya, or they are not. If they are, Prof. Ollenberg's argument falls to the ground; for we shall be able to maintain that the dispositions of the Vinaya which condemn them were compiled after Vaicali. Minayeff will show, then, that they are condemned. For example: the rule which forbids all provision (Pac. xxxviii.) forbids the provision of salt (Girgt innovation of Vaicali) and, "if the rule of the Pratimoksa does not mention salt, does it follow from that that the Pratimoksa was already in existence before the appearance of the innovations of Vaicali and that it is for this reason that the rules do not mention salt?"26 But if you judge of it otherwise and answer: "Yes, in our opinion, for if the Suttavibhanga were later than the discussion on salt, there woull have been mention made in it of the salt ;--this controversy, the origin of a capital schism, and "as important for the history of Bud lhism as the controversy of Arianism was for Christian 24 Researches, p. 59. 28 Has Minayoff the right to consider as 'risky' the thesis acoording to which the absence from the Vinaya of the formule which sum up the innovations, the non-mention of these "war-ories" (except jatarupa), or, to speak more correctly, the completo ignorance in which the compilers of the Vinaya would be of the objects on discussion, peremptorily proves the seniority of the Vinaya in relation to the innovations of Vaicali ? Ir principle, the argument a silentio is only conclusive if we know in full detail the context of the events, tho psychology of the writers, the history of the books. The Mahaparinibbanasutta and Culla XI. oite the proceedings of the Brahmadanda, which the Vinaya ignores shall we say from this that the Vinaya is anterior to the Mahaparinibbana ? Besides, it is always easy to oppose reasoning to reasoning. The community thinks it knows (Culla XII. is the proof of it) that the Vajjiputtakaa thought to make provision of salt and maintained the opinion of the "salt in the horn." The whole community, oovidentale, orientals, and meridionala, was shaken by this controversy. And Prof. Oldenberg argues: If the Vinays, in its present state and in its entirety (except the Parivara ), were not anterior to the events of Vaicali by a sufficient number of years to assure its sacrad character, certainly somo forgers would have been found to insert into it some allusion to the sall in the horn. But we shall say, the Vinaya, f everyone, is proto-canonical and "pre-Vosalian"; every allusion to the salt in the horn would have constituted a flagrant anachronism, and we must oertainly credit the compilors of the Vinaya with some minimum of the oritical spirit. But this discussion ad hominem does not soom suitable to decide the question, far from it.

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88 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1908 history,"26 was certainly worthy of being mentioned;" tlen, not only will Minayeff recognise that in the Vinaya there is no special interdiction for all the innovations of Vaicali, but he will adopt the second branch of the dilemma. The innovations of Vaicali are not condemned in the present Vinays in this sense that, if there are in it rules which touch upon them, there are also dispositions which betray the same spirit of non-asceticism and confirm my impression that the rules contrary to the innovations were compiled after Vaicali: "The spirit of the existing Vinaya (although modified by the later triumph of asceticism] is not irreconcilable with many of the innovations of Vaicali .... In the Vinaya, divers usages are established in the community to receive as * present, to preserve and to share clothes as well as food. The community has the right to possess property, both morable and immovable; the movable property may also belong to one single monk," which is, at least, in opposition to the communist customs one has been please I to ascribe to the ancient fraternity.37 By this change of front, and this contradiction, at least apparent, Minayeff furnishes Prof. Oldenberg with an opportunity for an easy success." I say apparent,' because the contradiction is not the act of Minayeff, but of the Vinaya. The Pitimolekha forbids the provision of food, but the Mahavagga allows all kinds of provision, medicines of all kinds, beginning with the medicinal roots. The ascetic may not accept money, but he may have a deposit of money with a layman, "who renders acceptable to him" (kappiyalaraka) the things bought with this money. So, also, the convent possesses halls for provision, "store houses," which are kappiyabkumis, kappiyakutis and make lawful the food proserved, salt, oil, and rice.30 It is the same thing for many other points on which the vigour of the Palimokkha is weakened or enervated. We know, also, that the Pat, itself tolerates exceptions; one of the most notable is that of Nissaggiya xxiii., by which it is allowable to keep for seven days the principal medicines, ghi, butter, oil, honey, and molasses. Do not let us be astonished, then, to read in the Researches, p. 53, the contrary of what we read, p. 55. In the first passage, Minayeff places himself at the point of view of the Fathers of the Council, armed with the Pratimoksa, and, not without a pleasantly simulated reprobation, he condemns with them this abominable practice of the provision of salt, flagrant violation of the vows of poverty." In the second he observes that, for the reader of the Mhapagga, the provision of salt is only one of the manifold and permissible derogations from the laws of rigid asceticism. An examination of the "innovations" will, perhaps, enable us to form a personal opinion on the problem. What precedes suffices, we hope, to clear Minayeff from the reproach of inconsistency. The points of Vaicali may be grouped into two categories :I. - Derogations relative to the monastic organisation, avasakappa (4), anu mati (5), acinna (6). II. - Derogations relative to discipline : food, singilonakappa (1), dvangula (2), gamantara (3), amathita (7), drink, jalogi (8), bedding, adasaka-nisidana (9), law of poverty, jataruparajata (10). # We shall return to this appreciation of Vin. T., I. p. zzi. # Seo Vinaya Texts, L. p. 18. * Buddh, Studien, p. 623, quoted below, D. 31. M. Vaga, VI. 34, 1. M. Vaga, VI. 33. 1 "Wer dessen Ausfuhrungen S. 58 liest, wird doch das Gegenteil von dem finden, was derselbe Gelehrte swoi Seiten spater sagt." -Oldenberg, loc. cit.

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APRIL, 1908.) THE BUDDHIST COUNCILS. 89 1. 4. Avasakappa or "practice of the dwelling-place." "Several convents (or dwellings) which are in the same "parish' are allowed to hold separate uposathas."92 Compare M. Vagga II. 8, 3: "At this time two halls of U posatba had been instituted in a certain parish. The Bhikkhus assembled in both halls, because some thought : "The Uposatba will be held here,' and [the others] : The U posaths will be held there. This was reported to Bhagavat, who said : Let no one establish two hulls of Uposatha in the same parish .... I order the suppression of one of the two and I desire that the U posatha be held [only] in one place.' ". Did the M. Vagya designate here the horetical thesis by its technical name, it could not more clearly keep in view the fourth innovation of Vaicali, at least sach as the Culla defines it,33 5. Anumalikappa, or practice of approbation." "It is permitted to a Sangha, which is not sufficiently numerous, to accomplish an ecclesiastical act, by saying: we will make the other Bhikkhus consent when they come."4 The Fathers condemn the proposition, according to M. Vagga IX. 8, 5, which defines the act of an incomplete Sangha." The rule deinands, not only that the absent Bhikhus should have sent their adhesion, but also that no member present required them to be waited for. Not only does it touch upon the innovation in question, but it foresees a more complicated case. The same conclusion as for the preceding paregraph. 6. Acinnakappa: "It is allowable to follow the precedent of the preceptor and the instructor,"35" Yes," replies the Thera, "the practice of the precedent is permitted in certain cases; in others it is forbidden." The proposition of the Vajjiputtakas is rejected, without any text being alleged, as contrary to the Dharma-Vinaya. Messrs. Rhys Davids and Oldenberg explain bow the Acinnakappa is sometimes admittea, sometimes forbidden: "That is, of course, according as the thing enjoined is, or is not, lawful." Minayoff recalls, very appropriately, "this rule of Apastamba according to which the brabmacarin must submit to the preceptor in everything, except in actions which lead to excommunication." Perhaps the question is really to know if the authority of the Master, of the spadhyaya upon whom depends the doctrine, of the acarya who regulates the discipline, 50 will be as prevailing in 52 According to Kern (Geach. II, p. 252). Culla : Kappati sambahuta avara samanainima nanuposathar katunti - Vinaya Teata: "Circuit-license : It is allowable for Animber of Bhikkhus who dwell within the same cironit, within the same boundary, to bold separate aposathas." The Upon the is the bi-monthly ceremony, in the course of which, all the monks of the "parish," having met together, the Pratimoksa is read. The boundaries of the "parish" are fixed by A solemn decision of the brethren resident in anoh or sugh place. (Boo Kern, Gesch. II. p. p. 49-58). They must number at least two to hold Upobatha. 38 The interpretation of the Dharmagaptas differa: "In the Temple, besides the regulation acts, the innovators accomplished others (?)" (We know that temple = vihara = convent). See Minayett, p. 49.. The Mabicasakas, it neeme, do not mention the Arasakappa. For the Barvastivadins, nee the Appendix. Kappati baggena sathghena kamman katush agale bhikkhi anwunsstama ti. "Is it allowable for Sar:gha, which is not legally constituted, to perform an official act on the ground that they will afterwards obtain the sanction of such Bhikkhas as may subsequently arrive" The confession may be began before the Sangha is officiently numerous. For the Sarvastivadins, see the Appendix; the Dharmagupt agree with the Culla; the Mabicasaka: "Nach Vollziehung des Karms andere herbeirufen um die Entscheidung su horen" (Sobieluer) or perhape: In the sooomplishment of the Karma, to call the others one by one afterwards to hear. 18 kappati idarf me wppachayena ajjhacinnan idath me acariyena qihacingan tam uhacaritum. 26 Our gloss is, perhape, somewhat venturesome. See Vinaya Thats, I. p. 178; II. p. 18; Chavannes Religione Eminents, p. 140, n. 3; Barth, Itsing. p. 7. (J. des Savants, 1898): "Two masters, one to inonloate the theoretical teaching of the traths of the faith and to watch over his religious instruction (upadhyaya), the other to teach him the rules which he must observe in praction and to be the director of his conscience (acarya)." But see Kern, Man. p. 84, tuto, professor, Divers fanctions, pathacarya, eto., M. Vyut, $ 270.

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90 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1908. the Samgha as among the crowd of heretical ascetics. At first sight, this question can only be put if the community is ignorant of the lesser and minor rules, and of the subtleties of doctrine. The history of the sects proves, however, the importance attached to the opinion of the immediate master, even at the historic time, when there exist Vinayas and Abhidharmag.87 According to the Dharmaguptas, the Vajjipattakas think their conduct may be justified by alleging that this has been done from time immemorial." According to the Mahicasakas : "To continue to occupy themselves with what they bad been in the habit of doing before becoming ascetics; certain occupations were declared lawful, others were forbidden." II. 1. Singilonakoppa (srigi-lavana), or "practice of salt in the horn." "It is lawful to keep salt in the horn by saying: 'I will eat [it] when there is no more salt."1939 The proposition is condemned by virtue of Pacittiya xxxviii, : "Whoever takes food which has been kept (savinidhikaraka),39 whether this food be khadaniyas or bhojaniyas, is guilty...." The problem is here presented under an appreciably different aspect. On the faith of Prof. Oldenberg, who does not call attention to the matter, 41 I believed that the Pali Vinaya did not treat of the provision of salt; and, turning to the Tibetan sources, I have found a few interesting details. "Buddha," says M. Rockhill, "allows salt to be kept in certain cases : for this, a box furnished with a lid must be used." When Pac. lxv. condemns the monk who hides the dish used for alms.... the drinking-cup (phor-bu) from one of his brethren, the Vibhanga (ad. loc.) substitutes for the word phor-but the expression tahva-khug, which Mr, Rockhill translates: "Salt-horn."43 According to the Tibetan and Sar vastivadin data, we might conclude that the verdict of the Vaicali had remained a dead letter, at least in one part of the community, and thus explain the silence of the Pali Vinaya on the provision of salt. Happily, the M. Yagga, in default of the Patimukkha, is very circumstantial on the question which concerns us, and it seems to decide so perfectly in favour of the Vajjiputtakas that we remain amazed. T I believe that Minayeff is wrong in formally connecting with the kingakappa one of the five pointa (vast) with the discussion of which Vasumitra and Bhavya connect the origin of the great achiem. It should, however, be observed that the Mahabodhivalea, p. 96, on the occasion of the Second Council, oppones the dootrine of the "Presbyters" (theravada) to the doctrine of the Masters (acaryavada). Kappati aingina lonam pariharituih yaitha slonakan bhavisnatt tattha paribhusijissamili. Kern .... in order to use it later when we shall have no salt at hand." "Horn-salt-license .. .. with the intention of putting it into food which has not been salted." * M. Vyut, 284, 31, awidhikaral and sanidhikakarak, 245, 398, read annidhikara). The more abridged and, ma Minayeff thinks, the older form of Fac. XXXViii. is furnished by M. Vyut, $ 331, 42: nihitavarjana (190 below, p. 96). * Hard and soft foods. On the value of these two terms, see Vinaya Toata, I. p. 89, n. 5. Wo see how dangerous is the argument a rilentio ! "Eine Pacittiyaregel (38) beispielsweise verbietet vorratsweise aufbewahrte Speisen zu genossen. Nun wurde von Einigen behauptet, dass doch die Aufbewahrung von Sals xalassig sei, und dies war einer der Streitpunkte in den erbitterten, durch die ganze buddhistische Welt beruhmt gewordenen Kampfen von Vosali: durften wir da niobt erwarten, dass wo nicht der Wortlaut ioner Regel selbst so doch mindestens die Erweiterungen, die Zutaten jener eben bonohriebenen Art auf die Frage des Salses irgendwie eingegangen waren, hatten nicht eben Regel und Erweiterungen zur Zeit des Konzils von Voruli bereits fertig vorgelegen ? " (Buddh. Stud. p. 632.) See M. Vagga, VI. 8. 11 Drilua, Vol. X., folio 200, ap. Rockhill, Life, p. 172. . or. Revue de l'Histoire des Religione, 1884, IX. p. 175 (Bhikquni-Pratimokya, Pac. 52 = 60). Unfortunately. I do not see that khug signifies hors; it is rather any receptacle easy to catry, whatever it may be otherwise ; may then be layanapatalika, Ealzbeutel (M. Vyut. 278, 68). See Cundra Das, P 146.

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APRIL, 1908.) THE BUDDHIST COUNCILS. 91 The M. Vaggu VI, 3, enumerates a series of medicinal roots (ginger, hellebore, etc.) of which one may make provision for life in order to render more digestible the hard and soft foods. Otherwise, they may only be used when one is ill. In & VI, 8, are enumerated, under the title of medicines, five kinds of salt: "sea selt, black salt, rock salt, cooking salt, red salt, and any other kind of salt which can be used as a medicine." One may make provision of it " for life" and it may be used as was said of the roots. Finally, VI, 40, specifies that the foods" of which one may make provision for life, literally "which one may eat, at no matter what moment during life," do not render allowable the foods with which they are mixed beyond the term fixed for these same foods. The Tibetan Vinayaksudraka, defining the heresy of the Vajjiputtakas, speaks of salt "consecrated for life"; but the Sanscrit word which corresponds to "consecrated" (byin gyis-brlabspa), that is adhisthita, may have a less precise meaning: in any case, it is a question of a provision yavajjivikam.46 On the other hand, boxes of bone, ivory, horn, etc., are authorised for the preservation of unguents (anjana). 47 Therefore it is allowable to keep salt, and we cannot see that the "horn," permitted for unguents, can compromise the sanctity of this practice. At the most, we may wonder if it is allowable to make use of it when one is well. But nothing indicates that the theras put this rather subtle question. Who is ill, who is well ? We arrive then at this statement, so strange at first sight, that the first innovation singilona, implisitly forbidden by the Patimokk ha, is authorised by the l'handakas. The explanation of the Dharmaguptas (7th innovation and of the Mahigasakas (1st innovation ) presents this peculiarity that it ignores the horn: "Mix [the food] with salt and ginger (grigarera) has the effect of circumventing the law which declares impure stale foods or those kept until the next day."0" To employ salt in order to preserve foods during the night and to eat them next day." The translators of the Vinaya Tewls (II. p. 141) remark: "What this refers to is unknown to us." I believe we must conneot the law, allowing provision to be made of salt, oto., for life, with that whloh authorines the use of the five bhaisajyas (ghr, batter, oil, honey, molasses) beyond the time (M. Vagga, VI. 1, 5). The bhaingjyos may be taken at any hour of the day, when one is ill and when one is not. Bhagavat, having allowed the mealtime to pass, has prepared for him foods and drinks oalled akalakas (Divyav, p. 180, a kalakhadykani. akalapanakani : ghalaqudacarkarapanakani.akalaka, Mhu. I., 806, 14 = akalaka (without black grain) m M. Bonart observes. 45 Ghe, butter, eto. (the five patinayaniya bhavaija) may be preserved for 7 days by mixing hellebore (which may be kept in provision all ope's life) one does not render the ghe' lawful on the eighth day. See M. Vyut, $ 230, 75, and following. " See Appendix. Op. the naityaka of M. Vyut, 280,80. **X. Vagga, VI. 13, 1. 15 At any rate s horn needle-box is forbidden, Pac. 85. See M. Vyut, $ 273, 88, lavanapatalika, 82, sragalika (F). + Wo remember that sult, forbidden to the brahmacarins, allowed to the vanaprasthas, was prohibited in one of the five theses of Devadatta (woording to the Dulva, Rookhill, Lifo, p. 87 Udanavarga, p. 205, and Wassilieff, p. 56). The trahalator tells us, "Sals mit Ingwer Mischend." But it is certain that the ginger here plays the same part as the salt. It is among the "Modioines" which may be kept all ope's life.-M. Vagga, YI. 3.

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92 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1908. - These practices are formally forbidden, 49 we have seen, by the M. Vagga.51 They are not contemplated by the explanation of the Culla, as is indicated by the expression yadi alonakam bharissati. But, it is not impossible that they correspond to the first notion of the singilona, 'the question of ginger and salt'? 2. Draigulakappa, practice of the two fingers. "It is allowable to take food beyond the time, the moment being passed when there is a two-fingers-shadow."63 Thesis condemned in virtue of Pac. xxxvii, by which it is forbidden to the monks, as to ascetics in general, to cat beyond the time. It remains for us to know what is the legal time. If I understand correctly the gloss of the Culla, the Vajjipattakas do not believe they sin against the rule of akalabhojana by eating after mid-day, but, according to the Vibhanga, vikala = "Since mid-day is past, until the rising of the sun." It is remarkable that the Pall source should be quite alone in this interpretation of the "practice of the two fingers."54 It is only possible to submit to the reader a few references difficult to utilise 56 It seems at any rate that it may be a question bere of a small quantity of food. 3. Gamantarakappa, practice of another village. "It is allowable, after having eaten, to take foods (Bhojaniya) which are not the remains [of the meal] (anatiritta), by saying: "I go into another village." Aboro, p. 91, n. 44. 63 kappati dtangulaya chayaya vitirattaya vitale bhojanam thurjitum. Kern: "To take food after the hour permitted (after mid-day) when the shadow is more than two inchca long." Minayoff: "The Bhikyu might take his meal at certain momenta determined by the measure of the shadow thrown by him, that is to say, these moments were indicated by kind of run-dial. The heration said that it this shadow were longer by the length of two fingers than the length fixed by law, one could, nevertheless, accept food."-Vinaya Texts .... "to ent the mid-day aneul beyond the right time, provided only that the shadow has not yet turned two inches." The shadow of two inches is perhape the shadow cast by a man, at mid-day, at the summer solstice, in the 25 of latitude. Then we should have dvangulaya chayaya vitivattaya = majhantike vitiraite = (the moment] when the shadow is two fingers [being] past = mid-day being past. * Vitale...-akalabhojana, M. Vyut, $ 231, 41 ; vikalabhojanavirati, ibid. $ 268, 8. # Mahucauskas: Die Speise mit wei Fingern rubren, d. h. wenn nach beendigten Mahl, dass nur einmal taglioh statt finden darf, Speise pooh sicb darbietet, diese geniessen, indem man, dieselbe mit zwei Fingern umruhrt, dadurch wird das Verbot die Speise m verderben ubertreten" (Tar. p. 3:8). This prohibition of spoiling food must be understood from the prohibition of eating preserved food, see Pac. xxxviii. of Beal, Catena, p. 994: "eat spoiled or nour food," corresponding to the munidhikaraka of the Pali. Sarvistiradins : "Make two fingers of foods of two kinds," anateriktas (akrtaniriktakhadana, M. Pyut, $ 261, 88). [The syntax of the Tibetan phrase in very obasure = aktaniriklabhojani yakhadaniyaduyangwlaih krtva.) Dharmaguptas: "derogation from nobriety, as if, for example, & monk, after an ample repast, forgetting the rule of good conduct, began to take with two fingers and to eat the food remaining." (Minayeff, p. 45.) Comp. the use of caturangula, Karunafuocarika, 120, 84, nasti.... calurangulaframanath yat tathagatakayena na sphutam .... 100, 47, ye kasayam abhilaseyurantasas calurangulum api sarve to 'nnapanasampannam... The practice of the two fingers' may also refer to some position of the hands in begging for food. See Pet. Wort. Kapola. Mahabhasya ad Pan, 3, 4, 51, duyangulotlar parls Ithandikan chinatti=he oata pieces of the length of two fingers deyangula rajta art, a woman who is an idiot or having very little intelligence, Therigatha 60, Mhv. III. 891, 19. According to the commentary of the Therig, the women are such idiota that, though passing their life from childhood in cooking rice, if they wish to know if the rice is cooked, they hare to take it out of the water and arnah it between their fingers. (Windisch, Mara and Buddha, p. 133; reference indioated by Separt.). The explanation is ingeniowe,

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APRIL, 1908.) THE BUDDHIST COUNCILS. This was condemned in virtue of Pac. XXXV.: "The Bhikkhu who, after having eaten, shall take foods bhojaisya or khadaniya...." The foods khadaniya would not be contemplated in gamantarakappa. From the explanations of the Vibhanga it follows that, as soon as one lins eaten, were it with the tip of a blade of grass, of the foods offered in a house, or if the host has invited one to ent, it is forbidden to go to seek fresh foods (anatirikta) in another bouso: it is only permitted to eat the remainder (atirikta) of the first offering.67 What must we understand by the words: "gamantararia gamissamiti?" The Vinaya Texts translate : "On the ground that he is about to proceed into the village." This interpretation, although it may be that of Childers, 58 does not seem very coherent. Mr. Kern and Minayeff seem to us to have understood more correctly: "because of the journey from one village to another." But, for the rest, Minayeff seems to be wanting in precision 69 The Mahicasakas and the Sarvastivadins diverge. According to the reckoning of the foriner, the third innovation is formulated thus: "to eat a second time after having risen before taking a sufficient meal" (and hence, according to the Vibhanga, -the food is anatirikta; consequently forbidden by Pac. XXV.)60; and the fourth': "to eat on leaving the village."1 According to Wassilieff, the condemnation of these points is found in the explanation of the terms akstaniriktakhadana and ganabhojana.02 * The law, Fac. IIIV., Socording to the Vibhanga, is divided "historically" into two parts. First text: "yo pana bhikkhu bhutlavi pavarito khadaniyan ta bhojaniyar va khadeyya ta bhunjeyya ta pacitliyam ti", "It is forbidden to eat after having satisfied one's hunger." No mention of anatiritta. Seoond text, complete : "I allow those who are ill and those who are well to eat [the foods ) anatir Ita," that which remains in the dish; and the law was completed by the addition of the word anatiritta, which restricta ita application, I believe I have faithfully rendered the text by translating the two words bhuttavi pavarito by the single expression "after having eaten." As M. Kern has pointed out to me, pavareti sampavaretu (badly translated by Childers: 'to cause to refuse,' as is stated Vinaya Texto ad Y. Pagga, I. 8, 4) which is near to saslappets, See M. Vajga, 1, 22, 15; Lalita, 66, 16, khadaniyevi saxtarpya sanipravarya, alao Who. II., 142, 3, 14: Ram. IL. 75, 15; bhojyeu .... tastresu .... pratarayati. Parareti does not mean invite, nimanteli: 800 Vibh. ad Pac. IIIY..... primantefes bhojeni .... whildh bhuttari pararita... (XXXV. I., 1. 8); pararito does not mean "having been invited and having refused" (as Vinaya Toale, I. p. 89: "When he has once finished his meal (bhuffaus), though still invited (to continge eating) [ pavarito), and IIT. P. 398," "who has once finished his meal and has refused any more"), for Vilh. Pac. IIXV, 3 (1.7) abh ularina kalan hoti, bhuttavina pataritena dana vufthitona katarls hoti (For the contrary opinion, see M. Vayga, IV. 1, 13, Cikras. 258, 4, Divyavad 116-17.) But, fact, every fresh food is anatiritta, not remaining, either if the monk have onton and boon satisfied (patarita) in a house, or if he havo refused the foods offered to him (abhuttavina). If he rises to go, when the host wata frosh dishes at his disposol, he cannot receive more food elsewhere. Honge the idea of refwaing introduced by the commentator into the law, Pac. IIIV: an idea wrongly loolised in the word pararita. 31 According to Vinaya Teata, I. p. 39, n. 4. The Bhikkhu who is well, when he has finished a meal, cannot eat what remains in the dish. But see above, n. 53. 18 Childers, .. . "pamantararis gacchati seems to mean merely to go M far m the village"; but pamantara seems to mean the distadoo between a monastery and the nearest village or between two adjacent villagss." Minsyel " ... to consider as permissible a superfuity of food boonuse of the journey." It seems that he has mistaken the word atirikta. -Derogation from the law of analivita (nourishment brought from the bouse where one has eaten) VI, 18, 4 (COALS of apad), repeated, VI. 89; and again, VI, 24 (honey and milk with rice allowed before a "dinner in the town"; rioo with milk forbidden). # bhuttavina pavaritena asana vulfitens katah hoti ... elar analirittar nama..... bhutlavina pavaritena avanu avufhitena katath hoti .... etash alirittach nama. 61 Zum zweitenmal geen nachdem man sich vor (von PP) dem Mable orboben, "esson indem man Dorf verliest." (Tar. p. 286.) M. Vyut, $ 261, 89, 40.

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94 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY: [APRIL, 1908. The Sarvastivadins have a proposition which may be called of the road' (addhanagamana), and which allows the meal in a group." It is their fifth innovation. "To eat, having proceeded a yojana and a balf (from the content ??] and having met together, is allowable in virtue of the road." It is to take advantage, by a fictitious journey, of the law, Pac. xxxii., which allows the garabhojana on the occasion of a journey. It results, it seems, from this comparison, that the Pali explanation of gamantara rests on the contamination of two theses, which the Mahicasakas distinguish from one another, for the forniala supposes a "journey," whatever it may be otherwise, and the Pac. xxxv. essentially concerns the anatirikta. 7. Amathitakappa, or "unchorned milk."-"It is allowable, after having eaten, to take milk which is no longer in the state of milk and is pot yet in a state of card, and which is not the remains of the meal]."65 A thesis condemned by virtue of Pac. xxxv., which forbids, as we have seen, all anatirikta." According to the Mahicasakas, " to drink beyond the time allowed a mixture of cream, batter, honey, and honey in the form of a stone [=sugar)." Almost identical herewith is the explanation of the Dharmaguptas. Tbe Sarvastivadins come very near to the Culla in what concerns the nature of the milky componnd (sweet milk, mixed with sour milk); but, in agreement with the Mahicasakas, they indicate also as characteristic of the innovation the fact of eating " beyond the allotted time." According to a tradition of the Sarvastivading, Devadatta forbade the brethren to use milk and its derivatives.c6 Buddha, on the contrary, allows the five products of the cow, milk, curds, ghi, buttermilk," and butter. (M. Vagga, VI. 34, 21); 67 he authorises, also, ik with rice": (yagu) with blocks of honey, which she bretbren thought they ought to refuse (VI. 24), and which if taken in the morning, does not render anatirikla a dinner accepted later on in the town. It, certninly, is difficult to form an, opinion on this seventh innovation ; but one has the impression that the indices anatir ikta and akala, which make it culpable in the eyes of the theras of the Culla and the Dulra, are artificial: the tradition no longer knew that unchurned milk had passed for illicit. 8. Jalogi ratum. "It is allowable to drink of the sura which, [starting from the nature of the non-sura, has not attained to the qnality of being intoxicating." A thesis condemned by virtue of rac. li., which forbids the drinking of sura and meraya.com 63 bhojaniya. Bee below, Appendix. * M. Barth has drawn attention to the curious conversation in which Kacyapa, whose affection for the Dhutangas we know, reproaches Ananda with "the bad habit of eating in a group" , the frikabhojana is opposed to the ganabhojana (Maharantu, III. 48, 6; Barth, article on the Mhu. in J. des Sarante, 1699, reprint, p. 28). Anoording to l'ac. xxii. Culla, VII., 8, 18: there is a gana an soon as they number more than three. On the provisions of the journey, M. Vagga, VI. 84, 21. 66 tasoati vath fath khirazh khirabhavash vijahitan asampaltath dadhibhavail bhuttavina rararilena analiritlash palun road:khirabhate jahile 1. "Churn-lioenge: Is it allowable for one who bas once finished his meal a herofred any more, to drink milk not left over from the meal, on the ground that it has left the condition of IL and not yet reached the oondition of ounds." (That is, whioh is neither liquid nor solid : something. apperently like buttermilk.) Rookhill, Lilo, p. 87. "Not to make use of ourds and milk, because by so doing one harms calves." * 1 The context appears to indionte that it is question of monks when travelling. #Culla: kapsali ya ra sura arurata asampalta maijabharan ta ratum. Commentary (Ap. Minayet Pratimoka, D. xxx:x): tarunasurayan majja ambkaram ekato katam majabharam asam pattam [read sam.bhare ekato kate). Kern: "May one drink new wine of the palm-tree? That is to say: May one drink that kind of strong drink which is not the character of strong drink and which has not yet acquired the nature of so intoxicant." Charn-license: Is it allowable to drink spirits which have left the condition of not being spirits (asurala= apuratvat] and yet have not soquired intoxicating properties." - X. Vyut, 261, 83, ruramairoyamadyas ana - ibid. $ 280, fermented drinks, of which 33 mura, 37 maireye

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APRIL, 1908.) THE BUDDHIST COUNCILS. 95 According to the Mabicasakas it is a qaestion of an intoxicating liquor which had fallen back into fermentation. According to the Dulpa," to drink like a leech intoxicating liquors, while making the excuse of sickness."70 Prof. Oldenberg argues : "The Vibhanga treats of the different kinds of sura and merata, -speaks of the case where one would only drink the intoxicating liquor with a blade of grass, speaks of an intoxicating drink which the dtinker considers to be non-intoxicating, and, reciprocally, and of a series of subtleties of this nature : now it does not speak of jalogi." Then the Vibhanga is previous to Vaicali. The Pratimoksa forbids the drinking of intoxicating drinks. It is very old law of asceticism, as old as the palm-wine or the rice water. But what is drinking? What is an intoxicating driok ? Driuking is bringing, in any way whatever, the drink in contact with the mouth, were it only with a blade of grass 73 so that the jalogi, as the Tibetan source (Sarvastivadin) understands it to drink in the manner of a leech," is condemned by the Vibhanga * What is an intoxicating drink P Every substance which intoxicates, according to the account recorded in the Vibhanga (Pac. li.) ; but, socording to the definitions with which tho paragraph ends, every substance capable of fermenting (sambhiratangutta). The jalogi, therefore, according to the interpretation that the Culla and the Dharmagaptas give of it, is contemplated in the Vibhanga. But the severe and just tribunal, which Minayeft in imagination substitutes for the theras presided over by Revata, will not fail to study the chapter of the M. Vagga (VI. 35, 6) consecrated to the drinks allowable or forbi Iden. Whilst the Vibhanga enumerates as merdyas and prohibits the juice (asava) of flowers, of fruits, of honey, of the sugar-cane (gula), because it is sathbharasanyutta, the M. Vagga allows the juice (rasa) of fruits, grains excepted; the drink prepared with leaves and flowers, except the daka ("potherb") and the madhukapuppha (Bassia latifolia), and the juice of the sugar-cane.75 9. Adasakam nistdanam, "a mat without fringes to sit apon."76 Neithet Revata, nor Sabbakami, claim for exact information, but the thesis is condemned in virtue of Pao. lxxxix., which indicates the legal dimensions of the mat.97 Therefore, according to the interpretation of the Culla, the heretics maintained that the fact of not being ornamented with a fringe makes legal s mat whose dimensions are irregular." to Sic. Minayeff: see Appendix. -Sriw-bu-pad-ma = jalauka, jalika, jaluka, (M. Vyut, $ 213, 86). Compato jalogi? 11 Buduh. Studien, p. 632, note. 1 M. Vyut, $ 865, 6, madyapana virati. 13 antamiso kusaggona pi pibati. The same formula to explain what is eating. Childer's remarks: majjuta bharo, the elements of intoxioation (in newly drawn toddy), opposed to majjabhaco, intoxicating property (in fermented toddy or palm-wide). 15 Sze also, M. Vajja, VL. 14, on the oil mired with strong drink. - It must be added that, as a technical term, asrara = alcoholio liquor made withoat decoction, at a low temperature, arista is made by decoction. 16 Kern (Manual). "the use of a mat without fringes (not conform with the model prescribed)." "mat whioh has not a fringo [of the prescribed dimensions]." Vinaya Toulo: "Iss rug or mat (when it is beyond the prenoribed size) lawful because it is anfringedP" The translation "unfringed seat" may lead to confusion. Pac. lxxxvii. treats of malcas and pithas, the Pac. lxxxix. of saisidansi. 17 "Two cubits of Sugata" (Rockhill, R. R. R.IX. 178) in length; one in width, one for the bordet. According to the Dharmagaptae, Pao. lxxxvii. (there are only 90 pac. in this list), two in length, one and a half in width; but It may be made half a oubio loager and wider. (Beal, Catena, p. 231.)

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96 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1903. According to the Mahigisakas, to make for oneself a mat of andetermined dimensions; there is no question of fringe.78 According to the Sarvastivadins, the innovation consists in the contempt of the law Nis. Pac. XY., which ordains that for a new mat a piece of about a cubit should be cut from the old one. There is no question of a fringe.70 It seems that these two different interpretations of the ninth innovation were conceived in view, of the rules of the Vinaya which may be brought forward to condemn it. The M. Vagga VIII., 16, 4, which onght to throw some light on the question, permits a covering as wide as one wishes, for this unexpected reason that the nisidunu was too narrow. Should we be imprudent if we sought an element of appreciation in the Tibetan tradition relative to the five laws of Devadatta :50 "Gautama wears robes whose fringes are cut, we will wear robes with long fringes?" 10. Jaturuparajata, "gold and silver." "According to all appearances," remarks Prof. Oldenberg, "at the Council of Vesali (said to be a century after the death of Buddha), the question of accepting gold and silver was the essential point of the debate, in the midst of secondary and subtle differences."sl In our opinion, it would, perhaps, be better to say that this question is the only one of which we may believe with relative security that it brought into conflict Yacas and the Vajjiputtakas. In any case, it is admitted that the jatar parajata is here of the utmost importance. We recall the interesting episode whose principal details we have indicated. Are the innovators in any way excusable? Can any one maintain that they know and respect the law, since they circumvent it? Or perhaps, on the contrary, do we find here proof that, not only the Vibhanga, bat also the Pratimokosa, were not, at the time of Vaicali, constituted as they are to-day 233 When Yacas points out to Revata the "enormities" of the supporters of heresy and when he finally arrives at the question of gold and silver, Revata does not ask for any explanations, as he did for the eight previous points.83 It suffices for him to hear that word, tabooed beyond all other, gold and silver"; and, in fact, from the point of view of Revata, which is that of a doctor familiar with the Vinaya, is not the question of a remarkable simplicity ? The Nissaggiya xviii, invoked by Sabbakamin, is formal : "Every Bhikkhu who shall receive gold or silver, or shall make any one receive any, or shall cause it to be kept in deposit. .." The Nis. xix, and xx. forbid all connection with money, baying and selling. Nis. x. is still more precise. It specifies that, if money is offered to a monk to buy robes, he shall point out a faithful layman, "the man who keeps the drama in order," for example, "to whom the money may be given and who will attend to the buying and making of the robes."85 For whatever motive it may be, the monk must not receive money. * According to Wass, relates to [Nis.] rac, Iv. 19 See Appendir. See Rookhill, Life, P. 87; Udanararga, p. 206. This "law" is missing from the corresponding Cingalese list (Culla, VII. 3, 16). There is, besides, a positive mistake, whether in the Dulya, or in M. Rockhill's trauslation, in wat oors the fifth law of Deradatta. It is the latter who forbida the brethren to live in villages, and not Buddha. Vinaya Teata, III. p. 212, last line, read : fish Caud moat).... macchamasha. " Baddha, trans. Foucher, p. 349, note. 12 Oldenberg, Buddh. Studien, p. 632, 1. 3. Nur bei dem Streitpunkto uber jataraparajala ist das, was die Vesili munche fur zulassig erklarten, in Vinaya ausdrucklich als vrboten namhaft gemacht. Hier, also, versagt unaer Argument. Aber es orgiebt sich hier doch auch kein Gegenargument. Dass jene Haretiker hier etwas in der That verbotenen oinzufuhren suohten und dies Bestreben dann von den Orthodoxen mit Entrustung, unter Berufung auf den Verbota paragraphen, bekkenpft wurde, ist ein durchaus glaublicher Vorgang. * Just so 3abbakamin questioned by Revata. # M. Vyut, $ 250, 21-23. It is known that M. Vyu (230) list of the Naibsargikss corresponds to that of the Patimokkha. be order is the same for the first 22 terms. - M. Vyut, $ 230, 12, presana.

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APRIL, 1908.) THE BUDDHIST COUNCILS. 97 Truly, what a "hard and troublesome" question and how probable it is that the monks of Vaicali had knowledge of the Nissaggiyas and repeated them piously at each phase of the moon ! Now, not only do they accept gold and silver, but they do not regard the coins as the undivided property of the community; they share them among themselves. Everything becomes clear, things at least follow each other with an appearance of logie, when we examine this history from Minayeff's point of view. If the community, for reasons that it is not our business to explaio, had not yet formulated an exact law about money, the error of the Vaijputtakas, their arrogant attitude, their maneuvres, their struggle, their condemnation, and the importance which it seems to have had, all this would be less extraordinary. "Gold and silver are contrary to the spirit of detachment of ascetics in general." Thus Yacas denounces the Vajjiputtakas to the pious laymen, as much because they are refractory to religious discipline as because they are violators of the code of Cakya: " They are neither Samanes, nor sons of Sakya,' these pretended monks who accept money." We may, in the same spirit, attribute a precise import to one of the discourses which Yacas holds with the laymen to justify his remonstrances (XII. 1, 4). It is a question of a conversation otherwise unknown in the other sources, which Bad Ibc is supposed to have had with Manicudaka. This fictitious personage is only a double of Yacse. The latter relates that one day Manici daks protested against the royal officers, who said: "Gold and silver are allowable to the devotees, sods of Sakya"; then, going to find Buddha, he told him what he had heard of the congregation and what he himselt had answered: "In maintaining what I did maintain, he asked the Master, did I speak accor.ling to the word of Bhagavat, far from incorrectly making him responsible for [a doctrine he does not teach]? Did I speak in accordance with the Dharma, without anything to be blamed in my words, in my principal and accessory theses relative to the duties of the brothren 787" The answer which Yacas ascribes to Bhagavat may be imagined. * M. Vyut, $ 278, abhiksu, aprumana, acakyapuriya. BT kace' ahan bhante era vyakaramano vuttavadi c'era bhagavato homi [.) na ca bhagavartant abhutena abbhacikkhami [:] dhammassa ta amudhammani vya karomi na ca koci sahadhammiko radanurado garayhash thanam agacchati. (See the striotly parallel pannage, M. Vagga, VI. 31, 4. The only difference is that the subject is in the plural, and that we read dhammassa on instead of ta. See also Sarh. N. IV. 381.) It is with regret that I differ from the tranelation of the Vinaya Texte : "Now am I, Lord, in maintaining as I did, one who speaks according to the word of the Blessed One, one who does not falsely represent the Blessed Ono one who does not put forth minor matters in the place of the true Dhamma? And is there anything that leads to blame in such disgussion, this way and that, as touching the observance of the rules of the At, as touching the observance of the rules of the Order" We read ad VI. 31, 4: "Do they say the truth of the Blossed One, and do they not bear false witness against the Blessed One and pass of a spuriona Dhamma as your Dhamma ? And there is nothing blemeworthy in a diapate like this, regarding matters of Dhamma?" M. Kern, to whom I submit this passage, thinks that the word andhammam is adverbial. Compare passages like 86. Nip., stanza 59, dha nms riccam andhammacari; Dh. pada., stanza 20, dhammassa hoti a udhammacari. and expressions liko akatanudhammo = who is not treated as by right (cf. M. Vyut, 48, 49-50, audharmapraticari dharmanudharmapratipanna). Tahadhammiko seems generally to have the meaning which Childers givce to it, "relating to the ordinances which bind all the priests." anuvada = an addition, corroborative or of detail of thesis, proposition or rule (anwvada in the sense of blame, sep M. Vagga, index). In this way we obtain a phrase whose two parts are parallel: "Is it not the fact that speak in accordance with Bhagavat, and not travesty his thought? Is it not the fact that speak according to the Dhamma and not travesty the Dhamma?" I had proposed the following translation to M. Kern: "Have I proclaimed the corollary of the Law Canudhamma)." He thinks it may be possible. However, it can only rost upon the glosses of the Dhp. and of Sam Pas, interpreted by Childers (dhammam anvaya dhammanudhammaparipurna, Lhp. p. 878). I do not know what to make of the six anudharma of M. Vyut, $ 331, 190; see, also, ibid. 5 123, 81, dharmopadharma.

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98 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1908. Yacas, Revata, Sarvakamin did not condemn the propositions of Vaicali, notably the jataruparajata, by invoking as the Culla relates, the text of the Pratimoksa supported by the exegesis contained in the Vibhangas. They condemned them, and rightly so, in the name of the "Dharma," speaking and explaining conformably to the Dharma, as did Manicudaka. Rightly so, we say, for "every good word is the word of Buddha"; 88 and if Buddha may have left out some detail, he no less forbids all that is bad,89 But Minayeff calls upon us to examine the facts a little more closely. "In the special, technical terms which designate the innovations of Vaicali and in other similar ones which are to be met. with, for example, in the Mahavyutpatti, there is, perhaps, preserved the most ancient form of the rules of the Vinaya, a form which, in the course of time, developed by various explanations into commandments (ciksapada), into the rules of the Pratimuksa, etc." As a matter of fact, to the kappati jataruparajatam of the Vajjiputtakas is opposed the principle which forbids the jataruparajatasparcana."90 Minayeff regards it as assured that the whole of the legislation on gold and silver, legislation in which "the spirit even of the community seems to be at stake, "01 certainly is not anterior to Vaicali. But there was, perhaps, a law forbidding them to touch money, to receive silver in their own hands, a law which we read in the Vinaya of the Dharinaguptas: "If a Bhiksu with his own hand take gold, silver or even copper.... "92 The Nis. x., where there is an evident purpose of avoiding contact with the money, is the natural result of the principle thus conceived. So with the precept relative to the journey, M. Vagga, VI. 34, 2.95 The Vajjiputtakas do not receive the money from hand to hand: as we have seen, they placed a copper vase filled with water in the midst of the circle of the brethren. One then is inclined to believe that the Vajjiputtakas evade a law too special, to have the scope that it has acquired in the sequel. But, for everything is strange in this affair of Vaigali, this impression is suddenly destroyed by a brutal matter of fact: it seems, in truth, that the practice of the Vajjiputtakas is conformable if not to the Dharma, at least to the spirit of the community. This vase, of which, as far as I know, we find no information in the Pali Vinaya and "which excited Yacas' indignation to such a high See J. R. A. 8. 1902, p. 875. M. Vagga, VI. 40: "What I have not forbidden in direct terms is permitted or forbidden according as it is conformable to the law or not; what I have not permitted. . . ." 90 M. Vyut, SS 260, 21, jataruparajatasparcana; SS 281, 68, ratnasamsparca. This conjecture of Minayeff is certainly not exnot for all the terms contemplated by M. Vyut. Oldenberg, Buddha trans. Foucher, p. 289. Nis. Pao. xvili., ap. Beal, Catena. The Pali text says perhaps the same thing, ugganheyya in opposition to ugganhapeyya, cause to be taken by another, and to upanikkhittam sadiyey ya, cause to be kept in deposit ;-bat it is less clear. "The brethren will remit the money to a kappiyakaraka, who will make the purchases necessary to the monk. The Sarvastivadins are more detailed than the Culla. The fatra is rubbed with ointments, perfumed, ornamented with flowers; it is placed on the head of one of the brethren who traverses the streets and squares, erying: "Give, inhabitants of the town and strangers; this patra is a bhadray atra; to give into this patra is to give infinitely. "We cannot help thinking of the bhadrakumbhas of Hindoeism.

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APRIL, 1908.) THE BUDDHIST COUNCILS. 99 degree, is used regularly in the church of the theras, in the Holy Cingalese Church !" Spence Hardy bears witness to this : " In some conspicuous place there is a large copper-pan, into which the alms of the people are thrown."95 I do not wish to leave this monetary" question without observing that the Sultavibhanga also, with a mixture of hypocrisy and naivete, distorts the dispositions of the Patimokkha. One can see, Vibhanga Nis. xviii, 46 the use that has to be made of the money unduly received by a monk; how the Samgha, while condemning the monk, knows how to profit by the good windfall; 07 how they go as far as inventing a special and delicate function, that of "gold thrower," which supposes fixed moral qualities, for the improbable hypothesis that a layman would not accept the daty of buying, with cursed money, "ghi" or oil for the Samgha. Prof. Oldenberg, who loves, as I also love, the Buddhist monks, sees in this & "scruple in which there is something tonching." Doubtless; but this scruple being combated by considerations in themselves legitimate, the whole of the dispositions may pass for very ingenious. Having reached the end of this examination we shall affirm first of all that the question of the innovations are they new or are they not? - does not present itself to the disciples of M. Kern and Minayoff in the same terms as to Prof. Oldenberg. The latter, given the date and authority that he attributes to the Culla, cannot but know in what consisted the theses of the Vajjiputtakas, when the Pali text consents to eny it with sufficient Clearness. We have followed him on this ground and we have examined if these theses are, or are not, contemplated in the Vinaya. It is certain that they are, since the theras condemn them. We have shown that the innovations 4 and 5 (arasakappa, anumati") are prohibited in precise terms by the Mahavagga ; we believe we saw that innovation 8 (jalogi) is attacked by the Vibhanga. The points 1, 2, 3, 9, 10 are in violation of fixed laws on food (atirikta, akala, salinidhilcara), on the dimensions of beds, on money. As to innovation 6, it may be regarded as ruinous to every disciplinary canon, as an attack on the authority of Buddha and the community. But, in fact, even when the Culla is clear, even when the three other sources (Sarvastivadins, Mahicasakna, Dbarmaguptas) confirm its interpretation of the "points" of Vaicali, we are very far. from knowing anything but traditions, often suspicious. It is not doubtful that the theses are defined by authors who, rightly or wrongly, consider them heretical and who know the probibitive resources of the Pratimoksa; hence, are we sure of the exactness of the definition? Or, rather, what do we know with certainty of the innovations ? The avasakappa and the anumati are defined in the Cullt by people who have under their eyes the ecclesiastical rules that Sabbakamin invokes ia kind. The words abhuttavina pararitena anatirittam are introduced into tbe definition of amathita and of gamantara to make them fall under the formula of non-remaining" food. The same for the note "akula" in the case of the two fingers. Perhaps, also for the ganabhojana brought forward by the Sarvastivadins a propos of the village." Add that the pseudo-historic context of the Council is more than subject to caution. * A savoury detail which the translators of the Vinaya Texts could have mentioned. Sp. Hardy does not say that the vase is filled with water. See East. Mon. p. 233 ; quoted by Kern, Goach. I. p. 218, 1. * Vinaya Texts, I. p. 33, and Oldenberg, Buddha, trans, Fonoher,' p. 319. * The pupielment for the guilty monk consists especially in not having his share in the things the money buys Sic tos non vobis .... On this point soe M. Korn's observations and those of Prof. Oldenberg. I doubt if the second has continoed the firat. The relations of the Vajjiputtakas with Devadatta on the one hand, with Vijiputrs, pupil of Ananda, on the other, add nothing to the probability of the account.

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100 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1908. The argumentation of Prof. Oldenberg, not very strong even when one places oneself at his point of view, which necessarily nearly approaches that of the compiler of the Culla, when one recognises the authority of the Culla and the unlawful character of the innovations of Vaicali, loses all authority if we abandon these postulates. We have some little information about the way in which the Vajjiputtakas collected the money from the faithful; and it happens that the Cingalese have recourse to the same copper-vase. If the "salt in the horn" is preserved salt, the Vinayas authorise the provision of salt for life. If it is a question of ginger, ginger also is allowed. The Gamantara is, perhaps, only this form of the "repast in a group," which Pac. xxxii, authorises on a journey, as in several other circumstances, but which was abominable to the ascetics of the school of Kacyapa, to those aranyakabhiksus who come to the help of Yacas: it would be a proof of an excessive good will to admit, with the Dulva, that the heresy of the Vajjiputtakas consisted in making a journey the pretext. The amathita, rendered unlawful by a vain pretext of anatirikta, is permitted in principle to the brethren; but we know that certain heretics prohibited it: "the school of Devadatta," among whom were the monks of Vesali (Culla, VII. 4), condemned preparations nade of milk. The same Devadatta forbids convents (avasa ?), "roofs" (channa), the vicinity of villages (gamanta); he allows only the forest and "the foot of a tree." He forbids the alisak; he forbids salt.99 I admire those who dare to take part in such conditions.100 Perhaps the "innovations" of Vaicali are unknown, with their specific names, in our Vinayas, not because the compiling of the Vinaya is previous to Vaicali, but because the community which compiled the Vinaya itself practised the anlwful innovations introduced and sanctioned by the cousin of Dovalatta. There is nothing absurd in the hypothesis itself; and in a certain measure it is confirmed by the vague indications we possess on the primitive state of the community. We do not believe that the Patimokkha, as it is, with the Vibhangas and the Khanthakas, certainly existed before Vaicali: "This is poetry, although it may be written in prose." But the antiquity of the books of discipline is none the less more than probable. M. Kern has shown, in fact, that in many of its parts the Vinaya is nothing but the transposition of the Brahmanic or Jaina rales. On the other hand, we know, or we think we Wass. p. 56: "Erinnern wir uns den dankela Berichte uber Devadatta und dessen Schule, walche den Gebrauch des Salzes verbot...." See above, p. 93, n. 80. 100 Can one make use of the information furnished by M. Rookhill (Life, p. 50): "The Dulva informs us that the most important rules of the code, which was afterwards called the Pratimokga, were only formulated when Devadatta commenced sowing strife among the brethren, some ten or twelve years before the Buddha's death. At all events our texts lead us to suppose that until after the conversion of Prasenajit, the mendicants of the Order did not live together, and that the only rules laid down for their guidance were that they were obliged to beg their food, that they must observe the ordinary rules of morality (the gila precepts), that they must own no property, and that they must preach to all classes of people." 1 Vinaya Texts, I. p. xxii: "That the difference of opinion on the Ten Points remains altogether unnoticed in those parts of the collection where, in the natural order of things, it would be obviously referred to, and that it is only mentioned in an Appendix where the Council held on its account is described, shows clearly, in our opinion, that the Vibhanga and the Khandhakas (save the two last) are older than the Council of Vesali." It is sometime since M. Kern cited "certain proofs of the ignorance of the authors of the two Vaggas and of the Suttavibhanga, so strong that they can only be explained by the supposition that these two works are of a date much more recent than the rule itself." (Gesch. II. p. 10.) Brahmacarins, bhiksus, vanaprasthas, vaikanasas, jatilas, gaikas. This demonstration was made for the first time in a complete manner in Gesch. Vol. II., first chapters. See Minayeff and Oldenberg (Foucher, p. 328) who calls attention to the comparative remarks of Jacobi, Sacred Books, XXII. p. xxiv. and following. On the development of disciplinary rule, consult Oldenberg, loc. cit. In our opinion, the author spoils by the rigidity of his orthodoxy the most ingenious views in the world.

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APRIL, 1908.] THE BUDDHIST COUNCILS. 101 know, that Buddha was rather " loquacious" and it is not impossible that Buddha himself and the Sangha, from its dawn and in the great trouble which followed upon the death of the Master, exerted itself to assure the Buddhist originality as compared with other sects. And we must go further. The community, we have already said, comprises two classes of monks who took their refuge in the Buddha, the ara nyakabhiksus, of whom Devadatta, father of the Dhutangas, was with Kacyapn, the legendary patron;t and the bhiksus who constitute the centre of the community and whose disciplinary organisation Baddha confided to Upali.5 The divergepce of the views of the two groups could only hasten the codification of two sets of rules. We possess these two sets of rules, and if it is difficult to fix their distant antecedents their history in Buddhism and their reciprocal relations, it is ensy to recognise the two tendencies which dominate them. On the one hand, the four "resources," or "points of support" (nissaya, nigraya) of the monastic life ; in the matter of food, the mouthfuls received as alms; as regards clothes, the robe consisting of rags ; for a house, the foot of a tree; for medicines, decomposed urine. And Budba declares that all the rest, meals in the town, clothes made on purpose, monastries and grottoes, ghi, butter or oil are snperfluities (atirekalabha), that is to say, if you like, dispensations (extra allowances). These are, for certain, derogations from cranulya. On the other hand, - I have in view the role rather than the organisation of the fraternity - the P, atimoksa itself, it seems, is only a translation of the essential axioms of Hindoo asceticism, but a translation much less integral. One is a gramanu only on the condition of conforming to the immemorial principles of chastity, of poverty, of temperance, of obedience Also, at least for the novices and within certain limits. But there is a way of understanding these principles. Now it seems indeed that the Pratimoksa not only is unacquainted with the Korn, Manual, p. 74: "In general it may be said that the whole organisation of the Sathghs and a good deal rules for monks and nuns, if we may trust the canonical writings, were introduoed by imitation or by scoident. The Master is less a legislator than an upholder of the Law...." + See Sp. Hardy, Manual, p. 326 ; and above, p. 91, n. 49. FR-hion relates that the disciples of Devadatta, bis contemporarios, bonour the three last but one Buddhas, but not Cakyamuni (Beal, p. 82, quoted by Rockhill, Udana, p. 204). On the role of Upali see the texts (note Culla, VI. 13, 1) quoted in Vinaya Teets, I. pp. xii, and xiii. The documents which go even so far as to substitute Upah for Baddha in what concerns the promulgation of the Vinaya are as suggestive as the conclusion of the translators is prudeat: "There may well be some truth in this very ancient tradition that Upah was specially conversant with the Rules of the Order ; but it would be hazardous on that account to ascribe to Upali & share, not only in the banding down of existing rules, but in the composition of the Patimokkha itaelf." 6 The Nissaya are declared to all the monks immediately after ordination: if they were declared to them beforehand, no one would wish to be a monk!(M. Vagga, I. 30 ): they constitute the ideal of the ascetio life. The Bhikaus are free to follow or to slight the Dhulas. Among the Arhats of Vaigali (Southern and Avanta kaa), some only, as we have seen, p. 82, n. 100, practise the dhutas 8, 8, 1, 2. It is clear, however, saya M. Kern, that the six first dhutas have nothing special to the aranyakas. The three first nissayas correspond to the Dhutangas 2, 1, 9 of the Pali list. On these soo Kero, Man. p. 75. The women are Repasarily excluded from the nigraya. Perhaps there is in fact & moro personal element in the organisation of the Saingha than in the role of iscipline

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102 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1908. rigorous nicrayas, but also brings numerous mitigations to the prohibitions of food anatirik ia or savinidhtkara, of gunabhojana, and doubtless also to several others. In its turn, the discipline, such as it appears in the Khandakas, is constructed in the margin of the rules of the Pratimoksa, made up of diverse and sometimes incongruous accommodations.10 It is not unreasonable, not only to believe that the greater number of the elements of these two codes of discipline are ancient, even though they are in moderate agreement with each other, but also to carry back very far the time of the compilation of these codes. Who knows if the ancient Tathagatas did not collaborate in it? In any case, Buddha did not speak in vain when he allowed the Samgha to determine in the absence of rules emanating from himself, what is lawful or unlawful when he left to this same Samgha the care of putting aside the lesser and minor rules; when he congratulated Manicudaka on having reasoned in conformity with the Dharma. His own life furnished two opposite images of the ascetic life (pramanya). The legend claims that he was a naked monk and an ascetic before discovering the middle road between senseless asceticism and the life of the world. The point of discipline on which the texts are most formal is the condemnation of nakedness. For the rest and the detail, the Master refers to the interpretation which the Church will give of the Eight-fold Path. Let Sona, so delicately reared that hairs have grown under the soles of his feet, come to terms with Kacyapa, who still shudders at having renounced the great tapas. There will be bofore and after Vaicali, whatever may be the time of Vaiculi, heads of schools, innovators if you like, some lax, others rigorous," whose memory is not even preserved in the Buddhist Sangha,"12 There are some, however, who could be named, especially among the latter The law of the three civaras, which is one of the dhulas (No. 2), is, at the bottom, contradiotory to dhula No. 1 (clothing made of rage). This first dhut is Hindoo; the triciuara is Buddhist by definition. Ni.. xiii., which order to sew piece of the old civara to a new one (above, p. 93), ole.rly shows the opposition of the Pratimoksa and the Dhutas. The amatirikta appears to be a variant of khalupaccadbhaktika (Dhuta 7); see Kern, p 76, and Childers. The provision of "medicines," allowed Nis. Ixiii. ; the ganabhojana authorised, Pac, rxxii. 10 Compare Pac. IXXX., prohibition of taking what is not given and the authorisation to take fruits. Pac. xxxix. forbids, exoept in case of sickness, ghi, butter, oil, honey, molassos, fish, meat, milk and ourds, M. Vagga, VI. 31, allows meat and fish "unheard, unseen, unsuspected." See Kern, Man. p. 84, and his note: "The Buddha himself is represented as eating the pork expressly prepared for him by the Cunda, and thus proved, ipso facto, that he was no Buddhist."! On the question of the meat in the Great Vehicle, see Chavannes, Religieuw eminents, p. 46. Ibid. p. 49, the note on bhojariya-also liksas, 132, 14 foll. 11 M. Vagga, VIII. 15,7; 28, 1. Above, p. 16. 11 Minayeff, p. 51: "A certain monk, after having freely submitted to the ascetio regime, common in all its fundamental features to the Buddhists and the solitaries or to the forest soetics of Brahmanism, could begin to preach the legality, the piety of actions contrary to the spirit and to the real meaning of the commandments which he had agreed to fulfil, but whose interdiction was not yet formulated in precise terms in any code"; probable consequeneo " of a certain demoralisation produced by the life in common of the monks", he might also, we will add. tax his ingenuity to elude the precise terms of a code. How can we explain how these deviations arose in the brotherhood of Vaicali ? Were they the result of demoralization Or perhaps these innovations, at the bottom, were neither innovations, nor derogations to any code whatever of disciplinary rules, for this reason that no such code existed in the community ....? We may even believe that the appearance among the ascetics of this repugnance to detachment and austerity were due to the two causes at once...."

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APRIL, 1908.) THE BUDDHIST COUNCILS. 103 And, in this sense, we may say with Minayeff without imprudence that the divers prohibitions of the Vinayas sum up, in a concise and condensed form, the history of a series of conflicts. The mistake would consist in thinking that the Pratimoksa is nothing else than the focussing of the solutions successively adopted. As a theoretic construction, destined to be legally violated before as well as after its compilation, the Pratimoksa is, perhaps, contemporaneous with the first Vinayad haras. This does not mean, for instance, that the keeping of salt, allowed in the Mahavagga, was forbidden at the time when the Pratimolsa, which does not recognise it, was compiled. The weekly provision of bhaisajyas, permitted in the Pratimoksa (Nis. xxiii.), although all provision was forbidden, is not necessarily a later interpolation : when repeating an axiom of the gramanya, in order to clear their conscience, they may very well have noticed an alleviation, solemnly authorised by Buddha or the Semgha. It seems that the episode of the Vajjiputtakas and Yncas-Revata-Sarvakamin, however hard put to we may be to characterise it, belongs to that obscure history of the ancient disciplinary conflicts. We decidedly refuse to recognise in the ten points deregations from the Vinaya of Vattagamani or from the Tibetan Vinaya. Perhaps we should make a less grave mistake by seeking to discover underneath this motley tradition, uncertain in itself, full of gaps, altered, perhaps transposed as a whole, an ancient stock of authentic remembrances relative to the struggle of the aranyakae with the bhilesus or to the conflicts of the bhiksus and the aranyakas among themselves. One last word. The prohibitions of the Pratimoksa are one thing, the ordinances relative to the constitution of the Order another. Minayeff recognises this, although in places he seems to forget it. Messrs. Rbys Davids and Oldenberg have well said " that Gotaina's disciples, from the very beginning, were much more than a free and unformal union of men held together merely through their common reverence for their Master and through a common spiritual aim. They formed, rather, and from the first, an organised Brotherhood."'13 The history of Buddhism becomes very obscure if this point is conteated; it, according to Minayeff, we picture the Sarigha, at the death of the Master, es "& group of ascetics having neither clear doctrines, nor definite disciplinary institutions."15 The doctrine is not clear, nor the discipline definite; but there is something more than a group, there is a brotherhood, or rather, for the plural is necessary, is there are brotherhoods of which Kucyapa, Upali, Parana, etc., will be the heads. These fraternities are independent, but they do not remain without relations. The sons of Cakya constitute only one family. The history of Vaicali tells us of the intervention of a saint in the affairs of a community to which he does not belong, concerning the control by the aranyakabhiksus over the customs and usages of a sedentary community ; it puts beyond all doubt the solidarity of the divers gronps, always open to visitors. The whole Buddhist World, we are told, was represented at Vaicali: it is indeed necessary, in order to explain the relative unity of the Scriptures, to admit the efficacy of the centralizing efforts. 13 Vinaya Tuxte, I. p. xii. (It seems to us that Gotama's disciples ....) This appreciation is not absolutely exact, first, because the reverence due to the Master was not understood by every one in the same way, nor was the spiritual aim that Buddha preacbed. It is wrong to ignore the Lokottaravadins and the laymen, disciples also of Buddha, second, because the elements grouped together by Buddha are many and diverse: Among the monks clothed in the triple robe, there were recluses, bands of wandering ascetics, sedentary brotherhoods. The organization of the Samgha never comprised all the Buddhist monks under uuif 14 But one may sak if it is necessary to bring to it a clearness of which it scarcely admits. Ronan was very wrong when he said that an explanation is as good as a document. 18 Minayeff, Researches, p. 40. 16 A's Prot, Oldenberg very well says, travel, Foucher, p. 231.

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1024 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1908. APPENDIX. The Ton" Points" of Vaicali. [Kanjur, Sutra Vol. 102, fol. 306 (red edition). ] One hundred and ten years after the Nirvana of Buddha, the sun of the Jina declined, and among the monks of Vaisali there arose ten illegal practices, contrary to the Sutra and the Vinaya, divergent from the teaching of the Master, foreigu to th: Sutra, unknown in the Vinaya, contradictory of the Dharma. These illegal practices the monks of Vaisali, enjoined as legal, practised, and followed, What were those ten practices ? The monks of Vnisall having rendered legal the exclamation Aho! performed an ecclesiastical act, illegally in an incomplete Sangba, illegally in a complete Sangha, legally in an incomplete Sangha. This was the first practice, contrary to the Sutra and the Vinaya, divergent from the teaching of the Master, foreign to the Sutra, unknown in the Vinaya, contradictory of the Dharma, that the monks of Vaisali, illegal as it was, enjoined as legal, practised, and followed ! (1). Again, the monks of Vaisali, saying The venerable ones [ absent Brothers] having approved, do ye count it as approved,' caused [the resolutions of the incomplete Samgha ] to be approved by the monks of the parish and rendering the approval legal, performed an ecclesiastical act.... This was the second practice, contrary to the Sutra .... (2). Again, the monks of Vaisali, turning up the soil with their own hands, rendered legal the practice of turning up the soil. This was the third practice, contrary to the Sutra .... (3). Again, the monks of Vaisali, mixing salt consacrate for life-time with the [fo od ] appropriate at the moment, declared the salt legal and so acted. This was the fourth practice, contrary, to the Sutra . . . . (4). Again, the monks of Vaisali, having gone a yojana and a half-yojans and having eaten food in troop, rendered the meal in troop) legal by reason of the journey, This was the fifth practice, contrary to the Sutra . . . (5). Again, the monks of Vaisali, eating foods of both kinds, not being remainder' (akstan irekta), while making two fingers'(?). rendered legal [ the practice of the ] two fingers. This was the sixth practice, contrary to the Sutra .... (6). Again, the monks of Vaisali, drinking fermented liquor with a sucking action like leeches, Tendered [the fermented liquor ] legal by reason of illness. This was the seventh practice, contrary to the Sutra . . .. (7). Again, the monks of Vaikali, having agitated a full measure (drona) of milk and a full measure of cards, eating this preparation) out of time, rendered [this practice ] legal by reason of the mixture. This was the eighth practice, contrary to the Sutra'. ... (8). A

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APRIL, 1908.] THE BUDDHIST COUNCILS. 105 Again, the monks of Vaisali, not having patched their new mats with a border, Sugata's cubit broad, from the old mat and so indulging in luxury rendered [ the practice ] legal because of the mat. This was the ninth practice, contrary to the Sutra ... (9). Again, the monks of Vaisali, taking alms-bowls such as were round, pare, and suitable for ritual; having anointed them with perfumes, fumigated them in sweet incense, adorned them with Various fragrant flowers; having placed them on the head of a monk (or of monks ) protected by a cushion : perambulated the highways, streets, and cross roads, crying as follows: "Hear, ye multitudes who have come from various towns and countries and ye wise people of Vaibali ! This patra is a lucky' (bradra) patra. To give in it is to give much : or whoever shall fill it will obtain a great fruit, & great advantage, a great activity, a great development. And receiving therein precious stones, gold, and oiber valuables, enjoyed themselves therewith, and rendered gold and silver legal.' This was the tenth practice, contrary to the Sutra .... (10). (1) The Tibetan presupposes & text: ryagrena [sannghena ] adhar mikath ca, vyagrena dharmikan ca karma karonti. adharmikam, samagrena A comparison with M. Vagga, II, 14,2, and IX. 2, 1, leaves little doubt as to the sense of this passage, which has without result exercised the sagacity of Mr. Rockbill ( Life, p. 171 and note ). It is a question of an ecclesiastical act ( kamna=las ), Uposaths or otherwise, which, in the Pali, is termed complete or incomplete (ragga, samagga) according as the assembly is complete or incomplete, legal or illegal (dhammena, ad hammena) according to the observance or non-observance of the rules relating to the fatti, putting of the resolution, etc. (IX. 3, 1). Of the four categories adhammena vagga, adhammena samagga, dhammena tagga, dhammena samagga, the fourth alone is authorized. The monks of Vaikali practice the first three, imitating therein the monks of Campi (IX, 2) and the famous six (Chabbaggiya, IX. 3). The redactor of the Dulva is not unaware of the fact; for, when Yacas demands of Sarvakamin where that practice has been prohibited, the old man replies : In the village of Campa'-'A propos of what?' On account of the acts of the six* What kind of offence is it? Y A duhkyta. The same passage of the Mabavagga (Campoyyaka vinoyaratthu ) is contemplated in the Culla with a view to the condemnation of the fifth practice (antumati). Compare Abhidharmakocavyakhya, Soc. As., fol. 329 b. 5: mandalasimayam ekasya hi simiyim prtbakkarniekaranat Parghadvaidbam bhavati.-Simabandha, Div. 150, 21; M. Vyat, 245, 420. It remains to ascertain what relation may exist between this practice, bordering upon the avasakappa, and the interjection, aho. (2) It is, we believe, a question of anumati, as is proved by the repetition of the formulas concerning the incomplete Samgha. The word anumodana throws light upon the relation between approbation and enjoyment," "to amuse oneself," in Rockhill. The text contemplated with a view to the condemnation is the same as before. (3) Condemned by Pac. x. (LXXIII. in the Dulva). According to Sarvakamin the proposition had been condemned at Srivasti a propos of the six. In the Pali Vibhanga, the Alavikas are concerned. This practice is wanting in the other sources. It is replaced by the acinnakappa, one of the most obscure points of this obscure tradition, against which, as we have seen, no text is adduced.

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106 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1908. (4) According to Sarvakamin condemned at Rajagrha a propos of Cariputra. If Tibetan scholars could, without some degree of shamelessness, rely upon the principle of the Latinists: "to us both reason and fact are preferable to a hundred manuscripts," we should like to read: dus.su. ma ran.ba.dan . -yavajjivikam adhisthitena lavanena saha akalakani.. adding salt laid by to foods for which the time has passed, with the result of rendering legal those forbidden foods. The explanation of the Sarvastivadins would agree with that of the Dharmaguptas and of the Mahicasakas (see above p. 91). For akalika (akalika) " the time being disregarded," see M. Vyut, 63, 15 (and the locus olassicus concerning the characteristics of the Dharma); for akalaka in a sense precisely the opposite of that which we here attribute to the word, Div. Av., 130, 22 akalakani sajjikrlani- there were prepared foods (bhaisajyas) that could not be taken outside the time. Both by reason of the samdhi and by reason of the sense and of the variants akalika and akalika (from a-kala), akalika (from a-kala), we can explain the reading dus.su.run .ba for dus sumu.run.ba.. * (5) Condemned at Rajagrha, a propos of Devadatta (hius. cin za M. Vyat, 261, 40-Dr. P. Cordier). za ba ganabhojana, (6) Condemned at Cravasti a propos of a great number of monks (lhag.mar.ma.byas. pahi.bzah ba akrtaniriktakhadana, M. Vyut, 261, 28. Dr. P. C.). (7) Condemned at Cravasti a propos of the venerable Svagata (legs ons; Suratha, according to Rockhill). Compare the Sagata of Vibh. Pac. li.; but the scene is not at Cravasti. (8) Condemned at Cravasti a propos of several monks. (9) Condemned at Cravasti a propos of several monks. According to the text: " rendered legal [this practice] by reason of the mat." ... (10) Condemned as Naihsargika in a great number of texts (Vinaya, Dirgha, Madhyama, etc.). * Here the difficulties abonnd: (1) It is at first a question of several vases (gan dag. . . . dedag), later of "this vase" (hdi); (2) the epithets of the vases are curiously accumulated; (3) the red text has dge-slongi.mgo bola khrihu stan. dan chas pahi sten du. bzhag nas; khrihu =seat (manca, pitha, pithika, M, Vyut, 278, 92), stan= mat (asana), khri stan asana, manca-pitha, chas garment (chas-gos) and in general, utensils "things, tools, requisites" mgosten.de. bahagalicui opus imponere (Desgodins). If sten du ched du, we have: "placing the vase at the head of the Samgha with a view to obtaining chairs and mats and utensils "(?) It is better to make thrihustan a cushion and read dan bcas pahi with the black edition, thus: "furnished with a cushion"=" then they put a mat on a cramanas head and on it (the bowl)" (Rockhill), "to place a round begging-bowl.... on the head of a cramana" (Schiefner ad Tar., p. 41); and (4) the instrumental geer dhul gyis is analogous to that cited note 9 "by reason of the mat." We may usefully compare M. Vyut, 239, 25, and following gandha-malyena mahiyate, abhyarhitam, dhupanirdhupitam, sampujitam, pujyapujitam, mahitam, abhiprakiranti sma, jivitopakaranam, glanapratyayabhaisajyam, sukhopadhanam.

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Indian Antiquary ANTIQUITIES AT MANDASOR. Plate II. A 1. Statue at Sondni. 2. Fragments at Sondni. C. E LUARD, PHOTO. W. GRIGGS

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ANTIQUITIES AT MANDASOR. Plate I. The Sondni pillars. Indian Antiquary.

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APRIL 1908. 1 G AZETTEER GLEANINGS IN CENTRAL INDIA. CENTRAL INDIA. 107 107 GAZETTEER GLEANINGS IN CENTRAL INDIA. BY CAPTAIN C. E. LUARD, M.A., Superintendent of Gazetteer in Central India. 1. - The Mandagor Pillars. I PROPORE, as opportunity occurs, to give, in a series of articles, miscellaneons information on places in the Central India Agency, and any other matters of interest, which have come to my notice while engaged on the Gazetteer work. The pillars dealt with in this article, though generally designated the Mandasor pillars, actually lie at the village of Songni [24deg 3' N., 75deg 10' E.] siso called Sondni and Sondani 3 miles from Mandasor. These pillars bear the inscription of Yahodharman, which has been dealt by Dr. J. F. Fleet. It records the defeat of the White Hun Chieftain Mihirakula. The position now occupied by the remains is shewn on the accompanying Plan and on Plate I. SURVEY PLAN OF THE FIELDS IN WHICH THE BRONEN IMAGES AND PILLARS ARE LYING SONGNI DISTRICT MANDASOR - SCALE 300 FIT INCNS AT A Slab said to represent old pillar B. Base of broken pillar C. Figure of dwdrpala complete) D. Figure of dwarpala (broken) E. Pillar in two pieces F. Base of second pillar with capital beyond it. 6. Cap and capital of pillar E. on edge of the field. H. Piece of pillar F near village. The general appearance of the pillars as they now lie is given in Plate I. The pillar marked E in the Plan, and which lies across Plate I is the more perfect of the two. On making inquiries I found that tradition asserts the former existence of four pillars, indicated in the Plan by the letters A, B, E, and F. Examination showed that the remains at B consisted of the base of a pillar and the spring of the shaft. It consists of a base in the shape of a cube of 3 ft. 3 ins., from which & shaft with a diameter of 3 ft. springs ornamentea with crenellatod bands, 4 ins. in breadth. Only 2 ft. of this column remains." At A there is now no indication of a pillar. A slab of sandstone still lies here, but is too dilapidated, for it to be possible to say, that it ever was part of a pillar. As it consists of sandstone, however, and as all the local rock is trap, it must have been imported. 11.4., Vol. IV, pp. 222 and 252; Gupta Irwc., p. 146. ? I regret that my photograph of this fragment has been mielaid, but see Plate I.

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108 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1908. Assaming, however, that there were four pillars originally, they would have enclosed & rectangular space of 211 ft. by 67 ft. The remains at A and B, however, stand on a sort of terrace about 4 ft. higher than the general level on which E and Flie. This terrace is certainly the site of old foundations. If so, the monoliths E and F must have stood in front of the building to which A and B belonged, either forming a gateway or simply stunding alone. There is not a dissimilar gateway to the fine old temple at Baro, also in Gwalior State. The dwarpala's figures lying near the pillars would support the hypothesis of a gateway. To turn to the individual pillars. The pillar at E is broken into two pieces, but is otherwise in fair preservation. It consisted of a single sandstone block with total length of 39 ft. 5 ins., the lower piece now measuring 21 ft. 8 ins. and the upper 17 ft. 5 ins., while the base is formed of a cube of 4 ft. 3 ins. About twenty yards beyond the top of the pillar, Gt in the Plan, lies the rectangular cop, into which the column is fitted. It is a square of 3 ft. 8 ing. and shows on one side the hole into which the top of the column was fixed, and on the reverse side the sockets by which the bell and lion capital was attached ; the bell lies a little way off, but the lips have vanished. The second column, F in the Plan, is incomplete, but was undoubtedly a replica of E, and is lying as it fell, the bell capital and lions being just in front of it, while a part of the shaft lies at H. Close to these pillars lie two stone figures, shown at and D in the Plan. They represent dwarpalas, and are carved to stand, respectively, on the right and left of a gateway. They would certainly seem to have stood one beside each pillar.. The general appearance of these figures, of which that at C is in good condition, is given in Plate II, fig. 1. The figure wears an elaborate and well-executed head-dress. The muslin waist-cloth is also well represented. Each of the dwarpalas is accompanied by a small dwarf, whose head-dress is very much like a judge's wig, a form of head-dress not uncommon in sculpture of the Gupta period. The dimensions of these Figures are as given below - ft. ins. r Canopy stone, above Figure Head-dress... ** Face Chin to Top of Thigh. ... Top of Thigh to Knee Dwarpala ... Knee to Pedestal ... * .. . 0 10 10 3 Length of Foot ... ... ... 0 10 Across Shoulders ... ... ..2 0 Dwarf ... Total Length ... ... ... 1 8 The features of both are flat with broad noses; the ear-rings are in the shape of lotus flowers. The site where these pillars lie has long been used as a quarry both by the inhabitants of Mandasor and the Railway Contractor, the Rajputana-Malwa line passing within a hundred yards of the spot. The soil is of the "black-cotton" class and the rock in the neighbourhood is Deccan trap. The sandstone pillars must thus have been brought from a considerable distance.

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Indian Antiquary. ANTIQUITIES AT MANDASOR, Plate IIL 3. Muhammadan gate at Mandasor. 4. Khilchipura pillars. 5. Figure of Siva at Mandasor. C. E. LUARD. W. GRIGGS

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APRIL, 1908.) GAZETTEER GLEANINGS IN CENTRAL INDIA. 109 A series of miscellaneous carvings found on the spot are given in Plate IT, Fig. 2. It will be remarked that the big male figure hhs the judge's-wig-like hend-dress. This site is one which might possibly repay investigation by excavation scientifically carried out. The Raja of Slicopur-Baroda, in Gwalior, who is a Gaur Rajput, says that traditionally his ancestors held this tract in the 11th and 12th centuries, but he has no stories about the place. I would guggest that the more perfect of the two pillars with its capital and dwarpala might be secured and set up or put in safe keeping at Gwalior or Indore. There is already a museum in the former place, and one is being started under official auspices in the latter. Though of immense weight, the railway line is so close that the removal could certainly be effected, and it would be well worth wbile. 2. - Khilchipura. Dr. Fleet in his paper on the Mandasor inscriptions notices the village of Khilchipura, two miles from Mandasor, and refers in particular to an ornamental column there, remarking that it probably possessed more carving than was visible above ground at the time. I havo had the pillar excavated to its base (Plate III, Fig. 4). It is one pillar of a toran, as the socket of 10 X 4.5 ing., into which the architrave was inserted, can be seen on one side, and the remains of an amalaka fruit are still to be seen on the top. * The carving is interesting. It consists of a series of plaques on both sides of the pillar, apparently relating a story. A man, woman, and child, or dwarf, are apparently the dramatis personce. The woman is always naked and the man in the act of uncovering himself. The man has a wig similar to those in the Mandasor carving. The excavation disclosed one more plaque. The total length of tho pillar, as it stands, is 17 ft. 6 ins., and when complete must have been quite 20 ft. At 5 ft. O ins. below the present ground level, the remains of an old floor, composed of slabs of stone, and some old bricks were found, while the end of the pillar was 8 ft. 6 ins. below this. Close to this pillar stands a small temple, made up of stones from an older structure, while there are many signs of old foundations round it. It would appear from the carving on the stones that a 12th century temple once stood on this spot. This was, no doubt, destroyed wben Mandasor fell to the Mahammadans, and became a place of importance in the 14th century. A tomb to a Muhammadan sint, Anka Pir, evidently placed on the site of an old temple, and some other ruins stand in and near the village. A very fine tank dating from Muhammadan times lies to the north of Khilchipara. A massive dem, which help up the southern end, has been cut through. It must have retained a very large area of water. 3.- Mandasor. This town, the Dabapura of early days, is now the head-quarters of a nila in Gwalior State. It stands 1,516 ft, above sea level on the banks of the Siwana, Souna, or San river, a tributary of the Sipra. It is a considerable trade centre, especially for the opium trade. It was a place of importance in early days, as it is mentioned in an inscription of the Western Kshatrapas at Nasik and in one of the time of Kumara Gupta 1. The fort, which is the most important foature, is said to bave been founded by 'Ala-u'ddin Khilji (1296-1816) and to have been completed by Hoshang Shah, the Malwa Sultan (1465-34 ). It is largely built of Hindu and Jain remains supposed to have come from Afzalpur, a village not far from the town. Though this may be in part true, a great deal of the material was certainly local, and excavation in the fort might produce relics of value. An instance of what might come to light is shown in tho large mutilated statue given in Plate III, Fig. 5. It was once a fine piece of carving and must have belonged to a building of merit. Aste, Vol. XV, p. 191. 4.8. W. 1., Vol. II, p. 140; Gupta Inc., p. 81 ; ante, Vol. XVIII, p. 227.

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110 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (APRIL, 1908. There is also a carious piece of wrought iron work lying in the fort. There are said to have been originally two of them, brought from Songni. Tradition, possibly judging from their appearance, says they were the axles of the cart used to convey the great monoliths. Whatever their use, they are apparently of some age. The diagram below gives the dimensions. The holes a and b pass completely through the mass: the portion c and d is a cube of 7 ius. : the parte and c is circular with a diameter of about Gins. --- Plate III, Fig. 3, shows the Muhammadan gate lending up the main street to the fort. MISCELLANEA. THE LEGENDS OF MOHAN BARI. | dung in the bottom and only thin layer of ghi on MOHAN Birt is an ancient village in the Rohtak top, so that when the bardt (wedding procession District, Pasijab. According to the District arrived, the supply of that commodity ran short Gasetteer the coins found there are the well and the widow was diagraced before her guests. known ones of Raja Samant Deva (flourished In consequence she cursed her brothers for their circa $20 A. D.). faithlesonees, with the result that their village An old tank contains a fragmentary inscription was ruined. which reads - Another story is told of the place : Once a faqfr took up his abode on the Rani ka talab, Sammat 1014 Asah badi where he passed his days in religious meditation. 9 Bedfran bhi yasta.1 The king's son, however, turned bim away, whereLegend says tbat Mohan Bart was once a place | upou the faqer, opening his eyes wide in anger, of some importance, destroyed owing to a curse said that he had heard that the Raja was free invoked upon it, the usual explanation given in from avarice and that he treated all men justly, Indian legend of the ruin of city or the but now he knew that he was a bad ruler; and overthrow of a kingdom. The following tales so he cursed the place and it became a ruin. The are current about the place : prince returning to his father told him all that Once upon a time a bride re-visited her bad occurred, but though the RAJA searched high father's house to receive her bhat, bat before and low for the faqir, he was unable to find him, she could return to ber father-in-law's house her and his rdj came to an end. husband died and she remained a widow in her It is also said that a dhani, or sacred flre,' is paternal home. There she gave birth to a seen here at night and that torches are occasion. daughter, and when the child grew up she asked ally seen also, and the sailddr Dhani Ram has her brothers to help her in the celebration of her himself seen them, but on following their light wedding ceremonies. This they promised to do, nothing could be found. The light is said to and as their sister said she would not need help sometimes more in the direction of Jharli village. in money, they agreed to send her an ample supply The name of the Raja was Mahojit, and he had & of ghf. But in filling the jars they pluced cow small garden or bari whence the name Mohan 1 Mr. E. A. A. Joseph, the Settlement Officer, writes :-"A local pandit says the last three words are written backwards and should be read Suka mistart! There are a number of old arvings here, some worked into the walls of the masonry ghat at the tank or into those of temples and houses, and two lying loose. The two latter are the best: one in sandstone representa a trinity of male nude figures, arowned with small elephants and ot The other in marble has & seated Buddha and an excellent representation of an elephant. Both are apparently of Buddhist origin. Amongst the rains of the old site is also a 'Sayyid's' (or Shahld's) grave, built within Living memory by & sdooessful contractor on the railway worke." f athar i will-o'-the-wisp than a faqir's dhunt.--(E. A, A.J.).

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APRIL, 1908.] BOOK-NOTICE. 111 Bart. It is also said that the Delhi Emperors panahs of that village, and founded a new village used to visit the garden, but no trace of it now to which he gave the name of Sialkot, after his remains. The village was refounded by the Thakur own name. But it is usually known as Kot, Shala Singh of Kulant (a local magnate in the though it is also called Nayagaon or Ohhota days of the last Nawab of Jhajjar), who in Sambat Jhanawa. 1912 divided off a part of the lands of Jhangwa, settled on it the proprietors of three of the H. A. Roge. BOOK-NOTICE. MAURICR BLOOMYILD: A VEDIO CONCORDANCE, being The plan of the work will be apparent from the an ALPHABETIO INDIX to every line of overy stanza title, and it is unnecessary to dwell on it. of the published Vedic literature and to the liturgioal I only formulas thereof, that is an index to the Vedio want to draw attention to the fact that the index Mantras, together with an nocount of their variations comprises not only the verses of the Vedas, but also in the different Vadio buoks. Cambridge, Mass., 1906, the old sacrificial formulas, the y ejus, etc., which xxii; 2; 1,078 pages, 4to. Harvard Oriental Series, are here indexed for the first time. It is evident edited by Charles Rockwell Lanman. VoL X. Price, that this new departare adds considerably to the PS1 43. 8d. value of the book. The yajus are, perhaps, as It is difficult to write a review of this book, pointed out by the author, the oldest specimens because it is all but impossible to find fault of Indo-European prose in existence. The Arzava with it. It is the result of long and patient taolets from El-Awarna, which some scholars labour during a long series of yeure. Everyone consider are written in an Iranian or Scythic who has tried to collect similar materials dinleot, have not as yet been read, and even if from some branch of Sanskrit literature, will they should prove to be older than the old be able to understand what it means to note down liturgic formulus of the Vedas, they could not every Pada ooourring in the vast published Vedic detract anything from the value of the latter. literature. It takes an immense amount of work. The arrangement is, as will be seen from the and, let me add, often tedious work. It is almost title, simply alphabetical. Various readings have worse than cataloguing books from morning to been noted to a great extent, and numerous cro88night and never getting time to read them. The references account for such 08.908 where the author has, therefore, laid the learned world under beginning of & PAda differs in the different places great obligation in devoting so much time to this where it occurs. The whole arrangement is so index, when I feel certain that he would often practical that everybody who has the slightest have preferred to take up some more interesting practice in using books of reference, will find bis aubject. The whole book is a glorious monament way without any difficulty. of unselfish devotion to a great idea. For two Similar indexes of various Vedic books have things are certain, a book like Mr. Bloomfield's already been published before. It has, however, Concordance is of the utmost value, and it could often been difficult to hunt up any particular not have been compiled by anybody, who is not Vedic verae without knowing in which Veda it edir himself a first rate Vedic scholar. Professor occurs. This will all be different now, for very few Bloomfield has also refrained from proceeding in omissions can be pointed out in the new Inder. the way. which has so often been resorted to in Moreover. & glance in it will show at once all India, to leave the work of collecting materials to the places in which a verse occurs, including the others, and to confine himself to arranging them. numerous instances when it is used for sacrificial He has personally gone through the whole litera. purposes. It goes without saying that it will ture, and only left part of the mechanical oopying be of invaluable importance for every future on slipe to his pupils. It goes without saying editor of Vedic texts. that this method is the only safe one, and the But it is of no use to go into details. It must only one worthy of a scholar like Mr. Bloomfield. be sufficient to draw attention to this monumentIn this connexion I note with particular pleasure al work. It will speak for itself. It would, that the author has conscientiously acknowledged however, be unjust to close this note without the assistance he has received in this way. It is mentioning the splendid appearance of the such * gratifying contrast to the procedure of book, though there is nothing extraordinary in several authors, with well known names, who do the fact, considering that Professor Lanman is not hesitate to adopt the results arrived at by the editor. others, without testing them and without quoting their authorities Otkkh Kolom.

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[APRIL, 1908. THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. 112 KALIDASA'S ABIJNANA - SAKUNTALAM. The text he had, he would at least have added something with a literal English translation and an original more about the nandi. Nor has he made & Sanskrit Commentary by SABADARANJAN RAY. thorough study of the Prikrita, and his treatment Calcutta: The City Book Society, 1908, iv, 376 pages, of the various dislects is unsatisfactory. The 8vo. fact remains that only the Bengali recension presents a good and consistent Prakrit, and This new edition of the Sakuntalam is not in this respect it is hopeless to arrive at a intended to be critical. The editor mentions three satisfactory text on eclectic principles. of the current recensions of the play, the Bengali, the Devanagart, and the South Indian. He does But the editor does not, as already remarked, not profess to know more than the two first ones, intend to give a critical edition of Kalidasa's and he has not apparently heard about the play. His intention seems to be to furnish a Kashmiri text. For the Bengali recension be text book for University examinations. And in inade use of Pischel's standard edition, but this respect I suppose that his work may be of use, the best edition of the Nagarf recension by because he has added a very easy commentary Boehtlingk has apparently escaped his notice. and a fairly correot translation. Besides, the He is rightly of opinion that none of the known number of misprinte is not very great. Most recensions can, in every reapect, represent the other editions which could be used by Indian original. But he forgets that it is too early, if students, share the mistakes and shortcomings of it will ever be possible, to reconstruct kalidAss's this new one. But it is a pity that no critical work, as it was written by him. And at all edition exists in India of this the most famous of events, that can never be done in the way, in all Indian plays. Indian scholars complain that which he has set to work, by comparing six the study of Sanskrit is on the wane in India, editions and selecting his readings from " consi. Sanskrit being gradually replaced by English. I derations of style, propriety, and so forth." He am of opinion that this fact, if fact it be, is very seems to think that our manuscripts of the play much to be regretted. A nation with such a have been "copied by the pupils, when they splendid old civilisation as the Indian is sure to commence reading. They take down daily from loose heavily, if it gradually gives up the earnest the Professor's manuscript their lesson for the study of its own history and literature. And next day. At this stage they are not competent the SAkuntala is one of those works, which seems to add or alter designedly.' Indeed, I do not eminently adapted for keeping the interest alive. think additions or alterations come from the It would be of importance if it could be presented copyista be they with or without scholarship. to the Indian public in as pure a form as possible. These are due to the Professors themselves.". He To effect that sim, it would perhaps prove goes on to point out, how the Professors are apt necessary to combine Indian and European to add to and change the texts in order to make scholarship. But as matters have developed in them more legible, or to insert their own ideas. India, I think that we must be thankful for every I am afraid that the editor will not easily be able work that opens the door to the beauties of to convince other scholars of the soundness of KAlidasa's masterpiece. And here, I believe, lies this view. the importance of this new edition. It makes it easy to those who have learnt more English With regard to Kalidasa's date, the editor than Sanskrit to understand the play. And I reverta to the old theory that he belongs to the sincerely hope that some students will learn froin first century B. O. He promises to return to the it that the Indian literature is well worth a subject on some other occasion, and I may then study for its own sake, and not only as a subject have something to say about it. For tbe time for University examinations. Unselfish study being, I shall only remark that personally I do and search for knowledge used to be the pride of not feel any doubt that Kalidasa belongs to the the educated Indian, and everyone who has had best times of the Gupta Empire. The importance the privilege to meet Pandits of the old school, of the Guptas in the history of Indian art and will know that the soil is still prepared, and that literature becomes more evident every day. And some more encouragement would be sure to poet with such exceptional grasp of art as contribute to a revival of that Indian learning, Kalidasa would scarcely be intelligible at any which has always been admired by those who other period of Indian history. know. The editor has not made himself acquainted with the rich literature on dramatic theory. It! STEN KONOW.

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MAY, 1908.) FRANZ KIELHORN, 113 FRANZ KIELHORN. BY DR. STEN KONOW. N OT long ago the mail brought the sad news that Professor Kielhorn of Gottingen died suddenly N o n the 19th of March. It is now just a little more than 42 years since Dr. Kielhorn arrived in India, to occupy the chair of Professor of Oriental Languages at the Dekhan College, Poona, up to the beginning of the eighties. During this time he lived in the closest contact with Indian learning, and contracted friendships among Indian Pandits, which only ended with death. He always remembered with pleasure his stay in India, and he felt it very keenly, when one or two years ago a passing misunderstanding threatened to estrange him from some of his old friends. The influence Dr. Kielhorn exercised on Indian scholarship, by introducing modern critical methods, can hardly be overrateil. Dr. Kielhorn came out to India with a well established reputation as a sound critical scholar. He had for some time assisted the late Professor Max Muller in his first edition of the Rigveda with Siyana's commentary, and be had already proved himself to be a good grammatical scholar in his edition of Santanava's Phitsulra (Leipzig, 1866). In India he eagerly availed himself of the opportunity of studying Indian Grammar under the guidance of Indian Pandits. In Europe he was considered as the only scholar who had thorougbly penetrated into the depths of the old granimatical system of the Hindus. The results of these studies were masterly editions of Patanjali's Mahabhishya (Bombay, 1879-85) and Nagojibhatta's Paribhashendulekhara (Bombay, 1868-74), and several papers about Indian Grammar and grammarians, most of which have been printed in this very journal. Later on Dr. Kielhorn turned his attention to Indian inscriptions, and in this field he has always played a leading role. He never took active part in the elucidation of the oldest Indian inscriptions. He confined himself to such records as illustrate the history of India in classical times. It would be impossible here to try to enumerate the many important contributions Indian history owes to his indefatigable and unselfish work. I shall only mention how he fixed the initial date of the Chedi era, how he threw new light on the important question about the dates of Kalidasa and Magha, bis contributions to the history of the Cholas and Pandyas, and, last but not least, bis invaluable Lists of Indian Inscriptions printed as appendices to the Epigraphia Inilica. The numerous papers he himself contributed to various journals about Indian inscriptions do not, however, represent all that epigraphy and history owe to his untiring zeal. It had become an established practice for every worker in Indian epigraphy to consult Dr. Kielhorn about difficult points, especially if the date of some inscription bad to be calculated, and nobody ever appealed to him is rain. He always unreservedly pilaced his great knowledge and large experience at the disposal of fellow-students. When Dr. Kielhorn left India, he returned to Germany as Professor of Sanskrit in Gottingen. Together with his friend, the late Professor Buhler, he here exercised a great influence in opening the eyes of the learned world in Europe to the importance of traditional Indian scholarship. It had become fashionable to distrust Indian tradition, and to try to find the way back to the old Indian civilisation without consulting it. Buhler, and still more Kielhorn, showed that this is a very grave mistake. I remember hearing my own German guru, Professor Pischel of Berlin, derive the scientific investigation of Indian literary bistory from the example set by scholars like Fitzedward Hall, Kielhorn, and Buhler, but it was only the two last that have exercised an influence in Europe. The result of the new course in the study of Indian philology and history chiefly inaugurated by Buhler and Kielhorn, with whom a splendid army of young German scholars joined hands, is that Gerniany has long played the leading role in the investigation of Indian history and civilisation in Europe. The contributors to the great Encyclopedia of Inulu-Aryan Research, started by Buhler and after his death continued by Kielhorn, are, so far, with very few exceptions, Germans, and those few exceptions received their training in Germany. It is not my intention to give a full sketch of Professor Kielhora's work. That would take hmore time than I can spare. My only aim is to recall the great debt Indian research owes to him.. Every worker in the field will feel the irreparable loss of the scholar and of the man, whom everybody that knew him, from personal intercourse or from letters, had learnt to consider as a dear friend, It is pathetic to think that he passed away whilo still engaged in strenuous work for the studies he loved, and while we were still looking forward to important contributions from him. There was no sign that old age bad begun to set in. His very last works baar testimony to the same profound knowledge, the same exactitude, and the same critical acumen, that have always formed a prominent feature in everything that proceeded from his pen.

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114 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1908. THE HISTORY AND COINAGE OF THE CHANDEL (CHANDELLA) DYNASTY OF BUNDELKHAND (JEJAKABHU KTI) FROM 831 TO 1208 A, D. BY VINCENT A. SMITH, M.A., I.C.S. (RETD.) The Chandel, or Chandolla history, antiquities, and coinage have received considerable attention from the Archeologioal Survey. Some inscriptions of the dynasty had been roughly edited in early volumes of the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal in 1837 and subsequent years, but the subject never was treated systematically until the cold season of 1864-5 when Sir Alexander Cunningham risited Mahobi, Khajuraho, and other localities in Bandelkhand, and published the results of his investigations in Volume II of the Reports of the Archaeological Surrey (Simla, 1871). This volume gives fairly full descriptions of the ruins, a slight notice of the coinage, and the first attempt at a connected history of the Chandella dynasty. But the errors in detail are numerous. In 1871-2, Cunningham's assistant, Mr. J. D. Beglar, went over the same ground, and was permitted to print bis crade observations as Volame VII of the Reporte. Mr. Beglar's disquisitions are full of grotesque blanders and absurdities of all kinds, although a few grains of valuable fact may be picked out of the mass of rubbish. Volame IX of the Reports, written by Cunningham, gives the tradition that the fort of Singaurgarh was built by Raja Belo Chandel, and some other minor particulars bearing on Chandel history. Volume X, describing tours made by Cunningham througli Bundelkhand and Malw in the years 1874-5 and 1876-7 (Calcutta, 1880), contains a revised list of the Chandella dynasty, and a formal description of the coinage, illustrated by a plate, as well as sundry miscellaneous information. Like most of Cunningham's work, it is disfigured by inaccuracies of detail. Volume XSI (Calcutta, 1885) describing tours made by Cunningham through Rewa, Bandelkhand, Malwa, and Gwalior in the years 1883-4 and 1884-5, gives revised lists of the Chandella kings and of the inscriptions of their period, with much general information of value. But even in this volume there is room for correction. In the Progress Report of the Archaological Survey of Western India for the year ending 30th June, 1904 ( Bombay, N.D.), Mr. Cousens makes some observations on the Khajuraho temples, supplementary to and in correction of Cunningham's accounts (p. 16 ); while Mr. D. R. Bhandarkar (p. 47 ) notices some minor un published inscriptions, and corrects Professor Kielhorn's reading of the date in the record on the pedestal of the Khajuraho image of Hanuman. The reproductions and editions of the inscriptions in the various publications of the Archaeological Survey being all deficient in accuracy, the late Professor Kielhorn undertook the formidable task of bringing out scholarly editions of all the Chandella records of which he could procure trustworthy facsimiles. With some help from Drs. Hultzsch and Cartellieri he accomplished this task in various volumes of the Indian Antiquary and Epigraphia Indica, and was, consequently, able to inclade an authentic list of the Chandella dynasty in the Supplement' to his * List of Inscriptions of Northern India' and the Synchronistic Tables' recently published in Epigraphia Indica, Vol. VIII. References to the invaluable labours of Professor Kielhorn and his co-adjutors are given in detail in the List of Chandella Inscriptions included in this essay. For six years (1874-80) the author of this paper was employed in revenue settlement work in the Hamirpur District, which includes Mahoba. His duties required him to inspect with the utmost minuteness the land of a large part of the district, and to compile full descriptive notes, village by village. Although, of course, the main purpose of the inspection was the valuation of the soil and rental, the opportunity was seized to put on pecord a multitude of local traditions and historical details, which were prefixed in the case of each village to the fiscal observations. The inspection 1 Chandal in the spoken Hindi form of the name, which becomes Chandella in Sanskrit. The variants Chandrala and Chandndfreya which occur in certain inscriptions have been invented to support the myth of the descent of the olan from the moon (Chandra). * Cunningham's Reports of the Archeological Survey are gited as Rep.

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MAY, 1908.1 HISTORY AND COINAGE OF THE CHANDEL DYNASTY. 115 notes' were bonnd in large volumes in duplicate, one copy being preserved in the Collector's Office at Hamirpur and one in the Office of the Board of Revenue at Allahabad. During the Christmas Vacation of 1878 the author managed to visit Khajuraho, accompanied by the late Mr. F. O. Black; and from time to time be read a large part of the Mahod Khand by the poet Chand. The results of his local investigations and the study of all available printed matter on the subject have been utilized during thirty-two years in the following publications : Publioations by the Author on Chandolla History, oto. I. and II. - Popular Songs of the Hamirpur District in Bundelkhand.-J. A. S. B., Part I, 1875, p. 889; 1876, p. 279. III. - Notes on the Bhars and other Early Inhabitants of Bundelkhand,' with a plate. - Ibid., 1877, p. 227. IV. - Notes on Two Copperplate Inscriptions Found in the Hamirpur District, N.-W. P., with a Note by Prannath Pandit. - Ibid., 1878, p. 80. V. - Observations on Some Chandel Antiquities,' with 6 Plates (F. C. Black, joint author). Ibid., 1879, p. 285. VI. - A Chandel Inscription dated 1240 8.' - Proo. A. $. B., 1879, p. 143. VII. - 'A Brief Account of the Early History, Antiquities, Castes, and Traditions of the Hamirpur District' (Government Press, Allahabad - reprint). - Chapter II of the Report of the Settlement of the Hamirpur District, 1880. VIII. - Contributions to the History of Bundelkhand.'- J.A.S.B., Part I, 1881, pp. 1-53. IX. - Review of Cunningham's Archaeological Survey Reports, Volume XXI. - Indian Antiquury, September, 1886. X. Ancient Buddhist Statuettes and a Chandella Copperplate from the BandA District,' with 5 Plates (W. Hoey, joint-author). - J.A.S.B., Part I, 1895, p. 155. XI. - Chandella Coinage' in "Numismatic Notes and Novelties." - Ibid., 1897, p. 306. XII. - The Chandellas of Jejakabhukti.' - Early History of India, 1904, pp. 812-316 ; ibid., 2nd ed., 1908, pp. 360--4, 379. XIII. - The Medieval Dynasties of Central India.' - Catalogue of Coins in the Indian Museum, Vol. I, 1906, pp. 250--253. The objeot of this essay is to review the considerable amount of material deseribed in the preceding pages, to eliminate the numerous errors more or less current, and to give an accurate presentation of the existing state of knowledge concerning the history and coinage of the Chandella dynasty. It is hardly necessary to add that such an undertaking has been rendered possible only by the labours of Professor Kielhorn and his helpers, which supply the necessary epigraphic basis. That basis is conveniently exhibited in the annexed List of Chandolla Insoriptions, compiled from Kielhorn's List of the Inscriptions of Northern India' (Epigraphia India, Vol. V), the Supplement to the same, the Synchronistic Tables (ibid., Vol. VIII), and other souroes, as indicated in the references. Those references give only the best available editions of the inscriptions, no mention being niade of superreded editions. Unfortunately, several records, apparently of some importance, are very imperfectly known, good facsimiles not being available. Dates are expressed invariably in the Vikrams era. The List of Inscriptions is followed by the genealogy and & chronologionl list of the members of the dynasty, as determined by the epigraphic and numismatic evidence. The names of princes recorded by tradition only will be found in the subsequent discussion and narrative.

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Inscriptions of the Chandella, Chandrella, or Chandratroya Dynasty. 116 DATE. No. in Stone Serial Kiel 1. or No. horn's Cupper List. plato. Place of Origin. Where Prosorved. Chandella Prince Named. Abstract of Contents. Reforen008. V. E. A.D. S. Khajuriho Mausoleum at Khajuraho. ... ... Lakshmanji 1011 (Chaturbhuj) temple at Khajuraho. 3 36 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. ... Temple of Jina-1011 nitha. 1 Jejjaka, Vijjaka, Fragmentary; also mentions E. I., Vol. I, p. 121 ; Harshadeva. Kshitipaladeva [ of Kapauj, Rep., Vol. XXI, p. 65, see K. No. 31 of V. S. 1005 1. PL XV!.B. 9 54 Gonerlogs from Erection of temple of Vishnu E. 1., Vol. I, pp. 122 Naunuka to by Yasovarman, or Laksha- 195, ed. by K., with Dbanga. | Varman; description of extent face. of dominions of his son Dhan ga; mention of King Devapala of Kananj, and of Vinayakapa ladeva; also of Sahi, king of Kira, and of the lord of Bhota. 955 Dhauga (? Dhan- Gifts to temple by Pahilal E. I., Vol. I, p. 136, (Pahilla). "The existing ed., translit., and record is a later copy of the transl. by K.; Rep.. lost original. Vol. XXI, P. 67, Pl. XV1-J; reduced face, J. A. 8. B., Part I, 1879, PI. XV, facs. rubbing of date; see also 1. A., Vol. XIX, p. 35. Devalabdhi Chan-Six bricf documents recording 1. A., Vol. XVIII, drell. (note oroction of temple by Doval p. 236, translit. and form), grandson labdhi. commented by K.; of King Yaso Rey, Vol. X, pp. 91, varman. 94, Pl. XXXII, Nos. 1, 2, 4 - 6, reduced facs. = respectively, 0, d, e, f of K. ga). 4 383 . Dudabi (Lalit-Templo at ... pur, now Dudubi. Jbausi, D.). [MAY, 1908.

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Inscriptions of the Chandella, Chandrella, or Chandratreya Dynasty-continued. DATE. No. in Stone Serial Kiel- or No. born's Copper List. plate. Place of Origin, Where Proserved. Chandella Prince Namod. Abstract of Contents. References. V.E. A. D. P. Nanyaura (Ha- A. S. B. Libra- 1055998, 6th Dbanga, with Grant, executed at Benares Ed. and transl., with mirpur D.). ry, Calcutta. Novem- genealogy from (Kasika) of a village named face, by K.; 1. A., ber. Harsha Yulli to Yasodhara Bhatta. Vol. XVI, p. 201. 6 55 . 1001 Khajuraho .. Visvanath (La- 1058 lajt). temple, Khajuraho. Building of town, etc., by oneEd., translit., and transl. Kokkala (Kokkalla) Graha by K.; E. I., Vol. I, pati, of Padmavati (Narvar p. 147; reduced facs. or Narwar). See post, in Rep., Vol. XXI, Nos. 18, 20, 22. Pl. XIX. MAY, 1908.) HISTORY AND COINAGE OF THE CHANDEL DYNASTY. 56 . . ... 1059 1002 . Khajuraho (Kharjurayabaka). Dhanga, with Erection of temple of Siva : Ed., translit., and comgenealogy from posthumous panegyric of mented by K.; E.I., Nannuka. Dhanga; inscrp. added to in Vol. I, p. 137; 1179 V. E. See No. 11 (86) reduced face. in Rep., below. Vol. XXI, PI. XVIII. . 8 66 C. P. Nanyanra (Ha A. S. B. Libra- 1107 1056, 1st Dera varman, Grant of village named Katha. Ed. and transl., with mfrpur D.). ry, Calcutta. April with genealogy han. face., by K., in 1. A., (settled from Vidhya Vol. XVI, p. 201. in List dbara. by K.). 76 . Deogarh (Lalit Rock at D&0-1154 1098, 7th Kirtivarman, Erection of steps (ghat) at the Ed., translit., and por D.). gash Fort. March. with genealogy fort by the minister, Vatsa-l transl. by K., in 1. A., from Vidhya- rija. Vol. XVIII, p. 287; dhara. reduoed face. in Rep. Vol. X, Pl. XxxUL No. 3. 117

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Inscriptions of the Chandella, Chandrolla, or Chandratroya Dynasty-continued. 118 DATE No. in Stone Kiel- or horn's Copper List. piste. Place of Origin. Where Preserved. Chandella Prince Named. Abstract of Contents. References. V. 2. A.D. 10 384 11 86 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. 12 S Mahoba, idgahl Lucknow Mu ... Kirtivarman, Purpose of record not known; Ed., translit.. and wall. seum. with imperfect but the historical and gene- transl. by Hultzsch in genealogy frum alogical matter is important. E.I., Vol. I, p. 217; Jeja and Vija; reduced facs. in Rep. also contempo Vol. XXI, Pl. XXI. rary princes. See inscrp. of Jajalladeva Kalachari of Ratnapura, dated 1114 A. D. (E. I., Vol. I, p. 33). KhaiorAho, Khajuraho, Vis- 1173 1117, 6th Jayavarman ... Renewal of inscrp. No. 7 (56). Ed., translit., and comVis van a th] vanath temApril. mented by K. in temple. ple. E. I., Vol. I, p. 137. Kalabjar ... Kila njar, pillar 1186 1129 Madanavarman... A private benefaction, frag- Imperfectly ed., with of Nilkanth mentary. reduced facs., by temple. Cunningham in Rep., Vol. X, p. 34, PI. X-A. . Kalanjar, 1187 1130 .. Imperfectly ed., with broken pillar reduced face., by at police sta Cunningham, Rep. tion. Vol. X, p. 34, PL. X-B. Kalanjar, rock 1188 1131, ... Dedication of image of Nila- Imperfectly ed., with to north of N1131st kantha by private donors. reduced face., by kanth temple. October. Cunningham, Rep. Vol. X, p. 35, BI. X-C. C.P. Augasi (Bin A. 8. B. Libra- 1190 1133 Madanavarman, Grant of village named Vam- Ed., with transl. and da D.). ry, Calcutta. with genealogy) harada, in Sudali parganal fall-sized face., by from Kirtivar (vishaya ). K. in 1. A., Vol. man. XVI, p. 207. 101 13 102 104 15 108 (MAY, 1908.

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Inscriptions of the Chandella, Chandrolla, or Chandratroya Dynasty--continuerl. DATE. No. iu Store Serial Kiel.. or Xo. horn's Copper List. plate. Place of Origin. W ere Proserved. Chandella Priuce Nuncd. Abstraot of Contents. References. V. E. A.D. 16 111 (3 ins 5. MAY, 1908.] HISTORY AND COINAGE OF THE CHANDEL DYNASTY. 19 132 Kalaijar ... Rock beside 1192 1135 Private dudications of image ... Imperfectly ed. by figure of Nara Cunningham, with simha at Ka reduced face., Rep., lahjar. Vol. X, p. 35, P1. X-D. ... Cell ncur Nil. 1194 1138, 3rd ? Private dedication ... ... Imperfectly ed. by kanth temple March. Cunningham, with at Kalanjar. reduced face., Rep., Vol. X, p. 36, ThI. X-E. . Khajuralo.. Image in Jain 1205 1147-8 Names of members of the Ed. by K., without temple at Grahaputi family; nec ante, facs. E.I., Vol. I, Klajuraho. No. 6, and post, Nos. 20, 22. p. 153, No. 6. Ajaygarli ... On jumb of 1208 1151, Madauavarmau... Private dedicatiou ... ... Imperfectly ed. by upper gate at 10th Cunningham, with Ajaygarh. Novem reduced facs., Rep., ber. Vol. X, p. 49, PI. XII-A. Bundelkhand Jain image in 1208 1152, Dedicatiou of image by mem- Ed. by K., with photo, (probably Khe Horniman 27th bers of the Grahapati family, in J. R. A. S., 1898, juraliv). Muscum, U. March. seo ante, Nos. 6, 18, and prost, p. 101. S. 1. No. 22. Mahobi (H - Image of Nemi- 1211 1150, 4th Madula Varman... Dedication of Jain imago ... Imperfectly ed., with mirpur D.). nath at MahoJane. partial reduced facs. ba. by Cunningham, Rep. Vol. X, p. 73, PI. XXIII-D. Klajuralio ... Imago of Vira- 1212 Ibil. Vol. II, p. 448, with ut Kha No. 22. jurilo. >> 20 69 . 21 136. 21a ... 119

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Inscriptions of the Chandella, Chandrella, or Chandratroya Dynasty-comtinuerl. 120 DATE. Place of Origin. Where Preserved. Chapdena Prince No. Abstract of Contents Nemed. References, hora's Copper V. E. A.D. S. Mahoba 1156 Dedication of Jain image ... Image of Sama- 1213 tinath at Ma-1 hobi. ... Rep., Vol. II, p. 148, No. 29. 22 189 . Khajuraho ... Jain image at| 1215 Khajuraho. 1157-8 Madannvarman... Dedication of Jain image by Ed. by K. in E. 1., members of the Grahapati Vol. I, p. 153 : partin family; nee ante, Nos. 6, 18, rednced facs. in Rep., 20. Vol. X, P. XX. 1157-8 . ... Dedication of image ... ... J. A. S. B., Part I, Vol. XLVIII (1879), p. 288, P. XV. Mahobi, Kimt Jain image of 1215 Sagar. Sumatinath at Mahoba. THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. 38 1162 142 C.P. Mentioned in Mentioned in 1219 (lost). Semra plates Semra plates of Paramardi, in Lucknow post No. 25.1 Museum. ... Gent of town of Madanapurn In Cartellieri's ed. of And enndry villages. Semra plater, E. ., Vol. IV, p. 155. 94 385 S. Man (Jhansi Indian Museum, Calentta. ... D.). . Madanavarman, Erection of a temple of Vishnn Ed., translit, and with genenlogy and other works by a minister transl. by K., in E. from Dhangn. | named Gadadhart, the genen 1., Vol. 1, pp. 190. logy and succession of the 207. ministers also given ; power of Madanavarman, 1168 Madonavarman... Dedication of image ... .. Rep. Vol. II, p. 448, No. 25. 24a .... Mahobit ... Jain image of 1220 Ajitanath at Mahobi. [MAY, 1908.

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Inscriptions of the Chandolle, Chandrella, or Chandratreya Dynasty-continued. DATE. PAN Place of Origin. Where Preserved. Chandella Prince Named. Abstract of Contents. References. Coke V. E. A. D. S. Mahoba 1222 1165 Dedication of image ... ... Rep., Vol. II, p. 448, No. 27. 25 146 C. P. Semra in Bija- Lucknow Mu. 1223 1167, Paramardi, grand- Confirmation of inscrp. No. 28, Ed., translit., and war State, seum. 27th son of Madana the grant by Madanavarman partly transl. by Bundelkhand April. varman, with in 1219, of the town of Madal Dr. Cartellieri, with mention of Jaya napura and sundry villages to good face. of two sakti and Vija- 309 Brahman donees. plates, in E. I.. Vol. yasakti as ances IV, pp. 153--174. tors. S. Mahoba ... Jain image at 1224 1108, 9th Paramardi ... Dedication of image ... .. Incorrectly ed. by Mahoba. June. Cunningham, Rep., p. 74, with reduced facs. in Pl. XXIIL-G; date given by K, in 1. A., Vol. XXV, p. 206. May, 1908.) HISTORY AND COINAGE OF THE CHANDEL DYNASTY. 26 147 27 Building of well Incorrectly ed. by Canningham, Rep. p. 49, PI. XII-B. 157 ,, Ajaygash ... On jamb of 1227 1171, 7th upper gate of June. fort at Ajay gash. 1590. P. Ichchhiwar PA.S.B. Libra- 1228 1171, (Banda D.). ry, Calcutta (or? Lucknow July. Museum). 28 Paramardi, with Grant of Nandintgruma genealogy from Prithvivarman. .... A. S. B., Part I, Vol. LXIV (1895), p. 155, comment and good faca.; ed. and translit. by K. in 1. A., Vol. XXV, (1896), p. 205. 121

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Insoriptions of the Obandolta, Chandrolla, or Chandratroya Dynasty-continued. 122 DATE No. in Stone Serial Kiel. l. or No: horn's Copper List. plato. Place of Origin. Where Preserved. Chandella Prince Named. Abstract of Contents. Referenons. V. E. A. D. 29 176 | 8. 1182-8 | Paramardi Madanpur (La Baradariat 1239 litpar, now Madanpar. Jhansi D.). ... Conquest of Jeja kabhakti, the Incorrectly ed. by kingdom of Paramardi, by Canningham, Rep., Prithivi (or Prithvi) Raja Vol. X, p. 98, PI. Chahumana in 1239 V. E. ' XXXII, Nos. 9, 10; Vol. XXI, pp. 173174 ; more correctly transcribed in Progress Rep. Archaeol. S. W. 1. for 1903-4, p. 55. THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. 80 178 Kalanjar ... Rock at Kalan-1240 jar. ... Not known ... . . 1184, 26th * April The words containing the date and king's name transcribed by K. from rabbings supplied by Bargess, B. 1., Vol. v, App No. 178; and 1. 1., Vol. xix, p. 37, No. 67. 31179 1 . Mahob ..Fort wall at 1240 1184, 4th Mahobe. June. Building of a temple ....... Not ed. ; noticed by V. A. Smith, Proc. A. 8. B., 1879, p. 143; Cunningham, Rep., Vol. XXI, p.72; and K. in 1. A., Vol. XIX, p. 179, No. 127. [May, 1906.

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Inscriptions of the Chandelle, Chandralla, or Chandratreya Dynasty-continued. Serial Kiel- of No. horn's Copper I DATE. Place of Origin. Where Proerved. V. E. A.D. Chandella Prince Named. Abatract of Contents. References. 32 180 s. 1187, 20th 89 185 'Ajaygaph ... Jamb of apper 1248 Not known ... ... ... Imperfectly ed. by gate at Ajay Cunningham, Rep., gaph. May. Vol. XXI, p. 50, P. XII-C. Date determined by K., I. A., Vol. XIX, p. 37, No. 68. Begbart (Sin Lucknow Mo 12521 1195, Paramardi, with Building of temples to Visbnu Ed., translit. and ghanpur-Ba- seum. 10th genealogy from. and Siva by ministers of trans). by K. in E. ghar), near Sept. Madanavarman. Paramardi. I., Vol. I, pp. 207Mahoba. 214 ; error in place of origin corrected in J. A. S. B., Part I, (1895), p. 158, n. 1. MAY, 1908.) HISTORY AND COINAGE OF THE CHANDEL DYNASTY. 34 190 . Kalajar ... Tomple at KA- 1258 |1201, 8th Paramardi labjar. October. .. Hymn of praise to Siva, pro- J. A. S. B., Vol. XVII, fessedly composed by King (1848), p. 318; imParamardi ; contains ng his perfectly ed. with torical information of any translation ; disetissvalue' (K. in I. 4., Vol. ed in Rep. Vol. XXI, XXV, p. 206). p. 87; date corrected by K. in 1. A., Vol. XIX, p. 854, No. 152. 85 196 Ajaygarh 1212 ... Outside the 1969 tank of P& tal-Sar' at Ajaygaph. Trailokyavarman. Not known ; only the opening Transcript of opening words have been read. words in Cunning ham, Rep., Vol. xxi, p. 50; and reduced facs. ibid. PI. XII-D. 128

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No. in Stone Serial Kiel- or No. horn's CopperList. plate: 35a 356 87 86 226 : 39 : 40 38 281 239 C. P. Rewi = : 227 S. Jhansi 19 Place of Origin. : Inscriptions of the Chandella, Chandrella, or Chandratreya Dynasty-continued. Ajaygarh Ajaygarh # : : Where Preserved. : Rewa Darbar,C. 1297 "1 DATE. = V. B. A. D. 240 C. P. Dahi, near Bija- Lost war. D. 1298 Rock at Ajay 1817 garh.. Wall of temple 1825 at Ajaygarh. 1241 Lucknow Mu-1318 1262, 5th seum. July. 1261, 14th April. 1240 Trailokyavarman.. Grant of village in Rewa terri- Noticed by Cunningtory. ham, Rep., Vol. XXI, pp. 86, 146; possibly not Chandel. 1268 Rock near 1337 1281, Srd figure of Gane sa at Ajaygarh. February Chandella Prince Named. Abstract of Contents. Viravarman Viravarman, with Building of a well and hall by Ed., translit., and genealogy from the queen. Kirtivarman; Queen Kalyanadevi and her genealogy. transl. by K. in E. I., Vol. I, p. 325; reduced face. in Cunningham, Rep., Vol. XXI, PI. XIII. Keferences. Worship of lavar Not known; only the date pub- Noticed by K. in List lished. and I. A., Vol. XIX, p. 179, No. 128. Supposed to be dedication of the figure of Ganesa by the minister. Ibid, p. 148; possibly not Chandel. 1837 1281, 4th Viravarman, with Grant of a village May. genealogy from Madanavarman. Inaccurately ed., with reduced facs., by Cunningham, Rep., Vol. XXI, p. 51, Pl. XIV-F. Noticed in Rep., Vol. XXI, p. 52, Pl. XIV-G. Imperfectly ed. by Canningham, Rep., Vol. XXI, p. 74. 124 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1908.

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Stone No. in Serial Kiel No. horn's CopperList. plate. 41 241 S. Kalanjar 42 8939 43 .44 45 242 336 247 337 ch : Inscriptions of the Chandella, Chandrella, or Chandratreya Dynasty-concluded. : Place of Origin. Where Preserved. 'Garha Kalanjar Ajaygarh Kalanjar Slab at Kalanjar. Indian Sati stone at 1342 'Gurha.' seum, cutta. DATE. V. E. A. D. Rock at Ajaygarh, near the Tirhawan gate. 1340 1283, 3rd March. 1286, Viravarman 27th February Mu- 1345 1288 Cal Chandella Prince Named. Abstract of Contents. Bhojavarmen Not known Sati memorial Viravarman, with Uncertain; a fragment genealogy from Vijayapala. References. Bhojavarman, with Erection of a temple by the partial genea- treasurer, Subhata; account logy from of his family of Vistavya Ganda. Kayasthas; mention of the kings is incidental. Date only published by K. in List, and 1. A., Vol. XIX, p. 31, No. 41. Date only published by K. in List. Imperfectly ed. and transl. in J. A. S. B., Vol. XVII, 1848, p. 316, and Cunningham, Rep., Vol. XXI, p. 38. Dedication by Nina, minister J. A. S. B., Vol. VI, p. 882, and partial facs. in Pl. XLVIII; a bad ed., partly cor rected in E. I., Vol. I, p. 332, n. 8. Ed., translit., and transl. by K. in E. I., Vol. I, p. 330; reduced facs. in Canningham, Rep., Vol. XXI, PI. XV. NOTE-See Synchronistic Tables for both Northern and Southern India by Kielhorn in E. I., Vol. VIII, Part VI, April, 1903; and Supplement to the List of the Inscriptions of Northern India, vis. (a) List of Dated Northern Inscriptions arranged in the order of the years A. D.; and (b) Genealogical or Succession Lists, being Appendix 1, by the same, ibid., Part II, April, 1905. The Chandella list is on p. 15 of the Appendix. MAY, 1908.] HISTORY AND COINAGE OF THE CHANDEL DYNASTY. 125

Page #142
126 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (May, 1908. Genealogy of the Chandella Dynasty. . I. Nannuka. II. Vakpati. III. Jayasakti (alias Jaja, alias Jejaka, alias Jejjaka). . IV. Vijayasakti, younger brother (alias Vijaya, alias Vija, alias Vijjaka ) V. Rahila VI. Harsha (married Kanchhuka Chabamani). VII. Yasovarman, married Puppa (alias Lakshavarman). VIII, Dhanga Krishnapa (married Asarva). IX. Garda Devalabdhi X. Vidyadhara XI. Vijayapala (married Bhuvanadevi, mother of Devavarman). XII. Devavarmatt XIII.Kirtivarman (childless apparently). XIV. Sallakslianavarman XV. Jayavarman XVI. Prithvivarman XVII. Madanavarman Prataps (younger Yasovarman brother). XVIII. Paramardi xix. Trailokyavarman XX. Viravarman (married Kalyanaderi). XXI. Bhojavarman

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MAY, 1909.) HISTORY AND COINAGE OF THE CHANDEL DYNASTY. 127 Ohronological Table of the Chandella (Chandal) Dynasty. Serial No. Name of King. Approximate Date of Accession A. D. Known Dates A. D. 831 845 860 890 900 915 980 His conquests required a fairly long reign. 954, 955, 979, 998 1. Nannaka II. Vakpati III. Jayasakti (Jejaka) IV. Vijayasakti (Vijaka).. V. Rahila ... ... ** VI. Harsha... ... VIL. Yasdvarman varman). VIII. Dhanga... ... IX. Ganda ... ... x. Vidhyadhara ... XI. Vijayapala XII. Devavarman .. XIII. Kirtivarman ... XIV. Sallakshanavarman xv. Jayavarman ... XVI. Prithvivarman 950 1000 1002, 1019, 1022 1025 1040 1055 1056 1098 1060 1100 1110 1117 1120 XVII. Madanavarman 1128 1129, 1130, 1131, 1133, 1151, 1155, 1157, 1162 (? 11631 1167, 1168, 1171, 1182, 1184, 1203 XVIII. Paramardi (Parmal) ... 1165 1203 1212 XIX. Trailokyavarman XX. Viravarman 1245 1261, 1286 1268, 1281, XXI. Bhojavarman ... ... 1287 1288 Noto.-Dates in italios are from Muhammadan histories; the rest are from inscriptions. For the doubtful date 1163 of MadanAVAYMAD, WOJ. 4. 8. B., Part I, 1881, pp. 18, 20. The date 1002 for Gapda is deduced from v. 55 of inscription No. 7.

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128 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1908. Before proceeding to discuss other matters, it will be well to give such explanations as are necessary to justify the entries in the genealogy and dynastic list. The publications on the subject Anterior to those of Professor Kielhorn all contain numerous errors in detail which might give rise to misunderstanding, if not formally corrected. The first two names, Nannata (which has been sometimes misspelt Nanika ) and Vakpati, ara known from two inscriptions only, Nos. 2 and 7 of my list. Both these princes are given royal titles in the recor.ls. In the former, the founder of the family is described as * :, the illustrious prince Nannuka'; and in the latter as vir Arwaterfra, with the same signification (verse 10 of No. 2, verse 14 of No. 7). Vakpati is mentioned in verse 12 of No. 2 simply as eft pra, the illustrious Vakpati'; but in verse 16 of No. 7 he is called ft: fo , king Vakpati.' It would seem, therefore, that both these princes, whether as small local Rajas, or otherwise, enjoyed some share of sovereign power, and that they are not referred to merely as ancestors. Reasons for the date 831 A. D. assigned to Nannaka will be found in J. A. 8. B., Part I, 1881, p. 6. The brothers Juyasakti and Vijayasakti, sons of Vakpati, are mentioned under those names in No. 2. Jayasakti appears to have died without leaving issue, and the succession was continued by his younger brother, who is called simply Vijaya in No. 7. The brothers appear under the variant forms Jejjaka and Vijjaka in the fragmentary inscription No. 1. Their names are further abbreviated to Jeja and VijA in verse 10 of inscription No. 10, the information being added that the province of Jejabhukti was named after the elder brother. Inscription No. 26 mentions Jayabakti and Vijayasakti As remote ancestors of Paramardi, and describes them as victorious heroes. In inscription No. 29 the name of the province is spelled Jejakabhakti ; and in the Ratnapura inscription of Jajalladeva, dated 866 of the Chedi Era = 1114 A. N., it is written Jejabbaktika. The only epigraphic record of Rahila, son of Vijayabakti is in inscriptions Nos. 2 and 7, bat he is also remembered by the works called after his nance. The sixth prince, Harsha, son of Rahila, is mentioned in inscriptions Nos. 1, 2, 5, and 7 as Harshadeve, with or without other titles. His consort, Kanchhuka of the Chahamdna clan, is named in Nos. 2 and 7. The name of the seventh king, Yasdvarman, appeara in Nos. 2, 4, 5, and 7. No. 2 (verse 81 ) describes him as having conquered Kilenjar. The same record (vv. 87 and 89 ) gives him the alternative name of Lakshavarman. His consort's name, Pappa, is given in No. 7 (vv. 40 and 41 ). Devalabdhi, son of Krishnapa and Asarva, is specifically described as grandson of Yasovarman in inscription No. 4. Dhange, the eighth king, son of Yakovarman and Pappa, is named in inscriptions Nos. 2, 8, 5, 7, 10, and 24, and is referred to in Muhammadan history, but not by name. The only inscription which names Dhanga's son, Gaq da, the ninth king, is No. 24; but he is mentioned also by the Muhammadan bistorians under the name of Nanda, owing to a clerical error. Vidhyadhara, son and successor of Ganda, is named in inscriptions Nos, 8, 9, 10, and 24. His destruction of an unnamed king of Kanauj is recited in No. 10 ; and the Dubkaad inscription of Vikramasituba Kachchhapaghata narrates in some detail fue elaying of Rajyapala, king of Kanauj, by Arjuna Kachchhapaghate, who acted under the command of Vidhyadhara. At that time king Ganda was still living, and Vidhyadhara was Crown Prince (E. I., II, 233). Vijayapala, son and successor of Vidhyalbara, is named in Nos. 8, 9, and 24. His queen, Bhavanadevi, mother of Devavarman, is mentioned in No. 8. Devavarman describes himself in inscription No. 8 as the son of Vijayapala and Bhuvanadevi, and successor of the former. Kirtivarman also is described as being the son of Vijayapila in inscriptions Nos. 9 and 10; and in inscription No. 24 his name follows that of Vijayapala, no mention being made of Devavarman in these three records. The correct explanation clearly is that Devavarman, like Jayasakti, died without leaving issue capable of sucoeesion, and was consequently succeeded by his

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MAX. 1903.) HISTORY AND COINAGE OF THE CHANDEL DYNASTY 129 younger brother, Kirtivarman, whose mother's name is not stated. At one time I erroneously identitied Kirtivarman with Devavarnan. Ii Maisey's version of the No. II Nilkanth inscription from Kalanjar (No. 43) could be relied on, Bhumipala would be an alternative name for either Kirtirarman or Devavarman, but the reading probably is erroneous (see J. A. S. D., Part I, 1881, p. 13). The son and successor of Kirtivarman was Sallakshanavarman whose name is written Hallakshana on coins. He is mentioned in inscriptions Nos. 15 and 24. The inclusion of a second Sallakshana in Cunningham's list is due to a mistaken interpretation of an inscription (J. 4. S. B., Part I, 1881, p. 16; E..., Vol. I, p. 195, note). Sallaksbanavarman was succeeded by his son, Jayavarman, who is mentioned in inscriptions Nos. 11 and 24. Evidently, Jayavarmau left no capable issue, for his successor was Psithvivarman, the younger uterine brother of Sallakshanavarman (v. 12 of inscription No. 24 ), and son of Kirtivarman. Inscription No. 15 gives the genealogy of Madanavarman as the successor of Prithvivarman, the saccessor of Kirtivarman, and makes no mention of either Sallakshanavarman or Jayavarman, Coins of both these princes are extant. They were omitted from No. 15 as not being in the direct line of descent. Madanavarman, son and successor of Prithvivarman, is mentioned in more inscriptions than any other member of the dynasty. As stated above, his genealogy, or order of succession, from Kirtivarman is given imperfectly in inscription No. 15. No. 24 gives it in full, including both Jayavarman and Sallakshanavarman. The name of Madanavarman, without any genealogical statement, is inserted as that of the reigning king in the dedicatory inscriptions Nos. 12, 13, 14, 19, 21, 22, 229, and 24a ; and a grant of his (No. 23 ) is referred to in Paramardi's grant inscription No. 25. He had a younger brother, named Pratapa, who is named in the imperfectly edited inscription No. 43. - Paramardi, the Parmal of tradition, and Parmar of the Muhammadan historian,3 was grandson and immediate successor of Madanavarman, being the son of Yasovarman, who never came to the throne, presumably having predeceased his father. The name of Yasovarman is recorded in the Baghiri inscription only (No. 38), but the fact that Paramardi was grandson of Madanavarman is also stated in the Semra plate (No. 25). Yasovarman corresponds in position with the synonymous Kirtiverman, who is inserted between Madanavarman and Paramardi by all the bards' lists. The Ichcbbe war plate (No. 28 ) simply describes Paramardi as the successor of Madanavarman, without mentioning the relationship. The date of the conquest of Jejakebbuti by Prithviraja Ohahamana is obtained from his Madanpur inscriptions (No. 29 ) as Samvat 1239 = A.D. 1182-34 The Kalanjar inscription (No. 34 ) profeases to be composed by Paramardi himself. The date of his death, 1203 A. D., is certified by the Tdj-ul-Ma'asir. His name occurs as that of the reigning king on a Jain inscription dated 1224 8. = 1168 A. D. (No. 26). The date of the accession of Trailokyavarman is taken as that of his father Paramardi's death. The only certain inscription of this prince, at Ajaygaph (No. 85), is dated 1269 S. = 1213-4 A. D. His dominions may have been confined to the eastern part of Jejakabhukti. His name occurs in the genealogies in inscriptions Nos. 36, 40, and 45. Cunningham probably is right in referring to this prince the Rewe copper-plate inscriptions C and D, which respectively give the name of the paramount sovereign as Trailokyavarman and Trailokyamalla, and are dated 1297 and 1298 Samvat (inscriptions No. 35a and 85 6). * Cunningham always spells the name Paramirdi, erroneously. * 1239 V. E. =8th March, 1182 - 25th February, 1183 ( Book of Indian Eras). * 1239 V. E. = 25th March, 1218 - 14th Marob, 1214 ( Book of Indian Eras).

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130 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1908. The genealogy of the next raler, Viravarman, from Kirtivarman is traced in inscription No. 36, which also gives the genealogy of his queen, Kalyanadevi. The imperfectly edited inscription No. 43 gives his genealogy from Vijayapala. His name occurs also in Nos. 88, 39, 40, and 42, but is omitted from No, 45. Bhojavarman, the successor of Viravarman, is known from two Ajaygash inscriptions only Nos. 44 and 45, the former of which gives the date 1845 8. = 1288 A, D. (5th March. 1288 - 24th March, 1289 ). 'It is thus apparent that the dynastic chronology is fized within narrow limits of possible error. The only absolutely certain date for the close of one reign and the beginning of another is 1203 A. D., the year in which Paramardi died and was succeeded by his son Trailokyavarman in, at least, part of the kinglom. The accession of Paramardi is determined by the inscriptions as lying between 1162 and 1167, and there is some reason for thinking that it took place in 1165. The one known date of Kirtivarman, 1098, must be close to the end of his reign, because his predecessor was reigning in 1056, and the next successor but one, namely Jayavarman, in 1117. The resnlt follows that the reign of Sallakshana, who intervenes between Kirtivarman and Jayavarman, must have been short. As the first known date of Medanavarman is 1129, the reigns of Jayavarman and Prithvivarman likewise must bave been very brief. Kirtivarman's reiga evidently was long, about forty years. The limits of the long reign of Dhanga are fixed by the inscription within a year or two. The date of the accession of Bbojavarman is known with sufficient accuracy, his dated inscription being of 1946 V. E., while the latest of his predecessor is of 1342 V. E. = 27th February, 1216 A. D. As there were six generations (seven reigns ) before Dhanga's accession in or about 950, the beginning of the dynasty must be dated about the time entered in the Table, 831 A. D. The province in which the Chandel clan and dynasty were dominant for several centuries is now known as Bundelkhand, the Bundela country.' The Bundelas, although counted as Rajputs, admittedly are of mixed blood, and probably are descended from an intermarriage between a Gabarwar Rajput chief and a Khangar girl. The first Bundola chieftain in Bundelkhand seems to have made his appearance about 1335 or 1340 A. D., but the clan did not become prominent until much later. The most famous and powerful Bundela chief was Raja Chhatarsal who died in 1731 A. D.7 Although Bundelkhand has now comparatively few Bundelas resident within its borders, at least in the British districts, the name derived from their presence has become attached permanently to the country. The use of the word Bundelkhand is vague and indefinito, the only official recognition of it being the application of the collective term, the * Bundelkhand Agency'; to a group of petty Native States, Panna, Charkhari, and others, which are comprised within the larger group known as the Central India Agency.' Cunningham was informed that in its widest extent, Bundelkhand was said to have comprised all the country to the south of the Jumna and Ganges, from the Betwa river on the west to the temple of Vindhyavasint-devi [in S. Mirzapur] on the east, including the districts of Chanderi, Sagar, and Bilhari, near the sources of the Narbada on the south' ( Anc. Geog., p. 482). In other words, the province comprised the British Districts of Hamirpur, Banda, Lalitpur (now a subdivision of Jhunst ), with parts of Allababad and Mirzapur in the United Provinces - the Sagar and Damoh Districts of the Central Provinces - and a large intermediate space, now mostly occupied by a crowd of small Native States. The region so defined agrees roughly with the kingdom known 08 Jajahati (JajAhoti, Jijhoti) to travellers, from Hiuen Tsang in the seventh to Ibn Batuta in the 8 J. A. 8. B., Part I, 1881, p. 46. The Khangars are very low-caste people, probably in reality Gonds. The Gabawfra Are regarded by the aristocrats of Rajputand as being of impure blood, and there are indioations that they are connected with the Bbars (Beames Elliot, Vol. I, pp. 121 and 123). Bijaygah, wbero the head of the olan resides, is an old Bhar settlement. " Pas badi 3, Sanyat 1788 (ibid., p. 46).

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MAY, 1908.) HISTORY AND COINAGE OF THE CHANDEL DYNASTY. 131 fourteenth century, the Jejabhukti (with variante) of insoriptions. The territorial name Jijhoti is not recorded to have been used at any later date, but the limits of the ancient kingdom are still marked by the distribution of the Jijhotiys Brahmans and Baniyas. In the time of Ibn Batuta, as also in the time of Alberuni, who completed his book on India in 1081 A. D., the capital of Jijhoti (Jajhoti) was Khajuraho, now a village 84 miles south of Mahoba and included in the Chhatarpur State. The same name, Jijhoti, evidently is represented by the Chinese Chih-chi-t'o (Watters = Chi-ki-to of Beal), which was visited and described by Hinen Tsang in 641 or 642 A. D. The pilgrim states that Chih-chi-to lay more than 1,000 li to the north-east of Ujjain, and more than 900 li to the south of Mahesvarapura. He adds that this country was above 4,000 li, and its capital about 15 li, in circuit; the soil was rich, the crops were abundant, and pulse and wheat were products. The majority of the people were not Buddhists, but there were some tens of monasteries with a few Brethren ; there were above ten Deva temples and 1,000 professed adherents of the other systems. The king, who was a Brahmin, was a firm believer in Buddhism, and encouraged men of merit, and learned scholars of other lands collected here in numbers (Watters, Vol. II, p. 251). This description is so indefinite that little use can be made of it for fixing the position of the capital. But if we assume that the distance from the kingdom of Ujjain is reckoned from its capital, the indications given will bring us to the western frontier of Jijhoti, on the Betwa river westward from Sagar. Usually, the assumption is made that Khajuraho must have been the unnamed capital referred to by Hinen Tsang. But the fact that that town was the capital of the kingdom in the eleventh century is very little reason for assuming that the same place was the capital in the seventh century. Supposing the distances to be estimated as from capital to capital, Khajuraho will not suit the indication given by Hinen Tsang, because it lies S.-E., not south, from Gwalior, which seems to be Mahesvarapura, and is too far from Ujjain. If we anaume that Eran (Erakana ),' on the Bina river, a tributary of the Betwa, 45 miles W.-N.-W. from Sagar, was the capital of Jijhoti referred to by Rigen Tsang, all his distances and bearings will agree sufficiently well. Eran is practically due south from Gwalior, and about E.-N.-E. from Ujjain. At the close of the fifth and the beginning of the sixth century, it certainly was an important place, as is proved by the inscriptions of Budhagapte and Toramana, and it may well have been the capital of Jijhoti in the seventh century, a hundred and forty years after the approximate date of Toramana's inscription. The required position should be a little more distant --some 20 miles from Ujjain than from Gwalior. This condition is fulfilled accurately by Erar. The earliest proof of Chandel occupation of Khajuraho is the inscription dated 1011 S. = 954 A. D., recording the erection of the magnificent Lakshmanji or Chaturbhuj temple there. The latest known Khajuraho inscription of the Chandel times is No. 22, recorded on a Jain image during the reign of Madanavarman in 1215 S. = 1157-8 A. D. Yasovarman, father of Dhanga, is said in inscription No. 2 to have conquered Kalanjar, and it is probable that Khajuraho was not occupied by the Chandels much earlier than his reign which began about 930 A. D. The Chandels were recognized as Rajputs (Kshatriyas ) and were orthodox Hindus; bnt the king of Jijhoti in the seventh century was a Buddhist Brahman; and there is no special reason for believing that the Rajput kings of the tenth century necessarily retained the capital of the Brabman king in the seventh century. I am of opinion that Bran probably was the capital of the kingdom of Jijhoti in the seventh century, and that Khajuraho was not occupied by the Chandel Bajes before 900 A. D. The oldest dated inscription at that place is that incised on the pedestal of a statue of Hanuman, which is dated in the year 810. This date must be referred to the Harsha era, and is consequently equivalent roughly to 922 A. D.10 This dedicatory See the author's 'Itinerary, ' in Watters, On Yuan Cawang, Yol. II, p. 386. Erukana or Erakana on coins ; Brakina in Prakfit inscription at Sanchi; Airikina in Sanskrit inscription at Erap (Fleet, Gupta Inscr., p. 18; Buhler, E.I., Vol. II, p. 28). * Cunningham, Rep., Vol. X, p. 64, PL. XVI, with erroneous interpretation; Kielhorn, Ind. Ant., Vol. XXVL (1897), p. 80 ; dste corrected by D. L, Bhandarkar ia Arch. 8. W. I. Progrew Rep. for 1903-4, p. 47.

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132 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1908. inscription, which has no apparent connexion with the Chandels, affords some evidence that the kingdom of Jijhoti had been included in the extensive dominions of Harsha (606-48 A. D.). It is not likely that his era would have been used in a place outside the territories which he had once held. Without laying stress upon this argument, we may be confident for other reasons, that Jijhoti was comprised in the empire of Harsha. The oldest temple is the hypethral granite structure dedicated to tho 64 Joginis, which possibly may be slightly earlier in date than the Hanuman, but the script of the brief inscriptions on its walls does not indicate a period much, if at all, anterior to 900.11 I am inclined to believe that the Joginis' temple and the Hanuman statue are almost contempcrary, and that both were erected between 900 and 950 A. D., probably in the reign of either Harsha or Rahila. Tradition places the original home of the Chandels at Maniyagaph in the Chhatarpur State, one of the eight Chandol forts. These are enumerated as being -- (1) Barigarh, now in the Charkhari State ; (2) Kalanjar, in the Banda District; (3) Ajaygarh, in a Native State of the same name, 20 miles to the S. W. of Kalanjar; (4) Maniyagarh, in the Chhatarpur State ;12 (6) Marpha, in Pargana Badausa, Banda District; (6) Maudha, in N-E. of Hamirpur District ; (7) Gapha, near Jabalpur in the Central Provinces; and (8) Mahiyar (Maibar), a Native State to north of Jabalpur ; or, according to other accounts, Kalpi in the Jalaun District. The boundaries of the Chandel dominion, of course, Varied from time to time. In the reign of Madanavarman (1128--1165 ), a Chandel governor stationed at Balihri13 in the Jabalpur District, administered the surrounding territory, including the Sigar and Damoh Districts, where the * Chandeli-Raj' is still remembered." From abont 980 A. D. up to the date of Parmalis (Paramardi's death in 1203 d. D., that is to say, for more than two and a half centuries, the kingdom always included Khajuraho, Kalanjar, and Mahoba. The first named town, with its group of magnificent temples, may be regarded as the religious, the second, with its strong fortress, as the military, and the third, with its palace, as the civil capital. No traces of the Chandel rule have been found in parganas Hamirpur and Sumerpur in the north of the Hamirpur District, and it would seem that those parganas were covered with jungle during the Chandel period, and sparsely inhabited by aboriginal tribes, who were displaced by Rajput immigrants during the fourteenth century and afterwards.15 The name Khajuraho is sometimes written Khajuraha, but in the Bundelkhandi dialect final o represents d of ordinary Hindi, so that the ending in o may be regarded as the more correct. The name is Sanskritized as Kharjuravahaka in inscription No. 7. The derivations which have been suggested are merely guesses.16 The buildings at Khajuraho have been described in some detail by Cunningham,17 whose accounts have been supplemented by the author and other writers. But no really adequate account of the remains has been prepared. Cunningham's plans are on a scale much too small, and not 11 See Rep., Vol. X, p. 57, Pl. XX. Five temples dedicated to the 64 Joginis are known, rit.-(1) the Khajuraho one, which is peculiar in being oblong; (2) Bhera Ghat near Jabalpur (Rep., Vol. IX, p. 74): (3) Sarids in the Patan or Pattana State, one of the Tributary States of Orissa (I. A., Vol. VII, p. 20); (4) RapipurJuril in same State (Rep., Vol XIII, p. 182); and (5) in Coimbatore District, Madras (Rep., Vol. IX, pp. 73 and 74, without er et indication of locality). Nos, 2-5 are circular. Surada in in the Patan State, not in the Kalahand Stato; us also is Ranipar-Jural (Rep., Vol. XIII, p. 128 ; erroneously placed in the Karund' State, ibid. Introd.). 19 Maniy Agath was the ancient fort of the town of Rajgarh, situated on the Ken, and so lay in a westerly direction from Khajuraho (J. A. 8. B., Part I, Vol. XLVIII (1879), p. 286 ). 13 This is the spelling of the Gazetteer. Others write Bilhrri, eto. 14 C. P. Gar., 2nd ed. (1870), p. 176; Brief Account, para, 19; J. A. 8. B., Part I (1881), pp. 18 and 20. quoting Sleeman. 16 Brief Account, pers. 19. 16 The village of Pahra, about 14 miles from Mahoba, has the alternative name of Khajaraha (J. 4. 8. B., Part I, Vol. XLVIII (1879), p. 296). The name might arise anywhere it date palms (khajir) were abundant. Many villages are named Piprl and the like from a conspicuous pfpal tree (Ficus Religiosa). 11 Rop., Yola. II, X, and XXI.

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MAY, 1908.] HISTORY AND COINAGE OF THE CHANDEL DYNASTY. 133 always accurate. The remains are well worthy of a special volume fully illustrated by adequate plans and photographs, but enough has been done in the way of description to render it unlikely that anybody will undertake the task of preparing a special and satisfactory work on the subject. Here it will suffice to note the principal monuments as proofs of the magnificence of the Chandel kings. The remains, more or less complete, of more than thirty temples are traceable at Khajuraho and the neighbouring village of Jatkari. The largest building is the fine Saisa temple, called Kandariya or Khandariya Maladeo by Cunningham (properly Kandariya) which stands 116) fuet high, and seems to have been erected during the tenth century (Rep., Vol. XXI, p. 62). The temple known as Visvanath or Lalaji contains the two inscription slabs dated, respectively, 1059 and 1058, of which the former doubtless belongs to the building. This record, which contains the posthumous panegyric of King Dhanga, conmemorates the erection of the temple, which must have been built during his reign, towards its close. The Lakshmanji, Chatarbhaj, or Ramachandra temple, with the date 1011 ( = 954 or 955 A. D.) was bailt by Dhanga's father Yasovarman. The Jain temple of Jinanath, with an inscription of the same year, was built ia the beginning of Dhanga's reign. The Ghantai Jain temple, so called from the bells (ghand ) carved on the pillars, is an incomplete mediaeval restoration made up from older materials. The original temple probably was erected in the tenth century (Rep., Vol. XXI, p. 61). A Buddhist statue now lost was found on the site, which possibly may have been occupied originally by a Buddhist building. The temples described by Cunningham under the names Devi Jagadambi' and . Kunwar Math' are among the best, and, like the others, may be assigned to the tenth century (Rep., Vol. XXI, pp. 62 and 63). The temple of Mritang Mahadeo is remarkable for its large dome of overlapping stones, with a diameter of 22 feet, without extraneous support. The similar dome of Kuivar Math is 14' 9" in diameter. The domes of the other large temples are supported by extra pillars.18 Khajuraho luckily lay out of the path of the Muhammadan iconoclasts, to which fact we owe the preservation of the finest group of Hindu temples in Northern India. Many of the buildings have been repaired extensively from time to time, and the Jain temples, especially, have been continually altered and restored. From what has been said about the buildings it is clear that the splendour of Khajuraho reached its highest point in the tenth century during the reign of Dhanga (950--1000 A. D.). His successor Ganda was twice defeated within his own territories by Mahmud of Ghazni, first in 1019-20 A. D. (410 A. H.),19 and again in 1022-3 A. D. (418 A. H.).20 It is not anlikely that, as Cunningham conjectures (Rep., Vol. II, p. 438), the decline of Khajuraho may date from that time. But the inscription of Jayavarman dated 1117 A. D. (No. 11) shows that the later kings did not wholly neglect Dhanga's favourite town. The memory of Paramardi (Parmal) and his grandfather Madanavarman is associated chiefly with Mahoba. After Parmal's time the only allusion to Khajuraho found in medieval writers is the mention by the traveller Ibn Batats in 1335 A, D., that the place was frequented by long-haired Jogis with a reputation for skill in magic.21 At the beginning of the nineteenth century the site was overgrown with jungle, although, no doubt, a small population continued to sling to it. The local Chandel zamindars claim to be antochthonous and boast kinship with King Parmal. At present Khajuraho is a village, with less than 2,000 inhabitants. Mahoba, now a small country town in the Hamirpur District, 54 miles to the south of Hamirpur, and 34 miles to the north of Khajuraho, is associated by tradition very closely with the Chandel dynasty. The name of Parmal (Paramardi) is in everybody's mouth, and the legend of his war with Pirthiraj Chauhan (Prithvi Raja Chabumana), as told by Cband Bardai in the Mahob Khand, 18 Soo V. A. Smithi and Y. O. Black, Observations on some Chandel Antiquities,' in J. A. 8. B., Part I. Vol. XLVIII, 1879, pp. 285-293 ; correoting and sopplementing Cunningham's remarks in Rep., Vol. II. Plates XVII and XVIII give plans of the Jinanath, Ghaptal, and Mritang Mahadlo temples. 19 Tabakat-i-Akbari, in Elliot, II, p. 468. 20 lbid., p. 457 21 Travels, translated by Lee, quoted in Rep., Vol. II, p. 438.

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134 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1908. A canto of the Chand Raesi epic, is familiar to every native. Mapy spots and buildings at and near Mahobi ara nndying memorials of the names of Chandel kings and priness. The reigning kings can bs identified from inscriptions, but other princes who do not happen to be mentioned in the inscriptions, and are remembered only for having formed a lake or built a temple, cannot be assigned a precise position in the genealogy of the ruling clan. The earliest sovereign locally commemorated by existing material works is RAhila, the fifth of the dynasty, who reigned from about 900 to 915 A. D. No inscriptions have been discovered which can help the determination of his date with greater accuracy, The Hanuman dedication at Khajuraho dated in 922 A. D. does not mention the name of the reigning king. The Rahilya Sagar, or lake, two miles to the south-west of Mahoba and the five, although much injured, cruciform granite temple on its embankment, undoubtedly, are monumente of the reign of Rahila. Cunningham (Rep., Vol. XXI, p. 63) observes that the Kulwar Math, or Prince's Temple, at Khajuraho, which has a granite plinth and sandstone saperstructure, Agrees very closely with the Rahilya shrine, and may be referred to the same period, the early part of the tenth century. According to Mr. Beglar (Rep., Vol. VII, p. 47) one of the tanks in the Ajaygarh fort is ascribed by some people to Kirtivarman, and by others to Rahilavarman (Rahil Brihm) whose name is said to occur on several stones of one of the temples; but Cunningham does not mention these alleged facts. Tradition, as recorded by the poet Chand, ascribes the foundation of the ancient fortress of Risan in Banda, about 20 miles N.-E. from Kalanjar, to Rahila. The Kirat Sagar lake, a mile and three-quarters in circumference, which lies to the west of Mahaba, was the work of Kirtivarman, the thirteenth king (c. 2060-1100 A. D.). Cunningham found near the Dargah some remains of a temple of Siva, which probably was built in the reign of Kirtivarman (Rep., Vol. II, p. 441). Another Kirat Sagar, no doubt, contemporary, exists at Chanderi in Lalitpur.32 The name of Kirtivarman is also connected with buildings at Ajaygesh and KAlanjar. Madanavarman, the seventeenth king (1128-1165 A. D.), is commemorated at Maboba by the Madan Sagar on the south side of the town, by Madan Kheri, a small mound at Mabilpur about three miles to the east, and by three Jain images, on which the dedicatory inscriptions mention him as the reigning king in 1155, 1157, and 1163 A. D. The granite temple, known as the Kakra Mash, which stands on a rocky island in the north-west corner of the Madan Sagar, escaped Muhammadan destractiveness, and is still fairly complete. It is equal in size to the largest of the sandstone temples at Khajuraho. The Kakra Marh, which was dedicated to Siva, and a second temple dedicated to Vishnu, called Madari, the ruins of which exist on a second islet in the lake, may be ascribed safely to the reign of Madanaparman. His name is found also on buildings at Kalazjar and Ajaygash. The eighteenth king, Parmal or Paramardi, as already observed, is remembered by popular tradition at Mahobe more distinctly than any other member of his family. The remains of his palace on the top of the slightly fortified hill known as the fort are still pointed out, notwithstanding their conversion to the purposes of a mosque. The dedication on a Jain image dated in 1168 A. D. mentions him as the reigning sovereign, and the Baghari inscription, found at Singhanpur-Baghari near Mahoba, commemorates the erection of temples dedicated to both Vishnu and Siva, by his ministers in 1195 A. D. A hymn of praise to 'Siva, recorded on a slab at Kalajar in 1201 A. D., professes to be the composition of Paramardi himself. When he was driven out of Mahoba in 1182 A. D. by Prithiraj (Prithviraja), most probably he retired to Kalaojar. The imperfect inscription from the fort wall at Mahoba, which records the building of a temple in 1240 S. - 1188 A. D., the year after the Chandel defeat, does not seem to contain any king's name, and it is impossible to say under what circumstances it was recorded. 12 Cunningham spells Chanderi, but wrongly, I believe. His spelling Chandol certainly in erroneous.

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MAY, 1908) HISTORY AND COINAGE OF THE CHANDEL DYNASTY. 135 Except as above stated, and a tank at Ajaygaph and a gateway at Kalanjar, no particular building or artificial lake is definitely connected with the na:ne of Parmil, although loose popular tradition attributes to him in a vague way many of the antiquities of the country. According to Chand and local tradition, Parmal was succeeded at Mahoba by his son Samarjit, who retained the control of the local aiministration until he was killed by a Muhammadan named, Binke-ud-din (see note 49 post). Although the name of Samarjit is not mentioned in the inscriptions, I do not see any special reason for disbelieving the tradition. The incursion of Prithiraj seems to have been a merely temporary raid, which did not imply any perroanent conquest of Jejikabhukti, and the epigraphic evidence indicates that Trailokyavarman, the recognized successor of Parmil as sovereign, had his headquarters at Ajaygach. Samarjit may have been his younger brother, and may have held Mahobi as best he could until 1203 A, D., when both he and his father were overwhelmed by the Muhammadan invader. The fortress of Ajaygarh stands in the State of that name to the south-east of Mahoba, to the south-west of Kalanjar, and a little north of east from Khajuraho. The irregular quadrilateral formed by these four places was the centre of the Chandel power. The dynasty, which arose at Maniyagarh and Mahobi about 831 A, D., seems to have occapied Khajuraho .about 900 A. D., and certainly seized K&lanjur, in the reign of Yasovarman, the seventh king, about 930 or 940 A. D. Ajaygarh, if Mr. Beglar is right, was held by Ribila, the fifth king, nt the beginning of the tenth century. Cunningham's description of Ajaygarh (Rep., Vol. XXI.. pp. 46-54) must be read with caution, as his account of the inscriptions contains many errors. A private dedication inscription No. 19), which mentions Madanavarman as the reigning kiny in 1151 A. D., is the earliest Chandel record at this site. A tank in the fort is ascribed to Parmal, and there are inscriptions of his successors Trailokyavarman, Viravarman, and Bhojavarman. It seems that after the capture of Kilajar by Kutb-nd-din in 1203 A. D., the Cbandel chiefs resided ordinarily at Ajaygarh, twenty miles distant. Inscriptions No. 35a and 356, as interpreted by Canningham, indicate that they sought compensation by pushing eastward into Rewa, bat his interpretation is open to doubt. The history and antiquities of the famous fort of Kalanjar have been related and described by Canningham in Volume XXI of his Reports, making use of the earlier accounts by Pogaon and Maisey. From very ancient times the hill had been a favourite resort of Saiva ascetics, and it is said to be included in a list of nine holy places of Northeru India given in the Padma Purdna. It is impossible to say when or by whom it was first occupied as a fortress. Cunningham's theory that the Kalachuri Era of 249 A, D., commemorates the oscnpation of Kilanjar at that date by the Kalachuri kings of Chedi is not supported by the most recent researches, which indicate that the era was used first in Gujarat and the Thana District Near Bombay.23 Inscription No. 2 of my list distinctly affirms that Yasovarian, the seventh Chandel king, annexed the hill of Kalanjar. There is no reason to doubt the truth of this statement, and we are consequently justified in believing that the Ohandel couuexion with the fortress began about 930 or 940 A. D. After that date the titles of the Chandel kings usually include that of lord of Kalanjar,' which was also assumed by some of the kings of Chedi, the rivals, and at times the enemies of the Chandels. The Chandel inscriptions at the fortress 1postly belong to the reigns of Madanavarman and Paramardi (1128---1203 A. D.); bat , tank, named the .Budhi or Barhyia Tal' by Cunningham, is associated by tradition with the Dale of Kirtivarman (c. 1060-1100 A. D.). This king is believed by the people to have been a leper, and to have recovered his health by bathing in this tank at Kalajar. The fortress was taken by Kutb-ud-din Ibak (Aibak) in April, 1208, from Parmal ( Paramardi ), who died immediately afterwards. The Masalanans held it only for a short time, and it was then recovered by the Hindus, ay is proved by inscriptions Nos. 41 and 48. 28 Fleet, J. R. A. 8., 1905, P465.

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136 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (MAY, 1908. The buildings at Kalanjar do not seem to possess any high degree of merit as architecture. The upper gate, leading to the outwork in the middle of the west face, where the greet lingam of Nilakantha stands, is attributed by local tradition to king Parmal ( 1165-1203 A. D.). The Mubammadan attacks on Kalanjar will be discussed more fully subsequently. Ajaygarh and Kalanjar are the best known of the eight Chandel forts ( ante, p. 132), but it will ba well to add a few remarks on the remaining six. I have no information about Barigarh in the Charkhari State, distant about ten miles from Mahobe, except that it possesses a fort ascribed to a prince named Balavarman (Bar Brahm), who is not mentioned in the inscriptions, but is given an early position in the dynasty by the bards' lists.24 The Barsi tank and mound at Pahra ( also called Khajuraha) fourteen miles N.-E. of Mahoba, preserve the name of the same prince.25 Maudha, in the north-eastern corner of the Hamirpur District has no ancient remains of interest now visible. Maniyagarh, already referred to as the original seat of the Chandel clan, according to Khajuraho tradition, is described by Beglar and Cunningham (Rep., Vol. VII, p. 43; Vol. XXI, p. 69) as a large ruined fort, situated on the left bank of the Ken river, on a hill overlooking the town of Rajgarh in the Chhatarpur State. The fort derives its name from a shrine of Maniya Deo (? Devi). This goddess was regarded as the tutelary deity of the Chandels, and another shrine dedicated to her exists at Mahoba. I have shown reason for believing her to be a tribal deity of the Bhars, one of the so-called aboriginal races, formerly numerous in the Hamirpur District, but now merged in the general low-caste population. The Bhars and Gonds seem to have been closely akin, and the Chandel clan probably shared in both Bhar and Gond blood (J. d. S. B., Part I, Vol. XLVI (1877), p. 233; Rep., Vol. VII, p. 44; Brief Acoount, p. 2). The little known fort of Marpha in the Banda District, twelve miles to the N.-E. of Kalanjar, is comparable in size with the fortresses of Ajaygarh and Alanjar, and was considered by Tieffenthaler to be even larger than the latter. The site is overrun with jungle, the haunt of tigers and leopards, and so is not convenient for archaeological exploration. I believe it to have been the stronghold of the chieftain called by the Muhammadan historian Dalaki-waMalaki who was the opponent of Ulugh Khan in 12448 A. D. There is little doubt that he was a Bhar.26 Garhe, four miles west of Jabalpur, is well known as the traditional early seat of the Gond dynasty, but does not seem to possess any buildings of importance, except the late castle known as the Madan Mahal.27 Mahiyar, now a station on the Alla babad and Jabalpur Railway, commands a pass over the Kaimur range, and possesses a famous temple of the goddess Sarasvati, or SArda Devi. No Chandel remains are recorded.28 Some traditions substitute Kalpi for Mahiyar in the list of Chandel forts. It is situated in the Jalaun District on the southern bank of the Jumna, to the N.-W. of Hamirpur; and, if ever held by the Chandel kings, can have been in their bands for a very short time. The existing remains are Muhammadan.29 The origin of the Chandels, like that of all the Rajput clans, is obscure and uncertain. The Chandels themselves have a silly legend to the effect that they are descended from the union of the moon (Chandra) with a Brahman maiden. The only significance of the myth is its implied admission that the pedigree of the clan required explanation, which was best attained 24 J. A. S. B., Part I, Vol. L (1881), p. 19. The barda' lists are given in Rep., Vol. II, p. 449. 26 J. 4. 8. B., Part I, Vol. XLVIII (1879), pp. 295 and 286, Pl. XIX. 26 Cunningham did not visit Marpha, which he believed to have been explored 'hy his assistant, Messrs. Reglar and Carlleyle. But Mr. Beglar did not even succeed in finding the place (Rep., Vol. VII, p. 21); and Carlleyle does not mention it. The position in fixed by Cunningham (Rep., Vol. XXI, p. 18, PI. I). Tieffenthaler erroneously places it seven miles to the S.-E. of Kalanjar (Geographie de l'Indonistan, French transl., Berlin, 1791, p. 247). For Dalaki-wa-Malaki, see J. A. 8. B., Part I, Vol. 5 (1861), p. 37. 27 C. P. G xetteer (1870); Rer., Vol. XVII, p. 52. 28 Rep., Vol. IX, p. 33. 29 Rep., Vol. XXI, p. 131.

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MAY, 1908.) HISTORY AND COINAGE OF THE CHANDEL DYNASTY. 137 by including it in the group of moon-descended 'Rajpats, and adding respectability by inventing a Brahman ancestress. As a matter of fact, the Chandels are still regarded as a clan of impure descent. It seems quite clear that the ancestors were not immigrants from the northwest, and bad nothing to do with the Huns and such people, who appear to be largely represented in the present day by the fire-descended' Rajputs, the Chauhans, and others.80 The indications are fairly distinct that the Chandel clan originated in the midst of the Gonds, with whom other similar tribes were intermixed. The Chandel Zemindars of Khajara ho claim to be autochthonous and trace tbeir origin to Maniyaga sh, the ancient ruined fortress on the Ken river, not many miles distant. This tradition is confirmed by the fact that Maniga Deo [ ? Devi], whose shrine exists at Maniyagarh and gives the place its name, was the tutelary deity of the Chandels. When they occapied Mahoba, early in the ninth century, they brought with them the worship of this goddess, who appears to be akin to the Gend deities. The third and only other known shrine dedicated to her is at the village of Barel in pdrgand Rath, Hamirpur District, which probably was formerly occupied by Bbars. The poet Chand Associates Maniyagarh with Gond chieftain. As late as the sixteenth century the Chandel princess Dargavati married the Gond chief of Gasha Mandla. Without going farther into detail, I may say that I still hold the opinion which I published thirty years ago, that the Chandels really sprang from an aboriginal stock; whether this stock was called Bbar or Gond we cannot say, and if I am right in thinking the two tribes to be very closely connected, the question is of no importance.'31 The Gaharwars, with whom the Chandels are also connected by tradition, and the Haihayas or Kalachuris of Chedi probably came to the front in the same way, as successful adventurers among some one or other of the aboriginal 'races, who after attaining power, claimed the rank of Kshatriya, Rajput, or Thakar - all synonymous terms in practice - as Gond chiefs do to this day. I accept the Khajuraho tradition that the original seat of the Chandel clan was Maniyagaph on the Ken river in the CE hatarpur State. The newly formed clan, the Chandels, then spread northwards to Mahoba, taking with them the worship of their tutelary deity, from which town they gradually extended their rule over all Jejakabhukti, the modern Bundelkhand. I do not believe that the Chandels ever were very numerous during their period of sovereignty. They formed a ruling caste, holding in more or less complete subjection various races, including a crowd of Gonds, Kols, Bhils, and other so-called aborigines, whose former presence under those names can be traced in scores of village traditions, specimens of which are recorded in my early publicntions. These people are not known now by the old names in the Hamirpur District, where I studied the subject, but they certainly form the principal element in the existing low-caste population of that district, under the names of Chamars, Khangars, Arakhs, and so forth. I have, no doubt, that investigations of a similar kind in other districts of Bundelkhand would yield similar results. The Chandels were only one of several clans which attained erinence during the ninth century, and, in virtue of the de facto exercise of sovereign powers, claimed to rank as Kshatriyas or Rajputs, whatever might be the flaws in their pedigrees. The exact process by which these clans came to the front nearly at the same time is not known, and is not likely to be ascertained. It is easy to see that the death in 648 A. D. of Harsbevardhana, paramount sovereign of Northern India, loosed the bonds which had held together for a timo a multitude of separate States, and so gave free play to the action of local ambitions. We know as a matter of fact from the strange story of Wang-Hiuen-tse, the Chineso envoy, that the death of *Jackson, Bombay Gaxettar, Vol. I, Part I (1806), P. 469; followed by Hoornle, in Hoernle and Stark, Hist. of India; p. 62; E. Hist. India, 2nd ed., pp. 379-81. 31 J. A. S. B., Part I (1677), p. 231. The fort of Rehuta Cor Corgi-Mashan in Rewa ) is unanimously Ascribed to: Raja Karan Dahariya, who is supposed to have been a Bhar chief. But his very title of Dehariya shows that he must have boon the famous Karpa Dera, the Kalachuri Raja of Dahal or Chedi' (Roy., Vol. XXI, p. 149).

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138 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAT, 1903. Harsha was followed immediately by serious disorder; 32 but information concerning the course of political events from the middle of the seventh to the beginning of the ninth century is so scanty that it is impossible to trace fully the steps of the development of all the new powers, which were well established by the middle of the ninth century. A summary of the present state of knowledge on the subject will be found in Chapter XIV of the Second Edition of the Early History of India, and the development of the Parihar clan from a section of the Gurjaras is worked ont in my essay on the Gurjaras of Rajputana and Kanauj, which will appear this year in the J. R. A. S. There can be little doubt that the province or kingdon of Jejakabhukti was included in the empire of Harsha, and that the local Brahman Raja mentioned by Hiuen Tsang in 642 A. D. must have been a feudatory of the paramount power. But nobody can tell what happened to the Brahman Raja. The Chandel clan, as already explained, seems to have originated among the Gonds and cognate tribes in the territory now known as the Chhatarpur State. The early Chandel Rajas probably were subordinate to the powerful State formed by the Gurjarasa tribe of foreign origin which attained its greatest extent under Bhoja I in the middle of the ninth century, when Kanauj (Mahodaya) was the capital. In this connexion it is relevant to note that tradition represents the Chandels as having succeeded a Parihar (Pratihara) kingdom, which had its capital at Mau-Sahaniyu between Nowgong (Naugaon) and Chhatarpur. These Parihars probably were Gurjaras connected with the White Huns, descended from the armies of Toramana and Mihirakula.33 The subordination of Jejakabhukti to Kanauj may be assumed to have lasted until the end of the reign of Rahila, the fifth Raja (about 915 A, D.) who is not known to have carried his arms beyond the limits of his ancestral province. But his son and successor, Harshadeva, the sixth Raja, is recorded to have placed (or replaced) on the throne a Raja named Kshitipale, who must be the king of Kanauj known from other inscriptions under the names of Mahipala and Herambapala. Taken in connection with the ascertained fact of repeated subsequent wars between the Chandels and the rulers of Kanauj, the inference may be drawn that Harshadeva waged a successful war with the kingdom of Kanauj, defeated its king Kshitipala (Mahipala), and, before returning home, replaced him on his throne. These events may be dated approximately about 917 A. D., which may be assumed as being very nearly the correct date for the development of the Chandel power as the equal and rival of Kanauj, which had lost its predominant position soon after the death of Bhoja I about 890 A. D. Recent researches have demonstrated that the kingdom of the Rashtrakuta dynasty and clan lay immediately to the south of the western provinces of that of Kanauj (Mahodaya), and that Indra III, Rashtrakuta, in or about 916 A. D. attacked Kananj successfully, and drove its king, Mahipala, from his throne.35 It is possible that the victory credited to Harshadeva Chandel may have been won by him in alliance with the Rashtrakuta prince, who makes a similar claim to martial success. But it is more likely that the Chandel king, notwithstanding his usual rivalry, came to the rescue of the Kanauj sovereign, and delivered him from the hand of the Rashtrakuta invader. Neither of the powers to the south of the Jamna was strong enough to hold permanently the kingdom of Kanauj. Both the Chandel and the Rashtrakuta had to be content with the glory of a successful invasion and the credit of having dethroned and replaced king Kshitipala (Mahipala). za E. Hist. of India, 2nd ed., p. 327. 33 D. R. Bhandarkar, 'Gurjaras, J. Bo. R. A. 8., 1903; Jackson, Bombay Gazetteer (1896), Vol. I, Part I, App. III, Bhinmal'; Hoerale, in Hoerple and Stark, Hist. of India (1904), p. 62. Mr. Jackson's learned and original essay, published in 1896, which first announced the discovery of the 'Gurjara Empire,' as Dr. Hoernle.call it, attracted little notice until lately. For Man-Sahaniya, see J. A. 8. B., Part I (1881), p. 6. 34 Inscriptions No. I and II in E. I., Vol. I, pp. 121, 123, 171. 36 Bhandarkar, 'Gurjaras,' p. 11 of reprint; E. J., Vol. VII, pp. 80. 43.

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MAY, 1908) HISTORY AND COINAGE OF THE CHANDEL DYNASTY. 139 Yahoverman (Lakshavarman), the seventh Chandel king (c. 930-950 A. D.) greatly increased the power and confirmed the stability of his dynasty by his conquest and occupation of the fortress of Kalahjar. The possession of this strong place, with which all his sacoessors closely associated themselves, substantially enhanced the rising influence of the Chandels, who were henceforth undoubtedly free from all dependence on Kananj. In fact, the rise of the Chandels seems to have been one of the principal factors in the political decadence of that kingdom. When Yasovarman built his magnificent temple to Vishnu at Khajuraho, he obtained the image for the shrine from king Devapila of Kananj, the successor of Kshitipala or Mahipala, who had been defeated by Yasovarman's father, Harshadeva. This incident probably means that the raler of Kanauj was not in a position to refuse a favour to his southern rival. Internecine warfare between rival local potentates has always been the normal condition of India when left free to follow her own devices, and the sufferings resulting were accepted as a matter of course. But she was now about to be called upon to endure unwillingly the cruelties of foreign invader, and we must turn aside to consider the progress of Muhammadan advance from the north-west in order to understand the causes of the ultimate overthrow of the Chandels and the other medieval Rajpat powers. The Amir Alptigio, who previously had been governor of Khurasan under the Samant dynasty of Persia and Bukhara, occupied Ghazni in 988-4 A.D. (322 H.) and so became the neighbour of the powerful Hindu State in the Indus Valley and Panjab, of which the capital was Bathindah (Bhatinda). In either 366 or 367 H. (976-8 A. D.), the Amir Sabuktigin wrested Ghazni from the hands of a Muhammadan governor named Pirey. The Hindus of the adjoining kingdom on the east could not allow tho Musalman advance to proceed unchecked, and, as early as 363 H. (973-4 A. D.), they had attempted the invasion of Ghazni, but were repulsed by Pirey. The name of the Hindu leader on that occasion is not recorded. A few years later, in 369 H. (979-80 A. D.), Jaipal, king of Bathindah, whose dominions extended from the mountains west of the Indus to the Haksa, the lost river of the Indian desert, and so included a large part of the modern provinces, the Panjab and Sind, advanced towards Ghazni, but came to terms with the Amir and retired. In 376 H. = 986-7 A. D., Sabuktigin raided the Indian frontier and collected much booty. A year or two later in 378 H. = 988-9 A. D., Jaipal repeated his invasion of the Musalman territory, but lost most of his army from the excessive cold, and was again compelled to retreat. The terms settled between him and Sabaktigin provided that the Indian king should pay a large cash indemnity, forfeit a hundred elephants, and surrender four fortified towns to the west of the Indus, in the direction of Ghazni. Jaipal was also required to give hostages, and to receive commissioners empowered by Sabuktigin to take over the cash, elephants, and fortresses in accordance with the treaty. But when he reached his own territory, Jaipal violated the compact, detained Sabriktigin's commissioners as hostages, and failed to carry ont the terms agreed on. On becoming aware of this conduct, Sabuktigin mustered his forces to take vengeance upon the Hindu for this piece of treachery. He entered Jaipal's territory, and carried slaughter, plunder, and devastation wherever he went. Idol temples were overturned and masjids (mosques) erected on their ruins, and the Lamghan territory and Nang-NibAr (Jalalabad), which were the most western parts held by Jaipal - the more level tracts in comparison with the old Afghan country - 36 The terms are as stated by Raverty. Al'Utbf in the Tarikh-i-Yamini (Elliot, Vol. II, p. 21) ways that the Amir was promised 1,000,000 dirhems of royal stamp, and fifty clephants, and some cities and forts in the middle of his country. The spelling 'Ghazni' is correct, but alternative forms, Ghaznin,' etc., are used by some writers.

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140 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (MAY, 1908. were reduced under his sway. After this success Sabuktigin returned to Ghazni,"37 In the narrative of these proceedings the historians make no mention of allies of Jaipal. That prince seems to have relied upon his own resources, and was compelled to recognize the fact that they were unequal to the task of stopping the progress of the foreigner. Soon after, probably in 989 A. D., Jaipal resolved to make a supreme effort to save his country, and, according to Ferishta, summoned to his'aid the Rajas of Delhi, Ajmir, Kalajar, and Kanaaj (Elphinstone, 5th ed., p. 321). The combined forces are said to have numbered 100,000 men. This huge army engaged Sabaktigin somewhere between Bannu and Ghazni, probably in the Kurmah (Kurram) Valley, and was destroyed. Successive charges of cavalry produced the effect wrought long ages before, by the similar tactics of Alexander the Great, and so demoralized the Indian host, that it broke before the final general attack. The Hindus gave way, and were pursued with dreadful slaughter to the Indus. Sabuktigin obtained rich plander in this camp, and levied heavy contributions from the neighbouring districts. He also occupied the city of Peshawar and appointed a governor to rule it, but the bulk of the Hindu dominions west of the Indas was not finally annexed to the kingdom of Ghazni until the reign of Sabaktigio's successor, Mahmud.39 The Raja of Kalanjar, whose contingent shared in this disastrous defeat, was Dhanga. The Muhammadans did not attempt to attack Jeja kabhukti or the other internal parts of India during the reign of Dhanga. During the tenth century the kingdom of JojAkabhukti seems to have been decidedly stronger than the rival realm of Kanauj. Inscription No. 2, dated 954 A. D., informs as that Dhanga's father, Yasovarman, who annexed Kalanjar, had waged successful wars with the Gaudas, Khabas, Kosalas, Kasmiras, Mithilas, Malavas, Chedis, and Gurjaras. No doubt the boasts of the official panogyrist must be subjected to considerable discount, but, allowing for this, we may accept the fact that Yasovarman was an aggressive monarch who caused the weight of his arm to be felt by most of the northern powers between the Himalaya and the Narbada. The reality of the conquests ascribed to him, at least to a large extent, is proved by Jaipal's call on Dhanga for assistance. Unless the Chandel king had attained an admitted place among the leading powers of Northern India, he would not have been invited to send a contingent to fight in a region to remote as the Afghan frontier. Recent investigations show that the Gurjaras referred to must mean, at that date almost certainly, the Gurjara-Pratibara rulers of Kananj or Mahodaya. The same record which enumerates the conquests of Yasdvarman gives valuable information concerning the extent of the dominions of his son Dhanga, the ally of Jaipal, which shows how quickly the chiefs of the petty Mahoba State had developed into the masters of a powerful kingdom, extending north and south from the Jumna to the Narbada, or at least the Kaimur 31 Raverty. Notes on Afghanistan and Part of Baluchistan (1888), p. 320. See also his transl. Tabakdf-sNasiri, pp. 71-74; and Elliot, Hist. of India, Vol. II, pp. 18-24. Jaipal (Jayapaila ), king of the Indus Valley and Southern Pafijab, who had his capital at Bathindah (Bhatinda), Dow in the PatiALA State, seems to be confused by some writers with a supposed king of Delhi or Kananj of the same name. Miss Duff (Chronology, p. 308) inserts him in the list of Hindu Shabiya kings of Kabul,' whose capital actually was at Ohind (Waihand, Udabb&pdapura) (ne Catal. of Coins in Indian Museum, Vol. I. p. 245). The dominions of Jaipal lay further south than those of the Shihiyas. Jaipal was defeated finally by Mahmud of Ghazni on Thursday, 8th Muharram, 892 H. ( 27th November, 1001), whereas the last of the Shahiyas, Trilochaha pala, was not defeated until about 1013 A. D., at the Tosi river. Jaipal, the greatest of the Ries of Hind,' was taken prisoner and detained in Khursan. After his release and return to his own country, he committed suicide by burning himself on a pyro. He was succeeded by his son Anandpal, who, with his son, Brahmanpal, suffered a disastrous defeat at the hands of Mahmad in 399 H. (1008-1019 A. D.) See Raverty, transl. Tabakas pp. 61 and 82 ; Elliot, Vol. II, p. 449 ; and Al'Utbl, ibid., pp. 27 and 33. Rajyapals was the name of the Raja of Kazauj which has been misread as Jaipul (E. Hist. India, 2nd ed., p. 854, ..) # Raverty, as cited in notes 36 and 37. Elphinstone (5th ed., p. 321 ) locates both the battles between Sabuktigta and JaipA) in Laghman, at the mouth of the valley which extends from Peebawer to Cebul': but Baverty shows good reasons for believing that the fighting took place in or near the Karinah (Kurrum) Valley, on the rond to Ghazni.

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MAY, 1908.) HISTORY AND COINAGE OF THE CHANDEL DYNASTY. 141 Range, and east and west from the frontier of the kingdom of Benares (Kasi) to the Betwa river. We are told that Dhanga's western frontier was marked by the town of Bhasvat on the river of Malava,' which seems to be meant for Bhilea (Bhelsi) on the Betwa. His northern boundary was the Jamna, which, of course, separated his dominions from the Gurjara (Pratihara) kingdom of Kanauj. On the north-east his frontier touched, and perhaps included, Gopadri, or Gwalior, which Vajradamon wrested from the grasp of the Kanaoj sovereign, and probably held as a feudatory of Dhanga. Dhanga's southern neighbour was the king of Chedi, whose capital was at Tripuri (Tewar,) near Jabalpur. The frontier may have been either the Kaimur Hills on the Narbada river. The kingdom thus described was sufficiently extensive and wealthy to supply its monarch with an ample revenue and considorable forces. The time limits of Dhanga's reign are fixed by the inscriptions within very narrow limits of possiblo error. He certainly was on the throne prior to 954 A. D. and had died a little before 1002 A. D. His reigo, therefore, must have occupied the second half of the tenth centory, and may be assumed to have covered the period from 950 to 1000 A. D. His life was prolonged beyond the ordinary term. We learn from Inscription No. 7 (v. 55) that Dhanga had passed the age of a hundred years, where he died at the confluence of the Ganges and Jarong at Prayaga (Allahabad), closing his eyes, fixing his thoughts on Rudra (Siva), and muttering boly prayers.' 39 The northern style of temple architecture, caracterized by the curvilinear steeple, to which Fergusson gave the rather inappropriate name of Indo-Aryan,' reached its climax in the noble temples erected at Khajuraho during the reigns of Yasovarman and Dhanga (c. 931-1000 A.D.), which are justly entitled to be regarded as the standard models of the style, worthy of admiration for their harmonious design, massive dignity, and rich decoration. The finest of the gronp is the temple of Kandariya Mahadeo, bat the temples dedicated to Visvanath and Chaturbhuj are little inferior. In the year 387 H. (997 A. D.), almost exactly at the same time as the aged king Dhanga transmitted his crown to Ganda, the Amir Sabaktigin was succeeded on the throne of Ghazni by his celebrated son, the Sultan Mahmud, who devoted all his energy during a long reign to the task of barrying the Indian idolaters. Authorities differ concerning the exact number of his incursions into India. Elliot, after careful stady of the texts, came to the conclusion that Mahmud's raids were seventeen in number. According to that computation, his expedition in the year 899 H. (September, 1008 - August, 1009 A. D.) was the sixth. It was undertaken in order to punish Jaipal's son and successor, Anandpal, who had apposed the recent Muhammadan invasion of Multan. That prince, following his father's example, summoned the other Indian powers to his aid, and was joined by contingents from tho kingdoms of Ujjain, Gwalior, Kalanjar, Kanauj, Delhi, and Ajmir. The combined foroes which advanced into the Panjab under the supreme command of Anandpal formed an army greater than any that had ever taken the field against the Amir Sabuktigin. The host, already enormons, daily grew in numbers, and received a specially valuable re-inforcement in at least 30,000 fierce warriors of the Khokhar tribe. Battle was joined; according to the contemporary historian Al'Utbi, on the bank of the Indus not far from Ohind (Waihind), and # successful rush made by the Khokhars, during which, in a few minutes, three or four thousand Muealtnins were killed, very nearly decided the fortune of the day in favour of the Hindus. But the sudden flight of Anandpal's riding elephant, which had been wonnded, caused a panic in the Indian ranks. They broke, and were pursued for two days, suffering a loss of eight thousand killed. Thirty elephants and immense booty of all kinds fell into the hands of the victors, who transmitted the spoil to their master, the Sultan. In this fight Brahmanpai, >> The language of the inscription that the king 'abandoned his body does not necessarily imply suicide. It is merely the ordinary civil way of sunouncing a death' ( Rajendralala Mitra, J. A. 8. B., Part I, Vol. XLVII, p. 47). A similar phrase occurs in Inscription No. 24, v. 40.

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142 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [May, 1908. son of Anandpal, took a leading part. The Raja of Kalanjar, whose contingent shared in the defeat of the allies, was Ganila, but whether or not he was present in person is not known.co During the course of his twelfth expedition, in January, 1019 A. D. (409 H.), Sultan Mahmud accepted the submission of the Raja of Kanauj, Rajyapala, who purchased the clemency of the invader by the payment of an indemnity of a million dirhems, equivalent to a quarter of million of rupees, and the surrender of thirty elephants. The Sultan then passed on to the city of Mathura, which he plundered, and thence returned to Ghazni with twenty millions dirhems in cash, three hundred and fifty elephants, and fifty-three thousand captives. When the raider had departed, the Chandel king, Ganda, sent his son Vidhyadhara, aided by allies, against Kananj. The allied forces captured the city, and slew its Raja as punishment for his too ready submission to the foreigner. This vigorous action must have taken place in April or May, 1019 A. D. When Valimud heard of Ganda's andacious defiance, he resolved to avenge the king of Kapanj, and started from Ghazni in the autumn of 1019 A. 0. (410 H.). Kapauj being distant three months' march from Ghazni, the Sultan must have renched the Jamna in January, 1020 A. D. An ally of Ganda, whose identity is obscured by the imperfection of the Persian alphabet, bat almost certainly was Trilochanpala, son of Rajyapala, and Raja of Kanauj, attempted to defend the passage of that river, but fuiled. Mehmud crossed the stream, captured and sacked the town of Bari, and then advanced towards the south in order to chastise Ganda within his dominions. The Chandel king, in accordance with the usual Hindu practice, assembled an unwieldy host, said to have comprised 36,000 horse, 105,000 foot, and 649 elephants. The sight of such an enormous force, outnumbering his small army many times, naturally caused the Sultin to feel uneasy and entertain doubts as to the prospects of victory. Bat his anxiety was soon relieved, for during the night Ganda 'fled with some of his personal attendants, leaving all his baggage and equipments. The next day the Sultin, being apprized of this, rode out on horseback without any escort, and carefully examined the ground. When he was satisfied that there was no ambush or strategical device, he stretched out his hands for plunder and devastation. Immense booty fell into the hands of the Musalmans, and five hundred and eighty of Nanda's [Ganda's] elephants, which were in the neighbouring woods, were taken. The Sultan, loaded with victory and success, retarded to Ghazni.'41 The locality of Ganda's craven flight is not specified; and it is not easy to understand why a prince, who was so eager to panish the king of Kansaj for submission to the invader, should himself take to flight without striking a blow. We have no Hindu account of the event, and must be content to take the Muhammadan version as it stands. The cowardice of the Chandal king, and the richness of the plunder taken from his camp encouraged Mahmud to renew the invasion of Ganda's territory. Accordingly, he again marched from Ghaznt in the autumn of 1022 A, D: (413 H.), and made his way to Gwalior early in 1023. The ruler of that fortress, perhaps Kirtiraja, made his submission, and 80 left open the road to KAlgajar, which Mahmud proceeded to invest, probably in the month of March or April. Ganda again played the part of a coward, capitulated without fighting, presented three hundred elephants and immense treasure to the invader and was content to accept from his hands the investiture of fifteen forts, including Kalahjar. The Sultan thera victoriously and triumphantly returned to Ghazni' in 1028 A. D. 4 Al Utbt, in Elliot, Hist., Vol. II, p. 38; Feriehta, ihid., p. 416. The latter author, as translated by Elliot, calls the tribesmen on the Indian side by the name of "Gakkhars.' But, long ago, Raverty showed reason for believing that their name should be read as 'Khokhare, and his sonolusion is confirmed by Mr. H. A. Rose in his paper entitled 'The Khokher and the Gakkhara, Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXVI, p. 4. Nizam-ud-dla, in Elliot, Vol. II, p. 483. The Chandel king's name is written in the Persian erroneously Nade' The name which I interpret a Trildchenapala was mad as Tard Jabal in Elliot's mancseript. In Persian writing there is not much difference between June and Jules. The dropping of the l is enough to make the name anintelligible.

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- MAY, 1909.7 HISTORY AND COINAGE OF THE CHANDEL DYNASTY. 143 Notwithstanding the successes gained so easily by Mahmud, the Chandel kingdom was not again attacked by the Muhammadans until a hundred and eighty years had elapsed, and Ganda's successors were left free to manage their own affairs, or fight with their neighbours, as they might feel inclined. Little is on record concerning the short reigns of Ganda's successors, Vidhyadhara, Vijayapala, and Davavarman, which cover the period from about 1025 to 1060 A. D. The only contemporary document is the deed granting a village in 1056 A. D., which alone reveals the existence of Devavarman, who is not mentioned in the genealogical inscriptions, because ho died apparently without issue and was succeeded by his brother. We learn from Inscription No. 16 that Vidhyadhara continued the hereditary war with Kananj, at that time under the rule of Trilochanapala. Vidhyadhara is also alleged to have terrified Bhojadeva, the famous Paramara king of Malava, who reigned from about 1010 to 1050 A. D., but it is impossible to say whether or not this statement is a mere rhetorical flourish. Kirtivarman, brother of Devavarman, who came to the throne about 1060 and reigned for about forty yoars, evidently was one of the most notable mambers of his dynasty. He was contemporary daring part of his career with Karnadeva, or Lakshmikarna, the powerful king of Chedi, with whom he engaged in protracted hostilities. At first Karnadeva had the advantage, and even succeeded in driving his rival from the throne, probably apnexing Jejakabhakti to his own dominions for a time. But in the end Kirtivarman gained a decisive victory. Inscription No. 10 declares emphatically that Kirtivarman 'acquired fame by crushing with his strong arm Lakshmikarna [= Karnadeva], whose armies had destroyed many princes. This statement is verified by the prologue to Krishnamisra's play entitled Prabodhachandrodaya, The Rise of the Moon of Intellect,' which recites that Kirtivarman bad overcome and crushed the armies of Karna, who was 'as terrible as the fire at the end of the world to the multitude of all princes.' Inasmuch as Kirtivarman did not come to the throne until about 1060 A.D., previous to which date Karnadeva had been reigning for some twenty years, it is obvious that the defeat of the latter must have taken place at some time in the closing decade of Karna's reigu, between 1060 and 1070 A. D. The only dated record of Kirtivarman's reign is the Deogash Inscription (No. 9) of 1154 V. E.=1098 A.D., at which time his power was well established, and his reign drawing to its end. The inscription was set up by the king's hereditary minister, Vatsaraja, who had himself wrested the Deogarh district from an unnamed enemy, probably Karna, and built the fort which he named Kirtigiri in honour of his master. Deogarh stands in a strong and picturesque position at the western end of the tableland of the Lalitpar range of hills, overhanging the river Betwa, in N. lat, 21deg 32', E. long. 78deg 18. The play entitled Prabodhachandrodaya, above mentioned, was performed before Kirtivarman at the command of his Brahman general, Gopala, who had defeated Karna immediately before, and replaced Kirtivarman on the throne, which he had lost for a time (E. I., Vol. I, p. 220). The final victory of Kirtivarman and the production of the play must have taken place in or about 1065 A. D., some appreciable time after the accession of Kirtivarman about 1060 A.D., and prior to the death of Karna some ten years later. The drama so performed in honour of a brilliant victory is not of the kind that might be expected on such an occasion. It was composed in honour of the god Vishou and the Vedanta philosopby, with an elaborate plot in which all the personages are allegorical. The play ends triumphantly with the reunion between King Discernment' and Queen Theology,' who had been long at variance, and their coming together is blessed by Faith in Vishgu' (Vishnubhakti). 2 Tradition ascribes the foundation of the town of Balibri (Bilhari) in the Jabalpur District of the Central Provinces to Raja Karn Da hariya (i. e., Dahal or Chedi), by whom Karnadeva must be meant. The subjugation of Karnadeva by Kirtivarman probably involved the cession 12 M. Sylvain Levi gives a lucid summary and appreciative criticism of the play in Le Theatre Indien (Paris, 1890 ), pp. 229-85. On the authority of Rajasekhar he mentions that another king of KAlanjar named Bhimata was reputed to be the author of five plays, including one named Svapnadasanam (op. cit., pp. 329, 269, App. p. 85). This king Bhimata is not known from any other source of information. 13 - Rep., Vol. IX, p. 34.

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144 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1908. of Balibri to the latter; and there is reason to believe that the town continued in possession of the Chandel, at least up to the end of Madanavarman's reign. Nothing is recorded concerning the political events of the short reigns of Sallakshanavarman, his son Jayavarman, or his brother Prithvivarman, from about 1100 to 1128 A.D.; except an allusion to a war carried on by Sallakshagavarman in the Doab or Antarvedi country between the Ganges and Jumpa, probably against the kingdom of Kanauj (Inscription No. 24, v. 38). Madanavarman, who reigned about thirty-seven years from 1128 to 1165 A. D., certainly was one of the most distinguished members of his house. The testimony of early traditiou, as embodied in Chand's epic, agrees with that of the inscriptions in describing him as a successful warrior, who largely extended the Chandel dominion. According to Chand and a late inscription at Kalaojar, which has not been editeu satisfactorily, he defeated the king of Gurjara. The works of the Gujarat historiaus prove that the king of Gurjara referred to must mean the famous monarch, Siddharaja-Jayaeinha, of Western Gujarat (Anhilwara), who died in 1142 or 1143 A. D. Althongh the Gujarat authors do not admit the defeat of their sovereign as claimed by the Chandal king, one of them (the author of the humarapdlacharita) seems to suggest that Siddharaja was compelled to come to terms and make peace. Towards the south Madanavarman's dominions included both Balihri (Bilhari), already mentioned in connexion with Kirtivarman, and the fortress of Singaurgarh. Sir William Sleeman found at Kondalpur, three miles west of Balibri, a stone slab recording the dedication of a temple by Raja Mulun Deo in Samvat 815. If the obvious correction is made of substitating Mada nadeva for * Mulan Deo,' and the date is interpreted as being expressed in terms of the Cbedi era, the approximate equivalent will be 815 +248 = 1063 A. D. The figure 8 may easily have been a misreading for 9, and if this further correction be made, the resulting date will be 1163 A. D., towards the close of Madanavarman's reign, Sir William Sleeman also noted the tradition that Singaurgerh, a fort situated twenty-six miles north-west of Jabalpur had been held, as well as Balibri, by a Chandel Raja from Mahoba. Other traditions connect both Balihri and Singaurgarh with a Raja Bel or Belo Brahm (Bela varman), who is also remembered as having constructed the embankments of the great Bela lake at Jaitpur in the Hamirpur District. The traditional date for the formation of that lake as stated to both Mr. Wigram and myself is 1200 S.= 1143 A.D. But the figure looks as if intended only for a round number. Another enquirer was given the date as 1268 S.= 1211 A. D., which is too late for the execution of a work of such magnitude. In 1211 A. D. the Muhammadans were in possession of Mahoba.46 Such evidence as is available suggests that Bala or Belavarman, although not mentioned in the inscriptions, was a real person and most likely a contemporary and member of the family of Madanavarman. Of. course, there can be no doubt that the Madan Sagar, or lake, at Mahobe with its two granite temples, one of which is still standing, was formed by Madanavarman, The Mau inscription (No. 24) records the alleged facts that Madanavarman defeated the king of Chedi in battle, exterminated the king of MAlava, and kept the king of Benares (Kasi) in friendly alliance. The statement as to Chedi agrees with the other evidence, and there is no reason to doubt the allegation that Madanavarman maintained amicable relations with his eastern neighbour of Benares. The king of Malava referred to must have been one of the Paramara dynasty, probably Yasdvarman, Jayavarman, or Lakshmivarman, but there does not seem to be any independent record of his fate.47 Madanavarman had a younger brother named Pratapa (Inscription No. 43), and a son named Yasdvarman, corresponding with the Kirtivarman of che bards, who evidently predeceased his father. The name of Yasovarman is preserved only in Inscription No. 33. # Maisey's No. II, in J. A. S. B., Vol. XVII (1), pp. 317-320; No. 43 of my list. 10 In the time of Dhanga and Gapda the principal Gorjara kingdom meant Kananj, which was then ruled by the Pratiblrs dynasty ; but the contemporary of Madanavarman was the powerful king Govindachandra GAhadaylla (Gaharwar ), whose father, Chandradeva, had acquired the sovereignty of Kanaaj shortly before 1100 A. D. The Pratih&ras were a branch of the Gurjara tribe (Gurjjarapratihdranayal in Rajor insoription of Mathanadeva, E.I., Vol. III, p. 268, v. 4; Sagar Tal inscription, Archaol. 8. Annual Rep., 1908-4, p. 277). The testimony of the Gujarat historians is summarized in Bomb. Garr. (1896), Vol. I, Part I, p. 178. 46 J. A. 8. B., Part I, Vol. L (1891), p. 19; C. P. Gazetteer (1870), $. v. Balthri and Singaurgath. *T Known epigraphic dates for Yalovarman are 1134 and 1135 A. D.; he was succeeded by Jayavarman, who was stooeeded by Lakshmivarman, with known date, 1148 A, D. (Kielhorn, E.I., Vol. VIII, App. I, p. 18).

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May, 1908.) HISTORY AND COINAGE OF THE CHANDEL DYNASTY. 115 'The immediate successor of Madanavarman undoubtedly was Paramardi, who must have come to the throne in or about 1165 A. D. and who died after the occupation of Kilanjur by Kutb-ud-din Ibak (Aibak) early in 1203. His name in the vernacular form Parmail is well remembered throughout Bundelkhand, being kept alive by the poem of Chand, the Mahoba Khand, with which everybody in that country is more or less familiar. The Muhammadan historian calls him the accursed Parmar.' Popular tradition represents king Parmal as a coward, and gives all the credit for the stout fight against the army of Prithiraj Chauhan to Alhi and Udal, the Mahobi heroes of the Banapbar clan. Many localities are associated with the names of the champion brethren. A very ancient fortified dwelling-house, supposed by Cunniagham to date from the cighth or ninth century, situated at Chilla in the Allahabad District to the south of the Jumna is believed locally, and no doubt erroneously, to have been the abode of Alhi and Udal, whose fame has travelled far beyond the limits of Bundelkhand. 19 The war between the Chauhan prince and the Chandel probably began in October, 1182 A. D., and certainly ended in the Vikrama year 1239 = 1182-83 A. D. by the decisive defeat of Parmal on the field of Sirswigarh on the Pahuj river, a tribatary of the Sind, now in native territory to the west of the Jalaun District,19 * "The vanquished Chandels were pursued across what is now the Hamirpur District, as far as Mahobi, when a final, but ineffectivo stand was made. Mahoba was occupied for a time by Prithiraj. According to Chand, his lieutenant, Pajun, was driven out from the town by Samarjit, a son of king Parmal, aided by Narsingh, an officer of Rija Jagcband of Kanauj. The same aathority affirms that Samarjit ruled the country between Kalanjar and Gaya, and was altimately killed by a Musalman named Bine-ad-din.50 But no reliance can be placed on the details of such traditions. The fact and date of the conquest of Jejakabhukti in 1239 V. E. = March 1182 to March 1183 A. D., fortunately are established definitely by the sbort inscriptions recorded by order of Prithiraj at Madanpar in the Lalitpur sub-division of the Jhansi District (No. 29). Evidently these inscriptions were set up in the spring of 1183 A. D., when Prithiraj was on his way home from his successful raid. Nadanpur had been founded by and named after Madanavarman Chandel. In those days it was an important town commanding a pass on the road from Sagar Sangor) to Gwalior (Rep., Vol. XXI, p. 173). Chand represents the defeat of Parmal as so overwhelming that only two hundred of his warriors escaped, but this tale must be a gross exaggeration ; because twenty years later, the Chandel king still possessed considerable forces and was able to offer a stoat resistance to the army of Kutb-ud-din Ibak (Aibak). This attack of that Muhammadan general is the second noteworthy event in the reign of Parmal. It bas been described from the victor's point of view by Hasan Nizami, the contemporary author of the Taj-ul-mnasir, or Crown of Exploits.' In the year 599 H. = September 1202 to September 1203 A. D., the year in which Sultan Ghiyas-ud-din died, and his brother Nuizz-ud-din (otherwise known as Shibab-ud-din, or Ghori, son of Sam) became supreme sovereign, kutb-ud-din, accompanied by Shams-ud-din Muhammad Iyaltimish (* Altamsh,' afterwards Sultan of Delhi) proceeded to invest the fortress of Kalanjar. The accarsed Parmar,' we are told, retired into the fort after a desperate resistance in the open, and then surrendered. Evidently the resistance had been stont, for the Musalmain leader accepted his submission and an undertaking to pay tribute and deliver a number of elephants, on terms similar to those enforced by Sultan Mahmud against Parmal's ancestor, Ganda. The Chandel king, however, died a natural death before he could fulfil his engagements. His minister, Ajadeva, thought he would be able to renew the resistance, but was * Rep., Vol XXI, p. 8, P. V. 1. Others place the scene of this battle at Bairagarh, 1 miles to the south-west of Urai. The position indicated is on the Betwa midway between Sir wagash and Rahat, and about 10 miles to the east of Erich (Rep., Vol. II, p. 455). 60 J. A. 8. B., Part I, Vol. L. (1891), p. 30. The name Bine-ud-din seems to be a mistake for Bahl-ud-din. * Thas the dominions of the Ghurian Sultans became divided into four States the fourth was in Central India, under Malik Bahi-ud-din, Taghril, another mamliik of the Sultan (Taverty, Votes on Afghanistan, p. 572).

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146 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1908. compelled to capitulate owing to failare of the water supply. On Monday, the 20th of the month Rajab (April, 1203 A. D.) the garrison came out in an extreme state of weakness and destruction' and surrendered unconditionally. Thus was taken the fortress which was ' celebrated throughout the world for being as strong as the wall of Aloxander.' Elephants, cattle, and countless arms became the spoil of the victors, the temples were converted into mosques, fifty thousand men came under the collar of slavery, and the plain became black as pitch with Hindus.' Kutb-ud-din then occupied Mahoba, and after conferring the government of Kilanjar on Hazabbar-ud-din Hasan Arnal, marched northwards to Budkon.si The history of the Chandel dynasty as one of the powers of Northern India ende in 1203 A. D. with the death of Parmal and the capture of Kalanjar and Mahoba by the Muhammadan invaders, Trailokyavarman succeeded his father Parmal as a local chieftain, holding the eastern part of the ancestral kingdom, and in due course was succeeded by Viravarman and Bhojavarman. But no man can take interest in these purely local chiefs, and it is not worth while to discuss their scanty records in detail. Kirat Rai, who was Raja of Kalanjar in 1545 A. D., when Sher Shah laid siege to the fortress and besieger and besieged both perished, presumably was a Chandel. The last glimpse of the old ruling house is afforded by the romantic history of the princess Dargavati, daughter of the Chandel Raja of Mahoba, who married the Gond Raja Dalpat Sa of Mandla, and was killed fighting the Muhammadans under Asaf Khan in 1564.69 The Chandel clan dispersed after Parmal's defeat and death. The fortunes of the scattered clan, and the obscure traditions concerning the rulers of Mahoba in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries are fully discassed in my paper entitled * Contributions to the History of Bandolkhagd, published in 1881, and written while I was saturated with local information. I have nothing to add now. In order to complete the review of the subject I append a summary of all that is known concerning the Chandel coinage. It is unnecessary to give a plate, the coins having been fully illustrated in other publications. The Chandel Coinage. Although the genealogy of the Rajas of the dynasty of Western Chedi or Daha la who belonged to the Haibaya or Kalachuri clan, and had their capital at Tripari (Tewar ) near Jabalpur, contains fifteen names, coins have been found of only one Raja, Gangaya deva, who assumed the title of Vikramaditya, and reigned from about 1015 to 1040 A.D. He was the father and immediate. predecessor of Karnadeve, or Lakshmikarna, the enemy and rival of Kirtivarman Chandel, who defeated Karnadeva about 1065 A. D. Gangeyadeva, who was contemporary with the Chandel kings, Ganda and Vidhyadhara, was a powerful chief, and seems to have extended his influence over a good part of Northern India. His coins are fairly common in the eastern and southern districts of the United Provinces, and he is mentioned in the colophon to a manuscript from the Champaran District as reigning in 1019 A. D.53 However, it is not easy to understand how he could have exercised authority so far east as Champaran. No documentary evidence of his conquests is extant, but the abundance and distribution of his coins cannot be explained except on the assumption that he carried his arms into the country north of the Jumna. "The disturbance caused by the raids of Sultan Mahmud of Ghazni may have given him the opportunity. The type of coinage introduced by Gangeyadera was novel, and very simple. The obverse is wholly occupied by the Raja's name in bold characters, not differing widely from modern Nagari, arranged on the larger coins in three, and on the smaller, in two lines. The reverse type is a rudely Elliot, Vol. II, p. 231; Raverty, transl. Tabakat-i-Nasiri, p. 523. Raverty makes a blunder in translating the personai nanie. Parmar' as of the Pramarak race.' 02 The story of Durgavatt was well told by Siseman in J. A. 8. B., Vol. VI, p. 628 ; and is quoted at length in Rep., Vol. IX, p 52. o Bendall, Hist. of Nepal, J. 4. 8. B., Part I, 1903, p. 18, of reprint ; V. A. Smith, E. Hist. of India, 2nd ed., p. 362. The only known inscription of Gangeyadeva is in a valley called Pilwan, 25 miles N.-N.-E. of Rewa, dated *789 (Chedi or Kalachuri era )=1037 or 1088 A. D., and is a brief record of adoration at a spot sacred to Siya. It has been ronghly edited, without faosimile, by Cunningham, Rep., Vol. XXI, p. 188, and is mentioned by Mr. Garrick, bid., Vol. XIX, p. 71. It proves that Gangoyadeva's rule extended as far as the Vindhya range, fifty miles from Ana habed.

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MAY, 1908.) HISTORY AND COINAGE OF THE CHANDEL DYNASTY. 147 executed figure of a goddess seated cross-leg ged, and facing, presumably to be interpreted as Lakshmi, but Cunningham calls her Derga or Parvati. The coins of Gang@yadeva are most commonly met with in gold, which varies in quality, sometimes being yellow, and apparently of bigh standard, but usually much debased. Soine specimens seem to be intended for silver, but it is not easy to draw the line between metal apparently silver and the extremely debased gold of many examples. Copper coins of the same type as the gold and silver are rare. The largest coins are Attie drachma in weight, perhaps slightly reduced. The heaviest specimen in the Indian Museum weighs 63 grains (4.082 grammes), the Attic standard being about 67.5 grains (Head). The other denominations are the half, quarter, and one-eighth of a draclima. The small coin of good gold in the Indian Museum (Cat., Vol. I, p. 252, No. 9) which weighs only 5.6 grains ( about 360 of a gramme), seems to be intended for ono-eighth of a drachma or dramma, and to have lost weight. The huge inscription from Siyadoni, or Sir on Khard, in the Gwalior state, some ten miles W.-N.-W. of Lalitpur, which contains ten dates, ranging from 960 to 1005 V. E. = 903-4 to 948-9 A. D., frequently mentions coins called dramma, and enumerates sereral species of them (E.I., Vol. I, p. 168 ). The Srimadadivardha dramma of line 87 is the coinage in base silver issued by Bhojadeya I, the Gurjara-Pratihara king of Kanaaj (Mahodaya) and N. India, who reigned from about 840 to 890 A. D. Fine specimens of this coina ge weigh up to 63-4 grains and thus agree in weight with the coins of Gang@yadera. The Indian Museum Catalogue describes nine gold and three copper coins of Gang@yadeva, Cunningbam had two specimens in gold, eight in silver (or apparently silver ) and five in copper. Three of the gold coins in the Indian Museum, which to my eye seem to be very base gold, were labelled by the late Mr. Rodgers as silver.' Probably, however, some specimens really were struck, as silver. The smaller coins in gold or silver, that is to say, the half, quarter, and one-eighth dramma pieces, are rare. All the known copper coins are drammas. The one-eighth dramma in gold, and the half and quarter dramma in silver have not been recorded yet. The foregoing detailed description of Gangeyadeva's coinage has been given because it applies exactly to the Chandol gold ( and silver P) coinage, which is an accurate copy of Gang@yadova's, the king's name only differing. Close examination is necessary to distinguish . Chandel from a Gangeya coin. Cunningham mentious a silver coin of Jayavarman Chandel, said to be in the British Museum, but no such specimen can now be traced. Dr. Hoey has a quarter dramma of Madanavarman which seems to be silver. I have never heard of or seen any other Chandel coin which could be described as silver. The reverse of the Chandal copper coinage is distinguished from that of Gangeya by the substitution of the figure of Hanuman for that of Lakshmi. The Hanuman type may have been suggested by the boar-headed figure on the Srimad Adirardla drammas of Bhojadeva I of Kanauj, to which it bears a general resemblance. AU the Chandel coins are rare. In 1897, when I collected the notices of all the recorded coins, I could not enomerate more than 41. The Indian Museum bas seren specimens, all in gold. The Lahore Museum possesses one gold quarter dramma of Madanayarman. I bave no information concerning the contents of the Lucknow Museum cabinet. Altogether, about fifty or sixty specimons of the coinage of the dynasty are known to exist. The Chandel coinage begins with Kirtivarman, the thirteenth Raja (o. 106C-1100 A. D.), and ends with Viravarman, the twentieth Raju (c. 1245--1287 A. D.). It is extraordinary that so few specimens should be extant of a coinage struck during a period of two centuries by eight kings. Reason has been shown for believing that the conquest of Karnadeva, king of Western Cbedi, or Dabala, by Kirtivarman Chandel occurred between 1060 and 1070 A. D.; and, presumably, it was at this time that Ktrtivarman adopted the type introduced by Karmadera's father, Gangeyadeva. The earlier Chandel Rajas and their subjects, of course, must have used some other kind of money, and the probability is that they utilized chiefly the various sorts of Indo-Sassanian drammas in base silver, such as are mentioned in the Siyadeni inscription, Similar anonymous drammas are extremely For other medieval insoriptions mentioning drammas, see Cunningbam, Coine of Med, India, p. 50. But I cannot trace the inscription dated in year equivalent to 1216 A. D., which, according to bim, was found at Jaunpur, and mention shadbiddika drammas.

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148 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1908. abundant. Small change may have been supplied partly by the so-called 'Gadhiya pice,' which, also, are of Indo-Sassanian descent. The extensive and prolonged series of Indo Sassanian issues owed its origin to the White Hun, or Ephthalite, invaders at the close of the fifth century, and, in one form or another, continned to be issued up to the end of the twelfth century, chiefly, if not exclusively, by the ruling clans of foreign origins. The coinage of Kirtivarman (c. 1060 to 1100 A. D.) is recorded in gold only, and in no more than two denominations, the dramma and half-dramma. I know three examples of the latter, viz., 1. M., Cunningham (now B. M.), and Hoey. The dramma is a little less rare. Sallakshanavarman (c. 1100-1110) spells his name Hallakshana on the coins, Cunningham had one copper dramma, unique, so far as I know. His gold drammas are very rare, but I have noted 5 specimens of the quarter dramma in that metal. The alleged silver coin of Jayavarman (c. 1110-1120) cannot be found. Eleven of his copper drammas are recorded, but nothing else. The coinage of Prithvivarman (c. 1120-1128) is known only from Cunningham's two copper drammas. (Reports, Vol. II, p. 459; but in Coins Med. J. he mentions only one). Dr. Hoey has a quarter dramma of Madanavarman (c. 1128-1165) apparently of silver, which is believed to be unique. Cunningham's copper quarter-dramma likewise is unique. About six specimens of the quarter-dramma, and two of the dramma in gold are recorded. The base gold dramma of Paramardi (c. 1165-1203), obtained at Khajuraho, and now in the Indian Museum, is the only coin known of his long reign. The late Mr. Rodgers described two gold drammas of Trailokyavarman (c. 1203-1245) as existing in the Indian Museum, but only one was sent to me, when Lwas preparing the catalogue. Dr. Hoey's copper dramma from the Banda District is unique. The Indian Museum gold dramma of Viravarman (c. 1245-1287), from Khajuraho, likewise is unique. The following bibliographical references for the subject are, I think, complete :Cunningham, Reports, Vol. II, p. 458; Vol. X, p. 25, Pl. X.: Coins Med. India, pp. 76-80, Pl. VIII. V. A Smith, Numismatic Notes and Novelties, No. 2, in J. A. S. B., Part I, Vol. LXVI.; (1897), pp. 307-9, Pl. XXXVIII, fig. 12 (Viravarman). Catalogue of Coins in the Indian Museum, Vol. I, pp. 252-4, Pl. XXVI, figs. 7-10. Dr. Hoernle, J. A. S. B., Part I, Vol. LVIII (1889), p. 34, Pl. XXVI, figs. 8-10 (Paramardi and Viravarman). Allusions to the coinage in other publications are unimportant.55 Several other dynasties issued similar coins, which are duly noticed in Cunningham's Coins of Medieval India, and in the Catalogue of Coins in the Indian Museum, Vol. I. NOTES AND QUERIES. ORIGIN OF THE TERM ORINGALL BETEELAHS. THE word Beteelah has been fully discussed by Yule. In the new edition of Hobson-Jobson, under Piece-Goods, it is suggested that "Oringal (cloths) probably take their name from the once famous city of Warangal in Hyderabad." This surmise is correct, because the proper form of the name of Warangal is the Telugu Orungalla. Warangal therefore represents the Europeanised form of the Teluga name for the place. There are many 17th century references to Oringall Beteelahs, or Veilings from Warangal, among the India Office Records: . 17 June 1669. "As for the.... Oringall Batillas. . it must needes rest upon you." Letter from Fort St. George to Masulipatam. Factory Records, Fort St. George, Vol. 16. "Wee have. . . . 15 Bales 17 Jan. 1675. Oringall Beteelaes three quarters done, but cannot get Packers to finish them." Factory Records, Masulipatam, Vol. 10. 15 Dec. 1676. "In particular provide 500 Oringall Betteleez. at Metchlepatam." Letter from the Court of Committees to Fort St. George. Letter Book, Vol. 5, p. 373. R. O. TEMPLE. 55 The allusion in Thomas' Chronicles, p. 65, is wholly erroneous. No such person as 'fallakshana pala I, the Chandel monarch of Mahoba,' ever existed; nor was Madana Varmmadeva his grandson.' See Proc. A. 8. B., 1800, pp. 1-1.

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JUNE, 1903.) LEGENDS FROM THE PANJAB. 149 LEGENDS FROM THE PANJAB. BY SIR E. C. TEMPLE AND H. A. ROSE. (Continued from Vol. XXXV., p. 302.) . II. THREE LEGENDS OF THE MUGHAL COURT. 1. A Legend of Akbar and Mira Jamil Bog of Dehlt. NE day King Akbar was sitting in darbar, when Nawab Jain Khan said: "I have heard that the products of India are not exported to Khurasan, nor are those of Khurasan imported into India. If your Majesty orders it, armies may be sent to invade Khurasan." The King sent for Raja Tarwar Tilok Chand, the Governor of Kangra, and said to him : "I have heard that the goddess, Devi, plays chaupar with you. So you better get me permission from your goddess, Bhawani." The Raja replied: "Some sinner must bave deceived you, but since your Majesty is my master, I must explain everything clearly. The gods are, as it were, the horses of the air and no one can control them. To-night I will enquire from the goddess." At night the Raja made his whole army keep a fast. At midnight Devi appeared at her own (appointed ) time, and addressed him thus : - Raja, why have you given me so much trouble PP The Raja said :-"Mother, somo sinner has slandered me to the King, what am I to do?" The goddess said: "Raja, on the eighth day from to-day shall be the conquest of Narpur, the fortress of Raja Basu Pathunt. You may join in the attack." In the morning the Raja related all this to the King, and he at once sent his army to attack the stronghold of Chittaur. There it remained for twelve years, but the fort remained antaken. The King in great amaze said to his courtiers :-"Twelve years have passed and this place has not yet been taken, what plan should we adopt ?" On the other side Rana Komal De in his fort sent for his commandant and asked him what to do, saying: "The emperor has been encamped here with his army for a long time." He answered: "Fight well." At last a battle took place and the King gained a victory and returned to Dehli. [When Husain" Sarat, King of the Tarkis, invaded Dehli and fought with Akbar, he (Hasain Sarsi) fled, after writing these lines upon the gate :-"The empire of Dehli is great, I will never again invade Dehlt. King Akbar is very powerful."]12 * Zain Khin Kokalt lah is meant for a full account of his lifo neo Bloohmann's Ain-t-Akbari, Vol. I, pp. 341-45 also History of India, by Ellict and Dowson, Vole. V and VI. * RajA Tarwar Tilok Chand appears an impossible name. No Tilok Chand of Kingfa is traceable, but possibly Tilakat (Tilok Sain?) the KachhwAhd is alluded to, but he was not governor of Kangra according to the Ain (Vol. I, p. 898). 2. For an acoonnt of Raja Band, Pathania, ZamIndar of Mau and Paithan, see ante, Vol. I., . 264. 11 Husain, Bars, probably Ibrahim Kassin Mirza, one of the sons of Muhammad Sultan Mirza, a descendant of Taimur. This family, as olaimants presumably to the throne of Tamerlane, gave muoh troubla in Akbar's time : 160 History of India (Elliot and Dowson). Vols. V sad VI: also the Akbar-nama. The legend makes Hussin (titular) King of Turkey, doubtless as a pretender to Taimur's domains. Sarel is inexplicable. Ibrahim Husein is repeatedly referred to in the sin almo. 13 [This seems to be an interpolation anonnected with the story.-E..]

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150 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JUNE, 1908. Akbar give permission to all the Rajas to return home. When they had got mid-way, Nawab Jain Khan said to the King :-"Your Majesty has dismissed all the Rijas, though it is reported that the road to Kabul is not yet open." The King asked: - * Where wert thou when the twenty-two Rajas were here present ?" Jain Klan snid: - "May it please your Majesty, even now your orders are but awaited." The King ordered him to recall all the Rajas, and they all returned. The King then pat down a folded betel-lenf, called lira, and a naked sword, with the order that no one should come to pay his respects to him, until he had pledged himself, by taking ap the betel-lenf, to go to Kabul Eight days passed without anyone going to salute the King. Riji Basu Pathani, Governor of Nurpur, then cnme and bowing to the King took up the betel-leaf. The King was greatly plensod at this and said : -"Raja Dusu, thou art a very brave man." Raja Basu took a large force and set forth to invade Kabul. When they renched Bhairuwal, a place on the Bior, that same backbiter Jain Khan, who was with him, plotted with some of his rascnls by night, saying:-We are ander the orders of this Raja. Let ns kill him and take his place.". Raja Basu heard of this talk and said to himself : -" This is the villain who slandered me to the King. He must be punisl.ed somehow." Thns they fell out, and while the Raja with his troops made for his homo nt Nurpur, Jain Khan set out for Dehli. On reaching Dehli the King asked him: "How did you people go and why did you come back, and where is Raja Basu P" Jain Khin answered that he hnd had an altercntion with the Raja, who had gone off to his home. The King enquired about the affair from his officers and ascertained that it was due to Jain Khan's baseness. So Jain Khan was imprisoned, and again a folded betel-lenf was pat down in the same way, with the announcement that only he might come to salate the King who would attack Raji Basu. Eight daya elapsed without anyone coming forward to do so. Then the King remarked: - "Among eo many is no one willing to go ?" Tash Beg 13 was present and the King addressed bim, saying: -"Mirza Tash Beg, thon wilt, I hope, attack Raja Basu." The Mirza arged that he was old, but Mirza Jamil Beg, his son, was also present. He was really the King's son by a slave girl who had been bestowed by the King on Mirza Tish Beg. He made obeisance and said: "My Lord, my father is old, but if your Majesty be pleared to order me, I will cut off the Raja's hend and bring it hung on to the end of my bow, to your Majesty's feet." The King was extremely plensed and said: - "I am highly pleased with thee. Ask anything of me." 13 TA Bor Khan Mughal (Taj Kban) advanced against RNA Band of Man withont waiting for the other opptingents to come up, and his son, Jamil Beg, hastily attacked Bed, but fell with fifty of his men at Pathan (kot) Blochmann's Ain, Vol. I, p. 457. It will be noticed that the legend is inclined to make Jam!) Beg Akbar's Ow son! The whole legend is based on confused recollection of events in Akbar's reign. Cariously enough Dlapuoct bas a somewhat similar tale about Akbar's siege of Chittaar, which he, however, connects with the well-known legend of Jaimal and Fatah: Storia do Mogor, I, p. 124.

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JUNE, 1909.) LEGENDS FROM THS PANJAB. 151 He placed 30,906 men under his command and the Mirze marched with them to Kalanaur, near Gurdaspur, and having encamped there sent an envoy to Basu, challenging him to fight. The Rija said that he would fight in eight days, but this proposal was rejected by Jamil Beg who marched his forces and took possession of Gurdaspur and thence seized the fort of Pathankot. When the Raja came to know this, both sides commenced to fight. The young men of the Raja's army fought hard, and some of Jamil Beg's army fled, while the remainder became weary of the campaign. Thus the Raja was victorious and Mirza Jamil Deg fled. Kabit. Ek same bdj hath, bajte nagara sath. Ek same shish pdin tojh hria jo sahei, Ek same pandi mithdi se auzirdi hot. Ek .ame andj ki muth bhi nd bhaei. Ek samo mangat ki dwdran par bhir hot. Ek same par dwar dp jde bahen. Hariye na himmat; bisdriye nd Har nam. Jaha bidh rakhe Ram, Idha bidh rahiye. Verse. A time when the hawk sits on the hand to beat of drum:44 A time when the feet bear the burden of the head. A time when betel and sweets give indigestion.15 A time when even a handful of grain is not obtained. A time when a crowd is begging at one's door. A time when one sits at another's gate. Lose not thy courage : forget not the name of God. Where God places (thee) there remain. 2. A Story of RAJA Amar Singh, Ruler of Amargarh in the Da khan. RI AMAR SINGH16 was the owner of the fourth foot of the throne of Shan Jahan, King of Dehlt, and was specially employed in guarding the King's bed in the royal mansion. Ong Raja Chitral, Chief of Girdmala in the Dakhan territory, was the owner of the second foot of the throne, and enjoyed the rank and salary of Rs. 24,00018. He gave his danghter in marriage to Raja Amar Singh. Raja Amar Singh had started with his newly married Rani, but balted in a garden and had not yet reached bis palace, when the emperor sent for him. Having sent the Rant to his palace, the Raja went to Dehli and took up his office. A period of twelve years ol&peed, during which the Raja never thought of his home or palace. Then Rani Hadt wrote a letter to Raja Amar Singh to say that "since our marriage we have not seen each other's faces. "Tis pity that my unworthy father married me to a man who cannot find leisttre * Signs of royal dignity. 15 Signs of afinence. * For an account of Amar Singh, who is probably meant, see the Wak' Al-i-Jahangirl in Elliot's History of India, Vol. VI. The legend has no roable historical foundation. These may be regarded as the grades of councillors and advisors to the throne. In the courts of Indian kings the rank of grandes need to be regulated by the amount of their salaries! So lays a commentator on the legend, but he is wrong. Commander of 24,000 mon must be meant, though no such rank is mentioned in the Ain.

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152 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1908. from service." When the Rant's letter reached the Raja he read it, and represented to the King that since his wedding day, twelve years before, he had never gone home and that he must go that day. The King ordered him to make up his accounts and receive his salary for the twelve years. The Raja said:" I will settle the accounts on my return, as I must needs go to-day." Salabat Khan Nawab, who was present, suggested to the King:-"Your Majesty may grant the Raja leave, but ask him in how many days he will return." Raja Amar Singh said he asked for seven days' leave, and Salabat Khan told him that if he failed to return within seven days he would be fined a lakh of rupees for each day's absence. Having taken his leave Raja Amar Singh went to his home and entered his palace, but he forgot all about his leave and his office and fourteen days elapsed instead of the promised seven. Salabat Khan informed the King that Raja Amar Singh had gone on leave of absence for seven days, whereas fourteen had now elapsed. The King said: "Write a letter to Amar Singh and say: If he is obedient, he will return at once, otherwise we will have him arrested and brought back here."" According to the King's order the letter was written and sent to Raja Amar Singh. It reached him at dead of night, when he was resting in his private apartments, and he and his wife were conversing together. No sooner had the Raja read the letter than he prepared to start for Dehl. When the Raja was about to mount his horse, the Runt took hold of the reins saying:-"'Tis no time to attend court at midnight. Amar Singh, drink a cup of wine and do not be anxious. Don't worry about the seven lakhs, I will give you nine. I will sell my ear-rings and necklace worth nine lakhs. If I write to my father he will send us many lakhs more." The Raja would not listen to any of her suggestions, but taking off his ring threw it down and then asked the Rani to pick it up; then, as she knelt down to do so, the Raja shook up his horse and rode away. When he reached Dehli and went to the imperial court, Salibat Khan, who was seated there, said to him: "Thou 'Lout (Ganwar), go no further, but first pay your fine and then seek admittance." Kabit, Un mukh se' gagga' kaha, un kadhi jamdhar. Yeh 'rarra' kahnd na payo, jo jamdhar utri par. Ankar Salawat ne zor se janat bal: bolat ne mithe; bin bolat badh rukhe. Pakar jamdhar ghusal-khana par dino jhar: pile hain hath, rang rate sab sakhe. Mamla mohim par hatho nahin, Amar Singh chandi ke bajae dam dene laga loh ke. Lohu ki kich par kudat hain Amar Singh; ek ek ghad dina sagne sipahi, ji. Na dhal ki panah, na diwal ki panah; eke nimak ki pandh se bachio hai Dehli Pattshahji. Dehli Pattshahji ke charan bhae, chalwa ko ghari Amar Singh jan ki bat bahin bahin bar ki. Kahat Mani Ram, woh to tharak tharak lot lothan se ar ki. Hindan ki had sad bandh gaio Amar Singh karke; sardhon ki sardhon jamdhar ki Pau ser lohe ki kajar se hild dini badshahi hoti shamsher rang Hori ka khildutd. Amir umrdo sab bailh rahe, ek ko na jane dela; sabhi ko gerduta. Duhai Saddsubhi ki! Mahardj biswde kane, nimak ki na hafi, sar gadh ko chukauta.

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JUNE, 1908.] LEGENDS FROM THE PANJAB. 153 Verse. This said gagga,19 that drew his dagger. This had begun to say rarrd, 20 when tlie dagger was out. Salabat showed a stern faco : his speech was not sweet ; without speech his mien was harsh. Seizing his dagger (Amar Singh) smote him in the bathing place : (he) whose hands were fair were red with blood. Amar Singh went not back on his exploit, instead of paying silver he began to pay the price in iron ( sword). Leaping the mire of blood, Amar Sing gave a wound each to all the soldiers, sir. It was not the protection of the shield, nor the protection of walls; it was only the protection of loyalty that saved the King of Dehli. The King of Dehli fled while the brave Amar Singh's sword triumphed over life. (Saith Mani Rama), corpse was jammed and hidden under corpse, The rank and dignity of the Hindus were opheld by Amar Singh: praise upon praise to his dagger! With a dagger of a quarter & of iron he shook the kingdom: had there been a sword it would have been like a Holi play. Of all the nobles sitting there he would not have let one go : he would have slain all. Protection of the Eternal Siva! The Maharaja paased, lest le should fail in his loyalty, or the whole fort would have been slain. When Salabat Khan called Amar Singh a lout and deinanded payment of the fine, the Raja was roused to anger, because he was the son of a Rajput, and he thought :-" It to-day this man calls me a lout in open court, to-morrow he will abuse me." Taking a dagger froin his waist he slew Salabat Khan and twelve other youths who were present in the inperial couro. The King was afraid and applauded the RAje, who replied: "I have eaten your salt, else I would have killed your Majesty also." The King went to his palace and ordered his troope to surround the RAja, promising to bestow the rank of commander of 24,000 on anyone who should capture Amar Singh, and bring him alive to the King; and the rank of commander of 12,000. if he were brought in dead. One, Arjan Gaur, sister's son to the Raja, was employed as an officer at the porch of the royal palace. He represented to the King that he could only bring in RAJA Amar Singh, if he killed him first. The King said: "If you bring him in dead I will give yon the runk of commander of 12,000, and if alive of 24,000." 11 Ganwar,' rasties a term of reproach. Gaggd, the lettory, the first letter of gansoar. 20 Rarrd, the letter, the last letter of ganwar. 11 By way of blood-money. n Lit., Aalt: the meaning is that it was Amar Singh's loyalty to his sovereign that saved the King. 23 The writor of the varies. " That is, 'with a dagger containing about half a pound of iron.' 15 Flashing sword play is frequently used at the Holi and other festivals. 26 That is, Amar Singh.

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154 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1908. 46 So Arjan Gaur set out to capture Amar Singh and said: -- My dear uncle, all the doors are shut, but I will make a hole for you by which you can escape." Amar Singh said:"Your line is notorious for treachery. You are my sister's son, leave my presence and send some one else to me." Arjan Gaur said: "Uncle, surely Mother Ganges is between you and me. I would not deal treacherously with you." 27 The Raja said: "Go you from my presence! You will assuredly act treacherously." Arjan Gaur again said: I deceive you." "Uncle, Almighty God is surely between you and me if When he had thus taken God's name, the Raja went with him, and Arjan made a hole, and told him to go out by it. When the Raja had thrust both his hands into the hole, and nearly half his body had passed through it, Arjan smote him in the back with his sword and cut him in two. But a little life still remained to him, and sitting in the hole, he held himself together, and uttered the following words: "Thou hast proved treacherous according to the tradition of thy family. Well, take this dagger of mine." When Arjan had spread out his skirt, the Raja threw his dagger so that it ent his forehead and nose. The Raja soon expired and Arjan then cut off his head and took it to the King, who asked how he had obtained it. Arjan related the whole story and described what had passed between him and the Raja. The King said to him: "Since thou hast treacherously slain so brave a youth, get thee from my presence." And he bade his wasir to banish him, after blackening his face. Thus was he driven away, and Ram Singh, Raja Amar Singh's nephew, took charge of his body and carried it to Amargagh. 3. A Legend of Aurangzeb, King of Dehli. THERE was a King of Dehli, named Shah Jahan, who had four sons, namely, the Crown Prince Dara Shikol, the dhotain28 Murad, Sultan Shuja, and Aurangzeb. Shah Jahan had two ministers, one of whom was Ali Mardan Khan by name, the other Nawab Wazir Khan, who built the mosque in Lahore. One day, when a royal darbdr was being held, the King asked: "Which of the four princes is fit for the royal throne ?" In accordance with the King's orders Nawab Wazir Khan visited, each of the four princes to prove him. First he went to the Crown Prince Dara Shikoh, who received him with respect, bade him be seated, and gave him a reward of Rs. 15,000 with a horse. The Wazir took the reward, thinking to himself that the prince was totally unfit, since he first seated him with all honour and then gave him a reward. Should an enemy happen to invade the kingdom, he might give him his daughter. In the same way he went to the second prince, who also gave him a reward; and to the third who acted in the same way. But, when the Wazir went to Aurangzeb Shah, he found a sentinel standing at his gate, who stopped him, saying that it was a royal darbar, which no one could enter without the King's order. The Wazir asked to 37 That is, I assure you in the name of Mother Ganges that I will not deal treacherously with you. 28 A curious instance of a purely Hinda title applied to a Mughal prince. For the term itself, tee ante, Vol. XXXIV, p 272.

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JUNE, 1908.] LEGENDS FROM THE PANJAB. 155 bo announced to the King, and the sentry went and did so. The prince bade him tell the Wazir to come to him only on the day of Shah Jahan's death, or when an enemy invaded the kingdon, as it did no good to come aimlessly in the way. Thence the Wazir returned to Shah Jahan and reported the unfitness of the three elder princes, saying that Aurangzeb would succeed to the throne of Dehli, put to death the other three princes, and his Majesty, as well as both his ministers. The King then sont for the superintendent of the elephant-shed and bade him bring a mad elephant. Every Friday all four princes used to attend the royal court to pay their respects to the King, who gave order to the elephant-keeper that, when the four princes came, three of them should be told to turn back, but that the mad elephant should be let loose on Aurangzeb to kill him. When prince Aurangzeb came, the elephant-keeper, in accordance with the King's order, let loose the elephant. As Aurangzeb was facing the elephant, his mother looked out of a window in her palace and uttered a Kabit. Kache ghare men bildi ke chetwa dhatwde; kumhar ne dwi chayhde. Chahui or te mukh mindk dio; bahrutero kio kuchh rdh na pdi. Jab ter suni makrand ne, Pirbhu, ap na kof leno bachde. Merf bine bane na bane bane, Brijndth, tihdri bandi. Verse. The kittens were placed in an unbaked pot; and the potter pat it on his kiln. He shut it down on the four sides; however much they tried they could find no way out. Lord, when thou heardst the cries of the elephants, thou didst hear and protect (my son). I can make nothing but thou canst make everything, Lord,20 Kabit. An layo gajrd;', mahdbali Sahib Shahjahan farmdio. AB tor zanjir Qalinda,80 ki tir ; ab tos sanjir sarosar dhdio. sang sanwdr diy, sar mei girio gaj, Aurang Shah girdio. Rohar ki a lul ohhuti, nadi jaisi ban phatt; dek dek jo guni ne,jai, jai' kar gdio. Verse. Said the great lord Shah Jahan, 'let the elephant come to the fight." Now he has broken his chain on the banks of the Jamna ; now he has broken his chain and rushed forward headlong. Poising his spear, it fell a yard into his head and Aurang Shah felled him. A stream of blood gushed out, as a stream it burst forth ; when the crowd saw it, they cried 'victory, victory.' So by the grace of God, Aurangzeb killed the mad elephant, and the three princes also and the King, and placed himself on the throne. Allusion here to two well-known Hindu tales of the pot-full of kittens saved from the kiln 'by the grace of God,' and of Vishnu saying the life of an elephant from a crocodilo. 3. The Jamn.

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156 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JONE, 1903. THE TRAVELS OF RICHARD BELL (AND JOHN CAMPBELL) IN THE EAST INDIES, PERSIA, AND PALESTINE. 1664-1670. BY SIR R. C. TEMPLE. (Concluded from Vol. XXXVI., p. 179.) A LITLE further & low in the valley is a cane wheere 8 of ye Appostles hid themseluos when of savior was led from Gethsemain.10 Over ye doore of ye Cave is 8 roses Cut in ye naturall rock in memory of ye place; other marks wthin ye Cave are through tyme worne out. ffolloweinge the vaile, we caime to that of Jehoshaphat, wh is but narrow, yet reacheth to yo Dead Sea, wych is about 20 Engl miles from Jerusalem. Att this place, by a small buildinge & part of an Old ruin howse, is a deepe well [the well of Nehemiah) wherein the Jewes, when they weere carried into Babilon Captives, hid the bolly fyer & at theire returne found it theire in an Oyly substance, wcb by them beinge spred on the wood vppon the Alter, fyer from heaven (came] & Consumed the wood.11 The water in that well, neare 30 yards below the Top, doth Over flow once in two yeares, 12 thereby portending great plenty. ffratre Thomas, in 10 yeares vch he had lived in Jerusalem, hath knowie it Overflow 4 times, & y effects seene as aforesaid. Neare this place was the tree, & now an other grows theire, wheere Isaah (Isaiah) Aled to from Manasses, wch tree opened to receive him from the pursewers & closed againe, but the pedewers seing wheere he went sawed him wth the Tree in two.13 Siloa Siloam) is hard by, wheere the man borne blind washt & was restored to his sight. Theire I washt. Neare this is ye hill [on which] Sollomon built a temple to ye Idoll Molock 14 & by yt is the fountaine Modona (Madonna).15 A litle aboue yt is the place wheere Judas hanged himselfe [Aceldama] And a litle further is many Selpalchers of the Jewes Theires the Sepulcher of Zacherias cut out of a great rock & stands now as in the time when first finished, a verrie large place of One intire stone sepated from yo rock 10 yds & is as bigg as many Chappells in England. A stones cast from it is the Sepulchre of Absolon cat ont of the rock in his life tyme, & stands vndefaced as in or Saviors tyme. Neare this is the tomb of Jehossephat in a valt.16 A valt neare this in ye rock, in wh St James Junior (the Less] hid himselfe. A litle aboue these is ye heade of Brooke Kydron, now noe water runs theire, by woh heade they show in a stone the print of of Saviors foote in a rock, 16 & theire touch theire heads & Crosses & Kisse it and pay Devotions. Wheere Gethsemain was is now a wild wood, near woh is yo place, wheere Or Savior left 8 Appostles when he went to pray in ye Garden16 ; against this was ye Golden gate. Neare this they show yo place ye Virgin Mary prayed for 8Stephen. And the place where yo Virgin Mary let fall her girdle to St Thomas.17 A litle further is yo groat (grotto]18 in wch or Savior swett drops of blood & in ye groat we all pd or devotions. 1. Seo Maundrell, A Journey from Aleppo to Jerusalom, p. 187. 11 See Maundrell, 4 Journey from Aleppo to Jerusalem, p. 137, and Pooooke, Travels in the East, p. 424, for variants of this legend. 13 "They told me that sometimes it overflowed." Pooocke, Travele in the East, p. 424. 15 Compare Maundrell, A Journey from Aleppo to Jerusalem, p. 137," a little higher in the valley, on the left hand, you come to a tree supposed to mark out the place where the evangelical prophet was llawn asunder." Pocooke says the tree was a white mulberry, Travels in the East, p. 423. 11. ., the Mountain of Offence. See Pooooke, Travels in the Kast, p. 494. 15 i, e., the Fountain of the Blessed Virgin. See Maondrell, A Journey from lop po to Jerusalem, p. 137. 16 All these nlaces are desoribed by Maundrell. 17 Compare Meundrell, A Journey from Aleppo to Jerusalem, p. 141, "Near the bottom of the hill is a great stone, upon which, you are told, the Blessed Virgin lot fall her girdle after her assumption, in order to convince St. Thomas, who, tbey say, was troubled with a ft of his old incredulity upon this occasion." * Maundrell remarks, A Journey from Aleppo to Jerusalem, p. 158, "Almost all passages and histories related in the Gospel are represented by them that andertake to show where everything was done, as having been dopo udost of them in grottos.

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JUNE, 1908. THE TRAVELS OF RICHARD BELL (AND JOHN CAMPBELL). 157 In a Chappell ynder ground into wch we descend by 49 large flagg stone steps, & seuer[all] nations haue theire Chappells in it, & men are Constantly in it to keepe the lps [lamps) Continewally burninge, wch are many accordinge to Chappells, saints & holly places in it. Theires the Sepulchre of y Virgin Mary & Joseph, St Annalo and S. Joakiin. Aboue this is the place wheere St Stephen was stoned to death wthout yo Citty.19 The gate in ye Oitty wall cald the gate of St Stephen,19 The Pooll of Bethesday wthout ye Citty wall, or rather a hollow wheere was y pooll, but now drie.20 The howse of Anna wthin the Citty, who was Mother to ye Virgin Mary, who was borne theire.19 The howse of Symon the Pharrisee. The dolorous way,19 soe cald by reason of Savior was led that way to be Crusefyod, the lenth about 800 paces. The Pallas of Pylat,10 The place wheere of Savior was scorged & Crowned wth thorns.10 The arch on wh Pylat stood when he said behold ye Man.19 The place wheere of Savior let fall his crosse & Symon compeld to carrie it.21 The pallas of Kinge Herrod,21 The howse of ye rich Glutton, the howse of Lazarous ye poore man against it. The howse of St Arronnica [Veronica) wheere of Savior had ye blood wiped from his face.21 The gate of Justice leading to mount Calvery.21 The preson of St Peeter,21 The beautifull gate of the Temple 21 2d days pgresse. 10 July 1669. Wee went oat at Damaskus gate beinge the 10 day July 1669 and see first the groat of Jeremiah, in che composed his lainentations.21 A litle further we Crept into & groate, in ppch we see in seuerall roomes or valts 7 or 8 [of) the Sepalchres of 42 Kings since Sollomons tymo. At ye enterance of ye first is a round stone lik a Milstone but thicker, by art turns to stop ye enterance. Theire are severall doores all stone hewne out of the rock & Turne on theire naturall hinges to admiration, lett into ye rock aboue and below at ye mouth of the tombs, soe artifitially neither I nor anie woh haue seene them before en lerstand how they are made to moue.22 A peece of One I brought away wth me. We returned by yo gate of Herrod, wca is a litle One. 30 day. Beinge 11th July 1069. We went out at ye gate of Bethlem. On the left hand is Mount Sion, wheere of Savior instituted the holly Sacram. Theire yo hollygost descen led at Pentecost. Theires ye Sepulchres of David & Sollomon, [on] wel place now the Turks haue built a Moske 23 On ye west side of ye hill is the buriing place for spians, and many Tombs.23 The xpians theire, espetially Greeks & arminyons goe to ye graves of thcire dead relations & in Company, 7 or 8 or more. Some tymes I haue seene 30 in a Company Kissinge the grave & howleinge; This not for one day but many days. And theire is One weh gennerally begins ye crieinge note, or leade yo marmg tone & ye rest follow. The crie is to this purpose, wouldst thou die yt had wife, Children & lands, & did this & thother good deede. On this mount is ye Pallas of Caiphas & yo place wheere Peeter warmd himselfe & the Cock Crew.24 We enterred back by the gate of Mount Sion & vewed the Pallace of Anna (Annes). The armenion Church in a litle grote of wch is ye boddy of 8: James maior [the Apostle] interred, whose heade was cut of.24 We staid Mass & observed theire Musique wth simballs & brass beaten thin put on a long staffe, wth moueing web they make musique. They have Images in theire Churches but give noe adoration to them. The howse of S: Thomas neare it, now a Morgue (mosque]. The howse of St Marke, now y Church of yoo Sirrians. The Iron gate at wch ends the Old Citty. The howse of Zebbede. 4th day. The 19 July 1669. We went out at ye gate of St Steephen to Bethlem. In yo way stood ye figg tree or Savior Curgeed. The howse of Symon y Leaper 24. The sepulchre of Lazaras25 neare his Castle, the ruins of weh stand to this day.24. Halfe a mile further is the huwse of Marry 19 All these places are mentioned by Maundrell. 20 C. Maundrell, A Journey from Alerpeto Jerusalem, p. 145, "It (the Pool of Bethesda ) is 120 paoes long, and 40 broad, and at least 8 deep, bat void of water." 31 All these places were seen by Maundrell and Pooooke. 39 Manndrell, A Journey from Alerpo to Jerusalem, Pp. 102-104, has a long description of the sepulchres of the kings. 35 These places are inentioned by Pooooke. * All there are mentioned by Maundrell. >> Lazarus, the brother of Martha and Mary.

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158 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JUNE, 1908. Magdelen,28 neare woh is a stone in the ground in the forme of Dolphim, woh of Savior sat on when they told him Lazaras was deade. The howse of Martha noare it. From thence we went vp to Mount Calverey, from woh Mount we see pfectly yo Dead sia & river of Jordan. Thence we went to Bethage (Bethphage] wheer or Savior sent for the Asse. Theirs a Church, & in it they show yo print of or Saviors foote he left when he agsended.26 Great devotions we pay theire. Neare this, a bow slot of, is the place of Savior made yo Ld prayer, & the place of Savior wept over Jerusalem. A groate hewne out of a rock wth a Church & 12 Arches, in weh Jo Appostles made yo Creede.26 By this in [? is] a rock, in woh is the Tombs of 47 Proffetts.26 We returned by the gate Sturkelena, neare ich is the howse of 8! Jn. y. Evengelist now a Convent. The Citty we Compassed; they say its 3 Engl miles round, but I iudge them not aboue two.37 The wall was built about 100 yeares since by a Genoa Runagado, And hath 7 gates. 1. The golden gate was wald up. 2. The gate Starkelena.29 S. Mount Sion gate. 4. Bethlem gate, 3. Damaskus gate. 6. Herrods gate. 7. S: Stephens gate. 5th day. We enterred the Temple, being ye 13 day July 1669, every Pson Payinge 17} Lyon Dollers.20 1st place we see is on Mount Calverey, on yeh Abram offerd his sonn Jsaac, but this is wthout ye temple gate & a Chappell to it. 2. The stone of ynction, wheere they annoynted or Saviors boddey when taken from the Crosse. On this stone is spent abondance Kisses & prayers and much Merchandize hallowed, as Lynnen webbs, beads & many other things, & all reliques. 20 Lamps burne Over it, & are verry large & rich, being all of Silver, & some set out wth rubies & other Jewells. 3. The lolly Sepulchre, in weh burne Continewally 42 great Lamps, all Silver, & set wth Jems & verry ligg. 4. The stone, Noli me tangere for or Savior had not then aseended. 5. The Chappell of the Apperition. 6. The Alter of Scorgeinge. 7. The Alter of the holly Crosso. 8. The preson where or Savior was putt. 9. The Chappell where they devided or savion garm!!. 10. The Cheppell of St Hellen where yo 3 Crosses were found. 11. The Chappell of yo inuention of the holly Crosse. 12. The assent to Mount Calverey.30 18. The Chamber where Christ was naled to yo Crosse. 14. The place where he was Cruselyed. 15. The rent in the rock impossible to be don by art. 16. The Navell of yo world. 17. The Stone where the Angell sat. 18. The Chappell of y Lattins. 19. The quire of the Church. 20. The Sepulchre of yo Kings Died in yo Holly band. 21. The Chappell of ye Abbisseens [Abyssinians]. 22. The Chappell of ye Arminyong. 23. The Chap: of y Greeques. 24. The Chap: of ye Copties (Copts]. 25. - The Chap: of y Jacobites. 20. The Chap: of yo Gregorians. 27. The Cha: of yo Nestorians. 28. The Chappell of yo Marrionites [Maronites]. 29. The Sepulchre of Joseph of Aremathea & Nocodemus. 30. The Rock where they say ye head of Adam was found; they show yo heade. July the 14th 1669. 1. We went ont at Bethlem gate for Bethlem, formerly cald the gate of Hebron. On y left hand is the village wheere the Jewes tooke Counsell against of Savio!. 2. In the way is yo place where the Turpentine (terebinth] tree grew.31 8. The Cisterne of the 26 An mentioned by Maundrell. Maundrell gives the dimensions as 21 miles. A Journey from Aleppo to Jerwalom, p. 148. * U lly onlled the Dung Gato. See Maundrell, Journey from Aleppo to Jerusalem, p. 148. Compare Della Vallo, Voyagra, Vol. I, p. 819,"Nous arrivames A la porte de la ville Appello Storquilino, parce que de oo Coste-18 elle est purgee de toutes ces immondioes par un oonduit ou esgout qui y est." 20 Maundrell say, "None enter in but such as have first paid their appointed caphar ....For Franks it is ordinary 14 dollars per head." 1 Journey from Aleppo to Jerusalon, p. 90. 30 These and the following places are mentioned by Maundrell and Pocooke. 31 "In the road (from Jerusalem to Bethlehem) you meet .... the famous turpentine tree, in the shado of which the Blessed Virgin is said to have reposed, when she was carrying Christ in her arms, to present him to the Lord at Jerusalem. Maundrell, 4 Journey from Aleppo to Jerusalem, p. 116 ,

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JUNE, 1908.] THE TRAVELS OF RICHARD BELL (AND JOHN CAMPBELL). 159 Magy,32 4. The place wheere y Prophett Habbakkuke was taken vp by the heare of the heade & Carried to Bubbilon 3a 5. The Convent of the Greekes where yo Prophett Elias dwelt ; neare it is a stone wheere they say he lay, & theirs seemeingly a print of a Boddy in yo stone,32 6. The howse where Jacob Lodged when he caime from Mesopotamia to Hebron.33 7. We came to Rama Ephrata where is ye ruins of yo sepulchre of Rachell.32 8. Bethlem, a mile from it, is seuerall systeras belonging to K. David, weh in his tyme weere kept lockt, now open, but the springs that fed them most stopt. 9. Att Bethlem is A monastrey of yo ffranciscans, & by it is a Large Church built by Q. Hellen, & afterwards by St Paula Romana,83 in woh are 44 large Marble pillers in the boddy of yo Church, such Rs are rarely Dow in anie other place to be seene for lenth & bignesse. We weere showne tymber at Joppa, wch they gd was to repaire the roff of it; pitty its it should lie as it now does. 10. Att yo vpp (upper] end of this church is (downe 6 steps) yo place where stood ye Manger, & ye Virgen Mary was delivered of of Savio. 12. On the right side of yo place ye virgin was delivered in, is a great Marble Stone in wch Marble they show, & its lik yo picture I genlly see drawne for St Jerrom in the naturall stone Naturally theire. 13. Next is the Chappell of ye virgin Marter St Katherine, whose heade & Chappell the[y] haue showne me in Spainest in the Dukd (lukedom] of Tuskany. 14. The Alter of Joseph. 15. The Sepulchres of the Innocents. 16. The Sepulchre of S Eusebius,35 all in the same grote, & round woh we went in prestion (procession] wth Kandells in or hands, singing according to yo bookes then in of hands, & kneeling soe often ye ptestant protestant] knees weere not a litle weary. 17. The place where St Jerrom Translated ye bible out of hebrew into lattia, & St Jerroms Sepulchre. 18. The Sepulchre of S. Paula & Etochix36 hir daughter. 19. Goeing out of the Church on the left hand is the scholes of St Jerom. 20. A bow shot south from this Church, is ye grote yo virgin Mary fled to wth of Savior for feare of Herrod and as she past into the Grote, wch is in a rock, some of hir Milk spurtleil agat yo side of ye groate, weh, by its vertue, hath Chainged them into Milkey earth, wch they make into Cakes & sell to pilgrims for yo virgins Milke, & being palveratod, they give to Catle or nuras 3s Woh want Milk, & it increases theire Milk, or if lost, recovers it,37 15th day July. We went to the fountaines of Sollomon, cald the sealed fountaines, 3 Miles from Bethlem west, & by them are 3 large fish ponds of gr depth, And below them are, in ye valley, y Gardens of Sullonon. The sealad fountaine we went downe into, ye spring some 10 yards lower then the surface of y' earth & a large valt ia wch is a great Cisterna, fro:n whence by aquaducts its carried throw daile & over rock to Jerusalern, being about 8 english miles from it.39 Neare these are ye village of the shepherds. Next to them tha howse of Joseph. Next thing showne vs the place wheere the Angell appeared to the sheperds, now a ruined Church there in memory first built. A place on a hill wheere St Paula Dyed. 39 16 July 1669. We returned back to Jerasalem by yo Mountaines of Judea ; in ye way we rid over y place wheere Senacbaribbs army was incamped & yo Angell slew 1,000,000 in a night; yo place is verry litle, & in reson vnlikly to containe halfe yo nomber; its about 5 Mile fro Jerusalem. 32 See Pococko, Travels in the East, p. 435, for all these places. 33 S. Paola Romana was abbess of the convent of Bethlehem in the fifth century. # The author is confusing Saint Catherine of Alexandria with Saint Catherine of Siena. The former, martyred in the fourth century, was said to have been transported to the monastery founded by St. Helena on Mt, Sinai; the latter was buried in Spain in the fourteenth century. 36 St. Eusebius, a bishop of the fourth oantury, was killed by an Arian woman with a stone, and was afterwards canonized. 36 St. Eustochia was superior of a monastery at Bethlemen and was martyred in A. D. 410. 87 Maundrell gives this legend, and adds, A Journey from Alopro to Jerusalem, p. 122," the virtae ascribed to the chalk perhaps may be true enough, it being well-known how much fanoy is wont to do in things of this nature. >> * See Maandeell, A Journey from Aleppo to Jerusalen, pp. 118-120, for a description of Solomon's Pools. 39 "An old desolate uponery, built by St. Paula, and made the more mercorable by her dying in it. Maundrell, op. cit., p. 120.

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160 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1908. Distant from this is a village now, & many years agoe, is & was inhabbited by Christiany, & the Turks haue attempted to live among them, but die all in verry short tyme after theire comeinge among them ; Soe now they lett yo xpians live quiet theire,40 Neare this is ye place yo marble pillere at Bethlem weer hewne out. A mile from this is ye place yo bunches of grapes weere taken from by Caleb & Joshua, valikly now to ye eie to beare anie such. A mile further is yo fountaine wheer Phillip Baptized the Eunuke. By this is St Phillips village. 3 mile further is the Desart of St John Baptist. In ye edge of a rocke is his howse, * & hewne out of ye rock, & the bed wherein he lay cut out of ye stone, woh the Padrey showes to be his rez. Il bedd. 3 Miles further is the bowse where Elizabeth dwelt & the fountaine by wch we dyned.41 Neure it a stones cast the howse wheere S Jno Baptist was borne." Next that a mile on ye rocks is the Sepulchres of ye Maccabees. Some few Miles from that, & about one Mile froms Jerusa, is a Convent of Greekes called ye Conuent of the holly Crosse. The tree on weh yo Crosse was made of Savior sufferd on being Out thence. Over woh place was built by Queen Hellen a faire Church, in yo vpper end of wch they, the Greeks wou now hold it, tho ye xpians of xpiandom did formerly, show the hole out of weh it was digged, & pmitt not vs to goe neare it wtb or showes On, they esteeme ye ground soe holly. We refresht of selfs theire wth good water & one howers stay, being almost spent wth riding in the heats. Betwixt this & Jerusalem is Mount Guibeon, on weh Solloman was crowned Kinge, alsoe is a faire fish poole cald Sollomons. We entred ye Citty at y gate Bethlem, & as at every Mile & some tyines less, we pd a doller & a doller & 3 dollers a man for Copher headmoney, Gards & usance, Soe now, coming from Bethlem, they at ye gate took 3. p. As usence Money. 17 day July 69. The Ceremoneys of the Convent, wheere all this while we sate and dranke & lodged, for, tbo abroad, o pritions attended vs from that Conuent (saue at Nazareth & Bethlem wheere y 2 Contents belonge to them), being pformed, & Leaueing or Gratuitys of 30 Dollers a man, we Mounted for Rama. Litle of note in ye way, saue yo howse of Jeremiah & the good theifs. neare wch we lay in the wide rocks, & had Jacobs pilloe & not soe mach plaine ground as to lie at lenth in. Att Ramah we got by sun rise yo 18, at w place the villann druggerman of Joppa lives yt tooke 28 Dollers a heade to Gide vs 50 Mile & sent Only one footeman. The Druggermans [Dragoman's] name is cald Abram [Ibrabim ], a grand Roge, for he is for this money to give vs a Meale of good treat at goeing & ye same at of retarne And send wth ys a good gard of Jennesarys & Mount vs well, rone of woh we had. 18 July. Arriveing at Joppay, we hyred boate for Mount Carmell but or landinge place was Capha, 4 a mile beyond it. Soe we took horse & paid 2 dolls pr head for Copher & horsses; yo Arrabbs take it, being theire Commands. Arriveinge at ye top of Mount Carmell, wch is 2 Mile from Capha, theire stands yo ruine of an Old Conuent, Alsoe yo groote wheere Elias slept, Kept by 7 Padrey or ffranciscan fryers who live in a small Convent under that ruined, wch is a bow Shott aboue. Att the bottom of this hill, they showed vs a large Grote or Caue hewed out of ye naturall rock, wliere Elias precbed, & wt in y a place wheere ye Angell appeared to him, both now kept by 5 Indians, wh live theire, Converted in India by the padre Guardian, & caime out of it wth him, & spend all theire tyme in Devotions. Two leagues of, aboue on the Mount, they tell vs of Elias fountaine,* & in y way to y, yo feild in wh are found yo Stone water Mellong.16 Telling vs this story, vizt. -- Elias passing by yo Garden, desired of him a Mellon. The gardner said they weere stones. Replied the pfet prophet ] Elias, stones lett them be, of woh I haue One to show. "We came to a village Galled Boote hallah ; concerning which they relate this roniarkable property, that no Turk can live in it above two years. By virtue of this report, w of this report, whether true or false, the Christians keep the village to themselves without molontation," Maundrell, A Journey from Alegpo to Jerusalem, p. 123. +1 All these places were seen by Maundrell. Vol. XXXVI, p. 179: n. 100. * See Maundrell's explanation of Elisabeth'stwo dwelling-places. Journey from Aloypo to Jerusalem, p. 125. 43 See note on Vol XXXVI, p. 179. n. 100.See Maundrell, 4 Journey from Alopro to Jerusalem, p. 76. 45 See Thevenot, A Voyage into the Levant, for these and many of the other sites mentioned by Bell.

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June, 1908.] THE TRAVELS OF RICHARD BELL (AND JOHN CAMPBELL). 161 19 July 1669. We departed from Mount Carmell for St Jno de Acra, wheere we landed by 10 Clock in the morninge; yo bay is 8 leagues over. But I must not forget of hansom, tho meane, treate at yo Convent on Mount Carmell; y padrey governedore, being a pious & wise man, pragd for vs, & gaue vs good advice, & wth fish, eggs & fruite & cleane linnen, & box [of] dishes, spoones & forks, as neate as if in a princes Court. Att night we put to sea for Sidon, but put back; y 22th we attempted againe, & pceeded. In the way we vewed Tyer, wch hath litle to show, being ioyned to ye msine land, tho formerly an Isle. Theirs a small Caine [khan] for Marchants; its 7 leagues from Sydon & 3 or 4 Longues good ground & well Caltured; Ollive trees & walnuts & seuall Towns in yo way. We arrived at Sydon at 4 Clock in yo afternoone 23 day, & weere respectfully treated by ye french marchants theire.46 In yo towne is litle of acot saue ye baslaws Serallia, woh we had y pviledge to se & drinke a dish Coffe wth him; 2 Castles it hath wthin in ye sea, wth a bridge from them to y towne, Its forme[r] Circumference yet to be seene, wch I iudge 5 English miles, but now not One. 23 day July. Att 8 Clock at night, we imbarqued for Byrute, wo is 8 leagues from Sydon & on ye sea coast. We arrived theire before day of the 24th July 1669. The trade of it yo french Iraue Tottally, weh is for silk & is ye fynest turkey makes. The price Currant, when wee weere theire, was 10 Lyon Dollers the Rotteloe, 7 since falne to 9. Theire Rottilo makes 3 Engl great pounds at 24 ounces to yo pound habberdepoyze (avoirdupois]. Its well stored wth variety of good fruite, And hath many Mulberrie trees about it, wth good plaines about a mile brode & a mile longe. Its a small Towne but hath seuerall vessells belonginge to it. One, when I was theire, on the stocks, indged would cost to put to sea 7000 Dollers. Its much ruined, as appeares by large howses of fro stone woh are not inhabbited, & decays more & mor as yo Marchts told me. Eight of the longest & biggest Pillers of blew stone all of a peece lie wthout the towue, 4 & 4, [and] stand at some dis. tance one from an other but not in anie order as when sett in the building the[ 3 ] did belonge to, of woh they only remaine to tell ya theire formerly was on[ ] in or near the place they now lie & stand in. About a mile from Barate they show the place wheer St George slew the dragon, and honor St George as theire Champion.69 July, 25 1669. Wee imbarqued from Barate at Aggara[asr],60 wch is 4 Clock in yo afternoone, & arrived at Trippelo in Sirria next day, 25 July 1669, at One Clock in the afternoone, At Consul Waggoners [Wagner's] howse, a Datchman, In the way, weh is betwixt Byrate & Trippilo 10 Leagues, we se generall small townes on yo Mountaines adioyneing Mount Lebanus, woh are inhabbited by the greekes & better cultured then anie place of yo Turks seene by vs since we pted from Jeraselem till we caime theire. 46 Wo wore met by several of the French merchants from Sidon; they having a factory there, the most considerable of all theirs in the Levant." Manndrell, A Journey from Aleppo to Jerusalem, p. 59. 41 Comparo Thovenot, 4 Voyage into the Levant, ed. 1687, Part II, p. 32, "The weights that are used in that Country (Aleppo) for gross commodities are the Rottle and the Oque. The Rottle weighe commonly 600 Drachme, or 500 Pound weight of Marseilles. The Bottle of Persian Silk, contains 680 D! or five pound and a third of Marseilles woight, the Rottle of Aleppo is of 720 D, or 5 pound weight and a half of Marseilles." 4 At the east ond of Boroot are to be seen seven or eight beautiful pillars of granito, cach f oot long, and three in diameter." Maundrell, A Journey from Aleppo to Jerusalem, p. 56. * Maundrell, op. cit., p. 50. Compare The Travels of certain Englishmen into Foreign countries, 1600-1611 (Collection of Voyages and Travels, p. 791), "The third time for public prayer, every day, is at the tenth hour of the day, called by the Turks, Kindi, by the Moors, Assera, about three or four of the clook, afternoon.

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162 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1908. Att Trippeloe, Consell Peeter Waggoner, & noble spirritted & Gennerous peon, both for Company & his entertainem', woh I tasted of, staying theire till the 27 day Jnly. I found theire Seuerall Engl Marchants of Alleppo, french & Dutch, Chased away by yo sicknesse theire. M' Blunt & Me Hemsworth, my fellow travellers into ye holly land, then pted wth me. They for Mount Lebanus to a greke festivall & I for Scanderone. This feast the Greeks call yo feast of Expiation in Commemoratio of or Savior. Transfiguration. In the Cittie of Trippiloe are severall faire buildings. It stands a mile from the Sea, a place of good trade for Loge silk, & the Bashawe hath & Doller for every kottelo51 shipt out & sends his saryt to se it weighed before baileinge. Theirs 5 Castles or towers on the Marreene, woh is a mile from ye Citty,62 & On the Marreene is a large Caine [khan for all marchants goods to be put in, or saifly laid up. 27 July 1669. I imbarqued for Scanderoone in a boate I hyred, all ye Marreners tarkes, & I all alone, Consull Peter Waggoner haueing sent aboard pritions & wyne for 3 tymes my voyage vnknowne to me. It was 8 Clock at night when I imbarqued, & at 7 Clock in the morninge on ye 29 day July I arrived at Scanderroone, haueing had a fresh gaile all ye way. Its betwixt these two places 45 Leagues. In the way is only one litle towne for we saile terra terra for feare of y Malteze ; The land towards the sea verry high & mountanous, always haueing Clouds dwelling on them. Thursday 29 July 1669. I went aboard Capt Dyer Bates 68 who wonld not let me goe for Cyprusse as I had hyred the boat to doe, but Capt Kerrington sent hir theire to meeto Capt Midleton & Capt Morris to haue theire Company for England. 40 Aug# on y* Wedd 1669. With Capt Bates, M Baalam, Mr Steele we tooke horsse fro Scanderoone for Alleppo at 6 Clock afternoone. Mr Alexandr Travell, Mr Pine, M Hussey & 7 More set Cout] for Alleppo the day before. We lay the first night at Byland, weh is 10 Engl miles from Scanderoone & in or way weere much hinderd or stopt by a great Carravan from Mekay Mecca), wch weer from first to last a days iurney longe, in Cammells, males & horssmen. At Byland, by yo cold waters, we pitched, and had ye Musique woh the Jackalls made who are theire verry many, & 20 Cuple of deepe-mouthed hounds in a feild make not halfe the noyse. Theire barqe is like a Contrey Curr. 6 Auge 1669. Thirsday, noone, we over tooke ye worship'l Consull of Alleppo the pson [Parson), Mr fframpton65 and about 20 of the Alleppo Engl factorey, who had beene in the mountaines dureing the heate of the Contagio at Alleppo and weere returneing to Alleppo, pitched at a place Cald the Cold waters. They ingaged or stay in theire Tent, for of owne being put on a vnruly Mule ran away wth it & spoiled it. 6. Auc# We pitched at ye brinke of ye River Ephraim & at sun sett remoued. And Caime by sun set on yo 7, for we lie still all the day & ride in the night, for yt the heate is not to be indured to ride in in the day time. Auge. We pitched at A Church & ye rains of a famous Monastery Cald St Symons 66 8 Auge. We arrived in Alleppo by Sunn riseing in the Morninge, but in of way weere assalted by the Arrabbs, who see wee weere to strong after ye fyreing some pistolls & long Guns ; [they] weer invisable to vs bat as we past ne[ar], theire stones beere & theire out of theire slings caime amongst Vs. The Crack they gaue told vs they weer not farr of, but the(y) weere iu yo rocks soe safe we 61 See note on p. 161, n. 47. 63 See Therenot, Voyage to the Levant, ed. 1987, p. 221. # Seo Vol. XXXVI, p. 174, n. 71. 1. e., De Lannoy, Hoe Vol. XXXVI, p. 131, 9. 60. 66 See Vol. XXXVI, p. 184, n. 61. * "The Monastery of St Simeon the stylete with the remainder of his so famous Pillar, which is still to be seen." Tavernier, Travels, ed. 1684, Vol. I, Book II, p. 56.

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JUNE, 1908.) THE TRAVELS OF RICHARD BELL (AND JOHN CAMPBELL). 163 could not find them. In Alleppo, Tho inuited by the Consull to accept his howse, yet I did excuse my selfe57 & made bold with MJn Shepherd, 58 a marchant theire, whose entertainem, for five weekes dureing of stay was bountefall, & he thought not his owne bowse entertanemt enough, but betwixt Mesles, morne & night, treated vs, either in gardens or some other place, wth raritys of drink & meat & other Novells of pleasure. Alleppo is esteemed One of the best & fynest built Cittys in y(r) Turkish Empire. Its a place of great trade, Many Carravans comeinge to it wth Drugge, Calls, falladoes, Goats Wooll, But silke yo Chiefe. In yo Bazars or Shopps, we are in streets intire, & all tradesmen together, are more variety of Commodities then in anie other Citty in ye Empire. The Bashaw was at my being theire at Candia, & yo sabbashawe Gouern". The streets are full of Doggs, weh yo people haue great Charrity for, & give money for them, as we to of poore. The great number of these doggs make theire Citty stinke, for when anie die, they never berry them, but one eats an other, & in every place his Carkasses, wch are Noysom. It stands in as good an Aire as anie Citty in the uneversse, not a Clude [cloud] to be seene six Months in ye yeare neare it. Its well served wth fresh water, fruits of all sorts verry good, wth Beefe, but espetially Mutton. For goodness I never Tasted anie in my life Soe pallatable & fatt. The sheepe folloz yo shepherd in those pts as a dog his MP in England, & baue tailes to yohoughs that weigh 20, 15, some 2516 weight, all fatt.co What is more then can be eaten they make Candles of, wh are yo best of Tallow in the world. Theire Wyne is alsoe verry good, This Citty is 50 Engl Miles from anie of the Sea. The factories recreation is Coursinge at ye Season wth Grayhounds, & they beginn yo 15 September, & soe haue hunting till March following. Theire Chiefe officer in yo ffeilde is cald yo Cope of yo Hunt.61 He hath 2 assistants & seuerall other officers. They hane gen 5 19 brace of grayhounds in ye feill at once And seldom leske English in the feild then 50 English. Many turks at Certain tymes attend their sports, some french and Dutch. Theire Course is often after the pusse (hare] 3, 4, & 5 Engl miles wil a brace or leace [leash) grayhounds after hir, & she often out runs them all. The Cope fynes all y observe not order in ye feild. Some tymos they hunt ye wild boare, of web they baue many & furious [83] many of theire horeses show. I need not Commend theire horsses, for gen' faime spaires me y. Charracter. Theire grayhounds are like or Monggrell Grayhounds in England, Corse shapt, and theire feete more longe & large and will endure besides beinge rapid & swifter, a larger Corse. The factorey Consistes of vist. -1. The Worship! Jao De La Noy, Consull. 2. The Minister, Mt Tho fframpton. 3. The Chuce [Chians), M Hen: ffatton. 4. Mr Jno Shepherd. 5. ME Joo Varne. 6. Mr Tho Boddington, 7. Mr Steele. 8. Mr Bloodworth. 9. M W Carey. 10. Person (P Parson) Chappell. 11. Mr Man Browne. 12. M Edwin Browne. 13. M Edward Browne. 14. Mi Wm Hussey. 15. Mr Harrington. 16. M Blunt, 17, Mr ffra. Hemsworth. 18. M* Pooley. 19. Mr Steereman. 20. Mr Richard flyer. 21. M Baull. 22. M: Metcalfe. 23. Mi Jno Taffnell. 24. M Northley. 25. M' Anto Baalam. 26. Mr Smith. 27. Mr Langley. 28. M W Ashhby. 29. Mr Edw Hartopp. 30. M' Aron Goodyeare. 31. Mr Ivett. 32. M S tubbert. 33. M* Nicolls. 34. Mr Sam Godscall : keepe[8] yo bowling allies (alleys). 35. Downes, yo Barber. 36. Me Ed Vame. 37. Mr Wm Vame. 38. Docter Harper. * See Vol. XXXVI, p. 134, for John Campbell's complaint of his treatment by De Lannoy * Soo Vol. XXXVI, p. 134. * See Tavernier, Travels, ed. 1681, Vol. I, Book II, p. 57 1., and Theronot, Voyage to the Levant, ed. 1987, # Fat-tailed sheep, dumba. 61 Compare Le Bruyn, Voyage au Lsvant, Vol. II, p. 836, "Chasse Anglaise.... Election d'un Maitre de la Chasso ... Il y en a toujours un de ootto pation qui porte le nom de oapo, paroe qu'il est le chef de la Troupe. Il a doux assistants et un Trosorier pour l'aider pondant sou exercice." P. 30 ff.

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164 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JUNE, 1908. M: Allexander Travell, Mr Arther Pine, Mr Rosse Wood, M P Rockesley, Mr Lee, Mr Gravesner, M K inge, My W. fframpton, facter Marreen. These 8 persons Died at the tyme of my beinge theire, 2 of ye sicknesse, 6 of the Scanderroone sicknesse. In discorse wth Mr Shepherd, y King of yo Arrabbs haueing then given him a vixit, told me its theire Custome to say, when anie euell thought comes in theire heade (as to take life or estate), they say, stofilo [istaghfiru'llak], wch is in Eng, God forbid I doe it02, yet none more redy. And in discorse concerning the Devell, they Defend theire honoring hin, and when reproved, Aek ye what he was. Ya say, a great Angell in ye Cort of heaven, & for his disobearlience cast out. Why, say they, then should we not feare him. He is but a courtier out of favo" & may be reced in againe, soe its good to keepe frends. The Arrabbs woh ar cald yo wild, defend theire robbing as iust, & declare themselues the oftspring of Esan. And Jaacob, hateing got all the good blessings, Easaw, say they, caime, & his father had not ought to give him, soe bid him goe a broad & Catch what he could. Soe they at this day doe. And when they rise in y morninge, they turne to yo San riseing and pray that some good thing may come theire way, Carrayan, or passengers, or other bootey, wch they take as if god had sent it them; for, say they, its not reason thou should have so much & I soe litle, & live to this day by rapine. Att 12 Clock at noone, with the Turks call Asgarah (sara' lihahar, 63 noon). They, on theire steeples wh haue terrets, but no belly [belfry), crie wth great noye, somes tymes 5, 6, 7, or more, for then all must pray where ever they are. The men in yo great Mosk steeple crie in the Turks lingua, glory to ye grant god & prases to theire great plett, weh is ye light of god elce would sit in Darknesse & words to this purpose. They haue songs at eight or 12 Clock at night And at 4 Clock in yo morninge, some times an hower, some tymes two or more together, some tymes for safty of gone from Meca, there pfets tomb ; some tymes they sing, or howle rather, for some sick or deade, & will doo both verry lively. They haue psons they hier wch does it, & soe they are many or few at one place or 2 or 3 for longer or shorter space. The Turks thinke they offend not when they cheate or breake faith wth the ffranks, for the on[e] trew beleivers thother Doggs. And if money be in the way they care not to keep peace wth Kings. They say anio wind will blow away that paper thats not fastned wth bags of Money on it. Min[e]ter xpians [i. e., christian ministers] ought to be of Currage for otherwise they get noe esteeme. A xpian embassado", [was] affronted by a bassbaw appoynted to dispatch him, [who] demanded a great soine & woud not dispatch bim. Soe ye xpian became troblesome, often thrusting himselfe before ye Bashaw when he would [have] had him elce wheer. Onwch y Bashaw said, did be not see or feare his attendants, who commanded his life at a word. Sd ye xpian, does not thou feare to tell me soe, when thy life in yt word is in my hand, psenting a dagger at his brest. He, seing yt currage, Commended it, and Granted his dispatch. In the Gaule Caine ? Ghall Khan, Corn-market] The Cammells hurds weh come thether wth goods are lett at 1000 Lyon Dollers pe an (annum) to y Bannian men. One night at Supper on yo tarras, some in waggery threw a ps (piece) of a tile among ve, wch begot a discorse, & Mr Shepperd affirnid it common to be among ye turks for great stones, potsherds, tiles & such like to come among them as if it rained them, And yt on theire tarras among them Once it was soe, but hurt to none, ch thing(s) are Cast by the Spirritts. 61. God keep me fron the very idea of it: see Doay, Supplement aux Dictionnaires Arabes, s. v.ghafir. 65 See p. 161, p. 50. The au hor shows his Indian training. By Bannian mon,' he means mercbanta.

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JUNE, 1908. THE TRAVELS OF RICHARD BELL (AND JOHN CAMPBELL). 165 The people cald y Turkemen [Turcomans] are great Grasiers & reputed a Cast of honest people. They Graise from Bagdat to Stambole in a yeare, & pass the numberlesse herds of Cattle & droues of sheepe. Some tymes a part of them are 10 days passing towne. The[y] spreat spread] aboue 100 [? miles) in the Contrey & furnish all places as they pass & Travell wth theire families.cla 10 August 1669. I wth Mt Downs betwixt 5 & 6 Clock in the morning rid around yo Citty of Alleppo & vewed y'graves of ye deal, at wel weere 100us weepeing over ye graves of theire dead freinds. That day Mr Langley, M Godecall, Me Goodyeare weere chased ashore by a Corseir of Malta, & robl the vessell of all, & after suuk hir. They came from Trippelo in Assiria, but lost all theire robes. I, the weeke before escaped narrowly. Ish ish ma haddah Ish ish mack Subbolk heir Misbalk heir Shitack Hadiah Shite Became or Escod toman Kittier Gibb Roe Autane Tawell Sozzeir Hyke Halcod Haddah Haddack Howne Howneke Hatme Beed Longe Seuerall werds I lernt of yo Arrabbs.65 [aysh ism hadda ?] What call y this [aysh ismak 1] Whats yor name (Subh-al-khayr] Good morrow (misa' al-Ihuyr] Good night [shitak kadda] Is this yours (shill) It is mine [bi-kam? (how much ?)] What price [aysh kadia taman ? or What is the price of this ?] for how much [Kathir : kettir (colloq.)] It is too much (jib: gib (colloq.)] Goe, fetch, or bringe (ruh] Goe [a't-ni] Give me (tavil [qasir] Short (hayle] [hakadda: like this] Thus much [hadda (colloq.)] [haddal (colloq.)] [haron (colloq.)] Heere [hawntk, hawniki (colloq.)] Theire [hat-ne bid (colloq.), give me wine, Give me wyne (wthout water) 'ati-ni-imbid] (ehil] take away [aysh halak] how doe you [tayyib] well [kamil] verry well [waraq] Paper [babush, babuj (colloq.) = Pers. slippers pa-push] [malih] Good Thos This That Sheele Ish hallock Tybe Cow Mille Orack Gambouhes Mille of The chief mest-supply of Egypt still comes through Syria in this way. - I have to thank Professor F. G. Browno of Cambridge for muoh generous help in solving the riddles of this list. The author took down his words in the Syrian colloquial form of Arabia (vide Crow's Arabic Manual, Luzac's Oriental Grammars, Series IV), apparently, from a Jewish guide or dragoman.

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166 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1908. or [ay] fower Moimille s[ma-malih] Bada Wakesh [wakish] S Badd Emtee [aymta (colloq.)] When Helwack [hallak (colloq.)] now Ashan [ahsan (colloq.)] Better Eigh Yes La [la] Noe Is youn (al-yeun] today Amsee [ams] yesterday Godde (ghadi] tomorrow Imberhahh [emtarih] (colloq...] Last night Il-lyle [al-layla) This night Il your autane cooff (al-yawn 'ati-nisuf] Today give me woll Godde beteeke bhorrootie [ghadi bi-atika'l kharis] Tomorrow lle give yu yo Laube Wabad [wahid] One temine [ithnayn ; itnen (colloq.)) two telatah [thalatha, telala (colloq.)] three Arbah [arba'a] ham see [khamsi] five Sitte [sitti] six Subbah [sab'a] Seaven Temane [thamaniya ; temani (colloq..] eight Tissah [tis'a] Nyne Asbharab ['ashra] ten Edash Chidash (colloq.)] Ellearen Tenash [itnash (colloq.)] Twelue Telatash [talirash (colloq.)] Thirteene Arbatash [arbat'ash (colloq.)] fowerteene Amstash [lhamst'ash (colloq.)] fifteene Sittash (ritrash (colloq.)] Sixteene Sabbatasb [seb'at'ash (colloq.)] Seaventeene Temane tash (tamunt'ash (colloq.)] Eighteene Tissa tash (tig'at'ash (colloq.)] Nyneteene Ashbereene ['ishrin) Twenty Telateene (talatin (colloq.)] Arbeene [arba'in] hamseene [khamsin] Sitteene [sittin] Subeene [sab'in] Tammaneene (tamanin (colloq.)] Tisseene [tis'in] Meash [mi'a] 100 Else [alt] 1000 Asharatellase [ashrat-al] 10000 fryday the go September 1669. Att 5 Clock in ye morninge, Cap Bates, my Sonn Carol 1166 & my selfo tooke horsse at Alleppo for Scandroon, all yo factory accompaninge vs a league on of way, And returnd all, sauo Mi Joo Shepperd, Mr Varne, Mr Hartop & Mr Ayer who 90 * The Art mention of John Campbell in this narrative.

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JONE, 1908.) THE TRAVELS OF RICHARD BELL (AND JOHN CAMPBELL). 167 accompagned ys to Han Jarr to ye howse of Ruston, y Cart ? Carrier] where we staid all that night and tooke our leave in yo morninge, being verry merry all ye night. We run some dainger of robbing in the way, but got safe aboard ye Mary y Marthaor the 12 instant. Abondance of Jackalls, partridg & phesant we see in of way. 20 September 1669. Monday. Wee weighed Ancor the Wind at No No W:, litle winde in the midle of the day, but at 6 at night a fresh gaile at Cafe bogg,ce and brought vs by day next morninge at Cape St Andrea, or ye Isleland of Cyprus. The bredth of Cypruse is about 30 Eng Miles, the lenth 150. 93 September). Being thirsday, & ye wind faire & fresh till Sunday the 26, at wel tyme we weere becalmed with in 5 Leagues of Candis, at y east end, till Weddensday followeinge. Then a fresh Gaile wel beld till the Sixt of October, woh day we Ancored before Messena in the Mould70 And I offered the Jurats for ptaek (pratique] for my selfe & Sonn Cambell 200 pa of 8 but could not pvaile. Sunday the 10 October 1669. Wee weighed from Messena, & past ye vaire (phare]?l Scicillia On ye One Side, The Callabris On the other, woh is ye popes Contrey,72 And not aboue 2 Leagues betwixt poynt & poynt, and always seting in a greate Current Betwene Scilla & Charibdis. Scilla is the poynt on the Callabria side & Oharibdis on the Sissellyne side. Monday y 11 October 1669. We weere becalmd, & lay by Strumbelo [Stromboli), ye burning Isleland, & wthin 8 or 4 leagues 6 or 7 litle Islelaods not inhabitted, wch smooke, but y Oald vulcan [Volcano) most, & now burnes more foriosly then Strumbeloe did, woh at this day flames much most visible in the night.78 Tewesday 18 [October]. A faire gaile, woh held till fryday, on wh night we sailed by the Isleland Elba. Part yo Spanyards haue Cald port Langowne [Porto Langore]; thother half yo Legornezes or Ittallians haue Cald port ffarero [Porto Ferrajo), a Brave port: yo Isleland betwixt 40 & 50 Miles about and lies 12 leagues South of Legorne. We past 5 or 6 small Lelelands not inhabbited, And at 12 Clock Satterday none, we weere in the rode of Legorre. Satterday 16 October 69. We arrived at Legorne, but weere not pmitted to goe to ye Lazeretto till Thirsday after, ye 21 October 1669. Fryday, y 22 of October 1669. We weere reced into yo Lazeretto by 8 in the morninge, and jodged 4 days in One Chamber, and after removed to an other. And three days after we had beene theire, I, R. B. was driveing a Daile, and on thother side in an other Roome I herd repeated the blowes I had given. I knockt at seuall places, other Roomes adioyninge to the places I knockt, & weere empty, yet had what blowes soever I gaue answerd "psently [immediately] at ye gd places. 61 Ses Vol. XXXVI, p. 174. 68 i, e., Ras Khanxir. Compare Della Valle, Voyages, Vol. IV., p. 512, "Nous doablemes le Cap Chanzir, c'est a dire le Cap soruomme Porco." "Nous nous trouvames .... an de la du Cap de Saint Andre de Cypre." Op.cit., loc. cit. To See YoL XXXVI, p. 175. 71 Compare Lithgow, Painofull Peregrinations, p.898, "The narrow Seas, which divide Italy and Sicilia ... is called the fare of Messina and fretum Siculum." Compare also Rawlinson Ms., O. 799 (Bargrave's Travels in 1643), fol. 9, "Having past Strambolo we entred the Fare, sailing between Sylla (a Sand on the Shoar of Cicely) and Caribdis (a Rock on the brink of Calabria), where the Seas divides itself into sundry strong Currents." TI See Vol. XXXVI, p. 175. 3 Compare Railinson M8., 0.799 (Bargrave's Travels in 1646), folo. 8 and 9,"In open view of Cecilia before we enter the Vare of Messina are the smoaky Islands of Vuloar, the Lipari and furious flaming Strumbolo whioh oasts up fire with a strange violence and a frightfull noise." .

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168 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JUNE, 1908. Satterday yo 9 Nouember 1669. This Spirit and till ffryday yo 15 Nouember 1669 continewed knockinge, & soe loud, and at seuerall places, some tymes from 7 to 12 Clock at night; but this night it came & knockt at M* Cambells bed heade or wall, agt weh this pillow lay (for of bedds weere on the floore), & soe violently as if he would (have) beaten downe the wall. I was then at yo table readinge but minded it not, wch MCambell did, and knoct tunes, all woh was answerd exactly. This Continewed every night for 13 nights, and at last we herd noe more, but on the 10 November 69, at 8 Clock at night, M. Cambell would knock to see if the spirritt or Devell would answer, wch it did, at y 3 senall places Mr Cambell knock at, th y violence as if it would (have) beaten downe yo wall & to be herd 40 yds out of ye roome. Mr Cambell tooke a glasse wyne, & said to me, heeres to yu. The spirit psently said a loud heere to y, and gd how doe y, how doe y" Wee then weere struck wth admiration (wonder). The Spirritt, as if he turnd him selfe in Scorne and goeing away, sd in Turkish, Anass & a sictim, wch is in English, son of a Whoore, And went away. Monday the 1" Decemor 1669. I had ye night before taken some milk to boyle wth rice & boiled it, & eate & pottenger full, soe did my sonn Cambell, but wthin half an hower after I was taken wth soe violent yommitting as I never bad formerly. My Sonns74 was not altogether soe bad. The Docter had notis of it, and Perry Dilygent, in 4 days recoverd me to my former helth, & told me y the Milk of this Contrey deales litle better wth all Strangers & yo the Contrey people darr bardly medle wth it. My Dyet was Lemmon broth wth egg beat in it for the 4 days. We staid from yo 22th October to ye 24 December in ye Lazeretto, wch is 40 days. We staid in Legorne 10 days, & in it nothinge of note, saue yt its a place of greate trade and a ffree port, And a garrison & Exceeding stronge75 & yogards exact in theire dewty, Soe as none an come in, borseman or by Coach, but by ye tinkling of a Bell at y gate they pass, notis is given Round go towne to y gates. 18 December 1660. Wee tooke boate for Peesa & staid theire 2 days, vewelnge the Antiquitys of y. Once famous place, but now lost by Legorne, weh stesles away all theire trade. In it is a faire Church cald yo Dona (Duomo), & to it 4 paire of Brazen gates, 3 at ye west end of Cast brass, for bigness & rare worke I never saw yo lik; ye 4th paire are se to (have) been brought from Jerusalem.76 Neare yo Church stands a Tower [the Campanile] verry high & built Crooked, 8 stories high, and alsoe a Coopeloe [the Baptistery] verry faire at ye west end of the Dome [Duomo). On y North side is A place Cald Campa Santa [Campo Santo], by reason ye earth of it was brought from Jerusalem, And yo vertae of it is to swell ye Deade boddy put into it for 2 or thre days and after in 24 howers turnes it to ashes. The next famous Church is yt of ye Knt of yo Order of St Stephen,78 of weh order ye Grand Duke is of. They weare a redd Croese in Sattin on theire left side of theire Clokes. All more is yo Phizique Garden, wch hath noe thing admyrable in it. The Towne is aboute 4 litle Eng7 miles aboute by yo wall, woh is verry good, and a Cittidell [Citadella d'Artiglieris) by yo river side, weh comes from florrence wth a Garrison in it. From Pisa wo tooke horsse to Sciana " ..., John Campbell, who was, seemingly, Bell's son-in-law. 15 Compare Rawlinson MS., .799 (Bargrave's Travels in 1646), fol. 8, "Legorne is a small City ander the Duke of Turany but very valuable one, in respect of its Traffick, its for me and its Strength ; nor doen it want the conveniency of a handsome Mold for Shippe, nor the Embellishments of a faire Plassa (from which Ours in Covent Garden took its patterne)." 16 The ancient Bronzo Gates, destroyed by the fire of 1595, were replaced in 1606 by the present doors. 11 The Campo Santo was founded in 1903, by Archbishop Ubaldo de Lanfranchi, who caused 53 ship-loads of earth to be brought to it, from Jerusalem. The story of the marvellous properties of the earth appears to have no foundation in fact.. " Santo Stefano di Cavalieri, built in 1865-1596.

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JUNE, 1908.) THE TRAVELS OF RICHARD BELL (AND JOHN CAMPBELL). 169 [Sienna) and in two Days got thether. This Citty is 6 miles in Compass, yo streets very faire, and the howses high. The Madona, or Chiefe Chorch, is, for yo pauem vnder foote, y rarest I ever beheld. Its y Story of ye Old testam in figures of Marble, all Complexions laid in in naturall stone. The Library in Large booke of parchm & figaers in gold & other rich Cullers painted verry rare on yo parchm. Nothinge elce Memorable but ye Chappell of S. Katherine, yo virgin saint. 18 December 1669. We tooke horsse for Roome, And in the way Lodged at Monte friscone [Montefiascone), y place wheere yo Muskadine grape is (yo wyne verry pleasant and good), Next to a lyne Cittuated towne Celd veeta herba (Viterbo] in a plaine, for 3 miles round well Cultured for grapes, Ollives And all other garden herbs. 20 December 1669. We got Roome & Lodged at y ffortune in the Peacha dispannia [Piazzs di Spagna), Jeronemo Martelle, patroon. In Roome we see St Peeters, The Pallas of Prince Deburgueze [Palazzo Borgheze] And ye Queene Sweedens pallas, The Pallasses of sedall Embassadors & Cardenalls, but none Exceeding thin Roome or wthout prince Deburgueze his pallas wbout y. Oitty. Its but litle, but yo walls about it 8 English miles, and brane gardens, wildernesses & walks wthin it & fountaines, none Exceeding it about Roome & in the bowse many rarities, as Statues of Purphre & scuerall great vrns and Pillers. Most of yoEminent Churches and Colledges & theire fests we weere at to see theire Riches & beare theire Musique. We also rid round ye Walls Roome, we are judged by vs to be 10 English miles, But the buildings wthin fills not a quarter of the Ground. We alsoe vewed yo ruins of Neroes pallas, part of of woh y English Jesiuts haue for garden to recreate themselues, lately given to tbem. March ye 16, 1669 [1670]. We left Roome and returned to Legorne On nome errand y surprized vs. I continewed in Legorne to ye 13 April 1670 and then tooke a feluke (folucca] for Genoa wheero I arrived thirsday morninge the 17th by 9 Clock in the morninge at yhowse of Zachery Humphreys, An Engl man, & y only howse for entertainment as an Osterrea (osteria] in Genoa, & hath lived in it 88 yeares. Its 40 lengues bet vixt Legorne & Genoa, & wtb a faire winde they Gennally make it One Day & night & noe more, but the winde was iust a head & we put to lodge a shore every night; its by land 120 Engl miles, but few travellers goe it for feare of yo Bandereetoes (banditti] and the bad accommodation in ye way. In Genoa is yo largest artifitiall mold [Molo Vecchio] in Chrissendome, One for shipps one for Galleys, One for Barks or Settees. The new wall about yo Citty is faire & about 15 miles in Compasse; yo Citty q" (contains] 50 parrishes & devided into 4 quarters, One cald St Lawrence (San Lorenzo), One St George (San Giorgio], One St Barnardo, 4th St John baptista (San Gianbattista). Jn yo Citty are hundreds of Princeley pallasses Richly furnished wth rarities. Indeed its & Citty of Pallasses & gardens for Beauty & rich farnitare, as Cabbinets, Pictures & Looking Glasses, of woh I saw one in a Gentlem howse Cost 30000 Soowdey (scodi] or Crownes, Marble tables, most Rich & beautifull of all Call!. Its a Republique Consistinge of a Dake cald prince Royall or imperiall who is Crowned Kinge of Corseka, 24 Senator, The greate & little Counsell, 400 Gentlemen, out of woh is chosen yo Duke or prince who is Chiefe Only for 2 yeares & then a new One is Chosen out of yo 400. They are all traders & theire Riches is in moneys. Tbeire Chief Commodities made wthin theire Contrey is wrought silks of all sorts, wch they make in vast quantities & farnish most pts of endome. Marble good & verry plentifull for Cullers naturall do weh they improve by art. They haue for other things all almost lik London, Monday90 Aprill 1670. In discorse wth Mr Zachery Hampbrey And Capt. Archer in Relation to yo Citty, My Zachery Humphrey, who hath lived in Genoa 38 years, told vs y in ano 1658 yo plague began in Genoa & ended in Angust ano 1658 and many days theire

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170 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JUNE, 1908. died Thre thowsand a day, soe that in a Spatious & poppulous Citty in the afore 84 tyme was not left a live of all sexes & ages above thirteene thowsand & odd hundreds. But now in ano 1670 its verry full of people & trade. In ano 1650, M: Zachery Humphreys wife, then fryinge Collops & Eggs, the winde soe strainge, it blew ye tops of howses of, & the frying pan out of hir hand quite away, never since knowne what way it went. It alsoe Blew shipps out of the Mould into yo Sea, & out of ye Sea into yo Mould againe. The same day aftlemminge rideinge in the new Mold [Molo Nuovo), a Gust crime & carried quite away his Meezen Marst, 10pes & yards, so as it was never herd of or anie part; ye Ship was 600 tuns. Of Satterday ye 26 April 1670 Arrived from Cailes (Calais) 2 of yo King Engl ffriggotts, y Jersey & Centurion wth money for y. Genoez & some for yo Legornez, [which] they, every yeare [on] yo West Spandish India fletes arrivall, Receives for Marchandize & interrest money; yo Kinge Spaine owes vast somes.7 END. TAMIL HISTORICAL TEXTS. BY M, K, NARAYANABAMI AYYAR, B.A., B.L., AND T. A. GOPINATHA RAO, M.A. No. I.-Nandi-kkalembagam, A kalambagam is a variety of poetic composition in Tamil, in which the hero is praised in a variety of metres on a number of turais or topics, and should consist of 100, 95, 90, 70, 50 or 30 Verses according as it is in praise of a deity, & saint, a king, a minister, a merchant or a veldlan. The verses should run in antadi fashion, i.e., the last word of each verse should begin the succeeding one, 1 The most famous compositions of this kind are Tiruraranga=kkalambagam of Pillai= pPerumal ayyanger and the dlagar-kalambagam by an unknown author. The Nandi= kkalambagam is a poem in praise of a king called Nandi and contains strangely enough 110 verses, having ten verses more than even the highest number which is prescribed for a deity by the Pangiru-pattiyal. It is commonly ascribed to a younger brother of the hero of the poem, though from the way in which the author speaks of himself this does not appear to be the truth. In the foal verse of the poem in describing the hero's death, the poet feelingly says: "Your conntenance has gone to the moon in the heavens, Your fame has entered the dark Ocean, Your valoar has passed to the tiger in the wilds, Your fingers have attained the kalt She of the honeyed lotus flower (Lakshmi) has joined Hari, The ruddy fire has claimed your body, O! Nandi, the all-bountiful ! where shall I and my poverty find refuge?". 11 The My. onds abruptly here. I have failed to find any further itention of either of the authors of this work. See the Paypiru-pattiyal under the head kalambagam. * This verse follows the idea of the hymn in the funeral rites portion of the Taitlirlya Aranyaka, in which the several elements are asked to take unto themselves their own contribution to the physical body of the dead man, r'countenance is said to have gone to the moon, because during his lifetime his face rivalled the moon in ita brightness, and after bis death it is left as the sole heir to all the brightness and beauty, which was once shared by them both. His fame likewise was as vast and unfathomable as the oooan, bis valour was like the tiger's, his fingers would yield every request and wish of the suppliant, like the halpaka tree. Lakshmi is said to bave re-joined Bari, because during the king's lifetime the Godcene of Fortune was undivided from him. [Vide Trapotaka 6, Anuraka 1, section 4]

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JUNE, 1908.) TAMIL HISTORICAL TEXTS. 171 The impression produced by the verse is also corroborated by the general tenor of the whole work. The hero, Nandi, is described in this work as being a Pallava king :--- Pallavar kon Nandi - verse 2 of Introduction, verses 15, 35, 40, 70, &c., of the poem. (The Pallava king Nandi.) Pallavar tonral - 0.1 (born of the Pallavu dynasty). Pallavar kolari -v. 59 (a lion among the Pallavas). Pallavan ---vv. 65, 83. Kadavar - . 29. In verse 39 the king is said to have belonged to the race of the moon :- Chandra-kula prakasan (the light of the Chandra = kula or the Lunar Race). His capitals appear to have been Kanchi, the modern Conjeevaram -- . 8, 10, 22, 29 and 80; Mallai, the modern Mahabalipuram, situated in the Chinglepat District -- ov. 1, 3, 46, 54, 72 and 83; and Magilai, or Mailappar, the modern Mailapur, a suburb of Madras -- t. 44, 51, 55 and 69. His rule extended over (1) the Tondainadu - ov. 4, 5 and 39 ; (2) the country watered by the Kaveri :- Kaviri vala nadan - vv. 11, 17, 27, 28 and 44. Ponni na naftu mannan-(king of the prosperous country watered by the Ponni, i.e., the KAveri). Sonadan - (owner of the Chola country) v. 74. (3) Over the Chera country :- Seranddan - v. 74. (4) Over the Kongu country :- Konga ! - 1. 41. (5) Over the Alagai nadu:- Alagai nadan -0. 39. (6) Over the western regions :- Kudakk=udai vendan -0.65. In verse 28, he is described as " Kdoiri dala nadin Kumari = kxongan Gangai-mandlan kurai kalal rira = Nandi" - "the valiant Nandi, lord of the prosperous country watered by the Kiveri, of the sea-coast round Kumari (the Cape Comorin) and the spouse of the Ganges." He is said to have held sway over the Baga kings :-" Vada Vengada-nadudai mannar piran"->>. 55. "Lord over the kings of the northern Verknta (hills)." See also no. 33 and 67, where he is described as vada Ve ngadattan (lord of the northern Venkata bills). Nandi is said to have won battles at the following places : -(1) Tellaru - Do. 28, 33, 38, 49, 52, 53, 71, 75, 79, 80, 85, 86 and 96. (2) Kurukodu - Do. 2, 85 and 84. (8) Palaiyaru- v. 81. (4) Velldru - v. 23. (5) Nalldru - v. 61. In verse 27, the Chera, Chola, Pandya kings and the kings of the northern regions are said to have paid tribute to him. He had fought with the Cheras and the Cholas (vv. 42 and 81), and also with the Paqdyas (vv. 4 and 81 ). In verse 81 he is described as having thwarted the intentions of his younger brothers, thus: "Kula virar - Agam = aliyattambiyar - ennam = ellam paludaga venra talai mina viraltuan Sembiyar Tennar Serar = edir vandu wdyach=cheruvenra &c. &c." In w, 54 and S, the place is called Kadar - Mallei, which is the name by which it is known to the Vaishnava Alvar Tirumalai (see the two decades on Kadar - Mallai . ttaladayagam, and the decades on, 7ruvdli and Tirunaraiyar). The Alvar describes it as a flourishing sea-port (Krunedun-tandagam, verue 9.) The place was also praised by Bhutatta var in verse 70 of his lyarpa,

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172 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1908. "The great hero who conquered so as to destroy the hereditary warriors [ who perhaps helped his younger brothers ] and so as to defeat the intentions of his younger brothers; and who killed the Sembiyar (the Chola), the Tepnavar (the Pandya ) and the Cherar who opposed him in battle." From this we can infer that the phrase "hereditary warriors" may refer to the Cholas, the Pandyas and the Cheras, who might have helped the younger brothers of Nandi against himself. Nandi seems to have been a patron of Tamil Literature -- paindamilaiyayginra Nandi (the king Nandi who studies classic Tamil) - 0. 104. Tamil Nandi - r. 107. He is called by several surnames in the poem :-(1) Avani-Naranan - verre 4 of the Introduction, vv. 18, 22, 64 and 66 of the Text. (2) Videl-pidugu - ov. 11, 13 and 74. (3) Uklirama-kopant - pv. 20 and 55. (4) Kuvalaya-marttandan - D. 29. (5) Naludayap .- v. 48. (6) Manodayan - v. 69. (7) Vuratungan - . 89. (8) Manabluran --- v. 109. (9) Nandi echchiraman - v. 106. (10) Desa-bandari - v. 96. Having now summarised all the information of any historical interest in the poem, we shall proceed to discuss them in the light of inscriptions. The king, who is the hero of this poem, cannot be Nandivarman-Pallavamalla who was opposed by the Dramilas in about 760 A. D., since of the numerous battlos which he and his general Udayachandra are said to have fought, not one of those given in this poem are mentioned. We are therefore compelled to conclude that he must be the same person as the Nandi, who was the son of Dentivarman mentioned in the Bahur plates. We have inscriptions of Nandippottarakar, who fought the battle of Tellaru, at Conjeevaran? in the Chinglepat District, at Sendalai, Koviladi and Tillaisthanam 10 in the Tanjore Distriot, and at Tiravadill in the Sonth Arcot District. We know from the poem that one of his surnames was Avani-Narasan. In one inscription to Nandivarman found in the Maktisvara temple at Kaverippakkam, 12 the place is named simply as Kavadippakkam, while in the inscriptions of Nripatangavarman and the Chola kings who came after him the place is onlled Karadippak kam alias Avapi-Narayana-chaturvadimangalam.13 The insoriptions thus corroborate our poem in these particulars, That "Nandippottarasar who was victorious at Tellira " should be the same person as Ko-visaiya-Nandivikramavarman is evident from the fact that Kaduvetti - Tamila - pPeraraiyan, who is mentioned as an officer of the one is also mentioned as an officer of the other.15 The Bahur plates say that Nandivarman was the son of Dantivarman. This Dantivarman was a contemporary of the Rashtrakuta Govinda III. (A. D. 782-814). Therefore the Nandi of our poem must have belonged to the middle of the 9th century A. D. We do not propose in this paper to enter into the question of the necessity of postulating a Ganga-Pallava dynasty, which has been dealt with by one of us already in the Madras Christian College Magazinelo and which will be dealt with again in detail in a forthcoming paper in the Epigraphia Indica. In the Bharata-venda of Perundovanar mention is made of a king who was victorious at Tellura. If this reference is to "Nandippottarasar who was victorious at Tellara," we can fairly infer that Perandevaner was a contemporary of his. * Perhaps Ugra-kupan (a man of fierce anger). 68.1.1., Vol. II., PP. 963-864. * Ep. Ind., Vol. IV., P. 181. No. 12 of the Government Bpigraphist's Collection for 1895. * No. 11 of the same for 1899. No. 283 of the same for 1901. 10 No. 52 of the same for 1895. 11 No. 36 of the same for 1005. 11 No. 40% of the same for 1905. 13 Cl. Inscriptions Non, 891, 891 and 895 of the same for 1905. No. 12 of the same for 1895, 16 No. 304 of the same for 1897. 16 Christian College Magazine for April, 1907.

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JUNE, 1908.] TAMIL HISTORICAL TEXTS. 173 - - As to the country that he ruled over, we find inscriptions of his, as already pointed out, in the Chola, and the Tondi-nadus, but we have not as yet succeeded in getting any from the Chera and Konga countries. We cannot say what particular region is denoted by Alagainkdu, but there is a village called Alagipuri in the Pudukkottai State. That he was & suzerain of the Banas, who ruled over the Vada Vengada-nadu, is proved by a number of his inscriptions in the Vengada-nadu, which is said therein to belong to the Bana country. Nandi's predecessor, Dantivarman, is mentioned as the overlord of the Bana king Vijayaditya Mavali Vanaraya, 17 and his successor, Nripatunga, as overlord of Vana Vijjadhara.18 Nandippottarasar himself in an inscription belonging to the 23rd year of his reign is mentioned As suzerain over Vikramaditya Mavali Vanaraya.10 The poem unfortunately leaves us entirely in the dark as to the person or persons against whom he fought the several battles mentioned. The following passage in verse 64:"Tellarr = aftanre pon Vaigai muninda Nandi" (Nandi who fought on the banks of the golden Vaigai (river) on the same day as at Tellara), leads us to suspect that about the time of the battle at Tellaru, the king's forces must have fought another battle on the banks of the Vaigai river in the Madura District. of the king's surnames, we have already dealt with Avani-Naranan. Videl-vidago occurs in inscriptions found at Tiruvallam, Tiruppalattorai, Conjeevaram, &c. The meaning of this term is not clear. But we meet with similar dames such as, Marpiduga, 20 Pagappidugul for Dantivarman and Mahendravarman respectively. The last part of the surname means the thunderbolt in the Kannada and Telugu languages. The other surnames given in the poem are not ret with in inscriptions. The following places are mentioned in the poem as the scenes of the king's battles, viz., Tellara, Nallaru, Palaiyaru, Kurugodu and Ve!!Aru. Of these Tellara is & village in the Wandiwash Talak of the North Arcot District; Nallara is famous for its Saiva temple of Darbharanyeevara, and is situated in the French Settlement of Karaikkal in the Tanjore District ; Palaiyaru is perhaps the same as Palaiyarai, a village about three miles to the south of Kumbhakonam, also in the Tanjore District. There are two places called Kurugoda, one in the Bellary Taluk of the Bellary District and another in the Kolar District of the Mysore Province. The former is called simply Karugode, while the latter is called Dodda Kurugode. In the first mentioned are several ruins, consisting of beautiful temples of the Chalukya style of architecture, a fine fort on a hill, and it was one of the strongholds of Tippu Sultan. The latter is believed to be an old capital of the Gangas. Vellara is the name of two rivers, one of which runs between the South Arcot and the Trichinopoly Districts, while the other passes through the Padukkottai State. Which of these two rivers is meant by the poem we are not able to judge from the reference. The Bahur plates assert that Dantivarman, the father, and Ntipatangavarman, the son of Nandivarman, were devout worshippers of the lotus feet of Vishiu. The Kalambagam describes Nandi as "Sivanai muludu = maravdda chintaiydn," verse 97 (one whose mind never forgot Siva). IT No. 293 of the Government Epigraphist's Collection for the year 1903. 15 No. 328 of the same for the year 1908. No. 229 of the same for the year 1908. 20 No. 541 of the same for the year 1905. 21 8. 1. J., Vol. II, p. 311. See also the footnote 5 on the same page.

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174 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1908. MISCELLANEA. THE FAOJDAR OF BANGASH. did not hold the office long, for about 1877 we find Ahmnd, a Sayyid, brother of ShahAmat Khan, The BangashAt or two Bangashes included faujddr, and in 1680 Lashkar Khaa, who turned Upper Bangash, the modern Kurram Valley, and the Khattaks out of Kohat, held the post, but Lower Bangash or Kohat. Under the Mughals only for a short time, for Tarin Khan the next both constituted a faujdarf which appears to have faujder was reduced to great straits by the Malikgradually been confined to Lower Bangash, 1. o., Miris of Kohat, who held the BAIA Hisar of Robat. Koht. Its history can be traced for more than Then, in 1685, RAJA Ram Singh became faujder of a century. Kohat and Bangash, and we find him refusing to TAR faujdar of Bangash appears to have been obey the order of Amir Khan, the Sabahdar of independent of the Subahdars of Kabul, as was Kibul, to arrest Ashraf Khan the Khattak. The apparently the case in all the Provinces of the next faujdar must have been one Abdu'l-Hadi, Machal Empire. Under Akbar the toman of a worthless fellow, son of Iftikbar Khan Bangaght had lain in the Sarkar and Sabah Appointed in or after 1695, he was succeeded by of Kabol, but in 1627, after the death of Fakhar Khan before 1706, and about 1708. the emperor Jahangir, Lashkar Khan became Allahdad Kheshki was appointed, but be was xubahdar of "Kabul and the Bangashat." afraid to take up his office and sent a deputy. According to another account, however, Sa'id About 1718, Ahmad Beg Khan, Ming-bashf, was faujdar. Khan was faujdar of Bangash in 1627, for in that After or in 1722 Ydlbars Kban became faujdur year he marched from Kobat to relieve Peshwar, of Bangash. then besieged by the Afgbans, who had risen on H. A. ROEE. the news of Jahangir's death. In 1631-32 (1041 H.), Sa'id Kban superseded A BAKER'S DOZEN OF CATCB ES FROM THE JHANG DISTRICT, PANJAB. Lashkar Khan in the subahdari, and Shamsber COLLECTED AND TRANSLATED BY Khan was made faujddr of the two Bangashes. M. LONGWORTH DAMES, I. O. S. Three years later in 1634-35, Raja Jagat Singh was (LETIRED). appointed thanadar or faujdar of the Bungashat, with orders to collect supplies of provisions to My Wife. send to Kabal, whither Muhammad Dars Shikoh Sthib ditta jalna ran kujajje nal. was about to proceed, Shah Jahan following in Hathi vangon patli, tave vangon lal. person, in consequence of the Persian designs on Kara kbandi rotian, kunna piwe dal. Kandahar. Chappar paya ghaghra, trua kare rumal. In 1638 Jagat Singh still held this office, or Gadba vangon hingdi, sare vehre da singar. had been re-appointed to it, for in the following Translation. year he was directed to pour supplies into Kabul, God has given me to live with a hideous woman, during Shah Jab&n's stay there. Shah Jahan As slender as an elephant, as red 48 & griddle. returned to Lahore rid Upper Bangash and Kohat, Sie eats a basket of bread and drinks a degchi of and the prince was directed to follow later. dal. At Koht, Jagat Singh got up a hunt, during which Her skirt is a thatch and her handkerchief 56 markhor, besides other big game, were A grass-mat. killed. How long Jagat Singh continued to be She brays like a donkey, and is the ornament of faujdar of the Bangashat does not appear, the courtyard. but in May, 1675, Khanjar Khan became their II thanadar or faujdur, apparently superseding Topsy-turoy Land. Muhammad Wafa, thanadar of the Resat Ferry and Jaggu sande bol phatte. Kohat, who had been appointed in January of Bakrian kaski kutte. that year. This was after the unsuccessful attack Bhaunkan chor 'te nasan kutte. of the Mughals on Sherghar it: the Adam Khel Vainde chor Kirapan mathe. Afridl country. In the next year Iftikhor Kban Mibao ute chappar atte. was appointed faujdar of the Bangash&t. He Bagal na ohik, dantri phaC/df hai.' 1 The mahau of Teri Bolig was royal jugfr, or sot, which generally portained to the fawid drt of Lower Baagash, * He had a thana w post at the Tapl of Honga.

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MISCELLANEA. 175 Translation, Let the world hear a topsy-turvy saying. The goats slaughter the butchers. The thieves bark and the dogs bolt. The Kirars come and rob the thieves. The thatch falls upon the rain. And Don't pull the blanket or the sickle will be torn.' III. Another Version. Chor ucbakka chaudhri, lundi ran pardhan. Translation. Thieves and blackguerds are headmen, and prostitutes respectable women. IV. My Lover. Mil-gaya par karopi. Lat-pat vadi, muhabbat thori. Viklenda darwaza tap-venda mobri. Translation. I have got a lover of a thousand. Mach talk and little love. Sbows himself at the door and gets out by the drain. Translation. A bad wife is a punishment from God; She can be neitber killed nor thrown away. VIII. The Wicked Woman. Hik nar ku-lachan, han da sasa, Jhera kendi, vebsa phara. Jheri kendi. vehran Translation. A wicked woman, burner of the heart, Stirs up strite and splits the household (lit., the courtyard). IX. Misfits. Trehf kamm kurah; Mard nun chakki; 'Aurat nuk ah; Sadhe nun gah. Translation. There are three bad roads : A handmill to a man; A road to a woman; Treading out the corn to a bull-buffalo. V Vanity. Jab gund paranda, mera jhugga ujar-janda, Translation. Do up my back hair at once, or my house will be ruined. The Jalt. Jatt ton blala mul na bhal. Jatt vigari murshid nal. Jatt bulaidyan khade gbal, Sir-ton lab-ke mare bhuin. Eahni hik na dewne duin. Translation. Never think a Jatt good. A Jato will quarrel with his religious adviser. If you call a Jatt he will abuse you, He will take off his bead (his turban) and Sling it on the ground, There is neither first taking nor second giving with himn. VI. The Bad Wife. Bbairi ran da bhaica cbal. Chhule ute ros bal. Ate ghundean khurke val. Nak phojindi godiyan nal. Translation. An evil wife has an evil gait, Her child cries on the hearth, She scratches her head while she grinds the meal, And wipes ber nose upon her knees, VII. Another Version. Bhairi ran Khuda di chati Na mari-vanje na sati. Bad Habits Stick Tllat na vanje 'iltiyan, Adat mul na ja. Uth kanak-ke choriye, Chag jawabio kha. Kutta raj babaiye, Chakkf cbatan ja. Bhed ke jane popnle P Pad-bahere kla. Translation. An evil custom is not given up, Nor a habit abandoned. A camel will leave wheat And graze on camel-thorn; If you make a dog king, He will go to lick the millstone. What does a sheep know of fruit ? It will eat toadstools. Horses and Women. Madhri, chagbri, kbanki, Mathe ute wat Tarian dia eh sifatin, Narii chaar obapat. 1 Lit., of a karor. . Arabios

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176 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1908. Translation. Horses, men, and elephants take after the maternal grandmother. Translation. Low stature, fatness, greediness, And a spot on the forehead Are good qualities in horses And very bad in women. XIII. Heredity. Ghore, munsi, hathien, rag nanebari. NOTES AND QUERIES. THE LATE MAJOR RAVERTY'S GENERAL Volume VI. INDEX TO HIS TRANSLATIONS. Descendants of Aurang-Zeb to end. The accompanying list of works by the late (With it are Travels of Ghulam Muhammad). Major Raverty in the possession of his widow is Translations as to Mansabs and Sarkara in Ainpublished for the information of scholars who i-Akbari, may desire to know of them and to communicate Volume VII. with her at Grampound Road, Cornwall, England. Extracts Geographical from Kitab-i-Agar-ul-Bilad. They consist chiefly of Ms. translations into Extracts from Tuhfat-i-Akbar-Shahi continued English of vernacular works on Indian History. from page 320 of Vol. 2 (Tarikh-i-Shor Shahi). The list was compiled by Major Raverty bimself. Ibn al-Wardi. Extract from Al-Ma'sudi (Sprenger's). R. C. TEMPLE. Tarikh-i-Haft IKlim-Geographical Extracts from the Masalik-wo-Mamalik ; more extracts from Volume I. Haft IKlim, Habib-us-Siyar, pages 1 to 10. Miscellaneous Notes on various Hindu Rulers. Conquest of the 'Arabs in Khurasan. Extracts from Turikh-i-Salatin-descendants of The Race who ruled in Iran, Babar in Hind. Tabiris - Kara Khitaes in Kirman. Geographical extracts. Saffaris - Aghwani and Jarmie Hazarabs. Volume VIII. Samanis - The Karat Dynasty. Abd-ullah bin Khurdad Bih from the Gardaizi. Ghazniwis-Extracts from Life of Timur. (On opposite side Alf-year 195 H. Some ChachGharis His Descendants to end, nama too). Khwarazmis-Saljuks-Ohingiz Khan. As to Hindus from Kharda Bih. Tabari to 84 Slips inserted "Extracts from Babar as to year-Gardaizi-On ancient rulers of 'Ajam, Hazarahs," etc. As to the Turks-From Lubb one side, from ManVolume II. takhab-ut-Tawarikh on the opposite page. The Hakims of Tarkistan. Descendants of Timur to page 278. The Kara Khitaes... Accounts of Zarun-Nun, Arglun-Ulugh Beg at Jahan Ara on Turks. Kabul. Volume IX. Shah Isma'il, Safawi, and Uzbaks. Yala'i-Kliwarazm Shahs, Gur Khins and Ilaks. Babar from Tabakat-i-Akbari. Sher Khan-Sher Shah and suoces 30r8. Gardaizi continued Alfi on opposite leaves. Akbar Badshah. See also Vol. 7 for extracts from Tuhfat-i-Akbar Eras of Different Nations. Shahi.) Fanakati on the eyes of Zamin-i-Hind. Tib bat too. Volume III. Date of Slakanuni's birth and tenets. Reign of Akbar Badshah. Short Geographical extract on Wilayat of Shast, History of Kashmir. eto., the birthplace, residence and place of Reign of Jahan-gir. burial of some saint. Reign of Shahi-Jahan. Mirza Haidar's Account of Tibbat. Reiga of Aurang-Zeb. Saljuks from Alfi, including notices of the Bughra Volumes IV and v. Khan,eto. Hirat also, Ghur, and other placesContain the reign of Aurang-Zeb. several years of Alfi. Reign of Bahadar Shah. Part of Tarikh-i-Rasbidi.

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JUNE, 1908.) NOTES AND QUERIES. 177 Volume X. Khwarazm Shahe, of Tughril Beg, Saljuki, and Particulars in History of Hirat and Marw from successors, eto. Fasihi, etc., and events of those parts yearly, Saljuks of Kirman, Yafa'i Nur-ud-Din, Atabaks, up to 744 H. Nikudaris too. etc.-Guzidab. Extract from 'Abd-ul-Karim Bukhari. The Il-Khans of Iran. Short Extract on Khwarazm. Other Extracts from Baihaki, Jaban Ari, Guzidah Balkh MS, on the Mughals, Turks, and Tattars. on "Bbars of Gbarjietan." Togha TimurisExtracts from BA-Rihan-titles of different Gurganiubs, Hasirf Ighor tribes. rulers. Rulers of Ghor. Extracts from Bom. Lit. Soc. on Brinjaris, Rulers of Turkistan - The Ilak Khin from Kattiawar. Hasan-Juji Khan's descendants. Haukil of Major W. Anderson. Sultans of Mawara-un-Nahr Mugbals. Extracts from Accounts of Jammu Rajahs -- 8th Abu-l-Khair (Uzbaks), Sultans of Khwirazm. year of Alfi-Khilafat of 'Usman. Tarikh-i-Shams-i-Siraj-Tattar Khan's descent. Badghais, Gbur, Gbarjistan, etc., conqueste beyond Volume XVII. the Oxus-Turkistan and the Queen of the Extracts from Rauzat-us-Saffa. Turks-Tbe Kabul Shah and all events up to Rule of Hajjaj in 'Irak and progress of 'Arabs the death of Tahir-i-Zu-l-Yamanain-More from eastwards. Yafai on the same subjects. Tabari. Volume XI. Amir Timur's Life. Afghans submit to him. On the Afghans Aktund Darwezah and Khush Timur's Invasion of Hindustan. hal Khan. Mirza Kaidu's doings- Afghans too; account of Volume XII. Subuk - Tigin - The Afgbans and Mahmud History of Hindustan from Tabakat-Akbari, -Life complete, etc., etc. Budaani, etc. On the Ohronology of Kitae from Fanakati. Fabar from Khafi Kben with extracts from Alf Volume XVIII. and others. Extracts from Rashid Khin's Account of Dark Humayun also-extensive extracts. Shukoh's Campaign aguinst Kandahar. "On Tabellut-i-Nasiri, rough drafts to death of the Mummy" or "Mumiab." Account of the Ohargiz Khan. Hazarah District of the Panj-Ab. Kings of Dakhan, etc., independent rulers of Volumes XIX, XX, and XXI. Hindustan. Volume XIII. Translation of the Tarikh-i Alfi. Hindus' History of Hindustan. Volume XXII. Extracts from Dow and Brigge. Yafa'i - Short The Muhammadan Dynasties. extract on Mu'izz-ud-Din. Volume XXIII. Volume XIV. Jami'-ut-Tawarikh on the Mughals, etc. Mir Ma'gam, Bistory of Sind. Volume XXIV. Ghuzr Turkmans-History of Jaunpur, etc., etc. Afghans of Hind extract. History of Babar from his Tuzuk. Completed Works. History of Hamagun. The History of Iliri or Hirat, and its DepenHistory of Akbar, Zubd-ut-Tarikh, and others. dencies, from the Foundation of the old city in Volume xv. the time of the Kaianian Kings of Dan, andTarikh-i-Tabari, copious extracts. Tbe Annals of Khurasan from its ConKitab-i-Fatuh - Conquests of the 'Arabs. quest by the 'Arabs, and Denth of the last Jami'-ul-Tawarikh Akasirah Monarch down to the Present Day and Khalifahs of the House of 'Abbas and notices of its Last Investment. Sind, etc. Three MS. Books of Stories, from the earliest Extracts from the Tarikh-i-Ibrahimi on early T times to 916 H. (1510-11 A. D.). Dynasties, Prophets, etc. The Mahdi. Nizami on same subject. A Brief History of the Rise of the Ismoiliah Kings of Iran, Zamin. Khalifahs of Afrikiah and also of the Mizariah Tabakat i-Nasiri with copious additions from Isma'iliah of Persia to the period of the destruc Tarikh-i-Ibrahimi Tabari, Guzidah, Jami-ut- tion of their Temporal Power by the Mughals. Tawarikh, Majma'-ut-Tawarikh, Rauzat-18 A History of the Minga or Hezarahs of the Safa, Tabir Muhammad, eto. Chingiz or Great Khan, etc. Volume XVI. Richard Cour de Lion and Conrad of MontGuzidah - Atabaks - Account of Turks and ferrat from Mubammaden Chronicles. Mughals from the beginning. Account of H. A. Rose.

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178 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. JUNE, 1908.] BOOK-NOTICE. VINCENT A SMITH. The Early History of India from to make a special appeal to the interest of readers 600 B. O, to the Muhammadan Conquest, including the trained in the ordinary course of classical studies." invasion of Alexander the Great. Second edition, Four and-a-half of these 68 pages forn ap revised and enlarged. Oxford: Olarendon Press, appendix about Aornog and Embolima, with [Maroh 9), 1906. 14. not. remarks which tbe author himself declares to MR. Vincent Smith's History of India has been have been largely refuted since the first edition a great success, and the fact that a new edition of his book was published. Considering the has already become necessary sufficiently shows small immediate results of Alexander's expedition, that his work really supplied a long-felt want. lit would her it would have seemed more sensible to devote There cannot be any doubt that Mr. Smith has more space to the history of his successors. In many qualifications for undertaking the work and this way it might also have proved possible to doing it well. He writes with great clearnese, make at least some remarks about the ethnoand he knows how to impart something of his graphical and political relations revealed by the own enthusiasm for that long-neglected field Mahabharata, even if "the modern critic fails to Indian History. He has, therefore, rendered find sober history in bardio tales." The fact a real service in spreading knowledge in circies remains that the Mahabharata problems belong which did not formerly take any interest in the to the most important ones in Indian civilisation, matter and in providing a handy book of and it would seem necessary at least to draw reference. attention to them in a book dealing with ancient As everybody knows, Indian History presents Indian History. extraordinary difficulties, and nobody would A more serious objection is that the author expect all of them to be overcome, even in the often makes categorical statements without quotsecond edition of a book like the present one, ing his authorities or weighing the arguments that which, moreover, addresses itselt to larger make against his views. The ordinary reader publio and not only, or even principally, to the will accept such statements even in cases wbere scholar. The remarks which I intend to make in Mr. Smith's authority is not comparable with the following are not intended to detract from that of his opponents. More reserve would not, the value of Mr. Smith's book. They are offered I think, bave been out of place in many cases. in a perfectly friendly spirit for the consideration I shall take some instances. of the author, when he will have to prepare a third edition. I offer them with the less When speaking about the influence of Greek hesitation, as his own judgment about the civilisation, Mr. Smith on p. 226 in the text treats writings of others is often hard, whether he the hypothesis of the Greek origin of the Indian characterises the taste of a famous Indian writer drama as a proved fact, and only mentions in as the worst possible (p. 316), or categorically a footnote that most scholars are of a different declares the views of other scholars to be wrong. opinion, Most readers do not care about footEven when his verdicts are less definite, I some-notes, and Mr. Smith's remark is sure to produce times miss the consideration due to excellent a wrong impression in wide circles. work : thus when he declares Senart's standard On the very next page we read that there is work on the Aboka inscriptions to be " largely no evidence that Greek architecture was ever obsolete.": introduced into India. It is very difficult to To return to the book itself, I think that some understand what he means in saying so. If he objection can be raised against its general plan. only wants to say that no really Greek building The treatment of the different parts is very is known to have been erected, the remark seems uneven. Generally speaking, the book almost to be rather superfluous. What he says gives the exclusively deals with Northern India, and it impression that only a few Ionic pillars can be gives the impression of being intended as pointed out as traces of Greek intluence. an interrsting sketch of such periods as are comparatively well-known rather than to furnish The remarks about the Gandbara sculptures are a well-balanced treatise of Indian History in its of the samr kind. We are told on p. 227 that entirety. This may be a result of the somewhat they are of late date and the offspring of popular character of the work, but even so I do not Cosmopolitan Graeco-Roman art. Scholars know think Mr. Smith is justified in filling 68 out of that this is Mr. Smith's private opinion, but 429 pages with a description of Alexander's Indian general readers will certainly get the impression Campaign, though this latter episode "may claim that it is the accepted theory, which is by no In this connexion it may not be out of the way to note that now odition of all the Aboka inscriptions by a competent scholar, is already under preparation,

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JUNE, 1908.] means the case. People who know inform me that the technique is certainly Greek and not Roman. Foucher mentions the fish-god with the double tail as one of the Greek elementa in Gandhara art. If this is the case, and I do not doubt it, it will probably be necessary to date the Gandhara sculptures back to at least the times of Menander, for the same fish god figures on a Mauryan rail dug out by Mr. Marshall and myself at Sarnath this winter. It cannot be urged against an early date for the Gandhara sculptures that they have developed the idea of the Bodhisattva, because it has not been, and I think cannot be, proved that the Bodhisattva is a late development in Buddhism. Nor does Mr. Smith's dictum that the Mahayana was largely of foreign origin carry immediate conviction. That the Gandhara school knew other Bodhisattvas than the prince Siddhartha, is certain enough. Maitreya with his flask, sometimes standing and sometimes sitting in European fashion, has long been recognised (thus in the Labore Museum Nos. 569, 572, 1127, 1211, 2353), and it is probable that also Avalokitesvara is represented. But the great variety of stereotype Rolbisattvas which we find in the Gupta period, does not exist in Gandhara. There are indications that the development. had set in which finally led to the differentiation of the Bodhisattvas by means of the ir Dhyanibuddhas. Thus, I have seen small medallions with a Buddha seated in Dhyanamudra over the head of some Bodhisattvas excavated by Dr. Spooner at Sahribahlol and now exhibited in the Peshawar Museum. If this is, as it would be in later art, Amitabha, the Bodhisattva is Avalokitesvara. And there are, as pointed out by Dr. Spooner, various forms of the head-dress, from which it will perhaps some day be possible to distinguish various Bodhisattvas. In this con nection I may note the curious half-moon in the head-dress of a Maitreya in the Lahore Museum (No. R. 2017). There are thus indications that the development resulting in the manifold Bodhisattva types of later times had already set in.. But the conception is throughout free, and the stereotype art of the Gupta period seems to be centuries removed from the best Gandhara school. It must be borne in mind that it is especially the latest phase in Gandhara art which has been imitated in India, and even in late Mauryan art there are things that point towards the Gandhara school. BOOK-NOTICE. 1 think it is very risky to base any conclusions on a theory like Mr. Smith's about the age of the Gandhara school, which does not account for important features and which is certainly not generally adopted. But the author probably 179 wanted the theory for his dating of Kanishka. He states, again categorically and without proofs, that the best examples of Gandhara art belong to the time of Kanishka and his successors, and "numismatic evidence alone proves conclusively that Kanishka lived at a time considerably later than the Christian era." I do not think that it is possible to dogmatise in this way. It seems to me impossible to bring Kanishka down to the same time as Chashtana and other princes mentioned by Ptolemy. The fact that the Kushana art in so many points seems to be a direct continuation of the Mauryan, is strongly against such an assumption. And I am unable to see how the Mathura inscription of Sondasa from Bamvat 72 can be placed in 105 B. C, while Kushana inscriptions found in the same locality and dated in the same way are brought down to the second century A. D., or later. But I do not feel competent to take up the thorny question of the Kanishka era. It still remains one of the most important problems in Indian history, though very much has of late been done, especially by Dr. Fleet, towards its solution. I think, however, that Mr. Smith would have done a greater service if he had pointed out more strongly how little advanced our knowledge about the matter actually is. This also applies to other parts of his book where he, apparently, brings order into the chronological chaos. His arguments are not always convincing. It is, e. g., not evident why the traditional period of 100 years assigned to the two generations of the Nandas should be impossible. It is a well-known fact that many Indian kings had exceptionally long reigns. I shall only refer to the fact that the Eastern Ganga king, Chodaganga, who ascended the throne in A. D. 1078, reigned for 70 years, and was succeeded by three sons, who reigned 10, 15, and and 25 years, respectively, while a younger brother of the last one, who is not expressly stated to be a son of Chodaganga, subsequently reigned 10 years. This brings the total for these two generations up to 130 years. I do not say that the traditional period assigned to the Nandas is correct, but Mr. Smith is hardly justified in putting it aside simply because it does not suit the chronological system adopted. On the whole I think Mr. Smith's book conveys the false impression that considerably more is known about the ancient history of India than is actually the case. Everything sounds so plausible, that nobody who does not know, understands how great the difficulty really is. In this connection I will also mention the tendency of the author to tell us that there is reason to believe the development has been such and

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180 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1908. such, or that certain solutions of the probleme are probable. The ordinary reader will think that there is sufficient proof in such cases, though very commonly there is not. I only wish to call attention to the statement that the oldest Burmese Buddhism was probably of the Mabaya. nist form, introduced from India. This theory appears to be very commonly held in Europe, and Mr. Smith already wrote about it several years ago. It was originally started by Mr. Taw Sein Ko, but the proofs adduced by him have failed to convince me. He takes his arguments from Burmese tradition, which is not a very trustworthy source, and, besides, he argues from some archaeological finds, which can, all of them, be satisfactorily explained in other ways. And so far as I can see, the whole foundation is so weak that the theory cannot be said to have been made probable. It would lead me much too far to take it up for discussion in this place, and I only want to point out that, in my opinion, it would bare been much better not to mention it at all in a book like that under review. The history of Buddbism does not, on the whole, play a great role in the book. The author remarks that his account of the Buddhist leanings of 'two Gapta kings is new. It has, howere', been known for some time that the rule of the Guptas 'saw the highest development of Buddhist monasteries in India. Not less than three big Gupta monasteries bave been found in Sarnath alone, and we know also that Kumaragupta dedicated statues to the Buddha. Some of the author's remarks about topography are also misleading. Thus the dusignation of new Rajagriha as the lower town, while the old and new towns are on a level, though the old one is surrounded by hills; the remarks about Kanishka's stupa as situated at Shahji ki-Dheri outside the Lahore gate of Peshawar, though the locality an question lies just outside the Ganj gate, and it is extremely doubtful whether it really marks the site of the old stopa ; and above all, bis statements about the site of Srava.tt. I have personally always thought that the excavation of the famous Bodhisattva statue at Set Mahet was sufficient proof that that place is the old Sravasti, but Mr. Vincent Sunith has not admitted this. Now, Dr. Vogel has found the mutilated inscription on the umbrella staff belonging to the statue among the antiquities found by Mr. Hoey in Set Muhet, nnd deposited in the Lucknow Museum; and Panlit Daya Ram bar, some months ago, found a copper-plate in Set Mahet registering a donation to the Jetnvana. I think that most scholars will consider these proofs as sufficient. I do not think it would be fair to give a complete list of the details where I think the author's statements will have to be nodified. The above remarks are only meant to illustrate the most serivus defect of the book, the insufficiency with which the author quotes his authorities and gives his reasons. Those who do not know are often usuble to decide whether an individual statem-nt represents an established fact or simply a hypothesis by the author on the whole, however, I think that Mr Vincent Smith's Ancient Iistory of India is an extremely useful book, for wbich we have every reason to be thankful. The proof-reading has not always been sutis. factory. Compare the nasty misprints Kushan (the printer bas introduced this form througbout); Kautalya(p 38); Kaima (p 193 ); sh.shtra (p. 199 ); Vusishta (P. 197); Ku gyur (P. 250); jay-askandhavara (p. 367), and so on. Some etymologies offered by the author such as Kharwar = Gabarwar; Thanesar =Stlantisvara; Bhil= Villavar, might also be challenged. But most of them are of no importance for the history of the period The state of affairs is a little different where he uses the forun Chada occurring on Andhra coins as a support of the tradition of the Puranas that there was an Andhra king Chandra. In the first place I fuil to see how chada can correspond to Banskrit chandra. In the second place, the actual name occurring on the coins is Chalasata, and that this is the real name is proved by an inscription found some time ago by Mr. Rea on the top of & hill at Kodavalu in the Ganjam District. Though the impressions I have seen aro insufficient for giving a full translation, it is quite certain that it begins : sidhari rano Vasithiputasa sami-siri-Chadasalasa savachhare .... STEN KONOW. ? Wben dealing with the Guptas on p. 276 1. the anthor makes a curious statemont which cannot but create confusion. He first mentions the satrap Rudradanan (middle of Pud century), and then proceeds to state that Sansudragupta (4th century) received an ombasay from Rudratons, son of Rudraciman, without drawing attention to the fact that this is a different Rodradi.man. In connexion with tho Guptas I may also mention the questionable use of so common term as "augmenting and viotorious roign," on p. 260. Or similur kind is the printing of a "fac-simile" of Harsha's handwriting on p. 318. I think everyone will agroe with the lato Prof. Buhlor, that if king Haraba really need there characters in signing all legal documents, he must have been a most accomp.isbed penman, and the care of gorernment ind the conquest of India must have left him a great deal of leisure." Compare also the use made of the word jayaskanahdudra on p. 367.

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JULY, 1908.) REFERENCES TO THE BHOTTAS OR BHAUTTAS. 181 REFERENCES TO THE BHOTTAS OR BHAUTTAS IN THE RAJATARANGINI OF KASHMIR, Translations and Notes on the Sanskrit Texts BY PANDIT DAYA RAM SAHNI. Notes from the Tibetan Records BY A. H. FRANCKE, The References oontained in Kalhana's Bajatarangini. Kalhana Rajat. I, 912 contains a note on & raiding expedition into Kashmir undertaken by impure Daradas, Bhauffas, and Mleochas in the days of Mihirakula, o. 510 A. D. Kalbana Rajat. IV, 168, refers to Lalitaditya-Maktapida's expeditions against the Bhauttas, probably c. 722 A. D. Kalhana kajat. VIII., 2886-2888. The pretender Bhoja, who rebelled in the reign of King Jayasimha, 1120-1149 A. D., is advised by his Dard allies to march through the Bhautta territory to the seat of the powerful Trillaka. Whether he acted according to this advice or not, we do not know. Tibetan Notes. It is only with regard to the second reference that any light can be thrown from the Tibetan records. The Tibetan emperor Khri-srong-lde-btsan, who reigned from c. 728 to 786 A. D., is said in the rGyal-rabs to have conquered all the neighbouring nations, the Chinese, the Baltis, the Turks, and the Dards of Gilgit (Brushal). All Western Tibet was in his power. His successful campaigns must have taken place after 750 A, D, for in 751 A. D. the Arabs gained a victory over the Chinese and compelled the latter to abandon Gilgit, as well as their other possessions in the extreme West. See Stein's Ancient Khotan, Sect. II and III. That Khri-srong-lde-btsan's name was known in Western Tibet, is made probable by the Baln-mkhar Inscription (see ante, Vol. XXXIV, p. 203), where the custom-house officer mentioned in the inscription was plainly called after the emperor, his name being Khri-shong 'abum-ydugs. The power of the Tibetan empire in those days is attested by the Annals of the Chinese Tang dynasty, aud perhaps also by the eighth century Inscription at Endere in Tibetan, which speaks of a victory of the Tibetans over the Chinese. See Stein, Ancient Khotan, Detailed Report, p. 569, Inacription 0. So that it is quite possible that before 750 A. D., the Kashmiris did assist the Chinese daring their successful wars with the Tibetans, the object of which was to gain a foothold at Gilgit, as shown by Chavannes and Stein. . As Kalhana's Rajatarangini has been already exhaustively treated by Dr. M. A. Stein, it is necessary to do more here than merely mention the references to the Bhauttas which are cuntained in that work. + I wish to draw attention to Sarat Ch. Das' note on Braithea, Bruzka, or Brwka (forms of the name of Brushal, se, Gilgit). He says: "We have in the Ka-'agyur certain treatises in ingomprehensible syllables seserted to be in the Brasha language." These treatises are apparently written in the ancient Dard language, and should be of the greatest importance as relics of an ancient Dard literaturo. * (For srong).

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182 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1908. The best proof of a former Tibetan occupation of Gilgit is the occurrence of a considerable number of Tibetan words in the Dard language of Gilgit. The following are a few specimens: chunno, Tib. chungba, small; tiki, Tib. taki, bread; darum, Tib. darung, yet; kore, Tib. kore, cup; zanglug, Tib. sangbu, copper-kettle; zhu, Tib. zhu, greeting; gushe [boni], Tib. gusces, to bow; [hegga] mi sto, Tib. mi sto, does not matter.' -A man called Gholam Shah, or Gholam Ali, from the house Komer (Yarrakot), Gilgit, tells me that on a stone in his field there is an ancient Tibetan inscription and an old mchod-rten, also containing a Tibetan inscription. Tibetan cremation tablets can be found there as well. - II. Jonaraja's Rijatarangini (verses 157 The history of Rinchana Bhoti. (157) At that time the Bhotta princes, named Kalamanyas deceitfully slew, in their territory, one Vakatanya, the son of a descendant of their dynasty, together with his kinsmen. 254.) - (158) One of his (Vakatanya's) sons, Rinchana by name, honourable and possessed of an uncommon intellect a wild fire (as it were) to the Kalamanya family, escaped by chance. (159) Having patched up an alliance with Vyala, Takka and others, who had combined together with secret plans and policies, he resolved to vanquish those fools (Kalamanyas). (160) Through a messenger, he requested his enemies to enroll him as a servant, for his funds were running short. (161) With his weapons concealed in sand, that lion among men (Rinchana), awaited them (the Kalamanyas) on the banks of the river, in order to drink their blood and not (to receive) riches. (162) The Kalamanyas who approached the place unarmed, were destroyed by Vyala and the others, like grass, by the fire of the axes (formerly) hidden in the sand. (163) Having washed off the soil of the treason against his father, with the blood of his enemies, he went away to Kashmir together with his kinsmen for fear of the remaining enemies. (164) The sun of the lands suffered in the sky the rise of Rinchana, like that of Rahu, as a safeguard against the ascendency of that full-moon, Ramachandra. (165) In that fire - Dulucha who consumed the country with his flaming swordall the people of Kashmir became like moths. (166) The eastern and northern districts being occupied by Dalcha and Rincha, the people first fled in the western and then in southern direction." The text has Kalamatri, evidently an error. * Dulucha, a Turkish (Turuska) invader. [Dr. J. Ph. Vogel]. The region of Yama, the God of Death, lies in the south. (167) (Like) punnaga plants laden with fruit and requiring shade, the distinguished and wealthy (though) seeking protection, were threatened in the valley by a flood of water in the shape of Dulcha, and on the mountains, by the wind-storm, Rinchana. Suhadeva, King of Kashmir.

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JULY, 1908.) REFERENCES TO THE BHOTTAS OR BHAUTTAS. 183 (168) The swift soldiery of Rinchana carried away the inhabitants of Kashmir like a swift kite, a young bird fallen from its ) nest. (169) Having acquired wealth like water from the Bhoffas by the sale of the people of Kashmir, the raving Rinchana held all quarters like a thunder-cloud. (195) Bybis prowess did Dulcha overpower (the country, and when he was gone), Rinchana became predominant. Unchaste women are happy (when) darkness prevails over the world. (196) Rinchana obscured the king delivered from Dalcha, by his increasing supremacy as does the western mountain, the moon freed from an eclipse, by its lofty peak. (197) Seeing that san, Rinchada, standing on the top of the mountain of heaven, who did not suspect the imminent decline of the moon-like king ? (198) Ramachandra, the moon of his race, at every step opposed that royal falcon Rinchana in his attempt to seize the piece of flesh in the shape of the city (Srinagar). (199) Bent on fraud, Rinchana every day sent Bhotas into the Labara Fort under the pretence of selling cloth. ( 200 ) When the Bhotts people hed thus been introduced into the fort of Lahara, Rischana caused their weapons to drink the honey of Ramachandra's blood. (201) The large-armed Rinchana planted on his breast queen Kota, that kalha-creeper in the garden of Ramachandra's house. (202) For fear of the illustrious Rinchana, the king (Suhadeva) then left the town; how could prosperity sprout in one burnt by the fire of a Bruhmana's curse (203) Afraid, that jackal of a king took refage in the Pramandala (?) cave; how could such a sinner encounter death on the battle-field ? (204) Oh marve!! The cloud of enemies, by showers of the blood of the king on the battle-field, dried the eyes of the twice-born who (by the king) had been made 'to pay fines. ( 205 ) For nineteen years, four months less five days, did this demon of a king devour the land under the pretence of protection. (206) The illustrious Saratrana (Sultan ) Rinchana gave rest to the land weary of the Yavana disturbances, in the lofty window of his arms. . The next twenty-five verses (170-194) contain a description of the oppression, Duloha perpetrated in Kashmir, and the devastation accompanying his invasion. . The metaphor is taken from the fact that a roasted seed cannot pat forth sprouta.

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184 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1908. (207) The district of Kashmir saw again the welfare (enjoyed ) under its former kings, as on the disappearance of darkness a man sees everything as he did before. ( 208 ) The Lavanyaslo who had been so firm at every place, trembled before the prowess of the king, as do lamps in a strong morning breeze. (209) When a hole had been made by the needle of the king's ) stratagem, and the thread in the shape of an arrow passed through it, Oh wonder, the wallet (patched garment) of the Lavanyas became loosened (instead of fastened ). (210) Where, like a naked man in a thorny wood, he (Rinchana ) was entangled, even there did he roam like a bird in the sky. (211) Though prompt in showing kindness, he for the sake of his subjects' weal, never showed forgiveness to a wicked person, whether son, minister, or friend. ( 212 ) Having caused a division among his powerful enemies of increasing prosperity, he once went hunting, 12 shining with his royal parasol. (213) On the way, Tukka's brother, Timi by name, tormented by heat somewhere in a village, (took ) by force some milk from a cowherdess and drank it. (214) When questioned by the king, who was at once informed by the cowherdess, he denied it all. (215) Since the cowherdess, though suspected of falsehood, did not lose her firmness, the king caused Timi's stomach to be cut open, in order to ascertain the truth. (216) By the stream of milk, which gashed forth from his severed stomach, the fame of the king and the lovely face of the cowherdess were brightened. (217) Two mares belonging to two inhabitants of Vanavala bore, in a certain forest, two colts which much resembled each other. (218) The young of one of them having been killed in the forest by a lion, she treated the other colt as her own, owing to its similarity in appearance. (219) "This is mine, this is mine": thus did the owners of the mares quarrel with each other, and being unable to settle the matter, approached the king. (220) The king having listened to their dispate, cansed the two mares and the colt to be brought to him by his own men. (221) Since the colt, owing to its youth, playfully gamboled far and wide, (both ) the mother and the nurse showed their affection and even neighed. 1. Foudal land-owners or barons, also called Dimaras. [Dr. J. Ph. Vogel.] 13 Zochodana. L it a proper namO? [D. R. 8.).

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JULY, 1908.) REFERENCES TO THE BHOTTAS OR BHAUTTAS. 185 (222) As the judges were deaf and dumb, and the parties ready to quarrel, the king took the mares with the colt in a boat to the middle of the Vitasta. (223) When the sagacious king then threw the colt overboard, the mother at once jumped after it into the river, while the other (only) neighed. . (224) When that king decided dubious cases in this manner, the people thought that the golden age had, as it were, returred. (225) When the king entreated the illustrious Devasvamin to initiate him into Saivism he was not admitted, because as a Bhotta he was not deemed a proper recipient. (296) Owing to his devotion to the sole service of truth, Viyalaraja was to the king a brother, son, minister, companion, and friend. (227) Vyola could undo the deeds of the king, but not the latter of Vyala. The mind can put down bodily action, but not the body that of the mind. (228) The pleasure of the king reflected on the tasteful Vyala, that store of art, destroyed the impenetrable ignorance of the people, as does the light of the sun, reflected on the watery moon, the darkness of the world. (229, 230) When Dalcha was ready to invade Kashmir, Udyanadeva was at once deputed by the king, to turn him back by means of bribes; but when Dulucha refused and entered the country, he fled out of fear to the country of Gandhara, as soon as he got an opportunity. (231) The illustrious Udyanadeva intent on taking advantage of the king's) weakness, and relying on the chief of Gandhara, thus addressed Takka and others : (232) "You will, methinks, go down to hell alive, since craving for honour, you serve an indiscriminating master. (233) Vyala enjoys the prosperity acquired by you at the risk of your lives; the hands exert themselves and the tongue enjoys. (284) The king rolling in wealth, gives all prominence to Vyala and disregards you, though you belong to a high caste, as Siva with his limbs besmeared with ashes, makes the serpent his necklace and discards golden ornaments. (935) On the pretext that he had drunk some milk, the king killed Timi like a fish, (in reality ) out of fear of your valour." (236) Hurt by this message and overwhelmed (lit., blackened) with grief, Takka and his companious attacked the king at once at Vimsaprastha. (237) By (a shower of ) blows from their own) sharp swords, Vyala drove out of their hearts their envy of his sovereignty. The king only fainted. (238) They (the enemies ) then thinking themselves victorious, freed from anger by his (the king's) death and paffed up with pride, entered the city in order to seize the kingdom.

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186 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1908. (239) Afraid of receiving another blow, the king for a while lay like one dead; but when he saw the enemies far advanced, he rose again to his royal state. (240) While these poor-witted men ascended the king's residence, they beheld the kinz approaching, who had recovered from his swoon. (241) "Why did you not, why did you not slay the king?": thus did those wicked fools at that time violently accuse each other. (242) Angry with each other, they pushed one another from the royal palace and caused their own destruction, which otherwise ) should have been caused by the king. (243) The angry king impaled the wicked survivors ; he thus raised them high, but down they went to hell. (244) The pregnant wives of his Bhotts enemies, the wrathful king split asunder with his sword, like pods full of seeds (aro split) with the nails. (245) The pain in the king's heart arising from his anger at their treason was allayed by the destruction of their race, but not that in the head caused by the blows of their swords.. (246) Having witnessed, for a while, the deeds of Takka and the others, like an evil dream, the land, so to speak, woke again and free from fear, obtained peace. (247) Pleased with Shab Mir who had taken no part in the treason, the king entrusted to him his son Haidar, as well as his (Haidar's) mother Kota, to bring him up. (248) Reared by queen Kota, like a sprouting plant in the rainy season, the boy) enjoyed the protection of Shah Mir. ( 249 ) The king built after his own name a town which was surrounded by a moat which was (as it were ) the disgrace arising from his defeat. ( 250 ) Like the sun on a cloudy day in Pausa, the king again illumined the world for a few months. (251) By a disorder of the wind-humoar brought about by the bitter cold, of winter, the pain in the king's head became more intense. (252) Alas! the headache of the king, whose virtues were ever capable of relieving the pain of numberless heads, went on increasing. ( 258 ) On the eleventh lanar day of Pauza in the year 99, the headache of the king was at last relieved by the physician Death.12 (254) Having protected the earth for three years and two months less eleven days, king Rinchana went to heaven. 11 The date of his death corresponds with Friday, November 25th, A. D. 1923. [Dr. J. Ph. Vogel.]

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JULY, 1908.) REFERENCES TO THE BHOTTAS OR BHAUTTAS. 187 Tibetan Notes. The Ladakhi Chronicles contaia only a very short passage which seems to have reference to Rinchana Bhoti of Kashmir. It is this: "His (Lha-chen d Ngos-grub's ) son was Lhachen rGyalbu Rinchen (or Prince Binchen, the Great God )." It is somewhat difficult to reconcile the Kashmiri record with this short notice. According to Jonaraja, v. 157, it was the murder of Ritchana's father, a Vakatanya, by a tribe of Kalamanyas that caused his departure from Tibet. The word Kalamanya probably stands for men of Kharmang,' Kharmang being the capital of a tribe of Baltis. And it looks almost as if the Baltis had at that time tried to overthrow the Ladakbi dynasty. The term Vakatanya may refer to the Castle of Vaka near Mulbe, which was in the bands of the Ladakhi kings. We shall hardly, however, ever get beyond conjecture with regard to the political state of Western Tibet of those days and must not expect the Kashmir chronicler to have troubled much about Rinchana's early history. There are, nevertheless, three reasons in particular which make us believe in the possible identity of Gyalbu Rinchen and the Binohana of Kashmir: (1) the fact that the Tibetan record speaks of Riachen as a prince (rgyalbu ); (2) the identity of name; (3) the identity of time. With regard to the latter point the following may be added. My first attempt at a chronology of the Ladakhi kings is found in my article The Rock Inscriptions at Mulbe,' ante, Vol. XXXV, p. 72 ff., where Lhachen Gyalbu Rinchen is given the second place among the four kings who reigned during the 14th century. This infers that in the ordinary course he reigned in Ladakh between 1325 and 1350 A. D. But we now find from the Kashmir record that Rinchen left Ladakh quite as a young man, and that his reign in Kashmir lastod only from 1320-1823. This would make my date for the commencement of his reign too late. As there is no break in the succession of Ladakhi kings, we suppose that a son was born to Rinchen, before he left Ladakh, but how the government of Ladakh was managed during the minority of Rinchen's son, we are not told, There is another little item which may be adduced in proof of the general correctness of my chronology above mentioned. Of Rinchen's father, Lhachen dNgos-grub, it is stated that the Lamaist Enoyolopaedia, Ka--'agyur, was iutroduced into Ladakh in his time. This would point to the two first decades of the 14th century as the date of the introduction, which is exactly the period when the Mongols also received the Encyclopaedia for the first time. It may be said, however, that Rinchaua Bhoti could just as well have hailed from Zangskar, Purig, or Baltistan as from Ladakh, but until we can find an historical record of those countries, we must be content with such scanty evidence as the above from Ladakh. It is remarkable also that Ladakhi folklore contains an ancient song, which relates the departure of a Prince Rinchen from Ladakh. As tegards the names in Jonaraja's Chronicle. Rinchana is the Tibetan Rinchen; Kalamanya is Tibetan mKhar-mang; Vakatanya is Tibetan Vaka (?); Tukka is probably Tibetan 'a Brugpa (pronounced Dugpa or Tugpa). With regard to the name Vyala, two explanations may be given: (1) the name may have always been Vyala, for we know that Indian names were used in Ladakh in former days; (2) the name may have been originally Byaraba, Tibetan for sentinel,' the Kashmiris changing the word byaraba to Vyala on account of similarity of sound. Timi is perhaps a corruption of a compound name, the first part of which was Tibetan khrims (pronounced thim), custom, law.

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188 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1908. III. The Expedition of Zainu'l-abidin of Kashmir against the Bhottas. (8) Jonaraja's Bajatarangini. Dr. J. Ph. Vogel writes about this passage in a letter to myself, dated the 1st September, 1906: 'I intended to send you the passage about Zainn'l-'abidin's expedition to Bhogaland also, but it is rather obscure ......' In a letter dated the 11th August, 1966, Dr. Vogel had, however, given me the general contents of the passage in question as follows: Zainu'l-'abidin of Kashmir (1420-1470) invades Gogga-desa (Guge ?), saves a golden image of Buddha from the hands of the Yavanas ( Muhammadans ) in Saya-desa, and takes the town of Kuluta (Kulu), which apparently at that time was occupied by the Tibetans. (b) Srivara's Rajatarangini. Taranga 1, v. 51. Having conquered the outlying provinces of Sindhu and Hinduvata, the king (Zainu'l-'abidin ) marched with his army to conquer the Bhoffa country.' Translator's Note. The date of this event is not stated in the Sanskrit text. But since Jonaraja, whose chronicle narrates the history of Kashmir till the year 1459 A. D. does not notice it, it is very probable that the expedition mentioned in the above stanza took place some time in the last or fifth decade of Zainu'l-abidin's reign, i.e., between 1460 and 1470 A. D. Tibetan Notes. Although the Ladakhi Chronicles do not mention any expeditions of the Kashmir kings to Western Tibet, they contain a reference which becomes intelligible only through our knowledge of the Kashmir Chronicles, viz., that one of king'aBum-lde's sons has the half-Muhammadan name, Drungpa Ali. The occurrence of such a name at that time is quite extraordinary, but we can explain it in the light of Zainu'l-abidin's expedition. The Lalakhi king was probably compelled to seek the friendship of the Kashmir king, and may have accepted from him a wife from among his relations. A similar case occurs in the history of King 'aJam-dbyang-rnam-rgyal, who, after he had become the captive of the Balti king, Ali Mir, had to marry one of his danghters, The expedition which is mentioned in Jonaraja's Chronicle, may have taken place during + lo second decade of Zainu'l-'abidin's reign, and the fourth of king 'a Bumlie IV, that is, between 1430 and 1440 A. D. In Schlngintweit's Die Konige von Tibet, Abh.der K. Dairischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Bd. III, p. 862, king 'a Bumlde's son is called a tributary king, as if he had paid tribnte to Kashmir. I wish to state that the translation tributary king' is due to a mistake. Schlagintweit's MS. has the orthographical mistake glays rgyalpo, 'king of wages, when hlayi rgyalpo, 'godly king,' was meant. As regards the place-names given in the Kashmir Record : Saya-desa is probably the village of Shel, pronounced She, above Leb, on the Indas, which village has apparently always been famous for its large Buddhist images. Gogga-desa is doubtless Guge.

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JULY, 1908.) REFERENCES TO THE BHOTTAS OR BHAUTTAS. 189 Dr. Vogel's note, that Kuluta was probably occupied by the Tibetans at that time, is quite in agreement with Ladakhi history. The king of Kuluta was in a loose way a vassal of the kings of Leh. The route taken by Zainu'l-abidin was that taken by the Ladakhi king, Ths-dbangrnam-rgyal I. later on, when he went to Guge and Parang, and returned to Ladakh by way of Kulu and Lahaul. of the expedition of King Zainu'l-abidin, which is mentioned in Srivara's Chronicle, we hear nothing in the Ladakhi Chronicle. It may have been directed against Baltistan. IV. Adam Khan's Expedition to Tibet. Srivara's Rajatarangini. Taranga I. (a) v. 71. Being afraid of his (Adam Khan's) assassination, the king ( Zainu'l-abidin) sent his son away after a few days by the road leading to Bhutta. Translator's Note. Adam Khin was the eldest son of Zainu'l-'abidin, the younger ones being Haji Khan and Bahram Khan. Adam Khan and Haji Khan hated each other, and the latter conspired with some officers of the State against the life of the former. It was to avoid this danger that the king ( Zainu'l-abidin ) bad to send away his eldest son. (b) V. 82. When in course of time, Adam Khan had returned to Kashmir) having conquered the Bhotta country, Haji Khan marched to the mountain of Lobara under the king's (Zainu'l-'abidin) orders. Translator's Note. It is not possible to find out the precise date of this event, but that it probably took place in 1451 A.D. may be inferred from Srivara I,. 86, which supplies the Lankika year 28 (A. D. 1452) as the date of Haji Khan's return from the campaign referred to in the verse translated above. Tibetan Notes. Adam Khan's expedition must have taken place during the reign of the Ladakhi king bLo-gros-mobog-ldan, who reigned from c. 1440-1470 A. D. No mention is made in the Ladakhi Chronicles of a war with Kashmir under him. The expedition may have been conducted against Baltistan,

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190 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JULY, 1908 The Expedition against Tibet under Hasan Khin. Srivara's Rajatarangini. Taranga III. (a) v. 82. By his ( Ahmad Malik's ) advice ( the king Hasan Khan ) sent back to the Bhorta country those who, having been taken captives by his father (Haji Haidar Shuh ) and grandfather (Zainu'l-abidin ), lived in captivity. Translator's Note. This passage alludes to the liberation of prisoners by asan Khan (King of Kashmir, from A. D. 1472 to 1484 ), soon after his coronation. Ahmad Malik was his favourite minister. (b) v. 896. They (the Sayyids (?) and other opponents of Ahmad Malik), the adherents of the minister (ayukta) Natthaka, observing the king (Hasan ) favoured him (Ahmad Malik) and being nnable to fight, left the country Kashmir ) and went to the interior of the Bhotta country. Translator's Note. The expression ayukta-Natthakad yas is doubtful. I have ventured to take Natthaka as a proper name. This pagsago alluden to the internecine hostilities of the ministers of Hasan, King of Kashmir. Tajibhatta, guardian of the Crown Prince, Muhammad Khan, and the Sayyids (P) were jealous of Ahmad Malik, the beloved minister of the king, and had succeeded in exciting the king's anger against him. Ahmad was, however, wise, for not only did be not himself take offence at his opponents' conduct, but he also presented his powerful son, Nauroz, from engaging in a contest with the Sayyids (?), etc. The king afterwards became reconciled to Ahmad, whose enemies had. consequently to abandon Kashmir. This took place in the tenth regna) year of Hasan, i.e., in A. D. 1482; see Srivara, III, 391. We learn however) a few verses farther on, that the king changed his mind again, and that Ahmad died in prison. (O) v. 440. Desirous of conquering the Little and Great Bhotta countries, the Sayyids (?) sent the illastrious Jahangir and Nasir (or Nasir ) on the expedition. (v. 441). The two Sayyida (P) (Jahangir and Nasir) did not follow the Margesa's advice that, if they went together, their work would succeed. Translator's Note. The control over all these frontier-stations and the command of the Marchen,' generally was invested in Hindu times in one high state officer, known by the title of Dvarapati', Lord of the Gate,' or sumo equivalent term. The organization of the system was somewhat changed in the Muhammadan times, when the guarding of the several routes through the mountains was entrusted to feudal chiefs known as Maliks (Skr. margesz). These held bereditary charge of specific passes, and enjoyed certain privileges in return for this duty. Dr. Stein, Rajat., transl. II, p. 391.

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JULY, 1908.) REFERENCES TO THE BHOTTAS OR BHAUTTAS. 191 (d) v, 442 - 444 One of them conquered the country (Bhota ), and entered the capital in glory. The other was fearful and, having been captured, saved himself by a trick. (v. 448). Out of consideration for a time, even a brief description is not given (says the author Srivara) of the slaughter committed by the Bhotas, who attacked the (Sayyid's ?) army from behind. (v. 444). Bahadur Aghi and some other servants of the old king (were consumed ) like motbs in the fire-like battle with the Jyuluhanas and Bhuttas. Translator's Notes. According to Dr. Stein, the terms Little and Great Bhutta-land refers to Baltistan (Skardo ) and Ladakh, respectively. In the time of Hasan, the Sayyids were exceedingly powerful. The Jahangir referred to in v. 440 was Margeaa or Margapati (Superintendent of Passes ) and minister in the time of asan. The term Jyuloh ina occurring in v. 444 denotes some such people as the Bbotas, and the five verses quoted above describe a campaign against the Bhotfas by Jahangir and Nasir in the reign of Hasan (s.e., about the year 1483 A. D.). The leaders though desirous of invading the territory together, did not actually do so. The result was that only one of them was successful, while the other sustained a miserable defeat at the bands of the Bhofas, Tibetan Notes. This expedition which ended in the defeat of the Kashmir army, probably took place during the reign of the Ladakhi king Lhachen Bhagan, who reigned about from 1470-1600 A, D. He deposed the last king of the first dynasty, and was the first king of the second (rnam-rgyal) dynasty. Of this king it is said in the Ladakhi Chronicles that he was very fond of fighting,' bat we are not told whom he fought against. The change of dynasty and the great confusion resulting from it, may be the reason why the historical accounts referring to the latter half of the 15th century are particularly meagre. It is, however, very probable that it was Lhachen Bhagan, who inflicted the blow on the Kashmiris, and that in consequence of this victory, he was enabled to make himself supreme king of Ladakh. The consequence of this victory was that the Kashmiris came no more on raiding expeditions into Ladakh. Since I wrote my article Archaeology in Western Tibet,' ante, Vol. XXXVI, p. 89 ff., it has occurred to me, with regard to the Inscription of Lhachen-Kun-dga-rnam-rgyal at Daru, that it is possible that it refers to Lhschen Bhagan, on the ground that the founder of the Nam-rgyal Dynasty may himself have taken a new title containing the words mam-rgyal. , Jyulchina is very probably a Tibetan word, bat hardly a proper name. It may be a corruption of the Tibetan words rgyal then, or rgyaloan, the former meaning great king' the latter victorious.' if Jyuloba na stands for rgyal-ohen, it would probably point to Lhaohon Bhagan, who had made himself supreme king, the deposed members of the old dynasty having become rgyal-chuny, or little kings.' VI. The Bhottas in Prajyabhatta's Bajatarangini. (1.28). At that time (in the time of Fath, pronounced, in India, Fateh ) through the predomination of Kali there was a remarkable ) equality of all classes of people, whether they were wicked or virtuous, learned scholars (Bhattas) or Bhoftas, actors or rogues.

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192 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1908. Translator's Note. Fath was King of Kashmir from 1486 to 1513 A, D. Being incapable of governing himself, he entrusted the discharge of royal duties to his Margapati and minister, Ibrahim. The latter proved worse than the king and so misused his powers that the country was a scene of utter lawlessness during the whole of that reign. Tibetan Notes. At first sight this text would make it appear that there were Bhottas among the subjects of the Kashmir kings. This is not probable, for Ladakh as well as Baltistan were independent possessions during the 16th century. But the trade between the Panjab and Yarkand, through Kashmir and Leh, was probably carried on without any interruption, and this trade brought many Ladakhis and Baltis to Kashmir. They had there not only a rest-house of their own, but apparently also a Buddhist place of worship. There is a masjid below the castle hill of Srinagar, which is still known as the Bodo Masjid, and that it was formerly a Buddhist temple is shown by the fact that behind the white-wash on the walls the pictures of Buddhist saints are to be found. This is well known to all Ladakhis. Conclusion. In conclusion I may say that the Muhammadan Chronicles of Kashmir seem to contain material which is of importance to Western Tibetan history, though as yet a single instance only has come to my notice. It is in the Tawarikh--Rashidi written by Sultan Sa'id's son in Kashmir. It is there stated that in 1581 A. D., Sultan Sa'id of Kashgar invaded Tibet (Ladakh) with an army of 5,000 men and died on his way back. This is very probably the same expedition ng is mentioned in the Ladakhi Chronicles under King bKrashis-nam-rgyal I., who reigned during the first decades of the 16th century, probably till about 1595 A. D. I cannot think that Sir Walter Lawrence drew upon Mohammadan sources when he wrote his account of Rainohan Shah (Binohana Bhoti) in his Valley of Kashmir. He calls Rainchan Shah the founder of the Jama Masjid and of the shrine of Bulbul Lankar. With regard to this statement, Mr. Nicholls says : 13 "The first line of the inscription over the gate-way of the Jami Masjid at Srinagar is illegible. but the Tarikh-i-Kashmir Ayami states that the mosque was first built by king Sikander the second and then burnt down. The second line of the inscription says that after several years Hasan Shuh rebuilt it. Since then the insoription records other fires and restorations. A manuscript from which I have taken an abstract, records that Sikandar But-shikan first built the mosque, and it goes on to mention its being burned down and rebuilt by Hasan Shah and Zainu'l-'abidin. I have no evidence regarding the building of the mosque by Rinchana, the Ladakhi king of Kashmir, and should be glad to know on what the sapposition is based .. ... I regret I have no notes regarding the Bulbul Lankar.'" Sir Walter Lawrence may have based his statement on popular tradition. The man from Gilgit mentioned above who visited the Jama Masjid, tells me that people connect the Jama Masjid with the Ladakhi king of Kashmir, because, in the court of the masjid, there is an ancient stone-sculpture with a Tibetan inscription, which is believed to date from the time of the Ladakhi king. 13 Dr. Vogel's letter to me, dated the sth November 1908.

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JULY, 1908.) TAMIL HISTORICAL TEXTS. 193 TAMIL HISTORICAL TEXTC. BY M. K. NARAYANASAMI AYYAR, B.A., B.L., AND T. A. GOPINATHA BAO, M.A. MADRAS. ('Continued from p. 173.) No. II.-Iraiyagar=agapporul. Nature of the work. This is a treatise on the subject of love (agapporul). It deals mainly with the analysis of the mind in lovo and incidentally also with courtship, elopement, marriage and such other topics. To give an exact idea of what is meant by agapporu! we shall take the dafinitions of poru! and agam as given in the commentary of Nachohinarkkiniyar on that classical Tamil grammar, Tolkappiyam. Porul is defined as the three purusharthas (dharma, artha and kdma or in Tamil aram, porul and inbam ), their transitoriness and (moksha), liberation from these three; and that division of rhetoric, which deals with porul, as defined above, is called porulzadigdram: thus we see that porul=adigaram is universal in its character and embraces every variety of subject bearing on human life. Porul - adig dram is divided into two classes, purapporul and agapporul. Of these purapporu! deals with the deeds of the warrior hero outside the family circle, -- mainly with war; agapporul has for its subject love, pure and simple, which is defined in Tolkappiyam (p. 2); as "the happiness which is generated by the coming together or meeting of two lovers equally devoted in their love, which happiness continues even in their separation as an inner feeling towards the other, indescribable in its nature." Agapporul is further divided into kalaviyal and karpiyal. Kalaviyal is described both in Tolkdpiyam and Iraiyanar=agapporul as being the same as the gdndharva system of marriage described in the Sdstras of the Brahmanas,' while karpu is defined as the union in marriage of & woman and a man of proper lineage and with proper ceremonies. The essential distinction therefore between the two consists in that kalavyal analyses the sentiment of love as exhibited in secret courtship, whereas karpu deals with that sentiment in the married state. Iraiyapar - agapporul, in treating of agapport, comprehends within its scope both kalavu and karpu. Description of the work : The work consists of sixty sutras and there is attached to it yery masterly commentary in tho finest Tamil prose. The commentary gives a very interesting tradition of the three Tamil Sangams, about which so many conflicting things havo been written. For faller information regarding the subject the reader is referred to Prof. M. Sasbagiri Satri's Essay on Tamil Literature, and to Mr. V. Kanakasabhai Pillai's Tamils Eighteen fundred Years Ago." Authorship. Satras. The payiram portion of the Commentary attributes tho work to Somasundara, the Siva deity at Madura, and the story it gives as to its origin is shortly this: 3 - In the time of the last of the Forty-nine Kings, who patronised the third or the last Snigam, and went by the name of Ugra = pperu - Valudi, there was a severe famine, and the king, finding it impossible to support the learned men who were gathered round him, requested In the former article insert the following errata. Page 170; Footnote 2. add :"(vide Trapdtaka 8, Anutaka 1, Section 14)." Pago 171. For lambiyar = enam ollam rondellam. 1 See page 81 of Tolkappiyam-porudikdram, edited by Damodaram Pillai, Madras, 1885. 1 The references to the Traiyartrigapport in this work are to Mr. Damodaram Pillai's second edition printed at Madras, whiokoontains a long but very misleading introduotion, Soo for this soooont, pp. 6 to

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194 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JOLY, 1908. them to scatter themselves to seek their livelihood. After the lapse of twelve years, when the rains fell and the country attained its normal state, the king sent his emissaries to gather the scattered scholars. They were able to bring only those who were versed in orthography, syntax and prosody. But they could find none who were versed in poruladigaram. The king exclaimed: "Are not these three subjects useful only as aids to the porul adigdram? My getting these is as though I never got tbem." The god Somasundara, perceiving his trouble of mind, determined to remove it, - seeing that it was in pursuit of knowledge. He, therefore, composed these sixty stras, engraved them upon three copper-plates and placed them anderncath the pitha, or platform, on which the image of the deity was placed. The next morning, the priest of the temple, after sweeping and cleaning the whole temple, unlike his usual custom, began to clean the base of the platform also, when he was overjoyed to find the set of copper-plates with the poruladigaram engraved upon them. He ran with the copper-plates to the king, who saw the special grace of the deity towards him and gave the work to the poets of the Sangam, to be interpreted and explained. The several poets gave conflicting interpretations and, finding themselves unable to come to an understanding, went to the king and requested him to nominate an umpire to give an authoritative decision. The king replied that the forty-nine poets of the Sangam were the best literate of the land and that it was impossible for him to nominate one better than themselves, and advised them to pray Somasandara himself to vouchsafe to them an umpire. While they all lay within the temple praying to the deity, a voice was heard thrice repeated, which said: "In this place is a damb boy aged five years, named Rudra-Barman, who is the son of Uppuri-kudi-ki Ar (= the headman of the village of Uppari-kuli). Do not slight him as a mere boy, but seat him on a pedestal and recite to him the various commentaries composed by you. Whenever he hears the true interpretation, tears will come into his eyes and he will manifest symptoms of pleasure, but he will remain unmoved when the interpretation is not correct. He is the deity Kumara' (i. e. Subrahmanya) and has taken this birth owing to a carse." Hearing this voice, all the poets arose and, after circumambulating the temple, they approached Uppuri-kudi-kilar, related to him these circuinstances and requested him to permit his son to be taken with him. With his permission, they adorned the boy, and seating him on the elevated Sanga platform, they all sat down below and recited their respective commentaries. He heard all without any symptoms of pleasure, except occasionally when the commentary of Madurai-MarudanifanAgapar was recited. But at every word of Nakkirer's Commentary there were evident signs of pleasure exhibited by him. Thus was Nakkirar's established to be the truest. intrepretation, The Commentary then continues the story thus: - "On account of this some say that the Commentary is by Budra-Barman, the son of Uppari-kudi-kilar. But he did not compose it, he only heard it. Thus the fact is that the work itself was composed by the deity of Alavay, the Commentary by Nakkirar, and that the latter was heard by the deity Kumara. We shall now relate how the Commentary was handed down. 1. Nakkirar, the son of Maduraik-kanakkayapar taught it to Kiravi-korrapar; 2. He taught it to Tepur-kilar; 3. He taught it to Padiyan-gorranar; * The reference is here to the custom, according to which people will not leave the temple until the deity vouches their requests to them. 1.6., Madura.

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TAMIL HISTORICAL TEXTS. JULY, 1908.] 4. He taught it to Selvatt-asiriyar Perunjuvanar;" 5. He taught it to Manalar-asiriyar - Puliyankayp-perunjendanar; 6. He taught it to Sellar-asiriyar Andaip-perunkumaranar; 7. He taught it to Tiruk-kunratt-asiriyar ; 8. He taught it to Madavalanar Ilanaganar; 9. He taught it to Musiriy-asiriyar Nilakantanar. Thus does the Commentary come." This is a free rendering of the very interesting account given in the Commentary regarding the origin of the work. The tradition is that all these events took place in the reign of Ugra-ppera-Valudi and that the Commentary itself was written at that time by Nakkirar, the president of the Sangam. The date of the work we shall discuss later on in the light of the facts disclosed by the verses quoted in the Commentary. But we may observe that the Commentary itself clearly negatives the tradition that it was actually written down by Nakkirar. No doubt it might have been the fact that the substance of the work was what was propounded and taught by Nakkirar to his disciples; and this seems to have been handed down from generation to generation, till at last Musiriyasiriyar Nilakantanar, or his disciple, might have reduced the work to writing. Illustrative verses in the Commentary. There are more than 400 of these, of which 315 only, in praise of a king going by various names, such as Nedumaran, &c., are serially numbered. These 315 form the larger portion of a species of composition called kovai, which according to the Tamil grammars should consist of 400 verses in the kalitturai metre. These verses will form the material for our study. From an analysis of these only one conclusion is possible, viz., that they refer to one individual alone. The hero of the Kovai. The hero is named Nedumaran of the Pandya Dynasty. That he is a Pandya is evident from the following verses and designations which denote a Pandya: Vv., 1, 7, 44, 83, 89, &c. Minavan - -v. 11, &c. Neriyan- vv. 19, 80, &c. Panchavan - vv. 20, 51, &c. Tennavan vv. 23, 36, 65, 76, &c. -- 195 - Evidently a mislection of Parunjuvaranar. 7 vv. 1, 7, 44, 68, 89, &o. 10 v. 16, 35, 41, 56, 67, &o. 13 vv. 149, 172, 193. 16. 163. 17 v. 315, The surnames of the king: -(1) Uchitan, (2) Parankaean, (3) Vicharitan, (4) Varodayan,10 (5) Arikesari,11 (6) Ranantakan,13 (7) Sattura-durandaran, 13 (8) Visaiya-charitan, (9) Kali-madanan, 15 (10) Manadan, 16 (11) Rapodayan, 17 (12) Maranis (13) Nedumaran.19 vv. 8, 18, 27, 35, 71, &c. 11. 22, 28, 47, 52, 55, 144, &c. 14 vv. 158, 239, 296. 18 vv. 6, 25, 68, 74, 77, 80, &c. See Panniru-pattiyal under kovai. vv. 12, 4S, 68, 161, 170, 176, &o. 135. 13 15 vv. 175, 189, 264, 291. 1 vv. 34, 49, 70, 72, 79, 81, 84, &c.

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196 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1908. Personal characteristics of the king. That he was a dark man appears from the descriptions : 'kuru-md-mani vannan,' r. 141 (he who has the complexion of the large blue jewel), and .kar-rannan pol vannan,' o. 145 (he whose complexion was as that of the cloud-coloured Vishau ). He was a great lover of the Tamil language, as he is called :- tindami! vendan, ov. 1, 26, 67, &c. (the king who belongs to a race having sweet Tamil as its language), and ant - Agattiyantdy = urai - taru tin = damil ketton, v. 89 ( he who learnt classic Tamil as spoken in the days of old by the sage Agastya.)20 In Verse 228, Nedameran is described as having churned the ocean and obtaining nectar therefrom given it to the Deves. The same facts are mentioned in verses 284 and 304. Perhaps he was regarded by the poot as the incarnation of Vishan. Battles won by the king : -- (1) Sennilem, vv. 1, 17, 20, 58, 65, &c. (2) Pali, v. 3, 18, 51, 78, 88, &c. (3) Vilinam, vo. 4, 7, 10, 30, 59, &c. (4) Kottaru, t. 5, 36, 86, 149, 234, &c. (5) Arrukkadi, bu. 6, 11, 26, 29, 43, &c. (6) Palandai, v. 8, 12, 27, 31, 87, &c. (7) Serur, dv. 9, 16, 44, 46, 52, &c. (8) Naraiyaru, v. 15, 18, 23, 57, 100, &c. (9) Kadaiyal, v. 19, 21, 24, 34, 39, &c. (10) Nelveli, ov. 22, 53, 106, 116, 145, &c. (11) Manarti, ov. 38, 42, 175. (12) Vallam, vo. 40, 99, 108, 119, 181, &c. (13) Vesmatta, vv. 45, 237. (14) Kalattur, ov. 120. (15) Nedungalam, op. 164, 180, 186, 188, 197. (16) Sangamangai, v. 202, 286. (17) Irunjirai, ov. 205, 269. (28) Mandai, vo. 255, 261. (19) Kulandai, op. 257, 293, and (20) Vataru, v. 305. Of these battles, those occurring at Arrakkudi, 21 Palandai,a Sevur, 23 Kadaiyal, 24 Naraiyaru,25 Kottaru, 2 and Vilinam, 27 were fought with the Cheras. At Kottara, Pali and Kadaiyal the king is said to have encountered a number of kings (vv. 398, 162 and 39). The battle of Naraiyaru was probably a naval one (vr. 57 and 292). 10 Agastya is said to be the author of Parajattiyum, the earliest grammar of the Tamil language, whioh is now only known by quotations. The author of the earliest extant grammar, Tolkappiyandr, is said to have been his isciple. The work under discussion describes the Per sagattiyam as being extant in the first and second Sangams. 2 v. 6. vv. 8, 94, 118, 110. 33 wu. 16, 41, 92, 155. v. 24, 36 v. 57, 187, 292. 16 v. 149. 1 v. 288

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JULY, 1908.] TAMIL BISTORICAL TEXTS, 197 His titles. The king is styled Vanavan (Chera). Sembiyan and S630 (Ohola), and Tennavan (Pandya). He was so styled, because he claimed to have conquered the territories ruled over by the Cholas and Cheras. He is also called Ponni-na Jan (Lord of the K&veri country). v. 309, and Kanni-pPeruman ( lord of the country about the Cape Comorin ), s. 36. His date. The two Sinnemanar Plates recentiy discovered by Mr. G. Venkoba Rao give the following genealogy for the early Pandya998: (1) Jayantavarman. (2) Arikesarin, Parankusa, Mara varmon; conquered the Pallavas at Sankaramangai. (8) Jatila. (4) Rajasimha I. (5) Varaguna Maharaja. (6) Srimara, Srivallabha, Ekavira, Parachakrakolahala ; conquered Maya Pandya, Kerala, Simhala, Pallava and Vallabha. (7) Varagu avarman. (8) Parantaka, Viraneriyana, Sidaiyan, fought at Kharagiri, siezed Ugra and destroyed Pennagadam. Married Vanavan-Mahadevi. (9) Rajasimba II. alias Mandaragaurave, Abhimana mera. The Annimali Insoription of Parantaka aligs Maranjadaiyan, discovered by one of us and pablished by Mr. G. Venkoba Rao, gives the date 770 A. D.33 With the aid of the information gathered from these sources, we can find the period of Arikosarin Parankubs alias Maran of the poom we are discussing. The hero is said to have fought at Sangamangaand Nelvoli against an anmentioned foe. From the fact that the former place is situated near Conjeevaram, the capital of the Pallavas, we might infer that it must have been fought with Pallavas. This conclusion is borne out by the statement made in the Sinnamandr Plates, where Sangamangai is called by the more correct name of Sankaramangai. Mr. V. Venkayya rightly guesses that this battle must have been the same as that fought by Nandivarman Pallavamalla and his general Udayachandra at Sankaragrama, and hence Maravarman alias Arikesar. Paranknsa must be the contemporary of Nandivarman Pallavamalls of the Udayendram grant. This Pallavamalla is supposed to have died about 760 A. D. The Parantaka-Maranjadaiyan of the Anaimalai Inscription has been identified by Mr. G. Venkoba Rao with No. 3 of the genealogical table given above, and should therefore be the son of the hero of the poem. Nedumaran of Iraiyandr - agapporul, therefore, being the father Parantaka alias Maran-Sadaiyan or Jatila, whose date is 770 A. D., and being & contemporary of Nandivarman Pallavamalla, who died in 760 A, D., must have lived during the middle of the 8th century A. D. The date of the Stras. In addition to the narrative we have given in fall above, which occurs in the payiram portion of the Commentary, there is a passage at the end of that portion, which says that the Satras were composed during the time of the Pandya king Ugrapperu-valudi, or the last of the 49 kings who patronised the last or the third Sangam, the 2 vo. 74, 77, 180, 117, &o. * vo. 207, 304, Bembiyap is the same as Cholap. 39 v. 177. 11 . 117. ** The Annual Report of the Assistant Archeological Superintendent for Epigraphy, Madras, for 1907, D. . >> Ep. Ind., Vol. VIII., p. 317.

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198 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JULY, 1908. reason for its composition being that the deity of Madurs took pity upon the king, who was sincerely regretting the loss of poru! - adigaram 4 Who this king was we are not in a position to say definitely in the present state of historical knowledge of that period. But he does not seem to be identical with the Nedumaran of the illustrative verses. This much is certain from the pdyiram, vis., that the composition of the Stras was contemporaneous with Nakkirar, the original propounder of the Commentary. We saw above how the pdyirar portion of the Commentary relates that the substance of the Commentary was composed by Nakktrar and handed down to pine generations of disciples. Thus it appears probable that Nakkirar taught the interpretation orally to his son, which was similarly transmitted by him down to Musiri-biriyar Nilakantapar, who, or whose disciple, probably reduced the matter to writing. Coming to the body of the Commentary, the fixed point from which we should start is furnished by the references to the Pandya king, Nedumaran, in the illustrative verges, whose uge we have assigned to the middle of the 8th centary A. D. In regard to these verses there is but one possible theory, viz., that they were subsequently added by the person, whoever be was, who might have reduced to writing the matter handed down orally from Nakkirar. Then the date of Nakkirar, and consequently the date of the Satras, should be earlier than the middle of the 8th century A. D. Anyhow it cannot be earlier than 750-270 = 480 A.D.; working backwards by allowing the usual 30 years for each of the nine generations of pupils. This is the earliest possible date, but perhaps the true period in which the Sutras were composed lie somewhere between 500 to 700 A. D. Place names mentioned in the work. Of the places that are mentioned in the work aome might be easily identified; thus: Vilinam is situated on the sea coast 7 miles South of Trovandram. Kottara is a flourishing town near Nagarkoil in South Travancore. Palandai is perhaps the modern Palam in the Tinnevelly District, notorious for its Marava highwaymen. Kadaiyal is the modern Kadayam, a station on the Qailon-Maniyachchi branch of the South Indian Railway. Kulandai is also in the south of the Tinnevelly District and contains a Vaishnava temple praised by the Srivaishnava Alvars saints ).38 Vaatara another place sacred to Vishoa and sung by Alvars, is situated in the South Travancore 36 Nelveli is Tinnevelly, the chief town of the district of the same name. Sangamangai is near Conjeeveram and is noted as the birth-place of the Saiva devotee Sakya-Nayanar.37 Sevar is known to be the scene of a battle fought between the Chola Parintaks II and Vira Pands. According to this work, it was also the site of a battle fought between Nedumaran and the Chera king. Henoe, it must be looked for in the south of the Tinnevelly District. We are unable to identify the rest of the places. . *See p. 11. This is very strange. since the payiram says that the Tolkappiyam, which contains the entire Dorul adiadram, was current during the 2nd and 3rd Saagams and it surviven in its entirety to the present day. What had become of the Tolkappivam in the days of Ugra =pper valudi? * Nammalvar. * Nammduar. >> Vide Sikya Nayaydr Purdnam, rerse 2, Periyapurdnan.

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JULY, 1908.) ANCIENT HISTORY OF THE NELLORE DISTRICT. 199 ANCIENT HISTORY OF THE NELLORE DISTRICT. BY V. VENKAYYA, M. A., RAI BAHADUR. Introduction. INDIAN antiquities have often been the hobby of hard worked District Officers and there is no doubt that to them Indology - including folklore, epigraphy, ethnology, numismatics, and literature - has been more indebted in the past than to the professional archaeologist. In Southern India the contributions of Mr. F. W. Ellis, the linguist, Sir Walter Elliot and Dr. Burnell to historical research are well known, To Mr. Sewell we owe the foundations of systematic archeological work in the Southern Presidency. The viceroyalty of Lord Carzon and the great importance he attached to Indian monuments have, no doubt, led to a great deal of interest being taken in the subject throughout the country. In the Madras Presidency the cause of historical research has been greatly strengthened by the addition to antiquarian ranks of two senior Civilian officers, viz. Mr. A. Butterworth, I. C. S. and Mr. V. Venugopaul Chetty, I.O.S., on whose Collection of the inscriptions on copper-plates and stones in the Nellore District" this article is mainly based. The historical interest of the former and the literary tastes of the latter have apparently led them to combine together and undertake the arduous task of printing in one volume all the stone inscriptions and copper-plates found in the Nellore district. The two editors certainly deserve to be congratulated on the successful completion of their self-imposed and disinterested undertaking. Those who are conversant with the work of editing inscriptions will appreciate the anxiety and trouble to which the two gentlemen must have been put, particularly because both of them were not working in the same district all through the period. The editors are naturally disappointed at the poor regults of their laborious undertaking. It is true that if these two gentlemen had devoted their energy to a tract of country possessing more ancient and valuable monuments, they would have made a more substantial contribution to South Indian bistory. All the same, the fact of their having oxhausted the inscriptions of a district cannot be overlooked. No doubt, excavation under skilled supervision - particularly in the northern portion of the district1 - may bring to light more monuments. But for all practical purposes we may proceed on the supposition that all the inscriptions of the Nellore district have been secured. Linguistio Value of the Nellore Inscriptions, In the first place it may be remarked that the collection of Nellore inscriptions has a linguistic value. The district appears to have been in ancient times one of the localities where the Tamil and Teluga races came in contact. The traditional boundary of the Tamil country is Vengadam, i.e. Tirupati, in the north, according to the Tamil grammar Narpul, composed about the beginning of the 13th century A. D., though at present the prevailing language at Tirupati is Telaga. The author of the Nanndl evidently repeated what he found in the Tulgappiyam, the earliest Tamil grammar, where Vengadam and Kumari, are said to be the northern and southern boundary, respectively, of the Tamil country. 1 The archaio fragments and damaged insoriptions found in the Ongolo (0.and . 39), Kandukar (KR. 31, KR:32, KR. 67, and KR. 69 ) and Kanigiri (KG, 6 and KG. 25) Alakas and the Darbi (D. 2 and D. 7) and Podili (P. I) divisions justify this surmise to a cortain extent. Sirth-Ind. Inacrt., Vol. III., p. 122.

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200 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARI... (JULY, 1908. The word trilinga (to which Telaga has to be traced ) is connected by Vidyanatha, the author of the rhetorical work Pratdparudriya, with the three famous lingas of Siva, viz. those at Kalahasti, Daksharama, and Srisailam. This derivation does not represent the extent of the Telaga country. The three places might depote roughly the extent of the dominions of the Kakatiya king Prataparadra, whose protege Vidyanatha was, and who floarished about the end of the 18th and beginning of the 14th certory A. D. At any rate, this does not in any way help us to find out the southern boundary of the Teluga country. Of course, when the Tamil grammar gives Tirapati as the northern limit, it cannot moan that the Tamil language was unknown beyond that place. In more ancient times, the Tamil race probably extended farther north. The Chola king Karikala seems to have been remembered in the Nellore districts even better than in the modern Tamil country. Consequently, it may be presumed that during his reign, and perhaps also during the period represented by the Tamil classics, the northern boundary of the Tamil country was further north than Tirupati. It may be argued, however, that the reminiscences of Karikala in the Telugu country cannot be taken to represent the extent of country over which Tamil was spoken at his time. They can at beat denote only a temporary occupation of the Teluga cocotry by the Cholas daring the time of Karikala. The volame of Nellore inscriptions proves that, even at the time when the Tamil Nampal was composed, the language was understood and might have been spoken much further north than Tirupati. The northernmost village in the Nellore district, where Tamil inscriptions have been discovered, is Pakala in the Kandakur Talaka. Here were found three Tamil records more or less damaged. Two of them belong to the last quarter of the 13th century, while the third is andated. Telaga inscriptions of about the same period are also found in the village, and I happose the fact of some being in Tamil is due to the accident of the donors in these cases belonging to the Tamil country. In fact, the donor in one of them was from Uttaramallur in the Chinglepat district. Similarly, an inscription at Simbachalam in the Vizagapatam district belonging to the time of Kulottunga I. is in Tamil, because the donor hailed apparently from the Tamil country. Such stray records are due to accident and cannot prove any thing. But in the Atmakur taluks of the Nellore district. Tamil inscriptions have been found in foar villages, vis. Atmakur, Battepadu, Chiramana and --Navura. Three of them belong to Kulttuiiga III., and in one of them Chiramana (Sirumagai) is said to be sitaated in Jayangonla-Cha-magdalam (A. 26), which was the name in ancient times of Tondai-nada," i.e. the Pallava dominions. In the talukas of Nellore, Gudur and Rapur, and in the Venkatagiri Zamindari, Tamil inscriptions are more numerous, while all the villages of the Sulurpet division have them. Consequently, the volame before us establishes beyond all possible doubt that, in the southern portion of the Nellore district, Tamil was known in the 12th, 13th, and 14th centuries. Telugu must have taken the place of Tamil in this tract of country after the Vijayanagara kings extended their dominions thither. The same change appears also to have taken place in the south-eastern portion of the modera Caddapah district. These facts show that we must accept with reservation the statement of Pavalandimuni, author of the Tamil Nannal, as regards the northern limit of the Tamil country. . Anto, Vol. XXI., P. 198. .. Sea by Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1905-8, Part II., paragraph 44. * In the sequel it will be shown that a number of looal families in the Telugu country and partioularly in the Nellore distriot claimed descent from this ancient Chola king. . Annual Report on Epigraphy 1899-00, paragraph 22. W. know from other inscriptions that Tonlai-ulca extended in the West as far as Panganur in the North A root district: soomy Anual Report on Epigraphy for 1909-7, Part II., paragraph 88. * See also my Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1903-04, paragraph 14 See my Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1907-8, Part II., paragraph .

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JULY, 1908.) ANCIENT HISTORY OF THE NELLORE DISTRICT. 201 Paucity of early Inscriptions in Nellore. As regards the history of the district, what strikes one on looking through the 1,400 pages of the volume of Nellore inscriptions is the paucity of materials for the earlier periods. This characteristic the distriot shares with the rest of the Teluga country on the east coast. It is true the other coast districts of the Teluga country have not been exhaustively explored. But so far as they have been examined, the same characteristio feature of their antiquities is noticeable. No doubt, the history of the country has been made out largely from copperplate grants. The Eastern Chalukya dynasty which held sway -- Bocording to an inscription of the 11th century from the river Mannera to Mahendragirio --over the districts of Ganjam, Vizagapatam, Godavari, Kistna, Guntur, and the northern portion of Nellore, is represented mostly by copper-plate grante. Only two exceptions to this general rule occur in the Nellore volume. At Badamanarayalapada in the Podili Division (P.1) is a carious inscription which, like the Amaravati pillar11, has to be read from the bottom upwards. It is dated in the 12th year of Visbnuvardhana-Maharaja. Vishnuvardhana was a title borne by no less than ton of the Eastern Chalukya kings. Bat as the alphabet of the inscription is archaic, there is no doubt that it has to be assigned to one of the earlier kings bearing this surname. The other early Chalukya stone inscription belongs to the time of Vikramaditya-Maharaja (D. 2) of the Chalukya family, who, if he was an Eastern Chalukya at all, must be Vikramaditya II. (11 months A. D. 925 to 926 ).12 It is a significant fact worthy of record that Teluga literature cannot be traced beyond the period represented by the earliest stone inscriptions of the Telugu country. Names of poets belonging to earlier periods have, no doubt, come down to as. Bat none of their works has survived.13 Though these facts do not admit of satisfactory explanation at present, they deserve to be registered for future investigation. (To be continued.) 10 Ep. Ind., Vol. VI. p. 335. 1 South-Ini. Inacr., Vol. I, p. 25. 11 Ante, Vol. XX, p. 209. 13 In his Lives of the Telugu Poets (p. 9) Bao Bahadur K. Viresalingam Pantola Garu mentions the fact and says it is reported to be due to an accident. He says that the whole country was once burnt down by foreign invadere, when all litorary mongmente disappeared. This seems to be surmise based on the name given to the country, viz. Vengt. Vengt-desamu or Vegi-debama, which is apparantly derived from the root vagufa. But the name existed already in the 4th century A. D., as it is myntioned in the Allahabad pillar insoription of Samudragapta, and the kingdom of Vengt was established in the 7th centary, as will be pointed out below. As most of the lithio records of this part of the country are not older than the 11th century and as the earliest known literary work is the Telugu translation of the Mahabharata made by Nannayabhatts in the same century (ante. Vol. XXVII, p. 245, fetaoto 1), this explaastion is not toasble. At any rate, the absence of and robitetural monuments oannot be accounted for in this way. Profesor Kielhorn has noticed the absence of stope insoriptions in the one of three families, vis, the GAhadavala kings of Kansaj, the Maitrakas of Valabhl, and the Eastern Chalukyas of Vogt (Bp. Ind., Vol. VIII, p. 149, footnote 8). Ho is of opinion that there must have existadoonsiderable number of stone insoriptions of one of these three families and remarks: "The stones on which these insoriptions were engraved have been probably used for building purposes or lie baried in the ground." The process by whioh the stones of deserted temples disappear gradually may be soon even now in illace For instance, at Eyil, in the South Arcot distriot, the Janus asked the Collector for permission to 88 the stones of the Bira temple for repairing their ow. If the permission sought for had been granted, no trace of the Sira temple would have been loft. The stones of the enclosure wall in the temple at Gangaikonda-Oholapuram in the Triohinopoly district were utilised by the Pablio Works Department in 1836 in building the dam Across the river Coloroon, kaowa as the Lower Aniont (Trichinopoly Manual, p. 313'). The rampart of the ruined fort at Kanpapar (near Triohinopoly ) is said to have been palled down by some "Nawab" and the stones used in building or repairing the Triobinopoly fort. It is also reported that the stones of onveral manda pas and of the onolosure of the tank in front of the temple (at Kapnagar) wore utilized for building the bridges over the Coloroon and the Kavert rivers. In earlier times, religions animosity played no small part in the destruction of ancient monumenta and their eventual disappearance. If the reigning king happened to be opposed to a particular orood, the monuments belonging to it stood very little chance of being proteoted against vandalism. On the other hand, wo hare authentio instances of anolont kings and chiefs utilizing tho materials of a monument belonging to an opposite orood in raising one to their own religion. For instance, the Tamil Periyapuranam informs us that . Pallava king, who Wu originally Jains, was sabsequently converted to the Baiva ored through the efforts of the Baiva saint Tirankakkaralar. One of the first acts of the convert was to demolish tho Jaioa buildings at Paliparam (near Tiruvadi in tbe South Aroot distriot) and build a Baiva temple out of the materials. Baddhism and Jainism word, common opponents of the Brahmsniol oraed, and it is easy to imagine how the Buddhist and Jalos monuments of the Telugu country have disappeared. The disappearance of the monuments belonging to the orthodox Hindu creed and of the stone incriptions of the Pallaras and Eastern Chalukyasemains to be satisfactorily explained.

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202 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JOLY, 1908. A VISIT TO RAMTEK. BY HIRA LAL, B.A., M.R.A.S.; NAGPUR. RAMTK is the headquarters of a tahsil in the Nagpur district of the Central Provinces. It derives its name from the temple of R&ma on the hill (tek or tekadi), at the foot of which the town is situate. It is regarded as a very sacred place in that part of the country, and an annual fair is held there in the month of Karttika commercing on the Parnima which lasts for a fortnight. The attendance at the fair is estimated to be 60,000. I visited the place just before the fair on 3rd November, 1907, and the following days, and took the opportunity of jotting down the following notes, especially in view of the fact that the archaeologists and antiquarians, who have visited the place, being mostly Europeans, have not had access to the principal temples. So far as I know, Beglar was the first archaeologist who visited the place in 1873-74. He has given & somewhat detailed account in his report, but he was not admitted inside the inner group of temples. Mr. Cousens, who visited the place 31 years afterwards, found himself similarly excluded. He writes in his report, that the European is permitted on sufferance to approach this holy of holies as far as the lower step of the inner gate, where he is met by a fat Brahman with an oleaginous smile, who politely informs him he may go no farther.' About 20 years ago when I first visited it, I was also about to share the same fate, but my cont saved me. I then grew & small beard, which dubbed me a Musalman in the eyes of the temple-keepers, but an intelligent fellow amongst them observed that I could not be one, because my coat, or more properly angarkha, was cut on the right side and not on the left. Ramtek has been held by some to be identical with the Ramagiri of Kalidasa's Meghadata. Rama is believed to have stayed for some time at Ramtek while Various names for Ramtek. on his way to Laika, and to have visited the place again from Ayodhya, after his installation as king, to chastise Sambaka for his audacity in practising the penance, which the Brahmans complained that he, being a Sudra, was not entitled to. The other old names of Ramtek are said to have been Sinduragiri the vermilion mount,' and Tapogiri or the mountain of penance. Both of them occur in the mutilated inscription belonging to the end of the fourteenth century, to be referred to further on. The reason assigned there for first of these names is that god in his man-lion incarnation killed the demon Hiragyakasipu on this hill, which became red like vermilion with his blood, but there can be little doubt that the name, as suggested by Mr. Cousens, was given because of the red stones, which when newly-dressed or broken, look almost blood-red, especially when the sun shines on them. The second name Tapogiri is said to have been given to it becanse the sage Agastya, who was born of a pot and had once drank off the ocean on getting annoyed with it, practised penance here. The Ramdyana says that Rama, after leaving Chitrakuta and visiting the hermitage of Sutiksbna, went to that of Agastya. On entering his abode he saw the places sacred to Agni, to Vishnu, 1 Included in Cunnigham's, Vol VII, p. 109 ff. * For 1906, p. 41. * Seo Rai Debi Preaad'(Parna), Dharddhara Dhdvana, an excellent metrial version in Hindt of Maghaddtas with critical footnotes, p. 3 ff. * Pragatra d&vt niharih rurarer voibhida vakshah karajai fit&graiki tadrakta pardrunitar tato ? yash .. :... (Here the line is broken off in the insoription). The Ramtek mahatmya also says:- Hiranyakafipor dahal pidit viahpund purdi raktana tena saruddi bhedito msichchhmdlayah i sindira radiso jatas tona Sindira partvatal . There was an Agnitirtha at Ramtek, which is mentioned in the inscription.

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JULY, 1908.] A VISIT TO RAMTEK. 203 to Indra, to the sun, to the moon and the other gods, and beheld the sage Agastya, surrounded by his disciples, clothed in the skin of antelopes and vestments of bark. The Adhydtma Ramdyana says that there were thousands of sages engaged in religious pursuits in this hermitage, and well raay the mount have been named Tapogiri. The temple of Ramachandra stands conspicuous amidst the group on the western end of the bill, some 500 feet above the town. With their many coats The group of Rama temples. of white-wash, these temples can be seen gleaming in the sunshine from a long distance. The group is enclosed within a citadel, said to have been built by the Bhonsla king, Raghujt I. (1743--1755). In front of the temple of Rama stands that of Lakshmana, both built in the same style, locally called hemadpanthi. They are made of hewn stones, well-fitted together without mortar, the mandapa before the sanctum sanctorum being supported by eight massive pillars. The idols are of black marble, and are said to have been found in the Dadhala tank, and to have been sabstituted for the original ones which had been or become mutilated. The other temples in the group are dedicated to Kausalya, Satya Narayana, the eight-armed Mahishasura-mardini and Dharmesvara Mabadeva (in one temple), Lakshmi Narayans, Vyankatesa, another Mahishasura-mardini? and Hanuman. Over the Lakshmi Narayaun temple there is a domed balcony called Rama Jharokha, which Beglar took to be the name of a god. Looking from this place down below, the RAmtek town looks like a beautiful map, the numerous tanks distributed in the various quarters of the town and the green fields on the ontskirts contributing much to the charming scenery. All these temples are included in the innermost court-yard, and there is also a palace said to have been the residence of the Suryavamsi kings, who came from Ayodhya and ruled there. There is also a platform with an arch, known as Kabir Chabutara, Kabir Asapa or Kabir Kamana, which is claimed by the Kabirpanthis to have been the place where Kabir sat, but the pujdris say that it was the swinging place of a Suryavansi princess. None but the higher-class Hindus are admitted within this court, the gate of which is named Gokula Darwaza. In the second court the principal place is the temple of Harihara with two statues. It is popularly known as the Dasaratha Temple, this name being more lucrative, as the pujdri informs the pilgrims that it is absolutely necessary for gaining fall religious merit to see the father first before seeing the Bon. Of course, no darsana is meritorious without a present. The entrance of this court is pamed Bhniraya Darwaza. The next court, whose entrance is called Singhpur Darweze, is occupied by temple servants. This was the place where the Marathas had their arsenal, of which a few wall pieces may etill be seen on the spot. The last court contains a very ancient and huge image of Varaha ( boar incarnation ) under a small flat-roofed temple ; and in another part there is a Manbhao temple dedicated to their black deities, Krishna and Devi. The gate-way of this court is called Varaha Darwaza, outside which there is a small masjid. There are various stories abont it, one of them being that the Musalman king, who wanted to despoil the temple, was attacked by a swarm of black bees, which prevented him from desecrating the inside ; so he built a mosque outside and left the place. Others say, 'Rama Rahim kd joda hai, "Where there is Rama, there is Rahim,' The other antiquities on the hill are two temples with huge idols of Narasimha holding Other antiquities. wheel in one hand, an old baoli, a very old temple of the dwarf incarnation called Trivikrama, of which only the portico remains, and a modern temple of Dhumresvara Mahadeva besides the remains of fort * On the bank of the AmbAlA tank there is still a temple dedicated to the sun + This is popularly known as Ekadasi.

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204 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JULY, 1908. walls. About two miles away at the eastern end of the hill, there is a cave dedicated to Nagarjuna. Down the hill the most notable places are the temple of Chandiku Devi built of massive blocks of hewn stone; the Kapur Baoli, which is a small square tank embanked on all sides with rows of temples, in one of which there is a slab containing mutilated figures of the eight Siddhis (likely to be now sabmerged in the new irrigation tank to be constructed by Government at a cost of about Rs, 18 lakhs); the Ambala tank with several temples on its banks, of which that dedicated to the San is noticeable; and other tanks and wells, such as Chakorda Talao, RAm Talai and Daskivamedha Baoli. There is also a group of Jaina temples and images which are all modern, oxcept the huge image of Santinatha, about 18 feet high, which is very old. The local Jainas say that Rama was of one of their parsuasion, and that when he visited Ramtek, he first worshipped SantinAtha, since when that image has been in existence. The Inscription, which has been incidentally referred to before, is affixed to the temple of Laksmana on the wall of the sanctum. The rough stone of the The Inscription. building is plastered with a black shining cement, which has the appearance of a real polished black marble. There used to be about 80 long lines engraved on it, but many are gone on account of the cement having fallen off. The major portion of the inscription is devoted to the description and religions efficacy of the tirthas at Ramtek and the surrounding places included in the panch krosi or 5 kose area, which is recorded in the Ramtek Mahatmya as baing protected from the influence of the Kali Age. The whole composition is in Sanskrit veraes written in beautiful characters, exactly resembling those in which the Kalacburi inscriptions of Ratanpar are found engraved. Indeed, when I saw it the resemblance was so strong that a mere look suggested that it might be a Haihaya vam record, which it finally turned out to be. The top portion, which is much mutilated, contained some historical data about the family of the reigning dynasty, of which the only suggestive phrases which remain are : 'Yadavovarban, Sri Sithana Kshonipater, and Sri Ramachandran. The last two names occur in the Raipur and Khalarf Inscriptions of the Haihayavanst king, Brahmadova, from which it appears that Brahmadeva's father was Ramachandra, whose father was Simhana. The mention of Yadavevaba further confirms their identity as Haihayas belonged to that race. Brahmadeva's inscriptions are dated 10 1402 and 1415 A. D. So his father must have lived about the end of the 14th century. This establishes the fact that the temples of this group are at least 800 years old. The tenor of the inscription shows that it was engraved when the temples were repaired rather than built, which would place their construction a century or two earlier. The Haihayas ruled over Maha Kobals now identified with Chhattisgash, but it once included all the country up to the confines of Berar, as would appear from Hiuen Tsiang's record. In fact it seems that in the 7th century A. D., the capital of Maha Kokala was somewhere in this part of the country, very probably, at Bhandak, which the Chinese traveller apparently visited. Latterly, it would appear that it was transferred to Raipur in Chhattisgarh, and the western portion must have remained in their possession, while the original house long established at Tummanall and subsequently at Ratanpur kept the eastern portion under their sway. * The orthodox way of calonlating this area is kos in each of the four directions and one towards the aky. * Cunningham's Reports, Vol. XVII, p. 71. 10 Epigraphia Indica, Vol. II, p. 229, and Indian Antiquary, Vol. XIII, p. 83. A village of this name with ancient remainsanknown to arohmologista, still exists in the Bildspar district. It is 45 miles north-east of Ratanpar. It is from this place that one of the kings removed his capital to Ratanpur. (Epigraphia Indica, Vol. I, p. 82.) Since I wrote the above, I visited Tummaps on 2nd May 1908, and dug out a saperb temple-door boautifully carved in the medieval Brahmanio tylo. I propose to give an aopount of this place in a separate article.

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JULY, 1908.) A VISIT TO RAMTEK. 205 With regard to the description of the holy places, many can be easily identified. Thus of the Ashtatirthas mentioned in the Insoription, the Pitsitirtha I take to be the Ambala Tank,13 where oblations to the deceased ancestors continue to be made. The Chakratirtha is the present Obakorda Tank. The Vajimedhatirtha is the present Dasksvamedha Baoli, and Ramatirthe, tha Ramtalai, at the foot of the hill. The Manikalakunda is, apparently, the Mansar13 Tank, about 4 miles west of Ramtek, and Hamsatirtha one of the two tanks in Nagardhen, five miles Bonth of Rimtek. Here there is an old temple of Mahadeva called Kotesvara, Dear which there is a tank that is said to be Samkbatirtha by some, and Suklatirtha by others. Hamsa (swan), Sankhs (conch-shell), and Sakla, all connote whiteness, and it is possible that these may be alternative names. There is another tank here called Pushkarini close to the fort, which is also visited by pilgrims when going the Ashtatirtha round. * The Inscription states that Lakshmitirtha was the most important of all, and this may possibly be the Japala Tank, from which the pilgrims begin their round. The eighth tirtha was, apparently, Mokshakunda, possibly the Kaamarika Baoli, which is reckoned as one of the eight tfr thas. It is stated to be situated to the south of the hill and, for aught we know, it may be ove of the two tanks at Nagardban mentioned before. The Sinduravapt on the bill and Karperav&pt down the hill, still retain their old names, and are known as Sindura Baoli and Kapur Baolt. The story about the former is that Narasimha, after killing the demor. Hiranyakabipu, threw his mace down, which fell with such an impact as to create a hole, afterwards the Sindura Baoli. The inscription mentions'mdtaro ashta Mahasiddhi, whose statue, as intimated before, is lying beside the Kapur Baoli, and the terrible-faced K Jika,' which may be identified with the goddess of the Chandika Temple. Sambuka has also been alluded to as that Sadra saint who attained salvation by meeting his death from the hand of Ramachandra, and known here as Dhumraksha.' The name is now changed to Dhamresvars, and is represented by a linga, over which a temple has been recently constructed, and is the first to be met with on the way to temple of Rama. This is believed to be the spot where Sambuka practised his austerities, and was killed by an arrow discharged by Rama from a place at the foot of the mountain, now turned into Ramtalai tirtha. The story is that, while dying, Sambuka asked for three boons at the request of Ramn, to wit, that his corpse might be petrified into a linga in sitri, that Rama should stay on the hill for ever, and that he should be first worshipped before Rama. These were granted, and this is why every pilgrim first makes offerings to the Dhumresvara Mahadeva before worshipping Rama. This story probably refers to the existence of a Saiva worship prior to the existence of the existing Vaishnava temples, and the concession made to the older creed. Several Saiva teinples are mentioned in the Inscription, such as Ghantesvara, Sudhesvara, Kedara, Ambikanatha, Dharmesvara, Muktisvara, &c., showing the predominance of a Saiva worship, and one of the gods, Dharmesvara, who derives his epithet from having given shelter to Dharma, whom Kali (Age) was pursuing, is even enshrined within the inner court of the Vaishnava temples. In the same court there are two Mahishasura-mardinis, the consorts of the Destroyer, and there is mention of Maha Bhairava, after whom perhaps the Bhairava Darwaza was named. 13 This is situated within the horse-hoe ourvo of the mountain. The Sinddragiri or Ramtek Mahatmya also mysi failasabhyantari chapi pitritirtham anultamani. 13 This is supported by the B'nddragiri Mahatmya where it is said that Mapikala is near Kidkra, which is to the west. Again Marikala narab matud Redirbam archayet much.' 'A wise man after bathing in the Maaikala should worship Hadimba The Hadimba hill is situated exactly on the bank of the Mausar tank.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1908. The other gods (outside the family 14 of Rama) mentioned in the Inscription are Nrisimha (man-lion), and Adi Kola, or boar incarnation, together with Anjaneya or Hanuman, but I could not find any reference to the dwarf incarnation, whose shrine appears to be the oldest on the hill. The statue is still on the hill with one leg raised, bat much mutilated, the details of which may be seen in two similar figures beautifully carved and placed in niches of two temples15 at Purt, within the enclosure of and near the great Jagannath temple. Lastly, the rivers Sura and Kalipa, which join near Ramtek and retain their old names are eulogised for their sanctity. It appears to me that this Inscription formed the basis of the Sinduragiri or Ramtek Mahatmya, expanded into sixteen Adhydyas as published by a local Press, but at Ramtek there is said to be a manuscript containing forty-two Adhyayas. 206 Nagarjuna. The most interesting place appears to be the cave of Nagarjuna, over the entrance of which a Malguzar has recently set-up a structure, to give it an appearance of a temple. This makes the place conspicuous, as the solitary white speck on the eastern end of the mountain can be seen from a long distance. Inside the cave there is placed a figure of Naga, and a human head supposed to represent Arjuna, worshipped with a meaning satisfactory to the vulgar. Those who claim to be more informed tell the tradition that Nagarjuna was a Brahman, who practised severe austerities in that cave, long before the advent of Rama to Ramtek. His penances ultimately secured him the boon that he would be an era-maker like Salivahana or Vikramaditya. This is yet to come, and the people believe it will. I am inclined to believe that this tradition has some facts underlying it. It discloses that one Nagarjuna lived in that cave long before the construction of Rama's temples, and although the evidence is not very great at present, I venture to surmise that this Nagarjuna was the great Buddhist reformer of ancient India, the founder of the Madhyamika philosophy. He appears in literature as a man of remarkable genius, as an almost universal scholar, a Buddhist religious enthusiast of rare liberality, a profound philosopher, a poet, and author of great literary abilities and an intense lover of his species.'16 It was not only as an apostle of Buddhism, however, that Nagarjuna was famous in his life-time and long afterwards both in his own land and foreign countries. He was also trained in all the learning of a Bramanical student; he knew the virtues and qualities of herbs, the secret influences of the stars, the science of alchemy and the arts of the magician and exorcist. He was so renowned as a physician and eye-doctor that the fame of his success reached China. Mr. Thomas Watters considers that he probably lived about the 3rd century A. D., and the general testimony as to his native place is that he was born in Vidarbha. 14 Sit and her sons, Kusa and Lava and Lakshamana, whom the composer of the Inscription describes paradoxically; mal&putramaytm iva kahitim imas vibhrach chhirobhir vibhu Brt Ramaratare harth sahachraral Samkho 2 py abamkhatmakak. Lakshmana though a snake (eamkha) by being an incarnation of Seshaniga, is not snake-souled. 15 I observed a slight difference in the subordinate figures of these statues. In the Ramtek statue there is a figure close to the leg on the ground, and an absurd story has been invented to the effect that the whole represents a brother and sister, the former kicking the latter (which the uplifted leg suggests), with the result that for that sin he got maggots in his other leg, which the sister, out of compassion for her brother, is pioking ont. Tho popular name of this statue is Bhau bahin,' i. e., brother and sister. 16 Watters' Yuan Chwang, Vol. II, p. 203 ff.

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JULY, 1908.) A VISIT TO RAMTEK. 207 A legendary account of him which Mr. S. C. Das, C.I.E, has given at some length from "Tibetan sources in the Bengal Asiatic Society's Journal, Vol. Ll., pp. 115 ff., states that a rich Brahman of Vidarbha, to whom no son had been born for many years, once saw in a vision that if he gave alms to 100 Brahmans he would get a son. He did so sccordingly, and a son was born, but the astrologers predicted that he would not live more than a week. They were, therefore, requested to find some remedy for averting such a calamity, and they said that his life could be prolonged for 7 years only if the parents entertained 100 Bhikshus. This was done, and the child lived on until the fatal seventh year began, when his parents, unwilling to see the painful end, caused him to be removed to a certain solitary place in company with a few retainers. As the boy was passing the last mournful days, one day the Mahabodhisattva Avalokitesvara K bakarpana visited him in diaguise, and advised him to go to the great monastery of Nalondra in Magadha, as the surest means of escaping from the hands of death. He, accordingly, repaired to that famous Vihara and informed the head of the monastery of his impending danger. The latter, thereupon, advised him to enter the holy order of monks. This saved him from the clutches of death and he was ordained a Bhikshu and commenced his studies there. After a few years' service in the monastery, he obtained the subordinate office of steward of the congregation. During the first part of the tenure of that office, Nagarjuna is said to have propitiated the goddess Chandika, by whose agency he succeeded in providing the great body of priests with the necessaries of life. He learnt other mystic arts, and by his religious practices he obtained the perfection of a Siddhi. The Nagas nsed to attend his sermoos in the shape of young boys and they invited him to their abode in the Nage-land (nether-world), where he spent three months. He was asked to settle permanently there, but he declined on the ground of his being required to preach the sacred religionin Jambu Dwipa. He returned to Nalendra with costly presents, and also with the religious volume called Naga Sahasrika. It was for this connection with the Nagas that he obtained the name of Nagarjuna. He afterwards visited many places, and then returned to his country, where he erected many chaityas and temples and composed many works on science, medicine, astronomy, and alchemy. When the high-priest of Nalendra died, he succeeded him and matured the Madhyamika philosophy, which had been merely conceived by hia illustrious teacher and predecessor. He finaliy became the head of the whole Buddhist church. Nagarjuna is said to have been a great friend of King De-cbye (Sankara) of Southern Iudia, whom he had converted to Buddhism. Both the friends took vows of meeting a common lot, i. e., to live and die together. Nagarjuna being a saint, no messenger of death ever ventured to approach him. The friends, therefore, attained to unusual longevity, during which time the king witnessed successively the death of his many wives, children, and grandchildren. In his old age the king got a son who alone, fortunately, survived him. Once the mother of this prince prepared & handsome robe, which she desired him to wear. The prince did not use it, saying that he would do so when he became a king. The mother with a deep sigh exclaimed: Son, how vain is that hope? Thinkest thou, my darling, that the king, thy father, will ever die. He has obtained immunity from death which awaits all mortal beings but himself.' The prince replied: "Mother, must I not rule as a king since I am born as a prince ? Live or die, I shall be a king.' Seeing the sou's resolution, the mother revealed to him the secret of her husband's death, and said, "Go and beg Nagarjuna's head and that shall quicken thy succession to the throne. The prince accordingly went off at once in search of Nagarjuna and found him on the top of Sriparvata. Approaching the venerable Sramapa, he asked him to present him with his head. Nagarjuna knowing what brought him there, consented. The prince tried several strokes of his sword to cut the saint's throat, but in vain. Nagarjuna, seeing the ignorance of the prince, showed him the secret which could effect the cutting off of his head, by saying : Prince, hundreds of such swords would not sever my herd from the body, but go and bring that kusa grass which alone will effect it.' In one of his former births, Nagarjuna is said to have killed a worm by cutting its throat with a stick of kusa grass. On account of the inevitable consequences of karma in this life, that very person

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208 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JULY, 1908 was born as the prince, who severed his head from his trunk with the kusa grass. At the time of death, Nagarjuna told the prince that he would rise again at a future time and his head would again be one with his body. As the prince was carrying off the head, it was snatched away by a yaksha, who threw it to a distance of five miles, where the saint's remains turned to a stone. It is mentioned in the book of prophecies that the head is now in the course of drawing every day nearer the trunk to effect its junction. It is said that Nagarjana will again appear in India, and live one hundred years to teach the sacred dharma to men and gods. To the Ramtek tradition all these details are unknown, but the little story related by the people has some striking coincidences,"7 viz., the existence of a petrified head associated with & cobra, and the tradition of Nagarjuna's revival to life at a future time. Apparently, these are not fortuitous, and the vicinity of Ramtek, to the ancient Vidarbha, the modern Berar, lends weight to the conjecture I have ventured to throw ont, viz., that the Ramtek cave may be the place where Nagarjuna awaited his death, after being sent away by his parents. Apparently, it is not the place where he was killed. That place lay somewhere in the south on the Sriparvata, as the legend relates, and which Mr. Thomas Watterslo identifies with Fa-hsien's P'o-lo-yue apparently, the same as Po-lo-mo-lo-ki-li of Hiuen Tsiang. In this place, which is placed three hundred li or about fifty miles south-west of the capital of Kosala, which I take to be Bhandak19 (about 120 miles south-west of Ramtek), the royal friend of Nagarjuna had & monastery quarried for him, which was certainly much grander than the modest Ramtek cave, as its description by the Chinese traveller discloses. According to the legend, Nagarjana's head was not allowed to remain in the place where it was cut. It was snatched away and thrown to a distance. May it not be that the Ramtek cave, which was originally intended to be the grave of NagArjuna, was, on his death, selected as a suitable place for depositing at least 1 portion of his supposed petrified remnants ? 11 Mark the portions italicised above. 18 On Yuan Chacang, Vol. II, p. 208. 10 In view of the foot that General Cunningham held that the onpital was Chanda, and Mr. Fergusson WAS inclined to take it a Wairagath, it seems necessary to state that in those two places the ancient remains are neither so extensive nor so old as those of Bhandak, nor are there any traces of Buddhistio remains, wherons Bhandak possesses them pretty abundantly, there being a Buddhistio cave and dagoba there still in a fair state of preservation. It, therefore, seems more reasonable to suppose that Hiuen Tsiang should have preferred to visit place containing Buddhistio shrines than otherwise. The Chinese pilgrim has noted that there were 100 angharama there, and 10,000 priests. There was a great number of heretion, who lived intermixed with the population, and also Deva temples. The king was of the Kshatriya caste, who deeply reverenced the law of Buddha, and was well affected towards learning and arts." This description very well agrees with Bhbndak which contains also remains of many old Hindu temples. An inscription found in the Bhandak cave, wrongly said to be brought from Ratanpur, shows that a line of Buddhistic kings belonging to the Pinduvami Kshatriya onste raled in that place even till the oth century A.D. (J. R. 4, 8., 1905, p. 621). One of the kings mentioned in it is identified by Prof. Kielhorn with the Udayans of KAlanjara inscription, in which he is stated to have founded a temple of the cod Bhadreavars there. This name of Biva in, to my mind, full of meaning. In Bhandak, the most sacred templo And perhaps the oldest (judging from a broken inscription in very old characters discovered in 1908, when Pandit Hrananda and I visited it), is that of Bhadranatha, eommonly called Bhadranaga, owing to the cobrs now being worshipped there, which, apparently, was originally dedicated to Biva. This name is synonymous with Bhadrosvars, and was, apparently, given after the name of the town Bhadravatt, of which Bhandak is universally believed to be a corruption. To a king of Bhadravati, the presiding deity of which would naturally be called Bhadranaths or Bhadr ivara, this name would, as a matter-of-course, be dearer than others, and he would, therefore, be inclined to give the same name to the temples built elsewhere by him, and that seems to be the reason why Udayana called the Kalanjar temple by that name. General Cunningham rojected the strong local tradition that Bhandak was old Bhadravatt, and the scene of the capture of the Sykmakarna horse ( described in the Jaimins Advamadha), by the Pandava hero, Bhima, from Yauvanava, whose palace is still pointed out. He endeavoured to prove that Bhandak was corruption of VAktak, which Drs, Buhler and Fleet have disallowed on philological grounds. No snoh objection, I think, would arise in identifying it with Bhadrdratt. And there can be no doubt about its once being a capital of Buddhistio kings.

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JULY, 1908.] Gang (took possession of Khorasan) I his son A BALLAD OF THE HAKLAS OF GUJRAT IN THE PANJAB. The Haklas, who claim to be Punwar Rajputs by origin, give the following legendary table of their descent:Alexander the Great 1 his son 1 Raja Jagdeo of Mathra Godam Raja Bhagwana BAJA Sang&na Raja Hik or Raja Hikdev his descendant Raja Bara MISCELLANEA. his descendants for 14 generations ruled Mathra, among them being: Raja Nand P&l Masa his son 1 MISCELLANEA. Dhor Dhol (Dhabal) grandson-dethroned by Shahabu'ddin Ghori. They say that Bhagwana was the most powerful Punwar ruler of his time and that his son Sangana ruled over Mathra and Narwarkot, with an army so numerous that it required a lakh of tents to shelter it. Hik or Hikdev is said to have been king of Rajputana, and to have conquered all India. Later, a descendant of Sangana (? not of Hik), called Raja Bard, founded Barnalt in the Kharian tahsil of the Gujrat District and ruled over the Jetch Doab, as well as Mathra - which in his time was plundered and burnt by Mahmud of Ghazni. Baru himself was also taken prisoner, but restored to his dominions in the Jetch Doab. Barnali, the chief village of the Haklas, was founded in 1009 A. D., and Baru's son and grandson ruled the Doab till deprived of it for helping Khusrau Malik against Muhammad of Ghor, who left them only a few villages. Yet Hakla chiefs accompanied the Ghori when he conquered Herat. The Haklas claim to be Greeks who married Rajputs, and are called Punwar from the ancestor of that name (sic). They say Alexander's son cared for nothing but religion and renounced his kingdom, but his son Gang wished to reign and as he could find no kingdom in Greece he came to Khorasan, was there hailed as king, and founded Herit. Forming alliances with Indian kings and by intermarriage, Jagdeo, his grandson, became ruler of Mathr&, where fourteen of his descendants reigned after him. 209 The Haklas are now Muhammadans. In 1797 from the Jhelam river the guns of Zaman Shah their chief, Chaudhri Ahmad Khan, recovered Abdalf and received as his reward Barnali and Bhago in jagfr-worth Rs. 25,000 a year. His son, Ala Din, also held the jager, and his grandson Mihr Din aided the British at Chilianwala in 1848. The following ballads are attributed to Mir Jamal, Panjurana, a mirasi or bard, apparently. I. Bismillah-ir-Rahman-ir-Rahim. Haq thhin hoya Hakla zati nam (da) Pawar, Godam, te Masas, Dhor, Dhabal char bete Baja Nand Pal. Wadion wadda Raja Bhagwana, Mathranagri, te Narwarkot, kahe gawalia, milk Raja Sanghana. Lakh pakhrin, te lakh baghrat nagdna, Charhid Raja Hag Dev, dhar heth zin palana. Chare kutan sadhidn, kahe Mir Panjuranan. II. Qudrat kardi sachche mihrban Rab ne wel phulas. Raja Baru ne Barnali ras karat, Raja Bere Pone Herat kurchh pai. Gare chaudhri takht bhaunan badshahi, Hukm Allah de bajar jion chir-lat. Barchhi Kahal ki kahal liye wadiai, Wich Barnal-garh tazan dain qalai. (Mir Jamal nun.) Translation. From Haq (in truth) are the Hakla, who are by caste Punwar. Godam, and Masao, Dhor (and) Dhabal, the four sons of Raja Nand Pal. Raja Bhagwana was the strongest of the strong. Mathra-nagri and Narwarkot, singeth the bard, were the realm of Raja Sanghana,1 A hundred thousand quarters and as many tents were needed for his army. When Raja Haq Dev got into the saddle and rode forth, He subdued the four corners, saith Mir Panjurana. Under (an auspicious) Destiny, a Just and Merciful God made the creeper to blossom, Raja Bard founded Barnali, Rajas Bera and Pona over-ran the Herat. Their brave chiefs have subverted thrones and kingdoms. [No translation of his line can be had. ] Kahal was made famous by Kahal's spear: In Barnalgarh' their chargers used to prance. (Composed by Mir Jamal.) 1 Singwaul, son of Bhagwand. Haq Dev: Dev or Deo is the, was the, usual affix of ruler's name among the Rajputs of the Jamma Hills. I. q., Barnalt.

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210 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1908. I am indebted to Capt. A. C. Elliott for the gonus are all American, except two, namely above notes. To them may be added the follow suaveolens, which is native in Australia, and ing 'by Mr. E. Molloy from Punjab Notes and fragrans, which is found in the Isle of Fines, Queries, Vol. II, para, 280, when, after observing near New Caledonia. Most of the cultivated that the Haklas are one of the three Gajar varieties are derived from the species tabacum, tribes of a Hasara District which have some but the Shiraz plant, persica, is of Brazilian pretentions to Rajput descent, he writes :"The Haklas are probably very recent converta origin, and rustica has been cultivated in South America and Asia Minor. Now varieties proto Muhammadanism, for their social customs show many traces of their former faith. They ducod artificially in parts of Asia bave been are said to be in the habit of eating, stripped supposed erroneously to be indigenous. No like Hindus to the waist, with nothing but Astatic language has any native word for a cloth tied round their loins. Some make the herb, which is not mentioned by any writer & chauka (a Hindu cooking place) or something on Obins earlier than 1680. It was brought very like it, in which they fence themselves off from America for the first time in 1558, and from intrusion during meal-time. All vessels quickly spread over the world through the agency used for purposes of cooking or of purification of the Portuguese, English, and Spanish peoples. before prayer are strictly kept for their own Turkey and Persia probably were indebted to special use, and are not permitted to be touched by any outsider. Another peculiar custom of England and Spain for the introduction of the the Haklas is said to be that they pray with the new drug, while India undoubtedly obtained it palm of the hand downwards instead of upwards, through the Portuguese. as is the usual custom of Muhammadans." Asad Beg, the author of Wakuya (Elliot, VI, I may make one or two notes. It is curious p. 164; von Noer, Akbar, II, pp. 261-164), tells that the inventors of this tradition chould make a long story how he procured some tobacco from tbe Haklas Pun warg, for Porus is not impossibly Bijapur and introduced it to Akbar's notice. The connected with that tribal name. Further, part Emperor tried a smoke, but was dissuaded from of the Gujrat District is or was called Herat. acquiring the habit of smoking by his physician, H. A. Rose, who said: "We do not want to follow the Europeans and adopt a custom which is not IS TOBACCO INDIGENOUS TO INDIA? Banctioned by our own wise men without trial." Some time ago (ante, Vol. XXXV, p. 292) Other people were less timid, and Asad Beg I inserted a query headed as above with reference goes on to say that was I had brought a large to the assertion made by an anonymous writer supply of tobacco and pipes 1 sent some to in the Times on the 22nd November, 1902, that several of the nobles, while others sent to ask there could scarcely be a doubt that certain me for some; indeed all without exception wanted. varieties of tobacco were indigenous in India, come and the practice was introduced. After When publishing the query, I observed that the that the merchants began to sell it, so the custom writer quoted gave no authority for his statements, of smoking spread rapidly. His Majesty, how. wbich appeared to be opposed to well-known ever, did not adopt it." evidence. Nobody bas answered my question, The hookah is not mentioned before 1600 -it hat I am now in a position to give a satisfactory is referred to, sometimes under the name babble. reply based on an article by Sir Ray Lankester bubble, by Terry in 1616, Florio in 1614, Olearius which appeared in the Daily Telegraph of March in 1883, and many other writers of the seven28th, 1908. Sir Ray refers to De Candolle's teenth century. Beveral quotations will be found "delightful" volume, the History of Cultivated in Yule and Burnell's Hobson-Jobson. Plonts, reprinted in the International Scientific Series, and to writings of Colonel Prain, now | It is quite clear now that no species of Nico tiana is native in India, and that the uso of Director of Kew. tobacco Was Introduced into India by the All the varieties of the tobacco plant belong to the genus "Nicotiana," named after Portuguese during Akbar's reign in the latter M. Jean Nicot, who was ambassador of France part of the eixteenth century. to Portugal in 1560. The fifty species of the VINCENT A. SMITH.

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JULY, 1908.] ASOKA PILLAR, EDICT V-SIMALE SAMPAKE. POSSIBLY the former word is Hindi-"sura, a small beetle" (Fallon). The second must be not sand (which does not represent the ke and gives an improbable meaning, for Indians would hardly kill a bull), but "sanda, an animal like a lizard." The oil is believed to be a cure for gout and impotence. Benares, 31st December, 1907. "Tel hai sande ka! Kanjars cry." (Fallon, Hindustani Dictionary, p. 741.) C. M. MULVANY. THE SUBAHDARS OF KABUL UNDER THE MUGHALS. The history of the Mughals in Afghanistan has yet to be written, but the following list of the Sabahdars of Kabul may be of interest. It is excerpted from the late Major Raverty's Notes on Afghanistan and the references are to the pages Year. of that work. Khwaja Aba'l-Hasan Muzaffar Khan, his son, deputy. 7 Lashkar Khan Sa'id Khan Muzaffar-i-Jang, circa (p. 397).. ... NOTES AND QUERIES. Shah Beg, the Khan-i-Dauran, resigned in (p. 391) ... Zamana Beg, the Mahabat Khan, Turk (Sang-Pajzah disaster, 1619-20) (p. 392) 1616-22 1622-24 Aman-u'llah, his son, deputy Khanazad Khan, his other son, (1032-34 H.) deputy .. 1625 1627 ... NOTES AND QUERIES. Under Aurangzeb ... ... ... 1616 1637-381 ACVAGHOFA. SUTRALAMKARA. Traduit en Francais sur la version Chinoise de Kumarajtva par Edouard Huber. Paris: 1908. viii+ 496 pp. Luhrasib Khan, Safawl, son of Ali Mardan Khan, Mahabat Khan II THE Satralankara belongs to those work of Indian Buddhism which have not so far been recovered in the original Sanskrit. The Chinese Sayyid Amir Khan (p. 399) .. Mahabat Khan II, re-appoint ed... Muhammad Amin Khan (after defeat in Khaibar)... Mahabat Khan II, again reappointed in... Fidai Khan, 'Azam Khan-iKukah (p. 408) Amir Khan (p. 409) On Amir Khan's death in 1701, the prince Shah Alam Bahadur, Sabahdar of Multan, advanced to Kabul to take over the government of that province. He appointed Sher-i-Zaman, his deputy." (p. 415) Ibrahim Khan Nasir Khan, Nasir-i-Jang (p. 418) Mubarizu'l-Mulk, Sarbuland Khan, Tuni... BOOK-NOTICES. ... 211 1661-68 1668-70 1670-72 1672-73 1674-77 1677 1701 1708 1710-18 1718-22 1722-24 Nasiri Khan, with Ganj Ali Khan as his deputy at Peshawar (pp. 419-20) [After his removal in 1724, no Sabahdar appears to have been appointed, and the Mughal control virtually ceased]. H. A. ROSE. translation by Kumarajiva belongs to the beginning of the 5th century A. D. and forms part of the Tripitaka. The Sutralankara is an Avadana work of the same kind as the Divyavadana, the Dvavimbatyavadana and other works. Some of the stories 1 In 1647 Zu'l-Qadr Khan was promoted to the governor of the city and fortress of Kabul, with charge of Upper Bangash (Kurram), to which Lower Bangash was added. 2 Not its Sabahdir. Shah Alam in 1703 would not consent to the appointment of a Subahdar, and in 1710,. Nasir Khan was, originally at least, only appointed as deputy of the prince Raft-'ul-Qadr. Sher-i-Zaman had been governor of the citadel of Kabul, and he is said to have replaced Nasir Khan (who had acted as deputy, apparently of Amir Khan, but fell into disgrace). In 1704 occurs the first mention of a Diwan of Kabul. Munim Khan, Diwan of the prince Shah Alam, then became Diwan of the province. At first only, deputy (see the foregoing note) Nasir Khan was removed in 1714, and Sipahdar Khan appointed, but the latter was removed in 1715 and Nasir Khan re-appointed. The son of Nasir Khan; who was the son of Husain Beg Khan Zik, a relative of Ali Mardan Khan.

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212 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JULY, 1908. it contains have been incorporated in the Divya- these bases, he thinks, are originally demonstra cadana, and others can be traced in parallel forms tives, meaning "this" and "that", respectively. in other collections. But enough remains to make I do not intend to follow the author through his the publishing of the present translation an learned and interesting, but not convincing study. important event. Some of the stories of our book Suffice it to say that even if it could be proved have been previously translated by Mr. Beal, that two demonstrative bases i and ware used but in a rather unreliable form. M. Sylvain Levi in the formation of personal pronouns all over has translated two stories dealing with Kanishka the world, that would not prove the original unity in his Notes sur les Indo-scythes. But now the of human speech. Just like terms of relationship whole is presented in what appears to be a fully such as ma, pa, da, &c., demonstrative bases such reliable translation. as i and 4 belong to the language of the nursery. According to tradition, Asvaghosha was a con- which is the same all over the world, and which temporary of Kanishka and lived at his court. has without any doubt played a great rolo in the There is so far as I can see, nothing in the book formation of the various groups of languages. to make this improbable. M. Levi has shown STEN Koxow. that the stories about Kanishka contain several DEVANAGAR: A POLYGLOT MAGAZINE. Caloutta features which are corroborated by other evidence. | College Square, Bowbazar. On p. 423 a story is told about Yu-yue-kia, and I WISH to draw attention to this new Magazine. I WISH to draw attenta this name has, in the translation, been rendered It contains contributions in the various Indian Huvishka. But in the index this has been cor- languages, Sanskrit, Hindi, Gujarati, Mara - rected to Aboka. There are, therefore, no allusions thi, Bengali, Sindhi, &s. The chief interest of in the book to events subsequent to the time of the journal to a European does not rest with the Kanishka. contents of the various papers, but with the In the story No. 14 on pp. 80 and ff., we are opportunity it offers of finding samples written told that Kanishka went to visit Kanishkapura. in the modern vernaculars. The annual subscrip. We are therefore here taken to Kashmir, where tion is Rs. 3-8. the old Kanishkapura can still be traced in the STEN KONow. village Kancspur, between Beremala and Srinagar, 1. KRISHNAMACHARYAR. RAGHUVAXSA VIMARA The historical information which can be derived (KAVYAGUNADARSA SERIEB, No. 1). Srirangam : from the Satralankara is comparatively small and 1908. Re. 1. unimportant. Many of the stories themselves This book is an attempt at introducing higher are, however, new, and add to our knowledge of criticism into the study of Sanskrit poetry. The Buddhist lore. They are written in a much more author analyses KAlidasa's masterpiece in order vigourous style than is usual in similar works, to show how the plot is developed, wbich rasas and even through the double translation we are prevail, the poetical diction, and so on. Though it is impossible to agree with his views in all able to enjoy the beauties of the original. cases, the reading of his book is very instructive, STEN Konow. especially for Western scholars, who are often, I fear, too apt to overlook many of those points REALE ACCADEMIA DRLLE SCIENZE DELL'ISTITOTO which to a Hindu constitute the principal charm of DE BOLOGNA. Classe di scienzo morali. Serie I, a poem. But I am straid that the author will not Tomo 1. Bologna: 1908. be able to convince us that his methods are in all THE old Bologna Academy has up to last year points superior to ours. Thus he maintains that confined its operations to natural science. A new the very first verse of the Raghuvatas is an interclass has now been added, called Classe di scienze polation, on purely esthetic grounds. We should morali. It comprises two sections, devoted to here certainly expect an investigation into the philology and law, respectively. The first fascicle history of this verse in the works of rhetoric. of the first volume of its Proceedings has recently Higher criticism cannot be based on wsthetic been published. The first article is a paper by. I considerations alone, but must also take into Professor Alfredo Trombetti, Saggi di glottologin account other points. Literary taste varies, and generale comparata I. I Pronomi personali. The it has varied also in India. But even though author's aim is to show that identical pronominal I cannot agree with the author'a views, I have bases can be found all over the world, and that read his book with great pleasure. His Sanskrit this can be adduced as a proof of the original is much above the average, and in many casos unity of human speech. As the result of his his remarks belp us to detect new beauties in investigations, he puts down i as the base of the Kalidasa's famous poem, first person, and was that of the second, and STEN KONow.

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AUGUST, 1908.) SOME ANGLO-INDIAN WORTHIES. 213 SOME ANGLO-INDIAN WORTHIES OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. BY LAVINIA MARY ANSTEY. No. III. AMBROSE SALISBURY. AMBROSE SALISBURY, whose career in India extended from 1658 to 1676, was one of the losser lights among the East India Company's servants on the coast of Coromandel. Like William Jearsey, Salisbury was, for some years, out of favour and out of the Company's service, bat, unlike Jearsey, Salisbury never openly defied the authorities at home. He was, indeed, a man of a very different calibre to the fiery chief at Masalipatam. The glimpses of his character obtained from his own letters and from those of his contemporaries, show him as timid, undecided, and alternately pitifal and apologetic. It was little wonder that he was made a cat's-paw by the more daring spirits around him, nor that he hovered perpetually betwixt favour and disgrace. Of his business capabilities it is difficult to judge. On the few occasions when he asserted himself, he bossted of his economical and skilful managemeat of the Company's investments. For his diligence in attending to the dyeing of ginghams, &c., he earned a measure of praise from the Council at Masulipatam, but he appears to have been incapable of holding his own either with the "peeter men" or with the native underlings at Peddapalle. Still, insignificant as he was, the story of Ambrose Salisbury's life in India affords much valuable information with regard to the working of one of the Company's minor factories, at a time when records are sparse and fragmentary. The correspondence between Salisbury and his superiors in 1666, 1670 to 1673, and again, in 1875, is detailed and connected. From these letters a clear idea can be formed of the methods adopted to procure "Saltpeeter and Packing Trade" and of the various means employed by the Company's servants to serve their own ends under cover of their masters' interests. How the unhappy Salisbury was alternately threatened, censured and cajoled, these records sufficiently set forth. As will be seen, though not an illiterate man, he was not a facile writer. At times, his sentences are hopelessly involved, but, except in a very few instances, his meaning is apparent. His letters, in fact, reveal the man as he was, and the intensely human tone of the whole correspondence is an adequate excuse for reproducing it in its entirety. Of the parentage and early history of the subject of the paper little is known. Beyond the facts that his mother was Susanna Salisbury, that he had a sister Susan and two nieces, Susanna and Anna, nothing definite has come to light about his family. It is probable that Ambrose was related to Hugh Salisbury (frequently mentioned in the Letter Books of the E.I. Co.), who was Collector of Customs and Controller of Prizes at Portsmouth from 1664 to 1676. He may also have been connected with "Mr. Samuell Salsberry, an antient sober man of good breeding," the Company's "steward" in their factory at Surat in 1664. In 1630, "Ambrose Salusbarie of Ravenstone in the Counties of Leicester and Derby" died, leaving a " hopefull son Ambrose at Cambridge." It is possible that the Cambridge undergraduate may have been the father of the East Indian factor, but no proof of the relationship is forthcoming. 1 See anto, Vol. XXXIV., 1905, pp. 163 f. Administrations, 1676, at Somorset House. Soo Calendars of State Papers, Domestic Serin. Surat "Generall" 28 January, 1664. Factory Records, Surat, Vol. 86. . Wills proved in the P. C. C., Scroope, 41.

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214 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1908. = The first mention discoverable of Ambrose Salisbury is in a "Generall Letter" from Court of Committoes to Fort St. George on the 27th February, 1658,6" At Pettipooley wee doe appoint Mr. Jonathan Trevisa Cheife at 30ls. per annum, Mr Ambrose Sallisbury Second at 2011. per annum. The Charge of this Factorie not to exceede 50 ii. per Annum for two persons ... to be subordinate and accomptable onto Our Agent and Factors at Fort St. George." . Peddapallo, or Nizampatam, had been known to the English as a trading port since 1612, and in 1621 a factory was established there. This factory was dissolved in 1653, and since that date there had been no regular resident factors at that place. Unfortunately, the Court Minutes of the Company for the year 1658 are defective and there is consequently no means of ascertainiug how Salisbury obtained his appointment. On the 15th March, 1658, another " Generall " states " Persian Merchant now ready to saile for Fort St. George . .. Upon this ship take their passage the persons following, vizt. Mr. Jonathan Trevisa, Mr. Ambrose Salisbury, Mr. Wm. Vassall and Mr. Stephen Charleton." On the 27th March the appointment of Jonathan Trevisa was annulled. He was sent to Bengal and it was ordered that William Daniell, who was already in India, should be " Cheife" at Peddspalle. The Persia Merchant, in which Salisbury sailed, never reached her destination, but was "cast away" off the Maldives on the 9th August 1658. The account of the wreck has already been given in this Journal. 10 After various vicissitades, Salisbury, in company with those of the passengers and crew who escaped imprisonnent by the "Mallabars," reached Fort St. George on the 6th October, 1658. Three months later, on the 18th January, 1659, the Council at Surat informed the authorities at home of the disaster :-"By Letters from our Friends at Coast Coromandell Wec are given to understand the sad newes of the Persia Merchant being Cast away upon one of the Maldive Islands, the Ship and Goods all Lost. God be praised all the men saved except six. Our Agent Mr. Trevisa, Capt. Johnson, Capt. Middleton, Mr. Salisbury and Mr. Charleton with divers others were arrived at Fort St. George, from whence you will heare further concerning the whole passage of the sad losse to which we referr you."11 In reply, the Court of Committees wrote to Surat on the 22nd August, 1659, "The sadd disaster which happened to our ship Persian Merchant we bave had the full relation thereof from the Coast, and willingly submitt to the good band of God who disposeth of all things according to his pleasure,"13 It is to be presumed that Ambrose Salisbury proceeded to bis post at Peddapale at the end of the year 1658 and that, for some months, he served under Mr. Daniell. On the 25th Mny, 1659, the Conncil at Surat wrote to Fort St. George, "Having in ours dated the 25th April past ordered Mr. Johnson to be our second and Mr. A Court Cheife of Metchlepatam, Mr Daniell of Verasheroon, 18 We hope that you will furnish Pettipolee with one that may agree with the rest, that in our masters business every man may act in his sphoere without clashing, which behooves you to take notice of."14 The appointment at Peddapalle seems to have been given to Mr. Thomas Shingler, subject to the supervision of Mr. Daniell. On the 29d April, 1660, in the "Forts Generall to Verasheroon, ''13 Mr. Daniell was desired to order Mr. Shingler to make up the Peddapalle accounts.16 * Letter Book, Vol. 2 For further account of the factory, see A Geographical Account of the CountrieRound the Bay of Bengal (Hakluyt Society's Publioations), p. 53 f. & Letter Book, Vol. 2. Letter Book, Vol. 2. 10 See anto, Vol. XXXI., PP. 182-136. 11 Factory Records, Surat, Vol. 84. 19 Letter Book, Vol. 2. 18 Verusheroon (Vira-Vasuram) was the seat of an English factory which was settled in 1684. 14 Factory Records, Surat, Vol. 64. 15 Factory Records, Fort St. George, Vol. 14.

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August, 1908.) SOME ANGLO-INDIAN WORTHIES. 215 The first mention of Salisbury, after the note of his arrival in India, is on the 9th May, 1661, in the "Forts Generall to Mr. Thos. Shingler at Pettipolee." The Agent, Thomas Chambers, wrote, "The Agent is now slone, Therefore, whenever Mr. Thos. Shingler (after he hath setled the Cowpanys buisnes which cannot be long in doing ) leaving the same in Charge with Mr. Ambrose Saluabury, to repaire to Fort St. George."18 On the 14th August of the same year, 1661, the Agent at Fort St. George decided to give up the establishment of factors at Peddapalle. The instructions in the "Forts Generall to Metchlepatam" were as follows: "Now wee have no Cargoe (as wee know yett) to provide for Persia, We conceive that Pettipolee Factory wilbe of the less use, so that if you have need of assistance, you may send for Ambrose Salusbury, or if otherwise you see occasion be for bis stay there, to allow him 4 old Pagodas 47 per month for all Charges, which is as much as Mr. Edward Winter was allowed in Verashroon, and when he knowes his allowance be will conforme his expence thereafter."18 Ambrose Salisbury appears to have accepted the stated allowance and to have remained at Peddapalle, for, in the Forts Generall to Surat" of the 16th September, 1661, we read," Mr. Thos. Shingler, according to your Order, is constituted Accomptant Generall in this Agency but by reason of the death of Mr. Wm. Daniell and the Long sicknesse of Mr. Wm. Johnson, there is a necessity for his repaire to Metchlepatam and those Factories for a matter of 25 daies, for Mr. Johnson hath noe body with him but bimselfe, sud in each of the Factories of Verasbroone and Pettepolee there is but a single Person, and there is * greate businesse there to bee setled in relation to the accompts and investments to bee made in all these Factories this present yeare."l0 On the same date, 16th September, 1661, in , " Generall to Metchlepatam," the Agent at Fort St. George issued orders stating the position that Peddapalle was henceforward to hold with regard to Masu lipatam. "Mr. Thomas Shingler will acquaynt you what a confusion it hath made in our books and yours comparing one with another with the Subordinate Factories of Verash'roone and Pettepolee, they being distinct by themselves as having no relation to Metchlepatam, wherens wee understand now tie Contrary to the meaning of the Company As you will perceive by what they have ordred in relation to Bay Bengall. Therefore, wee doo henceforwards, in their names, requyre that all such of the Companys servants as shall live in Verashroon and Pettepolee bee accomptable to Factory Metchlepatam and to receive their Orders from Mr. Wm. Jobnson OE wbome ells shalbee principall in that Factory and to yeild obedience thereto, bat as yet to appoint Cheifes of the subordinate Factories or a Second in Metohlepatam wee shall deferre to dog till the arrivall of those the Companys Factors that are expected on the Hope and Truer oc.'20 The Instructions given to Mr. Thomas Shingler on his departure for the subordinate factories, also dated 16th September, 1661, contain the following reference to Salisbury :-"Wee cannot conceive any necessity at present for continuing the Factory of Pettepolee because we cannott tell yet if any investment will bee made there this yeare for Persis soe that at your coming to Metchlepatam, if you see that Mr. Johnson doth want Assistance, soe niuch as hee advises us, Mr. Ambrose Salasbary may be called away to him and I wonder Mr. Johnson should Complaine soe much for want of help as hee doth when we have many weekes past signified to him our pleasures therein."21 Salisbury, however, remained at Peddapalle. In the "Fort St. Georges Addition to their Generall to Metchlepatam" of the 1st December, 1681, the agent wrote, "Att Mr. Wm. Johnson's Voyaging to Fort St. George, we would have him take either Mr. Ambrose Salasbury from Pettepolee or Mr. Wm. Smyth from Verashroon (wee meane him that may bee best spared) to Temaine att Metchlepatam till Mr. Johnson's returne to take Charge of the Companys remaynes and Factory.** ** Factory Records, Port St. George, Vol. 14.'. 18 Factory Reoorila, Fort St George, Vol. 14. * Factory Records, Port 8t. George, Vol 14 n Factory Records, Fort 84. George, Vol. 14.. 19 The old Pagoda was worth about 12, at this period. 11 Factory Records, Fort St. George, Vol. 14. * Factory Records, Fort St. George, Vol. 14.

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216 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Auguer, 1908. As "Second " in Peddapallo Factory, one of Salisbury's duties was to keep the books in accordance with a clause in Sir Edward Winter's "Commission," of the 20th February, 1662, "Wee doe Order and apoint that our Second at Fort St. George and in all other factories under your Comaund, where weo shall have above two Factors Resident, to keepe our Books of Accompte, which bookes shall bee allowed by the Cheifes of each respective Factory and afterward transmitted to your Resident to bee perused and allowed of by your selfe or whoe shall Succeed, which Bookes being examined and attested, wee doe require that they, with your own Bookes kept in Fort St George, with the Bookes of Consultations, bee yearely sent us home for England.28 From a paragraph in the "Forts Generall to Metchlepatam" of the 11th March, 1662, it appears that Salisbury had at last gone to Masulipatam. "And if it is needfall, you may dispatch Mr. Smyth and Mr. Stedd for Verashroone to gayne the trade there which is lost but that is referred to you according to Consultation as well Mr. Salusbarg to Pettepolee, but that must bee when there is" a Persian Investment." In consequence of this permission, Salisbury returned to Peddapalle some time before June 1662, when instructions were ordered to be sent to him about his accounts. On the 27th June, the Agent at Fort St. George wrote to Masulipatam, "Verashroone and Pettipolee Invoyces should bee taken into yours of Metchlepatam and you may instruct them in the two factoryes to abreviate theirs by making goods of the same sort and price of one number and to keep your Accounts at 825 Cash to a fanam as you doe at Metchlepatam and let the socounts of the subordinate Factoryes bee taken into yours as wee enordered in ours of the 16th September last."26 Since the departure of Mr. Shingler, Salisbury bad been acting "Cheife" at Peddapalle. His appointment as head of the factory was confirme: at a "Consultation held October the 20th 1662 per the Agent and Councell of Fort St. George in Metchlepatam ... Wee doe heraby declare and agree... That the undermentioned persons are to take place in order as they are underwritten ... Vizt. Pettepolie, Ambrose Saulsbury, John Sted." But, though his rank A senior factor at Peddapalle was thus acknowledged, he was not recognized as the actual "Cheife" of the Factory. In the "Fort St. George Generall " to the Company of the 10th January, 1662-8, there is "A list of the factors that are liveinge at the dispeede of Your Shippinge. .. 18 follows... Pettepolee, Ambros Salsbury, John Sted." Then comes the remark, "Though these persons are placed as above, yet wee are not fully resolved on their disposalls."28 On the 26th February, 1663, a Consultation held at Fort St. Georgo, it was again resolved to discontinue a regular factory at Peddapalle :- "Wee conclude it best that the factories of Verashroone and Pettepollee bee dissolved because they are soe chargeable, and the business may as well be done without them, and if at any time any shall bee employed to procure Goods in those parts, they shall bee allowed fower Pagothses: add per month dureing the tyme they are out in that employment and to be allowed Charges Merchandizo besides,"29 Salisbury evidently preferred to remain in partial independence at Peddapalle rather than be subject to the restrictions of the position of a junior servant of the Company at Masulipatam. In the Forts Generall " to the Company of the 10th December, 1663, we read, "Those debts standing out at Metchlepatam in Mr. Johnsons Bookes were the Salt petre men, which Mr. Jeatiey turned over to Pettipoleo Factory, which when Mr. Solusbary hath made up his yeares businesse with * Letter Book, Vol. 8, p. 102. * Factory Recorda, Fort St. George, Vol. 14. 16 Probably a copyist's orror for 80. Thomu Bowroy, Countries Round the Bay of Bengal (Haklayt Boolety's Publications ), pp. 114-118, gives 80 copper cash to s fanam (worth 3d.) at Fort St. George, c.rc. 1669. * Factory Recorda, Fort Bt. George, Vol. 14. * Factury Records, Fort St. George, Vol. 1. * Factory Records, Port St. George, Vol. 14, * 0. C. No. 270.

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AUGUST, 1908.] SOME ANGLO-INDIAN WORTHIES. then, wee shall know what is done." 30 In the same letter, we have the first reference to Salisbury's investment of saltpetre at Peddapalle, and also the first hint of censure on his conduct :-"Mr. Ambrose Salisburie from Pettepolee hath invoyced unto us on the George and Martha 703 Baggs of Saltpetre at severall prizes from 4 to 5 pagothaes Old per Candie,31 besides Charges but hath not made any distinction thereof unto us. The petre which goeth from hence is marked M, That from Pettipolee hath neither marke nor Number. This wee thought fitt to hint to your Worships least you should Impute the omission unto us."32 The Company were of the same opinion as their Agent at Fort St. George about the undesirability of continuing a Factory at Peddapalle. In the "Generall to Fort St. George" of the 16th December, 1663, the Court of Committees wrote, "Wee absolutely prohibite the making of any debts at Pettipoly, Mesulapatam or Verashroone, where wee have already smarted for the same... And as wee desire the Reduceing of our Factories in the Bay, soe wee doe alsoe on the Coast, And therefore referr unto your Consideration the quitting the Factory in Pettipolee, which wee conceive is not necessary to bee continued, The Callicoes which wee receive from thence beeing inconsiderable and may bee made in the same sorts and goodness with you at the Fort or Mesulapatam." 33 217 The year 1664 was a disastrous one for Salisbury. Hitherto he had enjoyed the favour and protection of William Jearsey, who had succeeded Mr. Johnson as Chief at Masulipatam. Jearsey, however, was in violent opposition to Sir Edward Winter, then Agent at Fort St. George, and Sir Edward's severity towards Salisbury appears to have been aimed at the underling's supporter. In the Fort St. George "Generall" to Masulipatam, dated 18th March, 1664, Mr. Jearsey was informed," If you want money for the provision of Saltpeter, their will bee a necessity for you to take up some, for wee cannot Supply you with any from hence. Wee are Sending of Mr Robert Fleetwood to reside at Pettepolee, whome wee shall appoynt for that Employment and gett in the old debts, to whome wee would have you deliver 1000 or 1500 pagos, and to Consult togeather aboute the old debitors. If you deliver them any money, that they bring in one fourth part [more] than they shall receive now in money uppon Accompt of their debts, that soe in time they may be able to Cleare them."3 On the 25th March, Ambrose Salisbury was summarily dismissed from his post. "Orders Sent to Mr. Ambrose Salisbury. Mr Ambrose Salisbury, Uppon Sight of this our order you are to Deliver unto Mr Robert Fleetwood an Accompt of all things apperteyneing to our honourable Masters At Pettepolee and places adjacent, whoe wee have Enordred to reside In that place to looke after our Said Employers affaires in those Parts, And this our order and his Receipt Shall bee your Discharge from Your loveing freinds, EDWARD WINTER; WILLIAM GYFFORD; EDWARD READE; WILLIAM DAWES. Dated in Fort St. George the 25th March 1664." 35 Mr. William Dawes was sent to Peddapalle to carry the Agent's orders into effect. "Instructions Given to Mr. William Dawes. Loving Friends Mr. Williams Dawes, By occasion of Severall Complaints of the Saltpeter makers At Pettepolee against Ambrose Salusbury, which that wee may more fully understand, have thought requisite to send you thither, in Regard of your language, to Examine and make report unto us, and have likewise Mr. Robert Fleetwood to take Charge of the Companys affayres there, and for the mannaging of this affayre referr you unto the followeing lines for Instructions. 30 O. C. No. 2983. 51 The candy at Masulipatam was reckoned at 625 lbs. at this period, Bowrey, op. cit., p. 217, n. 5. 33 O. U. No. 2983. 33 Letter Book, Vol. 3, pp. 343 and 844. 85 Factory Records, Fort St. George, Vol. 15. Factory Records, Fort St. George, Vol. 15.

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218 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1908. First, at your Arrivall at Metchlepatam, if Mr. Salusbary Bee there, you togeather with Mr. Fleetwood are to produce or Shew him our order for transferring the charge of what ever apperteynes to the Company in Pettepolee from him, the said Ambrose Salusbary, unto Ditto Robt. Fleetwood, according to which we expect his Complyance. But if you finde him not at Metchlopatam, Then you are to goe immediately to Pettepolee and Exact his Complyance to our Said order herewith Delivered you. Secondly, you are to Convene all the Saltpeter makers and tak account of them what Debts they owed and wbat money hath bin Delivered to them, alsoe what peter they have brought in Since Sir Edward Winter's going home for England. Thirdly, if uppon Examination it Shall appeare that Mr. Salusbury bath wronged the Company, you are to Call on him and Demand Satisfaction. Foarthlee, you are to apply your selte in person or by writeing unto the Governour in Chiefe of Pettepolee and the adjacent places where the Peter is made, touching his favour unto the Saltpeter merchants Etea, baisiness, this in Complyance to the King's phirmaund [farman] Soe long observed by his Subjects, and as soon as the Shipps out of Earope Arrive, wee Sball Remember him With * present and, as hoe Shall Deserve, Every yeare bee mindefull of him. Likewise you are to take Care for the securing of Sach Debts As are Dew from Severall persons unto Sr. Edward Winter. Lastly having Examined the matters of Difference between the Saltpeter makers and Mr. Salusbury, leaveing Mr. Fleetwood there At Pottepolee, and Ditto Salusbury (if Comply with our order) At Metehlopatam, but if hee boe averse, then to hasten your returne, and (as informer Clause hinted) bring him along with you to Render Accompt Unto Your loveing freinds, EDWARD WINTER, WILLIAM GYFFORD, EDWARD READE." Fort St George, 26 Maroh 1664.36 Though Winter's orders for Salisbury's dismissal appear to have been carried out, the Agent was unable to detach the disgraced factor from his protector, William Joarsey. In a letter to Masulipatam on the 25th May 1664, Winter wrote, " We have it Reported from Severall that you and Mr. Salusbury by your lycence, Employ Soverall to bay up the Sultpeter at Pettepolee by which the price is raised and the Company will be prejadiced for which you must Expect to give Satisfaction hereafter, and your making a Factory there under the name of Metchlepntam will not bee well Pleasing to the Company."87 Salisbury continued at Peddapalle, although Sir Edward Winter, writing from Madspollam on the 23rd September 1664, assumed that he was at Masulipatam: - "I shall not consent that Mr. Jearsey at his Comeing from Metehlepatam shall intrust Mr. Niclaes with the Companies affaires or any of their estate, But, as occasion requires, it shall bee Committed to the care and Management of Mr. Charles Proby or Mr. Ambrose Salusbary as Shall bee most Convenient." Whether Winter had, by this time, modified his opinion about Salisbury is uncertain, but if not, it seems strange that he should have been willing to give him a temporary responsiblo post at Masulipatam. The result of Mr. Dawes' enquiry into Salisbary's conduct D.not recorded, but had he found the accused factor guilty of any gravo misdemeanour the fact could hardly hayo been ignored. That Winter realized his mistake is eviden, for, writing to Jearsey from Madapollam on the 4th October 1664, he gave quite different reason for Salisbury's dismissal from that contained in the Orders of the previous March : "As touching Mr. Salusbury's being Displaced there was good remon for it, he plainely affirming * Pactory Records, Port St. George, Vol. 15. * Factory Recorda, Port St. George, Vol. 15.

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AUGUST, 1908.] SOME ANGLO-INDIAN WORTHIES. that hee would not resolve whither he would Serve the Company any longer till the years Shipping Arrived, his time being before expired, but if hee shall enterteyne himselfe againe, hee shall bee placed as shall bee thought fitting." 33 That Salisbury was still at Peddapalle at this time is evident from a letter to Captain Egmont of the 29th October, 1664, informing him that "Mr. Fleetwood's boats being all gone to Metchlepatam," the writer "hath now borrowed of Mr. Salusbury his boate," 39 219 By the time the letter from the Court of Committees of the 16th December 1663,40 reached India, the Agent and Council at Fort St. George had realized that it was to the Company's interest to retain a factory at Peddapalle, and on the 8th December, 1664, they wrote to the Court, "Pettepolle is no otherwise made use of then for the provision of Saltpetre, which if wee doe not encourage, the Dutch will quickly snatch it from us, they having againe after many yeares absence, renewed their Factory in that place."41 Sir Edward Winter too, would seem to have repeated of his hastiness and evidently feared that the authorities at home would consider his high-handed conduct towards Salisbury in an unfavourable light. In a letter to his brother, Thomas Winter, dated 2nd and 12th January, 1665, he gives the following explanation of his action: "I know the Company will be Informed of my dischargeing Mr. Salusbury their service, but not the true Cause and Reason of it, which was because he plainly told me in March last that he would not Resolve me whether he would any longer serve the Company till the Europe Shipps arrived, his tyme being Expired. Besides, I have under his owne hand his agreement with the Salt petre Merchants, wherein he Contracted with them to bring in peter att 4 pagos. new per Candye, and he rates the same to the Company at 63 pagos. old per Candy; and in his Books hath Charged many large and unnecessary expences as he pleased himselfe, which must not be allowed. This I think a sufficient Ground to keepe him from being Imployed in it again; and yet Mr. Buckeridge (whom I have informed of all this) is so made by Mr. Jearsey that they would Continue him in that busines. Pray let the Committee have notice hereof."4 It is difficult to decide on the justice of Winter's charges. In the matter of indecision, the allegation might well have been true, for Salisbury's vacillation is in constant evidence throughout his life, and he seems to have been incapable of forming a definite resolution. In the year 1665 there is no record whatever of the late head at Peddapalle, but on the 1st January 1666, there is a reference to him in a letter from Jeremy Sambrooke at Fort St. George to William Jearsey at Masalipatam: "This night is a Letter come from Mr. Clopton at Pettepolee to Sir Edward, declareing how hee &ca. are wounded by some falling out with Mr. Salusbury. I know not the perticulars."43 On the 25th May 1666, Salisbury was at Masulipatam, when he appended his Signature after those of Messrs. Jearsey and Niclaes to a letter to Sir George Oxinden at Surat." This shows that the Chief at Masalipatam, at any rate, still accounted his protege a Company's servant. Jearsey, no doubt, had his own ends to serve by making Salisbury a debtor to his kindness and protection. In August, 1666, he suggested a voyage to Tenasserim, the real object of which was to anticipate Sir Edward Winter in the seizure of goods at that place. It did not suit Jearsey to appear openly in the matter, and Salisbury, being virtually out of the Company's service, was a safe tool to make use of in the matter. However, weak though he was, Salisbury saw through the motives of his would-be employers. Factory Records, Fort St. George, Vol. 15. " 10 See ante, p. 217. 41 O. C. No. 8087. Factory Records, Masulipatam, Vol. 9. Factory Records, Fort St. George, Vol. 15. Factory Records, Miscellaneous, Vol. 8. O. C. No. 3175.

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220 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1908. "Proposalls of voyageing to Tennasaree mads to Mr. Ambrose Salusbury, Metshlepatam, the EUR: dugust 1666. Mr Ambrose Salusbury, Wee have often propounded to you your going to Tennassa.ree to secure the Companys Fraight of the Madrass Merchant, which may bee Judged to amount to 7 or 8000 pagotheas of which Mr. Deering yet never gave any Accompt, much less made any Returne of that, nor of 6000 and odd pagotheas New Mr. Chamber adventured on the Madrass Merchant, which hee hath turned over to the Company, besides other Considerable venture of other mens, which Sir Edward Winter endeavoaring to get all into his possession, Wee bave all the Reason that may bee to prevent it, as alsoe to Seize upon what may bee the[re] Remayneing of his, thereby to save our Masters as much indempnifyed as wee cann, hee haveing usurpt their authority and Seized on their Fort and estates, and keepes the Agent George Foxcroft, Etca, close Prysoners against all Law or Reason,15 wherefore wee desire you to give us a speedy answer in Writeing whither you will undertake the buisness and goe the voyadge or not, the Monzoone drawing nigh, that if you Refuse it, wee may have time to Consider of some other course, as alsoe that wee may give advice to our Freinds in the Bay of your Resolutions, whoe indeed have pitcht upon you as a fitting Person to send, Wee Remayne, Your assured Freinds, WM. JEARSEY; JOHN NICLAES.46 To this proposal Salisbury replied on the same day as follows: "Mr. Salusburies Answer to the proposalls for his voyageing to Tanassaree, dated in Metchlepatam the 6th August 1666. Mr. William Jearsey &ca., Respected Friends, That you have propounded my goeing to Tanassaree to secure the Companyes freight of the Madrass Merchant with the several adventures belonging to Mr. Chamber and other persons, I acknowledge. Yet, on the contrary, you never yet provided any conveighance, nor proposed any conditions, or what commission you would give. It is certaine it will bee an acceptable Service to prevent Sir Edward Winter his seizure on the Companyes Estate, haveing posest himselfe of your Fort and Interest at Madaras. For my owne part, shall ever give my assistance to advance the Companyes Interest and would now gladly proceed on this Imployment, were times peacable and other affaires setled, as they ought to bee in these parts. You know I have bin out of Imployment and lived at my owne expence upwards of two years, and now in this time of warr with the Dutch, upon soe short warning, it will bee much discouragement to goe the voyage upon one of the Country juncks, besides the underhand dealing that may bee used by Sir Edwards means, with bribes. &ca., of which hee will not bee spareing, and you not sending some Estate or Effects to doe the same cannot, in my apprehension, prove advantagious to the Company, and to returne and not doe the service I should and you may expect will redound to my great discreditt. Therefore, desire you to make choice of some person you shall approve of (as here are them both capable and willing to accept) and excuse, Your assured Friend, AMBROSE SALUSBURY."'47 This answer was probably partly dictated by the fear of incurring the enmity of Sir Edward Winter. At the same time Salisbury realized, what he hints at in the close of his letter, that, in the event of his failure to bring back a goodly haul from Tenasserim, his actions would be disavowed by Jearsey and his following, and he wonld thus be in a worse plight than he was already. 45 Sir Edward Winter was superseded as Agent, by George Foxcroft in 1665. Instead of resigning, Winter imprisoned his successor and kept him in confinement for three years. 46 Factory Records, Masulipatam, Vol. 5. 47 Factory Records, Masulipatam, Vol. 9.

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A.UGUST, 1908.) SOME ANGLO-INDIAN WORTHIES. 221 On the receipt of Salisbury's answer to their proposals, Messrs. Jearsey and Niclaes wrote again : "Mr. Ambrose Salusbury, In your answer to our paper delivered you to day, you Acknowledged that wee Long since propounded your going to Tennasaree, but now declyne it under pretence of the Dutch warr and short warniug. As to the former, that was knowne long before wee had ever any thoughts of sending you, or indeed did imagine wee should have any Necessity for it, and for the latter, you have been often sponke to some monethes since, and about a moneth agoe you said you would consider of it and give your answer in two or three dayes, but did not minde it. Besides, the tywe is not soe short as you speake of, haveing neere a mopeth that you may provide your selfe. Conveighance of the Companys you know wee hare not, and therefore must make use of the Moores [ Muhammadans ), which was alsoe told you, to carry you over, of which you may take choyce of three or four. 'Twas never a Custome to give any man a Commission that [? when] there was noe Certainety of his proceedings upon the voyadge, the Conditions you were to gee upon [were] as the Companys Servant to secure what belonged to them and what you could more of Sir Edward's in; however, your Endeavours would be acceptable and you Blameless. Your Indented time with the Company wee knowe to bee long since Expired, and that Sir Edward did, upon his owne humour, turne you out of Service, without the Consent of any body elee, and this Wee finde you have taken for & Law and discharge, and thereupon have taken your Owne time to follow your Owne occasions, which in all reason should have its Owne charge, for while you were here you never was debarred the Companys accomodation and you may very well Remember that with Mr. Backeridge Wee resolved, Notwithstanding what Sir Edward had done, not to Leave you out, which Sir Edward, after his departure, nuld againe, but noe Sooner that the Worshipfull Agent Foxcroft arrived [in 1665], but wee had you in Consideration againe; but hee, being betrayed into those villaines power before any thing was Effected, and haveing noe shipping here since the departure of Mr. Buckeridge, things have Remayned unsetled, soe that you cannot Justly blame any body but Sir Edward that you have not been in a Settled Imployment, the which could not have lasted longer than wee had had Buisness, and then you must, to save Charges have repaired hither. But all the while We have Observed you Unconstant and wavering as it were between two opinions, and as if You had slighted or Neglected soe farr as not to acknowledge your selfe to bee in the Number of one of the Companys servants, and that is the reason that Wee bave not at any time since nor now absolutely Commanded your observance, bot desire you to take the Imployment upon you wbich, if you doe refuae, you may chance meet with a worse, and repent you of missing this, which wee would not have you doe, and therefore doe not take your first paper for a positive answer but doe Expect it to this, and Remayne Your assured Friends, W. JERSEY ; JOHN NICLAES.60 Metchlepalam, the 6 August 1666." The veiled threate contained in the above letter evidently frightened Salisbury, and be hurried away from Masulipatam in order to be out of the immediate reach of the overbearing Salinbury's 'indented time' was probably for five years. This period olapsod in 1608. * Nicholas Buokeridge was appointed by the Company in Deo. 1663, to inepoot their Factories on the Coromandel Coast. Pactory Records, Mavulipatam, Vol. 5.

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222 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1903. Jearsey. When safely back at Peddapalle, he wrote a long, involved and querulous reply to the document of the 6th August : "Mr. Salusbury's Generall to Metehlepatam, dated in Pettepoline, the 10th August 1666. Mr. William Jearsey Sca., Respected Friends, The Reasons I have given noe reply to your paper of the 6th instant untill now are two, better consideration being of concernment, and opportunity, as on my Journy, which had not till my arrivall to the place last night. My paper delivered you the day of your date acknowledged what you express, my goeing to Tanassaree, which now you say I decline under pretence of the Dutch Warr and Short warning, which was not soe much pretence as Reallity, being the same expressed by word of mouth before ; and as in that paper of mine you mention you never yet propounded any conveyance nor proposed any condition, therefore did not esteeme it other then by way of discourse, a thing not really intended, and therefore replyed would give you my Answer in two or three days, and after did not regard it, you haveing eight months agone propounded the same and not till of late dayes made mention of it againe, therefore bad little regard to your Second proposall, concluding it would be buried in oblivion with the former and not prosecuted nor observed more ; The ty me to provide being, as you say, near one month, I looke not as Sufficient for such a voyage, and to take passage on a Moores Jounck to that or any other place (unless compelled) should not of my own accord. Had your result gone along with your discourse soe long since as you speake of, there might have been conveyance of the Companys. Tis not usuall to give a Person a Commission before there is a certainty of proceeding, and very few that will promise or engage untill the conditions concluded on, and therefore that I have not resolved, you cannot impate my fault. I conclude with you I was to goe as the Companys Servant to secure what belongs to them, as alsoe what I could of Sir Edwards. The former is very legall and necessary, the Latter I will not dispute, and if my endeavours with not accomplish either, they will bee acceptable and blameless, but you never promised engagement to Secure mee Soe to the Company and Sir Edward in case of future troubles Should I prove an unprofitable Servant and retarne only with an account of charges, which conclude you have some Suspicion will prove noe better, therefor you Say you will send noe estate of the Companys, and whome you will find to expend his owne on this account shall bee glad to heare, or that you Informe how it can bee done without a considerable charge. As you understand that Sir Edward did upon his owne humour turne mee out of Service without the consent of any body elce, you alsoe know I have bin e rer ready and willing to accept the Companya Imployment and have not removed from this place in expectation of a Settlement according as concluded on by Mr Backeridge and yoar Selves, and Since promised many times by you, although at first opposed by Sir Edward, yet after the arrivall of the Worshipfall Agent Foxcroft his power was voyde as to the Companys Servants, and since the Agent his Imprisonment the power hath laine onely in you to order the Companys affairs in these parts. I conceive you might as well have answered my Settlement to the Company as you can the continuance of a person in imployment established without your knowledge and consent by Sir Edward Winter, which may cause a conjectore or Suspicion by strangers and noe good opinion by the Company, but since you approve it I submitt and am content. My opinion was always setled and coustant to doe the honoble. Company Service and will not say I have bin much slighted, onely this, that haveing bin called to engage myselfe with you in matters of greatest concernment in behalfe of the Honoble. Company, the Agent, &ca., concluded I might have bin accepted off and acquainted with matters of less moment, and that is the reason that I have not of late desired to acquainte my selle with either.

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AUGUST, 1908.) SOME ANGLO-INDIAN WORTHIES. 223 If my refusall of this imployment now propounded prove to my prejudice and losse and that I may meet with a worse, will rather content my Selfe with it then accept of this. Am confident the Honoble. Company will not require any person to goe upon an Imployment against his owne approbation, therefore depend on your favour for pardon for my non-acceptance, and this please to accept as the resolation of Your assured Friend, AMBROSE SALUS BURY."51 The attempt to assert himself was a failure. Jearsey retorted at once with a sharp decisive letter and his attitude left no doubt about the scant regard he had for Salisbury or for any threats he might use. Mr Ambrose Salusbury, This instant wee Received your Resolution in Answer to ours, which Wee did not Expect at this distance, but before your departure, soe that you might have Saved the labour of it, for as sylonce giveth consent, soe wee Easily concluded that you goeing away without giveing a Respond, did not like what wee bad Writt and would not goe the Voyadge. To give a perticular answere to every thing in yours is not of any necessity, however here and there shall touch at some things that either in vindication of our selves or Confutation of you may Seem to Require it. The Dutch Warr was knowne to you long before the proposail of this voyadge to you, therefore could not now bee brought in for a pretence more than at first, and if a monethes warning, as you confess, were not enough to fitt your self for a voyadge, Wee cannot conceive what time you would Require, but undoubtedly you could have fitted your selfe in less time if you had pleased and given us a positive answere at first as well as now, to tell us you did not regard it and had little Regard to our second Proposeall. Had Wee absolutely enordred your goeing at first, which wee might have done if you are the Companys Servant, without makeing any other Conditions with you but commanding you to observe such instructions as wee should give you, this had been the Way to know your minde sooner and have Received a flatt answere from you as now that you would not, and wee will not press it any further, much less Compell you to any thing. Tis to bee supposed that if wee enordred you any thing in the Companys behalfe that they should beare yon out in it, but 'tis very strange that you should scruple to act what you have set your band to as the secureing of what wee could light on of Sir Edwards to have the Company indempnifyed as much as you can. If you think you have done any thing amiss or gone too farr herein, you know how you may bee absolved. 'Tis but relenting and makeing a Submissive Confession of your Error to Sir Edward, bat had you Undertaken the designe and required any Security from us, wee shonld have given it you, but before you asked it how should wee know you were soe Wavering, haveing formerly told you soe much of that that 'twas thought you would never have appeared soe againe. As to your Imployment, our former is Sufficient answere, if you coull bee satisfied with it, and for our Imployment of Mr. Fleetwood which you distast, 'tis to get in the goodes for the money delivered out by him, under which hee may for Ready money procure some more, and when this buisness is over hee hath done antill further order from the Agent. Your complaints of being made onely acquainted with buisness of greatest concernment will not signify much, if it were granted to bee soe, as you say that you were not acquainted with matters of less moment, but wee doe not know wherein nor the time, unless you were incapable by Sickness or otherwise. 11 Factory Recor.is, Masuliyatam, Vol. 9.

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224 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Audier, 1908. If you read over your Indenture with the Company, you will finde you are oblidged to serve in such places and in such Imployment as shall be appoiuted by your superiours and are not left to your owne choyce as you inferr, which wee thinke sufficient answere to you and Remaine Your Reall Freinds, W. JERSEY; JOAN NICLAES. Metchlepalam the 13th August 1666." 52 After this passage of arms with Jearney, we hear no more of Salisbury for some time. The next mention of him, which is far from flattering, is in 1668, when he was still at Peddapalle. It occurs in : "Letter from an unknowne person " to the Company dated in Fort St. George, 4 April, 1668: "Truly your Factory at Pettipolee is rather a Charge then a benefitt to you (being managed by a very debauch't Idle fellow one Salusbury) not furnishing from thence a piece of Cloth towards your returnes this yeare .. I give you a Carracter of your Metchlepatam Servants ... they are all greate abuzers of the Company in words and deedes especially Salisbury at Pettipolee, that miscreant." 63 From the above extract it seems clear that Salisbury was acting at Peddapallee as an Accredited servant of the Company. In 1669 he desired to be transferred to the Bay of Bengal. The Fort Generall" to Masulipatam of the 30th June, 1669, contains the following paragraph on this head : "Mr Bridges algo advised that Mr Ambrose Salisbury desired he might goe into the Bay for some fitting employment which might present, and Mr Salisbury also haveing acquainted the Agent and others of us of that his desire, if he doe continue in that mindo and still desire it, we give onr consent that he also may goe for the Bay, so as that before his departure be given a trew and faithfull account of all that bath beene under his management and a true delivery of whatsoever shall be found remaining or due from him to the Honble. Company; and, in case be leave his place, we appoint Mr Robert Fleetwood to succeede him as Chief in Petepolee, as a person who by his long experience is the fittest for that employment, and doe appoint Mr John Hopkins who hath long served the Company faithfully to be his second to assist him in Petepolee." How long Salisbury bad been acting as "Chief" at Peddapalle, is uncertain, bnt it is probable that, on the release of Agent Foxcroft in August, 1669, he was reinstated in the Company's service. The death of John Niclaes, shortly after Salisbury's request to go to "the Bay," created * Vacancy on the Coast," and the Chief at Pettipolee" was appointed " Second" at Masulipatam. - Fort Generall to Metchlepatam, 20th July 1669. To Mr. William Jearsey. We have taken into consideration the Vacancy of a second in Metchlepatam by the death of Mr John Nicklaes, and do find it to be Mr Ambrose Salisbury his right of succession, since we have no intention of sending any from bence to fill up that vacancy, and therefore have appointed the said Mr Ambrose Salisbury to succede and be second in Metchlepatam, haveing given up account of all under his charge at Petepolee, as you will perceive by * Factory Reoorde, Miscellansone, Vol. 3. * Factory Recortlo, Maculipatam, Vol. 3. + Factory Recorde, Fort St. George, Vol. 16.

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SOME ANGLO-INDIAN WORTHIES. AUGUST, 1908.] a Coppy of our Consultation about that business,55 whereunto we do refer you, by which also you will find that we appoint Mr Robert Fleetwood to be Chief in Petepole and Mr John Hopkins to be his Second and Assistant." 50 225 At this time Salisbury was occupied in getting in a supply of saltpetre for the Company. On the 17th August 1669, he wrote to Masulipatam that he should have 300 Candy ready by the end of the month. Knowing that the position of "Second" at Masulipatam was a post of less independence than that of "Chief" at Peddapalle, he was in no hurry to repair to his new appointment. On the 8th September, 1669, Agent Foxcroft, who seems to have heard of Salisbury's disinclination to succeed at Masulipatam, wrote to William Jearsey:-- "Wee doe concurr with them that it is convenient that Mr Salisbury and Mr Fleetwood doe respectively continue in the places were they are, untill they have effected and gathered in the investments they have entered upon for this yeare, before they settle themselves in the places whereunto they are designed, unless you finde some other necessity to appoint it sooner, and that the business may goe on currantly in their absence. Wee did understand and intend the charge [P change] of Mr. Salisbury from Petepolee to be second to be a raiseing of him, as well as we understand it to his desire, claymeing the same by right, in which we concurred." 67 Three days latter in another "Generall" to Masulipatam of the 11th September, 1669, Foxcroft remarked, "Mr. Salisbury advizes that 125 tons of saltpeter which he is ordered to provide wilbe at Metchlepatam by the end of August, onely he saith Oxen are hard to be had, there being a sickness among them of which many dye." 58 Meanwhile, the proposal to send Salisbury to "the Bay" met with great disfavour from the factors there. In a "Generall to Fort St George" of the 11th September 1669, they wrote, "Wee find likewise that your Worship &ca. have licenced Mr Ambrose Salusburys coming downe to be employed in our Masters affaires as wee shall find convenient. You very well know that we have already more Persons of large expectations than employments proportionable thereto, there being besides the Chiefs of the severall factoryes, eight of Councell who will all bee as unwilling to grant the precedence to him as he (haveing officiated as Cheife of Pettipolee for some yeers) to some of them, by which meanes wee must never expect a mitigation but rather encrease of differences, yet if your Worship &ca. shall think fitt to gratifye his request, wee desire you to appoint the Station he shall act in to prevent clamours against us." 50 The Factors in Bengal need not have troubled themselves about the coming of Salisbury, for that individual had long since abandoned his desire to remove thither. On the 14th October 1669, the Agent wrote from Fort St. George to Masulipatam: "Mr Salisbury is very earnest to continue in his employment at Petepolee. We are not willing to appeare to the Company so inconstant to our orders of settlement, whereof we have advised them, without some good reason, therefor, before we conclude to gratify him therein, we appoint that he and Mr Fleetwood both meete at Metchlepatain and there consult with yourself &ca. about the same, and give us advise of your result, that if you find there is any good reason for it, and no detriment to our employers, we may then make some farther order in it, as the case shall require." 60 58 This Consultation does not exist. 61 Factory Records, Fort St. George, Vol. 13. 50 Factory Records, Fort St. George, Vol. 18. se Factory Records, Fort St. George, Vol. 16. O. C. No. 3343. 50. C. No. 3345.

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226 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1908. In England, the report of Salisbury's character by the "Unknowne Writer "61 bad borne fruit. At "A Court of Committeer, holden the 30th of September 1669, [it was] Ordered that it be referred to the Agent and Councel to send for Mr Niclaes and examien the particulars objected against him, as also against the said Mr Nelthorp, Mr Fleetwood, Mr Arnold, Mr Salusbury and Mr Farley, And if they be satisfied thereof by any particular information or by the common report that goes of them, That then they be sent home for England by this yeares Shipping." In consequence of this resolation, the Company wrote, in their " Generall" to Fort St George of the 7th December, 1669, [We]" doe require that you send for Mr Nicklaes and examine the particulers objected against him, And also against Mr Robert Fleetwood, Mr Ambrose Salisbury and Mr Henry Arnold, whome wee have discharged our Service, being represented to be persons of very prophane spiritts, scandalous in theire bebaviours and notoriously wicked. And if you are sattisfied thereof by any perticuler information or by the common report you have of them, Wee then require that they be sent for England by this yeares shipping with all others in our imployment that are guilty of the like disorders. But if it appeares otherwise, and that any of them are reformed, Then wee would have them sent for to the Fort and remaine in India till we have an accompt of their behaviours." Salisbary's reluctance to leave Peddapalle for Masulipatam may have arisen from the fact that his accounts would not bear investigation. On the 12th January,-1670, Mr Smithson, who had been entrusted with the inspection of the Peddapalle books, wrote to the Directors in England: "Mr. Salusbury att his coming hither [Masulipatam) promised to Deliver his Books to me within four dayes but I could never obtayne them though he had remayned there Two Moneths. He doth absolutely refuse to give any Answere to what Concernes him in the paper for the Extra Expence and wrongs done to the Company bat only this that his Bookes were passed and allowed by the then Agent att Fort and therefore he is not further concerned in them. All that is materiall which is charged against them is in the Bookes Letter E which will not be found att Metchlepatam nor Pettypolee and it is certain they are not att the Fort, Dilligent search having bin made for them." 64 The inference in this letter of Smithson's is that the books had been wilfully destroyed or concealed. The Company's letter containing Salisbary's dismissal arrived at Mesulipatam in July, 1670. At a Consultation held on the 5th July, it was "Resolved that the paragraphs notifying his discharge be read to Mr Salisbury." On the 14th July, Richard Mohan, who had succeeded Jearsey as Chief at Masulipatam, wrote to the Company, "Wee shall come now to speake of Mr Jearseys disbursements upon this Comodity (Saltpetre) which is alredy 11000 pagos, new, besides 3000 more required to redeeme 600 Candy now made, [in] which Mr Jearseys and Mr Salusburys credits are engaged."66 On the 16th July, 1670, Mohun wrote to Fort St George, "Ay for those persons discharged from our Masters Service and required to bee at the Fort, wee doe not thinck fitt to acquaint them with it yett not haveing conveighance for them, being well assured that theyle not bee at the travell and Charge of an overland Journey voluntarily ... as for Mr, Salusbury, wee have not yet seene him."67 When the news of his dismissal reached him at Peddapalle, Salisbury wrote to Masulipatam as follows: "Worshipfull Sir, &c. Councell, I have letely writt in Generall to Mr. William Jearsey &c.," acquainting them of the Saltpetre affayre, to which having not received reply, therefore now direct my letter to your Worship, &c. 1 See ante, p. 224. . Court Minutes, Vol. 36, fol. 176. 65 Letter Book, Vol. 4, p. 288. O Pactory Records, Miscellaneous, Vol. 3. & Factory Recorda, Manulipatam, Vol. 1. 06 Factory Records, Masulipatam, Vol. 5. 67 Factory Records, Yasulipatam, Vol. 5. This letter does not exist.

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AUGUST, 1903.) SOME ANGLO-INDIAN WORTHIE3. 227 My laste acquainted that their is now in a readynes 600 [ Candy ] of Cource peetre, besides some refyned to make good the Kings Accounts, and that the owners thereof are not willing to let goe parte and the other to Remagne on theyre hands, haveing my promise for their Securety, the Company not then haveing Stock for its management, the Raynes now drawing on, it is high tyme the Kings Peeter (was] sent away and that the remainder were now Refyneing if the Companyes Occatious require it. I understand the Company bave turned mee out of theire service, but for what am Ignorante. Had the Company given [me] the opportunity other persons have had, Presume should not now bee esteemed an unproffittable Servant to them. I formerly paste my promise to procure them 500 Tonns of the above named per anum and to Invest them 20000 per anuun in the Sorts these parts afford, and it was never my desire to keepe & Jurnall of charges onely, and the charge would be the sanie as now, were the Investment 50000 Pagos. per angm that hope your Worship &c. will not impute the faulte to mee, haveing oneley Loste my tyme in expectation of uncertaintyes. In the Bookes lately delivered, Metchlepatam Factory hath Or. 8080 Pa. new, of which I have received but 3000 Pa. aud 10 Caske of Allom. The reniginder was delivered the Bramony before my tyme and since the close of them Bookes have received 1000 Pa. which am to give Account of and 10 Casks of Allom. Metchlepatam hath 1000 pa. Cr. for the charge off the phirmaand &c. which the agent hath enordered to take off. Desireing your worshipp &ca. answer, with my humble Service subscribed, Your Worshipps &ca. assured friend and Servant, AMBROSE SALUSBURY."69 Sir William Langhorne, who became Agent at Fort St. George at the end of the year 1670 differed from the "unknowne writer"70 in his opision of Salisbury's character. In answer to the Court's instractions of December 1669, he and the Council replied, on the 19th July 1670, "Wee have neither had any Sattisfaction, either by perticular information or by Common Report that Mr Robert Fleetwood or Mr Ambrose Salisbury are persons of Such profane Spirrits Scandalous lires, or notoriously wicked as they are represented to you, unless their Zeale for Conformity and against nonconformity are made the ground of that accusation,"71 (To be continued.) CELEBRITIES IN TAMIL LITERATURE. BY S. KRISHNASWAMI AIYANGAR, M.A., M.B.A.S. Prefatory Note. I propose to give in the following papers a brief notice of what can be gathered from Tamil literature, so far brought out, of those that have attained fame either as poets or as patrons. I owe the idea to Dr. Hultzsch, Professor of Sanskrit at the Halle University, of attempting a catalogue on the lines of Dr. Aufrecht's great work. Having neither the ability nor the opportunities of the late eminent savant, I held back for over two years. I now venture upon the task, since no one else has come forward to do it. As a starting point for such a work, which must necessarily be chronological at least in part, an attempt is made to fix in the following paper the probable age of the third Tamil Sangam. In the succeeding papers, I shall give an account of what I have been able to gather regarding the Sangam and post-Sangan celebrities, as far as I can. The attempt must necessarily be tentative in character and it is hoped it will eventually lead to a better knowledge of the literatare of the ancient Tamils and their history. * Factory Records, Marulipatam, Vol. 9. * Seo anto, p. 224, 11 Factory Records, Miscellaneous, Vol. 3.

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228 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. I. THE AUGUSTAN AGE OF TAMIL LITERATURE. [AUGUST, 1908. DREARY as the prospect may well appear to the earnest student of Tamil literary history, as in fact does early South Indian history in general, there has, of late, been brought to light a considerable body of Tamil literature which throws a flood of light upon the much-doubted, though often debated, period when literary activity in Tamil reached its high water-mark. Scholars are much divided in opinion as to the Sangam having ever existed at all, except in the active imagination of later poets and the idle tongue of tradition. This is not strange, considering how much truth is generally overgrown and interwoven with fable and legend. Whether wantonly or otherwise, the truth is very often hidden almost beyond recognition in later literature; and early scholars in modern Indian research have unwittingly contributed their own quota to the very same end. Much has, therefore, even to be unlearnt before making an attempt to learn something about this distant past of the oldest of the Dravidian languages of South India. Even in the traditions handed down to us, much distorted though they are, there are certain cardinal facts and characters standing clearly marked out from the rubbish outgrowths. It will not, therefore, be without interest to attempt to place these facts in the light in which they appear, on an unbiassed and impartial enquiry. An attempt will, therefore, be made in this paper to set forth the available evidence, literary and historical, which tend towards the following conclusions: (a) That there was an age of great literary activity in Tamil to warrant the existence of a body like the traditional Bangam. (6) That the period of the greatest Sangam activity was the age when Senguttuvan Sera was a prominent character in politics. (e) That this age of Senguttuvan was the second century of the Christian era. (d) That these conclusions are in accordance with what is known of the later history of South India. There are a number of works in Tamil literature of a semi-historical character of a later and of an earlier time; and these alone will be relied upon here, without altogether eschewing tradition of a reliable character, as the sequel will amply shew. So far as tradition is concerned, there had been three Tamil Sangams1 that flourished at or about Madura, and of these the third is all that we can presume to speak about. This Sangam had for its members 49 critics and poets who constituted a board of censors. There were 49 Pandya rulers, among whom were Mudathirumaran and UgraPeruvajudhi who actively patronised the Sangam. This last personage is the sovereign before whom the Kural of Tiruvalluvar received the Sangam imprimatur. It is not out of place to remark here that the author of the Kural was not among the Sangam members, and there were a large number like him at different places, as will appear in the sequel. Taking this Ugra-Pandyan for reference, a number of poets and kings could be grouped around him from internal evidence of contemporaneity without having recourse to any legends concerning them. But it is first of all necessary to shew that it is probable that Tiruvalluvar was a contemporary of Ugra-Pandyan. Apart from the verse in praise of the Kural ascribed to him, it is a well-known fact that Tiruvalluvar had-a sister by name, or rather title, Avvaiyar. This poetess sings of this same Pandyan and his two friends the Chola Killi, who performed the 1 The poem quoted at page 2, note. Silappadhikaram.

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AUGUST, 1908.) CELEBRITIES IN TAMIL LITERATURE. 229 Kdjasiya, and the Cheraman Mavenko, although the names of these personages are not mentioned as such in the poein 367 of the Purandnuru. But poem 21 of the same collection by Cyur Mulangiler, specifies his victory over Vengaimarban and the taking of the great fortress of the forest (Kanappereyil).' It also refers to the fame of this Pandyan, transcending the skill of poets. This Ugra-Pandyan is credited with having got the collection Ahandruru made. Certain mythical achievements are ascribed to one Ugravarma Pandyan in the Madura Sthalapurana and the Haldoya or Tiruvilayadal, which achievements are alluded to in the Epic of the Anklet.' Leaving aside Ugra-Pandyan for a while, the greatest of Avvaiyar's patrons - in fact, almust the patrons -- were Adiyaman Neduman Anji and his son, Pohuttelina. Their territories were in the modern Mysore province and in the Salem District, with the capital at Tagadur,3 identified with Dharmapari in the latter district, though there was another Tagadur of some consequence in later history in the Mysore District, not far from Nanjanagudu near Mysore town. There was an Adiyaman about the same region who, as the Chola viceroy, was driven across the Kaveri when Talakadu was captured by the famous Ganga Raja, the general of Vishanvardbana Hoysals before 1117 A.D. Of the many poems in the Purandnutu collection ascribed to Avvaiyar, the great majority celebrate Anji, one of the last seven patrons of letters,' as patronage went in those days. Several of these mention the hero and his son by name. Poem 91 gives the hero's name and refers to the gift to Avraiyar of the black gooseberry supposed to confer immortality on the lucky eater thereof. The same incident is referred to, with the name of Avvaiyar pat in it, in the poem Sirupanarruppadait of Nallar Nattattanar included in the Ten Tamil Idylls' another Sangam collection. The poem has for its special object the celebration of Eramanattu Nalliyakkon, & petty chief over Vellore, Amur and other places near about, as the most liberal among the liberal patrons of those days, viz., the Chera, the Chola and the Pandya, and the seven last patrons. Poem 99 of the Purananuru is of importance, as giving us another clue to a different synchronist of the utmost consequence. This poem celebrates Anji's conquest of Tirakkovilur and states that the hero's fame transcended the capacity of the poets of an older generation, and yet the poet Parapar. sings to-day of the glory of your conquest of Tirukkovilur.' This mention of Paranar is of very great importance to literary history. He was a poet among the Sangam members and is credited with a large number of the Purananuru collection. But Paranar's fame should have been greater, had he really enjoyed the patronage of Sengattavan Sera, whom he celebrated in the fifth division of another Sangam collection, the Ten Tens' (Padigruppattu.) The parentage ascribed to Serguttuvan there agrees word for word almost with that given by the author of the Epic of the anklet,' a brother of the king, and is even fuller of particulars. The last verse, the Padigam, written either by a friendly contemporary or disciple or some one else in a similar position, explicitly gives us the names of the hero and the author, and thus leaves us in little doubt as to the correctness of the connection. It is on these two accounts that the commentator of the latter work relies for his fuller account of the Chera's history. From the reference to the Sirupda made above, it is clear that Avvaiyar enjoyed the patronage of Adiyaman Neduman Anji. Poem 99 of Purandndru refers to Paranar as having celebrated the same patron. The last verse of the fifth division of the Ten Tens' connects unnistakably Sengattavan with Paranar. Thus then it is clear that Senguttuvan Sera, Silappadhikdram, canto xi., 11. 2081. Mr. Kanakasabhai Pillai identifies this place with Dharmapuri, Salong Distriot. Vido Epigraphia Indica, VI, No. 81, and ante, XXII, pp. 68 and 143. Mr. F. J. Richards, M.A., I.C.S., intorns me that a bill overhanging the town Dharnispari goes by the name "Avvaimalai," the hill of Avvai, + 11. 99-108. 5 Vide pago 10, footnote on page 11, sad osuto xxix. Pandit Saminatha Iyor's edition recently published, PP. 73-78. Bilappadhikdram.

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230 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [August, 1908. Adiyaman Anji, Avvaiyar and Paranar inust have lived, if not actually at the same time, at least in the same generation. Seigutuvan W&S & remarkably great ruler, and thanks to the efforts of our modern Nechchinarkiniyar,' Maba mahopadhyaya Pandit Saminstha lyer of the Madras Presidency College, we have two great works composed at his court and in his time, which shed a flood of light on contemporary history and which would go a long way in settling many a knotty point in the literary history of Sonth India. These are the Epic of the Anklet! (Silappadhikaram) and the Jewel Belt' (Manimekhalai) The first is the work of Ilango, the yonnger brother of Sengattuvan, who, after renouncing civil life, resided at Kunavayil near Karur (Vanji), the ancient capital of the Chera; and the second, the companion and supplement, though the enrlier composed, from the pen of (rather the style of) Madurai Kulavanigan Sattan, otherwise known as Sitthalaichchattanar, the corn merchant of Madura. (His head was believed to have been exuding matter on account of the blows dealt by himself whenever he detected errors in other's composition, considering it a misfortune to have to read or listen to such blunders ; so uncompromising was he as a critic.) Before proceeding to a consideration of these great works, it is better to dispose of a few other important characters. of the last seven patrons celebrated in the Sirupdrarruppadai of Nallar Nattattauar (believed to be one of the Sangam forty-nine), there is one Pehan otherwise Vaiyavikkon Perurabehan) who was so liberal (inconsiderately so as to give a warm covering to a peacock. This same incident is referred to in poem 145 of the Purananari ascribed to Paranar. This personage sometime in his life transferred his affections from his wife Kannahi ( to be carefully distinguished from the heroine of the 'epie') and several poets, among whom Paranar, made poetical appeals on her behalf. The others were Kapilar, Aribil Kilar and Perumkuisur Kilar (poeins 43-47 both inclusive of the Puranlinuru ). There is considerable similarity of sentiment in these. Poem 343 of the same work is also ascribed to Paranar and it refers to a Kuttuvan very liberal in the donation of wealth brought down hill-country and from oversea.' Passing on to Kapilar, another Sangam celebrity reputed by tradition to be the younger brother of Tiruvalluvar, it is found that he had for his patron and friend a chieftain, Vol Pari, whose demesne Parambunadu comprised 300 villages and who was master of Parambu Hill. Kapilar is credited with baving composed the kurinji section of the Asyusunuru, the seventh of the Ten Tens.' the kurinjippd I tu of the "Ten Idylls' (all Sangam works) and the land that which is bad and therefore. to be avoided ), forty. When Pari fell a victim to the treachery of the three powers,' who made a futile attack on bim jointly, Kapilar as his chief friend took his two girls with him to be given away in marringe to some person worthy of them and thus do his last duty to his departed friend. Poems 200, 201 and 202 of the Purananuru refer to the incident of Pari's giving a car o the creeper mullai and to Kapilar's offering the girls to Vichchikkon and Pulikadimalo Irungovel of Malainadu. Both of them refused to marry the girls, and some insult offered as to the social standing of his patron's family the poet resents in poem 202. Poem 201 refers to Irungove] having been descended in the forty-ninth generation from the ruler of Tuvarai' who was born from a sacrificial fire. The title Pulikadimal has considerable similarity in its origin to a story which is given as explaining the origin of the Hoysalas in inscriptions of a later time. The following poem resents Irungavel's refusal to marry the girls and refers to the destruction of Arayam city, the headquarters of this family, in consequence of an insult offered to the poet Kalathalaiyarie by an ancestor of Irungovel's. The port further begs, with biting sarcasin, to be pardoned for his having introduced the girls as the daughters of Pari, instead of as the descendants of Eyvi (a chief in the Pandya country). . The actual story connecting these is regarded as a fabrication by some scholars. + Fide Sirupan. * He that killed a tiger. Tuvarai' may be either Dwaraka in Guzerat or Dwaravati or DwArasamudra of the Hoysalas. 10 Another poet who celebrates Karik Ala, and his Chera contemporary, Perumieruladhan. (Poem 65, Purana. turn.)

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AUGUST, 1908.] CELEBRITIES IN TAMIL LITERATURE. Kapilar himself is connected with the Chera Mantharam Soral Irum porai and spoken of with great regard as a poet by another poet, Porundhil Ilangiranar. Poem 126 by Marokkattu Nappasalaiyar refers to his having praised Malaiyaman Tirumudikkari, who was in posession of Mullur Hill. It incidentally refers to the naval strength of the Sera, likening the futility of the author's attempt at celebrating Kari when Kapilar had done so, to the endeavour to sail a ship in the face of the Chers fleet. Poem 174 by the same author refers incidentally to Mullur Hill, celebrated by Kapilar, and directly to Soliyavenadhi Tirukkannan (otherwise Tirukkilli), who rendered yeoman's service to Peruvirarkilli while in hiding at Mullur. The poem further credits the Malayaman Soliyavenadhi Tirukkannan with having restored the Chola to his position. 251 Another person that Kapilar celebrates is Tirumudikkari, ruler of Malainadu, with his capital at Tirukkovilur and with the hill Mullur. Poems 122 and 123 refer to his having been sought in alliance by the three powers. Beginning with a consideration of what little is known of these three personages, Avvaiyar, Paranar and Kapilar, we have been introduced to a number of poets and potentates living within a generation of one another. Before proceeding to a consideration of the chief rulers of the age andtheir geographical location, let us turn aside to glean what we can of contemporary history from the two epics of the age of Senguttuvan, who was, by far, the most important character of the period and about whom we could gather an amount of information from the above works. The Epic of the Anklet' is the story of Kovalan (Gopala, and his wife Kannahi, both of the mercantile community of Puhar (Kaverippumbattinam), and bas, for its moral, the triumph of the wife's chastity and the vindication of the husband's innocence. The story is as follows in brief outline:-Kovalan, the son of Masattavan of Puhar was early married to Kannahi, the beautiful daughter of Manaygan of the same place and community; and the marriage was celebrated with great pomp and becoming circumstance, as the two parties were of high social standing. After while the mother-in-law set her daughter-in-law up independently in a different house in the same city, provided with all that the young couple might need for conducting a successful and virtuous life, as householder and housewife. Sometime after, Kovalan took a fancy for a highly accomplished and exceedingly lovable professional dancing-woman, whose skill in her art was unsurpassed- nay, even unsurpassable. The lover and mistress led a happy life and had a daughter, the only offspring of their affection. Disconsolate as Kannahi was, she never lost her affection for the husband who had thus given her up, and was quite as faithful to him as she would have been under ordinary circumstances. At the conclusion of the annual festival to the god Indra, the usual bathing in the sea brought the festivities to a close. This was a day of enjoyment for all and the whole elegant society of Puhar turned out to the beach to spend the day in music, dancing, and other such amusements. The happy lovers singing to the accompaniment of the yal' (a Tamil musical instrument now gone out of use) by turns, suspected each the other of having changed his or her affection, from the tenor of the songs. Stung by this imagined bad faith on the part of his sweetheart, Madhavi, Kovalan went home to his house, instead of to hers as usual, and felt quite ashamed of himself for his treatment of the wife, who redoubled her attentions to him since she had seen that something ailed her lord. Overcome with remorse, Kovalan confessed to his wife his position with respect to Madhavi and communicated to her his resolution to make amends for his past misconduct by entering on business in Madura on his own account, asking her if she would follow him, should he act upon his resolution. Kannahi signified a ready assent and gave her husband the pair of anklets (silambu), the only thing valuable he had not as yet given away to Madhavi, for providing the requisite capital to the prospective merchant of Madura. That very night the repentant and admiring husband with his faithful spouse started away before dawn unknown to anyone, and took his away along the northern bank of the Kaveri. Picking up the nun Devandhi, a few miles above Pahar, they continued their journey to Srirangam and Uraiyur.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. Thence taking one of the three roads indicated by the Malainadu Brahman from Mangadn (Alawayi in Travancore), who was returing from Madura on a pilgrimage to the shrines of Vishnu, they reached the outskirt of the capital city of the Pandyans. Leaving his tender wife in charge of a hospitable shepherdess and her daughter, he entered Madura city the next day to sell one of the pair of anklets. Not finding a ready sale, as the jewel was of very high value, he wandered long before he was accosted by a goldsmith, who was going palaceward at the head of a number of his apprentices. On Kovalan's offering the jewel for sale, the wily smith promised to get it sold, with a request that he would keep the jewel with him and wait there till he should send for him from the palace whither he was then going. Proceeding gleefully to the royal residence, he reported to the king that the thief who had stolen the queen's anklet had been caught with the jewel in his possession and had been kept waiting under promise of purchase. The king who was much distressed at the loss of the jewel and the pain it caused the queen, asked that the jewel to be brought, 'killing the thief'; he actually meant, asking the man and the jewel to be brought, to kill the man, if guilty. The plot of the goldsmith, the real culprit, succeeded so well that the king was deluded and the innocent hero was murdered, after transacting & pathetic scene much like the one in Shakespeare's Richard III. News of this calamity reached Kannahi who, in great anger, forgot her usual modesty, and bent upon establishing her husband's innocence and the power of her chastity, walked boldly forth quite, unlike her ordinary self, with the other anklet in her hand and rang the bell of justice in the great gate of the palace. This alarm, quite unheard of in the reign of the then Pandyan ruler, aroused the suspicions of the hall-porter that something seriously wrong had taken place. The unusual apparition of a young injured woman with an anklet in one of her hands, anger and grief on the countenance, was immediately announced to the king. Admitted without delay into the royal presence, Kannahi proved that the anklet for which her husband suffered death was hers and not the queens's, demonstrating that the jewel in dispute was filled with rubies. The queen affirmed hers was filled with pearls. Kannahi invoked a curse that Madura be consumed by fire for this remissness of her king, who, rather than survive this disgrace he brought upon a line of illustrious rulers, died immediately. The queen followed her consort, and Kannahi left the city by the western gate towards the hill-country, where she was to join her husband in a fortnight, as promised by the goddess of Madura, 232 [AUGUST, 1908, This union of the wife and the husband was seen by the hill-tribes, who duly reported the matter to their king, then in camp on the hills with his queen and retinue. At the request of the good queen, the king built a temple and consecrated it to the chaste lady (Pattini Devi) who had undergone so recent an apotheosis. This is, in the merest outline, the story of the first epic, and the second is a sequel to this. Information of all the proceedings at Madura was given at Pahar by a Brahman friend of Kovalan, who, having bathed at Kumari (Cape Comorin, near which was once a river), was baiting at Madura on his homeward journey. The mother and mother-in-law of Kannahi died of grief. The father and father-in-law renounced life and became Buddhistic monks. Madhavi, disconsolate at Kovalan's sudden disappearance, sent him an importunate appeal to return, while he was yet on his outward journey to Madura. Finding it of no avail, she had been overcome with grief, and when news of Kovalan's death reached her, she gave up life and all its pleasures to become a lay disciple of a Baddhistic monk; while her daughter just blooming into a woman of rare beauty' and womanly grace, entered the Buddhistic cloister. "Jewel-Belt" (Manimekhala) was her name and her rennnciation forms the subject of the epic with her name. The heir-apparent of Puhar is very deeply in love with her, but she is taken care of by a goddess, who plays the guardian angel, much like the Ariel of Shakespeare. To save her from the loving prince's ardour, she is removed to an island by the goddess while asleep; and there she is initiated into the Buddhist mysteries. Having understood her past life, she returns to Puhar with a begging-bowl of

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233 AUGUST, 1908.] CELEBRITIES IN TAMIL LITERATURE. extraordinary virtue. The prince still prosecuting his hopeless love, falls a victim to the jealousy of an angel, whose wife's disguise the heroine assumed to keep out her importunate lover, her own husband in a previous life. Consoling the queen and the king in their sorrow for the loss of their son, she leaves Puhar (at the mouth of the Kaveri) and proceeds to Vanji (not far from Kranganur at the mouth of the Periyar), where she learns all that the teachers of different religious systems have to teach her. Not satisfied with their philosophy of religion, she is directed to Kanchi by her grandfather, who had betaken himself to Vanji in anticipation of Puhar being overwhelmed by the sea. Manimekhala proceeds to Kanchi and relieves the place from famine by the use of her begging-bowl. Learning the true philosophy of the Buddha from a saintly monk, she stopped there. This is the merest outline of the two poems, forming a single epic, which are of a dramatic-epic character with something of the narrative in it. Containing, as they do, a great deal of the supernatural, there is yet much that must be regarded as historical. In one word, the setting is poetical, but the back-ground is historical. The Epic of the Anklet' has much to say about the "three great kings of the south" and its companion concerns itself with three likewise; but the place of the Pandyan is taken by the ruler of Kanchi. To begin with the Chola kings celebrated by the poets, two names stand out; those of Karikala and Killi, called indifferently Nedumudikkilli, Velverkilli, Mavankilli, etc. Of these two, Dr. Haltzsch has the following in his south Indian inscriptions:-" It will be observed that each of the four documents, which record the names and achievements of these ancient Chola kings, enumerates them in a different order. One of the four kings, Kokkilli can hardly be considered a historical person, as he is credited with having entered a subterraneous cave and there to have contracted a marriage with a serpent princess, and as the Vikkirama Solan Uld, places him before the two mythical kings, Sibi and Kavera." .. Of Karikala an1 Ko-chchengan here follows what the same authority has to say: "A comparison of these conflicting statements shews that at the time of the composition of the three documents referred to, no tradition remained regarding the order in which Ko-chchengan and Karikala succeeded each other. Probably their names were only known from ancient Tamil panegyrics of the same type as Kalavali and Pattinappalai. It would be a mistake to treat them as actual ancestors of that Chola dynasty, whose epigraphical records have come down to us. They must rather be considered as representatives of extinct dynasties of the Chola country, whose names had survived in Tamil literature either by chance or by specially-marked achievements. "To Karikala the Leyden grant attributes the building of embankments along the Kaveri river. The same act is alluded to in the Kalingattupparani and Vikkirana Solan Ula. The Kalingattup parani adds that he paid 1,600,000 gold pieces to the author of the Pattinappalai. According to Porunararruppadai of Mudathama Kanniyar the name of the king's father was Ilanjetchenni. The king himself is there called Karigal or blackleg or the elephant-leg; while the Sanskritized form of his name Karikala would mean ' death to elephants.' He is said to have defeated the Chera and Pandya kings in battle fought at Vennil. According to the Silappadhikaram his capital was Kaverippambattinam. In one of his interesting contributions to the history of ancient Tamil literature, the Hon'ble P. Coomarasami allots Karikala to the 1st century A. D. This opinion is based on the fact that the commentaries on the Silappadhikaram represent Karikala as the maternal grandfather of the Chera king, Seigattuvan, a contemporary of Gajabahu of Ceylon. Mr. Coomarasami identifies the latter with Gajabahu I. who, according to the Mahdvaikea, reigned from (135 A. D.). With due respect to Mr. Coomarasami's sagacity, I am not prepared to accept this view, unless the identity of the two Gajabahns is not only supported by the mere identity of name but proved by internal reasons, and until the chronology of the early history of Ceylon has been subjected to a critical examanation." 11 Vol. II, Part III, pp. 377 and S76.

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234 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (AUGUST, 1906. A careful examination of the first book of the Epic of the Anklet' shows that during the early part of the life of the hero, the king of Puh3r was Karikala Chola. Apart from the fact test the commentator invariably interprete all references to the ruling king as applying to Karikak (and this is itself is much as the commentator was one who was thoroughly qualified for the task and can, as such, be expected to embody nothing but correct tradition in his commentaries), th-re are a number of direct references to him -- either by name or by the attribute of his having ereci ed the tiger-emblem on the Himalayas. The last four lines of canto i-blesses the ruler who erected the tiger-emblem on the crest of the Himalayas." There is direct mention of Karikala's name and his rewarding the poet of the Palai [Pattinappdlai]" in one of the manuscripts consulted by the editor ; farther down, lines 158-160 of canto vi, mention as clearly as one conld wish Karikals as ruling at the time, and the commentator explains it as such by giving the passage the necessary expansion, not to mention the allasive bnt undoubted reference to the same personage in lines 95-98 of canto . Of the three kings praised in canto xvii, there is reference to Karikala's Himalayan exploit in the last stanza in page 400, and this is the last Chola raler referred to. Canto xxi, lines 11 et seq., clearly state that Karikala's daughter had married the then Chora king, whoin sho joined when he lost 18 his life in the sea. These would undonbtedly point to Karikala as baring ruled at Kaveripputibattinam till Kovalan's departure for Madara. The supernatural achievements are clearly nothing more than the fanciful way in which these Buddhistic anthors attempt to explain even the most ordinary occurrences. The most carsory examination will discover that it is so, and the faith of these authors in the doctrine of karma comes in for much that would otherwise be inexplicable in the story. To return to Karikala. He was the son of Uruvappaharor-Ilanjotchendi and bad married among the Nangur Vel class. He is reputed to have assumed the form of an old judge in order to satisfy the scruples of the parties, who were afraid that, being a youth, he could not bring mature experience to bear upon the question coming up for decision. His name is actually accounted for as having been due to an accident by fire 14 while yet & baby. He is the hero of the two poenis in the "Ten Tainil Idylls," Porunurdsruppadai of Mudathamakkangiyar and the Pattinapodlat of Rudirangannanat, for which letter the anthor received the 16 lakhs of gold pieces mentioned above. He defeated the Chera by name Peromseraladban and a Pandyan whose name is not mentioned in the battle of Vennil.16 This Chers wounded in the back in battle retired' to the north in disgrace.16 Rudirangapanar celebrates another hero, the Tonqaman Ilandirayan of Kanchi whom tradition traces to the Chola Killi by a "Naza" princess, as stated by Dr. Hultzsch, in the quotation above. his Killi, otherwise Nedamndi Killi, is the ill-fated successor of Kerikala, in whose reign a catastrophe befcll l'uhar and broaght the Chola fortunes very low indeed. While luckily there are but a few Karikalus among South Indian rulers, there are a number of Killis, 7 among whom it is a matter of great difficalty indeed to fasten upon the individual here mentioned. Fortunately for us there are certain distinguishing features which give us the clue. One of the exploits of Senguttavan Sera is the victory at Nerivayil, a village near Draiyur (Trichinopoly), where he 13 Pages 44 and 45--Pandit Saminatha Iyer's edition of Sikappadhikaran. There is nothing in the lines to lond one to rogard them as later interpolations. 13 The text has it that when he was drowned she called out for him. The waves showed him to her when she joined him and both disappeared, much like Kappahi's union with ber husband. 14 The 3rd stanza from the Palamos quoted at the end of the Porunardruppasok 18 Lino 113--148. Porunardrruppadai. Vennilis Kovil Vanni in the Tanjore District. 36 Purandndru pooms 65 und 66. 11 Twelve in Purandsuth, and nine in Silappadhikdram,

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AUGUST, 1908.] CELEBRITIES IN TAMIL LITERATURE. 285 defeated the nine Killis of the Chola family and thus restored his cousin [brother-in-law] to power. From tko Epic of the Anklet and the Jowel-Belt,' we learn he was the last ruler in Pohar and it was in his nign that the ancient Chola capital was overwhelmed by the sea. It is this Killi, whatever his distinguishing epithet, that is the father of the Tondamen referred to by Dr. Hultzsoh. While in the Peribanarruppadai, the commentator Nachchinerkiniyar [who must have lived in the 13th century A. D. or thereabouts174] makes the Toncaman the son of a Naga princess with whom the Chola lived in a cave, which is generally taken to mean the nether-world, the Jewel-Belt' gives the following much less romantic version of the story, which agrees in all details except the cave, so far as it goes, while accounting for the destruction of Puhar. Without going so far out as the Hades, we find reference to Naga ralers in India and Ceylon, between whom a war once took place for the possession of some Buddha-relie, according to the Jewel-Belt.'18 The same also refers to another mace of the Nagas a "naked cannibals." The story goes on to state that Killi fell in love with * Naga princess, who appeared before him all alone like a damsel from the fairy-land, in what is called the Kali Kanal19" (the grove by the back-water ] at Pubar. After a month of happy life, she left him [ and this is explained away by preordination ), when she had taken ber residence in an island near the coast20 300 miles away from the Puhur. Sometime after she became the mother of & beantiful son, she sont the child to the father through a merchant, whose ship called at the island on its homeward journey. While nearing Pubar, the ship got wrecked off the coast and the baby's fate W&B not known for certain. On hearing of this disaster, the king ordered a thorough search to be made, and in his paternal anxiety forgot his duty to the god Indra, whose annnal festival had been forgottea. Tho wrath of the god shewod itseli, very likely, in a storm-wave which destroyed Pahar completely.21 This account taken from the Jewel-Belt' of the birth of the Tondaman makes Dr. Hultzsch's objection as to the myth, lose edge, and therefore it is quite possible - nay, even historical -- that there was a human ruler by Dame Killi, who ruled at Puhar after Karikala. [Note. - The descent into the Hades, therefore, will have to be regarded as an eastern figure of speech and nothing more. There are other incidents throughout these epics, which interpreted literally would be quite as absurd; and these are easily accounted for by the author's belief in the doctrines of Karma and re-births, the main pillars of the Buddhistic faith, as also to a modified extent of the Brabmanio. It is this that makes them attempt to account for actual phenomens by caures supernatural. This modern European critics fail to bear in mind, and hence all appears grotesquely legendary and absurdly fabulous. These remarks find their full application in the * Jewel-Belt', though there is hardly any Indian work of a quasi-religious or ethical character in criticising which one could afford to forget them. ] The destruction of Puhar referred to above accounts for the association of Killi with Uraiyar at the end of the Epic of the Anklet,' in the course of which the catastrophe to Puhar must have happened. The ruler at Kanchi during the period, according to the "Jewel-Belt,' was an 11am Killi, the brother of Kalar Killi. 176 . Anavaradha Vinayagam Pillai allots him to the 9th century A.D. (Christian Coll. Mag., vin, 1900. 16 We find reference to sneh wars in Maharathea, in the earlier chapters of the work. 19 Thin Kali KAnal is refered to in canto vii m the place of resort of pleasure-seekers nay, veritable "lover's arbour" in Puhar. >> Vida Manimdkhalai noto, pp. 97 and 98. The island of Ceylon, in which is Adam's Peak, is sacred to the Buddhirts. This hill is now known as Samantakatam and Samanelli, but referred to in the work as Samantam und Samanosi. 1 There is a story of similar import with respect to a Ceylonese king, whose wito was abducted by a Chola ling Ander trailer circumstances. There are no grounds to connect the two at presegt, at any rato.

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236 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1909. This last ruler of Pubar is referred to in the Jewel-Belt' with the following adjuncts indifferently, vis., Vadiverkilli, Velverkilli, Mavenkilli and Nedumudikilli. With the help of his younger brother, Pango [perhaps Ilamkilli of Kanchi], who was probably the heir-apparent as the term would indicate, he defeated the Cheras and the Pandyas on the banks of the river Kari.22 The three poems concerning this personage in the Purandniru refer to his having been besieged at Uraiyur and Amur by Nalam-killi. After the destruction of Pahar he must have been reduced to the woeful plight from which Senguttuvan Sera must have relieved him by his victory at Nerivayil23 over the nine Chola princes who forgot their allegiance to the Killi. This is borne out by the enmity between Nedumudik-killi and Nalamkilli indicated in poems 44, 45 and 47 of Purandnuru. There are besides a number more of Killis, each with a distinguishing epithet which would support the existence of the nine Killis [Killi being a generic name of the Cholas like Senni, etc.] The author of these poems, Kovil Kilar, celebrates another Killi who died at Kulamurram. None of these Killis is associated with Puhar. In fact neither in the Purandnuru nor in the Sirupandrruppadai do we find the city of Puhar associated with these Cholas. Leaving aside the Cholas, we find the whole time, during which the incidents narrated in the two epics, took place, taken up by Senguttuvan Sera, whose capital was at Vanji [Karur] at the month of the Periyar on the west coast. His exploits are recorded in some detail in these works and the others referred to already. His father and uncle are celebrated in the two preceding sections of the "Ten Tens." His chief achievements were a naval victory over the Kadambu,' two invasions of the north with victories on the banks of the Ganges over Kanaka and Vijaya, sons of Balakemara and the victories at Nerivayil and Viyalur [there is a Viyalur connected with Nannan, an ancestor of Vichchikkon, whom Kapilar celebrates in poem 200 of the Purananuru]. Like his father, Seiguttuvan also claims to have cut out the bow-emblem on the Himalayas. Coming to the Pandyas of Madura, we have two names in the Epic of the Anklet,' viz., Nedum Cheliyan, victor over the "Aryan army," and Ilam Cheliyan, who was viceroy at Korkai when Nedum Cheliyan died at Madura. Before discussing these names we have to dispose of one other Pandyan of importance in literary history. When Tiruvalluvar submitted the Kural to the Sangam critics, the king was Ugra-Pandyan, victor over the "big forest fort [Kanappereyil] under the chief Vengaimarban." The Tiruvilaiyddal Purdham ascribes to him some achievements which are of a legendary character, thongh some might have been possible. These are the very achieve ments 24 ascribed to a Pandys ruler by the Malainadu [hill-country] Brahman from Mangadu, (Alangadu or Alavayi) then at Uraiyur in the course of a pilgrimage to the shrines of Vishnu, who directed Kovalan to Madura from Uraiyur. This praise would lose all point unless it referred to the ruling Pandyan when the Brahman pilgrim sojourned at Madura, on his visit to Tirumaliruujolai. The author of the epic clearly designates him the Pandyan Nedum Cheliyan "victor over the Aryan forces," whatever these forces might have been. There are a number of references throughout the work to the erecting of the fish-emblem on the Himalayas. It is the boast of Karikala Chola and Ugra-Pandyan, Nedumeeraladhan [father of Senguttuvan ], that they cnt out their respective emblems on the Himalayas. These achievements are clearly ascribed to the reigning Pandyan in the commencing and the concluding lines of canto xvii. Thus then the Ugra-Pandyan25 of the " Pandit Saminatha Iyer's edition of Manimekhala, page 174, canto xix, lines 124-130. Nerivayil in later history belonged to the Khatriya Sikhamani Valandu, i. ., the region round Uraiyur, and the royal secretary of Virarajendra was the owner of this village as also of Tali Tirappanangadu. Bouth Indian Inscriptions, Vol. III. "Canto xi, lines 23-31. There are besides references to his achievements in connection with the ruling Pandyan in many places throughout the work. 15 Stanza 4, bottom of page 400. Mr. Kanakasabhai Pillai in his interesting papers on "The Tamils 1800 Years Ago," makes Ugra-Pandyan the contemporary of the suocessor of the Killi, the grandson of Karikala This would bring Tiruvalluvar's Kural too late for quotation by the friendly authors of the two epios, as the Kural. received the Sangam approval under Ugra-Pandyan. [Madras Review, Vol. II, No. 6].

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237 AUGUST, 1908.] CELEBRITIES IN TAMIL LITERATURE. purdnas and tradition could not have been any other than the ill-starred Pandyan Nedum Cheliyan of the Epic of the Anklet.' Avvaiyar's reference to Paranar referred to above would agree quite well with this identification, as in accordance with that reference, Parapar should have been the earlier of the two. The successor of the Pandyan, apparently his son, Pandyan Ham Cheliyan, otherwise Verriver-Cheliyan, was in Korkai when his father died and succeeded to his father's estate in the course of the story. We are vouchsafed no other informatian, except that he propitiated the manes of the injured lady, Kannahi, by the sacrifice of 100 goldsmiths [perhaps a massacre of that class of artisans]. Probably his reign was short and uneventful. He must have been succeeded by Pandyan Nedum Cheliyan, victor at Talayalanganame over the two other king and seven chiefs. Kapilar is connected with prince Mantharam Seralirum porai of the "elephant-look " by Porundhil Ilam Kiranar in poem 53 of Purandnaru. This Chera was ruling over Tondi [Quilandy, and not the Solan Tondi, on the east coast now in the Ramanad zamindari], and was the master of Kolli Malai27 [a hill in the Salem District quite on the border of Trichinopoly]. His position in this region would have been possible only in the light of Sengottuvan's victories over the Kongus at Sengalam red-field ], at Viyalur, about the same region, and over the nine Cholas at Nerivayil [near Trichinopoly ]. This personage was taken prisoner by the Pandyan Nedum Cheliyan 28 of Talayalanginam fame. At this latter place, the young Pandyan overthrew the "Tamil army" under the two king and seven chiefs.' This Pandyan was a great celebrity in literature and in his reign flourished a number of poets of the Sangam fame. He is the hero of Mangudi Maradanar's Maduraikkanji and Narkirar's Nedunalvadai among the "Ten Tamil Idylls." He was himself, like several other rulers of those days, including his grandfather, a poet. There are a number of poems relating to him in the Purandnuru collection. Thus we see that during the course of the story, the rulers of Puhar were Karikala and his grandson, Kokkili20 of Madura, Nedum Cheliyan identified with Ugra-Pandyan and Ilam Cheliyan followed later by Nedum Cheliyan, victor over the Tamil army at Talayalanganam; the Chera ruler all the time at Karur [Vaiji] was Senguttuvan Sera, the brother of the author of the epic and the patron of the author of the Jewel-Belt,' the father and the uncle of this personage having been the heroes of 2nd and 3rd section of the "Ten Tens." Chey, (prince) of the " elephant-look" must have been his son and viceroy of the newly-conquered territories. These were the sovereigns of the three kingdoms who flourished in the generation of the literary celebrities headed by the names chosen at the commencement, viz., Avvaiyar, Paranar and Kapilar. These were the three stars of the first magnitade in the literary firmament, as those in the political, of South India. Other poets there were and patrons likewise. Of the latter, mention has already been made of Pari of Parambanadu and Parambu Hill; Kari of Tirukkovilur in Malainadu and Mullur Hill; Irangovel of Arayam in the Western hill-country of the "Tuvarai30 family with the special distinction of having killed a tiger to save a saint absorbed in contemplation"; Pehan of Nallur in Malainadu [hill-country]; and Adiyaman Anji of Tagadur and the Horse-hill, overthrown according to the 8th section of the "Ten Tens" by 28 He must have been particularly young when he came to the throne, Puram, 7. The last lines of canto xiv, the 'Epic of the Anklet,' refer to the reigning Chera as the ruler over the country between the Himalayas with the bow-emblem and Kolli Malai. 28. A., canto xxviii, lines 115-125. Seliyan is again a generic name like Pandyan, and the father or the son have the adjunct "big" "young," much as 'Smith, senior or junior.' Mr. Kanakasabhai Pillai places a Nalamkilli between these two. [Madras Review, Vol. II, No. 7.] 30 Tuvarai might have been either Dvaraka in Guzerat or Dvaravati or Halibad in Mysore; but the latter does not appear till much later, and the name fuvarai in classical works is always taken to mean Dvaraka.

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238 TEE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (AUGUST, 1906. the Perun Saral wbo overthrew Tagadur. These are all' mentioned by name as well as by distinguishing achievements, most of them in somewhat fabulons garb in the Sirupanartuppadai of Nallur Nattattanar. . Besides these, we have already mentioned the prince Chera of the ** elephant look," ruler of Tondi and master of Kolli Hill. To come to the poets, in addition, to the three already referred to, we must mention here only a few of the more important, such 88 Tiruvalluvar, Ilangovadigal, Siththalal Battaner, Rudirangannanar, Mudathamakkanniyar, Mangudi Marudangr, Narktrar and others, whose works are held even to-day in high esteem by the Tamil world as masterpieces in their respective departments. Some of the ralers were themselves poets of some merit, and Avvaiyar was not the only poetess. The two young daughters of Pari could compose verses and the elegiacs ascribed to them is proof of their ability in this direction. There is besides a poem in Purandnuru ascribed to the wife of Bhuta Pandyan, who performed salti on the funeral pyre of her husband. These names raise a strong presumption in favour of the view that, as the age of Senguttavan (including in it a generation either way] was one of great literary activity, it might have been the time when the Sangam activity was at its height,31 This was the age when the creed of the Buddha was in the Ascendant, which, like all other reform movements of a later time, gave a powerful impetus to the development of the vernaculars of the country. Although the Sangam is not mentioned as sach in these early works, we find the cultivation of Tamil specially associated with Madura, which is often referred to as "Tamil Kadal," despite the fact that a large number of poets mentioned above flourished in other courts. In the traditional lists of Sangam celebrities we find mention of the names of most of the authors referred to above. It is not improbable, therefore, that a board of censors like the Sangam existed about this age at Madurs. Without pausing to examine what other literary men could be grouped along with those spoken of already, We might pas8 on to the consideration of the more important question of the probable age of this great literary activity in South India. The two chief epics - the Epic of the Anklet' and the Jewel-Belt,' were Buddhistic, the latter more so than the former; and the other works of the age show considerable Buddhistic influence and follow in this order with regard to dates of composition. The Kural is the earliest of the major works, as there are quotations from this work in the companion epics, which even acknowledge the quotations. The two epics must have been composed about the same period the Jewel-Belt' preceding the epic the Ahandnuru miscellany is ascribed to Ugra Pandyan, before whom the Kural received the Sangam imprimatur. The Kundalak exi is another Buddhistic work and, so far as we know it st present, of a controversial character, much like the Jewel-Belt' in plan of work. This was followed by the Nilakesitterutfu, which attempts a refutation of the Kundalakozi and must, therefore, be of a later age. If this general course of literary activity is correctly indicated by the editor of Sen Tamil,' whose account is relied on here, and if we can fix the probable period of this literary activity, this will prove the sheet anchor in the literary ohronology of South India. In the midst of the confused tangle of mere names and names of similar sound and meaning, we have, luckily, jast a few distinct characters and characteristics that make the attempt not altogether hopeless, provided the question be approached in the spirit of unbiaseed enquiry. Althongh Kili is quite a common name among the Chola rulers, Karikala is somewhat uncommon. Sengutfuvan is definita enough and his Ceylon contemporary Gajababu's name occurs, luckily for students of Tamil Bl It will be clear from the above that the anthor of the Kural could not have been much earlier than the friendly authors of the epics. Still they quote with great respect from the Kural. This could only be if the Kural were authoritatively approved of after being read out before the Sangau, Siththalai Bottan being one of the August body. Ilango, Lowever, was not among this body, although he quotes from the Kural likewise, n sinipan and Pwednandu and Kalingattnpparani, of a later ago

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AUGUST, 1903.) CELEBRITIES IN TAMIL LITERATURE. 239 history, but twice among 174 names unlike Vikramabahu, for instance. The Kalingat/upparani, a work comporod between (1111-1135 A. D.) refers to Karikala and Ko-kisli in the reverse order, Killi being followed by Kocbongan, Karikala following both. There appears, from the Purananitru, to have been a Killi in the third generation before Karikala; but the Chola succession is fixed as follows with respect to this, taking only such naues as are specifically mentioned in the order given below: Ilanjetchenni, his son Karikala, his grandson Nedumudi-killi. The Kalingattupparaai, like the great cornmentator who must have lived after Jayan Kontan, the author of this work, ascribes to Killi the descent into the Hades. It is just possible that there was a mistake made, a9 to the particular Killi whose union with the Naga princess was thus described by later writers. If this were so, the Karikala of the Himalayan fame could not have been Kullottunga I. (1070 A.D.-1118 A, D.) certainly, nor tbe viceroy of Koli [Uraiyur] in the reign of bis father-in-law Rajendra [ 10534 1060 A.D.). There is one other Karikala of the later dynasty 33 whose epigraphical records are available to us --Aditya Karikala (circa 950-985 A. D.] who killed Vira Pandyan in battle. as it in sport. But the author of the Kalingattupparani plaees Karikala three names before Vtrankriyana or Parantaka I. while Aditya was the eldest son of Parantaks, & grandson of the first of that namo. So then we are driven to the necessity of looking for this Karikala far earlier than 900 A. D. It was shewn above that the works themselves point to an age when the religion of the Baddha was in the ascendant as the probable period when the works under consideration - at least the greatest of them were composed. Buddhism was overthrown by about the 7th century A. D. when Hinen Thsang was travelling through Indis, and when Tirajnanasambands flourished. About 862 A. D., a battle was fought between Varagana Pandyan and the western Ganga king Sivamara, at Sri Parambi ( Tirapparambiyam near Kumbhakonam). This would not have been possible had the Cholas been at all powerful. Nor do the works of the age under review mention the Gangas as so powerful. We are at this period (750-850 A.D.) passing out of the Pallava ascendency in South India which must have begun about 500 A. D., if not earlier, with Vishnugopa of Kancht, the contemporary of Samudragupta. There is no reference in the works under notice to such premier position of the Pallayas or even the Tondaman rdjas - the only Tondeman of the period figaring as a minor chief, Kancht being a Chola viceroyalty. In the Rsyskocta85 plates, << Pallavs king by name Skandasishya, who must have been earlier than Vishwagopa claims deseent froin Asvattaman through Nage princess. Perhaps by this time the origin of Ilandirayan had been so far forgotten is to make this credible. These considerations leads us to an earlier period for Karikala. This personage is associated with Puhar even in tradition, and the Jewel-Belt' tells us in unmistakable language that Puhar was submerged in Killi's reign. All the poems in the Pherandneu about Killi, a number of them with distinguisihing epithets, connect them with Uraiyar, and none of them is connected with Pahur. Uraiyar figures as a considerable town in the Epic of the Anklet. Even the Siredpandyruppadai does not mention Puhar. This is a very important circumstance as will appear presently. When Senguttuvan performed an elaborate sacrifice on the occasion of the consecration of the temple to Pattiai Devi (the heroine of the Ariklet '], there was present, among others, Gajabahu of Lanks surrounded by sea (as opposed to Mavilangai of Eromanatgu Nalliyakkon). This Gajabaha of Ceylon, Ilar Cheliyan of Madura, and Killi of Uraigur, built temples to the same deity, following the lead of the Chora. The question now is whether this Gajababu is the first or the second of the name. The first Gajabahu ruled as monarch of all Ceylon from 118-185 A.D.; the Tor list of this dynasty of kings, see the table prefixed to my artiole, "The Chola Ascendency in South India" (Madras Review) for November 1902, or the South Indians incription, Vol III, Part II, 2e0ently publialued. Amal Raport for Epigraphy, 1906-03, Part IL, p. 15, and Epigraphia India, Vol. VIII, P. 295 and 319. No. 8: Epigraphia Indica, Vol. V.

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240 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [ATGUST, 1908. second as one of three from 1142-1164 A. D. as in the list appended to Miss Duff's Chronoloyy of India. Dr. Hultzsch's challenge to the Honourable Mr. Coomarasamy is to establish by internal evidence that the Gajalahn mentioned was the first and not the second of the name. As to the other part of his objection, it must have become clear from the above that for the myth about Killi, later writers alone are responsible ; and enough direct evidence has been adduced to show that Karikala was ruling at Pabar when Kovalan began life as a married man, and that his danghter was the wife of the Chera king then reigning. To return to Gajabahu ; let us for the sake of argument take him to be the second of the name. We know something of the history of South India in the middle of the 12th century and the geograpbical distribution of powers. The Chola rulers ought to have been either Vikrama or Kulottunga; the rulers of Madura, either Vfra Pandyan or Vikrama Pandyan, the sovereigns of the Chers country were Vira Kerala Varman and Vira Ravi Varman; of the Mysore country, Vishnuvardhana and his son, Narasimha. There were no separate rulers at Kanchi, except in the sense that it was an alternative capital of the Cholas. There was an Adiyaman, no doubt, about this period (somewhat earlier ), but he was the Chola viceroy at Talakad (uot connected with Tagadur], who was driven across the Kaveri by Ganga Raja, the famous general of Vishauvardhana. There were no Kongu ralers such as are mentioned in the Epic of the Anklet.' Gajababu himself was in no plight to come to Vanji38 [Karur) at the mouth of the Perar, not far from the modern Kranganar [Kodungalur). Gajaba hu was fighting his own battles nearer home with his two neighbours, Manabharana and Parakramabahu, and it was all he could do to keep himself from being permanently overwhelmed. The first Gajabahu invaded the Chola country to bring back the inhabitants of Ceylon, carried off by the Chola army on a previous invasion of the island during his father's reign; they were then in bondage at the city of Kaveri in the country of Soli.' He brought back besides the relics and the begging-bowl of the Buddha ["which aforetime had been carried away by the Dhamilas"). The Rajaratnakari while ascribing the same achievements to him, states that the Ceylonese went of their own accord" to serve at the river Kaveri."37 He is there said to have bronglt a number of the Tamils and settled them in Ceylon. In the Rdjavali, however, there is an even more elaborate version. The ruler is there called Rajabahu (which may be due to a mislection). He was accustomed to make solitary night-rounds; when he heard the wailings of a widow in her house, for her two sons had been taken captive by the king of Soli Ratta.' The adigars [officers) friling to discover anything wrong, the king sent for the woman and learnt from her that 12,000 families had been carried away, "when the king of Soli Ratta made his descent a pon the island." The same achievements as in the previous account are recorded, with the addition that the king of Ceylon also, u pon that occasion, brought away the foot ornaments of Pattini Devi and also the four arms of the gods." This Pattini Devi could have been no other than the heroine of the epic, who was known as Pattini Devi or Pattini Kadavul. This must have been regarded as # valuable relic in those days, when relics played such a prominent part in religion. As to the begging-bowl of the Buddha, a bowl of extraordinary virtue had been brought by Manimekhald from an island south of Pubar, where there was a Buddba sest as well, which had the divine quality of letting people into the secrets of their former existence, a belief in which was one of the cardinal doctrines of Buddhism. The Jewel-Belt' also states that two Naga kings fought for the possession of this Buddha-seat. These then are the native accounts of the Ceylonese chronicles with respect to Gajababu I. ; but, unfortunately, the * Vanji itself was not the capital of the Chers at the time. The capital of Kerala was then Quilon, and during the period of the Chola aoendency (900-1300 A.D.) 57 Vol. II, puges 57-58. This mention of the river instead of the town would show that when the Rajaratsakari was compiled the existence of the town was passing into oblivion. . The distinotion between the Chola country and other parts of South India is not onrefully made in the Mahdcama. Sometimes they specially talk of Soli Kafta, at others of MIAbar generalla, meaning not the Malabar Coast Decessarily, but India generally.

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AUGUST, 1903.) CELEBRITIES IN TAMIL LITERATURE. 241 reference to Pattini Devi does not occur in the earlier compilations. This is matter for great regret. It must, however, be noticed that all these works were compiled from earlier writings and living tradition. Here follows what the learned translator of the works has to say about them :-"So carefully has the text been handed down that the discrepancies found to exist between the more ancient and modern copies are very slight indeed. The Rdjavali is a work of different bands and complied from local histories; it is used as a corollary or addition to the two preceding works, continuing the narative through the struggles between the Portuguese and their rivals, the Dutcb, etc." All tradition, therefore, and the historical circumstances attending the stories of these epics point to the first Gajabahu, as the Ceylon ruler who was present at the celebration of the sacrifice by Sengutuvan Sera and if the Rdjavali could be relied on, the conclusion would be forced upon us. As it is, however, there is but little ground to connect these events with the second Gajababu, as some scholars would have it. As to the date of the first Gajabahu, the chronicle gives 113_185 A.D. as the period of his reign. Whatever be the real worth of this actual date, we have little reason to regard that of his successor namesake as inaccurate. It has been pointed ont that the middle of the 12th century could not possibly be the time when the poets flourished. There is the Kalingattupparani, the date of composition of which could not have been much later than 1111 A. D., certainly not later than 1118 A. D. Sandaramati Nayanar, whom the late Mr. Sundaram Pillai placed in the 8th century A.D. refers to Pari, the patron of Kapilar, and the general tenor of the epic points to Buddhistic times, which the 12th century was not. Taking the Buddha Nirvana, at 487 B. C. instead of 543 B. C., as recognised by most authorities now, the reign of Gajabahu I. go up to 162-191 A. D. Until it is proved that the earlier dates of the Afahdoarsa are unreliableto [except for this error], these dates will have to stand, and the period of the greatest literary activity in Tamil must thus be put down as the 2nd and 3rd centuries of the Christian era at the latest. This will be quite consistent with the power of the Tamils in the centuriet preceding the Christian era, when they several times invaded Ceylon and imposed themselves on the Ceylonese as usurpers, about the middle of the 1st century B. O. These facts coupled with the emperor Asoka's reference to these Tamil powers, along with the five Hellenistic potentates, warrants great probability with respect to the high state of civilisation of the Tamils. Besides the mention of Gajabuhu, we find mention of a number of other rulers in the course of the Epic of the Anklet,' who were some of them friendly and others hostile. The friendly kings were the "hundred karnas," who provided Senguttavan with a fleet of ships with which to cross the Ganges, when he invaded the Northern country to punish Kanaka and Vijaya, sons of Balakumara, who spoke disparagingly of the Tamil rolers. These brothers were helped by Uttara, Vichitra, Rndra, Bhairava, Chitra, Singa, Dhunuthara and Sreta. Mr. Kanakasabhai takes the hundred karnas" as equal to Satakarnin of the Matsyapurana. Bat against this, there is the objection that the Tamil poet mentions the hundred persons, the karnas', and in one place the author even speaks of "the karnas" without the hundred." 9 The reforence is to the complaint which the devotee makes in respect to the lack of liberality in people in his days, although one should choose to describe a miser m. patron liberal as Pari,' much w Bacon complains of learned men turning Faustina into Lucretia. 4. Prof. Rhys Davida finds the chronicle borne out in important details by the inscriptions among the finds of the Sinoht Tope, etc. (Buddhist India, pp. 299-300), page 1 ots: J. R. 4. 8., 1008 ; Indian Review, May, 1908; the Date of the Buddha by Mr. Gopala Iyor. +1 8. 4., canto xxvi, 11. 180-185. 8. A., canto xxvi, 1. 149. 45 8. 4., oanto xvii, p. 117.

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242 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (AUGUST, 1908. Besides, as would appear from Dr. Bhandarkar's Dekhan, the name Satakarnin was that of a dynasty and not of only one ruler. The name Satakarni alone appears in the early part of the list and the date is 40 B.C. to 16 A. D. (see 166, Bombay Gazelleur, Vol. I., Part II.) The word itself could be taken to mean "keen-eared" (rather than handred-eared), figuratively. It is hard to understand how a contemporary could have rendered it with the number attached not to the ears but to men, Besides, these were raling in Southern India, although Magadh was included in their dominions. So then, even if the hundred karnas" meant Satakarnin, the particular sovereign might have been Yajna Sri who ruled from 154--174 A.D. in the Maharashtra, and 172--202 A. D. in Telingana. If this be so, we have also a Vijaya, mentioned in all the puranas, who was in Telingana from 202-208 A. D., bat as against this, there is the objection that Sengattuvan crossed the Ganges and fought with Vijaya and bis brother on the northern bank of Ganges. This notwithstanding, that Sengattavan must have flourished about this time, could be inferred from the fact that Senguttavan's father, Pandyan Nedumcheliyan and Karikala all claim victory over the Aryan forces. It is very likely that the Tamil forces helped in the overthrow of the foreigners by Gotamiputra Satakarnits and the direct mention of gifts to Karikala by the Rajas of Bundelkhand [ Vajranada ], Magadba aud Malava ( Avanti ] could not be altogether a Aginent of the imagination, since it is so very definite. All ciroumstances attending point to the 2nd century A. D. as the era of Denguttavan; and the era of the greatest literary activity may be taken to be the 2nd and 3rd centuries after Christ. Buddhism was introduced into South India during the last quarter of the 3rd century B.C. It must have taken some time to strike root, and in those days must have been somewhat slow in spreading. Judging from the exposition of it, as shown in the 'Jewel-Belt,' we might take it that it wus as yet so free from any element of corruption as to evoke the admiration of even Cbristian scholars, like the learned translator of the Ceylonese chronicles. The early centaries after Christ may, therefore, be regarded as the age of Buddhistic ascendency in South India. When Fa Hian was travelling in India, there was already the early signs of revalsion, and Brabmanism returned to the fray. In the next two or three centuries Buddhism was swept off the country and the restoration of Brahmanism was completed when Hiuen Tbsang came to India, chiefly through the agency in the Tamil country of the earlier Saiva devotees and some among the Vaishnava. From this time the struggle is not so much between Buddhism and Brahmanism, ar between the latter and Jainism. In the first centuries of the Christian era then, we find India south of the Tangabhadra tbas politically divided. If we start at the source of the Kaveri and follow its course till it meets the Amaravati near Karur, and then go up the latter river continding our journey till we reach the Palnis and the Western Ghauts, we shall bave marked the land-boundary of the Chera sphere of influence. If we take a straight south-easterly line from Karur till we reach the sea, east of the Zamindari of Sivaganga and south of the old Chola town of Tondi, the south of this line would be the Pandya, and north of it the Chola sphere of influence. It must not be understood that the territory allotted to each power was always directly under it. The frontier regions were always of doubtful allegiance, as could be seen from the care with which rulers in those days fortified and strengthened frontier towns. So far as the Cholas were concerned, they had always prominently before them the strategical advantages of Uraigur on the west and Kancht on the north, although their chief city was Puhar on the sea coast. Karur was the meeting place of the three powers and it was in its neighbourhood that many This is the more likely, the Baka Nahapans and of his stooosor, Rishabadata, ruled over the Mab Arlehtra. with Junnar for their capital, aud their territory extended up to Malapar. This dynasty, together with that of Chahtans in Malva, wus overthrown by Gotamiputra Satalarni and his son, Palimayi, among whose possessions we find the regions of the Malaya and the Sahya." These Andbrabhrityas came from Dhanakataks near Gantur, and driving back the usurpers, recovered their adoestral dominions. (Introduction to Literary Remains of Dr. Bhax Dhaji, pago 25, And Dr. Bhandarkar'a Dekhan, Soca. iv, 1, and vi).

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South India at the Sangam Period. Indian Antiquary AND DOM! We HATS . Irungo vol Territory Ton vanadu SP vion mans Do Dharmapuri Nanjanagud Ovilur Maladus of Kari kong por Kollimplais emain on y irangpereen aroor wher Origur 10 ----- - Kodungulus neys Domaine Remnad. . WWW A Domaine det 78

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August, 1908.) CELEBRITIES IN TAMIL LITERATURE. a bard-fought battle took place. This central region, particularly the hilly portion, was therefore filled with petty chieftancies owing allegiance, so long as it could be enforced, to one or other of these powers, constituting a group of frontier " buffer-states." Thus there was Irangove! north of the Mysore District and on the frontiers of Coorg. Next to him was the Adiyaman in the southern-half of the Mysore District and part of Salem with his headquarters at Tagndur. He belonged to the Chera family. South of this must have been the territory of Pehan with Nallur for his headquarters, the country round the Palnis ; between the two last was probably Parambanadu of Pari. Next follows the Kongu country, which we might put down as including a part of the Coimbatore and Salem Districts. In a line east of this is the hill-country of Kari with its headquarters, Tirukkovilur. South of this is the Chola country proper, and north the province or kingdom, according to circumstances, of Kancht. Sonth of the Palghat gap and in the Pandya country was the chieftancy of Alay round Podiyil Hill in the Western Ghats. On the opposite side round Korkai were the territories of Evvi. During the latter part of the reign of Sengattuvan there was a Chera, probaly a viceroy only, holding a tract of country extending from the Kolli Mal'aist to Tondi on the coast, with the Chola and the Pandya countries on either side. This was the prince Chera of elephant-look" (probably he had small deep-set eyes]. The above appears to have been the geographical division of the country. This kaleidascopic arrangement vanished and another pattern presented itself with every turn that affairs took. . If we call the age under consideration the age of the Obera ascendancy, as Sengustuvan Sera appears to have been at one time in his life the arbiter of the destinies of this part of the country, we pass on gradually from this into a struggle, the Chora supremacy being shaken by the Pandyan. Here we lose the thread till we come to about A. D. 400, when the Pallavas rise into importance. The Pallava ascendancy begins with Vishnugopa of Kancht, the contemporary of Samudragupta, and reaches its grand climacteric under Narasimhavarman, the destroyer of Badmi (Vatapi], the Chalakya capital about 640 A.D. A century hence we find the Gangas and Pandyas fighting near Kumbbakonam. This role the Pandyas play several times in history. Their position at the farthest end of the peninsula gives them safety. It is only when the frontier powers fall, that we see the Pandyas asserting themselves. Throughout history the South Indian powers had to oppose the incursion of the Dekhan powers, and from the rise of the Pallavas we can have a clear idea of the general position of the South Indian powers. Vargona Pandyan Bucceeded in chasing the Gangas back into their territory. In another century & new dynasty of the Cholas rise into eminence and achieve an arcendancy, matched only by that of the later empire of Vijayanagar in its best days. The decline of the Cholas again brings into prominence the Pandys in the south and the Hoysalas in the north. Both alike of these powers are overwhelmed in that great wave of Moslem invasion under Malik Kafar. The Muhammadan is beaten back by the heroic efforts of a number of chiefs and this movement culminates in the establishment of the Vijayanagar empire in the middle of the 14th century. The fall of this empire brings the history of Hindu rule in South India practically to a close, and the Marath Empire belongs to a different chapter of Indian history, NOTES AND QUERIES. SELECTION OF ANCESTRAL NAMES AMONG notions underlying a custom in naming boys HINDUS. after the paternal grandfather, or if he be alive In the Garbhadhan (Conception ) Ceremony, after the great-grandfather, which obtains in the Hindu woman is advised, on the authority of Bombay Presidency. the Puranas, to hold in mind the features of Prominent instances are numerous. Sivaji's eminent ancestors of her husband. She is also grandson, nicknamed Shabu by Aurangzob, was advised to look upon her husband's features named Sivajt. At the adoption ceremony of the immediately after the purification bath, which Gaikwad of Baroda he was named Sayajirao, the she takes on the fourth day of the monthly name of his illustrious ancestor, though his true distemper, or 'if he be absent to meditato on his name was Gopalrao. The hereditary Diwan features. This seems to give expression to the Minister) of Baroda is named Vithalrdo, which 10 This was the tract taken from O'ri by his enemy Kari and given to the Chora. . 1 Skanda Purana, Madanaratna, quoted in Badra Kamalikar, p. 240, 2nd Ed. Bombay: "1898.

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244 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [August, 1908. was also his grandfather's name. The son of had no hand in the naining. When the child Gangadharrio Madhavrio Chitnavie, C.I.E., was born, he was in England on duty, and was a member of the Viceroy's Council, is named not so close student of custom as he is now, Madhavrko, after his grandfather and so is and bad his child named Rama. It so happened Gangadharrao bimself. that the wife of one of his uncles had just lost The Guptes of Salsette, to which the present a good-looking boy of that name, and her super stitious feelings were grievously hurt. And then writer belongs, have adopted the custom for a long wbile. His name of Balkrishna was decided on within a year another of her sons, a promising for the following reasons. When he was born graduate, died leaving a child-widow behind. his grandfather was alive, and so he was named The loss of her son and the presence of the poor after his great-grandfather, whose uncle was also young widow roused her to such an extent that she sent us word:-"Go and tell BAlkrishna named Balkfishna after the same personage, who was, of course, the uncle's grandfather. The that my son is here laid, and that there is another writer's paternal grandfather was named Janar- Vacancy in the names for him to appropriate for dan after his deceased grandfather, and this name his song." This was a veritable bomb thrown is now that of the writer's uncle's grandson. into the family-circle and all the gotrajas The eighth ancestor, who was the founder of (cognates ) were aghast, strongly believing that the name unfortunately given to our son the family in the Deccan, the Karkhanis at was the cause of all the trouble. One result was Raigadh under Sivajt of historical fame, was that the writer's next son should have been, in named Ramaji", and among the writer's cognate the ordinary course, named Lakshman, but that there have been Ramas, Ramajis, and Ramchan was the name of the deceased graduate. He had dras ever since. The father of Rao Bahadur by that time learnt his experience and searched Appajt Ramchandra Gupte, formerly Accountant about for a safe name and found it in RaghuGeneral of Baroda and the right-hand man of Sir nath. Theodore Hope, the author of the Bombay 1 This personal experience is related to place the Account Code, was an example in the last genera existence of the feeling and custom beyond all tion. So, again, the writer's uncle is named doubt, but here is another instance in the family Jayaram and bis son Rama ( R&mchandra). to show how the stigma of a wrongly-bestowed The idea is that a boy named after an eminent name sticks. In 1861 Dadob died in England, ancestor will take after him, and if, at birth, and of him the relatives were particularly proud. a boy cries a great deal, the belief is still current A cousin numed his grandson after bim, and the that an ancestor who left some desires unfulfilled ill-feeling aroused thereby is quite lively to the has been born again in him and demande present day. The generation that caused the a repetition of his name. He is solemnly promised trouble bas passed away, but a few years ago the that the demand shall be granted. On the 12th present writer observed the cynical smile that day after birth, the namakaran ceremony takes passed over the face of a direct descendant of place and the babe is addressed thus: "We Dadob on hearing a boy shouting for another acoept you as so and so and thus give you your 80 named and belonging to the branch, which he name. May you shine and prosper as you considered had usurped the name. did in your former birth, and may your desires A son of the Dadoba, who had been given the be fulfilled." usurped name, should, in the ordinary course, All this is done in the belief that the soul will have named his own son Dadoba, but he was wise have no salvation until the unfulfiled desire bas in his generation and called him Sankar, # title been satisfied and must be reincarnated until that of Sadasiva. The ceremonial name of the child consummation is reached. But there is another was, of course, DAdobi, but the additional and aspect of this belief, as there is a fixed idea that invariably used name Sankar was supposed to naming a child after a living representative of countract its evil effect, owing to the attributes the name in the family shortens the life of the of the deity after whom it was given. person whose name has been taken. If also there In yet another instance bad blood was avoided. is any emulation or jealousy between branches An uncle had named his child Madhav while of a family it is held to be an affront, amounting at a distance from the family home, but to an insult, to name a child after << cousin just a brother also bad that name, and as soon as the dead. The present writer, about twenty years ago, mother of the newly-named Madhav heard of it, unwittingly got into a serious family scrape over she changed the name of her babe to Mahader the name Rame, which he gave to his son, and in and there was family peace. this trouble his wife was involved, though she B. A. GUPTE. No claim in made to a descent from the ancient Guptas. * 4 represents jaya, sucoess, and is an ati of respect

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SEPTEMBER, 1908.] THE INSCRIPTION P. ON THE MATHURA LION-CAPITAL. 245 THE INSCRIPTION P. ON THE MATHURA LION-CAPITAL. BY A. BARTH, MEMBRE DE L'INSTITUT. (Translated from the French by G. Tamson, M.A., Ph.D.; Gottingen.) [The original article, of which a translation is given here with the author's permission, appeared in the Comptes Rendus des Seances de l'Academie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, 1907, p. 384 ff. The translation was made at the suggestion of the late Professor Kielhorn, who thought that it would be of interest to many readers who have no access to the original. The sudden and lamented death of Professor Kielhorn prevented him from adding any introductory remarks, which he could have done so much better than myself. - G.T.] THIS inscription, one of the shortest, - it consists of only three words,- is perbaps, in some respects, the most important one, of the whole series ; for, even before it was published, it had become customary to see in it a direct proof that a whole dynasty of Satraps and Great Satraps, with barbarnus nrmes, some of which figure also in other records at this same place, Mathura, and at Taksacila in the Panjab, the Tafia of the ancients, and ou coins, belonged to that branch of the Scythian ngtions which, from the time of Herodotas, was known among the Greeks under the name of Saras, the Cakas of Sanskrit literature. So Mr. Fleet, one of the masters of Indian epigraphy, has recently drawn attention to this document: in a very ingenious articlel he has improved the interpretation of the commencement: but he appears to me to have gone astray hali-way, and I much fear that he bas rather spoilt the interpretation of the end. The inscription is cut, with seventeen others, on a capital of red sandstone, of rather modest dinensions (1 ft. 7 ins. by 2 ft. 8 ins. ), formed by two lions placed back to back. Judging from the ( 886 ) mortises in it above and below, it ought to rest on one of those stambhas or pillars that formed a portion of the ornamentation of sanctuaries, and, in accordance with what we see on ancient bas-reliefs, it should itself be surmounted by some other religious symbol, such as a dharmacakra or wheel of the law. In one of the inscriptions, the one entitled 1,2 the interpretation of which, it is true, is very doubtful, it would seem that reference is made to an ariny, to war and victory; and if So, the pillar would have been both a dharmastambha and a jayastambha, a monument of devotion and a trophy of victory. The block oame originally from the immediate neighbourhood of Mathura, the Melopa of the ancients, on the Jumna, the holy city of the cult of Krishna, but which, like almost all the great religious centres in India, was also a holy land for Buddhists and Jains. The stone was discovered in 1869, and was acquired in the following year, for his patron, Bhau Daji, by one of the men who have rendered the most eminent services to Indian arcbaeology, the late Bhagvanlal Indraji. Unfortunately, the Pandit has not indicated the site of the find with sufficient accuracy : he simply tells us that he made it at some distance from the Saptarsitila, "the monnd of the seren Rishis," no donbt one of the numerous tumuli in the plain of Mathura, but for which I find no indication either in the Reports of Cunningham or in the voluminous monograph on the district of Mathura by Growse. Moreover, at the time of the discovery, the stone was no longer in situ ; it had been used for erecting an altar consecrated to the goddess of small-pox. The exact provenance is therefore unknown, and we possess as yet no clue to locate, even approximately, the otherwise unknown Guhavibara, which is mentioned in inscription II, and to which the monument probably belonged. The capital was bequeathed by Bhagvanal to the British Museum, where it is now on view. [886] Also, it was only after the death of the Pandit, and from his papers preserved with 1 J. R. As. Soc. of London, 1904, p. 708 sq., and 1905, p. 154 sq. These letters refer to the pablioation of Bhagvaplal-Bubler, in which the cighteen insoriptions are markod A B. C, to R.

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246 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1908. the Asiatic Society of London, that his great work on the Ksatrapas, both those of the West and those of the North, was summarised by Mr. Rapson, and his version and translation of the present inscriptions were piously published by Buhler, with the corrections of the editor, and as the result of a new and careful collation with the original monument. The eighteen inscriptions are cut on every part of the capital, very irregularly, in various directions, and in letters of very different sizes. Thus, they strangely recall the momentos which in every country, obtrusive travellers like to leave behind them on their way. Yet they are not mere scribblings; even the smallest of the characters are well-formed and cut deeply and carefully. Most, if not all, of them were nevertheless to be necessarily illegible when seen from the foot of the pillar, and two, A and N, cut close to the two mortises, were even entirely hidden when the capital was once put into its place and surmounted by its appendage. From this fact Bhagvanlal concluded that they must all have been cut at one and the same time, before the stone was put into its place. And, in fact, this is very probable in the case of the chief inscription A, which records the consecration of relics of the Buddha Cakyamnni, of a stupa, and of a monastery, the whole for the benefit of a community of Sarvastivadin monks, and the work of the chief queen of the Great Satrap Rajula, jointly with her mother, grandmother and other relations. It is the only one of these texts that presents a certain development, and it is exactly one of the two that were to remain for ever invisible. The same conclusion will also readily be admitted in the case of some others, relating, As is probable for some and certain for others of them, to members of the same family and commemorating acts of homage, [387] intended for those personages according to Bhagvanlal, or rather, according to myself, performed by them. The fact that those commemorations should have been thus engraved so as never to be read would, in any case, be no objection. As the Pandit points out, notbing is more common with that sort of documents. In fact, instances abound in every period, from the numerous epigraphs buried within the stupas up to that temple of Upper Siam in which, in a long gallery, a sort of absolutely dark tabe made in the thickness of the masonry, M. Fournereau collected about a hundred bas-reliefs accompanied by descriptive inscriptions intended to be never seen by anyone. We may also recall the fact that at Gimnar a portion of the inscriptions of Acoka, - which were, for all that, edicts, we might say notices, - can only be read by one lying down at full length under the rock, and that, it would seem, such has always been the case. Those are pious works which indeed admit of a certain amount of publicity, but a publicity intended especially for the next world. But must the same conclusion be applied to all the inscriptions of the capital, even to those which concern personages who were as devoid of titles as possible and appear to bave had no connection whatever with this family of Satraps? Here I should have considerable hesitation. On the one hand, there is the want of order in which all these epigraphs are scattered, as if at random, on the stone, while they record religious acts without any apparent interconnection ; there are, moreover, the differences in the size of the characters, which appears in no way proportional to the dignity of the personages mentioned ; also certain divergences of an orthographical kind; also many indications which do not well agree with the hypothesis of a common origin, of a work accomplished on one occasion, by the same bands and in the short space of time required for the construction of the capital. On the other hand, even in the still so regrettable absence of fac-similes, it [388] must indeed be aclmitted that there are no characteristic differences in the writing, since, not to speak of Blingvanlul, epigraphists as distinguished as Buhler and Mr. Fleet, who were able to examine the stone and had excellent reproductions at their disposal, have not pointed to a single one. Bat I confess that this latter consideration does not appear to me to possess any great weight. Those inscriptions are in Klarostbi, in that cursive writing, with its indecisive forms, in which the 3 J. R. As. Soc. of London, 1890, p. 639 sq., and 1994, p. 541 sq. * Ibid., 1894, p. 2587. 5 Since the time when this was written, excellent fac-similes, prepared under Mr. Fleet's diroction from photographs made by Sir Alexander Cunningham, have been published, as an accompaniment to an article on these inscriptions by Mr. Thomas, in Ep 9r. Ind., IX, p. 135 8.

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SEPTEMBER, 1908.] THE INSCRIPTION P. ON THE MATHURA LION-CAPITAL. 247 variations of the conformation, numerous as they are, do not allow themselves to be reduced to any definite chronological order. If we had the least doubt with regard to this, we should only have to refer to the strange interchange of positions (as in the figurus of a dance) which equally capable and competent men continually make those dynasties to carry out that belong to some time about our own era, and do so, in fact, while basing their arguments on the same documents, some of which, nevertheless, are in Brahmi, that is to say, in a more regular writing in which the variations are much more noticeable. Every thing considered, I should, therefore, rather be inclined to believe that a considerable number of these inscriptions have nothing to do with the erection of the pillar, that they are not contemporaneous with the first consecration, and that they were engraved, not before the capital was put into its place, but on various occasions after its fall. Earthquakes are not unknown in the district; people there still remember that of 1804; nor can Mathuri, which according to tradition was ravaged by the Yavanas, the Greeks, have been safe from hostile enterprises during those certainly troubled times. We have no means of estimating the duration of that interval; yet there are reasons for believing that it cannot have been a long one ; for the Kharosthi writing was never fully acclimatised at Mathuri, and, at whatever period its appearance there is placed. it does not seem to have remained long in use. At all events, I do not hesitate to class among those (in my opinion ) later inscriptions our inscription P, to which I now return after this long preamble. [389] The inscription is cut in two lines, on the flank of the lion on the right hand, and is entirely separated from its neighbours. It was read by Bhagvanlal thus : Savass sakasta nasa puyao, and was translated by him: - "In honour of the whole of Sakastana," that is to say, in honour of the whole Segestan, in the name of which there has been preserved, down to our own days, the memory of the Cakas. The reading, on the testimony of Buhler and Mr. Eteet, is absolutely certain, and Buhler has also shown that the translation is faultless with respect both to phonology and to orthography. As far as the mere form of the Prakrit words is considered, these are in fact rendered perfectly and as it were spontaneously into Sanskrit by : Sarvasya Pakasthanasya pujayai. From this glorification of Cakasthana, the conclusion was afterwards drawn that all these Satraps and Great Satraps were Cakas, namely, those who figure here and elsewhere, Rajula or Rajavula and his son Cadasa or Codasa, Kusulaka Patika and his father Liaka Kusulaka (the two last-mentioned being vassals of a Great King. Moga ), also others whose names are of little importance here, who appear to have ruled in one or in several divisions, as more or less independent sovereigns, frou the Jamni to the Iadus, and for whom we possess the dates 72 and 78 of a non-specified tra. If the preceding remarks as to the respective independence of these documents have any value, it may [390] perhaps be thought that the conclusion does not necessarily follow, even if the accuracy of the translation from which it was drawn be admitted. But is that translation an accurate one? Buhler, who admitted both the translation and the conclusion, appears, nevertheless, to have been somewhat astonished at this homage to the whole district of the Cakas. "It is a remarkable fact," he says, " no other analogous instance is known." As for myself it has always seemed to me that even this instance could not be taken into account, and for several reasons. * [ But the first word, as rond by Bhagvanlal, Buhler, and Fluet, is saruwa not satana. Ed.] + There is, perhaps, ao inclination to exaggerate the degree of independence of these Satraps, especially of thoeo of whom we postess no coine. T'he title itself already indicates a certain subordination. To the case of Liaka and Patika, vassals of the Great King Moga, is now added that of the Great Satrap Kharapallana and of the Satrap Vanaspara, who, in insoriptions recently discovered at Sarnath, recognised the Great King Kaniqka me their sovereign : Epigr. Ind., VIII, 176-179.

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248 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1908. In the first place, it is not evident that this name of Caka, or any other of the same kind and of a very general signification, has ever occurred in the protocol of any of those foreign dynasties; here, as a matter of ethnology, are found only names of tribes or of clans. Even the members of those dynasties that are called Cakas by their enemies and are now, almost by universal consent, recognised as such, the founders of the era of that name, the Satraps and Great Satraps of Surastra and Malwa, do not give themselves this qualification, with the exception of the son-in-law of one of them, Usavadata, and even this unique confession of a foreign origin is not absolutely certain. Another reason that makes me suspect the translation is that no mention is found in it of the performer of the homage, in my opinion as essential a point as is the signature to a petition, and one which, in fact, is never absent. Even here it is absent only once, in inscription 0, which, as is shown by the word puya in the nominative, is a quite general formula of adoration, like namo buddhaya and so many others, and does not imply any particular act of homage. Everywhere else, where, in these texts, a similar act is involved, the performer of the act is carefully mentioned ; for, with Mr. Fleet, I think that all these proper names [ 391 ] in the genitive indicate the persons that pay the homage, not those that receive it. Finally, one more reason, namely, that this translation appears to me contrary to the usage of the language and to the natural sense of the words. Puja has not the meaning of glorification ;' it is a concrete act of worship, of homage, of great respect, which always attaches to something of a religious nature; it is addressed to a god, to a superior, to parents ; accompanied by a mental invocation it may be addressed to an absent person ; it may even be addressed to inanimate objects, to a sanctuary, a stream, a sacred tree; the warrior may make a puja to his weapons, the master of a house to his hearth; I could even understand that, on returning from a distance a traveller should make one to his native country. But I do not see how, from Mathura, & puja should be made to the whole Segestan. In short, "jn honour of the whole Sakastana" is an English phrase ; it is not a religious Indian phrase, nor even simply an Indian phrase at all. Mr. Fleet is not any more satisfied than myself with that translation, but for another reason. He will absolutely not have it that there is the slightest mention made of Cakas in the epigraphy of Northern India. While he is dislodging them from another inscription of Mathura in which it was thought that they were found, they must therefore disappear from the present one. He therefore thinks that it is not this name, but the possessive adjective svaka, that forms the first term of the compound sakustana, which must be transcribed into Sanskrit as svakasthana. As to sardasa, he ancepts it as a proper name, Sarva or Carva, the genitive depending no longer on puyae, but on some word like dana, 'gift, offering,' understood. He thus arrives, after a first trial on which I will not dwell, since he has himseli abandoned it, at the translation : "(An offering ) of Sarva, in honour of his home." [302] That savasa should be a proper name of the donor and be construed with a word understood, is an excellent suggestion, quite in conformity with the usage of those documents; but the interpretation of sakastanasa appears to me absolutely inadmissible. Sthana cannot, like our word "maison," and, strictly speaking, like the English word "home," be taken in the sense of "family;" it is the place of one's sojourn, the residence, the dwelling in the material sense, and only that. Now, one does not make a puja to one's lodging, any more than one makes one to the whole Segestan.". Something else must, therefore, be looked for. I will not stop to discuss the varions propositions that one may be tempted to offer for the solution of this viddls, such as, for instance, that of seeing in it homage addressed to the Cak yasthana, the ostablishment of the Buddhist monks to which these inscriptions relate. That Naaik, 6 A., ap. Aroh. Suru. West, India, IV, p. 101, and No. 14, ap. Epizr. Ind., VIII, p. 85. Caka somes immediately after a laonna. J. R. As. Soc. of London, 1905, p. 685 sq.

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SEPTEMBER, 1908.] THE INSCRIPTION P. ON THE MATHURA LION-CAPITAL. 249 would give us neither the name of him who performed the homage nor any very acceptable expression for what the texts themselves indicate by the proper word sangha, 'the community.' I prefer to proceed directly to the interpretation which appears to me the most probable, the only one in conformity with the spirit of the language and the usage of the documents. The inscription states that, at the Buddhist sanctuary of which the piller formed a part, a puja, en act of homage, was performed, we do not know exactly what, but no doubt some offering or gift to the community; we therefore require the name of him who performed the act ; for we may be quite sure that the act was registered only in order that the name might be 80. Moreover, the designation of the person must be sufficiently explicit; to make it so, we require more than the simple name, we require at least a qualifying expression, that is to say, two words. Now, these two words are supplied by the text itself, namely, savas1 and sakostanasa. For, sakastana is not only the proper name of a place, it is also the adjective derived from that proper name, with the meaning "native of Sakastana, inhabitant of Sakastana." In order that it may have this second signification, it suffices to assume a long a in the first syllable, and nothing prevents us from reading it thus, for [393) the Kharosthi writing does not mark the quantity of the vowels. In the Brahmi writing, in which this quantity is marked, we should probably have sakastana, as in Sanskrit we have mathura, native of Mathura,' kanyakubja, 'native of Kanyakubja,' saurastra, native of Surastra.' The Sanskrit grammarians have given rules for this derivation and have imposed restrictions on it; but the Prakrit dialects are very free in this respect; at the most, they sonetimes add their ever-occurring sofix ka, as in nasikaka, native of Nasika,' and even here, in the inscription F, nakaraa, 'native of Nagara;' but in Rwe have tachila, native of Taksila,' the exact counterpart of our sakastana, According to a constant practice. these two genitives, indicating the performer of the act, depend on * term understood, which we may, however, be dispensed from supplying, since we do not know in what, exactly, the act consisted. At all events, they are independent of puyae ; so much so even that the latter may in its torn be suppressed, as it is in 0 and R, where we only find" of Khardas, Satrap," "ot Kodina, native of Taksila," both of whom, however, without any possible doubt, claim to have performed an act of puja. We have, then, the following translation: " Or Sava, native of Sakastana; to render homage." Who was this Sava, whose name, such as it is, I leave as it stands, as being probably a foreign one? Was he a soldier of fortune in the pay of an Indian sovereign, after the immemorial custom of the men of his country? And was this sovereign himself a Caka, or some other barbarian or a native? Or again, was Sava a merchant on his travels, who came with one of those caravans from the Khyber, which at all times brought into India the horses and camels of Iran? Was he perhaps settled at Mathura ? Or was he a simple pilgrim? We know nothing about it; all we can say is that he must have been a man without a title, but of a (394) certain fortune ; that he was a lay Buddhist ; and that he had come from a country then called Sakastana. I believe that Mr. Fleet himself will take no umbrage at this mention of a Caka, when it is reduced to these proportions ; for it commits one neither to the acceptance nor to the denial of what he calls the historical presence of the Cakas in Northern India. Here, however, there is a question on which I do not wish to touch. Were there in Northern India, somewhere abont the commencement of our ers, any Caka rulers? We know absolutely nothing about it. Mr. Fleet denies it; and the fact is that, if there were any such, they have not told us so. But this is an argument that should not be strained; for the rulers of the South-West, who appear indeed to have been Cakas, also have not told us so at all, and from ancient times the name appears to have been a comprehensive designation very variously applied. However, the mention here of Sakastana should not surprise us. The term is an ancient one ; it goes back at least to the time of Isodorus of Charax, in whom we have no reason for not recognising the geographer employed by Augustus. He places Sakaorary between Drangiana and Arachosis, that is to say, in the Segestan of the later geography; and the appellation must have been already ancient, for the country was 10 Geogr. Graeci Min., ed. C. Muller, I, pp. 244-245.

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250 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1906. then under the dominion of the Parthians ; much earlier, even, it was just about in this region, among the nations of the eastern frontier of his empire, that Darius enumerates the Cakas, 11 or at lenst certain tribes of the Cakas, who, as mercenaries mach in request, must have possessed settlements in various places. It might even be that already, before the Christian era, they had some establishnients on Indian soil ; for, long ago Lassen, 12 and more recently M. Boyer, 18 have drawn attention to the fact [395 ) that with the My Tow of Isidorus of Cbarax, one of the four capitals of the Cukas of Sakastane, two others exactly correspond in the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea (2nd hall of the 1st century), nainely, Mevayap or Morvayapa (nagara = blus), one on the lower Indus, the other on the Gulf of Cambay. And here also, if, as is probable, these names belong to the language of the Cakas, they should be ancient, for the Scythians, that is to say, the Cakas of the first of these capitals, were at the time of the Periplus subject to Parthian kinglets, and those of the second one were so thoroughly Hindooised that the compiler no longer recognised foreigners in them." It is here," he says, "that India commences,"l1 Ilitherto I lave not touched upon the question of the date of these inscriptions, or at least I have only referred to it in vaglie terms as somewhere about the beginning of the Christian ere ; for I think it would be temerity to ain at greater precision. All that we actually possess of data, direct and indirect, foreign and indigenous, has been turned over again and again in all possible ways, and arranged in almost countless combinations, not one of which appears convincing to the exclusion of the others. When we see, for instance, Buhler asserting, as an absolutely certain fact, that the Satraps of our inscriptions came before Kaniska and the first Kusana emperors, and Mr. Fleet stating, as a no less certain fact, that they came after them, and this when, on one side and the other, Koniska and his immediate successors are referred to epochs differing by 135 years, we may be allowed to think that the question is not ripe for solution, and may be excused from setting up ono more system after so many others. We have seen that for two of the Satraps who figure in our inscriptions, and exactly in those which may probably be contemporaneous with the erection of the pillar and consequently may be the most ancient ones, namely, for Cadasa and Patika, we possess the two dates 72 and 78. Unfortunately, [396 ) these dates, like all which we have of that period and which are not simply regnal years, belong to an undetermined ers. The Bhandarkars, father and son, refer them to the Caka era of A. D. 78. Most scholars seek their origin towards the middle of the first century B. C., not to mention "outsiders " who contend that they should bo removed much further back. Mr. Fleet, with greater precision, refers them, with all the other dates which we possess for this period, in Northern India, to the era afterwards called that of Vikrama, which commences 58 B. C. This is evidently a simplification of matters, and round this thesis, which he has been defending for some years, he has not failed to group, very ingeniously, a number of reasons which may render it plausible. But still it remains the principal one of these reasons that Northern India is in possession of a well-established era, the Samvat of Vikrama, that it is not proved that it had others Yor this period, and that, therefore, it bad no others in reality. The reply to this might be that a plurality of eras is a normal fact in India, where almost every dynasty has had its own; that this plarality is a priori probable in that period of invasions and of ratber unstable governments, when there were even several calendars, the Macedonian and at least two indigenous ones; that the general usage of the Vikrama-Satnvat in ancient times would itself stand in great need of being proved ; and that, finally, there is in this demonstration something like arguing in a circle ; for, by taking everything for one of these anonymous eras, it is clear that nothing will remain for the others. But it is also very clear that all the objections in the world could not advance the question by a single step. It will be possible to take this step only when some fortunate find has introduced a truly solid fixed point into this mass of still floating data which lend themselves only to hypothetical constructions. 11 Behistan, , 16; Persepolis, I, 18; N. Ra, 25. I quote after the edition of Spiegel, the only one that I have at hand. These lists are somewhat confused, but the general position shows clearly enough. 12 Iul. Alterthumsk., II, p. 397. 1 JONrr. As., X. (1897), p. 140. 14 Geogr. Greci Min., I, p. 290.

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SEPTEMBER, 1908.) THE NARAYANIYA AND THE BHAGAVATAS. 25 THE NARAYANIYA AND THE BHAGAVATAS. BY GEORGE A, GRIERSON, C. I. E., PH.D., D. LITT. It is probable that at least ninety per cent of those who are popularly called Hindus, follow some form or other of religion in which the essential element is bbakti, or devoted faith directed to a personal God. As will be seen hereafter, this is essentially typical of & Monotheistic religion and, as it is a commonplace amongst most Englishmen that Hindus are polytheists, the point requires some explanation. The object of the present paper is therefore to exhibit in a convenient form the contents of the oldest available text-book of the Bhagavata-Pancbaratra Religion, from which all these various sects of the Bhakti-marga are directly derived. This text-book is the Narayaniya section of the Sdnti Parvan of the Mahabharata. As will be seen from the following remarks, it does not represent the tenets of the sect in their original parity, but, with th3 aid of notes, which I have given where I thought they would be necessary, I hope that it will not be found ditficult to separate the kernel from the Brabmaist shell in which it has been enclosed.! As Professor Oldenberg has pointed out in his Life of the Buddha, although that part of the Gangetie Valley which lies East of the confluence of the Ganga with the Yamuna had been already occupied by Aryans when the Vedic Religion had become developed in the country to its west, nevertheless even so late as the 6th century B. O. these Eastern Aryans were not thoroughly Brahmanized. Here philosophic speculation was the characteristic rather of the warrior than of the priestly caste. Buddha and Mahavira were both Ksbattriyas. So was Janaka, and so, according to the Bhagavata Purdna, was Kapila.2 Janaka's name is intimately connected with the origins of the Bhagavata Religion, and the other three were founders of Buddhism, Jainism, and the Sanklya philosophy, respectively, all of which were in their essence absolutely inconsistent with the Brahmanical Pantheism of the Upanishads.3 I think, however, that Oldenberg's proposition can be stated in wider terms. In these early times I would confine Brahmaism to the old Madhyadesa in its narrowest sense, the country of the Kurus between the Sarasvati on the West and lower Gangetic Doab on the East. I should say that round this, in an Outland semi-circle, east, south, and west, was a band of unorthodos Aryan communities. According to the Brihadaranyaka Upanishad, II, i, 1 ff. and the Kaushitaki Brahmana Upanishad, IV, 1 ff., Gargya, a Brahmana of the Outland, was taught by the Oatland Kshattriya, A jatasatru of Kasi. Immediately to the east and south of the old Madhyadesat were Panchalas, whose king showed despite to Drona, the Brahmara, in that 1 In these introductory remarks, I have made free use of the following, to which the reader is referred for further particulars :- Professor R. G. Bhandarkar's Report on the Search for Sanskrit M88. in the Bombay Presidency during the year 1833-81. Professor E. Washburn Hopkins's Great Epic of India. Professor R. Garbe's Sankhya-Philosophie, and his German translation of the Bhagavad Gita. Professor L. Barnett's English translation of the Bhagavad G6:4. III. xxi, 23. His mother was Devahati, the daughter of the Rajarshi Manu. According to Bhagavad Gita, IV, 1 ff., the doctrines of the poem were essentially the prerogative of the Kshattriyas, to whom they came through Man from the sun. In Madhulidana's commentary on the passage, emphasis is laid on the fact that the sun was the origin of the wholo Kshattriya race. Kumarila Bhatta on Mmd rusa sutra, I, iii, 7, admits unwillingly that dlana was a Kshatriya, and Somesvara on I, iii, 3, states so plainly. Daksha, who was sprang from Brahmi's right thumb (cf. the legend of the origin of Ksliattriyas from Purusha's arms) had a thousand (sahasra-sdriskhya) sons who, according to MBh., I, lxxv, were taught Sarinkhya by Narada. The commentator explains that therefore they begat no children. Similarly Sanaka and his brethren, who, according to traditiou, took a very prominent part in the promulgation of the Bhhgavata religion, refused to boyet children (Bldg. P., III, xii, 4). * This is the convenient name given by Professor Hopkins to the Brahmanical teaching of the Upanishads before it had developed into the later Vadanta.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1908. quarrel which (like the wrath of Peleus' son) created the devastating war of the Mahabharata, and who consented to the polyandrous marriage of his daughter with the Pandavas. Pravahana Jaivali was a Panchala Kshattriya, who according to the Chhandogya Upanishad, silenced the Brahmanas and taught the Brahmana Gautama. He even (V, iii, 7) claimed that his system of religions thought belonged to the Kshattriya class alone. 252 At the time of the Mahabharata War, a tribe in close connection with these Panchalas was that of the Srinjayas. So far back as the period of the Atharva Veda, these people were noted as enemies of what was perhaps the most typical Brahmana tribe in India, that of Bhrigu. It was a descendant of Bhrigu, Parasu Rama, who is said to have wiped the Kshattriyas off the face of the earth. In the eleventh khanda of the 5th prapathaka of the Chhandogya Upanishad just quoted, we come to the Kaikeya country in the Panjab, west of the Madhyadesa. Five great theologians went to the Brahmana Uddalaka with hard questions, which he could not answer; so he sent them on to Aevapati, the Kshattriya king of Kaikeya, and brother-in-law of Dasaratha7, and it was he who solved their difficulties. Nor were the doctrines of the Outland always considered as orthodox. The teaching of Svarjit of Gandhira is made short work of by the author of Sitapatha Brahmana, VIII, i, 4, 10, who contemptuously compares it to the words of a Kshattriya (Rajanya). If we go further back to Vedic times, we see traces of the same contest between what was subsequently Brahmanical orthodoxy and Kshattriya unorthodoxy in the famous struggle between Vasishtha and Visvamitra for possession of the sacrificial gifts of king Sudas. At this stage of history, the Aryans had not penetrated so far into India as they had at the time of the Mahabharata War, and the scene of the combat is hence further west, in the Panjab, but the relative positions are noteworthy. Vasishtha, the Brahmana, was far to the west, while Visvamitra, the Kshattriya, came from the Gangetic Doab. In later times, to the south of the Madhyadesa, in the north of what is now Gujarat and Rajputana, were the Yadavas, and we shall see that it was amongst them that the unorthodox Bhagavata Religion arose. Putting accidental alliances and enmities to one side, any one who takes a general view of the Mahabharata War will recognize that here the same state of affairs is reproduced. On one side were the Kurus, inhabitants of the central Madhyadesa, supported by the Brahmanical caste represented by Drona. On the other side were the Panchalas, the Yadavas, and the Matsyas of the Southern Panjab. The protagonists on this side were the polyandrous Pandavas, whose chief hero won the decisive combat of the battle by inflicting a stroke which, to Kuru eyes, was against the rules of Aryan warfare. I, viii, 1, and V, iii ff. Cf. Brihadaranyaka, VI, ii, 1 ff. Valmiki, Ramayana, II, i, 2. The anti-Brahmanist tendency of the Bhagavata Religion is well illustrated by the story of Ambarisha, as told by Priya-disa, the commentator of the Bhakta-mala. Durvisas, the Brihman, has insulted a Bhagavata Kahattriya (Ambarisha). He is pursued by Vishnu's discus, and after appealing without effect to Brahma and Siva, is constrained at length to appeal to Bhagavat (Vishnu). Vishnu tells him that he (Vishnu) had formerly three qualities, i. e., (1) that of protecting suppliants; (2) that of destroying distress, and (3) that of being the god of Brahmana-hood (Brahmanya-deva). "Now I no longer honour these qualities," says he, "for they have been put aside by my new quality of tenderness to bhaktas (bhakta-ratsalya)." 6 V, xix, 1. Even so late as the 11th century A. D., the country inhabited by the Kurus was looked upon as the true home of Brahmanical orthodoxy. In the second act of the Prabidhachandridaya, we have the unorthodox Charvaka congratulating king Mahamoha that all the world has abandoned the Vedas, and that even in the land of the Kurus nothing is to be feared from learning or knowledge. Tena kuru-kshetra-'dishu tavad devena svapne 'pi na vidyaprabodho-'dayah lankantya!.

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SEPTEMBER, 1908 ) THE NARAYANIYA AND THE BHAGAVATAS. 253 We see again the same state of affairs in the language of India; the Linguistic Survey of India shows that there is a central language of the Madhyadesa, and round it, west, south and east, a group of languages which are all much more closely related to each other than any of them is to the central one. It has long been suggested that these facts point to what may, for convenience sake, be called the existence of two Aryan invasions of India at widely separate epochs.10 The descendants of one of these swarms were the Brahminized occupiers of the Madhyadesa, while the descendants of the other were the people who inhabited what we may call the once unorthodox outer band. In this light, the war of the Mahabharata resolves itself into a struggle for supremacy between the two national:ties, as well as into a struggle between unorthodoxy and Brahmaism. In the struggle, the Kshattriya party vanquish the Brahmanical, but the victors were ultimately compelled to yield to those whom they had conquered. Nothing is more interesting in the history of Indian civi.ization than the skill displayed by the Brabmans, in gradually, with their characteristic astuteness, drawing the unorthodox Bhagavatas, and their allies the followers of Samkhya-yoga, into their fold, and in enlisting their aid in the struggles against Buddhism. The Bhagavata Religion was a very old one, - certainly older than Panini, who mentions bhakti applied to Vasudeva in one of his sutras (IV, iii, 95, 98).11 Its founder was Krishna Vasudeva, -not the mythological Krishna of later Hindu legend, but the actual person to whom the myths became attached, and who must be identified with the Krishna Devakiputra mentioned as a disciple of Ghora Angirasa in Chiandigya Upanishad, III, xvii, 6. Ksishna Vasudera was & Kshattriya, and a member of the Satvata or Sattvata sept of the Y&dava tribe. In the older parts of the Mahabharata this Klishna appears in the two-fold character of a mighty warrior and of a religious teacher. He was the traditional founder of this religion which was strictly monotheistic, the object of worship being named Bhagavat, "the Adorable One," and its followers callicg themselves Bhagavatas, the worshippers of Bhagavat. Its practical teaching was strongly ethical from the Kshattriya point of view. The religion was at first adopted by the people of Vasudeva's tribe, the Yadavas, especially by those of the Satvata19 sept to wbich he himseli belonged; and gradually spread beyond the national limits into other parts of India. Hence, in later writings, we often find the name Satvata used as a synonym for Bhagavata without any ethnic signification whatever. Before the time of Panini, its founder, as has bappened to other similar cases in India, became deified, and under his patronymic of Vasudeva, he was identified with the Bhagavat. Long afterwar:ls, his proper name, Krishna, received the same bononr. Other names given to the Supreme in later times were Purusha or "the Male" (probably borrowed from Samkhya-yoga) Narayana, and so forth, but the oldest and the original name was, as has been said, Bhagavat. The passage just quoted from Panini shows that in bis time his worshippers were also called Vasudevakas and ( from the name of Ktishna's chief disciple) Arjunakas. We here no literary evidenco as to the train of reasoning by which this doctrine was reached, but to me it appears more than probable that it was a development of the Sun-worship that was the common heritage of both branches of the Aryan people, - the Eranian and the Indian. All the legends dealing with the origins of the Bhagavata Religion are connected in some way or other with the sun. According to the Mahalhdrata (xii, 12983), 10 Cr wo may pat it that the invasion lasted for several centuries, and that the latest comers were of a stock different from that of the earliest ones. 11 See Kielhorn in J.R.A.., 1908, p. 505. Neither Pagini nor Patrijali states in so many words that Vasudeva is the name of a deity. The latter treats it merely as a proper dane; but the application of the technical word bhakti to V Asudeva makes it difficult to imagine who else can be intended, if it be not the God. To the present day. the most holy verse of the Bhagavata teaching is the twelve syllable mantra, 3.6., ti nam Bhagavate Vasud&vdya. 13 cf. MBh., II, 1196-7.; 1585-7; IV, 85, 140; XVI, 74, 91-4, 113.

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254 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (SEPTEMBER, 1908. the Bhagavat himself taught the religion to the seer Narada, who taught it to, amongst others, the son, who communicated it to mankind. The greatest and most worshipped of all the incarnations of the Bhagavat, - that of Rama-chandra, -- was by human origin a descendant of the sun. Several of the legends connected with Bhagavata saints are also connected with the sun. Sugriva, Rama's ally, had the sun for his father. Many stories are told about Draupadi, the wife of the five Pandavas, but in the Aeta Sanctorum of the Bhagavatas, the Bhakta-mala, only one is thought worthy of mention, and that is connected with a miracle performed by Krishna with the aid of a marvellous cooking-pot given to her by the sun. Satrajit, Ktishna's father-in-law was a sun-worshipper, and received from the luminary a jewel which became the subject of many stories. One of the very earliest heretics recorded in Brahmanical literature was Yajnavalkya. According to the Vishnu Purana (III, v, ff.) he refused to obey his preceptor's command to join in worship with people whom he styled "miserable and inefficient Bruhmans." He explained that he acted "in" or "for bhakti" 13 (the MSS. differ) and rejected so much of the Yajur Veda as he had learut from his teacher. He then departed and worshipped the sun, who imparted to him a new and schismatical White Yajur Veda of its own. With this he betook himself to Janaka, a famous king of the Outland, the legendary father-in-law of Rama-chandra, and intimately connected with the origins of the Bhagavata monotheism. The Brihaddranyaka Upanishad (III, i) of this Vede tells how he discussed religious matters with Janaka and converted him, and how he disputed with and silenced orthodox Brahmans. According to Bhagavata eschatology, the saved soul first of all passes through the sun on its way to the Bhagavat after death. Nimbaditya, the earliest of the modern Bhagavata reformers, commenced his career by causing the sun to stand still, and was an incarnation of the eun. Even at the present day the sun is given the title of "Bhagavat" by the peasants of Northern India. In modern language Bhagavat Surya, the Adorable Sun, becomes Suruj Bhagavan. Finally, in the latter stages of the Bhagavata Religion, the Bhagavat is identified with Vishna, a deity who, in the oldest Indian literature, was worshipped as a san-god. We know little about the Bhagavata Religion as it was originally promulgated by Krishna Vasudeva. The usual tradition is that it was taught by the Deity Himself to the ancient Risbi Narada, who taught it to various saints, including the Sun. The Sun told it to the Rishis in his train, who taught it to the Gods, who taught it to Asita, a famous Hindu worthy, the traditional Simeon of Buddbism, though not a Buddhist, From Asita it spread over the world through various channels. Modern Bhagavatas recognize two great teachers of their Religion. One of these was the Narada just mentioned, to whom is attributed & work entitled the Naradiya-bhaktidstra. It possesses great authority. Equally esteemed is the collection of Sandilya-bhaktisutras. Like the other it is of modern origin. The author to whom it is attributed, composed the Sandilya-vidyd quoted in the Chhandogya Upanishad, III, xiv.14 The doctrines of the Bhagavata Beligion will be discussed on a later page. Here we may briefly say, that in contradistinction to the Pantheistic Brahmaism of the Madhyadeba, it was from the beginning strongly monotheistic. It also taught that the Supreme Deity was infinite, eternal, and full of grace (pragada), and that salvation consisted in a life of perpetual bliss near him. 1This is important for what follows. 14 This famous doscription of Brahma olovely agrees with the idea of the deity found in Bhagavata soriptures: It is noteworthy that Sankaracharya (Vedanta-antras, III, ii, 19, 81 and elsewhere) maintains that it does not teach the knowledge of the Highest Brahma, who is destitate of constituents. Ramanwja (III, iii, 19, 32) who was bimself a Bhagavata, quotes the tout with approval.

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SEPTEMBER, 1908.! THE NARAYANIYA AND THE BHAGAVATAS. 255 As Professor Garbe has well remarked,16 in India there has always been manifest a strong tendency to combine religion with philosophy, and this being fostered by the speculative inclinations of the Kshattriya caste, it followed that as time went on, and as interest in philosophical questions spread among the people of India, this monotheism, as expressed in their Bh&gavata Religion, was given a philosophical basis. We have seen that the pantheistic Brabmaism was radically opposed to this monotheistic belief, and the professors of the latter naturally turned to those systems of philosophy which sprang up in the freer atmosphere of the less Brahmanized outer band of nationalities. These were the ancient Samkhya system, and its daughter tho Yoga. Samkhya is a purely atheistical system of dualism. It recognises nothing but countless eternally existing souls (or males, purusha), and matter. It is the oldest pbilosopbical system of India, lo and had arisen in the eastern portion of our outer band where for centuries it had developed unregarded by the Brahmans to its west. It is not till after the time of the Buddha that we see traces of its influence upon Brahmaism.17 Besides that of the Bhagavatas, several other Indian Religions owe their philosophy to Samkhya or Yoga : such are the forms of belief founded by the Siva-worshipping Saktas and Pabupatas, 18 not to mention the far more important Buddhism and Jainism. I bave above referred to the Yoga system of philosophy, as the "daughter" of Samkhya This is true only of the system, not of Yoga itself. According to San khya, the soul obtains release from personality and transmigration by contemplation on the nature of the soul and matter. The system does not trouble itself with the ethical side of life. This deficiency was supplied by the Yoga system. As Garbe points out,10 in the Bhagavad Gitd, which is largely influenced by both Sarkhya and Yoga, the word ynga is employed to mean the teaching in regard to duty, while sainkhya is, in contradistinction, used to mean the abstract theory of right knowledge. The conception of Yoga - the abstraction of the thought from the outer world, and the internal concentration of the mind, was very old in India. Originally a belief in the superhuman powers which could be gained by this concentration (a kind of Shamanism ), it became a branch of philosopby when this acquired power was intended to be utilized for the obtainment of the knowledge demanded by Samkhya. The interaction of the two currents of thought was certainly older than Buddhism,20 and, as we have it now, it was systematized in the second centary B. C., long after the rise of Buddhism, by Patanjali. Bat, as a branch of the Samkhya system,- San khya-yoga as it is called, it was then no new thing. The Bhagavata scriptures continually refer to Samkhya-yoga, but never to Patanjali. According to them the author of the system was Hiranyagarbha "and no other, "21 The teaching of yoga inculcates morality, a feature which was almost wanting in SAmkhya; and the strong ethical tendency of the Bhagavata Religion led it to ally itself with the yoga development of Samkhya, rather than with the original system of philosophy 16 Bhagavad Gita, P. 28. 16 Hardly, howovor, 30 ancient as the unsystematised Brahmrimm of the older Upanishads ; Garbe, Sarikhya Philosophie, p. 7. 11 Garbe, sarkhya Philosophie, p. 15. * It is worth noting that in the Narayanfya (19298) the close connexion between the Vaishnava Bhigaratas and the Baiva worshippers is strongly insisted upon. 19 Sankhya Philosophie, p. 44 and elsewhere. ** Soo Seart, Origines Buddhiques, pp. 17 t. ngeNardyantya, 19703. Manu Srdyabhuva was called Hiranyagarbhe, and his daughter, Deyahati, was the mother of Kapila. This tends to show that, traditionally, Yoga was older than Blankthy .

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256 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (SEPTEMBER, 1908. Bat Samkhya has no God, nor, originally, had Yoga. There is no roum for the deity in these philosopbies. On the other hand the Bhagavata Religion was not only theistic but was monotheistic. How were these two opposing theories as to the soul's relation to the Infinite to be mconciled P The Bhagavatas solved the puzzle by giving San khya-yoga a God. The Yoga system agrees with Samkhya, and differs from that of the Bhagavatag, in its definition of salvation, or release," as the absolute isolation of the soul, which remains henceforth for ever without consciousness of any kind. On the other hand, the prominent characteristic of the Yoga system as distinguished from the Samkhya is that it is theistic (sesuara), while the latter is atheistic (niriorara). Samkhya philosophy gives no place for God in the arrangement of its principles. The Yoga system on the other hand adds a God, and thereby disturbs the philosophy. In order to avoid this disturbance as much as possible, the Yoga fararu is described as merely a particular soul, possessed of supreme knowledge and power. He is not the origin of other souls, but is quite distinct from them. He is gracious and merciful, and can influence the connexion of the other souls with matter. He is hence able to assist these sools in their efforts to obtain the release defined above. It has long been recognized 22 that the Yoga system adopted this theism, in order to make its teaching acceptable to wider circles. The conception of God has really nothing to do with its system of philosophy, and was added on to it from outside without organically affecting it. Although the Yoga God may help a soul to obtain release, his help is not necessary. All that he does is at most to put the soul into the right way of understanding its connexion with matter. That the conception of God, - & monotheos - was taken from the Bhagavata Religion there can be no doubt. The fact was admitted so long ago as 1883 by Rajendra Lala Mitra on p. 28 of his translation of the Yoga-sutras, On the other hand, the Bhagavata Religion was counter-influenced by the philosopby to which it had allied itself; while it gave theism to Yoga, it took in exchange the general conception of Yoga,23 but in doing so altered the meaning of the word from concentration of thought" to "devotion to God." In later writings of the sect we can trace the various changes of signification through which the word has passed. Professor Garbe points out that in the Bhagaval Gitd, it sometimes means the regular yoga practices of the Yoga philosophy, but more often signifies "devotion to God." In combination with other words we have karma-yoga in the sense of the disinterested practice of duty or morality, in contradistinction to jnana-yoga, the Samkhya unmoral system of contemplation on the distinction between the soul and matter. The Bhagavata Purana, III, sxiv ff. makes much the same distinction. In later times the expression karma-yoga, under Brahmanical influence gradually lost its moral aspect, and became identified with the karma-mdrga of the Mimamsa system, and we see this fully developed in the Arthapanchalca of Nardyana-parivrdj, 24 which mentions five updyas or ways to God, riz. :-(1) karma-yoga ; (2) jndnayoga; (3) bhakti-yoga ; (4) prapatti-y6ja; (5) acharyabhidna-yoga. The first is now represented as the whole Vedic sacrificial ritual and the Smarta ceremonies, along with fasts and other observances. These give purification, and, Laving attained this by the performance of the proper yoga practices, the devotee is led to the stage of jnana yoya, 22 See, for instance, Garbe, samkhya und Yoga in Grundriss der Indo-Arischen Philologie und Altertumskunde, p. 50. 13 See Garbe, Bhagavad Gtta, p. 43. 24 See Professor TL. G, Bhandarkar, Report on the Search for Sanskrit M88. in the Bombay Presidency during the year 1888-84, p. 69.

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SEPTEMBER, 1908.] THE NARAYANIYA AND THE BHAGAVATAS. 257 which is now no longer amkhya philosophy, but consists in concentrating the mind upon Vasudeva. This leads to the third and highest stage, - bhakti-yoga, in which the devotee sees nothing but the deity. The two remaining ways are resorts for the weaker brethren, and do not concern 18 here,25 In tracing the development of the meaning of the word yoga, we have, however, anticipated events. When we branched off on to that subject we were in presence of the monotheistic Bhagavata Religion in alliance with the Yoga system. In the second stage of its existence we find this religion in process of Brahmanization. It was, as we have seen, radically opposed to the pantheistic Brahmaism of the Brahmans of the Madhyadesa, but the latter conquered it and absorbed it. The incorporation was carried out in exactly the same way as that in which we see Brahmanism extending its frontiers amongst aboriginal tribes at the present day. We have the process before our eyes. Animism is discovered to be orthodoxy. Local aboriginal deities are discovered to be identical with Siva or some other member of the Brahman pantheon, and the distinction of caste is conferred upon the converts. In other respects the aboriginal customs and belief are at first left untouched and are allowed to develop of themselves into one of the many branches of modern Hinduism. So was it with the Bhagavatas. Professor Garbet has suggested, and it seems to me that his suggestion bear's apon its face the greatest probability, that the immediate cause was the struggle for life and death between Brahmaism and Buddhism. The period of absorption (300 B.C. to 0 A.D.), which has been fixed on entirely different grounds, exactly agrees with the requirements of this supposition. The purely atheistic Buddhism, also an offshoot of Simkhya-yoga, was naturally further removed from the Bhagavata monotheistic position than the Pantheism of the Brahmans, and the latter won over the Bhagavatas as their allies, the price paid being the identification of Vasudeva with the Brahmanical Vishnu, and the admission of the Brahmanical orthodoxy of the Kshattriya monotheism. The result was a cult of Brahmaized anti-Brahmaists. The treaty of peace is found in the older portions of the Bhagavad Gita which belong to this time. These are the earliest available documents referring to the teaching of the school. Already Vasudeva has been identified with Vishnu, but not with the Brahms of the Upanishads; and the personal name of the warrior Krishna, the founder of the religion, who, under his family name had been deified as Vasudeva, is now also given admission to the Hinda pantheon, as that of an incarnation of the same deity. Brahmanism has now become master of the souls of India, and has imposed upon them chains, - light enongh it must be admitted -- from which they have never been released. As time went on, the Bhagavata Religion became more and more Brahmaized. We see this earliest in the later parts of the Bhagavad Citd, which belong to the first two centuries of our era. In Northern India, where the Brahmanic influence of the Madhyadesa was strongest, we even see the Bhugavatas adopting the Brahmaism of the Upanishads: but they 25 The value of the Yoga system of philosophy is recognized by Bhagavatas down to the present day. A legend of the Bhagavata Purana is still popular, and is referrad to by Malik Muhammad in his Padumawati (atha, 945), which was written 1540 A. D. Malik Muhammad says :- chharalt kaja kirisuna kara saja, "They (sc. yogis) can destroy the well-planned actions (even) of KTishna." The commentator explains that this is reference to Bhagavata Purana, X, lvii, 29. Akrra, who was a proficient in yngre, flod in terror from Dvarakk on hearing of the death of Batadhanu. Krishna theronpon became powerless and disease, famine, and other calamities, supernatural and physical, assailed Dvirak. Kyishna advised the people to call him back. Thoy did so, and peace and plenty again reigned in the country. 20 Bhag. Gl., p. 35. 27 Garbe, op. cit., p. 37.

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258 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMCER, 1908. never made it a real vital part of their religion. It was added on as loosely as their own theism had in former times been added to the Yoga philosophy. It never worked itself into the texture of the doctrines, but is proclaimed and recognized as truth, or silently ignored almost according to the passing mood of the votary. We may say that the text-book of one form of this semi-Brahmaized Bhagavata religion is the Narayaniya section of the Santi Parvan of the Mahabharata, which is one of the latest portions of the epic (between 200 and 400 A.D.), and of which a summary is given below. In this, while the influence of Brahmaism is clearly visible, the old Samkhya-yoga doctrines still form the essential groundwork of the teaching. The Narayaniya sometimes alludes to the religion which it teaches as the doctrine of the Bhagavatas, and sometimes as that of the Pancharatras. The two terms are not exactly synonymous, for the Pancharatrass formed only one sect of the great Bhagavata Religion. Professor Bhandarkar tells us that Dhruvasena I, one of the earliest princes of the Valabhi Dynasty (circ. 530 A.D.) is called a Bhagavata, and Bana (circ. 600 A.D.) in the 8th chapter of the Harsha-charita mentions both Bhagavatas and Pancharatras. In the early part of the ninth century, Samkaracharya systematized the Brahmaist Pantheism, and founded the modern Vedanta philosophy with its doctrine of maya, or illusion. In a well-known passage of his commentary on the Brahma-sutras (II, ii, 42-45) he combats the Bhagavata doctrine (which he also calls Pancharatra) and asserts its incompleteness and unorthodoxy. I have said that the Brahmaist influence upon the Bhagavata religion had been strongest in Northern India. In Southern India, where the old monotheistic Sam khya-yoga basis had been preserved in greater purity, Sam kara's doctrines were vigorously opposed. The best known reply is that of Ramanuja (himself a convert to the Pancharatra religion) who, in his commentary on the same Brahma-sutras (early part of the 12th centrov) strongly maintained the orthodoxy of the Pancharatra cult, and asserted that its dogmas were in essential agreement with the Upanishads. He accepted the original Brahma-sutras, but interpreted them differently from Samkara. Later in the same century, another Bhagavata convert from Saivism, Anandatirtha or Madhvacharya, also attacked Samkara, and maintained that his doctrines of maya and the unity of the spirit with the Supreme Brahma, were bat Buddhist nihilism in disguise.30 He went further than Ramanuja, who, at least nominally, found a Brahmaist basis for the Bhagavata Religion, -and propounded a doctrine of duality, laying particular stress on the five eternal distinctions, between (1) God and the soul, (2) God and matter, (3) the soul and matter, (4) one soul and another, and (5) one material object and another. Anandatirtha's teaching has remained in Southern India, but Ramanuja's was carried north by Ramananda to the Valley of the Ganges, and there, in its turn, superseded the prevailing pseudo-Brahmaism which was current under the influence of the Madhyadesa, and developed through the preaching of Kabir, Tulasi-dasa, and many other reformers of less importance, into the Bhakti Religion of northern India. This Bhakti Religion is still in its essence strongly The name is a derivative of Pancha-ratra, a period of five nights, and probably refers to the five sacrifices performed by the sect. See note to Narayaniya, 12847, below. 29 Op. cit., 72. 30 See Bhandarkar, op. cit., p. 74, from which the following account of Anandatirtha's teaching s taken.

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259 SEPTEMBER, 1908.] THE NARAYANIYA AND THE BHAGAVATAS. monotheistic, and in spite of what we are told by writers about India, it is no more polytheistic than was that of the Jew who wrote the Eighth Psalm. Just as the Psalmist believed in one God, 'lohim, and at the same time speaks of man as "a little lower than the angels" (elohim) (85), so the modern Hindu believes in the existence of one personal God, Bhagavat, Narayana, Purusha, Vasudeva, or Vishnu, whom he calls a deva, and who created Brahma, Siva and countless other beings, divine but finite, also called dera, to work his will. The fact that we translate the word deva, uniformly by "God," whatever idea it expressed in the original, does not prove that the Bhagavatas are polytheists. It is true that these subordinate devas are objects of adoration; but many Christians, who adore persons other than the Supreme, would be most indignant if they were told that they were not monotheists. The Bhagavata scriptures, continually insist that a true believer must be a monotheist, an ekantin. This word which literally means "devoted to one," cannot be interpreted as meaning "devoted to one amongst several Gods." The context, and the whole course of the argument shows that it can only be translated as "solely devoted to The One." It is well-known that the great characteristic of the Religion is bhakti, or "faith devoted to the Supreme." It has often been discussed whether this characteristic is of Indian origin, or is a later addition borrowed from Nestorian Christianity.31 The subject has been last considered by Professor Garbe in his translation (pp. 29 ff.) of the Bhagavad Gite, and his arguments as to the Indian origin of this phase of religion, and as to the pre-Christian application of the word to the idea are conclusive. In the first place, a monotheistic religion, in which the object of worship was looked upon as a kindly, not a terrible, deity, would naturally beget the feeling of bhakti in the hearts of his worshippers; but Professor Garbe shows that the word itself was used in Pali scriptures in this sense in the 4th century B. C., and that Panini, as has already been stated, probably in the same century actually speaks of bhakti dedicated to Vasudeva. That bhakti, under this name, formed a constituent doctrine of the original Bhagavata Religion before the 4th century B. C., we cannot prove, but the feeling existed in India from the earliest times and was not confined to the Bhagavatas, though it was amongst them that it subsequently received its full development as a cardinal point in the religious attitude of the soul to the Supreme. We see what it is difficult to distinguish from bhakti even in the Varuna hymns of the Rig Veda.3 But there is no 'room for the idea in the impersonal pantheism of Brahmaism, and it is therefore natural that the occurrence of the word in early Sanskrit literature should be rare. India owes the preservation of the idea of faith to the Bhagavatas. The object of this devoted faith is The One God, Bhagavat, Narayana, Purusha, or Vasudeva, existing from eternity and to eternity. He is defined as The Endless (ananta), The Imperishable (achyuta), and The Indestructible (atinaain). He is the Creator of all things out of matter,33 to On the present occasion I avoid discussing the question of the relationship of Christianity to the modern forms of the Bhakti Religion; but it is necessary to state that I believe that these have been in many particulars influence by the cognate doctrines of the Nestorians of Southern India. Ramanuja, who was brought up as a Vedantist, studied, lived most of his life, and became a Paucharitra, within a few miles of the Hindu-Christian Shrine of St. Thome. Similarly Madhvacharya was born at Udipi, near Kaly in, where there was an ancient Christian bishopric. 32 Rig Veda, II, 28; V, 85; VII, 86-89. I have to thank Mr. Tawney for these references. See also Max Muller, Ancient Sanskrit Literature, pp. 587 ff. s I find different statements about matter. The original belief of the Bhagavatas seems to have been that matter was the first thing created out of nothing ( bari not dadh or yataar) by the Bhagavat, but sometimes we notice echoes of the Samikbya-yoga thecry of the independent pre-existence of matter from all eternity.

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260 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (SEPTEMBER, 1903. which is given the Sankhya name of Prakriti, Pradhana, or the Indiscrete (avyakta). From Him issne all souls, which henceforth exist for ever as distinct individuals. He has created Brahma, Siva, and the countless subordinate deities to carry out his orders in creating and ruling the world, and to promulgate the true religion. He generally leaves the burden of ruling the earth upon their shoulders, but, as occasion demands, from time to time in His infinite grace (prasdda),34 He Himself becomes incarnate to relieve the world from sin, or His followers from trouble. The greatest and most perfect incarnations are those of Rama-chandra and Ksishna, but there are twenty-four (not the usual ten ) in all 35, India, again, owes the preservation of the idea of a God of Grace, -of the Fatherhood of God, to the Bhagavatas. There is the usual theory of mons (kalpa ), each divided into four ages (yuga). At the end of a lealpa, the universe is absorbed into primeval matter and thence into the Bhagavat, awaiting emission again in the creation at the commencement of another kalpa. Tarning to the relationship of the individual soul to God, it is most probable so that from the earliest times the soul was not looked upon as eternally self-existent from the past. Each soul was considered to be an eternal part (ansa) of the Supreme, emitted by Him and given a separate existence. On the other hand, once so emitted, & soul exists for ever and ever as an independent entity. It may be taken as certain 37 that the doctrine of the importality of the soul was an essential part of the original Bhagavata Religion. . We may also say with certainty that from the earliest stages of their Religion the Bhagavatas have shared the universal Indian belief in the transmigration of souls, and in the inevitable sequence of cause and effect. Everything that a man does is at once an effect of things that have gone before, and a cause of things to come. These causes and effects cling to the particular soul that produces them, and determine its fate after death. As a man soweth, so sball he reap, and the harvest is the weary round of perpetual transmigration. All the religions systems of India have been based on the principle that it is possible to break the chain of cause and effect, and so to "release" the soul from the necessity of robirth. They differ in the means proposed for effecting this, and in their accounts of what becomes of the soul when so released. The Mimima method of release consists in the due performance of ceremonial works. That of the Vedanta is recognition of the identity of the soul with the Pantheos. And that of the Samkhya is recognition of the dual nature of soul and matter. M Thin doctrine of prardila or grace has formed an essential part of the Bhagavata Religion, so far back as Kterature takes us. It is true that the same dogtrine appears in the Upanishada bat only in the latest onea (Katha I. i. 20 : Sudt, III, 20, VI, 91; Mund, III, 1, 3: See Hopkins, Great Epic, 188). It is henge reasonable to 888me that in these case it has been borrowed from the Bhagavata. Indeed it is difficult to see how much doctrine could form part of the pantheistio Brahmrism. 86 The following in the usual list of these incarnations. (1) The Fish, (2) The Boer, (3) The Tortoise. (4) The Man-lion, (5) The Dwarf, (6) Parabu-rama, (7) Rima-chandra, (8) Krishna, (9) The Buddha, (10). The Kalki, (11) Tho Vyhan, (12) Prithu, (13) Hari, (14) The Swan, (hala), (15) Manvantara, (16) The Sacrifice, vajtla (. Taittirfya Banhita, I. vil, 4), (17) Rishabha, (18) Hayagriva, (19) Dhruva, ( 20 ) Dhanvantari. 21) Nara and Narayana, (22) Dattatreya, ( 23 ) Kapila, (24) Sanaka and his brothron. Note that No. 13, Hari, is not the Supremo Himself, but an incarnation. * Garbe, Bhag. Gl., pp. 41, 48. 17 Garbe, ib., P. 53

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SEPTEMBER, 1908.) THE NARAYANIYA AND THE BHAGAVATAS. 261 Putting the Mimana doctrine of works to one side, we have before us three alternative systems of philosophy. In one (the Sam khya ) there is an assertion of two co-existent eternal principles. In the second ( the Vedanta), the predominance of the intellectual principle is asserted, and this in the end necessarily leads to the negation of the opposite principle. The third,--that of the Bhagavatas - argues that the Supreme Being carries within His own nature "an eloinent from which the material universe originates ; an element, which indeed is not an independent entity, like the pradhana of the Sankhyas, but which at the same time is not an unreal mdyd (as the Vedantists assert), but quite as real as any other part of the Deity's own nature."38 Modern Bhagavata doctors arrange souls ander four classes, according to their position in regard to release. These are (1) those who are devoted to things of this life (baddha), and who are not on the way of salvation; (2) those who desire salvation, but have not yet become fit for it (inumukohu); (8) the pure in heart, who are devoted only to the Bhagavat, and who are thus on the way of salvation (kevala); and (4) the saved (mukta). These last enjoy a perpetual independent existence of never-ending bliss at the feet of the Supreme (Bhagavat-pada). Their only joy is waiting upon Him (kainkarya); they become like Him, and remain in peace." Note that they become like Him. They do not become Him, or the same as Him. There is no absorption into the Supreme, as taught by the Vedanta, nor is there the loss of all consciousness that is aimed at by the Samkhyas. The doctrine that the released soul has an everlasting individual conscious existence" near the Lord," has been the persistent mark of the Bhagavata religion down to the present day. Here we have another debt which Indis owes to the Bhagavatas, the belief in the immortality of the soul. The principles according to which creation is developed resomble closely those of Samkhyayoga, bat, owing to the assumed difficulty of bringing the purely spiritual Supreme into connexion with matter, the initial stages are more complicated, and the terminology is not always the same. The Bhagavat, or (as he is usually called when looked upon as the Creator) Vasudeva, in the act of creation produces from Himself, not only prakrili, the indiscreto primal matter of the Sa mkhyas, but also a vyaha or phase of conditioned spirit called sankarshana. From the combination of sasharshana and prakriti spring manas, corresponding to the Samkhya buddhi or intelligence, and also a secondary phase of conditioned spirit called pradyumna. From the association of pradyumna with manas spring the San khya ahamikdra or consciousness, and also a tertiary phase of conditioned spirit known as aniru idha. From the association of anirud lha with ahamikdra spring the Samkhya mahabhitas or elements, with their qualities, and also Brahma, who from the elements, fashions the earth and all that it contains.1 I have pat all this quite shortly, as fall accounts can be found in Colebrooke's Essays (I, 487 ff.), and in Professor Barnett's English translation of the Bhugavad Gita (pp. 48 ff.). The Bhagavata eschatology of the saved is peculiar and interesting. It need not he given here as it will be found in the N&rdyaniya below (v. 18888). * Thibaut, Translation of Vanta-abras, I, oxvil, with one or two verbal altentions. # There is Afth olas, which hardly concerns no vis., the witya-mukta, or those who, like the Bhagavat's personal attendants, are saved from the moment of coming into existence. - Often, however, confused with the Sinkhya manas, which is later stage of creation, . Cl. Nandyaylya, 12993, 13034. It will be observed that soveral of the Bathkhya aategories, vis, the rabtil elements, the ton organs of sine, and the skinkhya mands Are omitted in the aborosobem. Nerdyalys 18084 omite pradyumna monat. See however, 18608 .

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262 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1908. The twelfth, or Santi, Parvan of the Mahabharata is divided into several sections, the latter half (Chapters 174-367) is called the Mokshadharma Parvan, and a portion of this (Chapters 836-353) is called the Nadyaniya. Nearly the whole of the Mokshadharma Parvan, consists of lectures on Samkhya-yoga, together with attempts to reconcile it with Brahmaism.42 One system which results from the attempted reconciliation of these two opposing philosophies is attributed to Panchasikha, and is explained at some length, but not very clearly, in Chapters 218, 276 and 320 ff. Another attempt at reconciliation is found in Chapters 194, 248 ff. and 286. They have nothing to do with the Bhagavata teaching, and it is sufficient to refer to Professor Hopkins's excellent account of the various, and somewhat incoherent, doctrines, on pp. 143 ff. and 157 ff. of his Great Epic of India. The Nardyaniya on the other hand, while claiming to describe Sam khya-yoga, really describes the Bhagavata monotheism as united with this system, but also with more of a Brahmaist colouring than we find in the Bhagavad Gitd. It is valuable as, till the formal scriptures of the sect are made available, it is the only fairly full account of the Pancharatra doctrines that we possess in the original Sanskrit. The religious system of modern Aryan India, if we except a few tracts where Siva or Durga is the object of worship, is loosely called Vishnuism. Everywhere it is really some form or other of Bhagavata Monotheism, and the immense importance, for the study of the attitude of the modern Hindu mind towards the Supreme, of an accurate acquaintance with the system of theology on which it is founded, is my excuse for presenting the following pages to the readers of the Indian Antiquary. My own experience is that it is useless to attempt to understand the work of the Great Medieval Bhakti Reformers, without being familiar at least with the Narayaniya. I myself wandered through a maze without a clue till my attention was directed to it. All the bhakti writers from Ramanuja down to those of the present day, assume the reader's acquaintance with the principles inculcated therein and in its absence hundreds of allusions will be passed over or misunderstood. I think there are very few Englishmen who have ever taken the trouble to read it. If it had been more generally known, we should have been spared the frequent mistaken allusions to Hindu polytheism, which are a commonplace wherever Indian religions are discussed. At the present time it cannot be too emphatically stated that modern Hinduism is at its base a religion of Monotheism. What follows is a very brief summary of the earlier chapters of the Mokshadharma Parvan, succeeded by a pretty full abstract of the contents of the Narayaniya. As to whether the religion here taught is polytheism or monotheism, the reader will now be in a position to judge for himself. (To be continued.) 42 It calls this Brahmaism "Vedanta," but it is hardly necessary to point out that it is much older than the developed "Vedanta" of Samkaracharya. 4 The gross cloud of combined polytheism and fetishism which covers and hides this monotheism, is kept, even by the unlearned Hindas, upon a different plane of thought. The monotheism has to do with the future life and with what we should call "salvation." The polytheism and fetishism serve only for the daily needs of the material world. In a country where, as in India, the majority of the people are poor and ignorant, the material overshadows the spiritual; but even the poorest recognises (even if he think them too high for him) the truth of the doctrines concerning the One Supreme Being, which have descended to him from the Bhagavatas.

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SEPTEMBER, 1908.] SOME ANGLO-INDIAN WORTHIES. 263 SOME ANGLO-INDIAN WORTHIES OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. BY LAVINIA MARY ANSTEY. No. III. AMBROSE SALISBURY. (Continued from p. 227.) From this time until his re-instatement in the Company's service, in 1672, Salisbury remained at Peddapalle and conducted the Company's. investments in much the same way as before, at the same time, no doubt, carrying on a profitable trade for himself. The correspondence between Salisbury at Peddapalle and Mohun and the Council at Masulipatam, from 1670 to 1672, on the subject of Saltpetre, the dyeing of Ginghams, etc., is complete and tells its own story. "Melchlepatam Generall to Pettepolee. Mr Ambrose Salisbury, Being ordered by our Masters to send them 50 peices of Ginghams dyed red, which wee Suppose are for an experiment, they being soe small a quantity, and to bee in a readiness against the returne of their Shipps from the Bay, which wee presume will bee early in the month of December, if not before, you may remember upon your departare hence,73 wee did then . make it our request unto you that you would undertake the getting of it done at Pettepolee, it being the onely place in these parts for dying that Colour, which wee now againe desire, and that they may bee dyed a very good red, and with what possible speed they may bee. Wee endeavoured their getting done at Maddapollam? where wee provided the Cloth, but the people there not being accustomed to that Colour, would not undertake it. The Cloth wee have some dayes since ordered to bee sent you from thence directly, which wee hope will arrive soe tymely as that you may Seasonably gett it finished. Wee desire you would pardon the trouble which from us is unwillingly imposed upon you by Your loving friends to serve you, W. LANGHORNE; RICHARD MOHUN; JOSEPH HYNMERS. Metcklepatam, the 28th October, 1670."75 "Metchlepatam Generall to Pettepotes. Mr Salusbury, Sir, this day was received yours of the 3d Current, which gives us an account of your reception of our Generall, wherein wee desired you would take care for the dying of fifty peices of Ginghams for the account of our Masters, which wee had then ordered to bee sent from Maddapollam, and is, as wee finde by Mr Hopkins's and Fields last Letter unto us, accordingly done. Wee accept of your readiness in the preparation you have already made with the Dyers for the more speedy finishing, and returne you our thancks, desireing you will excuse the trouble wee have given you and, according unto your desire, have sent you Eighty Eight Pagos. which, at the rate that you informe us they will stand the Company in, or neare it, being one Pago, and three quarters per peice, is Eighty Seaven and a halfe. Wee intreate your care in the goodness of the Colour, and that you will gett them dyed as Cheape as you can, in both which you Will doe your Selfe noe disservice, since you know whoes Concernes they are and alsoe oblidge us to continue Your reall friends to serve you, W. LANGHORNE; RICHARD MOHUN; JOSEPH HYNMERS.. Wee have alsoe sent you according to your desire six yards of red broad cloth.77 Metchlepatam, the 5th November, 1670." 1 An Indian cotton cloth, generally striped, see ante, Vol. XXIX., p. 339. 73 There is no note of Salisbury's visit to Masulipatam in 1370, but it was probably then that Langhorne enquired into his ease and formed a favourable estimate of his character. 14 Maddapollam (Madhavayapalem) factory, a settlement of the Company, subordinate to Masulipatam, was a depot for cotton cloths, also a place for ship-building and a health resort. 15 Factory Records, Masulipatam, Vol. 5. This letter does not exist. TT Factory Records, Masulipulam, Vol. 5

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264 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (SEPTEMBER, 1908. On the same date (5th Nov. 167) the sending of 88 pagodas to Salisbury at Peddapalle is recorded in the Masulipa am Consultation Book,78 where Salisbury is described as "* person experienced in those parts and the Houble. Company having no servant there at present." "Metchlepatam Generall to Pettepulee." Mr Ambrose Subusbury, Sir, your severall Letters of the 7th were all received the 9th instant with some you desired may be sent the Honoble. Company, which sball accordingly bee done. Wee are sorry that you made that mirtake about the charge of dying the Ginghams sent you, which wee now finde is 2 Pagos. per peice aud formerly you advised us was but 14 cach, which wee had before your last acquainted the Agent and Council with, but must now pass for a mistake of yours. Wee then sent you according to your desire Eighty Eight Pagos, and now send you more fifty Pagog, which, after the rate of 24 Pa, per peice, is more than Compleates the Summ you write for [by] halfe a Pago. Sir, wee desire you will basten your dispatch what possible you can, for that we have had lately advice from the Bay, a Pattermarr [pathmar, a courier ) arriveing with us the 7th past, that the Happy Entrance they intended to dispatch from thence the [?] ulto. last month and two More immediatly to follow her. The last Ship, the Zant, will bee detained with them untill the 5th of December and noe longer. Sir, you now know the longest tyme we have, therefore pray use all dilligence to have them in a readiness against the ty me, but if possible before, for wee would not deferr it untill the last. Mr Stiles is dead. Haveing not farther to add, Saveing the committing you to the protection of the Allmighty, doe remain, Your loveing friends, W. LANGHORNE; RICHARD MOHUN; JOBEPH HYNMERS. Metchlepatam the 11th Norember, 1670."70 " Metchlepalam Generall to Pettepolee. Mr Ambrose Salusbury, Our Masters occasions requireing packing trade, and understanding from Beverall of your Letters that its much cheaper to bee had with you then here, wee have thought good by your Peone to send you two hundred Pagos. to provide 1000 Gunneys (goni, sacking], Ropes 10 Candies, Twine 5 Candies, Cotton 5 Candies and of Dangarees [dangri, coarse cotton cloth] of 12 Covits (of 18 in.) in length, if to bee bought at 6 patcheo to a Pago. 5 or 600 patch, all which wee presume you will gett as cheape as you can; and for money, wee shall furnish you withall as the necessity shall require, desireing you that you will bee as speedy in your returnes as possible, for that wee stand in great need of them, haveing much Cloth still 10 bee imbaled. The Ginghams wee hope you will have in a readiness to bee here against the appointed tyme, which you may conclude will not exceed the 10 next month, therefore hasten your quick dispatch, which will undoubtedly doe you a kindness With the Company, noe less to us, Your loveing freinde, W. LANGHORNB; RIOVABD MOHUN; JOSEPH HYNKERB.01 Metchlepatam the 28th November 1670." The above transactions with Peddapalle were entered in the Masolipatam Consultation Book as follows:- "Observing the packing Charge of the Honble. Companyes to amount to a considerable some and that supplyed hitherto at worst band, where in much might be saved by providing the stuff from Pettipolee, it was resolved to enorder Mr Salusbury, he living there upon place and the Honble. Company having no Factor there, to make a provision of Dangarees, Gunnyes, Cotton Roape and twine for their Accompt and to send up to us by Boates : on accompt whereof wee send him new pagodaes 200 this day."83 * Factory Records, Masulipatan, Vol. 1. 19 Factory Records, Marulipatam, Vol. 5. . * See Yule, Hobson-Jobson, . v. Patch. Here the word seems to be used... Mr. Wm. Foster recrute, for piece.' # Factory Records, Mamligatam, Vol. 5. Factory Records, Marulipatam, Vol. 1.

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SEPTEMBER, 1908.] SOME ANGLO-INDIAN WORTHIES. 265 Salisbury's answer to the letter from Masalipatan of the 38th Nov. is dated four days later. "Mr. Richard Mohun sca. Councell, I have received yours of the 28th ultimo with two hundred Pagos. which you desire to have speedely returned in Packing Trade for Supply of your present occations, therefore, in Conformity to your order, upon reception, Sent one handred and fifty Pagos, with strict charge to hasten all that possibly may bee and to take speciall Care to buy as good and cheape as any Merchants don. I have enordered one hundred Pagos. for Dungarees and suppose their will bee per Pa. 6 Peices of them of 12 Co, if not more, it being the onely place for that sort of Cloth in the Country that I know, as alsoe for Cotton, of which have enordered 5 Candy which price cannot certainely advize you, but assure you as much as cann bee boughte, doubt not in both you will find & Considerable difference betwixt that price and Metchlepatam it being much cheaper then in that place. The remaining fourty Pagos, have this morning delivered in parte for Gunnyes, Ropes and Twine, haveing contracted for 200 Pa. and promised one hundred and fivety Pa. Speedely, therefore desire the favour of you to remitt the Sayd Vallue that I may Comply, and what of that above Sorts now in a readyness shall Speedely bee sent you, the remainder Soe soone as finished. The Gunghams, bad not the Wethere prevented, would now have been neare finished. Here hath been noe cleare Wether this 12 dayes and more, but now hope it will not bee wanting, and that they will bee donn by the tyme lymmitted or in two or * three dayes after, for I doe hasten them all that may bee, and shall endeavour in all the above expressed the Honble. Companyes advantage and your good likeing. With kind respects subscribed, Your assured Freind, AMBROSE SALUSBURY,83 Pettepolee, 2nd Dec. 1670." On the 5th December 1670, it is recorded in the Magulipatam Consultations that " New Pagos, 88" were to be sent to "Mr Ambrose Salusbary stt Pettipolee in order to the dying of 50 Ps. Ghinghams into red... he being a person experience in those parts and the Honble. Company having no servant there at present nor any here that can be spared from hence to assist therein.* . On the 8th December "150 New Pagos, more " were sent to Ambrose Salisbury apon his "advice that he was at work to make provision of Dungarees, Gunnys &ca."* The letters containing these remittances must have also contained orders for Salisbury to repair to Masulipatam. In reply, he wrote: "Mr. Richard Mohun gos. Councell, By your Servant have received yours of the 8th with one hundred and fivety Pagos., which shall lay out according to your Order in your formers, and at my comeing give you account of all received for Account of the Honble. Company. The Ginghams might now have been finished, had not the Weather prevented, here having been noe fitting Weather for this purpose, for this Close Clowdy Weather the Chay cannot speedely bee dryed and prepared. All baste possible is made with them, and they will very speedely bee donn. The Dungarees and Cotton have send again to hasten, and may now dayly expect them. I shall now hasteh what Ginghams etca. in a readyness, and shall set forward towards you soe soe soone as the Ginghams donn and that the Dungarees Arrive. [1] Take Notis of the Companys order to Accompany you to Fort St George 87 which shall readely Obay, with kind respects, conclude, Your assured friend and Servant, AM BROBE SALUBBURY.88 Pettepolee, the 11th December 1670." # Factory Records, Marulipatam, Vol. 9. * Factory Records, Manulipatam, Vol. 1. * Factory Records, Manulipatam, Vol. 1. * Indian Madder : the root of the Indian plant, oldenlandia umbellata, need to give a deep red dye to Indian ootto13. See ante, Vol. XXX., p. 399 f. 7 See anto, order of 30th Sept. 1669. * Factory Records, Manligatam, Vol. 9.

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266 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1908. * Metchlopatam Generall to Pettepolee. Mr Ambrose Silusbury, Sir, The Coast had her dispatch hence the 14th instant, and just now is a great shipp comeing into the Roade, which wee judge to bee the Rainbow. Wee therefore desire you to hasten the Ginghams Etca. Packing trade that all may arrive seasonably with us, for that wee shall not longer detaine her then there is a necessity for, which, as wee suppose, will not bee above foure dayes at farthest. Therefore pray faile not as you value the Esteeme of those whoes buisness it is, besides the kindness done to Sir, Your loveing friends, W. LANGHORNE; RICHARD MOUN; JOSEPH HYNMERS; Geo. CHAMBERLAINE. Metchlepatam, the 19th Dicember 1670." "Mr. Richard Mohun, I presume you have received the Ginghams sent you with myne of 19th, which hope are to your likeing; the remainder shall bring with me. Sir, I writt to the Peeter Brameney (Brahman ], who is now in Metchlepntam, thut I have Sent for such Goods for you, and wisht him to give a Peon (le having Severall now urimployed) that the Goods might not bee hindered in the Way, but hee, on purpose that [I] might gaine your displeasure by non complyance hath denyed, and I have the news that they are detayned [hy the] Governor of Candereare to whome have writt to free them. They were stoped by & nother before, otherwise they had beene with you eight dayes agonn. Sir, pray demand of him the Cause of his denying a peon, the Goods being for the Company. Sir, I doubt not in the futnre more erly complyance, and purpose to Set forth, as in my laste advised. In the meape tyme Present you the Service off, Sir, Your much obliged friend and Servant, AMBROSE SALUBBURY." Petlepolze the 21th December 1670." "Metchlepalam Generall to Pette polee. Mr Anbrose Silurbury, The last night was received yours with 25 Ps. of Ginghams, which are soe well done as wee doubt not but will be to our Masters Likeings and future encouragement for the dying that Comodi y. Wee desire you to basten the remainder with all Speed. Captain Goodlad came into the Roade yesterday about 5 a Clock, but as yet none come on Shoare, soe that we cannot informe you any thing of the Bay affaires. Pray minde the quick dispatch of the Packing trade to us, for that wee stand in great need thereof, which is all at present from Sir, Your friends, RICHARD MOHUN; JOSEPH HYNMERS; GEO: CHAMBERLAINE:02 Metoklepatam the 22th December 1670." On the 28th December, 1670, in a "Generall to the Honble. Company " the factors at Masalipatam thus alluded to Salisbury's services "We shall bee glad the redd Ginghams dyed att Pettepolee may give good.content, Mr Salisbury haveing looked very well after that buisiness and reduced the Charge to 21 Pa. per peice, which we have trged with Lime Juice and finde to hold the Colour extraordinary well. We are informed they will looke much better when Fashed, which donlting whither to be done soe cheape or well with you, shall reserve two or three Ps. for the tryall to send hence by the first shipp. The said Mr Salasbury haveing likewise done you very good service in the provideing of Dungarees Etca. Packing stuff enordered to him. And traely, whatsoerer may have been said of him for the past, whereof.wee cannot altogeather excuse him, wee heare noe new cause of blame since our arrivall, hopring your pious animadversions on the like occasions bave and will worke a very good effect in all your Factories and bring the desired blessing on your affaires."93 Factory Records, Marulipofam, Vol. 5. Factory Records, Masulipatam, V.1. 9. * Factory Records, Manuliralam, Vol. 5. # ? Cundanore, the ancient name of Karnal. 12 Factory Records, Masulipa!am, Vol. 5.

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SEPTEMBER, 1908.! SOME ANGLO-INDIAN WORTHIE3. 267 Salisbury duly arrived at Maculipatam, probab'y early in January 1671. While there, be received the following letter :-"Mr. Ambrose Salusbury, Sir Wm. Langhorne and Mr. Hynmers inten ling this day to Sett forwards towards Madrass, Wee thought good a second time to mind you of your goeing thither, It being our maisters orders for your soe doeing, as wee formerly alvised you, wishing your Complyance in accompanying these Gentlemen thither, and that you accommodate Sir Wm. with tbe Companys Flagg, Trumpets, Creoked hornes, pipes and Drum, which is all at present to tell you wee are Sir, Your Love.nge Friend, RxCHARD Mohun; MATT: MAISWARING ; Geo. CHAMBERLAINE. Metchlopatam, the 4th February 1670-1." It is to be presumed that, as directed, Salisbury proceeded to Fort St. George, bat there is no record of his arrival at or departure from that place. In August of 1671 he was once again at Masulipatam, engaged on business of his own, and he subsequently resumed his investments at Peddapalle for the Company. From September onwards he kept up a constant correspondence with Richard Mohan and the Council at Masalipatam. "Mr. Ambrose Salusbury, Sir, We haveing an order from the Agent and Councell for the Spediest provision of Gannyes and Ropes for theire Occasions at the Fort, it was the Cheifs &ca. intentions upon his first arriveall hure from thence, findeing you here, to have desired your speedy undertakeing it, since we know you are well acqnainted and kjowing in those Commodities, and did the last yeare make provision for us of what we had then occasion to use, but findeing yon then bad some buisness of your owne which Detarded you in this plane, we were not so pressing as otherwise the necessity of that buisness required, which now from your one information being accompl.shed, and your Selfe ready to imbrace your desires, we herewith give you 500 hundred Pa., in the investment of which we minde you to use all possible dilligence for its procury and at the Cheapest and best termes, since it Concernes our masters, wherein with them you will doe your Selie Credit. We likewise remember you of Clearing the last yeares account upon the Same occasion, which is all at present Sive to wish you good success in your undertakuing. We temaine, Sir, your loveing Freinds, RICHARD MOUN; MATTHEW MAINWARING; GEORGE CHAMBERLAINE. Metchlepatam September 3rd 1671."95 "Mr. Richard Mohun 80a., Esteened friends, Ia performance of your order, inclose the accounts which suppose you will find to agree with your bookes. I did use my utmost endeavoure to agree with the Gunny people and, npon the same condition agreed on last yeare, would have given them out the 500 Pagos, received from you for that account, but their demands are [80] unreasonable that I could not dose with thein, they denying to give more then 50 Gunneys per Pago. and their price for ropes is S Pa. per Twine, 4 Pa, per Candy, pretending want of Rainos hath advanced the price of Hemp, but I am of epinion they will accept the former termes in a day or two. If not, Ball forbesre to give ont money without your order. There is one Gundell Ancatawdree [Gundala Venkatadri] in Metchlepatam of the Gunney people cast, who hath a long tyme taken the name of the English and under that pretence employeth most of these persons that are best able to comply, and lately received one boates Ladeing of the above Goods and bath now two more Ladeing which you may justly make Seizare on and take at the prime cost which, should hee refuse, and make his address to the Governoar, bee will fleese him when you informe him this action; hee hath given out 150 Pa new lately, which you may please to returne bin, or I will doe it beare to his order, which he cannot deny, for hee hath not any such grant from the king. Please to hasten your order for the money shall remain untill your answer. I shall by next give you account of Alejayech and Dungarees. In the Interim, with kinde respects, close up, resting Your assured friend, AMBROR SALUSURY,97 Pettepolee the 11th September 1671." * Factory Records, Masuligatam, Vol. 5. >> Factory Records, Tasulipatam, Vol. 5. " Alach ah, a dlk cloth. Factory Records, Manilipatam, Vo.9.

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268 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (SEPTEMBER, 1908. "Mr. Ambroso Salusbury, Sir, Yours of the 11th present came to hand this day, by which wee observe that the packing trade wee enordered you to provide cannot be done upon those cheape ternies which both you and us expected. However since their occasions at the Fort require them, and that as speedy as possible, wee desire you to make the best and cheapest contract for them you can. And for Gundell Ancatadree, whome you mention to be a greate dealer in that Commodity, baveing one boste laden and two more in a readiness with you to come away, and all this done under the notion of the English, Wee disowne the knowledge of it, and are resolved as his boates thence arrive here, to make seizure of them, and if he sball upon it make any address to the Governor, wee shall then acquaint him that, Contrary to our knowledg, he hath used the name of the English to abuse both him and us. Minde the Dungarees and musters of Allijaes to send as soone as conveniently you can unto your loveing freinds, R. Moun; M. MAINWARING G; CHAMBERLAINE. Wee intend to send you the same quantity of Ginghams wee did the last yeare to bee dyed red. Wee therefore desire you to advise us when you can be in a readiness for them." Metchlepalan, the 18 September 1671." "Mr Richard Mohun foa., Esteemed friends, last night yours of the 13th instant received, wherein you are pleased to referr it to me to make the cheapest contract I can with the Gunney People. With much difficulty had concluded with them the day before yours arrived, for 300 Pa. at 34 great Gunnyes, 60 (Pa.] the small, Ropes 2}, twine 31 as before. Indeed theirs more trouble and danger in dealeing with theise People for this Summ then with Merchants for tenn tymes its vallue. I have sent to other places for them sort of People and hope in few dayes to make an agreement for the remainder. The tyme is so Short for soe great a quantity that causeth them to stand upon their tearmes. Had it been for my owne account, should have given them their demands, rather then have been troubled so long with discourseing about it. As to Gundell Ancataudree, sball referr him to you when the two Boates arrived, which Suppose may already, or in a day or two, but hope shall have sufficient for the Fort. I an enquireing for Allejaos, which sball speedily give you account of. If you intend the Dyeing of Ginghams the sooner you send them the better, for the longer tyme they have to take the oyle the better they will take the Dye. This is what the present requires, save that to assure you my readiness to comply with any of your Commands imposed upon Your assured friend, AMBROSE SALTSBURY." Pettepolee, the 22th September 1671." "Mr Richard Mohun Etoa. Counaill, the 20th instant writt you by << Peone I sent to accompany 7100 Gunneys therein expressed, which you may expect by Land to be with you (in nine] or tenn [days). The 21th writt you, concerning the above, as alsoe the red Ginghams, to which referr you, having used all Dilligence to accomodate your occasions with Packing stuff and sent to many parts of the Coantrey Where its namel [? monde]. Have now, this very Instant, bought the quantities undernained you saying you should want more then the amount of the 500 Pa.; and they being now made thought it might bee au acceptable Service, the price being the same as formerly, and such a quantity is not at any tyme to bee had, and to give out money for provision of them may stay Six months, that I hope you accept, therefore desire you to send by a Servant of yours 200 Pa., and assure you all hast possible shall bee made for their spoody arrivall to you. I hope the Ballance of last account will alsoe bee cleared. These [I] hope will bee a Sufficient Supply for the Fort and your owne occasions for the present shipping. I shall bee glad if in any other service I may appeare to bee Your assured friend and Servant, AX BROBS SALOSBURY. . Factory Records; - Manulipatam, YOL 5. * " Factory Recorda, Marulipatam, Vol. 9.

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SEPTEMBER, 1908.) SOME ANGLO-INDIAN WORTHIES. 269 I have given earnest and received a bill for the following Goods vist.: Gurneys at 34 Pr. P. 4760 Pa. ... ... ... 140 0 0 Ditto at 60 Pt. Pa. 600 Pa. 10 0 0 Roapes 160.9 Mds. at 24 Pa, Pr. Md. ... ... ... 87 0 0 Twine 4 Candy 31 Pa. 1300 Pa, 200 0 0100 Pettepolee, the 22th September 1671." "Mr. Richard Mohun (ca. Courcell, These are to acquaint you that in 10 dayes or 12 you may expect 7100 Gunneys, Soe that if the Bantam shipp with you and your occasions require her stay neare that tyme, a day or two presume will not hinder her proceedings, and if the Fort in present want of Packing stnffe, in my Judgement you cannot have a better opportunity to supply them. The remainder, to compleate the vallue of that summ received last from you, will arrive in good tyme with you, for I hope you will have 5 or 6000 more with you within a month; the rest will follow Soone after. I assure you have used all Dilligence to comply with your desires. If your Intentions for the Dyeing of the Ginghams you mentioned continue, pray procure your Governours Letter to this, that I may have freedome to Employ my Dyers whome I please, for the Late Governoar was goe abusive that many people have left the Government and the Dyers that are here will compell mee to employ them, and forbid my takeing any other unless you send the Letter above desired. I have not more but to assure you my ready desires to comply with any your Commands, which shall apon all occasions endeavour to mannifest, as alsoe that I am Your asgured friend to serve you, AMBROBE SALOSBURY. Petlepoles 24th September 1671." Mr. Ambrose Salusbury, Sir, Yours of the 22d Came to hand yesterday, wherein wee observed the quantity of packing trade allready provided, with what now contracted for. The 500 Pagos, already delivered you, wee would have its full vallae sent from Pettepolee to the Fort upon boates, which wee suppose may be hyred there, which wee desire you to doe, and not to send it heither, since it will by soe doeing only ad to its charge, which wee would avoyd what possible, there. fore pray minde it. 200 Pagos. according to your desire wee now send you to be invested as the former, and sent us heither, but would have the Ganneys to be those of 60 for'a Pago. and likewise those for the Fort if possible, but if the other sort of 84 for a Pago, already contracted for and must be received, wee know not how to help it, bat must accept them, which wee desire with all speed may by boate be dispatched for the Fort directly from you, and the Ginghams, as already advised to be dyed red, we shall with what possible speed send you from Madapollam, they being of the same Bort wee sent you the last yeare which pray prepare for. Our Governors letter to your Governor shall send you that you may be permitted to make choyce of your owne dyers without any molestation. We hope this will be timely to prevent the comeing heither of the packing stuff for the Fort, which is the needfull at present from Your Loveing freinds, RichD. MOEUN; Mat. MAINWARING ; GEO. CHAMBERLAINE. As to Gundall Ancatadrees boate of packing trade which you informed as he had bought in the name of the English, at their arrivall we seized upon them, but the Dutch cheife sent to us that they were his and that he had been imployed by him, upon which we dismissed them. Metohlepatam the 25th September 1671." 1. Factory Records, Marlipatam, Vol. 9. * Factory Resords, Masulipatam, VoL 5. 1 Factory Records, Marulipatam, Vol. 9.

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270 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1908. * Mr. Ambrose Sahusbury, Sir, We have now four of yours before us, vint. the first of the 28 past with two of date the next day, the latter of the 12 presant, to all which wee shall reply the most needfull. The 200 Pagos, sent you we understand you have received, and that you intend the observance of our order in the sending for Madrass 500 pagos. worth of packing trade, which we still confirme, but for what part of it you have sent us heither wee intend to keepe and returne you your boate empty, Since bave lately received the Forts Generall, wherein wee finde they are not 800 pressing for that Commodity as formerly, and therefore you will have the better loizure to make up on the quantity out of what youll since have or shall provide, which, being accomplished, dispatch directly to them, and the over plus to us as soone as conveniently you can. Your accompt wee likewise received. Wee reiterate our desires concerning those Gunneys of 60 for a pago., that as many of them as you can be sent us, and those of 34 for a pago. to the Fort. You have done well in makeing provisions for dying the 50 ps. of Ginghams, which, whilst wee were at Madapollam, ased our utmost endeavors to get in a readiness to send you, but the wevers could not soe soone provide them. We hope ere this they are upon the way towards you, haveing given Mr Feild (whome we have appointed there for the negotiating our Masters affaires) a strick charge for their speedy dispatch. Your dilligence in the things will undoubtedly much commend you to their favours and oblidge us to remaine, Your verry loveing freinds, R. MOHUN; M. MAINWARING ; G. CHAMBERLAINE. Motchlepatam 17th October 1671." . Mr Muhun groa. Councell, my last was of the 12th instant, to which have not my reply. You may please to understand that I have contracted and delivered out the vallae of the 700 Pagos. and there will bee more 37 pagos., as I am advised, due to the Gunney men with Charges, which please to send, some Gunnoys being now detegned for it. Alsoe, please to remitt 75 Pagos. for Boates. I shall bave them as cheape ag Customary. Soe soone as the Goods arrived and laden shall send you the account. If you please to supply your present occasions with 2 or 3000 of them Gunneys, shall have Sufficient to make up the Fort 500 Pagos. I have given forth money for ashes for the Ginghams, but here is none arrived. I did omitt with the Ginghams last yeare to advise you write with them to England, that if they should, when they arrive, bee spotted (as I doe thinck they may, being not well dyed) that wash them in faire water and the Cbay will returne and not a spott appears after being well dyed. This is the property of good Chay, which bad will not endure. Desireing your speedy answer and Complyance, I remain, Your assured friend to serve yon, AMBROSE SALUSBURY. . Pettepolee the 19th October, 1671."S "Mr Richard Mohun Sca. Counsell, Yesterday Morning writt you, and in the Evening received yours of the 17th, wherein you have confirmed your order for sending to Madarass 500 pagos. worth of packing trade, which shall accomplish with what hast may bee, and, Since the occasions are not sou urgent, you have done well in keeping them sent you. When the above Summ Compleated, the remainder shall bee sent you in that sort of 60 Per pago. with the accompt of the whole. My last desired you to send 37 pagos. for said account and 71 Pagos, for Boate Cooly [hire ], which doubt not of your Complyance. I have, as advised, given out money for Ashes, and yesterday, before yours arrived, Sent money for oyle, and have this Morning delivered money for Potts, the tyme being * These letters do not exist. Factory Records, Masulipatan, Vol. 8. * Factory Records, Masulipatam, Vol. 5. See above.

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SEPTEMBER, 1908.] SOME ANGLO-INDIAN WORTHIES. 271 very short for that worke and the Season is unfitting, Dry weather being the tyme for Dyeing; but however, my Endeavours shall bee Employed to have them done in tyme. When the Company shall thinck mee 'worthey the Service, hope your friendshipp will bee ready to give it. Your reall friend to serve you, AMBROSE SALUBBURY. Pettepolee, the 20th October, 1671."7 Salisbury was, at that time, looking forward to the arrival of the Company's letter in answer to the one in which Agent Langhorne bad commended his conduct. On the 23rd October 1671 in a "Generall to Metchlepatan " the Council at Port St. George wrote to Masalipatam ; " Pettepole was the only Factory the Company settled under Metchlepatam and that order hath never been contradicted, therefore we still continne our former order that what business is transacted there that it be ordered by you, and an account thereof be given to you, and if there may be such Considerable Investments be made there at cheaper Rates then at Metcblepatam as Mr. Salisbury formerly advisad, there may the next yeare, if our Masters advise for such Commodityes as are there to be had, then ba occasion to settle factors there if it be found needfull." The correspondence between Peddapalle and Masulipatam from the 24th Oct. untill the 26th Nov 1671 is mainly concerned with details about the dyeing of Ginghams, the procaring of packing trade" and Salisbury's difficulties with the sub-governor. "Mr Richard Mohun Sca. Councell, This Instant is arrived the 50 Ps. of Cinghams you enordered for Dyeing, which shall with all possible speed hasten, therefore intreate you to send effects that tyme may not bee lost. I desired you to send 75 pa, for Boates, but am not yet assured how many Boates they will require, but assure you I will bee as frugall as I can in this and what else you shall Committ to my caro. With kinde respects, I remaine, Your friend and Servant, AMBROSE SALUSBURY. Pettepolee the 24th October 1671. Sirs you may please to send 50 pa., which, if not sufficient for Boates, shall advise,"10 "Mr. Richard Mokun Sca. Counsell, I desired you to send 37 pa. for Gunneys, there being that quantity laden more than I delivered money for, which have returned. I doubt not Complyance to the full amount of what received. Last night arrived a Boate with the vallue of 200 pa. in packing stuff or neare that amount. The rest will in few dayes' bee ready. I alsoe writt for 75 pa. for account of Boates, but you may please forbeare Sending untill the Boates Laden and my advice arrivo of it, but for Dyeing the Ginghams, pray hasten Effects that they may not bee hindred. I remaine, Your assured friend to Command, AMBROSE SALUSBURY. Pettepolee, the 25th October 1871."11 1 Factory Records, Masulipatam, Vol. 9. * Factory Records, Fort St. George, Vol. 16. 11 Factory Records, Masulipatam, To. 9. * Soe ante, p. 227. 10 Factory Records, Manilipatam, Vol. 9.

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272 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1908. "Mr Ambrose Salusbury, Sir, Wee shall now give answer to both yours of the 20 and 24 instant, received the 25 and 26 following, and to the first take notice of your dilligence in your quick provision of the packing trade appointed for the Fort, and of your speedy intentions to dispatch them towards them, and, for the surplusage, to hasten to us as soone as ready in that sort of 60 Gunneys for a pago., wherein you will doe well. The 37 and 55 pags. you desire to have sent you, wee have now delivered to two of our house peones with more pags. 59 towards the Charge of the 50 peeces of Ginghams in your last advised us to have received, which we desire you to see that they are well dyed and timely for our shipping. Your fragallity and readiness in the manadgement of those our Masters concernes will undoubtedly give them occasion to take notice thereof and oblidge us to Continue Your assured freinds, RICHARD MOHUN,13 &ca. Metchiepatam, the 27th October 1671." "Mr. Richard Mohun &ca. Councell, I have received yours of the 27th October with the money sent by your Servants, being 200 pags., 37 pa. on account of packing trade my last acquainted you I had returned, but my order came to late, they being on the way before it was received. The 75 pa. for Boates shall deliver soe soone as the Contract made, and when the Goods are laden, shall advise you what agreement made, and sent you the account. I have paid good part of the 88 pa. received toward the Ginghams, which shall take care to have well Dyed and tymely, which doubt not of, the weather being now fitting for that worke, and assure you shall bee as frugall as I can. I am oblidged to you for your readiness in answering my desires, the money comeing very opportunately to pay for a quantity of Chay, which had I must, and if been disappointed of, should have found it difficult to have mett with soe much of the like Goodness. I hope my Endeavonrs and Complyance with your Commands will bee answerable to your expectations, which if you please to approve, the Honoble. Company will accept, for which favour shall acknowledge my selfe, Your oblidged friend and Servant, AMBROSE SALUS BURY. Pettepolee, the 1st November, 1671."13 "Mr Richard Mohun &ca. Councell, Since your Peons departure this Morning, a person hath enformed the Governour the Garden upon the Island is not the Companys but his owne, upon which I sent a Bill under his hand, received by Mr. Wm. Daniell, in which two Moores are named as wittnesses, who deny that they had any knowledge of it. It is the Custome of these People to putt the names of absent persons as witnesses. There hath formerly been many disputes in tyme of Sir Edward, who can best informe you of it, as alsoe Mr Fleetwood, if with you. I doe understand the buisiness in reallity to bee thus. The Persons father whom I have above named, being Servant to Mr Miller who made the Garden or planted it, this person haveing the mannadgment of it at the Charge of his Master after Mr Miller gone, hee pretends the Garden to bee his owne, here being none of the Nation in many years. I have all my tyme kept a Gardner in it to continue the right to the Company, and have had noe discourse of it many years. This Governoar being newly come, may thinck to gaine of mee Something, but hee will miss of his expectation, nor doe I thinck the Garden worth a rupee, onely to continue the name of our Nation. The Governour sent word hee would bu[i]ld a Musket [Mosque ] in the Garden to prevent our further Clame to it, and place the man that pretends hath right to it to oversee it. I leave it to you to end the dispute with your Governour to whome this Governour now writeth, and remaine, Your assured friend and Servant AMBROSE SALUSBURY. Pettepollee, the 4th November 1671. This Bill is indorsed by Mr Daniell with his name to it."14 11 Factory Records, Masulipatam, Vol. 5. 14 Factory Records, Masulip atam, Vol. 9. 13 Factory Records, Masulipatam, Vol. 9.

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SEPTEMBER, 1903.] SOME ANGLO-INDIAN WORTHIES. Mr. Richard Mohun &ca. Councell, I have acquainted you what I conceive needfull concerning the Garden,15 which if you please to have the buisness ended there and confirmed under the hands of the Governour &ca. it will prevent any further demands. Please to send your Governours Letter to the Governour that the Dyeing worke &ca. may not bee hindred, the Governour being gone you sent a Letter unto from your Governour. Last night hee sent to mee to take some Chay of him for my Dyeing work, but I sent him word that I was furnished, but though I am not fully, yet I will not bring up that custome to buy of a Governour, for it will bee after demanded as a Custome, and in tyme, may force it upon them that may Succeed here, and his Chay is all refuge, the best being Cull'd out and gone, but were it as good and cheape as I buy else where, I will buy none of him, and this I presume, sticks in his stomack and maketh him bee soe busy about the Garden, which doth not concerne him, which I sent him word, but I keepe faire weather with him and purpose to continue it, desireing you to hasten the Letters, which pray lett bee effectuall. I remaine, Your friend and Servant, AMBROSE SALUSBURY. Pellepolee, the 4th November 1671.16 "Mr Ambrose Salusbury, Sir, Wee have now before us two of yours both bareing date the 4th Currt, by which wee understand your receipt of one from us of the 27th past with the 200 pags.. sent you for the carrying on our Masters affaires appointed by us under your manadgment. That you are provided with materialls necessary for dyeing the Ginghams wee are pleased, the same that the money sent soe opportunely arrived for its procure. Wee hope their well and timely finishing that they may be here soe carly as to take their passage upon our homeward bound shipping, which pray minde, since it concernes you as well as us, and for any further supply, if needfull for the carrying on of those concernes of our Masters, advise us and wee shall furnish you. Wee shall not be unmindefull to acquaint the Governor the indignity offered to the Honble. Company by a pretender to their Garden with you, and doubt not but to procure this reprehensive Letter to his Sub Governor for permitting and punnishing the imposture with what elce requisite, wee shall in a few dayes advise you. In the interim, wee remaine, Sir, Your Loveing freinds, RICHARD MOHUN, 17 &ca. 278 Metchlepatam, the 6th November 1671." "Mr Richard Mohun &ca. Councell, Yours of the 6th present have received and doubt not of a tymely Complyance in what you have Committed to my Charge for account of the Honoble. Company, the Packing trade being neare done, and the Ginghams will not boe long in hand, but I have not yet the full quantity of Chay they require, and the money received is all disposed on for Chay and other Charges, Therefore, desire you by the Bearer to send the remainder 37 pagos. It the Companys occasions require a quantity of those Goods, and the Chay bought at first hand in the Season when new cometh in, which will bee in January and February, they will finde the Dyeing to come much cheaper, but at this tyme good Chay is difficult to procure, being very little remaineing now in the hands of persons that will part with it. This is what at present requires from Your assured friend to Command, AMBROSE SALUSBURY. Pettepolee, the 10th November, 1671." 18 15 See the foregoing letter. 11 Factory Records, Masuliyatam, Vol. 5. 18 Factory Records, Mandipatam, Vol. 9. Factory Records, Marulipatam, Vol. 9.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1908. "Mr Ambrose Salusbury, Sir, Yours of the 10th wee received the last night, and are well satisfied that our Masters Affaires committed to your manadgment are in soe good a forwardness and will, according to expectation, be in a timely readiness both for the Fort and this place. The 50 pags you desire wee now send you, and for what elce necessary for the compleateing their business upon advice shall be complyed withall, from Sir, Your loveing freinds, RICHARD MOHUN 19 &ca. Metchlepatam, the 14th November 1671." "Mr Richard Mohun &ca. Councell, I have received yours of the the 14th with 37 pa. The Ginghams will bee with you in good tyme and the packing trade is all done. When laden, shall advise you the quantity, and what more is requisit for that occasion, which is all the present requires from Your assured friend, AMBROSE SALUSBURY. Pettepolee, the 17th November, 1671." 20 274 "Mr Ambrose Salusbury, Sir, The Companys goods contracted for are now most of them brought into the Factory and our presant want for imbaleing them is roapes and twine, which wee desire you to dispatch towards us per the first oppertunity of wind and weather, and that you hasten the Ginghams that all may be timely for our expected shipping, which by Gods blessing will not now be long ere doe arrive here. The packing trade for Madrass, if not already sent, wee judge will now doe better to send it directly heither for the saveing of charges, which may be done by ladeing it upon the Companys ship from hence theither, but let it be made up apart with a distinct account of it sent therewith to Sir, Your loveing freinds, RICHARD MOHUN &ca. Metohlepatam, the 24th November 1671." "Mr Richard Mohun &ca. Councell, This Instant yours of the 24th received, by which understand your occasions require Ropes and Twine for Imbaleing your Goods,, which shall speedily bee sent you. The Ginghams will bee finished in 10 dayes, which suppose will bee tyme enough for the Shipping, but had not I a dayly Eye over them, they would not bee done in this short tyme. The Packing trade, as you enorderd, have prepared Boates for, and paid the money received from you in part, therefore cannot now get back, part being Laden and the rest will very speedily, when you shall have account of the whole and what Contract made. This is the needfull from Your Assured friend, AMBROSE SALUSBURY, Pettepolee, the 26th November 1671."'23 On the 28th November 1671, Salisbury was re-instated in the Companys service. "At a Court of Committees holden the 28th day of November 1671: Resolved That upon the good character received of Mr Salusbury of his being reclaimed, the Court consent that he be readmitted into their service and to receive encouragement as he shall deserve."23 19 Factory Recor.is, Masulipatam, Vol. 5. 33 Factory Records, Masulipatam, Vol. 5. 13 Court Minutes, Vol. 27, fol. 192. 30 Factory Records, Masulipatam, Vol. 9. 23 Factory Records, Masulipatam, Vol. 9.

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SOME ANGLO-INDIAN WORTHIES. SEPTEMBER, 1908.J Extract from a "General Letter to the Agent and Counsell at Fort St George" from the Court of Directors, dated London, 18 December, 1671: "Wee doe also order that Mr Ambrose Salisbury be againe admitted into our Service and that he receive such incoragement as his abillityes and faithfullness in our Service shall merritt."24 275 Extract from a "Generall Letter to the Cheife and Counsell at Mesulapatam" from the Court of Directors, dated as above: "Upon creditt of your Recomends, wee have againe enterteyned Salisbury." " The news of his rehabilitation did not reach Salisbury until the June of 1672. Meanwhile, he continued to transact the Company's business at Peddapalle as before. Mr Ambrose "Mr Ambrose Salusbury, Sir, Yours of the 26th presant are received yesterday, which advises your receipt of ours of the 24th and that you will, according to our desires, hasten the roapes and twine therein mentioned, and as for the packing trade ordered to be sent to Madrass, Since the boate agreed for and the moneys paid in part to them for its transport theither, you must keepe to your contract and dispatch it away as soone as you can. The Ginghams, if heere in the time you mention, I hope will be erely enough for the Bay shipping, which wee presume you will not be unmindfull of, Since wee in a verry few dayes expect one from thence, if not all three, which is all save that we remember us unto you, and remaine Your verry loveing freinds, RICHARD MOHUn,20 &ca. Metchlepatam, the 29th November 1671." Pettepolee, the 3rd December, 1671."20 "Mr Richard Muhun &ca. Councell, I have received yours of the 29th ulto. In Performance of your order, have sent a boate for Roapes and Twine, but the Governour of Battapunde [? Bapatla] hath sent mee word that noe boate shall pass untill hee have a peice of good redd Cloth for his Master, Mahmud Cawne [Muhammad Khan]. Therefore, pray, by the bearer, send three yards of the best Broad Cloth of 2 pagos. per yard, and if you please not to allow it, Charge mee with it. This Governour hath now detained a Boate of Guuneys about Six dayes and demands juncan,27 Since the falling out about the Garden,28 wee have not had any Message or buisiness till now, and hee knowing that I sent you the Engagement, and in all this tyme you not giveing any reply, doth encourage him, as well it may, to proceed in this manner. Therefore, pray Immediatly send an Effectuall order from your Governour to cause him to Suffer all business to pass freely. The Ginghams are neare done. Had not the Cloudy weather hindred they had been with you now. They will bee with you in good tyme, doubt it not, and the Guuneys &ca. will have dispatch as soone as your Governours Letter received. With Kinde respects, Remaine, Your reall friend, AMBROSE SALEURY. 24 Letter Book, Vol. 4, p. 501. Factory Records, Masulipatam. Vol. 5. Customs. See Yale, Hobson-Jobson, who derives it from the Tamil word chungam. See ante, p. 272. 35 Letter Book, Vol. 4, p. 511. 21 Factory Records, Masulipatam, Vol. 9.

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276 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARI. SEPTEMBER, 1908. "Mr Ambrose Salusbury, Sir, Late last night wee received yours of the 8 presant, which advises that the Governor of Beattapande would not permitt those boates to pass yon intended with roapes and twine for us untill you have presented him with a peece of fine Red Cloth 3 yards, of which, as you desire, wee now send you, which you may present him, rather then that our business should be impeded, since our Masters goods are now most in the Factory and ready to embale, had wee those materialls, which wee desire you to hasten, since our want presses us to it. To your Governor of Pettipolee, wee send you two of this Governors letters, which he hath sent us word are to require and Command him that he peaceably permitt you to send ns the Companys goods as you shall think most requisite, and that in his assistance he doth further you by boates or what elce necessary for your accommodation, and likewise about the Garden, that you continue it undisturbed. Pray hasten the Ginghams, for wee now every boare expect ship on ships from the Bay. Not baveing further to enlarge, wee remaine, Sir, Your loveing freinds, RICHARD Monun &ca.80 Metchlepatam, the 6th December 1671." The Masalipatam Council evidently realized that Salisbury's position at this period was anomalous, and if we can judge from a paragraph in a letter to Fort St. George, were anxious for his re-instatement. Extract from "Metchlepatam Generall to the Fort," 18th December 1671. "As touching Pettepolee, if a setiled Factory there by appointment of the Company, wee should then concurr with you in point of provision of packing materialls for your supply, but since they have not, and that we are forced to request Mr Salusbury to doe us that kindeness, who heither to hath done it for God amercy, although out of there Service, wee judge you may better doe it then us being a power above to gratifie him.91 (To be continued.) BOOK-NOTICE. L. D. BAENETT. A SUPPLEYENDABY CATALOGOR OT1 The number of books with Burmese titles SANSKRIT, PALI, AND PRAXBIT BooX8 IN THX occurring in this catalogue has made it necessary LIBRARY OF THE BRITIBU MUSEUX, ACQUIRED to give rules for the transliteration of the Burmese DUBING TRX TRASB 1892-1908. London 1968. alphabet. These have been drawn up in accordvii PP. 1,096 col. ance with the actual pronunciation, and, as closely as possible, follow the official transliteraTHE present catalogue is a continuation of the tion, I have always thought this very volume published by the late Professor Bendall, unsatisfactory method. The use of ar to denote and Dr. Barnett in the preface informe us that the an O- Nound is not in accordance with the transliprinciples observed are mainly the same in both teration of other connected alphabets, and the works. The various works of the PAli Canon same holds good for the denotation of aspirates. have, however, been arranged under the heads of On the whole, the transliteration of Burmese is, Abbidhamma, Satta and Vinaya, and the various from the point of view of philology and bibliorecensions of Panini and Kachchayana under the graphy, a very difficult question, and also a very headings Panini and Kachcheyana, respectively. important one. I bope that the system adopted This is, of course, a deviation from the strictly by the British Museum will not become generally alphabetical arrangement, but I think it is used. This is, however, here a minor consider a welcome one. The numerous cro88-referepoes ation. The whole catalogue is an admirable work. make it easy to find every book, even to those who which will be extremely useful to the student, and do not know that it may belong to one of the the author is to be heartily congratulated on its above wider groupe, and those who know will like completion. to see such books brought together in one place. STEN Konow, * Factory Records, Masuliralam, Vol. 6. 1 Factory Records, Marulipatam, Yol. %.

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OCTOBER, 1908.) EXCAVATIONS AT SARNATH IN THE YEAR 1904-5, 277 SOME REMARKS ON THE EXCAVATIONS AT SARNATH CARRIED OUT IN THE YEAR 1904-5. BY F. O. OERTEL. Tuis paper was read in the Indian Section of the Fifteenth International Congress of Orientalists at Copenhagen in August, 1908. The Congress formerly adopted Mr. Oertel's soggestion, that arrangements should be made to colleot and translate all the Silpabastras, dealing with architecture and sculpture, that can be traced. Perhaps some of our readers may see their way to co-operating in this work. - EDITOR.] T most claim your kind indulgence in respect of my paper being somewhat sketchy and I wanting in illustrations, but I had only a few hours yesterday afternoon to prepare it in. The Annual Report of the Archaological Survey of India for the year 1904-5, with the account of the excavations carried out by me during that year, has only just appeared, and until it was published I did not feel justified in making any communication on the subject. The volume is amongst the books presented to the Congress by Sir Obarles Lyall on bebalf of the Secretary of State for India, and I only saw it for the first time yesterday. The appearance of the volume at this time enables me to give you a brief supplementary account of the results of my work at Sarnath. It may not be out of place if I explain bow I, an engineer by profession, came to andertake theon excavations. The study of Indian art and architecture has for many years engaged my attention, and my travels in Burma and Ceylon have given me a special interest in the Buddhist art and religion. So, when Benares became my head-quarters, I soon came to occupy myself with the ruins at Sarnath. My first work there was to erect a suitable building for the custody of some statues and carved stones, which had been removed from Queen's College to Sarnath. Next I prevailed on the local authorities to construct a good metalled approach-road to the site. And finally, during the last season I was there, I obtained through Mr. Marshall, the Director-General of Archaeology, the permission of the Government to attempt some excavations. The success attending my preliminary trials led to a liberal grant from the Government of India, supplemented by one from the Local Government. There were about two hundred coolics at work for nearly four months, and the total expenditure incarred by me approximated to PS400. The excavations were started in December, 1904, and brought to a close at the beginning of April, 1905, when I was transferred to Agra. It was a matter of great regret to me that I was unable to continue the work at Sarnath, but the exigencies of the Government service did not permit of it. I am glad, however, to be able to report that the Archaeological Survey Department, under the direction of Mr. Marsball, have since resumed my excavations and are carrying them on to completion. Sarnath lies a few miles to the north of Benares, and is a very anoiont site, originally known as rishipatana, 'the alighting or dwelling-place of sages.' In Buddha's time it was known as mrigadava, the deer-park,' where the Blessed One once gave his life to save that of a doe with young. For this reason the armorial device of the Sarnath establishment contained two deer, which were placed on either side of a wheel, the symbol of the Sacred Law. This device has been found on many old clay seals and stone images at Sarnath, and is used to the present day as the symbol of the Dalai Lama in Tibet. Sarnath may be looked upon as the birthplace of Buddhism, for it was here that Buddha commenced "turning the Wheel of the Law," made his first converts, and established his first community. Its interest is heightened by its close proximity to Benares, the old Racred city on the Ganges, a city which monst have already taken a leading part in Buddha's time, for, when he had attained to sapreme wisdom under the bodhi-tree at Bodh-Gaya, be turned to Benares as the most suitable place for promulgating his doctrine. The Chinese pilgrim Hiuen Tsang tells us that a column was erected to mark the spot where Buddha delivered his first address. This column, with

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278 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Ostoviv, 1908. a magnificent lion-capital and a long inscription, I was fortunate enough to discover, and was thus able to add another to the number of the so-called edicts of the great emperor Asoks. The capital of this column is of the Persepolitan bell-shaped type, crowned by four lions supporting a stone wheel or Dharmachakra the symbol of the Law first promulgated at Sarnath. Mr. Marshall, the well-known head of the Indian Archaeological Department, who is a recognised authority on Greek as well as Indian art, speaks of the capital as follows:- "Both bell and lions are in an excellent state of preservation and masterpieces in point of both style. and technique the finest carvings, indeed, that India has yet produced, and unsurpassed, I venture to think, by anything of their kind in the ancient world."1 Professor Flinders Petrie has drawn my attention to the similarity of the treatment of the hair of the lions to those found at Halicarnasus and now preserved in the British Museum. The edict found in the column sets forth some regulations of monastic discipline, and threatens with expulsion from the community all monks and nuns not following its precepts. The text and rendering have been given by Dr. Vogel and others in various epigraphical journals. Among the other inscriptions found by me at Sarnath are two of Kanishka, whose connection with a place so far east as Benares was, I believe, previously unknown. Two other inscriptions mention an otherwise unknown king Asvaghosha. Altogether forty-one inscriptions were discovered by me, ranging from the 3rd century B. C. to the 12th century A. I)., and displaying in a continuous series the various changes in the written characters and Prakrit dialects, which should make these inscriptions of special interest to the students of Indian epigraphy. It is probable that this covers the period of the supremacy and decline of Buddhism at Benares, and that the 12th century, with the advent of the Muhammadan invaders, saw the final overthrow of the Buddhist establishment at Sarnath. Signs are not wanting to show that the overthrow was of a sudden and violent nature; the shattered walls, broken columns, and mutilated images, and the charred rooftimbers and remains of food, testify to this. It is curious to note that at Sarnath, as elsewhere in India, there are no remains earlier than Asoka. There can be little doubt that such remains do exist here or elsewhere, and that it only remains to discover them. Although Sarnath was probably sacked and burned as earlier as the 12th century, when its shrines and cloisters were wilfully destroyed, its columns and images were mutilated and overthrown, and its sacred community was dispersed never to assemble again, much remained to testify its past greatness and to attract the wonder of succeeding generations. We have a record of a visit of the emperor Humayun and his son Akbar to the ruins, in a Persian inscription dated A. D. 1588. This inscription is found in the octagona! tower, which Akbar erected on the Chaukhandi mound, south of Sarnath, to commemorate the visit of his father, and testifies alike to the liberal views of the great Mughal emperor and to the importance of the ruins in his days. It is sad to think that all this should have been now changed, and that all that made the site of interest should have been removed, leaving nothing but a barren wilderness round the one solid tower, which had resisted all attempts at spoliation. This is how I found the site on arrival at Benares. What it was like before even as late as Cunningham's time, we can learn from his own words. When speaking of the Mahabodhi temple at Bodh-Gaya, he wrote: "The same countless number of small Stupas was found by Kittoe and myself around the great Stupa of Dhamek, Benares. But there were hundreds of thousands of even smaller offerings in the shape of little clay Stupas, both baked and unbaked, from two or three inches in height, to the size of a walnut. Scores, and sometimes even hundreds, of these miniature Stupas were found inside the larger Stupas, enclosing small 1 Annual Report of the Archaeological Survey of India, 1904-5, p. 36. The capital is illustrated in plate XX. of the Report. I give herewith another illustration of it from a photograph placed at my disposal by Dr. Holy. I take this opportunity to correct a misprint on p. 70 in my official report. It was Professor Venis of Benares and not' Aenis, as it is there spelt, who gave the reading in the Bengal Asiatic Society's Journal.

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Indian Antiquary. CAPITAL OF THE ASOKA COLUMN AT SARNATH. FROM A PHOTOGRAPH LENT BY DR. HOEY. W. GRIGGS.

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OCTOBER, 1903) EXCAVATIONS AT SARNATH IN THE YEAR 1904-5. 279 clay senls." 3 We cannot but regret that all these multitude of interesting objects should have entirely disappeared. Probably their very abundance was partially the cause of their destruction, as it did not seem necessary to preserve what was so plentifnl. As instances of rathless spoliation, Sherring mentions that " in the erection of one of the bridges over the river Barni (tiz., the stone bridge erected by Jonathan Duncan), forty-eight statues and other sculptured stones were removed from Sarnath and thrown into the river, to serve as a breakwater to the piers;" and that, "in the erection of the second bridge (locally known as the Iron Bridge) from fifty to sixty cart-loads of stones from the Sarnath buildings were employed." Cunningham farther tells us : -"My excavations at Sarnath were brought to a closo suddenly by my removal to Calcutta. Luckily I had prepared plans of the buildings while the exhumation was going on, for nothing whatever now remains of all my excavations, every stone and every briek having been removed long ago. "5 That I was able to discover as much as I did, was entirely due to the hardness of the soil at the part where I carried on my excavations. It was only after a very long study of the ground that I came to select this spot, as there were few or no indications above ground to guide me. I have so far only spoken of the inscriptions, as these are our guide to the history of the place, but the detailed lists at the end of my official report show that the yield in sculptures and other actiquities was equally important. I laid bare the remains of a great temple or Vihara, which once contained a large brazon image of Buddha turning the Wheel of the Law" or, in other words, seated in the dharmachalira-mulra or attitude. Round this temple and the so-called Jagat-Singh Stupa to the soath of it, I uncovered numberless smaller shrines and Stupas of all sizes, with stone.images and carvings scattered about amongst them to the number of 470 separate pieces of sculpture. These are described in my official report, but they admit of a great deal more study in detail. Much information may be guined from them about Buddhist iconography. There is a continuous series of Buddha images from the earliest known examples to the last, beginning with a colossal inscribed image of Kanishka's time, carved at a time when the conventional Buddha type was not yet settled, and representing him As a monk with shaven head and without the urna or topknot. This image is of special interest, as it was accompanied by a magnificent stone umbrella, 10 feet in diameter, which the inscription on the post declares to be the gift of the same two donors in the third year of Kanishka's reign. The series continues through the Gupta period, when the Buddha type is seen already fixed, and ends with the latest presentations of Buddha acccompanied by numerous Bodhisatvas and Taras and other northern female deities with many arms ard heads. These sculptures and inscriptions may also be found useful to settle the relative positions of the northern and southern Buddhist churches in Bebar. Hiuen Tsang speaks of 1,500 priests at Sarnath studying the "Little Vehicle," and makes no mention hore of the Northern Church, bat, as the sculptures shew that the "Greater Vehicle' was also represented at Sarnath, we may perhaps conclude that its influence arose after Hiuen Tsang's time. Another direction in which the recent discoveries should be useful, is in fixing the identity of some of the rains with the buildings described by Hiuen Tsang, and in modifying some of our previous views on the subject. The Dharmek tower, for instance, has so far been generally taken for the Stupa erected by Asoka. The discovery of the dharmachakra colamn completely upsets this view, and makes it more likely, that we have to seek the Asoka Stupa in the so-called Jagat-Singh Stupa, not far from the column. If this be so, then the Dharmek tower may perhaps be identified with a Maitreya Stupa spoken of by Hinen Tsang. I have given some reasons in favour of this view, but we must await the completion of the excavation before we can venture to pronounce a final judgment on this point. In the meantime, I am glad to be able to announce that all the finds of my excavation, as well as the subsequent ones, are to be kept at Sarnath, and that a commodious new building is * Cunningham, Mahabodhi, p. 43. Sherring, Sacrel City, p. 25. Cunningham, Mahabodhi, P 18.

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280 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. . [OCTOBER, 1908. now in course of erection, in which they will be housed, and in which some accommodation will also be provided for scholars, who may wish to study the Sarnath antiquities on the spot. Before concluding my remarks on Sargath, I may mention that there are traces left of the old direct road which used to lead due north from the centre of Benares to Sarnath and crossed the river Barni near a apot known as Parana Pal, or Old Bridge. Nenr this spot, on the Benares side of the river, is a large 'Idgah or Mohammadan place of worship, erected on the site, and with the materials, of some more ancient buildings. On the platform of this Idgah, facing the kiblah or place of worship, is the stump of a large column, now covered with a copper casing and worshipped by the Hindus as Lat Bhaipo or the staff of Bhairo,' the hereditary Kotwal or police officer of Benares. We know, from the accounts of early European residents of Benares, that this stamp is the remains of a large and beautiful column which was upset by the Mubammadans in a riot during the 'Id festivals in the early part of last century. Now, turning to Hiuen Tsang, we find that, just after leaving the city of Benares on his way to Sarnath, ho passed a large Stupa, with an Asoka column near it. This makes it probable that the 'Idgah just mentioned, was erected on the site of the ancient Stupa, outside the northern gate of Benares, and that the Lat Bhairo is the remains of the Asoka column mentioned by Hiuen Teang. If this be so, and I have little doubt on the point, the column probably bears an Asoka inscription hidden under the platform of the Idgah which is some 16 feet above the ground arourd it. It would be interesting, could permission be obtained, to remove some of the pavement of the platform and dig round the stump to verify this conjecture. There is no need for disturbing the column in doing so, and the place could be covered up again after a copy has been made of the inscription, if found there. In conclusion, I would like to take this opportunity to draw the attention of the Congress to the difficulty experienced in the study of Indian art and architecture, owing to the want of accorate translations of the Silpasastras dealing with these subjects. Dr. Coomaraswamy, in his forthcoming book on Indian art, is, I understand, giving a translation of a portion of s manuscript from Ceylon dealing with the making of images. This will be interesting in its way, but what we more particularly want is fall translations of the Sanskrit works on the subject of architectare, with the rules for the constraction of Stupas, temples, monasteries and other edifices, rules still partially followed by the present-day native builders. That such works exist, not only in India, but also in Ceylon and other countries in the east, is well-known, but, so far, Sanskrit scholars have not cared to take up the subject, probably on account of the difficulty of translating the technical terms. If the Congress agree with me and will give their sapport to my proposal, something may perhaps be done to supply this defect. Professor Thibaut has already announced that the Calcutta University are going to arraage for the translation of Sanskrit astronomical works. This encourages me to suggest that some other University or public body, should take up the subject of Indian architectural works, and, if possible, depate some young Sanskritist to study the subject in India itself. The only work I know of, which deals at all with the subject, is a book on Hindu architecture by a native of India, Ram Raz by name, which was printed as long ago as 1830 or thereabouts by the Oriental Translation Fund of the Royal Asiatic Society. This book has proved of some use, and was the source from which, I understand, Fergasson and others derived their technical terms. But it is out of date now, and it would be more satisfactory if we could go direct to the Sanskrit works from which Ram Riz obtained his information. . In the Brihat-Sanhita of Varubamihira, chapter 53 deals with the building of houses, chapter 56 with the desoription and sizes of various kinds of tomples, and chapter 58 with the desoription and mesures of images. Those chapters, presenting a variety of interesting details, have been translated by Professor Kern in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, New Series, Vol. 6 (1873), pp. 279-300, 316-20, 322-30. Reference may also be made to The Hindu Law of Endowment, by Saraswati. Caloutta : 1897 (Tagore Law Lectures for 1892). This work contains translations from various Sanskrit books regarding the establishment and consecration of temples, the material, sizes, and proportions of images, etc., etc. -EDIT@R]

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October, 1908.) ANCIENT HISTORY OF THE NELLORE DISTRICT. 281 ANCIENT HISTORY OF THE NELLORE DISTRICT. BY V. VENKAYYA, M. A., BAI BAHADUR. (Continued from p. 201.) The Early Period. Tue inscriptions at Amarivati And Bhattiprola, some of which are as old as the Maurya period, to show that the civilizing influence of the emperor Aboks and of his Baddhist creed extended into the delta of the river Ktishna. Mr. V. A. Smith goes farther and declares that the river Northern Pennar may be regarded as the limit of the imperial jarisdiction on the south-east. If this be the case, the northern portion of the modern Nellore district must have come under the influence of the Maurya emperor. The Andhras who, in later periods, occupied the modern Telugu country, are mentioned already in the litreya-Brahmana, 19 where they figure among the progeny of the sage Visvamitra condemned to live on the borders of Aryan settlements. The same work gives the names of certain degraded, barbarous tribes, and mentions the Andhras among them. In the Mahabharata, Sahadeva, one of the five Pandavas, is said to have subdued the Andhras along with several other tribes. The Greek ambassador Megasthenes mentions the Andhras, 16 who occupied the deltas of the Godavari and Krishna rivers, The Andhra territory included 30 walled towns, besides numerous villages, and their army consisted of 100,000 infantry, 2,000 cavalry, and 1,000 elephants. Their capital at the time was Srikakulam on the lower course of the river Krishna, about 19 miles west of Masulipatam.17 In one of the edicts of Asoka, the Andhras are mentioned among the tribes resident on the outskirts of Maurya dominions.19 According to Mr. Smith they were subject to the imperial commande, but enjoyed a considerable degree of autonomy.18 It may, therefore, be supposed that the modern Nellore district, -or at least the northern portion of it, -- was originally subject to the Andhras and that the latter, also called Salivahanas20 or Satavahanas and Andbrabblityas, 91 became subject to the powerful influence of the Mauryas during the time of Aboka. Soon after the close of Asoka's reign, the Andhras became independent and expanded so rapidly that in the reign of the socond king their dominions extended as far west as Nasik in the Bombay Prezidency. The names of several kings of the family are known from the Paranas and inscriptions found mostly in Western India. The capital of the dynasty in later times was Dhanyakataka or Dharanikota,23 and the family must have exercised no small inflaence over the history of the northern portion of the Nellore district. 10 Dr. Burgess' Buddhist Stupas of Amaravati and Jaggayyapeta, p. 12, and Ep. Ind., Vol. II, p. 325. 11 Rarly History of India, second edition, p. 151. In the first edition, p. 143, Mr. Smith remarked: "On the south-east, the Palar river, the northern frontier of the Tamil race, may be regarded as the limit of the imperial jurisdiction." In his book entitled Asoka, the Buddhist Emperor of India, p. 70, the same scholar says that the 12th degree of North Latitude would approximately represent the southern boundary of the Maurya empire. 19 Bombay Garettorr, Vol. I, Part II, p. 188; see also Mr. B. O. Dutt'. Civilisation in Ancient India, Vol. 1, p. 148. 11 Professor Buhler was of opinion that the sage Apastamba, who lived not later than the 3rd century B. C. (Sacred Booke of the Rast, Vol. II, p. xlvi), must have been born or naturalised in the Andhra country; ibid, P. XXIVI, and Mr. R. O. Datt's Civilisation in Ancient India, Vol. I, p. 202 14 Bacrad Books of the Rart, Vol. II, p. XLVII. 16 Boribay Gazetteer, Vol. I, Part II, p. 149. 16 Sir Walter Elliot's Coins of Southern Intia, p. 9. 11 Dr. Burgess' Buddhist Stupai of Amaravati and Jaggayyapeta, p. 31. 18 Ep. Ind., Vol. II, p. 471. 1. Early History of India, second edition, p. 195. #0 BAlivahana is another mode of pronounging the word Satavahans; Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. 1, Part II, p. 131. 91 Ibid, p. 156. Mr. V. A. Smith'. Early History of India, second edition, p. 195. >> When the Chinese pilgrim Hiuen Triang visited Southern India, Dhanakataks was the name of the province south of Andhra. How far it extended we do not know at prosent. Perhaps Dhanakataka and the northern portion of the Nellore district belonged to the Eastern Chalukyas of Vengl.

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282 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1908. The Palla vas. There is no necessity here to enter into the question of the origin of the Pallavas, Mr. Vincent Smith, who had accepted the identity of the Pallavas with the Pahlavas, Pahnavas or Palhavas, mentioned in the Puranas, in the first editon of his Early History of India, discredits it in the second edition. He says that recent research does not support the hypothesis and adds that the Pallavas were probably a tribe, clan or caste, which was formed in the country between the Krishna and Godavart rivers. There are some difficulties, which I have pointed out elsewhere in accepting this theory of the origin of the Pallavas. At any rate, antil Mr. Smith's theory is satisfactorily established, we may proceed on the assumption that the Pallavas are identical with the Pahlavas, Pahnavas and Palhavas of the Purdnas. In A, D. 150 we find a Pahlave named Suvisikba as a minister of the Kshatrapa king Rodradaman in Kathiawa:1.27 Twenty years earlier, the Andhra king Gotamiputra claims to have destroyed the Palhavas with the Sakas and Yavanas.28 This defeat was probably one of the causes that led them to seek their fortunes further south and east. Their alliance with the Kshatrapas, who, in spite of an intermarriage, were fighting against the Andhras, might possibly have led to their migration to the east coast. The exact time when they settled in the south is not known. In editing the Kondamudi plates of Jayavarman, Dr. Holtzsch remarks90: "The alphabet of bis inscription shows that he must have lived in the same period as the Pallava prince Sivaskandavarman, who issued the Mayidavola plates. Further, the language and phraseology of the inscription are so similar to the Nasik inscriptions of Gautamiputra Satakarni and Vasishthiputra Polumayi, that Jayavarman's date cannot have been very distant from that of these two Andhra kings." At any rate, we have the Pallava king Vishnagopa settled in Kafichi about the middle of the 4th century A. D.,31 and it is quite reasonable to suppose that the family must have taken possession of Kancht sometime before the reign of Vishnagopa. It is, however, doubtful if the Sivaskandavarman of the Mayidavolu and Hirabadagalli plates was earlier or later than Vishnugpa.32 The former claims to have performed the asvamedha sacrifice, 33 which implies that he was a strong and powerful ruler and that he could boast of extensive conquests. The facts that his capital was Kancht and that he had a subordinate at Dhanyakataka give us some idea of the extent of his dominions. Vijaya-Skandavarman and his son Vijaya-Buddhavarman of the British Museum plates of Charudegi35 come next. Of Vishnugopa, who was the contemporary of Samudragapta, no records have been so far found. 94 Early History of India, second edition, p. 423. 26 In an article on the Pallavas whioh will be published in the Director-General's Annual for 1906-07. * Mr. Smith does not seem to be quite convinced of the indigenous origin of the Pallavo. Before putting forward this theory on p. 423, he remarks that no definite answer can be given at present to the question of the origin of the Pallavaa. On p. 404 he says that the origin and affinities of the Pallavas remain obscure. 37 Ep. Ind., Vol. VIII, p. 49. # Bombay Ganetteer, Vol. I, p. 317. 2 The position oooupled by the Pahlava chief is shown by the fact that he had been entrusted with the government of two provinces in the Kshatrapa dominions. He was an able administrator, and, in repairing the extensive breaches of the Sudariana tank, aopomplished a task whioh had been given up as impossible by the other ministers. >> Ep. Ind., vol. VI, p. 816. The Andhra dynasty came to a close, at least in the Teluga country, in the 3rd oentury A. D. Bombay Gaxetteer, Vol. I, p. 168 ), and as at Jaggayyapeta there is an inscription of Parashadatta, son of Madhart, of the family of Ikshyako, who must have preceded the Pallavas (Dr. Burgess' Buddhist Stupas of Amaravati and Jaggayyapeta, p. 110 A. ), the latter could have become the ruling power in the south only about the end of the 3rd century A. D. 31 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. 1, p. 319. Mr. V. A. Smith remarks: "Samudragupta's inscription is good evidence to prove that the Pallavas had oooupied Kanchi (Conjeeveram) as their capital at least as early as the beginning of the fourth centary A. D." (Early History of India, second edition, p. 425). # Dr. Fleet seems to think that Viqhunagopa was outlier (Bombay Gazetteer, vol. I, Part II, p. 819), while Professor Hultzech appears to believe that Sivaskandavarman was earlier. . 33 Rp. Ind., Vol. I, p. 7. These conquesta of his are, however, not mentioned. . # Ep. Ind., Vol. VIII, p. 145.

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OCTOBER, 1908.) ANCIENT HISTORY OF THE NELLORE DISTRIOT. 283 The Pallava kings of the Sanskrit charters. The kings mentioned in the Sanskrit copper-plates are admittedly later,36 and this is their succession: - Skandavarman I. Viravarman. Skandavarman II. Yuramaharaja-Vishnugopa. Simhavarman. This pedigree is derived from three copper-plates, viz. the Uruvupalli, 37 the Mangalur, 39 and the Pikira grants, which are all critically edited. The first records the grant by the Yuvamahardja-Vishnagopavarman of the village of Uruvupalli in the Mandarashtra to a temple at Kandukura.40 Mundarashtra must be identical with the Mundai-nalu mentioned in some of the Nellore insoriptions, while Kamlukura is perhaps identical with the modern Kandukur. The second and third grants belong to the time of Simbavarman. The former records an order addressed to the villagers of Mangalur in the Vengorashtra country, and the latter registers the gift of the village of Pikira in the Mandariishtra. The Darsi fraginent belongs also to the same family. No inscriptions have been found so far of the first three kings, riz. Skandavarman I., Vfravarman and Skandavarman II. The fourth does not appear to have reigned, as he is called Ylvamaharaja in two of the grants, while, in the third, he makes & gift duriug the reign of Simhavarman. Of these four charters, two were issued from Dusanapora, one from Palakkada and the fourth from the king's camp pitched at Men matura. Dasanapura seems to have been the capital at the time, while Palak kada was the name of the locality where the Yuvamahdrdja-Vishyagopa was residing. The Chendalur grant of Kuwaraviahnu 11.46 and the Udayeudiram grant of Nandivarman7 have to be assigned to about the same ** Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, Part II, p. 320. 37 Op. cit., Vol. V, pp. 50-53. * Ibid., pp. 15457. 5 Ep. Ind., Vol. VIII, pp. 159-58 The temple (de wakula) was boilt by the general (and pati) Vishnuvarman and was oalled Vishnuhara. The Kadamba king Ravivarman, who may be assigned roughly to the 6th century A. D. (Bombay Caxetteor, Vol. I, Part I, p. 291) boasts of having slaio Vishnuvarman and other kings and of having uprooted Chapdadanda, the lord of KAicht (above, Vol. VI. p. 291.). The Vishnavarman slain by the Kadamba king might be either the sendpats Vishpuvurman or the Yuvamahdraja-Vishnogope. The family to which Chandadanda, the lord of Kazicht, belonged is not stated. " Gaplavaram (N. 19), Kodavaldra (N. 31 ), and Vogaru (N. 131 ) in the Nellore taluka belonged to Mundai-nida. N. 63, N. 72, and N. 109 also mention the distriot. 11 The village of Kandukur is onlled Skandapura in a Sanskrit insoription (KR. 85). A fragment of an ancient stone insoription of the Eastern Chalukya dynasty has been found at the place (KR. 31 and 32). The other insoriptions of the town are much later, +3 Ep. Ind., Vol. I, p. 397 f. It belongs to the time of the great-grandson of Vira-Korohavarman whose name must be mentioned in the missing portion of the grant. Vira-Korohavarman might be idential with the ViraVarman of the foregoing pedigree. In tbis case, it is just possible that the Darki fragment belongs to the reign of Simhavarman. Virakaroha is mentioned in the Kaakkudi plates among the remote ancestors of Nandivarman Pallavamalla ( South-Ind. Inscrs., Vol. II, p. 343). 4 Skapdavarman, Vishnugopa and Siobavarman are mentioned in the Kibakudi plates among the remote ancestors of Nandivarman Pallavamalla (South-Ind. Inacte., Vol. II, p. 343). Kalindavarman, Kapagopa, Viraaith ba and Vishnusitisha referred to in the same connection probably belonged to about the same period. 46 It is not impossible that Dajanapara was the ancient name of the modern village of Darsi. It is called Darisi (D. 10, D. 12) and Darasi (D. 18-) in inscriptions of the 14th pentury found at the place. * Ep. Ind., Vol. VIII, pp. 283-33. '** Ibid., Vol. III, pp. 119-47.

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284 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1908. period. Professor Bultzsch is of opinion that the former is palaeographically later than the Pikira grant. The extent of the Pallava dominions during the period from the 4th to the end of the 6th centary A. D. cannot be ascertained. At any rate, they appear to bave been in possession of the modern Nollore district or at least portion of it. In fact, four of the abovementioned Pallava grants are from that district. Kancht, which was the capital during the reign of Sivaskandavarman und Vishmagopa, figures as such only in the last two of the abovementioned grants, which are evidently later than the rest. (To be continued.) SOME ANGLO-INDIAN WORTHIES OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. BY LAVINIA MARY ANSTEY. No. III: * AMBROSE SALISBURY, (Continued from p. 276.) From Dec, 1671 nntil the end of March 1671 the correspondenge between Peddapalle and Masulipatam contains bitter complaints by Salisbury of the obstructions he met with from the petty governors in their endeavours to extract undue customs from the English, Salisbury's letters seem to imply that he considered the Council at Masa lipatam somewhat lax in that they did not force their governor to give him protection at Peddapalle. At the same time, though he was most insistent about getting the chay " into his own hands free of duty, he appeared to be quite indifferent as to the fate of the Company's - Allom." It seems probable, therefore, that the Chay" was his own private investment, for it is not likely that he would have remained at Peddapalle doing the Company's work and receiving no pay, bad be not, in addition, done enough business on his own account to make it worth his while. How they fit in with the pedigree given above is not apparent. Besides, the authenticity of the Udaybno diram grant has hnen questioned by the late Profesor Kjelhorn. A. Chendaler grant B, Uday&ndiram grant1. Skandavarman. 1. Skandavarman I. 2. Kamera rishpa I. 2. Simbavarmas 3. Baddhatarman, 8. Skandavarman II. 4. Kamerarishan II. 4. Xandivarman. The pedigree of the Uruvapalli, Maigaldr, and Prins grants furnished in the text is in accordance with the suggestion made by Professor Hultanob on p. 180 of Ep. Ind., Vol. VIII. The pedigree originally given by Dr. Fleet whioh we may call C for convenience of reference is follows: 1. Skandavarman 1. 2. Viravarman. 3. Skandavarman II. SimbaTaman I. 5. Yishang 6. Sinhavarman II. 1 and 3 of B might be identical with 3 and 4 of C. In that case, it may be supposed, tentatively, that Sitharaman I. of Chad a son oalled Skandavarman III, and his son would be the Nandivarmen of the Udayandiran grant. As regards 4, its connection with C is more difficult to imagine. KumArarisbna I. may possibly be identical with the Yuva nahardja-Vishnugopa (No. 5 of o), who do not appear to have reigned. If wowapporo further that, in addition to Sitibavarman II, he had son named Buddhavarman, it is possible to connect Also with 0. ** Ep. Ind., Vol. VIII, p. 284. If this is not due to a mero accident, it may be that the Pallayas had to retreat from Conjeevoram owing, perhapa, to a coalition among the Chola Pandya, and Chera kings or to the domination of one of them. In this case, the Pallavus had probably to confloo themselves to the Nellore district or to a portion of it, where the villages granted in two of the copper plate inseriptions can be traced. Dabanapura, Palakkada, and Menmatura hove, nooordingly, to be looked for in the Telugu country.

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OCTOBER, 1908.] SOME ANGLO-INDIAN WORTHIES. 285 "Mr Richard Mohun groa. Councell, I desired in my last 3 yds. of red Cloth of two pa. per yd. The Boate which hath been gone about ten dayes cannot return with Gunneys &ca. untill it arrive, therefore if not sent before this arrive, pray hasten it, and you shall speedily bse Supplyed with Roapes and Twine. I writt you of a Boate of Gunneys arrived hither which are to bee laden on another Boate to proceed to Madarass, Bat the Governour will not Suffer them to bee removed or Landed, therefore desired your Governours Letter, which pray hasten and the Cloth that the Boates may proceed, all being ready. The Ginghams next weeke (you) shall not faile to receive. Desireing your Speedy Complyance, and if you please not to allow the Cloth, Charge mee with it. This, with kinde respects, is the needfull from Your assured friend, AMBROSE SALUSBURY,32 Pettepolee, the 8th December, 1671." "Mr Richard Mohun ca. Councell, I have deferred answering yours of the 6th, which accompanyed the red Cloth, which immediately sent the Governour of Beattapunde, who hath given leave for the Goods, but that your occasion may not bee hiadred for want of Roape and Twine, have now sent you 15 Candy of the former and 5 candy of the latter, which will bee there delivered you upon receipt of this, which esteeme better then to stay for some from hence, because they may bee tedious comeing to yon. The Ginghams will bee with you on Tewsday. Had not the weather hindred, they should have been with you long Since. The Gunneys &oa. will have their dispatch to Madaras very speedily when shall advise you the needfall. In the Interirn, remaine Your assured friend, AMBROSE SALUSBURY.33 Pettepolee, the 16th December, 1671." Mr Richard Mohun soa. Councell, My last to you was of the 15th instant, which hope you have received with the Roape and Twine therein Mentioned, which bope will bee Sufficient for your present occasions. The Dyers have caused the Breach of my word in the Ginghams, which accompany this, and doubt not to your content, and hope they are in good tyme, although not soe soone as I expected. Soe soone as the Boates arrived which I writt you the Governour of Beattapande had detained, which I expect to Morrow or next day, they shall proceed, all Being ready. By next shall give you account at large. In the Interim, Sabscribe, Your assured friend, AMBROSE SALUBBURY. Pettepolee, the 16th December, 1671. If the dampness of the Shipp should cause the Ginghams to spott (which suppose not, they being well Dyed) you may please to write with them to wash them in faire water and the spotts will not appeare. Otherwise it may bee they may bee esteemed not well Dyed or not know they will endure washing, as our reds will not." 35 "Mr Richard Mohun sc. Counsell, I here inclose the account which hope will give you satisfaction, Haveing Endeavoared Complyance with your order as near as in my power, which hope you will accept. Some of the Gunney people have failed of Complyance and are now my Debtors that I have been forced to bay of others to make good their defect. The Ginghams hope to heare are to your likeing, assure you they are very much Courser then the former that I was fearefull they would not take the Dye. I have not more at present save to assure you that I am Your ready friend and Servant, AMBROSE SALOSBURY. Pettepolee, the 31th December, 1671." 36 "Mr Richard Mohun fia. Councell, I sent you an account which pray returne, the Boatmen haveing taken out part from one Boate, being over laden. They not willing to venture to Sea, have laden the same upon one that was not fully compleeted, and that you may not bee displeased at the Boatehire Charge as formerly advised, although assure you I offered a Due [ Diu) Boateman 35 and hee would not proceed under 40 pago. I have not more then to assure you that I am Your ready friend and Servant, AMBROSE SALUSBURY. Pettepolee, the 3rd January, 1671-2." 37 11 Factory Recoris, Manilipatam, Vol. 9. 33 Factory Records, Masulipatam, Vol. 5. " See ante, letter of 19th Oct. 1671. 35 Factory Recorde, Manulipatam, Vol. 9. * Factory Records, Masulipatan, Vol. 9. 87 Factory Records, Manilipatam, Yol. 9.

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286 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1908. Mr Richard Mohun frea Councell, In my last to Mr Mohun sent the accompt, the Error being rectifyed, the Ballance is pa. 71: 12: 4 which pray lett bee the Same in your bookes. Understanding your Allome remaineing, did Acquainte one or two of the Gunney people, who promised to accept it at fa. less 1 pa, per Maund, which is pa. 19: 6 fa, per Candy 520 li. if I deliver it where they appointe in truck of Packing trade at the price formerly delivered, but them persons are gone sone distance bence. However, if you please to accept of the above, then pray with all speed send the Allome, for about this tyme of yeare is brought out of the Countrey & sort of red Allome which will hinder the sale of this if not very speedily disposed on. If you send it, I must bee at Charge to conveigh it unto places convenient, for it will not sell for 12 fa. per Maund in this place, the Custome and Charges here being greate. What packing trade in a readiness shall bee sent you, which I heare is to the vallae of two or three hundred pago., the rest shall bee with you in good tyme. With my service, I rest, Your assured friend, AMBROBE SALUSBURY. Of noe date [? 23rd February 1671-2]." 33 "Mr Ainbrose Salusbury, Sir, Your Generall to us without date came to hand the 25th Currant, and, according as you therein desire, have now laden all your Masters Allom on board of a boate, to which wee shall give the speediest dispatch wee can to Pettepolee that you may there receive it according to your expectation and appointment. The price you have proffered us for it wee are contented to accept, which is 19 Pa. 6 fa. per Candy of 520 pound, only doe expect that we are at noe further Charge or Risq of it then boate hyre unto you. The invoyce of it goeth here inclosed. Its amount wee desire may (as you advise) be as speedy sent us in packing trade as conveniently you can, which is what wee have at presant to impart save to remember us kindly unto you. Wee remaine, Your loveing freinds, RICHARD MOHUN,39 &ca. Metchlepatam, the 38th February 2671-2." Mr Ambrose Salusbury, Sir, Yesterday came to hand yours of the 10th Currant by which wee observe that you are still obstructed by your Governor aboute landing and disposeing of the Companys Allome sent you, though had this Governors ruccato for its peeceable disposure. Inclosed wee now send you another, which even now cane to us from him, which we have perused and judge to be effectuall. Mirabola Bakere [ Mir 'Abdullah Bakir ] at present is not in towne but will be here this night, soe that to morrow you may expect his letter to your Governor though we Judge that what now sent will be sufficient to the accomplishment of the prementioned business, which is the most necessary at presant from Sir, Your loveing freinds, RICHARD MOHON, &ca. Metchlepatam, the 12th March, 1671-2." "Mr Richard Mohun goa. Councell, Yours of the 11th with your Governours ruoca received, when Immediatly sent it to the Bramany, who still saith hee hath not order to lett the Boate goe hence, nor had bee knowne of it, had not your Governor advised and given him order to detaine her, which otherwise hee bad not, therefore please to hasten an absolute order that the Boate may pass and that I may have freedome to carry the Allom where I please without obstruction. If the Governour send a Nobattee [nambiti, Mal., a trustworthy messenger] will bee more effectuell then his raccas, for hee giveing onely his order to bis Bramany who both not write an absolute order. With my Service, I remain, Your assure l friend, AMBAOBE SALUSBURY. Pettepolee, the 14th March, 1671-2." 49 "Mr Richard Mohun soa. Councell, When I writt yon for the Allom thought your Governoar would not have made any denyall of former priviledge, but hees soe unreasonable to demand juncan or land the Goods, when, as advised it will not sell for 15 pa. per Candy in seven yeares, nor will any come hither to buy it, the Custome koe unreasonable, therefore shall returne it. With my Service remaine, Your assured friend to Command, AMB XOSE SALUSBURY. Pettepolee, the [ ? ] March, 1671-2."13 * Factory Records, Manulipatam. Vol. 9. * Factory Records, Masulipatam, Vol. 5. 4. .Ar. Ruk'a, a letter, written document. 41 Factory Records, MaruUpotaim, VOL. 5. ** Factory Recoris, Masulipatam, Vol. 9. 4Factory Records, Marlipatam, VOL 9.

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OCTOBER, 1908.) SOME ANGLO-INDIAN WORTHIES. 287 Mr. Ambrose Salisbury, Sir, Wec expected that the last Rucca sent your Governor by us from this would have been sufficient for the cleareing the Company's Al.ome but since yours of the 14th instant wee fiade the Contrary. Wee have againe sent to this Governor for another Rucca more effectualt which he hath now sent, which goeth here inclosed unto you. Our Dubash acquaints us that the Governor was passionately concerned when he heard that his former Ruccaes sent were not observed, that if, upon the receipt of this, it was not imediately released he would discharge him from his place and se acquainted your Governor's Brother who was then presant. Wee likewise advised him concerning your Chay that there might be noe stop, but that you might be free to carry and dispuse of it as you should see most Convenient, which he readily Conseutel unto, wherein, if you fiade any obstruction, as also ia the Allome, be speedy in your advices, and wee shall indeavour what in us lyes, which is all at presant, save that we remember ns heartily unto you, and Remaine, Sir, your reall friends, RICHARD Monox, &ca. Metchlepatam, the 16th March 1671-72." "Mr Richard Mohun foa. Courcell, The Letter you sent with yours of the 16th is of noe vallue, the Governour denying to lett the Allom goe. I think I formerly advised if landed here, the buyer must pay 5 pe. juncan per Candy. I formerly landed some here, and it lying two years neare upon by the wails, was forced to send it from hence. The juncan where I purpose to send it is about 80 fan. or, at most 4 pa. per Candy, which difference is great This Bramany Rogue pretending to your Governour hee doth this for his proffitt soe that 50 such Rucces will bee of noe more vallue then these received and the Boate must thus remaine. Hee makes noo account of Mier Abdula Bakers Letter, nor wil, hve lett my Chay goe. Please to send such order that the Alloine and Chay may pass. Will my Service, I renaine, Your assured friend and Servant, AMBROSE SALUSBURT. Petlepolee, the 19th March, 1671-2. I suppose your Governour giveth privato order not to lett the Goods goe alt sough hee pretended to you fairely but hues false as they are all, if not, the least Racca tbis Bramany would not deny to obey."'45 "Mr Richard Mohun foa. Councell, Last night in hast advised you the Bramany continueth his resolution to detayne the Allom and hath the Impudence to say your Governour. bis Master is a foole to give his Ruccoes. I thinck your Governour useth the Sea Custome and giveth one order to lett the Goods goe, another that it should not, wh.ch is most certaine, if not, it would have gone at the first, this fellow not dareing to deny his absolute order, but it is like unto that, give Butter, give noue. Pray acquainte Mier Abdula B. keir that his Letter was not regarded by the Bramany and please to desire bim to send one tist may free my Chay and pray lett the Governours Naoca cluare all that I may not give you nor bim further trouble. Hee may save the Paper bee sends in Ruccas for auother use And send a Moldarr [mahildar, revenue officer] to carry the Buates away, and in future shall not trouble his Goverment nor myselse with any more Chay, and what have to doe shall bue out of his power where shall have assistance of the Governour and nott the least obstructiun. With hearty respects, I remaine, Your assured friend and Servant, ANBROSU SALONBURY.16 Peltevole, the 20th Marck, 1671-2." "Mr Richard Mokun ca. Councell, My last acquainted you the effect your Governours Roccaes produceth. This Bramany Governour saith all the Ruccaes hee hath yet received giveth him order not to suffer the Boate to goe before junccan paid. This peone of yours will acqnaint you the saune, by which you may judge how false your Governour is to pretend one thing and act contrary. The least ruoca if absolate, would be sufficient, but 100 such will availe nothing. Therefore, since haee writeth noebody knoweth what, it were much better hee save his paines and paper and send Nobuttee to carry the Roates away and pray lett him have the same order for my Chay. The old Dramanys are gone to Golovudah. Had they been in place, the Boates would not have been thus long detained. With kind respects, remaine, Your assured friend and Servant, AMBROSE SALUBBURY. Pettepolco, the 22d Marok, 1671-2.47 ++ Factory Recor.lt, Manilipatam, Vol. 5. AG Pastory Recorla, Manulizalam, Vol. 9. 45 Factory Records, Manilipatam, Vol. 9. * Factory Reccr.is, Marulipatam, Vol.

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288 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1993. "Mr Richard Mohan &ca. Councell, I was in hopes you would have sent one Rucca to have served for all the Boates, but you mention onely the Allom. I desire you will please to procure a Rucca for three Boates of Chay and shall not in future trouble you on the like occasion. Had the Boatemen observed my order, the Chay had been landed at Mottepallee [Motapalle], which would have prevented the inconvenience. To land the Chay I will not, because in Seaven years it will not sell in this place and to pay junccan am unwilling, haveing not hitherto, for if now paid, all other Goods must, in the future, doe the Same, which will bee prejudiciall to them Which may hereafter reside here. If you cannot prevaile with the Governour Mier Abdala Bakeir or Mierneir Sier,43 at your request will doe it. I shall send you some Gunneys on the Allome account soe soone as my Boates are free. Please to hasten such a Rucca as you now sent, for here was raine last night. I remaine, Your assured friend and Servant, AMBROSE SALUSBURY. Pettepolee, the 26th March 1672."40 Whether Salisbury's "chay" was ever "cleared" does not appear, for there are no further letters in existence between Peddapalle and Masulipatam until nearly two months later. -"Anno It was some time in this year that Thomas Bowrey, captain of a "country" vessel, was entertained by Salisbury at Peddapalle. Bowrey gives the following account of his visit:-" Domini 1672 I stroke downe to Pettipolee in a Journey I tooke Overland From Fort St Georg's to Metchle patam, where I visited and paid my respects to Mr Ambrose Salsbury at his new house he built in a pleasant part of the towne, he being Chiefe of the Affaires of the Honourable English East India Companie here. He treated me and my people very Gent lely and wold not Suffer me to depart that night. I condescended to Stay all night and take my leave Early in the Morninge, but he was as loth to part with me then. I Staid to take a View of the towne and after dinner set forward. " 50 Bowrey's reference to his host as "Chiefe" seems to show that the visit took place after the receipt of the Company's orders for Salisbury's reinstatement. On the 13th June, 1672, the correspondence between Peddapalle and Masulipatam recommences. "Mr. Richard Mohun &cz. Councell, The packing trade to make good my Contract hath been redy some time, but the Rivers are not yet soe furnished with water but hope will bee speedily when you may expect the full amount to Ballance my account, although were I now to buy the like quantity of Allome, should not give a pago. or Per Mannd. With my respects I rest, Your Reall friend, AMBROSE SALUSBURY. Pettepoles, the 13th June, 1672. Pray send the weight of each Caske with the numb" 51 On the 21st June, 1672, the Council at Masulipatam wrote to Salisbury desiring, that he would undertake the business of procuring saltpetre for the Company. "Mr Ambrose Salusbury, Sir, Its our desire that yon Speedylye advise us what Quantitiye of Peeter you Can provide for us in four or five mounths time at furthest, and the Sorts, wether double or treble refined, with the respective prizes, for we have occasion either for 30: 40: or 50 tonns as you Shall be able to procure, which pray acquaint us, and wether you will engage the provision of it, wherein desire you will [be] as Speedy as Conveniently you can, not omitting the full Charge upon it, untill it Shall come to be laden on board. We Cannot give you an account of the weight [of the] Caske Sent you, Since those that Allom Came out in were So miserable Shatered and torn that we were forced, at its landing, to shift in other Caske as we Could get, which were not meant. Mir Mirshahr, which would mean the Governor of the City, but probably Mirbahr, Chief of the Customs, is 19 Factory Records, Mosulipatam, Vol. 9. se A Geographical Account of the Countries Round the Bay of Bengal (Hakluyt Society's Publications), Second Series, No. XII., p. 57 f. 1 Factory Records, Masulipatam, Vol. 9.

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OCTOBER, 1908.] SOME ANGLO-INDIAN WORTHIES. 289 weighed. Pray advise the most profitable time in the yeare for makeing investments in Packing trade, and what you have now by you of that Commodity to Compleate the former Account Send hither as Soone as you Can. Further we have not to add then that we are, Sir, Your Very Loving Friends, RICHARD MOHUN &ca. We shall expect your advises and accordingly returne you Answer, 52 Metchlepatam, June 21, 1672." Unfortunately, Salisbury's reply to this letter is much damaged, but his mention of Jearsey and his unwillingness to again undertake the saltpetre investment are evidently connected with his recollection of the disastrous consequences that resulted from his dealings in that commodity prior to 1670.53 Mr Richard Mohun and Councell, I had Business but Mr Jearseys . . . . . Investments. God Almighty in his Justice reward him in his due time and way for what I have Sustained by his means. I returned two or three times very ill, in danger of my life, from the Peter Coantrey and the Company have given me the reward you see, therefore resolve to medle noe more with Peter. The Company want not Servants for their other buisiness, therefore may spare one or two for this if their occasions require it. I sent you a Boate of packing stuff and shall hasten the remainder to Ballance the account. The dry time is the fittest time for provision of that Comodity, it being usually made not in the house, but for price I suppose noe difference in the time, for it will bee difficult to alter the price. They are a very poore People and therefore danger in dealeing with them. I remaine, Your assured friend, AMBROSE SALUSBURY,56 Metchlepatam, 24th June 1672." Mr Ambrose Salusbury, Sir, Yesterday came to hand yours of the 24 instant in Answer unto ours concerning the provision of Peeter, wherein we finde you all togather unwilling to that undertakeing so shall [not] further impose it upon you then to desire you will direct us in that affayre how we shall proceede for the Speediest obtaineing that quantitye mentioned by the Agent and Conncill for the Honble. Companys occasions, which we Communicated in our last unto you, wherein we doubt not your redy Complyance. Your boate of Packing trade not yet arrived, the remainder to Ballance that Account you promise will haysten, which we shall accordingly expect and subscribe, Sir, Your loveing Friends, RICHARD MOHUN &ca. Metchlepatam, June 27th 1672." However, unwilling as Salisbury was to "meddle" again with "peter" he was afraid to risk the Company's displeasure by an absolute refusal. Therefore, when he received the news of his re-instatement, he wrote in a different strain. At the same time he showed his resentment for the injustice he considered he had suffered. Throughout the whole of his career in India, Salisbury behaved like a petulant child, indulging in occasional outbursts of indignation, with as sudden transition to almost cringing humility. "Mr Richard Mohun &ca. Councell, Although the many years loss of time in expectation of he Companys Imployment answerable to the knowledge of the Commerce of the Countrey, and the losses have Sustained by leaveing my residence to serve them may Sufficiently discourage mee from takeing the trouble of the Peter buisiness, however, Since the Company are now pleased to esteeme mee worthy their Service (although know not what it is) am willing to accomodate their occasions and comply with your desires, which they have not deserved from mee, haveing preferred all strangers, and not taken the least observance of mee, saveing to displace mee upon the Clandestine reports of them ill minded persons, whome God will, in his dae tyme, reward. I desire you not to lett your 53 Factory Records, Masulipatam, Vol. 5. 63 See ante, 5th July, 1670. 54 Some lines are torn away here, 55 Factory Recorde, Masulipatam, Vol. 9. bs Factory Records, Masulipatam, Vol. 5.

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290 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1908. house Servants know of your want of Peter, for they will lett the Peter men know it, which will cause them to advance the price as they please themselves and the Peter Braminy is much behinde hand by renting of tenn townes, that hee's not to be trusted. Your desire is to receive the Peter free from debts and Charges and to bee at a certainty in the price, which indeed is the onely way for the CotoPanys advantage. The Companys price was old for the Sort double refined besides the debts and the Dutch now give 61 and 7 pagos. new for the Peter they receive at Ramapatam [Ramapatnam) and they are at all C[harges] upon it, as Baggs, Cooly and Boates &ca. which leare to your Consid[eration) and desire you to advise the price you will give for the double and the [price] for the treble refined to bee delivered in the type you name, four or five months, OR board Shipp in Metchlepatam or this Roade, and if your price encourage, I will assure you 50 Tonns, or if your occasions require, 190, but you must bee very Speedy, the quantity requireing time, [and] the more now in the raines. If you please to send 1000 pa. you shall not faile of Packing trade to its full amount, with the Ballance of the Allom account in good time, I remaine, Your assured friend, AMBROBE SALUSBURY.57 Petlepolee, the 27th June, 1672." In the correspondence following Salisbury's re-appointinent as "Cheife" at Peddapalle, the Council at Masulipatam adopted a different tone. Since Salisbury was no longer an independent person doing their business voluntarily, they affected to be filled with wonder that he should expect a commission on the saltpetre he was to procure, said they would "consider of his demand for "diett money," utterly refused to take any extra "packing trade" off his hands, and, in their letter of the 19th Oct. 1672, reproved him for complaining of their tardy replies to his letters. Unfor. tunately, there is no letter of Salisbury's extant between the 27th June and the 11th December 1672, so that we only have the one point of view during those months. At the end of October, Salisbury proposed to provide the bags for saltpetre of a different size than formerly and was very aggrieved that his suggestion was not immediately complied with. Ou the 4th November be received & sharp rebuke for his unreasonableness. But, in spite of their lordly attitude towards the "Cheife" at Peddapalle, the Masalipatam Council were only too ready to thrust the whole of the "peter business" on his shoulders, as appears by their letters of the 4th and 20th and 30th November 1672. The following correspondence from Masulipatam continues the story up to that date. Salisbury's replies during this period do not exist. "M, Ambrose Salusbury, Wee have received yours of the 15th Currant To which as soone as receive advises from the Fort ( which we expect within a day or two ) shall perticularly Reply and advise you the need full, till which time you must endeavour to perswade the Peeter men to stay with you. The remainder of the packing trade pray hasten, being our Masters occasions (required it, which is all at present from, Sir, Your Loveing Friends, RICHARD Monun &ca. 68 Metohlepatam, July the 18th, 1672." "Mr Ambrose Salusbury, Sir , We hnve received yours of the 20th Currant and now, baveing received answere from the Fort, shall advise you the needfull. For Petre twice boyled delivered at the Fort Cleare of all hazard and Charges except bagge, they pay 7 Pagos. per Candy, but not questioning but that you can procure that sort much cheaper, we have sent you by the bearers hereof 500 new pagos. with which wee desire yon to begin that investment, as also to procure for packing 10000 p8. Gunny, whereof 2000 must be thick and Substantiall, 30 Candy ropes and 6 Candy twine both some what finer then the last, and of Petre the quantity desired is 100 ('andywhich must be ready against the retorne of the Europe shipps from the Bay. In the provision of both and especially the latter, we must entreat your more then ordinary Care to prevent badd debts and that in all Charges you use all frugallitie which wilbe much for your Credit, not elce but that We are, Your Reall friends, RICHARD MOHUN &ca. Metchlepatam, July the 26th, 1672." 57 Factory Records, Masulipatam, Vol. 9. * Factory Records, Masulipatam, Vol. 5. " Factory Records, Vaulipatan, Vol. 5.

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OCTOBER, 1908.] SOME ANGLO-INDIAN WORTHIES. 291 "Mr Ambrose Salusbury, Our last to you was of the 26th Currant wherein weo advised you the needfull, to which refer you, and then sent you by your and one of the Companys Peons 500 new Pagos., which wee hope you will have received [ere] this gett (to ] your hands, since which we have received yours of the 25th ditto, go to which have only to answere to what you say touching of allowing you 7 Pagos per Candy for double refined Peter which wee admire you should new mention for you know that our masters allow noe advantage to be made of their Imployment in that nature) into which you are now re-admitted, soe you must act as their Servant. When wee proposed an agreeinent with you to deliver it Cleare of Charges &:a. you were suspended, soe at your one Liberty. The Peterman that tels you wee offered him 6 pagos. per Candy where its made saies falce and designcs by it, as wee suppose, to deceive, which is all, Your assured Freinds, RICHARD MOHUNGI &ca. Metchlepatam, July the 27th, 1672." Mr Ambrose Sulushury, Wee have received yours of the 3d Currant, and perceive that you have already given out Part of the 500 Pagos sent you for Packing trade, which is well, but to accept of the 1000 Pagos. worth you say yon have Contracted for Cannot by any meanes doe, it being what wilbe prejudiciall to our Honble. Imployers to keep 500 Pagos. dead the whole yeare about. The 500 Pagos. you desire for the Peeter goes herewith, and must desire you to be as quick in the provision of it as possible you can, that soe it may be in a Readinesse against the returne of the ships from the Bay, and, for the goodnesse, you must take speciall care. For this year you may only send us your accounts as formerly you have done, and for the diett &ca, wee shall Consider of it and in the next advise you the needfull. Your loveing freinds, RICHARD Monun, &ca.63 Metchlepatam, August the 7th 1672." "Mr Ambrose Salusbury, We have received two of yours of the 10th and 12th instant, the first acknowledging the receipt of Pagos, 500 wee seut you for the provision of Peeter and for Packing trade. Neither the Fort nor this place will reqaire more then what already enordered you. We doubt not your promised Care both in the goolness and prisses of what you are to provide with its timely readinesse for the Bengale shipping. The broad Cloth you advised for, vizt. 10 yards of fine red and 10 yards ditto Collour ordinary now send you, which wee shall charge you witball, and Remnine, Your very loveing friends, RICHARD Monon, &ca.66 Metchlepatan, August the 15th 1672." "Mr Ambrose Salusbury, Sir, This day wee have received the Fort Generall of date the 10th Currant, wherein the Agent and Councill enorder us to provide more then what we have allready given you order for Seaven hundred Candies of the best twice boyled Peeter, if to be had good, Cheape and seasonable for the returne of their whomward bound shipping, which we desire you with all speed to advise both the Agent and us with the price it will come out at, and to send a muster of that you are a provideing to the Fort heither, and if you are sattisfied you can timely provide so great a quantity and to the Honbls. Companys advantage, advise us and we shall send you money accordingly. More wee have not to add, but to desire you will be speedy in your advisses as directed. We kindely Salute you, and Remaine, Sir, Your loveing friend, RICHARD MOQUN. Mr Mainwaring and Mr Chamberlaine being at Madapollam.co : Metchlepatam, September the 19th, 1672." "Mr Ambrose Salusbury, Sir, Your Generall to us of the 21th Instant7 Came to hand the 23d following, wherein you advise the good forwardnesse the 100 Candy of Peeter formerly Enordered is in, and that both for goodnesse and price you doubt not but it will answere expectation, which we are very glad to here, and wish that you could provide the 700 Candys since enordered upon the same good termes, for without it the Honble. Companys Shipping wilbe in great danger of returning some hindred tonns dead Freight, which wee desire you to Consider and doe what you can in the 4. This letter does not exist. Factory Records, Masuliralam, Vol. 5. 2 This letter does not exist. 68 Factory Records, Masulipntam, Vol. 5. "These letters do not exist. A Factory Records, Masulipatan, Vol. 5. 66 Factory Recor.is, Marlipalam, Vol. 5.67 This letter does not exist.

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292 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1908. Provision of it and be speedy both in your advisses to them and us what quantity of Cutton you are able to provide, for both it and Peeter must be in a readinesse against the returne of the Bay shipping, and for what monies you shall need for provision of both shall, as you advise, be sent you wbich is the needfull at Present from Sir, Your very loveing friend, RICHARD MOHUN. Mr Mainwaring and Mr Chamberlaine being at Madapollam. Metchlepatam, September the 26th 1672." P. S. to the "Generall from Metchlepatam to the Fort." "Mr Salasbarys lettere will informe you Concerning bis provision of Cotton; your directions to us about it wee shall observe.ca 7th October 1672." "Mr Ambrose Salisbury, Sir, Wee shall give answere to yours of the 2d and 5th Instant To takeing notice of the Provision of the 100 Candy of Peeter formerly Enordered you and of its price of 4 Pagos: per Candy, which wee Esteeme as well bought, and should be heartily glad that you could, against the returne of the Bay shipping, provide the 700 Candy more so earnestly pressed for by the Agent and Councell, since otherwise our Honble. Employers shipping wilbe in great danger of returncing with much dead Freight, which we desire you by all endeavours to prevent, since that quantity, if obtaineable, would very much helpe out. Cotton is a Commodity not at all desired, but in case of necessity to fill up, so that if the quantity of Peeter mentioned to be had upon any reasonable termes and good, wee then suppose there wilbe noe occasion for the other, or at least A very small quantity. Wee observe that you have lately received Intelligence out of the Peeter Countroy of 200 Candies there in a realinesse more then you have bought, which we wish you to agree for at the Cheapest and best termes you can, and be not wanting in your Care of overlooking it well that it be not mixt with salt or other trash, but that it be Cleane and twice boy led and if possible not in any measure adulterated. Its Probable you may, in a short time, have further advisses of more which, if yon doe, and that it can be timely ready and so Contracted for as to our Masters advantage, let not slip the oppertonity. Pagos, twelve hundred wee now send you, supposeing it a sufficent supply for the Presant, but as your occasions require, advise us, and you sball accordingly be furnished. Your muster of Peeter sent us wee have this day sent for the Fort and advise them concerning Cotten, to which wee expect their answere. More we have not at present to acquaint you then to wish you all good successe in your undertakeings and to assure you that we are, Sir, Your loreing and respective Friends, RICHARD Mouun. Mr Mainwaring and Mr Chamberlaino at Madapollam. The Peeter you receive being in a readiness and boats ladings, send it us, that all may be timely bere against the shipps.71 Metchlepatam, October the 8th, 1872." "Mr Ambrose Salusbury, Sir, This day wee received two of yours, both of the 12th Currantya the one by won of your Peons, the other by our Masters, which carried you the twelve hundred Pagos., which we are glad to here are arrived with you in safety. The two Musters of Nallacundepallee [? Nallakandapalem ] Peeter wee bave likewise received, but such trash as in our lives wee bave not seene, Judging it to be rather dorst and Salt mingled together then Peeter, You mention one of them to be twice boyled, but which it is wes canaot discover, both being so alike and Bo bad as that wee are of opinion that to meddle with it would be but a Cheat to our Honble. Imployers, of which we must and shall allwaies bave a great Care, besides the prime Cost of 5 Pagos. per Candy with Oxe bire at 11 bringing to this place Equalls the price of the best Peeter in the Country, in so much that we doe not thinke fitt to Meddle with it, but leave the Provision for the Quantity of Peeter required from us unto your manadgment or as much of it as possible you can to be in a readinesse against the Returne of the Bay Shipping, and what you doe Factory Records, Manilipatam, Vol. 5. Factory Records, Marulipatam, Vol. 6. ** These letters do not exist. 1 Factory Records, Yasuligatam, Vol. 5 These letters do not exist.

Page #313
OCTOBER, 1908.] SOME ANGLO-INDIAN WORTHIES. 293 provide, wee desire your great Care in seeing that it be Cleane and good and free from any Mixturo of salt or trash. You advise that the two hundred Candy mentioned in your last Letters and which you advised the twelve hundred Pagos, for, was in a readinesse, and that you were sending said money into the Country to pay for it, which wec are glad to here and that you have since advices of the like quantity but more remote, but had nos muster of it. It should be good by the Price you mention, being 6 or 7 Pagos. per Candy of 520 li, which is lese in weight then you have already bought and much more in price, which wee desire you to Consider by your Endeavouring to auginent the one and lessening the other, and to be as speedy in the Provision of it as possible you can. The whole quantity desired by the Agent and Councell is Candies 800, of which you advise you have 300 in a readinesse. What more you can procure, pray doe it, for wee shall leave it wholly unto you, and now send you, as desired, moro Pagos. twelve hundred that money may not be wanting. In one of yours to us, you blame us for not sooner answering your letters and sending you moneys. Pray compare the dates of yours and ours together and then see whether you have cause to Complaine, but if the weather be such as to hinder the arrivall of our Peons and money with you or your letters with us, wee cannot help that. Both your and our Peons have been 7 days returning. Farther have not at present to inlarge save to Comunitt you and your Affaires to the Protection of the Allmighty, and Remaine, Sir, Your loveing Friends, RICHARD MOHUN, &ca.73 Metohlepatam, October the 19th, 1672." "Mr Ambrose Salusbury, After dispatch of ours to you yesterday, came to hand yours of the 21th, wherein you continue to encourage us not to doubt your timely complyance in provision of the Peeter, which wee are very glad to understand, as also that the rumour of the Kings People being in the Peeter Country has proved falce. However, as our last?* advised you, we immediately upon receipt of yours of the 15th,74 dispeeded to Guleondah for the Kings Phirmaund, which, as soone as come to hand, shall forward to you. The knives and lookeing glasses you desire we herewith gend. Wee have considered of what you propose as to the Contents of the baggs of Peeter, but we judge it most convenient not to alter an old Custome when their acerewes noe benifitt by an innovation, therefore wee would have each as formerly to containe 1 C. [cwt.) and to be pat in double Gunnies of the best procureable, which is the need full at present from Your assured friends, RICHARD Monun. Mr Mainwaring and Mr Chamberlaine at Madapollam.75 October the 24th 1672," " Mr Ambrose Salusbury, Sir, yours of the 26th and 28th October78 came to our hands yesterday in the Evening, and wee observe that you do not meane to accept the Peetre as twas, but to have it refined and made fitter for the Companys use and that the owner will doe this, and leave it to choice to accept or leave. The proposition being reasonable, wee advise you to give him incouragement to goe in hand with it, for that you know there is orders for 700 Candy, and you mention but of fine that you are in election to bave, besides the prementioned Parcell. You doe very well to provide baggs before hand that there may be noe loss of time. As soon as the Phirmaund [farman] arrives it shalbe sent you, though wee are glad to heare you bope you shall have little occasion to make use of it, which is so much the better. The Agent and Councell are very desirous to be certainely informed that you can doe that they may the better Governe themselves. Wee never heard the Commanders complaine of these baggs. If you have, and thinck it Convenient to put more peeter in a bagg then accustomary in these Parts, wee leave it to you. Wee desire to advise what quantity of Cotton Yarne you can provide at 11 Pagos, the Candy for wee detaine our advices to the Fort to receive yours. Resting Your very loveing friends, MATTHEW MAINWARING; GEORGE CHAMBERLAINE, Mr Mohan at Madapollam.77 Metohlepatan, Norember the 18t 1672." 13 Factory Recorls, Masulipatam, Vol. 5. T4 These letters do not exist. 78 Factory Records, Matulipatam, Vol. 5. 76 These letters do not exist. 17 Fuctory Records, Vasulipatam, Vol. 5.

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294 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 198. "Mr Ambrose Salusbury, Sir, Wee are with yours of the 31th past,78 wherein you seeme dissatisfied that we should require the Peeter bags to be made of the old dementions, which you cannot in reason blame us for, before you gave us a reason wherefore wee should alter them, since you will perceive wee have left it to you. Wee cannot call to minde that you were taxed by us for any wrong done the Company, 'Twere therefore better you waved your unseasonable expressions as to the vindicating your Selfe as if accused for the future. The 1st Instant wee received Letter from the Agent and Councell wherein they say the cotton yarne may be brought cheaper from Turkey then to buy it here at 11 Pagos. the Candy. Mr. Mohun being absent have detained your case untill his returne, who, tis possible, may furnish you, being destitute our selves. Wee remaine Sir, Your very loveing Friends, MATTHEW MAINWAREING ; GEORGE CHAMBERLAINS, No late [? 4th Norenber 1672], Merulapatan."78 " Mr Ambrose Salusbury, Sir, We have received yours of the 12th Instant 80 It came to hand yesterday in the Evening, when wee Immediately wrote to the Governor, but instead of granting our desires, he returned the Letter sent him without opening. Such is the daily affronts of [the] Capan [capon, eunuch] Governor in Stopping our necessariee and provisions, that wee dare not by any mennes oppose, being the time that he may much prejudice the Company on any the least disgust. Besides the Companies orders are possitve to keepe a fairo correspondency with the Moores, soe that you must endeavor to mannadg your business to the bost advantage you can. Here is noe Wine procureable or soe Small a quantity of Spice as you mention. Wee Remaine, &ca, MATT. MAINWARING; GEO. CHAMBERLAINE. Mr Mohun at Madapollam.81 November the 4th, 1672." "Mr Ambrose Salusbury, Sir, Both yours of the 4th November 82 came to hand yesterday, for which we have waited some daies. You will perceive by our formers that the Governour will not vouchsafe us a reply to any Letter sent him, being greedy of a Piscash [peshkash] aud, his time now short, are in hopes to avoid giving him any, otherwise wee doubt shalbo forced to comply with him for the better carrying on the Companies Affaires. Wee are un acquainted with the Peetre man for the 200 Candy course Poeter, which you leave to us to Contract for. Wee desire you to doo it if you can without hindring your provision of the other 500 Candy, but in case you cannot, then to direct us how we shall come to the knowledge of the Prementioned Party. Though the place where it is, is farther distant from Pettipolee then from hence, conceive it may be done at the same charge and soe the same thing to the Honble. Company and more proper to bring all into one Accompit. The Agent and Councell, in a Letter lately received from them, disapprove of Cotton at the price you mention as being to deare. Wee therefore desire you only to send us 5 Candy for Packing immediately and as many Dungarees as you can, of which wee shall want 3000 Patch. Wee sond you now on that account 200 pagos. Pray deliver the Madrass Peons the musters of Peeter. They call with you to receive them, being the Agents Order. Wee remaine &ca., MATT. MAINWARING; GEORGE CHAMBERLAINE, Mr Mohun at Madapollam.83 November the 7th, 1672." " Mr Ambrose Salusbury, Sir, Wee have received yours of the 13th Current," whereby wee take notice what you write about the petre, and wish it may prove according to your advice. The mustera wee take notice you will also send to the Fort. As to the Peetre you write of on this side the river. weo bope shall have noe occasion to moddle with it, relying upon you for the full quantity desired, and that it be ready in due time, for the provision whereof, if you want any more money, advize, and it shalbe sent you, which being what offers, wee remaine, Sir, Your assured friends, RICHARD MOHUN &ca.85 November the 20:h 1672." 11 This letter dous not exist. 1o Factory Recoris, Yasulipatam, Vol. 5. Thin letter does not exist. #1 Factory Recorda, Masuliratam, Vol. 5. 1 These lettera do not exist. * Factory Records, Matulipatam, Vol. 6. This letter does not exist. Factory Recorla, Masulipalam, Vol. 5.

Page #315
OCTOBER, 1908.] SOME ANGLO-INDIAN WORTHIES. 295 "Mr Ambrose Salusbury, Sir, Wee are glad to observe that you are furnished with Oxen and that you are in hopes to have the Peeter in Pettipolee by the 15th next month. Pray hasten all as much as possible you can, and you need not doubt but the Agent, as well as our selves, will represent your service home, where you neede not question the Bonble. Companys good resentment of it to your advantage. The Phirmaund is not yet arrived. As soon as we receive it, it shalbe dispeeded to you. In the Interime we hope you will [bave] noe obstruction in the businesse. If you cannot procure Cotton aswell as Dungarees for the 200 Pagos. sent you, pray send the whole amount in Dungarees, for that we daily want them to embale the Companys goods. Wee Remaine, Sir, Your very loveing freinds, RICHARD MOHON; MATT. MATXWARING ; GEORGE CHAMBERLAINE.86 Metchlepat am the 30th Novemler 1672." On the 11th December, 1672, Salisbury's letters recommence. If we may judge from his own account, the petre investment was indeed an arduous task and it is not strange that he was loth to undertake it. His conduct of the affair elicited the praise of Messrs. Mainwaring and Chamberlaine, who, in their letter of 21st December, reminded him of the "creditt " which would "redowne" to himself alone." Salisbury's protestations of incorruptibility in his letter of the 26th December seem rather uncalled for and ring somewhat false. "Mr Richard Mohun Etca. Councell, I was in hopes, when I writt the former, 87 to have the Peter at Pettipolee by the 15th this month, bat in my last advised have caused great part to be boiled againe since my being in these parts, that it will bee the latter end of this month before all the Peeter will arrive to Pettipolee. Had not the great Rain put a Stopp to this business for a month should have sett forth sooner, and not have doubted to provide 800 Candy, however bave made such improvement of this short time that by the blessing of Almighty God hope you will see sach effects of my labours that will compleate the 500 Candy. I formerly advised that I had contracted for the first hundred Candy at 5 pago. per Candy and 200 at 5 pago. per Candy, but, since my arrivall, finding the Peeter men I made Contract with to have brought up the Peeter at 3 pago. and 3 and 4 per Candy, I shall use my Endeavors to make an abatement of ball pago. per Candy in the 200 Candy when the business is at a period. Should I now compell them to it, they would make Complaints and bribe the Governor and ruin all soe that I must desist till the business be compleated. I hear not of any Phirmaand and the Peter Braminy denieth to send downe the old one, the Peeter at soe many places that noe small difficulty to content the Governours &ca, and to bring the Peeter &ca. to one place to send a quantity togeather, your services all disposed on, and I am in want here, there being soe many to please that I am forced to give cloth and glasses, and all will not content some ill Conditioned people. And, in the Way to Pettipolee, in some places my letters, the Peeter in others, are forced to pay Juncan, and for the Oxen what it will be I shall, when all concluded, give you Account. Ile assure you in some places I stay not so long as to eate, time being soe short, I have not time to dine bat stay from one night to the next. You cannot judge of the trouble of this business. God grant me good success in it that my service may be to the Honble. Company and your good likeings. Dangarees shall hasten per the next Cuffalgb [kafila, caravan : Cotton dear, therefore buy none at Petti polee and in the way with what have now ready qt. 600 Oxen [sic] the rest. Is now arrived News that the Governour of Condeneere (Oundanore) hath sent his De-Roy [durai, prohibition in the king's name] upon the Peeter, Soe that now if your Governours letter will bee of none offect, the Company will bee Sufferers and that ruined. I have in niany Lettera desired you to procure a Phirmaand Soe that I hope you will not blame mee. I remaine Your assured, AXBOSE SALUBBURY. [Goodeshawder), the 11th December 1672." 89 " Mr Richard Mohun Etcg. Councell, I advised you last night the Kings people have put the De Roy and chop (chhap, a stamp) on the Companys Peeter that is in Gunneys ready to goe hence, and upon all the Peeter not weighed. The Peeter at Pettipolee and on the way, and this in Ganneys #6 Pactory Records, Manilipataw, Vol. . Salisbury appears to allude to a letter which does not exist. * Factory Recorde, Masulipatam, Vol. 9.

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296 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1908. ready to goe is to the amount of Dearest 800 Candy. I fear the Peeter in the way will bee detained which is upwards 80 Candy. I should compleate all in 10 daies had not this accident happened and have to the full amount of your mony five hundred Candy, having made the greatest hast possible and used all meanes to accomodate the Honble. Companys occasions. I have writt the Governour of Candaneere, who hath sent 10 gun men to this place and some horsmen to another, who have put the Ohop on the Companys Peeter that if hes obstruct my business the Kings business will receive the greater dammage when his occasions require the Service of the English Gunners in Golcondah, and that it is an unjust act not done in any Kings Country to make Seizure of goods provided by the Company, and for every Cask hee shall take from mee thus anjustly, the Company will receive a thousand from the King, the Shipping being disapointed of the Comodity, therefore bid him read his Phirmaund with good observation and hee will find hee is onely to buy Peeter where Merchants and others have it to Sell, but not to rob the Company or violently to Seize on their goods. I will send you his answer when received, which expect in two daies. I long Since advised you to procure a Phirmaund and acquainted you that I heard the Kings people comeing to obstruct the Peeter, therefore cannot justly Impate Per mee in fault. I purpose to take of [[ ] the chop the Kings people have put on tbe Gunneys and the Peeter, and will vanture a brush with them. Pray give your Speedy answer unto this ). You cannot but heare the news of Oram Zeabs [ Aurangzeb's ] Army being nere Golcondah and have taken two Castells from the king and are 6 leagues from Golcondah. Pray, on sight hereof, Seud fifty Bundarees 80 and good Peons and I shall not much question to bring away the Peeter. I remaine, Your assured friend, AMBROSE SALUBBURY. Coodepowdee [Gundlapalli] the 12th December, 1672.90 "Mr Richard Mohun Etca., This instant have notice that two of the Peeter men have bin with the Governour of Cundeneere and have bribed the Governour &ca. to send Peons to obstruct my business under pretence of the Kings Phirmaund. They are the most notorious Rougues under the Sun. They now pretend theire price formerly was 5 pagos. old per Candy. I have theire bill for one hundred Candy, being the first which you desired. Herewith send you theire Receipt for fowre hundred Pagos. The rest I promised them, if good Peeter, 1 pago. more per Candy, which being fowre and pago. per Candy which they were content with, but give them 10 Pago. per Candy they will not bee content. I have had Peeter detained and obstructed from being waiged this 10 dayes by the meanes of these villaines, which if they had not done, the full 300 Candy had bin at Pettepollee. I must end as I can with them. I bought 21 Candy at 8 pagos. 2 fa, which they had not any right unto, but now they will pretend it to belong to them. Pray send at sight 30 or 40 good Bundarees or 50 and I hope to secure them Rogues. I have sent for one hundred and twelle Candy of that Peeter I advised you soe farr hence and have agreed at 5 Pago. to receive it 10 Miles from hence but its not arrived. God send me good success. I shall not undertake this trouble and danger for all the Honble. Companys Estate. Pray send two dozen large knives and six penknives and detaine not the Peons. However I have bought you 150 Pagos. of Dungarees at 7 patch and 50 pagos. at 5 patch per Pago. which might have bin at Pettipollee had not them Rogues obstructed. They shall accompany the first Peeter. I remaine, Your assured Friend, AMBROS E SALUSBURY,91 Coodepolldoe, [Gundlapalli] the 14th December, 1672." Mr Richard Mohun Etca. Councell, I have in three [letters] advised you of the obatraction the Peeter men have made, and of my writing to Cundeneer Governour, from whom have received Answer and order for to free the Peeter although order from Golcondah for Peeter. I gent bim 3 guzz.92 of cloth and the Mazendar [? mahuldar, revenue supervisor). Two Peeter men and one of my Peons are ran away that I fear some loss, although I have given them all the Iacouragement possible but all will not preraile with them to be honest in their dealing. You may forbeare giving your selfes the trouble of sending Bandarees or Peons, for I hope speedily to end, and if occasion require, an Emminent Governour wbome have had acquaintance with at my first being in these parts has promised as many Peons as desire to assist. Pray hasten my Peon, " No doubt for Banjara, the carrying ouste. Factory Records, Masulipalam, Vol. 9. * Factory Records, Masulipatam, Vol. 9. 92 Gas, a measuro varying from 27 to 30 in. The Indiau yard.

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OCTOBER, 1908.] SONE ANGLO-INDIAN WORTHIES. 297 being in want, and send a dozen large knives and Six penknives. Iim sending part of the Dungarees with Peeter from hence. The rest with my selfe will accompany the last Peeter speedily. I shall now only stay for Peeter I formerly advised [at] soe great distance having sent many [?] and contracted to receive it not farr from this place. Time is now short, hope for a happy conclude. My Codeavors have not bin wanting which I hope will be acceptable. I remaine, Your assurel Freind, AMBROSE SALUABURY. Goodepelldoe, the 15th December 1672." Mr Ambrose Salusbury, Both yours of the 28th past and 12 instant are come to hand, the former two days past, the latter to day. Wce are glad to read in them you have and shall be able to Provide the whole quantity of Peeter already received money for, But will not be ready soe scone as otherwages it might have Beene had not the Kings people obstructed you. Wee wish it lay in our power to helpe, Mr Mohon having wrote to obtaine a Phirmaund, which it seems yet is not procarel. Such things you know by your experience are not easily obtained from the Moors empty handed, and now to send you 50 Rashboots (rajputs] would prove to little purpose, in regard there is hardly any Petty Governour But is able to Raise 8 times the quantity and will doe it on this occasion in Behalle of their King, Besides the Companys positive order Not to make any Breach or difference With the Moors if otherwise to be avoided, which wee would rather advice you to compose it by a small Piscash [peshkoz8h, present); though wee cannot pay Juncan, a Custome soe considerable, that after once pail they will expect that we should sou continae for the further [? fature). Thereby will accrew a great disadvantage and detryment to our Honourable imployers. We commend you and their affairs to Gods Protection, Remaining, Your Loving Friends, MATT. MAINWARING; GEORGE CHAMBERLAINE. P.S.-Wee have sent to you a dozen silver hafted knives which Wee hope will Please the people you are to Present. Just now come to bands yours of the 11th Instant. This Governor endeavours the Companys prejadice as much as [in] him lies in this place, from who wee cannot expect noe assistance. Wee heare he is upon the Journey to Golcondab, otherwise wee must be forced to Piscash him, Being noe other remedy for it. Metchle patam the 16th December 1672." "Mr Richard Mohun, 801. Sirs, since our last wee have received advices from Mr Salusbury that the Kings people put their chop upon the Salt peeter and doubts this hinderance will occasion that the Phirmaand was not procured, which hee sayed would have prevented all this. Wee yesterday wrote to the Governour the Report of whose flight and Masters death prored only a fiction, he remaining some foure leagues bence, to desire him to write to the Petty Governours not to obstract the Companys Businesse under Mr Salusburys managery smoothing him up with faire words to keepe in hopes, Not promised him any thing. Wee hope will take effect. The Merchants cloth comes now in from the washers and hath done for these two or three days... [8igned] M. MAINWARING; G. CHAMBERLAINE.96 Metohlepatam the 17th December 1672." "Mr Ambrose Salusbury, This instant came to hand yours of the 24th. We are very sensible of the trouble you undergoe in having to doe with such pittifall Merchants these Salt Peeter Men commonly prove. However, wee hope and question not But your experience will furnish you with such means as may prevent their evill intentions as this appears to be when they deny their owne hand, which we return you herewith againe, to be a testimony against them. Wee partake in trouble with you, for this Governor obstructs this what hee canne in the Companys Business, here. His assistance we cannot expect for your helpe, to whom else we are to seeke addresses to forward this years Business, the time Being soe Neere at hand for the approach of the Companies ships, which wee now dayly expect. This Governor hath forwarned our hired Servants longer to us. More wee cannot porchase upon any tearms to ayd you. Wee intreate you to make what hast you canne with the dungarees, having most occasion of them of any thing. Wee Remaine, Sir, Your Loving Freinds, MATT. MAINWARING ; GEORGE CHAMBERLAINE.87 Metchlepatam, the 19th December 1672." * Factory Recorde, Masulipatam, Vol. 9. "These letters do not exist." Factory Records, Masulipatam, Vol. 6. * Factory Records, Manilipatam, Vol. 6. Factory Records, Manilipatam, Vol. 6.

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* 298 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (OCTOBER, 1908. "Mr Ambrose Salusbury, Yours of the 15 instant came to haid yesterday in the trening. You did very well in presenting the Govr, of Cundanire [Cnndanore] after his reception and performance of his kin Inesse may oblige him to the continuance of the same for your future occasions, which wee hope may not find that obstruction another yeare. As wee observe, notwithstanding it hath this, you conquerel st last and brought to perfection, the creditt of which will redowne to your s.:lle alone. Your endeavours being applied, wee question not but you will prevent loss likely to be sustained by those Peeter Men that are Runne away. Wee "lave already sent you a dozen silver hafted knives, which you had not received at your writing of this. Wee hope they will supply the want of the two dozen large and penknives which are not on Enquiry upon any tearms procurable in Towne. [Signed] M. MAINWARING &ca.99 Betchlepatam (21) Decr. 1672." "Mr Richard Mohun Etca. Councell, Your of the 21th last night came to hand. The Peeter men that are run away inade stop of the Peeter againe about 3 leagues hence and beat the poor Ox people and carried them to the Castle of Cundanere and put stop on my Peeter, which hath caused my writing to the Governour againe that admired a Person of his quality and place sbould countenance and eacourage such men in their abuses, and desired him to consider the injustice and how much it would bee to his dishouer to regard the false reports of those men whome all the country know to bec false cheating Knares. The Mazendar did take the Cloth sent the Governoar and the Governour sent mee word that I formerly gave the Governour G Guzz of Scarlett and 3 maunds of Sandell wood (which was by Mr Johnsons advice, being the first Journey upon this occasion), and that bee, being in the same place, and not at all inferiour to the other Governour, expected the same, that I have promised himo, if heo give mee a peon or two to pass the Peeter, that when finished shall return them Peons with the Cloth desire:l; but that have not Sandall nor is any procureable that I know of. Had not the Peeter men obstructed the 300 Canly, or as much as it now holdeth out, had bin alt Pettipolec by the 15th and I expected by the 20th to have bin at home. The Peeter men promisel mee a pago. per Candy to accept such stuff as the Braminye provided, bat, have not hitherto, nor shall I ever desire to gaine a penny by this or any other unjust meanes. I advised you the 89 denied Candy as reported to bee, which sett 3 peons to cause its boyling night and day will not now bee fifty Candy. I bought 21 Candy at 8 pago. 2 fa. per Candy, but they saying that they gave earnest for it and being short of their debts must give them I fear five pagos. at the conclude for the 200 Candy as formerly advised. God grant it come forth at the price as I hope it will. My Ox people are run away and I am forced to hire others, time being soe farr spent. The 21 Candy and about 20 more is bad Peeter, but haveing Oxen ready and the Peeter men in debt must accept that or lose the money. The rest of the Peeter is excellent good. The Peeter writt you a great distance from hence have sent money for near 150 Candy, two Parcells arrived, have given Order for what remaines, but the way being Woods and Hills I was not willing to send the money at once but 3 times. I pus: desire you to send 6 Guzz, or yards of Scarlett against my return home for the Candaneere Governour. Here ( are ] soe many Governoura, Nauges (mayak, chief ], Braminys &ca. to please you cannot judge of the trouble. I purpose to send Candaneere Governour and Muz[endar ] 3 of your knives and the Cheife Nauge one. The rest will to day and to morrow bee disposed on, for I purpose to returne to make ready the Peeter arrived and leave my Servants to accompany what remaining, I remaine, Your assured Friend. AMBROSE SALCBBURY. December 26th 1672." " 3r Ambrose Salusbury, Esteemed Friend, Since our last are arrived here all the Honorable Companys six ships. Haveing composed the difference with the Moors wee hope wee shall end our Businesse here in three or foure days. Wee intreate you to make all immaginable hast in the dispatch of the Peter bither that soe they may not be detained for want of that Remairing. Your assured Friends, MATT. MAINWARING; GEORGE CHAMBERLAIN E. 100 Metchlepatam the 31 December 1672." (To be continued.) Factory Recorla, Masulipataen. Vol. 9. SA Fa-tory Rrocrila, Manulipa'am, Vol. 5. 180 Factory Recor.is, Masilija'am, Vol. 3.

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OCTOBER, 1908.) MOHIYE KI HAR. 299 MOHIYE KI HAR, OR BAR.1 BY H. A, ROSE. The Chroniole of Rajd Mohi Parkdsh, Ruler of N dhan (Sir mur) State. Tuis poem is in Keonghali, the dinloct of Keonthal, but many forms appear to be used in the poem, which are not given in the Grammars of Keonthali by the Revd. T. Grahame Bailey, C.M.S., now under publication by the Royal Asiatic Society. Text. Translation. 1 Sat kanwar Raja Nahtao ro, stona mangot 1 Seven sons had the Raja of Naban, and each raj, of them coveted the throne, Mangaphoe re negfes mat lat kamat(r) : But the negi of Mangaph cunningly schem. ed to invite the princes, saying :-) "Ure &o, kaiwaro, raj lena:let." "Come hitber, O princes, and assume the crown." Sat Raje re kanwar Mangapho-khe dewe, So all the seven princes came to Mangarh, 5 Panj kanwar negte bept de pae.? . 5 Where five of them were cast into prison by the negi. Do kanwar Raje re bbagtro fe. (But) two of them escaped. Bhirt Chand dewe Kilst, Akal Bir dewa Bhart Chand went to Kalsie and Akal Bir Palasht. to Palasi.10 Mangapho ae negfe; pber mat kamat: The neyi came to Mangash and again schemed (and said ) :"Jigrua chaudhria, &we Kalst jai ; 11 " Jigru chaudhri, thou must go to Kalsi 10 Bhart Chandel2 kanwarola lekwe bulae : 10 And fetch Bhari Chand kanwar hither; Bolo ranot chhutt parja, suhag jana Tell him that he people grieve like charawe." 13 a widow without her lord and that he should make himself master of the State." Jigru chaudhrt roha Kalsi jae ; 14 So Jigru chaudhri went to Kalsi, Bbari Chande kanware rakh nesh & le : 15 And Bhari Chand began to enquire (saying): "Jigru& chaudhria, rohu kant joga iwe?"16 "O Jigru chaudhri, why best thou come here? 1 The ray of this song is Brindabani Arang. * Nahinere, pl. of 'N Aban.' This form in wine appears to be rare, 811, seven, is here declined, bat-on for the plural is not found elsewhere. Mango, theo in the present emphatio touno appears to be confined to Eastern Keonghali. Mangarh-o, the regular formative of nouns ending in a consonant. Negi-e, the regular agent-form of nouns in. Mat lai kamal: "mat," from Sanskrit mati = wisdom ; "lat," from the root lend to take, past tense fominino gender;" kamal," from kamdund=to gain: kamdi lal=gained. Idiomatioally the whole phrase means wisely resolved or made a wiso plan. * Mdogaph is in Nihan territory. Raj len1 loi = ' you may take the throne' (imperative). 6-kho,'aco, and dative (regular). Dere (past tense pl.) from dni, to go (not used in compounds). Bert de pde, da (declined) is the locative='pat in fotters'-(do in, pl. of dd = in). Bhagi ro de, bhagi ro, compound vorb, meaning having escaped; from oldgad 'to run or escape'; ad from Akanu = to como (past tense plural.) Kalsi lies between Dehra Dan and Naban. 10 Palasht: also near Kalni, 11 Aws Kalsfjaf='having gone to Kalat, you may come back.' 11 Bhart Chande kanwaro, -, -, declined forms in the oblique case. 13 Buhag jand chardws: he should become our ruler or king.' 14 Rohd Kalot jas : 'arrived in Kalsi." 16 Rakhd nehna lie: 'began to inquire.' 16 Roha kani joise ? Cf. line 31: 'why have you como?'

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800 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (OCTOBER, 1908. 15 Mangasho ro negte rakhA7 Nahtni-khe buldwe. Randi chhutt raht parja, suhag &na cha;&we." 15 " Thou hast been bidden to Naban by the negi of Mangarh (he answered), For the people grieve like a widow without her lord, and thou should'st go thither and make thyself master of the State)." Then Bhari Chand kanwar went to Naban, And after incising Gangu's thumb, (his forebead was marked with the blyod as his rej-tilak, and) he was placed upon the throne. Bhart Chand kanwar rohi Nahfnt &we; Guthe chtet Ganga ri defis kanwaro-khe gadi, Sejlf19 khabar hot Sidhie re Kotelo, 20 Sidhif Kotore31 Tb&kure mat lel kamai. P&rle Pal&ste loa ghari ro kh{:22 Kimu kata baro ra, chaure r& paja. "J&t Nahtnt kbe2 puchht awana Bja." 24 Sidhie Koto re Thakura ri hof Nabfat khe36 tayari. 25 Sone i bijaurt la 126 petke dg2 bant :26 When the news of his (accession) reached Sidha, (the Thakur) of Kog,20 20 Sidba, the Thakur of Kog, made a plot. (He pretended that) the Palant tribes23 beyond the river had harassed him, And had ent down the mulberry tree in the enclosure, as well as the pdja tree (the padma-kashta) in his court-yard. (And said he): "I must make a trip to Naban and petition the Raja." So Sidha, Thakur of Kot, made ready to go to Naban. 25 Into his waist-band he put a citron fruit made of gold, And in his hand he took a stick, and over his shoulder (he threw) a shawl. Thus Sidha, the Thakur of Kot, reached Nahan. The Raja's court was being beld in the court-yard at Nahan. Sidha, the Thakur of Kot, did obeisance to the Raja, 30 And prosented his gold citron. Bhart Chand kanwar questioned Sidha (saying): - Sidha, Thikur of Kot, why hast thou come hither ?" H&the37 lat ding Al137 bor k&no pandea7 lew 4.27 Sidhil Koto r& Thakur Nahiet khe dew&. Nahtot re changano de sabha Raje rt baitht : Sidhif Koto re thskure R&ja lok juhart.>> Sonert bijaurt bhoto ri nuar. 30 Bhart Chande kanware31 Sidhe neshna laya: "Sidhe Koco re Thakura, kant joga kya ?" 17 Rakha: kept. * Det: garo (feminine gender, its nom. gadt being fem.) 1 Bell: that (in fem. gen., the word khabar being fem.), in Pahari. Kote in Kot. # Kot, the capital of Ratesh territory, whereof Sidha wa Thakur. 11 Koto-ro, regalar gen. of Kog. Or, Mingasbo in line 2. n Lit., Parlo, beyond the river. Palapt, the name of a Kanet sept lod, I am; ghar, having mannfactured; rokh , onten; i. e., I am greatly harassed by the Palapis beyond the river. >> Palapi: the name of a clan of Kaneta. # Ja dun Nah ini khe: I am going to Nahan. Pachhi ducand Roja: I have to wok the Raja. >> Nahint the to Naban. Laf took. Potlodt, loontives on his waist-band.' Bani folded. Hather in the hand. Dingau a stick. Kano pando: upon his shoulders. Low: a shawl Chaugano al on the polo-ground (fom. to agree with sabhd ). >> Led fuhart: offered his humble respecta. * Bhato mudri: gave, as a present. 11 Kanscare: agent care.

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OCTOBER, 1908.] MOHIYE KI HAR. Sidhia Koto ra Thakur, laga ashue ronda: 39 "Aukhi nishan133 kot nahiu, Rajea, honda." 35 "Bol, Sidhia thakura, kiya aukbi tankhe?" 34 "Balsano re Palanie35 loa ghart ro khae ;36 Kima kata baro ra, chaure ra paja: Awigowa au arjt khe ;36 shikh lat de Raja."se Kholt shiro di pagri pichhari ro lat, 40 Bhari Chand kanware loa thakur samjhai ;87 "Ki, Sidhia Thakura, darna nahti tuwen :38 Teri majad, Sidhia, apt parut muwen.30 Sathi leja majad, hor dara leja goli." Sidhia Koto r& Thakur tabe araj kart; 45 "Chalo Raja Sahiba, amen paharo khe jat:40 Chandi soena lyaun men, khalrt da kashat." Bhari Chand kaiwaro ri tabe hot tayari.. Nawa Raja hoa Nabiat, hor kar awant naraji:44 Ranie Galerie rakhi arja lat: 50" Suno, Raja Sahiba, Rant ra jana: Lage hande sutre, khona nahin Jungo ra Rana." "Rante Gulerie, teri helt kante khat? Chandt soen lyswana paharo ra, khalrt da kashai." Raje tinye Nahini re, loe kagat likhae. 801 7 Loa thakur samihat: began to console the Thakur. Apt purnt muwen: I myself will fulfil. Amen paharo khe jai: let us go to the hills. Sidha, the Thakur of Kot, began to weep (and said): "No one helps me, O Raja, when I am in trouble." (Said the Raja :) - 35 "Speak, Sidha thakur, what is thy trouble ?" (And he answered): - "The Palaut clan of Balsan have greatly harassed me; They have cut down the mulberry tree in my enclosure, and the paja in my court-yard. I have come with this petition: be pleased to do me justice, Raja." The Raja unwound his turban for a moment, and then put it on again, 40 While Bhari Chand kanwar consoled the thakur (saying): "Sidha Thakur, do not be afraid: I myself will give thee all my aid, Sidha. Take men with thee. Take too powder and ball. " Then Sidha Thakur of Kot besought him (saying): 45 "Raja Sahib, let us go to the hills. We will bring back silver and gold, packed in skins." Then Bhari Chand kznwar made ready. A new Raja having been installed at Nahan, some one else had to be harassed 143 But the Goleri 48 Rani besought them (saying): 50 Raja Sahib, hearken to thy queen's advice: We are friendly with the Rand of Keonthal and should not attack him." (But the Raja said): - "O Rant of Goler, where are thy wits? We will bring from the hills silver and gold, packed in skins." So the Raja of Nahan bade that a letter be written. 32 Laga dahile ronda: began to shed tears. 34 Tankhe: to thee ( tujhko) tan. 36 Balsano re Palanie: the Palinis of Balsan. Lod ghart ro khde: give me much trouble. Awigowa dun: I have come. arj khearsi ko: for a request. Shikh lat de Rija: O king, instruct them, ..., be pleased to punish them. Parni nahi tuwen you should not fear. Aukhi nishani: in time of trouble. 41 Hor kar dunt nardjt: we will again proceed against. 43 So they invaded Keonthal State without any canse or provocation, apparently. 43 Golera State in the Kangr& District. Mohl Parkdah was son-in-law to the RAJA of Goler. 44 Lit., Jung, which is the name of the capital of Keonthal, as well as the name of the Deota, who lives at Pujyarli village near Junga.

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302 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1908. 55 Likhtro kagat loe Gulero khe pujde. 55 He wrote a letter to the R&j& of Guler and sent it to him. Raja shadau Galeria, ki Amed paharo khe He asked the Raja of Guler to march with jat. them into the hills. Sari pari Sirmir Raje ri duhut ; Throughout all Sirmur went the Kaja's order Jaya beta Sirmurid, rakba mamle khe bulki: That the young men of Sirmur should come (to NAhan) and pay their dues. Raja porchb& Guleri& Nahint re satane. The Raja of Goler also came and reached the palace at Naban. 60 Jay& beta Sirmurig, sab mainla khe &ya; 60 All the youth of Sirmur came, bringing in the revenue, Chhes pouchhi Raje ri Nahint re chaugane. And the Raja's levies reached the polo ground at Naban. TL&r& khari bhari duru ri, tero golt re pipe. Eighteen kh&ris of powder were packed and thirteen barrels of ball. Nahini re changano da tamako baja. On the polo-ground at Nahan the kettle drum resounded, Charigo&46 Keonthalo khe narpati Raja. Thus marched the warlike Raja against Keontbal: 65 Age barde7 Raje re neje re nishan: 65 Foremost went the spearmen, with flngs on their spears : Tino de pachhe barde kanchant de jhapan : After them came the harlots' litters : Pachhe hardt R&je rt ghore ri shawart : After them the Raja's horsemen: Ghore da plichhe chall h&thi ri ambart. And after them the elephants with their howdas. Nahini re chaugauo di bafilis karnalo. On the polo-ground at Naban resounded the karnal.40 70 Chashi fauj Rajefhof dhauli dharo. 70 As the army climbed the hills, every ridge grow wbite (with the uniforms). Der& &y& Raje r& Gujro re g&iwen. The Raja's camp reached Gdjaro village (and his order came):"Bamobi chakro k&pre, pahnon sanjo. * Servants, don your clothes as well as your armour. Aje hukam Raje ra, Mohfpur-o khe hol." To-day the Raja's order is to march to Mobipur." 53 Dera ay& Raje A Mohipuro ri sheri, The Raje's camp reached Mobfpur field, 75 Mobipuro ri shert at mat lal kamdi :- 75 And there at the field of Mobfpur they resolved Nawa Raja hod Nahini, naiw len& dbardi. That as a now Raja had been crowned at Nahan, his name should be solemnly chosen. Pashe &ne pantit, rakha dhurpat p&e. So learned pandits came and made their calculations. Bhada, past tens: 'Balled or invited. From sh dulapu: to call. 16. Chart-god, past tense' invaded.' 11 Barde, past Sense of bariyl: to proceed ( in the ploral). + BAHU, present of bujaw , to sound; in the feminine :' are sounded.' * A hill musical instrument made of braus. The village of Gujar is in Sirmdr territory. 61 Bamo, imperative of bams: to wear or put on. - Pahn, imperative of pahnana: to wear or put on. - Mobfpur, also in Sirmar. Not only did the new R&& assume the suffix 'Park Wah,' which distinguishes the Raja of Sirmor, but he also took a new name selected in a auspicious manner. For the suffix Parkdal, see ante, Vol. xxiv., p. 271

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OCTOBER, 1908.] MOHIYE -KI HAR: 803 Sat din hoe baich de, kot naow rashf de na dya. Malipurore gwaltue rakhi arjo li : 80. "Je ndiw dharat deda R&je ra, to h&mo kya dei 754 Khesa dei nikra, hor bag& def bagoga: Behin de lat det kanganu, kanos de pal det darota. "Lana Mohiparore Rajo ra naaw rakha Mohi Parkash." Khera ditt& nikra, bage ditta bagotu : Seven days they spent in divination, but found no auspicious name for him. Then the cowherds of Mobipur begged (that they might select a name saying):80 "If we solemnly chose a name for the Raja, what shall we get?" (They were told) they would get a village in free-grant and also a robe of honour, And their arms would be loaded with silver bracelets and their ears with gold earrings. (So they answered): "The name of the Raja of Muhtpur must be Mobt Park&sh," And in return they got their village free of revenue and their robes of honour, 85 And their arms were loaded with silver bracelets and their ears with gold earrings. 85 Binta de 141 ditte, kingnu, kano de darota. " Pahino chikro k&pre, hor pahino sanjok. Aj hukam R&je re, Bichro khe hod." Dera ky& R&je ra Bichro re bage: ( Then came the order) :"Servants, don your clothes as well as your armour. The Raja's order to-day is to march to Bicbar."65 The Kaji's camp reached the garden at Bichap, And in the market-place of Bichar his tent Was pitched. 90 Geja, the banid, was fined one thousand seven hundred rupees : He hold the free market of the Deshu-dhar (the ridge above Phegu). Tembu pare R&je re Bichro re bajere. 90 Geja danase.banil s&t sau bazero, Jine 181 karne Desbu-dharo rf bah&ro; " B&idhob? chakro bagohe, pabino sanjol: Aj hukam Raje ra, Karg&nu ra hol." Derd Ay& Raeje rKargand of serf; 95 Karg&nu rf seri de chhert Raje rt ghort; Ghose chhere R&je re, aro mati ritumin: "Servants, pack your baggage, and don your armour, For to-day the Raja's order is to march to Karganu."58 So the Raja's camp reached the Karg&nu plain, 95 And on the plain of Kargand the Raja's horses were exercised, And by exercising the Raja's horges the dust was made to fly, And the people of (pargand) Ayeh came to offer greeting to the Raja. There the Raja seated himself in his tent and bade them Bring a sheet of paper, & pen and ink. R&je &ye bhet de, Ayelu re kunin. RAJA baithi ruke tambu da, tabe hukmon karo :59 "Kore &noi kagto, hor kalam dawato. # To haono ky & dof: then what will be given to us? * Bichar: also in Sirmar. 14 Daudd : was fined. 67 Bandho, imperative o bandhna: to bind or fold op. * Kargad : a large village in Sirmdr on the bank of the Giri river, # Baithe rud : is sitting. T'abe hukmo karo : then giros ordori. Anon, imperative of anti: to bring.

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304 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (OUTOBER, 1908. 100 Rase tes Bagh&gro khe, Itkbl-deni do bato. Shirt nawn likho kagto, hor ram-ram Salamo. Daji likho 63 likhnie, hart Pyuolt gharesho. Paro majat mere desbo rf, na to phokamai desho. Sathi le&wani majto, &pi &wan& tuwen. 105 Bano shiro de kagto, j&wani kwana jio." Bane pago de kagato, kar-lat salamon. "Chakro ra nokro rd, ye Raja jt kamon." 100 (And he bade that) they should write of two matters to the Rana of Baghat.62 On the paper was written the address, and after that his greeting to the Rana, With green and yellow lines drawn on it (and he wrote): - "Come to my kingdom's aid, lest I lay waste your lands. Bring with you reinforcements, and come yourself also." 105 (And he bade his messengers ) "tie this letter in your tarbans aud go and come back quickly." They tied the paper in their turbans, and did him obeisance, (Saying): " it is the duty of thy servants and attendants to do the Raja's bidding." So the Raja's messengers went their way. The court of the Rank of Baghat was in session. 110 The messengers of Mobt Parkash saluted the Rana, And the Ring of Baghat asked what had brought them thither. (Saying): "O messengers from Nahan, for what purpose bave you come! Tell me truly, messengers, what order is there for me?" They replied: "By word of mouth, my Lord, we know nothing, 'tis all in the paper." 115 And they took out the letter from one of) their turbans, and laid it before him. Then the Rana of Baghat read the letter. Raje re rigra rahe, jawane jai. R&ne Bagh&tro rf raht sabh& betht. 110 Mohfye re rigple Rana loa juharf,64 R&ne tinie Baghftro re r&kbe nesbne 16t65:"Nahini re rigra, rohe kant joge &wo ? 66 Sach bolo,67 rigcuo, k& bukam mikhe P" "Mokbo nahin, Sahiba, bamon jade, hol kagato ndon." 115 Khole pago da kagat, rakhe h&jro dhart.68 Rane tiniyen Bhagh&tre rakhe b&rchnemo 181. Shiri niwen banche kagato re, r&m-ram First be read the address on the letter, and salemo. then the greeting. Duje boche b&rchnie, hari pyanit Then he read the lines, the green and yellow gharesho lines :"Parni majato deshu ri, na to fakumen " Furnish aid to my kingdom, lest I lay desho. waste your lands. 120 satht lekwani majato, &pt tawen Awana." 120 Bring with you reinforcements, and come yourself also." S&re paso malko da, chhepo ra chher&w&. In all the land of Baghat) it was known that there was to be a levy, Jaya bet8 Bhag&tro ra, sab chhero khe All the youth of Baghat were summoned | mangae. to the levy. a Lekh-dorf should be written ( in the fom. ). 1 Bagh the State in which Solan lios. Libro, imperative of Lithu: to write. " Lodjuhar, past tense of juher-lent: to offer salutation. << Rakhe neshtat : they were asked. Rohe kanf joge doe: what have you come for? 67 Bach bolo 1 speak truly ( imperative of bond to speak). Rakhe adjro dhari : presented ( part of rabhnd: to keep ). Rakho banchne laf : began to read. Banohnd : to read. Of, Balochi ndngagh; Northern Balochi, sodchhagh.

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OCTOBER, 1908.) MOHIYE KI HAR. 808 Sathi lefye majato, sathi aya &pe. Ran& poncha Bagbatro r& Karga nu ri serf. 125 Karganu di seri de phul phulo tilo. Mohiye rt Bagharo rt lio Karganu-e melo. Raje re tembu dt bajoro ch&jdi ni ghanai. Kau mule Kargaque desh Rane ra baiti.71 Simla dittara Baghtro khe, Kahlorie khe Sabatlu. 130 Kog dittt Basherte khe, Raja rakha ghetu. (The Rana ) brought his reinforcements, and he came himself also. The Rang of Baghay reached the plain of Kargang. 125 In the plain of Karganu the sesamum flowers were in bloom. Mohi (Parkasb) and (the Rand of) Baghat met in Kargana. In the Raja's tent rang a silver bell. Below Kau73 (a village) in Kargand, they divided the Rana (of Keonthal's) kingdom. Simla was assigned to Baghat and Subatha to Kahlur. 130 Kot174 was given to Bashahr, whose Raja had remained at home. The fort of Nagan76 was awarded to the Raja of Goler, To the Thakur of Kumbarsain was allotted Baghir76 and Bharauli.70 To Sidha, Thakur of Kog, fell Jai and Kar auli.77 (And to him said the Raja ): "Right thro' Jai, Sidhin, you will pass 135 On your way to Deshu dhar:78 it will pay your travelling charges !" Raje Galerie khe ditta Nagaae ra kill; * Thakur Kumb&rsaino khe ditti Bagh&r hor Bharaull: Sidhie Thakuro khe ditti Jat hor Karault. "Eshi jana, Sidhia, soin Jat ri, 135 DeshQ-dharo khe jkude, kbaracho khe holt" ! At palgi Mohlyc rf Shargaon rt b&tht: Cheli rt tain lutniso Pabl ri hatut. Na'una re Kanugowe mat lai kamat, Chaldade de porki chher lalo chherat. 140 Nauna re Kanugowe likhto tal&ko : The palanquin of Mohi Parkash came by the path of Shargaon.7 For breakfast they plundered the bazar of Dublu. The Qinungs of Naune1 steadily resolved Beyond the ridge of Chalanda to raise his levies. 140 The QAnungo of Naun wrote ironically to the Raja of Naban ): - "If you were born of a rani, you will attack the Simla slopes." Balara88 was burnt to ashes, thro' Bachita '994 house blew the smoke. It was not known whether Bachira was alive or dead. The Raja's palanquin reached Habana forest : "Jama hola ranie, to chhun we Simle re dh&ko." Balara phaki gh&18,62 Bachira ra khara laga dhu&; Janun an ni, Bachita jtanda ki muwan. At palgt Raje rt Rabkno re bane: ** B4jo : is sounded. From bajn : to sound. 11 Bandi : is divided. From bandna: to divide. 11 Ditta : past tense of dond: to givo, masculine (feminine, ditti). is K&d; a place at Kargana. # Kofi : the name of a village about three miles from JungA, said to be the old capital of Keonthal 18 Nagan situated near the Ghand State. * Bagbar: in Keonthal. Bharauli is Dear Subach. IT JA and Karauli: two pargande of Koonthal. Deshd. the ridge which lies above Phaga. 1 Shargeon and Dubla: both in Koonthal territory. # Lunt, to be plundered: (fem. agreeing with hatt). 11 Nado and Chalanda: both in Koonthal. 11 Phuk gh 014: was burnt, or has been burnt. # Balara: in Keoathal. * Baohira was a man's name.

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806 THE INDIAN ARTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1908. 145 Piththt lagt go Habige re, mawa ro iyo gado; 145 To the forest of Haban188 came the army like A Bystrm of bees. Aye dere Reje ra Pajhote ri Shilt: Pajhote re Pajhotre mat lat kamat :"Raja kya Mohiya, chhandi kante rikhan?" Baro biche dew& R&je khe, pipli khe tamakbu. 150 Aya Raje ra der& Balgo re bage. H&4 Pande rt Bimaie mat lat kamat. Lota bhari le dudho ra, Raje bhetdi &t. Dudh kale B&manle K&mdhend r& lyal. Phult karl& phulpa, phoie karle kld. 155 "Hmon chale Deshu dbaro, tu kholi Ayt bala." The Raja's camp reacbed Shiit, (a village) in (pargana) Pajbot.86 The people of Pajhot made a shrewd resolve: (They said to one another): "The Raja Moht (Parkash) has come, what reception shall we give him P" They presented provisions to the Raja, with red pepper and tobacco. 150 The Raja's camp reached the garden of Balg. The wife of Hasd Panda, the Brahmaq, made a shrewd resolve. She brought & jagful of milk when she came to visit the Raja, She, the Brahmani, brought milk of the black cow Kamdhenu." The flowers were blooming and the potatoes were iu blossom, 155 " We are marching on Deshu dhar and you come without your nose-ring," said the RajA to the Brabant). (Sbe replied :) " O Raja Moht, say not so! Kimdheng's milk and curds you will not find in any of your subjects' houses. My parents live in Chauchayk village - whither are you going?" (The Raja answered :) "O Brahmani, I am * on my way to Koti Junga.93 160 Where the red pot-berb is eaten with harley bread, I shall baild me a dwelling house in the Deshu-dhar. I shall halt on Deshu, and shall conquer Koti." (She said :) " If you hearken, Raja, to a Brahmani's words, You will not tarn your steps towards the Keontbal of today, 165 If you will go there, know that yonr hour is come! "He RRjef Mohiy, itng bol n bolo." Kamdhenu re dhinche, parj& re na hole. rod Chauchadke pyoka mero, Rije: kind chall?" " Jat &wans, B&mple, Jungo of Koti. 160 Jethe 161-bathg r& bhulka khal, hor jaurt Toti, Desha-dharo di karni, basae ri tbalott. Dera karni Deshue, hor judh lan& Koff. * Je shune, Rajel, Bemant rajand, Ajke Keonghalo khe, pair nahfi pani, 165 Dewli tete, 25 jane je, aye tera kalo! * Habana : ridge in Keonthal. * Pajhot: Pargana iz Kognghal. Belg in Ratesh territory. Kamdhena : the mythical cow, which never bears a call, yet always gives mille. To pay visit without Dooring in a bad omen. " Chaurohaukat a village in Xahan territory. Kind roddiel: where are you going to P Jalawand. I have to go to. Jungh: the name of a deity, who lives in Pajyali village, near the palace at Junga. * Khad: is eaten.. 6 Dereld tete: If you will go there

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OCTOBER, 1908.] MOHIYE KI HAR. 307 Bura bairi tetiva, Gothaao ra Damo Cbhurie badhales7 gbore re shamo. Deo bhiplas Junga, Rane Nup Saino ra tapo, Deshu-dhar ri Kalka. Mun-wen pagsa japo : 59 170 Bure bairt ; Rane re Hanumanie chele. Deshuo ri dharc df mar gupti dele.100 Je shu ne mere, Sahiba, Bamani ra jani, Bahiu lal dun sunangano, hati Nahini ja na. Lage bunde satre, nabii khon& Rana." 175 "Hasu Pan de rie, Bamnie, thagri ho kf tat ? Khai te lykwai jitfro Keonthalo rf mati. Your enemies are very fierce there, and Dam,ne the god of Gothan, Will hack off with knives your horses' hoofs. The den, the warrior Jungi, Rana Nup Sain's star, Kalka devi of Desha-dbar (- all will be against you." She added :-) I tell you clearly, 170 Fierce are your enemies : for the Rina's subjects are devotees of Hanuman. On the Deshu-dhar they will slay you secretly If, my Lord, you listen to me, & Brahmani, I will adorn your wrists with a pair of gold bracelets -- and to Nahan you will return. Being on cousinly terms with the Rana, you must not attack him." 175 (The Raja replied ): "O Brahmanf, wife of Hasu Panda, art thon sane or mad ? By dint of sword shall I conquer the land of Keonghal. I will make my horses drink, Brahmant, the cool water of Rathmu.2 I will build a fort on Tarab Hill, so that I may look down on Kushal4.3 I will como, Brahmant, when I have seen Rana Nup Sain." 180 As if, so to speak, Keontbal were like imperial Delhi! "In Keonthal) the panther grazes goats, And cats churn cream. If you return victorious, I will bind a turban on your head. But if you come back in defeat, I will tie my petticoat round your neck." Ghose pyawna, B&mante, Rathmu ra pale. Gash Karna Tarabe, jo unda disno Kushald Dekbi awana, Bamante, Nup Saino R&ni." 180 Jani bolat Keoithalo, bachchha ri Dilli! " Brag charof jetht bakri, dudh chholo4 billi. Je awela jitti ro, shire pagrt pamtu. Je aweli harto, to gale gh&gri pami." Dera atgaw Raje ra Sainjo rf serf. The Raja's camp reached the plain of Sainj. 185 Sainjo rf sert da para R&je ra tembu. 185 On the plain of Sain? Was pitched the Raja's tent. Sari balt guw Keonthal, Slo ra jya lamba. All the land of Keonthal shook like potato stalks. Guri rowa meghula, jhumi roio kobeto. The roar of the guns was like thunder, and their smoke like mist. Dam : the name of a deity who lives at Gothen. 97 Badhle : will ont. From badhna: to cut. $Bhila : will fight. From bhirnde: to fight, 9 Mun-wen pagrd jupo: I speak plainly. 160 Mar gupti dele: will slay you secretly. 1 Rathma: a forest above Koti village. * Terba: the bill opposite Simla, in Keonthal, usually called Tard Devi. 3 Kash18 : now in Patiala territory. It can be seen from Tarbe hill, but formerly belonged to the Keouthal State. + Charo : grazes. Chholo: churns. Jo droeld jettt ro: if you will come with victory. Pamin: will put. * Awigurcu: has arrived. + Sminj: formerly tbe ospital of Thoog. It is now a village on the road to Kotkhai. * Hau gucd: has shaken. From hali-jand: to shake-off.

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308 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1908. Sainjo re gaphe par& R&je r& meto. Andro da bahro di dhanw& roll lagt. 190 PANf ra jy jbarna, rof chhuti chhuti.10 Dhyapo j&ot chauthe, gah gowi chuti : 11 Sainjo ra Himiyf mantri Kamila : "Gheri ghalau bairse, por& bh> ro jami." Sainjo rt lpt bate hand de suf 16 195 Ghuto khe de-gbalg17 jau r& jaria, " Tayfa dewo, 18 cbikro, bege laga mith&." Sidhie Koto re Thakre, 1&t rakho boli : "Ta bed we tha, H&miye, Sainjo r& R&na; Bharie dhartie, pakri roky And the Raja had fire put to the fort of Sainj. From within and from without, the smoke rushed forth. 190 Liko stream of water, their tears rolled down. On the fourth day the fort capitulated. Said Hamiya, 1 (Tbukur) of Sainj," to Ka mala his minister13 :"The enemy has surrounded us, and we must inake good our escape." The wife of the Thakur of) Sainj gave birth to her child on the way. 195 She was given barley mash to eat. "Give me more of it, my servants, for it is most sweet", said she ). Sidhia, Thikur of Kot, said sarcastically - . "Thou wast called, Hamiya, Rana of Saioj; Yet at midnight thou hast been caught and brought hither. 200 Thou didst not know the power of the great Raja, HamiA. Thy Sainj has been barnt, like chhinchhrf straw. The stones of thy Sainj did not suffice to make our stoves." sidhin Thakur will speak in bis own sarcastic way :Thy Sainj has been barnt, when wilt thou be able to re-build it?" 205 (HAmia replied): -"Thou hast not yet seen the might of (Rana) Nap Sain. I shall be able to re-build Baioj, when thy Kot is in ruins. Let but the Rana come to Deshu, and thy Kot will be burnt. It will be demolished from its foundations and cast into the Giri river." 200 Dekhe bhale ni, Hamiye, bare Rejere chashe : Phukht ghali teri Salijo, chhinchhyt ro jyo nishe. Teri Saitijo re pather tele kbe na tape." 19 HALI INI Sidhi Thikar, Apane jye dhabe: Sio "Phuki ghali tert Saiij, sbe ubhe chinl420 kabe?" 205 "Dekhi bhali ni tuwei Nap Saino re ch&she. Chist pamdal Sainjo, tere Koto re nashe. Rani Awano de Deshue, Kot jala dhili. Khankfllm jhoto df, l&m& Giri khe rah. (To be continued.) ..L.., the garrison of the fort. 1. Chanti, chuti; doubled for emphasis 11 Garh goud chati, the fort was taken. From chef-jane: to be taken. 11 Himiyl: the then Thakur of Theog. 13 Kama : Himiyl's minister. 1. Mantri, a Pahari tarm for wazfr or obief minister. 13 Gherl-ghala: Am surrounded. From gheri-ghdine: to be surrounded 10 Swi: rare bieth to a child, 17 Deyhala: ww given. From de-ghalnd: to give away. # Doo: give; imperatire of dep&: to give. 10 N4-apo : did not sufico. From pok: to satioe. * Chinla : will orect. From chin-ud: to orect or to build. 11 Chini pami will be able to build. (Pirst person singular) * Rand Awans do let the Bank come. From Quase days to let (hi) come u Khas 14md: I will cause to dig.

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NOVEMBER, 1908.) SOME ANGLO-INDIAN WORTHLES. 309 SOME ANGLO-INDIAN WORTHIES OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. No. III. AMBROSE SALISBURY. BY LAVINIA MARY ANSTEY. ( Concluded from p. 298.) TN January 1673 there was much correspondence about the obstructions met with in sendiag off 1 the saltpetre. The iniquities of the "Poeter men" and the connivance of the governor were the chief subjects of complaint. Tho want of appreciation of his efforts still rankled with Salisbury and resulted in his outbursts of the 14th and 15th January. On the 20th be apologised for his hasty worls and resumed his usual humble attitude. The Masalipatain Council graciously accepted the apology and added a gentle admonition. Extract fror" Metchlepatam General to the Fort. Mr. Salasbary hath found many obstructions in this Imploy for the provision of Peeter. Hee gives us hopes to expect five hundred Candys. When it will arrive is anoertaine, haveing received none from him since the coppy of this now sent, though wee have writt severall to him and advised of the shipps arriveall and the prejudice that may insure (sic) to the Honble. Company by their detention. 2 January, 1672-3." 1 "Mr Richard Mohun Etca. Freinds, I now send you two boates of Peeter with what Dungarees arrived, which my Servant had sent you many daies since, had not your difference with your Governoar prevented, wbich am glad to hear composed. I received 3 boates of my owne for this Occasion, and the Governour hath in ray absence sent one of them to Meteblepatani. In my Judgment it wonld bee more convenient and less chargeable to laid the Peeter in this Bay. To send it to you will bee teadious and much more charge. The Peeter bad bin with you long since had not the Peeter men obstructed, but now the Os people being retarned, it will bee I suppose 10 dsyes before all will arrive, about which time, if a Ship arrive here, all haat possible shall bee made in it. If you pleas to detayze the Ship for your occasions, shall advise when the Peeter is arrived and ready. I romaine Your assured friend, AMBROS SALUBBURY. Pettepolee, January 8th, 1672-3." S4 Mr Richard Mohun Etea. Councell, My last acquainted you 600 baggs of Peeter with 779 Patch of Dungarees sent on two boates, have enordered to board the first English Shipp, therefore, you may please to order the Shipp that is to receive them. I am now sending 580 baggy of Peeter, which is all at present arrived, hope the remainder with your Dungarees will speedily be here having sent genverall to hasten. Had not the Peeter mga Obstracted, you would have had timely Complyance. My Endeavors I hoped woald have found better Success. Soe soon as other Peeter ariveth, shall immediately advise you and hasten it all that I am able. I remain, Your Freind, AMBROSE SALC8BURY." Pettipolee, January the 10th 1672-8." "Mr Ambrose Salusbury, Yours of the 10th. Current have received and are very sorry to heare you meete with such obstructions in your Businesse, however canne seeke noe Remedy. The Shipps Being all dispatched and under saile this morning, therefore desire you will please to hire what Boats may Be sufficient, and send away the Peter you have in readinesse to the Fort with all Expedition possible. Your two boats we heare are arrived to New [ ? Diu ] Point, where we have ordered the shipps to take in the Peter. M. MAINWARING ; Geo. CHAMBERLAINE. Metchelepatam, 14th January 1672-3." Puctory Records, Marulipatam, VOL 6. Factory Records, Manilipatam, Vol. 9. * Pactory Records, Kanilipatam, Vol. 9. * Factory Records, Manilipatam, Vol. 6.

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310 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1908. Mr Richard Mohun Eloa. Councell, Esteemed freinds, I have sent you on fowre boetes 1050 bags of Poeter and dayly expect Peeter to make up three hundred Candy, which is all will arrive for this occasion. I writt you for fifty pago. for Charges but since a Peon brought mee 24 pagos. which I s3nt for Peeter. I find you are angry. If not, you would give some friendly answer to the many Letters writt you. In my Judgment it appeared something unfreindly that after I have past Boe much danger and Tronble and endeavored my utmost in the Peeter; to meet with such acceptance will discourage mee for the future from being the least concerned in Salt Peeter. Had you sent the I desired of you I am very confident I had prevented obstructions the Peeter men have made, but you writt the fifty Peons not able to resist the smallest Towne, but it was your misapprehension, for I well know many of those townes will, upon a Just occasion, oppose 1000 of the best men you can procure, but very few [of] them wilt Engage in a quarrell for the Peeter men, who are known Rogues all the country over. They have spent 100 pagos. in Peons and broiles and now fall out and quarell with themselfes about each present proportion. If you speedily procure Mahmud Mynns [Muhammad Amin ) Letter to the Governour of Cundeveare to deliver up the Peeter men who have thus abused the Company may freely imploy whom they please, and the Bawpacorrell Nawges [banagar Naik's ] shall not oppose or obstruct. When the Letter arriveth if you please to send mee 40 of your Bundarees [ banjaras, carriers ], I will make a Journey for the Peeter remaining in severall places. If you shall not speedily procure the above Letter and send mee the help of your Servants, I doe herby declare what dammaga the Honoble. Company shall sustaine will bee required at your hands and not from Your assured Freind, AMBROBE SALUSBURY. Pettipole, January 14th, 1672-3.". "Mr Richard Mohun Etra. Councell, Esteemed Freinds, This morning I received the Inclosed receipt for 600 baggs of Peeter and the Boatmen inform'd mee the Ships were under Saile, 450 baggs advised you sent on two boates. I thought it would have bin noe way prejadiciall to the Honble. Company for a Ship to have taken the Peater on bord in the Rode, but you have not thought fitting to give any kinde of answer to any of the Letters have writt you since my returne. I advised you the Peeter remaining at seaverall places, and sent you a Letter of the Chief Peeter man, who said the King should detaine [it] for the Kings use. It will bee a great dishonour and loss to the Honble. Company to have the Peeter and Cloth remaine where it now is, which leave to your Consideration. However you are displeased with mee, I assure you my Endeavors have not bin wanting, and had not the Peeter men obstructed, I should have complied with time, but sinne my trouble and paine to noe effect I presume I shall bee esteemed an unprofitable Servant, therefore shall speedily discharge the Honble. Company of the expenses I am now att for servants, and soe soon as I have received the accounts shall send them you. The Honble. Company have lost considerable Summs by this Peeter business, and if the same persons employed, the loss will be greater, for they take protection and will never comply with Contract, therefore desire to be noe more concerned in itt. The Peeter Brammoney hath bin the occasion of these obstructions. I am now sending your Gunneys to the Fort. I remaine, Your Assured Freind, AMBROSE SALUS BURY.? Pettipolee, January 15th, 1672-8." [Enclosed in the letter of the 15th January, 1672-8 ]. "Herein send you the Peeter mens Engagement given at my comeing away to pass the Peeter, but soe soon as I was come away they againe put Chop ou the Peeter and abused my Servants. The Cheif of [the] Peeter men received 500 pagos. old of Mr Johnson or 1000 pagos, old, and . The banagars are people who have the right to make fireworks for temples and nobles, and would want "peeter." * Factory Records, Masulipatam, Vol. 9. Factory Records, Marulipatam, Vol. 9.

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NOVEMBER, 1908.] SOME ANGLO-INDIAN WORTHIES. 311 impediately takes the Protection, which caused Mr Johnson to make a journey, but returned without satisfaction. Your Pawpa [ babu, clerk, as learnt from Tamil lips) will informe you. My Servants are all comeing away and leave the Peeter to the Peeter men, so that you will doe well to write speedily to Golcondah and procure Mahmud Mynns letter if you cannot procure a Phirmaund, if both, it will bee much to the Companys honor. The Company were much better send Effects to the Bay to provide Peeter sufficient for their occasion. I have very certaine advice your Brammoneys Kinsmen, the Peeter Brammoneys hath advised the Peeter men to ruin my business that I may bee out of the Companys favor, and that you may give him the Employment, but if ever I light on him I am resolved to make an Example of him. Whether I ever meddle with the Peeter employment or not I vallue not a rush, nor had I now but that I hoped to do the Company good Service, which I had, if the Brammoney had not prevented, but if I can light on him, hee shall repent and pay dearly for this action. The Bram money sent to mee twoe Letters to send him money, being in want, but I excused sending till my business was compleated." "Mr Richard Mohun Etca. Councell, Esteemed Freinds, Yours of the 14th this night received. I have at large advised you of the anjast actions of the Peeter men, and it will bee needless to trouble you more with them. The Brammoney Mr Jearrey imployed hath advised the Peeter [men] to act what they have done, hopeing thereby I shall bee out of the Companys favor and . againe [in ) the Agent and your displeasure, by which meanes hee is in Expectation of the imployment. I shall, in few dayes, send you attestation from seaverall Emminent Persons that the Bramminy and Peeter men have consulted to ruine my business. The Peeter men want not Incouragement, they being of themselves ready to accept any opportunity for their unjust designes and want not the Brammoneys assistance. Mr Fleetwood can informe you of them. Indeed it hath bin some trouble to mee, for I esteeme it to reflect on my honor to promise more then I am able by their disapointment to comply with. According to your orders, shall send what Peeter remaining for the Fort with all Expedition. I remaine, Your assured Reall Friend, AMBROBE SALUBBURY. Pettipoll, January 16th, 1672-3." "Mr Ambrose Salusbury, The many letters which yon mention to have sent us which you never received answer to as you say, which was two very short ones, which soe speedilie did not reqnire any, But we have long since sent you an acknowledgment of the receipt of them and the 600 baggs of Peter. The other we hope you have dispeeded to Madderas according to our advice. Your declaration in makeing us liable to respond for what damage shall accrew to the Honble. Company will not prejudice us or Bare you barmlesse upon the examination of the Businesse, which unkind charges are better moved. For the futare wee desire none, unlesse better grounded. Your owne letters are sufficient to testifie you had noe occasion for those Rashboots you nowe seem to want, neither will you advise us what Boats you want to carry the Peeter to Madderas; however wee have two and are now getting what Rashboots procureable 93 ..MMAINWARING ; Geo. CHAMBERLAINZ.10 Metchlepatam, 16 January, 1672-3." " Mr Ambrose Salusbury, We have this instant received yours of present. Wee are sorry to read of the obstructions you meate with in the Peeter Basinesse, Wee have advised Mr Mobun & sent him coppyes of your letters that he may fully understand the Businesse & wee donbt not But that hee hath endeavoured the procury of a Phirmand from Mahmud Amin [ Muhammad Amin), which But lately that you wrote for. However we continue it will tend little to purpose, Being an Factory Records, Marulipatam, Vol. 9. * Factory Records, Mamilipatam, Vol. 9. 30 Factory Records, Manulipalam, Yol. 6.

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812 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1908. old custome to serve the King first occasioned Mr Jearsey to procure that Phirmand. Wee would gladly understand what encouragement you would or expect to receive from us. Wee would, if wee knew how, give you all Immaginable for our Imployers Interest, having herewith sent you 30 Rashboots [ rajputs, i. e., soldiers or guards], But wee desire you to use that mediation with you that noe complaints are made to the prejudice of the Honble. Company. Wee have paid them M. MAINWARING; GEO. one months pay Pr. each at 4 Rupees Pr. month CHAMBERLAINE.11 Metchlepatam, 18th January 1672-3." "Mr Ambrose Salusbury, Wee wish wee could any wayes remedy those dayly affronts and cheats put upon you By those knavish salt Peeter Men, occasioned partly, as you seeme to suggest by a Mutiny the Bramine he designed therby to engrosse the whole Imployment to himselfe. Wee cannot remember that hee was ever yet Imployed in that Businesse, But upon the Recommendations of Mr Fleetwood. However, to divert him from those his unwarrantable proceedings, wee have now wrote him to advertize him by way of charge that wee are fully informed he hath endeavoured & is the person that hath ruined the Companys Affairs Under your Managery, from whom wee expect satisfaction unlesse hee presently desists from his practices & becomes instrumentall to Bring those people to a faire complyance. Wee did yesterday omitt to advise you that the Companies positive orders were for their whole Fleete to keepe Company, and therefore not to be seperated, otherwise a shippe might have Beene spared to have taken in the Salt Peeter. Last night arrived the two boats who could not proceede for Madderas without anchors. Wee have gave them leave to returne to you to supply themselves, & soe to proceede. This day wee had given money in hand for two Boats more to come to you. Not mentioning any want of them in yours of the 16th., received this day, wee have received the money Backe & discharged them. Your Rashboots were dispeeded last night, M. MAINWARING; GEO. CHAMBERLAINE. Metchlepatam, 19th Jan. 1672-3.13 P. S.-Herewith wee send you a hundred and fifty pagodas for your occasions." "Mr Richard Mohun and Councell, Esteemed Freinds, I answered your two letters of the 18th about three howers since, and now is returned some of the People employed in the Peeter business and have narrowly escaped with some money. The Peeter men take all they can light on and keep a good number people and have some of Mahmud Anmis [Mahammad Amin's] servants with them. I assure you the danger and trouble I have past in this business exceedeth my expression, and had I not bene more then ordinary carefull the Honble. Company would not have a Candy of Peeter for theire money, but you are something displeased with mee after all my Care and trouble which hope you will bee soe freindly to consider with Charitable thoughts. If the Honble. Company deale in this Comodity in these parts and imploy the same Persons they will have greater losses. I advised you in the other above named to send mee Rasbootes for it must [be that] Mauhd. Anmis letter nust free the Peeter (sic). With kind respects, I remaine Your assured Freind, AMBROSE SALUSBURY. Pettepollee, January the 20th, 1672-3. Mr. Mohun enordered mee to send what Cloth procureable to the Fort, but upon Mr Fleetwoods and Mr Hattons information of a great danger of the Dutch which I did not apprehend therefore [delayed] sending the Goods. Pray immediately advise in itt. I hear you are now sending boates of Goods. Id. A. S." 13 11 Factory Records, Masulipatam, Vol. 6. 13 Factory Records, Masulipatam, Vol. 9. 12 Factory Records, Masulipatam, Vol. 6.

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NOVEMBER, 1908.) SOME ANGLO-INDIAN WORTHIES. 813 "Mr Richard Mohun Etoa. Councell, Esteemed Freinds, I have received yours of the 18th. The Peeter being such a great vexation and remaining in this nature, caused mee to write you in that manner. I cannot expresse the trouble I have had. This day have received perfect advice that Mawmad Mynn hath sent a racca to the Governour of Candeveare to stopp all Peeter for the King, and therefore desire you to forbeare sending any Rasbootes. I did suppose when I writt for them that the Governour of Cundeveare had made this trouble by the Peeter mens occasion. Now it cannot bee done by violence, onely by letters from Mawmud Mynn, which please to procure. I expect every day Peeter to make up 300 Candy which I enordered not to come nigh Cundereare. I have sent 156 baggs, which, with 1050 baggs sent to you, is all arrived. Here's some Dungarees arrived, which pray advise immediately if you will have sent to Madarass or to you. There is six overlading of Dungarees deteined with Peeter. I was much troubled at the time writt you, which pray excuse and esteem me for Your assured Freind, AMBROBE SALUSBURY. Pettepolloc, January 20th, 1672-8." "Mr Richard Mohun Elca. Counsell, Esteemed Freinds, Yesterday writt you in answer to yours of the 18th. My last desired your advice and Order concerning sending the Cloth I have in a Readiness to the Fort for Accompt of the Honble. Company, If it should miscarry by the Dutch seizure or otherwise, I am not able to Judge the Danger, living without news, I should think Mr Mohuns Order is sufficient 1000 times the vallow, but know not whether his other business might cause hurte in writing that Order. I must really assure you that the Peeter Journey hath done mee soe much prejudice that a greater vallew then all the Peeters amount will not restore mee to the former Condition I was in before. And indeed I did purpose not to have engaged myself in Peeter more. Those Peeter men have abused Mr Winter, Mr Johnson and many other as Paupa [the babu] can informe yon, and they will not doe other. Give them 50 Pago. per Candy they shall abuse you the more. I have in this Journey endured more then my body was able, hopeing to doe the Company such service as might bee acceptable, but I dare not undertake a new Journey, therefore pray send moe Rasboots. 'I remaine, Your assured Freind, AMBRO8X SALUABURY,15 Pellepolle, January 217A, 1672-3." "Mr Richard Mohun & Council, Esteemed Freinds, I have received yours of the 18th and this lastapt is arrived yours of the 19th with the Rasbootes, but, as advised you, I had last night about ten persons returned, who acquainted mee the Kings De Roy is putt upon the Peeter by some of Mahmud Anmis Servants, and the Ox people deny to take up the Peeter 808 long as the Chop and Kings de Roy .continues upon itt, therefore returne your people. I am from good hands informed that Anmis hath lately sent and received letters from the Peeter men, and hath & band in this action with them and last night was informed that he's now at Candevear. I shall in few daies send you that satisfactory sufficient to make appear Aminte under-band dealings. Your letter shall now send him, and am of the minde it will cause him to remove the Obstructions. I most faithfully assure you I hoped to doo the Honble. Company good service in the Peeter and was in a faire way for itt. Had I not met with such Obstructions the Peeter and Cloth Had bin with you in good time. Had I knowne of such opposition, should not have ingaged in the Peeter for more than its amount. The full quantity of Peeter arrived is 256 Md. I expected about 60 Candy which gave orders to come another way, but I fear the Peeter men bave sent to stopp that alsoe. I hear pot of itt. If the Honble. Company give time and price they may have the Peeter delivered here notwithstanding Mawmhad Andris Ruccaes and all the Peeter men can doe. The two Boates are not fitting to goe to Maderasse being not in repaire, therefore must send other when they arrive. 14 Factory Records, Marulipalam, Vol. 9. 16 Factory Records, Manulipatam, Vol. 9.

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314 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1908. Please to forbear more mony having received some from the Peeter Country, and desire noe more untill have given you the amount of the former, but thanke you for your readiness, and with kinde respects, Remaine, Your assured Reall Freind, AMBROSE SALUSBURY,16 Pettepollee, January 21th 1672-3." "Mr Ambrose Salusbury, Your two severalls of the 20th. Instant are arrived by which wee find that nothing will free the Peeter But Mahamud Ammes order which wee are very dubious he will not easily grant. Tis noe otherwise now then formerly, therefore the less to be admired at. They will undoubtedly respond that the King must be served first. Wee have alwaies hitherto advised you wee are very sensible of the trouble you underwent in the Businesse, but that it should. soe vex you to occasion you to charge us with the obstruction or neglect wherever it lay, it seemed something strang to us. However wee willingly passe by all and desire Nothing soe much as a Friendly and amicable correspondency, which proves Always the best in the occurrance of the Honble. Companies Affairs. Wee canne advise you nothing to the cloth, having never [heard] any thing about it in General. Neither doe you give us any notice for whose account it was provided or the sortments or amount, But believe it may come to late for the shipping if not already sent away. . M. MAINWARING; GEO. CHAMBERLAINE. Metohlepatam 23rd Jan. 1672-3. P. S.-The Boats would not goe hence without a months pay."17 From January until July 1673 there is a gap in the records. Then we find Salisbury, in spite of all his protestations, still engaged in the Petre investment. His strength had now become seriously impaired and he was troubled with a "paine in his left side." However, in August he was better and had "hopes" of his "health againe." When sending in his accounts, be dwelt on the services he had rendered the Company in the "peeter business" and declared that any other, in his place, would have left "both Peeter and mony doubtfull." "Mr Richard Mohun and Councell, Esteemed Freinds, Last night had news of Peeter, which may expect to morrow if your Governour Obstruct not; soe soon as arrived and weighed, the account shall send you. In all this time you have not advised the price of the broadcloth received from you, nor the quantity of Dungarees you Received long since. Here's 725 Baggs of Peeter, besides 80 Baggs, Remaines of the Factory at Careare [Karedu] 450, delivered on board 600 Bales. What this will bee I daily expect, know not, but hope the account will not much differ from the price formerly made, the first per Candy excepted, for the Charges soe great, that togeather wish itt come at the price expressed. Here's alsoe packing Trade and Dungarees which desire to hasten, but with the Capon [eunuch] gon, and Remaine, Your assured Reall Freind, AMBROSE SALUSBURY. I purpose now to send for the Peeter which is arrived near this place, some Persons here having inform'd the Capon of mee, that hee's well pleased, and I presume will not Obstruct mee in any Business. AMBROSE SALUSBURY, 18 Pettepollee, July 9th, 1678." "Mr Richard Mohun & Councell, Esteemed Freinds, My last advised you that I shall not bee able to send you the Goods here in a readiness, soe long as the Capon Governour continueth. Yesterday Morning hee sent a French letter which hee would have mee open and send him its 14 Factory Records, Masulipatam, Vol. 9. 18 Factory Records, Masulipatam, Vol. 9. 17 Factory Records, Masulipatam, Vol. 6.

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NOVEMUER, 1903.] SOME ANGLO-INDIAN WORTHIES. 315 contents in Gentue [i, e., Telugu ), but I returned the letter as received, and that should I open itt, cannot read one word in 20, which would bee noe satisfaction to them. He desired mee to come to him, which excused, having a paine in my side. Hee desired to know if the letter [ wero] directed to Metchlepatam, which sent him word it was. News was brought him of 5 English shipps nere this point. Hee sent to know their business here and that hee supposed they waited for to take the Dutch ships. I sent him word I knew not of any Ships here onely of those at Metchlepatam. Hee snith hee heareth wee have nine Ships or Tenn ncar Porto Novo, and that Side Mearpaffer [Sayyid Mir Jafir] hath advised him the English there have reported the French will have 20 Ships speedily at Metchlepetam. Hee alsoe demanded. if we have news of a peace to bee shortly with the Dutch. I sent him in reply that have not heard of any Ships arrived at Porto Novo nor what the French expect, but that wee hope & peace is made with the Dutch and more to this effect, by which I finde his Master is freind to the Dutch and that hee is offended with us upon the Dutch accompt, and if any Obstructions, that is the Cause. In some monthes since gave you my Judgment how convenient Mountepallee (Motupalle is for the disposure and provision of Good319 and for the Ships to Lade an I receive Goods, but your answer was (if mistake not that Agent and Counsell would delibertely Consider of itt, therefore did not think to write you more of itt, but Considering how affaires now at present stand, and in a Rendy vay to be much worse, its my Judgement the Agent and Councell cannot doe a better acte more profitable to the Company then presently to Order One Hundred payos. to build a warehouse, and question not a little time will give encouragement for the making other accommodations, and Rest, Your assured Reall Freind, AMBROSE SALUBBURY. Pettepollee, July 11th, 1673. Postcript. Pray give your Order for sending the Peeter and Packing to you, and it shall speedly bee effected. I am doubtfull these may bee Dutch Ships. The Capon hath sent for the Old Governour, who is expected to Morrow. About 5 miles hence is arrived the last Peeter, which lett continue till the Capon gon, when hope shall have noe Obstructions. Id. A.S." 20 "Dr Mohun Etoa. Councell, Esteemed Freinds, I expected by this to have had the Peeter on borde ship depending on Boates here, wbich baveing caused to be arived are found insufficient, therefore have now sent to Dew [ Dia ] for two large Boates, One Boate have advised sent for Packing Trade to supply your Occasion. Here's 13000 Gunneys which with the Rope and Twine at Careare is the vallue of the 500 Pagos. you enordered for the Fort. Pray advise if you will have the Gunneys sent to yon or Remaine to bee gent from hence to the Fort. The Peeter advised you arrived neare this place, expect to Morrow if faire Weather, when shall speedily weigh and send you the Account. I remaine, Your assured Freind, AMBROSE SALUSBURY 21 Pettepolee, July the 18th, 1673." "Mr Richard Molun, Cheife Edoa. Counsell, Esteemed Freinds, Last night Advised you that in pursuance of your Order have used all meanes for to hasten Boates for the Remaining Peeter and Packing Trade, but when expected to Lade the Goods, the Boptes were found insufficient, there [fore] as advised you, have sent to Dew, which if not procureable there, shall acquaint you that Boates may bee sent from you. The last Peeter, and all to bee expected, is now weighing. The Governoar doth no way Obstruct. The Accounts shall bee sent you the beginning of next week. I hoped to doe it this, but the Peeter arriving this day, which is now spent, and therefore cannot now bee don. You did formerly Order not to make Bookes, but to send the Accompts as hitherto have don, which Order bave Observed. My last to you desired your Advice and Order for the Gunneys provided for the Fort which are in the Companys Factory, and that I have sent a Boate with * Factory Records, Yasulipatam, Vol. 8. 19 See ante, p. 238. 11 Factory Records, Manulipatam, Vol. 9.

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816 THE INDIAN ANTIQUABY. [NOVEMBER, 1908. Packing Trade for your Occasions, which may daily expect. Observe the time you are to expect the Ships to returne for the Goods you shall provide, whicb, in my apprehension, will be difficult to goe to the Fort and returne soe speedily to you. By Gods Blessing you shall have those goods in good time, they onely waite for Boates, which if this place did afford, you should have had the goods with yon now. I present my hearty Service and remaine, Your assured reall Freind, AM UROBE SALUSBURY.22 Pettepollee, July 19th, 1678." "Mr Richard Mohnen Etca, Councell, Esteems1 Frein is, This Evening have answerel yours of the 16th and Just now have news at Dew, Boates not at present procurable, therefore you may please to send Boates for Eight hundred and fifty Baggs, the Peeter not all weighed but supposed the whole will be so much or more. Here's alsoe thirteen thousand Gunneys, which if you will not have sent from hence to Madrass, you may please to seud for. I have three Boates, but one is at Careare, and one goeing now to you with packing Trade, the other on Shoar, and her's but one Small Boate which will nott carry above 180 baggs, and being Old, I am not willing to hazard the Company Goods on her. This, with my hearty Service, is all at present from your assured Freind, AMBROSE SALUBBURY. Petlepollee, July 19th, 1673. The Dungarees at 7 patch per pago. as I bought then, thought might Serve your Course Goods as well as better. Id. A. 8." 23 "Mr Richard Mohun Eloa. Connoell, Esteemed Freinds, My last aoquainted you Boates are not here procureable and that the Peeter here will qt. nerest 850 baggs, all being not yett weighed, cannot exactly know itt. In my Judgement the Boates you send were better delivered the Goods on Boarde as the Ships pass this place, Or if you think its most Convenient they were better to continue untill the Ships retarne from the Fort then to be Landed in Metchlepatam and againe Shipped to Send on borde. Which you shall judge best for the Honble. Companys proffitt, please to advise, and your Order shall bes obeyed by Your assured Freind, AMBROSE SALUSBURY.24 Pettepollee, July 21st 1678." "V Ambrose Salusbury, We have now Before us yours of the 19th & 21th. which advise us your want of Boates to Bring the Peeter & packing trade for this place, in reference to which wee have this day hired 4, who to Morrow will be ready to saile towards you. The tonnage of those goods with you we have computed & find that lesse will not serve the turne. Upon their arrivall, wee desire you to lade & dispatch them to us as soon As conveniently you canne since time is precious & will not at present admitt of delays. What you mention in yours concerning the detaining of the said Boats untill returne of the shipps from Madrasse & su to put the Peeter &ca, on Board them without lauding here, we cannot approve, since it will not only create a trouble But bo also uncertaine. Wee therefore againe desire you that you will send them directly unto us, which apon the approach of the Floete shall be laden Before our Bale goods, which is the neelfall at present...... R. MOHUN &ca. Metchlepatam, 28 July, 1678." "Mr Richard Mohun, Cheife Elca. Concell, Esteemed Freinds, I have received yours of the 21th and 23th instant wich the paper expressing 55 Bales sent by you to Careare. I was informed from a Peon of yours when Mr Mohun ma le this his way to Madrase, that the Cloth of yours at Careare was 55 parcells made up in Dangarees but not imbaled, which pray advise, that I may speedily * Factory Racordo, Marlipatam, Vol. 9... * Factory Records, Karlipatam, Vol. 9, 13 Factory Records, Masulipatam, Vol. 9. * Factory Recoris, Manlipatam, Vol. 6.

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NOVEMBER, 1908.] SOME ANGLO-INDIAN WORTHIES. 317 send a Person to make the Boates ready. The two Boates sent from hence remaine there, but you advise not that Potrize Puttaes (Poturaza Patnaya is ]28 there, if not one must be hired, if all sent at once, or one must make two turnes, which will cause the Ships stay the Longer, to which please to advise. The four Boates you express are not yett arrived. When they are, they shall bee immediately Laden and returnd you. The accompt shall bee sent you when the Goods are all on borde. I have some time bin troubled with a paine on my left Side nere my Stomach, that I cannot list to write without much trouble, and you enordering my Accompts as formerly without Bookes, desire you not now to expect them from Your affectionate freind, AXBROBE SALOSBURY,27 Pettepollee, July 25th 1673." "Mr Richard Mohun Etca. Courcell, Esteemed freinds, I expect your answer to my last and Order concerning Goods at Careare (Karedu). The Catwall [ kotwal, magistrate ] of this place confidently reported the Dutch had 25 ships arrived at Metchlepatam and that the English and Dutch ships were Engaged and many Guns fired, which supposed truth, and therefore writt you was sorry for the loss the Company might Sustaine their Stock being againe sent on borde, but your Silence confirmes the Catwalls news a Story, for that I hope the ships will not meet with any opposition from the Dutch. Inclosed send you the Accounts which had bin with you some daies sooner had I not stayed for the Bonte of Packing Trade, being not able to make them up without itt. I hope they will give you the same Satisfaction as if they were in Bookes, the Investment being soe inconsiderable. Had I not met with such Obstractions, the Peeter had come at a cheaper Rate then now it doth, and I presaime had any other person mett with such troubles, both Peeter and Money would have bin left doubtfall to recover, as it hath hitherto, assure you have taken great care and trouble in itt more then I know how to Express, hope my Endeavors will find your good acceptance, and if you please to examine former Accounts, you will not find any Peeter the Company ever received from this place to come soe cheap as this now provided. If the Agent and Councell would take my advise in provision of Peeter, the Company shall surely find itt theire great profitt. The whole qts. [ contains ] 1872 Baggs and Old Remaines 30 Baggs which had by this time bin all lost, had I not removed itt. You may remember Advised you One Boate up with Armagon which Sir William28 Ordered to returne hither. With hearty wishes for your health, Remaine, Your affectionate freind to serve you, AMBROBE SALUBBURY, Pettepolle, July 28th 1678. Three of your Boates this morning arrived. Pattaes boate not yett come. The Capon Governour is returning by way of Gundepollee. Until hees gone Cooleys not procureable. Have delivered Matt to cover the Boates and to morrow purpose to lade them. I have appointed two Boates to receave 300 baggs of Peeter each, and upon the Peeter the better to preserve itt, each Boate 3000 Gunnoys, and Puttaes (Patnava's ] boate must receave 252 Baggs Peeter and 4000 Gunneys, which maketh 852 Baggs Peeter and 13000 Gunneys, as advised. The Boatmen say that Lading is more then they are able to receive, therefore send to you. Id: A. SALUSBURY."> "Mr Ambrose Salisbury, Yours of the 25th come to hand the 28th following, advising us of the receipt of ours of the 21 & 23 Instant. The Goods of our Masters mentioned to be at Carrear [Karedu 30 are Bales 55 Marked and Numbered as already acquainted you, concerning which wee desire your care that you will have Boats and People there in a readynesse to attend the returne of our Fleete, that the land Bales may with what possible speed be put on Board them, so as not longer to hinder their comeing towardes us than there is an absolate Nexessity for, which wee Mind you May be done at once. Therefore, let Not Boats sufficient be wanting to effect it, which # The Patnsvars are one of the sea-fishing eastes of the Madras Prosidency. 2 Factory Records, Masulipatam, Vol. 9. 1..., Sir William Langhorne, the Agent at Fort St. George. 23 Factory Records, Marulipatam, Vol. 9. 8. See ante, Vol. XXXII, p. 367, Vol. XXX, p. 349.

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318 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARI. [NOVEMBER, 1908. 1 wee referre to your care, since time will Not admitt of delays. "Those 4 Boats wee sent you from hence (for ] Peeter &ca, wee hope eare this are arrived with you, and that you will, as advised, Returne them againe with what Possible speed, your accounts the same. Wee are very sorry for your present indisposition, Wishing you health, doe conclade ... R. Mohus &ca.81 Metchlepatam, 29 July, 1673." "Mr Richard Mohun Etca. Councell, Esteemed Freinds, Yours of the 29th last night came to hands, and in performance of your order shall send to Carrear soe soon as Boatmen are procured, for they must goe from hence to put the Goods you express on board the Ships that they may not bee delayed, but I am not certaine to doe it at once. I have laden on two of your Boates 400 Baggs of Peeter and the third 51 baggs, which to day had compleated, had not Rayne prevented. To morrow night the fowro Boates should have Laden and returned you, but they will not receive more then Peeter, and I think not secure to force more upon them then they are willing to receave, for should any ill happea, they will impute the cause to mee. The Gunneys will remaine for Boates from yon. One large one will serve. Had those bin large they would have receaved all and saved the trouble of other. I praise Almighty God I find some hopes of my health agnine. I Remaine, Your assured Freind, AMBROSE SALUBBURY.33 Pettepollee, August 1st, 1673." " Mr Ambros, Salusbury, From yours of the first Instant, which late the last Night came to hand, wee are advised of your receipt of ours of the 29th. past, wherin wee observe your intentions for the sending persons to Carrea where, with Boats, shall attend the returne of our Fleete to lade those goods there in a readynesse for them, which wee hope will take effect, only againe mind your quicke dispatch that there be noe delay therein. Wee take Notice that you bad laden two of those Boats sent from hence with Peeter & that the other two had Boene the same, had not raine prevented you, which wee hope eare this is orer & that you have dispeeded all towards us. God send them safe. For the Gunnees wee shall send you other Boats, since these Not able to take them in, which is what we have to acquaint you with,... R. MOHUN &ca.33 Metchlepatam, 5 August, 1678." "Mr Ambrose Salusbury, Wee have two of yours of the 2nd. and 5th. Instant, which came to hand the 9th., and with following wherin you advise that you had laden the 4th. Boats with Peeter & dungarees, & that you had needed 2 Bonts inore for the Gunnies, which yet Remaineth with yon, which wee this day send you, desireing your quicke dispatch in their lading & returne to us, since that now hourly expect the arrivall of our Fleete with 119. The 4 prementioned Boats are now arrived with what mentioned which shall be continued on Board them for the quicker dispatch of our Shipps, which wee hope will not after arrivall here require more than two days stay, since what wee have to lude upon them Being in the like readynesse. Wee wish your Boatmen &ca. sent to Carrea may be timely for the lading those goods upon our Shipps in their returne hither. More at Present wee have not to communicate only wish you health...., R. MORUN, &ca. Metchlepatam, 11th August, 1678." For two years, from August 1678 until July 1675, the records are silent with regard to Ambrose Salisbury. If he remained at Peddapalle, he could hardly have been occnpied in the Company's business, since, in a "Generall" from Fort St. George to the Court of Directors, dated 20th November 1674, is the remark, "The Factories of Verasheroon and Pettipolle are both laid down and of no further charge; Metchlepatam is the place for business."3 In July 1675, Salisbury was once again implicato in the misdemeanonrs of his superiors. 31. Factory Records, Masulipatam, Vol. 8. >> Factory Records, Masuli palara, Vol. 3. Factory Records, Minsulipat am, Vol. 9. "Pactory Records, Marulipa'am, Vol. 6. 20. U. No. 404

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NOVEMBER, 1908.] SOME ANGLO-INDIAN WORTHIES. 319 Extract from "Mr. Matthew Mainwarings Charge in the Honble. Companys Beholfe against Mr Richard Mohun. 8ly. That Mr Salsbury provided a Parcell of Goods to the amount of 1059-12 which he thrust upon the Company without consent of any of the Councell for want of mony to comply In more Propper Returns." 36 In the following month an extract from the Diary of Major Puckle shows Salisbury in his old quarters. "Mr Salsbury at Pettypoly Ordered to come to Metchlepatam to receive instructions about red Sallampores (ehintx] and Morees muri, blue cloth] to be sent to Bantam and to bring musters and prizes of the same. Metchlepatam,10 August, 1675." 37 "Mr Ambrose Salusbury, Sir, There being an Investment to be ma le in the Honble. Company In Some commodities which we understand are to be had in your parts, wee therefore desire and enorder you to come to us forth with to receive directions about the game, not elee to Trouble we remaine &ca. M. MAINWABING &ca. * Wee desire you to enquire what quantities of Lead (red). Sallampores (and ] red Morees are to be had in your parts and to bring us musters of each.38 Metohlepatum, 10 August, 1875;" In accordance with these directions, Salisbury promptly repaired to Masalipatam. * Mr Mathew Mainwaring and Councell, Worthy Friends, In obedience to your desire and order shall hasten my Repaire to you. The want of boyes will detaine mee, they being taken app by the Govr. &ca. I shall bring with me a Muster of red Sallampores and Morees. Although but little of either at present procureable, which with my humble Servis conclude, Your most hamble servant, AMBROSE SALUBBURY.30 Petepole, 16 August, 1675." The result of Salisbury's interview with the Councell-at Masulipatamis briefly chronicled in Major Packle's Diary," Mr. Salsbury came to the factory, saith the Dutch have taken up and bospoke ah the red Cloaths, Bat he could furnish with sach sorts' as the Merchants have already undertaken. Metchlepatam; 25 August, 1675." Salisbury was bitterly disappointed with his reception at Wasalinatam. On his return to Peddapalle, be voieed his grierances in the following letter - ** To Mr Matthew Mainewaring Sca. Councel, Worthy freinds, By the Blessing of Almighty God, ime this instant safely retorned, being Satturday noon. I apprehended by your Generall there was an Inrestment to bee made by the Honorable Company in the Comodityes of these parts as you expressed, but you are pleased now to say You have contracted with your Merchants for the Sorts those parts afford. Had you been pleased to reserve for me a small matter you should by Gods blessing have found punctuall complyance at the prizes you receive from your Merchants, which presome could be the same to [the] Company and noe leese to you to Receave goods from me as you doe from other persons. But that you should expect more from me in the Investment than from the Country Merchants that have constant Impreste is to be admired. When you have answer from the Agent and Councell to the Letter you have writ I desire you to consider mee, desireing but Five thousand pagothaes. * Factory Records, Manilipatam, Vol. 6. * Factory Records, Masulipatam, VOL 6. + Factory Records, Manligatam, Vol. 12,.p. 29. 37 Factory Recorda, Masulipatam, Vol. 19, p. 29. ** Factory Records, Manulipalam, Vol. 10.

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320 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. . [NOVEMBER, 1908. You may also please to take into consideration my Sallary,-12 yeares, two yeares allowance, Servants dyet, &ca, and nearest 70 pa. repayres of the Factory, all which Referre to your Charity and my two Journyes to Metchlepatam, being sent for, pagothaes 23:81a., there being noe person in the Honorable Companyes servis but hath allowance only my selfe. By the bearer pray Remit what you please, being in want of money for my expence, Not else at present, remaine, Your humble Servant, AMBROSE SALISBURY.41 Petepole, the 28th August, 1675." The Council at Masulipatam sent a cart reply to Salisbury's list of complaints. If he could provide suitable goods, they woull pay for them. Meanwhile, he was ordered to draw up an account of the effects of the Company then remaining in his han ls. The question of salary and allowance was ignored. "Mr Ambrose Salusbury, Sir, Wee are Debtors to yours of the 28th ulto. ana assure you to the best of judgements wee have in all things consulted the Honble. Company's advantage, which did out of our money to [? obey] our Instructions for goods they would contract with us for, which wee tooke [ P look ) upon to be much the Securors [ ? securest] way. You now talke of aud [an] Investment. You cann make up in Sallampores to the amol 16 of pas. 10000, But when you were heare you told us you could procure none of that sort, and wee believe you are now mistaken. If in time you send in any of Lengths, Bredths and goodness you Speake of, there amount shall be punctually paid you, which is all wee have at present, But to deliver [ ? desire ] you Pr. first opportunity to remitt us an account of remaines of that Factory, as debts, house moveables, &c. ... M. MAINWARING &ca.13 Metchlepatam, 7th Sept. 1675." To this letter Salisbury retorted that he was better qualified to undertake the Company's investments than many who had been preferred before him, and that if 1,000 pagodas Were delivered to him, he would engage to make a profitable use of them. "Mr Matthew Maineioaring Gea. Councell, Worthy freinds, You were pleased to order my comeing to Receive directions for an Investment for the Honorable Company, But at my arrivall acquainted mee that you had given orders to your merchants for said goods, and that you have yet Remaineing great part of the Honorable Companyes stock. Since you are not certaine of the Investment that may bee made about Neglawanch as also towards Gingerlee, and that if the stock you have sent to them parts should not bee fully disposed of, It will prejudice the Honorable Company, and much the more if its not to bee done by the Fort, time being short to compleat that work for the timely Retorne of the Honorable Companyes Shipping. Therefore, I conceive, since you have part off the Estate by you and are certaine of the Investment of that sent abroad, You will doe well to Consult your Honorable Companyes advantage. For, should part of that money bee brought againe and haveing yet part of the Stock by you, If the Fort not able to supply the defect, I wish you to Judge how great a damage the Honorable Company will sustaine by your neglect of time for its Investment. That the Honorable Company may know how much they have suffered by preferring persons that have not had knowledge of their Service before mee, I hereby engage myselfe to make them a timely Investment of Tenne thousand pagothas in. Sallampores of full dementions, which being Borted and vallaed at the price your Merchants Receive, I will allow Five Per Cent, which being Five hundred Pa. is worth your observance and I presume, if denyed, will be Required at your 61 Factory Records, Manulipatam, Vol. 10. 11 Factory Records, Masulipatam, Vol. 6. 45 Nagalwangha in Goloonda, where the Dutch had a factory. * The ojaat line between the Godavari ostuary and the Jagannath Pagoda.

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NOVEMBER, 1908.] SOME ANGLO-INDIAN WORTHIES. hands by the Honorable Company, which I Refer to your Consideration, and that you send effect[s] with speed to preferre the Honorable Companys intrest and preserve them from damage, Promiseing by Gods permission puntuall complyance. And had you given me effects when you delivered your Merchants, I should have provided the Amount of Twenty Thousand Pagothaes upon the same termes, which is all at present from Your humble Servaut, AMBROSE SALISBURY.45 Petepole 2d. September 1675." With the despatch of this imperious letter, Salisbury's temper cooled, and, as usual, after his occasional outbursts of self-assertion, he became compunctious and quickly changed his tone. His next two letters are humbly apologetic. 321 "Mr Matthew Mainwaring &ca. Commissioners, Honored freinds, I acknowledge my error in pressing you for an Investment since you contracted with your Merchants and crave your pardon, knowing the Agent and Councell referre all the affaires off these parts to your disposure, therefore wish I had not given them any trouble, and question not the Honorable Companyes advantage in delivery off your mony to your Merchants. But should your occasion require the amount off the sum expressed, pagothaes 10000, in fine goodes, should not doubt its procurery, But of the other sorts not any. The Account you desire off the Factoryes debts &ca, shall bring with mee, which hope more satisfactory then to send it, With my servis, subscribe, Your reall freind and servant, AMBROSE SALISBURY.48 Petepole, 12th September, 1675." "Mr Matthew Mainwaring &ca. Cmmissioners. Honored freinds, I last night paid Palankeen boyes with purpose to set out this morning but am unfit for travell in the reines, haveing taken cold thirefore herein send you the Account off debts and remaines belonging to this Factory as you enorder. The debts great part belonged to your Factory and part returned from the King and about 200 pagothaes in Mr Daniells time, which only belong to this Factory. If you shall please to send 1300 pagothaes, I will send you 80 Corge off Sallampores at 15 and 17 pagothae per Corge [score] the price I give, which doubt not to your good likeing which being the needfull, I Remaine, Your reall freind and Servant, AMBROSE SALISBURY, 47 Petepole, the 13 September, 1675." The Council at Masulipatam paid no heed to Salisbury's demands for money for an investment and they were equally impervious to his threats. Of his apology they took no notice. On the 14th September, Salisbury again asserted his claims to equal advantages with the rest of the Company's servants. Mr Matthew Mainewaring &ca. Councell, Honored freinds, I omitted to acquaint you the Honorable Compaynes house was Robd and four pewter panns and the rest of Copper and Brasse household stuffe carried away. When I heard of it, which was many months after, acquainted the Governor, and the persons being found, was beat and kept in Irons some time, but not confessing, was Released, since one dead and the other run away. You are pleased to Present ill my proposeall concerning cloth Investment which should not have made had I any allowance from you, therefore You have noe reason to bee displeased Since you all have from the Honorable Company sufficient allowance, I will oblige myselfe, may I have the allowance that you have, that my servis shall bee faithfull and as proffitable to the Honorable Company as any person in their servis, May I have Investments. It shall appear I have given a small matter in part for the Cloth expressed in my last, which iff you accept not, pray advise. If you will promise my Sallery and allowance due to mee and allow mee according to my time and right and send mee mony for 8000 peices of 48 Factory Records, Masuliyatam, Vol. 10. 45 Factory Records, Masulipatam, Vol. 10. 47 Factory Records, Masulipatam, Vol. 10.

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822 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1908. Sallam pores st 5 pa. and 12} p. per Corge, I will engage they shall bee so well booght that they sball equall your Merchants cloth of 18 and 20 pa, per Corge, if not exceed it, which I hope will be approved by you. Had you given mee any thing to subsist upon when with you, I should beve advised you thus much before, But to send for mee and pat mee to expence and retorne mee in dishonor hath very much troubled mee since. Desireing your speedy answer, I rest, Your assured reall freind, AMBROBE SALUSBURY.18 Petepole, September 14th, 1675." Ill and disappointed, it is no wonder that Salisbury keenly felt his position. He had been in India for seventeen years and had spent nearly the whole of his time at a little insignificant factory. Now, after this long period of service, he found himself in a far inferior position to those who had come out from England many years later. Matthew Mainwaring, who had succeeded Mohun as Chief at Masu lipatam evidently bore no love to Salisbury and bis influence most probably had weight with Major Packle, the Company's Supervisor, who thus alluded to the unhappy factor :-"Here is also a letter from Mr Salusbury, a most pitifull Impertinent peace of morrallitie that doth dayly follow us with letters that we understand not, and therefore lesse concerned to answer them. Metchlepatam, 20 September, 1675." For the next three months there is no allasion to Salisbury. The cold that detained him at Peddapalle in September was the beginning of the end. He seems to have repaired to Madapollam the usual health resort, and to bave been received by Richard Mobun, the disgraced Chief of Masulipatam. After an illness of twelve days, Salisbury ended his unsatisfactory career on the 21st January, 1676. His death was noted in Major Puckle's Diary. "Mr Ambrose Sallusbury dyed Intestate, baving laid sick at Mr Mohun's house about 12 days. Bent Peons to Petypolee to secure his Estate there and Mr Heathfeild and Mr Crawley appointed to go and Inventory and bring away what he bath left to Metchlepatam. Metchlepatam, January 30, 1675-6." For a person who died intestato and with very little property, the amount of correspondence that ensued about Ambrose Salisbury's affairs seems ridiculous and disproportionate. As late as 1682 his accounts remained unsettled. "Mr John Heathfield and Mr Robert Crawley, Wee enorder you both to go immediately to Pettipolee and there to secure what goods &ca. of the Honble. Company's or Mr. Salsbury's you shall find in the Honblo. Company's factory or elsewhere, and to take a perticuler account of his papers, money and all other things of value, bringing with you ) what else conveniently you can to Meteblopatam, the remainder to seale up and leave peous to gaard it.... M. MAINWABING &ca.61 Metchlepatam, 3 January, 1676." On the 28th February, 1676, Richard Mohun, who was then at Fort St. George, wrote to the Council as follows: "The death of Mr Ambrose Salisbury I suppose you have been long since acquainted with all, that he dyed in my house intestate and left his Books with me, which I rendred to the Commissioners in Metchlepatam, provided they would give me theit Joint receipt for my discharge which was denied by some of them. I now do the like to your Worship and Councell upon the same termes, that they may no longer lye in my custodie, but that you for the satisfaction of his freinds, may be acquainted with what he has left of an estate and accordingly take it into your Possession." Factory Recorda, Manilipatam, Vol. 10. * Factory Recondo, Manilipatam, Vol. 18. 13 Factory Records, Port St. George, Vol. 28. * Factory Rocords, Magulipatam, Vol. 12. 61 Factory Records, Marulipatam, Vol. 6.

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NOVEMBER, 1908.] BOME ANGLO-INDIAN WORTHIES. 823 For six months nothing seems to bave been done with regard to Salisbury's affairs. Then, on the 11th August, at a Consultation at Masulipatam, there is the following entry, "Joseph Arnold excepts against looking after Mr Ambrose Salusburyes estate and Mr John Crandons, being other Were concerned therewith before he arrived at this Coast." On the following day, the 12th August 1676, at . Consultation held at Masulipatam, Streynsham Master, who was making a tour of inspection of the factories subordinate to Fort St. George, "having enquired why the Estate of Mr Anibrose Salisbary who some months since deceased, was not taken care of by the Councell here, he dying as is said Intestate, It was answered that they were nuwilling to concern themselves further than to secure the Companyes Interest, by reason his Creditors upon his decease made severall Demands, As Moore Merchant produced a Bill under his band for severall goods and Mr Cbamberlaine a Bond for Rs. 885-15 cash, Principall dated March 28, 1667, to pay Interest at 2 p. c. per Mensem and in default of payment after 6 mos, at 3 p. c. per Mensem...: P. S. - Concerning Mr Ambrose Salusbury's Estate, and Mr John Crandons, Joseph Arnold always excepted against others having intermedled therein before his arrival at this Coast."64 On the 20th September. 1676, administration of Ambrose Salisbury's effects was granted to "Sasanna Salisbury, mother and lawfully assigned guardian to Susanna and Anna Salisbury, * minors, nieces and next of kin to Ambrose Salisbury, bachelor, who died in the East Indies." Salisbury's affairs in India, however, remained unsettled. On the 22nd February, 1677, the Council at Fort St. George wrote to Masulipatam, "We bave Information that there are effects of Mr Ambrose Salusbury deceased in the Custody of some persons of that factory and Debts of h.9 unpaid, concerning which the Ilonble. Company having given express orders for the sale thereof, payment of debts, and bringing in the overplus into their Cash for friends use; we have only to Confirme the saure unto you as we doe hereby."" On receipt of these orders, the Council at Masulipatam took the following steps : Att a Consultation.-In persuance of an order from the Agent and Councell of the 20th February 1676-7 concerning the Estate of Mr Ambrose Salusbury deceased, It is Ordered that Mr John Heathfeild doe bring in and deliver to the Commissioners wbatsoever he had in bis Custody appertaining to the said Mr Salusbury, and the same be received by Inventory in the presence and under the Attestation of all the Honourable Companyes Servants resident in this Factory, and that whatsoever else of the said Mr Salusburyes Estate shall be found in any other place, that the same be also under the like Caution and circumstances reccav'd and Registred and the whole disposd by public Sale or Oatory, and the proceed brought into the Honourable Companys Cash for account of the true proprietors. Particularly That Mr George Chamberlaine be desired to give in an accompt of what money he has received and possessd himself of belonging to Mr Salusbury since his decease, that so the Accompt between them may be adjusted with the more facillity. Joseph Arnold excepts against medling with Mr Ambrose Salusburyes Estate more then a witness of what may hence forward come to his knowledge, other persons being concernd there with before my Arrivall on this Coast to the rest of this Consultation I subscribe, JOSEPH A EKOLO."57 Metchlepa tam the 6th Aprill, 1677. "In persuance of an order of Consultation dated the 6th instant, directing Mr John Heathfeill to bring in and deliver to the Commissioners whatsoever he had in his Custody of the Estate of Mr Ambrose Salusbury deceased, and that whatsoever of Mr Ambrose Salusburyes Estate should be found in any other Place shoull in like manner be brought in and delivered tothe Commissioners, as more at large per the said Consultation doth appeare. is Factory Records, Manulipalam, Vol. 1. * Administration Books at Somerzet House. * Factory Records, Masulipatam, Vol. 1. 4 Factory Records, Masulipatam, Vol. 1. * Factory Records, Fort St. George, Vol. 18.

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324 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (NOVEMBER, 1908. In Complyance whereunto, the said Mr John Heathfeild having this day brought in and delivered to Us whatsoever appertained unto the said Mr Ambrose Salusbury in his Castody, wee do now think convenient and Enorder, according to the Tenor of our aforementiond Consultation, Thrat Henry Croon Colbourn and Samuel Wales, Writers and servants to the Honourable Company, doe Journey to Pettipollee and that they repaire to the Honourable Companyes Treasury in that place and do bring or send by hand from thence into this Factory whatsoever they fiode of the said Mr Ambrose Salusburges Estate in that place, And for their so doing this Our Order shall be their sufficient warrant. And Wee doe Enorder that their necessary Expenees for their Journey thitler, during their stay there and returne to this place be defrayed and allowed them, MATT. MAINWARING; CHRISTOPRER HATTON; GEORGE CHAMBERLAIXE.68 Metch lepatam the 14th Aprill 1677." WHEREAS Jobn Heathfeild Chirurgion and Robert Crawley Writers, by rertue of an order from the Commissioners of the 3d of January 1675-6,59 directed to Journey to Pettipollee upon the Decease of Mr Ambrose Salusbury, as well for securing the honourable East India Companyes Estate in that Factory under the charge of said Mr Ealusbary, as also the proper Estate of said Mr Balusbury according to the honourable East India Companys Orders in such cases provided, In observance thereof did proceed and there taking an Inventory of what was there to be found, bronght with them such Part thereof as then was conveniently portable, leaving the rest there nnder Seale, Since which the said Robert Crawley deceasing, and the Commissioners by important Affaires of the Hooble. Company diverted from proceeding farther therein, but more especially upon notice that Mr George Chamberlaine bad singly taken upon him to seize and take into his possession, without acquainting the Commissioners therewith, part of the aforesaid Mr Ambrose Salusburyes Estate in money from his Debtors and otherwise, upon a pretence of money due unto him on a Bill of said Mr Salusbaryes to Mr Benjamin Brond deceased, for which reasons the Commissioners considerd it requisite to forbear farther to meddle therein untill by especiall Orders from the agent and Councell required for the Enquiring after and disposing of the said Mr Salusbarges Estate, This Day taking into their custody och part of the said Estate as the aforesaid John Heathfeild and Robert Crawley brought with them from Pettipollee as aforementioned, aceording to an Inventory thereof taken in the presence of the Honble. Companyes Servants thereunto subscribed. We the said Commissioners doo hereby Qnitt and discharge the said John Heathfeild and Robert Crawley for the aforementiond particulars received of the sand John Cleathfeild according to the Inventory aforesaid and do allow of affixing their Seale on what left behind, it being designed for the security thereof. In witness whereof wee the Commissioners abovernentioned have hereunte sett our bands this fourteenth day of Aprill 1677 In Metchlepatam. Signd and delivered in the presence of Joseph Arnoll, Peter Radcliffe. MATT. MAINWARING, CHRISTOPHER HATTON. The contents of the abovesaid Inventory being this day disposed of by publique sale or Outery amounted unto One hundred and ten pounds Eighteen Sbillings and Sixpence sterling, brought into the Honourable English East India Companys account of Cash, attested by us, JOSEPH ARNOLD; SAM WALES; HENRY OROON COLBOURNE." Metchl.patam, 14th April 1677.60 The Council at Fort St. George approved of the action of the Council at Masklipatam. In May 1677, they wrote, "It is very well that you will make Enquiry into the Estate of Mr Ambrose Salusbury deceased, and proceed to payment of his debts, the rest to be made good to the Cash of the Honble. Company for the rest of his Relations at home." Factory Records, Masulipatam, Vol. 1. * Factory Records, Manulipatam, Yol. 1 Soe ande, p. 322. * Factory Records, Kasulipalam, Vol. 2

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NOVEMBER, 1908.] SOME ANGLO-INDIAN WORTHIES. 323 Again, on the 5th July, 1677, the Council at Fort St. George wrote to Masulipatam, "It is very well that you have proceeded to get in Mr Salusbury's remaines bringing them into the Bonble. Company's Cash. We have given Order to Seeke out for that same Dass lately his servant to be sent unto you."*2 On the 4th August, 1677, the Council wrote in the same strain, " It is well that you proceed to gett in the Remaines of Mr Ambrose Salusbury deceased, and paying of his Just Debts to the Countrey to carry the nett proceed into the Cash of the Honble. Company for the use of his Friends at home."03 Salisbury's " friends at home" were getting impatient at the long delay in forwarding what was dne to them. At a "Court of Committees," held the 31st October, 1677, Mr Alderman Bathurst and Mr Sambrooke are desired to state the account of Mr Ambrose Salisbary deceased and report the same." Further, in their "Generall Letter to Fort St George" of the 12th December, 1677, the Company wrote, "The Administratrix of Mr Salisbary gends orders to her Attorney about geting in his Estate, whome wee would have you assist what in you lies, and to doe the like concerning Samuel Smiths Estate, and to send us their accounts as they stand in our Bookes. 64 Before these instructions reached India, Mr. Chamberlaine had made an application for the amount be considered due to him from Salisbury's effects. "To Mr Matthew Mainwaring, Mr Christopher Hatton, Mr Joseph Arnold, Mr. John Feild, Commissioners for the Honourable English East India Companyes Affaires in their Factory at Metchlepatum, Sire, It is now seavou months since the Agent and Councell acquiesced to the payment of Mr Ambrose Salusburyes debts in their Generall from the Fort. I am one of his Creditors [ for ] a very considerable Samm as will appeare by his Bond. The produce of what he left hath for some moneths remained in the bands of Mr Henry Cross Colbourne, as I am informea, mach to the prejudice of the deceased's Creditors as you well know. I now desire you will please to order the payment of it to me that no prejudice may accrew to the Honble. Company in regard of my want of it. The detention may hinder me from voyaging to the Fort as Enordered........ . . . . .. .. .. .... . .. . .... G. CHAMBERLAINE.65 Metchlepatam, 28 January 1677-8." In reply to Mr. Chamberlaine's demand, the Council at Masulipatam wrote, "Sir, We have received yours of this date demanding payment of what Mr Salesbury stands indebted to you, which yon not having expressed, Wee desire you state the Accompt between you and deliver it in signed by you, that wee may consider thereof and thereby know what answer to returne you." Metchlepatam, 2 Jan. 1677-8." The following day Mr. Chamberlaine stated his account as requested. " Mr George Chamberlaine having this morninge sent in an account containing the state of bis demands upon Mr Ambrose Salusbury deceased, it is Ordered that the same be registred in the Consultation Booke. Wee find the said Accompt consists of rupees 885 by a Bond to Mr. Benjamin Brond, dated March the 8th 1667, with a Condition of Interest at 2 and 3 Per Cent (Per] month to Commence six months after the Date thereof. Wee find also on the Cr. of said Account that he has received Pagos. 186 wbieh, at 31 rupees the pago., amounts [to ] 2051 rupees which containes above twice the principall. Factory Records, Fort St. George, Vol. 18. Factory Recorde, Nasulipatan, Vol. 1. Court Minutca, Vol. 80. "Letter Fook, Vol. 5, p. 508. "Factory Recoris, Masuliyatam, Vol. 2.

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326 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1908. The Totall of Interest to Sept. 18th 1677 he computes and charges Rupees 3676; which appearing & litigious matter such as will require judiciall determination between the Executors or Administrators of said Mr Ambrose Salasbnry deceased and Mr. Chamberlaine and wee not being qualified or invested with any Authority to act in matters of such a Nature must referr Mr Chamberlaine to the Agent and Councell for advice or decision of the case, Tuat Councell being the onely constituted Court of Judicature for our Nation in these parts of India.67 Consultation, Metchlepatam 3d January, 1677-8." In England, Salisbury's affairs again occupied the attention of the Court in 1678. "At a Court of Committees holdlen 14 August 1678.... Mr. Letten and Mr Sambrooke are desired to examine the account of Mr Ambrose Salusbury deceased and to report the same." " At a Court of Committees holden 27 November 1678.... Mrs Susan Salisburie petitioning the Court that the account of her Brother, Ambrose Salisburie, late Factor at Mesulapatam may be stated and that a finall end may be made thereof, she being willing to acquiesce in sach determination as the Court shall please to make therein, It is ordered that it be referred to Mr Sambrooke and Colonel Clerke to examine the account and to adjust the same between the Company and the Petitioner as they in their Judgement shall finde to be equall and to report the same unto the Court." In addition to the above resolution, the Court wrote as follows in their "Generall" to the Agent and Council at Fort St. George : Para. 71.- Wee are desired by severall of the Relations of our deceased Factors to write unto you on their behalf for your looking after the recovery of what may be due unto them from any one in the Countrey, and also upon Accompt of their Inventory, and in particular by the Freinds of Mr Ambrose Salisbury and Mr John Crandon. Therefore, wee would have you to use your utmost endeavour therein, and to see what due unto them be duely paid into our Cash. And wee cannot but much blame Mr Mainwaring and the rest of our Factors at Metchlepatam for being omissive herein, for wee doe finde by their Order according to the Originall Note under their hands (Copy of which wee sent you herewith) That Mr John Carpenter did Anno 1675 pay unto Henry Croone Colborne the Summ o: 111 Pags. which wee doe not finde brought into the Credit of the Suid John Crandon in our generall Books, and wee doe also finde in the Consultation Book of Metchlepatam that PS110 188. 61. was paid into our Cash for Accompt of Mr Ambrose Salisbury which is also Omitted to be brought by them into our Metchlepatam Bookes, both which aru much to the prejudice of their Relations here. Wee would therefore have you for the future to bring into our Cash and Generall Bookes whatever you receive belonging to deceased persons at the time when received, and if there be any Debts owing by them in the Conntrey, wbich to you shall appear to be justly due to any one thero (regard being had to any debt or claime in the first place that wee may have upon them that then, out of what you sball have received for their Accompt, you doe discharge the same, and by your next Books send us their Accompts rightly stated, that soe wee may pay the Ballance unto their Relations here; but after you have sent us their Accompts, you are not after that to pay any further Debts out of their Creditts to any one in the Countrey, and in particuler, woe are desired by the Relations of Mr Salisbury and Mr Crandon to order you to recover in what due unto them and bring it into our Cash, with wee reguire you to doe with all care and diligence.... London, 3rd January, 1678-9." GT Factory Records, Kasulipatam, Vol. 2 Court Vinutes, Vol. 31, fol. 58. Court Minutes, Vol. 81, fol. 20, Letter Book, Yol. 6, p.8% .

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NOVEMBER, 1908.) SOME ANGLO-INDIAN WORTHIES. 327 Upon receipt of the above instructions, the Council at Fort St. George wrote to Christopher Hatton, who had succeeded Matthew Mainwaring as Chief at Masulipatam, telling him to "especially give us an accompt of Mr Ambrose Salusbury deceased."71 This order was dated the 10th July 1679. On the 17th July, at a Consultation held at Masalipatam, we read, " The Councell have examined the Accounts of Mr Ambrose Salusbory and Mr Jobs Crandon deceased as they stand in the Generall books, and doe finde them to be right entered, and the Samms brought to their Creditts to agree with the Summa paid into Cash by the steward, Their distinckt accounts tracel all along from their commencement sro.ordered to be transcribed and inclosed in the packett to the Fort for the Agent and Councells perasali."72 Before this statement reached England Ambrose Salisbury's accounts were once again brought before the Court. " At a Court of Committees holden 28th November, 1679 . . It is ordered that it be referred to Mr Herne and Mr Sambrooke to examine the account of Mr Ambrose Salisbury and to report the same."73 Also, in paragraph 5 of their "Generall " letter to Fort St. George, of the 31st December 1679, the Company wrote still niore emphatically with regard to the estates of deceased persons in general and to that of Ambrose Salisbury in particular. . "We have frequent and continued Complaints by the Relations of severall of our Factors deceased in India, for want of a true accompt and due care taken in the recovering in of their Estates, and in particuler by the Relations of Mr Bagnold, Mr Salisbory, Mr Covell, Mr Lanston and Mr Crandon and we cannot but much blame those our servants who were so neglectfull not to say dishonest therein ... it was made appeare... That PS110 188. 6d. was received of the Estate of Mr Salisbury, nothing of which is as yet brought into our books. We cannot but highly disapprove of any such doeings, whereby the dead should be any waise wronged or their Relations in being detained so long time out of what is their due, and must impute it to the unjust practises of our Factors that have the management of receiveing in the Estate of persons deceased by making use of theis monies (under a pretence of not bringing of it into our books of Accompts until the whole be received) onto their owne private advantage. We would therefore have you strictly to examine those particulers and give us a full accompt thereof why the said money or any part thereof bave been so long detained in those hands who received the same and were not by him delivered unto his respective Chief that it might have been imediately brought into our Cash and books, that soe we might have paid it unto their Relations and thereby have avoided a great deale of Clammor and Ill surmise from them of our Factors dealings so unjustly by them, Mr Mainwaring affirming that be did not receive the aforesaid ... PS110 188. 6d. of the Estate of Mr Salisbury out of the hands of Mr Henry Croone Cofborre untill after the of February 1677 and are the last books that we have had from Metchlepatam ... and Mr Mainwaring doth siso affirme that ... said soms were brought into our Cash by him as soono as received by him from the said Mr Colborne and were made good by him to us in those books Letter which are yet wanting here and not sent home by you, which if not already sent, we inorder you to Ballance and send us by the first conveyance ], and wee doe require you, as a standing Rule, that whatsoever some is received by any of our Factors of the Estate of any persons docessed that it be imediately brought into our Cash and posted into that years books and that upon no preteuce whatsoever the Steward or any other doe keepe it in their hands without giveing the said Porson deceased Credit in our looks for the same." 74 The delays in getting in Salisbury's debts appeared interminable. In March 1680, another debtor made an application. 11 Factory Records, Fort St. George, Vol. 18. 13 Court Minutos, Vol. 31, fol. 171. ta Factory Records, Marulipatam Vol. 2. # Letter Book, Vol. 6, p. 140.

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328 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1908. 4 Fort St. George, Thursday, the 4th March, 1679-80. At a Consultation ... Mr Nathaniel Cholmley having presented a paper to the Agent and Councell Dated this day, wherein be requests the payment of 800 Rupees out of the Estate of Mr Ambrose Salusbury Deceased brought into the Companys Cash as being owing to him upon Boud, It is thought fit to give him for answear that when all Mr Salusburys Debts are knowne, some of the Creditors not having yet made demands of theirs, It will be taken into consideration to satisfie them all as far as the Estate will goe." 75 Stroyosham Master, the then Agent at Fort St. George, referred to Masulipatam for information as to Mr. Cholmley's claim. Christopher Hatton replied on the 5th May, 1680, as follows:-- " In your Generall of the 22 April, you are pleased to say that altho' I have not seen any accounts between Mr Salusbury deceased and other persons, yet that I may have some other collateral knowledge of debts or demands between them, whereof you are pleased to desire an account. I do remember that Mr Nathaniell Cholmley severall times signified onto me that Mr Ambrose Salusbury owed him money on Bond or bill and if my memory fail me not, that Mr Ambrose Salusbury in bis lifetime did own himself indebted to said Mr Cholmley but made delays of payment upon some bad markett a parcell of Thea of his found in England, that Mr Cholmley has severall times since Mr Salasbury's death made demands for his debt of the Commissioners and myselfe I doe very well remember." 70 Cholmley's claim was settled the same month. " Fort St. George, Thursday, 27 May, 1680. At a Consultation ... Upon reading Mr Nathaniel Cholmlegs second request for the payment of a Bond of Mr Ambrose- Salasburys to him for 809 Rupees due the 1st March 1666 [1667], after perusall of the Honourable Companys order in their letter of 3d January 1678 [1679] and Mr Christopher Hattons Letter of the 5th received the 17th instant, It is Resolved and ordered to pay the said Bond at the rate of 319 Rupees per 100 Pagos, as the Rupees of Mr Salisburys were sold the last yeare is Pagos. 250.25 which summe is ordered to be charged to Mr Salisburys Account in the Companys Bookes." 77 Nothing more is recorded with regard to George Chamberlaine's claim against Salisbury's estate. The next reference to the deceased factor's accounts is in September 1680, when, on the 11th of the month, Messrs. Field, Colebourne and Wales wrote from Masulipatam to Streynsham, Master at Fort St. George, "Henry Croon Colebourne... hath sent copies of the account of Mr Ambrose Salusbary ... soe far as passed thro his hands whereby you will see that the money was paid into the Honble. Company's Cash, and as to Mr Salusbury, he had nothing left save a parcell of old letters, his books being left at Mr Mohun's house sealed up when he departed this life."78 The last allusion to Salisbury in the "Factory Records" is in the "Fort St George Gener all to the Company" of the 20th December, 1680. In para, 75, the Council wrote, " Munies paid to Mr Salusburies Administrix was before paid into Companys Cash and therefore sball deliver up Mr Mainwarings bond."70 In February 1682, probably in consequence of the statement from Fort St. George, the Court of Committees, on the 22nd of the month, once more gave an order for two of their number "to state the accompt of Mr Salisbury and to report the same."80 Then Salisbury finally disappears from the pages of the Company's records, having made far more stir after his decease than he ever did in his life. Factory Records, Port St. Georje, Vol. 2. *1 Factory Recorila, Port St. George, Vol. 2. Factory Records, Miscellaneous, Vol. 8a. 56 Factory Records, Port St. George, Vol. 28. TM Factory Recordo, Port St. George, Vol. 28. 10 Court Mixuter, Vol. 33, fol. 194.

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NOVEMBER, 1908.) GAZETTEER GLEANINGS IN CENTRAL INDIA, 329 II GAZETTEER GLEANINGS IN CENTRAL INDIA, BY CAPTAIN O. E. LUARD, M.A., Superintendent of Gazelleer in Central India. (Continued from Vol. XXXVII, p. 110.) A FAMINE SONG. The Chhapania or "Samvat 1956." The song given below was composed and sung in Western Malwa in the great famine of Samrat 1956 or 1899-1900. This famine was the first that had attacked this favoured tract within the menory of living man, and it found the inhabitants quite unprepared to meet it. The song is composed in the rough rustic form of the Garba, popularly known as Marwari Git. I am indebted to Mr. Vakil, Gazetteer Officer of the Ratlam State, for writing down the vernacular version. Text. Translation. I. Ghare ghare bakri, ne ghare ghare unt. In every (city) home a goat is found, and (in many even ) a camel.1 Chhapaniyo phir gayo cbari khunt. The Chhapania has travelled into the remotest corners of the land. Tek: -- Chhapaniya-re sal, pher mata awi Refrain: cursed Chhapania, return no bboli duniyan men more to this innocent land, II. II. Bajra ro butiyo, masurkert dar. No bajra cakes, no pulse of wasur (can be found in the house). Paraqiyo chhor gayo ghar ki nar. Bo the husband has deserted the wife he cannot support) Tek:- Chhapaniya, etc. Refrain:-cursed Chhapania, eto. III. Kai, kali badli panifari bund. Black, black clouds are overhead ), but only & small drop falls. Gali, gari lugayanri jhar gai dund. The (once ) well-nourished women are now gruwn thin (and weak). Tek:- Ohhapaniya, etc.) Refrain :-O cursed Chhapania, etc. IV. Bajra ki roti, ne tel ki paro. O ! for (some ) bread of bajra and a spoonful of III. IV. oil. Chhapania upar bijli paso. Tek:- Chhapaniya, etc. May lightning blast the cursed Ohhapania. Refrain:-O cursed Chhapani, eto. 11. 6., the conatry people were forsed to sell their cattle to the townsfolk, who had grain to feed them with . I...,"58" for sempet 1956 or 1899 A. D. 8 Lit., the pot-bellies (und) of the women have diminished. * Bajra bread is only palatable when eaten with ghi, but not even oil, . poor substitate, can be had. Paro= pari, a ladle for oil. * Note the uses of the word chhapania;(1) as the famine of 1956; (2) As one strioken by the famine; (3) * the your 1953.

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330 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (NOVEMBER, 1908. Chbapaniya ki miae randi dar. Chhapaniyo kude nawa nawa tar. Tek :-Chhapaniya, etc. VI. Lauje-re godari, palan jere unt. Chhapaniyo phir gayo chiri khapt. Tek :- Chhapaniyi, etc. VII. Bajra ki roti, ne bbens ko dabi : Chhapaniya ne karo pachli gali. v. The famine-stricken (child's) mother has found and cooked (a morsel) of dal, And in his joy) he leaps nine cubits (off the ground). Refrain :- cursed Chbapania, etc. VI. Go fetch the quilted saddle and bring the camel's pack.7 The Chhapania has penetrated into every corner of the land and we must fly ). Refrain :- cursed Chhapania, etc. VII. Bring bajra bread and curds of buffalo's milk : So sball the Chhapania be driven out by the back-way. Refrain:-O cursed Chbapania, etc. VIII. A half-broken bedstead with broken tapes (is all he has): Yet the famine-stricken one sleeps soundly stretched at full length. Refrain : - cursed Chhapania, etc. IX, A balf-broken cart and broken-down bullock (bring the wedding party), And the bridegroom is very quickly sent back home.10 Refrain:- cursed Chhapania, etc. Tel:-Chhapaniya, etc. VIII. Tuti-si manchli, ne tutoso ban: Chbapaniyo suto khunti tan. Tek :- Chhapaniya, etc. IX. T'uti-si gari, ne busa-sa bel: Bana noklawe wegi gel. Tek:-Chbapaniya, etc. XI. Bayo bajro, ne wegya moth: Bojra was sown but moth has appeared : Bhukhi sasu khagai honth. The hungry mother-in-law is at her wits' end (for food ).11 Tek: - Chlapaniya, etc. Refrain:- cursed Chbapania, etc. XI. Chhapaniya-re hat me gulab ki chhari : (My lord) Chhapania holds a thorny rose branch in his hand, Chhapaniye kardiyo dban dhaci. And (with a wave of this sceptre) has raised (the price ) of grain to five wer8 a rupee 12 Tel :- Chlapaniya, etc. Refrain :-O cursed Chhapania, etc. 6 Tar=shath, or oabit. + Palas, a Persian word, a camel's pack, . This refera to the well-known custom of driving out any disease, such as cholera, eto, by placing some curd and a bajra cake at the baok of the house. * Khunti tas: ton = tan stretched out. The entertainment of guests is too costly in these days. 11 The idiom "biting one's lips," i, e., honth khana or chabana, means to be vezed or nonplussed. 12 Or, "The famine-stricken possesses only a withered rose tree.. O cursed Chhapanii, eto." Referring to the dying of all forms of plant Ilfo. Dharta measure of 5 sers.

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NOVEMBER, 1908.] GAZETTEER GLEANINGS IN CENTRAL INDIA. XII. Bandhliwi pigri, sanwarliya pech, Mamoji khayagaya bhanji ne bech. Tek: Chhapaniya, etc. - XIII. . Tu gai takri, bakhar gaya bat: Chandi ka baneyan ke hogaya thath." Tek:Chhapaniya, etc. XIV. Patli randi rabri jime chamake tara. Chlapaniyan ada margaya, bansatiya me sara. Tek:-Chhapaniya, etc. XV. Patli randi rabri lambi khenchi ghunt. Chhapaniyo phir gayo chari khunt. Tek:-Chhapaniya, etc. XVI. Patli roti, pipal jesa pan, Jamai khagaya sasuji ka kan. Tel:Chhapaniya, etc., XVII. Log, lugai gele jaye Rotiyan-ra lekha kartu jae. Tek:-Chhapaniya, etc. XVIII. Sasu poche, susro khie : Bahu sapute ganti jie. Tel:Chhapaniya, etc. XII. The uncle has renewed his turban and decorated its folds, 331 But (to do so) and get food he sold his niece,13 Refrain:-O cursed Chhapania, etc. XIII. The balance of the merchant broke and the weights were scattered,14 But he is rolling in wealthy splendour. Refrain:-O cursed Chhapania, etc. XIV. The porridge is so thin, so thin, that the grains in it are (far apart) like stars in the sky. Now in 1956 half (of us) are (already) dead, by 1962 we shall all be gone (if this want continues ). 15 Refrain: O cursed Chhapania, etc. XV. Thin as his porridge is, (the famine-stricken one) yet gulps it down at a draught, (as if it were amrita). (Indeed) no corner has escaped the (dread) Chhapania. Refrain:-O cursed Chhapania, etc. XVI. The bread is as thin as a pipal leaf, And the son-in-law has deafenedle his motherin-law with his importunities. Refrain:-O cursed Chhapania, etc. XVII. As they walk along the road, men and women (Carefully) count each loaf (they eat ). Refrain:-O cursed Chhapania, etc. 13 To loss or be without a turban is a sign of great disgrace. 15 An obscure verse of which no one seemed to understand the allusions. XVIII. The mother-in-law bakes bread,17 the father-inlaw eats it: (While) the "dutiful" daughter-in-law counts (minutely each mouthful swallowed). Refrain:-O cursed Chhapania, etc. 14 Owing to his excessive trade in grain. 16 Kaa khana, an ordinary idioun meaning to make deaf by continued request; to worry. Cf. kan phorna. 17 Poche from pona: to bake. 19 An ironical use of the word saputia dutiful daughter (Sk. su-putri.).

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332 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1908. MISCELLANEA. REMARKS ON A PHOTOGRAPH, NEAR ATING, I also wrote two short articles in German on TAKEN BY THE HON. ERIC UPTON, DUR- archeological objects in Zangokar, noticed on ING A TOUR IN ZANGSKAR IN 1907. a journey to that country in 1905. (Bee Z.D.M.G., Note by the Editor. Vol. LX., p. 645 ft., and Vol. LXI., p. 645 ff.) Mr. Upton and my son, Mr. R. D, Temple, both In these articles I tried to show that a few dates of the 60th Rifles, went on & shooting tour in are known with regard to the history of ZangeKashmir territory, in 1907. In the course of the kar. Tradition tells us that Zangekar was first tour, many interesting photographs were taken by of all in the hands of an Indian (perhaps each of them, and among these photographs that Buddhist ) tribe, and the most ancient sculptures ono which is the subject of this article is of may go back to those times. Between 600 and antiquarian interest. The following is the itine- 1000 A. D., the country was conquered by the rary of the tour: first West Tibetan king Nyima-mgon, and Zangskar became the heritage of that king's Itinerary third son, 1De-btang-( btsun P)-mgon, although Srinagar to Islamabad. authorities are at variance with regard to the Islamabad vid Sinthon Pass (14,200 ft.) into extension of the others' heritage. Thus whilst Kishtwar. the Ladvags-rgyal-rabs and the dPag-bsam-ljonKishtwir to Bagna and Chichi Nullah. brang ( edited by Sarat Chandra Das), apparently agree on Zangakar being IDe-bteug-mgon's porBagns to Atholi in Padar. tion, the Laddags-rgyal-rabs makes Guge and Atholi to Chishoti. 8Purange the portion of the second son, KraChishoti to Bajwis. shis-mgon, and the dPag-sam-ljon-buang makes 8Purangs the second son's portion, and gives Bujwis via Umari Pass (17,300 ft.) to Ating in Guge to the third son. IDe-btang-mgon. That Zangskar.. Guge later on was actually the property of Lde. Ating vid Padam and Thonde to the Zangla btaug-mgon's descendants, is asserted also by (17,500 ft.) other authorities, which speak of the erection of Zangla over the Hills to the N.-E. (18,000 ft. the famous monastery at mTho-gling in Guge and over ) to Namsi Nullah (Ladakh). by one of his descendants. My opinion is that as nothing seems to be known of the second son Namsi Nullah back to Zangla. bKrashis-mgon's descendants, we may assume Zangla vid Kartha (16,400 ft.) to Ating. that Gage, and perhaps & Purange too, were ruled Ating to Bok. over by IDe-btsug-mgon's descendants, after .. bKrashis-mgon had died without isene. At any Bok vid the Pense Pass (14,000 ft.) to the rate, it was the Zangokat kings who ruled at Gonpa Monastery at Tesitongsi. m Tho-gling in Gage and became famous through Tesitongsi to Girwar. their connection with Atiba. During Atiba's Girwar'vid Parkutse to Suru. time, the smaller stone Images of Zangakar may have been erected, although the historical Sura to Dunala (Bhotkol). records have no note about them. Danala vid Bhotkol Pass (14,800 ft.) to The image shown to the right of the stone wall Buknes. on Mr. Upton's photo, is that of a plain Buddha, Pailgam to Islamabad. The other image, to the right of the first, Islamabad to Srinagar. reminds me of the commemoration tablets to the dead, as we find them in the Upper Chandra. Bemarks on the Photograph bhAga Valley. A similar custom may have pre. by Mr. Francke. vailed in Zangskar in its Mon (Indian ) days. The stone sculptures shown on the plate attached, belong to that type of art which was It is interesting that the most ancient sati treated by me, ante, Vol. XXXVI, p. 85 ff., stones in Kulu are of the same type as the comwhere I tried to fix a rough date for such sculp- memoration tablets of the Chandra-bhaga Valley. tures. I arrived at the conclusion that the year "Gardens" of sati stones are found below Naggar 1000 A. D. may be taken as an approximate Castle, and between Saltanpar und Katrain, in date. Kulu.

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Indian Antiquary. ANTIQUITIES IN WESTERN TIBET. Sculptures at the Seni Gonpa in Zanskar between Ating Village and Padam (Spadum). HON. ERIC UPTON, PHOTO W. GRIGGS.

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NOVEMBER, 1908.] The dPag-beam-ljon-bzang contains a longer list of 1De-btsug-mgon's descendants, than that of Schlagintweit, given in his Konige von Tibet. Whilst Schlagintweit gives only eight generations of the IDe Dynasty of Zangskar-Guge, in the dPag-beam-ljon-baang, we find thirteen generations of the same dynasty, after which a rMal Dynasty sets in. This rMal dynasty hardly has anything to do with Zangskar proper, for, as I have shown in my article mentioned above, archaeology appears to show that in Zangakar proper the 1De Dynasty lasted down to the seventeenth century when traces of the Ladakhi rNam-rgyal Dynasty suddenly appear. The rMal Dynasty may have existed in Guge or sPurangs. A. H. FRANCKE, MISCELLANEA. THE GHODA OF CHIMUR. CHIMOR is a village in the Warora Tahsil of the Chanda District in the Central Provinces, thirty-five miles north-east of Warord, and fortytwo miles north of Chanda. It has a population of 4,000 souls and is one of the few big villages in the Chanda District. It was the head-quarters of a kamaishdar during the Bhonsla rule, and also of a British tahsil for two or three years on the formation of the Chanda District. The village is situated on the bank of a sandy stream called Patalganga, marked on the topographical maps as Chimarnala, on the right-bank of which there used to be a small mud fort, which is now gone, but the site is conspicuous by its being on much higher level than the rest of the village. On this site are now built the Government buildings, viz., the school, the dispensary, the post office and the police station. Near the post office there is a small flat-roofed Chaumukh temple, that is open on all sides, the roof being supported on four massive pillars of sandstone fashioned in the Hemadpanthi style. Underneath are placed statues of a cobra, two Ganpatis, a Mahadeva linga, a Parvati and two Nandis, forming a Siva Panchayatana. On the bank of the village tank there is another old temple, which is a little larger than this. It is closed on three sides and has a pyramidal roof, but it curiously faces the west instead of the usual east. A linga is enshrined inside and outside there is a figure of Mahadeva with Parvat! on his lap, which seems to be as old as the temple. But what invests Chimur with importance is the modern temple cf Balaji and the 'Ghoda' Ceremony connected with it. This temple was constructed about 150 years ago, apparently from old materials of other temples, obtained 333 locally or from the neighbouring villages, such as Neri, which has a good specimen of a medieval temple. This has been partially imitated, especially in the matter of the overlapping roofs and ornamentation of capitals usually met with in the temples of the Hemadpanthi style. The statue of Balaji was found by a Kunbi named Bhika, while digging for the foundations of a cattle-shed. It is exquisitely carved on a black shining stone, with various figures of gods and goddesses on the spare back-ground. The height of the stone is about a yard, while the figure of Balaji in relief is about two feet high. It really represents Vishnu holding the conch, the mace, the discus, and the lotus, in his four hands. Two other smaller statues, said to be rishis, were also found along with it. The Kunbi let it remain on the spot where it was found and commenced to worship it. He was a poor agricultural labourer, but after he began his worship it seemed to him that his condition partially improved. He finally entrusted the worship of the god to a poor Brahman named Deviji, who took service under a local rich Brahman, whose estate he managed well. This attracted the attention of the Bhonsla king of Nagpur, who took him into his own service. Devaji soon rose to a high rank, which he attributed to the favour of Balajt, whom he now worshipped with greater ardour than before, and caused a temple to be built over the statue, endowing it with some rent-free land and cash, now turned into promissory notes, producing an annual income of Rs. 500. In addition to all this, Devaji instituted what is known as the Ghoda Ceremony, which takes place annually on the 13th of the bright fort night of Magh, when a wooden horse is carried in procession on a wooden chariot drawn by men. This ratha has a circular top piece which revolves on a pivot, whereby the head of the horse can be made to point in any direction. The horse is painted white and has his front legs raised as if in the act of running away. Two wooden images of grooms hold the bridle, one on each side, while two others stand behind, one of which holds an abdagiri. The other image was, apparently, intended to carry a whisk, but this is now carried by a descendant of Bhiks, who squeezes himself in before the now superfluous wooden-man. The rider is a wooden representation of Balaji carrying a conch and a discus in two of his four hands, and holding a whip by the two ends in the other two. It is a privilege of the Kunbi family to wave a whisk over him on this occasion.

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1934 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (NOVEMBER, 1908. Before the horse starts from the temple, a hole is dug under the chariot and a saucer made of kneaded flour, containing oil and burning wicks, together with cooked rice and cards, are placed in it. This is called balidan, and is supposed to be a substitute for a human victim. The horse is supposed to trample over it, and thas to secure his safe journey to the town. No one knows why a horse was selected as Balaji's conveyance. My own idea is that it may be due to Devajt being a cavalry officer, in which case the horse would be a special object of esteem for him. His burname Chorghode seems to support this view. This was the name for the reserve horse in the Bhonsla army, the literal meaning being the thief or hidden horse. from the Kanbi family was free of charge, but when that was discontinued the priest had to pay for the offerings he daily brought. The displeasure of the god was notified to all concerned, and it was ruled that if the Kunbi family should have no milch cows, they should purchase the offering and present it to the god, since the latter would not accept anything, except through tliem. On festival days no medium is, of course, required, and the god gladly accepts all offerings made to him, as they are much more valuable on such occasions than on ordinary days. In spite ot all the meuiul services extracted from these Kunbis, they are not allowed to enter the sanctum or to touch the idol, which their ancestor Bhika daily washed and worshipped, except for one day in the year as a special grace. This day is Gokula Ashtami, the anniversary of the birthday of Krishna, which falls in the month of August, This privilege is, apparently, allowed to keep the family in good humour. HIBA LAL. The only other places where & similar horse ceremony is performed are Bell and Umror in the Nagpur District, and Girdar in Wardha, and they have been started in imitation of the Chimar ceremony. But the assemblage is not as great as at Chimur. I witnessed the ceremony on the night of February 1908, when the spectators were close upon five thousand. The fair lasts for a fortnight, though the ceremonies are finished in four days, the last one being known as Gopal.kala, in which a pot of cards is broken, and the assembled people rush to get a little of it, as they believe that it secures prosperity in the coming year. Among the privileges which Bhika Kunbi's family enjoys, are the cleaning and sweeping of the temple and its compound, which must be done by a female of that family and not by a servant appointed by it. It has been impressed on their minds that service by proxy is not acceptable to the god, nor does he relish any offering other than that obtained from that family. Once it so happened that the priest found a grain of cooked rice in the vurds supplied by this family. This was pollution; so he stopped taking the offering from them. In about a month he, however, discovered that the god was not satisfied with the offering he made; so he reverted to the old procedure, in spite of a possibility of the oblations being impure, as it was of no consequence when the god was so disposed. Of course, the supply THE ANTARALLAS OF MALABAR. THOSE who are below the Brahmans and Kshattriyas and above the Sadras in caste status are designated Antarallas (Intermediate Castes). They may be broadly divided into three sub-groups, vix., the Nampidis, the Amba. lavasis, and Bsmanthas. 1. NAmpidis. - These are regicide Nambadris, whose ancestor assassinated a Perumal or Viceroy of Kerala, as desired by the Brahmans. They are, therefore, considered to have lost their social status as Brahmans, and are now classed along with the Antaralla castes. They wear the thread and repeat the Gayatri. The Nambodris officiate as their prients at marriage ceremonies, srddhas, and purification at the end of birth and death pollution, which lasts for ten days. The Nampidis follow the marumakkathayam (matriarcbal) law of inheritance. Their girls are married after paberty. The tali is tied by their own castemen. Nambudris or their own castemen may unite themselves in Sambantham (irregular marriage) with the women of this caste. Their women are called Manolpads. 1 Compare the Panjir prootice of human sacrifice which Mr. Cain has described as follows:-"In former years it was a cuatom amongst them, before starting out on a journey, to procure a little child and bury him in the ground up to his shoulders and then drive their loaded bullocks over the unfortunate victim, and in proportion to the bullocks thoroughly trampling the child to death, so their belief in the successful journey i creased: ante, Vol. VIII., p. 219.

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NOVEMBER, 1908.] MISCELLANEA. 335 Regarding the origin of the name, the follow- said that Sri Sankaracharya, to test the fidelity of ing legendary account is given by Mr. M. Sankara certain Brahmans to the established ordinances Menon in his Report on the Census of Cochin in of caste, went to a liquor-shop and drank some 1901 : -"One of the Perumals, or Viceroys, of stimulants. Sesing this, the Brahmans that Kerala, having proved troublesome, the Brahmans accompanied lim made this an excuse for resolved upon his removal. In the struggle that their drinking too. Srt Sankaracharya thereafter followed, the Perumal was killed by the Brah went to a foundry and swallowed a cup of mans. When those who had alain him returned molten metal and handed another to the Brahto the place where the Brahmans had met in muns, who bad apparently made up their minds solemn conclave, they were gladly welcomed and to do all that might be done by the Acharya, asked to sit in their midst, but feeling that they The poor Brahmans begged to be excused and hal committed a heinous crime and thus disquali apologised to him as adiyals, or humble servants, fied themselves to sit along with the Brahmans, and accepted social degradation in expiation of they volunteered to sit apart on the threshold of the sinful presumption." the Council-room, by saying Nim padimel' (we Atikals offciato in Bhadrakali temples. on the threshold ), which fact is supposed to account for the origin of their name Nimpidi, They practise upandyana and they repeat the short for Numpadimel. Gdyatrf. Their own caste-men officiate as their priests. Their birth and death pollution lasts for eleven days. Their women are called Ati yammas. They follow the marumalkattayam Ambalavasis, or temple residents, are those (matriarchal) system of inheritance. who have by birth the privilege of doing service in temples. They are classified under twelve heads according to the Jathinirnaya. Most of Chakkiyar, Slaghiyar (men of respectability) these castes have grown out of sexual relations bet- or Slaghiavak (abort for slaghyavdkukar, meanween members of higher and lower classes, and ing those gifted with excellence in words), are 'are, therefore, known as Anulomajas and Pra- names for a sub-division of the Anulomaja thulomajas. They may be divided into two broad Ambalsvasis. These are said to be the descendheade, viz., those who wear the thread, and those ants of Nambadris that were formerly excomwho do not wear the thread. To the Grat of municated for certain sexual offences. It is these divisions belong the Atikal, Chakkiyar, asserted that Chakkiyars were originally Nambiyar, Nimbisean or Pashpakan, Pappalli, Paradabls and belonged to the Suta caste, Nattupattan or Pattarunni, Thiyattunni and Pit- which sprang from a Kshattriya father and taranmar; while the Chakkiyar Nambiyar, Pisha. a Brahman mother; that a family of this caste ruti, Variyan, Pathavsl, and Marar belong to the migrated to Kerals in early times, and that the second division. The Kurakkal are also regarded issue of an adulterous woman born during the as Ambalavasio, but are confined to Travancore, period of her illicit intercourse with other caste. and belong to the first division. men, but before detection, was adopted into the family, the members of which were thereafter regarded as a separate caste. Atikals. - The people in this sub-division of When a Nambadri woman is found guilty of the Anulomaja Ambalavasis are supposed to adultery by the caste assembly, the obildren have been originally Bralimans and suffered born after the commencement of her criminal social degradation by having officiated as priests intimacy with other castemen are looked upon in Bhadrakali temples and worshipped the god. as children conceived and born in polluted dess with offerings of flesh and liquors and womb, and are declared to have forfeited their partaken of the same. It is also said that the caste. Of the boys, if any, those whose upaexorcism and the worship of evil-spirits practised nayana had already been performed, are affiliated by them also contributed towards their degrade to the class of OhAkkiyars, and those boys tion. who bave not been invested with the sacred tbread, join the class of Nambiyars. The girls, The word atikal or adiyal means, literally, slaves if any, join either class. or servante. In the Travancore State Manual, Mr. Nagamiah records the following legendary The Chakkigars study the Puranas and Ithi account regarding their origin: The tradition hasas, and expound the same by delivering lec regarding their origin is very interesting. It is tures known as chakkiyar-kuth. These lecture 28.

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336 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1908. 9d. are delivered as desired by votaries in fulfilment and death pollution for eleven daye, and follow of vows made and during festivals in most of the both forms of inheritance. The duties of temples in Malabar. A portion of the temple is a Pushpakan are to sweep the inner premises of specially dedicated to the chikkiyur kuth, and templos, clean utensils, gather flowers, and make is called the kuthamba-lar. "The Chakkiyars garlands for daily worship. then enjoy a freedom of speech which is bardly allowed to any other person or to themselves at any other time or place. They criticise men and measures without reserve, and custom allows Thiyattunnis or Thiyattu Nambiyars, a subthem to enjoy cola plete immunity from retort or division of the Anulomaja Ambalavasis are punishment." Their worden are called Illat degraded Brahmans and are lowered in the tamnis. The Chakkiyars practise vidyarambha, social scale on account of their parsuits in life. chaulam, and upaniyana. They repeat the Gayatri It is said that Siva was frightened at the dreadful and wear the sacred thread. Their birth and death sight of Bhadn.kall fresh from her bloody victory pollution lasts for eleven days. They follow the over Darikasura, and asked one of his attendants marumakkathayam rule of inheritance. Their to appease her by propitiatory bymns. The occupation is chikkiyar-luth ( dancing and recit. Thiyattunnis are believed to be the descendants ing stories from the Rimayana, Mahabharata and of this attendant of Siva, and henoo their tradi. the Brigavata Purina). tional occupation of thiyattu, a ceremony of leaping through the fire ia Kalt temples, 2 c. painting the image of that goddess and chanting songs and performing paja. They wear the thread Nambiyar, Nambissan or Pushpakan are and practioe upanayana. Their girls are married sub-divisions of the Anulomaja Ambalavasto. both before and after puberty. Divorce is per. According to tradition, a Brahman suspecting mitted. Their own castemen officiate as prieste. Eis wife's fidelity during her pregnancy, 'out Nambadris perform all the purificatory cerecasted her. She was subsequently delivered of monies. They have birth and death pollution a female child, which was brought up by Parasu for ten daya. Brabmana and their own castemen Rama. As the esild was conceived and born consort with their females. They are mostly during the period of her adulterous intercourse, patriarchal by inheritance. the girl and her descendants became a separate caste. Se, There is another popular version regarding Nattupattans or Pattarunnis, a subdivi. the origin of this caste. The Pushpakans are sion of the Anulomaja Ambalavasis. are said to be the descendants of a Nambadri a degraded class of Atikals. The tradition regard woman, who, while in her courses, had connec- ing their origin is that "formerly in the house tion with her husband and became pregnant. of one of the Ashtagrahathil Adhyaninars They and her children became a distinct (Brahmans of eight houses ), there was an un. class and were called Pushpakans. The Pup- married girl of eighteen, who fell in love with pallis belong to this sub-division. The general a foreigner, or Paradesi Brahmsn, attached to term for the Narnbissan, Pushpakan, Pappalli ber illam: This love was reciprocated, and they and NAmbiyar sub-divisions is Unni. Their occu- were married. When the woman subsequently pation is to perform certain duties in temples. became pregnant, the couple fled to the southern The women are professional singers at marriages country for leur of being detected and punished. in Nambadri illams and 'Nayar houses. The From this originated # separate caste called Pushpakans practise chaulam. They have no Pattarunt, meaning a Pattur-child." Their own regular upandyana, but most of them go through castomen perform the priestly duties. Their that ceremony between the ages of 8 and 16. parificutory ceremonies are performed by the They wear the thread and repeat the Giyatri. Nambudris. They wear the thread and repeat Their girls are married to their own coatementhe Gayatri. Their duties are to perform worship between the ages of 10 and 20. Their own caste. in KAN temples, using flesh and liquor. They inen or Nambadris unite themselves in samban also sweep and make garlands for worship in tham with the women, who are called Push. temples. Their death and birth pollation laste pinis or Brahmanis. Their houses are known for thirteen days. They follow the marumakkaas pushpakams or madams. They obserre birth I thayam law of inheritunce.

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NOVEMBER, 1908.] MISCELLANEA. 337 two of the three hairs that remained on the crown of bis head and ran off thinking that all the Pitaranmar, a division of the Anulomaja three had been removed. The girw, or preceptor, Ambalavasis, are also a degraded class of found out the mistake and exclaimed: Pisharoti, Atikals, and their duties are similar to those of i. e., the disciple ran away. the Nattupattans, whom they resemble in man The disciple was now neither & Brabman nor a SanyAsi. He was accordners and customs ingly excluded from the order, rejoined his wife and had children by her. He and his descendants Kurukkals ( Gurukkals), who are Ambala. are said to be the Pisharotis." In memory of vasts of Travancore, are degraded Brahmans. their ancestor, who, as an ascetic, had to be They are immigrante from the Tamil country buried in salt in & sitting posture, they are and are of Tamil origin. They used to be Saivas buried in that poature and are not cremated. and performed puja in temples dedicated to Siva. Pisbarutis are said to be Vaishnavas. Their It is said that, in early times, no Variyans duties are similar to those of the Pushpakans. or other temple servants in Malabar, were Their women are called Pisharony Ars and their available for service in the temples in South houses pisharoms. They observe birth and death Travancore, and that a few families from the pollution for twelve days. They follow the Tamil Districts consequently were imported from marumakkathayam law of inheritance. among the 48,000 Tirumadams of the Tamils, for i. service in temples there. Variyans, a division of Prathilomaja Am. Their dress and ornaments are similar to those balavasis. Five different traditional derivations of the Nayars. Their houses are called vidaus are given of this name. The most accepted is and sometimes madame. Their own castemen that they are the descendants of a Brahman officiate as their priests, and perform purificatory married to a Sodra wife. The term variyan is ceremonies. They claim social precedence & corrupt form of parasava, ie, the son of over the other classes of Ambalavasis. They a Brahman by a Sadra woman in accordance with practine tonsure and upandyana, and repeat the the Yujziavalkya Smrithi. Their occupation is Gayatri. The talikettu takes place between the similar to that of the Pushpakans and Pisbarotis. ages of 8 and 12. They even practise pulikudi, The duties which they perform are called kara. as do the Nayars. Tbeir birth and death kam, and their customs and manners are similar pollution lasts for twelve days. Inheritance is in to those of the N&yars. The Nambadris can the female line. cook and take meals in the houses of Pushpakans, Pisharotis, and Variyans. Pishardtis, a sub-division of the Prathilo | The system of inheritance obtaining among maja Ambalavasis. It is said that "a Nam the Variyans is complicated. They generally badri desiring to become a Sanyasi is required follow the marumakkuthayam rule of inheritance, to serve one for three years as a disciple and but in some places both forms of inheritance then go through the ceremony of ordination on prevail. The inheritance depends upon the naturo an appointed day. On that day, at the appointed of the sambanthan ceremony, wbich is of two hour, the candidate has to cast away his sacred kinds, vis., the ordinary sambantham, and that thread and his tuft of hair has to be removed. ceremony bocompanied by what is known as But he sbould take care to retain three hairs kutivekkal or kutipokal (Rettling in one's family). on the crown of his head. He should then In the case of kutivekkal the woman is taken to plunge into the tank stark-naked, and while her husband's house, and she, thereafter, becomes under water should pluck out the three hairs, with a member of her husband's family, and her his own hand, one at each plunge in the children inherit the property belonging to that presence of his preceptor, who whispers into his tarad. If the woman becomes a widow after ears some mysterious formula, which he repeats she is taken to and settled in her husband's and then gets out of the water and runs off house, she may re-marry, and her children by the towards the north. A Pattar Brahman engaged second husband also inherit the property of her for the occasion meets him and waylays him, first husband. and asks him to receive & cloth and accept a meal. He complies with the request and returns to the Sanyasi's abode. Now the tradition is that Nambiyars are a division of Prathilomaja once on a time a Nambadri was a candidate for Ambalavasis who do not wear the thread. the order of Sanylsis, but he plucked out only These are, as already observed, the sons of

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888 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. a Nambadri woman born during the period of illicit intercourse with other castemen, whose upanayana had not been performed. They assist the Chakkiyar in his dances, and their duty is to beat the drum while the Chakkiyars dance. The women are called Nangiars, and play on cymbals during the dances. 2 k. man," Puduval, a division of the Prathilomaja Ambalavasis. The name is supposed to have been derived from pudu-al or podu-al, meaning "new," "common-man," respectively. He is the watchman and steward in temples. He is called Pora Puduval (outside Puduval) in contradistinction to Aka Puduval (inside Pudaval), or Mathathu. The Pora Puduval has generally charge of the stores and provisions of the temple. He also collects flowers and makes garlands for daily worship. The women are called Puthu varasyars. They observe birth and death pollution for twelve days, and follow the marumakka thayam rule of inheritance. 21. Marars, a division of the Prathilomaja Ambalavasis. These are Sadras, but, by necessity. taken into the temple service. They are musicians and storekeepers. In some places they are known as Kuruppus. The Marars assert that they are Ambalavasis, and superior to the Nayars. It is also said that there are two classes of them. The one serving in temples, the other not. The former are said to have social precedence over the latter. In the matter of marriage, period of pollution, inheritance, &o., they follow the Nayars. In some places, Ilayathus officiate as priests for them, in other places, their own castemen perform the priestly duties. The talikettu is performed by Tiramalpads in some places, and by Enangars (castemen) in others. Their own castemen or Brahmans unite themselves in sumbantham with the women. The purificatory ceremonies are performed by the Chithians or Nayar priests. The inheritance is in the female line. [NOVEMBER, 1909. The primary meaning of the word samantha is given by Dr. Gundert as "the chief of a district." The Samanthars themselves assert that they are the descendants of the Kshattriyas who fled from the wrath of the renowned Parasu Rama, and divesting themselves of the sacred thread, lived in jungles or wandered abroad without performing sandhyavandanam and other rites: whence their name of Samantha or those without mantrams. They had only tantrams. 8. Samanthars claim to be of Kshattriya origin. They are said to be the descendants of the children of the Perumals, or the elective kings of Kerala, and their Kahattriya followers by Nayar women. The several castos that make up the present body of Samanthars are (1) Eradi, (3) Nendungadi, (8) Vellodi, (4) Unnithiri, (5) Atiyoti, and (6) Nambiyar. The customs and manners of the Samanthars are similar to those of the Nayars, but they are generally considered to hold a higher position in the social scale. Some of them, who own no lands or have no tribal government of their own, but possess only certain privileges, are known as Pandalas, Unnithiris, Uniyathiris and Karthavus. Others, who do not possess even these, are known by the names of the desams in which they reside, as Eradi, Velodi, Nedungadi. All these call themselves Samantbars now, and these last three divisions are closely allied, the names being local and donoting settlement in Ernad, Nedunganad, and Walluvanad. The Zamorin of Calicut and his family are said to belong to the class of Eridis, and the Raja of Walluvanad is a Vellodi. The ceremonies attending on birth and death are similar to those of the Nayars. Their marriage ceremonies are also divided into talikettu and sambantham. The tuli is also tied by Tirumalpads. As for sambantham in the families of the Zamorin of Calicut and similar chiefs, the husbands are exclusively Nambadris. The women are called Koilpads or Kovilammas. Among the Samanthars do not wear the sacred thread, all their ceremonies are performed without mantrams. Nambadris officiate as priests among them. They observe birth and death pollution for eleven days. The inheritance is in the female line. The Samanthars and Ambalavasis do not eat together. 3 a. Atiyoti, a sub-division of the Samanthars. This is the caste to which the Raja of KadathanAd in North Malabar belongs. In customs and manners they resemble the Eradis and Nedungadis. 8 b. Unnithiri, a sub-division of the Bamanthars. The Raja of Chirakkal is said to belong to this class. The customs and manners of the Unnithiris are similar to those of the Eradis. The women of this caste, other than those of the reigning families, are called Pillayadiris. N. SUBBARAYA IYER.

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NOVEMBER, 1908.] BOOK-NOTICE. 339 BOOK-NOTICE. UBER SONDURSPRACHEN UND IHR) ENTSTEHUNG. This is not a very perfect classification. In VON DE. RIOKARD LASCE. (Beparat abdruck aus Band point of fact it takes for its class (II) the motive XXXVII (der dritton Folge Band VII) der Mitteilungen underlying the special jargon as its principle of der Anthropologischen Gesellschaft in Wien.) Wien, division, but for its class (III) it takes the socialim Selbstverlage der Anthropologischen Gesellschaft, environment in which the jargon has developed 1907. and is used: thus shifting the point of view from In the above-mentioned paper Dr. Lasch deals the subjective to the objective side, as it were. with an interesting linguistic phenomenon. It is This would logically lead to cross-divisions : pracwell known that language often exhibits in tically it severa the "high chief" jargons or court A marked degree a tendency towards specializa languages of Indonesia and Polynesia, which both tion with reference to some particular sphere of in their origin and in the motive actually undersubjects or circumstances. One is familiar, to lying their use to this day, are essentially Taboo some extent, with the technical jargons of dif Languages (i.e., based on a sentiment of religious ferent trades, professions, forms of sport and the awe), from the other Taboo Languages which like ; and such deviations from ordinary speech Dr. Lasch has grouped under his class (II). hardly strike us as strange. But in some stages However, no one is likely to remain in doubt as of culture the differentiation is even more marked to their character, which is quite correctly dethan it is amongst ourselves. Then, too, with us scribed by him; and perhaps the classification, the use of a special terminology, when it is not though not strictly scientific, may be justified on imposed by the actual necessity of employing the ground of convenience. technical terms for which ordinary language The truth is that it is by no means easy to find possesses no precise equivalents, is generally either a mere matter of habit or an affectation of & principle of classification for this subject. special knowledge. But in many cases, where & Dr. Lasch remarks on the singular uniformity of specialised jargon is used by races in other the methods employed in the construction of stages of culture than our own, other motives these artificial jargons, no matter in what part of the world we find them. He enumerates these come into play. Dr. Lasch has gone very thoroughly into the methods under the following heads :- (1) De scriptive Periphrasis and Metaphor; (2) Loan. bibliography of his subject, and bis article con. words from foreign languages; (3) Archaisms; tains an astonishingly large number of references and (4) Artificial Modification of the form of to the most various and diverse authorities. He has gathered his facts from almost every part of common or everyday words. This is almost identical with the analysis that I had arrived at the inhabited world and has thrown them into from the consideration of some of the peculiar A more or less systematic order, for which his jargons of the Malay Peninsula and Eastern readers may be grateful to him. Nevertheless, Archipelago (particularly the one that is used by so multifarious are his sources that in the narrow space (of 36 pp., 4to) to which his paper is re the Jakuns of Johor while searching for camphor. stricted, it has not been possible for him to go trees in the jungle). As my account did not appear till the autumn of 1906 (in Pagan Races very much into detail. Whoever wishes to inves of the Malay Peninsula), whereas Dr. Lasch's tigate the minutiae of the subject must still refer article is an amplified version of a paper read to the original authorities on whom he relies for by him in the spring of 1905, of which, however, his information; but in such researches, the refer I had not heard till now, it seems that the ences he has collected will be of the greatest service. results of our independent enquiries corroborate Dr. Lasch classifies the peculiar jargons which each other; a fact on which (while not form the subject of his article under the following presuming to congratulate Dr. Lasch) I am main-heads and sub-divisions, vir.:-1.-Women's talk. JI.-Magic and spirit jargons, including glad to felicitate myself. (a) jargons of fishermen and sailors, based on A purely linguistic basis being, therefore, insuperstitiona ideas; (b) the taboo jargon of cam. | adequate for purposes of classification, some other phor collectors; (c) that of eaglewood collectors; principle had to be sought for, with the results (a) harvest jargons; (e) jargons of gold and tin- stated. Dr. Lasch also endeavours to explain miners; (f) war jargon; (g) jargons specially the origin and underlying causes on which these appropriated by priests and sorcerers; and (h) l special jargons are based. He sees in them the jargons peculiar to secret associations and the resultant of several distinct factors, social, ecolike. III.-Jargons of social origin, including nomic, and religious, as well as the mere spirit (a) court language; (b) the jargon of thieves and caprice and childlike play. On the whole, while other criminals: (c) jargons of traders and not losing sight of the cther motives, he appears markets; (d) jargons of artizans, students, to attach a considerable importance to the elesoldiers, and the like. IV.-Sportive jargons, ment of caprice. For my part, I think the relimade up by children or adults in a spirit of mere gious (or what we should call superstitious ) caprice, without any ulterior objects. element is by far the most prevailing one, and

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340 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. I incline to the view that it runs through nearly all the different forms of these peculiar modifications of speech, except in so far as it can be shown that they serve a purely utilitarian object or have grown up as a mere matter of habit. Dr. Lasch hardly gives sufficient place, in my opinion, to the sentiment of religious awe and fear. I would also put in a caveat against the loose use (in which Dr. Lasch, with so many others, indulges) of the expression "Naturvolker." Error is inherent in such highly general terms. Apart from the fact, which I will not pedantically insist on, that no race or community is really in a state of nature (all having been humanised, more or less, by the influence of some amount of tradition), this term "Naturvolker" has often been much misused. It has been made to cover some scores of distinct stages of cultural development differing very profoundly from one another. As a matter of fact, it is not among the most really primitive of the so-called "Naturvolker" that the special jargons which form the subject of Dr. Lasch's paper tend, as a rule, to arise. On the contrary, it is amongst races that have already made a considerable advance in social and political organisation (the formation of a distinct class of chiefs and rulers), religious ideas (the establishment of professional sorcerers and priests, a definite cult of the souls of the departed and the spirits of natural objects), and even some differentiation into crafts and occupations (with technical jargons appropriated to them). So, too, Dr. Lasch's idea that, among the "Naturvolker" generally, there is a very strict separation of the sexes is a generalisation derived from particular stages of culture, and those not the most primitive. In fact, this separation is rather a charac-teristic of some of the relatively higher stages of development (especially, in Asia, those that have been affected by Hinduism or Islam). I can hardly imagine that he can be right in ascribing the custom (found amongst Zulus and elsewhere) of the avoidance by the wife of words resembling the names of her father-in-law, etc., to the idea that women are regarded by "Naturvolker" as being magicians "par excellence," Surely, it is simply an instance of the principle that the name is a part of, and gives a hold over, the person or thing named; such a hold as a woman (in that stage of social evolution) has no right to assume over the family of her husband, of which she is a subordinate, and not an original, member. Dr. Lasch is not only inclined to assume that wilful caprice has been the leading factor in the creation of these special jargons, but seems even disposed to extend this principle to cover the differentiation of language generally. If that be so, then good-bye to anything like linguistic science: for there can be no science of a subjectmatter which varies irrespectively of any ascertainable laws. This appears to me to be going [NOVEMBER, 1908. too far. Language has its self-determining element, no doubt; but it is also largely a matter of habit. This is the case to a very great extent, even in these special highly artificial jargons; in ordinary speech it is so to an overwhelming extent. Analogy is the great unifying principle of language. I pass briefly over the obiter dictum that mixture of races and communities has had relatively little influence on the differentiation of languages: it is not much in point in a paper dealing with special jargons, and is certainly very far from the truth as applied to language in general. Even as regards special jargons, instances to the contrary can be adduced, e. g., the high language" of Bali is based on Javanese, simply because in the 14th century the Javanese conquered and civilized Bali. There is one notable lacuna in the materials on which Dr. Lasch's article is based: India receives very little mention; I can find only some halfa-dozen references to it. Whether such material has not been collected in India, or whether, if collected, it has escaped Dr. Lasch's conscientious scrutiny, I have no means of ascertaining at present. But surely the Indian Empire should be a rich field for such enquiries; and if the material has not yet been collected, the sooner it is done, the better. I may, perhaps, be allowed to add a few remarks on details of which I happen to have some personal knowledge. The Camphor Language of the Johor Jakuns is primarily used by Jakuns, not Malays, and therefore the old Jakun words that occur in it must be classed as archaisms, not as foreign loan-words. As a matter of fact (as Dr. Lasch justly observes), foreign and archaic worde play but a very subordinate part, in practice, in most of these special jargons; and this fully applies to the Jakun Camphor Language. The Malay for "white beetle" is kumbang (not kambang) puteh, and, in the Malay war jargon this expression means "bullet," not "dagger." Dr. Lasch on several occasions attributes remarks of mine in Pagan Races of the Malay Peninsula to my collaborator Mr. W. W. Skeat, who must not, however, be held responsible for the linguistic chapters of that work. In particular he imputes to him the idea that a tendency to make up special jargons is a peculiar characteristic of the MalayoPolynesians. But if he had read a few pages further, he would have seen that I spoke of this tendency as being "perhaps inherent more or less in all races," a view which agrees entirely perusal of his article. In fact, just for this very with his own, and in which I am confirmed by the reason, the study of these jargons is a matter of world-wide interest and should appeal to all who Lasch has contributed a valuable piece of work are interested in the science of language. Dr. to this branch of research, and his paper should aid and stimulate other workers in this field. C. O. BLAGDEN.

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DECEMBER, 1908.) THE DATE OF BUDDHA, 341 THE DATE OF BUDDHA.! BY V. GOPALA AIYER, B.A., B.L. TN the history of the world, there is no chapter of human thought and activity of greater effect on 1 modern civilisation than that relating to the life and work of Gautama Buddha. He was born in an age when the world was in great need of earoest teachers to divert its attention from traditional grooves of thought and religious beliefs to new spheres of ideas and moral convictions. The philosophy of the Upanishads and the Sankhya doctrines of Kapila bad already made the way clear for him; but the authority, example and influence of a born spiritual selfless leader of men was required to carry on the reformation against the conservative tenets of ritual-loving Brahman orthodoxy. Indeed, but for his propaganda, the Vedanta school in Indin could not have attained the pre-eminence it subseqnently acquired, and possibly the Western world might have been denied the privilege of the consoling gospels of the Sage of Galilee. The advent of Jesus in the West and of Sankara in the East was, in a large measure, rendered possible by the large-hearted sympathy and the sublime teachings of the highest and the most beneficent personality in the history of thought. He it was that zealously preached the benign counsel of Love and Service, a doctrine till then but imperfectly understood, but which, carried by a band of earnest missionaries to the extreme confines of the then known world, was destined, in the marcb of events, to have a far-reaching influence over the hide-bound dogmas of bygone civilisations. The torch of modern enlightenment was lit up from the lamp of Dharma, which, having been set alight nearly twenty-four centuries and-a-half ago, still illuinines the lowly bearts of over 500 millions in Northern and Eastern Asia. More than all, the missionary aspect of religion, which till then might be said to have been tribal and exclusiva, the enroost endeavour to carry to all, even to those outside the place of one's tribe, caste or persuasion, tidings of peace and goodwill among men was first inculcated to the world by Gautama, when he said, on sending out his disciples : "Let not two of you go the same way. Preach O Bhikkus, the doctrine, which is glorious"; and the world has since been influenced by the proselytizing zeal of one creed or another, of Jesus, Muhammad, Ramanuja or Nanak. In short, the history of the world woull have been a good deal different from what it is but for the event of Kapilavastu, alas, so soon forgotten in the land of its origin. How pregnant with world-wide effect and importance is the appearance of a single individual on the stage of history! This period of Buddha's activities is interesting in more than one direction. At the time when the Tathagata was setting in motion the wheel of the New Dispensation, Mahavira was laying in India the foundations of the Jaina Religion. Then it was that Confucius awoke China with his code of morals, and Greece began to develop philosophy as a distinct branch of study, and was destined, soon after, in the Age of Pericles, to attain in many departments of human activity a state of progress, still an object of envy and admiration to the world. Rome always intent on civic advancement and political liberty was then transforming itself into a Republic, and the Persians, having overthrown the empire of the Medes, set up a monarchy of their own, and having subjugated Babylon and Egypt, turned their eyes towards India and Greece. "In each of these widely separated centres of civilisation," says Professor Rhys Davids (Buddhist India, p. 289), " there is evidence, about the sixth century B. O., of a leap forward in speculative thought, of a new birth in ethics, of a religion of conscience threatening to take the place of the old religion of custom and magic," which circumstance may be said to constitute "the best dividing line, if there was any, between the ancient history and modern, between the old order and the new." 1 A looture delivered before the South Indian Association, Madras, on 1st March 1908, being the 3rd Chapter of the author's Chronology of Ancient India, 2nd Volume.

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342 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1908. The date of Buddha's Nirvana thus comes to be of wore i han passing importance. It formos a significant landmark, at all events, in the history of India. In that year was held the first Great Buddhist Council at Rajagriha, the then capital of the Magadban Empire, under the distinguished presidency of Kasyapa. It was the eighth year of the reign of Ajatabatra, king of Magadha, son of that Bimbisara of the Suisunaga Dynasty, who stopped a great sacrifice he was then pompously celebrating at the gentle bidding of Gautama, when he spoke "Of life, which all can take but none can give, Life, which all creatures love and strive to keep." The epoch of the Nirvana gradually came to be the commencement of an era, adopted by Asoka in some of his inscriptions and by the chronicles of the Southern Bnddhists. It was prevalent in In-lia even in the days of the great astronomer Vriddhagarga, who is known to have flourished in the second century B.C. The era became so universal during the period of Buddhist supremacy in India that the word saka or Page #365
DECEMBER, 1908.) THE DATE OF BUDDHA. 843 In a Book Edict of his thirteenth year and Asoka always counts his years from the time of his coronation), Aboka says that he wade war with Kalinga in his ninth year and that, as remorse came upon him in consequence of the immense destruction caused during the war, he resolved thenceforth to give up military conquests, and he then proceeds to say: "And this is the chiefest conquest in His Majesty's opinion, the conquest by the Law of Piety, this also is that effected by His Majesty both in bis own dominions and in all the neighbouring realms as far as six hundred yojanas- even to where the Yavana King nained Antigoka dwells, and, beyond that Antiyoka, to where dwell the four Kings severally named Turamaye, Antikina, Makit, and Alikasandare, and in the south, the Kings of the Cholas and Pandyas and of Simhala." The Yavana Kings have thus been correctly identified: Antiyoka with Antiochus (Theos), who ascended the Syrian throne in 261 B. O. and died about 246 B. C.; and the farther Kings Turamaye, Antikina, Maka and Alikasandare, respectively, with Ptolemy (Philadelphus, King of Egypt from B.O. 285 to 347), Antigonas (Gonatas, King of Macedonia from B.C. 278 to 242), Magas (King of Cyrene who died in 258 B. C.), and Alexander (King of Epirus from B. C. 272 to 258). It is thus evident that the missionarios, sent by Asoka to these kingdoms between the ninth and the thirteenth year of his reign, raached them between B. O. 261 and 258, the dates, respectively, of the accession of Antiochus Theos and of the death of Magay, King of Cyrene. As the missionaries might most probably have reached the Greek Kingdoms about a year after the conquest of Kalinga, we may safely infer that the tenth regnal year of Asoka corresponded with B, C. 200 or 259, or, in other words, that his coronation was celebrated abont the year 269 B. O. And As, according to the Chronicles, the coronation was in the fourth year after his accession to the throne and the reign lasted for over 37 years after the coronation, we may regard Asoka's reign to have extended from about B. C. 278 to 281. We have next to determine the date of Chandragupta. The Ceylonese Chronicles tell us that Chandragupta reigned for twenty-four years, and that his son Bindaskra reigned before Asoka for a period of twenty-eight years. The P ayu Purd na gives the same period for Chandragupta, but assigus a period of twenty-five years for Bindusara, which may be incorrect, as the total of the periods of the individual reigns of this dynasty fall short of the total period given for the whole dynasty by about four years. Following the chronology of the Ceylonese Chronicles, the evidence of which, in this case at any rato, there is not much reason seriously to doubt, we get 273 plus 52, or 325 B. O., for the beginning of the Maurya Era, dating from Chandragapta's accession to the throne of Magadha. We have now to see if there is anything in the Greek sooounts of this period of Indian History to militate against the correctness of the above date. In speaking of the report brought to Alexander that the Gangaritans and Praesians (i.e., of the Prachi or Magadha Kingdom) were prepared to meet with a huge army the attack of the Greeks, in consequence of which Alexander was made to retrace his steps, Plutarch, who lived about the beginning of the Christian Era, says (Life of Alexander, 72) "For Androcottus, who not long after reigned in those parts with an army of 600,000 men, subdued all India .. Androcottus, then a youth, saw Alexander there and is said often afterwards to have been heard to say that he missed but little of making himself master of these countries; their king who then reigned, was so hated and despised for the viciousness of his life and the meanness of his extraction." We may infer from this extract that Androcottus, or Chandragupta, was at the time sufficiently influential and mature to be able to meet Alexander in the Panjab, and that the time was then favourable for the overthrow of the Magadhan King, as Chandragupta himself found soon after, when he supplanted the Nanda Dynasty.

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344 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1908. Quintus Curtius Rufus and Diodorus Seculus of about the first century of the Christian Era, corroborate Plutarch as regards the wickedness and low origin of Nanda, the then reigning King of Magadha, who is variously called Agrammes, or Xandrames, or Nandrus. Justin, probably of the 5th century A. D., but whose materials are drawn from Pompeius of the first century, says: "Seleucus Nicator after the partition of Alexander's Empire, took Babylon, passed over to India, which after Alexander's death, as if the yoke of servitude had been shaken off from its neck, had put his prefects to death. Sandrocottus was the leader who achieved this freedom; but after his victory, he forfeited by his tyranny all title to the name of liberator, for he oppressed with servitude the very people whom he had emancipated from foreign thraldom. He was born in humble life, but was prompted to aspire to royalty by an omen significant of an august destiny. For when by his insolent behaviour he had offended Nandrus and was ordered by that King to be put to death, he sought safety by a speedy flight... It was this prodigy (of a lion licking him) that first inspired him with the hope of winning the throne, and so having collected a band of robbers, he instigated the Indians to overthrow the existing government. When he was thereafter preparing to attack Alexander's prefects, a wild elephant approached him. . and receiving him on its back fought vigourously in front of the army. Sandracottas, having thus won the throne, was reigning over India, when Seleucus was laying the foundations of his future greatness."5 It has been the fashion to inter from the above extracts that Chandragupta ascended the throne of Magadha after Alexander's prefects were put to death, i. e., at about 321 B. C. according to certain recent scholars, or 315 B. C. according to the late Professor Max Muller. But neither of these dates, it is submitted, can legitimately be referred from the extracts given above. It is clear from the statement of Justin that Chandragupta prepared himself to attack Alexander's prefacts in the Panjab (who were put to death soon after Alexander's death in B. C. 328), only after the overthrow of the Nanda Dynasty. And this is only what ought to be expected under the circumstances. Banished from Magadha by the last King of the Nandas, Chandragupta sought refuge in the Panjab, where he met Alexander and his army in 326 B. C. He profited by the lessons of Alexander's intrepid marches and military tactics, and knowing that the then King of Magadha was hated on account of his wickedness and mean origin, and taking advantage of the confusion prevailing in Northern India by reason of Alexander's conquest, he secured the assistance of certain tribes, invaded Magadha and succeeded in setting himself up on the throne. This may be considered to have taken place soon after Alexander left the Panjab, or in 325 B. C. Having firmly established himself in the sovereignty of the realm and made himself secure against internal enemies, he turned his attention to the Panjab at the right moment when news was received of Alexander's death, and overpowering his prefects, added it to the dominions of Magadha. Consequently, Chandragupta was already ruling a great empire when Seleucus was but laying the foundations of a greatness, which was consummated by the establishment of the Seleucidian Era of 312 B. C. In this opinion, we are also supported to some extent by the details of the Mudra Rakshasa a remarkable drama of Visakhadatta of the early part of the eighth century," and of the commentator's introduction thereto. We are therein informed that the "evil-hearted" sons of the old Nanda King became envious of Chandragupta, who was then in command of the army. Chandragupta consequently left Pataliputra, the capital of Magadha, and under the advice of the Brahman Chanakya, sought the help of a Mlechcha General. By liberal promises this Mlechcha was induced to assist him in laying seige to Pataliputra. It was eventually taken; and the Nandas having been put to death, Chandragupta ascended the throne, no less by the craft of his wily minister than by the prowess of his arms. For this and the previous extracts, see Invasion of India by Alexander the Great, by J. W. McCrindle. Telang's Introd, to Mudra Rakshasa, p. xxvi.

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DECEMBER, 1908.] THE DATE OF BUDDHA. 345 Thus the accession of Chandragupta to the throne of Magadha, which is the epoch of the Maurya Era, has to be placed in 3257 B. C., whether as the result of an examination of the Greek and other authorities of the West, or on a consideration of the data available with reference to Asoka. The dates, 325 B. O, for the commencement of the reign of Chandragupta, and 289 B. O, for the coronation of Asoka, are of immense importance for the fixing of the date of the Nirvana of Gautama Buddha; for, as according to the Ceylonese Chronicles, the accession of Chandragupta and the coronation of Asoka took place, respectively, after the expiry of 162 and 218 years after the Nirvana, this last event may be considered to have taken place in 487 B. C. These statements of the Chronicles are accepted as correct even by the late Professor Max Muller (Ancient Sanskrit Literature, p. 299 ), and, in fact, they have been remarkably corroborated by certain Inscriptions of Asoka, which have recently been discovered. The Inscriptions of Asoka, which have been found from Gujarat on the west coast to Orissa on the east, and from Afghanistan in the north to Mysore in the south, are remarkable as giving us an insight into the wide range of the dominions of the Mauryan Dynasty, whose first King Chandragupta is reported to have brought the whole world " under one umbrella" They are also of unique importance in the history of paleography for having furnished the genius of Prinsep with the clue to the decipherment of the earliest known Indian Alphabet, - the same service which the bilingual icscription of Malta, the Rosetta stone and the Rock of Behistan have rendered to the study of cuneiform inscriptions and Egyptian bieroglyphs. Of these Inscriptions, the so-called Minor Rock Edicts of Sahasram in Bengal, of Rupnath in the Central Provinces, of Bairat in Rajputana, and of Siddapura, Jatanga Ramesara and Brahmagiri in Mysore, are of immense help in the fixing of the chronology of Asoka, and of Buddha's Nirvana. All of them contain variant recensions of practically the same text; but those at Brahmagiri and Rupnath are the best preserved. The Brabmagiri text is thus translated by Mr. Vincent Smith (Asoka, p. 140.): - "By order of the Prince and Magistrates at Suvarnagiri, the Magistrates at Isila, after greetings, are to be addressed as follows:- His Majesty commands : - For more than two years and-a-half I was a lay disciple without exerting myself strenuously. A period of six years, or rather more than six years has elapsed since I joined the Order and have strendously exerted myself; and during this time the men who were, all over India, regarded as true, have been, with their gods, shown to be untrue. For this is the fruit of exertion, which is not to be obtained for himself by the great man only ; because even the small man can, if he choose, by exertion win for bimselt much heavenly bliss. For this purpose has been proclaimed this precept, namely, 'Let small and great exert themselves to this end.' My neighbours, too, should learn this lesson; and may such exertion long endure! And this purpose will grow -yea, it will grow vastly - at least half as great again will be its growth. And this precept was proclaimed by the Departed. 256 (years have elapsed since then ?)... Written by Pada, the Scribe." The Rupnath text has also been translated thus by the same learned author (Asoka, p. 138): - "Tbus saith His Majesty : - For inore than two years and-a-half I continued to be a hearer of the Law without exerting myself strendously. A period, however, of more than six years has clapsed since I joined the Order and have strenuously exerted myself. The gods, who at that time, all over India, were regarded as true gods have now become untrue gods. For this is the fruit of exertion which is not to be obtained by the great man only ; because even the small man can by exertion win for Mr. V. A. Smith writes to me under date 7th October 1908: "It is possible that you may be right in antedating Chandragupta to 325." * Bavachharam. Some scholars would take this word to mean one year. But in the face of the corresponding words sadvachale (sad =6) and chhavachhare (chhe = 6) used, respeotively, in the Sahasran and Rappath versions, such interpretation seems incorrect. Mr. Smith adopts Dr. Buhler's reudoring, and I agree with them.

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316 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1908. himself much heavenly bliss. And for this purpose was given the precept, Let small and great exert themselves. My neighbours, too, should learn this lesson ; and may such exertion long endore! For this purpose of mine will grow its growth yes, it will grow vastly, at least half as large again will be its growth. And this parpose has been written on the rocks, both here and in distant places; and wherever a stone pillar exists, it must be written on the stone pillar. And as often as a man seasons his cooked food with this condiment, he will be satisfied even to satiety. This precept has been given by the Departed. 256 years bave elapsed from the departure of the Teacher (?)." No serious objection can possibly be, nor has been, raised to the correctness of this translation, except in regard to a few particulars. The period given for the interval when Asoka was a lay disciple and the numerical figures in the last paragraph have been differently interpreted by different authors. As regards the numerical fgures, the Brabmagiri text reads thus :- " Tyam cha sacane sd >> (d) (i) te Vyuthena 256 se." The Rupnath text runs thus " Vyuthend sa cane kate 256 - Suta sirdsd ta." We find the following at Sahasram: "Tyam (cha sapane) vivuthena dure sa pamnblati satd vioutha ti 256." The various renderings of this puzzling passage have been collected by Dr. Fleet in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society for January 1904. M. Senart considers that the words refer to the " 256 settings out of missionaries," and Professor Olenberg, to the number of men wbo taught on earth. Bat the most rational interpretation hitherto attempted is the one given by Dr. Buhler and adopted by Mr. Smith in the translation given above." Dr Bobler who first brought the contents of the edict to public notice in 1877, maintained from first to last that the words and the numerical symbols are a date and that the passage means that the edict was promulgated when 236 complete years had elapsed, and in the course of the 257th after the death of Buddha." That the figures 256 represented a date is also the opinion of Cunningham, Max Muller, Kern, Pischel, Boyer and Rhys Davids, though the last named Professor considered the figurus to represent the number of years elapsed since the great Renunciation of Buddha in the 29th year of his age. In endorsing the view that the figures represent a date and that they are reckonel from the Death of Buddha, Dr. Fleet pointedly mentions that there is no word used in the Brahmagiti text" to give how 256 is to be applied. This is instructive, for the idea of date can be inferred, but not of persons." He therefore translates the Sahasram text as follows, " And this same precept was composed by the Wandere: ; (of) centuries two hundrel) and fifty-six years) have elapsed since the Wanderer ; or in figures 200 (and) 50 (and) 6." The Rupnath text is thus translated : "(This same) precept was composed by the Wanderer ; (of) eenturies 200 (and) 50 (and) 6 (years have elapsed) since (his) Wanderings." And the Brahmagiri inscription is translated thus : " And this same precept was inculeated by the Wanderer ; 200 (and) 50 (and) (years have elapsed since then)." There can be no doubt that both Dr. Buhler and Dr. Fleet have correctly surmined that 256 is & date, and that it begins in the year of Buddha's death. But with the greatest de erence to their very high attainments, I must hambly submit that they are wrong with reference to the person denoted by the word 'vyatha' or 'vivuths' which simply means 'departed.' I consider that the precept is of Alokal himself, given alinost on his deathbed, that .J.R.A.S., January, 1904. # Mr. V. A. Smith, to whom I sent an advance copy of this paper, kindly draws my attention to an article by himself and Mr. F, W. Thomas since published in the Indian Antiquary, wherein Mr. Thomas says: "But according to one text the deana is kaca, 'made,' and this seems to imply rather a newly-composed, then an ancient, precept. The actual tenor of the precept confirms this theory. ... The leason, therefore, which he would inculcate is new one, an outcome of a recent personal experience... The author of the procept..is Aboks himself." Mr. Smith adds in a footnote to the copy of that article kindly sent by him to me: "V. Gopala Aiyer agrees and I am pretty sure that this is right." But Mr. Thomas takes 'uydtha' to mean Asoka's missionary travels. This appears to me to be incorrect. Mr. Smith himself ways in another footnote to the same copy with reference to this interpretation of Mr. Thomas: "This, I now admit, is doubtfal."

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DECEMBER, 1908.] THE DATE OF BUDDHA. 347 probably he gave instructions to "the prince and magistrates of Suvarnagiri", where he seems to have lived in religions retirement, to engrave his last commands in all parts of his dominions, and that possibly before his instructions could be carried out, he departed from this world. If this precept were to be considered as that of Buddha, scholars ought to have, but have not been able to point out among Buddha's sayings the teaching herein engraved, namely, "Let small and great exert themselves." Nor does this find a place in the list of the passages, which Asoka culls from Buddha's sayings and publishes for the edification of the monks of Magadha in the Bhabra Edict, famous for its clear showing of Asoka's adherence to the Buddhistic faith. Moreover, the words under discussion, namely, Iyam cha sduane.. 256 8e in the Brahmagiri text, and Vyuthend advane .. vidasa ta in the Rupnath text, no more belong to the body of the text than the words " Padena likhitam lipi karena" (written by Pada, the Scribe), which we find at the end of the Brahmagiri, Jatunga Ramesara and Siddapura inscriptions. Just as the Seribe immortalized himself by adding his name at the end of the inscription, so even the Prince and Magistrates of Suvarnagiri, who published this inscription, began it by proclaiming that it was at their instance that it was published, and ended it by appending hereto its date in the years of the Nirvana. The term vyutha' was applied by them to Asoka, who had probably just then departed' to the other world, and, as it was no longer possible, on account of his death, to adhere to the practice of dating the Inscriptions of Asoka in the years of his reign, this inscription had to be dated in the years of the Nirvana of Buddha. The Brahmagiri text may therefore be translated thos: "This teaching was proclaimed by the Departed (Aboka) in the year 250." The Rupnath and Sahasram texts have, in addition, the following words respectively, namely, " 256 Sata rivdsd ta" and "Satd rivutha ti 256." Dr. Buhler correctly translates Sata' 11 as 'Teacher and considers it refers to Buddhs; and in my humble opinion these words mean "in (the year) 256, since the departure of the Teacher (Buddha)." I therefore consider that the precept was perhaps the last admonition to his people of Asoka, who departed' Like some full-breasted swan, That, fluting & wild carol ere her death, Ruffles her pure cold plume, and takes the flood With swartby webs. The next point to be considered is the period given in the inscription for the interval when Asoka was a lay disciple. The exact word used in the Rupnath inscription for this period is adhitiaani, whereas the Brahmagiri text has adhdtiyani. Dr. Buhler translated this Magadbi word in the columns of the Indian Antiquary for 1877 (p. 256), as meaning thirty-two and-a-half years. Bat Dr. Bubler subsequently gave up this construction, and he states in the Epigraphia Indica, Vol. III (p. 134), that the word means two and-a-half years, an interpretation which, though wrong, has been adopted by Mr. Smith in his Asoka, and by Mr. B. L. Rice, the discoverer of the Mysore Edicts. (Ep. Carnatica, Vol. XI., p. 4.) Mr. V. A. Smith says: "We have Asoka's own authority for stating that in the ninth year of bis reign, for the reasons above explained, he joined the Buddhist Community as a lay disciple." 13 I.Babmit that we have no such authority. The reasons advanced by Mr. Smith are almost the same as those relied on by M. Senart and are based on the thirteenth Rock Edict. Asoka says therein that he conquered the Kalingas in the ninth year of his reign, that he was greatly affected by the horrors of war and that ever since he had zealously protected the law of Piety, had been devoted to that Law and had proclaimed its precepts." I think that it is wrong to draw from this statement that Asoka was converted only then for the first time. It simply shows that the bloodshed caused in the 11 Skt. Basta, a name of Buddha. See Amarakola, I, 14. 12 Asoka, p. 18.

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848 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1908. Kalinga War opened his eyes to the iniquity of military conquests, and that he resolved thenceforth to be zealous in the discharge of religious duties. It means that he then became, what in modern language may be called, regenerated. The absence of any specific statement in this long and biographical record that he was only then converted, shows, on the contrary, that he was a Buddhist already. Again the statement made in the eighth Rock Edict on Pions Tours, to the effect that in former times Kings used to go out on tours for purposes of pleasure, but, in the eleventh year of his reign, "he went on the road leading to true knowledge, whence originated tours devoted to piety," during which pious men were seen, and largess bestowed, this statement has been interpreted by Prof. Rhys Davids and Mr. Smith, as showing that Asoka became a monk in the eleventh year of his reign by taking the eightfold path. This idea, I venture to express, never entered into the mind of the pious monarch. What he clearly intended to proclaim was that, whereas former Kings went out only for purposes of mundane plea sures, he, on the other hand, toured in his provinces only for the purpose of acquiring spiritual merit. As a matter of fact, we have evidence of his pious tours in the numerous stupas and pillars, which he erected in holy places in various parts of his dominions in memory of his having visited them. It is clear to anyone conversant with even modern Prakrit vernaculars that adhe means two and-ahalf, and tis means thirty, and that the word consequently signifies thirty-two and-a-half years. This interpretation is also supported by the following considerations. If adhitisdai meant two and-ahalf years, then as Asoka was certainly a Buddhist in the year after the Kalinga War, he must have been a monk in the 13th year of his reign at the latest; but no inscriptions of his, of that or of any later year, including the pillar edicts of the twenty-seventh and twenty-eighth years of his reign, make any mention of his having joined the Order, which must, therefore, have occurred at a much later date. Secondly, the Rupnath version of the Edict under discussion states that Edicts had already been inscribed on rocks and pillars. As we do not find any pillar edict prior to Asoka's twentyseventh year, this inscription, must certainly be later and cannot belong to the eighteenth year of his reign, as was supposed by Mr. Smith, 13 Thirdly, in this inscription strenuous exertion for a short period as a member of the Order is contrasted with, and considered superior to, the moderate exertion of a layman for a longer period. It is absurd, therefore, to contrast strenuous exertion for the longer period of six years with moderate exertion for the shorter period of two years and-a-half. Fourthly, we find in this Inscription the first and only glimpse of an intolerant spirit ever exhibited by Piyadasi. Even as late as the 28th year of his reign, he says, in the Sixth and the Seventh Pillar Edicts. 'I devote all my attention to all communities. All sects have been reverenced by me.' He also arranged that censors should be occupied with the affairs of the Buddhist clergy, as well as with the Brahmans, Jains, Ajivakas and, in fact, with all the various sects." The Twelfth Rock Edict of about the fourteenth year of his reign is devoted solely to the subject of Toleration, and Asoka declares therein: "A man must not do reverence to his own sect by disparaging that of another man for trivial reasons. Depreciation should be for adequate reasons only, because the sects of other people deserve reverence for one reason or another." He recommends charity and respect to Brahmans in many of his edicts and bestowed certain caves on the members of the Hindu Ajivaka Sect. If we compare these splendid acts of toleration with the fanaticism of the Inscription in question, there can be no doubt that Asoka was in his dotage when the latter was issued. For he says therein that during the six years he had 13 Asoka, pp. 133-140.

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DECEMBER, 1908.] THE DATE OF BUDDHA. 349 been a monk, "the men who were all over India regarded as trae meaning thereby, Brahmans) have been with their gods shown to be untrue," a statement more worthy of an intolerant old bigot than of a wise statesman that he till then had been. It stands to reason, therefore, that it must bave emanated long after the Pillar Edicts of his twenty-eighth year. Fifthly and lastly, the interpretation herein attempted also agrees with the chronological details of the Ceylonese Chronicles in a remarkable manner. As we have already seen, they declare that the King joined the Buddhist faith in the fourth year after his succession to the throne, and celebrated his coronation soon after in the same year, i. e., 218 years after the death of Buddha and that he died thirty-seven years after his coronation. The Sudarsana Vibhasha, which was translated into the Chinese in 489 4. D., also agrees in giving 218 A. B. for Asoka. From these statements we may draw the obvious inference that Asoka was a Buddhist 14 for about thirty-eight years and that he died in the year 256 after the death of Buddha. This result exactly tallies with the details of our Inscription, which was proolaimed in the year 256 after Buddha's death and according to which Aboks was a Buddhist for 32+ + 6 or 384 years. We have already fixed the date of Asoka's death in 231 B.C. This inscription which may be fittingly styled as his last swan-song is, therefore, of that date. On the authority then of the available inscriptions and of the tradition as recorded in the Ceylonese Chronicles, the date of the Nirvans of Buddha is found to be 231 + 256 or 487 B. C.; and as tradition assigns eighty years as the period of his life, he may be cousidered to have been born in the year 567 B. C. Curiously enough, the date we have arrived at is corroborated by testimony from an independent quarter. It appears that there is in China & Dotted Record "which was attached to the Vinaya Pitaka, and every year at the end of the passa ceremony, the presiding priest used to add a dot to it. This process is said to bave been kept up till 489 A. D., when Sanghabhadra added the last dot after his vassa residence at Canton in China." The Record is stated to have "indicated 975 dots (years) from the Nirvana to 489 A. D."16 If this statement is found to be correct, then we have one more reason for considering the Nirvana to have occurred in 487 B. O. We have lastly to consider how it is that the Ceylonese tradition, as recorded in the Chronicles, which, as we have seen, is not without its great value for historical and chronological parposes, has all along been that Buddha attained Nirvana in the year 548 B. C. I am aware that scholars like Max Muller and Mr. Smith ninceremoniously brush aside all the chronological particulars of these Chronicles prior to 160 B. C. as unreliable, while others go so far as to condemn them wholesale. But as Professor Rhys Davids says: "It jars upon the reader to hear the Chronicles called the mendacious fictions of unscrupulous monks. Such expressions are inaccurate; and they show a grave want of appreciation."16 Dr. Fleet goes even so far as to say that 543 B. O., the date according to the Choronioles an interpreted by the editors Turnour and Wijesinha, "is not asserted by or supported by anything contained in Dipavansa or the earlier part of the Muhavansa, but was simply invented, as far as I can see my way, in the 12th or 13th century A.D." 17 But this is certainly a mistake, for as Bishop Bigandet points out: "There is, perhaps, no * Mr. V. A. Smith writon to me ander date 7th October 1908: "I am fully persuaded, with Separt, and against Dr. Fleet, that all the inscriptions (of Aboka) are Buddhist," I agree: but I venture to consider also as correct the statement of the Ceylonese Chronicles that Asoka was converted to Buddhism very shortly before his coronation. # J. R. A. 8., July, 1896; Ind. Ant., 1884, p. 153; J. R. A. 8., January, 1905, p. 33. 26 Buddhist India, p. 274. 11 J. R. A.S., January, 1904.

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350 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1908. single point in the whole history of India on which the chronicles of Ceylon and further India are so distinct and unanimous than that Buddha died - or as they express it, attained Nirvana - at the age of eighty years in the year 543 B.O., or in the year 148 of the Eetzana or Aujana epoch." I believe that the erroneous idea regarding the value of the Ceylonese Chronicles is due to R certain extent to the ciroumstance that no explanation was forthcoming why the Ceylonese date for the Nirvana should be nearly six d ades anterior to the one which may be inferred from reliable data. This antedating of the Era of the Nirvana injuriously affected to a certain extent the correctness of the chronology of the Dipavansa and the Mahdoansa. Turnour accepts 543 B. C. for the Nirvana, but supposed that the date of Asoka was carried back by a period of sixty years for the reason that it was thought expedient for the good of religion that the landing of Vijia, the first Buddhist missionary to Ceylon, should be coincident with the death of Buddha. But this far-fetched explanation cannot be accepted for the simple reason that it assumes a wrong date, namely, 543 B. C. for the Nirvana of Buddha. On the other hand, the real reason for the antedating by the Chronicles of the Nirvana by & period of 38 years, the diff@rence between the Ceylonese date 543 B. C. and B. C. 487, the date advanced herein, must be sought for elsewhere. I believe that it is due to an erroneous belief entertained by early Buddhists that the Maurya Era began with Asoka, the Constantine of the followers of Gautama. They ignored the possibility of the era cominencing with the accession to the throne of Magadha of a non-Baddhist King, namely, Chandragupta, who did not loom so largely in public estination. They knew that Asoka dated his edicts by the years elapsed since his coronation, and naturally supposed that the Maurya Era, which was current in the third and second centuries before Christ is can be inferred from the Hatigumpha Inscription date in the year 165 of the Maurya Era, began with the coronation of their greatest Emperor. Aboka's coronation was thus placod 56 years earlier, the interval between the Mauryan epoch of 325 B. C. and 269 B. C., the correct date of his coronation. And as Baddhists believe that he was formally crowned "after 218 years haul elapsed since the death of Buddha," the Great Sakyamuni was erroneously supposed to have passed in the year 325 +218 or 543 B. C. "unto Nirvana, where the Silence lives." 18 18 In two communications from Dr. Vleet, since published in the J. R. A. 8. for 1908, PP. 486 and 815, he accepts the statements of the Dipruvana that Aboks reigoed 37 years after his anointment in the 218th year after Buddha's death, but rejeots the other statement that Asoka was converted to Buddhism in the 4th year after his accession to the throne. Dr. Fleet takes adhitiaans to mean 27 years and says: "Asoka wus con verted to Buddhism and became # lay disciple about half-way through the soth year after his apointment. A little more than 2 years later .. he formally joined the Buddhist Samgba. A little more than 5 years after that, early in the 38th year, he took the vows of a monk, perhaps installing Dabaratha bis successor. And from that retirement, 1 year later, early to the 39th year, be sent forth this notification (the minor rook ediota of Brahmagiri, ate.)" I respectfully submit that it is against the tenor of Asoka's edicts and the Ceylonese Chronicles to suprone that Aloks was converted to Buddhirm only so late as the 8th after his coronation. Asoka would not have set up" the Rammindei Pillar in bis 21st year in memory of Buddha's birth and done "reverence to Buddba Sakyamani" and called him " Bhagavin," unless he had been a Buddhist already. His enlargement, for the second time of the spa of Buddha Kobaksmans in the 15th year of his reign as recorded on the Nigliva Pillar, his constant references in his inseriptions to Dhamma, the Buddhist word for Religion, the circumstance tbat he does not mention in any of his insoriptions any of the Hindu deities which would bave been impossible in a Hindu as pious as Aboka, the evidence afforded by bis 18th took adiet of his missionary zeal which must certainly have been in the air of some provely tizing religion like that of Buddha, and not merely for the incoloation of the primary duties of man which all men recognised, his opinion that the best of all deeds in the proolamation of Dhamma (Rook Ediot IV), his condemnation of animal slanghter, his directions for the convoking of the General Assembly once in every 5 years for proclaiming Dhamma and his reference in his third rook odiot to the olergy (paried) for teaching the same to others, the definitions given in his inscriptions of true ceremonial and true charity, and above all, the clear statement of the Ceylonos Chronicles that he was converted in the 4th year after his accession to the throne, all go to prove that be joined the samo Buddhist faith as a layman in which 321 years later he was confirmed as a monk.

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DECEMBER, 1908.) ANCIENT HISTORY OF THE NELLORE DISTRICT. 351 ANCIENT HISTORY OF THE NELLORE DISTRICT. BY V. VENKAYYA, M. A., RAI BAHADUR. (Continued from p. 984.) Pallava Expansion in the Tamil Country. Early in the 7th century A.1. the Pallavas were apparently driven out froin their northern possessions and the splendour of the lord of the Pallavas, who had opposed the rise of his (i. e. Pulikesiu's) power" was "obscured by the dust of his (the latter's ) army " and the former was forced "to vanish behind the walls of Kanchipura." 51 The kingdom of Vengi was sabsequently founded and Kubja-Vishiuvardhana, the younger brother of Palikesin 11., was appointed to govern the province sometime before A. D. 632.52 In defining the boundaries of Vergi, Dr. Fleet gives the river Koishna as its southern limit, but subsequently remarks that the more northern portions of the Pallava dominions appear to have been quickly absorbed into the Eastern Chalukya country.63 We may, therefore, suppose that, soon after the Eastern Chalukya king dom had been founded, the northern portion of the Nellore District was annexed by it, 54 while the southern portion continued under the Pallavas and was accordingly included in Toncai-nadu.56 This name was eventually altered into Jayangonda-Chola-maydnlam,50 which, as will be shown later on, extended at least as far north as the Atmakur talak.57 Where exactly the boundary line lay between Vangi and Tondai-nada cannot be ascertained at present. In the Teki plates of Chodaganga, dated in A. D. 1086-87, the river Manneru is said to be the southern boundary of the Vengi kingdom.58 It is not unlikely that this river formed the boundary between Veigi and Ton lai-nadu even in earlier times. That portion of the Nellore District, which was sabject to Eastern Chalukya domination, naturally adopted, from its frequent contact with the Andhra country, Telugu for its vernacular, while in the southern portion, which was governed by the Pallavas of Conjeeveram, Tamil seems to have prevailed until the Vijayanagara conqaest. Though the Western Chalakya king Palikesin II. drove the Pallavas out of the Teluga country, yet, towards the close of his reign, the latter became powerful and actually defeated him and seized his capital Vatapi, i. e. Badami, in the Bombay Presidency, about A. D. 642.69 But his son Vikramaditya I. conquered the Pallava king Paramesvaravarman I. and probably led an expedition against Kanchi.co The Pallavas apparently lost, at least temporarily, a portion of their dominions. About the same time there was a powerful coalition to uproot the Eastern Chalukya Indra-Bhattaraka, who is said to have reigned for seven days in A. D. 663.81 It is not known whether the Western Chalukya Vikramaditya I. took any active part either in favour of or against his cousin or not. The Talamanchi plates (CP.24), dated in A. D. 660, belong to his reign, but as the village granted has not yet been identified, the inscription cannot be taken to prove that the dominions of Vikramaditya I. extended into the Nellore District.63 At any rate, the grants of Vishnuvardhana II. (A. D. 663 to 673 )4 and Mangi-Yuvardjas (A. D. 672-96 ) found in the Nellore District may be taken to prove the restoration of the Eastern Chalukyas in Vengi. Vishnuvardhana III. (A. D. 709-46 ), who 61 Ep. Ind., Vol. VI, p. 11. 03 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, p. 352. 08 Ante, Vol. XX, p. 98. * About A. D. 640, when the Chinose pilgrim Hinen Tsiang visited Southern India, there was a kingdom called Dhanakataka or Mahd-Andhra, whose capital seems to have been Bozvada. Dhanakataka was 1,000 li or HO south of Andhra and was 6,000 li in circuit (or twice the extent of Andhra); Beal's Buddhist Records of the Western World, Vol. II, p. 221. The northern portion of the Nellore District was probably included in Dhadakataka. 06 See the Bombay Gaselteer, Vol. I, p. 318. 66 South-Ind. Inscrs., Vol. II, p. 312 IT See p. 854 below. 68 Ep. Ind., Vol. VI, p. 885. *Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, p.858. * Ibid., p. 362. 1 Ante, Vol. XX, p. 97. 1 Ep. Ind., Vol. IX, p. 98. The king granted the village of Elanatti to the north of Kolhukonra to his Brahmana preceptor Srimeghaobarya of the Vasishtha gotra. The writer of the grant was Vajravarman of the Vaidya family. Two copper-plats grants of Vikram Aditya I, and two of his son Vinayaditya have been discovered in the neighbouring distriot of Karnal. Anto, Vol. XX, p. 98. 6 Ep. Ind., Vol. VIII, p. 236.

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852 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1908.: succeeded to the throne after ejecting his younger brother, seems to have become a subordinate of the Pallava king Nandivarman, whose general Udayachandra is said to have ordered the Nishada chief Prithivivyaghra out of the district of Vishouraja, which he sabjected to the Pallava. The only Pallava stone inscription7 found in the Nellore District is built into the floor of the Subrahmanya temple at Mallam in the Gadur taluk (G. 54). It is dated in the 15th year of the reign of the Pallava king Nandippottarasar, and seems to register a grant to the shrine of the god Sabrahmanya (at Tiruvanbur ) made at the roquest of an Alava chief, 49 the executor being the Chalukya king. Both the Alava chief and the Chalakya king - very probably the Eastern Chalukya Vishnuvardhana III.-were evidently Pallava feudatories, and it is interesting to note that the worship of the god Sabrahmanya dates from such an early period as the 8th centary A. D. The Ganga-Pallaves in the Nellore District, Nandivarman Pallavamalla is believed to have been the last powerful king of the Pallava dynasty.ce About the middle of the 8th centary A. D. they ceased to be the ruling power in Southern India and their place was taken at least in a portion of the Pallava dominions by the Ganga-Pallavns. The inscriptions of the lattor found in the vicinity of Kalahasti raise a presumption that their dominions might have extended at least into the southern portion of the Nellore District. Guqur 63, of which Mr. G. Venkoba Rao has furnished an impression at my request, confirms this presumption. It belongs to the 20th year of the reign of the Ganga-Pallava king Sri-Kampavarman and appears to record some gift to a goddess (that dri). The Eastern Chalukyas of Vengt in the Northern Portion of Nellore. The decline of the Pallavas7l and the almost synchronous disappearange of the Western Chalukyas of Badami must have made the Eastern Chalukyas of Vengi more powerful than before. The Rashtrak utas of Malkhed, who took the place of the Western Chalukyas, and the Ganga feudatories of the former were constantly at war with the Eastern Chalukyas. Vijayaditya II. of Vengt (A.D. 799 to 843) is said to have fought for twelve years, by day and by night, a hundred and eight battles with the armies of the Gangas and the Rattas and built the same namber of large temples of Siva."72 His grandson Vijayaditya III. (A.D. 844 to 888) was another powerful king. According to the Maliyapundi grant (CP. 19) he bore the title Paracbakrarama, while Ganaga or Gunaka 7 was his surname according to other copper-plates. Challenged by the lord of the Rattas he conquered the unequalled Gangas; played the game of ball with the head of Mangiraja on the battlefield; barnt Chakrakata74 and frightened Sankila residing in Kiranapara and joined by Krishna.76 From the Maliyapundi grant we learn that Mangi or Mangiraja was a Nolamba king.78 The general who gained most of these South-Ind. Inacra., Vol. II, p. 334. 6 Mr. Butterworth vory kindly placed at my disposal impressions of about 800 stone insoriptions from Nellore. The number of impressions actually printed in the volume is 921. In the following pages, the variations from the names or dates found in the Nellore volume are based on the revised based on the revised readings of them, which I have acoepted after studying the impressions received from Mr, Batterworth. In the 04.393 where impressions have not been available, I have made use of the text printed in the Nellore volume. 6 As traces of later Naga rule are found in the south of the Nellore District, it is not altogether impossible that this Aluva ohief was a Nage. In the Bombay Garetteor, Vol. I, p. 281, footnote 3, Dr. Fleet remarks that the Sendrakas and the Alupas may possibly have been Nagus. * Ep. Ind., Vol. V, p. 157. TO See my Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1908-04, para. 13. T1 At Nalajanampatu in the Kanigiri taluk is & somewhat damaged bat arobaio insoription of a king, whose name is not fully preserved, but who calls himself Paramamah svara and boro the title Pallavdditya (KG. 25). T1 Above, Vol. XX, p. 101. If this be true, a few at least of these 108 temples ought to be in the northern portion of the Nellore District, which, as I have already pointed out, was included in Vengt. 15 The surname Gonakenallata oscura in an arobaio fragment found in the town of Kandukur (KR. 81 and KR. 82) and Gunakenallundu in a similar fragment at Dharmavaram in the Ongole taluk (0.89). * Mr. Hiralal ha pointed out (Ep. Ind., Vol. IX, p. 179) that Chakrakata has to be looked for in the Bastar State of the Central Provinces. 15 Ep. Ind., Vol. IV, p. 226. 16 Ibid, Vol. IX, p. 43. Porbaps Mangi was a familiar form of the name Mangala, which was borne by the Arat Nolamba king Nolambadhiraja , age Mr. Rige's Epigraphia Carnatica, Vol. XII, p. 5.

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DECEMBER, 1903.) ANCIENT HISTORY OF THE NELLORE DISTRICT. 353 victories was Paudaranga 77 whose name figures in one or two of the lithic fragments in archaic characters published in the Nellore volume. The same general figures as the executor in the Masalipatam plate of Vijayaditya III.79 while Kadeyaraja, mentioned in the Bezvada plates of Chalakya Bhima I., was his grandson.70 On the death of Amma I. in A. D. 925 the succession was disputed. Vijayaditya V., also called Kanthika-Vijayaditya, reigned 15 days; Tadapa, 1 month; Vikramaditya II., 11 months ; 80 and Bhima III., 8 months. Then followed a period of confusion when, according to the Maliyapundi grant, Rajamartanda, Kanthika-Vijayaditya, Yuddhamalla and others were fighting for the throne oppressing the subjects like rdkshasas, and the strife is said to have lasted five years. Other princes also seem to have taken part in the war and to have harassed the country. Chalukya Bhima II. killed Rajamartandas1 and drove Kanthika-Vijayaditya82 and Yuddhamalla out of the country. The Kaluchumbarru grant refers also to this calamitous period in the history of Vengi and mentions the names of the other kings who took part in this war. Chalukya Bhima II. is said to have surpassed the epic hero Bhima in strength and majesty:-having, unaided, slain the glorious Rajamayya, and Dhalaga,, who excelled far and wide, and the fierce Tatabikki, and Bijja who was ( always ) ready for war, and the excessively powerful Ayyapa, terrible and savage, and the extremely great army sent by king Govinda, and Lovabikki, the ruler of the Cholas, and the valorous Yuddhamalls. This glorious Raja-Bhima II. gave encouragement to those who were frightened, protected those who came to the excellent refuge which he afforded, and removed troublesome people,83 The description given in these two grants of the state of the country cannot be altogether fauciful, and therefore it may be supposea that the province was actually devastated by this war.84 The end of the reign of Chalukya Bhima II. takes us to about the middle of the 10th century A. D. After a short period of peaceful progress came the interregnum in the Vengi country lasting more than a quarter of a century. According to the words of the poet," a feverish desire to obtain a suitable lord consumed the earth which was without a leader."95 Wbat actually took place during this interval is not known. The Rashtrakucas of Malkhed collapsed in consequence of their defeat at the hands of Siyaka-Harsha of Malwa and the plundering of their capital 98 and the place of the Rashtrakutas was taken by the Western Chalukyas of Kalyani. " At Addarki in the Ongole talak is a fragment which records a gift of land by P&ndaranga to a temple (0.3). The name Pandaranga occurs also in an archaic fragment at Dharmavaram in the same talak (O. 39), which refers to a certain Ayyapar&ju and his younger brother Bejeyundu. A descendant of Pandaraigu was Durgarija (Ep. Ind., Vol. IX, p. 49) who might be identical with Dugiraju mentioned in an arebaic inscription at Petluru (KR. 67). 15 Ep. Ind., Vol. V, p. 125. To Ibid., p. 131. At Reddipalayam in the Gudur taluk in a hamlet named Pantiangam, is a temple called Pandarangam in its insoriptions. The earliest record in the temple belongs, however, to the reign of VikramaChola, while mention is made of Kulottunga I. in another epigraph of the same temple. Pantrangam was known in ancient times as the great city of Kikandi in Kalalkonda-Parvattiri-kottam, a district of Rajendra-Cha-mandalam (G.87 and G.91). Kakandi was another name of Kavirippattinam ( Manimd zalai, xxii, 11. 37-38) mentioned in ancient Tamil poems as the capital of the Cholas. Kavirippattinam was submerged in the ocean during the reign of the Chola king Nedumudikkilli. The district in which Pantrangam or Kakandi was situated was KadalkondaPavvattiri-kottam Puvvattiri-kottam submerged in the ocean.' Though we have no reason to suppose that the Kikandi mentioned in early Tamil pooms has to be looked for in the Nellore District, it is a strange coincidence that a portion of that district was also submerged in the ocean in historical times. As regards the name Pantrangam of the village, we cannot be quite sure if the Eastern Chalukya dominions extended so far south as the Gadur thluk and as the volume before us furnishes no information as to the architecture of the temple, we cannot venture to connect the hamlet and the temple with the Eastern Chalukya general * The Vikramaditya-Maharkju of the Chalukya family mentioned in D. 8 must be Vikramaditya II., if he was an Eastern Chalukya at all, because Vikram Aditya I. of that dynasty did not reign; see also above, p. 201. * Rajamartanda is, according to Professor Hultzsch, the same as Rajamayya of the Kaluchumbarru grant. " He was also known as Beta-Vijayaditya and founded a separate line of kings, who held the Vengt country later on. He was anointed to the throne while still a child. If he while still a child. If the Maliyapundi grant is to be believed, ho fought for the crown even after he was dethroned. As he seems to have been a child when the war took place, it may bo that his oa uso was taken up by his partisans. 85 Ep. Ind., Vol. VII, p. 190. # Perhaps some of the monuments of the northern portion of the Nollore District came to grief about this time. 15 Ante, Vol. XIV, p. 52, text-line, 491, 46 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, p. 426.

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854 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1908. The Cholas in the Southern Portion of the Nellore District, In the south, about the time of which we are speaking (i. e. the second half of the 9th century A. D.), the Pandyas, who had been powerful, were gradually declining. As the Chola king Aditya I. conquered the Ganga-Pallava Aparajita and annexed his dominions and as inscriptions ut Parantaka I. have been found in the vicinity of Kalahasti83 (which is not far from the Nellore border ), it may be supposed that the Cholas had extendel their dominions into the southern portion of the Nellore District and become practically neighbours of the Eastern Chalukyas of Vengi. The Chela Parantaka I. claims to have conquered the Banas, who had been feudatories of the GangaPallavas, and some of whom figure in inscriptions at Gudimallam near Kalahasti. Perhaps it was this defeat that led them to seek their fortunes beyond the limits of the Chola dominions. We find Bana king, named Aggaparajn, in the north of the Nellore District (P. 38) about the middle of the 10th century and another named Churaballiraja at Konidena in the Guntur District about the mddle of the 12th century A. D.90 About A, D. 950 the power of the Cholas was checked temporarily by the Rashtrakuta occupation of a portion at least of the Chln dominions, though it may be doubted if this in any way affected their domination in the tract of country with which we are at present concerned. It is, however, necessary to note here that the interregnum in the Vengi country referred to in the previous paragraph could not have been brought about by the Cholas.93 The lawlessness consequent on the interregnum must have disturbad the southern portion of the district, which had probably passed into the hands of the Cholas soon after the downfall of the Ganga-Pallavas. Perhaps, it was the fear of this lawlessness spreading into his own dominions that led the great Chola king Rajaraja I. to despatch an army early in his reign into Vengt and to restore order and peaceful government in the province.93 What the other considerations were, if any, that led him to take this step we do not at present know. At any rate, the southern portion of the Nellore District was apparontly under Chola rule and was include in the province called Tondai-nada or Jayangonda-Cho!n-mandalam as testified to by a namber of inscriptions in the volume before us, while the northern portion continued under the Eastern Chalukyas.05 Paucity of Early Records in the south of Nellore. The Pallavas and Gaiga-Pallavas are represented in the Nellore District each by a single stone inscription found at Mallam in the Gudur taluk. And Chola dominion in the south of the district, which we have been trying to trace and which must have continued from the time of Parantaka I. (A. D. 907 to 946 ), has curiously enough left very few traces, to judge from the volume of Nellore inscriptions published by Messrs. Batterworth and Venugopaul Chetty. The See my Animal Report on Epigraphy for 1905-03, para, 10. * Nox. 225 and 230 of the Goverament Epigraphist's Collection for 1903. 19 Their territory, called in inscriptions Perumbanappadi, seems to have extended as far north as Tirapsti in the North Aroot District: noe my Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1903-04, para. 26. < Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1899-1900, para. 85. 91 Ep. Ind., Vol. VII, p.191. The interrogaum must have lasted from A. D. 972 to 998-9 (Ep. Ind., Vol. VI, p. 340). It is a curious fact e first king Taila IL, of the revived Western Chilukys dynasty corresponds to about the same period. Consequently, it looks as if he had something to do with the interregnum, though no statemext to that effect is made in any of the numerous records which mention the event. If he had actually subdued the country and was ruling it, the records would not characterise it as a period of anarchy. During the period of oonfusion consequent on the collapse of the Rashtrakatas of Malkhed and the rise of the Western ChAlukyas of Kalyni, some naorupulous feudatorios or military officers of one or the other of those powers probably assumed temporary sovereignty and harassed the people. It may even be that there fendatories all through the period of 27 years. This interregaum might also have contributed to the disappearance of monuments in Vengl. * It was apparently the Chola invasion during the reign of Bjarkja I. that put a stop to the interregnum; see Ep. Ind., Vol. VI, p. 349. " This province sooms to have extended as far north as the Atmakur talak. The village called Chiramana (Biramarsi in A. 23 ) was sitnated in Jayangonila-Chola-mapdalam. # Tha intermarriages between the Chola and the Eastern Chalukyas, whioh took place during the three succesujve generations, must have served to strengthen the latter oren against foreiga invasions.

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DECEMBER, 1908.] ANCIENT HISTORY OF THE NELLORE DISTRICT. Chola kings commencing from Parautaka I. have left a rich legacy of temples and inscriptions in the Tamil country. It is worthy of note that not even a fragment of an inscription of any of the Chola kings from Parantaka I. to Kulottunga I. has been found in that part of the Nellore District where they may reasonably be supposed to have held sway. Neither are there any ancient temples which may be ascribed to them. This again is significant and cannot be passed over without comment. The tract of country with which we have to deal is peculiarly devoid of ancient places sacred either to the Saivas or to the Vaishnavas. "It is possible," says the Madras Manual of Administration, "that the tract was to a certain extent uninhabited till a comparatively recent period, and like the Cuddapah, Bellary, Anantapur, and Kurnool districts formed part of the so-called desert of Dan laka." Under the heading Physical Geography' of the Nellore District the same authority remarks: "Its general aspect is forbidding. . . . The soil is not naturally fertile, nor are means of irrigation readily at hand. Scarcely one half of the total area is cultivated." These causes must have been at work to prevent the foundation of temples and the establishment of large Brahmanical colonies. The amalgamation of the Chcls and Eastern Chalukya kingdoms during the reign of Kulottunga I; the wave of Vaishnava revival during the time of Ramanuja and its spread from Conjeeveram into the north; and the foundation of local feudatory families in several parts of the Telugu country towards the close of Kulottunga's reign and after his death-these were probably some of the causes which led to the gra lual colonization of the barren and unproductive parts of the Nellore District. With this occupation commenced the building of the temples now found in the district, which are all later than the time of Kulottunga I 96 In fact, most of the stone inscriptions included in the Nellore volume belong to the period subsequent to the reign of Kulottunga I. There are no records, either on stone or on copper, in the volume, for the elucidation of the history of the district, from the close of the interregaum to the reign of Kulttunga I., as far as the northern portion is concerned. As regards the south, there are only two inscriptions which are prior to the time of Kulottunga. 355 Kulottunga I. and His Successors. Thus far the history of Nellore has had to be made out mainly from records found elsewhere. The later periods may be worked out from the inscriptions of the district, which Messrs. Butterworth and Venugopaul Chetty have made accessible to the antiquarian public with characteristic disinterestedness. The Chila king Knlottunga 1. is referred to in a Gudur inscription under the name "Kulottanga-Choladeva, who abolished tolls" (G. 87), while his son and successor is represented by a single Tamil record in the same taluk (G. 94).97 The accession of Kulottunga II. is fixed at A. D. 1132-33 by O. 142 and by a few epigraphs from the Guntur District in the Government Epigraphist's Collection.99 He reigned until at least A. D. 1148-49, while his Cheliur plates are dated in A. D. 1143.99 The initial date of Rajaraja II, viz. 1146, calculated by Professor Kielhorn from astronomical details furnished in Tamil inscriptions of his reign100 is confirmed by O. 51 and O. 59 and by a number of records from Bapatka in the Guntur District.1 He must have reigned until at least A. D. 1171-72. The absence of epigraphs of Kulottaiga II. and Rajaraja II. in the southern portion of the Nellore District may be taken to show that In the Ongole taluk a comparatively ancient Haihaya inscription (O. 113) has been found. It is, however, undated and fragmentary, and no king's name has been traced in it. Perhaps it belongs to some ancestor of the Kona chiefs, who claimed to belong to the Haihaya family and to be lords of the city of Mahishmatk In the 12th century A. D. the Kona chiefs were ruling the Godavar delta as feudatories of the Velaninda family (Ep. Ind., Vol. IV, p. 88). 97 0.74, which contains some of the birudas of Kulottunga I. and of Vikrama-Chola, has perhaps to be assigned to the latter or to some descendant of either of them. The king's name is not mentioned and the name Vira-Choda, which does occur, cannot be taken to denote the Eastern Chalukya viceroy of that name, because the titles given to the king were not ordinarily used by the rulers of Vengl. Nos. 172, 173, 174, 176, 180, 183, and 223 of 1897. Ep. Ind., Vol. VII, p. 10. 100 Ibid., Vol. VIII, p. 2. 1 Nos. 187, 188, 189, 191, 192, 193, 311, 215, 216, 231, and 231 of 1897. The sovereignty of Kulottunga II. and of his successor Rajaraja II. appears to have been merely nominal in the Telugu country. Thoir insoriptions have also been found at Draksharama in the Godavari District. No. 164 of 1897 belongs to the 23th year of Esjareja II. and to Saka-Samvat 1094 A.D, 1171-72. Subsequently, another branch of the Eastern Chalukyas seems to have ruled Vengl, or at least a portion of it, for a short time.

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356 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1908. their dominions were probably limited to the northern part of the district. The next Chola king represented in the volume before us is Kulottunga III., whose accession took place in A. D 11783 and whose records are found in the Nellore, Rapir, and Gudur taluks, in the Sulurpet Division, and in the Venkatagiri Zamindarf. A. 18, A. 26, and A. 43, dated, respectively, in the 85th, 18th, and 39th year of Kulottunga may also be attributed to him. The latest date of Kulettunga III is apparently his 39th year corresponding to A. D. 1216-7. Towards the close of the same year his son and successor Rajaraja III. ascended the throne. The latter is represented in the Gudur, Nellore, and Rapur taluks, Sulurpet Division, and the Venkatagiri Zamindari. The latest date of his reign is the 37th year in an inscription at Kanupartipacu in the Nellore taluk (N. 27), which mentions a Jaina temple called Karikala-Chola-Jinalaya and a certain Matisagaradeva, apparently a Jaina teacher. If this date has been correctly read, Rajaraja III. and his successor Virarajendra-Choladeva must have been co-regents. Inscriptions of the latter have been found in the Gudur and Udayagiri taluks (G. 39, G. 85, G. 90, and U. 48). He may be different from Rajendra-Chc la III., who, according to Professor Kielhorn, ascended the throne in A. D. 1246. The initial date of Virarajendra-Choladeva is A. 1). 1244-5 according to G. 90 and U. 48. The former is represented at Triparantakam in the Kurnool District by a Tamil inscription, while the latter seems to have been ruling over a small portion of the Nellore District until at least A. D. 1262-63 (G. 85 and G. 90). Later History of Nellore. Thus, while the earlier Chola kings are altogether unrepresented in the Nellore volume, Kulottunga I. probably ruled over the whole of the Nellore District, because he was the sovereign both of Vengi and of the Chola dominions. He has, however, left no unmistakable monuments. As regards his successors, their sovereignty seems to have been merely nominal, while the feudatories to be mentioned presently appear to have divided the country into several portions and to have governed them as semi-independent chiefs. This state of things probably continued all through the 12th century. Towards the close of that period, the Kakatiyas of Orangal became powerful and seem to have secured a portion of the Veugi kingdom. A number of inscriptions of the Kakatiya king Ganapati have been found in the Ongole talak (0. 17, 0. 28, 0. 45, 0. 86, O. 88, O. 89, O. 139, O. 143 and 0. 150), and in the Darsi (D. 25 and D. 27) and Podili divisions (P. 7, P. 10 and P. 11). Probably, the northern portion of the district acknowledged the Kakatiya supremacy, while the south remained subordinate. at least in name to the tottering Cholas. About the middle of the 18th century, the Pandyas, who had become supreme in the Tamil country, extended their conquest The Pandyas. in the north and actually captured Nellore. Jatavarman SundaraPandya I. (A. D. 1251 to at least 1261) boasts of having defeated the Kakatiya king Ganapati and of having performed the coronation of heroes at the town of Nellore. Though the actual extent of The Kakatiyas. 2 I am unable to decide whether G. 78 has to be assigned to Kulottunga III. or Rajaraja III. It is dated in the 18th year of Tribhuvanachakravartin Srt-Rajarajadera, "who took Madura and the crowned head of the Pandya." It is very unlikely that Rajaraja III. is meant, because he could not have conquered Madura. But it may be contended that he simply inherited the title from his father Kulottanga III., in which case it must be remarked that this title occurs nowhere else in connection with Rajaraja III. It occurs most frequently as a biruda of Kulottunga III. 3 Ep. Ind., Vol. VII, p. 8. During the interval between the death of Rajaraja II. and the accession of Kulottunga III, the northern portion of Nellore probably passed into the hands of the Velanandu chiefs, who were actually governing Veng! as feudatories of the Chalukya-Chola kings. The southern portion of the Nellore District must have continued under the Cholas. This is evident from V. 10, where the year next to the 39th of Kulottunga is described as the 2nd year of Rajaraja. The double date of N. 57 is due to a mistake, which is apparent already in the published transcript. The impression shows that a portion of the inscription was copied twice, and one of the copies was pasted by the side of the other. 5 See my Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1905-03, Part II, para. 21. The chiefs mentioned in A. 37, dated in the cyclic year Vyaya, bear Pandya names. But the inscription seems to be a comparatively modern one. Above, Vol. XXI, p. 121.

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DECEMBER, 1908.) ANCIENT HISTORY OF THE NELLORE DISTRICT. 357 the Kakatiya dominions during the time of Ganapati is not known, there is no doubt, that he penetrated as far south as Conjeeveram, where an inscription of his is found dated in A. D. 1249.8 And it becaine the interest of the dominant Pandyas to drive him back. That the Pandyas did gain at least some temporary advantage over the Kakatiyas is proved by a mutilated Tamil inscription of Sundara-Pandya in the Ranganayaka temple at Nellore (N. 61): We bave at present no means of ascertaining how long the Payrlys king remained in Nellore and how he was driven back.10 But the Kakatiya dominions seem to have extended as far south as the Kavali taluk during the reign of Ganapati's successor Rudramba, called in inscriptions Rudradeva-Mabaroja (KV. 48). One of the Kakatiya feudatories named Ambadeva-Maharaja of the Kayastha Kakatiya Fondatories family claims to have established at Vikramasimhapura (i... Nellore ) A curtain Manmaganlagoj hla, 11 who had been deprived of his dominions. It may therefore be supposed that the Kakatiya dominioas (or, at least their influence) extended at the time over the greater portion of the Nellore District, though not in the extreme south of it.13 Rudramba's successor, Prataparudra, seems to have been a powerful king. Daring his time, too, the Kakatiyas were ruling a considerable portion of Nellore and an expedition was despatsbed against Conjeeveram. His general, Muppidi-Nayaks, or Muppidindrs, who is also mentioned in several Nellore inscriptions (A. 56, KR. 84, N. 80, and 0. 87 ), captured Conjeeveram in or before A. D. 1316-17.15 A somewhat mutilated record of Prataparudra is found at Jambuk@svaram, near Trichinopoly. The circumstances that led to the invasion against the Tamil country are not known. An adventurous Kerala king, named Ravivarman, appears to have taken advantage of the confusion that prevailed in Southern India consequent oa the Muhammadan invasion in A. D. 1310. He conquered the Paglya king and advanced as far north as Conjeeveram in A. D. 1313.17 It may be that Prataparuira's invasion against the Tamil country was in support of some Telugu-Ohoda chief against the Kerala adventurer. Prataparudru's latest sure date is [Saka Samvat 1246], the cyclic year Ruch rodgarin (0.10 ) corresponding to A, D. 1323-34. He probably died in A. D. 1325.18 What became of his dominions after his death is not known 10 An inscription at Upparapalle in the Cuddapah District refers to a son of Prataparudra named Juttaya.20 Sir Walter Elliot mentions Virabhadra as Prata parudra's successor, 21 while Mr. Sewell says that his son " Krishna succeeded him, but with a much reluced kingdom." The absence of inscriptions of either Ksisbna or Virabhadra is significant, and may be taken to show that the Kakatiya dominions were in a state of disorder, like the rest of Southern India, in consequence of the Muhammadan invasions. (To be continued.) Ibid., Vol. XXI, p. 902, and No. 558 of Professor Kjelhora's List of Inscription of Southern India pablished in the Epigraphia Indica, Vol. VII. Inscriptions of Jatavarman Sundara. Plodya I. and of Jatavarman Sundara-Pipdya II. (A.D. 1276 to at least 1 290) have also been found at Nandalur in the Cuddapah District; see my Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1907-8, Part II, paragraphs 44 and 47. 1. Perhaps the Chola and Kakatiya fondatories combined together in this attempt to drive out the intruding Pandya. 11 In the sequel, more will be said about this chief. 11 Seo my Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1905-08, Part II. pars. 4. 13 The extreme south of the Nollore District was probably subject to the Telaga-Chodas of Nellore. 14 In the Nollore District bis inscriptious have been found in the Ongole ( 0.49, 0. 53, O. 58, O. 68, O. 87, 0.96, 0. 129, and O. 149), Kandukar (KR. 1. KR. 23, KL. 4, KR. 54, KR. 55, and KR. 84), Atmakur (A. 55), Nellore (N. 80 ) and Kavali tAluks (KV. 33 ) and the Darsi (D.10, D. 12, D. 26, D.85, and D. 70) and Podili divisions (P.6). '15 Ep. Ind., Vol. VII. p. 128. 1 Ante, Vol. XXI, p. 200. 11 Rp. lvl., Vol. VIII, p. 8. Insoriptions of this king have been found so far at Conjoeveram (ibid, Vol. IV, p. 145), Srirangam (ibid., p. 148), and Tiruvadi ( South Aroot). # Sir Walter Elliot's Coins of Southern India, p. 54. 11 The editors of the Nellore volume assign KR. 28, CP.21, and CP, 22 to the Kikatly. But these inscriptions seom to beloag to the Gajapatis of Orissa. * See my Anal Report on Epigraphy for 1995-06, Part II, para, 37. 11 Coint of Southern India, p. 84. Prataparudra's son is here said to have retired to Kondavida. 13 Lists of Antiquities, Vol. II, p. 174. The Mohammadan writers speak of Vinayakadera, alias NAgadeva, as the son of Pratparadra.

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358 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DEOEMBER, 1908. THE RELIGION OF THE IRANIAN PEOPLES. BY THE LATE C. P. TIELE. (Translated by G. K. Nariman.) (Continued from Vol. XXXV., p. 209.) 7. The duties of the faithful. A complete system of religious ethics is as difficult to deduce from the scauty remnants of the most archaio hymns of Zarathushtra as a complete code of the religious doctrines themselves. The salient thoughts, however, which regulated the moral life of the devout Mazdayasnians, and which are more fully dilated upon in the younger Avesta fiod expression in the Gathas. The dominant note is struck by the triad that it is not enough to practice good in acts and to combat the evil, but that we should equally consider sentiments and words. This injunction is enjoined in a variety of Ways in the Gathas, In lieu of sentiments, we have wisdom, and the latter is further subdivided into will, inclination, choice or belief ; but the later formula "in thoughts, words and deeds" is also employed. And the thoughts or the mind was subordinated to the guidance of Mazda, the omniscient, the deeds to that of Agha, the genius of righteousness, order and the cult, and the words to that of Sraosba, the heavenly listener and speaker. But, however great the value attached to words, the prophets before all laid stress on deeds, in that the mind reveals itself in them much more manifestly than in speech. Action stands at the head of everything Zarathushtrian. Man must seek his livelihood in his personal merits. He that soweth not the soil Giligently, nor extendeth Mazda's domain by promoting the suttled mode of life, is not his true worshipper. The doctrine of absolving prophets rests in a certain sepse on a philosophical basis. But the prophets do not deinand that nian should give up the work-a-day existence for solitnde and retired meditation, or that man should renounce the world with its juys and obligations. All asceticism is foreign to the Mazda creed. In a relorun, which was of a social as well as religions nature, and which so intimately united moral piety with the coltivation of the soil, nothing else in truth could be expected. This appreciation of energetic activity did not exclude sympathy for the indigent. The pione insignificant individual is more hononred than the opulent miscreant of importance, for it is incumbent on the faithful not ouly to devote himself to Mazda and to abjure the devas and the Human Rhrafshtras, but in his integrity and benevolence to maintain the "Mazda's poor." 50 I cannot but suggest that by these "poor of Mazda" is implied, not what Louis the Saint called le menu pouple de nostre Seigneur, but rather in the first instance the minstrels, preachers and priests, who must support themselves on the largesses of the faithfal, chiefly royalties and magnates. Had the stanzas, which deal with the nuptials of Paurachishti, the prophet's daughter, not been so corrupt, and therefore hard to elucidate, we should be able to affirm with greater certainty what the Zarathashtrian reformers thought of conjugal alliance. What admits of no contradiction is that, in their view, religion must conseorste narriage, that the wife should respect the husband as one pare person does another, that sbe is bound to lay to heart the evangel of the prophets, and thereby to seek to study the life of Vohumano." "Love each other in Asha, in righteousness and devotion, which will make your home happy," is the admonition to the bridegroom.51 15 Yasna 48, 4, ahya zaoshangushtish tarnengi yana 51, 21, chisti fnstead of manangha; tasra 33, 14 and 12, 2, manangha ukhdhaish sk yaotha na ahcha. ** Yama 31, 15; 51, 5. Here the agrionlturist (rastryo) by "just deeda," POSBUBBing a good understanding for prayer, and having hukhratush nemangha, is a sort of a type of the pious 51 Yama 47, 4; 34,5. 01 Tasna 53, 8-5.

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DECEMBER, 1908.] THE RELIGION OF THE IRANIAN PEOPLES. In vain we look into the Gathas for the khvetvadata, the principle of the next of kin marriages, as being the one invest ed with the greatest sanctity. The saints of the past, Zarathushtra, Frashaoshtra, De Jamaspa, married into families other than their own. Consanguineous connubium is neither Zarathushtrian nor Aryan. It must have been a local usage, which in time crept into the Mazdian faith; or, if that is not so, a measure invented with a view to conserve the purity of blood of a small Aryan minority, or a few noble gens. 359 Love of one's enemy and forbearance were not included in the category of virtues which the apostle of Mazda's persuasion preached to his audience. On the contrary, to harbour or succour them was held to be prejudicial to the good cause. He that is the best disposed towards the godly (ashono), be he kinsman, servant, or friend, and looks energetically after the earth (gavoi, the kino), he is reckoned among the people who are after the heart of Asha and Vohumano. But it is a duty, and one well-pleasing in the sight of Mazda, to do an evil turn by word, intent or action to the wicked. No clemency to them. The adorer of the Falsehood, who consigns house, hamlet, district, and country to misery and death, "hin let men correct with the sword." The destruction designed by the enemy recoils on himself, so that a wretched existence shall be his doom. In a word, the proper mission of the faithful is to smite the evil. Should he fail in it he has approved himself wellaffected to the brotherhood of Mendacity, and so is one of them. If he omits to assail the fiend, when it is in his power so to do, he is himself on the way to the abole of the Fiond.53 In those times of fierce struggles, every act of compromise with the adversary was regarded as tantamount to treachery. It could hardly be regarded otherwise. The crusale that was the mission of the reformers, and the persecutions to which they were exposed, at least account for their intolerance. Unfortunately the religion they founded carried down to remote posterity the impress of this lack of forbearance. If, on the one hand, we cannot deny the ethical nature of the Zarathushtrian discipline, it is self-evident on the other that, for a religion of antiquity, the moral element is not elevated above eudaimonism. The mandatory ordinances are ever accompanied by the mention of the reward, which awaits the faithful here below as well as hereafter, while menaces of terrible penalties in store for the evil-doers in the inferno of the Druksh are reiterated. The meed of the virtuous, a favourite theme, consists in mundane felicity and vigour, and, as has been already indicated, in salvation and a life without death in heaven. The pions are satisfied that they have earned kudos by their sacrifice, in acquitting themselves of their duty towards Mazda.53 This accords with the peculiar development of the doctrines of dualism and retribution among the Zarathushtrians, and is a logical sequel to them. And if the recompense, as a rule, is made to depend on sanctity and righteousness, it is in consonance with the commandment that the highest good is appointed for those who offer the largest number of sacrifices, whilst the worst lot is reserved for such as bring nothing to Mazda (or his priests ?). But here and there we get a gleam of a loftier plane of thought. If the pious are enjoined to adore Mazda 55 with prayers with the single object of winning his favour, there are also exhortations to the saintly urging them to bring their souls into unison with Asha 50 and to 52 Yasna 32, 2; 31, 18; 43, 8; 49, 2; yasna 46; 5 and 6 lay down that a ruler shall publicly accuse anyone, who has been disobedient to him, and him who is untrue to an agreement entered into. 53. Yasna 34, 15; 50, 5; 50, 8 refers to the hymns pronouneed to acquire blessings (pala'sh ya frasrute izhayao). In 51, 22, the living, not less than the heroes of the past, Zarathushtra, Vishtaspa, Frashaoshtra, Jamaspa, and Maidyomaongha mentioned in the preceding strophes, receive the bliss (rahistem) for the offering they bring. Yasna 34, 1 is a difficult passage, but this much is clear that the return for religious acts, words and prayers is immortality, justice and the possession of abundance, the first fruits of which belong to Mazda. to Yasna 51, 20. Yasna 51, 6. se Yasna 34, 2. The good mind and the actions of the beneficent mon (spentahya neres) aro Mazda's.

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360 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMCER, 1908. endeavoar by acts to be comparable to Mazda, and to some extent to be his terrestrial embodiments. Whoever violates the moral law, the trae doctrine by which the world is rendered blissful, and which was revealed first by Mazda to Zarathushtra and then by Zarathashtra to the world at large, feels guilty towards Mazda and the Ahuras and implores his forgiveness for that deed whatsoever it may be."57 And what is placed so often in the foreground in the younger books is prominent here too, namely, the idea that the life of a true Mazdayasnian is a life dedicated to the service of Mazda, attoned to his eternal ordinance, & struggle on his side and in accordance with his ways against the dominion of darkness and mendacity. Naturally, the Gathas furnish no detail regarding the oult. Sneh prescriptions belong to a law-book. The cultus is touched apon only here and there. From what little is positively said, it is manifest that in the main it was not different from what was in practise at a later period. In the cult, the prime position was occupied by "the red-hot fire of Mazda." The sacrificial offerings consisted of flesh, 69 sacred cakes, haurdatat, and probably a certain beverage which symbolically represented Ameretat." In course of time the latter yielded its place to Haoma. At these sacrifices the manthras were recited and sacrificial litanies intoned. The priest charged with this function was, as we saw, the Zaotar, the Indian Hotar, and probably the supreme sacerdotal head was denominated Zarathushtra, as in later ages. Mazda, instructs him in what is agreeable to himself with reference to songs of praise and the cult, and in Asba he learns to know God's own path. Mazda teaches him, as one friend would another as to how he should be adored with a prayer worthy of himself. The true Zarathushtrian gives himself up to his God, surrenders to him his soul, or his life-energy; in a word, life, but wholly for his service. From those who heed not Asha, which is to say, who fail of their obligations to God and man, Vohomano remains afar, - Vohumano, the beneficent Mind, the cherisher of the godly. And further, as he shuns the wild transgressors, Asha shuns those who, by denying Vohumano, offend against Aramaiti, knowing full well Mazda's love for her; - those, in other words, who do not observe the second principal daty imposed upon the righteous, the sowing of the earth. Practical so far, if the cult of the Zarathushtrian is in reality not anfrequently a service rendered for the sake of kudos, we do not miss in it altogether a purer and more elevated view; and many an utterance is characterised by a genuine religious spirit. (To be continued.) CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY. SERIES I. Industrial Technicalities. BY H. A. ROSE, I.C.S. Introductory Note. The existing dictionaries of Panjabi are very far from complete. The work of Bhai Maya Singh is largely based on an old Panjabi Dictionary compiled by Janvier and published at the Ludhians Mission Press about 1850. It also draws upon O'Brien's Mulini Glossary for Multant words. Jukes' Western Panjabi and English Dictionary also draws upon O'Brien's work, as well as upon Wilson's Grammar and Dictionary of Western Panjabi. O'Brien's Multani Glossary has now been re-edited by Mr. Wilson and Pandit Hari Kishn Kaul. Diack's Kula Dialect of Hindi also contains a Glossary of Kalui (Pahari) words. T Yaana 31, 16 and 22. * Myarda, yama 31, 3. It is much a question whether the horses and onmols, which are mentioned in yama 45, 16, as the gifts for the chanters and are consecrated to Mazda, are to be actually regarded as sacrificial offerings 0 Yanna 33, 6 and 9. This conjecture has already been spoken of. 1 Munshi Gulab Singh and Son, Laboro, 1895. Kegan, Paul, Tronch, Trubner and Co., London, 1900. * Punjab Govt. Press, Labore, 1899. * Punjab Govt. Press, Lahore, 1903.

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DECEMBER, 1903. ] CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY. But in addition to these regular dictionaries many official publications, especially District Settlement Reports and Industrial Monographs, contain words or even lists of words which have never been drawn upon as materials for a complete lexicon of the Panjabi Dialects. These sources, however, are used in the following Series, the first of which comprises words to be found in the Monographs. Hence, most of the words in this Series (I) are technical terms. Series II. will contain words from a number of Settlement Reports and Gazetteers dealing with a specified part of the Panjab. Series III. will deal with another part, and so on. One Series at least will be devoted to words from unpublished sources. 361 These Series are designed to be contributions to a lexicography of the dialects spoken in the Punjab, as well as of those used in the North-West Frontier Province which are not Urdu or Fashto. As they do not form a dictionary, but merely raw materials for a dictionary, only the bare definitions are given, but the provenance of each merely local word is added, when known, as well as the source from which it is taken. The Panjabi dialects have an extremely rich vocabulary, and have borrowed from (and quite as probably lent to) languages like the Balochi and Pashto, which are spoken on their borders. The object in view is to make the collection as comprehensive as possible. The words collated from published sources cannot, as a general rule, be given with diacritical points; nor can their accurate transliteration be guaranteed for the present, many of the older Settlement Reports, etc., having been printed before the Hunterian system was introduced. Due allowance must also be made for possible mistakes and misprints. Nevertheless, the value of these sources cannot be denied. E. g., a considerable number of words have been culled from Maclagan's Gazetteer of Multan (1901-2) and Diack's Gazetteer of Dera Ghazi Khan, which are not traceable in Jukes, and from works iike Tapper's Punjab Customary Law, Vol. II., which contains Kulut words not given in Diack's Kului Dialect of Hindi, It is intended to collect and print the material available for a Lexicon of Panjabi and its Dialects in the form in which it now exists, and eventually to obtain corrections and additions to that material. This task, as pointed out by the Rev. T. Grahame Bailey in his preface to The Languages of the Northern Himalayas (now under publication by the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain), will require the enthusiastic toil of many collaborators. Abkhora: a small deep pot with a rim. Cf. matkana. Mono: Pottery and Glass Industries, p. 8. Adda; a wooden frame. Mono: Silk Industry, p. 18. Adhauri: a hide, of an ox or buffalo. Cf. dhauri, charsah. Mono: Leather Industry, p. 15. A half skin, ibid., p. 33. Cf. Platts, p. 35. Adhisa: a cloth containing 250 threads to three-fourths of a yard. Mono: Cotton Manufactures, p. 4. Adhotar: a thin loosely woven stuff. Cf. dhotar. (Hind. Platts, p. 35.) Mono: Cotton Manufactures, p. 7. Aga: the process of purifying gold: Jhelum. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 22. Agardan: a vessel for burning incense. Mono: Pottery and Glass Industries, p. 11. Agwartha: a polishing stick. Cf. rangwata. Mono: Ivory-carving, p. 14. Ahan the Himalayan nettle (Urtica Heterophylla); Kangra. Mono: Fibrous Manufactures, p. 3. Cf. jaraha and karah. Ainthni: a small wheel. Mono: Fibrous Manufactures, p. 12. Air: warp. Cf. tand. Mono: Woollen Manufactures, p. 5. Ajota Gagrashahi: a kind of silver; Kullu. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 6.

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362 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1908. Akalbir: Datisca Cannabina. Mono : Woollen Manufactures, p. 11. Akhoha: a kind of silk imported from Central Asia. Cf. kokhani. Mono: Silk Industry, p. 14. Akhor: a yellow, green, and white silk. Mono : Silk Industry, p. 20. Akhri: a star affixed to an ornament. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 25. Al : an awl. Of. dr. Mono : Leather Industry, p. 23. Alian: a forehead ornament. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 33. Alwan: a kind of cloth. Mono: Woollen Manufactures, p. 8. Amlikar: pashmina embroidered with silk; Nurpur in Kangra. Mono: Woollen Manufactures, p. 9. Amrat: an ornament. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 34. Anam : & neck ornament. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 33. Anchla: ribbon which is more than two ungals or fingers in width. Moro : Gold and Silver Work, p. 28. (Cf. Platts, p. 89.) Anjani: oxide of manganese. Mono: Pottery and Glass Industries, p. 20. Ankala : Calotropis gigantea = ak. Mono: Fibrous Manufactares, p. A-i. Ankri: an iron rod about a foot long with a curve or hook at the end. Cf. kundi. Mono: Pottery and Glass Industries, p. 24. (Cf. Platts, p. 94.) Arow: a courge Yarkandi silk. Mono : Silk Industry, p. 15. Arganat: a kind of silk imported from Bokhara. Cf. Khujandi. Mono: Silk Industry, p. 14. Arore : an instrument. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 19. Arthra ; a concave rest in which a vessel is held. Of. khopra. Mono: Pottery and Glass Industries, p. 5. Asara: a cotton and silk thread. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 28. C. pam. . Ateran: an Indian silk of inferior quality. Mono: Silk Industry, p. 15. Aterw&: a spinning wheel. C. Hind. ateran. Mono: Fibrons Manufactures, p. 12. AthAst: a cloth containing 800 threads to the three-quarters of a yard. Mono : Cotton Manufactures, p. 4. Athulna: a round mould. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 19. Atti: a skein. Cf. chand. Mono: Silk Industry, p. 17. (Atti, Platts, p. 22.) Attyan: a China silk imported from Bombay. Mono : Silk Industry, p. 14. Atura: a mixture of water and bark used in tanning. Cf. tarsa. Mono: Leather Industry, p. 18. Atesa. Cf. burghi (both in Peshawar). Baboya: a kind of phulkdri. Mono: Silk Industry, p. 20. Babrt: a broken potsherd. Mono: Leather Industry, p. 88. Babriwanak: gold containing one-twelfth alloy'; MuzaffargaTh. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 4. Badaite: a bullock muzzle. Mono: Fibrous Manufactures, p. 13.

Page #385
MOT TEXICOGRAPHY. December, 1908.] CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY. 363 Badam: a kind of silk. Mono : Silk Industry, p. 20. (Per. bdolamz.) Badhaina: an ornament. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 38. Badgar: a maker of lenther jars. Cf. dabgar. Mono : Leather Industry, p. 6. Badha : odd rupees over Rs. 100; Hissar. Cf. badliur. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 5. Badla: plain flattened wire ; Delhi. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 27, Badlaur: odd rupees over 100; Kohat. Ce. badha. Bigar: a kind of cotton. Cf. Haridra : Shahpar. Mono: Cotton Manufactures, p. 2. Bahaduri: an ear ornament. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 33. Bahaira : the dried fruit of the Terminalia chebula. Cf. hurr. Mono: Leather Industry, p. 19. Bahin: the inside piece of a shoe. Mono: Leather Industry, p. 28. Bahrampurt; kind of silk, produced in Gardaspur District. Mono: Silk Industry, p. 15. Babwatte: an armlet worn by Hindu and Mahammadan females. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 25. Baigari or begri: a stone-catter. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 24. Baina : a nose ornament. Ce, Platts' Hind. Diety., p. 211. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 88. Baingar: a vat ; Sialkot : Cl. vegar and ndnd. Mono : Leather Industry, p. 17. Bal, bala: an arm ornament. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 33. (Platts, p. 163.) Balaincht; a hand-brash for the hair. CE, kuche: Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 18. Balka: a nose-ring set with gems. Cf. bila. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 10. Balma: a mould for grooves. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 19. BAIQ: an armlet. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 32. Barbia: a stick to which a piece of ivory is glued with Idk, for carving. Mono: Ivory-carving, p. 14. Banan; silk of the third quality. Cf. sus, kachar: Mono: Silk Industry, p. 17. Bandt-panewAA: & worker in silk. Cf. tateli, tadzi. Mono: Silk Industry, p. 16. Bungier: a person who ornaments churis and takes them to villages for sale. Cf. wmidr. Mono: Pottery and Glass Industries, p. 26. Bant: an ornament. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 32. Banknal: a blow-pipe, smaller than the ndl and curved at one end. Mono : Gold an? Silver Work, p. 18. Bannt: red earth. Ct. panni : Mono: Pottery and Glass Indnistries, p. 33. Blongra: a wooden scraper or rabber. Cf. wyang. Mono : Leather Industry. p. 23. Bir: an ornament worn on the arm. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 33. Bira; a cracible in which kun:h is melted. Mono: Pottery und Glass Industries, p. 4. Barlkangnl: a thick stamped wire. Mono: Gold and Silver Work. p. 25.

Page #386
864 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1908. Basant-mitti: a medicinal preparation of gold, silver, pearls, copper, slag and other drugs. Moro : Gold and Silver Work, p. 30. Basoti: the Colebrookia oppositifolia. Mono : Leather Industry, p. 21. Balaya: a gold and silver thread-maker. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 27. Batll: a synonym for pidli (cup); Bannu. Mono: Pottery and Glass Industries, p. 9. Battak: a surdhi with flattened sides and fitted with ears, to allow of its being slang on a traveller's back. Mono: Pottery and Glass Industries, p. 8. Bawaliwall nath: a nose-ring. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p 32. BeAngra: a wooden semper or rubber. Cf. baongra. Mono : Leather Industry, p. 23. Bend: a forehead ornament. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 32. Benj: soe jangli bans. Mono : Fibrous Manufactures, p. 4. Bem: a variety of boat. Mono: Wood Manufactures, p. 17. Bhabar: a kind of grass, Andropagon involutus, Ol. Platts Hind. Diety., p. 177. Mono: Fibrous Manufactures, P: 2. Bhai bharna: to cross parallel sets of strings behind each strand of the woof. Mono : Fibrous Manufactures, p. 11. Bhakla; a kind of cloth: Hissar. Mono : Woollen Manufactures, p. 11 Bhambirt: the Antheraea sivalika silkworm. Cf. kaunta and jodiri. Mono: Silk Industry, p. 2. Bhanda: a bowl containing water and sand kept by the side of the potter as he works. Cf. trena. Cf. Platts Hind, Dicty., p. 180. Mouo : Pottery and Glass Industries, p. 5. Bhar: a sheaf. Mono : Wood Manufactures, p. 4, Bharat: a mixture of equal parts of copper and lead, Cr, Platts' Hind. Dicty., p. 385. Mono: Brass and Copper, p. 1, Bharla: a basket. Mono: Fibrous Manufactores, p. 19. Bharrt; a sheaf, which the sepi gets at each barvest. Mono : Leather Industry, p. 5. Bhartya: a cooking pot. Mono: Brass and Copper Ware, App. c., p. 8. Bhauner: the Himalayan nettle (Urtica heterophylla). Cf. ahan. Bhed kind of mould. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 19. Bhirnt: a kind of wheel used in twisting fibre ; Dera Ismail Khan. Mono: Fibrous Manufactures, p. 12. Bhodal; a plate of mica or tale. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 18. Bhora; wide hole in the ground in which a potter deposits prepared clay as stook. Cf. ghambail. Mono: Pottery and Glass Industries, p. 3. Bhulcht: an ear ornament. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 83. Bhungt: a basket. Mono: Fibrous Manufactures, p. 13. See P.D., p. 145. Bis: a nose ornament. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 33. Biang: a wooden scraper or rubber. Cf. sitni. Mono: Leather Industry, p. 23. Bichhlt: an ornament. Mopo : Gold and Silver Work, p. 34. Bicha: Urtica reticulata. Cf. karla. Mono: Fibrous Manufactures, p. A.-in

Page #387
DECEMBER, 1903.) CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY. 365 Bihul: the bark of the Grewia oppositifolia. Cf. dhaman. Mono: Fibrous Manufactures, p. 5. Bijl1-ka-jora : an ear ornament. Of. Platts' Hind. Dicty. p. 134, s.v. bijli = chand. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 33. Bina : a forehead ornament. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 32. Bindil: an ornament worn by women on the forehead. Of. bindi. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 32. Birt: a narrow strip of leather. Mono : Leather Industry, p. 29. Birkas; a chisel for making small grooves. Mono: Ivory-carving, p. 9. Bitti : Russian gold (in five-rouble pieces). Mono : Gold apd Silver Work, p. 4. Bodi: a head ornament. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 32. Bohar : an ornament. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 33. Bokhara : an English-made kind of susi. Mono : Cotton Manufactures, p. 9. Bomkinja : tool for clearing out the inside of a vessel to be turned hollow.' Cf. patra. Mono : Wood Manufactures, p. 11. Bordt; a bracelet. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 33. Boris : strips for bedding. Cf. saf. Mono: Fibrous Manufactures, p. 10. B@rld : & head ornament; Gurgaon. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 32. Boye: a basket shaped like a cup; Kangra. Mono : Fibrous Manufactures, p. 13. Budki : see butki. Bakharoha: a balcony. Mono : Wood Manufactures, p. 9. Bulbulobasham: a silk woven in a dia.nond pattern. Cf. Platts' Hind. Dicty., p. 164. Mono: Silk Industry, p. 20. BADA: lit., woof: also silk of the second quality used for the woof. Cf. wand. Mono: Silk Industry, p. 17. Bandi: the points at the heel and over the instep of a shoe. Mono: Leather Industry, p. 33. Bunda: the tassel of a silver pendant; Kullu. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 35. Bungna : a forehead ornament. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 82. Buraki : a pointed chisel for grooving. Mono : Wood Manufactures, p. 11. . Burbura: disintegrated felspathic rock. Mono: Pottery and Glass Industries, p. 18. Burgh : an ear ornament. Cf. aveza. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 33. Bushara; see magar bans. Mono : Fibrous Manufactures, p. 4. Butka: the woof thread of a carpet. Mono: Carpet-making, p. 12. Butkt; a Dutch ducat. Cf. budki. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 4. Chaba: a scale-pan. Cf. palrd. Monc : Leather Industry, p. 25. Chabre: a basket shaped flat like a tray; Kangsa. Mono: Fibrous Manufactures, p. 13. Chaggal: an ornament. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 84. Chag-gan: a water-bottle. Mono: Leather Industry, p. 27. Chagal; a leather water bottle. Mono: Leather Industry, p. 25.

Page #388
366 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. DECEMBER, 1908. Chak: a double-wheel. Of. charkh. Mono: Pottery and Glass Industries, p. 5. Chakal: a wooden board with round holes in it. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 24. Chakdanda: see danda. Chaket: see danda. Chakiwali: a kind of silver ; Muzaffargarh. Cf. talwali. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 6. Chakki: a large shallow vessel in which grindstones are placed, and wbich serves to collect the flour. Mono: Pottery and Glass Industries, p. 11. Chaklai: see danda. Chakor: a fat basket like a dish. Of. dal; Kohat. Mono: Fibrous Manufactares, p. 14. Chakti : a small circular piece of silver ; Hisgar. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 5. Chakvati: the round piece of stone let into the potter's wheel. Mono : Pottery and Glass Industries, p. 4. Chala: small embroidery on a shoe. Mono : Leather Industry, p. 38. Chalakara: see danda. Challa: a die. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 19. Challadar molt: a kind of mould. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 19. Challt: a spindlefal of thread. Cf. mudha. Mono : Cotton Manufactares, p. 3. Chamappuri: copper of a light-red colour. Cf. chandanpuri and rusi. Mono: Brass and Copperware, p. 6. Chamkall: a kind of silk. Mono: Silk Industry, p. 20. Champ, a clamp. Cf. kildm and dhalijna. Mono : Leather Industry, p. 23. Chan : (1) head ornament, Shahpur; (2) a bracelet, Ambala. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 32. Chana; a skein. Cf. attip. Mono: Silk Industry, p. 17. Chandanpuri; a copper of a light-red colour. Cf. chamanpuri and rusi. Mono: Brass and Copperware, p. 6. Chandan-saini har: a kind of necklace (her). Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 32. Chandar-kala : a neck ornament; Dehli. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 33. Chandbina : an ornament: Cf. chandra. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 32. Chandna: gold containing from 2 ratis to 1 mdsha of alloy to the tola ; Sialkot. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 4. Chandra : Cf. chandina. Chanjar: a hollow jingling anklet. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 32. Chankangan (? ckun-) :a bracelet with pendants ; Shahpur. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, pp. 32 to 34.. Channa: a sieve. Cf. jhannd. Mono: Pottery and Glass Industries, p. 3. Chantara; a head ornament. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 82. Chap: a finger ring. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 34. -challa : a finger ring. Chap: an Indian silk of inferior quality. Mono: Silk Industry, p. 15.

Page #389
DROEMBER, 1908.] CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY. 867 Chaplt: a leather sandal = kheri. Mono: Leather Industry, p. 6. Chappt:a conver piece of clay or stone fitted with a handle. Of. konera. Mono: Pottery and Glass Industries, p. 5. Chappra: a flat wooden mallet with one side slightly concave. Cf. thatwa ; Derajat. Mono: Pottery and Glass Industries, p. 5. Char: a basket with low sides ; Kangra. Mono: Fibrous Manufactures, p. 13. Chara: a tripod on which sewn up skin is hung. Of. trikali. Mono : Leather Industry, p. 18. Chara, chara: an ornament for the foot; Lahore. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 34. Charat: vat: Cf. kun. Mono: Leather Industry, p. 18. Charbs: the little white spaces left between the woof threads of a carpet. Mono : Carpet-making, p. 13. Chart: (1) a hooked tong. Mono: Ivory-carving, p. 14; (2) a cylindrical peg. Mono :. Wood Manufactures, p. 11. Charkh: a double wheel. Cf. chak; Derajat. Mono: Pottery and Glass Industries, p. 5. Charkhana: a gulba lan woven in checks. Mono: Silk Industry, p. 19. Charkht; . Bokharan silk. Mono: Silk Industry, p. 15. Charsuti : a cloth with quadraple threads in warp and woof. Mono: Cotton Manafactures, p. 7. Chatarat: a brush used in applying banni or other colouring matter to earthenware: Cf. chatrin. Mono: Pottery and Glass Industries, p. 5. Chaters: a chaser. Hind. chiterd, Platts, p. 424. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 23. Chatht: a basket. Mono: Fibrous Manufactares, p. 18. Chatt: an extra piece of leather covering the whole heel. Mono : Leather Industry. p. 28. Chatrin : see chatarni. Chau; a tall blue-stemmed variety of wild bamboo ; Simln. Mono : Fibrous Manufactures, p. 4. Chauk; a gold ornament worn by Hinda women. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 24 (for syus., cf. p. 32.) Chauki-shah-jahan: a kind of silver ; Kullu. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 6. Chaunst: cloth containing 400 threads to 4 yard. Mono : Cotton Manufactares, p. 4. Chaupat: a kind of silk. Mono : Silk Industry, p. 20. Chaura: a kind of hammered brass. Mono : Brass and Copperware, p. 3. Chaurast: a small square-headed hammer. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 18. Chaurst: an instrument. Mono: Wood Manufactures, p. 9. Chekt: a die. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 19. Chellt: a foot ornament; Delhi. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 34. Ohhabt : & round cylindrical basket for holding bread. Mono: Fibrous Manufactures. p. 14.

Page #390
868 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1908. Chhaj: a measure ; the length of a man's forearm, square (sic). Mono : Leather Industry, p. 33. Chhala: a kind of silk. Mono: Silk Industry, p. 20. Chhalka : a flower-shaped silver pendant. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 35. Chhall; a kind of hill grass; Ambala. Mono : Leather Industry, p. 17. Chhibu: a tassel pendant ; Spiti. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 36. Chichra: inner skin : Of.jhillt and gadad. Mono : Leather Industry, p. 17. Chikka: a kind of basket; Kangra. Mono: Fibrous Manufactures, p. 13. Chikri : a kind of white wood. Mono: Ivory-carving, p. 6. Chilla-jaidar: a synonym for Nawabi silk imported from Bokhara. Cf, i'mdmi kunduzi, tuni and shdldri. Mono: Silk Industry, p. 15. Chhin: a string used to separate the moulded portion of the clay from the rest of the lump on the wheel. Cf. ohfwan. Mono: Pottery and Glass Industries, p. 5. Chhinka: a net suspended from the roof as a receptacle for clothes, food, etc., in the east; also the cattle muzzle used at the threshing floor in Karnal. Mono: Fibrous Manufactures, p. 14. Chhissi : a cloth containing 600 threads to 4 yard. Mono : Cotton Manufactures, p. 4. Chhoti kangni: a thin stamped wire. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 25. Chilmarda: the seat of a saddle. Of. chilmardan, Platts, p. 439. Mono: Leather Industry, p. 88. Chilnt : an iron blade or scraper used to smooth earthenware. Mono: Pottery and Glass Industries, p. 5. China: a short, pointed instrument. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 28. Chirt: undefined. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 24. Chirna: a saw. Ivory-carving, p. 11. Chiti: a wooden rest used in shoe-making. Mono: Leather Industry, p. 33. Chittan : rude paintings in black lines on pottery. Mono: Pottery and Glass Industries, P. 6. Chiwan: see chhin. Cholna: an instrument for removing inequalities on the surface of pottery. Cf. khurda. Mono: Pottery and Glass Industries, p. 22. Chopat: a pivot: Cf. thina. Mono: Pottery and Glass Industries, p. 4. Chorpant: a kind of glass ornament; Peshawar. Mono : Pottery and Glass Industries, p. 28. Ohosth: a small forcep. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 18. Ofotiphul: a silver ornament worn on the head by Hindu females. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 25. Chujan: a kind of grass; Shahpar. Mono: Fibrons Manufactures, p. 2. Ohulkiyan: an ornament for the foot; Dehli. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 34. Charna: a chisel. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 18.

Page #391
DECEMBER, 1909.] CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY. 369 Chut: & grain sack ; Gardaspur. Mono: Fibrous Manufactures, p. 10. Chutht: an iron point. Cf. sumba and tumli. Mono : Pottery and Glass Industries, p. 4. Obutta ; & vessel usod in clearing grain from dust. Ol. dokhid. Mono : Pottery and Glass Industries, p. 10. Dab: a kind of grass. Cf. panni and khari. Mono : Fibrous Manufactures, p. 2. Dab: the fibre of the poa cynosuroides used for making ropes and string. Mono: Fibrous Manufactares, p. 4. Dabkai: a gold and silver wire-beater. Hind. dabdiya, Platts, p. 506. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 11. Dabla ; a yellow silk. Mono: Silk Industry, p. 20. Daf: a small drum. Mono: Leather Industry, p. 6. Dafkain : the sides of a saddle-tree. Mono : Leather Industry, p. 88. Dagi: an ear-ring suspender. Mono: Silk Industry, p. 20. Dahe: long, flat, thickish bands of wood; Kulla. Mono: Fibrous Manufactures, p. 13. Dal : a flat basket. Cf. chakor: cis-Indus. Dalbara : an ornament for the neck. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 83. Damni: a fringe ornament that hangs over a woman's forehead. Moto: Gold and Silver Work, p. 32. Cf. Hind. meanings in Platts, p. 502. Danadar: granulated. Mono: Leather Industry, p. 20. Danda : the stick by which motion is imparted to the wheel (ram chale). Cf. chaket, chakldi, chakdanda, chalakdra and soli. Mono: Pottery and Glass Industries, p. 4. Dandt; the shaft of a pillar. Cf. dandi, Platts, p. 507. Mono: Stone-carving. p. 3. Daraz : an instrument. Mono: Wood Manufactures, p. 9. Dari: a kind of silk mixed with flax imported from Italy. Mono: Silk Industry, p. 15. Dart-kanal: a kind of mould. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 19. Darmal: a necklace. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 35. Daropa: the three seers of grain which the sepi gets from every heap on the threshing floor. Mono: Leather Industry, p. 5. Daruwad : a kind of mould. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 19. Daryat : a silk fabric, entirely of one colour. Mono: Silk Industry, p. 19. -bdf: a wearer of darydi, p. 16. Das ; a small tool used in dressing leather. Mono: Leather Industry, p. 20. Dastband: a bracelet. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 33. DAT: a curved knife. Mono: Fibrous Manufactures, p. 10. Datha: beard bands; Hissar, Mono : Silk Industry, p. 20. Daunah : a finger ring. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 34. Denhan tilla ; an ear ornament. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 33. Desia pasad : gold in lamps, obtained by melting down old ornaments. Cf. patar, Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 3.

Page #392
870 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1908. , Dewla, Deola: a small chirdgh specially used, by Hindus only, for illamination during the Diwalt festival. Of. Platts, p. 560. Mono: Pottery and Glass Industries, p. 11. Deva: a kind of wheel used in twisting fibres; Lahore. Cf. thisni. Mono : Fibrous Manufactares, p. 12. Dhabla: Woollen pisoo-goods, a mixture of cotton and wool; Hisar, Of. Platts, p. 540. Mono : Woollen Manufactures, p. 8. Dhaga : & head ornament. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 32. Dhairnt: a board perforated with holes ased in twisting fibre, Montgomery. Mono : Fibrons Manufactares, p. 13. Dhakwan: a covered dish. CE. sarposh. Mono: Pottery and Glass Industries, p. 9. Dhaltjna: a clamp. Of. kildm and champ. Dhanak: a narrow kind of tilai gota or gilt ribbon. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 28. Dhanda : an ear ornamont. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 33. Dhanirt: a hand wri or spindle (see uras). Cf. url. Mono: Silk Industry, p. 17. - Dhannt: bellows. Cl. jhallan. Hind dhonkni. Mono: Leather Industry, p. 26. Dharamra; & neck ornament; Jhang. Cf. dharmara and durmarah. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 83. Dharan; an ear ornament. . Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 83. DhArt : strand. Mono: Fibrous Manufactures, p. 12. Dharmara ; Shahpur. Cf. dharamra. Dhaunoha: a kind of shoe; Peshawar. Mono: Leather Industry, p. 29. Dhaurt; Cf. adhauri. Dhedka; a small silver ring with a ball-shaped pendant, worn in the ear. Cl. licki and dhedu. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 35. Dheda: se dhedki. Dhelu: see konora ; Derajat. Dherna: an instrument used instead of a spinning wheel; Kulla. Cf. takli. Mono: Woollen Manufactures, p. 5. Dhol: the middle piece of a shoe. Mono : Leather Industry, p. 25. Dholar& : & neck ornament; Jhang. Cf. dulara. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 33. Dhotar = adhotar. Cf. Hind. dhotar, Platts, p. 550. Dhukni: bellows. Of. dhanni. Mono: Brass and Copperware, p. 4. Dhap-chan: a short gulbadan. Lit., sunshine and shade,' cf. Platts, p. 550. Mono: Silk Industry, p. 19. Dhur: * tarning axle. Mono: Ivory-carving, p. 14. Dihla ; a rash. Mono: Fibrous Manufactures, p. 11. Dildara; - kind of silver; Kulla. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 6. Diwalt: plain, rather broad, wire; Delhi. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 27. Doda; the husk of a pod. Mono : Cotton Manufactures, p. 2. Dodmal: A necklace. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 35.

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* DECEMBER, 1909.] MISCELLANEA. 871 Dot : << small wooden instrument. Cl. Hind doi, Platts, p. 569. Mono: Leather Industry, p. 19. Dokara : an alloy of gold containing a mdsha of silver and one of copper to one tola of gold; Dera Ismail Khan and Sialkot. Cf. dorasta. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 4. Dokart : an alloy of silver with zinc and copper ; Labore and Sialkoh. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 5. Doldra (P dolra): coarse stuff used as floor cloth. Mono : Cotton Manufactures, p. 7. Dolmiana ; & waist ornament; Jhang. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 34. Dolra: a type of dari made of very coarse old cotton. Mono: Carpet-making, p. 2. Domrt: a synonym for tabag, a large dish. Mono: Pottery and Glass Industry, p. 9. (To be continued.) MISCELLANEA. THE EARLY HISTORY OF INDIA, not involve any impertinent censure on M. Senart or any disrespect to his profound learning. 2ND EDITION. The other example of a 'hard judgement'cited is my expression of opinion that Bana's simile A REPLY describing Skandagupta's nose 'as being as long as his sovereign's pedigree' may be conALTHOUGH, as a rule, an uuthor does well to sidered the most grotesque simile in all literaabstain from replying to his critics, Dr. Sten ture. I am not disposed to withdraw that Konow's review of my book (ante, pp. 178 opinion. The text goes on to say that another 80) deals with so many matters of fact, and with passage of the same writer, although not in a large proportion of them so unsatisfactorily, perfect good taste, unmistakeably bears the stamp that I think it better to break the rule and ask of power.' space for & reply. I accept the reviewer's assurance that his remarks are offered in The complaint is made that the treatment a perfectly friendly spirit,' but, nevertheless, some of the different parts is very uneven.' Unof them are inapplicable and inaccurate. fortunately, the materials are very uneven,' and it is impossible to write history when the He quotes as an example of a 'burd judgement' materials are lacking. Tastes differ, and some my remark that M. Benart's brilliant treatise readers find tho full treatment of Alexander's on the Asoks Inscriptions is largely ob. campaign the only interesting part of the book. solete, and the reader of the review is left I am accused of often making categorical under the impression that I treated an eminent statements without quoting authorities or scholar with disrespect. What I actually said weighing opposing arguments. This serious is : -'But since then (1886) several new in charge is supported by references to my treatscriptions have been discovered, and perfect ment of the question of Greek influence on reproductions of those known to M. Senart only the drama, art, and architecture. As to the in extremely faulty copies have been prepared drama, exact references are supplied, and both and published, with the result that M. Senart's text and notes plainly state that the view of book, Les Inscriptions de Piyadasi, is uow largely Weber and Windisch, to which I still adhere, is obsolete, notwithstanding its many high merits.' opposed by 'most scholars,' as the note puts it, That statement of fact is perfectly accurate. or 'acute and learned critics,' as the text has it. I have lately read again M. Senart's work, and What more could be said ? If I had time to take there is no doubt that a great part of it has been up the question good reasons for my belief could superseded by subsequent researches during be adduced. twenty-two years. The publication of correct fac-similes has proved that the license of emenda- So, with reference to relief sculpture, the tion assumed by the learned author is not only reference possible is given in another pubWarranted by the facts, as Buhler pointed out lication of my own. I have much material on the long ago. But the admission of this truth does i subject colleated, but it is impossible to fill the

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872 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. DECEMBER, 1908. pages of a political history with treatises on Kautalya. -I am aware that most people controverted topics in the bistory of art. write Kautilya or Kautilya, bat I deliberately followed Mr. R. Shamasastry, who used MSS. As to the Gandhara sculptures, that is a big and writes Kautalya and Kautalaya (ante, Vol. question. The references given are sufficient to XXXIV, p. 5). The reference was duly given. put the student in the way of forming his own Since the publication of my book I have received opinion. Prof. Hillebrandt's valuable paper Uber das The point of the remarks about Greek Kartiliyadastra (Breslag, 1908 ), which shows architecture,' which the reviewer deema 'super. (pp. 1, 3 ) that the patronymic may be written Huous,' is that there was Greek architectural optionally as either Kautilya or Kautalya. ornament, but not Greek architecture in India, Kanva - should be Kanva, as written by a distinction rather neglected in Cunningham's treatment of the subject. As to cosmopolitan Bhandarkar. Greco-Roman art,' that, of course, is only Shishtra. - I wrote shastra, which is the alate development of Greek art. I think that ordinary pronunciation in Upper India. if the reviewer looks up the Mathura sculptures, Vosishta - In the compound Vasishta-gotra he will find that many, at all events, of the best (p. 197), the vowel might be either long or short, examples of the Gandhara school belong to but the short vowel is preferable. the time of Kanishka and Huvishka, whatever that may bave been. The numismatic evidence Ka-gyur. -I followed Hardy's spelling in that Kanishka is not earlier than Augustus bas Eastern Monachism. Other writers spell Kalbeen well summarized by Boyer. gyur. Tibetan scholars must decide which is right. I gratefully acknowledge the service done by the reviewer in pointing out the strange case of Jaya-skandhavira - The accidental misplacChodaganga and his four sons in Ortsen, ing of the byphen is rectified in the Corrigende whose reigns apparently cover a period of, at at the end of the book The interpretation, as least, 131 years, not 130 as stated in the review. noted, is D. R. Bhandarkar's. The reference is It seems to show that the tradition about the to . Epigraphic Notes and Questions,' p. 16 of Nine Nandas may be less incredible than reprint from J. Bo, Br. R. 4. S, Vol. XX. See I supposed. also Kielborn in Ep. Ind., V, 209. As to the Shahi-ki-Dheri at Peshawar, That is the complete list of so-called 'nusty I necessarily followed M. Foucher. The correc- misprints. The reviewer then proceeds to deal tion announced since the publication of my book with certain etymologies' and other trivial was duly noted some time ago. matters. The reviewer finds fault with me about the Kherwir-Gaharwar.'- I never derived the disputed site of Sravasti. If he will do me | one word from the other. The Khnrwar descent the honour of looking up the arguments which of the Gabarwars rests on tradition, for which seem to prove that the inscribed statue came the reference is given. from elsewhere, he will probably agree that the Thinesar-8thinvisvara. - A special note is umbrella onme along with the statue. The devoted to the matter on p. 309 of the Early His. recently discovered copper-plate was dealt with in my article on Kanauj in the J. R. A. S., 1908, tory, and more fully, ante, Vol. XXX V, p. 125. p. 792. Chada. - This Andhra (not Andhra) name will be cleared up when Prof. Rapson's forthcoming The review closes with & list of alleged catalogue of Andhra coins appears. nasty mtaprints' or blunders, which I am bound to notice. Rudradaman.- Could anybody suppose that the Ru Iradaman of the fourth century was iden. Kushan. - This form was adopted advisedly tical with his namesake of the second century ? as being that made familiar by Cunningham and probably representing the real pronunciation. Harsha's signature - I see no difficulty in It occurs on certain Sassanian coins, and its use believing that the elaborate signature was the was justified by the note in J. R. 4. 8., 1963, king's own bandiwork, of which a specimen was p. 289. The Kharoshthi alphabet, wbich gives kept in the Secretariat to be copied in documents. the form .Kushana,' does not ordinarily distin VINCENT A. SMITH. guish between short and long a, and the Chinese forms of the word suggest the long vowel. Cheltenham, 18th Oct. 1908.

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DECEMBER, 1909). THE NARAYANIYA AND THE BHAGAVATAS. 373 THE NARAYANIYA AND THE BHAGAVATAS. BY GEORGE A. GRIERSON, C.I.E., Ph.D., D. LITT, (Continued from p. 269.) Mokshadharma Parvan of the Santi Parvan of tho Mahabharata. Contents of some of the Introductory Chapters.. (The Adhydya numbers are those of the Santi Parran). (Adhy dyas 174-181, not important for our present purpose.) Adhyaya 182. Conversation between Bhrigu and Bharadvaja. Birth of mahat from the eternal mdnasa, and thence ahankdra. The Lord (Prabhu ) creates ether, from which comes water, from which comes fire and air, and from these two, earth. The Self-born One creates the lotus-born Brahma, who creates the firmament." 183. Process of creation. 184. The mahabhutas or gross elements. Meaning of term. Particulars. 185, 186. The vital fire and the vital airs. 187. Indestructibility of the soul. 188. Order of Brahmi's creation. 192. To the north, beyond Himavat, there is a country (evidently the White Continent, see below), where all are pious, etc. (7010-16). Contrast with here.' 194. On the Adhyatma. 207. On the nature of Narayana, who is the Male (Purusha). List of nations who are sinners. In the South: Andhrakas, Guhas, Pulindas, Sabaras, Chuchukas, and Madrakis. In the North : Yaunas, Kimbojas, Gandharas, Kiratas, and Varvaras (7559). The universe developed by Krishna. Even Narada admits that he is the Supreme Deity. 210. Description of the supreme yoga which leads to moksha. Alhydima = Vasudeva = Narayana. Repented account of the Samkhya principles. 217. Pravritti, Nivritti, Purusha, Prakriti, Kshetrajna, yoga. 218 Janaka's devotion to Samkhya. Panchasikha, Asuri. The instruction conveved to Janaka by Panchasikha. Polemic against materialism and Buddhism (7912 ff.). Janska convinced. 219. Explanation to Janaka of the Panchasikha doctrine as to existence after death. Moksha is not extinction, but is absorption. 246. On the jiva (soul) and the gudha-jiva. 247-249. On Adhyatma ( the Supreme Self), the five mahabhutas (gross elements), and manas, buddhi, and kshetrajna. 250, 251. On the Supreme Duty (Pard Dharmah). 252. On the mahabhutas. 258. On yoga, and the power of seeing the jiva (soul) and the lingasarira (subtile body, or personal character). ** This will be further developed in the Nardyanya section. At present we may state that, in the Bhagavata doctrine, manuaa or manas corresponds to Pradyumna, and ahamkara to Aniruddha. Usually the gunas, or constituents, corresponding to Brahma, era stated to spring from ahankara-Aniruddha.

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874 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1908. 254. On kama (desire), and its results. 269-271. Kapila discusses the comparative merits of the religion of works and of yoga. 275. Yoga, the path which leads to moksha. 276. Conversation between Narada and Asita-devala (cf. 12987 in 341, below) on this. Repetition of the principles of Samkhya (and of Panchasikha). 286, 287. Further account of Adhyatma. 302. Discussion on the differences between the Samkhya and Yoga systems of philosophy. Both are approved. 303. The principles of Sainkhya described. Condition of the released soul (11177). 304-308. On the akshara (undecaying) and the kshara (decaying). 309. On vidyd and avidyd. Sam khya and Yoga compared. 310. On buddha and abuddha (the Supreme Soul, and the jiva connected with Prakriti). 312-314. Conversation between Yajnavalkya and Janaka. Samkhya principles repeated. Creation and dissolution. 315. On Adhyatma, adhibhuta, and adhidaivata (cf. Bhag. Gitd, viii). 316. On the three constituents (guna). 317. On the nirguna and saguna. 318, 319. The principles of Yoga described. 320. Panchasikha on the immortality of the soul. 321. Janaka misunderstands the Panchasikha doctrine, and is enlightened by Sulabha. The Narayaniya. 336. Yudhishthira asks Bhishma who is the greatest God, the Deity of deities. Bhishma relates the conversation between Narada and the earthly Narayana on the subject. This Narayana, who was the deity Narayana in earthly form and under the same name, lived with his brother Nara (also an incarnation) at Badarikaerama. Narada, filled with bhakti for the deity Narayana, finds them worshipping the deities and pityis, and asks who was the object of worship on the part of him who was really the Unborn, the Eternal. The Adorable One (i.e., Narayana, the earthly) replies (12678): The universal soul, or Male ( Purusha), is known by the name of Kshetrajnas (the kenner of the body). From Him is sprung the indiscrete Prakriti possessed of the three constituents (guna) of conscious existence (sattva), energy (rajas), and inertia (tamas), and the source (yoni) from which we two are sprung. It is this Universal Male (Purusha) that we worship in these rites that we nominally perform in honour of the deities and pitris. 337. Narada determines to repair to the White Continent in order to behold Narayana's original nature (adya prakriti). Being endued with the power of yoga, he soars to the top of Mount Meru, and turning his eyes towards the North-West beholds a wonderful sight. Towards the North, in the Ocean of Milk, is the large White Continent. Here follows a description ci the inhabitants. Amongst other wonders, their complexions are white, they are clean from every sin, and blast the eyes of sinners that look at them. 43 See Bhag. Gita, xiii, and also many passages below, especially 18744. 44 Begarding this translation of the word guya, see Garbe, Die Sasakhya Philosophie, pp. 13 ff. For the other translations, see Hopkins, Great Epic, 119.

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DECEMBER, 1908] THE NARAYANIYA AND THE BHAGAVATAS. Yudhishthira interrupts Bhishma to enquire further about these people. Bhishma replies (12711): In former times there was a king named Uparichara (Vasu ), who was devoted to Narayana Hari. Following the Satvata (i. e., Paicharatra) rule that had formerly issued from the mouth of Surya, (the sun), he used to adore the Lord of gods (devesa, i. e., Narayana) and, with what was left over from his oblations, the grandsires. Adopting the Satvata ritual, he performed all the optional and necessary sacrificial acts. He considered all that he possessed as Bhagavata, i.e., as coming from the Adorable One (Bhagavat). Many leading men connected with the Pancharatra calt used to eat the food offered to the Adorable One in his house. He never uttered an untruth, or had an ovil thought, or committed even a mote of sin. 375 (12722) This supreme scripture (i. e., the Pancharatra scripture) was compiled and uttered by the seven Chitra sikhandin7 Rishis and (Manu) Svayambhuva, after worshipping Hari Narayana for a thousand years of heaven. They then read it to Narayana, who praised it and certified it to be in complete accord with the four Vedas. He also prophesied that it would be the basis of the teaching of Usanas and of Brihaspati. The latter would teach it to king (Uparichara) Vasu18, 838. After the expiry of a mahakalpa, Brihaspati is born in the race of Angiras, and instructs Uparichara Vasu. Uparichara Vasu studies the doctrine of the Chitra-sikhandins, and performs an asvamedha sacrifice. (12757) Amongst those present are the maharshis, sons of Prajapati, viz., Ekata, Dvita, and Trita, who act as overseers (sadasya). Brihaspati is the hatri. The Adorable ( Bhagavat), the God of gods, the ancient one, being invisible, takes the offering and carries it off without being seen. Brihaspati in wrath flings the sacrificial ladle to the sky, saying "here I place his share, the god (deva) must take it away before my eyes." (12768) Vasu and his overseers pacify Brihaspati, explaining that the god is incapable of being seen. That man only can see Him, on whom He has shown His grace (prasdda). Ekata, Dvita, and Trita then explain how, in their desire to see Narayana, they have travelled to the White Continent, the inhabitants of which are devoted to Narayana, the Supreme Male (Purushottama), and are bhaktas. [Here follows the oft-quoted account of the White Continent (Sveta-dvipa). It is so wellknown that a few brief notes will suffice.] (12781) "The inhabitants worship only the one god (ekantin). Blinded by his glory we could not see Him, the Male (Purusha). Believing that this was due to insufficient penance, we performed austerities for a hundred years. We then saw them silently worshipping Brahma (nent.), turned towards the East and the North. Hari became pleased with them." (Then follows a description of their worship). (12795) The deity is addressed as Hrishikesa (Lord of the Senses), Mahapurusha (the Great Male), Purvaja (First-born). These men, endowed with the highest (parama) bhakti, entirely devoted to Hari, knowing the Patcha-kala (Paucharatra rules, see note 58 below), were worshipping with mind, word and action. The God (deva) certainly appeared in that place, but we could not see Him. We were informed that the Adorable could only be seen by those who had faith (bhaktas). We then returned to our desired places. "When we failed to see Him after severe penances, how can you expect to see Him? Narayana is a Mahad-bhutam, the Creator of the universe, without beginning, without end, indiscrete." (12812) Pacified by these remarks of Ekata, Dvita and Trita, Brihaspati 45 For a long account of Uparichara Vasu, who was king of Chedi, see MBh., I, 2334 ff. 46 Apparently the mah&prasdda, or sacramental meal of the modern Vaishnavas. A collective name for the Rishis Martohi, Atri, Angiras, Palastya, Pulaha, Kratu, and Vasishtha (cf. 13040, below). It will be observed that, in opposition to Samkara, the orthodoxy of the religion is insisted upon. The name Vasu is important in connexion with the fact that the Panoharatras worship the Adorable under the name of Vasu-deva. P. C. Roy translates this word "a Great Being." The meaning is not olear to me. One is reminded of the Samkhya Mahabhatas, or Grossor Elements, but such a translation does not suit the passage. In the original, the. word is neuter singular.

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376 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1909. completes the sacrifice. Uparichara Vasu thereafter ruled righteously. Owing to the curse of a Brahmana he subsequently fell from heaven into the heart of the earth. There he worshipped and meditated upon Narayana, and through His grace (prasdda) was once more restored to heaven, and obtained release (paragati). 339. Yudhishthira asks how, as Vasu was a Bhagavata, he was cast down from heaven to the heart of earth. Bhishma explains. The gods once had a discussion with the Rishis, the most excellent of the twice-born, as to whether offerings should consist of animals or of grain. The Rishis argued for the latter. They appealed to Vasu, who, addressing them as dvijottam18, gave his opinion that sacrifices should be of animals. Enraged at his decision, the Munis cursed him to sink below the earth, and so it happened. The gods wished to release him, because he was a bhakta of the Brahmanya-deva,50 "He will rescue thee as soon as the effects of the curse of the Brahmanas are exhausted." They arranged for his sustenance while in the cavern, by making over to him the streaks of clarified butter (hence called vasu-dhard) poured along the walls by Brahmanas at sacrifices. (12846) Vasu commenced to worship Vishvaksenal and sang the prayers (japya) that issued from the mouth of Narayana. Although in the cavern, he sacrificed to Hari the five sacrifices52 at the five times.'s Then the Adorable Narayana Hari, the Adorable Vishnu, being pleased with his bhakti, sent Garuda, as soon as the effects of the curse had worn off, to bring him up to the sky. Garuda did so, and he entered the Brahma-loka in bodily form. Bhishma continues: I now proceed to tell how Narada went to the White Continent. 340. Narada goes to the White Continent to see Narayana. He raises his arms (in yoga) and sings a long prose hymn, addressing the deity as Nirguna, Kshetrajna, Purushottama, Anantaparusha, Mahd-purusha, Tri-guna Pradhana,... the Pancha-yajna, Pancha-kala-kartri-pati, Pancha-ratrika Hamisa, Para-hashsa, Mahd-hansa... Sakhya-yoga, Sankhyamurti.... Abhagna-yoga... Vasudeva... Bhakta-vatsala. Narada concludes, by saying that he is the deity's bhakta. (This chapter is entitled the Mahapurusha-stavs.) 341. The Adorable, pleased with this hymn, shows himself to Narada. Description of his appearance, in the course of which he is named Hari Narayana. He addresses Narada. "Ekata, &c., could not see me, but thou, being a monotheist (ekantika), hast succeeded. Ask a boon." Narada replies that he has already received the highest boon by being permitted to see the Adorable. The Adorable praises the people of the White Continent, who are bhaktas. "Being free from inertia (tamas) and energy (rajas), they will enter me. (12889) He, whom having entered, the best of the twice-born become in Him (iha) released, is the Eternal Supreme Self (paramatman), to be known as Vasudeva." 50 See note on p. 252, ante. With this legend we may compare Abel's offering of animals which was accepted by Yahweh, while Cain's offering of fruit was rejected. 51 The chief of the Adorable's parshadas or archangels. Here used for the Adorable Himself. Cf. 13457. 52 Brahma-yajna, Nri-yajna, Daiva-y., Pitri-y., Bhuta-y. 53 The five times (kala) at which these five sacrifices are performed recalls the name Pancha-rafra, literally a period of five nights. Various meanings are given to this compound. The Norada-Pancharatra says that ratra is equivalent to jadna, or knowledge, and that the five ' knowledges' are two sdftrikas, a airgunya, a rajasika, and tamasa. For further particulars, see Saldakaly adruma, s. v. Har is cne of the Bhagavata incarnations of the Adorable. 64 According to the modern bhakti theology, the Adorable had twenty-four, not ten incarnations. One of these was that of the Hamea, or Swan.

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DECEMBER, 1908.) THE NARAYANIYA AND THE BHAGAVATAS. 377 (12803) "At the dissolution of the universe, the Earth is absorbed into the Water; the Water into the Light; the Light into the Air ; the Air into the Ether ( kha); the Ether into the Intelligence (manas); the Intelligence, which is a parama bhuta55, into the Indiscrete (avyakta, i. e., Prakriti); and the Indiscrete into the actionless Male (Purusha ). There is nothing beyond the Male (Purusha ), the Eternal. He, Parasha Vasudeva is the only Eternal. Vasudeva is the Self (atman ) of all elements (bhuta). The five great elements (muhatman ) are earth, ais, ether, water, and light.56 These combined form a body (sarira). (12897) He who then enters it, is invisible and of little power. He is the Lord (prabhu), and thus becomes born and endows the body with action. Without the combination of the elements, the body cannot be, and without the living soal (jiva), the vital airs (vdyavah ) cannot endow it with action. This living soul is specified (parisankhydta ) as Sesha, as Samkarshana, and as the Lord (prabhu )57. He who becomes Sanatkumara, issuing from Samkarshana by his own act, and in whom all created things merge at the universal dissolution, is the Manas, Intelligence, of all created things and is named Pradyumna. From Pradyumna is born he who is the Creator (kartri), the Cause (kdrana), and the Effect (karya ), from whom everything movable and immovable is prodaced, namely Aniruddha, the Lord (Iedna), discrete (vyakta ) in all his works. (12904) When Vasudeva, the Adorable, Kshetrajna, devoid of constituents (guna ) is a living sonl, he is Samkarshana. Pradyumna or Intelligence, is born from Samkarshana, and from Pradyumna is sprung Aniruddha, or consciousness (ahanlara )69. "I, VAsadeva, am the Male (Purusha ), the actionless, the Twenty-fifth. I am without constituents (guna ), without parts, indifferent to alternatives, without ownership. I am isa, the preceptor of the world. That which thon beholdest is not me, bat illasion (mlya), crested by me. Thou shouldst not know me thus, endowed with the constituents of all created things, for I am omnipresent, the inner self (antardtmza ) of all living creatures, yet when their bodies are destroyed, I am not destroyed. Brahmi is my chief overseer. Radra, born of my wrath, is sprung from my forehead ...... (12924 ) Brahma was created by me, and himselt sacrificed to mo. I made him my son at the beginning of the won (kalpa ), and endowed him with the overlordship of the worlds, and with consciousness (ahundra) suggesting the identification of things (nana-pary:lya vdchita) ..... After granting these boons, I became inactive (nivritti-paramo 'bha vair). (12934) After a thousand ages (yuga) I shall withdraw the universe into myself, and shall remain alone with Wisdom (vidyd), with which I shall emit the universe again ay before. (12936 ) It was my fourth form ( that of Vasudera ) that created Sesha or Sankarshala. He produced Pradyumna, and in turn Pradyumna produced Aniruddha. From the lotas sprang from Aniruddha's navel was produced Brahma... In a Manas is not here the Manas, or mind, which is the eleventh organ of sense and action, derived from Ahalikara, or consciousness, of the $arukhya principles. In this place it is the Bhigavata synonym of Buddhi or Mahat, i. e., Intelligenoa, the second of the Sikhya principles, which is produced from the indiscreto Prakriti or Praihdna. Manq: is given A3 & synonym for this in th3 84rkhya-krama-dipika. See Garbe, Die Sainkhya Philosophie, p. 24. Parama Bhuta, the Supreme Element, seems to muan the Ultimate Discrete, beyond which all is Indigorete. Cf. 12903, and also 13035 and noted thereon, below. 56 This is all Sarish ya-ydga. See Colebroke, Essay, I, 255 ff. Vasudeva corresponds to the Sukhya-yog a Purusha or Iscara. 67 Here we begin to meet the vydha dootrine of the Panoharatras. Seeba is here only another name of Sankarslupa, as Sabatkumira is of Pradyumna. As explained ante, p. 261, the process of evolution of the universe by vydras is as follows:- From Visudeya, or the Adorable, are evolved a being named Sainkarshana and Indiscrete Mattor (Prakriti or Pradhana). From the combination of these two are uvolved Pradyumna and Intelligence (Manas or Muhat. From the combination of these two are evolved Aniruddha aud Consciousness Ahain kara). From the combination of these two are evolved Brahma, the Fashioner, and the Elements (Mahabhatani), out of which he fashions the universe. For another system, with only a single vyha (Aniruddha ), see note 66 on 18084 ff. 58 The meaning of all this is that Vasudova, by dividing himself became with the three others ) four being a by guccessive production. 19 Purusha is the last of the twenty-five principles in SA'shya-yoga. & Cj. the Logos dostrine, and 13382, 18167, below.

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378 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1908. each won I shall become incarnate as the Boar, as the Man-lion, as the Dwarf, as Parasurama. At the junction of the Treta and the Dvapara ages I shall become incarnate as Rama, the son of Dasaratha. The saints already mentioned as the sons of Prajapati (12757), viz., Ekata and Drita, shall become incarnate as apes, in punishment for an injury done to Trital. They shall, in that form, be allies in my work. When the Dvapara age is passing into the Kali age, I shall become incarnate as Krishna. (Ktishna's exploits detailed ). (12965) Having thus relieved the burden of the earth according to my will, I shall cause a terrible destruction (pralaya), surrounded by knowledge of the Supremo Self (Pdtmajdndbhisanurita), of the principal Satvatas and of Dvaraku, and shall go to my own worlds (svan lokun ), which are honoured by Brahmanas. (Later on, in 12968, the term sdtvata is employed as synonymous with the name Krishna). [ Next (12967) comes a recapitulation and fuller list of the incarnations. It is the ordinary well-known list of ten, except that Buddha is omitted, and Hamsa62 is substituted, being put first of all. After Hamsa comes the Tortoise, then the Fish, Boar, Man-lion, &c.]. (12971 ) Now, Narada, thou hast seen Me in visible form, a thing which has not been permitted even to Brahma." Bhishma continues : - "The Adorable Deva then disappeared. This great Upanishad which is associated with (samanvita) the four Vedas, made by Sankhya-yoga (Sankhya-yogakrita), was named by Narada Pancharatra,' and was heard by him from the mouth of Narayana Himself, and was repeated accurately by him in the abode of Brahma 63." Yudhishthira asks why all this had to be told to Brahma. Surely he knew it all before. Bhishma admits that the objection is a sound one. Narada did not tell it to Brahma, but to the saints ( siddha ) assembled there. Surya (the sun ), having heard it on this occasion, repeated it to sixty-six thousand Rishis in his train. (12987) They told it to the deities assembled on Mount Meru. These told it to Asita, 64 who told to the Fathers pitri). The Pitsi Santana, my father, told it to me, and I tell it to thee. It is only to be told by thee to him, who is faithful one (bhakta ) of Vasudeva. Benefits of reciting it described. May the eternal Adorable, Janardana, be pleased with thee. Vaisampayana narrates how Yudhishthira and his brethren, on hearing Bhishma's discourse, all became devoted to Narayana. Their continual cry was "Victory to that Adorable Male ( Bhagavat Purusha )." 342. Saunaka asks how it is that Bhagavat (the Adorable ), the Bhagavata Prabhu, who Himself has laid down the rules of inaction (nivritti), has created gode who partake of sacrifices which involve action (pravritti) and others, of contrary mind, who follow the rule of inaction. Sauti replies by telling what Vaisampayana said to Janamejaya on this subject, having heard it himself from Ktishna Dvaipayana. (18034) The Supreme Self (paramatman) of Samkhya-yoga takes the name of Mahapurusha,-or the Great Male -- by his own act. From Him is sprang the indiscreto Pradhana 5. (13036) From the Indiscrete, who is Isvara, was produced, in order to the creation of the world, the Discrete, - Aniruddha, who is known among men as & They throw him into a well, in order to get his property. Not very saintly conduct. 1 Hamsa is the fourteenth in the modera bhakti-cult list of twenty-four incarnations. The Bhagavata Purana calls this incarnation Narada. 65 Brahmd was Narada's father, #Asits Devals, the Rishi of Rig Vada, IX, V, 24. Note that he was also the Simeon of Buddhism, who took the young child Siddharths into his arms and blessed him. To the Buddhists he was an exemplary Linhi, though following hoterodox rules. See Korn, Manual of Buddhism, p. 68. * In Sunkhyaryoga also oalled prakriti.

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DECEMBER, 1908. THE NARAYANIYA AND THE BHAGAVATAS. He whose self is Intelligence (mahat )63, He is also Consciousness (ahamkara), and being vested with discreteness he created the Grandfather (i. e., Brahma). From it also, in its capacity of consciousness, are sprung the five grosser elements (mahabhuta), earth, air, ether, water, and light. Having created the grosser elements, he also formed those qualities (tan gunan). Eight beings were produced by the combination of the elements, viz., (13040) Martchi, Augiras, Atri, Pulastya, Pulaha, Kratu, Vasishtha, and Manu Svayambhuva (0.12722). These are known as the eight Prakritis. From these eight was the whole universe born, while Brahma formed the Vedas, sacrifices, &c., Rudra was born, having anger for his Selfs (roshdtmaka), and himself created ten others, and these eleven are called vikara-purushas or males (purushas) by production. All these ask Brauma for definitions of their respective duties. He takes them off to enquire from the indiscrete Great Male (Mahapurusha), who dwells on the north shore of the Ocean of Milk (i. e., presumably, in the White Continent).. (13054) They engage in austerities, and after a thousand celestial years, the Adorable directs thom to perform a sacrifice in His honour. They do so. (13065) Then the Adorable gives them the privilege of enjoying the fruits of sacrifices made by them (this is action, pravritti) and of receiving a share of the sacrifices offered by men. Strengthened by these sacrifices they are to tend the worlds. So strengthened, they will strengthen Him. (18082) Different creatures are intended for different purposes, some for action (praeritti), some for inaction (nivritti). (13075) Martchi and the others (Manu's name omitted) will be teachers of the Veda, and hence of action. (13079) The seven mind-born sons of Brahma: Sana, Sanatsujata, Sanaka, Sanandana, Sanatkumara, Kapila, and Sanatana, will be teachers of Samkhya-yoga, and apostles of inaction. They are foremost of those who know Yoga, and are skilled in the Samkhya philosophy (jidna), (Pradhana is) that from which consciousness (ahani) is sprung, and, before (consciousness), intelligence (mahat )70, indiscrete with its three constituents (guna). Beyond Pradhana is that which is called Kshetrajna, who is I Myself. This consciousness is the path of those who follow action, and is fraught with return. 379 (13088) Descriptions of the four ages (yuga). In the Kali age, when only a fourth part of righteousness (dharma) will remain, (13095) ye are to go to places where the Vedas, sacrifices, austerities, truth, self-restraint, accompanied by mercy, still flourish. They all go away, except Brahma, to whom (13099) the Adorable shows Himself in the form of Aniruddha, with a horse's head (hayasiras), bearing the triple staff (tridanda) and an ascetic's pitcher (kamandalu), and singing all the Vedas. He lays the burden of the world on Brahma, promising to become incarnate when necessary, and disappears. Brahma adopts himself the path of inaction, but ordains the path of action for others to give picturesqueness (chitrata) to the world. (13108) Vyasa's song in praise of the Adorable. (13122) Benefits of hearing or reciting the above. 343. Janamejaya asks Vaisampayana the meaning of the names employed for the Adorable in Vyasa's hymn. Vaisampayana quotes the reply of Kesava (i. e., the incarnate Adorable) himself to a similar question put by Arjuna. es Here, as in 13463 ff., the vyhas Samkarshana and Pradyumna of the full list in 12004 ff. are omitted, and Aniruddha performs their functions as well as his own. This is expressly allowed by 13602. Mahat is here the equivalent of the Bhagavata manas, or Intelligence, corresponding to the Samkbya-Yoga buddhi or mahat. The usual stages of evolution are (1) Samkarshana-Pradhana ( or Prakriti), thence (2) Pradyumna-Manas, thence (3) Aniruddha-Ahankara, and thence (4) Brahma and the elements. But here (1) Aniruddha-Pradhana produces Mahat (i. e., Manas); (2) Aniruddha-Mahat produces Ahashkara; and (3) Aniruddha-Ahaikara produces Brahmi. 67 The word guna can hardly mean the guna, or constituents, of Simkhya, for they are not subject to creation. They exist from eternity, even in Pradhana. P. C. Roy interprets the word here as meaning the attributes of the elements. They were created, and then their attributes, and, though this again is not Samkhya, he is evidently right. In this passage all mention of the Emkhya fan-matras, or subtile elements, and of the ten organs of sense and manas, all of which are derived from consciousness, is omitted. Bee 18140 ff., below. Rudra was born from Narayana's wrath. Vikira is the Simkhya technical term for the production of Buddhi from Pradhana, and so on. The meaning of the original is not clear, but this seems to be the sense.

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880 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. - [DECEMBER, 1908. There are many names of Me in the four Vedas, Purdnas, Upanishads, in astronomy also, in the Sankhya, in the Yoja-odstra, and in the Ayur-Veda. (13140) Salutation to Narayana, who is the universe, devoid of constituents (guna ), and yet their self (gundtman ). From His grace (prasdda ) is sprung Brahma, and from His wrath (lorodha ) is sprung Rudra. He is the source (yoni) of everything movable and immovable. That which has eighteen. attributes (guna) is Conscious Existence (saltra ). It is the supreme Origin (prakriti). the Self (atman) of the worlds ( 16ka). From it come all the changes of creation and absorption. It is austerities, the sacrifice, the sacrificer, the ancient Male ( Purusha), Viraj". As a male being it is Aniruddha. By His grace (prasdda) towards the wane of Brahma's night, Brahma was born in the lotas. Towards the wane of Brahma's day, aniruddha became subject to anger (lerodhdcinhta), and Rudra (Siva ) was born from his forehead. Thus, of these two great Vibudhas, orfe was born from his grace, and the other from his wrath. Under his directions, these two create and destroy in turn, Rudra, also called Kapardin, &c., is to be considered as having Narayana for his Self. Whoever worships bim worships me. I am the Self of all worlds, and therefore I worsbip Rudra, as really my Self. If I did not worship Isana (1. e., Rudra ), no one would worship my Self. The standard (pramana) which I set is followed everywhere. Standards are to be worshipped, and therefore I worship him. He who knows bim knows Me and tice versa, Rudra and Naryana are one being sattva) divided into two. He alone can grant me a boon. Long ago I once adored him to gain the boon of a son73. In doing so, I only adored myself. For there is no other deity whom Vishnu adores." (13161) There are four kinds of people who are faithful to me (mama bhakta ). The first and best are those that are devoted to one god (ekantin ), i.e., to me alone. The remaining three include those who do good works for the sake of their fruits. (13167) Explanation of the names Narayana, Vasudeva, Damodara, Prisnigarbha, Kesava, Gotama, Hrishikesa. The explanation of the name Vasudeva is ( 13169 ) "As the sun with its rays, I cover the whole world, and am called Vasudeva because I am the one that dwells above (adhivdea) all creatures." (13186 ) [Commencement of the explanation of the name Hoishikesa. Agni and Soma have a common source (yoni)). 344. The Adorable explains to Arjana why Agni and Soma have a common source. He first relates an ancient story sprung from the energy (tejas ) of His Self. When at the end of four thousand ages (yuga), there occurs a universal dissolution; when everything merges in the Indiscrete ; when there is a blank inertia (or darkness, tam137) without light or carth or air; when the world is one sea of water and is known as Brahma-bhuta,' without A second; when there is not night or day; when nothing exists or does not exist; when thero is neither Discrete nor Indiscrete: then the eternal Male (Purusha ), the immutable Hari 11 Sattva, which in itself one of the three gunas of the Elunkhya Pradbina, has itself, as here stated, eighteen que, which here mean attributes' or properties.' A list of these 18 guras of sattua is given on p. 215 of Professor Gorbe's Die sankhya Philosophie. A slightly different list is given in Nflakantha's commentary to this passage, vis. :Priti) prdkalyam udrak laghuta mukham eta cha akarpanyam asarhrambhah sanitisha sraddadhanata kshama dhr.tr ahired cha faucham akr3dha eva cha arjavath samata satyam anasaya tathai'va cha Iti tat-tad-gun padhil prity-adi-Sabdits bhaval 'ti gauna-ndma-nirvachanam. In MBH, xii, 11623 ff. there is another list of the gungi of sattva, but giving 31 not 18. cf. Hopkins, The Great Epic of India, pp. 119, 120. 19 Here Prakriti or Pradhna is apparently equated with the Adorable, from whom it prooeode. The whole DALAGO sooms to mean that Aniruddha, as descended both from the Adorable, and from Prakriti, represents them both. Regarding the identification of Purusha with Prakriti or Pradhana, cl. Doto to 18762, below. 19 All this glorification of Siva is evidently on insertion by the writer of the latest additions to the epio (what Hopkins onlls the peeudo-epie,') in which no god is equal to siya. So also the concluding part of the next adhylya. Cf. Hopkins, Great Epic, p. 184, *Tamar here means Prakriti. See zote to 13463, below.

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DECEMBER, 1908.) THE NARAYANIYA AND THE BHAGAVATAS. 391 - becoines revealed from the inertin (or darkness, tamas ), which is endowed with the constituent of Narayana ( Narayanagurdsraya ), immortal, withont senses, inconceivable, without origin, trae, mercifal, with a mirk upoa his forehead, impelling in various manners, without hate, death, decay, or form, all-pervading, maker of all things.75 (Reference to Hig-Veda, X, cix, 1.) Then, on the revealing of this Male (Purusha ), sprung from Imus, having Brahma (neat.) for his source (yoni), namely on the revealing of Brahma (masc.), the Male (Purusha ), being desirous to crente offspring, created Agni and Soma from his two oyes. Description of the deity of Agni. Description of Brahmanas and their powers, Stories of several Rishis. ( 13224) Agni and Soma are regarded as the joy (harsh) of the universe. Hence I am called Htishikesa. Continuation of the explanation of the names in Vyasa's hymn. Ritadhi. man, Sipivishta, Aja, Satya (13235-7) Sattvata (sic) (because I am full of sattva), Krishna (because I plough, krishdmi, the earth, and am of dark (krish m ) complexion ), Vaikuntha, Achyuta, Adhokshajn, Ghritarchis, Tridhita, Vrisha, Vpishikapi, Anadi, Amadhya, Ananta, Sachisravas, Ekasringa, Trikakad, Viri icha, (13251 ) Kapila (by the followers of Samkhya), (18255) Hiranyagarbhn (by the followers of Yoga, cf. 13703 ), the four different Vedas Dharmaja, Nara and Narayana, Khan laparasu. Legend of the origin of the last name and of the battle between Rudra and Nara-Narayana. Brahmi intervenes and pacifies Rudra, who acknowledges Hari's superiority. Hari addresses Radra after the reconciliation (13993): - "He that knows Thee, knows Me; He that follows Thee, follows Me: There is no difference between us two." I have now told this story. (13309) Radra is the deity sprung from my wrath (lorodhu). End of the Adorable's speech. 315. Sata relates to Saanaka, Vaisampayana's account to Janamejaya of Narada's adventures after seeing Narayan . (13314) Narada goes to Badari and there meets the Rishis Nara and Nariyana. He tells them what he has seen in the White Continent. (13359) Bhagavat the Adorable, is dear to Bhagavatas. (13370) I am heru under Hari's instructions, and shall in future dwell with you two. 346. Nara and Narayana address Narada. He is highly honoured by having been permitted to see the Lord ( Prabhu ). Not even Brahma has seen Him. "No one is more dear to Him than His bhaktas, and therefore He showed Himself to thee. We two are the only ones who have access to the place where He performs austerities. (13376 ) From Him springs mercy (kskind), which is connected with the earth; savour (ra81 ) Attached to water; heat (tejas attached to the sun, tangibility (Sparai) atached to the air (vdyu); audibility (fabula ) attached to the ether (dk1sa ); and mind (manas ) which is attached to the moon. That place, where He dwells, with Wisdom (vidyr, cf. 12935 and 13167) for His companion is nained by the Veda Sat,' the existing, the productive cause of things created (Chita). (13383) The perfect who are free from actions, whether good or bad (punya-papa-vivarjita ), go thither. They first enter the sun (a litya) as the door. There their bodies are consumed and they become atomic entities (paramanubhuta ). Thence they enter that God (name not mentioned76), and then, freed from him, they stand in the body (lanu ) of Aniruddha. Then having become mental entities (manobhuta) they enter Pradyumoa. Freed from Pradyumua. the best Brahmanas (viprapravara) and Samkhyas, with the Bhagavatas, enter Sankarshamn who is living soul (jiva). Thence, void of the threo constituents (traiguna-hina), they instantly enter the Supreme Self (paramatmen), the Kshetrajna, Himself without constituents, (13388), who is Vasadeva, the abode of all things ( sarododsa ). We were born in the house of Dharma, and live here to hail the various manifestations of the deity in the three worlds." (13397). Narada remains with Nara and Narayana for a thousand celestial yenrs. 347. Origin of the oblations to the pit ris explained in a conversation between Narada and Narayana, the elder of the two sons of Dharma. T5 Here we leave the Sankhya-yoga, and find ourselves among the Brahma speculations of the Upanishads. 16 P. C. Roy says he is Narkyana, which is impossible. I consider that it refers simply to the Sun. Being consarded they enter him as the door.

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382 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1908, 348. I have told yon the word of Narayana as it was spoken to Narada, and as I heard it from Vyasa. It was obtained by Nirada from Narayana Himself: It has once before been concisely told in the Harigitas (i. e., the Bhagavad Gita). (18441) The Sauti tells Saunaka that he has now told him the story (akhyana) entitled the Narayaniya. Praise of Narayann by the Santi, and list of His attributes. He is.... (13447) the Witness, of the Worlds (loka-s ikshin) (cf. 13743), the Unborn (aja), the Male (Purusha), the Ancient One (Purana). . . . . He is adored with their understanding (buddhi) by the Samkhya-yogins. 349. Saunaka asks why the Adorable appeared to Brahma with a horse's head (haya-siras), (see 13092 in Adhyays 342). The Sata tells how Vaisampayana explained the point to Janamejaya. (13162) Description of the dissolution of things. The earth (dharani), becomes absorbed (lina) into water (apas), the water into light (jyotis), light into air (vayu), air into ether (ukas), ether into intelligence (manas), intelligence into the Discrete (vyakta), the Discrete into the Indiscrete (acy alt 1), the Indiscrete into the Male ( purusha), and the Male (pus) into the All (sarva ).77 Then the All become only inertia (tamas). Inertia is in its essence primevally immortal (mulamritatmaks). From it was sprung (sambhuta) Brahma (neat.). It had for its aim the conception of a universe, and so took a form evolved from the Male (paurushi tanum), (18466). As a male, this form is called Aniruddha, and, as a neuter, it is also called Pradhana.79 It is indiscrete and possesses the three constituents (guna). He is the deity with Wisdom (vidyd, cf. 12935 and 18382) for his companion, Vishvaksena, Hari, the Lord (prabhu). IIe became subject to Yoga-sleep, and lay upon the waters only. There he meditated upon creation, and while melitating remembered intelligence (mahat),79 which was his own self (almaguna, cf. 13036), and from it was born consciousness (ahankara), which is Brahma, also called Hiranyagarbha, sprung from Aniruddha in a lotus. Seated upon the lotus he saw the universe consisting of nothing but water. Adopting the constituent of Conscious Existence (sattca), as Parameshthin (sic), he began to create the elements (bhulagana). Narayana had also created (krita) two drops of water on the leaf of the lotus. One became Madhu, born of the constituent of inertia (tamas). The other became Kaitabha, born of energy (rajas). They watch Brahma seated on the lotus and emitting (srijan) the four Vedas. They seize the Vedas, and carry them off to the bottom of the Ocean.80 Brahma appeals to the Lord (Isana), called Hari. (13486) Brahma's bymn. . . . (13487) Thou art the receptacle of Sam khya-yoga.. Thou art the maker of the discrete and of the indiscrete... without source (ayonija). (13189) I was born from Thy grace (prasada). My first, or mental, birth was from Thee.81 My second, ancient, birth was from Thine eye. My third from Thy mouth, my fourth from Thine ear, my fifth from the nose (nasatya), my sixth from an egg, and this my seventh from a lotus. All these births were from Thee. The Vedas are my eyes. They have been taken away, and I am blind. .. (13496) The Adorable Male (Purush) resolves to rescue the Vedas. Ile takes a form with the head of a horse (hayisiraz3). (18507) In this form He finds the Vedas, and returns them to Brahma. (13520) He slays Madbu and Kaisabha. Aided by Hari, Brahma creates the universe. (13524) Hari subsequently, on another occasion, again assumed the same form for the sake of the religion (dharm) of action (pravritti, see Adhyaya 342). The Horse's Hend is a primeval (paurdz) form, Benefits arising from the recitation of the story. The Discrete is Aniruddha of the Bhagavata single-ryuha system of evolution. But it is Aniruddha in process of evolution, combined in turn with Pralhana, Mahat or Manas (3ainkhya Buddhi), and Ahamkara. Cf. 18032, and note thereon. Ts This is, of course, once more another name for Prakriti. With the reference to tamas, above, we may note that this word is also used in Sah'chya as a synonym, or rather epithet, of Prakriti. See Garbe, Die Sakhya Philosophie, p. 205. Intelligence (mahat or manas) is the second of the Bhagavata principles, and Consciousness (ahankara) is the third. The evolution described here, with Aniruddha alone, is the same as that described in note ce, above, to 13034 ff. 80 Compare the parallel account in Bhagavata Purana, viii, 24. 1 According to 13559, below, this birth was from Narayana's mouth.

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DECEMBER, 1903.) THE NARAYANIYA AND THE BHAGAVATAS. 383 (13528) Whatever forms the deity asgames, He does so by His own power (kurvdnah sayan atmanan dtinand). He is the receptacle of the Vedas and of austerities. He is Yoga, Hois Sankhya, He is the foremost Brahma (neat.), and the infinites (vibhu ) Hari .... The religion, in which rebirth is impossible (i. e., ni vritti, see Adhydya 342), has Narayana for its object, and so also the religiou, which has pravritti for its distinguishing mark, has Narayana for its essence. Smell, the attribute of earth; taste, that of water ; touch, that of air ; sound, that of other; mind (mmas ), of which the attribute is indiscreteness (avyaktagunalakshana); time; Kirti, Sri, and Lakshmi; Samkhya and Yoga ; all these have Narayana for their Selfs (atman ). ( 13537 ) As the Male ( Purusha ) He is the Cause, and as Pradhana He is also the cause.... He, Hari Narayana is the one real principle (tattva )83 He, Kosava, knows the thoughts of Brahma, of the Rishis, of the Samkhyas, of the Yogins, of the Yatins who know themselves, but not they His. All acts performed in honour of the gods are really devoted to Vishnu. He is called Vasudeva, the abode of all beings and actions (sarvabhuta-koritd'vdsa, cf. sarvdv dsa, in 18388, above). 850. Janamojaya says: --The ordinary good man, free frora both merit and demerit, reachos the Male (Purusha ), through the three stages of Aniruddha, Pradyurana, and Samkarshana ) ; but those who are monotheists, - devoted to one God (ekantin) reach the Male (Purusha) at once. To my mind the latter is the preferable religion. Who taught it first ? * Vaisampayana says : - It was told by the Adorable Himself to Arjuna (i. e., in the Bhagavad Gitd). As then stated it was difficult to understand. Narada subsequently explained it to Krishna Dvaipayana, who explained it to me. Narada's account of the mode in which the religion was taught was as follows: (13559) When Brahmi was mentally born from Narayana's mouths, the latter imparted it to the Vaikhanasas, who drank foam, and they to Soma, and then it disappeared. (13582) At the second birth of Brahma, from Narayana's eye, Brahma received it from Soma and gave it to Radra, who, in the Kpita age, gave it to the Valakhilya Rishis. Then it again disappeared. n Vibhu, as a Bhagavata technioal term, means 'infinite,' as opposed to an u, 'finite. The word here possibly means a developed, or secondary, form of the Adorable. According to the Bhagavatas, the Supreme Deity exista in five different forms. 1. The first is that of the Adorable Himself, the Bhagarat, in this son sexion styled 'Parktpara' or 'The Supreine. 3. The second consists of the four vydhas or evolved forms of the Adorable, vis., Vasudeva, Sarkarshana, Pradyumna, and Aniruddha, dealt with at length in the Narkyapiya. 3. The third is that of a Vibhavn, or secondary form of the Deity. There are five kinds of viol (a) A Parna Avatara, or complete incarnation, such as that of Bama, Krishna, or the Man-lion. (6) An Arhia Avatara, or major Partial Incarnation, in which only a portion of the Deity became incarnate, such as those of the Fish, the Tortoise, the Dwarf, or Kapila. (C) A Kald Avatara, or minor Partial Inoration, in which the Deity is not present to so great an extent in the preceding. Suoh ia Parafu-Rama, who, in the Anggita, is not referred to as an ingarnation at all. It will be remembered that he was a Brahmapa, who was conquered by Rama, a Kshatriya incarnation, (d) A Bakti Avaldna, or an Inoarnation in Might, saol as those of the Adorable as Siva or Brahmi who, according to Bhagavata theology were but forms of Him. (0) A Vibhati Avatara (Incarnation of Power) or Karya Ayatdra (Incarnation for a Purpose). This is a temporary or occasional manifestation, such as that of the Adorable as Mobint at the churning of the Dean. Every Bhagavata who preaches the doctrines of his religion is, for the time being, Vibhaus Avatara. 4. The fourth form in which the Supreme Deity exists is that of the Antaryamin or 'Inward Restrainer,' i... the God in the soul of every animate being. 5. The fifth and laat form is that of an Archd Avatara, or Incarnation for Worship, i.e., the Deity inherent in overy idol or other representation of God. An idol is merely a marti, or image, till it is solemnly consecrated (pratishthita) according to the rales laid down in the Narada Parichardtra. It is then no longer a marti, or image, but is an Arch& Avatara. For most of the above, I am indebted to Srl Sitarama-sarana Bhagawan Prasada, the esteemed editor and translator of the Bhakta-mala. # Tattva is the name given to the Twenty-live S&rinkhya principles, to which reference has frequently been made, vis, Nature (prakriti or pradhana), Intelligenos (budathi or mahat), Consciousness (ahankara ), Mind (manas), the tea Oegaas of Sense and Action (indriya), the fire Subtile Elementa ( tanndera), the five Grosser Elements ( mahadh dta), and the Soul (purusha, pur, at man). In the theistio Yoga, the last is deified into the Universal Soal, or God. NO. 13489, above.

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384 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1908. (13565) At the third birth of Brahma, from Narayana's voice, Narayana Himself gave it to the Rishi Suparna, who recited it three times a day. Hence it is called Trisauparna. Saparna gave it to Vayu, who gave it to the Rishis, who ate the residues of oblations. They gave it to the Ocean (mahodadhi), and then it disappeared again and became merged in Narayana. (13571 ) At the next birth of Brahma, from Narayana's ear, Narayana ordered Brahma to receive the religion under the name of Sasvata, and by its means to create and arrange the Krita age. Brahma received the religion, with its mysteries, its abstracts (sangraha) and its dranyaka, as it issued from the mouth of Nariyana. He then created the worlds. The first age was the Ksita age, which was auspicious, inasmuch as the Sattvata (sic) religion was established and pervaded the worlds. Brahma taught it to Mana Svarochisha, who taught his Bon Sankhapada, who taught his son Suvarnabha. When the Treta age came, it again disappeared. (13585) In the birth of Brahma from (Narayana's ) nose (ndsatye janmani), Hari Narayana recited it Himself to Brabma, who taught it to Sapatkumara, who taught it to Virana, the Prajapati, in the Kpita age, who taught it to Raibhya, who taught it to his son Kukshi. It then disappeared, (13590) In the next birth of Brahma, from an egg born of Hari, Brahmi received it from Naravana's mouth and communicated it to the Barhishad Munis, they to a Brahmana (dvija) conversant with the Jy&shtha Saman and with the Vedanta, whose name was Jyeshtha who gave it to King Avikalpana. It then disappeared. (13594) At the seventh birth of Brahma, that from the lotus85, Narayana tanght it to Brahma, who taught it to Duksha, who tapght it to the eldest son of his danghter, Aditya, who was older than Savitri, and from whom Vivasvat received it. In the beginning of the Treta age Vivasvat gave it to Mana, who gave it to his son Ikshviku, by whom it was spread abroad over the earth. At the dissolution of the universe, it will again go to Narayana. (13599) This, which is the religion of Yating, bas been already compendiously told in the Ilarigi:as (i.., in the Bhagavad Gitd). Narada got it with its mysteries and abstracts from Narayana Himself. It is difficult of comprehension and performance, and is always maintained by Sattvatas (sic). (13602) By some Hari is worshipped under one manifestation (vydha) (ie, Aniruddha cf. 13035 and 18466), by some under two (i. e., Aniruddha and Pradyumna ), by some under three (i. e., Aniruddha, Pradyumna, and Sarkarshana, cf. 12897 ff.), and by some under four (1. e., Aniruddha, Pradyumna, Samkarshana, and Vasudeva, cf. 13752). Hari alone is the Khsetrajna, without egoism (nirmama ) and without parts (nishkala). He is the Living Soul (jiva ) in all beings with attribates (dharma-bhata ), transcending the five elements (bhuta ), and He is intelligence (manas ), setting in action the five senses (indriya). He is inactive and active, cause and effect, and, as the Male ( Purusha ), the Immutable, He sports according to His desire97. Such is the religion of devotion to the one God (@kuntadharma ), as I heard it by the favour of my preceptor. It is hard to be understood by those of undisciplined self (akrittman ), and it is hard to find many men who are devoted to one (@kantin). My preceptor heard it from Narada. Those who are devoted to Narayana go to Him, who is the supreme Brahma89 who is white in colour, and brilliant as the moon. Janamejaya asks why different persons follow different religious practices. (13615) Vaisampayana explains that men's natures diffor. Some are subject to sattua (conscious existence), others to tejas (energy), and others to tamas (inertia). It is the nature of those of the first class that leads to emancipation. (13621 ) The religion of devotion to Narayana is equal to Sankhya-yoga. He who follows it is endowed with sattua because Hari looks upon *5 I. e., the present dispensation. The well-known five elements of Sankhya: ether, air, firo, water, and earth.So the five senses are eight, hearing, smell, taste, and touch. * Here we see the influence of the Brahmaist theory of lia. Here we again see the influence of Brahmais. Hopkins (Great Epic, pp. 90, 100) bere justly points out that it is stated that the Bhagavata religion is as good as Samkhya-yoga, not the same it.

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DECEMBER, 1903.) THE NARAYANIYA AND THE BHAGAVATAS 335 him. He is awakened (pratbuldha ) by Hari looking upon him. No one can be awakened by his own will.60 (13629). When a man's nature is mixed, and is subject to both rajas and tam 18, he has pravritti (the way of works as his characteristic, and it is not Hari, but Brahma, who looks upon him. The deities an 1 Rishis themselves are certainly in a state of stva, but it is not saltva in its subtile (sakshm3 ) form, and therefore they are still subject to change (vailarika ). Janamejaya asks how a being thus subject to change can reach the supreme Male (Purusha ). He also asks for further information regarding pravritti. Vaisampayana explains :--The soul (purusha) or twenty-fith (principle of the Samkhyas ), which is actionless (i. &., performs no works, good or bad ), goes to the Male (Purusha ), who is Very subtile, who is endowed with the twenty-five Sarkhya ) principles (tattra-smyukta ), and with the three letters ( a + 4 + m). The Samkhya-yoga, the Vedas and Aranyakas, and the Paicharatra (sic) are mutually related and are really and only one. This is the religion of those who are solely devoted (ekuntin) to Narayana alone. As waves issue from the ocean orly to re-enter it again, so do these waves of the ocean of knowledge again re-enter Narayana. This is the Sativata (sic) religion, the immutable monotheistic ( ekanta ) way of the white men and of Yatins. It was taught by Na rada to Vyasa, my preceptor, and by Vyasa to me. Vyasa also taught Yudhishthira. It is difficult to follow (duschara ). Others become as much pazzled by it as you ; for Ktishna alone is the teacher and the perplexer of the universe, its destroyer and its cause. 351. Janamejaya asks :- Are the Samkhya-goga, the Pancharatra (sic), the Vods-Aranyaka separate courses of duty (nishtha ) or one course ? Also, explain pravritti. Vaisampayana :-(Episode of the story of the birth of the Vyasa, Krishna Dvaipayana, with an account of the origin of the Vedas.) (13702 ) There are these five different philosophies, (jana ), vis, Sankhya, Yoga, Pancbaratra, Veda, (i. e., Veda-Aranyaka), and Pasupata. Kapila declared the Eamkhya. Hiranyagarbha (cf. 18255 ), and no other man of old, was the teller (of Yoga). Ajantaratamas, also called Prachinagarbha, was the teacher of the Vedas.92 Siva, the Lord of Uma, Srikantha, the son of Brahma, spake the Pasupata loru.93 The Adorable, Himself is the kenner (vettri ) of the entire Pancharatra (sic). In all these, according to the scriptures and philosophies of cach, the Lord Narayana is the object of worship (nishtha ). Those that know the Paccharatra, who are devoted to monotheism (ekantabhdca ), enter Hari. The Samkhya, Yoga, and Velas are primoval ( sanatana ). In all, the worship, is directed to Narayana. 352. Janamojaya asks if there are many males (purushas, i. e., souls) or only one. What is the source of all things ? Vaisampayana replies: - In the opinion of the Samkhya-yoga there are many males in the world. Nor do their followers admit that there is only one Male. But inasmuch as one sole source ( zoni) of the many males is declared, therefore shall I describe that one Male (Purusha) who is above constituents (gunadhika ) as the All. This Purusha-sukta (Rig Veda, X, 90 ) is celebrated in all the Vedas as right (rita ) and true (satya). Treatises, with general rules and exceptions, have been declared by Rishis, beginning with Kapila, in their contemplation of the Highest Self (adhyatma).94 but the doctrine of unity of the Male ( Purusha ), which was declared by Vyasa, as he heard it explained by Brahma to Mabadeva, is what I now proceed to tell.95 ( 13737) There are Here we have the germ of the "cat" or "irresistible grace" school of the Bhakti cult. The Deity is represented as taking up the soul of him who is to be saved, as a cat takes up its passive kitten, in opposition to the "monkey" or " 05-operative grico" school, which holds that the soul must oling to the Deity, 48 young monkey elings to its mother. I 1. e., they havo a happy future life, but when the fruits of their works are exhausted they are liablo to rebirth. * It has been explained in the epicode (18097) that Apantaratamas was born again as the Vysa, Kyislpa Dvaipiyana. Hopkins, Great Epio, p. 97, note 3, ruggests that it is possible that in mentioning Hirapyagarbha 'aud Bo other,' the verre is a refutation of the claim of Patanjali to be author of the Yoga system, * For an account of the Pleupata dootrines, sea Colebrooke, Essays, II, 480 ff. 94 Cf. Bhajavad Gita; viii, 1. # Hero, ns Hopkins, Great Exic, 123, 134, points out, we have the Edunkbya doctrine of the plurality of souls proclaimed of old by Kapila, who is represented as the first of all the Rishis in time, and condemned in favour of the Yoga doctrine of a Universal Soul or Malo (Purusha) from whom the many souls (purusha) of Sarokby take their rise.

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386 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1908. many znales purushas ) and one Molo (Purusha), who is their source ( yoni). If they become void of constituents ( nirguna) they enter Him, the universal supreme Male ( l'urusha ), who is Himself void of constituents.es 353. Brahma continues his explanation commenced in 13737 : -The universality and invisibility of the Male (Purusha ). Without a body, set dwelling in all bodies. Though dwelling, in bodies ( sarira) He is not affected by their acts. He is my inner self (antaratman) and thine. (13743) Be is the Witness of all who possess bodies (deha ) (cf. 13417). He is incomprehensible. The nniverse is His head. The universe is His Arms. The universe is His feet, eyes, and uose. ONE He wanders at His will in the kshetras. Kshetra (or field') means 'body' sarira). He knows all kshetras and their seed (i. e., actions ), wbether it be good or bad, and therefore He Whose very self is Yoga, is called the Kshetrajna, or The Kenner of the Field. His not goinge and His goings are unknowable. (13746-47) I have studied His guings, in order, according to Samkhya and according to Yoga, yet I know them not, but according to my knowledge I will tell thee of the primeval Male ( Purusha ), of His oneness and of His greatness. He is recorded as the One Male (Purusha). That primeval One bears the name of the Great Male ( Mahd-purusha). Just as fire is one, but gla res everywhere ; jast as the sun is one, but is the universal source of heat; just as air is one, but blows everywhere ; just as the ocean is one, but is the source of all the waters; so the Male ( Purusha ) is one, void of constituents, having for His form the Universe. By casting aside everything that has constituents, every act, whether good or bad, by abandoning truth and falsehood, so does a man become without constituents, and enter Him. He who, knowing the inconceivable, humbly contemplates the quadruple subtle entity 7, goes to that suspicious Male ( Purusha ). (13758) Some learned men prefer to consider Him as the Supreme Self (Parumatman) and others as the one Self, which is Self (ekatnanam duninam). According to the former opinion that Supreme Self is without constituents, and is to be known as Narayana, the All-Self (sarvatman) the Male (Purusha ). As the lotus-leaf is not affected by a drop of water, so He is not affected by the fruits of actions. But the other Self, the active self (karmat man ) is confined by the bonds of salvation moksha 50) and also in the state of the linga sarira ) by the seventeenfold rope.100 It is owing to the existence of this linga barira) that it is (erroneously) said that the Male (Purusha) is manifold. But there is only one, Who ) is the abode of the world-ordinances, the highest object of knowledge, the knower and the thing to be known, the thinker and the thing to be thought, the eater and the thing to be eaten .. . (13718) the everlasting immutable Pradhana.. .. (Repetition of what has been said several times before) ... (13762) The Malo (Purusha) in His four-fold manifestation sports! ( loridati ) as Ile wishes, He is the Adorable instructed by His own knowledge. In this manner have I taught you, as is told in the Sarkhya philosophy (jadna) and also in the Yoga. 96 Hore the alleged Yoga is getting mixed up with Brahmaism. " Aniruddha, Pradyumna, Sati karshana, and Vasacora. * This is the translation preferred by Hopkins, Great Eric, p. 143, note 1. The two systems contrasted are Yoga and Brahmaism. The author hero holds to the first. The commentator makes dimanam refer to Sarikbya, and 8kdtmdnam to Brahmaiem. Hopkins, Great Bpio, p. 107, suggests that we should read maha, instead of mkaka, confined by the bonds of delusion'. This gives much better sense. 100 In Sarokhya, karmdtman is the epithet applied to aharlikdra, or consciousness, when in a state of production, whether of mind (manga), of the senses (indriya), or of the subtilo elementa (tanmdira). See Garbo, Die Sakhya Philosophie, p. 249. According to the Bashkhya-prarachana-bhdshya on Satra, III, 9, which quotes the present passage with approval the reference here is to the Lingamar is to the linda-karim. personality or character, as distinot from the soul ( purwaha). This Kinga mind, the ten sepses, and the flye subtile elements, p barfra is made up of seventeen constituents, vis., the mind, the ten senses, and the five subtile elemen er with buddhi and aharkdna oounted together as one. Karmalman is therefore hero.equivalent to the linga-farira. It is this personality or character which accompanies tho soul and leads it wandering through transmigrations, Not till the soul is freed from it does it obtain moksha, 'releaso.' Again a reference to the Brahmaista. kina. Great Epic. p. 125. justly remarks, a great deal of what has been said is not sankhya-yoga at all. For instance the identification of Pradhana with Purusha, as here and elsewhere in the Narayaniya, is radically opposed to Sachkhya-yoga dualism..

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INDEX. ... 174 ... 26 ... 342 ... .. .. 300 A'ay, chieftancy in the Pandya country ... 243 Afghans, or Pakhtu, 79; beseiged Peshawar A Baker's Doren of Catches, from the Jhang in 1627... ... .. . .. District, Punjab, by M. Longworth Dames, Afzalpur, vil, near Mandasor ... . ... 109 1. O. S.... ... .. ... ... 174 ff. agapporu, (Tamil), meaning of .. ... 193 Abdagases, Parthian, k. . .. 27 Agastya, a sage ... ... ... ... 202 f. codigirt ... ... ... ... ... ... 833 Agathokles, Greek prince, coins of ... Abel's and Cain's offerings ... ... 376 n Agatis, the four vices ... ... 2 n. Abhidharma, Abhidhamms, Buddhist trans- Agenor, father of Peithon ... ... ... 25 cendental doctrinal works. 3 n., 9, 10n; 13; 276 Aggalapura, C. ... ... ... ... ... 85 Abhimanameru, alias of Rajasimba II ... 197 Aggaparaju, Bana, k, ... ... ... ... 354 Abram's offering of Isaac ... ... 158 Agni, g. of fire ... ... 202 and n. ; 380 f. Absalom's tomb... ... ... ... ... 156 Agnimitra the Sunga, emp. of N. India, Al'u'l-Fazal, anthor of the Rin-Akbart date .. ... . ... .. ... 69 acarya, director of conscience... ... 89 and n, ahazkira, consciousness, 261; 373 and n.; Acelakas, naked ascetics ... .. ...11n. 377 and n. ; 379, 382 and n.; 333 n. ; 386 n. Aceldama ... ... ... ... ... 156 Ahananer, Tamil miscellany ... ... 229; 238 acharyd-bhimana-yoga, fifth upaya ... ... 256 "Ahichatra," old name of Ramnagar ... 88 aciyuta, the Imperishable ... ... 259, 381 Abinposh, Stupa near Jallalabad, cuins found uc nna, a Buddhist practice, 81, 88; dcinna in ... ... ... ... ... ... 41 kappa ... .. .. .. 89; 90 n.; 105 Ahmad Malik, minister to Hasan Khin ... 100 Actium, battle of ... ... ... ... 71 Ahoganga, mt. ... ... ... ... ... 82 Acts of St. Thomas, date of ... ... 48; 62 Aburns .. ... ... Adam's head, stone where it was found ... 158 Aibak, Kutb-ud-din Ibak ... ... ... 145 Adam's Peak, Samantakata or Samanelli, Aigwruntiru, a collection of Tamil works ... 230 etc. ... ... ... ... ... 235 n. Ain-i-Akbarf, the, 149 n. 1511.; and the Adam Khin's expedition to Tibet ... ... 139 | Saka era .. .. ... ... ... 3 2 adasaka nisidana, a fringeless mat, 81, 88,95 PS., 100 litareya-Brahmana, a work which mentions Addanki, in Ongole Taluk, Nellore, fragment the Andhras... . . . . 231 of inscription at ... ... ... 353. n. Aja... ... ... ... ... 381 f. ad lhinagamana, a Buddhist rule ... ... 94 Ajadeva, minister to k. Parmar ... ... 115 athishthita, consecrated ... .. ... 91 Ajant& picture ... adhitisani and odhatiyeni, words occurring Ajatasatru, k. of Magadba, and the Licchavi, in Ropnath and Brahmagiri Edicts, 347f; 79; 312 350 n. Ajatasatru of Kasi, an Outland Kshattriya .. 251 Adhoksbaja .. .. .. ... ... 381 Ajaygarh, Chandel Fort, inscrips from, 119, Adhyatma =Vasudeva =Narayana ... 373 1., 985 121, 123,-125; 129 f.; 152, 131 #. Adhyatma Ramayana, and the Tapogiri mt. 203 Ajita, a Buddhist monk ... .. ... 8 adigars, officers... Ajitanath, Jain image, at Mahoba ... ... 120 Adi Kola, or Boar Incarnation 206 Ajiraka, perhaps a Jaina sect, 2; and Asoka... 313 Aditya, daughter of Daksha... .. .. 38+ Ajmere, under Huvishka, 60; under Castana, aditya = the sun ... ... ... 73; and k. Jaipal ... ... ... 110 f. Aditya I., Ohila k., conquered Aparajita ... Akal Bir, son of the Raja of Nahan ... ... 293 Aditya Knrikala killed Vira Pandyan ... 239 akilika, akilita ... ... ... ... ... 106 adiyal. See Atikals ... ... ... ... 335 Aka Puduval Mathathu, a Puduval subdiviAdiyaman, Chola viceroy of Talakad... 229, 240 sion ... . ... .. .. .. 338 Adiyaman, a Chiera chief ... ... ... 243 ... 243 Akbar, Emp., 32; in Panjab legends, 149, Adiyamau Neduman Anjik., patron of 150 and n.; 17+; in whose reign tobacco Avvaiyar ... ... ... ... 229 1., 237 was introduced into India, 210 ; visited the Afghanistan, coins found in 25; and the So Sarnath ruins ... .. ... .. 270 or Sek, 26; under Kadphises I, 54 ; and aki, a rebel ... ... ... .. ...75:. Kanishka, 60; 70; Parthian attack on, 74; Akrdra, a Yoga devotee ... 257 11. and the Mughals ... ... ... ... 211 Alichah, alejayes, a silk clotla... ... 267 and 1 ... 24 . .. . .. 240 381 354

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398 ... Alagainadu, un-identified place, connected with Nandippottarasar Alagapuri, vil in Pudukkottai State... Alagar kalambajam, the, a Tamil work Alangadu, Alavayi, q. v. Ala-u-ddin Khilji, and the Mandasor fort... 109 Alavky or Madura 173 ... 173 ...170 ...236 ... 191 ... 236 ... 105 ... 232 Alavayi or Alangadu, Mangadu Alavikas, a Buddhist sect . Alawayi, in Travancore, Mangadu ... Alberuni, on the Laukika era, 28 and n.; and other eras, 32; and Kanishka, 41; and the Shahiya Kings, 42; on India alejayes, allijaes. See alichah Alexander the Great, his Indian dominions, www ... 25; in Sogdiana, 79; 140; 178; legendary ancestor of the Haklas, 209; 343; 344 and n. Alexander, k. of Epirus, Alikasaudare 343 Alexander Severus, Emp. of Rome 74 Alha, a Mahoba hero 145 www ... Ali Mardan Khan, minister under Shah Jahan... Ali Mir, Balti k., conquered k. 'a Jam-dbyangrnam-rgyal Aliverdi Khan, Moghul governor Allahabad, formerly part of Bundelkhand, 130; or Prayaga Allahabad Prasasti of Samudra Gupta, 39: 42; 74; records a Gupta-Licchavi alliance, 79; mentions Vengi 201 n. Alleppo, tn. 161 n.; 162 f., 165 f. allom, E. I. Co.'s trade in, 227; 284; 286 ff., 290 Alphabet, Indian, the earliest known 345 Alptigin, Amir, occupied Ghazni 139 Altamah,' Shams-ud-din Muhammad Iyaltimsh *** Amadhya... amalaka, fruit... ... ... ... 131 267 n. ... INDEX. www *** - 154 145 Al'Utbf, Historian, on Mahmud of Ghazni's sixth invasion... ...141; 142 n. .352 and n. www Alava, chief, perhaps a Naga... Alvar Tirumangai, a Vaishnava, and Mallai 188 61 142 171 n. .. 381 ... 109 242 Amaravati, riv.... Amaravati pillar inscrip., 201; 281; Burgess' Buddhist Stupas of... 281 n.; 282 n. Amargarh, in the Dakkan 161; 154 Amar Singh, Raja, ruler of Amargarh, a story of 151 ff. amathita, unchurned milk 81, 88, 94, 99 f. Ambadeva-Maharaja, a Kakatiya feudatory chief... ... 357 Ambala Tank, in which is a Sun temple 203 n.; 204 f. Ambalavasis, subgroup of the Antarallas of Malabar 334 f.; 333 ... Ambapali, a Liccbavi courtezan Ambarisha, a Bhagavata Kshattriya.... ameretat, a beverage America, the home of tobacco... Amir Khan, Sabahdar of Kabul Amitabha, a Buddha Amma I, Chalukya k.. amea, an eternal part... Amar, dist. ... ....179 ... 353 260 229,236 Anadi ... 391 Anamalai inscrip of Parantaka ... 197 Ananda, Buddhist monk, 2 ff.; Anamda, 65; 84 and n.; 85; 94 n.; 99 n. Anandatirtha, or Madhvacharya, and Sam 258 & n. *** .. .. ... ... www *** www 79 252 n. .360 ... *** kara Anandpal, son of Jaipal, and Mahmud of Ghazni ... 140 n., 141 ananta, the Endless 259,381 Ancient History of Nellore District, by V. Venkayya, M. A., Rai Bahadur - Linguis tic Value of the Nellore Inscriptions, 199 f.; Paucity of Early Inscriptions, 201; The Early Period, 281; The Pallavas, 282; Pallava Kings of the Sanskrit Charters, 283; Pallava Expansion in the Tamil Country, 351; Ganga-Pallavas in the Nellore District; The Eastern Chalukyas of Vengi in the Northern Portion of Nellore, 352 f.; Cholas in the Southern, Paucity of Early Records in the South, 354; Kulottunga I. and his successors, 355; Later History of Nellore 356 f. Andhra, inscrips., 43; Empire, decay of, 61; dynasty of N. India, 71; coins, 180; or Salivahana dynasty, subject to the Mauryas, 281 & n.; in the Telugu country, 282 and n.; and Nellore 351 and n. Andhrabhritya, or Satavahana inscrips. 45; 210 174 ... 242 n. ... 313 Androcottus, for Chandragupta Angasi, Banda Dist., inscrip. from ... 118 Angiras, a Rishi ... ... 375 and n. ; 379 Anglo Indian Worthies, Some, of the Seventeenth Century, by Lavinia M. Anstey. No. III-Ambrose Salisbury, 213 ff.; 263 1F., 284 ff., 309 ff. 144 ...75 n. Anhilwara, W. Gujarat... Ani, a baud of soldiers... Animchari, probably post of private secretary... ... *** *** 75 aniruddha, conditioned spirit ... 261 Aniruddha, son of Pradyumna 373 and n.; 377 ff.; Hari... .. 384; 386 n. aniyatas, the two undetermined offences ... Anjana, Eetzana epoch... anjana, unguents ***350 91

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Anjaneya, Hanuman Anka Pir, Muhammadan saint, tomb of Ankar, revenue in kind.... Anna, St., sepulchre of, etc. Annas, palace of ... ... ... *** Antarallas of Malabar, The, by N. Subbaraya Iyer ... Antarvedi, Doab ... Antigonus, Gonatas k. of Macedon, the Antikina of Asoka's Edict... Antigonus, Satrap of Phrygia... Antimakhos, Greek prince, coins of... Antiochus Theos, k. of Syria, the Antiyoka of Asoka's Edict ... ... *** . Antiokhos the Great, invaded India.. Antiokhos Soter... Antiokhos Theos Antoninus Pius, Emp. of Rome, date of Anulomajas, subdivision of the Ambala Vasis Anuruddha, Buddhist monk... Apantaratamas, or Prachinagarbha, teach er of the Vedas ... ... ... ... Armenia and Rome Armenian kings in Nisibis Arnold, Mr., E. I. Co.'s servant Arrian, on the Nysaioi... Arronnica, St., for Veronica ... ... Aparajita, Ganga-Pallava k., conqured Aditya I. ... ... ... ... www ... ... 354 *** Apastamba, a sage ... 89; 231 n. Apollodotos, 'Conqueror' of India ... 27; 32; 51 Apostles, in Gethsemane, 156; creed of ... 158 Ara inscrips. 46; 57 f.; 64, 67, 73 Arabs and R. Bell, 162 f.; 165 f.; victorious. over the Chinese ... 181 ... 249 360 Arachosia, co. Aramaiti, goddess Aranyakabhiksus, a class of Buddhist monks, 100 and n., 101, 103 Arayam, cap. of the Irungovel family ... 230 Ardeshir-babekan, founder of the Sassanian dynasty in Persia 74 arhattva, sanctity ... 10 n., 11 f. Aria, or Herat, colony from Nisibis planted in ... 334 ff. INDEX. ...78 n. Arikesarin, Parankusa Maravarman, alias, Maran, Pandya k. Arieil Kilar, Tamil poet. arista, liquor 197 230 ...95 n. Arjan Gaur, chief, under Asoka 153 f. Arjuna, Pandu hero... .379 f., 383 Arjuna Kachchhapaghata, slew Rajyapala 123 Arjunakas, followers of Krishna www 253 Armagon, Arumugam, on the coast, north of Madras, a factory 206 335 f. ... 3 n. 157 *** 385 & n. ... *** JAANE KRE E 343 317 72 ...78n. 226; 323 ff. ... 78 and n. 157 Arsakes, Parthian k. ... Arsakide, their coins and those of Gondophernes... Artabanos II. of Parthia, dates Artabanus III. of Parthia, 62; wars with Tiberius Artaus, satrap Aryan, civilization north of the Hindu Kush, extinction of, 69; army conq uered by Nedum Cheliyan, 236; 242; peoples in the Gangetic Valley, 251 ff.; settlements Arzava, tablets from El Amarna Asad Beg, author of Wakaya, on tobacco... 210 Asaf Khan, Muhammadan chief, and the Chan ... 281 ... 111 ... ... Ashtatirthas, in Ramtek Asia, 26; and tobacco... ... ... dels ... ... Asarva, Chandella queen asava, juice of flowers, etc. asceticism, and the Mazda Creed Asha, Genius of righteousness ashono, the godly Ashtagrahathil Adhyaninars, a Brahman section... ... ... 389 *** ... *** ... 71 71 ... 336 205 ... 210 Asita, a Hinda, and the Bhagavata creed 254 Asita-devala, a Rishi ... 374, 378 and n. Asoka, Life of, 11 n.; Edicts, readings in, 19-24; and the Greeks in India, 25; death of, 69; Edicts and Inscriptions, 30; 60; 73; a new edition in preparation, 178 and n.; Pillar, Edict V, 211; and Tamil powers, 241; inscriptions ... 246; 278, f.; 281 and n.; 342 f.; 345 ff.; 350 and n.; 371 Aspavarma, subordinate to Azes derava, liquor made without decoction Assaka, kingdom Assam, Pragjyotisa assara, asr, Assara, Moorish call to prayers, 161 and n.; or sara'ldhahar Aevaghosha, Buddhist saint, and Kanishka 70 ...95 n. ...82 n. 80 ... 146 126, 128 95 358 358 ff. ... 359 ... 27 48 69 57; 212 Asvaghosha, called 'king' in Sarnath inscrips. 278 Asvaghosha, a Rajan, probably feudatory chief under Huvishka 60 Asvaghosha, subordinate k. of Benares aevamedha, sacrifice 73 ... 282 Aevapati, Kshattriya k. of Kaikeya ... ... 252 Asvatthaman, ancestor of the Pallavas ... 239 Atikals, adiyal, subdivision of the Anulomaja Ambalavasis ... Ating, vil, in Zangskar... Atisa, k. of Zangskar Atiyoti, a Samanthar caste ... *** atkarki jeotas, inferior land... Atmakar, in Nellore Dist. inscrips. from, 164 335 ff. 332 ... 332 ***338 76 *** 200; 351; 354 n. ; 357 n. 3

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890 INDEX. 203 Atri, a Rishi ... ... ... ...375 n. ; 879 Bagdad, Bagdat, tn. ... .. ... 165 Aurangzeb, k. of Delbi, in Paitjab legende, BaghArt, Sighanpar-Baghari, near Mahoba, 154 ff.; 243; or Oram Zeab ... ... ... 296 inscrips.at ... ... ... 123; 129; 134 Augustan age of Tamil literature ... ... 228 Bagbat, a Hill State ... ... 804 and 1., 305 Augustus, his coins and those of Kadphises Bagnildb, near Ara ... ... ... 58 1., 28; 33; in Syria ... ... ... 71; 249 Bagnold, Mr., E I. Co's, servant ... ... 327 Australia, home of a species of tobacco ... 210 Bahadur AghA, servant of Hasan Khan, k. of Avalokitesvara, a Bodhisattava ... ... 1791 Kashmir ... ... ... ... ... 191 Avalokitesvara Khasarpana, Mab&bodhisattva, Bahi-ud-din, Malik, for Binae-nd-din... 145 n. and Nagarjuna ... ... ... ... 207 Bahram Khan, a son of Zainu'l-'abidin ... 189 Avani Naranan, & surname of Nandi... 172 f. Bahar plate inscrips. and Dantivarman 172 f. Avani-Narayana-chaturvedimangalam, alias Bahubrutiyas, a sect ... ... ... ...81n. of Kavadippakkam ... ... ... ... 172 Baijnath Prasasti inscrip.; earliest Laukika Avanti, Kingdom, 82 and n.; or M&lava ... 242 date ... ... ... ... ... ... 32 avasaconvents... ... ... .. 81, 100 Bairagarh, on the Betwa, a battlefield 145 n. arasakappa, a Buddhist rule ... 88 1,99 Bairam Khan, fought at Panipat ... ... 32 Avataras, five ... ... 383 n. Bairat (Bhabra) Edict ... ... ... 1; 315 Avesta, the ... * * *** ... 358 Bala, a friar ... ... ... ... 52 f, 56 Avikalpana, k. ... ... ... .. ... 18 BALAJI, Vishnu, modern temple in Chimar. 333 . avinabin, the Indestructible ... ... ... 259 Balakumara, father of Kanaka and Vijaya, avinaya, disorder ... ... 82 236; 241 Avvaimalai, hill near Dharmapuri ... Balavarman, BAr Brahm, Chandel prince ... 136 Avvaiyar, poetess, sister of Tiruva!luvar 228 ff. Balichh, income tax ... ... ... 75 avyakta, the Indiscrete... ... ...260 balidau, offering at the Ghoda ceremony ... 334 Aya, Azes I. ... ... ... ... Balihri, Bilhari, in Jabalpur Dist. ... 132 ard n. Ayodhya, and Rama, 202; and Suryavathat 143, 144 and n; kings .. . .. ** ** * Ballad of the Haklds of Gujrat in the Pasjab, Ayyapa, a hero ... ... ... ... 353 by H. A. Rose... Ayyaparaju, name in the Dharmavaram in- Baltis, conquered by Tibet, 181 ; 187; in scrip. ... ... ... ... ... 353 n. Kashmir ... ... ... ... ... 192 Azas, 47; II., nominal k. of the Panjab ... 70 Baltistan, 189; Skardo, or Little Bhotta-land, Azes, Sok prince, 27; bis titles 191; independent in the 16th century ... 192 Azes I, Aya, a Scythian prince Balu-mkhar inscrip. and Khrisrong-lde btean. 181 Azes II. . .. ... 64, 56; 62 Bamyian, in Persia ... ... ... ... 80 Azilises, Sok prince, 27; his titles ... ... 40 Bam Yik, variety of the Tibetan alphabet, . Azilises, a Scythian k.... ... 51; 70 probably connected with Bamyian... ... 80 Bapa, historian, his Harsha-Charita, 258; and Baalam, Mr., and R. Bell ... ... 162 f. Skandagupta's nose ... .. ... 371 Babar, Emp. ... ... . ... ... 32 bibu, or Pawpa ... .. ... ... 311, 313 quered by Parantaka I. ... ... ... 351 Babylon, and the Jews 156; 159 ; conquered band-dhar, bloodshed, plunder ... ...75n. by Persia, 311 ; and Seleucus Nicator ... 344 banagar Naiks, Bawnacorrell Nawges, and Bactria, lost to the Greeks, 25; Ta-hia, 28; 32; Amb. Salisbury ... ... ... 310 and n. 53; and the Yuc-chi, 69; reconquered by Ba-nan-da, a Sakyaputra utra . . . 8n. the Syrians ... .. Bangphar, Mabobe clan... ... ... ... 145 Bactrian Greeks, invaded India, 25; and the Banda, in Bundelkhand, 130; coin from ... 148 Yoe-chi, 32; in Sogdiana ... ... ... Bungashat, or Upper and Lower Bangash, Badami Cave inscrip. of the Chalukya Man. 174; 211 n. galisa contains the earliest mention of the Baniyas, a caste... ... ... ... ... 131 Saka era, 53; Vatapi, Chalukya cnp., des. Banjara, caste, or Bundarees, 296 n; and troyed 243 or Vatapi, and the W. Chaluk human sacrifice ... ... .. 334 n. yas *** . . .. 352 Bannian men, merchants ... ... 164 and n. Badart., C.... ... Bantam, E. 1, Co's, trade with ... 269; 319 Badarikasrama, abode of Narayana ... ... 374BApatla? Battapunde, 275; record from ... 355 baddha 261 barat, wedding procession ... ... 110 Badobi Kanets ... ... 78 Bar Brahm, Balavarman ... ... ... - DLS iues .. . 40 Bapa, kings, subject to Nandi . " 371 171; 173; con. ... . . 73 79 . . . 381

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Barel, vil. in Rath pargand Barhishad Munis Biri, tn. sacked by Mahmud of Ghazni Barigarh, Chandel fort... barn, an oath Barna, riv. Barnali, in Gujrat ... www ... Barnett's, Prof., Bhagavad Gitu Baro, in Gwalior, temple in ... Barsi tank, at Pahra ... ... *** ... 384 142 132; 136 ... 77 and n. 279 f. ... 209 and n. ... 251 n.; 261 108 136 ... ... Barth, M. and the Buddhist rule, 16, and n. ; 342 bartojeola, land held free of rent 76 75 ... *** barto, muofi, grant free of revenue Basa, Patbania, Raja of Narpar, 149 and n., 160 f. Battapunde, perhaps Bapatla 275; or Beattapunde 276 Bates, Capt. Dyer, and R. Bell.... 162; 166 Bathindah (Bhatindla) cap, of a Hindu State in the Indus Valley ... 139, 140n. Bathurst. Alderman, and A. Salisbury 325 Battapadu, vil. in Nellore Dist, Tamil inscrip. from... ... ... INDEX. Battle of Actium 200 71 Battle of Philippi ... 70 Bawnacorrell Nawges, banagar Naiks ... 310 Bay, Bengal, E. I. Co.'s factories on, 215, 217, 220, 224 f.; 263 f.; 266, 275 f; 290, 292, 311 Beal, and the Buddhist Councils ... 1 n., 4 n., 5 n, 50-n. Beattapunde, Battapunde, perhaps Bapatla, 137 Bethesda, pool of 276, 285 76 begar, the corvee... Beglar, Mr. J. D. and the Chandel dyn., 1143 134 f., 136 and n., and Ramtek 202 f. Behar, and the Mughals, 32; part of the Kusana Empire, 60; Magadha Bejeyundu name in the Dharmavaram scrip., ... in Bela, tank at Jaitpur... Bela, in Nagpur Dist., and the Ghoda cere 353 n. 141 79 ... 334 166 ff. 144 114 nony Bell, R., Travels of, q. v. Belo Brahm, Belavarman, Raja Belo Chandel, Raja, and Singaurgarh fort Benares, and Mathura, bounded the conquests of Kanishka, 44; 56; 60; ancient Kasika, 117; 141; and Madanavarman, 144; and Buddha, 277; and Kanishka, 278; old road...... 280 Bengal and the Mughals, 32; and the E. I. Co., 214; Bay of 215, 217; 220; 224 f.; 263 f.; 266; 275 f., 290 ff.; 311 Berar, ancient Vidarbha 208 berk, a refuge... 75 n. Beta Vijayaditya, or Kanthika Vijayaditya, k. of Vengi Beteelahs, Oringall, origin of the term *** 10 353 n. ... 148 ... 157 and Bethlehem, gate of Jerusalem, 157 f., 159 and n., 160 Bethphage, Bethage... ...... 153 Beyrout, Byrute, Beroot, Barute ... 161 and n. Bezvad, supposed cap, of Dhanakagaka, 351 n.; plate inscrip. *** 54 ... 353 Bhabra, Bairat, edict ...1; 20; 318 Bhadra incarnation ... 8 n. Bhadrakalt, goddess, temples served by the Atikal caste. Bhadravati, tu, and Bhandak Bhadresvara, Siva 335 f. 208 n.. 208 n.. 350 n. Bhagavan, Buddha Bhagavat, 5 f., 14, 16; 81, 83; 89; 97 n.; 252 ff.; 259 and n.; 260, 261 and n., 232; 375, 378; 331; 383 n.. Bhagavata Purana among the Chakkiyars 336 Bhagavatas, and the Narayaniyaq. v.,251 ff.;373 ff. Bhagoral Brahmans of Mailog, legend of 78 Bhagwanlal Indraji. Dr. on inscrips. 30 n., 40 n., 49; 55 n. ; 60; 63; 245 aud n.; 246, 247 Bhat Maya Singh's Panjabi Dictionary Bhairava ... and n. ... 36Q 241 Bhairava Darwaza in Ramtek 203; 205 Bhairo, hereditary Kotwal of Benares . 230 Bhairunwal, on the Bias 15) bhajnal, flight to avoid being plundered ...75 n. Bhagri, vil. in the Simla Hill States Bhakta mala, Bhagavate work bhaktas, believers bhakti, faith in a personal god 251, 253 and n.; 25; 259; 874 Bhakti religion, its development in N. India, 258 259 and n. 251 256 f. 78 -25 375 *** ... www ** 801 *** www Bhakti-marga, sects bhakti yoga Bhandak, probably cap. of Maha Kosala, 20, 208 and n. Bhandarkar, Mr. D. R. on the dates of Kushan inscrips., 27; 31; and the Saka Era, 33; inscriptions published by, 38 f., 41 ff.; 48; 51; 53; and the Scythians, 51; on Sudasa, 55 f.; 114; 131 n.; his Gurjaras' 138 n.; and the Satakarnin dyn., 242; 250; 251 n.; on the Bhagavata religion 256 n.; 257; 259 and n.; bhar, an Indian measure 76 and n. Bharadvaja, Rishi ... 373 Bharata-venba, a work by Pertindevanar ... 172 Bhari Chand, son of the Raja of Nahan ... 299 Bhars, a clan, and the Chandels ... 130 n.; 136, 137 f. *** 141 Bhasvat, Bhilea or Bhelea bhatangru, an official in the Highlands of Kulla. 76

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892 INDEX ... 281 Bhatinda, Batbindah, q. v. ... ... 139, 140 n. Bindusara, Maurya k., and the Greeks in Bhattiprolu, inscripe.... .. .. India, 25, date of ... ... ... ... 343 Bhattotpala, writer .. ... 28 | biet, ta:ir . . ... . ... ... 77 n. Bhauttas, Bhotas, q. v. 181 ff. blair, halnandi, an inferior kurdur ... ... 77 Bhavisya Purina, and the Nicchibi ... ... 79 Blessed Virgin, fountain of ... 156 n., 158 n. Bhavya and the Great Schism .. ... 90 n. Bloch, Dr., on inscrips. 33 n., 39, 50 n., 55, 64, 65 Bhawani, goddess ... ... ... ... 149 Blunt, Mr., a traveller, with R. Bell ... ... 162 Thind is, granary officer . .. 77 and n. Bodh Gaya image inscrip, 38; 51 n.; of the Bhera Ghat, temple, near Jabalpur ... 132 n. Gupta year 57, 75; temple, 60 and n.; Bhikshu Bala, of the Sarnath insciip. ... 63 and Buddha ... ... ... . *** ... 277, f. bhikshus, Buddhist monks ... 101 ani n., 103 | Bodhisattva, in the Gandhara ingerine. 179. Bhil= Villavar ... ... ... .. .. 180 statue ... ... ... ... ... ... 180 Bhilso. Blelsh or Bbasvat, tn. on the Betwa. 111 | Bodo Masjid in Srinagar, formerly a Buddhist Bhima, Pandava hero ... ... ... 208 n., 333 temple ... ... ... ... ... ... 192 Bhima I., Chalukya k. ... ... . .. 353 | Buklura and Samarkand, ancient Sogdinna...78 n. Bhima II, E. Chalukya k. ... ... ... 353 Bon religion, said to have originated in Tajik Bhima III., E. Chalukya k.... ... ... 353 Persia ... ... ... ... ... 80 and n. Bhimata, k. of KAlasijar, a reputed author. 143 n. Booteshallah, vil. in Palestine ... 160 n. Bhishma, son of 'Santanu ... S7+ 376, 378 Bowrey, Capt., and Am. Salisbury ... ... 268 Bhoja I., k. of Kananj ... ... . .. 138 Boyer, Mr., and Kanishka's dates, 28; and Bhoja, a pretender ... . ... ... 131 the Yae-chi, 32; and the Sakas, 250; and Bhojadeva, Paramira k. of MAlava, and k. the Brabmagiri inscrip. ... ... ... 346 Vidhyadhara ... ... ... ... . 143 Brahma, g., 252 n., 254 n., 207 1., 260 f.; 373 Bhojadeva I., the Gurjara-Pratiharu k. of and n., 375, 377 and n., 378 n. ; his seven Kanauj, coins of ... ... ... ... 147 mind-born sons,-Sana, Sunatsujata, Sanabhojaniya, soft foods ...90, 92 f., 93, 94n., 102 n. ka, Sanandano, Sanatkumara, Kapila, and Bhojavarman, Chandella Prince, 125 f. 130, San&tana ... 379 and n. ; 380 ff., 38+ ff 135, 146 Brahmadeva, Haibayaramsi k., inscrip. of. 204 Bhonsld rule in Nagpur ... .. 333 1. Brahmagiri, Rock Edict of ... Bhopal, S. boundary of V Asudeva's kingdom. 61 Brahmaism in the old Madhyadesa co., 251, Bhota, co.... ... ... ... ... 116 254; and the Aryans, 253; 255 and n.; its Bhottas or Bhauttas, references to, in the effects on the Bhagavata creed, 257, f.; and Rajaturungini of Kashmir ... ... 131 ff. prasada, 260; and the Yoga system ... 386 n. Bhrigu, a Rishi ... ... ... ... 252; 373 Brahman, from Malainadu ... ... 232; 236 Budlagupta's inscrips.... ... ... ... 131 Brahman orthodoxy, before Buddha's birth... 341 Ehumaka, Khaluarta Satrap of W. Iudia ... 70 Brahmanas ... ... ... ... 251 f. Bhumipala, alternative for Kirtivarnan or Brahmanical record of Sodasa ... ... 55 Devavarman ... ... .. ... ... 129 Brahmanism, opposed by Buddhism and Bhuta Pandyan, whose wife was a Sati ... 238 Jainism, 201 n.; in S. India ... ... 242 Bhuta, co. or Bhotta, and Adam Khan, 189; Brahmanpal, k, defeated by Mabmad of Little and Great= Baltistan (Skardo) and Ghazni ... ... ... ... ...140 n., 141 Ladakh... ... ... ... ... ... 191 Brahmanya-deva, g. ... ... ... ... 376 Bhuvanadevi, Chandella Queen ... 126; 128 Brahmaputra, the Lauhitya, riv. ... ... 80 Bichus, in Sirmur ... ... ... 303 and n. Brahmans, 9; or Magas, 42; used lunar dates, Bigandet, Bishop, on the date of Buddha's 47; in the Punjab, 79; and the Bhagavata death ... ... ... ... ... 349 Creed, 254 f.,-257; lust caste, 334 ff.; and Bihar, under Takamala... ... ... ... 75 Asuka ... ... .. ... ... 346 f. Bijapur, and tobacco ... ... ... ... 210 Brahmany, the and Amb. Salisbury, 266, Bijaygarh, old Bhar settlement ... 286 f., 290, 295, 298, 310 fr. 130 n. Braumi, script in inscriptions, 25, 27, 29, 31; Bijja, a hero ... ... . Kusana inscrips., showing archaic forms Bilhari, in Bundelkland, 130; or Balibri, occurring in them, list of, 35 ff.; 42; 46 ; foundation of ... ... ... ... 143 f. in Scythian inscrips., 55; in those of Bimaran inscrip. ... ... ... ... 31 Kanishka, 59; on Castana's coins, etc., CO Bimbisara, Saisunaga k., and Buddha ... 342 ff., 247; 249 Binge-ud-din, a Muhaminadan, fought against Brahminis or Pushpinis, the Pushpakan Samurjit, 135, 145; or Buhi-ud-din. 145 n. women ... . .. . .. .. 336 ... 353

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Brazil and tobacco Bridges, Mr., and Amb. Salisbury Brihadratha, last Maurya k., date Brihaspati, g. ... . 'a Brugpa, and Tukka, q. v. Brushal (Gilgit) or Bru-thsa, ... Brihat-Samhita, a work by Varahamihira Brond, Benj, and Amb. Salisbury Browne, Prof. E. G., of Cambridge, and Arab words ... ... 138 www 165 n. 182, 184, 187 Bruzha or Brusha. ... 181 and n. Buckeridge, Mr., E. I. Co's. Inspector on the Coromandel Coast 219, 221 and n., 222 Budamanarayalapadu, in Nellore *** Dist, ... *** www inscrip. from Budion, N. of Mahoba Buddha, 2 ff.; date, 50; 63; 82 ff.; 90; 91, 96 ff.; image at Banda, 110 n.; on medallions, 179; 180; 188; relic, a cause of war, 235; his creed in S. India, 238; 240, f.; relics of, 246; 251; 255; at Sarnath, 277; 279; 332 Buddha, The Date of, by V. Gopal Aiyer, B.A., . 210 224 69 375 280 n. 324 ... *** ... INDEX. ... 201 146 cils, 1-18; II-The Second Council...81-106 Buddhist, inscrips. in Sanskrit, 29; 51 f.; of Mathura, 59; Council at Vaisali, second, 52; 342; fourth (Mahasangha or Maliasangiti) in Kanishka's reign, 60; 73; books to China, 56 f.; 71 f.; statue in Khajuraho temple, 133; in Shel, 188; temple, now a Masjid, 192; faith, embraced by Manimekhala, 232, f.; 235 n.; times and Tamil literature, 241; iconography 279; creed of Asoka 281; 347 f.; 349 and n.; 350 n.. Buddhists, 11; and Solar dates, 47; and Mathura, 245; 218 f.; and the date of the saka era 342 Buhler, Dr., and the Third Rock Edict of Aeoka 19-21; 23; on inscrips., 29 and n., 30 and n.; 33 f., 38 and n.; 39 and n., 40 and n.; 43 and n.; 44, 47 ff.; 55; 58; 64; 66; 180 n.; 245-247; 250; 345 n., 346 f.; on the sage Apastamba *** 281 n. 192 Bulbul Lankar, shrine of aBum-lde, k. of Ladakh, his relations with Kashmir Bundarees, Banjara caste ... 188 ... 296 ... 130 ... 242 Bundelas, a people of Rajput descent Bundelkhand, ancient Jejakabhukti, and the Chandels, 114 f, 119; 130; 137; or Vajranadu Burgess' Dr., Buddhist Stupas of Amaravati and Jaggayyapeta 281 n., 282 n. Burkitt, Mr., on the Acts of St. Thomas, 48 and n. Burmese, Buddhists and the Saka era Burnouf, M., and the Third Rock Edict Butterworth, Mr., I. C. S., and Nellore stone inscrips., 199; 352 n.; 342 20 Byaraba and Vyala, q. v. Byland, near Scanderoone 341 ff. 350 n. Buddhavarman, Vijaya k. Buddha Konakamana stupa... Buddhaghosa, Buddhist-writer, 10,13 and n. ; 14; 81 n. ...282; 284 n. buddhi manas, or intelligence ... 261 Buddhism, and women, 12; 14; and Kanishka, 27; in Tibet, 80; in Chih-chi-t'o, 131; in Burma, 179, f. and Jainism, opposed to Brahmanism, 201 n.; in Ramtek, 206203 n; 211 f.; overthrown about the 7th cen, A. D., 239 f.; introduced into S. India, 212; 251; 253 f.. 257 f.; its birth-place...277 f. Campanile, the, of Pisa Buddhist Councils, by Professor L. De La Vallee Poussin. I-The First Two Coun *** ... *** ... Caddy's, Dr., Loriyan Tangai inscrip. Cesarean era of Antioch and the TakhtiBahal inscrip.... 48; 63 Calais, Gailes . 170 Caiphas, palace of 157 Caius, his coins and those of Kadphises J., 28; 33; or Caligula ... 71 Caleb Calabria ... ... 160 ... 167 and u. Cullavagga, the ... Callicoes, from Pettipolee Calvary, Mt. 393 ... 354 187 162 Carpenter, Mr. J., E. I. Co.'s servant Carrhae, scene of the defeat of Crassus Cambay, Gulf of re Campbell, John; see Travels of Richard Bell, 156 ff., first mention of ... 166 and n. ... 168 Campa Santa, Campo Santo, in Pisa... 168 and n. Camphor language of the Johor Jakuns ... 340 Canavasa, Canavasika, Sonavasin, various forms of Sanavasin Sambhuta ... 82 and n. Candie, isl. 163, 167 candie, candy, a weight... 217 and n., 219; 225 ff.; 264 f., 267, 269 f.; 285 ff.; 290 ff.; 309, f.; 314 Candragupta (Chandragupta) Maurya, and Seleukos Nikator, 25; his coronation and the Maurya era 40; 53; 74 ... ... *** Candragupta II (Chandragupta) and the ... Kusana rule in India... Cape Comorin, Kumari Capha, tn. capon, capan, eunuch Caracalla, Emp. of Rome Carcare (Karedu), a factory Carmel, Mt. 30 7 ... 217 157, f. ... 250 *** *** 62 ... 171; 232 160 294; 314 1., 317 74 314, ff. 160 f. ... 326 ... 70 ...

Page #416
394 INDEX. .. ... 317 ... 299 Cartellieri, Dr., Chandolla words 114, 120 f. Chandel or Chandella, sce History of 114 ff. cash, a copper coin ... ... 216 and n. Chandolt Raj ... ... ... .. .. 132 Castana, father of Jayadama, and the Chanderi, in Bundelkhand ... 130, 134 and n. Sakn era ". Chandika Devi, temple at Ramtek, 204 f. ; Oastana, a governor, 53 ; probably of Ajmere, and Nagarjana . ... ... ... 207 under Huvishka ... .. ... 60; 73 Chandrabhaga Valley-Upper-commemorat Catherine, Katherine, of Alexandria... ... 159 tion tablets to the dead, in ... ... ... 332 Catherine of Sienna ... ... ... 159 n. Chandradeva, k. of Kanauj ... ... 141 n. Catwall, Kotwal ... .. Chand Rasii Epic, and the Chandel legends. 136 Cecilia, Sicily ... ... ... ... 167 n. Chandra Gupta I.-Candragupta, 25; 40; Celebrities in Tamil Literature, by S. Krisli. 53; 74; married a Licchavi princess, 79; naswami Aiyangar, M.A. I. Augustan founded the Maurya dyn.... .. 342 ff. Age of Tamil Literature ... ... 228 ff. Chandrella and Chandratreya, variants of Centurion, E I. Co.'s frigate ... ... 170 Chande!, 114 n. ; inscrips. ... ... 116 ff. Ceylon, Vattagamini, 18; 233; and the Chang-Kien, Chang-Kian, and the Yue-chi, Nagas, 235 and n.; under Gajabaho, 239; 26; 69; 57; death of ... ... ... 32 : 70 and the Cholas, 240; invaded by the Channa or Chanda, a Bhikshu, 6 and n., Tamils, 241 ; MS., 280; Buddhists and 7, 10 f., 14 f., 17 the Saka era, 312; and Vijia ... ... 350 channa, roofs ... .. ... ... ... 100 chabutra wazir, chief minister 76 Charkhari, in Bundelkhand ... ... ... 130 Chaqa and Chandra ... ... ... 180; 372 Charleton, Mr. S., E. I. Co.'s servant ... 214 Chahamana .. ... .. .. 128 Charraka, a character in the Prabodhachar Chahumana; Raja ... 122 drodaya... ... ... ... ... 252 n. Chuki, service in cantonments ... ... 76 Chastana, date of, 179; dyn., overthrown by Chakkiyar, Slaghiyar or Slaghiavak, a sub- Gotamiputra Satakarni ... ... 212 n. division of the Anulomaja Ambalavasis Chaturbhuj, Ramachandra or Lakshmangi. 335 f., 338 131 ; 133; temple at Khajuraho ... ... 144 Chakkiyar-kuth, lectures on the Puranas and chaudhri ... ... ... .. .. the Ithihaadis ... ... ... ... ... 336 Chaudhri Ahmad Khan, a Hakia, ... Chakorda Talao, in Ramtek ... ... 204 f. Chaukhandi mound, S. of Sarnath ... 278 Chakrakota, tn, in Bastar State, 0. Provin- chaulam, among the Chakkiyre ... 336 ces, burnt by Vijayaditya III. ... 352 and n. Cbaumukh temple, in Chimar ... ... 333 Chalukya, architecture in Kurogode temples, chaupar, a game ... ... ... ... 149 173; territory, Eastern,201 and n.; inscrip. Chay, the Indian Madder, E. I. Co's, trade in, at Kandukur, 283 n.; co, absorbed in 265, 270, 272 f.; 284, 237 f, Vengi ... . .. .. ... ... 351 Chedi, era, and Prof. Kielhorn, 113; 128 ; Chalukya-Cho!a kings of Vengi ... 356 n. kings, 135, 140 f.; 144 ; or Dahal, 143; 146 Chalukyas, and Rashtraktas, 24; Eastern, and n., 147 of Vengi, their possible connection with Chellar plata inscrips. of Kulottunga II.... 355 Nellore, 281 n.; 352 f.; and the Cho as, 354 Chendalar grant, of Kumaravishnu il. 283; and n.; 355 and n. and the Pallava kings ... ... 284 n. Chamba, State, terms and titles in ... ... 75 Chera, kings, and Nandi, 171 ff. ; 229 f.; Chamberlaine, Geo. E. I. Co.'s servant, and fleet, 231, and Karikala, 233; f. ; 236 f.; Amb. Salisbury, 266 f.; 291, ff; 309, 240; sphere of influence, 242, 243 and n.; 311 f.; 314; 323, 325 1,328 and the Pallavas ... ... ... 281 n. Chambers, Thos., E. I. Co's. Agent at Fort chhap, chop, a stamp ... ... ... ... 295 St. George ... ... ... ... 215; 220Chhatarpur, State, and the Chandels, 131 ff; Champa, Dist. ... ... ... ... ... 105 136, ff. Champaram, and Mahmud of Ghazni ... 146 Chhatarsal, Raja, Bundela chief ... ... 130 Chanakya, a Brahman, councillor of Chan- Chhattisgarh, Maha Kosala ... ... ... 204 dragupta ... ... ... ... ... 314 chheti, land held in return for menial service, Chand's Mahoba Khand, 115; and the 76 and n. Chandels ... ... 133 ff.; 137; 144 ff. Chhota Jhangwa, Kot, q. v. ... ... ... 211 Chanda, suggested cap. of Kosala... 208 n. Chich har, a grain collector ... ... ... 77 Chandadanda, Lord of Kanchi, defouted by Chih-chi t'o (Chinese) and Jojhoti, q. v. ... 131 Ravivarman ... ... ... ... 283 n. chik bahi, register of titles ... ... ... 76 209

Page #417
INDEX. 395 Chilianwali, and the Haklas ... ... ... 209 coinage, of the Chandel dyn. ... ... 114 ff. Childers, on Buddhist rules ... 95 n.; 97 n. coins, as historical evidence in India, 25; of Chilla, in the Allahabad Dist., home of Alha the Indo-Grecian Kings, 26 f. ; 30; 33; of and Udal 3. ... ... ... ... 145 Hima-Kadphises and Kanishka, 44; of the Chimar, vil., in Warora Tahsil, Chanda Dist., Sakas 47 n.; 54; 58 f.; of Kanislaka, 60; and the 'Ghoa'ceremony... ... ... 833 of Gondophernes and others ... ... 62 China, received Buddhist books, 56 f.; 71 f.; Colbourn, H. Croon, E. 1. Co's, writer. 321 ff. and Kanishka, 59 f.; and the Yue-chi, 69; Cold Waters, a place in Aleppo ... ... 182 71; and Scythia, 72; and Nagarjuna, 206; Colebrooke's Essays ... ... ... ... 261 and tobacco, 210; and Confucius ... ... 341 Column, dharmachakra, to mark the scene of Ohinese, historians and the Yue-chi, 26 ff.; Buddba's first address .. .. 277, 279 32 f.; 42 f.; 57; conquest of Tibet ... 181 Commodus, emp. of Rome ... ... 61, f., 74 Ching-ti, emp. of China ... . .. 71 Comorin, c. Kumari... ... ... ... 171'; 232 Chiramana, Sirumagai, vil. in Nellore Dist., Compendium of the Wei, and the receipt of Tamil inscrip. from ... ... 200; 354 n. Buddhist books ... ... .. ... 56 chitik, an Indian weight ... ... 76 n. Confucius ... ... ... ... ... 341 Chitra, a hero ... ... ... ... ... 241 Conjeevaram, Kanchi, Pallava cap., 171 ff., Chitrakata, visited by Rama ... ... ... 202 197, 282 n.; 284 n.; 351; 355; 357 and n. Chitra-sik handin Rishis, the seven ... ... 375 Contributions to Panjabi Lexicography, by Chitradl, Raja, chief of Girdmalk in the A. H. Rose, 1.C.S. Abkhora-Domri 360 fr. Deccan ... .. . ... ... ... 151 Convent of the Holy Cross ... ... ... 160 Chittaur-Chitor-gadh, besieged by Akbar Coomarasami, the Hon'ble P., and Karikala. 149, 150 n. 233; 2) Cholaganga, E. Ganga k., 179; his Teki Coomaraswamy, Dr., and Indian Art ... 28) plate inscription, 351; and his four sona Corge, a score ... ... ... ... 321 EUR in Orissa ... ... ... ... 372 Coromandel Coast, scene of Amb. Salisbury's Chon, history, and Prof. Kielhorn, 113 ; labours ... ... ... ... 213 f.; 221 n. kings and Nandi, 171 ff. ; power in the Corsica, isl. .. ... ... ... ... 169 Telugu co. 200 and n.; defeate, 229, 233 f.; Cotton, E. I. Co's, trade in ... ... 292 ft. 235 and n. ; 236 f. ; 239 and n. ; Co., Court, Mr., E. I. Co's. servant at Metchleinvaded by Gajabahu I. 240 and n.; patam ... ... ... ... 21+ influence, 242 1.; kings, and the Pallavas Cousens, Mr., and the Khajuraho temples, 28+ n.; and Asoka, 343; temples and 114 ; on Ramtek ... ... . ... 203 inscrips. ... ... ... ... 355 ; 357 Covell, Mr., E. I. Co.'s servant ... ... 327 Cho'as in S. Nellore, and E. Chalukyas, 354 Covis ... ... ... ... ... ... 28+ and n.; 355 f., and the Kakatiyas 357 n. cramana, an ascetic ... ... 15 t Cholmley, Nath., and Amb. Salisbury ... 328 cramanya, a Buddhist rule ... ... 101 ff., 103 ehop, chlap .. ... 295 f., 297, 310, 313 Crandon, Mr., E. I. Co's, servant ... 323, 327 Chorasmia, modern Khiva ... ... 78 n. Crassus, defeated at Carrba ... ... 70 f. Chorghode, surname of Devajt .. ... 334 Cravasti, c. ... ... ... 105 f. Chouang-mo, a Yue-chi principality ... ... 26 Crawley, Mr., and Amb. Salisbury. 322; 324; 326 Christ, crucified... ... ... - 158 and n. Srideva palace ... ... ... ". .. 3 n. Christians and Turks ... ... ... 160 and n. cuccheda, doctrine of non-survival ... ... 18 n. Chronicle of the Maride State, terms from, Cadisa or Codasa, Sodasa, a satrap... 247; 250 75 and n. Cuddapah, Dist.... ... .. . ... 200 Chronicles, Ceylonese, and Kalaboka... 342; 343 ; cuffalgh, kdfila ... ... ... ... ... 295 345, 349 and n.; 350 and n. Cundanore, Cundeveare, Cundanire, ancient chak, an oath ... ... ... ... 77 and n. name of Karnal ... 266 n.; 295 f ; 310; 313 ckungam, or janean .. .. 275 n. Cunningham's, Gen., Nimistic Chronicle, Ohraballirkja, Bana k., in the Guntur Dist. 354 25 n.; and the Eastern Greeks, 28; on Citadella d'Artiglieria, in Pisa dates and inscrips. 28 ff.; 39 and n.; on Claudius, emp. of Rome Saka and Kusana, 41 1.; 44 and n. ; 47 Clerke, Col., E. I. Co.'s servant ... ... 326 and n.: 48 and n.; 51 and n.; and the Clopton, Mr. and Amb. Salisbury Bodh Gaye temple, 60 and n.; on the Coast, E. I. Co.'s ship .. Chandels, 114 and n.; 118 ff.; 129 and n.; Codisa, CudAss, Sodasa ... ... 247 130 ff.; and the Kobala cap. 208 n.; on Coimbatore Dist., temple in ... ... 132 n.; 243 inscrips., 245, 246 n.; 278, 279 and n.; 346 168 71

Page #418
396 INDEX, *** . .. 95 ... 74 ... 380 Cutch, conquest of ... . 61, 74 Cyprus, isl. ... ... ... 162, 167 and n. Cyrus, k. of Persia ... ... ... 78 n. daghts, those who render menial service in .. Kulla ... ... ... ... ... 76 DAhi, near Bijawar, inscrip. at ... ... 124 daka, potherb ... *** 051.. 384 Daksha, a Prajapati ... . 251 n. ; 384 Dakshamitra, daughter of Nahapana... 63 Daksharama, Siva linga at ... ... ... 200 Dalai Lama, uses the deer symbol ... ... 277 Dalaki-wa-Malaki, Bhar chieftain ... 136 and n. Dahal, Chedt ... ... ... ... 143, 146, f. Dalpat sa of Mandia, a Gond Raja ... .. 146 Damaras or Lavanyas ... ... 184 n. Damascus, gate of Jerusalem ... ... 157 f. Damasena, son of Rudrasimha Damazada, son of Rudradima ... 74 Damodara .. . . Damoh Dist, formerly included in Bundel kband ... ... ... ... ... 130, 132 Dandaka, desert of ... ... ... ... 355 dangri, dungarees, coarse cotton cloth ... 264 dangu, a gate-keeper ... ... ... ... Daniell, Mr. Wm., E. I. Co.'s Agent at Peddapolle ... .. .. ... 214 f., 272; 321 ... 219 I., 272; Dantivarman, k., father of Nandi ... 172 f. Darades, or Dards, a tribe on the north of Kashmir ... ... ... ... ... 181 Dara Shikoh, son of Ehab Jaban ... ... 154 Darbharanyekvara, Saiva temple ... ... 173 Dards, Daradas, of Gilgit, conquered by Tibet. 181 and n., 182 Darikasura, slain by Bhadrakali ... ... 336 Darius, and the use of Saka, 41 f. ; 250, his Indian expedition ... ... ... ... 79 darohi (Sk. droha), an oath ... ... 77, 78 n. Darsi, in Nellore Dist., inscriptions from, 199 n.; possibly ancient Dasanapura, now Darisi ... ... ... 383 and n., 356, 357 n. Daru, inscrip. of Lachen-kun-dga-rnam rgyal at... ... ... ... ... ... 191 Das, Mr. S. O., on Nagarjuna ... ... ... 207 Dasanapura, Pallava cap., possibly the modern Darsi, Sanskrit charters issued from, 238 and n.; in the Telugu co.... ... 284 n. Dasapura, modern Mandasor ... ... ... 109 Dasaratha, temple in Ramtek, 203; 252; and Asks ... ... ... ... ...350 n.; 378 Dashsvamedha Baoli, tank at Ramtek. 204 f. Dati, name in the Kaldarra inscrip. ... ... 66 David, k., his sepulchre, 157; wells ... .. 159 Davids, Prof. Rhys, on the Buddhist canon, 1, 2 n.; 7 n., 14 n., 81 n., 86,89; 103; 241 n.; bis Buddhist India, S41 f.; on the Brahmagiri inscrip. ... ... ... 346, 348 f. Dawes, Mr., and Amb. Salisbury ... 217 f. Daya Ram, Pandit, found a copper-plate in. scrip. at Set Mahet ... ... ... ... 180 Da-yul, Tibetan province ... ... ... 80 n. 1De, dynasty of Zangskar-Guge ... ... 333 Dead, exposed in Tibet, etc., 80; commemora tion tablets to, in the Upper Chandrabhaga Valley ... .. . ... ... ... 332 Dead Sea ... ... ... ... ... 156, 158 Deb-ther-snon-po, Tibetan work ... ... 79 IDe-btsug-(btsun ? )-mgon, Tibetan prince, 399 f. Deocan ... ... ... ... ... ... 82 De-chye (Sankara), k. of S. India, converted to Buddhism ... ... ... ... 207 deer, symbol, of the Dalai Lama ... ... 277 Deering, Mr., E.I. Co's. servant ... ... 220 De Jamaspa, Saint ... ... ... 359 and n. De La Noy, De Lannoy, Consul at Aleppo, and Amb. Salisbury ... ... 163 and n Delhi, and k. Jaipal, 140 and n.; 141 ; under Akbar ... ... ... ... ... 149 ff. Demetrios, k. of Bactria, 25 f.; and Eukrati des ... ... ... ... ... ... 69 Deogarh, fort in the Lalitpur Dist., inscrip. from .. .. . . ...117; 143 De-Roy, durai, q.u. ... .. 295 Desa-bandari, a surname of Nandi ... ... 172 Deva, temples in Chih-chit'o ... ... ... 131 Devadatta, cousin of Buddha, 16 n., 81 n., 91 n., 94, 96 and n, 99 n., 100 and n.. legendary patron of the aranyaka-bhikshus. 101 and n.; 106 Devahati, mother of Kapila ... 251 n.; 255 D. Dev&jt, a Brahman, and the Balajt temple in . Chimur ... ... ... ... ... 838 . devakula, temple ... ... ... ... 283 n. Devalabdhi Chandrella, grandson of Yasovar man ... ... ... ... 116; 126; 128 Devanagar, a polyglot magazine, notice of ... 212 Devandbi, & nun, accompanied Kovalan and Kannahi ... .. ... .. 231 f. Derapala, k, of Kananj... ... ... 116; 139 Devaputra, dynasty to which Kanishka belonged ... ... ... ... 42 f. Devas vamin, a Saiva prieat ... ... ... 185 Devavarman, Chandella prince. 117; 126, ff.; 143 Devi, goddess, in Panjab legend ... 149; 203 Devt Jagadamba, temple at Khajuraho ... 133 Dew, Diu, tn. ... ... ... ... 315 f. Dewai inscrip. ... ... ... 81, 46, 62, 68 Dhalaga, a hero ... ... ... ... ... 353 Dhamek stupa at Benares ... ... ... 278 Dhamilas, and Buddha's begging bowl ... 240 dhamma or dharma, 2 f., 5, 9; 341; 350 n.; 379; 381 ,384

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INDEX, 897 Dhammapada, Dutreuil de Rhin's MS. of ... 58 droha, Sk.=hostile action ... ... 77 n. Dhanakataka, near Gantur, home of the drona, a measure ... 10+ Andhrabhrityaus ... 242 n.; 281 n. ; 351 n. | Drona, a Brahmans ... 251 f. Dhanyakataka or Dharanikota, later Andhra Drungpa Alt, semi-Muhammadan name of cap. .. .. .. ... ... 281 f. a Bum-lde's son .. .. . 188 Dhanga, Chandella k., 116 1., 120; 126 ff.; Durvisas, a Brahmana ... ... .. 252 n. 130, 132 f., 140 f., 14 n. dubash, a contractor ... .. ... .. .. .. 287 dhansi, an Indian measure . .. 76 n. Dabkund inscrip. of Vikramasimba Kachdharaptu, assistant clerk ... ... .. 75 chhapagbata ... ... ... .. ... 128 Dharma, Dhamma, religious conduct, 2, 1., 5, 1 Dub-thal-sel-kyi-me-long, Tibetan work ... 80 9. 341, 350 n.; 379, 381 f., 384 Dudahi (Lalitpu:, now Jhansi Dist.), inscrip. Dharmachakra colamn at Sarnath ... 278 f. from .. .. .. .. .. .. 116 Dharmagupta, sect of Buddhists, 2 n., 3 n., 4 Dugirkja, or Durgarija, mentioned in Pet and n., 5, 6 n., 8 n., 9, 11 and n. toru inscrip. ... ... ... ... 353 1. Dharmaja Dulcba, Dulacha, Turk, invader of Kashmlr, Dharmapuri (Tagador)... ... ... 229 n. 182 and n., 183 and n., 185 dharmastambha, monument of devotion ... 245 Dulva, Buddhist work ... ... 5 and n., 17 n. Dharmavaram, in the Ongole talak, fragment duomba, fat-tailed sheep... ... ... 163 n. of inscrip. from ... ... 352 n., 353 D. Dang, gate, Sterculina, of Jeursalem 158 n. barmek tower, at Sarnath ... ... 279 dangarees, dangri, coarse cotton cloth, E.I. Dharmeavara Mahadeva temple, in Ramtek... 208 Co.'s trade in, 264 ff. ; 295 ff.; 309, 313 f., 316 Dhauli, inscrip. ... ... ... ... 19 . durai, de-roy, promotion in the king's dhol bahi, doomsday book ... .. .. 76 name .. . . . .. 295 dhonsi, an Indian measure ... ... 76 n. Darg&, Parvati or Lakshmi ... ... 147; 262 dhotain, Hindu title, used for Mughal prince. 154 Durgarija, Dugiraja ... ... ... 853 n. Dhomravara, Dhamraksha, for Sambuka ... 205 Durgavati, Chandel princess ... 137; 146 and n. dhuni, sacred fire .. ... .. 110 aud n. Dutch, in Alleppo, 163; and the E. I. Co., Dhunutbara ... ... ... ... ... 241 219 ff.; 241; 269, 290, 312 f., 315, 317, Dhatangas ... ... 16; 82 and n.; 101 319 f. Dhruvasena I., a Valabhi k., called a Bhaga- Dutt's, Mr. R. C., Civilization in Ancient vata ... ... ... ... .. 258 India ... ... ... ... ... 281 n. Diack's Kuld Dialect of Hindi, 260; Gaset- dvaigula, dvaigulakappa, Buddhist practice, teer of Dera Ghazi Khan ... ... ... 361 81, 88, 92 dib, Sk. divya, an ordeal .. ... . 77 Dvaraka c. and Tuvarai ...237 n., 257 n., 378 Dignage, writer ... ... ... ... ... 9 Dvarapati, a title ... ... ... *** ... 190 *** .. 190 Dinwan, mouthpiece of a deota ... 77 n. Dvararati or Halebid in Dvaravati or Halebid in Mysore ... 237 n. Diodorus Siculus, on Nanda of Magadha ... 344 Dvita, son of Prajapati... ... .. 375, 378 Diodotos Soter, k. of Bactria ... ... 25 Dwaraka, in Guzerat, and Tuvarai ... 230 n. Dionysos, the wine-god... ... . .. 78 Dwarasamudra, Dwaravati, and Tuvarai ... 230 Dipavansa, and the Ceylonese Chronicles 349, dwarf, near Mandasor pillars ... .... 108, 378 350 and n. dwarpala figures at Sondni ... ... 108 f. Diu, Due, Dew ... ... ... 235; 309, 315 f. Diwan of Kabul, first mention of ... 211 n. Do&b, or Antarvedi co.... . ... ... 144 Domitian, coins of, in the Ahinposh Stapa, Early History of India, by V. A. Smith, 48 n. ; 41; 72 181 181 n.; 162 and n; book-notice of Second Doomsday Bouk, dhol bahi ... ... ... 76 Edition ... ... .. .. 178; 371 Dotted Record, attached to the Kinaya Pita- East Indica, Travels of R. Bell in, q. v. ... 156 ff. ka ... 349 Eetzana or Anjana epoch ... ... 350 Dowson, on inscrips. ... ... ... 29 n. Egmont, Capt., and Amb. Salisbury ... ... 219 Draksharama, in the Godavari Dist., Chola Egypt, Roman conquest of, 71; meat supply inscrips.at ... .. ... ... 355 n. of, 165 n.; conquered by Persia ... ... 341 Dramnilne, opposed k. Nandivarman-Palla- ekantin, monotheist . .. 375, 380, 383 vamalla... ... ... ... ... ... 172Ekasringa .. ... ... ... ... ... 381 Drangiana, co. ... ... ... 249 Ekata, son of Prajapati ...375 PS., 378 Draupadi, wife of the five Pandavas ... ... 254 ! Ekavira, Srimara ... ... ... ... 197

Page #420
399 INDEX. . 162 El-Amarna, the Arznra tablets from ... ... 111 Fframpton, Mr., parson, and R. Bell... 162 ff. Elasatti, vil., N. of Kolchukonra, Vikrami Firanks and Turks .. . ... . 164 litya's (I.) grant of ... ... .. Field, Mr, E. I. Co.'s servant...263, 270, 325, 328 Elba, isl. ... ... ... .. .. .. 167 Fish god, in Gandhara sculpture ... 179; 236 Elins, Prophet ... ... ... 159 f. Fleet, Dr., and the Vikrama era, 27; on inElizabeth, St , house of ... 160 and n. scrips., 29, 42, 44 and n.; 15 ff.; 53, 55 f.. Elliot, on Mahmud of Ghazni, 140 n., 141, 61; 75; 107 and n.; 109; 179; 245 ff. ; 232 142 n., 146 n. n.; 284 n.; on the Nirvana, 342; 346; 319 Elliot's, Sir W., Coins of Southern India, and n.; 350 n.; and Vengi ... ... 351, 352 n. 281 n; his mention of Virabhadra, the Fleetwood, Mr. R., E. I. Co.'s Resident at Kakatiya ... ... ... ... 357 and n. Pettepolee ... 217 ff. ; 223 ff. ; 272; 311, ff. Elliott. Capt., on the Haklas ... ... 210 Flinders Petrie, Prof., and the Sarnath Lion ... ... Enangars, a caste ... ... 338 capital ... ... ... .. ... ... 278 Endere inscrip. .... ... . ... ... 181 Florio, mentioned the hubble bubble ... ... 210 England and tobacco 210; 216; 218; 226; 270 forbearance, in the Mazdayasnian creed ... 359 English, and French, in E. I. Co's. Fort St. George and Amb. Salisbury, 214 f.; time . ... ... ... ... 315; 317 Factory, Records of, 215 ff., 218 f., 224 ff., Epander, coins of ... ... 58 266, 267, 269 ff, 288, 280 ff., 309 ff. Ephraim, riv. ... ... Foxcroft, Gen., E. I. Co.'s Agent ... 220, ff. Ephthalites, or White Hans ... ... ... 148 Francke, Dr., and tbe dates of Kanishka, 28; Epic of the Anklet, or silappadhikaram, 230; 50; on Zangakar ... ... ... ... 332 story of, 231; 233; and Karikala Chola, Frashaoshtra, Saint ... ... ... 259 and n. 23t; and Senguttuvan Sera ... 235 ff, 240 f. French, traded in Beyroute, 161 and n., 163, 315 Eradi, a Samanthar caste ... ... ... 338 Fuhrer, Dr., and Jaina inscrips., 33; his Eran, Erakana, suggested cap. of Jijhoti, Progress Report ... ... .. 38; 61 131 and n. Eruunanattu Nalliyakkon, a Vellore chief ...229; Gadshova, Chandella mir.ister, built a ten ple ... ... .. .. .. . 120 Tean, Easnu, as the ancestor of the Arubs ... 10+ Gahadlavila, ilyn. of Kanau ... ... 201 n. Endam , pof the Panjib .. ... 23 Gahrswars, 1 Rajput clan, and the Chandels, Eukratius and nutrius .. 28; 32: 83 .; 130 and n., 137 69 Gujababu I, k. of Ceylon, and Senguttuvan Eunes, rretary t. Alle ander the Gras. 135 213; 238 f., invaded the Chola co. ...240 f. E ach, iaptiz by St. Faili, 160; calied Gejalahu II. ... ... 240 f. .. ... ... ... .. . 36 Gajratis, of Orissa, inscrips, of .. 351 n. Enoshire ... ... ... ... 919 Gaikine aud Khokhare 142 n. Eu , Et, spletne of ... ... 15 tada. Sc. Ep. of Romo ... .. .. .. 12 Ersieni. L i , Si., SC 12EUR 61. lari! cuiu, villages ... ... ... ... 100 Evsi, d i f .. ... .. 230.243 kat, an accountant ... ... ... ... 20 f. .. ... 277 it. Canapati, Kakatiya k., inscrips. of ... 356 f. Ey!. !. I.S. Arv, Siva temple at... 201 n. Ganda, Chandella k. ... ... 125 ff.; 133, 144 ff. Gandavaram, in Nellore, inscrips. at... 283 n. Gandbara, and the Parthian dyn., 54; and Kanishka, 60 and n.; 82 n.; sculptures hern ... ... 8 n.; 101 n. ; 949 178 f., 372; 185; 2:2 ,, R oyne ... ... ... 208 Gandia, figure at Ajaygash ... ... ... 124 C. ... ... ... ... 216 and n. Gangi, riv. ... ... ... ... ... 251 Farley, 1:... 1. Co.'s servant ... .. 226 Ganga dyn, and Kuragode, 173; 239; and firwin, phi m ... ... ... 218, 293 the Pandyas ... ... ... ... ... 243 Fateh Jang inip. ... .. ... 46; 61, 68 Gangaikonda Cholapuram, in Trichinopoly Fathi, k. of Kashmir ... ... ... ... 19 Dist, teinple at ... ... 201 n. Tanjiri of Bulgas ... ... ... ... 176 | Ganga Pallava dyn., 172, in the Nellore Dist., lueen, eluke, bat ... ... ... ... 169 352, and the Cholas ... ... ... .. 355 rason, M. the Saka, 27; 41; on Ganga Raja, viceroy of Vishnuvardbana Ku t : and the Kosain cap. 208 n. Hoysala, captured Talakattu ... 229 : 2:0 i h. Jaipal... . ... 140, 142 n. Gangaritans and Alesonder the Cras .. 343 R

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INDEX. 399 147 Ganges, riv., 151 and n.; as the spouse of Gibeon, Guibeon, mt. ... ... ... ... 169 Nandi, 171; victory of Sengattuvan Sera Gilgit, Brushal, and the Arabs 181 and n.; ... ... ... ... 236; 241 1., 277 Tibetan occupation of ... ... ... 182 Gangetic Valley occupied by the Aryans, 251 Gingerlee.--coast between the Godavari f.; and the teaching of Ramanuja... ... 255 ! Estuary and the Jagannath Pagoda-and Gangoya coins, and the Chandels ... ... 117 the E. I. Co. ... ... ... ... ... 320 Gangeyadeva, Raja, assumed the title Vik- Gingham, E. I. Co.'s trade in them 213; ramaditya .. ... 246 anal 262, ff.; 285 Gang, in a legend ... ... ... Girdar, in Wardha, and the Ghoda ceremony. 334 .. 300 Gaujam, plate of Sasalika, 53 ; and the E. Girnar, inscrip. ... ... ... ... 19, f.; 246 Chalukyas .. .. . . .. 201 Glutton, the rich ... ... . .. 157 Gaubt, or Marwari Git, q... ... ... ... 323 Godadri, or Gwalior ... ... ... ... 141 Garbe's, Prof. R. Sainkhya-Philosophie, Godavari, Dist., and the E. Chalukyas 201; 951 n.; and the Bhagavata creed, 255 and delta, occupied by the Andhras 281 ; and D.; 256 and n; 257, 259 the Pallavas 282; and Kona chiefs 355 D. GarbhadhAn. conception ceremony...' ... 973 Gogga-desa (Guge ?) invaded by Zainu'lGar' ya, ani Outland Brahmana ... ... 251 abidin ... ... ... ... ... ... 188 Garha, in the 0. Provinces, Chandil fort, Gokula Ashtami, Krishna anniversary ... 334 332; traditional seat of the Gund dyn. .. Gokula Darwaza, gute in Ramtek ... ... 203 . Gapha Mandla, Gond chief ... .. ... 137 golakl, alms fund ... ... ... 75 garhill negis, militia cotoma ndants of Kulia Golcondah, and Amb. Salisbury 293, 296, f., 311 Hill forts ... ... ... ... ... 76 Golden Gate of Jerusalem ... ... 156, 153 garm dib, a forin of ordeal ... ... ... 77 Goler, State, in Kangra Dist. ... 301 and n.; 305 Garuda, g. ... 376 Gonakenallata, Gunakenallandu, surnames Githas, the, 358; and kehvetoadita ... 359 f. 1 of Vijayaditya III. .. .. .. 352 n. Gaudas and Yusovarman .. . 140 Gopatas, k., Antigonus ... ... ... 343 Gautama, a Brahmana... . ... 212 Gondopbernes, Parthian k., 27; or GuduGautam Buddha, date of .. 50; 96 phara, inscripc, of 30; titles 40; 42; and Gautamiputra Satakarai's Nasik inscrip....282 coins 47, and St. Thomas 48; 61, f. ; in Gavampati, a Buddhist monk ... 3 n., 6 n. - 74 gasoi, the kino = the earth.. .. .. 359 Gunds,and the Khangars, 130 n.; as ancestors Gayatri, prayer to the Sun ... .... 3:34 ff. of the Chandels .. ... ... 186 ff. 9, guzz, Indian yard ... goni, gunney, sacking, E. 1. Co.'s trade in ... 264 Gazetteer Gleanings in Central Inclin, by Goodepelldoe, tn. .. Capt. C. E. Luard, M. A. I - The Man Good<Page #422
400 INDEX. ... 209 Greece and Pericles ... ... ... ... 341 Gyal-rab-sal-wahi-me-long, a Tibetan work ... 79 Greek, power in India 25, ff.; and the Yue- Gyfford, Wm, and Amb. Salisbury ... 217, f. chi 32, 34; distinctions between Scythians and Sakas, legend on coins +1; 44; 48; principalities, rule, in Afghanistan 54; divinities 60; 62; dynasty, extinction of Habakkuk, Prophet 69; f.; origin, of the Indian drama 178, f.; ... ... .. ... 189 Hades, and the Nayas ... .. ancestry of the Haklas 209; accounts, of 235; 238 Hadi, a Rani ... Indian history 343; 315; influence on ... ... ... ... 151 Hadrian, Emp. of Rome Indian art, etc. ... .. .. 371, f. Greeks, Yavanas ... ... ... 2 Hagama, Satrap of Mathura, date of.. 70 ... Growse, Dr., on inscrips. ... 33 n. ; 245 Hag&maga, Satrap of Mathura ... Haghna, a Satrap ... ... ... ... Gudimallam, near KA'ahasti Bana inscrip. at. 354 .. 30; 48 Haidar, son of Rinchana ... Gudnaphar or Gondophernes, k. ... ... 186 Gadur, Taluka, inscrips. in ... 200; 352, 355, f. Haibayas, or Kalachuris of Chedi, 137, 146; Guge (P) Gogga-desa and Maha Kosula, 201; inscrip., in Ongole ... .. . 188, 1: ... 332, f, taluk ... ... ... .. Guge, and the W. Tibetan kings ... 355 n. Haibayavami kings and the Ramtek inscrip. 204 Guh&vihara, connected with the Mathura Lion capital ... ... ... ... ... Haji Haidar Sbah, k. of Kashmir ... 199 ... 245 ... Gajar tribes of Hazara Dist. ... ... 210 Haji Khan, a son of Zainu'labi-din ... 189 Haklds of Gujrat in the Panjab, ballad of, Gujarat, and the Kalachuri era 135; W., or giving table of descent... ... Anhilwara ... . .. . gula, sugar-cane juice ... ... ... Hakra, lost river' of Indian desert ... 95 ... 139 Gunaga, Gunaka, surname of Vijayaditya III 352 Haldsya or Tiruvilayadal, a Tamil poem ... 229 Halebid in Mysore, or Dvaravati ... 237 n. Gunakenallundu, Gopakenall&ta. surnames of Vijayaditya III. ... ... ... 3.2 n. Halicarnassus lions, and those of the Sarnath ... Gunda inscrip. ... ... ... ... capital ... ... 74 ... ... 278 Hallaksbana, or Sallakshanavarman ... ... 148 Gundala Venkatadri, Gundell Ancatawdree, of Metchlepatam and the E. I. Co.... 267, ff, halmandi, an inferior kardir ... . ... 77 Gundepollee, tn. in Madras Presidency ... 317 Hamirpur, in Bundelkhand. 130; 132, 136: 145 Gundlapalli, Goodepowdee ... ... ... 296 Han dynasties, first and second, histories of 26; 32 f ; 71 Gunney, goni, sacking, E. I. Co.'s trade in 264, f; 267 ff.; 285, f.; 288; 290; 293; haisili, revenue-paying land ... .. 78 and n. 295; 310, 315, ff. Hanuman, g. image at Khajuribo, 114; 131 Guntur, Dist, and the E. Chalukyas 210; f.; 194; on Ohundal coins, 147; temple at records from ... ... ... ... ... 355 Ram tek, 203; or Anjaneya ... ... ... 206 Gupta, Sainvat 28; inscrips. 29; 32; 38 f.; Haoma sacrifice ... 51 and n.; 52; era 53, 63, 74 f.; kings, Happy Entrance, E. I. Co.'s ship ... ... 264 and the Licchavis, 73; period, Bodhisattvas Hari, g., 170 and n.; a Bhagavata inoarnation, of, 179; 180 and n.; 279 376 n.; 381 ff. Guptos of Salsette ... ... ... 244 and n, Harihara temple, in R&mtek ... ... ... 203 Garvi-Masuun, Rebuta, q.. ... ... 137 n. Harinena's Allahabad Prasnsti .. ... 32 Gurla, inscrip. from ... ... ... ... 125 hariyaga, royal kitchen allowance ... ... 75 Gurjaru Kingdom=kanuuj ... ... 144 and n.Hansha, Hurshadora, Chandella k, 116 f. Gurjaras, tribe of foreign origin 138 and 1.; 106 1.; bie handriting ... ...180 n. 372 and Yasorarman ... ... 140 f. Harsha, era, and the Gupta, 03; on an image, Girjara. Pratibara, dyn, of Kananj... ... 147 131 f. Gurdaspur, and Akbar ... ... ... ... 151 Harsbavardhana, founded an era, 43; 53; ... 151 Gurukkals, Kurukkals ... ... ... 137 f. Gusana, for Kusana ... ... ... 42; 44 Hasan Khan, k. of Kashmir, his expedition guzz, gaz ... .. .. ... 296; 298 against Tibet, 190 f.; rebuilt the Jama Gwalior 114 ; 131; or Gopadri 141 ; and Masjid ... ... ... ... ... ... 192 Mahmud of Ghaznf ... ... ... 142; 145 Hasan Nizami, author of the Taj-ulrGyalbu Rinchen, possible identity with Rir. madgir ... ... ... ... ... ... 145 chana, of Kashmir ... ... ... ... 187 Hashtanagar pedestal inscrip., 30; and the Gyal-chung=little kings ... .. .. 191 Seleucidan era... ... ... 40; 65; 67; 79 rGyal-rabs, the, and Tibetan history... ... 181 HAtbigumpla inscrip. ... ... ... ... 35

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INDEX. 401 Hatton, Mr. C., and Amb. Salisbury. 324 f.; Hiranyagarbha, title of Brahma ... 381 f. Hiranyagarbba, Manu Svi yaribhuva, and haurtatal, sacred cakes .... ... ... 360 the Samkhya-yoga ... ... 255 and n. ; 385 Havani, Niksubba, daughter of Rijisva ... 79 Hiranyakasipu, demon, killed by Rama, hayasiras, a being with a horse's head...379; 582 202 and n.; 205 Hirat, and Seleukos Nikator ... Hazabbnr-ud-din Hasan Arnal, governor of ... ... 25 Kalastjar ... ... ... ... ... 146 History and Coinage of the Chandel (Chankdariku, personal attenance on the della) Dynasty of Bundelkund (Jejaka raja ... ... ... ... .. 76 and n. bhukti) from 831 to 1203 A. D, by V. A. Heathfield, Mr., and Amb. Salisbury... 322 ff. Smith ... .. . .. .. .. 114, ff. Hebron, gate in Jerusalem ... ... ... ... 158, f. 158, t. Hi thon, a Yue-chi principality ... ... 26 Hadimba, hill near Ramtek ... ... 205 n. Hiuen-Thsang. Hiouen-Tsang, 10 and n.; Heliokles probably the last Greek king of 11 n; or Yuan-Chuang, and Kanishka, 14; Bactria ... . .. ... 26; 32; 51 f.; 69 50; 60 and n; at Bam-Yan, in Persia, 80; Helen, St., Chapel of ... ... ... 158 ff 81 n.; and Jejahati, 130 f.; and the death Herambapala, Mahipala, probably KshitipA la. 138 of Harsba, 138; and the Haihaya territory, Herat, tn., 78 and n.; 79 and n.; conquered by 204; and Po-lo-mo-lo-ki-li, 208 and .; in Muhammad of Ghor ... ... ... 209 f. India, 239, 242; and Sarnath, 277; 279 ; Heraus, Yin-no-fu, a Yue-chi, conquered 280; 281 n. ; 351 n. Kipin ... ... ... ... 54; 70 54: 70 Hiung-Nu, Scythian horde, defeated the Hermaion, probably ruled in the Kabul VAR ! Yae-chi ... ... ... ... 26; 32; 69 ley ... ... ... ... ... ... 54 'Hogg' Cape, or Bas Khanzir, Cap Poroo, Herne, Mr., B I. Co.'s servant ... 327 f. 167 and 1. Herod, k., palace of ... ... ... Holi, festival 5. f. .. . ** ... 153 and n. Herodotus, and the use of Saka ... 41 and n. holy places, at Ramtek... .. .. ... 205 Hiaus, or Mians, a coin of, bearing a Greek hookah, bubble bubble ... ... ... ... 210 legend ... ... ... ... ... ... 41 . Hope', the ship... ... ... ... ... 215 Hieou-mi, a Yue-chi principality ... ... 26 Hopkin, Prof. E. Washburn, his Great Epic Hill States in the Panjab, terms and titles 1 of India, 251 n.; and the Bhagavata creed. 262 used in ... ... . . 75 ff. Hopkins, Mr. J, E. I. Co.'s servant ... 294 2.; 263 Hima-Kadphisee, Kushan k, 28; or Ooemo- Horniazd II, coins of, in India ... ... 62 kndphises, identified with Yen-kao-ching, Hoshang Shah, MAI a Sultan, and the 39; his coins and those of Kanishka, H4; Mandasor fort... ... ... ... ... 109 or Wewa-Kadpbises ... ... ... ... 50 Hotar, Zaotar, priest ... ... 360 Himalayas, invaded by Raghu, 80 and n. ; hatri, priest ... ... ... ... ... 375 and the tiger-symbol, 234; the fish-symbol, Hoysalas, the, dyn. of... 229, 230 and n.; 243 238; the bow-symbol... ... 237 n ; 239 Hrishikora, Lord of the Senges ... 375; 380 Hinayana, Buddhist school ... ... ... 18 bubble-bubble, for hookah Hindu, temple in N India, 133; rule in S. ... ... ... 210 India, 243; belief in one god ... 259; 262 kujra, huera ... ... ... ... 46; 04. Hindu-Kush, mts., 51; 59; 69; 73; and Haksa, Huviska ... ... ... ... ... 61 Raghu ... ... ... ... ... ... 80 Haltzsch, Dr., on inscrips., 49; and the ChanHindus, the Chandels, 13!; 133; and Mueal. dels, 114; and the early Chola kings, 233 ff.; mans in the Panjab, 139 ff. ; under Akbar, and the Andhras, 282 and 1.; and the 153; selection of ancestral names among, Pallavaa, ... ... ... ... 284 and 2. 243; popular beliefs of, 251; 262 and n.; Humayun,' emp, visited the Sarnath ruins... 278 worship Let Bhairo ... ... ... ... 280 Humphreys, Mr. Z., and R. Bell ... 169 1. Hindu Shahiya kings, of Kabul ... 140 n. Huna, Huns, subdued by Raghu ... ... 80 Hinduvata, conquered by Zsinu'l-'abi-din ... 188 Huns, the White, and the Kushanas, 62; Hiouen-Tsang, Hiuen-Thsang, 10 and n.; Huna, 80; and the Parihars, 138; or 11 n; and the Second Buddhist Council, Ephthalites ... ... ... ... ... 148 81 n. Husain Sarsi, probably Ibrahim Husain, Hirahadagalli, plate inscrip. of Sivaskanda Mirsa, invaded Delbi... ... ... 149 and n. varman... Huska, for Huviska ... ... ... 42; 61 Hiralal, Mr., and the site of Chakrakata, Huskapura, now Huskur, in Kasmira, founded 352 n. 1 by Huvi ka ... ... ... ... 60 and n.

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402 INDEX. Huviska, Kushan k., 27 f.; coine, titles, 253 f. ; 267; and the Bhakti religion, 258 etc., 59 ff.; 45 ff., 60; 59 ff.; 72 f.; or ff.; carving in, 278, art, 280; and Andhra Yu-yue kia ... ... ... ... 212; 372 inscrips., 281; Early History of, by V. A. Huviska Vihara, monastery in Mathura ... 60 Smith, 48 n. ; 281 n.; 282 and n.; book Huara, hujra ... ... ... ... 46; 64 notice of, 178 ff.; 371 ; and the Vedanta Hynmes, Jos., E. I. Co's servant ...263 f. ; 266 f. School, 341 ff. ; 349; and Hiuen-Tsang, 239; 249; 351 n; 352; S., Muhammadan invasion of ... ... ... ... . 357 Indian, history, Scythian, Period of, 25 fp; Ibn Batuta, traveller and the kingdom of eras, conclusions regarding, 45; inscrips. Jejahati .. ... .. ... 30 ff. and Prof. Kielborn, 113; lists of, 116 ff.; Ibrahim, minister to k. Fath ... ... ... 192 tribe in Zangskar . ... ... .. 332 Ibrahim Husain Mirza, Husain Sarsi, q. v. Indo-Grecian, kings, coins of ... ... ... 30 149 and n. Indc-Sassanian coins ... ... ... 147 f. Ichchbawar, Band& Dist., inscrip. ab... 121, 129 Indo-Scythian or Kusana, 33; inscrips, and Ikehvaku, son of Manu ... ... 282 n.; 384 Greek month names ... . . ... 46 I'am Cheliyan, viceroy at Korkai, 236; or Indra, 8., 203 ; 231; and the destruction of Versiver-Cheliyan, k. of Madura ... 237, 239 Pubir... ... .. - ... ... 235 Ilarn Kini, k. of Kanchi ... ... ... 235 Indra III., Rashtrakata k. ... ... ... 138 Ilam kisli of Kanchi, perhaps Dango ... ... 236 Indra-Bhattaraka, E. Chalukya k.... ... 351 Jandirayan, a Tondaman k of Kancbl. 234; 239 Indus, riv, and the Greeks, 25; and Kanishka. Ilango, or I'am killi of Kanchi... ... ... 238 59; 62 ; 72; 75; and the Persians ... 79; 217; Ilango, Tamil poet, author of the Silappadhi. 250 karan ... ... ... ... ... 230; 238 n. Indus Valloy, Hindu State in... 139, 140 and n. Ilangovadigal, Tamil poet ... ... ... 238 In-mo fn, Heraus, & conqueror mentioned by Ilanjetebenni, father of Karikala, 233; or Chinese historians ... ... ... 54; 70 Uruvappaharer Ilanjetchenni ... 234; 239 Tand, a collection of Tamil works ... ... 230 Tayathus, a caste .. .. ... 338 Innocents, Sepulchre of ... ... ... 159 illams, villages... .. inscriptions, Javgada, 19 P.; of Sahasram, etc., Illattammas = Chakkiyar women ... ... 336 21 ff.; as historical evidence, 25; 27 ff; images, stone, in Zangskar, erection of ... 332 Jaina, 33; lists of Brahmi Kupana, showing immortality of the soul, in the Bhagavata archaic forms occurring in them, 35 ff.; in religion ... ... ... ... 260 f. Muchai, etc., 46 ff.; of Scythian satrape, 55; incarnations, Bhagavata. 260 and n.; 376 n.; 378; 57 n.; of Huvi ka 60 ff.; of MathurA, 71 383 n. ff.; of W. Kabatrapas, 109 f.; and Prof. Index to Prakrit Words occurring in Pischel's Kielhorn, 113 ff.; of the Chandella Dynasty, Grammatik der Prakrit Sprachen, Appen. 116 f. ; 128 f.; 131; 135; 143; of Prithi dix ... ... ... ... ... 133--148! Taj. 145; 147 n.; of Nandippottarasar, 172; India, second Greek invasion of, 25; or l'ien of Sondasa, ete, 179; at Bala-mkbar, 181 tebou, 26 f.; and the Laukika era, 28; f.; of Mulbe, 187; Daru, 191; of Nellore, inscrips. of, 29; eras in use, 40 ; Saka con 199 ff.; of the Cholas, 233; of Asoka, etc., querors of, 41; and MAlava-Vikrama and 278 f. ; 261 ff.; 342; 345 ff.; Talamasichi other eras, 44 1.; 47 f. ; visited by St. plate, etc., ... ... ... ... 351, 1. Thomas, 48 and n; N. and W. and the Inscription P. on the Mathura Lion Capital, Sakas, 49 ff.; Greek conquerors of, 51; con by A. Barth ... ... ... 245 ff. quered by Yen-kao-ching, etc., 56 ff.; Iyaiyanar ogapporul, a Tamil work ... 193 r. and the Parthians, 60 ff.; Menander's Iran, trade with India ... ... ... ... 249 expedition to, 69; and Kaniska, 72; and the Iranian, family, and the Soythians ... ... 41 Kharoshthi script. 74; and the Licchavis, Iranian Peoples, Religion of, contd. from 78; and Darius, etc., 79 and n; C, Gazet Vol. XXXV, p. 203. No. 7.-The Duties teer Gleanings in, 107 ff. ; 829 ff.; and of the Faithful ... .. .. 358 f. Alberuni, 131 ; 133; and the Muhammadans, Iron Gate, of Jerusalem ... ... ... 157 140 ff.; and Greek architecture 178; and Irungove), Palikadimal, of Malaingdu, and the Haklas, 209; and Amb. Salisbury, 213, the poet Kapilar ... ... .. 230; 237 215, 219, 226; 8., later history, 228; 230; Irungoval, a chief ... ... ... ... 243 23. f. ; 238 ff.; S., and Buddhism, 242 Is tobacco indigenous to India P By V. A. f.; and the Sakas, 245; 248 ff; language of, Smith ... ... .. ... .. 210

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INDEX 403 Taniab, Isaah, the prophet, sawa Asunder... 156 1sna, Siva ... .. .. 377, 380, 382 Isidorus, Isodorus, of Obaraz, geographical writer, and Sakastene, ... ... 49; 249, f. Isila, place montioned in the Brahmagiri inscrip.... .. .. 845 Isle of Pines, and tobacco Isvara, g., worabip of ... I-tsing, Chinese pilgrim Iyur Molangiler, Tamil poet ... .. 279 Jacob, bouse of, 159; pillow ... ... 160, 164 JagannAth, temple in Puri ... ... ... 206 Jugut-Singh, stupa at 84.72 Ath Jaggayyapeta, inscrip. at .. 281 n., 282 n. Jahangir, emp. ... . . .. ... 174 Jabangir, Margesa or Margapati, asted under Hasan Khan ... ... .. .... ... 191 Jain, inacripa. at Mathura, 33; 49; 51 f.; 65; 63; 65; temples at Khajuraho, 119 ff; 129; 131 ; 183 f ; baildings at Petalipuram, replaced by a Saiva temple, 201 n.; temples, etc. at Ramtek ... ... .. 204 Jainism and Brahmanism, 242; founder of, 261; and the Samkhya yoga .. ... 258 Jain Khan, Nawab, or Zain Khan Kokaltash, 149 and n.; 150 and n. Juine, and Mathura, 345; and Asoka ... 348 Jaipal, k. of Bathindab, advanced to Ghazni, 139; or Jayapala ... ... 140 and n.; 141 JAjkhati, Jajahotf, Jijboti, forms of Jeja. blukti, q. v. .. .. .. .. .. 130 JAjalladera Kalachuri, k. of Ratnapura inscrip. of ... ... ... ... 118; 128 Jakuns of Jobor, use the Camphor language. 340 JallalAbad, stupa near, 41; or Nang-Nihar. 139 jalogi, 81; 88; jalogi-patum ... ... 94 f.; 99 Jama Masjid, suggested founders of ... 192 Jambadvipa and Saka-dvipa ... ... 42 Jamba Dwipa, and Nagarjuna ... ... 207 Jam bukesvaram, .tn. near Trichinopoly, Kakatiya inscrip. at ... ... .. Jam-dbyang-rnam-rgyal, k., and Ali Mir, the Balti k. ... ... James, (Junior), the Less, St., ... ... James, the Apostle, St., tomb of ... ... 167 Jamil Beg, Commander under Akbar ... 150 and n.; 151 Jamna, riv. ... ... ... . 155 and n. Jenaka, a Kshattriya, and the Bhagavata religion . .. ... ... ... 25) Japaka, k, legendary father-in-law of Ramachandra ... ... ... 264; 373; [ Janamdjaya ...... ... ... 978 f.; 381, 885 Janirdens = Krishna... ... ... ... 978 Janvier's Panjabi Dictionary ... ... ... 360 JapAlA Tank, at Ramtek .. ... .. 205 jatali, a messenger ... ... ... 76 jatarsparajata, 81; 87 n.; 88; 96 and n.; 98 and n. Jatavarman Sandara Pandya I, and Gana pati, the Kakatiya, 356; inscrips. of ... 357 Jutavarman Sundara-Pandya II., inscrips. of ... ... ... ... ... 357 n. Jatila or M&ran Sadsiyan, Pandya k., date of. 197 Jatkari, vil, Dear Kbajarabo, temples at ... 133 Jate, or Mawals, in the Hill States ... ... 78 Jatunga Ramesara, Rock Edict of ... 345; 347 Jaugada inscrip.... ... ... ... 19 f. Jaunpur inscrip, from ... ... ... 147 n. Jayadama, father of Rudradama 43, governor of Rajputana and Malwa 60, Sa trap of ! Ujjayini, date of ... ... ... .. 13 Jayadeva I. a Licchavi k. of Nepal ... ... 19 Jayam Kondan, an author ... ... ... 239 Jayangonda-Chola-mandalam, or Tondai nadn, ... ... ... 900; 351; 354 and n. Jayantavarman, Pandya k. ... ... ... 196 Jasapala for Jaipal ... ... ... 140 n. Jayasakti, ancestor of the Chandols, 121; or Jeja, Jejjaka ... ... ... ... 126 ff. Jayabiaba, k. ... ... ... ... ... 181 Jayaskandha vara ... ... ... 180; 372 jayastambha, trophy of victory .. ... 245 Jayavarman, Chandel k, 113; 126 f. ; 129 1.; 133; coins of ... ... ... 147 f. Jayavarman, Paramara k. ... ... 144 and n. Jayavarman, k., his Kondamadi plate in sorip. ... ... ... ... .. 282 Jearsey, Wm., E. I. Co.'s servant, and Amb. Salisbury . .. 213, 216 ff. ; 289; 311 f. Jehoshapbat, Vcle of ... ... ... ... 156 Jeja or Jayasakti ... ... ...118; 126 ff. Jejakabhukti, Bundelkhand, 114 1.; king. dom of Paramardi, conquest of, 122, 128 f.; 131; 135; 137 ff. ; 143; 145 JejjAka, Chandella prince ... ... ... 116 jeola, a standard holding in Kalla ... ... 76 Jeremiah, Prophet, grotto of, 157; house ... 160 Jerome, Jerrom, St., Sepulchre of ... ... 159 Jersey, the frigate ... ... ... ... 170 Jerusalem ... ... ... ... 156 ff Jesus, advent of ... ... ... ... ... 341 Jetch Doab, ruled by the Haklas ... ... 209 "Jewel Belt ", the, = Manimekhalai, 230; 232; and k. Senguttuvan Sera. ... 235. Jhang District, Pauj&b-A Baker's Dozen of Catches, from ... ... ... 174 f. Jhanst, Lalitpur Dist., inscrips. from... 116, 120, 122, 124, 130, 135, 145 Jharlt, vil. in Rohtak District, Paljab ... 110

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404 INDEX " . 81 Kaikeya, co, in the Paris *** Judas, Apostle ... ".. "English Jhind, on the Indus, inscrip. from ... ... 68K adambu,' the, and Sengattuvan Sera ... 286 Jihunia, a satrap, 27; or Zeionises, 54; coins Kadan-Mallai, Mallai, q... ... ... 171 and D. of, 59, date ... ... Kadathanad, Raje, of the Atiyoti (SamanJijayapala, Chondella k. ... ... ... 126 f. thar) caste. ... ... ... ... 338 Jijloti, Jajahati, JAjAbotf ... ... 130 ff. Kadaiyal, in 8. India, the modern Kadayam, Jins ... 104 scene of a battle ... ... ... 198, 199 Jinankth, temple at ... 116; 133 and n. Kadeyaraja, an officer inder Bhima I. ... 853 Jivadama, strap of W. India... ... ... 74 Kadphises S., Kusana k., coins of, 28; 33; jfiana-yoga, meaning of .. .. titles, eto., 40, f. and the Groek rule in Jouchim, St., Bepulchre of ... ... ... 157 Afghanistan ... ... ... 64; 57; 71, 72 jog, tax for religious purposes... ... 76 and n. Kadphises II., Kusana k., coins of, 28; 40; Joginis, the 64, temple dedicated to ... 132 and n. 57; conquests of .. ... ... ... 72 John, St., the Baptist ... ... ... ... 160 Kaduvetti, Tamila-p Perariyan, an officer John, St., the Evangelist, house of ... ... 158 under Nandippottarasar ... ... ... 172 Johnson, Capt, and Amb. Salisbury... ... 214 ... 214 kefila, cuffalgh, a caravan .. .. .. 295 Johnson, Mr. Wm., E. I. Co's. servant at KA-gyur, Kabgyar ... ... ... 180; 372 ... Metchlepatam 215 ff. ; 298; 310 f. 313 ... kahapana, a coin Jonardja's Rajatarangini, its referencus to the . ... 252 Bhauttas ... ... ... 182 ff.; 187 f. kairkarya, waiting upon Bhagavat ... ... 261 Joppa, Joppay ... ... ... ... 159 1. kiit, accountant... ... ... ... ... 76 Jordan, riv. ... ... ... ... ... 158 KAkandi, city in Kadalkonda-PavvattiriJoseph, St., sepulchre of ... ... 157; 159 kottam, Kavirippattinam, the modern Joseph of Arimathaea, sepulchre of ... 158 1 Pantrangam .. .. .. .. 353 n. Joshua ...... ... ... ... ... 160 Kakatiyas of Orangal, and Vengi, 356; and Jubbal, Hill State, terms used in ... 76 n. | Nellore ... ... ... ... 357 and n, Kakra Maph temple in Mabob& ... ... 134 Jukes, Western Panjabi and English Kakusthana=Kakuttha, riv. ... ... ... 5 n. Dictionary ... ... ... ... 360 f. kila-times at which sacrifices are performed, Julius Caesar, assassinated . ... ... 70 376 n. Jumna, riv. ... ... ... 245, 247 ... 245, 247 Kalachuri, kings, and Kalajar, 135; or Junagadh inscrip. of Rudradima ... 56; 63; 74 Haibayas, 137 ; '146 and n.; inscrip. of juncan, customs, from chungam... 275; 286 ff. Ratanpur ... ... ... ... ... 204 295; 297; Kaladaranadi inscrip., said to be in KharoshJunga, cap. of Keontbal ... 301 n.; 305 n. ... .. ... ... ... .. 42 juni, an Indian measure ... ... 76 n. Kalahasti, Siva linga at, 200, Ganga Pallava Junnar, inscrip. of Nahapana'at, 63; the inscrip. from ... ... .. ... 362; 354 KAlamanyas, Bhotta princes ... 182 and n.; 187 Saka cap. ... 242 n *** Juska, k. ... kalambagam-a poetic composition in Tamil, ... 42 .. 170 and n.; 173 Justice, Gate of Jerusalem ... ... 157 KAlanaur, and Akbar's army ... Justin, on Sandracottus ... ... 151 Kalanjar, Banda Dist., inscrips. from, etc, Juttaya, a Kakatiya, k. ... .. .. 357 118 .; 122 f.; 125; 128, 129, 132; 184 ff.; 139 ff. Jyeshtba, a Brahmana ... .. KAlanjara, inscrip. ... ... ... 208 n. Jyulchanas, suggested meaning of Kalar Killi .. .. 235 bK 'agyur, a Tibetan cyclopedia ... Kalaso ka, identified with Mahapadma Nanda. 342 Kalathalaiyar, a Tamil poet ... ... ... 230 Kabir, a reformer ... ... ... ... 258 kalavali, a Tamil work... ... ... ... 233 Kabir Chabatara, in Ramtek ... ... ... 203 Kaldara, inscrip. of the year, 113, 30; 31 n.; Kabul, and Seleukos Nikator, 25; occupied 46 t.; 61, 64 ff. ; 74 by k. Kieou-tsieou-kio, 28; ruled by kalha-creeper .. ... ... ... 182 f. Hermaios, 54; and Huviska, 60; 12; con Kalbana's Rijatarangini, Bhauttas referred to in .. . ... quered by Kadphises I., 71; and Akbar, ... 181 and n. Kali, goddess, 191 ; age, 204 f.; temples, and 150; and the faujdiri of Bangash, 174; the thiyattu ceremony... ...336; 342; 378 1. Sabahdars of ... ... ... ... 211 and n. Kalidasa's (Sk.) Raghuvarusa and the interKachchayana ... ... ... ... ... 276 course between Persis and Tibet, 80;. Kadalkonila-Pavvattiri-kottam, Dist, in S. Meghaddta, 201; Abhijnana Sakuntala, India ... " 353 n. book-notioe of, 112; date 113; 212 344

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INDEX, 405 - -- .. 195 76 n. Kalikicirya-Kathanaka, a Jaina work and the Kanna, city ... .. .. .. ... 83 Saka kinge ... ... ... ... ... 43 Kannahi wife of Pekan... ... ... 239 Kali Kanal, pleasure resort in Pubar, Kannubi, heroine of the Bilappadhikaram, 235 and n 231, f.; 234 n.; 237 Koli-nadanan, a surname of k. Ne lamaran.. 195 Kannanar, near Trichinopoly, fort at... 201 n. Kalindavarman,k .. ... ... 283 u. kinsi, un Indian measure ... ... 76 R. Kalinga, eonquered by Asoka ...343; 347 . Kapthika-Vijayaditya, or Vijayaditya V. ... 353 Kalingattupparaxi, the, and k. Karikala, 233; Kanupartipadu, in Nellore, inscrip. from ... 356 233 n.; 239; 211 Kanva, dynasty and the Andhras ..71; 180; 372 Kalipa, a koly rir. ... . ... . 206 kaivar, kanware, a easte ... ... 300 and n. kallittuai a metre Kao-fu, a Yue-ebi principality ... ... 26 Kalni, prubably succeeded Kharahostes ... 56 Kapardin, Rudra ... ... ... 380 kalpa, age... .. 12 f. ; 260; 377 Kapila, sage, said to have been a Kshat. Kalp, for Mahiyar . .. ... 132; 136 triya, 251; 255 n.; and the Samkya philoKAlsi inserip. ... ... 20; 39; 299 und 1. sopby ... ... 341; 374, f. ; 381, 385 and n. Kaluehumbarru grant ... ... ... 353 and n. Kepilar, Tamil poet ... 230; 231; 236 f.; 241 Kalyazadevi, Chandella Queen. 124; 120; 130 Kapiluvastu, tu. ... . ... 341 Kalyani, lome of the W. Chalukyas, 353; 35+ n. Kupisa, Ki pin ... ... ... 54; 69 Kamboja, inhabitants of the Hindu Kusb), Kapor Buoli, tank in R&mtek ... 204 f. and Ragbu ... .. ... 80; 82 n. kar, grain rent ... Kanagopa, k. ... ... ... ... 283 2. karakam, duties ... ... ... .. ... 337 Kanaka, defeated by Sengutturan Sera, 236; 241 Karan Dahariya, or Karna Deva, q... 137 n. Kan kasabbi, Mr., on S&takarnin ... ... 241 karawak, krauk, q.. ... ... ... ... 77 Kanappereyil, a forest fort, taken by Urza. Kareda, Careare, E. I. Co.'s faetory at, 314, 317 Pandyan ... ... ... ... 229; 236 Kargano, vil. in Sirmur ... 803 and n.; 305 Kanauj (Mahodaya ) and the Chandels, 128; Kari, riv., scene of a Cho'a vietory ... ... 236 138 ff., 149; 111 n.; 147 Kari of Tirukkuvilur, patron of Tamil literaKuna war, Hill state, terms in use ... 77 n. ture ... ... ... ... 237; 243 and n. Kanehhuka Chahamani, wife of Harsha, 126; 128 Karikala, Cbo'a k, and the Telugu co., 200; Kaichi, modern Conjeevaram, Pallava cap.. other names of, 233 f.; and the Epie of 171; and Manimokhala, 233 ; and Tonda the Anklet ... ... ... 234, ff.; 242 man llandirayan, 23!; under 1121 Kiri Karikala-Cha-Jinalaya, Jaina temple at 235; Cho's eup. ... 2 LO; 242.; 282 .; 351 1 Kanupartipadu ... ... ... ... 356 Kanchipura, tn. and the Pallavas ... ... 351 karina-yoga, meaning of ... ... ... 256 Kandahar, eoins of Vonones found at, 5+; Kavna Deva, Karan Dabariya, Kalachuri 62; and the Persians ... ... ... 174 Raja of Dahal or Chedi, 137 n.; or LakshmiKandariya, or Khandariya Mahadell, Saiva karns ... ... ... ... 143, 146, 147 temple at Khajuraho... ... ... 133; 141 karnal, musical instrument . ... .. 302 Kandukar Taluka, in Nellore District, karnus, the lundred ... ... ... 241, 1. inserips. from, 199 n.; called Skandapura Kurnal, Candamore, 266 n.; copper-piate 283 and n. ;352 ; 357 n. grants in ... ... ... ... 351 11. Kanespur, vil, and Kanishkupura ... ... 212 karad, an Indian measure ... . 76 n. Kangra, in Akbar's time ... ... 149 and 1. Karthavus, Samanthar sub-division... ... 338 Kenigiri, Tiluka in Nellore Dist., inscrips. Karar, Vanji, ancient Chera cap., 230, 236 f.; 240; 242 from ... ... ... ... ... 199 n. Kanishka, a Kushan k., 27 ft; aeeession, 33; Kaskkudi inserip. of the Pallavas ... 283 n. titles, 40; nationality, and the Saka era, Kashgar, and Kaniska ... 44; 57 f. ; 73 41 f.; conquests, ete, 43 ff.; 50 f.; 55; Kashmir and k. Lhachen Bhagan, 191; and k. Fath ... inscrips, 56; possibly the Yue chi k.. ... ... ... ... 192 defeated by Pan chao, 57 f.; RAjAtiraja Kashmir, References to the Blottas or Devaputra, 59; 61; date of, 63, 66 ; 72 f. ; Bhauttas in the Rajatarangini of ... 181 ft. 179 f.; and Asvaghosha, 212; and the Kashmir Chronicles and Tibet, 188; and ... ... 217 n.; 25; 278 .: 3721bKrasbie-rama-rgyal I. ... Satraps ... 192 Kaniskapura, now Kanispor, 57; and Kanes- Kashmiris helped the Chinese against the pur ... ... ... .. ... ... 212 Tibetans. ... ... ... ... . 181 Kaukal-tila, at Muthura, Jaina inscrip. in... 33 Kast, Kafika, modern Benares. 117; 141; 144

Page #428
406 INDEX Kasmira, Kaniska, 43; 57; 60; and the Kharagiri, battle fought by Parantaka ... 197 Pourth Buddhist Council ... ... ... 73 Kharahostes, a Satrap .. ..27, 56 ; 59: 71 Kasmfras and Yabovarman ... ... ... 140 Kharapallana, a Mahd-kshatrapa, 32, 33, 56; Kasyapa, Buddhist monk, 2 ff.; 11. and n., 72; 247 n. 12, 14 n.; 16, 17, 82, 94 n., 100; legendary Kbarashar, eo. in Central Asia ... ... 57 leader of the Aranyakabhikshus, 101 ff.; KhQravela's Udayagiri inserip. . .. 40 at the first Buddhist Council .. ... 342khirin, grnin tester ... ... ... 75 ... 76 and n. katha, tax for religious purposes Kharmang, eap. of a Balti tribe ... .. 187 Kathahan, vil. grant of ... ... ... 117 Kbaroshthi lang., in inscrips., 25 ff. ; 29 ff.; Kathasarit sagara, mention the Paroobka... 42 42, 44, 46 ff.; 55, 58, 60, 62 ff., extinct in Katherine, or Catherine of Alexandria, Saint India ... ... ... ... 74; 246 f ; 249 and Martyr ... ... ... 159 and n.; 169 Kharwar, Gabarwar .. .. ... 180; 372 Katherme, St., Virgin and Martyr, Church of 169 Klasas and Yasovarman ... Kathikwa, conquest of, 74; and Rudrada Kbastaks, driven out of Kohat ... ... 174 man ... ... ... ... ... ... 22 khelna, to play a part ... ... ... 77 n. Katyayana, Buddhist monk .. ... ... 5 Kbilehipura, ril. near Mandasor, carvings at. 109 Kaumarika Baoli, at Ramtek ... ... ... 205 Khiva, ancient Chorasmia ... ... 78 n. Kausalya, g, temple to, at Ramtek ... ... 203 Khokhurs and Anandpal, 141; and the Gak. Kausambi,Buddbist monastery ... ... 6 n. khare ... ... ... ... ... 1+2 n. Kautalya, Kautilya ... ... . 180; 372 Khorasan, taken by Gang, a Hakla ... ... 209 KavadippAkkam, Kaverrippakkam, alius Khotan and Kaniska, 44; 57 ff.; 73; a Avani-N&rayana-Chaturvedimangalam ... 172 Tibetan province ... ... ... 80 n. Kavali taluk, Kakatiya inscrip. at ... 357 n. khrofshtras ... ... ... ... ... 358 Kavera, mythical k. ... ... ... ... 233 Karims (Tib.) and Timi, q. v. ... 184, 185, 187 Kaveri, Ponni, riv., 171; 229 ; 231, 233, 24); 242 Khri-srong-lde-btean, Tibetan emp. ... 181 Kiverippakkam, Kavedippakkam, temple at. 172 khuddakanukhuddakas = the lesser and Kaverippombattinam for Puhar ... 231, 233 . minor details ... ... ... 4 n.; 14, 15, 17 K&virippattinam, Kakandi ... ... 353 n. khu-nang - porgand ... ... ... 77 n. Kdya-smrityupasthana, a meditation ... 3n: Khurdean, co., 139; scene of k. Jaipal's impriKeonthal... ... ... ... 299; 305 and n. Bonment, 140 n.; traded with India ... 149 Kerala, conquered by Srimera, 197; 240 n.; Khusrau, k. of Persia, sent an embassy to and the Antarallas of Malabar ... 334 PS.; 357 Polekesin II. ... ... ... ... ... 24 Keravi-Korranar ... ... ... ... 194 Khusran Malik, opposed Muhammad of Kern, Prof. H., and the Cullavegga, 2 n.; and Ghor .. .. .. the Buddhist Councils, 8 n.; and the Third Khyber Pass ... ... .. ... ... 249 Rock Ediet of Asoka, 20; 22; on Buddhist Kidkra-Kusadas, displaced the later Kuines, 62 rules, 81 ff.; 89 n.; 92 ff., and the Brihat Kieou taieop-kio, Kouei-chouang prince, Samhita, 280 n.; and the Nirvana of Bud conquered the four other Yne-obi princi. dba, 312, and the Brahmagiri inscrip. ... 346 palities ... ... ... ... ... 26; 33 Kerrington, Capt., and R. Bell ... ... 162 Kielhorn, Dr., and the Malava-Vikrama era, kevula . ... .. .. .. . 201 44 f.; and Kusana inscripe., etc., 46 ff.; khadaniyas, hard foods ... ... 90 ; 93 Khajuraho, in Bundelkhand, temples in, 114 and the Saks era, 53 n.; and the Baijnath f.; inscrips, from, 116 ff.; 131 ff.; 135 ff.; Prasasti, 75; and Chandella inscripe, 114 139; 141; 148 ff.; and Telugu inscripta., 201 n.; and the Khakharkta, family, and Gotamiputra Sata Panduvaraf Kshatriya kinge, 208 n.; on karni ... . .. ... ... ... 43 Bhakti, 253 n.; and the Udayendiram Khalari inscrip. of k. Brahmadeva, and the grant, 28. n.; and Cho!a dates, 355 f. ; Ramtek inscrip. ... ...... ... 204 and the Kakatlyas ... ... ... 357 n. Khandagiri inscrip. .. .. .. .22 Kielhorn, Franz, by Dr. Sten Konow ... 113 khandakuis, collection of works. 86; 91; 100 Killi, a Choa k. ... ...228; 233 ff.; 238 f. and n.; 102 Kini of Uraiyar, k. ... ... ... 239 f. Khandaparasu ... ... ... ... ... 381 King-Hien or King-la, received Buddhist Khandariya Mahadeo, Kandariya ... ... 133 books from the Yoe-chi ... 56 4., 71 Khangars, a low-caste people, and the Bun Ki-pin, occupied by the Se, 26; or Kapish delas ... ... ... ... ... 130 and n. congered ... .. ... 54; 69 1.

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Kirat Rai, possibly a Chandel Raja, gov. of Kalafijar Kirat Sagar, lake near Mahoba Kirtigiri, fort... ... .00 201 ... Kirtiraja, of Gwalior, submitted to Mahmud of Ghazni 142 Kirtivarman, Chandella prince, 117 f.; 124; 126 ff.; 134 f.; 143 f.; 146 ff Kistna, District, and the E. Chalukyas Kiu-tsin-kio, for Kieou-tsieou-kio, 26; identified with Kozoulo-kadphises 54; 57 Knights of St. Stephen... ... 168 Ko-chchengan, legendary Chola k.... *** 233 Kochengan, k. 239 Kodavalu, in Ganjam District, inscrip. from. 180 Kodavaluru, in Nellore, inscrip. from 283 n. Kodungalur, Kranganur 240 Koei-choang, name under which the five Yue-chi principalities were united... 26 Koei-Chouang, the Kusanas ... 38; 42, 54; 57 Kohat, Lower Bangash.... Koilpada cr Kovilammas, Samanthar women. 338 Kokkala, Grahapati of Padmavati, men ... ... ... . ... 174 ... ... ... tioned in inscrip. Kokkili, legendary Chola k. Kokkii of Madura, grandson of Karikala, 237; 239 239 243 *** ... do ... *** ... Koli, Uraiyur Kolli Mal'ais, hills Kolli Mallai, hill in Salem District, a Chera ... 237 and n., 238 ... 149 355 n. 144 ... possession Komal De, Rana, attacked by Akbar Kona chiefs, in the Godavari Delta... Kondalpur, inscrip. from Kondamudi plate inscrips, of Jayavarman... 282 Kondavidu, in S. India, and the Kakatiyas. 357 n, Kongu, co., under Nandi ... 171; 173; 243 Kongus, conquered by Senguttuvan Sera 237 Korkai 236 f.; 243 140 Kosalas and Yasovarman www *** Kosambi, tn.... 16; 82 Kot, vil., Sialkot, also known as Nayagion or Chhota Jhansw ... 111 300 and n. ... 182 f., 186 77 ... 77 76 *** ... 100 Kot, cap. of Ratesh Kota, Bhautta Queen ... kothala, State granary watchman kothari kothiala, treasurer Koti, vil., probably old cap. of Keonthal, 305 ... and n. Kottaru, in 8. Travancore, battle fought by Nedumaran 196; 198 kotwal, Catwall, magistrate ... ... 317 Kouei-chouang, a Yue-chi principality Kovai, Tamil poem ... ... 195 and n. 26 INDEX. 146 ... 134 143 - ... 117 233 ... ... Kovalan, or Gopala, hero of the Silappadhika ram ... 000 ... 231 f.; 234; 236; 240 Koviladi, scene of a battle fought by Nandippottaragar 172 Kovilammas, Koilpade, q. v.... Kovil Kilar, Tamil poet ... 338 ... 236 Kovil Venni, Vennil, in Tanjore District 234 n. Ko visaiya-Nandivikramavarman, for Nandippottarasar, q. v.... ... 172 Kozoulo-Kadphises, a Kusana k., 27; or Kujula-Kadphises, 28; identified with Kiutaiu-kio, 33; other variations of the name ... 44; 50; 54 Kranganur, Kodungalur, tn., ... ... 240 bKrashis-mgon, Western Tibetan prince... 332 bKrashis-rnam-rgyal I., k. of Ladakh Kratu, a Rishi ... ... 192 375. krauk or karawak, a collector... ... 77 and n. Krishna, Delta, felt Asoka's influence, 281; and the Pallavas ... ... ... - .. kshetra ... ... 282 Krishna, riv. S. boundary of Vengi ... 351 Krishna, g., 203; 334; 352; 378; 378; 381; 385 Krishna, a Kakatiya k.... ... 357 Krishna Devakiputra, or Krishna Vasudera, (disciple of Ghora Angirasa), founder of the Bhagavata religion, 253 f.; 257 and n., 260 Krishna Dvaipayana, g. 378; 383, 385, and n. Krishnapa, a Chandella k. 126; 128 Kshatrapa, W., inscrips., 45 f.; 49 f.; 55; 109; 246; and the Andhras 282 and n. Kahatriya Sikhamani Valanadu, and Nerivayil 236 n. Kahattriya, caste, of which was Buddha, 251 and n.; and Brahmanisn ... 253, 255; 257 Kshattriyas and the Antarallas of Malabar, 334 f.; 338 ... 386 Kshetraja, Vasudeva, 373; 377; 379 f.; 381; 384 Kshitipala, or Mabipala Herambapala, k. of Kanauj .138 f. Kshitipaladeva of Kanauj 77 Kubja-Vishnuvardhana, E. Chalukya 24; 351 Kujja, city 83 Kujjasobhita, a Bhikkhu 85 Kujula Kadphises, Kozoulo-Kadphises 28 Kujula-kara-Kadphisa, k. www 44. Kukshi, son of Raibhya 28 Kulamurram, tn. Killi... ...236 Kulandai, S. of Tinnevelly, battle fought by Nedumaran ... 198 Kulla, Panjab Hill State, terms used in, 76 and n. Kulottunga I., inscrip. of his time, 200; and Karikala ... 239; 240; 353 n.; 355 and n.; 356 Kulottunga II., Chola k. ... 355 Kulottunga III., Chola k. 200; 356 and n. Kuld, Kulata, tn. taken by Zainu'l-'abidin, 188 f.; sati stones in... ... ... ... ... ... - ... ... www *** 407 ... ... ... *.382

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408 INDEX Kumara, g., and the Iraiyanar=agapporu! ... 194 Kuttuvan, person mentioned in a poem by Kumara Devt, Licchavi princess, married Paranar - ... .. .. ... .. 230 Chandra Gupta I. ... ... .. .. 79 Kavalaya-marttendan, a surname of Nandi. 172 Kamera Gupta, inscrips, of ... 29; 38; 180 Kuzulo-kara-Kadaphes, or Kozoulo-KadKumAra Gupta I., inscrips. of... ... 46; 109 phises, q. v. ... .. .. . .. 33 Kamarajiva, translated the Sutralankara ... 211 | Kwen-mo, a Wu-sun chief, attacked the Kumaravishnu I., Pallava k... .. 284. Yueuhi... ... ... .. 26; 82; 69 Kumaravishnu II., Pallava k. .. ...284 n. Kydron, brook ... ... ... ... ... 156 Kumari, Cape Comorin, and Nandi, 171; traditional southern boundary of the Tamil co. ... ... ... ... 199; 232 | Ladakh, 187; = Great Bhautta land, and the Kumbhakonam, tn. in the Madras presi- Kashmiris ... ... ... ... 191, 192 dency ... .. . ... . .. 243 Ladakhi, dynasty, and the Baltis, 187; or Kamharsin State ... .. ... 77 f. Nam-rgyal ... ... ... ... ... 333 Kunavayil, near Karur, home of the poet Ladhakhi Chronicles and Rifichana Bhoti, Ilango ... ... ... ... ... ... 230 187; and Kashmir, 188, 189 and n.; and Kundalakski, a Tamil Buddhist work... .. 288 k. Lhachen Bhagan .. ... 191 Kundala-Vana-Vihara, in Kasmira (?) scene Lahara, fort and Ritichana ... .. .. 183 of the fourth Buddhist Council ... ... 7 Laheul, tn. ... ... ... ... ... 189 Kunivar, Math, temple at Khajuraho... 183. Lahore Maseum, inscrips. from ... 64 ff. Kwal, the, a work by Tiruvalluvar, 228, 236, akh, an Indian measure ... ... 76 n. and n.; 238 and n. Lakshmana ... ... ... ... 206 n. Kurinjippattu, a collection of Tamil works.... 230 | Lakshavarman, Chandella k., 116; or YashKurram, Kurmah, val., battle fought in 140 varman .. .. .. ... 126 ff.; 199 and n., formerly included in the Banga- Lakshmana temple at Ramtek.."... 203 ahat ... ... ... ... ... 174; 211 n. | Lakshmanji, Ohaturbbaj, temple at KhajuKuru, kingdom in P&theyya, in India. 82 n. ho ... ... ... ... 116; 131; 193 Kurugode, Kurugoda, old Chalukya cap. on Lakshmi, Durga or Parvati, on coins, 147; the Ganges ... .. .. .... .. 173 170 and n.; temple at Ramtek ... 203; 383 Kuragode Dodda, Kurugodu in Mysore, a Lakshmikarpa or Karna deva, q.. ... 143; 146 fort belonging to Tippu Sultan ... ... Lakshmivarman, a Paramara ... ... 144 and n. Kurukkala, Gurukkals, Ambalavasis of LAAJI, Visvanath, temple at Khajuraho. Travancore ... ... ... ... ... 837 117 f, 133 Kurukoda, scene of a battle fought by LalitAditya-Mukt&pida's expeditions against Nandi ... ... ... ... ... ... 171 the Bhauttas ... ... ... ... . 181. Kurruppas, or Marars, .0. ... ... ... 338 Lalitpur, or Dudali, now Jhansi, 116, 122, Kusa, son of Sita ... ... ... 206 n. 130, 134, 143 kuca grass, used to kill Nagarjuna ... 207 t. Langhorne, Sir Wm, and Amb. Salisbury, Kushan, dynasty, coins and insoripe. of 27 227; 263 and n.; 264, 266 , 271; 317 n. ft.; or Indo-Scythian, 83; Brahmi inscrips., Laiko, Ceylon, and Rama ... ... 202; 239 85 ff.; a branch of the Yue-chi, 42 ff.; Lankester, Sir Ray, on tobacco ... ... 210 dates, and the Vikrama era, 46 ff.; incrips. Laukika year 28, A. D. 1452, date of Haji and the Saka era, 50 ff.; and the Ksatrapa Khan's expedition to the Bhotta co. ... 189 periods, 55; chronology, 59; empire and Lamghan, territory, ravaged by Eabuktigin, China, 60 ff.; 71; defeat by Panchao, 72; 139; 140 n. 74; power east of the Indus, 75; 179 f.; Lanston, Mr., E. I. Co.s servant ... ... 327 emperors and the satraps ... ... 250; 372 Lassen, and the Sakas ... ... Kasinone, . . . . 2;7 and B. | LAt Bhairo, on the Benares Road, worshipKattagaraadid, hall of the Belvedere ... ... 81 ped by the Hindus ... ... ... ... 280 Kutb-ud-din Ibak (Aibak) and Kalajar Lauhitya, Brahmaputra, riv.... 135; 145 t. .. 80 Laukika era and the Kushan inscrip., 27 f.; Touthamba-lam, portion of the temple in 31 ff.; 51 ; 63 which the Ohakkiyar-kuth is delivered ... 386 Kathar State, home of the Mawels ... Lava, son of Eit ... ... 78 ... 208 n. ... Kutharser, vil in the Simla Hill States 78 Lavanyas, or Damaras, Feudal barons ... 184 kutivekkal or kutipokal = settling in one's Lawrence, Sir Walt., his Valley of Kashmir. 192 family ... . .. ... ... ... 837 Lazarus, sepulchre and castle of, 157 and n., 158

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INDEX. 409 Lazarus, the beggar ........ ... 157 Madanavarman, Chandel k., 118 ff.; 126, 127. Lazaretto, the, in Leghorne ... ... ..187 f. and n.; 129; 131 ff.; 144 and n.; 145, 147 t. Lebanus, mt........ 161 f. Madana Varmmadeva ... ... ... 148 n. Le Bruyn's Voyage au Levant... ... 163 n. Madan Mabal, castle at Gapha... ... .. 136 Legends of Mohan Bart 110 f. Madanpur, Lalitpur, now Jhansi Dist., inscrip. Legends of the Pasijab, by Sir R. O. Temple from ... ... ... ... 122, 129; 145 and H. A. Rose contd. from Vol. XXXV., Madan Sagar, lake at Khajuraho ... 134; 144 p. 302. II.-Three Legends of the Mughal Madapollam, E. I. Co.'s Factory at, 218; or Court ... .. .. .. . . 199 1. Madhavayapalem, 263 and n.; 269 f.; 291 ff.; 322 Leghorne, city ... ... 167, 168 and n.; 169 Madari, Vishnu temple at Maboba ... ... 134 Leb, tn. ... ... ... ... ... ... 192 madder, the Indian species, called chay 264 n. Letten, Mr., and Amb. Salisbury ... ... 826 Madhari, k. ... ... ... ... 282 n. Levi, M. Sylvain, and the Rock Edicts, 21; MAdhavi, a dancing-woman, mistress of Kovaand the Acts of St. Thomas, 48 n.; and lan ... ... ... .. . 231 1. Kaniska, 57 ; his Le Theatre Indien 143 n.;. 212 Madhu, g.... ... ....... ... .. 382 Leyden grant and Karikala ... ... ... 233 madhukapuppha, the Bassia latifolia ... ... 95 Lbachen Bhagan, Ladakht k. ... ... 191 Madhusudana, commentator ... ... 251 n. Lhachen-kundgarnam-rgyal's inscrip. at Madhvacharya, Anandatirtha, 258; his birth Daru ... ... ... ... ... ... 191 pluce ... ... ... ... ... 259 n. Lhachen Ngos-grub, k. ... ... ... 187 Madhyadesa, co., and Brahmaism ...251 f.; 257 t. Lhachen-rGyablu Rinchen, or Prince 'Rin- Madbyamika philosophy, and Nagarjuna ...200 f. chen, see Rificbana Bhoti ... ... 182 ff. Madonna, fountain, 156; Church in Sienna... 169 Liaka, & satrap ... ... ... ... 27; 70 Madras, fort and Ed. Winter, 220; 267, 270, Liaka Kusulaka, father of Patika, 55; 63; 274 f.; and Amb. Salisbury, 285; 294; 311 247 and n. ff.; 316 Licchavis, see Persian Afinities of ... 781. Madrass Merchant, the E. I. Co.'s ship ... 220 lingasarira, personality ... ... ... 873 Madura, and Somasundara, the Siva deity, Lion-capital, at Sarnath 190; called AlAvay, 194 and n.; and the Lipari isls. .. ... 167 n. Sangams, 228, 230; and Kovalan, 231 2.; Li-tsa-byi, for Licchavi, a race to which the 284; and the Pandyas, 236; referred to as Tibetan kings belonged .. . 79 and n. Tamil Kadal, 238; 240; capture of ...356 bLo-gros-mchog-ldan, Ladakht k.... ... 189 Maduraikkanji, a Tamil work by Manguli Lohara, mt., campaign to ... .... ... 189 Marudanar ... ... ... .. 207 Loka KAla era, date of use, 32; insorip. of.. 75 Madurai Kolavanigan Sattan, or Sitthalai. LokottaravAdins, a Buddhist sect ... 13; 103 n. chobattanar, author of the Manimdkhalai... 280 London ... ... ... ... ... ... 169 Madurai-MarudanilanAganar, commentator Loriyan Ting&i inscrip., Mr. Caddy's ...80; on the Iraiyanar = agapporu! ... 1944, 40; 67; 71 Madura Sthalapurana, a Tamil work ....... 929 Lovabekki, Choa k. .. ... ... ... 353 Meris, prinoe of Patalene in Sind ... 25 Lucius, emp., bis coins and those of Magadba, conquered, 72; or Bubar, and the Kadpbises I. ... ... ... ... 28 : 33 | Persians, 79and Nagarjuna, 207; and tao Laders, Dr., on inscrips. .. 39 and n.; 59 Batakarnin, 242; and Chandragupta, 843; Lumbini, birthplace of Buddha .. . 10 n. 347; 350 Lyall, Sir James, on the old administrative Magadhan kingdom, 842; or. Pracbi... 948 , system in Au ... ... ... ... 76 Magas, Maka k. of Cyrene .. . " Magas, the Magi or Brahmana ... 42 Maccabees, the, sepulchre of ... ... ... 160 MAgha k., date of, by Prof. Kielhorn ... 113 Maccha, kingdom .... ... .. 82 and n. Magi priesta, accompanied the Liochavis into Macedonian, Empire, second partition of, 25; Tibet 80; cisterns of ... ... ... ... 159 calendar in N. India ... ... ... 861 n. . . ... 250 Mahl-Andhra, or Dhanakataks .. 250 Machetas, father of Philip, Alexander's Mababalipuram, ancient Mallai, in Chinsatrap in the Panjab... I gleput Dist. ... ... ... ... ... 171 Maclagan's Garetteer of Mullan ... ... 361 | Mahabharata, the, and the denotation 2 madams, pashpakams, houses of the Pushpa- Saks, 42 and n.; on Himalayan tribes, 80 kans .... ... ... ... ... 386, t. n.; 178; translation of, earliest known Madanapura, tn. grant of ... ... 120, 1. Telugu work, 201 7.; 251 fl., 262; on the 25 ... *** feer of Multan

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410 INDEX. the Haihaya dyn... ... 18. 56. title of . ... 204 Mahmad of Ghaznt and the Chanda le, 133; subjugation of the Andhras, 281; among 140 ff.; plandered Mathri ... ... ... 209 the Chakkiyars .. 336 .. ... Mahabhashya, & work, by Patalijali, Mahmud Cawne, or Muhammad Khan and ... ... 113 Kielhorn's edition of ... ... ... Amb. Salisbury ... ... 275 mahabhitas, gross elemente, 261; 373; 375 Mahmud Mynne, for Muhammad Amin, and n.; 377 n.; 379; 383 n. Amb. Salisbury .. ... ... 319 ff. Mahabodhi temple at Bodh Gaya ...278; 279 n. Mahoba, in Hamirpur Dist., Bundelkhand, Mahad-bhutan, a title of Narayana ... ... 375 inscrips. from, 114; 118 ff.; and the Chandels ... ... . 131 ff. ; 144 ff. Mahadeva, or Kotisvara, temple at Ramtek, Mahoba Khand, poem by Chand, on the 205; with Parvati, figures in temple at ... 115; 133; 145 Ohimar ... . ... ... ... ... ... 333; 385 Mahodaya, or Kanauj ...'... 138; 140, 147 Mabakassapa, KAsyapa, Kassapa 2; 7 n. ... mahalldur,mazendar, revenue supervisor, 296 ; 298 Maha Kosala, identified with Chhattisgarh mahta, mauta, an official ... ... 77 and n. Maidyomaongha, & saint ... : 359 n. Mahakshatrapa, meaning of, 48; 56; title of Castana and Rudradaman ... MailAppar, Mayilai, the modern Mailapur ... 171 ...601.; 73 f. Mainwaring, Matt., E. I. Co.'s servant ...267 ff.; Mabakshatrapas of Mathura preceded the 291, 295; 297 .; 309, 311 1.; 314, 319 ff.; Kushanas . .. ... ... ... 50 324, 326 ft. wahildar, moldarr, revenue officer .. ... 287 Maitrakas of Valabht ... ... ... 201 n. Mahallaka, subhadra ... ... ... ... 2n. Maitreya, figure, 179; stupa at Sarnath ... 279 Mahamoha, k, ... ... ... ... 252 n. majjabhavo, intoxicating property ... 95 n. Mahapajapati Gotami, the aunt of Bud majjasaribharo, elements of intoxication 95 n. dha... .. .. .. ... .. 12 Maka, Magas, k. of Cyrene ... .. ... 343 Vahanadma Nanda or Asoka ... . 342 MAA. A people ... .. . *** *** Mahaparinibbanasutta, the, 14; and the rMal, dynasty of Zangskar-Gage ... ... 333 Licchavis ... ........ .. 79; 87 1. Malabar, the Antarallas of, q. v. ..., 334 ff. mahaprasada, sacramental meal of the modern Malinadu, hill co. .. . 282, 280 1. Vaishnavas .. ... 375 n. Malava, co., and Madanavarman, 144; or Maharaja and Maharaya, titles . ... 44 Avanti ... ... ... ... ... ... 242 Maharaja --Rajatiraja, title ... ... 40; 44 MAlavas, used the Vikrama ers, 45; and Maharashtra, co., and the Sakas ... 242 and n. Yakovarman ... ... . .. ... .. 140 Mahasanghika, sect of Buddhists, 2 n., 8 n., 5, MAlava-Vikrama era in North India, 44 f.; 8 n., 9 and n.; 13, 15; 17 n. and inscrips. ... ... ... 47 f.; 53; 63 Mahasangba or Mahasangiti, the fourth Malaya, Satakarni territory ... ... 242 n.. Buddhist Couneil ... ... ... ... 60 Maldive isls., scene of a wreck ... ... 214 Mahasiddhi, statue at Ramtek ... ... 206 Malik Kafar, Moslem invader ... ... 243 mahat, intelligence ... 973, 379 and n; 383 n. Malik-Miris, Kohat tribe ... ... ... 174 Mahdvagga, a Buddhist work, 9 n., 12 n., 86, Malik Muhammad, and the Yoga system. 257 n. 88 ff. Maliks, margeha, feudal chiefs ... ... 190 Mahapania, the, and Gajabahu I. 233; 235 n; Maliyapandi, grant and Vijayaditya III., 352, 240 n. ; 241 ; and the Ceylonese Chronicles, 349 1. 353 and n. Mahavira, a Kabattriya, 251; founder of Malkbed, home of the Rashtrakutas, 352 Jainism ... ... ... ... 33 f.; 354 n. MahAyana, later Buddhist sect, 3 n.; sed Mallabars, the Natives of the Maldives ... 214 Sanskrit, 29; origin of 179 1. Mallai, the modern Mahabalipuram, a PalMahayanikas, a Buddhist sect... .. 13 lava cap. ... ... ... ... 171 and n. Mahendravarman, k, surnames of ... 178 173 Mallom, in Nellore, Subrahmanya Temple in, Mahesvarapura, tn. ... ... ... ... 131 352; inscrip. from ... .. ... ... 354 Mahipala or Herambapala, Kshitipala, 9. v. 138 t. | Malloi, an Indian tribe... . *** . 25 Mnhisarakas, a Buddhist sect, 1 n.; 2 n., 4 Malta isl. ... ... .. . ... 165 and n.; 5, 6 n., 9, 11 n.; 81 n. MAludayan, a surname of Nandi ... ... 172 Mahishasura-mardint, or Ekadasi, temples at MAlva ... ... ... . 248 n. Ramtek ... ... ... ... 203 and n., 205 mAlw&, and Castana, 60; under Rudradaman, MAbishmatt, city, and the Kona chiefs 855 n. 61 ; conquest of, 73; 114; Satraps of, 248; Mahiyar, Maihar, N. of Jabalpur, Chandal Western, Fomine Song from ... 829 4. fort ... ... .. ... ... 182; 136 Man, Jhansl Dist., inscrip, from .. .. 120

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INDEX. 411 Manabharan, a gurname of Nandi .... ... 172 Manacci, and Akbar legends ... .. MAnabbarana, enemy of Gajab&h ... ... 240 Manusamhita, Brahman Sk. work, mentions Manadan, a surname of Nedumaran... ... 195| the people of Nisibis... ... ... .. 79 manas - buddhi, 261 and n; or manasa, 373 Maran, a surname of k. Nedumiran ... ... 195 and n.; mind, eleventh organ of sense, Maran, alias of Arikesarin Paraukusa ... 197 377 and n.; 379 n.; 381 ff.; 386 n. Maran Sadaiyan, or Jatils ... ... ... 197 Manasses, and the Prophet Isaiah ... ... 156 M&caujadaiyan, alias of Parantaka ... ... 197 Manaygan, father of Kannahi Marars, Kuruppus, subdivision of the Amba. Manbhao temple in Ramtek ... ... ... 203 lavazis ... ... . ... .. 338 Mandaragaurava, alias of Rajasimba II. ... 197 Maratha, arsenal at Ramtek, 203; Empire ... 243 Mandasor (Dasapura) Pillars ... ... 107 ff. M&ravarman k, Arikesarin ... ... ... 197 Mandi State, Chronicle of ... ... ... 75 Marcus Aurelius, emp. of Rome, 62; eastern Mangadu, Alawayi, Alawayi, Alangeda, in campaigns of ... ... ... ... ... 74 Travancore ... ... ... ... 232, 236 Margesa, Margapati, or Malik, a feudal chief, Mungala, Mangiraja, the Nolamba k. and 190 ff. Vijayaditya III, ... ... 552 and n. Marichi, a Rishi. ... ... 378 n.; 379 Mangalisa, a Chalukya ... ... ... 53 Mark, St., house of ... ... ... ... 157 Mangalur, vil. in the Vengorashtra co. Mark Antony's Parthian expeditions ... 70 corperplate inscrip.at ... ...283; 284 n. Marokkattu Nappasalaigar, a Tamil poet ... 231 Mangarh, in Nellore territory ... 299 and n.; 300 Marph& Chandel fort in Banda Dist., 132; Mangi.Yuvaraja, E. Chalukya k. ..... 351 136 and n. mangnar, village headman ... ... ... 77 Marpidugu, a surname of Dantivarman ... 173 inangni, demand for tribute ... ... ... 77 | Marriage, and the Zarathushtrian creed ..358 Mangudi Marudalar, author of the Madu- Marshall, Mr., Director-General of Archwo raikkanji ... ... ... ... 237 f. logy, and the Sarnath excavations... 277 f. Manigul. Satrap of Taxila ... ... 54, 70 Martha, house of ... ... ... 157 n. ; 158 Manikalakunda, tank at Ramtek ... 205 and n. marumakkathayam, matriarchal law of inheriManimekhalai, The Jewel Belt, a poem by tance ... ... ... ... ... 334, ff. Madurai Kala vanigan Sattan . 280; 232 Marwari Git or Garba, a form of poetic Manikyala, inscrip., date of, 30 and n.; 31; composition ... ... ... ... ... 329 Tope, coins found in, 41 f.; 46 f.; 55; and Mary, Virgin, sepulchre of. 159 and n.; 157; 159 Kaniska's dates ... ... 57 n.; 59; 67; 73 Mary Magdalene, house of ... ... ... 157 Manimegalai, a Tamil work, and the Saka Mary and Murtha, the ship ... ... ... 167 era ... ... ... ... ... ... 312 Mesattuvan, father of Kovalan ... ... 231 Manimekbala, possessor of a begging bowl of maslat, intrigue against the state ... 75 . great virtue ... .. ... ... ... 240 Masulipatam and Wm. Jearsey, 213; 215; Munisudaka, a Buddhist monk, the double of aud Amb. Salisbury, 216 ff. ; 263 4.; 281; Yasas ... ... ... ... ... 98 f., 102 284 ff.; 310 ff.; plate inscrip. of VijayaManiya Deo, (? Devi) goddess ... 136, f. ditya III. ... ... ... ... ... 353 Maniyagapli, in the Chhetarpur State, tradi- Mathanadeva's Rajor inscrip. ... ... 144 n. tional cradle of the Chandela 132 and n.; Mathri, tn. in Gujrat, ruled by the Haklas... 209 135 ff. Matbura, inscrips, 29 ff. ; 38 ff.; 44; Jaina Manikiala, inscrip. ... ... ... ... 75 image inscrip. of Kumara Gupta I., 46; Manma gaude gopala, a chief, at Vikramasin Lion Capital, 49 ff.; 59 ff.; 63; 65; bapura ... ... ... ... ... ... 957 Satraps of, 70 ff.; plundered by Mahmud Manneru, riv. S. boundary of Vengi... ... of Ghazni, 142; inscrips., 179; 245, fl.; Magodayan, a surname of Nandi ... ... 172 sculptures ... ... ... ... ... 372 Manolpads, the Nampidi women ... ... 334 Matsyas, of the S. Pacijab ... ... ... 252 Mansehra inscrip. ... ... ... ... 20 Mau inscrip. ... ... ... ... 144 Maatharam Seral Irumporai, Chera k., and Maudha, in Hamirpur Dist., a Chandel fort the poet Kapilar ... ... ... 231; 237 132; 136 Manu, on the Nicchibis ... ... ... 79 Maues, Sok prince, 27; or Moas, 51; or Moga, Manu Svarochisha ... ... ... ... 384 56; 71 Manu Svayambhuva or Hiranyagarbha, Maundrell's A Journey from Aleppo to Jeruancestor of the K:hattriyas, 251; 255 n.; salem, 156 n.; 157 n.; 158 n.; 159 n.; 160 375; 379 n.; 161 n.

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412 INDEX *** *** ** 349 ... Maurya, kings, and the Greeks in India, 25; Minayefl, L P., and the Buddhist Canone, era, 40 and n.; 41; 63; 67; Empire dis 1 and n.; 4 n.; 7 and n.; 8, ff.; 17, 18 and membered 69, inscrip, 72; era, date of, n. ; 81 n.; 87 ff.; 92 n.; 93 and.n.; 95, 97 ff. 342 4., 315, 850 Ming.ti, emp. of China .. ... ..... ... 72 Mauryan rail from Sarnath ... ... ... .179 | Mir 'Abdullah BAkir, or Mier Abdula Bakeir. Mauryas and Andhras ... ... 281 and n. 18%, ff. Mau Sahaniye, cap. of a Paribar kingdom, Mirbahr e chief of the Customs ... 288 n. 138 and n. Mir Mirshahr, Mierneir Sier = governor of mauta or mahta, an officer ... ... ... 77 the city . ... ... ... 288 and n. Mavenko, a Chera, contemporary of Urga Mirza Jamil Bag of Delhi, in Paljab legend. 149 Peruvaludhi ... ... ... ... ... 229 Mirzapur, formerly part of Bundelkhand ... 130 MAvilangai, of Eruminattu Nilliyakkon ... 239 Misdoes, Misdeas, Mazdai...... .... 47 t. Mawar, Moi, a bill tribe, Jats ... 78 and n. migl, militia regiments ... ... ... Max Muller and the Nirvana of Buddha, 342; Mithilas, and Yakovarman ... ... ... 140 on Chandragupta, 844 PS.; on the Brahma. Mithridates the Great, of Parthia ... c9 giri inscrip., 346; and the Ceylonese Chro Mithridates II., k. ... .. . ... 70 nicle ... Mitra's (Rajandra Lala) translation of the . *** *** * mayd, illusion ... ... * Yoga-sutras ... .. ... . ... 256 May Pandya, k., conquered Srimara ... 197 nitya-mukta = the saved ... ... 261 n. Mayidavolu plate inscripe of Sivas kanda- Mleochas, defiled or non-Hinda people, 181;. * Varman... ... .. .. ... .282 a general of whom, helped Chandragupta. 814 Mayilai, MailAppar, modern Mailapur, Pal.. Moas, Maues ... ... ... ... 42; 35; 71 lava cap. ... ... ... ... ... 171 Moga k., Maues ....... 55 . ; 71; 247 and n. Mazda, the Omniscient ... ... 358-360 Mnggaliputta, Tissa a Buddhist monk ... 13 Mazdai, Misdeos, k., and Gondophernes, 47; Mohan Bari, vil, in Rohtak, Palljab, legende and St. Thomas ... ... ... 48; 62 of ... .. .. .. .. ... ... .. 110 mazendar, mahsuldar ... ... ... 296; 298 Mohipur, in Sirmar ... ... 802 and n., 308 MoOrindle's Ancient India as desoribed by Mohiye ki Har, or Bar, Chronicle of Raja Ptolemy, and other works, 78 n.; Invasion Mobi Parkhah, ruler of Nahan (Sirmar) of India by Alexander the Great . 344 n. State, by H. A. Rose ... ... 299 mchod-rten, in Gilgit ... ... ... ... 182 Mohun, R., E. I. Oo.'s chief at Masulipatam. Mecca, Mekay ... ... ... ... 162; 164 226; 263 ff. ; 285 ff.; 309, t. Medes, overthrown by Persiana ... ... 341 mos or mardi, q.. ... ... ... ... 78 Nedlycott's India and Apostle Thomas 48 n. mokahawabsorption ... ... 373 f.; 886 and 7. Megasthenos, mentioned the Andhras ... 281 Mokshadharma Parvan, the, and the Samk. . Meghaddta, a work by Kalidasa ... 202 and n. hya-Yoga ... ... ... 262; 873 ff. Menander, "Conqueror" of India, 27; 54; moldarr, mahaldar, q. . .. .. ... 287 coins of, 58, date ... ... ... 69; 179 Molock, temple of .. ... i ... 156 MenmAtura, in the Telugu 00, Sk. charter Molloy, Mr. E., and the Haklas ... ... 210 issued from . .. .. ... 283, 284 n. Molo Nnovo in Genoa ... ... 170 ... moraya, maireya, a drink .. 91 and n. 45 Molo Vecchio, in Genoa ... ... .. 169 Meridionals, Buddhist monks... ... 87 n. Mongols ... ... ... ... ... ... 187 Meru, mt.... ... ... ... 374 ; 378 monotheism, in the BhAzavata creed, 259; in Mesopotamia, conquered by Trajan, 78; I modern Hinduism ... ... ... 162 and 1. Jacob in ... ... ..159 Mo Montefiascone, Monte Friscone, in Italy, and Messina, Messena ... ... ... 167 and n. R Bell . ... ... ... ... ... 169 Metchlipatam, E. I. Co.'s factory at, 214 ff.; Moores, Muhammadans, and Amb. Salisbury, 218 ff.; 263 ff.; 286 . ; 293, 296, 297 f.; 221 t.; 272; 294, 297 f., 323 309; 311 f.; 314 ff. Mora, near Mathura, inscrip. from .... ... 55 Man, title of a ruling chief's brother ... 77 morees, murf ... ... ... ... 819 ... Miaus, Hiaus ... ... ... .. 41 Morris, Capt., and R. Bell ... ... ... 162 Midleton, Middleton, Capt., and R. Bell, 169; 214 Moslem invasions under Malik Kefur ... 243 Mihirakula, king of the Hanas. 107; 138; 181 Motopalle, Mottepalle, 283; or Mountapallee. 315 Milinda, Yavana k. ... ... 13, 14 and n., 16 Moulds, of Mosaina and Genoa ... 167; 160 ; 170 Miller, Mr., of Pettepolee ... ... ... 272 Mountain of Offence ... ... ... 158 n. Mimamaa system, 256; and transmigration 260 f. Mount Banj inscrip. ... 31; 47 and n.; 62; 66; 74

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INDEX. 413 mrigadava the deer park, Benares ... 277 Mitang MahAddo, temple at Khajura ho ... ... ... ... ... 133 and D. Muchai, in Yazufzai, inscrip. ... 46; 64; 68 Mudathima Kungiyar, Tamil poet, and k. Kariklia ... ... ... ... 233 f.; 238 Mudathirumaran, Pandya k., patron of the Brd Sangam ... .. Mudra Rakshasa, a drama, mention Chandra gupta . ... .. ... ... 344 and n. Mughal Court, three legends from ... 149 f. Muglials, at Panipat, 32; and the Faujdarl of Bangash, 174; in Afghanistan ... .. 211 Mubammad, the Prophet ... ... ... 311 Muhammad of Ghor and the Hukla ... 209 Muhammad Amin, or Mahmud Mynns, and Amb. Salisbury .. ... .. 310-312 Muhammad Dkt Shikoh and Kabul ... 174 Muhammad Khan, minister of Hasan Khan. 190 Muhammad Kban, Mahmud Cawne... ... 275 Muhammadan advance against the Rajpats 139; 141; Chronicles of Kashmir, and W. Tibetan history, 192; invaders of Sarnath, 278; places of Worship, 280; inva sion of 8. Indis ... ... ... 357 and n. Mubummadanism among the Haklas ...209 4. Muhammadans, captured Mandasor, 109 1.; in Kalamjar, 134 t.; and Jejakabhukti, 140 f.; 143, f. ; 221 Muizz-ud-din, ShihAb-ud-din, or Ghort .. 145 mukta = the saved ... ... ... , Muktisvara temple, in Kaveripp&kkam, inscrip. from ... ... ... ... .. Mulbe, in W. Tibet, Rock inscrip. of ... Muliasar inaorip., of Rudrasena .... ... 74 mullai, the oreeper .. Mu]]dr, hill ... ... ... ... 231 Multan, Muhammadan invasion of ... ... 141 Mulun Deo Raja, dedicated a temple... ... 144 Mundai-nada, Mundarashtra ... ... 983 and n, Muppidi Nayaka, Muppidindra, Kakatiya general, captured Conjeeveram ... ... 357 Murad, tho dhotain, son of Shah Jahan ... 154 miri, Morees, blue cloth, E. I. Oo.'s trade in, 319 Masalmane, and Hindus in the Panjab, 139; 141 f.; 145 Mnsikanus, ruler of a kingdom in Sindh... 25 Mathathu, Aka Puduval, q. v. ... ... 338 Mu-tao-tra-he-si, a Persian sage ... ... 80 Mysore ... ... ... .. .. 229; 240; 243 * .. 171 ; 173 Nalor, in Melintan ** Nagadeva, alius of Vinayakadeva ... 357 n. Nagalwancha, Neglawanch in Goloondah, Dutch factory at ... ... ... 230 2. Nagardhan, near Ramtek, tanks at ... ... 205 Nagarjuna, cave at Ramtek, 204; and the Madhyamik philosophy .. .. 208 ff. Nagas and Nagarjuna ... ... . .. 207 Naga Sahasrika, a religious work ... ... 207 Nagasena, a Buddhist monk ... ... 14, 16 f. Nazojibhasta's Paribhishendusekhara, Kiel horn's edition ... ... ... ... 113 Naban, Sirmur ... ... ... ... 299 ff. Nabapana, a Khak harata, inscrip. of and the Saka era 43; 53, Batrap 63, 70 Saka k., ruled in Maharashtra ... ... 242 n. Nakkirar, commentator on the Iraiyanar agapporul ... ... ... ... 194f. Nalajanampadu, in Kanigiri taluk, archaio inscrip. from ... ... .. ... 352 n. Nalam-kuli, besieged Amar Uraiyar ... 236 f. Nalendra, monastery at Magudha, and Nagarjuna ... ... ... ... ... 207 Nallakandapalem, Nallacundepallee?, salt petre from ... ... ... ... ... 292 Napara, at Karaikkal in Tanjore, scene of battle ... . ... . 171; 178 Nallur, in Malain&du ... ... ... 237; 243 Nallur Nattattanar, author of the Sirupa. ndrrupadai ... ... ... ... 229 PS.; 238 nambiti, nobuttee, a trusty messenger .. 286 Nambiyars, various subdivisions of the Antarallas of Malabar ... ... 335 ff. Nambodris, subdivision of the Antarallas of Malabar ... ... .. ... 334. ff. Nimpidis, sub-group of the Antarellas of Malabar ... ... ... ... 384 f, Nam-rgyal, dyn. of Ladakh ... ... ... 191 Nana, Chandella minister ... ... 125 Nanak, reformer ... ... ... ... 341 Nanda, k.... ... ... . .. 81 n. Nanda, Ganda, Ohandel k. .. 128; 142 and n. Nanda, dyn., 179; overthrown by Chandra gupta ... ... ... .. ... 343, f. Nandalar, Cuddapah Dist., Pandya inscrip. at .. .. .. .. ... 357 n. Nandi, Pallava k., in whose honour the Nandi-kkalambagam was written ... 170, ff. Nandi-kkalambagam, a Tamil work ... 170 ff. Nandinigrama, grant of ... ... ... 121 Nandippottarasar, Pallava k, inscrip. of, 172 f. ; 352 Nandivarman-Pallavamalla, k., and the Nandi of the Nandi-kkalambagam, 172; date of, 197; 283 n.; 284 n.; 352 Nangiars, NAmbiyar women ... ... ... 393 172 187 Malabar .. . Antarellas of ... 230 Nachchinarkkiniyar, a commentator on the Tolkappiyam ... ... ... ... 193; 235 Naga, princess, and Killi the Chola, 234 1.; 239; 240; later dyna ty in S. Nellore ... 352 n.

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414 INDEX 79 ... 79 ** 136 ... 238 Nang Nibir, Jaldiabad, ravaged by Sabuk- Neminath, image of, at Mahoba tigin ... ... .. ... ... .. 139 Nendungali, a Samanthar easte Nannayabhatta, translated the Mahabharata Nepal and the Gupta era, 53 ; und Licebavis. 79 into Telugu .. .. .. .. 201 n. Neri, in Chindd Dist, mediwval insevip at . $33 Nannuka, Chandella prince, 116 f, genealogy Neriv&yil, near Uraiyar, scene of a victory of, 126 f.; called Naniks. ... ... ... 128 by Senguctuvan Sara ... 234 ; 286 and n.; 237. Naunul, a Tamil grammar ... ... 199 f.Nero, emp. of Rome, 72, his palace ... ... 169 Nan-teou-mi, a Wu-sun chicf, slain... 26; 69 Nerva, emp. of Rome ... ... ... ... 78 Nanyatra, Hamirpur Dist, inscrip from ... 117 Nestorian Christianity and the Bhakti creed, Nara, brother of Narayana ... ... 374 ; 381 259 and n. Narada, a seer, and Blagavat... ... 23 m.; 25New ? Diu .. ... .. .. 309 Narada, . -. 373 f. ; 376; 378 and n.; 382 ft.newds, images in memory of Brahmans ... 78 Narodiya bhaktisastra, a work lvy Narada ... 25+ Niccbibi, Nisibis Narasimha, figare at Kalasjar, 119; at Ram Nicholls, Mr., and the dami Masjid ... ... 192 tak. 203: incarbation... ... ... ... 205 Niclaes, Mr., E, I Co.'s servant, 218 ff.: Narasimha, k. of Mysore ... ... ... 240 death of ... ... ... ... 294; 226 Narasimhavarman, a Patlara k, destroyed Nicodemus, sepulchre of ... ... ... 159 ... ... ... 243 Nicot, M. Jean, and the Nicotiana gentis ... 210 Narayana, temple at Ramtek, 203, 253, 259; Nigliva Pillar inscrip. ... ... . 350 n. or Purusha the male... ... 373 ff ; 381 ff. Niksabhi, or Hitvani mrried Sarya the Narayaniya and the Bhagavatas, by G. A. sun god ... .. .. Grierson ... ... 251--262; 373-386 Nilakantha, commentator ... 380 n. Narkirar, author of the Nedunalvadhi. 2371 Nilakantha, image, at kalafijar, 118, tetnple, Narvar, Narwar Padmavati ... ... ... 117 119, lingam .. ... Karwarkot, in Gujrat, ruled by the Haklas... 209 Nilaktsitteruttu, a Tamil work Nasik, inscrips., 43 n.; 63 and 1.; 248 n.; Nilkantb, inscrip. ... ... .. ... 129 281; 282 Nimbaditya, modem Bhigavata relorther ... 254 Nair Nasir, an officer tinder Hasan Khan, 190 f. nirfonara tatheistic ... ... ... ... 256 Natthaka, possibly a minister under Hasan Nirvana of Budahn, 2 n.; 8 n.; 15EUR; 21; Khan ... ... ... ... ... ... 190 commenced an era ... 342; 345; 347; 349 f. Nattupattans or Pattarmnis, sub-division Nisibis, Nysa, Nissi, tn. in Aria, possibly of the Anulemaja Ambalarasis .. 334, 336 f. the modern Nissi, original home of the Nauroz, son of Ahmad Malik ... --. 190 Licebavis ... ... ... ... 78-80 Navaru, vil. in Nellore Dist., Tamil inscrip. nivritti, inaction .. .. 373, 379; 383 from ... ... ... ... ... ... 200 Nizampatam or Peddapalle ... .. ... 214 Nayagion, Kot ... ... ... ... ... 111 Nizam-nd-din ... ... ... ... 142 D. nayak, nanges, a chief ... ... ... ... 298 Nobattee, nambiti, q.. .. .. Nayars, a caste ... ... ... ... 838 ff. Nolambadhirija, k., called Maitgala... 35. n. Nazareth ... ... ... ... ... ... 160 | Notes on Ancient Administrative Terms and Neilumaran, Pandya k., hero of the Kuoui, Titles in the Panjab. by H. A. Robe. conhis surnames, 195; battles won by him, cluded from Vol. XXXVI, p. 351 ... 75 ff 196: his titles, 197; dato ... ... 198 and n. Nripatungavarman, Chon k, inserips, of 172 f. Xelum Cheliyan, Pandya k., in the Epic of Noisinba, man-lion, R. ... ... ... ... 205 the Anklet ... ... ... .. 236 f. Narpar, fort in Kingri ... ... 149 f. Neduneralidhan, k... ... ... ... 236 Nya thi-tsan-po, first k. of Tibet ... 79, f. Neilumulikkili, Killi, Chola k., 233 f.; 236 Nyima-mgon, first W. Tibetan k., conquered 239,353 n. Zangskar ... ... .. ... ... 332 Neiunalidai, a poem by Sarkirr ... ... 237 Nysaioi, the inhabitants of Nysa or Nisibis. 78 wy, commandants of the Kulla militia ... 76 Nglawanch, Nayolwancha ... ... ... 320 Nehemiali, Prophet, well of ... ... ... 156 Nellore District, Ancient History of, q. v, 197 O'Brien's Multani Glossary ... ... ... 300 ff. ; 281 ff.; 351 ff. Occidentals, Buddhist monks... .. 82 ff. Nelthorp, Mr., E. I. Co.'s servant ... ... 226 Ohind, inscrip, 46; or Waibund, Udabhan. Nelveli, battle fought by Arikesarin Parin- lapura, cap. of the Hindu Shahiya kings kus ... ... ... ... ... ... 197 of Kabul ... ... .. ...140 m.; 141

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Oldenberg, Prof., on the Buddhist Canouts, 1 and n.; 2 n; 6 ff; 13, 17 and n.; 13; and the Saka era, 27; on Kaniska, 33; 41; 50 and n.; 51; on the Second Buddhist Council, 81 n.; 86 ff.; 95, 96 and n.; 98 ff.; his Life of Buddha, 251; and the Nirvana of Baddha, 342 and n.; on the Brahmagiri inscrip.... ... ... ... Palazzo Borghese, palace of Prince Deburgueze in Rome Palestine, travels of R. Bell and John Campbell in 156 ff. Pallava, dynasty, ruled Tondainadu, 171; 173; 200 and n.; 201 n.; conquered by Srimara, 197; in S. India, 239; rise of, 243; called Pahlavas or Pahnavas, 282 and n.; of the Sanskrit charters, 283, 281 and n.; expansion in the Tamil co....351, 352; 351 Pallavaditya, title of k. Paramarahesvara, 352 n. Palnis, hills ... Clearius, mentioned the hubble-bubble Ongole Taluka, Nellore Dist., inscrips. from, 199 n.; 357 n. Ooemo-Kadphises, or Kima Kadphises Oram Zeab, Aurangzeb 242 f. 76-78 *** Orangal, home of the Kikatiyas O'ri, a chicf 33 296 356 243 n. 83, 84, 87 n. 148 2 and n. 372 62 palsrd, headman of a pargana Pancasatikakkhandaka, or Chapter of the Five Hundred, eleventh chapter of the Cullavagga, summary of... Panchalas, a people in the Mahabharata war, 251 f. Panchao Chinese general, defeated the Yuechi, 57 ff.; and the Kushans, 72; death of 73 ... 148 Pancharatras, a Bhagavata sect, 253 and n.; 259 n.; doctrines, 262; or Satvata rule, 375 and n.; 378; 335 Panchasikha, doctrine of existence after death 373 f. Pandalas, a Samanthar subdivision 338 Pandaranga (and Pandarangu), Eastern Chalukya general, under Vijayaditya 111., 353 and n. Pandarangam, temple at Pantrangam in Gadar Taluk, Nellore 353 n. Pandavas, marriage of, 252; 251; and the Andhras 72 219 32 ... ... 231 *** Pandit Tika Ram Joshi, on terms used in 77 and n; 78 208 n. ... 32 the Hill States Panduvamsi, Kshatriya caste... Paidya, history, and Prof. Kielhorn, 113; kings and Nandi, 171 f.; genealogy, 197; rulers and the 3rd Sangam, 228 f.; tribe, 232; defeated by Karikala, 233; 236; influence, 242; dynasty and the Gangas, 243; and the Pallavas, 284 n. and Asoka, 342; in Nellore, 354; 355 and n.; and the Kakatiyas 357 and n. Panini, mentioned Bhakti, 253 and n. ; 259; 276 Panipat, battle of Panjab, a Greek satrapy, 25; and the Yue-chi, 26; and the use of the Malava-Vikrama era, 48; Scythian coins from, 54; and WemaKadphises, 56; part of Vasudeva's kingdom, 60-6; 69 ff.; Parthian conquest of, 74; Notes on Ancient Administrative Terms and Titles in, 75 ff.; populated by Brahmans, 79; Hindu States in 189, 140 an n.; 141; Legends from, 149 ff; 'Catches from Jhang District, 174 ff.; and Yarkand, trade between, 192; and the Haklas, 209; 252; and Alexander the Great ...433 f ... *** *** Orientals, Buddhist monks Oringal, see Orungalla... Orissa, and Chodaganga Orodes II., k. of Parthia Orungalla, Oringal, Warangal... Otho, emp. of Rome Oxinden, Sir Geo., and Amb. Salisbury Oxus, riv. and the Yus-chi Oxyartes, Satrap of Paropanisadia under Alexander the Great *** *** ... ... www ... Oxydrake, an Indian tribe in the south of the Panjab Oxykanus, Greek king, in Sindh ... ... ... ... INDEX. ... 229 117 ... packing trade, and the E. I. Co., 213; 264 ff.; 285, 288 ff.; 291; 314 ff. Pada, Scribe, of the Brahmagiri inscrip., 345, 317 Padirrupattu, a poem by Paranar Padmavati, Narvar or Narwar pagodas, pagothes, coins, 215 ff.; 226 f.; 263 ff; 285 f.; 230 ff.; 310, 312 f.; 315 f.; 319 ff.; 325 328 79 116 346 210 25 25 25 Pag-sam-jon-zang, a Tibetan work Pahila, Pahilla, donor of temple gifts Pahlavas, Pahnavas, for Pallavas... 282 and n. Palira, vil. near Mahoba, called Khajurah, 132 n.; 136 Paja inscrip.... 46; 6 f.; 68; 74 Pajan, lieutenant under Prithiraj ...145 Pakala, vil. in Nellore, Tamil inscrip. from... 200 Pakhtu, the Afghans Pakores, Parthian k., 27; titles of Palaiyaru, perhaps Palaiyagai, vil. in Tanjore ... 79 40 Dist., scene of a battle fought by Nandi, Palakadda, in the Telugu co. Sk. charters issued from... ... ... 283, 284 n. palan Persian, a camels pack 330 n. Palani, Kanet clan 300 and n.: 301 Palar, riv, S.-E. limit of Asoka's power... 281 n. Palasi, tn in the Panjab 299 and n. ... ... ... 415 ... 169

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416 Panjabi, Grammar and Dictionary of Western, Wilson's; and Jukes Panjabi and English Dictionary 360 ... Panjabi Lexicography, contributions to, by H. A. Rose ... 360 ff. panjauli, collector of supplies for the royal kitchen... Panjtar inscrip., 30; 31; 42, 44, 46; 47; 61; 68, 74 Pan-ku's history of the First Han Dynasty, 76 ... Panna, in Bundelkhand... Panniru-pattiyal, a Tamil work Pansala, Pancala, kingdom in India ... ... Pantaleon, Greek prince, coins of Pantrangam, vil., the ancient city of Ka kandi... ... ...353 n. 173 197 Parachakrarama, title of Vijayaditya III. 352 Paradesi, caste, and the Chakkiyars 335 f. Parajikas, the four ... 3 f. Parakramabahu, k., enemy of Gajabahu... 240 parama bhuta,-Supreme element ...377 and n. Paramamahesvara, k. mentioned in a Nalaja Papappidugu, a surname of Mahendravarman. Parachakrakolahala, Srimaca... 26; 32 ... 130 ... 170 and n. Pacheyya, ... ... ... ... ... ... nampadu inscrip. 352 Paramardi, Chandel k., his Semra plate inscrip., 120; 121 ff.; called Parmal and Parmar ... 126 ff.; 132 ff.; 145; 148 Parambu, hill 230; 237 Parambunadu, Parambanadu, demesne of Ve-Pari 230; 237; 248 Parameshthin 382 Paramesvarvarman I., Pallava k., conquered by Vikramaditya I. 351 Paranar, Tamil Poet 229 ff.; 237 Parankusan, a surname of k. Nedumaran, 195, 197 Parantaka, alias Maranjadaiyan or Viranarayana Pandya k. 197; 239 Parantaka., I., Choa k, inscrips. of, 351; temples... 355 Parantaka II., Chola k., fought against Vira Pandya ... 198 parasava, from which is variyan, son of a ... 337 80 ... ... ... ... *** Brahman and a Sudra woman Parasikas, or Persians, 42; and Raghu Parasu-Rama, g, and the Kshattriyas, *** 82 n. 26 INDEX. ... www 252; 336; 338 383 n. 76 Paratpara, Bhagavat ... parganas, natural tracts in Kulla Pari of Parambanadu and Parambu Hill, patron of Tamil literature, 230, 237 f.; 241 *** and n.; 243 Paribhashenduiekhara, Kielhorn's edition 113 Parihar, Pratihara, dynasty connected with the White Huns, and said to have preceded the Chandels ... 138 Parkash, title used by the Rajas of Sirmar, 302 n.; 303 ff. Parmal, Parmar, Paramardi, q. o., 120 ff.; 126 ff.; 182 ff.; 145; 148 Paro Dharmah, the supreme deity 373 Paropanisadai, a Greek satrapy, west of the ... ... Indus 25 Pathankot beseiged under Akbar 150 n.; 151 Parthia, lost to the Greeks, 25; invaded by k. Kieou-tsieou-kio, 26 f.; coins of, 48; and Seistan, 54; and Kaniska, 60; decay of, 61, 62 and n.; Scythian invasions cf, 69; and Rome, 70-74; and Sakastana *** 250 Parvati, Durga or Lakshmi, q. v., 147; figure in temple Pasupatas, Siva-worshippers, 255; philosophy ... 385 and n. ... 25 201 n. 333 ... of ... www Patalene, delta of the Indus Patalipuram, m. S. Arcot Pataliputra, scene of a Budhist council, 8 n.; 18; and Kaniska, 43; 57; 72; called Vihara Kusumapari, 81 n. ; and Chandragupta 344 Patanjali, his Mahabhashya, Prof. Kielhorn's edition, 113; on Krishna Vasudeva, 253 n.; and the Sarakhya-Yoga 255; 385 n. patch, a measure ... 264 and n.; 294; 296; 309 patha, an Indian measure 76 n. Patheyya, one of the four great divisions of India ... 82 and n. pathiyaru, tawildar, a receiver ... 75 pathmar, pattermarr, a courier ...264 Patika, satrap, his Taxila copper-plate inscrips. 27; 30 and n.; 55; 63; 71 Patika Kusulaka, satrap... ... 247 and n.; 250 Patimokkha, the, 14, 16; 85 f.; 88; 90, 91, 96-n. 99-101 Patnavars, a fishing caste (Poturaza Patnava), 317 and n. patra, vase 98 n.; 105 Pattarunnis, Nattupattans, a caste 334; 336 Pattinappalai, a Tamil work by Rudirangan nanar 233, 234 Pattini Devi, goddess (Kannabi), 232; 239 ff.; or Kaduval ... 241 Paula, St., sepulchre of... ... 159 and n. Paula Romana, or Paola, St., Abbess. 159 and n. Pauruchishti, daughter of Zarathushtra 358 Para, tn, in Bihar 2 ... Pavanandimuni, author of the Tamil Nannul ....... ... 200 Pawpa, for babu... 311; 313 Peddapalle, Nizapatam, E. I. Co.'s factory, 213 ff.; 263 f.; 267, 271, 275, 284, 288, 290, 318 f.; 322 ... www ** ... ...

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INDEX, 417 ... 281 Peeter, for seltpetre ... .. ...213; 311 . Piazza di Spagna, in Rome ... ... . .. 169 Pehan (Vaiyarikkon Perumbaban), a patron Pikira, vil, in Mundarashtra, copper-plate of Tamil literature ...' . 280 ; 237; 243 inscrip. in .. .. .. 283, 284 and n. Peithon, son of Agenor, satrap of Sindh Pillai, Mr. A. V., and Tamil literature 235 n. under Alexander the Great ... ... ... 25 Pillai, Damodaran, and the Tolkappiyun.po. Pennagadam, destroyed by Parantaka ... 197 ruladikaram .. ... ... ... 193 n. Pennar, (northern.) riv., limit of Asoka's Pilai, Mr. R. K., and The Tamils of 1800 power ... Years Ago, 193; 236 n. ; 237 n.; and the Pentecost ... ... ... ... ... 157 site of Tagadar ... ... . 229 n. Perar, riv... Pillai, the late Mr. S., and Tamil dates ... 241 Pericles ... ... ... ... ... ... 841 Pulai =pPerumal = ayyangar, Tamil poet. 170 Periplus ... ... ... 250 Pillayadiris, Unnithiri women in women .. . 333 Periyapuranam, a Tamil work... ... 201 n. Pilot, Pylot, palace of ... ... ... ... 157 Periyar, riv. ... .. ... ... 283; 236 Pirey, Muhammadan governor of Ghamnf ... 189 Persin, the Sassanian Empire in, 74; inter- I Pirthiraj Ohauhan, Prithvf Raja Chahu course with Tibet, 80; Travels of R. Bell mana, q.u. ... ... 122, 129, 133, 1.; 145 and J. Campbell in, 156 ft.; and the use Pisa, Peesa . .. ... ... ... 168 of tobacco, 210: E, I, Co.'s trade with ... 215 f. Piscash, peshkash, a present ... 294; 297 Persian Affinities of the Licohavis, by Prof. Pischel, Prof., on the Brahmagiri insorip., 8. Chandra Vidyabhusana, M. A. ... 78 t. 346; Index to Prakrit words occurring in Persian use of the word saka, 41 1. ; inscrip. his "Grammatik der Prakrit Sprachen" recording Humayun's visit to Sarnath - 278 Appendix ... ... ... ... 133-148 Persian Merchant, E. I. Co.'s ship ... ... 214 Pisharotio, subdivision of the Prathildmajt Persians, Parasikas, 40; 80; and Kandahar, Ambalav&si caste ... ... .. .. 337 174; overthrew the Medes ... ... .. 351 Pitakas, the Buddhist ... ... Perumbanappadi, the Bang eo. Pitaranmar, subdivision of the Anulomaja Porumbandsruppadai, a work, and the Ton Ambalav&i caste ... ... ... ... 357 damaa Ilandirayan .. .. .. .. 236 Pitthapura, seat of the Chalukyas ... ... 24 Perumkunsar Kijar, Tamil poet ... ... 230 Piyadasi, title of Asoka... ... ... ... 348 Perumabralidhan, Chera k., 230 n,; defeated, Plato, Bactrinn k., 26; and Seleucidan era, 234; overthrew Tagadur ... ... ... 238 40; 14; 89 Perundevaner, Tamil poet ... ... ... 172 Plutarch on Androcostus ... ... 343 L. Peruvirarkilli, Chola k... ... ... ... 231 Pocock's Travels in the East 156 n.; 157 n. ; Peshawar, Purushapura, 57; and Sabuktigin, 153 n.; 159 n. 140 and n. ; besieged by the Afghans, 174; Podili, in Nellore Dist., inscrips, from, 199 n.; and Kaniska's stupa, 180; the Shahjf-ki 201; 856, 357 n. Dhera at ... .. .. ... .. 372 Podiyil Hill, in the W. Ghats... ... ... 243 peshkash, piecasb, a present ... .. 294; 297 Pohutselina, k., patron of Avvaiy&r ... ... 229 Peter, St., prison of .. ... ... .. 157 Polekesin II ( Pulekesin), his embassy to Patlaru inscrip. ... .. ... ... 353 n. Pettipoleo, Peddapalle, 214 f.; 222, 224 .; Khusrau ... .. .. . 263 ft.; 285 ff.; 294 ft. ; 309 f. Po-lo-mo-lo-ki-li and Sriparvata ... ... 208 phati, subdivision of a kothi ... ... ... 76 Ponni, Kaveri, riv. ... ... ... ... 171 Philip, St., baptised the Eunuch ... ... 160 Pora Puduval, subdivision of the Puduval Philip, son of Machetas, satrap of the caste ... . .. ... ... ... ... 338 Panjab under Alexander the Great ... 25 Porto Ferrajo, fort ftarero, in Elba ... ... 167 Philip, W. R., and the Acts of St. Thomas ... 48 n. Porto Langore, port Langowne, in Elba ... 167 Philippi, battle of ... ... ... ... 70 Porto Novo, and the E. I. Co.... .. ... 315 phirmaund, furman, 218, 227, 298, 295 ft.; 311 t. | Portuguese introduced tobacco into India, phor-bu, drinking-cup ... ... ... ... 90 210; and the Dutch ... ... ... ... 241 Phraatacen, k. of Parthia ... ... ... 62 poru adigaram (Tamil) meaning of 193 PS. Phraates II, k. of Parthia, death of ... ... 69 Porunararruppadai, & work by Mudathams Phraates IV., k. of Parthia, death of... ... 71 Kanniyar, and k. Karikala ... ... 233 f. piadi, pyada, a peon ... . ... 77 and n. Porunhil Ilamgiranar, a Tamil poet, 231; or Piawan, valley, N. N. E. of Rawa, insorip. of Ilam Kiran&r ... ... . .. ... 237 Gang@yadova in .. .. .. 148 n. Porus, Indian k.... ... ... ... ... 25

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418 INDEX, a Prabodhachandradaya, a play by Krishna misra, mentions Kirtivarman's conquests... 143 Prachi or Magadha ... ... .. 843 Prachinagarbha, Apintaratamas ... ... 385 Pradhana, 261 ; or Prakriti, 377 ff.; 382 ard n. ; 883; and Purusha ... ... 386 n. Pradyumna, conditioned spirit, 261; 373 n.; = Sanatkamara, intelligence, 377 and n.; 379 n.; 381; 893 and n.; - Hari... 384 ; 388 n. Presians, of the Prachi or Magadha king Pragjyotisa, Assam ... ... .. . 80 Prajyabhatta's Rajatarangini, references to the Bhottas or Bhauttas in ... ... 191 1. Prakrit dialects in the Sarnath inscrips.... 278 Prakrit words oocarring in Pischel's "Grammatik der Prakrit Sprachen," appendix ... 133-148 Prakriti, 360 f.; 373 t.; or Pradhana, 377 and n., A.; 382 n.; 383 n. Pramandala (P) cave in Kashmir ... .... 183. prapatli-yoga .. ... .. .. .. 256 prasida, - grace ... ... 234, 230 and n. Prasenajit's conversion to Buddhism 100 n. Pratapa, a Chandella k.... ... .. 129; 144 Prataparudra, Kakatiya k., 200; captared Conjeeveram ... ... .. . 357 and n. Prataparudriya a work by Vidyanatha 200 Prathilmajas, subdivision of the Ambala ... ... ... ... 335; 337 Pratihara, Parihar, a Gurjara dynasty in Kanauj... . .. 138; 140 f.; 144 n. Pratimo kpa, a Budhist work, 16, 17 and n; 85 ff.; 95 f. ; 98 ff. Pravahana Jaivali, a Panchala Kshattriya .. 252 pravritti, action... ... 373; 378 f.; 382 f.; 385 Prayage, Allah&b&d, scene of Dhanga's death. 141 Prinsep and the earliest known Indian Alpha ... .. ... .. ... ... 3:5 Ppisnigarbla ... .. . 38) Prithivi, Prithvi, Raja of Chahamana, 132; conquered Jejabbukti, 129; 193 t.; occu pied Maboba ... ... ... . . 145 PrithivivyAghra, a Nisbade chief ... .... 352 Prithvivarman, Chandella k., 121; 126 f.; 129 f.; 144; 148 Priya dasa, commentator on the Bhabti-mala, 252 n. Proby, Mr. C., E.I. Co.'s servant ... ... 218 Ptolemy ... ... .... ... .. ... 179 Ptolemy Philadelphus, k. of Egypt, called Turazaye . 313 publications on Chandali. publications on Chandella History, by V. A. Sanith. ... ... ... ... ... 115 Puckle, Major, and Amb. Salisbury ... 319; 322 Puduval, subdivision of the Prathildmaja Ambalavasi casto ... ... ... 333 Puh&r, Kaverippumbattinam, home of Gopala. and Kaunahi, 231 f.; destruction of, 233 ff.; 239 f.; 212 puja, meaning of ... ... ... 2 48 f. Puilaha, a Rishi ... ... ... 375 n.; 379 Palam, perhaps the ancient Pulandus ... 193 Pulandai, Palam, scene of a battle fought by Nedumaran ... .. ... 196, 198 Pulastya, a Rishi... ... ... 375 n ; 379 Pulekesin (P Polekesin), 21; and the Pallavas. 351 Pulikadimal, Irungorel... ... ... ... 230 Pulimaya. Satakarni, k. ... ... 242 D. punnaga (kottleris tinctoria), plant ... ... 182 Punwar caste and the Hakla3 ... ... 209, f. Pappa, Obandella queen, wife of Yasovarman, 126, 128 Puppallis, a Pushpakan caste ... ... 335f. Parana, Parna, a Buddhist monk, 3 n. ; 5 and . n.; 6 and n.; 16, 17 and n.; 103 Purananuru, & collection of Tani works, 329 ; 234 n. ; 236, ff. Purinas, the, and invasions of India, 25; give Andhra names, 281; and the Pahlavaa, 282: 4mong the Chakkiyars, 385; and k. Maha Padma ... .. . ... ... ... 342 Parang, tn. .. ... ... ... ... 183 8Parangs, and the W. Tibetan kings... 332, f. Puri, temples at... ... ... ... ... 206 Parasha, and the Kshattriyas, 251 n.; the Male, 253, 255, 159; - Narayana 373, 375, 977, f. ; 382 it. Parusbadatta, k., iasorip. of ... ... 282 and n: Purushapura, modern Peshawar, probably Kanisks's cap.... ... . .. . 57 Parvaja, the first-bom ... ... ... ... 875 Pushkarint, tank at Ramte's ... ... .. 203 Pushpakan, subdivision of the Anulomaja Ambalavasi caste ... ... .... 335 ft. Pushpinis, Brahmanis, - Pushpakan women. 336 Pushyamitra the Sunga, dnte ... ... .. 69 Pushyaruddhi, a frinr, 52; inscrip. of .... 72 Pathuvarasyss - women of the Puduval caste ... ... ... ... ... ... 338 pyadi, piddui, a poon ... ... ... 77 and n. vasi caste ... *** Qandahar, and Soleukos Nikator ... ... 25 Quilandy, Tondi... ... ... ... ... 237 Quilon, cap. of Kerala ... ... .. 210 n. Quintus Curtius Rufus, on Nanda of Maga. dha ... ... ... ... ... ... 31+ Rachel's sepulchro ... Radcliffe, Peter, E. I. Co s servant ... Raghu's foreign conquests ... i

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INDEX. 419 Raghaji I., Bhonsla k. and the Ramtek tem- Ramapatam, Ramapatnam, tn. and Amb. ples .... .. . ... .. .. 203 Salisbury ... ... ... ... ... 290 Raghuvansa, a work by Kalidasa ... ... 80Ramayana, the, and Rama, 202; and the Rahs, tn... ... .. . ... 145 n. Ch&kkiy&rs ... ... ... ... ... 336 Rabila, Chandella k., ... 126-128, 132-135, 138 Rangarh Hill cave inscrip. of the Sirguja State ... ... . ... . ... .. .. Rahilavarman (Rahil Brihm) and Khajuraho, 134 39 Ramnagar (Ahichatra) inscrip. from... ... 38 Raibhya ... ... ... ... ... ... 386 Ram Raz, his book on Hindu architecture ... 280 Rainbow, E, I. Co.'s ship ... ... ... 266 Ran Talai, tank at Rantek ... ... 201 f. Rainchan Shah, Rilichana Bhautta ... Ramtek, in Nagpur Dist., a visit to, by Hira Raipur, in Chbattisgarh, probably cap. of Lal, B. A. ... ... ... ... 202 ff. Muba-kosala, inscrip. at ... .. .. 24 Ramtek Mahatmya, the, 203 n.; 20+; or Raivata ... . .. Sinddragiri " ... ... 20:5 n.; 206 Rajabahu, probably Gajuta ha... ... ... 240 Ranajit Simha of the Panjab ... ... ... 43 Raj"griba, scene of the first Baddhist Coun- Rapantakan, a surname of k. Nedumaran ... 195 cil ... 2,3,5,7; 17 And n ; 18, 106; 180; 342 Rangandyuka, temple at Nellore ... ... 357 Rajamartanda, possibly Rajamayya, E. Ch&- Ranipur-Jural; temple in the Pattana State 132 n. lukya k. .. ** ... .. * ** .. 353 and n. Ranodayan, a surname of k. Nedum&ran ... 195 Rajamayya, a hero ... ... ... 353 n. Rapson, E. J., his Indian Coins, 26 n. ; 28; Rajaraja I., Chok, and the Vengi co. ... 35 44 n.; 51; 54, 55 n.; and the Kshatrapas. 246 Rajaraja II., date of, etc. 355 and n.; 356 n. Rapur Taluka, Tamil inscrips, in, 200; and Rajaraja III., Choa k. ... ... ... 356 and n. ChoA records ... ... ... ... ... 350 Rdijaratnakari, the, and Gajabalu I. ... 240 and n. rasa, juice of fruit ... ... ... ... 95 Rajasekhara, poet ... ... ... 143 n. Rasan, a fort in Banda " . .. 114 Rajasimba I, Pandya k. ... ... ... 197 Rashboote, Rajputs ... ... 297; 311 ff. Rajasinha II, other dames of... ... ... 197 Rashtrakatas, and Chalukyas, 24; and Reijadrangini, the, and Kaniska 41 f.; 57 n.; Kadauj 138 ; of Malkbed, at war with the 60; of Kashmir, references to the Bhottas E. Chalukyar, 352 f.; and the Cholas, or Bhauttas in ... ... 181 ff. 354 and n. Rajavali, the, and k. Rajabaku ... 240 f. Ras Khanzir, Cape Porto, or Cape Hogg, Rajendra, k, ... .. 167 and n. Rajendra Cho a II., E. Chalukya k. ... ... 24 rasof kard, kitchen tax ... ... ... 76 Rajendra-Ohola III. ... ... .. rata, indecisive fight ... ... ... 75 n. Rajgarh, tn. on the Ken .... 132 n. Ratanpur, cap. of the Haibayas, Kalachuri Rajgir, inscribed red sandstone found at ... 49 inscrip. from ... ... 204 and n., 208 n, Rajor inscrip. of Mathanadeva ... 144 n. Ratha, and the Second Buddhist Council ... 342 Rajputana, under vayadima, 60; and Rudra- Ratnapura, inscrip. of Jajalladeva at. 118; 128 daman ... ... .. ... ... ... 61 Rattas, the, and Vijayaditya II. ... ... 352 Rajputs (Ksbattriyas), the Chandels, 131, Raverty, Major, on Gbazni, 139 p. 140 n; 137; or Rashboots ... ... ... 297; 312 and the Khokbars, 142 n; and the Chandels, Rajuka, word in the third Rock Edict. 19, 21 146 n.; list of works by him, 176 f.; his Rajula, or Rajavala, a satrap, 27; 50; 51 ft.; 61; 70 Notes on Afghanistan... ... ... ... 211 * Rajyapala, k. of Kanauj, slain, 128; 140 n.; Ravivarman, Kadamba k. and the Pallavas... 357 and Mahmud of Ghazn ... ... ... 142 Ravivarman, Kirala k.... ... ... ... 357 Rama, Rama Epbrata ... ... ... 159 f. Rawlinson, on the decay of Parthia, 61, 62 and n. Rana, g. temples at R&mtek ... 202 ff.; 378 Rayakotta, plate inscrips. .. ... ... 239 Ramachandra, Chaturbhuj or Lakshmanji, Reade, Ed., and Amb. Salisbury ... 217 f. 133; in Kashmir, 182 f.; incarnation 254; References to the Bhottas or Bhauttas in the 260 and n. Rajatarangini of Kashmir, by Pandit Daya Ramachandra, Haihayatainal k. ... ... 204 Ram Sabni and A. H. Francke ... 181 ft. Ramagiri (of Kalidasa's Meghadita), pro- Rehuta, Gurgi Masdan in Rewa, fort 137 n. bably Ramtek... ... ... ... ... 202 Religion of the Iranian Peoples, by the late Ramananda, propagated the teaching of O. P. Tiele (contd. from Vol. XXXV., Ramanuja ... ... ... ... ... 258 p. 203) 7.-The duties of the faithful 858 ft. RAmaanja on Brahma, 254 n.; on the Pafcha- Religion, must consecrate marriage in the ratra cult..... 258, 259 n.; 262; 341; 355 | Zarthustrian creed .. ... ... 358 ... . ... 292 ... 856

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429 INDEX. Remarks, some, on the excavations at Sar- Sabina, empress, wife of Hadrian, coins of, in nath, carried out in the year 1904-5, by the Abinposh Suipa ... ... ... ... 41 F.O. Oertel ... ... ... ... 277 ff. Sabuktigio, Amir, captured Ghazni, 139; and Rewa, visited by Sir A. Cunningham, 114; Jaipal ... ... ... ... 140 und n.; 141 inscrips. at .. ... .. 124; 129; 135 Sacrament, the Holy, its instiution ... ... 157 Revata, contemporary of Bhagavat 83 and n; Sa Iniyan, for Parantaka ... ... ... 197 8b and n.; 95, 96 and n.; 98, 103 Sagar in Bundelkhand, inscrip in, 130, 11.; 144 m Rice, Mr. B. L. discovered the Mysore Edicts S:thadevn, n Pandava, subdued the Andbrug... 281 of Asoka, 317; lis Epigraphia Carnatica, 352 n. Sahajati, city ... .. .. .. 83 Rijisva, a sago ... ... ... ... ... 78 Sabasram, rock edict 21-23 ; 345 and n. ; 346 Risichana Bbauton, Ladakhi k. of Kashmir, Sahi, k. of Kirs ... ... ... ... ... 116 history of. 182 ; onllod Rainchan Sbuh ... 192 Sahribahlol, medallions from ... ... ... 179 Rishabhadatta, Ushavadan, 43; 63; ruled Sahya, Satakarni territory ... ... 242 n. Mahabtra ... ... ... ... 212 n. Sa'id, Salten of Kashgar invaded Tibet ... 192 rishipatana = a dwelling-place of sages (for Saisunga dynasty ... ... ... ... 342 Benares) ... ... ... .. ... 277 Saiva, creed embraced by a Jaina, 201 n.; Rishis, the seven ... 32 . worship, and the Vaisbnavas ... 205 Ritadhaman ... ... ... ... ... ... 331 Saka, era, and Kaviska, and Kusban inscrips., Rock Edict of Asoka, the third ... 19 #f. 27; 30; 31; 33; 41-45, 47-51; 53, 55, 57; Rock Edicts of Asoka and the law of Piety, 59-61; 67, 68; 72; 75; 250; 342 313, 315; 348 Sukadvipa and Jambudvipa... ... ... 42 Rockbill, Mr. and the Buddhist rales, 90 Saka Muni, inscribed on a red sandstone ... 49 9.n.; 95 n.; 96 n.; 100 n. ; 101 n.; 105, f. Sakardarra inscrip. of the year 40 ... ... 73 Rodgers, Mr., and Chandel coins ... 147 f. Sakas in India before the Kushanns 50, 245. Rome, struggles in, 61; and Armenia, and and Gotainiputra ... ... ... ... 282 war with Parthin, 72, 74, 169; becomes a Sakastana, Sukastbana; 49; Begestan, and the Republic .. ... ... ... ... 311 Mathura lion pillar inscrip. ... ... 247-249 Roman, Consulor period, 98 B. O., coins of Saktas, Siva-worshippers ... ... ... 255 found in the Manikyala tope 41, conquest Sakya and Saka ... .. 63 and n. 81, 82, 97 of Egypt 71, of Nisibis ... ... 78 n. Salabat Khan Nawab, under Akbar ... 152 f. Rose, Mr. A. H. and the Khokkars and Salem Dist. ... ... 229 and n.; 237; 243 Gakkbars ... ... ....... 142 n. Salhs, a Bliksbu ... .. ... ... 85 rotteloe, rottilo, rostle, a weight, 161 and n.; 162 Saliva bana, or Saka era ... ... 51, 53 Roxana, daughter of Oxyartes, married by Salivabana, era maker ... ... Alexander ... ... ... ... 206 ... ... 25 racca = ruke, a letter ... ... Salivabanas, Satavahanas, the Andhrns, 288-288; 313 Rudhirodgarin, cyclic year ... .. 231 and .. ... 357 Sallaksbanapala I., "Chandel k. of Mahoba' Rudira agannanar, author of the Pattinappalai ... ... ... ... 148 n, .. 204; 208 Sallakshanararman, Chandella k., 126 t; Rudra, g. ... 241; 377; 379 and n.; 390, 381; 333 called Hallakabana, 129; 144; coins of ... 148 Rudradama, Starap 43; 56; becomes MabaKebatrapa .. ... ... .... Sallampores, Chintz, E. I. Co.'s trade in.. 73 f. Rudradenan, Satrap ... 60, 61, 63; 180 n.; 372 319 it. Rudrada nan, Kshatrapa k., and the Pablavas, Salisbury, Ambrose, 17th Century Worthy, 282; 372 by Lavinia M. A. Anstey, 213 #r.; 263 ff.; Rudramba, Rndradeva-mabarkja, Kakatiyak. 357 284 1.; 309 f. Rudra-sayman, an incarnation of the god Salisburie, Salisberry, Ambrose, of RavenKumara, story of ... ... ... ... 194 stone in Leicester and Derby; Hugh; Rudrasena, a Satrap, Muliasar inscrip. of, 74, 180 n. Samuel, E. I. Co.'s Steward, at Surat, Rudrasiraba ... ... ... ... ... 74 possibly relations of Amb. Salisbury ... 213 Rummindei Pillar, set up .. 350 n. Salisbury, Anna, niece of Amb. Salisbury, 213; 323 rund, a rebel ... ... ... ... 75 n. Rupnath, inscrip. ... Salisbury, Susanna, mother, and niece, of 21--23; 315 1. Amb. Salisbury ... .... 213, 325, 326 Sa'adat Khan, Moghul governor ... ... 61 saltpeeter, peeter, E.I. Co.'s trade in ... 213 : Salbakainin, Buddhist monk, 84 f. ; 95, 216 ff.; 225 1.; 263; 288 ff. ; 309 f. 98 and n. Samani, dyn., of Persia . .. ... ... 139

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INDEX. 421 78 n. ... 74 ... Sumantaktam, Samanelli and other varia- Sangamanga, Sankaramangai, near Con tions, Adam's Peak ... .. ... 235 n. 1 jeevaram, battle of Arik@sarin Parankusal Samant Deva, Raja, coins of ... ... .. 110 against Nandivarman ... .. 197 . Samanthas, Samanthars, sub-group of the Sangbabhadra, and the Dotted Record' . Antarallas of Malabar ... ... 334, 338 attached to the Vinaya Pitaka ... ... 349 Samarjit, a Chandel k.... ... ... 185; 145 Sangbad&ma, Sutrap of W. India ... ... 74 Semarkand and Bokhara, ancient Sogdiana, Sanghamitra, Sargamitra, son of Ananda, 65 San Gianbattista, St. John the Baptist, sambantham, irregular marriage, among the quarter of Genoa ... ... ... ... 169 Antarallas ... .. .. 334, 336, 338 San Giorgio, St. George, a quarter of Genoa.. 109 sambhdrasamyutta substance capable of Sankara ... ... ... ... ... ... 341 fermenting ... ... ... ... ... 95 Sankaramangai, Sangamanga... ... 197 f. Bambrooke, Jeremy, and Amb. Salisbury, Sankhapada, son of Svarochisha ... ... 385 219; 325-327 Sankhya doctrines of Kapila ... ... ... 341 Sambuka, a Sudra saint, 202; known as Sankila ... ... ... ... ... ... 352 Dhamraksha, Dhumr svara... ... ... 205 San Lorenzo, St. Lawrence, a quarter of Sambus, k., in Sindh ... ... ... ... 25 Genoa ... ... ... ... ... ... 169 Samgamitra, Sanghamitra ... ... ... 65 Sanskrit, in Buddhist inscripe., 29; use of sangha, council of bhikshus ... 3 and n. ; 4, 6 Saka, 42; waning in India, 112; and the and n., 7 and n.; 1l and n.; 15 and n.; 17, 85, Ramtok inscrips., 204; poetry 212; works 86; 89 and D. ; 90; 219 on arohitecture, 280 and n.; charters, and sannghadinesas, thirteen priestly offences ... 4 the Pallava kinge ... ... ... 283 and n. Saminatha Iyer, Pandit, and Tamil litera- santhi, sanad, a deed of grant ... ... 75 tare ... ... 229 n. ; 230; 234 n.; 236 n. Santinatha, image of, at RAmtek .. ... 204 Sankara ... ... ... ... ... 375 n. Sapor I., k. of Persia, coins of, 62; defeated Sarkaracharys, and Brahma, 254 n.; and the Valerian .. ... Brahmaist Pantheism, and the Vedanta Sapor II., k. of Persia ... ... .. ... 74 philisophy ... ... ... 258; 262 n. Saptarsi era, date ... ... sakarshana, conditioned spirit, 261; or Sesha, Saptarsitila, or mound of the Seven Rishis the living soul, 877 and n. ; 379 n.; 381; 383; near the site of the Mathura Lion Capital... 215 384; 386 n. Sapt Rishi Kal, the Laukika era ... ... 2EUR Sarka888, 0. .. . ... .. ... .. ... 88 . 161 n. 5 para 'Idhahar, asgarah, 164; see Assera. Sarkhatirtha or Suklatirtha, tank at Ramtek, 205 Sarasvati, riv. ... ... ... ... ..251 Samkhya philosophy, founded, 251; 258, Sarasvati cr Strada Devi goddess, temple at teaching of, 256 ft.; 373 4.; 377 n.; $78 L.; Mahiyar ... ... .. 186 381 n.; 984-386 Sarnath inscrip., 22; 39; 40; 49; 52; 55, 56; 60 8&mkhya-yogins, a sect ... yoyogins, & sect ... 382 . 65; 72; 247 n. sarhskdras, elements ... ... .. ... 2 Sarnath, Mauryan rail found at, 179; Gupta Samudragupta, k. .. Monasteries in .. 249 ... ... ... . ... 180 Sarnath, Remarks on Excavations at... 277 #. Samudragupta, Allahabad Prasasti of, etc., Sarvakamin, Buddhist monk ... 93; 103, 105 t. 39; 42; 62; 74; 79; 180 n.; 201 n.; 239; 282 n. Barvastivadavinaya, and the first Buddhist San, Suens, Siwano, riv. ... ... ... 209 Oouncil ... ... .. ... .... 9 n. Sanabares, Parthian k.... ... ... ... 27 Sarvistivding, Buddhist seot, 1-5; 9; 11 and sanad, santha, a deed of grant... ... .75 n.; 17 n. ; 246 Sanaka, mind-born son of Brahmf ... 251 n.; 379 Sashika, Gafijam plate inscrip. of ... ... 53 Sanatkamfra, mind-born son of Brahma, Sassanian, early dynasty and the successors Pradyumna. ... ... 877 and . ; 879, 884 of Gondophernes, 62; in Persia ... ... 74 Badoi, in Bhopal, inscrip from. 81; 78; 181 n.; | Sasta (Sata, Sk. teacher,) & name of Buddha, 241 n. 847 and n. Sandalwood, in the E. I. Co.'s times ... Satadhana, death of ... ... ... 257 n. sandhyavandanam, a rite ... ... ... 398 Satakarnin of the Matsyapurana, a dynasty, Bandilya-bhaktibutras, a Bhagavata work ... 254 2411. Sandrooottua, Chandragupta ... ... ... 344 Satavahana or Andhrabhrtya family, inscrips. Sangams, the three Tamil, 199, 1.; the third, of, 46; or Salivahanas ... 281 and n. ita probable age ... ... 227, 4.: 236, 1. Satha, a sage ......... . .... ... 88. 298

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422 sati, memorial in inscrips., 125: stones in Kulu 195 ... Satrajit, Krishna's father in-law Satraps, Western, inscrips. of... 53; 445; 247 and n; 248; 250 Satturu-durandaran, a surname of k. Nedu. maran sattva, conscious existence, 374; 380 and n.; 382; 384, 385 Satvata, Yadava sept, who first adopted the Bhagavata religion 258 Satvata, or Pancharatra rule. 375; 378; 381; 885 satya, true Satya Narayana, temple at Ramtek Bangor, Sagar Saunaka... Sauti Sen-rab, a famous Bon teacher 381 ... seok, sewak, manager of the begar 205 Sepulchre, the Holy ... *** ... S&vatthi, Sravasti Saviour, Our, tomb of... ... savacharam, word occurring in a Rock Ediet, 23; 345 m. savane, word occurring in an Asoka Edict, 21 PS; 346 f. 16; 85 156-158 384 Savitri, daughter of Daksha Saya-desa, vil, probably Shel, on the Indus, near Leh Sayajirao, Gaikwad of Baroda... Ba-yul, Tibetan province Sayyid Mir Jafir, Side Mearpaffer Sayyids (P) under k. Hasan Scanderone *** ... ... .... ... 145 378; 381 f. 378; 882 ... 80 n. ... 315 190 f. 162; 164; 166 sculptures, Gandhara, 178, 371.; the silpaeastras dealing with ... 277; 279 Scylla, Scilla, and Charibdis ... 167 and n. Scythian Period of Indian History, by B. D. Banerji... Scythians, the Yue-chi, in Sogdiana... 79; 250 Se, Sok, a Scythian race, invaded India, 25; 25-75 ... in Afghanistan and the Panjab, attacked by the Yue-chi, 26, 32; 69; coins of, 27; and the Kusanas INDEX ... 332 251 ... 41 Segestan, Sakastana ... 247, ft. Seistan, coins of Vonones found in, 54; 62; 70; and Gondophernes Selection of Ancestral Names among Hindus, 243, f. Seleukidan, Seleucidan era, on coins, 26; and Kushan inscrips. 27; 81; 40; 41; 44; 51; 63 Seleukos Nikator and India, 25; era founded by, 40; or Seleucus Nicator... Seliyan, a generic term... Sembiyar (the Chela) Semra plate inscrips. of Paramardi sinapati, general ... ... 188 ... 243 ... 74 344 237 172 120 f.; 129 283 n. ... Senart, M. and the Third Rock Edict, 21 ff.; and Kharoshthi inscrips., 30 n.; 31 n.; 47 n.; 64; and the Kaldarra, etc., 66; 178; 346 f.; 349 n.; 371 Sendalai, scene of a battle fought by Nandippottarasar Sendrakas, possibly Nagas Sengattavan Sera, k. patron of letters, 228231; 233, f.; his victories, etc., 236-239; 241-243 invaded the North, etc. Sennacherib's army www 159 ... 80 ... 76 158 Seaha, Samkarshana, the living soul... 377 and n. Seshagiri Sastri's, Prof. M., Essay on Tamil ... 193 206 n. 256 Literature Seshanga, incarnated as Lakshmana seevara theistic statue st Set Mabet, inscrip. from, 55; Bodhisattva www ...180 Sevar, probably in S. Tinnevelly, battle-field, 196, 198 Sewell's, Mr., mention of Krishns, the Kakatiya Shahdheri, Taxila, inscrip. Shah Alam, Bahadur, and the Sabahdars of 357 ... 67 211 n. 19 f. ... ... .... K&bul Shahbazgarhi inscrip. Shahiya, a Tarki family, suggested ancestors of Kaniska 66 f. 142 ... ... *** Shahiya, Hindu Kings of Kabul Shah Jahan, emp. of Delhi, in Panjab legend 151, 154 f.; and Kabul Shahji-ki-Dheri, at Peshawar... Shah Mir... Shahu, Sivaji's grandson Shakardarrah (near Campbellpore), inscrip. of the year 40 Shams-ud-din Muhammad Iyaltimish (Altamsh,' afterwards Sultan of Delhi) invested Kalafjar Shashtra, or Shastra 180; 375 Shepherd, Mr. J., and R. Bell,.. ...163, f.; 166 Sherghar, in the Adam Khel Afridi country, attacked by the Mughals ... 174 279 and n. Sherring, on Sarnath 146 Sher Shah beseiged Kalanjar 145 Shihab-ud-din or Ghert, Muizz-ud-din Shingler, Mr. T., E. I. Co.'s servant at Ped214-216 dapalle... Siklot, Kot, vil. also called Nayagaon or 111 Chhota Jhansw Siam (Upper) temple in, containing basreliefs, 246; the Buddhist of, and the Saka 942 ... ... ega ... 172 352 n. ... ... www 41, f. 140 n. ...174 972 ... 186 243 ... ... ... ...

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INDEX. 423 Sibi, mythical k. ... ... ... ... 233 Sicily isl. ... ... ... ... ... ... 167 Siddapur (Brahmagiri) inscrip. 21-23; 39; 245; 247 Siddharaja-Jayasidaba, k. of W. Gujardi, defeated by Madavarman ... .. ... 14 Siddhartha, prince ... ... ...173; 378 n. Side Mearpaffer, for Sayyid Mir JAI ... 315 Sidon, Sydon ... ... ... ...161 and n Sie, Yue-chi general, and the Chinese . 57, 59; 72 Siena, 159 n ; or Sienna, Seiano ... ... 169 Sikander II., reputed founder of the Jami Masjid ... ... ... ... ... ... 192 slunibu, anklets ... . .. . 231 Silappadhikiram, or The Epic of the anklet, work by llango, 228 n.; 229 n'; 239; 233; 234. Siloum, Silon, pool of ... ... ... ... 156 Silpakhstras, dealing with architecture, etc., proposals for collection and translation of 277; 280 Simale Sariqaka, words occurring in the Asoka Pillat Edict ... ... ... 210 Simba, Liechavi k. of Varendra ... ... 79 SimbAshalam, in Vizagapatam Dist, inscrip from .. .. ... .. ... ... 200 Simbala, co. conquered by Srimara, 197; and Asoka ... ... ... ... ... ... 343 Sirbana, Sri, perhaps a Haihaynvansi k.... 234 Sitio bavurman, Pallava k., in Sanskrit cop per-plate inscrip. ... ... 283 and n.; 284 Simbavurman I., Pallava k.... ... 284 n. Simhavarman II., Pallava k. ... ... 28. n. Simla Hill States, State officials in. 77, 78 and n. Simon, Symon, of Cyrene ... ... ... 157 Sinon, Symon, the Leper ... ... ... 157 Simon, Symon, the Pharisee, bo vse of ... 157 Sinki, mt, St. Helena's Monastery on 159 Sindb, a Greek satrapy. ... ... ... 25 Sindhu, province conquered by Zainu-'l *Abidin ... ... ... ... .. . 188 Sindura Baoli, at R&mtek ... ... ... 205 Sindorogiri, The Verinilion Mount,' name of Raatek... ... .. .. ... ... 202 Singa ... ... ... ... ... ... 24! Singaurgarh, Chandel fort, and RA& Belo Chaudel... ... ... ... 114; 114 and n. singhanpur-Baghari, inscrip. from ... ... 131 Singhpur Darwaza, in Ramntek ... ... 203 sigilona, singilonakappa, a Buddhist rule, 81, 83, 85, 88, ff. Sinnamandr, inscrip. and the geneolugy of the early Pandyan kings ... ... ... 197 " ... 157 f. Sipivishta ... ... ... .. 391 Siron Khurd, or Siyadoni ... ... 147 Sirguja Stare, and the Ramgarh Cave in serip. ... ... ... ... ... ... 39 Sirmar, State, or Nahan ... ... 299; 392 Sirawa zash, battlefield ... ... ... 145 and n. Sirumanai, Chiramann, vil, in Tondai-nadu, inscrip from ... .... ... 20); 354 n. Siruppin iruppadai, 4 poom by Nallar Nat. tattande... ... ... ... 229 1., 236, 238 f. Sita, goddess ... ... ... ... 206 n. Siththalai Sattanar, Tamil poet ... 238 and 1. Sitthalaichchattaner or Madurai Kalavanigan Sattan, Tamil poet ... ... ... 238 and n. Siva, 8., 146 n; 153; 173; 208 n.; 252 n.; 255 n.; 259 f.; 260; 262; 338 f. ; 380 n.; and the Pasupata philosophy, 885; temples of, i 17; 123; 131; 201 n.; built by Vijaya ditya II., 352; the three lingas of ... ... 200 Sivaganga, a Zamindari Siv ji ... ... .. ... ... .. Sivamara, W. Ganga k, and Varaguna PAadyan ... ... .. ... ... Siva Panchayatana, in the Chimar temple ... 333 Sivaskandavarman, a Pallava k, his Mayi davola plate inscrips ... 282 and n.; 284 Siwano, Suena or San, riv. ... .. .. Siwenti, emp. of China ... ... ... 70 Si-Yu, the Western Provinces, restored to China ... ... ... ... ... ... Siyadoni, or Siron Khurd in Gw&ior, inscrip. from ... ... ... ... ... ... 147 Biyaku-Haraba of Malwa, defeated the Rash trakatas... ... ... ... ... ... 353 Skandagupta k. ... ... ... ... ... 371 Skandapura, Kandugur ... ... 283 n. Skandasiebya, Palluva k ... ... 239 Skandavarman I, Pallava k.... 283 ond n.; 284 n. Skandavarman II, Pallava k.... .. 283, 284-2. Skandavarman 111, Pallava k. .. 284 n. skandhas, essential properties of living body ... ... ... ... ... ... 10n. Skardo, Baltistan... ... ... ... ... 191 Skarradberi (Skaradheri, image inscrip., 31; 45; 62; 68; 74; or Shara-dheri ... ... 75 Slagbiyar, Slaghiavak, for Chakkiyar - 335 Sleeman, Sir W., and Singaurgaph fort, 114; and the Ohandels .. .. 146 a. Smith's, V. A. (and F. W. Thomas') Asoka Notes, 19 ff.; on inscrips., etc., 27 ff.; 4244; 48 and n.; on Kaniska's dates, 51 and n.; 53 n.; on the Satraps, 54 f.; 57 and n.; Tibetan Affinities of the Liochavis, 78; Early History of India, 25 n.; 26 n.; 43 n. 44 n. ; 49 n.; book-notice of Second Edition 178 ff. ; 371 f, on Chandella history, 115; on Asoka, 281 ; and the Pallavas, 282 and n.; on the Nirvana of Buddha, eto. .. 312 and n.; 345 t. Sion, Mount . ...

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424 INDEX . Smith, Sam., E, I, Co.'s servant ... ... 325 Srijayas and Pancha las .. .. ... 252 Smithson, E. I. Co.'s inspector at Peddha- Sri Parambi, Tirupparambiyam, a battlefield... 239 palle . ... ... 226 Siparvata, bill or river, Nagarjuna, 207; Smyth, Mr. W., E. I. Co.'s servant at Verash perhaps Po-lo-mo-lo-kili ... ... ... 208 roon ... ... ... ... ... 215 f. Sri Ramachandrab, name in the RAmtek Sodasa, Sudasa, a Kushan satrap, 27; 30; io- * inscrip. ... ... ... .. . 204 sorips. of, 39; 40; 48; date, etc., 49, 50; Srirangam, tn., its connection with Kovalan 56; probably governor of Mathura, 56 ; 19; and Kannahi, 251; Kerala inscrip. at 357 ... 63 ; 71 ;'217; 250 Srisailan, Siva linga at ... .. ... ... 200 Sogdiana, Persian province, oceupied by the Sri Sankaracharya and the Brahmans ..335 Yue-chi, 32; the modern Samarkanit and Bri Sithana Ksbonipater, name in the KamBokhara, 78 m; occupied by Alexander the tek inscrip. ... ... ... ... ... 204 Great and others .. . ... .. 79 Sivara's Rajatarangini its references to the Sok, thu Se . . . . 26, 27; 87 Bhuttas or Bhauttas.. ... . 188-91 Solar race, the Surya Varga .. ... ... 79 Sraosha, the heavenly ligtener... venty betener... .. .. 359 Soli Ratta, India... ... ... ... 240 and o. Srong-Ide-btsan, king of Tibet... ... ... 181 Soliyavenadhi Tirukkannan, Tirukkilli), a St. Andrea, cape in Cyprus ... 167 and . Malayamka chief ... .. ... ... 231 St. Barnardo, a quarter of Genos ... ... 169 Solomon's Temple of Moloch, 156 f; St. George, fort, and Arnb. Salisbury, 266, 267 fountains ... .. ... 152 and n.; 160. f. ; 271, 275 f. ; 238; 317 n. ; 318, 322 if. Soma, g... ... ... ... ... 380 f. ; 383 St. George, San Georgio, a quarter of Genoa... 16 Somasundara, Siva deity at Madura, reputed St. George and the Dragon ... ... ... 161 uthor of the Iyaiyapdr=agapporu! 283 f. St. Jno. de Acra, tn. ... ... ... .. 161 Somesvara, k. ... ... 251 . St. Jobn Baptista, San Gianbattista, a quarter Somesvara IV., Chalukya k.... ... ... 26 of Genoa ... ... ... ... ... 169 Sonarasin, Sona ... ... ... 82 and D; 102 St. Lawrence, San Lorenzo, a quarter of Genoa. 169 Sondaea's Mathura inscrip. ... ... ... 179 St. Peter's, in Rome .. ... .... ... 169 Songni, Sondni, vil, in which are the Manda- St. Simeon, the Stylete, St. Symon, monastery sor Pallars ... ... ... ... 107; 1!0 and pillar of ... ... ... ... 162 and Sopadhikeshanirvana=Nirvana ... .2 n. St. Steplien, martyr, gate of ... ... 156-158 Sophagasenos or Sabhaugasena, Indian cbief, St. $tephen, Santo Stefano di Cavalieri, defeated by Antiokhes the Great ... ... 26 Knights of ... ... ... ... 168 and nSophytes, Indian k. of Saubhuta ... ... 25 St. Thomas, and Gondopbernes, 47 f. ; 62 ; 156 Soreyya ... ... .. . ... 83 and n. ... and n. ; 157 Soter Megas, Baktrinn K., eoins of ... .. 62 St. Thome, shrine of ... ... 259 n. soul, immortality and transmigration of 260 1. Stedd, Mr., E. I. Co.'s servant... ... 216 Spain, 170; and tobaceo Steele, Mr., and R. Bell ... ... 162, Spalngadames, a Scythian k. .. 64; 70 Stein's (Dr.) Rajatarangini, 57 D. ; 60 D.; Spalirises, a Seythian k.... ... ... 64; 70 Catalogue of Inscriptions 61; reference to Spence Hardy, on the Buddhist rules ... 99 and n. Bhauta-land ... ... ... ... ... 191 spentahvya neres= beneticent mon ... 359 n l Sten Konow, Dr., and the late Pro. Franz Spooner, Dr., and the Bodhisattvas ... ... 179 Kielhorn, 113; and the Second Edition of Sravasti, inscrip, 55 f. ; 72; to., site of. 180; 372 Smith's Early History of India ... 178 f. ; 371 Sri, g. ... ... ... ... ... ... 383 Stiles, Mr., E.I. Co.'s servant... ... ... 26 Sri Dharma-pitaka-sampradaya-nidana, last Strato I., a satrap, 54 f.; k. of the Panjab... 69 Sanskrit work, which mentions Koniqks's Strato II, a satrap . ... ... 54 t.; 70 conquest of India ... ... ... ... 57 Streynsham Master, E. 1. Co.'s servant... 328; 328 Srikalam, tn. on the Krishna, early Andhra Stromboli, Stambole, etc. .. 165; 167 and n. cap. ... .. . .. .. .. Smipas, at Benares, 278; at Sarnath ... 278, f. Sri Kampavarman, Ganga Pallava k.... ... Sturkelena, or Dung-gate of Jerusalem ... 153 Srikantha, son of Brahmi ... ... ... 305 Sababdars of Kabul, under the Mughals ... 211 Srikorman, and the Chalukyas ... ... .. Subbadda, Sabhadra, a Buddhist monk, 2 and Srimara, Pandya K., other names of ... ... 197 n.; 7 and 0.; 8 n. Srimeghacharya, Brabmana preceptor of Subb&gasena, Sophagasenos ... ... ... 26 Vikramaditya I........ ... ... 351 n. Subhata, treasurer of Chaudella, erected a Srinagar, and Rischena, 163; Jama Masjid... 1921 temple .... ... .. ... ... ... 126

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Subrahmanya, the deity Kumar: 194; temple, in Mallam, Nellore Dist., contains the only Pallava stone inserip.... Suchisra vas Sudarsana tank Sudarkana Vibhasha, the, and Asoka... Sudas, k. ... ... Sudan Sodasa, a satrap Suena, San, Siwana, Sue-Vihar, copper-plate inscrip., 30 and n.; 31; 47; 55; 59; 56 f.; 72 Sugriva, an ally of Rama Chandra Sahadeva, k, of Kashmir 254 ** ...182 n.; 188 374 .. Sulabha, a sage... Sultan Said of Kashgar, his invasion of Tibet. 192 ... Sultan Shuja, son of Shah Jahan Salarpet div., contains Tamil inscrips. Sumana, a bhikshu Sundaramurti Nayanar, Tamil writer Sundara-Pandya, k. Tamil inscrip. of.. Sundara-Pandya-Jatavarman, k., inscrips. sura, a drink Sura, a holy river Suuga, kings, 69; Empire, destruction of Sung-lin, mts. Suparna, winged animal ... ... 110 Sumatinath, image of, at Mahaba Sumerpur, pargana Sun, temples of, in Ambala, in Ramtek, 203 and n.; 204; and the origin of the Kshattriyas, 251 n.; worship of, and the Bhagavata creed . 252 ... 30; 247; 250 109 *** *** Surada, temple in the Pattana State ... Sarasena ... www ... *** 381 282 n. 349 70 ... 72 384 94 and n.; 95 206 132 n. 82 n. 248 f. www Surashtra, co., satraps of Surat, conquered by Rudradanan, 61; E. I.. Co.'s factory at ... 213 and D.; 214 f.; 219 Sarya, the sun-god, married Nikshubha. 79; 378 Surya Varsa, or Solar race, of which are the Liochavis, 79; kings in Ramtek Sata *** INDEX. ... . 154 356 85 ... 120 132 *** Svayambhuva or Manu... Sveta 375 ... 241 352 Sveta-dvipa, the White Continent 373-376; 381 Sy&makarna horse, captured by Bhima. 208 n. Sylvain Levi, M, on Kanisks, 29; on Mazdai... 47 Synchronistic table of the Scythian period of Indian History... 69, ff* Syria, became a Roman province, 70; visited by Augustus, 71; and Egypt's meat supply. 165 *** 253, f. 241 357 of, 357 n. *** 203 381 f. 100 n. 202 211 f. 384! ... Tadapa, E. Chalukya k, 353 Tagadar, in Mysore Dist., identified with Dharmapuri, cap. of k. Pohuttelina, 229; 237, f.; 240; 243 26; 32 351 n. 24 149 n. 170 n. ... Ta-bia, Bactria, and the Yue-chi Taila II., W. Chalukya k. Tailapa, W. Chalukya k. Taimur, emp. ... 425 *** Taittiriya Aranyaka, a Tamil work Tajibhatta, a minister, under Hasan Khan, k. of Kashmir... Tajik, Persia, cradle of the Bon Religion Taj Khan, or Tash Beg... ... 190 80 150 n. Taj-ul-Ma'asir, the, and k. Paramardi's death. 129 Takabikki, a hero... 353 Takht-i-Bahai inscrip. of Gondophernes, 30 f.; 46 f.; 61 f.; 65; 68; 74 Taksasila, or Taxiles in the Panjab, satraps of, 54; 245 240 ... ... ... 229 ... 351 Talakad, Chola territory Talakadu, captured by Ganga Raj& Talamanchi plate inscrips. Suttavibhanga, a Buddhist work... 85; 99; Sutikshna, a hern it, visited by Rama Suiralankara, the Suvarnabha, son of Sachkhapada Suvarnagiri, mentioned in the Brahmagiri 193 ff. Tamil Literature, Celebrities in 227-243 Tamils of 1800 Years Ago, by K. Pillai, 193; 236 n. Tankri alphabet... ... 75 Tapogiri,' 'mountain of penance 'a name of inscrip.... Ramtek... 202 f. Suvisakha, a Pallava, minister of Rudradaman. 282 Tarand:ha, 1 n.; on the Council at Vaisalf. 81 n. Suzuki's, M., The First Buddhist Council, Tarikh-i-Kashmir Ayami, the, and the Jami Masjid ... ... 345 f. *** *** 1 n.; 2 n.; 3 n.; 4 and n. ; 5, 6 Svagata, the Venerable, or Suratha, a Buddhist monk... ... 106 Svaka, and Saka... ...49 f. Svarjit of Gandhara, a teacher.... 252 100 ... 192 tarpagar, service as constable... ... 76 Tarwar Tilok Chand, Raja, governor of Kangra, possibly Tilaksi (Tilok Bain ?) 149 and n. 348 337 f 236 n. Talayalanganam, scene of a Pandyan victory. 237 tali, marriage sign, 331; or talikettu... Tali Tirappanangadu, a vil, in S. India Tamil, and Telugu, races, in Nellore, 199 f.; 281 n.; co., home of the Kurukkal caste, 337; Pallava expansion in 351 snd n.; and the Pandyas, 356; invaded by the Kakatiyas Tamil Historical Texts,I.-Nandi-kkalambagam, 171 ff.; II.-Iraiyanar agapporul 357

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426 INDEX. Tash Beg Khan Mughal (Taj Khan), com mander Under Akbar .. .. 150 and n. Tathagata, Buddba... 2 n.; 5 n. ; 12, 13 n. ; 341 Tavernier's travels ... ... 162 n : 163 n. Tawarikh-i-Rashidi, & work which mentions an invasion of W. Tibet .. .. ... 192 tawaladr, or pathiyaru, a receiver ... ... 75 Taw Sein Ko, Mr., on Burmese Buddhism ... 180 Taxila, Taksa'sida, Greek Kingdom, 25; 54; 70; 73 Taxila copper-plate inscrips. of Patika, 30 and n. ; 31 ; 55, f. ; 63; 71 Teki plate inscrips. of Chodaganga ... ... 851 Telingana, co. ... ... ... ... ... 242 Tellaru, in N. Aroot Dist., scene of a battle fought by Nandi ... ... ... 171, f. Telugu, and Tamil, races in Nellore, 199-201 ; Co., occupied by the Andhras, 281, 282 n.; and the Pallava grants, 284 n.; 351, 355 and n.; or Gentue ... ... ... . .. 315 Telugu-Chodes of Nellore ... ... 857 and n. Temple, gate of the ... ... ... ... 157 Ter serim, Tanassaree and Amb. Salisbury, 219-222 Tenpavar, the Pandya ... ... ... ... 172 Tenor-kilar ... ... ... ... ... 19 terms and titles, ancient administrative, in the Paojab ... ... .. . 75, ff. Terry, mentioned the hubble-bubble ... .... 210 Tewar, Tripuri ... ... ... ... 141 ; 146 Thaidora, a name in the Kaldarra inscrip. ... 66 thal, an oath ... ... ... 77,78an d n. Thann, Dist, and the Kalachuri Era.... ... 135 thanda-dib, a form of ordeal ... ... ... 77 Thanosar, dyn., 43;=Stbanvisvara ... 180; 372 Theodorus, Kaldarra inscrip. of .. ... 74 theravada, presbyters .. ... 90 n. Thevenot's A Voyage into the Levant, 160 n.; 161 n.; 162 n.; 163 n. Thi-je-tsao-po, k. of Tibet ... ... ... 80 Thi-erong.de-tean, k. of Tibet, persecuted the Bon Religion ... ... ... 80 Thiyattunnis, Thiyattu Nambiyars, subdivision of the Anulomaja Ambalavasi caste 335. f. mTho-gling, monastery in Guge ... ... 332 Thomas, Apostle and St., contemporary of Gondopherues ... ... 47 f.; 62; and the Virgin Mary .. .. ... 156 and n.; 157 Thomas, Mr. F. W.(and V. A. Smith), Asoka Notes, by, 19, ff. ; on the use of Saka and Scythian, 41; and the Turuskas, 42; on inscrip9.... ... ... 49' f.; 63; 75; 346 n. Thse-dbang-nam-rgyal I., k. of Ladakh .. 189 Tiberius, emp. of Rome, coins of, 28; wars with Artabanus III. of Parthia ... ... ... 71 Tibet, and the Licchavis, 78, 79 and n.; and the Bam-yik alphabet, etc., 80 and n.; 181; Adam Khin's expedition to, 189; Hasan Khla's expedition to, 190; invaded by Sa'id Sultan ... ... ... ... .. ... 192 Tibetan Affinities of the Licehavie, by V. A. . Smith ... ... ... .. Tibetan, kings belonged to the Li-tsa-byi race 79 and n.; iuscrip. at Gilgit, 182; in the Jama Masjid 88jtd ... .. ... .. ... 192 Tibetans, end Chinese, 181 f.; in Kulata ... 188 Tien-tchou, India, conquered by Yen-kao-chin. 26 Tiksi (Tilak SainP), the Kaobhwaha, and Tarwar Tilok Ohand, rajA ... ... ... 149 n. Tillaisthaam, in Tanjore Dist., scene of a battle fought by Nandippoitarasar ... ... 172 Timi, Tukka's brother ... ... ...181 f. ; 187 Tippu Sultan, and Kurugode ... ... ... 173 Tiridates, k. of Partbia, death of ... ... 73 Tiruji sambanda ... ... ... ... 289 Tirukkovilar, cap. of Malainalu 231; PS37; 243 TirginAlirunjolai, tn. ... ... ... ... 236 Tirumalp&ls, a caste in Malabar ... ... 3:38 Tirumudikkari, ruler of Malaina !u and Mollur Hill ... ... ... ... ... ... 231 Tiruu Avukkarasar, a Saiva saint ... 2010. Tirunedun-tandagam, a Tamil work ... 171 n. Tirupati, Vengadam, in N. Arcot Dist., traditional northern boundary of the Tamil co, 199f; 334 n. Tiruppalatturai, inscrips. from ... ... 173 Tirupparambiyam, Sri Parambi, near Kumbha kopam, a battlefield ... ... ... ... 239 Tiruvaili, in S. Arcot Dist., scene of a battle fought by Nandippottarasar, 172; Kerala inscrip. at ... ... .. ... 375 n. Tiruyallam, inscrips. from ... ... ... 173 Tiruvalluvar, author of the Kural , 228 ; 230; 230 and n. ; 238 Tiruvanbor, in Nellore, shrine at ... ... 352 Tiruvaranga=kkalam bagam, a work by Pillai =pPerun Al=aysanger ... ... ... 170 Tiruvilayadal, or Hilasya, a work which re fers to Ugravarma Pandyan ... ...229; 236 Tishya, and the Third Buddhist Council ... 342 Titles and Terms, ancient administrative, in the Panjab ... ... .. ... 75, e. Titus, emp. of Rome ... ... ... ... 72 tobacco, is it indigenous to India P ... ... 210 Tolkappiyam, Tamil grammar, NachebinArk kiniyer's commentary on, 193 and n.; Tolgdp piyam ... ... ... ... ... ... 199 Tondainddu, co., ruled by Nandi, 171; or Tonddinadus, 173; the Pallava dominions, ancient Jayangonda. Cho!a-mandalam, 200 and n. ; 351 ; 354 Tondaman rajas ... ... .. . ... 239 Tondaman I!andirayan, of Kanchi ... 234 4.

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INDEX. 427 Or etc. ... .. . Tondi. Quflandy, Chera possouston, 237 f.; An Turnour's Mahavansa... .. 342 A., 349, 1. old Chola cap. ... ... .. ... 242, f. Turuska, race, and Kaniska, 41; first menToramani's inseripe. .. ... ** 131, 139 tioned in Sanskrit literature toran ... ... ... ... ... ... 109 Tavaraieither Dwaraka in Guzerat, or Tusi, riv., scene of a Shkhiya defent... 140 n. Dwaravati, Dwarasamudra of the Hoy'salas . Trailok yavarman, Chandella prince 123 f.; 126 23) and n.; 237 and n. f.; 129; called Trailokyamalla 135; coins of Tyre, Tyer ... ... ... ... ... 161 ... .... 146 ff. TraipitakopAdhyaya Bala, inscrips. of... ... 72 Trajan, emp. of Rome, coins of, in the Abin posh stupa, 41 ; his expedition to Parthia... 73 Trani-Indas provinces, lost to the Kagana Ubaldo de Lanfranchi, Archbishop, founder Expire .. ... ... ... ... 61 ; 69 of the Campo Santo ... ... ... 168 n. Transmigration of the soul, and the Bhagava- UdAbhandapura, Wuihund or Ohind ... 140 n. TAS ... ... ... ... ... ... 260 Udal, a Mahobe hero ... ... ... ... 145 Travancore, home of the Kurukkal caste. 385; 337 Udambara, tn. ... ... ... ... ... 83 Travels of Richard Bell (and John Campbell) Udayachandra, general under Nandivarm in the East Iudies, Persia, and Palestine, by Pallavamalla ... ... ... 172; 197; 352 Sir R. O. Temple, (concluded from Udayagiri inscrip. of Kharavela ... ... 40 Vol., XXXVI. p. 179) ... ... 156 ff. Udayana, k., named in a Kalanjara inscrip. 208 n. trensi, an Indian measure .. ... 76 n. Udayandiram grant of k. Nandivarman Pal.. Trevisa, Mr.J., E. I. Co.'s chief at Peddapalle 214 lavamalla and the Pallava ks. 197; 283; 284 n. Tribhavanaohakravartin Sri-Rajarajadeva, UddAlaka, a Brahmana... ... ... ... 252 perhaps Rajaraja III.... ... Hajaraja 111... ... Udona, k, and Ananda... 356 n. ... Trichinopoly, fort, 201, n.; called Uraiyar, Uaipi, near Kalyan, birthplace of Madhva. 234; 237 charya ... ... ... .. ... 259 n. Tridhatu ... ... ... ... ... ... . ... 331 .. 881 Udayanadeva, a councillor ... ... ... 185 Trikakud ... ... ... ... ... ... 381 ughdwnu, to collect ... ... ... 77 trilinga, derivation of ... ... 200 Ugra=pperu=Valudi, Pandya k., 193, 195, Trilochanapala, a Shahiya k., defeated 140 n.; 197, 198 n. 142; read as Tara Jaibal . .. 142 n; 143 Ugravarma Pandyan, a mythical hero ... 229 Tripoli, Trippeloe ... ... ... 161 t.; 166 Ujjain, 131; and k. Anandapal ... ... 141 Tripurantakam, in Kurnool Dist., Tamil Ujjayint, cap of MalwA under Castana. 60; 73 inscrip. from ... ... ... ... ... 356 Ukkirama-kopan, perhape Urga-kopan, & Tripuri, Tewar, near Jabalpur, cap. of Chedi, surname of Nandi ... ... ... ... 172 141; 146 Ulagh Khan, opposed Dalaki-wa-Maliki ... 136 Trita, son of Prajapati ... ... ... 375; 378 Um=P&rvati ... ... ... ... 385 Trivikrama, temple at R&mtek... ... Umrer, in the Nagpur Dist., and the 'Ghod Trombetti, Prof. Alf., on the unity of human ceremony. ... ... ... ... ... 334 speech ... ... .. ... .. . 212 United Provinces, Chandel coins in ... ... 146 Trueroe, the ship... ... ... ... ... 215 Uniyathiris, a caste ... ... ... ... 333 tshva-khug, salt horn ... ... .. ... 90 Unni, general term for several Anulomaja Tsung-ling, mts.... ... 57; 59 Ambalavazi castes ... ... . .. 836 Tukamala, subordinate k. of Bib&r ... ... 75 Unnithiri, a Samanth&r caste ... ... ... 338 Takka ('s Brugpa ?) ... ... 182, 184 f., 187 upadhydya, a spiritual instructor ... 89 and n. Talasi-dAga, poet ... ... ... ... 258 Upali, Buddhist monk, 3, 5, 8, 15 n., 16, 18, Tummana, vil. in Bilaspur Dist., and the Hai 101 and n.; 103 Upanayana ceremony, among the Antarallas, hayas ... ... ... .. .. 204 and n. Tungubhadra, riv. ... 335 ff. ... ... ... 242 Upanishads, philosophy of the .... ... 341 Turamaye, k., in an Asoka edict, identified Uparichara (Vasu), k. of Chedi 375 and n.; 376 with Ptolemy Philadelphus, k. of Egypt... 343 Uposatha, bi-monthly Buddhist ceremony, 81; Tarkemen, Turcomans. ... ... ... 165 89 and n.; 105 Tarkey, and the use of tobacco . ... 210 Upparapalle, Cuddapah Dist., Kakatiya inserip.. Turks and Christians 160 and n.; 161 and n.; at ** * ... ... ... ... 357 163 1.; conquered by Khri-srong lde-btean, Uppari-kudi, vil. in Madara ... ... ... 196 emp. of Tibet... ... ... ... ... 181 | Upptri-kudi Kilar, head-man of Uppdri-kudi, 197 ... 203

Page #450
428 INDEX: ... 173 Uraiyar, Trichinopoly... 231; 234 ff.; 239; 242 Van van-Mabevi, wife of Parantaka ... 197 Urge, seized by Parantaka ... ... ... 197 Vana Vijjadbara, Bana k., subject to NriUrga-Pandyan, k., 228 t.; 236 and n.; patunga... . ... ... .. .. .. 178 identified with Nedam Cheliyan ... 287 1. Vanji, Karar, Ohera cap. 230; 233 ; 936, f. ; Urga-Peravaladhi, Pandya k., patron of the 240 and n. third Sangam ... ... ... ... Varaguna Maharaja, Pandya k. ..228 " ... ... 197 Arnd, s top-knot ... Varagua Pandyan, fought against Sivamara... 239 Uravappaharer-Ilanjetchenni, father of Kari and the Gangas ... ... ... 213 'kAla ... ... ... ... ... ... 234 Varagunavarman, Pandya k.... ... ... 197 Uravupalli, vil in the Mundarashtra, copper- Varkhamihira, writer on astronomy, astrology plate inscrip. at ... ... ... 283, 284 n. etc. ... . .. .. . 28 Usanas, author of the Dharmasastra ... ... 375 Varatunya, a surname of Nandi ... ... 172 Usavada (Rehabhadacta), a Saks satrap, Vardhamana, an Arhat ... ... 49 inscrips, of ... ... 43; 46; 63 and n.; 248 | Varendra, N-E. Bengal, seat of a Liech avi k. 79 U-toa-va-san-ketan, or Utsavasang ketan, Variyans, (from parasata), a caste ... 396, 337 Himalayan tribes, and Raghu ... 80 and R. Varodayan, a surgaine of k. Nedumaran ... 195 dahist monk. 84 and n.: 86; 241 Vasabhagamiks, a Bhikshu ... ... ... 85 Vasishta ... ... ... ... ... 180; 372 Vasishtha, and VisvAmitra, struggle between, Vada-Vingada-nadu and the Banas ... 252; 375 n. , 379 Vadivorki!li, Kii... ... ... ... ... 236 Vesishthiputra, Pulumayi's Nasik inserip. ...282 vahishton = bliss ... ... ... 359 n. Vasispa, father of Kaniska . ... ... 59 Vaigai, riv, in Madura, battle near ... ... 173 Vapipugena, word in the Muchai inserip. .. Vaikbanasa ... .. ... .. .. 383 vassa ceremony ... ... ... ... *** Vaikuntha... ... ... ... ... ... 88! Vassal, Mr. W., E. L. Co.'s servant ... ... 214 Vaiaali, Vaicali, Vesali scene of the second VAstavya Kayasthas, family mentioned in Buddhist Council, 5, 15 n.; 16 n., 17 n.; 52; Chandel inscrip... . .. ... ... 125 81 and n.; 83, 1.; 86-90; 95 ff.; 100, I.; rastryo, agriculturist ... ... ... 358 n. 342; and tho Liochavi; original home of Vasudeva, a Kushan k., 27-29; titles of, 40, the Li-tea-byi kings, 79 and n.; exposure of 42 ; records of his reign, etc., 45-48; 50, 55 the dead in ... ... ... ... 80 f.; or V Asuska, 61 f. ; inscrip. of ... 64,78 f. Vaisampayana, a sage ... .. 378 PS.; 381 ff. Vasudeva, K&qva, k., dates of .. ... 70; 74 Vaishnava, creed and Saiva, 295; revival Vasudeva, Ktishna and bhakti, 253 and n. ; 257in Nellore ... .. ... ... ... 355 259; 261;Narayana, 373, 375 n., 376Vaiyavikkon Perumbehan, Pahan an, Peban ... ... ... 280 378 ; 380 and n. ; 381, 883 and n; 384; 886 n. Vajjiputtakas, tribe, ... ... ...17n.; 81 f. Vasutitra and the great schism ... ... 90 n. VajradAman, captured Gwalior ... ... 141 V&t&pi, Badami, W. Obalukya cap.... 243; 351 Vajranada, Bundelkhand ... ... 242 Vatsardja, minister, erected & ghal, etc.... 117; 143 pajrasana, throne at Bodh Gaya temple ... 60 Vattagamani, Singhalese k. .... 14; 18; 108 Vajravarman, scribe of the Talama chi plate Vattaru, in S. Travancore, battlefield ... 196 ; 198 inscrip.... ... ... .. ... 351 n, Vayu .. . . ... ... ... 834 Vaka, castle near Mulbe ... ... ... 187 Vayu Purana and the Mauryas ... ... 348 VAkataka, for Bhandak, tn, ... ... 208 n. Ved&pta Philosophy. 143 ; 258, 261, 262 n.; 811 Vakatanya, kinsman of the Kalamanyas 182, 187 Vedas ... ... ... ... ... ... 885 Vakkalert, plate-inscrip. of Kirttivarman II. 24 Vedic Religion and the Eastern Aryans ... 251 VAkpati, Chandel k......... .. 126-128 Vegi-desamu, Vengi .... ... ... 201 n. Valabhi Samvat, the Gupta era .. .. 53 Veguru, in Nellore, inscrip. from ... 283 n. Valageses III. ff. . Vekalan ... ... ... ... ... ... 170 VAlageses IV., k.... .... ... .. VAlakhilya Rishis... Velanandu chiefs governed Vengi355 ; ; 356 n. ... Valerino, emp. of Rome, defeated Sapor I... 74 Vedru, two rivers of the name, by one of Vallable, conquered by Srimara 171 ; 173 ... which a battle was fought by Nandi. ... 197 Vambarnda, wil, in Sadali pargana, grant of 118 Velloli, a Samanthar casto ... ...... 338 Varaduuli, Nepalese record, and the Licobavis, 79 Vellore ... ... ... ... ... ... 229 Vanaspara, a Kohatrapa, satrap of Benares, ve Pari, Pari, chief of Perambunadu, patron 52 f. ; 56 ; 72; 247 n. I of Kapilar ... ... ... ... 230, 237

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INDEX. 429 . .. ... 123 Velserkilli, Kini... ..... .. 233; 236 Vikrama, & Choe k., 240; inscripe, of, 353 n.; Vergadam, Tirupaci 355 n. Vengada-n&du .. ... ... .. ... 173 Vikrama era, and the Kush&a inscrips., 27 f.; Vangaimarban, chief, conquered by Orga 30 f. ; 46 f. ; 115; 250 Pandyan .. .. .. .. 229; 236 Vikramab&bu, k. ... .. . ... ... 239 Vengi, co., of the E. Chalukyar, 24 ; other Vikramadity, k; and the Malava-Vikrams names of ... ... 201 D. ; 281 n. ; 351-336 era .. .. .. ... ... 45; 205 Vengorashtra, co. ... ... ... ... 283 Vikram&ditya I, W. Chalukya k. ... 351 and n. Venkata, hills ... ... ... ... ... 171 Vikran.&ditya I, B. Chalukya K. ... 353 n. Venkatagiri Zamindart, has Clo'a records ... 356 Vikramaditya II, pomibly Vikram&dityaVenkayya, Mr. V., and the Pandyus ... ... 197 Maba aja ... .. ... 201 ; 353 and . Venkoba Rao, Mr. G., and the Pandyas, Vikramaditya, title of Gang@yadeva Raja ... 146 197; and the Gader inscrip. ... ... ... 352 Vikramiditya Mlavi Vanaya, subject to Vennil, Kovil Venni in Tanjore, scene of Nandippottarasar .. .. .. ... 173 battle... ... ... ... 233, 231 and n. Vikrama Pandyan, of Madura ... ... ... 240 Ventidius, recovered Syria from, the Parthians. 70 Vikranissimba, Kachchhapaghaa k., inscrip. Venugopaul, Chetty, on Nellore Dist.... 354 f. Verasheroon, Vin Vasuram, E. L. Co.'s factory, Vikramasizinhapura, Nellore, and the Kakati. 214-217 ; 818 ya$ .. .. .. .. ... 357 Veronics, St., Arroanica... ... ... ... 157 Vilniam, S. of Trivandram, battlefield ... 196 ; 198 Verrirer-Cheliyan or Dam Cheliyan ... ... 237 Vima Kadphises, k. ... ... ... 27 Vespasi, Satrap of Taxils .. ... ... 73 Vinaya (Buddbist discipline), 2 m. ; 3 and 0.; 5, 6 Vespasian, emp. of Rome... ... .. . ... 72 and n. ; 9 and n., 10 f. ; 276 Vibhu, A secondary form of the Deity... 983 D. Vinay&litys, eon of Vikramaditya I.... 351 n. Vicharitan, << SU DAIDE of k. Nedumaran ... 195 Vingyakadera alias N&zadeva ... ... 357 n. Vichchikkon, and the poet Kapilar ... 230; 206 Vinayakapaladdva, k. ... ... ... ... 118 Vichitra ... " Vinayakpudraka, and the second Buddhist Vidarbha, modern Berar, birthplace of Council ... ... ... ... 81 n. ; 91 Nagarjuna ... ... ... ... 206-208 Vinaya Pitaka and the Nirvans of Buddha... 349 Videl-vidugo, & surname of Nandi ... 172 1. Vindhya-v Asint devi, temple in S. Mirza Vidhyadhara, a Chandella k., 117; 126-129; por ... ... .. ... ... .. 130 149 f. ; 146 Virabhadra, a Kakatiya k. ... ... ... 357 pidud spd avidyd... ... ... ... 874 ; 382 Virs Ohoda, name in a Tamil inscrip. 355 n. Vidy&oftha, author of the Prataparudriye ... 200 Virsj ... -vidyarambha, a Chakkiyar practice ... ... 896 Vira Keras Varman, Chera k. .. ... 240 Vibara Kusomapuri=Pataliputra .. ...81 n. Vira-Korchatarman, k, possibly Viravarman Vija, a Chandella... .... ... ... .... 118 283, Vijaya, K. defeated by Senguttuvan Sera, Virak treba, ancestor of Nandivarman 236; 241 f. | Pallavamalla ... ... ... ... 283 n. Vijaya-Buddhavarman, a Pallara k. ... 282, 286 Virana, a Prajapati ... ... ... ... 384 Vijay Aditya II., W. Chalukya k. ... ... 352 Viranarayana, Paragtaka I. ... ... 197; 239 Vijayaditya III., W. Chalukya k., surname Viranath, image, at Khajuraho ... ... 119 of op ... " ... .... .. 352 Vira Pandya, k..... ... .. 193; 239 t. Vijay Aditya V. Kanthiks-Vijayadityn, etc. Virarajendra, k. . . .. ... 236 n. 853 and n. Viral &jendra-Chadeva, k., inscrips. of 356 ... 173 - Vijay&ditya Malavi V&nayaya, Bana k. Vira Ravi Varman, Chera k... .. . 240 Vijayanagar, Empire ... ... ... ... 213 Vira-Sasuram, Verusheroon ... .. 214 n. Virusirinha, k, 200; 351 .. . ... Vijayanagar ks. in the Nellore Dist... * ... 283 D. Viravarman, Pallava k., perhaps Vira-KorebaVijayapala, Chandel k. .. 125 ft. ; 130; 143 Varman ... ... ... ... 283 n.; 284 n. Vijayasakti, Vijjaka, ancestor of the Viravarman, Chandells. 124-137 ; 130 ; 185; Chandelius ... 118;121, 126-128 e 147 Vijaya-Skandararman, Pallapa k. ... ... 282 Virineha ... ... ... ... ... 881 Vijia, first Buddhist missionary to Ceylon 850 Visaiya-Charitan, surname of Nedumagan... 195 Vikkirama Solan Via, and the early Chola Vit&kbadatta, author of the Mudra Rabahasa... 844 kings ... ... ... 293 Visakhapattana, seat of the Chalukyas ... 24

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430 INDEX. Vishnu, 8., 143 ; 155 n. ; 173 ; 198 ; 198; Waddell's (Dr.) Kaldarra inscrip. ... 30; 06 236 ; or Bhagavat, 252 n.; 256, 257 f.; Waihund, U.labhandapura or Obind ... 140 n.; 141 333; 330; 333; temples of ... 116; 120 ; Wairagarh, suggested cap. of Kosala ... 208'n. 123 ; 13; 139; 202 Wakaya, & work by Asad Beg ... .. 210 Vishnagopa of Kiichi, Pallava k., 239, 243; Wales, Sam, E. I. Co.'s servant .. 324, 328 282 and n.; called Yupam thardja, 283 and Wang-Hiuen-Gee, Chinese envoy, and Haroba... 137 n.; 234 and n. Warangal, Orungalls, in Hyderabad ... ... 118 Vishnuism, Religion of modern Aryan India ... 262 Wardak Vage inscrip. ... ... 30 f. ; 80; 67: 75 Vishnuraja and the Pallavas ... ... ... 352 Watters, Mr. T., 23 n.; and the Chandels, 131 Viehnuvardhana, Hoysala k. ... ... 229; 210 and D.; and Nagarjuna ... ... - 208 Vishnuvardbana, title of the E. Chalukyas ... 201 Wassilieff, and the Buddhist Councils ... 1n.; 93 Vishnavardhana II., E. Chalukya k.... ... 351 wazir, minister ... ... ... 76.; 77 and 0. Visbyuvardhana III., E. Chalokya k.... 351 f. Wazir Khan, Nawab, minister, under Shah Vishnuvarman, Pallava k. ... 283 D. Jala. ... ... ... ... ... 154 f. Vishnuvarman, sen ipa ti .. .. .. 283 n. Wema-Kadphises, k, Hiina-Kadphises, 41;50; Viebtaspa, a saint ... .. or Yen-kao-ebing ... .. ...56--59; 72 Vishvaksena, 8. ... . .. ... ... 870; 882 White Huns, Ephthalites ... ... 62; 148 Vishra nitra, and Vasisbtba, struggle between, -252 Windisch, and the Baddhist Capon .. ... 1 Visramitra, and the Andhras ... ... ... 881 Winter, Sir E, and Amb. Salisbury ...218 11., 272 Vispana:b, La'aji, temple ... 117 f.; 133 ; 141 Winter, Thos. .. .. .. ... 219 ; 313 Vitasta, Jellam, riv. in Kashmir 185 Wright, Dr., and the Acts of St. Thomas ... 48 Vitellius, Emp. of Rome ... . ... 72 Wu-sun, & nomad hords, defeated by the YueViterbo ' veeta herba,' to. .. ... ... 169 169 | chi ... , v v v 20; 32 Vivasvat, Sarya ... ... ... 334 Wuti, Emp of China ... ... ... ... 69 divutha, vyutha. 21 and D. ; 22; 23 ; 316 and D. ; 347 Viyalar, a battlefield ... ... ... 236, f. Y&:lavas, among whom arose the unorthoilox Vizaga patam, and the E. Chalukyas ... ... 201 Bhagavata religion ... ... ... 252 f. Vogel, Dr. J., and the Rock Edlicts, 32, on Ya lavavansah, name in a RAntek inscrip. ... 204 inscrips, 30 and n. ; 31 n.; 36; 40 n. ;:46 yigu, milk with rice ... ... ... ... 94 n.; 52; 56; 59; 66 ; 75 ; 180; 278; on Yahweh, Jebovah Dulucha, 182 n.; and the Danaras, 184 n. ; ... .. ... 376 n. Yajna Sri, ruled in Maharashtra and Rilichana, 186 n.; and Zainu'l-'abidin's ... ... 212 Yajnavalkya, sage ... 251; 374 expedition to Bbottaland, 188 n.; Kulata, Yajnyavalkya Smriti, a Brahman work ... 337 189; 192 n. yul, Tamil musical instruinent ... ... ... 231 Vohumano ... .. .. ... 358--360 Yama, 8. of death ... ... .. 182, Volagases I., k. of Parthia ... ... ... 72 YamunA, riv. ... ... ... ... ... 251 Volagases III., k. of Parthia, 61; ( Valaz- Yarkand and Kaniska, 44; 57 ff. 73; traded : eses P) .. ... ... .. 62; 73 f. with the Panjab ... .. ....... 192 Vonones, a Sok, 27; 47; 6+; era of ... 67; 71 Yasas, Yacas, an Arbat at the Second Buddhist Vonones I, k., of Parthia, 62; Emp. of Council .. 81-86; 96-98; 100; 103; 105 Seistan, etc. .. .. . . Yusodbarn Bhatta, received a grant of a village Vratya-kshatriyas, the Niccbibi .* ... 79 Damed Yalli ... ... *** .. . . 117 Vlddhu Garga, astronomer Yasodharman, k., inscrip. of ... ... G .. ... astronomer ... 107 Vpisha ... ... ... .. . . ... 381 Yasorarman, Chandel k, 116; alias Lakshavar- Vrisbbkapi ... ... ... ... .. 881 man, 126, * ; 131 ; 133, 135, 139,141; called Kirtivarman Vrjipatro, disciple of Ananda. 17 n. ; 84 n. ; 99 n. ... ... ... 144 and n. Yatins ... ... ... ... ... 383-385 Vulcan isls. . ... .. .. in 167 n. Yauvandsva, owner of the Sy&makarna borse, 208 , Vyala (P Byaraba ) ... ... 182 ; 185 ; 187 Yavana = Muhammadan, disturbances in KashVyankatesa, temple at Ra ntek... ... ... 203 mir .. ... ... ... ... 183; 188 Vyasa, arranger of the Vedas, 379, 381 f.; Yavanas,"Greeks, ravaged Mathurd ... 247; 385 and a. and k. Gotamiputra ... ... ... 283; 843 Vyaya, cyclic year ... ... . 356 Yen kao-chin, or Chiog, K. 26; 33; or Wema Kadphisee ... ... ... ... 55 Yin-ino-fu, Heraus ... ... ... ... 70

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INDEX. 431 Yoga, meaning of, 255 and n.; 258; system of yuta, dyukla, words in the third Rock Edict, 19; 21 philosophy ... ... 373 f.; 385, 386 and n. Yu-yua-kia, Huvishka ... ... ... ... 212 yogins, devotees ... ... ... ... ... 333 Yogism ... ... ... ... ... ... 14 Yoni, source of existence... 373; 380 f. ; 385 f. Yuan-Chuang or Hinen Thsang... 44; 60 and n. Zacherias, tomb of ... ... 156 Yuddhamalla, E. Cbalukya k. ... ... ... 353 Zain K & Kokalash or Jain Khan ... 149 n. Yudhishtbira, Pandu prince, 374-378; 378 ; 386 Zainu'l-Abidin of Kashmir, his expedition Yue-chi, & Scythian Race, invaded India, against the Bhottas ... 188, ff. 25-27; ceased to be nomads, 32 f.; 41; 42; Zamorin of Calieut ... 338 principalities, united, 54, 70, 71; gave Zant, E. 1. Oo.'s ship ... .. .. 264 Buddhist books to King-lu... ... 56 f., 71; 79 Zangskar, a tour in ... Yuenti, Emp. of China, and Yin-mo-fu 70 Zaotar, Indian Hotar ... ... ... ... 350 yuga ... ... .. . .. ... 260 Zarathushtra ... ... 358---360 Yulli, vil., grant of ... ... ... ... 117 Zebedee, house of ... ... ... ... 157 Yusufzai, Muchai inscrip. from... ...46; 66; 68 Zeda inscrip. ... 30 and n.; 31; 46 f. ; 67; 72 Yuvamaharaja, title of Vishnugopa 283 and n.; Zeionises or Jihunia, & satrap... .. - 284 n. Zoroastrian divinities and Kaniska ... ...

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