Indian Antiquary Vol 19

Author(s): John Faithfull Fleet, Richard Carnac Temple
Publisher: Swati Publications
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032511/1

Page #1

THE
INDIAN ANTIQUARY,
A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH
IN
ARCHÆOLOGY, EPIGRAPHY, ETHNOLOGY, GEOGRAPHY, HISTORY, FOLKLORE, LANGUAGES
LITERATURE, NUMISMATICS, PHILOSOPHY, RELIGION, &c. &c.,
EDITED BY
JOHN FAITHFULL FLEET, C.I.E.,
BOMBAY CIVIL SERVICE,
AND RICHARD CARNAC TEMPLE,
MAJOR, BENGAL STAFF CORPS.
VOL. XIX.-1890.
Swati Publications
Delhi 1985

Page #2

Published by Swati Publications, 34 Central Market, Ashok Vihar, Delhi-110052 Ph. 7113395
and Printed by S.K. Mehra at Mehra Offset Press, Delhi.

Page #3

SAYYID KHAIRAYAT AHMAD:Omens in Bihâr
The names of Contributors are arranged alphabetically.
CONTENTS.
CECIL BENDALL, M.A. :
AN INSCRIPTION IN A BUDDHISTIC VARIETY OF NAIL-HEADED CHARACTERS
77
G. BUHLER, PH.D., LL.D., C.I.E.:
TEXTS OF THE ASOKA EDICTS ON THE DELHI MIRAT PILLAR AND OF THE SEPARATE EDICTS ON THE ALLAHABAD PILLAR
122 A Note on Harshavardhana's Conquest of Nepal.. 40 Albérûni's India, by Edward C. Sachau ...381
J. BURGESS, LL.D., M.R.A.S., F.R.G.S. :The Romaka Siddhantas
The Pulisa-Siddhânta
...
***
PAGE
***
-
...
***
130
C. E. G. CRAWFORD:
Corruptions of Portuguese Proper Names in Salsette and Bassein...
442
***
28i 316
WILLIAM CROOKE, B.C.S.:
Charms and Spells in the North-West Provinces... 103 Omens in the North-West Provinces 254 SHANKAR BALKRISHNA DIKSHIT DHULIA :THE ORIGINAL SURYA-SIDDHANTA
THE ROMAKA SIDDHANTAS
The Pañchasiddhântikâ
No. 187. Sorab Copper-Plate Grant of Vinayaditya; Saka-Samvat 614 expired
J. F. FLEET, Bo.C.S., M.R.A.S., C.I.E.:SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS:No. 185. Mahakuta Pillar Inscription of Mangalėša
No. 186. Balagaṁve Stone Inscription of the time of Vinayâditya
142
45 133 439
7
146
No. 188. Mantür Inscription of the time of Jayasimha III.; Saka-Samvat 962
161
No. 189. Bhoj Copper-Plate Grant of the Ratta Mahamandalêsvara Kartavirya IV.; SakaSamvat 1131
242
No. 190.- Honwaḍ Stone Inscription of Sôméévara II., Saka-Samvat 976 No. 191.StarA Copper-Plate Grant of Vishnuvardhana I....
303
268
No. 192. Chellûr Copper-Plate Grant, of ViraChôdadeva; dated in his twenty-first year 428 SOME GOLD COINS OF THE EASTERN CHALUKYA KINGS SAKTIVARMAN AND BAJARAJA I.
79
A SELECTION OF KANARESE BALLADS:No. 5. The Daughter-in-Law of Channavva of Kittür...
The Bhitar! Seal of Kumaragupta II. A Doubtful Chaulukya Grant... Nandik évara, Lañjigêsara Calculations of Hindu Dates: -
No. 32. The Dates of the completion of Utpala's Commentaries on the Brihaj-JAtaka and the Brihat-Samhita
No. 83. Bilvanâthêévara temple inscription of the Chola king Ko-RAjAkêsarivarman No. 84. The Coronation of the Eastern Chalukya king Amma II. No. 35. The Coronation of the Eastern Chalukya king Rajaraja I. No. 36. Gadag inscription of the time of the Hoysala king Ballala II.; Saka-Samvat
129
PAGE
1121...
No. 37. Davangere inscription of the Mahamandalêsvara Vijayapandyadêva; BakaSamvat 1091
No. 33. Kôlar inscription of the DevagiriYadava king Singhana II.; Saka-Samvat 1145...
413 ... 224 253 317
***
No. 39. Aihole inscription of the Western Chalukya king Vijay Aditya
No. 40. Miraj inscription; Saka-Samvat 1065...
...
...
No. 41. Khêdrapur, inscription of the Devagiri-Yadava king Singhana II.; Saka.
Samvat 1136
...
...
No. 42. Munolli inscription of the same king; Saka-Samvat 1145
***
...
S
G. A. GRIERSON, B.C.S. :
THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI, THE EDICTS OF DHAULI AND JAUGADA, FROM THE FRENCH or M. E. SENART
40
70
102
155
156
440
No. 43. Chikka-Bagiwadi grant of the Devagiri-Yadava king Krishna; SakaSam at 1171
No. 44. Munolli inscription of the same king; Saka-Sat 1174 No. 45. Behatti grant of the same king; Saka-Samvat 1175
No. 46. Paithan grant of the same king; Saka-Samvat 1193
REV. THOMAS FOULKES, F.L.S., M.R.A.S., F.R.G.S.BUDDHAGHOBA
157
187
317
410
441
441
442
442
...105
82

Page #4

CONTENTS.
***
"
... 126
PAGE Progress of European Scholarship :No. 19. Miscellaneous Essays by European
Scholars : (a) J. Grosset on Hindu Music; (b) Prof. Weber on old Iranian Star-names; (c) Prof. Sachau on Alberuni's transliteration of Indian Words; (d) M. Winternitz on SnakeWorship ...
... .. ... ... 72 Notes d'Epigraphie Indienne, par M. E. Senart ... 43 The Modern Vernacular Literature of Hindu
stan ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 103 Giornale della Societa Asiatica Italiana ... ... 286 Die Hymnen des Rig Veda, herausgegeben von
Hermann Oldenburg ... ... ... ... 286 PROF. A. F. RUDOLF HOERNLE, PH.D. :THE PATTAVALI OR LIST OF POxtiy98 OF THE
UPAKESA-GACHCHHA ... .. .. .. 233 A NEW COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF GOVINDA. CHANDRADEVA OP KANAUJ
249 E. HULTZSCH, PH.D.; BANGALORE: EXTRACTS FROM KALHANA'S RAJATARAMGINI :
No. 8. Extracts from the Second Taranga ... 261 Prof. F. KIELHORN, C.I.E., GÖTTINGEN :
THE EPOCH OF THE LAKSHMANASENA ERA ... EXAMINATION OP QUESTIONS CONNECTED WITH
THE VIKRAMA ERA ... ... ... ... 20, 166, 354 KANASWA STONE INSCRIPTION OF BIVAGANA;
THE MALAVA YEAR 795 EXPIRED ... ... ... 55 DELHI SIWALIK PILLAR INSCRIPTION OF VISALA
DRVA THE VIKRAMA YEAR 1920... ... ... 216 THREE UJJAIN COPPER-PLATE GEANTS OF THE ROLERS OP MALAVA...
... ... ... 345 'The Sayana-Patchling for the Saka Year 1811 ... 256
The Malava Era ... ... ... ... ... .. 316 MAJOR J. S. KING, BO.S.C. :THE ABORIGINES OF SOKOTRA, AN ETHNOLOGICAL
RELIGIOUS AND PHILOLOGICAL REVIEW ... 189 J. P. LEWIS :
Slang of Tamil Castes ... ... ... ... ... 160 W. R. MORFILL :Progress of European Scholarship :Nos. 20, 21. Transactions of the Eastern
Section of the Imperial Russian Archäolo.
gical Society ... ... ... ... ... 157, 318 GEO. F. D'PENHA:FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE:
No. 4. The Snako and the Girl ... ... ... 314 The Virgin Mary and Her Sisters... ... ... 285
PAGE V. KANAKASABHAI PILLAI, B.A., B.L. :TAMIL HISTORICAL TEXTS; THE KALINGATTU
PARANI ... ... ... ... ... .. 329 H. G. PRENDERGAST :
Social Customs : Opprobrious Names CHAS. J. RODGERS :
RARE COPPER COINS OP AKBAR . ..
Chitor ... ... ... .. . ! G. H. R.:
Luck and Ill-Luck in Oudh... E. REHATSEK :
A NOTICE OF THE GULABNAMA ... ... HARIDAS SASTRI :
A Note on Vimala .... ... .. .. ... 378 PANDIT S. M. NATESA SASTRI, M.F.L.S. :FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA :No. 32. The Four Good Maxims. (Second
Variant) ... No. 33. The Six Good Maxims ... ...
No. 84. The Shower of Gold and Scorpions ... 811 Elves in Madras ... .. Charms and Spells in Madras... Omens in Madras ..
.. . *** E. SENART, MEMBRE DE L'INSTITUT DE FRANCE THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI :CHAPTER III The Detached Rook Ediota.
Edicts of Dhauli and of Jaugada ... B. L. D'SILVA :
The Virgin Mary and her Sisters ... ... ... DR. H. W. SMYTH, PENNSYLVANIA :SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINS, TRANSLATED
FROM THE GERMAN CF PROF. WEBER .. ... 62 TAW SEIN KO, RANGOON :FOLKLORE IN BURMA :
No. 2. The two Blind Princes ... ... ... MAJOR R. C. TEMPLE, B.S.C., M.R.A.S.: - Selectiou from the Records of the Hlutdaw, by
Taw Sein Ko ... ... ... .. .. .. 75 PUTLIBAI D. H. WADIA :FOLKLORE IN WESTERN INDIA -
No. 15. The Wonderful Tree ... ... ... PARSI AND GUJARATI HINDU NUPTIAL SONGS ... 374 Prop. E. WEBER, BERLIN :
THE SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINS ... 62
.
..
.
40
MISCELLANEA AND CORRESPONDENCE. A Note ou Harsbavardhana's conquest of Nepal, by A Doubtful Chaulukya Grant, by J. F. Fleet G. Bühler ... ... ... ...
The Róinaka Siddhantas, by J. Burgess Calculations of Hindu Datez, Nos. 32 to 46, by The Malaya Era, by F. Kielhorn ...
J. F. Fleet. 41, 70, 102, 129, 135, 156, 157, 187, 317, 440 The Pulisa-Siddhanta, by J. Burgess ... Progress of Europeau Scholarship, No. 10, by G. A. Nandikeśvara, Laūjigêsara, by J. F. Fleet ...
Grierson ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 72 A Note on Vimala, by Haridas Sastri... ... ... 378 Progress of European Scholarship, Nos, 20, 21, by Chitor, by C. J. Rodgers... ... ... ... ... 380 W. R. Mortill ...
... ... 157, 318 Tho Panchasiddhantika, by Shankar Balkrishna Tho Bhitari Soal of Kumaragupta II., by J. T. Dikshit Fleet ..
... .. ... 924 | The Virgin Mary and Her Sistera, by B. L. D'Silva. 143
816 ... 317

Page #5

CONTENTS.
PAGE
.. 285
NOTES AND QUERIES.
PADE Elves in Madras, by 9. M. Natesa Sastri ... ... 75 The Onko Reckoning of Orissa ... ... .. . 265 Charms and Spells in the North-West Provinces, by The Date of K lidass ... ... ..
... 285 William Crooke, and in Madras, by 8. M. Natesa The Winds of AshAdha ... ... ... ... Sastri ... ... .. ... ... .. . 103
The Virgin Mary and Her Sisters, by Geo. Fr. Omens in Bihår, by Sayyid Khairayat Ahmad ... 130
D'Penha ... ... ... .. . ... ... Slang of Tamil Castes, by J. P. Lewis ... ...
Wrong Predictions of Eclipses ... ... ... Omene in Madras, by S. M. Natesa Sastri, and in the
... 323 North-West Provinces, by William Crooke ... Luck and Ill-Luck, in Oudh, by G. H. R. ... ... 325 Social Customs, Opprobrious Namas, by H. G. Corruptions of Portuguese Proper Names in Prendergast ...
... ... .. 255 Salsette and Bassein, by C. E. G. Crawford...... 443
BOOK-NOTICES. Notes d'Epigraphie Indienne, par M. E. Sonart ... 13 The Hymns of the Rig Veda, translated by Ralph Bengal, its Chiefs, Agents and Governors, by F.C. T. H. Griffith ... ... . ... ... ... 325
Danvers ... ... .. ... ... ... .. 44 South Indian Chronological Tables, by the late W. Selections from the Records of the Hlutdaw, by s, Krishnasvami Naidu, edited by R. Sewell ... 326 Taw Sein-Ko ... .. . ..
Alberuni's Indis ; an English Edition with Notes The Modern Vernacular Literature of Hindustan
and Indices, by Dr. Edward C. Sachau ... ... 381 by G. A. Grierson ... ...
Vier Erashlungen aus der Bukasaptati, von Dr. The Diary of William Hedges, Esq., by Col. Sir Richard Schmidt ... ... ... ... ... 410
Henry Yule ... ... ... ... ... ... 181 Journal of the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatio Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. Society, Vol. X., No. 35, 1887 ... ... ... 410 XIII., 1889 ... ..
... ... 228 Proceedings of the Canadian Institute ... . 411 Catalogue of Hindustani Printed Books in the Tractatus de Globis et Eorum Usu, by Robert Hues 411
Library of the British Museum, by J. F. The Hindu Home Life, by Kaccoo Mal Manuchee ... 444
Blumhardt ... ... ... ... ... .. 236 Comparative Noter to the Mabinogion, by Prof. H. The Sayana-Pañching for the Saka Year 1811 ... 256 Giornale della Societa Asiatica Italiana ... ... 286 The Madras Christian College Magazine, Vol. VII, Die Hymnen des Rig Veda, herausgegeben von No.1 ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 441 Hermann Oldenberg ... ... ... ... ... 286
The North-Western Provinces and Oudh Provincial Proceedings of the American Oriental Society ... 325 Museum, Lucknow ... ... .. ... 444
Gaidoz
...
..
.
...
...
...
...444
ILLUSTRATIONS. Mahfikůta Pillar Inscription of Maigalesa ... ... 18 The Allah Abad Pillar; A., the Edict of the Queens Kaņaswa Inscription of Sivagana; the MÁlava Year
of Devånaripiya ; B., the Kosambi Edict of 795 expired ... .. ... ... .. ... 58 Devanampiya ... ... ... ... ... ... 125 Inscription at the bottom of an image of Buddha Balaghihve Inscription of the time of Vinay Aditya... 144
from Gaya; and Coins of Chalukya-Chandra or Delhi Siwalik Piller Inscriptions of Visaladeva;
Saktivarman, and of Rajaraja I. ... ... ... 78 Vikrama-Samvat 1220 ... ... ... ... ... 218 Ahoka Inscriptions :
Rare Copper-coins of Akbar, Plates i. and ii.... 222, 223 The Delhi Mirat Pillar, North side Edicts I., II., SATAra Plates of Vishņuvardhana I. ... ... 310, 311
and III. ... 122 A Selection of Kanarese Ballads; the Daughter. * West side, Edict IV. ... 123
in-law of Channa Va of Kittor; Air of the , , , , South side, Edict V. ... 124 Chorus ... .. .. .. ... ... .. 416

Page #6


Page #7

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY,
A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH.
VOLUME XIX.-1890.
THE EPOCH OF THE LAKSHMANÅSENA ERA.
BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, C.L.E.; GÖTTINGEN M R. H. BEVERIDGE'S valuable paper on the Era of Lachhman Sen,' in the Jour. Beng.
M As. Soc. Vol. LVII. Part I. pp. 1-7, which I regret to say has only very recently attracted my attention, induces me to discuss now, what I had intended to write on when I should be in a position to treat of a larger number of dates of the Lakshmaņasêna era than I have been able to collect hitherto. I indeed believe that I shall be able to fix the epoch of the era, even with the somewhat scanty materials which I have at my disposal at present; but I should have preferred presenting to the reader, and strengthening my case by, a longer series of dates, from the earliest to the most modern times. Dr. Rajendralal Mitra's Notices of Sanskrit M88. show that in Bengal there are numerous MSS. which are fully dated in the Lakshmaņasêna era, but the dates actually given by him with sufficient data for verification are few; and in Europe there seem to exist only two or three MSS., the dates of which can be made use of for the present enquiry.
Up to the time when Mr. Beveridge wrote the paper mentioned above, all that had been published about the epoch of the Lakshmanasena era tended to show that that era commenced about A.D. 1106-1107; and the conclusion at which Sir A. Cunningham in his Book of Indian Eras arrived, was, that the year 1 of the era corresponded (approximately) to one of the five years from A.D. 1105 to A.D. 1109. Among the materials which furnished this rather vague result, the most valuable, in my opinion, was the date of a copper-plate inscription of king Sivasimha, in which the Lakshmanasêne year 293, expressed in words and figures, is coupled with the Saka year 1321, and the details of which undoubtedly work out satisfactorily for the expired 'Saka year mentioned. For, this date appeared to prove that between a year of the Lakshmanasêna era and the corresponding Saka year, or at any rate between certain identical months of two such years, there is a difference of 1028 years, and that consequently the Lakshmaņasəna era began somewhere about Saka 1028 or A.D. 1106-1107.
Mr. Beveridge now has drawn attention to & passage in the Akbarnáms of Abu-l-Farl, which says that "in the country of Bang (Bengal) dates are calculated from the beginning of the reign of Lachhman Sen," and that "from that period till now there have been 465 years;" and which moreover contains the important statement that, at the point of time to which the writer refers, there had elapsed 1506 years of the Salivahana (or Saka) era and 1641
1 Bee ante, Vol. IV. p. 300; Vol. XIV. p. 290; Vol. XVIII. p. 80; Archaol. Buro. of India, Vol. XV. p. 160; and Sir A. Cunningham's Book of Indian Eras, p. 77.

Page #8

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1890.
years of the era of Vikramaditya.? That Abu-l-Fazl here was speaking of the Lakshmanasena era, there can be no doubt; and if what he reports is correct, the difference between a Lakshmanasêna year and the corresponding Saka year (or between certain months of two such years) is, not 1028, but 1041 years, and the Lakshmaņasêna era must have commenced about Saka 1041 or A.D. 1119-20, and not about A.D. 1106-1107.
That there might be a difference of 1041 years between a year of the Lakshmanasena era and the corresponding Saka year, was not altogether unknown to me, even before I had seen Mr. Beveridge's article. For, in his Notices of Sanskrit MSS., Vol. VI. p. 13, Dr. Rajendralal Mitra reports that a MS, of the Smriti-tattvamrita bears the date "La-sam (ie. Lakshmanasamvat) 505 Sakê 1546." And in the same Notices, Vol. III. p. 141, 11. 23-24, there occurs another passage, which indeed is corrupt, but regarding which this much may be considered to be certain, that in it the Saka year 1127 was coupled with a Lakshmaņasêna year the unit of which was 6, expressed by the word rasa, - pointing again to a difference of [104]1, not of [102]8, years between the Saka and the Lakshmaņasêna eras.
However this may be, it is clear that according to Abu-l-Fazl, whose statement is supported by at least one MS. date, the Lakshmanasena era commenced about the Saka year 1041; while, by the copper-plate grant of Sivasimha and according to certain modern almanacs of Tirhut, the epoch of the same era would fall about Saka 1028. And since the era cannot have begun both in or about Saka 1028 and also in or abuut Saka 1041, one at least of the two epocha indicated by these figures must be wrong; and a decision as to which of the two is right, or whether either of them is correct, must be arrived at by an examination and calculation of a number of trustworthy dates, from which the date of the copper-plate of Sivasimha itself must of course be excluded.
At present, I have to offer six such dates; and I shall now in the first instance show what would be their European equivalents, if the Lakshmaņasêna era had commenced about Saka 1028, or, to put the case as suggested by Sir A. Cunningham, if the first year of the era bad corresponded (approximately) to one of the five years from A.D. 1105 to A.D. 1109.
1.- An inscription from Buddha-Gayâ, first published in Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. V. p. 659, and afterwards republished, ante, Vol. X. p. 346, is dated
Srimal-Lakshmanusênadê vapadanam-atîta-rajyê san 74 Vaisakha-vadi 12 Gurau,i.e, on the 12th of the dark half of Vaisakha of the year 74 since the commencement of the) reign, (now) passed, of the illustrious Lakshmaņasênadêva, on a Thursday:
The corresponding European dates would be :(a) for 74 + 1026=Saka 1100 expired, -
půrnimânta : Sunday, 16 April, A.D. 1178.
amanta: Tuesday, 16 May, A.D. 1178. (6) før 74 + 1027=Baka 1101 expired, -
purnimanta: Thursday, 5 April, A.D. 1179; the 12th tithi of the dark half ended 18 h.
28 m. after mean sunrise. amânta : Saturday, 5 May, A.D. 1179.
1 In order that there might be no mistake about the above figures, they have been kindly verified for me by Dr. Flemming in the old MS. of the Akbarndma presented by me to the University Library of Göttingen, and they have all three been found correct.
The phrase atita-rdjye has been variously translated, "After the conclusion of the reign," " in the expired reign" (which conveys no meaning to me)," the reign-having passed," "after the expiration of the reign," eto; but I believe its true and original sense is given above. During the reign of Lakshmanasena the years of his reign
8 érimal-Lakshmanasé nadltapddandih ragy! (or pravardhamana-vijayardjy) samvat; after his death the phrase would be retained, but atita prefixed to the word rdjye, to show that, although the years were still counted from the commencement of the reign of Lakshmanasena, that reign itself was a thing of the past. In the course of time atita-njye is spt to become a meaningless phrase, as may be seen from the Srimad. Vikramaditya. dévapádándm-atfta-rójyd sath 1503 in Mr. Bendall's Catalogua of Buddh, Skr. M88., p. 70.

Page #9

JANUARY, 1890.)
THE EPOCH OF THE LAKSHMANASENA ERA.
(c) for 74 + 1028=Saka 1102 expired, -
pûrņimânta : Monday, 24 March, A.D. 1180. amanta : Wednesday, 23 April, A.D. 1180; the 12th tithi of the dark half ended 9 h. 30 m.
after mean sunrise. (d) for 74 + 1029 = Saka 1103 expired, -
pûrņimânta : Sunday, 12 April, A.D. 1181.
amânta : Tuesday, 12 May, A.D. 1181. (e) for 74 + 1030 = Saka 1104 expired, -
půrnimânta : Friday, 2 April, A.D. 1182; the 12th tithi of the dark half ended 1 h. 59 m.
after mean sunrise. amânta: Saturday, 1 May, A.D. 1182.
2. According to Mr. Bendall in Jour. Roy. As. Soc., N.S., Vol. XX. p. 552, a British Museum MS. of 'Sridhara's Commentary on Bk. X. of the Bhagavata-Purána is dated -
“in the 317th year of Lakshmana era, Chaitra-sudi pratipad Gurau dine," i.e. on the first day of the bright half of Chaitra of the Lakshmanasena year 317, on a Thursday.'
The corresponding European dates would be: - (a) for 317 + 1026 = Saka 1343 expired, -
Tuesday, 4 March, A.D. 1421. (6) for 317 + 1027 = Saka 1344 expired, -
Monday, 23 March, A.D. 1422. © for 317 + 1028 = Saka 1345 expired, -
Saturday, 13 March, A.D. 1423. (d) for 317 + 1029 = Saka 1346 expired,
Thursday, 2 March, A.D. 1424; the first tithi of the bright half ended 4 b. 2 m. after
mean sunrise. (e) for 317 + 1030 = Saka 1347 expired, -
Wednesday, 21 March, A.D. 1425; the first tithi of the bright half ended 3 h. 37 m. after
mean sanrise.
3.- According to Mr. Bendall, ib. p. 554, a British Museum MS. of the Ganga-krityaviveka is dated -
La-sam 376 Pausha-badi 13 Budhe, i.e. 'on the 13th of the dark half of Pausha of the Lakshmaņasona year 376, on a Wednesday.'
The corresponding European dates would be: - (a) for 376 + 1026 = 'Saka 1402 expired, -
purnimanta: the 13th tithi of the dark half commenced 1 h. 38 m. and ended 23 h. 9 m.
after mean sunrise of Wednesday, 29 November, A.D. 1480. amânta: Friday, 29 December, A.D. 1480. (b) for 376 + 1027 = Saka 1408 expired, -
parņimanta : Wednesday, 19 December, A.D. 1481 ; the 13th tithi of the dark half
ended 1 h. 55 m, after mean sunrise. amânta: Tharsday, 17 January, A.D. 1482; the 13th tiths of the dark half ended 13 h.
23 m. after mean sunrise. c) for 376 + 1628 = Saka 1404 expired,
pârşimânta : Sanday, 8 December, A.D. 1482. amanta : Tuesday, 7 January, A.D. 1483; the 13th tithi of the dark half ended 4 h. 41 m.
after mean sunrise.
4. The initial day for the luni-solar year, given in the Book of Indian Eras, is wrong.

Page #10

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1890.
(d) for 376 + 1029 = Saka 1405 expired,
pûrņimánta: Friday, 28 November, A.D. 1483.
amânta: Saturday, 27 December, A.D. 1483. (e) for 376 + 1030 = Saka 1406 expired, - pârşimânta : Thursday, 16 December, A.D. 1484; the 13th tithi of the dark half ended
2 h. 29 m. after mean sunrise. amânta: Friday, 14 January, A.D. 1485.
4.-A MS. of the Mitákshará, of the last page of which a photolithograph is given in Dr. Rajêndralâl Mitra's Notices of Sanskrit MSS., Vol. V. Plate iii., bears the date, -
La-Bar 399 Vaisakha-krishna-pakshe chaturthyám Chandre, i.e. "on the fourth (lunar day) in the dark half of Vaisakha of the Lakshmaņasêna year 399, on Monday.'
The corresponding European dates would be: - (a) for 399 + 1026 = Saka 1425 expired, -
pûrņimanta: Saturday, 15 April, A.D. 1503. amanta: Monday, 15 May, A.D. 1503; the 4th tithi of the dark half ended 7 h. 18 m.
after mean sunrise. (6) for 399 + 1027 = Saks 1426 expired, -
půrnimânta: Wednesday, 3 April, A.D. 1504.
amanta: Friday, 3 May, A.D. 1504. (©) for 399 + 1028 = 'Saka 1427 expired,
phrņimânta: Sunday, 23 March, A.D. 1505; the 4th tithi of the dark half ended 21 h.
6 m. after mean sunrise. amânta: Tuesday, 22 April, A.D. 1605; the 4th tithi of the dark half ended 11 h. 12 m.
after mean sunrise. (d) for 399 + 1029 =Baka 1428 expired, -
půrņimanta : Saturday, 11 April, A.D. 1506. amanta: Monday, 11 May, A.D. 1506; the 4th tithi of the dark bal ended 5 h. 19 m.
after mean sunrise, (e) for 399 + 1030='Saka 1429 expired, -
purạimânta : Thursday, 1 April, A.D. 1507. aminta: Friday, 30 April, A.D. 1507.
5.- According to Mr. Bendall in Jour. Roy. As. Boc., N, S., Vol. XX. p. 551, a Cambridge MB. of Bk. X. of the Bhagavata-Furána is dated -
Lakshmanasêna-samvat 424 Paasha-gudi dasami ukre, i.e. the tenth (lunar day) of the bright half of Pausha of the Lakshmanasêne year 424, on Friday.'
The corresponding European dates would be :(a) for 424 + 1026 Saka 1450 expired, -
Sunday, 20 December, A.D. 1528. (6) for 424 + 1027=Baka 1451 expired,
Friday, 10 December, A.D. 1529; the 10th tithi of the bright half ended 15 h. 56 m..
after mean sunrise, () for 424 + 1028=Saka 1452 expired,
Thursday, 29 December, A.D. 1530; the 10th tithi of the bright half ended 18 h. 12 m.
after mean sunrise, (d) for 424 + 1029=Saka 1453 expired, -
Tuesday, 19 December, A.D. 1531. (e) for 424 + 1030 = Saka 1454 expired,
Monday, 6 January, A.D. 1533.

Page #11

JANUARY, 1890.]
THE EPOCH OF THE LAKSHMANASENA ERA.
6.- According to Dr. Rajendralál Mitra's Notices of Sanskrit MSS., Vol. V. p. 170, a MS. of the Acharachintamani is dated -
Lakshmana-bhûpa-sambandhi-trayastrimsad-adhika-satachatushtay-abdê Kârttika-krishņasaptamyam Sukre, - i.e. 'on the seventh (lunar day) of the dark half of Karttika in the year four hundred and thirty-three of the prince Lakshmana, on a Friday.'
And here the corresponding European dates would be : (a) for 433 + 1026 = Saka 1459 expired,
pûrņimânta: Tuesday, 25 September, A.D. 1537. amânta: Thursday, 25 October, A.D. 1537; the 7th tithi of the dark half ended 7 h. 35 m.
after mean sunrise. (6) for 433 + 1027=Saka 1460 expired, -
púrpimânta : Monday, 14 October, A.D. 1538.
amânta: Wednesday, 13 November, A.D. 1538. (c) for 433 + 1028=Saka 1461 expired,
půrnimânta: Saturday, 4 October, A.D. 1539; the 7th tithi of the dark half ended 6 h.
14 m. after mean sunrise.
amânta: Sunday, 2 November, A.D. 1539. (a) for 433 + 1029=Saka 1462 expired, -
pårnimânta: Wednesday, 22 September, A.D. 1540. amants : Friday, 22 October, A.D. 1540; the 7th tithi of the dark half ended 8 h. 13 m.
after mean sunrise. for 433 + 1030=Saka 1463 expired, - pârşimânta: Tuesday, 11 October, A.D. 1541. amânta : Thursday, 10 November, A.D. 1541 ; the 7th tithi of the dark half ended 8 h.
38 m. after mean sunrise.
The result of my calculations of the above six dates, with assumed epochs ranging from Saka 1026 expired A.D. 1104(-5) to Saks 1030 expired = A.D. 1108(-9) is then as follows:
The dates 1 (the year 74, Vaisakha), 3 (the year 376, Pausha), and 5 (the year 424, Pausha), would work out satisfactorily with the epoch Saka 1027 expired.
The dates 2 (the year 317, Chaitra), 4 (the year 399, Vaisakha), and 6 (the year 433, Karttika), would work out satisfactorily with the epoch Saka 1029 expired.
The five dates from 2 to 6 would work out satisfactorily, if we were to assume that the Lakshmaņasons year had commenced with the month Margasira, and that the ers had begun on Margasira-sudi 1 of Saka 1028 expired, = the 29th October, A.D. 1108. For, with these assumptions we might explain the five dates thus: -
@) Date 3; the year 376, Pausha-vadi 13 Budhe. The year 376 is a current year, and, with the púrnimánta scheme of the lunar fortnights, the corresponding date accordingly is Wednesday, 19 December, A.D. 1481.
(6) Date 5; the year 424, Pausba-sudi 10 Sukro. The year 424 also is a current year, and the corresponding date is Friday, 10 December A.D. 1529.
(6) Date 2; the year 317, Chaitra-eudi 1 Gurau. The year 317 is an expired year, and the corresponding date accordingly is Thursday, 2 March, A.D. 1424.
(a) Date 4; the year 399, Vaisakha-vadi 4 Chandre. The year 399 also is an expired year, and, with the amánta scheme of the lunar fortnights, the corresponding date is Monday, 11 May, A.D. 1506.
(e) Date 6; the year 433, Karttika-vadi 7 Sukre. The year 433 again is an expired year, and the corresponding date, also with the amúntá scheme of the lunar fortnights, is Friday, 22 October, A.D. 1540.
And it may be added that, with the assumed epoch and & year commencing with Margasira, the date of the copper-plate grant of king Sivasitha (the year 293, Sråvapa-sadi 7

Page #12

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1890.
Gurau) also would work ont satisfactorily Thursday, 10 July, A.D. 1399), if namely we were to take the year 293 as a currerst year. But in no way would it be possible to explain with the assumed epoch the first of our dates (the year 74, Vaišlikha-vadi 12 Gurau); for, with that epoch. the date should fall either in A.D. 1180 or in A.D. 1181, according as the year 74 might be considered a current or expired year, and we have seen that Vaisakha-vadi 12 was a Thursday neither in A.D. 1180 nor in A.D. 1181. And besides, it may well be urged that a year commencing with Margasira, though not altogether unknown, would certainly be something very nnusual, the actual existence of which in more modern times should be assumed only when thereby all independent dates are duly accounted for, and when no simpler course, that woull account for all such dates, is open to us; that with the assumed epoch we are obliged to regard the dates in dark fortnights partly as purnimanta and partly as amánta dates; and that the percentage of dates which with the above epoch we have to regard as dates in current years (3 ont of 6), is larger than that we are accustomed to in this respect in the case of other eras. The main objection to the assumed epoch, however, would of course always be this, that it does not account for the week-day of the oldest date of the era which hitherto has become known to us.
If we now turn to the epoch suggested to us by Abu-l-Fazl, according to whose account the difference between a Lakshmanasêna year and the corresponding Saka year would be 1041 years, and the correctness of whose figures would appear to be corroborated by the MS. date La-saṁ 505 = Såkê 1546, we shall find that with that epoch all the six dates which have been examined above, work out in the simplest manner possible. And judging from these six dates, I feel no hesitation in saying that the Lakshmanasêne year was an ordinary southern (Karttikadi) year, with the amanta scheme of the lunar fortnights; and that the first day of the first current year of the era was Karttika-sudi 1 of the expired Saka year 1041, = the 7th October A.D. 1119,7 = the day of the Julian period 2,130,052. On the basis of these data, the results of my calculations are as follows:
(a) Date 6; the year 433, Kârttika-vadi 7 Sukre. The year 433 is a current year, and, with the anánta scheme of the lunar fortnights, the corresponding date (for 433 + 1040 = Saka 1473 expired) is Friday, 20 November A.D. 1551, when the 7th tithi of the dark half ended 10 h. 33 m. after mean sunrise.
(6) Date 5; the year 424, Pausha-sadi 10 Sukrd. The year 424 is an expired year, and the corresponding date (for 424 + 1041 = 'Saka 1465 expired) is Friday, 4 January, A.D. 1544, when the 10th tithi of the bright half ended 17 b. 9 m. after mean sunrise.
(c) Date 3; the year 376, Pausha-vadi 13 Budhe. The year 376 is an expired year, and with the amánta scheme of the lunar fortnights, the corresponding date (for 376 + 1041 = Saka 1417 expired) is Wednesday, 13 January, A.D. 1496, when the 13th tithi of the dark half ended 10 h. 38 m. after mean sunrise.
(a) Date 2; the year 317, Chaitra-sudi 1 Gurau. The year 317 is an expired year, and the corresponding date (for 317 + 1042 = Saka 1359 expired) is Thursday, 7 March A.D. 1437. By Professor Jacobi's Tables, the first tithi of the bright half commenced 0 b. 43 m. before mean sunrise of Thursday, 7 March, and ended 0 h. 17 m. after mean sunrise of Friday, 8 March ; but calculated by the Brahma-Siddhanta the tithi ended about one hour before mean sunrise of the Friday.
• See Alberinf'India, Sachan's Translation, Vol. II. p. 8. + To convert a year of the Lakshmanasena era into an expired Saks year, we accordingly have to add
1040 to a current La year, when the date falls in Karttiks - PhAlguna; 1041 to a current La. year, when the date falls in Chaitra - Ravina ; 1041 to an expired La. year, when the date falls in Karttika-Phalgana 1042 to an expired La. year, when the date falls in Chaitra-Akvina.

Page #13

JANUARY, 1890.)
MAHAKUTA INSCRIPTION OF MANGALESA.
(e) Dato 4; the year 399, Vaisikhn-vadi 4 Chandre. The year 399 is an expired year, and, with the encantat scheme of the lunar fortnights, the corresponding date (for 399 +
1042 = Saka 1441 expired) is Monday, 18 April, A.D. 1519, when the 4th tithi of the dark half ended 20 h. 47 m. after mean sunrise.
() Date 1; the year 74, Vaisakha-vadi 12 Gurau. The year 74 is an expired year, and, with the aminta scheme of the lunar fortnights, the corresponding date (for 74 + 1042 = Suka 1116 expired) is Thursday, 19 May, A.D. 1194, when the 12th tithi of the dark half ended 2 h. 50 m. after niean sunrise.
These results may well speak for themselves; and all that I need say in regard to them is that, when, with the epoch A.D. 1118-19, we are obliged to take the year of one out of the six dates exceptionally as a current year, years must be exceptionally treated as current also in the case of other eras the dates of wbich are ordinarily recorded in expired years, and the epochs of which are settled beyond dispute.
Time will show whether I am right or wrong; but I put more faith in the way in which my dates work out with the epoch A.D. 1118-19, than in the modern almanacs of Tirhut, disagreeing as they do among themselves. And, with the statement of Abu-l-Fazl, supported by the MS. date La-sam 505 = Sakê 1546 and by the results of my calculations, I would maintain that the equation (La-sam 293 = Sakê 1321) furnished by the copper-plate grant of king Sivasimha is wrong; and that that inscription itself, suspicious as it would seem to be also on other grounds, has either been tampered with or is a forgery, got up at a time when the true epoch of the Lakshmaņasêna era had been forgotten, as in my opinion it has been forgotten by the almanac-makers of Tirhut.
At present I have neither the time nor the means of writing on the history of the Sena kings. But I would ask : When we are told that, at the conquest of Bengal by Muhammad Bakhtyar, which by Mr. Blochmanno is placed about A.D. 1198-99, the last Hindu king Lakhmaniya had been reigning for 80 years, 10 does not this really mean that that conquest took place in the year 80 of the Lakshmaņasóna era, Srimad-Lakshmanasensdévapadanam-atita-rajyê sam 80 P
SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
BY J. F. FLEET, Bo.C.S., M.R.A.S., C.I.E.
No. 185.-MAHAKUTA PILLAR INSCRIPTION OF MANGALESA. This inscription was first brought to notice by me in 1881, in this Journal, Vol. X. p. 102: at a time when I was without the means of obtaining a reading of the text of it. Subsequently, in 1882, an ink-impression of it was sent to me by Mr. H. Cousens, of the Archeological Survey of Western India, from which I was able to quote some of the contents of it in my Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts, p. 21 f. I now edit it in full, with a photo-lithograph, from the same materials.
Mahakata is the current name of a group of temples, aboat three miles away over the hills to the east of Bâdami, the chief town of the Bâdami Taluka in the Bijâpar District, Bombay Presidency. This is the form of the name that was given to me when I visited the place itself. And it is the form which, on fresh inquiries at Bijapur, has again been certified to me; coupled now, however, with the remark that the place is called Mäkáta and Makata, and occasionally Magada, by uneducated people who cannot pronounce the proper word correctly ! But there is no doubt that the real original name is Makufa. It actually occurs in line 9-10 of the inscription of the Mahásámanta Bappuvarasa inside one of the temples (ante, Vol. X.
* See ante, Vol. IV. p. 800. 10 Sir H. M. Elliot, History of India, Vol. II. p. 807.
Jour. Beng. As. Soc., Vol. XLIV. Part I. p. 377.

Page #14

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1890.
p. 104), where the words snagudake vandu, plainly mean “having come to Maguda, i.e. Makuta." And, in line 13-14 of the present inscription, the name of the god distinctly occurs as Makuteśvaranatha ; not in the now current form of Mahakatêsvara. The temples are in a courtyard, the chief entrance to which is a gateway at the north-east corner of it. About ten yards to the east of this gateway there lay, at the time of my visit, a close-grained red-sandstone monolith pillar, which is called in the inscription itself, and in one of the additions below it, a dharma-jayastambha or 'pillar of victory of religion,' measuring about 14 6" in height, exclusive of the kalasa or capital, and about 1' 9" in diameter, with sixteen sides or faces; the kalasa, which lay close by, is about 1'7" high, and of a circular shape, about 2 8}" in diameter, with thirty-six deep flutes running down it, and with a square top. The inscription is on the lower part of this pillar,
The writing, including the extra two lines at the bottom, covers a space of about 5' 3" broad by 32" high ; each of the full lines running entirely round the pillar. It is in a state of fairly good preservation throughout; very few letters being actually destroyed. But it has suffered somewhat from the weather; and for this reason, and because of the colour of the material in which it is engraved, it is very difficult to read on the original stone. The inscription itself consists of sixteen lines; and the first line is the lowest. Line 1 runs round the pillar on the same level; the other lines wind upward, with, in some instances, considerable irregularity in the directions along which they run; and, partly to shew the way in which the end of one line runs into the beginning of the next, and partly because in a few instances an akshara lies, not entirely on either the first or the last face of the stone, but on the dividing edge between them, the lithograph has been so arranged as to repeat an akshara or two at the beginning and end of each line. Below the inscription proper, there is a line of writing, beginning on the fourteenth face and continuing nearly all round, in well-formed characters of exactly the same type with those used in the body of the record, which rung - Aryyapura-vasakah Pubesasya sutau sthapitâ idam dharmma-jayastambha vyâparakaś=cha tau; the language is inaccurate, bat the meaning is, "the two sons of Pubesa, residents of the town of Aryapura, set up this pillar of victory of religion; and they are traders." And below this, in characters not quite so well formed, there are, on the first four faces, the words - Data Ana kat[t]idapu (or perhaps katidapu) kami bh]a, which either specify the maker or makers of the pillar, or possibly give the names of the two sons of Pabesa; and, on the ninth, tenth, and eleventh faces, there are some seven or eight letters as to the meaning of which I cannot satisfy myself. - The char. acters belong to the southern class of alphabets, and are of the regular type of the period and locality to which the record belongs. The average size of the letters is between "and l'; but the dhi of yathavidhi, line 1, is 1 high ; and there are some other instances of a percep. tible excess over the average size. The engraving is bold and good throughout. Palæographically we may note that in adhirúdhé, line 8, the dh is expressed, not by a separate sign of its own, but by the sign which stands for d and d. Also, that in margalésa, line 8, the vowel é is expressed, not by a modification of the upper part of the l which induces much confusion between li, ui, le, and le, but by a distinct sign attached to the lower proper right side of the 1, which leaves no doubt whatever that the vowel é was intended here; the same vowel-mark, bat placed somewhat higher, is used in the le of polekési, in line 8 of the Nerûr grant of Pulikesin II. (ante, Vol. VIII. p. 44, and Plate). - The language is Sansksit; and the style is good throughout, except for three peculiar mistakes of gender in lines 12 and 13. With the exception of two benedictive and imprecatory verses quoted in line 15 f., the whole record is
1 Another instance of a pillar insoription commencing at the bottom and running upwards, is the Amaravati inscription of the Pallava king Simhavarman II., published by Dr. Hultzsch in the Madras Journal of Literature and Science, 1986.87. In that case, however, the inscription is on only three out of eight faces; and the lines do not run round and mount in the manner in which they do here.
1 I take it that dharmina-jayastambha was intended to be in the accusative case, in apposition with idan, which is then a mistake for imam. Otherwise, taking it as part of compound, we might translate - "set ap this; and they are dealers in pillars of victory of religion,"

Page #15

JANUARY, 1890.)
MAHAKUTA INSCRIPTION OF MANGALESA.
practically in prose. There are undoubtedly two half Slokas in lines 10 and 11, and also some seemingly metrical syllables in lines 2 and 3-4 ; whether these are quotations, or to what they are to be attributed, is not apparent; but, except in line 3-4, where, moreover, the syllables are not necessarily in metre, the metrical or apparently metrical passages, are complete in themselves, and do not lay the record open to any such remarks as I have had to make in the case of the Kômaralingam grant of Ravidatta (ante, Vol. XVIII.) – In respect of orthography, we have to notice (1) the use of ri for si in ridhyd, line 2, riddhis, line 3, and lerita, lines 5, 7, 11, and 13; though there are plenty of cases in which the subscript ri is employed in this record; and though even the initial i was known at this time (see, for instance, sishabháya, ante, Vol. VI. p. 23, line 12, and Plate); (2) the omission of the visarga before an initial ár, in sambháta, line 2, and jyéshtha, line 6; this may possibly have been suggested by the Vårttika on Paņini, viii., 3, 36, which, however, anthorises the omission of the visarga only when the initial sibilant is followed by a mute letter; (3) the use of the upadhmániya in nripatéhpriya, line 4, and faktih-prathamataram, line 12; (4) the use of the guttural nasal, instead of the anusvára, before the palatal sibilant, in vans-ambara, line 8; (5) considerable irregularity in using the anusvára for the proper nasal ; contrast, for instance, especially sambhūta, line 2, with sambhútah, line 5, and the components of vang-anga, line 7; but the tendency on the whole is in favour of the use of the proper nasals ; (6) the occurrence of the Dravidian ! and !, in chalikya, lines 2 and 8, kalinga, Icerala, and áluka, line 7, and kesuvolala, line 14; and in dramila and chóliya, line 7; (7) the use of t for th in avabhrita, lines 5 and 7; though the proper sign for th occurs in all the other instances; (8) the omission to double & consonant after rin dharma, line 2, and bahusuvarna, line 4, and in a few other words; thongh in the majority of instances the correct practice is followed ; (9) the doubling of k before in vikkrama, lines 3 and 4, dikkránta, line 8, parák keruma, line 6 (twice), and kkrita, for krita, line 11; (10) the doubling of g, t, and dh (by d, in the proper manner), before y, in bhággya, line 13, sattyásraya, line 4, bţihaspatty-usanah, line 11, and anuddhyátánán, line 1, though not in other cases ; and (11) the use of singha for sinha, in jayasingha, line 2, and nipatisinghah, line 10.
The insoription is one of the Early Chalukya king Mangaleka. It is a Baivs inscription; the primary object of it being to record that, with the authority of Mangalêsa, his father's wife, Darlabhadevi, increased, by the grant of ten villages, a previous endowment of the god Siva under the name of Makutesvaranátha.
Of the local places mentioned in this record, three of the villages granted can be identified. Kesuvolala, called in other records Kisuvoļal and Pattada-Kisu voļal, is the modern Pattadakal, the Purudkal' and 'Puttutkul' of maps, on the left bank of the Mala prabhâ, about eight miles east by north from Badami (see ante, Vol. X. p. 162 f.); it ought to be shewn in the Indian Atlas, Sheet No. 41 or 58; but it has been omitted, perhaps because it would fall on the very edge of the map, unless it is denoted by the word Pag.,'i. e. Pagoda, in No. 58. Kendoramanya is evidently the modern Kendar, the Khenthoor' of the map, Sheet No. 41, four miles north by east of Bâdami. And Nandigrama must be the modern Nandikeshwar, the Nundeekasur' of the map, No. 41, five miles east by north of Badami. Others of the villages granted were Sriyambataka and Vrihimukha, which I cannot identify. And the names of one or two more are contained in the middle part of the compound, which cannot be properly divided without some clue, not obtained as yet, to the identification of them. Aryapura, which occurs in the addition below the record, is the Sanskrit name of the modern Aiholo in the Hungand Taluka, the Iwullee of the map, No. 58, about fifteen miles to the north-east of Bâdâmi (see ante, Vol. VIII. pp. 237, 287).
A point of leading interest in this inscription is its dato: the more so because we have as yet only two other dated records of the Chalakyas anterior to the time of Palikesin II., and
In this instauce, sauryya-ridhis, for fauryya-riddhis, or more oustomarily fauryy-orddhis, may perhapa be takon M an instanoo of the optional hiatus, in scoordance with the commentary on Papini, vi., 1, 128.

Page #16

10
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1890.
there has been a distinct difference of opinion as to the manner in which the dates given in them should be applied. The date on which the pillar was set up to record the making of the grant, is given as "in the fifth glorious year, of the constantly augmenting reign of Mangaléśa), in the current Siddhartha (sarivatsara), on the full-moon tithi of the month) Vaisakha.' The text of the whole passage is perfectly clear; and the details are unmistak. able. But here I should state that, when first I drafted my remarks on this date, finding that in no way could the Siddhartha or Siddharthin samvatsara of the Sixty-Year Cycle of Jupiter be made to meet with the fifth year of Mangalêśa's reign according to either of the views based on the other two records referred to above, I was disposed to think that the word siddharthé, in line 15, suggestive as it was of the samvatsara so named, had not really that application, but was simply used as an epithet of varshé, and in some such meaning as 'full of success or prosperity.' Prof. Kielhorn, however, to whom I had referred several points of doubt and interest in this record, has given me the opinion that, if the names of the years of the SixtyYear Cycle were well known and were in general use in the period in question, - (which was more or less undoubtedly the case), the writer of the record would not be likely to use the word, in such a passage, in an altogether unusual and objectionable sense, when he must have known that it would naturally be taken as denoting the sainvatsara, and when he could easily have avoided all ambiguity by selecting any other adjective that would express his meaning much better; and that, if the reading siddharthé is correct, (which it certainly is), - the word can only denote the sanatsara. And, on reconsideration, I have fully adopted this view of the matter. Now, no reference is made to any era. But the period of the present record is determined by the fact that Mangaléśa's nephew and successor, Palikesin II., commenced to reign in or about 'Saka-Samvat 533 current. Just before that year, the Siddhartha samvat. sara occurred, or would occur, as follows:-(1) by the southern luni-solar system, if then in use, it would coincide with Saka-Samvat 522 current; (2) by the mean-sign system it would commence in Saka-Samvat 524 current, on Wednesday, 25th October, A.D. 601, and would end in Saka-Samvat 525 current, on Sunday, 21st October A.D. 602; and (3) by the northern luni-solar system, if then in use and applicable to that part of the country, it would coincide with Saka-Samvat 525 current. Of these three systems, the only one that can be applied for the period and locality to which the present record belongs (see ante, Vol. XVII. p. 142), is the mean-sign system, according to which the saivatsara lasted from the 25th October, A.D.. 601 to the 21st October, A.D. 602. During this period, the given tithi, Vaisakha sukla 15, belonging to Saka-Samvat 525 current, ended on Thursday, 12th April, A.D. 802, at about 13 ghatis, 50 palas, after mean sunrise (for Bombay). And this is undoubtedly the day that answers to the details given in the original record for the setting up of the pillar. From this it follows that, as the full-moon of Vaisakha, Saka-Samvat 525 current, fell in the fifth year of his reign, the fall-moon of Vaisakha, Saka-Samvat 521 current, fell in his first year; and consequently the accession of Mangalôba took place, on some day still to be exactly determined, in A.D. 497 or 498; either on any day from the púrnimánta Jyêshtha krishọa 1 of Saka-Samvat 520 current, up to the end of that year; or on any day from the beginning of Saka-Samvat 521 current, up to Vaisakha sukla 15 of that year.
The date thus obtained for the commencement of Mangalêsa's reign, differs materially from that deduced from either of the other two dated records of the same period, spoken of above, and some remarks are now necessary in connection with them. The earlier of thera, and the first that came to notice, is the Badami cave inscription, published originally by Prof. Eggeling (ante, Vol. III. p. 305 f., with a lithograpb) and subsequently re-edited by me (ante, Vol. VI. p. 363, with a lithograph in Vol. X. p. 58), which records that, in the twelfth regnal
• Both forms of the name occur. The present form, Siddhartha, is the one used in the Brihat-Salihita, viii. 48, 40, Korn's edition.
Or the amanta Vaikkha. I quote, however, the purniminta month, because that is the correct arrangement for the period in question; see ante, Vol. XVII. pp. 141, 142.

Page #17

JANUARY, 1890.]
MAHAKUTA INSCRIPTION OF MANGALESA
year, coupled with Suka-Sanivat 500 expired, Manglesa inade a great cave-temple of Vislinu, and gave a great gift to Brilumans on the full-inoon day of Karttika, and performed certain other acts. Both Prof. Egseling wul myself, following the apparently nataral meaning of the text, took the ruigil, of which the twelfth year is mentioned in this record, to be the reign of Maryales limself. And according to that timerstanding of the date, as the full-moon of Karttika, Sakil-Sainvat 500 expired, fell in the twelfth year of liis reign, the full-moon of Krttika, Saki-Suvat 489 expired or +90 current, fell in his first year; and consequently his reign commenced either in Saka-Sauvat 189 curront, on any ny from the purnimanta Mars vairsha I up to the end of the year, or in Saka-Sauvat 400 current, on any day from the beginning of the year up to Karttika sukla 15. The other is the Goa grant, published by Mr. K. T. Tolang (Jour. Do. Pr. R. As. Soc. Vol. X. p. 348 ff., with a lithograph), which records a grant made, with the permission of an unnamed paramount sovereign, by Satyasraya Dhruvaraja-Indravarman, the governor of four vishayas and mandalas, stationed at Rêvatdvipa; the grant was made on the full-moon day of Magha; and in a separate passage, at the end of the charter, there are given the further details of the twentieth year of some unspecified reign or governorship, coupled with Saka-Samvat 532, which is not distinctly described either as current or as expired. On the strength of this grant, Prof. R. G. Bhandarkar (Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. XIV. p. 24 f., and Early History of the Dekkan, p. 38) took a totally different view of the meaning of the Bidami inscription, and held that the twelfth regnal year mentioned in it belongs to the reign of Kirtivarman I., the elder brother and predecessor of Mangalêsa ; that Maugaléśa was not at that time reigning as paramount sovereign, but " was probably his brother's general or lieutenant;" and that the commencement of the reign of Mangalêśa himself took place in Saka-Samvat 514 carrent. It is unnecessary to recapitulate either the arguments pat forward by Prof. R. G. Bhandarkar, or my answer to them (ante, Vol. X. p. 57 ff.); for the sequel has shewn that each of us was partially right and partially wrong. But I shall refer further on to the only substantial argument advanced by him. And, on the other hand, while I can find no further arguments in support of his side of the question, I may as well note here two additional points in support of my own views, so far as they are limited to the point that the date in the Goa grant has nothing whatever to do with the accession of Mangalêśn. The first is, that I cannot give any certain instance in which the current year of the reign of a paramount sovereign is mentioned, at any rate in the period with which we are dealing, in a detached and separate sentence at the end of a record, in the manner in which the date is given in the Goa grant; whereas this is precisely the manner in which it was customary to quote the years of fendatory officials (see, for instance, my Gupta Inscriptions, No. 40, line 24, p. 194, No. 41, line 27, p. 199, and No. 81, line 35 f., p. 296). And the other is, that the Haidarâbâd grant tells us that the new-moon day of Bhadrapada, 'SakaSamvat 534 expired, was in the third year of the reign of Pulikesin II. ; on this date I have made some remarks, ante, Vol. XVI. p. 109 ff., and Vol. XVII. p. 141 ; and I have here only to point out that, if we accept it as it stands, then it follows that the new-moon of Bhadrapada, Saka-Samvat 532 expired, was in the first year of Pulikesin II., and much more so was the whole of the subsequent month Magha of the same expired Saka year; and consequently, if the
. I quote here Prof. R. d. Bhandarkar's opinion as given in the later of the two passages referred to. In the first of them, he arrived at "512 Baka, or 590 A.D.," i. e. Baka-Sańvat 512 expired or 513 current, for the death of Kirtivarman I. and the accession of Margaléia ; while, in the second of them he has placed these events in " 513 Saks, or A.D. 591," i, e. Baka-Sauvat 513 expired or 514 current. Either year can be arrived at, according as the given yenr 533 of the Go grunt in applied as current or as expired for, if the full moon of Magha, Saka-amvat 532 expired, fell in the twentieth year mentioned in the grant, then the full-moon of Magha, Saka-Samvat 513 expired or 514 current, fell in the first year, and the initial point of the twenty years fell either in Baka-Sarivat 513 current, on any day from the purniminta Phálguna krishna 1 ap to the end of the year, or in Baks-Samvat 514 current, on any day from the beginning of the year up to Mágha sukla 15; and precisely the same perioi, one year earlier, 18 to be obtained by applying the year 532 as a current year. It is plain, therefore, that, in arriving at the later date, Prof. R. G. Bhandarkar applied the given year 532 as an expired year. And it will be seen that, in now quoting the later date, I give the better chance to his general views connected with it.

Page #18

12
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1890.
unspecified year, Saka-Samvat 532, of the Goa grant, coupled with the full-moon of Magha, is to be applied as an expired year, then the grant can only belong to the reign of Pulikêsin II., and not to that of Mangalêsa at all.7 Dismissing the previous controversy with these words, I have here only to shew how both the earlier theories are disproved by the present date. With my own original date for Mangalêsa's accession, the full-moon of Vaisakha in his first year might fall either in Saka-Samvat 490 current or in 491 current, according to the exact day of his accession; and the full-moon of Vaisakha in his fifth year could not fall later than in Saka-Samvat 495 current, nearly twenty years before the commencement of the Siddhartha samvatsara by the mean-sign system. And with Prof. R. G. Bhandarkar's initial date, the full-moon of Vaisakha in his first year might fall either in Saka-Samvat 514 current or in 515 current, according to the exact date of his accession; but the full-moon of Vaisâkha in his fifth year could not, by any possibility, fall later than in Saka-Samvat 519 current, leaving still an interval of close upon three years before the earliest possible commencement of the Siddhartha samvatsara, by the inadmissible southern luni-solar system. And thus, with neither of the previous theories can the Siddhartha samvatsara be made to meet with the fifth year of his reign, even for the full-moon day of Vaisakha.8
The only substantial argument put forward by Prof. R. G. Bhandarkar against my original views, was in connection with the age of Pulikesin II. at certain points in his career, and was of the following nature. Both the present record and the Aihole Mêguți inscription (ante, Vol. VIII. p. 237 ff.) tell us plainly that Mangalêsa became king, or was king, on the death of Kirtivarman I. As Palikêsin II. had at any rate two younger brothers, he must have been not
I think, indeed, that this is the case, even if the unspecified year 532 is applied as a current year. But this depends on the results for some Eastern Chalukya dates which I have not yet completed. And, if we attend to extreme nicety of language, the fact is perhaps indicated in the Goa grant itself. For, Saty śraya-DhruvarkjaIndravarman made the grant with the permission of a Mahardja who had the biruda of sriprithivtvallabha. This biruda belonged to Pulikêsin II. and his successors, and is also given in the present Mahikata inscription to Pulikesin I. While, in this same inscription, Mangalésa's name is coupled with the higher biruda of triprithivívallabhendra.
s I had also referred this date to Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit, on the chance of obtaining any other method of making it fit in with either of the previous theories. And, in endorsing Prof. Kielhorn's opinion that the word siddharthé in this passage can mean nothing but the samvatsara of that name, he has put forward the suggestion that the syllables ponchama-éri, immediately before varsh, may be a mistake for pañchatrimse, "in the thirty-fifth year of the constantly augmenting reign of Mangalêéa." The words pañchama-sri-varshe had struck me as a peculiar and exceptional expression, for which I cannot call to mind any analogous instance; but they are quite distinct and unmistakable; and no emendation of them had suggested itself to me. If it were necessary and desirable to amend the text at all, there would be no difficulty about accepting Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit's proposal; for, the number of syllables in his suggested reading would be the same as in the original; the first two syllables, and the consonant of the last, would remain unchanged; and the only radical alterations would be in the entire third syllable, and in the vowel of the fourth, in points in which the paleography of the period might very possibly lead to such mistakes as would then have occurred. Two other emendations are, of course, possible; viz. pañchadasé, "in the fifteenth year," and pañchavimse, "in the twenty-fifth year;' with Prof. R. G. Bhandarkar's theory. Whereas, a correction of the text in accordance with Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit's " but by neither of them can the samvatsara be made to fit in suggestion, would fit in admirably with my own previous views. For, as we have seen, the full-moon of Vaisakha in Mangalêéa's first year was then that of Saka-Sathvat 401 current; and so, the full-moon of Vaisakha in his thirtyfifth year would be that of Saka-Samvat 525 current; and this, as we have already found, was the full-moon of Vaisakha in the Siddhartha samvatsara by the mean-sign system, and was the actual date on which the pillar was set up. It would be a curious coincidence if ever we should obtain another record of Maigalés, unquestionable in its purport, and including the connection of a regnal year with a year of the Saka era, which will compel us to adopt this emendation of the present text. But I do not at all anticipate any such discovery. And, as it is undesirable to alter an original text in so essential a point, except for very cogent reasons, I am not prepared to accept the proposed emendation simply because of the coincidence, and on the grounds that the expression pañ chama-srl-varshe is peculiar and exceptional, and that the difficulty still remains that, according to all analogous instances, the apparently obvious meaning of the Badami inscription is that Maigalesa was then, in Saka-Samvat 501 current, reigning as paramount sovereign in his own right. We may, I consider, safely hold it to be certainly proved by this Mahikata record, that the accession of Mangalia took place in A.D. 497 or 498 (Saka-Samvat 520 or 52 eurrent), within the limits indicated by me in a previous paragraph; and the interpretation of the Bâdâmi inscription, in which there is, at any rate, no distinct statement that Kirtiyarman I. was then dead, must be suited to this fact.

Page #19

MAHAKUTA INSCRIPTION OF MANGALESA.
JANUARY, 1890.]
much less than three years old at the time of his father's death. If that event took place in Saka-Samvat 489 or 490, according to my original opinion, then Palikêsin II. must have been about forty-six years old at the time of his accession, in Saka-Samvat 533; seventy years old at the time of the Aihole inscription, in Saka-Samvat 557; and seventy-four years old when Hinen Tsiang wrote his contemporaneous account of him, in or about A.D. 639 (Saka-Samvat 561 or 562). If, however, the death of Kirtivarman I. took place in 'Saka-Samvat 514, according to Prof. R. G. Bhandarkar's theory, then the age of Pulikesin, at each of the above points, would be reduced to the reasonable figures of twentytwo, forty-six, and fifty years, respectively. The result for the present Mahakûța inscription would still further reduce his age at each point, and, if we keep to the same assumption that his age was about three years at the time of his father's death, would in fact carry the matter rather too far in the other direction; for, he would then be only about fifteen years old at the time of his accession; and this seems to be too young to be ordinary admissible for a reigning king, even in India. Now the Miraj grant (ante, Vol. VIII. p. 13 f.) tells us that, on the death of Kirtivarman I., Mangalêsa assumed the sovereignty because Pulikêśin II. was unable to bear the burden of it on account of his childhood, and restored it to him when he became a young man, i.e. when he attained a suitable age. This, however, is a tradition of later times. And a plainly more reliable version of the facts is given in the contemporaneous Aihole inscription, from which we learn that towards the end of Mangalêsa's reign there were differences between him and Pulikesin II.; that Mangalêsa attempted to secure the succession for his own son; and that this attempt was defeated in a struggle, in which Mangalêsa lost his life, brought on by the faculties of counsel and energy that had been accumulated by Pulikêśin II. From this we can only assume that, at the time of his accession, Pulikêśin II. had attained a fairly ripe age, say about twenty-three years, sufficient at any rate for him to secure a powerful and influential following. And this would place his birth in or about Saka-Samvat 510; and would make him about ten years of age at the time of his father's death in Saka-Samvat 520 or 521.
13
This inscription contains a good deal of historical information. In the first place, we may note that, like many of the other records of this dynasty, it mentions the members of it as belonging to the Manavya gotra, and as being Haritiputras or descendants of an original ancestress of the Hârita gôtra. In the second place, that it speaks of Pulikêéin I. as descended from the god Hiranyagarbha or Brahman; just as we find that the Puranic genealogy given in some of the later grants of the eastern branch of the family (e. g., ante, Vol. XIV. p. 50) takes the descent through the Moon up to Brahman, and through him to Vishnu, as he was born from the water-lily that grew from Vishnu's navel. And in the third place, that in lines 2 and 8 it gives the dynastic name as Chalikya. This form of the name occurs in a few. other records; except that in them it is mostly written with the Sanskrit l, instead of with the Dravidian. Another form is Chalkya, which occurs in the Bâdâmi cave inscription referred to in a preceding paragraph. But the most usual form is Chalukya. I have elsewhere (Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts, p. 41) pointed out the obvious difference in meaning between this form and that of Chalukya, with the long vowel á in the first syllable; this last form belongs only to the restored dynasty, commencing with Taila II.; and, though it has been used throughout by Prof. R. G. Bhandarkar in his Early History of the Dekkan, it does not occur in any of the genuine early inscriptions.
The record then takes up the genealogy, commencing with Jayasimha I., "the lion of victory," who is here called Jayasinghs, and to whose name there is attached the epithet of "lord of favourites (vailabh-endra)." The only other early inscription that takes the genealogy back so far, is the Aihole inscription of Pulikesin II, dated Saka-Samvat 556 expired. The Miraj grant of Jayasimha III., and a few other precisely similar records, do the same; but they belong to much later times, and are confessedly only based on earlier documents. And the same starting-point was selected in the British Museum grant of Pulikêsin I., purporting to be dated Saka-Samvat 411 expired (ante, Vol. VII. p. 211 ff.); but this is a spurious grant, not

Page #20

14
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1890.
earlier than the tenth century A.D. On previous occasions (ante, Vol. VII. p. 247, and Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts, p. 18), I have practically identified with this person the Jayasimharaja who is mentioned in the Kaira grant of Vijayavarman. But I expressed myself at the time as not able to ascert the identification with absolate conviction; and I subsequently withdrew it (ante, Vol. XII. p. 292, note 10). When I rewrite and enlarge my chapters on the Early and Western Chalukyas, including the Gujarat branch, the genealogical table will probably stand much more in accordance with the list as given by Dr Bühler, ante, Vol. XVII, p. 199.
The son of Jayasimha I. is mentioned by his usual name of Ranaråga," he who delights in war," which here, as in some similar passages, is explained by “his fondness for war (ranasya rága), which elicited the affection of his own people, and caused vexation of mind to his enemies."
His son, who is best known by the name of Pulikosin I., is here mentioned only by the birudas or secondary names of Satyagraya," the asylum of truth," and Ranavikrama," the valorous in war," coupled with the epithet of " favourite of fortone and of the earth (ériprithivi-vallabha).” The same two birudas are used to mention him in the Satårå grant of Vishnavardhana I. (Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. II. p. 1 ff.), which I shall shortly pablish in this Journal; and it is now plain that the biruda of Satyasraya was not invented for Palikesin II., but was held at least by his grandfather. From a further passage in this record we learn that the wife of Palikesin I. was Durlabhadevi, of the Batpurs family, which, though there is a slight difference of spelling in the second syllable, is evidently identical with, or at least a branch of the Adi-Maha-Bappůra lineage to which, as we learn from the Goa grant referred to above, Satyasraya-Dhruvara ja-Indravarman belonged.
The sons of Palikesin I. are here, as usual, spoken of as two in number. The elder of them, best known by his proper name of Kirtivarman I.," he whose armour is his fame," is here mentioned only by the biruda of Puru-Raņaparakrama, "puissant in war as Puru.” The same biruda, Raņaparakrama, only without the prefix, occurs as the name of a Maharaja in one of the Lakshmêshwar inscriptions (ante, Vol. VII. p. 110); but there, though a Chalukya prince is indicated by the preceding words, it is doubtful who is intended; for, if it may be trusted, that record makes Raņaparåkrama the father of Ereyappa, & name which does not occur in any other Chalukya record, and then proceeds to mention & Maharaja, named Satyaśraya, who may be either Pulikêśin I. or Palikesin II., and who is not necessarily to be identified with, or to be taken as a son of, Ereyappa. Also, the same word occurs in connection with Kirtivarman I. in line 5 of the Aihole Mégați inscription referred to above, there, however, it is used, not as a biruda, but as part of a compound meaning that he acquired the goddess of victory by his puissance in war (rana-parákrama). In the present inscription we are told that the victories of Kirtivarman I. included the kings of Vanga, Anga, Kalinga, Vattura, Magadha, Madraka, Kerala, Ganga, Mûshaka, Pandya, Choliya, Aļuka, and Vaijayanti. Most of these names are names of countries, and are already well-known. The form Choliya, as a variant of Chola or Chola, is of some interest. The Mashaka country seems to be the part of the Malabar Coast between Quilon and Cape Comorin (see Monier-Williams' Sanskrit Dictionary, s.v. múshika). Aluka is a new name; but, as Monier-Williams gives it as an epithet of Sêsha, the chief of the serpent race, it may possibly denote the Nâgas, who in early times were powerful in
I do not feel stre abont the meaning of this name. In the Miraj grant, in which it is written Pulakekin, with the vowel a in the second syllable, there is a play on it (ante, Vol. VIII. p. 18): "His son was king Pulakekin, equal to (Krishna) the destroyer of the demon) Kesin; ......... we, while describing king Pulakekin, heto our bodies experiencing the sensation of having the hair standing erect through pleasure (pwlaka-kalito-dha)." But this depends entirely on the spelling mod there, which is corruption of the older form Pulikebin, with tho Vowels in the second syllable. I think it is a hybrid word, Old-Kanares and Sanskrit, meaning tiger haired,' 1. e. perhaps having a coat of short, thick, and close hair, like that of a tiger. But the still older form is Polokerin; and I do not know whether pole is an older form of puki, huu,' a tiger.'

Page #21

JANUARY, 1890.]
MAHAKUTA INSCRIPTION OF MANGALESA.
15
the more western parts of the country that became included in the Chalukya dominions. Vattare also is a new name, and is plainly a Dravidian word; like Vaijayanti, it denotes town or city, not a country.
Kirtivarman I, was succeeded by his younger brother, who is here mensioned by the name of Mangalesa, “the auspicious lord, or the lord of prosperity," coupled with the biruda of Uru-Ranavikranta, “valorous in war as Uru," and with the epithet of "chief of favourites of fortune and of the earth (éripsithirivallabh-endra)." It would seem that he was a half-brother of Kirtivarman I.; for, in line 13, the text refers to Durlabhadevi, not as his own mother (SDQmátaram), but as the wife of his own father (sva-guru-patném). And a hint to the same effect is perhaps given in line 5, where the father is compared with Vasudêva, and the two sons with Balabhadra and Vâsubhadra. One part of the comparison may very well be taken to rest on the facts that Vasudeva ( Pulikesin I.) had two wives, Rôniņi and Dêvaki; that Balabhadra or Balarama (= Kirtivarman I.), was begotten on Devaki, but was transferred to the womb of Rhini, and was actually born from her; and that his younger brother, Våsubhadra, Våsude va, or Krishna, was born from Dêvaki. Possibly also another similar hint is contained in the birudas Puru-RansparAkrama and Uru-Raņavikrânta, Mangalêsa's biruda appears, without the prefis, in the simple form of Ranavikrânta, in the Bâdami cave inscription. Here, in the two birudas, the prefixes are evidently employed for some special object of contrast and comparison. Aud, drawing my attention to the fact that, according to the St. Petersburg Dictionary, the Vedic word paru, 'much, many,' occurs in the epic and later literature only at the commencement of some proper names, and, appearing again in the Bhagavata-Purána, which afects rare and archaic words, is found there also only at the commencement of compounds, Prof. Kielhorn has suggested that possibly the two brothers are here compared with Pura or Púru and Uru or Uru, two of the sons of Chákshusha-Mann (Vishmi-Purina, Translation, Vol. I. p. 177, and Vol. III. pp. 12, 13). As it would thng seem that the word puru at least could not be properly used in this period as an adjective, but should be understood as a proper name, and as the evident contrast suggests that we ought to understand the word 'uru here in just the same way, this or some similar comparison, appears extremely probable. But, whether Puru and Cra were half-brothers, and which of them was the elder, I am not able to say. The other forms of Mangaléśa's proper name, in early records, are, Mangalaraja, in his own grant obtained at Nerür (ante, Vol. VII. p. 161); Mengalisa, in the Aihoļe inscription of Pulikesin II., referred to above, 10 and in his own Badami rock inscription (ante, Vol. X. p. 59):11 and Mangaliavara, in the Badami cave inscription,13 I had occasion to make some remarks about his name in this Journal, Vol. VIII. p. 238; and, as pointed out there, it must be borne in mind that there is sometimes considerable similarity between the li or li and the le or lé of the period with which we are dealing. Also, we should naturally expeet to have only the forms Mangalêba and Mangalêsvara (mangala + isa or isvara); since the other forms, Mangalisa and Mangalióvara, entail the use of a word, mangalin, for which I cannot find any authority in the dictionaries. But the present record is the only one which undoubtedly gives the vowel é in the third syllable; which it does very distinctly. And, that the forms Mangalîsa and Mangaliśvara were of real occurrence, and, whatever may be the explanation of them, are not to be taken as actual mistakes, is shown by the Miraj grant and the Yêwûr inscription, in which (ante, Vol. VIII. p. 13) his name occurs as Mangalisa, in a metrical passage, and in respectively Nagari and Old-Kanarese characters, in both of which no confusion at all is possible between li and lé; the writer of the draft from which these records were prepared, must be credited with the power of reading correctly the original charters that
10 The sotaal reading, lines 5 and 7, is mangalita, with the short vowels in the third syllable; but the metro shows that the long vowel I was intended.
11 Horo, again, the short vowel 1 is used in the third syllable, in prose, this time.
11 Curiously enough, here again, and again in prose, the short vowel is weed in the third syllable; but it is undoubtedly . niatake for the long vowel

Page #22

16
[JANUARY, 1890.
he consulted. Like the Aihole inscription, the present record tells us that Mangalêsa succeeded on the death of his elder brother. It then proceeds to state that, having set himself to subju. gate the northern region, he conquered a king named Buddha, and took away from him all his wealth. This event is mentioned also in the Nerûr grant, which adds the information that Buddharaja, "who possessed the power of elephants and horses and foot-soldiers and treasure," was the son of Samkaragana. After this victory, Mangalêsa was desirous of setting up a pillar of victory on the bank of the Bhagirathi or Ganges. But, considering that it was proper first to set up a pillar of victory of religion to commemorate some noteworthy act of piety, and finding that the property of the Kalatsuri had been already expended in religious ceremonies, he invested his father's wife, Durlabhadevi, with authority to augment, with the grant of ten villages, a previous endowment of the god Makutêévaranatha by his father and elder brother, and caused this pillar to be set up in commemoration of the deed. The word Kalatsuri which we have in this passage, is plainly a Sanskritised form of the name Kalachuri or Kalachuri, which is of frequent occurrence in later times, and which appears in the Aihole inscription in the form of Katachchuri, and in the Miraj grant in the form of Kalachchuri; in both records, in connection with Mangalêsa, and in metrical passages which account for the double ch. The present passage is interesting in shewing the existence of the Kalachuri dynasty and dynastic name in this period. And I think it also proves a point which was originally suggested by Gen. Sir A. Cunningham (Archaeol. Surv. Ind, Vol. IX. p. 77); viz. that 'Samkaragana and Buddharaja were Kalachuris. We find that the victory over Buddharaja took place when Mangalêsa had determined upon conquering the northern region, and that, after it, Mangalêsa was minded to set up a pillar of victory on the Ganges; both of which statements indicate, whether Mangalêsa actually reached the Ganges or not, a campaign to the north, precisely the direction in which the dominions of the Kalachuris of Central India lay, as compared with those of the Chalukyas of Bâdâmi. The use of the name Kalatsûri at all in this record, after the mention of the victory over king Buddha, is in itself almost sufficient to prove the point. But I think it is also clear that it does so explicitly. Though, in the compound in which it stands, it might have a plural sense, yet it seems to me that the reference in two records to the treasure and wealth of king Buddha, closely followed here by the mention of the expenditure of certain wealth, is significant, and shews plainly that the word is used here to avoid a repetition of the name of Buddha; and consequently, that it is to be rendered in the singular, and that it distinctly stamps king Buddha as a Kalachuri.
TEXT 13
1 Om Svasti ||
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
Manavya-sagotranam Haritiputranam
pratipa-auryya-dhairyya-viryylg
vildhi-hut-âgni (gnî)
2 nam yathakâm-ârchchit-artthinâm
3 íravan-8pamaḥ [11]
apratihat-ôtaâha-bala-mati
mätipitri-pad-nuddhyâ[*]nis
aneka-dharma-karmma-punya-prasavânâm kyanam-anvayê sambhûta[b*] ári-Jayasinghal.vallabhondro Maghavan-iva guna-sampannah ridhyâ17 Vai
Tasy18-Anurapa-guna-sauryya-riddhis-tej-otsaha.vikkrama
smriti-mati-pratapa-naya-vinay-âdhânabhûtât-samutpannah Ranarag-aknya-nṛipaḥ yêna ra
yathâ
Chali
aripab
angrihita-nimadhy
13 From the ink-impression.
14 Represented by a symbol.
15 These two syllables, thâvi, were at first omitted, and then were inserted below the line.
16 This gha was at first omitted, and then was inserted below the line.
27 Bead riddhy, With the following word, this reads like the last eight syllables of a Sloka.
18 From here, as far as samutpannah, the construction seems at first sight a little mixed. First we have the genitive tasya; then a nominative, ending with riddhis, which, because of the first component of it, anuropa, is certainly to be retained as the nominative, qualifying Rapariga, and is not to be altered into a genitive in apposition with tasya; and then an ablative ending with adhanabhatat, followed by aamutpannah. It might perhaps be thought desirable either to alter tasya into the ablative (tammad-anur@pa), in apposition with adhana.

Page #23

JANUARY, 1890.]
MAHAKUTA INSCRIPTION OF MANGALESA.
17
4 ņasya râgêna(na) janitaḥ sva-jan-ânurågở darhřidaln)-manah-santâpas=[ch]a [ll*]
Tasya sadpisa-guņasya nipatên=priya-tanújas Sattyakraya-sriprithivivallabha
Ranavikkram-abka-uripaḥ agnishtôm-âgnichayana-vâjapêya-bahusuvarna-pau5 ņdarik-asvamédh-êvabhřita(tha)snâna-paạya-pavitrîkri(kşi)ta-ba[r]iraḥ H iranyagarbha
sambhataḥ vriddh-padêsa-gråhi brahmanyag-satya-våg=avisam vâdakah [11] Tasya 23 dharma)-rata-buddhêr-Vvasudeva-pratimu-prabhavasya Bala-Vasu.
bhadr-Ôpama-gunau sutau samu6 tpannau [11*] Jyêshtha[høj śrêshtha-gana-samuday-dita-Puru24.Ranaparakkram-anka
priyah e va-båhu-bala-paråkkram-8pârjjita-rajya-sampan[n]ah pararâja-mani
makuta-parighrisht-empishta-višishta-charaṇaḥ bahusuvar n-agnishtô7 m-avabhțita(tha)snâna-puņya-pavitrikri(kļi)ta-barirah [11*] Vamg-Anga-Kalinga
Vattara 25-Magadha28-Madraka-Korala-Gaiga-Mosha ka-Pandya-DramilaCholiy-Aluka-Vaijayantya-prabhritir-anêka27-paranri pa ti-sam â h-& vamardda.
labdha-vijayê d[i]8 vam=adhirado(dh8) kaniyân-Uru-Banavikkranta-Mamgalba 2-sriprithivivallabhôndr
Akhya-nțipo babhůva déva-dvija-gura-charanânadh gâtaḥ Chaļikya-vanâmbara-paranachandraḥ naya-vinaya-vij A[na)-dana-daya-dakshiņga-sam pannaḥ
bhata-sakuna-ga9 n-Abhilashita-yavati-madhukari(ri)-kula-kalita-lalita-guna-kusum-akula-panyavar 8-8 Aryya
kirana-vibodhita-vibha(val-Sri-nishtha-npipati-kamalavanah(m) kamalavanasaumya[b] ripujana-mukha-kula-bhaya-jâta-sardâha-tatpara-chara3e-sêvar(k).
åmala-nayana-sauryy= 10 grahasta-pratapa-viryye-vêg-oddhrita-nțipatisimghah mantra-châra-data-sandhi-vig[r]aha
sthâna-pra80yâņa-pârshộigrahaņa-mandalayâtrâ-durggavidhậna-jå 1881 pada-pauramânyavibhaga-kusalah (1") kim=bahund [1] Mahendrasa iva durddharshah
Råma iv=A-parajitaḥ Sibir-Anbinara iya pra11 datarah88 Yudhishthira iva satya-Bandhal Vasudeva-Srimantah Mandbátára iva36
kirtti-sampannah dhiya Brihaspatty-Ušana[ho]-samaḥ samudra 36 iva ganbhîrab kshamaya prithivi-samaḥ ku-tilaka-da(bha)tah [11] Sag-uttaradig-37 vijaya-kkri(kri)ta-buddhir=Buddha-n ripam=avajitya te
bhatat, and in construation with samutpannal; or to alter adhanabhacet into the genitive, in apposition with tasya, wrongly used for the ablative in construction with samutpannah, in support of which we have apparently a similar wrong 10 of the genitive in line 5; or even to alter adhanabhatat into the nominative, a second adjective qualifying Raparigh. But on the whole I think we may take it that the genitive tasya is correot, and is governed by anurupa, and that the ablative which samutpanna requires is provided by adhanabhdtat; and this construction, which entails no alteration of the text at all, is the one that I have followed in my translation.
* This sau was at first omitted, and then was inserted below the line. * Read riddhis; or, according to the more waual oustom, Sauryy-arddhis.
Road tija-utadha, which is the proper aandhi of tar + utadha, 10 Kielhorn's Banskrit Grammar, 6 548 (a), combined with $ 85 (c).
Hore we seem to have the first eight or oloven syllables of a Bloka. Here the genitive tasya seems to be certainly used in construction with samutpanau; but it may have been suggested by the upama in one of the intervening worde.
* In the first syllable, the p is rather imperfect; the upward stroke not having been fully formed. Bat. there is enough of it to shew that p was oertainly intended.
* The second syllable is a little damaged, and may be taken as somewhat doubtful. But I can only read it as tto; and I think that this is what it really is.
* This dha was at first omitted, and then we inserted below the lipe. * Read prabhurity-andka.
It should be noted how distinotily the vowel is d in the third syllable. # These two syllables, chara, were at first omitted, and then wore inserted below the line. 30 These two syllables, napra, were at first omitted, and then were inserted below the line.
Thone two syllables, jdna, were at first omitted, and then were inserted below the line; the jd is below the na of vidhdna, and is rather damaged.
Here we have plainly half of a Bioks. # Road pradua. . . Read oderudova iva Sriman.
* Read mondhatefua. * Here, gain, we have plainly hall.of. Boka
Road sa ch-Ottaradig, or sa uttaradig, or samyageuttaradig.

Page #24

18
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1890.
12 sya vasum=aśêsham3-apagrihya Bhagirathi-külé sakti-jayastambha-niropan-autsu
kyêna manasâ dharmma-jayastambha-saktib=prathamataram-êva niropayitavyrêty=avadhritya tad-anukarana-yogya-bhûtâm Madayantim3-iva maha
pativratâm Batpurato-kula-la13 lâma-bhůtan naikavidha-dharmma-phala-bhaggya-pavitrikri(kri)ta-śariram sva-guru
patnam Durl[1]abha-namadhêyi(ya)n=dêvîm=&huya ida (ma)mwadhiska ram saibódhayati [*] Kalatsuri-gana-sam dêvagrihat1.dêvadrông[*] ingatam=
ima(da)ñ=cha dravyam sva-dêvadrôngâm Makuțêś[v]a14 ra-nâ thasy-ismäkam pitrâ jyêshthêna ch=Opadatta[m] Sriyarbațaka-Tirmnari.
dvenasavedve-Vrihimukhagrama-Kesuvoļala-Kendoramanya-Na ndigra maprabhriti-daśa-grama-paribhôgêna(na) samarppayadhvamwiti [11*] Tadăuttaróttara
pravarddhamana-rajya-pancha15 ma-sri-vargho pravarttamane Siddharthe Vaisakha-purnnamasyam=imar42
pratishthâpitavan [11] Uktañ= cha dharmma-sastrêshu [1] Bahubhir 43 vvasudha bhukta rajabhis Sagar-adibhih yasya (yasya*] yada bhůmise tasya tasya tad& phalar [11] Shashti-varsha-sahasråņi svarggé môdati
bhůmi-daḥ achchhê. 16 ttâ ch=anumantâ cha tâny-êva narakê vasêt [ll]
TRANSLATION, Om! Hail! In the lineage of the Chalikyas, - who are of the Manavya gotra; who are Haritiputras, who are possessed of unrepulsed energy, strength, intellect, splendour, heroism, firmness, and vigour; who meditate on the feet of (their) parents ; who have kindled the sacrificial fire according to due rite; who gratify supplicants according to (their) desires ; (and) who generate the religious merit of many pious actions, there was born a king, the illustrious Jayasingha, the chief of favourites, who, like (the god) Maghavan (Indra), was possessed of virtuous qualities, (and) who in affluence resembled (the god) Vairavaņa (Kubêra).
(Line 3). - Resembling him in virtuous qualities and heroism and affluence, from Chim who was a very receptacle of brilliance, energy, valour, memory, intellect, splendour, polity, and refinement, there was born one who was possessed of an anspicious name, the king called Ranaråga, who by (his) fondness for war elicited the affection of his own people, and caused vexation of mind to (his) enemies.
(L. 4). Of that king, possessed of virtuous qualities resembling (those of his father), the dear son (was) the king who had the names of Satyabraya, the favourite of fortune and of
* Read vasuwaitsham. Vasu has been improperly used in the masculine, instead of the neuter. There are somewhat similar mistakes in idam-adhikaram, line 13, and in imarlcha dravyam, in the same line.
30 Read damayantim. Madayantiis a real word; being the name of the wife of Saudioa, otherwise called Mitrasaha and KalmehapAda. But she does not seem to have boon of any special note. And the real reference clearly seems to be to Damayanti, the well-known wife of Nala.
". In this word, the b commences on the edge of the face of the column, and is not very well formed there, at the proper right side. Also, from the horizontal top-stroke there are two slight projections, like short horns, as if s. superscript i was commenced and abandoned. But I feel no doubt that the syllable was intended to be simply ba. 41 Read, probably, kalatsiri-dhanam sva-devagriha.
Supply dharmma-jayastambhanı. 48 Metre, $10ka, (Anushtabh); and in the following verse.
# There are certain words in which anka is undoubtedly an inherent part; e.g. the village-name Charronka, as proved by the modern form Chammak (Gupta Inscriptions, pp. 235, 241), and probably Sarvanka, in which we have the feminine arka (in the Kapaswa inscription of Sivagapa, of which & revised version, by Prof. Kielhorn, will be issued shortly). But I think, especially from the analysis of the Bahavrihi compound in line 6. where it occurs again, that in cases like the prosent it is not an inherent part of the name, but is need as A substitute for, and in precisely the same sense as, naman, 's name,' or Akhya, 'an appellation,' or biruda,
secondary name or title. In the Lakshmeshwar insoription (see the introductory remarks), the text is ranaparákrum-Anka-maharajah, similar to what we have here; but in the Satira grant, the text is ranavi brama. aripah, without anka.

Page #25

J. F. FLEET. BO. C.8.
Mahakuta Pillar Inscription of Mangalesa..
SCALE 22
FROM AN IMPRESSION BY MR HOUSEN
W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.
FUSH
100
10

Page #26


Page #27

JANUARY, 1890.)
MAHAKUTA INSCRIPTION OF MANGALESA.
19
the earth, and Ranavikrama; whose body was purified by the religious merit of ablutions performed after celebrating the agnishtôma, agnichayana, vájapéya, bahusuvarna, parndaríka, and aśvamedha-sacrifices; who was descended from the god) Hiranyagarbha (Brahman); who accepted the admonitions of the elders; who was good to Brahmans; who was a speaker of the truth; (and) who never broke (his) promises.
(L. 5). - Of him, whose mind delighted in religion, (and) whose majesty resembled that of Vasudeva, there were born two sons, whose virtuous qualities resembled those of Balabhadra and Vasubhadra. The eliter (was) he who was fond of (hie) name of Puru-Ranaparakrama which was rendered illustrious by a multitude of most excellent virtues; who was endowed with sovereignty acquired by the strength and prowess of his own arm; whose choice feet were rubbed and scrubbed by the jewelled diadems of hostile kings (bowing down before him); (anul) whose body was purified by the religious merit of ablutions performed after celebrating the bahrsuvarna and agnishtoma sacrifices.
(L. 7). - When he, having acquired victory by crushing the array of many hostile kings commencing with those of Vange, Anga, Kalinga, Vattura, Magadha, Madraka, Kerala, Ganga, Mashaka, Pandya, Dramila, Choliya, Åļuka, and Vaijayanti, had ascended to the skies, there was (his) younger brother, the king who has the appellations of UruRanavikranta, and Mangaldsa, and chief of favourites of fortune and of the earth; who meditates on the feet of gods, Brihmans, and spiritual preceptors; who is the full-moon of the sky which is the race of the Chaļikyas; who is endowed with polity, refinement, knowledge, liberality, kindness, and civility; who is a king resembling a group of water-lilies, being an object of desire to crowds of warriors, being surrounded by young damsels, being full of charming qualities, being enlightened by (his) excellent religious merit, and being the abode of majesty, just as the group of water-lilies is an object of desire to crowds of birds, is surrounded by female bees, is full of blossoms, is caused to expand by the rays of the sun, and is the abode of (the goddess) Sri; who is as pleasing as & group of water-lilies; whose heroism has for (its) faultless eye (his) servants the spies who are intent upon scorching up the whole aggregate of the fear (that displays itself in the multitude of the faces of (his) enemies : who has exterminated (other) lion-like kings with the majesty and vigour and speed of (his) fore-arm; (and) who is well skilled in counsel, in the selection of) spies and messengers, in (arranging) peace and war, in encamping and in moving forward, in attacking in the rear, in the invasion of territories, in the construction of fortresses, and in the apportioning of honours among country people and townsfolk. What need is there to say much more? He is as difficult of assault as the god) Mahendra; like Rama, he has never been conquered; he is as liberal as Sibi, the son of Usinara;like Yudhishthira, he is faithful to his promises; he is possessed of fortune, just as the god) Vasudeva (Krishna) is possessed of (his wife, the goddess) Srî; like Mandhâtội, he is possessed of fame; in intellect he is equal to Bțihaspati and Ušanas; he is as profound as the ocean; in endurance he is equal to the earth; (anal) he is the ornament of the earth.
(L. 11). - And he, having set (his) heart upon the conquest of the northern region, (and) having conquered king Buddha, (anal) having taken possession of all his substance, (and), with an eager desire to set up a pillar of victory of (his) prowess on the bank of the river) Bhagirathi, having determined in (his) mind that in the first place indeed there should be set up the prowess of a pillar of victory of religion, - calls (to his presence) the royal lady? named Durlabha(dėvi), his own father's wife, -- who is fit and worthy to follow (his) lead in the matter; who, like Damayanti, 48 was a most devoted wife; who was the ornament of the Batpura family;t' (and) whose body has been purified by participating
48 Sibi rosoud Agni in the form of a pireon, from Indra in the form of a hawk, by offering an equal portion of his own flesh, weighed in a balance (see Monier-Williams' Sanskrit Dictionary, 8.0. Sivi.)
Unless somo other meaning can be found for it, the use of the word sakti here does not seem very appropriate. 61 dêtí. ** See note 39 abc ve.
49 See note 40 above.

Page #28

20
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1890.
in the rewards of a variety of religious actions, and informs (her) of this (assignment of) authority :
(L. 13). -" The wealth of the Kalatstri has been expended in the idol-procession of the temple of (Our) own god. And therefore) this property, which at (their) own idol-procession was assigned by our father and elder brother to (the god) Makutêávaranátha, - supplement it, by (bestowing the) enjoyment of the ten villages headed by Sriyambataka, ............ ......, Vrihimukhagrama, Kesuvolala, Kendoramanye, and Nandigrama."50
(L. 14). - Accordingly, in the fifth glorious year of (his) constantly augmenting reign, in the current Siddhartha (samvatsara), on the full-moon day of (the month) Vaisakha, (in commemoration of the grant of the villages in question) he has set up this (column of victory of religion).
(L. 15). - And it has been said in the writings of religion :- The earth has been enjoyed by many kings, commencing with Sagara; whosoever at any time possesses the earth, to him belongs at that time the reward (of this grant that is now made, if he continue it)! The giver of land enjoys happiness in heaven for sixty thousand years; (but) the confiscator of a grant, and he who assents (to an act of confiscation), shall dwell for the same number of years in hell!
EXAMINATION OF QUESTIONS CONNECTED WITH THE VIKRAMA ERA.
BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, C.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN. Since the time when I first turned my attention to the study of Indian inscriptions, there have presented themselves to me a number of questions regarding the dates of these documents, to some of which I have not been able to obtain satisfactory answers from other workers, or on which I have found different scholars to hold conflicting opinions. And this has been especially the case in regard to dates recorded in the Vikrama era ; probably because the inscriptions with which I have been chiefly concerned, were from parts of India in which, and belonged to times when, that particular era was used in preference to other eras. Did the Hindus always record their dates in expired years? In what parts of India and at what period was the southern year used ; and where and when the northern year? Must the northern year benecessarily connected with the púrni manta scheme of the lunar fortnights, and the southern year with the amanta scheme? When may a civil day be coupled with a running tithi ? Must an eclipse bave been visible at the spot where the date which mentions it happens to be recorded ? What was the exact practice with respect to Sankrantis P What rules were observed in different parts of India and at different periods in regard to the years of the Brihaspati or Jovian cycle ? What references are there in the dates to the origin of the era, or in what terms is its reputed founder spoken of ? What are the earliest dates, hitherto met with, which contain sufficient data for verification ? Such are some of the questions that have arisen. And, in order to arrive, if possible, at a settlement of one or other of them, I have from time to time collected and calculated such Vikrama dates as were within my reach ; and, relying on the opinion of the Editors of this Journal, that what I have primarily done for myself, may be of some use or save trouble to others, I now begin to publish my list of dates together with the results of my calculations, reserving any remarks of a general nature which may be suggested by the practice of the dates themselves, for a subsequent part of these notes.
60 The meaning of this passage is not quite certain. But it seems to be that Mangalêáa was desirous of increasing the previous endowment of the god Makuțêévaranatha ; that he found that the wealth of the Kalaturi king, acquired by the victory over him, had already been expended, or mostly so, by himself, on another religions objects and that he accomplished his purpose by directing the assignment of the ten villages in question.
01 With the present text, comparo pravartamAnd Saumya-sarhvateard ; ante, Vol. VII. p. 304, line 20f. On the analogy, however, of such passages as ante, Vol. VI. p. 86, line 25, and Vol. VII. p. 802, line 24, pravartamdnd might have been construed with varshe, and not with siddharthe.

Page #29

JANUARY, 1890.]
THE VIKRAMA ERA.
21
In this list I have tried to include all trustworthy Vikrams dates of the inscriptions published in this Journal and in the Journals of the Bengal Asiatic, American Oriental, and German Oriental Societies, as well as of those in the Reports of the Archeological Survey of India which are accompanied by photo-lithographs, and of some found in the various publications of the Archeological Survey of Western India, and elsewhere. And for a fair number of these dates I have been able to use impressions and photo-lithographs, kindly supplied to me by Mr. Fleet and by Dr. Burgess. As regards dates occurring in M88., I have used the Catalogues of Professors Aafrecht, Bendall, Bhåņdårkar, Eggeling, Peterson, and Weber, and of Dr. Rajøndralâl Mitra and myself, and have from them selected chiefly such dates as are given in words, or contain one or more points of special interest ; and I have also taken some dates from MSS. of my own. I have not included in my list every one of the dates from MSS. for which I have made the necessary calculations ; but, since I have not intentionally soppressed any date the calculation of which has proved to be ansatisfactory, I trust that, for the Vikrama era, my list will, in a fairly complete manner, show the actual practice of dating, from the earliest to the most modern times. Should I have overlooked any dates of importance, I shall be glad to have this pointed out to me, in order that I may be able to complete or improve my list as soon as possible.
In calculating the tithis, nakshatras and yôgas, I have used Professor Jacobi's Tables, with such (slight) modifications as have been suggested by the author himself ;1 and for ascertaining the exact beginnings and ends of the solar months, chiefly required for determining the occurrence of intercalary months, I have used the Tables for the SuryaSiddhanta, published ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 207. The results for new and fall-moons I have mostly checked by Dr. Schram's Tables for the phases of the moon. For eclipses I have consulted von Oppolzer's Canon der Finsternisse, and the duration of the Bțihaspati years has been ascertained in the manner described by me ante, Vol. XVIII, p. 193 ff. In every case I have calcalated all the possible European equivalents, and in the printed list those equivalents which satisfy the special requirements of the Indian dates will be distinguished from the rest by being printed in antique type.
All that I have taken for granted for the purposes of my calculations is that (disregarding for the present the Ashádhádi gear about which as yet we do not know very much) there is one Vikrama year commencing with the month Chaitra, commonly called the northern Vikrama year, and another Vikrama year commencing seven months later, with the month Kårttika, commonly called the southern Vikrama year; and that the scheme of the two lunar fort. nights may be either the púrnimánta scheme or the amánta scheme. But I have not regarded as proved that the púrnimánta scheme is necessarily always connected with the northern year, and the amánta scheme with the southern year. Accordingly, the five
See Errata, ante, Vol. XVII.-Professor Jacobi's Tables can be applied so as to yield, not infrequently, two results for the ending-time of a tithi; (1) the ordinary approximate result (ante, Vol. XVII. p. 148 6, paras, 1 to 4); and (2) a closer result, to be worked out when the ordinary approximate result is not considered sufficient (ib, last para.). The first process is sufficient for all ordinary purposes, and is the one usually applied by me. I generally apply the second process only when, by the first process, the tithi ends within about three hours before or after mean sunrise, because experience has shown me that this allows an ample margin for any possible corrections. In applying the second proces8, it often happens that A. finally comes out larger than the index of the tithi pointed out by the first process; in such cases, the difference of time (Table 11) deduced from the difference between A. as thus finally determined and the index of the tithi, is to be subtracted from the ending-time determined by the first process; with the result that, by this refinement, the tithi really ended earlier than the time arrived at by the first process. In other cases, i.e. when A., as finally determined by the second process, still romains smaller than the index of the tithi pointed out by the first process, the difference of time is always additive, as in the example given by Prof. Jacobi; with the result that, by this refinement, the tithi really did end later than the time arrived at by the first process. When, by the second process, A. eventually comes out exactly the same with the index of the tithi, then of course there is no difference, additive or subtractive, from the endingtime determined by the first process.--My own experience is that, when by the first process the tithi ends late in the day (say, from 21 to 22 hours after mean sunrise), the second process will generally make the real ending-time earlier.

Page #30

22
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1890.
months from Karttika to Phalguns being common to the northern and southern years, I have had to ascertain, for dates in bright fortnights of these months, erely the possible European equivalents for the current and expired Indian years, and for dates in dark fortnights, the equivalents for the current and expired years, according to both the purnimanta and amánta schemes. In the case of the seven months from Chaitra to Asvina, on the other hand, it was necessary to calculate, for dates in bright fortnights, the possible equivalents for the northern current, the northern expired (or southern current), and the southern expired years, and for dates in dark fortnights, the equivalents for the same three years, again according to both the purnimanta and amánta schemes. In arranging the dates for my list, I have considered it best to begin with the dates in bright fortnights, and to place the dates of the months Kârttika to Phalguna before those of the months Chaitra to Aévina, and generally to group together the dates according to the manner in which the results of my calculations have furnished European equivalents which satisfy the requirements of the Hindu dates.
All those dates for which calculations by the ordinary rules and Tables have yielded no satisfactory equivalents, I shall give separately, as irregular dates; but in using the expression "irregular," I merely wish to say that these dates require each of them a separate examination, and I would not be misunderstood to maintain that we have to do here, in every case, with errors or inaccuracies of the writers who have recorded the dates, or of the scholars who have copied them.
1.-REGULAR DATES.
A.-DATES IN BRIGHT FORTNIGHTS. 1.-Dates in the months Karttika to Phalguna. (a).-Dates in Current Years.
1.-V. 1804.-Dr. Peterson's Third Report on Sanskrit MSS. (1884-86), App. p. 239. Date of the composition of Udayasagara's Snátṛipañchášiká :
Varshê s bdhi-kh-âgn-imdu-mitê sn-ramyê
ári-Pausha-mûsê cha valaksha-pakshe
ári-purṇimâyâm Sasi-vasarê cha
éri-Padalipt-akhya-purê Surâshṭrê ||
V. 1804 current: Monday, 24 December, A.D. 1246; the full-moon tithi ended 2 h. 49 m. after mean sunrise.
V. 1304 expired: Friday, 13 December, A.D. 1247.
2.-V. 1397.-Archeol. Surv. of India, Vol. XXI. p. 143, and Plate xxix. B.-D.
Inscriptions on pillars at Kovati-Kund':
C
(Line 1)... Samvat 1397 samayê [or, in D, varshê] Magha-sudi 4 Soma-dinê | tasmin kale varttamâne samvatsarê Lûkasthân maharaja (ja)-srî(śri)-Hamiradova-rûjyê ||
V. 1397 current: Monday, 3 January, A.D. 1340; the 4th tithi of the bright half ended 22 h. 54 m. after mean sunrise.
V. 1397 expired: Sunday, 21 January, A.D. 1341; the 4th tithi of the bright half ended 21 h. 20 m. after mean sunrise.
(Sir A. Cunningham, loc. cit., p. 143, takes the corresponding date to be Monday, 22 January, A.D. 1341).
(b).-Dates in Expired Years.
3.-V. 1016.-Proceedings Beng. As. Soc., Vol. XLVIII. p. 162, and Kávyamálá, No. 38. Copper-plate inscription of the Mahúrájádhirája Mathanadêva, from Rajôrgadh near Alvar:-ári-Vijayapaladva-pådänkm-abhípravarddhamina-kalyktavijayarkiyê samvatsarasateshu dasasu shodas-ottarakêshu Maghamisa-sitapaksha-trayôdasyâm Sani-yuktâyâm= evam sam 1016 Magha-sudi 13 Sanav-adva śrî-Rajyapur-âvasthitô mahârâjâdhiraja-paramêsvaraéri-Mathanadêvô...

Page #31

JANUARY, 1890.1
THE VIKRAMA ERA.
23
V. 1016 current: Tuesday, 25 January, A.D. 959.
v. 1018 expired: Saturday, 14 January, A.D. 960; the 13th tithi of the bright half ended 13 h. 39 m. after mean sunrise.
4.- V. 1036.- ante, Vol. XIV. p. 160. Copper-plate inscription of Vakpatiraja of Dhara :
(Line 11).. shattri(tri)mía-sahasrika-samvatsarê=smin Karttika-suddha-paurņņimayan soma-grahaņa-parvvani.
V. 1036 current : 18 October, A.D. 978; no eclipse.
V. 1036 expired : 6 November, A.D. 979; & partial lunar eclipse, visible in India, 21 h. 33 m. Greenwich time, or, at Ujjain, 20 h. 36 m. after mean sunrise.
(The corresponding date, given by me, loc. cit. p. 159, the 26th October, A.D. 980,' being for the year V. 1037 expired, is wrong).
5.-V. 1055.- ante, Vol. XVI. p. 203. Nanyaurà copper-plate inscription of the Chandella Dhangadêva :
(Line 7)... samvatsara-sahasrê pañchapañchåśad-adhike Karttika-paurņņamîsyam Ravi. dine øvam samvat 1055 K[A]rtti[ka]-sudi 15 Ravau ady-th=[ai]va Käsikiyam Sainhikeyagraha-grasa-pravėsikrite-mandale Rohiņi-hfiday-Ananda-kanda-harinalanchhane 11
V. 1055 current: Monday, 18 October, A.D. 997; no eclipse.
V. 1055 expired: Sunday, 6 November, A.D. 998; a total lunar eclipse, visible in India, 19 h. 43 m. Greenwich time, or, at Ujjain, 18 h. 46 m. after mean sunrise.
6. - V. 1188. - Archeol. Surv. of India, Vol. XXI. p. 35, and Plate x. C; (and Jour. Beng. As. Soc., Vol. XVII., Part I. p. 321, No. 4); and rubbings supplied to me by Dr. Burgess. Rock inscription at Kalaõjar, of the reign of the Chandella Madanavarmadêva :
(Line 9) ... Sarnvat 1188 Kürttika-sudi 8 Sa(Ba)n[au] 11
V. 1188 current: Sunday, 12 October, A. D. 1130; the 8th tithi of the bright half ended 5 h. 44 m. after mean sunrise.
V. 1188 expired: Saturday, 31 October, A. D. 1131 ; the 8th tithi of the bright half ended 5 h. 53 m. after mean sunrise.
7.- V. 1199. - ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 21. Gagahá'copper-plate inscription of Govindachandradêva and Rajyapaladdva of Kanauj:
(Line 18)... samvatsarêshyrêkadaśa-sa(sa)têshu navanavaty-adhikeshu Phâlgunê mûsi [sa]kla-pakshê êkê [da]śyâyâm tithau Sa(ka)ni-dine tath=înkê=pi samvat 1199 Phâlgtuna-sudi 11 Sa(Ba)nau 11
V. 1199 current : Sunday, 8 February, A.D. 1142; the 11th tithi of the bright halt ended 11 h. after mean sunrise.
v. 190 expired: Saturday, 27 February, A. D. 1143; the 11th tithi of the bright half ended 13 h. after mean sunrise.
8.- V. 1261. - Dr. Peterson's Third Report (1884-86), App. p. 77. Date of a MS. of Hémachandra's Yogasdetra, of the time of the Chaalakya Bhîmadêva II. : -
Svasti srl-Vikrama-nripaton samvat 1251 varshð Kartika-sudi 12 Sukro Bevati. nakshatrê Siddha-y@gê maharaja-sri-Bhimadêve-vijayarajye...
V. 1251 current : Sunday, 7 November, A.D. 1193.
v. 1251 expired: Friday, 28 October, A.D. 1194 ; the 12th tithi of the bright half ended 12 h. 3 m., and the nakshatra was Revatt up to 21 h. 40 m. after mean sunrise ; the yoga was Vajra ap to 2 h. 30 m., when it was followed by Biddhi (No. 16, not Siddha, No. 21).
(The result of the calculation shows that the reading Siddha-yôge in the date is erroneous, and should be Siddhi-yógé).
. Read kddafydn.

Page #32

24
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1890.
9.- V.1286.- ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 112; also, Vol. XII. p. 294. Copper'-plate inscription of the Chaulukya Bhimadêva II. :
(Line 1)... Srimad-Vikrama-nfipa-kal-atita-samvatsara-satêshu dvadaśasu shata()shashty-adhikeshu laukikao Margga-måsasya śukla-paksha-chaturdaśyam Guru-dinê atra amkatol=pis sri-Vikrama-samvat 1266 varshê sri-Simha-samvat 96 varshể laukio Marggaśudi 14 Guráv-asyim samvatsara-masa-paksha-dina-våra-pûrvâyâm tithâv=ady=éha śrîmadAnahillapâtaké ...
V. 1266 current : Sunday, 23 November, A.D. 1208.
V. 1266 expired: Thursday, 12 November, A.D. 1209; the 14th tithi of the bright half ended 10 h. 12 m. after mean sunrise.
10. - v. 1207. - Jour. Beng. As. Soc., Vol. V. p. 379. Piplianagar copper-plate inscription of the Paramira Arjunavarmadêva : -
In the body of the inscription : ... saptasbashty-adhika-dvadasa-sata-samvatsarê Phålgune 1267* sukla-daśamyam=abhisheka-parvani...;
and at the end :- Samvat 12674 Phålguņa-suddba 10 Gurau.
V. 1267 current: Friday, 5 February, A.D. 1210; the 10th tithi of the bright half ended 6 h. 35 m. after mean sunrise.
v. 1287 expired : Thursday, 24 February, A.D. 1211 ; the 10th tithi of the bright half ended 5 h. 19 m. after mean sunrise.
11. – V. 1275.- Jour. Beng. As. Soc., Vol. XXVIII. p. 2; and Archæol. Surv. of Western India, No. 10, p. 111, with photozincograph. Harsauda (or Chârwå) stone inscription of the reign of Déva pâladê va of Dhari : - (Line 4). — Samvat pamchasaptaty-adhika-dvadaśa-sate=mke 1275 Mârgga-sudi 5
Sa(wa)nau, (Line 7). – Adhikê pamchasaptatyà dvadas-avda(bda)-sate sake [1*]
vatsaré Chitrabhanau tu Marggaśirshe si(si)to dalê 11 4 11 Pamchamy-amtaka-(sam]yôgê nakshatrê Vishņu-daivate
yôgê Harshana-sanjiid tu tithy-arddha Dhatri-daivato 11 511 V. 1275 carrent : Sunilny, 5 November, A.D. 1217; the 5th tithi of the bright half ended 12 h. 58 m. after mean sunrise.
V. 1275 expired: Saturday, 24 November, A.D. 1218; the 5th titli of the bright half and the learang Bàlava, presided over by Dhatri = Brahman, ended 15 h. 25 m., and the nakshatra was Sravaņa, presided over by Vishnu, up to 7 h. 53 m., and the yôga was Harshana from about 11 h. after mean sunrise.
The year Chitrabhanu, No. 16, lasted, according to the Sürya-Siddhanta rule, without bija, from 12 August, A.D. 1217, to 8 August, A.D. 1218, and with hija, from 16 September, A.D. 1217, to 12 September, A.D. 1218 ; and according to the Jyotistattva rule, from 25 July, A.D. 1217, to 21 July, A.D. 1218. Accordingly, Chitrabhanu was not actunlly current on the day of the date (24 November, A.D. 1918), but it was current at the commencement of the solar year (25 March, A.D. 1218). By the so-called Telinga rule, the date would fall in the year Bahudhânya, No. 12.
(Dr. Hall, misled by the word sake in line 7, has referred this date to the Saka orn, both when editing the inscription, in Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XXVIII., and subsequently, it. Vol. XXXI. p. 126, note, and in Jour. Americ. Or. Soc. Vol. VII. p. 24. But, as intimated by Sir A. Cunningham in the Book of Indian Eras, p. 21, the date in no way works out satisfactorily as a Saka date. And there is abundant proof to show that both saka and sukr are not
9 Read aritkató-pi.
• The published version has, both times, 1987: but this is clearly a printer's error for 1267, and is shown to be Bo by the editor's reference to the inscription, in Jour. Beng. As. Soc., Vol. VII. 1. 736.
5 The corresponding date, for Saka 125 current, would be Mondiy, 12 November, A.D. 1352; and for Saka 1275 expired, Sunday, 1 December, A.D. 1953: and in no way could either of these dates by connect with the year Chitrabhanu.

Page #33

JANUARY, 1890.]
THE VIKRAMA ERA.
infrequently employed in the sense of varshu, 'a year.' Compare, e.)., ante, Vol. IX. p. 193, line 0 from the bottom, Vaikramé sake in the Vikrama year' (No. 56 below); line 3, tatsminnie take in the same year,' &c.; Eggeling, Catalogue of the Sanskrit DISS. of the I. O., p. 23, Sara 1650 kaké = Saitat 1050 varsle (No. 51 below); Rajendralal Mitra, Notices of Sanskrit [88., Vol. IV. p. 277, siké Vikrama-parthivasya ; and similar expressions.)
12. - V.1280. -- ante, Vol. VI. p. 197. Kadi copper-plate inscription of the Chaulukya Jayantasiilin : -
(Line 20)... Asyam tithan samvatsara-masa-paksha-râra-yuktägâm gata-sato vatsara-dvậdaśavarsha-Satoshiu esity-uttareshu Pausha-roase sukla-pakshe tritiyàyâm tithau Bhauma-vård
mjata uttaragata-surya-samkrama-parvaņi amkatô Spi saivat 1280 varshe Pausha-śudi 3 Bhaume silyreha sanjata [utta]rånayana-paz vani..
V. 180 current : Wednesday, 7 December, A.D. 1292
V. 1290 expired: Tuesday, 26 December, A.D. 1223; the third titli of the bright half unded 14 b. 2 m., and the Uttarayaņa-Samkranti took place 2 h. 58 m. after mean sunrise.
13. – V.1283. – ante, Vol. VI. p. 199. Kadi copper-plate inscription of the Chaulnkya Bhimadeva II. : -
(Line 16). . . Srimad - Vikramadisty-6]tpadita samvatsara-satêshu dvådaśasa tri-[a]sitiuttarůshu laukiska-Karttika-pûrņi]måyåm Guru-vård Str=îmkato Spi samvat 1283 varshe laukio Karttika-sudi 15 Gurav=a[dy=éha] srimad-Anabila pâţake Ssyâm samvatsara-masapaksha-pûrvvikiyam tithau ..
v. 1283 current: Friday, 17 October, A.D. 1225; the full-moon tithi ended 20 h. 50 m. after mean sunrise.
v. 1283 expired: Thursday, 5 November, A.D. 1226; the full-moon tithi ended 18 h. 30 m. after mean sunrise.
14.- V. 1288.- Archæol. Surv. of Western India, Vol. II. p. 170, and ante, Vol. XII. P. 293. Girnår stone inscription of Jayantasimba, the son of Vastupala :
(Line 1)... Svasti srl-Vikrama-samvat 1288 varshê Phaguna-áudi 10 Budhe ..
V. 1288 current: Thursday, 13 February, A.D. 1231 ; the 10th tithi of the bright half ended 19 h. 38 m. after mean sunrise.
V.1288 expired: Wednesday, 3 March, A.D. 1232; the 10th tithi of the bright half ended 20 h. 46 m. after mean sunrise.
15.- V. 1292. - Dr. Peterson's First Report (1882-83), App. p. 23. Date of a MS. of a Yogaśásta-vritti :
Samvat 1292 varshỏ Kartika-sudi 8 Ravau Dhanishtha-nakshatre. V. 1292 current: Tuesday, 31 October, A.D. 1234
V. 1292 expired: Sunday, 21 October, A.D. 1235; the 8th tithi of the bright half ended 3 h. 58 m., and the nakshatra was Dhanishthá up to 18 h. 24 m. after mean sunrise.
16. – V. 1337. – Archæol. Surv. of India, Vol. XXI. p. 52, and Plate xiv. G. Ajaygadh rock inscription of the reign of the Chandella Viravarmadova (?): - (Line 19).... Sågar-a nala-vêd-êndu-yakt[@] samvatsarê va[rê P].
Maghê mási si(si)te pakshe tray ôdaśyam Vidho[r]-ding | 14 NI
Samvat 1337 Magha-sodi 13 8ôme III V. 1337 current: Tuesday, 16 January, A.D. 1280; the 13th tithi of the bright half ended 7 h. 18 m. after mean sunrise.
V. 1887 expired: Monday, 3 February, A.D. 1281; the 13th tithi of the bright half ended 3 h. 7 m. after mean sunrise.
(Ságara generally denotes 4 ; but sapta sagardh is a well-known expression, and the figures 1337 are perfectly clear in the lithograph; and the Prakrit word sáyara is similarly used for
u Dhanishtha-nakshatra
• Bend uttardyana..

Page #34

26
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1890.
7 in Professor Weber's Catalogue of the Berlin MSS., Vol. II. p. 178. The ase of the word réda for 3 in the above may also be drawn attention to.)
17. - V. 1865. Dr. Peterson's First Report (1882-83), p. 88. Date of the composition of Jina prabha's Lhayaharastava-vritti:Barvad Vikrama-bhapatah sara-rit-údarchir-mrigarkairemite
PausbasyOjjvala-pakshi(ksha)-bhaji Raviņa yukte navamyar tithan kishynh srl-Jinasimbasûri-sugaròsh=tikim-akarsbîm(d)-imam
árl-Saktapurê Jinnprabha iti kható muninám prabbabs 11 V. 1865 current: Tuesday, 2 January, A.D. 1368.
V. 1965 expired: Sunday, 22 December, A.D. 1308; the 9th tithi of the bright belt ended 16 h. 35 m. after mean suurise.
18. - V. 1384. - Proceelings Deny. As. Soc., Vol. XLII. p. 163; Zeitschrift 1). J. G., Vol. XL. p. 57; Epigraphia Indica, Vol. 1. p. 13; and 1 rubbing sapplied to me by Mr. Fleet. Delhi Museum stone inscription of the time of Maharmada 'Sihi: - . (Line 15)... Veda-vasy-agni-chandranika-sankhyê=vde(bde) Vikramarkkataḥ
parchamyarn Phålguna-sitê likhitain Bhauma-vasard 11 15 [1] Indraprastha-pratigane grime Saravalemtra tu! chiram tishthatu kûpêyam karkas-cha sa-va(ba) indhaval || 16 [11*]
Samvat 1384 PhAlguna-sudi 5 Bhauma-dino 11 V. 1384 current: Friday, 27 February, A.D. 1327.
V. 1884 expired: Tuesday, 16 February, A.D. 1328; the 5th tithi of the bright half ended 20 h. 7 m. after mean sunrise.
19. – V. 1445. - List of Antiquarian Remains Bo. Pres. (Archæol. Surv. of Western India, No. 11), p. 179. Stone inscription at Vanthali in Junagadh :
Sara-yuga-mang-samvatsara-1445-varshê Philgu-sadi-panchami-Bomo.
V. 1445 current: Tuesday, 14 January, A.D. 1388; the 5th tithi of the bright half ended 17 h. 88 m. after mean sunrise.
V. 1445 expired: Monday, 1 February, A.D. 1389; the 5th tithi of the bright half ended 19 h. 8 m, after mean sunrise.
20. - V. 1458. - From a rubbing sapplied to me by Mr. Fleet. See also Archeol. Surt. of India, Vol. XVII. p. 77. Râypar stone inscription of Brahmadêve, now in the Nagpur Museum: *
(Line 9)... Svasti śrt sa[m]vat 1458 Varshe si(si)ke 1322 samaye Sarvajita(n)nâma-samvatsaré Pháglu(Iga)na-sa(sa)dha (ddha)-ashtami(mi)-8u(ku)kre ady-êha sri Rayaparê maharaj[A*]dhiraja-brimad-raya-(Vra(bra)]hmadêva-råjye.
V. 1458 current: Monday, 21 February, A.D. 1401.
V. 1458 expired: Friday, 10 February, A.D. 1402; the 8th tithi of the bright half ended 20 h. 33 m. after mean sunrise.
The year Sarvajit, No. 21, lasted, according to the Sürya-Siddhanta rule, without bija, from 22 June, A.D. 1400, to 18 June, A.D. 1401, and with bija, from 28 July, A.D. 1400, to 24 July, A.D. 1401; and according to the Jyotistattva rule, from 2 June, A.D. 1400, to 29 May, A.D. 1401. Accordingly, Sarvajit was not actually current on the day of the date (10 Febrnary, A.D. 1402), but it was current at the commencement of the solar year (26 March, A.D: 1401). By the Telinga rule the date would fall in the year Bhriáya, No. 15.
(It may be noted that the Saka year, corresponding to V. 1458 expired, was Saka 1323 expired, not, as stated wrongly in the inscription, Saka 1322).
21.- V. 1490.- Professor Weber's Catalogue, Vol. II. p. 167. Date of the composition of Ramachandra's Panchadandátapachchhattrabandha:
Muhammad bin Tughlak, A.D. 1924-1881 ; Thomas, The Pathan Kings of Dehli, p. 202.

Page #35

JANUARY, 1890.)
THE VIKRAMA ERA.
27
Vikrama-kalachecha 1490 sham(kha)-nidhi-ratna-sanshya(khya)kaib(ke) 1 varshe Magha-site pakshe sukla-chaturdabl-dinê 11 34 11 Pushya Ravau Stambhatîrthê ... V. 1490 current: Tuesday, 3 February, A.D. 1433.
v. 1490 expired: Sunday, 24 January, A.D. 1434; the 14th tithi of the bright half ended 4 h. 19 m., and the nakshatra was Pushya up to 5 b. 16 m. after mean sunrise.
22. - V. 1581. - Professor Weber's Catalogue, Vol. II. p. 55. Date of a MS. of the Satapatha-brahmana : -
Samvat 1531 såké 1396 pravarttamine Subhakrita(n)-nâmni samvatsarê dakshinayana-gatê ári-sûrye sarada ritau Karttika-sudi 9 Budha-vAsard Dhanishtha-nakshatré Vriddhi-yoge Kaulava-karanê kumbharási-sthitê chamdré adyedha Rajapura-vâstavyam...
V. 1531 current: Friday, 29 October, A.D. 1473.
V. 1631 expired: Wednosday, 19 October, A.D. 1474 ; the 9th tithi of the bright half and the learana Kaulava ended 13 h. 15 m., and the nakshatra was Dhanishtha up to 12 h. 29 m., and the yôga Vriddhi ap to 13 h. 26 m. after mean sunrise.
The year Subhakrit, No. 36, lasted, according to the Sûrya-Siddhânta rule, without bija, from 10 August, A.D. 1474, to 6 August, A.D. 1475, and with bija, from 16 September, A.D. 1474, to 12 September, A.D. 1475; and according to the Jyotistattva rule, from 22 July, A.D. 1474, to 18 July, A.D. 1475. Accordingly, Subhakrit was actually current on the day of the date (19 October, A.D. 1474), but it had not begun yet at the commencement of the solar year (27 March, A.D. 1474). By the Telinga role the date would fall in the year Jaya, No. 28.
(Here it may be noted that saivat 1531 and éáka 1396 are expired years, notwithstanding the word pruvartamáné by which they are qualified).
23. - V. 1656. - List of Antiquarian Remains Bo, Pres., p. 265. Stone inscription at AdAlij well near AhmadAbad, of the time of the Pataskha Mahamůda. This date having been fully given by me ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 251, I here repeat only a portion of it :
(Line 21)... Svasti sriman-nfipa-Vikrama-samay-atîta (sic) AshAddi-samvat 1555 varghê sâk[eo] 1420 pravartamâne uttari yana(na)-gatê éri-sûry[e*] sisarutau Magha-másê sukla-pakshe pachamyam tithau Budha-vAsare Uttarabhadrapad[a*)-nakshatrê Biddhinâmni yôgê Bava-karanê mina-rasan sthitê chamdrè patasha-bri-Mahamûda-vijayarajyam...
V. 1555 current : Saturday, 27 January, A.D. 1498.
V. 1555 expired: Wednesday, 16 January, A.D. 1499; the 5th tithi of the bright half ended 17 h. 13 m., and the karana Bava about 6 h., and the nakshatra was Uttara-Bhadrapada up to 11 h. 10 m., and the yoga Siddha (!) up to 17 h. 7 m., after mean sunrise.
(The calculation shows that the reading Siddhi-námni in the date is erroneous, and should be Siddha-namni. Compare No. 8 above. As in the preceding date No. 22, the word pravartamání is here also used in reference to an expired year.)
24.-V. 1881. - Rajendralál Mitra's Notices of Sanskrit MSS., Vol. VI. p. 72. Date of the composition of Isvarakrishna's Punyachandrðdaya-purána : - Indv-ashta-shot-chandra-mite s tha varshê (1681)
srf-Kärttik-akhyê dhavale cha pakshe i Jive tray ôdaśy-aparâhna-yâme
Krishnêna saukhyâya vinirmmito Syam || V. 1681 current : Sunday, 26 October, A.D. 1623
V. 1681 expired: Thursday, 14 October, A.D. 1624; the 13th tithi of the bright balf ended 8 h. 43 m. after mean sunrise.
25. - V. 1707.- Professor Weber's Catalogue, VOL. I. p. 176. Dato of a MS. of Samkara's Sárirakamimánsábhashya :
• Sultan Mahmûd Bigarh, A.D. 1450-1511; Bayley, History of Gujardt, pp. 161-237. . Read fisitartas.

Page #36

28
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1890.
Samvat 1707 samayê take 1572 Vikari-samvatsarê dakshiņîyanê Karttika-suddha 3 Gurau Visvêśvara-rajadhanyám (or, as stated in another part of the MS., Kåsyaṁ).
V. 1707 current : Sunday, 28 October, A.D. 1649.
V. 1707 expired: Thursday, 17 October, A.D. 1650 ; the third tithi of the bright half ended 21 h. 29 m, after mean sunrise.
The year Vikarin, No. 33, lasted, according to the Súrya-Siddhanta rule, without bija, from 24 July, A.D. 1649, to 20 July, A.D. 1650, and with bija, from 31 Augast, A.D. 1649, to 27 Angust, A.D. 1650 ; and according to the Jyotistattva rule, from 3 July, A.D. 1649, to 29 Jane, A.D. 1650. Accordingly, Vikůrin was not actually current on the day of the date (17 October, A.D. 1650), but it was current at the commencement of the solar year (28 March, A.D. 1650). By the Telinga rule the date would fall in the year Vikrita, No. 24.
26. - V. 1729. --- Date of my MS. of Chandrakrti's Sarasvata-dipika :Samvat 1729 varsbê Marggasira-sudi 9 Soms-visare. v. 1729 current: Thursday, 30 November, A.D. 1671.
V. 1729 expired: Monday, 18 November, A.D. 1672, the 9th tithi of the bright half ended 23 h. 20 m. after mean sunrise.
2. - Dates in the months Chaitra to Asvina.
(a). - Dates in Northern Current Years. 27.- V. 1811. - Epigraphia Indica, Vol. I. p. 32. Stone inscription from Dabhoi in the Barôda territory, of the time of the Chaulukya Visaladêve : -
(Line 59)... Samvat 1311 varshê Jyêshtha-śudi 15 Vu(bu)dhe-dine.
Northern V. 1311 current: Wednesday, 14 May, A.D. 1253; the 15th tithi of the bright half ended 19 h. 12 m, after mean sunrise.
Northern V. 1311 expired: Tuesday, 2 June, A.D. 1254 ; the 15th tithi of the bright half ended 16 h. 13 m. after mean sunrise.
Southern V. 1311 expired: Saturday, 22 May, A.D. 1253.
28. - V. 1380.- From Sir A. Cunningham's rubbings, supplied to me by Mr, Fleet. Stone inscription at Udaypur in Gwalior :
(Line 1) ... Samvat 1380 varshê Bhadra[mva(va) P]-rudi 3 Somel Hastu(sta)nakshatr[@] (Uda P]para-nagarê rûija-śrî-Vachchhaudêvasya sådhanika ...
Northern V. 1380 current: Monday, 16 August, A.D. 1322; the third tithi of the bright balf ended 10 h. 8 m., and the nakshatra was Hasta up to 9 h. 51 m, after mean sunrise.
Northern V. 1380 expired: Friday, 5 August, A.D. 1323. Southern V. 1380 expired: Thursday, 23 August, A.D. 1324.
29. - V. 1587. - Professor Eggeling's Catalogue of the Sanskrit MSS. of the India Office, p. 16. Date of a MS. of the Aranya-gána : -
Saṁvat 1587 samayê Vaibâsha(kha)-sudi-pratipada-Sukre.
Northern V. 1587 current: Friday, 9 April, A.D. 1529; the first tithi of the bright half ended 10 h. 59 m, after mean sunrise.
Northern V. 1587 expired: Wednesday, 30 March, A.D. 1530. Southern V. 1587 expired: Tuesday, 18 April, A.D. 1531.
(b). - Dates in Northern Expired (or Southern Curront) Years. 30. - V. 919. - Archæol. Surv. of India, Vol. X. p. 101, and Plate Xxxii. 2; ante, Vol. XVII. p. 23; and a rubbing supplied to me by Mr. Fleet. Deðgadh stone inscription of Bhôjadêva of Kanauj:
(Line 6) . . . Samvat 919 Asva(sva)yaja-suklapaksha-chaturdasyam Vri(bfi)haupati. din ng Uttarabhadrapada-nakshattro ....

Page #37

JANUARY, 1890.)
THE VIKRAMA ERA.
29
(Line 10). Sakakal-abda-saptaśatâni chaturasity-adhikini 784. Northern V. 919 current: Sunday, 21 September, A.D. 861.
Northern V. 919 expired: Thursday, 10 September, A.D. 862; the 14th tithi of the bright half ended 22 h. 47 m. after mean sunrise. The nakshatra was Uttara-Bhadrapada, according to the general table from 21 h. 1 m., according to Brahma-S. from 9 h. 51 m., and according to Garga-S. from 9 h. 12 m. after mean sunrise.
Southern V. 919 expired: Wednesday, 29 September, A.D. 863; the 14th tithi of the bright half ended 21 h. 24 m. after mean sunrise.
(The expired northern Vikrama year 919 corresponds to the expired 'Saka year 784).
31.- V. 1042. - Dr. Peterson's Third Report (1884-86), App. p. 9. Date of the composition of Parsvanaga's Atmánusasana:
Dvyargala10.chatvarimsat-samadhika-vatsara-sahasra-samkhyayan Bhådrapada-paurņimâyâm Budh-Ottara-Bhadrapadikayam 11
Northern V. 1042 current: Thursday, 14 August, A.D. 984; the full-moon tithi ended 7 h. 39 m. after mean sunrise.
Northern V. 1042 expired: Wednesday, 2 September, A.D. 985; the full-moon tithi ended 1 h 38 m., and the nakshatra was Uttara-Bhadrapada up to 19h. 3 m, after mean suprise. · Southern V. 1042 expired: Sunday, 22 August, A.D. 986.
32. - V. 1215. – Archæol. Surv. of Western India, Vol. II, p. 167. Girnar stone inscription:
(line 1)... Samvat 1215 varshê Chaitra-sudi 8 Bavau adyeêha Srimad-Orjjayantatirthê ...
Northern V. 1215 current: Wednesday, 20 March, A.D. 1157.
Northern V. 1215 expired: Sunday, 9 March, A.D. 1158; the 8th tithi of the bright half ended 19 h. 20 m. after mean sunrise.
Southern V. 1215 expired: Saturday, 28 March, A.D. 1159; the 8th tithi of the bright half ended 19 h. 59 m. after mean sunrise.
33. - V. 1216.- Archæol. Surv. of India, Vol. XXI. p. 115, and Plate xxviii.; and ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 214. Alha-ghất stone inscription of the time of the Kalachuri Narasimhaddva : -
(Line 1) ... Samvat 1216 Bhadra-sudi-pratipada-Ravau il Dihåliya-maharajadhiraja-ért Narasimghadêva-vijayarajyê li
Northern V. 1216 current: Tuesday, 26 August, A.D. 1158.
Northern V. 1216 expired: Sunday, 16 August, A.D. 1159; the first tithi of the bright half ended 1 h. 25 m. after mean sunrise.
Southern V. 1216 expired: Thursday, 4 Angust, A.D. 1160.
34. V. 1218. - My Report on Sanskrit MSS. for 1880-81, p. 10. Date of a MS. of the Kalpachárni, of the time of the Chaulukya Kumarapaladeva : -
Samvat 1218 varshe dvi Åshedha-śndi 5 Gur&v=ady-êba érimad-Anahilapatake samastarâjâvalf-virajita-samalamkțita-maharajadhiraja-paraméévara-paramabhattaraka-Umap a ti-varalabdha-prasada-mahâbava-sangrâma-niry[y]adha-pratijña-praudha-nija bhaja-raamgs vinirjjita-Sakambhari-bhApAla-srimat-Kamarapaladêva-kalyanavijayarajye ...
Åshadha was intercalary in northern V. 1218 expired (or southern V. 1218 current); for in that year the solar Ashadha lasted from 5 h. 58 m. before mean sunrise of 26 May to 8 h. 41 m. after mear sunrise of 26 June, A.D. 1161, and there were new-moons on 26 May, 17 h. 57 m., and on 25 Jane, 3 h. 18 m. after meah sunrise. The 5th of the bright half of the first Åsbådha was Wednesday, 31 May, A.D. 1161, when the 5th tithi of the bright half eaded 10 h. 38 m. after mean sunrise; and of the second Åshadha, Thursday, 29 Jane, A.D. 1161, when the 5th tithi of the bright half anded 16 h. 22 m. after mean sunrise.
10 In dutes, I have hitherto met this word argala only here and in line 14 of the Kapaswa inscription, (ante, Vol. XIII. p. 164, and see the next number of the Journal.)

Page #38

30
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1890.
35. – V. 1218. - Indian Inscriptions, No. 10. (Tod's 'Nadole' inscription), lithograph received from Mr. Fleet. Nadol copper-plate grant of the Chahumana Alhaņadêva.
(Line 18)... Sam 1218 varshe 'Sravana-budi 14 Ravau asminneva ma hchaturddasi-parvvani 11
Northern V. 1218 current: Tuesday, 19 July, A.D. 1160.
Northern V. 1218 expired: Sunday, 6 August, A.D. 1161; the 14th tithi of the bright half ended 15 h. 35 m. after mean sunrise.
Southern V. 1218 expired: Thursday, 26 July, A.D. 1162.
36. – V. 1232.- Professor Bhandarkar's Second Report on the search for Sanskrit MSS. (1882-83), p. 220; (compare also p. 35). Date of the composition of Narapati's Narapati-jayacharya, of the time of the Chaulakya Ajaya pala :
Vikramarka-gate kale paksh-agni-bhana-1232-vatsarê! másê Chaitre site pakshê pratipad-Bhaume-vasarê 11 5 11 Srimaty-Anahilanagare khyatê éri Ajayapala-nipa-rajyei
śrîman-Narapati-kavinâ rachitam-idam sâkunam sastram 11 6 11 Northern V. 1232 current: Wednesday, 6 March, A.D. 1174; the first tithi of the bright half ended 0 h. 17 m. after mean sunrise and it commenced 2 h. 31 m. after mean sunrise of the preceding day).
In northern V. 1232 expired Chaitra was intercalary; for the solar Chaitra lasted from 22 February, 16 h. 57 m., to 25 March, 1 h. 5 m., and there were new-moons on 22 February, 20 h. 16 m., and 24 March, 3 b. 50 m. after mean sunrise, A.D. 1175. The first of the bright half of the first Chaitra was Sunday, 23 February, A.D. 1175; and of the second Chaitra, Tuesday, 25 March, A.D. 1175, when the first tithi of the bright half ended 1 h. 17 m. after mean sunrise.
Southern V. 1232 expired: Saturday, 13 March, A.D. 1176.
(It may be noted that the initial days of the expired Vikrama years 1231 and 1232 are given wrongly in the Book of Indian Eras).
37.- V. 1232. - ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 131. Benares College copper-plate inscription of Jayachchandradeva of Kanauj: -
(Line 23)... dvatrimbad-adhika-dvådaśa-sata-samvatsarê Bhadró mâsi sakla-pakshe trayôdasyânstithau Ravi-dine ankato-pi samvat 1232 Bhadra-sudi 13 Ravau ady=éha érinnadvijaya-Várâņasyên ..
Northern V. 1232 current: Monday, 12 August, A.D. 1174; the 13th tithi of the bright half ended 16 h. 39 m. after mean sunrise.
Northern V. 1232 expired: Sunday, 31 August, A.D. 1175; the 13th tithi of the bright half ended 15 h. 56 m. after mean sunrise.
Southern V. 1232 expired: Friday, 20 August, A.D. 1176.
38. - V. 1252.- Zeitschrift D. M. G., Vol. XL. p. 54; and Epigraphia Ind., Vol. I. p. 215, from impressions supplied to me by Dr. Burgess. Batêśvar stone inscription of the Chandella Paramardidêve, now in the Lucknow Museum :(Line 24) ... Paksha-strya]kshamakh-aditya-samkhyê Vikrama-va[tsa*]re
Asvina-sukla-patcbamyam vasarė Vasar-Obituh 11 Northern V. 1252 current: Wednesday, 21 September, A.D. 1194
Northern V. 1252 expired: Sunday, 10 September, A.D. 1195; the 5th tithi of the bright half ended 14 h. 14 m. after mean sunrise.
Southern V. 1252 expired: Saturday, 28 September, A.D. 1196; the 5th tithi of the bright half ended 11 h. 54 m. after mean sunrise.
(Dr. Hultzsch, when editing the inscription, took the year to be .Vikrama-samvat 11[8]2').
3.!. - V. 1983. - ante, Vol. VI. p. 194. Kadi copper-plate inscription of the Chaulukya Bhimadeva II.:

Page #39

JANUARI, 1890.)
THE VIKRAMA ERA.
31
(Line 13)... brimad-Vikramadity-Otpadita-samvatsara-satêsha dvadaśasu tri(tri). shashti-uttarêshu lano Sravana-masa-sukla-paksha-dvitiyAyam Ravi-vard Str=arkatô=pi samvat [12]63 Sråvaņa-sudi 2 Rav&v=asyam samvatsara-masa-paksha-vârs-pûrvvikayam tithâv=ady=éha úrimad-A[nahilapita]ké sdy=aiva Vyatipata-pe(pa)rvvani ...
Northern V. 1263 current: Tuesday, 19 July, A.D. 1205.
Northern V. 1263 expired: Sunday, 9 July, A.D. 1206; the second tithi of the bright half ended 13 h. 57 m., and the nakshatra was Åślêshỉ up to 4 h. 36 m., and the yoga was Vyatipata up to 14 h. 3 m. after mean sunrise.
Southern V. 1263 expired: Saturday, 28 July, A.D. 1207; the second tithi of the bright half ended 12 h. 15 m. after mean sunrise.
40. - V. 1272.- Journ. Amer. Or. Soc., Vol. VII. pp. 27 and 29. Bhopal copper-plate inscription of the Paramara Arjunavarmadêva:
... srimad-Amareśvaratîrth-ivasthitair=asmábhir-dvisaptaty-adhika-dvadasa-sata-samvatsare Bhadrapada-paurņamâsyan Chandroparåga-parvani Rêvå-Kapilayôh sangamê snåtvå....
... samvat 1272 Bhadrapada-sudi 15 Budhe. Northern V. 1272 corrent: Thursday, 21 August, A.D. 1214; no eclipse.
Northern v. 1272 expired: Wednesday, 9 September, A.D. 1215; & total lunar eclipse, visible in India, 16 h. 24 m. Greenwich time, or, at Ujjain, 15 h. 27 m. after mean sunrise.
Southern V. 1272 expired: Sunday, 28 August, A.D. 1216 ; & partial lunar eclipse, visible in India, 21 h. 41 m. Greenwich time, or, at Ujjain, 20 h. 44 m. after mean sunrise.
41. - V. 1840.- From rubbings supplied to me by Dr. Burgess. Stone inscription at KAlanjar :
(Line 3) ... Chaitra-sudi 3 Va(bu)dho sam 1340. Northern V. 1340 current : Saturday, 14 March, A.D. 1282.
Northern V. 1340 expired: Wednesday, 3 March, A.D. 1283 ; the third tithi of the bright half ended 19 h. 42 m. after mean sunrise.
Southern V. 1340 expired: Tuesday, 21 March, A.D. 1284; the third tithi of the bright half ended 18 h. 46 m. after mean sunrise.
42. - V. 1368.- Archæol. Surv. of India, Vol. XI. p. 118, and Plate xxxvii. 3. Stone inscription at Jaunpur: - (Line 8)... Jyêshthe måsê sitd pakshê dvadasyà (sya)m=Vu(bu)dha-vasard (1*1
S l ikhit-êyam sadá bhậti prasastih Plava-vatsarê | Samvat 13[5]3 [11] Northern V. 1353 current: Friday, 27 May, A.D. 1295.
Northern v. 1868 expired: Wednesday, 16 May, A.D. 1296; the 12th tithi of the bright half ended 0 h. 34 m. after mean sunrise.
Southern V. 1353 expired: Monday, 3 June, A.D. 1297.
The year Plava, No. 35, lasted, according to the Sürya-Siddhanta rule, without bija, from 13 September, A.D. 1295, to 8 September, A.D. 1296; and with bija, from 18 October A.D. 1295, to 13. October, A.D. 1296; and according to the Jyotistattva rule, from 26 August, A.D. 1295, to 21 August, A.D. 1296. Accordingly, Plava was ourrent on the actual day of the date (16 May, A.D. 1296) and also at the commencement of the solar year (25 March, A.D. 1896). By the Telinga rule the date would fall in the year Durmukha, No. 30.
43.- V. 1439.- Archæol. Surv. of India, Vol. VI. p. 79, and Plate xi, Machadt (near Alvar) stone inscription of the time of the Sultan Perdja SAhill: -
(Line 6) ... Samvatsarê=smin kri-Vikramaditya-rajye(?) sauvat 1439 så (bà)ké 1304 varshe | Vaisa (så )sha(kba)-sudi 6 Ravi-dino | Pushys-nakshatre i éri-surat[r#Jaņa-Pérojasâhi rajyê ... Northern V. 1439 current : Tuesday, 30 April, A.D. 1381..
11 Firdz Shah bin Rajab, A.D. 1851-1388 ; Thomas, loc. cit. p. 209.

Page #40

32
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1890.
-
Northern V. 1439 expired: Sunday, 20 April, A.D. 1982; the 6th tithi of the bright half ended 4 h. 11 m. after mean sunrise ; and the nakshatra was Pushya from about sunrise to about sunrise of the next day.
Southern V. 1439 expired: Thursday, 9 April, A.D. 1383.
44. v. 144.5. - Archrpol. Suru. of India, Vol. XVII. p. 41, and Plate xxii. Sati. pillar inscription at Boram-Deo' in the Central Provinces : -
(Line 1). - Samvat 1445 Bhava-nama-sariva[tsa]re Åsvi(śvi)na-sudi 13 Some. Northern V. 1445 current: Thursday, 26 September, A.D. 1387.
Northern V. 1445 expired: Monday, 14 September, A.D. 1388; the 13th tithi of the bright half ended 19 h. after mean sunrise.
Southern V. 1445 expired: Sunday, 3 October, A.D. 1389; the 13th tithi of the bright half ended 16 h. 43 m. after mean sunrise.
The year Bhava, No. 8, lasted, according to the Súrya-Siddhanta rule, without bija, from 17 August, A.D. 1387, to 12 August, A.D. 1388, and with bija, from 22 September, A D. 1387, to 17 September, A.D. 1388; and according to the Jyotistattva rule, from 29 July, A.D. 1387, to 24 July, A.D. 1388. Accordingly, by the Sûrya-Siddhanta rule, with bija, Bhâva was actually current on the day of the date (14 September, A.D. 1388), and by all the rules it was current at the commencement of the solar yoar (26 March, A.D. 1388). By the Telinga rule the date would fall in the year Vibhava, No. 2.
(In the Book of Indian Eras, Preface, p. ix., the date is given wrongly as Aswina badi 13 Some').
45. - V. 1481. - Jour. Beng. As. Soc., Vol. LII. Part I. p. 71, and a rough rubbing supplied to me by Dr. Burgess. Déôgadh stone inscription :
(Line 14)... samvatsarê=smin=nripa-Vikramaditya-gatavda(bda) 1481 bake briSalivahanat 1346 Vaisakha-masé sukla-pakshê 15 pûrạnamâsyam Guru-vågare | Svatnakshatrê | simha-lagn-êdayê II, (and evidently repeated in a verse which I am unable to make ont at present).
Northern V. 1481 current : Sunday, 25 April, A.D. 1423.
Northern V. 1481 expired: Thursday, 13 April, A.D. 1424; the full-moon tithi ended 22 h. 30 m. after mean sunrise ; and the nakshatra was Svati from about sunrise to about sunrise of the following day.
Southern V. 1481 expired: Wednesday, 2 May, A.D. 1425; the full-moon tithi ended 15 h. 14 m. after mean sunrise.
46. – V. 1498.-Jour. Beng. As. Soc., Vol. XVI. p. 1225. Umgå (in Bihar) stone inscription of Bhairavêndra :(Verse 21): - Jâtê tarka6-navk9-mbudhi4-nda-gu(ga)ņitê sambatbard19 Vaikramo
Vaisakhe Guru-v&sard sitatarê pakshe tritiy[A*]-tithau Rohinyam Parushottamam Halabhțitam Bhadra Subhadrânstatha
pratyashthâpayad-kad-aika-vidhink sri-Bhairavêrdrð nripah 11 And further on :-ankatô=pi Vikramabdaḥ 11 1496 11 Vaisakha-sudi-tritiyâ-Guro(ran) il Northern V. 1496 carrent : Sunday, 27 April, A.D. 1438.
Northern V. 1496 expired: Thursday, 16 April, A.D. 1439; the third tithi of the bright half ended 15 h. 5 m., and the nakshatra was Rohiņi ap to 10 h. 30 m. after mean варгiве.
Sonthern V. 1496 expired: Tuesday, 5 April, A.D. 1440.
(In Archæol. Suru. of India, Vol. XI. p. 141, the date is given wrongly as Wednesday, the 3rd of the waning moon').
47.- V. 1584.- Professor Aufrecht's Catalogue, p. 348; ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 251. Date of a MS. of the Prabhásakshetra-tirthayátrántkrama, of the time of the Påtasaha Mabimada: 13 12 Read samvatsart.
13 Sultan Mahmud Bigarha, A.D. 1459-1511. See note 8 above.

Page #41

JANUARY, 1890.]
Samvat 15 Ashadhadi 31 varashê14 Sravana-śndi 5 Bhû(bhau)mê ad[y]=êha śri-Kadanapurê sthane pâtasaha-sri(śri)-Mahimûda-vijayarajyê..
Northern V. 1534 current: Friday, 26 July, A.D. 1476.
Northern V. 1534 expired: Tuesday, 15 July, A.D. 1477; the 5th tithi of the bright half ended 7 h. 31 m. after mean sunrise.
In southern V. 1534 expired Śravana was intercalary; for the solar Śrâvana lasted from 29 June, 9 h. 19 m., to 30 July, 20 h. 35 m., and there were new-moons on 30 June, 5 h. 19 m., and 29 July, 12 h. 59 m. after mean sunrise, A.D. 1478. The 5th of the bright half of the first Sravana was Saturday, 4 July, A.D. 1478; and of the second Sravana, Monday, 3 August, A.D. 1478, when the 5th tithi of the bright half ended 3 h. 54 m. after mean sunrise.
THE VIKRAMA ERA.
48. V. 1555.- Professor Weber's Catalogue, Vol. II. p. 452. Date of a MS. of the Viyaha-pannatti, of the time of the Sultan Gayasadina15:
Samvat 1555 varshê sâkê 1420 Kshayakṛin-nama-samvatsarê Aévani-mâsile śuklapanchamyam Vakya(kpa)ti-varê . . . . suratrâna-Gayâsadina-râjyê. . . . . śrî-Saukhyâsya(spa)dê pattanê anu cha Mâmgalyapura-varê... likhitam-idaṁ.
33
Northern V. 1555 current: Saturday, 30 September, A.D. 1497.
Northern V. 1555 expired: Thursday, 20 September, A.D. 1498; the 5th tithi of the bright half ended 10 h. 29 m. after mean sunrise.
Southern V. 1555 expired: Tuesday, 10 September, A.D. 1499.
The year Kshaya, No. 60, here called Kshayakrit, lasted, according to the Sûrya-Siddhânta rule, without bija, from 1 May, A.D. 1498, to 27 April, A.D. 1499, and with bija, from 6 June, A.D. 1498, to 2 June, A.D. 1499; and according to the Jyôtistattva rale, from 10 April, A.D. 1498, to 6 April, A.D. 1499. Accordingly, Kshaya was actually current on the day of the date (20 September, A.D. 1498), but it had not begun yet at the commencement of the solar year (27 March, A.D. 1498). By the Têlinga rule the date would fall in the year Kalayukta, No. 52.
49. V. 1580. kaumudi :
Professor Eggeling's Catalogue, p. 166. Date of a MS. of the Prakriya
Svasti samvat pañchadasa 15 asîtau 80 pravarttamâne uttarayanê (nê) śri-sûryê grishmaritan mahâmângalya-pradê Jyêshtha-mâsê asita-pakshê dvâdasa-ghațikâ-paryanta-paurṇamâsi tadanantara-pratipadâyâm tithau Bhrigu-varê ady-êha Simhôdrada-sthânê..
Northern V. 1580 current: Monday, 9 June, A.D. 1522.
Northern V. 1580 expired: Friday, 29 May, A.D. 1523; the full-moon tithi ended 4 h. 24 m. after mean sunrise.
Southern V. 1580 expired: Tuesday, 17th May, A.D. 1524.
-
50. V. 1830.
vasarė Kâsyâm...
Ayáramgasutta:
Samvat 1630 varshê prathama-Asa(sha)dha-sudi 3 dinê Mamgala-váre..
Professor Weber's Catalogue, Vol. II. p. 355. Date of a MS. of the
Ashadha was intercalary in northern V. 1630 expired (or southern V. 1630 current); for in that year the solar Ashadha lasted from 29 May, 8 h, 37 m. after mean sunrise, to 43 m. before mean sunrise of 30 June, A.D. 1573, and there were new-moons on 30 May, 20 h. 3 m., and 29 June, 5 h. 40 m. after mean sunrise. The third of the bright half of the first Ashaḍha was Tuesday, 2 June, A.D. 1573, when the third tithi of the bright half ended 18 h. 4 m. after mean sunrise; and of the second Ashâdha, Thursday, 2 July, A.D. 1573.
Date of a MS. of the
51.-V. 1650. Professor Eggeling's Catalogue, p. 23. Kándánukramaniká-vivarana (written at Benares) :
Samvat 1650 saké
Subhakrit-samvatsarê Bhadrapada-sudi-paurṇamâsyâm Bhrigu
14 Read varshe.
15 Sultan Ghiâsu'd-din, son of Mahmûd Khilji, ruler of Målva, A.D. 1482-1500. Thomas, loc. cit. p. 346 Bailey, loc. cit., Index.
16 Read Aévina-másl.

Page #42

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1890.
Northern V. 1650 current : Monday, 11 September, A.D. 1592.
Northern v. 1650 expired: Friday, 31 August, A.D. 1593; the full-moon tithi ended 17 h. 55 m. after mean sunrise.
Southern V. 1650 expired: Tuesday, 20 August, A.D. 1594.
The year Subhakfit, No. 36, lasted, according to the Sürya-Siddhanta rule, without bija, from 21 March, A.D. 1593, to 17 March, A.D. 1594, and with bija, from 28 April, A.D. 1593, to 24 April, A.D. 1594; and according to the Jyotistattva rale, from 4 March, A.D. 1593, to 28 February, A.D. 1594. Accordingly, Subhaksit was actually current on the day of the date (31 August, A.D. 1593); and by the Surya-Siddhanta rule without bija and the Jyotistattva rule it was also current at the commencement of the solar year (28 March, A.D. 1593). By the Tålinga rule the date would fall in the year Vijaya, No. 27.
52. - V. 1684. - Dr. Peterson's Third Report (1884-86), App. p. 337. Date of the composition of Råmarshi's Nalodaya-tiká, of the time of Sultan Sahi Salamal? :
Vèd-amga-rasa-chamdr-adhyê varshê másê tu Madhave 1 śukla-pakshê tu saptamyam Gurau Pushye tath=ôduni || 13 [u*]. Suratranê tatha Sahi-Salamê sâsati kshitim Pattan-akhyê mahå-durgê Rajasalyê cha rájani I 14 [l1] Yuvarajé Bhôjarajé ... Northern V. 1664 current : Sunday, 4 May, A.D. 1606.
Northern V. 1864 expired: Thursday, 23 April, A.D. 1607; the 7th tithi of the bright half ended 11 h. 7 m., and the nakshatra was Pushya up to 5 h. 55 m. after mean sunrise.
Southern V. 1664 expired: Monday, 11 April, A.D. 1608.
53.- V. 1886.- Professor Eggeling's Catalogue, p. 82. Date of a MS. of an Agnishómpaddhati (written at Benares): -
Samvat 1686 Bahudhanye-nâma-samvatsaré Sråvaņa-sukla-saptamyam Guru-vAgard taddinê Káśyam ...
Northern V. 1686 current : Sunday, 27 July, A.D. 1628.
Northern V. 1686 expired: Thursday, 16 July, A.D. 1629; the 7th tithi of the bright half ended 19 h. 54 m. after mean sunrise.
Southern V. 1686 expired: Wednesday, 4 August, A.D. 1630 ; the 7th tithi of the bright half ended 18 h. 55 m. after mean sunrise.
The year Bahudhanya, No. 12, lasted, according to the Surya-Siddhanta rule, without bija, from 20 October, A.D. 1628, to 16 October, A.D. 1629, and with bija, from 27 November, A.D. 1628, to 23 November, A.D. 1629 ; and according to the Jyotistattva rule, from 1 October, A.D. 1628, to 27 September, A.D. 1629. Accordingly, Bahadhủnya was current on the actual day of the date (16 July, A.D. 1629) and also at the commencement of the solar year (28 March, A.D. 1629). By the Telinga rule the date would fall in the year Sukla, No. 3.
54. - V. 1770. - Dr. Peterson's First Report (1882-83), p. 94. Date of the composition of Bhimasena's Sukhôdadhi :
Saṁvad-grah-asva-mani-bhi-jõâtë masë Madhau sudi
trayôdasyår Soms-vård samapto-yam Sukhôdadhiḥ 11 Northern V. 1779 current: Thursday, 30 March, A.D. 1721.
Northern V. 1779 expired: Monday, 19 March, A.D. 1722 ; the 13th tithi of the bright half ended 15 h. 56 m. after mean sunrise.
Southern V. 1779 expired: Sunday, 7 April, A.D. 1723; the 13th tithi of the bright half ended 9 h. 38 m. after mean sunrise.
55.- V. 1785. - RAjándralal Mitra's Notices of Sanskrit MSS., Vol. VII. p 57. Date of the composition of Bhaskararüya's Saubhagya-bhdskara (composed at Benares) :
Modachchhiyû-mitîyâm śaradi sarad-sitây-Abvine Kalayukte
sukló Somo navamyâm-atanuta Lalita-namasahasra-bhashyam ! 11 I am unable to identify this Sultan. In Professor Bhandarkar's Report for 1882-88, p. 227, verse 8, we have the name adhi-Salema.

Page #43

JANUARY, 1890.]
THE VIKRAMA ERA.
35
Northern V. 1785 current: Tuesday, 12 September, A.D. 1727; the 9th tithi of the bright half onded 19 h. 16 m. after mean sunrise.
Northern v. 1785 expired: Monday, 30 September, A.D. 1728; the 9th lithi of the bright half ended 16 h. 43 m. after mean sunrise.
Southern V. 1785 expired: Saturday, 20 September, A.D. 1729.
The year Kalayukta, No. 52, lasted, according to the Sürya-Siddhanta rule, without bija, from 25 August, A.D. 1727, to 20 August, A.D. 1728, and with bija, from 3 October, A.D. 1727, to 28 September, A.D. 1728; and according to the Jyotistattva rule, from 5 August, A.D. 1727, to 31 July, A.D. 1728. Accordingly, Kalayukta was no longer actually current on the day of the date (30 September, A.D. 1728), but it was current at the commencement of the solar year (29 March, A.D. 1728). By the Telinga rule the date would fall in the year Kilaka, No. 42.
(On the way in which 1785 is denoted here, by môdachchhaya, see e.g. Burnell's Palæography, p. 59).
56. - V. 1874. - ante, Vol. IX. p. 193. Nepâl stone inscription of Lalitatripurasundari : Veda-sapta-gaj-ându-mité 1874 Vaikrame sake Suchi-sukla-navamyam Som-anvitâyâm. Northern V. 1874 current: Wednesday, 3 July, A.D. 1816, new style.
Northern V. 1874 expired: Monday, 23 June, A.D. 1817, new style; the 9th tithi of the bright half ended 12 h. 41 m. after mean sunrise.
Southern V. 1874 expired: Sunday, 12 July, A.D. 1818, new style; the 9th tithi of the bright half ended 12 h. 3 m. after mean sunrise.
(c). - Dates in Southern Expired Years, 57. - V. 898. - Zeitschrift D. M. G., Vol. XL. p. 42. Dholpur stone inscription of the Chanhân Chandamahậsena : - (Line 21) ... Vasu nava [a]shtau varshả gatasya kalasya Vikram-Akhyasya [0]
Vaisakhasya sitaya[ro] Ravivara-yuta-dvitiyayar 11 Chandré Rohiņi-samyukte18 lagnê simghasyalo Sobhane yôge 1
sakala-krita-mamgalasya hy=abhů[t*] pratishth=asya bhavanasya 11 Northern V. 898 corrent: Wednesday, 7 April, A.D. 840.
Northern V. 898 expired: Monday, 28 March, A.D. 841; the second tithi of the bright half ended 15 h. 31 m. after mean sunrise ; nakshatra Bharani, and yoga Ayushmat.
Southern V. 898 expired: Sunday, 16 April, A.D. 842; the second tithi of the bright half ended 13 h. 49 m., and the nakshatra was Bohiņi up to 21 h. 40 m., and the yoga Sobhana up to 1 h. 19 m, after mean sunrise.
58. - V. 962. - My Report for 1880-81, p. 9; and Dr. Peterson's Third Report (1884-86), App. p. 149. Date in a MS. of Siddharshi's Upamitibhava-prapancha Katha:
Sri-Bhillamåla-nagarê ... Samvatsara-sata-navakė dvishashţi-sahite=tilaroghite châsyah !
Jyêshțhê si(si)ta-pamchamyâm Punarvvasau Guru-dine (samåptir=abhût 11] Northern V. 962 current: Tuesday, 22 May, A.D. 904. Northern V. 962 expired: Sunday, 12 May, A.D. 905.
Southern V. 962 expired: Thursday, 1 May, A.D. 906 ; the 5th tithi of the bright half ended 16 h. 13 m., and the nakshatra was Punarvasu up to 5 h. 16 m. after mean sunrise.
59. - V. 2011. - Archæol. Suro. of India, Vol. XXI. p. 67, and Plate xvi. J; and Epigraphia Indica, Vol. I. p. 186. Inscription from a Jaina temple at Khajurühô: -
(Line 1)... Samvat 1011 samaye il (Line 10) ... Vaisa (sâ)sha(kha)-sudi 7 Soma-dine ili Northern V. 1011 current : Saturday, 23 April, A.D. 953. Dr Hultasch suggests Rhini-yukte, to suit the motre, Årya.
19 Read sith hasya.

Page #44

86
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
Northern V. 1011 expired: Wednesday, 12 April, A.D. 954.
Southern V. 1011 expired: Monday, 2 April, A.D. 955; the 7th tithi of the bright half ended 1 h. after mean sunrise.
[JANUARY, 1890.
(Sir A. Cunningham has taken the year of the date to be 1111; see my remarks in Epigraphia Indica, Vol. I. p. 135).
60.
V. 1139. Dr. Peterson's Third Report (1884-86), App. p. 306. Date of the composition of Guruchandragani's Srivira-charitra :
Namda-sihi-rudda-1139-samkhê vokkaṁtê Vikkamau kalammi |
Jeṭṭhassa suddha-taïyâ-tihimmi Some samattam-imaṁ || Northern V. 1139 current: Friday, 14 May, A.D. 1081.
Northern V. 1139 expired: Tuesday, 3 May, A.D. 1082; the third tithi of the bright half ended 20 h. 11 m. after mean sunrise.
Southern V. 1139 expired: Monday, 22 May, A.D. 1083; the third tithi of the bright half ended 14 h. 48 m. after mean sunrise.
61. V. 1154. Archeol. Surv. of India, Vol. X. p. 103, and Plate xxxiii. 3; ante, Vol. XI. p. 311, and Vol. XVIII. p. 237. Dêôgadh rock inscription of the time of the Chandella Kîrtivarmadêva:
-
(Line 8)... Samvat 1154 Chaitra-[śu]di 2 Ravau.
Northern V. 1154 current: Thursday, 28 February, A.D. 1096.
Northern V. 1154 expired: Wednesday, 18 March, A.D. 1097.
Southern V. 1154 expired: Sunday, 7 March, A.D. 1098; the second tithi of the bright half ended 22 h. 13 m. after mean sunrise.
62.-V. 1220. Colebrooke's Misc. Essays, Vol. II. pp. 232 and 233; and an impression and a photo-lithograph supplied to me by Mr. Fleet. Delhi Siwâlik pillar inscription of Visaladeva of Sakambhari :
(Line A, 1)... Samvat 1220 Vaisakha-śuti 15. (Line C, 5).
Samvat sri-Vikramadityê 1220 Vaiśâkha-suti 15 Gurau. Northern V. 1220 current: Monday, 30 April, A.D. 1162.
Northern V. 1220 expired: Saturday, 20 April, A.D. 1163.
In southern V. 1220 expired, Vaisakha was intercalary; for the solar Vaisakha. lasted from 24 March, 4 h. 46 m., to 24 April, 2 h. 59 m., A.D. 1164, and there were new-moons on 24 March, 14 h. 57 m., and 23 April, 3 h. 33 m. after mean sunrise. The 15th of the bright half of the first Vaisakha was Thursday, 9 April, A.D. 1164, when the 15th tithi of the bright half ended 3 h. 58 m. after mean sunrise; and of the second Vaiśâkha, Friday, 8 May, A.D. 1164, when the 15th tithi of the bright half ended 13 h. 45 m. after mean sunrise.
63. V. 1222.-From Sir A. Cunningham's rubbings, supplied to me by Mr. Fleet. Stone pillar inscription from Udaypur (in Gwalior):
(Line 1)... Samvat 1222 varshê Vaisakha-śudi 3 Some sdy-êha Udayapurê akshaya-tritiya-parvani...
In northern V. 1222 current Vaisakha was intercalary; for the solar Vaisakha lasted from 24 March, 4 h. 46 m., to 24 April, 2 h. 59 m., and there were new-moons on 24 March, 14 h. 57 m., and 23 April, 3 h. 33 m. after mean sunrise, A.D. 1164. The third of the bright half of the first Vaisakha was Friday, 27 March, A.D. 1164; and of the second Vaisakha, Sunday, 26 April, A.D. 1164, when the third tithi of the bright half ended 6 h. 52 m. after mean sunrise.
Northern V. 1222 expired: Thursday, 15 April, A.D. 1165.
Southern V. 1222 expired: Monday, 4 April, A.D. 1166; the third tithi of the bright half ended 21 h. 35 m. after mean sunrise.
64.-V. 1224. Archaeol. Surv. of India, Vol. XXI. p. 74, and Plate xxiii. G. Inscription on pedestal of figure at Mahôba, of the time of the Chandella Paramardidêva: -
(Line 1). Samvat 1224 Ashâḍha-sudi 2 Ravau ||

Page #45

JANUARY, 1890.)
THE VIKRAMA ERA.
37
Northern V. 1224 current: Wednesday, 1 June, A.D. 1166. Northern V. 1224 expired: Tuesday, 20 June, A.D. 1167.
Southern V. 1224 expired: Sunday, 9 June, A.D. 1168; the second tithi of the bright half ended 7 h. 18 u. after mean sunrise.
65.- V. 1233. - ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 136. Bengal Asiatic Society's copper-plate inscription of Jayachchandradêva of Kanauj:
(Line 24) ... traya[s]trimsa(sa)d-adhika-dvadasa-sata-samvatsaré Vaisi(SA)khô mási bu(su)kla-pakshê daśamyam tithau Sa(sa)ni-dind a katô=pi samvat 1233 Vaisa (6A) kha-sudi 10 Sa(wa)nau adyméha srimad-vijaya- Varanasyam...
Northern V. 1233 current: Friday, 2 May, A.D. 1175; the 10th tithi of the bright half ended 7 h. 43 m. after mean sunrise.
Northern V. 1233 expired: Tuesday, 20 April, A. D. 1176.
Southern v. 1233 expired: Saturday, 9 April, A.D. 1177; the 10th tithi of the bright half commenced about mean sunrise, and ended 22 h. 35 m. after mean sunrise.
66. - V. 1238.- ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 140. Bengal Asiatic Society's copper-plate inscription of Jayachchandradêva of Kanauj: -
(Line 21) ... shattrimsa(sa)d-adhika-dvådaśa-sata-samvatsarê Vaisa(á)khê mâsi buklapakshê parņnimayam tithau Sukra-dinė aikat[6]=pi sam 1236 Vaisa (sa)kha-sudi 15 Sukro ady=éha éri-Ramdavai-samâvâsê Gamgâyám...
Northern V. 1236 current: Wednesday, 3 May, A.D. 1178. Northern V. 1236 expired: Monday, 23 April, A.D. 1179,
Southern v. 1236 expired: Friday, 11 April, A.D. 1180; the full-moon tithi ended 19 h. 55 m. after mean sunrise.
67. - V. 1240.- From rubbings supplied to me by Dr. Burgess. Rock inscription at Kalajar, of the time of the Chandella Paramardidêva :
(Line 1)... Srimat-Paramarddi[dêva)-vijayarâjyê samvat 1240 .... Vaisâ(sa)kha-sadi 14 Gurau ...
Northern V. 1240 current: Monday, 19 April, A.D. 1182.
In northern V. 1240 expired Vaisakha was intercalary; for the solar Vaisakha lasted from 25 March, 2 h. 46 m., to 25 April, o b. 59 m., and there were new-moons on 25 March, 11 h. 54 m., and 23 April, 20 h. 6 m. after mean sunrise, A.D. 1183. The 14th of the bright half of the first Vaisakha was Friday, 8 April, A.D. 1183, when the 14th tithi of the bright half ended 17 h. 30 m. after mean sunrise ; and of the second Vaisakha, Sunday, 8 May, A.D. 1183.
Southern v. 1240 expired: Thursday, 26 April, A.D. 1184; the 14th tithi of the bright half ended 10 h. 58 m. after mean sunrise.
68. V. 1243.- Archæol. Surv. of India, Vol. XXI. p. 50, and Plate xii. c. Inscription on jamb of the Upper Gate of Ajaygadh:
(Line 1)... Samvat 1243 Jyêshtha-sudi 11 Vu(bu)dhe. Northern V. 1243 current: Saturday, 11 May, A.D. 1185. Northern V. 1243 expired: Friday, 30 May, A.D. 1186.
Southern V. 1243 expired: Wednesday, 20 May, A.D. 1187; the 11th tithi of the bright half ended 4 h. 15 m. after mean sunrise.
69. –V. 1243.- ante, Vol. XV. p. 12. Faijábâd copper-plate inscription of Jayachchandradeva of Kananj:
(Line 24) ... trichatvarimsa(sa)d-adhika-dvadasa-sata-saṁvatsare Åshadhê måsi so(sn)kla-pakshe saptamyâm tithan Ravi-dinė ankato-pi samvat 1243 Åshadha-sudi 7 Ravau ady=éha primadVẤragasyÂm ...
Northern V. 1243 current: Thursday, 6 June, A.D. 1185. Northern V. 1243 expired: Wednesday, 25 June, A.D. 1186.

Page #46

38
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1890.
Southern V. 1243 expired: Sunday, 14 June, A.D. 1187; the 7th tithi of the bright balf ended 19 h. 21 m. after mean sunrise.
70. - V. 1253. - Archæol. Surv. of India, Vol. XI. p. 129, and Plate xxxviii. Bélkhara stone-pillar inscription of one of the rulers of Kannuj(): -
(Line 4)... samvat 1253 Vaišasha(kha)-sudi 11 Bhaum[*]... Northern V. 1253 current : Saturday, 22 April, A.D. 1195.
Northern V. 1253 expired: Wednesday, 10 April, A.D. 1196 ; the 11th tithi of the bright half ended 19 h. 34 m. after mean sunrise.
Southern V. 1253 expired: Tuesday, 29 April, A.D. 1197; the 11th tithi of the bright half ended 20 h. 8 m. after mean sunrise.
71. – V. 1256. - ante, Vol. XVI. p. 254. Bhôpůl copper-plate inscription of the Paramåra Udayavarmadêva : -
(Line 11)... gri-Vikrama-kal-atita-shatpamchâsa(sa)d-adhika-dvadasa-sa(sa)ta-samvatsar-ântahprâ(på)ti amkê 1256 Vaisakha-sudi 15 paurņņamásya in tithau Visa(s)khenakshatrê Parigha-yôgê Ravi-dind maha-Vaisi (så khyam parvvari Guvâţi-ghaté Rêvâyâm snätvå ...
Northern V. 1256 current: Thursday, 23 April, A.D. 1198.
Northern V. 1256 expired: Monday, 12 April, A.D. 1199; the full moon tithi ended 20 h. 3 m. after mean sunrise ; nakshatra Svati, and yoga Siddhi.
Southern V. 1256 expired: Sunday, 30 April, A.D. 1200 ; the full-moon tithi ended 18 h. 37 m., and the nakshatra was Visakha up to 13 h. 47 m., and the yoga Parigha up to 20 h.9 m. after mean sunrise.
72. - V. 1265. - ante, Vol. XI. p. 221. Mount Abû stone inscription of the reign of the Chaulakya Bhimadêva II. : -
Line 20. - Samvat 1265 varshê Vaisakha éu 15 Bhaume Chauluky-8ddharapa-paramabhattârá ka-Mahârâjâdhiraja-brimad-Bhimadêva-pravarddhamâna-vijayarajyê ...
Northern V. 1265 current : Saturday, 14 April, A.D. 1207. Northern Y. 1265 expired: Friday, 2 May, A.D. 1208.
Southern V. 1265 expired: Tuesday, 21 April, A.D. 1209; the 15th tithi of the bright half ended 17 h. after mean sunrise.
73. – V. 1500.- From a rubbing supplied to me by Dr. Burgess. Stone inscription at Mahuva in Barôda (?): - (Line 1) . . . Svasti svastimati prasiddha-nfipati-bri-Vikramatikramat
samvad-Vishộupadadvay-e[shu)-jagati-samkhyê Prajanampatau mitre.chattara-gê prachamda-kirané dbanye madhau Madhavê
suklé půrnna-tithau Gurau cha Guru-bhe sadyoga-bhoga-kshaņê 11 1 11 (Line 16)... Svasti sriman-nfipa-Vikramarkka-samay-&tita-samvat 1500 varsbê Prajapati-namni samvatsare uttarayaņel vasanta ritau Vaisakha-sukla-panchamyam Gurau
Northern V. 1500 current : Sunday, 15 April, A.D. 1442.
Northern V. 1500 expired: Friday, 5 April, A.D. 1443; the 5th tithi of the bright half, ended 4 h. 58 m. after mean sunrise.
Southern V. 1500 expired: Thursday, 23 April, A.D. 1444; the 5th tithi of the bright half ended 4 h. 49 m. after mean sunrise, and the nakshatra was Punarvasu up to 15 h. 46 m., when it was followed by Pushya, presided over by Guru (Brihaspati); yôgas Sula and Ganda.,
The year Prajapati, No. 5, lasted, according to the Sûrya-Siddhanta rule, without bija, from 19 December, A.D. 1443, to 14 December, A.D. 1444, and with bija, from 25 January, A.D. 1444, to 20 January, A.D. 1445; and according to the Jyotistattva rule, from 2 December, A.D. 1443, to 27 November, A.D. 1444. Accordingly, Pruja pati was current on the actual day of the date (23 April, A.D. 1444) and also at the commencement of the solar

Page #47

JANUARY, 1890.)
THE VIKRAMA ERA.
39
year (26 March, A.D. 1444). By the Telinga rule the date would fall in the year Raktậksha, No. 58.
74.- V. 1516.- Archaul. Suru. of India, Vol. III. p. 131, and Plate xxxix. Inscription on jamb of temple of Gayasuri Devi at Gay : - (Line 26)... Varshê (sastra?]-ku-vå[pa)-chandra-sa]hite Mosham gato bhaskarð
Chaitra någa-tithal sit[@] Gurudine ... (Line 30)... Saivat 1516 varshê Chaitra-eudi 5 Gur[u]-din[0] 11 Northern V. 1514 current : Sunday, 19 March, A.D. 1458.
Northern V. 1516 expired: Friday, 9 March, A.D. 1459; the 5th tithi of the bright half ended 11 h. 3 m. after mean sunrise.
Southern V. 1516 expired: Thursday, 27 March, A.D. 1460; the 5th tithi of the bright half commenced 11 b. 3 m. before, and ended 12 h. 32 m. after mean sunrise, and the MoshaSankranti took place 5 h. 1 m. before mean sunrise.
75. - V. 1534. - Date of my MS. of the Prakriya-kaumudi :
Svasti sri samvat 1534 varshê dakshiņåyanê varsha-ritau prathama-Sravana-måsə saklapakshe ashtamyâm tithan Bhaums-vAsard ady=êha Munindrapura-vastavya-jyotirvvijJanarddan-atmajêna Iladarga-sthêna ... Visvanathêna ... lishi(khi)ta.
Sravans was intercalary in southern V. 1584 expired; for in that year the solar Sråvaņa lasted from 29 June, 9 h. 19 m., to 30 July, 20 h. 35 m., A.D. 1478, and there were new-moons on 30 June, 5 h. 23 m., and on 29 July, 13 h. 2 m. after mean sunrise. . The 8th of the bright half of the first Sravana was Tuesday, 7 July, A.D. 1478, when the 8th tithi of the bright half ended 15 h. 31 m. after mean sunrise ; and of the second Sråvaņa, Thursday, 6 August, A.D. 1478.
76.- V. 1645. - RAjøndralál Mitra's Notices of Sanskrit MSS., Vol. VII. p. 321. Date of the composition of Pugyasågara's Jambúdvípa-prajñapti-uşitti :Srimaj-Jêsalamêrudurgårgga)-nagarė sri-Bhima-bhumipatan
rajyam så(sa) sati vâņa-vâridhi-rasa-kshauņi-mitê vatsard Pushy-arko(rkshe) Madhu-masa-sukla-dasami-sad-vasard Bhasu(ska)re
tik-yam vihità sad=aiva jayatád-a-chandra-sûryyan bhuvi | Northern V. 1645 current: Thursday, 9 March, A.D. 1587. Northern V. 1645 expired: Wednesday, 27 March, A.D. 1588.
Southern V. 1845 expired: Sunday, 16 March, A.D. 1589; the 10th tithi of the bright half ended 16 h. 26 m., and the nakshatra was Pushya up to 12 h. 29 m, after mean sunrise.
77. - V. 1654. - Dr. Peterson's Second Report (1883-84), p. 128, and Professor Weber's Catalogue, Vol. II. p. 268. Date of the composition of Jõånavimalagaại's commentary on Mahêsvara's Sabdaprabhéda : -
Srimad-Vikramanagaré rájach-chhri-Rajasirha-npipa-rajyê sallóka-chakraváka-pramûda-sûryêdayê samyak 11 Chatarângnavadan-êmdriya-rasa-vasudhå-sammitd lasad-varshế krimad-Vikrama-nfipato Stikrâmte stiva krita-barsh 11 'Sabh-payôgê subha-yoga-yaktê varê dvitiys-divasê stisuddhë
Åshâdha-masasya viśuddha-pakshe Pushyarksha-samyakta--Gabhastivere 11 ... Northern V. 1654 current : Tuesday, 17 June, A.D. 1596.
Northern V. 1654 expired: Monday, 6 June, A.D. 1597; the second tithi of the bright half ended 20 h. after mean sunrise.
Southern V. 1654 expired: Sunday, 25 June, A.D. 1598; the second tithi of the bright half ended 12 h. 20 m., and the nakshatra was Pushya up to 7 h. 13 m., and the yôga Vajra up to 21 h. 23 m. after mean sunrise.
(The result of the calculation shows that in the expression subha-yoga-yukte of the date the word subha cannot be the name of a yôga, for Vajra is the 15th and Subha the 23rd yoga).

Page #48

40
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1890.
78.-V. 1724.- Professor Weber's Catalogue, Vol. II. p. 11. Date of a MS. of the Sankhayana-srautasútra:
Samvat 1724 varshê prathama-A(a)sa (sha)ḍha-sudya 7 Sanau.
Ashadha was intercalary in southern V. 1724 expired; for in that year the solar Ashadha lasted from 29 May, 22 h. 25 m., to 30 June, 13 h. 14 m., A.D. 1668, and there were new-moons on 30 May, 12 h., and 29 June, 3 h. 50 m. after mean sunrise. The 7th of the bright half of the first Ashadha was Saturday, 6 June, A.D. 1668, when the 7th tithi of the bright half ended 22 h. 16 m. after mean sunrise; and of the second Ashâdha, Monday, 6 July, A.D. 1668.
Date of part of a MS.
79. V. 1746. Professor Weber's Catalogue, Vol. II. p. 195. of Jinêndrabuddhi's Kásikavivaraṇa-pañchiká:
Samvat 1746 varshê prathama-Vaisakha-śudi 12 Gurau.
Vaisakha was intercalary in southern V. 1746 expired; for in that year the solar Vaisakha lasted from 29 March, 7 h. 19 m. to 29 April, 5 h. 32 m., A.D. 1690, and there were new-moons on 30 March, 9 h., and 28 April, 19 h. 33 m. after mean sunrise. The 12th of the bright half of the first Vaisakha was Thursday, 10 April, A.D. 1690, when the 12th tithi of the bright half ended 10 h. 8 m. after mean sunrise; and of the second Vaisâkha, Friday, 9 May, A. D. 1690, when the 12th tithi of the bright half ended 22 h. 20 m. after mean sunrise.
(In another part of the same MS. there is the date -
Samvat 1746 varshê Vaisakhasya sitê pakshê dvitiyâ-Bhâuma-vasarė,
the month of which, though called simply Vaisakha, is the prathama-Vaisakha of the other date. The corresponding date here is Tuesday, 1 April, A,D. 1690, when the second tithi of the bright half ended 5 h. 57 m. after mean sunrise).
(d.) A date mentioning a lunar eclipse which fell on the same day in the northern current, northern expired, and southern expired years.
80. V. 1200. Indian Inscriptions, No. 50, lithograph received from Mr. Fleet. Colebrooke, Miscellaneous Essays, Vol. II. p. 301. Ujjain copper-plate inscription of the Paramâra Lakshmivarmadêva: -
(Line 6). árîmad-Dhârâyâm mahârâjâdhirâja-paramêsvara-éri-Yasôvarmmadêvêna Sri-Vikrama-kal-atita-samvatsar-aikanavaty-adhika-sat-aikâdaśêshu Kârttika-sudi ashṭamyâm
but no details for verification.
(Line 15)... samvatsara-sata-dvâdaśakêsh[u] grahana-parvvaņi...
The possible equivalents of this second date are, for
Northern V. 1200 current: 8 August, A.D. 1142; a partial lunar eclipse, not visible in India, 12 h. 17 m. Greenwich time, or, at Ujjain, 11 h, 20 m. after mean sunrise ;
Northern V. 1200 expired: 28 July, A.D. 1143; a total lunar eclipse, not visible in India, 12 h. 38 m. Greenwich time, or, at Ujjain, 11 h. 41 m. after mean sunrise ;
Southern V. 1200 expired: 16 July, A.D. 1144; a partial lunar eclipse, visible in India, 16 h. 44 m. Greenwich time, or, at Ujjain, 15 h, 47 m. after mean sunrise.
Srivana-udi-pachadasyim
soma.
(This shows that Sir A. Canningham's objection to Colebrooke's result in the Book of Indian Eras, p. 93, and note, was unnecessary.
(To be continued.)
The inscriptions of Amsuvarman, three of which are dated respectively Samvat 34 and 39, prove that the Sriharsha era was introduced into 1 Dr. Bhagvanlal's Nos. 6 and 7, ante, vol. IX. p.
MISCELLANEA.
A NOTE ON HARSHAVARDHANA'S CONQUEST | Nêpâl during the lifetime of the great king of
OF NEPAL.
Thanesar and Kanoj, who held the whole of Northern India from 606 to 648 A.D. If an Indian prince adopts a new foreign era, especially one founded by a contemporary, that may be 170f., and Mr. Bendall's Journey to Nepal, p. 74. No. II.

Page #49

JANUARY, 1890.)
MISCELLANEA.
41
considered as almost certain proof that the borrower the reading is exactly the same in the Bombay had to submit to the Baka-kartri or establisher editions of A. D. 1863, 1864, and 1874 ; in the of the era. For this reason, and becange the Benares edition of A. D. 1861 ; and in MS. in Nepalese Varadval (anto, Vol. XIII. p. 413) has the Bodleian Library, Aufrecht's Catalogue, Part preserved a reminiscence of the conquest of Nepal I., page 929, No. 780. by an Indian king just before Amsuvarman's
Again, in the Jour. R. As. Soc., F. S., Vol. XX. accession to the throne, most orientalists have p. 372. note. Dr. Kern has quoted the following accepted it as an indisputable fact that Harsbeverse as giving the date of the oompletion of vardhana extended his conquests to the eastern th. Commentary on the Brihat-Samhita : Himalaya. This view, it seems to me, is further
PhAlgunasya dvitiyâyâm confirmed by & passage in Bana's Briharah
Asitâyân Gurör dine 1 charita, where we read in the list of wonderful
Vasv-asht-shţa-mitê Sêkê deeds ascribed to Harsha (Kaśmir edition, p. 208,
kpitêyan vivsitir mays: 1. 6):-atra paramésvarena tushdrabailabhavô dur.
“This commentary has been composed by me gáyd grihitah karah. Like all the preceding ones,
on the second dark tithi of (the month) PhAlguna, this sentence has a double sense, and describes,
on Thursday, in the Saka (year) that is measured with the same words, both an act of a god and a
out by the Vasus (eight), (the numeral) eight, and feat of the king, in order to point out the resem.
(again the numeral) eight." blance or identity of the actors. It must be translated, as the commentator too states -(1)
This latter verse has also been quoted, on the "Here the supreme lord Siva) took the hand of authority of "Colebrooke and others," but withont Durga, the daughter of the snowy mountain any specific reference, by Dr. Bhau Daji, in the (HimAlaya);"--and (9) "Here the supremo lord same Journal, N. S., Vol. I. page 410. (Haraha) took tribute from the land in the snowy And I hear from Mr. K. B. Pathak, through mountains, that is difficult of access." The Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit, that with a few minor mishistorical information which Båņa means to con- takos which do not in any way affect the details, vey is, therefore, that his patron forced the prince this verse occurs in two MSS. of the commentary, of a country situated in the Himalaya to acknow. No. 415 of 1881-82 in the Dekkan College Colledge his supremacy. Considering the facte lection in this instance the figures 888 stand stated above, it is not doubtful that the Himalayan between the syllables asht-dsh!a and mitd), and district, to which he refers, is no other than No. 306 of the Vibrambag Collection. Also, Mr. Népal.
Sh. B. Dikshit tells me, it occurs in the Marathi 26th September 1889.
G. BÜHLER. 1 translation of the Brihat-Samhita, published at
Ratnagiri.
CALCULATIONS OF HINDU DATES.
The two Commentaries, accordingly, were finish. No. 32.
ed in one and the same year, 888. And, giving The astronomical writer Utpala has given the word Sdka ita most ordinary meaning, vin, us his dato in two of his Commentaries, on the of or belonging to the Sakas,' that was year SakaBrihaj-Jataka and the Brihat-Sanhita of Varába- Samvat 888, which, in both the verses, is not dismihira.
tinctly specified either as current or as expired. In his edition of the Brihat-Samhita, Preface, In this year, the commentary on the Brihaj-Jataka page 6, Dr. Kern has quoted the following verse,
was finished on the tithi Chaitra sukla 5, coupled as giving the date of the completion of
with Thursday; and the commentary on the the Commentary on the Brihaj-Jataka :
Brihat-Samhitd was finished on PhAlguna krishpa Chaitra-masasya pañchamyam
2, also coupled with Thursday. By Prof. K. sitayar Guru-vasaro
L Chhatre's Tables, I find that Vasv-asht-Ashta-mitê Sakê
In Baka-samvat 888 current, Chaitra vukla kpit-êyard vivsitir maya li
8 bogan on Thursday, 9th March, A. D. 905, This commentary has been composed by me ut about 58 ghafla, 22 palas, after mean sunrise, un the fifth bright tithi of the month Chaitra, on for Ujjain, and ended on the Friday, at about 59 Thursday, in the Saka (year) that is measured gh. 52 p. ; the parniments PhAlguna krishna out by the Vasus (eight), (the numeral) eight, anded on Thursday, 11th January, A. D. 986, and again the numeral) eight."
at about 84 gh. 48 p., beginning on the Wednesday, And, with the exception that the figures 888 at about 41 gh. P; and the amanta PhAlguna stand between the words Suke and krit-byan, krishna 8 began on Friday, 9th February, A.D.
1 The times here are for Ujjain, all through.

Page #50

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1890.
966, at about 6 ghatls, and ended on the Saturday, calculated the date; and had found that the at about 22 palas.
resulting week-day was a Thursday, if the date And in Saka-Samvat 889 current (889 expired),
was referred to the Saka era, and only if it was so Chaitra sukla 5 ended on Wednesday, 28th Feb.
referred. He gave no further details as to the ruary, A. D. 966, at about 28 gh. 38 p.; the exact English equivalent; his object then, in púrnimanta Phálguna krishpa 2 ended on Wed. connection with certain points of confusion benesday, 30th January, A. D. 967, at about 41 gh.
tween the Saka and the Vikrama eras, being only 33 p.; and the amanta Phálguna krishna 2 to apply the general result as proof that, in began on Thursday, 28th February, A.D. 987, using the word Sake, Utpala did intend to quote at about 11 gh. 14 p., and ended on the Friday, the Saka era commencing A. D. 77, and not the at about 4 gh. 54 p.
Vikrama era commencing B. C. 58. But both
he and Pandit Bapu Deva Shastri must, I think, Now, the two dates must, I think, be treated
have arrived at the date given above; Thursday, with absoluto uniformity. And, on that condi.
9th March, A.D. 966. tion, correct results can be obtained for them only if we apply the given year as a current
And I take it that the above application of year, and the given tithis as current tithis. In- the given year as a current year, and of the given deed, with Saka-Samvat 888 expired, a Thursday
tithis as current tithis, is correct; that the Com. cannot be obtained for Chaitra sukla 5 at all. mentary on the Brihaj-JAtaka was finished But in Saka-Samvat 888 current, Chaitra bukla 5 on Thursday, 9th March, A.D. 965; and that might be coupled, as a current tithi, with the the Commentary on the Brihat-Samhita was Thursday, for a short period at the end of the finished on Thursday, 11th January, A.D. 986. Hindu week-day; and the purnimanta Phålguna There is, however, another possibility, which krishna 2 might be coupled as a current tithi, is worth noting. It is that here, as in some either with the Wednesday or with the Thursday, unquestionable instances(see p. 24 f. above, under with which latter day alone it could be coupled No. 11), the word Bakd is in reality used to denote as an ended tithi. In the case of Chaitra sukla a year of the Vikrama era. And on this 5, the result runs rather close ; for, on the Hindu hypothesis, the results are as follows: Thursday it was current only for about igh. 38 P., Chaitra sukla 5 endedor 40 minutes, just before mean sunrise at the In northern Vikrama-Samvat 898 current. at end of the day. And with Prof. Jacobi's Tables about 15 gh. 2 p., on Thursday, 3rd March, A.D. the result is run even closer still; for, by ! his ordinary method, the tithi commenced at 23] In northern Vikrama-Samvat 889 current, (888 hrs. 22 min. on the Thursday, and ended at 22 expired) and southern Vikrama-Samvat 888 curhrs. 58 min. on the Friday; while, by his closer rent, at about 17 gh. 43 p. on Wednesday, 22nd method, ending at 21 hrs. 24 min. on the Friday, Match, A. D. 831 :it commenced at or immediately after mean 1 And in southern Vikrama-Saxhvat 889 current sunrise, -- or a few minutes before apparent sun (888 expired), at about 41 palas on Monday, 11th rise, which at that season would be a little later March, A. D. 832. than mean sunrise, - at the end of the Thursday
And the parpimanta Phalguna krishna 2 and the beginning of the Friday. But the time
endedjust before sunrise is not an infrequent hour for
In Vikrama-Samyat 888 current, northern or literary work among the early-rising Hindus.
southern, at about 48 gh. 11 p., on Thursday, 2nd And we may take it for granted that Utpala, wish
February, A. D. 831:ing to give full details for the completion of his
And in Vikrama-Samvat 889 current (888 erbook, would be absolutely accurate in the matter;
pired), northern of southern, at about 6 gh. 15 p. and, knowing whether a current or an ended
on Tuesday, 23rd Jannary, A. D. 832. tithi should be quoted, would carefully determine
And the amânta Phalguna krishna 2 endedthe tithi accordingly, however close it might lie
In Vikrama-Samvat 888 current, northern or to the end or to the beginning of a week-day.
southern, at about 30 gh. I p. on Saturday, 4th To his quotation, in the Preface to the Brihat. March, A. D. 831: Sanhita, of the verse that gives the tithi Chaitra And in Vikrama-Sarvat 889 current (888 expired), sukla 5, Dr. Kern attached the remark that both northern or southern, at about 39 g. 56 P. On he himself and Pandit Bapu Deva Shastri had
Bu ara randi bapu Deva Shastri had Wednesday, 21st February, A. D. 832. * Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit, however, tells me that according vis. on the Thursday, at 58 gh. 21 r. after mean sunrise to the present edrya-Siddhanta, the tithi began at (for Ujjain). almost the same time as by Prof. K. L. Chhatre's Tables;

Page #51

JANUARY, 1890.]
And thus, taking the given year as a current year, a correct result can be obtained for both the given tithis, as ended tithis; the only objection being the improbability of the northern reckoning of the Vikrama era having been started at that time. This reckoning must of necessity be applied in order to obtain a Thursday for Chaitra sukla 5. And, though it is not absolutely necessary in the case of Phalguna krishna 2, yet there also we must apply it, for the sake of uniformity.
MISCELLANEA.
As a matter of fact, therefore, if these dates are treated as Vikrama dates, and if we admit the use of the northern reckoning of the Vikrama era, equally good results can be obtained, - vis. Thursday, 3rd March, A.D. 830, and Thursday, 2nd February, A. D. 831, -as if they are treated as Saka dates; if not, indeed, better results, since,
-
BOOK NOTES D'EPIGRAPHIE INDIENNE, par M. E. SENART, Membre de l'Institut. Extrait da Journal Asiatique. Paris, Leroux.
In this paper, republished from the Journal Asiatique, M. Senart has summed up the results of his personal inspection of the Piyadasi inscriptions at Shahbaz-Garhi, Mansera, and Girnar. Special interest will be attached to his remarks concerning the newly discovered XIIth Edict at the first place, and concerning the copies of the twelve Edicts at Mansora.
The twelfth Edict at Shahbaz-Garhi was discovered a short time ago by Captain Deane, on a separate piece of rock about fifty yards from the old inscription. M. Senart, during his visit to the locality, was able to take away a copy and rubbing of the new discovery, as well as a collation of the first eleven Edicts. The time at his disposal did not allow him to thoroughly collate the XIIIth and XIVth.
At Mansora the first twelve Edicts only have been found,-inscribed on two rocks. The thirteenth and fourteenth Edicts are probably hidden somewhere in the vicinity, and still await their discoverer. M. Senart succeeded in carrying away rubbings of the first eight Edicts and of the twelfth. Fragmentary rubbings of the remaining ones, which are in a very imperfect condition, were also taken. Some very fine photo-lithographs, of former rubbings of the whole taken for Gen. Sir A. Cunningham, are appended to the paper.
At Girnar, where the inscriptions are much better preserved, M. Senart contented himself with comparing doubtful passages in the text, as hitherto published, with the original.
43
applying these dates to the Vikrama era, in neither of them have we to understand the tithi as a current tithi. And this is the more curious and interesting, because the passage thus fails in respect of the very purpose for which Dr. Kern sought to apply it; viz. to prove decisively that by the word Saka Utpala meant the Saka era, with the epoch of A. D. 77-78.
This date, accordingly, should perhaps not be looked upon as finally disposed of; but as still remaining for further consideration. And, as the determination of Utpala's date is of considerable importance in connection with the history of Hindu astronomy, it is to be hoped that someone else may be able to bring forward extraneous evidence to shew clearly what are to be accepted as the English equivalents of the given dates. J. F. FLEET.
NOTICES.
M. Senart in the present article gives the texts of the XIIth Edict at Shahbaz-Garhi and Mansêrê as now ascertained by him, and draws attention to the fact that, at both places this Edict seems to have been assigned a place of honour. At Mansêrâ it has one side of the rock to itself, and at Shahbaz-Garhi it is inscribed on a special stone. At both places the characters are larger, and the engraving more accurate, than those of any other Edict. This
is the more remarkable because it is this Edict which is omitted in the series of Orissa, at Dhaul and Jaugada. It is the special Asoka Edict of Toleration. It appears as if, in the eyes of the king, counsels of religious peace were specially necessary at this extreme point of the North-West of India. We know that this region, the main route of invasions into India, must always have been the meeting-place of diverse races, divided by religious ideas; and it is also certain that its present population consists of mountain tribes who are most turbulent, and least addicted to the ways of peace. At the other end of India, in Orissa, such advice was doubtless less indispensable. If the XIIIth Edict is there omitted, it is surely because it describes the conquest of the country, and because it paints in energetic colours the violence and disorder which accompanied that conquest. Perhaps, the king also considered it not a little embarrassing for him to preach moderation where he had recently given so practical an example to the contrary; he felt himself compelled to suppress both the mention of the horrors of the invasion, and the sentiments of mercy, to which he had been led, as he himself admits, by their spectacle.

Page #52

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1890.
M. Senart next deals with the orthography of these two variants of the XIIth Edict. Two of the most interesting points dwelt on by him may be noticed. One is the co-ordination of pashanda with parshada through a form pdsharda, which, by the way, gives another proof that the spelling ut Shahbaz-Gasht is not phonetic, but is full of graphic tatsamas, in which the old spelling was preserved, although the pronunciation was changed. The other point is the firing of the character as representing mu and not ma as hitherto supposed by M. Senart.
The article concludes with a fresh collation of the first eleven Edicts at Shahbâz-Gashi, and the Edicts at Girnar, and transcriptions, so far as is possible, of the first eleven Edicts at Mansord. These collations and transcriptions are specially valuable as coming from a scholar, an expert on the subject, who has now had an opportunity of examining the original documenta, instead of the copies and rubbings which had hitherto been available to him. Geo. A. GRIERSON.
BENGAL, ITS CHIEVE, AGENTS AND GOVERNORS, by
F. C. DANVERS. London: Eyre and Spottiswoode, Printers to the Queen. It has long been well known that Mr. Danvers has been using his official position to collect and arrange in a usefuland intelligent manner the older Records of the India Omce, which have ever since their acquirement been allowed to remain in such a state of confusion, as to render them almost useless to anyone engaged in inquiring into the history of our rule in the East, unless he has unlimited time at his disposal. The present pamphlet is an outcome of a part of his valuable labours.
By the Governors of Bengal Mr. Danvers means those who have actually held that title at various periods, - fitfully it is true, from 24th November 1681, to 1st May 1854, when the present Lieutenant-Governorship was established.
Hitherto, the only list available was the Government of India official list, which began with Messrs. Freeke and Crattenden, 1733.1738. But Mr. Danvers has discovered that neither of these gentlemon had ever been Governor at all, and that the title commenced long before that with Sir William Hedges in 1681
The history of the Governorship is a curious one, and shows, among other remarkable facts, tbat the Directors of the East India Companies at home were as often as not at violent loggerheads with their chief representatives in Caloutta, whom they frequently "dismissed" and " deposed." Some, like Lord Clive, resigned in consequence of
despatches from the Court of Directors, of which, in Lord Clive's words, "almost every paragraph abounded with unbecoming language." Very unpleasant gentlemen the Board of Directors appear to have been in the early days.
The Governorship of Bengal arose out of a Chief of the Factories of Balasor and Haghll in 1650, who became an Agent and Governor in the Bay of Bengal in 1681, and President and Governor in 1683. In the same year the title was reduced to Agent and Chief in the Bay of Bengal, but the title of President and Governor of Fort William was revived in 1690. The title of Commander-in-Chief was added in 1709, and the full title of President in the Bay, and Governor and Commander-in-Chief of Fort William, was continued down to 1774, when Warren Hastings was appointed Governor-General of Fort William. The title and office of GovernorGeneral of India in Council, was created in 1833, when the Governor General was appointed also Governor of Fort William. This arrangement continued till 1854, when the GovernorGeneral ceased to be Governor of Fort William, and the office of Lieutenant-Governor of Bongal was created, - in the person of Sir Frederick Halliday.
Bengal was off and on under the control of and independent of Fort St. George until 1699; the famous Agent Job Charnock being, for instance, entrusted for life with the "uncontronlable power" involved in the independence of Madras. And during the transition period, while the affairs of during the transition narind while the English and London East India Companies were being amalgamated into those of the afterwards celebrated United East India Comparily, the Governorships on both sides were for a time, 1702-1709, in commission, each member of the Council presiding in turn. The same plan was tried again after the "Black Hole" tragedy in 1756, but was evidently unworkable and ceased of its own accord in 1758.
The above and other valuable and interesting information is to be found in Mr. Danvers' pamphlet, the accuracy of which is beyond impeachment, as it is all taken from the original documents at first hand. We look forward to other productions of the same kind, which cannot fail to be valuable in the first place because the information given will be of the highest authority; in the second place because the whereabouts of the original documents will be ascertained ; and in the third, because those interested in research will know that the documents have been so filed that they can be consulted without any unreason. able expenditure of time.

Page #53

FEBRUARY, 1890.)
THE ORIGINAL SURYA-SIDDHANTA.
45
THE ORIGINAL SURYA-SIDDHANTA.
BY SHANKAR BALKRISHNA DIKSHIT; DHULIA THE fact of the existence of an original Surya-Siddhanta, older than and different from
1 the work that is now known to us under that name, became apparent to me from studying the Pañohasiddhantika of Varahamihira. A valuable article on the Panohasiddhantiká has been published, in 1884, by Dr. Thibaut, in the Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. LIII. Part I. pp. 259 to 293; treating chiefly of the mean motions of the planets according to the Süryaand Rômaka Siddhantas. But, althongh the aharguņa employed in it to explain the kshé pakas, and the results arrived at by means of it, are quite correct, yet the epoch, supposed by Dr. Thibaut to be the amánta Chaitra sukla pratipadå of Saka-Samvat 428 current (427 expired), is wrong by one lunar month; and my chief object here is to give the correct interpretation of the epoch which Varahamihira selected for the Panchasiddhantika. Also some other points touched by me will, I hope, be useful."
The Panchasiddhantika is a Karana, not a Siddhanta; and therefore the revolutions of the planets in a Mahayuga or in a Kalpa are not given in it, as is usually done in Siddhantas. A Karaṇa is a practical work on astronomy; and usually the author of it gives the mean places of the planets, which are generally called kshépakas, on the day of, or very near to, the epoch of that Karana; also the daily mean motions of the planets; and also a method of calculating the ahargana, i. e. the number of days elapsed from the epoch of the Karaņa np to any given day, for which the places of the planets, &c., are to be found. In some Karanas, the annual motions are given ; and the mean places of the planets at the beginning of a given year are calonlated by means of the annual motions, and of the varshagana, or number of years elapsed from the epoch of the Karana; the places for a given day being found by adding the motions for the short period between the beginning of the given year and the given day. In the latter case, the keshépakas are given for the beginning of the epoch-year, taken as & solar year, and supposed to commence either with the mean or with the apparent Mêsha-Sankranti or entrance of the sun into Aries. Varahamihira has followed the first of these two methods. In this method, the ahargana is to be calculated from Chaitra stikla prati. padd, i. e. from the beginning of the epoch-year taken as a luni-solar year. But the kshépakas may be given either for the same day, or for a previons day near to it. For instance, the epoch of Ganska Daivaja's Grahalaghava is Saka-Samvat 1442 expired, i.e. the end of that year, taken as a current year. With that basis, Chaitra sukla pratipądå of Saka-Samvat 1443 corrent ended on Tuesday, 20th March, A.D. 1520; but it began on the previous day, though not at sunrise, and the kshé pakas are for the mean sunrise on that previous day, viz. the amánta Phâlguna krishnş amâvâsya of Saka-Samvat 1441 expired (or 1442 current), i.e. for the mean sunrise on Monday, 19th March, A.D. 1520. The epoch of the Rajamriganka,
Karana attributed to king Bhoja, is Saka-Samvat 964 expired. With that basis, Chaitra bukla pratipadA ended on Tuesday, 23rd February, A.D. 1042. It commenced on the previous day, Monday. But here the kshấpakas are not even for the Monday; but are for the mean sunrise on Phålguna krishna tray@dasi, Saka-Samvat 963 expired, i.e, on Sanday, 21st February
· [The present article has been recast from a longer paper, written about a year ago, in which Mr. Sh. B. Dikabit, unaware of the results that had been established by Dr. Thibaut, bad before him, one of his principal points, the proof of the existence of the original Sirya-Siddhanta. In the face of what has been done by Dr. Thibaut, it was anDecossary to traverse the same ground again; and the article has been modified accordingly. One of the most interesting and leading points now dealt with, is the epooh and initial day of the Pafchasiddhantika; question which was not disposed of by Dr. Thibaut.-J. P. F.)
There are two 88. of the Parichasiddhantikd in the Dekkan College Collection ; No. 87 of 1874-75, and No. 838 of 1879-80. These, however, having been lent out to someone else, I have not as yet been able to consult them in original and my present remarks are based on a copy, made by myself, of a copy of one or other of them, made by my friend, Mr. Janardan Balaji Modak, Head Master of the Thiņå High School,
* One tithi was expunged,

Page #54

46
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
FEBRUARY, 1890.
A.D. 1042. And the reason of this is obvious. The aharyana is to be calculated from the beginning of the luni-solar year, and therefore the kshépukas are given generally for a certain time, - sunrise, or noon, or midnight, - on the day on which the first pratipadá of that year begins, that is, again, on the day on which the last amácúsyo or new-moon of the previous year ends; and in some instances for one day still earlier. But, as the tithis do not always begin or end at a fixed time, - sunrise, or noon, or midnight, - and as sometimes there is a difference of about 25 ghatis between a mean and an apparent tithi, there is sometimes found a discre. pancy of one day in the calculated ahargana, as is well known to astronomers, which is to be made up by adding one to, or substracting one from, the calculated ahargana. I give the details in order to account for the seeming difference of one day between the day of the kshé pakas and the initial day for caleulating the ahargana which Varahamihira selected.
In the Panchasiddhantika, Varahamihira gives more or less of the substance of five different Jyotisha Siddhantas, - the Paaliśa, Rômaka, Vásishtha, Sanra, and Paitamaha, - which were already in existence in his time. He has not given the different detailed methods of calculating the ahargana according to each of the five Siddhantas. Giving first such & detailed method only for the Rômaka-Siddhanta, be has given afterwards those figures for the other Siddhậntas on which a detailed method can be based. The first of the verses in which the method of calculating ahargana, according to the Romaka-Siddhanta is given by Varahamihira, stands thus in my copy :
सप्ताश्विवेदसंख्यं शककालमपास्य चैत्रशुक्लारी।
strah ra ang Tag: 11 8 11 Adhyâya i. Translation. - "Having pat aside thé Saka period that is numbered by (the numeral) seven, the Asvins (two), and the Vedas (four) [i.e. having come to the end of Saka-Samvat 427, and passing on to the next year Saka-Samvat 428 current], at the commencement of the bright fortnight of Chaitra, (there was) the commencemert of the week-day Bhauma (Tuesday), when the sun had half set at Yavanapara."
There seems to be a various reading in the latter balf of this verse, which is grazredad, Saumya-divas adyé, locat. sing., "on the commencement of the week-day Saumya (Wednesday)." My copy reads Tag:, Bhauma-divas-ádyah, nomin. sing., and gives Saumya-divas-údyé, in the margin, as a various reading. This verse is quoted by Utpala in his commentary on the Brihat-Sarihita; and there my MS. of the Bţihat-Sarithita, with the commentary, readsra, Bhauma, and not jaz, Saumya. Also, the late Dr. Bhau Daji has given 14, Bhau ma (Bhauma-divas-akhye; Jour. R. As. Soc., N. S. Vol. I. p. 407); while Dr. Thibaut has given Araz, Saumya (Saumya-divas-adyé; Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. LIII. Part I. p. 287). It is clear, from these circumstances that the majority is on the side of reading , Bhauma. And, that no other reading is sustainable by calculations, will be seen below. The real epoch and the initial day of the Panchasiddhantika is the amanta Vaisakha sukla pratipadâ of SakaSamvat 428 current (427 expired), which ended on (ATT) Tuesday, 22nd March, A. D. 505. And the alteration of *, Bhauma, into ty, Saumya, seems to be an afterthought. Seeing only this verse, and finding by calculation that the amanta Chaitra sukla pratipadâ, Saka-Samvat 427 expired, ended, not on Tuesday, but on a Sunday, while the Chaitra sukla pratipada of Saka-Samvat 427 current (426 expired) ended on a Wednesday, some antiquarian of the present century seems to have altered A, Bhauma, into atz, Saumya, to suit those results. According to Prof. Chhatre's Tables, the amánta Chaitra sukla pratipada, Saka-Samvat 427 expired, ended on Sunday, 20th February, A. D. 505, at 58 gh. 55 p., Bombay moan time; but I find, from the present Súrya-Siddhanta, that the same tithi ended really on Monday, 21st February, at 4 gh., Ujjain mean time; and accordingly it might be thought that we should
• Soe the Biddhanta-Siromani, Madhyamidbikára, adhimdaanirnaya, and commentaries on it. . I think ITF34:, Bhauma-divas-akhyal, to be the better reading.

Page #55

FEBRUARY, 1890.)
THE ORIGINAL SORYA-SIDDHANTA.
47
change th, Bhauma, into TA, Soma (Monday). Taking the year 427 either as current or as expired, and even then with a margin of a year on either side, and taking into consideration all other possible interpretations in that connexion, there is no third alternative. But, when the kshapakas in the Panchasiddhantika, given in accordance with the original Sdrya-Siddhanta, are taken into consideration, neither of these two dates, nor any other date, stands the test. It is proved beyond all doubt, as will be seen further on, that the kshé pakas are for the amanta Chaitra krishna chaturdasî of Saka-Samvat 428 current (427 expired), which ended on Sunday, 20th March, A.D. 505; some of them being for the noon of that day, and others for the next following midnight. The initial day for calculating the ahargana should be as near as possible to this date; and it, therefore, must be the amanta Vaisakha sukla pratipada, Saka-Samvat 427 expired, which, as a fact, ended on a Tuesday (HTC, Bhaumavára). The discrepancy here of one or two days is explained above. Another apparent discrepancy, viz. why this Vaisakha kukla pratipada is called Chaitra sukla pratipada by Varahamihira, will be explained further on. First, I will prove my assertion that the kshé pakas are for the amánta Chaitra krishna ohaturdasi.
Special particulars for calculating the whargaña with regard to the original Súrya-Siddhanta are given in the verse :
वर्षायुते धृतिने नववसगुणरसरसाः स्युरधिमासाः ।
ATT Teftararifesioga: 11 14 11 Adhyâya i. As Dr. Thibaut has already translated this verse and demonstrated the statement in it, I need not do so again. It is seen from the verse that the length of the year according to the original Sürya-Siddhanta is 365 days, 15 ghalis, 31 palas, 30 vipalas.
With the method of finding the mean places of the sun and moon, and of the apogee of the moon, according to the original Súrya-Siddhanta, their kshepakas are given in the following verses of the ninth chapter of the Panchasiddhantika: -
युगणे ऽर्को ऽष्टशतने विपक्षवेदार्णवे कंसिद्धांते। स्वरखा चिद्विनवयमोद्धृते क्रमादिनहले ऽयंत्यां।।1।। नवशतसहस्रगुणिते स्वरैकपक्षांवरस्वरतूने ।। षड्व्योमेंद्रियनववसुविषयजिन जिते चंद्रः॥2॥ नवशतगुणिते दद्याद्रसविषयगुणांबर यमपक्षान् ।
T reiaca TQ 11 3 11 शशिविषयमानींदोः खार्कामिहतानि मंडलानि ऋणं ॥ Terawira ya
E a rga ithet: 11 4 11 Adhyâya ix. The verses need not be translated, except the last one, the second half of which remains unexplained in Dr. Thibaut's paper. Translation. -"(Verse 4). The revolutions of the moon being multiplied by the moon (one), and the objects of the organs of sense (five) (i.e. by 51), and divided by the sky (nonght), the suns (twelve), and the fires (three) (i.e. by 3120), (the result, which is in) seconds of arc, is to be substracted from the place of the moon calculated by the rule in the second verse]; [and the revolutions of] her apogee being multiplied by the directions (ton) and divided by the notes (seven), the cavities of the body (nine), and a couple, (.e. by 297), [the result in seconds) is to be added [to the apogee calculated by the third verse]."
According to the original Sürya-Siddhánta, the revolutions of the moon's apogee are found to be 488,219 in a Mahayaga of 1,577,917,800 civil days. Then we find by proportion that 900 revolutions are performed in 2,908,789 - 20,701 days. In the last fraction of days,
. I oall it the ninth, as it stands so in my oopy. But in the original MSS. there are, it seems, no indications as to where the fourth and fifth chapters und. + Xy copy reads anterior
. My copy reads rato . My copy roads ETC . It is shown above that the emendation is nooossary.

Page #56

48
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1890.
=)
the motion of the apogee amounts to (1,377,917,800 x 12 x 30 x 60 x 60 = 30-21776 &c., seconds of arc. Then, so many seconds more than 900 revolutions take place in 2,908,789 days. But in this number of days only 900 revolutions are supposed to be performed, in the rule of the third verso. =0335753 &c. =) about 97 Then it follows that ( seconds fall short in every revolution, and must be added; and hence the rule in the second half of the fourth verse.
30-21776 900
8,829,640 202,207
From the first of these verses it is seen that 800 revolutions of the sun are performed in 292,207 days; one revolution, therefore, takes 365 days, 15 gh. 31 p. 30 vip., which accordingly is the length of the solar year, according to the original Surya-Siddhanta; and this is also corroborated by the 14th verse of the first chapter given on page 47 above.
Taking the ahargana to be nil, we find the kshêpakas of the sun, the moon, and the moon's apogee, which are given in the annexed Table. They are, as is shown by the last words in the first verse, seat, dina-dale-Vantyám, for noon at Ujjain; presumably of a Sunday, because the alargana is usually counted from Sunday. The sun's kshêpaka is 11 signs, 29 degrees, 27 minutes, 20 seconds. He was then short of the mean Mêsha-Sankranti by only 32 minutes, 40 seconds. Taking the above ascertained length of the year, he would take 33 ghatis, 9 palas, to traverse this distance; i.e. he would enter the mean Mêsha at 33 gh. 9 p. after noon, i.e., again, 48 gh. 9 p. after mean sunrise at Ujjain on the day to which the kshépakas belong. The time of the sun's entrance into Mêsha is the time of the Mêsha-Samkrânti. Supposing that, according to the original Súrya-Siddhánta, the Kaliyuga commenced at the midnight of a Thursday (at the beginning of the amanta mean Chaitra sukla pratipada of Kaliyuga-Samvat 1 current, 17th-18th February, B.C. 3102, old style), that is, at that time all the planets, or at least the sun and moon, were, with regard to their mean places, in the beginning of Mêsha; and taking the above determined length of the year, 365 days, 15 gh. 31 p. 30 vip.; then the mean Mêsha-Samkrânti, Saka-Samvat 427 expired, occurred on a Sunday, at 48 gh., 9 p. after mean sunrise at Ujjain, i.e. exactly at the time deduced from the sun's kshépaka. It is thus proved that the sun's kshépaka is for the noon previous to this mean Mêsha-Samkrinti. The moon's kshêpaka is also evidently for the same noon. Let us however, test it directly. From the second and the fourth of the above verses, the revolution, of the moon, according to the original Surya-Siddhanta are found to be 57,753,336 in a Mahayuga; therefore her mean position at the mean Mêsha-Sankranti of Saka-Samvat 427 expired (428 current), which took place, as shown above, on Sunday, at 48 gh. 9 p. after mean sunrise, was 11 signs, 27 degrees, 28 minutes, 4-8 seconds. Deducting from this the moon's mean motion for 33 gh. 9 p., which is the difference between the time of the mean Mêsha-Sankranti and the next preceding noon, we get 11 signs, 20 degrees, 11 minutes, 16 seconds, which exactly agrees with the moon's kshépaka. This agreement both proves and corroborates the fact that the moon's kshépaka is for the noon next preceding the mean Mêsha-Samkranti.10 It need hardly be proved separately that the kshêpaka of the moon's apogee, which is stated along with those of the sun and moon in the above verses, is for the
same noon.
Now we have to ascertain the tithi and month of the mean Mêsha-Sankranti of Saka-Samvat 427 expired, which occurred on a Sunday at 48 gh. 9 p. after mean sunrise. The moon's mean longitude at that time is found above to be 11 signs, 27 degrees, 28 minutes, 4.8 seconds. Therefore the 29th mean tithi, i.e. krishna-chaturdasi, was completed, and the thirtieth tithi, viz. the amavasya, was current at that time by the amúnta reckoning. From calculations chiefly based on the original Surya-Siddhánta, I find that this amánta krishna chaturdasi ended, as a spashta or apparent tithi, at 35 gh. 57 p. after mean sunrise on the same Sunday on which the mean Mêsha-Samkrânti occurred; and the following amâvâsyA
10 By the way, it corroborates the number of the moon's revolutions in a Mahayuga.

Page #57

FEBRUARY, 1890.]
Table of the Elements of the original and the present Sürya-Siddhantas,
Original Surya-Siddhanta.
Kshêpakas on amânta Chaitra krishna chaturdasi, Saka-Samvat 427 expired; which ended on Sunday, 20th March, A.D. 505.
Degrees. Minutes. Seconds.
Sun Moon
Moon's apogee
Moon's node
Sighra of Mercury........
Sighra of Venus.......
Mars.......
Jupiter.
Saturn
The Stars.........
***********.
Savana days
Solar months
***********
Intercalated months.....
Lunar months
Tithis
*****************
Expunged tithis......
THE ORIGINAL SURYA-SIDDHANTA.
Signs.
11
11
At mean noon at Ujjain.
29
20
27
11
44
7
6
At mean midnight at Ujjain.
4
17
8
2
0
4
26
28
27
15
8
2
⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀
2
......
******
30
35
တော်
28
20
16
53
59
⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀
73429
35
20
In a Mahayuga,
viz.
4320000 years.
3
Revolutions.
4,320,000
57,753,336
488,219
232,226
17,937,000
7,022,388
2,296,824
361,220
146,564 1,582,237,800
Number. 1,577,917,800
51,840,000
1,593,336
53,433,336 1,603,000,080 25,082,280
49
Present SuryaSiddhanta.
-
In a Mahayuga, viz.
4320000 years.
Revolutions.
4,320,000
57,753,336
488,203
232,238
17,937,060
7,022,376
2,296,832
36-4,220
146,568
1,582,237,828
Number.
1,577,917,828
51,840,000
1,593336
53,433,336
1,603,000,080 25,082,252
Length of the year :
The original Surya-Siddhânta......365 days, 15 ghatis, 31 palas, 30 vipalas; The present Surya-Siddhanta......365,15,,,31,,, 31, 24 prativipalas; the latter being in excess by one vipala and twenty-four prativipalas.
ended, as an apparent tithi, on the following Monday at 35 gh. 48 p. after mean sunrise. Therefore, at the time of the mean Mêsha-Samkrânti which occurred on Sunday at 48 gh. 9 p., the current tithi was the amâvâsyâ, apparent as well as mean. The apparent Mêsha-Samkrânti takes place, according to the original Surya-Siddhanta, about 2 days, 14 gh. 23 p. earlier than the mean Mêsha-Samkrânti; and in the present case it must have occurred on Friday, the current apparent tithi at that time being, - - as I find by actual calculation, the trayôdasî12 of the same fortnight and of the same amúnta month as that of the mean Mêsha-Samkrânti. And as, according to the general rule, that amánta lunar month in which the Mêsha-Samkranti occurs is to be named Chaitra, the amánta month in which the apparent as well as the mean Mêsha-Samkrântis of Saka-Samvat 427 expired occurred, must have been named Chaitra.
11 This difference varies from 2 days, 8 gh. 48 p. to 2 days, 14 gh., 23 p., according to the different authorities. 13 The current tithi at sunrise on this Friday was the drudasi.

Page #58

50
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1890.
The kshepakas of the five planets are for the midnight next following the noon for which the kshépakas of the sun are given. The mean Mêsha-Sankranti took place on this day, as stated above, at 48 gh. 9 p. after mean suprise, viz. at 3 gh. 9 p. after midnight. As the verses from the Panchasiddhantikd, containing the mean motions of the five planets and their kshepakas according to the original Surya-Siddhánta, have been translated and demonstrated by Dr. Thibaut, I need not do it again. With the revolutions of the planets in a Mahîyuga, derived from these verses, and with the supposition that at the beginning of the Kaliyuga all the planets were, with regard to their mean places, at the beginning of Mêsha, I have calculated, by means of the varshagana and the annual motions, the mean places of the five planets for the time of the mean Mêsha-Sankranti of Saka-Samvat 427 expired; and then, deducting from them the motions for 3 gh. 9 p., I have obtained the mean places13 for the preceding midnight, which agree, exactly in some cases, and very nearly in others, with the kshepakas given by Varkhamihira. The disagreement in seconds is of no practical importance.
Thus it is proved clearly that the kshópakas in the Panchasiddhantika, according to the original Surya-Siddhanta, are for the amánta Chaitra krishṇa chaturdasi of 'SakaSamvat 428 current (427 expired), which ended at 35 gh. 57 p. on Sunday, 20th March, A.D. 505, on which day the mean Mêsha-Sankranti occurred at 48 gh. 9 p. after mean sonrise at Ujjain 44 some of the ksh@pakas being for the noon of that day, and others for the next following midnight. And the nearest sukla pratipadi, vis, the amánta Vaisakha sukla pratipada of Saka-Samvat 428 current, which ended, as I find from the original Surya-Siddhánta, on Tuesday, 22nd March, A.D. 505, at 34 gh. 23 p. after mean sunrise at Ujjain, - is, in fact, the initial day selected by Varábamihira for calculating the ahargana. It is proved at the same time that, according to the original Súrya-Siddhanta, the Kaliyuga commenced on the midnight of a Thursday, and that at that time the sun, the moon, and the five planets were, with regard to their mean places, at the beginning of Mêsha.
The kalpadyahargana used by Dr. Thibaut to calculate the kshapakas, and the method by which he obtained that ahargana, lead to the same conclusion. "The sum of years (the varshagana) from the beginning of the Kalpa to the epoch of the Karana," which, according to him "amounts to 1,955,883,606," allows, as in the present Súrya-Siddhanta, 17,064,000 mundane years for the creation of the world. And accordingly, as well as in agreement with any other Siddhúnta, the motions of the planets, when they are to be calculated from the beginning of the Kalpa, must be counted from Sunday morning, or rather from Saturday midnight in the case of the Súrya-Siddhánta. Then the ahargana 714,403,601,073 used by Dr. Thibaut, which gives one as remainder on being divided by seven, brings us, neither to a Wednesday (Pa), nor to a Tuesday (*1947), but to a Sunday midnight; and consequently the kshépakas which he explains by this ahargana, are for a Sunday, as is shown by me above by a different method. Again, in calculating the chargana, though the adhimasas amount to 721,384,203 + 190,000, he takes 721,384,204; that is, he counts the fraction as one. It is true that the fraction is very near to one; but he must be aware that we can count it as one, only when a spashța adhimasa has actually fallen near before our given day; and, as this is not the case here, we cannot here count it as one, even on the plea of salpántara. But he has taken it as one, only because otherwise he could not explain the kshépakas; and taking one month more, brings us practically one month forward to the amánta Chaitra sukla pratipadâ for which his ahargana is calculated, i.e. to the Sunday nearest to the beginning of the amánta Vaisakha.
One point remains to be explained, which is, why Varahamihira gives to this Vaibakha takls pratipada the name of Chaitra bukla pratipada (Chaitra-sukl-Adi). The reason of this
The places thus derived by me, and those arrived at by Dr. Thibaut by means of tho kalpddycharyana, agree taotly.
The current Nithi at the time of this sankranti was, as stated above, the amkvlayl. » I do not know how, notwithstanding this, Dr. Thibaut chooses the reading 1, Beumye, in the verse of the stohapter of the Pafchasiddhantik.

Page #59

FEBRUABY, 1890.)
THE ORIGINAL SURYA-SIDDHANTA.
is one or other of the following two. First, the fortnight amánta Vaisakha sukla was Chaitra sukla by the real pürnimánta arrangement. The general rule for naming a lunar month is this; that lunar month in which the Mêsha-Samkranti occurs, is to be called Chaitra, and so on, With Saka-Samvat 427 expired, the apparent Mêsha-Samkranti took place on the amánta Chaitra kļishna dvadasi, Friday, 18th March, A.D. 505. The purnimanta month which was current at the time of this Mêsha-Samkranti, commenced on the next preceding pratipada of the same dark fortnight (amánta Chaitra krishna), on Sunday, 6th March, and ended with the pûrņimå or full-moon of the following bright fortnight (amanta Vaisakha sukla); and this púrnimánta month must be named Chaitra according to the correct application of the above rule for naming the lunar months. Consequently, the amanta Vaisakha sukla pratipadê in question belonged to the purnimánta Chaitra sukla. The second reason is that, in Saka-Samvat 428 current (427 expired), by the rule of mean intercalation, the amanta month which followed the amanta natural Chaitra, was intercalary; and, by the rule contained in the verse Afri ateraft Are: Toata l
: affect STARTSFEU, it must have been named Chaitra. Therefore, the pratipadá in question, belonging to the bright fortnight of the month which was Vaisakha by the rule of apparent intercalation, belonged to the bright fortnight of Chaitra which was intercalary by the rule of mean intercalation. But this second reason does not seem to apply; first, because Varahamihira does not indicate that the Chaitra in question was intercalary; and secondly, even supposing that he did carelessly or knowingly omit the Ford adhika or any such term, still there is no reason why he should select as the initial day for calculating the ahargana, the pratipadå of the intercalated Chaitra, instead of the pratipada of the preceding natural Chaitra ; thus beginning the year wrongly. Therefore, the first reason is the one that is applicable; sie. the pratipadå of the bright fortnight of the amanta Vaisakha in question, belonged to the bright fortnight of the purnimanta Chaitra. There is no doubt as to the púrnimánta arrangement being in use in Varahamihira's time in Northern India; only we have no means of ascertaining whether, in his time, the luni-solar year commenced, in practice, with the dark or with the bright fortnight of Chaitra. But, even where the púrrimanta system may be in use, astronomically it is more convenient to commence the year with the bright, instead of with the dark, fortnight of Chaitra ; and so Varahamihira adopted the pratipadâ of the bright fortnight of the purnimánta Chaitra, as the initial day for calculating the ahargana. There is still another reason why Varahamihira selected the amánta Chaitra kļishṇa chaturdast of Saka-Samvat 428 current (427 expired) for his kshé pakas. It is, that the mean Mêsha-Samkranti in that year occurred, according to the original SúryaSiddhánta, on that day, at 48 gh. 9 p. after mean sunrise at Ujjain. And so, though Varâhamihira followed, as stated above, the first of the two methods of Karaņa-works, that is of calculating the mean places of planets by means of the ahargana, - as a consequence of which, his initial day is the beginning of the luni-solar year, - till he selected for the epoch a year in which the commencement of the solar year was very near to that of the luni-solar year. This has the special advantage, that one may calculate the mean places of the planets by means of their annual motions and the varshagana; by which method the process is much shortened. We have such another instance in the Khanda khádyale of Brahmagupta, in which there is found the same coincidence of the commencement of both the luni-solar and the solar years with the epoch of a Karana.
For the sake of easy reference and comparison, I give, in the accompanying Table, the revolutions of the planets, 17 and the other elements in a Mahâynga, deduced from the data in the Parichasiddhantikd, given as belonging to the Súrya-Siddhanta which I have named the original Súrya-Siddhanta; the same elements according to the present Súrya-Siddhanta ; and the kshé pakas, i.e. the mean places of the sun, &c., in the Panchasiddhántiká according to the original Súrya-Siddhanta. The kshé pakas of the five planets are as calculated by me; some of them differ, but by not more than seven seconds, from those given by Varahamihira.
16 Epoch, Saka-Samvat 587 expired. 11 As to the revolutions and tho khapaka of BAhu, or the ascending node of the moon, 800 remarks further on

Page #60

52
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1890.
It will be seen from the Table that such of the elements of the two Súrya-Siddhantus as are generally given in the Madhyamadhikara, or chapter on mean motions and places, of a Siddhanta-work, differ considerably from each other. It does not, however, follow of necessity that the two works must be different in other chapters also. It is quite possible that the present Súrya-Siddhanta was constructed by changing those verses in the Madhyamadhikâra of the original Súrya-Siddhanta, which contained elements regarding the mean motions of the planets ; and there may have been some other slight changes here and there. There is very little possibility of the original Súrya-Siddhanta being now extant anywhere in its original form.
The elements of the original Súrya-Siddhanta do not, I find, agree with those of the Paulisa-Siddhantals as contained in the Panchasiddhantika, but agree, not partly as Dr. Thibaut says (Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. LIII. Part I. p. 292), bat wholly, with those of another Paulisa-Südhánta, as found in the verses in the Aryâ metre quoted from it by. Utpala in his commentary on the Brihat-Samhita.10 Again, the elements of the original Súrya-Siddhanta agree with those of the first Arya-Siddhanta, except in respect of the length of the year and other elements depending on it, and the revolutions of Mercury and Jupiter, and except that, while according to the former the Kaliyuga commences at midnight, according to the latter it begins at sunrise.
Albêrûn i20 has attributed the Súrya Siddhanta to Lata. I do not know whether it can be ascertained from his writings which of the two Surya-Siddhantas, -the original, or the present one, he had seen. But the original Surya-Siddhanta is certainly not the work of Lata. In the third verse of the Panchasiddhantika, Varahamihira says that Lata wrote.commentaries on the Paulisa and Rômaka Siddhantas ( G TT). Lata's writings, therefore, were well known to Varahamihira. And, if Lata were really the author of the original Súrya-Siddhanta, the matter would not have been a secret to Varahamihira, and he would not have held the work in reverence as one of divine origin. The very fact that he calls it the Súrya-Suddhanta, shows that he did not hold it to be a work of human origin. In the following verse he calls Láta an Acharya, and not a Rishi, much less a divine being: -
, युगणादिनवाराप्तियुगणो ऽपि हि देशकालसंबंधः।
arer i 99 TETTE Il Panchasiddhantika, Adhyâya xiv. " The week-day is obtained from the dyugana which is connected with the question of). country and time; and the Achárya Lata has declared (it to begin at) sunset at Yavanapura." This verse also shows that Lita had written some work in addition to his commentaries, and the fact stated in this verse, that according to Lata the day began at sunset, shows that that other work of Lata differed from the Surya-Siddhanta ; because according to both the Stirya-Siddhantas the dyugana is counted from midnight. The point is still more clearly proved from Brahmagupta's writings. He says: -
श्रीषणविष्णुचंद्रप्रामार्यभटलादसिंहानां ।
TETETT fara fegni 46 | Brahma-Siddhanta, adhyaya xi. “The incompleteness of Srishêna, Vishnuchandra, Pradyumna, Aryabhata, Lâţa, and Simba, is proved every day by the discordance of their eclipses and other things.” Again he says :
लाटात्सूर्यशशांको मध्यावितूञ्चचंद्रपातौ च । कुजबुधशीघ्रब्रहस्पतिसितशीघ्रशनैश्चरान मध्यान् ।। 47 ।।
ra Tercat.... ht : RT 48 | Brahma-Siddhanta, Adhyâya xi.
18 There seem to be three different Paulia-Siddhantas; one contained in the Pailchasiddhantika; another which is called by Utpala the Mala-Puliša-Siddhanta, and from which a verse in the Anushtubh metre is quoted by him, but which is certainly different from the first; and a third from which Utpala quotes about twenty.bye verses in the Aryå metre.
19 In these verses, however, 'I do not find one containing the revolutions of the moon's apogee and Dode. Colebrook also probably did not find it, as he does not give the number of revolutions of the apogee and node in his note on the subject (Miscellaneous Essays, second edition, Vol. II. p. 415).
20 [India, Translation, Vol. I. p. 168. - J. F. F.]

Page #61

FEBRUARY, 1890.)
THE ORIGINAL SURYA-SIDDHANTA.
53
T
"Srishêņa has made the Rômaka21 a tattered garment; having borrowed from Lata the mean sun and moon, the moon's apogee and node, the mean Mars, the mean bighra of Mercury, the mean Jupiter, the niean sighra of Venus, and the mean Saturn." From these verscs it is clear that, in addition to his commentaries on the Paulisa and Rômaka Siddhantas, Lata wrote an independent work on astronomy, of the nature either of * Siddhanta or of a Karana, and that it was known by his name, and not as the Súrya-Siddhanta. Brahmagupta also alludes to a Srirya-Siddhanta ; but it is beyond any doubt that only one and the same Súrya-Siddhanta was known to Varihamihira and Brahmagupta ; and at any rate they do not call it a work of Lata, whose writings they knew full well.
The author of the Marichi, a well known commentary on the Siddhanta-Siromani, quotes a verse from an unknown writer, the fourth quarter of which runs thus :22 - Tar:
E ; - "again Latâcharya in his own book declares (the beginning of the day) at midnight." This shows that Lâța's work was known by his own name. Possibly Lata's hand may have done something with the Súrya-Siddhanta as now known, which, according to my preseut opinion, I would place as not later than A.D. 500:23 though at that time it was probably not known by that name. The original Súrya-Siddhanta must be of much earlier date.
The foregoing remarks are sufficient to convince us that not either of the SuryaSiddhantas is a work of Varahamihira. But there is also decisive proof of this. Having given the method of calculating the mean places of the planets according to the original SúryaSiddhanta, Varahamihira gives a correction of his own, usually called bea, which is to be applied to those places. It is as follows:
car: grafa festi दश दश गुरोविंशोध्याः शनैश्चरे सार्धसप्तयुताः॥ TTTTTTTrr: feat U yar: 11
un gferanfeat: nar: urmarea ar fy: 1111 Panchasiddhantikd, chapter xvii. Translation. -"Every year the arrows (five) and the moon (one) (ie. 15) Seconds should be added to the mean Mars; ten should be subtracted from Jupiter; seven and a half should be added to Saturn; five and a couple (i.e. 25) should be subtracted from Venus ; the sky (nought), the Asvins (two) and the moon (one) (i.e. 120) should be added to Mercury; and the sky (nought), the sky (nought), the Vedas (four), and the moon (one), (i.e. 1400) seconds should be subtracted from the mean (place) of the one adored by the gods (Jupiter)." - One might think that, if this bija were applied to the original Súrya-Siddhanta, the results would agree with those of the present Súrya-Siddhánta, and would show thereby that the latter is a work of Varahamihira; but I find from calculations that such is not the case. If either Súrya-Siddhanta were his own composition, Varahamihira would have given the revolutions of the planets in a Mahayuga, inclusive of this bija; and there would have been no necessity for him to give the bija separately.
I give here an important discovery in this connexion, which should be interesting to astronomers. It is that the length of the year and the revolution of all the planete, &c., in a Mahayuga, adopted by Brahmagupta in the first part of his Khandak hádya (Saka-Samvat 587 expired), exactly agree with those of the original Súrya-Siddhanta. Brahmagupta is so accurate in this adoption, that he does not neglect even a second. The ahargana is to be counted from midnight in both.
" I seo clearly, from the Pastchasiddhantika and the Brahma-Siddhanta, that the Rimaka-Siddhanta of Srishna is different from the Romaka alluded to in the Panchasiddhantikd by Varahamihira. Soo my paper on the Romaka Siddhantas," which will shortly be published in this Journal
12 I take it from Dr. Thibaut's article on the Parichasiddhantika. 23 I am aware that Bentley says that the date of the present surya-Siddhanta is A.L. 1091. » This is the reading in my copy. It may be 2 , parch-abdhayo (45), Dr. Thibaut gives it. » I take this reading from Dr. Thibaut. My copy reads
Test:, kha-kha-udda-vikalikdh.

Page #62

54
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1890.
I must state here that the fifth verse of the ninth chapter of the Panchasiddhántiká, containing the mean motion and the ksh@paka of Bahy, or the moon's ascending node, according to the original Súrya-Siddhanta, is so corrapt in my copy that I have not been able to make out its sense. But, seeing that all the other numbers of the revolutions of the planets in the Khandakhádya and the original Súrya-Siddhanta agree exactly, I have given, in the accompanying Table, the number of revolutions of Rahu, derived from the former, as belonging to the latter; and the kahepaka is as calculated from this number.
I would also invite the attention of antiquarians to another interesting point. At present only one work is known to have been composed by the first Aryabhata; it has been published by Dr. Kern; it contains 118 verses in the Aryâ metre; and it is called the Aryabhatiya or (first) Arya-Siddhanta 26 In it, the Kaliyuga is made to commence at sunrise at Lanka. Bat Varahamihira says:
लंकार्धरात्रसमये दिनप्रवृत्ति जगाद चार्यभटः।
TU: TT Tretary Watei | Panchasiddhántiká, chapter ziv. " Aryabhata declared the day to begin at midnight at Laoka ; again he declared (it to begin) at sunrise at Lanka.” And from this one expects that the same Aryabhata must have written another work, in which the ahargana is to be counted from the midnight. Now, I have stated above that the elements derived from the Khandakhadya, with the commencement of the Kaliyuga at midnight, exactly correspond with those of the original Súryu-Siddhanta ; and this last work differs considerably from the published work of the first Aryabhata, the difference being described above. But in the Khandakhádya, Brahmagupta, while alluding nowhere to the original Súrya-Siddhanta, often states that he has followed (the first) Åryabhata. For example, he says at the outset: -
प्रणिपत्य महादेव जगदुत्पत्तिस्थितिप्रलयहेतुं ।
THI Carregeak li Khandakhadya, chapter i. " Having saluted Mahadeva, who is the cause of the creation, the existence, and the destruction of the world, I proclaim the Khandakhadyaka, producing results agreeing with (those of) the Achárya Aryabhata." At another place he says : -
THETAT: | 7 || Khandakhádya, chapter i. " (The mean places of the planets thus arrived at are) equal to the mean (places of the planets calculated) for midnight according to Aryabhata." From these circumstances it necessarily follows that the first Aryabhata must have composed a work, in addition to his known AryaSiddhanta (Aryabhatiya), which exactly corresponded with the original Súrya-Siddhanta ; and it must be this now unknown work of Aryabhata which Brahmagupta followed in composing his Khandakhádya. This point is corroborated by the following remarks of Varuna, a commentator on the Khandakhúdya, who in the introduction to his commentary on the second Part (Uttara) of the Khandakhadya says,
fa re
hce, - " what is not stated here in the Uttara (the latter part of the Khandakhádya), should be stated i.e. taken) from the Karaņa of Aryabhata." And from this it appears that the first Aryabhata had composed a Karana. And, if the wording of Varahamihira in the above verse is to be taken literally, Aryabhata first composed this Karaṇa in which the ahargana was to be counted from midnight, and afterwards wrote the known Tantra or Siddhanta which has been published. It is but natural that the Karana-work, which was in fact an imitation of the original SúryaSiddhanta, should have been composed first; and it must have been followed by the Siddhanta or Aryabhatiya, which is an independent work.
» See ante, Vol. XVII. p. 312, note 1.
?? It is clear from bis Brahma-Siddhanta that Brahmagupta was also well aoquainted with Aryabhata's Siddhanta known to us at present.
*The Baka years 968,962, 984, 966 and 967, are used by him in his examples; and therefore the date of his commentary seems to be about A.D. 1040.

Page #63

FEBRUARY, 1890.)
KANASWA INSCRIPTION OF SIVAGANA.
55
KANASWA STONE INSCRIPTION OF SIVAGANA;
THE MALAVA YEAR 795 EXPIRED.
BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, C.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN. This inscription appears to have been discovered in 1820, and to have been first publicly mentioned by Captain (afterwards Colonel) Tod in a paper, read by him on the 1st of May 1824 before the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland. A few years later Colonel Tod gave (what was meant to be) a fuller account of the contents of the inscription in his Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, Vol. I. pp. 795-96. The text of the inscription was first edited by myself, ante, Vol. XIII. p. 163, from an indifferent, and in some places very indistinct, rubbing received through Dr. Bühler; and it was afterwards re-edited, in an improved form, with a translation and an inferior photo-lithograph prepared at Poona, by Professor Peterson, in the Jour. Bo. As. Soc. Vol. XVI. p. 382. I now re-edit the inscription from an excellent impression which has been supplied to me by Mr. Fleet, and from which the accompanying photo-lithograph has been prepared under his supervision.
According to information furnished to me, the inscription is on & stone which is bnilt into a wall of the temple of Mahadeva (Siva) at Kanaswa, - or Kanvabrama, the hermitage of Kanva,' as the name is spelt in lines 12 and 16 of the inscription,-a few miles to the east of Kotah, the principal town of the State of Kotah in Rajputâna, on the right bank of the river Chambal, Lat. 25° 10' N., Long. 750 52 E. It contains 17 lines. The writing covers & space of about 4.6}" broad by 1'2' high; and except that through the peeling off of the surface of the stone about ten aksharas near the commencement of line 9 have either gone altogether or become illegible, it is generally well preserved. The size of the letters is between '' and ".-The characters belong to the northern class of alphabets; though rather more florid, they are of essentially the same type as, e.g., those of the Aphsad inscription of Adityasena or of the Horiuzi palm-leaf MSS. They include the sign of the jihvámúliya in -ánukdráh=kvachid, line 1, and the somewhat rare sign for jh, in jhatiti, line 12, and jhankára, line 13. Except in the conjunct rtha (in dharmm-arthan, line 13), the sign for t, preceding another consonant, is always written above the line. — The language is Sanskrit; and, excepting the introductory ô namah Sivaya ori and six aksharas, the meaning of which is not apparent the end, the inscription is in verse throughout; but, as a poem, it is of little value and hardly repays the labour of translation. As regards grammar and lexicography, we find a wrong saindhi in préyobhimukhya (for préyah + dbhimukhya) in line 12, and perhaps in dattau kshayá (for dattau+akshayd) in line 13; through the influence, as it appears to me, of the Pråksit, the anusvára has taken the place of a final in rúpavári and Srimárn, line 9, and in asmih, line 15. and through the same cause a final t has been dropped in bhavé, lines 13 and 16, and tapé, line 14; and the words anukara, in line 1, and jhankdra, in line 13, have been wrongly used as adjectives. Besides, attention may be drawn to the ungrammatical use of the instrumental case in the date in line 14, to the peculiar use of the word argala in the same line, and to the employment, in line 15, of the word kárápaka, probably denoting 'an agent,' which is not found in the dictionaries.-In respect of orthography, it may be stated that the consonant b is generally denoted by its own proper sign, and that the several sibilants, on the whole, are used correctly. V for b we find only in kavandha, line 9, and
See Transaction of the Ro. As. Soc. Vol. I. p. 137:-"I have an Inscription, in an ancient character, recording the power of & Jit prince in the fifth century: his capital, salpar, doubtless that sitnated high in the Penjab, mentioned in the twelfth century as being amongst the conquesta of Oumare Pala, of Nehrdla Pattan, and perhaps the Byalcote of our modern geography;" and p. 138 - "the Jit of Salindra-per already mentioned, of whom I possess a memorial of this very poriod."-It would be impossible to guess that in these words Colonel Tod was referring to the inscription here edited, if we had not his own fuller account of the inscription in his Annals of Rajasthan. No useful purpose would be served by an attempt to show how some of Colonel Tod's remarkable errors may be accounted for; it may suffice to state here that his 'Jit prince of Alper' in all probability owes his origin to the words Sambor-jjata, 'the matted hair of Sambhu,' in line 3 of the inscription. . Gupta Inscriptions, Plato xxviii.
Anecdota Oxon., Aryan Series, Vol. I. Part iii.

Page #64

56
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1890.
wrong sibilants only in visa (for visha), line 4, and in visrambhéna (for visrambhéna), line 5; but mistakes in regard to the sibilants have given rise to the wrong saridhi in dvishat-suskyach. (for doishach-chhushyach-), line 8, and in namach-chhasmita- (for namat-sasmita), line 12. A final visarga has been wrongly omitted in ahar-aha, nirvvastrá, -kshudha, line 6, and elsewhere; improperly added in -arayôh, line 6; and wrongly left unchanged in -Chuvah tyaktá, line 7, gunah dhármmileah, line 15, and Sambhoh dharmma-, line 16. Before r the consonant t is generally doubled, e. g. in nettra, lines 1, 2 and 3, yattra, line 3, tattra, line 6; and after r, the aspirate bh has been doubled in a wrong manner in phânipair=bhbhôga, line 1, and kirttir=bhbhavishyati, line 14. Of individual words, priya has been throughout spelt priya, in lines 8, 9 and 15, and ujjvala, ujvala, in lines 3, 5, 10 and 16.
The inscription, after the introductory ôm, adoration to Siva,' and five verses in honour of that deity (under the names of Sambhu and Sthâņu), in lines 4-7 glorifies, in conventional terms which tell us nothing, the illustrious Maurya race, and a king of that race named Dhavala. In lines 7-9 it relates that Dhavala had for his friend a prince of the Brâhman caste, named Sankuka, whose wife Dagint bore to him the prince Sivagana. This Sivagana (lines 10-13) built a temple to Siva (Paramèśvara, Dhûrjati) at Kaņvakrama, and endowed it with the revenues of) the two villages Sarvanka and Chonipadraka. Lines 14-17 give the date, the names of the agent employed by the prince, of the writer, &c.; and the inscription concludes with an appeal to the learned, to judge leniently whatever may be faulty in the preceding.
Since from other sources we know nothing yet of the princes mentioned here, our inscription at present is valuable chiefly for the characters in which it is written ; and for the manner in which the date is expressed in line 14, according to which the temple was built when seven hundred and ninety-five years of the Malava lords had gone by.' After what has now been written on the subject by Mr. Fleet, ante, Vol. XV. p. 191, and in his Introduction to Corp. Inscr. Ind., Vol. III. p. 66 ff., it is hardly necessary to say that the era here denoted by the expression of the Malava lords' is the Vikrama era, and that therefore our inscription was put up in A. D. 738-39.
Bat I may perhaps take this opportunity of expressing my doubts, as to whether a certain phrase (of minor importance), in other dates which refer themselves to the Malaya era, has as yet been rightly explained. I allude to the compound gana-sthiti in the two Mandasor inscriptions first published by Mr. Fleet, ante, Vol. XV. p. 198, I. 19, and p. 225, 1. 22. In the first of these inscriptions we read
Malavânàm gana-sthitya yâtë sata-chatushțayê, I trinavaty-adhikê=bdânâm; and in the second
Panchasu katêshu saradam yatêshraêkannanavati-sahitêsha!
MAlava-gana-sthiti-vastukala-jūânîya likhitêshu 11. Professor Peterson, in the Jour. Bo. As. Soc., Vol. XVI. p. 381, has rendered the first passage - “when four hundred and ninety-three years from the establishment [in the country?] of the tribes of the Malavas had passed away." Mr. Fleet has translated the first two words of the first passage by-" by (the rockoning from the tribal constitution of the Malavas," and the corresponding words (Malava-gana-sthiti-vasat) of the second passage by-" from the establishment) of the supremacy of the tribal constitution of the Malavas," adding in a note that it is very difficult to find a satisfactory meaning for the word vasot. Now I think that, in explaining these (what I may be permitteit to call) doubtful phrases, we must start from the very word vasút. Vasát at the end of a compound ordinarily means in consequence of, according to, by means of, by '; in fact, it frequently takes simply the place of the termination of an instrumental case, and in the present instance its employment (due no doubt to the exigencies of the metre) shows at any rate that the word gana-sthitya in the first passage must be taken to be an instrumental, and cannot be translated as an ablative case, in the manner proposed by Professor Peterson. At the same time, I do not believe that it would be permissible to supply, as was done

Page #65

FEBRUARY, 1890.)
KANASWA INSCRIPTION OF SIVAGANA.
57
by Mr. Fleet, the words "the reckoning from," simply to bring out the meaning of this instrumental. And the difficulty caused by the instrumental case rather tends to convince me that the word gana-sthiti must have another meaning than the one which has been assigned to it. At the end of a palm-leaf MS. of the Aupapatika-vritti, which is mentioned in my Report on Sanskrit MSS., p. 50, we read
grarthågram 3135 akshara-gañanaya sthậpitam-iti; i. e., "the granthågra has by counting the alesharas been settled to be 3135." Here we have in construction with each other, the word garaná, which is etymologically related to gana (one of the synonyms of which is sailchyd), and sthápita, derived from the same root stha from which we also have sthiti. Gananayá sthapayitum means 'to settle or fix by counting, to reckon up;' and, in the absence of anything better, I would claim for gana-sthiti a similar meaning, and would accordingly translate the phrases Malavánari ganasthitya and Málavaganasthiti-vaédt simply with “by, or according to the reckoning of the Malavas," a rendering which, like the original passages, would leave it doubtful whether the Mâlavas spoken of should be anderstood to be the people of MÁlava or the rulers of that country. In fact, I would maintain that the expressions gana-sthitya and ganasthiti-vasát are to all intents and purposes synonymous with the phrase -prakálé ganandi vidhaya in the now well-known Gupta-prakálé garanámi vidhaya, which has been fully discussed by Mr. Fleet elsewhere.
• As regards the two villages mentioned in the present inscription, I may add here that Professor Peterson has identified one of them, Chonipadrake, with the village of Chaoni' which according to his account, is close to Kôtah. The village Sarvanka I am unable to identify.
TEXT. 1 Om namah Sivaya | Om Namah ssa kala-samsara-sågar-Ottara-hôtave i tamo
gartt-abhisampata-hast-Alambâya Sambhavé 11 Svēta-dvip-anukârâb-kvachidaparimitair-indu-pâdaih patadbhir=nnityasthaisesândhakarah kyachid-api nibhritaiḥ phânipair-bhbhobbhoga-bhagaiḥ [1*] sôshmâņô nêttra-bhabhiḥ kvachid
ati-á[i]áira Jahnuka2 nya-jal-aughair-itthar bhậvair=yviruddhair-api janita-madah pânta Sambhôr-jjata
vah 11 Bhôge-indrasya phaņa-maņi-dyuti-milan-manl-indu-lôl-amšavô p nêttragnes-ch haritas-sadhama-kapiśair-jvâla-bikh-igraih kvachit! muktakara-marannadi-jalakanairəkkirnya-6ðbhah kvachich-ch-êttham sasvata fu Ushaņa-vyatikarah
Simbhor = jja3 tah pânta vah 1110 Sthâņôril-vvaḥ påta mûrddhna(rddha) sara iva satata-vyoma
Grung-ambu-lola-sphärjjad-bhôgindra-pamka-ślatha - vikata -jaţá jûţa-kahlarahiri | mandam yattra sphurantyo dhavala-narasird-värijanm-antara la-spashțah prodyan-mțiņâl-Ankara-nikara iveabhậnti maal-indu-bhåsaḥ 11 Nêttra-kroda
prasakt-8.jljvals-dahana-sikhi-pimga-bhasim jatinám bharam samyamya kritvå samam-amrita-kar-odbhasi maul-indu
bimbani hastabhyâm-ürddhna(rddhva)m=udyad-visas sha)śikhi-vadanagranthime atatys naga 112 Sthâņaḥ prârabdha-nțitto jagad-avata lay-Otkampi-padangulikah | Chadas-charu-man-indu-mandita-bhaval14 sad-bhôginam - Abrayaḥ paksha-chelth8da-bhay-artti-samkatavatar rakshA-kabe
From the impression.
Expressed by a symbol. • Metre, Blóka (Anushtubh).-Road namas skala-, or naman ala+ Metro, Sragdhart Metro, Bardolavikridite
. This sign of punctuation is superfluous. *After this sign of pnRetnation there is, is the original, a small circle, followed by another full stop. 11 Metro, Bragdhard; and of the next verno.
13 This siga of punctuation is superfluous. 11 Metre, Bard Olavikrlạita, and of the next verso.
1 I have no doubt whatever that the correct reading, intended by the poet, is .bhaval (representing both bhava and Bhupah); and, judging from the impression, I incline to believe that the sign for the vowel w has been struck out already in the original.

Page #66

58
5 mô
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
bhubhṛitâm I dûr-abhyagata-vahini-parikarô ratna-prakâr-o[j]jvalaḥ śrimin= ittham-adâra-sâgura-samô Maury-Anvayo drisyatê II Dianâgå iva játyasambhrita-mudô dan-0[j]jvalainanairwvviera(ára)mbhba ramanty-abhîtamanas[0]15 mân-oddhurâs-sarvvataḥ sadvamsatva-vasa-prasiddha-yasasô yasmin= prasiddha gupaiḥ ślâghyâ bhadratayâ
6 cha sa[t*]tva-bahulâ[b]10 pakshais-sasam (mam) bhubhṛitaḥ Ittham17 bhavatsu bhûpêshu bhumjatsu sakalam mahim Dhaval-âtma nṛipas-tattra yasasa dhavalô-bhavat II Svair-êva dôshaiḥ Kay-di-prakat-årjjitair-ahar-aha[b] sada nirvvastra[b] satata-kshudha[b] prati-dinam spashṭibhavay(d)-yâtanâḥ | râttri-samcharanâ bhrisam para-grihêshv=ittham vijity=ârayoh yên-âdy= âpi narêndra
7 tâm sn-vipadô nitâb piśâchâ iva 11 Kôpâl-luna-mahêbha-kumbha-vigalan-muktâphalalamkrita-aphit-era-aruti-magdità api muhur-yên-ôrjjitēna avayath unnall(ii) iva pamkajaiḥ punar-api chchhinnaiḥ sirobhir-vvi(dvi)shâm vikrantêna vibhushitâ rana-bhuvah(s) tyakta naraiḥ kâtaraiḥ | Ittham tasya chirantano dvija-varas=sann-apy=upâ
8 yudha-pelti pranarendra-aatkriti-m[u]daḥ pás [ten] prasiddho gupaibi yasy-idyapi ran-âmganê vilasitam samsûchayanti dvishat-aushyach-chhrôgita-marmmarâ rana-bhuvaḥ prêta-pri(pri)yâh prayaśaḥ || Sabdasy-arttha iva prapadanadharmmass (sy)-êva viśuddha-bhiva-sarald
patommarggas-truy-it nyâyasya mulaṁ satah prâmânya
9 pragata [sya(?)]
[FEBRUARY, 1890.
yas-sidhyasya sa[m]siddhay[] ta[s]y-[(?)] i-i[ga(?)][tah pri(pri)ya-sakhaḥ śri-Samkuk-akhyô nṛipaḥ | Dêgin133 nâma tasy-isid=dharmma-patni dvij-Odbhava tasyâm tasy-abhavad-viraḥ sûnuḥ -krita-gus-idarab it Yasasvirupavim(vân) ditâ érimâm (mâñ-) Sivagano nripah Sivasya nûnam sa gano yêna tad-bhaktatâm gataḥ Kha10 dgghita-dalat-fanattra-vichatad-vahni-spuling-3[j*]jvala-jválk-dagdha-kava (ba) adha
kantha-kuhara-prônmukta-nad-ôlbanê nârâja(cha)-grathit-ânan-âkula-khaga-prodvânta-rakt-åsava-prîta-prêtajanê ranê rata-dhiyâ yên-isakrich-chêshtitam II Jñátvá janma jara-viyoga-marana-klesair-asêshais-chitam sv-ârtthasy-apyayam-êva yoga uchito
dharmm-âtmanâ
kalê
kâritam yamas drish[t]v-aiva samasta 26-loka-vapushâm nashtam Kalėḥ kalmashaṁ I Pushp-ásôka-samîranêna surabhav-atphulla-chût-âmkurê matta-vilôla-shaftpa]27da-kulê(la-)vyâruddha-dinmandalê jatë-phāga-nirīkshaṇaika-kathakê nâri-janasya smarê kliptam sad-bha
11 18k prasiddhaḥ satâm tên-êdam Paramésvarasya bhavanaṁ
12 vanam Bha[va]sya sudhiyà tên-êha Kanv-asramê | valana-bhar[a]t-prasphatat-kamchukânâm kântânâm
Kalês-ndôl-âkulânâm tann
tați-bhâji
drisyamânê kucha-kalasasambhoga-chihnê yasmin-preyôbhimukhya-sthiti-jhatiti-namach. chhasmit-ârddh-êkshaṇânâm bhru-bha[n]gair-êva ramyô hridaya-vinihitassûchyatê prêmabandhaḥ Ma
15 Originally undoubtedly manasd; but the superscript line of the final 6, which has been subsequently added,
is faintly visible in the impression, and even in the photo-lithograph..
16 This sign for visarga, too, may have been added in the original.
17 Metre, 81oka (Anushţubh).
19 Read -árays.
18 Metre, Bardalavikridita, and of the next three verses.
I believe that the reading intended is -prita.
The surface of the stone being damaged, the lower portion of these two aksharas is broken away. Bead drishach-chhushyach-chhénita.. 33 Metre, Bloka (Anushtubh); and of the next verse.
24 Metre, Bardalavikridita; and of the next two verses. 25 I believe the reading was intended to be yad-. This àkshara looks rather like dpa. Wrongly for préya-dbhimukhya (i. e., préyas+ abhimakhya).
The first akshara of this word originally was sath.
Metre, Sragdhara. Read -namat-sasmit

Page #67

FEBRUARI. 1890,)
KANASWA INSCRIPTION OF SIVAGANA.
59
13 ttal-dvirepha-jhankara-sa hakára-virajita[ho! I savikshya kakubhå båshpam man
chentipathik-Arnganarh*7 11 Dhûp-adi-gandha-dip-arttham khanda-sphuţitahêtuna [1*] gråmau dattau kshaya nimih Sarvvanka-Chonipadrakau 11 Pålayantu nripaḥ sarvvê yêshâm bhůmir=iyam bhave[t*] I évam krite
t[ej dharmm-Artham nûnam yanti 14 Siv-alayan | Samgåra-sågaran ghoraṁ33 anëna dharmma-sêt[u]nâ târayishyaty
asau núnam jangau [ch]=âtminam=eva cha | Yåvat-sa-sågaraṁ prithvim sanagâm cha sa-kinanan yâvad-indus-tape[d=*] bhånus=t&vat=kirttira bhbha(bbha)vishyati 11 Samvatsara-satair-yataih 88-pamoha-navaty
arggalaih [) septabhir-Mmalav-esanan mandiram Dhûrjjatêh 15 kțitam | Alubdhah pri(pri)ya-vådi cha Siva-bhakti-rataḥ sada! kârâpa[kah34
Sabdaganah() dharmmikah samsita-vrataḥ35 11 Dakshaḥ prajño vinit-atma gura-bhaktah pri(pri)yanvadah [10] tīripto=[rtth ?]236 Raupakas-ch=smińs kâyasthô Gomik-[@]mgajah 11 Utkiraņå Sivana gêna Dvårasivasya sununâ 1189
Sûnuni Bhatta-Surabhê[r]-Ddêvaţêna 16 árut-0[i*]jvalk[bo] Isloká ami krista*] bhaktyå mauli-chandra38-sudha-jasbah 1188
Krishna-sato guņadhyas-cha sättradhârosttra Nangakal 1138 Etatu Kanv-Abramari jõâtvå barvva-påpa-haraṁ subham kitam hi mandirari Sambhồho dharmma-kirtti-vivarddhanam 11 Yati-binam sabda-hinam mâttra
hinam ta yad-bbave[t] i tat-sarvvam sådhu-chi17 ttêna marshaniyam budhaig=Badâ il 11 Katarkayðrbap[a]h 11
TRANSLATION.
Om ! Adoration to Siva !
Om ! (Line 1).- Adoration to Sambhu, who makes (men) cross the whole sea of mundane existence, (and is) a support for (their) hands when they fall into the pit of darkness!
May Sambhu's matted hair protect you, which, - in one place, by the countless rays of the moon falling (upon it), resembling the white continent, in another covered with darkness through the ever present close coils of the lord of serpente,-(here) heated by the flashes of (his) eye, (and) elsewhere cooled beyond measure by the floods of the daughter of Jahou,- creates joy by conditions even so incompatible !
May Sambhu's matted hair protect you,-on which the quivering rays of (his) diadem, the moon, meet the lustre of the jewel in the hood of the lord of serpents; which in one place is covered 31 Matre, Sika (Anushubh); and in the following verses.
I believe that the phrase intended by the writer is akshayd ntvih, and that the initial a of the first word has boon wrongly elided after the final au of the preceding word dattau.
13 Read ghoram-an na. * Thin akahara was originally ks, but it has been altered into kal, as may be seen even in the photo-lithograph. * A common mistake for 'nath hita-vrata.
w of the consonants in these brackets, only the t appears to me quito certain. The vowel of the akahara was Arst, which was subsequently altered to e.
BT Bead domin. * These signs of punctuation are followed by a circle and another full stop. #Rondchandra-; the sign of anusvira has perhaps been struck out in the original. * Read Sambhor.
41 Originally yati-hfnamezrtha-sabda-, but subsequently the two syllables martha were struok out, and the sign of anuadra was put over the na of hina.
11 All these akshara, the meaning of which I do not understand, are quite olour, except the last which may possibly be put.
• The substantive anukdra, imitation, resemblance,' is used here for the adjective anukdrin, resembling.' Hi... the Ganges.

Page #68

60
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(PEBRUARY, 1890.
with the smoke-encircled brownish pointed tongues of fame of the fire of (his) eye, and elsewhere cverspread with lustre by the pearl-like drops of water of the river of the gods; (and) in which there is thus a constant intermingling of ornamentation !
May Sthâņu's head protect you, which, - with its uncouth tresses of matted hair, dishevelled by the hissing lord of serpents ever moving to and fro in the water of the heavenly Ganges, is charming like a lake with its water-lilies loosely clinging to the mud moving about in the water; (and) on which, amidst white skulls, shine the gently gleaming rays of (his) diadem, the moon, like a mass of fibrous sprouts seen protruding between white lotus-flowers !
May Sthâņu preserve the world, when, - having tied up the weight of his matted hair, to which a tawny lustre is imparted by the flashing tongues of the fire fixed in the hollow of (his) eye, - having put straight the orb of the moon, (his) diadem, beaming with rays of nectar, - (and) having stretched out above (himself) with his hands the serpent from whose knot-like month poison-flames shoot forth, - he begins to dance, with his toes trembling to the measure !
(L. 4).-The illustrious Maurya race, which adorns the world with the moon-like beautiful jewels in the diadems (of its princes); contains good rulers; is able to protect kings beset with difficulties and distressed through fear of being deprived of (their) adherents ; is served by armies come from afar; (and) is bright with all manner of precious things, -appears thus like the abode of Lakshmi, the majestic ocean, which adorns Bhava" with the moon, the beautiful jewel of (his) diadem; is the resort of big serpents; is able to afford shelter to mountains in difficulty and distress through fear of having their wings cut; has for its retinue the rivers come from afar; and is radiant with all manner of jewels.
The rulers (burn) in this (race), like the elephants of the quarters, filling the noble with joy by (their) faces bright with generosity (as with rutting-juice) together with their adherents confidently take delight everywhere, undaunted of mind (and) exulting in (their) pride, of known renown on account of (their) good lineage (and) known for (their) virtues, praiseworthy for probity and full of energy.
(L. 6).-Among these kings, who were such (and) who ruled the whole earth, there was a prince who, Dhavals as he was, was dazzling by (his) fame.
For their own sins, which day by day they always openly brought on themselves by their bodies and so forth, he defeated (his) enemies and reduced the wretches to such a state that; like evil spirits, naked (and) ever famishing (and thus) day by day revealing the panishment (meted out to them, and) again and again wandering at night to strangers' houses, they even now are kings.69
Although the mighty one already had in person repeatedly adorned the fields of battle, abandoned by cowardly mon, with thick streams of blood ornamented with the pearls dropping from the frontal globes of lordly elephants wrathfally cut open (by him), -heyet, full of valour, decorated them again with the cut-off heads of enemies, as with lotus-flowers torn from the stalks.
(L. 7).-Such (was he; and) his dear friend, of long standing, was the illustrious prince, named Sankuks, known for his excellent qualities; who, although a Brâhman, took delight in doing homage to the king of the dead who is fond of those that take up arms; whose dalliance in the court of battle, the battlefields, dear to goblins, betray, one may say, even to-day, filled as they
45 6. e. Siva; see note 14, above.
+6 Or, referred to the elephants, praiseworthy because they are bhadra elephants.' Of elephants there are three or four kinds, one of which is termed bhadra, mentioned before the others by both Hallyudha and Hemachandra.
47 The expression dhaval-atma, of course, is properly equivalent to dhavala-svabhava of a pure disposition or character;' and the name of the king is only indirectly suggested by this verse.
1. e. by their deeds, words, and thoughts. * 6. e. they still remained narandras; not however narendras in the ordinary sense of the word "kings'), but in the sense of soroerers.' I am unable to bring out the double meaning of the word narendra in the translation. It is similarly wed in Sifup llavadha, II. 88.

Page #69

FEBRUARY, 1890.)
KANASWA INSCRIPTION OF SIVAGANA.
61
are with the murmur of the drying-up blood of the enemies ; (who was to Dhavala) what the meaning is to the word able to convey it (+), what the path, called the triad (of the Vedas), is to the law; (who), of pure character, (was) straightforward, the root of fitting conduct, (and) ... for establishing what had to be established ...
This prince) had for his lawful wife (a lady) named Degini, sprung from a Brahman (family). She bore to him a son who has set high store on virtue, the illustrious prince Sivagana, a hero, renowned, of beautiful form, (and) liberal; since he has become a devotee of (Siva), he sarely is Siva's host. 50
Who, gratified at heart, more than once exerted himself in fight, which was loud with the shouts emitted from the cavern-like throats of headless corpses, burnt by the spark-lit flames of fire issuing from armour which burst under the strokes of (his) sword, (and) in which the spirit. folk enjoyed like liquor the blood vomited forth by birds which took fright at the faces pierced by (his) arrows.
(L. 10).-Having found out that life is burdened with every affliction, old age, separation, and death, (and being aware that) this is the only fit employment of one's wealth, well known all the world over to the good,-he, pious-minded, had this dwelling of the supreme Lord made, having but set eyes on which everybody in the world is freed from the stain of the Kali-age.
. That wise man built the excellent dwelling of Bhava here in the hermitage of Kanva, in the season which is fragrant with the breezes from Asokas in flower, when mango-shoots are blossoming, when the circle of the regions is hemmed in by swarms of intoxicated staggering bees, (and) when the love of women is told, more plainly than by anything else, by the glances from the corners of their eyes ;
In the season in which fair women, when the mark left by love on their round breasts is betrayed by their bodices bursting open throngh the motion of their bodies, as they nit) bewildered on swings, -face to face with their lovers quickly cast down their smiling half-shut eyes, and only by the knitting of their brows show the pleasing affection that dwells in their hearts;
(When the wives of wanderers shed a tear, as they see the regions brightened by mangotrees that resound with the humming of intoxicated bees.
For incense and so forth, perfumes and lights, (and) for the repair of what may be broken or damaged, he gave the two villages Sarvanka and Chonipadraka, as a perpetual endowment,
(L. 13).-May all princes, to whom this land shall belong, protect (this)! By doing so they surely, for their righteousness, go to the abode of Siva!
By this bridge of righteousness a man surely will make his parents as well as his own self cross the awful sea of mundane existence !
As long as moon and sun illumine the earth together with the sea, and with its mountains and woods, so long will (his) famel endure !
(L. 14).-(This temple of Dhärjati was built, when seven hundred and ninety-five years of the Malava lords had gone by.
.6 1. e. Bivagana, on scoount of his dovotion to Siva, was really what his name expresses, Sivasya ganah.
01 Or, possibly, - so long will (thia) meritorious work endure.'
m In the original the instrumental nae is used instead of the locative. Besides, the passage is remarkable for the employment of the word argala (or argala) at the end of the Bahuvethi compound aa-pancha-navaty.arggalaih. Argala means'a bolt or pin for fastening & door, a bar, check' etc.; and the only other date known to me, in which the word oocurs, is in Professor Peterson's Report for 1884-86, App. p. 9, where we have doy-argala-chatvarimfat-sa. madhika-vatsara-sahasra 'thousand years, increased by forty (which have run on to and are) cheoked by two,', 6. 1042 years. Similarly the literal translation would be here-seren hundred (which have run on to and aro) checked by i.e. have not gone beyond) ninety and five,' i.e. 795 years,

Page #70

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1890.
The agents in this matter was) Sabdagana, free from covetousness, and kindly speaking, always delighting in devotion to Siva, righteous (and) faithful to vows. And the writer, taking delight in this matter, (was) Raupaka, the son of Gômika, clever, intelligent, of well-controlled mind, devoted to his elders (and) kindly speaking. Engraved (was this eulogy) by Sivanaga, the son of Dvårasiva. Dêvata, the son of Bhatta-Surabhi, full of faith, composed these verses (which are) radiant with sacred lore (and) partake of the nectar of the moon (which is Siva's) diadem. And Nagpaka, the son of Kțishņa, rich in good qualities, is here the architect.
Knowing that this blessed hermitage of Kanva takes away all sin, (the prince) forsooth bailt (here) the temple of Sambhu which advances (both) religion and (his) fame.
Whatever there be defective here in the verses, in language and in prosody, may the wise, benevolently inclined, forgive all that at all times 154..
WEBER'S SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINS.
TRANSLATED BY DR. HERBERT WEIR SMYTH.
(Continued from Vol. XVIII. page 378). V. The fifthangam, viyAha or viváha, (or opannatti,') with the epithet bhagavati, and lastly also [295] merely bhagavati (Hêm. v. 243); in 41 sayas, sata, of which some are divided into sub-divisions of the same name, and both into uddésagas. The number of the latter cannot be discovered from the MSS. themselves, because the latter books (33–41) contain for the most part nothing but stereotyped descriptions, in reproducing which the greatest freedom has been taken. Some uddá sagas are indicated merely by catch-words. According to the usual general survey of extent and division of the work at the end of the MSS., there are in all 138 sayas, including all the sub-sayas, 1925 uddésagas, 184,000 padas; and these statements, especially those in reference to the number of words, are in exact agreement with the actual state of affairs, (see Bhag. 1, 376), and agree, so far as the number of the uddésagas is concerned, with the specific statements on this head in the Vidhiprapà (V), excepting in the case of an insignificant variation (there are only 1,923 udd. see p. 296n). In reference to the great difference especially as regards the extent-184,000 padas-as opposed to the statements of anga 4 and of the Nandi the reader is referred to p. 288. Besides, in its general survey of the extent of the angas, the fourth anga has in $ 84, where there is no occasion for suspecting its trath, the same statement that the vivahapannatti bhagavati had 84,000 padas. This statement was transferred from there to the later general survey (see page 289), although it does not belong there. I do not scruple, there. fore, for this very reason to regard it as [296] correct. It would then have to be relegated to a period in which the fifth angam had not yet attained the half of its present extent. Cf. on this point the statements in anga 3, 10 in reference to the viváhachúliyá as ajjh. 5 of the last of the ten daså texts there cited. See above, p. 274. The viváhach. is also mentioned in a previous passage in the Nandi among the anangapavitha texts (bhagavatichúliká, Schol.). On the other hand it is noteworthy that anga 4 in $ 81, that is to say just before the mention of the 84,000 padas of the bhagavati, refers expressly to its 81 mahdjummas (see above page 283); and consequently there is herein a direct reference to its latter books. But these very latter books give one at first glance the impression of containing secondary additions.
That anga 5 grew only gradually to its present extent of 15,750 grarthagra or 184,000 padas, is proved by a glance at the different proportions of the single books :-[1-8. 12--14. 18-20
69 I supply here some such expression as atra or amminn-arthd, which we actually find below; and take the word kardpaka, which is otherwise unknown, but which from its etymology should mean 'one who causes anything to be done or made,' to denoto an agent employed by the prince in the construction of the temple.
* The meaning of the six aksharas, with which the original ends, I am unable to explain.
1 Acoord. to Abhayaders and Malayagiri (Schol. on up. 4) vy Akhy Aprajfapti (of. Hém. Schol. p. 319). or vivdha or vivddha' (of. Wilson Sel. W. 1, 281), s. Bhagav. 1, 371-72. See ibid. p. 368n. and below on upangas 5 foll., in reference to the namo prajíepti and the conclusions to be derived therefrom. The reason for the name is as yet involved in obscurity.
avatar saya in Vidhiprapa.

Page #71

FEBRUARY, 1890.]
SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINS.
63
with 10 udd. each, 9, 10 with 34 udd. each, 11 with 12 udd.; 15 without add. ;* 16 with 14, 17 with 17 -1d., but 21 with 80,5 22 with 60, 23 with 50,7 24 with 24, 26-30 with only Il each, 25 with 12, but 31, 32 with 28 each, 33, 34° with 124 each, 35-39 with [297] 132, 40 with 231, 41 with 196 udd.] Their contents too prove the gradual extension of anga 5.
The first 20 books, which are the substructure of all, are clothed in a legendary form, and contain in irregular order, and without any recognizable connecting thread, the most varied legends in reference to the activity and teachings of Mahavira; his conversations with his first scholar Imdabhùti (Gôyama) at the time of king Seņia of Rajagiha being made of special importance. In sayas 21 ff. there are no such legends, and each sayam has not only a harmonious contents, but many of the sayas are connected together as groups. 21-23 treat of plants, 24-30 of the different conditions of living creatures (jiva) 24 of their origin, 25 of their leśyádaybháváh, 2610 of their karmabandha, 27 of their karmakarana[298]kriyá, 28 of their pápakarmádidandakanavaka, 29 of their karmaprasthápanádi, 30 of the 4 samavasarana (see above, p. 264); 31-41, finally, in a most peculiar fashion, of their state during the four jummas (yugma yuga): kada, taiga, dávara, kaliyóga. The make-up of these latter books, is, as I have already said, purely formal, and is almost similar to a mere table of statistics.
Sirice this is the case it appears to me a matter of tolerable certainty that sayas 21 fg. were added at a later period to sayas 1-20. It is perfectly clear that we have here to deal with a chance co-ordination of elements. On the other hand, this fact serves to lend & kind of authenticity to the single constituent parts and especially to those of a legendary colouring After the most naïve fashion the discordant parts have been brought into conjunction with ont any attempt at change. That there was however & guiding hand in this conjunotion if evident from two reasons :-(1) Since an introductory verse in áryá precedes each saya (only up to No. 26 is this true); which verse briefly marks the contents of each of the udd. of the saya by means of catch-words (titles). This occurs here for the first time, since it is found in no former anga; but from this time on recurs with considerable frequency. The (2) second indication occurs for the first time especially in this auga, and remains henceforth regularly. It consists in the frequent reference to other texts as parts of the Siddhánta, which often completely interrupts and destroys the context. There are also frequent references to those texta, which belong to the upanga group, e.g. Rayapasénaijjani [299] Pannavana, Jashbuddivapannatti, seo Bhag. 1, 382n. It must however remain an open question whether in each single instance we have to deal with the work of a redactor or with the convenience of the scribe, see supra, pp. 228-232. We must leave in doubt whether some of these citations are really to be found in the work from which it quotes, at least in its extant form. The passage cited from the Rájapraéniyam by Jacobi, Kalpasútra, p. 107 is found, according to Leumaan, in the Edit. p. 185 fg. • Goshlasayam égusaram V.
With 8 pagga ench with 10 udd. V. • With 6 vagga esch with 10 udd.
7 With 5 vagga ench with 10 udd. V. 33 and 39 with 12 avantarasayas (of which 8 with 11 each, 4 with 9 udd. each); 86-89 with 12 avatars, with 11 udd. each, 40 with 21 av. with 11 u. each; evan mahkjummasayapi.(i. e. 8540) 81, eram savvugg para sayl 188, Havvagginan uddes 1928, V., to which yantrakan i. e. & tabular enumeration of the udddons and days belonging to each sayas, is appended.
The question 9, 34, puriad maria bhainte purisaria hapamad kim purienn hanati-is an interesting parallel to Bhagavadg. 2, 19; kath. Up. 1, 2. 18. 19.
*In V, and even in the MSS. of the Bhag. the foll. names are found for books 26-128 bamdhimat, 27 baritsuga (or karisuga)sal, 28 kammasamajjinapaasd, 29 kammapatthavanaand, 80 samar pesat, 81 uvarkymo 82 arvatapland, 88 egitndiyajummasaylpi, 34 sedhisayfpi, 86 dgiidiyamah jumsakyki, 36 bendiyamshijo, . thimdo, 38 challrimd., 39 annipanchimdo, 40 sannipazhohimnd., 41 raljammand. The fact that." abhindrani" An or proualy mentioned for these 16 sayas alone (Jógavih. v. 87), gives them at the very start soparst place. See the remarks on book 15. Noto also that, from book 26 on, the introductory kdrikde no longer appear (book 36 hu, it is true, one such), and that one of the M88. of the text which I havo, before mo, had before book 28 (but
Iso before book 17). special greeting, samd ruyadivayas bhaganatic. This refers to a new motion. Louma is correct we are to attribute no importance to the absence of the karike in the use of books and foll., since the karika that prooedos book 26 holda good in the one of the following books, whioh have the memo rangement M book 26.

Page #72

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(FEBRUARY, 1890.
The introduction consists of three parts. The actual beginning consists in the so-called parichanamaskara, a benediction which from this point on recurs frequently :11 namô arihartâņam, namô siddhaņam, namo dyariyâņam, namô uvajjhâyâņam, namo 188 savvaskhúņam, or here with the addition namo bambhie livie (see supra, p. 220). Next follows the introductory kúriká of the first saya and then, after the insertion of namo suyassa, the customary beginning of legends : têņam kalēņam tôņam samaêņam Rayagihê nåmam nayarê hotthá, . . Senie râyâ, Chillana devi, .. samaņê bhagavam Mahaviré...
Of the legends which are adduced here, those claim a special interest which deal with predecessors or contemporaries of Mahâvîra, with the opinions of his heterodox opponents, annaütthiyayla or djiviyas, and with their conversion. Apart from these are named the men, who have patronymic epithet (300) Pásávachchijja (Pårøvâpatyiya) attached to their names.13 Herein the name of Påráva, the immediate predecessor of Mahâvîra can be recognized; so, for example, in 1, 9 Kalasa-Vêsiyapatté (cf. Bhagav. 2, 183 fg. Jacobi, ante, Vol. IX. p. 160), is styled a Pásávachchijja, and in 2, 5 there are four of this name: Kåliyaputta, M@hila, Anamdarakkhiya and Kisava, in 5, 9 PARjjâ thêrá bhagavamtô, in 9, 32 Påojje Gamgêê. Pasa himself never appears herelt though the conversion of his adherents to the doctrines of Mahavira is often alluded to 15 * The Vêsali-savayas too and their adherents appear as his older contemporaries; this is the case in
2, 1 Piringalaé Vésáli-sávaé (s. Bhagav. 1, 440.2, 184, 197, 249). 12, 2. See above, p. 262, 263, in reference to Vésdlia as a designation of Mahavira himself. The following are additional names :-Niyanthipattu 5, 8, Samkha-ppå mokkhå samaņôvâsagâ 12, 1, Pokkhali ibid., Gad. dabhâli 2, 1, Dhammaghôsa 11, 11, Sumamgala 15, 5, ete.
Irndabhůti appears as the oldest" scholar of Mahåvira, Aggibhati as the "second," VÀyu. bhūti16 as the "third." Some of the usual names of the scholars of Mahavira are not mentioned at all-especially that of Sudharman; and of those that are referred to, Möriyaputta appears in an unusual connexion, viz. As a predecessor [301] of Mahavira (3, 1), 17 while Mandi. yaputta is here too designated as his scholar (3, 3.) Besides him there are other scholars whose names are not found in the later usual list of Vira's scholars; e.g. Roha 1, 6, Khamdaya, Kachchâ yaņa, 2, 1, Kurudattaputta and Tisaya 3, 1, Narayaputta , 8, Samahatthi 10, 4, Anamda and Sunakkhatta 15, Magandiyaputta 18, 3; see Bhagav. 2, 195. We find in 9, 33 the history of his opponent Jamali and in book 1518 that of his shade of a scholar' (bishyabhisa) Gôskla Mankhaliputta related in great detail. There are here and there a few statements of an historical colouring; so e.g. the incidental mention (7, 9) of a victory of Vajji Vidêhapatta (ef, up. 8) over nine (Malaï-Mallai Mallaki) and nine Lochchhai (Leohchhaki = Lichchhavi) kings of Kisi-Kösala at the time of king Kônia, Küņia of Campå, or of Mahavira himself; the history (12, 2) of Jayanti [aunt of the Kôsambi king Udâyaņa, son of Sayaniya (Satânika) grandson of Sahassaniya) who was the patron of the Véså lisavayas, and who, after hearing the sermon of Mahavira, became a bhikkhuņi.
11 See wp. 4, Kalpasitra, p. 83.
12 Abh. explains this by anyayathiks; Haribhadra gives, however, the preferable explanation anyatirthika, of. pråkr. taha-tirtha, Ind. Stud. xvi. p. 46. Soe Leumann's glossary to Aupapát... Y. annatitthiya.
19 See above, p. 960, from onga 2, 2, 7.
* In up. 10. 11 he appears in person as a teacher; and even till the present day he has received honours as such. The uvuaggaharastotram, assigned to Bhadrabihu, is dedicated to him, see Jacobi, 1. o. p. 12, 13, and my remarks on upang. 2 below.
18 Conversion from the chlujjama dhamma to the pancha mahavvaylin, so Bhagav. 2. 185; Jacobi, anto, Vol. IX. p. 160.
16 These three names in bhäti are probably nakshatra names; see Ind. Stud. 4, 380.81, 3, 180: Nakah. 2, 320. 11 See Bhag. 1, 440 in reference to chronological conclusions to be drawn from this name.
11 Galla's Anekadha janma marañar cha; according to the Vidhiprap this book had another title GôAlayasayé téyanisarglaramay anunnle. This name, which appears in the M88. of Bhag. att. close of the book, occurs (see page 224) as that of a text designed for the eighteenth year of study wherous niga 6 is designed for the tenth year. Since this book, not like the others, is égasara, i.e. not divided into udelsagas, it may be msumed that it is an independent text, which at a lator period found a resting place bere. Laumann thinks that he can discover in the Bhag. several other of the texts mentioned, p. 224; e.g. the Astvisabhavand in 8, 2, 1 (cf. anga 3, 4, 4,), the charaṇabhavand in 20, 9, the mahkumipabhirapa in 16, 6.

Page #73

FEBRUARY, 1890.]
SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINS.
All these legends, [302] the number of which will be materially increased by a special investigation of the contents, give us the impression of containing traditions which have been handed down in good faith. They offer, therefore, in all probability (especially as they frequently agree with the Buddhistic legends) most important evidence for the period of the life of Mahavira himself.
65
Among those statements which may be adduced as witnesses for the first composition of the existing form of the text, an enumeration of foreign peoples asserts the chief place. The names of these peoples recur frequently in some castomary form in the remaining texts of the Siddhânta, though accompanied by numerous variations of detail.19 In 9, 33. 12, 2 there are enumerated the foreign female slaves and waiting-maids in the house of a rich mâhana (brâhmana); consequently the names are all feminine: bahûhim khujjâhim Chilâtiyâhim20 vâmaņiyahim21 vaḍahiyâhim22 Babbariyâhim23 Isiganiyâhim Vasaganiyâhim24 Palhaviyâhim Hlasiyâhim Lausiyahim Arabîhim Damilâhim Simhalihim Puliidihim Pukkalihim25 Bahalihim Muramḍîhim (Marumd Abh.) Samvarîhim (Savo Abh.) Parasîhim nânâdêsîvidêsa paripimdiyâhim. Of these names Palhaviyâ, [303] Arabi, Bahali, Muramdi, and Pârasi are of special interest, since they deal with a period from the second till the fourth century A.D., the age of the Parthian Arsacids and the Persian Sassanids; cf. on Pahlavas (Parthians), Nöldeke's remarks in my History of Sanskrit Literature, p. 338; on Muramda, Ind. Stud. XV. 280, on Bâhli, Bactria, Monatsberichte der Königl. Akad. der Wiss. 1879, p. 462. The Marundas especially appear together with the Sakas and the Shâhân Shâhi on the inscriptions of Samudragupta as tributary to him, the tribute consisting, among other things, of girls (Lassen, 2, 952). The mention of the Arabass can be explained by reference (cf. p. 237) to the flourishing state of trade with Arabia at this period. The name of a grain âlisamdaga, in 21, 21, points to commercial intercourse at this date, since it may be explained, as I think, as signifying "coming from Alexandria" or " proceeding from A."37 It is not explained by the commentary. Alexandria, or the Persian ports Apologos and Omana, carried on a brisk trade with India in mapbévo eveideis, as we learn from the Periplus (cf. Lassen, 2, 557, 957, 1159). Another point confirmative of this fact (see introduction to my translation of the Målav. p. 47) is that Yavanî girls appear in Kâlidasa in the immediate surrounding of the king. Here then we have direct evidence on the part of the Indian tradition. The great frequency of the appearance of foreign female slaves as waiting-maids and as nurses, which is regarded as customary [304] in the Jain texts, is very surprising, and may be regarded as a proof of national pride, called into existence by a few victories over some foreign peoples, which can be ascertained only with difficulty. This national pride permitted these foreigners to appear in these menial capacities alone. In the inscriptions of Samudragupta we find immediate confirmation of this conjecture, as has been remarked above. The origin of these customary lists takes us back to the period of the Guptas.
Besides the above-mentioned list of foreign peoples there is in 15, 17 an enumeration of native races. It contains 16 names:-Aiga, Vanga, Magaha, Malaya, Malavaya, Achcha, Vachchha, Kochchha (ttha ?), Padha, Lâdha, Vajji, Mâli, Kôsî, Kôsala, Avâha, Subhattara. This list has the stamp of considerable antiquity, especially if we compare it with the similar one, up. 4.
10 I do not propose here to enter into a detailed discussion of these variations; see anga 6, 1, 117 (Steinthal, p. 28) up. 1, 55 (Leumann, p. 60) etc. Besides this enumeration, there is another which occurs only in those texts which are characterized as younger from the fact that they contain this second enumeration. I refer to that of the Mlêchchhas, in which some fifty (not sixteen) names are quoted; see anga 10, up. 4.
21 Hrasvasartrabhiḥ Abh.
20 Chil&tadêáôtpanna Abh. cf. Kirâta.
22 Vadabhiyahim madahakôshthabhi Abh. (vakradhaḥkôshthâbhil Schol. on up. 1). 25 Abh. adds Vausiyahim.
25 Pakka Abh.
24 Varuganiyahim Abh. who adds Joniyâhim after this name. 28 In Brahman texts they occur only in the list of peoples in Vardhamihira 14, 17. 27 I would mention incidentally that in 22, 11 pilu is mentioned among the names of trees and in 29, 1 simgavera cinnamon among the spices.

Page #74

66
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1890.
The mention of the planets, the absence of any allusion to the zodiac, (Bhag. 1, 441; 2, 228) and the statements in reference to the Brahmanical literature existing at that period28 (ibid. 2, 246. 7) are in harmony with the date which we have assumed above. See above pages 236, 238.
In anga 4 (or Nundi, N) there are contained the full statements of contents:-sê kim tam viyâhê29 ? viyahê nam [305] sasamaya viàhijjamti parasamaya sasamayaparasamayâ, jîvâ viâ° 3, lôgê 3 viâhijjai;30 viyahê nam3 nânâ vihasura-narimda-raya-risi-vivihasamsaiyapuchchhiyânam, jinêna vittharêņam bhâsiyânam, davva-guna-khettakala-pajjava-paêsaparinâma jahatthiyabhâvaanngamanikkhêva-naya-ppamânasuniunô-'vakkama vivihapagarapagaḍapayamsiyânam,33 lôgâlôgapagâsiyanam, samsarasamuddarumda-uttaraṇasamatthanam,35 suravaïsampûiyanam, bhaviyajanaypaahiyayabbinamdiyânam, tamaraya-vidhamsananam, sudiṭṭhadivabhûya-ihâmai-buddhivaddhananam, chattisasahassa-m-anûpayâṇam36 vâgaranâņam damsanâu37 suyatthabahuvihappagârâss sisabiyatthâya gunahatthâ,40
We have for this anga the commentary of Abhayadêva. For a special table of contents for the first two books, two-thirds of the third book, for books 34-41, cf. my treatise, of which mention has often been made here and which created a new course for Jaina investigations: "On a fragment of the Bhagavatt" part first 1866, part second 1867.41
VI. The sixth angam, nayadhammakahau, [306] jnát a 2-dharmakathas, in two suyakhamdhas (śrutaskandha), which are very different in extent. The first in 19 ajjhayanas contains the nâyâni, which word is explained by udáharaṇa, drishtamta, i.e. edifying tales or parables, designed to serve as moral examples; the second which is much smaller, contains in 10 vaggas the dhammakaháu, i.e. edifying legends. The specific difference in the contents of both parts is not rendered clear by this method of division, which itself is characterized in the legendary introduction to the text as a constituent part of the same.
In this introduction, which begins with the formula usually found in legends-ténam kalênah téņam samaénam-the work is referred to a dialogue between Mahâvira's scholar Suham
28 riuvéda-jajuvêda-samaveda-athavvanaveda-itihasa-pareham naih nighamtuchchhatthanam chaünham vêdipam samgovanganam sarahassanam saraê våraê dharaê paraê, shadamgavi, saṭṭhitamtavisaraê, samkhâne sikkha-kappê vayaranê chhamdê niruttê jôtis&m-ayanê, annêsu ya vahusu vambhannaêsu parivvâyaêsu nayêsu supari-nitthiê.
29 vyakhyayamte yasyarh så vyAkhy&; viyahê iti pullinganirdésah prakṛitatváât; shattrinsatsahasrânâm (vyakarapanam) darsanât śrutârtho vyakhyayatê iti.. vakyasambamdhah.
50 N has here the order 10ê.., jiva, sasama..; the verb is here correct, viyahijjaï with 166, samae, jjamti with jiva.
31 vivahé par C; the following is omitted in N.
52 vitthara A; nânâvidhaiḥ surair.. vividhasarhsaya-vadbhil prishțânâm; Mahaviréna.
35 dravya.. parinâmânâm yathasthitabhâvânugama-nikshê panayapramânasunipunôpakramo vividhaprakaraiḥ prakatam pradariito yair vyakaranais tani têsham;.. naya naigamAdayaḥ.
34 16kAlôkan prakâsitau yeshu
55 samsârasamudrasya vistirnasya uttarane samarthanam.
se sushthu drishțâni, dipabhâtâni..; anyûnakâni shaṭtriñsatsahasrani yêshâm tâni, iha makaró 'nyathapadani. pâtaé cha pråkritatvât anavadyam.
57 têshâm darsanât prakaáanâd uparibamdhad ity a., athava têshâm daríand upadariak ity a.
28 árut&rthah, tê cha bahuvidhaprakârâé chê 'ti vigrahab, frutârthânân và bahuvidhai prakaraḥ iti vigrahaḥ. 39 áishyahitArthaya.
40 gunamahattha (1) B.C.; gunahasta gupaparyAptyAdilakshand hasta iva hastaḥ pradhânâvayava(h) yêshẩm tê; (cf. Pet. Dict. s. v. hasta 1 i).
41 In the enumeration of daily labours, 1, 378, the statement in lines 9 and foll. is to be explained thus: "at most a whole sayam on one day, a moderate measure in two days, at least a sayam in three days"-see above p. 250. Ayamvila in 14 stands for Ayâmamvila Achâmâmra and signifiee a meal taken during a fast consisting of a " sour swallow," a portion of sour pap cf. Leumann Aupap. p. 101, and in a derived sense a division of time necessary for this meal-1. 18 read: "need a day each;" 1. 19 read "sêdhisayim (book 34)." Much must be now changed in the middle portion of the treatise.
42 See Schol. Hem. 243 p. 319 (Bgk.-Rien) for the length of the & in jnâts.-The same length is observed in the Vedic compound idhm4-barhis; see also the Vienna Oriental Journal, Vol. III. p. 831, note 2.-L.
48 Accord. to the Comm. this difference consists herein, that in the first part AptopAlambhâdijnatair dharmartha upanitab, in the second part såkshat kathabhir abhidhiyatê. The second part contains, N is true, no parables and similitudes, but the first, as well as the second contains kathas. As Leumann informs me the term niya is treated in great detail in aiga 3, 4, 3.

Page #75

FEBRUARY, 1890.)
SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINS.
67
ma and the latter's scholar Jambû, 44 which took place at the period of king Kônia of Champå. Suhamma represents the transmission of the [307] sacred texts as proceeding directly from Mahavira. He prefaces “the fifth angam is now ended (pamchamassa amgassa ayam atthê pannattê, what is the contents of the sixth angam?" and then continues with a detailed presentation of its division as given above, citing the titles of each of the 10 ajjhayaņas of the first suakkhamdha. Hereupon follows one of the usual ajjhayaņa introductions which from this point on is found at the beginning of each of the following ajjh.
This style of introduction and of tabulation of the contents recurg45 in exactly the same form in the case of angas 7-11, and proves that these six angas especially are bound together and have perhaps been the subject of treatment at the hands of the same redactor. They are connected like links in a chain, inasmuch as in the beginning of each anga reference is made to the angas preceding it. The first four angas have a mark of unity in their intfoductory formula sayammê and in their close ti bêmi. The fifth anga occupies an isolated position.
The fact that this introductio solennis is found in all six angas alike, is proof enough of its late origin and of its being the work of a hand which brought all six into close conjunction.
If this be so, it is possible to conceive that the explanation of the name nâyâdhammakahâu · which occurs in anga 6 (nâyâņi ya (308] dhammakahâô ya) is not in harmony with its original signification. I prefer the foll. explanation : first separate the word into nâyâdhamma and kahâu and understand by nâyâdhamma the "dharma of the Jnáta" i. e, of Mahavira 46 (see above, p. 261, on anga 2, 1, 1, 6), and understand the meaning to be “Recitals for the dharma of the Jõâta."
But we must not suppress an objection. In the anga section in anga 4 and Nandi, both parts of anga 6 are especially recognized, and in fact by the same titles : nkyai and dhammakahâu. This misunderstanding, if such here exist, must have been anterior to the date of anga 4 and N. I cannot however regard this as a cogent objection, since the Nandi is the work, according to all probability, of Dêvarddhigaņi himself (980 Vira), and the section of anga 4 is perhaps, in the last instance, the production of a still later period (cf. above, p. 284.)7*
The statements in reference to the extent of the second part of anga 6 contained in anga 4 and identical with those of the Nandi, are full of the most fabulous exaggerations, cf. p. 286, 289. Euch of the dhammakahis is said to contain 500 akkháiyás, each of these 500 uvakkhányás; each uv. 50 akkeháiya-uvakkhdiyás with a total of “3 koti," i.e. 35 millions of akkhâiâs. This latter som excites the hostility of surprise since, if we reckon each [309] of the ten vaggas of the second part as a dhammakaha, the result for all 10 is if we trust the above quoted statements, 125 kotis, namely 10 X 500, i. e. 1250 millions ! According to the Schol. on the Nandi this riddle is solved by the assumption that of the 125 kőtis, only 3) köți are "apunarukta," and the remaining 121kótis have occurred in the nine ajjh. 11-19 of part 1, each of which in turn contains 540 akkh. having each 500 wakkh. and these 500 akkh.-uvakkh each.
Dismissing such calculations as mere child's play, let us examine the actual state of things. In the first place the titles of the 19 ajjhayaņas of part 1 are enumerated at the outset
The Prakrit text Jaribūdittharta, or Jathbusykimikathånakam, in 21 udadans, deals with him; the PrAkrit in it is very like the apabhraná.
45 The tenth has now, it is true, another introtinotory formula Abhayadiva however citee different one which is exactly the same as that found before angas 7, 8, 9 and 11.
46 The length of the â of nîya (of. Pan. 6, 3, 129. 130) is irregular according to both explanations.-Soe however the first note on this angı. It cartrinly militats against the plausibility of the above conjecture, that the recitals of the first part are cited in the references of the redactor under the designation of neya (jaba andande, jaha Malline).-L.
17. There is no reason whatever to suppose a misunderstanding in the above passages only to please etymology of the 19th century; even in this very anga 6 the term "ya is applied to the first and twelfth ajjh. we will be seen from their titles given later on. Remember also the term ndy'ajjhayandim spokon of above on anga 419.

Page #76

68
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1890.
(see page 307), and are found singly in Avasy. 16, 82. 83 (Av.) and in the Vidharapá (V.) 48 They are as follows:
1. ukkhittaņas, utkshiptam : the "raised" but not replaced foot of an elephant, the first birth of prince Mégha, whose history is here related ab ovo (pregnancy of his mother, birth ef the child, education, marriage, instruction at the hands of MahÂvira). See Paul Steinthal :. "Specimen der Náyâdhammakaha," Leipzig, 1881.9 The contents are said by Abh. to be anuchitapravșittikasya bishyasyo'palambhah.
2. sarkhada (Av., samghada V), samghatakah, śrêshthichaurayôr ekabamdhanabad, dhatvam; or anuchitapravșittikôchitapravrittikayôr anarthârthaprâptiparamparà.
3. amda, mayûrâmdam (cf. p. 270 note 4); pravachanarthêshu sam kitasamkitayôh prâpinor dôshagunan [310].
4. kumma, kůrma; asanlinêrdriyêtarayôr (i.e. asamlinêmdriya-samlînêmdriyayôr) anar, thârthau.
5. Solaa, Sailako râjarshil; pramadavato 'pramâdavatas cha 'narthêtarau (i. e, anarthår. thau, evil and weal.)
6. tumba (tumbaya V), alábû; pråņâtipâtâdimatâm karmagurutâbhâvênê 'tarëshậm cha laghutâbhâvêna anarthapraptitar8.61
7. Rohini, srêshthivadhah ; mahÂvratânâm virâdhanåviradhanayôr anarthârthau.
8. Malli, êkônaviasatitamajinasthânôtpanna tirthakari ;62 mahåvratâ nám évå 'lpona 'pi mâyâśalyena důshitînêm ayatha vatsvaphalasadhakatvam, or mâyâvatô 'narthah.
9. Maimdi (Mayamdi. V); Makami nama vaņik, tatputrô Måkamdisabdênê' ha grihîtah; bhôgðghų aviratimato 'narthô, viratimataś charthah.
10. chandama (chamd ima )) chandramáh; guņavriddhihanilakshapåv anarthârthau pramady-apramadinh.
11. dAvaddave (g8 Av.), samudratatê vșikshaviśdshah ; märgårådhanaviradhanabhyam snarthårthan, or charitradharmasya viradhakatvam Aradha katvam cha.
12. udaga nae, adakam nagaraparikhâjalam; châritrârâdhakatvam prakritimallmasanam api bhavyânâm sadguruparikarmaga bhavati: or samsargavišdshåd guņôtkarshah.
13. mamdukke, Mandgkah namdimaņikåra-éz8shthijivah ; samsargaviśôshâbhâvâd ganapakarshah; or satâm gunanam samagry-abhävd hånir,
14. Tavall 'i ya (Téuli Av.), Têtaligutâ53 bhidhậno 'matyah; tathậvidhasamagrisadbhave gunasampad upajáyatô;'or apamânad vishayatyagah. See pp. 271 note 3, 317.
15. namdiphala; (311] namdivrikshâbhidhånataruphalâni; Jinopadesát (vishayatyagah), tatra cha saty arthapraptis, tadabhavê tv anarthapraptih; or vishayabhish vamgasya 'narthaphalata.
16.64 Avarakamka, Dhátakishanda Bharatakshetrarajadhâni; tadvishayanidánasya så (anarthaphalata); or nidåna(t) kutsitadânád va anarthah.
17. Ainne, Akirņå jâtyah samudramadhyavartinð 'évâh; indriydbhy 'niyamtritêbhyah sa (anarthah) uchyatd; or imdriyavasavartinâm itaréshán chi 'narthdtarau.65
18. Sumsuma (Sumsa Av.), Sumsumâbhidhânå śrêshthiduhita; lobhavasavartinam ita réshâń cha táv éva (anarthårthau); or asamvřitásra vasyê 'tarasya chů 'narthêtaran
19. pumdario, pundarikam ;56 chiram samvritásravo bhätvå 'pi yah paschad anyathả syật tmaya alpakålam samvritabravasya cha tâv (anarthêtaráv) uchyôtô.
After the conclusion of aih. 19 there follows a special conclusion for the first suyakhandhé, 57 then the usual beginning for the second guyakhardhe held in the same strain as the intro daction to the ange itself, and giving in detail the contents of each of the ten vargas. These
:
4 I extract these explanations or, as the case may be, statements of contents, from the introductions to each of the ajjh, in Abhayadera's Comm,
4. On page 4 twenty-one adjh, of part 1 Ape erroneously spoken of; there apo but nineteen. - vis. apranatio, 11 s.e. anarthapråptyarthaprapti.
See Kup. 10 (800). Téyalipatte in the text.
Here there is a detailed account of the Dôral (Draupadl.) 55 1.. Anarth&sthan,
66 Soe anga 2, 2, 1. The statement that 19 days are necessary to finish the 19 aph. is found here.

Page #77

FEBRUARY, 1890.)
SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINS.
69
treat of the aggamahisio, 1. Chamarassa, 2. Balissa Vaïrôyanaraņņð, 3. asurimdavajjiyaņań dahiņillâņam irdâņam, 4. uttarillâ nan asurimdavajjiyâņam bhavanavasi-indanar 5. dAhiņillanań vâņamaintarâņam, 6. uttarillåna i våņamo, 7. ebamdassa, 8. sûrassa, 9. Sakkassa, 10. Isaņassa. [312).
The actual composition of the text of the second part is quite summary. To the first vagga five ajhayanas are ascribed, 58 their names being Kâlî, Râti, Rayani, Vijju, Môhâ, names of the five wives of Camara. The history of the first alone is really related, and that in quite brief fashion; that of the second is very much abbreviated and is identified with the first by the use of the customary marks of abbreviation (évam jaha Kali, tam chêva savvam jâva); that of the third is still shorter, and the fourth and fifth are settled with a word or two.
The text of the remaining vargas is despatched in a like summary fashion with but few words, althongh quite a number of ajjh, are allotted to several of them. Their contents is as follows: varga 2 five ajjh., vargas 3 and 4, 54 each, vargas 5 and 6 each 32, vargas 7 and 8 each 4, vargas 9 and 10 each 8.-In the Vidhiprapå however 10 ajjhayanas each are allotted to varya 1 and 10 to varga 2.59
The extent of the second part in the MSS. is one-twenty-first of the first part. In one MS. the commentary on part 2 is despatched in four lines. Even if all due regard is paid to the second note on anga 7 given below on p. 315, how curious are the statements, p. 286, 289, 308, from anga 4 and Nandi. · The events take place in Rayagiha, Champa, Vårânasi, Baravati, Viyasôga, Têyalipura, Ahichchhattå, Hatthisisa, Pumdaragint. In the first account we find an [313] enumeration of nonAryan peoples; some are not found among those quoted, p. 302, from anga 5, others are found here which are wanting there. We mad (see Steinthal, p. 28) : bahûhim Chilâiyâhim khujjahin vâvaņi(!) - vadabbi(!) - Babbari - Vaüst - Fôniya - Palhavi -Isiņi-Thârugiņi-LÀsiya-Laüsiya-DamiliSinhali-Aravi-Pulimdi-Pakkaņi Baban-Murundi-Sabari-Pârasihim. There is, furthermore, mention made here of 72 kalás (cf. p. 282 and Steinthal, p. 29). The word javaniya (St. p. 14), yavaniká, "curtain," refers to a stage-curtain or to the theatrical plays of the Greeks. We must not fail to notice the mention of 18 dêsîbhâsâð (St. p. 29), in a list which does not go into detail (see below, p. 336 and on up. 1. Cf. Ind. Stud. XVI. 38 on the word talavara (St. p. 14).
There is a commentary by Abhayadêva.
The table of contents in anga 4, or Nandi (N) is :-sê kim tan niyadhammakahâu ? nao hâsu nam nâyâņam61 nagaraiń ujjáņaiṁ chêiyâim vanasamạå (dáim N) râyâņô63 ammâpiyarô samosaranâim dhammiyariya dhammakahâu ihalõiyâ paralõiya iddhivisðsa bhôgaparichchåyå pavajjad snya pariggahả tavo'-vahânâim pariyâgå samlêhaņâu bhattapachchakkhâņain pâôvagamankim dêvalôgagamankiri sukulapachchâyâso65 puņa-bôhila 66 amtakirîyâð [314] ya67 Agha vijjanti java, 68 mâyâ hâsu nam pavvaïyâņam viņayakaraṇajiņaså misâsanavarér samjamapainatpålanadhiimaïvnvasîyadullabhânań,71 tavaniyama-tavô vahâņa-raņaduddhârabharabhaggâộisabánisat
padhamana vaggana pancha ajjhayaņå parin, tam: Kált... Meh. ".. padhamsvaggð, tammi dans ajjhayana, .. vie dans ajjhayapA, (see above, p. 231.)
" jnAtany udAharanani tatpradhana dharmakatha jnào otha, dirghatvah samjnktvet; ndyldho is taken here as karmadh., not as a dvandva.
1 ndydir BC, jnftanám adAharaṇabhdtånám MeghakamsrAdin&rin nagaradiny Akhylyante, nagarddini dvài vintatib padini kanthyAni.
The foll. is inverted in N samo r&amo dh'hảo dhoriya ihaloga paralógta riddhivis sa bhôgaparichohag pavajja pariaga kuapao tavovao sannleo bhattapachchakkháng; in angas 7 fg. the case is similar. 68 plagao A, plovagnon.
Nxd, has according to Leumann the following just win anga 7 (p. 307). P pavvays BC, pilvvayni A, prehchato N.
1AbhA N.
Syka A, AO N yato ya BC. • jaya signifies that here anyAni pamoha padini de(r)byAni, i.e., after Agh., the usual five words pannavijjanti parūvio damaio nidarsio uvadarnsio.
19 java ņdyAo to the end is omitted in N; in which there follows dass dhamma hapat vaggl and the remarks in reference to the number of the akkhliag.
smi omitted in B C. "Anana-varê bêshapravachanapékshayA pradh napravachand ity m., pathlintapena: BamApkņada viņayakranajiņasAsadami (perhaps an older reading) pavare.
11 paina, thiti, duvralamah A; whyamapratijns samyamábbytipagamab, si'va duradhigamyatvat kitaranara kshobhakatsheh cha patalam ivs pAtAlam (other reading), tara dhritimativyavas y durlabha yubkb to tathA; path Athtarēņa satyamapratijnApklandya dhritimativyavas yks tahu durball ye, tenho.

Page #78

70
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(FEBRUARY, 1890.
thâņam,72 ghôraparisahaparajiyâņam, sahapåraddharuddha-siddhalayamagganiggayâņam,73 visayasuhatuchaksivasadosamuchhiyâņam, virâhiyacharittanânadamsaņa-jaïguņavivihappagåranissarasunnayanam,74 samsara-aparadnkkhaduggaïbhavavivihaparamparâpavamcha76 dhîrâņa ya, jiyaparisahakasayasennadhiidhaniya-samjamaüchchhaha nichhiyanam,76 ârâhiyankņadamsanacharittajóganissalla77suddhasiddhalayamagga-m-abhimuhåņam, surabhavaņavim âņasokkhåim anôvamaim bhottana78 chiram cha bhôgabhôgâņi (315] tâņi divvåņi mabarihåņi tato ya kalakkamachuyanam, jaha ya pundladdhasiddhi maggåņam, amtakiriyachaliyâna ya, sadêvamâņusad hîrakaranakaranâņi bôhana80-aņusåsaņâọi ganadôsadarisaņâại ditthamtê pachchael ya sôûņa, logamuộiņo jaha ya tthiya92 sasaņammi jaramaraņaņâsaņakarê, ârâhiyasamjama ya suralôgapadiniyatta avêmti8 jaha såsaya sivat savvadukkhamokkham, 84 88 annê ya êvamai 'ttha vittharéna ya 85
(To be continued.)
MISCELLANEA. CALCULATIONS OF HINDU DATES. refer to the 15th year of the cycle of Brihaspati. No. 33.
If this explanation were correct, it would have to
be assumed, that, through an oversight, the The following communication has reached me
official, who drafted the inscription, failed to from Dr. E. Hultzsch :
enter the word vishuvil in its proper place before "On the wall of the Bilvanåthêsvara temple at the month and the tithi. As it stands nowTiruvallam in the North Arcot District, between the nakshatra and the eclipse,-the rules Mr. V. Venkayya, M. A., my Brâhman assistant, of Tamil grammar force us to connect with it has just discovered an inscription, the calcula
the preceding relative participle perra, which tion of the date of which might possibly fix the corresponded,' and this would be absurd, if vi. year of the accession to the throne of the Chola shuvil had its literal meaning, as a year cannot king KO-Rajakesarivarman, alias Rajaraja- correspond to a nakshatra and a tithi. It is dêva. The date is worded in Tamil as follows:
therefore very probable that vishuvil is a mis"KO-RAjarajakesarivammarkku' yandu 7 Avada take, - by no means without parallels in the . . . . . . . . . . ivvåttai Ayappaßi- case of Dravidian scribes, to whom Sanskrit was ttingaļa paunnamâsiyum Irêvatiyum perr: not very familiar, - for vishuvattil, at the vishuvil sómagrahaņattinanru;"-"in the 7th equinox.' year (of the reign) of Kô-Rajarajakesarivarman, "About the approximate period of Ko-Raja.
... on the day of an eclipse of kesarivarman, alias Rajarijadêva, with whom the moon in Vishu, which corresponded to the the king mentioned in the present record seems nakshatra) Rêvati and to a full-moon tithi (in) to be identical, I may refer to the abstract table, the month of Aippasi in the above-mentioned) inserted ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 240. The large
Leyden grant is dated in the 21st year of his "The only doubtful term in the date is vishu- reign. The Tanjore inscriptions contain his vil, in Vishu,' which, if taken literally, would' latest known date, the 29th year."
year."
12 dudhara bharabhaggă A: tapôniyama-tapaupadhanë, të dva ranni cha kataranarakshobhakatvat sangrimo .., kramakAranatvát durbharabharab cha, tAbhyarn bhagnab parannukhibhätab, tath& nihsahi nitaram siaktå éva. nihsahaka, nissishtAs cha nisrishtArngå muktanga yê tô; pråkpitatvena kakiralôpa-samdhikaran AbhyAm bhagna ity Ådau dirghatvam avabêyam.
75 sahaprirabdharuddbah, ata êva siddhorgáj jnAnadêr nirgatah.
** tair dva yatigunaih snyakAh; padatrayaaya cha karmadharayah: viradhitacharitrajnánadaríana-yatigudavividhaprakiranihaara-Ganyakån&m. T5 pavarohA B C.
76 jlys .. Beniddhittidhånaya A; jitan parlshahakash Ayasainya yaib, dhritêr dhanikih svAminah (cf. Aupapat. 32 p. 126), samyamê utsAh .. avasyambhavi yesh&m. 71 misalla A ; nihalyo mithyadarśanadirahitah.
78 bhuttăņa B C. To Riddha B C.
bôdhana B 0. 1 pavatte B C, pratyay is cha, bôdhakaranabhätáni vákykni. # jahatthiyx BC; lôkamannyah.. parivräjakAdayo yathi cha yons prakaréna sthitab) bsand, $5 uvėti C, aveli A.
Hokkha A.
86 évam Ahi 'ttha vichh&@ņa ya A. 1 "Read varmarkku. 1 i.e. aippat-tinga!
"Road paurnamdaiyum. + i.e. grahanattin filinu.
5 "Dr. Burgesa's Archwol. Suru. South India, Vol. IV., pp. 204 ff. 6 "See paragraphs 4 and 9 of my Progress Report for July, August and September 1888, Madras G. O., 7th November 1888, No. 1050, Pablio."

Page #79

FEBRUARY, 1890.)
MISCELLANEA.
Aippasi is the Tamil solar month that begins that the word vishuvil does not indicate the astronomically with the Tuld-Sankranti or en. Vishu sav vatsara; but stands for viehuvattil, trance of the sun into Libra, and civilly at sunrise " at the autumnal) equinox." And with this either on the same or the following day according view of the case, the facts are as follows:to the exact time of the sankranti;' and it ends, Within, and for many years before and after under the same conditions, with the Vrischika- the period to which the reign of Rajakesarivar. Sankranti or entrance of the sun into Scorpio. man can be referred, the only lunar eclipses
On the supposition that the word vishuvil which can have occurred at, i. e. on the very day means in the Vishu samvatsara," the facts of, the Tula-Sankranti or autumnal equinox, are are as follows:
those of theBy the mean-sign system, the Vishu samvat- 25th September, A.D. 972; sara commenced on the 27th May, A.D. 979, and 26th September, A.D. 991; ended on the 22nd May, A.D.980. In this 28th September, A.D. 1010; and period, there was no lunar eclipse in Aippasi, 27th September, A.D. 1037. which fell in A.D. 979. The nearest eclipse was It appears unnecessary to calculate the details that of the 6th November, about twelve days after of the first and the last of these ; as considera. the end of the month.
tions of contemporaneous history prevent us from By the northern luni-solar system, the Vishu placing the seventh year of the reign of Rajasamvatsara coincided with Saka-Samvat 903 kesarivarman either so early or so late. current. In this year, Aippasi, - its commence- 1 In A.D. 991, the Tulá-Sankranti occurred on ment and end being taken as determined by the the 25th September, at about 20 ghatis, 54 palas, sankrantis, - began on the 25th September, A.D. after mean-sunrise (for Bombay); and nowhere 980, and ended on the 25th October. On the in southern India did it occur more than about very next day, 26th October, there was a lunar 30 minutes, or 1 gh. 15 p., later on the same day. eclipse. But it is barred; because the Vpis. Consequently, though on the 26th September the chika-Samkranti occurred at less than 30 ghatis nakshatra at sunrise was Rêvati by all the after mean sunrise on the 25th October, vit., at three systems, the lunar eclipse of that day is 23 gh. 21 p. (for Bombay), so that this full-moon not admissible, because it occurred on the day day was not in Aippasi even by the civil reckon- after the equinox; not on the day of the equiing: and because this system of the cycle does nos. not apply to this part of the country. It may In A.D. 1010, however, there was the realso be mentioned that, at sunrise on the day! quired concurrence in respect of all the of this eclipse, the nakshatra was not Rêvati, given details. The TulA-Sarnkranti or altumNo. 27, but Bharapi, No. 2, by all three systems. nal equinox occurred on the 28th Septem
And by the southern luni-solar system, the ber, at about 15 ghatis, 53 palas,> 6 hours, Vishu samvatsara coincided with Saka-Sarvat 21-2 minutes, after mean sunrise (for Bombay); 904 current. In this year, Aippasi began on the and the month Aippasi commenced, for the civil 25th September, A.D. 981, and ended on the reckoning, at sunrise on that day. The lunar 25th October. And during the month there was eclipse occurred on the same day; the fullan eclipse of the moon, on the 16th October moon-tithi ending at about 2 hours, 32 minutes, But the nakshatra at sunrise on that day was after mean sunrise. And at sunrise the nakAsvint, No. 1, by all three systems; and Rêvati shatra was Révati by all three systems; ending had ended at about 1 hour, 40 min., after mean at about 3 hours, 17 minutes, after mean sunrise. sunrise on the preceding day, 15th October. And this day, Tuesday, 26th September, A.D. Consequently, this eclipse cannot be accepted, 1010, is undoubtedly the correct English equivaunless we assume a mistake in the record in lent of the given date; though the eclipse in respect of the name of the nakshatra; and, in question was not visible in India. the face of the much better result that is shewn The full-moon tithi which ended on this day, below, it is undesirable to do this.
at about 6 ghatis, 20 palas 2 hours, 32 minutes, From the above results, and also from its was that of the lunar month Åsvina, of Sakaposition and context in the sentence, it appears Samvat 933 current. And the results shew 7 Warren's Kalasankalita, p. 4.
about 9 ghatis, 6 palaa, on the 26th Ootober. Conse• The more correct name of the sashvataara is either quently the month Aippadi lasted, for the civil reckon. risha or Bhrikya. The name Vishu cours in some ing, from sunrise on the 26th September to sunrise on Old-Kanarese inscriptions.
the 26th October, and it happened to include a second . In this year, the Vrischika Sathkranti occurred at full-moon tithi, that of the lunar Korttika, which ended

Page #80

72
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1890.
that the accession of Raja kősarivarman took place in A.D. 1003 or 1004; according to the luni-solar calendar, either on any day from the amanta Asvina krishna 1 of Saka-Samvat 926 current, up to the end of that year, or on any day from the beginning of Saka-Sathvat 927 current up to Asvina sukla 15 of that year.
J. F. FLEET.
PROGRESS OF EUROPEAN SCHOLARSHIP.
No. 19. Miscellaneous Essays by European Scholars.
(a) J. Grosset, on Hindu Music. M. J. Grosset has published an interesting con. tribution to the Study of Hinda Music, in which that subject is, I believe, for the first time seriously attacked from a European point of view. The Essay is reprinted from Vol. VI. of La Bibliothèque de la Faculté des Lettres de Lyon. The author gives the text of the 28th adhyaya of the Bharatiya-Natya-Sastra, of which the 18th, 19th, 20th and 34th adhydyas have been already published by Mr. Fitz-Edward Hall in his edition of the Dabarúpa. Other portions of the same work have also been published by M. Paul Regnaud; but the 28th book is now published for the first time. The text is followed by a translation and notes, and being founded on two imperfect MSS. is admittedly incomplete. The notes are valuable and give a clear idea of the principles of the Hinda grama, or gamut. It was Prof. Weber who first pointed out the connexion between the Skr. grama, the Pr. gáma, and the gamma of Guido d'Arezzo,-a striking testimony to the Indian origin of our scale of seven notes.
(6) Prof. Weber on old Iranian Star-names.
It is a kindly custom amongst German scholars to celebrate the Jubilee of one of their members taking his Doctor's degree, by dedicating short essays to his honour. Dr. Böhtlingk's DoctorJubilee was celebrated last year; and now Prof. Weber publishes his contribution, the issue of which was unavoidably delayed. His essay deals with old Iranian Star-names, and specially with the lunar asterisms. Albêruni's lists of the names of these asterisms in Soghd and Khwârism, are compared with the chortak of the Bundehesh, and the Indian nakshatras. Amongst
the many interesting points dealt with may be mentioned Parvi, equivalent to Krittikd, which is connected with the Zend star-name Pavirya " the first." Parvi is the first asterism in Alberuni's lists, and is therefore not a corruption of the Parvix of the Bundehesh. The latter is, in fact developed from the former by a secondary process of folk-etymology (
victorious") A feminine plural form of Pavirya, i.e. Paviryent, becomes w , the Pleiades, i.e., the Krittikds. In the list of the Bundehesh Parvix is the third asterism (its first, Paddwar, corresponding to Atvin), so that, when this list came into existence, the original meaning of the word must have been forgotten, and Krittiká was no longer the first asterism.
For further information regarding other old Iranian star-names, such as Tistrya (Sirius), the Haptó Irenga (Sapta Rishayas, Septemtriones), Vanañt (Abhijit), and so on; the reader must be referred to this very interesting Essay itself. (c) Prof. Sachar on Albêrúnt's transliteration
of Indian words. Prof. Sachau's' treatise on the pronunciation of Indian Languages in the first half of the eleventh century deserves far more space than can be allotted to it here ; indeed, a whole number of this Journal could be most profitably devoted to it.
The learned translator of Albêrani's Indica has taken the Indian words quoted in that work, and classified the changes they undergo in their Arabic dress. If we take such words and compare them with Sanskrit, the differences are great for in. stance, we find vidyut, jihvd, kalyapa, pustaka, súrya, daitya, strt, khadga, nihávdsa, jyéshtha, dditya, pradyumna, represented in Arabic characters by bidud, jibbu, kashshabu, poti, súrju, daitu, istri, karku, nishdsu, jêrth, aditu, praddamunu, which are so different from the originale that the incompleteness of the Arabic alphabet will not sufficiently account for the change. Nor will the influence of Pråkpit account for it, for the Praksit forms of these words would be vijju, jiha, käsavo, potthað, súró and sujjó, daïchcho, itthí, khaggo, misdad. jettha, dichcho, pajjunno. It therefore becomes a question whether the Arabic written forms are not simply mistakes of the scribe ; but
at about 46 ghatis, 50 palas, on the 25th October. This, however, there being no lunar eclipse on this day, - does not affect the date that has been worked out.
1 Contribution à l'étude de la Musique Hindoue, par J. Grosset. Paris : Leroux. * Voer alt-iranische Sternnamen, von Albr. Weber.
3 Indo-Arabische Studien Zur Aussprache und Geschi. chte des Indiechen in der ersten Hälfte des XI. Jahrhunderts von Eduard Sachau. Berlin, Verlag der Königl. Akademie der Wissenschaften. In commission bei Georg Reimer.

Page #81

FEBRUARY, 1890.]
MISCELLANEA.
73
this can hardly be, for we find that when Albê růni wishes to give Sanskrit words correctly in certain lista, he does so, so that we have ja
,Saragena شور سین ,Mathura ماتر ,Bhadra
Jean Pañchala, bo Magadha, and so on. We are thus driven to the conclusion that the other words also were designedly originally written as they have been handed down to us, and that they were transcribed by Albêrûni as they were pronounced incorrectly pronounced be it observed, -by the Pandits who read to him : just as at the present day a Pandit, when speaking colloquially, pronounces his Sanskrit words in colloquial fashion, though when occasion arises he can, and does, pronounce them in the full traditional manner. We thus have a valuable exhibition of words in Albêrani's Indica of the pronunciation of North-Western India in the first half of the eleventh century after Christ.
I think that the value of the Persian or Arabic language for this purpose has been much under-estimated. The Muhammadans who conquered India long after Albêrûni's date, cared little for the rules of Panini, but were com. pelled by the necessities of their surroundinge to record the language of the people among whom they dwelt in the character most familiar to themselves. Even the greatest Hindú vernacular authors of India were tied down by tradi. tion, and were compelled to spell many words, not as they were pronounced, but as tradition ordered them. We trace this compulsion up to the very earliest times. ---up to the time of the North. Western inscriptions of Asöka; but Musalman writers had no respect for these traditions, and spelled words phonetically as they struck their ears. It is this which makes, as I have elsewhere pointed out, works like the Padmawat of Malik Muhammad written 1610 A.D.) of such priceless value. It is in Hindi, written in the Persian character, and though unfortunately the vowels are often doubtful, we have in it an absolutely correct representation of the consonantal system of the language as then existing To give an example, while Malik Muhammad's Hinda contemporaries wrote apsaras, he gives the correct pronunciation vouched for by the Prakrit grammarians and wrote rol. It is to these Muham. madan writers that we must look for the correct representation of the pronunciation of the oonsonants of the mediaeval Indian dialects. For this reason, an analysis of the Indian dialects as represented by Alberoni, and especially an altogether admirable scientific analysis, such as
that offered by Dr. Sachau, is of great value to all students of the history of this country.
(d) M. Winternitz on Snake Worship The first part of the 18th volume of the Mit. theilungen der anthropologischen Gesellschaft in Wien (Vienna Anthropological Society) contains the first instalment of an important article by Dr. Moriz Winternitz on the serpent-cult. Taking for his text the sarpabali of India, be commences with general observations on the universal character of this cultus. The uncanny eye of the snake was early observed. He was the most sharp-sighted of animals (Evdepkiotatov To wov), and from dépkomat, to see,' we find formed the word opákov. Hence came the superstitions about its powers of fascination and its wisdom: "Be ye wise as serpents, and harmless as doves." At an early stage we find serpents connected with magic. The Hebrew for snake,' nakhash, appears at the head of a series of denominatives signifying *to enchant,'' to prophesy.' He is, especially as a white snake (kvétabhujanga), continually exhi. bited as the teacher of the language of birds and beasts. The Oracle at Delphi owed its inspiration to a dragon, and Helen and Cassandra learned the speech of birds from serpents. The fact that the colours of snakes correspond to their habitats gave rise to the origin of the theory that a serpent is the genius loci, while the metallic glister of several of them easily suggested the many legends of the snakes as mountain-spirits and treasure-guardians. Both in Asia and America are they believed to carry a precious jewel in the head." The way of a serpent on a rock" was one of the four things which were too hard for King Solomon, and the rapid shooting motion of these creatures over mountain rocks readily gave rise to the idea of winged eerpents or dragons. The power of casting its slough was another source of wonder, and the serpent is regarded as ever renewing its youth. Moreover, we find persons transformed by inagic into snakes, who issue from their skins in their proper forms. If the skins can then be seized and burnt the magic is counteracted, and the enchanted person does not go back to his transformation. But the most striking point of all about snakes is their terrible poison. As an Indian proverb says, "No one honours him who does no harm, be he ever so great. Men worship the snake, but not Garuda, the slayer of the snake." While, however, he was considered an evil spirit on this account, on the other side there grew up the faith that the being who brings disease and death must also know how to cure and to bring to life. Hence we find the snake in manifold relation with the

Page #82

74
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1890.
art of healing, a dualism clearly seen and clearly devas, then to the gandharvas and apsarases, outspoken throughout the whole literature of then to the itarajanas, and finally to the snakes. antiquity. Moses was commanded, Make thee a ¡ The snakes called out to her 'Come thou endowed fiery serpent, and set it upon a pole; and it shall with poison !' Then Dusitarishtra Airivats come to pass, that every one that is bitten, when milked poison from her, and on this poison live he looketh upon it, shall live.' Æsculapius appears the snakes (Atharva-Veda, VIII. 10, 29). The in many ways connected with the snake. The Chhandigya-Upanishad (II. 21) mentions snakes Lithuanian Zemyne is & snake with one eye. | in connexion with gandharvas and manes, and Whom she bites must die at once. But with the so also Manu (I. 37). Yajñavallya declares that a blood of the Zemyne, which is black as the night, Brahman, a snake, and a Kshatriya are never to can men heal all diseases. As late even as the last be despised. The Taittirsya-Sanhitd of the century were remedies, such as the powdered heart Yajur Veda (III. 1, 1, 1) says Prajapati, wished and liver of a snake, considered in Europe as to create offspring. He performed austerities. He remedies for fever.
created serpente.' The Tán lya Mahabráhmana It was only a step further to make of the snake (XXV. 15) describes an important snake-sacrifice, . tutelary genius, or even as a genius of good
which serves to bring its performer good fortune fortune. Some tribes even saw in him the souls
and success of the dead, and men honoured in him the manes In the Epios snakes play a still larger part than of their fathers and their heroes. Numberless even in the Vedic and Satra literature. The first instances of this are quoted.
book of the Mahabhdrata contains an important The defloation of the maka was helped by
list of all the most famous snake-princes (I. 1549 the resemblances to snakes which men saw in and ff.). Nala's meeting with the benevolent exterior natare. The winding river, the black snake-king Karkötaka is well-known. When storm-clouds, the black lightning-clouds, all Bhima (Mahabharata, I. 5008 and ff.) was hurled became personified as snakes. The Swiss have into the Ganges, he fell into the kingdom of the many legends of dragons inhabiting the Alps, snakes, who gave him the water of strength to who come tearing down the mountain-sides in drink. The part which Våenki, the snake-king, rain-storms. The storm-cloud snake is familiar took in the churning of the ocean need not be to readers of the Rig Veda and of the wars of described here. Indru with Vitra, while the Lithuanian myth of The Fable-literature is also a rich mine of the tempest-god Perkunae, who hurled forth fiery snake-lore. We have a snake who was the genius snakes upon his enemies, is a good example of loci of a field (kshetradératá) (Paschatantra, I. the lightning anake.
244, and 1.), and many stories of marriages The last stage of deification through which the between snakes and earthly maidens. The birth serpent has passed is the abstract idea of of Salivahana, as described in the Viracharita, is eternity in the shape of the enake in the form of a good example of this. He was the son of
closed ring. The Indian examples need not be Sesha, the king of the snakes. Only the other quoted here. The Orphic God Æon and even day story went round the Indian newspapers Chronos are also so represented.
of a snake becoming enamoured of a woman (see After these introductory remarks Dr. Winter Inte, Vol. VII. page 44). nita proceeds to discuss more particularly the Amongst the Buddhists, the Nagas were counted Serpont-oult in India. In the Rig Veda Indra's 88 gode, ranking eighth in the list of beings. There contest with Vritra is well known. A formula are many stories conneoting Buddha with snakes, of the Atharva-Veda against snakes prays at the and we find in Buddhist tales instances of
ne time to snakes. Viraj went first to the snake-charms which closely resemble the Vedic • [The following extracts from Wide Awake Stories water will keep them out. Tale: serpent issuing from (Psdjáb Folktaler) may be of the in this connection:- queen'a nostril as thin a thread, kills the king (elected
(1) Survey of Incidents in Modern Indian Folktales: daily) every night, is killed by hero. References are Serpents: Arst kill and then restore to life hero's oom- Wide Awake Stories, 139 ff., 198 ff.; Old Deccan Doys, 121 papion, show hero how to get serpent out of his throat, Polktalen of Bengal, 21, 18 f., 100; Legends of the Punjob, destroy a family leaving only sleeping beauty, kill and Vol. I., 47 , 154-5, 177, 179 ff., 180, 181, 183, 189, 416, 481, restore to life bero, also heroine's bullocks, also heroine, 187 , 188, 185, 198, 502, 520 ff. aid hero, mast resume their shape at night if they travel, (ii) For modern instances of the Snake-demon, Wide potuces power of metamorphosis, an fly through the air, Awake Stories, 141, 826: make-jewel ibid. 304, 847, 424 : are guardians of tron, OAU sooroh and burn by their see slao same pp. for make-stone, make woman, ibid. breath, can put on wings: – palace of glass surrounded 193, 198, 381, 2; spake befriends hero, ibid. 197 ff : father by . ditoh, and wall of needles sprinkled with salt and of snake given hero a wonderful ring, ibid. 198.-R.O.T.]

Page #83

FEBRUARY, 1890.]
MISCELLANEA.
75
formulas already mentioned. The only difference | sacrifice which was to destroy them. The connex. is that instead of cult,' or 'honouring,' the word ion with water is further extended to lakes. The 'love' is used.
valley of Nepal was originally the Naga-Hrada, Not only in literature, but also in sculptures and the Hydru is a water snake. and the like do we see the same serpent-culture.
Finally, in the rainy season the snakus all Siva is the Nagachada or Nagabhoshana, and we come out of their holes and du most mischief. often see representations of the linga encircled
All this accounts for the worship of the snake in by a snake. Sculptures are often given of a male
the rains, and for the fact that it is in the month and female snake in close embrace, the former
of Sravana (July-August) there is prescribed in five the latter with one head. Finally, we the Gyihya-Sätras that ceromony, with which the find many tribes such as the Nagas, and the
sarpabali and the snake-sacrifice are so closely family of the Raja of Chutia-Nagpur, boasting
connected. The ceremony commences on the full of their descent from snakes.
moon of Srivana and continues daily till the end In the Grihya-Sútras, we find the serpent- of the rains, and sacrifices are performed to various cultus closely connected with the rainy reason. gode, specially Agni, with prayers for prosperous In the Vedat, as already remarked, the clouds are rains, and for protection from all danger, espeinhabited by an evil demon, a dragon, who prevents cially from the snake. But at the same time the them giving forth their life-producing drops; and snake is throughout the sacrifice honoured and what we, to the present day, call a war of the addressed. The whole ceremony as laid down in elements,' was then described as Indra's fight the Grihya-Sutras is minutely described by Dr. with the dragon. So also in other mythologies Winternitz, as far as the offerings of flowers and the gods and heroes, Apollo and Herakles, Odin wood. This is followed by the ceremony of the and Sigurd, Thôr and Siegfried ull fight with Barpabali itself which is reserved for the conthe dragon. In the Mahabharata itself we find cluding portion of the article. With this the first memories of the origin of this superstition still portion of a most interesting paper is concluded. lingering, and the snakes determining to bring The second portion is promised in the following rain-clouds to extinguish the fire of Janamêjaya's ' number.
G. A. GRIERSON. NOTES AND QUERIES.
ELVES IN MADRAS. South India has its elves in the kuttichatris, him, is to oblige any person knocking at a door who are mischievous, but not malicious.
to answer four times before admittance, as the One favorite trick is to assume the form of an elves only call three times, and if they get no absent relative and knock at the door of the answer they go away. house. If admitted, he will spoil the house food. You can always tell & kuttichátrí by his having Food that turns sour or bad, when prepared over no feet, and it is as well to examine the lower exnight to stand for the morning, has been the trenrity of all persona entering your house. sport of a kuttichitri! The way to counteract' Madras.
S. M. NATESA SASTRI.
BOOK NOTICES. SELECTIONS FROM THE RECORDS OF THE HLOTDAW,spondence at Rangoon and Lower Burma under • compiled by Taw Sein Ko, Government Translator, the British Government, and is still a souroe of and published by authority. Rangoon, 2889.
much grumbling at Mandalay, where the Lower At the taking of Mandalay, a very valuable Burma style is held to be harah, uncouth, and Record Office and an official library fell to the impolite. British Government, the contents of which have
But apart from their interest as samples of been carefully catalogued, and stored at Rangoon, the India Office, and other places. From time to
style, the present extracts are valuable as his. time Selections of the Burmese Records are
toriopl documents, and as an index to modern
Burmese customs and manners. They aru divided being published, and the volume before us, which is entirely in Burmese, contains extructs from the
into Royal Orders, Laws, and Regulations, Con.
tracts, Lease and Licenses, Civil and Criminal Records of the Hluttaw (officially Hlutdaw for some occult reason) or Priry Council Chamber.
Law Proceedings, Letters to and from Provincial
Officiale, Papers relating to the Shân States, MeraoThe main object of the recorde would appear to
randa and Instructions, and Ecclesiastical Papers. be to note the style in which official Burmese WHS written at the Court. This differs con- As an instructive commentary on the Edicts of siderably from that in vogue in official corre. ' A söka und similar documents, and the danger of
im polite.

Page #84

76
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1890.
laying too much stress on such, as indications of Admiralty was confined to the rivers) for taking the public character of a ruler, we may cite the bribes. There is an application to recover arrears following Royal Orders of King Thibaw, contained of monopoly revenue and a complaint about the in these extracts. He commands that in the abduction of a wife. Among the " civil suits," of interests of the Buddhist Religion" copies should which judgments, sentences, and orders are given be made of the Pitakas. He appoints twelve in sample, are several which should attract attentitled sadaws (= say daw = abbot, bishop, chief tion; e.g., those about the property of a deceased of a monastery) to be members of the Ecclesiastical monk, about lands granted by the Burmese king Council. He fixes the date on which Lent was to in feudal tonure, about claims to shares in inheritbe observed by the Buddhist priesthood in the ance of the property of a deceased husband and year 1242 B. E. (1880 A.D.). He commands wife by persons claiming to be separately heire of qualified monks to recite the Vibhata Vibhanga each, about the testamentary disposition of his at the Myênandaw Palace" at Mandalay). Hecom. estate by a man who had chuldren by two mar. mands the holding of the annual examinations in riages ; about the division of an estate left by a the Buddhist Scriptures in the Thudama Hall (at grandmother and an aunt, and of another between Mandalay). He commands the ministers "to the wife and child and a "lesser" wife of the make arrangements for His Majesty's visit to the deceased. Shân life is exhibited in the sentence MahAmyàtmuni Pagoda (the Arakan Pagoda' of in a case of " raiding into complainant's territory Europeans at Mandalay) for the purpose of unveil on the part of a Shån magnate ing the image of Gautama Buddha and offering a Peeps into Burmese Court and official life are crown to be placed on it." And sandwiched among
to be got in the letters to officials and vice versd. these religious "orders" we find one abolishing
Thus, an escort is to be provided for " a daughter monopolies ! How purely perfunctory these edicts
presented to His Majesty by the Chief of Mayit. were, all those acquainted with the real facts of
taung," certain people are exempted from contribu. Thibaw's reign must be well aware. At any rate
tions for the maintenance of a cavalry regiment, the abolition of monopolies was purely a paper
and a Shan Chief is ordered to receive presents masure. At the same time Thibaw is exceedingly
from His Majesty "in a respectful manner." learned in the law," a good disputant in matters concerning his religion, and exceptionally well
As regards the Shan States generally there are
I no less than 28 valuable extracts given illustrating posted in the aphorisms connected therewith. Practice was another matter.
their attitude towards the Burmese Court, and
among the Ecclesiastical Papers there are sixteen There are followed by a series of royal orders
which would be worth translating for the behoof granting various important poate, whioh are
of students in general, especially as showing the hardly of interest except for style; but the order
time and attention paid by the Court to matters determining the form of the oath of allegiance
of superstition, which might have been so much and King Pagan's address to his army marching to Hanthawadi (Rangoon) in B. E. 1913 (A.D.
better employed in really coping with the adminis1851) are of general interest, The address was
trative difficulties always present, i.e., presuming not of much Avail, as the army came to signal
that any person belonging to it was capable of grief in 1852
such work. The suoceeding chapters are mainly of interest
A correspondence from the Wungyis (Ministo students of the law and general administration
ters) and Atwinwuns (Secretaries of State) to of such a people as the Burmese. We have rules
the Sayadaws (Abbots, Bishops) about a list of for criminal and civil judicial procedure, and for
monks "learned in religious books" to be sent to Appeals and legal costs, for the guidance of
distant parts of the Empire" for the propagation judges. Instructions also to revenue collectors,
of the Buddhist religion, and the propriety of provincial governors, town and distriot officials and
sending them abroad before the coronation ceremagistrates, and as to the grant of waste-lands
mony of King Thibaw, will awaken many a and the levying of the tháthaméda (capitation) tar.
memory in the minds of Indian scholars. We have also specimens of contracts, leases and
In thus giving a brief outline of this valuable licenses, petitions, complainte, and depositions. work, we have shown, we think, that it would be Here some of the subjects are interesting, as worth the while, of the Burmese Government giving an insight into the life of the people and to have it translated and to produce many more the methods of the late Government. There are like it. Of course, in its present shape, its useful. complaints that a revenue collector had mortgaged ness is very limited, and therefore there is much
us circle and was receiving illegal gratifications, danger of its contents being lost sight of a'ltoand against an admiralty official (the Burmese gether.
R.C.T

Page #85

MARCH, 1890.)
INSCRIPTION ON AN IMAGE OF BUDDHA.
77
AN INSCRIPTION IN A BUDDHISTIC VARIETY OF NAIL-HEADED
CHARACTERS.
BY CECIL BENDALL, M.A. THE present inscription is on the pedestal of a brass image of Buddha, which belongs to
1 Mr. James Robinson, C.E., of Gaya, the chief town of the Gaya District, Bengal Presi. dency, and which seems to have been obtained somewhere in that neighbourhood. It has been incidentally noticed by Mr. Fleet, in his Gupta Inscriptions (Corp. Inscr. Indic. Vol. III.), p. 19, note 1; but it is now considered in full for the first time, from Mr. Fleet's ink-impression, and from the lithograph prepared from it.
Mr. Fleet's account of the image &c., is as follows:- "The image is about 6" high, of which measure about 1'' are occupied by the pedestal or seat. It represents Buddha, squatting on the pedestal or seat, with his legs crossed and the soles of his feet turned upwards. His left hand rests in his lap, with the palm upwards; his right arm hangs down, with the hand resting on the right knee. His head either is covered with a close-fitting beaded skullcap, or else has the hair done op in beaded knobs; and the long ends of the hair are wound up into a top-knot on the centre of the head. In the centre of the forehead, just over the root of the nose, there is a silver dot, or the head of a pin. And from the ears there hang long pendants. A band or ribbon hangs over the left shoulder and under the right arm. The right side of the body is naked; but the left side shews a cloth at the back, with one of the ends of it lying over the left shoulder. The legs seem to be unclothed. The pedestal or seat is triangular, about 4" broad by 2" from front to back, with the angles rounded off. It is hollow. And the inscription is on the bottom side of a plate which forms the bottom of the pedestal, and which, not having been cast as an actual part of the pedestal itself, slides out at the right side of the pedestal where the beaded rim of it has been broken away. Following the shape of the pedestal, this plate is triangular, about 4" by 24", with the angles rounded off. Differing from the image and pedestal, which are of brass, the inscribed plate seems to be of copper. The writing is in a state of perfect preservation, except for some lines or furrows, - caused apparently by the plate having rubbed against some hard substance, - which rather spoil the first akshara in lines 1 and 2. The weight of the image and pedestal is about 1 lb. 12 oz., and of the inscribed plate, about 2 oz.; total, 1 lb. 14 oz." The inscription is as follows : -
TEXT.1 1 Sri-Dharmmavarada-hêtu 11 Sri-Brahmapaatra-Samgha-pra2 vÂls(?) Sri Rajâksha(!)-Yakshapala tatputra Ahavama3 llasya dêyadharmmô=yam II
TRANSLATION, For the sake of Dharmavarada. This is the votive gift of the scion of the Brahmapаutra congregation, Rajáksha (P), Yakshapala his son, Ahavamalla (or, son of Yakshapalita).
In the first two examples of this form of character to which I called attention soon after my discovery of them, a leading feature was a small triangular point at the head of most of the vertical strokes of consonants. Hence I named the character 'arrow-headed,' or 'point
1 From the ink-impression and lithograph.
1 hétu, used at the end of compounds, as an indeclinable and equivalent to artham, ocours in PAli, but is not quoted in Sanskrit.
I am not confident o this roading, as the side-stroke for r is somewhat strange in this position and the sign that I take for v is indistinot, but perhaps scion of the Sangha' is an allowable expression,
• Or perhaps, Yakshapalita-putra.

Page #86

78
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1890.
headed.' Here, however, this feature is wanting and we get in its place the ordinary nailhead' ornament, fairly well-known in Indian epigraphy. It is interesting to note that this, the third specimen of this writing, for I hope to show that it is substantially the same character as that of the other two examples,-is Buddhistic, and comes from Eastern India. Should other specimens be found with these characteristics, one would be tempted to conjecture that it is none other than the bhaikshuki lipi of Albêrûnî, "the writing of Buddha, used in Uduppur in the Eastern Country" (see Sachau's Translation, ch. xvi. p. 173).
In treating of the paleography of this inscription, I shall express myself most briefly by referring to my paper already mentioned, citing it by the pages of the complete volume of the 'Arische Section' in the Congress Transactions. (1) The first, then, of what I have regarded as the three leading features, the triangular top-ornament,-is found in consonants only in the modified, and possibly equally archaic, form of the 'nail-head.' It survives however in the form of medial í, which may be compared with the forms given in the second column of the Table accompanying my paper. (2) The second feature (p. 113), the wedge-like mark on the right-hand side of several letters, is found in the only two of this group that occur in simple (i.e. un-vocalized) form in the inscription, viz. in dha and (less clearly) in la. (3) The third point, the absence of the vertical side-line found in Nagari and kindred alphabets in
and, is maintained here also, though perhaps hardly so clearly in the case of the symbol for ta. (4) Initial vowels. If I read this name Ahavamalla aright, the á corresponds remarkably with the MS. (p. 114). (5) Consonants. Gh corresponds (p. 117), but the straight horizontal top is somewhat modern. P; the double form of this letter is a characteristic feature of the alphabet. The more archaic form, a survival of the simple hook-like sign of the Asôka alphabet, occurs, as I have shown in my previous essay (p. 118), in the combinations pá and pi only. The former may be seen in line 2 of the present inscription. The small crossstroke distinguishing the character from that for d, and similar to the distinction between the Roman C and G, may just be made out. The other form, more modern, but still with open top, is also exemplified here. M is an interesting form, as it shows the transition from the Asôka form, where there is a large loop below the main part of the letter, to the modern form with a small loop at the left-hand side. Y; this archaic form corresponds precisely with that of the MS. Rand; these are highly curious if not unique forms, as I have observed on the corresponding symbols in the MS. L; as a single letter this corresponds with the MS., but in the double form, in line 3, the first part appears slightly more modern. S bears a general similarity to the form of the MS., but the distinction between it and m is in the present document better preserved by the distinguishing addition (here a figure more like a small square than a loop) being placed still higher up on the left hand of the body of the letter. His somewhat more angular in form than in the MS., and herein corresponds more closely with the example of this character found in the Calcutta Museum (Bihâr, 68). (6) Medial vowels. I, t; the short vowel I read with some hesitation in line 2, but the long corresponds well with the unique form of the MS. U; this occurs in both the forms noted in the MS., viz. the curl to the right (here in tu only. and that to the left.
-
-
I refrain from further comment on an inscription, of which I have not seen the original, as I am not sure of my readings of several of the letters. Possibly a further study of this document in connexion with the inscription above cited in the Calcutta Museum may throw more light on both.
p. 22.
Verhandlungen des VII. Internationalen Orientalisten Congresses. Ar. Sect., p. 111. Cf. my Journey in Népôl. [The lithograph, however, is an absolutely exact reproduction of the original.-J. F. F.]

Page #87

Inscription at the bottom of an image of Buddha from Gaya.
「
つまさきさのせいではあってすがり こさログよりもどさうすけ ますます
FULL-SIZE.
Coins of Chalukya-Chandra or Saktivarman.
Coins of Rajaraja II.
2010
23
ささや
なあ。
さい。
をあてて
J. F. FLEET BO. C.S.
FULL-SIZE.
W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LI

Page #88


Page #89

MARCH, 1890.)
COINS OF SAKTIVARMAN AND RAJARAJA II.
79
SOME GOLD COINS OF THE EASTERN CHALUKYA KINGS
SAKTIV ARMAN AND RAJARAJA II.
BY J. F. FLEET, Bo.C.S., M.R.A.S., C.I.E. The class of coins now under examination seems to have been first brought to public notice in 1846 by Lieut. Thos. Latter, who in the Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XV. Plate iii. No. 6, published a lithograph of a coin almost exactly identical with that shewn as A. in the accompanying Plate, and made the following remarks on it (id. p. 240) in his paper on "the Symbolical Coins of Arakan:"-"The coin No. 6, though not belonging to the country, is * represented here, having been found on the seashore of the Island of Ramree with several "others. It is of gold, and thin. The central portion represents an animal like a pig, with a " representation of the Bo-tree above, and a monographic character 8 beneath. Around are " certain characters which an intelligent Buddhist priest declares to be old Cingalese, and to **compose the words Pawaraganran thooradza, commencing from the letter marked (a). The - first letter appears to have been mistaken by him; the first half composing it, being indistinct,
appears to have escaped his attention. The name he gives is that of one of the old kings of "Ceylon."
The only other notice of these coins that I can find, is by Sir Walter Elliot, in his Coins of Southern India (International Numismata Orientalia, Vol. III. Part II.), pp. 51, 54, 66, 67, and . 15: D., and in Plate iii. Nos. 79, 80, where he published excellent autotype facsimiles of the
coins shewn as A. and D. in the accompanying Plate. His description of them (id. p. 152 D.) is as follows:
"No. 79. - Gold. Weight, 650 grains. A large thin plate, having on the Obv. the figure * of a boar in the centre under an umbrella, and two chowries with the taurus symbol, and a lamp " in front of and another behind the animal; around, impressed by separate punches, old “ Canarese letters, reading Sri Chalukya Vallabla. The last word doubtful. Rev. Plain. "Another specimen has been figured by Lieut. Latter in J. A. S. B. XV. p. 240, fig. 6.
"No. 80. - Gold. Weight, 6610 grains. Obv. Similar to the above, the separate letters reading Sri Raja Raja, and a doubtful letter which has been read ndra or rya (pp. 51, 54, 66. « 67, 70). With these compare Nos. 19, 20, of Plate i."
Sir Walter Elliot rightly recognised them as Chalukya coins. But he was not so correct in his further treatment of them ; in consequence of his adhering too closely to the theories regarding panch-coins. And the case of these coins furnishes a pointed instance of the fact that it is useless to build up history on numismatic bases, until the latter have been very carefully tested by and arranged in accordance with epigraphical evidence. Panch-coins' are coins on which the symbols, or the letters of a legend, are each impressed by the separate stroke of a punch; and the first appearance of them in India is allotted to a time "long before the appearance of the die-coinage introduced by the Andhras" (Coins of Southern India, p. 45).
They are, in fact, held to be the first attempts that were made in the direction of a metallic currency, when a desire grew up to avoid the inconveniences of the primitive system of barter. And it is considered that, as the art of coinage developed, "the use of the punch gradually "gave way to the exclusive employment of a matrix or die," which latter "at first was of the "simplest form, and appears to have been a reversal of the superior action of the punch by "striking the gold plate upon the single symbol placed below, and then adding the additional "symbols by the old-fashioned process around the central device, leaving the other side or " reverse plain, except where it shows the grain of the anvil or basis on which it rested" (id. p. 54-55). And it is undoubtedly owing to an opinion that the making of punch-coins quite died out when the art of coinage from matrices or dies had fully developed itself, that Sir Walter Elliot came to speak of these particular coins as being "the oldest specimens of gold punch coins hitherto discovered" (id. p. 51), and to stamp them as being "apparently the second step in advance from the primitive form" (id. p. 54). He further described the characters of the legends

Page #90

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1890.
as belonging to the fifth or sixth century A.D. (id. p. 67). And noting that the specimens obtained by himself " were found imbedded in the sand of the island of Ramree, the result of some ancient wreck" (id. p. 51); that "they have not hitherto been found within the limits of India proper" (id. p. 66); and that "the only authentic instances of their occurrence have been on the shore of the island of Ramri, though others have been brought from the kingdom of Siam" (id. p. 66, 67), the conclusion at which he arrived, was, that their occurrence in such distant localities might be explained by the exploits attributed to the Early Chalukya king Mangalêsa, including "expeditions by sea" and a conquest of Rövatidvipa. Mr. Wathen, following Col. Wilford, had suggested that this place might be Sumatra. While Prof. Wilson had given the opinion that it might have been an island off the coast of Malabar. Sir Walter Elliot, however, thought that the discovery of these coins on the coast of Arakan and in Siam, was in favour of : more distant locality; and he plainly seems to have been inclined to identify Rêvatîdvîpa with Ramri itself, though he does not expressly say so. His final conclusion (id. p. 67) was that, if his surmise was correct, we might suppose these gold pieces "to have been coined by Maugalisa or one of his predecessors before the siege of Banawasi, when the conqueror, struck by the beauty of the padma-tankas" of the Kadambas of that city, "adopted them as a model in substitution of the ruder type which formerly prevailed in the Chalukya mint."
As regards Mangalêśa, however, there are no indications that he made any distant expeditions by sea. All that the Miraj grant says of him, is, that he was powerful enough to invade all islands, and that, crossing the ocean by means of bridges of boats, he effected the plundering of Revatidvipa (ante, Vol. VIII. p. 13). While the Aihole inscription simply says that, when he was reducing Rêvatidvipa, his mighty army, which had beset the ramparts, was reflected in the water of the ocean, so that it seemed to be the army of Varuņa, which had come at his command (ante, Vol. VIII. p. 243 f.). This indicates an attack on a fortress on the seashore. And Prof. R. G. Bhandarkar (Early History of the Dekkan, p. 37 f.) has pointed out that Bovati was probably the old name of Roại, a few miles to the south of Vengurla. Radi (the * Reree' of the map, Indian Atlas, Sheet No. 41, Lat. 15° 45' N., Long. 73° 44' E.) is a town and port in the Ratnagiri District, Bombay Presidency; and the map shews a large fort, commanding the entrance to the creek which forms the port, beyond which there juts out a large promontory to the west, on the south of the fort. Whether this fort is of any great antiquity, I am unable to say. But I. notice that the map shews also, at the . mouth of another creek on the south side of the promontory, another fort, the name of which is entered as Terekhol.' Probably in ancient times this promontory was a regular stronghold, protected by fortresses where the two now stand, and by fortifications between them; and doubtless it was not so well guarded towards the sea as inland; so that an attack on it would be made from one or other of the creeks by means of boats or a bridge of boats. And there can be little doubt, if any, that this really is the place assaulted and plundered by Mangalêsa; the word dvipa, lit. that which has two waters, i.e. water on two sides,' being applied to it in the sense of a 'peninsula or promontory,' not in the more usual meaning of an island.
The island of Ramri, spoken of above, is an island, with a town of the same name, off the coast of British Burma, in the Kyouk-hpyû District, separated from the mainland of Arakan by a narrow but deep channel; it lies between Lat. 18° 51' to 19° 24' N., and Long. 93° 28' to 940 E. And close on the south-west of it, separated by what is known as the Cheduba Strait, there lies the smaller island of Cheduba, with a town of the same name, where also, as will be seen, some of these coins have been obtained.
It is curious that these coins should be found only in those localities and in Siam, at such a distance from Sonthern India across the Gulf of Bengal. But, curious as is the fact, the proper assignment of the coins is perfectly easy, and entirely free from doubt. And in connection with numismatic theories, they prove conclusively that the making of 'punch-coins' was at least occasionally revived, long after the time when the use of the die had been fully introduced.

Page #91

COINS OF SAKTIVARMAN AND RAJARAJA II.
81
MARCH, 1890.]
In the first place, I have to point out that even the characters in which the legends are given, leave no doubt whatever that the coins belong to a period later by at least about four centuries than the time to which Sir Walter Elliot referred them. And in the second place, the six coins of which I have been able to give representations (see the Plate facing page 78 above), chiefly through the kindness of Mr. E. J. Rapson, of the British Museum, in making casts for me; give the names of two well-known kings of the Eastern Chalukya dynasty, belonging to just the period that suits the paleographical standard of the legenda.
A. is one of Sir Walter Elliot's coins, now in the British Museum, and is the one shewn in Coins of Southern India, Plate iii. No. 79; its weight is 65-9 grains. B. also belongs to the British Museum, having been presented by Mr. U. Shwé Bu; weight, 66-2 grs. And C. belongs to General Pearse; weight, 661 grs. The reverse sides of these coins, as also of D. E. and F., are quite plain; except that, the coins being thin, the punch-marks show through on the backs of them more or less distinctly throughout. The centre part of each coin is occupied by a group of emblems; and it may be noted here that the same punch does not appear to have been used on any of these six coins, either in the emblems, or in the legends. The leading emblem is a boar, of the usual Chalukya type, standing to the proper left. Under the snout of the boar there is, not the Pâli ma, as was supposed by Lieut. Latter; nor the taurus-symbol, as Sir Walter Elliot thought, but on A. and B. the Old-Kanarese character ra, and on C. ka; what these letters may denote, however, I am unable to say. Directly over the boar, and separated by a line, there seems to be an umbrella, expanded, with a chauri on each side of it. And in front of the boar, and behind it, there is a lamp-stand. Round these emblems there is a Sanskrit legend, in seven letters of the so-called Old-Kanarese alphabet; beginning on C. directly over the boar; on A. a trifle to the proper left; and on B. still more to the left. On B. and C., as also on D. E. and F., the last character of the legend is very indifferently formed, and in fact hardly resembles at all what it was intended for; but it is clear enough on A. The other characters have, on all the specimens, been formed with more care. And the whole legend on these three coins is distinctly recognisable as śri-ChalukyaChandrasya, "of the glorious Chalukya-Chandra." The person thus referred to is the Eastern Chalukya king Saktivarman, who reigned over the kingdom of Vengî for twelve years, about A.D. 1000 to 1012. He is mentioned by his proper name of Saktivarman in line 19 of the Chellûr grant (ante, Vol. XIV. p. 56); and by his biruda or secondary name of Chalukya-Chandra, the moon of the Chalukyas,' in line 49 of the Korumelli grant (id. p. 52).
D. is the other of Sir Walter Elliot's coins, also now in the British Museum, and is the one shewn in Coins of Southern India, Plate iii. No. 80; its weight is 66-4 grains. E. and F. also belong to the British Museum, having been presented by Mr. H. Foster, who obtained them on the island of Cheduba; their weights are, respectively, 66-6 and 66-8 grains. Each of these three coins has in its centre the same emblems, described above; but there is a difference in the characters below the snout of the boar; that on D. being ra, as in the case of A. and B.; while on F. we have vi, and on E. apparently the same. The legend round the emblems on these three coins, consists of six characters, of the same alphabet as on A. B. and C.; on D. it commences in front of the boar; on F. almost directly over it; and on E. in an intermediate position. Allowing for the very indifferent execution of the last character, the whole legend on these three coins is distinctly recognisable as śri-Rajarajasya, "of the glorious Rajaraja." And here the reference is to the Eastern Chalukya king Rajaraja II., the nephew of Chalukyachandra-Saktivarman, who succeeded to the throne of Vengi in A.D. 1021, and reigned for forty-one years.
From a memorandum which was sent in by Mr. U. Shwé Bu with the coin presented by him, and was handed over to me by Mr. Rapson, it appears that in Ramri and Cheduba these coins are known by the name of shwe-tha-bya; and that, as to the circumstances under

Page #92

82
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1890.
which they came there, there is the following tradition, which very possibly indicates the truth about the matter, viz. that they were sent from India as religious offerings : -
"About two thousand years ago, during the time of king San-da-thu-raja of Arakan, Gautama Buddha went there from India. The king did worship to the Buddha, being much attracted by his preaching. And when the Buddha was about to return to India, the king and his subjects asked for permission to preserve and worship an image in memory of him. The Buddha assented. And then the king sent out notices to all the Buddhist kings, asking them to contribute metal, according to their means, for the fashioning of an image of the Buddha. With the contributions that came in, there was fashioned in seven metals, gold, silver, brass, copper, &c., an image which is now in Mandalay. Some of the kings brought their contri. butions to Arakan in person. Others started to do so, but did not arrive in time, and so the offerings brought by them were of no use, and had to be taken away again. On the way home, some of them happened to come to the island of Man-aung (Cheduba); and finding it uninhabited, - [and, I suppose, not wishing to apply to any worldly use articles which, though not actually accepted for a sacred object, had been dedicated to it,] - there they buried in the ground the metals which they had taken with them as religious offerings."
THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI. BY E. SENART, MEMBRE DE L'INSTITUT DE FRANCE. Translated by G. A. Grierson, B.C.S., and revised by the Author.
(Continued from Vol. XVIII. page 309.)
CHAPTER III. THE DETACHED ROCK EDICTS. 1. THE EDICTS OF DHAULI AND OF JAUGADA, No part of our inscriptions has, I think, profited so much by the publication of the Corpus, as the two edicts which I now propose to study. Not only does it render the version of Jangada for the first time accessible, but in a great many instances it rectifies readings given by Prinsep for Dhauli. Dr. Kern has also again taken up the interpretation of both the inscriptions, and has published a new transcription and a new translation in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society. I need hardly say that he has thoroughly improved the version of Burnouf. Nevertheless, our present knowledge of these monuments is still at a stage when the last word is not yet said, with regard either to the reading or to the interpretation. I owe to the inexhaustible kindness of Mr. Burgess the communication of new rubbings of both the rocks; and it is very doubtful if, after so experienced and skilled a hand has passed over them, further examination will bring us more light in the future. Unfortunately the preservation of the rock is very imperfect, especially at Jaagada, where it seems to have undergone intentional mutilation. At any rate, these rubbings have permitted me, as we shall see, to correct General Cunningham in the reading of several passages, and to submit to
1 Since the work, here translated, was published, these two inscriptions have been studied anew by Prof. Bühler (Journ. Ger. Orient. Society, XL, 1, and ff.). It would lead me too far, should I undertake to introduce here into my commentary and translation the various changes which are necessary, either to embody the progress, which my learned friend has not failed more than once to make towards realizing the exact meaning of the text, or to uphold such of my interpretations as still appear to me to have been unduly rejected. I, besides, consider it necessary that my essay should keep its chronological place in a study which at some future period will certainly be taken up again. I therefore content myself with entering below my original text, line by line, the readings of Prof. Bühler, whenever they differ from mine. No doubt, his revision, founded as it is upon a more recent attempt and upou better documents, will in most case prove more trustworthy than all previous deciphermente. Of course, the differences bear generally on minute details, and the cases are few where these variants are such as to modify the palæographical basis on which my explanations had to rest.-TRE AUTHOR.

Page #93

MARCH, 1890.)
THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI.
83
a decisive test the correctness of various conjectures of my predecessors. Even when they do not introduce new elements to our consideration, the experienced reader will understand how much security the direct inspection of these immediate and necessarily accurate reproductions gives to the commentator. They bring us, I consider, sensibly nearer a definite understanding of the two texts, and all Indian scholars will share my gratitude to Mr. Burgess.
The order according to which the two edicts are numbered has only a secondary importance. It is simplest to preserve that which has been introduced by Prinsep, and which, adhered to by Burnouf, has become in a manner traditional. It is moreover recommended by a further reason which was not noticed by the earliest interpreters; the two edicts, while resembling each other in their general tone, differ essentially in the fact that one refers only to the subjects of the king, and the other to the frontier populations not incorporated in his Empire. It is natural to arrange them in the order which the two interests ought to have occupied in the thoughts of Piyadasi.
FIRST EDICT. Prinsep, J. A. S. B., 1838, pp. 434 and ff.; Burnouf, Lotus de la Bonne Loi, pp. 671 and ff. Lassen, Ind. Alterth., I. p. 268, n. 1-5; Kern, Jaart. der zuyd. Buddh., pp. 101 and ff.; J.R A. S., N. S., XII., pp. 384 and ff.
TEXT.2 DHAULI.
JAUGADA. (1) Dêvânampiyasa vachanêna
Dévânampiyê hêvam Aha [:] tôsaliyam mahâmâta naga
samåpåyam mahâmâtî nagalaviy halaka (2) vataviyam [-]
laviyðhâlaka hê . vataviy [:] a kichhi dakhâmi hakam
am kichhi dakhâmi hakam tam ichhami kimti kam , na
tam ichhami kimti kamana pativêdayêham (3) du vålatê
paţipâtayêham20 (2) duvâlatê cha ôlablehang [:] [ga cha mê
cha Alabhehan [:] êsa cha mê môkhyamata duvale êtasia
mokhiyamata
duvâlam thasi am tuphêsu (4) anu
am tuphêsu
anu
. Professor Bühler's readings :FIRST EDICT.
DHAULI. 1. 1. hAlakA.
1. 14. sampatipada, 1. 2. . . vataviyao; Okammana.
1. 16. manéatilêke; minê chu e'. 1. 5. 'atha.
1. 17. Osatha ta .... Ananiyamo; sotaviya. 1.6. ti tathA..muni.
1. 18. otisê khanasi khanasio. 1. 7. "iyat athe ke"; dékhate hi'.
1. 19. likhita hio. 1. 8. Rhôti.
1. 20. nagalaviyohalak&o; opalibôdhê va. 1. 9. cha .. bahujane
1. 21. Cathaye. 1. 11. °siyena kilamathêna.
1. 23. kalaṁtio; Opi cha kumAleo. 1. 12. jAtao.
1. 24. otimnio; takhasilatê 1. 13. Rugachh, sain
1. 25. ah&payitao.
JAUGADA. 1. 1. he.ro va ; kuhmana
1. 7. CuthAyê samo; Ovajitaviya pio; "yê hêvarn hêvar 1.2. Ayata pao; savnmunise.
chao; oss anusathi. 1. 3. palalókikêna hé: senu no cha tuphê état pâpu. 1. 8. kuté manes . natha Avagamake.
1. 9. alậpi kha, na s. taviya ek.. pi .. va--manê 1. 4, otho , oman Atio; dela nể sao; phê hieuvitao;
chabahuka athi veo; sarh hi pa ; ®tata hôti aka 1. 10. Cath&yeo; Olipido; 'yain yu .yu ti.nd hi1. 5. bardhanartika .. chao: vêdayati"; "hi ichhio; 1. 11. OnikhimayisAmt"; "achandar aphalahata. vachanel8 Pis&yco.
i. Ale 1, 6. "anavutiye Alasyênao; "niti e yar'.
11. 12. - Ajavachanika ada; kathmané. ni pi.n

Page #94

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1890.
sathi [] tuphê hi bahusû pânasahasêsu Âyatâ panayam gachhêma sumunisanam. [-] savê (5) munisé pajâ mama [] atha pajâyê ichhami hakam kimti savêna hitasukhêna hidalôkika (6)pálalókikâye yujêvúti....5 munisêsu pi ichhami hakam [:] nô cha pspunatha ấyuga - (7) makes [:) iyan atha kêchha va êkapulisê manati étam sê pi dê sam nô savan? [:] dêkhaté hi tuphê êtam (8) suvihitapi niti [] iyam ekapulise pi athiyê bardhanàn và palikilesano và pấpunati [.] tata hôta (9) akasma tênalo bamdhanamtika [] amnê cha .. kujanê daviyeli dukhiyati [] tata ichhitaviyê (10) tuphêhi kimti majham paţipâdayêmáti12 [] imehi chu jatêhi13 nổ sampatipajati isaya âsulôpêna (11) nithûliyêna talanâya anâvûtiya alasiyêna kalamathéna [] sê ichhitaviyê kimti êtê (12) jata nở huyệou mamậti [:] êtasa14 cha savasa mûlê anasulope atûlanâ cha nitiya : ê kilatê15 siya (13) na sê ugachha samchalita viyê tu vajitaviye êta vipề và [:] hếvammêva ê dakhiyê taphaka16 [] têna vataviyê (14) amnam mê dễkhata17 hếam cha hêvam cha dêrânampiyasa anusathi [] sê maha. lês êtasa sampatipade (15) mahaapâyê asampati pati [] vipatipadayaminêhi19 êtam nathi svagasa aladhi nô lâjâladhi [:] (16) dukhalê20 hi imasa kaṁmasa mekuté manaatilêkê [:] sampatipajamîne cha êtam svagam (17) áladhayisatha t ..... naniyam êhatha21 [:) iyam cha lipi tisanakhatêna22 so viyam (18) amtalậpi cha tisena khanasi kha .. si ekêna pi sôtaviya [.) hêvam
sathi (1) phê30 hi bahûsu panasahasêsu â . . pana . gachhêma sumunisanam save munisê (3) paja [] atha
pajâyên ichhẩmi kimtime31 savêna hitasukhêna yojêyîti hidalogikapalalokikyên hêmêva mê ichha savamunisêsu [:] . . . . . papunâtha kvagamakê [] (4) iya atha kêch êkapulise pi manati se pi dêsam ne savam [:] dakhatha
hi t aphê pisuvita pi32 [] bahuke athi yê33 étiekamunisê bamdhanam palikilêsam pipapanâti [] tata. ta aka (5) små têna bamdha
_ cha vagé bahukê vêdayanti [] tata tuphehi . chhitayê kimti majham patipatayêma [] imehi já têhi n ð sampațipajati isaya asalopêna nithuliyêna (6) tulaye anâvûtiyê alasiyêna kilamathêna [0] hêvam ichhitaviyê kimti mê êtani jitani nô hìyuti [:] savasa cha iyam mulê anâsu. lôpê atulanâ cha niti iyam34 e kilaîtê siya na (7) samchalitu uthi35. sanchalitaviyê tu vajitaviyê piêtaviyê pi : nîtiya ê vê dêkhêyi36 [] amna
nê nijhapêtaviyê hêvam . .. cha dêvånampiya .. nusathi [] - (8) tam mahậphale hôti
asampațipati mahapâyê hôti
[] vipatipåtayamtam
nô37 Svagalladhi nổ . lâjadhi [:] dukhale
êtasa kamasa samese kute ma
-ma. nê (9) cha â nanêyan ésatha svagan c ha Alêd hayisatha [:] iyam cha lipi anutisam sôtariya lậpiva. nasåtatilâ ê . ka pi39

Page #95

MARCH, 1890.]
THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI.
85
-(10) tave [] êtâyê cha athâyê iyan . khitâ lipi e na mahâmâtâ nagalaka sasvatam samayam . . ka y a ênâ
cha kalamtam taphê (19) chaghatha23 sampaţipâdayitave [:] êtâye athầyê iyam lipi likhita hida ena (20) nagalaviyopalakå sasvatam samayam yajêvůti nagalajanasa akasmåpalibôdha va (21) akasma palikilêsê va no siyâti (0) êtâyê cha athâyê hakam dhaṁmate pamchasu pamchasu vase-(22)-su 25 nikhâmayisâmi e akhak hasê achamda sakhinalambhê hồsati [1] êtam atham janito tatha (23) kalati atha mama anusathiti26 [] ajênitê pi cha kumâle etâyê va athâyenikhâmayisati (24) hêdisaṁm eva vagam27 nô cha atikamayisati tini vasâni (1) hêmê va tâkhasilâtê pi [] ada a ... (25) tô mahamata nikhamisamti anusayanaṁ28 tada ahậpayita atane kammam êtam pi jânisamti (26) tam pi tatha kalamti atha lajine
annsathiti
(11) pamchasu pamchasu vasêsu anusamyånam nikhamayisami mahâmâtam achamdam
phalahata Vâchênele
ajêniku
tasate
mâle
-
(12) anusamyanam atanê kammar
javachanika10 tada
nikhamisamti -
NOTES.
DHAULI. 1. Vataviyar for vataviya. Comparison with Jaugada leaves no doubt as to the plural, contrary to the opinion of Burnouf.
2. The difficulty of this sentence resides in the words which follow kimti. The reading annan given by the facsimile of the Corpus is not tenable, and there is no room at Dhauli for the four letters supposed by the conjecture arnain ena of Dr. Kern. Unfortunately the parallel passages are either incomplete (at Dhanli in the 2nd Edict) or (at Jaugada) are not particularly clear, and moreover both contain one character too many. I have, however, little hesitation as to the correct reading. Trusting to the first and third letters (which are very distinct in Mr. Burgess's facsimile), I complete the word as karn[me]na. Jangada lends itself well to this restoration, so far as regards the three last characters. As regards the first, which is certainly ka in the 2nd Edict, and probably also in the first, our only resource is to consider it as an erroneous repetition. We shall see lower down, how the Jaagada text prdeents to us enough examples of very similar pieces of carelessness to justify this conjecture, especially with the evidence of Dhauli, which certainly had only three letters. On the other hand, Jangada suggests a useful correction for the next word; for, if following the reading patipd. tayéham (of. lower down, line 5, where patipátayéma corresponds to paripádayóma of Dhaali), we correct the Dhauli reading to pațipadaye hash, we obtain a translation very consistent with kaiména ; All the views which I entertain, I desire to have brought into practice,' literally, 'to have them practised in fact,' - & very natural antithesis between, on one side, the thought, and, on the other, the action, Dakh, therefore, takes here a special shade of mcaning; it is

Page #96

86
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1990.
to see in the sense of recognising, believing. We may compare the common use in Buddhist language of drishți to mean theory,' doctrine,' and thence, in particular, 'a doctrine which is peculiar, heretical.' Dr. Kern has well explained duvála by the Sanskrit dvara, which we must take in its figurative sense of means.
3. Dr. Kern has rendered an essential service to the understanding of the whole of this passage, by recognising in the base tupha, the Prâksit tumha (cf. Hémachandra, Ed. Pischel, III. 31, &c.), instead of the stúpa, which misled Prinsep, Lassen and Burnouf alike in interpreting the whole edict (cf. Jaartell. der muyd. Buddh., p. 102). We shall see, lower down, that our rubbings permit ns to add a new form to those which he has recognised. Here they establish a perfect harmony between the two passages, by giving us the reading tuphêsu ; while as regards the analogous forms, aphakam, aphesu, for the pronoun of the first person, see below in the 2nd det, edict. We may take am as a neuter and refer it to dvaras, or we may consider it as another spelling of the feminine ya, and connect it with anusathi; in either case, the sense remains the same. The principal means of action, according to Piyadasi, are the instructions which he imposes upon his officers.
4. Regarding byata, see above Col. Ed. VIII. 1.; IV. 3 and note. With regard to what follows, repeated examinations of the rubbings have convinced me of the correctness of the reading panayam, which, with gachhéma (the word is perfectly clear), gives a very natural construction. The only matter of doubt, and it is not of great importance, is as to what is the subject of gachhéma. It would seem most natural that it should be the king himself, who is speaking ; 'I have appointed you that I may gain the affection of good men.' But Piyadasi rarely speaks of himself except in the singular, and besides, it seems to me that pranaya
affection,' is too modest and familiar a term to be used with reference to the king. I think, therefore, that the verb has for its subject the mahámátras themselves. We should, strictly, expect an iti at the end of the sentence, which however is often wanting in analogous cares; and I understand that the king appointed these officers with the intention that they should set themselves to gaining the affection, the confidence, of good men. This view explains the importance attached by the king to the instructions which he delivers to them. The source of their authority is the very confidence which they succeed in inspiring.
5. As a whole this sentence is quite clear. Traces which are apparent on the rubbing leave me little hesitation in restoring it as vúti tatha savamuni-. Tathá corresponds well with the héméva of Jaugada; both are correlatives of the yatha which precedes. We need not divide the sentence after iti, it goes on down to hakarh inclusive.
6. This is the passage in the edict which leaves me in the greatest uncertainty. Unfortunately Jangada has a lacuna here; but the text certainly contained several characters, whether one word or two, more than that of Dhauli. The reading, dukaril, of the Corpus is condemned by the rubbings which have clearly hakan. The sentence therefore only commences with nô. With regard to the verb pápundtha, Dr. Kern seeks in it a third person singular. All analogies are contrary to this interpretation; it can only be a second person plural. Thus not only does the supposed object (dukari corrected to dulchari) disappear, but we are compelled to admit another subject. I believe that Jangada in the indistinct characters at the beginning of the sentence gives us both. The reading no cha tuphe appears to me to be almost certain. I dare not be so positive as to the two following characters. It is very probable that the second was a t; and the former one can in that case hardly be anything but an e. It is certain, at any rate, that the traces on the stone do not prohibit this suggestion. We are 'thus driven to translate the first words, and you will not obtain that.' It becomes at the same time clear, without our being compelled to assume any material error of the engraver, why the text of Dhauli omits the words tuphê and étan. The second person implies of itself that the king here addresses, as above, his officers, and an object so vague as étan, which only refers in a general way to the idea which the king has just expressed, can be omitted without too great

Page #97

MARCH, 1890.]
THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI.
87
obscurity. A little lower down we shall meet the inverse case, when étan as an object, after dékhata, is expressed at Dhauli and omitted at Jangada. There remains kva (or va gamale, which Dr. Kern understands as the Sanskrit yávad gámyakara, yávadgamyan, 'as much as possible.' I must confess that I have many doubts as to this interpretation. This pleonastic use of the suffix ka, though common enough in Prakrit, is rare in the language of our inscriptions. But I have nothing better to propose, and moreover this explanation agrees excellently with my general translation of the whole sentence, and allows me to distinguish more accurately the general purport of the phrase. Gam and práp are, as used here, essentially synonyms. The king accordingly says to his officers, 'I desire the welfare of all men; and in this matter, you are not yet attaining to all the results which are obtainable. Hence the new and more precise instructions which he immediately gives. We may join iyarn to this sentence without materially changing the moaning, but I prefer to connect it with what follows for two reasons; first, because this arrangement establishes between the two next sentences, iyasi athi kecha ..... ; iyan ékapulisé pi athi ...., a formal parallelism which exists also in their ideas; and second, because it is improbable, supposing that I have deciphered Jaugada correctly, that the same object should, in the same sentence, at a distance of only two words, be referred to at one time by étain, and at another by idarn. There is no more difficulty in taking iyan as a representative of the masculine ayan, than in considering it as equivalent to the neuter idan; for everywhere here the distinction between masculine and neuter is completely obliterated (cf. above, Col. Ed. II, note 1).
7. In order to understand this sentence and the following ones, it is important to note the general parport. A very instructive symmetry, between entire periods, rules the whole passage. We have successively three propositions : iyan athi - ékapulise ....., iyan ékapulisé athi ...., arine cha bahujano ...., which are all counterparts of each other. Each points out a fact which is a matter of regret to the king, and is followed by another proposition, in which he indicates to his officers how they ought to cure the evil : dékhata hi trphé..., tata hôta ..., tata ichhitaviyê. It will be seen how clearly the formal parallelism manifests itself. The first sentence, which immediately claims our attention, requires only one correction, viz. atha into athi or athi (to judge from the rubbings, the difference between 0 and O is in the whole of this passage hardly distinguishable): a comparison with athi in the sentence iyani ékapulisé pi athi leaves no doubt in the matter. For the general meaning of the whole passage, the 7th of the fourteen edicts gives us a valuable parallel : tê (i.e. jana, men) sarvari vá kásainti ékadé sanh và kásanti (G. 1. 2). The objects, sarvan, ékadésari, on the one side, and éta désan, savain on the other, of themselves challenge comparison. Dr. Kern ingeniously refers @kapurusha to kavira, recalling the sense in which the latter is used in a passage of the Mrichchhakati. He takes both in the meaning of a bad, culpable man,' 'a rogue ;' but as ékavira has the accepted meaning of hero,' the passage cited in the play can only be employed in this way ironically. The quotation deals with heroes, valiant when pillaging the houses of others, but trembling bofore the police. Nothing authorises us to admit for ékapurusha the translation which we reject for élavira. We shall see that the next sentence excludes this interpretation, for the word is used for men who have been imprisoned without reason. 10 on the contrary, natural to attribute to it a value analogous to that of the Buddbist Prindgjum and to that of our individual.' This fits in excellently with the whole sentence. Closely relatert to the indeterminate jana of the 7th edict above quoted, it completes the resemblance between the two passages. The verb alone is different. but manáti may with confidence be explained by the moaning of 'to devote oneself to.' 'to pay attention to,' that is to say 'to respect' the orders wid instructions. I believe, therefore, that in the notes on the 7th edict, I have not accurately define
T'A the value of desa. I derived its meaning from the customary sense of the Sanskrit desa. translation only with difficulty suits the two other passages where the the Fourteen Edicts (G. 1. 3) and in the second detached edict of Dhauli and Jaugada in desayu.
In the first instance the king, after declaring that those who follow his instructions will

Page #98

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1890.
prosper, adds, yo tu étam désam pihápésati so dukatam kasati.' There is no room here for any restriction, and we have been led to take désa in a sense more general than would suit the passage of the 7th edict. It would, of course, be preferable to adopt a translation which could be maintained uniformly throughout all the instances in which the word occurs. This meaning appears to me to be that of order,' 'commandment,' désa being equivalent to samdésa. Ekadésa in the 7th edict will therefore mean one order in particular,' and here we can translate êtam désam by 'such and such an order,' which comes practically to the same thing. There remains désayutika, of the next edict, in the sentence tuphakam désayutiké hôsámi. We shall see that there can be no doubt about the general purport; the king says to his officers: 'It is thanks to you that I shall put my orders into practice.' The meaning which we are led to attribute to désa in the present passage is therefore again verified. The literal translation would be: 'I shall be having from you application to my orders.' Besides this interpretation, one other only is possible: it consists in taking desa in a meaning analogous to its use in Sanskrit, and to translate, I shall have you for substitutes, for lieutenants.' But not only would such a use of désa be very vague, and give an extremely embarrassed turn to the phrase, but we should be thus compelled to state for the word, in that one case, a meaning different from that which is required in the other passages just cited. The former method avoids every difficulty.
88
8. The reading dekhaté is probably founded merely on a fissure in the rock. Jaugada shows, and the pronoun tuphé makes it certain, that we have here a second person plural. The only difference is that Jaugada has dakhatha, that is to say, the new Pâli-Prâkrit termination, while Dhauli preserves the regular orthography of the classic imperative. We have no more sure check for our interpretations than the facility with which they establish a complete harmony between the two versions. It will have been remarked that wherever our rubbings give us new lessons, they tend to render more perfect the agreement between the two texts. Here, nevertheless, they differ in the close of the sentence; but this is only due to a material error in the original. The text of Jaugada is altered and cut short: pisuvita should probably be read hisuvitá, for suvihitá; while, as for the words niti iyam, or simply niti, which is sufficient, they have been carelessly omitted by the engraver. The reading of Jaugada appears actually to be unintelligible, while that of Dhauli lends itself to a satisfactory translation. It is sufficient to supply, as is done so commonly, the verb substantive siya or hôsati, 'look to that,' says the king, and may the rule of conduct be well established,' 'well directed.' İ would refer here to a passage of the 3rd (rock) edict (G. note f, and K. note g); where I believe that I have established, both at Dhauli and Kapur-di-giri, in passages which are unfortunately uncertain as fragmentary, the phrase anuniti. If my conjecture is verified, niti would appear to be applied, exactly as here, to the sum total of moral duties. At any rate, we shall again find this use a little lower down, and it is moreover in entire accord with the classic usage of the word. I may add that Dr. Kern's conjecture, kimti is altogether set aside by the rubbing.
9. The sentence is sufficiently cleared up by what has been said above in notes 6 and 7. Dr. Kern, misled by his general interpretation of the passage, translates pariklésa by 'chastisement.' I need hardly observe that the word does not necessarily imply this shade of meaning, and signifies generally suffering,' torture.'
10. This is cleared up by a comparison with a passage further on (1. 20-21). The king declares that the aim of this edict is to secure by the zeal of the nagaravyavahárakas, that is to say of the same officers as those he is here addressing, that there should be neither Here we can only look for imprisonment nor torture without valid motive (akasma). the same meaning. Thanks to the reading bandhanastika, simply corrected to bandhanastika, with the sign of the plural, the construction is clear, and the only difficulty has reference to tena. The instrumental tena lends itself to no explanation. Some correction or other is unavoidable. At Jaugada the two characters appear with a clearness which excludes all uncertainty as to the reading; but, on the other hand, mistakes of the engraver,

Page #99

MARCH, 1890.]
THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI.
-
89
especially in the notation of vowels, are frequent enough to authorise us to use some liberty. Sanam might be suggested; the plural would refer to the collective singular of the preceding sentence, to the people put in prison. But in that case akasmá handhanantika, akasma being separated from, instead of being connected with, what follows in a compound, could only he translated who without motive deliver from prison,' which would be exactly the opposite of the meaning we require, which is 'who delivers from a prison without motive, from an imprisonment which has no motive.' For my part, I see no other expedient (the translation of the whole sentence leaving no room for doubt) than to read in one single word akasmatanabaidhanamlika, and to admit an adjective akasmátana, formed from akasmá, like chirantana from chiram, and sanátana from sand. I do not forget the difficulty that such long compounds are scarcely consonant with the usages of the language of our monuments; but the present instance is one of extreme simplicity and transparency.
"
11. Daviye, I think, requires correction. Dr. Kern, it is true, recognises in it the Sanskrit daviya; and although I entirely differ from him in the general interpretation of the whole passage, the meaning which he proposes for the word, moreover,' 'besides,' is not necessarily inconsistent with my analysis of the sentence. But, not only does this figurative meaning appear to me to be unacceptable for dúra, above all in a style so level as ours, but the very form, the comparative in iyams instead of dûratara, would be, to my mind, an archaism priori little likely in this language. Unfortunately Jaugada has here an altogether different expression, and, as it represents daviyê dukhiyati by védayati, cannot help us by checking the reading. One point is sure, that we cannot be positive about the vowel which accompanies thevat Dhauli. The stone has just at this place suffered injury, so that it is by no means out of the way to propose to read davayê. As regards the use of the Buddhist davá, we have, the explicit witness of the scholiast cited by Burnouf (Lotus, p. 649), who defines it thus kichchhadhippayêna kiriya. The nearest meaning is therefore violence,' which is confirmed by the Sanskrit denominative dravasyati, in the meaning of to suffer' (paritápa). The king, after referring to the acts of violence and injustice committed under the shadows of administrative and legal authority, now turns his attention to acts of violence performed by private persons on private persons. So far as regards the form, there need be no serious difficulty, even if the reading daviyé is ever definitely verified, in admitting a base davi alongside of davá, especially as the feminine davá is itself a new formation if compared with the bases drava and dravas of classical Sanskrit.
12. The form majham need not surprise us. It is a secondary base formed upon the analogy of the oblique case majjha (Hémachandra, III. 113),. nearly as the forms tuphé, aphe are drawn from oblique cases like yushmé, asme. The object is not expressed, being understood from the neighbouring nominative bahujané.
13. I have previously (1st Col. Ed., 12, 3) insisted on the exact meaning of the particle chu, which is slightly adversative; but,' 'now.' The use of játa, which we find here, is, so far as I know, entirely new. The only explanation for it which I can see is to assume that the neuter játam is employed, not, as above, to signify kind,' 'species,' but rather in the sense justified by etymology, of 'native disposition,' 'inclination.' The nature of the terms comprised under this head appear, as we shall see, to justify this conjecture. After having pointed out the evil and the conduct by which he expects his officers to remedy it, the king now enumerates the qualities necessary to render their action efficacious. Hitherto the terms which follow have been assumed to be vices and imperfections with which the king would reproach men in general; but that is, I think, a mistake which would spoil the sense of the whole passage. I find a twofold proof of this. First, the way in which sampatipajati and patipalayema (the concluding word of the last sentence) are brought close together, is evidently intentional. In each case the verb must be expected to refer to the action of the same persons, that is to say, both here and above, to the officers of the king. Secondly, the manifest

Page #100

90
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
MARCH, 1890.
parallelism between the commencement of the following sentence, sé ichhitaviyé, &c., and the commencement of the preceding one, tata ichhitaviye tuphêhi, indicates that both concern the same subject, the officers of the king. Moreover, the proposition set forth in the direct style, which winds up with mama, can scarcely be placed in the mouth of any one but these officers, whom alone the king addresses in this proclamation. I conclude, therefore, that the defects enumerated here are those against which Piyadasi warns his representatives when employed in carrying out his mandates. You must,' he tells them, desire to set men in the Good Way. But there are certain imperfections which will prevent your succeeding, and of which you should endeavour to free yourselves (été játá nô huvévu mamati). Amongst these defects, there are several terms of which the meaning has been misconceived. The reading dsulopa, which is certainly correct, as may be judged from its repetition in several passages, excludes at once both Burnouf's translation le retranchement de la vie, le meurtre,' (which, not to mention other difficulties, would presuppose a spelling asulópa) and the conjecture asulosa, i.e. asurôsha, of Dr. Kern. Asulópa lends itself, in fact, to a very suitable translation; lôpa ordinarily means 'interruption,' giving up;' ásulópa can therefore be translated 'precipitate giving up,' and, consequently, readiness to be discouraged.' It seems to me that the following sentence indirectly confirms this analysis. All this enumeration is in a manner summed up in the two terms ásulópa and túland. Every one agrees in recognising in the second of these an equivalent of the Sanskrit tuarana, with the meaning of
hurry.' To this excess of zeal it is very natural to oppose the opposite excess, feebleness and discouragement, and the sentence thus brings together, as the two poles of these defects, various others against which the king wished to take precautions. Burnouf derived anávuti from ávsitti, and translated it 'absence de profession, de travail;' but this meaning, which belongs to vritti, is not used for dvritti. Dr. Kern transcribes it anduriti, and translates unheedfulness. I have already remarked (see above, IV., notes 1 and 9) that the transcription áyukti is the only suitable one in the case of the Columnar Edicts, and even in the present edict, a little lower down, it appears to be guaranteed by the evidence of Jaugada. This is a very strong reason for believing that here, again, the same spelling represents the same word. Anáyukti can be well translated by 'want of application,' and is naturally connected with álasiya. It is unnecessary to recall how frequent in these texts is the use of the verb yuj to signify 'to apply oneself,' 'to make an effort. The last term of the series belongs to the same order of ideas, and it is surprising that its form has not been previously rectified. We must read kilamatha at Dhauli, as we have it at Jaugada ; that is to say, as in Pali, fatigue,' 'indolence.' We must without hesitation abandon the ingenious, but arbitrary and really unsatisfactory analysis of the pandits of Prinsep. The rubbing of Jaugada does away with all uncertainty. The participle leilanta should have set previous interpreters in the right direction,
14. It is clear that éta, as is freqnently the case, sums up the idea implied in what precedes, - the being exempt from the various defects just enumerated. I have some little hesitation regarding the last word of the sentence. Dr. Kern has already conjecturally corrected the reading nitichhan of the Corpus to nitiyan. Nitiyan, i.e. nityár, suits the passage very well. We have seen above (note 8) that niti is employed in several instances with reference to the duties of the maha mátras, and it is therefore natural that the king should direct them to avoid, in their moral propaganda,' both the discouragement and the excess of zeal. But Jangada reads niti yani. We are hence compelled to assume either that the disjunction is due to a mistake of the engraver, or that nitiyar onght, as a matter of fact, to be split op into niti iyanit. In this latter case the two words must form an independent proposition. We must translate, the essential in all this, is to avoid both discouragement and excess of zeal : that is [that which constitutes] the true) method of conduct. I prefer, however, the former hypothesis. It supplies & more natural and more simple construction; and at the same time allows us to state here for níti a sense more exactly in agreement with that which the earlier passages assign to it. On the other hand Jaugada has, further on, nitiyasi which corresponds to

Page #101

MARCH, 1890.)
THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI.
91
nothing in Dhauli, or rather which cannot represent the meaning of the phrase hévamévar, which we meet instead of it at Dhaali. I conclude therefore that this nitiyarn is only an erroneous repetition of the stone cutter, and that, hence, his original had really nitiyan (and not niti iyarn) in the only instance in which it could find a legitimate entry into our text.
15. In this instance, our new rubbings improve the old readings, both at Dhauli and Jaugada in important particulars. The construction is clear. The phrase, as shown by the héva meva at the beginning of the next sentence, contains & comparison, and kilasta, which in a general manner applies to every one who is fatigued, contains an allusion to kilamatha, 'indolence,' or perhaps also to the exhaustion caused by an intemperate zeal, by túlaná. The only word which requires some explanation is ugachha in Dhauli, Jaugada, in this instance, having a different reading. We have in the one case ugachh. and in the other samchalitu uthi., and I do not hesitate to read ugachhé and sanchalitui uthihé, two potentials, the second of which warrants for the first the meaning which, while quite intelligible, is not altogether ordinary, of
to raise oneself,' 'to set oneself in motion. The repetition of api, at Jangada well expresses the insistance with which the king urges activity, and still it is necessary to bestir oneself, to move forward, to go on. On the other hand, the final vá is not admissible, at least unless the king intended to express a particular difference of meaning which I must own I am unable to detect between vrajitavyan and étavyan. I suppose that we should read chá, a correction which appears to be borne out by Mr. Burgess's facsimile.
16. The construction is here somewhat condensed, though there does not seem to be any doubt about the meaning. We have just had dekh or dakh used with reference to the supervision of the mahdmátras. We may therefore translate, So also with regard to the supervision which you have to exercise ;' in it also it is necessary to bestir oneself, to move forward.
17. We might consider the tena as correlative to the ya which precedes, but several reasons lead me to reject this explanation. In the first place téna vataviye is a locution frequently used by the king at the beginning of a sentence and without any syntactic connection with what precedes. Besides this, one feels that a close connexion between the two propositions would impart to the sentence & turn neither clearer nor more convenient. Finally, the words téna vataviyê do not occur in Jangada, and this leads one to conclude that they are not essential to the construction of the sentence, the words which precede being, so far as meaning goes, identical. This being settled, there are two ways of understanding vataviya ; viz. as we supply mayá or tuphếhi to complete the sentence. For this reason I must tell you,' or you must tell (the people). In the first case né, of the sentence following, would refer to Piyadasi; in the second to his officers. Jangada does not lend itself to this equivocal meaning. Nijhapétaviya is already sufficiently known to us from the 4th Columnar Edict (1. 17-18) where we have had rijhapayisanti and nijhapayitá (see note 10). According to precedent we must translate the passage in Jaugada thus, you must bring (the people) face to face with my orders and will say to them), "such and such are the instructions of the king dear unto the Devas." ' It appears that this comparison must be decisive in favour of the former of the two constructions for Dhauli also. One feels nevertheless tempted, to seek, in the phrase vataviya &c., for an equivalent to the causal verb of Jaugada. To make this possible, we must try an altogether different analysis for the words annash and né. The first would be the Sanskrit anyad, the second would be equivalent to no, and we should then translate bring them face to face with nothing else (but only this), "such and such are the intentions of the king dear unto the Devas." But we have hitherto met only a single example of the confusion of me with nô (Kh. XII., 31), and a reference to my notes will show that the confusion is perhaps only apparent, depending merely on an accidental omission. It must also be admitted that the construction last proposed would be very elliptical, and I have therefore the lens hesitation in preferring the former explanation. At the most I would propose, in order to reconcile the two versions, to read at Dhauli dôkch&ta, which would supply a causal verb, as at Jangada.

Page #102

92
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1890.
18. There is no doubt about the correct reading, maháphalé, nor, consequently, about the meaning of the sentence.
19. The i is quite clear both here, in vipatipádayaminéhi, and in sampatipajamine, a little lower down. We have, in dealing with tbe 5th Columnar Edict, drawn attention to the analogous form payamind. It seems, however, difficult to doubt the purely accidental nature of these spellings.
20. Dr. Kern has certainly pointed out the true meaning of duáhala, which he transcribes dvyáhara and which he translates, which gives a double pront. I differ from him as regards the remainder of the sentence. A comparison of the various rubbings leaves me no doubt about our having here, both at Dhauli and Jaugada, not a locative, as Dr. Kern believed, but a genitive étasa (or imasa) karmasa. From this it follows that, as Dhauli has one syllable less than Jaugada, we must admit one of two things; either that a syllable has been omitted at Dhauli after the termination sa of karimasa, or that, at Jaugada, the second sa is an accidental and erroneous repetition. Dr. Kern, adopting the former theory, explains samê kuté as equivalent to sramé lcrité. It is clear, à priori, that in either case one explanation must give much the same meaning as the other. If I decide for the second alternative, it is because I find, in the analysis of the learned professor, several difficulties which it is necessary, in my opinion, to avoid. Dr. Kern transcribes the passage éramakarané nanágatirékah. The locative is scarcely admissible: it is very doubtful whether it is ever formed in é at Dhauli. That difficulty is not, however, decisive ; for it would be sufficient to take managatirékah as an adjective. I attach more importance to the embarrassed turn which the whole construction thus takes. Dr. Kern has felt this so strongly that he transcribes sramakarana, but that is rather an emendation than a transcription. I feel still greater difficulty concerning the compound manugatiréka. In the first place Piyadasi does not usually represent as light and easy the efforts which he demands in the interests of the dharma. It suffices to call to mind only the 10th of the fourteen edicts. More. over, this association of two entirely antithetic words, such as manag and atirêka, which form together an expression which has little neatness to recommend it, is, by reason of both its mannerism and obscurity, contrary to the usual style of the king. I may add that this ase of śrama would be unique in our texts, which, for expressing this meaning, on several occasions use other terms such as parákrama, &c. If we admit, hypothetically, the reading of Dhauli, me could only be the pronoun, and the substantive used as subject must be manaatiléke (or even mandatilé ké, for the vowel is not very clear in the rubbings). The word appears to me to lend itself to a possible analysis as mana-atiréka, i.e. excess of thought,' preoccupation. If the idiom seems to be a little far fetched, the fact may be explained by the desire of tarning substantively (so that it may join easily to the idea contained in dudhala) a familiar expression of the Buddhist style; mê leute manaatiléké is easily explained, when considered as the equivalent of ativa manasikaromi.
21. In spite of the lacuna, the meaning is quite certain. I have hardly any doubt that we ought to restore -satha tuphé né chaánaniyan-. Not only does this reading exactly correspond with the number of characters wanted to fill up the lacuna, but there even appear to me traces in the rabbings which favour the adoption of the syllables tuphê nê. Né refers to the king (so also at Jaugada), just as, above, we had it in the sentence annari né dekhéta.
22. I have already in dealing with the 5th Columnar Edict (n. 8), stated my opinion regarding the date here indicated. As regards the continuation of the sentence, the analysis which Dr. Kern seems to adopt is not quite clear to me as regards either transcription or translation, nor does what he apparently means, entirely satisfy me. In the first place, we should not, I think, in sôtaviya, seek for órávayitavya, the participle of the causal verb, but for that of the simple verb. This point is of importance for the correct understanding of ékéna. Dr. Kern connects it with tisena, which is compatible neither with the position of the words nor with the addition of the particle api. These instructions,' says the king, must be heard at the festivals

Page #103

MARCH, 1890.]
THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI.
93
of Tishya,' here we have to do with a regular and public promulgation,-'and, between times, they must be heard by a man even when alone,'-here we have to do with instructions and reminders addressed to individuals. This translation implies, for the phrase khanasi khanasi, an explanation different from that of Dr. Kern, on any solemn occasion. It is clear that, if he is referring to individual acts of advice, the king would avoid directing his officers to reserve them for certain festivals. Moreover, such is not the usual meaning of kshana, nor in Pali of, for example, the phrase Ichanê khané (of. Dhammap., V., 239), which means at every moment,' at every favourable opportunity.' This meaning suits the present passage very well.
23. As regards the words chaghatha and sampațipadayitavé, see former remarks (Col. Ed. IV., n. 5; 1. n. 2).
24. I have explained the meaning of palibodha when dealing with the 5tb Girnar Edict, (n. k.). The word means 'bond,' fetter.' If there were need of a further proof of this we have an irrefutable one in the present passage, in which palibódha is substituted as a synonym of the bandhana used above (1. 8-9). The reading palikilésé, which is established by the latest rubbings, cuts short, so far as this word is concerned, all difficulty and conjecture.
25. The text of Dhauli appears to omit by accident some rather important words, which give greater clearness of construction to the text of Jaugada. The latest rubbings of the latter appear to have the accusative mahámítani achandain, without any doubt; and it follows that the relative proposition é hôsati, which is the corresponding passage in Dhauli, ought to be taken as containing the object of nikhámayisámi. The absence of mahámátar or some such word, is, strictly speaking, not impossible, bat, on the whole, it is not easy to believe that it was intentional. Dr. Kern has correctly transcribed akhakhase as equivalent to the Sanskțit akarkasah. I think that he is also justified in reading sasakhina, although the latest rubbing would appear to give clearly enough sékhirná. I consider however that he has been misled as to the meaning of lambha. This is a technical term of the language of Piyadasi, and we have already found that it signifies the destruction of life. I see no reason for giving it any other meaning here. One difficulty, however, remains. What is the real drift of that enumeration of qualities belonging to the mahámátra, upon which a peculiar stress is evidently laid by the king ? I shall come back to the matter later on. Here it will be sufficient to state that I consider the anusanyána as being exclusively reserved to the professional Buddhists, and so, in those epithets, mild, patient, never injuring life,' I can only see a periphrastic equivalent of what could have been expressed more shortly by dharmayuta, - 'the mahdmatras who adhere to the Buddhist faith.'
26. This must be compared with the concluding words of the edict. In both passages Dr. Kern understands iti as referring only to the portion of the sentence commencing with tatha: the king implies that his officers have to inquire whether his subjects carry ont his instructions. But this explanation presents several difficulties which render it inadmissible. In the first place, we have here, not janátu or some such word, but jdnitu, that is to say, the participle absolute, which makes this portion of the sentence depend upon kalati. In the later passage api and tam pi, &c., are unintelligible at the commencement of a proposition in the direct style. On the contrary, they emphasize the successive character of the two actions janisanti and kalanti. Etam atharn in the one passage, and étash in the other could hardly refer to something which is to follow. Moreover, if the proposition were meant to define a sort of inquest to which the officers were expected to devote themselves, it would necessarily contemplate both alternatives in the result. The king could not, without too great optimism, expect that they would invariably report that the subjects faithfully carried out his wishes. The form kalati cannot easily be taken as a simple indicative, the form karóti being familiar to the language of our texts. Finally, the agreement in number between & akhakhasé, &c., and kalati on the one hand, and between jánisanti and kalanti on the other hand, indicates that throughout each group the subject is the same. If kalati, in the present passage, referred to the subjects in

Page #104

94
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1890.
general, it could only be in the plural. We are therefore led to the following translation, - that the maha mdtra) knowing these things, should act according to my instructions ; such is the thought which guides me,' and by these words, the king explains his intentions in directing his officers to preside at the quinquennial assemblies. It will be understood that I translate Kalati as a subjunctive. Its form is that of a real Vedic lé. This is not the only trace of the use of this mood left in our monuments. I have already drawn attention to vadhati above (iv. n. 12). Perhaps we have the first person in kalámi [Dhauli vi. 1. 29 (Jangada bas a lacuna). I admit that a comparison with G. seems to indicate a simple present and that the correction to kalómi is easy, but we should only take to corrections as a last resource. Now, at Khálsi, in the parallel passage, we find, not the present, bat the future kachhami. In this place, and the more naturally as the subject is in the first person, the future and the subjunctive are exactly equivalent. Both suit the run of the passage, being associated and co-ordinated with the imperative pativédayantu.
27. A short way above, Jangada (1. 5) employs vaga to represent the bahujana of Dhauli. It is therefore natural to take the word as having the same value here. In the 3rd of the Fourteen Edicts, Piyadasi mentions as the ordinary participators in the anusanyána, in addition to the officers, all the faithful of his belief (yutá). Vaga well describes a numerous assemblage of the kind : hé disa refers to what precedes, and marks the crowd as analogous to that assembled directly by the king himself. Dr. Kern, basing his opinion on the analogy of rukáya in the 12th edict, considers that the word applies exclusively to the officials; but the text of Jaugada in the preceding sentence seems to show that the officials were called to the meetings in question individually; and this circumstanoe, together with the different use of vaga in the present edict, hardly bears out this interpretation.
28. Dr. Kern has joined the last visible character, a, of line 24, with the first of the following line, so as to form one word. He reads ata, equivalent to atra. In Mr. Burgess's facsimile, however, the a appears to have been followed by several characters (as was also admitted by Prinsep) which are now indistinct, and which the lacuna in Jaugada does not help us to restore. Besides this, the reading té being now certain, there can be no doubt about its being the demonstrative, in agreement with mahámátá. For the general meaning of the sentence, see note 26. We must also compare the 3rd of the Fourteen Edicts, where it is said in substance that some officers of the king must attend the anusanyána, as well as to their other duties. Here the thought is identical in substance: the officers are to appear there, without neglecting their other duties. There is, however, one important difference. The first passage summons the rajjúkas or prádésikas to the anusanyána in order there to deliver religious instruction, whereas the ordinary mahámátras, here addressed, are called to those assemblies, with the view that they may receive religious advice and the king's instructions.
JAUGADA. As regards Jaugada, I have only to draw attention to a few details, and to refer the reader to the notes on Dhauli where all the various difficulties have been touched upon, and where the elements will be found which are necessary for filling up most of the lacunas.
29. The engraving of this edict does not appear to have been done with much care. I have said above (Dhauli n. 2) that if, as there seems to be some probability, we must really read - kiiti kakamana, one of the two ka can only be, in my opinion, an erroneous repetition, like, in line 8, one of the two sa in kamasasa mê kuté. So, again, I consider nitiyan, in line 7, to be an instance of the repetition of an entire word. We shall shortly meet with examples of the reverse, where several characters are sure to have been erroneously omitted.
30. Read tuphe. In line 3, mama has been forgotten. In line 8, we have idjadhi for lajáladhi. In line 9, alá for antalá.

Page #105

MARCH, 1890.)
THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI.
95
31. Kintime is equivalent to kirti ime, as again lower down. The personal pronoun has no business here. The place which iti occupies shows that there has been a transposition, and that in the original which lay before the engraver the order of the words was certainly the same as that in Dhauli.
32. I take hilor pi)suvitápi as incorrect for suvihitá pi ; niti has been forgotten. In this version, a kind of fatality seems to be attached to the word.
33. Although the initial y would usually disappear in this dialect, there is no phonetic difficulty in taking yê as equivalent to yah, both here and at Dhauli. At Dhauli, we have had already (v. 21) ye apatiyê mé; so also at Kh. vi., 18; xii. 32, &c.; and in the Columnar Edicts, ii., 16; iv., 3, &c. not to speak of the plural yé, which, at Jangada itself, we find again in line 6 of the next edict.
34. Regarding niti iyan and the nitiyarn of the following sentence, see above, Dhauli, note 14.
35. I have already remarked (Dhauli n. 15) that here there is not a complete agreement between the two versions. The resemblance is, however, at least very close, and I have no doubt that we should read na (s&] sarchalitu[m] uthi[he], 'that person will not get up to put himself in motion,
36. There is here a simple transposition of vowels ; dékhéyi for dekhiye.
37. The form vipafipdayantari, appears at first sight to be incorrect. We should expect either an instrumental, as at Dhauli, or a genitive sipatipátayantánan. But compare, however, the analogous construction with an accusative, - at least an accusative in appearance, - which we have observed in the 7-8th Columnar edict (see note 24). We probably have here a new example of this construction. The singular, instead of the plural as at Dhauli, need not surprise us in a collective sentence.
38. I have already stated (note 1 above) that I consider that we must read -kamasa mé kuté.
39. The ends of all the lines here are anfortunately almost entirely illegible in the rabbings, and the readings of the Corpus are manifestly only conjectures more or less doubtful. It would be waste of labour to build other conjectures upon them. We may take an example from the end of line 11. The Corpus facsimile reads achandau phélahata- ; froin repeated examinations of the rubbings I am convinced that the stone, instead of phélahata, bore the word aphalusan, a very good synonym of akhakhasa.
40. I do not think that it is necessary to take [14]javachanika as a substantive directly designating a class of officers. It is rather an epithet, my officers faithful to the orders of their king. Thus, this expression exactly corresponds to the formula which commences our edict at Dhauli.
TRANSLATION By order of the king dear unto the Devas. - The officers of Tosali, in charge of the administration of the city, are to be commanded as follows: (- Jaugada: Thus saith the king dear unto the Devas; - The officers of Samâpå in charge of the administration of the city are to be commanded as follows :) - All that I believe, I desire to cause to be really practised, and to take measures to that effect]. Now, the most important measures (Dhauli: for this object) are, in my opinion, the instructions which [I deliver] to you. For ye have been set over many thousands of souls, that ye may gain the attachment of good men. Every man is my child; and just as I wish, for my children, that they may enjoy every kind of prosperity and happiness both in this world and in the world to come, so also have I the same wish for all'men. Now, in this matter, ye have not yet attained to all the results which are obtainable. There is such and such an individual who attendeth to such and such of my orders, but not to all. Watch ye him, and may the moral duties be well defined. There is such and such an individual who is sentenced to prison or to torture. Be ye there to put an end

Page #106

96
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1890.
to an imprisonment, if it hath been ordered for no sufficient cause. Again, there are many people who suffer (Dhauli: acts of violence). In their case also, must ye desire to set everyone on the Good Way. But there are certain dispositions with which, if ye possess them, ye will not succeed: I mean envy, readiness to be discouraged, harshness, impatience, want of application, idleness, and a sense of weariness. Hence ye should desire to be free from these dispositions; and the root of all (success) is to be not readily discouraged and to possess perseverance in moral training. The man who feeleth a sense of weariness, doth not set himself to work, although it is necessary to bestir oneself, to move forward, to go on. So also is it with the supervision which ye should exercise. For this reason I command ye:Consider ye my orders (Jaugada : Ye must call attention to my orders) (saying), such and such are the instructions of the king dear unto the Devas. To do this is to make sure of] great fruit; not to do this is [to render oneself liable to] great calamities. For such as may neglect 'to guide the people thus, there is no hope], either [of] the favour of heaven or [of] the favour of the king. Verily, if I specially direct my attention to these duties (which are entrasted to you), it is because they bestow & twofold advantage; for, by following this line of conduct, ye will both obtain heaven, and will pay off your debt to me.
This edict is to be (publicly) promulgated at each festival of the nakshatra Tishya, and, between these festivals, it is to be repeated to individuals each time when any favourable opportunity offers. Do this, and try your best to direct the people in the Good Way. It is for this purpose that this edict hath been engraven in this place, in order that the officers in charge of the administration of the city may display a persevering zeal, and that there may be no arbitrary imprisonment and no arbitrary torture of the inhabitants.
It is also for this purpose that regularly every fifth year I shall summon [to the assembly of the anusasnyána] every mahdmátra, who will be mild, patient, and a respecter of life, in order that, hearing these things, he may act according to my instructions. The Prince[Governor) of Ujjayini also will for this purpose summon an assembly of the same nature, but he shall do so every three years without fail. So also at Takshasilê. By attending the anusashyána, without at the same time neglecting their other particular duties, my officers will learn these things. Let them act in accordance therewith, following the instructions of the king.
SECOND EDICT. Prinsep, J.A.S.B., 1.c.; Burnouf, p. 692 and ff.; Kern, J.R.A.S., N.S., XII., p. 379 and ff.
TEXT. DHAULI.
JAUGADA. (1) Dêvânampiyasa vachanêna
(1) Dévånampiyê hêvam kha ( tosaliyam kamalê ma
samapayam mahamatâ la• Professor Bühler's readings :
BECOND EDICT.
DHAULI. 1 3. "hey.......muni.. .
| 1. 8. Opajao; cha tesa. 1. 4. kichhamd. suo ; omare io; angvigins ma'. II. 9. sama. 1. 5. dukhanh héo, khamisati ne°; chaleva.
1. 10. °têgso; khanasi khanasio. 1. 6. & hi dhita.
1 11. stavigao. 1. 7. 8 bbvazino ; w ....°; tatha de°; Raphábs.
JAUGADA. 1 1. Pristati kathkamans.
I. 9. patindo; ena të papunë. 1. %. mokantysmata darila.
1. 10. Opits 18. marlot; rajdyto; kiti me.
I 11. 'anuslaitoo; veditu . mamadhiti putinni. 1.4 "obha.
1. 12. desAdyatika bôsamt° : nazno. L 6. 4 El vi mbo; snovigina'.
1. 13. palalókikdy ; 'svugar chs. Also. 16. shtyte; Lhath heran.
1. 14. lipt li°; yujërdo. 1. 7. & chaikido.
15. chalandye cha af lipt annohko. 18. not to

Page #107

MARCH, 1890.)
THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI.
hâmâtä сha vataviya (') am kichhi dakhâmi hakam tam
(2) duvâlaté cha Alabhêham (0) êsa cha mê môkhyamata duvâlâ étasi athasi am taphêsu
-- mama (3) atha pajâyê ichhâmi hakam kimti savêna
hitasukhêna
hidalókikapàlalôkikâyê yajêvûti hêvam
— (4) siya [] antânam
avijitânam kichh . d. sa lâja aphêsu .. .. mava ichha mama aṁtësu[:] .. pâpunêvu tê3 iti dêvá nampiyê ... anuvâgana ma. maye (5)huvêvûti asvasêvu cha Bukharm êva lahêvu mama tô nô dukha [:] levan .. névų iti khamitinê de vânampiyê aphakam ti [] & cha kiyê khamitavê mama nimita cha dharmam chalêvu (6) hidalóka palalókam cha Aladhayêvů [1] êtasi athasi hakam anasasami taphê [0] ananê êtakênahakamanu. sâsitu chhamda cha vêditu î. dhiti patimâ cha mama (7) ajalâ [] sâ hêvam katus kammê chalitaviyê asva
i cha tani ena pậpunêvů iti atha pita tathê dêvânampiyê aphâkam atha cha atânam hêvam dêvênampiyê anukampati aphê (8) athî cha pajâ hêvan mayê dêvânampiyasa [] sê hakar anusasitu chhamdaṁ cha v.... phâka?
dêsavutikồ hôsåmi étaye athâyê [:] patibalae hi tuphê asvâsanayê hitasukbâyê cha tasê (9) hidalokikapálalókikâyê hêvam cha kalamtam taphê
javachanika vataviya Jam kichhi dakhâmi hakaṁ tam ichhami hakam kiti kamkammana13 (2) pațipatayêham davalatê cha alabhê ham [-] êsa cha mê môkhiyamatê duvalê êtasa athasa13 am tuphêsu anusathi [] savamuni. (3) så me paja atha pajâyê ichhami kimtime savênô14 hitasukhêna yuje. yu Athe paiâyê ichhấmi kimtame savêna hitasu(4) khêna yajêyâti hidalôgikapalalokikêna hêvammêva me ichhỉ savamunisêsu siya [:] amtấnam avijita- (5) -nam kimchhamdêsu lâjâ aphêsüti eta kâ va me ichha aṁtêsu :) pâpunêyu lâjâ hêvam ich hati anuviginá hèyu (6) mamiyaye 8svas@ya cha mê sukhamm êva cha lahêyu mama tê nô kha15 [:] [van cha pâpuneyu khamisati no lâjâ [:] (7) è chha kiyê khamitave mama nimitam cha dhamma chalêyllti hidalógam cha palalógaṁ cha âladhayêyu [-] etâyê (8) cha athayê hakam taphêni16 anusâsâmi ( anêna êtakếna hakam tuphêni anusâsitu chhamdaṁ cha vêdi(9) -tu â mama dhiti patina cha achala [] s& hêvam katu kammê chalita. viyê asvâsaniya cha tê êna påpunê (10) ya athâ pitâ @vam
ne
lâjâti atha atânam anukampati hêvam aphênianu kampati atha paja hê (11) -vam mayê lêjinê [] tuphêni hakam anusasita chhamdam cha vedâ tal7 . mama chiti patina châ achala sê.. (2) dêsakyutikê hôsámi etasi athasi [-] alam hituphê asvâsanayê hitas khâyê cha tasan hida- (13) -lôgikapálalókikaya [] hêyam cha kalat tam svagam

Page #108

98
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
MARCH, 1890.
svagam âlâdhayisatha mama cha ananiyam êhatha [] êtâyê cha athấyê iyam lipi likhita hida ena mahâmâta svasatamo samam (10) yajisamti asvâsanâyê dhammachalanayê cha têsu aṁtânam ['] iyam cha lipi anuchâtummasam tisêna nakhatêna sôtaviyalo kama cha khanôkhanasi amtalapitisêna êkêna (11) sôtaviya [:] hêvam kalantami taphê chaghatha sampațipadayitavê [].
. Alädhayisatham mama cha Ananêyam ésatha [•] (14) êtîyê cha athâyê iyam lipi likhita hida ēna mahîmâta sasvatam saman yujêva asvasanayê cha (15) dharmachalanayê . amtanam [: iyam cha lipi a . châtummasam staviya tisêna antalápicha sotaviya18 (16) khane samtam êkêna pi sötaviya (:) hêvam cha kalantamchaghatha sampatipatayitáv819 [:]
NOTES.
DHAULI. 1. In all that precedes this word, this second edict is so completely the fellow of the first that comparison with it enables us to fill up with every certainty the lacunce of our present text. It is from this point that the differences between the two edicts begin. The first words are characteristic of them, but owing to their not having been understood, the special object which inspires each of these two writings has hitherto not been clearly developed. Antánari avijitánann shows us from the commencement that the king here has in view the unconquered frontier populations, which do not form an integral portion of bis empire; and, indeed, towards the end of the edict, Piyadasi expressly declares that he has had this edict engraved dhainmachalanáyê têsu antánari, to cause the Religion to be practised amongst these frontier populations. For this use of anita we may compare Kh. xiii., 4, and Sahasrâm, line 5 (and the parallel versions), in which latter Prof. Bühler's translation requires correction. We should also specially refer to Jaugada ii., 6 (Kh. 1. 4), where anta is contrasted with vijita in such a way that the sentence forms a decisive commentary on anitá avijitá, our phrase here. This explains why the king in this edict omits to mention the assemblies of the anusanyána upon which he lays so much stress in the preceding one. It is natural that, when buying himself with populations which escape his direct action, he should not presume to summon them to regular periodical assemblies. I think that Dr. Kern has accurately analysed the word which follows, kimchhande su, as equivalent to kinchhandah svid; the text is certain, being perfectly clear at Jaugada, with which the traces at Dhauli entirely agree; but that he is in error as regards the subject to which he refers the pronoun aphesu (i.e. asmesu). He puts the phrase in the mouth of the people, the subjects of the king. Given as correct the certain reading and the translation of antánam avijitánar, such an explanation would make the construction impossible. Moreover, the experience of the preceding edict ought to guide us here. We have seen therein that it is, throughout, his officials whom the king is addressing, and that it necessarily follows that when he employs the direct style with the first person, there being no express indication to the contrary (cf. 1. 4, gachhéma, 1. 12, játá no huveva mama), they are the persons whom we must take for the subject. We thus get in the present case a perfectly well-connected sentence,
If you ask yourselves, - what is the will of the king with regard to us in relation to the unannexed frontier populations ? This is my wish in what touches the frontier populations.' The slightly loose use of the genitive amtánam is sufficiently explained not only by the liberty of idiom which is common in this style, but specially by the impossibility of placing together two locatives, anitêsu and aphesu, with different syntactic functions.
2. It is certain that two aksharas are wanting before pápunéor. This would be sufficient in itself to put aside Dr. Kern's conjecture, if it were not already condemned by the exact explana

Page #109

March, 1890.]
THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI.
99
tion of the preceding sentence, which requires artêsu and not ante. No morecan we separate this beginning of the sentence from that of the following one, which is strikingly parallel to it. Completing the second sentence from the reading of Jaugada, about which there can be no hesitation, we find that it commences with hêvan pápunévu, and I have no doubt that this is also the correct reading here. What is more important, is to discover the meaning of páprunévn. If we add to these passages another lower down (1.7), we shall notice that we have here three times the verb práp followed, not by the enclitic ti, but by iti, which must refer to what follows, and consequently announces the introduction of the direct style. It is easy to explain this, without departing from the literal translation of the verb. I understand the sentences as meaning,
that they may arrive at this, that is to say ....', or in other words that they may become convinced of this ..... The subject té refers of necessity to annta, to the frontier populations. The absence of iti at Jaugada does not weaken this interpretation. The fact that in that version it has been either omitted accidentally, or (as happens so often) left ont as sapertiuous, does not do away with the fact that it is written in the Dhauli version, and that there must in consequence be a reason for its being there. It would be a well-nigh desperate enterprise to attempt to remedy formally the entanglement of phrases in the direct style which burdens and mixes up this sentence. We must certainly supply ichhati understood, and the words which follow, as indeed is indicated by the use of the singulars mamaye, mé, mama, express the thoughts of the king, all the other subjects hitherto used being in the plural. Jaagada leaves no doubt as to the reading anuvigind, which Dr. Kern correctly transcribes as anudvigná. I shall return elsewhere to the various forms of the instrumental of the pronoun of the first person. Perhaps it is this same mamáyé which we have met at Kh. (v. 14) under the form mamica. Mamuyé is, of course, only a variant spelling of the Průkrit mamãi, referred to by Hêmachandra (III. 109).
3. We must certainly, as has been already suggested by Dr. Kern, correct this word to khamisati, as is given at Jaugada. It is equally certain that aphúkari concludes the sentence. Ti is sufficient to show that the proposition is completed. It is altogether impossible to join the following words to it. The reading é cha kiyé at Dhauli may be taken as established, and we can without hesitation adopt it at Jaugada, where, to judge from the rubbing, the chha is the reverse of clear. This cha admits of only one explanation, - to connect it with the other cha which follows mama. Indeed, the relative proposition écha, &c., taking kiyê as the equivalent of the Sanskrit liyat, can only be translated, and in whatever way my benevolence may be necessary to them :' whence we get for the entire sentence the general meaning,
whether because they desire a favour, or whether simply to please me, they i.e. the people of the frontier tribes) may practise the Religion.' This is an appropriate place to remind my readers that, in the 13th of the Fourteen Edicts, we have already met the base ksham, - chhamitaviya and chhamana at K. (1. 7), and khamitaré at G. (1. 6), - in a passage which the lacunce of Girnar, and the condition of the text at Kapur-di-Giri have prevented my translating. I have no doubt that the present sentence will some day help to the right understanding of this passage, when we shall be at last in possession of a final reproduction of the version of the North-West. It appears, in fact, to refer, like our present passage, to frontier countries, yű dévánarpiyasa na -
- vijité horti. 4. There appears to be no doubt abont the correctness of reading anane. The engraver has transposed the vowels. It should be anena. In what follows (which should be compared with the partially analogons phrase in line 8), the rubbings enable me to correct the readings of the Corpus in material points. In the first place, as the reading of the Corpus at Jaugada, anusúsitú, might have suggested, we must read anusúsitu, véditu, which can only be taken as gerunds and not as participles. The readings chayámi at Dhauli, and chiti at Jaugada, cannot be maintained. At Jaugada, I clearly decipher, from the rubbings, á mama dhiti-, and at Dhauli the characters a.. ti are certain at first sight. Guided by the analogy of Jaugada, we can further recognise a dhi before the ti: the character again preceding that is indistinct.

Page #110

100
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1890.
Comparison with the other version, leaves scarcely any uncertainty as to the meaning which is required. Mé, instead of mama, would exactly fit the lacuna, and the traces on the rubbing lend themselves well enough to this restoration. Ajalá corresponds to achald, as we have had libi for lipi, and as we have at Jaugada, lógu for lóka, &c. This has been previously recognised by Dr. Kern. All the words are therefore clear, and the meaning is easy : ' after having given you (tuphê is omitted here, but expressed at Jaugada; at any rate it is easy to borrow it from the preceding sentence) my instructions and made known (véditu for védétu, by a confusion of the simple with the causal base, of which we have already met several examples) my orders, my will (ahriti) and my promises are unchangeable. There remains only one small difficulty, the nominative hakarit, which remains isolated, without being the subject of any verb. This is a liberty in construction examples of which are offered by all languages, and which need surprise us the less here with a style so free and flexible as that of our monuments.
5. Dr. Kern has well transcribed this as ta: évari kritvd. It is necessary to read sé; and katu, as equivalent to kļitvá, presents no difficulties. As regards the meaning, I am compelled to differ from him. I content myself with referring to a preceding edict (G. iv. 9; Vol. I. p. 207) in order to justify the translation I propose : 'making this reflexion, full of this thought.' We have already seen karima' applied to the functions of the mahámátras (Dhauli, the preceding edict, 1. 25, and note). Jaugada assists as to fill up the lacuna by reading -asvásaniyani cha. This neuter might puzzle us, if the masculine at Jangada did not, here as higher up, show that pápunévu has for its subject the autá, in whom the officers have to inspire confi. dence, and who form the object of the king's thoughts throughout the entire edict. It is a carious example of the degree of confusion into which, in that age, the distinctions of gender had fallen.
6. The reading anulainpati cuts short all conjecture. It is quite certain, especially at Dhauli.
7. It will be seen that here Jaugada deviates from our text. The sentence at Dhauli is, however, quite complete, and the fault is incontestably that of the engraver at Jangada, who, after the words chhanduri cha védétu, which also occur a few lines higher up, has borrowed by mistake from the preceding phrase (regarding which see my remarks above) the words a mama sê hêvari, which have no right to be, and are quite unnecessary, here. He has on the other hand omitted a word of importance, tuphá kann. As regards désåvutiké, cf. note 7 of the preceding edict (at Dhauli).
8. The expression patibalá finds a very clear commentary in the synonym alam, which I have succeeded in deciphering at Jangada: 'you are capable of ..... Hitherto we have always had the anta in the plural, and it is therefore a plural which is wanted here. Beside my proposal on the comparison of tasé and tasar, I would here read in both versions tesani. The use of the genitive tesar, besides tánan, is well vouched for, e.g. by Kh. xiii., 37; and in this edict itself a little lower down we read tésu, which, being in agreement with antánan, is evidently only a variant spelling (cf. I. p. 19) of tésarn.
3. Read sasvatan. As for sam zin, the word can no doubt be explained by translating, the entire year.' It is, nevertheless, more probable that, in spite of the agreement of the two versions, the correct reading should be samayan; the accidental oversight of the ya being possibly aided by the initial of yujisanti. For the whole of the concluding portion of this, passage, see the remarks on the preceding edict.
10. As I have already pointed out (Col. Ed., v. n. 8), this passage appears to me to prove that there were three annual festivals in honour of Tishya corresponding to the three cháturmasya sucritices of the Brahmaņs. At the end of the sentence, the text does not exactly correspond with that of the precoding edict, but the sense is similar. We can here distinguish, as in the other instance, two cases: - the public promulgation at the festivals of Tishya, and the individual in

Page #111

MARCH, 1890.)
THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI.
101
struction given at will (kamani) in the interval, whenever an opportunity presents itself. The second alternative would in that case commence at kámani cha. Nothing can be more simple, but the text at Jaugada does not lend itself to this method of dividing the words. It repeats sótaviya three times, and distinguishes three cases, the public instruction at the festivals of Tishya, the instruction in the intervals between these festivals, and the individual instruction, which is to be as frequent as possible. I am persuaded that the second staviyd is an erroneous repetition, which we should omit, resting satisfied with the meaning of the preceding edict, which well agrees with the text of Dhauli. Why should the festivals of Tishya be specified at all for the public promulgation of these edicts, if the king adds immediately afterwards, and also in the interval'? With Dr. Kern, we should correct to khanékhanasi, although the use of the locative in é is rare (Cf. Jangada), at least unless it is preferred to admit a sporadic use of the cerebral I, khanakha
Jl. Kalashtain is for kalanitá (cf. I. p. 16-17) or for kalanté, i.e. kalastah (cf. Col. Ed. vii.-viž., note 21, and note 1 to the Jaugada version of the present edict.)
JAUGADA. 12. I have already said (cf. preceding edict, Dhauli, n. 2) that instead of karakmamanna (the reading of the Corpus), I read kaiména. The spelling karim mina for kaniména is not without analogies : a little lower down (1. 11; Dhauli, 1. 8) we have maye for mayan; and in this edict, 1. 16, sahtan, for the locative santé.
13. Very possibly we should correct to étasi athasi; but I do not venture to say that it is absolutely necessary. I have several times laid stress upon the very indefinite use of these oblique cases. In this very edict (Dhauli, n. 1) we have seen the genitive asitárain tsed in the sense of the locative, and in the preceding edict (Dhauli, 1. 13) the phrase dalhiye tuphákan uses the genitive in the sense of the instrumental.
14. We should evidently read savena.
15. Restore to -no [du]khan. The form mamiydyê is a carious one. It looks like an orthographical compromise between the forms mamiyá (Col. Ed. viii. 7, which I consider as simply a variant of mamayá, Prakrit mamae) and mamaye, which Dhauli has in the corresponding passage.
16. Tuphéni is another curione pronominal inflexion. The correctness of the form is vouched for by its being repeated here and line 11, and by the parallel form of the first person, aphéni, which we find in line 10. It reminds one of the Apabhramsa tumhair, amhain, given by Hêmachandra for the nominative and accusative. These forms, again, only refer us back to a spelling tuphani or tumhani, just as áni, the termination of the neater plural, becomes disa. Compare Hindi hamani, Hoerule, Comp. Gram., p. 178.
17. I have already (Dhauli, note 7) stated that, in my opinion, the words which follow védáta (read védétu) up to the end of the line are probably an erroneous repetition. However, as the character sê is not very distinct, if we could read tu and supply phákai for the two follow ing letters, it would be unnecessary, after supplying & before mama, to omit anything. The sentence woald be correct. In any case the general sense would not be affected.
18. Cf. Dhauli, N. 10, and, for saratan, note 1, above.
19. It is difficult to doubt, although indeed I have discovered nothing on the rabbing to support the theory, that the stone has really the termination -itavé.
TRANSLATION. By order of the king, dear unto the Devas;- The prince and the officers of Tôsalt are to be commanded as follows (Jaugada: Thus saith the king, dear unto the Devas; - The king's officers of Samâpâ are to be commanded as follows); - All that I believe I desire to cause to be

Page #112

102
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[March, 1890.
really practised, and to take measures [to that effect). Now, the most important measures for this object are, in my opinion, the instructions which [I deliver] to you. All men are my children; and just as I wish, for my children, that they may enjoy every kind of prosperity and happiness both in this world and in the world to come, so also wish I the same for all men. What is, (you ask yourselves), the will of the king with regard to us relative to the independent frontier tribes? Now, this is my wish relative to the frontier tribes : that they may be assured that the king, dear unto the Devas, desires that they should be, as far as he is concerned, free from all disquietude; that they may trust in him and be assured that they will only receive at his hands happiness and not sorrow; that they may be assured of this :- That the king, dear unto the Dêvas, will show unto them benevolence ; and that, whether in order to avail themselves of my benevolence, or whether (simply] to please me, they may practise the Religion, and assure themselves happiness in this world and in the world to come. It is with this object that I give my instructions. When, once, in this manner I have given you my instructions, and have made known unto you my orders, my resolutions and my promises are unalterable. Considering this well, perform ye your duty, and inspire these stribes) with trust, that they may be assured that the king is unto them like a father, that he careth for them as he careth for himself, and that they are unto the king, dear unto the Dêvas, as it were his own children. Having given you my instructions and made known unto you my will (Jaugada adds: that is to say how my resolutions, and how my promises are unalterable), I shall possess in you, for this object, persons fit to actively carry out my orders. For ye are in such a position that ye can inspire trust in these [tribes], and assure unto them prosperity and happiness both in this world and in the world to come. By doing thus ye will botb obtain heaven and will pay off your debt to me. It is for this purpose that this edict hath been engraven in this place, in order that the officers may display a persevering zeal to inspire trust in these frontier tribes and to cause them to walk in the ways of the Religion.
This edict is to be (publicly] promulgated at each of the three annual festivals in honour of the Nakshatra Tishya; and also, in the intervals between these festivals in honour of Tishya, it is to be repeated at will to individuals, when any favourable opportunity presents itself. When ye do this, use ye your best endeavours to direct (the people] in the Good Way.
.
MISCELLANEA. CALCULATIONS OF HINDU DATES. in the Saka era, in the month Margasirsha, on No. 34.
the thirteenth day in the dark fortnight, on In the copper-plate krant of the Eastern Friday, under the Maitra (i.e. Anuradha) nak
shatra, when the sun was in Dhanus, during the Chalukya king Amma II., from somewhere in the Madras Presidency, which I have edited, Ghafa lagna (ie. the rising of the sign Kumbha), with a lithograph, in this Journal, Vol. VII. in the twelfth year from his birth." p. 15 ff., the date of his accession is given in Here the given Saka year, 867, is not distinctly the following two verses (line 31 ff.); - giri-rasa- specified either as current or as expired. But vasu-samkhy-abdê Saka-samayð Marggasirsha- correct resulta can be obtained only by applying mase=smin krishna-trayodasa-dine Bhriguvard it as an expired year. Maitra-nakshatrê Il Dhanushi ravau Ghata-lagne 1 In Saka-Samvat 867 current, the prirnimanta dvádaśas-varshk(rsh8) tu janmanah pat[to Jam yo Margasirsha krishpa 13 ended, not on a Friday. dhåd=udayagir-indró(ndre) raviriva 18k-Anura- but on Saturday, 16th November, A.D. 944, at gâya Il. -" who, like the sun (rising) on the lordly about 35 ghatis, 50 palas, after mean sunrise (for mountain of dawn, to the affectionate delight of
Bombay); nor can the tithi here be connected mankind assumed the fillet (of sovereignty) in with the Friday, as a current tithi; for, the the year that had the enumeration of the moun- eun was not then in Dhanus, the sankranti or tains (seven), the flavours (six), the Vasus (eight), entrance into that sign not occurring till seven
1 The original plates, which belonged to Sir Walter For the meaning of lagna, see ante, Vol. XVIIT. Elliot, are now, I understand, in the British Museum. p. 162, note 1.

Page #113

MARCH, 1890.)
BOOK NOTICE.
103
days later, on the 23rd November, at about 34 gh. | 2+ gh. 32 p. And for this day the other details 16 p.; noreover, the tithi commenced during the are correct. The sun was then in Dhanus ; night, it which time it is very unlikely that a the entrance into that sign having occurred formal ceremony of accession should be per- twelve days previously, on the 23rd November, formed. And the amdnta Margasirsha kşishna at about 49 gh. 47 p. At sunrise on that day 13 ended, also not on a Friday, but on Monday, there was the Anuradha nakshatra, by all 16th December, at about 18 gh. 24 p.
three systems; and it ended, according to the In Saka-Samvat 888 current (887 expired), equal-space system and the Garga system of however, the results work out quite satisfactorily. unequal spaces, at about 7 hrs. 53 min., = 19 gh. The pirnim inta Mârgasirsha krishna 13 again 42.5 p., after mean sunrise (for Ujjain), and by ended, not on a Friday, but on Wednesday,
the Bralıma-Siddhanta system of unequal spaces, 5th November, A.D. 945, at about 37 gh. 3 p.
at about 2 hrs. 38 min., = 6 gh. 35 p. And But the amanta Margasirsha krishna 13,
Mr. Sh B. Dikshit finds that there was the and we have already seen (ante, Vol. XVII. p. 142) Ghata lagna from about 8 gh. 23 p. to 12 g that the aminta arrangement of the lunar fort. 46 p., after apparent sunrise for Rajamahendri.* nights is the one that ought to apply for the | Accordingly, the date of the accession of period and locality of this grant, - ended on Amma II. was Friday, 5th December, A.D. Friday, 5th December, A.D. 945, at about 945.
J. F. FLEET.
NOTES AND QUERIES. CHARMS AND SPELLS.
always possess the opposite sex in mankind. It • In the North-West Provinces. . is much more difficult to exorcise a mohini than a Children throw oil into a pot of water when it ! pisisu. Lascivious dreams at night are always rains, with the idea that, as it breaks upon the attributed to possession by mohinis. The cure surface of the water, the clouds may break.
for this is to take a washerman's virgin daughter WILLIAM CROOKE. by the hand, and bathe in a tank holding her hand, In Madras.
on a Friday evening. In South India male devils are called pisasus
S. M. NATESA SASTRI. (Skr. pišucha) and fernale devils mohinis. Devils Madras.
BOOK NOTICE. THE MODERN VERNACULAR LITERATURE OF HINDUSTAN, therefore Sanskrit and Prakrit works of all by G. A. GRIERSON. Calcutta, 1889.
kinds have been excluded from it; but the mere This is another of those solid contributions to fact that in it Mr. Grierson has been able to our knowledge of India with which the name bring together the names of 952 authors shows of Mr. Grierson is now so honorably connected, what an advance it is upon the previous standard and which we have had already reason to work on the subject by Garcin de Tassy, Histoire notice.
de la Literature Hin.ionie et Hindoustanie, in The book is the final outcome of a paper read which only about 70 authors are mentioned. before the International Congress of Orientalists Dr. Grierson puts forth his work as a collecat Vienna in 1886, which the present writer was tion of materials to "form a foundation upon privileged to hear delivered, and to the very which others may build." Those "others," when. favourable reception of which he is happy now to ever the time comes for them to write, will testify. It deals only with the modern verna- unqnestionably be vastly indebted to the author cular literature of Hindustan proper, and of these materials, whose industry has afforded
3 The exact place for which the times of Eastern ending-time of the tithi, &c., would be later at Raja Chalukya datos should be reduced, has not been determ ahindri than at Bombay. It does not cause any mined. The ancient city of Vengi is perhaps reproacuted variation in the general results for the present date. by the modern Pedda-Végi, a village in the 'Ellore' Taluka of the Golivari District (Archæol. Suru. South.
This calculation is by the present Sarya-Siddhinta. Ind. Vol. I. p. 36). But more suitable place, for
And cccording to the same authority, the tithi ondod at
27 gh. 50 p., and the Anuradha nakshatra ended at 21 yh. purposes of calculations, is probably Rajamabendri in
46 p., according to the equal-space system and the the Godavari District, Lat. 17' N., Long. 31° 49' E.; and
Garga system of unequal spaces, both these timos being taking the longitude of Bombay as 72° 53', the difference in
after apparent sunrise for Rajamahendri. time is 8 * 10 palas = 1 yh. 29-1 p., by which the n
1 See ante, Vol. XV. pp. 60, 24.

Page #114

104
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1890.
them such an excellent foundation upon which to | Vaishnavism, which is represented by the raise a successful superstructure.
worship of Rama and in the works of RamaThe indefatigable compiler of this truly noble nand, Kabir and Tulsi Das, from the 15th to the book rightly claims for his subject that it 17th centuries, gives us "a doctrine of eclecti. carries us from Sanskrit and Pali studies, through cism in its best form." Side by side with the that of the classical Prakrits, to the Gandian noble teaching of this sect there existed the literature, and so from the 12th century A.D. Krishna cult - also a branch of Vaishnavism - right up to the present day, and enables us to which is best seen in the writings of Mira Bai complete the chain of Indian linguistics. It gives and Bidy&pati Thakur. In those early days, vernacular commentaries on difficult Sanskrit too, flourished Malik Muhammad, the uuthor works on Grammar, Prosody, Vocabulary and of the Padmawat, deeply imbued with the philoComposition, and is a valuable aid to the student sophic teaching of the period, and invaluable for of history, as the vernacular poetical works ara its historical allusions, and also as a representadated, and actual historical works are revealed tion of the pronunciation of the period. to us founded on materials from the ninth century Later in the 16th and 17th centuries, the age onwards. The poets, too, wrote for the million, when nearly all the great writers existed, we find and therefore the mere survival of their produc the Krishna cult at its height with Kishn Das tions proves the excellence of their intrinsic merit. and Sur Das as its chief exponents, and while High as their claims are, they are no doubt they were writing, the action of Akbar's Court just, and this fact alone should convince the at Dehlt (Dilli) caused the acceptance of the sceptical of the importance of this last work from Urdu language. At this period, too, rose the great Mr. Grierson's pen.
Tulsi Dås, the mightiest poet of modern India, The contents are derived almost entirely from whose book " is in every one's hands, from the native sources, and the "innumerable texts court to the cottage, read, or heard, and appreciated bought in the bdaárs," upon which it is based, alike by every class of the Hindi community, must in themselves form an invaluable library, whether high or low, rich or poor, young or old." which we must presume that it is the author's good At other times the writings of Kesab Das, fortune to possess. The European authorities Chintamaņi Tripathi, and Kalidas Tribêdi, chiefly consulted have been Wilson's Religious settled for ever the canons of poetic criticism. Sects of the Hindus, Garcin de Tassy's works, Nor must we forget the religious revivals of the especially that above quoted, and Tod's Raid period and the literature thereof, as represented sthan. Native anthologies have been also in the works of Dada, Pran Nath and Gobind collated, especially the Sib Singh Saroj (1883), and Singh of the Granth. 18 of these are quoted in the book, dating from In the 18th century the value of the literature 1550 A.D. up to as late as 1887.
declined, but in the present century there has The arrangement of this work is best de- been a renascence in the Prem Sugar of Lalla scribed in the author's own words. "The work is Ji Lal in that new English-invented language, divided into chapters, each roughly representing Hindi. While the introduction of printing has a period. The sixteenth and the seventeenth cen- created the spread of a healthy literature in the turies, the Augustan age of Indian vernacular North, a spirit of criticism, a demand for renderpoetry, occupy six chapters, not strictly divided ings of the old classics, the spread of educational according to periods of time, but according to writings in the North-West, and the production groups of poets, commencing with the romantic of huge anthologies in Bengal. In this century poetry of Malik Muhammad and including, amongst also has arisen the Hindi drama. others, the Kțishna cult of Braj, the works of All this and much more does Mr. Grierson Tulsi Das (to whom a special chapter has been explain in his introduction in glowing words, born allotted) and the technical school of poets founded of the enthusiasm which has impelled him to by Kesab Dås." Within each group the arrange- complete so dry a work as a catalogue of the ment is, as far as possible, chronological.
writers, great and small, who have helped to The earliest vernacular literature is found in build up so splendid and living a structure as the the bardic chronicles of Rajputana, com. modern Hindu literature. All we have attempted mencing with Chand Bardat and finally losing to do here is to draw what attention we can to the itself in the sea of the other vernacular poets in subject, and to exhibit our hearty admiration of the 17th century. For historical purposes the Mr. Grierson's success in presenting to the world value of these chronicles can hardly be over-esti- of orientalists, and perhaps to others, materials mated. In the Gangetic Valley that branch of on which to base comprehensive accounts thereof.

Page #115

APRIL, 1890.)
BUDDHAGHOSA.
105
BUDDHAGHOBA. BY THE REV. THOMAS FOULKES, F.L.S., M.R.A.S., F.R.G.S.
I.-Introductory. THE famons name of Buddhaghosa occupies a conspicuous position in Pali literature,
1 similar in some respects to that of Vedavyâsa in Sanskrit literature and Dêvaddhigaộin in the literature of the Jains. The voluminous works, still in existence, of which he is the author or repued author, have had a continuous supreme influence upon the religious and intellectual life of the Southern Buddhists for a very long period of time.
His proper or original name is unknown; the name Buddhaghosa, 'the Voice of Buddha,' is an honorific title conferred on him upon his conversion to Buddhism, or perhaps later on in his career when his reputation had been established as an eloquent expounder of the teachings of Buddha. Professor Rhys Davids has suggested that this name may have reference to that “deep, rich, thrilling voice which so many of the successful leaders of men have possessed," and which Buddha himself possessed in an eminent degree. I write his name in its PAli form, that is to say, with the dental s, rather than in its Sanskrit form with the cerebral or lingual sh, because he has no known connection with Sanskrit literature, and the name, thus spelt, has come down to us exclusively in Pali and other.cognate books. His name is found spelt in many other ways more or less diverging from these two normal forms, Buddba Gausa, Bud-dhagan-sa, Buddha Gautha, Bud-dha-gau-tha, Bouddha-goshu, Booddhu-ghoshu, Booddhu-ghosků, Budha-ghosa, Budhagosa, Budha-gosa, Budhagosha, Budha-gosha, Budhu-gosha, Boudha-gosha, Boudha-gautha, Buddagosa, Buddagautha, Bud-da gau-tha, Budda gose-charin, Buddothegooseka, Boodagogaw.chawree, Boudagautha, Bandagot, Prah-Patha-kosa, and others, - some of which are due to different methods of transliteration, and others to loose or unmethodical transscription, some to dialectical peculiarities, and some to slips of the pen or the press. There are many other similar compound names which have the first half of this name, such as Buddhadåsa, Buddha-priya, Buddha-rakshita, Buddha-gupta, Buddha-mitra, Buddha-bhadra, Buddhasimha, Buddha-palita, Buddha-yasa, Buddha-nandi; and others which have its latter part, such as Siva-ghôsha, Aśva-ghôsha, Indra-ghôsha, Arya-ghôsha, Manju-gbôsha.
It may be mentioned here at the outset, that although this name occurs in three early inscriptions to be noticed presently, at Mathura, the Bhêlsa topes, and the Kanhêri caves, this eminent Buddhist author is quite unknown to the Northern Buddhists and their Chinese, Japanese and Mongolian congeners, throughout the whole stream of ancient and modern Buddhist history, notwithstanding that as a Magadha Brahman he belongs properly to them: the traditions and
1 See Professor Rhys Davids in Encycl. Brit. Vol. XIII. p. 544. Turnour's Mahavarisa, p. 281. 3 Encycl. Brit. Vol. IV. p. 428.
• Soe Professor Max Müller's reasons for the use of the Sanskrit form in Sacred Books of the East, Vol. X. Introd. p. liii.
5 [Bagdagôk and Bögdagawtha are the Burmese pronunciations : aw as in awful: th as in thus.-R. C. T.]
. [The transcription of Burmese words herein adopted is that used now by the Government of Burma after much discussion of the subject. The Burmese have adopted a form of the Nigari alphabet, but have forced it to suit their own laws of phonetics. The result is that words are not at all pronounced, though they are spelt, according to the usually accepted pronunciation of Nagart lettors. Phayro, following others who were taught in his time, adopts a purely fanciful transcription of Arakanese origin, which neither represents the true transliteration nor the Burmese pronunciation, but is an unhappy and inaccurate mixture of both. It represents no actual forms at all; e.g. Phayre's radiator raja Bur. yaxa; there is no ds sound in Burmese : his woeng = =van Bur.win or win, there is no ing in Burmese, but in, i and 7, as in thaka (th as in thing): his sheng-bureng lala-bhurath Bur, Sin-bayin or even sim-bayin, (1 being written hr): his pra is bhurd=Bur. phayli. No Burman could make head or tail of his vernacular words without special training. In one point we must herein differ from the Government system. Because th th as in the or thing, the Government writes ht for wapirated t, and so hp for aspirated P. and so on. We will, however, use t', p', etc., to show this. But hi, hm, hm will be preserved, as indicating real Bounds.-R.O.T.)

Page #116

106
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(APRIL, 1890.
legends respecting him are found among the Southern Buddhists alone, in Ceylon, Barna, and Siam.
The first of the three inscriptions to which I have just referred occurs on the base of one of the pillars discovered by Gen. Sir A. Cunningham at Mathura on the Jamna, which are supposed to have formed part of the railing around the stúpa of the great monastery erected there by the Indo-Scythic king Huvishka, about the beginning of the Christian era. It is in the Sanskrit language, and is given together with several others discovered at the same place in Professor Dowson's paper in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society in these words - "Gift of the mendicant priest [Buddhist monk] Buddhaghôsha, the fruit .....," the remaining words having been broken off the stone. The company in which he is found here may perhaps warrant the conclusion that the Buddhaghôsha of this inscription was a distinguished inember of the Buddhist community of the North-West of India at that early period. There is, however, nothing here to make for an identification of this Buddhnghôsa with the subject of the present paper : and the difference of dates interposes, at least for the present, an insuperable difficulty in the way of such an identification.
Mr. Beal has suggested the great probability that the Chinese pilgrim Fa-Hian alludes to the Buddhaghosa of the Southern legends, when he speaks in his travels of the eminently learned Brahman of Pataliputra. This supposition would necessitate the sacrifice of the date now generally assigned to Buddhaghôsa. Fa-Hian's description of his learned Brahman in Mr. Beal's translation, is as follows: "For something like fifty years the whole country looked up to this man and placed its confidence in him alone;" and Burnouf's translation, in Laidlay's version, 10 is virtually the same:-“For more than fifty years the eyes of the kingdom and its confidence were placed upon this single man." Dr. Legge's translation is as follows ;11 - "He might be more than fifty years old, and all the kingdom looked up to him." Buddhaghsa, on the other hand, was a young man, according to the Ceylonese legend, - “a Brahman youth,"12 - at the time of his conversion not long before his visit to Ceylon; and the Burmese and Siamese traditions of his subsequent career show that a long period of his life was still before him when he left Ceylon. Instead then of upholding Mr. Beal's supposition that Buddhaghôsa was living at Pâtaliputra towards the close of his career, when Fa-Hian visited that city sometime between A.D. 405 and 409, and had lived there for many years previously, the Ceylonese and Burmese chronicles agree in placing the commencement of his career in the reigns of the Ceylonese king Mabânama, who came to the throne in A.D. 410,13 and of the Burmese king Kyaungdayék, who died in A.D. 413.14 These dates, if they are to be accepted, combine to show that Buddhaghôsa was in the midst of his work in Ceylon as a young man when Fa-Hian arrived there in A.D. 411, three or four years after his discovery of the learned old Brahman of Pataliputra. Moreover, the name of this old Brahman was Arta-Svâmin,15 or Raddha-så mi, 16 and again, he was a professor of the "Greater Vehicle." But for Mr. Beal's uote, I should have concluded that this influential old man belonged to a time long before Fa-Hian's visit.
The second inscription occurs on one of the rail-pillars at Sanchil7 in Central India, in the following words : - " (Gift of) the householder Budhaghosa." This serves to show that the name Buddhaghosa was not unique, but was borne even by an householder at the very early date of this inscription ; for the circumstance that this man was not a monk, precludes the supposition that he might be the same as the subject of the Southern legends, even without any reference to the date.
The third inscription occurs under a standing image of Buddha in the porch of the great
+ Archæol. Surv. Reports, Vol. I. p. 239; Vol. III. pp. 14, 29; Vol. XX. p. 38. • Vol. V. (N. S.), p. 186.
• Travels of Fa-Hian, p. 104, note. 10 The pilgrimage of Fa-Hian, p. 254: Foe Kone Ki, p. 254.
11 Travels of Fa-Hian, p. 98. 12 Turnour's Mahávarsa, p. 250. 13 Turn. Mahav., Introd. p. Ixii. 4 Phayre, Hist. of Burma, p. 21. 15 Beal, p. 104, note.
16 Legge, p. 78, and note. 17 Cunningham, Bhilaa Topes, p. 239.

Page #117

APRIL, 1890.)
BUDDHAGHOSA.
107
temple-cave at Kanhöri near Bombay.18 It is translated by Professor Georg Bühler as follows :19 - "This image of Bhagavat (Buddha, is) the meritorious gift of the ascetic Budilhaghôsha, the guardian of the great gandhakuti [this temple-cave), and pupil of the reverend Dharmavatsa, a teacher of the three Pitakas, who follows the religion of the divine Buddha." Like the above inscription at Mathurâ, it is in the Sanskțit language. Dr. Stevenson's date of this cave-temple is about 70 B.C.20 Mr. Fergusson's date is about the 6th century A.D.21 Dr. Burgess places it between A.D. 100 and 150, but he thinks the statue of Buddha is considerably later than the cave itself, and considers the characters of the inscription to belong to about the 6th century A.D.22 Professor Bühler's date for the inscription is the 4th or 5th century A.D.23 On the other hand General Cunningham assigns this inscription, together with the great mass of the other inscriptions at Kavhêri, to the 1st and 2nd centuries A..D.24 Dr. Stevenson has assumed the identity of the Buddhaghosha of this inscription with the great Pali scholar;25 but he has not considered the difficulty arising out of the time in which he places him, namely, about 70 B.C. This date, if it could be maintained, would have the effect of placing the donor of the Kanhêri statue in chronological connection with the donor of the Mathura pillar: and this circumstance may be held in reserve pending the solution of the question in what measure the Southern traditions of Buddhaghôsa are strictly historical. It must be observed that Dr. Stevenson had more than the identity of the name to support his assumption, for his translation of the inscription made the donor of the statue “the same [Buddhaghosa] who composed the institutes of the lord Buddha," and although this version cannot be sustained, the direct reference to his connection with the Tripitaka, as is still shown by Dr. Bühler's new translation, makes it difficult wholly to set aside the possibility of the identification in the present condition of the Buddhaghosa question, notwithstanding the apparent chronological difficulty.
II.-The Buddhaghosa Legends.
A.-The Burmese Legend. The Buddhaghosa legend has come down to us in two separato streams, having a certain amount of imperfectly ascertained interdependence, in the chronicles of Ceylon in one form, and in another form in the chronicles of Burma.
Buddhaghôsa was first introduced to European scholars by Father Carpanus, or Carpanius, in his Alphabetum Barmanum published at Rome in A.D. 1796,26 but he does not appear to have attracted particular attention until his name was brought into prominence half a century later in MM. Burnouf and Lassen's Essai sur le Páli.
In the meantime another notice of the Burmese legend was published by the Serhampore Missionary, the Rev. W. Ward, in his View of the History, Literature, and Religion of the Hindoos, from information derived from Mr. Felix Carey, a resident of Rangoon: -“The Burmans believe that 650 years after that event, in the reign of Maha-moonee, Booddhu-ghoshu, a Brahmin was deputed to Ceylon to copy the work Vishooddhimargu, which includes all the Jatus, or histories of the incarnations of Booddhu : and it is fabled that the iron stile with which he copied this work was given him by a heavenly messenger; though others will have it that Bodhee-sutwu gave it to him.27
18 Jour. As. Soc. Bomb. Vol. V. pp. 5, 138.; Vol. VI. p. 3. 19 Archæol. Sury. West. Ind. Vol. V. p. 77. 20 Jour. As. Soc. Bomb. Vol. V. p. 4.
21 Rock-cut Temples of India, p. 39. 32 Cave-Temples, p. 352.
23 Archæol. Surv. W. Ind. Vol. V. p. 77. 24 Archæol. Surv. India, Vol. I. Introd. p. xxi.
25 Jour. As. Soc. Bomb. Vol. V. p.5. 26 See Sir Wm. Jones' Eighth Discourse, As. Res. Vol. III. p. 11, and Leyden's Languages and Literature of the Indo-Chinese Nations, ibid. Vol. X. pp. 233, 238, 277, 280, 282.
17 Ward's Hindoos (3rd edit.), Vol. II. p. 211. See also Upham's Sacred and Historical Books of Ceylon, Vol. III. Pref. p. vii. [Ward's transliteration is perfectly regular and in accordance with the period at which he wrote; and the words in the text should be accordingly Mah&muni, Buddhaghsha, VifuddhimArge, Jatas, Buddha, Bodhisatva.-R. C. T.]

Page #118

108
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1890.
The passage in Burnouf and Lassen's Essai referred to above, is as follows:- " According to P. Carpanus the History of the Burmans called the Maharasoen28 (a name derived doubtless from the Sanskrit Mahd-rája), states that the Pali books and written character were bronght from Ceylon to Pegu by a Brahmaņ called Buddhaghôsha (the voice of Buddha') in the year 940 of their sacred era, that is to say, in the year 397 of ours...... This introduction of Buddhism into Pegu, &c."
The Hon. George Turnour in quoting this passage,29 remarks that its authors have drawn two erroneous inferences from their materials, "First, that Buddhism was originally introduced by Buddhaghôsa into Pegu; and secondly, that his resort to the eastern peninsula was the consequence of his expulsion from India under the persecution of the Brahmans." Whether that inference respecting his missionary work was justified or otherwise, the Siamese have a similar more general tradition of the introduction of Buddhism amongst the Southern Buddhists by Buddhaghosa :-"The Buddhist religion, according to the Siamese priests, was introduced into Ceylon 236 years after the death of Gautama,30 or in the 236th year of their sacred era, by Prah-Putha-Kosa."31 It will be observed that in this Siamese tradition, Buddhaghosa takes the place of Mahinda in the Ceylonese legends, both as regards the work attributed to him and his proximate date. Professor Rhys Davids has put this tradition in a sounder form, correcting the chronological discrepancy :-"From Ceylon it [Buddhism) was introduced into Burma in the 5th century A.D.,32 whence it penetrated into Arakan, Kamboja, and Pegu, and finally into Siam in the 7th century of our era."33 The same tradition in the main is given by Col. Sir H. Yule :-"Kambojan legend, like that of nearly all the Indo-Chinese countries, couples the introduction of Buddhism (perhaps rather its re-introduction) with the name of Buddhaghôsha. However that may be, it is about the 1000th year of Buddha i.e. according to the ordinary calculation 457 A.D.), and near the date usually assigned to Buddhaghôsha, that the traditions place a great king, Phutamma Surivong, &c."34
The Burmese History, called by Carpanius the Maharazoen, is the (Maháyúsawin) Vahárája-weng, - Buchanan's Maha-rasa-wayn-gye and Burney's Maha-Yazowen or Yajawen.35 It was from this source that Colonel Burney obtained the materials for his papers on Burma in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal.36 Sir Arthur Phayre used it still more largely in his contributions to the same Journal, 37 and subsequently in his History of Burma.38 It had been previously referred to also by Buchanan in his paper " On the Religion and Literature of the Burmese" in the Asiatic Researches, 39 and by Leyden in the paper referred to above. It exists in what may be called three recensions, or editions, The Great, The Middle,' and The New Yüzawiņ,'41 which differ from each other in their versions of the legends, and also in the dates
28 The word is written in Burmese in characters corresponding to the Devanagari HETTI Maharjavaria, and is always pronounced Mahüyazarcin according to the rules of Burmese phonetics." The learned" will sometimes t.se Mahardzarcin ; Phayre's Maha Raja-reng is fanciful as usual. Burnouf and Lassen were quite right 19 to the derivation of the word. It is merely Mahardjavarlsa - Genealogy of the Great Kings,' minus the last letter or syllable, as is common in Burmese. Like derivatives are Dipawin, Bogddwin (Buddhavainsa), and Mahawin.R.C.T.] 29 Turnour's Mahawanso. Introd. p. XXI.
30 B.C. 307 31 Crawfurd's Siam, Vol. II. p. 91. [Prah = 'lord.' In Burmese Bhurd as spelt, or Payd as pron. =' lord master: venerable as applied to things and men, to Buddha himself and to God.'-R. C. T.]
32 N.B. This is the Mahavarka date of Buddhaghộsa.-T. F. 33 Encycl. Brit. Vol. IV. p. 437, v. 'Buddhism. See also ibid. Vol. XXI. p. 854, v. 'Siam.' 34 Encycl. Brit. Vol. IV. p. 724, v.' Cambodia.
35 [All these are forms of the Burmese Mahayaxawin above explained. Maharaswayngye Maháydxaucingvi. Burm. kyf, which in comp. after a nasal, sonant or open vowel = gyf, or more usually simply jf, means 'great' and is suffixed to words and names to imply venerability.-R. C. T.)
56 Vols. IV. V. VI., A.D. 1835, 1886, 1887. See also his paper in Gleanings of Science, Vol. III. (1831),
pp. 182, 184
37 Vols. XXXIII. XXXVII. XLII., A.D. 1864, 1868, 1873. 39 Vol. VI. (1799), p. 303. 41 Jour. As. Soc. Beng. Vol. XXXVII. pp. 80, 81.
38 In Trübner's Oriental Series, 19 As. Res. Vol. X. (1808), p. 234.

Page #119

APRIL, 1890.)
BUDDHAGHOSA.
109
assigned to the events. It is a compilation made at different times, bringing the record down to the present century; and it appears to have been commenced at no remote date. It corresponds closely, therefore, with the Mahávansas of Ceylon. The Buddhaghôsa legend in this authority is summarized by Sir Arthur Phayre thus:45_" It is stated that in his reign [King Kyaungdayêk] the Buddhist scriptures having been brought to Thâtun46 by the great teacher, Baddhaghosa, Pugan participated in the benefit derivable therefrom. There are however inconsistent statements on this subject; or, if the books of the Pitaka were brought to Pugân in the time of Buddhaghosa, they were afterwards lost; for the Maháyázawin relates how, about 650 years later, King Anawyetâ, 48 in order to reform religion, undertook a war to gain possession of these sacred writings. Kyaungdayêk reigned 25 years, or until about A.D. 413. Another version of this legend, drawn from the writings and conversation of the Burmese, was supplied to Mr. John Crawford, 49 by the American Missionary Mr. Judson : -"In the year 930 after Gautama,50 A.D. 386, Bad-d'ha-gantha51 transcribed the Buddhist Scriptures with an iron pen of celestial workmanship, and brought them by sea to Pagan, the seat of the supreme government." Later on, 52 Crawfurd re-states it thus:-" In the year 386 of Christ, a Burman Priest, named Buddha Gautha, 61 or Gausa, 61 proceeded to Ceylon, and from thence brought with him a copy of the Badd'hist scriptures : " and in his appendix53 he adds the local dates : - "A.D. 386, Grand Epoch 1078, Sacred Epoch 930, Prome Epoch 308, Bud-d'ha-gau-sa61 went to Ceylon." General Albert Fytche has also given a version of this legend in the following passage :54 - “The Buddhist doctrines were propagated here, as elsewhere, orally, and the Talaings, did not possess the Buddhist scriptures in written form until they were conveyed to them from Ceylon by Buddhaghosa in 450 A.D. The Talaings claim this celebrated monk as a countryman of their own, and their history states that he went from Thâtun to Ceylon, where he stayed three years, and then returned with a copy of the soriptures. This is, however, a fallacy, for he was a native of Magadha, and born near the Bo-tree at Buddha-Gaya. He went to Ceylon in about 430 A. D., and there compiled his great work, the Visuddhi Magga, or Path of Holiness, a cyclopædia of Buddhist doctrine; and from the great knowledge he displayed, was employed by the rulers of his order in Ceylon to rewrite in Pali the commentaries which had till then been handed down in Sinhalese.65 Buddhhaghôsa was a convert from Brahmanism, and owing to his great eloquence, the appellation of Buddhaghðsa (the Voice of Buddha) was conferred upon
12 See Phayro's Burma, pp. 22 noto, 27, 30, 46 note.
* Soo Encycl. Brit. Vol. IV. pp. 556,724. The word is clearly the same; see the above explanation of the woritten form of the Burmese word Mahdydsawin. The final letter in the Burmese word corresponds to the NAgari guttural nasal and to an undra. Its power when final in a nyllable in Burmese phonetics is to change the inherent a of the prooeding consonant to, and ita pronunciation under those ciroumstances is so close to that of the cerebral nasal as to inoline me to write it. When initial in a syllable ita power is ng, as in the common words nga and ngd and ar. Other forma in Further India of vash ja are wrong in Kambojan, e.g. Surisong in the text above = Saryavansa: and wongse in Siamese, used as a termination to many Royal names.-B. C. T.] 15 Hist. Burma, pp. 20, 21, with p. 34.
[Th as in thing. The word is really Thaton.-R. C. T.)
7 [So always spelt, but always pronounced Pagan. Short unaccented u is often so pronounced in Burmese : e.g. bhurd == p'aya: bhurash bayin: sukhi thak3 (th as in thing)-R. C.T.)
45 [Spelt AnõrathA, pronounced Anawyet'A: ar as in croful.) Phayre spells Anoarahta, as he uses 01 = to express ato in awful, and ht to express aspirated t, because of the Burmese th as in thing and the. The t in this word is often distinctly aspirated in Burmese, as it is in the common kindred word yet'l, a carriage (not a cart which is hie). Yet'& is a Páli derivative and is always spelt ratha. It should be remembered that Burmese has neither nor , but the true English t.-R.C.T.]
49 Crawfurd's Ava (1834), Vol. II. p. 123.
so (Gautama in Burmese is written Götams and pron. Gawdams. This is the pronunciation whtoh Bigandet represents in his Life and Legend of Gaudama, and which is the origin of the common Anglo-Burmese form goddama applied to images of Buddha.-R.C.T.)
51 [These are merely an attempt to transcribe the Burmese written word Buddhaghoss and which is pron. nooording to Burman phonetics Bogdagawtha (th as in the) and spelt Buddhages. Similarly BôgdA-bAth (th as in the) is the modern vulgar Burmese expression for the Buddhist religion = Buddhabhasha.-R.O.T.) ibid. Vol. II. p. 278.
63 No. VIII. p. 50. 54 Burma Past and Present, (1878), Vol. II. pp. 100, 170.
Buddhism Rhys Davids, p. 236.

Page #120

110
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1890.
him." The Burmese legend is given in a still more complete form by Bishop Bigandet,56 from whom most of the later authorities have derived their information "The first one [in Burma] who made an attempt to possess himself of a copy of the sacred scriptures was Budhagosa, a religious of Thaton, of the Ponn457 race. That man embarked at Thaton which was then onsor near the sea. That place is in the Ramagnia58 country, and is inhabited by a people called Moun. He sailed to Ceylon in the year of religion 943, to 400 A.C., under the reign of King Mahânâma. He resided three years on that island, wrote on palm leaves with the Burmese characters, the Pitagat,60 which was found written in the language and characters of Ceylon. In another manuscript we read that he translated into Pâli the scriptures, which were in the language of Ceylon. Buddhagosa remained three years in Ceylon, in order to complete the work which he had undertaken. During his stay in that island, the people were so much pleased with him that they made him many and costly presents on his leaving their country. With him he brought over to Souwana boumi, [Suvarnabhumi] which is in the Ramagnia country, a complete copy of the scriptures. In or about the Pagan [modern Burmese] cra 419 1058 A.D., the 42nd, some say the 44th King of Pagan, named Anaurata [Anawyet'â], having invaded the Ramagnia country, possessed himself of the Moun's territories, and entered triumphant in the venerable city of Thaton. He took away from that place the collection of scriptures brought over from Ceylon by Buddhagósa as well as the most learned among the Rahans.62 With the aid of these distinguished Rahans religion was then firmly established in Pagan."63
B. The Ceylonese Legend.
Down to A.D. 1833 European scholars appear to have known the Buddhaghôsa legend through the Burmese traditions alone. In that year other versions of it, differing in many essential particulars from the Burmese form, were published in Upham's Collection of the Sacred und Historical Books of Ceylon. In the most important of these books, the Mahavansa, the Ceylonese legend is given in these words: "In the reign of this king [Mahanama] there came from Jambu-dwipa [India] to Ceylon a learned priest whose name was Buddagosa, by whom the king caused to be written a great number of sermons of Budhu, and thus illustrated the doctrine." The Rajaratnákari, another of these books, gives the legend in the following form:"The next king who ascended the throne was called Mahanawma Raja, in whose time the priest called Budhu-gosha came from Jambu-dwipa, and added to the three books which contained 257,250 sermons of Budhu, 360,550 serinons more, in the Palee language." The Rájávali, another of these historical books, has the following variation of the legend:66"His son, Manam Rajah was the next king: he reigned for twenty years. In the course of this king's reign the two persons called Bandagot [Buddhaghosa] Nam-watawak and Tenmaha Sin caused to be brought from Jambu-dwipa to Ceylon the books containing the 200,250 orders of Budhu, and the books containing the thres lacs and 100,750 sayings of Budhu, which were written in the Palce language, and ordered the same to be published." Another variation is given in the more recent Sinhalese Compendiu:n of Gautama Buddha's doctrine:67-"In the sixth year of the reign of the king Maha-Naaone, and in the year of Budhu 930, the high-priest Buddothegooseke Terunwahanse, coming to the island of Ceylon, composed the books called Visuddhimarge, &c. Upon his return to Swarna
6 Life of Gandama (2nd edit. 1866), pp. 391, 392. On Bp. Bigaudet's authorities see Sacred Books of the East, Vol. XI. (1881), Introd. pp. xvi., xvii., xxii., xxxii.
[Ponná Skr. Punya - in Burma a Brahman.'-R. C. T.]
.-R. C. T.]
58 Ramaguin Ramangya of Phayre
[Mun, spelt Mwan Talaing.-R. C. T.]
C. T
[Bidagat, spelt Pitakat, is the modern Burmese form of the word Pitaka through (?) Pitakattaya, Situated on a tidal creek in the Gulf of Martaban, between the Sittang and Salween Rivers and not far from the latter.-R. C. T.]
62 [Rahan Burmese Yehân =
अईन्
= अईन्. - R. C. r.]
63 See also the Bishop's notes, Introd. p. ix. and pp. 120, 351, 3S1, 385, 390, 393. Upham, Vol. 11. p. 74. 66 Upham, Vol. II. p. 242.
Upham, Vol. I.
6 Upham, Vol. 111. p. 115.
P.
239.

Page #121

APRIL, 1890.)
BUDDHAGHOSA.
111
bhumiye, he composed the Turnpittike also, and employed himself in teaching the doctrine of Budhu; while the king Aniniddha Maha Raja propagated the same persuasion in the country Arunardenepureje." A much fuller variation of the Ceylonese legendes appeared four years later in the Hon. George Tarnour's translation of a portion of the Mahavarisa, made from a totally different recension of that work from that which had been used by the earlier translators :"A Brahman youth, born in the neighbourhood of the terrace of the great Bo-tree (in Magadha), accomplished in the wijja and sippa; who had achieved the knowledge of the three wedos, and possessed great aptitude in attaining acquirements, indefatigable as a schismatic disputant, and himself a schismatic wanderer over Jambudipo, established himself in the character of a disputant in a certain wiharo, and was in the habit of rehearsing by night and by day with clasped hands, a discourse which he had learned, perfect in all its component parts, and sustained throughout in the same lofty strain. A certain maha thero, Rewato, becoming acquainted with him there, and saying to himself, This individual is a person of profound knowledge; it will be worthy of me to convert him,' inquired, 'Who is this who is braying like an ass P' The Brahman replied to him, Thou canst define, then, the meaning conveyed in the bray of asses' On the thero rejoining, I can define it,' he, the Brahman exhibited the extent of the knowledge he possessed. The thero criticised each of his propositions, and pointed out in what respect they were fallacious. He who had been thus refuted said, 'Well, then, descend to thy own creed, and he propounded to him a passage from the Abhidhammo of the Pitakattaya. He, the Brah. man, could not divide the signification of that passage, and inquired, Whose manto is this?
It is Baddho's manto.' On his exclaiming, 'Impart it to me,' the thero replied, 'Enter the sacerdotal order. He who was desirous of acquiring the knowledge of the Pitakattaya, subsequently coming to this conviction, This is the sole road to salvation, became a convert to that. faith. As he was as profound in his (ghoso) eloquence as Buddho himself, they conferred on him the appellation of Buddhaghoso (the voice of Buddho); and throughout the world he became ag renowned as Buddho. Having there, in Jambndipo, composed an original work called Nanodayan, he, at the same time, wrote the chapter called Atthasálini, on the Dhammasangini, one of the commentaries on the Abhidhammo. Rewato-thero then observing that he was desirous of undertaking the compilation of a Parittatthaluathan, a general commentary on the Pitakattaya, thus addressed him ; The text alone of the Pițakattaya lias been preserved in this land : the Atthakatha are not extant here; nor is there any version to be found of the wádá schisms, complete. The Sinhalese Atthakatha are genuine. They were composed in the Singhalese language by the inspired and profoundly wise Mahindo, who had previously consulted the discourses of Buddho, authenticated at the three convocations, and the dissertations aod arguments of Sariputto and others, and they are extant among the Singhalese. Repairing thither, and studying the same, translate them according to the rules of the grammar of tbe Magadhas. It will be an act conducive to the welfare of the whole world.' Having beer thus advised, this eminently wise personage rejoicing therein departed from thence and visited this island in the reign of this monarch (Mahanamo). On reaching the Mahawihiro at Anuradhapura, he entered the Mahapa chino hall, the most splendid of the apartments in the wihéro, and listened to the Singhalese Atthakathi and the Therawadá from the beginning to the end propounded by the thero Sanghapâli; and became thoroughly convinced that they conveyed the true meaning of the doctrines of the lord of Dhanmo. Thereapon, paying reverential respect to the priesthood, be thus petitioned; I am desirous of translating the Atthakathú. give me access to all your books. The priesthood, for the purpose of testing his qualifications, gave only two gátlá, saying, Hence prove thy qualification; having satisfied ourselves on this point we will then let thee have all our books." From these, taking these gáthá for his text, and consulting the Pitakattaya, together with the Atthakathá, and condensing them into un abridged form, he composed the commentary called the Wisuddhimaggur. Thereupon having assembled the priesthood who had acquired a thorough, knowledge of the doctrines of
* Turnouz'Mahajuri.ca, p. 250.

Page #122

112
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1890.
Buddho at the Bo-tree, he commenced to read out the work he had composed. The dewatás, in order that they might make his, Buddhaghoso's, gifts of wisdom celebrated among men, rendered that book invisible. He, however, for a second and third time recomposed it. Wben he was in the act of producing his book for the third time, for the purpose of propounding it, the dewatás restored the other two copies also. The assembled priests then read out the three books simultaneously. In those three versions, neither in a signification, nor in a single misplacement by transposition, nay, even in the thera controversies and in the text of the Pitakattaya, was there in the measure of a verse or in the letter of a word, the slightest variation. Thereupon, the priesthood rejoicing, again and again fervently shouted forth saying, Most assuredly this is Metteyo Baddho himself, and made over to him the books in wbich the Pitakattaya were recorded, together with the Atthakatha. Taking up his residence in the secluded Ganthakaro Wiharo at Anuradhapura, he translated, according to the grammatical rules of the Magadhas, which is the root of all languages, the whole of the Singhalese Atthakatha into Pâli. This proved an achievement of the utmost consequence to all languages spoken by the human race. All the theros and achárayos held this compilation in the same estimation as the text of the Pitakattayo. Thereafter, the objects of his mission having been fulfilled, he returned to Jambudipo (India) to worship at the Bo-tree at Uruwelâya in Magadha."
It is necessary to observe here that this Buddhaghosa legend does not occur in the Mahavarisa attributed to Mahânâma in the fifth century A.D., but in the continuation of that work by Dharmakirti in the thirteenth century. The Mahavarisa of Mahânâma, like the Dipavainsa69 ends with the reign of Mahasena, 70 A.D. 275 to 302, apwards of a century before the accession of Mahânâma, A.D. 410 to 432.71 Regarding the first continuation of that work, in which the above version of the Buddhaghðsa legend appears, Mr. Turnour has the following statement:72 — "From the period at which Mahânâma's work terminated, to the reign of Prakrama Bahu in A.D. 1266, the Sulu Wanse was composed under the patronage of the lastnamed sovereign by Dharma Kirti at Dambedeniya.”
C.-Combinations of the preceding Legends. With these perplexing variations in both the Burmese and the Ceylonese traditions before him, M. Landresse, in a note to Remusat's translation of Fa-Hian's travels published in A.D. 1836,73 gave the legend a new form, which is in effect a compromise combining the principal statements of both of those traditions : -"A learned priest from the continent of India, named Buddhaghosa, after having to a great extent revived the religion of which he was a zealong partisan, had hardly left Ceylon to spread the dootrine beyond the Ganges in Avam and among the Burmans,76 when Fa-Hian arrived there under circumstances highly favourable for the objects of his voyage."
A somewhat similar compromise ocours in the New Mahayazawin of the Burmese, quoted by Sir Arthur Phayre in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal :78 - "About this time it is recorded in the Great Radzâ-weng' [Mahdy drawin], that the celebrated teacher, the lord Bud-da-gau-tha [Bøgdagawthâ] went from the country of Thahtun [Thátôn] to Ceylon to bring the books of the Bi-da-gdt [Pitaka). In the New Radza-weng [Yazawin] it is said that he crossed from Mits-tsi-ma-de-tha (Machchamadeśa, Missimâ dêtha] : but the case is really thus ; for more than nine hundred years after the establishment of religion, the disciples of Yau-na-ka Mahà-dham-ma-rak-khi-ta, and of Thau-na and Ut-ta-ra, repeated by heart the three great divisions of the Bi-da-gåt. There were as yet no letters in Dzam-bu-di-pa [Jambudipa). At that
See Professor Oldenberg's translation, p. 221.
70 Turnour's translation, p. 238. 11 These are Turnour's dates in his appendix, p. lii.
12 Mahduarsa, Introd. p. ii. 73 Foe Koue Ki, p. 347 : Laidlay's English translation (A.D. 1848), p. 347.
14 The Burmese word is Ewa or EywA (ywdyillage); accent ond: but Awd is also known accent on 4. Ava with accent on the first syllable is Anglo-Indian.-R. C. T.]
76 Crawfurd, Embassy to Ava, p. 491, and Burnouf and Lassen, Essai sur le pagi, p. 62. 76 Vol. XXXVII. (1868), pp. 80. See also his History of Burma, pp. poff.

Page #123

APRIL, 1890.]
BUDDHAGHOSA.
113
time a young Brahman was living near the Baudi[ Bodhi]-tree. He was learned in medicine and mathematics. Wandering about in Dzam-ba-di-pa, disputing the doctrines of others, he came to & monastery, and in the vicinity began to recite in a soft voice. The great teacher Sheng-Rewa-ta[Shiņ Yêwatâ] hearing, said, “This man is wise, it will be proper to discuss with him.' He therefore called out, Who is there braying like an ass ?' The young man replied, You understand then the braying of asses ?' and then to his questions Sheng 'Rewata gave suitable replies. But the young man knew nothing of the divine law. He therefore became a Rahan to study the three great books of the Bi-da-gát. From that time he became as celebrated as a Phra [Bhura : Paya), and was named Bud-da-gau-tha. He wished to study commentaries on the Bida-gát. The Sheng Re-wa-tå knowing this, said: - In Dzam-bu-di-pa there is only the PAli, there is not the commentary ; teachers with various gifts of mind are scarce; but in Ceylon the commentaries are pure. The Pali divine revelations as repeated in the three great Councils were carried to Ceylon by the lord Ma-hin-da. Going there where the commentaries exist in the Singhalese language, learn it, and translate them into Magada.' Saying this he sent him, as is written in the book Tsulu-weng."77 Sir A. Phayre then remarks, -" The history then gives in detail several versions of the story of the sacred books being procured in Ceylon by Bud-da-gau-tha, and brought to the Indo-Chinese nations. The great teacher is represented as the religious benefactor or missionary to the Burmese, Talaings, Arakanese, Shans, Siamese, and Cochin-Chinese. But he was led to Tha-htan78 by a miraculous direction at the last moment. The history proceeds thus:-"Lo, the lord Bu-da-gau-tha, after having obtained permission from king Maha-nama by presenting him with a white elephant, bronght away the book Wi-thu-di-mag (Visuddhimagga], the three great divisions of the Bidagát, and the commentaries. But when he was on his way,to Dzam-bu-di-pa [India], a Thagya79 came and warned him saying, "There is no place in Mits-tsi-ma-de-tha Machchama-desa] where religion can be established. The places where it is firmly established are situated on the south-east side of Mits-tsi-ma-de-tha; they are nine hundred yuyanas[yôjanas] in circumference; they lie on the outskirts, and are known as Tha-re-khet. ta-rå, The-ri-pits-tsa-ra, RA-ma-ngya, and other countries. Religion shall be established in them for full five thousand years. The books should be conveyed thither. The great teacher accordingly came to Thahtun in the country of Râmangyâ, then called Thû-dam-ma-wa-ti, and also Thuwan-na-bhum-mi.”80 The historian states that this event occurred in the year 946 of religion, or A.D. 403. “Thus," he concludes, "in order to set forth distinctly the account of the arrival in the Burma country of the scriptures, the root and foundation of religion, which had been omitted in the Great and the Middle Râdza-weng, I have extracted the narrative from the religious books." In a subsequent passage, p. 105, Sir A. Phayre says; - "In most histories of Burma it is stated that he (Buddhaghôsa] was a native of Thahtun; but this claim now seems to be abandoned. The year given for his arrival, A.D. 403, has no doubt been fixed after consulting the Mahavamsa of Ceylon, but still is scarcely consistent with it...... The Burmese Mahá-rádza-weng assumes that the whole of the Buddhist scriptures were at this time brought to Pagán [Pagån). This is not credible. The intercourse between the Burmese and Talaings at this time appears to have been but small, and, as has been seen, the history subsequently relates the arrival of the scriptures, and the reform of religion, as being brought about in the reign of Acaurahta, or about 600 years afterwards." The same author has , paper in a later volume of the same Journal,81 On the History of Pegu, in which the following passage occurs : -"Up to a recent period the histories written by Talaings or Barmans represented Budhaghosa, as a
17 This Tsula-weng I take to be the Suluvansa of Ceylon, the continuation of tho Mahavainsa of Mahanama referred to in Turnour's Introd., p. ii. quoted above. If so, the origin of this portion of the Burmese legend of Buddhaghosha is referred to Ceylon. [Tsulaweng = Sulwin = M = Suluvatsa-R. C. T.]
58 "A few miles north of Marta ban,” ibid. p. 105.
T* [Thagyd, so pronounced, also Thaja; th as in thing, acoent on last syllable. It is usually written Thekkya = Sakkra= Bakra = Indra: but in modern Burmese ideas the thagyd is an angel of life.-R. C. T.]
*(These words should be I think :- Shri Khêttars=Srikshêtard; Sripachchara; Rámafia = Sudharmawati = Suvarnabhumi.-R. C. T.]
$1 Jour. As. Soc. Beng. Vol. XLII. (1873), pp. 23 ff.

Page #124

114
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1890.
great Rabản of Thahtun, who went to Ceylon, and brought from thence the sacred books to his native land. This statement has, however, been corrected in the latest edition of the Burmese national history, Maha-Radad-weng, which was written, or revised, in the palace at Amarapura 92 about forty years ago.93 The story of Budhaghosa is therein correctly told, and has apparently been derived from the Mahávanso of Ceylon. The date assigned for Budhaghosa's voyage to Thahtun is A.D. 403. Even the Talaing writers, long jealous for the honour of their country, seem now to acknowledge their error as to the birthplace of their great teacher. In a late paper by a learned Talaing which I have perused, it is acknowledged that there are two accounts regarding Budhaghosa : and it is only argued that in returning from Ceylon to the continent of India, he may have come by ship to Thahton, and revived by his presence the drooping flower of religion. That Thahtun was his native place seems to be silently abandoned.”
Turnour himself accepted this compromise, even in the face of the distinct statements of his own translation, under the influence of the Essai sur le Páli.84 It was also adopted by Professor Horace Hayman Wilson,95 whose views largely dominated oriental researches for many years, and it has maintained itself as the prevailing solution of the contradictory statements in the legend down to the present time. Nevertheless, it is well to bear in mind that it is a mere compromise of recent origin without any historical value whatever.
III.-Comparison of the preceding Legends. The points of agreement and divergence in these several variations of the legend may be conveniently exhibited under the following three heads :- A. Buddhaghosa's early life; B. His visit to Ceylon ; C. His later life.
A.-Buddhaghose's early life. 1. Both streams of the legend, - the Maháyázawin, Carpanias, Burnouf, Felix Carcy, Bigandet, for the Burmese streams, and Turnour for the Ceylonese stream, -- and consequently the compromise also, state that he was a Brahman by birth.
2. Turnour's Mahavainsa makes him extensively learned in Brâhmanical knowledge, and a: active controversialist against the Buddhists in the early part of his career.
3. All the three groups, -Tarnour, Fytche, and the New Mahdydrawin, - agree that he became a convert to Buddhism.
4. Tarnour's Mahávarsa states that he received his name Buddhaghôsa," the Voice of Buddha," soon after his conversion, on acconnt of his great eloquence : Fytche's authorities dothe same: and the New Maháyázawin is in agreement with them in so far as it states that he possessed a soft voice.
5. They all agree also, Crawfurd, Bigandet, Fytehe, and the Rajaratndkurí, - that he became a priest of his new religion, that is to say, a Baddhist monk: both the Upham and the Ternour recensions of the Mahávamsa add the epithet "learned ;" and the Upham Sinhalese Compendium and Landresse make him a high-priest.
6. Turnour's Mahávansa makes him a Prakṣit author even in this first stage of his careous
7. The Burmese legend, represented by Bigandet and Fytche, makes him a native of Thaton near Martaban : and the Crawfurd variation probably means the same thing when it
2 [Amarapura =Burm. Amayapya, is near Mandalay, in fact it adjoins the southern municipal limits of the town under English rule.-R. C. T.] #8 A.D. 1873 -40 = about A.D. 1833. -T. F.
84 Turn., Introd., p. XXX & Jour. R. As. Soc., Vol. XVI. (N. S.) (1854), p. 940; XXI. (1856), p. 229ff. ; Works, Vol. II. p. 331.
86 Dr. J. Stevenson (Jour. As. Soc. Bomb., Vol. V. (1867 p. 5), says that before leaving India for Ceylon, he published several works in defence of his new religion and in opposition to his former co-religioniste, but as be gives the Mahavamsa as his authority for that statement, the only early works mentioned there are the Nan daya and the Atthasálint.

Page #125

APRIL, 1890.;
BUDDHAGHOSA.
115
calls him a Burman priest; as also does the Singhalese Compendium when it speaks of his "return" to Burma from Ceylon.
8. The Burnouf-Lassen variation supposed that he was driven out of India during a persecution of Buddhism by the Brahmans : but none of the indigenous authorities support this supposition.
9. The rest of the authorities are silent on the subject of his early life: and it has been already mentioned that modern Burmese scholars have abandoned the claim set up for Thâtôn as the place of his birth and education.
B.-His visit to Ceylon.
(1) The object of his visit. 1. The Carey variation of the Burmese legend states that he was deputed to Ceylon to copy the Vissuddhimagga, -implying that this work, which is generally attributed to Buddhaghosa, was in existence in Ceylon before his arrival there, and was therefore not composed by him.
2. The Turnour Mahavarisa states that his visit to Ceylon was made at the instigation of the superior of his monastery in Magadha, to study the Singhalese language and to translate the commentaries of Mahinda on the Tripitaka from that language into the language of Magadha, in order to qualify himself to compose a general commentary on the Buddhist scriptures which he had proposed to undertake. The Neto Mahayázawin has the same statement.
3. The Great Maháyázawin, on the other hand, states that he went to Ceylon to bring away to Burma a copy of the Tripitaka.
4. The Siamese Buddhists have a tradition that he introduced Buddhism into Ceylon. The Landresse variation is perhaps in accord with this tradition when it states that he caused & revival of Buddhism in Ceylon.
5. Colonel Sykes says87 that he went to Ceylon " for the express purpose of dispatations with the heterodox Buddhist priests, as he considered them," thus placing his visit before his conversion to Buddhism; but he gives no authority for the statement, which is probably based upon a misconception of the passage in the Turnour Mahávarsa.
(2) His literary work there. 1. The Carey tradition states that he made a copy of the Visuddhimagga, including the Játakas, upon palm-leaves with an iron style presented to him for the purpose by a celestial being. The Crawfurd.Judson variation is to the same effect, substituting, however, the Buddhist scriptures for the Visuddhimagga.
2. The Carpanius variation states that he obtained a copy of the Pali books in Ceylon and brought them to Pegu, and that he introduced the Pali written character into Pegu at the same time. The Phayre-Fytohe-Maháyázawin variation is to the same effect. So also is the statement of the Phayre-New-Maháyázawin, which adds that the books so brought over by him were the Visudhinagga, the three great divisions of the Pitaka, and the Commentaries.
3. The Fytche variation states that he was employed by the rulers of his order in Ceylon to rewrite the Sinhalese commentaries in Påli; but it does not appear whether the PAli language or the Pâli character is intended here.
i. One of the Bigandet variations states that he translated the Sinhalese scriptures into
Påli, meaning apparently the PÅli language. ii. Another Bigandet variation states that he made a copy of the Sinhalese Tripitaka,
merely substituting the Burmese character for the Sinhalese in which he found it written,
$7 Jour. R. As. Soc., Vol. VI. (1841), pp. 339, 416.

Page #126

116
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1890.
4. The Upham Singhalese Compendium states that he composed the Visuddhimayga, &c., while he was in Ceylon: and with this the Turnour Mahávansa and the New Mahdydrawin agree, adding full circumstantial details respecting the occasion and the manner of its composition.
5. The Turnour Mahavainsa states that after considerable hesitation and the imposition of severe tests of his competency, the monks of the Mahâvihara at Anuradhapura in Ceylon complied with his earnest request for the use of their books, and placed their library at his disposal for the purpose of translating the Sinhalese commentaries ; and that in the retirement of a neighbouring convent he translated the whole of those commentaries "according to the grammatical rules of the Magadhas," to which Turnour adds" into PAli" in brackets. The New Mahdyázawin has the same story: and it relates it on the authority of the Sulawin, which is apparently either the Sulu-vansa of the Turnour traditions or a Burmese counterpart of it.
6. The Upham Mahavainsa tradition is entirely different from all of the above. It states that the king of Ceylon caused a great number of the "sermons" of Buddha to be written out by Buddhaghosa ; and it does not mention any other work done by him. The Rajaratnákari variation is also to the same effect, with the additional statement that these " sermons" were so committed to writing by him in the PAli language.
6. The Rájávali tradition is still more divergent from all the other records. It states that Buddhaghôss and another Buddhist monk brought over to Ceylon from India the books containing the “orders" of Buddha, and an immense number of his "sayings.” And regarding the work done by him in Ceylon, it simply says that he ordered these books to be published there.
8. The New Mahay dzawin and the Bigandet traditions state that he remained in Ceylon for three years: none of the other authorities say how long his visit lasted.
C.-His later life. 1. Burnouf and Lassen state in general terms on the authority of Carpanius that he brought the Pali scriptures and the Pali written character from Ceylon to Pegu, returning thither as his home when the object of his visit to Ceylon had been accomplished. The Burmese traditions of Crawford, Bigandet, Phayre, and Fytche are to the same effect. Turnoor, Hardy, and Wilson also entertained this view.
2 Burnouf and Lassen regarded hth, for that reason, as the founder of Buddhism in Pegu.
3. The Judson-Burmese variation states that he brought a copy of the Buddhist sacred books to Pagan in Burma proper by sea from Ceylon, without any intervening reference to Pegu.
4. Hardy states, and perhaps Bigandet also, that the Burmese ascribe a new era to his arrival in their country.
5. The Crawfurd-Siamese tradition states that he introduced Buddhism into Siam, after establishing it in Kambôja and Lao, sabsequent to his visit to Ceylon. The views of Dr. Stevenson, Colonel Yule, Sir A. Phayre, and Professor Rhys Davids harmonize in the main with this tradition. .
6. The Turnour Makávainsa, on the contrary, states that he returned from Ceylon to Magadha; and the intention of the passage seems to be to record his final retirement to the sacred precincts of the Bo-tree at Buddha-Gayå after all his work was done. In that case it may possibly imply that he remained in Ceylon for many years down to the close of his active career.
.7. The Great Maháyázawin states that he came to Burma,-meaning apparently Upper Burma,-fron the Machchamadésa in the Gangetic valley. Laidlay appears to have adopted this view.

Page #127

APRIL, 1890.]
BUDDHAGHOSA.
117
8. The New Mahdydzawin states that he left Ceylon with the intention of returning to Magadha, and that his destination was supernaturally changed to Pegu during his voyage up the Bay of Bengal.
9. A modern Peguan scholar, in order to reconcile the conflicting traditions, suggests that he may have touched at Thâtôn on his sea-way from Ceylon to India.
10. One of the Bigandet traditions states that the people of Ceylon gave him many valuable presents on his leaving their island, to testify their pleasure with his work.
11. The New Maháyázawin states that he presented a white elephant to the king of Ceylon, and obtained his permission to bring away the Visuddhimugga, the Tripitaka, and the
Commentaries. • 12. The Landresse-Laidlay variation states that after his return from Ceylon, he spread the Buddhist religion beyond the Ganges in Ava and amongst the Burmese. This view seems to imply that he travelled from Magadba to Ava by the land route.
13. The Upham Singhalese Compendium states that he composed the Tripitaka after his retarn to Burma, and occupied himself in propagating Buddhism there.
14. Dr. Stevenson, presuming the Buddhaghosa of the cave inscription at Kaņhêri to be the great Pali scholar, suggests that he propagated Buddhism in Western India under the patronage of the early Andhra kings.
15. If this identification can be maintained, that inscription affords three items of information regarding him, namely, (1) that he was the carator of the great cave-temple of Kinheri, near Bombay ; (2) that he was a disciple of Dharmavatsa, & revered teacher of the Tripitaka ; and (3) that he erected the large statue of Buddha which still stands in the porch of that temple.
16. In this part of his life, besides the extensive missionary work with which he is credited, place must be found for the rest of the literary works attributed to him other than those which he wrote before his visit to Ceylon and during his residence there.
IV.-Buddhaghosa's Literary work. The traditions of his connection with the literature of the Buddhists may be distributed into the following four classes, namely, (1) those which make him a mere conveyor and propagator of books already in existence ; 88 (2) those which make him a mere copyist of those books;49 (3) those which make him a mere translator of them ;90 and (4) those which attribute the authorship of them to him, either as their original composer, 91 or as their reviser, 03 or recompiler :88 while some of those traditions combine two or more of these classes. Withont attempting to present an exhaustive list of his works, I bring together here the names of such of them as I have met with in the course of these investigations :
1. The elegant controversial discourse, which he recited defiantly in the monastery of Rêvata, may or may not have been his own composition ; but, as stated above, he wrote the Nanodaya in India soon after his conversion to Buddhism.
# Upham, Vol. II. p. 74, 212 : Barnell's Aindra Grammarians, p. 63: Mason's Pali Grammar, p. v. : Buddhaghoni's Parables, p. v.
" Ward's Hindoos, Vol. II. p. 211. Upham, Vol. I. p. 239 : Vol. II, pp. 74, 128, 129 : Vol. III. p. vii, note: Crawfurd's Ava, Vol. II. 123, 978: Jour. As. Soc. Beng., Vol. VI. p. 506: Bigandet, pp. 11, 829, 351, 399, 892.
Upham, Vol. I. pp. 289, 344, 345 : Turnour, pp. XX, xxxii, 250 to 953 : Tour. As. Soc. Beng., Vol. VI. pp. 506, 717; Vol. XXXIX. pp. 26, 62, note: Hardy's E. Monach. pp. 171, 192: Bfgandet pp 120, 329,389, 392; MABON's Pau Grammar, P. V: Burnell's Aindra Grammarians, 63.
-1 Upham, Vol. II. p. 106; Vol. III. p. 115 Turnour, p. 250: Jour. As. Soc. Beng., Vol. V. p. 530; Vol. VI. p. 505 ; Vol. VII. p. 690: Jour. R. As. Soc. Vol. VI. p. 510; Vol. XVI. p. 241; Vol. V. (N. B), p. 302: Jour. Ceylon R. A. 8. for 1874, p. 9.: Hardy's E. Monach., pp. 1,167, 188, 808, compared with p. 187 : Hardy's Man. Bud., PP. 356, pil.
Jour. As. Soc. Beng., Vol. VI. p. 548, 717: E. Monach., p. 174, D. Jour. As. Soc. Beng., Vol. VI. p. 504: Saor. Books of the East, Vol. X. p. XIV.

Page #128

118
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[APRIL, 1890
2. He also wrote the Atthasálini while he was still in India. I gather the intention of this statement to be, that this work was the first instalment of the great undertaking which he was then projecting, namely, a general commentary on the Tripitaka.
3. The Visuudhinagya is said to have been written by him under somewhat romantic oir cumstances soon after his arrival in Ceylon.84 On the other hand, as mentioned above, the Ward-Burmese variation implies that it was not written by him, but that it existed in Ceylon before his visit.
4. The Turnour Atahavarisao and the New Maháyázawin7 state that during his residence in Ceylon he translated into Pali the whole of the Sinhalese commentaries on the Tripitaka. originally composed by Mahinda 98 the son of the emperor Asoka and the reputed Buddhist apostle of Ceylon. On the contrary, the Singhalese Compendium80 states that he composed the Tripitaka, meaning probably his commentaries upon it in Burma, after his return from Ceylon. The Siamese legend respecting this portion of his work is somewhat confused; yet it has a right to a place by the side of the traditions of the neighbouring Buddhist countries :--"Mahanamo directed Buddha-Ghosa to put the Pâli Sihala Atthakatha and Tilca into the Magadha language, in order to preserve the same in Jambo Dwip."190
The various views which have been expressed regarding Buddhaghộsa's share in the existing southern recension of the Tripitaka and its commentaries, -as their propagator, copyist, translator, reviser, recompiler, or author, may be seen in the passages which I have quoted or referred to above. By their side I will place here two statements attributed to Buddhaghosa himself, defining the character of his work. The first of them occurs in the introductory verses of his Brahmajála-sutta :101 - " For the purpose of illustrating this commentary, availing myself of the Atthakatha, which was in the first instance authenticated by the five hundred Arahanta at the first convocation, as well as subsequently at the succeeding convocatious, and which were thereafter brought from Magadha to Sihala by the sanctified Mahindo, and for the benefit of the inhabitants of Sihala were transposed into the Sihala language; from thence I translate the Sihala version into the delightful classical language, according to the rules of that (the Pâli) language, which is free from all imperfections, omitting only the frequent repetitions of the same explanations, but at the same time without rejecting the tenets of the Theros resident at the Mahâviharo at Anuradhapuru), who were like unto luminaries to the generation of Theros and the most accomplished discriminators of the true doctrines." The second passage occurs in his introduction to the Sananta-pásúdiká : 102 - "In commencing this commentary I shall, having embodied therein the Mahá-Atthakatha, without excluding any proper meaning from the decisions contained in the Mahd-Pachchhart, as also in the famoas Kurundi and other comentaries, and including the opinions of the Elders, perform my task well... The Dhamma as well as the Vinaya was declared by Buddha; his sacerdotal sons understood it in the same sense as it was delivered ; and inasmuch as iu former times they (the Sinhalese commentators) composed the Cominentaries without disregarding their (the sacerdotal sons') opinions; therefore, barring any error of transcription, everything coutained therein is an authority to the learned in this priest. hood who respect ecclesiastical discipline. From these (the Sinhalese) commentaries, after casting off the language, condensing detailed accounts, including authoritative decisions, and
* Turnour, p. 252: Upham. Vol. III. p. 115. See also Jour. As. Soc. Beng., Vol. V. p. 530; Vol. VI. p. 501 Jour. Ax. Soc. Bomb., Vol. V. 505: E. Monach., pp. 1, 167, 171, 174 u, 184, 303: Man. Bud., pp. 509, 512: Bigandet p. 392 : Max Müller's Chips, Vol. I. p. 196: Jour. R. 4. 8., Vol. V. (N. S.), 392. 95 Ward's Hindoos, Vol. II. p. 211
^ Turnour, pp. 252, 253, (p. 112 above). Jowr. As. Sor. Beng., Vol. XXXVII. p. 80 ff. (p. 113 above). - Turnour, p. 251, (p. 111 above). Upham, Vol. III. p. 115, (p. 111 above).
100 Jour. As. Soc. Beng., Vol. XVII. (Pt. II. 1848), p. 615. 101 Juwr. As. Soc. Beng., Vol. VI. (1837), p. 510; Vol. VII. (1833), p. 920. See also Childers' translatiou of this passage in Jour. R.A.S., Vol. V. (N. S.). p. 290.
10. Juur. R. As. Soc., Vol. V. (N. S.), (1871) p. 297.

Page #129

APRIL, 1890.]
BUDDHAGHOSA.
119
without overstepping any Pali idiom, I shall proceed to compose. And as this commentary will, moreover, be explanatory of the meaning of words belonging to the Suttas in conformity with the sense attached to them therein, therefore ought it the more diligently to be studied."
These commentaries cover the whole of the Tripitaka - the Vinaya, the Abhidhamma, and the Sutta Piçakas.103 They are distributed into divisions and subdivisions bearing separate titles; and some of these are virtually if not originally separate works.104 Altogether they are sufficient to occupy seven or eight volumes of ordinary size.106
5. A volume of Parables in the Burmese language is attributed to him. 106
6. He is said to have brought over from Ceylon to Burma a copy of Kachchhîyana's Pali Grammar, and to have translated it into Burmese, and also to have written a commentary upon it.107 It is, however, not mentioned by the great Páli grammarian and lexicographer Moggalana, A.D. 1153 to 1186, nor by the Prákțit grammarians Chanda and Hêmachandra, 108 and must apparently be placed amongst the supposititious works of Buddhaghosa.
7. Hardy mentions a commentary on the Buddhavanasa by him.100 This is probably the Atthakathú called Maduratthaoilásini 110 and if so, Grimblot assigns it not to Buddhaghôsa but to a Buddhist monk living at the mouth of the Kavêri in Southern India. 111
8. Dr. Stevenson sayg113 that he published several works in defence of Buddhism and against the Brahmans in the early part of his career : bat, as already mentioned, that statement is not substantiated.
9. Colonel Sykes, 113 followed in substance by Mr. James Fergusson, 114 attributes the continuation of the Mahavarisa, or its reduction to its present form, to Buddhaghösa : and Professor Horace Hayman Wilson seems to have held a similar opinion, notwithstanding that he rightly distinguishes between the Mahavarisa and the Dipavarsa.116 No authority is cited for these statements: and they were probably made under some misconception.
10. The Burraese law-code of Manu 116 is also said to have been introduced into Burma from Ceylon by Buddhaghsa, 117 but the code itself is silent upon the subject.
v.-The Date of Buddhaghosa. I have stated in my paper on the Vicissitudes of the Buddhist Literature of Ceylon in a former number of this Journal,118 that various dates have been assigned to Buddhagha ranging from B.C. 307 to A.D. 607. I omit a still earlier date, 119 namely B.C. 543, the year of GautamaBuddha's death, because it has no claim to be taken into consideration. I also omit an extreme date on the later side, namely An. Bad. 1809, or A.D. 1266,120 - ("In the time of the said great
16 Jour. As. Soc. Beng., Vol. VI. pp. 504, 509, 520; Vol. VII. p. 690: Jour. As. Soc. Ceylon for 1846, p. 101 : Turnoar's Manuarsa, p. ii.: E. Monach., pp. 1, 167. Oldenberg's Pipaparka, pp. 3, 8.
1 For the names of the principal divisions see Turnour, Introd., p. lxxv. 1 E. Monach., p. 166. The names of some of the subdivisions occur in the passages cited above.
186 E. Monach., p. 167.
106 Rogers, Buddhaghosha's Parables, (1870). See Sacr. Bks. of the E., Vol. X. (1881), p. x. do. Muir's Sanskrit Texts, Vol. II. p. 72Bhandarkar, Jour. As. Soc. Bomb., Vol. XVI. p. 276.
in Tarn. Mahdv., p. XXV.: E. Monach., p. 192: D'Alwis, in Jour. As. Soc. Ceylon, (1850): Muir's Sanskrit Texts, Vol. II. p. 60 and note: Barnell's Aindra Grammar, p. 63: Mason's Pafi Grammar, pp. i., V. 14Dr. Roat, Art. Pali' in Encye. Brit. Vol. XVIII. (1885), p. 185.
108 See Clough's Pali Grammar, p. iv. i Mason's Pali Gram., pp. vii., 16: Fryer's Pali Studies, in Jour. 4.. Soc. Beng., Vol. XLIV. pp. 1 ff.
101 Man. Bud., p. 366. 140 Jour. As. Soc. Deng., Vol. VI. p. 790; Vol. VII. p. 789; Jour. R. Soc., Vol. XV. (N.S.) p. 482. 111 Professor Rhys Davida in Jour. R. A. S., Vol. VII. (N. S.), p. 170. 118 Jour. As. Soc. Bomb., Vol. V. p. 5, quoted above p. 114, note.
n Jour. R. 4. 8., Vol. VI. p. 339. 114 Tree and Serpent Worship, p. 195, note 450.
115 Jour. R. A. 3., Vol. XII. p. 243 ; Vol. XVI. p. 240. 116 Translated by Richardson, Maulmain, 1847 111 Encl. Brit., Vol. IV. p. 553. See Dr. A. Führer's remarks, in Jour, As, Soc. Bomb. Vol. XV. p. 335. 118 Vol. XVII. (1888), p. 124.
11 Calcutta Review, Vol. IV. p. 276. 190 Upham, Vol. I. pp. 311, 345.

Page #130

120
25
king [Parakramabahu] several parts of the scripture were translated by the high priests Buddagosa-charinvamse," &c.) since its inaccuracy is sufficiently explained by the parallel passage in the Rajaratnákari,121 ("Now all the books which had been written from the time of the king called Maha-nawenia [Mahânâma] Rajah by the learned priest called Boodagosawchawree Nahansey till the reign of the last king, and which had been expounded and enlarged upon by his successors," &c.) Another eccentric date is also capable of some explanation, namely A.D. 107,123 which has been derived from the following passage of Ward's Hindoos:123"The Burmans believe that 650 years after that event [Boodhu's death according to Hardy] in the reign of Muhamoonee, Booddhughoshu, a Brahmin, was deputed to Ceylon," because the "event" referred to in Ward's book is more correctly the propagation of Buddhism in Burma "about 450 years after Boodhu's death," or about 93 B.C.: but even this partial correction gives a new eccentric date, namely A.D. 557, which awaits some further explanation. There still remains one more date outside of the range of the period usually assigned to him, namely. An. Bud. 236, or B.C. 307;124 but this date has perhaps been sufficiently disposed of in my foregoing remarks upon the Siamese tradition in which it occurs.135 With these exceptions, and two or three more which scarcely need to be mentioned here, the remaining dates assigned to him group themselves in the main around the reign of king Mahânâma of Ceylon, and depend upon the date of that reign. I will here append these dates in their chronological order, with the authorities on which they are given, but without attempting to explain or to reconcile them :
B.C. 543. (Cal. Rev. Vol. IV. p. 276).
(Crawf. Siam, Vol. II. p. 91).
307. A.D. 107.
(Hardy, Man. Bud., 512: but see Ward's Hindoos, Vol. II. p. 210). 1st or 2nd. cent.,
the time of the Andhra kings,(Jour. As. Soc. Bomb. Vol. V. p. 5, with Rep. Archeol. Surv. West. India).
An early century (Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. pp. 229, 321).
386 A.B. 930.- (Crawf., Siam, Vol. II. pp. 10, 11; Ava, Vol. II. 123, 278, app.
(Upham, Vol. III. p. 115:
39
31
19
..
::::
""
99
23
39
39
―――
p. 59: see also Jour. As. Soc. Beng. Vol. XXXVII. p. 81).
387 A.B. 930 the 6th year of king Mahânâma.
-
Mason's Páli Gram., p. v.).
388 to 413. (Phayre, Hist. Burma, p. 20: Burnell's Aindra Gram, p. 61).
A.B. 940. (Carpanins: Burnouf and Lassen).
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
397
4th century. (Burnell, Aind. Gr. p. 61).
End of the 4th century. (Bigandet, p. ix.).
-
―
-
Beginning of the 5th century. (Jour. As. Soc. Beng. Vol. XXVI, p. 24; XXXVII., p. 80 ff: Bigandet, p. 351, n.).
A.B. 943. (Bigandet, pp. 381n, 389n, 392).
400 403.
(Jour. As. Soc. Beng. Vol. XXXVII, p. 105; XLII. p. 28). 408.(Fergusson, Tree and Serp. Worship, p. 195).
121 Upham, Vol. II. p. 12 Vol. II. p. 211.
[APRIL, 1890.
-
410.(Tarn. Maháv. p. lxii: Jour. R. A. S. Vol. VI. p. 416: Jour. As. Soc. Bomb. Vol. V. p. 13, 177: Ferg. Tree and Serp. Wor., pp. 70, 71, 161, 172). 410A.B. 953. (Jour. As. Soc. Beng. Vol. XVII. (II.), p. 615). 410 to 432.
(Turn. Maháv., p. xxx: Jour. As. Soc. Beng. Vol. VI. pp. 338, 423 I. (N. 8.), p. 462: Max Müller in Buddhaghosha's Parables, p. v. note). 420.(E. Monach., pp. 1. 167, 171: Cunningham, Bhilsa Topes, p. 74: Sacr. Bks. of the East, Vol. X. p. xxxix.).
430.
(Max Müller's Chips, Vol. I. p. 197: Fytche, Burma, Vol. II. pp. 169, 170).
432.
(Bart. St. Hilaire, Bud. et sa Rel., p. 354).
450. (Phayre, Burma, p. 21: Rhys Davids, Buddhism, p. 231).
450 or 465 cir.
(E. Monach., pp. 183, 184).
106.
123 Hardy's Man. Bud., p. 512. 124 Crawfurd's Siam, Vol. II. p. 91. 135 Page 108 above.

Page #131

APRIL, 1890.)
BUDDHAGHOSA.
121
A.D. 457. - (Encycl. Brit. Vol. IV. p. 724). » 5th centnry. - (Jour. As. Soc. Beng. Vol. V. p. 534: Jour. As. Soc. Bomb. Vol. XVI.
276: Max Müller's Chips, Vol. I. p. 196: Mason's Pali Gram. p. 8: Sacr. Bks. of
the East, Vol. X. p. xii., xiv. xxiv.: Encyc. Brit. Vol. IV. p. 437; V. p. 622). ,, 557 or 607. - (Ward's Hindoos, Vol. II. p. 210: Uph. Vol. III., p. vii). , 638 (?).- (Crawf., Sian, Vol. II. p. 91). , 1266 =A.B. 1809. - (Upham, Vol. I. pp. 344, 345; but see Upham, Vol. II. p. 106).
VI. - Conclusions. My aim in the present paper has been to bring together as much as possible of the materials at present available for forming a correct judgment of the true position of Buddhaghosa in the History of Buddhism and Buddhist literature. The position in which he is placed by the Buddhists of Ceylon and Burma is one of the highest eminence and importance; and whether those claims are sound, or in any measure fictitious, the influence which the writings which bear his name still retain upon the Southern section of the Baddhist worll is so great that an investigation of the traditions of his career which have been handed down to us, is a matter of much more than curious research both to the Buddhists themselves, and as the unravelling of one of the unsolved problems of oriental history. The legends regarding him abound with paradoxes : and nobody who knows them can be surprised at Mr. Lillie's reflection, 126 that “the whole story of Buddhaghôga and his compilings is very suspicions." The question now is, whether those suspicions are destined to be removed or are doomed to increasing confirmation. In dealing with these paradoxes, an essential preliminary enquiry has yet to be instituted regarding the trustworthiness of the materials available for their solution, both as regards their genuineness, which is at present open to serious donbt, and particularly regarding their true date. It is not as if those materials presenteil to us mera minor variations of detail illustrating a consistent common tradition; on the contrary, the two main streams of these traditions are directly antagonistic in the chief elements of their story. Nor, on the other hand, is it as if these legends were so obviously the offspring of romancing invention that they might at once be relegated to the great lumber-room of unhistorical fiction ; for they have succeeded in obtaining credence with the most eminent European orientalists, who have used them in building up some of the chief supports of the frame-work of the ancient history of India. Moreover, their mutual contradictions are so direct that it would be quite out of place to attempt to amalgamate them into any common shape; one of these two sets of divergences must absolutely succumb to the other; and the simple question in this part of the enquiry is, which of the two will have to give way? One great step has already been made here; the last edition of the Yásawin, as already mentioned, has relinqaishod the Burmese claim to Baddhaghôsa's nationality; and with that concession, though its full effect may not have been foreseen, the rest of the story of his personal connection with their country loses its consistency, together with much of its probability. That admission also lends on to the farther conclusion, that the spread of Buddhism in Burma and Siam was the natural consequence of the intercourse of these countries with Ceylon in early times, rather than the result of the preaching of Buddhaghôsa according to the weakly substantiated tradition to that effect. Similarly, a disposition has been shown by the Buddhist scholars of Ceylon to face the difficulties of their records of Buddhaghðsa in liberal spirit. When consulted on behalf of Mr. Childers197 for an explanation of the improbable statement in Buddhaghosa's writings that a commentary on Buddha's sermons, namely, the commentary brought by Mahinda to Ceylon, existed in Buddha's own lifetime, and that the text of that commentary was settled at the council held immediately after his death, their reply acknowledged the gravity of the question was affecting the credibility of Buddhaghôsa and the authenticity of all the commentaries on the Tripitaka," and it insisted “on the necessity of giving & wider and more extended signification than is generally allowed to the word Atthakatha
1
Jour. R. Is. Boc. (N. S.), Vol. XV. p. 133.
111 Jour. R. A. Soc. VOL. V. (N. 8.), p. 991.

Page #132

1 22
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1890.
[commentary) as applied by Buddhaghôsa in the passage cited. ... Taking this wider sense of the word as a basis for the solution of the problem... it must be admitted that no actual commentary, in the sense that the Westerns attach to that term, like that which has been handed down to us by Buddhaghôsa, existed either in the lifetime of Buddha or immediately after his death. The reasons adduced by Mr. Childers, apart from others that can easily be added, against such a supposition, are overwhelmingly convincing." And then the solution proposed by them is this; -“Buddhaghôsa only meant to convey the idea that at the various councils held for the purpose of collecting the discourses and sayings of Buddha, the meanings to be attached to different terme ... were discussed and properly defined." The statement of Baddhaghósa's commentary, however, to which they proposed to apply this solution is as follows:-" The commentary ... praised by Buddha and his apostles . . . upon this scripture was at the first council rehearsed by five hundred holy elders, and in later times rehearsed again and yet again. And it was carried by the saintly Mahendra to the island of Ceylon, and for the sake of the dwellers in that isle translated by him into the Sinhalese language. And now, rejecting the Simhalese tongae, adopting the graceful language that accords so well with the order of scripture, ... 1 proceed to expound the meaning of my text, 129...”
The time has not yet arrived when any final solution of the Buddhaghosa paradoxes can be properly attempted; it inust await a fuller acquaintance with the whole range of the literature of the Buddhists, and a fair critical examination of the words attributed to Buddhaghôsa. It may be that any important additions to the main facts of the Buddhaghỏsa legend now in our hands, are not to be expected; but at the same time some important light may naturally be expected to be thrown upon some of the details of the legend from the works in the library of the late king of Burma recently transferred to the India Office, as well as from other Bources in Burma which have not hitherto been explored.
It may be that the personality of the legendary Buddhaghosa is destined to recede from view, gradually dissolving before new facts and under the increasing light of the new criticism. It may be that the name of Buddhaghôsa, when it had once become famons, was attached as a matter of literary policy to the works which have hitherto been regarded as of his own composition, as in the instances referred to above, of the Burmese Grammar and the Burmese Code of Manu. It may be that one of the old sects of the Southern Buddhists utilized a similar policy as an effective instrument of controversy in building up the orthodoxy of its own school in the face of its adversaries. Or it may even be that, as a counterpart of the Avalokitesvara of the Northern Buddhists, emanating from the Buddha and manifesting him to the world, 130 this “Voice of Buddha" may have been incorporated by some far-seeing old ascetic of the Mahâvihara of Anuradhapura in the spirit of the prophecy ascribed to Gautama Buddha, 130_"When I have passed away and am no longer with you, do not think that the Buddha has left you. You have my words, my explanations of the deep things of truth, the laws which I have laid down for the society ; let them be your guide; the Buddha has not left you."
TEXTS OF THE ASOKA EDICTS ON THE DELHI MIRAT PILLAR AND OF THE
SEPARATE EDICTS ON THE ALLAHABAD PILLAR.
BY G. BÜHLER, PH.D., LL.D., C.I.E. The subjoined transcripts of the fragments on the Delhi Xirat Pillar and of the two small edicts on the Allahabad Pillar have been made according to Mr. Fleet's impressions, of which the accompanying facsimiles are very faithful reproductions. The impressions are really excellent. One complete set is mounted on cloth, and for the small edicts there is a Bocond, not mounted.
13 Jour. R. As. Soc., Vol. V. (N. 8.)., p. 296.
Encyc. Brit., vol. IV. P. 482.
in Encyc. Brit., Vol. IV. p. 458.

Page #133

ASOKA INSCRIPTIONS.
The Delhi Mirat Pillar-North Side. - Edicts I. II and I
H
$
dicta
Van
CUR
ct III
10
ats
7
SAD!
"
2
33.5
*
.
12
.
S.
1
V
PG
ER
90
3
.
J. F. FLEET. BO. C.S.
SCALE .25
W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.

Page #134

10
12
14
SPO
YI H
The Delhi Mirat Pillar-West Side.-Edict IV.
ELKEL
und dis
EX J JD
Art &
BALLET
off
lhe
SCALE .25
K&C

Page #135

APRIL, 1890.]
TEXTS OF ASOKA EDICTS.
The fragments on the Delhi Mirat Pillar show that its version very closely resembled that of the Dehli Siwâlik Pillar, not only in the characters and the wording, but also in the grouping of the words. As regards the latter point, there are, irrespective of breaks caused by the arrangement of the lines, only the following differences. Edict II., 1. 4, the words dayá dáné saché sochayé are all written separately, while they are arranged in D. S. in two groups; ibidem, l. 6, bahuni is separated from the preceding amnanipi-cha-mé; Edict III., 1. 13, atha is separated from the following chamdiyé; Edict 1V., 1. 12 pálatikam is separated from the preceding word; ibidem, 1. 14, vadhati is separated from the following word; Edict V., 1. 1, av. dh. y. is separated from the following word; ibidem, 1. 2, dávé is separated from the following word; ibidem, 11. 4, 6, jivéna, tisu, and anupôsatham are separated from the following words; ibidem, 1. 6, patipadá and dhuváyé are joined together; ibidem 1. 15, katáni is separated from the preceding word. The various readings are :-Edict I., 1. 1, [pala]nam for pálaná; Edict II., 1. 8, patipajamtú for tu, and hôtú-ti for hôtú-ti-ti; Edict III., 1. 10, áhá for ahd; ibidem, 1. 11, pápain (not absolutely certain) for pápé; ibidem, 1. 14, bádham for bádha; ibidem, 1. 15, iyah-mé for iyam mana-mé; Edict IV., 1. 13, vá for va; Edict V., 1. 6, cha for chá. Only one of these readings, iyam-mé for iyam-mana-mé, is of any importance, as it omits the difficult word mana.1
123
The so-called Queen's Edict from the Allahabad Pillar possesses some palæographical interest. With the other edicts, found on the same monument, it agrees only in not arranging, the words in groups or separating them. Its characters show a number of cursive and otherwise peculiar forms, which are not very common in Aéôka's inscriptions. The cursive letters are, d in ambávaḍiká (1. 3), d in dévána (1. 1) and dúné (1. 2), l in alamé (1. 3) and Káluvákiyé (1. 5), h in mahámatá (1. 1). In other respects remarkable is the turn upwards given to the u-stroke in mátu (1. 5), and the use of the letter, which I read shá, in piyashá (1.1) and in she (1.4). Some of these peculiarities are observable in the Jaugada version of the separate edicts, and others, among them the last two, occur in the Khâlsi version of the RockEdicts. With the language of the latter agree some grammatical forms, the final long á in piyasha and vachanénd as well as the aspiration in kichhi for kichit. Genitives in sá are, however, also found in the Pillar-Edict V. (Dh. M., 1. 13 and Dh. S., 1. 18), and kichhi occurs also in both versions of the separate Edicts. I may add that the long final vowels of the genitives and instrumentals, formed from a-stems, are not Prâkritic innovations, but archaisms, as they are common in the Rig-Vêda. With respect to the interpretation I may point out that the new reading in 1. 3, dánagahé vá é [vá]pi amné, alone gives a satisfactory sense. Dánagahé corresponds with a hitherto not traceable Sanskrit dánagrihamn, alms-house, instead of which the synonymous dánaśálá appears elsewhere. The danagaha of Aśoka's times no doubt was the same thing as the modern sadávrata, where doles of food and sometimes shelter for one night are given to travellers. The very plain reading matu in 1. 5 shows that the preceding word is a proper name, the name of one of Asoka's sons, and it is very probable that the last word Káluvákiyé contains the name of Asoka's second queen. According to the generally prevailing custom in ancient India, the latter must be a family or gôtraname and mean "she of the Káluváka race." The Sanskrit equivalent of Kaluváka might be either Káluváka or Kúruváka. Neither of these forms is at present traceable in Sanskrit. But there is a Vêdic race of Kárus. The name standing before 'mátu may be either Titivala, or Tivala, if the syllable ti is taken as an equivalent of iti which in Aśoka's inscriptions (see, e. g. Jangada, Sep. Ed. I. 1. 3, II. 1. 3-4) occasionally is placed in the middle of a spoken sentence instead of at the end. The name Titivala would, on the analogy of krishivala and ásutivala, exactly correspond with a possible, but not traceable, Sanskrit word triptívala, which perhaps
1 I identify the latter, as well as mind, Edict IV. 1. 11, with the Sanskrit manak.
2 The intervals between the letters are most irregular. De stands an inch apart from the syllables vanam (1. 1) which closely follow each other. The same distance intervenes between vata (1. 2) and vi, as well as between the latter and ye though vataviyd is one word. A little further on in the same line we ought to read, if the size of the intervals meant anything, hétuduti ya yêdêviye..

Page #136

124
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1890.
might mean “the contented one." Other derivations are also possible, but there is none which would yield a known Sanskțit proper name. Tivala, on the other hand, corresponds with the Sanskrit Tivara which is explained as the name of a mixed caste of hunters, and of the ocean. In tho Rajim grant, Grepta Inscriptions, p. 251 ff., Tivara occurs as the name of a king. Hence it seems preferable to divide Tivvala'. The lacuna at the end of l. 4 unfortonately makes it impossible to say what the object of Asoka's order was. The five or six letters, among which the second va is alone recognisable, must have contained the word wanted to complete the chief clanse which begins with she núni. For the edict has not lost anything at the end and is complete with line 5. The translation of the remaining portion in my opinion, ought to be,
in Sanskrit ; Devanan priyasya vachanêna sarvatra mahåmåtrå vaktavyâh | yadratra dvitiyâyâ devya dinamramra-vâţika yriramo vâ dânagriham va yad=v=ipywanyat-kinchid=ganyatê tasya clévyasətiny=etani ..... dvitiyâya dêvyâs=Tivara-matuh Karuvakya iti 11
and in English; .* The following) order of the Beloved of the gods should be addressed everywhere to the officials; -"Whatever) gift (has been given) here by the second queen, -be it a mangogarden, or a pleasure-grove, or an almshouse, or whatever else, - is reckoned as proceeding from that queen; those ....... of the second queen Tivara's mother, the Karuvaki."
With respect to the Kosambi Ediot, I can only 'state my belief that it contained an order regarding the feeding of, and perhaps regarding certain honours to be shown to, the Buddhist Saragha. The word sannghasi (1. 2) seems certain ; likewise the phrase bhokhati bhikhu=va bhikhuni=va, i. e. bhôkshyati bhikshuruvá bhikshuní vá,' will dine, a monk or a nun,' and ôdátáni dusani . nain dhápayitu ; i.e. avadátáni dilshyáni téshún ahapayitva. Regarding the usage of spreading white cloth, see Childers, Pali Dictionary, sub voce dussain. The saine or very similar phrases occur in l. 4 of the mutilated Sánchi edict (Cunningham, Bhilsa Topes, Plate xix.), which seems to be a second version of the Kosambi edict. A good impression of the Sabchi edict would probably permit a complete restoration of the texts.
TEXTS. I. THE DELHI MIRAT PILLAR.
A. North Side.
Edict 1.9 1 .................... nar dhammêna vidhanê 2 dha[mm... khi ya] .......
Edict II. 3 Dovanan-piye Piyadasi-1Aja-hêv.... dharme=sådhu kiyam... [dhammé]=ti 4 apasinavê bahu-kayanê dayê dând sachê [88]chayê [chakha-dâ]nar=pi-m[e] 5 bahuvidhê=dimnê dupada-chatupadègu pakhi-vali-chalê. [vividhê mêranu). 6 gahe-katê i=pana-dAkhinîyê anîni=pi-cha-mê bahů[ni . yânâni] 7 kafani tâyê=mê=athâyê iyam-dhammalipi=li(khôpita] .. 8 anupațipajantû chila[mthi]tika-cha-hôtů=[ti] yê-[cha)=hê ....... 9 sati sê=sukatam-ka(chhalti-ti [11]
In these renderings the sign - has been used to mean that separate words have been written close together; the singlo hyphen has been employed, as usually, to separate the parts of compounds. The brackets indicate that the letters are much blurred, but just recognisable.
4 and 5 The quantity of the last vowel is not recognisable.
• The anusdra of chilar has coalesced with the upright stroke of la; the following letter may also have been thi.

Page #137

ASOKA INSCRIPTIONS.
The Delhi Mirat Pillar -- South Side.--Edict V
SUS
VO
LG
1
KU!
:
A4
JAN 28
SA
12
14
FELo
29.40
J. F. FLEET. BO. C.S.
SCALE .25
W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.

Page #138

A.-The Edict of the Queens of Devanampiya.
RORYOPIT
bat TT TYSMO TYPE
V
€ TYYTVSH
SCALE .25
B.-The Kosambi Edict of Devanampiya.
The Allahabad Pillar.
.
AU
10V
4
.
?
.
?
SS1574309
CÈDREHT

Page #139

APRIL, 1890.]
1
2
3
4 [viya]
5 lajûk[â]
6 asvatha-saṁ -[3][4]nah
8 ichhitavi..
10 Dovanam-piye Piyadasi-laja-hêvam-âhà kayânamm.. va=d[êkha].... 11 kayan-ka-ti no mini-papadékhati [ilya-mê-pipath=ka[10-ti iyathev 12 âsinavê=nâ[mâ]=ti dupativêkhê=chu=khô=ds hivam=chu ....[sâl akhiyê 13 [i]mani-kainava-g[âmîni]-nima atha chaidiye nitha-liyok 14 mânê isyâ kâlanêna-v[a]-hakam ma-palibha[sa]yisa. 15 dekhiya iyam.. [hidati]kiyê iyah-mo-palatiky [
hâdhan
9 damdasa[ma]
10 munisâna[m] 11 yôtê dimnê
12
nåsamtam vâ=ni [pa]vlash-v&-k[a]11 14 [p]âlatam-âladhay
13
15 samyamê dâ. . .
TEXTS OF ASOKA EDICTS.
.
[lajakachaghahti-[A]la[dhayitavi] tu asva[thê hô]ti
EDICT III.
.
B. West Side. Edict IV.
lihatav [8]v[ah-mama] giữ yên ô tôua_bhtt& [pa]vatayêvu-ti êtê [na]=mê atapatiyê [katê] hala-aamati-ch[a]-siyo
[mê] âvuti bamdhana-ba[dhi]naṁ. vadhanam timni-divasini-[m]ê payisam[t]i jivitâyê-tânam ti pâlatikam
hêvam-niludhasi=[k]âlasi
vadhati vividhê-dhamma-chalanê
[1]
C. South Side.
Edict V.
[a]v. dh. y.13 p. t. k. -pi-cha-kâni
1
2
3
4 [jhâpêtaviyê] jivêna jivê nô-pusitaviyê tisu châtammâsisulá
5 Tisaya[m]-pu[m]namâ[si]yaṁ timni-divasâni châvudasaṁ pamnaḍasam
6 patipadâ .=dhuvâyê cha anupôsatham machhê=avadhiyẻ nô pi
7 vikêtaviyê êtâni-yêva-divasâni naga-vanasi kêvata-bhôgasi
8 [y] [a]. [ni]=pi jiva-nikâyânil5 nô=[ha]mtaviyâni
9 atham[i].yêle châvudeeâyê paṁnadasâyê Tisâyò 10 Punâvasunê tisu châtummâsîsu sudivasâyê g[0]nê 11 [nô=ni]la[khi]tavi[y]ê ajakê êdakê sukalê ê=vâ=pi 12 am[ne] nilakhiya]ti [no]-nilakhitaviyê Tisayê Punâvasunê 13 châtammâsiyê châtu[mm]sipakhayê asvasâ gônasâ lakhanô 14 nô.. viyê yêva-saḍuvisati-[va]sa abhisitêna mê êtâyê 15 aṁtâlikâye pamnavi[sa]ti badhana-môkhâni kamțâni [1]
k (vadhi]-kukuj nd-kajaviyê tas-sajl[vā]
... [taviyê] davê ana[th]âyêl-va vihisâyê-vâ-n[0]
II. THE QUEEN'S EDICT.
mahâmatâ
1 Devanam piyasha vachanênâ savata
2 vataviyâ ê hêta dutiyâyê dêvîyê dânê
7 Possibly the reading may have been nama.
There is a stroke on the left of the tha, which seems to be accidental. 10 Possibly cha-siya to be read.
12 The letters of this word and of the next have lost their tops.
14 Read châtummasieu.
16 The quantity of the vowel of the third syllable is uncertain.
711
125.
• Possibly vá to be reui.
11 An abrasion makes this look like 6.
13 This may also have been santhy? 15 Looks like 'kini.

Page #140

126
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
ÇAPRIL, 1890.
3 amba-vadika17 và âlamels va dâna-ga[hê và ê vâpi]lo amnê 4 kichhi ganiyati tâyê dêviyê shê nâni [va] .... 20 5 dutîyayê deviyoti Tivala-matu21 Kaluvakiyê [11]
III. THE KOSAMBI EDICT. .... ye (@papayati Kosambiya maham [A]-ta 2......... ma .. samghas[i] n[a]chi yê
...... [Samgha bhô]khati bhikhu=va bhi(khu]ni=vâ . (pi] châ 4 distâ]ni [d]usani . nam dhậpayitu ana[pê ]sa. :v..y y ....
()
FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA.
BY PANDIT NATESA SASTRI, M.F.L.S.
No. 32.-THE FOUR GOOD MAXIMS.
Second Variant. In a certain country there lived a famous but poor soothsayer, who had an only son whom he loved very much. Suddenly he fell ill, and thinking that his end was approaching, called his son to his bedside, and, taking out an inscribed palm-leaf from underneath his pillow, thus addressed him :-“My son, do not be vexed with me that I bequeath to you no property. If you take this palm-leaf to some king or other, he will amply reward you." Thus saying the poor old soothsayer died, and his son, not troubling much about his father's words at the time, put the palm-leaf in the thatch and attend ad to the last rites of his departed parent.
After some days had passed, wishing to test his father's statement, he proceeded with the manuscript to a King and, explaining its history, asked for a reward, and the King, who was a very prudent man, promised payment in due time. His objeot, of course, was to test the truth of the four maxims he found in the palm-leaf, before paying for it. They were :
(1) Do not travel without money or jewels in hand to help you in necessity. (2) Do not send your wife for a long while to her parents. (3) Do not seek your sister when you are in misery. (4) Seek always your friend when you are in misery.
The King, in order to test these four maxims, called his minister to his side and, explaining his intention, made over his kingdom to his charge for a time. He then assumed the garb of a poor peasant, but hid in his loin's cloth a diamond ring of very great value to serve him in need, remembering the first maxim of the soothsayer's son.
Now, a long while before this affair he had sent his wife to her parent's house, and desired to follow her there and examine her conduct. To disguise himself, he placed a bundle of fire-wood on his head and appeared in this guise in the streets of the town in which his wife lived. He had not far to walk before he discovered his wife engaged in playing dice with a neighbour
17 It is unnecessary to write "vadiku, bocause the original Sanskrit form vartikd, surrounded by a hedge' (uriti) may become in Prakrit vaffika and vaţika, and further vaddikd or vadika
15 This is probably not a mistake, but a vicarious form for aláme, compare graha and gráha and similar double forms.
19 Among the bracketed letters he is tolerably plain and perfectly certain. Les distinct, but still probable are e vipi, while vi is conjectural.
20 One letter has been lost before the tolerably distinct va, or varn (in case the following dot is not accidental) and three or four after it.
11 The bracketed letters are more or less uncertain.

Page #141

APRIL, 1890.)
FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA, No. 82.
127
ing musician, in the verandah of whose house she was openly sitting. Wishing to examine further, the King in his disguise stood before the house and said, "Fire-wood to sell! Cheap firewood! Who will buy my fire-wood." The musician was attracted by the voice, and demanded the price of the bundle. The King, whose object was to stand there for a time and see what passed, demanded a low price at which he knew his wares would not be rejected. The musician, thinking the price very cheap, ordered him to take it inside the house and throw it on the wood heap. The apparent wood-seller obeyed the order and returned to demand the price. " Wait a moment, you fool, you are a rude fellow that does not know when to speak; wait,” said the master. And our hero, glad at heart at the opportunity afforded him to test his wife, gladly consented, saying, "My master, why should you be so much enraged at a poor wood-seller who is ever ready to obey your orders; I will wait the whole day, if you order me to do so." So saying, ho sat down below the verandah, looking as if he were waiting for the price of his wood.
In Hindu society, the mere fact of a respectable woman sitting with a musician and playing dice with him would be enough to make a man suspect her character. The familiarity of her speech and other things that followed gave ample proofs of his wife's conduct to the disguised King. The day was almost approaching to its close, and yet the pair had not left off playing. At twilight the lady said she would be absent for only a few ghatikas and return to him during the night. When the wood-seller heard this, he praised his good fortune for the oppor. 'tunity thus offered him of witnessing his wife's conduct. The musician, in the hurry of parting with his lady-love, forgot all about the wood-seller, who remained complacently waiting outside.
Before the first watch of the night was over, the King's wife returned, and in passing into the house trod over her own husband sitting in the dark verandah! Said she, “Who are you, sir, sitting here in the dark P" "Your humble wood-seller whom the master of the house has not yet paid," replied he. She then chided the musician for not having already paid the man and sent him away. But he excused himself by saying that he had no change, and that he intended to give the poor fellow some food for the night and then send him away. “Do me that favour, my lord; that is more than payment to me," cried our hero most piteously.
Food was hastily given him, and then the musician and the King's wife entered their sleeping apartment. Our hero, after eating a little, took his bed in the outer verandah, apparently to sleep, but really to keep himself awake and examine his wife's conduct still further. In this he was very successful, overhearing enough of the conversation that passed between the musician and the lady to give him a clear idea of the latter's character.
Next morning, when the King's wife was returning home, she had suspicions abuut the wood-seller, who was still asleep in the outer verandah. She had not closely watched him the previous day, and his disguise was not easily to be seen through. But in the morning, when his limbs were fully stretched in the profound sleep that came upon him after his long wakefulness, she, notwithstanding the clever disguise assumed, strongly suspected him to be her husband. The King now suddenly awoke and, still pretending to be a wood-seller, said, "My good lady, the food that the master of the house gave me last night stretched me senseless in this verandah. May God give you long life. I go now." And so saying he made off.
His wife, half suspecting that he was her husband, but hoping that after all he was only a wood-seller closely resembling her husband, returned home hastily, and sent for two murderers, promising them a good reward if they would only fly after the person she described and murder him. They agreed, and she ascended with them to the topmost storey of her house and watched in the direction in which the pretended wood-seller had gone. It had not been very difficult for her to point him out, nor had it been in any way a matter of difficulty to the murderers to mark him down. Then she hastily sent them away, and these raffians vanished like hawks after their game.
When the King had met his wife face to face in the morning he feared that, being a

Page #142

128
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1890.
cnnning woman unfaithful to her husband, she might have read through him, and so he fled out of the town as fast as ho could. The ruffians, however, soon came to him and, seizing him by the hair, said that they had been ordered to murder him. “What have. I done to deserve this sort of treatment at your hands," demanded our hero. “Nothing to us, but something to a lady who has promised to reward us amply," replied they.
Seeing it was vain to argue with them, the King slyly dragged the ruflians into a conver. sation and, after praising them, promised to reward them with a jewel worth the three worlds if they would only spare him. Money was their first object in life, and they did not care from whom they got it. And besides, what cituse would the lady have to disbelieve them if they said that they had killed the man and demanded the reward of her too ? In this way they would be doubly rewarded. Thus argued they, and demanded from the King what he had to river Then our hero taking a diamond of unparalleled lustre and value from his loin cloth vave it to them, on condition that they let him escape. They agreed to do so, on condition on his part that he never came back to that city. Our hero, who was always careful to turn every event to his own advantage, promised them a thousand times never more to go in that irection and took his leave.
He hnd thus examined his wife's character and in that way had tested the truth of the second maxim-Send not the wife long to her parents' house. He had also examined tho truth of the first maxim - Not to travel without money or jewel in hand, - for it was the diamond that saved his head.
He had now to examine the truth of the other two maxims, and so he turned towards his sister's town. She had been married to a rich zamindkr at about ten kos distance from the city be had just left. He had an easy road to walk, but not an easy mind, for his wife's conduct pieroed his heart, and his only consolation was that he had no issue by her. It was abont midday when he reached the city his sister lived in. The sun was still high in the heavene, and the previous night's wakefulness and the morning walk after escape from the ruffiang brought upon our hero such thirst and hunger that he was almost fainting. He was, however, fortunate enough to reach the big tank at the entrance of the town and, getting into it bastily, drank half a dozen handfuls of water. Then he went on to the bank, and sitting below a shady banyan-tree, rested his exhausted limbs. A poor Brâhman happened to pass by, and calling him to his side, our exhausted hero mentioned to him the name of his sister, which was well known throughout the city, as she was a very wealthy lady. The disguised king then explained to the Brâhman who he was, and requested him to inform her of his arrival, so that she might send him some food as he was almost dying with hunger. The Brahman ran off all the harder when he heard that the person he had been talking to was a King, and duly communicated the news to the King's sister. She enquired of him whether her brother had come with all his royal paraphernalia.
"No," replied the messenger ; "he is as it were a beggar, half famished now by hunger." She now thought that her brother, by some misfortune or other, had lost all his kingdom and wealth, and instead of being still the more hospitable to him in consequence of his adversity, she, in her pride of wealth, disdained all knowledge of her brother, in his beggar's condition. But she was at least kind enough to send him & plateful of cold rice several days old, not even fit for doge to eat. The unfortunate King received this through the kind Brahman who, pitying his fate, brought better food cooked in his house to his royal guest. The King thanked him for his kindness, but said that his sister's food was more tasteful to him, and, after partaking two or three mouthfuls, requested the Brahman to preserve the plate with the cold rice in it for a few days in his house, telling him that he would have occasion to call for it.
He then left the Brahman and went to another city wbere he had a good friend. They had been playmates from their boyhood and had read in the same school and under same teachers; and so to that friend our hero went. He was extremely poor, but for all that, on seeing the

Page #143

APRIL, 1890.]
MISCELLANEA.
King approach his dwelling, he ran to him with a most welcome face, enquired the reason which had turned his royal friend into a beggar, and wept over his troubles as if they had been his own. The King, whose object was to test the four maxims, invented a tale for the nonce that his kingdom had been taken away by an enemy, and that he was really a beggar. His friend shed tears in profusion and requested him to live in his house as if it were his own palace till better days should come. Though he was poor, he tried his best, as far as his means admitted, to give rich meals to his royal guest, and instructed his wife in the following manner :"My dear, you must know that our guest is a royal personage who has seen better days. Although he is now a beggar, you must not on that account lessen your respect for him. All that we have in the house we must devote to feeding him. Though we may eat without ghi or curds, you must give these to him in abundance."
She, being an extremely well-behaved and virtuous woman, obeyed her husband's words to the letter, and our hero, though he was living in a poor man's house, had every kind of hospitality shown to him. Language had no bounds to express his obligation to them. He tested his friend for more than a fortnight, and on no occasion did he see their care of him
diminish.
129
The King was greatly delighted to see that all the four maxims of the soothsayer's son had proved true, and was now bent upon returning to his country and rewarding the person who had offered them on payment. So first he explained to his friend that he had come in that disguise to test him, and that he was still the lord of his kingdom. He then sent for his royal paraphernalia, and with all the usual pomp and circumstance made a royal march to the city where his sister dwelt. At a distance of a few miles, he sent messengers, with badges and other outward signs of royalty, to announce to his sister that he was coming to her house for supper. She prepared a grand feast for him, and soon the King and his party arrived. The King's friend came, too, and almost all the noblemen of that city were gathered that night in the King's sister's house to join the royal party, and the party had all sat before their leafy plates for supper, the dishes were being served and everything was ready; when, just as each guest began to eat, the King demanded from his sister the cold rice she had given him in his apparent adversity. She hung her head for very shame, and then he explained to the whole assembly the history of the cold rice, and hastily took his leave, refusing to taste even a single mouthful in his sister's house.
He then proceeded to the town where his wife lived. There also his father-in-law and others made preparations for his visit. He called them all together, including his wife and the musician and explained before them all how he had discovered the illicit love of his wife. He then had his wife and her unlawful companion impaled, and returned to his country. He rewarded his minister for his good government during his absence and gave him for his assistant the friend who protected him in his misery. After taking upon himself the kingdom our hero gave a jágir for each maxim to the poor soothsayer's son who gave him the palm-leaf containing the four maxims.
MISCELLANEA.
CALCULATIONS OF HINDU DATES. No. 35.
In the copper-plate grant of the Eastern Chalukya king Rajaraja II., from Korumelli in the Rajamahêndri District, Madras Presidency, which I have edited, with a lithograph, in this Journal, Vol. XIV. p. 48ff., the date of his accession is given in the verse (line 65 ff.), yo
1 The original plates, which belonged to Sir Walter Elliot, are now, I understand, in the British Museum.
rakshitum vasumatim Saka-vatsaréshu vêd-âmburasi-nidhi-varttishu Simha-gê-rkké krishna-dvitiya-divavas-Ottara-Bhadrikåyår våré Guror= Vvaniji lagna-varê-bhishiktaḥ 11, -"who was anointed to protect the earth in the Saka year that is constituted by the Vêdas (four), the oceans (four), and the treasures (of Kubera) (nine), when the sun was moving in Simha, under the Uttar
*Read divas"; the va was repeated by mistake.

Page #144

130
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[APRIL, 1890
Bhadrika (i.e. Bhadrapada) nakshatra on the Accordingly, the date of the accession of second day of the dark fortnight, on Thursday, Rajaraja II. was Thursday, 18th August, during the excellent Vanij lagna (i.e. the rising A.D. 1022 of the sign Tula)."
This grant of Rajaraja II, and the Chellar Here, again, the given Saka year, 911. is not rent of Kulottunga-Chôvladeva II. (ante, Vol. distinctly specified either as current or its expirl. XIV. p. 55 ff.), give the following duration of But correct results can be obtained only ly apply. reigns - ing it as an expired year.
Amma II. ................................. 25 years In Saka-Samvat 944 current, the sakrinti or His elder half-brother, Dânårnaval. 3 Entrance of the sun into Simha occurred on the
A time of anarchy' ..................... 27 . 26th July, A.D. 1021, at about 38 ghatis, 8 palas, Saktivarman,or Chålukya-Chandra, efter mean sunrise (for Bombay. And the dark
12 of Dånarnava..................... 12 .. Hecond tithi which occurred while the sun remained Ani! his younger brother. Vimals in Simha, was the am inta Sravan krishna .. dityo ............. which ended, not on a Thursday, but on Friday. 28th July, at about 33 gh. 45. after mean sunrise.
Total...... 74 years Nor can the tithi here be connected with the Thursday, as a current tithi : for, at sunrise on We have found wage 103 above) that the actual the Thursday, the nakshatra was Dhanishtha, date of the accession of Amma II. was Friday, No. 23, by all three systems; and Uttara-Bhadra- 5th December, A.D. 945, corresponding to the pada, No. 26, did not occur at all on that day. amanta Margasirsha krishna 13 of Saka-Sanivat
In Saka Samvat 945 current (944 expired), 868 current. Adding to this year the above however, the results work out quite satisfactorily. seventy-four years, we are brought to SakatIn this year the sum entered Siraha on the 26th Sauvat 912 current, for the accession of RajaJuly, A.D. 1022, at about 53 gh. 40 p. The dark råja II., the son and succeasor of Vimaladitya. second tithi which occurred while the sun wag It really took place, however, as we have just still in Sinha, was the amanta Bhadrapada seen, in Saka-Samvat 945 current. And this krishna 2, which ended on Thursday, 16th difference of three years in seventy-four, with August, at about 24 gh. 50 p. At sunrise on that only four intervening reigns, or, including the day, there was the Uttara-Bhadrapadá nak. time of anarchy, five intervening periods.is shatra, by all three systems, and it ended, instructive, in indicating the extent to which according to all three systems, at about 16 hrs. we may go in the way of adjustment, in deter25 min., = 41 gh. 2-5 p., after mean sunrise (for mining the dates of the Eastern Chalukya kings Ujjain). And Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit finds that from the duration of the reign of each of them there was the Vaņij lagna from about 7 gh. as given in even years in the grants of this 8 p. to 12 gh. 27 p. after apparent sunrise for
nt ennriee for dynasty. Råjainahêndri.
J. F. FLEET.
NOTES AND QUERIES. OMENS.
| return of a long absent friend. What the crow In Bihar.
caws is thdin, place,' and means that he knows
where the absent friend is. If the friend turns (1) The quivering of the left eyelid is very
up you must feed the bird with curds and rice for anlucky, but that of the right means the return
ita information. But it is unlucky to see a kite. of an absent relative or friend, or bappy news
owl or vulture on the roof at such a time, as it during the day.
means calamity and especially the fall of the (2) Letting a shoe lie upside down, or letting house. The people say that the Maharaja of one shoe fall on the other, means a journey. Darbhanga abandoned a newly-built palace,
(3) It is a lucky thing to hear a crow cawing merely because early one morning he found a on the roof after breakfast, as it portends the kite sitting on it.
3 Or the pirnimanta BhAdrapada. I quote, however, at 40 gh. 41 p. socording to the equal space system, the amanta month, because that is the correct arrange- both these time being after apparent sunrise for Raje ment for the period and locality in question; see ante,
mahendri. Vol. XVII. p. 142.
$ In the Chellor grant, these twenty-seven years are • This caloulation is by the present Sdrya-Siddhanta. included as part of the reign of Danarnava, which is the And according to the same authority, the tithi ended at made out to have lasted for thirty years. 28 gh, 1 p., and the Uttark-Bhadrapadi nakshatra, ended

Page #145

APRIL, 1890.)
BOOK NOTICE.
131
(4) It is unlucky, on rising froin your bed, to Mahfil) it is a good thing, in order to counteract 86e a miser or any wretched creature.
the evils arising from any of the above mishaps, to It is unlucky to name at such a time, or hear mention his name, or that of any other person, named, a miser or any wild animal (except living or dead, remarkable for his generosity. perhaps the lion). If such a misfortune occurs, Another safeguard against seeing an unforyou must beat the ground with your shoes as hard tunate face in the morning, is to look at your own its you can, as a sign of your contempt for the face the first thing in a looking-glass; and against reature named.
hearing unfortunate names, is to mutter a prayer It is also uniucky to name the monkey, owl or containing the name of God or of a great saint bear, on rising. If you do, or if you bappen to before rising. hear one of them named, you must say ba halqa-i- After breaking your fast, there is no more Haitim. Hâtim Tâi being one of the generous danger. berves of Muhammadan story (vide the 'Ardish-;. ! Gaya. SAYYID KHAIRAYAT AHMAD.
BOOK NOTICE. THX DIARY OF WILLIAM HEDGES, Esq. (afterwards i of the Famous Pitt Diamond; who was the
Sir William Hedges, during his agency in Bengal, progenitor of several families holding peor As well as on his voyage out and return overland!
ages ; and who (above all) was the grand father (2681-1987). By Col. Sir Henry Yulo. Hakluyt Society, London, 1889. Vol. III. Containing Docu
and great-grand-father of two of the greatest inentary Contributions to a BIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS
of English Statesmen ? Pitt, Governor of Fort St. Goorge, with collections
In great detail Col. Yule shows that Pitt the on the Early History of the Company's Settlement
interloper and Pitt the Member for Old Sarum in Bengal and on the Early Charts and Topography
are unquestionably one and the same person, and of the Hugli River.
that it was the Member for Old Sarum that beWe have before us here one of the last, if not
came Governor of Madras in 1697. He also actually the last, completed work of the great
shows that it is true, however improbable it may writer who has so recently passed from among us,
scem, that Pitt actually held his seat for Old worked out with his customary skill, exactitude,
Sarum, 1689-1695, while he was interloping on and detail. In general interest it is not surpassed by any of its many famous predecessors, for it is
the Hagli! In 1690 he bought the Manor of Strat
ford (and Old Sarun) from James, 3rd Earl mostly devoted to the elucidation of the curiously
of Salisbury, and represented that borough in the obscure and difficult bistory of the well-known
three Rovolution Parliainents. Finally the cruThomas Pitt, the original holder of the Pitt
cial evidence as to whether Pitt the Governor was Diamond and ancestor of more than one person
Pitt the interloper (there is no doubt that Pitt age of supreme importance in the history of
the M.P. was Pitt the Governor) is afforded in England.
a remarkable letter froin Pitt as Governor t his In the Diary of William Hedges we find
cousin John Pitt, King's Consul, Company's Agent, repeated reference to a Captain Pitt or Pitts
and President on the coast of Coromandel ut (as he is called indiscriminately), a prominent and
Masulipatam, dated November 12th, 1699, in notorious interloper, who pursued his commercial
which he says: adventures in defiance of the Company's claim
"And for the Supporting my Creditt, I dont to exclusive trade, and was only too successful in
remember I was indebted or Concern'd in any. aeducing from their fidelity and involving in his
thing what ever that could be Censured by any. own quasi-contraband business a number of
unless it was interloping, which I never repented the Company's servants in "the Bay." Beside
of to this day.' these notices Col. Yule gives us a long series of
"Habemus confitentem reum," cries Col. Yule in independent letters tracing Pitt's history as an
his satisfaction at the discovery. interloper from 1675 to 1695, when he left Bengal for England, and he then sets himself to answer the
Further confirmation from Pitt's correspondence following questions. Was this Captain Thomas
is afforded in passages from three other letters, Pitt, interloping adventurer, identical with Cap
which are worth quoting here as documentary tain Thomas Pitt, Member for Old Sarum,
evidence of a notable historical point. who in the end of 1697 was appointed by the (1) Letter from Governor Pitt to John Pitt at Court of the East India Company to the Gov- Masulipatam, dated 5th January 1699-1700:ernment of Fort St. George, an office which | "I wonder with what face you can say I carry'd he held with eminent reputation for more than the ballance of your account with me to Bengall eleven years; who was the owner and eponym in the Seymore."

Page #146

132
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
APRIL, 1890.]
(2) Letter from Governor Pitt to Sir E. Lit tleton, President at Hägli in the Bay, dated 2nd April 1700:
“When I was in Bengal last on the Seymore."
(3) Letter to Mr. John Beard of the Old Com. pany in Bengal, dated April 21st, 1700:
"I am advis'd that Agent Eyre sold two Gunns belonging to the ship Seymore, which I left in the hands of Mr. Geoye Guy."
This point settled, the rest is plain sailing, and, apart from the side-lights thrown on contemporary history and manners, the remainder of Col. Yule's remarks are mainly interesting as proving in detail the main statements.
Pitt was the second son of the Rev. John Pitt, Rector of Blandford St. Mary, Dorset, and was born on July 5th, 1653. His first appearance in India was, when he was only 21, in 1674, and from that time for 20 years he appears to have " interloped" at intervals in India. In 1697, his quarrels with the Company having been gradually patched np since 1693, he came out as its representative, and not only of it but of the New Company and then of the United Company, till 1711, when he finally returned to England. For the remainder of his long life, for he died in 1726, aged 73, he lived mostly in his native country a well-known man and Member of Parliament. In 1716 he was itctually appointed Governor of Jamaica, affairs in that Island having got into a dangerous condition, but he never took up the appointment, and gave way to Sir Nicholas Lawes.
In summing up his character, Colonel Yule says of him that he was bold, decided and shrewd, frank and unrestrained in the expression of his sentiments and a master of " merciless and rasping chaff," a good hater, by no means delicately scrupulous, but a man who lived up to his own standard of duty and honour: hardly au attractive but a most forcible character.
We may now glance at the truth as disclosed in the pages before us about the "abusive story” of the great Pitt Diamond, in which our hero was accused of having used his power as a Gov.
mnor to become the possessor thereof. The stone was really bought at Madras by Pitt in February or March 1699 after a long haggle, lasting over two months and more, for 48,000 pagodas, from Jaur.
hund (P Jawahir Chand), "one of the most eminent diamond merchants in those parts." He kept possession of it till 1717, when it was sold to the Regent, Duke of Orleans, as a jewel for the French Crown. The price was 2,000,000 livres (about £134,000), of which £40,000 was paid down and the balance, which was never paid, was covered by a deposit of jewels belonging to the
Crown of France. It cost £6,000 to cut, but the chips were worth more than this, and as its original price could not have exceeded £21,000, it may be looked upon as a good investment in any view of the case.
From the French Crown it passed to the National Assembly and is mentioned in the inventory of the crown jewels taken in August 1792. It was stolen with the Sancy and many other valuables and stones from the Garde Meuble between the 11th and 17th September 1792, and recovered on 10th December 1793. It was then pawned in 1796 by De Parseval as security for the cost of horse-furniture for the national army and redeemed by him in 1797. In 1798 it was again pawned by De Perseval to Vandenberg of Amsterdam and released by Napoleon in 1802. In 1804 it appeared among his crown jewels, whence it passed into the possession of Louis XVIII. and continued as part of the French crown jewellery till 1870, when it became a Government deposit in the Bank of France, where it still lies as the finest diamond in the world.
As to Pitt's descendants and family; his second son, Colonel Thomas Pitt, became Earl of Londonderry, mainly, it seems, from his marriage with the daughter and co-heir of Ridgway, Earl of Londonderry. His daughter, Lucy Pitt married the first Earl Stanhope, whose grandson, the third Earl, married his relative, Lady Hester Pitt, a great-granddaughter of Thomas Pitt, as he himself was a great-grandson. This lady was the mother of the celebrated Lady Hester Stanhope.
The eldest son of Thomas Pitt, by name Robert Pitt, was the father of William Pitt, first Earl of Chatham, who by his marriage with Hester Temple was the father of John, the second Earl, and William Pitt. Their sister was the Lady Hester Pitt (Countess Stanhope) already mentioned. The same Robert Pitt's eldest son, famed Thomas Pitt, was the father of Thomas Pitt, first Lord Camelford.
Another daughter of the great Thomas Pitt, Essex Pitt, married Charles Cholmondeley and was the grandmother of Thomas Cholmondeloy, first Baron Delamere.
From Sir William Pitt of Iwerne, Dorset. and Strathfieldsaye, Hants, great-uncle of Thomas Pitt, was descended George Pitt, first Baron Rivers, from whose daughter is descended Goneral Lane-Fox-Pitt-Rivers, the founder of the great Pitt-Rivers Museum at Oxford.
Such in brief outline is the story of a remarkable man, the progenitor both in the male and female lines of a remarkable family.

Page #147

MAY, 1890.]
THE ROMAKA SIDDHANTAS.
135
THE ROMAKA SIDDHANTAS.
BY SHANKAR BALKRISHNA DIKSHIT; DHULIA. IN this paper I purpose chiefly to show that the Romaka-Siddhanta as represented in
I the Panchasiddhantika, and the Romaka-Siddhanta of Srishona, are different and separate works. The point of the age of both these Siddhantas will also be discussed ; and it will be shown incidentally that Laţa is not the author of the former. The present RômakaSiddhanta also will be noticed. Owing to the discovery of the Panchasiddhántiká, means have been made available by which we can know something at least, definitely, about the five Siddhantas treated of, though only succinctly, by Varâ hamihira. Also copies of the BrahmaSiddhanta of Brahmagupta are now available. And fortunately these two writers, not confining themselves strictly to the special subjects treated of, have occasionally allowed them. selves to be free in alluding to previous writers. Consequently we are not left only to speculations; and we need not grope in the dark for the points that are to be considered.
It is clear from the Panchasiddhantiká that only one Romaka-Siddhanta was known to Varahamihira ; and I shall call this the original Romaka-Siddhanta, for the sake of convenience, and to distinguish it from Srishêņa's work. Srishêna's name occurs nowhere in the Panchasiddhantiká. Brahmagupta alludes to the Romaka-Siddhanta in three places, but in them he does not allude to 'Srishêņa ; while he does allude to Srishêņa's work, by his own name, in twelve places, which will be quoted further on; but in none of them, except perhaps in one, does he use the word Rômaka. It seems, in fact, that Brahmagupta does not call Srisbêna's work a Rómaka-Siddhanta. But, from a quotation from his commentary on the BrahmaSiddhanta given by Dr. Thibaut, Prithûdaka seems to have called Sriskena's work a RómakaSiddhanta ; and, for the sake of convenience, I will call it Srishóna's Romaka-Siddhanta.
First I quote from the Brahma-Siddhanta the three places where there are allusions to the Romaka-Siddhanta, and the twelve places in which Srishêna's name occurs, with their translation - The first three references are
(a) युगमन्वंतरकल्पाः कालपरिच्छेदकाः स्मृतावुक्ताः। T a faardt
T ETE 11 13 11 Chapter i. "The Yugas, Manvantaras, and Kalpas, are said in the Smriti to be the standards of (measuring) time; and because they are not found) in the Romaka, therefore the Romaka stands outside the Smritis."
(b) पौलिशरोमकवासिष्ठसौरपैतामहेषु यत्प्रोक्तं। ..
p ara agfa : 11 46 11 Chapter xiv. “That method of finding ont nakshatras which is stated in the Pauliéa, Romaka, Vásishtha. Saurt, and Paitamaha (Siddhantas), is not stated by Aryabhata ; therefore its statement (is made by me)."
युगपागाविरुपये याम्यायां भास्करस्य वारुण्यां । राव्यर्धात्सौम्यायामस्तमयादिनदलायां ॥ 2 ॥ अयमेव कृतः सूर्येतुपुलिशरोमकवसिष्ठयवनायैः। ETTERT : Pegiat T T 11 3 11 Chapter xxiv.
1 Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. LIII. Part I. p. 291.
2 With this introduction, Brahmagupta gives the unequal-space system of wikshatras, which I have named the Brahma-Siddhanta System, and have described in my paper on the Twelve-Year Cycle of Jupiter, (ants, Vol. XVII. p. 4 ff.)

Page #148

134
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1890.
"(e) The commencement of the Yuga (talkes place) at one and the same time, at the rising of the sun in the south, at midnight in the west, at the setting (of the sun) in the north, and at noon in the east.-(3) Because the same (commencement of the Yuga) is made by Surya, Indu, Palisa, Romaka,Vasishtha,Yavana, and others, therefore(there can be only) one Siddhanta%3 (i.e. no matter by whose name they may be called, all Siddhantas must be one and the same in respect of their fundamental principles); any other work is a mere patting together of words." And the remaining twelve references are :
(d) (i) मध्यगतिशं वीक्ष्य श्रीषेणार्यभटविष्णुचंद्रज्ञाः।
सदसि न भवंत्यभिमुखाः सिंहं दृष्टा यथा हरिणाः । 6 || Chapter i. " Seeing one who has learned the mean motion (from the Brahma-Siddhanta), those who know (only the works of) Brishêna, Aryabhata and Vishộuchandra, do not come before him) in an assembly; just as the deer, seeing a lion (cansiot stand before him)."
(0) मेपादितःप्रवृत्ता वार्यभटस्य स्फुटा युगस्यादौ। (ii) श्रीषेषस्य कुजायाः सूर्याद्या विष्णुचंद्रस्य ।। 46 ॥ (iii) पूरभ्रष्टाः स्पष्टाः श्रीषेणार्यभटविष्णचंद्रषु ।
यस्मात्कुजादयस्तेषु न विदुषामादरस्तस्मात् ।। 47 || Chapter ii. **(46) (AM) the apparent (planets in the work) of Aryabhata, Mars and others of Brighôna. and the sun and others of Vishộuchandra, are not (made to start from the beginning of Mêsha at the commencement of the Yuga. (47) Because the apparent Mars and others in the works of) Srishêna, Aryabliata, and Vishnuchandra have gone far astray, therefore the learned have no respect for them.
(iv) कृस्वापि दृष्टिकर्म श्रीषेणार्यभटाविष्णुचंद्रोक्तं।
प्रतिदिन मुदये ऽस्ते वा न भवति दृग्गणितयोरैक्यं ।। 13 ॥
भमुनिमृगव्याधानां Chapter s. “Although the drishţikarman, told by Srishëna and Aryabhata and Vishộuchandra, is calculated every day, there is no coincidence between the observation and calculation, either about the rising or setting of the nal:shatras, the Muni (Agastya, Canopus), or Mrigavyadha (Sirius).
(9) (स) पंचज्यया यतोऽर्कमहणं श्रीषेणविष्णुचंद्रकृतं।
आर्यभटोक्तान्यनयोरर्क ग्रहणदूषणानि ततः ।। 31 || Chapter xi. "Because Srishóna, and Vishộuchandra have calculated solar eclipses by means of the purchajyú (sines of five kinds), therefore the faults stated (by me) in connection with Aryabhata (are applicable) to both of them also.
(vi) श्रीषेणविष्णुचंद्रप्रद्युमार्यभटलाटसिंहानां ।
महणादिविसंवादात् प्रतिदिवसं सिद्धमकृतत्वं ।। 46 ॥
युक्त्यार्यभटोक्तानि प्रत्येकं दूषणानि योज्यानि । (vii) श्रीषेणप्रभृतीनां कानिचिदन्यानि वक्ष्यामि ।। 47 ॥
लाटात्सूर्यशशांको मध्याबिंदूचचंद्रपाती च । कुजबुधशीघ्रबृहस्पतिसितशीघ्रशनैश्चरान् मध्यान् ।। 48 ।। युगयातवर्षभगणान् वासिष्ठान विजयनंदिकृतपादान् ।
मंदोश्चपरिधिपातस्पष्टीकरणायमार्यभटात् ।। 49 ॥ (viii) श्रीषेणेन गृहीत्वा रनोचबरोमकः कृतः कंथा।
एतान्यव गृहीत्वा वासिष्ठो विष्णुचंद्रेण ।। 50॥ Chapter xi.

Page #149

MAY, 1890.)
THE ROMAKA SIDDHANTAS.
135
“(46) The incompleteness of Srishóņa, Vishğuchandra, Pradyumna, Aryabhata, Lâța, and Simba, is proved every day, by the discordance of their eclipses and other things. - (47) The faults declared (by me) with reference to Aryabhata, can, by the exercise of skill, be applied (and explained away, so that they need not be repeated here) in the case of each one of the other writers whom I have mentioned). I will (now) describe certain other faults of Srishëna and others. - (48, 49, 50) Srishona has made the Romaka, which was) an eminence of jewels, it tattered garment; having borrowed the mean sun and moon, the moon's apogee and node, the mean Mars, the mean síghra of Mercury, the mean Jupiter, the mean sighra of Venus, and the mean Saturn, from Lata ; (having taken the yuga-yata and varshabhagana belonging to the Vásishtha-Siddhanta: (having used) the pádas employed by Vijayanandin; (and having borrowe() the method of finding the apparent places of the planets and other things from Aryabhata. Vishộuchandra has done the same to the Vâsishtha, by borrowing the same.
(ix.) agtrit Her Ti r e: 55 11 Chapter xi. "The multiplication of those Yugas is pronounced a Mahấyuga by Srishöņa, Vishụuchandra, and others."
(j) (3) EU formefashFUTI
frarara vara: anarete il 36 11 Chapter xvi. • The calculation of eclipses of Srishona, Aryabhata, and Vishạ chandra having gone far astray, (there is now) a discordance between the observation and calculation of them); the agreement (sometimes obtained, is only) accidental.
(k) ..Tacit 95 : 1 (xi) एवं वराहमिहिरीपणार्यभटविष्णुचंद्राचैः।
ata ...... 11 Chapter xxi. “So Varahamihira, Srishona, Aryabhata, Vishịuchandra, and others, have said, that an eclipse of the sun or the moon is not, therefore, effected by Rahu; which is against the (belief of the common people.
(xii) Tata: ferraferard: 1
T TH ATLAITS: : FTE: 11 7211 Chapter xxi. "Because Srishna, Aryabhata, Vishyachandra, and other Achúryas, have not understood the gola (the sphere), therefore the gola has been explained in the Bráhma-(Siddhanta)."
On reading these passages, we can hardly fail to see, firstly, that Brahmagupta, except perbaps in the 50th verse in (h), does nowhere connect Srisbêņa's name with the Romaka. Siddhanta ; and secondly, that while he refers to the Rómaka-Siddhanta in support of his own statement in two out of three places where he alludes to it, he mentiona Srishêņa in all the twelve places only to find fault with him. Thirdly, the very wording of the first half of the 50th verse in the passage (h) convinces us of a distinction which Brahmagupta was making between an original Rômaka-Siddhanta and that of Srishêņa. He compares the former with a mountain of jewels, stating that it was already so; and the latter with a tattered garment.
My fourth argument is as follows:- There was not in the original Rómaka-Siddhanta such a Yuga-system as is found in the Sûrya and other Siddhantas ; on the other hand, there was such a system in Srishêņa's work. I can prove the former assertion directly from the Parchasiddhantiká. For that purpose we require to know the number of revolutions, in a Mahâyuga of 4,320,000 years, of the sun and moon and of the five planets, and their places at
: has a connection with the previous part of the passage.

Page #150

136
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1890.
the beginning of the Kaliyuga or any other Yuga. The calculations of the five planets according to the original Rómaka-Siddhánta, are not given in the Panchasiddhantika. There we find the method of calculating the mean places of only the sun and the moon and of the moon's apogee and node, together with their kshépakas for Saka-Samvat 427 expired. The verses relating to this have been explained by Dr. Thibant, but only partially; the kshépakas, with which also we are here concerned, being left unconsidered by him. So I now give them tolly including a few necessary emendations : -
रोमकसूर्यो युगणात्खतिथिनात् पंचकर्तुपरिहीनात् । सप्ताष्टकसप्तकृतेंद्रियोद्धतान्मध्यमः क्रमशः॥1॥ खखरूपाष्टगुणनात् कृताष्टनवकैकवर्जितात् युगणात् । partiacartryer izraiaty: 11 4 11 शून्य कैकाभ्यस्तान्नवशून्यरसान्वितादिनसमूहात्। रूपत्रिखगुणभक्तात् केंद्र शशिनो ऽस्तगमवंत्यां ।। 5॥ त्र्यष्टकगुणिते दद्याद्रसतुयमषट्कपंचकान् राहोः।
Tarrarega tiaragiarezat a 811 Chapter viii. Translation. - " (Verse I) The mean sun, according to the Rómaka, (is found) in succession (of revolutions, signs, &c.) from the dyugana (sum of days) multiplied by the sky (nought) and the tithis (fifteen) (i.e. by 150); (afterwards) it is diminished by five and the seasons (six) (i.e. by 65), (and) divided by the (numerals) seven, eight, and seven, (the Yugas headed by) Krita (four), and the organs of sense (five) (i.e. by 54,787). — (4) The mean moon is found) froin the dyngana multiplied by the sky (nought), the sky (nought), form (one), (the numeral) eight, and the qualities (three) (i.e. by 38,100); (afterwards), it is diminished by the Yugas headed by) Ksita (four), and the numerals) eight, bine, and one (i.e. by 1,984), and is divided by (the numeral) three, the objects of the organs of sense (five), the figures (nine), the sky (nought), (the Yugas headed by) Ksita (four), and the directions (ten) (i.e. by 1,040,953). -- (5) The moon's kéndra for the time of sunset at Ujjain (is found) from the sum of days multiplied by nought, and (the numerals) one and one (i.e. by 110), and then) it is increased by the (numeral) nine, nought, and the juices (six) (i.e. by 609), and is divided by form (one), (the numeral) three, the sky (nought) and the qualities (three) (i.e. by 3,031). — (8) Add the juices (six), the seasons (six), a couple, and the numerals) six and five (i.e. 56,266) to (the aharjana after it is) multiplied by three times eight (i.e. 24); (afterwards, it being) divided by the Bhavas (eleven), form (one), the fires (three), and the metre) ashți (sixteen) (i.e. 163,111), (the result) is stated to be the mouth of Ráhu)."
Some other particulars of the Rômaka-Siddharta, which we can deduce from the first two of these verses, are given expressly in the following verse, and therefore I quote it :
रोमकयुगमद्वोर्वर्षाण्याकाशपंचवसुपक्षाः।
areat STAAT: FeaT z : Fre: 11 15 | Panchasiddhántiká, Chapter i. "The sky (nought), (the numeral) five, the Vasus (eight) and the fortnights (two) (i.e. 2,850) years, relating to the sun and moon, (form) a Yuga (cycle) of the Rômaka. (In that time there are) the sky (nought), the organs of sense (five), and the directions (ten) (i.e. 1,050) intercalated months, and the notes (seven), (the Yugas healed by) Kțita (four), the objects of the organs of sense (five), and (the metre) ashți (sixteen) (i.e. 16,547) expunged tithis."
* Here the syllables galai y seem to be corrupt. I have taken ata as a real word, but am not certain that I am right in doing so.
* My copy reads a, and Dr. Thibaut also read a where I have read an, which is undoubtedly the original rending. The tradition about Rahu's month and tail is well known ; and in the Panchasiddhantika itself we find words meaning mouth' and 'tail' used respectively for the ascending and descending nodes of the moon. In verses containing information according to the Paulisa-Siddhonta, we meet with the words a mouth,' and 467, mouth,' for the ascending node, and twice with the word gt3, 'tail,' for the descending node.

Page #151

MAY, 1890.)
THE ROMAKA SIDDHANTAS.
137
From the first verge of the eighth chapter, given above, we see that 150 revolutions of the sun are performed in 54,787 days; then one revolution takes 365 days, 14 gh., 48 p. (= 365 days, 5 hours, 55 minutes, 12 seconds), which is therefore the length of the year according to the original Romaka-Siddhanta. It is corroborated by the 15th verse of the first chapter, just given. From the fourth, fifth, and eighth verses of the eighth chapter, given above, we see that 38100, 110, and 24 revolutions respectively of the moon, the moon's anomaly, and the moon's node, are performed in 1,040,953, 3,031, and 163,111 days. Subtracting the moon's anomaly from her mean motion, we get her apogee. The revolutions of the sun and moon, and of the moon's apogee and node, in a Mahầyaga of 4,320,000 years, as well as in the Rômaka-Yuga of 2,850 years, derived from these verses, together with some other elements are given in the accompanying Table. Taking the ahargana to be pil, we find, from the four verses of the eighth chapter given above, the kshếpakas of the sun, moon, and moon's apogee and, node, for Saka-Samvat 427 expired; they also are given in the accompanying Table. It is proved as will be seen from my paper on the original Súrya-Siddhanta (page 45 ff. above), that the kshepakas in the Panchasiddhántiká according to that Siddhanta are for the amánta Chaitra krishṇa chaturdasi, Saka-Samvat 427 expired, which ended on Sunday, 20th March A. D. 505. And comparing them with the kshépakas according to the original RômakaSiddh ánta, there remains no doubt that the latter also are for the same day; and from the expression at Fatheri, astagam=Avartyán," for the time of the sunset at Ujjain," at the end of the fifth verse of the eighth chapter given above, it appears that they are for the time of sunset at Ujjain on that day.
The sun's kshepaka is 11 signs, 29 degrees, 34 minutes, 22.4 seconds. He was then short of the mean Mêsha-Samkranti by only 25 minutes, 37.6 seconds. Taking the above ascertained length of the year, he takes exactly 26 ghatis to traverse this distance. Therefore, the mean Mêsha-Samkranti of Saka-Samvat 427 expired, occurred, according to the original RômakaSiddhanta, at 56 ghatis after mean sunrise at Ujjain on the amánta Chaitra krishna chaturdasi, Sunday, 20th March, A. D. 505; the current apparent tithi at that time being the amávásya. Calculating back, we find that, according to the original Rômaka-Siddhanta, the mean MêshaSankranti of Kaliyuga-Samvat 1 carrent, - i. e, the commencement of the Kaliyuga, if such a thing were contemplated at all in that Siddhanta, - took place at 27 gh. 12 p. after mean sunrise on Saturday, 2nd April, B, C. 3102; vis. 43 days, 42 gh., 12 p., after that of the original SúryaSiddhúnta. This time is neither sunrise, noon, sunset, nor midnight. This point, together with the moon's place, which was not, as will be seen from col. 4 of the accompanying Table, at the beginning of Mêsha at the commencement of the Kaliyaga, and the number of revolutions and Sávanı days &c. in a Mahayuga given in the same Table, which are not whole numbers, show clearly that in the original Rômaka-Siddhanta there was not such a Yuga-system as is found in the Súrya-Siddhanta and similar other works. We have also Brahmagupta's testimony to this. In the passage (a) above, he censures the Rômaka for having no Yuga-system in conformity with the Smritis.7
On the other hand, we see from the 46th verse of passage (c), from the 49th verse of passage (h), and from passage (t), that there was such a Yuga-system in Srishêna's work. I must admit here that I am not at present able to understand fully the force of the expression UtaraTTT, yugayatavarsha-bhagana, in passage (h), and of some verses preceding and following passage (). But in these last verses the word HETETT, maháyuga, occurs twice again; and from all these three passages taken together, I am convinced that in 'Srishêna's work
. They will be found in column 2 of the Table on page 49 above.
From the passage (c) above, a doubt is likely to arise, viz. that there was in reality a Yuga-system in the original Romaka-Siddhanta. But, in the first place, that passage is to be taken as true only in a general way. And secondly, we have seen above that there was a sort of Yuga in the original Romaka-Siddhanta, consisting of 2,850 nolar years, and that Yuga must be taken as commencing either at sunrise or some other fixed time. And the passage (c) is not inconsistent with (a).

Page #152

133
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1890.
there was such a Yuga-system at least as was different from that in the original RimakaSiddhánta, if it was not such as is employed in the Sûrya and other Siddhantas.
Fifthly, we see from passage (h) that 'Srishena borrowed the method of finding the apparent places of the planets from Aryabhata. The method of finding the apparent place of the sun according to the original Rómaka-Siddhanta, is found in the following verses of the Panchasic théutiki, which I give as they stand in my copy :
रविशशिनाः स्फुटकरणं खच्दुभवनार्धसंमितेः खंडैः। तत्क्रमशश्च पुनस्तर्मिधुनदलं शोध्यते ऽर्कस्य ।।2।। तिथिमनुदशकृतसहितारसमनुहीनाभविंशतिहीना ।
yrarårar faireyfag representert 11 3 11 Chapter xviii. The passage is very corrupt; and I must state that I do not understand it fully. Nevertheless I can say that the method in it is certainly not similar to that of Aryabhata ; tho last words in the second verse alone, establishing the difference between the two RómakaSiddhantas.
The expression Mithuna-dalar sodhyaté stkasya, "the half of the sign Mithuna is to be subtracted from the sun," - shows that the longitude of the sun's uchcha according to the original Romaka-Siddhanta is 75 degrees, while according to the Arya-Siddhanta, - the published work of the first Åryabhata, - it is 78 degrees. Brahmagupta, who has strictly followed Aryabhata in writing the first part of his Khandakhádya, gives it 80 degrees, in the following words, - bhagasitir=inôchchan (v. 14, chap. i.), - "the uchcha of the sun is eighty degrees." And this may be taken to be the son's uchcha according to the other work of the first Åryabhata. Srishêņa must have borrowed one of these two; and both of them are at variance with the original Rómaka-Siddhanta.
Sixthly, the Rômaka-Siddhanta, as represented in the Panchasiddhantiká, contains the calculations of only the sun and the moon; while Srishêna's work had, as is seen from passage (h) above, the calculations of the planets also. This, again, shows their difference.
Lastly, in addition to Varahamihira, the divine authors, and the Rishis, the following names of previous writers on astronomy, occur in Brahmagupta's Brahma-Siddhanta, Pradyumna, Låta, Simha, Vijayanandin, Aryabhata, Srishĉņa, and Vishộuchandra.10 And these names, except those of Srishêņa and Vishộuchandra, occur also in Varahamihira's Panchasiddhantiká. This circumstance tends to show that Srishêņa and Vishnuchandra did not precede Varahamihira, but followed him.
All these proofs, taken collectively, if not severally, show clearly that the RomakaSiddhanta, treated of in the Panchasiddhantika, which I have called the original RômakaSiddhanta, and Srishóna's Romaka-Siddhanta, were different and separate works. Srishêņa's date lies somewhere between Saka-Samvat 50011 and 550 expired (A.D. 578 and 628). At any rate he flourished after Varahamihira and before Brahmagupta.
I may state, by the way, that almost all of the foregoing remarks, except the fourth argument, apply to Vishnuchandra ; that he flourished after Varahamihira and before Brahmagupta ; and that his Väsishtha-Siddhanta is different from the original Vásishtha-Siddhanta in the Panchasiddhantika. The latter point is proved even by passage (h) alone.
* See Disagitikapáda, verse 7. . See my paper on the original Sürya-Siddhanta, page 45 ff., above.
10 All these names will be found above in passages (d) to (1). The 58th verse of the 11th Chapter of the Brahma-siddhanta runs thus:-अंकचितिविजयनांदप्राचादीन पादकरणानि; where अंकचिति may be the name of an author. But it does rot oocur anywhere else in the Brahma-Siddhanta, nor is it met with in the Panchasiddhantika; and therefore I am not certain of it.
11 I give this limit, on the assumption that Vardhamihira died in Baka-Samvat 509 (A.D. 587). I have, however, come doubt about it.

Page #153

MAY, 1890.]
1
Sun........
Moon
Moon's Apogee
Moon's Node
Savana days Solar months
Table of the Elements of the Original Rómaka-Siddhanta.
*********...
Intercalated months...
Lunar months.
Tithis Expunged tithis
THE ROMAKA SIDDHANTAS.
**********...
In a Yuga of
2,850
years.
Revolutions.
2850
38,100
322
153
288
3081
36889 163111
Number.
10,40,953
34,200
1,050
35,250
10,57,500
16,547
In a Mahiyuga of 4,320,000
years.
Revolutions.
43,20,000
577,51,578-1
4,88,22813708 232,165163111
57580 109085
Number.
15,778,65,600
518,40,000
18
15,91,578- 19
18
53,431,578 19
16,029,47,368 19 250,81,768-10
S
Places at the beginning
of the Kaliyuga.
0 0° Ο
5 25 33
8
4
881
26 34
5 11 34 40
Kahepakas (mean places) on amanta Chaitra krishna chaturdasi, BakaSamvat 428 ourrent
(427 expired), ending on Sunday, 20th March, A.D. 505.
S
139
0
O" 11 29° 34' 22
50
0 11 29 18 9 16 58 7 25 49
53 3
T
The length of the solar year 365 days, 14 ghatts, 48 palas.
Dr. Thibaut, after trying to explain many inconsistencies, seems to have come to the conclusion that "the Rómaka-Siddhánta, in that shape at any rate which was given to it by Srishéna,.. was.... most probably composed in 505 (A.D. Saka-Samvat 427 expired)." But I think everyone will now be convinced that Saka-Samvat 427 is not the date of Srishêna's Bômaka-Siddhanta, which is later than that. Also, some other writers on Hindu astronomy, either not knowing or not making any distinction between the original RómakaSiddhanta and Srishêpa's work, seem to hold that Saks-Saivat 427 expired (A.D. 505) is the date of the Romaka-Siddhanta. The reason of this supposition is nothing but the fact that 'SakaSamvat 427 is the epoch of the Pañchasiddhantika, and that, particularly in his method of calonlating the ahargana according to the Romaka-Siddhanta, Varâhamihira has taken that year as the starting-point. But this reason proves to be a fallacy on the face of it; and the supposition founded on it falls to the ground. If that be the date of the Bômaka, which is only one of the five Siddhantas treated of by Varâhamihira, why should we not say that it is the date of the original Surya-Siddhanta also ? The kshépakas, secording to the Surya-Siddhanta given in the Panchasiddhántiká, are proved to be for Baka-Samvat 427 expired; and a superficial reader might easily take it to be the date of the Surya-Siddhanta. And similarly we might go so far as to say that it is equally the date of all the five Siddhantas, not excluding even the Paitamaha, which, I can say on the authority of the Pañchasiddhantika, has the greatest

Page #154

140
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[WAY, 1890.
resemblance to the dootrines promulgated in the Védánga-Jyotisha, and which, therefore, is andoubtedly the oldest of the five. Similarly, that Saka-Samvat 427 expired is a starting-point in the method of caloulating the ahargana according to the Rômaka-Siddhanta in the Pancha. siddhantika, proves nothing. Vardhamihira had to give that method ; and, as it would have been a little superfluous to give it according to all the five Siddhantas, he chose the Rômaka for it; and there is no special reason for his selecting it. It would be foolish to ask why he did not select any other Siddhanta for it. No one can show that he was compelled of necessity to 18e no other. Instead of the Rômaka, he might just as well have given the method according to any other Siddhanta. And in that case, and even if he had given the method acoording to all the five Siddhantas, he would have chosen no other year but Saka-Samvat 427. And SakeSamvat 427 expired, therefore, is not the date of the original Rômaka-Siddhánta, as it is not of any of the other Siddhantas in the Panchasiddhántiká.
Moreover, there is decisive evidence to show that Saka-Samvat 427 expired is not the date of the original Rômaka-Siddhanta. The Yuga of the Rômaka, comprising 2,850 years, was a luni. solar Yuga. The kshépakas, in the Panchasiddhántiká, of the sun and moon for Saka-Samvat 427 expired, according to the Rômaka-Siddhánta, are given in the 5th column of the accompanying Table. Calculating from them, with the mean motions of the sun and moon according to the Rómaka-Siddhanta, I find that the mean amávásyd ended 1 ghati, 16.5 palas, after the time of the kshepakas, i.e. at 31 gh. 16.5 p. after mean sunrise ; and at that time the longitude of the sun and moon was 11 signs, 29 degrees, 35 minutes, 38 seconds. I do not know yet the method of calculating the apparent places of the sun and moon from the mean, according to the original Rômaka-Siddhanta ; but taking their mean places and uchchas from the Rômaka-Siddhanta, and applying the method of other Siddhantas, I find that the apparent amávásyd onded about 36 gh. after the time of the kshépakas, i.e. at 6 gh. after mean sunrise on the next day; and at that time the apparent longitude of the sun and moon was 2 degrees, 16 minutes, 1 second.
It is seen from these calculations that, at the end of either the mean or the apparent emávásya, the sun and the moon were not at the beginning of Mêsha; and that neither the mean nor the apparent amdvdsyd ended either at sunrise, noon, sunset, or midnight. Whatever be the method of caloulating the apparent places of the sun and moon according to the Rômaka-Siddhantas, any one familiar with practical astronomy will be convinced, from their kshépakas, that, when they would be together, i.e. at the end of the apparent amdvdsyd, they would not stand at the beginning of Mêsha, nor would their coming together take place either at sunrise, noon, sunset, or midnight. And consequently the Yuga of the Rômaka cannot have commenced in Saka-Samvat 427 expired. The original Rómaka-Siddhanta was evidently not a Karaņa, but a Siddhanta ; and therefore, its starting point for calculating the ahargana cannot be Sake-Samvat 427 expired, unless that is the year of the commencement of its Yaga, which cannot be the case, as we have just seen. And, therefore, Saka-Samvat 427 expired is not the epoch of the original Romake-Siddhants for calculating the ahargana and other details.
It might still be urged that the author of the Rômaka-Siddhanta may have given the data of its completion specifically, and that this was Saka-Samvat 427. But even if it be so, what influence would that date have had with Vardhamihira P Brahmagupta wrote his BrahmaSiddhanta in Saks-Sauvat 550 ; but the epoch of his own Karana, the Khandakhadya, is SaksSamvat 587 expired (A.D. 665). Bhaskaracharya wrote his Siddhanta-Siromani in Saka-Sarvat 1072 expired (A.D. 1150); but he employed Saks-Samvat 1105 expired (A.D. 1183) ss the epoch for his own Karana, the Karañaleutáhala. It is most unlikely that Varahamibira should have chosen the year of the composition of the Rômaka-Siddhanta for the epoch of his Karaņa, the Parchasiddhantık. The year Baka-Samvat 427 expired, which is the epoch of the Panchasiddhantill, has nothing to do with the date of the composition of the Rómaka-Siddhanta ; and it must be very near to the date of the composition of the Panchasiddhántiká, if it is not the very year of its composition.

Page #155

MAY, 1890.)
THE ROMAKA SIDDHANTAS.
141
At present we have no means of determining the age of the original Romaka-Siddhants with much certainty. But I am of opinion that it is much older than Saka-Samvat 427 (A.D. 505) I proceed to give my reasons. In the introductory verses of the Panchasiddhántiká, Varahamihira states: -
पौलिशरोमकवासिष्ठसौरपैतामहास्तु सिद्धांताः।
pat garut cart FRITT II Chapter i., verse 3. "The Panlisa, Rômaka, Vâsishtha, Saura, and Paitâmaha (are) the Siddhantas; of these five, the first two have been explained (with commentaries) by Latadêva." It is clear from this that the Panliśa and Romaka, which are two of the five Siddhantes treated of by Varahamihira, are the same with those commented on by Lata ; and that Lâța preceded Varahamihira. And therefore the Rômaka-Siddhanta commented on by Lâtà must be, taking only this point into consideration, at least fifty years, if not more, older than Saka-Samvat 427, the epoch or date of the Panchasiddhantika. Before proceeding further, I must dispose of some assertions by Dr. Thibaut; coming from so high an authority, they require consideration. He says about Lata, 12 referred to in the above verse :-"I think it much more likely that he (Lata) preceded him (Aryabhata). A doubt concerning Låta's position might arise from the introduction of the Panchasiddhantika, in which it is remarked that the Paulisa and Rômaka were "vyakhydtau" by Låtadêva. This LÂţadeva is either to be considered as & writer altogether different from that Laţa to whom Srishêņa was indebted for a part of the elements of his Siddbânta, or else we must suppose that Srishêna's Romaka-Siddhanta was merely a re-cast of an older Rômaka-Siddhanta which was written or commented on by LÂța." This is a good example of the difficulties that occur in dealing with the inconsistencies arising from the supposition that the Rómaka-Siddhanta treated of by Vardhamihira is the same with that of Srisbêņa, and that its date is Saka-Samvat 427. If the Lata from whom Srishēņa borrowed, were different from the Lata who had “written or commented on" the Rômaka-Siddhanta, which undoubtedly forms one of the five Siddhậntas in the Panchasiddhantikd, it follows that Srishêna's work was different from the Rômaka of the Panchasiddhantiká; a fact which Dr. Thibaut seems to deny, but which is established without the necessity of supposing that there were two Latas. Besides, there are no reasons for believing that there were two LÂțas. As to the second assertion, it will be seen clearly from passage (1) above, which Dr. Thibaut also has taken into consideration (p. 290 f. of his article), that Srishêņa's Rômaka was not merely a recast of an older Rômaka "written or commented on" by Låta. In the above quotation itself, Dr. Thibant admits that to “Lata Srishea was indebted for a part of the elements of his Siddhảnta." He writes to the same effect in another place also (p. 289, line 5, of his article). Now, I have demonstrated above that the two were different and separate works. I have to show here chiefly that the Rômaka-Siddhanta treated of in the Panchasiddhdntika was not written,' but only commented on' by Lâţa. In the above verse bar cannot mean anything but commented on. But supposing it does mean written,' we must apply it to both the Paulića and the Rômaka Siddhantas. But I can prove conclusively that these two were not written by Laţa. The method of calculating the mean place of the son according to the Paulisa-Siddhanta, is given in the following verse of the Panchasiddhantikd :
खाने ऽमिहुताशनमपास्वरूपानिवसुहताशकृतेः।
- H ai Ta:... "Taking away the fires (three) and the fires (three) (i.e. 33) from (the ahargana) multiplied by the sky (nought) and the suns (twelve) i. e. by 120), and dividing it by form (one), the fires (three), the Vasus (eight), the fires (three), and (the yugas headed by) Krita (four) (s. e. by 43,831); (the result is) the mean lord of days (the sun) in succession (of revolutions, signs, 8c.)."
Here we see thet 120 revolutions of the sun are performed in 43,831 days. Then one revolution takes 365 days, 15 ghutis, 30 palar, which is therefore the length of the year according to the
13 Journ. Bong. As. Soc. Vol. LIII. Part. I. p. 291-92.

Page #156

142
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1890.
Paulisa-Siddhanta, and which is 42 palas in excess of the year of the Romaka-Siddhanta. It is clear, therefore, that these two Siddhântas differ much from each other in the most fundamental principle; and it is impossible that they can have been written by one and the same Lâța. They were, therefore, only commented on by Lâța, and are evidently much older than him and than Varâhamihira.
On reading the Pañchasiddhantikd and Brahmagupta's Brahma-Siddhanta, anyone will see at once that both of them make a clear distinction between the five Siddhântas, - Paulisa, Romaka, Vasishtha, Saura, and Paitâmaha, on the one hand, and on the other, the works of Aryabhata and others. Neither of them gives the names of the authors of the five Siddhântas, but they treat them as of divine origin. Such is not the case with other works. I have given above (page 138) seven names of human authors as occurring in the Brahma-Siddhanta. But Brahmagupta mentions them all, only to find fault with them. The same may be said of Varâhamihira. He mentions five of the above seven who preceded him, and does not hesitate to censure them, though he is much less severe than Brahmagupta in his attacks. On the other hand, the very fact that the chief object of the Pañchasiddhántiká is to give the purport of the five Siddhântas, and that Brahmagupta mentions them, as is seen from passages (b) and (c) above, to support his own statement, shows in what respect and reverence they were held in those times. The very names Saura and Paitâmaha, the works which have come from the Sun (as a god) and Brahman,' show the belief of their divine origin. And it could not be the effect of few years. Some centuries must have elapsed before their real authors were forgotten, and they came to be regarded as divine works.
The length of the year of the original Rómaka-Siddhanta is certainly that of Hipparchus. And there is reason to believe that this Romaka-Siddhanta was based on his theories and tables of the sun and moon. It was Ptolemy who " established the theory of the planets/in accordance with the principles of that astronomer (Hipparchus)." And the fact that the original Rômaka-Siddhanta, as represented in the Pañchasiddhantiká, contains calculations of only the sun and the moon, and not of the planets, greatly tends to show that its author did not know Ptolemy's work on astronomy; an inference that could, I believe, be proved also by comparing the elements of the original Rómaka-Siddhanta with those of Ptolemy, though at present I am not able to make the comparison. Ptolemy's work cannot have come into existence in the time of the author of the original Rômaka-Siddhanta; otherwise, instead of the work of Hipparchus, that of Ptolemy would have come to India, and would have become the basis of the original Rómaka-Siddhanta. It may even be said that probably Ptolemy's work never came to India at all in early times. At any rate Hipparchus's length of the year, and his principles of calculating the places of the sun and the moon, must have come to India before the time of Ptolemy. And my present conclusion is that the latest possible date for the original RómakaSiddhanta, which itself, as shown by some indications, is the latest of the five Siddhântas, - is A.D. 150.
--
▲ Rômaka or Rômasa Siddhânta is extant in the present day. But I cannot say at present whether it is the same as, or different from, Srishêņa's work. I have a copy of it. It contains about 375 verses in the Anushṭubh metre, divided into 11 chapters called Adhikaras. In almost all its elements it agrees with the present Surya-Siddhantu.
SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
BY J. F. FLEET, Bo.C.S., M.R.A.S., C.I.E.
No. 186.-BALAGAMVE STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF VINAYADITYA.
This inscription was originally brought to notice by Colonel Henry Dixon, H. M.'s 22nd Regiment M. N. I., in his photographic collection, published in 1865, of inscriptions on stone and
15 See Grant's History of Physical Astronomy, Introduction, p. iii.; also p. 439.

Page #157

MAY, 1890.)
BALAGAMVE INSCRIPTION OF VINAYADITYA.
143
copper from various places in the Maisûr territory. A print from his negative has been published in my Páli, Sanskrit, and Old-Kanarese Inscriptions, No. 152. And I have made brief references to it in this Journal, Vol. VI. p. 94, and in my Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts, pp. 10, 28. Also, Mr. Rice has given a translation of it in his Mysore Inscriptions, p. 186; but, owing partly to the blurred and indistinct nature of the photograph, his version of it, except in the first three lines, is but very little in accordance with its real purport. It is now edited in full for the first time, from ink-impressions made in 1885 by my own man. I have also had before me a double photograph, sent to me in 1886 by Dr. Bargess, of two estampages made by one of his subordinates. On one side there is shewna photograph of the untouched estampage, which represents the original very well, though it has been of no use to me over and above the ink-impressions. On the other side there is a photograph of an estampage which has been touched up with the object of bringing out the writing more clearly ; in doing this, some of the letters have been spoilt.
Balagve, Balagami, or Belagave, is a village in the Shikärpar Talaka or Sub-Division of the Shimoggů (properly Sivamoggâ) District, Maisar; in the map, Indian Atlas, Sheet No. 42, it is entered as · Balagauvee,' in Lat. 14° 24 and Long. 75° 18'. The inscription is on & stone-tablet, measuring about 1' 10' broad by 3' 6' high, as to the position of which I have no exact information.
The emblem at the top of the stone is an elephant, standing to the proper left, very well depicted. - The writing covers a space of about 1' 7" broad by 2 81" high, and seems to be on a slightly countersunk surface. It has suffered considerably from the weather, but it is quite legible throughout, and there are but very few aksharas in it which are at all doubtful. - The characters belong to the southern class of alphabets, and are of the regular type of the period and locality to which the record belongs. The size of the letters varies from " to 11". The engraving is bold and good. -The language is Old-Kanarese throughout; and the whole record is in prose. It belongs to a period for which, owing to the want of a complete and reliable dictionary, the language presents many difficulties; so that the translations which I put forward can, for the present, as I have remarked on at least one previous occasion, only be regarded as more or less tentative. But in the present case, the only word that has remained unintelligible, is that which I read as alavana in line 5-6. We may note that in alava!liyará, line 8, and rgiya, line 10, and nirilliya, line 10-11, the genitive ends in the long a; on the other hand, in valliggameyara, line 6, and amaliyara, line 7, the termination is the short a. - In respect of orthography, the only point that needs to be noticed, is the use of v for b in vittár, line 6; vittidalli and veleyáde, line 16; velege, line 1.8; and valliggameyara, line 6. In other inscriptions, the name included in this last word is almost always written with b. And in the other words, since they are not in composition, the use of the 6 would have been at least more regular.
The inscription refers itself to the reign of the Western Chalukya king Vinayaditya, and to a time when his feudatory, the Maharaja Pogilli, of the Sendraka family, was governing a part of his dominions. It is non-sectarian; the object of it being only to record the remission of certain fees and duties by an official named Kandarbe, at the time of his accession to office. It is not dated; but, from Vinayaditya's other records, it is known to belong to the period between A.D. 680 and 696. In this inscription, to the name of Vinayaditya there is attached the biruda or secondary name of Rajabraya, “the asylum of kings." This is accounted for by the copper-charters (e. g. No. 187 below, line 16), which say that he was like (the epic hero) Bharata, through being the asylum of kings (rajásrayatvát.)"
Several places are mentioned in this inscription. First we are told that the Maharaja Pogilli's government comprised the Nayarkhanda (district) and Jedugar or Jedugar. For
1 Daring this period of the alphabet, and for a long time afterwarde, it is often impossible, in Old-Kanarese names of persons and places, to distinguish between the dental d and the lingual d, and to decide whether the vowels & undo,

Page #158

144
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1890.
the second of these names, I have not been able to obtain any other reference; but it is possibly represented by the modern Jedda, in the Sorab Taluk, Shimogga District, Indian Atlas, Sheet No. 42, Lat. 14° 35', Long. 75° 7'. Nayarkhanda is evidently a Prakrit form of the name of the Nâgarakhanda, or " (territorial) section of the Någas," of other inscriptions, in which it is described as a division of the Banavasi Twelve-thonsand, and is called sometimes the Någarakhanda kampana, and sometimes the Nagarakhanda Seventy (e.g. P. S. and 0.-K. Inscrs. No. 120, lines 41-42, 44). Valliggame is one of the forms of the name of Balagámve itself; and is probably the nearest ancient approximation to the modern name. Other Kanarese forms are Balligave (ante, Vol. IV. p. 181), Balligrême (ante, Vol. V. p. 49), Valligrame (P. S. and 0.-K. Inscrs. No. 166, line 39), and Valligrâma (id. line 42). Also we have the Sanskļitised form Balipura (ante, Vol. V. p. 18); and in P. S. and 0.-K. Inscrs. No. 166, line 42 ff., the town is likened to the capital of Bali (Bali-rajadhani). But I have not met with any other instance of the use of the double gg in the third syllable; here it is very distinct; and the second 9 must be taken as a Prakritic assimilation of the r. Of the other places mentioned in this record, Vedevalli (or Vedevalli), which might appear elsewhere without the initial », may perhaps be identified with the modern Yedehalli in the Lakkuvalli Taluka, Maisur, in Lat. 13° 37', Long. 75° 34'. Andugi (or Antugi) seems to be the modern 'Undega' of the map, close to Sorab, in Lat. 14° 23, Long. 75o 14. And Nirilli may perhaps be the modern Niralgi, the Nerulgee' of the map, in the Hângal Taluka, Dharwad District, in Lat. 15° 53', Long. 75o 19. For the names of Amali, Alavalli or Alamvalli, and Navalli, I cannot find any representatives in the part of the country to which this record belongs. In lines 11 and 15, mention is made of the two districts (nál = nád), and, more specifically, of the two Seventies. These, plainly, are the Nagarakhanda Seventy, and either the Jidduļige Seventy or the Edenad Seventy, which are sometimes mentioned in close connection with it (e.g. P. 8. and 0.-K. Inscrs. No. 158, lines 64, 66, 68).
TEXT. 1 Svasti
Sri-Vinayaditya-Rajasraya-sriprithi2 vi(vi) valla bhe-ma hå râjâ dhiraja - para me svarabha3 tårar-prithivi-rajyam-keye [10]
sri-Pogilli-Sendraka. 4 mahårfjar-Nayarkhandamur . Jedugor=algeyin=alu5 tta [1] Kandarbor=adhikarigal-age pêriya osageyum - 6 lavaṇavam
S aputraka-poraļumin=viţt&r=Valliggameyara 7 dásadiyum Amaliyara dévadiyum Večevalliyara 8 dévadiyum Alavalliyara5 Ravichandanum Sorkka-gámunda: 9 rüm Edeya-gamaņdaram
Molejarâmaniya-gimu.
and sometimes i, are short or long, unless sorge idea can be formed as to the etymology or identification of them. In such case, it in my practide, with names that remain doubtful, to use the dental d and the short vowels, because the distingaishing marks can bu submequently added no ensily, if required. This should be taken as a general note, which will avoid constant annotation and repetition. It applies also to a few ordinary words, not names, which cannot be found in dictionaries, or cannot be connected with words that are to be found in them.
There is nover any confusion between the simple and d (represented by d). But, when they occur in con position with the nasel, it is often impossible to decide whether the compound means 11f or nd, except, of course, in well-known worde, such as the Sanskrit mandala, and the Old-Kanarese ydmunda.
* From the ink impressions, two copies. The lithograph has been prepared from that oopy which is the best taken all round.
4 The initial vowel of this word lies olone ap on the edge of the inscribed surface, and it is just possible that the long vowel 4 was intended. Also, over the second syllable there is a mark which may perhaps be the anusudra. It is therefore possible, that the orude form is alavana, alathvana, dlavana, or alamvana. It seems to me, however, that most probably the word is alavana.
Or perhaps alarhvalliyard, with the annavara in the second syllable.
• In four instances we distinctly have here the long 4 (run); but in the remaining two, the short w(run). The latter in, I consider, the more correct form. The copulative long 4 was adopted, or at any rate became habitual, only at a much later period, when the anusvára was abandoned. -

Page #159

Balagamve Inscription of the time of Vinayaditya.
14
3
2:10
MS
2
CS
24
RA
A
CO
.
23
NY
13
J. F. FLEET, BO. C.S.
SCALE -28
W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.

Page #160


Page #161

MAY, 1890.)
BALAGAMVE INSCRIPTION OF VINAYADITYA.
145
-
10 ndaram Navalliyarum Andugiya gåmigarum Nirilli11 ya Sindera-gâmigaram mukhav-âge eradum-nalke rii. 12 ja-śrâvitam-âge prasüdam-keydar (11)
Idün=ali13 von=Varanasivadu?s=sâsira
kavileyum
pârvva14 rumân=konda
pancha-mahậpâtaka-samyu15 ktan-akkum [1] idanakole Ir-elpattarulam o kkaltanan. 16 keyvonra
vittidalli veleyade
kedage [1] 17 idân=kâdu
salvon=para ma-kalyaņa-tirtha[m]ga?o=a. 18 ppâr [1*] nelanum velege [1*] pârvraru[m] prajeyum taņige [11*]
TRANSLATION. Hail! While the glorious Vinayaditya-Rajasraya, the favourite of fortune and of the earth, the Mahárdjádhiraja, the Paramésvara, the Bhatára, is reigning over the earth; (and) while the illustrious Pogilli, the Sendraka Mahárája, is administering the Nayarkhanda (district) (and) the government of Jedugar: -
(Line 5) - Kandarba, on becoming the officer in charge, remitted10 (the fees leviable at) the festivity of attaining puberty, 11 and the alavana, 12 and (the duty leviable in the case of) a man dying without a son ; (and thus) he conferred a favoar, in the shape of a royal proclamation, 13 upon the two districts headed by the guild of the Desasls of Valliggame, and the establishment of the temple of the people of Amali, and the establishment of the temple of Vedevalli, and Ravichanda of the people of Alavalli, and Sorkagamunda, and Edeyagámunda, and Molejaramaniyagimunda, and the people of Navalli, and the Gámigas of Andugi, and Sinderagamiga of Nirilli.
7 Or perhaps antugiyū ; see note 2 above.
$ This is rather a peculiar form of the locative of varanasi. We should expect varanasiyul (e.g. ante, Vol. VIII. p. 285, line 5) or våranasiyol. But we have elsewhere the genitive bdranasivada, where we should expect baranasiya (ante, Vol. X. p. 167, No. 105, line 6); and probably also värarasi vada (ante, Vol. VIII. p. 286, line 5).
The first two syllables of this word are rather damaged. But the first of them is undoubtedly ti or tt; and I cannot see how the second is to be read, except as rtha[1].
10 vittar ma bittar, from bidu,' to put away, leave, relinquish, remit, dispense with. From meaning 'to give up to,' this verb is constantly used in the sense of 'to grant, bostow;' being then synonymous with kodu,' to give.' But, in that sense, either it is always accompanied by a dative case, which we have not here; or else the context shews plainly what its meaning is. Here it has only the accusative case, and can hardly be taken except in the sense of remitting.' And I think that the obvious moaning of the whole passage justifies and necessitates the words that I have added in brackets. - Mr. Rice translated "presonted for the decoration of (the god) Periyadisa (?).;" but this is due only to misreading the initial o of osage, and failing to note the copulative termination,'un.-I have an instance of the use of the causal bidisu in the same sense of 'remitting,' in an insoription, at Dévagiri in the Karajgi Taluka, Dharwad District, of a Mahasumantadhipati named Santivarmadeva, which purporta to be dated Saka-Sarhvat 522, the KAlayukti saihvatsara, but belongs really to a later period; and which, unfortunately, I cannot at present edit satisfactorily, because I can obtain no explanation of the Old-Kanarese word used to denote that which was remitted,
11 Anyone who has resided in India, will be familiar with the fostivity that attends the attainment of puberty by a girl
12 This word (see note 4 abovo) requires explanation. Dr. Bühler has suggested to me that it may possibly stand for the Sanskrit alapana, and may have a technical meaning like that of the MarАth alip, for alop, 'a funeral lament; singing the praises of the dead;' denoting some domestio ceremony of wbioh singing was the chief feature. It looks to me, however, like a purely Dravidian word. And I should say that the second component is pana, and that the word denotos something similar to the aruvana, which was a six-pana tax or rent on manya-lands. The only other words that I can suggest as possibly connected with it, are, baluvali, baluvari, a wife's dowry,' and halaviliyu, to miscarry.'
13 rdja-Gravita; lit. caused by the king to be heard. The same term occurs in one of the Aiholo inscriptions ante, Vol. VIII. p. 286, line 4; where we have also nakara-fravita. A somewhat similar torm, but not quite eo technical in its ultimate meaning, is mija-rokshita, 'protected by the king,' which we have had in the Belar inscription, ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 274, line 37.
14 I cannot explain the suffix in dasadi and divadi; but tho meaning of the terms seems obvious. In other Old-Kanarese passages, I have found deva used in the neuter, in the sense of an establishment or temple of a god.' Also the names of gods are used in the neuter in the same way: 0.g. mdrhgdsvaradisi badaga,' to the north of the temple of Mangesvara (Jour. Bo. Br. R. 48. Soc. Vol. XI. p. 230).

Page #162

146
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1890.
(L. 12.) - Whosoever destroys this, (being like one who has killed a thousand tawnycoloured cows and a thousand) Brahmaņs at Varanasi, let him become invested with the guilt 0!') the five great sins! He who, appropriating this, practises agriculture in the two Seventies, — let that which he sows) rot, without sprouting, as soon as it is sown (or, there where it is sown)! He who behaves so as to preserve this, they15 shall become worthy recipients of the most extreme good fortune! Let the earth be fruitful! Let both the Brahmans and the subjects enjoy satisfaction!
No. 187. - SORAB COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF VINAYADITYA.
SAKA-SANAT 614 EXPIRED. This inscription, again, was originally brought to notice by Colonel Dixon, in his photographic collection. A print from his negative has been published in my Páli, Sanslerit, anil OWKanarose Inscriptions, No. 16. And I have given a brief notice of its contents in this Journal, Vol. VI. p. 94. Also, Mr. Rice has given a translation of it in his tysore Inscriptions, p. 240 ff. But it is now edited in full for the first timno.
The original plates are in the possession of someone residing at Sorab, the chief town of tiie Sorab Taluka or Sub-Division of the Shimogga District, Maisûr, in Lat. 14° 23' and Long. 750 9', Indian Atlas, Sheet No. 42. I have made several attempts to obtain them for examination, but without success, the owner of them being always represented as absent from his village. And on ono occasion of reference, Mr. Rice sent me a transcription of the text, in Kanarese characters, which had been made for his own use. But I edit it now from the photographic negative, which has been preserved in the India Office, London, and which is, at any rate, more legible than the prints that can be made from it.
The plates, of which the first and last are inscribed on one side only, are three in number: as is shewn by the uniformity, on cach side of the second plate, of the slit by means of which the rir.g was removed from them. The edges of them seem to have been fashioned slightly thicker than the inscribed parts, so as to serve as rings to protect the writing. And the inscription is evidently for the greater part in a state of excellent preservation. At the beginning of some of the lines I have had to mark certain letters in square brackets, as being destroyed or illegible; in some cases this is due to the damage done to the plates in abstracting the ring, and in others, apparently to the plates not having been properly cleaned before photographing them; the letters thas marked, however, can all be supplied with perfect certainty, with the exception of two at the beginning of line 19. For some reason or other, - probably because the record would have ended on the outer side of a plate, and the writing there would have been specially exposed to corrosion and other damage, - the lower half of the second side of the second plate was left blank. At a subsequent time, this space was utilised for an old-Kanarose endorse. ment, of which there are five lincs here, and two on the third plate. But, even with the help of the transcription sent by Mr. Rice, I cannot edit this without an examination of the original plates. The plates were originally connected by a ring, passing through ring-holes riear the proper right end of each plate. But the ring and seal of this grant are not now forthcoming; having at some time or another been abstracted from it. This was effected by a fairly clean slit in the second plate; but with the other two plates the same amount of care was not taken, and small portions of them were broken away, in pulling out the ring from them. - The characters belong to the southern class of alphabets, and are of the regular type of the period and locality to which the record belongs. They are fairly well formed; and they are of much the same standard with those of the grant of the same king, datod SakaSamrat 611 expired, of which a lithograph has been given in this Journal, Vol. VI. p. 86. The characters of the Old-Kanarese endorsement belong to exactly the same class of alphabets; hit they are of a later date, probably by a century or more ; and they are not very well
15 This change of construction from the singular to the plural, is not in!requont in Old-Kaaarese inscriptions

Page #163

MAY, 1890.)
SORAB GRANT OF VINAYADITYA.
147
formed. Of the record itself, the language is Sanskrit throughout. There is a standard verse in praise of Vishnu in line 1; and three of the customary benedictive and imprecatory verses are quoted in lines 27 to 31; with these exceptions, the record is in prose. - In respect of orthography, we have to notice (1) the use of the an usvára instead of the proper nasal, in ánaitara, line 11; kanchi, lines 11 and 12; srinngasya, line 12; nuramjanah, line 15; and peripärakusatrát, line 16; (2) the use of the Dravidian ! and !, in chôļa and kerala, line 12, álupendra, line 20, and edevolal or edevolal, line 23; (3) the use of v for b throughout, in pranivaddha, line 6; váléndu, line 14; valam, twice, line 14; vádhá, line 24; and vahubhir, line 27; (4) the doubling of k before r, once, in parákkram, line 5; (5) the doubling of sh after r, in varshsha, line 30; and (6) the omission to double t after r, in kártikeya, line 3, where the second t is etymologically necessary, and in kirti, twice, line 6, where the doubling is customary, though not necessary; in the same word in line 10, the t is doubled as usual.
The inscription is a record of the Western Chalukya king Vinayaditya, who had the biruda or secondary name of Satyabraya; and the charter recorded in it, is issued from his victorious camp at the village of Chitrasedu. It is non-sectarian; the object of it being only to record the grant of a village to a Brahman, which was made at the request of the Maharaja Chitravaha, the son of the Alupa king Gunasagara.
The local places mentioned are, the village of Chitrasedy,' at which Vinayaditya's camp was, when he made the grant, and which is specified as being in the Toramara vishaya; and the granted village, Salivoge, which is defined as being in the Edevolal vishaya in the north-east quarter in the vicinity of the town of Vaijayanti. This last word, Vaijayanti, is a name of the modern Banawasi, in the 'Sirsi Tâlaka, North Kanara, Indian Atlas, Sheet No. 42 (see Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts, p. 7, note 2, and p. 8, note 3), which is also mentioned under the names of Vanavasi in line 6 of this record, in a standard passage, and of Banavasi at the beginning of the Old-Kanarese endorsement; another of its names was Jayantipura. The names of Edevolal, or Edevolal, for which some other references are given in the second of the notes quoted above for Vaijayanti, and of Salivoge, which in the OldKanarese endorsement has the later form of Salivuge, remain to be identified.
The details of the date on which the grant was made, and which is of interest because it gives the earliest mention but one of a week-day in an inscription from Southern India, are: -'Saka-Samvat 614, distinctly specified as expired; the Dakshiņayana-Samkranti or summer solstice, which is to be taken as represented by the Karka-Sankranti or entrance of the sun into Cancer; the Rohini nakshatrs; and Sanaiścbaravåra or Saturday. The lunar month, and the tithi, or the civil day, are not given. With Prof. K. L. Chhatre's Tables, I find that in Saka-Samvat 615 current, -. e. applying the given year as an expired yeur, in accordance with the text, - the Karka-Sankranti occurred on Saturday, 22nd June, A. D. 692, at about 2 ghatis, 26 palas, after mean sunrise, for Banawasi. Any rites and ceremonies conneoted with the samiránti, would be performed on this day. And this is evidently the correct English equivalent of the given date. On this day there ended, at about 2 gh. 37 p., the tithi sukla 2 of the second or natural Ashadha; acoepting the statement of the published Tables that in this year the month Asha dha was intercalary. But the nakshatra does not work out correctly. Por, by Prof. Jacobi's Tables, at sunrise on the 22nd June, the moon, instead of being in Rôhiņi, No. 4, was in Asleshâ, No. 9, by the equal-space system of the nakshatras and by the Garga system of unequal spaces, and in Magha, No. 10, by the Rrahma-Siddhanta system of unequal spaces. Nor can the nakskatra be intended to apply to,
1 See page 143 above, note 1. In the present name, the first two syllables suggest that the last two are probably a corruption of the Sanskrit aétu; but the real name may be Chitrasedu, with the lingual & in the last syllable.
The other instance from Southern India, earlier than this, is in the grant, dated in the second year of the Kastorn Chalukya king Vishnuvardhana II., ante, Vol. VII. p. 189, line 66.; the equivalent English date is in A.D. 164. The only earlier instance, from any part of the country, is in the Beap pillar inscription of Budhagupta, dated in A.D. 484, from the Central Provinces, Gupta Inscriptions, No. 19.
3 The times here are for Banawasi, all through.

Page #164

148
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1890.
the sun; for, his position, at the same time, would be in Punarvasu, No. 7, by all three systems. I should remark here that in P. S. and O.-K. Inscriptions, p. 12, and in Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts, p. 27, note 10, I have given the date of this grant as being "at the time of the sun's commencing his progress to the north," i. e. at the winter solstice; in consequence of then reading dakshinayana-vimukhé, "when the sun is facing away from the dakshinayana." And it happens that, for the winter solstice, as represented by the Makara-Samkranti or entrance of the sun into Capricornus, an almost equally good result is obtainable; though not in any respect a better one. Thus, in the same year, Saka-Samvat 615 current, the Makara-Samkrânti occurred at about 41 gh. 48 p., on Friday, 20th December, A.D. 692; and, in consequence of the lateness of the hour, any rite connected with it would probably be celebrated on the next day, Saturday; on which day there was current the tithi Pausha sukla 8, which commenced at about 56 gh. 2 p. on the Friday, and ended at about 40 palas on the Sunday. But, here again, the nakshatra does not work out correctly; for, at sunrise on the Saturday, 21st December, by all three systems of the nakshatras, the moon, instead of being in Rôhinî, No. 4, was in Rêvatî, No. 27, and the sun would be in Uttarâ-Ashâḍhâ, No. 21. From my examination of the negative, I find that, as originally taken by me (ante, Vol. VI. p. 94), and as given by Mr. Rice in his Mysore Inscriptions, p. 241, note, and as given also in the transcription sent to me by him, the reading undoubtedly is dakshinayan-ábhimukhé; indicating the summer solstice, when the sun was commencing his progress to the south.
There is a slight doubt as regards the regnal year that is mentioned in this inscription; and it is chiefly on this account that I have desired to obtain a sight of the original plates. In the Kanarese transcription sent to me by Mr. Rice, it is given as the eleventh year (ékádase); while in his published translation it is shewn as the twelfth year (dvádase), but with a query attached to it. And in my original notice, as well as in my subsequent references to it, I took it to be the thirteenth year (trayôdaśé). The word stands at the beginning of line 19. The syllables daść are quite distinct; and for this reason, as well as for others, the possibility of the fourteenth year (chaturddaść) is excluded. What stands before them is almost quite illegible in the negative, and is perhaps much damaged in the original. But there is ample space for two aksharas; which seems to exclude the reading dvádasé. On the other hand, the space is not properly sufficient for the trayó of trayôdasé. While, such traces as can be made out, certainly indicate the éká of ékádasé. And this, accordingly, is the reading that I have now adopted. Unfortunately, the point cannot be determined by means of Vinayâditya's other dated records. We now have (1) the Lakshmêshwar inscription (ante, Vol. VII. p. 112), apparently engraved on stone at some later period from an original record on copper, in which the full-moon of Magha, 'Saka-Samvat 608 expired, is stated to be in either the fifth or the seventh current year of his reign; here the reling in the tracing sent to me, seemed to be panchama; but I suggested then that it might perla be saptama; and I think now, that when a proper impression can be obtained, this will be found to be really the case. (2) The Togarchêdu grant (ante, Vol. VI. p. 85 ff.; and Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. XVI. p. 231 ff.), in which the full-moon of Kârttika, Saka-Samvat 611 expired, is unmistakably stated to be in the tenth current year of his reign. (3) A grant from the Karnûl District (ante, Vol. VI. p. 88 ff.) in which the full-moon of Magha, Saka-Samvat 613 expired, is unmistakably stated to be in the eleventh current year of his reign. (4) The present Sorab grant, in which the second Ashâḍha sukla 2, 'Saka-Samvat 614 expired, is indicated as being in, as I take it, the eleventh current year of his reign. And (5) the Harihar grant (ante, Vol. VI. p. 91 ff., and Vol. VII. p. 300 ff.) in which the full-moon of Kirttika, Saka-Samvat 616 expired, is unmistakably stated to be in the fourteenth current year of his reign. These dates point to some day between Ashadha śukla 2 and Karttika sukla 15, 'Saka-Samvat 602 expired, for the accession of Vinayaditya and the commencement of the first current year of his reign. But, whether the current year in the present record is taken to be the eleventh, or the twelfth, or the thirteenth, it is impossible to find an initial day for the regnal years which will satisfy the conditions of all these five dates. And, what is more remarkable, two of them, in which the readings are unmistakable, and in which

Page #165

MAY, 1890.)
SORAB GRANT OF VINAYADITYA.
149
the same lunar day is quoted, are distinctly not in accordance with each other; for, if (No. 2) the full-moon of Karttika, Saka Samvat 611 expired, fell in his tenth current year, then (No. 5) the full-moon of Kirttika, Saka-Samvat 616 expired, onght to fall in his fifteenth current year; not in the fourteenth, as recorded. Even if we should assume that the actual day of his accession was itself the full-moon day of Kârttika, Saka-Sanvat 602 expired, still, to reconcile these two dates, we should have also to assume that the day was used in No. 2 as the first day of his tenth current year, but in No. 5 as the last day of his fourteenth current year; which is not a very satisfactory solution of the question. Perhaps the means of settling the difficulty may be obtained hereafter. For the present, I can only draw attention to the existence of it; adding that, of Vinayaditya's records, the only one of which the authenticity can fairly be questioned, is the Lakshmeshwar inscription, which is at any rate not the original record of the matter set out in it; for, it stands on the stone below an inscription, dated Saka-Samvat 651 expired, of Vinayaditya's son and successor, Vijayaditya, and also below an intervening Western Ganga inscription, dated Saka-Samvat 890 expired.
A curious point about this inscription is that it omits to mention Vinayaditya's grandfather, Saty Aśraya-Pulikesin II. The charter follows the usual form of the Western Chalukya grants. Bat, after mentioning Pulikeáin I. in line 5, and Kîrtivarman I. in line 6, it proceeds tasy-átmajas=samarasassakta-sakalóttarápathésvara-ári-Harshavarddhana-parájay-ô palabdhaparaméávar-úparanámadhéya-Vikramaditya-paraméśvara-bhattárakasya; thus, if we allow for the change of construction from the nominative to the genitive, making Vikramaditya I., instead of his father Palikesin II., the son of Kirtivarman I., and the conqueror of Harshavardhana. The text should properly run paramésvnr-uparanámadhéyas-Satyásraya-sriprithivídallabha-mahárájádhirája-paramé óvarastat-priya-sutasya Vikramdditya-paraméávara-bhattárakasya. There are, however, no apparent grounds for looking on the grant as other than a genuine one; and the omission must be attributed to pure carelessness on the part of the official who prepared the draft from the standard form.
TEXT.
First Plate. 1 Om Svasti [11] Jayaty-avishkļitam Vishņôr=vvåraham kshobhit-arnnavam dakshin
Ônnata-damshtr-îgra-visränta-bbuvanan vapuh (.1*] 2 [Sri]matam sakala-bhuvana-samstùyamâna-Manavya-sagötranam Hariti-putranam
sapta-lokamâtribhis-sa3 [pta)-matsibhir-abhivarddhitanam Kart[t*]ikêya-parira kshana-prapta-kalyana-param
parâņam bhagavan-Narayana-prasada4 [sa]mâsâdita-varâhalañchhan-êkshana kshana-vasikțit-aśôsha-mahibhritâm Chalukyanan
kulam-alamkarishạő5 (r=aśvame]dh-[va]bhřita(tha)-snâna-pavitrikrita-gâtrasyaéri-Pulakebi7-vallabha-maha
rajasya sûnuḥ para kkram-akrûnta-[Vs]6 [nava]sy-adi-para-npipati-mandala-praộiva(ba)ddha-visuddha-kirtih śr-Kirtivarmma
pri(pri)thivivallabha-mahara7 [jasæta]sy=&tmajas samara-satnsakta-sakal-ôttarûpathêsvara-bri-Harshavarddhana-parajay
Opalabdha-paramèsvara8 [para)-námadhêya ' Vitra(kra)maditya-paramêśvara-bhattarakasya mati-sahîya-s&hasa
matra-samadhigata-ni
4 From Colonel Dixon's photographio negative.
It is rather doubtful whether the symbol for this word was engraved; but there seem to be indications of it, little to the left above the eva of svasti.
• Metre, Slöks (Anushtabh).
The proper form of this name is Polekébi or Pulikesi. Here, however, there is no vowel-sign removing the inherent a, attached to the la.
. For the omission here, see the last paragraph of the introductory remarks.

Page #166

150
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
SMAY, 1890.
9 ja-vamsa-samuchita-chita-rajya-vibha vasya vividha-rasita-sita-samara-mukha-gata-ripu
narapati-vijaya10 samupalabdha-kirtti-sa(pa) tâk-avabhâsita-digantarasya himakara-kara-vimala-kula-pari
bhava-vi11 laya-hetu-Pallavapati-parajay-anamtara-parigrihita-Kanchipurasya prabhava-kulisadalita
Second Plate ; First Side. 12 Chola-Pandya-Kerala-dharanidbâra-tû(tra)ya-mana-mana-śpingasya an-anya-samavanata
Kamchipati-maņi-makuta-[ku]13 ta-kirana-safil-abhishikta-charana-kamalasya tri-samudra-madhyavartti-bhuvana-mandal
adbiśvarasya sûnu[h] 14 (sva-pitur-ajõaya V(ba)lênduśê kharasyreva Sônánir=Ddaitya-va(ba)lam-ati-samud
dhatam trairajya-Pallava-va(ba) lam=avashtabhya 15 samasta-vishaya-prasamanid-vihita-tan-mano-nuramjanah atyantavatsalatvật Yudhish
thira iva Srirâmatva16 [d=VA]sudêra iva npiparkośatvat=Parasurima iva râjaśrayatvad-Bharata iva
Vinayaditya-Satyapraya-sri17 [prithivi]vallabha-mahârâjâdhiraja-paramèśvaras=sarvvân-êvam=âjõâ payati [1] Vidi
tam=astu vô=sma18 [bhischa"]turddas-Ottara-shat-chhatëshu Saka-varsh shv=atitéshu pravarddha
mana-vijaya-rajya-samvatsard 19 [ka]dabo16 varttamând Toramarall-vishayê Chitralsedu-grâmamadhivasati
vijaya-skandhavarê dakshina20 yan-abhimukho bhagavati bhaskarê Rohini(01)-nakshatro Sanaischara-vård
Gunasagar-Åļupendr-Atmaja-sri21 Chitravabal3-mahârâja-vijõâpanaya Dêvaráta-Kausika-sagôtrâya Rigveda-pâragâya Någa
Second Plate; Second Side. 22 śarmmaņah pantrậya Sam karaśarmmaņa[h*) putrâya Divakaraśarmmaņê śrf-Vaija
yatti(nti)pur-[pakanth8] půrvv-Ô-. 23 ttara-vi(di)siyam Edevolal-nâme-vishaye Salivogel-nô(nâ)ma-gråmasas-Odakaṁ
sa-hiramạyam 15-a-karam-a-bha24 ta-pravēšam sa-sarvva-va (badha-parihêrô dattah [11*] Tad-agamibhir=asmad-vamsyair
anyais-cha rajabhirayur-aišvaryy-a
The following syllables, turddatottara, are so distinct that there is no doubt whatever about the letters which, being illegible, have to be supplied here.
10 As regards the reading here, see the introductory remarks.
11 This name was originally read by me (ants, Vol. VI. p. 94) as either Torsvars or Toramara. But, in the negative, the third syllable is distinctly ma.
12 In this tra, and also in the trd of nakshatra in the following line, the lower part of the t, instead of being left open, is closed up, so that the character is an anomalous one, between t and vor.
18 This name was originally read by me (loc. cit.) as Chitrapada. The ha is rather damaged; but the vd is guito distinot, and there on bo no doubt that the real name is as now given by me, as also in the transcription Hent to me by Mr. Rioo, though in Mysore Inscriptions, p. 241, note, he has marked it as doubtful. As regards the father's name, I originally read Gunasdgardd-Upendr-atmija, as also has Mr. Rice (Inc. cit.), which gave the name of Upendra. But there is no doubt, in the negative, about the correotness of the reading now given by mo.
NI originally read this word as Bethlvoge. Mr. Rice read it as Salevogo (loc. cit.); but it is given as SAlivoge in the transcription sont by him. In the first syllable, the long vowel d; and in the second, the long vowel , sro quite distinct. As regards the consonant in the second syllable, it is badly formed, and is intermediate between 1 and th, which latter occurs in uttardpathivara, line 7. But, as we distinctly have salivuyeya kogfa sasana in the second line of the later addition, it seems to be meant for l here.
16 Read 8a-hiranyama

Page #167

MAY, 1890.)
SORAB GRANT OF VINAYADITYA.
151
25 dînám vilasitam=achirambu-chaichalam=avagachchhadbhih â-chandr-arka-dhar-årạnava
sthiti-samakâlar yasa26 Sachichishubhiḥ sva-datti-nirvviśêsham paripalaniyam 11 Uktañ=cha bhagavata vedavyâsêna Vyâsêna [1*]
Third Plate. 27 Vaba)hubhir16-vvasudha bhukta râjabhis-Sagar-adibhih yasya yasya yada
bhůmis-tasya 28 tasya tasya tadâ phalar (11) Svan=dåtun su-mahach-chhakyam duḥkham=anyasya
pilanan dẫnam và pa29 lanam vəêtti(ti) dânách=chbrêyô=nupalanam (11) Sva-dattam para-dattar va yo
harêti(ta) vasu30 [ndharam] shashți-varshsha-sabasrâņi vishtbâyân jayate krimiḥ [11] Maha31 sândhivigrahika-bri-Ramapunyavallabhêna likhitam-idam śâsanam [11*]
TRANSLATION. . Om ! Hail! Victorious is the form, which was that of a boar, that was manifested of (the
god) Visbņu; which troubled the ocean, and which had the earth resting upon the tip of its up-lifted right-hand tusk!
(Line 2.) -- Of the Maharaja, the illustrious Pulakesin (I.), the favourite, whose body was purified by ablutions performed after celebrating the aśramédha-sacrifice, -- who adorned the family of the Chalukyas, who are glorious; who are of the Manavya götra, which is praised throughout the whole world; who are Haritiputras; who have been nourished by the Seven Mothers, who are the seven mothers of mankind; who have acquired an uninterrupted continuity of prosperity through the favour of (the god) Karttikêya; (and) who have had all kings made subject to them on the instant at the sight of the crest of a boar which they acquired through the favour of the divine (god) Narayana, - the son (was) the Alahárája, the illustrious Kirtirarman (I.), the favourite of the earth, whose pure fame was established in the territories of the hostile kings of Vanavasi and other cities), that had been in varled by (his) prowess.
(L. 7.) - His son cas) [the Maharájádkirája and Paraméérarn, Satyasraya-(Pulikesin II.), the favourite of fortune and of the earth*],17 whose other title of Supreme Lord' (paramsvara) was acquired by defeating the glorious Harshavardhana, the warlike lord of all the region of the north.
(L. 8.) - Of his dear son"],18 the Paramésvara and Bhat!drala, Vikramaditya (I.), - who, only by (his) impetuosity, assisted by (leis) intellect, attained (again) the appropriate accumulated regal power of his own family; who irradiated the distant regions with the banner of his fame, praised in various ways and white, that was acquired by victory over hostile kings who marched in the van of battle; who received (by surrender) the city of Kanchipura, immediately after defeating the lord of the Pallavas, who had been the cause of the humiliation and destruction of the family of the Chalukyas) which was as pure as the rays of the moon; 19 whose excess of self-confidence rent open, with the thunderbolt that was (his) prowess, the self-confidence of the three mountains which were the three kings of Choļa, Pandya, and Koraļa; who had the water-lilies, that were his feet, besprinkled with the water that was the rays of the watering-pot of the jewelled diadem of the lord of Kanchi,
16 Metro, Slöka (Anushtubh); end in the following two yerses. 17 As regards tho ornissions here, see the last paragraph of the introductory remarks.
15 Pulikexin II. had two other sons; Adityavarman, and Chandrilditya. The expression "his dear son" seonia to indicate the special selection of Vikramaditya I. As his successor on the throno. Soo Gupta Inscriptions, p. 12. note 1, for similar instances of selection in the Early Gupta Dynasty.
19 This is probably an allurion to the tradition, expressed more clearly in Inter grants (e.g. ante, Vol. XIV. p. 50, linc ?), which attribute the Chalukya lineage to tho Simavara or Lunar Race.

Page #168

152
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
MAY, 1890.
who had bowed down before no other, (but who performed obeisance to him); (and) who was the supreme lord of the whole) extent of the earth included within the three oceans, -
(L. 13.) - The son (is) the Maharajadhiraju and Paramé svara, the glorious VinayadityaSatyasraya, the favourite of fortune and of the earth, who, just as the god) Sênanî (Kârttikêya) (at the command) of his father) Bâlêndusekhara (Siva) arrested the power of the Daityas, at the command of his own father arrested the extremely exalted power of the Fallavas, whose kingdom consisted of three component dominions, and (thus) gratified his father's mind by bringing all countries into a state of quiet; (and) who is like Yudhishthira through being of an excessively affectionate disposition, like (the god) Vasudeva (Vishņu) through being the beloved of (Sri) the goddess of fortune, like Parasurima through being a very elephantgoad to kings, (and) like Bharata through being the asylum of kings. He thus issues a command to all people :
(L. 17.) - "Be it known to you! By us, when there have expired six hundred Saka years, increased by fourteen, in the current eleventh year of (Our) augmenting victorious reign, while (Our) victorious camp is located at the village of Chitrasedu in the Toramara vishaya, - when his radiance the sun is facing towards the dakshiņayana, under the Rohiņi nakshatra, on Saturday, - at the request of the Maharaja, the illustrious Chitraváha, the son of the Åļupa ruler Gunasagara, - to Divakaraśarman, of the Dêvarâta-Kausika gôtra, who is thoroughly acquainted with the Rig-Vêda, (and) who is the son's son of Nâgaśarman (and) the son of Samkaraśarman, there is given the village named Salivoge, in the vishaya named Edevolal, in the north-east quarter in the vicinity of the famous city of Vaijayanti, with libations of water, free from taxes, not to be entered by the regular soldiery, (and) with exemption from all drawbacks.
(L. 24.) -" Therefore, by future kings, whether they belong to Our lineage or are of other families, who bear in mind that the charms of life, riches, &c., are as evanescent as lightning, (and) who are desirous of accumulating fame that shall endure as long as the moon and san and earth and oceans may continue, (this grant) should be preserved, precisely as if it were a grant made by themselves.”
(L. 26.) - And it has been said by the venerable Vyasa, the arranger of the Vêdas: - The earth has been enjoyed by many kings, commencing with Sagara; whosoever at any time possesses the earth, to him belongs, at that time, the reward (of this grant that is now made, if he continue it)! It is very easy to give one's own property, (but) the preservation (of the grant) of another is difficult; if the question is whether giving or preserving (is the more meritorious), -- preservation is more meritorious than giving ! Whosoever confiscates land that has been given, whether by himself or by another, he is born as a worm in ordure for the duration of sixty thousand years!
(L. 30.) - This character has been written by the Mahásáindkivigrahika, the illustrious Ramapunyavallabha.
FOLKLORE IN WESTERN INDIA.
BY PUTLIBAI D. H. WADIA.
No. 15. - The Wonderful Tree. In a certain country there lived, once upon a time, a powerful Raja who had seven daughters, but no sons. The eldest of these daughters however had one son, and the Booond of them had two, but the Raja bestowed all his affection on the two sons of the younger daughter, and totally neglected the son of her elder sister, although he was much wiser, braver, and altogether a better lad than they. Perhaps his quiet, retiring nature had

Page #169

MAY, 1890.)
FOLKLORE IN WESTERN INDIA.
153
something to do with his not being liked by his grandfather, for, though made of better stuff than his cousins, he was thoroughly unassuming in his manners; while the other two Princes, though they did but little, made a show of doing much and used continuously to boast of their exploits.
Be that as it may, the poor lad took the old King's cold treatment of himself much to heart, and longed for some opportunity of doing him some signal service whereby he might win his approbation, for, be it mentioned, that the lad entertained a sincere regard for his grandsire.
Now, one day it happened that the Raja was enjoying a noonday siesta from which his wazir a woke him rather abruptly. At this the Raja was very angry and frowned upon him in such a manner that the poor old man began to tremble, and falling upon his knees, asked his sovereign's forgiveness, for having so thoughtlessly disturbed his rest. But the Raja's wrath was too great to be appeased by this mark of his wazir's repentance, for by being thus rudely disturbed from his slumbers he had lost something much more precious than his noonday rest.
“You have not the slightest idea," cried the monarch fiercely, “what this folly of yours has cost me. Just at the moment you called out to me to awake, I was in the midst of such i very delightful dream as seldom falls to the lot of mortals to dream. I found myself in a strange country where, among other strange things, I saw a wonderful tree rising up to the skies, whose trunk was made of a solid silver, whose branches were of gold, and whose leaves were nothing but large bright emeralds, while thousands of peerless pearls were hanging on it i!l place of fruit !
Whilst I was wrapt in admiration at this wonderful sight, somebody was just going to tell me how I could obtain possession of that magnificent tree, when you so rudely spatched me away from dream-land, and the glorious vision vanished, leaving me in the dark as to how I was to become the happy possessor of such a grand work of Nature. I charge you, therefore. to go this instant and bring me just such a tree, on pain of forfeiting not only all your worldly goods, but your boary head as well!"
The poor wasir was ready to faint with fear and gave himself up for lost, for he knew not where to go in search of such a object as the Raja had dreamt of. But the two favourite grandsons of the Raja, who had been attracted there by the noise, went to their grandfather and begged hard to be allowed to go in search of the marvellous tree, instead of the old wuzír. 'Now these two crafty young follows had hardly courage enough to undertake any ordinary enterprise, let alone going in search of such an unheard of object, but they hoped by these means to get a lot of money in their hands so that they might go abroad and enjoy themselves. The Râjâ, however, believed them, and giving them great praise for what he called their pluck, handed them as much gold as they asked for and sent them away well equipped and supplied with ample provisions. No sooner were the two young men out of their grandfather's city, than they fell into bad company and began to squander the money away to their hearts' content.
Whilst the two brothers were thus enjoying themselves, their cousin, the only son of the Raja's eldest daughter, also coming to hear of his grandfather's remarkable dream, got his mother to scrape together some gold, and with it started quietly off in search of the wonderful tree.
After wandering about from one country to another for some time, he at last found himself in the midst of a large forest. He journeyed through it for some distance, when one day he encountered a huge nag (serpent) who lay stretched at full length in his way, and arrested his further progress. The young Prince, however, was not daunted by this sight. He mustered up all his courage, and drawing his sword, boldly attacked the fierce monster which was in reality a demon in the shape of a serpent and was known far and wide by the name of LAL. This demon,

Page #170

154
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[MAY, 189).
it was said, guarded the forest against all strangers, and was believed to be invincible. But our hero fought with him so bravely and dexterously, that in a short time he cut him into pieces and killed him. As soon as the breath left the body of his foe, the youth found before him a broad path leading right into the heart of the forest. He walked boldly on for some time till he came in sight of a large garden, so charmingly laid out as evidently to appear to be the abode of fairies. Just then, & very beautiful little fairy came out of a recess, and looking with great astonishment at the youngster said, “What could have brought you here? Surely nothing short of my father's death could have opened the way for a stranger to enter our homo !" With this she fell a-weeping, and began to tear her hair and rend her clothes.
The young man tried to soothe her and said, “ Although I have killed your father, my little fairy, I have done so in self-defence, and I promise you I will not harm a hair on your head; but on one condition, vix. that you tell me where I can find the tree with the silver trunk, golden branches, emerald leaves, and pearls for fruit; for I have come in search of it and am determined to have it."
"Oh! that I can easily do, young man," she said, "for I myself, who am called the silver pari (fairy), together with my sisters, the gold pari, the emerald pari, and the pearl pari, form the tree you are speaking of, and if you only manage to bring us all four together, you will soon see the tree before you."
"Telline then, where to find your sisters," said the Prince eagerly, "and I shall lose no time in bringing them to you."
"Well then take this silver ring and go straight on till you find my sister, the gold pari, and give it to her." The youth did as he was bid, and soon catching sight of the gold pari, handed her the silver ring and asked her to accompany him to her sister.
The gold pari knew why the youth wanted her, so she said, "Before I go with you, you must find out two more of my sisters; so here take this gold ring and go further on till you find my sister, the emerald pari. He did so, and the emerald pari in her turn gave him an emerald ring and sent him on to her sister, the pearl part, and that lady, at once recognizing the token, received the youth with great kindness, and gave him a sword, which, she told him, when held in a particular position, was endowed with the power of bringing the four sisters together and changing them into the wonderful tree with the silver trunk, golden branches, emerald leaves, and pearl fruits; while, as soon as its position was reversed, the tree separated into the four little fairies again.
In order to satisfy himself that the fairy's words were true, our hero tried the experiment there and then, when lo! there stood before him just such a tree as his grandfather had expressed his wish to obtain, and his young heart leapt with joy at the thought of how the old Räjá would love him and load him with favours, for having been instrumental in realizing his dream. He, therefore, instantly converted the tree into the four fairies once again, and started off with them for his native country.
After a few months' journey, the young Prince one day found himself in a large city, where he fell in with his two cousins. They were holding high revel there with a number of companions like themselves, and were very much surprised to see him. The poor youth, in his imocence, recounted to them his adventures in the forest, and showed them the four fairies, and the magic sword, with which they could be converted into the tree which was the object of their grandfather's desire. This awoke a feeling of jealousy in the heart of those ill-natured young men, and they fell to devising some plan by which to put an end to our hero's life and take possession of his magic sword and his fairies. They, however, thought fit to disguise their feelings for a time, and offered to accompany him to their native country.
After a few days' journey, the three cousins halted for the night on & cool spot near a well, and after taking their meals went to sleep. About midnight one of the two brothers aroused our hero from his slamber, and pretending to be ill, entreated him to fetch a draught of cool

Page #171

DAY, 1990.]
MISCELLANEA.
155
water from the well to quench his thirst. The unsuspecting lad, seeing nothing extraordinary in this request, ran at once to the well, leaving his magic sword under his pillow where he had placed it for the night. The two wicked brothers thereapon followed him stealthily, and just as be was bending over the well to draw water, they seized him by the legs and throw him in. hea I foremost. This done, they went back to the place where they had pitched their camp, took possession of the magic sword, and telling the fairies that their cousin had gone away in a lvance to apprise their grandfather of their coming, and to prepare him for giving them fit reception, made arrangements for resuming the journey. The little sprites, however, at once suspected foul play, but seeing that they were in the power of those unscrupulous young men, said nothing at the time, and quietly went away with them. But as they marched along they took the precaution of throwing large tufts of their lustrous hair here and there on the road, so that, should their young captor be still alive, he might find no difficulty in following them.
The two brothers journeyed home direct and in due course arrived there. They were received with great joy and delight by their indulgent grand-parent, who was in a fever of impatience to behold the wonderful tree. The two wicked young men soon found however that, though they had become possessed of the magic sword, they did not know how to use it so as to convert the fairies into the magnificent tree.
They, therefore, turned the sword about in several ways, passed it backwards and forwards over the heads of the fairies, and tried diverse methods of bringing about the transformation, but in vain, till at last the old Raja was very much enraged with them and rebuked them severely for thus imposing upon his credulity.
In the meantime our hero, who had been taken out of the well by & passing stranger, had speedily found his way home guided by the tufts of the fairies' hair. So one day, just as the Raja, being fairly tired of the lies with which his younger daughter's sons were putting him off from day to day, was about to question the fairies themselves as to the truth of their story, the young Prince rushed into the gard en where the court was assembled, and stood before his aged grandfather. As soon as the fairies spied him, they all cried out with joy "Here's the brave young hero, who killed our father, Lal, and brought us away from fairyland, and he alone knows the secret of converting us into the tree with the silver trank. These others are murderers and robbers, for they robbed their cousin and tried to kill him."
At these words of the fairies the Raja ordered those two grandsons of his to deliver up the magic sword into the hands of their cousin, which they did with crestfallen and downcast looks. Our hero immediately waved it about in the proper way, when behold, there stood the magnificent tree in place of the beautiful little maidens !
The old Raja was overjoyed at his dream being at last realized, and embracing his eldest daughter's only son with great warmth, he there and then proclaimed him his heir, and on hcaring from him of the treatment he had received at the hands of his cousins ordered them to instant execution.
MISCELLANEA. CALCULATIONS OF HINDU DATES. Sanskrit, and old-Kanarese Inscriptions, No. 99, No. 36.
line 31 ff.), runs - Saka-nfipa-kal- &tita-samvatIn a stone inscription of the time of the sara-satamga!u 1121neya Siddhartthi-samvat. Hoysals king Vira-Ballala or BallAla IL, sarada pratham- Åshada(dha)-sukla-paksh-ash. on a tablet which, at the time of my visit, tami-Bșihaspativara-Bya(vya)tipata-punya-dina. was standing against the outside of the south dôl & Bya(vya)tipâta-nimittam, -"on a meritori. wall of the courtyard of the temple of the god ous day, (combining) Thursday and the VyatiTriko eśvara at Gadag, the chief town of the pata (yoga), which is the eighth tithi of the Gaday Taluka in the Dh&rwad District, Bombay bright fortnight of the first Åshadhs of the Presidency, the date (from the photograph, Pali, Siddharthin samvatsara, which is the 1121st

Page #172

156
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1890.
(year in the centuries of years that have gone ly from the time of the Saka king; on sccount of that same Vyatip&ta (yoga).” The following portion of the record is rather indistinct in the photograph. But, combining with the photowrnph the transcription given in the Elliot Ms. Collection, Vol. II. p. 290 ff., it appears that on this occasion, while the Mahdman.lalisvara Raya. deva was residing happily at Hallaharadakuppa, and, on account of some victory, was bathing and was making gifts to the goddess Tungabhadradevi, with the ancred water of the Tungabhadri he washed the foet of Siddhantichandrabhashana, the 8th in ich trya of the god Svayaınbhaprasannatrikateśvara, and gave a grant of land for the purposes of the rites of that god.
By the southern luni-solar system, the Sid. dharthin samvatsara coincided with Saka. Samvat 1122 current, i.e. with the given year as an expired year. In this year the interpalary month, according to the Tables of Mr. Cowasjee Pacell and Gen. Sir A. Cunningham, was Jyêshtha. But the record indicates Ashi. dha as the intercalary month. And, with Prof. K. L. Chhatre's Tables, the given tithi, sukla 8 of the first Åshedha, - the intercalated month, according to the present custoin of Southern India, — onded on Thursday, 3rd June, A.D. 1199, at about 57 ghatis, 41 palas, after mean sunrise (for Bombay);1 beginning at about 57 gh. 59 p. on the Wednesday. With Prof. Jacobi's Tables the results are very nearly the same; being, for the beginning-time, 23 hrs. 45 min. 'for Ujjain), = 59 gh. 22-5 p., on the Wednesday ; and for the ending time, 23 hrs. 32 min., = 58 yh. 59 p., on the Thursday. And at sunrise on the Thursday there was the Vyatipata yoga, ending at 14 hrs. 3 min., = 35 gh. 7-5 p., after mean sunrise. The given tithi is here quoted with the week-day on which it ended ; in ac. cordance with the rules in the Nirnayasindir and the Dharmasindhusúra ; of which the purport, so far as the eighth tithi of the bright fortnight is concerned, is that for any ceremony it is to be taken with the week-day on which it is joined by the ninth tithi. In the present in. stance the date is distinctly that of the ceremony of making the grant; not that of writing or preparing the record.
This date is of interest in including a distinct specification of the intercalary nature of a given month; and also in giving an instance in
which the contemporaneous record differs from the published Tables, in respect of the name of the intercalated month.
No. 37. Another instance from Southern India, in which the intercalary nature of a given month is distinctly specified, is a stone inscription of the Mahamandalesvars Vijayapandysdôva at Davangere, in Maisur; in which the date (from the photograph, P. 8. anil
0.-K. Inscrs. No. 141, line 16 f.) runs - Grimat-Saka -varshada 1091neya Virodhi-sarvat. sarada dvitiya-Sravana-buddha-punnami-Sóma. Vårad-amdu, - " on Monday, the full-moon tithi of the bright fortnight of the second Bravaņa of the Virodhin samvatsara, which is the 1091st of the glorious Saka years." The record states that on this day there were given again, t. the god Avimuktôśvara, some lands which had formerly been granted and had been confiscated.
The original passage is perfectly clear; and it cannot in any respect be read otherwise than as I have given it above. But nevertheless, the details of this date do not work out satisfac. torily.
By the southern luni-solar system, which is the only one that can apply in this case, the Virodhin samvatsara coincided with SakaSamvat 1092 current, i.e. with the given year as an expired year. And for this year the Tables, as well as the contemporaneous record, shew Bravaņa as the intercalary month. But the given tithi, the full-moon of the second Srivana, - the natural month according to th. present custom of Southern India, - ended, not on a Monday, but on Saturday, 9th August, A.D. 1169, at about 33 ghatis, 30 palas, after mean eunrise (for Bombay).
There is, however, no apparent reason for doubting the authenticity of the record. And some explanation or other should be found for the discrepancy in the result. Of course the fullmoon tithi of the first Srivana in this case could not possibly end on a Monday, for the reason that it must have fallen twenty-nine or thirty days before the Saturday on which the full-moon tithi of the second Sravana ended; and as a matter of fact it ended on Thursday, 10th July, at about 54 gh. 43 p. Again, though it may be noted that the full-moon tithi of the next month, Bhadrapada, did end on the given week-day, viz.
1 The times here are for Bombay, all through. For Gadag, they would be about 28 palas later. In future calculations I purpose quoting only the times for Bombay u Ujjain, according to the Tables that are used ; unless the
difference for the locality to which a record belonge, causes, or might cause, a difference in the resulting week-day; or unless for any other special reasons.
Read erfmach-chhaka.

Page #173

MAY, 1890.)
MISCELLANEA.
157
1146 current ; i.e. with the given year as an expired year. The Tables agree with the contemporaneous record in respect of the intercalary month, Bhadrapada. The tithi sukla 5 of the second Bhadrapada, the natural month according to the present custom of Southern India, - ended on Friday, 1st September, A. D. 1228, at about 14 ghatis, 35 palas, after mean sunrise (for Bombay). And this is plainly the correct English equivalent of the given date; though this instance seems to be an exception to the general rule of the Dharmasindhusára, at any rate; see ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 317), for the use of the fifth tithi, for a religious ceremony, with the week-day on which it commences.
J. F. FLEET.
Monday, 8th September, A.D. 1169, at about
24 p.. yet I do not see how this tithi could possibly come to be taken as belonging to the second Sravana. I do not think that there can be any mistake in respect of the given month. Nor can there well be a mistake in the given tithi; since it is written in full, instead of being denoted by its number. I feel more inclined to think that we have here a genuine mistake in respect of the given wook-day, arising from a confu. sion between the day on which the grant was made, and the day on which the record was written, or the engraving of it, which must have taken some little time, was completed. I suspect that probably the grant was made on the fullmoon tithi of the second Srivana, which ended on Saturday, as noted above, and that the record was written, or the engraving of it was completed, on the following Monday, 11th August, on which day there ended the tithi krishna 2 of the same month, at about 41 gh. 21 p. I wonla not, however, propose this as a final settlement of the date. In the inscriptions of the Kanarese Country, there are many similar instances, in
hich correct results apparently cannot be obtained. And possibly an examination of a fair number of them might disclose some uniform rule, by which the results can be adjusted without our having to assume any mistakes in the records.
No. 38. The only other instance that I can at present give of the distinct specification of the intercalary nature of a month in a record from Southern India, is a stone inscription of the Dévagiri. Yadava king Binghaņa II., at Koler or Kolhar in the Bagewadi Taluk, Bijapur District, in which the date (from an ink-impression, line 9 ff.) runs. - Saka-varnsada® 1145de( da)neya Svabhanusaumvachchharada dvitîya-Bhadrapada-sudhdha -5-Su(en)kravärad-amdu, -" on Friday, the fifth tithi in the bright fortnight of the second Bhadrapada of the Svabhanu samvatsara, which is the 1145th (year) of the Saka years." The inscription records that on this date, while Singhana II. was reigning at the nelevidu or capital of Dêvêndragiri (sic, line 8), the Mahajanas and others of Kolára gave certain grants of land &c., for the purposes of a temple of the god Siva under the name of Mallikarjuna.
By the southern luni-solar system, the Svabhanu samvatsara coincided with Saka-Sarvat
PROGRESS OF EUROPEAN SCHOLARSHIP.
No. 20. Transactions of the Eastern Section of the Imperial Russian Archæological Society. Vol. 111. No. 4.
(a) Meeting of Sept. 29th (Oct. 11th) 1888. An Essay on Urmân Bêg was received from N. P. Ostroumov at Tasbkand to be published in the Transactions. He also forwarded a Tarooman talisman against cholera.
s. I. Chakhotin sent 23 coins given to the Society by the Consul at Prisrend, I. S. Yastrebov. These coins on examination appeared to be mostly Byzantine.
Some copies of a work by V. V. Radloff, V. P. Vasiliev and K. G. Saleman, entitled "A Memorandum on the necessity of establishing an Alphabet for transcribing foreign languages on the basis of the Russian letters," were presented by V. V. Radloff.
N. E. Brandenburg offered, in the name of Mr. Alexandrovich, some antiquities from Mariapol and 14 Coins of the Golden Horde, found in excavating kurgáns.
(6) Meeting of 11th (23rd) Nov. 1888. E. Th. Kabl gave the numismatic collection of the Society 376 coins acquired by him in Turkistan, some of which are rare and unpublished.
(c) Qalmaq Tales with translation occupy pp. 307-364 of the Transactions.
(d) Precursors of the great Qalmda Settlement on the Volga, by N. Veselovski. Towards the close
3 With the occasional introduction of h into this name, we may compare the case of Kolapar (the ancient Kol1Apura), the chief town of the Native State of the same name. It is often written Kolhapur ;' and it is
explained as meaning the town of jackals' (Marațb:
• Read varshada. 8 Read sathvachchharada, or sanhvataarada.
Read fuddha.

Page #174

153
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1890.
of A.D. 1613 the Tsar Michael sent an ambassy to Shảh 'Abbâs of Persia. Among other things he wished to complain of the succour granted by the Persians to the second false Demetrius at Astrakhân. The route was a difficult one, as the direct way to Persia by the Caspian Sea was closed to the travellers. The documents concerning this journey are preserved in the Russian Archives. They prove the existence of (Kalmucks) Qalmaqs on the Volga. The Muscovite Government did everything that it could to guarantee the safety of the embassy. Many merchants from Khiva and Bokhârå were detained in Russia as hostages, and in case the ambassadors arrived safely in Persia these merchants were promised exemption
to Khiva and Bokhârâ from Russia as early as A.D. 1578. As it was thought that Tikhanov the acabassador might come into contact with the Nôges or Qalmaqs, he carried letters in the Tatar language, which was used by them at that time and long afterwards. It seems that the Qalmaqs made their appearance on the Russian confines between A.D. 1606 and 1610 in large numbers, and were anxious to become Russian subjects. Till the time of the discovery of this document it has always been confidently asserted that the first Qalmaqs with Kho-Crliuk at their head came to the banks of the Volga about A.D. 1630 or 1632. It thus appears that they were found in those parts much earlier. In A.D. 1643 the Russian general Plestcheev defeated them at Saratov.
(e) Minor Notes. (1) Numismatics, by V. Tiesenhausen. (i.) Fraebn mentions on page 414 of his Recensio, a silver coin, struck in the year 88+ A.H. (= 1479-80 A.D.) by the Crimean Khan Mengli Ghirei. He could not however decipher the name of the place where it was coined. But a hoard of coins sent to the Imperial Archæological Commission has enabled the writer of the paper to fix the place. The similar coins of Mengli Ghiri of the same hoard shew that the name of the mint town must be read Kirk-ier (i.e. Chufut Kaleh). There are many more specimens of this coinage in the hoard.
(i.) Among the Crimean Coins of the xvi. century published by the late V. V. Grigoriev in the first volume of the Transactions of the Odessa Historical and Antiquarian Society, there is a badly preserved silver coin of Gazi Ghiri II. struck in the year 997 A.H. (=1589 A.D.) or 1007 A.H. (1598-99 A.D.). The name of the place is difficult to decipher. Grigoriev thinks the coin must have been struck somewhere in Slavonic countries, as Gazi Ghiri was at that
time absent on a campaign. His ancestors fre. quently coined money on their expeditions, as the inscriptions on them testify, e.g., "struck in the horde," i.e. "in the camp." He thought as the money was coined in 997 A.H., the year of an expedition to Poland, it might have been struck at Rakov in the palatinate of Lublin, and also suggested other places. But the writer on seeing in 1887 a well-preserved specimen of the same coin thinks that Grigoriev mistook an ornament on the piece of money for a letter. The real mint-town is Geslev, or Kozlov, the present Eupatoria. In all probability, there were also struck three coins of Gazi Ghiri, which are now preserved in the Museum of the Odessa Historical and Archæological Society.
(iii) Among the coins of the Khan Shadi Beg (1399-1407 A.D.) of the Golden Horde, scme are of silver and of very bad workmanship. The name of the mint-town offers great difficulties. Fraehn suggestsKeferda and others, but the writer, from recent specimens furnished to him thinks that the name is New Kaffa, now Theodosia. Historically the appearance of such an appellation is easily understood, in consequence of the mischief done by Yedigei to Kaffa in the year 799 A.H. (=1396-97 A.D.) .
(iv.) The writer thanks M. Miednikov for his correction of a mistake with reference to a fuls of Al Mansar. There is a great deal of confusion about the Khoråsån viceroys of the time in two almost contemporary Arabic writers. Al-Yaqub and At-Tabari. Did the governors of Khorasan receive their powers from Al-Mahdi, and were they styled his viceroys P
(v.) A classification is given by V. Tiesenhausen of the coins, amounting to 376, presented to the Society by M. Kall. Among them are some rare coins and such as up to the present time have not been published; as, for instance, the Sassani silver coin of Firaz, an 'Abbasi fuls of the year 143 A.H. struck at Samarqand: a Tahiri fuls of the year 207 struck at Mery: a samani fuls coined at Bukhara, apparently in the year 388: an Ilak dirham, struck in the year 407, in the town Ogrushna, the name of which mint, so far as the writer knows, appears on a coin for the first time; a fuls of a Khwarizmi Shah with the name of 'Ali, the son of Måmun: Shaibani silver coins of Aba-Sa'id struck in Eokhara and Samarqand; of Kuchkunji Khân, coined at Mashhad; of Sayyid Burkhan, Bahadur Khân, coined in Bokhara ; and of Aḥmad Timur, coined in Tashkand.
(2) The especial meaning of the very wels in the Persian spoken language, by V. Zhukovski.

Page #175

MAY, 1890.]
MISCELLANEA.
159
In the Persian spoken language, also as in some contemporary Persian dialects, the verb W IS, besides the customary meaning to have' and its auxiliary use to form verbs out of substantives, has also meanings, which, as far as the author knows, have not got into the literary language. (a) The Aorist of this verb, standing before the present of any verb, gives to the latter a future sense, as if the thing would be quickly accomplished, something like the French aller with the infinitive, - je vais faire. (6) "The past tense of this verb standing before the past tense of another verb gives to the latter the sense of a past action only just accomplished : as in French, - Je viens de parler.
(3) Description of a Persian MS. of the Four Gospels, by N. Marr. In the Library of the Society for the Diffusion of Education among the Georgians at Tiflis, under No. 16, is preserved a copy of the Four Gospels in the Persian language, written in Georgian civil characters. The manuscript is on paper in leathern binding. The text is written in black ink: the headings in red. The scribe is not mentioned by name. The manuscript is without date, but probably belongs to the seventeenth century. The transcription has been carefully made. The writer of the article gives specimens of the translation and adds that the text of this MS. differs remarkably both in vocabulary and construction from the Persian translation published by the English Bible Society, and furnishes material for the study of Persian phonetics. The only other similar work which the writer has seen is a small Georgian. Arabic-Persian glossary, also compiled in the seventeenth century.
(f) Criticism and Bibliography. (1) D. Pestchurov. Supplement to the RussianChinese Dictionary, St. Petersburg, 1888. A valuable work and an excellent supplement to the dictionary of Prof. Vasiliev.
2) N. L. Gondatti. (i.) Traces of heathen customs among the Manses, from the Transactions of the Moscow Anthropological and Ethnological Society. (ii.) Worship of the Bear among the natives of North-Western Siberia. Russian literature is fairly rich in works of this kind, but we must make haste, as many barbarous races are disappearing and others becoming Russified. Shamanism either gives place to Christianity or changes its appearance under its influence. In 1885 M. Gondatti went to North-Western Siberia and turned his attention to the religious belief of the Manses (called among the Russians Ostiaks and Voguls), living on the banks of the
Sosva, the Sigva, and their tributaries. V. Gondatti gives a description of their gode and heroes, their views of a future state, and their burial customs. They have traditions about the creation of the world and the deluge. In the stories about the creation of man, the influence of Christianity can be traced. The worship of the bear among the natives of North-Western Siberia serves as a convincing proof how beliefs are changed into mere formalities, and how diffi. cult it is now to seek out the origin of this or that cultus. He describes the religious festivi. ties in honour of a bear which had been killed. These are accompanied with songs and dances.
(3) A. L. Ivanov. Routes to India: a short Sketch of the Development of Commercial Relations with the Remote East, with the addition of a Map. St. Petersburg, 1889, pp. 32. The title of this work is misleading, because the author does not take us any further than the Amu Daria, and that is still a good way from India. Some things which he describes as an eyewitness are interest. ing; but some of his statements are open to dispute, e.g. that at the close of the Eighteenth Century there were about 30,000 Russian pri soners in Bokhåra Caravans go through Kisil Kuma to Kazalinsk and by this route merchandise from Bokhara is brought to Orenburg in 45 days, whereas to take them from Tashkand to Orenburg 50 is required.
(4) S. Umanets. ' A Sketch of the Development of Religious and Philosophical Thought in Islán. A poor book, chiefly compiled from Dozy. It is best where the author copies him most closely, as he is unacquainted with Arabic, and therefore working at second-hand. The reviewer exposes some of the many mistakes which the work contains, but, as the author is quite young, hopes that he will eventually produce something worthy of notice.
(5) Dr. H. Fleischer. Kleinere Schriften, Gesanmelt, Durchgesehen und Vermehrt. 3 Bde. 18851888. These three volumes contain the smaller essays of this great scholar, who died in 1983. The reviewer pays a tribute to his generosity of character, and speaks of him as an ideal professor. This collection of his smaller works, the selection and revision of which formed the last labour of his life, will be received by all his admirers with pleasure. The indexes are by his pupil Huber, now also deceased, and his son-in-law, Prof. Mühlau of Dorpat.
(6) Porta Linguarum Orientalium inchoavit J. H. Petermann, continuarit Herm. L. Strack. Pars XI. Türkische Grammatit mit Paradigmen, Literatur, Chrestomathie und Glossar von August

Page #176

160
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
Müller unter Mitwirkung von Hermann Gies. Berlin, H. Reuther. 1889. This new work has no pretence of being a complete exposition of all the peculiarities and niceties of the Osmanli language, but will make the student acquainted with its structure, giving him complete paradigms of the forms of the declensions and conjugations. The compiler has fully reached his object. The Turkish words are carefully transliterated, and
NOTES AND QUERIES. English. Paddy
The Pandarams are a class of mendicants who go about from house to house singing songs and accompanying themselves on small hand-drums of a peculiar shape.
SLANG OF TAMIL CASTES.
The following lists of words peculiar to the Pandarams and the Pariahs of Jaffna appeared some time ago in the Morning Star, an Anglo- Varaku1 Tamil newspaper, published by the American Mission at Jaffna.
It seems that the Kuravas of South India, a colony of whom has for several years past existed at Kachchai, a village on the south coast of the Peninsula of Jaffna, have also a slang of their own, which is more copious than that of the Pandârams and of the Pariahs. Some of the Jaffna people of the higher castes are well versed in Pandaram and Pariah slang.
[MAY, 1890.
Prof. A. Müller has had the valuable co-operation of a person who has lived some time at Stambul. The reviewer does not feel satisfied with the treatment of the phonetics in every instance, but wishes the book complete success.
(7) Continuation by V. Smirnov of the list of Musalman printed works in Russia since 1888.
W. R. MOBFILL.
Pandaram. Pariah. ponam vilampal tanḍalam
1 varaku, a kind of dry grain; the same word paraddai viligal is used by Pandarams for sami, another dry grain.
Coco-nut Betel
Plantain Areka nut
Tobacco Fish Prawn
Probably some of your correspondents can furnish similar lists of slang words from South Barber India, and may be able to derive and explain those in the lists annexed. With the exception of the Pariah numerals I can only find one or two in Winslow's Dictionary, and then not with the same meanings that they have among the Pandarams and Pariahs. For instance, pokkar, which in ordinary Tamil means 'a worthless person,' in Pandaram slang means a man of the Nalava caste;' vidalai, in Tamil a male child,' in Pandaram' a cocoanut ;' valaiyam, which in Pariah means money,' is in Tamil a ring, an armlet;' the word for 'to give' in Pariah is in Tamil ⚫ to languish.' The Pariah words for the numerals from two to six are given by Winslow as "cant words, secret numbers peculiar to trades." The word for 'two' is also written tuvi and appears to be Sanskrit (dvi).
English. Tamil. Rice(boiled) chôru Rice arisi
Flesh Vellala2
Pulse, peas payaru urukkan Brinjal kattarik-kay kuddan Jak-fruit palak-kay mullan kúḍ
dan viḍalai
Dhoby Nalava
Toddy. drawer
Tamil. nellu
Seven House
Beats
Comes
Gives
varaku
Ceylon.
tên-xây
véṭṭilai
pakku
mullaigan túvan-kay valaip-palam papil
pukaiyilai vaddusan
strâmal muḍakkan siramal
min irál
iraichchi velalan
ampaddan
vannan nalavan
Pandaram. Pariah. kondi-viti periya-rumyal pi paraddai sinna-rumpi vitiyal
sánrán sarapan3 kasu
Money One fanam oru panam Two fanams irandu panam Three múnṛu Four ndlu
aintu
Five Six
aru
élu
viḍu
aḍikkiratu varukiratu tarukiratu
asaiyan
veppuk-kalu sullan
kan nakarak
kalukan
pikkas siramaik kalukan
!!!!
......
choraitalli
fumpaigyd
kottaiyán
vinniyan
valaiyam
sập-pani tuváp-pani tilu
páttu
tadda
taḍava
nulaichcha
kaviyal
daykkiratu nedukiratu
chorukiratu
J. P. LEWIS.
2 Cultivator caste.
(sic) This word denotes some caste or occupation.
It is not in Winslow.

Page #177

JUNE, 1890.]
MANTUR INSCRIPTION OF JAYASIMHA III.
161
SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
BY J. F. FLEET, Bo.C.S., M.R.A.S., C.I.E. No. 188. - MANTUR INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF JAYASIMHA III. - SAKA-SAMVAT 962. T HIS inscription is now brought to notice for the first time. I edit it from an ink-impres1 sion made for me, in 1882, by Mr. Gevind Gangadhar Deshpande, of the Bombay Educational Department.
Mantar is a village about seven miles to the north-east of Mudhol, the chief town of the Native State of Midhol in the so-called Southern Marâthâ Country, Bombay Presidency; in the map, Indian Atlas, Sheet No. 41, it is entered as Mantoor,' in Lat. 16° 24', Long. 75o 26'. It is mentioned in line 16 under the name of Deyvada-Mantur. The inscription is on & stone-tablet at a temple of Lakshmi in this village.
of the emblems at the top of the stone, the only ones reported to me are a linga and a cow and calf. - The extant writing covers a space of about 1'8'' broad by 3' 1?" high. With the exception of the last six lines, it is in a state of very good preservation, and is legible very clearly and without any doubt. But after the thirty-fifth line, the remainder of the stone has been broken away and lost. Also from line 21 on the proper right side, and line 9 on the proper left, down to the bottom, parts of the stone have been broken away; 60 that in line 30 only thirteen letters remain out of about twenty-six; and it is not worth while to offer any transcription of the remaining five lines. The characters are the so-called Old-Kanarese characters, of the regular type of the period and locality to which the inscription refers itself. They include, in lines 5 and 6, the decimal figures 2, 5, 6, and 9. The virama is represented only by its own proper sign. The average size of the letters in the first six lines is about 1", but after that it diminishes to about " at the end of the record. The engrav. ing is bold and excellent. -The language is Old-Kanarese. As far as line 21, the inscription is in prose; from there, certainly as far as line 30, and perhaps to the end of the extant portion, it is in verse. — The orthography presents nothing calling for special notice.
The inscription refers itself to the reign of the Western Chalukya king Jayasimha III., who is here mentioned by his biruda of Jagadekamalladeva. And it then mentious, evidently as one of his feudatories, the Ratta Mahasamanta Eroyammarasa or Erega, who also had the name or biruda of Senang-Garuda or the Garuda of Sina.'It is non-sectarian; the object of it being only to record a grant for the purposes of a well.
In addition to mentioning the village of Mantar under the name of Deyvada-Mantur, which stands for Daivada- or Devvada-Mantur, and means Mantûr of the demon or evil Spirit, or haunted Mantûr,' this inscription mentions a town named Pottaļakere, as a nelevídu or capital of Jayasimha III. This name occars in other records also. In an inscription at Balagârve in Maisûr (Páli, Sansksit, and old-Kanarese Inscriptions, No. 155, line 10, and Elliot MS. Collection, Vol. I. p. 59), it is mentioned as & nelevidu of Jayasimha III. himself. In a
1 For some similar names, see Gupta Inscriptions, p. 188, end of noto 1 commepeing on p. 186.
1 Possibly Mantar was formerly some such place as now is the well-known NaraokwAlt in the Kolapur Stato, at the junction of the Krisbps and the Pañebaganga (it is shewn in the map, Indian Atla..aheet No. 10, MurobA. waree'). Here there is a small but celebrated shrine of Dattatreya, with impressions of his feet. Possessed people are placed in front of the impressions, exoroisms are performed, and the spirits with which they are possessed immediately quit them. And though the place is thus fall of these spirita (Marathi, bhat; Kanaroso, devva), ita influence is so holy that they do not afflict any of the residents.
See ante, Vol. XII. p. 110 f.
In the Elliot M8. Collection, the transcription gives vottalakere, with the vowel e in the third syllable. In the photograph this syllable in a little indistinot; but I conclude that the vowel must be e, as is very distinctly the case in the Mantor and Almel inscriptions; and I notice that Mr. Rice in his translation of this inscription has taken the vowel as a (Myaore Inscriptions, p. 146). The first component of the name, pogtala, is also written potla, poffana, and pota, and seems to be used here in the meaning of a kind of syringe used in discharging the Olux.' The latter word, Okul meana (1) a mixture of chunam, turmeric, and water, forming a red liquid which is squirted upon people at a festival; and (2) a ceremony, in which an idol is placed by a vat filled with the above mixture, with which a BrAhman sprinkles the idol, and dancing-girls &c. sprinkle each other and the spectators.

Page #178

162
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JUNE, 1890.
fragmentary inscription at Almêl in the Shindagi Taluka, Bijapur District, it is mentioned as a neleridu of a Western Chalukya king who is referred to only by the liruda of Jagadekanalla
leva, but who, though the date of the record is lost, is in all probability Jayasimha III., and not a later Jagadêkamalla. And in an inscription at Alawandi in the Nizâm's Dominions (Elliot MS. Collection, Vol. I. p. 66), it is mentioned as a nelevid u of the Dandaniyak. Ganamayyanayaka, an officer of Jayasimba III. While, in the Basava-Purana, chap. li., the nume occurs, under the slightly different form of Hotaļakere, again in connexion with Jayasimha III. When first I brought this place to notice (Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts, p. 44 and note 2), I was not able to identify it. But a closer examination has enabled me to do Se now. The mention of it in the Alawandi inscription as the nelevidu of a subordinate oificer, whose authority cannot have extended very far, shews that we must look for it somewhere in the vicinity of Alawandi. And, that it cannot be Alawandi itself, is shewn by the fact that the latter name, written Aļavitide in the transcription, occurs in the same record. I do not find the actual name of Pottalakere or Hotaļakere in the maps. But its locality is determined tlus:-Alawandi is a village in the Koppa! Taluka of the Nizam's Dominions in Lat. 15° 15', Lung. 76° 3' ; Indian Atlas, Sheet No. 58. About twenty-six miles in a sonth. vasterly direction from it, in Lat. 15° 8', Long. 76° 26', there is, in the Ballari District, a town or large village, with a very large tank, the name of which is written Dunnaikankerra' in the map; the tank has an extreme length and breadth of about two miles, and must cover an area of well over three square miles. In some of the inscriptions, damnáyaka occurs as an abbreviated form or corruption of dandanayaka ; while kerra is one of the erroneous methods by wirich tho Kanarese kere, 'a tank,' is represented in uncritical maps ;9 so that, without lonbt, this name really represents Dandanayakana-kere. And taking in conjunction with this, and with the manner in which Pottalakere is mentioned in the Alawandi inscription, the fact that about six miles south of Dunnaikankerra' there is a village the name of which is given in the map as 'Potelacutta," I feel no doubt whatever that Dandanayakana-kere is the modern representative of the ancient Pottalakere.10
In tho mention of Hotalakere in the Basava-Purana, chap. li., we are told that the place contained seven hundred basadis or Jain temples, and twenty thousand Jain saints; and a marration is given of how Dêvara-Dasimayya, the Guru of Suggaladevi, the wife of king Desinga, despoiled the Srávakas or Jains, and induced Dêsinga to adopt the Saiva or Lingayat religion. The same story is epitomised in the Channabasava-Purana, chap. lvii., 10, which
• Here, in line 6, there was at first written pettalakereya nelevidinol, with the vowel e in the first syllable of the Lame; but the syllable was afterwards corrected into po, by the addition of a stroke which, because the tta left no room to form it properly, is rather constrained and faint, so that it might be passed over at first sight.
1 Here the transcription gives potta leya kere, including probably two miste
7 This is according to the Elliot 18. Collection. I notice that Thornton's Gazetteer allots Koppal to the Balleri District; but the bock is not free from mistakes (e.g. 'Kokatour,' thirty-two miles east of Bijapur, is entered as being in the Sholapur District), and this may be one.
# It might perhaps be thought that kerra, and still more kera, kaira, and keira, may stand for kheda, 'a small village cr hamlet,' rather than for kere, 'a tank. And the terminations do occur in the names of some places where tanks are not shewn in the map ; e.g. the 'Davankaira' of the map, which is the 'Davangere' of Thornton's Gazetteer and of the Railway Traveller's Guide, in Maisur, thirty-five miles north-west of Chitaldurg; and the Muddykerra' of the map, the Maddikera' of the Gazetteer and the Railway Guide, in the Karnal District, fifty-six miles south-west of Karnůl. But they certainly represent here in the names of the following n the names of the following places, each of which has attached to it a
attached to it a tank of more or less considerable dimensions; the 'Naraindaverkerra' of the map, and the 'Narayanadevarakera' of the Gazetteer, 1.€.
the tank of the god Narayana,' six miles to the north-west of Dunnaikankerra ;' the Hosskerra' of the map, i.e. Honkere, the new tank,' about nine miles to the south by west of Dunnaikankera ;' the 'Kerra Bellagul' or the ipap, twenty-four miles due west of Karnal; the 'Lokakeira' of the map, ten miles south of 'Davankaira ;' and the * Holalkairs' of the map, the 'Holalkere' and 'Hollalkaira' of the Gazetteer, and the 'Holalakere' of the Railway Guide, abont eighteen miles south-west of Chitaldarg (here the real name is probably Holalakere, 'the tank of the city.')
Here cutta seems to stand for the Kaparese katte, in the sense of a raised platform round the lower part of the trunk of tree.'
1. The first part of the name is not unique; Thornton's Gazetteer mentions a 'Danayakan Kottai, probably the tort of the Dandanayaka,' in the Coimbatore District.

Page #179

JUNE, 1899.)
MANTUR INSCRIPTION OF JAYASIMHA III.
163
says that Suggale, the wife of the Jinabhakta Desinga BallAla, caused her Guru Dåvara-Dasa to dispute with the Jains, and then, transforming a serpent in a box into a linga made of the chandrakanta or moon-stone, she caused him to conquer, and induced her husband to become a Sivabhakta. The Channabasava-Purána calls Dêsinga a Ballâla, i.e. a Hoysala ; but this is evidently a mistake. Desinga is a corruption of Jayasimha ; and the coincidence of the other names of Suggale or Suggaladevi and Hotalakere, shews conclusively that the story really refers to the Western Chalukya king Jayasimha III., whose wife was Suggaladevi.
The date of the grant, in line 5 f., is given as 'Saka-Samvat 962, expressed in decimal figures, and not specified either as current or as expired, the Vikrama sasivatsara, on the fifth tithi in the bright fortnight of the month Margasira, coupled with Adityavâra or Sunday. And in this passage we have again the puzzling word éráhe, which we have met with in the Gudigere Jain inscription (ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 39, line 19); and here, as there, we might divide the text in such a manner as to obtain either dráhe or asráhe. In the Gudigere inscription, we had the Kanarese locative singular, śráheyo!; ased apparently to denote some particular day, time, or festival. And it occurs in the same way in line 10, of one of the inscriptions on the outside of the temple of Siddhêśvara at Sirûr in the Bagalkot Taluka, Bijapur District; where the date is simply Saka-varsha 900neya Kilaka-sarivatsarada éráheyo!. Here, we have the genitive singular; and, from its position, it probably qualifies the name of the month. It may of course qualify either the fortnight, or the tithi ; but, whereas the given titni happens to be one of the tithis for the nága-pujá or naga-vrata, I cannot see any connection between the word śráhe and any name for that ceremony; moreover, the text contains no reference to that or to any other rite, but simply gives the date as that of the making of a grant, in no religious connection at all, and the results seem to indicate that the given tithi is not the correct one: The results for this date are as follows:
By the southern lani-solar system, the Vikrama samvatsara coincided with Saka-Samvat 963 current; i.e. with the given year as an expired year. But in this year Margasira sukla 5 ended, not on a Sunday, but on Tuesday, 11th November, A.D. 1040, at about 58 ghatis, 2 palas, after mean sunrise (for Bombay); and it must also have been an expanged 'tithi, as it began at about 4 gh. 17 p. on the same day. And in the same year Karttika sukla 5 ended at aboat 33 gh. 12 p. on Monday, 13th October; so that, as there seems no reason for taking the tithi as a current tithi, 11 in which case only, as Karttika sukla 5, could it be coupled with a Sunday, it does not appear that Srâheya-Margasira is to be taken as another name for, or as identical with, the ordinary Karttika.
In the preceding year, Saka-Samvat 962 corrent, with which the Vikrama samvatsara would coincide by the southern Vikrama luni-solar system, if this system can be established and can be carried back so far, 12 and which seems admissible because there is nothing in the text to prevent our taking the given year as current, Märgasira sukla 5 ended, again not on a Sunday, but on Friday, 23rd November, A.D. 1039, at about 19 gh. 14 p. This result is with the month Åshadha intercalary, according to the published Tables. And no better result can be obtained if, instead of that, we take Margasira itself (or any subsequent month) as intercalary; for then the tithi sukla 5 of the intercalated (or natural) Mårgasira would end on Wednesday, 24th October, A.D. 1039, at about 51 gh. 29 p. The unintelligible word, therefore, cannot be used to distinguish the intercalated from the natural month, or vice versa. And in this year, even Pausha sukla 5 did not end on a Sunday, bat on Saturday, 22nd December, at about 51 gh. 42 p.
Only in Saka-Samvat 964 current, can a Sunday be obtained for the given tithi. In this year Mârgasira sukla 5 ended on Sunday, 1st November, A.D. 1041, at about 37 gh. 40 p. But this result can hardly be looked upon as a satisfactory solution ; since it necessitates the altera tion of the name of the samvatsara from Vikrama, No. 14, to Vpisha or Bhrisya, No. 15, as well as an alteration in the number of the given year.
11 For the rules regarding the tithi, see ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 317.
13 See ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 223 ff.

Page #180

164
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JUNE, 1890.
In the three years in question, the Vrischika-Sankranti, which introduces the solar Märgaśira, occurred respectively on the 26th October, A.D. 1039, at about 39 gh. 20 p.; on the 25th October, A. D. 1040, at about 54 gh. 52 p.; and on the 26th October, A.D. 1041, at about 10 gh. 23 p. And in each year it was the tithi śnkla 5 of the lunar Márgasira that was the fifth bright tithi oocurring in the solar month. And accordingly the unintelligible word cannot be used to distinguish the solar from the lunar month, or vice versa.
This date, therefore, must remain over for further consideration. But I am mach inclined to think we have here an instance of a genuine mistake in the original record, arising from a confusion between the day on which the grant was made and that on which the record was prepared ; that the number of the tithi was wrongly written as 5, instead of 2; and that the real day on which the grant was made is Sunday, 9th November, A.D. 1040, on which day there ended, at about 15 gh. 51 p., the tithi Mârgasira sukla 2 of Saka-Samvat 963 current, which was the Vikrama sasivatsara by the southern luni-solar system. But here again I can find no special name for Margasira sukla 2, and no rite prescribed for the tithi, to help to explain the unintelligible word.
TEXT.13 IÓna14 Svasti Samasta-bhuvan-âśre(sra)ya sri-pri(pri)thvi-vallabha ma2 hárâjâdhiraja
paramêśvara paramabhattarakan
Saty&3 sraya-kula-tilakam
Chaļuky-abharanam
srimaj-Jagadeka4 malladevar Pottalakereya
nelevidinol-sukha-samtata 15-vi5 rodadi rjyan-geyyuttam-iro [1] Sa(ka)ka-varsha 962neya Vikrava(ma)6 san vataarada
Sr&heya16-MArggabira-buddha-5-Adityavarad-andu [1] [Sva]sti SamadhigatapamchamahAsabda-mahasAmantan
jaya-vadhû. kántan Lattalar-pparavar-ośvaram pratâpa-Lankêśvaram svarnoa-Garuda-dhvajam
triva!e-paroghdshaņam raņaraṁga-bhishaņań Ratta-vam-odbhavan sindůra-la[mn). 11) chlanan birudars-simga siimanta-bhojamgam Ratta-marttandandhala-matte11 gaudan ganda-tasa-pral7hari mandaļam-gavam kaligal-Adityam desekärara-de[vam] 12 gaudar-odd-ațiva pisuņinge-malivam vadya-vidyadharam saka!a- ka![á]13 dharam Sarasvati-karnna-kundalam karppara-varshan Singana-Garude-nam-[a]14 di-samasta-prasasti-sabitan
sriman-mahâsâmantan-Ereyamm-ara[san=i)19 ral (1) Svasti
Yama-niyama-syâdhyâya-japa-hôm-anushthana-parâ(ya)1e parappa Deyvads18. Martar-odeya
Madhusûdanayya-pra[mu) - 1: klin mahajanam Ratta-samudravan=agaļisal=endu padeda d a (n-à]1 rtta/rttha)m=avud-ondod-Urol-énonda pattida daşdayam-ellam kereg=i[ttam) 1% pratisiddhầyadol-ayvattu gadyâņa ponn=i-chaṁdr-arkka-târam (baram 20 tindevud-Id-Erega-mahi-nri(nri)patiya dânam-Innu san(sau)ryyam=e[nt-endo). [d]e 11 Om [1] Srflorina-kucha-kata-ghattita-vill-ra[h]stha[!] - -
Lakshmi-rama-ramaniya-dakshiņa-bhajan kirtty-amgana-ra(P) - - 2x - -
Kalikala-kanana-surakshônijan-end-urvvara-bhå - -uu - v udattan-adhikam s ri-Ratta-Narayanar 11 Ele20 vairi-kshi(tip) - ja ]ya-vadhû-śrôni-kati-sūtraman
lalit-ôroja-sudhau(?) ucuvu
19 From the ink-impression.
16 Kepresented by a symbol. So also in line 21, where, however, as usual, the symbol is less elaborate than that at the beginning of the record.
16 Read sankathi.
16 Here again, as in the Gudigere inscription, line 19 (ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 89), and in the Birur inscription, we night read sarhvatsarad-airdheya. Also, here there is a blur in the impression which renders it just possible.
- though I do not think it is actually the fret, -that the vowel & wils attached, rather badly, to the d; in that case we should be obliged to read awatarad.Ardhaya; and the puzzling word would be air the. The other instances however, do not support this. 11 Tois pra was at first omitted, and then was inserted above the line.
18 i.e. daivada, or dervada. 11 Metre, Sardúlavikridita
20 Metre, Mattēbhavikridita

Page #181

June 1890.)
MANTUR INSCRIPTION OF JAYASIMHA III.
163
va]ktråbja-kasmiraman cha!a-nêtr-â[ *]janama[m] lalâța-tiļa - - - u ļitam maduvod=aņņa kâņva(Pộba)d=adarim srî-Batta-martta[ndana 11]
u [i]dir-ânta virodhige Ramachandran-embudu Balabha[d]ra - Luu Vainatêyan=embudu bala-vairiy=embudu v-uv-uüu-u-[e]mba[a]u Kali-Karạnan=embu(duma()]n=e[m*]budu - Uu - U - [11]
ABSTRACT OF CONTENTS. While the glorious Jagad kamalladeva-(Jayasinha III.) (line 3), the asylum of the aniverse, the favourite of fortune and of the earth, the Maharajadhiraja, the Paramésvara, the Paramabhattáraka, the ornament of the family of Satyasraya (1. 2-3), the glory of the Chalukyas, is reigning, with the delight of pleasing conversations, at the capital of Pottaļakere (1.4): –
On Sunday, the 5th tithi in the bright fortnight of (the month) Sraheya-Margasira of the Vikrama samvatsara, which is the 962nd Saka year (1.5);
While there is the illustrious Mahasamants Ereyammarasa (1. 14), -a Mahúsámanta who has attained the panchamahúsabda ; who is the lord of Lattalar, the best of towns (1. 6); who has the banner of a golden Garuda; who is heralded by the sounds of the musical instrument called triraļe ;who is born in the Ratta lineage (1.9); who has the crest of an elephant ;35 who is a very lion among men of distinction; who is the sun of the Rattas (1. 10); who is a hero in the clash of armies; who protects his country; who is a very sun among brave men ;, who is the very god of fortanate people; who destroys the armies of heroes; who is incensed with tale-bearers (1.12); who rains down camphor; and who has the name of Singane-Garuda (1.13): -
The Mahdianas. headed by Madhusêdanayya, the Urode of the village of DeyvadaMantar (1. 16), — saying "Let us dive into the Ratta ocean,"28 - acquired a grant; vis. he gave, for the tank, the whole of the (ta.t called) dandáya (1. 18), as much as accrued in the village ; and he also decreed that), as long as the moon and sun and stars may last, there shall continue to be given) fifty gadyaņas of gold, out of the tax called) pratisiddháya. This is the grant of the great king Erega (1. 20).
The rest of the inscription contains mutilated verses, praising the heroism of Ereyamma or Erega, in which he is called Ratta-Narayana, or "a Narayana among the Rattas" (1. 24), and the sun of the Rattas," (1. 27), and is likened to Ramachandra (1. 28), Balabhadra, Vainotoys (1. 29), and the Karna of the Kali-age (1. 30).
11 Metre, Champakamali.
22 In the remaining five lines there are traces, more or less clear, of respectively fourteen, twelve, eight, six, and three letters. But I cannot make out any intelligible passages in them ; nor can I recognise the metre of them. So it is hardly worth while offering any transcription of them.
38 The trivali and trirali of other Ratta inscriptions.
Unchhana ; see Gupta Inscriptions, p. 151, note 4. 25 See ante, Vol. XIV. p. 24, note 24, "according to Kêsirêja, sindhura is changed into sindira." * Ratta-samudravan-agalisal-endu. I cannot find any other meaning for these words.

Page #182

166
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JUNE, 1890.
EXAMINATION OF QUESTIONS CONNECTED WITH THE VIKRAMA ERA
BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, C.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN.
(Continued from page 40.) B.-DATES IN DARK FORTNIGHTS. 1. - Dates in the months Karttika to Phalguna.
(a). - Dates in Current Years.
(A). - Parnimânta Dates. 81. - V. 1209. - Dr. Peterson's First Report (1882-83), App. p. 97. Date of a MS. of the Pindaniryukti :
Samvat 1209 Karttika-vadi 12 somd. V. 1209 current,
půrnimanta: Monday, 8 October, A.D. 1151; the 12th tithi of the dark half ended 19 h.. 3 m. after mean sunrise.
aminta : Wednesday, 7 November, A.D. 1151. V. 1209 expired,
purņimanta : Saturday, 27 September, A.D. 1152.
amânta: Sunday, 26 October, A.D. 1152; the 12th tithi of the dark half began 0 h. 47 m. before, and ended 20 h. 55 m. after, mean sunrise.
82.- V. 1296. - ante, Vol. VI. p. 207. Kadi copper-plate inscription of the Chaalukya Bhimadêva II.:
(L. 19) .... Srimat(a)-Vikramadity-Otpadita-samvatsara-satêshu dvådaśasu shatra(nņa)vaty-uttarêsha Marggamásiya-krishna-chaturddasyam Ravi-varð strs âmkato spill Vikrama-samvat 1296 varshð Margga-vadi 14 Rav&v=ady=éha srimad-Anahilla påtaké .... V. 1296 current, —
purnimanta : Sunday, 7 November, A.D. 1238; the 14th tithi of the dark half ended 5 h. 36 m. after mean sunrise.
amânta: Tuesday, 7 December, A.D. 1238. V. 1296 expired, -
půrgimânta : Thursday, 27 October, A.D. 1239.
amânta : Saturday, 26 November, A.D. 1239; the 14th tithi of the dark half ended 1 h. 51 m. after mean sunrise.
(B). - Amanta Dates.
None. (b). - Dates in Expired Years.
(A). - Purnimanta Dates. 83. – V. 1043.-ante, Vol. VI. p. 192. Kadi copper-plate inscription of the Chaalukya Mûlarâja: -
(Plate i. L. 8) . .. .srimad-Anahilapátaka-sthân-avasthitair= asmábhih saryagrahaņa-parvvani.
(Plate i. L. 10). .. Samvat 1043 Magha-vadi 15 Ravau, V. 1043 current, — půrnimânta : Wednesday, 13 January, A.D. 986; a total solar eclipse, not visible in India.
amanta : Thursday, 11 February, A.D. 986; no eclipse. V. 1043 expired,
purnimanta: Sunday, 2 January A.D. 987; a total solar eclipse, not visible in India, 18 h. 22 m. Greenwich time, or, at Ujjain, 17 h. 25 m. after mean sunrise.
amânta: Tuesday, 1 February, A.D. 987; no eclipse.
.

Page #183

JUNE, 1890.]
THE VIKRAMA ERA.
167
81.-V. 1177. - Jour. Amer. Or. Soc., Vol. VI. p. 542. Copper-plate inscription of the Mahárájádhiraja Vîrasimhadêva: --
Samvat 1177 Karttika-vadi amâvâsyam Ravi-dine sdy =éha sriman-Nalapura-mahadurgê ...paramabhattaraka-mahârâjâdhiraja-paramêsvara-sri-Vîrasimhadêvô vijayi ... V. 1177 current,
půrņimânta: Monday, 6 October, A.D. 1119; the new-moon tithi ended 5 h. 53 m. after mean sunrise.
amânta : Tuesday, 4 November, A.D. 1119. v. 1177 expired, -
parnimanta: Sunday, 24 October, A.D. 1120; the new-moon tithi ended 4 h. 58 m. after mean sunrise. (A solar eclipse, visible in India).
ainanta: Monday, 22 November, A.D. 1120; the new-moon tithi ended 18 h. 51 m. after mean sunrise.
85. - V. 1208.- Archaeol, Surv. of India, Vol. XXI. p. 49, and Plate xii. A. Inscription on jarb of Upper Gate at Ajaygadh, of the reign of the Chandella Madanavarman : -
(L. 1.)... Samvat 1208 Märgga-vadi 15 Sa(ba)nau. V. 1208 current, -
purņiminta : Tuesday, 21 November, A.D. 1150.
amânta: Wednesday, 20 December, A.D. 1150. V. 1208 expired, -
purnimanta : Saturday, 10 November, A.D. 1151; the 15th tithi of the dark half ended 3 h. 58 m. after mean sanrise.
amanta : Sunday, 9 December, A.D. 1151; the 15th tithi of the dark half ended 19 h. 33 in. after ean sunrise.
98. - V.1284. - Dr. Peterson's Third Report (1884-86), App. p. 52. Date of a MS. of the Dasavaikälika-sútra, &c., of the reign of the Mahárájádhiraja Jaitrasimhadêva : -
Samvat 1284 varshê Phålgun-Amavasyam some ady=éha srimad-Âghâţadurgê samasta. rajávali-samalam ksita-maharajadhiraja-śrî-Jaitrasimhadê va-kalyanavijayarajyê ... V. 1284 current, — půrnimânta : Wednesday, 17 February, A.D. 1227.
amanta: Friday, 19 March, A.D. 1227. v. 1284 expired,
purnimanta: Monday, 7 February, A.D. 1228; the new-moon tithi ended 9 h. 17 m. after mean sunrise.
amânta: Tuesday, 7 March, A.D. 1228; the new-moon tithi ended 16 h. 46 m. after mean sunrise.
87. - V. 1296.- Archeol. Surv. of India, Vol. V. p. 183, and Epigraphia Indica, Vol. I. p. 119. Inscription in the temple of Vaidyanatha at Kiragrama:
(L. 1.) ... Samvat 1295 varghê Phâguga-vadi 5 Ravau Kiragrâmê. V. 1296 current, -
půrnimânta : Wednesday, 26 January, A.D. 1239.
ainanta: Thursday, 24 February, A.D. 1239. V. 1296 expired, -
purnimanta : Sunday, 15 January, A.D. 1240; the 5th eithi of the dark half ended 11 l. 20 m. after mean sunrise.
amânta: the 5th tithi of the dark half began 0 h, 26 m. and ended 23 h. 30 m. after mean sunrise of Monday, 13 February, A.D. 1240.
(Professor Bühler translates the word varshé of the date by ' in the (civil) year;' " because sometimes laukika-varshe appears in its stead after dates of the Vikrama era." - I have not found the expression laukika-varshé in any of the dates examined by me).
1 Dr. Hall has changed this unnecessarily to amávdsydydrh.

Page #184

168
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JUNE, 1890.
88. – V. 1872. - Archool. Surv. of India, Vol. XXI. p. 54, and Plate xiv. 0. Inscription on pillar of gate at Ajaygadh :
(L. 14.) ... Sa[min]vat 1372 P[au]sha-vadi 10 Sanau. V. 1372 current, -
půrnimânta : Tuesday, 3 December, A.D. 1314. amanta : Wednesday, 1 January, A.D. 1315. V. 1372 expired, —
parnimanta : Saturday, 22 November, A.D. 1315; the 10th tithi of the dark half ended 11 h. 45 m. after mean sunrise.
amanta : Monday, 22 December, A.D. 1315.
89. - V. 1451. - Dr. Peterson's Third Report (1884-86), App. p. 50. Date of a MS. of the Kammapayadi :
Samvat 1451 varsh: Phâgaņa-vadi 12 Budhe ady=éha Stambhatîrthê ... V. 1451 current, -
půrnimânta : Thursday, 29 January, A.D. 1394 ; the 12th tithi of the dark half ended 10 h. 48 m. after mean sunrise.
aminta : Friday, 27 February, A.D. 1394. v. 1451 expired,
purnimanta : Wednesday, 17 February, A.D. 1995; the 12th tithi of the dark half ended. 13 h. ll m. after mean sunrise.
amanta : Thursday, 18 March, A.D. 1395; the 12th tithi of the dark half ended 20 h. 55 m. after mean sunrise.
90. - V. 1479. - Jour, Roy. As. Soc., N.S. Vol. XX. p. 553. Date of a MS. of Durgasimha's Lingakarikd-vritti (written in a Bengali hand) :
Sri-Vikramas nasy-atita-sam 1479 Mârgaśirsha-badi 14 Sukrd Kapisiâ-grâmê likhitam. V. 1479 current, - půrnimânta : Monday, 24 November, A.D. 1421. amanta : Tuesday, 23 December, A.D. 1421. V. 1479 expired, -
pārņimanta : Friday, 13 November, A.D. 1422; the 14th tithi of the dark half ended 9 h. 51 m. after mean sunrise.
amânta : Sunday, 13 December, A.D. 1422.
91. - V. 1603. - From Sir A. Canningham's rubbings, supplied to me by Mr. Fleet. Stone inscription at Udaypur in Gwalior :
(L. 1.) . . . Samvatu 1503 varishê Phåguņa-vadi 10 Su(ku)kra-di[va]88. V. 1503 current, -
purņimânta : Saturday, 22 January, A.D. 1446; the 10th tithi of the dark half ended 13 h. 11 m. after mean sunrise.
amânta : the 10th tithi of the dark half began 0 h.38 m. and ended 22 h. 39 m. after mean sunrise of Sunday, 20 February, A.D. 1446. V. 1508 expired, -
purnimanta : Friday, 10 February, A.D. 1447 ; the 10th tithi of the dark half ended 15 h. 39 m. after mean sunrise.
Amânta : the 10th tithi of the dark half began 2 h. 16 m. and ended 23 h. 47 m, after mean sunrise of Saturday, 11 March, A.D. 1447.
92.-V. 1693. - Professor Eggeling's Catalogue, p. 174. Date of a MS. of the Praudhamanorama :
Likhitam Varanasi-sthânåt V yêsamadhavaji Il Sam 1693 varshê Mágha-vadi 1 Ravau. V. 1693 current, —
purņimânta : Wednesday, 13 January, A.D. 1636.

Page #185

JUNE, 1890.]
amânta Thursday, 11 February, A.D. 1636.
V. 1693 expired, -
THE VIKRAMA ERA.
purnimanta: Sunday, 1 January, A.D. 1637; the first tithi of the dark half ended 17 h. after mean sunrise.
amânta Tuesday, 31 January, A.D. 1637.
93. V. 1715. Professor Weber's Catalogue, Vol. I. p. 22. Date of a MS. of the Suparṇadhyaya: -
Samvat 1715 Kârttika-vadi 4 Bhaumê Vârânasyâm likhitam.
V. 1715 current,
pârnimânta Friday, 16 October, A.D. 1657.
amânta Sunday, 15 November, A.D. 1657.
V. 1715 expired,
parnimânta: Tuesday, 5 October, A.D. 1658; the 4th tithi of the dark half ended 11 h. 46 m. after mean sunrise.
amânta Thursday, 4 November, A.D. 1658.
169
94. V. 1717. - Date of the Deccan College Sarada MS. of the Kásiká-Vritti :Sri-nripa-Vikramaditya-rajyasya gat-âbdâḥ 1717 sri-Saptarshi-mate samvat 36 Pau. [va.] ti. 3 Bavau Tishya-nakshatrê, sampûrņa.
V. 1717 current,
pûrnimânta: Monday, 21 November, A.D. 1659; the third tithi of the dark half ended 23 h. 5 m. after mean sunrise.
amânta Wednesday, 21 December, A.D. 1659.
V. 1717 expired, -
purnimanta: Sunday, 9 December, A.D. 1660; the third tithi of the dark half ended 16 h. 52 m., and the nakshatra was Tishya up to 17 h. 44 m. after mean sunrise.
amânta: Tuesday, 8 January, A.D. 1661.
95.
V. 1747. — Professor Bhandarkar's Third Report (1883-84), p. 448. Date of a MS. of Vinayarâma's commentary on the Kirátúrjuniya :
Samvat 1747 varshê Phâlguna (na)-mâsê krishna-pakshê ashṭamyâm tithau Kuja-vasarê likhitam.... śrî-Karnapura-varê.
V. 1747 current,
pûrnimânta : Wednesday, 22 January, A.D. 1690; the 8th tithi of the dark half ended 18 h. 4 m. after mean sunrise.
amânta: Friday, 21 February, A.D. 1690.
V. 1747 expired,
purnimanta: Tuesday, 10 February, A.D. 1691; the 8th tithi of the dark half ended 14 h. 49 m. after mean sunrise.
amânta Thursday, 12 March, A.D. 1691.
Budhê.
96.V.1875. ante, Vol. IX. p. 194. Nepâl stone inscription of Lalitatripurasundari: Tasminn-êva sakê (i.e. bâna-svara-nâga-bhû-mitê 1875 sake) Mârga-krishna-pañchamyam
V. 1875 current,
-
pûrnimânta: Saturday, 29 November, new style, A.D. 1817.
amânta Sunday, 28 December, new style, A.D. 1817.
V. 1875 expired,
purnimanta: Wednesday, 18 November, new style, A.D. 1818; the 5th tithi of the dark half ended 4 h. 41 m. after mean sunrise.
amânta: Friday, 18 December, new style, A.D. 1818.

Page #186

170
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JUNE, 1890.
(B). - Amanta Dates. 97. - V. 1808. - Dr. Peterson's First Report (1882-83), App. p. 40. Date of a MS. of the Acháránga-sritra, of the reign of the Chaulukya Visaladêve :
Samvat 1303 varshe Mârga-vadi 12 Gurau ady=éha érimad- Aņahilapatakê mahârâjâdhirajasri Visaladêva-rajye mabâ mâtya-sri-Têjahpåla-pratipattau. V. 1303 current, -
pûrņimânta: Friday, 17 November, A.D. 1245; the 12th tithi of the dark half ended 22 h. 10 m. after mean sunrise.
amânta : Sunday, 17 December, A.D. 1245. V. 1303 expired, -
pûrņimanta: Tuesday, 6 November, A.D. 1246.
amanta : Thursday, 6 December, A.D. 1246; the 12th tithi of the dark half ended 15 h. 27 m. after mean sunrise.
38. – V. 1815. - List of Antiquarian Remains, Bo. Pres., p. 186. Stone inscription at Siyal Bệt, Bibariâwâ4 Kathiâwâ:
Samvat 1315 varshê Phâguna-vadi 7 Banau Anuradha-nakshatrê sdy = êha éri.Madhumatyam... V. 1315 current, -
půrņimânta: Sunday, 27 January, A.D. 1258; the 7th tithi of the dark half ended 17 h. 30 m. after mean sunrise.
amânta: Tuesday, 26 February, A.D. 1258. V. 1315 expired,
půrņimânta: Friday, 17 January, A.D. 1259; the 7th tithi of the dark half ended 6 h. 18 m. after mean sunrise.
amanta : Saturday, 15 February, A.D. 1259; the 7th tithi of the dark half ended 17 h. and the nakshatra was Anuradha up to 19 h. 3 m, after mean sunrise.
39. - V. 1322. - Dr. Peterson's Third Report (1884-86), App. p. 109. Date of a MS. of A sada's Vivekamañjari :
Chakshur-lôchana-vishtap-Åtrinayana-prôdbhůta-samvatsarê
másê Kârttika-nâmni Chandra-sahitë krishq-ashtami-vâsarê V. 1322 current,
půrņimânta: Tuesday, 14 October, A.D. 1264; the 8th tithi of the dark half ended 11 h. 37 m. after mean sunrise.
amânta: Thursday, 13 November, A.D. 1264. V. 1822 expired, -
půrņimânta: Sunday, 4 October, A.D. 1265; the 8th tithi of the dark half ended 1 h. 17 m. after mean sunrise.
amanta: Monday, 2 November, A.D. 1265; the 8th tithi of the dark half ended 12 h. 24 m. after mean sunrise.
100. - V. 1586. - Professor Eggeling's Catalogue, p. 168. Date of a MS. of the commentary Prasáda on the Prakriya-kaumudi :
Samvat 1536 varshê Mágha-vadi ekadasi Bavau srimad-Anandapura-sthânôttamê ... V. 1536 current, -
pûrņiminta : Monday, 18 January, A.D. 1479; the 11th tithi of the dark half ended 18 h. 4 m. after mean sunrise.
amanta : Wednesday, 17 February, A.D. 1479. V. 1536 expired, -
pûrņimânta : Saturday, 8 January, A.D. 1480; the 11th tithi of the dark half ended 1 h. 38 m. after mean sunrise.

Page #187

JUNE, 1890.]
-
amanta: Sunday, 6 February, A.D. 1480; the 11th tithi of the dark half ended 15 h. 35 m. after mean sunrise.
101. V. 1699.-Professor Bhandarkar's Third Report (1883-84), Notes, Corrections and Additions, p. vii.; ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 252. Date of a MS. of a commentary on the Sabhana-stutayaḥ:
Samvat 16 Ashaḍhadi 99 varshê Phâlguna-vadi 11 tithau Soma-dine.
V. 1699 current,
pûrgimânta: Tuesday, 15 February, A.D. 1642; the 11th tithi of the dark half ended 9 h. after mean sunrise.
amânta Wednesday, 16 March, A.D. 1642.
V. 1699 expired,
pûrņimânta: Sunday, 5 February, A.D. 1643; the 11th tithi of the dark half ended 0 h. 4 m. after mean sunrise.
amânta : Monday, 6 March, A.D. 1643; the 11th tithi of the dark half ended 10 h. 55 m. after mean sunrise.
102.V. 1738.
THE VIKRAMA ERA.
Professor Weber's Catalogue, Vol. I. p. 71. Date of a MS. of the Rishi
Samvat 1738 varshê Phâlguna-mâsê krishna-pakshê 9 Some Avara ngâvâda-madhyê. V. 1738 current,
brahmana :
-
amânta
V. 1738 expired,
pûrņimânta Wednesday, 2 February, A.D. 1681.
Thursday, 3 March, A.D. 1681.
171
pûrṇimânta: Sunday, 22 January, A.D. 1682; the 9th tithi of the dark half ended 4 h. 41 m. after mean sunrise.
amanta: Monday, 20 February, A.D. 1682; the 9th tithi of the dark half ended 21 h. 15 m. after mean sunrise.
(c). Dates which may be either purnimanta dates of current years or amânta dates of expired years.
103.-V. 1229. Dr. Peterson's Third Report (1884-86), App. p. 34. Date of a MS. of Dharmôttarâchârya's Nyáyavindu-tiká: —
Samvat 1229 varshê Mârga-vadi 9 Some.
V. 1229 current, -
purnimanta: Monday, 25 October, A.D. 1171; the 9th tithi of the dark half ended 2 h. 8 m. after mean sunrise.
amânta: Tuesday, 23 November, A.D. 1171.
V. 1229 expired, -
pûrnimânta: Sunday, 12 November, A.D. 1172.
amanta: Monday, 11 December, A.D. 1172; the 9th tithi of the dark half ended 15 k 23 m. after mean sunrise.
—
104. V. 1253. ante, Vol. XVII. p. 229. Rêwah copper-plate inscription of the Maháránaka Salakhanavarmadêva, of the time of the Chêdi ruler Vijayadêva: -
(L. 13)... samvatsaranam sa[m] vata(t) 1253 Mârggasira-masê krishna-pakshe saptamyâm tithau Sukra-dinė Kakarêḍyâm sthânê.
V. 1253 current,
purnimanta: Friday, 27 October, A.D. 1195; the 7th tithi of the dark half ended 7 h. 39 m. after mean sunrise.
amânta Saturday, 25 November, A.D. 1195.
V. 1253 expired,
pûrṇimânta Thursday, 14 November, A.D. 1196.
2 Professor Bhandarkar has informed me that this is the actual reading of the MS.

Page #188

172
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JUNE, 1890.
amanta : Friday, 13 December, A.D. 1196 ; the 7th tithi of the dark half ended 19 h. 51 m. after mean sunrise.
(Loc. cit. p. 228 I have given only one of the possible European equivalents of the Indian date, probably the wrong one).
105. - V. 1859. - My Report for 1880-81. Date of a MS. of Jinadasagaại's Visésanisihachunni :
Samvat 1359 varshê Mârga-vadi 5 Soma-vard. V. 1359 current,
purņimanta : Monday, 23 October, A.D. 1301; the 5th tithi of the dark half ended 1 h. 25 m. after mean sunrise.
amânta : Tuesday, 21 November, A.D. 1301. V. 1359 expired, -
půrnimânta : Sunday, 11 November, A.D. 1302,
amanta : Monday, 10 December, A.D. 1302; the 5th tithi of the dark half ended 15 b. 22 m. after mean sunrise.
106. - V. 1432. - Dr. Peterson's Third Report (1884-86), App. p. 208. Date of a MS, of Prajñanananda's Tattvalóka-tiká :
Samvat 1432 varshê Mârgasirsbê mási krishộa-pakshê navamyam tithau Soma-vasaré ady= êha śrîmad-Anahillapattana-vastavyêna . . . . Sripatina ... pustakam=alêkhi. V. 1432 current, —
pūrņimanta: Monday, 30 October, A.D. 1374; the 9th tithi of the dark half ended 8 h. 9 m. after mean sunrise.
amânta: Tuesday, 28 November, A.D. 1374. V. 1432 expired, —
půrņiminta : Sunday, 18 November, A.D. 1375.
amanta: Monday, 17 December, A.D. 1375; the 9th tithi of the dark half ended 20 h. 51 m. after mean sunrise.
107. - V. 1535. - Date of a MS. of the Tandya-brahmana:
Samvat 1535 varshê Pausha-masë krishna-pakshe 13 traydasyâm Budho sdy=éha éri. Vriddhanagarê. V. 1535 current, -
purņimanta : Wednesday, 3 December, A.D. 1477; the 13th tithi of the dark half ended. 7 h. 16 m. after mean sunrise.
amânta: Friday, 2 January, A.D. 1478. V. 1535 expired, -
půrņimânta: Tuesday, 22 December, A.D. 1478.
amanta : Wednesday, 20 January, A.D. 1479; the 13th tithi of the dark half ended 21 b. 58 m. after mean sunrise.
2. Dates in the months Chaitra to Åbvina. (a). - Dates in Northern Current Years.
(A). - Parņimanta Dates. 108. - V. 1202. - List of Antiquarian Remains Bo. Pres., p. 180. Stone inscription at Mangrol in Kathiíwâd, of the reign of the Chaulukya Kumarapala : -
Srimad-Vikrama-samvat 1202 tatha kri-Sinha-samvat 32 Âśvina-vadi 13. Some. Northern v.1202 current,
parņimanta: Monday, 28 August, A.D. 1144; the 13th tithi of the dark half ended 16 h. 30 m. after mean sunrise.
I would remind the reader that here I am merely giving the European equivalents of the Hindu dates which are yielded by the ordinary rules and tables. It will be matter for further inquiry, below, whether, in the case of dates like No. 108 and No. 109, the European dates printed in antique type are really the true equivalent of the Hindu dates.

Page #189

JUNE, 1890.)
THE VIKRAMA ERA.
173
amânta : Wednesday, 27 September, A.D. 1144. Northern V. 1202 expired, -
půrnimânta: Sunday, 16 September, A.D. 1145.
amanta : the 13th tithi of the dark half began Monday, 15 October, A.D. 1145, 3 h. 58 m., and ended Tuesday, 16 October, 2 h. 37 m. after mean sunrise. Southern V. 1202 expired, -
pûr imânta : Thursday, 5 September, A.D. 1146. amânta : Saturday, 5 October, A.D. 1146.
109. -- V. 1256. - ante, Vol. XI. p. 71. Copper-plate inscription of the Chaulukya Bhimadêva II. : -
(L. 17)... Srimad-Vikramadity-otpadita-samvatsara-satêshu dvadaśasu shatpamchåśaduttarëshu Bhadrapada-masa-krishna-paksh-êmåvåsyâyÂm Bho(bhau)ma-vare streamkatô spi samvat 1256 lauo Bhadrapada-vadi 15 Bhaumo Ssyâm samvatsara-masa-paksha-vâra-purvvikayâm tithâv=adyêha érimad-Anabilapatake Små vâsya-parvaņi snåtvå ... Northern V. 1256 current,
purnimanta : Tuesday, 4 August, A.D. 1198; the 15th tithi of the dark half ended 15 h. 1 m. after mean sunrise. (A solar eclipse, not visible in India).
amânta : Thursday, 3 September, A.D. 1198. Northern V. 1256 expired, -
pürņimânta : Monday, 23 August, A.D. 1199.
ainânta : the 15th tithi of the dark half began Tuesday, 21 September, A.D. 1199, 0 h. 34 m., and ended Wednesday, 22 September, 0 h. 30 m. after mean sunrise (at Ujjain). Southern V. 1256 expired, -
půrnimânta : Friday, 11 August, A.D. 1200. amanta : Sunday, 10 September, A.D. 1200.
(B). — Amanta Dates.
None. (b). - Dates in Northern Expired (or Southern Current) Years.
(A). - Parņimanta Dates. 110. - V. 960. - ante, Vol. XVII. p. 202. Stone inscription from Têrahi: -
(L. 1). ... Sam [11 ?) 960 Bhadrapad[a]-vadi 4 Sanau ! Ady=éha Madhuvényâm... Northern V. 960 current, —
půrņimânta : Tuesday, 27 July, A.D. 902.
amânta: Wednesday, 25 August, A.D. 902. In northern V. 960 expired Bhadrapada was intercalary; for the solar Bhadrapada lasted from 26 July, 1 h. 45 m., to 26 August, 2 h. 37 m., A.D. 903, and there were new-moons on 26 July, 22 h. 48 m., and 25 August, 7 b. 39 m. after mean sunrise. The 4th of the dark half of the first Bhadrapada was, -
purnimanta : Saturday, 16 July, A.D. 903, when the 4th tithi of the dark half ended 14 h. 48 m. after mean sunrise ;
amânta :- Monday, 15 August, A.D. 903; and of the second Bhadrapada, - amânta: Tuesday, 13 September, A.D. 903. Southern V. 960 expired, -
púrņimânta : Friday, 3 August, A.D. 904.
amânta: Sunday, 2 September, A.D. 904; the 4th tithi of the dark half ended 0 h. 51 m. after mean sunrise.
• In all cases like the above, the day put down for the first month, amanta, is of course also the day for the second month, purnimanta..

Page #190

174
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JUNE, 1890.
111. - V. 1011. - Professor Bendall's Journey, p. 82. Stone inscription at Amber in Rajputâna: -
Samvat 1011 Bhadrapado(da-)badi 11 Su(su)kra-dina ... Northern V. 1011 current, - purņiminta: Monday, 8 August, A.D. 953.
amanta: Tuesday, 6 September, A.D. 953. Northern V. 1011 expired, -
purnimanta: Friday, 28 July, A.D. 954; the 11th title of the dark half ended 16 h. 13 m. after mean sunrise.
amînta: Sunday, 27 August, A.D. 954. Southern V. 1011 expired, -
pûrņimânta : Thursday, 16 August, A.D. 955; the 11th tithi of the dark half ended 16 h. 22 m. after mean sunrise.
amanta: the 11th tithi of the dark half began 2 h. 12 m. after mean sunrise of Friday, 14 September, and ended 0 h. 26 m. after mean sunrise of Saturday, 15 September, A.D. 955.
112. – V. 1084. - ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 35. Copper-plate inscription of the Maharajadhiraja Trilôchanapaladêva: -
(L. 8).... adya punye-hani dakshiņayana-samkrantau ...
(L. 16). ... Sam 1084 Sråvana-vadi 4. Northern V. 1084 current,
půrnimânta: 6 July, A.D. 1026. amânta: 5 August, A.D. 1026.
Dakshiņayana-ramkranti : 25 June, A.D. 1026. Northern V. 1084 expired,
purnimanta : the 4th tithi of the dark half began o h. 55 m. before mean sunrise of 25 June and ended o h. 34 m. after mean sunrise of 26 June, A.D. 1027; and the Dakshinayana-samkranti took place on 25 June, 16 h. 32 m. after mean sunrise.
amânta: 25 Jaly, A.D. 1027. In southern V. 1084 expired Sråvaņa was intercalary; for the solar Sråvaņa lasted from 24 June, 22 h. 44 m., to 26 July, 10 h. 1 m., A.D. 1028, and there were new-moons on 25 June, 6 h. 51 m., and 24 July, 15 h. 21 m. after mean sunrise. The 4th of the dark half of the first Sravana was, —
půrnimânta : 14 June, A.D. 1028; amânta: 13 July, A.D. 1028; and of the second 'Sravana, - amänta : 12 August, A.D. 1028. Dakshinayana-sankranti : 24 June, A.D. 1028.
113. - V. 1194. - Archæol. Surv. of India, Vol. XXI. p. 36, and Plate X. E.; and a rubbing supplied by Dr. Burgess. Inscription in cell near Nilakantha temple at . Kalanjar: -
(L. 7). . . . Samvat 1194 Chaitra-vadi 5 Gurau, Northern V. 1194 current, -
amânta: Tuesday, 24 March, A.D. 1136.
pârņimânta : Friday, 12 February, A.D. 1137; the 5th tithi of the dark half ended 15 h. 56 m. after mean sunrise.
In northern V. 1194 expired Chaitra was intercalary; for the solar Chaitra lasted from 21 February, 20 h, 58 m., to 24 March, 5 h..6 m., A.D. 1137, and there were new-moans op 21 February, 21 h. 20 m., and 23 March, 9 h. 51 m. after mean sunrise. The 5th of the dark half of the first Chaitra was, -
amanta: Sunday, 14 March, A.D. 1137, and of the second Chaitra, - amânta: Monday, 12 April, A.D. 1137.

Page #191

JUNE, 1890.]
THE VIKRAMA ERA.
purnimanta: Thursday, 3 March, A.D. 1138; the 5th tithi of the dark half ended 17 h. 17 m. after mean sunrise.
Southern V. 1194 expired,
amânta: Saturday, 2 April, A.D. 1138.
(Sir A. Cunningham, loc. cit. p. 36, has read the name of the week-day Budhau; but the rubbing has distinctly Gurau).
Northern V. 1270 current,
114.-V. 1270.-Jour. Amer. Or. Soc., Vol. VII. pp. 32 and 33. Bhôpâl copper-plate inscription of the Paramâra Arjunavarmadêva :
. . . śrî-Bhrigukachchha-sama vâsitair-asmâbhiḥ saptaty-adhika-dvâdasa-sata-samvatsarê Vaisakha-vadi amâvâsyâyâm suryagrahana-parvaņi.
. samvat 1270 Vaisâkha-vadi 15 Sôme.
pûrņimânta: Tuesday, 3 April, A.D. 1212; no eclipse.
amânta: Wednesday, 2 May, A.D. 1212; a total solar eclipse, not visible in India.
Northern V. 1270 expired,
175
purnimanta: Monday, 22 April, A.D. 1213; a total solar eclipse, visible in India, 11 h. 48 m. Greenwich time, or, at Ujjain, 10 h. 51 m. after mean sunrise.
amânta: Tuesday, 21 May, A.D. 1213; no eclipse.
Southern V. 1270 expired,
pârnimânta : Friday, 11 April, A.D. 1214; a solar eclipse, not visible in India.
amânta: Sunday, 11 May, A.D. 1214 ; no eclipse.
115.-V. 1306.-Dr. Peterson's First Report (1882-83), App. p. 81. Date of a MS. of Ramachandra's Nirbhayabhima-vyayoga, of the reign of Udayasimhadêva:
Samvat 1306 varshê Bhadrava-vadi 6 Bavav=ady = êha śrî-mahârâjakula-śrî-Udayasimhadê va-kalyâna vijayarâjyê.
Northern V. 1306 current,
pûrņimânta : Wednesday, 12 August, A.D. 1248.
amânta: Thursday, 10 September, A.D. 1248.
Northern V. 1306 expired,
purnimanta: Sunday, 1 August, A.D. 1249; the 6th tithi of the dark half ended 12 h. 7 m. after mean sunrise.
amânta: Tuesday, 31 August, A.D. 1249.
Southern V. 1306 expired, -
pûrnimânta: Thursday, 21 July, A.D. 1250.
amânta Saturday, 20 August, A.D. 1250; the 6th tithi of the dark half ended 6 h. 6 m. after mean sunrise.
116. V. 1390.
tion on pillar at 'Kevati-Kund': -
Archeol. Surv. of India, Vol. XXI. p. 143, and Plate xxix. A. Inscrip
(L. 4). Samvat 1390 samayê Bhâdra[myai ?]-vadi 4 Ba(sa)nau dinê. Northern V. 1390 current,
púrpimânta: Monday, 10 August, A.D. 1332.
amânta: Wednesday, 9 September, A.D. 1332.
Northern V. 1390 expired,
purnimanta: Saturday, 31 July, A.D. 1333; the 4th tithi of the dark half ended 6 h. 44 m. after mean sunrise.
amânta: Sunday, 29 August, A.D. 1333.
Southern V. 1390 expired,
pûrṇimânta : Wednesday, 20 July, A.D. 1334.
amânta: Friday, 19 August, A.D. 1334; the 4th tithi of the dark half ended 7 h. 22 m. after mean sunrise.
This would also be the proper equivalent for a parnimánta Chaitra of Southern V. 1194 expired.

Page #192

176
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
117. V. 1581. Archaeol. Surv. of India, Vol. V. p. 144, and Plate xli. H. Inscription on pillar at Delhi:
:
(L. 1).... Sa[m*]vat 1581 va° Chaitra-vadi 13 Bhauma-dine. Northern V. 1581 current,
amânta: Monday, 13 April, A.D. 1523.
pûrnimânta Thursday, 3 March, A.D. 1524.
Northern V. 1581 expired, -
-
amânta Friday, 1 April, A.D. 1524.
purnimanta: Tuesday, 21 March, A.D. 1525; the 13th tithi of the dark half ended 20 h. 11 m. after mean sunrise.
Southern V. 1581 expired, -
amânta Thursday, 20 April, A.D. 1525.
Date of the
118. V. 1652.- Professor Bhandarkar's Second Report (1882-83), p. 229. composition of Dêvavijayagani's Rama-charitra, of the reign of the emperor Akbar:7. Samvat 1652 varshê Âśvina-mâsê krishna-pakshê dasamyâm tithau Guru-Pushya-yôgê ériman-Marusthalyâm jyêshtha-sthityâm sthitêna pam árî-Dêvavijayêna śri-Malapura-nagarê érimad-Akabbara-râjyê virachitam śrî-Râmâyaņam.
Northern V. 1652 current,
pûrņimânta Friday, 30 August, A.D. 1594. amânta: Sunday, 29 September, A.D. 1594. Northern V. 1852 expired,
-
[JUNE, 1890.
purnimanta: Thursday, 18 September, A.D. 1595; the 10th tithi of the dark half ended 21 h. 12 m., and the nakshatra was Pushya up to 19 h. 42 m. after mean sunrise.
amânta Saturday, 18 October, A.D. 1595.
Southern V. 1652 expired, -
pûrņimânta: Tuesday, 7 September, A.D. 1596.
amânta Wednesday, 6 October, A.D.-1596; the 10th tithi of the dark half ended 19 h. 37 m. after mean sunrise; nakshatra Âślêshâ.
119. V. 1717. - From Sir A. Cunningham's rabbing, supplied to me by Mr. Fleet (Compare Archeol. Surv. of India, Vol. XXI. p. 136). Stone inscription at Chambâ :
(L. 1).... Sriman-nripati-Vikramaditya-samvatsare 1717 sri-Salivahana-sakė 1582 bri-Sastra-samvatsare 36 Vaisâsha(kha)-vadi trayôdaśyâm Vu(bu)dha-vasarê Mêshê-rkasamkr[8]mtau.
Northern V. 1717 current,
pûrṇimânta Saturday, 9 April, A.D. 1659.
amânta Sunday, 8 May, A.D. 1659.
Mêsha-samkranti: Tuesday, 29 March, A.D. 1659.
Northern V. 1717 expired, -
purnimanta: Wednesday, 28 March, A.D. 1660; the 13th tithi of the dark half ended 21 h. 37 m., and the Mêsha-samkranti took place 13 h. 1 m. after mean sunrise.
amânta Friday, 27 April, A.D. 1660.
Southern V. 1717 expired,
—
pârṇimânta: Tuesday, 16 April, A.D. 1661. amânta: Thursday, 16 May, A.D. 1661.
Mêsha-samkranti: Thursday, 28 March, A.D. 1661.
120.-V.1874.- ante, Vol. IX. p. 193. Nepâl stone inscription of Lalitatriparasundarî: - Tasminn-êva sakê (i. e. vêda-sapta-gaj-êndu-mitê 1874 Vaikramê sâkê) Bhâdra-krishnanavamyam Suklė.
This would also be the proper equivalent for a purnimanta Chaitra of Southern V. 1581 expired. A.D. 1556-1605.

Page #193

JUNE, 1890.]
THE VIKRAMA ERA.
177
Northern V. 1874 current, --
půrņimnânta : Saturday, 17 August, new style, A.D. 1816.
amânta : Monday, 16 September, new style, A.D. 1816. Northern V. 1874 expired,
purnimanta : Friday, 5 September, new style, A.D. 1817; the 9th tithi of the dark half ended 6 h. 44 m. after mean sunrise.
amânta : Saturday, 4 October, new style, A.D. 1817. Southern V. 1874 expired,
půrņimânta: Tuesday, 25 August, new style, A.D. 1818.
amanta: Thursday, 24 September, new style, A.D. 1818; the 9th tithi of the dark halt ended 0 h. 38 m. after mean sunrise.
121. – V.1877. - ante, Vol. IX.p.194. Nepál stone inscription of Lalitatripurasundari : -
Pâtâla-loka-vasu-vasumati-sakê Jyêshta(shtha)-krishna-daśamyâin Ravau. Northern V. 1877 current, —
půrnimânta: Wednesday, 19 May, new style, A.D. 1819.
amanta : Thursday, 17 June, new style, A.D. 1819. In northern v. 1877 expired Jyaishtha was intercalary; for the solar Jyaishtha lasted from 11 May, 20 h. 51 m., to 12 June, 6 h. 32 m., new style, A.D. 1820, and there were new-moons on 12 May, 8 h., and 10 June, 18 h. 8 m. after mean sunrise. The 10th of the dark half of the first Jyaishtha was,
purnimanta : Sunday, 7 May, new style, A.D. 1820, when the 10th tithi of the dark half ended 17 h, 13 m. after mean sunrise ;
amânta: Tuesday, 6 June, new style, A.D. 1820; and of the second Jyaishtha, -
amânta : Wednesday, 5 July, new style, A.D. 1820. Southern V. 1877 expired, -
purņimânta - Saturday, 26 May, new style, A.D. 1821.
&mânta: Monday, 25 June, new style, A.D. 1821; the 10th tithi of the dark half ended 0 h. 34 m. after mean sunrise.
(B). -Amanta Dates. 122. – V. 1261. - Dr. Peterson's Third Report (1884-86), App. p. 45. Date of a MS. of Mânatungasûri's Siddhajayanti-charitra, of the reign of the Chaulakya Bhimadova II. :
Svasti krt-Vikrama-narrdra-samvat 1261 varshê Abvina-vadi 7 Ravau Pushyanakshatrê Subha-yôgê érimad- Anahilapatakê maharajadhiraja-sri-Bhimadêva-kalyanavijayarajyê pravarttamanê ... Northern V, 1261 current,
pûrpimânta: Saturday, 30 August, A.D. 1203; the 7th tithi of the dark half ended 19 h. 3 m. after mean sunrise.
amanta: Monday, 29 September, A.D. 1203; the 7th tithi of the dark half ended 4 h. 15 m. after mean sunrise. Northern V. 1261 expired, -
půrņimanta: Friday, 17 September, A.D. 1204.
amanta: Sunday, 17 October, A.D. 1204 ; the 7th tithi of the dark half ended 6 h. 57 m., and the nakshatra was Pushya up to 11 h. 50 m., and the yoga Subha up to 11 h. 37 m. after mean sunrise. Southern V. 1261 expired,
parnimânta: Wednesday, 7 September, A.D. 1205. amanta: Thursday, 6 October, A.D. 1205.
* Soo below, No. 188

Page #194

178
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JUNE, 1890.
123. - V. 1350.- Professor Bhandarkar's Third Report (1883-84), p. 326. Date of the composition of Jayanta's Kávyaprakasa-dipiku, of the reign of the Vaghêla Sârangadêva : -
Srih samvat 1350 varshê Jyêshtha-vadi 3 Ravau ady-êha Áså palli-samâvâsita-srimadvijayakatakê sakal-ârâtibhûpâla-maulimukut-alamkara-bhúshita - pâdapankaja - maharajadhirajaári-Sâramgadêva-kalyâņavijayarajyê ... Northern V. 1350 current, -
půrnimânta: Tuesday, 6 May, A.D. 1292.
amânta : Wednesday, 4 June, A.D. 1292. Northern v. 1350 expired,
půrnimanta : Saturday, 25 April, A.D. 1293; the third tithi of the dark half ended 4 h. 19 m. after mean sunrise.
amante : Sunday, 24 May, A.D. 1293; the third tithi of the dark half ended 17 h. 26 m. after mean sunrise.
In southern V. 1350 expired Jyaishtha was intercalary; for the solar Jyaishtha lasted from 25 April, 18 h. 28 m., to 27 May, 3 h. 59 m., A.D. 1294, and there were new-moons on 27 April, 1 h. 17 m., and on 26 May, 13 h. 32 m. after mean sunrise. The 3rd of the dark half of the first Jyaishtha was -
pürņimânta : Wednesday, 14 April, A. D. 1294; amanta : Thursday, 13 May, A.D. 1294; and of the second Jyaishtha, -
amânta: Saturday, 12 June, A.D. 1294, when the third tithi of the dark half ended 12 h. 23 m. after mean sunrise.
124. - V. 1558. - List of Antiquarian Remains, Bo. Pres., p. 266. Stone inscription at Borsad stepwell, Khêda (Kaira) :
(L. 1)... Samvat 1553 varshe Sråvaņa-vadi 13 Ravau ady=éha sri-Stambhatîrthavastavya... Northern V. 1553 current, —
půrnimânta : the 13th tithi of the dark half lasted from 2 h. 33 m. after mean sunrise of Sundny, 19 July, to sunrise of Monday, 20 July, A.D. 1495.
amânta : Tuesday, 18 August, A.D. 1495. Northern V. 1553 expired, -
pûrņimânta : Friday, 8 July, A.D. 1496.
amanta : Sunday, 7 August, A.D. 1496; the 13th tithi of the dark half ended 0 h. 30 m. after mean sunrise.
In southern V. 1553 expired 'Sravana was intercalary; for the solar Srâvaņa lasted from 29 June, 4 h. 54 m., to 30 July, 16 h. 11 m., A.D. 1497, and there were new-moons on 30 Jane, 5 h. 12 m., and on 29 July, 13 h. 42 m. after mean sunrise. The 13th of the dark half of the first Sravana was, –
půrņimânta: Wednesday, 28 June, A.D. 1497; amânta: Thursday, 27 July, A.D. 1497; and of the second Sravana,
amânta: Saturday, 26 August, A.D. 1497, when the 13th tithi of the dark half ended. 1 h. 12 m. after mean sunrise.
(c). - Dates in Southern Expired Years.
(A). - Purnimanta Dates. 125. - V. 1192.- Jour. Beng. As. Soc., Vol. XVII., Part i., p. 322; and Archæol. Suro. of India, Vol. XXI. p. 35, and Plate X., D. Rock inscription at Kalaõjar :
(L. 4) .... Samvat 1192 Jyêshtha-vadi 9 Ravau. In northern V. 1192 current Jyaishtha was intercalary; for the solar Jyaishtha lasted from 24 April, 8 h. 41 m., to 25 May, 18 h. 22 m., A.D. 1134, and there were new-moons on 26 April, 1 h 59 m., and on 25 May, 12 h. 37 m. after mean sunrise. The 9th of the dark half of the first Jyaishtha was,
půrnimânta : Thursday, 19 April, A.D. 1134 ;

Page #195

JUNE, 1890.]
THE VIKRAMA ERA.
amânta: Saturday, 19 May, A.D. 1134, when the 9th tithi of the dark half ended 10 h. 25 m. after mean sunrise; and of the second Jyaishtha,
amânta: Monday, 18 June, A.D. 1134, when the 9th tithi of the dark half ended 0 h. 51 m. after mean sunrise,
Northern V. 1192 expired,
pârnimânta : Wednesday, 8 May, A.D. 1135.
amânta: Friday, 7 June, A.D. 1135.
Southern V.1192 expired,
purnimanta: Sunday, 26 April, A.D. 1136; the 9th tithi of the dark half ended 14 h. 18 m. after mean sunrise.
amânta: Tuesday, 26 May, A.D. 1136.
126. V. 1225. From a rubbing supplied to me by Dr. Burgess. Phulwariya (P) stone inscription of the Jâpilîya Nayaka Pratâpadhavala :
(L. 3). Samvat 1225 Vaisâ(sa)kha-vadi 12 Gurau Japiliya-nayaka-sri-Pratapadhavalasya ki[r]ttiriyam |
Northern V. 1225 current,
pârnimânta: Sunday, 7 April, A.D. 1168.
amânta: Monday, 6 May, A.D. 1168.
pûrṇimânta: Tuesday, 18 April, A.D. 1167.
amânta : Wednesday, 17 May, A.D. 1167; the 12th tithi of the dark half ended 18 h. 28 m, afer mean sunrise.
Northern V. 1225 expired,
-
Southern V. 1225 expired, -
-
purnimants: Thursday, 27 March, A.D. 1169; the 12th tithi of the dark half ended 5 h. 19 m. after mean sunrise.
amânta: Friday, 25 April, A.D. 1169; the 12th tithi of the dark half ended 19 h. 16 m. after mean sunrise.
127.-V. 1240.- Archaeol. Surv. of India, Vol. XXI. p. 72, and Plate xxii.; and a rubbing supplied to me by Dr. Burgess. Stone inscription from wall of Fort at Mahoba: -
(L. 15)... Vyôm-ârnnav-arkka-samkhyâtê Sahasamkasya vatsarê
(L. 17) . . Samvat 1240 Ashadha-vadi 9 8ô[m]8.
Northern V. 1240 current, -
pârnimânta: Friday, 28 May, A.D. 1182.
amânta: Saturday, 26 June, A.D. 1182. Northern V. 1240 expired, -
179
-
půrnimânta: Wednesday, 15 June, A.D. 1183.
amânta: Friday, 15 July, A.D. 1183.
Southern V. 1240 expired,
purnimanta: Monday, 4 June, A.D. 1184; the 9th tithi of the dark half ended 18 h. after mean sunrise.
amânta: the 9th tithi of the dark half began 1 h. 38 m. and ended 23 h. after mean sunrise of Tuesday, 3 July, A.D. 1184.
(L. 19).... Samvat 1318 Sravana-vadi 2 Vu(bu)dha-dinê. Northern V. 1318 current,
pûrnimânta: Saturday, 26 June, A.D. 1260. amânta: Sunday, 25 July, A.D. 1260.
.
V. 1818. From a rubbing supplied to me by Dr. Burgess. Stone inscription from the walls of the Fort of Jhânsî:
128.
⚫See below, No. 143.

Page #196

180
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JUŅE, 1890.
Northern V. 1318 expired, -
pûrņimânta: Thursday, 16 June, A.D. 1261; the second tithi of the dark half ended 5 h. 15 m. after mean sunrise.
aminta: Friday, 15 July, A.D. 1261. Southern V. 1318 expired,
pornimanta : Wednesday, 5 July, A.D. 1262; the second tithi of the dark half ended 5 h. 19 m. after mean sunrise.
amanta: Thursday, 3 August, A.D. 1262; the second tithi of the dark half ended 13 h. 6 m. after mean sunrise.
129.- V. 1820.-ante, Vol. XI. p. 242, and Vol. XVI. p. 147. Verával stone inscription of the reign of the Vâghəla Arjunadêva : -
(L. 2). ... Sri-Visvanatha-prativa(ba)ddha-tan(nad)janânâm vô(b)dhakara-sAla-Mahanmada-samvat 662 tatha bri-nfipa-[Vi]krama-sam 1320 tathả brimad-Valabhi-sar 945 tathả bri-Sinha-sam 151 varshê Ashâdha-vadi 13 Raváv=adyraba...srimat(d). Arijanadêva-pravarddhamana-kalyânavijayarajye.... iha sri-Sômanathadeva pattanê... Northern V. 1320 current,
půrnimânta: Friday, 16 June, A.D. 1262.
imanta : Saturday, 15 July, A.D. 1262; the 13th tithi of the dark half ended 15 h. 44 m. after mean sunrise. Northern V. 1320 expired,
pûrnimânta: Tuesday, 5 June, A.D. 1263.
amânta : Wednesday, 4 July, A.D. 1263. In southern v. 1820 expired Ashadha was intercalary; for the solar Åshadba lasted from 26 May, 9 h. 41 m., to 27 June, 0 h. 20 m., A.D. 1264, and there were new-moons on 27 May, 1 h. 34 m., and on 25 June, 9 h. 55 m. after mean sunrise. The 13th of the dark half of the first Ashadha was,
purnimanta : Sunday, 25 May, A.D. 1264, when the 13th tithi of the dark half ended 6 h. 35 m. after mean sunrise ;
amânta: Monday, 23 June, A.D. 1264, when the 13th tithi of the dark half ended 14 h. 2 m. after morn sunrise ; and of the second Ashâdha,
amanta: Tuesday, 22 July, A.D. 1264. .
130. – V. 1490.- Professor Aufrecht's Catalogue, p. 351. Date of a MS. of Halâyadha's dbkidhinaratnamálá, of the reign of the Sultan Ahamadalo :
Samvat 1490 varshê Vi(vai)śêkha-vadi 9 navamyâm tithan 8a(ka)ni-dinê ady-êha śri. Vatapadra-mandala-karaņu i suratràņa-śri-Ahamada-vijayarajyê | malika-sri-Mahamada-Êdalapratipattau 11 Northern V. 1490 current, —
půrņimânta : Wednesday, 26 March, A.D. 1432.
amânta : Thursday, 24 April, A.D. 1432. Northern V. 1490 expired, -
pûrņiminta : Tuesday, 14 April, A.D. 1433.
amanta : Wednesday, 13 May, A.D. 1433. Southern V. 1490 expired,
purnimanta : Saturday, 3 April, A.D. 1434 ; the 9th tithi of the dark half ended 10 h. 21 m. after mean sunrise.
amânta : Monday, 3 May, A.D. 1434.
131. – V. 1503.-Professor Bendall's Catalogue of Buddhist Sanskrit MSS., p. 70. Date of a MS, of the Kalachakra-tantra : -
Paramabhattarak-atyadi-rajavali parvavat Srimad-VikramadityaddvapadAnAm
10 Sultan Ahmad, A.D. 1410 - 1442; Bayley, History of Gujardt, Index.

Page #197

JUNE, 1890.]
THE VIKRAMA ERA.
181
atita-rajyd sam 1503 Bhadra-vadi 13 Budhe ... likhit-êyam Magadhadésiya-KajhâragrâmaBÅGA)ganika-karanakayastha-sri-Jayaramadattên-êti Keraki-grâm-avasthitēna 11 Northern V. 1503 current,
pârnimânta : Sunday, 1 August, A.D. 1445.
amânta: Tuesday, 31 August, A.D. 1445; the 13th tithi of the dark half ended 1 h. 29 m. after mean sunrise. Northern V. 1503 expired,
perpimânta : Saturday, 20 Angust, A.D. 1446.
amânta : Monday, 19 September, A.D. 1446. Southern V. 1508 expired,
porņimanta : Wednesday, 9 August, A.D. 1447 ; the 13th tithi of the dark half ended 11 h. 50 m. after mean sunrise.
amanta : Friday, 8 September, A.D. 1447.
132. - V. 1588. - Professor Eggeling's Catalogue, p. 217. Date of a MS. of an Akhya. távachiiri on the Haima-vyákarana : -
Samvat 1538 varshe 'Sravana-vadi 1 Some Sáramgapura-nagare likhitam. Northern V. 1538 current, -
pûrņiminta : Friday, 23 June, A.D. 1480.
amanta : Saturday, 22 July, A.D. 1480. Northern V. 1538 expired, -
pârņimânta : Thursday, 12 July, A.D. 1481.
amânta : Friday, 10 August, A.D. 1481. Southern V. 1588 expired, -
pornimanta : Monday, 1 July, A.D. 1482 ; the first tithi of the dark half ended 17 h. 51 m. after mean sunrise. amânta : Wednesday, 31 July, A.D. 1482.
(B). - Am&nta Dates. 133. - V. 994.- Epigraphia Indica, Vol. I. p. 176. Stone inscription from Sfyađôņi :
(L. 26). . . . Samvat 994 Vaisâ(sa)kha-vadi 5 sa[m*]kramtau. Northern V. 994 current,
půrnimânta : 16 March, A.D. 936. amânta : 14 April, A.D. 936.
Mêsha-sankranti on 22 March, and Vrisha-sankranti on 22 April, A.D. 936. Northern V. 994 expired, -
půrnimânta: 4 April, A.D. 937. amânta : 3 May, A.D. 937.
Mêsha-samkrânti on 22 March, and Vrisha-Bankránti on 22 April, A.D. 937. . Southern V. 994 expired,
půrnimänta : 24 March, A.D. 938; Mösha-samkranti on 22 March, A.D. 998.
amanta : 22 April, A.D. 938; the 5th tithi of the dark half ended 19 h. 12 m. after mean sunrise; and the Vrisha-sankranti took place on the same day, 15 h. 30 m. after mean sunrise.
134. - V. 1100.- Archæol. Surv. of India, Vol. VI. p. 52, and Plate vi.; Vol. XX., Plate . Ante, Vol. XIV. p. 10, and a photo-lithograph supplied to me by Mr. Fleet. Byânâ stone inscription of the prince Vijayâdhiraja : -
(L. 6).... Nisem yâtu satam sahasra-Bahitan samvatsaranam drutan masyAP]Bhadrapadaḥ sa bhadra-padavir másah samârôbatul grasymaiva kshayamwetu Soma-sa[hi]ta krishņa dvitiya tithih ...
(L. 17). ... Sam 1100 Bhadra-vadi 2 Chandré kalyapaka-di[ne]. Northern V. 1100 current, -
půrnimânta : Friday, 6 August, A.D. 1042.
day, 15 h. 30 m: 1. Vol. XX, Platon

Page #198

182
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JUNE, 1890.
aminta : Saturday, 4 September, A.D. 1042. Northern V. 1100 expired, -
půrņimânta: Tuesday, 26 July, A.D. 1043; the second tithi of the dark half ended 16 h. 46 m. after mean sunrise.
amânta: Thursday, 25 August, A.D. 1043. In southern V. 1100 expired Bhadrapada was intercalary; for the solar Bhadrapada lasted from 26 July, 13 h. 23 m., to 26 August, 14 h. 15 m., A.D. 1044, and there were new. moons on 27 July, 4 h. 58 m., and on 25 August, 14 h. 27 m. after mean sunrise. The 2nd of the dark half of the first Bhadrapada was, -
půrnimânta: Sunday, 15 July, A.D. 1044, when the second tithi of the dark half ended 1 h. 17 m. after mean sunrise ;
amanta: Monday, 13 August, A.D. 1044, when the second tithi of the dark half ended 13 h. 40 m, after mean sunrise; and of the second Bhadrapada, -
amanta : Wednesday, 12 September, A.D. 1044.
(The date accordingly belongs to the adhika Bhadrapada, and this I understand to be indicated by my conjectural reading máya-Bhadrapadal thy false Bhadrapada').
135. - v. 1226.- Archæol. Suru. of India, Vol. XI. p. 125, and Plate Xxxvii., 2. Pillar inscription at Jaunpur, of the reign of Vijayachandradêva of Kanauj (?): -
(Line 1). - Samvat 1225 Chaitra-vadi 5 Vu(bu)dhe. Northern V. 1225 current, -
amanta: Tuesday, 11 April, A.D. 1167; the 5th tithi of the dark half ended 14 h. 44 m. after mean sunrise.
purņimanta: Thursday, 29 February, A.D. 1168; the 5th tithi of the dark half ended 23 h. 11 m. after mean sunrise. Northern V. 1225 expired, -
amanta : Saturday, 30 March, A.D. 1168.
purņimanta: Tuesday, 18 February, A.D. 1969; the 5th tithi of the dark half ended 2 h. 59 m. after mean sunrise. Southern V. 1225 expired, -
amanta : Wednesday, 19 March, A.D. 1169; the 5th tithi of the dark half ended 16 h. 47 m. after mean sunrise.
136. - V.1280.- Dr. Peterson's Third Report (1884-86). App. p. 42. Date of the composition of Malayaprabhastri's commentary on Manatungasari's Siddhajayanti-oharitra :
Dvadasa-varsha-batêshu brf-Vikramato gatëshu shashțitamê varsh8 Jyêshthê mîsê Sravane bhê krishna-pamchamyan 11 Jivadi-vishaya-samsaya-tamô-pahâr-aikatarani-ruchi-ruchire
yôgê ch-Aindra siddhâv-iyam Jayamti-kathả rachitâ 11 Northern V. 1260 current, -
půrņimânta: Monday, 13 May, A.D. 1202. amanta : Wednesday, 12 June, A.D. 1202. Northern V. 1260 expired,
pûrņimânta: Saturday, 3 May, A.D. 1203.
amânta: Sunday, 1 June, A.D. 1203. Southern V. 1260 expired,
pûrņimânta : Wednesday, 21 April, A.D. 1204.
amanta : Thursday, 20 May, A.D. 1204; the 5th tithi of the dark half ended 21 h. 50 m., and the nakshatra was Sravana up to 17 h. 4 m., and the yoga Indra up to 14 h. 3 m. after mean sunrise.
(I believe that the day of Guru or Brihaspati, s. e. Thursday, is indicated by the first half of the second verse of the date).

Page #199

JUNE 1890.]
THE VIKRAMA ERA.
183
137. - V. 1298. - Dr. Peterson's Third Report (1884-86), App. p. 118. Date of a MS. of Hêmachandra's Sabdánussana :
Samvat 1298 varshê dvitiya-Bhadrapada-vadi 7 Gurau ... Vijapurê.
Bhadrapada was intercalary in southern v. 1298 expired; for in that year the solar Bhadrapada lasted from 28 July, 19 h., to 28 August, 19 h. 52 m., A.D. 1242, and there were new-moons on 29 July, 6 h. 37 m., and on 27 August, 18 h. after mean sunrise. The 7th of the dark half of the first Bhadra pada was,
půrņimânta : Sunday, 20 July, A.D. 1242; amânta: Tuesday, 19 Angust, A.D. 1242; and of the second Bhadrapada, -
amanta : Thursday, 18 September, A. D. 1242, when the 7th tithi of the dark half ended 5 h. 53 m. after mean sunrise.
138. - V. 1317. - ante, Vol. VI. p. 210. Kați copper-plate inscription of the Chaalukya Visaladeva :
(L. 1).... Srimad-Vikrama-kal-atita-saptadaśadhika-trayôdasaéatika-samvatsarê laukikaJyeshța(shtha)-masasya krishộapaksha-chaturthyâm tithau Gur&v=ady-êha srimad-Anahil.. la pâta ke....-mahârâjâdhirâja-śrîmad-Visaladêva-kalyanavijayi(ya)râjyê... Northern V. 1317 current,
půrnimânta : Monday, 12 May, A. D. 1259.
amanta : Tuesday, 10 June, A.D. 1959, Northern V. 1317 expired, -
půrnimânta : Friday, 30 April, A.D. 1260; the 4th tithi of the dark half ended 18 h. 42 m. after mean sunrise.
amânta : Sunday, 30 May, A.D. 1260. Southern V. 1317 expired,
půrnimänta : Wednesday, 20 April, A.D. 1261.
amanta: Thursday, 19 May, A.D. 1261; the 4th tithi of the dark half ended 18 h. 46 m. after mean sunrise.
139.- V. 1827. - Dr. Peterson's First Report (1882-83), App. p. 38. Date of a MS. of the Sugadánga-vritti :
Samvat 1327 varshê Bhadrapada-vadi 2 Ravav=ady=èha Vijâ pure. Northern V. 1327 current, -
půrnimânta: Tuesday, 16 July, A.D. 1269.
amânta : Thursday, 15 August, A. D. 1269. Northern V. 1327 expired, -
půrnimânta: Monday, 4 Aagast, A.D. 1270; the second tithi of the dark half ended 20 h. 3 m. after mean sunrise.
amânta : Wednesday, 3 September, A.D. 1270. Southern V. 1327 expired, -
půrnimânta: Saturday, 25 July, A.D. 1271.
amanta : Sunday, 23 August, A.D. 1271 ; the second tithi of the dark half ended 19 h. 46 m. after mean sunrise.
140. - v. 1485. -- Date of a Deccan College MS. of Jinadêvasûri's Kriydkalápa : -
Sam 1485 varshê Vaisakha-vadi 9 Budhe. In northern V. 1485 current Vaisakha was intercalary; for the solar Vaisakha lasted from 27 March, 6 h. 3 m., to 27 April, 4 h. 16 m., A.D. 1427, and there were new-moons on 28 March, 4 h. 1 m., and on 26 April, 18 h. 26 m. after mean sunrise. The 9th of the dark half of the first Vaisakha was, -
párņimanta: Friday, 21 March, A.D. 1427; amanta : Sunday, 20 April, A.D. 1427; and of the second Vaisakba, amanta: Tuesday, 20 May, A.D. 1427.

Page #200

184
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
Northern V. 1485 expired,
pûrṇimânta Thursday, 8 April, A.D. 1428; the 9th tithi of the dark half ended 14 h. 31 m. after mean sunrise.
-
amânta: Saturday, 8 May, A.D. 1428.
Southern V. 1485 expired, -
-
pûrņimânta: Tuesday, 29 March, A.D. 1429.
amanta: Wednesday, 27 April, A.D. 1429; the 9th tithi of the dark half ended 12 h. 45 m. after mean sunrise.
141. V. 1510. Date of a Deccan College MS. of an Avachûrika on Hemachandra's Sabdánusásana-vṛitti:
Samvat 1510 varshê Bhadrava-vadi 14 Sanau. Northern V. 1510 current,
pârnimânta: Monday, 14 August, A.D. 1452. amânta: Tuesday, 12 September, A.D. 1452. Northern V. 1510 expired,
pârnimânta: the 14th tithi of the dark half began 1 h. 25 m. and ended 23 h. 30 m. after mean sunrise of Friday, 3 August, A.D. 1453.
amânta: Sunday, 2 September, A.D. 1453.
Southern V. 1510 expired,
-
[JUNE, 1890.
pûrņimânta: Thursday, 22 August, A.D. 1454.
amanta: Saturday, 21 September, A.D. 1454; the 14th tithi of the dark half ended 9 h. 17 m. after mean sunrise.
142.V. 1626. Date of Deccan College MS. of Môkshêévara's Kridvritti: -
Sam 1526 varshê Jyêshtha-vadi 11 Sani-vare.
Northern V. 1526 current,
pûrņimânta : Wednesday, 18 May, A.D. 1468.
amânta: Thursday, 16 June, A.D., 1468.
Northern V. 1526 expired,
pûrnimânta: Sunday, 7 May, A.D. 1469; the 11th tithi of the dark half ended 20 h. 58 m. after mean sunrise.
amânta Tuesday, 6 June, A.D. 1469.
:
Southern V. 1526 expired,
-
-
půrnimânta: Friday, 27 April, A.D. 1470.
amanta: Saturday, 26 May, A.D. 1470; the 11th tithi of the dark half ended 16 h. 30 m. after mean sunrise.
(d). Dates which may be either amanta dates of northern current years or purnimanta dates of southern expired years.
143. V. 1225. Jour. Amer. Or. Soc., Vol. VI. p. 548. Inscription of the Mahanayaka Pratapadhavaladêva,11 upon a rock denominated Târâchândi, in the vicinity of Sahasrâm in South Bihâr:
Samvat 1225 Jyêshtha-vadi 3 Budhe Jâpil-âdhipati-mahânâyaka-sri-Pratâ padhavaladêva...
Northern V. 1225 current,
parṇimânta: Tuesday, 9 May, A.D. 1167.
amanta: Wednesday, 7 June, A.D. 1167; the third tithi of the dark half ended 16 h. 9 m. after mean sunrise.
Northern V. 1225 expired,
pârnimânta: Saturday, 27 April, A.D. 1168.
amânta: Sunday, 26 May, A.D. 1168.
11 Compare No. 126, above.

Page #201

JUNE, 1890.)
THE VIKRAMA ERA.
185
Southern V. 1225 expired,
pornimanta : Wednesday, 16 April, A.D. 1169; the third tithi of the dark half ended 6 h. 10 m, after mean sunrise.
amanta : Thursday, 15 May, A.D. 1169; the third tithi of the dark half ended 19 h. 20 m. after mean sunrise.
(Colebrooke, Misc. Essays, Vol. II. p. 295, gives the date - "Samvat 1229, Jyöshtha badi 3d, Wednesday." If this were correct, the corresponding date, for southern V. 1229 expired, půrniminta, would be Wednesday, 2 May, A.D. 1173, when the third tithi of the dark half ended 6 h. 35 m. after mean sunrise).
144.-V. 1990. – Jour. Beng. As. Soc., Vol. V. p. 343, and Plate ix. 1. Stone inscription from the Fort of Chunar near Benares :
(L. 10) .. Samva[t*] 1390 Bhadra-vadi 5 Gurau. Northern V. 1990 current,
půrnimânta : Tuesday, 11 August, A.D. 1332.
amanta: Thursday, 10 September, A.D. 1332; the 5th tithi of the dark half ended 4 h. 58 m. after mean sunrise. Northern V. 1390 expired, -
purņiminta : Sunday, 1 August, A.D. 1333.
amanta: Monday, 30 August, A.D. 1333. Southern V. 1990 expired, -
parnimanta : Thursday, 21 July, A.D. 1334; the 5th tithi of the dark half ended 20 h. 37 m. after mean sunrise.
amânta: Saturday, 20 August, A.D. 1334.. (Prinsep, loc. cit. p. 342, gives Thursday, the 5th August, A.D. 1333, as the corresponding date). (e). - A date which may be either an amanta date of a northern ourrent year
or a purnimanta date of a northern expired or southern expired year. 145. – V. 1315. - My Report for 1880-81, p. 46. Date of a MS. of Hêmachandra's Sabdanusásana-lagh uvșitti : -
Samvat 1315 varghê Chaitra-vadi chaturthi-dinê Vu(bu)dha-våre Stambhatîrthe Northern V. 1815 current,
amanta : Wednesday, 4 April, A.D. 1257; the 4th tithi of the dark half ended 14 h. 44 in. after mean sunrise.
půrņiminta : Saturday, 23 February, A.D. 1258. Northern v. 1915 expired,
amanta: Sunday, 24 March, A.D. 1258.
parnimanta : Wednesday, 12 February, A.D. 1259; the 4th tithi of the dark half ended 22 h. 43 m. after mean sunrise.
In southern V. 1315 expired Chaitre was intercalary; for the solar Chaitra lasted from 23 February, 10 h. 36 m., to 25 March, 18 h. 44 m., A.D. 1259, and there were new-moons on 23 February, 17 h. 29 m., and on 25 March, 11 h. 49 m. after mean sunrise. The 4th of the dark half of the first Chaitra was, -
purnimanta : as before, Wednesday, 12 February, A.D. 1259 ; amanta : Friday, 14 March, A.D. 1259; and of the second Chaitra, amânta : Saturday, 12 April, A.D. 1259. (f). -- Dates which may be either purnimanta dates of northern expired years
or amanta dates of southern expired years,12 146.- V. 1382.- My Report for 1880-81, p. 4. Date of a MS. of the Uttaradhyayanastra:Samvat 1332 varshê Vaisakha-vadi 3 Sanau.
12 As regards the date No. 149, this is not quite correct, or it is correct only so far as the week.day is concernod, for in reality that date must be regarded as an amanta date of a southern expired year.

Page #202

186
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY..
[JUNE, 1890.
Northern V. 1332 current,
půrnimanta : Tuesday, 27 March, A.D. 1274.
amanta : Wednesday, 25 April, A.D. 1274. Northern V. 1832 expired,
purnimanta : Saturday, 16 March, A.D. 1275; the third tithi of the dark half ended 7 h. 22 m. after mean sunrise.
amânta : Sunday, 14 April, A.D. 1275. Southern V. 1332 expired,
pûrņimanta : Friday, 3 April, A.D. 1276.
amanta : Saturday, 2 May, A.D. 1276 ; the third tithi of the dark half ended 16 h. 13 m. after mean sunrise.
147. - V. 1337. - Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XLIII. Part i. p. 110, and Plate X.; and a rough rubbing supplied to me by Dr. Burgess. Pâlam Bảoli' stone inscription from the village of Boher' in the Rohtak District, of the time of the Hammîra Gayasadîna13:
(Line 21). -Samvatsard-smin-Vaikramaditya samvat 1337 Sråvaņa-vadi 13 Vu(bu)dhe. Northern V. 1337 current, -
půrnimanta : Saturday, 8 July, A.D. 1279.
amânta : Sunday, 6 August, A.D. 1279. Northern V. 1337 expired, -
purnimanta : Wednesday, 26 June, A.D. 1280; the 13th tithi of the dark half ended 10 h. 16 m. after mean sonrise.
amânta : Thursday, 25 July, A.D. 1280. Southern V. 1997 expired, -
půrnimânta : Tuesday, 15 July, A.D. 1281.
amanta : Wednesday, 13 August, A.D. 1281 ; the 13th tithi of the dark half ended 17 h. 38 m, after mean sunrise.
(The published version of the inscription wrongly gives 'samvat 1333').
148. - V. 1437. - List of Archæol. Remains, Bo. Pres., p. 181. Stone inscription at Dhâmlej, Junagadh, Kathiâwâd :
Samvat 1437 varshê Ashâdha-vadi 6 Sanau, Northern V. 1437 current, -
purņimanta: Monday, 6 June, A.D. 1379. amânta : Wednesday, 6 July, A.D. 1379. Northern V. 1437 expired, -
purņimanta : Saturday, 26 May, A.D. 1380; the 6th tithi of the dark half ended 5 h. 54 m. after mean sunrise.
amanta : Sunday, 24 June, A.D. 1380. Southern V. 1437 expired, -
pûrņimânta : Thursday, 13 June, A.D. 1381.
amanta : Saturday, 13 July, A.D. 1381 ; the 6th tithi of the dark half ended 12 h. 37 m. after mean sunrise.
149. - V. 1464. — Date of my MS, of the Kásiká-Vritti :
Saṁvat 1464 varghê Ashâdha-vadi tsitiyâyâm tithau Manmatha-samvatsarê Budhe. Northern V. 1464 current, —
pûrņimânta : Saturday, 5 June, A.D. 1406.
amanta : Sunday, 4 July, A.D. 1406. Northern V. 1464 expired,
pornimanta : Wednesday, 25 May, A.D. 1407; the third tithi of the dark half ended 5 h. 10 m, after mean sunrise.
11 Giyde ud din Balban, A.D. 1966—1286,

Page #203

JUNE, 1890.]
MISCELLANEA.
amânta: Thursday, 23 June, A.D. 1407. Southern V. 1464 expired,
-
pûrnimânta: Monday, 11 June, A.D. 1408.
amanta: Wednesday, 11 July, A.D. 1408, the third tithi of the dark half ended 11 h. 12 m. after mean sunrise.
The year Manmatha, No. 29, lasted, according to the Sûrya-Siddhânta rule, without bija, from 19 May, A.D. 1408, to 15 May, A.D. 1409, and with bija, from 24 June, A.D. 1408, to 20 June, A.D. 1409; and according to the Jyôtistattva rule, from 29 April, A.D. 1408, to 25 April, A.D. 1409. Accordingly, Manmatha was actually current on the 11 July, A.D. 1408, but it had not begun yet at the commencement of the solar year (26 March, A.D. 1408); and the 11 July, A.D. 1408, is the true equivalent of the date. By the Têlinga rule, the 11 July, A.D. 1408, would fall in the year Sarvadhârin, No. 22.
150. V. 1570.-Professor Aufrecht's Catalogue, p. 351. Date of a MS. of Amarasimha's Námalingánusásana :
Samvat 1570 varshê Jyêshta(shtha)-vadi 7 Budhe | ady-êha Stambhatîrtha-vâstavya . . . Northern V. 1570 current, -
pûrṇimânta: Saturday, 8 May, A.D. 1512.
amânta Sunday, 6 June, A.D. 1512.
Northern V. 1570 expired,
purnimanta: Wednesday, 27 April, A.D. 1513; the 7th tithi of the dark half ended 11 h. 29 m. after mean sunrise.
amânta: Friday, 27 May, A.D. 1513.
Southern V. 1570 expired,
pûrnimânta: Tuesday, 16 May, A.D. 1514.
amanta: Wednesday, 14 June, A.D. 1514; the 7th tithi of the dark half ended 18 h. 12 m. after mean sunrise.
(To be continued.)
MISCELLANEA.
CALCULATIONS OF HINDU DATES. No. 39.
In a stone-inscription of the Western Chalukya king Vijayaditya at the Huchchimalli-gudi temple at Aihole in the Bijapur District, published by me, with a lithograph, in this Journal, Vol. VIII. p. 284 f., the date (line 2 f.) is trayôdasa-varshamum mu(mû)ṛutimgaļu!
187
Asvayuja-pu[r]nṇamâsadu! vishupadul,'-"both (in) the thirteenth year (of his reign), (and) in the third month, .. .. on the full-moon day of (the month) Asvayuja, at the (autumnal equinox)."
No reference is made to the year of the Saka era. But the other records of Vijayaditya shew that this date must fall in, or very close to, SakaSamvat 630, current or expired. And the results
are:
Saka-Samvat 628 current; in this year the month Asvayuja was intercalary, according to the published Tables; the full-moon tithi of the first 1 The customary word is vishuva. But I notice that
Asvayuja ended on Monday, 7th September. A. D. 705, at about 48 ghatis, 45 palas, after mean sunrise (for Bombay); the autumnal equinox, as represented by the Tula-Samkrânti or entrance of the sun into Libra, occurred at about 20 gh. 40 p. on Wednesday, 23rd September; and the fall-moon tithi of the second Asvayuja ended at about 11 gh. 40 p. on Wednesday, 7th October.
Saka-Samvat 629 current; Asvayuja sukla 15 ended at about 53 gh. 10 p. on Sunday, 26th September, A. D. 706, three days after the Tul&Samkranti, which occurred at about 36 gh. 10 p. on Thursday, 23rd September. Here there is an
approximation of the tithi and the samkranti. But the interval of two entire days renders it impossible that any rite in celebration of the samkranti can have been performed on the given tithi.
Saka-Samvat 630 current; Asvayuja ukla 15 ended at about 31 gh. 50 p. on Friday, 16th September, A. D. 707, seven days before the TulêMonier-Williams' Sanskrit Dictionary gives also vishupa.

Page #204

188
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JUNE, 1890.
Sankranti, which occurred at about 51 gh. 40 p. on Friday, 23rd September.
Saka-Samvat 631 current; Asvayuja sukla 15 ended at about 29 gh. 46 p. on Thursday, 4th October, A. D. 708, eleven days after the TulaSankranti, which occurred at about 7 gh. 15 p. on Sunday, 23rd September.
Baka-Samvat 682 current; Åsvayuja sukla 16 ended on Monday, 23rd September, A. D. 709, at about 34 gh. 50 p.; and the TulaSamkranti occurred on the same day, at about 22 gh. 45 p., while the full-moon tithi was current.
Accordingly, the English equivalent of the date of this record is clearly Monday, 23rd September, A. D. 709. And this appears to fix the accession of Vijayaditya as having taken place in A. D. 597,- in the month Bråvaņs of Baka-samvat 620 current; that month being at any rate counted as the first month of the first year of his reign.
It must here be noted, however, that, just as the regnal years of his father and predecessor Vinayaditya, quoted with specific years of the Saks era, exhibit discrepancies which at present cannot be explained (see page 148 above), so also the above initial date apparently does not satisfy the requirement of Vijayaditya's other records. Thus :
A. –The full-moon of Jyoshtha of Saka-Samvat 622 current (621 expired) is placed in his third current year (ante, Vol. X. p. 60, No. 83, line 5 ff.). But, to be in accordance with the result arrived at above, it should apparently be placed in his second year.
B. - The full-moon of Aghadha of SakaSainvat 623 current (622 expired) is placed in his fourth current year (ante, Vol. IX. p. 128, line 30 ff.). But, in the same way, it should apparently be placed in his third current year.
0.- Saka-Samvat 628 current (627 expired) is coupled with his tenth current year (ante, Vol. IX. p. 131, line 29 f.). Here, there is no specifica. tion of the month and tithi. But apparently the months Chaitra to Ashadha of the current Saka year in question, should be coupled with his eighth year; and the subsequent months, Sravana to Phålguna, with his ninth year.
D. - The full-moon of PhAlguna of Saka- Samvat 652 current (651 expired) is placed in his thirty-fourth current year (ante, Vol. VII. p. 112). But apparently it should be placed in his thirty- third year.
Of these, the date D. may, or may not, be genuine and accurate; as the record which contains it, was only copied on a stone, at Lakshméshwar, at a later time, in or about the tenth century A. D.
Bat there are no apparent reasons for question. ing the authenticity of the other dates.
A. and B. of course are in accordance with each other. But they can be brought into accordance with the Athole date, only if we assume that, whatever may have been the actual day of his accession, the first year of Vijayaditya's reign ended with the purnimanta Chaitra new-moon at the end of the same Saka year; and that his second year was taken as commencing, with the next Saka year, on Chaitra sukla 1, - not with the actual anniversary day of his accession. But this does not account for C.; for, his second year coinciding, on that assumption, with Saka-Samvat 821 current, Saka-Samvat 628 current would coincide with his ninth year, -- not with the tenth. Nor does it account for D.; for, the month Phålguna of Saka-Samvat 620 current would still lie in his first year; and the Phålguna of Saka Samvat 652 current, still in his thirty-third year. Moreover, if his second year was made to commence with Chaitra, there is no reason why, in the Aihole record, in his thirteenth year the months should again be numbered from Srivana, and Aévayaja should be called the third month, instead of the seventh.
All the dates can be reconciled only by assuming that, in the Aihole record, the thir. teenth year is a mistake for the fourteenth. On this assumption, his accession took place in the month Sravaņa of Saka-Samvat 619 current. And then
A. - The month Jyêshtha of Saka-Sarvat 622 current, would fall naturally in his third year.
B. - The month ÅsbAdha of Saka-Samvat 623 current, would fall naturally in his fourth year.
c. - Any date from the purnimanta Srávang krishna 1 to the purnimdnta Chaitra new-moon of Saka-Samvat 628 current, would lie naturally in his tenth year
D. - The month Phálguna of Saka-Samvat 652 current, would fall naturally in his thirty-fourth year.
This, however, is not a very satisfactory way of explaining away the difficulty. At present, I can only draw attention to it, without proposing a final solution of it.
J. F. FLEET.

Page #205

SYSTEM OF TRANSLITERATION. The system of transliteration followed in this journal for Sanskrit and Kanarese, (and, for the sake of uniformity, submitted for adoption, as far as possible, in the case of other languages),-- except in respect of modern. Hindu personal names, in which absolute purism is undesirable, and in respect of a few Anglicised corruptions of names of places, sanctioned by long usage, - is this :Sanskrit. Каnаrеве. Transliteration. Il Sanskrit.
Kankrege. Transliteration.
ja jha na
4 4
4
al d&
dha
AA 1 3 4 4 54 as en mag
4 4
dha
4
pa ts
4
4
2283 63 63
4
dha
na
4 4
S
औ
pa pha
4
08&ae tuua aldal 3
4
4
bha
Visarga
Visarga Jihvimuillya, or old
Visarga before
and स्यू Upadhmaniya, or). old Visarga be. -
fore and Anusvára
Anusvdra Anuncisika
4
AA
81 31
khe
Iva * 3 *
8
gha
4 44
G A 4 4 4
81 21
*
cha
chha A single hyphen is used to separate words in composition, as far as it is desirable to divide them. It will readily be seen where the single hyphen is only used in the ordinary way, at the end of a line, as divided in the original Text, to indicate that the word runs on into the next line: intermediate divisions, rendered unavoidable here and there by printing neceesities, are made only where absolutely necessary for neatness in the arrangement of the Texte.
A double hyphen is used to separate words in a sentence, which in the original are written as one word, being joined together by the euphonic rules of sandhi. Where this double hyphen is used, it is to be understood that a final consonant, and the following initial vowel or consonant-and-vowel, are in the original expressed by one complex sign. Where it is not used, it is to be understood of the orthography of the original, that, according to the stage of the alphabet, the final consonant either has the modified broken form, which, in the oldest stages of the alphabet, was used to indicate a consonant with no vowel attached to it, or has the distinct sign of the viráma attached to it; and that the following initial vowel or consonant has its full initial form. In the transcription of ordinary texts, the double hyphen is probably unnecessary; except where there is the saindhi of final and initial vowels. But in the transcription of epigraphical records, the use of this sign is unavoidable, for the purpose of indicating exactly the palæographical standard of the original texts.
The avagraha, or sign which indicates the elision of an initial a, is but rarely to be met with in inscriptions. Where it does ocenr, it is most conveniently represented by its own Devanagarf sign.
So also practice has shewn that it is more convenient to use the ordinary Devanagari marks of punctuation than to substitute the English signs for them.
Ordinary brackets are used for corrections and doubtful points; and square brackets, for letters which are damaged and partially illegible in the original, or which, being wholly illegible, can be supplied with certainty. An asterisk attached to letters or marks of punctantion in square brackets, indicates that those letters or marks of punctuation were omitted altogether in the original. As a rule, it is more convenient to use the brackets than to have recourse to footnotes; as the points to which attention is to be drawn, attract notice far more readily. But notes are given instead, when there would be so many brackets, close together, as to encumber the text and render it inconvenient to read. When any letters in the original are wholly illegible and cannot be supplied, they are, represented, in metrical passages, by the sign for a long or a short syllable, as the case may be; and in prose passages, by points, at the rate, usually, of two for each akshara or syllable.

Page #206


Page #207

JULY, 1890.)
THE ABORIGINES OF SOKOTRA.
189
THE ABORIGINES OF SOKOTRA; AN ETHNOLOGICAL, RELIGIOUS
AND PHILOLOGICAL REVIEW.
BY MAJOR J. S. KING, Bo.S.C. T HE island of Sokotra occupies, in many senses, a unique position. Though situated
1 directly in what has been from the earliest historic period and still is—the chief trade route between the Red Sea and the East, and sighted, on an average, by perhaps two or three steamers every day throughout the year, it is now less generally known then almost any other island of its size in the world. In the minds of the majority of people it is associated in a vague sort of way with aloes and Greek colonisation in the time of Alexander the Great; and the most conflicting accounts have been written by the early European voyagers as to its productiveness and general appearance, as well as the origin and language of its inhabitants. The extraordinary diversity of opinion on the latter points excited my curiosity many years ago, and I have since taken every opportunity of collecting information regarding them. I have twice landed on Sokotra, but owing to the brevity of my visit on each occasion, personal observation has added but little to my knowledge of the island and its inhabitants. The latter, who differ considerably from the inhabitants of the neighbouring African and Arabian coasts, are characterised by thin lips, straight black hair, rather fair skins and a somewhat European type of feature.
It is a well-known historical fact that for many centuries the established religion of the island was Christianity in some form or other. The Soķotran language, which is now confined to the island itself, has never yet been classified.
In the present paper my object is, by collating all available sources of information, to contribute something towards the solution of the interesting problem-"Whence, and who are the aborigines of Sokotra, and what is their language P"
The island of Sokotra is variously called by the Greek writers, Dioscorida, Dioscoris, Dioscorides, Dioscurias and Dioscora. Regarding these names, Vincent 1 says they "may have a Greek origin, but it is so near a resemblance to Socotra that it is much more likely to be a nautical corruption of an Arabic term than the application of a Greek one." If they have a Greek origin, the derivation would probably be from Dioscuri, meaning Castor and Pollux, who were worshipped specially as protectors of sailors, because Neptune had given them power over the winds and waves. Various authors, however, assert that the Greek name of the island is a corruption of an older Sansksit one, Dvipa Sukhadhara, from dvípa, an island,' sukhu, "happiness,' and ádhára, 'support ;' and that this name, contracted into Diuskadra, the Greeks made "the island of Dioscorides."
in a note on this subject Vincent says (p. 159) :-"Greater corrapters of foreign names than the Greeks there cannot be, and the first sound that suggested an idea to a Greek generally led him to find a Greek name, and often to add a tale of mythology to the name. There can be little doubt that Zocotra is a native term of the earliest date, but the Greeks turned it into Dioscorides at the first step."
A much more probable derivation of the word sylab Suķutra suggests itself from the Arabic gw suk, market, emporium,' and syli kutra, the vulgar form of yli kátir, dragon's
1 Periplus, Part II. xv. p. 307.
Vincent might have included the Portuguese in the same category. In the various accounts of their voyages to the East, their corruptions of Oriental words are so extraordinary that it is a matter of no small difficulty to identify them. A notable instance occurs in the name Cape Guardafui, Gardafu or Gardefan, 4 corruption of the local (SomAli) name Girdiyo, this is a corruption of old Arabic term , Jarad (or Garad) Afdwihu, of which the classical name Aromatum Promontorium is a translation. The modern Arabic name of the Cape is Ras Asir. - [The English, the French, the Araba, the Persians, the Burmese, are just as bad: the Chinese much worse. In fact every nation corrapta foreign words and names. Extension of this oategory is merely – question of experience.-R. C. T.)

Page #208

190
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1890.
blood.' When first visited by the Portuguese, the capital of the island was Sûk or Sôk, which they corrupted into Zoko; and traces of the old town are still to be seen about four miles east of Tamarida, the modern capital.3
It is now generally admitted that by the help of the regular winds Hindus and Arabs have from pre-historic times traded from Western India to Arabia, Africa and Persia, and that this trade centred in three places: in Sokotra and in the Abyssinian and Zanzibar Coasts. Mas'udi (A.D. 915) notices that before the Greeks came, the island was colonised by Hindus, and was at that time, and for some centuries afterwards, a centre of piracy.
These facts might appear to be an argument against my Arabic derivation of the name Sukutra; but even if inhabited at this early period by Hindus (which I do not admit), it by no means follows that the island was previously unknown to and unnamed by the Arabs of the neighbouring Hadhramaut Coast. On this subject Vincent says: "Sabêa, Hadramaut and Oman were the residence of navigators in all ages, from the time that history begins to speak of them; and there is every reason to imagine that they were equally so before the historians acquired a knowledge of them, as they have since continued down to the present age."
The first event in the history of Soketra of which we have any published record is the well-known tradition of the colonisation of the island by Greeks in the time of Alexander the Great, just before his invasion of India, or about B.C. 330. The story is related as follows by Mas'udi (10th century A.D.)5:
"In the same sea, and not far from Aden, is the island known as Sukutra, which has given its name to the Sukutri aloes, for it is there only that this substance is found and exported. Aristotle, son of Nicomachus, wrote to Alexander, son of Philip, at the time of his departure for India, and gave him some information about Sukutra, recommending him to establish there a colony of Greeks to cultivate the aloe, which is of such frequent use as a purgative, &c. So Alexander sent to this island a certain number of Greeks, most of them from the town of Astighar (Stageirus), the native place of Aristotle. A fleet transported these colonists and their families to the Sea of Kulzum. They subdued the Indians who were established there, took possession of Sukutra and carried off a colossal idol which the Indians used to worship. The details of this expedition would be long to relate. The Greek population of Sukutra increased after the death of Alexander; and on the advent of Christianity they adopted that religion, which they still profess. This is, I think, the only body of Greeks in the world who have carefully preserved their genealogies, without ever intermarrying with the Romans or other races.7
"Sukutra is one of the stations frequented by the Indian corsairs called Bawarij, which chase the Arab ships bound for India and China, just as the Greek galleys chase the Musalmâns in the Sea of Rûm along the coasts of Syria and Egypt. From Sukutru are exported the Sukutrî aloes and other drugs. Several curious particulars relative to this island and to the virtues of the plants or medicinal drugs which it produces, are to be found in our preceding
works."
Sir Thomas Herbert (1626) says: "Socotra is an isle well-known to former ages, to some by the names of Diescionda and Succaba, but Pliny calls it Topazo, from the great plenty of topaze, found there." As these names are not mentioned elsewhere, and are very unlike the name Sokotra, I can only conclude that the writer has made some mistake. [May not the words be merely misprints for Dioscorida and Succatra ?-ED.]
Campbell, Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XIII. Part II. p. 404, and 712, notes.
5 Meadows of Gold and Mines of Gems, Cap. XXXIII.
Al Kulzum was the old name of Suez-town, from the Greek Clysma (the shutting), hence the Gulf of Suez was named "Sea of Kulzum" (Sir R. Burton, Ar. Nights, Vol. VII. p. 348n.) But Mas'udi here applies the term to the Gulf of Aden.
This may possibly have been true at the time Mas'ûdî wrote, but it has certainly not been the case in more
recent times.

Page #209

JULY, 1890.]
THE ABORIGINES OF SOKOTRA.
191
Mr. Campbell, compiler of the Bombay Gazetteer, holds that these pirates of Sokotra came from the neighbourhood of Kachh. He says :-"That the Sokotra pitates were the Sanghars, Jâţs or Jats, and Kerks, who from Sindh, Kachh and Kathiâwâr ruled the Indian seas is made probable by Mas'udi's statement that Soķotra was a station for the Indian bawarij, a name which Al Bêrûni (1020) applies to the pirates of Kachh and Somnath, and which he derives from bairá or bērá (as), the name of their boat. (Al Bêrûni in Elliot and Dowson, I. 65, 539). It cariously supports the connection between the Sanghars and the Zingari or Gipsies, that bêrá the name of the Kachh pirate craft, is also the Romani or Gipsy word for boat."
Bérá seems to me a very strained derivation of the word bawarij' which is probably from the Arabic barija, "a great ship of war" (Johnson, Arabic Dictionary) akin to burj, a tower. The name may have been given to the ancient piratical craft from their being fitted with some kind of tower corresponding to the modern fighting tops' - to give the crew a command of fire. They probably resembled the classical biremes or dikrota, that is, ships with two ranks of rowers which Pliny attributes to the Erythraeang. The biremis is generally represented in pictures with a square tower either in the waist or near the bow.10
The whole of the Gulf of Aden is at the present day infested by Suris, a peculiar race whose head-quarters are at Súr, a port between Ras-al-Had and Masķat. They are always well supplied with fire-arms, and still show their natural inclination to piracy by pillaging wrecks, or forcibly carrying off sheep, &c., from the Somali coast, whenever they think they can do so with impunity; though their ostensible business is fishing for sharks, porpoises, &c., and extracting the oil. The Sari craft can generally be distinguished from other Gulf of Aden bagalas by having square-shaped instead of triangular lateen sails, and by their peculiarly high stern-posts. According to Arab writers the early pirates of the Erythrean Sea, taking their wives and children, went in mighty fleets, moving long distances as far as Jidda, and occasionally settling in great strength. In like manner the Sûris of modern times often take their families with them and settle for some months on various islands in the Gulf of Aden, erecting temporary huts on the shore.
Patting all these circumstances together, it seems likely that the Sûris are descendants of the ancient Soķotran pirates, and that the latter came originally from the coasts of Sindh, Kachh, and Kathiâwîr, 11 during the great Hindu invasiong of the Persian Gulf and the Red Sea, which took place during the fifth, seventh and eighth Centuries A.D.
Sir Henry Yule is of opinion that the colonisation of Sokotra by Alexander is probably a fable, but invented to account for facts. One is naturally reluctant to reject a romantic tradition, which for many centuries has been accepted as gospel, but a careful study of the subject leads me to the same conclusion as Sir Henry Yule. The story is entirely uncorroborated by historic ethnology, and as we shall see later on - there is no trace of a Greek element in the Sokotran Language.
Rejecting, therefore, the traditional origin of the islanders we must now investigate their racial characteristics, social customs, religious history, and language, and see what particular race is indicated by any concurrent evidence there may be on these points. Lieutenant Wellsted, of the Indian Navy, who, in company with Cruttenden - then a Midshipman in the Palinurus, - surveyed the interior of the island in 1834, is our chief authority.18
The inhabitants of the island may be broadly divided into two classes : those who inhabit the mountains and high land in the interior, and who, there is every reason to believe, are the aborigines; and the dwellers in small towns on the shore, who are a mongrel race, the des
& Bombay Gasetteer, Vol. XIII., 404 and 712, notes. • The singular of bawdrij is bdrij, which, according to the Dictionary, means "a skilful sailor." 10 Vide Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities, 8. v. navia. 11 Vide Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XIII. p. 714, notes.
13 Marco Polo, 2nd Ed., Vol. II., 401, notes. 13 Wellsted's City of the Caliphs, Vol. II. ; also published in Proc. G. R. B., Vol. V.

Page #210

192
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JULY, 1890
condants of Arabs, Indians, and Africans of various tribes; and several other nations. It is not necessary for us now to take any notice of the latter classes.
The inhabitants of the hilly (Beduins, as they are called) are divided into numeroas families belonging to a few principal tribes. Of these, the Karshin, who inhabit the western end of the island, claim to be descended from the Portuguese. The Momi, who reside in the castern end of the island, are said to trace descent from the aborigines and the Abyssinians, whilst the Kamahen, who live about Jabal Hnjar and the hills above the Hadîbu plain, claim to arise from the intermarriage of the aborigines with the Mahri Arabs from the opposite coast. There is also a small tribe of about one hundred and fifty men, called Beni Rahov, in the vicinity of Ras Mori. Their forefathers are said to have been Jews, and the features of the tribe still retain a strong resemblance to thoso of that race.
Whatever be their origin, certain it is that the hill people have a very distinct appearance. The men are usually tall and finely made, with broad shoulders, lean flanks and remarkably well forme limbs, reminding one very forcibly of the European build, a facial angle as open as that of Europeans, the nose slightly aquiline, the eyes lively and expressive, the teeth good, the lips thin and tho mouth well formed. The hair is worn long, aud has a slight natnral curl, withont approach to a woolly or crisp texture. They also generally wear a beard and whiskers, but never moustaches. They have no characteristics in common with the Arabs and Somalis, and some points about them are essentially different. Their complexion varies a good deal, some being ns fair as the inhabitants of Sürat, while others are as dark as the Hindus on the hauks of the Ganges.
They walk with an erect gait over the worst ground, and bound over the hills like ante. lopes. From constantly climbing the rocks they have contracted a habit of turning in their toes, which gives them, when on the plains, a slight degree of awkwardness in their walk.
Yet, not withstanding this defect, the regalarity of their features the fairness of their complexions (for those which are dark are but a small proportion of their number), and the models of symmetry which they occasionally present to the eye, render them a remarkably good-looking people, distinct and remored from any of the varieties of the human race seen on the shores of the continent on either side.
Their dress consists of a loin-cloth, one end of which is commonly thrown over the shoulder, isually with a knife stuck in the waist, and they invariably carry a long stick. In their various moules of dressing the hair they display a little toppery; some having it frizzleil, others
llowing it to curl naturally, while the greater number permit it to grow to a considerable lengtb. and plait it into tte'sses. contined to the head by a braided cord made from their own hair.
Their skins are clear, shining, and remarkably free from cruptive or cutaneous disorders. Many, however, aprer searred from the application of hot irons, for the removal of local complaints, a mode of enre here in as great repute as among their neighbours the Soraalis and Arabs.
The silme remarks mas be applied with little alteration to the persons and features of the females. We find in them the same symmetry of formi, the same regularity of feature, and the Sime liveliness of expression : but their complexion does not part in an equal degree, few being tarker than the fairest of the men, and when yoang they are rarely otherwise than prettr. The legs of many advanced in age are of an astonishing thickness; but this defect is chiefly observ. ble among those who reside in the low lands, and seldom occurs among the highland females. 14
16 From the opportuuities which he enjoyed of judging on these points. Wollsted's deseriptiou ought to be con. Eulered authoritative. He says (p. 333) :-" It was very amusing to observe the terror of the females we passed on our several journey here: no sooner they eateh a glimpse of our party thau, servaming out lelak, lakoff they ran, carrying their childreu either on their backs or beneath their arue. Oue damsel timing that her progress wito imposed by her lover habiliments, threw them without hesitation over her head; and another similarly situated, dropped her ouly lower garment, and effected a swift escape without it. I could not but observe that their legs, compared to those of the men, were of an astonishiug thickness, and Xature, in that part of the human frame which has with Hottentots attracted the attention of our physiologists, appears here to be not less bountiful."

Page #211

JOLE, 1390.1
THE ABORIGINES OF SOKOTRA.
193
The usual dress of the women is an indigo-dyed cotton garment with very wide sleeves high round the neck and reaching only a little below the knees in front, while behind it trails on the ground. Beneath this is often worn a petticoat of the coarse blankets of goat's hair which they themselves weave. The dress is sometimes kilted at the knees and continued round the waist by a girdle; and a loose cloth is sometimes thrown over the shoulders. Round their necks they wear necklaces made of red coral, coloured glass, amber, or dragon's-blood tears, with sometimes a string of dollars to each ear; they wear also three, and sometimes foar, earrings, made of silver, and about three inches in diameter; two are worn on the upper, and one on the lower part of the ear. They wear the hair done up in two plaits which hang down their back, but in front the hair is cut to form a fringe across the forehead. They go unveiled.16 converse freely with the other sex, and are anything but moral.
Crime is of rare occurrence among the Beduins, and quarrels seldom terminate in death to either party; which may in some measure be owing to their having neither fire-arms nor weapons of any other description, excepting sticks and stones. In general they may be considered as a lively, generons race: but the most distinguishing trait of their character is hospi. tality, which is practised alike by all. and is only limited by the means of the individual called ou to exercise it.
They have a great variety of modes of salutation. Two friends meeting will kiss each other on the cheek or shoulder six or eight times, then shake hands, kiss them, and afterwards interchange a dozen sentences of compliment. They have also the same singular and awkward mode of salutation which is practised at Kishin, where they place their noses together, and acco D pany the action by drawing up the breath at the same time through the nostrils audibly. Male and female relations, in public, salute each other in this manner. Those of different sexes. who are merely acquaintances or friends, kiss each other's shoulder, except in case of the princi pal individual of the tribe, whose knees the females salute, while he returns the compliment on their foreheads. The old men salute children in the same manner.
The prevalence of kissing among the Soķotrans is a notable point of contrast between them and the Soma), amongst whom this mode of salutation is unknown. The latter fact is noted by Darwin in his “Expression of the Emotions." Burton, too, in his book on Zanzibar, says :+ Yet even amongst the Somâl, if you attempt to salute a woman--sapposing you have the right--she will draw back in horror from this act of incipient cannibalism.'
Wellsted estimated the population of the island at about 4.000. or four individuals to the square mile.
As for occupation; the men pass their time in tending their flocks and herds, in collecting dragon's blood and aloes, and in occasional visits to the town, where the two latter productions, with ghi (clarified butter) are exchanged for dates, jowari (holcus sorghum, or sorghum vulgare) and clothes. The principal employment of the feniales abroad is looking after the flocks; at home they make ghi, card and spin wool, which they afterwards were into camelines or blankets-generally dark brown or light gray in colour, with a fringe at the ends.16 In addition to their domestic daties - as with most other barbarons pations - much of the toil conseqnent on their pastoral mode of life, falls principally on them; and at the close of the day, after securing their flocks, the wives havo frequently to proceed with their children on their backs a distance of several miles, to fill and bring home skins of water, while their husbands remain with no other occupation than smoking or sleeping.
16 During one of any riaita to Kishin I luul tho plusasnre of being a good special of a Sokotran lody, wife of the Governor of Sokotr. She was a tall, bandsomo young woman, with very fair skin. a pleasant expression ani. remarkably graceful, majestic gait. Sac wore over her faen a veil or black met with me-hea abont half an inob square, which did not at all conceal ber features from the view
1 I once purchased three or four of the Crom the criginal mauufactures, at the rate of oan rupes aub. giving at the same time some presents of glass borde parchased ac Ads

Page #212

794
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JULY, 1890.
That the Sokotrans possess no maritime enterprise, is at once shown by their having no boats; yet they do not seem averse to commercial porsuits; and the voyager who may have to transact business with them, will find to his cost, unless he be somewhat wary, that their talents for selling and bartering are not contemptible. The wants of those who reside on the island are, however, so few and so easily satisfied, that they have but little motive to stimulate them to more industrious pursuits.
They subsist chiefly on milk, and on the grain and dates which they receive in exchange for their ght. When occasion calls for a feast, or a visitor arrives, a goat or sheep is killed. Their mode of cooking is very simple: they separate the meat from the bone, cat it into small pieces, and boil the whole in an earthen pot. They use no dishes, and the meat is placed on a small mat, round which they sit. In eating, contrary to the usual Musalman custom, they cut their meat with knives. They have enormous appetites.
The principles of their political constitution are exceedingly simple : all are divided into families or tribes, each possessed of a determined domain on the island, and each having a representative or head, who formerly exercised a patriarchal anthority over them. In general the office is hereditary, though it is sometimes filled by persons who have been selected for other reasons.
The Beduins are nomadic in their habits, and dwell chiefly in caves. In a humid climate like Sokotra, it would be impossible, during several months, to live in tents; and as the variations of the seasons com pel the Beduins to shift with their flocks in search of pasturage, it may be considered as a bountifal provision that they are by these numerous natural excavations, with which the whole island abounds, provided with dwellings. All that is necessary to be done by the person who is about to occupy such a tenement, is with loose stones to portion off a certain space for himself and family, leaving the remainder to shelter his flocks.
The fact of the aborigines generally asing caves as habitations is, perhaps, not sufficient in itself to warrant the supposition that they were a troglodytic race before occupying Soķotra. It must be considered in conjunction with other facts to be mentioned shortly.
Besides these caves in the hills, there are some subterraneous habitations on the plains. Wellsted describes one of these as follows (p. 258) :
Our balting-place was about twenty miles from the valley by which we entered the plain : near us was the habitation of an old man, who had occupied for nearly fifty years a cavern beneath the surface of the ground. Wherever limestone rock occars on the plains, there also it is equally cavernous with the same formation amidst the hills. No indications are given of your approach to these lonely hermitages; you descend by some rade steps, into what might otherwise appear a well; there you find several apartments, each appropriated to a separate purpose. During my stay I frequeutly visited my neighbour, who had one wife and two daughters. Although I was received with much hospitality, they always retired when I approached. Catching a glimpse one day of their interior apartment, I saw, suspended by a string from the roof, a young infant wrapped in a cameline, forming a rude cradle, which one of the daughters, by swinging, was lulling to repose. Several of these cavernous habitations are spread over the plain ; those which are tenanted are widely separated from each other, and there appears amidst the occupants no desire to share each other's society, all appearing to isolate themselves with their families."
Not only do the aborigines use caves as dwelling places, but it appears that they formerly buried their dead in caves. Wellsted saw several of these. He says (p. 278) "No coffins sppear to have been used ; a portion of the cave was walled off, and the corpse then placed at full length within, and covered with a layer of earth, of sufficient thickness to admit of others being placed over it in a similar manner."
It is to be regretted that Wellsted says so little about these sepulohral CAVES : & closer examination of them might lead to some interesting antiquarian discoveries.

Page #213

JULY, 1890.]
THE ABORIGINES OF SOKOTRA.
Having now related all that is known of the characteristics and social customs of the Sokotran Beduins in modern times, I shall proceed to describe certain peculiar customs evidently relics of paganism - which have survived the introduction of Christianity among the aborigines, and which are likely to furnish an important clue in the present enquiry.
―
195
According to Wellsted (page 302) they still worship the Moon, and pray to her in times of drought. At the beginning of Lent they make a solemn sacrifice to that luminary, entering their temples and performing various ceremonies at its rising and setting. They are also described as going to their burial-placee and striking together two pieces of odoriferous wood. This they perform three times a day, and as often at night; after which, putting a large cauldron suspended by three chains, over a great fire, they dip into it splinters of wood, with which they light their altars and the porch of the temple. They put up their prayers to the Moon, that she will enlighten them with her countenance, shed upon them her benign influence, and never permit foreigners to intermix with them.
They make an annual procession round the temples, preceded by a cross; and the whole ceremony ends upon the priest's clapping together his hands, as a signal that the Moon is tired of their worship. Others say that the signal consists in cutting off the fingers of him who holds the cross; in recompense for which he has a stick given him, on which are certain marks, forbidding all persons, of whatever rank or condition, ever after to hurt or molest him; on the contrary, they are to assist him with all their power, in whatever manner he may require their help; and they are further doomed to suffer corporal punishment, and the loss of an arm, unless they respect and honour him as a martyr to religion.
The Beduins do not circumcise their children until they are past the age of puberty; while with other Muhammadans this is performed at a very early age. On the eastern part of the island, amidst the mountains, Wellsted (pp. 317 and 330) was shown a rude stone chair, in which it is customary for the Beduins to seat their youths (who are sometimes brought from a long distance) while the operation is performed. Near it were several burial-grounds, and a small building said to have been an ancient place of worship; but it was in a very dilapidated state, and he did not discover others that threw any light on the subject.
They have preserved the remembrance of a singular trial by ordeal formerly practised. An individual supposed to have been guilty of any heinous crime was placed, bound hand and foot, on a summit of some eminence, and there compelled to remain three days. If rain fell during that period on or near him, he was considered guilty, and punished by being stoned to death; but if the weather, on the contrary, continued fair, he was acquitted.
They are, in the more remote parts of the island, said to still retain the castom of transferring their own progeny to another person. During pregnancy, it is left at the will of the mother that the father may give the child away as soon as it makes its appearance in the world. If her consent is obtained, a fire is lighted before the door of their cave, to denote his intention; and the child, as soon as born, is sent to another family, in which it is brought up with every tenderness and attention. Children reared under this singular custom retain through life the title of children of smoke. It is common for a father who thus exposes his own, to receive in a similar manner the offspring of another of his tribe.
Some rock inscriptions (probably extremely ancient) which Wellsted discovered near Ras Mori-about seven or eight miles west of Tamarida-may, perhaps, furnish an important clue to the nationality of the aborigines, though, in the absence of a photograph or drawing of the inscriptions, it is difficult to come to any decision regarding them. The following is Wellated's description (196):
"Quitting Ras Moree to the right, the bushes disappear, sandy tracts follow each other, and a ride of two hours brought us to the inscriptions we sought. They are cut on the face of a limestone rock on the same level as the plains; and the portion over which they are found, irregularly strewn, measures three hundred paces in circumference. They strikingly resemble

Page #214

196
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
(July, 1896
those found on the sea-coast of Western Arabia, and are, perhaps, rude representations of early Ethiopic. Besides these inscriptions, there are figures of men, of camels, &c., but more generally their feet are so cut in pairs, as if a soft rock had yielded to their weight. Crosses occur very frequently, as do also figures having a snake's head. Some religious edifice most probably was erected near this, of which there are, however, now no remains ; a few rude huts are seek to the south-east."
The inscriptions on the coast of Western Arabia, alluded to above, are probably those found by Captain Carless, of the Indian Navy at Wajh, on the east coast of the Red Sea, Lat. 26°15' N., and described by him in the Proceedings of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, July 1845. The annexed plate is a tracing of his drawingProfessor Bayley Balfour, during his expedition to Soķotra in 1880, discovered similar inscriptions on the Kadbâb plain, and took copies of then, but he has not pablished them in his book (Trans. of R. S. Edin. Vol. XXXI. "Botany of Socotra").
The crosses in the inscription discovered by Wellsted, at first view, seem to indicate the work of a Christian race; but I am inclined to think that they belong to a period long antece dent to the introduction of Christianity. It is a well-established fact that among several nations the cross was symbolical of the Garden of Eden with its four rivers, and hence, perhaps, of the submerged continent of Atlantis. In Assyria and Chaldea it was emblematical of creative power and eternity. The figures having a snake's head" may be representations of the ancient Chaldean god Hea or Hoa, which Professor G. Rawlinson connects with the Arabic Hiya, meaning at once "life" and "a serpent," since, according to the best authority, there are very strong grounds for connecting Hea or Lioa with the serpent of Scripture, and the Parudisaical traditions of the tree of knowledge and the tree of life."17
The worship of the Moon by the Soķotrans is another circumstance tending to connect thern with the ancient Chaldeans. Sin, or Harki, or Hurle was the Moon-god of the latter mation, and the Sokotrau word for "the moon" is irah. The Chaldean Sun-god was San or Sans, and the Sokotran word for the sun is shihan.
The ancient Chaldean worship of the Moon and other planets was revised in the Middle Ages by the pagan sect known as the Harrani Sabeans, whose seat was the town of Harran (Hellenopolis) in the north of Mesopotamia, ten miles south-east of Edessa (Orfa) on the banks of the small river Belik, about fifty nsiles north of its junction with the Euphrates. It possessed, among many others, a temple of the Moon, of an octagonal shape; the city retained its importance down to the period of the Arab ascendancy. ("Harên " in Ene. Brit.) Hach of the planets had a temple dedicated to its worship, and each temple was of a different shape ; thus the temple of Saturn was hexagonal. Jupiter, a triangle; Mars, an oblong the San, a square; Mercury, a triangle: Venus, & triangle inscribed in an oblong; and the temple of the Moon was - as before stated - Octagonal. These various forms were connected with certain allegories and mysteries which the Sabeans never divalged. They used to offer sacrifices and barn incense in honour of the stars. One of the temples dedicated to Azar, the uncle of the patriarch Abraham, had four vaults beneath it, in which were idols representing the celestial bodies and superior divinities. It is not impossible that the subterranean habitations, ofready described, were at one period used for similar purpose.
The Harrânis were celebrated astrologers ; 20 and we learn frora Marco Polo that the Sukotrans bad a similar reputation. He says : -
"And you must know that in this Island (Sokotra) there are the best enchanters in the world. It is true that their Archbishop forbids the practice to the best of bis ability: but 'tis
1 Rawlinson's Five Great Monarchien, Vol. I. p. 153. Vide also Ignatius Donnelly's Atlantis: the antediluvian Whold. Chap. V
"It is not unenmoon for the second syllable in an Assyrian or Babylonian god's name to be dropped unimportuot." Five Great Mon. Vol. I. p. 167 .. 1.113 Chap LIVIL
Spreager's Bl Mas'uds, p. 216 et seq. Dotas.

Page #215

JULY, 1890.]
THE ABORIGINES OF SOKOTRA.
197
all to 'no purpose, for they insist that their forefathers followed it, and so must they also. I will give yon a sample of their enchantments. Thus if a ship be sailing past with a fair wind and a strong, they will raise a contrary wind and compel her to turn back. In fact they mako the wind blow as they list, and produce great tempests and disasters, and other such sorceries they perform, which it will be better to say nothing about in our Book."21 The language spoken by the Harranis was Aramaic.22 Whether any affinity exists between it and Soķotran is a question to be discussed later on.
Those notices of the Harranis are introduced, not with the object of proving any connexion between them and the Sokotrans, but merely to throw a light on the nnturo of planetary worship, which appears to have been the religion of the island previous to the birth of Christianity.
Exposure of the aged and sick was another singular custom practised by the Soķotrars: it is thus described by Wellsted (pp. 278-80): -
“One intensely hot day I was strolling along the beach, when my attention was arrested by perceiving something lying there, which an Arab was just leaving. It was an okl man stretched on his back, in a hollow scooped out of the sand; nothing butu tattered piece of cloth protecting him from the fiery heat of the sun's rays; before him were some grain und rug. ments of half-broiled fish : but he was evidently in the last stage of existence. His companion told me that when a man or woman became unable to work, it was customary thus to expose them; food, however, being brought until they expire, when a little earth thrown over thern completes their half-formed grave. Such is custom ! Yet even this, barbarous as it is, is an improvement on that which formerly was practised.
"An old writer, speaking of the inhabitants of Sokotra, says that "they generally bary their sick before they breathe their last, making no distinction between a dying and a dead person. They esteem it a duty to put the patient as soon as possible out of pain, and make this their request to their friends, when they are on a sick bed — which in all acute disorders, may be called their death-bed. When the father of a family finds himself thus circumstanced, and has reason to believe his dissolution is approaching, he assembles his children round him, vrliether natural or adopted, his parents, wives, servants, and all his acquaintances, whom he strongly exhorts to a compliance with the following articles of his last will never to admit any alteration in the customs or doctrines of their ancestors; never to intermarry with foreigners; nerer to permit an affront done to them or their predecessors, or a boast stolen from cither of them, to go unpunished; and, lastly, never to suffer a friend to lio in pain, when they can relieve him by death.
"They commonly perform the last request of the dying man by means of a white liquor, of a strongly poisonous quality, which oozes from a treo peculiar to the island. Hence it is that legal murders are more common here than in any country in the world; for, besides the inhuman castom last mentioned, the other requests of dying men produce numberless quarrels, and, br taking revenge of the injuries done to their ancestors, entail family feuds and bloodshed upon their posterity for a long series of years.
"Such were the inhabitants of Sokotra in the seventeenth century."
Wellsted does not mention the name of the writer of the account which he quotes, and I have not been able to find it in any of the collections of voyages and travels. The intenso conservation displayed in the injunction, "Never to aclmit any alteration in the custumis or doctrines of their ancestors,' accounts for the preservation of so many pagan customs, apparently of extremely ancient origin. The lex talionis is by no means peculiar to Soķotra : it obtaius among most savage nations, especially among the Somalis, who look upon murder as a private offence - not a public one.
Having now related all that can be gathered regarding the early form of religion among 21 Yule's Marco Polo, Vol. II., Chap. 32, 2nd Ed. 22. Sprenger's El Mas'adi, p. 213, notes.

Page #216

198
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1890.
the aborigines of Soķotra, we come, in the natural order of events, to the rise and progress of Christianity in the island.
It is the universal belief of the Eastern Churches that St. Thomas the Apostle, after visiting Mesopotamia, Ethiopia, and many other countries, preached in Soķotra on his way to India (about A.D. 50); and the peculiar veneration in which that saint was held by the Christians of Soķotra (a fact noticed by Francis Xavier and other early European visitors) tends to qorroborate the tradition. Abdias, who lived at the end of the first century, and whose work was published by Zazius at Basle in 1552, says he remembered a book in which the voyage of St. Thomas to India was described.23
The preaching and martyrdom of this Apostle in India are recognized by most authorities as historical oocurrences, although the various accounts differ in many particulars. The favourite tradition of St. Thomas' death is thus related by Marco Polo;
"Now I will tell you the manner in which the Christian brethren who keep the Church relate the story of the Saint's death,
They tell that the Saint was in the wood outside his hermitage saying his prayers; and round about him were many peacocks, for these are more plentiful in that country than any. where else. And one of the idolaters of that country, being of the lineage of those called Govi that I told you of, having gone with his bow and arrows to shoot peafowl, not seeing the Saint, let fly an arrow at one of the peacocks; and this arrow struck the holy man in the right side, insomuch that he died of the wound, sweetly addressing himself to his Creator. Before the came to that place where he thus died, he had been in Nubia, where he converted mach people to the faith of Jesus Christ."
Cosmos (6th century) says that the Ptolemies, as well as their predecessor, Alexander. sent colonists to Soķotra, and that there was in the island a bishop appointed from Persia, also clergy ordained and sent from Persia to minister among the people of the island. He relates that having landed there he was entertained by some of the inhabitants who at that time spoke the Greek language, and he adds that he found there a great number of Christians. 25
As to the sect to which these Christians belonged, Sir H. Yule quotes nearly all available authorities on the subject :
"Abulfeda says the people of Sokotra were Nestorian Christians and pirates. Nicolo Conti, in the first half of the 15th century, spent two months on the island (Sechutera). He says it was for the most part inhabited by Nestorian Christians.
“Some indications point rather to a connexion of the island's Christianity with the Jacobite or Abyssinian Church. Thus they practised circumcision, as mentioned by Maffei in noticing the proceedings of Albuquerque at Soķotra. De Barros calls them Jacobite Christians of the Abyssinian stock.''26
De Faria says that at the time of Don Francisco de Almeyda's visit to the island in 1505, the inhabitants were Christians of the Jacobite Church, similar in its ceremonies and belief to that which is established in Ethiopia. The men generally use the names of the Apostles, while most of the women are named Maria. They worship the Cross, which they set up in all their charches, and wear upon their clothes, worshipping thrice a day in the Chaldean language, making alternate responses as we do in choirs. They have but one wife, use circumcision, pay tythes, and practise fasting.27
Francis Xavier, the first of the Jesuit missionaries sent to India, visited the island in the latter end of 1541, and found distinct traces of the Church. The people reverenced the Cross,
28 Murray's Hand-book of Madras, by Prof. Eastwick, 2nd Ed., p. 162. Yule, 2nd Ed., Vol. II. p. 340.
25 Topographia Christiana, Book III., p. 178-79, quoted in Gillain's Documents sur l'Histoire, la Géographie et le Commerce de l'Afrique Orientale, Vol. I. Chap. VIII. According to Sir H. Yule's quotation of the same Passage, Cosmos did not actually land on the island. Yule, Marco Polo, Vol. II. p. 101, 2nd Ed. » Yule. Marco Polo, Vol. II, p. 401 notes.
Kerr's Collection of Voyages and Travels, Vol. VI. p. 96.

Page #217

JULY, 1890.]
THE ABORIGINES OF SOKOTRA.
199
placing it on their altars, and hanging it round their necks. Every village had its minister, whom they called kashish (Persian for a presbyter'), to whom they paid tythes. No man could read. The leashish repeated prayers ante-phonetically in a forgotten tongue, which De Barros calls "Chaldee, "28 frequently scattering incense; a word like alleluia often recurred. For bells they used wooden rattles. They assembled in their churches four times a day and held St. Thomas in great veneration. The kashishes married, but were very abstemious. They had two Lents, and then fasted strictly from meat, milk, and fish.30
The probable explanation of the discrepancies in the foregoing accounts is that at some period a change occurred in the character of Sokotran Christianity; but the change may have shown itself only in particular portions of the island; and as the travellers did not all visit the same ports, each may have correctly described his own experiences. When the Abyssinian invaders of Yamen were defeated in A.D. 595 by the Persians under Horzâd bin Narsi Wahraz, numbers of the former fled by sea to the other side of the Gulf of Aden, to avoid the persecution which followed their defeat; and it seems very probable that some of them reached Soķotra and, settling there permanently, propagated their religion. Whatever be the particular sect to which the Sokotrans belonged, the traditions of Christianity appear to have been maintained among them for several centuries after the triumph of Islâm in the countries bordering on Arabia; and although the island itself became submissive to the Marah Arabs of Kishn or Farták, Christianity still existed in the beginning of the 16th century when the Portuguese arrived there. It seems to have been on the decline at that period, and received its death-blow in 1800 or 1801 when the Wahhabis of Nejd invaded the island, and in their fanatical zeal destroyed the churches, crosses, grave-stones and every visible trace of Christianity. At present --as Wellsted says "every individual in Sokotra professes himself to be a Muhammadan."30
The last vestiges of Christianity in Soķotra, so far as we know, are those traced by P. Vincenzo, the Carmelite, who visited the island after the middle of the 17th century. The people still retained a profession of Christianity, but without any knowledge, and with a strange jumble of rites, sacrificing, circumcising, abominating wine and pork. They had churches which they called mukam, dark, low and dirty, daily anointed with butter. On the altar was a cross and a candle. The cross was regarded with ignorant reverence, and carried in processions. They assembled in their churches three times in the day, and three times in the night; and in their worship barned much incense, &c. The priests were called odambo, elected and consecrated by the people, and changed every year. Of baptism and other sacraments they had no knowledge.
The Sokotran language - as I have already stated - has never yet been philologically classified : various conjectures have been made as to its origin, but most of them being mere guesses, are rather wide of the truth.
To facilitate the investigation of this important subject, I have compiled from numerous sources of information the two accompanying comparative vooabularies. No. 1 (founded upon that published by Dr. J. Bird in the Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, July 1845) shows as a heading a certain namber of English words such as must occur in every language, no matter how barbarous; and in the columns beneath them are the corresponding words in Sokotran and all the languages which are in the least likely to bear any analogy to it. Owing to want of information, the Sokotran and Chaldean portions are very imperfect, and the Gharah (Kara), which ought to be included, is entirely wanting. Still - meagre though it bethe information afforded by this table is, I think, sufficient to justify us in classifying the Soķotran language as a member of the Ethiopio branch of the Syro-Arabic or Northern Semitic family. It bears a closer resemblance to Gis - the ancient language of Ethiopia - than to any others here shown.
> Wellated says (II. 814) that the Ethiopio was commonly called Chaldean in the 16th century. * Yule, Marco Polo, Vol. II. p. 402.
0 (Vol. II. page 296.) An Arabic word, meaning place of rising, standing or remaining.

Page #218

200
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1890.
Comparative Vocabulary, No. 1.
Family or Group.
Branch, or Sub-Group
Language.
Sun.
Sun.
Moon.
Stars.
Morning.
Northern
I 14 Arabic
Branch.
shams
kamar
şabah, subh
kawâkib (sing. kab)
ko
kakab
någâh
2; Giz, or Ola zahá,i
Tigre 3; Amharic, or zahai modern Abyssinian
warah taharķa
kåkåb
têwat
Ethiopic Branch.
4; Harari, Adari
or irr
charaka
ta, kish (sing. subḥ ta,i)
Semitic Family
Ethiopic sub-group
5; Somali | 6; Galla
7; Dankalf, Afari
korah daiyah
addu, hathu tshia or ayro Alsa
hêdko (sing. aroryo
hêdik) artshi hôtak (sing.) såka
irah
shihan haiyim
warit
8; Sokoţran 9; MhArt 10; G&rawi 11; Hebrew
kókab (sing.) ..... kabkob kaşôbah (sing.)
shamash
yarach
12; Chaldean 13; Assyrian
yerah tein
shamas
14; Sanskrit
| sdra, surya
chandra
târâ
ushas

Page #219

JULY, 1890.]
THE ABORIGINES OF SOKOTRA.
201
Comparative Vocabulary, No. 1; continued.
No.
Day.
Earth.
Water.
Fire.
Father.
Mother. | Eye.
Head.
iyaum, nahar ardh
mâi, môya
når
abů
2
Alat
ayn
medr medr
may
asst atata, waha esat
3
Alat
ayn
4 ma'alta, ôj (P) dasht, tashmi
shil (P)
in
urus
hoyo
madah
5 asho, darar dul
gafa la o lo o
biyo bisan
dab ibita gira
abba
hata
iteha
mata
lay
abba
ins
inti
amo, am
riho riyoh (ha)moh
shaiwat shf, at
nahor
ardh
hamêk
(ha)roh
10
......
11 yom
erete
rid
mo (with ar-esh
ticle prefix ed, hammo)
eshtata ()
si
zakad
atta abu
13 yumu
ilamu
ummu
14 ahan
prithvi
jala, våri
agni
mata
nêtra
mastaka,
siras.

Page #220

202
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1890.
Comparative Vocabulary, No. 1; continued.
No.1
Nose.
Mouth.
Tongue. |
Teeth.
Hand.
Foot.
One.
Two.
1 anf
famm
lisan
asnan, (sing. yad
sinn)
waħid, ahad ithnên
2
anfa
aph
lêsan
Ban
halaitê
agr agrahad
ahadi and
aph
malas
pras
halet
4
aphnatsh
afe
arråt
sin (sing.)
tjt
i ngir
ahad
kôt
kau, mid
laba
san 6 funyan
Arrab arraba arraba
ilig (sing.) ilkan iko, bodina
ga'n harki gaba
mila
toko inik
láma namiya
san
fb4, lak
8 nahir 9 nakharir
lishan shîn
matirmish
......
.... şöb kt, tåt, hat tarawah haid, hest madḥakat tá, ad tharôh
khôk
11 nâkhir
phêh
låshon
shen
na
regel
ekhad
shênayim
had
.
...
lisen
ishtin (m.) shanai
ikhit (1.)
14 nâsika
| mukha
jih vs
danta
hasta
pe
eka
dvi

Page #221

JULY. 1890.]
No.
Three.
2 salasati
3 sasat
1 thalathah arba'a
4 shishti
5 sadôl
6 sådi
7 sid&hu
8
tata'ah
9 sh&dthet
10
11 shalosh
14 tri
Four.
Comparative Vocabulary No. 1; continued.
arbati
arut
harad
afarr
affor
faray
arba'ah
rubôt
araba
THE ABORIGINES OF SOKOTRA.
chatur
Five.
khamsah sittah
hemasati sadsati
amsati sadsat
hamisti
shan
shân
konowa, kon
haimish
khamah
......
12 telât
'arba'
13 shalshat (m.) arbat (m.) khamish shilash (f.) arba (f.)
Six.
saddisti
leh
ja
lahay
itah, yitah
yitît
khamesh shesh
panchan shat
Seven.
sab'ah
sabati
sabat
sâti
#
yibi'ah
Eight.
tadoba
sidėd
torba
saddêti målehân bahårs
shaba
thamâniah tis'ah
samanati
samanati
sôt, sût
tamâni
yibêt, ibêt thimanft
Nine.
FT
tasah
zattagna
saptan ashtan
sehtan, zehtayn
sagal
sagal
sa'ah
îsêt
shammonch têsa
༔ཟླ
navan
asr
203
Ten.
'asharah
Un
assir
toban
kudan
......
'ashri
'asharit
shib, sheb
shib'âh
'ashar
shashat (m.) shibit (m.) shamnat (P) tishit (m.) isrit (m.). shash (f.) tishi (f.) isri (f.)
shibi (f.)
******
eser
dasan

Page #222

204
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1890.
Comparative Vocabulary No. 2.
English.
Sokotran.
Arabic (Gulf of Aden Dialect).
Mhari.
فوق
fok
Above Afterwards
Age
حقلا مغررا
hakla maggira
دد
ba'a
عمر
'umr
ما مع
"Amar
Agreement, l
an alfred' | عن الفراد
| la tashrat | لانشرط
......
... ...
make no SI
Alive
الطامع
aldháma
hai-y
Always
doêm-dh
aukåt
Anchor
بروميها
bardsi
| دويم ذ اوقات asyiman or | دابها
| على الدوام -مله d-d -
برومي بوهرت
مغيظ مغنيط
نهلة نومیل
Angry Ant
wim barusi maghidh namla
boharat maghatidh
nomil
طهریر
tahrir
غزال کیل
ghazal kahl
کا حل
kâhil
ايط
dyat
3*3
الاذرع
haidotan
Antelope Antimony
Arm Arms, the (pl.)
Army Arrow As before Ascend Ashes
al adhru' 'askar sahm
حید ر تن
عسكر عسکر سهوم
كما اول هاش هوا لا kims aw wall |
l'aميا
'asker
ههههه
hash hawala|
املم
طلع
رماد
ramad
وملا
ramit
مرهق
بعيد
At a great ?
distance S At hand, olose
sharhuk shelt
ba'id karib
پيلي
ماده
دية
tadah
diya sh&lim
عالم
Back, the
Bad Bargain, make a Bark of a tree
Barren
Battle Beak (of a bird)
Beard
بطال اشرط
434 1433 {{*
dhahr batal
ashrut kasharu-l
shajara mimhal
kital mingar
قشيروت
kashirat
مهال .
قنال
مبثور فورت اخوه
hê'ûr ghorât akhoh albet; dak han jodari-dhashnât. Lit.
bed of sleep (2)
libya
| العيث ردکن
Bed
sarir

Page #223

JULY, 1890.]
THE ABORIGINES OF SOKOTRA.
205
Comparative Vocabulary No. 2; continued.
English.
Sokotran,
Arabio (Gulf of Aden Dialect).
Mhari.
håno bet
Bee (honey) Behind
Belly Below
نحلة خلف ووراء بطن
naḥla | khalf, wasa |
batn taht
:
هانو بات manghaira | منغيرا
جوفي (eic) مصا عقاب صوبه مرير
djöf amsa (sic) | agab : diki
wik sôb
Bird
tair
:
23 1324
Bite
'adhdha
:
Bitterness
طير عضه مرارة اسود (?) السراخ
marara
:
marir
Black
aswad
حور
haowar
رهوت
Blade of grass
Blind Blood
اعمل
8 'm&
عوريت
rahat 'awarit dum
dam
Blow (with the
fist)
lakma
kamet
Blue
ازرق سنبوق
کمات حور صندوق
Boat
azraķ sambok jasad kitab
جساد
*
كناب
kitab
كتاب
شيشه
haowar sambak jassed katôb
lojat mandofet mosghên
shteha(Pers (.
Body Book Bottle
Bow Bowels Box
Boy Bracelet Branch
کتوب الوقت مندانان مشغین
ķaus.
قوس
سارین
mas-ârrain
صندوق
şandok mubyaķi
صندوق
sanduk walad
مبيا قي
3 2 133 134 13 12 11 149
siwêr
mat&ket
ناکات رنات
ratát
Brass Bread
ghaşn naḥås khubz
نیا ص خبز
نحوس
azhar
خابز
naḥos khabz ghaianej
لجام
ligam(Pers (.
فيناج
Bridle Bring(v.imper.)
Broken
nikyan
جیب
تيبر
taibar
مکسور
Brook Brother
جدول
jib, or gib maksûr jadwal akh
bak | thaur, thor
-hazhabot | هن هبوت ذنها
فاک کتون
dh-nahr
ghák katon
Bug
Buli
thôr

Page #224

206
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1890.
Comparative Vocabulary No. 2; continued.
English.
Sokotran.
Arabic (Gulf of Aden Dialect).
Mhári.
Bullocks
الہیڈین al haitain |
بقر
bukur shamåndara
Buoy Button
شهاند را
أرأk
کوی | خزرات
تطير
زبدة
khazarêt
katmir astinjar
zibda ishtara
Buy
استنجر
اشتري
مسبوا
masaba,
Cable Calm, a (sea)
Camel
حبل را کن
habl râkin
سوال
shd,a1
jamal, or gamal fulas
Cash
فلوس
دربهم
dartham (Pers. dir.
Main.)
Cat
قطة
kitta
Chain
ahamino
sinsila
سلسلام
silsilêt
سلسله خدود بنت اولاد
silsila khudad
Bint
ahajamatak ظجتک
farhan
aulid
Cheeks Child (female) Children
Chin
City Civet cat Clear (op. of
غجيت قليان ملحوت
ghajít gallian malhot
ذقن
dhakan
madina
(? )رحبات خيت |
rahabet, or
rahbait, khit
پربرق
yirbok
مدينه سنور رائق قریب
سوال
al,أم
foul)
شیده , شیلی ,Close at hand
shēli, shika
close to Clothes
sinnaur
ra,ik karib athwab
sahab mughaiyim
اثواب
Clouds
خلواق khalwak |
: عفور afar
عفور ما کن
' afar-mekan
ميدا
سیاب مغيم
نارجيل narjil(Pers (. kahwa | قهوة
| برد bard
بیرق . bairak(Pers (.
mêda kahwêt käşim
Clouded,
cloudy Cocoanut tree
Coffee
Cold (8) Colours (fags)
Comb Come (here)
» near » close
bacle
غلیل بیرق ghala-barik
| مشويق
کا لبوه
mashshat
t'al
تعد به
masharik kál bôh
t'adaba
تعال تعال قريب |
نوتردي تكون عن
توتير
tù tardi ta kud'an ta tahar taktâtah
تقرب

Page #225

JGLY, 1890.]
THE ABORIGINES OF SOKOTRA.
207
Comparative Vocabulary No. 2; continued.
English.
Sokogran.
Arabic (Gulf of Aden Dialoot.)
Mhart.
Conquered
مغلوب
فرمل
fasal
al haitain | الهيتين
Cows, or bul.
locks Crooked
maghlûb
bukur mu'awwaj
kaghhan | نغن
عواج
'awaij
farhan
بنت
bint
عجیب
ghajít
فرهن صامي تقاف
samt -
ما ت
Daughter
Dead Descend
Dog Dry (adj.)
måt
انزل
کلب
takafa kalb tåsha
anzul kalb
كلب
kalb
تا شه
كلب انوشہ
با بس
y&bis
kosha
Ears
ادهن
adhan
adhân
||
اذان
|
حيةان
akul
astah tamani
343 34 33 32 31
haidhen
tah thimanft
Eat Eight Eighteen Eyebrows
- تمنيت
است تهاني تهانتعشر ترى عن تريتعين طبعن
اكل ثمانية ثمانية عشر حواجب
thamaniya thamániyat
'ashar hawajib
احجرر
ahajór
tamânat'ashar tari'ain
tafraz tariyat'ain
tai'an
تفروز
Eyes
عينين
'ainain
صوب
انو
.madkakat | مدحافت
Feet, the Fingera, the
Fire
اصابع شیوط
رجلين اصابع نار
aş&bi' shaiwat
rijlain (dual) aşab' nar
شوبع
شیوط
صوده
shli,at, vide note on pronunciation sait, saiyid
ghalt
Fish Fishing-line
Fire Flour Four
şödah shQhat haimish daķis arb' a
| سیک samak (pl ا(.
خيط | خمسة
دقيق طحين dakfk,tahin
khait khamsa
حیمش دقيق اربعه
غلف khamdh | خمره
::: ووو
|
id
| ربوت
rubốt
32 433 43
hami
samn 14 t'ate
wawe
Ghi (clarified
butter) Give, do not Goat or sheep
Go away
'an tandaff
arhan
و تعطي
فنم
ghanam
حوز
| ارهن قطفها | نطوهر
ط da, tibumit
|
| روح
rah
iyo
harah

Page #226

208
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1890.
Comparative Vocabulary No. 2; continued.
|
English.
Sokogran.
Arabic (Gulf of Aden Dialect).
Mharf.
rah ba'id akhruj
out
to'ad sarhat نوعد مرحق jo far away
|
شرا کم اخرج
حيرة طمر | today rah al yanm روح اليوم |
تعد سوق to market . روح بسوق | طيب
sharkkah haira tahar ta'ad ask |
rah basaķ
taiyib
Good
8
shiff
sha'r
shuf, shAff
شف تعد را
ta'add, ta'ah
amshi
شعر امشي راس
اووه وه
ری
harôh
Hair, the Haste, make
Head Hill, or moun
tain Hold, take Hook, fishing
House
ris jabal
ندهن
fadhan
جبل
جبال
jibel, kis,
man
تلو اقلمه
امیک
amsik
tala aşlahah
kar
kullab
كلاب
kala,
Iron
حصهن
has-han
حدبن
hadid
1434 23 1 434 33 1334 ش
Kill
tahriz
133 433 434 43 424 425
اقتل
۰۰۰۰۰
aķtul Bikkin
Knife
riيو
|
هیس
سکین
ماري
'ais
shfbah
shaffa
كرفيف
|
karfif, shêprah
Lip Long, tall
شيبه ریلر
ri, au
طوبل
tewil
haihai
rajul
ghaij
| رجل sank or sdk | سوق
سوق
sok
Man, Market, bazar Mast of a ship Meat, flesh
Milk
dak-har
دقل
tah
حرف
مايب
daļal laḥm halib shahr kamar jabal
Month
haf shahr
irah fad-han
شمر | ایرا
ishakhởt warakh
marft jibel, kirmim
Moon
واریت
Mountain
J4

Page #227

JULY, 1890.j
THE ABORIGINES OF SOKOTRA.
209
=
Comparative Vocabulary No. 2; continued.
English.
Sokogran.
Arabio (Gulf of Aden Dialect).
Mht.
|
lail
Night-time Nine Nose
احته سعة
aḥtah sa'ah
tis'ah
اسات
bahali
iset nakharir
nahir
anf
Oil
|
Balf
مايط رمه |
سليط
با قاطرتاط حاط d, tat, hat
سليط واحد
salt wähid
salft, mah 1 ts,ad
One
Paper
قرطاس
kartas
kaghadh
Roof, top, awning, &c.
Rope
ميلاو
dhalal
mil'au
ķēt
شیرع
shira
شراع
shirdi mi,i bahr
shorttan | شروتن
(pl.)
Sail of a
ship Salt water Bell, (v.) , I will
ریه و در نهم
مائی بحرا-the dara
كثرهم
باع
be
ham kathd'am ashimah yibt'ah
abt' sab'ah
Seven
41
سبعة كتف.sing) كتاق
hamrt
Shoulders Sit down
Six
کوری امتیاز اينه ایس , تشوف ا
اجلس
آبان , يبات |
kataf (sing
. كتفه ثرول ينيت
ibêt, yibet
katfah thôwal yitit
katif) ajlis
sittah | nfm, rabad najm, kau
istaha, a ftah, yitah
aidam, tashof
(۷۰) ,Sleep
نام , رقد نجم , کوکب
Star
کوکب
| کبكرب
kabkob
kab
bagn
Stomach Stop! Stay!
Sun Sword
4:
مسلوب
mir salbah shihan
سلوبه شیهن شکر
اصبر شمس
asbur shams
karash salób haiyom shakt
shukko
sait
wadi
Take away,
remove Take away,
do not Take hold ► do not
ملي طيعي |
arah 'alAtiye't tald,'art,
tas'an 'an taz'an
اودی tamad ها | لاتردي
خذ را میسک | المصمطhnd
تلور عزتزعن عن تزعن
ásty
14 tahudh
hnhah | هنق
م

Page #228

. 210
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JLY, 1890.
Comparative Vocabulary No. 2; continued.
English.
Sokogran.
Arabic (Gulf of Aden Dialect).
Mhat.
ri,au
طويل
tawil
Tall, long
Teeth
ریڈور مطيرمش
mattimish
,nanمع
اسنان , ضروس عشرة
عشري
عشریت
'asharit
ططعة
ثلاثة
dharus 'ashara thalathah rakabah
lisan
شاشات
'ashrt tata'ah nahishah
lishan
shadthịt
قرد
garad
Ten
Three Throat, neck Tongue Town
Two Two months Two years
نياشه الشن
shin
32 333 334 3
چیرهلي
ثرهchirh
بله
balad
رهبات
raḥbêt tharoh
تروه
اثنين
ithnên
tarawah
tars b. shahrain tari ainah
ترابشهرين تري اينر
shahrain
شهرين سنتين
sanatain
تيت
tubat
اكذب
Untrue, a falsehood
kidbb
اباد ي
bedi
Water
| ماء , موية ma, miyah
حمره
ha-moh. The
syllable ha seems to be
the article, as in Hebrew
. salt or sea
riho (or riyoh) rêhan riyoh hali
sweet or fresh
| md, Ibahr må, i halů,
or hálf
3
drink
ریمه , ریمن ریه حالي ربه لري ابي ريمه give some
| plenty of . | في ريهه
ریه و حررهن carcity of# .
riyoh lari
ms, 1 ashrat مائي اشرب
| اعطی مأء | ab riho A'att md, i
| ماء كثير ماء قليل بئر
ابهر
gi riho rthd harar-1
han ab-har lab-ham
têrab to-kuttab
bir
ma, i kathir ma, i khalil
bi,r, bir abyadh hatab
Well, (s.)
White
Wood Write (imper.)
لبون
labôn
طيرب
ظرب
dtharab, khitab
توكتب
aktub
Yard of a ship
Year
farmân
ترمل اینر
tarmal ainah
| فرمان
سنة
sana
سنات
sanet

Page #229

JULY, 1890.]
THE ABORIGINES OF SOKOTRA.
211
G12, which is the oldest member of the Abyssinian family of languages, shows an affinity in grammatical structure with the ancient Arabic, and is said to be closely allied to the dialects spoken by the Mahra and Kara tribes of Southern Arabia ; and approximates much more to the Hebrew and Syriac than to the Arabic. It appears to have been the prevailing language of the country at the time the Abyssinians were converted to Christianity; and being of SyroArabian, or Semitic origin, has been improperly termed Ethiopic.
It was the vernacular dialect of the Agâzi, who founded the kingdom of Axum, and were the original of that mixed race known by the name of Habshi, of whom the greater part were of Syro-Arabian origin, as proved by the cognate affinities of their language, and by history. An early connection and commercial intercourse existed between the people of this country and those of Southern Arabia ; hence the frequent confusion in the use of the term “Ethiopia,'' which is applied in Scripture and elsewhere both to Southern Arabia and Abyssinia : there was in fact an Asiatic and an African Ethiopia. This intercourse between the two countries probably began about B.C. 769 to 729, when the Cashites - a branch of the Syro-Arabian people-migrated from the kingdom of Midian in Arabia to the western shores of the Red Sea ; and from this period frequent similar migrations seem to have taken place, and to have introduced into the African dialects a great many Semitic words.
Giz is still used in Abyssinia for literary and scientific purposes. It borrowed words largely from foreign tongues - some as mere exotics by translators and scholars, bat many others through direct popular intercourse with foreign nations. Aramaic, Hebrew and Greek have been chiefly laid under contribution; the last especially for words technical to Christianity.32
Wollsted asserts that the Sokotran language go nearly resembles MhAri as to be readily understood by the Arabs of the opposite coast.33 This, however, is not the case. Mahra Arabs who have settled on the island, or who are in the habit of trading with it, learn to speak Sokotran, and make use of it in their intercourse with the natives; but I do not think the latter ever speak Mhari, and the resemblance between the two languages is very slight, as will be seen by examining No. 2 Comparative Vocabulary of English, Soķotran, Arabic and Mhari words.34
The Mhari idiom (sleeps) kaldm th' Mhárí, as spoken by the natives themselves, is a peculiarly sweet language ; so much so that they themselves liken it to the conversation of birds.
The Mahra tribe, said by many writers to be descended from the ancient Himyari of Hadhramaut,35 occupy an extent of country exceeding that of any other tribe in the southeastern part of Arabia. The limits of their coast are generally allowed to be the opening of the great Wâdi Masila on the S. W., in 51°13' E. Long., and the town of Damkôt in the Bay of Al Kamar, on the N. E., in 52°47' E. Long., giving them a coast line of 135 miles. Inland their country extends to the confines of Hadhramaut. In stature they are an undersized race,
12 Jour. B. B. R. A. S., July 1845, p. 302. Enc. Brit., s. 7." Ethiopian." 33 It wonld be interesting to know whether the Bani Kars and the Sokograns understand one another's dialecta.
34 The Sokotran words are taken chiefly from Wellsted's Vocabulary, and the Mhári from Dr. H. J. Carter's Vocabulary of the Mahra Dialect, published in the Jour. B. B. R. 4. 8., July 1847. The Arabic words are Yamani. It will be advisable here to note certain letters which have a peculiar pronunciation in Mhari :1, for the most part, has not a broad sound, but is pronounced more like the a in fute: thus sylg(MhArt) ha almost the same sound as the proper name Mary. e, is generally pronounced soft, though in Yamani Arabic it is, as ofton as not, pronounced hard, like g.
, has a very peculiar sound in the MhAri dialect: it is formed by placing tbe tip of the tongue against the anterior part of the palate, and allowing the air to pass out of the mouth on one side or the other of it, in the manner of a liep, following it with the sound of the letter l, as in by Fre, pronounced shut. v, has the softer sound of the letter ?, as inl e, which is pronounced sejar. É is usually pronounced the same as the Arabic (), and the latter is scarcely distinguishable from g.
» The Bani Kara also claim descent from the Himyari.

Page #230

212
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1890.
and when compared with their neighbours, the Bani Kara, may almost be considered diminutive; so that the Mahras, neither in appearance nor language, bear much resemblance to the Soķotrans. How, or at what period they became possessed of the island, I have been unable to discover.
The Bani Kara36 (or Beni Quorra, as they themselves pronounce the word) also called (ks) Hakli, are a fine race of Beduins inhabiting the Sabhân Mountains, which extend from Ras Marbât to the village of Håsik. The latter place marks the north-east, and Rås Dtharbat 'Ali (o
the south-east termination of their maritime boundary. Between Ras Dtharbat 'Ali and Damķot there are as many Mahras as Ķaras, therefore this interval may be consi. dered neutral ground.
For the purposes of the present inquiry it is necessary to compare the Kara (Gharah) tribe with the Soķotrans, and the following account of the former by Dr. Carter7 is almost as complete as can be desired :
“Their country is mountainous, and cavernous, and consists of a white stratified limestone formation, rising from four to five thousand feet above the level of the sea. The upper parts of the mountains are covered with good pasturage, and their slopes with a dense thicket of small trees, among which the frankincense and several other species of gum trees are the most plentiful.
“The whole tribe are essentially Troglodytes, from the nature of the country in which they live ; which, in every direction, affords them much better natural habitations than any they could erect for themselves.
"They consist of a fixed, and nomadic population; those who still continue to inhabit the caverns of their ancestors, and those who wandering from place to place, chiefly seek their subsistence in a predatory life; of the two, the former appear to furnish the most favorable specimens of their tribe.
« The following are their physical and ethnographical characters. They are quick, active, tall, and well made, but too slender to be termed athletic, being more formed for agility and enduring fatigue, than for great bodily exertion : their features are, generally speaking, handsome, and their expression pleasing and generous, with a quick and apprehensive eye; but with no deficiency of boldness, or determination in the character. Their skin is of a lightbrown colour, with a shade of red in it; their hair glossy black, long, crisp and curling, and principally confined to its natural localities, the other parts of the body presenting little or none; even on the face there is seldom hair enough to be perceived at the distance of more than twelve paces off. The face is oval, the forehead low, but not receding, the frontal sinuses prominent, and the eyebrows more horizontal than arched: the eyelashes long, black and thick; the eye itself moderate in size, transparent and clear, with a deep, brown-black coloured iris. The nose, which is proportioned to the oval figure of the face, is long, and compressed laterally, with a slight aquiline profile; the nostrils, which are also compressed, have their alo a little elevated, but this elevation appears more than it is in reality, from a prolongation of the septum nasi towards the upper lip. The lips are thin, the upper one short, with its stiperior border slightly elevated. The incisor teeth perpendicular, the chin rather projecting than receding, the posterior angles of the jaw more square than obtuse, and the cheek-bones high and prominent.
“Nothing can be more simple than their clothing; a long piece of coarse blue cotton, wrapped two or three times round their loins, and descending towards their knees, in the manner of a short kilt, is all that the men wear; sometimes, however, they twist a second piece round their waist, which serves as a belt; and to prevent their antrimmed hair from falling over their face and shoulders, they bind a small black cord round the margin of the scalp, so as to include the whole mass within its turns, and then secure the longer portion at the lower
ترا on قره
بني
- Jour. B. BR. A. S., January, 1846.

Page #231

JULY, 1890.)
THE ABORIGINES OF SOKOTRA.
213
part of the back of the head, where the whole is fastened. This manner of dressing their hair is more becoming to them than otherwise, the longer and loose portion being allowed to flow down their backs, or to remain between the shoulders in a large bunch, according to the nature of its curl. The band, or cord, with which it is tied, is made from their own hair, and not only serves them for the purpose mentioned, but also for any other use to which it may be applied, in case nothing better is at hand.
"The women are much finer, fatter, and lighter-coloured than the Arab women of the coast, and their features are small and regular. They wear a loose frock, which is also made of blue cotton cloth, and is of the same size from the shoulders to the ground; it is open in front for about a foot, where it buttons tightly round the lower part of the neck, and the sleeves are short and large; behind it trails on the ground, but in front it does not descend much below the knee. In addition to this, they have another portion of the same coloured cloth, which they throw over the back of their head and shoulders in the manner of a dopatta; but this they seldom use, and never think of concealing their faces under it, as is the custom with the Arab women. Their hair is divided by a narrow line, braided on the scalp, which passes from the centre of the forehead to the middle of the back part of the head, and they collect the hair into two large tresses, one on each side, which, passing down behind the ears, hangs loogely over the breast. Few possess ornaments, not because they despise them, but because they have no money to purchase them. I have seen large pewter rings in the ears of some, though I am certain gold or silver ones would not have been refused for the same purpose.
"Their language is the Beduin dialect of the South-east Coast of Arabia; being, like that spoken by the inhabitants of the island of Sokotra and by those also of the islands in the Bay of Kuria Muria, intensely guttural; and in some of their songs the modulation of the sounds is almost entirely confined to the throat. They do not understand the Arabic spoken in the towns, unless they have had much intercourse with the Arabs, who themselves, on this coast, appear to prefer conversing in the dialect of the Beduins. In their singing they display a great fondness for melody, and their guttural articulation, which is never very harsh, is rendered most agreeable in some of their plaintive airs, which accord much with the European taste.
“That part of the tribe who have permanent places of abode in the mountains, live in natural caverns of the rock, which have been hereditarily transmitted to them through their forefathers, and have been selected near some rivulet, or fresh-water spring, for domestic purposes, and for the sake of their cattle. In these caverns, which are of gigantic dimensions, and in the form and proportion of an interior fourth of a hollow sphere, with a stalactite ceiling, they have ample room to pen their flocks and herds at night, or to afford them shelter during heavy falls of rain and wet weather ; for which purpose they are surrounded by a dense fence of interwoven brushwood. In the different recesses of the interior, the Beduin and his family live, and towards the outside, still sheltered by the overhanging vault, are the huts of the herdsmen and his dependents. .............
“They encourage blood feuds, and in an affray which ends in the death of one of the parties, the survivors, or one of his relatives, sooner or later, is murdered by the friends of the deceased, when the feud is at an end.....
"Their mode of salutation consists in placing the tips of the three first fingers of the right hand on those of the persons they salute, and afterwards kissing them audibly; they do this to every member of the assembly, to strangers as well as acquaintances. It is the first passport and best introduction, and should never be neglected by any one who wishes to establish a friendship among them.
“They profess themselves to be Muhammadans, undergo the operation of circumcision, and keep up the ceremony connected with it; but they pay very little attention to the other formalities of the Muhammadan religion. Their chief fear appears to be of ghosts and the devil, and this far exceeds their confidence in the protection of the Supreme Being."

Page #232

214
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1890.
Now compare this description of the Bani Kara with that already given above of the Sokotrans, and it will be seen that they coincide in almost every particular. The only important point of difference is in the sound of the two languages: while the Kara dialect is extremely guttural, Sokotran is, as Colonel Hunter remarks,38 "not so guttural as Arabic and seems to require less effort in enunciation." But in the absence of any specimen of the Kara dialect, it would be rash to conclude that it must differ from Sokotran philologically, merely because it differs in sound.
Several writers have confounded the soft Mhârî with the guttural dialect of the Karas, calling the former "Ehhkili" (manifestly a phonetic corruption of Hakli), a name applicable only to the Karas. The following remarks by Dr. J. Bird on the two idioms are well worthy of notice: The Southern Arabs establish a distinction between the dialect of the Garas and that of the Mahras, asserting that the former contains a much less proportion of modern Arabic than the latter; so that an inhabitant of the coast of Shihr, who knew no other Arabic than that of his own proper dialect, would be unable to comprehend the language of the people of Shajr, who are the Gâras occupying the Sabhân Mountains and the coast from Cape Shajr, S. W., to Marbât and Hasik, N. E. These dialects of the two tribes are but idioms, however, of the same language, in which are found many Hebrew words not met with in Arabic; and both are perhaps, as Fresnel supposes, the elder sisters of the former. The proper appellation of the original idiom among the Gâras is the Ehhkili, spoken at Marbât and Zafar, and throughout the district of Shajr; the geographical limits of which, as we shall presently notice, have been confounded with those of Shihr, or the maritime part of Hadhramaut, chiefly occupied by Mahras, descended as would appear from the more ancient and original tribe of Gâras.
It is principally in the country of Shihr that those Hamyaric Inscriptions are to be found, which were first brought to light by Officers of the Indian Navy, and which have latterly attracted so much learned attention from those cultivating a knowledge of the Semitic languages.
A now desolate Fort on the sea-shore, in Lat. 14°38' 30" N., Long. 49°27′35′′ E., seems to have given name to this tract of country, which corresponds as nearly as may be with the maritime part of Hadhramaut; and is distinguished from that of Shajr, N. E, called after the Cape of this name, situated between Râs Fartâk and Marbât. The latter is called by Abulfeda Sowâhil Zafar, or the coast of Zafâr, or Dhefâr, an ancient city of this quarter, of which the ruins are now called El Balâd,80 or the town par excellence. It has been frequently confounded with the inland town of the same name belonging to the Sapphorite (Sapharitee), but which has been satisfactorily identified by Niebuhr with a site, where are some Hamyaric inscriptions, about two and a half German miles S.S.E. of Jerim, in Lat. 14° 17'. This identification places the original seats of the Homeritse, or tribe of Hamyar, much further to the westward than the maritime district of Shihr, where those inscriptions have hitherto been chiefly found; and would lead to the inference that the maritime Zafâr was the capital of the Ascitæ, mentioned both by Ptolemy and Pliny, as situated in the neighbourhood of the sea near Cape Syagros, which corresponds with Ras-Shajr.40 The Ascite may have been named from being situated on the Jun-al-Hashish, or the Gulf-of-Herbs, which is the Arabic name for the Bay in which Khartan and Martan (the Kuria Muria islands) lie; and though we cannot venture to assert that the name was only another appellation for the Gerræ, a poor people who originally fled from Chaldea to Arabia, there is strong presumptive evidence that the modern Gâras, whose language has so many affinities common with the Syriac and Hebrew, are descendants and remains of this ancient colony." 43
38 Balfour's Botany of Sokotra.
39 A very full account of the ruins and present state of El Balâd, or the maritime Zafår near Marbat, by Dr. Carter, has been published in the Transactions of the Bombay Geographical Society for 1844.
40 Forster identifies the Syagrian Promontory with Ras Fartak, Historical Geography of Arabia, Vol. II. 166 et seq. 179, &c.
41 Strabo, Book XVI., page 766.
42 Jour. B. B. R. A, 8., Vol. II., July 1844 to July 1947, pp. 365-7.

Page #233

JULY, 1890.]
DELHI INSCRIPTIONS OF VISALADEVA.
215
The Gerrei or Agræi derived their name from Gerra or Gherra (Ghara), perhaps the most famous emporium of antiquity, which Forster, on the authority of Ptolemy and others, places at the foot of the deep bay or inlet on the southern shore of the Persian Gulf, at the mouth of which are situated the islands of Bahrain. He shows that the name is probably an anagram for Hagar, and hence that the Agrei of Ptolemy are identical with the Hagarites, an Ishmaelite tribe whose destruction is recorded in the Bible (I. Chron., V). The city of Ghara or Hagar is said by Strabo to have been founded by Chaldean exiles, but the primitive Chaldeans were Cushite Beduins.43
Probably the remnant of the Gerrei, after the complete defeat which they suffered at the hands of the sons of Reuben, fled southwards, and so came to the maritime strip of country now occupied by their descendants the Garas. Further persecution may have induced some of them to take the sea: and Sokotra is the first land they would come to.
This appears to me to be the most probable origin of the earliest inhabitants of Sokotra, whose religion corresponded with that of the Chaldeans, from whom sprang the Gerrei, or Gâras. Of course, many important links are wanting in the chain of evidence, the chief of which is due to our entire ignorance of the Gârawi dialect. If this, on investigation, prove to be identical or nearly so, with Sokotran, the common origin of the two races will be an established fact. The language of people residing in such isolated situations as do the Gâras and Sokotrans would undergo very little change in the course of ages, except by the addition of foreign words to supply the wants entailed by the slight advance in civilisation.
DELHI SIWALIK PILLAR INSCRIPTIONS OF VISALADEVA;
THE VIKRAMA YEAR 1220.
BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, C.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN.
An impression of these inscriptions was presented to the Asiatic Society of Bengal, more than hundred years ago, by Lieutenant-Colonel Polier; and from it an account and partial translation of the inscriptions, as explained by Râdhâkântaśarman, were given, in A.D. 1788, in the Asiatic Researches, Vol. I. pp. 379-382. About the beginning of this century, the same Society was presented with another, apparently very accurate, impression of the inscriptions, "prepared under the inspection of their late member Captain James Hoare;" and from this copy a facsimile and a transcript of the text in modern Dêvanagari, and a transcript of the text in Roman characters with an English translation by H. T. Colebrooke, were published, in A.D. 1801, ib. Vol. VII. pp. 179-181. Afterwards, the inscriptions were referred to, ib. Vol. IX. pp. 188-189, by Captain Wilford, who was the first to point out that the king, whose name occurs in them, is mentioned also in the Sárngadhara-paddhati, nearly in the same words with the inscription; a remark which caused Colebrooke, in a note, ib. p. 445, to amend his reading of the text, and to state that the anthology, referred to by Captain Wilford, actually contains two whole stanzas of these inscriptions. Colebrooke's text and translation, together with his supplementary note, were reprinted in his Misc. Essays, Vol. II. pp. 232-237; and his rendering of the text, verified by H. H. Wilson, was also reprinted, in Prinsep's Essays, Vol. I. p. 325, by Mr. E. Thomas, who pointed out that one of the names of minor importance, occurring in the inscriptions, had been misread by Colebrooke. I now re-edit the inscriptions, of which a correct text and translation have not been hitherto published, from excellent impressions, which have been supplied to me by Mr. Fleet, and from which the accompanying photo-lithograph has been prepared under his supervision.
These inscriptions are now at Delhi, on the pillar which is known as Firôz Shâh's Lât or the Siwâlik Pillar, and which contains the inscriptions of Asôka of which photo-lithographs from Mr. Fleet's impressions are published in Vol. XIII. of this Journal. According to
45 Vide Forster, I. pp. 186-189, 198 and Intr. LXXV. n.

Page #234

216
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JULY, 1890.
Mr. Thomas, the original site of this pillar was near Khizrâbâd, immediately west of the Jamnâ, at the foot of SiwAlik mountains, whence the pillar was removed to Delhi by Firoz Shah (A.D. 1351-1888). The inscription A. is on the south-east side of the pillar, above the top line of the Asoka edicts. B. and C. run right round the pillar, on the same level with each other, immediately below the last line of the Aboka edicts. The inscription B. commences on the south-east and ends on the north-west ; and C. commences on the north-west and ends on the south-east.
The writing of A. covers a space of about 1' 11" broad by from 8 to 10" high ; and the size of the letters is between 2 and 21! The writing of B. covers a space of about 3' 101" broad by about 8' high; and the size of letters is 13." The writing of C. covers a space of about 5' broad by about 1' 1" high; and the size of the letters is about 1" in the first four, and about 1}" in the remaining two lines. Throughout, the writing is well preserved, so that the actual reading of the text of the inscriptions is nowhere in the least doubtful. The characters are Nagari, with nothing remarkable about them except that the sign for bh shows a rather peculiar form,-0.g. in Sákarnbhari-bhápati, in A., line 2,- which we meet again, e.g., in the Pâlam Bảoli' inscription of the Vikrama year 1337. All the three inscriptions were evidently written by the same writer, the Kayastha Sripati, a son of Mahava, of Ganda descent (C., line 5). The language of the inscriptions is Sanskrit; A. is in prose, and B. in verse; and of C., lines 1 - 4 are in verse, and lines 5-6 in prose. As regards orthography, the consonant bis denoted by the sign for v in the word vrúté in C., line 3, the only word in which it occurs.
The inscription A. merely contains a date, which will be treated of below; and the statement that this inscription, and clearly also the two others, are inscriptions of the king of Sakambhari, Visaladeva, the son of Avelladeva. Lines 1-2 of the inscription C. record that this Visala, ruler of Sakambhari, had conqnered the land between the Vindhya and Himalaya mountains, and that, by repeatedly exterminating the Mlochchhas or barbarians, he had made Aryavarta once more the abode of the Aryas; while lines 3-4 represent the king, who is here called Vigraharaja, the ornament of the Chahamanas, as exhorting his descendants to continue the work of conquest, begun by him.5 Lines 5-6 of the inscription C. repeat more fully the date given at the commencement of A., and state that the inscription was written, at the king's command and in the presence of the astrologer Tilakaraja, by the writer whose name has been already given, and that the post of Maha-mantrin or great minister was held at the time by the Rajaputra, the illustrious Sallakshanapâla. Finally, the inscription B. glorifies the king here addressed as Vigraha or Vigraharajadeva, in terms which are of no value for historical purposes.
The inscriptions A. and C. are both dated, in figures only, on the 16th of the bright half of Vaisakha of the year 1220 ; and C. refers that date distinctly to the Vikrama era, and gives besides the day of the week, a Thursday. Now the possible European equivalents for Vaisakha bukla 15 would be, -
1 See Prinsep's Essays, Vol. I, p. 384; Archeol. Survey of India, Vol. I. p. 161; Elliot's History of India, Vol. III. pp. 351-2.
? Journal Beng. As. Soc., Vol. XLIII. Part I., Plate 1.
* This name was first read Amilladdua, Colebrooke read it Velladdva, but added in a note that it might also be read Avëlladara.
Colebrooke considered it "impossible to determine from the tenor of the inscription, without other information whether Vigrahardja and Visaladeva were names of the same person, or of different prinou." Larsen, Ind. Alterthumskunde, Vol. III. p. 924, took Vigrabar jo to have been a tributary of Visaladeva.
Lines 1-4 of the inscription C, are quoted in Arngadhara's Paddhati, Professor Peterson's edition, Nos. 1956 and 1256, with the remark - Atau Nriga-nipati-pashana-yajfayúpa-prasasth these two (verse) are from # pralasti which is on a sacrificial post, made of stone, of the king Nriga.' In the second of the two verses the edition has the various readings Chahuvdra-tilakuh, and brimen-Vigraharaja, for Chdhamana-tilakali and Srimad-Vigraharaja which are quite clear on the stone.
• According to Colebrooke," the fortunate Lakshapapála."

Page #235

JULY, 1890.]
DELHI INSCRIPTIONS OF VISALADEVA.
-
Monday, 30 April, A.D. 1162;
Saturday, 20 April, A.D. 1163;
for the northern Vikrama year 1220 current, for the northern Vikrama year 1220 expired, for the southern Vikrama year 1220 expired, in which Vaisâkha was an intercalary month,
for the first Vaisakha, - Thursday, 9 April, A.D. 1164;
for the second Vaisakha, - Friday, 8 May, A.D. 1164.
The actual date, therefore, clearly is Thursday, 9 April, A.D. 1164, and the calculation shows that the year 1220 of our inscriptions was the southern Vikrama year 1220, expired, and that the day belonged to the first (or adhika) month Vaisakha, although there is nothing in the wording of the date to indicate this.
217
-
As regards the wording of the date, attention may also be drawn to the fact that, in the place of the ordinary sudi or sudi, we have here, in both the inscriptions A. and C., suti, a term which to my knowledge has not been hitherto met with in any other purely Vikrama date. On the other hand, su. ti. or suti and va. ti. or vati, in which the syllable ti is clearly an abbreviation of the word tithi, are commonly used in Kasmir, in dates which refer themselves, in the first instance, to the Saptarshi era. Thus, according to Dr. Hultzsch in Zeitschr. D. Morg. Ges., Vol. XL. p. 9, an inscription in Sârada characters at Hariparvat is dated Sam 60 Srá. va. ti. pra. Sukré Mahammada-sáha-rájyé, and a MS. of his collection bears the date - Samvat 24 Kartika-vati-trayôdasyám Budhé éri-Sákaḥ 1570; and according to Dr. Bühler's Kasmir Report, App. II. p. lv., a MS. of the Chárayaniya-mantra-bhúshya is dated Samvat 47 Srá (érá). va. ti. pañchadasyám (?) parataḥ shashthyam. Besides, the Deccan College Sârada MSS. of the Kásiká-Vritti and of the Sakuntala, which I have examined myself, are dated, the former-Sri-nripa-Vikramaditya-rajyasya gat-ábdáḥ 1717 éri-Saptarshi-maté samvat 36 Pau.va.ti. 3 Ravau Tishya-nakshatré, and the latter Samvat 33 Vai. su. ti. saptamyam. And suti and vati are throughout employed, for subla-pakshe and krishna-pakshé, in a MS. calendar, belonging to the Royal Library at Berlin, for the Saptarshi year 4869, of which I hope to give a fuller account on a future occasion. The Kasmirian practice of which I have given these examples (to which I might add others from dates kindly supplied to me by Dr. Stein) in all probability was followed also in the adjoining hill-states of India; and it is therefore not at all strange that we should find an instance of the usage of uti on a pillar which, at the time when the inscriptions were engraved on it, was standing at the foot of the Siwalik mountains.
On the general importance of these inscriptions I have nothing to add to what has been written on the subject by Sir A. Cunningham in Archaeol. Survey of India, Vol. I. p. 155ff. In the Pâlam Bâoli' inscription of the Vikrama year 1337, which has been already mentioned. above, we are told that the country of Hariyânaka, to which 'Dhilli' belonged, was first ruled by the Tômaras, afterwards by the Chauhanas, and later by the Saka-rulers, i.e. the Muhammadans. And similarly, the Delhi Museum inscription of the Vikrama year 1384 relates that Dhillikâ' was founded by the Tomaras, and that it was afterwards the residence of the Châhamânas, until it was conquered by the Mlêchchha Sahâbadina. Our inscriptions show that the Chahamana Visaladeva-Vigraharaja, king of Sakambhari10 (or Sâmbbar), had conquered a considerable tract of country even beyond Delhi, and had apparently checked for a time the progress of the Muhammadan invaders by whom his own descendants were utterly defeated 27 years after the date of these inscriptions.
7 On that day, the 15th tithi of the bright half ended 3 h. 58 m. after mean sunrise; see above, p. 36, No. 62. Last edited by Professor Eggeling in Epigraphia Indica, Vol. I. p. 93.
i.e. Shahab-ud-din Ghori.
10 It may not be out of place to draw attention here to a remark of the late Dr. Bhagvanlal Indrajt, quoted ante, Vol. VIII. p. 59," that Sapâdalaksha or Savalakha is the name of the Siwalik hills, and that the early Rajas of Kamann called themselves Sapadalaksha-nripatis; and that the S&kambhart Rajas" who are called Sapádalakshiya and Sapádalaksha-kehmopála; see ante, Vol. VI. pp. 184 and 186-"may have originally come from that country."

Page #236

218
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1890.
TEXT.11 A.1 Oml [11] Samvat 1220 Vaikakha-suti 15 (1)
2 Bakambhari13-bhâ pati-śrîmad- A vállado 14
3 v-atmaja15-srimad-Visaladevasya 11 B. 1 Om6 [11] Ambh017 nama ripu-priya-nayanayoh pratyarthi-damt-ântare pratya
kshâņi třiņáni vaibhava-milat-kashthan yaśastavakam 2 märggô loka-viruddha êva vijanaḥ sünyam mano vidvishâm srimad-Vigraha.
rajadova bhavatah prâptê prayân-ôtsavê II 3 Lîlâ-mamdira sôdarêshu bhavatu svâmtéshu vâmabhruvam satrūņam tu na
Vigraha-kshitipatê nyâyyô=tra vâsas=tava 4 kaki và Purushottamasya bhavatô n=2sty=ava virâm nidherennirmmathy
apahțita-sriyah kim-u bhavan-krô dê na nidrayitah !! c. 1 Ôm18 | Â10 Vindhyad-a Himadrer=yvirachita-vijayas20-tirtha-yâtrå-prasamgåde
udgrivéshu pra harttâ nộipatishu vinamat-kandharêshu prasannah ! 2 Åryavarttam yathârtham ponar=api kritavân=Mléchchha-vichchhêdanâbhir-ddevah
Sakambhar-îndrð jagati vijayatê Visala-kshÔnipälah II 3 Vra(bra)ta21 samprati Chahamana-tilakah Sakambhari-bhûpatih srimad.
Vigraharaja @sha vijayi saritanajân=âtmanah 4 asmábhih kara-dai vyadhîyi Himavad-Vindhy-âmtarklam bhuvah bêsha
svikaranîya m-astu bhavatâm=udyôga-bunyam manah 11 5 Samvat brt-Vikramadity423 1220 Vaibakha-buti 16 Gurau [1] Likhitam
idam ráj-Adebat23 jyotishika-ári-Tilakarâja-pratyaksham Gaudanvaya-kayastha
Mahava-putra-Sripatina 6 Atra samaye maha-mantri rajaputra-sri-Sallakshanapalah 11
TRANSLATION.
A. Om! In the year 1220, on the 15th of the bright half of Vaisakka. (A record) of the illustrious Visaladeva, son of the illustrious Avelladeve, king of Bakambhari.
B. Om! Tears forsooth are in the eyes of (thy) enemy's consort; blades of grass are perceived between (thy) adversary's teeth ; 2 thy fame fills the quarters with its glory; forsaken by men is the path which is forbidden in the world, 35 (and) desolate are the minds of (thy) foes, when the jubilee of thy onward march has come, O illustrious lord Vigraharaja !
11 From impressions supplied to me by Mr. Fleet.
19 Expressed by a symbol. he third akahars of this word was originally bhan, but the wuperioript anuadra has been struck out. # The small circle below, and touching, the left portion of the w of the akshara ve of this word is the remainder of a sign of visarga, which was denoted by two small circles, of whicb the upper one also is still faintly visible in the impression.
18 Between Atmaja and frimad the sign of visarga mu engraved, but subsequently strack out by a vertical line. 16 Expressed by a symbol
17 Metre, 8Ardülsvikridita; and of the next verse. 16 Expressed by a symbol.
19 Metre, Sragdhard. * Originally vijayah was eagraved, but the sign of visarga has been struck out. 1 Metre, Bardalavikridita.
* One would have expected here - Vaikramadity. Compare the 'PAlam Bioli' stone inscription, in Jour. Beng. As. soc., Vol. XLIII. Part I, plate X, L. 21, sanatsart-smin-Vaikramddityd sarwat 1837.
23 Read osdj-jyautishika.
On this I give Colebrooke's note, m corrected by himselt in his own copy of the Asiatic Romarcher wich is in the Göttingen University Library "This allades to the Indian custom, by which biting a blade of gruis token of submission, and of making quarter."
* 1.e. the path of wickedne, to which the king has put an end. The two previous translations of this page are : "the heart of (thy) foes was vacant, even as a path in the desert, where men are hindered from passing ;" and "the minds of thy fow Aro void [of hopo); their route is the desert where men are hindered from pusing.

Page #237

सकर १२:२० वशावरात१५ शाका तिश्रीमानलाद
बाबा श्री दासलातमा
SCALE -11
B
अागनाम उपियो नागपादिताचारपटादा गटागानविरुवामिलना ,टालात की। - मामीलाकवि तहलकान यमलोनिविषाशीमविपदमाहादतनमानघटागोसवे॥ . लीलामदिरासादानपुरेत उद्यानिवासवीशवराजविगुतदितिपतियायानवाससवा शकावाउकामानमयरवानानामविवार नितिनधापनशियन मरवाहाइननिदा यतः।
Delhi Siwalik Pillar Inscriptions of Visaladeva.-Vikrama-Samvat 1220.
SCALE 14
जाताPादमा
पातपावन
HEAL
XEX
J६॥ अविधादादिमा चयनिविलौधीमावासमाउदीयमवह तोमपतिषविनमधापाप्रसन्नः। न
शादीवरमा जनताकतवामहविवादनालिद कशातीतजावाजा तुविनदास्तीसलाकामिपालः!
AN
.
समितिमा
लकःशाकुर पनि
MATLATEाट उमवावधानमालवाषनीकरणाका सूतका उद्यानमा यमनः॥
N AHATE विशाखपति र शारीलिखित नियमित पक्रयाति पायो अपत्याई गोडावय काया राहत्वपुत्री
नोटामदामयी गाऊ चपीस नाशपामा
J. F. FLEET, BO. C.S.
SCALE -14
W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.

Page #238


Page #239

RARE COPPER COINS OF AKBAR.
JULY, 1890.]
O mansion of grace, 26 let thy abode, but not that of thy enemies, be (fixed) in the minds, akin to thee,27 of the women with beautiful eyebrows! Fitting it is that thou shouldst dwell there, O Vigraha, sovereign of the earth! Or is there a doubt that thou art the most high of men P23 Surely there is not. Was it not thou that slept in the lap of Fortune, whom thou didst seize from the ocean, having churned it ?
219
C.
Om! Having achieved conquest as far as the Vindhya (and) as far as the Himalaya in the course of his pilgrimages to sacred shrines, striking at the haughty (and) gracious to princes who bend their necks; by repeatedly exterminating the barbarians having once more made Aryavarta what its name signifies, 20 victorious in the world is the lord, the guardian of the earth Visala, ruler of Sakambhari.
The ornament of the Chahamanas, the illustrious Vigraharaja, king of Sakambhart, the victorious, now addresses here those born in his lineage: "We have made tributary the land between Himalaya and Vindhya; let not your minds be void of exertion to appropriate the remainder of the earth!"
In the year 1220 of the illustrious Vikramaditya, on Thursday, the 15th of the bright half of Vaisakha. This was written at the king's command, in the presence of the astrologer, the illustrious Tilakaraja, by Sripati, the son of Mahava, a Kayastha of Ganda descent.
The great minister at this time is the Rajaputra, the illustrious Sallakshanapala.
RARE COPPER COINS OF AKBAR.
BY CHAS. J. RODGERS, HONORARY NUMISMATIST TO THE GOVERNMENT OF INDIA. The coins of Akbar herein described, which either belonged to my own cabinet, or were obtained by me in my tours as Archæological Surveyor, are now dispersed, having been sent either to the British Museum, or to the Indian Museum in Calcutta, or to the Lâhôr or Lucknow Museum.
They show us what a vast field the copper coinage of Akbar presents to the numismatist, while the many different weights and names, the varieties of the legends, the mints, the years, and the months all tend to create interest. Only 36 coins are shown in the Plates attached, but we have the following. mints represented:-Kâlpi or Maḥammadâbâd, Gwalior, Fort Gwalior, Jaunpur, Aḥmadâbâd, Ajmêr, Malpûr, Alwar, Chitôr, Hisar Firóza, Agra, Lâhôr, Khairpur, Kabul, Burhanpûr, Fathpûr (Sikri,) and Dehli: seventeen mints in all, which if dotted out on the map would show to a certain extent the boundaries of the empire under Akbar.
When Akbar ascended the throne, the markets of India must have been inundated with the large copper coins of the Suri kings, as well as the Bahlolis and Sikandarts of the two Lodhi kings, and the anonymous coins of Babar and Humayan.
The peculiarities of these coins were as follows. The Sûrî issues were distinguished by the names of the kings and the size, and those of the Lôdhis and Mughals by the mint. Thus, Humayun struck copper coins all over the country at Mândû, at Champânêr, Dehli, Lâhôr, Agra, Jaunpur and other places, and Sher Shah's mints for copper coins were at Hisar, Gwalior, Nårnôl, Nau, Sambhal, Shêr Garh (Qanauj ?), Alwar, Agra, Byânâ, Kâlpi, Lakhnau, and Malot.
28 Colebrooke, reading satranam nanu, instead of the actual reading on the stone satranam tu na, and adopting generally the explanation of Radhakantaéarman, translated this passage thus: "May thy abode, O Vigraha, sovereign of the earth, be fixed, as in reason it ought, in the bosoms (akin to the mansion of dalliance) of the women with beauitful eyebrows, who were married to thy enemies."
27 Vis., because they, too, are a home of grace or amorous dalliance. 28 Or Purushottama, i.e. the god Vishnu.
i.e. the abode of the Aryans.

Page #240

220
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1890.
The Lodhîs also at any rate struck both at Dehli and Jaunpur. Again, Humâyûn never put his name on copper, only the year and the mint. The Sûrîs, however, always did so, and seldom the mint. Thus, but very few copper coins of Islam Shah Sar have the name of the mint on them and the same may be said of the copper issues of Muḥammad Sur. There is also no mint given on the few copper coins known of Sikandar Sar and Ibrahim Sur. Further, the coppers of Shêr Shah, which are found in great variety and numbers all over the Pañjab were in all probability meant to be dáms, weighing about 320 grains, and those of the other four Sûri kings were similar in make, size and legend.
Now, Akbar adopted the dams of the Suri kings, but sometimes used the style of his father Humayun, and sometimes followed a style peculiar to himself, contracting a habit towards the latter part of his reign of placing the name of the coin upon the coin itself. For this purpose (1) fulús was used jast as we use 'copper' and meant any sized copper coin ; (2) the tankal and its parts, the ním (half) tanka, chuhárum hissa-i-tanka (4th), hashtum hissa (8th), and shánzdahum hissa (16th), as definite coins with fixed weights ; (3) the wisfi (half), as half a dám. This last is a very rare coin, and in one instance I have met with the actual words else half a dam on such a coin (Pl. II. fig. 32). All the coins of this description are rare and in fact all those that I show on the plates attached to this paper are so. They are difficult to obtain, the legends are uncommon and the mints also.
It would seem, too, that weights were minted in Akbar's time under the auspices of the mint authorities, though jewellers then, as now, probably kept sets of agate weights. I have seen such minted copper weights from the Lâhôr, Ågra and Kâbul mints, which in my previous papers on the copper coins of Akbar I thought were coins, inasmuch as they have the name of the mint, the year, and the month on them, exactly as the coins have.. In Agra they were called tanke, spelt , and were issued, as far as I know, only as four-tánke and two-tánke pieces. In Kâbul and Lahôr they were called tanke, spelt S, of which I have seen one one-tanke and one four-tanke piece. From Kábul I have a one-tanke and a two-tanke piece, and I now give a four-tanke piece (Pl. II, fig. 29).
The weights of the tanke pieces are a puzzle. Those given in my previous papers, 3 - two one-tánke pieces, weighed 59 and 58.8 grains respectively, though much worn; but the twotánke pieces I have seen vary from 119.5 to 108 grs.; while the three four-tánke pieces described in the present paper vary from 237 to 244-5 grains. This should make the one-tánke piece about 61, or perhaps 62 grains. Now the Ain-i-Abkari gives the weight of a jeweller's tank as 24 ratis, and on actual weighment I find that 24 ratis=42 grs., and in this I am supported by Thomas, who says one ratí =175 grs. Therefore a one-tánke piece should weigh 42 grs., but it does weigh 58.8 to 62 grs. Again in Babar's Table of Indian Weights given by Thomas the tang is said to weigh 32 ratis, equal to 56 grains, but even this weight is less than that of worn copper tánke pieces 300 years old. Next, General Cunningham estimates the rati at 1.8229 grs. and Mr. Maskelyne at 1.85. This goes nearer to what we want, if a tinke piece of 59 grs. = 32 ratis, because then 1 rati = 1.844 grs. But this is my lowest weight, whereas the four tánke piece weighs 244.5, though it is worn, making one tank = at least 61.1 grs, and 1 rati = 1.91 gr. All this makes me think the Ain-i-Akbari is wrong in saying that the tank was of 24 ratis, and that it was really of 32 ratis. It also makes me think that the rati was heavier then than now.
A noteworthy feature in the coins of the second plate is that the names of the old Persian months appear on them, on fig. 20 Ardibihisht, on fig. 21 Khurdad, on fig. 22 Shahrêwar, on fig. 23 Azr, on fig. 24 Amardad, on fig. 25 Farwardin, on fig. 26 Amardad, on fig. 29 Abán, on fig. 36 Tir. Thus we have the names of eight out of the twelve Persian months.
1 (See next note as to whether this word should be tanka or tank.-R.C.T.) - (May not these words be tanki and tanki P-R.C.T.] 3 J. A. S. B., Vol. XLIX. Pt. I. 1881, Pl. xix. fig. 3, and Vol. LIV. Pt. I., 1888, Pl. i. fig. 14.

Page #241

JULY, 1890.]
A word to collectors. The copper coins of Akbar are getting rarer every year, because they contain good copper and are melted down.. Of those that are weights, I have seen but few. The people no longer know what they really are, and the few I have come across have always been in heaps of coins. So in any old heap of coppers may turn up a valuable mint-made weight, of which numismatists now know nothing.
Fig. 1. Obv.:
Rev. :
The invaluable coin shown on Pl. II. fig. 32 invites me to make a remark as to an old controversy, about which I will now say nothing further than this. The revenues of Akbar were estimated in dams. Now that we know from this coin what the dâm is we can calculate the revenues exactly, or rather, we can see what the values of the sums, put down in the Ain-i-Akbari, are.
Fig. 2. Obv. :
Rev. :
Fig. 3. Obv.:
Rev. :
-
The word
RARE COPPER COINS OF AKBAR.
Fig. 4.
TRANSCRIPTION.
PLATE I.
.Kalpf mint دارالضرب محمد آباد عرف کالپي .. 964 في سنہ ۹۶۴ نهصد شصت ( و چهار) .Kalpl mint دارالضرب خطہ کالبی سنی ۹۶۸ .. 968 في التاريخ
same as on fig. 2. Kha
When Kâlpî was first called Muḥammadâbâd (vide fig. 1), or by whom, I do not know. I have a mohar of Akbar in which he calls Udaipur by the same name, adding, however, the
عرب محمد آباد عرف أدي پور مفتوحه - : epithet conquered to it. The inscription runs thus
AH 006 في التاريخ سفر ۹۲۹
Fig. 10. Obv.:
Rev.
Kilpi very plain.
is used on coins of Jaunpûr struck in the time of Bâbar and Humâyûn. Obv.:
جلال الدین محمد اکبر بادشاہ غازی .. 967 في عهد) اميرالعالمي جلال الدين والدنيا ۶۷ (۹) -: .Rev
Fig. 11. Obv. :
Rev. :
Fig. 5. Obv. and Rev. as on Fig. 4, but no year on Rev. :-This coin is half the weight of No. 4. The reverse follows the type originated by Shêr Shah. Fig. 6. Obv. :
Rev. :This coin is, so far as I know, unique. Fig. 7. Obv. :
Rev. :Fig. 8. Obv. :
Rev. :
The coins of the Gwalior mint are exceedingly rare. In the large Dâru'l-Khilafat, in the small one the fort.
Fig. 9. Obv.:
Rev. :
221
في زمان جلال الدین محمد اکبر بادشاہ غازی .A.H 966 خلد الله تعالي ملكه......سنہ ٩٦٦
.Mint Gwalior ضرب ...... دارالخلاف گوالیور ..odd A 900 في تاريخ سنه نهصد...... .Mint Gwalior ( ضرب ؟ ) قلع گوالیور هفت .A.H 987 نهصد هشتاد و
one the town is called
.Jaanpar mint ضرب فلوس دارالخلافہ جونپور .. 970 في التاريخ سنہ نہصد هفتاد
The Jaunpûr coins of Akbar are very rare. This place is also called Dâru'l Khilafat on his coins.
.Ahmadabad mint ضرب فلوس احمد آباد .. 980 سنہ نهصد هشتاد ۹۸۰
Coins of the Aḥmadâbâd mint of this type are very rare; at any rate they are very seldom seen in the Paōjâb.
.Amir mint سرب اجبار سكر فلوس ..A 988 سنہ نہعد هشتاد ( وهشت ) ۹۸۸

Page #242

222
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1890
.Alwar mint ضرب فلوس الور
Fig. 12. Obv.:
wgli w lewyne Mâlpûr mint. Rev.:
910 s lamo sapi nime 985 A.H. There are several places called Málpûr. I do not know which this is. Fig. 13. Obv.:Rev.:
911 Büt, a dapi (in) 968 A.H. Coins of the Alwar mint are very rare. Fig. 14. Obv. :
wwgli sme going gue Chîtôr mint. Rev. :
999 (ni, sgil, dapi mimo 999 A.H. I at first thought this ought to be of the Jaipûr mint ( is) as the word is without dots, but Jaipur was not in existence in the time of Akbar. The mint of Chitor is not mentioned in the Ain-i-Akbarí. Mr. Oliver read this mint as Qananj (3), J. 4. S. B., Vol. LV. 1885, Pl. xi., fig. 23.4 Fig. 15. Obv. :
(8), las cuali ya Nişâr Firôzs mint. Rev.:
cégcsop ay lil 967 A.H. Coins of Akbar from the Hisar Firoza mint are very rare. Fig. 16. Obv.:
XST ,Swyd Âgra mint. Rev.:
shared wine cywisi 900 odd A.H. Fig. 17. Obv.:
Ja y diblul,d wwglige Lähôr mint. Rev.:
cuno, slie shap 976 A.H. Fig. 18. Obv.:
......) wyliwy LÂhör mint. Rev.:
shiko dheviçit, WI 970 A.H. The last two coins are varieties of the Lahor mint before 993 A.H.
PLATE II. Fig. 19. Obv. :
911 in que los WWIJL year 966 A.H. Rev.:-The kalima in two lines. This coin is one of two known specimens of Akbar's coinages with the kalima on the Reverse. Fig. 20. Obv. :Rev.:
SHINY (Seatin) suy Xust - jud 47 year Ilâhi. This is the first time a four-tanke piece has been published. Two-tánke pieces were published some time ago by me, which I mistook for coins. No higher weight has yet been found, although such are mentioned in the Ain-i-Akbari (Gladwin's Ed., Vol. II. p. 383). Fig. 23. Obv.:Rev.:--
P i ly gue 46th Ilahi Lahôr mint. This is another four-tanke piece. The name, however, on it is tanke, not tánke, as on the specimen from the Agra mint. Fig. 29. Obr.:Rev.:
divult
47th Ilâhî, Kâbul mint. This is a four-tanke piece of the Kábul mint.
. Given that Mr. Rodgers has drawa this coin correctly it seems to me to read clearly got i.e., grine and not get as he reads. It cannot therefore read 909, though it might possibly read agii w Mr. Oliver says, on the original coins. Chitor Dyin is the correct spelling.-RC. TEXPLE.]
.A four-tanke piece چو تانک اکبر شاي
.A four-tanke piece چوتنکے اکبر شاہی
.A four-tanke piece چوتنکے اکبر شاہی

Page #243

Rare Copper Coins of Akbar.
Plate i.
307
JIS
Ob 300
30 8.2
12210
of
is
90
03.
314 999 W
C. J. RODGERS, DEL.
316.7 W. GRIGOS, PHOTO-LITH.

Page #244

Rare Copper Coins of Akbar.
Plate ii.
2/
00049
3/3
244.
net
3/8
24
009
12.
168.7
303.
.
291.5
eos
Good
315.
Ood
C. J. RODGERS, DEL.
W. GRIGOS, PHOTO-LITH.

Page #245

JULY, 1890)
RARE COPPER COINS OF AKBAR.
223
.A faults of Gwalior ضرب فلوس گوالیار ر)
.Afulds of Almadabad فلوس احمد آباد
All these three pieces are, so far as I know, unique. They were met with in different parts of the Pañjab. They show how the mints provided the people with authentic weights, though the actual weights of the pieces vary from 244:5 to 237 grains. Wear and tear, account for the differences. Akbar evidently saw that the only way to provide standard weights for the people was to issue them under his own authority and from his own mints.6 Fig. 2. Oby. :
.
I wij p rywyd Half-tanka of Lâhôr. Rev. :
Ny slogge 46th year llâhi. Here we have a half-tanka, a coin equal in weight to the dáms of the Súris and of the first 30 years of Akbar's reign. I have seen no tanka, or quarter-tanka, or any other part of the tanka from the Lâhôr mint, though they are in existence in all probability. Collectors should keep a sharp look out for them. Fig. 22. Obv.:Rev. :
NINA J 38th year Ilahi. Here this dám is called a fulls. This coin of the Gwalior mint is, I believe, unique, Fig. 24. Obv. :Rev. :
ut I...... yel Year scarcely legible. This fulás is very rare indeed. . Fig. 25. Oby:
This gul wwgli non s ot (gue) A fulus of Khairpâr. Rev.:
Ipv w! Ju 47th year Ilahi. I do not know where Khairpûr is. This fulds is unique. Fig. 26. Oby. :
ILI SU na pse (yue) The 4th of a tanka. Rev. :
HINJE JIS yol 44th year Tláh i. There is no mint to this fourth part of a tanka. It is an excessively rare coin. Fig. 27. Obv.:
......
(lugue?) A Qanaaj coin. Rev.:
919 dig ensay dapi 969 A. H. Here we have an undoubted coin of the Qanauj mint. This place was called Shêr Gath Qanauj on the copper coins of Islâm Shâh Sür. There are some letters on the obverse I have not been able to make into words. As yet this specimen is unique. Fig. 28. Obv.:
......(s) gaiol wy Strack at Ajmêr. Rev. :
TV dig slido da diyi 979 A.H. This is an early coin of the Ajmer mint. What the meaning of mansur and the letters above that word may be I cannot make out. Fig. 30. Obv. :Rev.:
youpon...... 48th year Ilâhi. This fulás is worn. Burhanpûr is not mentioned as a mint in the Ain-i-Akbari. I have several rupees, however, of this mint, though this is the only copper coin I have yet seen struck at this place. Fig. 31. Obv.:Rev.:
way (cia), ali anap nin 987 A, H.
.Struck at Burhanpai ضرب فلوس برہانپور
'
.8tract at Fathpdr mint ضرب دارالضرب فتحپور فلوس
. Since the above was written I have been favoured by that celebrated numismatist, Dr. J. Gerson da Cunha of Bombay, with sight of some of his immense stores. In these I dotooted two four-tanie pieces struck at AhmadAbid. They were very much worn, but still legible.
Coins from this mint are in my possession, but as yet are anedited. A long paper is in fast wanted on the coppor coinage of the Saris, showing the mints and inscriptions.

Page #246

224
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(July, 1890.
The weight of this coin, 78 grains, proclaims it to be a quarter-dán. This size is very rare indeed. Fig. 32. Obv.:
slyst),diplu pulyas A hali-dúm of Port (?) Rev.:--
ul...... ulsyal Year (?) Ilhi. This most precious coin has the words ním lán on it. It is the only one I have seen out of many thousands of Akbar's coins with the name dám on it. It is very much worn. It establishes the fact that a dam was equivalent to half a tanka. Fig. 33. Obv.:
1. imej Anisf (orhalf),1013 A.H. Rev. :-A geometric design, Here we have another half-dám with only the word a half on it. Its weight, 153 grains (it is very much worn), confirms the weight of the dim. Fig. 34. Obv.:-- Rev.:
SHIRR olselle 44th year Ilahi. This half-tanka is worn. It is 3 grains lighter than the Lâhôr specimen, fig. 21, and 14 grains lighter than the Âgra specimen, fig. 36. Fig. 35. Obv. :
Sü8 ST w An Ågra tanka. Rev.:
SNI PER Grün suy! 44th year Ilahi. This coin is much eaten by rust, but it still weighs 6255 grains. I obtained it in Agra four-and-a-half years ago. One similar to it is in the possession of L. White King, Esq., C.S. This coin shows beyond a doubt that towards the latter end of his reign Akbar's issued coins called tankas of about 640 grains in weight. Fig. 36. Oby. :Rev.:
PIROZ 45th year Ilahi.
half-tanika of Dehlf ضرب دوای نيم تندم اکبرشاي .
half-tanha of Agra ضرب ا گره نیم تنكہ اکبر شاي .
MISCELLANEA. THE BHITARI SEAL OF KUMARAGUPTA II. | as nearly as possible, 44" broad by 5%" high.
This interesting seal was discovered, at some Round the face of it there runs a raised rim, of time previous to 1886, when the foundations for which the average breadth is about 1". and the a new building were being dug at Bhitari, in the average height something under V". On the back Sayyidpur Tahsil or Sub-Division of the Ghazipur of it there are two projecting knobs, each about District, North-West Provinces. It was presented " in diameter, evidently intended for the purby a Muhammadan gentleman to Mr. C. J. pose of attaching it to some other object, e.g., Nicholls, B.O.S.; and it is now in the Provincial probably, copper charter. The metal is of a Museum at Lucknow. I owe the opportunity of whitish grey colour, which suggested at first examining it to the kindness of Mr. A. H. Pirie, that it was base silver ; but it was found, by the Secretary of the Museum Committee. An
analysis, to consist of copper, silver and gold, in account of the seal has been published by Mr. the proportions of 62-970, 36-225, and 0.405, V. A. Smith, B. C. S., in the Jour. Beng. As. Soc.
with a trace of iron; so that it is practically Vol. LVIII. Part I. p. 84 ff. And, in continua
a copper, rather than a silver seal. The weight tion of Mr. Smith's account, Dr. A. F. Rudolf of the seal is 59% tolas. - The upper part of the Hoernle has given the text and translation of the seal, rather less than half of it, is occupied by inscription on the seal, with a photo-collotype, emblems, of which the principal one is a and with some valuable remarks on the history of representation of Garuda, in fairly high relief the period. I give the text according to my own on the countersunk surface. He is shewn with method, with its translation, on page 225 below. the body, legs, and wings of a bird, and with
The soal is oval in shape, pointed at the top the head of a man ;' as remarked by Mr. Smith, and bottom; and its extreme measures are, I the face is a broad and foll, with thick lips, and
1 There are no indications here of the human arms, which, I think, can be discerned on the seal of the Rijim grant of Tlvaradeva (Gupta Inscriptions, No. 81).

Page #247

JULY, 1890.]
MISCELLANEA.
225
TEXT.2 1 [Sar]y[v]a-raj-8chchhêttuh=prithivyâm=apratirathasya ma hårája-sri-G[u]pta-pra
pautstrasya maharaja-sri-Ghatotkacha-pauttrasya ma hå]2 [râja]dhir[a]ja-sri-Chandragupta-puttrasya Lichchhav[i-dauhittras)ya ma[hade]vya[m
Kuma]rad[@]vyam=utpannasya maharajadhiraja3 ś[ri]-Samudraguptasya puttras-tat-parig[ri]h[i]tô macháde]vya [n=Da]t[tjad[8]vy[@]m=
utpannas-svayam ch=[@]pratirathah -paramabhiga4 [vatô maha]r[a]j[A]dhiraja-sri-Chandrag[u]p[t]a[s=ta]sya p[u]t(trdas=tat-pad-fajnu
d[dh]y[Q]tô mahâdêvy[âm] Dhr[u]vadêvyám=utpannô mah[a]r[a]5 [jadhi]râja-sri-Kumarag[u]ptas-tasya puttras-tat-pad-inuddhyâtû m ahîdêvyàm=
Anantadávy[a]m=utpannô mahå[ra]6 [ja]dh[i]r[a]ja-sri-Purag[u]p[t]as-tasya puttras-tat-pâd-anuddhy[á]t[0] maha
dêv[y]a[m] sri-Vat[s]adêvyam=ntpan[no] masha]7 r[a]j[A]dh[i]r[A]ja-sri-Naras[i]mhaguptas-tasya p[u]ttras-tat-[p]âd-[nu]a[dh]y[@]t[6]
mah[A]a[@]y[yam] śri-Maha[lakshmi(?)][dê]v[ya]m=ut[p]annah-paramabh[@]gavatô mah[â]r[&]j[a]db[i]r[a]ja-śrî-Kum[a]ra
g[uptaḥ 11]
TRANSLATION. Of the Maharajadhiraja, the glorious Samudragupta, - who was the exterminator of all kings; who had no antagonist (of equal power) in the world, who was the son of the son's son of the Maharaja, the illustrious Gupta; who was the son's son of the Maharája, the illustrious Ghatotkacha; (and) who was the son of the Maharajadhiraja, the glorions Chandragupta (I.), (and) the daughter's son of Lichchhavi, begotten on the Mahadevi Kumaradevi,
(Line 3.)-The son was the most devout worshipper of the Divine One, the Maharajadhirája, the glorious Chandragupta (II.), -who was accepted by him (Samudragupta); who was begotten on the Mahalé vi Dattadevi; and who was himself without an antagonist (of equal power).
(L. 4.)-His son, who meditated on his feet, (and) who was begotten on the Mahadé vl Dhruvadevi, (was) the Maharajadhiraja, the glorious Kumaragupta (I.)
(L. 5.)-His son, who meditated on his feet, (and) who was begotten on the Mahadevi Anantadàvi, (wus) the Mahárdjádhiraja, the glorious Puragupta.
(L. 6.)-His son, who meditated on his feet, (and) who was begotten on the Mahadevi, the glorious Vatsadovi, (was) the Mahárájádhiraja, the glorious Narasimhagupta.
(L. 7.)-His son, who meditated on his feet, (and) who was begotten on the Mahádé ví, the glorious Mahalakshmidovi (P), (is) the most devout worshipper of the Divine One, the Mahárájádhiraja, the glorious Kumaragupta (II.)
- From the original seal.
a Hero Dr. Hoernle has given the alternative readings svayan ch-pratirathah, and svayam cha pratirathah; with preference in favour of the former, which is undoubtedly the correct reading. In the Bhitari inscription (Gupta Inscriptions, No. 13, line 4, p. 53) I gave the reading as svayam-apratirathah, to which, of course, there is no inberent ohjection. There, however, the passage is rather damaged; while, in this seal it is almost quito intact. The an uavára over the ya is very distinct. So ao in the following ch. And I think that there are still faint remnants of the superscript 4, attached to the ch. The reading in the Bhitari inscription should be altered, to agree with the present text; the Jarge round mark over the ya there, is plainly to be attributed to an expansion of the antavdra in the weathering of tbe stone.
• Or, possibly,"the Mahddsut Srivatsadevi," as taken by Dr. Hoernle; but see pago 226 below.

Page #248

226
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
the hair is arranged exactly like the wig of an English Judge." Round his neck there is coiled a snake, hooded, I think; its head stands up over his left wing. Over his right wing there is a circle, with a small boss on it, which is probably meant for the chakra or discus of Vishnu; and over his left wing there seems to be a faint representation of the sankha or conchshell of the same god. Below the above, there are two parallel lines, in relief, across the seal. And below them there is the writing, with a blank space, about one inch high, at the bottom of the seal. It is done in relief. A good deal of it is legible very easily; but lines 2 and 3 are rather badly damaged about the centre; and in other places, where the inscription is a good deal worn, it can be read only by holding the seal in various lights, and with the help of a magnifying glass. The photo-collotype published with Dr. Hoernle's paper, represents the original as well as could be expected; but it naturally fails to render the inscription as legible as it is in reality, especially in respect of details. The characters are well formed, and are of almost precisely the same type with those of the Bhitarf pillar inscription of Skandagupta (Gupta Inscriptions, No. 13, Plate vii.) The average size of the letters is somewhat less than ".- The language is Sanskrit. In respect of orthography we may notice (1) the use of the upadhmaniya in 6chchhéttuh prithivyám, line 1; ápratirathaḥ= parama, line 3; and utpannah-parama", line 8; (2) the doubling of t before r, in pauttrasya, line 1, puttrasya, line 2, and puttras, lines 3, 5, 6, and 7; and, of course, in the other instances where part of the conjunct consonant has been destroyed; and (3) the doubling of dh, by d, before y, in the word anuddhyata, in lines 4, 5, 6, and 7.
—
The inscription on the seal is purely genealogical; as are the inscriptions on the Asîrgadh and Sonpat seals of Sarvavarman and Harshavardhaua (Gupta Inscriptions, Nos. 47, 52), and on the seals attached to the grants of the Mahardjas Mahendrapala and Vinayakapâla (ante, Vol. XV. pp. 112, 140). And, with the omission of certain epithets of Samudragupta, it follows a standard form from which was taken, as far as it goes in each case, the genealogy given in some of the stone inscriptions. Consequently, as far as the mention of Kumâragupta I., the text of this seal is established without any doubt, even where it is illegible in the original. The interest of it centres in the following passages, which have given us
5 This seal, though discovered before 1886, did not come to notice till some three years later; the first
[JULY, 1890.
some new names in the Gupta genealogy, that were not known when I completed my Gupta Inscriptions.5
In line 5, the name of the wife of Kumaragupta I. is certainly Anantadevi, as read by Dr. Hoernle. It is very distinct and indisputable.
In line 6, the name of the son of Kumaragupta I. is undoubtedly Puragupta, as read by Dr. Hoernle. The suggestion has been made to me that the text has Sthiragupta, as a variant of the name of Skandagupta, who is the only known son of Kumâragupta I. mentioned in the other records that we have. It is unnecessary to point out other objections to this suggestion, because Sthiragupta is most certainly not the name that we have here. The mark below the consonant in the first syllable is distinctly the subscript u, formed as in the case of mu throughout; and the smooth surface of the plate here shews that nothing over and above this mark was engraved; the subscript th was most certainly not formed. The consonant itself is a little rubbed; but it is distinctly p. The idea of a superscript i, derived from the collotype, is due, partly to the fact that the up-stroke of the p runs a trifle too high; and partly to an indentation in the surface of the seal, above the first part of the p, which, in the collotype, has appeared in such a way as to justify the supposition of a superscript i; the vowel, however, was not engraved. On the analogy of the names of the other Early Guptas, my own idea, before seeing the original seal, was that the name here might be Suragupta, "protected by the gods." It is, however, indisputably Puragupta; which must mean "protected by a city, or by cities," and is not to be taken as an abbreviation of Purârigupta, Puramdaragupta, or any such appellation.
In the same line, in the name of Puragupta's wife, the va and the t are so distinct; that the text can only be completed as értvatsadivyam Her name may possibly be Srivatsadêvi, as taken by Dr. Hoernle. But I think that the ért here is only the honorific prefix; used from this point with the queens' names, as it is in the DêêBaranârk inscription (Gupta Inscriptions, No. 46). I, therefore, differ from Dr. Hoernle, and take her
name to be Vatsadevi.
In line 7, in the name of Puragupta's son, the letters naras are very distinct. The next syllable seems to be certainly ha.. And I think there is also clearly a remnant of an anusvára over the 8. Under these circumstances, no hesitation need
announcement of it being in the Pioneer of the 13th May, 1889.

Page #249

JULY, 1890.]
be felt in adopting Dr. Hoernle's reading of the name as Narasimhagupta.
MISCELLANEA.
bri
In the same line, in the case of Narasimhagupta's wife, we have another name in respect of which I cannot agree with Dr. Hoernle. He gave the reading as śrimatidévyám, and took the name to be Srimatidêvi. But if, as I think, the name of Puragupta's wife was simply Vatsadêvi, then here also we must have the honorific prefix ért, and, to give the name of Srimatidêvi, the text should be ri-Srimatidévyám; compare Srimatyám in line 2 of the Dôô-Baraçârk inscription. Moreover, while the syllable after ért is certainly ma, in my opinion it is clearly followed by ha. Further, the proper position of the dé of dévyám is at the beginning of line 8; not at the end of line 7, where Dr. Hoernle placed it. And after the syllables mahd, there appear to me to have been in reality two letters, not only one, at the end of line 7; the second of them is now entirely illegible; the first is much damaged, but, comparing it with the initial of lichchhavi in line 2, I think that the consonant was 7. For these reasons, I think that this name must be taken as Mahalakshmidêvi; without, however, proposing this as quite a certainty. Failing that, it may be Mahâdêvidêvî; or possibly simply Mahadêvi, in which case, the dé lying where Dr. Hoernle placed it, unnecessary spaces were left at the end of line 7 and at the beginning of line 8.
In line 8, in the name of Narasimhagupta's son, the letters kum and rag are so distinct, that the whole name can be nothing but Kumaragupta (II.), as taken by Dr. Hoernle.
The importance of this inscription lies partly in its extending the Early Gupta genealogy by two generations; and partly in its omitting all mention of Skandagupta; for, undoubtedly, Dr. Hoernle is right in taking Puragupta to be, not another name of Skandagupta, but the name of a (younger) brother of his. Why Skandagupta is omitted, it is useless at present to attempt to explain conclusively. But in addition to the analogous instance quoted by Dr. Hoernle, I am able to give a still more pointed one from the Eastern Chalukya grants. Almost all of them commence by mentioning Pulikêéin II., and then trace the genealogy from his younger brother Vishnuvardhana I. But the Sâtârâ grant of Vishnuvardhana I., which takes the genealogy further back, passes straight to him from his father Kirtivarman I., omitting to make any reference to Pulikêsin II.; and this, in spite of the fact that Vishnuvardhana I. was then only the Yuvaraja of his elder brother. The inference is, I think, that, whether Skandagupta left a son
227
or not, there was a formal division of the Early Gupta territories in the generation of Skandagupta and Puragupta, or some dissension between them.
I notice that, in his historical remarks, Dr. Hoernle (p. 96) takes the Yasodharman and Vishnuvardhana of one of the Mandasôr records (Gupta Inscriptions, No. 35), to be one and the same person. I have no special reasons to urge against this view, except the apparently pointed contrast of janendra, applied to Yasodharman, with narádhipati, which is connected with Vishnuvardhana, and the use of punas-cha in the verse that introduces the latter. And I should not hesitate to adopt the identification, if, in line 5, we could read sa ésha, instead of sa eva, which is the actual reading. As it is, the question demands further consideration, before Dr. Hoernle's proposal can be accepted.
In a footnote on p. 103 f., Dr. Hoernle has ex
pressed his dissent from my opinion that the dates of the Maharajas of Uchchakalpa might have to be referred to the Kalachuri era; but has asked me to explain myself more clearly.
In the Parivrâjaka family, we have the Maharaja Hastin, with the dates of the years 156, 163, and 191, which are expressly referred to the Gupta era.
In the Uchchakalpa family, we have the Maharaja Barvanatha, with the dates of the years 193, 197, and 214. Neither in his grants, nor in those of his father Jayanâtha, is there anything to shew distinctly the era that is used. Nor do the dates contain details that can be tested by calculation.
And from the Bhumars pillar inscription we learn that Hastin and Barvanatha were contemporaries, in a certain Mahâ-Mâgha samvatsara.
In the Bhumarâ inscription, there is no mention of the year of any era at all. And Dr. Hoernle's misapprehension is based upon the fact that, in editing that record, at a time when I was under the impression that the Uchchakalpa dates, like those of the Parivrâjakas, could only be referred to the Gupta era, I used the words quoted by him, "the choice [for the Maha-Magha samvatsara in question] lies only between GuptaSamvat 189 and 201 " (Gupta Inscriptions, Texts and Translations, p. 111); and upon my omission to expressly cancel them when I came (id. Introduction, pp. 8 to 10, 119, 121; see also ante, Vol. XVII. pp. 331, note 1, 337, 338 f.) to consider another possibility which presented itself subsequently, but which I could not dispose of com

Page #250

228
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1890.
pletely, because I was not then fully convinced of 214 = A. D. 462-63. While the earliest date of the real existence of the Kalachuri era as a Hastin is A. D. 319-20 + 156 = A. D. 475-76. separate era.
The occurrence of a Maha-Magha sariwalsara In reality, we are under no necessity whatever
would be expected in or about A. D. 472. And
the two persons might be made contemporaneous of taking Gupta-Saivat 189 (A. D. 508-509) as the crucial year, for the synchronism of Hastin
by adding on ten years at the end of Sarva
nátha's period, and three at the commencement of and Sarvanatha. There is nothing to prevent
Hastin's. But Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit finds that, in vur taking the Maha-Magha sariwatsara of one,
that cycle, the Maha-Magha samvatsara was two, or (but for the obstacle that will be shewn
omitted. Consequently, the Maha-Magha sanoatbelow) even three cycles earlier.
sara in which the two Maharajas were Prof. Kielhorn has now shewn (ante, Vol. contemporaneous, is the next one, which XVII. p. 215 ff.) that correct results can be obtain- commenced in A. D. 484, in Gupta-Samvat 165;' ed for all the Kalachuri dates with the epoch of and, in establishing the synchronism, we have A. D. 248.219. And I can find 10 reason for to add on twenty-two years to Sarvanatha's assuming that this era was simply invented in period, giving him altogether a known duration later times, and referred to that epoch. The
of forty-four years. epoch having been established, there are no
That the adjustment is to be made in this way, grounds for refusing to believe that the era was
I have no doubt whatever. Further consideration in actual use from the time of its epoch, and that
of the subject has fully confirmed me in that from the commencement of it there was a dynasty
view. which afterwards came to be known as that of the Kalachuri or Chôdi kings.
And the explanation of the Bhumara record
is, that the Maharajas Hastin and Sarvanatha, A Kalachuri epoch later by twenty-five years
being feudatories of two rival dynasties, could not or so than that established by Prof. Kielhorn,
agree as to which of the two rival eras should be would suit the circumstances of the case best.
used in a joint record ; and compromised the But there is no essential difficulty even with his
matter by quoting only the year of the Twelveepoch.
Year Cycle of Jupiter, as a method of reckoning Referred to the Kalachuri era with his epoch, which could hurt the dignity of neither of them. the latest date of Sarvanåtba is A. D. 248-49 + |
J. F. FLEET.
BOOK NOTICE. JOURNAL OF TAE AMERICAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY ; Vol. people. (B) Royalty: the king; royal duties XIII. 1889. New Haven.
and occupations : modes of Government; succesThe major part of this volume is taken up with sion; choice of a king; primogeniture; royal the now well-known and remarkable monograph
convocation: Assembly and Council: purshita by Prof. Hopkins on the Social and Military and priestly power: ambassador: Social Relaposition of the Ruling Caste in Ancient India tions of the King: royal marriage and burial : as represented by the Sanskpit Epic. It has been the Imperial City: caste exchange. IV. Military published separately as Hopkins's Ruling Caste position of the Ruling Caste: philosophy of war; in Ancient India, and deserves a far more general fighting force and military sentiment : exhaustive notice than can be given here, so we military tactics : usages in the field; laws of will not do more than inerely note that it is to be battle : army force in detail. (A) the chariot. found in this volume. It is, however, worth while charioteer, chariot steed, chariot knight. (B) the to give here a table of its contents as indicative cavalry. (C) the elephant riders. (D) weapons. of the wide and exhaustive nature of the article. (E) Armour and defence; magic and science I. Origin of the Epic. II. Historical value of the of weapons. (F) Paraphernalia of battle and Epic. III. (A) The social position of the Ruling music in the Epic. (V) Status of women: girl; Caste; the Caste in general; division of the wife; widow. Finally this very valuable paper
• There was a heliacal rising of Jupiter on the first) helincal rising took place on Bhadrapada sukla 8 of Bhadrapada krishna 9 of Suka-Samvat 395 current, Baka-Sarhvat 356 current, corresponding to Friday, 17th corresponding to Saturday, 15th July, A. D. 472; or, August, A. D. 473; or, by the English calendar, on by the English calendar, On Sunday, 16th July. His Saturday, 18th August. His longitude then was 135° 57'. longitudo then was 104° 14. By all the three systems | By all the three systems, he was then in Pârva-Phalguni. for the ending points of the nakshatras, he was then in And the sanatsara which then began, must have been Pushya. And the samvatsara which then began, must named MahA- PhAlguna. have been named Mahd-Pausha Jupiter's next following
See ante, Vol. XVII. p. 838.

Page #251

JULY, 1890.]
BOOK NOTICE.
winds up with a capital index of secondary remarks on the verb and the structure of the subjects. sentence might be applied almost verbatim to Burmese and the connected tongues.
According to the old custom of the American Oriental Society, now discontinued, its proceedings for three years are appended to the volume, and from them we will proceed to extract what is interesting to scholars in India.
Boston, May 6th, 1885.-A note on Superstitious customs connected with sneezing, by H. C. Warren, in which he gives a rendering of a Játaka tale introducing a Buddhistic form of "God bless you" on hearing a sneeze. Prof. Whitney added a text from the Jaiminiya-Brahmana to the same purport.
Prof. Avery, on the Garo Language of Assam, notes that it belongs to the Tibeto-Burman group its nearest kindred being the Pani-Kôch, Kachari, Dêôri-Chutia and Tipura tongues. It was first reduced to writing by the American Baptist Missionaries in 1873, who borrowed 28 (an insufficient quantity) characters from the Bengali alphabet for the purpose. The visarga was used to denote "a sudden cessation of utterance," which is a pity, as in Burmese the symbol used for exactly the opposite purpose is very like visarga. The above peculiarity of pronunciation is most marked in Burmese and is shown on paper by a dot or a small circular under the syllable or letter
affected.
229
There is no gender in Garo, and plurality is shown by adding - ráng. Generic particles are used with adjectival numerals varying according to the nature of the connected substantive. This is, of course, a law in Burmese, and the connected languages. Prof. Avery remarks that Garo declension is by suffixes, "but these are loosely attached to the base, and may be omitted whenever the case is clear from the context." This is a rule common to Burmese, in which language it is possible to make a complete sentence by merely stringing bases together in a set ordera habit which makes the language an exceedingly difficult one to follow when spoken. Adjectives appear to be chiefly substantives or verbs used adjectivally. This again is analogous to Burmese, whereas in English a word is frequently a substantive, verb, or adjective according to context or position in the sentence without change of form. Garo has no genitive pronoun, and here once more we have an analogy to Burmese, where the genitive pronoun is purely a literary creation and does not enter into speech at all. It uses also a relative particle in place of a relative pronoun, in common with all Asiatic languages that have adopted what may be called the non-Aryan scheme of speech. Prof. Avery's
Prof. Hopkins sharply criticises Burnell's argument with regard to the date of the Manavadharmasastra, which fixed it as between 100 and 500 A.D. from internal evidence. He thinks Dr. Burnell's arguments to be groundless and that
there is nothing in the work from which we can judge of its date. In this view Prof. Whitney
concurs.
Prof. Whitney, when giving a full account of the roots quotable in Sanskrit literature, added indexes of stems by which he has been able to give an approximate idea of the relative importance of each given formation in the entirety of the language. This work led him to write an article on the numerical results from the indexes relating to Sanskrit Tense and Conjugation stems which enabled him to present some valuable general facts:-The great superiority in numbers of stems of the second general conjugation and the almost limitation to it of the stems of late formation; the stems of the first general conjugation in the older language consider. ably out-number those belonging partly to the earlier and later language or to the later language only; in the second general conjugation this relation is reversed; the perfect as a formation is of nearly equal frequency in all periods of the
language; the great predominance of the aorist
formation in the earlier language and the sporadic character of the sis-aorist and the sa-aorist.
The publication of Prof. Whitney's "Quotable Roots" above referred to, has enabled Prof. Lanman to consider the question of multiform presents in Sanskrit. Out of 800 bond-fide roots, over 112 form presents in two ways, over 50 in three ways, 16 in four ways, 10 in five ways, in six ways, tr in eight ways. In order to ascertain whether these differences of form involved differences of function, the first thing to do is to eliminate such multiform presents as are not original but simply the result of a secondary transfer from some older to some after method of conjugation. Prof. Lanman in the article under notice has set himself to examine these transfer present in some detail.
Prof. Edgren in a short note explains that he could eliminate the tan-class of verbs from
Sanskrit Grammar, on the ground that of the ten roots reckoned as belonging to it four are fictitious, five should be transferred to the su-class, and one is irregular.
Prof. Lanman gives a short account of a MS. dated A.D. 1697 of the Nyaya-siddhanta-man

Page #252

230
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
jari found in a shop in Philadelphia, and superscribed "J. Jay Joyce, Jr., presented by Rev. Prof. Banerjea, Calcutta, through kindness of the Rev. S. E. Appleton."
Prof. Bloomfield gives his reasons for believing that the Vedic words prás, debate, dispute;' pratiprás, opponent, one disputing against another;' pratipáéita one assailed in debate or (simply) opponent,' are hitherto misunderstood derivatives of /prás.
New York, October, 28th and 29th 1885. Prof. Whitney drew attention to a gross case of piracy of Sanskrit works in Bombay. We give his remarks verbatim, as they are instructive. Of course, in other lines of literature the Americans as a nation are the most shameless pirates in the world, and what has happened to the learned professor, will become an inevitable retribution when the Americans themselves begin, as a rule, to produce works that other nations value. Prof. Whitney said that, seeing a new Hindu edition of the Atharva-Véda advertised in Europe, he had sent for it; but he was rather amused as well as disappointed, to find it simply a lithographed copy, page by page, note by note (except that the German words contained in the latter are left out), of the edition published by Prof. Roth and himself, in Germany, now nearly 30 years ago. Of course, the misprints and errors of the original are faithfully reproduced with the rest; probably there are no more new ones than were reasonably to be expected, the transcription seeming to be made in general with care (though there are, to be sure, two accent signs omitted in the very first verse). There is nowhere in the work any intimation of its source, or of credit due to any one but the Hindu editor, Sêwaklâl Karsandas. It is desirable by such a notice as this to put other possibly intending buyers on their guard.
Prof. Hall follows with an interesting Syriac Table for finding Easter in years of the Seleukid era, found in the Williams MS. of the Syriac Acts and Epistles.
Mr. A. V. Williams Jackson discussed some Avestic superstitions, giving parallel customs from other countries:-(1) it is lucky to be the first up after cock-crow; (2) evil spirits come from the North; (3) cut hair and nail-parings are unclean and unlucky.
Prof. Whitney controverts at some length Prof. Ludwig's views respecting total eclipses of the sun as noticed in the Rig-Vêda. Prof. Ludwig recognized four different eclipses as referred to in the Vedic hymns with sufficient indivi
[JULY, 1890.
duality of detail to make their identification seem a not altogether hopeless task, and two of them he thinks himself actually able to identify with eclipses that took place during the eleventh century before our era. Prof. Whitney, however, is at complete issue with him, and is of opinion that no result possessing presumptive and provisional value as bearing on ancient Hindu chronology has been reached by the investigation.
The learned Professor follows this up with a severe criticism of the latest translation of the Upanishads in Vols. I. and XV. of the first series of the Sacred Books of the East. "Not half the amount of labour needed in order to produce a good result was spent upon it. It is no help
either to Sanskrit scholarship or to the comparative study of religions to print such a product. A new translation of the Upanishads is still just as much called for as before the publication of these volumes."
Prof. Avery has a note on the language of the Lepchas of Sikkim based on a Lepcha John's Gospel (1871) and Col. Mainwaring's Grammar (1875). Grammatically Lepcha would appear to be a monosyllabic isolating language with a tendency to agglutination and with a commencement of inflection, which would be a fair description of the Burmese Language.
These proceedings wind up with an interesting article by Mr. A. P. Martin on Hirth's China and the Roman Orient. Rome and China, the two great civilized peoples of the ancient world, were separated from each other by Parthia, which neither could conquer or pass. But they heard of each other, Rome of Serica, the land of milk, and China of Tach'in, the China of the west. The first direct communication was by sea through Annam in the days of Huanti and Antun Marcus Aurelius, A. D. 166.
=
Boston, May 12th, 1866. Prof. M. Bloomfield has a long note on the correlation of v and m in Vedic and later Sanskrit, offered as a supplement to Ascoli's discussion of the Prakritic change of m to v by further pointing out distinct traces. of the interchange of these sounds in the classic and Vedic dialects and showing that the change of v to m also occasionally takes place.
This is followed by a learned article on the Negative Clauses in the Rig-Vêda by Miss Eva Channing of Boston, Mass. The paper discusses: (i) a certain problematical construction of the verbs of fearing; (ii) the question of possible double negatives in the Rig-Vêda; (iii) the clauses containing chanâ unaccompanied by a negative.

Page #253

JULY, 1890.]
BOOK NOTICE.
231
Mr. A. V. Williams Jackson has a short note orthography in a given word containing one on the ancient Persian's abhorrence of false- or more sibilants in a given period; (ii) in hood. On this subject we would merely remark describing and accounting for the variations by that preaching and practice no more coincided in which the correct writing is beset; (iii) in fixing ancient that they do in modern times, and that the pronunciation of the sibilants at any given constant and stern denunciation of any parti. period of Indian literature. The aids in the task cular sin or fault is rather evidence of its preval. in general are threefold: (i) on the hither side we ence than otherwise, though it must be borne in have the history and development of the sibilant mind that satyrists and social reformers have in in the modern languages of India, beginning all ages grossly exaggerated the evils they would with the Pâli-Pråkpit dialects, and continuing cure. So that on the whole the literary remains with the vernaculars; (ii) on the further side of of a people are not good tests of the popular the Vedic language lies the testimony to which feeling on any given social or ethical subject, we must turn for most of the information, the except in so far as they bear unconscious witness, related languages; (iii) a closer scrutiny of the to current ideas.
sibilant within the private life of the Vedic and Prof. Whitney has an important paper on
classical dialects should give us most of the Hindu Eschatology and the Katha-Upani.
information which we may be able to contribute shad. The doctrine of this Upanishad, and prac
to the subject. tically of the others also, on the subject of man
New Haven, October 27th, 1886.-Mr. J. R. after death is (i) the continuation of the old Jewett sends from Syria 43 proverbs in the eternal heaven of happiness for those who are local Arabic dialect. worthy to attain it, such worthiness consisting
Prof. Bloomfield gives two more hymns of especially in true knowledge ; (ii) the absence of
the Atharva-Véda, which are further contribuany hell for those not found worthy; (iii) the con
tions to the exegesis thereof. Dr. A. V. W. demnation of such to a return to earthly exist
Jackson has an interesting note on the use of ence, -- which, of course, by contrast with the
conventional similes in the Avesta, which he happiness of the blest is a state of misery.
Bays are drawn (i) from the realm of nature; The Rev. J. S. Chandler, a missionary in (ii) from animals and their actions; (iii) from Madras, gave an account of an attempt made by man and his relations in daily life. a caste to raise itself in the social scale. The Banars, one of the lowest of the Sadras, are
Boston, May 11th, 1887.- The Rev. J. S. Chantrying to establish themselves as Dravidian
dler has an instructive note on the transcription Kshatriyas and have assumed a sacred thread and
(he calls it erroneously transliteration) of Sansadopted some Brahmanical customs. It is to be
krit proper names in Tamil. Tamil has no regretted that only a very meagre use is made of
lingual nor dental vowels, no sibilants, no ashis valuable remarks.
pirates, no sonants as distinguished from surds,
no palatal mutes except the nasal, no visarga, and Prof. Avery gives a short account of the Ao.
no anusvdra. Concurrent consonants must be Naga Language of Southern Assam. As might
assimilated or have a vowel inserted between be expected this bears a general analogy in struc-1
them. No sonant can begin, and no mute of any ture to the Tibeto-Burman group already noted, kind can end, a Tamil word. Nor can a surd when noticing the learned professor's note on the stand in the middle of a word without being Garo Language.
doubled. But as surds and sonants are converProf. Bloomfield then gives his reasons attible, and as the same Tamil character stands for length for certain proposed interpretations of both, these changes are easily made. throo hymns of the first book of the Athare Thus Vēda.
(i) Linguat dowets :-Skr. r=Tamil ru. Fol. Prof. Bloomfield and Dr. E. H. Spieker contri- lowing the rules above laid down, Rg.-(Veda)= bute an introduction to the study of old In- Irukku. dian Sibilants. The problems which are encoun- (ii) Sibilants :-Skr. sh = Tamil t. skp. 8 = tered in an investigation of the old Indian sibi. Tamils, or is dropped. E.g. Vishņu = Vittunu : lants may be best foreshadowed by the fact that in Krshņa = Kiruttinan: Tvashta= Tuvatta: the Petersburg Lexicon 16 words are quoted which Yudhishthira Udittiran, and Saman= Samam: occur written in various texts with all the three Viśvadevar = Visuvadêva : Sarasvati = Sarasusibilants of the Sanskrit alphabet. So that the vadi : Sudarśana = Sudarisanam. Also Skanda work before us consists in (i) fixing the correct = Sikkandan or Kandan.

Page #254

232
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(iii) Aspirates:-Aspirates are dropped. Thus by the rules above laid down, Bhima Piman or Viman; Dharma Taruman: Arundhati = Arundadi: Bharata Paradan: Vidarbha Vidarppan; Bhagavan - Pagavan: Brahmana Pirâmanam. Or Skr. aspirates Tamil g., e. g. Ahaly Agaliya Naravahana Naravaganam: Râhu Iragu:
=
(iv) Palatals-Skr. palatal Tamil é; e. g. Chandala = Sandalan: Chandra Sandiran: Pisacha Pisaśam: Yajur = Eśur: Jâtavêdas - Śâdavedâ.
(v) Visarga:-In Tamil visarga disappears and anusvåra m.
(vi) Conjunct consonants. In Tamil conjunct and adjunct consonants are (a) one dropped, (b) assimilated, (c) separated by a vowel E. g. (a) Kshatriya Sattiiryan: (b) Yaksha Iyakkan (c) Arjuna Aruśśanan. Also Drôna Turonar; Agni Akkini; Atri Attiri; Arya Ariyan; Indra Indiran.
(vii) By following the above rules we have such words as Buddha Puttan; Nakula Nagulan; Gautama = Kaudaman.
Prof. Avery has an exceedingly interesting memorandum on the relationship of the Kachari and Garo Languages of Assam, in which he gives reasons for believing them to be "sister languages."
=
Prof. Toy gives an account of the Luqman legend, showing the late date of the famous book of fables popularly attributed to the Arabic sage, with which he can have had nothing to do personally.
Dr. Jackson continues his investigation into similes used in the Avesta, especially those taken from the animal world, which he follows up with a translation of the Afrigån Rapithum of the Avesta, a colloquy between Ahura Mazda and Zarathushtra, of which no other direct English translation exists.
The proceedings of this meeting wound up with a review of the introduction to Bühler's Manu by Prof. Hopkins, in which the reviewer arrives at the conclusion that the Samhitd cannot be proved to have been in existence much before the middle of the first thousand years A. D., though it is probable that it did exist much earlier.
Boston, October 26th and 27th, 1887.-Dr. A. V. W. Jackson opens the number with an article on the significance of the Gathas in the Avesta. Dr. Jackson insists on the pre-eminent importance of the Gáthás as the real foundation of the religion of the followers of Zoroaster, and as containing a true reflection of the mind of the founder.
[JULY, 1890.
"The Zoroaster of the Gáthas, the subjective hymns is the true one: the Zoroaster of all other portions of the literature, the idealized develop. ment." In proof of the estimation they were held in by the Zoroastrians, he quotes Yasna 55, of which he gives a translation with grammatical notes.
Prof. Bloomfield in an article on the jayanya charm and the apachit hymns attempts to solve one of the most difficult problems of the AtharvaVêda. He first shows that jayanya is the same disease as dkshata and that it was some external skin disease. Secondly, the first part of the hymn, A. V. vii. 76. 1, 2, which contains a charm in v. v. 3 to 5 against the jdyánya, is devoted to one against the apachit, for which he claims the rendering, sore, pustale, boil.' The gist of the whole paper is that the jayanya charm is directed against tumours.
This is followed by note by the same Professor on the so-called fire-ordeal hymn in the Atharva-Vêda, the object of which is to show that it has nothing to do with ordeals by fire, but is a fierce imprecation against an enemy who is thwarting some pious work with unholy practices.
Prof. Whitney criticises Part IV. of Schröder's Edition of the Maitrayani-Samhita which yielded the missing Hindu root stigh and doubtfully another rksh. The text is unsatisfactory and the reviewer adds several emendations to those already made in it.
Prof. Hopkins gives three Sanskrit proverbs as an aid to the general literature of proverbs.
Dr. Stephen Peet, the well-known editor of the American Antiquary, makes some remarks on animal-worship and sun-worship in the East and West. He would show first that in the West, i.e. America, idolatry arose thus: -- (i) totemism, animals used for symbols; (ii) sunworship, sun used for symbols: (iii) totem and sun. worship symbols combined; (iv) nature-powers symbolised by animals used as adjuncts to sunworship; (iv) personification of the sun, symbolised by the human figure. Secondly, he would show that it arose in a similar manner in the East. Thirdly, he would compare the steps in America with those in the East by which was accomplished the transition from animal-worship. to sun-worship, and from sun-worship to a rever. ence for the personal attributes.
Boston, May 2nd, 1888.-These proceedings being devoted to Semitic studies, and those connected with Assyriology, have no particular interest to the readers of this journal.

Page #255

BYSTEM OF TRANSLITERATION. The system of transliteration followed in this journal for Sanskrit and Kanarese, (and, for the sake of uniformity, submitted for adoption, as far as possible, in the case of other languages),- except in respect of modern Hindu personal names, in which absolute purism is undesirable, and in respect of a few Anglicised corruptions of names of places, sanctioned by long usage, - is this :Sanskrit. Kanarese. Transliteration. Sanskrit.
Kanarese. Transliteration. 37 आ
jha na
ja
low
us to 16
tha
De B S Ş B 12 a 3 ?
ņa
let hele her lo
tha
23
de 1
dha
na
5
= d. 8 ( 6 8 1 @ g શ ર રા છે a t u d બ 1 2 4 વ શ = વ્ર છ
भो
Visarga
ра pha ba bha
Visarga Jihudmallya, or old
Visarga before
and ख् Upadh mántya, or
old Visarga
fore and Anuspdra Anundsiki
ma ya
Anusvúra
Ito a
k
klia
ga
n
2
gha na cha
• sa chha
ha A single hyphen is used to separate words in composition, as far as it is desirable to divide them. It will readily be seen where the single hyphen is only used in the ordinary way, at the end of a line, as divided in the original Text, to indicate that the word runs on into the next line; intermediate divisions, rendered unavoidable here and there by printing necessities, are made only where absolutely necessary for neatness in the arrangement of the Texts.
A double hyphen is used to separate words in a sentence, which in the original are written as one word, being joined together by the euphonic rules of sarndhi. Where this double hyphen is used, it is to be understood that a final consonant, and the following initial vowel or consonant-and-vowel, are in the original expressed by one complex sign. Where it is not used, it is to be understood of the orthography of the original, that, according to the stage of the alphabet, the final consonant either has the modified broken form, which, in the oldest stages of the alphabet, was used to indicate a consonant with no vowel attached to it, or has the distinct sign of the viráma attached to it; and that the following initial vowel or consonant has its full initial form. In the transcription of ordinary texts, the double hyphen is probably unnecessary; except where there is the sandhi of final and
the transcription of epigraphical records, the use of this sign is unavoidable, for the purpose of indicating exactly the palæographical standard of the original texts.
The avagraha, or sign which indicates the eligion of an initial a, is but rarely to be met with in inscriptions. Where it does occnr, it is most conveniently represented by its own Devanagari sign.
So also practice has shewn that it is more convenient to use the ordinary Devanagari marks of punctuation than to substitute the English signs for them.
Ordinary brackets are used for corrections and doubtful points, and square brackets, for letters which are damaged and partially illegible in the original, or which, being wholly illegible, can be supplied with certainty. An asterisk attached to letters or marks of punctuation in square brackete, indicates that those letters or marks of punctuation were omitted altogether in the original. As a rule, it is more convenient to use the brackets than to have recourse to footnotes; as the points to which attention is to be drawn, attract notice far more readily. But notes are given instead, when there would be so many brackets, close together, as to encumber the text and render it inconvenient to read. When any letters in the original are wholly illegible and cannot be supplied, they are, represented, in metrical passages, by the sign for a long or a short syllable, as the case may be ; and in probe passages, by points, at the rate, usually, of two for each akshara or syllable.

Page #256


Page #257

AUGUST, 1890.]
THE PATTAVALI OF THE UPAKESA.GACACH-HA.
233
THE PATTAVALI OR LIST OF PONTIFFS OF THE UPAKESA-GACHCHHA.
BY PROX. A. F. RUDOLF HOERNLE, PH.D. T HE pattávall of which I give & translation is mentioned on page 15 of the second
1 part of the Ajfiána-timira-bhaskara, a Hindî work on Jainism, by the well-known Muni Atmûrâm-ji Ananda-Vijaya-ji. The Muni, at my request, very kindly supplied me with a copy of the pattávali which is in his possession. The translation is made from my copy, and is as literal as possible. The original is written in a species of language, which it requires a considerable stretch of imagination to dignify with the name of Sanskrit. In some places it is so utterly ungrammatical as to be almost unintelligible. .
It will be seen that this pattávali carries the line of pontiff's back to Parsvanatha, whose line, under the Ganadhara Kesin, it appears, merged into the line of Mahavira.
Muni Atmârâm-ji belongs to the Tapa-Gachchha. The sixty-first pontiff of that line was Sri-Vijaya-Simha-Sûri. From him arose the Vijaya-Sakha, all the Acharyas or Ganis of which are distinguished by the epithet Vijaya. The tenth, from the founder, was called Sri. Muni-Vijaya-Gasi. He had.' three disciples, Gulab-Vijaya, Siddhi-Vijaya and Buddhi-Vijaya. The last-named had four disciples, the most prominent of whom is the still living Muni Atmârâmji, called Ananda-Vijaya-Sari. He is, therefore, the twelfth in the line of pontiffs of the VijayaSå khâ. He had fourteen disciples, the oldest of whom was Lakshmi-Vijaya, now deceased, 'who has left four disciples, the youngest of whom is Hamsa-Vijaya; and the latter already has two disciples, Hêma-Vijaya and Sampat-Vijaya. With Muni Hamsa-Vijaya I had the pleasure of making personal acquaintance recently, when he passed through Calcutta on a pastoral visit to the Jain community at 'Azimganj (Murshidabad) and other places. With the present head of the sákhá, Muni Atmârâm-jí, I have been acquainted through a long course of correspondence, during which I have found him a person of great intelligence and kindness, most ready to afford me every information that I could desire.
The lay adherents of the Upakeśa-Gachchha are called Oswald (sawála). They form one of the leading trading castes of Rajpûtânâ, and are strongly represented in Ajmir, Jêsalmîr, Mâțwâr, Bhartpur, Bundi, Dangarpur, Bikanir, &c. They are divided into the following gótras in Bikanir, - Dada, Kôtârî, Sethiyâ, Sirônô, Sawan Sûkha, Abani, Bhantiya, Gôlêhê. The Sêthiya gôtra will be found mentioned in the concluding portion of the pattávali. The Oswal gótras in Marwar are, Bhandari, Môhnôt, Singwi, Muhtâ, Lôdha. Members of these gôtras. have held very high offices in the State of Mâțwâr. Most of the Oswâls of Mallânî, however, are said to be cultivators. Settlements of Oswâl traders are found in various other parts of India, e. g. in Hôshangâbâd, Poona and Benares. The well-known late Râjâ Siva Prasad of Benares belonged to their caste.
The Oswâls are said to take their name from a place called Osa-nagari, near the river Lani in Marwâr. I cannot find the place mentioned in any map. Muni Atmårâm-ji, in his Ajñána-timira-bhúskara, part II., page 16, states that it is situated at the distance of 20 kos to the west of Jôdhpur, and that there is there an ancient Jain temple with a miraculous figure of Mahavira. From his manner of speaking of it, it would appear that it is tow a deserted and little-known place in the Rajpûtânâ desert. The story of its foundation and of its temple is related in the pattávali. It was built by a person, Ohada, on a piece of land given him by the king of Delhi, to which he migrated from a place called Bhinmal with a large following
1 See Sherring's Hindi Tribes and Castes, Vol. I. p. 289; Vol. II. p. 116, 183 ; Vol. III. p. 50.
? The original Hindt is mandir marti kodoth rúpaid H lagat kd Yodhpur ad paschim disa mit Ord-nagart 20 kós kt antar mith waham hai.
The place was formerly also called Bhilm Al or Srimal. In the time of Hiuen Triang, who calls it Pi-lo-m-i-lo, it was the capital of the northern Gurjara kingdom. It was the birth-place of the poot Magha (800 Vienna Oriental Jour. nal, Vol. IV. p. 63), and the residence of the Astronomer Brahmagupta. The name Srimal is said to have been changed to Bhilmal by king Bhoja, because its people allowed the poet Maghs to die of starvation (see ante, Vol. XVII. p. 122). Possibly there is an allusion to the name Brimal in the name Bri-Lakshmi.mahAathans docurring in the pattavall.

Page #258

234
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1890.
of Jain relatives and friends. Bhinmal still existe as a small place about half-way between Mount Abû and the river Luni. The temple was built by Ohada, on the advice of the Jain pontiff Ratnaprabha-Sûri, who consecrated it in the 70th year after Mahavira's death. From his time, the Jain community of the place are said to have received the name of Upakôša, and to be known as the Upakêśa-vamsis. The town similarly became known as Upakol-pattana or Upakowa-nagart, In the modern vernacular, the name Upakeśa has become contracted into Osa, whence the town' is called Osa-nagari, and the race of Jains, coming thence, is called Osa-wala or Oswal.
With regard to some terms occurring in the following translation, it may be noted that an Acharya is any Sadhu who has attained the right, not only of reading publicly the Sacred Text (múla), but also of explaining it authoritatively. An Upadhyâya, on the other hand, has only the right of reading, but not of explaining. An Achúrya who has risen to the head of his gachchha or kákha, is called a Súri; others, if they have disciples, are called Gani. An Acharya who permits laxity of observances in his own person or that of his disciples, is called # Sithilacharya; on the other hand, he who is strict is called a Tyági-Acharya.
The practice of sithiláchára or laxity of observances is said to have established itself in the Tapa-Gachchha from the time of the 63rd Súri, Vijaya-Kshama. The separation of the Vijaya-Sakha, however, took place at the time of the 61st Sari, Vijaya Prabha. The cause of the separation appears to have been the following. The predecessor of Vijaya-Prabha was Vijaya-Deva (the 60th Súri). He appointed as his successor his disciple Vijaya-Simha. The latter, however, died in S. 1709, before the death, in 1713, of Vijaya-Deva, and accordingly never actually occupied the pontifical chair. But, as he had been regularly appointed by the reigning Súri to the prospective sári-ship, his disciple, Satya-Vijaya-Gani, naturally claimed the right of succession. But the members of the Tapa-Gachchha, disallowing his claims, appointed, in S. 1710, Vijaya-Prabha to the post of Súri. The result was that SatyaVijaya-Gani, with his following, separated, and established the Vijaya-Sakh.
A patta-vriksha or genealogical table of the pontifical succession in the TapaGachchha, which is in my possession, gives the succession as follows:
No. 60 Vijaya Dêva Sûri. No. 61 Vijaya Prabha Sûri and ..................... Vijaya Simha Sûri. No. 62 Vijaya Ratna Sûri.
No. 1 Satya Vijaya Gani. No. 63 Vijaya Kshama Sûri.
No. 2 Kapûra Vijaya Gaņi. No. 64 Vijaya Daya Sûri.
No. 3 Kshama Vijaya Gaņi. No. 65 Vijaya Dharma Sûri.
No. 4 Jina Vijaya Gaņi. No. 66 Vijaya Jinêndra Sûri.
No. 5 Uttama Vijaya Gaņi. No. 67 Vijaya Dêvêndra Sûri.
No. 6 Padma Vijaya Gari. No. 68 Vijaya Dharaņêndra Sûri. No. 7 Rûpa Vijaya Gaņi. No. 69 Vijaya Raja Sûri
No. 8 Kirti Vijaya Gani. (still living).
No. 9 Kastûra Vijaya Gani. No. 10 Maņi Vijaya Gapi. No. 11 Buddhi Vijaya Gaņi. No. 12 Ananda Vijaya Sdri.
(or Atmaram, still living). I may take this opportunity of noting that Jina-Harsha, the 70th Suri of the KharataraGachchha, with whom closes the pa!!dvali published by D. J. Klatt (ante, Vol. XI. pp. 245-250), died (according to a pattávali in my possession) in S. 1892. He was succeeded by the 71st Súri,
See Ajñana-timira-bhaskara, Vol. II. pp. 15, 16.
• The patfavall of the Tapa-Gachchha, published by Dr. J. Klatt in thin Journal, ante, Vol. XI. pp. 251.256, terminates with this Vijaya-Prabha
. I hope shortly to be able to publish it.

Page #259

August, 1890.1
THE PATTAVALI OF THE UPARESA-GACHCHHA.
235
Jina-Mahendra, who was born in S. 1867, was initiated in S. 1885, became Súri in S. 1892, and died in S. 1914. He was succeeded by the present Súri, the 72nd, Jina-Mukti, who was born in S. 1887, and was initiated in S. 1907. The feast of his installation as Súri took place in S. 1915 in Benares. He is still living.
TRANSLATION The successors in the pontifical dignity (santániya?) of Parsvanátha are the following: (1) Parávanátha's first disciple was the Ganadhara Subhadatta. (2, 3) His successor was Faridatta. His successor was Aryasamudra.
(4) His successor was the Ganadhara Kasin, by whom, as related in the Rajapraśniya. Upanga, the feudatory kings (pradési-ntipa) was converted.
(5) His successor was vayam prabha-sari. Once upon a time when Svayamprabha-Suri Was giving instruction, the Vidyadhara Ratnachada, passing over him in his aërial chariot) on his way to Nandèsvara, suddenly felt his chariot to be stopped. Curious as to the cause of this stoppage, he looked down, when he saw below him the Guru engaged in giving instruction. He felt that he had been guilty of disrespect in passing over so holy a man (jangama-tirtha). So he came down and worshipped the Guru, and having listened to his preaching (dharma), he became converted (pratibudha). He now informed the Guru, that he possessed a favourite image (priyágatá pratima) of the Jina Paráva, which he regularly worshipped; that this image had been originally in a temple (chaitydlaya) of Râvaga, the king of Lanka; bat that when Lanka was destroyed by Râma, his elder brother, the prince (nara-nátha) Chandrachûda had brought it away to the banks of the river Vina ;' that it was still with him, and that henceforth he wished to devote himself to its service.10 The Guru, perceiving the advantage of the proposal, initiated him into the order (diksha dattá). He now learned, one by one, the twelve Angas and the fourteen Púrvas, and was then appointed by the Guru to be his successor, in the 52nd year after Mahavira's death. Being thus appointed to the dignity of a pontiff (Acharya), he wandered over the earth with 500 monks (Sadhu). Its namell was Sri-Lakshmi-Mahâsthåna. Its original name, in Gujarat (Gujaráta-madhya) during the Kpita-Yuga, had been Rayaņa-mâlâ (Prakrit for Ratna-mála); and the same during the Trêtå-Yuga; but in the Dvâpara-Yuga it was called Vira-nayari (Prakrit for Vîra-nagari), and in the Kali Yuga, Bhina-mâlâ.13 There Bhi. masêna was king; his son was Sripoñja ; and his son again was Utpala-Kumara (sic; Prakritic for Kumâra). Another name of the latter was Sri-Kumara. His younger brother (band hava), Surasundara, was the heir-apparent (Yuvarájá), who administered the kingdom with ability. Their ministers were two brothers of the Châņda family, Ohada and Udharaṇa, who lived there as lay-members of the Jain community (Sávaka).13 The younger brother was worth 18 krôrs of suvarnas, while the elder brother owned only 99 lákhs. Now, those who owned korðrs were allowed to live within the fort (durga), while those who owned only lákhs had to live outside (bahya). Accordingly Dhada begged of his brother the loan of one lakh ; but his
Santana is a technical term for patta-parampardya or "pontifical succession."
His name was Paest, and he was king of Seyaviya in the Kekayaddha country. His suzerain king was Jiyamttd of Skvetthi in the KunAls country.
• I cannot identify this rivor, unless it should be the Wain Gangh. There is a river Bima, a tributary of the Betw near Sågar.
10 Original : tay& saha aham charitram grihishyami. - N.B. Here and elsewhere I qnote exactly as spelled in the original MS.
11 It is not clear to what place this refors. The original has tasya abhidhanam, its name. The immediately procoding noun is dhard, 'oarth,' to which it cannot refer. Probably it refers to the place, previously called Valtata..
13 Modern Bhinmal, small place about 40 miles N.-W. of Mount Abd, on an unnamed small tributary of the Sukri river. Perhaps this unnamed rivulet is the Vina
13 The MS. has only sd, which I take to be an abbreviation of advaka or fravaka.
24 Original, uchchhtrash, uwakitifontion of the modern Gujarati uchhinaim, loan'; Apparently intended for Skr. ut-strpa.

Page #260

236
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1890.
younger brother told him that his coming in would create difficulties in the city.16 Upon this, Ohada informed the prince (Surasundara) that he would found a new city, and thus forward his object. (At that time) Srîsådhu was king of Dhilipur (i. e. Dehli). To him thada made. present of 553 horses, and the king, being pleased there with, gave him a place for a settlement. Then 18,000 people of his family came away from Bhingmála, and a town, 12 yojanas in extent, arose (on the new site).
(6) Near that place Sri-Ratnaprabha-Suri, together with 500 disciples, arrived on the salt-lake hills (lúna-drahi-dünngart). They stayed for a month in the wilderness, and wandered about in the exercise of their calling (gôchargá), but did not obtain any alms, for the people who lived there were unbelievers. So, during their one month's stay they subsisted contentedly by lieking their alms-bowls. Then they departed on their peregrinations. Again at another time Ratnaprabha-Suri returned to that place, when he was advised by his tutelary goddese (odsanadevi) to stay four months, after which he would be successful. So the Guru stayed there together with 35 other monks (mune), fasting for one, two, three and four months. At that point of time the son of the minister Uhada was bitten by a large snake. Many snake-charmers were called in, but none of them was able to cure the patient). At last they pronounced him dead, and advised to burn him.16 His wife went to the burning-ground to be burned with him, 17 and the father (éréshta) was afflicted with great sorrow. Hearing the sound of musical instruments, a young disciple of the Súri) came there, and, seeing the bier Champána), 18 enquired why they were going to burn a living man. They told the Seth (éréshți, lit. *banker, or the minister ') what the monk (munisvara) was saying. The Seth ordered the dead boy to be removed from the bier. Then bringing forward the dead body, he deposited it in front of the Guru,19 who was standing at the back of the crowa), and, placing his head on the Guru's feet, he said to him :-"O, merciful one, my deva is angry with me, my house has become desolate, therefore grant me a son again."20 The Guru quickly brought water, and having washed his feet, he sprinkled it over the dead boy, who was suddenly restored to life. Music of joy was now made, and all the people cried that the Séth's son bad received a new lease of life; while the Sith himself placed before the Guru a large quantity of gems, pearls, gold, cloths and other things, and asked him to accept them. But the Guru said that he had no need of them, and exhorted the Seth to adopt the Jain religion, which already numbered one lakh and a quarter (125,000) of adherents. At first the Seth began to build a magnificent temple for Nara yaņa ; but what he built in the day, fell in the night. He questioned all the people who saw it; but none was able to suggest a remedy. Then he asked the Achárya Ratnaprabha the reason why his temple fell down every night. The Guru enquired, in whose name he was building it. The Seth replied, in the name of Narayana. The Guru said, -"that will not do; make it in the name of Mahavira ; then you will succeed, and the temple will be erected without hindrance." The Sélh acted accordingly. Then the tutelary goddess told the (Huru, that she had begun to make an image of Mahavira, worthy of that magnificent building, on the hill called after the salt-lake, towards the north of the temple. Now the Seth learned from the talk of the cowherds that at that place there was something that caused the cows (that graced there) to drop their milk. He enquired (the cause of the phenomenon) from all who
15 The original hna nagaranh wdvasam asti, bhavatárh samagame chasar bhavishyati, the exact meaning of which not intelligible. The Ajrona-timira-bhaskara has Ohada mantri ne tis Bhinnamala ko kisi nimitta ad ujjá henkvólk jan ke, i.e. 'the minister Chada, knowing that Bhinmal would become devastated for some reason. It is olar that the younger brother objected to the admission of the older brother
16 Original, dagho diyatari. Dagho for daho is noticeable... 11 Original, l'ashtha-bhat whand, lit. "to be eaten up by the fuel (of the funeral pile).' 18 A kind of sedan-chair, commonly used in Darjfling and other Hill-stations in the Himalayas, is called jhampdn.
1 The original has mrittikádrámath (or oddhvdman) paniyafya guru agri musichati, which is unintelligible Perhaps it should be mpitakadhámari pranfya guru etc. or msittikdyam antya guru, etc. The purport, 4s given in the translation, however, is clear from the context.
* The original bas tena karanena mama putra bhikshan athi which leave it open whether the father intended the revivification of the dead son or the birth of a new one.

Page #261

AUGUST, 1890.)
THE PATTAVALI OF THE UPAKESA-GACHCHHA.
287
had seen it; they gave each a different explanation. At last the Seth asked the Acharya ; and be, according to the information of his tutelary goddess, told the S&th, that there was going to be an image at that place, but that he should not attempt to dig it up before six months and seven and a half days. But the S&th, being impatient to see it, dug it up a few days earlier, when an image of the size of a lime (nimbu-phala) with two nipples on its breast (hridaya-stha-granthi. dvaya-sahitan) was found. The Acharya said that it was still not quite finished, and advised him to wait ; but the Sath replied that the touch of the Guru's hand would complete it. At that moment messengers arrived from the Faithful (árddha) in Korantaka, inviting the Acharya to come and consecrate an image of Mahavira (bhagavat). The Guru replied, that he would come at an auspicious time (muhurta véláyán).
Verse 1 Seventy years after the last Jinapati (Mahavira) had attained mukti, on the fifth day of the bright half, on Thursday, in the Brahma (or ninth) muhúrta, the venerable Ratnaoharys, the possessor of every good quality, performed here, with the permission of the wbole sangha (or congregation of Jain monks), the consecration of an image of Mahavira.
Verse 2. Ratnaprabha-Sari, through his miraculous) power (baktyd), at the same time performed the consecration of two images of Mahavira in Upakeba and in Koranta.
In his own proper form he performed the consecration in Upakowa, and in a miraculously wsumed formal (vaiksita-rúpéna) he performed it in Korantaka. The expenses of the ceremony were defrayed by the Faithful. Then the Sélh was taught by the Acharya Ratnaprabba tho rules of the whole course of daily worship (pujá aho-rátrika) of the image of Mahavfra which was in Upak hapura ; how to bathe it, and adore it, and so forth. Later on, some of the relatives of the Seth were converted from their unbelief to the profession of a Srdvaka (Jain layman). Then they were made to adopt the true faith (samyaktva) by the Acharya. One day he said to them, — " ye faithful, ye should not go to the temple of Sachchika-devi; she is merciless, and incessantly delights in hearing the sound of the breaking of bones and the killing of buffalos, goats, and other animals; the floor of her temple is stained with blood, and it is hung about with festoons of fresh skins; the teachers of her devotion, rites, and service, are cruel men; she is altogether disgusting and horrible." Hearing these words of the Acharya, they replied, "What you say, O Lord, is quite true; but if we do not go to worship that cruel Devi, she will slay us and our families." The Acharya, however, promised to protect them; whereupon they ceased to go any longer to the temple of the Devi. Then the Devi, appearing before the Acharya, wrathfully exclaimed that she would take means to stop his preventing her servants from coming to her temple. But the Acharya was rich in most effective resources, and bad many miracles performed for him by the gods (sura); so that the Davi for a very long time was not able to prevail over him. At last one day, the Devi, observing that the Acharya had been a little remiss in his religious duties (svádhyáyddi), cunningly produced a pain in the brow of his left eye; and when the Acharya anxiously began to think what the cause of the pain could be, the Devi, appearing before him, told him, that she herself had caused it. But the Acharya resolutely replied that he would repay her the injury (ophéayishydmi) by his own power. Being now frightened, the goddess humbly said to him, - "It is not seemly, O Lord, for great sages, like yourself, to dispute and quarrel ; if you will give me something to crunch and munch, * I will remove your pain and be your servant, as long as the
Because he was in two places at the same moment of time, to perform the same coromony.
7 Original, bótkata, a Sankritization of the vernacular bókard or bókard. Another vernacular form is bakard or bakard, which is adopted in Skr. dictionaries under the form varkara. It may be noted that the vernacular has also a shorter form blå or bok, m well form bóta or båta which means 'n entire goat'; of. bet, buta, power, strength.'
* Original, kadada-madada, an onomatopoetic word; cf. Gujarati kad' kad'eun 'to crack.'

Page #262

233
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1890.
sun and moon endure." The Acharya replied that he would give her something to crunch and munch ; on hearing which, the Devi retired. Early in the morning, having caused the Srävakas to bring two heaps of various kinds of cakes and sweetmeats, 24 together with camphor, saffron, and other nice things, the Acharya Ratnaprabha proceeded with them to the temple of Sachchika-devi. Then having made worship apart from the Sravalas (órárakaih párévat), and crushing a quantity of cake (pakvánna-sundaka) with both his hands, right and left, he said to the Dêvî, — "I have given you something to crunch and munch, henceforth you must be a follower (upásaká) of me." On his saying this, the Devi entered the body of a maiden who was standing near, and thence replied, - “O Lord, I wanted one sort of thing to crunch and munch, but you have given me another sort." The Acharya said that what she wanted was an animal sacrifice, but that it was neither proper for him to give, nor for her to take it. He then gare some further religious instruction (siddhanta-vákya), the result of which was that Sachchikadêvî, who was still in the body of the maiden, was converted, in the presence of all the people who were there, becoming a follower (bhaktá) of Mahavira in the city of Upakosa, and a believer in the true faith ; so much so that, letting alone flesh, she could not even bear the sight of a red flower.25 The goddess (sati), by the mouth of the maiden in whose body she had entered, now said to her followers, - "Listen ; whoever of you shall worship the image of Svayambhû-Mahavira2* which is set up in the city of Upakowa, and shall follow the Acharya Ratnaprabha, and shall serve his disciples and the disciples of his disciples, with him I shall be well pleased, his evils (durita) I will remove, 27 and his worship I shall heartily accept." In consequence of these words of Sachchika-dêvî, spoken by the maiden in whose body she had entered, a large number of people, in the course of time, adopted the profession of Srávakas. In due time, in the year 84 after Mahavira, the Acharya Ratnaprabha was translated into heaven.
(7) His successor was the Acharya Yakshadeva, who converted the Yaksha Manabhadra, and thus relieved the troubles of the congregation (sangha). (8-13) His successors were (8) Kákka-Suri, (9) Dovagupta-Sari, (10) Siddha-Suri, (11) Ratnaprabha-Suri, (12) Yakshaddva-sari, and (13) Kakka-Suri.
Now we will relate the rites connected with the bathing (sndtra) of the image of) Svayambhû-Mahavira, and when and why they were instituted.
At that very time, 28 a festival which lasted, eight days was held by the people in the temple (of Maharira or of Sachchika-devī). Among them there were some young men to whom the evil thought suggested itself, that, as the two knobs on the breast of the blessed Mahavira were only an eye-sore to the worshippers, there could be no harm in removing them, just as one would do with pustules of a skin-disease. The old people tried to dissuade them, saying that it was a sacrilege to apply a chisel, especially to a miraculously-created (svayanibhil) image of Mahavira. But they disregarded the old men's advice, and bribed a carpenter secretly to cut away the two knobs.20 At that very instant the carpenter died, and from the place where the knobs had been cut away, there issued untold streams of blood. Great distress befell the people. Then they called Kakka-Suri, the head (adhipati) of the UpakësaGachchha, together with the four sanghas, to their assistance, and related to him the whole story. The Acharya, with the four sanghas, now kept a three days' fast. At the end of the third fast-day, the tutelary Devi appeared to the Acharya at night, and told him that the young
24 Original, pakvinna khajjakadi-sundaka-dvayam. The word sundaka is obscure ; cf. the Markthi sundt or siden bundle.' It occurs again below. Xhajjaka, Hindi khaja, is a kind of crisp sweetmeat, like pie crust.
23 Original, astar mathsam kusumam api raktan n'échchhati. Here astām for Prakrit achchhati, see Hémachandra, IV. 215 (Pinchel's translation), also Beames' Comparative Grammar, Vol. III. pp. 182, 183.
** It is called wayar bhd, self-made,' because it was not made by men's hands.
* Original, dalayami, used in the PrAkrit fashion, with the meaning of 'to place outside,' 'to remove;' seo my edition of the Uvdaagadasco, Vol. II. p. 180, footnote 287. The modern Hindi verb is dai'nd.
21. e. apparently in the time of (13) Kakka-Suri. 22 This would show that the image was wooden one, and apparently had breasts as of a woman.

Page #263

AUGUST, 1890.]
THE PATTAVALI OF THE UPAKESA-GACHCHHA.
239
Sravakas had committed an outrage in mutilating the image and depriving it of its round parts (kald); and that, in consequence, the town of Upakosa would gradually become deserted (uddha), & schism would arise in the gachchha and quarrels among the Srávakas, and the guilds (góshļhika) would be dispersed in all directions. The Acharya replied, “O great goddess, wbat must be, that must be, but do thou stop the flowing of the blood." The goddess said, - "All the 18 gôtras, vix., the nine right-hand ones, [1, Tatabada, 2, Vapaņâ, 3, Karnata, 4, Valaharî, 5, Môraksha, 6, Kulahata, 7, Virahata, 8, 'Srêsůmála, 9, 'Srêshti), and the nino left-hand ones (1, Suchantî, 2, Aïchana (or Adrachana?), 3, Bhari (Bhêtavara), 4, Ligâśâkhâ-chhaibhadra (or Vaibhadra ?), 5, Chichata, 6, Kumbhata, 7, Dindů, 8, Ranôja, 9, Laghuérêshti] must assemble, and, after having kept a fast for three days, they must bathe (the image) with a jar of clarified butter (ghrita), a jar of curds (dadhi), a jar of sugarcane-juice, a jar of milk, and a jar of water; in no other way will it be possible to stop (the flow of blood)." In the three hundred and third year (303) after the day of the setting up (of the image) of Mahavira and its original consecration, the loss of the two knobs on the breast of Mahavira occurred by the act of fate (daivya-yôgát).30
(14-16) Kakka-Sûri was succeeded by — (14) Dévagupta-Sari, (15) Sri-Siddha-Suri; (16) Sri-Ratnaprabha-Sari.
(17) After them, in due order, in the 585th year after Mahavira, there was (babhava) Srl. Yakshadeva-sari. He was a man of great power (mahá-prabhava-karta). During the • famine (durbhiksha) which lasted for 12 years, the four disciples of Vajrasens, the disciple of
Vajrasvâmin, vix. Någêndra, Chandra, Nivritti and Vidyadhara, were, after the death of their Guru Vajrasena, initiated by Yaksbadêva, and established four sákhas.
(19-33). He was succeeded by (19) Kakka-Suri, (20) Sri-Devagupta-Suri, (21) SriSiddha-Sari, (22) Sri-Ratnaprabha-Sari, (23) Yakshaddva-Sari, (24) Kakka-sari, (25) Devagupta-Sari, (26) Siddha-sari, (27) Ratnaprabhs-Suri, (28) Yakshadeva-suri, (29) Kakka-Sari, (30) Dovagupta-Sari, (31) Siddha-Sari, (32) Ratnaprabha-Sari (33) Yakshadéva-Suri.
(34) He was succeeded by (34) Kakkudacharya, who performed the penance called shashțhatapa with achamla for twelve years.31 By means of a hyran in praise of him, the Seth Sômaka, in Marotakota, had his fetters broken. He then resolved to go and worship the feet of him, through the praise of whose name he had got rid of his bonds. So he went to Bharuvachchha (Bharôch), where he arrived just when all the Munis had gono on their rounds of hegging. Only the goddess Sachchikå (spelt here Sachyaka) was in attendance on the Guru, and the door was closed. On seeing this, he began to form suspicions, whereupon Sachchika "gave him a lesson"32 (sikshá dattá), and he began to vomit blood from his mouth. When the Munis returned, the oldest disciple (vriddha-ganosa)33 informed the Guru, that the Sath Soraka was lying at his door. The Acharya at once understood that this was Sachchika's doing ; so the goddess was called, and Sômaka was asked what he had done. Ho replied, - "Lord, I have done wrong." (They reproved him), “Thou sinner, how should the Guru
3. Here the MS. adds the following marginal note: - "This occurs in the 172nd flóka in the Upalesa-gachchha. charitra-satra. 31 The shashtha-tapa is * penance which consists in taking only one meal in overy throo days, or fasting for
te time. The meal is taken on the eveninr of the third day, before sumot (doo ny edition of the Uvasagadasão, Vol. II. p. 51, footnote 141). Ichamla is a Jain technical term meaning the cating of dry food simply moistened or boiled in water." The term is said to be compound of ach and amla; the former ia said to mean Abravana, i. e. boiling in water;' and the latter is said to moan 'Tegetablo' (tar'ler). The whole conpound is said to mean rúkha bhojan pani kt adth bhijo ke khand, i... 'to eat dry food moistened with water. The object, of course, is to intensify the hardship of the fast; only one meal is to be enton every third day, and that meal is to consist only of dry food moistened in water. KakkudAchArya kopt this fast for twelve years in ug. broken continuity.
32 She must have boxed his ears!
» Any disciple, who is put in charge of a few others by his Acharya, is called Gandsa. If there are neveral such Gandias, the oldest among them, i.e. he who was first made A Gandia by his Acharya, is called Vriddha. Ganeša.

Page #264

240
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1890.
throngh the taking of whose name thy fetters have been broken, be capable of indulging in sensual pleasures after the manner of prostitutes ; especially as we should be returning immediately." The Guru pacified them, and at the intercession of Sachchika restored him (sajikrita). In the name of both, Sri-Ratnaprable-sari and Sri-Yakshadova-Sari, storehouses were established. They both were very powerful. But this Kakka-Sari, by fixing his stick on the slope of the Arbuda mountain, produced water for the congregation when perishing with thirst, and, out of affection for his co-religionists, brought clarified butter (ghrita) from Jêsalpur (now Jêsalmer) to Bharuvachcha (Bharôchh).
(35-40) He was succeeded by (35) Dévagupta-sari, (36) Siddha-suri, (37) KakkaSari, (38) Dovagupta-Sari, (39) Siddha-Bari, (40) Kakka-Suri.
(41) In the year 995 (of the Vikrama era), 54 he was succeeded by (41) Devagupta-Sari, who. was sprung from the Kshatriya caste, and was addicted to playing on the lute (viná). This made him negligent in the performance of his duties; and accordingly the four sanghas placed
(42) Sri-Siddha-suri, the Visavišvópaka,36 in his post.
(43) He was succeeded by (43) Kakka-Sari, the author of the work called Pancha-pramána ('the five proofs.')36
(44) In the year 1072 A. Vikr. he was succeeded by (44) Sri-Devagupta-Suri, who was the author of the work called Nava-pada-prakarana.37
(45-49) He was succeeded by (45) Siddha-sari, (46) Kakka-Suri, (47) Dévagupta-suri, (48) Siddha-Sari, (49) Kakka-sari.
(50) In the year 1108 A. Vikr., he was succeeded by (50) Dévagupta-Sari. On the Occasion of the feast of his installation (pada-mahotsava) in the town of Bhinamala, the Sah Bhêmsaksha spent seven lákhs of money; and the water with which the Guru's feet were washed on that occasion, was found to be a remedy against poison. The same Seth Bhênisaksba who celebrated the feast of the installation of Sri-Dôvagupta, had formerly deposited the glass banglesse of his wife Bhaïsa in Diduvapur. Being now wasbed 39 at the advice of the Guru, they turned into silver; and from this silver the gadahiya-coins were struck (téna rúpêna gadahiya mudrá pátita). That happened in this wise. The mother of Bhaigakshasl once made a pilgrimage to Sri-Satrunjaya. On the way, in Pattana, she ran short of money (kharch); so she applied for assistance to the Seth 1śvara. He asked her whose mother she was, and on her telling him that she was the mother of Bhaïså ksha, he laughed and said that he thought she was the mother of him who used to carry drinking-water (pániya) to bis honse. However, she received (assistance) from him, and completed her journey; and having paid her devotions to the sangha, she returned home. Her son then asked her, - "Mother, how far over the country has my fame spread ?" She replied “Your fame reaches as far as the gate of the main street of the town." He was displeased at these words; whereupon sho repeated to him the derisive words of the Sélh Isvara. He then said, "I will give the lie (válayishyami, = várayishyámi) to those words, before I sit down for my evening meal (dvitiya-véla.bhojana)." Having made this promise, he put on a common dress and proceeded
# The MS. gives this and the following dates eithor . varaht or samvat **varshe, which I take to be years of the Vikrama era.
36 A Jain technical torm, meaning one in whose body and soul (sarfr aur dtma) all the marks (lakshana) of an Acharya are found.' Muni Atmiram-jt could give me no etymology of the word.
M A quite unknown work. Muni Átmar Am-jt says he has never seen it. 37 On this work see "Notices of Sanskrit MSS.," Vol. IX. p. 180, No. 8080. ** The MS. has bagana which I identify with the Hindi and Gujarati bamgadt, a bangle,' usually made of glass. * Apparently with the water in which the Guru's feet had been washed.
40 This is a very curious story regarding the origin of the well-know "Gadbia k& pais," on which we Prinsep's Indian Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 341 (plate xvii. fig. 18-18). They are generally considered very crudo imitation of Sassanian coins.
+1 The name is spelled varyingly Bhersdksha or Bhaïsáksha.

Page #265

AUGUST, 1890.]
THE PATTAVALI OF THE UPAKESA-GACHCHHA.
241
to the market-place at the gate of Pattana. There he asked the Seth whether he would take silver. The Sóth, greatly annoyed, replied that be would take all that the other could give. He then took a formal agreement (sañchakára, = satyankdra) from the Sélh. Then having taken one and a quarter lakhs of (silver) coins (mudrikd), and loaded it on asses (gardayá nibhårayitvá), 2 he went to Pattana, and asked that the silver might be counted. On hearing the amount, the Seth was astounded, and he, together with all other Séths of Pattana, fell at the feet of Bhaisâksha. The latter told the Séth, that he should bring drinking-water into the Gurjara country on a buffalo; after that he would be forgiven. At his direction, the money was spent in the country on a saptakshetra. In this way arose the Gadahiya-Sakha.
(51) He was succeeded by Sri-Siddha-suri.
(52) In the year 1154 (A. Vikr.) he was succeeded by Sri-Kakka-Sari. On the advice of Héma-Suri and Kumarapala, he expelled the Munis who neglected their religious duties (kriya-hind).
(53) He was succeeded by Sri-Devagu pta-Suri, who gave away one lakh of money (dravyani).
(54) He was succeeded by Sri-Siddha-Suri.
(55) In the year 1252 (A. Vikr.) he was succeeded by Sri-Kakka-Suri, who restored (pragati-krita) Marotakota.
(56-65) He was succeeded by' (56) Sri-Davagupta-Suri, (57) Siddha-Suri, (58) Kakka-Suri, (59) Dévagupta-Stri, (60) Sri-Suddha-Suri, (61) Kakka-Suri, (62) SriDévagupta-Sari, (63) Srl-Siddha-Suri, (64) Kakka-Suri, (65) Dévagupta-Suri.
(66) In the year 1330 (A. Vikr.) he was succeeded by Sri-Siddha-Sari. The feast of his installation was celebrated by the SÂh Desala in PAlhanapura. Under the patronage of Samara, this Siddha-sari set up the image of Adinatha, of the time of the sixth Uddhára, *5 on the Satrunjaya mountain.
(67) He was succeeded by Sri-Kakka-Sari, whose feast of installation was celebrated under the patronage of the Sah Sahaja in the year 1371 (A. Vikr.). He composed the work called Machchha-prabandha, in which the character and conduct (charitra) of Samara and Sahaja, the two sons of Déšala are described.
In this manner there arose many Súris in the Upakoba-Gachchha, who were distinguished through their power, their writings, and their unworldliness. Of these some account shall be given.
(68) The sixty-eighth successor in the pontifical chair was 8r1-Devagupta-Sari, the world renowned poet, the head-jewel of the whole circle of the learned, the thorough master of the Siddhanta (or Jain Canon), the touchstone of all sciences. The feast of his installation was celebrated in Delhi, in the year 1409, by Sarandhara, at a cost of five thousand gold mohurs (suvarna).
12 I take this to be a clerical error for gardabh nibharayitud, as there seems to be in it a reference to the name of the coins gadahiya.
13 By & sapta-kshetra or seven spberes of action is meant (1) to build a temple (mandir), (2) to endow it with an image (pratimd), (3) and sacred books (jñan ke pustak), (4 and 6) at the time of doing the above, to bestow food and clothes on the male and female sådhus, and (6 and 7) to distribute money, according to one's ability, to the male and female Sravaks (or lay adherents.
* This is the well known Hémachandra, the Sanskrit and PrAkşit Grammarian and Lexicographer, who is said to have died in 1172 A. D., in his 84th year.
46 The Jains believe that from the time of Rishabhadeva down to the time of Bahadur Shah, the son of Aurangzib, there have been 16 great Uddharas (besides innumerable small ones) on Mount Batrofijaya. An Uddhara is one who at vast expense rebuilds all the old temples. The figure of Rishabha which was set up by the sixth Uddhara, Was put away in a hidden cave at the time of the seventh Uddhara. When Bamara made the fifteen Uddhdra, he get Siddha-Sari to recover the image of the sixth Uddhara from the hidden cave; and this image was set up again by Samara on the Satrunjaya mountain.

Page #266

242
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1890.
(69) He was succeeded in the year 1475 A. Vikr. by Sri-Siddha-Bari, who was full of good qualities. The feast of his installation was celebrated in the town (pattana) of Anahalla. pura by his patron (agraha, but spelt ágriha), the Sah Jhâmbânimba of the Chôravêdiyâ gôtra.
(70) In the year 1498 A. Vikr, he was succeeded by Sri-Kakka-Sari, and the feast of his installation was celebrated in Chitrakata (Chitor) by the Sah SAranga of the Chôravêdiya gôtra and the Râjâ of Sônâpar. He it was who in the year 1444 procured the prohibition of all slaughter (amári')46 in (the province of) Kachha, who converted to Jainism the Jam SriVirabhadra, from whom came forth ambrosial streams of Sanskrit and Prakrit compositions, in which he deeply dived into all sciences (édstra), who was equal to Vâchaspati in elegance of speech, who was accomplished and fervent in the exercise of all arts, who was very weighty through his knowledge of the Law (dharma), and who was foremost in the possession of all good qualities."
(71) In the year 1528 A. Vikr. the installation of his successor Sri-Devagupta-Suri was celebrated with great pomp by his patron the prime minister Jayanta, the son (átmaja) of the prime-minister (mantrísvara) Sahala of the Srêshți gótra. He built & palatial temple (prásada) of Pârsvanatha) and a pôshadha-sáld (or a retreat for keeping the pôshadha fasts), and made a pilgrimage to Satrunjaya. He also appointed five readers (pathaka), whose names are the following: 1, Sri-Dhanasagara-Upådhyâya ; 48 2, Sri-Dêvakallola; 3, Upadhyâya-Padmatilaka; 4, Upadhyâya-Hamsaraja; 5, Upadhyâya-Matisagara.
(72) He was succeeded by Sri-Siddha-sari, the fill of good qualities. The feast of his installation was celebrated, in the year 1565 A. Vikr., in Medinipur (Midnapur), by the prime-minister Lolâgara, to the son (átmaja) of the prime minister Dasaratha, of the Srêshti gôtra.
(73) He was succeeded by Sri-Kakka-sari, who became the head of the gachchha (gachchhadhipa) in the year 1595 A. Vikr., in Yodhapura (Jodhpur). The feast of his installation was celebrated in Jodhpur by the prime-minister Dharma Simba, the son of the minister Jaga (mantri Jaga), of the Srðshți gôtra.
(74) He was succeeded by Sri-Devagupta-sari, whose feast of installation was celebrated in the year 1631 A. Vikr., by his patron, the minister Deda, the son (putra) of the minister Sabasa Vira, of the 'Srêshti gotra.
(75) He was succeeded by Srl-Siddha-Sari, on the 13th day of the bright half of the month Chaitra in the year 1655. The feast of his. installation was celebrated, with great pomp, in Vikramapur (Bikrampur) by the greatest of ministers, the prime-minister (mantrisvara mantri-mahamantri) Vákura Simba, of the Sréshţi gôtra, the most competent administrator of the kingdom, known throughout the whole world as the noblest (lit. mount Meru) and most brilliant (lit. head-jewel) of ministers.
SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
BY J. F. FLEET, Bo.C.8., M.R.A.S., C.1.E. No. 189. - BHOJ COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF THE RATTA MAHANANDALESVARA KARTAVIRTA IV.
SAKA-SAMVAT 1131. This inscription has been incidentally noticed by me in my Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts, page 83 ; but it is now published for the first time. I edit it from the original plates, which I obtained for examination, in 1879, from Sivagauda Bin Satyagauda, a member of the Patils' family of Bhoj, which is a village about nine miles north-west of Chỉkôdi, the chief town of the Chikodi Taluka or Sub-Division of the Belgaum District, Bombay Presidency. The village is entered in the Indian Atlas, Sheet No. 40; Lat. 16° 33', Long. 74° 30.
4. On this, hoe footnote 884 in my edition of the Updaagadaado. 47 In the original these epithets are made to rhyme. ** On upddhydya see the introductory remarks * Original, Lolagarra. Perbape, however, it is a clerical error for Lovagrahaya, 'by his patron Lola.'

Page #267

AUGUST, 1890.)
BHOJ GRANT OF KARTAVIRYA IV.
243
The plates, of which the first and last are inscribed on one side only, are three in number, each measuring about 87" by 1' 23". The edges of them were raised into- rather high rims, and the writing is essentially in a state of perfect preservation throughout. But many of the letters are filled up with se hard an incrustation of rust, which cannot be cleared out, that they hardly show at all in an ink-impression; and this inscription can be properly read only on the original plates. The ring on which the plates are strung, passes through ring-holes in the upper part of each plate. It is about " thick, and 41" in diameter. It had not been cut, when the grant came under my notice. The seal, in which the ends of the ring are secured, is oval, about 31" by 21". It has, in high relief on a deep countersunk surface, the figure of a mau kneeling on his right knee and facing full-front, and holding in his left hand what seems to be a sceptre, and in his right hand some small object which is not recognisable. The full details of the figure cannot be made out; but it seems to be a representation of Garuda. This, however, is rather peculiar; for, the family, a member of which made the grant recorded in this charter, - the only copper-plate record of the family that has as yet came to my notice,- had the crest of an elephant and the banner of a golden Garuda ; and, on the analogy of the Chalukys grants, the seal ought to shew the elephant-crest. - The weight of the three plates is about 15 lbs., and of the ring and seal, 3 lbs. 3 oz.; total, 18 lbs. 3 oz. - The characters are Nagari. The viráma is represented by a sign which might be mistaken for the subscript long u; but that the latter is represented throughout this record by two strokes, each of which might ordinarily suffice for it. The letter b is represented throughout by a v, with a dot in the centre of the loop. The Dravidian r is represented by a double r, in 'árruvan", line 103 ; instances of the same practice, in other inscriptions in the Nagari characters, occur in márra-káridu, = mára-kondu (ante, Vol. IV. p. 276, line 87), and in kirruvalasigú, = kiruvalasiga (Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. IX. p. 244, line 13); and even in Sanderson's Kanarese Dictionary the practice is the same, in the few instances in which any attempt is made to distinguish the r from the ordinary r. The average size of the letters is about ". The engraving is regular and good. The letters are fairly deep; but, the plates being massive, they do not show through at all on the reverse sides of the first and last plates. Where the letters are not filled ap with rust, the interiors of some of them shew, as usual, marks of the working of the engraver's tool; but this is confined chiefly to the curved strokes; and the engraving for the most part is very firm and clean. - The language is Sanskrit. As far as the end of line 85, the record is in verse; except for a short passage of gadya or alliterative prose, in lines 61 to 64. The rest is substantially in prose. But one verse is introduced in lines 105 to 108. And, in addition to four of the customary benedictive and imprecatory verses quoted in lines 112 to 120, the inscription ends with two verses which give the names of the composer and the writer of it. - In respect of orthography we may notice (1) the use of sh for the visarga before k and p, in su-karash=kalit-odayah, line 36, and yasash-pura, line 42, and in other instances in lines 40, 44, 57, 71, 74, 75, 80, 83, 91, 107, 117, 118; that it is only an affectation, is indicated by such instances as séshah kenicha, line 29, and kalpa-bhujah parájitah, line 31; (2) the doubling of bh after r by bh (instead of by b), in garbhbha, line 42, and in other words in lines 64, 66, 67, 70; (3) the doubling of chh (by ch, in the proper manner) after the anusvára, in lásichchhana, line 88, and abhivasichchhana, lines 88-89; and (4) the representation of rn by rạn, e. g. in túrnnar, line 29; though the double nn is formed correctly in praleshunna, line 27.
The inscription is one of the Mahamandalakvara Kartavirya IV., of the family of the Battas of Saundatti and Belgaum. It is non-sectarian; the object of it being only to record the grant of a village, to a number of Brahmaņs, made by him while, in conjunction with his younger brother, the Yuvarlija Mallikarjung, he was ruling at the skandhávára or camp of Vênugrama.
The village granted was the modern Bhoj itself, which is mentioned ander the older name of Bhoyija, and is defined as being in the Koravalli (i, e. Koravalli) kampaņa, which was a division of the Kandi Three-thousand district. With it there was given its hamlet,

Page #268

244
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1890.
Sonnavada, which, if it is still known by that name, is not entered under it in the map. Vêņu. grama, where Kartavirya IV. and Mallikarjuna were ruling, is one of the forms of the ancient name of Belgaum. The Koravalsi kampaņa is mentioned also in one of the two Ratta inscriptions which were formerly at Belgaum, but were lost sight of many years ago (see Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. X. p. 184). The map, Indian Atlas, Sheet No. 40, shews Koorolee,' fourteen miles almost due north of Tâsgaum in the Satârâ District ; 'Kuroolee,' which probably is really Karôlli, seven miles south-east of Tâsgaum; and another Kuroolee,' twenty miles north-west of Athņi in the Belgaum District. Either of these places, with a preference in favour of the last, may be the town from which the Koravalli kampaņa took its name. The only other place that seems at all possible is Koorlee,' or 'Kurali,' abont eighteen miles west by north of Chikodi in the Belgaum District. The Kandi or Kuhundi Three-thousand is a territorial division, the boundaries of which were first fixed by the Rațța chieftain Kartavirya I. (Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. X. p. 201), about A.D. 1040 to 1070, and which seems to have specially constituted from that time the government of the Rattas. I do not find any place now existing, from which its name can have been taken. But a reminiscence of it seems to have been preserved in the term Maru-sávirad-Ayya, "the Ayya of the Three-thousand," which is the title of an Ayya or Lingayat priest at Hubļi in the Dharwad District. His predecessors may have been the highpriests of the Kûņdi Three-thousand,
The date on which the grant was made, was, Saka-Saṁvat 1131, expressed fully in words, and not distinctly qualified either as current or as expired; the Vibhava sarivatsara; the month Kårttika; the bright fortnight; and the twelfth tithi, coupled with Budhavâra or Wednesday.1 And here we have a clear instance of the use of a current year of the Saka era. For, by the southern luni-solar system, which is the only one applicable in this instance, the Vibhava sam. vatsara coincided with 'Saka-Samvat 1131 current (1130 expired). And in this year the given tithi, Kârttika sukla 12, ended on Wednesday, 22nd October, A. D. 1208, at about 28 ghafís, 2 palas, after mean sunrise (for Bombay).
Among the fiscal terms in this grant, mention is made of the ashtabhoga-tjan-svámya, which means literally the proprietorship of the glory of the ashtabkôga.' The word ashtabhoga is given in Sanderson's Kanarese Dictionary as denoting eight sources of enjoyment, viz. a habitation, a bed, raiment, jewel, women, flowers, perfumes, and areca-nuts and betel-leaves.' But Monier-Williams, in his Sanskrit Dictionary, 8. v. akshini, alludes, though without specification, to eight conditions or privileges attached to landed property ;' and this is more probably the true meaning of the term. In the Bhîman katti Math spurious grant (ante, Vol. IV. p. 333, line 25 ff.), we have the expression nidhi-nikshépa-jala-páshana-akshini-ága mi-siddha-sádhya-téjah: svúmya; here, ashtab hoge plainly has been omitted through carelessness; and, inserting it, we find it preceded by eight specific terms. Again, in a Harihar grant (Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc, Vol. XII. p. 347, line 37 ff.), we have nidhi-nikshépa jala pashana akshini ágámi siddha sádhya hechcharike (sc. hechchugdrike) modal-úda sakala ashabhôga-tējah-ovámya; where again, if we now take nidhi-nilshépa as one term, we find the word preceded by eight specific terms. And this second passage seems to give still more clearly the meaning of ashtabhôga; the translation being "the proprietorship of all the glory of the ashabhôga, which commences with (or rather, which consists of) deposits of buried treasure, water, stones, Ane akshini, that which may accrue (?), that which has been made property (P), that which may be made property (?), and augmentation." Such passages as the present one, in which the term ashtabhôga-tējah-avámya is distinctly separated from nidhi-nikshépa &c., may tend against the acceptance of such an explanation of its meaning as I propose. But, on the whole, the passages in the Bhimankatti Math and Harihar grants, seem to define exactly the ashtabhôga; with a slight variation in different parts of the country.
1 budhavara-samunvitayam. The analysis of this compound is budhavarna samanvitayam. And this instance may serve to explain the occasional ase of the instrumental onse (without any such word se samanvita) instead of the more customary locative, to denote the week day.

Page #269

AUGUST, 1890.]
1 Om Om Namah
BHOJ GRANT OF KARTAVIRYA IV.
TEXT.2 First Plate.
Sivaya 11 Mahiyasya mahî yasya daṁshtrayâ prôddhat-ośriyê (yai) bhuyid=varâhô sau jagatâm
2 dadhêl
jagatâm nidhiḥ
3 Yasy âlimgana ramyar û pa-Girija-sambhoga-sambhavita-sve4d-kmbhah-kaga-chumbit-ôbhaya-tata-prödbhisi bhal-âmbakam 5 ta-viśuddha-mauktika-lasan-mânikya-madhya-srajaḥ
6 nutê tanôtu sa 'Sivaḥ Sreylesi 7 vaṁsaḥ Krishna-raja-krit-ônnatih 8 ta-prajaḥ II
Asmin-samasta-bhûpâla-mauli-lâlita-sasanaḥ |
samja. sthitabby
9 tas-saphal-Arambhas-Sena-rajas-satâm
matal II
Maryykdan
Yat-khadga-khamḍitas-samkhyê
bhabhujah
10 yah prajabhyaḥ prajñay=ânvitaḥ | pramodam pradadau nityam niyamtá 11 mitivittaraḥ || prathit-auja12 saḥ I pânimdhamam divas-chakruh panthanam paripathinab Vâni Srir-vvasudha tav-isti vaśagâ kim kanta karyyath maya rusht-ev-aiva14 m-ih-âśrit=ônnatimati yat-kirttir-asa-patîn sô-bhun=namra
13
15 narêmdra - mauli - vila s a n - manikya-bâlâ tapa-vyakôś - ôj [j] vala16 padaada-yugalal éri-Karttaviryyas-tataḥ || Dadhaus nija-bhuja-star.17 bhê sthiram I Yasy-ari-nârî-nayan-âmbu-dhârâ
salabhaṁjîm=iva
vijaya-áriyam-tmiya-gana-érêņi-va
18 sîkritâm II 19 mya-rûpâ I 20
dikshu samudgiramtî
21 In 22 hásr-ábhiramyo Sakam
23
Sakambhar-iso bhajati na bbajatê
Malavo
Malav-a
24 sâm Cholo vėli-vaniya sprihayati bibhritê Gú(gu)rjjaro nirjjan-àâm | jėtum jita-prayin ripu-nripa-jagathin Lakshmidėvė nṛi-dêvê ya26 sminn-asmin-dravanti drutataram-aparê-py-asta-tamdrâḥ kshitîmdrâḥ | Yad12-ya
25
mam-âbabhara II
kinti-chchhatâm
Udayam10-upagatô-smål-Lakshmideva-kshitisas-sa sakala-bhubhṛin-mastaka-nyasta-pâdal | dalita-driḍha-tamasko
ravir=iva
Astie bhûyamsi vaḥ II krama-vikrama-sampamna-sampat-samposhi
245
Sâmgrâmêle
prihta.pr sôbhim=itaRatt-ihvay
pina-stan-âlimgana-ramuktavali-vibhra
27 trâsu
turamga-pumgava-khura-prakshunna-prithvitala-prôddhût-ôddhura-dhû
28 li-dhûsaram=adhas-sambhavya bhu-mandalam
vyôm=ôddiya bhajamti bbâ
29 nu-turagâs-turnna (rnna)m kham-ûrddhvam svatas-'Sêshah kimcha dadhâti ch-avanitaiam na
bhrita-padmas-tyakta-dôsh-ânushamgah
Artthinô13-nartthitên-âpi
pript-Artthin-yêna
ku
3) mribhavat-kandharaḥ || 31 rvvatâ dadad-artthita êv=ârttham kalpa-bhūjali parajitaḥ Vaktrå
4 Metre, Sloka (Anushtubh).
Metre, Blóka (Anushṭubb); and in the next three verses.
* Metre, Sloka (Anushṭubh).
12 Metre, Sardûlavikriḍita. 16 Metre, Sloka (Anushṛubh).
Second Plate; First Side.
32 ivairi-pramadâjanânâm samsanti yasya prabalaṁ pratapam lamb-âlak-ônmṛishta33 vichitra-patra-vyâpându-gandasthalavanti santam II Jananam15-abhavad-asmât-Kartta34 viryyasya yasya prakriti-lalita-mûrttês-sarvva-dig-vyâpi-kîrttêḥ praṇata
35 nṛipati-chûdâratna-raji-prabhabhir dvigunita-nija-kantis Sri-pad-âm bhôja36 bhajaḥ II Yas-cha II Samtupta(shta) 16-vibudhaś śrîmân-su-karash-kalit-ôdayaḥ 1 râjatê Ka
ki
gô-sa
37 rttaviryyd-yam râja kuvalaya-priyaḥ | Yasy17-âtapatrê vilasaty-udagrê prachchhaya38 samsanta-para-pratapê chitram ripu-strijana-mânasêshu 39 vâpa
prâbalyam-atyantam-a
tâpah
2 From the original plates.
3 The first ôm is represented by a decorative symbol; and the second in writing, -om.
5 Metre, Sardalavikriḍita.
Metre, Indravajra.
13 Metre, Sloka (Anushtubh). 17 Metre, Indravajra.
karavâla-kêli-dalita-pratyartthi-bhûbhrich-chayân-nishkrâ
7 Metre, Sardalavikriḍita.
10 Metre, Malini.
11 Metre, Sragdhara. 14 Metre, Indravajrå. 15 Metre, Mâlini. 18 Metre, Sardalavikriḍita.

Page #270

246
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1890.
40 madbhir=ajasram=asra-salilais-sampádya nân-&pagah! svash-kântâ-nikarân-apâm=&41 pi nidhin-kurv vann-ananta-priyan-êka-chchhatram=imam kshamam-avati yaś=śr
Karttavi. 42 ryyo nipah # Yad19.visala-yasash-pura-purité vyomni samcharan | kshiradhi
garbhbha(rbbha)43 vasasya smarativa kalanidhih 11 Vira 20.6 rî-ramaṇasya yasya vijaya-prastha44 na-bhêrîravam śrâvam-śrâvam-arâtayap(sh)-prithu-javam prithvidharâņâm guhâh
gatva
45 tatra bhayamkaraṁ pratiravam brilśru)tv=&tha saṁsêratê kim kurmmas-saranam
bhajêmahi 46 vayan kim kva pratishthamabê 11 Köyüra21-sth-êmdranilasya chchhalên-êyam sthiram
: sthird yasya éri-Karttaviryyasya bhåsate bhujam-asrita 11 Vira 22-sri-parirambha-sam
bhrama-bhrita-pratyartthi-prithvipati-krodh-ândhikrita-gandha-sindhura-ghatâ - kanth-a49 sthi-kunthîkritaḥ
yat-khadgôyam=arâti-mauli-vilasan-manikya-sa(68)50 nôpala-śreņi-sri-parichumbana-krama-bhuva
kânty
punas=sê vyatê li 51 Yasya 29 mataram-inamra-jana-paksh-avichakshanam ! iti ári-Chandrikadevim katha52 yantaś=chakasati II Dôsh-anushamgam=aprâptâ padm-ônmisha-vidhåyinî | kauta53 kam Chandrikadevi sa-mitrů nityam=unnatâ 11 Bhâti34 slaghya-guņa pativratata54 ya devi chiram Chandrika samprâptâ ghata-sarppa-jâta-vijayam Lakshmidhara
prêyasî 55 vira-bri-vara-Mallikarjjuna-yuta-sri-Karttaviryy-ambika
nânâ-dana-vino56 da-cbâru-charita châturyya-varyya-sthitih | Echaladavim26 kântâm kamaniya-ka. 57 la vilasa-sampanna dhanyas=samajani 10kash-kathayanniti bhubhujo yasya 11 58 Yasya râjõi 11 Echaladavi 'Sambhôš=chumbita-charanêna punya-bharaṇêna kumud-êm. 59 divara-mâlâm spijyata iva drishți-mâtrêna 11 Yasya 11 Mauktika-gôlaka-la. 60 kshmi vidadhana gagana-rûpiņas=Sambhôh Echaladevi råjõi sakalam vimalam
yaśa61 s=tanutê 11 Yasy28-ânuja nija-bhuja-bala-vijit-ari-chakra Chakradhara-vikramam
krama62 saranam rama-ramga-chaturam turamgama-keli-nilayam laya-rahitam hita-mahita
Second Plate; Second Side. 63 vâchař Váchaspati-mahimanam mân-Ônnata Mallikarjjunadevam-êvam=a. 64 kirvvachana-nichayair=abhinandayanti | Dirggh-ayur 37=bhbha(bbha)va bhagyavân=
bhava bha65 va Sri-pâda-bhaktô bhava nyây-alamkaran bhava pratidisam prakhya. 66 ta-kirttir=bhbha(bbha)va | Sri-kantô bhava dharmmikô bhava jan-ânamd-abdhi
chandrô bha67 va tvam jishộar-bhbha(bbha)va Mallikarjjuna chiram 10kêna sêvyô bhava 11
Yô=yam II 68 Arubysavasyam-asva jita-pavana-javam sarvva-sal-lakshma-bhájarnvaktre siddham
vidbâtum 69 nava-patha-chaturaṁ pamcha-dhârâ-praviņam 1 vådy-alf-kali-sampad-bhava-sama-saznayai70 r=bhbhi(bbhi)ma-bhêri-ninadair-nnyakkuryvan=vairi-varggam prachalita-manasam råjatê
KA71 rttaviryyaḥ 11 Kara-kalita-khadga-lêkha dharaṇipatêsh-Karttaviryyadeva sya
10 Metre, $10ka (Anushtubh). » Metre, Bårdalsvikridita. - Metre, 816ks (Anushtubh). * Metre, Ardalavikridita.
» Metre, Blóks (Anushtubh); and in the next verse. 24 Metre, Bardulavikridita.
* Mótre, Aryd; and in the next two versen. * This passage is an instance of gadya, or alliterative prose. 27 Metre, Sardalavikridita.
* Metre, Sragdbara.
Metre, Aryl.

Page #271

AUGUST, 1890.]
BHOJ GRANT OF KARTA VIRYA IV.
247
72 yasya ripu-vraja-lakshmi-lipi-karana-samåpti-lêkh=ēva 11
Dadad 3073 namdam=âbhâti pratâ pa-tapanas=sada chitra k uvalayây=Asmaiya74 sya lakshmi-nidhés=satah 11 Yasacha 11 Lavanyam31 vijaya-sriyash=kula. 75 griham
satyasya
sim Ônnatêr=unmadash=pramada-vilôchana-tatê. 76 r=utpâda-bhûs=sampadám
unmêshas=sukritasya mamdana-vidhis-tyaga 77 sya 1114 dhiyAr kshetram kshatriya-tôjasam vijayate s ri-Kartta
viryyo nripaḥ Vyâptê=smin=bhuvana-trayê narapatêr=yyasy=ênıdu-samspa79 rddhina Kailasayitam-Anjalāja)na-kshitibhrita
hamsayitam kôki. 80 laiḥ nil-abjaish-komadâyitam Yamanaya Gamgâyitaṁ sûga81 raih kshirôdâyitam=unnatêna yaśasa Sarv vâyitam Vishņuna 11 82 Vira 32-gri-bhraji yasya sthiram=&vanim=imam vi(bi)bhratô dôshại jishņô. 83 s=samrüjash-prajya-rajya prakaita-garima-tt 8 (8 t0) madh & m-aika - mûrttêh! 84 kîrttim drishțvá kim=esha rajatagiri-tați kaumudikim sudha kim 85 Ganga ki kin=nu châmdri tanur=iti kavayas=sampratam samgirante il 86 Sô=yam samadhigatapamohamahaśabda-mahamandalesvar 33
Latta87 nur-ppuravar-adhiśvaraḥ
trivalî-täryya-nirgghôsbaņô
Ratta-ku88 la-bhûshanah
sindůra-limohchhanas-saphalikrita-vidvaj-jan-abhivâm89 chchhanah
vira-kath-akarnna(raga)na-játa-rômámchas=sihitya-vidya-Vi90 rimchah s uvar na(rņņa)-Garudadhvajas-sahaja-makaradhvajaḥ samgrâma-kau.91 tûbaliksita-nija-gada-damdashukadana-prachandah
simdhur-ârâti-bam. 92 dhura-kabamdha-narttana-sútradhârô
vairi-mam dalika-ganda-tala-praha93 rah para-vadhu-namdano vibhava-sakramdanah sâhas-ottungas-samará.
Third Plate. 94 dhita Mahalingah
Svaṁ-adi-nâmâvali-virajamânaś=érîmân=KA95 rttaviryyadevo
râja nij-anujena
yavarâja-Mallikariju96 nadovena samanvitas-sri-Vanugrama-skandhåvare
sukhê97 na sâmrajya-lakshmim=anubhavan 11 Baka-nfipa-kalasy-aika-tri(tri)mbad-u98 ttara-bat-adhika-sahasratamasya
Vibhava-samvatsarasys
KA99 rttika-misasys bukla-dvadabyan Budhavara-samanvitayam Kum100 ţi-trisahasra-madhyavartti-KoravalN-kampan-antarggatan
nidhi101 niks hê pajala - pâs hân - â rám - â di-chatush pra kåra-bira vana102 párikhåya-sahitam-ashtabhôga-têjas-svåmya-danda-sulka-yuktam
må103 nyeshu désa-maryyad-årruvaņ4-ânvitam sarvy-aya-sahitam råjña rajakiyai104 wapyran-anguli-prêkshaniyan pravipta(shta)-Soronavadam prasiddha-Bima-samanvi. 105 tam Bhoyija-nâmånaṁ grâmam | Vidhurita36-duritêbhyas-santiman-mana106 s@bhyas-samadhika-mahimabhyas=servva-vidya-nidhibhyah
kpita-nikhila-ma107 khábhyas=satyavadbhyash=kļiti bhyasesitakara-sama-kirtti-vyåpta-16 katra108 yêbhyah II Vimsaty-adhika-sata-sankhyâkebhyo
nând-gôtre 109 bhyo brahmanêbhyas-samasta-raja-chihn-Ôpalakshitam
sarvve110 namasyam kritvá dhárå-pûrv vakam bhakti-yuktam dattavan || Om* 11 111 Asya dharmmasys påland phalam=iti ha sm=&hur=Mmany-adayo mahaDana87-pålanayőr-mmadhye
danach-chhreyównupalanan 113 dânât=svarggam-avåpnóti pålanad-achyatan
padam 11 Ganyantà 114 på gavô b humêr-gganyante vpishţi-bindavah na ganyate Vidhátra115 pidharmma-samrakshan& phalaṁ | Ata évekha Ramachandrah | Sama116 ny838-yan dharmma-sêtur-nnipåņam kale-kald pålaniyê bhava
Motro, Blok (Anushtabh). 1 Metre, Bardalavikrlaita; and in the next verse. » Metre, Sragdhara.
# It shonld be noted how the terminations of these epithets rhyme. * i. e. dywan
* Hetre, Málint * Represented by a decorative symbol, olovely resembling that which stands at the beginning of the record. * Metre, Blóka (Anushtabh); and in the next verse.
* Metre, Balint.

Page #272

248
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1890.
117 dbhih 1 sarovấn=ệtập=bhavinash=pArtthiyềndrân=bhuyê-bhuyố
yichate 118 Ramachandrah 11 Mad39-vamsa-jash-para-mahîpati-vamśa-jâ và pâpâdea119 pêta-manasô bhuvi bhůmipalah yê på layanti mama dharmmam-i120 mam samagram têbhyô mayâ virachitô=mjalir=êsha mûrdhni 11 Iyam so 121 vani-var-Onnidra-sakti-vyutpatti-sampadal
jayaty=Adityadêva122 sya kritir=audûryya-salini Il Sasanaṁ vairi-silpaka-gamdha-sim123 dhura-kesari | Balavarmm=alikhach-chitram sútradhâra-Pitamahaḥ (11) Oml (11*]
ABSTRACT OF CONTENTS.
After a verse in praise of Vishğı as the Boar, and another in praise of Siva, the inscription oceeds:-There is the Ratta lineage (line 6), the elevation of which was effected by king Krishna 13 In it there was born Sena (II.) (1.9). His son was Kartavirys (III.) (1. 16). His son was Lakshmidêva (I.) (11. 20, 25), or Lakshmidhara (1. 54), at whose marching forth the lord of Sakaṁbhari ate only herbs (1. 23); the king of Malava could not enjoy the country of Malava; the Chola longed for a safe refuge in the forests on the sea-shore (1. 24); and the Gurjara found his territory deprived of its inhabitants. From him there was born Kartavirya (IV.) (II. 33-34, 36-37, 41-42, 47, 55, 70-71, 78), or Kartaviryadeva (1. 71). His Taother was Chandrikadevi (11. 51, 53), or Chandrika (1. 54), who was the wife of Lakshmidhara (i. e. Lakshmidêva I.); who attained victory over a number of serpents in an carthen water-jar;43 and who was the mother both of Kartavirya (IV.) and of Mallikar. juna (1. 55). The wife of Kârtavirya IV. is Échaladevi (11. 56, 59, 60), who acquired much religious merit by her worship of Sambhu (Siva); and his younger brother is Mallikarjuna. déva (1. 63), or Mallikarjuna (1. 67).
While, in conjunction with his younger brother, the Yuvarája Mallikarjunadáva, he is enjoying the good fortune of universal sovereignty (!) at the famous camp of Vēņugrama (1.96), he, the illustrious Kartaviryadeva (IV.), (II. 94-95), -a Mahámandalesvara who has attained the panchamahusabda (l. 86); who is the supreme lord of Lattanar, 44 the best of towns; who is heralded by the sounds of the musical instrument called trivali; who is the ornament of the Ratta family (I1. 87-88); who has the crest of an elephant ;45 who has the banner of a golden Garuda (1. 90); who strikes the cheeks of hostile Mandalikas (1. 92); and who has appeased the god Mahalinga (Siva) (11. 93-94), – on the twelfth tithi, coupled with Wednesday, in the bright fortnight of the month Karttika of the Vibhava samvatsara, which is the one thousand one hundred and thirty-first year of the era of the Saka king (or kings) (1. 97), with libations of water has given (1. 110) to one hundred and twenty Brahmans of various götras (1. 108), as a sarvanamasya-grant characterised by all the signs of royalty, the village of Bhoyija, according to its established boundaries (11. 104-105), - together with
9 Metre, Vasantatilaka.
49 Metre, Blóka (Anushubh); and in the next verse. +1 Represented by a symbol, somewhat plainer than those used in lines 1, 110.
2. the Rashtrakūta, king Krishna II.; about Saka-Sauvat 797 to 833. For the full genealogy of the Rattas of Sauulatti and Belgauin, see my Dynasties of the Kanarese Districte, page 80.
45 xoxispripta ghaia-sarppa-juta-vijayant ; line 54. Exactly the same expression occurs in the Ratta inscription at Raybag Elliot Ms. Collection, Vol. II. p. 567, line 3); and the same expression, or very similar ones, in the two Ratta inscriptions that used to be at Belgaum. And in a translation of the RAybar inscription (Selections from the Records of the Bombay Government, No. VIII., PP. 415--17) it is interpreted as meaning that "Chandrikadevi died of the disease called Ghatasarpa (Cynanche maliyna)" ! In the Kalhoļi inscription (Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. X p. 223, line 27), in a prose pasange, the present words are represented by the epithet ghat-dara-sthitasarpo-darpa-bha i june. When editing that inscription, I thought that the epithet meant that she overcame pride or Vanity, which, in its evil effects, is like a venomous serpent safely ensconced in the interior of an earthen vessel. But the words in the present inscription are hardly capable of that interpretation. And the allusion seems to be really to her having killed some snakes which had hidden in a jar.
* The Lattalar of some of the other inscriptions of this family.
45 sindira: see page 165 above, note 85. The word sindhura itaelf oocura in linea 91 and 122 f. of this record; but not at either place in a technical expression, as the present one may be taken to be.

Page #273

AUGUST, 1890.)
REN GRANT OF GOVINDACHANDRADEVA.
249
the contiguous (hamlet of)4 Sonnavada, - which is in the Koravalli kampana, which is in the Kandi Three-thousand (II. 99-100). The grant carried with it the biravana-pârikhaya67 of four kinds, on deposits of hidden treasure, water, stones, and pleasure-gardens, &c. (11. 101-102); the fines and duties of the ashțabhôga-tējah-svámya (1 102); the arruvana (i. e. aruvana) on manya-lands, as was customary in the country8 (11. 102-103); all the lyas ; and the privilege that it was not to be pointed at with the finger (of confiscation) by the king or by any of the king's people (u. 103-104).
Lines 111 to 120 contain four of the customary benedictive and imprecatory verses. And the record ends with two verses, which state that the inscription was composed by Adityadeva (1. 121); and that the charter was written by Balavarman (1. 123), who was a very Pitamaha (Brahman) among Sátradháras.
A NEW COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF GOVINDACHANDRADEVA OF KANAUJ,
DATED SAMVAT 1188.
BY PROF. A. F. RUDOLF HOERNLE, PH.D. The original plate was received by me, in October 1888, from Mr. W. Grierson Jackson, the Collector of Fathpur-Haswa, in the N.-W. Provinces. In a letter referring to it, dated the 2nd October 1888, he stated that it had been found a few days previously in the debris of a fallen high bank of the Jamná river, close to the inhabited site of the village Bén, not far from the village and police-station of Lalanli.” The village Ben lies jast within the northern boundary line of the Mutaur Pargana of the Ghazipur Tabsil of the Fathpur District. The grant is now deposited in the Lucknow Museum.
The plate which is inscribed on one side only, measures 1' 3' by 11}"; the edges being slightly raised into rims. It is furnished with a massive, bell-shaped, circular-faced seal, which slides on a thick plain ring that passes through a hole in the top of the plate. The weight of the plate (including the seal) is 64 lbs.
The face of the seal is well preserved and shews in high relief, across the centre, the legend Srimad-Govindachandra-deva. The anusvára of chandra is doubtful. Deva is spelt without a final visarga, and the vowel é is side-marked; this being the only instance, throughout the plate, of the use of the older fashion of writing that vowel. Above the legend, filling the upper half circle, there is the usual kneeling or crouching figure of Garuda, composed of a human body facing to the front and the face of a bird facing to its proper right. The bands are joined, palm to palm, in adoration, across the breast. In the lower semicircle, below the legend, there is the figure of a saikha or sacred shell. The margin of the face of the seal is beaded or rather serrated.
Unfortunately the plate was subjected, apparently by the finders, to a barbarous process of cleaning, before it was made over to Mr. Jackson. It has been cleaned and polished with such right good will, that here and there whole letters, and in many other places portions of letters, have been polished away. In fact, in its present state, it would be very difficult, if not
46 This seems to be the force of provishta, line 104. Compare pravishta-grama duaya-cahitam (ante, Vol. XIV. p. 317, line 61, with which we have also to take the fuller expression in lines 59-60).
67 This fiscal term remains to be explained. In bfrapan, we seem to have the Kanarose pana, particular weight or coin, which is also a component of arwana, 'six panas,' a little further on. Bfra may be the Sanskrit otra, 'brave man, a hero.' Parikha or parikhd may be a Prakrit form of pariksha, an investigation, examination, Aya is the word that occurs in sarı-aya-sahitan, line 108; it is used both in Kanarose and Marathi to denote the dues or perquisites of hereditary village servanta. - In line 85 f. of an inscription at Miri (P. 8. and 0.-K. Inacre. No. 96), mention is made of the hanavina-parikhaya.
+data-marydd-druvana; or the meaning may be "(in coins or weighta) current in the country;" compare disa-parivartana-yogyait chatu-sata-sarkhyd-parimita-nishini (Jour. B. Br. R. 4. Soc. Vol. XII. p. 4, line 56 f.)
* See note 47 above.

Page #274

250
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1890.
impossible, to decipher the whole of the contents of the grant, if we were not already in possession of several other nearly identical versions. By rare good luck, however, the only really important parts of it, all names and dates with the only exception of one, - bave remained sufficiently uninjured to be fairly distinguishable,
The date is given both in words and figures, and states that the grant was made on Friday (sukra-diné), the fifteenth or full-moon day of the month Karttika, in the year 1131 of the Vikrama era. This, as calculated for me by Prof. Kielhorn, corresponds to Friday, the 6th November 1131 A. D.; and the year of the date, 1188, is, as usual, an expired Vikrama year. It is of importance, as proving that Gôvindachandra was still reigning in the year 1131 A. D. ; his latest date, hitherto known, was 1128 A. D. (S. 1185), and his earliest date is 1104 A. D. (S. 1161).
The grant was made at Benares; for, though the city is not mentioned, one of its ghats, Adikesava, is named as the spot where it was made. The donee was the Brâhman Labadaśarman, a son of Dahada, grandson of Chalahana and great-grandson of Svâmin. He belorged to the gôtra of Garga, and had the five pravaras of Garga, Angiras, Visvâmitra, Jamadagni and Vrihaspati.
The grant consisted in a certain portion of land, belonging to the village of Dosahali. This name, forcunately, is perfectly distinct; but the name of the district (pattala) in which it was situated is probably hopelessly injured. The only point certain about it is that it consisted of five aksharas. The village Dosahali has been identified for me by Mr. Jackson as the modern Dasault, which lies about two miles south of Lalauli, and six miles south of Rên, close
to the river Jamna. It is described, in the grant, by the term haladagángé (see below). The meaning of this term puzzles me; and very possibly it is not correctly read, though the letters seem fairly enough to be what I read them. As read, however, I take the word to mean "in that portion (ange) (of the village) which contains (ga) water (da for uda) and arable land (hala)." I would translate the passage referred to thus: “In the above-written village, in that portion of it which contains water and arable land, 10 ploughs (hala) of fertile land (sakvabhúmi), with its water and soil, with its iron and salt, &c., is given by me this day," and so forth. The quantity of land, granted to Lahada, in the village of Dosahalí, is stated to have been hala 10, or seventy ploughs.' Hala would seem to be here used as a measure of land, but I do not know how much land it would exactly indicate. About the numeral figures, I am not quite certain.
The name of the district it is impossible to identify. Mr. Jackson suggests that it may be Argal, which is about sixteen miles off, in a straight line, lying in a north-westerly direction in the Kôrâ Pargana of the Fathpur District. He writes that "it seems most probable that that place, as well as the rest of the Fathpur District, formed at the time part of the dominions of the Rajâs of Argal, who were then powerful tributaries of Kananj. The family still survives at Argal, but in the lowest degree of poverty. The family trees of this family shews 34 generations between the time of a Raja Jay, Pål (also called Ajay Chand) of Kananj, whose daughter Raja Sring-rikh of Argal married, and that of the Rahtôr Râja Jay Chand of Kanauj. It seems that the Argal Rajâs must have been semi-independent during this period; at any rate they were able to make large grants of lands to members of other friendly Rajput clans. Raja Ratan Singh of Argal shared the defeat of Jay Chand by Shihabu-d-din Ghôrî, but the family continued to be of note until Raja Hari Baran Deo took the wrong side in the revolt of Sher Shah against Humâyûn. Their fort was destroyed, and all semblance of independence taken away after the defeat at Kalpi about 1560 A. D. by one of Akbar's commanders."
1 See in particular other grants of this dynasty published by Prof. Kielhorn, ante, Vol. XV. p. 6 ff., and Vol. XVIII. pp. 9 ff., 129 k.; also three granta of Govindachandradêve himself, published by Dr. Führer in the Jour. As. Soc. Beng. Vol. LVI. p. 106 ff., where references to other published grants will be found, on page 107.
: Compare the word dagargala from da = uda, ga, and argala in Monier-Williams' Sanskrit Dictionary. * Seu Mr. F. S. Growse's notes on the Fathpur District, in Jour. 48. Soc. Beng. Vol. LIV. p. 157.

Page #275

AUGUST, 1890.)
REN GRANT OF GOVINDACHANDRADEVA.
251
Another suggestion is that the district might be the modern Asôthar, which is also an old site, not far off, originally called Asvatthamapura. A third suggestion is that it might possibly be Ghazipur itself, the head-quarters of the Tahsil in which the grant was found, or rather the old site in its immediate neighbourhood. On this Mr. Jackson writes : “There are also a mile north of Ghazipur, in lands now included in the village of Painâ, extensive ruing of an ancient fortified town. The original name of this is lost; but local tradition says that it was originally a stronghold of the Chandels, from whom it was taken by the Kichars. The present local name Fathgarh probably dates from the conquest. The outer line of walls and towers encloses a large area, and in the centre was a high citadel surrounded by a broad and deep moat. This is not more than 12 miles as the crow flies from Rôn (or 14 miles from Dagaals), and possibly the name in the grant may be the lost name of this place, which most certainly have dominated the neighbouring territory. This is, however, a mere conjecture." Perhaps of the three suggestions, the last conjecture has most probability; and in that case, it is all the more to be regretted that the name has been injured beyond recognition. The two first suggested names, Argal and Asotthar, appear to me to meet with no support from the existing traces of the name. But the present appearance of the letters of the name is altogether deceptive; and it is almost impossible to say what they may not have originally represented.
The language of the grant is Sanskrit, written in Devanagari characters, exactly of the same style as those to be seen in the grants of which facsimiles have been published in the Jour. As. Soc. Beng. Vol. LVI. p. 106 ff. The execution is rather bad; the letters are often very ill-shaped, and the composition is full of errors. A good deal of this imperfection is undoubtedly due to the barbarous process of polishing, by which the real shape of the letters has often been entirely altered, or assimilated to the shape of quite different letters, and this renders the reading of the letters very deceptive. The interlinear or top-marked signs (for i, 1, 2, 6, 1, &c.) have especially suffered ; in many cases they have entirely disappeared. All this has to be discounted; but enongh remains to prove that the grant was prepared by a person who was either very ignorant, or very negligent. Some illustrations of this will be found below in the portions of the text which I shall quote. The letters m and 8, y and s, y and p, y and ch, v and dh, even after making every allowance for injuries by the cleaning, are constantly confounded.
On the other hand, the new grant exhibits some curious new readings which do not occar in any of the previously published grants. In the present condition of the copper-plate, however, it would serve no useful purpose to publish either a facsimile or the full text of the grant. It will suffice to put together all that is either new or peculiar in it.
The grant takes up 24 lines. Up to Govindachandra-dévå vijayé, towards the end of the 12th line, it is substantially identical with the published grants (e. g. grant, No. I. in Jour. As. Soc. Beng. Vol. LVI. p. 108, down to middle of the 14th line). There occur, how. ever, the following variations : line 1, the salutation is Omi namo bhagavate Vasudéváya; for akunt h8° stands ákulio, píthao for opitha', and áréyasésha vaḥ for éréyaséstu vah.
L. 3 (verse 4), kránita-dvisha-chandraló (sic) ripusvádhata-dhira-yodha-timirah, for the usual krásita-dvishan-mandaló vidhvastóddhata-víra-yodha-timirah.
L. 4 (verse 4), pradgopapravam (sic) for prajópadravani.
L. 5 (verse 5), dijatá (or dvijatá ?) yajéb hyô for dadatá dvijebhyo; sataustuo for batasastao or satatantuo; (verse 6) tatyatsajo (sic) for tasyátmajo; ita kutindrao for iti Kshitindrao.
L. 7 (verse 7), kumam asau for kshanam asau.
L. 8 (verse 8), 'chadhdthakaddhanavarádyagajó for bandhávarudha-nava-rájya-gajo; sáidra-bhůtah dravao for sádrámita-drava or súmdrámţita-dravao; in itself the reading sásndra-bhútaḥ would give sense, but it is neither grammatically nor prosodically correct; prabhó for prabhavô.

Page #276

282
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1890.
L. 9 (verse 9), raha-kshamárisetisrishu for rana kshamán-sætisráshu; this reading yields the sense of "equals in copulation,” which suits the context rather better than the ugual reading "equals in combat."
L. 10, paramabhatjárakah maháráj&for paramabhatjáraka-mahárájao; kanyakubjao only for sri-kanyakubja.
I might have given a large number of other, sometimes ludicrously, false readings; but owing to the injured state of the plate one cannot be quite certain as to their reality. It will be noticed, on comparing previously published grants, that in some of the cases, above quoted, they give equally false readings.
Towards the end of the 12th line, after vijayé, comes the specification of the grant, which rons thus, down to the end of the 15th line: -
....... la (P)-pattalayam (read pattalâyâm) Dosahalf-grama-Divasing (read nivåsing) janapadan apagatan api (and so forth, as in the other grants) purush&m=s=cha vijñâpayadis bôdhayaty=adišati cha yatha viditam asta bhavatam yad upari-likhita-grâmê hala-da-g-Ânge (?) hala 10 sakva-bhûmiḥ sa-jala-sthala 8a-18ha-lavan-akara sa-gartt-Okhara (read "shara)-samatay-akara-sa-madhûka-amba-vana-våtika-triņa-jûti (sic, read yûti)-govavararyahå (sic, read gochara-paryantá) chatur-âghâta-visuddhå (read visaddha) sva-sîmå-paryantâ !!
With the 16th line commences the statement of the date and the locality of the ceremony, which runs as follows:
Samvad-ashtabity-adhike ekadasa (read data)-sate Kartika-paurņņamásyan tithau Sokradinė='ókatopi sam 1188 Kartika-sudi 15 Sukrê 11 Ady-sha sri-Adikêava-sam ipê Gamgayam (read Gamgâyâm) snâtva, and so forth, as usual. There are, however, the following slight variations : mahasa-shamu-rochisham (sic) for mahasamrushna-rochisham ; abhyarchya for samabhyarchya ; prachurapayasena, as in some grants, for prachuratara-páyaséna; jasdbhi (a vernacularism ; compare júti, above) for yaéôbhi; gókurrina for gôkarnna ; kusa-púta for kuba-latá-púta.
Towards the end of the 18th line begins the statement of the particulars of the donee, which rans as follows: -
Garga (read Gârga)-sa-gðtråya Garga-Angiras | Visvamitra | Jamadagni-Vårhaspati (read Vțihaspati)-pamcha-pravaraya Svámi-prapantriya Chalahana-pautraya Dahada-putraya Lahada-sarmanê brahmanaya
About the middle of the 20th line commence the nsaal concluding verses, introduced by bhavanti chrátra élőkdh. In the present case the following six verses are quoted; I only give the opening words of each: 1, bhimin yaḥ pratig rihnati ; 2, sarkhan bhadrásanan chhattras; 3, vát-ábhra-vibhramam idan; 4, sarvan etán bhdvinah, 5, bahubhir vasudhá bhuktá; 6, gám ékásh svarnam ekani.
The closing words are: likhitam idan támra-pattakási isvarúpené=ti. The writer of this grant, Visvarapa, is probably the same person as he who wrote the Raiwan grant of Samvat 1180, published by Dr. Führer in the Jour. As. Soc. Beng. Vol. LVI. p. 113.
There is no need to translate the excerpted passages. Full translations of three others of Govindaehandra's grante, by Dr. Führer, will be found in Vol. LVL of the Journal above referred to; and of other grants of this dynasty, by Prof. Kielhorn, - who first fixed the translations (see ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 56), - in this Journal, Vol. XV. p. 6 ff., and Vol. XVIII. pp. 9 ff., 129 ff.
• of this name the only certain akshara is the last, la.
The letters on the plate really look like vikyupayadi.

Page #277

AUGUST, 1890.)
MISCELLANEA.
253
MISCELLANEA. A DOUBTFUL CHAULUKYA GRANT. thirteenth, which commenced at about 35 gh. 10 p. In the Chaulukya copper-plato grant which
ar-plata rant which on the Sunday. And there are no means by I have edited in this Journal, Vol. XVIII. p. 108 which the eleventh tithi can be extended to the ff., the date (lines 1 f., 5) is – gar vat 93 Chaitra Sunday, or by which the parvakdla of the sansu di 11 Ravau ady=éha śrîmad-Anahilapatake kranti can be connected with the eleventh tithi ...... adya samkramti-parvvani, — "the year In northern Vikrama-Samvat 1093 expired, and 93, (the month) Chaitra, the bright fortnight, the
southern Vikrama-Samvat 1093 current, Chaitra (civil) day 11 and the eleventh tithi), today,
sukla 11 ended at about 13 gh. 45 p. on Thursday, here at the famous (city of) Anahilapataka, 11th March, A.D. 1036, and this was twelve days ...... today, at the festival of a sankranti."
before the Mêsha-Samkranti, which occurred at I was editing at the same time a grant of about 3 gh. 30 p. on Tuesday, 23rd March. Bhimadeva II., which is dated expressly in Vi.
In southern Vikrama-Samvat 1093 expired, krama-Samvat 1266 and Simha-Samvat 96 (id. p.
Chaitra sukla 11 ended at about 17 gh. 10 p. on 110 1.). And it seemed plain that the year 93 of
Wednesday, 30th March, A.D. 1037; and this was the grant under notice must be Simha-samvat
seven days after the Mesha-Sankranti, which 98; with the result that the Bhimadeva of this
occurred at about 19 ghat's on Wednesday, 23rd vrant also was Bhimadeva II. But, in giving
March. the English equivalent of the details, I had to point out that a correct result could be obtained And Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit, whom I consulted only by assuming a mistake in the record, and as to the possibility of obtaining any better by altering fu, the bright fortnight,' into ba, result with the first of the above three years, has • the bright fortnight'; and this, in spite of the
found that, as a matter of fact, from Sakafact that the original is perfectly distinct, so that
Samvat 851 to 1201, there is only one year in it is not possible to read any of the details other. which the Mesha-Sankranti, - the only savikranti wise than as I have given them above.
that can be connected with the given tithi, - Some little time back, however, Dr. Hultzsch
took place on Chaitra sukla 11, and on a Sunday.
The year is Saka-Samvat 863 current; when brought to my notice his view that the grant in question should be a record, not of Bhimadeva
Chaitra sukla 11 ended at about 43 gh. 10 p., and II., but of his ancestor, Bhimadev. I. The
the Meeha-Sankranti occurred at about 13 gh. grounds for this view are:-(1) The identity of
5 p., on Sunday, 22nd March, A.D. 940. But this the person who wrote this grant, vis. the Kayas
date, belonging to southern Vikrama-Samvat tha Vatêsvara, the son of Kanchana, with the
997 current, or northern Vikrama-Samvat 998 person who wrote the Radhanpur grant of Bhi
current cannot in any way be connected with the madôva I. that is expressly dated in Vikrama
reign of Bhimadova I. Samvat 1086 (ante, Vol. VI. p. 193). (2) The Accordingly, even with Dr. Hultzsch's suggesidentity, in each case, of the Dataka, vix. the tion, we must assume a mistake in the record ; Mahdeándhivigrahika Chandasarman. And (3) in writing the eleventh tithi, instead of the twelfth the probability that the same Vatêsvara is the expired, or thirteenth current. person who is mentioned as the father of the
If this grant of the year 98 is to be regarded writer of a grant, recently obtained by Dr.
As a spurious document, - for which view, howHultzech, of Karna I., the son and successor of
ever, apart from the qnestion of the identification Bhimadêva I.
of Vatêsvara and Chandasarman, there are no From this it would follow that the grant under apparent grounds, except the impossibility of notice is in reality intended to be dated in
obtaining a correct result for the date as it stands. Vikrama-Samvat 1098, and gives an instance of - then I am inclined to think that it was con" omitted hundreds."
cocted on the basis of the grant of Bhimadeva I. The results for the date, however, are not such of Vikrama-Samvat 1086, or of some document as to prove this. They are as follows:
ver similary to that; but that it was really In northern Vikrama-Samvat 1093 current,
intended to be a charter of Bhimadeva II., dated Chaitra sukla 11 ended on Saturday, 22nd March,
in the Simha era. A. D. 1035, at about 37 ghaths, 10 palas, after But it is equally possible that the spurious mean sunrise (for Bombay). The Mesha-Sam- record is the grant of Vikrama-samvat 1086. krinti occurred on the Sunday, at about 48 The only point against this view, is, the possibility ghatis. But the tithi then current was the of identifying the Vateśvara who is mentioned in

Page #278

254
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1890.
it, with the Vatêsvara of Dr. Hultzsch's grant of line 43 f. of the grant of the Rashtrakata king Karna I. This item, however, is not conclusive, Kakka III. (see the Plate, ante, Vol. XII. p. 263.) without further information as to the father of One or other of the two grants seems to be the Vatesvara of the grant of Karna I. And on
undoubtedly spurious. But which of them is so, the other hand, in the grant of Vikrama-Samvat
is a question that can only be decided hereafter 1086, there is the suspicious point that, unlike all
on further information. the other Chaulukya grants, it omits to give the week-day of the tithi; 80 that the details of
When I edited the grant of the year 93, I was the date cannot be actually tested by calcu.
under the impression that I was bringing it to lation. Also, even if the two grants really were
notice for entirely the first time. I find, however, drafted by the same person, which seems to me
that there has been a previous notice, either of it,
or of another grant of the same year.' Dr. Bühler improbable; partly because of the differences in
has bracketed the year (10)93 opposite the name the orthography; and partly because the grant of
of Bhimadeva I. in his genealogy of the Chaulukyas the year 93 does not use the avagraha at all, while the grant of Vikrama-Samvat 1086 uses it
(ante, Vol. VI. p. 213). And he obtained the three times, in lines 15, 16, and 21,- still they
reference (see id. p. 185, notes) from a Gujarati
History of Kachh, p. 17. He tells us that certainly were not written or sketched on the
“the historian of Kachh says, that Bhimadeva's copper, for the engraver's guidance, by one and the
" grant is dated in S. 93, and he refers this date to name hand. I have ink-impressions of the grant of
" the years of the Chaulukya dynasty. If the Vikrama-Samvat 1086 before me; for comparison with my lithograph of the grant of the year 93.
“grant really is dated 93, which may be doubted,
"as it has been imperfectly deciphered, it is more In some respects there is a considerable resem
"likely that the hundreds have been left out, blance in the characters; but not more so than
"according to a very common habit of Hindu should be due to the preparation of them within
"writers." a century or two of each other. But there are two letters which appear to settle the point. In On this question of " omitted hundreds" for the two grants, the lingual d has a totally different any early times, I am quite open to conviction; if form. And, whereas in the grant of the year 93 any one will establish the use of the system, with ther is throughout the ordinary r, as throughoutout quoting the Lokakala reckoning as proof of it. the grant of Malaraja L(see the Plate, ante, Vol. But I doubt completely the use of omitted bundreds VI. pp. 192, 193). - except perhaps in one case, as early as even the time of Bhimadova I.. and narakam, line 14; where, however, it is really this is one reason for which I am not inclined to nachakar that is written, - in the grant of refer the grant under discussion to him. AppaVikrama-Samvat 1086, in eleven instances the rently, the earliest instances of "omitted ordinary r is used, but in the remaining twelve hundreds" in the Vikrama era that Prof. Kielhorn instances the r which resembles ch, and which can give, belong to the sixteenth century of that occurs, for instance, in paramabhattdruka-mdhd- era (see ante, Vol. XVIII. pp. 251-253). rdjadhirdja-paramésvara-paramamu hedvara in
J. F. FLEET.
NOTES AND QUERIES. OMENS
In the North-West Provinces. In Madras.
The chapkd, i.e. the goat-sucker bird (capri. If a child, when learning to walk or crawl, mulgus), flying over an ox or cow, especially over acquires a way of stopping and looking back
a cow buffalo, and allowing its shadow to fall on between its thighs, it portends the early advent of the animal, causes its death in a short time. The a brother. As most lively children will do this,
remedy is for some one to kill the bird and rub such prognostications are frequent, and curiously
bis hands or a stick in the blood and then waive it enough are most persistently made in spite of
over the animal. There are special men noted their pecessarily constant fuilure to turn out
for their powers in this respect all over the correct.
district. S. M. NATEBA SASTRI. Madras.
WILLIAM CROOKE.
It is difficult to say which, without knowing how the plates edited by me came into the possession of the
Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, and how long they have been there.

Page #279

AUGUST, 1890.]
NOTES AND QUERIES.
255
SOCIAL CUSTOMS; OPPROBRIOUS NAMES. With reference to Indian Notes and Queries, Vol. I. note 219, the custom of giving opprobrious names to avert the jealousy of evil powers is common in the Telugu country: pich. chi, mad;' verri, 'idiotic;'engdi, spittle,' are very potent for the purpose. Another device is to give a Hindu child a Musalman or English name, such as Badê Saheb or Rápsan (corruption of Robertson).
Mosulipatam. H. G. PRENDERGAST.
THE ONKO RECKONING OF ORISSA. In connection with the subject of Hindu regnal years, the following passage seems worth quoting from page 2 f. of a small work entitled South-Indian Chronological Tables by the late W. S. Krishnanaidu Swami, edited by Mr. R. Sewell, M. C. S. The passage shews the existence, in the neighbourhood of Orissa, of a variety of the luni-solar calendar, according to which eaeh year begins with Bhadrapada sukla 11 or 12. The Onkos or years of the reigns of the local princes and Zamindars, are made to coincide with these luni. solar years; BO that, whatever may be the antiquity and origin of this reckoning, it plainly preserves some original system of regnal years. And it is an interesting point that a regnal year commencing in the middle of an Onko, does not run its full term of a year, but ends on the following Bhadrapada sukla 10 or 11.
"A fourth Style of the Luni-solar Calendar, called the Onko, obtains in a part of Ganjain. This is an Orissa Style. This Style follows the Mérvadi in the order of the sequence of its fortnights, but begins the year on the 12th (according to some, 11th) of Bhadrapada-buddha, calling that day, as with the Marvadis, the 12th or 11th, as the case may be, not the let. In other words, the Year changes its numerical designation every 11th or 12th day of Bhadrapada-buddha.
It is impossible yet to y decidedly when the Onko reckoning commenced. Some perfectly valueless records in the great temple of Jaganna. tha at Puri show, and Dr. Hunter repeats, that it commenced with the reign of Subhanideva in 319 A. D., but the absurdity of this is shewn by the fact that the chronicler states that the great Mughal invasion took place in 327 A. D. in the
reign of his successor !? Some say that this reckoning commenced with the reign of Chôdaganga or Chårganga, the founder of the Ganga. vamsa, whose date is assigned usually to 1131-32 A.D., while Sutton in his History of Orissa states that it was introduced in 1580 A. D.
"In the zamindari tracts of Parlakimedi, Ped dakimedi and Chinnakimedi, the Onko Calendar is followed, but the people there also observe each a special Style, only differing from the parent Style and from one another in that they name their years after their own zamindars.
"A singular feature common to all these four kinds of regnal years is that, in their notation, the years whose numerals are 1 or 6, or whose numerals end with 6 or 0 (except 10), are dropped. For instance, the first regnal year of a prince or zamindar is called the 2nd Onko of that prince or zamindar, and the year succeeding the 5th and 19th Onkos are called the 7th and 21st Onkox respectively. It is difficult to account for this mode of reckoning; it may be, as the people themselves allege, that these numerals are avoided because according to their traditions and 6dstrar they forebode evil, or it may possibly be, as some might be inclined to suppose, that the system emanated from a desire to exaggerate the length of each reign.
"There is also another unique convention. according to which the Onko years are not counted above 59, but the years suoceeding 59 begin with a second series, thus, " Second 2," "Second 3," " Second 4." " Second 5," " Second 7," and so on.
" It will also be important to note that, when a prince dies in the middle of an Onko, his suc. cessor's 2nd Onko (first year of reign), which commences on his accession to the throne, does not run its full term of a year, but ends on the 11th or 10th day of Bhadrapada-fuddha following
"To find, therefore, the English equivalent of a given Onko year, it will be necessary first to ascertain the Style to which it relates, i.e.. whether it is a Jagannatha Onko or a Parlakimedi Oniko, and so on; secondly, to value the given year by excluding the years dropped (namely, the lst, 6th, 16th, 20th, 26th, 30th, 36th, 40th, 46th, 50th and 56th); and thirdly to ascertain the day when the prince or zamindar whose name is given ascended the throne.
1 Or anka? - (R. S.)
. The real date of the Muhammadan invasion seems to be 1568 A. D. (J. A. 8. B. for 1883, LII. p. 233-4, note). The invasion alluded to is evidently that of the
Yavanas," but as to dates these temple chronicles must never be believed. -(R. S.)
Mr. J. Beamer states that "the first two years and every year that has a 6 or a 0 in it are omitted," so that the 37th anka of the reign of Ramchandra is really his 28th year, since the years 1, 2, 6, 10, 16, 20, 26, 30, and 36 are omitted (J. A. S. B. 1883, VOL. LIL. P. 234, note). - (R. S.)

Page #280

256
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(AUGUST, 1890.
"There are lists of Orissa princes available, but up to 1797 A. D. they would appear to be perfectly unauthentic. The list of princes from that date forwards is reliable, and below are given the names of those after whom the later Omko years have been numbered, with the English dates cor
responding to the commencement of the 2nd Onkos (first years) of their respective reigns. "Onko 2 (first year) of Mukundadeva ...Sept. 2, 1797.
Do. do. Ramachandradeva .Sept. 22, 1817. Do. do. Virakesvaradera ... Sept. 4, 1854.
do. Divyasiri hadeve Sept. 8, 1859."
BOOK-NOTICES.
CATALOGUE OF HINDUSTANI PRINTED BOOKS IN THE LI ! The Hindu luni-solar calendar is to a great BRARY of the BRITISH MUSEUM. By J. F. Blum
extent based on the solar calendar. When we HARDT, London: Longmans & Co.; Quaritch; A.
wish to construct an almanae for a luni-solar year, Asher & Co.; Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner & Co. 1889.
we must first ascertain the duration of the corresThe indefatigable Mr. Blumhardt has pro
ponding solar year, and of the several solar duced in his new catalogue a most valuable
months of that year; because the extent of the book for students of Hindustani. The cata
luni-solar year is regulated by that' of the solar logue is a comprehensive one, as it comprises -
year, and because the lunar) months of the former 1) purely Hindustani works; (2) translations of
receive their names, according to certain fixed such works into English or other European lan.
rules, from the (solar) months of the latter. A guages; and (3) polyglot works, in which occur
solar year begins when the sun enters the first Hindustani translations, paraphrases, or com.
sign, Mesba (or Aries), of the fixed solar ecliptic; mentaries, on Arabic, Persian and other originals.
and so a solar month begins whenever the sun Dictionaries and Grammars written in English
enters any one of the twelve signs of the fired for English readers have been excluded. It is
echiptic. Given the epoch from which we have to perhaps a pity these were not included in an
start, the times of the entrance or Sankranti of appendix, to complete the references required
the sun into the several signs may be easily calby students.
culated from certain data which furnish, in days The catalogue itself is arranged by authors' and parts of days, the exact length of the solar names, by which is meant their personal names, year, as well as that of every month of that but as the various additions and aliases which year. Here, it is only necessary to draw particular Muhammadan authors affect all over India and the Attention to the fact that the solar year spoken East, to the great confusion of students, are of, on which the luni-solar calendar has been always given in cross-references, the arrangement hitherto based, is the sidereal year (i. e. that will be found to be practical and useful by all space of time during which the sun, departing who may use the catalogue. We have tested many from a star, returns to the same), which, according of the cross-references, and they have proved to the Sarya-Siddhanta, contains abont 365 days, complete, careful, and well-selected Higher 6 h. 12.6 m. praise cannot be given to a work of this kind.
If we were to calculate the Sankrantir and the The book is completed by an index of titles with
phases of the moon for the expired Saka year 1811, references to the catalogue under authors' names,
the result would be as in Table 1, on the opposite and by a subject-index to the principal works
page 257. in the catalogue giving titles and authors' names.
From that Table it will appear that, by the THE SATANA-PANCHANG FOR THE SAKA YEAR 1811. rule according to which a lunar month receives
Edited by VISAJI RAGHUNATH LELE, JANARDAN the name of that solar month in which occurs the BALAJI MODAK, and SHANKAR BALKRISHNA new-moon at the commencement of the bright DIKSHIT. Pripted by Hari Narayan Limaye; the
fortnight of the lunar month, the lunar months Satyabodhaka Press; Ratnagiri.
of the expired Saka year 1811, lasted - During the last few years the editors of the sayana-Panchanga have attempted a reform of
the amanta Chaitra, from the 1st April to the the Hindu calendar, the nature of which may be
30th April, 1889; readily explained, without entering too much upon the bright fortnight of the purnimanta Chaitra, minute details or abstruse calculations.
from the 1st April to the 15th April, 1889;
• Sewell's Sketch of the Dynasties of Southern India, P. 64. Archeological Survey of Southern India, Vol. II. p. 204.
The Panchang for the Baka year 1812 is published at the Khandesh Chitragupta Press; Dhulia.

Page #281

AUGUST, 1890.]
BOOK-NOTICES.
257
TABLE L The Luni-solar Calondar based on the Sidoral Year.
Baka 1811 expired. Samkrantis of the Sidereal Year.
Mosha (Vishuva), on
Vrisha,
Mithuna,
Karkata, or Dakshinayana,
Simha,
»
Kanya,
A.D. 1889.
Baka 1811 expired. Solar Months. Phases of the Moon.
• 31 March 11 April, 18 h. 52.5 m.,
o 15 April. Vaisakha.
• 30 April. 12 May, 17 h. 5-4 m.
o 15 May. Jyaishtha.
• 29 May 13 June, 2 h. 46°1 m.
o 13 June. Åshidbe. 28 June.
12 July. 14 July, 17 h. 254 m.
• 27 July. Sravan.
o 11 August. 15 August, 4 h. 42.2 m.
. 26 August. Bhadrapada.
o 9 September 15 Sept., 5'h. 342 m.
• 25 September. Avina:
o 9 October 15 October, 16 h. 31.1 m. .
• 24 October Karttika.
o 7 November 14 Nov., 14 h. 9.8 m. !
. 23 November Mârgasiras.
7 December. 14 December, 2 h. 19-5 m.
• 22 December. A.D, 1890.
Pausha
O 6 January 12 January, 10 h. 40-8 m.
• 20 January Mágha.
o 5 February 10 February, 21 h. 35-1 m.
• 19 February. Phálguna.
O 6 March 12 March, 16 h. 56-7 m.
. 20 March
o 5 April 12 April, 1 h. 5-2 m. j
Tule (Vishuva), ,
Vrischika,
,
Dhanuh,
►
Makara, or Uttargyana,
Kumbha,
»
Mina,
,
Chaitre.
Mêsha ($. 1812),
? 1. e. 18 h. 52-5 m. after mean sunrise at Ujjain; and so below.

Page #282

258
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1890.
find that, five hundred years hence, the Samkrantis mentioned would be later than they would
the amánta Vaisakha, from the 1st May to the 29th May, 1889 ;
the purnimanta Vaisakha, from the 16th April be expected to be, by a whole month.
to the 15th May, 1889;
the amânta Jyaishtha, from the 30th May to the 28th June, 1889;
The reason of this ever-increasing discrepancy is this, that the Hindu calendar, as we have seen above, has been hitherto based on the sidereal year,
the purnimanta Jyaishtha. from the 16th May while the return of the seasons depends on the to the 13th June, 1889; and so on. tropical year which, owing to the precession of And the same result would be obtained from the the equinoxes, is about 22 minutes shorter than the sidereal year. According to some Hindu rule by which both the amánta and the púrṇimánta months receive their names from the nak astronomers, the commencement of the sidereal shatra, in which the moon happens to be when year coincided with that of the tropical year in full. For, on the 15th April, 1889, the moon was Saka 444. In subsequent years, the sidereal full in Chitra, on the 15th May in Visakha, on the year would, owing to its greater length, com13th June in Jyêshṭhâ, on the 12th July in the mence later than the tropical year, and the time. group Ashadha; and so on. The whole lunar year by which it thus commences later, and by which Saka 1811, expired, would, of course, last from the 1st April, 1889, to the 20th March, 1890.
the Samkrantis therefore fall later than we should expect them to take place, has now increased to about 22 days. And by so much the ordinary calendars at present make the seasons commence later than they commence in reality; and the Samkrantis put down in those calendars are clearly no longer what, according to the defininitions of ancient and authoritative works, they should be.
Among the twelve Samkrantis, by which this lunar year is practically regulated, the Mêsha- and Tula-samkrantis are distinguished from the rest by being called Vishuva-sarhkrântis; and the Karkata and Makara-samkrantis are also called Dakshinayana and Uttarayana-samkranti, respectively. Vishuva is defined as the time when day and night are of equal length; and, accordingly, the Mêsha-samkranti and the Tula-samkranti, since they are called Vishuva-samkrantis, should be expected to coincide the one with the vernal, and the other with the autumnal equinox. Similarly, dakshinayana being characterised as the time during which the days become shorter and the nights longer, and uttarayana as the time during which the reverse is the case, the Karkataand Makara-samkrântis, if they are to be really Dakshinayana- and Uttarayana-sam krântis, should clearly take place the former on the longest, and the latter on the shortest day of the year. But if we turn to our scheme of the Saka year 1811, we find that, by the ordinary Hindu calendar, the Mêsha-sam kranti of that year took place on the 11th April, twenty-two days after the vernal equinox, and the Tula-samkranti on the 15th October, twenty-three days after the autumnal equinox; and that, in like manner, the Karkata and Makara-samkrantis took place from twenty-two to twenty-three days after the longest and shortest days of the year respectively. And if, on the same principles, we were to construct a calendar for the Saka year 2311, we should
3 I find that in Saka 444 the Mêsha-samkranti of the sidereal year, calculated by the rules of the Surya-Siddhanta, took place on the 19th March, A.D. 522, 1 h. 35'6 m. after mean sunrise; and that of the tropical year, calculated according to European methods, on the same day, 3 h. 43 m. after mean sunrise. For Baka 450 expired, the dates for both would be the 18th March, A. D. 528,
To put an end to this incongruous state of things, the compilers of the Sayana-Pañching, (i.e., as I would put it, "a calendar which takes into account the precession of the equinoxes") have based their luni-solar calendar on the tropical year. The change which they have thereby effected will be made clear by Table 2 on the opposite page 259, for which I have calculated the times of the samkrdntis with the help of European Tables,** and in which I have again indicated the phases of the moon, for reasons which will appear below.
Here, then, it will be seen that, in the new calendar, the Mêsha- and Tula-samkrantis do coincide with the vernal and autumnal equinoxes, and that the Karkata- and Makara-samkrântis fall really, as they should, on the longest and shortest days of the year. And if the same principle were followed in future calendars, this would be always the case; and, to mention a point which may be of particular weight in India, a Hindu who, in the performance of his religious ceremonies, should allow himself to be guided by these calendars, would at all times perform those ceremonies at the right season, and would not, as might otherwise often be the case, for instance,
14 h. 512 m. and 14 h. 526 m. after mean sunrise, respectively.
My results will be found to agree so closely with the times put down for the Sankrantie in the Sayana-PañchAng that the difference in no case amounts to more than one minute; and I therefore cannot help thinking that the editors too have here used European Tables.

Page #283

AUGUST, 1890.)
BOOK-NOTICES.
259
TABLE 9. The Luni-solar Calendar based on the Tropical Yoar.
Baka 1811 expired. Samkrantis of the Tropical Year.
Mosha (Vishuva), on
Vrisha,
►
Mithuna,
►
Karkata, or Dakshinayana,
Simha,
►
Kanya,
»
A.D. 1889.
Baka 1811 expired. Solar Months. Phases of the Moon.
• 1 March
o 17 March 20 March, 8 h. 546 m.)
. 31 March. Vaisakha.
o 15 April. 19 April, 20 h. 50 m.
. 30 April Jyaishtha.
o 15 May. 20 May, 20 h. 46-6 m. 3
• 29 May. Ashadha
o 13 June. 21 June, 5 h. 13•6 m.
• 28 June. Sravana.
12 July. 22 July, 16 h. 7'1 m. 3
• 27 July Bhadrapada.
o 11 August 22 August, 22 h. 46'1 m.
26 August. Asma.
o 9 September. 22 Sept., 19 h. 39-9 m.
• 25 September. Karttika.
o 9 October. 23 October, 4 h. 10-5 m.
• 24 October. Margasiras.
o 7 November 22 Nov., 1 h. l'l m.
. 23 November. Pausha.
o 7 December. 21 Dec., 13 b. 548 m.
• 22 December.
06 January 20 January, 0 h. 30-6 m.
• 20 Jan. 22 h. 43 m. PhAlguns.
. 5 February 18 February, 15 b. 1-8 m.
• 19 February. Chaitra.
06 March 20 March, 14 h. 44.5 m.)
Tull (Vishuva), ,
Vrischika,
Dhanuḥ,
Makara, or Uttarayana,
»
A.D. 1890.
Magha.
Kumbha,
»
Mina,
Mésha (8. 1812)
,

Page #284

260
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1890.
1889;
do during the uttardyana what his sacred books year would begin on the 2nd March, 1889, which require him to do during the dakshindyana, or would be the let of the bright half of Chaitra nice verad.
according to both the amanta and the purnimanta The change thus inaugurated by the compilers
schemes. All this would agree with the practice of the Sayana-Panchang, appears then indeed to
which has been followed in India for a long time, be an important reform of the calendar, similar
and which renders it easy to turn a date of the to that reform of the European calendar wbich
amanta calendar into one of the pirnimanta was first introduced about 300 years ago. But
calendar, or rice versa. the editors will no doubt have to agitate for their But the editors of the Sdyana-Pañichdig name idea.steadily and patiently; and if their endea- the months by a rule which says that the lunar vours should not at once meet with any very month, amanta or púrnimdnta, which ends while general support, they must remember that al the sun is in Mêsha, is called Chaitra, while the reform which not even now, after more than 300 eun is in Vrisha, Vaisakha, and so on; and in years, has been introduced in every country of their calendar they accordingly give the several Europe, is not likely to be generally adopted in months thus :India in the space of two or three, or even twenty
Amanta scheme. or thirty years.
Chaitra, from the 2nd March to the 31st March, Highly as I esteem the work of the editors 1889; of the Sdyana-Pañchdng so far, I cannot help
Vaisakha, from the 1st April to the 30th April, thinking that in their treatment of the lunar year there is one point which perbape will hardly meet with approval. I allude to the fact that the
Jyaishtha, from the 1st May to the 29th May, editors have applied to the purnimanta months
1889; and so on. the rule Mshadi-sths savitari, which, so far as I
Pärnimanta scheme. can see, without offering any advantages may cause Chaitra, from the 18th March to the 15th April, much practical inconvenience and confusion, and 1889; which I cannot find to have ever been observed in Vaiáškha, from the 16th April to the 15th May, practice, from any of the numerous dates which 1889; I have examined.
Jyaishtha, from the 16th May to the 13th June, From Table 2 it is clear that, by the ordinary 1889; and so on. rule which hitherto has been generally followed, Here, then, it is the dark fortnight which is the lunar months of Saka 1811 expired, when
common to the amanta and pornimdnta month based on the tropical year, would stand as of the same name: and this, though contrary to follows:
the practice hitherto followed, might be put up Amânts scheme.
with, if only we could say generally that in the Chaitra, from the 2nd March to the 31st March, new calendar a dark fortnight will always belong 1889;
to the same calendar month, under both the Vaisakha, from the 1st April to the 30th April,
amdnta and parnimánta schemes. But this is by 1889;
no means possible. For, when on the same prinJyaishtha, from the 1st May to the 29th May,
ciples we construct a calendar for the Saka year
1810 expired, we find that during the first five 1889; and so on.
months of that year it is the bright fortnight that Porniments scheme.
is common to the amanta and purnimanta months Chaitra, bright fortnight, from the 2nd March
of the same name; and, in fact, we find that by to the 17th March, 1889;
the rule Méshadi-sthé savitari the Saka year 1810 Vaisakha, from the 18th March to the 15th
by the purnimanta scheme contains one month April, 1989;
more than by the amanta scheme, just as we find Jyaishțba, from the 16th April to the 15th
that by the newly introduced principle the year May, 1889; and so on.
1811 commences on different days according as
we follow one or the other scheme of the lunar Here the several bright fortnights would belong fortnights. In theory all this may be unobjecto the same months under both the amanta and I tionable, but it certainly carries with it great the purnimanta schemes, while the dark fortnight | practical inconvenience, and may thus tend to of a month would follow the bright fortnight of retard the general adoption of the Sdyana-Pantthe same month in the amanta scheme, and pre- chang, to which I would wish every success. code it in the parnimanta scheme. The lunar Göttingen.
F. KIELHORN.

Page #285

[SENTEXBER, 1890.
EXTRAOTS FROM THE RAJATARANGINI.
261
EXTRACTS FROM KALHANA'S RAJATARAMGINI.
BY E. HULTZSCH, PH.D.; BANGALORE.
(Continued from Vol. XVIII. p. 105.)
No. 3. - EXTRACTS FROM THE SECOND TABANGA. THE Second Taramga, containing 171 verses, is the shortest of the eight books of the
1 Rajatarangini, and treats of six kings, whose reigns fell between that of the banished king Yudhishthira I. and that of Maghavahana, the first king of the restored dynasty of Gônanda III. Kalhaņa allots to these six kings a total of 192 years, from B. C. 180 to A. D. 12. Ho places the reign of the first of them, Pratápaditya L., between B. C. 180 and 148, and says (verse 5) that this king was brought by the ministers to Kasmir from another country, and was a relativo of a king Vikramaditya, who had been wrongly identified by others' with Vikramaditya, the enemy of the Saka (Sak-dri, verse 6). Neither the starting point of the Vikrama era (B. C. 58). nor that of the 'Saka era (A, D. 78), falls within B. C. 180 to 148, the period to which Kalbana allots Pratâpâditya I., the relative of some Vikramaditya. Therefore, in rejecting the identification made by others of this Vikramaditya with Vikramaditya-Sakari, Kalhaņa might be supposed to refer to either of the two eras. In order to answer the question, which Vikramaditya is meant, it will be necessary to remind the reader of some well-known statements regarding the Vikrama and 'Saka eras.
In his famous chronological chapter, Albêráni discusses successively the era of Vikramsditya and the Bakakala. He reports that the latter commenced from the battle of Karir, in which some tyrant Saka was killed by a certain Vikramaditya, who came from the east; and concludes by remarking: -"Since there is a long interval between the era which is called the era of Vikramaditya and the killing of Saka, we think that that Vikramaditya, from whom the era bas got its name, is not identical with that one who killed Saka, but only a namesake of his." Albêrûni's statement regarding the origin of the Saks era is corroborated by, and was evidently borrowed from, some of the Hindů astronomers, by whom, as he himself says, this era was especially used. The commentator Bhattpala (A. D. 966) explains Varábamihira's expression,
the time of the Saka king' (Sal-andra-kala or Baka-bhupa-kdla),' by the time when the Baka kings were conquered by Vikramaditya.' And the astronomer Brahmagupta (about A. D. 640) ases, with reference to this epoch, the expression the end of the Saks king' (Baka-nsipánta). In an insoription, which is still earlier by more than half a century, Mr. Fleet discovered the correot explanation of the origin of the Saks era. This is a Badami inscription of the Early Chalukya king Mangalêsa, which is dated “when five hundred years from the anointment to the kingdom of the Saks king (Saka-nsipati-rajyabhisheka) had passed." It follows from this testimony that Bhattpala's explanation of Sak-endru-kála or Saka-bhápa-kála, - the expression used by Vardhamira (died A. D. 597), was wrong, and that this term has to be taken in the simple sense of the time of the anointment) of the Baka king. Thus, the earliest intance of the erroneous substitution of Saka-nrip-anta for Saka-nripa-bála, is that of Brahmagapta (about A. D. 640) and his mistake has been copied by Bhattotpala (A. D. 966), by Albêrini (about A. D. 1030) and, as we shall see presently, by Kalhana (A. D. 1148).
With regard to the so-called Vikrama era, Mr. Fleet bas shewn that it existed in the fifth century A. D. under the name of the Malava era, and that, in Central India, it was known by this Dame up to the ninth century A. D. Although Albêrunt knew the Malava era only under its
1 Alberunt. India, translated by Bachan, Vol. II. p. 6..
. Brihat-Samhitd, viii. 20, 21. Colebrooke's Miscellaneowa Eways, Madras, 1872, Vol. II. p. 475. Kern'. Preface to his edition of the Brihat. Samhita, pp. 6 and 14. * ante, Vol. VI. p. 883.
• Gupta Inscriptions, p. 66 of the Introduction.

Page #286

262
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[SEPTEMBER, 1890.
modern designation, by which it is connected with the name of Vikramaditya, and although the expression Vikramdkhya-kala occurs already in an epigraphical record of 898 of the Vikrama era, = A. D. 842, the above-mentioned series of quotations from Hind astronomers and from Albêrûni leaves no doubt, that Kalhaņa's expression, "Vikramaditya, the enemy of the Saka," refers to the supposed founder of the Saka era. The reason for which Kalhaņa rejected the iden tification of Vikramaditya, the relative of Pratápaditya I., with Vikramaditya-Sakari, was evidently the difference of 258 years between his date for Pratâ pâditya I. (B. C. 180) and the starting point of the Saka era (A. D. 78). He speaks rather contemptuously of others, who had made that identification ; but wisely forgets that, in order to save his own chronology, he is obliged to attribute the monstrous reign of 300 years to king Ramaditya.7 If Kalhana's lists of ancient kings could be at all relied on, part of these awkward 300 years might be got rid of by assuming that Pretâpâditya I. was a contemporary of the founder of the 'Saka era, and by cutting down the total of the dynasty, to which Raņâditya belonged, to 589 - 258 = 331 years
A second incidental mention which must be considered, - thoagh, as will be seen after wards, only with a negative historical result, - is found in verse 7, where Kalhana says that, during the time from the banishment of Yudhishthira I. to the accession of Pratâpâditya I., Kasmir was tributary to Harsha and other kings. This Harsha must be distinct from Harsba, alias Vikramaditya, of Ujjayini, who will be introduced in Taramga iii, verse 125, as a contemporary of king Mâtrigupta, and who was the father of Pratâpasila, alias "Siladitya (ibid. verse 330), the contemporary of Pravarasêna II. According to Kalhaņa, Pravarasena II. reigned from A.D. 111 to 171 ; Mâtsigupta from A. D. 106 to 111 ; and Matrigapta's predecessor Hiranya, whose younger brother was Tôramâna, from A. D. 76 to 106. All these reigns are considerably antedated. For, in order to reconcile them with the initial point of the Karköta dynasty (A. D. 601), Kalhana is obliged to allot a reign of 300 years (A. D. 223 to 5239 to Ranaditya, the third king after Pravarnaêna II. Among the kings of Knómir, who are mentioned in the third Taramga, there is only one, whose name can be connected with a person known from epigraphical records. This is Tôramana, the younger brother of Hiranya. He appears to be meant for the historical Tôramana, who, as discovered by Mr. Fleet, was the father of Mihirakala. According to Taramga i., Mihirakula reigned from B. C. 704 to 634. Thus Kalhaņa appears to be guilty of having placed the father no less than 700 years after his own son! Mr. Fleet has shewn that Tôramâna's accession probably took place about A. D. 460,9 and that his son Mihirakula commenced his career about A. D. 515, and established himself in Kasmir about A. D. 530. Further, Siladitya, the son of Vikramaditya of Ujjayini and contemporary of Pravarasens II., may be meant for Siladitya of Málava, who flourished 60 years before Hinen-Tsiang, say about A. D. 580. It seems that the only possible method of adjasting the chronology of the third Taranga, will be to substitute the dates of Tôramâna and Mihirakula for that of Hiranya (A. D. 76 to 106), and Siladitya's date for that of Pravarasena II. (A. D. 111 to 171). In this way we should come very near to the initial point of the Karkota dynasty (A. D. 601), which Kalhaņa, however, still'antedates by some years.co
To return to the mention of a king Harshs in verge 7 of Taranga ii., it can only be said that this Harsha must be different both from Harsha-Vikramaditya of Ujjayini, whom Kalbana places between Tôramana and Siladitya, and from the great Harsha or Harshavardhana of Kanauj, who ascended the throne at a still later date, in A. D. 606.
Zeitechrift D. M. G., Vol. XL. p. 42; ante, p. 35, No. 57.
7 Taranga iii. verne 470. . . Gupta Inscriptione, p. 12 of the Introduction : ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 230.
• Si-yu-ki, translated by Beal, Vol. II. p. 261. According to p. 207, Btiadityartja of Malaya ww the ancie of the then reigning king of Valubht.
* Cunningham, Ancient Geography, Vol. I. p. 91 f. Bühler, Kasmir Report, p. 55.

Page #287

SEPTEMBER, 1890.)
EXTRACTS FROM THE RAJATARAMGINI.
263
. ......... ................
32 36
...
.........
8
CONTINUATION OF LIST OF THE KINGS OF KASMIR. VI.-The Dynasty of Pratápaditya I., and its three Successors.
Length of reign.
Y ears. 1. Pratapaditya I. ; B. C. 180 .......... 180 ......................................... ..............
32 After the banishment of Yudhishthira I., Kasmir was tributary to Harsha and
other kings (7). Yudhishthira I. did not attempt to recover his kingdom (2); though some' have said that he did so and was eventually caught and impri. soned (4). Pratápaditya I, hailed from another country' than Kasmir, and was a relative of king Vikramaditya (5). Others' have erroneously identified
this Vikramaditya with Vikramaditya, the enemy of the "Saka (Sak-ári) (6). 2. Jalsukas II., son of the preceding ; B. C. 148 ..........
Tunjina I., son of the preceding; B. C. 116 .... He, together with his queen Vâkpushtà (11), built a Saiva temple, called Tuó
gêsvara, and a town (pattana), called Katika (14). During their reign lived the great poet (mahdkavi) Chandaka, who was the author of a famous drama (náļya) (16). Once, an early fall of snow destroyed the autumn crops and thereby caused a great famine (17 to 20). This was at last stopped by miraculoas flights of dead pigeons, which appeared every day (50, 51). Queen Vákpush¢â founded the agraháras of Katimushâu and RåmashA, - the modern Kamôh and Ramoh (55). After the death of her husband, she became a sati (56). The spot, on which she entered the flames, is even now called the forest (atart) of VÅkpushtà' (57). There she founded an alms-house (sattra), which was still in existence at the time of Kalhana (58). Tunjina I. left
rio offspring (59). 4. Vijaya, of another family; B.C. &0...........
He surrounded the temple of Vijayêśvara (at Bijbihara) with a town (pattana) (62). 5. Jayendra, his son ; B. C. 72............................................................... He was jealous of his minister Samdhimati, and put him to death by empaling
him on a stake (65 to 79). Samdhimati's Guru, called fśâna, remained at the cemetery near the skeleton of his pupil (82 to 97). At midnight, & troop of witches (yogini or yôgêávcrf) restored life to Samdhimati, by reconstituting his body, and bestowed on him the two new names of Samdhimat (i.e. the
composed') and Aryarâja (98 to 110). 6. Sardhtmat, also called Aryaraja; B. C. 35 ...........
Lryaraja; b. U. 30 ....................................... He was a fervent worshipper of 'Siva, and made a vow to set up a thousand
lingas of Siva every day (128). Once, when they were not at hand, he ordered his servants to engrave one thousand 'Sivalingas all round a rock ; these were still visible in Kalhana's time (129). In the cemetery where he was revived, he built a 'Saiva temple called Sandhisvara, and another called fśêsvara after the name of his Guru, Isana (134). He also founded temples of Siva, endowed with mathas, idols and lingas, at Shêdâ, Bhimadevi and other places (135). As this pious king neglected the affairs of government, his ministers became dissatisfied with him (148), and offered the kingdom to Meghavahana (151), the son of Gôpåditya, who again was the son of the son's son of the exiled king Yudhishthira I. and had lived under the protection of the king of Gandhira (145, 146). Méghavahana was married to Amritaprabh&, the daughter of the king of Pragjyotisha; and possessed a wonderful parasol (chhattra), which king Naraka (of Pragjyotisha) had originally obtained from the god Varuņa (147 to 150). Åryaraja abdicated voluntarily and retired to Nandikshếtra, where he led the life of an ascetio (152 to 171).
Total ...... 192

Page #288

264
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[SEPTEMBER, 1890.
TRANSLATION. (1) Victorious is that body of the lord ('Siva), which is formod of a female and a male half, and which is suitable for him, who is extremely fond of various combinations (as is sheren) by his assuming a bow, which is made of one horn of a goat and one of a cow, and (by his assuming) an attendant, whoso body is composed of one half of a man and one of an elephant.
(2) Old age and the voice of ascetics, (both of which were whispering into his ear, irduced that prince (Yudhishthira I.) to give up the attempt of recovering his kingdom. - (3) This chief of sages, who was exalted by humility, forgot the objects of the five sensos (vishaya), together with his realm (vishaya). - (4) But some have said that, while roaming abont with the desire for his kingdom, he was in the course of time caught and locked up in a fortress by his ministers.
(5) Then these (ministers) brought hither from another country a relative of king Vikramaditya, called Pratápaditya (I.), and anointed him in the kingdom. - (6) Confonnding (this Vikramaditya) with Vikramaditya, the enemy of the Saka (Sak-ari), others have written erroneous (and) conflicting (reports) concerning this (event), (which I have silently) rejeoted. - (7) From that time (i.e. from the banishment of Yudhishthira I.) forward, this country, - weakened through internal dissension, - had been for some time tributary to Harsha and other kings. - (8) Just as a husband cherishes) his newly married wife, this shrewd prince (Pratápaditya I.) cherished the earth, as if she had previously belonged to his family, though she had not.
(9) When he had gone to heaven after enjoying the earth for thirty-two years, his son Jalaukas (II.) became the ornament of the earth. -(10) He (reigned) for the same period us his father, who had been the reason of his increase ; just as, at the equinox, the full-moon shines equally long as the sun.
(11) Then his son Tunjina (I.) delighted the people by ruling the earth together with (his) queen Vakpushta, who was endowed with divine power. (12) This couple adorned this earth, just as the Ganga and the digit of the moon (adorn) the matted hair of Siva. - (13) These two righteously ruled the country, which was adorned with various castes, just as the lightning and the cloud hold the rainbow, which is adorned with various colours. - (14) And (these) two victorious (ruiers) built' a temple of Siva (called) Tungesvara, (which resembled) a coquettish ornament of the earth; and a town named Katika. — (15) Through their power, a number of trees, which had just been planted, bore fruit at an extremely hot place in the Madavarajya. -(16) In their time lived the great poet Chandaka, who wrote a drama (nútya) which was generally admired, and who was a partial incarnation of the sage Dvaipayana (i.e. Vyåsa). - (17) Once upon a time, an unbearable calamity happened to betal! the people, in order to test, as it were, the greatness of the power of these two. - (18) In the month of Bhadrapada, a great mass of snow suddenly fell in the country, whose fields were covered with the autumnal paddy, which was nearly ripe. (19) In this (anow), which resemblet (in whitencss) the wild laughter of Death, who is about to destroy the universe, the paddy was buried together with the people's hope of life. -(20) There ensued a terrible famine
Verse 1. Ar op.fuper PT. 74° P. The mangala is addressed to live in his form of Ardhanarisvara, in which he is half milo and half femalo, and illudes to his bow Ajagava and to his chief atteudant Ganesa.
2 Possibly after nust be read inatuad of 879sa; con: pare a similar construction in verae 67. 3 I am unable to oxplain the double art.
. gofrestrai P. P. 11 s taty: P.
12 927°P.
13 TATOTT PT. 1
Io P. ETO P. According to General Cunningham (A. G., p.es), the valley of Kasmir is divided into a northern half, the district of Kamrij, and a southern half, the district of Moraj. Tbe Trigonometrical Survey Map marks 'Kamraj' in the N.-W. and Miraj' in the S.-E. of the valley. Dr. Bübler (K, R., p. 10) has identified Kamrj with Kramarajya, a district which is frequently mentioned in the Rdjatarashgini. It is extremely probable that Madararajya, which is of equally frequent occurrence, muet be identified with the district of Mirdj or Meraj. *° : P. TEP.
19° P.
sas: P. T.

Page #289

SEPTEMBER, 1990.)
EXTRACTS FROM THE RAJATARAMGINI.
265
plague, in which the starving people looked like ghosts, and which therefor) appeared to be * (new) kind of hell. - (21) Feeling weak, greedy and hungry, everybody forgot affection for his wife, love for his children, and respect for his parents. (22) Kissed by the demon of selfpreservation by food, and ogled at by misfortune, the world forgot shame, pride and nobility, out of hunger. - (23) The father abandoned his emaciated, dying and imploring son, or the son his father, and filled his own belly. -- (24) Ghostlike men, of whose disgusting body nothing but sinews and bones remained, but who thought of nothing but preserving their life, were fighting for food. - (25) Of coarse speech, emaciated by hunger, of horrible appearance, and rolling the eyes in all directions, everybody strove to support his own life (at the sacrifice of that) of his fellow beings. - (26) In this great and terrible calamity, which was extremely difficult to be borne by living beings, none but that lord of the world (Tunjina I.) shewed sympathy (with others). - (27) Having withdrawn the doorkeepers, he removed by his mere sight, that resembled (that of a plant (which bears) jewels, the exhaustion of the distresses (which was produced by the calamity. - (28) He and his wife bought food with their own treasures and with the riches of the ministers, and relieved the people by day and by night. - (29) In forests, in cemeteries, on roads and in houses, no hungry man was overlooked by this prince. - (30) Having completely spent his wealth, he perceived that all the food on the earth was exhausted. Then, once upon a night, he sorrowfully spoke thus to the queen :-((31 to 44) The king complains that he is unable to cope with the famine and threatens to commit 'suicide. The queen comforts him as follows :) - (45) "Oh king! whence this perversion oi the mind, produced) by the evil deeds of (thy) subjects, in which, unlike thyself, thou voluntarily strivest for what is unworthy of the brave ? - (46) "Oh protector of the earth Why is greatness attributed to the great, if they have) no power to stop unsurmounted calamities? — (47) “How could Indra, or Brahman, or the miserable Yama, transgress the commands of kings, who are true to their duty ? - (48) “The duty of wives is to be devoted to their husbands; the duty of ministers, not to betray (their lords); the duty of kings, to be exclusively engaged in the protection of their subjects. - (49) “Cheer up, foremost of the performers of their duty! How could my words be untrue ? Protector of the people ! there exists no more danger from hunger to thy people." - (50) When she had emphatically pronounced these words, and had turned her thoughts to the deities. a flight of dead pigeons fell down on every house. - (51) Having perceived this miracle) in the morning, the prince gave up his intention to die, and the people sustained their life with the pigeons, which came (again) every day. - (52) Surely, these were no (real) pigeors. but some other substance, which this virtuous lady created, in order to support the life of men. - (53) For, beings like her, who are full of unfeignod sympathy with their fellow - creatures, could never stain their virtuous conduct by destroying the life (even of a pigeon). - (54) Gradually the sky became as bright as the deeds of the queen, and the famine ceased together with the sorrow of the king. - (55) This pure and virtuous lady founded a prosperous and wealthy agrahára of Brahmang, (called) Katimush4, and another) (called) Ramusha. - (56) When her husband died after (a reign of) thirty-six years, she got rid of the fever of separation (from him) in the flames of fire (which resembled) a cover of lotus-fibres). (57) The spot on which she, whose conduct was pure, followed her deceased husband, is even now
92 OFTEST P.
33 Et af P.
20 FUT P. 37 TTT PT. Ratnausha dhe, 'the jewel-plant, seems to be used in the sense of kalpalata, 'the crecper that yields everything desired.' 50 atal P. : : P.
45 P.
63 aire P. 4519 P. alat and P. According to a MS. note of Dr. Bühler, KattmusbA is the modern Kamoh on the Vollur lake, and Ramusha, Rámôh (Anglo-Indice Rama) on the road from 'Shipian' to Srinegar.
50
Z e ro P. The fibres of the stalk of the water-lily (bisa or mrindla) are need a cooling applications; seo vernes 57. 66 and 74 of Kalidasa's Abhijndna fakuntala (ed. Böhtlingk). Kalbana boldly compares with them the Names of the pyre on which the queen became a sati.
67 O ST P. regero PT.

Page #290

266
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[SEPTEMBER, 1890.
called the forest of Vakpushta by the people. - (58) In the alms-house (sattra), which this virtuous lady had founded there, crowds of poor people, who arrive on various paths, are fed even now. - (59) The Creator shewed his good taste in not according any offspring to this couple; this was doubtlessly because he thought that no (child of theirs) would be able to surpass their deeds. — (60) The Creator shews the highest connoisseurship in not trying to produce a fruit of the sugar-cane; (for if he did so) could then (its) usefulness, which surpasses (that of) the finest nectar-juice, be turned to better account, after having left it ? - (61) Some (say) that the queen committed her body to the fire, because she thought that the country had been deprived of the sun by a long period of dark days in consequence of some misdemeanour of her own.
(62) Then a descendant of another family, (called) Vijaya, was king for eight years; he surrounded the temple of) Vijayesvara with a town.
(63) Then the son of this lord of the earth, who had been a very Mahendra on earth, the long-armed and far-famed king Jayêndra, enjoyed the earth. — (64) His arm, that resembled a pillar, bore a statue of the goddess of victory, who was resplendent with a fluttering garment (consisting of) the waves of (his) constant fame. — (65) This king had a minister, called Samdhimati, whose history was wonderful, who was adorned with devotion to Siva, and who was the best of the wise. — (66) There is no means in the world, by which kings can be prevented from lending their ears to slander, just as there is none to prevent rntting elephants from flapping their ears. — (67) Thus, the courtiers filled the king with hatred against that minister, by suggesting that his wonderful intelligence should make him an object of distrust. - (68) Out of anger and without reason, he banished him from the court, confiscated his pro. perty, and made him poor for life. - (69) Not even hy a report did the courtiers refresh him, who was parched by the hatred of the king, which resembled the steam of the hot weather. - (70) As soon as a speech reaches the profound king, his attendants, like the echoes of a mountain, distinctly repeat the words. -(71) But he did not wince under the king's enmity and his own) poverty, as he delighted in the worship of Siva, to which he could now attend without obstacles. - (72) Then, through the influence of the greatness of future events, the unheard-of report spread in every house, that the kingdom would belong to Samdhimati.(73) The king, who was reminded by his confidants that no rumour could spread without having been circulated, became frightened and threw him into prison. -- (74) After he had there been pining, his feet being compressed by frightful fetters, for ten full years, the king's life came to an end. -- (75) Abont to die without a son, the king was burnt both by the pain of disease and by the thought of him (Samdhimati). - (76) Steaming with the fire of hatred, which was burning incessantly, he found no other means to prevent what was to happen, than to kill him. - (77) The very means which dunces adopt in order to lock ap coming events, must be considered as the door thrown open (for them) by fate. - (78) If the Creator wishes to suddenly impart unequalled power to a spark of fire, which flickers feebly on a heap of glowing coals, he causes a bystander, who wants to extinguish it, to mistake a vessel filled with molten ghee for a pot of water. - (79) By the king's order, cruel executioners killed Samdhimati at night, by fixing him on a stake. - (80) When the sick king heard that he had been impaled, the
60°दुरसुधारस° PT. 'योग्यता Pc. तत्तस्मा P. The allusion in to the fact that the sugar-cane bears no seeds and can be propagated only by slips.
11 °FETP. "
P. On Vijayébvara or Vijaycia, the modern Bijbihárs, see A. G., p. 98 f. The temple itself has been entioned in Kalhana's account of the reigns of Asoka, Jalauka I., and Mihirakula. €3 : T.
P.
69 PT. # 417° P.
79 atraat PT.
13 WC P. 13 HITS P.
17 FITNT:
78 Pag: P.

Page #291

SEPTEMBER, 1890.]
EXTRACTS FROM THE RAJATARAMGINI.
sting of sorrow left him first, and life afterwards. (81) When, at the end of (a reign of) thirty-seven years, he had died without offspring, the earth was without a ruler for some days.
81 प्रशान्तभूमि° PCT ; read प्रशान्ते ऽभूमि
196 बेदां च भीमदेव and महार्घताम् P.
148 शम° PT.
-
-
[(82 to 120) Samdhimati's Guru, called féâna, remains in the cemetery near the skeleton. of his pupil. At midnight, a troop of witches (yógini) reconstitute Samdhimati's body, by replacing all the limbs from their own. He regains life and takes part in the orgies of the witches as chakranayaka or leader of the circle' (106). At daybreak. the circle of the witches (yégésvari-chakra) disappears, bestowing on the revived Samdhimati the two new names of Samdhimat, i.e. the composed' (110, 111), and Aryaraja (110, 152). The latter is anointed in the kingdom. Verses 121 to 141 describe his fervent devotion to Siva.] (123) In the midst of his royal duties, he did penance on every day (on which) he was prevented from visiting (the temples of). Bhûtêsa, Vardhamânêsa (or) Vijayêsa. (128) This king's vow, to set up a thousand Sivalingas every day, was never broken. (129) Even now there are seen one thousand Lingas, which were (once) engraved on a rock all round by his servants, when, owing to some oversight, these (lingas which he wanted to set up) were not ready. (134) Having built (a Saiva temple named) Samdhiśvara on the cemetery (where) the composing (sandhana) of his body (took place), he founded (another temple of) Hara, (called) Isêsvara after the name of (his) Guru Isâna. (135) He adorned Shêdâ, Bhimadêvi and other places, step by step, with palaces (of Siva) which were endowed with mathas, idols and lingas. - (142) Thus making fruitful the regal power, which he had obtained in a most wonderful manner, the pious (king) passed fifty years diminished by three. (143) At that time, his ministers lost their attachment to him, as he was devoted to quietism and neglected the affairs of government. (144) (While) they were searching for some ruler of the kingdom, they heard of a victorious and illustrious prince of the race of Yudhishthira (I.) (145) For, at that time the lord of Gandhara afforded protection to the son of the son's son of Yudhishthira (I.), called Gopaditya, with the view of conquering the king of Kasmira. - (146) Dwelling there without obtaining the sovereignty, this (prince) in his turn begat a son, Mêghavahana, (whose) unfailing (success was foretold) by divine marks. (147) By his father's command this youth went to the realm of the Pragjyotisha king, who was born from the race of Vishnu, at the occasion of the svayamvara (i. e. the personal selection of a husband) of (the latter's) daughter. (148) There, in the presence of kings, the king's daughter, Amritaprabha, placed on him the bridegroom's garland, while the parasol of Varuna cast on him its shadow. (149) By this sign the people could foresee his future increase, just as that of a cloud by the western wind. (150) For, this parasol, which king Naraka had obtained from Varuna, cast its shadow on none but an emperor. (151) When he returned to his father, accompanied by his wife and by good fortune, the ministers offered him the country, which was suitable for his race. (152) Having perceived that his kingdom was lacerated by dissension, Aryaraja offered no resistance, though able to do so, but remained inactive, as he was desirous of renouncing (it).-[(153 to 158) The king resolves to abdicate.] (159) Next day he assembled all his ministers in the hall of audience, and returned the kingdom to them, like a deposit which had been safely kept. (160) In spite of all entreaties, nobody could prevail on him to take it back, after he had voluntarily given it up, like the skin cast off by a lord of snakes. (161) Grasping the linga of worship, clad in white garments, bare-headed and on foot, the lord of men started for the northern region. - (162) With silent tears the citizens
-
340 वसत्र प्राप्त P.
301 वंश P. योग्यया PT.
180 संनिपत्य and प्रत्यर्पय' POT; rend संनिपात्य and प्रत्यार्पय
-
-
267
120 प्रमादा' C.
14 एवं कश्मीरेन्द्र P.
167 स युवा पितु' P.
18 शक्तोपि तस्थौ तु न्य P.
100 कचित् PT.

Page #292

268
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[SEPTEMBER, 1890.
followed the path of their lord, who walked along calmly and with downcast eyes. - (163) Having marched one gavyúti, he sat down under a tree, and took leave of each of his weeping people with kind words. - [Verses 164 to 168 describe the lonely journey of the king.] - (169) Next day, having duly worshipped the early dawn, and having shaken off sleep at a neighbouring lotus-pond, the ruler of the earth reached the tirtha of Bhutabhartri, which is inhabited by Nandisa, and whose water, (called) Sodara, was familiar (to him). - (170) While he stayed there in Nandikshetra in the presence of the lord of the three worlds, he was wistfully gazed at (even) by old ascctics, as, in order to attain his desire, he covered his body with ashes, arranged his hair in a knot of braids, carried a rosary, and had rudráksha (seeds) for his emblems. — (171) He was treated with great hospitality by (ascetics), who had vowed themselves to 'Srikantha (Siva), and who wandered about for alms; in every hermitage, female ascetics eagerly hastened to offer him alms; and the trees (themselves) filled the skull (in which he collected) alms, with heaps of pure fruits and flowers. Thus he, who was worthy of honour, did not undergo the humiliation of begging from others, though he had renounced the world.
(To be continued.)
SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
BY J. F. FLEET, Bo.C.S., M.R.A.S., C.I.E. No. 190.- HONWAD STONE INSCRIPTION OF SOMESVARA I. — SAKA-SAMVAT 976. Honwad is a village in the Bijapur Talukî or Sub-Division of the Bijapur District, Bombay Presidency; and is situated about nineteen miles almost due west of Bijapur. It is entered as Honwar' in the Indian Atlas, Sheet No. 40, in Lat. 16° 49', Long. 75o 30. The old form of the name, Ponnavada, occurs in lines 8, 27, 28, and 35, below. The stone-tabiet containing the present inscription, is in the Collection of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. There appears to be no exact record there, as to the locality from which it was obtained. But the village-officials of Honwad tell me that, forty years or so ago, a fine inscribed stone was taken away from their village by some European gentleman; and the contents of the present record render it quite certain that this is the one. The inscription is, I believe, now brought to notice for the first time. I edit it from the ink-impression made by my own man.
The sculptures at the top of the stone are:- In the centre, in a shrine, a standing figure, probably of the Jinêndra Santinátha, the building of whose temple is the principal subject of the inscription; and on the proper right side, a cow and calf, with the moon and a crooked sword, dagger, or knife, over them. The sculptures on the proper left side of the stode have been destroyed. - The writing covers a spaco about 1' 9" broad at the top and 1' 117 at the bottom, and 3 l' bigh. It is in a state of perfect preservation almost through. out; and can be read without any uncertainty, except at one place, in line 44, where there has been a correction in the original, in respect of a point which will have to be made clear by extraneous information not at present available. - The characters are the so-called oid-Kanarese characters, of the regalar type of the eleventh century A. D. They include, in
16 As remarked in the note on verse 128 (ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 70), Nandla or Nandirudrs was the name of a shrine at Nandikshếtra (see the next verse) and Bodars the name of a spring at the samo sacred place. A comparison of verse 169 with i. 148 (Vol. XVIII. p. 71) shows that Bhůtabhartri, Bhâtea or Bhatevara (see note on i. 347) has to be taken either synonym of Nandika, or as the proper name of another shrine at Nandikshetra. Verse 161 suggests that this locality was situated to the north of the capital, and verse 169, that the distance was two days' journey. According to Dr. Bühler, K. B., p. lxxii., 'it is situated in the Lør Pargana, not far from the Haramakutagangs, and is a station on tre pilgrimage to the latter.
111 T P. 4997447° P.

Page #293

SEPTEMBER, 1890.)
HONWAD INSCRIPTION OF SOMESVARA I.
269
lines 33 and 38 to 47, all the decimal figures except 8. The viráma is represented throughout by its proper Kanarese sign. The average size of the letters is about ". The engraving is bold and good. - The language is Sanskřit, in verse, in lines 1-2, and il to 32; the rest of the inscription is in Old-Kanarese prose. The Sanskrit portion contains the following words which are not given in Monier-Williams' Dictionary ; sasabhadratá, line 1; vydveshufana, line 15; kalmáshaka, line 16 ; projj rimbhita, line 21; and buribhuka, line 27. This last word seems to mean something like an object of wonder. Except that the first syllable is spelt with the aspirated bh, whereas here the simple b is very distinct, it occurs also in an inscription at Kolapur, which commences para-narapála-bhumbhuka-baluri. - In respect of orthography, the only points that need be noticed are (1) the use of j for y in the word áriya, for áryya, line 20; (2) the doubling of d and bh (by bh, instead of by b), before r, in bhaddram and savbhaddratá, line 1, and in bhbhramarar, line 12-13; and (3) the use of chhchh for chchh in gachhchhéshu tuchhalhé, line 19; though not in other places.
The inscription refers itself to the reign of the Western Chalukya king Somebvara I., who is here mentioned by his biruda of Trailokyamalladeva. And it mentions his wife, Kataladovi, who was governing or managing the Ponnavada agrahdra. It is a Jain inscription; the object of it being to record how Chånkirâja, Chankaņarya, or Chânkimayya, of the Vanasa or Vanasa family, an officer of Kêtaladêvî, built shrines of Santinátha, Páráva, and Suparáva, at Ponnavada, in a chaityalaya called the ornament of the three worlds' (tribhuvanu-tisaka), and how the shrines were endowed with certain lands and houses.
Of the places mentioned in this record, Ponnavada is, of course, the modern Honwad itself. It is mentioned as an agrahára in the Bage Fifty; this sub-division probably took its name froin the ancient Hûvina-Bâge of inscriptions, which is the modern Raibag or Raybag in the Kôlâpur State, about forty-eight miles to the south-east of Honwad. The Bâge Fifty is further described as a kampana or sub-circle in a group of six-hundred towns, the name of which is not given, in the Tardhavadi Thousand. The district that is thus referred to, is the Tardavadi or Taddavadi Thousand, or Tardavadi nad and Taddavadi vishaya, of other inscriptions, which took its naine from a place that still exists as a small village, miz. Taddewadi, -- the .Tuddeh warree' and 'Tudewadee' of mape, - on the south bank of the Bhima, in the Indi Taluka, thirty-seven miles to the north of Bijapur. The inscriptions establish four forms of this name : - (1) It occurs as Tardavadi in the Bijapur inscription of Saka-Samvat 996 ;' in two other Bijapur inscriptions of Saka-Samvat 1073 and 1118; in a Kannolli inscription of Saka-Samvat 1086; and in . Salotgi inscription of Saka-Samvat 1092. (2) The form Taddaveți occurs in a Managolli inscription of the time of Jaitugi I., and in another Bijapur inscription of Saka-Samvat 1156 : here, we probably have the more popularly current form of the name. (3) The present inscription gives the form Tardhavadi; the actual reading, in line 7, being tarddhavádi, and the subscript dh being very clear; the same reading occare also in a Sâlôtgi inscription of Saka-Samvat 1045; while a Sindagi inscription of Saka-Samvat 1050 gives, still more pointedly, ardhdhavddi, in which the dh has been wrongly doubled, after the r, by dh instead of by d; and this last instance seems to shew quite conclusively that, whatever may be the explanation of this form of the name, with the aspirated dh, it is at any rate not a mistake. (4) And finally, & Dêdir inscription of Saka-Samvat 985, gives what was evidently the original form of the name, bis. Taldavadi; and this form, in connection with that of Tardavadi, which must be the next in
In editing this inscription, - from not altogethor satisfactory impressione, I gave the reading of taddeldi (ante, Vol. X. p. 127, line 9). It is sometimes vury cwy lo confuse the Old-Kanarese superscript with the superscript o. But, from Mr. Cousens ink-impression, I now find that the real reading is undoubtedly tarddarddi; And the other inatanong show that it is not to be treated as a mistake, by the writer or the engraver, for taddoved. Curiously enough, the hot MB. Collection gives the reading of taddeuddi in every instance in which it includes any of the pessages referred to by me above; even in the case where tardhdhaoldi occur in the original.

Page #294

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[SEPTEMBER, 1890.
order of time, gives an interesting instance of the change, in Kanarese, from to r. The grant was made by Somośvara I. himself, at the request of Kêtalalêvî, at the town of ManiyûraAppayanavidu on the bank of the river Bhimanadi. This must be the modern Munnoor' of the map, undoubtedly Mannûr or Manar in correct spelling, in the Nizam's Dominions, on the north bank of the Bhima, about seventeen miles east by south from Taddevaḍi. There is also a Manûr or Mannûr just opposite, on the south bank, in the Indi Taluka of the Bijapur District; but it is a smaller place, and is probably a later offshoot from the other town. And lines 44 and 45 mention a place named Kannadige, in the Kalambaḍi Three-hundred (?), which was a division of the Karahada Four-thousand. Karahaḍa, which is mentioned in Nagavarman's Karnatakabhúshábhushana, Sûtra 175 (Rice's edition, p. 62), must be a corruption of Karahata, which was the ancient name of Karad in the Sâtârâ District. Kalambaḍi, I feel no doubt, is the modern Kanamadi in the Athni Taluka of the Belgaum District, about six miles north of Honwad. Kanamaḍi is the recognised official form of the name (see Bombay Places, p. 53); and to arrive at it, there must have been two changes; first, from to n, which is, I think, not infrequent in Old-Kanarese; and then from n to n, of which we have an analogous instance in Managolli, from Maningavalli, in the Bâgewadi Taluka, Bijapur District. But the entry of Kunburree in the Indian Atlas, Sheet No. 40, shews that it is also known as Kanabadi or Kanabadi. And in English petitions I have found the name written Kalabadi;' but, whether this stands for Kalabadi, which would come quite naturally from Kalambaḍi, or for Kalabadi, which entails a third change, viz. of the n of Kanamaḍi into 7, I have not been able to determine. And Kannadige must be either the former nanre of the modern Babanagar or Bawanagar in the Bijapur Taluka, six miles north-east of Honwâḍ, or else the name of some other village in that neighbourhood which does not now exist. At Bâbânagar, on a stone-tablet in a ruined Jain temple now known as the temple of Îsvara, there are the remains of a long Jain inscription of the time of the Kalachuri king Bijjaladeva, dated in the Vikrama samvatsara which was the 'Saka year 1083 (current). It mentions Kannadige four times (lines 28, 40, 42, 63); and the name is in each instance distinctly written with the lingual d. In line 28, the context is not clear. Line 40 refers to a Kulkarni of Kannadige (Kannadigera pittina kulakarana....). Line 63 mentions "the basadi of Kannadige." While line 42 f., among the specification of the boundaries of some land that was granted, contains the words "to the west of the manya-(land) of the god Râjósvaradêva of Kannadige;" which distinctly imply that Kannadige was at, or in the immediate vicinity of, Bâbânagar.
270
As regards the date, the inscription records that the grant was made on the occasion of the solar eclipse of Monday, the new-moon tithi of Vaisakha of the Jaya samvatsara, which was the 'Saka year 976. By the southern luni-solar system, which is the one that applies in this case, the Jaya samvatsara coincided with Saka-Samvat 977 current; i. e. with tho given year as an expired year. In this year the given tithi, Vaisakha krishna 15, ended on Tuesday, 10th May, A. D. 1054, at about 14 ghatis, 50 palas, after mean sunrise (for Bombay). And on this day there was a total eclipse of the sun, visible in India. This is undoubtedly the eclipse that is intended. But, why the parvakála of it should be coupled with the Monday, -though of course the now-moon tithi may, as a running tithi, be coupled with that day, as well as with the Tuesday, is not apparent; unless the explanation is, that it was taken some three or four hours before the actual moment of the eclipse, and just before the sunrise at the end of the Monday.
In mentioning Kêtaladevi as a wife of Sômêsvara I., this inscription adds a fourth to his three wives already known (see Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts, p. 45), who were
s Line 36 f.; the other details of this date are hopelessly illegible; as is nearly the whole of this record. Láne $1, where there begins a second part of the inscription, contains another date; but here all that is legible, is [sas patsarada Pushya bahuja 12(P18) Adivarad-amdu.

Page #295

SEPTEMBER, 1990.7
HONWAD INSCRIPTION OF SOMESVARA I.
271
Chandalakabbe or Chandrikadovi, who was the piriy-arasi, orchief queen,' in SakaSamvat 969 ; Mailaladevi, who had the same title, and the government of the Banavåse Twelve-thousand, in 'Saka-Samvat 975; and Bachaladóvi.
The inscription speaks of Kôtaladêvî as governing or managing the Ponnavada agrahára according to the tribhog-Abhyantara-siddhi. This is a fiscal term which has hitherto been unexplained. There is an allusion to the tribhoga in the verse, in one of the Halsi grants, - adbhir dattar tribhir bhuktam sadbhis che paripálitam êtâni na nivartantê půrva-rajaksitâni cha, -- "that which is given with libations of water; that which is enjoyed by three parties; and that which is preserved by good people; these (grants), and those that have been made by former kings, come not to an end (i. e. are not resamed)" (ante, Vol. VI. p. 27). And in one of the spurious Western Gaiga grants, we have the same verse ; except that, for sadbhis cha paripálitam, there is substituted shadbhis cha pratipalanam (for opdlitam), which Mr. Rice rendered by "(a gift) maintained for six generations" (ante, Vol. V. p. 140). Also, the term tribhog-Abhyantara occurs among the conditions attached to the grant of some villages by Kamalâdêvi, the wife of the Kadamba Sivachitta-Permadi (Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. IX. p. 275), and by the Kalachuri king Singhanadêva (ante, Vol. IV. p. 277); while, at the end of the inscription recording Kamalâdêvi's grants, certain lands are mentioned as being given tribhoga-rahita, without the tribhôga' (loc. cit. p. 270, line 45). In editing the latter two inscriptions, I suggested that the tribhóga might indicate something analogous to the Marathi tripidi-lána, 'a grant to be enjoyed by three generations. But the present use of the term, in connection with the tenure enjoyed by the wife of a reigning sovereign, is opposed to that interpretation; unless it could be assumed that she derived her right from a grant made to her grandfather. Moreover, in the verse quoted above, whether the true original reading in the source, probably some law-book, - from which it is taken, is sadbhis cha paripdlitain or shadbhis cha paripálitam, the words na nivartanté, in the second part of the verse, plainly indicate that tribhir bhuktain does not indicate a grant the enjoyment of which is to be continued for only three generations, or for any limited time. And the true explang tion of the term is undoubtedly supplied by the Dambal grant of Harihara II. of Vijayanagara; which describes how he divided the district of Gadag, consisting of sixty-six villages, into threeequal portions, each of twenty-two villages, of which he retained one as the king's share, allotted the second for the rites of two gods at Gadag, and gave the third as an agrahara-grant to a number of Brahmans (Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. XII. p. 377 f.). This Damba! grant does not actually include the term tribhoga. But there can be no doubt that the three-fold divj. sion recorded in it, illustrates the meaning of the torm. And the full expression tribhogAbhyantara-siddhi, lit. the accomplishment of that which is included in the tribhoga or triple enjoyment,' plainly denotes a joint tenure enjoyed by a private person, a god or gods, and Brabmans. The same thing is indicated by such gifts as were made to private persons " with the exception of previously-given grants to gods and Brahmans" (e. g. Gupta Inscriptions, p. 190). On the other hand, the term sarv-Abhyantara-siddhi (e. g. ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 83, line 20) plainly denotes a grant with full and complete rights of enjoyment, made to only one class of grantees.
Other terms of the same class are ekabhôga (Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. XII. p. 347, line 41), éka-bhogya (id. p. 385, line 68), and ékabhôgya-gráma, coupled with the succession of sons and sons' sons (id. p. 389, line 135) which occurs in grants made to one person only, and plainly indicate a sole and entire right of enjoyment; and gana-bhôgya (id. p. 357, line 120), which qualifies the twenty-two villages that were given by Harihara II. to the Brâhmans on agrahara-terms, and plainly indicates a joint tenure by a number of persons. We have also asht abhôga (see page 244 above); this, however, refers, not to an eight-fold division of property, but to eight classes of objects to which proprietary rights can attach; so that it is not exactly analogous to the others.

Page #296

272
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[SEPTEMBER, 1890
TEXT. i Om (11) Bhaddramb=asta Jina-śâsanaya sambbaddratám-prati vidhana-hêtavé aniya -
vâdi-ma2 dahasti-mastaka-sphatanîya ghatanê patiyasi [11] Om Svasti Samasta-bhuva 3 n-aéraya śrî-prithvi-vallabha mahârâjâdhirâja paramêsvara paramabhatta 4 rakam SatyAbraya-kula-tiļakam Chaluky-abharaṇaḥ śrimat-TraiļOkyamalladevars 5 vijaya-rajyam-uttarôttar-abhivriddhi-pravarddhamânam=i-chamdr-arkka-târam b a - 6 rań saluttam-ire [1] Tad-višal. Ora[h*]sthala-nivåsiniyar-appa srimat-Ketaladeviyar 7 Tarddhavadi-sAsirad-olagan=arunurun-badada khampana Bagey-ayvattars 8 baliyam=uttamam-agraharam Ponnavadamam tribhôg-abhyantara-siddhiyind=alutta - 9 m-ire [1*] Tat-pâdapadm-ôpajivi ganaka-chûdî maniyu[] Vanasao-kul-ambaru
bhanuvam 10 Arhach-chhâsana-maļa-stambhavum Kalikala-śrêyîmsanum samyakt[v*]a-ratnakaranum=&. 11 ppa 11 Vanasalo-vamba-kurmma-nibha-Komma-jagad-vinut-Attikambika-sunur=udatta-ki. 12 rtti-dhavalikrita-dig-Jina-yôgi-rân-Mahâsêna-munîndra-pidakamala-bhbhra (bbhrama13 ran
paripurnna-châru-vidya-nidhi-Chamkiraja-vibhur=asrita-sishta-jan-ê 14 shta-tashți-da[h*] 11 Gambhirô11 bahn-satkha-matsya-makara-śrimattalamsatvikela
Lakshmi-ja15 ams-grihas=samasta-vasudhA-vyâvêshtan - od yad - yasa h-antar 18 jjyotita-cháru.rs. 16 tna-nivahô n irddhâta-kalmashakê jîv-înanda-ras-âkaro vijayatê 17 myakt[v*]a-ratnakaraḥ | Ahârl4-abhaya-bhaisa(sha)jya-śüstra-dậné tatha param
ChArkan-418 ryyas=samô15 n=asti na bhàtô na bhavisya(shya)ti (11"] Om [11*] Sri16. Malasamghe
Jina-sha(dha)rmma-muļð gan-abhi19 dhånê vara-Bona-namni gachhchhô(chohhê)shu tuchbchh8(chchh8)=pi Pogaryy.
abhikhyê samstùyamanô mu20 air-Årjya(ryya)sênab 11 Aneka-bhů palaka-mauli-ratna-sõnâmsu-bata pa-jala kêni(na) 21 projjrimbhita-sri-charaṇäraviṁda-sri-Brahmasêna-pra(vra)tinátha-sishya[h*j | Tasylia
Aryya22 sênasya mun-iśvarasya sishy8 Mahîsêna-maha-mna(ma)nimdra[bo] sama(mya)ktva.
ratn-6
23 jj*vaļit-antaranga[ho] samsara-nîråkara-sêta-bhůta[ho] 11 Taj-Jaina-yôgimdra-padábja. 24 blținga[h*] śri-Vanas-am ndys-viyat-patamga[ho] sri-Kommaraj-atmabhavas=sn-têja25 S-samyaktva-ratnakara-Charkiraja[ho] 11 Kalamkale-muktas-satat-aikarûpô dôsh-êtara. 26 sri-nilayas=samasta-bhavy-abja-samdôha-vikâsa-hêtu[h*) virAjatê nûtana-Cham kira
# From the ink impreseion.
• The symbol here is apparently an eight-leaved water-lily, with a bud projecting downwards; it is, I conclude. intended for the word 3m. In the other placea, in linea 2, 18, 32, 33, 41, and 43, the ordinary plain symbol is used.
Metre, Rathôddhata.
• Rent 'ti-prati'. I do not find the word sambhadrata, - nor sanbhadra, from which it is formed, in Monior-Williams Sanskrit Dictionary. It was perhape invented for the sake of the netre. See the introductory remarks.
See note 26 below. Here the nasal in the second syllable is distinctly the lingual . In lines 11 and 34, it is as distinctly the dental n.
19 Metre, Utpalamalika. The language here is Sanskrit. But the metre, I believe, is purely Kanarese ; and the asual prisa, or alliteration of the second syllable of each páda, wbich is peculiar feature of Kanarese poetry is fellowed here.
11 Metre, Sardulavikridita. Here, the prása is not introduced.
13 Some esneadation s needed here. Perhape Sri-matta-hans-invit was intended: but it does not seem very appropriate.
" The proper reading, it sardhi were adbored to, would be yaso-ntar. What we bave in the text, must be looked apon as a metrical license. 4 Metre, Blóka (Anushtabh).
16 Read äryya-samo "Metro, Upajiti, óf ladravajri and Upendravajra ; and in the next vorge. 11 Metre. Indravajra, and in the next verse. 16 Metro, Ufajti, of Indra vajr& and Upcodravajra

Page #297

SEPTEMBER, 1890.] HONWAD INSCRIPTION OF SOMESVARA I.
27 ja[*] Tan19, nirmmitam bhuvana-bumbhukam-aty-adâttaṁ lôka-prasiddha-vibhav ônnata-Ponnava
273
28 de ramramyatê parama-Sâmti-Jinêmdra-gêham pâráva-dvay-ânugata-Pâráva-Supá29 réva-vâsam | Mahâsêna 20-munê-chchhâtram Chamkirajena nirmmitam drashṭukâmâgha-samha
30 ri Sâmtinâthasya bimbakam Mahâsêna-munimdrasya chchhâtrêņa Jina varmmana chhattri
31 kṛita-mahâ-nâgam rachitam Pâréva-daivatam II Janakasya Kommarajasya
dharmm-ôddê
32 sâd-vinirmmitâ râjatê Chamkirajona Supâréva-pratim-ôttamâ [*] Om 33 Om Sa(sa)ka-varsha 976neya Jaya-samvatsarada Vaisa(sa)khad=amavasye(sye) Somavarad-amdina sû(sa)
34 ryya-grahana-nimitya(tta)dim Bhima-nadiya tadiya Maniyara-Appayanaviḍi35 no Ponnavaḍadol Chamkimayyana mâḍisida śri-Sântinâtha-dêvara tribhuvanatilaka-chai
36 tyâlayadal-irppa riśi(shi)yar=ajjiyar-ahara-dânakke sarvvanamasya(sya) v-âge (gi) śrimatTrai
37 16kyamalladevar árî-Kêtaladêviyara binnapadim mûvattu-gêna galeyo! nela matta[r]23 35 tômța matta[r*] 1 nivêsapad-agalam â galeyo! gale 4 gêņu 17
38 bitta
39 nilam
gale 9 balambe-nivêsanam mûḍana beladol-a galeyol agalam gale 3 40 nilam gale 7 gôparada mûdana amgadigam gâna 1 alli besa-geyva kalkutigamane 1 sâvagar-irppa pole-mane 1 [*] Om Alliya Supâráva-dêvara basadi
41 ra
42 ge à galeyo! mattara salike aruvanada lekkade bitta nelam matta[r] 355 45 galeyo! tômta matta[r*] 1 gâna [*] Om Tammaṁ Jinavarmmayyana
mâdisida
44 Pâráva-dêvara basadige Karahaḍa-nalchhasirad-olagana Kalambadi-300rara baliya 45 Kannadigeya Samkharasana magam manneyam Vajjarasana gadḍe-mânya 500
matta[r]-kkey=0
46 lage mûvattu-gêna galeyol-sarvvanamasya(sya)m-âge (gi) Chamkimayyam mâru-gond 47 bitta nelam matta[r] 35 [*]
ABSTRACT OF CONTENTS,
After a verse invoking prosperity for the Jina-sásana or precepts of the Jain religion, the inscription proceeds: While the ayslum of the universe, the favourite of fortune and of the. earth, the Mahúrájádhirája, the Paramésvara, the Paramabhattáraka, the ornament of the family of Satyasraya (line 4), the glory of the Chalukyas, the glorious Trailokyamalladêva-(Sômêsvara I.) is reigning: -
And while his wife (lit. "she whose abode is on his broad breast"), the glorious Kêtaladevi (1. 6), is governing, or managing, according to the tribhôg-ábhyantara-siddhi (1. 8), the excellent agrahara of Ponnavada, which is included in the Bage Fifty,
19 Metre, Vasantatilaka.
21 Read "muni-chchhátra-chámki.
20 Metre, Sloka (Anushtubh); and in the following two verses. 22 Read janaka-komma. 23 See note 29 below. 24 Or perhaps 200rara. There has been a correction in the first figure. Either 3 was engraved, and corrected into 3; or else 3 was engraved, and corrected into 2. It is difficult to say which was really the case; but I think that the correction was from 2 into 3.
25 baliya is another form of the Kanarese baliya, near to, in the vicinity of. But a comparison of Sanskrit with Kanarese passages shews that it is constantly used in exactly the sense of madhya-vartin, being in the middle of being situated in. For a fuller note on the word, see Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. X. p. 250, note 37.

Page #298

274
[SEPTEMBER, 1890.
which is a khampana26 of the Six-hundred-towns which are (a group) in the Tardhavaḍi Thousand (1.7):
Her feudatory, a very crest-jewel of Ganakas, a very sun in the sky which is the Vanasa family (1. 9), a very foundation-pillar of the precepts of the Arhat, the son of Komma who was a very tortoise in (the pond which is) the Vanasa race (1. 11), and of (his wife) Attikambika, - is the lord Chankiraja (1. 13), who is a very king among Jain ascetics, and who is a bee on the water-lilies which are the feet of Mahâsêna, the chief of saints (1. 12).
-
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
Two verses follow in praise of Chânkiraja, who is also called Chankanarya (1. 17); and then there is introduced a fuller mention of the descent of his preceptor : -
In the famous Mülasamgha (1. 18), which is the root of the religion of Jina, in the gana or sect which has the excellent name of Sena (1. 19),27 and in the gachchha which, small or insignificant though it is among gachchhas, has the appellation of Pogari, there was the saint Aryasêna (1. 20), spoken of with praise. He was the disciple of the holy Brahmasêna (1. 21). And his own disciple, again, was Mahasena, the great chief of saints (1.22), whose mind is irradiated by the jewel of complete correctness of behaviour, and who is a very bridge over the ocean of worldly existence. And Chankiraja (1. 25), a very bird in the sky which is the Vanass family (1. 24),28 the son of the illustrious Kommaraja, is a very bee on the water-lilies which are the feet of that same chief of Jain ascetics. By this Chankiraja (11. 26, 29), at the well-known Ponnavada (1. 27), there was constructed a shrine of the Jinendra 'Santi, having on its two sides abodes of Pâráva and Supâréva; and also an image of Sântinatha, which removes the sins of those who are desirous of beholding it. Also Jinavarman (1. 30), another disciple of Mahâsêna, fashioned an image of Parsva, having a great naga-serpent for its umbrella or canopy. And, for the religious merit of his father Kommaraja (1. 31). Chankiraja constructed also a most excellent image of Supariva.
On account of the eclipse of the sun of Monday, the new-moon tithi of (the month) Vaisakha of the Jaya samvatsara, which was the 976th Saka year (1. 33), at the town of Maniyûra-Appayanaviḍu on the bank of the river Bhimanadi (1. 34), the glorious Trailokyamalladeva (11. 36-37), at the request of the glorious Kêtaladevi, gave the following grants, as sarvamasya-grants, in order to provide food for the saints at the chaityalaya called the ornament of the three worlds' (tribhuvana-tilaka), which Chankimayya (1. 35) had caused to be built at Ponnavada; viz. by the measure of a staff of the length of thirty spans, 35 mallars of ordinary land, and 1 mattar of garden-land; also a house or courtyard, 4 staffs and
2 The usual form of this word is kampana, with the unaspirated k in the first syllable, which must be another form of the Kanarese kampala, kampilu, a cluster, heap, assembly, multitude.' But I am not prepared to say that the form which we have here, with the aspirated kh, is a mistake; it may be a recognised variant.
27 It seems to be identical with the lineage of Sêna (Sen-Anvaya)," which is mentioned in line 6 of the Jain inscription at Mulgund (Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Sor. Vol. X. p. 191).
"
28 One of the meanings of âmnoya is a family, or series of families.' But the use of the word seems to indicate rather a school of tradition' than a family' in the strict sense of the word. In lines 9 and 11, however, the words nsed are kula and vamsa; and these indicate a family' in the proper sense of the word.
2 The proper form of this word is mattar or mattaru. But, curiously enough, the final r has been omitted in this record in every instance in which the word stands in the nominative; and the only indications of the real word are given by the genitive in mattara salike, line 42, and by matta-kkey-olage (for mattar-kkey-olage), line 45, where the double k is caused by the r, which, however, has been omitted even here. Similar instances of the omission of the r, through carelessness, occur in other records; but generally they give the word at least once in its proper form; e. g. in line 60 f. of an inscription at Talgund (P. S. and O.-K. Insers. No. 219) we have mattar-oṁdu. ......matta 2 ......are-vattara lekkade mattaru 3...... matta 1... ... kamma 20 amtu matta 5 kamma 20; and the words mattar-ondu, one mattar,' in this passage, are in themselves sufficient to shew the real form of the word. - I have met somewhere with the dative case, mattaringe; but I cannot just now give the reference. The genitive, mattara, occurs in the above passage (are-vattara lekkade, 'by the calculation or rate of half a mattar '), and in line 42 of the present record. - An older form of the word was mattal: e. g., ante, Vol. XI. p. 70, line 19; and the two forme give another instance of the frequent changes, in Kanarese, between 1 and r. An inscription at Balambid (Elliot MS. Collection, Vol. I. p. 585 ff.) contains the expressions kamma 50....... kamma 50 antu mattarondu.... kamma 60 kamma 40 antu mattar-ondu; which shew that one mattar was equal to

Page #299

SEPTEMBER, 1890.)
FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA.
275
17 spans brord, and 9 staffs in length; also, in the eastern crop-land (bela ?), a balambe-house or courtyard, 3 staffs broad, and 7 staffs in length ; also one oil-mill among the shops on the vast of the gópura; also, at the request of the stone-cutters there, one house; and also one house of low-caste people, in which the Savagas were. And to the temple of the god Saparáva at that place (1. 41), by the measure of the same staff, there were allotted, at the rate of half a pana as the payment for a mattar, 355 mattars of ordinary land, and one mattar of garden land, and one oil-mill.
To the temple of the god Paráva, which his younger brother Jinavarmayya had caused to be made (1. 43), Chaukimayya bought and gave, as a sardanamasya-grant, 35 mattars of ordinary land in the culturable land, measuring 500 mattars, which is the gudde-mányaso of the worthy Vajjarasa, the son of Sankharasa of Kannadige (1. 45), which is included in the Kalam badi Three-hundred (?) which is in the Karahada Four-thousand.
FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA. BY PANDIT NATESA SASTRI, X.F.L.S.
No. 33. — The Six Good Maxims.? In the ancient city of Mathurâ, in Southern India, there lived a famous king, at whose court was a Pagdit for whose sayings he had the greatest respect and the most implicit faith. Now the Pandit's son and the king's son were great friends. Their names were Nayanamandhara and Satyaparakrama. They were playmates from their earliest boyhood, studied under the same teachers, and from their first acquaintanceship became inseparable companions.
The Pandit's learning and influence with the king had earned him a pretty large fortave, and he was, morever, a very prudent and cautious man. Being advanced in years he foresaw that he had not much longer to live, and though his son, Nayanamanôhara, was a learned man, he had not much confidence in him. His son was indeed a prodigal, given to the company of loose women, and he was sure that as soon as he died he would waste his property in no time if bequeathed to him. So, calling his wife aside, he spoke thus to her :
“My dear old wife; something within me tells that I am to die before you, and so you will be left in sole charge of all our property. You must therefore exercise a careful watch over it, for otherwise I fear that our son will get rid of it before long. Now, should it ever happen that notwithstanding your watchfulness he should lose all I have to leave, and finds that be has nothing to live upon, give him this scroll, telling him that it is worth six lakhs of mohars. But unless such an event happens, never even mention its existence to him." Thus the old man advised his wife, and she agreed to abide by all that he said. After some inonths the old man was taken suddenly ill, and soon breathed his last.
Nayanamanôhara was now the master of a large fortune, but his old mother was at first very careful and allowed him to have very little to say to the management of it. However, little by little, after repeated cajoling, he won her over and got the management of the whole property into his own hands. This accomplished, he wasted all his wenlth in no time, and before a full year bad elapsed after the father's death, it was all gone.
one hundred kammas; bot the value of the kamma, or kamba, hae not, I think, been yet determined. Also, line 60 f. of the TAlgund inscription referred to above, seems to shew that one mattar wae taken to yield two khan ikut of grain (khandika=the Markthi khand, candy,' and Kanarese khandaga, khanduga; also khandaka occurs, ante, Vol. XIV. p. 55, line 116). But, whether this is so, or whether khandika is laad-measure, equal to half a mattar, I cannot say for certain, without seeing an ink-impression of the inscription
This term remains to be explained. Manya meenslands either liable to a trifting quit-rent, or altogether tempt from tax.' Gudde means 'heap: . quare bead-cloth, #scant and poor turban;' also 's grave;' and in certain technical passages, ' a heap of stones over a grave' (see Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. X. p. 211, note 17).
1 An amplified variant of the storice of the Pour Good Maaims, see ance, Vol. XVIII. p. 348 ; Vol. XIX. p. 126.

Page #300

276
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(SEPTEMBER, 1890.
One day he was sitting sullenly idle, when his old mother, who, in spite of all his faults. loved him very dearly, approached him and said: "Why are you so moody today? I have been repeatedly advising you against the company you keep, bat in your headlong extravagance you never heeded the words of your poor old mother. You must now pay dearly for your folly. You have wasted all our property, and we have not even a mouthful left for our morning meal! But foreseeing how you would behave, your old father left. & scroll with me which he said was worth six lakhs of mohars. You can dispose of it now for whatever you like and with the money that you realise live in comfort for a while longer."
Thus spoke the old lady, and Nayanamanôhara was delighted to hear that there was still some valuable property left to him. Being an educated man and having the greatest regard for his father's attainments, he thought that if the old man had fixed six lakhs of mohars as the price of the scroll, it must be well worth that amount. So he asked for it; and when it was brought to him, he read in it the following six maxims :
(1) A father should always check and never forgive. (2) A mother should always forgive and never check. (3) Do not send your wife long to her parents' house. (4) When in reduced circumstances do not go to your sister's house. (5) But when in reduced circumstances spek always your oldest friend. (6) A country not examined in disguise will always be ruined.
When Nayanamandhara read these maxims, he shed many tears at the truth conveyed in the first two, which were so applicable in his own case. As long as the old man had lived he was always checking him, and throughout several years of an evil extravagant life he had not lost any of his property. But in the very first year after his death he had managed to throw away everything. He now saw clearly that it was his mother's ropeated forgiveness of all his sipfal expenditure that was the cause of his ruin. Só finding that the first two maxima had turned out so true, he took it as an indication of the correctness of the four to follow, and therefore considered that the document was fully worth what his father estimated; so he took it and cried its value in the streets, asking wbo would buy it. Many took him to be mad :for who would be willing to part with six lakhs of mohars for an inscribed palm-leaf ? So without any success, Nayanamanôhara at length reached the street in which the palace was situated Satyaparakrama, the prince of the city, was standing in the toprnost storey of his house after his morning bath in scented sandal-oil, arranging his hair, when the words, "A scroll of six maxims to sell; each maxim is worth a lákh of mohars," fell on his ears.
The prince turned his eyes in the direction from which the voice proceeded, and was astonished to see that it was his own boyhood's companion who was thus crying out. Calling to him by his name, the prince enquired after his welfare, as they had never met after their school-days. Then Satyaparak rama enquired, over and over again, whether the maxims were really written by the old Pandit, and on Nayanamanôhara's assuring him as often that they were, and that his father had left them to him as property worth six lakhs of mohars, the prince began to think to himself: - “Surely! If the old Pandit fixed the price at six lakhs, it must be worth that and more, and my friend, though he may be in reduced circumstances, won't receive any presents from me ; so in buying this scroll I shall gain a double benefit: one to myself in buying the sayings of a holy man and testing the truth of them, and the other to my friend in giving him the six idkhs as their price."
Thus argued the prince and bought the scroll for the sum that was named. The Pandit's son returned home with this fresh and larger fortune, and having now learnt the value of money, began to lead a chaste and simple life. His mother also took part in checking his expenses.
Now, three months before the prince had bought this scroll, he had sent his wife to her parents' house, to be present at a wedding that was coming off there. But one wedding had.

Page #301

SEPTEMBER, 1890.)
FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA.
277
followed another, and she had been obliged to stay for all of them, and so had been absent a long while. Meanwhile a calamity befell our prince. His father, the old king, on examining his son's accounts, saw six lakhs of mohars entered as an item of expenditure for the purchase of a scroll of palm-leaf containing six maxims. Now, he was a miser, and anger came over him. "Fly from my presence, you fool of a prince, who does not know the value of money, and never return to this kingdom without restoring the money thus ill-spent," roared the old man, and our hero, the prince, out of shame and disappointment, ran away from home. He, who had been from his birth in the enjoyment of the best of everything, was now a homeless fugitive. Unwilling to shew his face to the world as a prince banished by his father for his extravagance, he assumed the disguise of a beggar.
Now his wife had jewels which were worth several lákhs, and as he was extremely attached to her, he sent her word secretly, informing her of his reduced condition, and asking her to replace the ill-spent money by the sale of a portion of her jeweis so that he might return home happily. In reply be was told that her father had possession of all of them, and that he was anwilling to dispose of any of them. Thus disappointed, our hero went as a beggar from village to village and city to city, till at last he reached the town where his sister was living.
Vis sister was married to a rich Peshkár who was a kind of general under the emperor of the Pândya country to whom Satyaparakrama's father, the king of Mathura, paid tribute, and to her house our hero went. He knocked at the door at about midnight, just as the master and mistress of the house were retiring to rest. “Who is it that knocks P" called out his brotherin-law. “Satyaparâkrama," answered our hero from outside. "Begone thou ghost. Do not lie thus. Satyaparakrama would never have had any occasion to come here," replied his sister. But after repeated explanations from our hero outside, his sister at last, without the knowledge of her husband, who cared little whether the person outside was his brother-in-law or not opened the door, and when she found that it was her own brother transformed into a beggar, driven from his home on account of his recklessness in spending his father's money, she had no regard for him, but went inside, telling the servants to give the beggar outside some stale gruel. She was ashamed to acknowledge a brother in so lowly & beggar. Her servants did as they were directed, and gave him a little stale gruel, and went away. Satyaparakrama now thought of the fourth maxim in his dearly bought scroll. A mixed feeling of pleasure and pain came over him; pleasure, that, thongh his father had thonght him reckless in paying so much for the scroll, it still deserved that price for the valuable way in which it had generalized truths; pain, that his sister should have gone so far as to renonnce her natural feelings of affection because he was in reduced circumstances. His hunger was so great that, though what was given him was gruel, and that, too, stale, - he heartily drank a portion of it, and left the rest buried with the pan in which it had been served up in the hay-yard adjacent, and left the place.
He next resolved to go to his wife's house, and live there for a while till better days dawned. Travelling many kôs for several days he at last reached the town where she lived. It was about midnight when he entered it. Everything in the streets was still, and it was very dark. Not knowing which way to torn, our hero was standing in confusion, when he was accosted by & hoarse voice saying, “Who is there ?" "A beggar, newly arrived here, and standing confused because he does not know the way," replied onr hero. "Then you can be my lamp-bearer now, and so earn a night's rest in the outer verandah of my house," said the person, who was the Kotroál or chief police officer of the city,
Satyaparakrama took the lamp and walked in the direction indicated by the police oficer who followed him. The Kátrál was a very rich man, and bis house was near the house of our hero's father-in-law. And what is more, Satyaparakrama's wife used to visit him every night. It was reached at last, and telling the lamp-bearer to wait ontaide, the Kotwal entered it; and at the very threshold he was accosted by beautiful young lady whose voice was very clearly recognized by the person standing outside.

Page #302

278
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[SEPTEMBER, 1890.
“What! Is it my own wife, to whom I want to go next morning, that is now talking so very familiarly to the Kotrál, and reproving him for having made her wait so long P I must see what is going to happen. Fortune has conducted me here by chance, that I might know about my wife's conduct before going to her house." Thus pondered Satyaparakrama, and the conversation that took place between the lady and the Kotwal inside, was more than sufficient to indicate her bad character. Unfortunately for the guilty pair, there were no betel-leaves to chew before they retired to bed. "Are we to sleep today without chewing P” asked the woman; and the Kotwal at once replied, "Don't be afraid, my dear! The fellow who is waiting with the lamp outside, will fetch us some leaves from the nearest báadr." So saying, the Kotwal searched for his keys. And the woman, not wishing to lose his company for even the time when he would be absent searching for his money, pulled off & ring from her right middle finger, and, giving it to her gallant, said that that would do for the occasion to fetch them some leaves. The police officer came out and called the beggar :- “Halloo ! There is a bázár at the end of this street where you will find a Chetli sitting before a lamp with a very small light. Give him this ring, mentioning that the Kotwal sent it, and fetch me fifty betel-leaves. I will get the ring back tomorrow and give him the price." "Your lordship's orders shall be duly obeyed,” said our hero, and instantly disappeared with the ring.
Now our hero did not know that it was his wife that had given the ring as a deposit for a few leaves not worth even a cowry. But the idea that a ring should be sacrificed for a few betel-leaves, awakened in his mind sufficient curiosity to make him examine it to see what it was worth. So he took it to a way-side lamp and examined it, and found it to be his own ring, given by him to his wife just as she was departing for her parents' house. He was pained to see that a wife, who would not part with her jewels to save the life and honour of her own husband, should have so easily given up a valuable ring for a few betel-leaves! But at the same time he was glad of the opportunity thus offered him of proving her guilty character when necessary. So, not wishing to lose it or shew it to any one, he concealed it in his cloth and proceeded to ihe búuár. He found the Chetti there, seated as described, with a very small light, and thus addressed him: "Sir, I am the servant of the Kotwal and he has sent me to you for a few betel-leaves to chow, the price of which he has promised to pay you tomorrow. If you fail to oblige him now when he is in necessity, he has warned you to take care of your head tomorrow."
Now, Kötrods are always objects of dread to the public, and so the poor Chetti asked our hero to take as many leaves as he wanted. He took about fifty, and, not to be idlo on his way, made them into nest halves and folded them op nicely. The master of the house was waiting outside for him, and Satyaparakrama gave the leaves to him folded in half, and while they were being taken into the house, ran off like lightning for his own safety.
The betel-leaves were duly handed over to the woman inside, who at once saw from the manner of folding, which was a special art acquired by her husband, that the pretended servant was no other than her own husband disguised. This made her change colour, and stand as still as & statue. “What is the matter with you, my dear, that you pull such a long face at s time when you cught to be merry ?" asked the Kôtwdl. "I am undone," cried she; "the person who has so nicely folded these leaves in this fashion must be my husband. He has traced me out, and I am sure that I am lost unless he is now captured and killed."
Meanwhile our hero was flying for his life, for he was sure that his wife would discover him, and send her sinful companion after him. And even so it was. No sooner did the Kotwal hear that the pretended servant or beggar was Satyaparakrama, than he left the house, and with all his men began the search for him. Every possible nook and corner of the town was searched with no success, for Satyaparakrams had left the town altogether with the quickness of a serpent and disappeared. But the Kotwal, to console the lady, told her that her husband had been caught and killed.

Page #303

SEPTEMBER, 1890.]
FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA.
279
Our hero, after his escape, went through several places, and at last reached a town. All the way he pondered over his wife's conduct, and was vexed to see that he was partly the cause of it, as, by his sending her away for a long while to her parents' house, he had given her every opportunity to become wicked. In this case, too, he found one of the maxims, which he had so dearly bought, had proved true. Thinking on the way, he heard the sing-song noise of a palanquin passing, and on observing it closely he found an old friend of his seated in it. This at once brought into his mind the fifth maxim of the sage, that in adversity we must always seek our friends. To test the truth of it, he proceeded to the side of the palanquin and accosting its inmate in the most familiar style, said: "Get down, you fool. Are you not ashamed to ride thus in a palanquin while your old friend is walking bare-footed P" The inmate was the young prime-minister of that empire, and was proceeding to the palace. His name was Snohapatra. He did not recognise his friend and school-day companion in his disguise, but being a wise man, he thought that there must be some meaning in the familiarity, and so at once coming down from the palanquin, he asked his friend to take his place. Our hero did so, and the young minister wrote a letter to his wife recommending the guest to her kind care, and telling her to behave to him in every way as to her husband. And secretly he sent a confidential letter to her of which we shall hear more by-and-bye.
Thus Satyaparakrama was borne in the palanquin, and reached his friend's house, but his friend was not able to accompany him as there was some important business, pretended or real, on account of which he was obliged to be absent. When the minister's house was reached, the mistress thereof shewed him every kind of hospitality, and our hero found nothing wanting for his comfort. The day passed and night came on, and after supper Satyaparakrama retired to rest. Just then the minister's wife placed before him her husband's letter, which said that she must behave to her guest as she would to her own husband. But as soon as our hero read it, he rose up and falling down before the lady, he said: "Madam, you are my mother. For even 80 must we regard our friends' wives."
Thus saying he shed tears, and that most virtuous woman,- for so she was, as our readers shall-soon know, - sent her husband word of what had occurred. This was part of the secret and confidential communication to her. The minister had also secretly informed her that, to see whether the pretended friend, whom he did not know, was a real friend or not, he had tried the trick of offering her up to him for his pleasure, because a true and sincere friend would shudder at the idea. Snêhapâtra had also arranged with the maid-servants secretly, that the guest should be watched and arrested in case he made any attempts to violate decency and take advantage of the letter. The minister's wife too had obeyed her lord in every way, divining the meaning of his proceedings. Snêhapatra was all the while anxiously waiting in the palace to know the result of his scheme, and as soon as it was communicated to him, he hastened hence, embraced his friend, and like an honest man acknowledged his forgetfulness, and asked him who he was. When it was made known that the person whom he had thus tested was no other than the prince Satyaparakrama, his joy knew no bounds. He enquired into the cause which had reduced him to such a poor state, and when all the prince's history had been related in detail, he wept for his friend's calamities. He then told him to forget the past, and live comfortably in his house till better days, which he said would not be far off. Thus, here, too, our hero found the wisdom of the Pandit's maxim.
Snêhapâtra had an object in saying that the time would not be long before his friend saw better days. The emperor of that city was the great emperor of the Pandya country, to whom Satyaparakrama's father used to pay tribute. He had an only daughter who was approaching the marriageable age, and of whom he was very anxious to dispose. But 'infortunately he was not able to secure a suitable match for her. The minister knew all this and on the next day secretly tested the emperor's opinion whether His Majesty would have any objection to accept Satyaparakrama as his son-in-law, His Majesty had often heard of the deep learning of that prince, but of the latter part of his lifo His Majesty had had no

Page #304

280
[SEPTEMBER, 1890.
opportunity of hearing. Seeing that the princess was approaching the age when she ought to be married, he consented with delight to the proposal of the minister, and praising him for his timely advice, gave his daughter in marriage to Satyaparakrama. Our hero, too, disgusted with his former wife, was only too glad to get a better one in her place. And this was not all. He gained the empire, too, and had his own father for a tributary king, for the emperor's daughter was an only child. Soon after the marriage, he made Satyaparakrama the prince royal and heir apparent to the empire, and to put him in the way of governing properly, he gave over the management of the whole country to his charge. Thus did our hero emerge from his adversity and was made a king, chiefly through the assistance of his friend Snêhapâtra.
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
The old king at Mathurâ had no idea of the good fortune that had come to his son, and though he had in haste banished him for his rashness in paying so high a price for the maxims, he afterwards extremely regretted the act. He had sent messengers in several directions to bring back the prince; but every one of them returned after long search, saying that he had been unable to find him. He was visibly growing older day by day, and his only son was banished! So he did not know what to do, and pined away in his misery. All these circumstances were duly brought to Satyaparakrama's notice by a spy of his, whom he had despatched to ascertain the state of affairs at Mathara, and not wishing that he should be the source of trouble to his father, he proclaimed his intention of travelling throughout his dominions and seeing personally the state of his empire. His friend Snêhapâtra followed in his train, and the old emperor took upon himself to rule during his son-in-law's absence. Our hero proceeded by the same route by which he had originally come. So he had first to visit his former wife's house, but just before going to it, he sent word of his coming, and all his wife's people eagerly awaited him.
Except his guilty wife, no one suspected anything, and our hero duly alighted at her father's house. His father-in-law's family were, however, greatly amazed to hear that a young wife was accompanying the king, but as it is usual (in the East) for a king to have more than one wife, they consoled themselves. The royal party were carefully attended to, and the father-in-law saewed the greatest regard for his son-in-law whom he had not seen for so long a time. Meanwhile the first wife consoled herself by thinking that the beggar whom she had suspected to be her husband must have been some other fellow, as he had been killed, so far as she knew.
Our hero kept everything to himself for some time, and was kind and affable to every one, so that not a single person in the house suspected what was about to take place. But when the busy day was drawing to a close and night was fast approaching, our hero called his father-inlaw to his side and requested him to send for his daughter and the Kotwal. It was an imperial mandate not to be disobeyed, and so they both arrived with trembling hearts. The father-in-law of Satyaparakrama, knowing nothing of the intimacy that had been going on between his daughter and the police officer, did not know the reason of the Kotwal's being called into the presence, but being a very shrewd man he suspected something wrong; and so, seeing that he was troubled, and to keep him no more in suspence our hero thus began:
"It is said by great men that a person has two fathers, one his own, and the other his wife's. There is a proverb: Did you present your daughter or did you present your eyes to a person in marriage ?2 When you gave me your daughter in marriage, you became my second father. Have you acted up to the position? When I was a houseless wanderer, banished by my own father, begging for my livelihood, and petitioned to you for help, did you assist me? The jewels which I had given to your daughter, you saved up, unwilling to part with them for my honour. But what did your own daughter do? She, for the sake of a few betelleaves to chew, parted with this ring on account of the Kotwal who now stands before you! Such is your daughter's chastity! I am glad that I have no issue by her. And I shall not spare her nor her sinful companion." Thus saying he explained his wife's conduct in detail, and committed her and her gallant to the limekiln.
Pennai koduttayo kannai koduttayo.

Page #305

SEPTEMBER, 1890.]
FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA
281
Then he resumed his march and reached his sister's city. Before going to the house lo despatched a special messenger to her, and she and her husband, the Peshkár, made special arrangements for feasting the emperor. His Majesty put on a smiling face to every one i the house, but when meal-time rrived and every one had sat down to his sopper, he asked of the servants to fetch the stale gruel in the pan from the hay-stall, and rejecting every grant dish that was served before hirn, began to cat the dirty old mess. Every one was amazed. Then Satyaparakrama explained its history to the whole assembly, and also the truthfulness ui the maxim that one ought not to sook his sister in adversity. The Peshkúr and his wife were ashamed, and our hero left that place without speaking a word to any of them after the meal.
Thus passing through these two places our hero reached Mathurâ, where his father was almost on his death-bed. And when the old man heard that not only had his son become the emperor to whom he himself bad to do homage, but also that he was himself coming to do the homage of a son to his old father, his sickness left him in a moment, and he sat up like a healthy man to welcome his son. After shedding tears for his former rash act, and overjoyed to see that that was in a way the cause of his son's greatness, the old man embraced Satyaparakrama, his long lost son. And the son, too, in the joy of the occasion, forgot all his father's former cruelty to him. and kissed his feet. Thus were they again united and lived together for some time.
To reward his friend Snehapâtra, who had protected him in his days of trouble, and who had secured him the empire, our hero Satyaparåkrama gave him sovereignty over Mathura and made him lord of that kingdom. Then he returned with his old father to his father-in-law, and reigned as emperor over the whole Pandya country.
"Thus five of the six maxims having proved true in the cases of Nayanamanohara and Satyaparakrama our hero was only waiting for an opportunity to find the sixth and last maxim true. He was in the habit of taking a nap at noon every day, and, just before doing so, of being shampooed by his maids. This always sent him off into a snooze. One day when he was thus only half asleep, one of the maids said to another near her :“ Sister, see the beautiful face of His Majesty asleep. While possessing such a husband as this moon among men, why should the empress visit the minister's house every night? And how is it that our monarch, so skilful in every thing else, is deceived in this matter?" Replied the other :-"You do not know the trick. I have long known it. Every night the empress gives the monarch a cup of milk, in which she mixes some powder which brings on such a profound sleep that he never gets up the whole night. Taking advantage of this, she spends the whole night in perfect security by the side of the minister." The monarch, at the first hint that the conversation was about his wife, was all wakefulness, but snored purposely, to make the maids round him believe that be was really asleep. He heard it all, and was much grieved at heart to hear the scandal about his wife, and resolved to find out the truth of it that very night.
It came on as usual, and just before retiring to bed, the empress brought him a capful of milk. Said he, "I have left my snuff-box at the place where I supped, will you kindly fetch it, my dear ?" To show how very obedient she was to her lord, she ran off in haste, but before her return our hero had upset the milk in a corner of the room, and left the empty cup at the place where it was usually left by his wife, She soon returned with the box, and our hero received, it from her hands, thanking her for the trouble, and took pinoh before her. He talked on for some time in a kindly way to her, while she all the while was waiting for the working of the medicine in the milk. She had taken a stolen glance at the cup and to her heart's joy found it empty.." Surely he has taken it and he must soon fall saleep," thought she; and Satyaparakrama, seeing the anxiety in her face, determined to play the yillain to catch a villain, and to all appearance fell asleep, while he was really watching the movements of his wife. About a ghafluk.mfter he began to anors, the empeone got op, and quietly placing a long pillow in her place, left the bed. In a moment more she was out of the room.'

Page #306

282
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
. [SEPTEMBER, 1890.
Satyaparákrams would have given no credit at all to the conversation of the maids, had he cot known that he was daily given milk by his wife just before going to sleep. He was so much attached to her that even when he avoided the milk that night, he did not altogether suspect her. It might have been the excitement that kept him awake that night. But the suspicious way in which his wife arranged the pillow aroused every doubt. However, he gave her a full opportunity and did not leave his bed until she had time to get well away, and then searched for her secretly through the palace without success. He then proceeded to examine the town in disguise, to see what had taken place. He cursed himself for his stupidity in not having done this long before, and assuming the disguise of a beggar he left his palace by a secret way, and was soon in the streets of the town.
It was a dark night, and the presence of clouds in the sky made it darker still. Signs of approaching rain also set in, and soon the rain began to pour in torrents. In haste he ran for shelter into the cater circuit of a temple of Ganesc, where he found half a dozen neatherde - suppliers of milk to the palace collected for a similar reason. Our hero, unobserved by them, sat down in a corner. Just then a lizard began to chirp, and one of the neatherds, who was well up in interpreting such things, Raid "Friends, do you know of anything wonderful tonight?” They said :-What do we know ? We are not well read like you. Our fathers never taught us anything. If you will come out with one of your wonders we are prepared to listen to you." Said she first speaker: -"I do not know how far it may be true. But, if I am to believe in what my old father taught me, I must tell you that the lizard says that our emperor has left bis palace tonight and is now in the town." "You are a great idiot," said one of the others, " to impose upon us with such absurd nonsense. In the dead of night, when it is raining cats and dogs, what could induce an emperor to leave his comfortable palace and expose himself to the wet? You are a fool to say 80." Thus was the neatherd, who had nevertheless told the truth, ridiculed, while our hero admired from his hiding place the deep knowledge of one of his own neatherds!
A ghatiká after this the lizard again chirped, and the same neatherd said: - Friends, you disbelieved me on that occasion; now you shall all know the truth of my statement. The livard says, that in a minute the empress will pass by this very way to the minister's house !"
Again the other neatherds laughed, and said: “This is still more absurd. You can thus impose on other neatherds that know nothing of the palace. But we are all suppliers of milk to the emperor and empress, and on several occasions we have met them. Ob ! shut your mouth! Do not think that such a paragon of virtue would ever do such things." Thus did they ridicule him, but the sarcasms were hardly out of their mouths, before they heard the sing-song noise of a palanquin passing. It was a closed one, and they all then thought that after all the soothsayer must have been right in his remarks. But giving the benefit of the doubt to the empress, they still entertained a high regard for her chastity, and went away from that place. The rain had now ceased, and Satyaparakrama, admiring the knowledge of the neatherd soothsayer, and abusing himself for having so doted upon his wife who on such a dreadful night had ventured out so shamelessly to her gallant's house, and pondering over the treaobery of which she had been guilty, left the place too.
He had not gone far, before there were more signs of impending rain. So he again went into an humble verandah, to lie down and thus avoid the rain. In an opposite corner were sleeping two old B: abman travellers, a husband and wife. They had come the previous evening from Benares, and wanted to see the emperor next morning and get a present from him.
In the last watch of the night, the old Brahmap got up to observe the stars and find out how much longer it would be before the lord of the day would appear in the horison. While doing so he said: "We are most unfortanate! The tree for whose shade we have
on this point the reader will find this story similar in om respete to some portion of Renoviraping, noe ante, Yol. 1. p. 262.

Page #307

SEPTEMBER, 1890.)
FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA.
283
come so far, is to be cut at the root in a few moments." His old wife, on hearing this, was dumb with sorrow for a few moments, and then asked, "what is the matter?” Replied the old pilgrim, "In an hour or so & black serpent will sting the emperor, and he will die."
Can you not save that good soul who is about to be a great help to poor people like our selves ?" asked the old woman.
The Brâhmaņ pointed out to her that, as they were very poor, it would be impossible for them to commence a rite to ward off tbe evil, because ghee, milk and so on would be wanted for it. Our hero overheard all that passed between them, and as if suggesting to them a way out of the difficulty, he asked the poor Brahmaņ to go to the neighbouring house and beg for some money. Accordingly he went, but go where he might he was rebuffed and turned out as a wily beggar who was demanding money under false pretences. The time was fast approaching for the serpent to come, and on wringing his hands at the disappointment of the poor Brabman, our hero felt a ring on his finger which he had entirely forgotten. He at once pulled it off and giving it to the Brâhman, said :-"Here is a brass ring. Take it to the Chelli in the corner of this street who keeps his shop open by night only; make a good bargain and buy what little this can fetch and begin the serpent-rite."
The old Brâhmaq, glad to find that a beggar should be so nierciful, ran to the Chetti's shop, • and he, recognising the emperor's signet-ring in what was presented to him as a brass ring, and wishing to profit by it by returning it to the emperor next morning, asked the Brahman to take what he liked. He, however, wanted only some rice, firewood and ghee, to conduct the snakeceremony with, and taking these he returned to the verandab. The preparations were hastily made and the fire for the sacrifice lighted up. Several incantations were pronounced over it. In offering the rice, it was divided into three parts, one of which was presented to the very person on whose behalf the ceremony was undertaken, for the Brahman called the supposed beggar who had assisted him with his brass ring, and threw into his cloth the third ball of rice, throwing the other two into the fire. Just at the close of the ceremony, a long and fat black serpent had secretly approached the spot where Satyaparåkrama had been watching the sacrifice, but was unable to do him any harm during the charnis performed by the Brahman, and fell before our hero, cut in halves. It was the charm that did this !! Satyaparakrama, after putting the pieces carefully into a spare cloth and warning his lenefactors that they should not leave that spot until they had returned his brass ring, left the place secretly with his bundle, He had made the condition about the ring to his benefactors, to prevent them from leaving that place.
Returning home before dawn, he sent several of his servants to the minister's house, to fetch him over early in the morning. He also sent for all his palace Deatherde, to find out who had been the speakers of the previous night, and for the poor Brahman who had pat him under the greatest of obligations. As soon as all had arrived, Satyaparákrama asked the soothsayer neatherd to relate the previous night's conversation between bimself and his friends. At first he-hesitated, but on finding out that the emperor was in earnest, told him everything and begged his pardon. Satyaparåkrama rewarded him for his knowledge, and proving the minister's guilt plainly, committed him and his emprese to the stakes. The bundle with the balves of the serpent he produced before the poor Brahman pair, and falling down at their feet said that he himself was the beggar of the previous night. He rewarded them amply and made them stay in the palace with him. Thus the attempts to examine the truth of the sixth muxim, saved our hero's life.
Ever since that memorable day, he made it always his duty to spend part of his nights in going round the town in disguise and relieving people from misery. Two of his wives had prored faithless to him. So he gave up all thoughts of again marrying; but, eyer wedded to those six marins, and praising the day on which he bought them even for a high a price our hero lived in happiness, conferring peace and prosperity upon his empire.

Page #308

284
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
(SEPTEMBER, 1890.
MISCELLANEA THE ROMAKA SIDDHANTAS.
the equinoxes by one-fourth of the value assigned I have just received the May part of the Indian by Hipparkhos, he had introduced a sensible aug. Antiquary, and read with interest Mr. Shankar mentation in the length of the tropical year as Balkrishna Dikshit's paper on the Romaka Bid. determined by his predecessor. The coincid dantas. In doing so, my attention was at once here is remarkable, and at once reminds one of arrested by the elements given at p. 139, and Dr. Bhau Daji's remark (Jour. R. As. Soc. N. S. first by "the length of the solar year, -365 days,
Vol. I. p. 409) that he considered "that the 14 ghatis, 48 palas," these being exactly the Romaka-Siddhanta was composed in accordanon figures given by Ptolemy (Math. Synt. lib. III. with the work of some Roman or Greek author." cap. i.), vix. 3050 14' 48", - for he uses the sexa. A comparison of the other elements given in gesimal division of the day, as well as of the the Table with those of Ptolemy may be interest. circlo; and owing to his reducing the precession of 'ing: thus we have - Moon's synodic revolution ............ ....................... 10409531 - 35250r = 298 31gh 50-09p Ptolemy's value (Math. Syn. lib. IV. cap. ii.) is ............
............... 290 31 50-14" Moon's tropical revolution .......................................... 1040953d 3 81001 270 19g 17.776
Ptolemy's value ............................................................. ................ 27d 19. 1780" Moon's dail, anomalistic motion.......... (38100 -- 322 031) 360°-1040953 - 13° 3' 53-98" Ptolemy's value
................ 13° 3' 53-94" Moon's daily motion from the node ... (38100 + 153 ) * 360° +1040953 == 13° 13' 45-69" Ptolemy's value
............... 13° 13' 45-66 Moon's daily angular elongation
....
35250 x 360°
1040958 = 12° 11' 26.708" Ptolemy's value ........
........ 12° 11' 26.689 The agreement in all these is very close, but failed to explain the double inequality of the the values do not materially differ from those of planets, and pointed out that the only way to do so the other Siddhantas. The use of Ptolemy's value was by a combination of the two hypotheses of the of the length of the tropical year,-much as Utpala excentrio and the epicycle.' Eie could only have says, “what with us is civil time (sávana), is done this in the course of a pretty full discussion of with Pulisaâchârya solar (saura) time" (Kern, their motions. His works, however, may not have Bri.-Samh. int. p. 49), - is the peculiarity. been published; they are not cited by any writer
It is much to be desired that the texts of the except Ptolemy, who may have found the only Punchasiddhantika and Brahma Siddhanta were mannscript of them in the Alexandrian Library. published, with a faithful collation of varice In speaking of the lunar motions, Ptolemy says lectiones, and perhaps a careful analysis, if not Jib. iv. cap. 2), that Hipparkhos has showed. a translation.
from the observations he has recorded on this With reference to Mr. Dikshit's assumption that matter, that the least number of days after which Hipparkhos did not treat of planetary astronomy eclipses recur in the same number of months and (ante, p. 142), I would remark that, beyond the the like other revolutions, is 126007 days and one information on stellar astronomy in his extant hour equinoxial; in this he finds 4267 oomplete commentary on the Phenomena of Aratus and months, 4573 returns of anomaly, 4612 revolutions Eudoxus, we know nothing of the extent and in the zodiac, and 7% degrees nearly yyora) contents of his astronomical works except from wanting of 345 entire sidereul revolutions of the the Syntaxis of Ptolemy. And the latter was 80 sun.' Again he says, 'after having determined indebted to the former, that he is sometimes cited the anomalistic period. Hipparkhos compare as if his data were almost entirely borrowed from intervnls in months between two remote eclipses Hipperkhos. Statements taken at second hand perfectly alike in quantity and duration, and must, therefore, be used with caution. That shewed that in 5458 months there were 5923 Hipparkhos devoted attention to planetary revolutions with reference to the nodes. Ptolemy astronomy also is clear from the recorded fact that then adds that Hipparkhos has given the length he' showed that the hypotheses of his predecessors of the synodical month correctly enough, but that
.
I Hipparkhoa's value is 29d. 31' 508" 91v 20v 11 vr, and Ptoleroy's 29d. 31' 506 8. 201v; the difference is only 0.07 of a second; but Ptolemy's periods of tbe anomalistic
tropical revolutions are 2.588. and 4-378.. respectively greater than those deducible from the above data.

Page #309

SEPTEMBER, 1890.)
NOTES AND QUERIES.
283
5458
-
4612 =
182907
the other motions are not so correct; and in the next chapter he deduces the elements which he had engraved in the temple of Canopus at Alexandria.
From the above it appears that Hipparkhos assumed the length of the sidereal year at about 365-259859 days;? and as his value for the Precesson was 20 in 150 years, his tropical year was 365 days 5h. 54m. 42.88., being 29 seconds less than Ptolemy's. For the revolution of the moon's apsis we have, 4612 - 4573 = 39 revolutions in 126007 days, or 1 in 3230-9498 days, while
Ptolemy's data in the Canopic inscription and Syntaxis give 3231 616554. And for the revolu.
4267 x 5923 tions of the node, in the same period, or 1 in 6799.6088d., Ptolemy's period being 6796-5367 days. The Rômaka-Siddhanta values of these two elements are 3231.8196d. and 6796-2917d. respectively, — differing con. siderably from those of Hipparkhos.
J. BURGESS. Edinburyh, 10th July 1890.
NOTES AND QUERIES. THE DATE OF KALIDASA.
THE WINDS OF ASHADHA. Professor Kielhorn has recently pointed out
During the early part of the Rainy season, up to (Nachrichten von der Königlichen Gesellschaft
lichen Gesellschaft about the end of August, over the westerly parts der Wissenschaften und der Georg-Augusts.
of the Dakhan which are beyond the range of the Universität der Göttingen, 1890) that, in the
south-west monsoon rainfall, there blows per.verse commencing in line 17 of one of the
| petually a cold, violent, and most worrying and Mandasor inscriptions (Gupta Inscriptions,
uncomfortable wind from the monsoon quarter. p. 83, and ante, Vol. XV. p. 198) the real reading
The cultivators of the Kanarese country have the is remd-sandtha-bhavanodara-bhaskar-máu &c.;
following saying about it: - Ashddha-masada and has drawn attention to the similarity between
ghaļi bisi-bisi badeyuvaga heni nanna jfvave the ideas in this verse, and those in Kalidasa's
hengas-dga-bdrade, - “when the galos of the Ritusamhara, v., 2, 3 (Sisira-varnana), which
month Åshadha are blowing in gusts and buffet. run -
ing us about, O my unhappy soul! why caneti
thou not become a woman " That is, the poor Niruddha-våtâ yana-mandirôdarat
ra'iyat, shivering over his work in the fields, wishes hutâśano bhånumatô gabhastayaḥ
that he could take the place of his wife, who sits guriņi vâsâmsy-abalah sa-yauvanah
in comfort at home by the warm kitchen fire. prayanti kale=tra janasya sêvyatâm 11 Na chandanam chandra-marichi-sitalar
THE VIRGIN MARY AND HER SISTERS. na harmya-prishtham sarad-indu-nirmalam
On a hill near Bandra, known as Mount Mary, na vågaval sandra-tushåra-sitala
there may be seen a beautiful chapel dedicated janasya chittam ramayanti sampratam11
to the Nativity of the Blessed Virgin Mary, after Prof. Kielhorn's point is, that the composer of whom the hill is called. It is believed that the the inscription must have had these verses image contained in it was caught in the net of a running in his mind; and consequently that the Christian fisherman, who was told in a dream, Ritusan hara must have been composed the same night, to erect the chapel on the spot before A. D. 472. This seems likely enough. where it now stands. This image is very And we know already, from the Aihole Méguţi popular for its miraculous cures, and thousands inačription (ante, Vol. VIII. p. 239), that the of all castes and creeds flock there throughout fame of Kalidasa, as also of Bhâravi, was well the year, particularly in the month of September, established, far to the south of Mandasör, before when a grand feast, the Nativity of the Blessed A. D. 634.
Virgin Mary, is celebrated with novenas. * If the divisor of 344 revolutions 352) "nearly" were 1 Hindus, Parets, and the like, call it Month Mdulicha increased or diminished by $, it would diminish or increase Pragar; Salsette Christians call it Monthcha Dongar. this value by about 17 seconds. Elsewhere, Ptolemy gives quotations from Hipparkhos, in which he says 300 tropical ? On the onst, i. e. the back of the chapel, is a long yours want 5 days of Meton and Euktemon's assigned flight of stop; and a Roman Catholic procession, on value: this would strictly give 365d. 52. 5 . 56.848., but the evening of Palın Sunday, leaves St. Andre he couplee it with the statement that the same period of and winding its way through the fields ascende these 300 years would be only a day less than if we follow steps, prosenting # veritable semblance of the way to Kalippos,' and this gives 365 + +- days, or 3652.
Mount Calvary. It then enters the chapel of the Virgin
Mary to listen to a serIDOD. bh. Sm. 12.., which Ptolemy adopts throughout his work.

Page #310

286
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[SEPTEMBER, 1890.
A curious story is told by some old persons of the neighbourhood in connection with the image, that the Blessed Virgin Mary was born of Hindu parents, and had six sisters, Sitlådêvi, Santhai, Parbadovi, Mahalakshmi, Morbådévf, and another whose name they do not remeinber; and it is believed, that when the novenas commence, the Blessed Virgin is in the habit of taking a boat and visiting her sisters, inviting them to the feast.
There are places called after the names of the Virgin's sisters":- Sitlâdevi is at Andhêri, in Salsetto; Santhaf, at Kantêvarf in Bandra; Parbådôvi at Mahim, where a fair is held annually, and where there is also a temple to her; and Mahalakshmi, at Bombay, where too is a temple.
These are all on the sea-side; so also is the chapel of the Virgin Mary. Můmbadovi is in Bombay, not very far from the sea-side. The sixth I cannot trace exactly.
No one in Salsette can give me the origin of the story. Can any of your readers enlighten me on the subject All that has been told he is that Mary joined the Christian faith, but my informants cannot give me her heuthen name. Till very recently the fishermen and other Christians of Salsette were deeply immersed in Hindu superstitions, and to this, perhaps, may safely be attributed the notion of the legend of Mary and her sisters. Bandra.
GEO. FR. D'PENHA.
BOOK-NOTICES. GIORNALE DELLA SOCIETA ASIATICA ITALIANA. Vol. III. Buddha, he lays before it the first course of 1889. Rome.
another sumptuous feast, in the volume which The volumes issued by this new Society are forms the subject of the present note. The dish rapidly increasing in importance, and merit the may, to some, appear to be rather a heavy one, for attention of all Orientalists.
it is cram-full of facts, and abounds in theories That before us opens with an interesting article founded on these facts, but to greedy students like on the inspiration received by Dante, when the present writer it forms in itself a welcome re. writing his Purgatorio, from works about India. past to which he eagerly invites his friends. It This is by Prof. de Gubernatis, and is followed cannot be denied that there is much in this volume by an article on Persian Poetry before Firdusi
which will and must form the subject of controby Prof. Pizzi, and then by an important one, the versy, but even his opponents must admit that Dr. Aryachhalaguhyadharanisutra and its bear- Oldenberg has advanced no theory for which he ing on the Northern Buddhism.
has not found at least some grounds of justification, Another interesting article is on the Jain tale
and that his facts are marshalled with a comof the king Pâpabuddhi and his minister Dhar. |
pleteness and with a clearness which must satisfy mabuddhi, of which the text is given with a
his severest critic. translation. The text is from an unedited MS. Prof. Ludwig's great annotated translation was discovered by Mr. Bendall, and now in the British
finished in the year 1888, and the coping-stone Museum Library under the title of "Papabud.
was thus laid on one portion of Vedic exegesis. dhi-Dharmabuddhi-Kathanakan.
Much has also been done towards Vedic LexicoUnder the title of "some Italian words said to logy and Grammar. But hitherto no deliberately be of oriental origin," the reference to Arabio planned attempt has been made to build up a originals of a good many Italian words is text of the Rig Veda, presenting, so far as in discussed.
the power of the builder lies, the original form Dr. Baug, who has already given his notions to
which ench hymn bore when it was originally com. the world on the great Inscription of Behistan,
posed. This is the task which Prof. Oldenberg in the Journal of the German Oriental Society,
has set himself, and it is fitting that the first and in the Babylonian and Oriental Record, volume of his work appears in the same year as gives the text with a rendering of Col. IV. that which is signalised by the conclusion of Prof. $ & i. - xvii.
Ludwig's translation. DIE HYMNEN DES RIGVEDA, herausgegeben von FER
This first volume consists entirely of proleMANN OLDENBERO. Band I. Metrische und textgeschicht gomena, in which the author discrisses, the liche Prolegomena. Berlin, Wilhelm Herts. 1888. problems set before him. He first deals with the
Prof. Oldenberg is not an idle man. Almost question of motre (pp. 1-190), and the indications before the world has had time to digest his which that furnishes towards a critical restoration
• I am open to correction as to the actual connection of the story with this imago, but I believe I am stating what is the fact.

Page #311

SEPTEMBER, 1890.)
BOOK-NOTICES.
287
hata kachhu sújha na Ord should be metrically divided thus:
(9 + 1 + 2 + 11441 +1 +2 4 (1+119)
of the text. Each syllable in each line of every hymn is counted out as short or long, and each apparent irregularity is considered with minute detail. Many of these seeming irregularities are shown to be due to traces of rhythm or stress, which are not exhibited in the text we now possess, owing to its being written in a character which only irdicates prosodiacal length. Some of Prof. Oldenberg's remarks on this point are aptly illustrated by the poetry of Modern India. For instance, dealing with the usual double iambic ending of the Gayatri, e.g.
• dekhi hata kachhu sú- -jha na 6 rd
The last four instants are especially characteristic of the chaupal, and are almost invariably two long syllables, thus, - -. Of course they may be any other arrangement of four instants such as Uuuu,-uu, oruu-, but the usual ending of the line is a spondee, and any other would be as rare as a spondee is in the fifth foot of a hexameter. Hence, to the average reader, the usual practical scheme of a chaupdí. is six instants, plus six, plus four, and that four a spondee. The above line would therefore be usually read 6 (2 + 1 + 2 +1) 6 (1 + 1 + 2 + 1 +1) 4 (2
spondee)
agnim il & purohitam (it should be remembered that the last syllable is anceps), he shows that the most frequent devia. tion from the rule is for the pada to end thus, uuuy instead of u-uy. Examples are -
babhrau a nu satava se
• kratua daksha syarathi am
dekhi hata kachhu sújha na Ora
This has been the characteristio swing of the chaupai for hundreds of years, and since the time of Kesab Dås, i.e. in all elassical Hindi dating from 1580 A.D., the syllables have been rigidly counted according to prosodiacal length.
But let us go back into the pre-classical Hindt. Take Malik Muḥammad for instance. who flourished in 1540 A.D., and who wrote actually in the vernacular, for the peoples' ears, without being bound by the rules of Kesab Dås. In his writings we meet continually, instead of the final spondee, a final iambus, so that there are only 15, not 18, instants in the line. The scheme then becomes 6 + 6 + 3 (iambus).
6 (1+1+1+2+1)
6 (2+1+1+1+1)
3 (1+2)
martas y a deui avas dh and so on. On this Prof. Oldenberg remarks, " it is not difficult to imagine a method of recitation, by which the ictus in such lines retained its wonted place (the last syllable but one). It would be easy, by laying stress either upon the vowel or upon the consonant which follows, for the last gyllable but one of each of these padas to so nearly attain to the value of a long one, that the end of the verse would seem to the ear to be iambio." Now we all know that there is nothing of this sort in Classical Sanskrit, nor in the classical languages of Modern HindastAn do I know anything like it. But Classical Hindt dates from Kesab Das, the author of the first important work on Indian Vernacular Rhetoric, who flourished in 1580, and everything of the modern Vernscular literature of Hindustan which was written before 1580, must be taken as preclassical. Késab Das fixed the laws of metre according to one uniform series of rules, which were necessarily to a certain extent artificial. But the pre-classical Hindi may be aptly compared with the language of the Vedic hymns, for both were volkslieder, couched in the language of the people, adapted to the ears of the people, and not bound by intricate laws of metre subsequently by scholars for polished production.
By far the commonest Hindi metre is the Chaupai, a line of which consists of 16 instanta! divided as follows, 6+4+4+2; e. g. the line dakhi
dadhi samunda d ékhata tasa daha 6 (1+1+2+2) 6 (1+1+2+1+1) 3 (1+2) - -
- kahi sande. -sa bihangama chala and so in many others. Now, no ingenuity of scansion will make the first syllables of daha and chald long and yet, unless they are pronounced as long, the verse will lose the essential characteristic of a chapat. The answer to the riddle is that which Prof. Oldenberg gives for the Vedio padas quoted above. We must use accent, ictue, as a substitute for quantity. We must there read watávast", -a ráthiám, - ápasth, just as we may be certain that Malik Muhammad's reciters said dáhd, and cháld. It is more than mere coincidenoe that we find the most ancient
1 An instant is a prosodiacally short syllable. A long syllable is counted
two instanta.

Page #312

288
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[SEPTEMBER, 1890.
and the most modern of the Aryan Vernaculars of together the readings of the three Samhitds of the India, availing themselves of a power for metre, Yajus, the Taittiriya, the Maitrayant and the which is unknown in each case to the more Vajusantys, and shows that the text of the last developed later literary languages.
closely agrees with that of the Rik-Samhita, while The second chapter of the work under notice the texts of the two others, though both descend deals with the arrangement of the Samhita (pp. ing from a common source (which he calls X), 191-270). Here he is treading partly on well-known frequently differ between themselves. A further ground already opened up and explored by the process of reasoning leads him to consider the genius of Abel Bergaigne. Bergaigne's lamented common original of the Vajasantyi and of X., to death, however, left some questions unanswered, be the original ground-text of the Yajur Veda, and and also left some answers which on subsequent he finally concludes that this ground-text inust consideration he would no doubt have modified. have been, almost throughout, identical with Prof. Oldenberg has had the courage to follow that of our Rig Veda, - an important guarantee
gaigne's elaborate counting of letters and for the age of the latter. verses step by step, and has thus put the latter's
The fourth chapter (pp. 370-489) deals with main conclusions to a test which they have well
the orthography or (he prefers to call it the stood. But he parts company with Bergaigne orthoepy of the ancient Sanskrit Grammarians. when he comes to the exceptions. Each is con
The text of the Rig. Voda, we have already seen, sidered on its merits and given its value. Ber
was fixed as we have it now at a very early gaigne would have considered each exception to
period, but this statement must be taken with one his law as necessarily an interpolation, while Prof.
limitation. We have the words, it is true, fixed Oldenberg, on the contrary, while admitting that fast, but the regulation of the letters, the deciding the fact of its being an exception is a suspicious
between, for instance, divas pari and divah pari. circumstance, refuses to declare it to be an addi.
the fixing of the rules for elision or non-clision of tion to the primitive text, till the particular initial a after & and 8, the change of i and 14 into passage has been weighed and considered in all its
y and before vowels, and so forth, all these bearings.
gave scope for speculation, and with regard to The third chapter (pp. 271-369) deals with the them the diaskeuasts felt themselves at liberty to variations of the text of the Rig Veda as found alter the text to suit their rules, while leaving the in the other three Samhitds, and in the Brah- words of the text themselves anchanged. This manas. Each passage, as it occurs elsewhere, is
determination of the orthoepy of the Rig Veda, examined and compared with the same minute took place, Prof. Oldenberg shows, after the end painstaking accuracy as is shown in the earlier of the period of the Brahmanas. The quotations portions of book. The result is a convincing in the Brahmanas have themselves been edited by proof of the general superiority of the Ķig- the diaskeuaste, but the appearance they thus Veda text over that of the other Vedas, present, is shown, by the contents of the Brahalthough occasionally useful corrections for manas themselves, not to have been the form corrupt readings of the older Sanhitd can be found
originally quoted by the authors. This leads to in them. By the time that the older portions of
some weighty remarks on the Sanhita and Pada the Saman, Yajus, and Atharva texts had ruceived texts, followed by detailed examinations of each their ultimate forms, the tradition of the text of of the orthoepical facts which call for notice. the Rig Veda was already, with comparatively few exceptions, fixed as we have it to-day. More.
The fifth chapter (pp. 490-512) deals with the over the superiority of the Rig Veda text must
BAkala and the Vashkala recensions of the have been recognized at a very early time, for the
Big-Veda ; and the sixth and finalone (pp.513-535) later we come down, the stronger do we find its
introduces us to the subject of the Satra literainfluence. The later portions of the texts of the
ture, and its bearing on the Rig Veda text. other Vedas followed the Rig Veda tradition far Altogether this is an epoch-making work. In more closely than the earlier portions.
such a mass of detail it cannot be expected that In this connexion we would specially refer to i isolated points will not be attacked, or that each Prof. Oldenberg's remarks on the Yajus-Samhita. isolated conclusion will meet with the concurrence They are a model of close reasoning and of diplo. of all Vedic scholars. But the entire volume matic criticism. After first showing that the remains a solid monument of Prof. Oldenberg's popular idea of the Taittirtya, as from the patience, energy, and learning, and it will be long first one work of mixed hymns and Brdhwana, before it is superseded by other complete works is not correct, but that the Brahmana forms no on the text of the Rig Veda. original portion of the Sanhita, he compares
G. A. GRIEBSON.

Page #313

SYSTEM OF TRANSLITERATION. The system of transliteration followed in this journal for Sanskrit and Kanarese, (and, for the Bake of uniformity, submitted for adoption, as far as possible, in the case of other languages),- except in respect of modern Hindu personal names, in which absolute purism is undesirable, and in respect of a few Anglicised corruptions of names of places, sanctioned by long usage, - is this: Sanskrit. Kanarese. Transliteration. Sanskrit.
Kanarese. Transliteration.
jha ña
$ 3
& a&
tha
d
For her car to 15 # # El bol to
2
aho
9.3 63fe3
#Et dua ad al
3
औ
phs
Visarga
bha ma
Visarga Jihvámúltya, or old
Visarga before a• and a Upadhmaniya,
old Visarga be
fore and 5 Anuspára
Anusodra Anuncsika
bak 33
81 21 gol & C8&
ga gha na
cha
82
ha
chha A single hyphen is used to separate words in composition, as far as it is desirable to divide them. It will readily be seen where the single hyphen is only used in the ordinary way, at the end of a line, as divided in the original Text, to indicate that the word runs on into the next line; intermediate divisions, rendered unavoidable here and there by printing necesities, are made only where absolutely necessary for neatness in the arrangement of the Texte.
A double hyphen is used to separate words in a sentence, which in the original are written as one word, being joined together by the euphonic rules of samdhi. Where this double hyphen is used, it is to be understood that a final consonant, and the following initial vowel or consonant-and-vowel, aze in the original expressed by one complex sign. Where it is not used, it is to be understood of the orthography of the original, that, according to the stage of the alphabet, the final consonant either has the modified broken form, which, in the oldest stages of the alphabet, was used to indicate a consonant with no vowel attached to it, or has the distinct sign of the viráma attached to it; and that the following initial vowel or consonant has its full initial form. In the transcription of ordinary texts, the double hyphen is probably unnecessary: except where there is the sandhi of final and initial vowels. But, in the transcription of epigraphical records, the use of this sign is unavoidable, for the purpose of indicating exactly the palæographical standard of the original texts.
The avagraha, or sign which indicates the elision of an initial a, is but rarely to be met with in inscriptions. Where it does occur, it is most conveniently represented by its own Devanagari sign.
So algo practice has shewn that it is more convenient to use the ordinary Dêvanêgari marks of punctuation than to substitute the English signs for them.
Ordinary brackets are used for corrections and doubtful points; and square brackets, for letters which are damaged and partially illegible in the original, or which, being wholly illegible, can be supplied with certainty. An asterisk attached to letters or marks of punctuation in square brackets, indicates that those letters or marks of punctuation were omitted altogether in the original. As a rule, it is more convenient to use the brackets than to have recourse to footnotes ; as the points to which attention is to be drawn, attract notice far more readily. But notes are given instead, when there would be so many brackets, close together, as to encumber the text and render it inconvenient to read. When any letters in the original are wholly illegible and cannot be supplied, they are, represented, in metrical passages, by the sign for a long or a short syllable, as the case may be ; and in prose passages, by points, at the rate, neually, of two for each akshara or syllable.

Page #314


Page #315

OCTOBER, 1890.]
NOTICE OF THE GULABNAMA.
289
A NOTICE OF THE GULABNAMA.
BY E. REHATSEK. N e author of this work, which is in Persian prose, and consists of 419 folio-pages
1 lithographed at Srinagar in Kasmir in Samvat 19321 was Kirparam, Diwan of Maharaja Ranbir Singh, then ruling in Jammun and Kasmir, who compiled it by order. The subject of the biography, Maharaja Gulab Singh, predecessor of Ranbir Singh, had previously during his life-time provided the author with the necessary documents, chiefly diaries, for composing it, and assisted him also by verbal information, which was augmented by similar information, often to be cited in the following pages, given by the author's grandfather and father, who had both been Diwâne of Maharaja Gulab Singh, and by suggestions of his contemporaries. Pressure of business delayed the composition of the work for a long time. It was, however, completed at last by the express orders of Maharaja Ranbir Singh.
All this we learn from the preface, which is headed with a salutation to Ganesa, in place of the Bi'smi'llah used in books written by Muslims. Then comes a long chapter containing arguments on the creation of the world and the existence of the Creator of it, parporting to follow the tenets of Greek and Indian philosophers on these subjects. In the next chapter, which is even more prolix, the author has, short of deducing the origin of Gulab Singh from the protoplasmal, primeval atomic globule" done for him the best he could, by commencing his genealogy with Brahmå himself, and giving accounts of a long series of mythological ancestors.
As the author's account of the ancient chiefs of Jammun conld never be considered to be deserving of much credence, unless supported by at least some chronological data and collateral historical facts derived from other sources, neither of which are forthcoming in any sense till the seventh century of the Christain era, we shall begin to notice the said account for what it is worth from that period.
In St. 724, Kirtidhar, RAJA of Jammûn, determined to aid with his army Rai Talak, the sovereign of Dehli, who had been attacked by Râjâ Vikrampal. The latter was, however, wounded in the battle and perished, and RÂi Talâk, after gaining the victory became master of 144 kingdoms in India. After this the alliance between him and Kirtidhar continued, till the latter died after a prosperous and just reign of 60 years. Kirtidhar's son Ajayadhar reigned 59 years, his graudson Vijayad har 50, and his great-grandson Bajarladhar 53. Raja Sûryadev, son of the last named, is then said to have divided the administration of his government into seven branches, each of which was assigned to a minister, and dealt with on its appointed day of the week. Ho reigned 72 years and was succeeded by his son Bhôjdêv, who governed for 66 years, and had four sons, one of whom, Kharandêv, succeeded him. The son of this last king, Birdêv, occupied the throne after him, and was succeeded by Kabûdêv, whose son, Alhdôv, reigned after him, being in his turn succeeded by his son Mânakdèv. The latter called his residence Mankôt and was sacceeded by his son Udaidêv, whose son Nâgardêv occupied the masnad after him. The latter was succeeded by Utamdev, after whom his son Harichand reigned, and thus the succession went on for several generations from father to son, till the time of Raja Bhojdev II., an intelligent and far-seeing prince, who had many allies, but was more closely connected with Maharaja Jaipal, the sovereign of the Panjab, than with any other ruler.
When Nasiru'ddin Sabuktagin, the ruler of Ghaeni, conceived the design of conquering India in St. 1032, which corresponds to A. H. 365, and had slain many Hindûs in Kabul, who had from ancient times been sojourning there, the Mahârâjâ of the Pañjâb collected a large army of Rijpats to resist him and was joined by Raja Bhojdév, who left his possessions in charge of his son Autardev. He was slain in battle, and RAJA Jaipal befriended Autârdøv even more than Bhôjdêy. After the death of Naşiru'ddin, his son Mahmad of Ghaxni continued the
1 A. D. 1875.
1 A. D. 667
* A. D. 975.

Page #316

290
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1890.
war and invaded India in St. 1057. He was met by Raja Jaipâl and by Pahlâddêv, sent with troops by the Raja from Jammûn. The hostilities which ensued, subsequently terminated with the flight of Raja Indarp&l, son of Jaipal, who took refuge in the mountains after fruitlessly attempting to resist Mahmûd. During one of Mahmûd's subsequent invasions Raja Autârdev distinguished himself by repelling the invaders and wounding one of the Shahzadas. He reigned 44 years and was succeeded by his son Yasudev, who founded the town of Jasrota, and governed his subjects with justice for 30 years. He was succeeded by his son Sangråmdêv, who reigned 41 years, and whose son, Râjâ Jagdev, began his reign of 70 years in St. 1151,5 during which Malik Khusrav, a descendant of Mahmûd of Ghazni, conquered a portion of India, and after him the Sultan Shahabu'ddin Ghuri continued the conquest. This ruler built the fort of Sialkot with the approbation of the Raja of Jammun. Jagdêr was succeeded by Raja Bharajdév. Shahâbu'ddin then conquered Rai Pitörå, a dissipated prince, put out his eyes in A. H. 5888 corresponding to St. 1238 [sic], and kept him prisoner near his own person, which last circumstance enabled the captive Râjâ to shoot him dead with an arrow! How & blind man could do this it is rather hard to believe !?
Timar invaded India, A. H. 801,8 conquering Dehli, where he committed great slaughter, and on his return march to Turkistán massacred wholesale many thousands of pilgrims assembled at Hardwâr. When, however, he approached the mountains, Raja Maldev of Jammún surprised him with a numerous army of Rajpûts, and defeated him. Maldêv reigned 40 years and died in St. 1456. He was succeeded by his son Chamardêv, who governed 26 years, being succeeded by Ajjayadêv, who reigned 31 years. Râjâ Brahmdêv, his son, died after a reign of 45 years, during which in A. H. 93210 Zahiru'ddin Muhammad BAbar Badshah crossed the Indus for the purpose of subjugating India. He arrived vid Bahlôipûr and Sialkot at the plains of Pânîpat, where he defeated Sultan Ibrahim Shah Sur, the sovereign of India. In this reign also Baba Guru Nanak, the founder of the Sikh religion was born. The next Raja, Kbûkhardêv, died after a just reign of 29 years in A. H. 937,11 and was succeeded by Kapurdôv, who governed 41 years, and left two sons, namely, Jagdev II. and Samaldêv.
Omitting, as being of no interest, the names and accounts of the chiefs who reigned during the next two and a half centuries, we come to Raja Bhojrajdov, who began to govern Jâminûn in St. 1839.13 He had a quarrel with his relative Dal Singh, and one day proposed to present13 Miân Şahib Zorawar Singh, the father of Raja Keswar Singh, and grandfather of Gulab Singh, the subject of this biography who was born on the 5th of Kártak in St. 1849, corresponding to the 2nd of Rabi'u'l-awal, A. H. 1207, with a jágir if he would slay the obnoxious indivi. dual, but met with a refusal. Mian Mota, the youngest brother of Zorâwar Singh, however, executed his design, attacked Dal Singh with an armed force, and slew him, none of his party escaping with his life except his little son Ajit Singh. The reign of Bhôjrájdêv had, however, not lasted longer than five years, when he incurred the displeasure of Mahan Singh - father of Maharaja Ranjit Singh of the Pañjab - with whom he had previously been on very good terms, and the latter watching his opportunity when Bhojra jdêv was prostrate with sickness, arrived with troops and plundered Jamman. After the departure of Mohan Singh, Bhojrajdêy continued to reign, till certain Sardárs of the Bhangi Misal waged war against each other, in which he took part and was slain. His Râni, Chamil by name, who bad promised to immolate herself on the funeral pyre in case he should fall in battle, fulfilled her vow as soon as his corpse
4 A. D. 1000. SA. D. 1094
6 A. D. 1192. The whole of this narration is interesting owing to the authority who gives it, but it must all be taken for what it is worth only. - R.C.T. $ A. D. 1898-99.
A.D. 1399. A. D. 1525-6.
11 A. D. 1630. 13 A. D. 1783. 13 Mian and Man Şahib are frequently the titles of the younger members of a royal Rajput bouse in the Himalayas, and are used in this sense throughout these memoirs. - R. C. 1.1
14 18th October A. D. 1792 Long explanations of the horoscppe accompanied by two diagrams, according to the Hindu fashion, are given, and when the prosperous future in store for the infant was revealed to his grandfather, it is stated to have caused him great pleasure.

Page #317

OCTOBER, 1890.]
NOTICE OF THE GULABNAMA.
291
arrived in Jammûn. The heir to the masnad, Siparadêv, being at that time only one year old, the administration remained in charge of Mian Mota. The boy died in his eleventh year, and the lineage of Bhøjrajdêv having thus come to an end, Raja Ajit Singh, the son of Dal Siugh, was placed on the masnad.16
After a while disagreements took place between Ajft Singh, Rani Bundral and Mián Môţa, upon whom, as already mentioned, the administration of the country had devolved, so he departed to Parmandal, while Zérâwar Singh took up his residence in his jágír of Day&wan, Raja Ajit Singh was a blockhead, and enjoyed no authority. Every one acted as he listed, and Ranf Bundral openly usurped the government. Such being the case, Bhải Hukmå Singh, who governed several ta'luqas in the vicinity of Jammûn on behalf of Maharaja Ranjit Singh, was by his sovereign ordered to attack that town, but Miân Môtâ offered battle with a number of Rajpûts to the invaders at a distance of a few miles from the town, and succeeded in repelling them. This was the first action in which Gulab Singh participated, and he distinguished bimself by slaying several of the enemy with his own hands during the fight, contrary to the wish of his grandfather who did not wish him to leave his side. This was in St. 186516 when he had not yet completed the 16th year of his age, and the author states that long afterwards, when he had become Mahârâjâ, Galab Singh several times in conversation alluded to the fact of his having been unable in this action to reach the heads of his antagonists with his sword, and of having had to jump up from the ground every time he struck, as he was a youth of short stature. At this period he indulged in roaming about and hunting. One day he saddled a horse without the knowledge of his grandfather, and a few days afterwards it became known that he had injured it; whereon Zôråwar Singh upbraided him, telling him that he would know the value of a horse only after being able to procure one for himself, but now that he had one for nothing, he could not appreciate it. The youth was sensitive, and being unable to bear the reproach, obtained some ornaments from his mother and fled in the direction of Peshwar, intending to proceed with some retainers who accompanied him even as far as Kabul, because he had heard that Shah Shuja's was enlisting troops. When, however, he reached the banks of the Indus his retainers, who were Hindus, refused to go to Peshawar and pretended to be afraid of the wrath of Mfan Motâ Şahib shonld they do so. Accordingly he retraced his steps, and went to the Diwan Khushwakht Rai who governed the pargana of Sûkhů, a jágir of Sardar Nihal Singh Atariwale, and also enlisted troops. The Diwan received Gulab Singh with pleasure, and the latter afterwards told the anthor that his friendly reception was due to a jam'adár, who had formerly been in the service of his grandfather, and had informed the Diwan about his family. At that time a ramindár near the fort of Sang had revolted against the Diwain and defeated him, but Gulab Singh with the small force at his disposal succeeded in driving the zamindar into the fort, whereby he rose in the favour of his employer. Meanwhile the bravery displayed by Gulab Singh in the defence of Jammun, having been brought to the notice of the Maharaja Ranjit Singh, ruler of the Pañjab, he ordered Mian Mota Singh to send for Gulab Singh. When the Diwân Khush. wakht Rai was communicated with on this matter, he presented Gulab Singh with a horse, and the latter having purchased another, proceeded with all speed to Jammun, whence Mộta Singh took him to the headquarters of Ranjit Singh's army, which was at that time encamped at Daska, situated ten leós to the south of Sialkot. This took place in St. 1867,17 according to our author, who then narrates - without saying a word of what Gulb Singh did during the next two years - that in St. 186918 Raja Dhyan Singh, who was then in the vicinity of Rohtâs and bad heard of the bravery of Gulab Singh, granted him a monthly salary of sixty rupees, and at the same time took his father Miên şahib Keswar Singh into the service of Mahârâjâ Ranjit Singh, with three other troopers, each of whom was paid one rupee per day.
15 The author now takes us into well-known Sikh history, and his remarks are chiefly interesting 48 giving the local view of the events that happened at this period. - R.C.T.) 16 A. D. 1808. 11 A. D. 1810.
15 A. D. 1812.

Page #318

292
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1890.
.
Fath Khan Barukzdi in A. H. 1228,19 which corresponds to the Vikramaditya year 1868,20 promised to pay annually eight lákhs of tribute to the government of the Mabârâjâ Ranjit Singh, if the latter would assist him with an army to subjugate Kasmír. The offer was accepted and the Diwan Muḥkam Chand despatched with numerous forces. The Diwan succeeded in removing 'Ata Muhammad who had governed Kaśmir on behalf of the sovereign of Afghanistan, and demanded the promised tribute from Fath Khân, who at first demurred, but afterwards paid it on compulsion, and leaving his own brother Muhammad 'Azim in charge of Kaśmîr, departed to Kabul, During this march Fath Khan attempted to obtain possession of the Fort of A$ak, but as soon as his intentions became known to the Diwan Muhkam Chapd, he attacked him, Gulab Siugh distinguished himself by his bravery in the action which ensued, but his father Keswar Singh was wounded. Fath Khân was put to flight, and the Sikh army started to march back to LÂhôr, when Gulab Singh heard that Mian Mota Singh had been assassinated at the instigation of the Rani Bundrål, by two miscreants named Taphdû and Satrü,
When Muhammad Azim became established in Kaśmir, he delayed payment of tribute, so the army of the Panjab ruler marched in St. 187322 to attack him.23 The Pir Pañjal Pass was crossed, and Kaśmir entered by the army under the command of the Diwan Ramdial and Dal Singh, when RAJA 'Az Khan,24 governor of Rajâori, who had merely pretended to be friendly to the Maharaja Ranjit Singh, not only failed in his promise to supply grain, but went so far as to intercept couriers and to send false nossages to Ranjit Singh, that the army, after crossing the Pîr Pañjal, had been destroyed by the enemy, Gulab Singh, who was stationed in Mandi, took this information to be true, and retreated in the direction of Bashahir, whereon his troops became so demoralised that they began to flee bastily, The adjacent zamindára, observing this, commenced to obstruct further progress, and forced on a battle in which, however, Gulab Singh defeated them. When the army arrived in LA hôr, Galab Singh was rewarded for his bravery by the gift of a jáyér and other honours. On that occasion also Amir Chend, the grandfather of the author, was elevated to the position of Diwân.
After this the Maharaja Ranjit Singh went to the JAlandhar Doab for the purpose of conquering the Fort of Gaph Danâlâ. Gulab Singh happened just then to be living in retirement at Jammun, and finding that this displeased the Mahârâjâ be determined to join him, and made his appearance in the camp just as arrangements were being made for the siege of the place. In the final attack Gulab Singh again displayed much 'bravery, and was in addition to his other jagirs rewarded with that of Ramgarh, which he had, however, to take by force! In fact, it appears to have been the custom of Ranjit Singh to shew his liberality in this manner, without reference to the population or to the rights of the previous incumbent, so that taking ponsession of a jágîr was generally beset with difficulties and preceded by hostilities. During the same year Ranjit Singh undertook also a campaign to Multán for the purpose of reducing the Nawab Muzaffar Khan to obedience. In an engagement which took place during the seige, a high officer happened to be slain, and orders having been issued for the recovery of the body, no one ventured to execute them except Gulab Singh, who, undaunted by a shower of bullets, rushed in among the combatants, and returned to the amazement of everyone with the corpse of the Sardar. After Ranjit Singh had obtained the required nazarána from the Nawab he marched back to Lähôr, and Gulâb Singh returned to Jammlli.
In St. 187435 Bhagwan Singh, an official of Ranjit Singh, brought a deed of gift from the latter to Galâb Singh, presenting him with the jáger of Riasi, hitherto in possession of Diwan
1 Began 4th January 1818.
► Ought to be 1870. 21 A somewhat different account of this affair is given in the first half of Ch. 25 of the Zafarndma or Book of the c'onquests of Ranjit Singh, which see ante, Vol. XVI. pp. 389 ff.
23 A. D. 1816. 95 This is alluded to in Ch. 26 of the Zafarnama, but there the date in St. 1871 [A.D. 1814).
4 [Muhammadan Rajput Obiefs frequently bave Hindu titles tacked on to their Musalman names. R.C.T.] » A. D. 1817

Page #319

OCTOBER, 1890.1
NOTICE OF THE GULABNAMA.
293
Singh, who had been an accomplice in the murder of Mian Mota Singh. After subduing the opposing parties by defeating them in various engagements, Gulb Singh at last obtained possession of the jágir, and having rebuilt the Fort of Riâsî by the advice of the Diwan Amir Chand, left a garrison in it and went to LÂhôr to wait upon the Maharaja Ranjit Singh, but he was soon obliged to return, because the new fort was being besieged by the partizans of Bhupdev, the previous jágírdár. When Gulab Singh had restored peace Sartâpå Giyâl, the ring leader of the insurgents, was brought into his presence, and Gulab Singh reproached him with having summoned the garrison of Riâsî, when besieging it, to evacuate the fort, on the ground that Bhûpdêr was the true jágirdár. Sartâpå Giyâl, however, boldly replied that such was indeed the case, and that Bhûpdêv's family had been in possession for seven generations. This reply so incensed Gulab Singh that he immediately drew his sword and cut him down, and ordered the body to be quartered and its various portions to be hung upon trees as an example to the population. This terrified them and they sued for mercy, and paid tribute. Gulab Singh then left one Zôrîwar Siógh in charge of Riasi, as he was under the necessity of attacking Bhupdêr and Didů, who began to plunder Dhansal, the jágír of the heirs of Môţa Singh. After a desultory warfare Gulûb Singh at last succeeded in compelling Mian Dida to take refuge in the mountains.
The Hindûs of Kasmir suffered much from the oppression of the Afghân government, and Ranjit Singh in consequence desired to conquer the province. The opportunity presented itself in St. 1876,26 when the Pandit Birbal,27 with some other refugees from Kaśmir, went to Lahôr and invited the Maharaja to undertake its conquest. Gulb Singh served in the campaign which ensued, and met Jabbar Khan, the brother of 'Azim Khân in a battle in which he defeated him. Ranjit Singh, having soon afterwards subjugated Kaśmir, appointed the Diwân Môti Râm to be governor, and rewarded Gulab Singh by bestowing upon him the district of Jammun, imposing apon him only the duty of supporting the troops, instead of paying tribute. This was because Galâb Singh had represented that the levying of tribute in cash from the population would be a matter of extreme difficulty.
After Ranjit Singh had returned from Kaśmîr and Peshawar he undertook the siege of Dera Ghazi Khan, during the prosecution of which Gulab Singh joined him with his forces. and thus contributed to the surrender of the fort. On other occasions too the success of the campaign was due to him. News, however, arrived that Zôråwar Singh, the grandfather of Gulab Singh had died, and so he and his father the Râjâ [sic] Kêswar Singh, obtained leave from the Mahârâjâ to depart to Jammûn. This campaign terminated with the subjugation of the Nawab of Mukhera, and the levelling of his fort according to our author,28 In the next expedition of the Mahârâjâ to punish the rebellious Yusafzais of the Peshawar district Gulab Singh again took part.
Although Jamman had been brought under the jurisdiction of Sikh government of the Pañjab, and Bahram Singh and the Diwan Bhawândás had been appointed to carry on the political and financial administration of the district, Mian Dida, who was a brave and fighting man, in the exuberance of his turbulent nature, nevertheless determined to become a robber and plundered the vicinity of Jammûn, even coming to blows with the Sikh troops in the town itself, which he several times attempted to occupy. Moreover many Rajpûts and samindárs of the surrounding country made common cause with him, whilst the Sikh Sardârs only now and then succeeded in capturing some of the minor ringleaders, who were deported to Shekhapura and imprisoned. The more the Sikhs laboured to establish tranquility, the more bold Mikó Didů became, and once he had the impudence to lift all the fruit which had been sent from Jammûn to Ranjit Singh, and to substitute for it balls of dung and other impurities.
26 A. D. 1819. 77 In Ch. 28 of the Zafarndma the conquent Kasmir, is narrated, but the name of the Pandit is spelt Birbar.
According to the Lofarnama the fort surrendered, and the Maharaja kindly received the repentant Now&b in audience.

Page #320

294
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1890.
When the bearers arrived in Lahor and the fact became known to the Mahârâjâ, he was enraged and determined at once to march and anihilate Mîân Didů. On that occasion Guláb Singh narrated a fable, in which a mouse gnawed off the moustache of a lion whilst he was asleep, who on awakening found he could not avenge himself, but accepted the services of a. cat, which succeeded in a short time in catching the mouse. Gulab Siógh thus hinted that it would be better if he were allowed to play in this matter the part of the cat, and save the lion of the Pañjab the trouble of crushing so despicable a foe. Ranjit Singh approved of the proposal, and taking off the shawl he wore over his shoulders, presented it to Gulâb Singh, who thereupon marched with several other Sardars of note. Before starting they released a number of the captives, accomplices of Miâo Didů, detained at Shâkhupura, in order to produce a good impression upon the malcontents by beginning the campaign with an act of mercy. This actually had the effect of alienating many adherents from Mian Didů, and when the Sikh forces arrived he was compelled to fly from place to place, and was at last shot. When Gulab Singh was informed of this event, he felt disappointed that so brave a man, whom he had intended to capture alive and to present to the Mahârâjâ Ranjit Singh, had perished. However, he took his two sons, Basant Singh and Mia Gusahan by name under his protection. Some time afterwards in a hunting expedition, when he happened to be with Basant Singh far in advance of their retainers, and quite alone, he stripped himself of his arms, and telling the youth that he had been the cause of his father's death, said to him that being a Rajpût he onght now to avail himself of the opportunity to avenge it. The noble yonth, however, replied, that having been overwhelmed with kindness, it would be a dastardly act to repay it in such a manner.
In St. 1879,20 when Gulab Singh was sojourning at Akhnûr, a town on the Chinâb, four farsangs distant from Jamman, and Ranjit Singh was encamped at Amargarh, the latter issued a parwana by which he bestowed the raj of Jamman upon Gulab Singh, with the raj of Ramnagar, which had been enjoyed by his forefathers, . in perpetuity upon him and his descendants from generation to generation, as a reward for the military services rendered and prowess displayed by him in the conquests of Multan and Kasmir and on the right bank of the Indus against the Afghans. The parwana bore for the signature a saffron-coloured mark of the palm and the five fingers of the right hand of the Mahârâjâ. At the ceremony of investiture Ranjit Singh made with his own hand a mark of the same colour upon Gulab Singh's forehead, but; contrary to tsage, he drew it upside down. A courtier noticed this, but the Maharajâ replied that he had planted the tree of Gulab Singh in the ground that it might last for ever. The parwana bore date, the 4th of the month Hår, St. 1879.30 A few days afterwards Ranjit Singh marched back to Lähôr, and Gulab Siógh returned to Jammún, where rejoicings took place, banquets were given, and the house tax of twn rapees on each domicile generously remitted.
The Sardar 'Åzim Khan now became very turbulent and Ranjit Singh despatched an army of 8,000 men against him under the Prince Shør Singh accompanied by Gulab Siógh, Sardâr Hari Singh Sindhânwâliâ, and the Atariwâlâ Sardârs. Their forces crossed the Indus near Atak, and had some encounters with the enemy, but when they crossed the river Landâ, which is also called Tehri, about 40,000 ghasis made their appearance. The Sardar Alimad Khân, commander of the enemy, had 15,000 men under him, and Sayyid Ahmad, the chief instigator of the holy war (jihad], a large number of followers. When Ranjit Singh was informed of the strength of the enemy, he arrived in person, but would not risk a battle in such a locality, and proceeded to attack the fort of Tehrî which he took. The Sardâr Ahmad Khân, who at once embarked his forces in boats, to succour the fort, lost nearly all of it in them, and, barely escaping with his life, fled to Kábul.31
In St. 1881,33 Gulab Singh undertook the conquest of the fort of Samartha, situated in the 'ildqa of Pind, in the mountain district near Râmnagar, and under the advice of the
* A. D. 1822,
» A. D. 1822. #1 This campaign is described also in Ch. 30 of the Zafarnama.
32 A. D. 1824.

Page #321

NOTICE OF THE GULABNAMA.
OCTOBER, 1890.]
Diwan Amir Chand, collected 1,000 men, marched to the place, dug trenches round it, and commenced to regularly besiege it. As, however, time dragged on, Gulâb Singh determined to take it by storm and made preparations for filling in the ditch with felled trees. He also procured scaling ladders. Meanwhile a message was sent to the garrison, that it would fare very badly indeed, if it delayed surrendering the fort and waited for the actual storm. This admonition proved so effective, that the garrison promised to pay the money demanded and to surrender the fort, if their lives and property were spared. These conditions were agreed to by Gulab Singh, who took possession of the fort, appointed Miân Bishnâ as thánadár, and marched back to Jammún. When this victory had been reported to Ranjit Singh, he sent Dilârâm Singh to take possession of the fort, but afterwards gave it to Suchêt Singh in addition to Râmnagar with Râmkôt and Saniâ.
The Sardar Buddh Singh Sindhanwalia obtained information that the Mahârâjâ Ranjit Singh was dangerously ill and conceived the disloyal idea of taking possession of the fort of Gobindgarh, and presenting himself with his retainers at the gate one night, ordered the keepers to open it for the Mahârâja's troops. He was foiled in his attempt by the reply that they had peremptory orders never to do so before sunrise. So he had to withdraw. However, being in need of his assistance, the Mahârâjâ pardoned him, and ordered him at once to march in the direction of Pêshawar to repel the Afghâns, who had become troublesome. When he arrived in the disturbed province he found numerous Afghân forces ready to oppose him, and commanded by Sayyid Ahmad, the Sardar's Yâr Muhammad Khân, Sulțân Muḥammad Khân, and Pir Muhammad Khân, and therefore did not think it prudent to advance further, reporting the matter to the Lâhôr government. Ranjit Singh then ordered Gulâb Singh who was at Jammûn to march in all haste to the relief of the Sardar Buddh Singh, and the forces at Jhêlam under the command of the Dîwân Amir Chand joined him as soon as he arrived there. Meanwhile the Afghans had occupied Hasan Abdal. Suchêt Singh and the Ațârîwâlâ Sardârs also, by order of the Mahârâja, reinforced Buddh Singh, who had in the interval been on the defensive. When all the Sikh forces had arrived and united, they defeated the Afghans in several engagements, and at last altogether routed them in the battle of Saida which took place on the 14th of the month Phagan in St. 1882,33 and was the last in which Gulab Singh distinguished himself by his bravery.
The administration of Pind Dadan Khân, Bahirâ, Miânî, Qâdirâbâd, Dangi, Mandi, and specially in the whole district of the Salt Range along the right bank of the Jhêlam, having fallen into great disorder, through the dishonesty of the officials entrusted therewith, the Maharaja appointed Gulab Singh in St. 188794 to take charge of it. He found it infested by robbers, of whom he slew and imprisoned many, and thus established security of life and property among the population, whose welfare he had much at heart and sought to promote. He also endeavoured to bring again under cultivation the many estates which had been abandoned. In St. 189035 the Mahârâjâ presented him with the districts of Jhêlam and Rohtas, and in St. 189336 the district of Gujrat also came under the administration of Gulab Singh.
38 A. D. 1835.
295
In St. 1891,97 Ranjit Singh was informed that Dost Muḥammad Khan, the ruler of Afghanistan, had determined to conquer the district of Pêshawar, which was governed by the Sardar Hari Singh. The Mahârâjâ accordingly marched to encounter him, and when he had arrived at Gujar Khân, the chief Sardars, such as Gulab Singh, Hari Singh, Suchêt Singh, the Sindhanwâliâs and others, left the fort of Pêshawar and went to meet him at a distance of a quarter of a farsang, but found that the enemy had thrown a dam across the river and diverted its course for the purpose of depriving the Sikh troops of water. The forces of the Maharaja now searched in all directions for water, and at last found the dam in question, and pitched their camp near it, not far from the forces of Dôst Muhammad Khân. The Maharajâ then issued orders to the Sardars to join him, and when they had done so, he reviewed them ostentatiously every day, so 37 A. D. 1834.
34 A. D. 1880.
36 A. D. 1883.
36 A. D. 1836.

Page #322

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
that the noise made by the kettle-drums, fifes, &c., could be distinctly heard in the opposite camp. Sultan Muhammad Khan and Pir Muhammad Khân, the younger brothers of the Amir of Afghanistan, being informed of these parades, and hearing of the pomp of Ranjit Singh's court, desired through the mediation of Gulab Singh, to whom they sent an envoy, to obtain an interview with Ranjit Singh. The preliminaries having been settled and suspicions removed, the Sardar Sultan Muhammad Khan was introduced by Jabbar Khân to Gulab Singh, who received him cordially, embraced him, and took him into the presence of the Mahârâjâ, causing him to pass through the troops, no doubt in the hope that their glittering arms and martial bearing would make a great impression upon him. The result of the interview, however, did not coincide with expectations, because the Mahârâjâ promised again to cede to the Afghân Amir the district of Pêshawar and Dêrâ Ghâzî Khân, which had formerly belonged to him, on the sole condition of his annually paying a fixed tribute of horses, swords and fruit. The Sardar Hari Singh was so dissatisfied with this arrangement that he proposed to the Maharaja to capture the Sardar Sultan Maḥammad Khân, but Gulâb Singh interposed, saying that as he was under a sacred obligation of safe-conduct to the Sardar, it would be necessary to put him in prison also. Accordingly the Sardar was permitted in safety to reach the camp of the Amir Dôst Muhammad Khan, who, being informed by his brother of everything he had seen, forthwith marched with his army back to Kabul. Ranjit Singh, nevertheless, secretly desired to have the Sardar Sultan Muhammad Khan on his own side, and told Gulab Singh, that as he had originally been the heir-presumptive, to the district of Pêshawar, he ought to bring him back by any means he could devise. This was effected through Faqir 'Azizu'ddin, who was habitually employed as an envoy by both the Sikhs and the Afghans. Ranjit Singh then made the arrangements necessary for the administration of the district and marched back to Lâhôr after bestowing through the mediation of Gulab Singh, the districts of Kohât, the Dôâb, Hashtnagar, the dependency of Pêshawar and Kunja, by way of jágirs, upon the Afghân Sardars Sultan Muhammad Khân, Pîr Muhammad Khân, and Sayyid Muhammad Khân.
296
[OCTOBER, 1890.
In St. 1894,38 in the month of Baisakh, Wazir Muḥammad Akbar, the son of the Amir Dôst Muhammad Khân, sovereign of Afghanistân, reached the fort of Jamrûd, which the Sikhs had named Fathgarh, and the garrison informed Hari Singh of the fact, whereon he hastened to relieve it. He marched from Pêshâwar, and when he had reached Takhål he was met by 500 Afghans, whilst the rest of them kept themselves in ambush in the rear of a hill near 'All Masjid. The Sardâr attacked the Afghâns, who stood fast for a while, but soon pretended to fly in order to give the cavalry, which was in ambush, an opportunity of joining them. The battle was now renewed in earnest and the Sardar Hari Singh fighting with great bravery, received a mortal wound, and was immediately removed into the fort of Jamrud. Mahan Singh, the commander, kept the event of his death concealed from the troops,39 and continued to defend the fort, pretending every morning and evening to send food in to the deceased Sardar. He, however, despatched a courier with the news of Hari Singh's death to Ranjit Singh, but nobody dared to break to him the sad tidings until at last Faqir 'Azîzu'ddîn ventured to do so. The Maharaja felt his loss deeply, and sent the Rajas Dhyân Singh and Suchêt Singh immediately in his place. Their forces were joined at Rohtas by those of Sujâdâ Râi, and the combined army marched daily 60 kós to Pêshawar, where the Jam'adar Khushhal Singh, who had been afraid to advance beyond it, had been anxiously waiting for them. They also had the Frenchman Allard 40 with them, and when they advanced, the enemy not daring to encounter them retreated into the Khaibar Pass. Gulâb Singh also, who was at that time in the town of Chiniot, received the Maharajâ's order to march to Peshawar, At Khairâbâd several of his catnels were stolen, but they were again recovered after the pursuit and capture of the robbers, and when his forces had crossed the Landâ River and arrived among
38 A. D. 1837.
This fact is mentioned also at the end of Ch. 28 of the Zafarnáma where the campaign is described.
The text has "LArns" but I have made the above correction because "the Frenchman" was no doubt Allard, and not Lawrence.

Page #323

OCTOBER, 1890.)
NOTICE OF THE GULABNAMA.
297
the Yusafzais, numerous zumindars submitted, but certain mountaineers offered resistance obstinately and were punished. Afterwards disturbances took place in the parganá of Panch under the leadership of a freebooter, Shams by name, but the rebels were worried, and he look his life with those of many of his followers, two of his chief adherents being flayed alive. After restoring order in this district Gulab Singh went to RajẬori.
In St. 1895,41 the Maharaja Ranjit Singh paid a visit to Jammen, where he was received with due honours by Gulab Singh and Dhyan Singh, who erected large tent for his reception, and spent Rs. 1,21,000 upon presents aud banquettings. On this occasion also Ranbir Singh was presented to the Mahârâjâ by Gulab Singh, kindly received, and placed on a seat opposite to him. Next day the Mahârâjâ went to the darshan of the Sri Thâkurs at Thákardwârâ, the-ladies occupying the locality having been previously removed, but he allowed no one to accompany him except Gulab Singh and the Raja Dhyan Singh with Misr Râm Kishan. Conversing with them in a fatherly and familiar manner he ascended to the upper apartments and remarked to them that Guru Nanak had left no progeny, but disciples and attendants like these Thakurs who were the champions of ascetism. Ranjit Singh departed from Jammún after a sojourn of two days and kindly accepted from Gulab Singh certain presents, consisting of valuable garments, an elephant with a golden hauda and some fleet horses. The courtiers also obtained gifts. Mr. Frederiok Mackison was given a robe of honour, and Faqir 'Azizu'ddin, who was interpreting, informed him that the house of Gulab Singh in Lahôr was at his service.
In the next year, on a Friday, the 15th of the month Hår, St. 1896, Ranjit Singh died, and Gulab Singh, who was at that time in Pêshå war, having been informed of the event, was deeply affected. The Maharaja Kharak Singh, who succeeded the Lion of the Pañjáb on the masnad, entrusted Chet Singh, a man of base character and evil disposition, with the administration of political and financial affairs. Kharak Singh was also short-sighted enough to alienate the population by extortions, and to make vain attempts to slay certain nobles, whose destruction would have brought on the subversion of the government itself. Therefore, several Sardárs of high position, such as the Raja Suchết Singh, Jam'adar Khushbål Singh, Lahnâ Singh Majithia, &c., waited one day upon his son, the prince Nau Nihal Singh, and informed him of the state of affairs, whereon he replied that although the cutting open of a sore pains the body, its health is restored thereby, and that although the Mahârâjâ Kharak Singh would be distressed by the removal of Chêt Singh, it was necessary to encompass it in order to prevent greater evils, and that therefore the Sardars ought next morning before sunrise to come to the palace and kill him. This proposal was agreed to and confirmed with an oath by all, except the Sardar Lahna Singh Majithiâ, who being an ascetic, demurred at participating in such an act, but promised on oath not to divulge the plot. Accordingly the Sardars arrived early in the morning in the palace and waited upon the prince Nau Nihal Singh, by whose aid they penetrated into Kharak Singh's sleeping, apartment, adjoining the throne-room. The guards about the doors awoke at hearing persons walking, but said nothing when they saw the prince and the Raja Dhyan Singh. The Maharaja had already risen and put on his turban, and was attending to his devotions and other matters, when Gulab Singh shot Kánh Singh and another farrásh [carpet-spreader) dead with his carbine. Upon this the Mahârâjâ attempted to close the door, but it was forcibly kept open by the prince, with whom all the Sardârs entered. The love of the Mahârâjá, however, for Chêt Singh was so great that he kept him in his embrace till he was torn away. Chet Siagh fled to the tahkhana, where Râjâ Dhyan Singh overtook him and stabbed him to death with his poniard. The Mahârâja then broke out in loud wailings and curses against the Sardars, and more particularly against his own son, whom he reproached with having perpetrated this wicked act to attain the sovereignty, which he assured him he would not enjoy for a single day after his own reign had come to an end.
#1 A. D. 1888.
12 A. D. 1839. * Though the soene bere described is not mentioned, the events connected therewith are in Cb. 40 of the Lafarnama.

Page #324

298
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1890.
In St. 1897, the Maharaja Kharak Singh died, and when Nau Nihal Singh was returning from the funeral with Mian Adham Singh, a board detached itself from the roof of the fort-gate under which they passed, and killed them both, falling upon them like a stone from heaven. Having been born in St. 1874, Nau Nihâl was at the time of his death not more than 23 years and a few days old. Gulâb Singh, who was at that time in Râmnagar, immediately departed to Jammûn, where he spent a few days in mourning, and then again returned to Lâhôr. Râjâ Dhyan Singh endeavoured for a time to keep the death of Nau Nihal Singh concealed and had his body conveyed to the Hazûri Bâgh, where he invited surgeons and physicians to come, who were supposed to be treating the prince. But after Gulab Singh had arrived in Lâhôr, the prince Sher Singh, son of the Mahârâjâ Ranjit Singh, was informed of what had taken place and invited to Lâhôr, where he performed the funeral obsequies with appropriate pomp. Sher Singh hoped to succeed to the masnad at once, and was supported in his claim by Gulab Singh, Dhyan Singh and others, but finding that the faction of the Sindhânwâliâ Sardârs and many powerful nobles favoured the succession of the Rani Chand Kanwar, he retired to Kâlânûr with Dhyan Singh, who afterwards departed to Jammûn, after making the arrangements necessary for raising Shêr Singh to the throne, by ordering the officers of the Khalsa troops, all of whom were sincerely devoted to him, to receive Sher Singh with royal honours and to obey him in everything on his arrival in Lâhôr. Karm Singh, who was in the service of Dhyan Singh, returned to the capital, and as soon as everything had been got ready, the prince Sher Singh entered Lahôr at the invitation of the officers of the army. Gulâb Singh, desirons of averting hostilities, assembled the officers and told them that, as the Maharani was heir to the throne, their duty would be to remain loyal to her. However, while pretending to agree with what he had said, they fired a royal salute as soon as Sher Singh had arrived near the regiments. Gulab Singh at once betook himself to the fort, where he made preparations for resistance, and told the Raja Hira Singh, that as his father Dhyan Singh was outside the fort he ought also to leave it; but he refused, replying that as Gulab Singh stood to him in the place of a father it would be impossible to abandon him and to leave the fort. Gulb Singh had merely his own Dogrả troops in the fort, amounting to less than 2,000 men, with only one piece of artillery, whilst the forces outside exceeded 50,000 in number with nearly 300 guns. The besieging army having posted itself in the plain of the Hazuri Bagh, erected a battery opposite the gateway, and demanded its surrender; but the sabahdir Chhapêchap, who had charge of it, with a company of sepoys, replied that he coald not do so except by order of Gulåb Singh. On this the attack began in which the Şübahdar and his men perished, and the gateway was reduced to splinters. The Dîwan 46 was at this post, and, with several other men, not only repaired the damage done, but also fired their one cannon, which kept off the besiegers, whilst a musketry fire was kept up from the fort-wall. The greatest execution of all, however, was done by a musket of Gulab Singh's own invention, called pürmdr.47 The fire was kept up so well, that the enemy could not dig any trenches, and all the gunners and artillery horses of the battery, which had been established in the Hazari Bågh, were annihilated. There were also two palians in the fort, who had previously arranged to support Shêr Singh, but Gulab Singh had by an astute stratagem hindered them from obtaining access to their arms, of which he had taken charge. Gordon Sâhib, who was an artillery officer, proposed to blow up the Padshahi mosque, which was full of ammunition, and used by the Khålşa forces as a magazine. The explosion, he averred, would do great execution by annihilating the adjacent localities and Sher Singh himself, whose aspirations to supreme power would thus be suddenly cut short, but Gulab Singh magnanimously replied that it was not his intention to destroy the Khâlşa power.18
** A. D. 1940.
46 Thus the prediction of bis father, Darrated a few lines before, was fulfilled. The event is recorded also in Ch. 4 of the Lafarnama, but not exactly in the same way.
46 Father of the author.
Full of serpents. *Our outbor, who had previously stated that Sher Singh "was supported in his claim by GulAb Singh,"first makes him say to the officers of the Khalsa army that "the Maharani being heir to the throne their duty would be to remain loyal to her," and then makes him go to the fort to defend it against them. There is no doubt, therefore, that he played

Page #325

OCTOBER, 1890.)
NOTICE OF THE GULABNAMA.
299
Meanwhile the Rajás Dhyan Singh and Suchêt Singh, who had been sent for, collected all the Sikh forces they could during their march from Jammun, and as soon as they arrived in Lâhôr sent a message into the fort to Galåb Stigh, asking him how long he meant to resist the troops of the government, all of which had now joined Sher Singh with powerful artillery. Gulab Singh replied that the garrison would not cease firing unless the besiegers did so. The Rani Chand Kanwar, whom our author henceforth simply calls the Bibi şaḥiba, became frightened, after the manner of women, and sent parwanas to Gulâb Singh in which she praised his heroism, but requested him to make any arrangements he might think proper for putting an end to the hostilities. Gulab Singh also received a parwana bearing the signature of the Maharaja Sher Singh, followed by the manual marks of the great Sardârs Bijai Singh, Bhai Singh, and Lahnâ Singh, as well as by the signature in Roman characters of Ventura Şalib and Sham Singh Atari wala. This last parwana was to the purport that if the musketry fire from the fort ceased, Baba Mahan Singh would be despatched to bring him to the camp with all honours under safe conduct. But he did not at once comply with this invitation and a correspondence ensned, terminating with the surrender of the fort on the condition of granting the Bibi Şahiba a jágir, with a yearly income of seven lákhs of rupees. At last Gulåb Singh had his elephants and baggage removed from the fort one night, following himself at dawn, and encamping on the banks of the Ravi, where the Rajâs Dhyan Singh and Suchêt Singh soon met him and represented that numberless Khâlşa troops were in the vicinity, many of whose comrades had been slain during the siege, and that hostilities might easily again break out. Accordingly the camp was next day removed to Shahdara, where many great Sardars paid Gulab Singh visits with the presentation of compliments from the Maharaja Shêr Singh, and asked him what had induced him to offer resistance to the Mahârâ já. Gulab Singh replied, that as there was much treasure and valuable property in the fort, it would all have been plundered and dispersed if he had not taken possession of it, and that it was moreover necessary to guard the ladies. Being satisfied with this explanation, the Maharaja Shêr Singh, after bestowing upon Gulab Singh dress of honour and a sanad for the jágír of Manawar, gave him leave to depart to Jammûn.
As Gulab Singh had, with his paternal uncle, Diwân Hîrå Chand, who was the commander of his troops, obtained permission from the Bibi Şahiba, whilst she was besieged in the fort of Lihôr, to conquer the ta'luqas of Ghart and Ghariali, so the Diwan first occupied SaratAurangabad, which the troops of the late Maharaja Kharak Singh had taken after a siege, and then marched to the fort of Sukhchonpur, which had been garrisoned on behalf of the Maharaja Sarat Singh, but was now surrendered. Another small fort, Kot by name, was also easily occupied, but Mangala which is on the top of a mountain, and on three sides surrounded by the river Bhôt, fell only after a long and brave resistance.
In St. 1898,49 the Maharaja Sher Singh despatched a Gurkhâ paltan under the command of Prince Partab Singh to punish the malcontents who had slain Manhwan Singh, the Subahdar of Kasmir, and Gulab Singh, who was at that time at Bahlol on the bank of the Chinab; having been ordered to aid the prince, joined him at Bhimbar, with the father of the author and the Diwân Nihal Chand, their forces amounting to four pallans and 600 cavalry. The country being too poor to provide for large bodies of troops, Galab Singh divided his forces. retaining one-half of them and placing the other at the disposal of the Diwan Nihal Chand. marched to Shapiân, where it rained so abundantly as to detain him there. He did not continue his march in the direction of Shêrgarh till the fourth day after reaching it. The troops under the Diwan Nihâl Chand reached Naipur, where two paltuns of rebels opposed hiin at the crossing of the river Dûdbganga. Here the Prince Partáb Singh joined him with Gulab Singh, and the combined forces attacked the rebels aud defeated them with a loss of 600 men,
double game. The above bombastic account of the defence of the fort, given by our author, is contradicted in Ch. 41 of the Zafarnima, according to which Sber Singh compelled the fort to surrender after a siege of ovly three days, chiefly through the mediation of Gulab Singh, who returned just in time from Jammus to bring the negotiations to a satisfactory issue.
49 A. D. 1841.

Page #326

800
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1890.
the guards on the road to Bahrâmgala and Pûñchh being ordered to deprive the fugitives of their arms. Gulab Singh then marched back to Naipûr, where he distributed Rs. 43,000 among the troops who had shared in the battle. He also spoke kindly to all who had been wounded or were sick, and had them treated with medicines. He then left the Dîwan Nihal Chand in charge of the troops, and marched to Shêrgarh, where orders from the Mahârâjâ reached him and the prince to take charge of the Hazara District. They marched thither, but met with no resistance till they reached Pôkhli and the district of Bâghistan, the population of which had rebelled. Most of the district was reduced to obedience by conciliatory measures and the rest by force. They then marched to the fort of Kishangarh, where the prince Partâb Singh took up his abode, whilst Gulâb Singh encamped at Barâkôt at a distance of four kós off.
News having arrived that Zorawar Singh Gahlória, the wazir of Gulab Singh, had lost his life in an attack upon Mansarobar, the inhabitants of which had rebelled under the leadership of Paindâ Khân, he marched thither, and having punished them, remained in that district for some time. On that occasion Sir Henry Montgomery and Colonel (Sir Henry) Lawrence, who were marching in the direction of Kabul with the English army under the command of General Pollock, had, by the aid of the author's father, an interview with Gulab Singh, during which they informed him, that if he were to accompany the English army to Pêshâwar, and assist it to march safely through the Khaibar Pass, he would place the British government under great obligations to him. The Mahârâjâ Shêr Singh was in favour of this movement, which would strengthen the bond of friendship between the two governments. Gulab Singh accordingly marched to Pêshawar, where, meeting General Pollock and Mr. Mackison with other high officers, he promised them the alliance of the Sikh government, but some time afterwards the Sardar Buddh Singh arrived on the part of Shêr Singh and instigated the Khalsa troops to begin hostilities towards the English as soon as the army had started towards Kabul. This plot having been revealed to Gulâb Singh, he informed Sir Henry Lawrence, who had much friendly intercourse with him, of the intended treachery,50 After the English officers had held a consultation, they told Gulâb Singh that he might arrange the matter as he thought best. Accordingly he distributed, by way of atonement for their comrades in the Khalsa army who had been slain during the war in Kasmir, some thousands of rupees of worth of sweetmeats among the troops; and then held a secret council with the principal Khâlṣa officers, in which he told them that his sentiments were identical with theirs, but that they ought not to commence hostilities against the English in this place, because some thousands of their own young men would then be slain for nothing, but that the proper thing to do would be to keep the Khaibar Pass open for the English army, so that in case it should be vanquished by the Afghans, much of the property and treasure left on this side would fall into the hands of the noble Khâlṣa army. If, on the contrary, it happens to be victorious, the English would for ever consider themselves to be under obligation to them. This advice having been unanimously approved, the Khalsa troops accompanied the English army, and Gulab Singh went in person as far as the fort of Jamrud, meeting afterwards Sir Henry Lawrence at Jalâlâbâd, who expressed his thanks to him. A letter to the same purport received from Mr. (Sir George) Clerk, Agent to the GovernorGeneral, is inserted, dated as late as the 8th April 1842, from Lâhôr.
The Raja of Ladakh having revolted, the army of Gulab Singh, commanded by the wazir Ratanûn, invaded his territory, and the Raja being unable to offer resistance, was fined Rs. 30,000, of which, however, Rs. 5,000 were afterwards remitted, On that occasion Muḥammad Shah, the son of Ahmad Shah, Raja of Skardo, revolted against his father, and took refuge with the army of Gulâb Singh, He was referred by the commander to the Raja of Ladakh, who sent him in disgrace under an escort to Skârdo, where his father obtained possession of him and illtreated him to such an extent that his feet were frostbitten by the snow. Upon this Gulab Singh's army marched against the Râjâ of Skårdô, whom it deposed, and the campaign was extended to such a distance that the army at last reached the
50 This service, however, does not appear to have been as great as our author tries to make out.

Page #327

OCTOBER, 1890.j
NOTICE OF THE GULABNAMA.
301
spot where the British and Nepali possessions are conterminous; but as Galáb Singh did not participate in person in this expedition, it would be superfluous to narrate the details of it. Nevertheless, it is worth mentioning that the engineer officer, (Bir Alexander) Cunningham, who became, in course of time, Director-General of the Archeological Survey of India, happened to be on the above occasion near the British frontier, and had an interview with the commander of Gulab Singh's army, who then sent two men to examine the boundary between Parang and Népal, and they reported that they had found two stones with inscriptions in Sastri and Bhót characters fixing the boundary. The climate being fearfully severe in the mountains, and provisions scarce, the troops suffered exceedingly, and therefore returned to Ladakh. All this took place in 1841, when, as has been already narrated, Galáb Singh was in Peshawar, and contributed to the safe transit of General Pollock's army through the Khaibar Pass. Another expedition was undertaken to Ladakh by Wazir Ratanun and the Diwan Hart Chand, which ended with a treaty of peace in St. 1899,61 by which the Raja of Ladakh promised to remain for ever at peace with the 'Sri Maharaj Şahib Bahadur Râjâ Galáb Singji, with the Emperor of China, and with the Lama Gurû, sovereign of Låså. He also promised to abide for ever by the frontiers fixed from ancient times between Ladakh and the adjacent countries, and to send annually shawls, wool, and tea according to the old custom, and not to listen to the suggestions of malcontents, who might come to his country from the possessions of the Sri Rajâ Şahib, nor to allow them to remain in it. Lastly, he promised not to persecute, but in every way to encourage traders coming to Ladakh.
Although, as noticed above, the Maharaja Sher Singh had been raised to the throne with the co-operation of Dhyan Singh, the intriguers by whom the Maharaja was surrounded aucceeded in a short time in producing distrust between them. The Sardar Khushhal Singh likewise became estranged from the Mahârâjâ, who also gave utterance to suspicions that the Sindhånwâlià Sardárs were beginning to favour the aspirations of the Bibi Şahiba Chand Kanwar. The Sardars 'Atar Singh and Ajit Singh therefore crossed the Satluj and sought refuge in the British dominions, whilst the Sardar Lahna Singh, who could not escape, was cast into prison. In short, although the Maharaja outwardly professed friendship towards Dhyan Singh and Gulab Singh, he inwardly bore them ill-will. It is alleged that Venture and the Sardar Lahna Singh Majithia being on most intimate terms with the Maharaja, and aware of his intentions, advised him that it would be imprudent to deal with only one of these Sardars, but that all the three brothers ought to be captured together. Accordingly when Gulab Singh had settled the treaty of peace with Ladakh and was living quietly in Jammun, the MahârâjA repeatedly expressed his desire by letter to meet him; and Gulab Singh, although aware of his evil intentions, firmly trusted in Providence, and took the opportunity of the Maharaja's visit to Kangra to wait upon him at Jwalamukhi. The meeting was apparently cordial, and henceforth the Mahârâjâ kept Gulab Singh Dear his person. Meanwhile the Raja Dhyan Singh, having become aware of this stratagem, left Raja Suchêt Singh in LAhôr, sent Hira Singh to Jasrôtâ, and himself joined the Mahârâjâ, who took him to the fort of Kangra with the intention of encompassing his destruction. On that day, however, Gulab Singh did not accompany the party, and the Mahârâjâ refrained from slaying Dhyan Singh alone. It is said that the Sardâr Lahna Singh Majithiâ dissuaded the Maharaja from accomplishing his design by telling him that Gulab Singh being near at hand, and Suchet Singh in Lábôr, a great disturbance would ensue, during which Sachêt Singh wonld not fail to avenge the death of his brother by patting out the eyes of Partab Singh, the son of the Mahârájá. He, however, ordered some of his musketeers to fire both apon Dhyan Singh and upon Gulab Singh during a hunting party, but being ander obligations to the latter, who had done them many acts of kindness, they revealed the plot to him, whereon he begged leave to absent himself on the plea of some urgent business and retired to his tent, where he was to have been murdered, but took the precaution of sleeping surrounded by his retainers, so that the chance of killing him was again
NA. D. 1812.

Page #328

302
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1890.
missed. On the other hand, the Raja Dhyan Singh, having wounded a jackal during the chase, found & pretence for remaining awake by watching for him all night from an ambash. About this time Lahpå Singh, who was on good terms with the family of Gulab Singh, had several times overheard the false assurances of friendship made to the latter by the Mahârâjâ, and knew that they were appreciated as such by him, sent him one day several vessels full of iced milk, but instead of sugar, put saltpetre into them. When Gulab Singh tasted the beverage, he expressed astonishment at its bitter flavour, but on the messenger's saying that it was symbolical of the present time, Gulab Singh ordered him to tell his master that he had fully understood the meaning of the gift. A few days afterwards Gulâb Singh departed to Jammûn to celebrate the wedding of Ranbir Singh, whom he afterwards adopted as his son.
All the preparations having been made for the festivity, Raņbîr Singh's wedding with the little daughter of Bijai Singh was solemnised, the Raja Dhyan Singh being present on behalf of the Mahů râjâ Sher Singh. After the rejoicings had terminated, Guláb Singh wished Dhyân Singh to remain longer in Jammûn, but he refused and departed to Lähôr, where the Mahârâjâ received him in the most friendly manner, but gave secret orders to Ajit Singh to kill him. The latter who was on good terms with Hira Singh, informed him of the orders, and proposed to kill the Mahârâjâ Shêr Singh instead of Dhyan Singh, but received no answer. Shêr Singh, who entertained no suspicions of the Sindhanwalia Sardars, sent an invitation to Lahna Singh and Ajit Singh to hold a review of the troops at Shah Bilâwal near Lâhôr, and they most gladly accepted it. When Ajit Singh was on this occasion passing in review with his troops before the Maharaja Shër Singh, he pretended to shew him a double-barrelled gun, but in the act of doing so discharged its contents into his body, and the Maharaja at once fell dead. Lahnâ Singh had meanwhile kept his troops ready in the garden of the Jam'adar Şâhib, and when he heard the tumult which ensued, and was informed of what had taken place, he forthwith cut off the head of the young prince Partab Singh, whom he had brought to witness the review, and started in the direction of the fort. It happened that the Raja Dhyan Singh, who knew nothing of what had taken place, had left his house in a buggy and was driving along the road. He was amazed at meeting a tumultuous crowd with Ajit Singh at its head, who told him that what was to be done had been done, and that for his own safety he ought to accompany him to the fort. Dhyan Singh, who had only three or four men with him, complied perforce, but when he arrived with the crowd in the haweli of the Kharpalias he was shot dead. Lahna Singh, who came afterwards, sharply reproved Ajît Singh for what had happened, told him to wrap the corpse in a shawl, send it to the Râjâ's house, and get ready for the impending fight.62
The population became greatly frightened at these disturbances, and the Rajâ Sachet Singh, who was in his own house, having been informed of the murder of the Maharaja Shêr Singh, and being most anxious to ascertain what had become of the Raja Dhyan Singh because his horse had arrived alone in the stable, sent the Sabahdar Isrt Singh to the fort to make enquiries. The messenger soon returned with the news, which was confirmed by the arrival of Dhyan Singh's corpse sent by Lahnâ Singh to the house. Suchêt Singh at once informed Hirà Singh, who was at Shah Bilawal, of what had taken place, and also sent a letter to Kêśri Singh with a request to inform the army of the murder of the Mahârâjâ Shêr Singh and Dhyan Singh, in order to excite it to take vengeance and to prepare it for fighting. Raja Hira Singh and Rai Kêśrt Siógh arrived near the fort at midnight with the army, with which the Sindhânwâliâ faction had tampered, but ineffectually, because it was entirely devoted to Hîrâ Singh. Nevertheless, nobody believed that hostilities would really take place till the artillery and musketry fire actually began. The fort was then assaulted and taken by storm. Both Ajit Singh and Lahna Singh perished in this contest. Of the former, however, it is said that he died like a coward, and of the latter that he fell fighting like a brave
These events are narrated somewhat differently at the end of Ch. 42 of the Zafurnama.

Page #329

OBTOBER, 1890.)
SATARA GRANT OF VISHNUVARDHANA I.
303
man. The Râni of Dhyan Singh immolated herself on the funeral pyre before the fort was taken, after expressing a wish that she should have liked to see the death of her husband avenged. Suchet Singh assured her that she could certainly do so, in a short time, if she consented to delay the act of sati. The Pandit Jalla,63 however, demurred to any procrastination; and she was cremated at the age of 47 years and 26 days, having been born on the 11th of the month Bådrûn in St. 1853.54
(To be continued.)
SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
BY J. F. FLEET, Bo.C.S., M.R.A.S., C.I.E. No. 191.- SATARA COPPER-Plate GRANT OF VISHNUVARDHANA I. This inscription was first brought to notice in 1844, by Bal Gangadbar Shastri, who edited it, with an indifferent lithograph, in the Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. II. p. 1 f. The original plates are stated to have been found at Satara, the chief town of the District of that name in the Bombay Presidency; and they were acquired at the time by Mr. James Bird, then Secretary of the Bombay Society. They were subsequently lost sight of for a very long time; until, about five or six years ago, they were discovered in some public auction rooms in London, and, being purchased by Mr. A. W. Franks, were presented by him to the British Museum, where they now are. I re-edit the inscription, with a photo-lithograph, from the original plates.
The plates, of which the first and last are inscribed on one side only, are three in number, each measuring about 7" long by 3\"broad at each end and a little less in the middle. They are quite smooth, the edges of them having been neither fashioned thicker nor raised into rims; the writing, however, is in a state of perfect preservation throughout, except for the small portions broken away at the proper left corners of the first plate. The first plate appears at first sight to be numbered, immediately before the commencement of the text; but, as there are no similar numbers on the second and third plates, I take it that we have here a variety of the symbol for Om, and not the numerical symbol for 1, much as it resembles the latter. The ring on which the plates are strong, and the holes for which are near the proper right-hand end of each plate, is about " thick, and is oval in shape, measuring, about 2} by 3". When the grant came under my notice, the ring had been cut and joined together again with a square bolt, which is now missing; there seems, however, to be no reason for thinking that this is not the proper ring belonging to the plates. The seal on it is fashioned out of the piece of metal from which the ring was made, after the usual custom with English signet-rings. The surface of it is roughly circular, about " in diameter; and it has, on a slightly countersunk surface, at the top, the moon ; across the centre, the legend sri-Bitt-arasa, i. e. "the illustrious king Bitti or Bitta;" and at the bottom, a boar, squatting on its haunches, and facing to the proper right. - The weight of the three plates is about 164 oz., and of the ring and seal, 5 oz. ; total, 1 lb. 54 02. - The characters belong to the southern class of alphabets, and are of the regular type of the period and part of the country to which the record belongs. From a paleographical point of view, we may notice the manner in which the superscript long i is formed, by a vertical line across the circle which denotes the short i ; I cannot quote any similar instance from Chalukya grants. The average size of the letters is about 1". The engraving is bold and excellent; though, as is usual, the interiors of a few of the letters shew marks of the working of the engraver's tool. The engraving is fairly deep; and the letters show through on the reverse sides of the first and third plates. The language is Sanskrit. The body of the inscription contains verses in lines 4 to 10, and seven of the customary benedictive and imprecatory verses are quoted in lines 25 to 35. The use of the affix ka in pravardhamánaka, line 35, is
03 The character and influence of this man are alluded to in Ch. 43 of the Zafarnama.
A. D. 1796. Her sati took place A. D. 1843.

Page #330

304
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1890.
noteworthy; compare the instances quoted in Gupta Inscriptions, p. 69. In respect of orthography, the only points that call for notice are (1) the use of ri for ri in mátri, line 2, and in other instances in lines 4, 5, 11, 14, 28 and 29, though the correct vowel is used in kritakrityaḥ, line 7, kritajñas, line 8, and krishn-dhayó, line 34; (2) the doubling of dh, by d in the proper manner, before y, in anuddhyátánám, line 1, and in vinddhy-átavishv, line 33, where, however, it may optionally be attributed to the preceding anusvára (see, e. g., the instances referred to in Gupta Inscriptions, pp. 192, 197, 236, 244); and (3) the doubling of k before r, in parákkramaḥ, line 8, though not in vikrama, line 4.
The inscription is one of Vishnuvardhana I., the founder of the Eastern Branch of the Chalukya family. It is non-sectarian; the object of it being only to record the grant of a village to some Brâhmans, for the purpose of maintaining the rites of the five great sacrifices.
The village granted was Alandatirtha, which is defined as being in the district called the Srinilaya bhoga, on the north of the agrahara of Anopalya, i. e. Anopalli or Anopalli, and on the south bank of the river Bhimarathi. Alandatirtha is probably the Alundah' of the map, Indian Atlas, Sheet No. 39, in Lat. 18° 12′ and Long. 73° 59′, five miles north-east of Bhôr, the chief town of the Bhôr State, and about thirty-five north of Sâtârâ. It is not actually on the Bhima; but it is on the south (or west) bank of the Sivaganga, which is a tributary of the Nirâ, which again flows into the Bhima; and it seems, therefore, to answer the description of being on the south bank of the Bhimarathi. I can, at any rate, not find any other place, the name of which at all resembles Alandatirtha, anywhere along the Bhima itself; and I think that the name Bhimarathi, which occurs also in the Vokkalêri grant of Kirtivarman II. (ante, Vol. VIII. p. 27),1 may be taken to denote any tributary of the Bhima, as well as the principal river itself. Bal Gangadhar Shastri (loc. cit. p. 2) expressed the opinion that Alandatirtha is the modern Alandi' in the Poona District, about twelve miles north of the latter city. It is a place of some sanctity, and it is on a tributary of the Bhima, viz. the Indrayani; but it is on the north bank of the Indrayani, not the south; and, if for this reason only, it does not seem acceptable. The name of Anopalya or Anopalli is not to be traced on the map. Nor can I at present identify either the Srinilaya bhoga, or Kurumarathi, or possibly Kurumarathya, - where Vishnuvardhana I. was, when he made the grant. The former name may perhaps have some connection with the Sribhavana which is mentioned, e. g., in the Wagi grant of Govinda III. (ante, Vol. XI. p. 162).
<
As regards the date of this grant, we learn from line 13 that it was made on the full-moon day of Karttika; and further, from line 35, that it was in the eighth year of "the glorious Maharaja." The Maharaja here spoken of, is the Western Chalukya king Pulikesin II., the elder brother of Vishnuvardhana I. And the date is, accordingly, Kârttika śukla 15 of SakaSamvat 539 current, in A. D. 616, or of 540 current, in A. D. 617.
In this record, the dynastic name is written Chalikya, as in the Mahâkita pillar inscription of Mangalêsa (page 7 ff. above); the only difference being that the Mahâkûta inscription uses the Dravidian, whereas here we have the ordinary Sanskrit l. The genealogy starts with Pulikesin I., who is here mentioned by his birudas of Ranavikrama and Satyasraya, as in the Mahkâûta record. His son, Kirtivarman I., is mentioned by his own proper name. Curiously enough, the actual reigning king, Pulikėsin II., is passed over in this record, even in spite of the fact that his younger brother assumes only the title of Yuvaraja; and the succession of names is taken direct from Kîrtivarman I. to his younger son Vishnuvardhana I.; as is also done in one of the grants of Vishnuvardhana II. (ante. Vol. VII. p. 191). Attached to the name of Vishnuvardhana I., there is his biruda of Vishamasiddhi, or "he who is successful under difficulties," which is explained in his other grant, shortly to be published; it is used
1 In the Brihat-Samhita, xvi. 9, the name is given as Bhimarathi, with Bhimaratbyâ as a various reading.

Page #331

OCTOBER, 1890.)
SATARA GRANT OF VISHNUVARDHANA I.
305
to denote him in the grant of his son Jayasimha I. (ante, Vol. XIII. p. 138); and it appears on the seals of the grants of his grandson, Vishnuvardhana II. (see the Plates, ante, Vol. VII. p. 191, and Vol. VIII. p. 320). The seal of the present grant also exhibits his name, taken as simply Vishna, in the Prakrit form of Bittarasa, i. e. king Bitti or Bitta.'
From the mention here of Pulikesin II. as "the glorious Mahárája," it is not to be inferred that his position was anything below that of a paramount sovereign, - in, of course, his own dominions. Setting other things aside, Hiuen Tsiang's account alone (Beal's Buddhist Records, p. 256 f., and Life, p. 146 f.) is amply sufficient to shew what his real rank and power were. And the fact simply is, that the development of the technical titles of paramount sovereignty in Southern India was later than in the more northern parts of the country. It will be useful to take this opportunity of sketching the history of them in the south; so far, at any rate, as the Chalukyas are concerned.
We have to take first the case of the Early and Western Chalukyas. In Northern India, the primitive title of Maharaja had, two centuries at least before the time with which we are dealing, been superseded by that of Mahárájádhiraja, with Paramabhattáraka attached to it (see Gupta Inscriptions, p. 10, note 3, p. 15, note 4, p. 17, notes 1, 3, and p. 25, line 1). In Southern India, on the contrary, it had been retained in its original paramount application ;' and no change in respect of it was made, so far as our present knowledge goes, till in the generation after Pulikesin II. The earliest Chalakya grant that uses any formal title at all, is the Goa grant of Saka-Samvat 532, which refers to "the Maharaja, the favourite of fortune and of the earth" (Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. X. p. 365; see also page 12 above, note 7). The next is, either the undated Nerûr grant of Palikesin II., which connects the title of Maharaja with his name (ante, Vol. VIII. p. 44); or his Haidarâbâd grant of Saka-Samvat 534 expired, which attaches the same title to both his own name and those of his father and grandfather, Kirtivarman I. and Palikesin I. (ante, Vol. VI. p. 73). And this latter grant shews also the first step that was made towards a more dignified nomenclature, by mentioning also his other name or title of Paramosvara. As to the origin of this title, the grant in question says that he acquired it "by defeating hostile kings who had applied themselves to the contest of a hundred battles;" while the later inscriptions state, more specifically, that he acquired it “ by defeating the glorious Harshavardhana, the warlike lord of all the region of the north" (e. g. ante, Vol. VI. p. 78). It is noteworthy that Harshavardhana himself did not use the title in his grants
* Another form of the name was Bittiga (e. g. Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. XI. p. 244).
3 As regards the analysis of the term maharajadhiraja, it is a question, open to discussion, whether we should take it as maharaja + adhirdja, lit. 'supreme king of great kinge,' or as maha + rajadhiraja, lit. 'great supreme king of kings. I have hitherto treated it, as if the former is the case, but I am not quite sure that I have been right in doing so. The doubt does not occur to me now for the first time.
+ It is probably to be interpreted in this way wherever it occurs in the Early Kadamba grants (ante, Vol. VI. pp. 22-32; Vol. VII. pp. 33-38); in the Pallava grants (e. g. Vol. V. pp. 50, 154; Vol. IX. p. 100); in the Eastern Ganga grants (Vol. XIII. pp. 119-124; Vol. XVI. p. 131); and in similar early grants from Southern India, e. g. the Salankayana grant (Vol. V. p. 175), the grant of Nandaprabhañjanavarman (Vol. XIII. p. 48), and the grant of Prithivi. mula (Jour. Bo. Br. R. 48. Soc. Vol. XVI. p. 114). - On the other hand, as applied to the Sêndraka Pogilli in the Balagámve inscription (page 145 above), it is unmistakably a feudatory title. - The use of the expression dharmaMaharajadhiraja in the 'Hirahadagalli' grant (Epigraphia Indica, p. 9) may help in determining the exact period of that grant. But, while not inclined to agree with Mr. Foulkes in placing it so early as in the second century A. D. (Jour. R. As. Soc. Vol. XXI. p. 1118), -[the afvamedha-sacrifice of this grant, is, in my opinion, to be placed in a period subsequent to the revival of that rite by Samudragupta), -I must not be understood as meaning that it belongs to a period later than that in which the title Maharajadhiraja was adopted by the Chalukyas. It is very possible that, through their contact with Samudragupta, the Pallavas of Kanchi came to learn the existence of the title, and brought it into occasional use, long before the time when it penetrated to the western parts of Southern India.
5 From the use of this title, with that of Rajadhiraja, in the Adur inscription (ante, Vol. XI. p. 70), it seems probable now that that record must be referred to the time of Kirtivarman II., - not of his ancestor of the same Dame.

Page #332

306
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1890.
(see the Sônpat seal, Gupta Inscriptions, p. 231, and the Madhuban plate, Epigraphia Indica, p. 67). And it was certainly not invented in his time; for we find it used, nearly a century earlier, by Vishņuvardhana of Malwa (Gupta Inscriptions, p. 153). But it is used, to denote him, in the Harshacharita (see, for instance, the special passage quoted by Dr. Bühler at page 41 above). And, very shortly after his time, we find it used technically, in conjunction with Maharajadhiraja and Paramabhaftáraka, by Davagupta and Vishņugupta of the Gupta family of Magadha (Gupta Inscriptions, p. 215), and by Dharaséna IV. of Valabhi (id. Introd. p. 41 ; and ante, Vol. I. p. 16, with Jour. Bo. Br. R. 48. Soc. Vol. X. p. 79). I entertain no doubt, however, that this title was really used in the case of Harshavardhana as a regal title, and not simply as a secondary name or as a substitute for a name; and that, though Pulikesin II. probably first obtained it from some conquest in the direction of Malwa, the special pride in the possession of it by him, exhibited in the grants of his successors, is due to his having been able to resist an invasion of his dominions by the great king of Kanauj. The next step in advance appears, as far as the records at present available go, in the grants of the next generation. Adityavarman in his grant (Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. XVI. p. 234) wed for himself the titles Maharajadhiraja and Paramèsvara, and also attached them both to his father's name. But Vikramaditya I., while using the same titles in his own case, in one instance applied them both to his father (ante, Vol. VI. p. 76); in another, --if the grant is genuine, - gave him only the title of Maharajadhiraja (Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. XVI. p. 240); in another gave him the titles of Mahúrája and Paraméávara (id. p. 236); and in another gave him only the title of Maharaja (id. p. 238). To Pulikesin I, and Kirtivarman 1., all of these grants, following that of Pulikesin II. of Saka-Samvat 534 expired, give the title of Mahárája. This grander title of Mahárdjádhirdja, however, must have been obtained by Pulikêśin II, from Kanauj; and. I feel tolerably certain that, if we obtain any formal grants of the later years of his reign, we shall find that it was actually brought into use in his time; orly, at present, the first instances are in the grants of his sons. In the next generation, another change was made. The Mahárájádhi. rája was entirely dropped in the case of Vikramaditya I.; but the Paraméśvara was retained, and was supplemented by Bhattaraka, which, I suppose, must be looked upon as an amplification of the Bhattára, or more usually Bhatáru, of the Old-Kanarese inscriptions.? To the narae of Vinayaditya himself there were attached, in three cases, the three titles of Maharajadhiraja, Paramokvara, and Bhattarake (ante, Vol. VI. pp. 86, 89, 92; and Vol. VII. p. 302, also Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. XVI. p. 244); while, in one case the Bhattáraka is omitted (page 150 above). In the next generation, again, another change was made, by the restoration of the Maharajadhiraja in the case of Vikramaditya I.; and the three titles of Maharajadkirája. Paraméśvara, and Bhattáraka, were used for him, his son Vinayaditya, and his grandson Vijayaditya (ante, Vol. IX. pp. 127 f., 131). Also, the title of Paramabhattaraka appears for the first time, as a certainty, in this generation ;9 being attached to the name of Vijayaditya in his Badá mi inscription (ante, Vol. X. p. 60), which, it may also be noted, speaks of his ancestors as "the Maharajas, Satyasraya, &c." But in his Aihoļe inscription (ante, Vol. VIII. p. 286), the simple Bhatára is used, as in other Kanarese stone records. And the new title of Paramabhatt áraka does not appear to have come into habitual use, until the Western Chalukyas were
.
Pulikekin II. had acquired the title before the date of his grant of A. D. 612. In Hiuen Tsiang's account. I can find nothing to render it impossible that he had defeated Hareha vardhana before that time; all that seems certain, is, that, when Hiuen Tsiang was making his notes (about A. D. 640), the power and activity of Pulikibin II. were still at their height, and that his succeusful resistance of Harshavardhana had taken place, at some unspecified time before the moment of writing. Still, if Pulikebin II. defeated him before A. D. 612, it is almost inexplicable that Harshavardhana's name should not have been specifically mentioned in the record of that year, just as it was mentioned in the Aihole inscription of A. D. 634-35 (ante, Vol. VIII. p. 244).
For bhattara, see ante, Vol, XI. p. 125 ; for bhatára, ante, Vol. VIII. pp. 285, 286; Vol. I, pp. 103, 164, 165, 166; and other places.
As a matter of fact, it is attached to the name of Vinayaditya in the Lakshm ehwar, inscription of Vijay Aditya, which, curiously enough, does not attach even the Bhattaraka to the name of Vijay Aditya himself (ante, Vol. VII. D. 107). That, however, is not altogether a reliable record; having been at any rate not engraved at the time to which it belongs.

Page #333

OCTOBER, 1890.)
SATARA GRANT OF VISHNUVARDHANA I.
307
succeeded by the Rashtrakûtas; e. g. in the case of Dantidurga, in A. D. 753 (ante, Vol. XI. p. 112). The final settlement of the Western Chalukya titles is best illustrated by the grant of Kirtivarman II., which gives the following specification : - Palikesin I. and Kirtivarman I., are each called Maharāja ;'_ Pulikêśin II. is called Mahárájádhiraja and Paraméśvara ; and each of his successors, Vikramaditya I., Vinayaditya, Vijayaditya, Vikramaditya II., and Kirtivarman II., has the three titles of Muhárajadhiraja, Paraméśvara, and Bha!!áraka (ante, Vol. VIII. p. 26 f.)
Such was the case with the members of the western branch of this family. The Eastern Chalukyas, however, were more conservative, so far as they made any use of formal titles in their grants at all. Vishņuvardhana I., when he ceased to be Yuvárdja, assumed only the title . of Maharaja (Barnell's South Indian Palæography, p. 137); though there can be no question of
the fact that Vengî then became a separate and independent kingdom, and that Vishņuvardhana I. and his successors were paramount sovereigns there, just as their relatives were in Western India. His son, Jayasimha I., used the same title (ante, Vol. XIII. p. 138). The same title is applied to both of the preceding persons, and is used by Vishnuvardhana II., in the grants of the latter (ante, Vol. VII. pp. 186 f., 191). The same title, again, is applied to Jayasimba I. and Vishậuvardhana II., and is used by Mangi in connection with his biruda of Sarvalókásraya (in a grant not yet published). The same title also is applied to Vishņuvardhana Ill. and Vijayaditya I., in the grant of Narendramrigarâja-Vijayaditya II.; and this grant gives the earliest instance of the use of the higher titles in this branch of the family, by attaching Maharajadhiraja, Paramèsvara, and Bhattaraka, to the name of Vijayaditya II. himself (Hultzsch's South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. I. p. 33). Even then, however, these grander titles did not permanently supersede the more primitive one. Gunagånka-Vijayaditya III. gives the title of Maharaja to himself, his father, and his grandfather in a grant not yet published). And he is called by the same title in one of the grants of Amma I., and in an unpublished grant of Bhima II. ; while, in both of his own grants, Amma I. attaches the same title to his own second name of Vishņuvardhana, and uses no other in connection with it (ante, Vol. VIII. p. 77, Vol. XIII. p. 52, and South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. I. p. 40). Bbîma II., however, seems to have brought in the permanent use of the higber titles, and also to bave been the first in this family to amplify that of Bhatļáraka into Paramabhattaraka; in one of his grants, he attaches to his second name of Vishņuvardhana' the single title of Mahúrájádhiraja (ante, Vol. XIII. p. 214); in another (unpublished), he uses that title with Paraméśvara; while, in a third (South-Indian Inscriptions, Vol. I. p. 45), he uses the three titles, Maharajadhiraja, Paramèsvara, and Paramabhattaraka. His son, Amma II., gives us in one instance a variety of a conservative tendency, in attaching the title of Maharaja to his second name of Vijayaditya, and in using after it Rajadhiraja, Paramê vara, and Paramabhattaraka (ante, Vol. VIII. p. 74 f.);10 in his other grants, however (ante, Vol. VII. p. 16, Vol. XII. p. 91, Vol. XIII. p. 249 ; South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. I. p. 48; and one unpublished), he drops the title of Mahárája, and uses just the same three fully developed titles, that are used by his father in the third of his grants noted above. From this time, probably, they were quite permanently fixed. We find them used two generations later by Rajaraja II. (ante, Vol. XIV. p. 53); and the only subsequent variation that has as yet come to notice, is in the grant of Vira-Choda, who substi. tuted Raja-Paramèsvarall for the simple Paraméśvara, but used the other two titles untouched (South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. I. p. 55 f.)
If any additional evidence is needed in support of the spurious nature of the Kurtaköti grant of Vikramaditya
hat it gives to Puliki bin I. and Kirtivarman I. the titles of Maharájádhiraja, Paramésame, and Paramabhottaro ka. - The retention of the title of Maharaja in their case, in the genuine records, may possibly indicate that their power was not as great as that of their successors.
le Compare the case of Anantavarma-Chôdagangadeva of Kalinga, who, while using Maharajadhiraja and Paramabhattáraka in two of his grants (ante, Vol. XVIII. pp. 164, 174), in the third attaches Maharaja to his namo, and uses after it Rajadhiraja, Raja-Paramdsvara, and Paramabhadraka lid. p. 169).
11 For another instance of the use of this title, see the preceding note s

Page #334

308
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
I would add here a few remarks on the true application of the title Maharajadhiraja, in respect of which there has been a misunderstanding. Mr. Fergusson wrote (Jour. R. As. Soc. N. S. Vol. IV. p. 84 f.): "In India there were three ranks of kings. First, Rájas, or simple "princes; Mahá-Rájas, who would rank as kings in Europe; and Mahárája Adhirajas, kings of "kings, or emperors. The title is identical with Bariλevs Bariλéwv of the Greeks, or Shahan "Shahi of the Persians, and was used in India from the Greek times till probably the Mahomedan "conquest. This would hardly be worthy of remark, but for one circumstance. There might "be any number of Rajas or Maharajas contemporary with one another, but only one Adhiraja "or emperor could exist at one time. The consequence is, that whenever we find a king adopting "this title, we know that he was, or at least, assumed to be king of the five Indies, divisions, "which would correspond very nearly with the four Presidencies into which we have divided "India, if the Nizam's and surrounding estates were erected into a fifth. The consequence of "this is that no two emperors could be contemporary with one another, and that whenever we can trace the dignity from a king in one family to one in another, we know that we have a "true succession, and an historical sequence of the utmost importance. Sometimes these emperors resided in Magadha, at other times at Canouge or Ougein, and at one time at "Kalyan, but always in succession."
46
-
[OCTOBER, 1890.
My attention has been directed again to this passage, which I knew previously, by some remarks made by the Hon. K. T. Telang in connection with 'Samkaracharya's statement that, in his time, there was no Sárvabhauma-rúja or emperor of all India. Mr. Telang has correctly pointed out that the title Mahárájádhirája does not denote an emperor of all India. But he himself, if properly reported, has fallen into an error, in saying that "even the Maharajadhiraja was not really a paramount sovereign, to whom the other Rájas owed allegiance as subordinates or feudatories in any way."12 And Mr. Fergusson's statements contain more than one point open to objection. In the first place, it is most improbable that there ever was any emperor of all India after the time of Asôka; most certainly, not even the Early Guptas held that position. In the second place, the assertion that the Maharajas of India would rank as kings in Europe, is correct only for early times; in Northern India, up to the period of Kanishka, Huvishka, and Vâsudêva; and in Southern India, up to the times that have been indicated above, in connection with the Western and Eastern Chalukyas. In the third place, that Mahárájádhiraja corresponds to Basileus Basileón, is open to question, as the latter appears to have been a perceptibly inferior title; but on this point I am not prepared to write more at present, having not had leisure to complete my intended Note on Hindu and Indo-Scythian. Titles of Sovereignty. And finally, that there might be several Mahárájádhirájas at one and the same time, is an actual fact, capable of demonstration; for, e. g., in or about A. D. 650 there were, contemporaneously, at least the Mahúrájádhiraja Amśavarman in Nêpâl, the Maharajadhiraja Adityasêna in Magadha, the Mahárájádhirája 'Silâditya III. at Valabhi, and the Mahárájádhiraja Pulikéśin II., or Adityavarman, or Vikramaditya I., at Vâtâpi. The title Maharajadhiraja is the one, which corresponds to the title and the only one since the periods indicated above, of king' or 'emperor' in Europe. The Mahárájádhirájas were paramount sovereigns, each in his own division of India, and each independent of his peers, just as in Europe are the Emperors of Germany and Austria, and the Kings of Denmark and Portugal. And their feudatories were the Maharajas, Mahásámantas, Rájas, Sámantas, &c., according to the nomenclature of the different kingdoms, whose correlatives are the princes and great feudatory nobles of Europe.13
-
-
12 Mr. Telang's paper was read before the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society on the 14th July last. My remarks are made on the report of it which appeared in the Bombay Gazette of the 24th July.
13 That there was a misunderstanding on this point, and that I had not distinctly cleared it away, occurred to me when I had finished my Gupta Inscriptions; in consequence of which, in the Index, under the headings "paramount sovereigns, titles of," and "sovereigns, paramount, titles of," I inserted the words "i. e. of Bovereigns supreme in their own dominions, but not necessarily reigning over the whole of India."

Page #335

OCTOBER, 1890.)
SATARA. GRANT OF VISHNUVARDHANA I.
309
TEXT.16
First Plate. 1 Om15 Svasti Svâmi-Mahasêna-pâd -ânuddhyâtâ nam Manavya-sagotranam H[A]2 riti-putrañar matri(tri)-gana-prasada-parirakshita-bhajârggalânâm k shiroda3 dbiśayana-saptôtthita-prasada-parilabdha-vara halâchhana nam
Chaliky&4 nām vam se sambhůtah sakti-traya-sampannah [*] Jayati16 Banavikrama17.
nri(nri)po ni 5 rasta-ripu-nri(nri)pati-gauryya-mada-rågah Kaliyuga-khala-nirmathanai[h*] Sa6 tyabraya-bhå vitas-charitaih [11] Abhavat18-tasya sa-kirtti[h*] Kirttivarma sthira
sthi7 ti[h*] : suta[h*) sucharit-adharaḥ kṣita-kpityaḥ pati(1) kshitêḥ [11*] Tasya
putrô mahâte 8 ja[h*) 119 Kandarpa ive mürttimân [*] "dharmma-jñaścha krita-jñas-cha 120 Párttha-talya-paråkkramach II]
Second Plate; First Side. 9 Abhimanam-iv=ôddhartum 21 naranam sastra-jivinâm Vidhâtrâ vihito loke 10 gacha Bibhatsurrêva cha (1) Têna maneka-samanta-pranata-makuţa-chäda maņi. 11 nighri(ghệi)shta-charaṇaravindêna sakala-mahimandala-tilaka-bhûtêna śripri(pri)thi12 Vivallabha-Vishnuvardąhana-yuvarâja-Vishamasiddhina Kurumarathy-Âvasthitê. 13 na mâtâpitrôr-âtmanas-cha pagy-avâptayê Karttika-paurnnamasyam vôda. 14 védânga-paragânâ (na) Ghrilghți)takausika-sagôtrâņâm Visvamitra-vat Lakshmana-83 15 svấmi-putrânâm Achalasvâmi-Vedasvâmi-Dêvasvâmi24 Adityasvami-Nagakuma16 ra-sahitâ nam putra-pautr-adinam mavyâtsamgên26= chandr-krka-kshiti-sthiti-samakalast1 17 bali-charu-vaiśvadêv-âgnihotre-havana-paichama hayaja-tsarpan-arttham
Second Plate; Second Side. 18 Srinilaya-bhôgê
Anopaly-âgråhårasy=ôttaratah Bhimaratht-dakshina-ta19 tê Alandatirttham nâma grâm ô vidhivad-udaka-purvvam dattah [1] Viditam=
astu 8820 rvvêshâm p aryyanta-vishayapati-sâmanta-grâmabhôgika-mahattar-âdînâm a -cha21 ta38-bhata-kusid-Adinâmm 37-a-pravèsyalı sarvvadana-visuddhếty 29avagamya chalapavana-prðrit-ôdadhi-jala-taranga-chachalam
jiva-lokam-ang prêkshya 23 tasmâl-lôpô na kâryyah [*] yô v=ajõâna-timira-patal-êvșiï(vri)ta-matid(r)
achchhimdy24 d=achchhidyamanan yộ vânumôd@[ta*] sa pañchabhirumahåpåtakai[ho]
samyaktô bha25 vishyat-ity=Uktañ=cha bhagavatâ veda-vyâsêna Vyåsena | Shashtim 29 varsha-saha26 srani 30 svarggé tishthati bhumi-dali achchhetta ch-anumantà cha 131 tâny-êva
narakê. va
22
14 From the original plates.
1 Represented by a symbol. The symbol here is very like the numerical symbol for one.' But, as the other plates are not numbered, it does not seem intended to be interpreted in that way. 16 Metre, Arya
11 Over this ma, there is a mark which much resembles the anusura ; and there are similar marks in several other places. But they are only faults in the copper, or rust-marku.
16 Motre, Slöks (Anushțubh); and in the next two versoe. 19, and 21 These marks of punctuation are unnecessary. Read ten-anska, or ten-aivam-andka.
25 Road, probably, visvimítraval-lakshmana. "Here, I think, we require a genitive case, and should read oddvaadminat. 36 Read, probably, adinim-d-uy Asarhgen.
Omit the negative particle before this word chafa. * Read adindm. Read vifuddha ity. 29 Metre, Slöks (Anushtubh); and in the following six veraes.
and 51 These marks of punctuation are unnecessary.

Page #336

310
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1890.
Third Plate. 27 sê[t*] 11 Bahubhir vasudha bhuktà 32 râjabhis-Sagar-âdibhiḥ [1*] yasya yasya yada 28 bhômi. I -s=tasya33 tasya tada phalam [110] Tådri(dpi)k=punyam na dadatàm
jayatệ nô dharabhajam. 29 bhuvam=anya-pratishthân=tu yâdri(dpi)g=bhavati rakshatâm (11) Pârvva-dattam
dvijâtibhyô 134 yatnâd=raksha 30 Yudhishthiralı36 [1] mahîm mahimatâm śrêshtha 138 dânâ árey637=nupâlanam (11*]
Bra31 hma-sve mâ matim kuryya[h*] 138 prâņaiḥ kantha-gatair=api agni-dagdhani
rôha32 nti 139 brahma-dagdban na rô hati || Sva-dattâm para-dattâm và 140 yô
harêta vasundharam [1] 33 shashtim varsha-sahasrani 1 kumbhîpêkêshu pachyatê # Vimddhy-atavishv=
a-tôyasu 34 sashka-kôțara-vasina[h*] I krishn-Ahayð=bhijayanté 42 bhumi-dan-ipahāri35 nah Sri-maharajasya pravarddhamanaka-samvatsardashtamê sâsanam
likhitam=iti 1 (11)
TRANSLATION. Om! Hail ! In the race of the Chalikyas, - who meditate on the feet of (the god) SrâmiMahasena; who are of the Manavya gotra; who are Haritiputras; whose arms, which are very door-bars, are protected by the favour of the troop of the Mothers (of mankind); -- (and) who possess the crest of a boar, acquired through the favour, when he had arisen from sleep, of him (Vishņu) whose couch is the ocean of milk, - there was born one who was possessed of the three constituents of regal power: victorious is (he), the king Raņavikrama; who overthrew the heroism and pride and wrath of hostile kings ; (and) who came to be a very Satyasraya ("an asylum of truth "), through his achievements which crushed the wicked people of the Kali age.
(L. 6.) - His son was the famous Kirtivarman (I.), of firm endurance; who was a very receptacle of good actions; who did (everything) that ought to be done ; (and) who was indeed) 2 lord of the earth.
(L. 7.) - His son (is) one of great splendour; who is, as it were, a very Kandarpa (Kâma-- dêva) incarnate ; who both knows religion, and recognises favours that are done to him); (and) who in puissance is equal to Partha (Arjuna). He has been placed in the world by the Creator,
- both he and Bibhatsu (Arjuna), – as if for the purpose of eradicating the pride of men who live by the profession of arms.
(L. 10.) - By him, the favourite of fortune and of the earth, the Yuvdrája Vishnuvardhana (I.), (also called) Vishamasiddhi, who has the water-lilies that are his feet chafed by the jewels in the bent-down tiaras of many chieftains, (and) who has become the ornament of the whole circuit of the earth, -- (by him), stationed at Kurumarathi (or Kurumarathya), for the acquisition of religious merit by his parents and by himself, on the full-moon tithi of (the month) Karttika there has been given, with libations of water according to due rite, the village gained Alandatirtha, in the Srinilaya bhoga, on the north of the agrahara of Anopalya, and on the south bank of the (river) Bhimarathi, to the sons of Lakshmanasvâmin who has the pravara of) Visvamitra (8-c.) (P), who are well versed in the Vedas and Vêdangas, (and) who Helong to the Ghțitakausika gôtra, - (viz.) to Achalasvâmin, Vêdasvâmin, and Dêvasvamin,
$2 This mark of punctuation is unnecessary.
38 Omit the mark of punctuation, and read bhumis-tasya. 1 This mark of punctuation is unnecessary.
Read yudhishthira. * This mark of punctuation is unnecessary. 57 Read dánát srly8; or, more correctly, dandch=chhrey. > > 0, 1 and 2 These marks of punctuation are unnecessary.

Page #337

SZIS-770
"H117-OLOHd '
S125 'M
'S'Ocean
en my dengan mag u z niego
PROGRTFSS Ragasih S EMV Oggyfer yr free freipams RB ERP & feketPTEMES OR firmy 820sugakuneuspiselepas
Satara Plates of Vishnuvardhana I.
011
k F203.2 Closet Rrezitie
ehli ParerO:ffff:18.Y SPINERIE 88 ROSS FRA SFS MOCA
H
e see suvir Brug rygore Gimmung que soyakraba 70nse van
URGOS PIM3QORTER & OVER

Page #338

T
18. PHARE Or flere aras y Agnelem escenes 2 in more 8281 falta Fig DUTA PER
Oseos pece Suiderkreger B2C mig at hurtit de la cafeXOR akse aksesoratrichingo yahin
r itrombsheim
111
Vitser diy81282418 M GARDE
op basis Greivyake Refpo
yern z.le RX170 Greg Ry Jon S854 goce FF Pale Alle fugees 09 872 sheanu, uelverf engi3 BMG
2
1 242 She's Fur & y deea primarne impr38:¥?. ff74188 EORSE PUEDE te 718HE FIULPne hengen

Page #339

OCTOBER, 1890.]
FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA.
311
together with Adityasvâmin and NÁgakumara, - without any interruption (?) of the succession of) sons and sons' sons &c., to endure for the same time with the existence of the moon and the sun and the earth, for the maintenance of the five great sacrifices of the bali, charu, vaišvadeva, agnihotra, and havana.
(L. 19.) - "Let it be known to all the neighbonring Vishayapatis, Sámantas, Grámabhsgikas, Mahattaras, &c., that, with the understanding that this village) is not to be entered by the irregular or regular troops, money-lenders, and others, (and) that it has been freed from any shortcoming by complete acceptance (?); and keeping in view the fact that the world of living beings is as unstable as waves of water driven by an unsteady wind, - accordingly, no interruption of the enjoyment of it) shoald be caused! And he who, having a mind covered with the veil of the darkness of ignorance, may confiscate, or may assent to the act of anyone who is confiscating (this grant), - he shall become invested with (the guilt of) the five great sins !"
(L. 25.) - And it has been said by the venerable VyAsa, the arranger of the Vedas: The giver of land abides in heaven for sixty thousand years; but the confiscator (of a grant), and he who assents (to an act of confiscation), shall dwell for the same number of years in hell! The earth has been enjoyed by many kings, commencing with Sagara; whosoever at any time possesses the earth, to him belongs, at that time, the reward (of this grant that is now made, if he continue it)! Verily kings do not acquire as much religious merit from bestowing land, as they do in preserving an endowment made by another! O Yudhishthira, best of kings, carefully preserve land that has previously been given to the twice-born; (verily) the preservation (of a grant) is better than making a grant! Set not (thy) mind upon the property of a Bråbma, even when the breath of life has gone to (thy) throat (on the point of departure); things that are burnt by the fire grow up (again); (but) anything burnt by (the curse of a Brahman, grows not (again)! Whosoever confiscates land that has been given, whether by himself or by another, - he is tormented in hell for the duration of sixty thonsand years! Those who confiscate grants of land, are born as black serponts, dwelling in the dried-up hellows of trees, in the forests of the Vindhya mountains, destitute of water !
(L. 35.) - (This) charter has been written in the augmenting eighth year of the glorious Maharaja.
FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA.
BY PANDIT NATESA SASTRI, M.F.L.S.
No. 34. - THE SHOWER OF GOLD AND SCORPIONS. In a certain town there lived a great land holder, whose house was only a small one. One day it occurred to him that it was not in keeping with his position, and having plenty of money to spare, he resolved to build himself a mansion befitting his position. So he called the best workmen round about him, and fixing on an auspicions day according to the recommendation of the local soothsayers, be built the mansion strictly according to the advice of the wise men, and it was soon completed ; and then onr hero, accompanied by Brahmana reciting the four Vedas, by musicians playing on various instruments, and by dancing-girls in guy procession, entered and settled in it, finding every part of it to his heart's content. With the feasting of several thousands of Brahmans in its halls, a busy day closed, and all the guests took their leave, leaving the owner to the role enjoyment of the house. And he, too, much exhausted by attending apon his many guests, took his supper early, and with his wife and children retired to rest.
1 It is the opinion of Hindus that new houses should be entered with music and dancing. The house that is not warmed with the dancing of dancing-girls (courtesana) will never be liked by the gods !

Page #340

312
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(CCTOBER, 1890.
The place being new to him he was unable to sleep that night, and at about midnight he heard a voice saying, “Shall I fall down shall I fall down?” It proceeded from no person, as far as he could see, but went on and on without any break. Our hero was greatly frightened, thinking it must have proceeded from some devil or other, who had got into the house before he had warmed it. He was also afraid that if he continued to occupy it, the devil would pull the roof down over his head. Horrified at the terrors which his imagination aggravated every moment, he spent the night in the greatest anxiety. And the voice never stopped !
At last the day dawned, and at the first appearance of the light our hero thought to him. self: - “The great god, Maheśvara, has been extemely merciful to me, and has preserved me and my family from the devil throughout this terrible night just past. Surely, if I continue to live here, some day or other I shall be buried alive by the falling debris of my own house ! Let the devil enjoy my palace; my old cottage will do for me! In it I have lived comfortably till now, and in it I shall continue to live happily for many a day more."
Thus thinking, the very next morning after he had occupied his new mansion, our hero quitted it for his old cottage ! The suddenness with which he moved back to his old house was in itself more than enough to create a talk throughout the town that the mansion was haunted, and it became a most dreaded spot, and story after story was freely invented to spread its notoriety throughout the country round about.
In that same town there lived a poor beggar Brabman. Beggars are always notorious for having more children than they can support, and in obedience to the rule this Brahman had half a dozen, - three sons and three daughters. They all lived in a miserable hut, where the children were always ill from the damp. Poverty and misery pinched him in every direction, and his troubles increased day by day and hour by hour. At last he became so disgusted with his life which was a very misery to him, that he often resolved upon suicide. But such an idea is most repulsive to a Hindů, because the darkest world and dirtiest hell are the abode set apart for those who give up their lives in that way. So at last he resolved thus within himself: "What if I go to the house which is said to be haunted P If I sleep there one night, the devil in it will kill me, and there will be an end of my miseries!”
So thought be, and going to the owner, spoke thus: -"My master! I am very poor. The winter is fast approaching, and I have no house to live in. If you would kindly permit me to live in a room or two of your great unoccupied mansion, I shall be highly obliged."
The owner was at first afraid to give him leave, lest some injury should befall himself. But then it occurred to him that if all went right with the poor Brahmaņ, the evil name it bore would be removed. And wishing to use the Brahman as an experiment, he promised to let him use the house from that next day, and was so kind as to demand no rent! The Brahman received the keys, and resolved to give up his life by sleeping in the baanted house the next night. . Thought he: - "If I die to-morrow, who will protect my six children None of them are grown up, and I have no relatives or friends in this world to give me or my children a morsel of rice. So if I leave them behind me, it must be more to their misery than anything else. So I shall take them also with me to the haunted house, and there let what happens to me happen to them also."
Thus this wretched Brahman, who had at first resolved to give up his life in the haunted house, changed it into an intention of the wholesale murder of his family. His wife was the incarnation of virtue, and thongh she lived in a state of abject poverty, never gainsaid what her husband resolved upon ! And so, with his cares laid aside, the begging Brahman entered the mansion, apparently to live in it, but at heart in order to sacrifice himself and his whole family to the devil who dwelt there.
The day passed and night approached, and the little children, after partaking of the meagre repast their poor mother could spare for them, retired to rest. They had not even a

Page #341

OCTOBER, 1890.)
FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA.
313
covering to protect them from the cold of the night. But being accustomed to a hard life, they nevertheless went composedly to sleep. Their poor mother, too, who always consoled herself with the thought that the God who had given her so many children would somehow or other protect them, according to the doctrine - "He never sends mouths without also sending meat," - she too slept soundly. The poor father alone was awake, and as be trimmed the lamp, he took a farewell look at the innocent faces sound asleep around him. Almost immediately he heard the voice : -"Shall I fall down P shall I fall down ?" His heart, which he had steeled into preparation for death, fairly gave way. But after deep thought he came back again to his original resolution, and fully determined to die with his whole family, and said aloud :-"Why do you thus threaten me who am boldly resolved already? Fall down at once, and take me and my children away."
Thus saying he lifted his head to see the house fall, but instead there rained from the roof a torrent of gold mohars, which soon filled the anoccupied parts of the room. After about a ghatiká the torrent of gold stopped, and the Brühmaņ rose up and heaped all coins in a corner. He then awakened his wife, and related to her all that he had intended and all that had happened. Finding that fortune had began to favour him, he gathered money every night, and with it bought houses and jewels and lands and other things he wanted.
The owner of the house, finding him daily growing richer and richer as a result of dwelling in the haunted house, asked him one day the reason of it, and the Brdamag related to bim the whole affair without concealing anything. The owner of the property was then very sorry for his cowardice, and at having missed the opportunities previously offered him; and so he said to the Brâhmaņ:-"You have now been a long while occupying my house, will yon kindly vacate it for me?"
The Brihmaņ replied: "I have been from my birth a beggar, and what I have already gained is more than enough for me. All my present advantages are due to your kindness, and I will vacate it this very moment. Go you and live in it and amass wealth. It is your property."
The owner occupied it without delay, so as to lose no time over his money-making. He did not wait to remove his family, postponing that till the next day. His anxiety was all for the night, and many a time did he curse his timidity for abandoning the mansion at the first sound of "shall I fall down ?," and kept on calculating how much money he had already lost by his cowardice. The night approached, and he went into the house to sleep, or rather to watch. At midnight, just as he was expecting to hear it, a voice fell upon his ear, saying, "Shall I fall down shall I fall down P" He at once fell into a humble posture and said : -"My good gods; excuse my stupidity in having so long refused your good graces. I have come to my proper senses at last. Shower down the mohars."
Thus said the owner, and at once the voice stopped, and immediately a torrent, alas! not of mohars, but of scorpions, began to descend on our hero, who, looking for the money, never noticed then. Going up close, one scratch was enough to give him an idea of the shower! Starting back he observed by the light that, instead of mohars, scorpions were falling down from the roof. "Stop," said he, unable to bear the horrid sight, and at once the torrent dried up, and our hero fled from the house, almost mad with pain.
However, he kept what had occurred secret, and resolved to try his luck a second night. Secretly he sent servants to examine the whole house, and kill all the scorpiods. Several thousands were killed that day, and the following night our hero tried his luck again, seeing torrents of scorpions, but never a mohar!
Then he sent for the Brahman and asked him whether he could shew him the mohars falling. "Agreed," said he, and on the third night they both slept in the mansion. At midnight when the voice was heard, and the permission was given a torrent commenced.

Page #342

314
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1890.
The very sight of it frightened away our hero; but the Brâhman never stirred a step, and employed himself in heaping up the fall.
"Are you a magician or sorcerer, that these scorpions do not injure you ?" cried our hero, from a respectful distance. "No, my master!" replied our Brâhman; "these are all coins and not scorpions."
Then the owner found out that what appeared to him as scorpions, were mohars to the Brahman, and calling him to his side, said with much respect:-" Holy Brahman, you are indeed fortunate. Take this house and reap the benefit of your good luck. If you give me anything after getting it, I shall be happy to receive it. As for myself, all these coins appear to me as scorpions." Thus said the rich landlord, and made the Brahman master of the mansion, and the latter, being a good man, freely shared whatever he got from the house with the owner of it.
The moral as drawn by the Tamil people is, that he who is fortunate will get a thing, while unfortunate will never get it.
FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE.
BY GEO. FR. D'PENHA.
No. 4.
The Snake and the Girl.
There once lived a peasant with his wife. After several years of married life the wife became pregnant, and longed for some kaula,' and expressed her desire to her husband, who promised to fetch some for her, whatever the risk! So he set out the very next morning in search of the kaula, and walked and walked for many miles. After several hours' search he came upon a solitary kaula-bush, but as he stooped down to pluck its leaves, a seven-hooded nag stopped him and asked him who he was, and what right he had to pluck the leaves. The poor man was terribly frightened, and told him who he was and why he wanted the kaula. leaves, but the nag would on no account allow him to pluck any. However, after much entreaty, the nag agreed to let him have the leaves on the condition that should a daughter be born to him, he would, after twelve years, give the girl up to the nag in marriage; but that if a son was born, the nag was to have nothing to do with him. The poor man was at a loss to know what to do. If he agreed he would have to keep his promise, and if he did not agree there would be no chance of his getting any kauld, which would mean some misfortune to his wife. So at last he agreed, took the kaula-leaves and went home with sorrow weighing heavily on his heart. As soon as he reached his house, he gave the kaula-leaves to his wife, who eagerly took them and cooked and ate them to her great satisfaction, little recking of the manner in which her husband had obtained them, for he had told his wife nothing of what had occurred, or of his encounter with the nag.
In due time the wife was delivered of a daughter, to the great grief of her husband. He, however, consoled himself with the thought that she would be with him for at least twelve years. The girl was the pride of her parents, and during the twelve years, grew up to be strong and beautiful; but when they had elapsed, her father remembered his agreement with the nag, and thought that if he did not give her up to him, he would be visited with some trouble or other, and he therefore resolved on keeping his promise. So one day he got her dressed in a new sari, put on her what jewels he could, and without informing
1 A herb thriving in the months of July, August and September. The leaves resemble those of tamarind and taste sour. It is much liked by the Salsette Christians.
2 It is a general belief that a woman when pregnant conceives a peculiar desire for certain things, and that her desires must, in this respect, be satisfied at any cost; otherwise some misfortune or other is sure to befal her at the time of child-birth.
3 It grows to only two or three feet high.
4i. e. the cobra.

Page #343

OCTOBER, 1890.)
FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE.
315
his wife, took her to the nág. When they had reached the kaulá-bush, they saw the nag waiting for them, but before the man could say anything to him he disappeared, and in a tank close by there appeared a largo kambal.5
The girl was so fascinated by its beauty that she asked her father if she could go and fetch it. The father, who suspected that the kambal was nothing but the ndg transformed, told her that she might go. The girl accordingly descended into the tank ; but the kambal went further out, and so, already in knee-deep water, she sang: -
Bává, donviáparsisi páni zháild kari ga, Kambal dari dirish zdi. "Father, knee-deep is the water,
The kambal goes further and further." To which the father replied, singing: -
Di đó, điá ka la khai: Bápis párítá zdi. “Daughter, mother ate kaulá:
Father is seeing you off." While the father was yet speaking, the girl went on following the kambal, which went farther and further away. The water was now up to her waist, so she turned round and sang: -
Bává, kambréparsin paní zháild karn gá,
Kambal durii ddrih sái. " Father, waist-deep is the water,
The kambal goes further and further." And her father replied, singing: -
Dhúế, đid kauá khái:
Bápris pávítá zái. “Daughter, mother ate kaulá :
Father is seeing you off.” Further and further went the kambal, and farther and further followed the girl, till she was up to her neck, when again she turned round and sang :
Bává, galiaparsim paní zháild kann ga,
Kambal đính đánh cái. " Father neck-deep is the water,
The kambal goes further and further." And her father again gave the same reply, singing: -
Dhie, dis kaula khái :
Bápús pávitá zái.. "Daughter, mother ate kaula :
Father is seeing you off."
Though the girl was up to her neck in the water, she was so fascinated by the beauty of the kambal that she kept following it, little thinking of the consequences. So she followed the kambal till she reached the middle of the tank, when lo!.& passage opened, and instead of the kambal she saw a handsome young man at the bottom of a ladder in a large palace. The young man invited her to come down and live with him, but as she shewed some unwil
A water-lily, highly prized by Hindus and also by the Salsette Christians. When pregnant woman is labouring. the kambal (which, even when dry, if pat in water, opens out like a fresh flower) facilitates delivery.

Page #344

316
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1890.
lingness to descend, he said: Dévácham aśél té dévávam, nahin té súplibô kaulá diává áni áplés ghará závam, "Come down if you wish to, or give me a sieve-full of kaula and go home."
—
The poor girl looked up to see if she could get out, but to her utter embarrassment found that the passage was closed against her: and then even if she had been able to find her way ont, she did not know where to find the kaula! So she had no alternative but to go down the ladder without saying a word. She afterwards shewed the same reluctance to perform her domestic duties, but was always taunted with the words: Karávácham asél té karávam, nálin té súplibo kaula diavá áni aplés ghará závam,-"Do it if you wish to, or give me a sieve-full of kaula and go home." After a few days, however, she got reconciled to the life in the subterraneous abode of the nag, for the handsome young man was no other than the nag who had appeared to the father and to the girl as a kambal. And so in the end she lived happily with him all her life.
MISCELLANEA.
THE MALAVA ERA.
Some little time ago I came across a date, hitherto overlooked,' of the Malava era, which is of particular interest, (1) because its surroundings would prove, quite irrespectively of the Gupta era, that the Mâlava era is no other than the Vikrama era; and (2) because it shews that the Vikrama era was known by the name of the era of the Malava lord or lords,' as late as the second half of the 12th century A. D. The date occurs in an inscription on a pillar over the northern gateway of a palace at Mênâlgadh in Mêwâd, a rough reading of which was published by Kaviraj Syâmaldâs about four years ago, in the Journal Beng. As. Soc. Vol. LV. Part I. p. 46. The inscription refers itself in the coneluding lines to the reign of the Chauhan Prithviraja, and the date with which it opens, in the published version, runs thus:
In 1687 M. La Loubére, returning from an embassy to Siam, brought to Paris part of a MS. containing astronomical rules, which were analysed by Cassini (1691). The length of the year was exactly that given above, or 292,207 days to 800 years; the Tables were computed for a
words which, though incorrect, apparently are longitude about 184° west of Siam, or about that of tended to mean
Kôkanâdâ or Prayag,-possibly Lanka; the equation of the centre for the sun is given as 2°12'; and of the moon as 4°56'; the sun's apogee was placed 80° from the first point of the zodiac; and the moon's at the beginning of the moveable zodiac 621 days after the epoch of the Tables, which Cassini fixed as 21st March, 638 A. D. But the MS. contained little more. If these data agree with what may be gathered otherwise, they would point to Siam as a likely place to enquire after this and other lost Siddhantas. Will some one who has opportunity examine them?
Edinburgh, 16th July 1890.
J. BURGESS.
writer of the date under discussion took it in a singular or plural sense.
Malavésa-gata-vatsara-sataiḥ dvâdasais-cha
shaṭvimsa-parvakaiḥ,
when twelve hundred and twenty-six years of (the era of) the Malava lord or lords had gone by."
Since for the Chauhan Prithviraja we possess other dates, of the Vikrama years 1239 (Archæol. Survey of India, Vol. X. Plate xxxii. 10, and Vol. XXI. p. 174) and 1244 (ibid. Vol. VI. Plate xxi.), the year 1226 of our new Mâlava date must also, of course, be referred to the Vikrama
era.
F. KIELHORN.
THE PULISA-SIDDHANTA.
Of the Pulisa or Pulisa-Siddhanta, we know a good deal from the quotations of astronomers and of Al-Bêrûnî, in whose time it seems to have been well known. He says it was 'so called from Paulisa the Greek' (-Yunâni not Rumi), from the city of Saintra, which I suppose to be Alexandria. From a ślôka quoted from a MulaPulisa-Siddhanta by Utpala (Kern's Bri.-Sam. int. p. 50), we learn that the length assigned to the solar year in it was 365d. 5h. 12m. 368., and Al-Bêrûnî (Sachau's Transl. Vol. II. p. 18) gives other elements from the work. Has this Siddhanta then been lost since Al-Bêrûnî's time? Or, is it recoverable?
Göttingen.
1 See Gupta Inscriptions; Introduction, p. 66.
The word Málavééa being compounded with the following gata, it is impossible to say, whether the

Page #345

OCTOBER, 1890.)
MISCELLANEA.
317
NANDIKESVARA; LANJIGESARA.
(from an ink-impression, line 19 f.; see also the I have probably made a mistake in identifying photograph, Pali, Sanskrit, and Old-Kanarese the Nandigrama of the Mahakata pillar inscrip- Inscriptions, No. 96) is, at first sight, -- [Saka)tion with the adjacent village of Nandik@svara varsha 1065neya Dumdubhi-sarivatsarada (page 9 above); for the reason that the latter Bhadrapada-sudhdha(ddha)-2- Sukravarad-amdu. village was known in Mangalêśa's period by its --"on Friday, the second tithi of the bright present name, though in a slightly different form. fortnight of the month) Bhadrapada, of the In his Old-Kanarese inscription on the rock Dundubhi samvatsara, which is the 1065th Saka outside the Badâmi Cave No. 3 (ante, Vol. X. p. 59), year." And the inscription proceeds to record it is mentioned as Lanjigêsara. While, in line that on this day there was established a Friday 13 of his Sanskrit inscription inside the same cave market (Sukravdrada sante); and to detail certain (id. p. 57, and Vol. VI. p. 363), the name occurs tolls and duties which were assigned by the people as Lanjisvara.
of the district, in a general assembly, for the The identity of the names was not recognised
angabhoga of the god Madhavêśvara. by me at the time. And in fact, from the occur- Here the given year is a current year. For, rence of Lasījà (with also a possible Labjika) as a by the southern luni-solar system, which is the only name of Lakshmi, I took Lanjiśvara, - for Lañjó. one applicable in this case, the Dundubhi samśvara, - to be a name of Vishnu, as a shrine for vatsara coincided with Saka-Samvat 1064 expired. whom the cave was made, and assumed that the
But in Baka-Samvat 1065 current, the at reference was to a village named after him (ante,
first sight) given tithi, Bhadrapada sukla 2, ended, Vol. X, p. 57). But it is plain now that Lañji
not on a Friday, but on Monday, 24th August, gêsara and Lanjiśvara are only Prakrit forms
A.D. 1142, at about 35 ghatis, 50 palas, after of Nandikêśvara and Nandisvara, names of Siva
mean sunrise (for Bombay). This result is with or of Nandi. It may as well be noted here, that
the month Ashadha intercalary, according to the I find that the Mahakata temples are in the lands
published Tables. And no better result can be of the village of Nandikêávara.
obtained by taking Bhadrapada itself (or any Nandigrama might reasonably be taken as subsequent month) as intercalary, instead of another name of the village of Nandikėśvara. Ashådha; for then the tithi sukla 2 of the interBut in that case, there is no reason why, having | calated (or natural) Bhadrapada would end at been granted to the cave-temple of Vishnu in about 13 gh. 30 p. on Sunday, 26th July, and Saka-Samvat 501, the same village should be could not be connected with the Friday even as a granted to the god Makutêgvaranátha only twenty- current tithi. four years later. As it is, it must be a village
In this case, the reference to the Friday which, like Sriyambåtaka and Vrihimukhagrama,
market shews that the mistake must be in the does not now exist.
tithi; not in the week-day. And a closer examinaThe two names, Nandikdávara and Lalijigosara tion of the ink-impression shews that, at some illustrate some interesting changes of letters. subsequent time, the number of the tithi was For the reverse of the change here from * to l, andoubtedly corrected from 2 into 6. The alterawe have the change from 1 to n in the word linga, tion is discernible in the photograph;' but not in such proper names às Lingappa and Ningappa, very conclusively. In the ink-impression, how. Sivalinga and Sivaninga, Gurulinga and Guru- ever, it can, on close examination, be recognised ninga. Owing to want of clearness in pronuncia- very clearly; and it is seen that the resulting 6 is tion, it is often very difficult to know whether the more like the figure as it stands in line 47 of this 1 is being used, or the ..
J. F. FLEET. record, in the date of the second part, than the 6
that occurs in the same line with the corrected CALCULATIONS OF HINDU DATES. tithi. And the corrected tithi Bhadrapada No. 40.
sukla 6, ended, as required, on Friday, 88th In the first part of a stone inscription at
August, A. D. 1142, at about 32 gh. 55 p. Xiraj, the chief town of the Miraj State in the This inscription, therefore, is of interest in so-called Southern Marath country, the date giving, (1) a current year of the Saka era ;' and
1 There is a Nandihal, about twenty miles north-west The second part of the inscription also illustrates of Bad Ami; but this is not likely to be it.
this. It refers itself to the time of the Silahira Mahd• It is a photograph of the original stone; not of the mandalesvara Vijayadityadêve. And it is dated in Baks. ink-impression.
Samvat 1066, the Budhirôdgfrin sarhwatsara, - which coincided with 1065fexpired and 1086 current.

Page #346

318
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1890.
(2) an instance in which not only was a mistake made in respect of the number of the tithi, but also the mistake was afterwards recognised and corrected.
J. F. FLEKT.
Constantino's mother. She is first mentioned by Ambrose of Milan (t. 397). Afterwards this form of the legend was adopted by Socrates, Sozomen, Theodoret, Rufinus, Sulpicius Severus and others. A new form of the legend appears in the Acts of Cyriacus in the fifth century, in which we are first told that a Jew shewed the place where the Oross was found. Besides to Helen, its discovery is ascribed to Protonice, the reputed wife of the Emperor Claudius, especially in the Syrian legend preserved in the so-called Doctrina Addai.
In a Coptic legend of the discovery of the Holy Sepulchre ;' it is ascribed to a certain Eudoxia, whom the legend calls the sister of Constantine the Great, although in reality he never had a sister. The legend was not invented earlier than the end of the fifth or the beginning of the sixth century, under the influence of a story preserved in John Malala.
Undoubtedly the Acts of Cyriacus, which are also preserved in the Coptic language, have had their influence upon the legend, as there are many similar features, e. g. that a Jew pointed out the place where the Cross was found. The M8. CORtaining the legend of Endoxia, the daughter of the Emperor has not been preserved entire. Its beginning is lost, but the most important parts
PROGRESS OF EUROPEAN SCHOLARSHIP.
No. 21. Transactions of the Eastern Section of the Imperial Russian Archæological Society.
(a) Meeting, Feb. 8th, 1889. V. A. Zhukovski made a communication concerning a manuscript of Nicholas Semeno, containing remarks on the military occurrence of the year 1897 in Persia, at the time of the last Russian war with that country.
(6) Meeting, April 4th, 1889. Baron Rosen laid before the members: (1) Some numbers of the Indian Antiquary, which had been received; (2) An essay by M. Petrov-Borzna on the Ruins of the City of Pai-kand; (3) An atlas of illustrations to the travels of the academician Dorn in the Caucasus. Baron Roben considered that this might be published with a short introdaction and table of contenta.
N. J. Veselovski made a communication on the relations of Moscow with Persis at the end of the sixteenth century. He offered to publish in the Trudy, a series of documents from the Imperial Archives. His offer was accepted, and these documents will be printed in the nineteenth volume of the Trudy.
Father Alexis (Vinogradov) made a communi. cation on the contents of the Library of the Russian Mission in Pekin.
(c) The Coptic Legend of the discovery of the Holy Sepulchre, by 0. Lemm. Constantino the Groat undoubtedly occupies one of the first places in medieval legend, not only among Orientals, Greeks, and Slays, but also among Western peoples. Such are the legends about the finding of the True Cross and the Holy Sepulchre.
The oldest account of the finding of the Cross is in Cyril of Jerusalem (t. 386), but he does not mention the finder. In the same way John Chry- sostom only speaks of the finding. The letter of Cyril of Jerusalem, in which he ascribes the find- ing to Constantine is of doubtful authenticity. The finder is more often said to have been Helen,
(d) Spurious Assyrian Antiquities, by Count J. Tolstoi (illustrated soith several engratings). There has long been an extensive manufacture of spurious Assyrian antiquities cut out of soft stone, to which attention has been called by MM. Clermont-Ganneau and J. Menant. They contain cuneiform inscriptions, but it is impossible to make any sense out of them. Some of the figures represented have their heads uncovered, others wear a peculiar head-dress; some have a long dress reaching to the feet; others a short tunic. Again, on some stones there are representations of processions ; on others, of people doing homage. According to Dr. Hayes Ward of America, these fabrications are chiefly made by a Persian family at Kerbels. Some of them were sent to St. Petersburg by M. Rožnov, who acquired them in the city of Tamir Khan Shura, and were proved to be forgeries. In one of the figures the curls are like those on the old Assyrian beards, but the man wears a collar, just as a soldier does now, and has epaulettes! In another case the king's head-dress is ornamented with
[The Trudy are works published by the Imperial Rassian Archaeological Society something in the inander of the Bibliotheca Indica and the "extra numbers" of the Asiatic Society of Bengal.-R. C. T.]
See a detailed account of these legends in the work of Leipsius, Die edessenische Abgarsage.
Preserved in the Museum of Turin. + Here follows a translation.

Page #347

OCTOBER, 1890.]
MISCELLANEA.
319
him.
three gold nails which are driven into the stone! writes as follows:--De tels personnages ne parais. Maspero had some of the fabrications offered to sent que très rarement, un ou deux par siècle ; aussi
les compare-t-on uu Soleil, et à la lune ou au dragon The manufacture of old Persian, Chaldean,
et à l'éléphant: tels furent dans les temps anAssyrian and Central Asiatic antiquities, is
ciens, Asvaghôsha, Nagarjuna, Aryadeva, etc. steadily developing itself, and clumsy though they
dans les temps modernes, Asanga, Vasubandhu, be, they shew that the fabricator is well acquainted
Sanghabhadra; Bhavavivêka, eto, parmi nos conwith the habits of educated Europeans. They are
temporains, Jina, Dharmapala, Dharmakirti, Sila. probably of Persian origin, as the grouping of the
bhadra, Sinhachandra, Sthiramati, Gunamati, figures shews. Travellers and others should also
Matipala, Guņaprabha, Jinaprabha, etc. be put upon their guard against the constant Prof. Vasiliev has obligingly communicated an manufacture of bas-reliefs, engraved stones, clay | extract from bis translation of the same document vessels, metallic objects, and pseudo-antique exhibiting some variations from the above. In coins.
1 this the list of Buddhist writers is divided (e) Epistle to a Pupil by Chandragomin, with into three groups. According to I-tsin they notes by J. Minayev. This epistle was addressed are:-(1) Old Teachers, (a) Nagarjuna, (b) Aryato the king's son Ratnakirti. The prince, on déva, (c) Asvaghôsha. (II.), Mediæval (according reading it, became a monk and quitted the world. to Vasiliev) or modern (according to the French How much historical truth there is in the legend translation) (a) Vasubandhu, (b) Aryasanga, (c) is not known; but Chandragomin enjoys a good Sanghabhadra, (a) Tsin-bian (Jitu). (III.) Teachers position in Sanskrit literature, and was celebrated nearest in time (or according to the French transfor the purity of his style. He is the author of lation contemporary) (a) Chenna (Jina); (b) Dhar. many works, among others of a grammar. Tark- mapala, (a) Dharmakirti, (d) Silabhadra, (o) Simnatha gives us some facts about him and mentions hachandra, An-hui (Sthiramati), (q) De-hui the name of his teacher Sthiramati, celebrated (Gunamati), (h) Hui.hu (Matipala), (i) Gunain Buddhist literature. He tells us that Chandra- prabha, () Jen-huan (Jinaprabha). gömin, following the path of Asanga , adhered to the
There is here no mention of Chandragomin, and idealists (yogdchdriya), whereas Chandrakirti, ap- thus it is clear that he cannot be reckoned among proving the comment of Buddhapalita and others the oldest teachers, nor those of the ensuing on the works of Nagarjuna, was one of those who period, as Vagubandha and Aryasanga are older in deny the existence of matter. The dispute lasted
point of time than his teacher Sthiramati. He seven years. We also learn from Taranatha that our could not be the contemporary of I-tsin, inasmuch author wrote a grammar, known by the name of
as he lived earlier than Dharmakirti. It is proChandravyakarana, and lived at an earlier period
bable therefore that Chandragômin lived in the than Dharmakirti, Sthiramati lived probably
fourth or at the very beginning of the fifth before the 7th century A. D., and previous to the
centary A.D. journey of Hiuen-Teiang to India The Chinese pilgrim speaks of him as dead, and tells us that
The writer says that his translation of the near Valabhipura was a great monastery where
Epistle of Chandragomin is made from a manuGunamati and Sthiramatis composed their trea
script in his own possession, which he brought tises. Dharmakirti is a no less important name.
from Kathmandu. It is a copy from a MS. now Subandhu mentions the name of one of his
in the Cambridge University library, Add. 1161. works. Subandhu is cited by B4ņa, and Bana
In this Epistle, Chandragomin, who had a great was the contemporary of Hiuen-Tsiang.
reputation as a stylist, endeavours to put his
pessimism into an elegant form. Some of these The Grammar written by Chandragomin verses have found their way into celebrated anthohas not yet been published, but it is known that logies. The fundamental idea is quite clear. All Jayaditya, the author of the Katika, made use of existence is melancholy. To save oneself from it. Jayaditya according to I-tsin died in the this grief it is possible in only one way to recover latter half of the seventh century. In the curious one's mental vision, i.e. by becoming # Buddha memoirs of I-tsin, a part of which not long | or seer. The article concludes with a Tibetan. since was published in a French translation (Jour- version of the Epistle communicated by A. nal Asiatique, Nov.-Dec. 1888), are some data in Tvanovski, who gives a list of the works ascribed confirmation of the above statements. I-tsin to Chandragômin.
. One of the works of the latter was translated into the Chinese language during the rule of the dynasty
Lao (897-430 A. D.).
Here follows the translation.

Page #348

820
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(f) Some remarks on an Aramaic inscription on a Vase found at Moscow, by A. Harkavy. M. Blau sent to the Imperial Moscow Archæological Society a terra-cotta vase, the bottom of which was covered with an exorcism written in the Aramaic language in Hebrew letters. This inscription was not long since published in the Transactions of that Society by a young scholar, J. J. Soloveichik. The paper was conscientiously written and M. Soloveichik had clearly taken great pains, but as this was his first scientific work, mistakes had naturally crept in. There are several peculiarities about the text. Thus we here find mentioned for the first time the angels Asriel and Hatmiel. The article winds up with a note in which the writer expresses his suspicion that the inscription is not genuine, as so many forgeries are now in circulation in oriental matters. He mentions two circumstances among others that are unsatisfactory: (a) the dedication of the inscription to Lilith alone, without the mention of any other evil spirits, and (b) the word which occurs three times.
(g) On the discovery of a Pathan dinár in the year 1888, by A. Likhachev. In his description of a discovery of dindrs of the Pathân Sultâns of India made in 1884, the writer had expressed a wish that all kinds of Pathan dinars occurring in Russia should be noted. He is now able to add to the list one more dinár found in 1888. It was brought to Kazan from Tetush, and was there bought by the writer's agent, a Tâtâr, who unfortunately neglected to ascertain from the seller the circumstances of the finding. It was probably picked up on the left bank of the Volga, because this is where they have invariably been found. The newly discovered dinár exhibits no novelty: It belongs to the Pathân Sultan, Muhammad I., the son of Tughlaq Shah, coined at Dehli in 742 A. H. The orthography is very bad and points to the fact that in Dehli in the eighth century A.H., even for valuable gold coins, educated workmen were not always to be found.
(h) Minor notes.
(1) Note by V. Tiesenhausen on an Embassy mentioned in a work by Shihabi'ddin Ibn Fazlu'llah Elomari, which occurred in 731 A.H. (15th October 1330,-3rd October 1331). The Embassy was to the Egyptian Court from the Turkish conqueror of the Serbs and Bulgarians, offering the Egyptian Sultan his friendship, and asking him to send a sword and a standard."
7 Here follow further extracts given from the same work, the MS. of which is in the Leyden Library, Cat. IV. No. 1944.
[OCTOBER, 1890.
(2) Note by P. Kokovtsov on the Ethiopian MSS. in the Imperial Public Library. At the present time there are in this library 23 Ethiopic MSS., all, with one exception, written on parch ment. Nine MSS. were presented by the Russian diplomatist, Dubrovski, twelve were brought from the East by Constantine Tischendorf, and two belonged formerly to the collection of Porphyrius, Bishop of Chigirin. Of these MSS. those given by Dubrovski have been described by Dorn, and those of the Bishop by the writer of the present notice.
(3) New Babi MSS. by Baron V. Rosen. Four new Babi MSS. have been lately presented to the Asiatic Department, which came from Tehran:
(i) No. 468, copy of a polemical treatise in naskhi characters.
(ii) No. 467. A lithographed edition of the same treatise. It is neatly executed on paper of English manufacture, in ta'lik characters. This, as far the writer knows, is the first Bâbi book published in its entirety, and the fact of its existence shews that there is a demand for such publications.
(iii) No. 466. A little MS. of 45 pages, containing an unknown Bâbî treatise in Arabic in naskhi characters.
(iv) No. 465. A MS. of 172 leaves containing several Bâbî letters and treatises.
The author of these two last works, appears to be the same Hussain, the Babi emigrant whose adventures in Persia and Baghdâd are well known. We get some fresh details from these new materials. Thus, he was for some time in prison at Akka, and also lived at Adrianople. He appears also to have advanced further in his self-deception, and in his character of the conveyer of a divine revelation is not prevented from changing, in the name of the Most High, some of the decrces of the founder of the Sect. Hussain has heard a good deal of political news, and introduces things of the kind into the body of his remarks, see for example his admonition addressed to the Emperor of Berlin," not to be deceived by the successes he has obtained and not to be too proud of them, but to think of the fate of other conquerors, who were once powerful but, for all that, finally perished." Compare also his rebukes to the Emperor of Austria, because, while going through Akka on his way to Jerusalem, he did not make himself acquainted with the condition of the "dawn of the
"
3 Here follows a list of the Ethiopic MSS. Here follows an extract in Arabic.

Page #349

OCTOBER, 1890.]
MISCELLANEA.
321
light of the one God," who the author means A paper by M. V. Nikolski on the forgod himself), was there in prison. Hussain gives his cuneiform inscriptions is also noticed. The reflections on true liberty, his plan for choosing proceedings connected with the sending of these one language for the whole human race, and one are wrapped in obscurity. Probably those who style of writing, which in his opinion would serve sent the antiquities to Moscow, hoped that they as the best means for the establishment of unity would there be subjected to less searching en. and true civilization upon earth.
quiries than in Paris or London. The writer adds in a postscript that he has Among other papers contained in this volume recently received from Mr. E. J. Browne a reprint are - (i) V. Th. Müller on the Jews in the of his Essay on the Babis of Persia, from the Caucasus; (ii) I. N. Kholmogorov on an Arabic Journal of the English Royal Asiatic Society. In inscription at Kazan; (iii) V. A. Gringmut on this essay are given new and most interesting the formation of the plural number in the old details of the Babis and their literature. Mr. Egyptian language; (iv) B. M. Istrin on the Browne also sent the writer an account of his
application of the comparative historical Babi MSS. His notes throw much light upon method to the Semitic languages; (v) A. S. this movement, and enable the writer to say, that Khakunov on the Georgian Translations of MSS. Nos. 468 and 467 are copies of the T'kdn, the Kalilah and Dimnah, &c. whereas No. 466 is the Laroh-i-Akdas.
Wbile praising the collection as a whole, the (0) Reviers and Bibliography.
reviewer has found himself compelled occasionally (1) Eastern Antiquities : Transactions of the to make some severe remarks, but he begs the Eastern Section of the Moscow Archeological writers to consider that this has only been done Society, Vol. 1, Part I. By the Editor. - in the interests of science, and he wishes all This very elegant and well-edited volume ex. success to their Society. hibits the first results of the Eastern Com
(2) Transactions of the Statistical Committee mittee formed in 1887 in connexion with the
of the District of Sir.Darya in 1887-1888. Tashland, Imperial Moscow Archeological Society. It is a
1888. By the Editor. The Statistioal Committee proof that the feeling of the great importance of
of Sir Darya, which only began its labours in Eastern studies is increasing. He therefore gives
1887 has commenced work very energetically, the young Society a hearty greeting. Russian
Having somewhat enlarged its programme, it has Oriental learning may yet stand upon a firm foot.
also turned its attention to ethnography and ing and be able to investigate those inexhaustible
history, and thus it promises to be very useful to riches which the immense territory of Russia
Orientalists. Among the papers is one by N. possesses. Among other papers are noticed :
Ostroumov on the Proverbs of the native popu. (i) S. S. Slutski on the Nestorian Insorip
lation of Turkistan. tions of the district of the Seven Rivers.
(ii) Th. E. Korsch on the Turkish words in (3) The Sultans Kenisara and Sadik. Biogra. the Nestorian inscriptions
phical Sketches of Sultan Ahmad Kenisara. Edit. (iii) J.J. Solovechik on a newly discovered ed with notes by E. Smirnov. Tashkand, 1889. By Jewish Babylonian Vase.
the Editor. This book, published by the Statisti
cal Committee of the Sir-Darya district, shews its The general impression of the work of his Mos
activity. It contains Sketches of the lives of two Cow collenguos is pronounced by the reviewer to be
Kirghiz warriors of our days, the Sultans Keni. favourable. There is a feeling of optimism and
sara and sadik, composed by the son of the of confidence in their own strength among these
former and brother of the latter. E. Smirnov young writers, which, if properly directed, is a
invited Sâdik to give a sketch of his life and ex. pledge of success; occasionally however a cer
ploits, but he declined and left it to his brother tain unsteadiness is shewn. The essay of S. S.
Ahmad. The translation has been exoented by Slutski is the first printed work of a young
Smirnov, who has also added a large number of scholar, and is far from wanting in merit. He
appendices. We thus get some good pictures of carries on a lively polemic with Prof. Chwoleon
oriental life. The original text ought, however, and convicts him of some mistakes, but M.
to have been printed. Slutski himself falls into errors which prevent us from having confidence in him. Many of these
(4) A Military Russian, French, Turkish and are of a rudimentary kind, and the same remark Persian Dictionary. St. Petersburg, 1889. Revierbed applies to Th. E. Korsch.
| by the Editor. This dictionary consists of three parts 10 See article previously mentioned.

Page #350

322
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1890.
(i) Russian, (ii) French, and (iii) Turkish-Persian. of the Wazirs and Officials by Al-Jahshieri In the first two parts the oriental words are trans. who died in 331 A.H. This book was quite literated. In the third the same words are prin. unknown until now. The trustworthiness of ted in Arabic characters. The name of the author the author's information is confirmed by the (M. Gamazov) is a guarantee for the excellence of the list of revenues of the khildfat preserved in a the work.
somewhat shortened form by the Persian historian (5) V. Nalivkin. A Russian-Perrian Diction
| Wassaf, first deciphered and explained here by ary of Words in ordinary use in the Dialects of Kremer. The text of Al-Jahshiari gives the the Turkistan districts. Kazan. Reviewed by the list of revenues which came into the treası Editor. The author is an indefatigable worker. from each province in money and kind in the He says that most of his material is taken from times of Ar-Rashid. The general revenue in money Persian literature, especially books published in amounted to 530,312,000 dirhams. Of these India. The rest he has gathered together while
125,532,000 were in gold, and the rest 404,780,000 among the nativer. A native of Kaśmir, Kabir
in silver. There were also many local products Shkh, son of Mustafa Shah Ogli, living in Turkis- in kind, the value of which cannot be exactly tán, has been of great service to him. The book is
estimated. entirely practical, and the reviewer hopes that it
The second work of Baron Kremer presented may spread the knowledge of a language which is
greater difficulties. The document here published familiar to the educated classes of all Central
gives an account of the revenues of the Khil&Asia and India. As regards the Tajik dialect, fat in 306 A.H. in the time of the Khalit Al. it is very curious from a philological point of Muktadir. The work was very difficult to edit, view. The author however ought to have distin.
because it was written partly in slikusta and partly guisbed between the words he has taken from in cursive ta'lik characters, with the figures in the Persian literuture and those in nee among the chancery hand, called divánt, which is difficult to natives. In the melancholy condition of contem.
decipher, and admits of a mass of errors. By sheer porary Persian lexicography and the almost com. hard work
hard work Baron Kremer succeeded in making plete absence of any investigations of the Tajik
it out. While engaged on the work he naturally dialect, such a distinction of the words would have
took an interest in the man who compiled been very edul, and would have caused the
it, the Wasir Ali ibn-'Isa, and the search for author (comparatively) little trouble. It is to be
materials for his biography was crowned with boped that he will publish a Tajik Russian dic.
complete success, by the discovery of a Gotha MS. tionary in which he will give only the local words.
pointed out to him by Professor de Goeje, which (6) V. Nalivkin. Histoire du Khanat de Kho- was an incomplete copy of a work by Subi. khand, traduit du russe, par Aug. Doron. By the
· Baron Kremer gives an account of the economic E lan This work deserves a translation in spite
and political condition in the time of Al-Muktadir, of some trivial errors. M. Dozon has done his work
an account of the revenue in 306 A. H., and a conscientiously. The reviewer finds fault with
sketch of the great and honourable statesman some omissions of the translator, and his transli.
* Ali-ibn-Isa. The higher officials were in the teration of names is inconsistent. Moreover, sowe considerable misprints are to be found in
habit of enriching themselves by all means law.
ful and unlawful, and their wealth was for the the book.
most part gained in an unjust manner. The chief 7) A. Freiherr von Kremer. (i) Ueber das authority from time to time took it away from Budget der Einnahmen unter der Regierung des them under the pretext of the musadara, which Haran-Al-Rashid. Nach einer neu aufgefundenen was at first a means of inflicting punishment Urkunde. Wien, 1887. (ii) By the same author :- for extortion and taking bribes, but soon became Ueber das Einnahme-Budget des Abbasiden. the regular means of saving the public trea. Reiches vom Jahre 306 A. H. (918-919). Wien, 1887. sure chest from continual deficits. Such a (ii) By the same author: Ueber die philosophischen punishment involved nothing disgraceful either Gedichte des Abu'l 'Alá Ma'arri. Wien, 1888. By in the eyes of society for the Government. The the Editor. - To Baron Von Kremer, as the official who had become liable to the musadara author of Cultur geschichte des Orients unter did not lose his chance of again coming into den Chalifen, belongs a most honourable place favour, and there were examples when, on the pay. in Oriental study. In the first of these works ment of the musadara, they were again apthe author gives us a text, translation and pointed to their former place. There was a bad explanation of the calculation of the revenues side, however, to this custom, in the general inseof the Khalifas found by him in the History curity of property wbich it created, and the

Page #351

OCTOBER, 1890.]
NOTES AND QUERIES.
officials, finding themselves liable to be despoiled in this way, plundered as much as they could. As gold, silver and precious stones could be taken mest easily, every one tried to get landed property, especially as Musalmân law usually favours this kind of property. The small proprietor could, of course, be easily robbed, but this was not the case with the large landholder who had influential friends at court. Thus the large proprietors increased, and a kind of latifundia existed, while the smaller landholders decreased, and were turned into farmers or simple labourers, or went into the great towns and increased the proletariat. The insecurity of the small landed proprietors became so great that they frequently registered their lands in the name of some magnate, according to a mutual agreement.
Guided by the notices of the revenue for 306 A. H., Baron Kremer establishes the following categories of landed proprietorship: (i) The private possessions of the Khalifa, the revenues from which went into his private chest. (ii) The so-called 'Abbasi possessions: these were primarily the common inheritance of the family of the 'Abbasis, but in course of time the management of them came into the hands of the government, so that to their numerous descen
dants there remained only a poor subsidy. (iii) The so-called mustahdara lands or newly cultivated virgin soil. (iv) Large estates with smaller portions of land attached. (v) Lands subject to haraj: there were various losses occurring at different times; thus the lands given to common soldiers generally went to ruin, and of course no revenue was collected from lands belonging to provinces which were lost.
"
That the khilafat did not perish at this time, was owing to honest financiers of the stamp of 'Ali-ibn Isa, who served his country in various offices for 70 years. This eminent man was born in the year 245 A.H., and was of Persian extraction. His grandfather Dâûd belonged to
NOTES AND
WRONG PREDICTIONS OF ECLIPSES. The following "observation" by Warren (Kala-sankalita, p. 347) is worth bearing in mind, in connection with inscriptions which refer to eclipses that do not really occur on the given dates. It is attached to a paper written by 'Sami Naden Sashia,' a calendar-maker, residing in Pondicherry, to illustrate the computation of an eclipse of the moon by means of certain memorial and artificial words, and of shells in lieu of
323
the official classes, and was katib to the Khalifa Al-Musta 'in. He was also a literary man. His sons, Muḥammad and Iså, followed the same path as their father, and reached to high posts. Is, the father of our 'Ali, was one of the most important of the kátibs. 'Ali, his son, was twice wasir, from 300-304, and again 315-16. From 306-311 he was companion to the wasir, and in reality, during the complete incapacity of the latter, he directed everything. In 334 A.D. he died, aged 89 years. His character was exceedingly noble, being free from malice and ambition. He never intrigued for a place, but refused some high posts when they were offered to him. The khilafat, during his time, was surrounded by enemies, and the Government required a man of strong head and iron will. He carefully superintended the work of his subordinates, and tried to cut down the public expenditure, but found it a very difficult task, although he succeeded in limit. ing the allowances of several court families. He was simple in dress and manner of living, and, for an Oriental, honest.
The third monograph of Baron Kremer is devoted to the poet-philosopher Aba'l-'Ala-al-Ma'arri, one of the best types of the Musalman spirit. He passed his long suffering life in deep thought on the highest problems of man's being.
(8) Otto Böhtlingk. Sanskrit-Worterbuch in kürzerer Fassung. Siebenter Theil. Reviewed by 8. O. [Oldenburg]-With this volume the work begun ten years ago finishes. In 1875 the great dictionary was ended, which cost 20 years of labour. Four years afterwards, in 1879, the unwearied author of this large work undertook the shorter The quotations were omitted, but all the words were preserved, and many new ones added. Thus the new dictionary is a necessary complement to its elder brother. The name of its author must ever be held in grateful remembrance. W. R. MORFILL.
one.
QUERIES.
figures; but it may probably be allowed a wider application.
"When it is considered how very coarse and undefined as to the place for which the eclipse is computed, the process used by the Tamul mechanical computers undoubtedly is, it is really surprising that these results should come no wider from the truth. It is not, however, to be believed that they are always equally successful in their predictions, and that the people who are bound to

Page #352

324
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1890.
religious observances when these phenomena recur, are never disappointed in their expectations. I recollect a circumstance which occurred not many years ago, when an Eclipse of the Moon had been announced for a certain evening in the Madras Panchangum; in consequence of which crowds of people had resorted to the Beach for performing their ablutions; but no eclipse appeared; a circumstance which in China might have endangered the mistaken astrono. mer's life, but with the gentle Indian, only occasioned a good deal of noise; and with a few, some merriment on his ill proficiency. The case I refer to may have proceeded from the ignorance of the Sastra; but it is certain (and will be readily believed) that even where the most skilful astronomer is employed, no reliance can be placed on those raw predictions which are never certain within several hours of the time when an eclipse is to occur."
An inscription which mentions an eclipse, is not necessarily to be stamped as spurious, simply because of the non-occurrence of an eclipse on the given date. The point is only one which has to be taken into general consideration, with others according to the particular circumstances of each case, in weighing the authenticity of such a record.
Again, it still remains to be decided, for early times, whether, in order to be the 'oocasions of ceremonies, eclipses should be actually visible,
digible except, of course for accidental reasons, - at the localities of those ceremonies.
The modern rule seems to be olear enough. For instance, the Dharmasindhuadra, parich. chhoda i, uddesa 43, says that the punyakdla of an eclipse of the sun, or of the moon, lasts as long us the eclipse is visible to the eye (chakshusha dardana-yogya): that, accordingly, if the orb
or seta eclipsed, there is no paniyakala before its rising, or after its setting, as the case may be: and that there is no punyakdla at all in the case of an eclipse which is visible only in another country. And it adds the remark, quite in accordance with commonsense, that, if an eclipse cannot be actually seen because of the obstrue. tion of clouds &o., still the times of contact and liberation can be learned from the Sastras or by other means, and then one can perform the rites of bathing, making gifts, &c.; i. e, the punyakala of an eclipse is not lost through merely accidental invisibility.
Of course there is a natural presumption that the rule must have been the same in ancient times. But a noteworthy instance, apparently to
the contrary, is the solar eclipse of the 2nd January, A. D. 987, which is referred to in Prof. Kielhorn's Vikrama date No. 83 (page 166 above). It was a total eclipse. But it was visible only over a comparatively small area in North America and the North Pacific Ocean: And yet it is the eclipse that answers to the other details of the given date.
When the whole question comes to be fully discussed, consideration should be given to the following points :
(1) Is it not possible that the Hindu prodesses for the calculation of eclipses, taken with the Hindu view as to the shape of the earth, and coupled perhaps with the introduction of even a slight error in working out individual cases, might naturally lead to the result, not only that occasionally an eclipse would be predicted when none would occur, but that still more often eclipses which were not really visible in India at all, would work out as visible in that country, though possibly only to a small extent P
(2) Under ordinary circumstances, would person, intending, e. g., to make a grant of land in celebration of an eclipse, wait until he actually saw the eclipse, and then take the matter in hand; or would he accept the eclipse beforehand, from an almanao or from the calculation of his own astrologer, and have all his arrangements complete for the actual making of the grant at the proper time, when, if no eclipse proved to be visi. ble, the Brahmans would find some specious way of accounting for the fact, and would induce their patron to carry out his intention in spite of it'P
Prof. Jacobi (ante, Vol. XVII. p. 155, note 12) has given the opinion that eclipses mentioned in inscriptions are generally to be interpreted as calculated, not as actually observed; the reason, in respect at any rate of the smaller solar eolipees, being, that they are seen only under favourable circumstances, and would pass unobserved if not caloulated beforehand. And he has indicated that, within the limits of a possible eclipse, the Hindus may at any time have predicted an eclipse when none did occur, or may have failed to predict an eclipse when there would be one.
And the concoction of so palpably spurious a charter as the Bhimankatti Math grant of Junamêjaya (ante, Vol. IV. p. 333 f.). - plainly fabricated in order to deceive some reigning king into the recognition of a right to the lands mentioned in it, shews that the Brahmans have looked upon their rulers as persons who could be gulled very easily indeed, and by very clumsy means.

Page #353

OCTOBER, 1890.)
BOOK-NOTICES.
325
LUCK AND ILL-LUCK.
ed the latter, not knowing; and the man was In Oudh.
found lifeless the next morning. They made It is not safe to fall asleep without drink
mourning for him, and placed bim on a bier to ing water if one is thirsty, or without taking any. carry him to his grave, but at that moment something else one wishes for, because the soul of body accidentally and fortunately uncovered the the sleeper comes out of the body to get it; and Vessel, setting the soul free. It returned to the one cannot tell what may happen then.
body at once, and the man revived. Once upon a time a man went to sleep wishing He related this story to his friends. for water; his soul came out and crept into a
G. H. R. pitcher to drink; some one who was about, cover | Lucknow.
BOOK NOTICES. PROCEEDINGS OF THE AMERICAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY, at hachimno, Dr. Jackson explains the form by this Boston, Mass. May 22, 1889.
law, “quite strongly developed in the Avesta," The Proceedings of the American Oriental that the repetition of a like syllable is to be Society are now no longer issued with the Journal, avoided. (8) The nom. sing. masc. pronominal ha and it therefore behoves scholars and orientalists in Vsp. XII. 1, ha vanhush sraosho, which is to note such contents of ihese Proceedings as may usually looked on as an error for ho or hdu, Dr. be issued from time to time.
Jackson would consider to be merely an old survi. In the number before us, the latest, that has val and therefore a correct reading (9) He reached India, the first article of interest to quotes passages in support of Vans, 'oppose, be Indian scholars is Dr. A. V. Williams Jackson's an enemy,' as an original root. note on the “Circle of Sovereignty" in the Prof. E. F. Moore gives notices of two of the Avesta. This is an attempt to render a doubtful Arabic MSS. in the Library of the New York line in Yasht, X. 67, rathwya chhakhra hachimno, University. The MSS. noted are (1) the comwhich the writer would translate by " attended by mentary of Shahabu'ddin on the Alflya, dated the circle of Sovereignty." He then goes on to A. H. 894. Although this work is known from show that a "curious circle (wheel, ring, crown or Haji Khalifa's catalogue of the commentaries on chaplet) is always found accompanying the figures the Alflya, the MS. appears to be unique as of kings-being held in the hand-on the later regards European libraries. (2) A very fair copy Sassanian and ancient Achæmenian rock-cuttings of the well-known commentary of Al-Ashmani and inscriptions," and he suggests that "this on the Alflya. Prof. Moore considers the New circle or wheel must have been to the Iranians an York MS. to be the commentary mentioned emblem of majesty, like the crown."
by Haji Khalifa, i, 409 (ed. Flügel) entitled Dr. Jackson gives also six grammatical jot. Si lo
w
i ll spine and beginning tings on the Avesta. (1) He remarks that adjec. tivalstems in-van show in Sk. a corresponding fem.
with the words un cicle wale by Jides stem in -vart, and quotes three similar instances from the Avesta of masc. adjectives in -van with Dr. Cyrus Adler is preparing a Report on the fem. -vairl. (2) He would connect the Avestic Progress of American Oriental Science during garenu, 'itch,' a disease, with Skr.gridhnu, greedy, 1888. A hint might be taken from this work for basty,' gardh be greedy ;' on the analogy of the preparation of a similar general report A vestic buna, foundation,' = Skr. budhnd. (3) annually, by some such body as an International Justi derives Av. than vana from tan, but Dr. Oriental Congress. Jackson would derive thanvana, thanvara, and thanvar from thañ 'to draw, drive.' (4) he
THE HYMNS OF THE RIG-VEDA, translated, with a notes that the new Ed. of the Avesta has restored popular commentary, by RALPH T. H. GRIPPITH, at Yasht, VI 3, a true instance of strong (middle) formerly Principal of Benares College. Vol. I. ; 8vo.; stem + postpositive a in loc. sing. of u-stems, pp. xviii., 419, xxvi. 1889. Aud Vol. II., Parts I. (5) he would look upon the acc. sing. patham as and II. 1890. Benares: F. J. Laurus and Co. merely a transfer to the d-declension. (6) In As announced by the author, " this work is an Yasht, IV. 7, in drujinam, he would recognize a attempt to bring within easy reach of all readers gen. plural of an in-stem. (7) In Yasht, X. of English a translation of the Hymns of the 141, qarena occurs for qarenanha as the instrumen- Rig Veda which, while aiming especially at close tal singular of qarenah The text being qarena fidelity to the letter and spirit of the original, shall
اسباب البيان الخ

Page #354

326
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1890
te.
be as readable and intelligible as the nature of the subject and other circumstances permit."
The Rig Veda is the oldest, not only of the four Vedas, but of all the early Aryan literature that has come down to us through the Hindu branch of that great division of mankind. And not the least important feature about it, is, that some of its hymns undoubtedly belong to, or at least indicate the conditions of, the period ante. rior to the separation of the branch which finally settled itself in India, and thus have a far wider hearing and interest than anything in the purely Indian literature.
As yet, no complete English translation of the Rig. Voda has ever been produced ; Prof. Wilson's translation being a rendering of its traditional interpretation, especially as exhibited by Sayana, rather than of the original itself. Mr. Griffith's object is present the original meaning of the hymns themselves; avoiding the mistakes into which the Hindu commentators were led, chietly through the etymological fictions in which they, and the grammarians who paved or were supposed to pave the way for them, indulged. His translation follows the safest of all texts, that given in Prof. Max Müller's magnificent edition. And, while necessarily based partly on Sâyana's scholia, without which much of the original must have remained unintelligible, it has been regulated also " by rational probability, context, and intercomparison of similar words and passages." This method may not altogether find favour in the eyes of Native scholars of the strictest type, who would hold it a heresy to admit any interpretation differing from that sanctioned by Sayana's authority. But it cannot fail to recommend itself, as the only sound course, to Euro. -pean students. Those who wish for a knowledge of the contents of the Rig Veda, without having to read the original themselves, and without requiring an absolutely literal word for word translation, which could only be given in pure prose, may safely take as their guide the translation that has thus been started.
Mr. Griffith is already well-known, not only as a good Sanskrit scholar, but also as a very successful metrical translator of classical Sanskrit works. And one of his objects in the present work has been to reproduce, as far as is really practical and desirable, the rhythm and metre of the original hymns. The following selection, a hymn to the Dawn (Vol. II. p. 175), in the Gayatri metre (in its form of a triplet of three
After her sister when Night hos departed. 2 The kine : the early rays of light. Friend of the Aštinis: as being worshipped at the same time.
lines of eight syllables cach), -mny be taken as typical instance of the nature of the original, as well as shewing the translator's method of dealin with it; while the hymn that immediately precedes it, shews his success in grappling with the more elaborate Trishţubl metre.
HYMN LII. 1. This lady, giver of delight, after her sister
shining forth, Daughter of Heaven, hath shown herself 2. In colour like a ruddy mare, holy, the
mother of the kine, Friend of the Asvins was the Dawn.? 3. Yea, and thou art the Asvins' friend, the
mother of the kine art thou : O Dawn, thou rulest over wealth. 4. Thinking of thee, O joyous one, as her who
driveth hate away, We woke to meet thee with our lauds. 5. Our eyes behold thy blessed rays like troops
of cattle loosed to feed. Dawn hath filled full the wide expanse. 6. When thou hast filled it, fulgent one ! thou
layest bare the gloom with light. After thy nature aid us, Dawn. 7. Thou overspreadest heaven with rays, the
dear wide region of mid-air With thy bright shining lustre, Dawn.
SOUTH INDIAN CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES; by the late
W. S. KRISHNASVAMI NAJDU. EDITED by ROBERT SEWELL, M.C.S., F.R.G.S., M.R.A.S. Madras : printed by the Superintendent, Government Press. 1889. Pp. v., 97.
The object of this work is to give methods and tables for converting, by a very simple process. South-Indian dates into English, and vice versa. And for that purpose there are given four Tables, A. B. C.D; of which D. relates specially to the Hijra calendar, and C. to Hindu dates
Table D gives the week-day and the English date of the commencement of every Hijra yoar from 1 to 1440 (A. D. 622-2018).
Table C. is the most important, occupying nu less than 69 pages. Two kinds of reckoning, solar and luni-solar, are in use in Southern India; the former is prevalent in the Tamil, and the latter in the Telugu Provinces. The week-day and the English date of the commencement of every Kaliyuga year, taken both as a solar and as a luni.solár year, from A. D. 1 to A. D. 2000, with the synchronous years of the Saka
3 Driveth hate arcy: especially the malignity of the evil spirits of the night.

Page #355

OCTOBER, 1890.]
BOOK-NOTICES.
327
und Andu eras, and with the sandtsaras of first tithi of that year in an ordinary Hindu the Sixty-Year Cycle according to the Southern Panchang; that is, again, the date on which Indian System, are given in Table C. Also the in- Chaitra bukla pratipada ends as an apparent tercalated months in the luni-solar years are given. (spashta) tithi. But from some actual calcula. Tables A. and B. are auxiliary to Tables C.
tions we find that such, - invariably at any and D. The first gives the collective duration in
rate, is not the case; and that what has days from the beginning to any date in any month
really been given, is the English date on which
Chaitra sukla pratipadå ends as a mean tithi. of the solar, luni-solar, or Hijra year; and Table B. does the same for the Christian year.
This ought to have been plainly stated. The
difference between a mean and an apparent tithi Any one Saka or Kaliyuga year extends over
is sometimes as much as 25 ghatis or 10 hours; parts of two Christian years; and therefore to facilitate the calculation, there is given in Table
and it may often inake the difference of a day in B. the distance from the first date of an English
the resulting date. We do not know whether the
author and the editor were aware of this, in common year to any date up to the end of the
saying (p. 5) that "at times .... owing to the next succeeding English common year. Rules
conversion of mean into true time...... the are given for the application of the Tables; and
equivalent .. obtained (from the Tables) might seven examples of turning South Indian dates into
differ from the actual one by a day." But, if English dates, and seven of the reverse procese, are worked out. The process is a very plain one,
they were aware of it, they should have used the
apparent tithis; though, of course, even then the consisting of not more than five sums, of very few
results would not always have been much better. figures, in simple addition and subtraction. And
There is sometimes an actual error in the entries any ordinary person can use the work. Though
of column 10. Whenever the mean Chaitra sukla the book is intended specially for use in Southern India, still that part of it which relates to the
pratipadå ends after midnight, the following
English date is given as the equivalent. luni-solar calendar will be useful all over India.
For
example, in Saka-Samvat 1797 current, the mean A calendar like that of the Hindus cannot, Chaitra sukla pratipadå ended, according to the its Dr. Schram has rightly observed, be brought present Sürya-Siddhanta, which we know is the with absolute certainty into a simple Table; and prevalent authority for the Telugu luni-solar it is well that the editor, and of course the calendar, on Wednesday, 18th March, A. D. 1874, author, of the Tables under notice, does not at 55 gh. 58 p. for Lanká mean time. But Thurs. 18sume to give absolutely certain results. It is
day, 19th March, is given as the English date of Iplained that "these Tables may often vary by the commencement of the luni-solar year. For somo hours." But as the object of these Tables doing so, there is the excuse that the English is to find the equivalent date and not the hours date and week-day begin at midnight. But, as and minutes of a tithi or a sankranti, the con- a general rule, the practice hitherto followed is sequence of the difference of some hours" that that English date which corresponds for the rray often be the difference of one day. Such is greater part, viz. three-fourths, of a Hindu week
he case not only with the lunar, but even with day, is given as the English equivalent of that slar dates, obtained from these Tables. But it day. If that practice was intentionally set aside,
a result that cannot be avoided in such general the fact should have been distinctly stated. We l'ables, the real aim of which is extreme simpli- are inclined to think that it was not done intenity and readiness of calculation.
tionally, but through a mistake, which seems The articles of Table C. which require lengthy
to have arisen from following Warren's Kalasumwirulations, and are therefore liable to errors, are
kalita. Allowing for these two points, the entries 50se given in columns 7,10 and 11, respectively;
in column 10 are, as we find from examining 2. the dates of the commencement of the solar
some dates here and there, reliable. ad luni-solar years, and the repeated months in
Column 11, giving the repeated months, is the latter.
utterly useless. We say so from a comparison of Taking first the luni-solar calendar, we it with a Table of intercalated months from Sakabould expect that the English date equivalent to Samvat 1 to 2000 by Prof. K. L. Chhatre, the The commencernent of the luni-solar year, given accuracy of which we ourselves have tested by in columın 10, is that which we should find for the several actual calculations. To take an example of
1 A part of this Table is given in Prof. Chhatre' Book aanoil Graha-midhanachi Kshakch. The whole Table is gisen hy him in Vol. I. No. 12 (March, 1851) of a
MaratlI monthly magazine called Jnana prasdraka (published in Bombay but not now continued). The intercalary months iu Mr. Cowasjee Patell's Chrono

Page #356

328
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(OCTOBER, 1890.
recent date, in Saka-Samvat 1802 current (1801 expired) the repeated month is given as No. 6, viz. Bhådrapada. This would be repeated if there were no samkranti in it. But in that year the SimhaSarkránti took place on Sråvaņa kfishpa 13, Friday, 15th August, A. D. 1879. The following amå vâsya ended, and consequently the following month Bhadrapada commenced, 47 gh. 45 p. after sunrise on Sunday, 17th August. That same Bhadrapada ended 12 gh. 4 p. after sunrise on Tuesday, 16th September. And the Kanya-Samkranti took place more than 30 ghatis before the end of that Bhadrapada, viz. on Bhadrapada krishna 14, Monday, 15th September, at 40gh. 43 p. We give these details from an ordinary Panchang in our possession, prepared from the Grahalaghava and Chintamani of Ganesa Daivajña. By no authority can the Kanye-Samkranti be made to take place after the end of this Bhadrapada ; and therefore that month cannot be intercalary. Asvina is the intercalary month in that year. We have tried in vain to obtain the clue to the process by which the repeated months in the work under notice, were calculated. We may remark, by the way, that a rule for finding the intercalary months devised by Dr. J. Burgess, and given in Note III. p. 7 e, is wrong and quite useless.
Now as regards "column 7. It is not stated what authority and what rules are followed, in giving the English date of the commencement of the solar year. We know that the authority for the Tamil solar calendar is the first Arya. Siddhanta. And the same is followed in the present work. From Saka-Samvat 400, the apparent samkrantis according to the first Arya-Siddhanta take place before those of the present SdryaSiddhanta, the difference increasing after that year. In Saka-Samvat 1800 expired, it was about 6 gh. 20 p. The solar year may begin astrono. mically at any time of a day; that is, a samkranti can take place at any time. But according to one method, when it takes place before sunset, the year or month is made to begin civilly on the same day, while, if it takes place after sunset, the ycar or month begins civilly on the next day. There is another method (see Note IV. by Dr. Burgess, on p. 7 f.) by which, when the sun entere a sign within 3 of the 5 parts into which the dey-time is divided, the month begins on the same day: otherwise, it begins on the next day. In the work under notice the civil commencement of
the solar year is taken; and it is that which is obtained according to the first of the two methods just mentioned. All these particulars ought to have been distinctly stated by the author. We have discovered the true state of the case, by actually calculating some cases, and comparing the results with the entries in the book before us. The prescribed rules, moreover, do not seem to have been followed strictly. For example, in A. D. 1780 the Mêsha-Samkranti took place on the 9th April, at 34 gh. 13 p. according to the present Sarya-Siddhanta, and at 28 gh. 20 p. according to the first Arya-Siddhanta; both according to Ujjain mean time. In this case, the 9th April is given as the beginning of the solar year; and it is right. But in A. D. 1803, the Mêsha-Samkranti took place on the 10th April, at 31 gh. 18 p. according to the Súrya-Siddhanta, and at 25 gh. 18 p. according to the first Arya-Siddhanta, both according to Ujjain mean time. But here, not the 10th, but the 11th April, is given as the date of the commencement of the solar year. The entries in column 7, however, may be looked upon as generally reliable.
A few words in conclusion, which we hope will not be taken amies. The Preface tells us that these Tables are intended ultimately for use in courts and offices, as well as for historians and archaeologists. In their present form they are only tentative, and a few copies only have been printed; the intention being to publish the work in a final shape, after seeing the results of criticism and examination. As we have shewn, however, these Tables can only give approximate. results, at any rate for the Hindu solar and luni-solar years. And surely, considering the practical interests involved, courts and offices require actual results, just as much as historians and archæologists, if not indeed more 80. Equally good approximate results can be obtained from works already published; e. g. Mr. Cowasjee Patell's and Gen. Sir A. Cunningham's books, and Dr. Schram's Tables. While, with practically no more expenditure of time and trouble, accurate results can be obtained either from Prof. K. L. Chhatre's book, or from Prof. Jacobi's Tables, by any one who will take the trouble to master them. Under these circumstances, then, what real object can be served by finally issuing these Tables, endorsed by Govern. ment authority, for actual use, whether official or otherwise ?
logy, and in Gen. Sir A. Cunningham's Indian Eras, which (p. 91) admittedly follows Mr. Cowagjee Patell's book in this respect, agree throughout with those in Prof. Cahatra's Table, except for only a few mietekee in the
former two. Mr. Cowasjee Patell's Chronology was published fifteen years after Prof. Chhatre's Table, and it is possible that it may have some direct or indirect connectice in this matter with Prof. Chhatres Table

Page #357

SYSTEM OF TRANSLITERATION. The system of transliteration followed in this Journal for Sanskrit and Kanarese, (and, for the sake of uniformity, submitted for adoption, as far as possible, in the case of other languages),- except in respect of modern Hindu personal names, in which absolute purism is undesirable, and in respect of a few Anglicised corruptions of names of places, sanctioned by long usage, - is this :Sanskrit. Kanarese. Transliteration. Sanskrit.
Kanarese. Transliteratio
&
99
ja
आ
jha na
2
$ S S
IF Frilu to the ti
al d &
ta tha
dha
dha
ņa
a l 3
ta
tha
1 26% 363 3
at 21 tl al
to
dha na ра pba
t
Visurga
&
r
#
bha ma
Visarg 4 Jihrimúilya, or old)
Visurga before
and Upadhiniyat, or
old Visarga be
fore 7 and Anusterit
Anusrúra Anuni iki
&
8
a
IF F
kha
lE 18 tot tbc
sie&
gla
lis
sha
8L 21
a
cha
chha A single hyphen is used to separate words in composition, as far as it is desirable to divide them. It will readily be seen where the single hyphen is only used in the ordinary way, at the end of a line, as divided in the original Text, to indicate that the word runs on into the next Ime; intermediate divisions, rendered unavoidable here and there by printing necessities, are made only where absolutely necessary for neatness in the arrangement of the Texts.
A double hyphen is used to separate words in a sentence, which in the original are written as one word, being joined together by the euphonic rules of sandhi. Where this double hyphen is used, it is to be understood that a final consonant, and the following initial vowel or consonant-and-vowel, are in the original expressed by one complex sign. Where it is not used, it is to be understood of the orthography of the original, that, according to the stage of the alphabet, the final consonant either has the modified broken form, which, in the oldest stages of the alphabet, was used to indicate a consonant with no vowel attached to it, or has the distinct sign of the viráma attached to it; and that the following initial vowel or consonant has its full initial form. In the transcription of ordinary texts, the double hyphen is probably unnecessary; except where there is the sandhi of final and initial vowels. But, in the transcription of epigraphical records, the use of this sign is upavoidable, for the purpose of indicating exactly the palæographical standard of the original texts.
The avagraha, or sign which indicates the elision of an initial a, is but rarely to be met with in inscriptions. Where it does occnr, it is most conveniently represented by its own Devanagari sign.
So also practice has shewn that it is more convenient to use the ordinary Devanagari marks of punctuation than to substitute the English signs for them.
Ordinary brackets are used for corrections and doubtful points; and square brackets, for letters which are damaged and partially illegible in the original, or which, being wholly illegible, can be supplied with certainty. An asterisk attached to letters or marks of punctuation in square brackets, indicates that those letters or marke of punctuation were omitted altogether in the original. As a rule, it is more convenient to use the brackets than to have recourse to footnotes; as the points to which attention is to be drawn attract holde far more readily. But notes are given instead, when there would be so many brackets, close together, as to encumber the text and render it inconvenient to read. When any letters in the original are wholly illegible and cannot be supplied, they are represented, in metrical passages, by the sign for a long or a short syllable, as the case may be and in prose passages, by points, at the rate, usually, of two for each akshara or syllable.

Page #358


Page #359

NOVEMBER, 1890.)
THE KALINGATTU PARANI.
329
TAMIL HISTORICAL TEXTS. BY V. KANAKASABHAI PILLAI, B.A., B.L.
No. 2.- THE KALINGATTU PARANI. THIS is a long poem, giving a graphic account of an expedition into the North Kalinga
country, conducted by Karunakara, the Pallava king and prime-minister of the Chola emperor Kulôttunga. Several editions of the work have been published at Madras, the earliest of which was printed about twenty years ago. Two manuscript copies of the poem appear to have formed part of the collection known as the Mackenzie Collection. And the name occurs also in the catalogue of the manuscripts compiled by the Rev. W. Taylor, but that scholar evidently did not study the poem critically, and hence failed to discover its importance as a contemporary record of the events that had occurred during the reign of Kulottunga.l The language being modern Tamil, there is no commentary accompanying the poem. It is divided into 13 cantos, and contains 593 stanzas. The verses are in the Thâlichai metre, and are remarkable for the musical flow of the rhythm and the elegance of the language. The cadence, swift and stirring, is well suited for martial strains, and the style, always majestic, appropriate to the grandeur of the theme. Far-fetched and extravagant similes and other rhetorical embellishments, in which oriental poets delight, abound in the poem.
• The author's name is given as Jayańkongan. This is probably more a title than a name, as it means simply conqueror. One of the predecessors of Kulottunga-Chola, Rajarûjadêva, surnamed Rajakesarivarman, had assumed the same title and was known as Jayaňkonda-Chola, and it was customary, during this period, for the chief officers of a king's court to assume the titles of the king himself, or to name their children after them. It is probable, therefore, that the author was born during the reign of that sovereign. No particulars whatever of the author's life are given in the poem.
As it is not desirable to translate the whole of this long poem in the Indian Antiquary, I shall give here only a brief analysis of its contents, with translations of such portions as will serve to shew the style and contents of the poem, and the texts also of such passages as will be interesting to the historical enquirer.
The poem opens with a prayer, in twenty stanzas, addressed to Umâpati, Visbņu, Brahman, Surya, Ganapati, Subrahmanya, Sarasvati, Umâ, and the Seven Mothers, for the long life and prosperity of the Chôla emperor. Some of the stanzas may be translated, as follows:
(S. 1) Let us meditate, on Him ('Siva), who, to set an example of domestic life, married the daughter of the mountain (Pârvati), while the cloud-coloured (Vishnu) poured a libation of water and gave away the bride), and he who dwells on a flower (Brahman) performed the marriage ceremonies; - (S. 2) So that Abhaya ('the fearless"), the most excellent of the two royal lines (solar and lanar), who, by right of inheritance, seized the hand of the daughter of Brahman (the Earth), according to the sacred Vedas, may live for ever! - (S. 3) Let us praise the sacred name of that peerless child (Vishņu), who was incarnate without being born from any womb, and who contained the whole world in his bowels; - (S. 4) So that the single umbrella of the gracious Abhaya may cover all the wide world, like the bowels of that great Vishộu, for ever! - (S. 5) Let us praise that first Being, who created the four Yugas, the four elements, and the four Upanishads, and who possesses four faces; - (S. 6) So that Kuladipa (the light of his race'), who protects the four lands, the four quarters, the four broad seag, and the four castes, may live for ever! - (S. 17) Let us worship the twice seven feet of the seven radiant goddesses, on whose banners are painted the buffalo, the bird, the devil, the peacock, the bull, the eagle, and the elephant ; - (S. 18) So that the imperial tiger-standard,
Catalogue Raisonné of Oriental Manuscripts, by Rev. W. Taylor, Vol. III. PP. 153, 900.

Page #360

330
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1890.
which the Chembian planted on Môru after having lowered the standards of the boar, tho plough, the stag, the lion, the lute, the bow, and the fish, may be pre-eminent for ever!
The second canto contains 54 stanzas and is an address to women, inviting them to listen to the song celebrating the deeds of their sovereign. This gives the poet an opportunity to dwell on the charms of the fair sex, their love, little jealousies and quarrels, - subjects so congenial to the imaginative mind of oriental bards. Many of the stanzas do not bear trauslation; as a specimen, however, I shall translate a few which are free from objection:
(S. 3) Ye (maidens) of soft speech !, come like peacocks, waking from sleep, your tresses waving, your ankle-rings resounding, and open the doors. — (S. 16) Open the doors adorned with gold, ye good girls !, who pretend to sleep till break of day, to punish your lovers for their faults and to thwart their desires. -- (S. 38) Open your golden doors, ye maidens!, on whose feet the ankle-rings ever clamour, warning you not to walk, lest your slender waist break, unable to bear the weight of the pair of breasts. - (S. 44) Ye who have heard of the might of the bow, terrible to its foes, wielded by that Karuņkara (Rama) who conquered Lanka, open the doors, and let me sing of the battle fought by that Karunakara who conquered Kalinga, - (S. 43) Ye maidens who, in amoroue dalliance, loosen the kalinga (clothes), keeping the káñchi (girdle), open the doors, and let me sing of the battle in which the Chenni (Chola), who wears the anklet, destroyed Kalinga, keeping Kanohi. - (S. 45) Ye who think of all the faults of your ardent lovers in their absence, and forget them in their presence, open your massive golden doors. — (S. 54) Open your golden doors, and listen, ye maidens who twist and fasten in your locks, alike the bright red flowers of the kalunir and the hearts of young men full of love.
Cantos 8 and 4 contain imaginary descriptions of the parched desert and weird temple sacred to Kalidevi, the goddess of war. As an example of the author's peculiar style and powers of description, I shall translate a few of the stanzas, describing the desert :
(Canto 3 ; s. 6) The shadows of the eagles, which circle in the skies in search of prey over that desert, seem to flee from it, afraid of the heat, and stop in no place. - (S. 8) The red ground of that desert appears like & furnace of glowing fire; and like clouds of smoke issuing from the furnace, are the troops of doves Aitting over it. - Hear, why the greencolored steeds of Sarya do not course through the skies at night, as they do in the day. Is it not because they find it hard to pass over the desert, sacred to the goddess, without taking rest after every journey across it?- (S. 13) Alas! It is to screen themselves from the fierce and expanding heat of this desert, that the gods have placed the clouds and the halo in the sky. (8. 12) Is it not, alas ! the sweat, dropping from the panting clouds and moon after they cross the desert, that falls in rain and der? - (8.10) Is it not owing to the heat of this desert, into which even men cannot venture, that the gods are afraid to set foot on this earth?
In the succeeding three cantos 5 to 7, the goddess, her attendant demons and goblins, and their horrible witchcraft are described.
Canto 8 is entitled Rachaparamparyam or 'the royal genealogy,' and contains a short account of the ancestors of Kulottunga. To give it a fictitious interest, the poet states that the account is taken from the history inscribed on the side of the mountain Mêru, by the great Chola king Karikala, as dictated by the Rishi Närada, who then foretold the whole of the history of the Chola family, down to the accession of Kulottunga. The pedigree of the Cholas is traced as follows:
(S. 9) From the lotus-navel of the first Vishnu sprang Brahman; the latter begat the hero Marlohi ; his beloved son was Kaby&pa ; and he begat the resplendent Sarya. -(S. 10) His son, Manu, while protecting the earth, sacrificed his beloved son, as not dearer to him than the young calf (which that son had run over), and was praised by all living beings (for his stern justice) His son was Ikahvaku,- (S. 11) The heroic son, begotten by Ikshvaku, conquered all

Page #361

NOVEMBER, 1890.]
—
his enemies, and, riding on the thousand-eyed Indra, as on an elephant, defeated the Dânavas. (S. 12) (Then followed) that powerful ruler, in whose time the deer drank at the same fountain with the ferocious tiger without fear, -Muchukunta, who entering the world of the celestials, displayed his valour in the battle-field; (S. 13) (Then) he who gaye to the gods the nectar that rose from the ocean, when it wae churned; (then) he who intrepidly cut off his own flesh; (then) he who entered the scales, to be weighed against a dove. (S. 14) Then the Cholas, commencing with Surâtiraja, having formed the Chola mandala, the two Rajakesaris governed the seven worlds with the tiger-standard: (S. 15) (Then) he who dictated to Yama what he should do; (then) he who brought the Kâvêrî river; (then) he who subdued the whole of this world and other worlds; - (S. 16) (Then) he who placed Indra as the tiger in his standard; (then) he who opened out one ocean to flow into another; (then) he who of his own free will gave up his blood to be drunk; (then) he who compelled Varadaraja to serve him ; - (S. 17) (Then) he who stormed the aërial castles; (then) he who raised to the skies his chariot which was adorned with a multitude of brilliant gems; (then) he who assisted the ocean-like army of Dharma, till the Bharata war was concluded; - (S. 18) (Then) he who ventured alone into the mouth of a cave, and, going through a dark passage, gained the jewel of the Uragas (a Naga princess); (then) he who knocked off the fetters from the feet of Uthiya (Chêra), and crowned him on hearing the poem Kalavali recited by Poikai. - (S. 19) Having thus written the history of others (of his dynasty), he (Karikala), recorded how the goddess of victory embraced his shoulders, when his matchless elephant trampled on the crowns of the Valuti (Pandya) and the Chêra. (S. 20) (He recorded further) how Mukari was destroyed, when he rubbed it out of the map, finding that it did not suit the plan prepared for the banks of the Kaveri, which were being constructed by vassal kings. (S. 21) (And he described) the conquest of Kurumi, where the varúl-fish leap in the waters, and the gift of sixteen hundred thousand pons to the bard of pure Tamil, who composed the Paddinappálai in his praise (S. 22) The disgrace inflicted on the rival kings, Uthiya (Chera) and the king of Madura, who had never before gone behind another, and who, clothed in rags, were made to hold lighted lamps on their heads: (S. 23) The prowess of one who, mounted on an elephant, conquered all the land under the sky; the glory acquired by destroying flam (Ceylon) and the Tamil Kadal (Madura): (S. 24) The capture of numerous elephants by that king who established the chathayu-feast in the Uthiya (Chêra) mandala, and who, radiant like the morning sun, stormed Uthakai, riding on a single elephant: (S. 25) The elephants of the Chola, drinking the water of the Ganges at Mannai; - the annexation of Kadaram, where the roaring limpid waves wash the sand mixed with red gold: (S. 26) The planting of a pillar of victory at Kampili; - the thorough defeat of the people of the strongly-fortified Kalyan, by one who, riding on a huge elephant whose tusks were adorned with rings, caused the figure of the tiger to be engraved on the eight mountains: (S. 27) The extension of dominion by the battle of Koppai, where one who, appearing like an elephant riding on another elephant, won the battle, and saved the world: - (S. 28) The growth of virtue and the happiness of the people under the benign sway of the Chola, who dispensed justice three or four times better than the ancient Manu, reviving the practice of the Vedas, the first of all books. (S. 29) After the reign of that king, who defeated the Kuntalas at Kadal-sangam, people will wonder how fortunate the damsel earth was, to be united to him. (S. 30) As far as the three worlds extend, and as far as the sacred Vêdas are observed, so far, to the bounds of the last circle of mountains, Abhaya protected the world wielding the sceptre with justice.
—
THE KALINGATTU PARANI.
:
-
-
—
-
831
-
Canto 9 contains an imaginary description of a conversation between Kâli and her attendant spirits, in which one of the latter foretells the approach of the Kalinga war, and the spirits are joyous at the prospect of another feast on bleeding corpses.
Canto 10 gives an account of the birth of Kulottunga, his education and early exploits, his accession to the throne of the Cholas, and a journey from the capital Gangapuri to Kanchi,

Page #362

832
[NOVEMBER, 1890.
whither he goes to enjoy the pleasures of a hunt on the banks of the Palar. (S. 3) He (Vishnu) who was incarnate on a banian leaf, appeared again in the sacred womb of the wife of him of the race of the moon, which dispels darkness, the beautiful daughter of Rajaraja, of the rival race of the sun. (S. 5) Gentle showers of rain fell at the time; and the wife of Gangaikonda-Chola took up the noble son of her noble daughter in her hands, which were as fair as the flowers of the red lotus. (S. 6) She saw that in all his limbs he resembled his parents, and said that he was worthy to be her (adopted) son, and to increase the fame of the solar race. -(S. 7) As a young prince of the lunar race, as an infant lord of the solar race, he grew up, the joy of the kings of both races, like the fruit of the virtuous deeds of his ancestors. (S. 9) To make it clear that he was the Krishna of olden times, who, born as the son of Vasudeva, relieved this earth of its evils, he wore the ornament on which were engraved his five weapons, the club, bow, sword, conch, and discus. (S. 11) Like the marriagethread on the sacred neck of the goddess whose seat is on a flower (Lakshmi), the three-fold thread shone on his broad chest, and he appeared distinguished by the rites of a second birth.
(S. 12) He heard from Brahmans, and repeated, the four Vêdas, which he had once before studied, when he assumed the form of a learned dwarf and begged for a grant of land. (S. 13) To the joy of the goddess Earth, who knew that her happiest days were near, he wore on his shoulders the fure of the goddess of Viotory, and at his waist, a shining short scimitar.(S. 14)" To this day Sûrya dispels the darkness, driving in a chariot drawn by seven steeds; I will remove the evils of this earth, driving a single horse," thus he said, and learnt to drive a chariot. (S. 15) "Indra conquers his enemies, riding an elephant which has four tusks; I will rout my enemies, riding one with only two tusks," thus he said, and learnt to ride elephants. (S. 16) The five kinds of weapons, beginning with the discus, being his own (as an incarnation of Vishnu), he learnt to use them, that he might conquer in all directions; and his fair hands did not feel the weight of the arms. (S. 18) Installed as heir-apparent to the Abhaya, who bears a banner of renown, he made up his mind to seize the wealth of rival kings. -(S. 20) He set out with his troops of horses, to meet the wrath of the northern kings, which gathered like the darkness falling upon the earth, when the steeds of Surya approach the west. - (S. 23) When the bright brows of the Chola, who had quelled the strifes of men, were bent like a bow, then was Yama furious, and Chakkarakoddam fell. (S. 24) When opposing armies fled at every encounter, and Abhaya seized the hands of the goddess of Victory, kings offered, in tribute, horses and elephants and wealth of every kind. (S. 25) The eyes of the kings who came to fight, paled, and their feet reddened, as they fled from the battlefield; while the javelin in the fair hands of him who was a terror to Virutaraja was red (with blood) and his fame was white (i. e. increased). (S. 26) While Abhaya, thus riding an elephant, went into the northern countries, the "king of kings" went to heaven to be a king of gods, and we shall describe what befell the southern land. (S. 27) The Brahmans gave up sacrifices; the laws of Manu were not followed; the six sciences were forgotten; and the chanting of Vêdic hymns ceased: (S. 28) The castes mixed one with another in wild confusion; and forgetting their rules of conduct, none kept to their ancient customs:- (S. 29) One trying to govern another, the temples of the gods were neglected; the women lost their chastity; and fortresses were destroyed. (S. 30) While the land was thus shrouded in the darkness of evil, he (Abhaya) came to save the world, like the sun which rises above the roaring sea, driving away darkness. (S. 31) He made it his duty to create afresh all the usual safe-guards (for the. people), and restored to their former state those who had been ruined. - (S. 32) Amid the roar of the four oceans, the chanting of the four Vêdas, and the blessings of the three worlds, he was anointed. S. (33) While kings, wearing sounding anklets, laid sacred grass at his feet, the Brahmans held the crown, and the laws of Manu revived. S. (34) On the long crown, studded with many gems in rows, water was poured, and the virtues sprouted. (S. 35) When the lofty tiger-standard was raised, supreme over the world, other kings also raised their banners, and the gods shouted with joy. (S. 36) While, with hands joined in obeisance, kings stood round the Abhaya, who wore the sounding anklet, his umbrella, decked
-
-
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
-
-
-
—

Page #363

NOVEMBER, 1890.]
THE KALINGATTU PARANI.
833
with pearls, shed a lustre like that of the moon, and the darkness of evil disappeared. - (S. 39) The four directions enjoyed peace; the Vedas resumed their course; the Uthiya (Chera) took refuge at his feet; and the Cholias (Pandyas) fled to the sea. (3.45) Having no foe to fight, he (the emperor) amased himself with wrestling-matches, debates of logicians, cock-fights, and elephant-fights. (S. 46) He spent his time in listening to the songs of poets and music, in the company of chosen mistresses, and in studying the law of Manu and the Vedas. - (S. 47) Having enjoyed a hunt on the banks of the Kavori, which passes through groves trembling to the wind, he ordered a march to the banks of the Palar for a hunt on horseback. (S. 48) He was pleased to order that it should be proclaimed by beat of drams; and the soldiers gathered from the four directions and poured into the town, as if the people of the whole world were coming into it, subduing the noise of the waves of the sea. - (S.55) The wives of kings presented garlands of flowers and golden necklaces, and came, mounted on elephants, surrounding the elephant on which was seated the empress Thiyakavalli, who had the right of exercising equal authority with the Chenni. — (S. 68) Having obtained the permission of the god (Siva) who has three eyes, and lives on the silver mountain, and dances in the hall, he travelled northwards, and passed through the large town of Athikai. (S. 69) Leaving Athikai, by slow and pleasant marches the Abhaya approached the wealthy town of Kanchi; and kings, who had umbrellas resplendent like the full-moon, received him with the asual obeisance.
• Canto il gives a description of the splendour of the emperor's court at Kanchi, the expedition to Kalinga, and the preparation of the Kalinga king to meet the invading army: - (S. 4) In the sculptured hall in the south-west corner of the palace of red gold, which the thousand-rayed Surya is unable to distinguish from the golden Meru, - (8.5) Under the shade of a white parasol, beneath a canopy made of pearls in imitation of the heavens, where the full-moon shines radiantly in the midst of clusters of stars, -- (S. 6) The two white chaurís, with which he was fanned from both sides of the parasol, resembling the waves of the southern milky ocean, serving him,- (s. 7) He who bore on his shoulders the whole of this fair world, and planted the tiger-banner on the golden mountain, appeared like a powerful lion, seatel on the sirihásana (the throne, the lion-seat'). - (S. 9) His fortunate queens sat near him, like the goddesses of victory and wealth, who had never left his arms which have the wealth of all this world. - (S. 10) And around, there were many women of forms divine, who excelled in all kinds of stage-play, in dance, and in song. - (S. 11) Bards and minstrels sang, praising him as the bestower of gold on all who took refuge at his feet. (8. 12) Those skilled in the violin, lute, or reed, begged to be allowed to display their art in a hundred different styles. - (S. 13) He found fault at once with the performances of some, and presented trampets and elephants to those who sang without fault in tune and time.- (8.14) Kings who came on elephants, got down, and fell at his feet, and presented umbrellas and chauris, and served him with their own hands, in turns. - (S. 16) His ministers, such as the Tondaiman, at whose gate mandalikas and kings wait, were also round him. - (S. 17) Then the palaceofficer, whose duty it was to present petitioners, having bowed before him, announced that the Vassal kings were waiting outside to pay their tributes, and they crowded into the hall; - (S. 18) The Pandyas, Chêras, Kapakas, Chåpakas, Chodipas, Yadavas, Karpatas, Pallavas, Kaitavas, Kidavas, Kåripas, and Kosalas; - (S. 19) The Gangas, Karalas, Kavintas, Tumintas, Kadambas, Tulumbas, Vaigas, Laļas, Marâdas, Viratas, Mayintas, and Chayintas; - (S. 20) The Siugalas, Bangalas, Chekunas, Chêvapas, Cheyyavas, Aiyaņas, Konkaņas, Kongas, Kulunkas, Chauntiyas, Kuchcharas, and Kachchiyas; - (S. 21) The Matta vas, Mattiras, MÁlavas, Magadhas, Matsyas, allêchchas, Guptas, the people of the East and the North, Tarukkas, Kurukkas, and Viyattas. - (8. 22) With joined hands laid at his feet, they said "You have granted to us towns and countries, and we have brought you the tribute that you have ordered us to pay :(S. 23) “These are necklaces; these, golden ornaments; these, elephants; these, camels; these, knots and boxes; these, pearls, still wet (fresh from the oyster); these, necklaces of the nine kinds of gems; these are priceless brooches :- (S. 24) “ Those and these are heaps of precious stones,

Page #364

834
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[NOVEMBER, 1890.
and these are heaps of gold; these are fish-shaped earrings, set with gems, which sparkle now bright and now dark; those and these are female elephants of faultless shape; these are male elephants; these are tall banners; and these are the forehead-pieces of those who have lost their birthright :-(. 25) “Worthy to be ridden, are these one hundred elephants; if, to match them, another king can produce a single elephant, we shall wager our kingdoms;" thus each king spoke highly of his gifts, to please the emperor, and to secure his happiness. - (S. 26) The kings having all bowed at his feet, he was pleased to enquire whether there were any who had failed to pay tribute. - (3. 27) “The Kadakar have brought their tribute and bowed at your feet; but with them, the Chief of north Kalinga has twice failed to come," - 80 they said. - (S. 28) The kings trembled with fear as to what might happen ; and his bright coral lips assumed a smile, - we cannot say why, while his face seemed to frown slightly. - (S. 29) “Though he be a weak prince, my troops should march quickly, with the elephants at whose rut the bees swarm, and storm his bill-forts, and bring him hither : " - (S. 30) When the emperor issued these commands, the king of Vandainagara, who was born in the royal family according to the Vedas, bowed at his feet, and prayed that he might be allowed to invade the seven Kalingas. - (8.31) When the valiant Tondaimen eagerly asked for permission to trample the foes in that direction, he who had raised the tiger-(banner), granted the prayer; and thereupon, - (S. 32) The troops gathered like a deluge; and people wondered, whether such a large force was to churn the ocean, or to level the mountains, or to brenk the neck of the serpent of the flaming-bead, under the sea. (S. 33) The conch-shells bounded, the big drums thundered, and the reeds and pipes squeaked till the ears of the elephants, which guard the eight points, were deafened. - (S. 34) Rows of umbrellas and banners were unfurled, crowded so that the daylight was hidden and darkness ensued. -(8.35) But, in the fierce light of the blazing sun, the golden ornaments of the soldiers flashed, and the polished arms dazzled and shed a bright light. - (S. 36) “Had all the mountains of this world turned into elephants? Had all the winds become horses? Had all the clouds become chariots? And had the roaring oceans become warriors ?:- (S. 37) "Had the earth become small, that the army appears so large; or was the army so vast that the earth seemed to have shrunk in space ?" - (S. 42) There gathered warriors who had many & scar on their limhe, as lasting marks (of their valour), and held them as trophies and their sole wealth; who would not go back one step in fight), even if they could get the whole of this world and that of the gods thereby; who held their body as a burden, and sought to purchase glory by selling their life. — (S. 52) The troops ordered by the Abhaya, who wears on his round shoulders garlands of cool flowers, having come, the Chola general Karunakara mounted an elephant. - (S. 53) The king, who raised the banner of the bull which had been borne by the kings of Tondai, - he, the king of Vandai,- he, the king of the Pallavas, - mounted on the big elephant. - (S. 54) The king of the Pallavas, of Vandainagara, renowned for marching quickly, and way laying and defeating his foes, mounted an elephant, which was adorned with a plate on the forehead and had a rocking gait, and went forth like a tager in search of prey. - (S. 51) The oceanlike army marched, raising clouds of dust, starting with the dawn, and resting with the setting sun, and pursued its journey, without stopping a single day. - (S. 55) It crossed the Palar, the Kusaitalai, and the old river Ponmukari, and the swift Kolli, and went beyond the river Pennai. - (S. 56) It crossed the Vayalar, Manipulvái, Mannary, and the shining Kunri, and left behind the great river Krishna. - (S. 57) The Godavari, the Pampe river, and the Götamai, and their fords of sounding waters, were left bebind. - (8.58) When the army entered, like a vast ocean, even the gods trembled, and whole villages were set on fire, sacked, and ruined. - (S. 59) “The troops have come like an ocean, with the Ganga on one side ; where is refuge, where is defence ?; who is king here any more? - (S. 60) “The walls are falling, houses are blazing, and the smoke is rising; all that is fair is being wrecked, and we are ruined," - 80 they fled crying, "Help, help (lit. 'troope, troops")." - (8. 61) “Our king had failed to send the tribute which he ought to pay to the sovereign of this world, and hooded not his commands;

Page #365

NOVEMBER, 1890.)
THE KALINGATTU PARANI.
335
and here is the army sent by the latter." — (S. 62) With stammering speech and trembling bodies, one striving to ran before the other, and with the clothes slipping from their waists, they fell at the feet of the lord of men. - (S. 63) The king of north Kalinga, who had never before known disaster, breathing forth fury, with the wrath of a warrior, clapped his hands, and looked at them. - (8. 64) Then he laughed, shaking his broad shoulders, and said "Am I to submit, not only to the Abhaya, the flowers on whole umbrella yield honey to the bees that swarm on the elephants which guard the eight points, but to his armies also ?
- (S. 65) “That army seems to come, without ever thinking that this Kalinga country is defended by jungles, by hills and by the sea, which .bound it on all sides." -(S. 66) When the king spake thus, one of his ministers spoke out as follows:- "Listen, I shall tell thee something of him (Abhaya) : - (8. 67) “ Though kings be enraged, their servants will not fail to tell them the truth :-(S. 68) “Is not his army sufficient to throw down other kings, and must Jayatars himself come! :-(S. 69) “ Hast thon not heard how the five (Pandya kings) suffered by the armies which he (the Chola) sent against them ?:- (8. 70) " Has it not reached thine ears, how boastful kings turned their backs (and fled), when the army (of the Chola) marched to fight them ?:- (S. 71) “Is it not the army that crossed the sea, and destroyed Viļinam, and seized salai P: - (S. 74) "Were not a thousand elephants captured at Navilai, which was guarded by the Gandanayakasp:- (s. 75) “How many kings have rued, and lost their realms by that army, I cannot count: - (S. 76) "His general is now come with the army ; reckon well. what is the strength of thy shoulders :-(8. 77) • Thou mayest be furious today, but tomorrow, when thou standest before the army, thon wilt think of my words." - (S. 80) (Said the king) - "Like & stranger, who does not know anything of the strength of my shoulders and of my sword, thon bast spoken out of thy ignorance ; is this a kingdom to be conquered easily P:-(S. 81) “ Quick let our soldiers march with elephants, chariots and horses, and commence the fight with the army sent by the Chola Kulottunga : - (S. 82) “ Get ready the war-elephants ; get ready the battle-horses; get ready countless chariots; come in, ye men of arms, come to the battlefield; we have a foe to fight." -- (S. 83) These orders resounded through the seven Kalingas, and a tumultuous noise arose, as if the seven oceans had mingled their roar, to the astonishment of all.
The battle between the Kalinga king and Karunakara is described in Canto 12. I shall translate only a few of the stanzas :
(S. 1) "Up! Up! Up! with your arms," was the cry that rose everywhere ; and the clamour swelled like that of the sea ; "On ! On ! On! with the troops of horses and elephants, on!," -- these words echoed on all sides. - (S. 3) The two armies met, like raging seas rushing on seas ; and like curling waves breaking on waves, the horsemen charged on horsemen. -(S. 4) Like mighty rocks meeting rocks, hoge elephants appeared against elephants, and like clouds, contending with clouds, chariots confronted chariots. - (S. 5) Like fierce tigers fighting with tigers, the warriors fought with warriors; like lions pressing on lions, princes pressed on princes. — (S. 6) The eyes of the warriors emitted fire; the arms flashed like lightning : the twang of the bows burst like thunder; and the arrows poured in showers. - (8.7) Streams of blood flowed on the field, and the (white) umbrellas floated on it like froth; and piles of slain elephants lay on both sides, like high banks formed for a river (of gore). - (S. 22) To prevent the enemies' missiles from falling on them, the Kalingas entrenched themselves bebind fortifications, which seemed like fences raised by machinery.- (S. 31) The elephants which, fell screaming on that sea of bright blood, resembled dark clonds descending on the sea to lap op water. -(S. 32) The strong men who cut off the trunks of the elephants and carried them on their shoulders, resembled water-carriers, pouring water from the leather bags on their shoulders. - (8. 33) When the archers bent their bows and shot straight on the foe, they pulled out the shafta which had struck in their chests, and shot them back on the foe from their long bow. -(S. 35) Soldiers who had lost both their legs, whirled and threw one of the legs on the elephants advancing on them, and kept the other to throw on the next foe. -(S. 36)

Page #366

836
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1890.
Many a soldier thrust his dagger into his foe, and both plunged their weapons in each other's body till the pair were tied together like one ; and both armies shouted at this display of valour. - (S. 40) In the first polutr (forenoon) the king of Vapdai, the minister of the king of kings, the famous Karunakara, urged his elephant and pressed on the foe. - (S. 41) While both sides were fighting fiercely, the Chola army pressed forward, bearing down the whole line of the seven Kalingas, and eager to gain victory. - (8. 42) Forward the whole army advanced, And the gods rushed to see the fight; broken were the rows of elephants, cut to pieces ; broken were the lines of chariots and steeds. - (S. 45) Unable to face the advancing foe, and losing his courage, the king of the seven Kalingas, who had boastfully brought a thousand caparisoned elephants to the fight, retreated. — (S. 46) Crouching in thickets known to them (only), or hiding in lonely caves, or fleeing into the jungle, they disappeared. - (8.52) Who can count the horses and elephants, which fell into the hands of the conquering heroes, when the Kalingas thus fled ? -(S. 53) Many were the elephants which lay beset by bees and eagles, with blood issuing from wounds, and with flowing rut. — (S. 55) Many were the elephants which were reized, with the princes that rode on them, as if tigers were caught and bound with the rocks on which they were found.-(S. 56) It was hard, even to the victors, to count how many fleet steeds, chariots, camels, wealth of the nine kinds, and noble ladies, fell into their hands. - (S. 57) Having secured these, the prime minister of Abhaya commanded a Search for the king of the Kalingas; being anxious to return with him as a prisoner. - (S.58) No sooner was the order given, than an army of scouts marched out with speed, and scoured the hills and searched the jungles. — (S. 59) “No trace of him have we got, but we suspect he is concealed in the summit of a hill; bring our soldiers thither: - (S. 60) “ Wherever are the hills or seas or jungles, where the Kalingas may retreat, - those hills and those seas will we snr. round;"- 80 the army marched, till the sun reached the western hills.- (S. 61) Till day break did they guard the hill, fencing it round with spears and bows, like those who watch a wild boar in a fold, when the Abhaya comes to the chase with his elephants which have never known defeat. - (S. 62) Rivers of blood ran down the hill, when they began the work of slaughter; and the hill turned red, so that, when the sun arose, he could not distinguish it from the mountain) Udayagiri. — (S. 63) Many were the Kalinga hill-men, who covered their bodies with dirt, and plucked the hairs off their heads, and, loosening the clothes from their waiste, saved their lives, saying that they were Jains. - (S. 64) Many doubled the bow-strings, and wore them as the threefold thread on their breast, and said that they were pilgrims who had come to bathe in the Ganga, and by their fate had been caught on the hill; and so escaped from the pen with their lives. - (S. 65) Many went out, having clothed themselves in the red cloth of the banners, and cropping their hair, and saying, “ Can you not recognise Sakyas (Buddhists) by their dress?"(S. 66) Many of the Kalingas, holding the bells which had been tied to elephants, bowed, and said that they were strolling bards of the Telugu country, and that, having seen the flying army, they had remained rooted to the spot, unable to stir through fear. - (S. 67) None but these escaped ; and of the people of the seven Kalingas, none remained but the men painted on the walls of their houses ; so completely were the rest chased and slaughtered. - (S. 68) Having raided through the sea-girt Kalinga, and having planted a pillar of victory, Tondaimán, the king of Vandai, seizing huge elephants and heaps of wealth, laid them with pleasure at the feet of the Abhaya who owns the sacred shining sabre.
Canto 13 concludes the poem, with a description of the battle-field after the engagement, and an imaginary account of how the evil spirits feasted on the corpses and beld high revel. Having fed full, in great glee they sing the praises of the Chola omperor and his general, as follows:
(S. 60) Sing of the fair feet, at which cluster the jewelled crowns of the bowing Chere, the dindem of the Valuti (Pandya), and swarms of bees! Sing of the sacred feet of the sovereign!-- (S. 61) Sing of the elephants, which come like an ocean, brought in tribute by the lords of the northern countries to Abhays, who wields the shining long sword! Sing of the odour of

Page #367

NOVEMBER, 1890.)
THE KALINGATTU PARANI.
887
their rut, which flows like the sea!-(S. 62) Sing how his enemies bowed at the ankle-rings of the son of Pandita-Chola, whose umbrella covers even the seas! Sing of the might of his bow ! - (S. 63) Sing of the victorious umbrella, under which the lady Earth ever smiles in happiness! Sing of Kulottunga-Chola ! - (S. 64) Sing of the rich town of Vandai! Sing of Mayilai and Mallai! Sing of the old towns, and of the old river Yamunai! - (S. 65) Sing of the hero who, seizing whole troops of elephants in Kalinga, crowned our protector with the wreath of victory! Sing of the prince of Tondai! - (S. 67) The crown, worn on the head of our sovereign, the supreme Abhaya, is but one; the crowns, which crowd round his feet, number a hundred thousand! - (S. 68) The steep hills over which vassal kings have made paths to bring their tribute to one crown, are a hundred thousand !-(S. 69) At the gate of the ministers of Abhaya who wears garlands on his shoulders, the offerings of the kings of this earth are a bundred thousand ! — (S. 119) They blessed the lord of the port of Ponni (the Kávéri river); they blessed the master of Porunai (the Tâmbraparņi river); they blessed the consort of Kanni (Cape Comorin); they blessed the spouse of the GangÂ. - (S. 122) They blessed Karikala-Chola, who, as his duty, protected, and formed a second time, the world, which had been first created by the god of the lotus-flower.
Interesting as is the information that is contained in the poem, it is disappointing to find that the author is led away more by considerations of rhetorical embellishments and conventional descriptions, than by a desire to chronicle full particulars of the historical event he has sought to perpetuate in the poem. For instance, he does not mention the name of the king of the seven Kalingas, or of his capital, or the place where the final battle was fought and from which the Kalinga king was forced to fly. Nor does he give the pedigree of the Pallava king. The fate of the Pallavas after they were conquered by the Chôlas, was hitherto a matter for conjectare; but from this poem it appears that they were content to remain feudatories to the powerful Chôlas, and held high rank in their court next only to the emperor.
The real hero of this poem is Karunakara-Pallava. He is described as a descendant of the ancient family of the Pallaves, who, we know, had once been independent sovereigns at Kanchi. His flag bore the device of the bull, which was the banner of the Pallavas; and his capital was Vandainagara. He had the title of Tondaimán; and was prime minister of the Chola. Mayilai and Mallai were important towns under his sway. His territory must have comprised very nearly the whole of the country now known as the districts of Chingleput and South Arcot, in the Madras Presidency.
As the Pallava was at this time a feudatory of the Chola emperor, the poet naturally gives more prominence to the latter, and describes at length his genealogy. The names of the Chola emperor are given as Kulottunga and Karikala. He was the grandson of Rajaraja or Gangaikonda-Chöln, by his daughter who had married a prince of the lunar race. His grandmother, the wife of Gangaikoņça-Chola, brought him up as destined to represent both the solar and the lanar dynasties; and he was installed as heir-apparent of the Chola empire. While yet & youth, he distingaished bimself by a raid into the northern countries, where he stormed the fort of Chakrakota and frightened Virutaraja. Finding that there was anarchy in the Chola dominions after the death of the king of kings," he retarned from the northern country, assumed the sovereignty, and restored peace. He reigned prosperously for several years, and once, while he was holding his court at Kanchi and was receiving tribute from vassal kings and chiefs, he learnt that the king of North Kalinga or the Seven Kalingas, had failed to bring tribute for two successive years. On hearing this, he issued orders that an army should start at once to seize the refractory king. His prime-minister, Karunakara, then prayed that he might be honoured with the command of the army; and the emperor was graciously pleased to grant his request. A mighty army got ready, and Karuņakara led it to the banks of the Ganges, and there defeated the king of North Kalinga in a pitched battle, and, returning to the Chola emperor, presented him with all the booty seized in the country and with the numberless elephants taken in battle. Such is the narrative of the poem.

Page #368

338
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1890.
The name of the father of Kulôttunga is not mentioned; but it is simply stated that he belonged to the lunar race. The royal families which claimed descent from the lunar race, and whose territories lay adjacent to the Chôla country, were only the Chalukyas and the Pandyas. Kulôttunga himself, - so says the poem, defeated five Pândyan princes, and was engaged in battle on the banks of the Tungabhadra (evidently against the Western Chalukyas of Kalyana); but no mention is made of any hostile acts in the Vengi mandala; and it should be inferred, therefore, that it formed a part of the Chôla empire during Kulôttanga's reign; especially because it appears that the kings of North Kalinga and Kadakam (Cuttack), whose territories lay to the north of Vengi, were also feudatory to the Chôla at this time. It appears therefore, most probable that Kalôttunga's father belonged to the Eastern Chalukya family, who reigned at Vengi. This supposition is confirmed by inscriptions found in the Telugu country, wherein it is stated that Kulôttunga I., the son of Rajaraja, first ascended the throne of Vengi, and was subsequently anointed to the Chôla kingdom, and that his mother was the daughter of the Chôla king Rajendra.3
No date is given in the poem. But I find from inscriptions in the Tamil country, executed during the reign of Kulôttunga, that, whereas the expedition to Kalinga is not alluded to in the grants recorded up to the twentieth year of his reign, in those made in the twentysixth year, the re-conquest of the Kalinga mandala is mentioned. It follows, therefore, that the expedition must have taken place between the twentieth and twenty-sixth years of his reign. It has been ascertained from the inscriptions of the Eastern Chalukya dynasty, that Kulôttunga reigned from about A. D. 1064 to 1113, and that he was anointed to the Chôla kingdom not long after his accession to the sovereignty of Vengî. The date of the expedition should, therefore, be between A. D. 1084 and 1090; the twentieth and twenty-sixth years of his reign. And the poem should be taken as having been composed soon after the expedition and during his reign; for, the opening canto in which the poet invokes the gods for the long life and prosperity of Kulôttunga, clearly indicates that he was still alive and in power, when the poem was written. Consequently the poem must have been written certainly not later than A. D. 1113, in which year Kulôttunga was succeeded on the throne by his son.
It is interesting to note that this poem was composed almost about the same time as was the Vikramánkadévacharita, which was written by Bilhana in honor of his patron, the Western Chalukya king Vikramaditya VI. Dr. Bühler has shewn in his learned introduction to the printed edition of the Charita, that it must have been written about A. D. 1085. The events that took place in the Chôla country, as narrated in that poem, quite correspond with, and explain, what is stated in the Kalingattu-Parani. Bilhana states that, in his time, the Tungabbadra was the boundary of the Chôla and Chalukya dominions. The Chôla capital was at Gangakunda. Vikramaditya had married a daughter of the Chôla king, and some time after his marriage, he learnt that his father-in law had died, and that there was anarchy in the Chôla kingdom. He therefore hastened to Kanchi, put down the rebels there, and thence proceeded to Gangakunda, and having subdued all enemies, he installed his father-in-law's son on the throne and returned to the banks of the Tungabhadra. Shortly after his return, his brother-in-law lost his life through the enmity of his subjects, and Rajiga, the lord of Vengi, took possession of the Chôla kingdom. The Kalingattu-Parani states that there was anarchy in the Chola dominions, previous to the accession of Kulôttunga, but does not allude to the intervention of Vikramaditya, or to the deposition of his brother-in-law. This omission is obviously owing to the desire of the poet to avoid mention of any circumstances, which might detract from the glory of the Chôla family.
The most important portion of the poem is Canto 8, which gives the pedigree of the Cholas. It agrees in many respects, with the accounts given in the inscriptions that have been
* See the grants of Rajaraja I. and Kulôttanga-Chôla II., published by Mr. Fleet in this Journal, Vol. XIV. pp. 48-55.
* See the Chellûr grant edited by Dr. Hultasch (South-Indian Inscriptions, Vol. I. p. 49).

Page #369

NOVEMBER, 1890:}
THE KALINGATTU PARANI.
339
hitherto published. The usual mythological ancestors, commencing with Vishņu, and some of the famous kings of the Solar Race who ruled in Northern India, are mentioned. Then the first Chola, who formed the Chola mandala, is stated to be Sur&tiraja. He is more frequently mentioned in ancient Tamil poems as Suragarn; and he is alluded to by the same name, in the large Leiden grant, but the words tad-vansé Suragurur asta-vairi-varggó Rájéndro ravi-kula-létur of the grant have not been correctly rendered into English in the translation, annexed to a copy of the grant published in the Archeol. Surv. South, India, Vol. IV. Then followed the two Rajakesaris. Then certain kings who are described as follows:- He who dictated to Yama, the god of death, what he should do the Mrityujit of the Leiden grant); he who brought the Kaveri river (mentioned in Tamil poems as Kavêra); he who conquered Indra and placed him as the tiger in his standard; he who opened one ocean to flow into another; he who of his own will offered his blood to be drunk; he who conquered Varadaraja; he who stormed the aërial castles; he who rode in a self-moving chariot and ascended the sky; he who assisted the ocean-like army of Dharma in the Mahâbhârata war; he who married a Någa princess (his name is given as Killi-Valavan in ancient Tamil poems); he who knocked off the fetters from the feet of the Chêra, on hearing the poem Kalavoli recited by Poikai (this is the Koch-Chenkaņpân of the Leiden grant, see my translation of the poem Kalavali, ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 258). Then came Karikala, who constructed high banks along the course of the river Kåvêri, and captured Kurumi, aud in whose praise the Paddipappalai was composed. Karikåla is here placed after Kôch-Cherkaņņân; but I find from other poems, that Karikala was an earlier king. In the Leiden grant and in the grant of the Bâņa king Hastimalla, Karikala is correctly placed before KochChenkaņņân. The words Kávéri-Lira-bandhanam in the Leiden grant, have been translated as *the dam across the Kaveri ;" but I find that the Tamil poets bave always described Karikala 49 a king who constructed high banks along both sides of the bed of the Kavêri, and never as having built the dam or anicat, which appears to be the work of a much later king.
Subsequent to Karikala, the leading events are mentioned, instead of the kings; viz. the victory over the Pandya and the Chêra ; the conquest of Ceylon and Madura (this refers to the reign of Via-Narayana-Chola); the conquest of Uthakai ; the invasion of the northern countries up to Mannai, on the banks of the Ganges; the annexation of Kadaram; the planting of a pillar of victory at Kampili; the victory at Koppai; and the defeat of the Kuntalas at Kûdal-Sarigam. This last event appears to have taken place during the reign of Vîra-Rajendra alias Gangaikonda-Chôla, the founder of Gangaikonda-Chôlapuram, and the grandfather of Kulôttunga. The poem passes over the kings who succeeded Gangaikonda on the throne of the Chôlas, before the accession of Kulôttunga, because they do not come in the line of the ancestors of the latter.
From the description of the court of Kulottunga at Kanchi, we find that the empress Thiyakavalli, and the highest ladies of the land, appeared in pablic assemblies, and were not subject to the seclusion to which their sex is now doomed in Hindu society. We also find that tribute was paid in coins; as well as in kind, i. e. in costly jewels, gems, elephants and the like. From the account of the youth and education of Kulôttunga, we learn that the princes of that time were trained to arms at an early age, and loved manly sports and the pleasures of the chase. The religion of the Cholas was then Saivism, as will appear from stanza 68, canto 10.
Most of the localities mentioned in the poom, can be readily identified. The capital of the Chola empire was Gangapuri (xiii. 92). The full name of this town is GangaikondaChlapuram. It has now dwindled into a small village ; but a magnificent temple, --- as large as the big temple of Tanjore and of the same style of architecture, - defended by a wall and ditch, and the ruins of a palace and other massive buildings, still attest its former splendour. It is situated in the north-east corner of the Trichinopoly District. The next place of importance was Kanchi, now known as Conjeeveram. It is still a flourishing town, and is a station on the South Indian Railway, in the Chingleput District, Atikai, another large town, which

Page #370

340
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(NOVEMBER, 1890.
the Chôla emperor visited on his way from Gangåpari to Kávchi (VIII. 68), is now known as Tiravatikai or Tiruvadi, and is situated in the South Arcot District. Koddaru, where the Chồla emperor defeated the Påndyan princes (I[I. 21), is still known as Kötar, and is situated in the Travancore territory, near Cape Comorin. Kad&ram (VI. 18; VIII. 25), a seaport and capital of a kingdom, is probably a town on the coast of Arakkan or Barma, which was taken by the Chồla army and annexed to his dominions. Kudal-Sangam, where the Chola defeated the Kuntala forcos (VIII. 29), is at the junction of the rivers Tungabhadra and Krishna. Kampili, where the Chôla planted a pillar of victory, is in the Bellary District. Vandai, the capital of the Pallava, now goes by the name of Vaņdalar; it is a station on the South Indian Railway, in the Chingleput District; a very spacious tank, and the ruins of a native fort to the west of the village, indicate that it must have been a populous town in days gone by. Mayilai is the modern Mailâpur, a suburb of the town of Madras, where there is still an ancient temple of Siva. Mallai, or Mamallaipuram as given in inscriptions, is now erroneously called Mahabalipuram, and is known to Europeans as "the Seven Pagodas," famous for its sculptured rocks and caves, and monoliths, situated on the sea-coast, about thirty miles south of Madras. Vaļavai is most probably Valavanûr, near Pondicherry. Chakrakota, where Kulôttanga won his first laurels in battle, I have not been able to identify. From Tamil inscriptions, I find that it was within the territory of the king of Dhârâ. It appears to have been a fortress of considerable importance, and it is mentioned also in the Vikramárkadévacharita as one of the places attacked by Vikrama, during the reign of his father Åhavamalla (A. D. 1040-1069).
The power of the Cholas had reached its zenith during the reign of Kulottunga. The whole of the country along the eastern coast, from the months of the Ganges to Cape Comorin, and in the interior up to the banks of the Tangabhadrå, owned his sovereignty. His territory was as extensive as that of Germany or France in Europe, and several kings and chieftains owed allegiance to him; and he assumed therefore the title of Tribhavana-Chakravarti or “emperor of the three worlds," which his successors retained for at least two centuries later. Of the neighbouring ancient kingdoms, that of Påndya had been dismembered, and the five Pandyan princes, who had shared the kingdom, had to flee before the Chola forces. The Chêra king maintained his authority only within the limits of the mountains which separated his kingdom from the rest of the country. North of the Taigabhadrâ, the Western Chalukya Vikramaditya VI, was undisputed sovereign of the Dekkan.
The Kalingattr-Parani furnishes also some information towards the history of Tamil literature. It alludes to the Paddinappalai, composed in praise of Karikâla; and to the Kalavali written by Poikai, describing the battlefield in which the Chôļa king Kôch-Chenkannan defeated the Chêra Kaņaikka-Irumporai (edited in this Journal, Vol. XVIII. p. 258 ff.)
SELECTIONS FROM THE TEXT. Canto 8.
(11) Ikkuvaku utavum putalvanâns pravon (9) Åtimal kamala napi kamalattayanutit
ikaluran cheyaparancheyta purantaran tayan marichi yenumannalai aļitta
enam parichum
chakkuvâyiram daikkaliru vakansmena kâtal kurtaru martohi makanâki valaram
tânirantu poru tânavarai vensachayekachipan katir arukkanai alitta pari
mum. chum.
(12) Oru turaippunal chinappaliyumánumu. (10) Avvarukkan makanaki manu mêtini
danê puran
aņņavaitta vuravôn ulakil vaittavaratariya katalanai avinatu kansu nikarena
Jam evvarukkamum viyappa murai cheyte- porutnyaittalai pukunta muohukuntakataiyum
nimaiyor ikkuvaku ivan maintan enavanta pari- puramadavkalum oråņmai cheytayarnta chum.
pukalum.

Page #371

NOVEMBER, 1890.]
THE KALINGATTU PARANI.
341
(26)
(13) Kadal kalakka varam innamutu tannai (22) Oru var mannor nal tantu pin chela oruvan
utiyar mannarê maturai mannaren kadavul vânavarka! uņņa aru! cheyta piruvar tammaiyam kilika! churruvit katayum
erivilakkuvait ikal vilaittatum udal kalakkara arintu tacbai iddavanumor
(23) Velam onsukaittavin viopin vây oru tulaippuravodokka nisai pukka ava
michai adankavum achaiyavensatum nam.
ilamum tamil kudalum chitait (14) Churatirachan mutaláka varu cholanu
ikal kadantatôr ichai parantatum. munad cholamandalam amaitta pirakelulakai. | (24) Chataya na! vila utiyar mandalam yum
tannil vaittavan tanior miyinmel irachakécharika!Am iravar åņai enavum
utaya pânu ottutakai vensakon @ruvempuliyin înai ena ninţa arulam
orukai våranam pala kavarntatum. (15) KAlanukkitu valakkêna vuraitta avanum (25) Kalira kaukai nirunga mannaiyil
karirippunal konarnta avanum puvaniyil kalavi mapņodum kalavu chemponak mlanaittulakum ivvakila lôkamumelam
kuliệu teņdirai kurai kadaramum venşu kondavanum ențivarka! konda visa- koņdu mandalankudaiyul vaittatum. lum
Kampili chayattamba naddatum (16) Puliyenakkodiyil intiranai vaitta avanum
kadiaran ko! kalyanar kaddaşa paņari onţinidai onța puka vidda avanum
kimpurippanai kiri ukaittavan valiyinil kuruti u kena alitta avanum
kirika! eddinum puli poțittatum. varata richanai valintu paņi konda ava
(27) Oru kalirrinmel varu kalirraiot num (17) Tenka tûnkeyil erinta avanuin chudar
tulakuyak kola porutu koppaiyil manit
porukalirrin mêl mudi kavittavan tira! vimanam atu vân michai uyarta
puvikavippator kudai kavittatum. avanum
(28) Panuvalukku mutaliya vêtanankin tanka! pirata mudippalavn ninra taruman pandudaiya neri putukki palayar tankan tan kndarpadai tanakkutavi cheyta ara- manavinukku mummadi nan madiyani num.
cholan (18) Talavalikkukaiyinil polipilattin valiyê
valan kudaikkil a rankalikka vajarntavatani nadanturakar taika! maņi konda
rum. avanum
(29) Kuntalarai kudal chankamattu venta kalavalikkavitai poikai urai cheyya kôn apayan kavalayan kattalitta pinnai utiyan
inta nilakkulappavai ivan pârchéra kalvalittaļayai veddi arachidda avanum. enna tavancheytiruntál enna tônțum. (19) Ensu marravarka! taika! charita aka! (30) Evvaļavu tiripuvanam ulavậyttônsum palavum
evvalavu kula maraikal ulavâynirkum eluti miļa itan mêl valuti cheran mudiyil avvalavu tikirivarai alavu ñchenkol tan tanik kaļiņaņaittarula vîra maka! tan aņai chella apayan kattalikkumárum. tanatadan kalodu tan puyamaņainta parichum.
Canto 10. (20) Tolata mannarê karai chey ponniyil (1) Anțilankai porutalitta avanê ap tudara vantila mukariyai padat
pâratappôr mudittappinnai telutukenru kaņdita mikaikkanen
vențilanka katirali vichaiyataran rinkalikkavê ankalintatum.
enavutittar viļambakkenmin. (21) Tattu nir varal kurumi venratum
(2) Têvarelâu kurai irappa têvaki tan taluvu chentamil parichil vånar pon
tiruvayirril vachu'têvarku pattod âțu nûråyiram peļa
mûvulakuntola nedu mâl mannoru na! pandu paddinappalai kondatam.
avatâ rancheyta pinné

Page #372

342
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(NOVEMBER, 1890.
(3) Iru! mulatu makarrum vitu kulattontevi ikalviļanku tapanakulat iracharachan
kaliyiru! karakkat tônsum aru! tiruvin tiruvayirgil vantu tônsi
olikadal arakkan enna alilaiyil avatarittän avanê miļa.
ulakuyya vantu tônți. (4) Vantaruļi avatarañchey talamê
(31) Kâppelâm udaiya tâne mannulakum maraika! nankum
padaippatunkadanâ kkondu mantara ninkiña enna
kôppelận kulaintör tammai antara tuntumi mulanki eluntatankê.
kuțiyilê nisuttivaittê. (5) Alar malai pôn malai poliya
(32) Viri punal vēlai nankum atu kandu kankaikonda cholan tévi
vêtankaņánkum årppa kula makadan kula makanai
tiripuvanankaļ vâlta kókanaka malarkkaiyal eduttukkonda.
tiru apidêka cheytê.
(34) Nirai mani pala kuyisriya (6) Avanivarkku puttiranam adaiyAlam
nedu mudi michai vitippadi avayavattin adaiya nôkki
chori punal idai mulaittana ivanemakku makanaki iravikulam párik kattakuvanenţê.
tusaikaļin asam anaittumë.
(35) Potu ața ulaku kaikkodu (18) Ichaiyudan edutta kodi apayan avanukki
puli valar kodi eduttalum niya
atu mutal kodi eduttana iļavarachil vaitta pirakê
amararka! mulavedukkavé. tichaiyaracharukkuriya tiruvinai mukap
(36) Kuvikaikodarachar churriya patoru tiravulam aduttaroliyê.
kurai kalal apayan muttaņi
kavikaiyin nila verittatu (20) Kudatichai pukak kadavu kurakata vita
kali enum iru! oļittatê. tiravi kurakalum erikkum iruļpol
Canto 11 vadatichai mukattarachar varukatamu- (4) Ampon méru atu kol itu kol ensu kattanatu
áyiram katir veyyavan aiyarum kurakata mukattaruļiyê.
chempon mâļikai ten kuda tikkinil (23) Manukkôddam alitta piran
cheyta chittira mandapam tantilê. valavar pirân tiruppuruvat
(5) Moittilankiya târakai våninam tanukkóddam naman kôddam
mukaddelanta molu mati pattiyin paddatu chakkarakkoddam.
neyttilan kiya nittila pantarin (26) Mâvukait oratani apayan ippadi
ninļu veņkudai onşu nilarrave. vadatichai mêrchela mannar mannavan 1 (6) Mél kavitta matikkudaiyin pudai têYanukkanahanấy vichumbin merchela
vichukința veņchâmarai ten tichai tensichaikkup pukuntamai cheppuvâm.
pâl kadal tirai ôrirandu inkiru
palum vantu paņi cheyva pônşumé. (27) Maraiyavar velvi kanți manu nesi anaittamási
(7) Ankaņñalam anaittum payattilvaittu tusaikalrå rumâri
adakak kiriyil puli vaittavan
chinkavachanattu ēri iruppator churutiyumulakkam ôyntê.
chinka êrena chevvi chirakkavê. (28) Châtikalonpôdonra
(16) Mandalîkarum mânila vântarum talaitadı mâți yâram
vantunanku kadai talai vaņdai man êtiya neriyinilla
tondai man mutan mantirapparâkar olukkamum masanta pôyê.
chû]ntu tan kalal chûdi irukkavê. (29) Oruvarai oruvar kaimik
(17) Muraiyidat tarum mantira vêlai a! umbar tanköyil chompi
mun vanańki muluvatum vântar tam arivaiyar karpis chômpi
tirai ida posam ninsanar ensalum araņkalum aliya anke.
cheykai nokki vanteyti nerukkavê.

Page #373

NOVEMBER, 1890.)
THE KALINGATTU PARANI.
343
(18) Tennavar villavar kúpakar châpakar
chêtipar yâtavarê kannadar pallavar kaitavar kâdavar
käripar kosalare. (19) Kaukar karalar kavintar tumintar
kadambar tulumbar kalê vankar ilâdar marådar virâdar
mayintar chayintar kalê. (20) Chinkalar vankalar chêkunar chêvanar
cheyyavar aiyaņarê konkaņar konkar kulunkar chountiyar
kuchchavar kachchiyarê. (21) Mattavar mattirar másuvar mågadar
machchar milachchar kalê kuttar kuņattar vadakkar turukkar
kurukkar viyattar kalê. (22) Ennakarankalum nâdum emak
karu! cheytenai emmaiyida chonna tananka! konarntanam
euradi chudu karan kalodê. (26) Arachar añchalenpadi irandum avar
mndiyin vaittaruli arachar marrurai cheyum tiraika! Oliya ninsavarum
ular kol enru aruļu polutilê. (27) Kadakar tam tirai kodadaiya vantarachar
kalal vanańkinarkal ivarudan vada kalingar pati avan iraņduvichai
varukilan tirai kodenalume. (28) Uruvaten kolena nilai kulaintarachar
uyir nadunka oļir pavala vây muroval konda poru! aţikilam chiritu
muniva koņda nilai vatanamê. (29) Eliyan ensidinum valiya kunyaranam
idiya nam padaiñar kaditu chensa aļi alampu mata malaikal kondaņaimin
avanaiyum kowarmin enalamê. (30) Isai molintalavil elu kalinkamavai
erivan enru kaļal tolutanan masai molinta padi marapin vanta kula
tilatan vandai nakar arachanê. (31) Adaiya attichai pakai tukaippan ensu
kchai koņd adal toņdaiman vidai enakkena puli uyarttavan
vidai kodukka appolutilê. (32) Kadal kalakkavô falai idikkavo
kadalidai pori paņa paņi pidar odikkavô padai ninaippena piralaiyattinil tiralave.
(52) Tannárin malar tiral to apayan
tân eviya chênai tanak adaiya kaņņâkiya chôlan chakkaramam
karunakaran varanam mel kolave. (53) Tondaiyarkkarachin mun varum churavi
tanka vê! kodi uyarttakon vandaiyarkkaracha pallavarkkarachu
mål kalirrin michai kollave. (54) Marittôdi evvarachom chariya venru
varum aņukkai pallavar kôn valavai
vêntan nețittôdai ilanku nadai kaliprin merkond
irai vêdda perumpali pôlikan mêrchella. (55) Palafu kusaittalai pon mukari
pâlavâsa kadanteți kolliyenum nâlârum akansoru pennaiyenum
nati aru kadantu nadar:tudand. (56) Vayalaru kadantu manippulvi
mannafu vayank elu kunriyenum peyalâțu varantu nirainturuvap
pêrâțum ilintatu pispadave. (57) Kotaviri nati mêlâ rodu kuļir
pampa nati odu chantapper Otå varu nati odu kotamaiyudan
oli nir mali tusai pirakaka. (58) Kadayil pudai oru kadal ottamarar
kalankum parichu kalankappuk adaiyap padar eri koļuvippati kalai
aliyach chûrai ko! polutattê. (59) Kankâ nati oru pusam & kappadai
kadal pôl vantatu kadal vantâl enke pukal idam enkê ini aran
ârê ati pati inken sê. (60) Idikinrana mutil esikinsana pati
elukinsana pakai eļil ellâm madikin sana kudi kedukinranam ena
alaikinrana padai padai ensê. (61) Ulakuk oru mutal apayaskidutipai
urai tappiyatematarachê em pala kaspanai tanai ninai varrilai vidu
padai mapravan vidu padai enre. (62) Uraiyir kulasiyam udalir patariyum
oravarkkoravar mun murai yidde araiyisrukil vila adayachchanapati
adiyir puka vila polutatta. (63) Antaramonsariyâta vada kalingar
kulavêntan atipan viram ventasu kan vekuļiyinál veituyirttu kai pudaittu viyarttu nökki.

Page #374

344
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1890.
(3)
(64) Vandinakkum tichai yanai madam
kodukkum malarkkavikai apayarkansi tandinukkum eliyanô ena vekundu
tadam payankal kulunka nakkân. (65) Kan araņum malai araşam kadalaranum
chu! kidanta kalingar påmi tânaranam udaittenru karutatu
varuvatum attandu pôlum. (66) Ența kûralam yanavan kariyam
onşu kůravan ké! enra uņarttuvan. (67) Arachar chîravarênum adiyavar
uraichegâtu oligårkal osutiye. (68) Enai vêntai eriya chayataran
tânai allatu tânavar vêņdumo. (69) Vidda tandinil minavar aivarum
kedda keddinai kêddilai pôlu ni. (70) Pôrin mêl taņdedukka puçakidum
chôravarttai chevippaddatillaiyô. (71) Vélai kondu viļinam alittatum
chalai koņdatum tandu koņdallavô. (74) Kanda nayakar kakku navilayil
kondatu ayiram kuncharam allavo. (75) Alantu tâmudai maņdalam taņdinal
ilanta ventar inaiyar ensu eņņukên. (76) Kandu kaņon puyavali niyumat
tandu kondavan chakkaram vantate. (77) Infu chíținum nalai achchênaimun
ninra poltil ennai ninaittiyal. (80) Ennudaiya tôl valiyam enudaiya
vâlvaliyum yâtum ariyatu pisar pôl ninnudaiya pêtaimaiyinál uraicheytay
itu ninaippalavil vella aritô. (81) Vēlam iratam puravi vempadaiñar
ensinaiya nampadaiñar chenşu kaduka chola kulatungan vida vantu vidu
tandinetir chenramar tudaökukenavê. (82) Paņņuka vayakkaļiņu paņņuka vayap
puravi panguka kaņippil pala têr nannuka padai cherunar nannuka
cherukkalam namakkikal kidaitta tenavê. (83) Kalingam avai @linum eluntatoru
pêroli kasanku kadal @lum udanê malanki elum elichai enatticbai tikaippura varun toni eluntatenavê.
Canto 12. (1) Edum edum edum ena eduttator
ikal oli kadal oli ikakkavê vidu vidu vidu pari karikkulâm vidum vidum enum oli mikaikkave. Eri kadal odu kadal kidaittapôl irupadaikalam etir kidaikkavê mari tirai tirai oda malaitta pôl
varu pari odu pari malaikkave. (4) Kana varai odu varai mulaittapol
kada kari odu kari mulaikkavê ina mukil mukil odum etirttapôl
iratamum iratamum etirkkavê. (5) Poru puli puli odu chilaittapôl
poru padar odu padar chilaik kavê ariyin odu ariyinam adarppapol
aracharum aracharum adarppavê. (6) Vilai kanal vilikalin mulaikka vê
minal oli kanal idai erikkavê valai chilai urum ena idikkavê vadi kanai odu malai padaikkavé. Kurutiyin nati veli parakkavê kudai inam nurai ena mitakkavê kari tuņi padum udal adukkiyê
karai ena ira pudai kidaikkavê. (22) Vidutta vírar kynthanka!
mêl vilamal yantirattu edutta véli pôl kalingar
vaddaņańkal iddave. (40) Alakil cheru mutaspolutu vandaiyar
arachan aracharkaļ nayakan mantiri ulaku pukal karunakaran tanatu orukai iru paņai vêiam muntave.
(41) Upaya pelamum vidatu veñchamam
udala polutinil vâkai munkola apayan vidu padai el kalingamum
adaiya oru mukam îiki muntave. (42) Anikal oru mukam aka muntina
amarar amar atu kâņa muntinar tuņikal pada mata må musintana
turaka nirai odu têr musintave. (45) Paraobai mata malai ayirankodu
poruvam enn varum 61 kalingartam araohan urai cheyta anmaiyun keda amaril etir viliyatu otunkiyê.

Page #375

NOVEMBER, 1890.)
GRANTS OF THE RULERS OF MALAVA.
345
(52) Appadi kalingar ôda
(68) Kadar kalingam esintu chayattambam adartteri chênai vîrar
nåddi kaippadu kaliņum mavum
kadakariyum kuvi tanamum kavarntu kanitturaippavarka! yâvar.
teyva (57) Ivai kavarutapin elu kalingartam
chadarppadai vâļ apayan adi aru! inodum iraiyaiyum koda peyartamenru
chudinân vandaiyarkôn tondaimind. avan iruntaļi asika ensanan
Canto 18. apayan mantiri mutalvanê.
(60) Vanańkiya chêran masi mudiyum (58) Uraika! pirpadam alavil orfarka!
vajuti makudamum vaņdinamum oli kadar padai kaditu pôy
piņankiya chêvadi pâdîrê. varai kalil pudai tadavi appadi
peramån tiruvadi pâdirê. vanam ilai purai tadaviyê.
(61) Oliņu nedum padai vâl apayapku (59) Chavadu perfilam avanai massoru
uttara pûmiyar idda tirai kavadu perranam oru malai
kaligu varuakadal pâdîrê kavadu parriyatu namatu adaspadai
kadan matam nâruna pâdirê. koņara apparicha enalum enavê.
(62) Pauvam adanka valainta kudai (60) Ekkuvadum ekkadalum entakkâdum
panditacholan makan kalalil inikkalinkarkku arañavtu insô nân- tevvar valaintamai padirê chensu
chilai âdiya vali pâdîrê. akkuvadum akkadalam vaļaintu veyyên | (63) Erraippakalum velļaņi nín attamanak kuvadu anaiyum alavir
irunilappavai tan kişilarram chenrê.
korrakkudaiyaippadiro (61) Tolata kalirrapaiyan véddaippanți
kulottunga cholanaippadir. toļuvadaittu tolu vatanaikkappar pôla (64) Vandai vaļam pati pådîrê vēlálum villâlum vêli kôli
maiyilaiyum mallaiyum padira verpatanai vidi aļavum káttu ninså.
pandai vaļam pati nakai padire (62) Chemmalai yâm oļi padaittatyátô venru pala nati yamunaiyum pâdirê.
Cheókatirðn utayañcheytutayamennum (65) Kaddiya vêla vani vârî ammalaiyo immalaiyam enna tevvar
kaliňkapparaņi nam kavalanmêl ali kurati nati parakka adakkum pôļtil.
chûddiya tônralaip padirê (67) Ivarka! mêl ini oruvar piļaittâr illai
tondaiyar ventanaippadirê. elu kalingattu 6viyarka! elutivaitta (122) Půppatumattavan padaittamaitta chuvar kaņmêl undanți udalka! enkum
puviyai irandÂvatum padaittu tudarntu pidittașattatu mannadaiy kappatum enkadan ensu kätta văn kê.
karikala ch lanai vâlttinavê.
THREE UJJAIN COPPER-PLATE GRANTS OF THE RULERS OF MALAVA.
BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, C.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN.. The plates which bear these inscriptions were presented, in 1824, to the Boyal Asiatio Society of Great Britain and Ireland, by Major (afterwards Colonel) Tod, by whom they had been obtained, about twelve years before, from the city of Ujjain;t and they are still in the Library of the Society. The inscriptions were first edited, with facsimiles and translations, by H. T. Colebrooke, in the Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. I. pp. 230-239 and pp. 463-466; and Colebrooke's paper on them was subsequently reprinted in his Miscellaneous Essays, Vol. II. pp. 297-314. I now re-edit the inscriptions from Mr. Fleet's photo-lithographs, which will be hereafter published as Indian Inscriptions, Nos. 50-52.
1 See Transactions Royal As. Soc., Vol. I. p. 207.
Colebrooke's readings were amended, in various places, by Dr. F. E. Hall, in his notew on two inscription of Arjanavarnadeva, published by him in Vol. VII. of the Jour. Amer. Or. Soc.

Page #376

346
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1890.
The three inscriptions are grants of some of the later Paramára rulers of Malava; and they may be shortly characterised thus:
A, is the concluding portion of a grant of the Mahárúja Yakovarmadeva, dated in the (Vikrama) year 1192.
B. is part of a grant of the Paramabhattára ka, Maharajadhirúja and Paramésvara Jayavarmadeva, the successor of Yaśðvarmadêva.
C. is part of a grant of the Mahálumára Lakshmivarmadova, dated in the (Vikrama) year 1200, confirming a grant made by Yasovarmadêva, who is represented as the predecessor and apparently the father of Lakshmivarmadêva, in the Vikrama year 1191.
To shew the mutual relation of the princes who issued these grants, it appears desirable to refer here, shortly, to other copper-plate inscriptions of the later rulers of Mâlava. Five yuch inscriptions have been hitherto published, viz. :
D. - The Pipliânagar' grant of the Mahakumára Harischandraddva, the son of the Nahákuinára Lakshmivarmadêva, of the Vikrama years 1235 and 1236, edited by L. Wilkinson in the Jour, Beng. As. Soc., Vol. VII. p. 736.
E. - The Bhopal grant of the Mahálcumára Udayavarmadáva, the son of the Vahákumára Harischandradêva, of the Vikrama year 1256, edited by Mr. Fleet, ante, Vol. XVI. p. 254.
F. - The Piplianagar' grant of the Maharója Arjunavarmadêva, of the (Vikrama) year 1267, edited by L. Wilkinson in the Jour. Beng. As. Soc., Vol. V. p. 378.
G. - A Bhopal grant of the same, of the (Vikrama) year 1270, partly edited by Dr. F. E. Hall in the Jour. Amer. Or. Soc., Vol. VII. p. 32.
H. - Another Bhopal grant of the same, of the (Vikrama) year 1272, edited by Dr. Hall, ib. p. 25.
In comparing these eight inscriptions with each other, the first thing to strike us is that (omitting the grant A., the commencement of which is missing) the inscriptions B., C., D. and E. open with two verses in praise of the god 'Siva, which are followed by prose passages containing the genealogies of the granters; while the inscriptions F., G., and H. open with nineteen verses, of which four are in praise of the moon and of Parasurama, Râma and Yudhishthira, and the rest of which is occupied with genealogical matter. Moreover, while in F., G., and H. the granter describes himself as Maharaja, this title, in the other group of inscriptions, is applied only to the granter of A. (and was probably applied also to that of B.); and the three princes, who issued the grants C., D., and E., are content to style themselves by the lower title of Mahákumára.
The line of princes, presented to us in the inscriptions F., G., and H., is this: - 1, Bhôjadêva, the ornament of the Paramara family; 2, Udayaditya ; 3, Naravarman ; 4, his son Yakóvarman; 5, his son Ajayavarman ; 6, his son Vindhyavarman ;3 7, his son Subhatavarman; 8, his son, the Mahdrája Arjunavarman, whose grants are dated in the (Vikrama) years 1267, 1270, and 1272.
3 as the matter may be of some importance, I would point out here that the verse referring to this prince has not been hitherto properly explained. The verse reads thus:
Dharay-oddhritaya sardham dadbâti sma tridharatâm
Birnyaginasya yaay-isis-tråtum lôka-trayim-iva It; and it was translated by Mr. Wilkinson: "The sword of this warrior assumed a threefold edge, when upraised to yield protection to the three worlds ;" and by Dr. Hall: - "Of whom, skilled in warfare, the sword, with its edge upraised, as if to deliver the three worlds, assumed a triple edge;" Dr. Hall adding in a note, that "the Sanskrit is here peculiar, the idiom employed being of very questionable purity." Both translators have overlooked the fact that the first word of the verse clearly denotes Dhara, the capital of MÁlava, and that in the last word of the first half there is a reference to the Ganges (tri-dhord=tri-sretas tri-patha-ga), which in its triple course flows through heaven, earth, and the lower regions. I would translate the verse, somewhat freely, thus: - The sword of this (prince), skilled in war, acquired, with Dhard rescued (by it), the properties of the Ganges, (inasmuch as, like the Ganges, it now had three dharis), to protect, as it were, the three worlds.'

Page #377

NOVEMBER, 1890.)
GRANTS OF THE RULERS OF MALAVA.
347
In B. :-), The Paramabhatļáraka, Maharajathirdja and Paramé kvara Udayadityadêva ; succeeded by 2, the P. M. P. Naravarmadêya ; succeeded by 3, the P. M. P. Yaśðvarmadêva ; succeeded by 4, the P. M. P. Jayavarmadêva.
In C.: -1, The P. M. P. Udayadityadêva; succeeded by 2, the P. M. P. Naravarmadêva ; succeeded by 3, the P. M. P. Yaśðvarmadêva (who issued a grant in Vikrama 1191, and another grant in Vikrama 1192); succeeded by 4, the Mahakumára Lakshmivarmadêva, apparently a son of the former, who confirmed one of his father's grants in Vikrama 1200.
In D.:-1, The P. M. P. Udayaditya; succeeded by 2, the P. M. P. Naravarmadêva; succeeded by 3, the P. M. P. Yako varmadêva; succeeded by 4, the P. M. P. Jayavarmadêva ; apparently succeeded, according to the body of the grant, by 5, the Mahálumdra Hariśchan. dradêva, who at the end of the grant calls himself the son of the Mahákumára Lakshmivarma. déva, and the sun of the lotus of the Paramüra family, and who issued his grants in the Vikrama years 1235 and 1236.
In E.:-1, The P. M. P. Yaśvarmadáva ; succeeded by 2, the P. M. P, Jayavarmadêva; succeeded by 3, the Mahákumara Lakshmivarmadê va ; succeeded by 4, the Mahákumára Harischandradê va ; succeeded by 5, his son tho Mahákumára Udayavarmadêva, whose grant is dated in the Vikrama year 1256.
If we compare these lists with the line of princes furnished by F., G., and H., we see at once that the genealogy in both groups of inscriptions is the same as far as Yaśðvarman, but that the two groups entirely differ after that prince. According to F., G., and H., Yaśðvarman was succeeded by his son Ajayavarman; and since & lineal descendant of Ajayavarman retained the title of Mahárája which had been borne by Yaśðvarman, it would appear that the princes 5 to 8, mentioned in F., G., and H., after Yaśôvarman's death, represented or pretended to represent the main line of the Paramâra family, and were the chief rulers of Mâlava.
In the groups A. to E., the line of succession after Yaéðvarman is not at once so clear as it is in the other group; but the actual data presented to us are the following:
According to B., which contains no date, Yaśôvarman, whose grants are dated in Vikrama 1191 and 1192, was succeeded by the P. M. P. Jayavarmadêva, whom there appears no reason to identify with the prince Ajayavarman of the inscriptions F. to H.
According to C., which omits Jayavarmadêva, Yaśðvarman had been succeeded in Vikrama 1200 by (his son) the Mahkumdra Lakshmivarmadêva.
According to D., Yaśðvarman was succeeded, as in B., by the P. M. P. Jayavarmadêva, who in his turn had been succeeded in Vikrama 1235 by the Mahákumára Harischandradê va, the son of the Mahákumára Lakshmivarmadêva.
According to E., the line of succession is :- Yaśôvarman; the P. M. P. Jayavarmadêva ; the Mahakumára Lakshmivarmadêva; the Mahákumúra Harischandraddva ; the Mahákumara Udayavarmadêya (Vikrama 1256).
Here we naturally ask why the P. M. P. Jayavarmadeva should have been omitted in the inscription C., and why the Mahakumdra Lakshmivarmadêva similarly should have been omitted in the inscription D. Some indications of how these questions may have to be answered, would appear to be furnished by certain expressions which occur in D. and E. In E. we : read --srimaj-Jayavarmmadêva-rajye vyatitê nija-kara-krita-karavâla-prasad-avâpta-nij-adhipatya-.....mahakumara-brimal-Lakshmivarmmadêva, s. e. 'the Mahkumára, the illustrious Lakshmivarmadêva, who had obtained sovereignty of his own by the favour of the sword which he had taken in his hand, when the role of the illustrious Jayavarmadêva had passed away;' and in D., --sri-Jayavarmmadêva ity=ētasmat-prishthatama-prabhôh prasad-âvâpta-nijadhipatyah....mabakumira-bri-Hariéchandradevah, i.e. 'the Mahakumára, the illustrious Hariéchandradêve, who has obtained sovereignty of his own by the favour of the last ruler, before mentioned, the illustrious Jayavarmadêya.' Taking these expressions in connection

Page #378

348
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1890.
with what is otherwise known to us from the inscriptions, I conceive the succession in the family of Yaśôvarman to have been as follows:
Yaśôvarman had three sons, Jayavarman, Ajayavarman, and Lakshmivarman; and he was in the first instance succeeded by Jayavarman. Soon after his succession and certainly some time between Vikrama 1192 and 1200), Jayavarman was dethroned by Ajayavarman, who and whose successors then became the main branch of the Paramára family in Málava, and continued to style themselves Maharajas. The third brother, Lakshmivarman, however, did not submit to Ajayavarman; and, as stated in E., he succeeded by force of arms in appropriating a portion of Mâlava, which he and his son and grandson de facto ruled over as independent chiefs. At the same time, Lakshmivarman and, after him, his son and successor Harischandra looked upon Jayavarman, though deposed, as the rightful sovereign of Malava, and, in my opinion, it is for this reason that Harischandra, in the grant D., professes to rule by the favour of that prince, and that both Lakshmivarman and Harischandra claim for themselves no higher title than that of Mahdkumára, a title which was handed down to, and adopted by, even Lakshmi. varman's grandson Udayavarman.
A. - Copper-Plate Grant of the Maharaja Yasovarmadeva.
The (Vikrama) year 1192. The plate which holds this fragmentary inscription is one of (apparently) two plates, the first of which has never been discovered. It is inscribed on one side only, and measures about 14%" by 10%". The edges of it were raised into rims, to protect the writing. The concluding portions of lines 7-13 have suffered somewhat from corrosion; but the writing is nevertheless well preserved and may, with one or two unimportant exceptions, be read with certainty. The weight of the plate is 4 lbs. 24 oz. - The rings belonging to this grant, with possibly a seal on one of them, are not now forthcoming. But on the plate itself, in the lower proper left corner, there is a representation of Garuda, depicted entirely as a man, except for the wings attached to his shoulders; he is kneeling, half front and half to the proper right; and in his right hand he holds three snakes, which he is about to devour or otherwise destroy. - The size of the letters is about ". The characters are Någari; and the language is Sanskrit. The inscription is carefully written, and in respect of orthography I have only to state that b throughout is denoted by the sign for v. The avagraha is used in line 6, in the sandhi of a final d with an initial a.
The insoription is one of the Maharaja, the illustrious Yalovarmadove, and records (in lines 3-6), in terms which call for no remarks, the grant of the village of Laghuvaimgangpadra and of part of the village of Thikkarika, or, as the name is written in line 2, Thikarika, to two people the names of whom must have been given in the now missing portion of the grant. Owing to the fragmentary state of the inscription, the exact purport of the preceding lines 1-2 is not clear to me; but it would appear that the two villages mentioned were granted instead of other land, somehow connected with a place called Devalapataka, which had been given to the grantees on the occasion of the annual funeral ceremonies in honour of the lady Momaladevi, probably the mother of Yaśðvarman. Lines 7-12 contain five of the customary benedictive and imprecatory verses. These are followed by the date, given in figures only,
the 3rd of the dark half of the month Mârgasiras of the year 1192,' corresponding, probably, to either the 27th October or the 25th November, A. D. 1135. Line 13 mentions, as díltakas,
the Purðhita, the Thaklura, the illustrious Vamanasvâmin; the Thakkura, the illustrious Purushottama; the Mahápradhúna, the Rajaputra, the illustrious Dêvadhara, and others. Line 14 contains the usual --'(may) bliss (and) good fortane (attend)! ;' followed by the
• In the inscriptions Jayavarman is not actually called a son of Yalovarman. . The original has, in line 2, the ungrammatical ubhaya-jana-dubhydan.
• It may be noted that lines 1 and 2 contain the terms bha-hala and bhl-nivartana, denoting certain measures of land. The expression brahmana-mapyakiya, in line 1, also appears to be used in a technical sense.

Page #379

NOVEMBER, 1890.1
GRANTS OF THE RULERS OF MALAVA.
349
pyllable Ra, about the meaning of which I am doubtful. And finally, line 15 contains the signature of the granter, the Mahardja, the illustrious Yalovarmadova, which is again followed, in line 16, by words of auspicious import. The three places, mentioned in the grant, I am unable to identify.
TEXT.
1 sri-Momaladavi-samvatsari[ka]-kalpitatvad-bhujyamâna-Doval a patakad-bh û hala
dvaya-parivarttêna vrâ(brâhmana-ma[pya]kiya-bhQhala 2 dvaya-samva(mba)ddhé Thikarika-grâma-vibhaga ubhaya-jana-dvábhyâu bhû-nivart
tana-saptadašak-Ôpêta-bhûhal-aikadaśaka-samvadh[@]" samasta upa3 rilikhita-Laghuvaithganapadra-grâmasetathủ Thikkarika-grâm-Arddhas-cha sva
sima-triņa-[y]ti-gochara-paryantaḥ sa-vriksha-mal-Akulah 4 B-hiraaya-bhaga-bhôgah -ôparikaraḥ sarv-âdâya-samêtas-cha mâta-pitrors
atmanasucha punya-yabô-bhivriddhayd bibanên ôdaka5 pūrvvakataya pradattastan-matva yathâdiyamâna-bhagabhoga-kara-hirany-adikame
4*]jna-Gravana-vidh@yair-bhûtvå sarvvam etabhy im sam[u]pa6 nêtavyan | Samanyam ch-aitat-punya-phalam ya(buddhyâ Ssmad-vausajair-anyair
api bhavi-bhôktsibhir-asmat-pradatta-dharmm-adây ôxyam-anumanta7 vyah palanîyas-cha 1 Uktam cha | Vaba)hubhirilevyasudha bhukta rajabhih Sagar
Adibhih yasya yasya yada bhůmis-tasya tanya tada phalam ) 8 Yan13-i ha dattani pura narendraireddånáni dharmm-artha-yasas-karani nirmmâlya
vânti-pratimâni tâni kô nama sâdhuḥ puna 9 r-adadita || Asmat13-kula-kramam-ndâram=ndaharadbhiranyais-cha dânam-idam-abhya
numódaniyat lakshmyâs=tadid-valaya-vudvudal-chancha)10 lâyâ dânam phalam para-yasah-paripâlanam cha Sarvvân15-êtân-bhâvinah pârthiv.
endrân=bhûyê bhayo yâchate Ramabhadrah 1 sâmi11 nydya dharmma-sêtur-pripiinia kale kâlé pâlaniyo bhavadbhih 11 Iti16 kamala-dal
Anva(bu) virdu-181A[tin) sriyam-anuchim(tya ma) 12 nushya-jivita cha sakalam=idam=udab[i]tař cha vudhvậ17 na hi purushai:
para-kîrttayo vilôpya iti 11 Samvat18 1192 MA[rgga]-va13 di 3 (111 DA19 purðhita-thakkura-sri-Vamanasvâmi-thak kura-bri-Purushottaroamahậpradhana-rajaputra-sri-Dévadhara-prabhțitayah II
Magalan mahâ-srih 11 Ra 20 15
Sva-hastd-yam mahârâja-śrîmad-abovarmmadovasya 1
Adbi 21 11 Srih 11 B. - Copper-Plate Grant of the Maharaja Jayavarmadova. The plate which bears this inscription is the first of (probably) two plates of a grant, of which only this single plate has been discovered. It is inscribed on one side only, and measures about 100" by Bg". The edges of it were raised into rims, to protect the writing. In a few places the writing is slightly effaced, but on the whole it is well preserved, so that it may + See below, note 20.
From Mr. Fleet's photo-lithograph; Indion Inscriptions, No. 51. • This akshara may possibly be ke. 1. As the construction is not clear to me, I am not sure whether this should be sothbandh or sambaddhe. 11 Metre, Bloks (Anushtubh).
1 Metre, Indravajri.
15 Metre, Vasantatilaka. 14 Read -budbuds. .
36 Metre, Alin.
36 Metre, Pushpitégré. 17 Read buddhva.
** Read sarhvat.
1 i. e. dito kak. 20 This akshara, which is engraved on a level with the preceding words but is of much larger sine, I am unable explain properly. I can only suggest that it may stand for rachitam (which we find in the grants of Arjunavarman), an that it should beyo teen followed by the name of tbe official
This may be d abbreviation of adhiki, or it may have to be taken as forming compound with the followi frth.
16

Page #380

350
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1890.
be read with certainty throughout. The weight of the plate is 2 lbs. - The rings of this grant, with possibly a seal on one of them, are not now forthcoming. - The size of the letters is about 1". The characters are Någari; and the language is Sanskrit. As regard orthography, 6 is throughout denoted by the sign for v; the dental sibilant is used for the palatal in vinasvaran, line 14 ; and the word trimsat is spelt trimáat, in line 8. The avagraha occurs twice in line 1, in its proper use; and also in line 15, after the é that has resulted from the sasidhi of a final and initial a.
The insaription, after the words Oth, may it be well ! Fortune, victory, and prosperity ! and two verses in praise of Siva (Vyômakeša, Smarârâti), introduces (in lines 4-7) the Paramabhadraka, Maharajadhiraja and Paraméávara, Jayavermadeve, the successor of the P.M.P. Yabovarmadêve, who had suoceeded the P. M. P. Naravarmadáva, who in tarn had succeeded the P. M. P. Udayadityadova. From his residence at Vardhamanapura (line 3), Jayavarmadova (in lines 8-16) informs the officials and people concerned that, when in residence at Chandrapuri (line 9), [he granted] the village of Mayamodaka (line 8), belonging to the Vatakhotaka Thirty-six (group of villages ), to a person living at Rajabrahmapuri, 22 who had emigrated from the place Adriyalavida vart in the south, and belouged to the Bharad vâja (gôtra), but whose name has not been here preserved. There can, however, be little doubt that the grantee was the same person who is mentioned as grantee in the inscription C., below. The extant portion of the inscription contains no date, but the grant may be assigned with certainty to the time between the Vikrama years 1192 and 1200,
The several localities mentioned in the grant I am unable to identify
TEXT. 1 O* svasti [1*] Srir-jjayê sbhyadayas-cha Jayati Vyömak[@]áð Se[au] yal
sarggâya vi(bi)bhartti [t]A2 m aimdavim sirasa løkhari jagad-vijankar-akpitim Tanvanta vaḥ Smara
rât[@]h kalya8 pam=anisam jațâh kalplanta-samay-odd ama-tadid-valaya-pingalab # Sri-Varddha
mana4 pura-samâvâsât paramabhattraka-maharajadhiraja-parameśvara-sr-126-Udayadityado% va-pådanadhyâta-paramabhattaraka-mahârâjâdhiraja-paraméávara-sri-Naravarm madera
pådanu. 6 dhyâta-paramabhattaraka-maharajadhiraja- paramêśvara-bri - Yalovarmmadova - på dânu
dhyâta-para7 mabhattaraka-mahârâjâdhiraja paraméscara-śrîmaj-Jayavarmmadevo vijay-dayi 27 8 Vatakhotaka-shaftpim(ftris)bat-saziva(balddha-Mayamodaka-gråmê samasta-raja
purushân vrå(brâ)hman-êttaran-pra9 tinvasi-pattakila-janapad-Adirná cha võ(ba)dhayaty-asta valsamviditam yatha 127
Charhdrapuri-samâvâ. 10 sitaip atmabhih snåtvå charachara-guru bhagavartani Bhavanipatin samabbyar
chchya samkârasy=&såratama 11 dpish va [1] tatha hi Vâta-Abhra-vibhramam-idam vasudh-adhipatyam=åpâta
mátra-madharo vishay-Opabhôga.
n I am doubtful whether the word Rajabrahmapurya in line 15 abould be taken m the name of town, or be explained to meen at the king's brahmapurt.' See ante, Vol. XV. p. 4, note 180. - From Mr. Floot's photo-lithograph; Indian Inscriptions, No. 38.
* Expressed by a symbol. » Motre, Blok (Anushtabh); and of the following verse.
» Read fry-Uda'. I These signs of ponctuation are superfluous.
The ratone is continued in line 14, iti jagato..., and the intermediate pateage à put in by way of arenthesis
Metro, Venuntatilaka

Page #381

NOVEMBER, 1890.)
GRANTS OF THE RULERS OF MALAVA.
351
12 bi prâņasutripagra-jalavimdu-sama nariņa mh dharmmah sakha param=ahô paralóka
yanê 11 13 Bhramat30-samsára-cha[k]ragra-dhår-Adhårim=imâm briyam i prapya yê na dadus
têshâm paśchattipal param pha14 lam 11 iti jagato vinasva(sva)rar svarûpam=akalayy=adrishta-phalam-a[m]giksitya
chamdr-- 15 rkkis rạnava-kshiti-sama-kalam yavat=paraya bhaktya Rajavra (bra)hmapuryam
dakshina-des-a16 ntahpâti-31 A[dr]iyalavidavari-sthâna-vinirggatâya Bharad vaja
c. - Coppor-Plate Grant of the Maharaja Yabovarmadova and
the Mahakumara Lakshmivarmadeva.
The Vikrama years 1191 and 1200. As in the case of the preceding inscription, the plate which bears this inscription is the first of (probably) two plates of a grant, of which only this single plate has been discovered. It is inscribed on one side only, and measures about 16" hy 9". The edges of it were fashioned Homewhat thicker than the inscribed surface. The writing has in several places suffered a good deal from corrosion, and there are in consequence several aksharas which cannot be read with absolute certainty. The weight of the plate is 3 lbs. 9 oz. - The rings of this grant, with possibly a seal on one of them, are not now forthcoming. The size of the letters is about t". The characters are Nagari; and the language is Sanskrit. As regards orthograr phy, it is sufficient to state here that I throughout is denoted by the sign for v, and that the dental sibilant is employed for the palatal in sirasa, line 1, and sami-, line 8. A few other mistakes will be pointed out and corrected in the text. In this grant, the avagraha does not occur.
The inscription opens in the same way as the inscription B. above. It then introduces (in lines 2-4) the Mahakumira Lakshmivarmadeve, who had attained the five mehágabdas, and who is represented as the successor of the P. M. P. Yalovarmadera, whose predecessors are given as in the preceding grant. Lakshmivarmadêva (in lines 5-6) informs the officials and people of the village of Vadaüda, belonging to Surasani, and of the village of Uthavaņaka, belonging to Suvarnapra[e]adika, both situated in the Bajabayana bhôga32 which was in the Mahad vabaka mandala, as follows (lines 6-15): -
On the eighth lunar day of the bright half of Karttika of the Vikrama year 1192 (expressed in words), at the annual funeral ceremonies in honour of the Maharaja Naravarmadeva, the Maharéjádhiraja and Paramésvara Yakovarmadera, at Dhara, granted the abovementioned villages of Vapaida and Uthavanake to the householder Dhana pala, son of Visvarapa and grandson of the Thakkura Mahirasvâmin, a Karşåta Brahman from the south, a student of two Vedas, and follower of the Aśvalyana sakha, who belonged to the Bharad vaja gôtra and had the three pravaras Bharad vâja, Augirada and Barbaspatya, and was an emigrant from the place Adrolav[i]ddhavari.
Having communicated this, Lakshmivarmadêva in lines 15-16) further records that on the fifteenth lunar day of the bright half of Brevana in the year 1200 (expressed again in words), on the occasion of an eclipse of the moon, he himself, for the spùitual benefit of
Metre, Bialcs (Anushtabha). I understand the first half of the rere to meen - wealth which has for its seat the ciroumference of the edge of the revolving wheel of mandade existence.' Colebrooke read thramat-sansuro-valgágra. amant dhoram, and translated prosperity, which is the receptacle of the ekipe and bounds of revolving world.' - Ante, Vol. XVI. p. 255, in the Bhopal plates of Udayavamsan, line 18, we read daramat-samedai-chakr-ngradi drdm, the concluding portion of whi h must be altered to . Aynandhar-ddharam, as required by the metre. * Read Opity-A[ dr]i.
Ona biga, Mateohnioul territorial term, soo Chopta Ineoriptions, p. 113, note.

Page #382

352
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1890.
his illustrious father, whom from the context I understand to be Yaśôvarmadê va, repeated (or confirmed) the above donation; and (in lines 16-18) he directs the people concerned to make over to the donee whatever may be due to him, and exhorts future rulers to protect the grant. The concluding lines (18-20) contain some of the customary benedictive and imprecatory verses.
I have already stated that the donee of this grant in all probability also is the donee of the grant B., and I have here only to draw attention to the fact that the name of the place, from which that person is stated to have emigrated, in the grant B. is written Adriyalavidavari, while it is here spelt Adrêlav[i]ddhavari.
Of the two dates given in this grant, the first does not admit of verification. As regards the second date, referring the year 1200 to the Vikrama era, I find for Sravana śnkla 15 the following possible equivalents: -
Northern V. 1200 current: the 8th August, A. D. 1142, when there was a partial lunar eclipse, not visible in India, 12 h, 17 m. Greenwich time, or, at Ujjain, 11 h, 20 m. after mean sunrise;
Northern V. 1200 expired: the 28th July, A. D. 1143, when there was a total lunar eclipse, not visible in India, 12 h, 38 m. Greenwich time, or, at Ujjain, 11 h. 41 m. after mean sunrise;
Southern V. 1200 expired: the 16th July, A. D. 1144, when there was a partial lunar eclipse, visible in India, 16 h, 44 m. Greenwich time, or, at Ujjain, 15 h. 47 m, after mean sunrise,
It appears, then, that in every one of the three possible years there was a lunar eclipse on the particular day mentioned in the date, and it is therefore impossible to ascertain the true corresponding date with absolute certainty. But since it so happens that of the three eclipses only the last was visible in India, it is highly probable that the last mentioned day, the 16th July, A. D. 1144, is the proper equivalent for the day of the renewal of the grant, and that the year mentioned in the inscription, accordingly, is the southern Vikrama year 1200, expired.
Excepting the well-known Dhara, I am here also unable to identify the localities mentioned in the inscription on the maps at my disposal,
TEXT,"
1 [Om3] svasti | Sri[r]-jayd-bhyudayaś-cha 1 Jayatis Vyomakesô-sau yaḥ sarggâya vi(bi)bha[r]tti tâm | aindavim si(ái)rasân lêkhâm jagad-vij-amkur-îkritim là [Tava]
2 [ntu] val Smarârâtéh kalyanam-anisam jatah kalpânta-samay-ôddâma-tadid-valayaping)al Paramabhat[4]Araka-mahārājidhirija-paramôávara-ár.[U]daya
3 dityadeva-pâdânadhyâta-paramabhattaraka-maharajadhiraja-para mêsvara-sri-Naravarmmadêva-pâdânud hyâta-paramabhattaraka-mah]ârâjâdhiraja -paramé[év]ara4 śri-Yabovarmmadova-pâdânudhyâta-samastaprasastôpêta-samadhigata pa me ha mahasavd(bd)-âlamkara-virâjamâna-mahuk[u]mara-sri-Lakshmiva[r]mmadevaḥ ||37 árî
5 Ma[h]advadasaka-maṇḍalê ári-Rajabaya[n]a38-bhôgê
Su[ra]sani-samva(mba)ddha
Vadaüda-grama39 | ta[th]ȧ Uthavanaka-grâmayoḥ sama
Suvar[nn]apra[8]adika-samva(mba)ddha-41
33 From Mr. Fleet's photo-lithograph; Indian Inscriptions, No. 50.
35 Metre, Bloka (Anushțubh); and of the following verse.
24 Apparently expressed by a symbol.
36 Read -fry-Uda.
37 This sign of punctuation is superfluous, Colebrooke has -Rajasana-. "Here the mere base is used, without a termination, as if the word were compounded with the following Uthavanaka-grama. The sign of punctuation after gráma is superfluous,
I am doubtful about this consonant, which in the photo-lithograph looks rather like gh. Colebrooke has in the text têptasuvararnṇa-prasádiká, and in the translation Téptá-suvarna-pråsådíká.
41 Here, and in several places below, which need not be pointed out separately, the rules of sandhi have not been observed.
—

Page #383

NOVEMBER, 1890.)
GRANTS OF THE RULERS OF MALAVA.
353
6 [sta)-vishayika-pattakila-janapad-Adin=vra(bra)hman-êttarân=vôbô)ahayaty=asta vah
samvidita[m] 142 yasth JA Srimad-Dharayatta maharajadhiraja-paramèsvara-sri7 Yabovarmmadóvóna Bri-Vikrama-kal-atita-samvatsar43-aikanavaty-adhika-sat
aikada[80]shu Karttika-kudi ashtamyar samjata-maharaja-sri-[Nara)8 varmmadeva-samvatsarike44 tirth-ambhôbhih snåtva déva-pishi-manushya-pitsimg=
tarppayitvå bhagavantam (Bha]vånipatin samabhyarchchya sa(sa)mi-ka[sa]-til
â[nn]-d9 [jy]4.Ahutibhir=hiragyarêtasam hutvâbhânave arghyam vidhåya kapilâm trih
pradakshiņiksitya samsa rasy=&såratâm dạishtva nalini-dala-gata10 jala-lava-taralataram jfvitam dhanam chrávêkshya u ktari cha 1 Vat47-Abhra
vibhramam-idam vasudh-adhipatyam-î påtamâtra-madhurð vishay-Ôpabhôgah 1
pri
11 [n]g-trip-Agra-jala-vinda-gami naranaí dharmmah sakha param-aho para-18ka
yanê 11 évam-akalayya A[dr]elav[i P]ddhavari 8-[sth]Ana-visnirggata-Bh[A*]ra12 dvaja-gót[r]Aya Bh[A*]rad våja-Angirasa-VA(WA)rhaspatya-trihpravaraya Aslayana-sakhine
dakshiņ-A[yåta?]-Karnnáța-vrå(brå)hmaņa-dvivêda-[tha]kkura13 sri-[Ma]hirasvâmi-pautra-sri-Visvarapa-suta-Avasthika 60-gri-Dhanapâlâya uparilikhita
Vaqaüda-grâma-Uthavaņaka-grâmau 88-vsi. 14 ksha-mál-Akalau nidhi-nikshêpa-sahitau våpi-kapa-tadig-Ânvitan chatash-kamkata
visuddhau [ch]amdr-arkkan yâvad=udakapûrvvakataya - 15 sanêna pradattau 1 Samvatsara61-8&ta-dv&daba kesh[u] Sravana-budi pamohadaby&m
soma-grahana-parvvani frimat-pitri-śrêy[8]-rtharin) [punar-v=A16 smâbhiḥ étan grâmau udakapūryva kataya sisanêna pradattau! Tad=anayo[r]=
grå may[O]r=nivåsi-samasta-pattakil-Adi-18kaisutatha ka17 rshakai[s=cha] yasth]tpadyamâna-kara-hiranya-bhagabhôg-adikam ajña-śravana-vid hê.
yai[rmbhajtv sarvvam-amushmai sama panētavyam! Sami18 nyam ch]-aitat-punya-phalara vu(buddhva asmad-vaunajairaanyair-api bhậvi
bh&patibkih dharmm-adâyo-ya[m=anu*]mantavyaḥ pålaniyas-ch-êti | Yatô
Va(ba)hubhi[r]=yvasudha bhukth 19 râjabhiḥ. Sagaradibhiḥ 1 yasya yasya yadê bhämis-tasya tasya tad& phalam | Sva
dattåm para-dattâm 63=v yê harêta vasundharam 1 shashţi-varsha-[sa] - : 20 hasraņi vishţA(shthÂ)yam jậyatě krimih 11 Sarvvånbêtân=bhavinah pârthiv
endra[n]=bhyo bhuyo yâchata Râmabhad[r]ah I samany=yam dharmma-se
42 This sign of punctuation is saperfluous. * Read - sith vatsar.. Read -81hatearika.
45 Colebrooke read these very indistinct consonants dy; and similarly, Mr. Wilkinson, in the Jour. Beny. As. Soc., Vol. VII. p. 797. 1. 15, has samit-kuša-til-ann-ddy-Thutibhir. Mr. Fleet, ante, Vol. XVI. p. 256, 1. 14, rend -til-anndshahutibhir.
** The sentence is continued in line 11, evan-dkaliyya . . ., and the intervening passage is put in by way of parenthesis.
17 Metre, Vasantatilak!
us Colebrooke has Adrélavaddhavari; but the consonant of the fourth akshara, v, looks as if it bad been preceded by the sign for i
49 Read -tripravardy-Ašvaldyana..
60 Read, as suggested by Colebrooke, dva sathika.. The word occurs again in the Bhopal grants of Arjunavarman, Jour. Am. Or. Soc., Vol. VII. pp. 27 and 82 ; and evidently in the PipliAnagar grant of the same, Jour. Beng. 4. Soc., Vol. V. p. 379. 61 Read samvatsara..
0 Metre, 16ks (Anushtabh); and of the following verre. 13 Read - dattan.
84 Metre, Balint.

Page #384

354
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
EXAMINATION OF QUESTIONS CONNECTED WITH THE VIKRAMA ERA. BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, C.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN.
(Continued from page 187.)
IRREGULAR DATES.
2.
(a).
Dates which, though irregular by the Tables, are shewn
to be regular, when calculated by one or other of the Siddhantas.2
151. — V. 1207. Archeol. Surv. of India, Vol. X. p. 97, and Plate xxxii. 12. Inscription on pedestal of boar at Chândpur :
(Line 1). Sa[m]vat 1207 Jyêshtha-vadi 11 Ravau || Northern V. 1207 current,
pûrnimânta: Thursday, 5 May, A. D. 1149. amânta Friday, 3 June, A. D. 1149. Northern V. 1207 expired,
[NOVEMBER, 1890.
-
pûrgimânta: Tuesday, 25 April, A. D. 1150. amânta Wednesday, 24 May, A. D. 1150. Southern V. 1207 expired,
1
--
-
purnimanta: By the Tables the 11th tithi of the dark half commenced 1 h. 12 m. after mean sunrise of Sunday, 13 May, and ended 1 h. 17 m. after mean sunrise of Monday, 14 May, A. D. 1151. But by the Brahma-siddhanta the tithi commenced 0 h. 11 m. before mean sunrise of the Sunday, and ended 0 h. 10 m. before mean sunrise of the Monday, and accordingly, by that Siddhanta, the corresponding day is Sunday, 13 May, A. D. 1151.
amânta Tuesday, 12 June, A. D. 1151.
152. V. 1258.
Jour. Beng. As. Soc., Vol. XVII. Part I. p. 315; and Archeol. Surv. of India, Vol. XXI. p. 37. Kâlañjar stone inscription of the Chandella Paramardidê va :Samvat 1258 Kârttika-sudi 10 some.
V. 1258 current: Thursday, 19 October, A. D. 1200.
V. 1258 expired: By the Tables the 10th tithi of the bright half commenced 1 h. 38 m. and ended 23 h. 39 m. after mean sunrise of Monday, 8 October, A. D. 1201, which would make the Monday the 9th of the bright half, and the 10th tilki a kshaya-tithi. But by the Brahmasiddhanta the 10th tithi commenced 1 h. 12 m. before mean sunrise of the Monday, and accordingly, by that Siddhânta, Monday, 8 October, A. D. 1201, was really the 10th of the bright half.
(In the Jour. Beng. As. Soc. the year of the date is wrongly given as 1298; and in Archeol. Surv. of India, loc. cit. p. 38, the corresponding date is stated to be, evidently by a misprint, Monday, the 28th October, A. D. 1201.)
153. V. 1365. Dr. Peterson's Third Report (1884-86), App. p. 231. Date of the composition of Jinaprabha's Ajitasantistava-vritti :9Samvad-Vikrama-bhupaten si(sa)ra-rit-údarchchiḥ-saśâm kâir-mitê Panshasy-isita-paksha-bhaji Sasina yuktê dvitiyâ-tithan irimin(-)ri-Jinasihhasüri-auguroh pådåbja-pashpaṁdhayab
puryam Dasarathêr-Jinaprabha-gurur-jagramtha tikâm-imâm II
1 The Tables here spoken of are Professor Jacobi's Tables. The results for the several Siddhantas, mentioned below, have been worked out from other, unpublished, Tables, which were placed at my disposal by Professor Jacobi.
2 The above heading is strictly applicable only to the dates Nos. 151-158. About the proper equivalent for the date No. 159 there can in my opinion be no doubt, and I consider the date to be really regular, but am unable to prove this by calculation.
* Compare the date No. 17, p. 26 above, which shews that in the present date the year 1365 should be the expired Vikrama year 1365.

Page #385

NOVEMBER, 1890.]
THE VIKRAMA ERA.
3:55
V. 1365 current, - pûrņimânta: Tuesday, 12 December, A. D. 1307; the second tithi of the dark half ended
Oh. 47 m. after mean sunrise. amanta : Wednesday, 10 January, A. D. 1308. V. 1865 expired, -
půrņiminta : Saturday, 30 Novomber, A. D. 1808.
amanta : By the Tables the second tithi of the dark half commenced 0 h. 4 m. after mean sunrise of Sunday, 29 December, and ended 0 h. 17 m. before mean sunrise of Monday, 80 December, A. D. 1308. But by the Ar ya-siddhanta, corrected, the same tithi ended 0 h. 25 m. after mean sunrise of the Monday, and accordingly, by that Siddhanta, the corresponding day is Monday, 30 December, A. D. 1308.
154.- V. 1994. - From Sir A. Canningham's rubbings, supplied to me by Mr. Fleet. Of two stone insoriptions at Udaypur in Gwalior, one is dated : -
(Line 1). - Sam 1394 Mâha-vadi 1 Vu(bu)dhe sri-Udalåsvara-dêvatá-jâ (ya)tra-sa(mayê]; and the other :· (Line 1). — Sam 1394 varsh[@] Mâha-vadi 1 Vu(bu)dhe Udalêsvara-dévatâ-jâ (ya)trâyâ[m]. V. 1394 current,
půrnimânta: the first tithi of the dark half commenced 1 h. 4 m., and ended 22 h. 26 m. after mean sunrise of Thursday, 19 December, A. D. 1336.
amânta: Saturday, 18 Jantzary, A. D. 1337. V. 1394 expired, -
pärnimanta: By the Tables the first tithi of the dark half onded 1 h. 21 m. after mean sunrise of Thursday, 8 January, A. D. 1338. Bat by the Brahma-siddhdnta the same tithi ended 2 h. 42 m. before mean sunrise of the Thursday, and accordingly, by that Siddhanta, the corresponding day is Wednesday, 7 January, A. D. 1338.
amânta: Friday, 6 February, A.D. 1338.
155. - V. 1452. - List of Antiquarian Remains, Bo. Pres. p. 179. Stone inscription at Mangrol in Kathiawad, of the time of the PÅtaśâhi Nasaratha : -
Samvat 1452 varshê Vaišaka(kha)-vadi 15 Ravau śrl-Yöginipurê påtaśâhi-śrt-Nasaratha--- vijayarâ jyê tanniyukt[em] śri-Gurjara-dharitryam ári-Dapharkhânê rûjyam karrati iha Surashtrâyâm sri-Mangalapurê ... Northern V. 1452 current, -
pûrņimânta : Wednesday, 1 April, A. D. 1394.
amanta: Thursday, 30 April, A. D. 1394. Northern V. 1452 expired,
půrņimânta : Tuesday, 20 April, A. D. 1395.
amânta : Wednesday, 19 May, A. D. 1895. Southern V. 1452 expired,
půrņimânta: Saturday, 8 April, A. D. 1396; the 15th tithi of the dark half ended 16 h. 22 m. after mean sunrise.
amanta: By the Tables the 15th tithi of the dark half commenced 1 h. 17 m, and ended 23 h. 17 m. after mean sunrise of Sunday, 7 May, A. D. 1896, which would make the Sunday the 14th of the dark half, and the 15th tithi a loshaya-tithi. Bat by the Brahma viddhanta the 15th tithi commenced 0 h. 56 m. before mean sunrise of the Sunday, and accordingly, by that Siddhânta, Sunday, 7 May, A, D. 1396, was really the 15th of the dark half.
156. – V. 1486. — Archool. Suro. of India, Vol. XXI. p. 18, and Plate xiv.; and Sir A. Canningham's rubbing, supplied to me by Mr. Fleet. Stone inscription at Basin :
(Line 1)... Saravat 1466 varshê Chaitra-sudi 7 San[au]
*i. e. Nusrat Shah (of Yoginfpura, i... Delhi), A. D. 1896-98. See Thomas, The Pathan Kings of Dehli, pp. 812 and 318 ; Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency, Vol. VIII. p. 574.

Page #386

356
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1890.
Northern V. 1466 current: the 7th tithi of the bright half commenced 1 h. 8 m. and ended 23 h. 13 m. after mean sunrise of Sunday, 4 March, A. D. 1408.
Northern V. 1466 expired: By the Tables the 7th tithi of the bright half commenced Oh. 34 m. and ended 23 h. 28 m. after mean sunrise of Saturday, 23 March, A. D. 1409, which would make the Saturday the 6th of the bright half, and the 7th tithi a kshaya-tithi. But by the Brahma-siddhúnta the same tithi commenced 1 h. 23 m. before mean sunrise of the Saturday, and accordingly, by that Siddhanta, Saturday, 23 March, A, D. 1409, was really the 7th of the bright half. Southern V. 1466 expired: Thursday, 13 March, A. D. 1.410.
157. - V. 1489. - Date of my MS. of an Avachárni on Hêmachandra's Linganuálisana. vritti :
Samvat 1489 dvitiya-Sravana-sadi 6.
There was an intercalary month in northern V. 1489 expired. Calculated in the manner which has been followed in preceding dates and according to the Book of Indian Eras), that month was Asha dha; for the solar Ashâdha lasted from 27 May, 20 h. 59 m., to 28 Jane, 11 h. 38 m., A. D. 1432, and there were new-moons on 29 May, 15 h. 5 m., and on 27 June, 22 h. 9 m. after mean sunrise. But by the Brahma-sid thánta and the Siddhanta-siromani (and according to Dr. Schram's Tables) the intercalary month was Sravaņa. For, by the Brahmisiddhanta there were new-moons on 27 June, A. D. 1432, 21 h. 12 m. after mean sunrise, when the true longitude of the sun was 90° 31' 40", and on 27 July, 6 b. 24 m., when the true longitude of the sun was 118° 33' 36"; and by the Siddhanta-siromani there were new-moons on 27 Jane, 22 h. 51 m., when the true longitude of the sun was 90° 40 8", and on 27 July, 8 h. O m., when the true longitude of the sun was 118° 39' 12''; or, in other words, by both the works mentioned there were two new-moons during the solar months 'Sråvaņa.
158. - V. 1747. - Professor Weber's Catalogue, Vol. I. p. 219. Date of a MS. of Anubhûtisvarûpa's Sarasvati-prakriya: -
Samvat 1747 varshe prathama-Vaissha(kha)-vadi dvitiya-chaturthi-dinê Budhe Snuradha-yôgê.
Vaisakha was intercalary in northern V. 1747 expired; for in that year the solar Vaisakha lasted from 29 March, 7 h. 19 m., to 29 April, 5 h. 32 m., A. D. 1690, and there were new-moons on 30 March, 9 h. 42 m., and 23 April, 19 h. 33 m. after mean sunrise. By the Tables the results for the ending-points of the 3rd, 4th, and 5th tithis of the dark half of the purnimanta first Vaibakha would be as follows:
the 3rd tithi ended on Monday, 17 March, A. D. 1690, 23 h. 5 m. after mean sunrise ; no tithi ended on Tuesday, 18 March ; the 4th tithi ended on Wednesday, 19 Mareh, 0 h. 84 m. after mean sunrise ; and on this
day the nakshatra was Anuradha up to 16 h. 25 m. after mean sunrise; the 5th tithi ended on Thursday, 20 March, 2 h. 16 m. after mean sunrise.
By the Tables, therefore, we should have a pratha ma-tritiya (Monday) and a dvitiya-tritiya (Tuesday), but only one chaturthi (Wednesday). But by the Brahmasiddhanta the 4th tithi ended 22 h, 54 m. after mean sunrise of Tuesday, 18 March ; no tithi ended on Wednesday, 19 March ; and the 5th tithe ended 0 h. 40 m. after mean sunrise of Thursday, 20 Mareh; and accordingly, by that Siddhanta, Wednesday, 19 March, A. D. 1690. is properly called the dvitiya-chaturthi.
(Anuradhd-yôge in the date is a mistake for Anuradha-nakshatré.)
159. - V. 1404. - (See note 2, above). - Arckæol. Surv. of India, Vol. XXI. p. 19, and Plate xviii.; and Sir A. Canningham's rubbing, supplied to me by Mr. Fleet. Stone inscription at the Fort of Marpha:
(Line 3). - Samvat 1404 Karttika-sudi 14 Gurau .. V. 1404 current: Sunday, 29 October, A. D. 1346.

Page #387

NOVEMBER, 1890.)
THE VIKRAMA ERA.
357
v. 1404 expired: By the Tables the 14th tithi of the bright half commenced 1 h. 4 m. before mean sunrise of Thursday, 18 October, A. D 1347, and ended 0 h. 45 m. after mean sunrise of Friday, 19 October. I have no doubt that Thursday, 18 October, A. D. 1347, which according to the Tables was wholly occupied by the 14th tithi, is the proper equivalent of the date ; but by the Siddhantas, for which I have made the walculations, the 14th tithi in every case ended shortly after mean sunrise of the following day.
(b). - Dates of whioh the reading is, or may appear to be, doubtful. 160. – V. 1181. - Jour. Beng. As. Soc., Vol. LVI. Part I. p. 115, and Plate vii. Copperplate inscription of Gôvindachandradeva of Kanauj:
(Line 16)... samvat 1181 Bhadrapada-sudi [4 ?] Gurau ady=éha (Várâ]nasya[m] Gangâyẩm ...
This date has been already treated by me, ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 58. I have there stated that it is doubtful whether the figure after the word sudi is 3 or 4 ; that, if it be 3, the corresponding day, for northern v. 1181 expired, is Thursday, 14 August, A. D. 1124, when the third tithi of the bright half ended 6 h. 43 m. after mean sunrise ; and that, if it be 4, the corresponding day is the same, but that, in that case, the day was coupled with the (fourth) tithi which commenced on it.
161.- (V. 1220 P]. - ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 343. Stone inscription at Udaypur in Gwalior, .. of the reign of the Chaulakya Kumâra påladóva: -
(Line 1).... sha-sudi 15 Gurgu |
(Line 11)..... smagrahana-parvvani ...
I have attempted to shew, ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 342, that the fall date, at the commence. ment of line 1, was -
Samvat 1220 vars hê Pansha-sudi 15 Gurau ; and that the corresponding day, for V. 1220 expired, is Thursday, 12 December, A. D. 1163,
when there was & partial lunar eclipse, visible in India, 13 h. 23 m. Greenwich time, or, at · Ujjain, 12 h. 26 m. after mean sunrise.
162.- IV. 1227 PJ.-In Archæol. Suro. of India, Vol. XXI. Plate xii. B., Sir A. Cunningham has given a photo-lithograph of a stone inscription at Ajnygadh, the date of which, ib. p. 49, he transcribes thus :
(Line 1)... Samvat 1237 Ashadha-endi 2 Somo Jayapuradurgiya- ... Sapposing this reading to be correct, the possible equivalents of the date would be - Northern V. 1237 current: Friday, 8 June, A. D. 1179.
In northern V. 1237 expired Åshadha was intercalary : for, the solar Ashadha lasted from 25 May, 16 h. 2 m., to 26 June, 6 h. 41 m., A. D. 1180, and there were new-moons on 26 May, 6 h. 44 m., and on 24 June, 19 h. 25 m, after mean sunrise. The 2nd of the bright half of the first Aghadha was Wednesday, 28 May, A. D. 1180; and of the second Ashâdha, Thursday, 26 June, A. D. 1180.
Southern V. 1237 expired: Tuesday, 16 Jane, A. D. 1181; the second tithi of the bright half ended 2 h. 16 m. after mean sunrise.
None of these equivalents satisfies the requirements of the date, and the date would therefore appear to be irregular. But, in the photo-lithograph, the third figure of the year of the date, in my opinion, is much more similar to 2 than it is to 3, and taking the year of the date to be 1227, I find that Ashadha-sudi 2 of southern V. 1227 expired, corresponds to Monday, 7 Juce, A. D. 1171, when the second tithi of the bright half ended 11 h. 12 m. after mean sunrise.
(Sir A. Canningham, loc. cit. p. 50, concludes “that 8ômé, or Monday, was a mistake of the writer for Saumyć, or Wednesday.")

Page #388

858
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1890.
163.- V. 1992. - Archæol. Surv. of India, Vol. III. p. 125, and Plate xxxyii. No. 18. Inscription over a statue at Gaya, of the reign of the Pala Govindapaladêve :
(Line 8)... Samvat 1232 Vikari-samvatsarê 1 śri-Govindapáladéva-gata-rajyê chaturddasa-sammvatsarê Gaykyan 11
(Line 12). . . Åśvine śukla-pañchamya . . . (?).
The year Vikarin, No. 33, which is bere coupled with the (Vikrama) year 1232, lasted, according to the Bürya-Siddhanta rule, without bija, from 10 February, A. D. 1175, to 6 February, A. D. 1176, and with bla, from 16 March, A.D. 1175, to 11 March, A. D. 1176; and according to the Jyotistattva rule, from 25 January, A. D. 1175, to 21 January, A. D. 1176. Accordingly, Vikárin was actually current during the bright half of Asvina of northern V. 1282 expired (17 September to 1 October, A. D. 1175), and also at the commencement of the solar year (25 March, A. D. 1175). By the Telinga rule the bright half of Åsvina of northern V. 1232 expired would fall in the year Manmatha, No. 29.
The 5th tithi of the bright half of Âávina of northern V. 1232 expired ended on Monday, 22 September, A. D. 1175, 5 h. 15 m. after mean sunrise. I am unable to ascertain whether Monday is the day given in the original inscription, or whether the inscription mentions any week-day at all.
164. – V. 1284. - ante, Vol. XI. p. 337, Dr. Hultzsch has published, with a photolithograph, a copper-plate inscription, of the time of the Chaulukya Bhimadeva II., the date of which he reads thus: -
(Line 1)... Samvat 1264 varshé lano Åshidha-budi 2 gomo. Supposing this reading to be correct, the possible equivalents of the date would be :Northern V. 1264 current : Saturday, 10 June, A D. 1206. Northern V. 1264 expired: Wednesday, 30 May, A. D. 1207.
Southern V. 1264 expired: Tuesday, 17 June, A. D. 1208; the second tithi of the bright half ended 4 h. 28 m. after mean sunrise.
Here, again, none of these equivalents would satisfy the requirements of the date, and the date might therefore seem to be irregular. Referring, however, to the photo-lithograph, I find that the numeral for the day does not look at all like 2, but is very probably 7, or perhaps 8. And calculating for the 7th and 8th tithis, I obtain the following results :
For northern V. 1864 expired, Ashâdha-śudi 7: Monday, 4 June, A. D. 1207, when the 7th tithi of the bright half ended 12 h. 7 m. after mean sunrise; and
for southorn v. 1264 expired, Ashadha-sadi 8: Monday, 23 June, A. D. 1208, when the 8th tithi of the bright half ended 8 h. 5 m. after mean sunrise.
165. - V. 1288 or 1280 p - In Archæol. Suro. of Western India, Vol. II. p. 173, there is an inscription from Girnar, the date of which is given thus :
(Lane 2). - Br-Vikrams-samvat 1289 varshê Aývina-vadi 15 Somo.
The same inscription is published in Archæol. Remains, Bo. Pres., p. 315, where the date is given thus:
(Lino 2). - Br-Vikrama-samvat 1289 varshe Åsvina-vadi 15 86mo.
The possible equivulents of the date for both the Vikrama years 1288 and 1289 would be: Northern V. 1288 curront,
pûnimanta: Sanday, 8 September, A. D. 1230.
amanta: Monday, 7 October, A. D. 1230; the 15th tithi of the dark half ended 22 b: 58 m. after mean sunrise.
In northern V. 1288 expired Abvina was intercalary: for the solar Aśvina lasted from 28 August, 21 h. 39 m., to 28 September, 8 h. 35 m., A. D. 1231, and there were new-moons on 29 August, 1 h 25 m., and on 27 September, 11 h. 20 in., after mean sunrise. The 15th of the dark half of the firet Åśvina was,
pârnimanta: Friday, 29 August, A. D. 1231; amanta : Saturday, 27 September, A. D. 1231; and of the second Åśvina, -

Page #389

NOVEMBER, 1890.)
THE VIKRAMA ERA.
359
amânta: Sunday, 26 October, A. D. 1231, when the 15th tithi of the dark half ended 21 b. 41 m. after mean sunrise. Southern V. 1288 expired,
pûrņiminta : Thursday, 16 September, A, D. 1232. amânta: Friday, 16 October, A. D. 1232. Southern V. 1289 expired, -
pärnimanta : Monday, 5 September, A. D. 1233; the 15th tithi of the dark half erded 19 h. 25 m. after mean sunrise.
amânta : Wednesday, 5 October, A. D. 1233.
In my opinion, the probability is that the year of the date is 1289, and that the true equivalent of the date therefore is Monday, 5 September, A, D. 1998.
166.- V. 13[8]6. - ante, Vol. xv. p. 360. Háthasni stone inscription of the Mèbara chief Thêpaka :
(Line 17). - Saṁvat 13[8]6 varshë 11 Bhave samvatsaré půrone Ashảdhe shaçabitike saptamyam Somavaroņa.
This date offers the following difficulties: -1, According to the transcript the third figure · of the year of the date (the 8) is doubtful; 2, the date does not specify the fortnight of the month; and 3, the exact meaning of the term shadasítike, which the editor of the inscription has taken to mean in the eighty-sixth (year),' is not apparent.
The first difficulty is much lessened by the statement that the date was recorded when the Jovian year BhAva was completed, i. e. in the Jovian year which followed immediately upon the year Bhåva. For, this statement proves that the year of the date must be either 1326 or 1386, because in the 14th century of the Vikrama eras the year Bhåva ended, by the Sürya-Siddhinta rule, without bija, -
on Pausha sukla 7 of V. 1326 expired = 31 December, A.D. 1269; and on amanta Vaišukha krishna 8 of fiorthern V. 1386 expired = 22 April, A. D. 1329.
Now, if the year of the date was V. 1326, the month Åshadha, mentioned in the date, mast have fallen in southern V. 1326 expired; and if the year was V. 1386, the month Ashûdha may have fallen in either northern V. 1386 expired or southern V. 1386 expired.
Calculating, then, the 7th of both the bright and the dark fortnights of Ashâdha for the three possible years, we obtain the following results :For southern V. 1326 expired, - půrạimânta, krishọa 7: Wednesday, 11 June, A. D. 1270. sukla
7: Friday, 27 Juue, A. D. 1270. amanta, krishna 7: Friday, 11 Juiy, A. D. 1270. For northern V. 1886 expired, in which Ashảdha was intercalary, ?-- purgimânta, krishụs 7 of first Åshidha : Saturday, 20 May, A. D. 1329. sukla
7,, , : Sunday, 4 June, a. D. 1329. purnimente, krishna 7 of second Ashadha: Monday, 19 June, A. D. 1329, when the 7th titki of the dark half ended 13 h. 45 m. after mean sunrise. sakla
7 of second Ashadha : Tuesday, 4 July, A. D. 1329. amanta, krishna 7,
, : Wedneaday, 19 July, A. D. 1329.
3 The date onnot be referred to the Suka ere, because during the 14th century of the Baka era the your Beava ended, by the Sarya-Siddhanta rule, in Baka 1810 expired and Saka 1869 expired. Nor can the writer have followed the Telinga rale, became by that rule the youn following immediately upon Bhaya were Vikrama 1332 and 1392 expired, and Saka 1817 and 1877 expired.
By the Sürya-Siddhanta rule with boja, and by the Jyótistattva rule, the dates wuald be the th February. A. D. 1370, and the 15th December, A.D. 1239; and the 28th May and 2nd April, A. D. 1329. In the present case it is imte terial which of the three rales was followed by the writer.
+ The solar Åsbilha lasted from 27 May, 5 h. 20 m., to 27 June, 20 h., A. D. 1329, and there were new moves on 29 May, 7 h. 22 m., and on 24 June, 16 h. 66 m. aiter mean guarino.

Page #390

360
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1890.
For southern V. 1386 expired, pürņimanta, krishna 7: Friday, 8 June, A. D. 1330.
sukla 7: Saturday, 23 Jane, A. D. 1330. amânta, kțishọa 7: Sunday, 8 July, A. D. 1330.
Of all these possible equivalents only one, the 19th June, A. D. 1929, would so far meet the requirements of the date. For that day fell in northern v. 1986 expired, one of the three years to which the date is restricted; it fell in the Jovian year which followed immediately upon Bhava, which had ended on 22 April, A. D. 1329; on that day one of the seventh tithis of Ásbâdha ended, 13 h. 45 m. after mean sunrise ; and the day was a Monday, as required. It remains to shew, how far or in what sense the term shadasitiké may be applicable to it.
Although the word shadašitika, so far as I know, has not itself been met with elsewhere, it is clear that it is used here in a technical sense, the exact nature of which may be suggested to us by the sense of the better known terms shadasiti-mukha and shadabiti. According to the Súrya-Siddhanta, xiv. 3-5,
“By solar time are determined .... the shadırítimukhas ...
“Beginning with Libra, the shadıšitimukha is at the end of the periods of eighty-six (shadasita) days, in succession: there are four of them, occurring in the signs of double character (dvisvabháva);
"Namely, at the twenty-sixth degree of Sagittarius, at the twenty-second of Pisces, at the eighteenth of Gemini (Mithuna), and at the fourteenth of Virgo."
But according to the Kálanddhava, Calcutta Ed. pp. 331-3, and the authorities cited in that work, shadabitimukha, as well as the simple shadabiti, denote both the signs Mithuna, Kanyà, Dhann h, and Mina, and also the sankrantis of the sun into those signs.
Now, as regards our date, it is clear that the term shadašitimukha, in the sense in which the word is explained in the Súrya-Sidunánta, would in no way be applicable to the 19th June, A. D. 1329 : for in A. D. 1329 the sun was in the eighteenth degree of Mithuna already on the 14th and 15th June. Nor would shadasítim ukha or shadariti, denoting the Mithuna-sankranti, be applicable to the above-mentioned 19th June, because that sankranti had taken place as early as the 27th May, A. D. 1329. But the two terms would be applicable to the 19th June, A. D. 1329, if, in acoordance with the alternative allowed by the Kalamadhava, they are taken to denote the whole sign Mithuna, for in the presont case the sun was in the sign Mithuna tp to the 27th June, A. D. 1329. And such being the case, I take the word shadasitikê of the date to be used, for the sake of the metre, for shadasitar, denoting the sign Mithuna, and consider it to be simply synonymous with the phrase mithuna-rásau sthité súrye. And I accordingly regard. Monday, 19 June, A. D. 1329, which strictly fulfils every one of the conditions of the date, to be its trae equivalent.
By a curious coincidence Monday, 19 June, A. D. 1329, was the 86th day, counted from the preceding Mêsha-sankranti, which took place on 25 March, A. D. 1329, 21 h. 26-9 m, aftor mean sunrise.
167.-IV. 1583 ?). - Professor Weber's Catalogue, Vol. I. p. 69. Date of a MS. of the Tándya-bráhmana:
Svasti samvat AshAdhadi 83 varahe Vaissha (kha)-sita-dviti ya®]yam Bhami-tanayo...
This date has been treated by me ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 252. I have there shewn that the writer in all probability intended to write
samvat 15 Ashadhadi 83 varshê,and that, for southern V. 1583 expired, the date corresponds to Tuesday, 2 April, A. D. 1527 when the second tithi of the bright half ended about 22 h. 37 m. after mean sunrise.
See particularly Kalamadhan, p. 333 :- Tair étnih sanja-bheki ribayo vyavahriyante i tad the maibandhit-and-rfi samkrintinam api tiny hranimini
. I now find that the . H ari Samvat, which commences in Lahadha,'had been already mentioned, ande, Vo VIII. p. 183.

Page #391

NOVEMBER, 1890.]
(c).
Dates which work out satisfactorily only when the day of the date is taken to have been joined with the tithi commencing on it. 168. V. 1050. Professor Bhandarkar's Second Report (1882-83), p. 228. Date of the composition of Amitagati's Subhashita-ratna-saihdoha, of the reign of Muñja of Dhârâ :
THE VIKRAMA ERA.
Samaraḍhe pûta-tridasa-vasatim Vikrama-nripe
sahasrê varshanam prabhavati hi pañchâśad-adhikê samâptam pañchamyâm-avati dharanim Muñja-nṛipatau
site pakshê Paushê budha-hitam-idam śûstram-anagham ||
Although the author does not actually say that he completed his work on Budha or Wednesday, yet by the expression budha-hitam he undoubtedly suggests that such was really the case; and calculating the possible equivalents of the date, we find :
361
V. 1050 current: Friday, 2 December, A. D. 992.
V. 1050 expired: the 5th tithi of the bright half commenced on Wednesday, 20 December, A. D. 993, 2 h. 16 m. after mean sunrise, and ended on Thursday, 21 December, 2 h. 50 m. after mean sunrise.
169. V. 1078. Bhôjadêva of Dhârâ :
Amitigati therefore completed his work on Wednesday, 20 December, A. D. 993 (civilly Pausha-sudi 4), after the commencement of the 5th tithi.
ante, Vol. VI. p. 53. Copper-plate inscription of the Mahárájáhiraja
-
(Line 8).. .... atit-âshṭasaptaty-adhika-sahasrika-samvatsarê Magh-âsita-tṛitlyâyâm I Ravav=udagayana-parvvani.... śrimad-Dhârâyâm-avasthitair-asmâbhiḥ . . .
V. 1078 current, pûrgimânta: 10 Wednesday, 4 January, A. D. 1021; Uttarayana-samkranti on 23 December, A. D. 1020.
V. 1078 expired, purnimanta: the third tithi of the dark half commenced on Sunday, 24 December, A. D. 1021, 3 h. 24 m. after mean sunrise, and ended on Monday, 25 December, 4 h. 7 m. after mean sunrise. And the Uttarayana-samkranti took place on Saturday, 23 December, 20 h. 31 m. after mean sunrise.
There can be no doubt that Sunday, 24 December, A. D. 1021, is the proper equivalent of the date, and that the ceremonies connected with the Uttarayana-samkrânti, which took place late on Saturday, had to be deferred to the Sunday, and were permitted to be performed on that day even after the commencement of the third tithi; and the Sunday may, therefore, have been joined here with the (third) tithi which commenced on it. At the same time, considering that the Uttarayana-samkrânti took place during the second tithi and that the Sunday also was civilly the second, I cannot suppress the suspicion that the word tritiyáyám of the date may have been put erroneously for dritiyayam.
(In lines 30 and 31 the same inscription contains the dateSamvat 1078 Chaitra-sudi 14.
This date does not admit of verification, but it clearly fell later than the other date; and it may be pointed out that, if the figures for the year of the second date are correctly given, the year in which the first date fell must have commenced with the month Kârttika.)
170. - V. 1145. Archaeol. Surv. of India, Vol. XX. p. 99, and Plate xxii. Stone inscription from a temple at Dubkund' (south-west of Gwâlior), of the reign of the Maharajadhiraja Vikramasimha (?): -
(Line 61)... Samvat 1145 Bhadrapada-sudi 3 Soma-dinė ||
The possible equivalents for V. 1145 and the surrounding years are: Northern V. 1144 current: Saturday, 15 August, A. D. 1086. Northern V. 1145 current: Wednesday, 4 August, A. D. 1087.
10 In Magha, the Uttarayana-samkranti can take place only during the dark half of the purnimanta month.

Page #392

362
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(NOVEMBER, 1890.
Northern V. 1145 expired: the third tithi of the bright half commenced on Monday, 21 August, A. D. 1088, 3 h. 28 m. after mean sunrise, and ended on Tuesday, 22 August, 3 h. 24 m. after mean sunrise.
Southern V. 1145 expired: Saturday, 11 August, A, D. 1089. Southern V. 1146 expired, in which Bhadrapada was intercalary, -
first Bhadrapada : Thursday, 1 August, A. D. 1090;
second Bhadrapada: Friday, 30 August, A. D. 1090. Southern V. 1147 expired: Wed nesday, 20 August, A. D. 1091.
Here the probability is that Monday, 21 August, A. D. 1088, is the true equivalent of the date ; but, unable to make out the object of the inscription from the published lithograph, I can give no reasons why the day should have been joined with the (third) tithi which commenced on it.
171. – V. 1173. - Epigraphia Indica, Vol. I. p. 147. Date of the renewal, by the Chandolle Jayavarmadêva, of the Khajuraho inscription of Dhangadêva :
(Line 34)... Samvat 1173 Vaisa (sa)kha-áudi 3 Sukro il
The possible equivalents for V. 1173 and the surrounding years are :-- Northern V. 1172 current: Thursday, 9 April, A. D. 1114; the third tithi of the bright half ended 22. 18 m. after mean sunrise.
Northern V. 1173 current : Tuesday, 30 March, A. D. 1115. Northern V. 1173 expired: Monday, 17 April, A. D. 1116.
Southern v. 1178 expired: the third tithi of the brigbt balf commenced on Friday. 6 April, A. D. 1117,2 h. 16 m. after mean sunrise, and ended on Saturday, 7 April, 2 h. 29 m. after mean sunrise.
Southern V. 1174 expired: Thursday, 25 April, A. D. 1118; the third tithi of the bright half ended 21 h. 48 m. after mean sunrise. Southern V. 1175 expired: Monday, 14 April, A. D. 1119.
Here, again, the probability is that Friday, 6 April, A. D. 1117, is the true equivalent of the date, but no reason is apparent why the day should have been joined with the (third) tithi which commenced on it.
172. – V. 1185. - Jour. Beng. As. Soc., Vol. LVI. Part I. p. 120, and Plate viii. Copperplate inscription of Gôvindachandradêva of Kanauj:
(Line 15)... pamchasi(si)ty-adhik-aikâdasa(sa)-sa(ba)ta-saṁ vatsarêshu Chaitre mâsi Ba(su)kla-pakshê paurnnamäsyâm tithau Su(ku)kra-dinë anke=pi samvat 1185 Chaitra-sadi 15 Su(Bu)kro [ady=êha] érimad-Váránagyảm manyadau Gamgåyår snätvå ...
The possible equivalents for V. 1185 and the surrounding years are :Northern V. 1184 current: Wednesday, 10 March, A. D. 1126. Northern V. 1185 current: Tuesday, 29 March, A. D. 1127. Northern V. 1185 expired: Sunday, 18 March, A. D. 1128.
Southern V. 1185 expired: the fall-moon tithi commenced on Friday, 5 April, A. D. 1129, 10 h. 59 m. after mean stunrise, and ended on Saturday, 6 April, 10 h. 50 m. after mean sunrise.
Southern V: 1186 expired: Wednesday, 26 March, A. D. 1130. Soathern V. 1187 expired: Sunday, 15 March, A.D. 1131.
I have already stated, ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 59, that I consider Friday, 5 April, A. D. 1129, to be the true equivalent of the date, and that I believe the ceremonies connected with the manvadi festival to have been performed late in the afternoon of that day, after the commencement of the full-moon tithi.
173. - V. 1220. - ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 347. Udaypur (in Gwalior) stone inscription of the reign of the Chaulukya Ajayapâladeva
(Line 1).... Samvat 1229 varsh Vaisakha-sudi 3 Some ti (Line 3).... Ajaya(på]ladêva-kalyanavijayarajye ... (Line 7).... akshayatritiyd-yugadi-parvvani ...

Page #393

NOVEMBER, 1890.)
THE VIKRAMA ERA.
868
Northern V. 1229 current : Saturday, 10 April, A. D. 1171. Northern V. 1229 expired: Wednesday, 29 March, A. D. 1172.
Southern v. 1229 expired: the third tithi of the bright half commenced on Monday, 16 April, A.D. 1173, 1 h. 40 m, after mean sunrise, and ended on Tuesday, 17 April, 2 h. 42 m, after mean sunrise.
I have shewn, loc. cit. p. 346, that the ceremonies connected with the yugadi had necessarily to be performed on Monday, 16 April, A. D. 1173, because the third tithi of the bright half commenced before the 13th ghatikd of that day, and ended before the 13th ghafikd of the next day, and that the Monday, therefore, is the true equivalent of the date.
174. - v. 1284. - ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 139. Copper-plate inscription of Jayachchandradeva of Kananj:
(Line 24) ... chatustrimsatyll-adhika-dvadasa-sa(sa)ta-samvatsaré Paushe mksi Bu(sa)kla-pakshe chaturthyân-titbau Bavi-dine ankato-pi samvat 1234 Paysha-sudi 4 Ravau uttarayana(na)-samkrantau ady-éha árimad- Váránasyam Gamgåyam snåtvå ...
V. 1234 current : Taesday, 7 December, A. D. 1176; and Uttarayaņa-sankranti on 25
December, A. D. 1176.
V. 1294 expired: the 4th tithi of the bright half commenced on Sunday, 25 December, A. D. 1177, 4 h. 36 m. after mean sunrise, and ended on Monday, 26 December, 6 h. 10 m. after mean sunrise ; and the Uttarayana-sah kranti took place on Sunday, 25 December, 5 h. 18 m. after mean sunrise.
The true equivalent is Sunday, 25 December, A.D. 1177, and the meaning of the date appears to be, that the donation spoken of in the inscription was made at the Uttarayana sankranti which took place during the 4th tithi on that Sunday.
175. - V. 1877. - Professor Aufrecht's Catalogue, p. 61. Date of a MS. of the Váráha. purdņa, written at Benares :
Sarvat 1877 Khara nåma-samvatsaré adhika-Jyáshto(shtho) måge sukló paksh& saptamyAyAm 13 Guru-vasara tad-dind...
Jyaishtha was intercalary in northern V. 1877 expired ;18 for, in that year the solar Jyaishtha lasted from 11 May, new style, 20 h. 51 m., to 12 June, 6 h. 32 m., A. D. 1820, and there were new-moons on 12 May, 8 h., and 10 June, 18 h. 8 m. after mean sunrise. The 7th tithi of the bright half of the first or adhika Jyaishtha commenced on Thursday, 18 May, 8 h 47 m. after mean sunrise, and ended on Friday, 19 May, 10 h. 16 m. after mean sunrise ; and the 7th of the bright half of second Jyaishtha was Sunday, 18 June.
In my opinion, Thursday, 18 May, new style, A. D. 1820, is the true equivalent of the date, and the writer finished his work in the afternoon or evening of that day, after the commencement of the 7th tithi.
The year Khara, No. 25, lasted, according to the Sûrya-Siddhanta rale, without bija, from 9 August, new style, A. D. 1819, to 4 August, A. D. 1820, and with bija, from 18 September, A. D. 1819, to 13 September, A. D. 1820; and according to the Jyôtistattvå rule, from 19 Joly. A.D. 1819, to 14 July, A. D. 1820. Accordingly, Khara was current on the actual day of the date (18 May, A.D. 1820) and also at the commencement of the solar year (10 April, A. D. 1820). By the Telinga rule the date would fall in the year Vikrama, No. 14.
(d). - A date with a wrong week-day. 176. – V. 1181. — ante, Vol. XIV. p. 103. Basahi copper-plate inscription of Govindachandradêva of Kananj -
(Line 8)... Samvat sahas[r]-aikê êkashashty-uttara-sat-Abhyadhikê Pausha-másê sakla-pakshê pamchamyam Ravi-dind så kê sarvat 1161 Pausha-sudi 5 Ravau .... 11 Read chatustrithiad..
12 Read saptamydin.
15 Soe No. 121 above, p. 177.

Page #394

364
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY:
(NOVEMBER, 1890.
(Line 16)... mahârâjaputra-brimad-Govimdachandradêvêna uttarayana(na)-Barkramtau....
V. 1161 current: Sunday, 6 December, A. D. 1103 ; the 5th tithi of the bright half ended, 1 h.21 m. after mean sunrise. Uttarûyana-sankranti on 25 December, A. D. 1103.
v. 1161 expired: Saturday, 24 December, A. D. 1104, when the 5th tithi of the bright half ended 4 h. 19 m. after mean sunrise, and when the Uttarayaņa-samkranti took place 7 h. 58 m. after mean sunrise.
In my opinion, Saturday, 24 December, A. D. 1104, which is the day of the Uttarayanasamkranti (which actually took place during the 6th tithi), and on which also the 5th tithi ended, is the true equivalent of the date, and the words Ravi-diné and Ravau of the date have been put erroneously for Sani-dine and Sanau.
(e). - Dates which yield no satisfactory equivalent for the year of the date, but
which would work out properly for the immediately following year. 177. - V. 1049.- Jour. Bong. As. Soc., Vol. VI. p.783; Prinsep's Essays, Vol. I. p. 324, Archæol. Surv. of India, Vol. I. p. 355 ; Epigraphia Indica, Vol. I. p. 81 ; and Sir A. Cunningham's rubbing, supplied to me by Mr. Fleet. Dêwal stone inscription of Lalla, the Chhinda :
(Line 26)... Samvatsara-sahasra 1049 Mårgga-vadi 7 Guru-dind
The possible equivalents for V. 1949 and V. 1050 are V. 1049 current,
půrņimânta : Sunday, 1 November, A. D. 991, amânta: Monday, 30 November, A, D. 991.. V. 1049 expired,
půrnimânta : the 7th tithi of the dark half commenced on Thursday, 20 October, A. D. 992, 6 h. 6 m. after mean-sunrise, and ended on Friday, 21 October, 3 h. 37 m, after mean sunrise.
amânta: Saturday, 19 November, A. D. 992. V. 1050 expired, -
purnimanta : Thursday, 9 November, A. D. 993; the 7th tithi of the dark half ended 5 h. 32 m. after mean gunrise.
amânta: Friday, 8 December, A. D. 993.
Here, either the Thursday was joined with the (7th) lithi which commenced on it, and in that case the proper equivalent of the date would be Thursday, 20 October, A. D. 992; or the year 1049 has been put erroneously for 1050. As no reason is apparent why the former course should have been adopted (the date not being connected with any religious ceremony), I would decide in favour of the second alternative, and accept Thursday, 9 November, A. D. 993, as the true equivalent of the date.
(According to Prinsep in Jour. Beng. As. Soc., Vol. VI. p. 786, the date corresponds to Thursday, 5th November, A. D. 992. But the 5th November, A. D. 992, was a Saturday, and was obe 9th of the bright half of Margasira.)
178 - V. 1107. - ante, Vol. XVI, p. 205. Nanyaurâ copper-plate inscription of the Chandella Divavarmadêva: -
(Latin 7). - Samvat 1107 Vaisakha-mise krissbra)-pakshê tritiyâyâth Soma-dine Suhavása, sama vâse .... atmiya-mâtuh rajõî-sri Bhuvanadêvyal samvatsari(ri)ke ... ,
The possible equivalents for V. 1107 and V. 1108 are :Northern V. 1107 current, —
púrpimanta: Saturday, 25 March, A. D. 1049
amânta: Sunday, 23 April, A. D. 1049. Northern V. 1107 expired, -
purnimânta: Wednesday, 14 March, A. D. 1050. amânta: Thursday, 12 April, A D. 1050.

Page #395

NOVEMBER, 1890.]
THE VIKRAMA ERA.
365
Southern V. 1107 expired, -
pårnimânta : the third tithi of the dark half commenced on Monday, 1 April, A. D. 1051, 6 h. 40 m. after mean sunrise, and ended on Tuesday, 2 April, 7 l. 48 m. after mean sunrise.
amanta : Wednesday, 1 May, A. D. 1051. Southern V. 1108 expired, -
pārņimanta : Saturday, 21 March, A. D. 1052.
amanta: Monday, 20 April, A. D. 1052; the third tithi of the dark half ended 1 h. 55 m. .after mean sunrise.
Here, again, either the Monday was joined with the (third) tithi which commenced on it, and in that case the proper equivalent of the date would be Monday, 1 April, A. D. 1051; or the year 1107 has been pat erroneously for 1108. And I would here, too, decide in favour of the 62.ond alternative, and therefore accept Monday, 20 April, A. D. 1052, as the true equivalent of the date.
179. – V. 1182.- Jour. Beng. As. Soc., Vol. XXVII. p. 243. Copper-plate inscription of Govindachandradêva of Kananj :
... dvyaáity-adhik-aikâdaśa-bata-samvatsard Màgha-mêsê krishộa-pakshe shashthyên tithâv-ankataḥ samvat 1182 Mágha-vadi 6 Sukra Sriša-Pratishthânè Gangåyâm snâtva ...
The possible equivalents for V. 1182 and v. 1183 are: - V. 1182 current, —
půrņiminta : Sunday, 28 December, A. D. 1124.
amânta : Monday, 26 January, A. D. 1125. V. 1182 expired, -
pûrņimanta: Thursday, 17 December, A. D. 1125.
amânta: the 6th tithi of the dark half commenced on Friday, 15 January, A. D. 1126, 14 h. 2 m. after mean sunrise, and ended on Saturday, 16 January, 11 h. 37 m. after mean sunrise.
V. 1188 expired, - půrnimânta : Thursday, 6 January, A, D. 1127.
amanta: Friday, 4 February, A. D. 1127; the 6th tithi of the dark half ended 14 h. 6 m. after mean sunrise.
Considering that on Friday, 15 January, A. D. 1126, the 6th tithi commenced so late as to render the performance of religions ceremonies after the commencement of the tithi on that day impossible, I here, too, take the year 1182 of the date to have been pat erroneously for 1183, and accordingly regard Friday, 4 February, A. D. 1127, as the true equivalent of the date.
180. - v. 1281. - ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 83. Copper-plate inscription of the reign of the Chaulakya Ajayapâladeva : -
(Line 11) ... nfipa-Vikrama-kalad-ervyak @katrimsad-adhika-dvadasa-bata-samvatsar-ântarvarttini Kärttikê misi sakla-paksh8 åkâda yâm 80ma-dind apôshya Karttik-odyApangparvvaņi ..
(Line 31)... Samvat 1231 varsh& Karttika-áudi 13 Vu(bu)dhe il
The possible equivalents of these two dates for V. 1231 and v. 1232 are: - Of the first date (Kärttika-sodi 11): -
V. 1231 current: Thursday, 18 October, A, D. 1173.
V. 1231 expired: the nth tithi of the bright half commenced on Monday, 7 October A. D. 1174, 17 h. 21 m. after mean sunrise, and ended on Tuesday, 8 October, 14 h. 57 m. after mean sunrise.
V. 1232 expired: Monday, 27 October, A. D. 1175; the 11th tithi of the bright half ended 16 h. 43 m. after mean sunrise. - Of the second date (Karttika-sudi 13): -
V. 1231 current : Saturday, 20 October, A. D. 1173.

Page #396

366
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1890.
V. 1231 expired: the 13th tithi of the bright half commenced on Wednesday, 9 October, A. D. 1174, 12 h. 24 m. after mean sunrise, and ended on Thursday, 10 October, 9 h. 51 m. after mean sunrise.
v. 1882 expired: Wednesday, 29 October, A. D. 1175; the 13th tithi of the bright half ended 12 h. 7m. after mean sunrise.
Here, again, either the tithis of both dates were joined with the days on which they commenced, or the year 1231 has been put wrongly for 1232. And I would again decide in favour of the second alternative, and accordingly take Monday, 27 Ootober, and Wednesday, 29 October, A. D. 1175, as the true equivalents of the two dates ; for, in the second date, a socalled current tithi would be altogether out of place, and in the case of the first date, too, no religious ceremony could have been performed during the 11th tithi on Monday, 7 October, -A. D. 1174 (when that tithi commenced as late as 17 h. 21 m. after sunrise); and I can find no reason why the ceremonies connected with the ékddasi should not have been performed on the day on which the tithi ended, i, e. on Tuesday, 8 October, A. D. 1174,
181. – V. 1288. - ante, Vol. VI. p. 203. Kadi copper-plate inscription of the Chaulakya Bhimaddva II. : -
(Line 16)... Srimat(d-) Vikramadity-Otpadita-samvatsara-batêshu dvadasagu ashtsity-uttarëshu Bhadrapadamasiya-sukla-pratipadâyâm some-vare stromkatd=pi samvat 1288 varsh Bhadrava-sudi i smo sey&m samvatsara-måga paksha-vára-parvvikâyám tithâv=ady= éha árimad-Anahila påtaké ...
The possible equivalents for V. 1288 and V. 1289 are: - Northern V. 1288 current: Saturday, 10 August, A. D. 1230. Northern V. 1288 expired: Thursday, 31 July, A, D. 1231. Southern V.1288 expired: Wednesday, 18 Angust, A. D. 1232.
Southern v. 1289 expired: Monday, 8 Angast, A. D. 1233; the first tithi of the bright half ended 7 h. 22 m. after mean sunrise.
Since the tithi, for V. 1288, can in no way be combined with Monday, I take the your 1288 to have been erroneously put for 1289, and accordingly consider Monday, 8 August, A. D. 1288, to be the true equivalent of the date.
182.- V. 1401. - Dr. Peterson's Third Report (1885-86), App. p. 249. Date of the composition of Stlaratnasari's commentary on Mêrutunga's Méghadata : - Varsh8 chandra-nidhÅna-purva-1491-kalite Bri-VikramArkat-tatha
Chaitr-antar-yadi-pamchami-Budhadine srêshth-Anuradha-yute. sri-jainðjjvala-Méghadata-suvrihat-kavyasya porn-abhavat
fka sri-Anahillapataka iti khyatê kshitan pattand #1 The possible equivalents for V. 1491 and v. 1492 are : Northern V. 1491 current,
amanta : Friday, 10 April, A. D. 1433; nakshatra at sunrise, MAIS (19).
pornimânta : Sunday, 28 February, A. D. 1434 ; nakshatra at sunrise, Visakhå (16). Northern V. 1491 expired, -
amânta : Tuesday, 30 March, A. D. 1434; the 5th tithi of the dark half ended 3 h. 7 m. after mean sunrise ; nakshatra at sunrise, Máls (19).
půrnimanta : Thursday, 17 February, A, D. 1435; the 5th tithi of the dark, balt ended 19 h. 16 m. after mean sunrise ; nakshatra Svati (15), up to 13 h. 47 m. after mean sunrise, Southern V. 1491 expired, -
amanta : Saturday, 19 March, A. D. 1435; nakshatra at sunrise, Jyêshtha (18). Southern (or northern) v. 1402 expired, -
pornimanta : Wednesday, 7 March, A. D. 1436; the 5th tithi of the dark half ended 19 h. 46 m. after mean sunrise ; and the nakshatra was Visa khå (16) ap to 3 h. 56 m. after mean sunrise, when it was followed by Anuradha (17).
.

Page #397

NOVEMBER, 1890.)
THE VIKRAMA ERA.
867
Since in V. 1491 there is no Wednesday which could in any way be joined with the tith and at the same time with the nakshatra Anuradha, I take the year 1491 to have been erroneously put for 1492, and accordingly consider Wednesday, 7 Maroh, A. D. 1496, to be the true equivalent of the date.
(f). - A date which yields no satisfactory equivalent for the year of the date, but which would work out properly for both the immediately preceding
year and the immediately following year. 183. – V. 174. - ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 20. Copper-plate inscription of Gðvindachandradéva of Kananj: -
(Line 13)... chatuhsaptaty-adhik-aikadaśa-sa(a)ta-samvatsard Phálgund masi krishdapakshe trittyáyân-tithau Bukra-dine-nkd=pi samvat 1174 Phâlga[na-vadi 3(P)] Sukre ...
The possible equivalents for V. 1174 and the surrounding years are: - v. 178 current, —
pārņiminta : Thursday, 3 February, A. D. 1116.
amanta : Friday, 3 March, A. D. 1116; the third tithi of the dark halt ended 15 h. 39 m. after mean sunrise.
V. 1174 current, - • pûrņimânta: Monday, 22 January, A. D. 1117.
amanta: Wednesday, 21 February, A. D. 1117. V. 1174 expired, -
půrnimânta : the third tithi of the dark half commenced 12 h. 50 m. after mean sunrise of Friday, 11 January, A. D. 1118, and ended 10 h. 55 m, after mean sunrise of Saturday, 12 January.
amânta: Sunday, 10 February, A. D. 1118. V. 1176 expired, -
parimanta: Friday, 31 January, A. D. 1119; the third tithi of the dark half onded 11 h. 41 m, after mean sunrise.
Amanta : Saturday, 1 March, A. D. 1119.
Since, on Friday, 11 January, A. D. 1118, the third tithi commenced so late as to render the performance of religious ceremonies on that day, after the commencement of the tithi, almost impossible, I consider the year of the date to be wrong. And, in my opinion, the probability is that, of the two surrounding Vikrama years, which would yield the proper week. day, the true year of the date is V. 1173 current or 1172 expired, because that year yields the Friday by the amanta scheme of the lunar fortnights, which has been apparently followed in other dates of Govindachandra and his successor. I would therefore take Friday, 8 March, A. D. 1116, to be the proper equivalent of the date. (8). - Dates which yield no satisfaotory equivalent for the year of the date, but which would work out properly for both the immediately preceding year
and the next year but one. 184. - V. 1208. From & rubbing supplied to me by Dr. Burgess. Copper-plate inscription of Govindachandradeva of Kanauj:
(Line 16)... sarvataaranám asbt-Adhika-dvadasa (ha)-sa(la) tahu Karttika masi gu(sa)kla-pakshe paurņņamlayam tithau Bh[an]ma-dine söktepi samvat 1208 Karttik. sudi 15 Bhaume ...
The possible equivalente for V. 1208 and the surrounding years are :
V. 1207 current : Tuesday, 18 October, A. D. 1149; the fall-moon tithi endod 16 h. 1 m. after mean sunrise.
V. 1208 current: Monday, 6 November, A. D. 1150.

Page #398

368
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
V. 1208 expired: Saturday, 27 October, A. D. 1151. V. 1209 expired: Wednesday, 16 October, A. D. 1152.
V. 1210 expired: Tuesday, 3 November, A. D. 1153; the full-moon tithi ended 4 h. 7 m. after mean sunrise.
[NOVEMBER, 1890.
For V. 1208, the tithi can in no way be joined with a Tuesday; and all that can be said is, that the date would work out satisfactorily for either V. 1206 expired, or V. 1210 expired.
185.V. 1295. ante, Vol. VI. p. 205. Kadi copper-plate inscription of the Chaulukya Bhimadêva II. :
(Line 17). [srimat(d)]-Vikramadity-otpadita-samvatsara-satêshu dvâdaśasu pamchanavaty-uttarêshu Mârggamâsiya-sukla-chaturddasyam Guru-vare strâmkato-pi samvat 1295 varshê Marggê(rgga)-sudi 14 Gurav-asyâm samvatsara-masa-paksha-vara-pârvvikâyâm tithiv-ady-êha śrimad-Anahillapâtake..
The possible equivalents for V. 1295 and the surrounding years are:
V. 1294 current: Thursday, 13 November, A. D. 1236; the 14th tithi of the bright half ended 18 h. 8 m. after mean sunrise.
V. 1295 current: Wednesday, 2 December, A. D. 1237.
V. 1295 expired: Monday, 22 November, A. D. 1238.
V. 1296 expired: Saturday, 12 November, A. D. 1239.
V. 1297 expired: Thursday, 29 November, A. D. 1240; the 14th tithi of the bright half ended, at Anhilwâd, 0 h. 6 m. before mean sunrise of the following day.
Here, again, the tithi can in no way be combined with a Thursday in V. 1295; but the date would work out satisfactorily for either V. 1293 expired or V. 1297 expired.
Date of a MS. of a
186. V. 1512.- Professor Weber's Catalogue, Vol. I. p. 281. commentary on the Ashtangahridaya :
Samvat 1512 pravartamânê sâdhârana-Phâlaguna-suddha-pratipa Bhauma-vara..
The possible equivalents for V. 1512 and the surrounding years are:
V. 1511 current: Tuesday, 29 January, A. D. 1454; the first tithi of the bright half ended 18 h. 42 m after mean sunrise.
V. 1512 current: Monday, 17 February, A. D. 1455. V. 1512 expired: Saturday, 7 February, A. D. 1456.
V. 1513 expired: Friday, 25 February, A. D. 1457.
V. 1514 expired: Tuesday, 14 February, A. D. 1458; the first tiths of the bright half ended 19 h. 37 m. after mean sunrise.
Here, too, the tithi can in no way be combined with a Tuesday in V. 1512; but the date would work out satisfactorily for either V. 1510 expired or V. 1514 expired.
(h).
Dates which yield no satisfactory equivalent for the year of the date, but which would work out satisfactorily for the next year but one.
187. V. 1190. ante, Vol. XVI. p. 208. Bândâ copper-plate inscription of the Chandella Madanavarmadêva :
(Line 10)... Bhailasvami-samip-âvâsê navaty-adhika-sa (sa) taik-ôpêta-sahasratamê samvatsarê Mâghê mâsi su(su)kla-pakshê pûrnṇimâyâm Soma-vare amkato-pi samvat 1190 Magha-sudi 15 Some II
The possible equivalents for V. 1190 and the surrounding years are :
V. 1189 current: Wednesday, 3 February, A. D. 1132.
V. 1190 current: Sunday, 22 January, A. D. 1133; the full-moon tithi ended 17 h. after mean sunrise.
V. 1190 expired: Friday, 12 January, A. D. 1134.
V. 1191 expired: Thursday, 31 January, A. D. 1135.

Page #399

NOVEMBER, 1890.)
THE VIKRAMA ERA.
369
V, 1192 expired: Monday, 20 January, A. D. 1136; the full-moon tithi ended 22 h. 56 m. after mean sunrise.
Here the tithi can in no way be combined with a Monday in the years V. 1189, 1190, and 1191 ; but the date would work out satisfactorily for V. 1192 expired.
188. – V.1287. - ante, Vol. VI. p. 201. Kadi copper-plate inscription of the Chaulakya Bhimadêva II.:
(Line 11)... Srimat(a.) Vikramadity-Otpadita-samvatsara-satéshu dvadaśasu saptasity. uttaréshu ÅshAdhamásiya-sukl-Ashtamya Sukra-vard strmimkato spi samvat 1287 varshe Ashadha-śndi 8 Sukro Ssyam saṁvatsara-mfisa-paksha-våra-purvvikâyâm tithêv=ady=& ha Grimad-Anahilapatakê ...
The possible equivalents for V. 1287 and the surrounding years are: - Northern V. 1286 current: Sunday, 11 June, A. D. 1228.
Northern V. 1287 current : Saturday, 30 June, A. D. 1229; the 8th tithi of the bright half ended 14 h. 14 m. after mean sunrise.
Northern V.1287 expired: Wednesday, 19 June, A. D. 1230. Southern V. 1287 expired: Monday, 9 June, A. D. 1231. Southern V. 1288 expired: Sunday, 27 June, A. D. 1232.
Southern V, 1289 expired: Friday, 17 June, A. D. 1233; the 8th tithi of the bright half ended I h. 21 m. after mean sonrise.
Here, again, the tithi cannot be combined with a Friday in the years V. 1286, 1287, and 1288; but the date would work out satisfactorily for southern V. 1289 expired.
189,- V. 1724. - Jour. Amer. Or. Soc., Vol. VII. p. 13; and Sir A. Cunningham's rubbings, supplied to me by Mr. Fleet. Râmnagar stone inscription of the kings of Mandala : -
(From the rubbings, line 64)... Veda-nêtra-hay-Ondv-abdé Jyêshthể Vishou-tithan [6] itau (1) Sadasivena likhitamæutkirņam taih susilpibhih 11 52 | Samvat 1724 varshe Jyêshtha-buddha 11 Sukra-vasar[0] 11
The possible equivalents for V. 1724 and the surrounding years are: - Northern V. 1723 current : Monday, 15 May, A. D. 1665. Northern V. 1724 current: Sunday, 3 June, A. D. 1666.
Northern V. 1724 expired: Thursday, 23 May, A. D. 1667; the 11th title of the bright half ended 20 h. 16 m. after mean sunrise.
Southern V. 1724 expired: Tuesday, 12 May, A. D. 1668. Southern V. 1725 expired: Monday, 31 May, A. D. 1669.
Southern V. 1726 expired: Friday, 20 May, A. D. 1670; the 11th tithi of the bright half ended 9 h. 55 m. after mean sunrise.
Here, again, the tithi can in no way be combined with a Friday in the years. V. 1723, 1724, and 1725; but the date would work out satisfactorily for southern V. 1726 expired.
(Dr. F. E. Hall has read the figures, after the words Jy&shtha-suddha, as 12 ; but the 11 is quite clear in both my rubbings, and has been so read also by Captain Fell, As. Res. Vol. XV. p. 437. Moreover, Dr. Hall (Jour. Amer. Or. Soc., Vol. VII. p. 22) has given, as the corresponding date, “the fifth of June, A. D. 1667, N.S.;" but the 5th June, new style, A. D. 1667, was a Sunday.)
(t). - Dates which contain other errors. 190,– V. 794. - ante, Vol. XII. p. 155, and Vol. XVI. p. 197; and the Book of Indian Eras, pp. 47 and 48. Dhiniki copper-plate inscription of Jaikadêva : -
(Line 1).. Vikrama-samvatsara-batêshu saptasu chaturnavaty-adhikeshy-amkatah [7974 Karttika-mas-para-pakshe amâvâsyâyam Aditya-vard Jyoshtha-nakshatrê ravigrahaņaparvvani asyâm samvatsara-masa-paksha-divasa-purv vayam tithậv=ady=éha Bhâmilikayan ...

Page #400

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1890.
Calculating again, as in the case of the preceding dates, for Kârttika-vadi 15 both of V. 794 current and expired, and also of the surrounding years V. 793 current and V. 795 and 796 expired, we obtain the following results: -
V. 793 current,
370
pûrnimânta Thursday, 20 October, A. D. 735; no eclipse. amânta Saturday, 19 November, A. D. 735; no eclipse. V. 794 current, -
pûrņimânta: Tuesday, 9 October, A. D. 736; no eclipse. amânta : Wednesday, 7 November, A. D. 736; no eclipse. V. 794 expired,
purṇimânta: Saturday, 28 September, A. D. 737; no eclipse.
amânta: Monday, 28 October, A. D. 737; nakshatras, Visakha and Anuradhâ; an altogether invisible solar eclipse, 8 h. 13 m. Greenwich time, or, at Ujjain, 7 h. 16 m. after mean sunrise.
V. 795 expired,
pûrņimânta: Friday, 17 October, A. D. 738; a total solar eclipse, not visible in India, Greenwich time 0 h. 11 m. of 18th. October, or, at Ujjain, 23 h. 14 m. after mean sunrise of 17th October.
amânta Sunday, 16 November, A. D. 738, when the new-moon tithi ended 10 h. 38 m., and the nakshatra was Jyeshtha up to 22 h. 20 m. after mean sunrise; no eclipse.
V. 796 expired,
pûrnimânta : Wednesday, 7 October, A. D. 739; a solar eclipse, not visible in India. amânta: Friday, 6 November, A. D. 739; no eclipse.
From the above it is at once clear that there is no day in V. 794, either current or expired (nor in V. 793 current or V. 796 expired), which would at all satisfy the requirements of the date. In V. 795 expired, which is one year later than the year of the date, Kârttika-vadi 15, by the amanta scheme, the adoption of which by the writer is clearly suggested by the term aparapakshe of the date, did fall on a Sunday, the 16th November, A. D. 738, and on that day the moon was in the nakshatra Jyêshthâ, as required; but there was no solar eclipse. There was, however, such an eclipse, not visible in India, on the preceding new-moon day, the 17th October, A. D. 738. And taking these two facts together, Professor Bühler, when editing the inscription, arrived at the conclusion that the grant was actually made on the occasion of the (calculated) eclipse, i. e. on Friday, 17th October, A. D. 738, which was the new-moon day of the amánta Aśvina, and that the document was drawn up exactly one month later, on the new-moon day of the amânta Kârttika, i. e. on Sunday, 16th November, A. D. 738. But it may be objected, that the new-moon day of Kârttika, on which Professor Bühler supposes the scribe to have written the date, belonged all over India to the year 795 expired, and not to V. 794, either current or expired, and that therefore even the adoption of Professor Bühler's views would not remove all the difficulties of the date. And besides, from the wording of the date it seems quite certain that the writer distinctly desired to couple the eclipse with the newmoon day of Kirttika and with a Sunday; and I fail to perceive that the present date is at all similar, e. g. to that of the Morbi copper-plate, where an eclipse is spoken of in an early part of the document, while at the end of it a date is given on which that eclipse cannot possibly have taken place.
Sir A. Cunningham, in the Book of Indian Eras, p. 48, proposes that we should substitute Avina for the word Karttika of the date, an alteration by which the date would fall on the last day of southern V. 794 expired, Friday, 17th October, A. D. 738, the day of the solar eclipse, and that we should then assume the writer to have put down in the date the following Sunday, the 19th October, A. D. 738, because the day of the eclipse, which Sir A. Cunningham assumes to have been Saturday, was a very inauspicious day. Against this proposal it may be said, that the day of the eclipse in India was a Friday; that, even if it had been a
-
—

Page #401

NOVEMBER, 1890.]
THE VIKRAMA ERA.
371
Saturday, no aversion is felt to Saturday in other grants; that the moon was in the nakshatra Jyêshthâ, neither at the time of the eclipse, nor daring day-time of the following Sunday; and that, if we must alter the wording of the date, and besides resort to artificial explanations which after all would not set right all the details of the date, we might as well at once alter the year of the date to 795, and assume that the writer had made a mistake about the eclipse. But, being averse to assuming such an accumulation of errors, I see no way of setting the date right; and I concur in the views of Mr. Fleet, that the unsatisfactory nature of the date is one of the reasons for regarding the inscription in which the date occurs as a forged document.14
191. – V. 1164. — ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 11. Copper-plate inscription of Chandradeva and Madanapaladdva of Kanauj: -
(Line 11) ... chatuhpa(shpa)mchâsa(sa)d-adhika-sa(ka)tai kadasa (sa)-samvatsare Maghe miisi su(so)kla-pakshe tritîyayên Soma-dinė Vârâņasyâm uttarayana(pa) samkrantau ankatah samvat 1154 Magha-sudi 3 Some Váránasyam...
I have already stated, ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 10, that the Uttarâyaņa-saṁ krânti, which introduces the solar month Mâgha, must necessarily precede the new-moon which introduces the bright half of the lunar Mâgha, and that therefore it cannot possibly take place on the third of the bright half of the lunar Magha; and that, accordingly, I must regard the quotation of the Uttarayana-sankranti in connection with Magha-sudi 3 as erroneous.15 Irrespectively of the saro kranti, the equivalents of the date would be : -
V. 1154 ourrent: Monday, 19 January, A. D. 1097, when the third tithi of the bright balf ended 10 h. after mean sunrise. (Uttarayaņa-sankranti on Wednesday, 24 December, A. D. 1096.)
V. 1154 expired: Friday, 8 January, A. D. 1098. (Uttarayana-sankranti on Thursday, 24 December, A. D. 1097.)
192. - V. 1188. - ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 16. Copper-plate inscription of Madanapala and Govindachandradêva of Kananj: -
(Line 17)... sam 1166 Paasha-vadi 15 Ravau 11... (Line 18)... RAhu-grasto savitari ...
The possible equivalents for Pausha-vadi 15 of V. 1166, current and expired, are: - V. 1166 current, —
půrņimanta: Friday, 4 December, A. D. 1108; & solar eclipse, not visible in India, 13 h. 38 m., Greenwich time, or, at Ujjain, 12 h. 41 m. after mean sunrise.
aminta: Sunday, 3 January, A. D. 1109; the 15th tithi of the dark half ended 2 h. 46 m. after mean sunrise; no eclipse. V. 1166 expired, -
půrnimânta: Thursday, 23 December, A. D. 1109; no eclipse. amânta: Saturday, 22 January, A. D. 1110; no eclipse.
None of these equivalents satisfies all the requirenients of the date, because, althongh the 15th of the dark half of the amanta Pausha of y. 1166 current did fall on a Sunday, there. was no eclipse on that day. As regards the immediately surrounding years, there was a solar eclipse, visible in India, on the 15th of the dark half of the purnimanta Pausha of V. 1165 current, = 16th December, A. D. 1107, but the day was a Monday; and generally, in all the years from A. D. 1100 to 1120, the 15th of the dark half of Pausha never fell on a Sunday on which there was a solar eclipse. I therefore am inclined to assume that the solar eclipse has been erroneously put down in the inscription, and that the proper equivalent of the date is Sunday, 3 January, A. D. 1109.
* See ante, Vol. XVI. p. 198; and compare also the Bombay Garetteer, Vol. VIII. p. 875.
16 The error would under any circumstances shew great want of thought on the part of the writer; bat, as an oxtenuating circumstance, it may be stated that the date refers to a donation which was made by the predecessor of the king under whom the document was drawn up, and not to a contempordneous event.

Page #402

372
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1890.
193. - V. 1187. - Jour. Beng. As. Soc., Vol. LVI. Part I. p. 109, and Plate vi. Raiwân copper-plate inscription of Govindachandradêva of Kanauj:
(Line 18)... samvat 1187 Märgga-sudi paurņņi(rņna)masya in tithan Soma-dind 11 ady-tha srimad-Vârâņasya [io] sathkrantau ...
The possible equivalents for Marga-sudi 15 of V. 1187, current and expired, and the days of sankrantis are: -
V. 1187 current: Wednesday, 27 November, A. D. 1129. There was a saskránti on Monday, 25 November, 10 h. 52 m. after mean sunrise.
V. 1187 expired: Monday, 17 November A. D. 1130; the full-moon tithi ended 1 h. 25 m. after mean sunrise. There was a nirayanu sarakránti on Tuesday, 25 November, 17 h. 5 m. after mean sunrise, and a sáyana sankranti on Saturday, 15 November, 20 h. 24 m. after mean sunrise.
Here, again, none of the possible equivalents satisfies all the requirements of the date; and since, as I have shewn (ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 58), the full-moon day of Margaśirsha in all the years from V. 1180 current to V. 1190 expired fell on a Monday only in V. 1187 expired, and never on the day of a sasikránti, I assume that the sankranti has been wrongly put down in the date, and that the proper equivalent of the date is Monday, 17 November, A. D. 1130.
194. - V. 1299. -- ante, Vol. VI. p. 208. Kadi copper-plate inscription of the Chaulukya Tribhuvana pâladêva : -
(Line 14)... Srimad-Vikramadity-otpadita-samvatsara-śatêshu dvadaśasu navanavatyuttarésha Chaitramâsiya-sukla-shashthyâm soma-vard Strâmkatô Spi samvat 1299 varshê Chaitra-budi 6 some. Sayam samvatsara-masa-paksha-vara-purvvikâyam sâ mo lauo Phậganamásiya-amkváśya(sya)yâm samjata-soryyagrahaņa-parvvaņi saņkalpitât tithâv=ady-êba srimad-Anahilla på také ...
This date gives us for calculation Chaitra-sudi 6 of V. 1299, which should be a Monday ; and a solar eclipse on the new-moon day of the month Phâlguna, preceding the previously mentioned Chaitra-sudi 6. For Chaitra-áudi 6 the possible equivalents would be :
Northern V. 1299 current: Wednesday, 20 March, A. D. 1241.
Northern V. 1299 expired: Sunday, 9 March, A. D. 1242, when the 6th tithi of the bright half ended 15 h. 52 m. after mean sunrise.
Southern V. 1299 expired: Saturday, 28 March, A. D. 1243, when the 6th tithi of the bright half ended 9 h. 38 m, after mean sunrise.
None of the three possible years, therefore, yields the desired week-day; nor, I may add, did the 6th tithi of the bright half of Chaitra end on a Monday in the surrounding years, northern V. 1298 current and southern V. 1300 expired, or in southern V. 1301 expired.
As regards the other item of the date, there was no solar eclipse in the month Phâlguna, either púrnimánta or amánta, which immediately preceded the 20th March, A. D. 1241, and the 9th March, A.D. 1242 ; but there was a solar eclipse on the new-moon day of the amanta Phálguna (of V. 1299 expired) immediately preceding the 28th March, A.D. 1243. This eclipse took place on Sunday, 22 March, A. D. 1243, 2 h. 2 m. Greenwich time, or, at Ujjain, 1 h. 5 m, after mean sunrise, and it was not visible in western India.
In my opinion, there can be no doubt that some at least of the recorded details of this date are incorrect; and the probabilities are that the eclipse, although it was not visible, has been rightly quoted, but that either the tithi of Chaitra referred to in the date was really the 8th, or the week-day a Saturday. In the former case the proper equivalent of the date would be Monday, 30 March, A. D. 1243, in the latter, Saturday, 28 March, of the same year.

Page #403

NOVEMBER, 1890.)
THE VIKRAMA ERA.
873
195. - V. 1597. - Dr. Peterson's Third Report (1885-86), App. p. 214. Date of the compositiou of Parávachandra's Várttika on Virabhadrasadhu's Chatuhsarana-prakirnaka :
Muni-namd-eshu-chamdr-abdé vyatite Vikramerkataḥ 1 subhâsi Phâlganê mâsi trayôdasyam Ravēr-dine 11
pavitré Mala-nakshatre ... Here the possible equivalents for V. 1597 and the surrounding years would be:
V. 1596 current: Sunday, 2 March, A. D. 1539; the 13th tithi of the bright half ended 18 h. 8 m. after mean sunrise; nakshatra Magha (10), not Müla (19).
V. 1597 current: Friday, 20 February, A. D. 1540; nakshatra Asleshå (9). V. 1597 expired: Wednesday, 9 February, A. D. 1541 ; nakshatra Pushya (8).
V. 1598 expired: Monday, 27 February. A. D. 1542; the 13th tithi of the bright half ended 6 h. 31 m. after mean sunrise ; nakshatra Magha (10)
V. 1599 expired: Friday, 16 February A. D. 1543; nakshatra Åslêshå (9).
These equivalents shew that some of the recorded details of the date must be incorrect; for it appears from them that the moon is never anywhere near the nakshatra Mala on the 13th of the bright half of Phålguna, and that this particular tithi of Phâlguna cannot in any way be joined with a Sunday in V. 1597 current or expired. The proper year of the date may be V. 1596 current, but even so the quotation of the nakshatra would be incorrect.
APPENDIX.
ADDITIONAL REGULAR DATES. 196. - V. 811. In his Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, Vol. II. p. 764, Colonel Tod reports that at Chitör in Rajputânâ he found an inscription which was dated16_
Sambat 811, Mâgha-sudi 5th, Vpishpatwar (Thursday).' Assuming this statement to be correct, the possible equivalents of the date would be : -
V. 811 current: Thursday, 3 January, A. D. 754; the 5th tithi of the bright half ended 20 h. 24 m. after mean sunrise.
V. 811 expired: Wednesday, 22 January, A, D. 755; the 5th tithi of the bright half ended 15 h. 43 m. after mean sunrise.
(For Saka 811, current and expired, the equivalents would be Friday, 10 January, A. D. 889, and Tuesday, 30 December, A. D. 889.)
197. - V. 1944. - Archæol. Surv. of India, Vol. xx. p. 90, and Plate X. Inscription on pillar of the entrance gateway of the fortress of Tahangadh in Rajputâne: -
(Line 1)... Samvat 1244 [Jyê]shtha-su 15 Guro(rau). Northern V. 1244 carrent: Tuesday, 3 June, A. D. 1186. Northern V. 1244 expired: Sunday, 24 May, A. D. 1187.
Southern V. 1244 expired: Thursday, 12 May, A. D. 1188; the 15th tithi of the bright half ended 12 h. 20 m. after mean sunrise.
198. - V. 1317. -- Archool. Surv. of India, Vol. XXI. p. 51, and Plate xiii.; and Sir A. Cunningham's rubbing, supplied to me by Mr. Fleet. Ajaygadh rock inscription of the Chandella Viravarman :
(Line 14) ... Sagar-êmlv-agai-sudhâmsa(su)-mits Vikrama-vatsard ... Samvat 1317 .... Vaišasha(kha)-sudi 13 Gurau.
Northern V. 1317 current: Tuesday, 6 May, A. D. 1259. Northern V. 1317 expired: Sunday, 25 April, A. D. 1260.
Southern V. 1817 expired: Thursday, 14 April, A. D. 1261; the 13th tithi of the bright half ended 21 h. 45 m, after mean sunrise.
16 I give this date here because, if correctly copied, it is the earliest known regular date of the Vikrama era which Admits of verification.

Page #404

374
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1890.
199. - V. 1510. - From rubbing, supplied to me by Dr. Burgess. Gwalior stone inscriptions of the reign of the Maharajadhiraja Dangarendradeva :17 -
(Line 1) ... Samvat 1510 varshe Migha-gudi 8 soms sri-Gopagiran mahårâ jîdhirajarája (jo)-sri-Damgarêmdradêva-rajy[") pravarttamane i
V. 1510 current: Thursday, 18 January, A. D. 1453.
V. 1510 expired: Monday, 7 January, A. D. 1454; the 8th tithi of the bright half ended 13 h, 7 m. after mean sunrise.
200.- V. 1814. - Professor Eggeling's Catalogue, p. 344. Date of a MS. of Chiramjîvabhatta's Kávyavilása: -
Satvat 1814 Saka 1679 Isvara-nama-saṁvatsarê Karttike mâsi sukla-pakshe 6 GuruVaard shashthyÂm tithau Karnataka-dêsê Muhabihad-Akhya-gramô likhitam...
. 1814 current: Friday, 29 October, new style, A.D. 1756; the 6th tithi of the bright half ended 4 h. 28 m. after mean sunrise.
V. 1814 expired: Thursday, 17 November, new style, A. D. 1757 ; the 6th tithi of the bright half ended 6 h. 57 m. after mean sunrise.
By the so-called Telinga rule, the year Isvara (No. 11) coincided with Saka 1679 expired or northern V. 1814 expired. By the Sûrya-Siddhanta rale, without or with bija, and by the Jyotistattva rale, the date (the 17th November, new style, A. D. 1757) would fall in the year Sarvadhárin (No. 22).
(To be continued.)
PARSI AND GUJARATI HINDU NUPTIAL SONGS.
BY PUTLIBAI D. H. WADIA. I give text and translation of some of the nuptial songs sung among Gujarati Hindus And Parsis. These songs seem to have been handed down from times immemorial, and consequently some of the words have been altered and corrupted to such an extent as to render the original meaning almost unintelligible. I hope to give a few more of these songs later on.
TRANSLATION
No. 1. Bong sung by the Bridegroom's Party on the occasion of a Betrothal. Playing by the side of the fountain my Sôrábjil saw her: Home be came and continued repeating " Father, have me married." If I marry at all I shall marry none but Faramjis daughter or shall go unmarried
through life. Méharwanjis asked a question or two: - Faramjf joined his hands together in
compliance). 3. Mêharwânji sent some pán-leaves; - Farâmjta accepted them with pleasure :
Meherbiis sent some flowers: Ratanbai accepted them thankfully. (The two parties then said): "We were only as brothers before, (bat) now we are vehvais :"> We were only as sisters before, but now we are véhvans.?
17 By Dr. Rajendralal Mitra, Indo-Aryane, Vol. II. p. 888, the above date was read thus : Sarhuat 1610 var hl Magha-sudi 8 (a)ahtamaimydre).
The bridegroom any other name might be substituted. The bride's father. The bridegroom's futber.
The pin-leaves and flowers may be supposed to convey a formal offer of marriage. Among the PArals cards and fresh fish are the first presenta sont from the bridegroom's house to the bride's. The offer of marriage, bowever, doen not always come from the bridegroom; it might come from either party. The bridegroom's mother.
The bride's mother. e parties whose children intermarry are the vehvúi (masculine) and vehran (feminine) of each other.

Page #405

NOVEXBER, 1890.]
PARSI AND GUJARATI HINDU NUPTIAL SONGS.
375
No. 2. song sung on a like occasion by the Bride's Party, (On) a golden chair studded with rubies, Sits my Sirînbai and prays to her father :"Father, find me such a husband as will grant me all I wish for." (And to her mother) “Mother, find me such a husband as will bring bracelete and
bangles for me." 3 The Mê bêta encounters the bridegroom (who says to him): "Méhéta, on what errand are
you bound? Tarn back, Məhêtâ, (for) I have already) brought bangles and bracelets."
No. 3. song sung when & Brotherlo sends Presents to his Sister on the occasion of
her Children's Marriages. Amadabådll is in an uproar to-day : Amadabad is full of people to-day. My mother's son sends (me) his presents. My (maternal) grandmother's son sends (me) his presents. 5 “Wherefore these presents, brother?” "Sister, because thy son is to be married." The mosálán makes the house look grand. There is no end of people in the train (of those who bring it).
Sister mine, go under the mandav, 12 and put on the marriage) dress. 10 The advent of the mosální makes the yard resound with music.
I knew that my brother would furnish the mosálan, And that my good-luck-bearing sister-in-law would bring it down. The mosdlun makes the house look grand.
The banker comes with the rupees, 15 And the goldsmith brings the gold coins.
The whole street looks gorgeous with the splendour of the mosdlun. The goldsmith brings necklaces and chains, And the jeweller comes with his diamonds.
The mosdlún makes the house look grand. 20 The florist brings garlands of flowers.
The pán-leaf seller brings packets (bidán) of pan-leaves.
• The bride ; any other name might be substituted.
• The MêhêtA is a sort of secretary and accountant in a wealthy family. His daty is to keep all the accounta, write letters for the master and mistress, and do such other jobs for the family. It is generaly the Mehet, or the family priest, who is entranted with the match-making.
10 On the occasion of a wedding, presente, chiefly of clothes, are made to the bride and bridegroom and also to both their parents by all their relativee. But by far the best presents are expected by both the bride's and the bridegroom's mothers from their respective brothers. These presenta are called, collectively, m edian, lit. 'ooming from the mother's vide.'
11 i. e. AhmadAbad. The na ue of suy other place where the wedding takes place might be substituted bere. 12 The mandav is a canopy, under which the marriage festivities are beld.
13 All the presenta, which chiefly consist of suits of wearing apparel and jewellery, are arranged in tray, with a large conical packet of sugar, A 0000Anat, few pan-leaves and betel nuts. some dry dates, parlaod of flowers, a handful of rice, some cards, and some kunkun. The recipient of the presenta is made to stand on srall stool, and is then either dressed in or only presented with the clothes, the garland of Bowers is placed round her neck, the auspicious red mark in kunkus made on ber forehead, the cocoanut, pan-leaven, betel nuts, and daten placed in her lap, and finally some cards or sugar is placed in her mouth. This done the recipient of the presenta bows down, and touching the feet of the woman who represents the donor, makes an obeisance, while the latter in her turn sprinkles some rice over the recipient's head and waving her hands over it, cracks her finger jointa against ber own temples, at the same time uttering many good wishes, while the women around all join in singing auspicious song.

Page #406

376.
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
At sight of the mosálún the sister's heart rejoices. The embroiderer comes with gold embroidered sáḍis, And the shawl-dealer brings shawls and plaids. 25 The mosálún makes the house look grand.
Present the bridegroom's father with a shawl' and a scarf, And present the bridegroom's uncle with a scarf and a turban. Dress the bridegroom in gold embroidered robes,
And dress the bridegroom's mother in a gold embroidered sáḍi. 30 So many presents does the mosálún consist of.
No. 4.
Song sung when a Wedding is near.
A wedding is to be celebrated in our house. 16 The trades-people throng our yard.
A wedding is to be celebrated in our house. The merchants crowd in our doorway.
[NOVEMBER, 1890.
5 There are rejoicings in our house,
How do we know ? That's how we know ! How do we know ? That's how we know ! How do we know ? That's how we know ! How do we know ? That's how we know ! How do we know ?
The sweet strains of musicle regale our ears. Ours is the bridegroom's house.
The horses17 are standing under the mandav. Ours is the bridegroom's father's18 house.
10 The wedding guests are sitting under the mandav. That's how we know !
No. 5.
Song sung when the Mother-in-law welcomes her Son-in-law,
Be ready mother-in-law with (your) presents. The son-in-law who comes to your door is a merchant.
Be ready mother-in-law with (your) presents (?).19 The son-in-law who comes to your door is a great man.
Be ready mother-in-law with (your) trays (?).19 The son-in-law who comes to your door is
a petted one.
Sing songs some of you: let every one get acquainted (with him).
5 Inform Mêharwânjî,20 the celebrater of the wedding (of his coming).
Some great man's son is coming!
Some gentleman's son is coming!
Some nobleman's son is coming! Some (great) merchant's son is coming! With a number of merchants in his train.
Some Rânî's son is coming! Or one born of a Thâkurânî is coming!
10 Every street is being swept clean! The father-in-law orders the floor of the mandav to be sprinkled with water:
(And) the mother-in-law gets figures in pearls21 made upon the door-sill.
14 A shawl is generally presented as a mark of honour to him who does some great or meritorious thing, and among the Pârsis and Hinds none can have a better claim to such distinction than "the celebrater of a wedding."
15 Lit. "that our house is full of a wedding."
16 A wedding in a Pârst family calls forth the greatest enthusiasm, and gives occasion for much rejoicing. The Párai father does not grudge his hard-earned gains on such an occasion, but spends money freely on feasting his relatives and neighbours, and providing bands of musicians and singing women, for he believes that he wins the approbation of Ahû:a Mashda by doing so.
17 Up to a very recent period the Pârst boy-bridegroom used to ride to the house of his bride attended by all his playmates on horseback dressed in fancy costumes. The custom is still in vogue among the Hindus.
18 Greater merit attaches to being of the bridegroom's party, than of the bride's.
19 The text is unintelligible here.
20 The bride's father.
21 These figures are daily made with a kind of powdered chunam on the door-sills of Pârst and Hindû houses with the object of inviting good luck to them. Making them in pearls is nothing but allegory.

Page #407

NOVEMBER, 1890.)
PARSI AND GUJARATI HINDU NUPTIAL SONGS.
377
The father-in-law gets rose-water sprinkled in the yard : And orders carpets to be spread along every street (leading up to his house):
And the mother-in-law has every door decorated with festoons (of flowers). 15 Music is being played in every street.
The mother-in-law comes out to see the bridegroom's faced with her hands full of ___silver coins. Brother, thy mother-in-law has brought thee pearls : and my Sirinbains is aluck-bringinggirl. We have got such a very handsome son-in-law, And we have made him sit in our palace.
TEXT.
गीत १. छोकरांभोने अदराववानी वखते छोकरा तरफथी गावातुं गीत. हवाडाने कांठे रमतीरे, रमती मारा सोराबजीए दीठीरे. 15 मेहरवानजीए मोकळी पानरे, फरामजीए राखी घरे जइ गहरो धरीओरे, बावा मुजने परणावोरे. . मानरे. पर"तो फरामजीनी धीसेरे." नहींतर रहीश कुमारोरे. | मेहरबाइए मोकळीभांफुलरे, रतनवाइएराखीभांमुलरे.25 मेहरवानबीए पुछी बेवातरे फरामजीए बोडीमा बेह भागळ हता आपणे बेहभाइरे, हवे थया वेहेवाहरे. हाथरे.
भागळ हवां आपणे बेडबेहेनोरे, हवे थयां वेहेवांणीरे.
- गीत २. छोकरांभोने अदराववानी वखते छोकरी तरफथी गावातुं गीत. सनरा माचीरे, माचीए रतन जडाव.
। माए एवो वर शोधजोरे, चुरावारा जोर लावे. तेपर वे मारां सीरीनबाइरे, बावाजीने अरज करे. 5 सामा मळीआ एवररे, मेहेता तमे शीद चालीभा. बावा एवो वर शोधजोरे, हरख मारा पुरा करे. । मेहेता पाछा वळजोरे, चुरावारा अमे लावीभा.
गीत ३. बाप दीकरीने अथवा माह बेहेनने वास्ते मोसाळ मोकळे ते वेळा गावात गीत. अमदावाद धराधर वागे,
मोसाळु भावे मोहको धोने. भमदावादनी वस्ती छाजे.
सोनीरो आवे ने हार सांकळी लावे. ममाइजावा मोकळे मोसाळ,
झवेरी हीराला आवेजी, माव जावा मोकळे मोसाळ.
मोसाळु आवे अवास फा. 5 एरे मासाळु ते शीदने काजे,
20 मालीरो" आदेने फुलगजरा लावे, बाइ तारो पुष परणे तेने काजेन्नी.
तम्बोली आवे ने पानबीटा लावेजी, मोसाईं आवे अवास फावे.
मोसाळंभावेबाहमारी हरखे. एरे मोसाळांनो एरोने छेरो,
कसबीवोर आवे ने कारचोकी लावे, बेर्नु मारी मांदव हेठे जद पेहेरोजी,
शुलइओ शाल पामरी लावेजी. 10 मोसाळू आवे आंगj गाजे.
25 मोसाळु आवे अवास फावे. एरे मोसाळु ते वीरो० सांचवसे,
चाल पामरी जोर वरना बावाने पहेरावो, भीजा पणोनी लड़भावेजी.
पामरी पापडी बोर वरना काकाने बंधावो. मोसाळु आवेभवास फावे.
कासबी सवागा वरराजाने पेहेरावो, नाणावती आवे ने रूपैया लावे.
जरीनी सारी वरनी माएने पेहेरावोजी, 15 सोनीजी आवे ने सनैया लावेजी,
30 मोसाळु आवे पेहेरामणीमो लावे. * It not unfrequently happens among some cases of the Hind us that the mother-in-law and ber party see the bridegroom's face for the first time on the wedding-day.
The bride. * wf, daughter;' this word is not in common we now. [It is, however, the sal word in Pafijabi. - ROTJ 0 Lit. ' price.'
सनरा, poetical form of सोनेरी. गराएवर, 'the king-husband.' 'राएवर or वरराजा in the word used for the bridegroom during the period of his betrothal and marriage. 18 This word is now obsolete.
बेनं poetioal form of बेन,inter. *ad, lit, hero;' this word is generally used by the doting sister for her brother. " सोनीरो, poetical form of सोनी.
- मालीरो, the samen माली.

Page #408

378
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBEE, 1890.
अमारा वीहवा भयों घेर, एना वेपारीओ उभा बाहार, अमारां वीहवा भयों घेर, जेना सोदागर उभा बहार, 5 अमारां अलबेली घर,
गीत ४.. लगनना दिवसोपर गावानं गीत. केम जाणीए
क्यां वाजां गायण आपे लेहेर, तेम जाणीए. तेम जाणीए. अमारां वरराजा घेर,
केम जाणीए; केम जाणीए:
जेना घोडुला उभा मांदव मांहे, तेम जाणीए. सेम जाणीए. अमारां वरबावा घेर,
केम जाणीए: केम जाणीए: | 10 जेना साहाजनीआ बेठां मांदवमाहे, सेम जाणीए.
गीत ५. सासु सोपारो ला जायछे ते वेळा गावान गीत. सासु लेजोरे सोपारो, जमाइ तोरणे भाम्बो वेपारो.34 | 10 रीशेरीना कचरावरावेछ,ससरांमांदवे पाणी छंटावेछे. सासुलेजोरेसोटकरो,जमातोरणे भाष्यो मोटकरो.3० | । सासु मोतीना चोक पुरावेछे. सासु लेजोरे वाटकरो,जमाइतोरणेभाष्योलाडकरो.38 ससरा गोलाबनां छांटणां छंटावेछे. कोइ हाल करो हलकारकरो, कोइ जाण करो. पिछाण शरीशेरी गालीचा पंथरावेछ, करो.
सासु फुलनां तोरणो बंधावेछे. 5 पेला फरामजी वेहेवाइने जाण करो..
15 शेरी शेरीमा वाजां वजरावछे, कोइ मोटांनो जायो भावेछे, कोड साहेबजादो आवेछे, सासु मख जोवाने आष्यारे, बधी रुपैी लाभाब्यारे. कोइ उमरावजादो आवेछे, कोह वणजारीनो जाबो भाइनी सासु लायां मोतीरे, मारी सीरीनबाई छ आवछे
पणोतीर. बधी वणजार वणजीने लावेछे.
अमारो आवो रुपाळी जमाइजी, कोइराणीनो वीरो आवेछे, कोकराणीजाबोभावेछे।।। तेने मोहेरा मोहोल बेसायोरे.
.
MISCELLANEA. A NOTE ON VIMALA.
his date in the closing stanzas of his exceedingly Dr. Peterson says in his Third Report on the
interesting and instructive poem. Search for Sanskrit MSS. in the Bombay Circle The personality of the author of the Prasnot. (page 44), that the Padma-Charita is probably the tara-RatnamAla must remain for the present work of the Buddhist author of the Pragnóttara
an open question. Of the different copies that Ratnamald, and that a particular verse in the
have fallen under my observation, some speak of Hitopaděéa is, in that book, a quotation from the Vimala as the author of it, and contuin no clue latter work, where it stands in its own context, so to his date : - to say, as one of a series of answers to a series of
रचिता सितपदगुरुणा विमला विमलेन रत्नमालेव । questions. Now, having examined a number of
प्रभोत्तरमालेब कण्ठगता किं न भूषयति ।। copies of the Pralnóttara-Ratnamdu, I am in a position to disprove that the author of it was | "This excellent series of questions and answers, ever a Buddhist, or that he had any connection composed by Vimala, a teacher clad in white "with the Padma-Purana or Padma-Charital garments,-does it not adorn one who can referred to, the author of which distinctly gives recite them, just as a garland of pure gems
35 Poetical form of arsi. " वेपारो is incorrect ; it should be वेपारी, but the incorrect form is used here for the sake of rhyme. * HIZI seems to be a corrupted form of eiza, 'a die,' but it is not plain why it is used here. मोटकरो, poetical form of मोटो.
Zit might be a poetical form of art, a small cooking pot;' but it is not plain why it is used here. लाडकरो, poetical form of लाडको.
बणजान, past participle formed from the noun वणजार, 'acaravan,'and वणजारा,'a merchant, 'and is only used -_bers in connection with वणजारी.
.0 मेहेरा appears to be a corruption of मारा, 'mine.'

Page #409

NOVEMBER, 1890.]
MISCELLANEA.
379
enhances the beauty of a man when placed on his The date of this Nirvana has not as yet been neck P"
satisfactorily and finally settled; but the majority While, two of the copies examined by me
of orientalists accept B. C. 526. If we reckon contain the following slôka at the end, instead of
from this date, we arrive at A. D. 6 as the date of the one quoted above :
this work. But if we accept Dr. Jacobi's cor
rected date of this Nirudna, vis. B. 0. 487,विवेकास्यक्तराज्येन राज्ञेयं रत्नमालिका।
which, he says, agrees so very well with the रचितामोघवर्षेण मुधियां सदलंकृतिः॥
adjusted date of Buddha's Nirvana, 477 B. C., - "This garland of gems, an excellent ornament
the date of this Purána would be A. D. 65. This for the learned, was composed by king Amogha
work was, therefore, written in the first century Varsha, who gave up his kingdom owing to his
of the Christian era ; and it contains an eladiscriminative knowledge."
borate version of the Ramayana from the Jains
standpoint. Since Dr, Weber pointed out the The Prabnóttara-Ratnamáld is here ascribed to
importance of the Dasaratha-Jataka in the his. king Amoghavarsha; and, as four sovereigns of
tory of the Indian epics, I have been trying to the Rashtrakata line bore this name, it is not
secure and study the oldest version of these practicable to determine exactly the date of the
stories as given in Jaina works. Vimala's Padma. poem. But it should be noticed at the same
Purdna is not only one of the oldest dated works time, that Amoghavarsha I. is known for certain
of this class, but bas considerable poetic merit to have been a Jaina and a devoted worshipper of and deserves to be edited by a competent scholar. the Digambara saint Jinasena, who wrote the well. As a Pråkfit poem, it is, I believe, superior in known Adi Purana. Amoghavarsha 1. reigned many respects to the better known Rivanavahu in the latter part of the ninth century; the dates and Gaudavaho. I mean to publish an analysis occurring in two Kayheri inscriptions in which of this work in the pages of the Indian Anti. the reigning paramount sovereign is represented quary, as soon as I have sufficient leisure for the to be Amoghavarsha, are Suka-Samvat 775 and
undertaking. 797. If we choose to lay no stress on the fact of
Before concluding this note, I wish to take the Amoghavarsha I. having been a Jaina, and con- l occasion of making a suggestion which has sider the claim of all the kings of that name to the
often occurred to me, but which I have nowhere authorship of this work as on a par, all we can
geen distinctly stated by any one else. It is now Bay is, that the author must have lived between
admitted by many, that there were two distinct A. D. 853 and A. D. 973; the last king who had
waves of the great tide of the Aryan immigrathis name having been conquered in the latter
tion into India. The distinction that existed in year by the Western Châlukya king Tailapa I.
ancient times, as regards culture and customs, Dr. Peterson regarde, with Prof. Weber, the between North-Western India, the country of the author of the Prasnottara-Ratnamala as a Kurus and P8 Ichålas, and Eastern India or Buddhist; but, whichever view is adopted as Vidêha, Magadha and Kosala, has been made to the personality of the author, - from the clear by recent investigations. Dr. Hoernle has closing stanza, as well as from the commence- shewn that, unless two waves of immigration ment, it is evident that he was a Jaina, and are admitted, many linguistic phenomena, - the belonged to one or other of the rival sects of development and extension of Mågadhi and the Jainas. He begins by paying obeisance to Saurasenf, as well as the differences that charac. Vira, the most excellent of excellent Jinas, and terized them, - cannot be satisfactorily accounted in the closing stanza, according to one set of for. While what is called the Brahmarshidesa copies, describes himself as a sita-paţa-guru or by Manu, was the home of genuine Brahmapism
& teacher clad in white garments,' that is, & whose customs and rights were to be taken as Jaina Sudhu of the Svētâmbara seot. If, on the models, the Prachya or Eastern Land, often contrary, Amôghavarsha was really the author of named in Vedic and Satra texts in a hostile it, the poem must be regarded as a Digambara or contemptuous tone, gave birth to Jainism work.
and Buddhism, 8 opposed to the spirit of the The author of the Padma Charita also bears
ancient literature that the North-Western Aryans
have bequeathed to us. It was no accident that the same name (Vimala), and distinctly states at
Eastern India produced Buddhism and Jainism, the end of his work that he wrote it when 582 years had elapsed since the Nirvana of MabAvfra: -
while the kings who exerted themselves to restore
Hinduism to its former position of ascendancy, TOT E UTATV rata
belonged to the other part of Aryavarta. Now, TTT mit Pr a ts
it seems to me most probable that, while

Page #410

380
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1890.
the Mahabharata was originally the national epic of the Kuru-Patchala country, the Ramd. yana was originally the national epic of the Eastern Aryans, though afterwards remodelled hy its Brahman rédacteure. It is in keeping with this view that, in the ancient literature of North-Western India, the heroes of the Mahd. bharata are so often referred to, while those of the Ramayana are conspicuous by their absence. While there is an allusion to Vasudeva, Yudhish. thira and Arjuna in Påņini, and Patañjali frequently brings in Mahabharata characters in his illustrations, there is not a single reference to Råma, his brothers, or their father, Dasaratha, in the works of these grammarians. Amarasimha, in his list of the synonyms of Vishnu, gives a good many names derived from the Krishna legend; but the name of Råma, the son of Dasaratha, does not occur, though Râma or Balabbadra, the brother of Krishna, is mentioned.
It should be noted, on the other hand, that, while a Buddhist (or Eastern) version of the Ramayana (viz. the Dasaratha-Jataka) has been discovered, no such version of the Krishṇa legend or of the Kuru-Pandava war has yet been found among writings of the Eastern Aryans. All these facts are easily accounted for, I think, if we look upon the Ramayana as the national epio of those Aryans who first entered India, but who in course of time had to recede more and more towards the east before the advancing tide of a new group of Aryans who produced the most ancient monuments of the Indian mind which we possess and which constitute the Vedic literature. Many of the chronologioal difficulties created by the hypothesis now generally received and counte. nanced by high anthorities, that the Ramdyana is really later than the sister epic, are obviated by the view suggested above. Jaypur.
HARIDAS SASTRI.
.گوا لیا رtwo centuries wan
CORRESPONDENCE. CHITOR.
Gwalior on page 221. It onght to have been TO THE EDITORS OF THE
Gwaluar, as the spelling on coins for more than INDIAN ANTIQUARY. SIRS, - In the footnote on p. 222 of the present The ye at the end of Sju may be & ort. The volume of your Journal, you object to jus pronunciation is immaterial, as bimdr is prospelling Chitór. With dots it may be y Jaipur
nounced by Persians bemar (without strength '). or you. You, however, say she is the correct
! I don't know how it was pronounced in Akbar's time. The word tanka, however, cannot be tanki,
1 spelling. I have gone through Tod. He spells it everywhere Cheetore. Sir Thomas Roe spelt it
as it is spelt on the coins af tanka. Your first "Cytore." Tod gives a facsimile native letter in
note on p. 220 overlooked this spelling. In supwhich the word occurs and is spelt far. This is port of your theory for the other words, you have fair evidence that in all probability I am right in the yé going across the coins at the end of yndi assigning the coin to this town, Jaipur being out and I l, both of which are pronounced now of the question. I have often heard the word as 6. The origin of the word would shew whether pronounced Chaitaur. I compared several coins 1 it is è or , as we now use these sounds. in my possession before I ventured to make a He88. You say it may read Qanauj. On coin
Were I going to stay on, I would set to work at
the Sort copper coins, and write a full monograph 27 I give this mint . It does not much
on them, but I fear I shall never do it, as my time resemble de
is fully ocoupied until September 30th. After The mint of Islam Shah's coin, which I men.
that I shall have to work at other subjects and
probably in England, and all my knowledge of this reading, as I have some half dozen coins to
the coins of India will be a burden to myself back me up.
and lost to the country.
O. J. RODGERS. If now, however, we decide that Jus is not Amritsar, July 28th, 1890. Jaipur and not Chitor, we must try and find out what it may be.
[The diffioplty of arguing with Mr. Rodgers is that
his platos are hand-drawn and not reproduced mechani. I hope I did not make the mistake of writing cally. -ED]
tioned, i8
I am certain about شیر کره عرف قنوج

Page #411

NOVEMBER, 1890.)
BOOK-NOTICES.
381
BOOK-NOTICES. ALBERUNI'INDIA : an account of the Religion, Philo- that he has not only carefully consulted the sophy, Literature, Geography, Chronology, Astronomy, translations of the Vishnu-Purdna, the Bha. Custom, Laws and Astrology of India, about A. D.
gavadgita, Varahamihira'a Brihat-Sanhita, the 1030. An English Edition with Notes and Indices. By Dr. EDWARD C. SACHAU. London ; Trübner & Co.,
Savukhyakirika and the Patañjala Yogasútra, 1888. Two Volumes; pp. 1., 408, 431.
but that he has even utilised the original texts of Some years ago I called attention in the pages
which he was able to procure printed copies. of this Journal, ante, Vol. XV. p. 31 f., to the im
Nor has he forgotten Colebrooke's and Prinsep's portance of Bêruni's Indica, a translation of which
Essays, Lassen's Indische Alterthumskunde, A. Professor Sachau had then begun to print. This
Weber's numerous contributions to the history translation has now been some time before the
of Sansksit literature and antiquities, Cunningpublic, and I believe that a further notice is de
ham's important works on geography and archosirable both in the interest of Sansksit philology
logy, and Elliot's History of India. Where the and in acknowledgment of the eminent service
published works failed to give the requisite help, which Professor Sachau has rendered to the
Professor Sachau has availed himself of the students of Indian history and literature, by
services of a number of specialists. Thus, our making the famous Muhammadan's work acces.
distinguished Viennese astronomer, Dr. Schram, sible to those not acquainted with the Arabic lan.
has verified the numerous calculations. And
Prof. Kielhorn and other Sanskritists have fur. guage.
nished notes on various single points. The result An Arabist who undertakes the translation of
is that a very considerable proportion of Bêrani's a book like the Indica, has the choice between
statements and quotations has been verified, and two different methods. He may either content
that a very large number of the dark points himself with rendering his text as exactly as
as exactly as have received light. Taken together with the possible, leaving it to the Sanskritists to make
copious and judicious introduction, the notes fur. of it what they can ; or he may attempt not only
nish a very good guide for those who wish to to translate, but to do also the work of a com
utilise Bêrûni's work. mentator and to trace the statements of his text in Sanskpit literature. Professor Sachau, These achievements are such that even a San. who is not only one of the most distinguished skritist, and so much more an Arabist, might regard Arabic scholars of the day, but is also acquainted them with just pride. Nevertheless there is yet, as with the sacred language of the Brahmans, has Professor Sachau himself says, (Preface, p. xlix.) chosen the second more ambitious course, which something to do for Sanskritists in connection in the case of Bêráni's work is particularly with the Indica. It will probably take some time arduous and toilsome. For Bêrani gives hun. antil all the Sanskpit names and words in Berani's dreds of quotations from Sanskrit authors, text have been restored to their proper shape, anil numerous mathematical or astronomical calcula- perhaps somewhat longer until his sources have lations, and very extensive lists of Sanskṣit names been all identified and his treatment of them has and technical terms, the verification or identifica- been fully elucidated. For the restoration of the tion of which frequently presente very great rarer names and terms one must wait, 49 in the difficulties. The Sanskrit books which he quotes case of all more difficult conjectural emendations, have by no means all been published and transla- for a lucky moment, without which were laborions ted. Some are not even known, while others are poring over the distorted letters remains useless. preserved only in MSS., of which no sufficient A few instances which, it seems to me, confirin the account has been given. The Sanskrit names and truth of this assertion, and which possess some words, for the expression of which the Arabic interest, may be here adduced. Beruni repeatalphabet is at the best not very convenient, have edly quotes astronomical works with the title been sadly mangled and distorted in very numer. Sridhawa or rather SRVDHV, which he ascribes ous cases, be it through Berani's or his copyist's to different authors. There cannot be a doubt carelessness. Their restoration frequently be- that the name is corrupt. Professor Sachau sug. comes so much more difficult, as they have not gests that it may be Sarvadhara (p. xxxix.) or been preserved in the Sanskrit works hitherto Brötavya (p. 158, 307), to which former emendaaccessible, and as hence purely conjectural emendation I gave my adhesion, when Professor Sacháu tions are required. Professor Sachau has manfully consulted me regarding it. Neither is, however, grappled with these numerous difficulties and correct. SRVDHV is without doubt the Sansksit with signal success. His elaborate notes show Sdrôddhara, 'an extract of the essentials. This

Page #412

882
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1890.
word is extremely common (see the smaller that the names of the festivals in Chapter luxvi. Petersburg Dictionary, sub voce), both as an in- (Vol. ü. p. 179) may all or nearly all be emended dependent title and as the second part of a title, with the help of Hômadri's Vratakanda and many which according to the Indian custom of abbre- even by an inspection of the Vratarája. Thus viating long names, may be used for the whole. Bêrani's festival Harbaut (P) on Bhadrapada sukla If I had noticed formerly that Bêrant not rarely 3 is of course the Huritdlika-vrata; Gdihat on the neglects to note the Sansksit d by elif, I suppose 6th of the same month, the Kapild-Shashchs I should have been able to make a better sugges- (gdi, a cow,' being the equivalent of kapild, * tion than to approve of the possible but unusual brown cow' and hat the Pråkpit form for shashth); Sarvadhara. Again Bérant quotes, I. p. 157, & the festival dhruvagriha (P) on the 8th of BhAdratitle RAHVNRAKRN, which he renders by pada, is the Darpa-4shtami or Dúrodnkura:
the breaking of the Karapas. Professor Sachsa Ashtamt, and the Parivarti () on the 11th, is the transliterates doubtingly Råhunrdkarana (P) and Parivartint-Ekadast, when Vishņu-Vasudeva adds in the note that one would expect the word turns in his sleep. Karang to stand in the beginning. Nevertheless it seems to me that the Arabio transcription is
The second task which awaits the Sanskritist nearly correot. The Sanskrit equivalent is Rd.
in connection with the Indica, the verification of huenirdkaraya, which means literally the removal
the quotations from Sanskrit authors, is more of Rahu.' Rahu, the demon of the eclipses and of
arduous, particularly in the case of the less darkness, has been used figuratively to denote the
known works. But it yields by no means insigbad Karaņus, which by their erroneous teaching
nificant results. In order to show what may by obscure the light of science. Similar highflown
gained by it, I shall go through Berunt's translatitles are very common in Sanskpit literature, and
tions from the Vishnu-Dharma, from which work Berani gives some instances (Vol. I. p. 156). His
he quotes more than thirty passages. He de. translation breaking the Karanas' is also in sub
scribes it (Vol. I. p. 132) as a book on the religion stance correct. But it may easily mislead. Further,
of God who in this case is understood to be Bérant tells us (Vol. II. p. 178) that the Kagmfrians
Nardyaya.' In his note to Vol. 1. p. 54, Pro. celebrated on the second of Chaitra a festival
fessor Sachay very shrewdly points out that some called agdús, on account of a victory gained by
of the quotations contain Bhagavata doctrines, their king Muttdi over the Turks. In the course
and conjectures that the work is probably identiof some further remarks on this king, we hear
cal with the Vishwudharmóttara-Purdna men. that he ruled at a time 'not much anterior to our
tioned by Colebrooke (Miscellaneous Essays, Vol. time. This note greatly interested me, when
II. 284, eto.). Until lately I held the same opinion, Professor, Sachau first communicated it to me some
and expressed it to Professor Sachau, when he years ago, but I was unable to suggest who
consulted me regarding this and other titles. Muttdi could be. Now the solution appears to
For I remembered that the Vishnudharmóttara,
which I discovered during my Kasmir tour me very simple. Muttdi, in Arabic stic, is a in 1875, is Bhagavata composition and somemistake of the copyist for wing, which latter
what resembles a Purana. When, however, thanks
to the liberality of Mr. Chatfield, who kindly has may stand according to Bårdni's method of lent me the MSS. Nos. 89-91 of the Deccan transcription either for Muttapir or for Muttapid. College Collection of 1875-77, I was able to The latter form is no doubt intended. It is the examine the work thoroughly, I found that still used Kasmirian Prakrit for Sanskrit Mukta. Börant has used not only this work, but a second pida. MuktApfda is the second name of Lalita homonymous one, and has erroneously considered ditya, who ruled, according to Sir A. Ounning
A. Ounning both to be one. ham's adjusted chronology of the Rdjataranging The Kaimfrian Vishnudharmóttara, from which from 726-763 A.D. or about 270 years before the greater number of his quotations has been Bôronf. The Rdjataranginf highly extole his
taken, is a large book, which contains three victory over the Tukhåras, to the north of Kasmir.
Kandas with about 21,000 élôkas. It is certainly These are doubtless the Turks, mentioned by a production of the Bhagavata seot. Each Kanda Beranf. A good many other incorrect forms may begins with the well known Bhagavata Mantra :be set right by a comparison of partly untranslated, partly unpublished Sansksit texts, as I shall
नारायणं नमस्कृत्य नरं चैव नरोत्तमम् । abow further on. Here I will, however, note to acerat care ait h a ll
The shortening of the penultimate is due to the stress which is pat on the long 4. Similarly Jayapda i now in Kamrian Mpid.

Page #413

NOVEMBER, 1890.)
BOOK-NOTICES.
888
The type of Vaishộavism, which it teaches, is tains also something on Vratas, Santis, medicine, not the licentious worship of the shepherd the Dhanurveda, astronomy and astrology. The Krishna, but one similar to that described by portions on Dharma and Rajaniti include many Dr. Bhandarkar in his paper on the FAñeharatra verses found in the Manava-Dharmaddatra. or Sattvata system in the Transactions of the The section on astronomy, which is chiefly in Aryan Section of the VIIth Int. Or. Congress. prose, bears the separate title, Paitamaha-Sid. On the whole, the Vishxudharmóttara preaches dhanta. The preamble states that it was originally 3mirta doctrines and practices, replacing Brah- communicated by Brahman to Bhrigu. Next man by Vasudeva, and mixing the Vedic rites Varuņi Pushkara revealed it to Parasurama, with Vratas in honour of the latter deity. Some and finally Markandeya to Vajra.' It consists of passages, which mention the river Taushf, i.e. the nine Adhyâyas with about 400 Granthaa, vis. :I modern Tôhi, the sacred lake Bindusaras, &c., sakha, II. jataka, III. upakarana, IV. grahagali, show an intimate acquaintance with the geo. V. tithinakshatra, VI. chhdyd, VII. lagna, VIII. graphy of Kasmir, and make it probable that udaydstamaya, IX. paitamahan siddhantam (!). the book has been written or received ita present After the last colophon, which is no doubt faulty, shape in Kasmir. The whole is stated to have and stands for paitamahd siddhants ......, been communicated by the Rixhi Márkandeya to follow the worda samdptar paitamahan siddhanking Vajra, a son of Aniruddha and a contem- tam. This Paitamaha-Siddhanta is certainly that porary of Parikshit. As is usual in this class of on which Brahmagupta in 628-29 A. D. founded works, there are, however, & good many other his Sphuta-Brdhmasiddhanta. For it contains interlocutors. The language shows the slipshod the passages, quoted by the commentators of the Sanskrit, common to all Puriņas, and the author Surya-Siddhanta and printed by Mr. Colebrooke does not shrink from coining the most absurd (Misc. Essays, Vol. II. p. 348 note 4; ed. Cowell). forms, when they guit his convenience. Thus Its character has been appropriately described by we find (I. 252,3) the accusative singular duhitam Dr. Thibaut (Pañchasiddhantikd, p. xxi.), who in the following verse :
assigne it to the modern phase of Hindu astroभस्व वानरेन्द्रस्व दुहितां मानी स्ववम् । nomy.' It is full of Greek terms, such as kendra, परी प्रजापतिः श्रीमान्रूपयौवनसंबुताम् ।।
lipta, sunapha, hibuja, &c. I may add that it
shows the influence of the Vaishnavas; for, in the The first Kanda, which contains 269 Adhyâyas, beginning of Adhyâya III., Time is identified very much resembles the first Kandas of other
with Vishņu: - TANJAT: 7: TurfPuriņas. It narrates the creation or rather the
विष्णस्तस्व महगस्वनुसारेण गषितम् ॥ Successive creations of the world, gives the usual Paurkņic accounts of geography, astronomy and
It further shows a very close connexion with the time, numerous genealogies and legends, and some section on. Time in the first Kanda, which resemStôtras, as well as rules regarding certain Vratas blance may be explained either by the assumption and the Sraddhas. Among the legends, a long that both portions of the Vishnudharmóttara havo account of the loves of Paruravas and Urvast, been composed by the same author, or that the which fills Adhyâyas 130-137, deserves to be men- Siddhanta is an older book, according to which the tioned, as it comes a little closer to Kilidasa's chapters of the first K&nda have been modelled. story than the other known versions.
The third Kanda gives short treatises on SansThe second Kanda, which is said to have been krit and Prakrit gram mar, on lexicology, metrics, originally revealed by V&ruņi Pushkara to Para- poetics, dancing, singing and instrumental music, burima, is about a large as the first. The as well as detailed instructions for sculptors and chapters are, however, not numbered continuously painters making images of the gods, for architects in the MS. accessible to me, and my statement constructing temples, and for priests consecrating is therefore only an estimate. It is filled chiefly | images or sacred buildings. It is much shorter with treatises on Dharma and Rajanfti, but con- than the other two and contains only 118 Adhyayas. * It begin-
:
679
saret fra fata Fara Eufererer न्दनं पुष्करं पप्रच्छ । भगवन् ज्योतिषामयनं श्रोतुमिच्छामि । [क्षिप्तं वक्ष्यामि । तच्छुत्वा सर्वमेव ते पूर्वजन्माभिहितं ज्योतितमुवाच वाकाणः। पुरा सुरर्पिमध्यगतं भगवन्तमातशयिनं संजग- निमाविर्भविष्यति । अथ भगवान्साखरश्मिर्षिमलो विमलgrens et frarot THTE I : ... *Tot i aihia HTTP TAI HE: The last verse is : यदा मे त्वं कल्पादौ दयाज्जातस्तदा मया ते लोकानां चतुर्वि- TED
:*{*T]estaquf pear : शतिलक्ष्य[सं ज्योतिर्शनमुकं तदेवास्मिन्यारूणे यो महादे- तस्मादिदं कालविधानशास्त्र यो ज्योतिष पेद स वेद सर्वम् ।।

Page #414

884
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1890.
As might be expected from these facts, all treated the original, I give here twenty-two passages Bérünt's quotations from the Vishnu-Dharma, in in full, quoting (1) the Sanskrit text, (2) my transwhich Markandeya is mentioned as the speaker, lation, and (3) Bêrôni's rendering, the latter two have been taken from the Kasmirian Vishnudhar- in parallel columns. I mark the discrepancies by mattara. In order to show exactly how Beruni has italics and add explanatory notes regarding them.
1. Vishņu-Dharmmottara I. 29, 16 b.
STEET PAS TA THAT II 34 16.
शशाकृतिः सदा दृश्या शशलक्ष्मास्यतोनष।
a ta è T57: (16.) "In thy pure disk the earth together Indica II. 102: The Vishnu-Dharma says: with its mountains, groves and forests" - . “The moon is called Satalaksha, for the globe
(17.) "Is always tisible in the shape of a of her body is watery reflecting the figure of the hare; hence thou art called Sabalakaman (hare. earth, as a mirror reflects. On the earth there marked). For the same reason thou art called are mountains and trees of different shapes, which Mrigalchhana (deer-marked)."
are reflected in the moon as a hare's figure. It is also called Mrigalañchhana, i. e. the figure of a gazelle, for certain people compare the black part
on the moon's face to the figure of a gazelle." II. y. Dh. I. 72, 17 b.
भादित्यभागभोगेन सौरी दिवस उच्यते ॥ १७॥ (17.). "The solar day is declared to be com- Indica I. 863: pleted) by the enjoyment (bhôga) of the share of According to the Vishnu-Dharma this (the the sun."
Bolar day) is the time of the sun's passing his
bhukti. III. V. Dh. I. 72, 18 b.-19 a.
माने मासस्तु नाक्षत्रः सप्तविंशतिभिर्दिनः ॥ १८॥
grung are[]g araftauftat: Fa: 1 (18 b.) “In its measure the sidereal month Indica I. 354:(is completed) by twenty-seven days."
" According to the Vishnu-Dharma the sidereal (19 a.) "In the other measures the month is month has only twenty-seven days, whilst the stated to consist of thirty days."
months of the other measures have thirty days."? IV. V. Dh. I. 72, 196.-23a. ertTETET OC]
T a rafty FISH सावनेन तु मानेन दिनष्न पूर्यते ।
TATUOT TEET TE 11 PONI सौरसंवत्सरस्यान्ते मानेन शशिजेन । एकादयातिरिच्यन्ते दिनानि भृगुनन्दन ।। २९ ।। HET[AT] 8è PATUR[]ài
[T]*ftung Threated 118216
स चाधिमासकः प्रोक्तः काम्बकर्मसु गर्हितः। “ • The moon is addressed by Ievara or Biva.
compound. + Laksha is probably dae to a clerical mistake.
In his romarks on this statement Berunt says that • This is, of course an explanatory interpolation of it must be due to a mistake in the text of the Vishnu. Berunt's. Regarding the watery nature of the moon, soo Dharma. This is, however, sot the 6060, 48 various below No. XVIII., verse 8.
other Sanskrit works give the division of the sidereal • This is again an interpolation by Bérant, who month into twenty-seven days in scoordance with the egplains Mrigalanichhana wrongly w a Tatparusha ancient number of the Natahetrue.

Page #415

NOVEMBER, 1890.)
BOOK-NOTICES.
385
(19 b.) "But when, O descendant of Bhrigu, & Indica II. 21: "The author of the Vishnu. year has elapsed according to the solar measure Dharma says: "Chandra [read Chandra) (mana) (Saura mdna),"
is smaller than Savana, i.e. the lunar year is (20.) “ It must be completed according to the
smaller than the civil year by six days, i.e. civil meagare (Savana mána) by (adding) six Anarktras. Una means decrease, deficiency. days; and (hence) six Unaratras are declared (to Saura is greater than Chandra [read Chandra] erist) in (each) year.”
by eleven days which gives in two years and (21.) "But at the end of the solar year eleven seven monthslo the supernumerary adhimica days are in excess as compared with the lunar month. The whole month is unlucky and nothing measure (Chandra måna), O son of Bhrigu."
must be done in it." (22.) “In two years eight months, and sixteen days, at the end of four Nails (Nâdikls) there is for this reason a month in excess."
(23.) « That is called the Adhimasa (intercalary month), (which is) unpropitious for all rewarddesiring rites."
V. V. Dh. I. 73, 13.
मेषादिष्टूगे सूर्वे सेषां दिवस उच्यते ।
तुलादिषटगे सूर्ये तेषां रात्रिः प्रकीर्तिता ॥१३॥ (18.) " (The period) during which the sun passes Indica I. 331 : - through the six (signs) beginning with Aries is "Not much better is what the author of the called their (the Devas') day; (the period) during Vishnu-Dharma says: which the sun passes through the six (signs) begin- The half beginning with Capricornus is the ning with Libra is declared to be their night."
day of the Asura, i.e. the Dunavas, and their night begins with the sign of Cancer."? Previously he had said: - The half beginning with Aries
is the day of the Deva,'” VI. V. Dh. I. 73, 14-16.
पितृणां चान्द्रमासेनं अहोरात्रोनिधीयते । कृष्णपक्षाष्टमे मध्ये तेषां राश्युदयः स्मृतः॥ १४ ॥ शुक्लपक्षाष्टमे मध्ये तेषामस्तमयस्तथा । अर्धरात्रः पौर्णमास्यां पितृणां समुदाहृतः ॥ १५ ॥ कृष्णपक्षावसाने च तेषां मध्याह्न उच्यते ।
STTY TEHT : fraali 1113 (14.) "A day and night of the manes is said Indica I. 328-329:-"After the human day (to be completed) by a lunar month. On the follows Pitsiņám a hôrktra, i.e. the nychthemeron eighth of the dark half, in the middle (of the day), of the forefathers ........ Evidently their the rising of the sodiacal sign is slated (to take moon (read noon) is the time of the contenotion or place) for them;"
full-moon and their midnight oppoartion or • Here our text noems to be at fault, and Berant totext must be corrupt, especially as Boris does not say have the correct reading. For the Chandra måna has that the figures of the Vishnu-Dharma are wrong. six days less than the Skyans mana, - vie. 854 Bolar
11 This is a very slovenly paraphrase of the text, which days, against 360.
forbids only the performance of thogo rites by which This is an explanatory note, added by Berant. It is
the worshipper desires to obtain some particular result. in substante correot, but he erroneously takes ina for
11 It is very probable that verse, containing this . substantive. 10 It is difficult to find a good reason why Borånt has
statement which is not found in the present text, has given an incorreot Algure for the months and his omitted
been scoordingly omitted. It probably stood immediately the days and N Mikke, which agros almost exactly with
after verse 13. the particulars of his socurate description, which follows
13 is unusual in Sanskrit ; perhaps the author immediately after his quotation. I suppose the Arabio wishes to be understood with t.

Page #416

886
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1890.
(15.) “Likewise its setting on the eighth of the new moon. Therefore the nychthemeron of the bright half, in the middle of the day). The forefathers is a complete lunar month, the day midnight of the manos is said (to be on the full. beginning at the time of half moon, when the moon day."
light on the moon's body begins to increase and the (16.) “And at the end of the dark half is stated night beginning at the time of half moon when her (to be) thoir midday. Hence the funeral oblations light begins to wane ......... The day of are offered to them at the end of the dark half of this nychthemeron extends from the last quarter the month."
of a month to the first quarter of the succeeding month; the night from the first to the second quarter of one identical month. The totality of these two halves is the nychthemeron of the forefathers. Thus the subject is explained by the author of Vishnu-Dharma both at large and in detail, but afterwards he treats it a second time with very little understanding, and identifies the day of the forefathers with the black half of the month and their night with the white half, whilst the correct statement is that which is just men. tioned. This view is also confirmed by their custom of offering food to the forefathers on the day of conjunction, for they explain noon to be the time of taking food. For this reason they offer food to the forefathers at the same time
when they themselves take it." VIL V. Dh. I. 73, 18-19, 356.-40.
समाग[श] तेवशभिर्दिव्यैस्तिष्ययुगं स्मृतम् । द्विगुणं वापरं ज्ञेयं वेता त्रिगुणमुच्यते ।।१७।। चतुर्गुणं कृतं प्रोक्तं पिण्डितं चान्दसंख्यया । चतुर्युगं सहस्राणि राम द्वादश कीर्तितम् ॥१९॥ चतुर्युगैकसप्तस्या मन्वन्तरमिहोच्यते ॥ ३५ ।। कल्पस्तु राम विज्ञेयो मनवस्तु चतुर्दश ।
आदिमध्यान्तरालेषु मनूनां भृगुसत्तम ।। ३६ ।। कृतमानप्रमाणेन संधिर्भवति मानद ।
चतुर्युगसहसं तु कल्पमाहुर्मनीषिणः ॥ ३७॥ कल्पश्च दिवसः प्रोक्तो ब्रह्मणः परमेष्ठिनः। तावती च निशा तस्य यस्यां शेते स भार्गव ।। ३८॥ एवंविधैरहोरात्वैर्दिनमासाय संख्यया ।
पूर्ण वर्षशतं सर्व ब्रह्मा भार्गव जीवति ॥ ३९ ॥ 16 Berani's discussion shows that in his copy of the the night extends from the first to the second quarter of Vishnudharmittara the words krishna, dark,' and one identical month. It ought to be to the third quarter. fukla, bright.' in versos 14 and 15a had exchanged His remark that the same matter is discussed again places and possibly also the words ardharátra and me. in the Vishudharmóttara is true. The 142nd chapter dhyákna in verses 150 and 166. These discrepancies can of the first Kanda gives the times for the Sraddhas. however only be accidental mistakes, such as have han. They do not differ from the ordinary ones, and, though pened also in the Mahabharata, XII. 232, 16, where the there is no distinct statement to the effect that the wame error about the day and the night of the manes dark half of the month is the day of the fathers, any occurs. For all authorities from the earliest Dharma intelligent reader may gather as much from the tenor and Grihyasutras to the latest Prayogas agroe that the of the rules, the first of which enjoins that Sraddhas manes wake during the dark half of the month and that Are to be offered on the new-moon day. There is the Sraddhas must as a rulo be offered during that further a third passage on this subject in the Paitamals. period, not on the full-moon day, as Berdni asserts. Siddhanta UpakaraŅAdhyAya; OMASTTTT: I got Pull-moon Braddhas are only exceptionally permissible in the month of Magha, which is sacred to the manes.
कृष्णाष्टम्यामर्कोदयः । अमावास्यायां मध्याहः । शुक्लारस्याA minor slip in BerOnl'e discussion is the statement that
9: THIETTY: "The day and

Page #417

NOVEMBER, 1890.]
(18-19.) "The Tishya age is stated's (to consist of) 1200 divya (years). Know the Dvâpara to be double (of that); the Trêtâ is declared to be treble; the Kritayuga fourfold; and a Chaturyuga is said, O Rama, (to consist of) the sum of the number of (their) years, vis. 12,000."
BOOK-NOTICES.
(356.) "One Manvantara is here declared (to consist) of 71 Chaturyugas."
(36-37.) "But know, O Ráma, that 14 Manus are one Kalpa. At the beginning, in the middle (between each two Manvantaras) and in the intervals there is a Samdhi, O lord, of the measure of one Kritayuga. But the wise call 1000 Chaturyugas one Kalpa.""
(38.) "And a Kalpa is declared to be a day of Brahman-Parameshthin; and his night during which he sleeps, O Scion of Bhrigu, is of equal length."
(39.) "Brahman lives one whole century which consists of such nychthemera, days, months and so forth, O Scion of Bhrigu."
In connection with this passage Bêrani states. that the above was communicated by Varuna to Rama the son of Dasaratha, and that the same information was also given by Bhârgava, i.e. Markandeya. Bêrani, moreover, adds with respect to the latter: "He is to the Hindus like the angel of death who kills them with his seat, being apratidhrishya (irresistible)." This is a curious mixture of truth and error. The Vishnu dharmottara declares indeed, that chapters 72-73 were originally revealed by Varuna to Râma, which latter is, however, not the son of Dasaratha, but, as is explicitly stated in the beginning of chapter 71, the son of Jamadagni, who belongs to Bhrigu's VIII. V. Dh. I. 73, 60.
of the manes. Their sunrise (takes place) on the eighth (day) of the dark (half of the month); midday on the new moon day: sunset on the eighth of the bright (half of the month); midnight on the full-moon day." Though this passage would agree better with his remark, I do not think that he refers to it, because his remarks on the Siddhantas lead one to infer that he did not know the Paitamaha-Siddhanta (see Vol. I. 153-154).
15 Bêrunt intentionally omits all the numerous expletive words which the Sanskrit anthor requires in order to make up the verse.
16 The beginning and the end of this phrase have been omitted by Bêrûnt, though it must have stood in his text. For without the words ddi and antarala the verse would be incomplete. This omission involves a bad mistake, as it vitiates the calculation. According to Bêrant the
887
Indica I. 372-"The author of the VishnuDharma says:
Twelve hundred divya years are one yuga, called tishya.. The double of it is a dvâpara, the triple a trêtâ, the quadruple a krita, and all four yugas together are one chaturyuga, i.e. the four yugas or sums.18
ब्रह्मायुषा परिच्छन्नः पौरुषो दिवसः स्मृतः । लावती च निशा तस्य यस्येदं सकलं जगत् ॥ ६० ॥
Seventy-one chaturyugas are one manvantara,. and 14 manvantaras, together with a Samdhi of the duration of one Kritayuga between each two of them, are one Kalpa.'"
Two Kalpas are a nychthemeron of Brahman, and his life is a hundred years, or one day of Purusha, the first man of whom neither beginning nor end is known."20
race. The further assertion that the same information was given by Markandeya, and that the latter was a Bhargava, is correct. But the last note regarding Bhargava-Märkandeya's being like the angel of death who kills with his seat, is sheer nonsense. No such story occurs in the V. Dh. or any other Sanskrit work known to me. Bêrâni, who knew, as other passages show, the story of Parasurama-Bhargava, seems to have mixed up the latter with Markandeya. Parasurama slew all the Kshatriyas with his axe and was indeed apratidhrishya. The mention "of the seat," which is utterly inexplicable, is, I suppose, due to a clerical mistake in the Arabic text.
Kalpa consists of 14 x 71-994 Chaturyugas and 13 Sam. dhis 62,400 years 5 Chaturyugas and 2,400 years; while it ought to have 7,600 years more, in order to consist of 1,000 Chaturyugas. Bêrünt states correctly that the Kalpa contains this number (Vol. I. 368).
17 This clanse has probably been omitted intentionally, because it teaches nothing new, but merely sums up the preceding statements.
18 This explanation is not intelligible and probably due to a corruption in the Arabic text. It ought to be i.e. the sum of the four yugas."
19 Bêrani omits all this, probably because he considered it to be mere padding.
20 These words are a translation of verse 60, which is given together with a second rendering by Bêrûnî in the next extract.

Page #418

388
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
-
[NOVEMBER, 1890.
(60.) "A day of Parusha is declared to be Indica I. 332: “The Vishnu-Dharma says: defined by the life of Brahman, and of equal "The life of Brahman is the day of Parusha, and length is a night of him to whom the whole world the night of Purusha has the same length." (belongs)."
Ix. V. DAI. 80, 1-2.
बजरवाच । बनोस्व समुत्पत्तावारबबुमहागुतेः। कालस्व गतिमिच्छामि श्रोतुं भृगुकुलोबह ॥१॥ मार्कण्डेवरवाचावेनाहोरावमानेन बानोस्व जगत्पतेः। समा[] गतं राजन्पस मासास्तथैव च ॥२॥ महोरामचतुष्कं च वर्तमानदिनाङ्गतम् । मतः परं प्रवश्वामि तन्मे निगरवः पृथु ॥३॥ भवका बढ़ताःसा संधवच तथा गताः। सविषयवीताच तथैव च चतुर्युगाः॥४॥ जुगनवं यावीतं वर्तमानचतुर्भागात् । संबल्सराणां चकं क्या कलियुगाजतम् ॥५॥ पासावित्रा चमेधकालेस्मिन्सह पोष वाव । मविचापामतीतानां प्रज्ञापां भूरिदक्षिण॥६॥ अगाविमस्वात्कालस्व संख्या वतुं न शक्यते। बगावाःसिकवा धारा बथा वर्षति वासवः॥॥ चम्या मनवि राजाम्बवीताः पितामहाः। मन्तवा बुधा बुद्धा सर्वस्व जगतीपतेः॥6
वन्मार्ग परिमार्यन्ते बरियोः परमं पदम् । Vajn mid :(1.) "I wish to hear, 0 Scion of Bhrigu's race, Indica II. 2: - The book Vishn-Dharma the length of time elapsed since the birth of this says: “Vajra asked Markandeya how much of (present) most replondent Brahman."
the life of Brahman had elapsed p" Whereupon the Markandaya answered :
enge answered: That which has elapsed is 8 (2.) "Bight years, 0 King, of this Brahman
years, 5 months, 4 days, 6 Manvantarns, 7 Sam(who is) lord of the world, have passed, and five
dhis, 27 Chaturyugas, and 3 Yugas of the twentymonths, measured by the wasure of his wychthe
eighth Chaturyaga, and 10 divya” years, up to the
time of the Asvamêdha which thou hast offered. mera;"
(3.) “Farther, four nychthemera have elapsed (reckoning) from the present day. (Listen to that what I shall toll the noto !***
(4.) “Sis Manns have also passed and seven Sedhis, - likewise twenty-seven Chaturyugas have gone;"
(5.) “And three Yagas have passed, since (the beginning of the present Chaturyaga, and ten yean out of the present Kaliguga,"
(6-9.) "At the time of thy Alvamedha, to- Ho who knows the details of this statement and gather with a fortnight, O Boion of Yadu. The comprehend them duly is a saga man, and the wwmber of (the years oontained in the time of the sage is he toho serves the only Lord and strivee
* For another translation of this page see the pro-1 This word is not in the text. coding extract
Berant's statement is wrong. soho he loft out the addi This is probably sa interpolation, mit seedlonaty tional fortnight, 6. o. divya fortnight mentioned in veru . interrupto the numeration and distarbe the order of the Without Agha yake ya the verso would be incompleta vernet

Page #419

NOVEMBER, 1890.)
BOOK-NOTICES.
389
past and of the future Brahmans cannot be to reach the neighbourhood of that place which is (accurately) expressed, 0 thou who givest large called Paramapada.24 sacrificial fees, because it has no beginning. The sand of the Ganga and the rain-drops, as Vdsava nends them, can be counted, (but) not, O King, the past Brahmans. The sages who know that each Lord of the world (Brahman) has an end, seek the path to that place) which is the highest step € paramapada) of Vishnu."
X. V. Dh. I. 81, 1-2.
वज उवाच । स्वयोदितानां धर्मज्ञ समासेन पृथक पृथक। कालस्यावयवानां च श्रोतुमिच्छामि देवसाः॥१॥ मार्कण्डेय उवाच । पौरुषं बदहोराचं श्रुतवानसि बाश्व ।
कालामा पुरुषस्तस्य सर्वभूतपतिः प्रभुः ॥ २ ॥ Vajra spoke : - (1.) “O thou who knowest the law, I wish to Indica I. 321hear the deities of time and of its sub-division. In the book Vishnu-Dharme, Vajra speaks tu which thou hast briefly and severally explained." Markandeya: "Explain to me the times ;"> Märkandeya spoke: -
Whereupon the latter answers: (2.) “Of which day and night of Purusha, - Duration is atmapurushet, i. e. a breath, and thou hast heard, O Scion of Yadu, the lord of that purusha which means the lord of the universe."27 is Purusha toho is time, and who is the ruler of all creatures."
XI. V. Dh. I. 81, 3-6.
कल्पस्य दैवतं ब्रह्मा यस्येदं सकलं जगत् । क्रमान्मन्वन्तराणां तु मनवस्तु यमुर्दश ॥३॥ स्वायंभुवस्तु प्रथमो मनुः स्वारोचिपस्तथा। . . . . . . . . . . . 1111
Treaty arorf gerua 11911 धर्मपुत्रो रुद्रपुत्री दक्षपुत्रश्च यादव ।
U (TEZ]fas [22] TEHT AFTET TOT IERI (3.) “The deity of the Kalpa is Brahman, to Indica I. 396-7:- In the book Vishnu Dharma, whom this whole world belongs; but (the lords) Markandeya gives to Vajra the following answer: of the Manvantaras are the fourteen Manus "Purusha is the lord of the universe ; 29 the lor! according to their order :
of the kalpa is Brahman, the lord of the world ; (4.) - Svayambhuva, the first Munu, next but the lord of the Manvantara is Manu. Svårôchisha" .. ....... .
There are fourteen Manus, from whom the kings ....then Vaivasvata, Savarna, like of the earth ruling at the beginning of each Manvan
* Bêrůni has left out verses 66-8a probably because he ! Fourthly it erroneously supplier the words which means,' considered them to be irrelevant. His attempt to translate instead of and who is.' The result is complete nonsense, verses 86-9a is a failure. He has not understood the first such as no Sanskrit author crer wrote. line, and makes simply nonsense of it.
It is evident that the text is here incomplete. Two * Bêrûnt seems to have left out the deities' and the
lines have probably been lost. The missing names of the subdivisions,' because his immediate purpose was to prove
Manos are, according to chapters V. Dh, I. 178-181, Antthat Time is considered by some Hindus to be the primeval tama. Támasa, Raivata and ChAkshnahs. thing.'
20 The first clause is another attempt at translating verse 9 Bérant's translation shows some very bad mistakes.
2, given in the preceding extract. Bérant seems to have First it les vos verse 2a out. Secondly it disregards the
forgotten his previous rendering, and gives here one which word tasya in verse 20. Thirdly it assumes the possibility of construing kalar atmaparushah (asti), whilo klatma
is intelligible, but takes into account only two words of the
whole verse. (i.e. kalah amd yarya) is an adjective qualifying purushah.

Page #420

390
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
wise Brahmaputra Dharmaputra, Rudraputra, Dakshaputra, Râéya (Rauchya and Bhautya, the righteous one, are, O Scion of Yadu, the fourteen
Manus."
XII. V. Dh. I. 81, 236-28.
वज्ञ उवाच । कल्पानां सति सादृश्ये यद्भेदं भृगुनन्दन ।। २२ ।। तदहं श्रोतुमिच्छामि तत्र मे कौतुकं महत् । मार्कण्डेय उवाच । कल्पानामतिसादृश्ये शृणु भेदं नराधिप ।। २३ ।। समतीते यथा कल्पे षष्टे [ष्ठे] मन्वन्तरे गते ।
सप्तमस्य चतुर्विशे राजंस्त्रेतायुगे तदा ।। २४ ।। यश रामेण समरे सगणो रावणो हतः । रामेणैव तदा राजन्कुम्भकर्णो निपातितः ।। २५ ।। वर्तमाने तु बहु कल्पे
रामस्य चरितं बद्धं तदा वाल्मीकिना शुभम् ।। २६ ।। अतीतकल्पे यद्वृत्तं मया तस्काम्बके वने ।
पिटि ([[]] कथितं धर्मपुजा पार्थिव ।। २० ।। I. 82, 7b-9a.
वर्तमाने तदा [तथा ] कल्पे षष्टे [ष्ठे ] मन्वन्तरे गते ।। ६ ।। medy (www) wy/hvit crafsiargir mer यदा रामेण समरे सगणी रावणो हतः ॥ ७ ॥ लक्ष्मणेन तथा [दा] राजन्कुम्भकर्णो निपातितः ।
Vajra said: (22, 23a.) Vajra said: -"O son of Bhrigu, I wish to hear the differences between the Kalpas (which exist) in spite of their similarity. Great is my curiosity with respect to that."
Markaṇḍêya answered: -
(236.) "Listen, O king, to the differences be. tween the Kalpas (which exist) in spite of their very great similarity!"
(Lacuna).
(24.) As in the past Kalpa, when the sixth Manvantara had gone, in the twenty-fourth Trêtayuga of the seventh, then, O king"
(25.) "When Rama had killed Ravana together with his host in battle, then that same Rama slew Kumbhakarna, O king;"
30 The correction of the name, which is corrupt in the text, has been made according to chapter 188, where we have Rauchya as in other Puranas.
[NOVEMBER, 1890.
tara are descended.31 Svayambhuva, Sváróchiya, Auttami, Stâmasa, Raivata, Chakshusha, Vaivasvata, Sduarni, Vishnu-Dharma, Dharmaputra, Rudraputra, Dakshaputra, Raibhya (P), Bhautya."32
31 The relative clause is an interpolation. The information which it conveys has been taken from Vishnudharmottara, I. ch. 176-189, where the fourteen Manvantaras are described in detail and the kings, sprung from each Manu, are named.
32 This list has been taken from the table on p. 887. The from Svarôchiya is due to a fault of the Arabic copyists who put ya for sha. Auttami is better than Auttama which occurs in V. Dh. chapter 176. But, as the text has, below and in chapter 183, also Savarna instead of Savarni, it is probable that Auttama was everywhere the form of the
Indica II. 3 Further the Vishnu Dharma says: "Markaṇḍêya says in answer to a question of Vajra.
I have already lived as long as 6 Kalpas and 6 Manvantaras of the seventh Kalpa, 23 Trétáyugas of the seventh Manvantara.
(Lacuna).
V. Dh., which Bêrûnî altered according to his other sources. Stamasa is a monstrous form for Tamasa, which occurs twice in Berûnî's table. It has been caused by his taking the finals of the preceding name (Auttamas-Tamasas tatha) with this. Bêrünf's division of ahargana into ah + argana (Indica 1. 368) and of parårdha into parar + dha are exactly similar, and show that his knowledge of the Sanskrit language was very imperfect. Chakshusha with a short vowel in the first syllable is probably due to a slip of the pen. The substitution of Vishnu-Dharma for Brahmaputra is another clerical mistake. By some accident the title of the book from which the table has been taken has been put for the name of the Manu. The doubtful Raibhya is probably a misreading of the Arabie text Bhantya is the correct form according to V. Dh. I. 189.

Page #421

NOVEMBER, 1890.)
BOOK-NOTICES.
391
(26.) (82. 76-8a.) "Thus in the present Kalpa, In the twenty-fourth Trêtâyuga Rama killed when the sixth Manvantara had gone, in the Ravana, and Lakshmana, the brother of Rama twenty-fourth Trêtå yuga, of the seventh, then, killed Kumbhakarna. The two subjugated all Oking!" -
the Rákshasas. (27.) (82. 86-9a.) “When Rama had killed At that time Valmiki, the Rishi, composed the Râvaņa together with his host in battle, then story of Rama and Ramdyana and eternalised it Lakshmana slew Kumbhakarna, O king."
in his books. (28.) (26.) "But that holy life of Rama which It was I who told it to Yudhishthira, the son of happened in the present Kalpa, O Scion of Yadu's Pandu in the forest of Kamyaka vana. race, was composed in verse by Valmiki."
(29 a-b.) (27.) "That which happened in the past Kalpa, was narrated, O king, by me to Yudhishthira, the son of Dharma, in the Kamyaka forest."
XIII. V. Dh. I. 82. 1.
TE/
P TV *4: : 1
प्रद्युम्नचानिरुद्धश्च कृतादीनां च देवताः॥१॥ (1) “Worshipful Vapudeva, further the lord Indica I. 398, the book Vishnu-Dharma says: Samkarshana, Pradyumna, and Aniruddha, are " The names of Hari, i. e. Narayana differ-* in the the deities of the Krita and the other three yugas. They are the following, Vasudeva, Samages)."
karshana, Pradyumna and Aniruddha." XIV. V. Dh. I. 83. 3-9.
स्वाष्ट्रविश्व वैशाखो मासश्चैवामिदैवतः। Tät: (#:) *: Eget Are STTTTTTTT IIII
7 Protea [9]# TETETYTI अश्वयुक्त्वाश्विनो मास आग्नेयः कात्तिकः स्मृतः ॥ ४॥ मार्गशीर्षस्तथा सौम्बः पौषः स्वाज्जीवदेवतः। पित्र्यो मासः स्मृतो माषः काल्गुनी भगदैवतः ॥ ५॥ मासेषु मासदैवस्वः शुक्लपक्षः प्रकीर्तितः । वक्ष्यामि कृष्णपक्षाणां देवतानि तवानष ॥६॥
35 The Sanskrit text of this piece is evidently mutilated. As MArkapdêya promises to show the differences between the Kalpes, he ought to tell two stories regarding Rama, while our tout contains only one referring to the past Kalpa. And the existence of a lacuna is also indicated by the word yatha in verge 24 for which no correlative occurs in the sequel. Now, two more verses, referring to the history of Rims in the prosent Kalpa are found in the next chapter after verse 7a, where they stand in no connection whatsoever with the preceding and following sentences. It is, therefore, most probable that these two verses have to be inser. tod after 81, 25, as has been done in the translation, and that the unintelligible word tads, which the first contains, has to be alterod to tatha in order to obtain the requisito correlative for yatha in verse 24. The correctness of this view is also confirmed by Berunt's translation. The latter gives also only one story regarding Rams. But that which it gives, is a loose rendering of the two verses from chapter 82. It would seem that Berunt's text was likewise mutileted and had preserved only the second story. From Borant's translation it farther appears, that there is a second laoans in our text before verse 94, as it shows nothing that corresponds to Markandeya's statement regarding the length of his life. As the usertion that Markepdêya revealed the
Purana 'during the seventh day of Brabman or Kalpa which had elapsed since his birth' occurs also V. Dh. 1. 78, 1 (सप्तमस्ते महाभाग तस्य दिवसस्त्वयम् । वर्तते जमणो अस्त
--- ) it is very probable that one or two verses, giving accurate details regarding the period, have been lost. In this case Berunt's extract is important for the restoration of the text, in spite of the fact that his text was likewise imperfect. As regards the details of his translation, they show his usual carelessness, important words being omitted, both permissible and improper substitutions being made, and a few absurdities, vis. 'the story of RAma and the Ramayana,' in the forest of Kamyaka vana, not being wanting.
* These words have been inserted in accordance with the last verse of the preceding chapter :
सावश्यभेदाविह भूमिपाल कल्पस्य कल्पस्य मयोदितीते।। युगादिभित्रस्य च दैवतानि वक्ष्याम्यतस्तानि निबोध राजन् । "I have declared to thee, O King, the resemblances and the differences of each Kalpa, I will now recite the deities of that (Kalpa) which is divided into yugas and so forth, listen to them, O Prince !"

Page #422

392
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1890.
Sakra
चैते याम्यः स्मृतो राजन्नाग्नेयश्चाप्यनन्तरे । fået (#] tra: Fra: TUTI9:[@] are geura Il 11 पित्र्यश्च श्रावणे मासि सावित्रश्चाप्यनन्तरे । मैत्रश्चाश्वयुजे मासि शाक्रश्चाप्यमिदैवते ॥ ८॥ तथा च नैर्ऋतः सौम्ये पौषे स्याद्विष्णुदैवतः।
वारुणश्च तथा पित्र्ये फाल्गुने पौष्ण उच्यते ॥ ९॥ Tabular abstract of the deities of the Pakshas :
MS.
Beruni's Indica, I. 359. Month. Bright-hall. Dark-half.
Bright-half. Dark-half. Chaitra Tvashtri Yama Tvashtri
Yamya Vaisakha Agnjas Agni Indragni
Agneya Jyaishtha Sakra Rudra Sukra
Raudra Ashadha Visvêdêvêḥ Sarpah
Visvêdêvah
Sárpa Sravana Vishnu Pitarah Vishņu
Pitrya Bhadrapada Aja Savitri Aja
Santa Aśrayuja Aévinau Mitra Asana
Maitra Kårttika Agni
Agni
Sakra Margasirsha Sörna
Nirsiti Soma
Nirriti Pausha Jiva Vishnu Jiva
Vishnu Magha
Pitarah Varuna Pitrya
Varuna Phalguna Bhaga Půshan Bhaga
Půshan.36 XV. V. Dh. I. 83. 10-12.
अतः परं प्रवक्ष्यामि यदवत्यो पहः स्मृतः। SFATO E FRAT TT: FIGC: II 11 अनारकः कुमारच बुधव भगवान्हरिः। Trefa: Fa: 7: Twitt er II 3811 प्रजापतिः शनैश्चरो राहतॆयो गणाधिपः।
विश्वकर्मा स्मृतः केतुर्ये ग्रहास्ते पुरा स्मृताः ॥१२॥ The planets.
Deities according to MS. According to Indien, II. 121 Sun Agni
Agni Moon Varuna
Vyuna () Mais Kumara
Kalmasha (?) Mercury Worshipful Hari
Vishnu Jupiter Sakra
Sukra Vents Parvatt
Gaurs Saturn Prajapati
Prajapati Rahu (the Head) Ganadhipa
Ganapati () Kötu (the Tail) Viśvakarman
Vistakarman37
35 The reading of the tort wa t is a mistako for gati and Bêrûnî has the correct form.
* Bêrünt's deities Yümya, Agnya, Raudra, Sarpa, Pitrya, and Maitra are due to his having taken the adjecrites, which mean 'he chose deity is Yama' etc., for names of the gode. The forin Santa is due to a clerical mistake, and stands for Savitra; the form Alana is due to tho Prakritic pronunciation of Avina. In both cases the adjectives have likewise been put instead of the simple names of the gods. His Sukra instead of Sakra
is probably due to the Arabic copyist, who mistook the dammu over k for an 14 and placed it wrougly; nee also Professor Sochau's remarks on other errors of the kind. in his Prefaco to the Arabic text, P. xxxii.
ST Berunt's Vyana, Kalmasha and Sukru are due to mistakes of the copyist. Vishnu, Gauri and Ganapati have been substituted by Bérúns for the synonymous terms, standing opposite. They cannot have stood in his text, because they do not fit the metre. Thus the insertion of Vishnu instead of Hari would make the Anushtubh end with a spondoe instead of a pyrrhichius.

Page #423

NOVEMBER, 1890.]
BOOK-NOTICES.
398
XVI. V. Dh. I. 83. 13-21.
अतः परं प्रवस्वामि तव नक्षवदेवताः। कृत्तिका अभिदेवत्या रोहिण्यां केन्चरः स्मृतः॥१३॥ इन्वकः सोमदेवत्यो रौद्र आर्द्रातस्तथा स्मृतः । पुनर्वसुस्तथादित्वःपुष्य गुरुदेवतः ॥१४॥ आषा सर्पदैवत्वा मघाश पिटदैवताः। भाग्यश्च पूर्वफाल्गुन्बामर्यमा च तथोत्तगः।। २५।। साविवश्च तथा हस्तश्चिवा वाष्ट्रा प्रकीर्तिता । स्वातिश्च वायुदेवत्यो नक्षवः परिकीर्तितः ॥ १६ ॥ इन्द्रामीदेवता प्रोक्ता विशाखा भृगुनन्दन । मैवमृक्षमनूराधा शाकं उबेष्ठा प्रकीर्तिता ॥ १० ॥ तथा निर्कतिदेवत्वं मूलं तरुदाहृतम् । आप्यास्त्वा खपाढपूर्वास्तु चोत्तय वैश्वदेवताः॥१८॥ ब्रह्मा चैवाभिजियोक्तःश्रवणो वैष्णवः स्मृतः। वासवं च तथा ऋक्षं धनिष्टाष्ठा प्रोच्यते बुधैः ।।१९।। तथा शतभिषक् प्रोक्तो नक्षवं वारुष नृप । माजं भाभिद्रपदा पूर्वा अहिर्बुध्वस्तथोत्तरा ॥२०॥ पौणं च रेवती चमचिन्वाधिनदेवतम् ।
भरण्वाश्च तथा बाम्ब प्रोक्तास्तेस्ति] कादे देवताः ।। २९॥ Nakshatras.
Deities according to Ms. According to Indica IL. 121. Krittika Agni
Agni Rõhiņi
Kesvara (the lord Ka) Kêsvara Inraka (Mrigatirsha) Sóma (the moon)
Inda (the moon) Ardra Rudra
Rudra Punarvasu Aditi
Aditi Pushya Guru (Brihaspati)
Guru (Jupiter) Aslesha Sarpith
Sarpas Maghåg Pitara
Pitaras Part.-Phálgunt Bhage
Bhaga Uttara-Phálguni Aryaman
Aryaman Hasta Savitri
Savitri Chitra Tvashri
Tvashtri Sveti Vayu
Váyu Vió khi Indragni
Indragni Andradhế Mitra
Mitra Jyéshtha Sakra
Sakra Mala Nirsiti
Nirsiti Parva-Ashadhah Apab
Apas Uttara-Ashadhih Visrédérih
Visva[devaa] Abhijit Brahman
Brahman Sravana Vishnu
Vi hạn Dhanishtha Vasarah
Vanavas Satabhishaj Varuna
Varuns Pärva-Bhadrapada Aja
[Aja Ekapad]" Uttara-Bhadrapada Ahi Budhnya
Ahirbadhnya Bevati Paahan
Pashan Asvini Alvines:
Aboin (Py Bharani Yams
Yama . .
The substitution of Indu for some has probably beenSnohou states in his moto on this tablo. made by Bernt, though the metre would permit his - This form is due to Bertat's constant disregard of form.
the terminations * This name is omitted in Bertint's tart, us Profesor

Page #424

394
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
XVII. V. Dh. I. 83. 486-61a.
सर्वासां च तथा काल राहुर्भुङ्गे महामहः ॥ ४८ ॥ कुलिकश्च तथा नागो यक्षः पद्मेति विश्रुतः । अङ्गारपर्णश्च तथा गन्धर्वश्वाभिधीयते ।। ४९ ।। कुलिकस्य तु या वेला सा वर्ज्या सर्वकर्मसु । तस्यां भुङ्क्ते भवेद्व्याधिर्विषं भुङ्क्ते न जीर्यते ।। ५० ॥ प्रत्यक्षमपि तार्क्ष्यस्य तस्यां दृष्टो न जीवति । भुक्तं तस्यां तु भैषज्यं न तु कर्मकरं भवेत् ।। ५१ ।। सा तु कालविदां ज्ञेया मन्त्रिणां भिषजां तथा । अविज्ञाय तु तां वेलां त्रयस्ते राजपुंगव ।। ५२ ।। वैफल्याक [का]रणान्मूढाः प्राप्नुवन्त्ययशो महत् । प्रत्येव [क] स्यैव वेलायां राहोर्भोगं निबोध मे ।। ५३ ।। एकैका तु भवेद्वा[ढो]रा सार्धं विघटिकाशतम् । विनालिका सप्तषष्टधा रवेः षोडश कीर्तिता (:) ॥ ५४ ॥ घोरा कुलिकवेला तु शेषं कालं रवेः स्मृतम् ।
स्वा होरा [ते] तथा वेलाच [च]तु [त ] स्रस्तु विनाडिकाः ।। ५५ ।।
राहोः शुक्ल [क्र ] स्य कथिताः शेषं कालं सितस्य च । सोम्यहोरासारम्ने को प्रकीर्तित। ५६ ।। घोरा कुलिकवेला तु शेषं कालं बुधस्य तु । एकसप्तत्यतिक्रम्य होरायां तु निशाभृतः ।। ५७ ।। भष्टी अही तु कुलिकस्योका शेषं काले निशानलः । षडशीतिर [म]तिक्रम्य चषकात्रविजस्य तु ।। ५८ ।। यच्छेषं तद्विनिर्दिष्टं कालं च कुलिकस्य तु । सप्तसप्तत्यतिक्रम्य सार्धंस्तु चषकान्गुरोः ॥ ५९ ॥ राहोस्तु चथक होरा शेषं कालं गुरोर्भवम् । भीमरासमारम्ने विनालिका ६० ॥ वेला तु कुलिकस्योक्ता शेषं कालं कुजस्य तु । 48b. And the great planet Bulu enjoys (some) bims of all (the planetary houre).
49. He is called the Serpent Kulika, the Yaksha Padma and the Gandharva Angaraparna."
50. But the time which belongs to Kulika must be avoided in all actions. (If one) eats during that (time), illness will follow; (if one) ents poison, (the food) is not digested.
51. He who is bitten (by a snake) during that (time) lives not; even (if he were ) in the presence of Tarkshiya (Garuda). But medicine, taken dur ing that (time) has no effect.
41 Bêrûnt probably omitted to give in full the contents of this statement, because the unlucky times to which he refers, are usually called in India the time of Kulika." But in doing this he has made it difficult to understand how a serpent can have any connection with the planetary hours. A mention of the fact that the serpent Kulika is another name for the planet Råhu, would have made the point intelligible. In the text (bellow, verses 56, 60) Rahu is mentioned instead of Kulika as dominant of the unlucky periods. Hence the preamble in verses 48b49 cannot be an interpolation.
[NOVEMBER, 1890.
Indica I. 344-45: The book Vishnu-Dharma mentions among the någas or serpents, a serpent called Naga Kulika. Certain portions of the hours of the planets stand under its influence. They are unlucky, and everything which is eaten during them hurts, and is no use for anything. Sick people who treat themselves with poisonous medicines do not recover, but die and perish."" During these times no incantation is of any avail against the bite of a snake, for the incantation consists in the mention of the Garuda, and in those inauspicious times the stork himself cannot help in any way, much less the mention of his
name. 43
43 This passage has been transposed. The transposi tion and the insertion of the word poisonous, which does not occur in the text, are possibly owing to a mistake with respect to the- meaning of the last clause of verse 50. Berani may have taken it to mean, If one ents poison, it is not digeeted."
43 This is a loose but on the whole correct paraphrase of the first half of verse 51. It is only eurious that Bêrant believed the man-bird or eagle Garuda to be a stork, which idea must strike every Hindu as simply absurd.

Page #425

NOVEMBER, 1890.)
BOOK NOTICES.
395
Sun.
Moon.
Mars.
Mercury.
Jupiter
Venus.
Naturn
32-53. But that time must be known by astrono. mers, royal councillors and physicians; if they do not know it, those three foolish ones, 0 best of kings, suffer great ignominy, the fruitlessness (of their advice) being the cause. Listen to the portion belonging to Rahu in the periods assigned to each planet.**
54-55. Let each planetary hour (hora) consist These times are represented in the following of 150 seconds. After 67 seconds (of the hour) of table where the planetary Jour is reckoned as the Sun, 16 are declared to be the dread period of consisting of 150 parts. Kulika; the remainder is stated to belong to the Sun. But 4 seconds at the end of the hour of Sukra (Venus)" -
56. Are stated to be Rahu's own time, the remaining. period belongs to Sita (Venus). At
Dominants of the the beginning of the hour of Saumya (Mercury)
hours. 2 seconds are declared -
57. To be the dread time of Kulika; the Number of 150 parts 67 remaining period belongs to Budha (Mercury). of the hour before But in the hour of the Moon, after the lapse of
the beginning of the
time of Kulika. 71. (seconds), - 58. Eight are declared to belong to Kulika ; Number of the parts 16! 8 37 2 2 6 64
during which Kuli. the remaining time belongs to the Moon. After
ka's influence lasts. the lapse of 86 seconds of the hour) of the child of the Sun (Saturn), --
39. The remaining time is assigned to Kulika. After the lapse of 77 seconds of the hour) of Guru (Jupiter),
60. One second is the time of Rahu ; the re. maining period is considered to belong to Guru. But 32 seconds at the beginning of the hour of Bhouma (Mars) -
61. Are declared to be the period of Kulika; the remaining time belongs to Kuja (Mars).17
XVIII. V. Dh. I. 106. 1-13.
वज उवाच । ध्रुवस्याहं द्विजश्रेष्ठ ब्राह्मणानां पृथक् पृथक् । # anor TTT ATTI?11 मार्कण्डेय उवाच । ब्रह्मणा सृष्टिकामेन पूर्वमेव नराधिप ।
cuerei wat asrat Tre: Fa: IIRII तमोमयो गोलकच राहुस्तेन तथा कृतः। अम्मयानि तथान्यानि गोलकानि नराधिप ।।३।। कृतानि तेन धर्मज्ञ पहाणां पृथक पृथक् । ध्रुवस्थाननिविष्टाश्च तारकाच चतुर्दश ॥४॥
** These two verses have not been noticed in the abstract. Berunt probably considered them irrelevant to his purpose.
45 Here Bêrûni's table has a mistake, as shat, 'six,' instead of chatarras tu, but four' does not suit the metre.
* Here Bérunt's table has three bad mistakes. For the
readings, which his figures would make necessary do not suit the metre.
47 Here Beruni agaiu differs, and it is not possible to make out which of the two version is the right one, a reading saptatrinisiat instead of d illuar tre is possible Presumably the error is, however, ou Beruni's side.
For Tatrat we have probably to write to

Page #426

396
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1890.
तेषां नामविभाग मे गवतः शृणु पार्थिव । उत्तानपादस्तस्याथ विज्ञेयः सो स्मोत्तरी हनुः ।। ५॥ यज्ञोधरस्तु विज्ञेयो धर्मो मूर्धानमाश्रितः । [हदि नारायणश्चास्ते अश्विनी पूर्वपादयोः ।।६।। वरुणश्चार्यमा चैव पश्चिमे तस्य सक्थिनी। शिमः संवत्सरस्तस्य मित्रोपानं समाश्रितः ॥ ७॥]40 पुच्छेनिश्च महेन्द्रश्च मारीचः कश्यपो ध्रुवः । भ्रवस्थाः स्वगृस्वर्ग] हाणामेकीभूताः प्रकीर्तिताः ।।८।। ध्रुवेण भ्राम्यते सर्वमायुयत्तं विदिवं ध्रुवे । ध्रुवो हि भगवान्विष्णुः कालो लोकप्रकालनः ॥९॥ शिशुमारनिबढानां तारकाणां पृथक् पृथक् । नामधेयानि विज्ञाय दृष्ट्वा च विमलेम्बरे ॥ १०॥ आयुरभ्यधिकं जीववर्षाणि तु चतुर्दश। अहोराबकृतात्पापात्तत्क्षणादिप्रमुच्यते ।। ११ ॥ अम्मयानां पहाणां मूर्छिताः सूर्यरश्मयः। जनयन्ति प्रकाशत्वं नाव कार्या विचारणा ॥ १२॥ स्फाटिकानि विमानानि तथा सुकृतिनां नृप ।
नाके तारकवद्भान्ति अम्मयानीव यादव ॥ १३ ॥ Vajra said:-1. Obest of twice-born men, I Indica I. 240:-Vajra, one of the children of wish to hear in detail the origin of the pole, of Balabhadhra, the brother of Narayana, asked the the planets and of the lunar mansions, Olord.in Rishi Márkapdêya as to the pole, upon which he Markandeya answered: -
answered: - 2. Brahman, desirous to create, made formerly, When God created the world, it was dark and O king, the sun, the destroyer of darkness, a globe desert. Thereupon he made the globe of the sun of light.
shining and the globes of the stars watery, receiv3-4a. And he made Rahu u globe consisting of
ing the light of the sun from that side of his which
he turns towards them.ss darkness; and, O king, Othou who knowest the law, he made the other globes of the planets and stars consisting of water;
4b. And (he created) fourteen stars, placed Fourteen of these stars he placed around the near the pole.
pole in the shape of a Sicumdra which drive the 5. Oking, hear me recite their names and distri.
other stars round the pole. One of them, north of
thepole, on the uppermost chin,ss is UttAnapada,on bution: Inow that Uttanapada is (in) its upper
the lowest chin Yajña, on the head Dharma, on the jaw%3
breast Narayana, on the two hands towards the
4These three lines aro omitted in the MS. I have imported, because Bérant did not understand the second taken them from the Vishnu-Purana, II. 12, 33 f. They I half of versea. He seema to have mistakenglakal, 'a occur also in the Vayu and Matsya Puraņas with very globe' for gikah or something like it and to have omitsmall variations.
ted the words which did not agree with this interpreta. 60 This is evidently an explanatory interpolation, made
tion. The mistake further induced him to change the by Bordnt, as the introductions to speeches never contain
position of the words. more than 'N.N. said.' The statement that Vajra was a
63 This is an explanatory interpolation taken from son of Balabbadra is wrong. His father was, according
Verse12. to V. Dh. I. 78, 3 and all other sources, Aniruddha.
64 It is not improbable that these words render a half
verse omitted in the MS. For there is no word, to which M These words have been omitted by Bêräni either for
tasya, its (upper jaw),' in verse 5, can be referred. brevity's sake or through carelessness. Withont them
46 Bêrdni is not responsible for the substitution of the the verse must remain incomplete.
chin for the jaw. The words 'north of the pole' are a * This biblioal sentiment is entirely foreign to the second altogether improper rendering of uttarah, which Vishnudharmóttar, and all other Puranas. It has been means both north' and 'upper.'

Page #427

NOVEMBER, 1890.]
BOOK-NOTICES.
397
6. Know that Yajña is (in) its lower jaro); that east the two stars Asvin the physicians," on the Dharma occupies its head; (NAriyaņa sits in the feet Varuna and Aryaman towards the west, 47 on heart, the two Asvins in the fore-feet,
the penis Samvatsara, on the back Mitra, 7. Varuna and Aryaman are its two hind-most haunches, Samvatsara its penis, and Mitra ocoupies its anus,]
8. In the tail are Agni, Mahendra, Mårfcha and on the tail Agni, Mahendra, Marichi and Kasyapa. Kasyapa. Those among the stars and planets which stand near the pole are collectively called Svar (?).
9. The pole causes the universe to turn round, The pole itself is Vishnu, the ruler of the inhathe three worlds are dependant on the pole. Forbitants of paradise, he is further the time, rising, worshipful Vishộu is the pole, he the time which growing, getting old and vanishing.61 drives the worlds onwards.
10. He who knows severally the names of the If a man read this69 and knows it accurately stars contained in the Situmdra and has seen them God pardons him the sins of that day, in the pure sky,
11. Will live fourteen years beyond his allot- and fourteen years will be added to his life, the ted period of) life, and is forthwith liberated from length of which has been fixed before hand." sins committed during the day or night.
12. The powerful rays of the sun make that the Indica II. 64:- The Vishnu-Dharma says : - watery planets and stars shine; do not doubt about "The stars are watery and the rays of the sun that!
illuminate them in the night. 13. And the crystal chariots of the pious, Those who by their pious deeds have obtained a O king, shine in the sky like the aqueous (globes place in the height, sit there on thrones, and when of the stars), Oscion of Yadu!
shining are reckoned among the stars."63 XIX. V. Dh. I. 106, 206-27a.
Targaret : antet: 11 R 11 निबर्छ भ्राम्बते बब मरुतां ज्योतिषां गणम् । समषिमण्डल नित्वं तस्याधस्तापकीतितम् ।। २१ तस्याधस्तादृक्षचक्रं तस्याधस्ताच्छनेश्वरः ॥२३॥ तस्वाधस्तात्तथा जीवस्तस्याधस्ताकजः स्मृतः। तस्याधस्तादिनेशश्च तस्याधस्ताच भार्गवः ॥२४॥ तस्याधस्तादुधस्तस्वाधस्ताच चन्द्रमा:।
ng purvapadayoh, on the two fore-feet,' by 'on the two hands to the east,' Berunf committed a serious mistake. For, though purva means both east' and foremost,' pada never means "hand. Moreover the Sibumára, which here means 'an alligator,' not, as most translators assume, 'a porpoise,' has four feet, not two hands and two feet. The physicians' is an er planatory addition made by Bêrunt, for which there is no room in the text.
67 The translation of pagchim by towards the rest is due to an unlucky choice between the two meanings of the word.
88 The substitution of the back' for the anus' is a serious mistake. Mitra is always connected with the organ of excretion.
59 Bêrunt has left out this passage, probably because he had already inserted above the noto according to which the Sibumåra drives the other stars forward.
Go This phrase seems to be intended as an explanation of the term bhagavan, 'worshipful, divine,' but somewhat misrepresents the position of Vishnu.
01 The four participles give not a translation, but
correct paraphrase of the epithet likaprakilanal, which drive the world onwards' (from its creation to its des. truction).
61 If a man reads this' is a curiously mistaken rendering of drishtva, literally having seen. As the last two words vimala mtard did not fit in with this interpretation Bérunt omita them. His mistaken rendering made it of course necessary to change the order of the two accessory sentences. I may note that the Matsya, Vaya, and Vishnu Puranas have an identical corresponding verse which ascribes the blossings, mentioned in verse 11, to seeing bim'i.e. the Sibumára.
68 The rendering of verses 12-13 is very loose, but doce not distort the sense except in one point. According to Hindu ideas the pions do not sit 'on thrones,' but ride in 'crystal, pantial, self-moving care' (vimapa). The idea of the thrones' is Semitic. The word 'crystal' which the translation omits did occur in Beruni's text of the V. Dh. For, before giving the quotation, he remarks that the pious men who have been metamorphosed ' reside in the height of heaven on thrones of crystal.'
4 Verses 23-23a contain an enumeration of the names of the Seven Rishia.

Page #428

398
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(NOVEMBER, 1890.
arreferat (1) alfrei T all 34 11 सर्वे पहाः प्राग्गतयस्तुल्यवेगाः प्रकीर्तिताः। तेषां ते संभवं वक्ष्ये प्रामे वैवस्वतेन्तरे ।। २६ ।।
तेषां जननसाहरतीतैः किं प्रयोजनम् । 206. But the pole, the son of Uttanapáda, is Indica I. 287: - The Vishnu-Dharma sayo:stated to be Vishnu,
21. Attached to which the crowd of the (hea. "The orbit of the Great Bear is under the venly) lights is made to turn round by the winds. pole ;66 The orbit of the Seven Rishis (the Great Bear) is stated to be always below that.
23. Below that is the circle of the fixed stare ;67 under it the orbit of Saturn, below that is declared to be Saturn,
24. Below him Jupiter, below him Mars, be then that of Jupiter, next Mars, the Sun, Venus, low him the Sun, below him Venus,
Mercury and the Moon. 25. Below her Mercury, below him the Moon. And the motion of the heavenly) lights towarde the south-east is stated to be like that of) a wheel.
26. All the planets are stated to move towards They rotate towards the east like a mill, in an the east (and) to possess an uniform motion. I uniform kind of motion, which is peculiar to will declare to thee their origin (as it happened), each star, some of them moving rapidly, others when the Vaivasvata Manvantara had come, slowly. Death and life repeat themselves on
274. And what was their purpose in the past them from eternity a thousand times. "69 thousands of births.
xx. V. Dh. I. 106, 276-28.
अनादिनिधनः श्रीमान्विष्णुर्नारायणः प्रभुः ॥ २७॥ स एव देवकार्याय भूत्वा द्वादशधा पुरा।
अदितेर्जनयामास आत्मानं कश्यपाल्पभुः ॥ २८॥ 27. The glorious lord Vishnu-Narayana who Indica I. p. 216 :- The book Vishnu-Dharma is without beginning and end,
says:-" Vishnu, i. e. Nariyara who is without 28. Formerly became twelve-fold in order to beginning and without end, divided himself for accomplish the objects of the gods, and the lord the angels into twelve parts, which became sons caused himself to be born from Aditi and Ka of Kaśyapa. These are the suns rising in the syapa.
single months."70
66 I have inserted these two lines in order to show how Bêr ûnt gets the pole' into his first sentence. Berint omits them, because they have nothing to do with his immediate purpose.
66 Berani bas neglected to indicate that he has left out the names of the Seven Rishis.
This sentence, which Berunt did require, has been left out through carelessness. Bêrunt shows that he know it by stating (p. 288, 1. 17) that the anthor of the Vish -Dharma is right in placing the feed store higher than the planets.
# This sentence, is a condensed rendering of vornes 25b and 26a, the identical portions of the two lines being left out. Besides Berunt does not notice the word dakshina in prdgdakshinagotik and translates chakram,' wheel' or circle, 'inaccurately by 'a mill.' His reason probably is that in some Puriņas the motion of the stars and planets round the pole is compared to that of an oil-mill. The metro forbids the supposition
that a word like tailayantram can have stood in the text. The V. Dh. probably means by the wheel, the 'potter's whool,' see Matsya Purana, I. 123, 68 ff. The relative clause which is peculiar, &c.' is an explanatory noto made by Bérant in order to obviate an erroneous explanation of the compound tulyaungd, literally of equal impetus' or 'velocity.
# This is a very loose paraphrase of the last words of Verse 27 a.
10 Bernt has inadvertently left out Aditi, which deity must have been mentioned also in his text. The last words of his passage, as well the table of the suns of the twelve months on p. 217, show that a number of verses have been lost in our MS. after verse 98. This is also indicated by the line which immediately follows in the latter :- aug ranaar anere ; "but among them Savitri is the dominant of the Sun." The word tesham, among them, shows that as enumeration must have preceded.

Page #429

NOVEMBER, 1890.]
BOOK-NOTICES.
XXI. V. Dh. I. 106, 30.
दशभिश्चैव दिग्भिश्च तथात्रेः सुमहात्मनः । विष्णुरेवाभवद्राजन्पुवस्से सुगलाञ्छनः ॥ ३० ॥
30. And, O king, Vishnu became the Moon, as the son of the ten directions and of very highminded Atri.
XXII. V. Dh. I. 106, 31-37.
अतः परं प्रवक्ष्यामि तव भौमस्य संभवम् । आसीद्देस्यो हिरण्याक्षो महाबलपराक्रमः ।। ३१ ।। सवै कन्यामजन यद्विकेशीं नाम नामतः । सा लेभे तपसा केशांस्तां वै स्थाणुरकामयत् ।। ३२ ।। तस्यां [मैथुनरास्य देवेशस्य पिनाकिनः । वह्निसंभवभीतेन विघ्नं कृतमथामिना ।। ३३ ।। प्रविश्य मैथुनागारं वहिं दृष्टवतस्तदा ।
क्रोधादास्योद्भवः स्वेदो हरस्य समपद्यत ॥ ३४ ॥
strangiremikerarfan:
तस्योपतापी [तस्याः पपात । वदने सा पपौ तत्प्रयत्नतः ।। ३५ ।।
अन्तर्वस्रन्यथ तेनासीन्न शशाक च तेजसा ।
मोहिता तस्य बालस्य गर्भं धारयितुं तदा ।। ३६ ।। उत्ससर्ज ततो गर्ने दीप्तानलसमद्युतिम् ।
तं दधार महीपाल धरा देवी स्व[स] रूपिणी ॥ ३७ ॥
31. Hereafter I will narrate the origin of Bhauma (the planet Mars) 2 There was a Daitya Hiranyaksha, of great power and bravery.
32. He, indeed, begat a daughter, called Vikéét (hairless) by name. In consequence of her austerities she obtained hair; her, Sthanu (Siva) loved.
33. When Pindkin, the god of gods, was cohabiting with her, Agni (the god of fire), afraid of the production of an (other deity of) fire, created an obstacle.
34. When Hara saw Agni entering the nuptial chamber, sweat arose on his face in consequence of his anger.
35. A drop of the sweat, produced from the face of the god who destroys his enemies, fell into her (Vikess's) mouth; she drank it eagerly.
71 Bêrûnî seems to have put in this number because the Hindus more commonly speak of eight than of ten directions. The metre would, however, allow the reading अष्टभिचैव instead of दशभिश्चैव.
73 Bêrani has given the substance of this preamble at the end of this extract.
Bêrûni's Indica I. 291: The Vishnu-Dharma relates that Atri, the star who rules the Great Bear, married the directions, represented as one person, though they are eight" in number, and that from her the moon was born.
73 This is an addition made by Bêrûnt for which there is no room in the text. The statement that Hiranyáksha was a king, occurs V. Dh. I. 82. 7.
399
Bêrani, Indica II. 140:-The Vishnu-Dharma mentions the following tradition :
"Once upon a time there was a man of the class of the Daityas, powerful and brave, the ruler of a wide realm called Hiranyâksha. He had a daughter of the name of Dkésh" (P), who was always bent upon worship, and trying herself by fasting and abstinence. Thereby she had earned as reward a place in heaven. She was married to Mahadeva. When he was alone with her and did with her according to the manner of the Devas, i. e. very slowly, the fire became aware of it and became cohabiting very long and transferring the semen jealous, fearing lest the two might procreate a fire similar to themselves. Therefore it determined to defile and to ruin them. When Mahadeva saw the fire, his forehead became covered with sweat from the violence of his wrath, so that some of it
74 This monstrous form is no doubt due to the copyist of the Arabic MS. Vikéél is mentioned also in other Parânas as the wife of Rudra-Sivas and the mother of the planet Mars or Lohitânga. But the story of Mars' origin, another version of that of Skanda with whom the planet is identified, is not given in detail in the texts accessible to me.
75 The way in which Bérunt obtained the meaning 'a place in heaven' instead of kesan, hairs,' seems to be that he read tapas kāśam.

Page #430

400
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1890.
36. Then she became pregnant through that; dropped to the earth. The earth drank it, and beand she was not able to carry the embryo of that came in consequence pregnant with Mars,76 i. e. child, being deprived of consciousness by its Skanda, the commander of the army of the Devas. lustre.
37. Then she let fall the embryo, which was resplendent like a blasing fire; the earth, the beautiful goddess, bore it, Oking.
Besides the twenty-two passages, quoted above instructive to confront Bérant's abstract with the in detail, there is one more reference to the entire actual text. Some portions, however, Vishnu Dharma, which can be easily identified. deserve to be discussed. First Berani declares This is the passage (Indica I. 379-380, 381-82) which that the Vishna-Dharma allots to those men who contains the description of the four Yugas. It lived during the Trêtåyuga as long a life as to those is perfectly plain that Bêrûni had before him our born in the Kpitayuga, and he correctly adds that text of Vishnudharmóttara I. 73, 20-39 and chapter analogy requires life to be shorter in proportion 74. The coutents of the two chapters, which to the decrease of bliss. It is interesting to find contain respectively the account of Varuna and that our text of the Vishnudharmóttara does not that of Markandêya, have been treated with so contain the absurdity laid to its charge by Berdni. much freedom that it would not be particularly It says:
विपादविग्रहो धर्मों राम वेतायुगे तदा ॥ २२॥ केशवे रक्ततां बाते नरा दशशतायुषः। यज्ञे शुभे प्रवर्तन्ते नित्यं हिंसात्मकेषु च ॥ २३ ।।
भगक्षत्रोत्तरं चैव तदा भवति भार्गव । 226. Then, O Råma, in the Trêtayuga Dharma Indioa I. p. 379, 1. 29 ff.:-" Thereupon things will have a body with three feet.
began to deorease and to be mixed with opposite 23. When Kesava has become red, men, living
elements to such a degree that at the beginning
of Trêtayuga the good was thrice as much as one thousand years, will always be occupied with
the invading bad, and that bliss was three boly sacrifices and with (deeds) causing the de.
quarters of the whole. There were a greater struction (of living beings).
number of Kshatriyas than of Brahmans and life 24a. Moreover, O Bhargava, the world is then had the same length as in the preceding age. So under the Kshatriyas.
it is represented by the Vishnu-Dharma, whilst analogy requires that it should be shorter by the same amount than [read that] bliss is smaller, i.e. by one-fourth. In this age, when offering to the fire, they begin to kill animals and to tear off
planta, practices which before were unknown." Berani's precise statement that the Vishnu. v a
yar : The first three Dharma gave the same length of life for the words certainly stood in his copy exactly as we men of the first two ages, makes it probable have tbem. For he gives their contents correctly that he found in his MS. a bad reading; and in the extract (Indica I. 398-99) where he speaks it is not impossible that he may have read :-of the colours of Vasudeva in the four ages
76 The end of this legend is very much shortened and distorted. Probably Beruni had before him the text woich is given above. But he mistook the bearing of tasyal in verse 35b and erroneously referred it to the Earth named further on. This mistake led him to diare. gard the last three lines which did not suit his interpreta. tion. I must add that seemingly Bêrunt's extract from the Vishn-Dharma goes much further than the portinn given above, and narrates a story how Agni became leproua in punishment of the offence committed against Siva and went into hiding. It is, however, quite certain that this further legend cannot have stood in the chapter rom which that regarding the origin of Mars has been
taken. For the stories regarding the orgin of the nine planeta whioh fill the latter part of chapter 106, are very concisely told. In this particular case it is evident that the text never contained the story which Berani adds, because there is one more verse which parrates how Kasyapa performed the sacramental rites for young Mars and in doing so offered coals (angara) in the fire whence the planet obtained its name Angoraka. This Verse forms an appropriate conclusion, and leaves no opportunity for any further addition regarding the punishment of Agni, The latter is not mentioned at all in the Vishnudharmóttara, and I believe that Beruni took it from some other work, or from oral tradition.

Page #431

NOVEMBER, 1890.1
BOOK NOTICES.
401
He Fays there that according to the Vishnu- characters, as probably was the case. But the read dharmathe god is white in the Kpitayuga (V. Dh. ing of our MS. is, of course, the original one. A I. 73. 28a), red in the Trôtayuga (our verse 23a), second point, which deserves to be noted, is the de. yellow in the DvAparayuga (V. Dh, I. 73. 246) scription of the end of the Kaliyuga(Indica I. p. 382, when he first became incarnate in human shape 1. 17 ff.), where the names of the future saviour of and black in the Kali age (V. Dh. I. 73. 266). The the world are much disfigured and Bêránt has substitution of the for T To is not impos- made a sad mess of a simple story. The passage sible, especially if the MS. was written in Sarada stands at the end of Chapter 74, where we read :
वर्तमाने कलियुगे (परि) क्षीणे नृपतिसत्तम ।। ३२ ।। की विष्णुयशीनाम मा भविष्यति जगत्पतिः। पातयिष्यति सर्वान्स म्लेच्छान्परबलाईनः ॥ ५० ॥ म्लेच्छाक्रान्तां वसुमती कृत्वा म्लेच्छविवर्जिताम् । धर्मसंस्थापनं कृत्वा स्वं स्थानमुपयास्यति ।। ११ ॥ प्रजासु धर्मयुक्तासु ततः संपत्स्यते कृतम् । इत्येव भगवान्विष्णुयुगे क्षीणेभिजायते ॥ ४२।।
धर्मसंस्थापनार्थाय नित्यमेव यड्रह । 396. When the existing Kaliyuga has come "But finally at the end of the Yuga, when the to an end, O best of kings,
evil will have reached its highest pitch, there will 40. Karkin, called Vishnuyabas, will become
come forward Garga, the son of J.S.-V. (?), the king of the world, he, who destroys the armies of
Brahman, i. e. Kali, after whom this Yuga is called,
gifted with an irresistible force and more skilled his foes, will slay all Mlôch has.
in the use of any weapon than any other. Then he 41. When he has cleared of Mlechhas the earth draws his sword to make good all that has become that had been conquered by the Mléchhas, and bad; he cleans the surface of the earth of the inhas established the sacred law, he will go to his purity of the people and cleans the earth of them. own place.
He collects the pure and pious ones for the pur. 42. When the creatures diligently fulfil the pose of procreation. Then the Kritayuga lies far sacred law, the Krita (age) will then fully appear; bening them, and the time and the world r thus worshipful Vishnu is born at the end of the to purity, and to absolute good and bliss." yuga,
43. Always in order to establish the sacred law, Oscion of Yadu.
The story, given in our text, contains the com. and restorer of purity. Bêrûni probably got this mon account of the incarnation of Vishnu. Vâsu- detail from the Brahmavaivarta or the Kalkideva as Karlein, in all other works called Kalkin, Purana, in which latter it is told (chapter II. which, according to most Puranas, takes place at 4 ff.), or from oral tradition. His identification of the end of the Kaliyuga. Bêräni's Garga is of Kalkin's father with Kali must either be due to a course a distortion of the nominative Karki, due very bad lapsus or to a serious corruption of the to the copyist, and the J-S.V. are the reversed text of the Indica. The idea is about as approremnants of Vishnuyasas for which Bêrani may priate as if a Hindu asserted that the Mehdi have used the Prakṣitic form Vishnujasa. His was declared in the Mahommadan sacred books story is a mixture of statements taken partly to be a son of Shaitan. The next sentences are from the Vishnudharmóttara, partly from awkward paraphrases of our text, which in part other sources, and possibly of fancies of his are hardly intelligible. The translation of mléchown, and it is only in part intelligible. His chhan, the barbarians' or 'the impure people,' by assertion that Karkin was the son of a Brahman the impurity of the people,' is very curious, and still Vishnuyasas does not occur in the Vishnudhar. more curious the assertion that Kalkin'cleans the móttara, which agrees with the Mahabharata and earth of them.' It looks as if there was something the more ancient Puranas in considering Vish- wrong in the Arabic text. The next sentence nuyasas as another name of the great saviour according to which Kalkin collects the good and
71 Berunt makes it appear that there ape consecutive the quotation is made up of parts of the five yersen versos treating of this question. That is not the case, inentioned.

Page #432

402
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1890.
the pious for the purpose of procreation contains sible to be positive. For there are some more wain a remarkable quid pro quo. It is possible quotations which I am unable to trace, viz. one to understand how Bôrani got the notion of pro- short one (Indica II. 6+), two longer ones (ibid. creation. The latter word seems to be the result II. 64-65 and 65-66). These must have been taken of a mistaken rendering of prajd, which means from the tripartite Vishnudharmóttara, as in two also offspring. But I am unable to suggest of them Markaudôya is named as the narrator and whence he may liave got the idea that 'the good Vajra as the person instructed. I do not think and pious were collected.' Equally inexplicable that I can have overlooked them, as I have gone is the further statement that 'then the Kitayuga repeatedly over the astronomical chapters, and I lies far behind them,' instead of which the Sans- believe it more probable that they have been acci. krit test and the concluding sentence of Bôrdni's dentally omitted in the MS. used, which is only a rendering require then the Kritayuga returns.' modern Nagari transcript. An examination of The number of self-contradictions and absurdities the older Sårada copies of the Deccan College in this passage is so great, that one cannot help collection may perhaps shew that they actually Lssuming the Arabic text to be seriously corrupt. are contained in the Vishnudharmóttara. In But making alt due allowance for such possibili. conclusion, I may add that Bôrant seems to ties, there still remain some cases, where Bēruni have taken a good deal more from the Vishnuhas made bad mistakes in translation or has falsi- dharmóttara without saying so. fied the text by interpolating information from ther sources.
One instance certainly occurs (Indica II. 191)
where Bêrûni has awkwardly rendered some stateWith respect to two other quotations I am not ments from V. Dh. I. 60, and has succeeded in curtain whether I have found the passages to making them look like utter nonsense. He says which Borant refers. According to Indica I. 54, there that one civil day which includes portions Markandêya asserts in the Vishnu-Dharma that of three lunar days. is called trihaspaka or Brahman, Kårttikêya, Lakshmi, Daksha and triharkasha," and adds: “It is an unlucky day, Umâdôvi have each of them existed in the middle boding evil, and it is counted among the pun. of this Kalpa, and that they have existed already yakála (i. o, the holy days]." In the Vishnudhar. many timos. Similar utterances are, of course, not mittara, loc. cit., Sankara informe Parasurama rare in the Vishnudharnsttara. One such passage that a civil day including portions of three tithis ocoura at the beginning of Chapter 171, where it is is called trvahasprik, which forin is of course said that the Fish, the Tortoise, the Main-lion, the the original of Beruni's corrupt trihaspaka. He Dwarf, Brahman, Siva, the Sun, the Moon, Indra
further states that fasts, the worship of Késava, and other celestial beings, appear, in order to fulfil muttered prayers, oblations in the fire and gifte, the objects of creation, if they are united with offered on such days, are most effectual for the lustre of Vishnu, and that they disappear when
securing specially desired rewards, but that quch Vishnu withdraws his light from them. Again days, though most holy and sanctifying, are un. in Chapter 190 a much longer list of deities is suited for all other business :given, which are stated to have appeared and dis.
52 a fare: goz: TTTTT: 1 appeared many times. As Borant is not very particular about the names of the deities and often
Tatarou FTTaRa:
11 leaves out a great deal, it is not absolutely im. जपो होमस्तथा दानं कामवद्धिर्भहस्फलम् । possible that his quotation may refer to one of
Tir ozi fe at 11 these passages. Again, according to Indica II. 64, the Vishnu-Dharma asserts that the sun nourishes
This is intelligible, while Bêrani's version inthe moon and the stars, and that if the sun didvolves in apparent contradiction. not exist, there would not be a star nor angel nor The remaining three passages, in which Bs. man.' I cannot find a passage which actually runt quotes the Vishnu Dharma, have been contains these words. But in the Vishnudharis. | taken from a work, which, though likewise a ttara, I. 30, it is repeatedly stated that everything punition of the Bhagavata sect and though exists through the sun, and in the hymn, which likwise called butll'ishna Dharma and VishnuIsvara-Siva addresses there to the Sun, it is said : i lej er, has nothing to do with the tripartite "Thou nourishest (pushnitsi) all the worlds, hence Vislenudheemittunt. Professor A. Weber has thou art called Pashan." I believe it quite given a description of the Berlin MS. in his possible that Bêrůni may have made up his 'quo- Catalogue of the Sanskrit and Praksit MSS. of tation' out of these utterances. But it is impos. I the Berlin library, Vol. II. part 1, p. 338 ff. This
78 This is in Sanskrit tryaharikasha.

Page #433

NOVEMBER, 1890.]
BOOK-NOTICES.
403
book consists only of 102 chapters, and is said to Weber (loc. cit. p. 389, note 2). A comparison of have been communicated by Saunaka and other the exact words with Bêræni's translation shews Rishis to Satânika, son of Janamêjaya and that he has treated the original in his usual grandson of Parikshit. The text of one of Bêrdni's manner, leaving out and adding words, as seemed three quotations has been given by Professor good to him.
V. Dh. X. 1-4. पुलस्त्य उवाच । रोहिण्यां च बझ कृष्णपक्षेष्टम्यां द्विजोत्तम । जयन्ती नाम सा प्रोक्ता सर्वपापहरा तिथिः॥१॥
[#]a ft (SH TI
तक्षालयति गोविन्दं तस्यामभ्यर्च्य भक्तितः। होमजयादिवानानां फलं च शतसंमितम् ॥३॥ संपामोतिन संदेहो यच्चान्यन्मनसेच्छति ।
उपवासश्च तत्वोक्तो महापातकनाशनः ॥४॥ Pulastya said: -(1) And when the moon is) in Indica II. 175:- The book Vishnu Dharma (the constellation) Rôhiņi, in the dark half (of the says:-"When the moon is in Rəhiņi, the fourth month) on the eighth, O best of twice-born men, of her stations, on the eighth day of the black hall, that lunar day which destroys all sins is called it is a fast day, called Jayanti. Jayanti.
(2) Whatever sins, whether great or small, Giving alms on this day is an expiation for may have been committed during seven births, in all sins. childhood, youth or old age,
(8) Those one washes off by devoutly worshipping Govinda on that (lunar day); and the reward of burnt oblations, muttered prayers and the like and of gifts is hundred-fold.
(4) One obtains, no doubt, whatever else one desires in one's heart; and fasting on that (day) is declared to efface mortal sins.
It is plain that Bêräni's pretended translation is Dilipa, Dushkanta (read, Dushyanta) Yayati and nothing more than a very loose abstract of the other kings performed it according to the rule oontents of the Sanskrit vernes, and only just given for fasts (upavuisavidhinatah). But there allows us to recognise the identity of the two is nothing in the Vishnu-Dharma) to shew that passages. The same remarks apply to the second this vow saves the children of the performer quotation (Indica Vol. II. p. 174). It has been taken from calamities and bodily defects.' It is said to from Adhyâya XIII., which, as well as the Chap- remove evils, to procure an increase of spiritual ters XIV-XVI., contains & conversation between merit, and to grant all wishes. Nor is it clear YAjlavalkya and Maitreyi. The extracts, which that the observances are to be repeated during a Dr. J. Klatt has kindly furnished to me, agree whole year. But the text is, apparently, not quite inore or less closely with Bêrant in the following in order, and statements to this effect may have points: -(1) the vow is to be begun on the second occurred in it. The section on the same vow in day of the bright half of Pausha and to last for the second Kanda of the tripartite Kaśmirian four days; (2) the performer is to wash on the Vishnudharmóttara, which is quoted also by first with the oil of) white mustard (siddhartha- Hêm&dri, Vratakanda, p. 389 ff., gives it the name ka), not, as Bérant says, with water, ta on the arogyadvittyd, 'second lunar day rite granting second with (the oil of) black sesamum, on the freedom from disorse.' third with (the juice of) myrobalans (vard),"" and The third passage (Indica I. 77 f.) is made up of on the fourth with a mixture of) various berbaloose very inaccurate paraphrases and abstracts of (sarvarshadhi); (3) at the end it is stated that a nnmber of verses from the first chapter. Even
15 Borant's text seems to have had the varia lectio This may possibly be the same Bérünt's fuddh6dakail.
galangale.

Page #434

404
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1890.
the statements in the preamble regarding the They commissioned Saunaka, who belonged to the interlocutors and the purpose of the conversation, family of Bhrigu and is called, in verse 30, Bhrigu. are for the greater part incorrect. Berani asserts nandana, to fulfil the king's desire. Saunaka comthat king Pariksa of the family of Bhrigu asked plied, and first gave some information regardSatánika, the head of an assembly of sages, for the ing the relation of the Trimdrti to the highest explanation of some notion regarding the deity, Brahman (neuter), which Bêrûni has rendered and that the sage communicated to him what he more suc (p. 177, lines 13-17). Next follows Sauhad heard from Saunaka, Saunaka from Ušanas, naka's statement regarding the source of his and Usanas from Brahman. The absurdity of the information. He says (V. Dh. I. 40-41) that he first portion of these statements will be evident received it from his father, the latter from his to every Sanskritist. For it is well known that father, the grandfather from Ušanas, Uéanas from Pariksha or more correctly Parikshit did not Bhrigu, and Bhrigu from Brahman. He further belong to the family of Bhrigu, as well as that | adda (verse 42) that Marichi and other great Satanika was not a sage, but a king and Parikshit's sages formerly obtained the same instruction from grandson. The Vishnu-Dharma has, of course, no | Brahman, and then follow the verses from which such nonsense. But it says quite correctly (I. 5f.; the remainder of the quotation' has been made see Weber, loc. cit.), that certain sages whose leader up. In order to further prove the justice of my was Saunaka, came to visit Satanika, the son of remarks against Bêrani, I add the text of Sau. Parikshit's son, and that the latter asked the Rishis naka's speech, which I likewise owe to the kind. regarding the worship (aradhana) of Narayapa. | ness of Dr. Klatt, together with a translation :
शौनक उवाच । यच्छसि महीपाल कृष्णस्याराधनं प्रति । व्रतोपवासजन्यादि तदिहकमनाः शृणु ।। ३३ ।। अनादिमत्परं ब्रह्म सर्वदेहविवर्जितम् ।। ध्यापि यत्सर्वभूतेषु स्थितं सदसत्तः परम् ॥ ३४॥ प्रधानपुंसोरजयोर्यतः क्षोभः प्रवर्तते । नित्ययोापिनोश्चैव जगदादी महात्मनी ॥ ३५॥ तरक्षोभकस्वाहाण्डसृष्टे हेतुनिरखनः। अहेतुरपि सर्वात्मा जायते परमेश्वरः ।। ३।। प्रधानपुरुषस्वं च तथैवेश्वरलीलया। समुपैति ततवैव ब्रह्मत्वं छन्दतः प्रभुः॥३७॥ ततः स्थिती पालयिता विष्णुस्वं जगतः क्षये। रुद्रवंच जगन्नाथः स्वेच्छया कुरुते स्वयः[यम् ॥३८॥ तदेकमक्षरं धाम पर सबसतो महत्.। भेदाभेवस्वरूपस्थ प्रणिपत्यं परं पदम् ।। ३९ ।। प्रवक्ष्यामि यथा पूर्व मस्पित्रा कथितं मम । तस्यापि किल तत्पित्वा तस्मै प्राह किलौ लो]शनाः॥४०॥ तेनापि भृगुमाराध्य प्राप्तमाराधनं हरेः । सकाशाद्वखणः प्राप्तं भृगुणापि महात्मना ।। ४१॥ मरीचिमित्रैश्च पुरा परमेतन्महर्षिभिः। प्राप्त सकाशादेयस्य ब्रह्मणोव्यक्तजन्मनः ॥ १२॥ योगं ब्रह्मा पर प्राह महर्षीणां यदा प्रभुः। समस्तवृत्तिसंरोधारकैवल्यप्रतिपादकम् ॥ ४॥ तदा जगस्पतिर्मया प्रणिपत्य महर्षिभिः। सर्वैः किलोक्तो भगवानात्मयोनिः प्रजाहितः॥४४॥ यो योगी भवता प्रोक्तो मनोवृत्तिनिरोधजः। प्रामुं शक्यमनेकैस्तक्जन्मभिर्जगतः पते ।। ४५॥ विषया दुर्भया नृणामिन्द्रियाकर्षुलाः[र्षकाः] प्रभो। वृत्तयश्चेतसश्चापि चपला अतिदुर्जयाः ॥ १६ ॥ रागादयः कथं जेतुं शक्या वर्षशतैरपि । न योगयोग्यं हि मना भवस्वेभिरनिजितैः॥ ४०॥ अल्पायुषश्च पुरुषा ब्रह्मन्कृतयुगेष्वमी। वेसायां बापरे चैव किमु प्राप्य कलौ युगे ॥ १८ ॥

Page #435

NOVEMBER, 1890.]
BOOK-NOTICES.
भगवंस्त्वमुपायं से प्रसनो वकुमर्हसि । अनायासेन येनेममुत्तरेवं भवार्णवम् ।। ४९ ॥ दुःखाम्बुमनाः पुरुषाः प्राप्य ब्रह्मन्महाप्लवम् । उत्तरेयुर्भवाम्भोधि तथा त्वमनुचिन्तय ॥ ५० ॥ एवमुक्तस्वदा ब्रह्मा क्रियायोगं महात्मनाम् । तेषामृषीणामाचष्ट नराणां हितकाम्यया ।। ५१ ।। आराधयत्ति [त] विश्वेशं नारायण मतन्द्रिताः । बाह्यालम्बनसापेक्षास्तमजं जगतः पतिम् ।। ५२ ।। इज्यापूजानमस्कारशुश्रूषाभिरहर्निशम् । व्रतोपवासैर्विविधैर्ब्राह्मणानां च तर्पणैः ।। ५३ ।। तैस्तैश्चाभिमतैः कामैर्ये च चेतसि तुष्टिदाः । अपरिच्छेद्यमाहात्म्यमाराधयत केशवम् ।। ५४ ।। तन्निष्ठास्तद्गतधियस्तत्कर्माणस्तदाश्रयाः । तदृष्टयस्तन्मनसः सर्वस्मिन्स इति स्थिताः ॥ ५५ ॥ समस्तान्यथ कर्माणि तत्र सर्वात्मनात्मनि । स[सं] न्यसध्वं स वः कर्ता समस्तावरणक्षयम् ।। ५६ ।। एतत्तदक्षरं ब्रह्म प्रधानपुरुषावुभौ ।
यतो यस्मिन्यथा चौभौ सर्वव्यापिन्यवस्थितौः [ती] ॥ ५७ ॥
परः पराणां परमः स एकः पुरुषोत्तम [:] ।
यस्याभिन्नमिदं सर्वं यस्येयं यच्चनें [जगतो ?] गति [:] ॥ ५८ ॥ मोक्षकारणमव्यक्तमचिन्त्यमपरिग्रहम् ।
तमाराध्य जगन्नाथं क्रियायोगेन मुच्यते ॥ ५९ ॥
Vishnudharma I. 33-59:
Saunaka spoke:
(33) “ Listen, Oprince, attentively to (the description of) the vows, fasts, prayers and so forth for worshipping Krishna, regarding which thou askest.
(34) “ The highest Brahma,1_which (all) -pervading, exists in all created beings, is without beginning, without any body, beyond entity and non-entity;"
(35-36) That Brohma, from which at the beginning of the world the motion in the eternal (all) -pervading mighty Matter and Spirit proceeds, is, because it is the mover, the passionless cause of the creation of the (mundane) egg. (Then) the supreme lord, the soul of the universe, is born (there), though he is without cause.
(37) Moreover, in his sport as lord, the lord becomes Matter and Spirit, and then according to his pleasure Brahmd.
(38) Next, being the protector during the existence (of the world) he becomes Vishnu; at the destruction of the world Jagannatha, of his own will, himself becomes Rudra.
81 I put the. word' Brahman' always in the nominative case, in order to distinguish between the impersonal Brahman a neuter, and the god a masculine.
sa Without last' may be an attempt to render param, ★ the highest. The next words he has'. . not
Bêrani, Indica I. 77:
405
'God is without first and without last; he has not been born from anything, and he has not borne anything save that of which it is impossible to say that it is He and just as impossible to say that it is Not-he.s2
borne anything' seem to represent sarvadéhavivarjitam, 'without any body.' He and Not-he' correspond to sad-asat entity and non-entity,' but Bêrant has missed the connexion of the words.

Page #436

406
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1890.
How should I be able to ponder on the absolute good which is an outflow of his benevolence and of (read, on) the absolute bad which is a product of his worath; and how could I know him so as to worship him as is his due, save by turning away from the world in general and by occupying my. self exclusively with him, by perpetually cogitat.
ing on him pa
(89) Prostrating myself before that one imperishable highest light, which is greater than entity and non-entity, which has the form of duality and of non-duality, which is the highest sphere (paran padan),
(40) I will proolaim (the worship of Hari), as it was formerly told to me by my father. To him (it was told) by his father : to him, Véanas, indeed, proclaimed it..
(41) But he obtained (the knowledge of the worship of Hari by worshipping Bhrigu ; highminded Bhrigu received it from Brahma.
(42) Moreover, Marichi and other great sagas obtained this (knowledge) formerly from god Brahmd, who was born from the undiscrete.
(43) When the lord Brahmd had revealed to the great sages the highest Yoga, which produces liberation (kaivalya) through the stoppage of all functions (of the Manas),
(44) Then the worshipful lord of the world, Brahma, whose womb is the Self (and) who is bene. volont towards the oreatures, was, indeed, (thus) addressed by all the great sages :
(45) The Yöga, arising from the stoppage of the functions of the internal organ (manas) which thou hast proclaimed, o lord of the world, may be attained in the course of) several births.
(46) The desire for the objects of enjoyment, O lord, is diffioult to conquer, (sinoe) they attract the senses of men; and also the swiftly changing) functions of the internal organ (chếtas = manas) are very difficult to conquer.
(47) How can passion and the other enemies of quiotism) be overcome even in hundreds of years P For the Mind (manas) does not become fit for Yoga without the conquest of these.
(48) Short-lived are men here, 0 Brahma, in the Krita ages, likewise in the Trétd and the Dudpara; how much more in the Kali age, when it has come P
"It was objected to him :"Man is weak and his life is a trifling matter."
He can hardly bring himself to abstain from the necessities of life,
and this prevents him from walking on the path of liberation.
If we were living in the first age of mankind when life extended to thousands of years, and whon the world was good, because of the non-exist. ence of evil, we might hope that that which is necessary on this path, should be done. But, since we live in the last age,
# Regarding Berunt's mangled Analysis of verses | next sentonoe it is perfectly evident that he must have 40-41, see above.
had the conversation between Brahmi and the sages, # The real text furnishes no clue, whence Bérant got which our text gives. For without that the words 'it the form of his two sentences, or whence he got the oon- was objeoted to him, and further thereupon Brahman tents of the first 'How should I ... of his wrath,' which spoke,' are utterly unintelligible. Is the confusion merely are rather Semitio than Hindu. The second sentence owing to Berunt's carelessness and his misunderstanding seems to be connected with verse 48, where the stoppage his informant, or is there something wrong in the of the fanotions of the Mans, and implicitly the turning Arabic text P away from the world and the concentration of the The necessities of life seems to be a loose rendering thoughts on the deity, are recommended. From Bérant's of vishaydle, the objects of the senses or of enjoyment.'

Page #437

NOVEMBER, 1890.)
BOOK-NOTICES.
407
what, according to your opinion, is there in this revolving world that might protect him against the floods of the ocean and save him from drowning. P's
“Thereupon Brahman spoke :
(49) Hence, O worshipful one, graciously proclaim that means, whereby I can escape without trouble from this ocean of births.
(50) Meditating (on) such (a means) (whereby) men, who are immersed in a sea of misfortune, may obtain, O Brahmd, a large boat and escape from the ocean of births. • (51) Being thus addressed, Brahma, desiring to benefit men, then revealed to those high-minded sages the Yoga of actions (the practical way to salvation).**
(52) Do you, who require external support, without tiring worship that unborn Narayana, the ruler of the universe, the lord of the world,
(53) Day and night, with sacrifices, (acte of) homage, (hymns of) adoration and obedience, with vows and faste of many kinds and by glad. dening the Brahmans.
(54) With these (acts) and with approved re: ward-desiring rites which please your hearte, worship Kebava whose greatness is immeasurable,
(55) Devoted to Him, directing your thoughts towards Him, referring your actions to Him, taking refuge with Him, looking on Him, fixing your hearts on Him, firmly convinced that He (resides) in everything,
(56) Then completely throw all your acts on Him, the Self; he will work for you the destruc. tion of all that veils (truth).
(57) He is that imperishable Brahma, from which both Matter and Spirit (are produced), in which and through which, the all-pervading one, both exist.
(58) He is the highest of the highest, the highest of all, He, the One, Purushottama (the best Spirit), from whom the universe differs not, on whom this development of the world (?) depends.
(59) He who worships Jagannatha, the cause of liberation, the undiscrete, the unthinkable, the incomprehensible one, will be liberated through (that) yoga of actions.
The inferences which may be drawn from the facts stated above, are the following: First, it is evident that in the beginning of the eleventh century two works with the title Vishnudharmo.
•Man wants nourishment, shelter, and clothing. Therefore in them there is no harm to him. But happiness is only to be found in abstaining from things besides them, from superfluous, fati. guing actions. Worship god, him alone, and venerate him; approach him in the place of worship with presents like perfumes and flowers ; praise him and attach your heart to him, so that it never leaves him. Give alms to Brahmans and to others, and vow to God vows - special ones like the abstaining from meat; general ones like fasting. Vow to him animals which you must not hold to be something different from yourselves, so as to feel entitled to kill them."
Know that he is everything.
Therefore, whatever you do, let it be for his sake, and if you enjoy anything of the vanities of the world, do not forget him in your intentions,
If you aim at the fear of God and the faculty of worshipping him, thereby you will obtain liberation, not by anything else.
ttara or Vishnu-Dharma existed, and that both were considered to be canonical by Bêrûni's Pandite who, one and all, were Vaishnavas. This circumstance possesses a considerable interest, as the
* Here the request is again turned into a question.
17 As Bêrînt places this whole quotation in the section on Kriyayoga (see p. 176 last line), it is evident that his text must have inoluded the word.
This is a loose reading of båhyalambanasdpékahan. * More than half of Berani's rendering of vernes 18-55 consists of interpolations, whioh are to make the sense
plainer. Approach him,' eto, seems to be the rendering of puja, 'attach your heart to him,' eto., of furdishd vow to him animals,' eto., of jyd. The prohibition to slay animals at the sacrifices looks like an oral exposition of the text by the Vaisbrava Pandit, who gave the Passage to Berani.
* Professor Sachau (Indion, Vol. I. p. xlvii.) has called attention to this fact, and thinks that it is signifloant for

Page #438

408
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1890.
oldest Indian writer who quotes both works exten- sively, is Hêmadri, the minister of Mahadeva and Ramadera of Dêvagiri, who ruled from SakaSamvat 1182 to 1231 or from A. D. 1260 to 1309. The Vratakânda of his Chaturvargachintamani gives whole chapters from all the three kändas of the Tripartite Kasmirian Vishdharmóttara, as well as from the other shorter work, and the text agrees on the whole with the MSS. which I have used. Though Hêm dri's quotations alone would make it probable that the two Vishnudharmóttaras do not belong to a very recent period, Berani's aoquaintance with them is yet important, as it proves that they must be at least a hundred years older than his time. With respect to the Kasmirian Vishnudharmo. ttara, it is very likely that the earlier limit of its composition lies much further from the year 1000 A. D. For, as already stated above, some Hindu commentators indicate that Brahmagupta found the Paitamaha-Siddhanta, the basis for his own work, in the Vishnudharmóttara. If this state- ment is correct, the Kasmirian book must have been canonical work in A. D. 628, and the date of its composition cannot be placed later than about 500 A. D. It would be important to know what Brahmagupta's commentator, Prithadaka. av min, whom Bêrunt mentions (Indica, Vol. I. p. 168), says on the source of the Sphuta-BrahmaSiddhanta.
Secondly, Bêrant's mistakes, especially those which occur in the extract No. IX., shew that he had a MS. of the Kasmirian VishŅudharmóttara and himself tried to make out its sense. No Pandit, however poor his knowledge of Sanskris might be, would make such absurd a blunder 48 that which the rendering of kaldtmu purushas tasya sarvabhitapatih prabhuh involves. As Bêruni quotes only from the first Kanda and did not know of the existence of the PaitamahaSiddhanta, his MS, was probably inoomplete and did not go beyond Kanda I. With respect to the shorter Vishnudharmóttara, I do not think that he had a MS. His quotations are even more inexaot than those from the larger work, and his erro- neous statements regarding the interlocutors of the work are such as may be more easily explained by the assumption that he received some oral information from his Pandit and misunder
stood it, than by the supposition that he himself read the text..
Thirdly the extracts shew that Bérôni's MS. of the larger Vishnudharmóttara, gave a text not much different from that of the Deccan College Collection. In nine passages it certainly was better and either had verses which have been accidentally omitted or readings which have been changed. In four passages these omissions (see extracts Nos. ix., xii., xviii., xix.) are evident without Bérant's translations. In one passage (see extract No. xi.) Bôrûnî has more than our text, but an absolutely necessary portion of the latter seems to have been wanting in his oopy. In two other cases (see extract No. v. and page 389,) his MS. evidently had some very bad mistakes which do not oocur in ours. A few of Bêrani's other mis. translations may be due to similar causes, though it is impossible to be positive on the point.
Fourthly, all the other very numerous disore. pancies are due to Bêruni's desire to be brief and to give only the real substance withont the nad. ding, to his wish to make himself intelligible to Muhammadan readers, to carelessness, to his insufficient knowledge of Sanskrit and of Indian ideas, or finally to corruptions in the Arabic text. His desire to be brief and to the point, induces him to omit all the numerous words and phrases, like, 'O king,'' soion of Yadu's race,' eto., which serve to make up the verses. No Puråņa is or can be without them. Henoe it would be a great mistake to infer from their non-ooourrence in Bêrtni's renderings that the texts did not contain them in his times. Other results of his striving after brevity are the omission, in the questions, of all points except that which immediately interests the translator (see extraots Nos. ix. and xviii.) and the elimination of repetitions with which the Puriņas abound. As the text is metrical, it is not difficult to see that Bérant is not exact. For, if it had contained nothing more than what he gives, the verses must have been incomplete.
Further, Berunt's wish to make himself intel. ligible to his countrymen has induced him to add a good many interpolations. Some of these are marked by the addition of " i. e.," while the greater number has not been distinguished by such a mark. In these cases, too, the metre kings of these countries, and that it counted numerous adherents in their territories. If Berunt knows nothing about it, the reason no doubt is that the Baivas were in the eleventh century just as unwilling to reveal their dootrines to outsiders and foreigners, as they are in the present day. With the Vaishnavas the contrary is mostly the case. They are, as a rule, much more open and ready to speak about their system.
the religious condition of India in Berunt's times. I must differ on this point, because there is abundant historical evidence to prove that Saivism flourished about the year 1000 A. D. About this time a number of great Saiva teachers, such as Abhinavagupta and Kshēmarája, shewed a considerable activity in Kasmir. The inscriptions from Malwa, Gujarít, the Dekhan and other parts of India, prove clearly that saivism was the creed of the

Page #439

NOVEMBER, 1890.)
BOOK NOTICES.
409
sometimes assists us to recognise the explanatory His carelessness is also evident in some of his additions. For, the translations contain more than explanatory statements, e.g. regarding the parenthe verses in the text can have contained, and not tage of Vajra (extract No. xviii.), regarding the enough for additional ones. The same wish seems
parentage of Råma (extract No. vii.), and regardalso to have induced Berani to translate loosely or ing the deadly power of Márkapdêya (ibidem). to substitute expressions more familiar to Muham- He had the book before him, and might in the first inadans for those in the text. Instances of this two cases easily have got from it the correct kind are found in his rendering (extract No. information. xviii.) bhagavan,' worshipful, divine,' by the ruler of the inhabitants of paradise, lôkaprakdlanan,
Finally, the deficiency of Beruni's knowledge of
Sanskrit is only too patent in these extracts, as Itine) driving the world onwards' by (time)
well as in other quotations (see e. g. Professor rising, growing, getting old and vanishing,' and
Sachau's notes to Vol. I. pp. 351 and 394). Some. vimdna, 'self-moving palatial chariot,' by throne.' The substitutions of one name of a deity for
times it happens that a bad blunder is combined, another, such as occur in the extract No. xiv.,'
as, e. g., in extract No. xviii., verse 10, with an are probably due to the same cause, and so are
omission, and it looks as if Beruni had wilfully
discarded the words which do not agree with his perhaps the transpositions of whole sentences, a
rendering. This becomes particularly probable perfectly certain instance of which is found in extract No. xxii. With respect to the transposi.
by the fact already pointed out, that also in other tions, I may add that they are extremely com.
quotations difficult words or phrases are simply mon also in the translations from other works,
ignored. and that they occur even in such passages where
The lesson, which the above analysis of Bêruni's Bêrůni promises to render the text in full and quotations from the Vishnu-Dharma teaches, is, exactly as it is.' The latter note is prefixed to it seems to me, thnt, discrepancies between his some quotations from Varábamihira's Brihat. translations and the Sanskrit texts, which we posSamhitu (Indica, Vol. II. p. 92). Nevertheless sess, do not mean much. A careful investigation he has taken the liberty to place a paraphrase of each particular case is required in order to deterof a great portion of verse 6 of Chaptermine what the causes of these discrepancies are, XII. in the beginning. The construction of and the probability is that in the great majority the little Prasasti, with which Varahamihira
of cases they will be owing to Bêrani's method of begins his chapter on the movements of Agastya translating. It is, therefore, not advisable to or Canopus, and its wording, leave no doubt that jump at once to the conclusion that his Sanskrit the order of the verses in our text is correct, and
texts must have been very different from those make it impossible to suppose that even a bad existing in our times or must have been different MS. can ever have had such a great confusion as
versions, because his renderings do not agree. The Berani's rendering would ask us to assume. The very bad blunders as to facts, which he makes in fact that the transposition nevertheless occurs. his remarks, make it further necessary to be very and the circumstance that Bêráni's translation is
cautious with respect to all startling statein most of the following eighteen verses very
ments, of which there is a good number in his imperfect, -- the particularly difficult passages
work. It will not do to give to them implicit being invariably left out, -shew that his ideas credence, without carefully inquiring whether of completeness and exactness differed very consi
there are not circumstances which render a misderably from the standard applied to translations
take on his part certain or probable. in our days.
In conclusion, I must state that in spite of all Moreover, it is impossible to deny that Berani their shortcomings Bêrani's Indica remain in my was sometimes very careless. In several cases he opinion a very important work for the Sanskritist, convicts himself. If in extract xix. he omits the and that their careful study may be recommended mention of the orbit of the fixed stars, or in er. to every student of Indian literature and history. tract xviii. the word crystal,' and afterwards refers Nothing, I think, would contribute so much to to these points, it is evident that the omissions make this study truly fruitful, as a detailed exaare due to slips of the pen. Equally clear is the mination of all Beruni's quotations on the plan case in extract No. vii., where his omission of the adopted above, which no doubt is still open to words adi,' in the beginning,' and antardla, ' in the improvements. Will not one of the Indian intervals,' makes the calculation come out wrong, Universities set this investigation as a subject for and in extract xvii., where his neglecting to state a prize-essay P The materials are more easily that the serpent Kulika is another designation accessible in India than anywhere else, and a of Rahu, obscures the drift of the whole passage. young Indian Sanskritist would do with such an

Page #440

410
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
.
[NOVEMBER, 1890.
investigation much better, for himself and for his science, than by 'bringing up' so and so many Kavyas or Sastras.
G. BÜHLER. Vienna, 10th January 1890.
defective language and of its most objectionable contents, the Sukasaptati will never become a school-book.
NOTE. I have to add an additional note to the Review of Dr. Bhandarkar's Report for 1883-84, ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 184 ff.
With respout to the correct title of the Nilamata, I must add to my remarks on p. 188, that Kalhana calls the work twice (Rdjataramgin I. 179. 183) a Purana. It is thus not advisable to change the title, which has existed for more than seven hundred years.
As regards the Idar MS. of the Mahdbhashya. Professor Kielhorn has found that the calculation of the week-day clearly shews its date, Samvat 1514, to refer to the Vikrama era. Hence I am obliged to strike it off the list of the cases, where Sauvat seems to stand for SakaSamvat.
G. BÖHLER. Vienna, 10th January 1890.
VIER ERZAHLUNGEN AUS DER SUKABAPTATI. Sanskrit
und Deutsch. Von DR. RICHARD SCHMIDT. Kiel, C.F. Kaeseler. 1890. 8vo., pp. 52.
The Bukasaptati or the seventy tales of parrot' is a collection of short stories, which has obtained great popularity in India and other eastern countries through the medium of vernacular translations. Of its Sanskrit original, only the first chapter was hitherto known, from Lassen and Gildemeister's Anthologia Sanscritica. Dr. R. Schmidt, a pupil of Professor Pischel, is now engaged on a critical edition of the whole work, as a specimen of which he has just published the text of four stories, with various readings, and with a German translation. Most of the MSS. contain a testus simplicior, while an apograph from a MS. in the Tanjore Palace Library, which the editor received from Dr. Rost, represents a textus ornatior. Dr. Schmidt has printed and translated each of the four tales according to both redactions. An ancient Jaina MS. in the possession of Professor Lanman contains a third version of the text, which stands between the two others, and is probably the most faithful reproduction of the original. Dr. Sohmidt's promised edition of the whole work will be gladly wel comed, both by Sanskritists and by students of comparative folklore; though, on account of its
JOURNAL OF TEX CEYLON BRANCH OF THE ROYAL ABIATIO
SOCIETY. Vol. X. No. 85. 1887. Edited by H.O.P. Bell, C.C.S., Honorary Secretary. Colombo, Govt. Press, 1839.
There is no hurry about science in Ceylon evidently, for this number, dated 1887, was printed in 1889, and has reached us in 1890 !
The number opens with a very short account of the excavations of Mr. Boake, Ceylon C. S., at Tirukketisvaram, a ruined town or temple near the shore of the Gulf of Manaar, which is also known by the names of Mahatirtha, Matoddam and Mäntoddai. He does not appear to have found anything of historical value, except perhaps two unidentified copper coins, and the inscriptions appear to be all in modern Sinhalese.
This description is followed by an account of the temple by the Hon. P. Ramanathan, which connects Tirukketisvaram with Vijaya, who entered Ceylon in 543 B. O., and shews that in 700 A. D. it was a most flourishing temple. It is one of the two most sacred places of Hindu wor. ship in Ceylon, the other being Tirukkonamalai (Trincomalee).
The second article gives a translation, without the text, of an inscription of Bri-Parakrama. Bahu VI., dated in his-thirty-eighth year, i. e. 1448 A. D. It was found in the temple at Mopnisvaram.
This is followed by a short and interesting note on the Hill penkandura at Kandy by Mr. J. P. Lewis, Ceylon C. S. . This is a pilar with a basin at the top, so contrived that three persons can bathe under it at a time, and seems to have been used by the kings of Kandy for bathing pur. poses, as it was said to contain the best water in the neighbourhood. The supplying stream has now been fouled by dhøbts, and can no longer be used for bathing purposes.
An interesting contemporary account of the capture of Trincomalee by the Dutch from the Portuguese in 1689 is given in a translation from the journal of the Dutch Commander, Antonio Caen. And then follows a translation of Daalman's Notes on Ceylon in 1687-80, accompanied by most valuable notes on the text from the well-known pen of Mr. Donald Ferguson.
The number winds up with the publication of a posthumous paper, dated 1876, by the late

Page #441

NOVEMBER, 1890.)
BOOK-NOTICES
411
Louis de Zoysa, Chief Interpreter to the Ceylon TRACTATUS DE GLOBIB ET EORUM USU; # treatise Government, containing Notes on the Jatakas, descriptive of the globes constructed by Emery chiefly in connection with the sculptures at Bharut, Molyneux and published in 1592. By ROBERT HUES
Edited with annotated Indices and an Introduction to which is attached a correspondence on the subject between the author, Sir Alexander Cun.
by CLEMENT R. MARKHAM, C.B., F.R.S. London,
Hakluyt Society. 1889. ningham, Prof. Max Müller, Mr. R. C. Childers, the Rev. Samuel Beal, and Mr. James Fergusson,
The name of the Society which has produced all bearing date 1874 and 1875, and a complete
this volume and of the eminent scholar who has list of the Pansiyapanas Jataka.
edited it are sufficient guarantee of its usefulness and excellence, and it will be unnecessary
here to do more than to give a brief notice of its PROCEEDINGS OF THE CANADIAN INSTITUTE, October
contents. 1989, No. 152. Copp, Clark & Co., Ld. ; Toronto. In August 1889, the Canadian Institute issued
Helped by information received from the great a "Sociological Circular" with a view to collecting
English navigators and mathematicians of the and recording" reliable data respecting the
16th century and by funds from the great mer. political and social institutions, the customs, cere
chants of the day, Molyneux constructed and monies, beliefs, pursuits, modes of living, habits,
published his famous globes. To aid the many exchange, and the devolution of property and
who wished to study them, Robert Hues; the office, which obtain among the Indian peoples" of
celebrated mathematician, published his equally Canada. The circular gave a list of points upon
famous book on the use of the Globes. The
immense sensation caused in the days of Elizabeth which information was specially required, much in the manner of the Anthropological and Geo
by the globes and the tracts to explain them, graphical Societies of England. A very enrly
y lasted almost to our own boyhood, when a knowresponse to this was made by the Rev. Father
ledge of the use of the globes" was still an A. G. Morice of Stuart's Lake, British Columbia,
indispensable qualification in every household of in an admirable paper on the Western Denes,
persons moving in polite society. their manners and customs.
The first globes made were the celestial We have much pleasure in bringing this article ones whose origin is lost in myth and antiquity. to the notice of Indian readers, as so many of At any rate Posidonius, 150 B. C., constructed the manners and customs of these denizens of a revolving sphere to exhibit the motions of the extreme North-Western America corre. heavenly bodies; and in the second century A.D., spond closely in numerous instances with those
Ptolemy laid down rules for the construction of the Mongolian tribes across the sea in
of globes. Thenceforward history and numisNorthern Asia, and indeed among the Mongoloid
matics prove their existence and use among the races much further south.
Romans and Greeks, though the earliest exist.
ing globe is of Arabic origin, dated as late as The mode of dressing the hair, the method of
1070 A. D. washing the hands and face, the forms of the huts, some of the articles of food, the proceed. On the other hand the oldest terrestrial globe ings at banquets, the head-dress of the women, kuown is dated 1492, and was constructed by some of the amusements, all bear a close analogy Martin Behaim of Nuremberg. The only lines to those of the Tatars and Mughals. The on it are the equator, tropics, polar circles and rules of marriage and divorce again are practically the first meridian passing throngh Madeira. The those of the modern Burmese, except that the meridian is of iron. A brass horizon was added children in case of divorce go to the father and in 1500. From this globe of Behaim's construcnot to the mother, as with the Burmese.
tion Mr. Markham carries us through the exceed The customs relating to menstruation and
ingly interesting and instructive story of every parturition bear a most interesting resemblance
known globe, with passing notices of such astroto those of the ancient Hebrews, as detailet in
nomical and mathematical ginnts as Leonardo da Leviticus and Deuteronomy, and the treatment of
Vinci, Schöner, Gerard Mercator, Ulpius, Tyeho widows, for a time at least, is carried out much on
Brahe, Copernicus, Kepler, Galileo, Pontanus and the lines approved by orthodox Hindus.
Santucci to Molyneux. Altogether the article not only exhibits great Very little is known of Molyneux, the first local knowledge and research, but is one that English globe-maker, beyond that he was known should be known to all students of Orivatal to Raleigh, Hakluyt, Edward Wright and Jolin ethnology
Davis the Navigator. His work was first adver

Page #442

412
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1890.
Lised in the first ed. of Hakluyt's voyages in 1589 he proceeds to prove the sphericity of the earch by and published in 1592,- his being the largest way of preface. He then begins his treatise by lubes made to that date. They were 2 feet describing the globes and their parts: the
inches in diameter, or 5 inches larger than frame, horizon, meridian, horarius, index hord. Behain's globe
rins, anul the lines and circles. Next he describes
the celestial globe and discourses in the inost These Molyneux globes have "graduated brass meridians and on that of the terrestrial globe a dial
interesting manner on the origin of the Ptolemaio circle or horarius is fixed. The Vroud wooden
constellations and stars. Then follows an account cquator, forming the upper part of the stand, is
of the terrestrial globe and discussions on the
ancient and modern (up to his time) knowledge of painted with the zodiac signs, the months, the Roman calendar, the points of the compass, and
the earth of absorbing interest, and also an ac Fount the same in Latin in concentric circles. Rhumb
of the various methods adopted to ascertain lines are drawn from numerous centres over the
the circumference of the earth and the length surface of the terrestrial globe. The equator,
of a degree. Next are his calculations, which cliptic and polar circles are painted boldly; while
were long the only means practical sailors bad of the parallels of latiude and meridians at every ten
finding their way about the earth, and so played degrees are very faint lines." Their contents are
an important part in the English explorations of interesting in the extreme, both as shewing the geo
the seventeenth century. So far all the contents raphical knowledge of the day resulting from the
of the Tractatus were Hues's own work, but as a discoveries of Barents, Davis, Raleigh, Sarmiento,
fifth part it includes a valuable treatise by Cavendish, Loaysa, del Cano, Drake and so on, and
Thomas Heriot on the rhumb-lines described ** exhibiting the prevailing belief in the exis.
on the terrestrial globe, the use of which was to tence of St. Brandon, Mnidas, Heptapolis and shew that, when, of the course, distance, difother naythical islands. S. Matheo a "lost" island ference of longitude and difference of latitude, visited by Loaysa and del Cano is also shewn in
any two are known, the other two can be the South Atlantie.
found. The book also contained an index geo
graphicus of all places on the globe with the These invaluable documents have been well
longitude and latitude of each. For the purpose nigh lost to the world, though a number were
of identifying old geographical names, this is of manufactured and sold, for only one set has been
course invaluable. preserved, and that mostly by accident in the library of the Middle Temple, of all the places in
To this monumental work, Mr. Markham has the world!
added a most laborious, interesting and valuable
biographical index to the names of the astronoTo turn to the author of the Tractatus under
mers and mathematicians whose names are men. review. Robert Hues or Husius was born intioned in the text, and equally important index of 1553 near Leominster, and was educated at
names of the stars and constellations. Brasenose College, Oxford, between 1571 and 1578, and became known as a good Greek
As an appendix to the volume are added Sailing scholar. He afterwards travelled on the Con
Directions for the Circumnavigation of tinent and voyaged at least twice across the
England and for a Voyage to the Straits of Atlantic, and meanwhile became a good geo
Gibraltar from a 15th-Century MS., edited by grapher and mathematician. He next wrote
James Gairdner, with a glossary by Delmar his celebrated treatise, and then became the Morgan. friend of Henry Percy, Earl of Northumber. The language of this treatise is unintelligible land, and the friend and executor of Sir Walter without a glossary, and the place names meaning. Raleigh. He lived his last years at Oxford, where less without an explanatory index; both these he died in his eightieth year, and finally the have been supplied with great clearness and at an poor servitor of former days found an honoured expenditure of immense labour by Mr. Delmar grave and monument in Christ Church Cathedral. Morgan.
His great work went through thirteen editions This unique publication is accompanied by a before 1663 in Latin, Dutch, French, and English. carious and exceedingly interesting map, shew. After a vigorous appeal to the English navigatore ing place-names round England as they were of the day to study science as well as seamanship, known in the 15th century.

Page #443

SYSTEM OF TRANSLITERATION The system of transliteration followed in this Journal for Sanskrit and Kanarese, and, for the sake of uniformity, submitted for adoption, as far as possible, in the case of other languages, -except in respect of modern Hindu personal names, in which absolute purism is undesirable, and in respect of a few Anglicised corruptions of names of places, sanctioned by long 11age, -- is this: Sausait. Kanarese. Transliteration. Sanskrit.
Kauarese. Transliteration. अ
jha na
F
!
har
tha
to to the t te
dha dha
na
tha da
12.2 8 3 62 63
dha
lo by to bolo
na
ра
Visarget
pha
# સે ઇ વે છે. 6 ( c 8 1 8 9 6 દ સ સ ચ d a ā 8 4 4 G t 2
-
ba bha ma
.
Jihriruliya, or old
Visarga before and preliminiya, or od Visurga be-
fore and फ Anerire
.
-
Anusura
_
___
le 18
F
gha
to
ia
Hin Pro
lia
be
cha
chha A single hyphen is used to separate words in composition, as far as it is desirable to divide them. It will readily be seen where the single hyphen is only used in the ordinary way, at the end of a line, as divided in the original Text, to indicate that the word runs on into the next line: intermediate divisions, rendered unavoidable here and there by printing necessities, are made only where absolutely necessary for neatness in the arrangement of the Texts.
A double hyphen is used to separate words in a sentence, which in the original are written is one word, being joined together by the euphonic rules of sandhi. Where this double hyphen is used, it is to be understood that a final consonant, and the following initial vowel or consonant-and-vowel, are in the original expressed by one complex sign. Where it is not used, it is to be understood of the orthog "aphy of the original, that, according to the stage of the alphabet, the final consonant either
form, which, in the oldest stages of the alphabet, was need to indicate il consonant with no vowel attached to it, or has the distinct sign of the virúma attached to it; and that the following initial vowel or consonant has its full initial form. In the transcription of ordinary texts, the double hyphen is probably unnecessary; except where there is the saindhi of final and initial vowels. But, in the transcription of epigraphical records, the use of this sign is unavoidable, for the purpose of indicating exactly the palæographical standard of the original texts.
The avagraha, or sign which indicates the elision of an initial a, is but rarely to be met with in inscriptions. Where it does occnr, it is most conveniently represented by its own Devanagari sign.
So also practice has shewn that it is more convenient to use the ordinary Devanagari marks of punctuation than to substitute the English signs for them.
Ordinary brackets are used for corrections and doubtful points; and square brackets, for letters which are damaged and partially illegible in the original, or which, being wholly illegible, can be supplied with certainty. An asterisk attached to letters or marks of punctuation in square brackets, indicates that those letters or marks of punctuation were omitted altogether in the orig As a rule, it is more convenient to use the brackets than to have recourse to footnotes; as the points to which attention is to be drawn attract notice far more readily. But notes are given instead, when there would be so many brackets, close together, as to encumber the text and render it inconvenient to read. When any letters in the original are wholly illegible and cannot be supplied, they are, repæeented, in metrical passages, by the sign for a long or a short syllable, as the case may be ; and in uros passages, by points, at the rate, usually, of two for each akshare or syllalle.

Page #444


Page #445

DECEMBER, 1890.]
KANARESE BALLADS; No. 5.
A SELECTION OF KANARESE BALLADS. BY J. F. FLEET, Bo.C.S., M.R.A.S., C.I.E.
No. 5. THE DAUGHTER-IN-LAW OF CHANNAVVA OF KITTUR.
-
413
ITTUR, now a Government village in the Sampgaum Taluka or Sub-Division of the K' Belgaum District, was formerly the chief town of a Desai's estate. The last Dêsai was Sivalingappa Rudrasarja, otherwise known as Bâpû Saheb. His father was the Mallappa or Mallasarja, who is mentioned in the ballad. Sivalingappa died in September 1824; leaving a stepmother, Channavva, and a wife, fravva or Viravva, but no children. In order to continue the family, an attempt was made by the Karbharf to pass off, as Sivalingappa's adopted son, a son of the Patil of the neighbouring village of Mastamardi. And the events which followed, ending in the resumption of the estate by the British Government, will be best described by reproducing Col. E. W. West's account (Memoir of the States of the Southern Maratha Country, p. 199 ff.): -
"On the 12th September 1824 one of the Dêsâi's principal servants came to Mr. Thackeray, the Principal Collector at Dharwad," [mentioned in the ballad, verse 4, as Takur Säheb], "to announce that his master was dying, and to deliver a letter purporting to be from him, in which the adoption of a son was announced. The letter was dated the 10th July, but it was stated the adoption had only taken place on the day the letter was received. The Civil Surgeon was immediately sent to Kittûr, which is about eighteen miles from Dharwad, but found the Dêsâî dead, and considered from the appearance of the corpse that he had been dead several hours and most probably before the messenger had left Kittûr for Dharwaḍ. All the circumstances connected with the alleged adoption seemed to Mr. Thackeray not a little suspicious. In the first place the Dêsât had never applied for permission to adopt, though he was aware of the proclamation rendering such application necessary. When Mr. Thackeray had seen him a few months previously, though he was very ill and spoke freely of his affairs, he never expressed any wish to adopt. The signature, too, to the letter was scarcely legible, and the characters were quite different from the Desai's usual handwriting, which was remarkably good and distinct, The conclusion therefore irresistibly pressed on Mr. Thackeray's mind was, that, if the adoption had ever taken place it was not performed till the Dêsâî was either dead or insensible.
"In reporting these circumstances for the information of Government, Mr. Thackeray pointed out that the family of the deceased consisted of his wife, who was only eleven years of age, his stepanother, and the young widow of his brother who had died two years previously. The remaining relations were, like the child said to have been adopted, descended from collateral branches so remote that their descent from the common ancestor could not be traced. He reported that he had proceeded to Kittûr to make inquiries into the alleged adoption, and to preserve order pending the decision of Government regarding the succession, and as, if the estate did not revert to Government, there would be a long minority, he proposed for the present to conduct the administration by means of two managers one on the part of Government, and the other one on that of the Desiî's family.
1 The term Deel denotes an hereditary officer, the chief local administrator of a dia or pargana, i. e. 'district;' another name for the same officer is Déémukh. The duties of the Dêsil or Dêémukh in the district under him, were very similar to those of a Patil in his village; and he had, as his coadjutor, a Dêépândy, corresponding to the Patil's coadjutor, the Kulkarni or village accountant. The offices of Dêsal and Dêépindys do not exist under the British Government; but the titles are still known and used, as in most cases the service-lands have been continued, as private property subject to certain limited assessments, to the descendants of those who held office under the Pêéwa's rule. The wife of
a Dêsal has the title of Désaint.
2 sarja appears to be a Porsian title. It seems to have been conferred upon the Dêsis of Kittür by the Raja of Kolapur (see West's Memoir, p. 196, note).
The Karbhari is the principal executive officer of a Hindu Native State.

Page #446

414
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1890.
"On the receipt of this report instructions were given that it should be announced that the British Government did not recognise the adoption, as, if made at all, it was made without sanction, and indeed was as yet unsubstantiated by proofs. Mr. Thackeray therefore was desired to take charge of the principality and to make an inquiry into the circumstances of the adoption. Government, however, declared it to be their intention that if the boy said to have been adopted proved on inquiry to be a descendant of the Dêsâi who possessed the country before the conquest of it by Tippu," [Tipu Sultan of Maisûr], "the question of adoption would be considered immaterial, and the boy would be allowed to succeed. If, on the other hand, it appeared that the claimant was neither a descendant of the ancient Dêsâî nor a near connection of the late Dêsâl by the female line, the adoption was to be disallowed.
"The inquiries set on foot by Mr. Thackeray showed that the Dêsâî had died on the night of the 11th instead of the 12th September, as reported, without making any adoption, and that after his death Konûr Mallapa, his Kârbhârî, and others of his attendants invested the child with the insignia of Dêsâi. This was fully acknowledged by the parties concerned, who further confessed to having put a pen in the dead man's hands and so written his signature to the letter dated the 10th July which was sent to Mr. Thackeray. Konûr Mallappa, who had been appointed manager on the part of Government, was removed on this account, and also because he had been concerned in the removal of some treasure and jewels and accounts from the late Desai's treasury. In his letter reporting these proceedings Mr. Thackeray writes: - All is perfectly quiet here. I anticipate no disorder, and I expect to be able to manage the whole country without any military assistance.' He afterwards submitted the result of his inquiries into the family pedigree, which showed that no descendant of the ancient Dêsâî, or near connection by the female line of the late Dêsâi, was alive.
"While these reports were under consideration, Government were shocked by the receipt of intelligence of a rising at Kittûr which had resulted in the death of the Political Agent and other gentlemen. It appears that on the 21st October Mr. Thackeray, finding that a number of the late Dêsái's Sepoys in charge of the treasury were notorious thieves, and were commanded by a man of like character, became apprehensive for the safety of the treasure, and reluctantly determined to place a guard of Government Sepoys at each gateway. He also required the head men to give a bond rendering themselves responsible for the safety of the treasury, but they refused to do so without the orders of Channavva, the late Dêsaf's stepmother, who had lately claimed the supremacy. Mr. Thackeray then wished to call on the ladies to explain matters, but they refused to see him that day, promising, however, to see him next day. On the 22nd, however, they still refused to see him, and none of the Sardârs would accompany him to their house. As Mr. Thackeray heard that the Shêtsandiss and Peons were assembling from their villages, he thought it advisable to take precautionary measures, and accordingly requested Captain Black, the commander of a troop of Gôlandâz that had accompanied him, to bring two guns into the fort, which were posted at the gateways. In the morning, when the artillery officer proceeded to the fort to change guard, he found the outer gate locked and the inner fort full of armed men, and was refused admittance. Several messages were then sent by Mr. Thackeray, but as they were not attended to, he ordered up the other two guns, and declared that if the gate was not opened in twenty minutes he would blow it open. At the expiration of the specified period, Captain Black, Captain Sewell, and Lieutenant Dighton, of the Gôlandâz, were preparing to blow open the gate, when a sally was made from the fort by the Peons, who seized the guns and cut down the officers and all with them. At this juncture Mr. Thackeray came up on horseback and attempted to quiet the insurgents, but fell by a shot and was then cut to pieces. The remnant of the British detachment was then
"
The term Sardâr denotes a prince, a chief, a gentleman of rank.'
5 Village revenue and police officers, holding, for their service, lands rent-free or under a quit-rent, by a sanad or written warrant.
6 Golandez is a Persian word, denoting a gunner or bombardier."

Page #447

DECEMBER, 1890.)
KANARESE BALLADS; No. 5.
415
attacked and cut up, and Messrs. Stevenson and Elliott, Assistants to the Political Agent, who had concealed themselves in a house, were made prisoners with some native officials and Sepoys. Gurasiddhapa, the ringleader in these proceedings, and the dowager Desaiņi, who had excited the spirit that led to this emeute, when they found what had resulted from their intrigues, were not a little alarmed, and anxiously preserved the lives of the Earopean gentlemen as hostages.
“As the portion of the Doub Field Force stationed in Belgaum was too weak to act against a strong fort like Kittûr, said to be garrisoned by some 5,000 desperate men, troops were rapidly concentrated from all quarters, A proclamation was issued offering a free pardon and retention of their indms &c.,7 to all who should surrender before a fixed date, except Gurusiddhapa, and even he was promised exemption from capital punishment if he surrendered immediately. The Sardars and Sepoys in Kittür were warned that they would be held responsible for the safety of the prisoners, and that if any harm was done to them the guilty persons should be punished with such severity as should be a terror to all future offenders.
"In the meantime the insurgents held a very high tone. They addressed several letters to Government complaining of Mr. Thackeray's acts, and demanding the continuance of the Samsthân. They also endeavoured to enlist the Raja of Kolapur on their side, but he gave up their emissaries to the British authorities. On the 30th November the fort was invested, and Mr. Chaplin, the Commissioner in the Dekkan, who had hurried to the scene of operations, called on the insurgents to surrender. They, however, demanded more favourable terms before releasing the prisoners, but were referred to the proclamation. On the morning of the 2nd December, to the great relief of all, the prisoners were released ; but as the fort was not surrendered it was attacked on the 3rd and an advanced fortified post carried, where a battery was erected, which on the next day effected a practicable breach, when the garrison surrendered at discretion. The troops engaged on this occasion were the 1st Bombay European Regiment and two companies of Her Majesty's 46th Foot, a battery of Horse, and a company of Foot Artillery, the 4th and 8th Madras L. C., the 23rd Madras N. I., and the 3rd and 6th Regiments of Bombay N. I., the whole under the command of LieutenantColonel Deacon, C. B. The casualties were three killed and twenty-five wounded. Among the killed were numbered Mr. Munro, the Sub-Collector of Shâlâpur, who had come to the scene of actiou after Mr. Thackeray's death, and was mortally wounded in the attack on the advanced post.
"The territory that thus lapsed to the British Government was divided into the three Talukås of Kittûr, Sampgaum, and Bidi, containing in all 286 villages and 72 hamlets. The revenge for the Fasli 1234,9 immediately after the lapse, amounted to Rs. 3,33,647, which in three years increased by upwards of Rs. 22,000. This revenue was exclusive of lands of the value of Rs. 20,040 held by servants of the late Désál, and other lands of the value of Rs. 20,925 held by Shetsandis. These lands according to the terms of the proclamation were forfeited, but it was considered at the time impolitic to act on the letter of our rights in this respect. The ladies of the family were liberally provided for."
The ballad, which concerns itself but little with the historical events described above, and is interesting chiefly for the insight that it gives into certain phases of Native domestic life, deals with the lamentations and death of Iravva, to the widow of Bapa Saheb Sivalingappa Rudrasarja. When Rayanna of Sangolli raised his insurrection," he spirited away, apparently with the connivance of the Desaiņi, the boy who was alleged to have been adopted by the
* Property held under grants by Government.
• The technical term for a Hindu Native State. The Faslt is a MuhammadAn revenue reckoning; the years commence with the Mriga nakshatra.
10 The title of the ballad is Kittara Channavana sose, "the Daughter-in-law of Channava of Kittur." -There are several passages in it, difficult to understand. One or two of them remain unexplained. For the explanation of the others, I am indebted to Mr. Shrinivas Ramchandra Savadi, of the Educational Department.
11 See Ballad No. 1, ante, Vol. XIV. p. 295 ff. References to his insurrection are made in the present ballad.

Page #448

416
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1890.
last Dêsai, - in order to enlist the sympathies of all the people of the district. Îravva was ihen living at Honigal, - more nsnally known as Bail Hougal, - in the Sampgaum Taluka. It was found advisable to remove her to Dharwad. This nearly excited another rising; in fact, a thousand men assembled at Anigol, to resist her removal. Most of them, however, submitted. on receiving a promise of pardon ; while the rest joined Rayanna. Iravva was then taken to Dharwad; or, if the ballad is correct, actually to Kusugal, a large fortified village abont twelve miles to the sonth-east of Dharwad. She was kept in safe custody there ; and shortly afterwards, apparently in July 1830, she died at Dharwad; "it was supposed by poison, taken hy herself, or adıninistered to her."'12
TRANSLATION.
Chorus. When the Daughter-in-law of Channavva of Kittür was leaving Hougal, grcat, 0 ny hrother!, were the lamentations tbat she made; - "Ah!, if our Mallasarja had not died, how would my belongings have been carried away "
First Verse. "Six elephants ; nixteen enmels; twelve thousand foot-soldiers, and the cannons, such as thore that great kings possess, which were laden and carried away; the palanquin, adorned with pearls, for riding in, and eight or ten state sunshades, with silver staves, which were intended to be held all round; the elegant carts have all gone, so that not one reninins; and the chauris for the horses and chariots; and all the light brown colts, which the fierce soldiers would mount in all their bravery. Kalabasappa of Kallar, and Mallappa of Kannûr, and A warâdi-Virappa, - they were the Karbhiris; when such nobles as these have fled to the forests, low great is the calamity that has come npon me!"
(With a change of metre),13 – "It has happened to me, just as their exile in the woods hefell the Pandavas! When the wicked Duhģisana took Draupadi by her robe and draggert her (into the public assembly), what could the five princes do P owicked one!, listen !; there are none others as sinful as myself." Praising (the god Sira) who wears a serpent, Travva reflected napon (Siva) the Lord of Parvati.
(Raising the voice), - "Why did Brahinan write upon my forehead such a decree, that the good deeds recorded for my previous life have all proved voin ?"
Second Verse. I will describolt the articles that the women used to wear : -- The waistbands of gold for the slender waists; the various ear-ornaments, riz. the lngadi, 16 the briwali,16 the jamikirorili, 17 and The chalatumbu;19 the ryágutis19 which are placed so charmingly (on the head); the con-shaped
12 Stokea' Historical Account of the Belyaum District, p. 86. The ballnd. lowever, implies no deathly violence, much less uny foul play; it indicates that Ir va starved herself to death. -- Mr. Stokes seen to place the insurrection of Rhyannis, aud tbe death of Iravra, in 1829. Acrording to Capt. West's account, they both happened in 1830.
13 chyi, =chyila, or chu; see ante, Vol. XV. p. 350. note 6. Another roceusion of the ballud, extending only a far as the end of verse7, uses, instead of chy, the worà pravipa, probably in the sense of lamentation, wailing.
Hi. e. the composer of the ballad.
16 Tho bwyali is explained to me as an ear oroninent formed of a round ball at the top, connected below with malat u mbu (see noto 18).' Sanderson, in his Kauarese Dictionary, defines it as a female's erament, worn in the tip of the ear.'
The bâreali scema to be another ornament worn near the bugadi. "' More properly jumikivile. Sanderson kives it as 'an eurring with a drop' It is explained to me w an
bament, with two chalatumbus connected by rows of pearls.'
* The chalatuembu is defined by Sanderson as 'a donble cone forbedring. It is explained to me tha pinte of gold, having the shape of a small cup or calix.'
• A round ornamont for the head, made of guld.

Page #449

KANARESE BALLADS.
THE DAUGHTER-IN-LAW OF CHANNAVVA OF KITTUR.
Air of the Chorus)
11
Kit
- tu -ra
Chan-nav-va-na
BO
-
si
Hon-ga-la
-la
bit-tu
109
gu-va - ga
Hon-ga-la bit-tu
ho-gu-ya-ga
ma-dutt-id-al
0 gold
0
mat - ta
11166
!
nam
- ma
Mal -
la
-
- ja
Sat - tu
ho - gad -
- id
hot - tu
bo-qud -
poel
namrma ha-da
hot-tu
ho-gud -
1000
ya - ka
nam-ma ba-da-1
1
J. F FLEET, BO. C. S.

Page #450


Page #451

DECEMBER, 1890.]
KANARESE BALLADS ; No. 5.
417
chevaris ; 20 the golden ornaments for the braided hair; the necklaces worth a thousand pieces of gold ;21 the nose-rings, of mohars and pearls, with diamonds set in them; the silver necklets, with linga-boxes suspended from them, that are worn round the neck; the necklaces of pearls, with oblong plates, gold beads, and square centre-pieces; the necklaces of black glass beads, with gold beads strung between them; the necklaces of pearls set in squares; the shuttle-shaped pendents of the necklaces;29 the flat collars of gold , 33 the bracelets of gold and coral beads; the coral necklaces; the silver ornaments worn on the great toe, and those worn on the little toe; the ornaments for the second toe; the silver chains, with bells, worn on the leg; the tubes of silver, with pebbles in them, that give a jingling sound ; the silver chains (for the ankles); and the rings worn on the second toe. "The kindness of him (Vishnu) who supported the mountain Mandara (at the time of the churning of the ocean) has failed ; and all these things have been taken away, so that not one remains; no refuge is there left for me hereafter,"
(With a change of motre), - What did the maid-servants, conversant with all matters, and full of truth, say in illustration (of her state), bidding their sister restrain her grief P: - “Even while Rama and Lakshmaņa were living together in affection, the wicked Ravana carried off Janaki (Sita), and hid her in the forest. Then Hanumat went, and burnt Lanka. They gave the crown to Vibhishana. And then, making them close prisoners, 25 the king (Rama) put to shame all the troops of the demons; and so he, the glory of his family, brought back (Sita) the mother of his people)."
(Raising the voice), - "So say, O mother!, that the son whom thou hast lost, may be thine (again);"20 — thus they all spake, consoling her.
Third Verse, Now I will enumerate the clothes which were carried away, and which were all laden and dispersed over the country-side: - The sáris, 27 embroidered with gold lace, which the girls would wear; the red sáris for the maid-servants; the red and white sáris for ladies; the red and black silken súris for ladies of rank; the red and black and white striped süris for young maidens; the dark black sárís for sprightly damsels; the flowered sáris for girls; the mustard. coloured sdris worn by little girls; the silken sáris with costly borders, from Cambay (?), for young women; the caps, and the coats with hoods, with which the babies are covered, - how many more shall I describe ?; – the gold jewels, set with diamonds, shaped like leaves of the sacred fig-tree; the gold wristlets for infants; the caps; the ornaments worn above the elbow, shaped like cobras ; the cloths without borders; the turbans; the shawls; the coarse woollen cloths; the green jackets set with emeralds; the sweet-scented kerchiefs for the head; and the upper cloths for men, brought from Nagpur; - all the property accumulated by Mallasarja was taken away ; as well as I can, I tell the plundering of it.
(With a charge of metre), — "Even when all this left me, alas ! my sufferings came not to an end," + (thus lamented) Irayva, beating her forehead with violence on the ground, and Baying that she would throw herself on the blades of swords bound crosswise. All her maid.
* The chevari, or more properly chauri, is defined by Sanderson as'a gold ornament by which some hair of the yak is attached to a female's hair.'
91 The Aoradáļi is explained to me as a necklace (sara) made up of cup-shaped plates of gold (tab), connected with black glass beads. The gold coin is the honnw, which is now obsolete. Sanderson gives it as 'half a pagoda, &c.,
12 dore. But it has been otherwise explained to me, as an ornament worn by women on the wrist.' 23 The chintáka appears to be identical with the Marktht chitang or chitang. » kilkadagd ; or more properly kalakadaga. Sanderson says simply a leg bracelet.' 35 lit, having firmly sealed them. % This seems to refer to the boy, whom it was sought to palm off as the adopted son of Iravya's husband.
11 I use here, for convenience, a word (a corruption of 110) which is much better known than the Kanareso sirior ffre in the sense of the cloth worn by a woman.'
» Compare ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 354, and note 6.

Page #452

418
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1890.
servants surrounded her, saying " Through the favour of the three-eyed Hara (Siva), thou hast children, O mother!, and a younger brother; O mother !, what is it that has come upon thee?," thus they spake, with words of comfort, to Iravva; but she ceased not her weeping :
(Raising the voice), - "An army of twelve thousand men left me and dispersed; it was as if a swollen tank had burst!"
Fourth Verse. O thou ('Siva) who didst destroy the god of love !, how is it that such trouble came to such great people? Inquire and see what a time of sorrow iśvara ("Siva) brought upon them! The whole country of Kittûr was weeping in sympathy; saying that such destruction should not have come upon the lords who ruled the district. Two hundred bullocks carried away the wealth of a group of twelve villages, the management of which was with men of merit; of a truth, seventy-seven hundred Lingayat priests could have been fed to satisfaction (with it) in the month of Srâvaņa ; even without waiting to hear them say that they were hungry, they would have been served, my brother!, with gifts of fruits and milk and sugar and clothes.* But I will tell how religion faded, and (aimless) actions took its place, and enmity increased ; and how the secret leaked out, and three people died.30
(With a change of metre), - All the great men lamented, saying "If Rayanayaka had not brought confusion on the country, the affairs of state would have gone on smoothly." Having closely imprisoned the installed Desai, 31 they took away Channavva and placed ber at Hongal. They said that he was (nothing but) an adopted (or pretended) son. Then Mr. Thackeray came, and was slain and perished, saying "Captare the village, for heroes have been born in it." The people were weeping with loud outeries.
(Raising the voice), — Tf the moon in the sky should fail to shine so lastrously, what are would be the stars, no matter how many they are ?
Fifth Verse. From time to time, with constant reiteration, they wrote an answer (to Travvs),letter saying "Set out to-morrow !" Loosening all her clothes and ornaments, the poor woman throws them on the ground, and weeps, with her eyes brimful of tears. Having straightway laden it all, and saying " Let the carts and bullocks go forward," they loosed and drove on all the cattle. Calling the priest, and sending for a palanqnin, and bolding up the sunshade over it, they set out, waving the umbrellas and chauris. " Sir!, I am but a young girl; I will declare (all) to you again and again ; listen, O noble Sir! to my fault."
(With a change of metre), -They said "Set ort! Set out!" She became obstinate, and braced herself in resistance; and when they came to drag her forth, seeing (their intention), she seized their feet; saying "Why did I not enter the fierce tire and die, there where perished the brave men who governed the country ?," - she weeps, thinking of her husband. "In the whole world there is no one as unfortunate as myself; if only one son had been born to me, how could the State have come to an end ?"
(Raising the voice), - Her life had become unstable ; just as if it were a wild jasmine plant, withering at the root for want of water !
Sixth Verse. Saving "No matter what I do, they leave me not alone," — with resignation she sang the praises of (her dead) brave (husband). Thinking of her sister-in-law and father-in-law, she
.
19 The month of Sráraña, avd especially each Monday of it, is the month mest sacred to Biva. The Lingågata celebrate it by, amongst other ways, feeding large numbers of their prieste.
e ile allusion bere is not appareut. »i. e, the boy who was put forward as the adopted son of the last real D.A.

Page #453

DECEMBER, 1890.)
KANARESE BALLADS; No. 5.
419
mounted the litter; and the bearers, my brother !, raising it, took it on their shoulders. Keeping guard around her, they set out, my brother!; three hundred matchlock men in front, and two hundred horsemen behind. Jeering at her with the words "Rayanayaka is coming !," and saying “Hurry on !," - on the left and the right were eight or ten men with drawn swords. Taking the road ............,' the noble gentleman himself came to Dharwad, and inquired into her condition. Said he, "Why, rejecting the food that is given to you, have you been displaying so very evil a disposition towards me? And why, sending Rayanayaka out by night, are you causing the surrounding villages to be burnt by him, in mockery (of us)? (But) kill her not; take her, and place her alone within the walls of Kusugal; there is the place for her."
(With a change of metre), --The palanquin-bearers raised her, and carried her to Kusugal. While she was slowly going into the fort, Iravva made great lamentation. Wailing, and saying “For children that have no mother, there is no support and no prosperity; they should not seek to preserve their bodies," - Iravva implored Siva for death. The lady Iravva made la ment, wailing loudly ; Irav va fell straightway into a state of dejection,
(Raising the voice), — "I have been pillaged, just as if one had taken a fish out of the water and thrown it aside ; (such is) my condition."
Seventh Verse. • Saying that she would live no longer in this world, she refused all food and water. Her arms and legs wasted; and saying "Let the earth be my portion," she let her colour fade away. All her limbs dried up, as if with dysentery; and she was consumed with a fire in her body, like quick-lime. She went to the god) Kâda-Siddha of Nawalgand in the neighbouring country, and there she bathed and put on the sacred cloth. Having drunk the water in which the feet of the priest were washed, she laid aside all care for herself, and concentrated her thoughts in meditation on the linga. In devotion, she summoned the ascetic priests, and sent for gold enough to fill the scales, and weighed it out, and gave it away. Saying " Give me liberation ; thou, O three-eyed Hara ("Siva), art my guide !," - she set out and came to Dharwad.
(With a change of metre), - Hearing it said that her little son Mallasarjâ had been caught, quickly Travva became quite overcome, and meditated on the three-eyed Hara ('Siva). If one has a jar full of gold, what use is it?; it is better to live as a poor woman; if a wife has her husband in the house, then only are ornaments worth wearing. So, she gave away in charity all her ornaments and clothes without exception; and saying that the riches of Kittur had faded away, Iravva is weeping greatly.
(Raising the voice), - She came to Dharwad, and when she had been there some three to six days, the time of death came, and she gave up her life.
Eighth Verse. They all raised up the dead body, and placed it sitting, and, having washed the mouth, spread ashes over it. The virtuous ladies put on her, in folds, the siri, with ends decorated with pearls, that her mother-in-law Chanuavva used to wear. They anointed her with the fragrant musk, and sending for a case of ornaments, they spread them about over her body. In her nose they placed a nose-ring, set with jewels worth eight or ten thousand gold pieces. Burning countless pastilles of the fragrant sandal-wood powder, they filled and set out the small lamps and the jars with ears of corn arranged in water. The priests who read the ancient books (the Puranas), and narrate the stories of the sacred writings, assembled. Saying " It is an unnatural death!," - the people of the whole country-side came together, and stood there and rained down tears.
92 The word disokadind. (in the other copy, dloogadinda) is upistelligible. It is not a village-lame.
I cannot obtain any explanation of this ; unless the name of Mallasarja was given to the boy who we alleged to bave been adopted by the last Deal Irava appeare not to bave had any children of ber owu.

Page #454

420
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1890.
(With a change of metre), - All her maid-servants were weeping: -"No mother. in-law or father-in-law is left for us; no sisters-in-law; weep!, for the time of distress has come, since thou, the mother that bare os, art no more," Her female friends are weeping: -“We have no sisters and brothers, elder or younger; there are none now to roam about the palace !" All the lords were weeping in sympathy; lamenting that she had not been able to say a single sweet word to her husband (at the time of death), and that the noble Bapu Saheb had not lived for one year more.
(Raising the voice), - All the dependents who had eaten her salt, fell quickly to the ground; and thinking of the memory of the wife of Bapa Saheb, they weep.
Ninth Verae. All the lords and ladies of the country-side came together, and assembled there. They called a skilful carpenter, and supplied him with all the proper implements, and made & car. On it they arranged mirrors in rows, and they hung on it garlands of Bowers in proper order, Round about they fastened clusters of pearls worth eight or ten thousand gold pieces, and shawls with gold and silver lace. They themselves lifted up the dead body, and proceeded on their way; over it they are waving umbrellas and chauris. Throwing about, without stint, the fragrant sandal-wood powder in baskets, they set ogt, passing along the rows of shops. In front went the noble gentleman, causing the tabors and horns, the trompets, the drums, the bass and treble ta bors, and the large tabors, to be sounded. All the people of the whole country made lamentation, gazing upon their elder sister frayva.
(With a change of metre), - While the people of Dhậrwad were weeping, benting their mouths with their handa, her son, who was kept in guard, made a hundred lamentations, praising the god Sankara. Seeing the bullock-carts and the riding-horses going in front of the dead body, he made lamentation, Having given charitable gifts, and having finished the prescribed rites, and having placed her in the earth, with praises of (the god) Basavas who gives future emancipation, they turned and went away.
(Raising the voice), - Basava, of the charming Hebballi, turned into poetry, and describedat length, all that he saw.
TEXT..
Palla. Kittûra Channavvana sosi Hongala bittu hôguväga
midattidal-anna maha-dukhkhâ matta namma Mallasarja sattu hôgad-iddars hottu hôgud=yûka namma badakâ 11 Palla 1
Ine nudi. Áru ani hadinâru wanti hannerada-savira kala-balî mâraya-tôpa hôdawu hêri! hattu-lanta muttina pâliki suttal=hiduwa hattu entabelli-kavina aptágêri chandadinda chakkadigaļu wonda waliyad=hôdawa taranga-rathada chawari I sitting sipayigalu dittatanadalli hattu-hanta yashtu iddávwalli jarada mari | Kallora Kalabasappa Kannûra Mallappa Awarâdi Virappa iddara kärbari hint-inta saradáru kantara bidda hôdAru henta bandito namaga mari | Chye 11 Påndavariga ona-dêsa band-ante Aditu pâpi Dusvasa Draupati Birisaled-dyvavåga bhupatigal aivaru idd-enu maduvaru papi kêla namm-antà pâta kareyârwilla | Pannangadharana stutisuta Iravvå I Pârvaty-arasana nenisidaļo 11 Yêra || Purva-janmada likbitâ puppe simmadu tappit-endu baradân-yaka Brahma hinta bari 11 111
3. e. Nandi, the bull of Biva. Basava, the establisher of the Lingkyat religion, is looked upon us an incardation of Nandi.

Page #455

DECEMBER, 1890.]
KANARESE BALLADS; No. 5.
421
2ne nudi.
Henņu-makkal-iḍuwa wastâ bannisi na pêlvenus sanna naḍuvina dâba bangârâ | bugadi bawali jamikiwâli chalatumbu chendâdall-iḍawa ryâguti chewari helala bangârâsâvirad-honnina saradâligaļu moharada muttina mûgati mêle kettisid-antá vajjarâ I kanthaka darisuwa kariḍigi-sarapani kaṭṭani karimaņi pattigi-mattu dore chinták-harade hawalasarâ hiri-pilligalu kiri-pilligala lulla-mintiki ralliya" gejji kalkaḍaga sarapali kâlungara Mandaradharana karuna tappi wanda wuliyada hôdawn munda illo namaga âsarà 1 Chye H Wakkalagitteru sakalaka sahaneru satyaka sarapara sakshiya hêluvar-enu I akka nilliså dukhkha yenuta I Râma Lakshmana prêmadind-iru vâga keṭṭa Ravana Janaki wôdu wanadolag=ittà Hanumanta hôgi Lauka sutti Vibhishanaga kattyaro pattâ gatti sikewu hâki hinda daityaran-ella bandu mâdida bhûpa tâyi tandano kula-dipa II Yêra 11 Hôd-antâ maga nimaga âdânu pêlavvà tâyi bhêdisi hêluru yellaru 2 ||
3ne nudi.
Hoduwa-hantâ hodikigôlu bhêdisi na pêlvenu hôdawu yeshto rajada mêle hêri makkala wuḍuwa mandila-siri tottugal-aduwa tôpina-sîri uttumar-udawa wulligani-siri râniyavar=uduwa râgâwali-siri bâleyar-nḍuwa bâlipatti-siri chedarer= uduwa chandrakali-siri huḍigiyar=uḍuwa hûvina-sîri sannavar=uduwa sisibannadasiri kanyer-uduwa kambavati-sîri küsige "hochchuwa kulayi koñchigi yêsondu na pêlali araleli bindali toppige någa-muri selyava munḍasa sêlu sakalâti pachcheda angi parimala-pâwada hoduw-antâ dotara Nakpuri | yella hôgi illad-âytu Mallasarja mâdida badaku ball-ashtu hêlaven-adara sûri | Chye Ashtu hôgi namma kashta bidalill-ayya paṭṭane nelak=haniya badawuta Iravva kaṭṭi hâyuven-alag=enuta | tottugal-ellaru suttale muttidara mukkanna-Harana dayadinda nimaga makkal= aidâru tâyi yenuta tamman-aidânu tâyi nimaga bandadd-ênu ummâyadindale böler Iravvaga summan-irada alutihaļu | Yêra II Hannerada-sâvira dandu harada hôti nammana bittu wadad-ânga âditu tumbida keri | 3 ||
4ne nudi.
warmâ
Hantâ dorigalu hentâdâyita. Kantuharane kêl-avarige hentâ hotta tanda Îsvara | nâḍan=âluwa dorigalig-hinta kêḍa bara-bârad-andu Kittûra nad-ella marigito marmarâ mânyê-mânyera alu-hantâ hannerada karûti halli honnu yettugalu hêri hôdawn innûra satyaka Sravana-masaka yeppatt-êla-nûra mandi tṛipti badu-hantâ jaigamara hasdên-andara kiviyali kêlada happu hâlu sakkari nîdi dânâ koduvar-anná wastara dharmâ hôgi karmâ hechchi marma vetti pêļuvenu sagawadu madadaru mûvaru | Chyê. 11 Rajjeka Rayanayaka gôja hachchad-iddara môj-âgi dawalattu sågatitt-annutali måjanar-ella maraguvarn patta-gatti dêsâyige gatți sikewa haki atti Channavvân=oydu Hongaladaga hâkidarû sâkida magan=embavaru | Tâkur-såb bandu târ-âgi madadanû dîrar-idaroļu hatti ûru togolar-endu bhôr-iḍnta janar-alutiharu Yêra Akasada mêgina chandra lês-âgi belak-illadidra | yêsond-iddar-êna nakshatra 14 ||
5ne nudi.
Vyilê-vyaleka wattara hêli hêli baradira nali hond-ambuwa pattarâ I wastâ wadavi yalla uchchi podavige wagadâlo badavi wudarastalo kannîrâ sangad-ella hori bandi yettu sâgali mundaka yendu bichchi hodadar-ella dana-karâ | guravina karisi pâliki tarasi mêle aptagêri hidasi hârast-hontara chattara châmarâ sanna magal-ayyâ nânu sâri nimage pêļuvenu I tappa kêlo saradârâ Chyê appa Honda hond-andara mandita hiḍadalo banda mâdi avaru yeliyaka hôdara kand-avara
This is an archaism. We have the same word in the third verse; also péluvenu, in verses 4 and 5; and pêlali in verse 3. Other instances of archaisms are,- -idaroju, verse 4; dikkinoļu, verse 5; and pôguvága, verse 6.

Page #456

422
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1890.
kila hidadaļo I mandalan=aluwa pun daru madadalle kenda hâdu nânu prâņa kodalille endu gandana nenisi aļutalo I dikkino!u namm-anta desigedi yârzilla namma hottili wondu putranu iddara dêsgati yâka munagawadu 11 Yêra 11 Nira illada malligi bêra wonagi hôd-ante 1 atantrayrayitu samsara 115 11
ne nuți. Yeshtu mâdidara nammana bitta hôgadillav-enda nishtadinda madela virana stati i atti-mávada nenadu hattidaļu dôliya hottar=anna bôveru yetti I munda munnûra bârina-mandi hinda innûra kuduri-mandi mâdut=honțar=aņņa pârâgasti 1 Rayanayaka baratân=endu rauda mâdi nadir-enda yada-bala hatt-entu hirada katti dâsokadinda dari hididu Dharwadaka tâmwu hôgi saradara kêļida avara stiti i kotta anna bittakera ketta buddhiyannu ishta mádatiddi namma mêga jyâstil râtrili Rayan ûyakan=hachchi randamadi suttina halli avana kailinda sûdistil kolla-byâdari Kusugalla godiy-olaga ikina waida wobba!=idar=endan=all wasti | Chyê li Hottaru bôveru Kusugallige waidaru mellakakiliyava pôgavaga Travvå bal-hinga dukhkha madida! I tây=illada makkaļige kyrillo siriy=illa kaya ida-bůrad-endu baya bidut-Travvå SÂwa bêdidalu Sivanalli | akka tê Îrav vå dukhkhawu ma dyalo bakkana bâyava bidawutal=fravvå jak kane jêrig-iladalo 11 Yêra 11 Nira-walagina mina tagidu byâri chellid-hangal namadu sûriati nanıma avasti il 611
7ne nudi. Innu í dareyalli munna ira-bâ rad=endu anna-wudaka yalla bittalů saņvave adawa kai-kalu maņņa pâlav=igaliy=endu banna wanagisi bittaļll I sangråņi-byân-anta sarv-Angav=ella waņagisi sunnad-hånga dêha suttaļu | nada-walaga Nawalagunda KadaSiddan hanteli hôgi nîra minadu madiyan=attalů jangama-tirthava padedu angada mêlina smarani maredu lingada mêle dhyana ittalà | bhaktili viraktara karasi takkadi tumba bhangåra tarisi tûka mâdi dâna kotta! 1 mukti kođo namaga ninu mukkanna-Hara guruvey=endu Dharwadaka honta bandaļa n Chyê li Chikka maga Mallasarja sikkan=embudu kêļi jakkana jêrige iladalo Iravvå mukkanna-Harana nenadálo koda honn=iddar=énu badivy=ag-irawuda låsut madadigi rêyaru mani. walagriddara waqavi-wastaga!=ida lêsu | wadavi-wastagal=ella biçade dînava kotiu Kittûra dawalattu kirad=adit-embutali b haradind=Travvå alutálo 11 Yêra 11 Dharwadaka bandu tânu mûr-ara din=iddu i maraña-kåla banda prâņa bittald 11 7 11
ne nudi. Satt-anta sravan-ella yetti kundi isi mukhava dolidu vibhûti mêle dharisarů atti Channavva wudava muttina sarugina-sîri wuttamaru nirig=hoda wudaśarů 1 kastûri-gandhava pûsi wastada-pettigi tarasi vistarisi mai-mêle idaśarů battayentu sê virad-honnina ratnava tettisida nattu matta mûgin-olaga idisarû bukkitta wudina-kaddi lekhkhav-illada suduwatale kañcharti kalasgindi tumb=ittarů I purina. pastaka wôduw-antha sastara-kathiya nadasu w-antha nada-nada ja igamara neradara måyav-âda moraņav=enda maha-nâda janaru kadi ninta surašaro kaņņirů i Chyê ti Atti-mêmvaru illa attigi-nadaneru illa hotta band-åga maragu hettavva ni ill=enda tottugal=ella alutiharü 1 aņņa-ak kagal=illa tangi-tammaga!=illa aramani-walaga inna addadavar-ill=endu Alipariwata alutiharû purushana kûd-ondu kala sarasawn âdalilla arasu Bapu-sâb inn=ond-orushav=iralill-enda râhutar=ella marugidarů u Yêra || Uppa wunda makkalu yella dappana nelaka biddu | Bapu-sahebana madadi nenada alavaru | 8 11
One nudi. Raja-rajeda janar-ella rêjagat-allige bandu neradara râhuta-râņirû ball-antha badigena karisi yella såhita kodisi madera yimana-vistârâ Itara-taraka kannadi

Page #457

DECEMBER, 1890.)
CHELLUR GRANT OF VIRA-CHODADEVA.
423
nirata nódi hondisi sarata nôdi håkera hůvina har hattu-yentu såvirad-honnina mattina gondegaļu suttalibigadaru selu jaratara satt-antha Sravawa târi wa hottu-kondu nadadam hârastara mêle chbatrachyâmara | butti-buţtili bukkitta kattav-illada hårasta hidada hoytara maligi bajara | haligi kaļi karni karadi sambâļa samparadâni bårast=honta munda saradárå | dikka-dikkina nandi yellà akka Travvana nodi dukhkha madyar-eshtu janaru II Chyê li Dharwadada mandi bhôr-idut-aluvaga paharadagwidda maga 'Sankarana statisuta nûr-onda dukkha madidana yetta-bhandigaļu hattawa kudurigaļu satta gravada munda sági hôguda kaņda sôdhisi dukhkha mâ didanû dana-dharmava kottu nêma-nitteva tirsi munda muktiya koduwa Basavana stutisuta maņņ-olageita tiragidarů 11 Yêra 11 Sundara Hebballi Basava kaņd-ashtu kaviya hondisi madida vistârå 19 11
SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
BY J. F. FLEET, Bo.C.S., M.R.A S., C.1. E. No. 192. - CABLLUR COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF VIRA-CHODADEVA.
DATED IN HIS TWENTY-FIRST YEAR. I edit this inscription from the original plates, which belonged to Sir, Walter Elliot, and are now, I understand, in the British Museum. I had them for examination in 1879. A transcription of the text, with a partial translation of it, is given in the Elliot Telugu Sasanams, p. 131 ff. And the inscription has recently been edited by Dr. Hultzsch, in his South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. I. p. 49 ff. I give my own version of it here, because it is required, with some other grants of the same dynasty which I have had on hand for a long time unpublished, in connection with a paper on the Chronology of the Eastern Chalukya Kings.
Chellar is a village about two miles to the west by south of Ramachandrapuram, in the Ramachandrapuram Taluků of the Godavari District, Madras Presidency; it is entered in the map, Indian Atlas, Sheet No. 94, as Chelloor,' in Lat. 16° 49', Long. 82° 3'. It is mentioned in line 98 below, as the Chellaru agrahara. The grant appears to have been obtained from the Karnam of this village.
The plates, of which the first is inscribed on one side only, but the last partially on the second side also, are five in number, each measuring about 10" by 5%". The edges of them were raised into rims; and the writing is in a state of fairly good preservation throughout, except where it has been intentionally interfered with, in lines 103-109, and except for one small breakage at the lower proper right corner of the first plate, and three such on the fifth plate. - The ring on which the plates are strung, is about " thick and 6" in diameter; it had been cut before the time when the grant came under my notice. The seal on the ring is circular, about 21" in diameter. In relief on a countersunk surface, it has, - across the centre, the legend SriTribhuvan[ *]kusa; in the upper part, a boar, standing to the proper left, and surrounded by the sun and moon, an elephant-goad, two chauris, two lamp-stands, and a conch-shell; and in the lower part, a water-lily, with a drum, a svastika, and a device which on a previous occasion (ante, Vol. XIV. p. 49) I have described as being "something like the letter ga, which may perhaps be meant for the makaratorana," but which may possibly be intended for the sivihásana or throne, which also is mentioned among the insignia (line 24 below). 2 - The weight
1 In the Telugu Sasanams, it is only described as "appertaining to Chellar;" while, in a separate list, it is entered as being "from Draksharam temple." But the name of Chellur, though subsequently cancelled, was written on a label fastened onto the plates. The grant was made to # Vaishňava temple at Chellar. And Sir Walter Elliot himself, referring to other notes of his, has said distinctly that, with the grant of Kulottunga-Chodadeva II. (edited by me, ante, Vol. XIV., p. 65 ff.), it was obtained by Mr. G. A. Smith from the Karnam of Chelldr (ante, Vol. XIV. p. 204). -Under any circumstances, it is better to call it uniformly a Chellur grant. than to introduce confusion by sometimes speaking of it is as the Dråksharama grant.
For a representation of the device, see the proper right side of the lower part of the seal of RAjarkja, No. 1 in the Plate, ante, Vol. VII. p. 258. In the present case, the device is more rectangular, and does not sbew the curved parts

Page #458

424
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1890.
of the five plates, with the ring and seal, is given in Sir Walter Elliot's list as 353 tolas. - The characters are those of the so-called Old-Kanarese alphabet, and are of much the same type with those in the Korumelli grant of Rajaraja I. (ante, Vol. XIV. p. 48 ff. and Plates). Throughout this grant, hardly any distinction, if really any at all, is made between the syllables ja and já; in the latter there ought to be a very marked prolongation of the upward stroke that completes the top part of the simple j or ja. The average size of the letters is about ". The engraving is fairly regular and good. The letters show through on the reverse side of the fifth plate only; the interiors of most of them shew marks of the working of the engraver's tool. - The language is Sanskrit throughout. It is substantially in prose; with passages in verse scattered through it. - In respect of orthography, the only points that seem to call for notice, are (1) the doubling of chh, by ch in the proper manner, after the anusvára, in puichchha, line 24, and larichchhana, lines 24, 31 ; in a similar way, the cha of chariténa is doubled in line 94, but here the doubling does not seem permissible, as the anusvára belongs to a separate word ; and (2) the doubling of dh, by d in the proper manner, before y, in addhyarddha, line 38.
The inscription is one of Vira-Chodadova, otherwise called Vishnuvardhana, of the Eastern Chalukya family, who was a ruler of the Vengi country. It is a Vaishnava inscription; the object of it being to record the grant of a village, by Vira-Chôdadêva, to a temple of Vishnu which his Sénápati or General, a Vaishnava Brâhman named Médamarya and otherwise called Gunaratnabhushana, had built at the agrahára of Chellûru.
This agrahara of Chellûru is, of course, the modern village of Chellur itself. The name of the village that was granted, appears to be Koleru. Dr. Hultzsch, reading it as . Kolain, has suggested that it may have something to do with the Kolár or Kolleru Lake in the Gudivada Taluka, Kistna District. But it seems to me to be the modern Kalairoo of the map, two miles south-west of Chellûr. It is defined as being in the Guddavadi vishaya, whicb Dr. Hultzsch has suggested may perhaps be connected with the Gudivada mentioned just above ; the same name, however, occurs also in the case of two villages in the Vizagapatam District. Two other places that are mentioned, are Draksharama and Pithapuri. The latter word is, I presume, another form of the name of Pittapuram, - the ancient Pishtapura, - the chief town of the Pittậpuram Zamîndârî in the Godavari District, in Lat. 17° 6', Long. 82° 18'; in the vernacular headings of inscriptions in the Telugu Sasanams, the name is written Pithapuram,' while in the English Index it is given as Pithapuram.' Draksharama is the Dracharam' of the map, about four miles south by east from Chellûr; it is described as “one of the most sacred places in the District, with a large and important temple dedicated to Bhîmêsvara" (Sewell's Lists of Antiquities, Madras, Vol. I. p. 25). In the original, the name is actually written Daksharama ;' and it is given in the same way in many places in the Telugu Sasanans. But the correct form of the name appears to be undoubtedly Drákshârîma (see, e. g., Sanderson's Kanarese Dictionary, as well as the Lists referred to just above). And finally Vira-Chôdadêva's palace is stated to have been at a town, the name of which appears to be Jananathanagari (see note 55 below); this place remains to be identified.
below the flat top in the seal of Rajaraja. - As noted by Dr. Hultsach, the word makaratirana is given in Sanderson's Kanarese Dictionary, as meaning an honorary wreath or string of flowers, &c., raised upon poles and carried in front of one, ws an emblem of distinction. But this is more properly the meaning of the simple word trana, which denotes also a similar wreath or string suspended over a door or gateway. In the Kanarese country, makaratórana is the technical term for the ornamented arch of a door or gateway; probably from an original device which introduced brackets representing makaras.
• When I edited that grant, I rather inconveniently called the king Rajaraja the second, in consequence of his maternal grandfather having had the same name: and I spoke of him in the same way in connection with his coins. and with the date of his coronation (pp. 79 ff., 1298., above). But he was the first king of that name in the Chalukya family: and it will be more correct and more expedient from now, to follow Dr. Hultch, and to speak of him as Rajaraja the first.

Page #459

DECEMBER, 1890.)
CHELLUR GRANT OF VIRA-CHODADEYA.
425
This record gives & genealogy, mythical, legendary, and historical, which may be treated in the following divisions : -
(1) The Puranic genealogy. This commences with the god Vishnu, as a result of which, the Chalukyas were comprised in the Vishnuvamsa or lineage of Vishnu; and it is taken through Soma or the Moon, so that they belonged also to the Somavamsa or Lunar Race. as is expressly stated in line 49. As far as the name of Yayati, it agrees with the Purâție genealogy of the Gangas of Kalinga (ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 170); and the last specific name in it, is that of Udayana, the son of Satânika. Another Purâņic genealogy of the same style seems to be followed in some of the Kakatiya records (see Wilson's Mackenvie Collection, Introduction, p. 74).
(2) The legendary connection of the Chalukyas with the preceding. Without any specification of names, we are told that, including Udayana, fifty-nine emperors sat on the throne at Ayodhyâ, in unbroken lineal succession. This statement is also preserved in some of the Western Chalukya records (e.g., ante, Vol. V. p. 17; also Vol. VIII. p. 12, where, however, after the fifty-nine emperors of Ayodhyâ, sixteen other unnamed kings, in the south, are introduced before the beginning of the real genealogy). And with it we may compare the statement in the Ganga grants, which connects their real with their Purâņic genealogy, by saying that, after Kölâhala had founded the city of Kôlâhalapura, his son and seventy-nine other kings reigned there, and then were followed by the historical members of the family, commencing with Vîrasimha. When the fifty-nine emperors had reigned at Ayôdhyâ, a member of the family, named Vijayaditya, came to the south, from a desire for conquest, and attacked Trilôchana-Pallava, but lost his life in the attempt. His queen, who was pregnant, escaped with some of her attendants, and, being preserved by a saint named Vishnabhatta-Somayajin, gave birth to a posthumous son named Vishņuvardhana. The young prince was nourished; and, having done worship to the goddess Gauri on the mountain called Chalukyagiri, he at length assuined all the royal insignia of his family, conquered the Kadamba, Ganga, and other kings. and established himself as emperor of all Southern India, from the Bridge of Rama, i.e. Adam's Bridge, or the ridge of rocks connecting Ceylon with the Coromandel coast, up to the Narmadá. His son, born of a queen of the Pallava lineage, was another Vijayaditya. With the mountain Chalak yagiri that is introduced here, we may compare the Nandagiri fort which, according to the Kakatiya legend, was founded by Nanda, the son of Uttnügabhuja; Nanda's father, in a similar manner, came from Upper India, and settled to the south of the Gôdavari (luc.cit.). And. in very similar fashion, the mountain Mahendragiri, - in this case a really existent mountain,
is introduced into the traditions of the Gangas of Kalinga. The foundations for this portion of the genealogy are plainly the facts, that the Chalakyas did come originally from the north, and found the Pallavas in possession of some of the territories afterwards acquired by themselves; coupled with a Kadamba tradition that the founder of that family was Trinêtra or Trilôchana.
(3) The Early and Western Chalukya genealogy, as far as it is given; being confined to three names, - those of Pulikašin I., Kirtivarman I., and Satyåśraya or Palikêśin II. According to this account, Pulikesin I. was the son of the second Vijay aditya of the preceding paragraph. In reality, he was the son of Raqaraga, who was the son of Jayasimha I.
(4) The Eastern Chalukya genealogy. This starts with Vishņuvardhana I. or Kubja. Visbņu vardhana, a younger brother of Palikesin II., and is carried on to the person who makes the grant, Vira-Chôdadêva. A continuation of it, for one generation, is given in the Chellúr grant of Kulôttanga-Chôdadêva II. (ante, Vol. XIV. p. 55 ff.), from which we learn the name of Vira-Chôdadêva's eldest brother, Vikrama-Choda.
The chief interest of this record centres in the information that it gives concerning Kalôttunga-Chôdadêva I, and his sons. There was an intermarriage of the Eastern Chalakya.
I use here the form of his name that is given in the Chelldr grant of his grandson. be is first called Bajēndra-Chods, and afterwards Kulottargader.
In the present inscriptiou,

Page #460

426
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1890.
with the Chļas two generations earlier, when Vimaladitya took to wife Kundavamahadevi, the daughter of Rajaraja of the Solar Race, and the younger sister of Rajendra-Chôda (ante, Vol. XIV. p. 50). It was from this, that his son was named Rajaraja (I.). The latter, again, found a Chôļa wife, in Ammangadêvi, the daughter of Rajendra-Chôda, i.e., I presume, of his maternal uncle mentioned just above. His son, in a similar way, was named Rijêndra-Chôda after his maternal grandfather, and also Kulôttunga-Chôdadêva I. And he did as his immediate ancestors had done, and married Madhurântakidêvi, the daughter of Rajendradêva of the Solar Race. From this time the members of this family were plainly Chôļas at heart, far more than Chalukyas; this is indicated not only by their names, but also by their personal history.5 Kulôttunga-Chôdadêva I. was first anointed, like his ancestors, in the sovereignty of Vengi, "which was the cause of the rising of his splendour," But subsequently, and apparently very soon, he desired or preferred the Chôļa sovereignty; and he was anointed to that, and transferred the rule of Veigi to Vijayaditya, another son of Vimaladitya. The precise circumstances under which this occurred, - whether through a failure of the Chôļa succession; or through the breaking out of hostilities between the Eastern Chalukyas, and the Cholas, leading to a conquest of the latter, - are not as yet apparent. This much, however, seems clear; that Vijayaditya was not an independent sovereign; but Vengi was simply an appanage of the Chồla crown, Vijayaditya being his nephew's viceroy there. Vijayaditya governed Vengi for fifteen years, and then died. Upon that, evidently reserving his eldest son for the principal succession, Kulôttunga-Chôdadêva I. appointed his second son, Rajaraja II., to govern Vengi. The latter, however, was homesick, and returned to his parents after remaining in Vengi for only one year. Then Kulôttunga-Chôdadêva I. appointed his third son, Vira-Chodadêva, to the government of Vengi; and the latter was with some difficulty prevailed upon to take up the office, and to go to his appointed country.
The date of the appointment of Vira-Chodadava as viceroy of Vengi, is given as being in 'Saka-Samvat 1001, when the sun was in Simha, i.e. in the solar month Bhadrapada, on the thirteenth tithi of the bright fortnight, on Thursday, in the Vrischika lagna, and under the Sravana nakshatra. The year is expressed in numerical words, and is not qualified either as cur rentor as expired. It has to be applied as a current year; and the tithi has to be taken as a current tithi, used with the week-day on which it began. Thus: -
In 'Saka-Saṁvat 1002 corrent (100) expired), the sun entered Sirhs at about 38 ghatis, 35 palas, after mean sunrise (for Bombay), on the 27th July, A. D. 1079; the thirteenth bright tithi which occurred while the sun was in Sinha, was Bhadra pada sukla 13; and this tithi ended at about 16 gh. 30 p. on Tuesday, 13th August, and so cannot be connected with a Thursday. in any way.
But in Saka-Samvat 1001 current, the sun entered Simha at about 23 gh. 5 p. on the 27th July, A. D. 1078; the thirteenth bright tithi which occurred while the sun was in Sinha, was again Bhadrapada sukla 13; and the exact results, worked by Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit according to the present Surya-Siddhánta, for the apparent times at Rajamahêndri, are as follows:- The tithi Bhadrapada sukla 13 began on Thursday, 23rd August, at 3 gh. 11 p., and ended on the Friday at I gh. 26 p. On the Thursday, the moon was in the Sravana nakshatra, at sunrise, and up to 19 gh. 38 p. And there was the fißchika lagna, from 11 gh. 25 p. to 16 gh. 57 p. Accordingly the date of the installation of Vira-Chôdadêva, as viceroy of Vengi, was Thursday, 23rd August, A. D. 1078.8
• Dr. Burnell (South Indian Palmography, pp. 21, 22, 40) treated them, from the generation before KulottangaChadeva I., as actually Cholas by descent, and not as Eastern Chalukyas at all; and also made the mistake of identi. fying Vira-Chodadeva with his father, placing his coronation in A. D. 1079, fifteen years after the date that was obtained for the commencement of bis reign. -Some similar mistakes have been made by Sir Walter Elliot (Coins of Southern India, pp. 131, 135; I may mention, by the way, that the list referred to on p. 135, was not supplied by me.)
• The use of the Saks year as a current year is exceptional; especially as compared with the manner in which it has to be applied in the dates that give the days of the coronation of Amma II. and Rajarfja I. of the same dynasty (pages 102 f., 1991., bovo). Also, I had some doubts as to the year being really 1001. There are some apparently unnecesary and caperfluous marks about some of the letters, commencing with the syllable fi of the compound that expresses it. My ides

Page #461

DECEMBER, 1890.)
CHELLUR GRANT OF VIRA-CHODADEVA.
427
There are some interesting stone inscriptions at Pittapuram, at the temple of KuntiMadhavasvami, which ought to be properly copied and edited, in connection with the history of this period. One of them, dated Saka-Samvat 1124 (Telugu Sasanams, p. 501 ff.), states, - differing from the present record, and from the grant of Kulôttunga-Chôdadêva II. (ante. Vol. XIV. p. 55), - that Rajaraja I. reigned for only forty years ; and his son, KulôttungaChôdadêva II. for fifty years, over the five Dravidas with the Andhra vishaya (?); it seems also to mention the latter as being at first a Yuvarája. It also states that his son Vikrama. Chôda, - apparently having been first installed in the Veigi country, - went away to govern the Chola mandala, and left Vengi without a ruler (nayaka-rahita). Another, dated Sakar Samvat 1108 (id. p. 703 ff.), says that Kulôttunga-Chôdadêva I., while reigning over the whole earth,gave the Vengi mandala to the prince Vira-Chôdadêva. It then introduces a feudatory family, several members of which are mentioned. One of them was Gonka, who served Kulôttunga. Chôdadêva I. A brother of his, named Gunda, had a son named Vedura, who served ViraChôdadêva, and conquered Pandyadêva for him. Vira-Chodadêra thereapou gave him half his throne, and a province lying between two rivers (sindhu-yugm-antar-akhyann désam). Also, Gonka had a son named Chôdabhûpa ; and Kulôttunga-Chôdadêva I. treated him as his own son, and gave him, - perhaps after the death of Vira-Châ¢adêva, – the Vengi mandala, consisting of sixteen or eighteen thousand villages. And a third, dated Saka-Samvat 1113 (id. p. 715 ff), seems to mention, in connection with the history just about the time of Rajara ja I., a certain Rajendra-Chôda, to whom his paternal grandfather Rajadhirajêndra-Chôda gave the Vengi country; but the transcription is not very intelligible.
TEXT.
First Plate, 1 Omlo [11] Srill.dhâmnah purushottamasya mahato Narayanasya prabbôr=nnabhi
pam karuhát babhêva 2 jagata[1,*] srashțâ Svaya[m*Jbhastata[ho] jajõe mânasa-sûnur-Atrir=iti yas=
tasman-manêr-Atritas-Somo vamsa-ka3 ras=sudh-Amáur=udita[ho] Srikantha-chûdimaņih (11] Tasmad12_abhät=sudha-sûtêre
Bbudho budha-nutasutatah jatah Pura4 rava nåma chakravartti sa-vikrama! 11 Tasmåd=&yus=tató Nahusbaħ tatê
Yayatik-chakravartti vamsa-kartta 1 ta
was that the intended word migh' be fikhi-khadvay-Sthlu ; giving the year 1003. And calculating for Saka-Sarvat 1008 expired, and for Bhadrapada bukla 13, which here again wa sun into Sinha, which took place at about 9 gh. 40 p. on the 27th July A.D. 1031, - with Prof. K. L. Chhatre's Tabler, I obtained approximate results which led me to submit this year also t: Mr. Sh. B. Dikabit for accurate determination of the details. And he has given me the following results, calculated, as before, for the apparent times at Rajamahén. dri: -The tithi Bhadrapada sukla 13 began two or three palas after sunrise on Thursday, 19th August, A. D. 1081, and ended on the Friday, at 3 gh. 42 p. ; on the Thursday, the moon was in the Sravana nakshatra, at suprise, and up to 35 gh. 36 p.; and there was the Vrischika lagna from 12 gh. 4 p. to 17 gh. 86 p. It seemed possible, therefore, that this might be the real day. Since then, however, I have heard from Dr. Hultzsch that he has obtained another grant of Vira-Chôdadêva, dated in his twenty-third year, which gives the same details for the date of his installation ; and that, with a small and immaterial difference, the Baka year is expreased by the words sa ii-kh-ambar-endu, which ara perfectly distinct and indisputable. Accordingly, the real year undoubtedly is Saka-Sarvat 1001 current.
+ The transcription has tat-putrlapi yuu.Ahya-purva-furushi rajerdra-choda sthitaḥ śrl-pancha-dravidan sahandra-vishayan parcha ad-abdan arat. The word panchiad is altered (wrongly) into pahchadasa (sic). -It
the present inscription does not say exactly that Rdjarfja I. reigned for forty-one years, but for " forty years and again for one." This suggests the idea of a break in the full period. It may be that he was Yuvardja for one year, before his coronation as king. Or it may be that towards the end of his reign he made over the sove. reignty to his son, but subsequently assumed it in person again for one year more. The passage is in verse; but there is no reason why forty-one years should not have been specified in it in a plain and ordinary manner, if that was the real unbroken length of his reign.
The transcription bas pritashida tasdarah. It is difficult to say whether this represents prita shidata sahasran, or prito=shtAdısao. • From the original plates.
10 Represented by an ornate symbol. 11 Metre, Sardalavikridita.
19 Metre, Bloka (Anushţabh).

Page #462

428
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(DECEMBER, 1890.
& La
5 tah Purah tato Janamêjayaḥ tataḥ Prachibaḥ tatas=80(ai)nyay&tiņ tato
Hayapatih atas=s&rvvabhauma[h*) ta6 to Jayasənah tato Mahabhobhau)maḥ tasmad-Aisanakaḥ13 tataḥ Krodh&nanah
tató Dévakih tasmad=Ribhu7 kaḥ tasmad-Rikshakah tatô Mativaras-satra-yaga-yaji Sarasvati-nadi-nathah
tatah Katya 8 yanaḥ tato Nilaḥ tato Dushyamtaḥ [1*] tat-satah | Gamg44-Yamun[4*]
tir[eo] yad-avichchhinnan25=nidhaya yu9 pân kramaśaḥ kṣitva tath=kávamédhan=nama maba-karmma Bharata iti yô=
labhata (11) Tatô Bharatad=Bhama10 nyuḥ | tató Hastill tatô Virochanaḥ 1 tasmâd-Ajami(mi)laḥ tatas-Samvaraṇaḥ
tatas-Sudhanva tatah Parikshi11 t tato Bhimas[*]nas-tatah Pradipanaḥ tatasSamtanuḥ tato Vichitraviryyah
tatah Pandurajaḥ ta12 tah Pandavaḥ | Yên17-Âdâhi vijitya Ka(khâ)adava-mathô gåodivinâ Vajriņam
yoddhê pasupat-astram=A. 13 mdha]karipôs=ch=âlâbhi daityân bahûn Imdr-årddh-âsanam-adhyarohi jayina yat Kilikey-adi
Second Plate; First Side. 14 kân hatvá své(svai)iam-akâri vamsa-vipina-schhê(chchh8)dah Kurûņāṁ vibhôh 1(11)
Tato-Rjjunad-Abhimanyuḥ tatah Parikshit 15 tatohle Janam@jayaḥ tatah Kshēmukaḥ tatô Naravahanaḥ tatas-Satanikaḥ
tasmid=Udayanaḥ (11*] Tatal prabhội. 16 tishy19-avichchhinna-santân[e]shv=Ayodhya-simhâsan-âsînêshy-êkên-na-shashţi-ch a kra
varttishu gatêshu tad-vamấyÔ Vija17 yadityo nama raja vijigishayû dakshiņapatha[n*) gatva Trilochana-Pallavam
adhikshipya daiva-durihaya 18 lokaṁtaram-agamnt Tasmin samkuls purohitēna vriddh-amatyais-cha sárdd hamu
amtarvat[n]i tasya mahîdévi 19 Muqivemu20-nin-angraharam=upagamya tad-vastavyêna Vishộubhatta-sômayajina maha.
muni20 prabhavêna(na) duhitri-nirvvisesham=abhirakshitâ sati Vishnuvarddhanan
namdanam-asůta [1*] S& ta21 sya kumarakasya Manavyasagotra-Haritiputra-dvipaksha-gotra-kram-ôchitâni
karmma22 ui kårayitva tamtavarddhayati Sa cha mâtrâ vidita-vpi21ttântas-san-nirggatya
Chalukya-girau Namda[i*} bha23 gavatin Gó(gaurim=årådhya Kumara Narayana-mâtriganimś=cha samta.ppya
évêtâtapatr-aikasamkha-pamcha
13 In tbla grant of RajarAja I. (ante, Vol. XIV. p. 50, line 7), I gave here the wrong reading of tasmdded&sánakah Dr. Hultzsch has shewn the right reading, in his edition of the present grant.
14 Metre, Aryagiti.
- Dr. Haltzsch bas proposed to read here gashga-yamund-tirayőr-avichchhinndn; but he has overlooked the metre, -as I myself did, in editing the grant of Rajardja I.
16 In the grant of Rfjarája I., the reading is "bh timanyul tasmat suhótrah tatd hasti. 11 Metre, Sirdalavikrhlita.
18 Read tato. 19 Read tataḥ pararlı tat-prabhritishvo; as in the grant of RAjarkja I.
20 In the second syllable of this word, the consonant looks at first sight very much like h. Bata comparison with other words sbewa that it is not h. In the grant of Rajaraja I., the syllable is very distinctly di: and there can be no doubt that the same was intended bere ; simply, the loop at the end of the lower part of the d has not been properly formed.
# First vi (probably as part of vri, for vri) was engraved ; add then the superscript i was cancelled.

Page #463

DECEMBER, 1890.)
CHELLUR GRANT OF VIRA-OHODADEVA.
429
24 mahâśabda-pålikêtana-pratidakka22-vara halámchchhana-pimchchha 23 - kumta-sim bâsana.
makaratöraņa-kanakadanda-Gan25 gå-Yamun-Adini sva-ru(ko)la-kram-âgatáni nikshiptân=iva sâmrajya-bhi(chi)hnûni
samadhya Kadamba-Gang-adi-bh26 mipan=nirjjitya S[8*]tu-Narmmada-madhyam sârddha-sapta-laksham dakshiņâpatham palayam-asa (1) Tasy2-asid=Vija
Second Plate; Second Side. 27 yadityo Vishnuvarddhana-bhủpatêh P allav-anvaya-játâyâ mahâdêvykscha
namdanam 25 (11) Tat-sutah 28 Pulakési-vallabham 20 [1*7 tat-putraḥ Kirttivarmma [11] Tasya tanayah [*]
Svasti Srimatâm sa kala-bhuvana-sa29 stûyamâna-Manavya-sagotränam Harit[1]-putranam Kausik127-vara-prasada-labdha
râjyânâ[m] ma30 tși-gana-paripálitânârin Svâmi-Mahåsêna-pâd-anndhyâtânâm bhagavan-Narayana28-prasada
sama31 sidita-vara-varahala[m*]chchhan-êkshaņa-kshaņa-vabi(bs)ksit-arâtimandalânâm=asvam edh
avabhridha(tha)-snana-pa32 vitrikțita-vapushan Chalukyanam kulam-alamkarishạôs=Satyabraya-vallabhêmdrasya
bhra33 tk Kubja-Vishnuvarddhand-sbtâdaśa varshâņi V[e*]mgi-dosam-apalayat [*]
tad-âtmajô Jayasi[m*]34 ha-vallabhas-trayas-trimsatam tad-annja I[m*]drarajas=sapta dinânii tat
suto Vishịuvarddhano nava va 35 rshậni tat-sūnur-Mmamgi-Yuvarajah pamcha-vimsatim [1] tat-putro
Jayasim basatrayôdaśa (1) tad-avarajah 38 Kokkilish-shan misan [1] tasya jyështhô bhrata Vishnuvarddhanas-tam
uchchâțya sapta-trimsatam (1) tat-putrô Vija37 yaditya-Bhattarakórshtadaśa tat-tanujô Vishnuvarddhana[h*] sbat trimsa
tam20 [1] tat-suto Naromdramrigarajoshta38 chatvârimśatam [**] tat-sutah Kali-Vishņuvarddhand-ddhyarddha-varsham [1]
tat-suto Gunagamka-Vijayadityag-chatus-cha39 tväriinsatam [1] tad-bhratur-V vikramadityasya tanayas-Chalukya-Bhimastrimsatam tat-sutaḥ Kollabhiganda
Third Plate; First Side. 40 Vijayadityash=shaņemásân tat-suto=Mma-rajas-sapta varshåņi 1 tat-sutam
Vijayadityan bâlaman41 chchâtya Taqape(pb) masam-êkam ! tam jitvå Chalukya-Bhima-suto
Vikramaditya ékûdaśa mâsan [1] 42 tat-Tada pa-raja-sutô Yuddhamallas-sapta varshani | tam=uchchh(chcha)tya debade
Amma-raj-anaj Baja-Bhi43 mah(mo) dvadasa varsh âņi () tat sûnur30-Amma-rajah pamcha-vimsatim
tasya dve(dvai)mâturô DAnansipas-triņi va
12 Read dakka,or hakka.
23 Road pichchha, probably; but the same word, pinchha, is need in line 27 of the grant of Rajaraja I. ; and it hus a meaning of its own (see ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 313, note 18).
44 Metre, Blóka (Anushțubh).
25 Road nardanal. The same mistake, between the final m and the visarga, occare in vallabham in the next line ; and must be due, I think, to the use of some peculiar form of the visarga by the writer of the charter. The final occurs, properly, in linea 34 fr. below.
26 Read vallabhah ; and see the preceding note.
At first, the fi was omitted ; and then kf was altered into fiki. * Read bhagavan-narayana.
* Read shat-tringatam.
30 Read tat-sunur.

Page #464

480
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1890.
44 rgbâni 12 tamtag31egapta-vimśati-varghiņi daiva-durthaya Vergi-mahir=anâyik
Abhavat tato Dan[4*]rnnava-gu45 tậ(ta)s-Saktiva33rmma-bhů patir=dvadasa varshâņi samarakshadeurvi33 [1]*] Tatas-34
tad-anujas=sapta vatsarân bhůta-vatsalah 46 Vimaladitya-bhQpålah pålayam-Asa medi(di)nim 1 (11) Tat36-tanayo naya-bali(it)
jaya-lakshmi-dhe47. ma Rajaraja-narê[m* ]draś=chatvârimśatam-abdîn-êkam cha p unar=mmahim
apalayad-akhilâm (1) 7636 48 rup[@]ņa Mabhanôbhavam37 visadaya kártya kalânân=nidhi bhôgên=api
Paramdaram vipulaya lakshmya 49 cha Lakshmidharam Bhimam bhima-parå kramêņa vihasan bhâti sma bhâsvad
yasa [h*) srimat Soma38-kul-ê(ai)ka50 bhûshaņa-maņir=ddin-aika-chistâmaņih [11*] Tasy=&sid=apakalmashk su-charitairs
Ammamga-nâmna bhavi pra51 khyâta subha-lakshan-aika-vasatiruddhvi jagat-pâvani ya Jabnor-iva Jahnavi30
Himavatô Gaur-iva La52 kshmîr-iva kshirô dâd-divaseba-vamba-tilakad-Raj@mdra-Chodad-abhat (11) Putras 40 tayôr-abhavad-apratigha
Third Plate; Second Side. 53 ta-sakti-nisseshit-ari-nivah mahaniya-kirttih | Gamgâdhar-Adrisutayôr-iva Kârttikeyo
Rajendra54 Choda iti râja-kula-pradipah (11) Bhâsâm l=unnati-hêtum pradha(tha)mam Verg.
isvaratvam=adhyâsya yas tējas 55 dig-amtân=&kramad=udayam sahasrarasmir-iva | Udyacha-chandatara-pratâpa-dahana
plusht-akhila-dve56 shiņa barv vân Kub(ke)rala-Pandya-Kumtals-mukhân nirjjitya desân kramat
ajña maulishu bhùbhșita 57 bhaya-ruja chittêsha durmmêdhasan kirtti[r*]=diksha sadhâmśu-dhậma-dhavala
yên=arppit=ôjjsimbhatê (11) Bho. 58 giss-ábhfla-bha(bh/)ga-pratibhaya-bhuja-nirbbha[r*]tsan-êtyamta-bibhyan-nând-b h û påla.
18ka-prahi59 ta-bahuvidh-înargghya-ratn-abhiramam dbatté maulim parârddhyo mabati nipa.
kulê yah Kulo60 ttungadevo dêvêmdratvad=anûne surapati-mahima Choda-rajyo-bhishiktah (1)
Hasta-4.bhrajita-sam61 kha-chakra-jalnjam yam Raja-Narayanam lôka[ho] stauti BA Buryya-vamba.
tilakad-Rajendraddv-arnnava62 t sambhůtamMadhurartak-iti viditân=nâmn=&page(re)ņa svayam Lakshmima
udvahati sma 10ka-mahita45 63 devir charitr-Onnatam (1) Gang-augh iva nirmmalah krita-tam-dhvamsa
dinêsa iva kshóņidhra iva 64 bhů-bhara-srama-sahâ jîtâs-tayôg-sûnavaḥ tan-madhye naya-vikram-aika-nilaya[ro]
śrî-Rajarajan 65 prati prômni(mņa) vacham=imam=avchata pita sa[r]vv-ôrvar-adhivata(ra)h (1)
Maya Vergi-mahi-rê
» Read tatas.
2 This letter, va, was at first omitted, and then was inserted below the line. 33 Read uruvih. Metre, Blóka (Anushtabh).
36 Metre, Åryagfti. 36 Metre, Sardalavikrilita; and in the next verae.
Read manibhavah. * Read śremat-somao. 39 The hna is imperfect in the original; the top stroke of the h being omitted.
** Metre, Vasantatilaka. 41 Metre, Aryngiti. 42 Metre, Sardalavikridita.
.8 Metre, Sragdhara. ++ Metre, Sardalavikridita; and in the next verse
5 Read mahitan, • Metre, Bloka (Anushtubb), and in the next two verses.

Page #465

DECEMBER, 1890.] CHELLUR GRANT OF VIRA-CHODADEVA.
Fourth Plate; First Side.
66 jyam Choda-rajy-âbhilâpi(shi) på mat-pitrivyê pura nyastam Vijayaditya-bhûbhuji (1)
Sa cha pamcha
68 n=dhuram dattâm garupa
67 daś-âbdâni pamchânana-parâkramaḥ mahim rakshan-mahf-nâthô divam dêv-ôpamo
gatah (1) Ity=uktvà tâ
chakravarttinâ anishța-tad-viyôgô=pi vini(ni)tô vahati
69 khatô gurupin- ja tu rajyam sukhamity avikshya samrakshya Vergibhuvam-êkam-abdam bhûyas-sa pitrô
70 r=agamat-samipam (1) Tad48-anujam-adha(tha) dhiram Vira-Chodam kumaram gunam-iva tanu-baddhaṁ vikramam chakra
71 vartti udayameiva ravis-tvam pripya V[e]mg-isvata(ra) tvaṁ
vitanu sirasi
pâdam bhûbhṛitâm=ity-av
72 chat (1) Ityaishah samadhigamya ngipid-avavadhyam devykstadh(th)migrajanṛipa-dvitayât
73 kramêņa anamya tan-avauato-varajaiḥ kumara [h] srishta[b] sva-desa-gamanaya sa tai kathamchit (1) Satru52-dhvâm
74 tam-apasya raja-nikarân-âchchhâdya dhamn-âparân durvvrittân-vinivartya kama53liním kritva tadh(th)=ânamdinî[*] A
75 rudô(dhô)54 Jananatha55-nama-nagari-harmmy-ôdayâdrim
bhushanan nripa-sutô bâl-arkka
431
sma saḥ (1) Sri7-pada-sêvâ-su
bhú
mamtri-purôhita-sênâpa
vibhur-Vverg1-bhutala.
simh-adhirade(dhė)
76 bimba-dyatiḥ (11) Sak-abdė basi-khadvay-êmdu-ganite ravau chamare vriddhimati trayodasa-ti
77 thau varê Guror-vvrischikê lagne-tha Bravane samasta-jagati-râjy-Abhishikro
mu[de] lokasy-ôdvasma paṭṭam anaghah
78 hati
śri-Vira-Chodo nripaḥ (11) Sa sarvvalok áraya-sri
Vishnuvarddhana-mahârâ
Fourth Plate; Second Side.
79 jadhirajo raja-Paramêévaraḥ paramamahêsvara[b] paramabhatt [*]rakal paramabrahmanyaḥ śri-Vira-Chodadêvaḥ Gudda80 vadi66-vishaya-nivâsinô rashtrakuta-pramukhân
kutumbinas-sarvvân
samâluva
81 ti-yuvaraja-dauvârika-samaksham-i57ttham-jõâpayati yadhâ(tha) Pâvanês brahmavamśê-bhût-param-âhlâda-da[r]sanah
47 Metre, Upajati of Indravajra and Upendravajra.
48 Metre, Malini.
49 This is an anomalous letter; neither exactly md, nor exactly mi, bat a mixture of the two. It occurs again io line 81 below.
50 Metre, Vasantatilaka.
81 Read avandhyam.
62 Metre, Bårdülavikridita; and in the next verse.
53 The ma hero is expressed by an akshara which might very easily be interpreted as ro. The akshara is of frequent use in the western inscriptions.
54 Attached to the lower part of this akshara, there is a mark which perhaps may be intentional, and intended to express the aspirated h. But I have not met with it elsewhere; and I am more inclined to think that it is due to a she of the engraver's tool.
56 The second syllable of this word is cramped and not completely formed; and the value of it is rather doubtful. - Dr. Hultzsch read it as bha, which ho corrected into ga. He thus obtained the name of Jaganathanagari. And, taking this as a Prakrit form of Jagannêthauagari, he suggested that the place might be identified with Jagannathapuram, which, according to Mr. Sewell's Liste, is "the portion of the town of Coconada lying south of the river." My own reading was va; Javanathauagari. But I have since heard from Dr. Hultzsch that, in the grant of the twentythird year of Vira-Chôdadeva, the reading is distinctly na; Jananathanagart. And, as the doubtful akshara muy stand for na just as well as for bha cr va, that it is the reading that I adopt. -It happens that, in the Telugu Sas:.. nams, the reading of na is actually given for the present graut also.
se Dr. Hultzsch has read the last syllable of this word as fi. But I do not agree with him. It is not identical with the ti of sphuit in line 103. 5 See note 49 above.
55 Metre, Slōka (Anushṭabh); and in the next four verses.

Page #466

432
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1890.
82 munimdrô Madgalô nâma kshiroda iva chandramah (1) Yên=&ta[r*]ky.
AnubhÄvena samâhâtê divákarê yasya ya83 shțis-samddishțâ ravi-chêshtâm=achêshtata (1) Åsit=pavitra-chåritras=tad-gôtre gôtra
varddhanah diśo nija-yaśo-dhamna dyô84 tayan Potan-âhvayaḥ (11) Gan-adhikâ guņa-jñêna Rajaraj-adhipêna yaḥ Rajaraja.
brahma-ma hârâja-namnên 85 stutâ muda (1) Tasya punya-nidhah patni Kannamůmbå jagan-nuta Atrêr-iv=
Anasuy=&sid=anasûy[&*]86 guy-Ônnata 111) Sutamaiva Vasudevad-Dêvaki Vasudevan Gubam=iva Girikanya
namdanam Chamdrami(man)leh 87 atha tanayammasûta sri(sri)-nidhin 88 cha tasmad-akhila-vibudha-samghair=iditam=
Modamaryyam [11] Uddamako-dhe88 ma-vimalikțita-dig-vibhagê nity-ôdaya-sthitimati pravikasi-padm[eo] yatr=6dite nikhila
bandhu-kulani lakshmir-a89 dhyâsta värija-vanÂni vivasvat=iva (1) Yasminn81-åśri(íri)ta vatsald Kțitayug-âchâr.
aika dhire svi(athi)tim bibhráņa(ne) Gunaratnabha. 90 shaņa iti prakhyâta-nâmni Avayam satya-tyaga-paråkrama-prabhritay8.8=saibhûya
sarvvê goņa varddhamte 91 guņa-rási-lôpa-nipuņam nirjjitya kalamn Kalim 01 Dhi(dhi)ro62 nity-anurakta
dsida (dha)-nikita-matir=brahma-yarasa-pradipo 92 lakshmi-bhQreiddba-tējk naya-vinaya-nidhissastra-sastra63-praviņah mânyas
ke (sai)lêmdra så ra-sthira iti cha maya sada93 rar saprasdam sê (sai)nApatye-bhishikt vahati jana-mude param=&rôpitam yaḥ (0) Susrushaya gurujanan:
Fifth Plate; First Side, 94 95 chcha(cha)ritena 10kam=må nêna] bandha-janam-ishta-dhanêna sishţân ya
mâm=madiya-nikhila-kshiti-rajya-bhara-kshämty=Abhinamda95 yati bhakti08-bharêņa Saarism (11)] Yasya67 prâmgaņa-bhůmisho prati-dinan
prakshAlyaman-Amita-kahônidêva-samûha-padha(da)-vigalad-vêri-pra. 96 våhais-subhaih kasvan-mArgga-sahasra-puribh1r08-ah Ganga-prava (ha) jiGii)tá
dôvôshv-anyatamasya pada-galità márgga-tray-ay&gital 97 101) D[r*]Aksh®-årâmå påvane punya-bhâjâ paqya-kshêtre Pithapuryyam che
yêna bhəkt[u*]mi prityå praty-a7oham brâhmapânám=&-kalp-âmtam kalpi98 tam sat[t*]ra-yagmam (11) Chellaru7l.nama-prathit-abhirama-sisht-âgrahår-ôttara-dig.
vibhag mahat-tațâkamm7-madhur-ambu-paronam-a. 99 chi(chł)karadayah karana-ras-âtma (11) Viprair73-Agastya-pratimair-asankhyai[r*]
nnity-pabhôgyéna sasi prabhêna yad=v7rip-abdhim "hasat-iva bhu. 100 yê nissêsha-pitam kalas-6dbhavêna (11) Mah76-au jasa tena maha-mahimna grâmasya
tasy=¶-dig-vibhaga nirmmápitam dharmma. 101 parayanêna Vishņô[r]=griham Vaishṇava-pamgavai(ve)na (11) Samannate chandra
marichi-gô(gau)ré Lakshmi-nivåsê nayan-Abhiramé " 102 tatre&vir-âsîteyayam-dve(va) dévő Lakshmi-patir-llakshita-samkba-chakra[ho] (u)
Tasmai Sri Vishğu-bhattarakâya76 praty-aham charu-ba54 Metre, Malini.
* Metre, Vasantatilaka.
61 Metre, Bardflavikridita. # Tetre, Sragdhara.
88 Read, probably, fastra-sastra. 4 Metre, Vasantatilaka. The repetition of the anusydra here is unnecessary. * These two syllables, bhakti, were at first omitted, and then were inserted below the line. 57 Metre, Bardalavikridita.
* Read paribhir.
Metre, Balint. 4. These two syllables, pratya, were at first omitted, and then were inserted below the line. w Metre, UpajAti of Indravajri and Upendravajra,
7 Read tadkan. 75 Metre, Indravajra. 74 First the superscript 6 was formed, and then it was corrected into a. 16 Metre, Upajậti of Indravajra and Upendravajr; and in the next verse. T6 At first bhattdrarakdya was engraved ; and then the first ra was cancelled.

Page #467

DECEMBER, 1890.)
CHELLUR GRANT OF VIRA-CHODADEVA.
433
103 li-půj-årttham khanda-sphoțita-navaka[r*]mm-artthař cha bhavad-vishayê, Kolera_77
nama-gr[A]mas-sarvva-kara-parihårêņa 104 dêvabhôgiksitya udaka-pârvvakaṁ datta iti viditam=asta vah [1*) Asys gråmasa
sîmânah [1] pûrvvatah Ku105 karapolagarusu Naru(?)vaya si(el)mâ âgn@yyâm Trenkipolagarusu Natrena(?)
gumtaya si(si)må dakshiņasyảm Trem106 kipolagarasu .... medigamțaya si(si) mà nairfityâm Trenkipolagarusu
.......... mêśvarama si(si)ma 107 paschimatah Târu .... nia(?)polagarusu Na....da(P)gumtaya
si(si) mâ vậyavyâm . . . . . . . .. 108 ru(?)napolagarusu si(sl)må uttarasyâm Kra(P)ladipolagarusu si(si)må Porâņa(?)
109 garasu Cha(?)ve(?)lam(Plim)gagumtaya si(sf)må simå II Asy=ôpari na kênachidb[@*]dhå kara[niya yah karo]ti sa
Fifth Plate; Second Side. 110 pancha-mahậpåtaka-vaktô bhavati | Tatha ch=Oktam bhagavata Vyâsena | Sva-70
dattâm para-dattâm [va yô bare]ta VH111 sundharâm shashtin varsha-sahasrâņi vishthâyâm jậyatê krimih (11) Gâmekâm
svarņņamêkaṁ vů (bhûmêr apyrêka]m-amgu112 lami haran=narakam=åpnôti yâvad=8-bhůta-samplavam (11) Bahubhir
vvasudhå dattå bahubbis-chrannpålitá yasya 113 yasya yada bhümis-tasya tasya tadâ phala (11) Bri-vijayarajya-samvatsara
eks-virsê dattasy-asya 114 sâsanasy=åjõaptih parcha pradhanah kavya-kartta Viddayabhattal lêkhakah
Pennachârih 11
ABSTRACT OF CONTENTS. From the water-lily that grew from the navel of Narayans (Vishnu) (line 1), there was produced Svayambhd (Brahman), the creator of the world (1.2). From him there was born Atri, a mind-engendered son. From him, Soma (the Moon), the founder of #race. From him there sprang Budha (1. 3). From him, the emperor named Pururavas. From him, Ayus (1.4). From him, Nahusha. From him, the emperor Yayati, the founder of a race, From him, Puru (1. 5). From him, Janamejays (I.). From him, Prachiba. From him, Sainyayati. From him, Hayapati. From him, sarvabhauma. From him, Jayasêng (I.) (1. 6). From him, Mahabhauma. From him, Aisanaka. From him, Krodhanana. From him, Dévaki, From him, Ribhuka. From him, Rikshaka (1. 7). From him, Matiyara, the celebrator of sacrifices, the lord of the river Sarasvati. From him, Katyayana. From him, Nila (1. 8). From him, Dushyanta. His son was he who set up sacrificial posts, step by step, in an uninterrupted line, on the banks of the rivers Ganga and Yamuna, and performed the great rite of the asvamédha-sacrifice, and acquired the name of Bharata (1. 9). From him there was born Bhamanyu. From him, Hastin
11 Dr. Hultzach has read this name as 'Kolára.' He quotes Sir Walter Elliot as giving the name as 'Kalera.' It is given as 'Kaler' in the Index to the Telugu Sasanams; but, in the transcription of the text in the same book, it is given as Kåveru. There are some unnecessary marks in the first syllable; but on the whole it seems to be ko, or possibly ke; and not kd. On this point, however, I should like to see the original plate again. The second syllable is rather spoilt, through the r of the third syllable having been at first commenoed here; and the vowel is of decidedly anomalous form; but the intended akshara seems to be certainly le. - From this word, down to just before the second smd in line 109, the writing has been deliberately damaged, and at some places rendered quite illegible, by paring down the copper; and here and there some letters have been inserted between the lines, as if to add to the confusion.
+ otro, 81óka (Anushtubh); and in the following two versos.

Page #468

484
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
(DECEMBER, 1890.
(1. 10).70 From him, Virochana. From him, Ajamila.so From him, Sam varana. From him, Sudhanvan. From him, Parikshit (I.). From him, Bhimasena (1. 11). From him, Pradipana. From him, Santanu. From him, Vichitravirya. From him, Panduraja. And from him, the Pandavas (1.12). One of the Pandavas was Arjuna (1. 14), who, armed with the bow gandiva, conquered (the god Indra) who wields the thunderbolt, and burnt the hermitage in the Khâņdava (forest) (1. 12); who acquired in battle the weapon of Pasupati ('Siva), from (Siva) the foe of the demon) Andhaka; who slew Kalikêya and many other Daityas, and then, in victory, mounted half of the throne of Indra; and by whom there was effected, just as he liked to do it, the outting-down of the forest of the race of the lord of the Kurus. From him, Arjuna, there was born Abhimanyu (1. 14). From him, Parikshit (II.). From him, Janamêjaya (II.) (1. 15). From him, Kshômuka. From him, Narav hana. From him, Satanike. And from him, Udayana.
Then, commencing with him (Udayana), sixty emperors, less by one, in unbroken lineal succession, sat on the throne at Ayodhya (1. 16). And when they had passed away, a king of that same lineage, by name Vijayaditya (1. 16-17), went to the region of the south, from a desire for conquest; and, having attacked Trilochana-Pallava, through the spite of fate he (lost his life and) went to the other world. In the confusion that ensued, his queen-consort, who was pregnant, escaped with the family-priest and with the aged ministers, and reached the agrahara named Muqivemu (1. 19); and being cherished, just like a daughter, by the great saint Vishộubhatta-Sômayâjin, who dwelt there, she brought forth a son, Vishņuvardhana (L. 20). And having caused to be performed for that prince those rites which befitted his descent from the two-sided gôtra, of those who were of the Manavya götra and were descended from an original ancestress of the Harita gótra (1. 21), she reared him. And be, being instructed by his mother in the events that had happened, went forth; and wurshipped Nanda, the divine Gauri, on the Chalukya mountain (1. 22); and appeased Kumâra and Narayana and the troops of the Mothers of mankind; and assumed the insignia of universal sovereignty which had descended to him by the succession of his family, and which had been, as it were, laid aside, vis. the white umbrella (1. 23), the single conch-shell, the panchamahásabda, the palikétana,8l the double drum, the crest of a boar, the feathers of a peacock's tail, the spear, the throne, the makaratórana, the golden sceptre, and (the signs of) the Ganga and Yamana, and other insignia ; and conquered the Kadamba and Ganga and other kings (I. 25); and ruled over the whole) region of the south, lying between the Bridge (of Ráma) and the river Narmada, and containing seven and a half lakhs (of villages).82 The son of that same king Vishnuvardhana, and of his queen-consort who was born in the Pallava lineage, was Vijayaditys (1. 26-27).
His son was Pulakasin (I.), the favourite (1. 28). His son was Kirttivarman (I.), His son :
Hail! Kubja-Vishsuvardhans (I.) (1. 33), the younger) brother of SatyAbraye-(Pulikon II.), the chief of favourites, who adorned the family of the Chalukyas (1. 82), who are glorious ; who are of the Manavya götra (1. 29), which is praised throughout the whole world ; who are Haritiputras; who acquired sovereignty through the excellent favour of Kaasiki (the goddess Durgâ); who have been protected by the troop of the Mothers (of mankind); who
"According to the grant of Rajarkja I., the succession was, - from Bhamanyo, Subotna; from Subộtr, Hastin; and so on (see note 16 above).
The correot form of this name appears to be Ajamths, or Ajmidha. 61 An arrangement of flags in rows; see anto, Vol. XIV. p. 104 f.
i. e. seven hundred and fifty thousand villages. - Dr. Haltesoh has translated " (and the revenue from which amounts to) seven and half lakshas." But the specification refers undoubtedly to the number of villages (of course "xaggerated here as in other iustances) supposed to be included in the territory compare the explicit mention of "the three Mah Arashtrakna, containing ninety-nine thousand villages" in the Aiholo inscription (ante, Vol. VIII. p. 242, line 12). -The mistaken supposition that the numbers in such cases indicate the revenues, appears to have originated with Dr. Burnell (see his South Indian Palcography, p. 67, laat paragraph but one).

Page #469

DECEMBER, 1890.]
CHELLUR GRANT OF VIRA-CHODADEVA.
435
meditate on the feet of the god) Svimi-Mahasena; who have had the territories of their enemies made subject to them on the instant at the sight of the excellent crest of a boar (1. 31) which they acquired through the favour of the divine Narayana ; and whose bodies have been pcrified by ablutions performed after celebrating the asvamédha-sacrifice, - ruled over the Vergi deba for eighteen years (1. 33).
His son, Jayasimha (I.), the favourite, ruled for thirty-three years (1. 34). His younger brother, Indraraja, for seven days. His son, Vishnuvardhana (II.), for nine years. His son Mangi-Yuvaraja (1. 35), for twenty-five years. His son, Jayasimha (II.), for thirteen years. His younger brother, Kokkili (1. 36), for six months. Having expelled him, his elder brother, Vishnuvardhana (III.), reigned for thirty-seven years. His son, Vijayaditya-Bhattaraka (I.) (1. 37), for eighteen years. His son, Vishnuvardhana (IV.), for thirty-six years. His son, Narendramfigaraja-(Vijayaditya II.), for forty-eight years. His son, Kali-Vishnuvardhana (V.), for one year and a half year. His son, Gunaganka-Vijayaditya (III.), for forty-four years. Then Chalukya-Bhima (I.) (1. 39), the son of his (younger) brother Vikramaditya (1.), for thirty years. His son, Kollabhiganda-Vijayaditya (IV.), for six months, His son, Amma (I.) (1. 40)for seven years. Having expelled his son Vijayaditya (V.), while he was a child, Tadapa (1. 41) reigned for one month. Having conquered him, · Vikramaditya (II.), the son of Chalukya-Bhima (I.), reigned for eleven months. Then
Yuddhamalla (II.) (1. 42), the son of that same Tadapa, reigned for seven years. Having expelled him from the country, Raja-Bhima (II.), the younger brother of Amma (I.), reigned for twelve years. His son, Amma (II.) (1. 43), for twenty-five years. His half-brother, born from a different mother, Danangipa, for three years. Then, for twenty-seven years, through the spite of fate, the land of Vengi was without a lord (1. 44). Then king Saktivarman (1. 45), the son of Danarnava, reigned for twelve years. Then his younger brother, Vimaladitya, for seven years. Then his son, Rajaraja I. (1. 47), for forty-one years; he was a sole ornament of the glorioas Lunar Race (1. 49). His queen was Ammangadevi (1. 50-51), the daughter of Bajendra-Choda of the race of the sun. Their son was Rajendra-Choda (1. 53-54), who, at first had the sovereignty of Vengi, “which was the canse of the rising of his splendoar," and who conquered in succession the Kerala, Pandye, Kuntala, and other countries (1. 56). He was also called Kulotturgadeva (11. 59-60); under which title he was anointed in the Choda kingdom; and another of his names was Raja-Narayana (1. 61), because on his hands there were marks of the conch-shell, the discus, and the water-lily. He married Madhurantakidevi (1. 62-63), the daughter of Rajendradeva of the race of the sun. And they had seven sons. One of their sons, -as a matter of fact, their second son, was Rajaraja (II.) (1. 64). To him his father explained that, when he himself was anointed to the Choda kingdom, he had given the sovereignty of Vengt to his own paternal uncle Vijayaditya (1. 66), who ruled there for fifteen years, and then died. He now appointed Rajaraja (II.) as Vijayaditya's successor; and the latter, though the separation from his fatber was unwelcome to him, obedientdy took up the barden (1. 68); bat, feeling that sovereignty was no happiness without the pleasure of being able to worship the feet of his elders, he governed the country of Vengt for only one year, and then returned to his parents (1. 70). Then Kulottungadê va appointed Vira-Choda (1.70), the younger brother of Rajaraja II., to the sovereignty of Vengt; and, being blessed by his father, his mother, and his two elder brothers, in succession, Vira-Chods was, with difficulty.
The expression in the original here is sapta-Trithéati-varshani daiva-durshayd pengt-mahir anayik-dbhavat. IL the grant of R&jardja I. it is said that "for twenty-seven years a feverish desire, to obtain a suitable lord, consumed the earth, which was without a ruler;" and that "Chalukya-Chandra oured the fever of the earth." In another record (Telugu Sasanams, p. 777) it is said that sakalinga-eandhra-madalam andmikam 'éva vidhi-vafdd bhdtan.
The time in question has been understood as a period of acaroby. But the expressions do not seem to necessarily mean that; compare the description of Vengt, in one of the Pitt¶m inscriptions (page 127 above), as being nayakarahitd again at a later time, when there was certainly no anarchy.
# The number of their sons is not explioitly mentioned; but, se pointed out by Dr. Hultesch, it is indicated by their being compared with the (seven) streams of the Ganges, the (neven) suns or Adityas, and the (seven) mountain (see his translation of the verse).

Page #470

436
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1890.
prevailed upon to go to Vengi (1. 73); and, arriving there, he established himself in the palace at the city of Jananathanagari (1. 75).85 And thus, being anointed to the sovereignty of the whole earth (!) in the Saka year is that numbered by the moon (one), two skies (a pair of ciphers), and the moon (one) (1.76), when the sun was standing in the sign Sinha, when the moon was waxing, on the thirteenth lunar day, on Thursday, in the Vrischika lagna, and under the Sravana (nakshatra), he, the king, the sinless one, the glorious ViraChoda, assumed the fillet of sovereignty, to the delight of mankind (1. 78).
And he, the asylum of all mankind, the glorions Vishnuvardhana (1.78), the Maharaja dhiraja, the Rája-Paraméśvara (1. 79), the most devont worshipper of the god Mahêsvara, the Paramabha!!áraka, he who is most kind to Brahmaņs, the glorious Vira-Chodaddva, having called together all the cultivators, headed by the Ráshļrakultas, dwelling in the Guddavadi vishaya (11. 79-80), thus issues a command, in the presence of the Mantrin, Purôhita, Sé nápati, Yuvaraja and Dauvárika (l. 81):
"In the Brahman race (i.e. caste), there was a saint named Mudgala (1. 82). In his gótra (i. e. in the Mudgala gótra), there was a person named Pôtana (1. 84), who was praised by the king Rajaraja (I.) by the name of the great king of the Brâhmans of Rajaraja.' His wife was Kannamâmbâ (1. 85). Their son was Meqamarya (1. 87), who became famous under the name of Gunaratna bhasbana (1. 89-90). He has been anointed by me in the office of Sénápati, and wears the fillet which was placed on his head to the delight of the people (1. 93); and he pleases me by the patient manner in which he bears the burden of role over the whole of my territories (1l. 94-95).
"At the pare Draksharama, and at Pithapuri, a place of sanctity (1. 97), he established two sattras, for feeding Brahmans. Also he caused to be made a large tank, in the northern division of the famous agrahara of Chellaru (1. 98). And by him, an eminent person among the Vaishnavas (1. 101), there was caused to be built a temple of Vishņu, in the western part of the same village; in which the god himself, the lord of Lakshmi, manifested himself, having his conch-shell and discus distinctly visible (1. 102).
“Be it known to you that the village named Koleru, in your district, has been given to that same god, the holy Vishnubhattâraka (1. 102), for the daily performance of the charu, bali, and worship, and for the repairs of whatever may become broken or torn, -- with exemption from all taxes, and on the terms of a dévabhóga (1. 104)."*86
Lines 104 to 109 specify the boundaries of the villages. As the passage contains several words that are more or less illegible, and as an identification of the names might shew that some of the legible words have not been properly divided by me, it is needless to produce any part of it here.
Then follow, in lines 110 to 113, three of the customary benedictive and imprecatory verses. And the record ends with the statements, that the charter was given in the twentyfirst year of the glorious and victorious reign (1. 113); that the Dátakas (denoted by the word éjíapti) were the five Pradhanas or Ministers (1. 114); that the composer was Viddayabhatta ; and that the writer was Pennachâri.
*5 See note 55, above.
86 The dérabhöga, 'enjoyment by a god,' is obviously one of the divisions of the tribhúga, for which see pago 2171 above.

Page #471

DECEMBER, 1890.)
FOLKLORE IN BURMA.
437
FOLKLORE IN BURMA.
BY TAW SEIN KO.
No. 2.- The Two Blind Princes. Being childless at the time of his aocession to the throne of Tagaung, King Thadonâganaing' adopted prince Labaduha, brother of his queen Kên nayide wi, as his hoir.
One day it was reported to the king that a huge wild boar, 18 feet high, was devastating the land, and the Enyemin, as the prince was now called, was ordered to stop its ravages. The prince tarched out with an armed force, and the boar fled southwards and sought refuge in the Shan country, and to this day the place of its entry is known as Wetwin. The chase was continued, and the animal crossed the Irrawaddy (Airavati) at a place called Wetmasut without Fetting itself, and was not overtaken till it reached an island above Prome now called Wettôgyun, where it met its death. The prince afterwards proceeded southwards, and the lake where he washed his dagger after killing the wild boar, came to be known as Wetth wese-in, now corrupted into Wetohe-in.7
After accomplishing his mission, Labaduha bethought himself that, in case a son and heir had been born to the King of Tagaung during his prolonged absence, his return thither would only complicate matters. The distance he would have to traverse was great and beset with much danger, and he was not free from apprehension that his return would give rise to intrigues, and perhaps civil commotion, as was the case with most of the neighbouring countries. Besides, he was of an advanced age and would prefer ending his days in peace. He, therefore, resolved to take up his permanent residence in the country of the Pyus, and acquire merit by leading the austere life of an ascetic hermit.
One day the religious meditations of the hermit-prince were disturbed by the cries of an infant near his hermitage, and on repairing to the spot whence the soand proceeded, he saw to his great surprise that a doe had miraculously given birth to a female child. The doe being frightened by human intrusion ran oft, and the hermit-prince could do nothing but take possession of the child and carry it to his lonely abode. Fortunately for the sustenance of the child, abundant milk miraculously flowed from both the fore-fingers of the hermit, who had constituted himself its foster father. In due course the child grew into a beautifui damsel, and was named Bedâyi. When she was seventeen years of age, she was sent daily to fetch water and directed not to return home till after sunset. This injunction was given, because it was considered that the presence of a female was detrimental to the spiritual progress of a recluse.
In the same year that prince Labaduha set out on his perilons chase, queen Kennayidênt gave birth to two male twins who were born blind. The king was ashamed of owning them as his children, and ordered them to be done away with. But the queen, with the motberly affection natural to her sex, hid them away and saved their lives. When they were nineteen years old, however, the king discovered that his behest had not been obeyed, and he peremptorily commanded that effect should be given to his previous order. The queen could no longer stave off the fatal moment, and therefore bringing her feminine wit into requisition, she devised a scheme for obeying the royal order and yet at the same time for saving the lives of
1 See onte, Vol. XVIII. page 275, footnote 2.
? Kennayide wi Kinnardért, • Enyemin or Enshemin literally means lord of the eastern house, and corresponds to the Yuvardja in macient Hinds kingdoms; vide Phayre's History of Burma, page 9.
• Wetwin means 'boar-entry.' It is in the Shan State of Thônze, which is to the north-west of Mandalay. . Wotmaaut means boar-not-wet.' It is situated in the Myingyan district. • Wettőgyun means 'boar-strike-island.'
Wetche-in ; quarter of the town of Prome is still known by this name. • The Pyus are an extinct tribe whose habitat was the Prome district. • Bodkyt; this appears to be word of the Pyu language, about which nothing is at present known.

Page #472

438
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1890.
her children. She had a magnificent raft built, stored it with provisions, shipped her sons on it, and consigned it with its precious freight to the bosom of the Irrawaddy, invoking at the same time the dryadsło to exercise special care over her children.
The raft floated down the river, and in due course arrived at the place where Sagaingll now stands. Here its further progress was stayed by a projecting branch of "sit” tree, whose guardian 12 was an Ogres 13 called Sandamökki.l* Taking advantage of the blindness of the princes, the ogress daily shared with them their scanty meals without their knowledge, till the brothers made an arrangement to catch the intruder by holding each other's hand and asking whose it was. By this means the princes captured the agress, and were just waving their swords to kill her, when she cried out: "Hold ! spare my life, and you will see how grateful an ogress can be.” One of the princes asked: "What do you mean? How will you shew your gratitude ?" And the ogress replied that she would undertake to cure their blindness. On this condition her life was spared, and the raft floated down. At the place now called Sag016 she began to cure them, and at Ywâlinto their eyesight was restored. At Myede, 17 just above Prome, delighted with their restored vision, they exclaimed:
Mógá; a-pon: Myê gáa-t'e; "The sky is a covering dome,
And the earth is below it." The downward voyage was continued, and the raft was not moored till its arrival at Bugágyaung, 18 a creek below Prome. Here they encountered Bedayi, who was drawing water. Noticing the smallness of the aperture in the joint of the hollow bamboo through which the water was trickling, this being the contrivance of the old yathé 10 whereby he succeeded in keeping his foster daughter employed all day long, the princes took the liberty of cutting off the joint in the bamboo end and thus enabled Bedayi to return home earlier than usual. The hermit enquired why she had, unlike her wont and in disobedience to his express command, returned so early. She explained the cause, and volunteered to fetch the princes and introduce them to the old recluse. This was permitted, and on learning the pedigree of the strangers, who were no other than his nephews, Labaduha married Bedayi to Mahathanbawa, 20 the elder of the two princes.
At that time the ruler of the Pyu tribe was a queen, and the yathe obtained from her a grant of land of the size of a hide. He, however, construed the grant in a different sense, and cutting up a hide into thin strips, took possession of as much land as could be encircled by
10 The corresponding term in the Burmese version of the tale for dryad' is nat. Nat-worship, which is pure demonolatry, still prevails in Burma, and the Buddhist monks have never attempted to suppress it.
11 Sagaing is written in Burmene as 'Sit-kning,' 1. e., the Sit-garden. The sit tree is not mentioned in Mason's Burma.
12 Each object in nature, as trees, hills, streams, &c., is believed by the Burmans to be presided over by a guardian nat. See note 10, supra.
13 The description of the "ogress" here is extremely interesting, as by the term is meant merely a foreigner or "barbarian," without any special attribute of inspiring terror.-R.O.T.]
#4 Sandamôkki is the Burmanisod form of the PAli word Chandamuri (4 o ). 15 Sagà means "begin-cure." It is in the Minba distriet.
36 YwAlin is popularly, but wrongly, identified with Salin in the same district. It is situated in the Malad township of the Thayetmyo district.
11 Myede is in the Thayetmyo district. The Mylde parallel was taken as the boundary line between Upper and Lower Burma before the annexation of the former.
11 This creek has been filled up. 20 Yathé, no pronounced but written rasse, is the Burmanized from of the Sanskrit rishi. 5. Mahôtbanbawa ie the Burmanized form of the PA word Mahdearbhava.

Page #473

DECEMBER, 1890.]
MISCELLANEA.
439
the combined length of the leathern strips. Hence the city built on the land was nained Thayêk'ittaya.21
When Mahathanbawa became king over Thayêk'ittaya, he appointed his brother Sulathan. bawa 22 to be Enyemin23 or Crown Prince. The former reigned for six years, and was succeeded by his brother who married his sister-in-law Bedayi. Sulathanbawa reigned for 35 years and died at the ripe age of 61,25
MISCELLANEA. THE PANCHASIDDHANTIKA.
verse of the lat chapter as afunsaumya. Whatever I have said in my papers on the divas-ddye. He has now read it as #1 , sóma. original Surya-Siddhanta and on the Romaka. |
didas-ddyd. But I have shewn in my paper on Siddhantas in connection with Dr. Thibaut's
the original Surya-Siddhanta that the real read. opinion on certain points in the Pancha
ing is 14o, bhauma-divas-ddyah. siddhantika, has reference only to his article published in 1884, in the Jour. Beng. As. Soc.
(2) (See p. 47, above). The second half of the Vol. LIII. Part I. pp. 259 to 293; I did not know
4th verse of the 9th chapter is now explained. Here his edition and translation of the Panchasiddhan
we both, unaware of each other, have made the tika, not only when I originally drafted my
same emendation for the Ta of the original MS. papers, viz. in July, 1889, but for some time I have put the word t (=9), and Dr. Thibaut even after their publication. Through the kind. has put (=9). ness of Dr. Thibaut I have now a copy of his
(3) (See p. 136, above). The Kshepakas in the work, received at the end of July last. Since
1st, 4th, 5th and 8th verses of the 8th chapter have then I have had no time to read it carefully; but
been taken into consideration. Here, again, we thinking it to be desirable, nay even to be my
have both made the same emendation in the 2nd duty, to state as early as possible those points
half of the 4th verse. I have added the word criticised by me on which his opinions have
a ( 9) and Dr. Thibaut has added 4 (-9), changed, us shewn in this edition, I do so here
I may state here that there were several such briefly
instances of coincidence in my first paper, not The principal point of my criticism was Dr. published, on the original Sarya-Siddhanta, of Thibaut's first view, that the Romaka-Siddhanta which my published paper on the same is a recast treated of in the Pañchasiddhantika, and Sri. (see p. 45, above, note 1). The satisfaction felt at shôņa's Rômaka-Siddhúinta, were one and the such an agreement in the results of independent same. But he has now come to the conclusion work, will be appreciated by those who have had that they are different works. His opinion now a like experience. about the age of the former, as given in his
(4) (See p. 136, above, note 5). Dr. Thibaut edition of the Panchasiddhuntika, is, that it was
now reads 469 for 4, in the 8th verge of the " composed not later than about 400 A.D." I still
8th chapter. differ from him in this respect; my conclusion being that it was composed before A. D. 150; and
(5) (See p. 141, above). The word s trat in I hope that by-and-bye he will come round to the
the 3rd verse of the 1st chapter is now translated same view.
by Dr. Thibaut by "explained."
I would add that the edition and translation of Some minor points are as follows:
the Paschasiddhantikd brought out by Dr. Thi. (1) (See pp. 46, 47, and 50, note 15, above). baut and Mahamahopadhyaya Sudhakar Dvivods, He uriginally read the last expression in the 8th is a most important work, both in itself, and in
21 Thayek'ittaya: this old-world fable has been invented to account for the name, which Lassen identifies with Srikshetra, the field of fortane' and Dr. Forchhammer with Srikshatriya, the glory of the Kshatriyas. -[We would, however, agree with Lassen! EDB.] 23 Sulathanbawa: Pali Chalaswabhava.
23 See supra (note 3). ** Marriage with a sister-in-law has died out among the Burmans. It is, however, still prevalent among the Chins : vide sec. 21 of Maung Tot Pyo's Customary Law of the Chins.
25 The date assigned to the beginning of this story by the legendary history of Burma, is the 40th year after Gautam Buddha's death, i.e. to say, 503 B. C., if the Burmese date of Baddha's death is to be accepted. Quasi. historical legenda like this are co.nmn in Barm., and use always excaedingly intareating and illustrative of th folklore of the Burm gee. - R.C.T.).

Page #474

440
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1890.
giving most useful means to add to and correct | published by me in the Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. our knowledge of the Hindu astronomy.
Vol. XII. pp. 2, 11 ff. (see also Archæol. Suro. SHANKAR BALKRISHNA DIKSHIT.
West. Ind. Vol. II. p. 288 ff., where a photograph is Dhulia, 16th September 1890.
given, and Vol. III. p. 116 ff.), the date (line 24
1. ) is - Srimatu Saka'-varsha 1145neya Chittra. CALCULATIONS OF HINDU DATES.
bhAnu-samvatsarada Kârttiks sudhdha punnami
Sömavara sômagrahaņa-byal vya )ttpâtadalli, - No. 41.
" in the vyatipdta of an eclipse of the moon (on) In the Khedrapur stone inscription of the Monday the full-moon tithi of the bright fortnight Dévagiri-Yadava king Singhaņa II., from the of Karttika of the Chitrabhånu samvatsara, which Kolapur State, published by we in the Jour, Bo. is the 1145th glorious Saka year." And the inBr. R. As. Soc. Vol. XII. pp. 1, 7ff., the date (line scription proceeds to record that, on this day, at 8 f.) is-sri-Saka-varsbê 1136 Srimukha-saóvat. the command of the Saroddhikarin and Dandandnarê Chaitro sdrya-parba(rva)ại Sômadine, -
yaka Purushottama, a certain Jôgadêva granted "in the glorious Saka year 1136, in the Srimukha the village of Kallavole for the angabhoga and samvatsara, in the month ) Chaitra, at the con- rangabhoga and other rites of the god Svayariajunction or festival of (an eclipse of the sun, bhu-Pafchalinga, and for the purposes of a on Monday." And the insoription proceeds to charitable dining-hall. record that, on this day, Singhaņa II. granted the village of Kadaladâmavada for the angabhôga
Here we have another clear instance of the use and rangabhoga and other rites of the god
of a current year of the Baka era. For, by the Koppeśvara.
southern luni-solar system, the Chitrabhanu Here we have a clear instance of the use of .
samvatsara coincided with Saka-Sarivat 1145 ourrent year of the Saks ors. For, by the
current ( 1144 expired ). southern luni-solar system, which is the only one The details, however, do not work out satisapplicable in this and the following five cases, the factorily. In this year, Kårttika bukla 15 ended, Brimukha samvatsars coincided with Saka. not on Monday, but on Saturday, 22nd October, Sathvat 1136 current (1135 expired).
A. D. 1222, at about 25 palas. And if the term In this year, the new.moon tithi of the amanta vyatlpdta denotes the yôga of that name, then that Chaitra ended on Monday, 82nd April, A. D. detail also is apparently incorrect; for, the Vye1818, at about 26 ghaxís, 10 palas, after mean tipata yoga ended at about 1 hr. 12 min., = 3 sunrise (for Bombay). And on this day there ghatta, before the sunrise at the end of the Friday was a total oolipse of the sun, which was per- and the beginning of the Saturday. On this day, haps visible in India just about sunset (von however, there was an eclipse of the moon (von Oppolzer's Canon der Finsternisse, pp. 232, 283, Oppolzer's Danon, p. 862). And I think that this and Plate 118).
is undoubtedly the eclipse that was intended; With the use in this case of the word surya.
thongh the weekday, Saturday, does not agree parvan for the fuller and more customary term
with that given in the record. There is no aptrya-grahana-parvan, we may compare the Surat
parent reason for looking upon any portion of the grant of Trilôchanapala of Lafaddsa (see ante,
record as not genuine. And, as suggested already Vol. XVIII. p. 91). The tithi is not specified, and
in a similar case (ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 127 f.), has to be inferred from the meaning of the word
the explanation is perhaps to be found in the use sirya-parvan. And the Mesha-Sankrinti or
of the term vystipata. In connection with entrance of the sun into Aries, occurred on Sun
eclipses and sankrantis, it seems to have much day, 24th March, at about 61 gh. 80 p., and, on
the same sense as parpan and punyakdla; except account of the lateness of the hour, was probably
that, it literally means falling entirely oelebrated on Monday, 25th March. But in the
away, total departure,' it may possibly denoto grant of TrilôchanapАla, at any rate, it is certain
only the latter ball, or even the very end, of that the word surya-parvan denotes an eclipse of
the pun yakala. There remains, of course, the the sun, and not a sankranti, and it seems only
difficulty, that the punyakdla of an eclipse, whether natural and correct to understand it in the same
of the son or of the moon, is limited to the time sense, in the present case also.
during which the eclipse is actually visible, except
for accidental obstruction by clonda &o. (Dharma. No. 42.
sindhuedra, i. 48). But special excellence is attached In the Manolit stone insoription of the same to an eclipse of the sun on a Sunday, or of the king Singhana II., from the Belgaum District, moon on & Monday; - (Ravivarê sarya grabad . Read frfmach-chhaka.
2 Bend fuddha.

Page #475

DECEMBER, 1890.)
MISCELLANEA.
441
Chandravåré chandra-grahas chadamani-sarjñas specified in the record itself. For, by the southern tatra dan-adikam ananta-phalam; - loc. cit.). luni-solar system, the Saumya samvatsara And it may be that, within certain limits, the coincided with Saka-Samvat 1172 current (1171 punyakala could be extended to the Sunday or expired). the Monday, as the case might be. In the present In this year, the given tithi Ashadha sukla 15 instance, the eclipse, - one of the moon,
ended on Saturday, 26th June, A.D. 1949, actually occurred on a Saturday; while the record,
at about 32 ghatis, 15 palas, after mean sunrise using the term uyatépata, connects it with the
(for Bombay). By the equal-space system for Monday. While, in the other case of which I have
the longitudes of the ending-points of the nak. spoken, the eclipse, - one of the sun, actually
shatras, the moon was in the Parva-Ashadha Occurred on a Saturday; but the record, using the
nakshatra, at sunrise, and up to at about same term, connects it with the Sunday. More
7 hrs. 52 min., = 19 gh. 40 p. Also, there was over, in the present instance, the intervention of
the Vaidhriti yoga, ending at about 14 hrs. 2 an expunged tithi during all the hours of day.
min., = 35 gh. 5 p. light on the intervening day, may have something to do with the matter; Kårttika krishna I ended
No. 44. at about 3 palas on the Sunday; krishna 2, the
In the Munolli stone-inscription of the same expunged tithi, ended at about 58 gh. 80 p. king Krishna, published by me in the Jour. Bo. on the same day; and the tithi that ended on the
Br. R. 48. Soc. Vol. XII. pp. 4,34 ff., the date (line Monday, was krishna 3, at about 55 gh. 35 p.
20 ff.) is - SA(sa)ka-varsha 1174neya Viro[dhi. In this case, no better result can be obtained kritu)-samvatsarada Jêshta bahuļa ya(a)må vase by applying the given year as an expired year, Buryya-grahaņa Su(su)krav&[rad-a]mdu, - "on and altering the name of the samvatsara from Friday, (at the time of) an eclipse of the sun, Chitrabbanu, No. 16, to Subhanu or Svabhånu, which is the new-moon tithi of the dark fortnight No. 17. For, in Saka-Samvat 1146 current (1145 of the month) Jy&shtha of expired), Karttika sukla 15 again ended not on a samvatsara, which is the 1174th Saka year." And Monday, but on Thursday, 9th November, A. D. the inscription proceeds to record that, on this 1228, at about 52 gh. 30 p. Moreover, on this day, the cultivators of Munfndravaļli, and certain day there was no eclipse of the moon.
other people, granted some lands &c. for the No. 43.
angabhoga and rangabhôgu and other rites of the In the Chikka-Bagiwaại copper-plate grant
god Jagadiśvara. of the Dêvagiri-Yadava king Kệishna, from the Here, again, we have another clear instance of Belgaum District, published by me, with a litho- the use of a current year of the Baka era. graph, in this Journal, Vol. VII. p. 303 ff. (origi.
For, by the southern luni-solar system, the nally in the Jour. Bo. Br. R. 48. Soc. Vol. XII.
Virodhikrit samvatsara coincided with Saka. pp. 3, 25 ff.), the date (line 19 ff.) is-êkasaptaty.
Samvat 1174 current (1173 expired). uttara-sat-adhê(dhi)ka-sahasra-samkhyeshu Sak- The details, however, do not work out satisfac. Avde(bdê shv=atiteshu pravarttamine Saum torily. In this year, Jyishtha krishna 15 ended, mya-samvatsarê tad-arta[r*]gat-Åshaha. not on a Friday, but on Tuesday, 20th June, patirnnomasyarh Sanaiếchara-vara Parvy-Åsha. A. D. 1251, at about 38 ghatis, 40 palas, after dh(4°)-nakshatra Vaidhșiti-yôgê ittham-bhůta- mean sunrise (for Bombay). Moreover, on this pumpya - kåle, -- " when there have gone by the day there was no eclipse of the sun. The nearest Saka years numbered by a thousand increased by solar eclipses (von Oppolzer's Canon, p. 236) a hundred raised by seventy-one, in the current were, on Saturday, 22nd April, of the same year, Saumya samvatsara, on the full-moon tithi of corresponding to Chaitra kşishna 15; and on (the month) Ashâdha in that (year), on Saturday, Sunday, 17th September, corresponding to Bhaunder the Pärvi-Ashadhi nakshatra, (and) in the Vaidhfiti yoga; at this meritorious time." And
Nor can any better result be obtained by apply. the inscription proceeds to record that, at this time, the minister Mallisaitti gave certain lands
ing the given year as an expired year, and alter
ing the name of the savivatsara from Virodbiksit, at Santheya-Bågavadi to the god Madhava
No. 45, into Paridhårin, No. 46. For, in Sakrand thirty-two Bråhmans.
Sairat 1175 current (1174 cxpired), Jyéshcha Here the given year is an expired year, as krishạn 15 again ended, not on a Friday, but on
! Read saunys.
4 Read pusya. • By tho unequal-space systems, the nakshatra at sun
rise was Uttard-Ashfdhâ; and Parvi-Ashadhå enderl on the provious day..
Read jyésh.a.

Page #476

442
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1890.
Saturday, 8th June, A. D. 1252, at about 43 gh. torily. In this year, the amdnta Chaitra krishna 55 p. ; and at this conjunction also, there was no 15 ended, not on a Monday, but on Sunday, 30th eclipse of the sun.
March, A. D. 1253, at about 46 ghalis, 45 palas. In this instance, again, there is no apparent Nor can any better result be obtained by really reason for questioning the genuineness of the applying the given year as a current year, and record. But the word súryyagrahana is un | altering the name of the samvalsara from Pram. usually, and irregularly, placed before Sukra- din, No. 47, to Paridhavin, No. 46. For, in varad-andu; and I suspect that the grant was Saka-Samvat 1175 current (1174 expired), the really made on Tuesday, 20th June, A. D. 1251, amdnta Chaitra krishna 15 again ended, not on a and that the Friday refers, either to the writing Monday, but on Wednesday, 10th April, A. D. of the record, or to its being engraved on the 1252, at about 29 gh. 5 p.; beginning at about stone. The sentence may be made complete and 27 gh. 5 p. on the Tuesday. accurate, by inserting -nimittadinor.nimittav-dgi
Here, again, there are no apparent reasons for after stirya-grahana. The fact, however, still remains that there was no eclipse of the sun; in
doubting the authenticity of the record. And respect of this, I can only draw attention to the
the only explanation that suggests itself, is, that "observation" from
the grant was really made on Sunday, 30th March, Warren's Kalasankalita,
A. D, 1253; and that the Monday refers, either quoted at page 323 above.
to the writing of the record, or to its being No. 45.
engraved on the copper. Failing that, it would In the Bohatti copper-plate grant of the
seem that there is a mistake in the month; and same king Krishna, from the Dharwad District,
that the tithi should be Vaisakha krishna 13, published by me in the Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc.
which began on Monday, 28th April, A. D. 1253, Vol. XII pp. 4, 42 ff., the date (line 51 ff.) is -
at about 16 gh. 35 p., and ended on the Tuesday, pamchasaptaty.adhika-sat-ottara-sahasrake Saka
at about 16 gh. 15 p. varshê varttamanê Svasti Srimad- Yådavanårå
No. 46. yana-bhujava(ba)lapraudhapratápachakra vartti- In the Paithan copper-plate grant of the
Sanharadêva-varsheshu saptamê Pramadi. Dêvagiri-Yadava king Ramachandra, from the samvatsarê Chaitra-måsê krishna-pakshe ame. Nizam's Dominions, published by me in this vâsyAyam Sômavêrê, - "the Saka year one Journal, Vol. XIV. p. 314 ff., the date (line 62 f.) is thousand, increased by one hundred raised by - Sa(ba)kê cha ekadasagu trinavaty-adhikeshv= seventy-five, being current; Hail! ; in the years atitêshu 1193 varttamana-Prajapati-samvatsarof the glorious Yadava-Nårêyana, a universal Antargata-Magha-suddha-dvádasyår Vubu)dhe, emperor through the mature prowess of the -"in the Saka (era), when there have gone by strength of (his) arm, the glorious Kanharadeva, eleven (centuries) increased by ninety-three in the seventh (year, which is) the Pramadin san- (years), (or in figures) 1193; on the twelfth tithi vatsara, in the month Chaitra, in the dark fort
in the bright fortnight of the month) Magha in night, on the new-moon tithi, on Monday." And the current Prajậpati samvatsara; on Wednesthe charter proceeds to record that, on this day, day." And the charter proceeds to record that, the Mahdpradhana Chaundaraja made an agra.
aundaraja made an agra- | on this day, king Ramachandra granted the hara-grant to the Brahmans of the village of village of Vadathana, and two others, to a number Kukkanúru.
of Brahmans, as an agrahara. This date is of interest in giving an instance 1 Here, by the southern luni-solar system, the of the improper use of the word vartamana, Prajapati samvatsara coincided with Saka
current. For, by the southern luni-solar sys. Sarhvat 1194 current; so that the given year, 1193, tem, the Pramadin samvatsara coincided with is rightly qualified as an expired year. the given year, Saka-Sarivat 1175, only as an And in this year, Magha sukla 12 ended, as expired year.
required, on Wednesday, 13th January, A. D. The details, however, do not work out satisfac- | 1272, at about 36 ghatis, 14 palas.
NOTES AND QUERIES. CORRUPTIONS OF PORTUGUESE NAMES gone in the mouths of the Christianised Kölis and IN SALSETTE AND BASSEIN.
others upon whom they have been imposed. They The accompanying lists are in illustration of the have been compiled from the Criminal Returns of Corruption which Portuguese names have under. Magistrates exercising jurisdiction in the Salsette

Page #477

DECEMBER, 1890.]
and Bassein Tâlukâs of the Thânâ district. Great help in identifying the Portuguese originals of the various corruptions was given me by Mr. J. L. Britto, Head Clerk in the Registrar's Office (Appellate Side), High Court of Bombay, who has also revised the proofs. In the lists the Portuguese name comes first, the corruptions after it. Surnames.
Barbosa, Barbôs. Botelho, Butêl. Colaço, Kulâs. Correia, Kurêl, Kunêl. Coutinho, Kôtin. D'Abreo, Dâbré, Dâbrêl. DaCunha, Kun. D'Albuquerque, Albukar. D'Almeida, Almêd. D'Andrades, Andråd,
Andrât.
DaSilva, Seâl, Silvâ. DeBrito, Debrit, Dibrit. DeCarvalho, Karwal. DeConceição, Kôses&w. De Mello, Dumel. De Menezes, Minêz.
CORRESPONDENCE.
Christian Names.
Aleixo, Alês, Alis. André, Andriâ.
DeMonte, Monti. DePenha, Penia. DeSa, Dôsâ, Dâsâ. DeSouza, Souza, Sôj. Dias, Dis:
Dos Remedios, Remêd. Falcão, Falkão, Falků. Fragoso, Phargôl. Gomes, Gôm. Gonsalves, Ghôsâl. Graçias, Grâsi. Lopes, Lop. Pereira, Prêl. Rebello, Rebêl. Soares, Sowâr. Vaz, Waz.
Angelo, Angel, Angû. Antonio, Antôn, Anta.
THE VIRGIN MARY AND HER SISTERS.
TO THE EDITORS OF THE
"INDIAN ANTIQUARY."
SIR, In the September issue of your Journal, Mr. Geo. F. D'Penha, in his contribution re the Blessed Virgin Mary and Her Sisters, gives a one-sided account. The legend told, from a Hindu point of view, may or may not be correct, but this I do not wish to argue. It is generally believed among Natives in the way your correspondent cites it, and this might account for the influx of Natives during the feastdays in the month of September. My Hindu informant tells me that the name of the sixth sister is Lillâvati, a temple in whose name is near Girgaum.
It is astonishing to find how your correspondent, who is a Catholic, should have ignored the history of "Mount Mary" as related from a Catholic stand-point, and volunteered to commit to writing the other version of the story. With
Apollinario, Applan. Augustinho, Gustin. Bernardo, Bernad. Bertoldo, Bêtů.
CORRESPONDENCE.
1 On the ruins of this Church now stands the Bandra alaughter-house. The large stone cross belonging to this
Boaventura, Itar, Vitur. Caetano, Kita, Kaitân. Carlos, Karla. Celestino, Sila. Constancio, Kustân.. Dioginho, Dêgin. Diogo, Dêgia, Dêgir, Dêgû.
Domingos, Duming, Duma, Dumji. Elias, Ellis. Feleciana, Filsa. Filipe, Philla, Pillia. Francisco, Farsů. Ignacio, Inâs.
Jacintho, Jasi, Jasin. Jeronimo, Jurân. Joana, Janů. João, Jão.
Joaquim, Jokim, Jáků. José, Jujia, Zujê, Zujiâ. Lourenço, Lorês.
Luis, Lasha. Luisa, Laza.
443
Manoel, Mâna, Mânia. Maria, Mârâ. Mariano, Mâriân. Martinho, Martin. Matheus, Matês. Mathias, Mathis. Miguel, Mingel, Mangu. Nathalia, Nathů. Nicolau, Niklão. Pascoal, Paskôl,
Paskiâ, Paků. Paulo, Paulû. Pedrinho, Pedrin. Pedro, Pêdru. Pobre, Pôbriâ. Quiteria, Kitta. Raphael, Raphêl. Romania, Rumân. Rosa, Rôzi, Rozů. Salvador, Sala. Santana, Santân. Santiago, Santiag. Sebastião, Bastião, Bâstav.
Simão, Simaw. Theresa, Terêz, Terâj. Thomas, Tom&. Vicente, Vishis, Vishu. C. E. G. CRAWFOED.
a slight stretch of memory your Båndra correspondent could have recollected that in the appendix to the pamphlet published in 1874 by the Very Rev. F. L. G. D'Athaide, on the Birth of the Blessed Virgin Mary, a concise account is given of the Chapel of the Mount. I possess a copy of the pamphlet in which the following appears :
"In the year 1678 a Chapel was built by the Portuguese and named Capella de N. Senhora do Monte,' which was made filial to the ancient Church of St. Anne;' when the Marathas invaded the island of Salsette, the Chapel along with the Church of St. Anne, was demolished and burnt, but the image was thrown into the sea. This image was hidden among the rocks in the creek by some devout person, and lay there for six months, after which it was removed and replaced in St. Andrew's Church. In 1761, when the population of the parish of St. Andrew's numbered more than 10,000 souls, the statue of
Church may be now seen in the compound of St. An Church, Bandra.

Page #478

444
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
the Blessed Virgin Mary was carried to the Hill and a Chapel was built and dedicated to her. The cost of the building was defrayed by subscriptions from the Catholics of Mahim, Bombay, Bassein and Salsette."
I shall feel obliged by the publication of the above, as no doubt the legend, as already told,
THE HINDU HOME-LIFE, by KACCOO MAL MANUCHEE, Rai Bahadur. Lucknow, London Printing Press, 1890.
BOOK-NOTICES.
This little volume, invaluable to the student of Indian folklore, contains a long series of discursive notes, arranged in alphabetical order of subjects, on the religious beliefs, social customs, folklore and superstitions of the Hindus of Oudh. They are given without comment or any attempt at generalization, and so form to the anthropologist a most useful mine of information at first hand by a Hindu about Hindus.
The last half of the book is taken up with proverbs and sayings on agriculture and general subjects, arranged on the plan of Dr. Fallon's Dictionary of Hindustani Proverbs, and with a quantity of those religious aphorisms which form so important a feature in the practical religion of the modern North-Indian Hindu.
This book contains just the information that European anthropologists so much need, and we hope that the author will be encouraged to give us more of his observations, and that other Native observers will hasten to follow his example. COMPARATIVE NOTES TO THE MABINOGION, by Prof. H. GAIDOZ, reprinted from Y. Cymmrodor, Vol. X. Pts. 1 and 2.
In his "Notes," No. 1, Ransom by Weight, Prof. Gaidoz has done good service in drawing attention to the spread of the well known Indian custom of tuladan, or weighing against gold or silver, now used as a superstitious prophylactic against sickness, but originally a war custom of the Aryans as a method of valuing the ransom of a prisoner or the payment to be made in consequence of a murder or death.
The custom of weighing against precious metals as a cure for sickness was known in medieval Europe, and in an attenuated form, in the shape of a staff of a measured thickness and height, was practised both as means of valuing reparation for a wrong and of procuring the birth of children. It survives still in the custom of presenting wax models of the whole or parts of the body at shrines upon recovery from sickness.
[DECEMBER, 1890.
might have made a non-Catholic impression upon your readers.
Mahim, 22-9-90.
B. L. D'SILVA. [We do not think that our correspondent, Mr. D'Penha,
meant any disrespect to the Roman Catholic religion by placing on record his very instructive version of a folktale current among the Natives in the neighbourhood of Bombay. - EDS.]
might well be increased by an enquiry into the shapes the custom has assumed in folktales. For instance, take this description from Wide Awake Stories, p.10,-"Now the king had a daughter called Princess Blossom, who was so lovely and tender and slim and fair, that she only weighed five flowers. Every morning she was weighed in golden scales, and the scales always turned when the fifth flower was put in, neither less nor more." The vernacular names for Princess Blossom are Badshahzadi Phali or Princess Flower, and Phâlâzâdî, Born-of-a-flower. Pañchphalt Rânt or Queen Five-flowers is an old favourite in Indian nurseries. In Indian Folktales, pp. 1 and 2, the heroine weighs only one flower and the same weight is given to the god Indra. Weighing against flowers is again in other folktales a test of chastity.
This favourite point in folktales assumes altogether a new interest, if it be held to be connected with the ideas that have led to the world-wide custom of tuládán.
THE MADRAS CHISTIAN COLLEGE MAGAZINE, Vol. VII.
No. 1, July 1889. Madras, Addison & Co.; London, Elliot Stock.
This number contains a lively and useful controversy between Mr. John Kuriyan and Mr. G. Milne Rae on the Indian Apostleship of St. Thomas, which brings out among other facts that among the Malabar Christians the " title-deeds of the new churches record the fact that the properties were conveyed to St. Thomas personally (Mar Thomma slihauda manuslingattim gulakku)." These should be worth examination, to test genuineness and age.
THE NORTH-WESTERN PROVINCES AND OUDH PROVIN
CIAL MUSEUM, LUCKNOW. Minutes of the Managing Committee from August 1883 to 31st March 1888, with an Introduction. Allababad, Government Press. 1889.
This is a vain-glorious chronicle of very small beer, got up in the style of a University Calendar. It contains pp. ix. and 417. The printing is expensive and good, and the contents may be of The interesting notes collected by Prof. Gaidoz use to the compiler, but hardly to any one else. 1 Bee Old Deccan Days, p. 129.

Page #479

INDEX.
Abbaya, a name used in the Kalingattu Albêruni; his names for the stars, 72; Parani for Kulôttunga-Chodadêva I...329, his transliteration of Indian words, 12,
331 to 337 73; - notice of Dr. Sachau's translation Abu, Mount; inscription of the time of Bhi- of his India; with comparison of original
madera II. ; examination of the date........... 38 passages in the Vishnudharmóttara, from Abu-l-Fazl; bee Akbarndma........................
which he derived the greater part of his Acharya, among the Jains, denotes & Sadhu
statements about Hindu cosmogony, astrowho has the right both of reading pub.
nomy, &c. .....................................381 to 410 licly, and explaining authoritatively, the Alexander the Great colonizes Soķotra, 190; sacred text ........................................
- the event is probably fabulous ............. 191 Adalij inscription of Mahamada PAtasaha; Alflya, account of a new MS. on the ............ 325
esamination of the date ..... ............ 27 Alha-gh&t inscription of Narasimhadeva; Adikeśava, a ghat at Benares ...................... 250 examination of the date........... ............. 29 Adrelaviddhåvari, or Adriyalavidavari, an Alhamadeva (ChAhumana); see Nadôl .......... 30
ancient place in the south............350, 351, 352 'All-Ibn-'1så, financier of Al-Muktadir ... 322, 323 Adar, a village in the Dh&rwad District; an Allahabad pillar; the separate Asôka edicts, inscription here, attributed to Kirtivarman
edited .................................................. 122 I., perhaps belongs to his descendant of the Alukas, perhaps the N&gas, mentioned in con
same name ........................................ 305 n. | nection with Kirtivarman I....................14, 19 AghÁtadurga, a fort in the kingdom of • Alundah,' a village in the Bhör State ; proJaitrasimhadêva ...........
*** ............... 167
bably mentioned by the ancient name of agnichayana-sacrifice ...........
............... 19 Alandatirtha .........
............ 804 agrishtóma-sacrifice ...........
Alupa chieftains ........... ........... ........... 152 Ahmad Sultan, a MS. of his time; examination Amali, an ancient place near Balagåve ...... 145
of the date .................. ............... 180 Amargsvaratirtha, un ancient place in Central Aihole, a village in the Bijapur District;
India ..................................................... 81 mentioned by the Sanskrit name of Arya- Amber in Rajputana, an inscription at; ex. pura, 8,9; -the inscription of Vijayaditya;
amination of the date
............... 174 examination of the date
............ 187 Amir Chand, father of Kirpárám, author of Ajuyapaladēva (Chandella); examination of the Guldbndma, created Diwan ............... 292
dates of his time..............................362, 365 Amitagati composed his Subhdehitaratna. Ajayavarman (Paramira)................346, 347, 348 sandóha in A. D. 993............................... 861 Ajaygadh, examination of the dates of AmitaprabhA, danghter of a king of Pragjyo.
inscriptions at......... 25, 87, 167, 168, 367, 373 tisha, and wife of Meghav hana .......... 263, 267 Ajitaldntistavavritti; see Jinaprabha .......... 354 Amma I. (Eastern Chalukya) ....................... Ajit Singh of Jamman, his character ......... 291 Amma II. (Eastern Chalukya), 435; - the ájñapti used to denote the Dataka of a grant 486 date of his coronation in A. D. 945 ......... 108 Akbar, rare copper coins of, 219; - origin Ammangadevi, wife of Rajaraja I. ............ 435
of his copper coinage, 220; his share in Amôghavarsha, a king; the Jain Prabnottara. the rise of the Uşda language, 104; - the Ratnamala is sometimes attributed to him 879 Ramacharitra of Devarijayagani was com
Anandapura, an ancient town..................... 170 posed in his reign
Anantadêvî, wife of Kumaragupta I. ...... 225, 226 Akbarndma, the, of Abu-l-Fazl; a passage in Andhra country ..............
........ 427 it, relating to the Lakshmanasena era ...... 1 Andugi, perhaps the ancient name of akshaya-tsittyd, a name of the tithi Vaisakha
Undega'.................................... 144, 145 bukla 3 ............................................86, 862 Anga country ........................................ 14, 19 Alandatirtha, the ancient name of probably anka, 'a name, appellation, or Qiruda,' 18 n.; .
* Alandah '.......... ......................801, 8101 - it sometimes occurs as an inherent part Alavalli, an ancient place near BalAgatve of a name ...................................... . 18 n.
144 n., 145 Ankachiti, an early astronomioal writer (P) 138 n. alavana, a word requiring explanation 144 n., animals giving birth to human children, ... 437
145 and n. Amopalya, an ancient agrahdra ....... ...... 310
435
.................................
176

Page #480

446
INDEX
Atikai, or Athikai, a former name of Tiruva
tikai or Tiruvadi in the North Arcot Dis. trict .........
.............. 333, 339, 340 atita-rdjyd, an expression denoting so many
years "since the commencement of the) reign, (now) passed," 2 and 1.;- an inatance in which it is used for the years of the Vikrama era ..........
............... 181 Atthasdlini, a Buddhist work by Buddhaghosa
............. 118, 119 AttikAmbika, wife of Komma ..................... 274 Autârdêr of Jammun, opposes Mahmud of Ghazni ............
................. 289, 290 Avelludova (Châhamâna); father of Visaladéva .......
............... 216 and n., 218 Avesta, importance of the Gathds in the,
232 ; -notes on the grammar of the ..... 325 Avestan superstitions.................................... 230 Ayappasi, the Tamil month Aippasi ............ 70 Ayodhyâ, Udayana of........ ........425, 434 Az Khan, Raja of Rajkori, defeated by Gulab Singh...........
... 292
...
54
antiquities, spurious, Assyrian, Central Asian,
Persian and Chaldæan ..................... 318, 319 Ao-Naga Language, Prof. Avery on the
231; - its affinity to Burmese ....... apachit-hymns in the Atharva-Veda, Prof.
Bloomfield on the .......... Arabic, some new proverbs in, 231; - words in Italian .............
........... 286 Arakan, Eastern Chalukya coins from ......... 79 Arbud mountain, = Mount Aba ................ 240 argala, a word used in certain dates, 29 and
n.; - it is to be translated by checked by ............................. .................. 61n Arjuradêva (Våghêla); see Verawal............ 180 Arjunavarmadova Mahdrája (Paramara),
346; -the date of his abhisheka-parvan, 24; - examination of other dates of his time ............................................ 31, 175 oruvana, 'six panas,' a tax on minya-lands... 249 Aryabhata, the first, the astronomical writer,
52, 133, 134, 135, 138; indications that he wrote another work, in addition to the
Arya-Siddhanta ................. drydichhalaguhyadháraniedtra, Prof. Pizzi on the ...........
.................. 286 Aryan immigration into India, notes on the
379, 380 Aryapura, ancient Sanskrit name of Aihoļe... 8, 9 Aryarája, another name of Sandhimat ... 263, 267 Aryasamudra, a Jain pontiff in the Upa
kêša-Gachchha ..................................... 235 Aryavarta, a name of Northern India ......... 219 Askpalli, an ancient village or town ............. 178 AshAdha, the Hindu lunar month; instances
of the use of a year commencing with this inonth, 27, 33, 171, 360 ; -a Kanarese say. ing about the high winds that prevail in
this month ......................... ashtabhoga, a fiscal term, explained ............. 244 Asöka, the great Buddhist king; mentioned
by the name or title of Piyadasi, 125; - and by the epithet of Devanampiye, 95, 96, 101, 102, 124, 125; - his rock edicts at Dhauli (in Cuttack), and at Jangala (in the Gañjam District); M. Senart's texts and translations, rendered into English by Mr. Grierson; the first edict, 82; the second edict, 96 ;-Dr. Böbler's rendering of the first to the fifth edicts on the Debli Mirat pillar, 122 ;- and of the Queen's edict, and the Kosambi edict, on the Allahbad pillar...............
................. 125 afrdhe: seo frdhe ............... 163, 166 and n., 165 Astaghar, =Stageirus ...........
.......... 190 advamedha-sacrifice ..............
......... 19 Atharva-Veda, Prof. Bloomfield on the,
231;- and on hymns and charms in it...... 232
BAbânagar, a village in the Bijapur District; apparently mentioned by the ancient name of Kannadige ................
........ 270 BAbar, copper coins of .........
. ........ 219 Babi MSS., accounts of various ............ 320, 321 bahlou, a copper coin..................... Badami, in the Bijâ pur District; remarks
on the proper attribution of the cave inscription of Saka-Sar vat 500, which mentions both Kirtivarman I. and Mangalesa ......
......................... 10, 11, 12 n. bagana,' a bangle' ............ ...............240 n. Båge Fifty, the, a sub-division of the Tarda
vàdi Thousand................................. 269, 273 bahusuvarna-sacrifice ............................. 19 Balagve, a village in Maisar; mentioned by the ancient name of Valliggame, 144, 145; - other forms of the ancient name, 146; - an inscription of the time of
Vinayaditya, edited .............................. 142 balambe-house or courtyard, a term ruir
ing explanation .............. ............ 275 baliya, 'near to, included in ................... 273 n. ballada, Kanarese; No. 5, the Daughter-in
law of Channavva of Kittor ..................... +13 Ballaļa II. (Hoye ala); see Gadag ................ 155 Banawasi, in the North Kanan District;
mentioned by the ancient name of Vuija.
yanti ................ .....................11, 19, 147 Banda grant of Madanavarmadêva ; examination of the date
................ 368 Bani Kura Beduins described, 212; -com.
pared to Sokotrans, 212, 213; - said to be descended from the Gerrei ...................... 215

Page #481

INDEX
447
159
banners; the bull-banner of the Pallavas,
334, 337; - the Garada-banner of the Rattas of Saundatti and Belgaum, 165, 248; - the tiger-banner of the Chôlas 329, 330 to 333, 339; - the banners of the boar, the plough, the stag, the lion, the
lute, the bow, and the fish .................... 330 Bappura, Bee Batporn ...............................1+, 19 Basahi grant of Gôvindachandradêva; exa.
mination of the date .............................. 363 bdtaka as the termination of a village-name,
in Sriyambîțaka ................. Batcáwar inscription of Paramardidêva;
examination of the date ........... ............ 80 Batpara family............. ...............14, 19 Bawarij, Indian Pirates, 190 ; - known also
as the Pirates of Sokotra, 191; - their habitat in Kachh, 191; - derivations of the name
............ 191 bear, the word used as an omen, 131; -wor
ship of the, in Siberia ......... Bedêyi, a folk-heroine in Burma.................. 438 Beduin, a name for the hill people of
Sokotre................................................ 192 Behaim, Martin, as a globe-maker............... 411 Behatti grant of Krishna; examination of the date .............
.................... 442 Belagave; see Balagarve ............................. 142 Belgaum in the Bombay Presidency, mentioned by the ancient name of Venugrima
214, 248 Belgaum District, an inscription from the,
edited ................................................ 242 Belkhara inscription of a ruler of Kanauj (P);
examination of the date ....................... 37 Benares mentioned by the names of Kasi and
Visvesvararajadhani, 28; - the grant of Jayachchandradêva of Kanauj; examina. tion of the date .............
............ 30 Bengal, the Lakshmanasena era of, 1 to 7; -
the conquest of Bengal by Muhammad Bakhtyar seems to have taken place in the eightieth year of this era, 7; - Governors of Bengal, Mr. Danvers' account of the, 44; - Lieut.-Governor, origin of the
title .............. Bengal Asiatic Society's grants of Jayach
chandradeva; examination of the dntes...... 37 Bengal Presidency, an inscription from the,
edited ................................................ 77 Beni Rahov, a tribe of Sokotran highlanders,
192; - their claim to Jewish descent ... 192 Bhadrapada, the Hindu lunar month; in the
Onko reckoning of Orissa, the year begins
with the tithi sukla 11 or 12 of this month 255 Bhagirathl, the river Ganges ..................16, 19 Bhairavêndra; Bee Umgå .......................... 32
Bharurachchha, a form of the intermediate
ancient name of Broach.................... 239, 240 Bhaskarariya composed his Saubhagyabhde.
kara in A. D. 1729 ............................... bhatura, and bhattara, earlier forms of bhalţaraka..........
................306.n. bhattdraka applied to the god Vishnu ......... 436 Bhathiraka, a title of paramount sovereignty,
used by the Chalukyas ..................... 306, 307 Bhayaharastavavritti; see Jinaprabha ......... 26 Bhillamalanagara, = Bhilmal; see Bhinmal 35 Bhilmal ; see Bhinmal .............. ................ 233 Bhima, the river, mentioned as Bhimanadi,
270, 274; - and as Bhimarathi ......... 304, 310 Bhima, a ruler of Jesalmer in A. D. 1589...... 39 Bhimadova I. or II. (Chaulukya); discussion
of a grant which may belong to the time of
either of them, or may be spurious ........ 253 Bhimadêva II. (Chaulukya); epoken of with
the title of Mahardja, 23; - examination of the dates of his grants and inscriptions, and of a MS. of his time ......... 24, 25, 30,
38, 166, 173, 177, 358, 366, 368, 369 Bhimadovi, a place in Kasmir............... 263, 267 Bhimarathi, a form of the name of the river
Bhima, 304, 310; - also Bhimarathya 304 n. Bhimasina composed luis Sukhodadhi in
A.D. 1722 .......................................*** Bhimasena, a king of Bhinmal ................ 236 Bhinmål, a place near Mount Aba, also called
Bhilinál, Bhillamålanagara, and Srimål, 35, 233 and n., 235 and n., 236, 240 ; - in the Pattávali of the Upakesa-Gachchha it
is called Sri-Lakshini MahAsthina ......... 235 Bhitari, a village in the Ghazipur District;
the copper seal of Kumâragupta II., edited 224 Bhöj, a village in the Belgaum District, men
tioned by the ancient name of Bhoyija, 243, 218; - the grant of Kartavirya IV., of Suka-Sainvat 1131, edited........................ 242 Bhỏjadòva of Dhård; the epoch of the Rijamrigdika, which is a Karana attributed to him, 45; his grant of Vikrama-Saihvat
1078; examination of the date.................. 361 Bhijadêva of Kanauj; see Dêûgadh ......... 28, 29 Bhojadeva (Paramara) ............. ............... 346 Bhöjdôv of Jumman, opposes Subuktagin of Ghazni ....................................
............. 282 Bhojrajdev of Jammuo quarrels with Mahan
Singh, father of Ranjit Singh ..................... 290 Bhôpål grants of Arjunavarmadova; examina.
tion of the date .................................31, 175 Bhəyija, ancient naine of Bhoj ............ 243, 248 Bhrigukachchha, = Broach, mentioned as a
residence of Arjunavarmadeva .............. 175 Bhapdav, julgfrder of Rila, turned out by
Gulab Singh.............
45
293

Page #482

443
INDEX.
of the preceding legends; A., his early life, 114; - B., his visit to Ceylon; (1) the object of his visit, 115; - (2) his literary work there, 115; - C., his later life, 116; - IV., his literary work, 117; - V., his date, 110 ; - the assigned dates group themselves about the reign of Mahânáma
of Ceylon, 120; - VI., conclusions .......... 121 Buddhist history and literature ; remarks on them in connection with Buddhagha... 105
to 1:22 Buddhist inscriptions .......... 77, 82, 96, 122 to 126 burial among the Sokotran highlanders ....... 194 Burmese language, its affinities to Garo, 229;
-its analogies to Lepcha, 230; - its affinity
to the Ao-Naga language.......................... 281 Burmese marriage laws, their affinity to those
of the Dênês, Western Canada ................ 411 Byana inscription of Vijayadhiraja; exami
nation of the date ........... ............... 181
Bhatabhartri, an ancient tirtha in Kasmir...... 268 Bidyâpati Thakur, as a writer on the Krishna
******............. 104 Bijapur District, inscriptions from the, edited
7, 268 biravana-parikhaya, a fiscal term, requiring
explanation ........................................... 249 Bittarasa, Prakrit form of the name of Vishnu.
vardhana I. .................................... 303, 305 boar-banner .........
............. 330 boar-crest of the Chalukyas, 434; - and the boar as an emblem on their coins, 81; -
................... 303, 423 Bodh Gaya, a date in the Lakshmanasena
era from ............................................. 2, 7 Bombay Asiatic Society's grant of Bhimadeva
I. or II., dated Samvat 93; discussion of the date and the authenticity of the grant, 253; - an inscription of Sômêsvara 1.
edited................................................... 268 Bombay Presidency, inscriptions from the,
edited ........................... 7, 161, 242, 268, 303 Boram Deo, a Sati-pillar at; examination of the date...............*** *
..................... 32 Borsad, an inscription at a well at; examins tion of the date ........
............... 178 botkata, ' a goat' .........
.............297 n. bow-banner ...........
............ 330 Brahma-Siddhanta of Brahmagupta ; quota.
tions from it, referring to earlier Siddhan.
tas and writers ............................. 133 to 136. brahmanya, 'good to Brahmans'................. 19 Brahmadêva, a king; see Raypur ................ 26 Brahmagupta, the astronomical writer, 52,
53, 54; - the epoch of his Khandakhddya is
Saka-Samvat 587 expired...................51 and n. Brahman caste, prinoes belonging to the 56,
60, 61 Brahmapaatra-Samgha, the...... British Museum; the Satârâ grant of Vish
nuvardhana I., edited, 303; - the Chellûr
grant of Vira-Chodadôva, edited .............. 423 Buddha, a Kalachuri king, conquered by
Mangalêsa..........................................16, 19 Buddha-Gaya ; see Bodh Gaya .................. 2 Buddhaghoea, or Buddhghosha, a Buddhist
patriarch ; Mr. Foulkes sooount of his life and history, 105 to 122: -I., introductory, 105; -he is unknown to the Northern Bud. dhists, 105; – he is perhape referred to by Fa-Hian, 106; - II., the Buddhaghdea legends; A:, the Burmese legend, 107; B., the Ceylonese legend, 110; it occurs, not in the Mahdvarsa of the fifth pentury, but in its continuation of the thirteenth century, 112; - C., combinations of the preceding legends, 112; - III., comparison
........
77
oalumniated persons in folktales; hero........ oaravan routes from India to Russia ............ 152 caste in ancient India, the ruling; its social
and military position .............................. 229 caste emancipation in Madras..................... 231 cave-dwelling among the highlanders of
Sokotra, 194; - among the Bani Karu
Beduins ....................................... 212, 213 centuries; see hundreds ................... 33, 171, 360 Ceylon conquered by the Chðļas ...........331, 339 ChAhamana kings............... .............216 to 219 Chakkarakoddam, Chakrakota............ 332, 337 Chakrakota, an ancient fortified place, 332,
337; - it was in the Dhare territory ...... 340 Chaldæans, ancient, were Cushite Beduins ... 215 Chalukya-Chandra, a biruda of Saktivarman ..........................................
......... 81 ChAlnkya-Bhima I. (East. Chalukya)............. 435 Chalukyagiri, the Chalukya mountain ... 425, 431 Chalukyas, Early, 7 to 20, 151, 310, 425 : - the family is derived from the god
Brahman ....................................13, 19, 433 Chalukyas, Eastern, 79, 102, 129, 423 to 436;
- some of their coins, 79 to 82; -- their genealogy, in four divisions, 425; - their insignia, 434; - they belonged to the line. age of Vishnu and to the Lunar Raoe, 425;
the descent being taken through the god Brahmani, 433; -their intermarriages with the Chôļas, 435; - their acquisition of the
Chola kingdom ..................................426, 435 Chalukyas, Western, 142 to 152, 161, 187,
269, 310, 425;-& probable early hint of the tradition which allotted them to the Lunar Race ....................................151 and n.
.

Page #483

INDEX.
449
ditya I. ............
.
.
Chalukyas, Western, probably referred to as Chola kings; their Puriņic genealogy, 330,
the Kuntalas and as the people of Kalyana 331 339; - historical members of the family, chalikya, a form of the dynastio name of 331, 339; - they had the tiger-banner,
the Chalukyas ..............................13, 18, 19 331; - their later conquests, 389; -interChambâ, an inscription at; examination of the marriages with the Eastern Chalukyan,
date ...................... ................. 176 435; the acquisition of the Chola kingChand Bardai, value of, as an historical dom by the Eastern Chalukyas, 426, 435; -
chronicler ............................................ 104 a Chola king was conquered by KirtivarChandaka, an early poet, in Kasmir... ... ... 263, 264 man I., 14, 19; - and another by VikramChandamahäsêna (Chauhan); see Dholpur ... 35
............. 151 Chandpur, inscription on pedestal of boar at; chóliya, a variant of chola or chola............ 14, 19
examination of the date ....................... 354 Chônipadraka, ancient name of Chaoni...... 55, 61 Chandradeva and Madanapåla of Kanauj, a Chronological Tables for Southern Indin, by
grant of; examination of the date............ 371 W. S. Krishnasvami Naidu; notice of the Chandragômin; an epistle addressed by him
book .............................. ................... 326 to prince Ratnakirti, 319; - Chinese testi- | Chunar, the Fort of; an inscription ; examinamony regarding him, 319; - his works...... 319 t ion of the date .........
185 Chandragupta I. (Early Gupta); his wife was "circle of sovereignty" in the Avesta ......... 325
Kumaradevi............ ..................... 225 circumcision in Soķotra ........................... 1991 Chandragupta II. (Early Gupta); his wife was coins of the Eastern Chalukya kings Sakti.
Dhruvadevi ............................................ 225 varman and Råjardja I., 79; - instances Chandrapuri, a residence of Jayavarmadêva. 350 of punch-coins of the eleventh century Chandravyákarana by Chandragomin, the ... 319 A. D., 79, 80; - 'Abbåsi coins, 158; - Chandrikadevi, wife of Lakshmidova I. ... ... 248 Byzantine, 157; - Crimean, 158; — of the Châńkapäryya, Chånkirija, or Chånkimayya, Golden Horde, 157 ; - Ilak, 158; - of the Vaņasa family, an officer of Ketala
Khwarizmi, 158; - Såmani, 158 ; - devi................................................274, 275 Sassanian, 158; - Shaibâni, 158; -of the charms used in Madras, 103; - against Suris, 219, 220; - Tahirt, 158; - of
tumours, in the Atharva-Veda.................. 232 Turkistan, 157; -- of Akbar, 219; - of Chaoni, a village near Kotah, mentioned by
Akbar, names for the months on, 220 ; - of the ancient name of Chôņipadraka .........55, 61 Al-Mausur, 158 ; -of BAbar, , 219; - of Chirwa ; Bee Harsauda.......... ............... 24 Bahlal Lodhi, 219, 220; of Humâyûn, Chanhånas; see Chahamâna kings ......216 to 219 219, 220 ; -of Ibrahim Sar, 220; – of Chauluk yas of Anhilwad....... .............. 253 Islam Shah Sar, 220; -of Khâu Shadi Oheduba, the island of, Eastern Chalukya Bêg of the Golden Horde, 158; -of Muhamcoins from .......................................
mad Shah Tughlaq, found in Russia, 320 : Chelia, Påndya ................
- of Muhammad Sar, 220; -- of Sikandar Chellor, a village in the Godavari District;
Lodhi, 219, 220; -of Sikandar Sar ......... 220 mentioned as the Chellúru agrahdra, 424, colour, effect of, in serpent-worship ............ 73 436; - the grant of Vira-Chodadêva, commentaries, modern vernacular, on Sanskrit dated in his twenty-first year, edited......... 423 works...................
............... 104 Ohenni, = Chôļa ............................... 330, 333 Constantine the Great, his place in Oriental Chêra country .............................. 331, 333, 336 legends ...............
................... 318 Chikka-Bagiwadi grant of Krishna; examina- creste; the boar-crest of the Chalukyas, 151,
tion of the date .................................... 441 434; - the elephant-crest of the Rattas of child, miraculous birth of a......................... 437 Sanndatti and Belgaum children, exchange of, in Soķotra ................ 195 Cross, finding of the, legend of the ............ 318 Chintamani Tripathf, as a poetical critic...... 104 crow-cawing, as an omen
............ 130 Chitor in Rajputná, an inscription at; exa. cures; searing with a hot iron, among Soko
mination of the date, 373; - spelling of tans, Somalis, and Arabs ..................... 192
the name ............................................... 380 current and expired years; & case in which a Chitrasedu, an ancient village in the Tora.
year of the sixty-year cycle of Jupiter is man viskaya .......
............ 147 n., 152 apparently quoted as the expired year, 359; - Chitravaha, Mahardja (Aļupa) ......... 150 n, 152 years of eras distinctly specified as current, Choda; see Chola..14, 19, 151, 330, 331, 339, 426, 485 but wronglyso, by the use of the words vartaOhäls country; a reference to the forests on
mana, 442; - and pravartamina, 27 (No. ita coast .......
.................... 248 23), 33 (No. 49), 368 (No. 186); also 27 (No.

Page #484

450
INDEX
22), if the word really qualifies the year and not the samvatsara ; - years distinctly and correctly specified as expired, of the Saka era, 160, 442; - and of the Vikrama era, 25, 35, 39, 59, 168, 169, 182; - unqualified years, to be applied as current, of the Lakshmaņasêna era (one instance only, exceptionally), 6; -of the Saka era, 42, 244, 317, 426, 440; - and of the Vikrama era, by the northern reckoning, 28, 40 (P), 172, 173, 184 (P), 185(R); - if the southern reckon. ing is intended, 28 to 35, 40 (P), 173 to 178; - and by either reckoning, 22, 166, 171 to 172 (P), 378; - unqualified years, to be applied as expired, of the Lakshmanaaðna era (every instance except one), 6, 7, - of the Saka era, 28, 29, 31, 32, 33, 102, 129, 155, 156, 157, 164, 374, 441, 442; - and of the Vikrama era, if the northern reckoning is intended, 28 to 35, 40 (P), 173 to 178, 185 to 187(®), 356, 359, 362, 363; - by the southern reckoning, 35 to 40, 40(P), 178 to 184, 184 to 187(1), 217, 352 (P), 354, 355, 359, 360, 362, 363, 373; -and by either reckoning... 22 to 28, 166 to 171, 171 to 172(P), 250, 354, 355, 357, 358, 361, 363,
364, 374 Cuttack (Katak); the Dhauli rock edicts of Asoka, edited .............
............... 82
a mistake in respect of the Saka year, 26; - dates which do not give satisfactory results, in respect of an eclipse, 440, 441; -of a month, 442; - of a nakshatra, 147; - of a tithi, 164; -of a week-day, 157, 363; - and of a year, 364 to 871;-dates recorded in: decimal figures ... 2, 3, 4, 22 to 40, 155, 156, 157, 164, 166 to 187, 218, 252, 273,
317, 349, 354 to 374, 440, 441, 442 katapayadi-system... ............... 33, 34 numerical words ... 22, 25, 26, 27, 30, 32, 34, 35, 36, 38, 39, 41, 46, 102, 129, 169,
170, 177, 179, 187, 354, 366, 369, 373, 431 words...5, 20, 22, 23, 24, 25, 27, 29, 30, 31,
35, 36, 37, 38, 40, 41, 46, 59, 150, 166, 173, 174, 181, 182, 183, 247, 252, 310,
353, 361 to 369, 371, 372, 441, 442 Davangere, a village in Maisar; an inscription
of Vijayapånd yadêva; examination of the date .........................****
.............................. 156 Dattadôvi, wife of Samudragupta ............... 225 Dawn, a hymn to the, from the Rig Veda ... 326 days, civil, of the fortnight or month, denot
ed by bu di and ba di or va di, and mentioned in recorded dates :bright fortnight: - first
........................... 366 second ...........................31, 36, 357, 358 third......... 25, 28, 31, 33, 36, 361, 362, 371 fourth ...........................22, 357 (P), 363 fifth ............... 24, 26, 29, 33, 39, 363, 373 sixth
...............31, 356, 372 seventh .......... ..............35, 37, 40, 355 eighth ........................ 23, 25, 29, 369, 374 minth ............................................27, 28 tenth .................................4, 25, 37, 35-1 eleventh.......................................37, 38 twelfth ...................
......... 23, 40 thirtedath .............22, 25, 30, 32, 365, 373 fourteenth ............. 24, 30, 37, 356, 361, 368 fifteenth'... 23, 25, 28, 37, 38, 218, 252,
357, 362, 367, 368 dark fortnight: -
first .................................168. 181. 355 second .................
...... 179, 183 third............... 169, 178, 184, 185, 349, 367 fourth ......................... 169, 173, 174, 175 fifth ............... 167, 172, 174, 181, 182, 185 sixth ..................................175, 186, 365 seventh.................. 170, 177, 183, 187, 364 ninth..................... 171, 178, 179, 180, 183 tenth.................
........... 168 eleventh ........................171, 174, 184, 354 twelfth .....................2, 166, 168, 170, 179 thirteenth ...3, 172, 176, 178, 180, 181, 186 fourteenth ......................... 166, 188, 184 fifteenth ......... 166, 167, 173, 355, 358, 371
................
104
d and j, nasalised; a change between them in Kanarese Prákşit ...........
...... 317 Dada, as a revivalist writer.... ddm, the word found on coins, 220, 224 ; - .
Akbar's, = half tanka, 224; - Akbar's
revenue in, now possible to gauge ............ Dånansipa (East. Chalukya) ..................... 435 Dabhoi inscription of Visaladeva : examina
tion of the date .................................... 28 Daksharama; see DräkshAráma .................. 424 dakshindyana, the whole period in which the sun is moving from north to south' 27,
28, 39 Damayanti, wife of Nala, an epigraphical
reference to............... .................... 18 n., 19 Dandanayakanakere, & village in the Nizam's
Dominions; its ancient name was Pottaļakere .............................
........ 162 dandaya, an ancient tax .......
......... 165 Dante borrowed imagery from India ............ 286 Daphar Khân, a ruler of the Gurjara country
in the time of Nasrat Shah ..................... 355 Dasauli, a village in the Fathpur District;
mentioned by the ancient name of Dosahall 250 dashtan, as an anxiliary verb in Persian ...... 159 dates (see also eras); a date in which there is

Page #485

INDEX.
451
Birth
.
........
.......
..
.
...
46
25
days, lunar, i.e. tithis, of the fortnight or
month (see also tithi), denoted by the num. ber or name of the tithi, and mentioned in recorded dates :bright fortnight :
first........................3, 28, 29, 30, 366, 368 second........................31, 35, 39, 317, 360 third ........................ 25, 28, 32, 36, 371 fourth
.............. 363 fifth... 26, 27, 30, 33, 35, 38, 39, 41, 157,
164, 169, 358, 361, 363
...............................372, 374 seventh ................................. 34, 37, 363 eighth..................26, 39, 40, 155, 353, 369 ninth ....... ..
............ 26, 34, 35 tenth........................................ 24, 37, 39 eleventh.................................... 365, 369 twelfth.................................31, 247, 442 thirteenth.........22, 25, 27, 30, 34, 373, 431 fourteenth ........................24, 27, 28, 368 fifteenth ......... .............32, 36, 40, 373. full-moon ... 22, 23, 32, 33, 37, 38, 156,
353, 362, 367, 368, 372, 440 dark fortnight: -
first ........................................... 33 second........................... 41, 129, 181, 354 third ...........................186, 361, 364, 367 fourth ...........................4, 183, 185, 356 fifth
........................ 182, 366 sixth ............................................. 365 seventh ..........................................5, 171 eighth ..................................... 169, 170 ninth ...........................171, 172, 176, 180 tenth ....................................... 176, 177 eleventh ..............
................ 170 thirteenth ................................. 102, 176 fourteenth ............... .......... 166
new-moon ....... 167, 173, 176, 369, 441, 442 fortnight not specified:
full-moon... 20, 23, 25, 29, 31, 187, 252, 309
new-inoon ................................ 167, 273 days of the week; the earliest instances of the
use of them in Southern India, 147 and n.; -names of the days of the week, as used in recorded dates :
Aditya (Sunday) ...........................164, 369 Bhaskara (Sunday) ...........
39 Bhauma (Tuesday)... 25, 26, 30, 33, 38, 39,
46, 169, 173, 176, 367, 368 Bhriga (Friday)..............................33, 102 Bhamitanaya (Tuesday) ...................... 360 Brihaspati (Thursday) ...............28, 155, 373 Budha (Wednesday)...3, 25, 27, 28, 29, 31, 37, 168, 169, 172, 176, 179, 181 to 187,
247, 355, 356, 365, 366, 442 Chandra (Monday) ......................4, 170, 181 Gabhasti (Sunday) ................................ 39
Guru (Thursday)...2, 3, 24, 25, 28, 29, 32,
34 to 41, 129, 170, 174, 176, 179, 183, 185, 218, 356, 357, 363, 364, 368, 373,
374, 431 Jiva (Thursday) ................................. 27 Kuja (Tuesday) ................................ 169 Mangala (Taesday) ............................ 33 Ravi (Sunday)...23, 25, 26, 27, 29, 30, 31, 35, 36, 37, 38, 166 to 170, 175 to 178,
180, 189, 354, 355, 361, 368, 371, 373 Sanaischara (Saturday) ....................150, 441 Sani (Saturday)... 22, 23, 24, 37, 40, 167,
168, 170, 173, 174, 180, 184, 185, 186, 335 Sasin (Monday)............................. 22, 354 Saumya (Wednesday) ....... Sôms (Monday) ...... 22, 25, 26, 28, 31, 3+,
35, 36, 156, 166, 167, 170, 171, 172, 179, 181, 273, 354, 357, 358, 359, 361, 362,
364, 365, 366, 368, 371, 372, 374, 440, 442 Sukra (Friday)... 4, 5, 23, 26, 28, 37, 157, 168, 171, 174, 176, 252, 317, 362, 365,
367, 369, 441 VÅkpati (Thursday) ............................. 33 Våsarêsitçi (Sunday).............................
Vidhu (Monday) .................................. Déginf, wife of Sankuka .........................56, 61 Dehli mentioned by the names of Indrapras
tha, 26; - and Yoginfpura, 355 ; - the Asoka edicts on the Mirat pillar, edited, 122; - the inscriptions of Visalad@va on the Siwalik pillar, edited, 215; - examination of the date of them, 36; -- of an inscription of the time of Muhammad Shah, 26; - and
of another inscription ............................ 176 demon guarding the wonderful tree in
folktales ............................................. 153 Dénes, Canadian Indians, their customs
compared with Oriental customs ............411 Déðgadh ; examination of the dates of the
inscriptions of Bhộjadêva of Kanauj, 28; - and of Rirtivarmadêva, 36; -and of an
other inscription............ ............... 32 Débala Sah of PAlhanapura ........................ 241 Desinga, Dêsinga-Ballkla, corruptions of the
name of Jayasimha III. .................. 162, 163 dévadi, the establishment of a temple '......145 n. Dêvagupta-Sari, the name of nineteen Jain
pontiffs in the Upakåsa-Gachchha, 238 to 242; - the eighth of them is placed in Vikrama-Samvat 995, ..240; - the eleventh, in V.-8. 1108, .. 240; - the fourteenth, in V.-S. 1409, . . 241; - the eighteenth, in V.-S. 1528, .. 242; - and
the nineteenth, in V.-S. 1631 .................. 242 Dbananpiye, dear unto the Dôme,' an
epithet of bóka........... ...... 95, 96, 101, 102 Dêvapaladeva o Dhårk see Hapsarda......... 24

Page #486

452
INDEX.
***... 348
36%
...............
186
**... 369
Devalapataka, an ancient place ............
the term ryatipata in connection with Devavarmadêra (Chandella); see Nanyaura... 364 eclipses, 440; - lunar eclipses, mentioned Dévavijayagani composed his Ramacharitra in recorded dates, 23, 31, 40, 70, 351, 357 in A. D. 1595 .......................................
440; -- and solar eclipses, 166, 175, 270, 370. Dewal inscription of Lalla, the Chhinda;
371, 372, 440 ; - references to solar examination of the date .........................
eclipses, not visible at the places where they Dhamlej, an inscription at; examination of were observed, 166, 370, 371, 372, 410(?); - the date ............... .........********
reference to a solar eclipse, when there Deyvadu- Mantar, ancient name of Mantur was none at all in the proximity of the
161, 165 given date .........................................441, 142 Dhangadēva (Chandella); see Nanyaura ...... 23 | Edenad Seventy, an ancient district near Dhari (see also Devapaladáva, and VAkpati.
Balagtve ............... raja) ............
............ 346 n., 351 Edevolal vishaya, an ancient district near dharma.jayastambha,' a pillar of victory of
Balagáhve ................... ..... . ..... 152 religion' ........... ................. . ....8, 19 ekabhoga, akabhogya, fiscal terms ................ 271 Dhauli tn Cuttack (Katak); the rook edicts, elephant-crest of the Rattas...................165, 248
of Asoka, edited .......... ........................ 82 elves in Madras ...................................... 75 Dhavala (of the Maurya race), about A. D. English names for children used by natives to 738 ............ ............... 56, 60 avoid the evil eye ...........
........... 235 Dhiniki grant of Jaikadêra; examination of enshémin = tryemin, 437;=yuvardja ...... 437 the date ............
eras, the various, used in recorded dates: - Dholpur inscription of Chandamah&gêna;
Hijra .............................. ................ 190 examination of the date ........................ 35 Lakshmaņasôna .................................2 to 5 Dhruvadêvi, wife of Chandragupta II. ...... 225 M Alava ............................................. 59 Dhyan Singh befriends Guláb Singh............ 291 Saka ...... 26 to 29, 31, 32, 33, 41, 46, 102, Didavapur, an ancient place........................ 240 129, 150, 155, 156, 157, 164, 176, 247, Dioscora, Dioscorida, Dioscorides, Dioscoris,
273, 317, 374, 431, 440, 451, 442 Dioscurias, =Sokotra, 189; - * possible
Saptarshi ........................................... 176 Sanskrit origin of the word ................... 189 Sinha .................................24, 172, 180 disguise in folktales, king as peasant, 126,
Valabht ......................... ............. 180 - hero as a beggar ........... ............. 277, 282 Vikrama .........22 to 40,166 to 187, 218, Dosabali, ancient name of Dasauli .........250, 252
252, 319, 353 to 374 Drakeb&r&ma, a sacred place in the Godavart Erega, shorter form of the name of
District ..........................................124, 436 Ereyammarasa .................................... 185 Dramila, the Tamil country......
Ereyammarasa, also called Erega, Mahded. Dravida countries mentioned as five in manta (Ratta); he had the name of number ...................
Singana-Garaila ..............................161, 165 dreams in folktalea................................... 153 evil eye, use of English names to avoid the, in drishti, in Buddhist literature, 'theory, Madrus, 255; - opprobrious names used to doctrine;' and hence a peculiar or here.
avoid the ...................... ................. 255 tical doctrine' ....................................... 86 expired years; see current and expired years Dubkund inscription of the time of Vikrama- exposure of the aged and sick in Sokotra...... 197
Bitiha (P); examination of the date .......... 361 Dungarondradêva, a king; see Gwalior ...... 374 Durlabhadevi, of the Batpara family, wife of Faijabad or Faizabald grant of the time of - Palikôbin I. ............
................ 14, 19 Jayachchandradeva ; examination of the Dótakas of a charter, more than one in
date .................
.................... 37 number ..............
............ 318, 436 fasting, the dangers of ............................. 131
Fathpur District, an inscription from the,
edited ............................. .............. 249 Eastor Tables in Syriac .............. ............. 23 fire-ordeal hymn in the Atharva Veda; it is Eohaladért, wife of Kartavirya IV. ............. 248 not really such .................
-..... 232 eclipses; eclipnes of the sun as noticed in the Firoz Shah bin Rajab; see Machadi ........... 31
Rig Veda, remarks on, 230; - an observa- fish-banner ..................... ............... 339 tion from Watren's Kalasankalita about folktales, in Burma, 437; - in Salsotto, wrong predictions of eclipees, 323; -- Rahu 314; – in Southern India, 126, 275, connected with eclipses, 23, 871; - use of 311;- in Western India ......
coun
W
...
.....
..........
19
.. 427
... 152

Page #487

INDEX
4.53
.
..
....
fortnights, lunar; the amanta scheme used
with the Saka era in Southern India by A. D. 945, . . 103 ; - the amanta scheme was the one used with the Lakshmanasena era, 6; - use of the purnimanta scheme with the Vikrama era ... 166 to 169, 171 to 172 (P), 172 to 177, 178 to 181, 185 to 187 (P),
354, 355, 356, 359, 361, 364, 366, 367 future lite among Hindus......
............ 231
294
Gadag, in the Dharwad District; an inscrip
tion of BallA!'II.; examination of the date 155 GAdahiya-Sakha, a division among the Jains;
its origin ............................................. 241 Gadhia kå paisk, a name of certain coins ;
a story about the origin of it ......... 240 and n. ganabhôga, a fiscal term ........................... 271 · ganasthiti = 'reckoning' ..................... 55, 56 Gandan yakas of Navilai ......................... 335 Gåndhêra country ..............................263, 267 Gandía, among the Jains, denotes a disciple
who is put in charge of a few others ... ... 239 n. Gandía-Daivajia; the epoch of his Graha.
laghava is Saka-Samvat 1442 expired.......... 45 Gangaikonda-Chola, a title of the Chola king
Rajaraja ....... ............. 332, 337, 339 Gangapurf, or Gangaikonda-Chôļapuram, was
the capital of Kulottunga-Chôdadêva I...381, 339 Gangas mentioned in connection with Kirti.
varman I. ..........................................14, 19 Gant, among the Jains, denotes an Acharya
who has disciples, but has not risen to the
head of his gachchha or fákhd ................... 234 Galljam District; the Jaugada rock edicts of
Asoka, edited ..................................... 82 Gars = Kara ........................................ 214 Gardafui, Cape, origin of the name ......... 189 1. Garo language, Prof. Avery on the, 229; -
its affinities to Burmese, 229; - and to Kachârf..............
............... 231 Garuda as an emblem on banners, 165, 248; -
on the seals of grants, 224, 243, 249,
and on an inscribed plate itself ............... 348 Gaya; an inscription on the pedestal of an
image of Buddha, edited, 77; -examination of the dates of an inscription of the time of Govindapåla, 358; - and of an
inscription at the temple of Gayasuridevi... 39 Gay&sadina, =Sultan Ghiâs-u'd-din............ 33 geographical notes ; Belgaum District, 243,
244, 270; - Bhör State, 304; Bijapur Distvict, 9, 269, 270, 317 ; - Dharwad District, 144; - Fathpur District, 250 ; - Gödåvart District, 424 ; - Kolapur State, 269; - Madras Presidency, 339, 840; - Maisur, 146; - Nizâm's Dominione, 161,
162, 270; - North Kanara District, 147; - Satara District................
270 Gerrci,=ancient Chaldæans, 216; - probable
forefathers of the Soķotrans ................. Gharah = Kara ........................................ 212 Ghatotkache, Mahdrdja (Early Gupta)......... 295 Ghazipur District, a copper seal from the,
edited............................ Ghis-u'd-din, Sultan, of Malwa; examination
of the date of a MS. of his time................ 36 Gipsies, possibly derived from the SanghArs,
Kachhi pirates.................................. 191 Girnar in Kathiwad, mentioned by the name
of Orjayanta-tirtha, 29; - examination of the dates of the inscription of Jayantasith ha, 25; - and of other inscrip
tions ............................................. 29, 358 Giyas-ud-din Balban; Bee PAlam Bolt ...... 186 Giz, ancient Ethiopic; its relation to the
Sokogran language, 199; - improperly called Ethiopic, 211; - borrowed words in
it, 211; its affinities ........................... 211 globes, ontline history of the making of,
411; - earliest existing, of Arabio origin, 411; - celestial preceded terrestrial, 411; - oldest terrestrial by Martin Behaim, 411;
of Molyneux, described ...................... 412 Goa grant of Saka-Satvat 532; remarks on
its proper attribution..................11, 12 azd n. Gobind Singh, as a revivalist writer ............ 104 Godavart, the river...................................... 334 Godavart District, an inscription from the,
edited .................. gods, serpents 28............ GopAditya, father of Méghaváhana ....... 263, 287 Gospela, a Persian version of the Four......... 159 Grotamai, the river .............. ................ 884 gôtra, 'a family or clan;' the Manavya gåtra
included the Chalukyas, 13, 18, 151, 310, 434; - nine right-handed and nine lefthanded gotras mentioned in the Pattavalt of the Upakesa-Gachchha, 239:- Dames of gotras mentioned in reoords:
Bharadvája.................. ........... 350, 351 Ghirg. ** *********
** ** ... 402 Ghritakausika.................... .... . 310 Harita.........******.... ............... 13, 151 Harita ....... ....********
.............. 310, 434 Manavys...*** ** .13,-18, 151, 310, 434
Mudgala ................. ................. 434 Governor-General of India, origin of the title 44 Govindachandraddva of Kanauj; his Rên
grant of Vikrama-Satavat 1188, partially edited, 249 ; examination of the dates of his other grants...357, 362, 363, 365,
367, 371, 372 Govindapkladeva (Plla); see Gaya......... 368
***.. 423 ***... 74

Page #488

454
INDEX.
***............ 235
Grahalaghava; see Ganesa-Daivajña ......... grama, the Hindu gamut, probable origin of
the European scale of seven notes............ grammar, an Osmanli ........................ 159, 160 grammar, Sanskpit, remarks on .................. 229 grass, biting a blade of, is an Indian custom in token of submission and asking quarter
218 and n. greed, punishment of, in folktales ............ 311 ff. Guddavádi vishaya, n division of the Eastern
Chalukya kingdom..... gudde-mdnya, a term requiring explanation... 275 Guldbndma, life of Gulb Singh of Kas.
mir; a detailed notice of it.... .................. 289 Gulab Singh, his birth, 290; - joins Ranjit
Singh's army as a trooper, 291;- is befriended by Dhyan Singh, 291; -gets. Ramgush in jdgir, 292; - shares in the Sikh campaigns in Kasmir, 292, 299; -defeate RAJA 'Az Khin of Rajkort, 292; -his feat at Multân, 292; - gets Riasi in juger, 292, 293; -obtains Jammun in jagfr, 293 ; - kills SartApa Giyal, 293; - takes part in the attack on Dêrd Ghazi Khan, 293; takes part in the campaign at Atak, 294; - obtains Jamman as a ráj, 294 ; - takes part in the campaign in the RAwal Pindi district, 295; - administers the Salt Rango and the Gujrat Districts; 295; - his share in the murder of Chết Singh, 297 ; - reduces Pañchh, 297; – his action on the accession of Maharaja Shêr Singh, 298; - gets Maniwar in jágír, 299; -- his steps to get possession of Jammun, 299; - his share in the first Afghan War, 300; - administers the Hazara District, 300; - attempts to murder him at Kangra, by
Maharaja Sher Singh .........................301, 302 Gunagańka-Vijayaditya III. (East. Chalu
kya) .................................. . Gunaratnabhashana, Another name of Moda.
mArya .................................................. 436 Gunnefgara, an Aļupa chieftain......... 150 n., 152 Gupta, Maharija (Early Gupta)................... 225 Guptas, the Early ............. ........... 224 to 227 Guruchandragani composed his Brfufra.
charitra in A. D. 1083 ........ ............... 36 Gwalior inscriptions of the time of Dunga.
Tóndradova; examination of the date......... 374
Haridatta, & Jain pontiff in the Upakeśa.
Gachchha...... Harischandradêva, Mahdlumdra (Paramara)
346, 347, 348 Haritiputra, descended from an original
anoestress of the Hârita gôtra ;' applied to the Chalukyas, 13, 18, 151; - also Hurs.
tiputra ............................................ 310, 434 Harsauda (or Charwa) inscription of Dêvapa
ladeva ; examination of the date................ 24 Harsha, a king to whom, in a certain period,
Kasmir was tributary ............... 262, 263, 264 Harshavardhana of Kanauj; a note on his
conquest of Nepal, 40; - a reference to his
defeat by Pulikesin II........................... 151 Håran Ar-Rashid ; his revenues ............322, 323 HAthasnt inscription of Thêpaka; examination of the date .....................
............. 359 healing power of the serpent...................... 73, 74 Hêmachandra, the grammarian and lexico.
grapher, mentioned by the name of Hêma
Sari .................................................. 241 Heriot, Robert, on the rhumb-lines ........... 412 hero in folktales, is the neglected son, 153; -
kills demon guarding the wonderful tree... 154 hido, measuring by a, in strips; variant of
this universal folktale in Burma .......... 438, 439 Hilpenkandura at Kandy, description of ...... 410 Hindi language, rise of the, 104; -drama,
rise of the.......................................... 104 Hindus of Gujarat, nuptial songs of the ... 374 ff. Hindustant books in the British Museum,
notice of catalogue of .......................... 256 Hipparchus, the astronomer; the original
Rómaka-Siddhdnta is based on his theories and tables................
............... 142 Hiranyagarbha, the god Brahman ............13, 19. history, modern vernacular works on ......... 104 Hlutdaw, the Records of the, valuable as
historical documents ............................ 75, 76 Honwad, a village in the Bijapur District; mentioned by the ancient name of the Ponnavada agrahdra, 269, 273, 274; -an inscription of Sûmêsvara I., of Saka-Samvat
976, edited .......................................... 268 Hogaļakere, a later form of the name of Pottalakere .............
162 house-warming customs, in Madras ............ 311 Hues, Robert, author of the Tractatus de
Globis..................... ................. 411, 412 Humâyân, copper coins of ................... 219, 220 Husius = Hues ........................................ 412 Hussain Babi, an account of ................ 320, 321 hundreds, omitted ; an instance, of the six
teenth century A. D., 360; - instances in which the hundreds are separated from the odd years of the centuries..................... 33, 171
........
******... 230
Hadhramaut, the ancient mariners of ........ 190 hair cutting in the Avesta ....... haladagdiga, a difficult term ......... Hamiradêva, Mahdrdja .........
dja ......................... Hammira; the term applied to Giyas-ud-din Balban ...........
......... 186
22

Page #489

INDEX.
455
..
.
..
......
26
I-tein, the bearing of his memoirs on Ohandragômin ...................
319 idolatry, the origin of ................................ 232 Iladurga, an ancient place ........................... 39 Ilam, = Ceylon ...............
831 impossible task in folktales ........................ 153 Indraprastha, an ancient name of Dehli ...... Indraraja (East. Chalukya) ........................ Indu, a name mentioned by Brahmagupta as
that of an astronomical writer ............... inscriptions on copper, edited : -
Buddha, on the pedestal of an image of 77 Govindachandradeva (GÅhadavala of Ka
nauj); Vikrama-Samvat 1188 (partially
sions dvi - AshAdha, 29 ; - dvitfya-Bhadrapada, 157, 183; - dvitiya-Sråvana, 156, 356; - prathama-Ashadha, 33, 40, 155; - prathama-Sravana, 39; - and prathamaVaisakha, 40, 356; - use of the expression sidharana-Phålguna; but with nothing to explain it, as the Tables do not shew an intercalary month for the given year, 368; - a case in which there is a difference between the record and the tables as to the intercalary month, 155; - cases in which the given months were intercalary, though the fact is not indicated by the records...36, 37,
174, 177, 178, 180, 183, 185, 358, 359 intercalated months indicated by the expres
sions adhika-Jyêchtha, 363; - and mayaBhadrapada ............................
............ 181 invocations of Siva, 59, 60, 240, 350, 352;
of Vishạn, 151, 245; - and of the Jain religion ..............
................... 273 Irave of Kittur; a Kanarese ballad on her
lamentations and death........................... 413 Išana, the Guru of Samdhimat ............ 263, 267 Ibêsvara, an ancient Saiva temple in Kasmir
263, 267 Isvaraksishņa composed his Punyachandro.
daya-Purana in A. D. 1624 ....................... 27
Jayavarmadova (Paramara) .................. 349 Kartavirya IV. (Ratta of Saundatti and
Belgaum); Saka-Samvat 1131 ......... 242 Kumâragupta II. (Early Gupta); the
Bhitari seal ............ . .. ..... 224 Lakshmivarmadêva (Paramara); Vikra. . ma-Saiat 1200 ...................
351 Vinayaditya (Western Chalukya); Saka
Sainvat 614 expired ........................ 146 Vira-Chôdadêva Eastern Chalukya); of
his twenty-first year ...... ............ 423 Vishņuvardhana I. (Eastern Chalukya );
of the eighth year of Pulikósin II. ... 303 Yasovarmadeva (Paramara), Vikrama
Sauvat 1192 ................................. 348 inscriptions on stone, edited :
Aboka; his rock edicts at Dhauli and
Jaugada; the first edict, 82; - the second edict, 96; -his columnar edicts on the Dehli Mirat pillar, 122; - the queen's edict, 125; - the Kôsambi edict ............................................. 126 Jayasinha III. (Western Chalukya);
Saka-Samvat 962............................... Mangalêsa (Early Chalukya); of his fifth
year ................ .......................... 7 Sivagana; MÁlava-Sarvat 795 expired... 55 Sônêavara I. (Western Chalukya); Saka
Sainvat 976 .................. .................. 268 Vinayaditya (Western Chalukya) .......... 142 Visaladera (of Sakambhari); Vikrama
Sauvat 12:20 .................................. 215 inscriptions, Arabio at Kazan, 321; - in
W ostern Arabia, 196; -Aramaic in Hebrew characters, 320; at Bebistån, 286; -note on some forged cunciform,321; --Nestorian in Central Asia, 321; -of Piyadasi, M. Senart's account of, 43; -in Shihr, 214 ;
Sinhalese at Tirukkôtisvaram, 410; in Sokotra, 195, 296 ; - of Sri-Parákrama
BAhu VI. at Monnisvaram in Ceylon......... 410 intercalary months indicated by the expres
j and d, nasalised; a change between them in Kanarese Pråkpit ..........
............. 317 Jacobi's Tables for Hindu Dates ; remarks on
the use of them for accurate purposes ... 21 Jagadekamalladôva, a biruda of Jayasimha
III....................................................... 165 JAikadêva; see Dhiniki............................... 369 Jain inscription, a ...................
268 Jains, Weber's Sacred Literature of the;
translated by Dr. Smyth... Jaitrasiit hadôva; a MS. of his reign; exa
mination of the date .......................... 167 Jalaukas II., a king of Kasmir ............ 263, 264 Jambidvípaprajñaptivritti; see Punyasagara 39 Jananathanagari, the city of Vira-Chôdadêva
424, 431 n., 436 Japiliya family, Pratápadhavala of the ... 279, 284 Jdtakas, notes on the, by Louis de Zoysa...... 411 Jaugada in the Gañjam District; the rock
edicts of Asoka edited .............. Jaunpur ; examination of the date of an
inscription of Vijayachandradêva (P of
Kanauj), 182; -and of another inscription 31 Jayachchandradêva of Kanauj; examination
of the dates of his grants ...............30, 37, 363 Jayańkonda, anthor of the Kalingattu Parani 329 Jayaňkonda-Chola, a title of Rajakesari. varman ................
............. 329
82

Page #490

436
INDEX
40
Jayanta composed his Kdvyaprakd adipikd
Siddhartha .......
......... 10, 20 in A. D. 1293 ......................................... 178 Subhaksit
......27, 39 (P) Jayantasimha, son of Vastupala ; see Girnar 25
Vikarin............. ....
..................358 (P) Jayantasimha (Chaulukya); see Kadt ........ 25 Jupiter, the planet ; his sixty-year cycle acjayanya-charms in the Atharva-Veda, Prof. cording to the northern luni-solar system;
Bloomfield on the ................. ................. 232 names of the years of the cycle, according Jayasithha I. (Early Chalukya), 13, 18; -
to this system, as used in recorded dates he had the epithet of vallabhendra .........13, 18 (for other possible cases, see the entries, Jayasitha I. and II. (East. Chalukya) ......... 435 to which queries are attached, under the Jayasitha III. (West. Oh&lukya ); in the preceding heading) :Lingayat Puranas his name occurs as
Chitrabhanu ........... Desinga and Dêsinga-BallAļa, 162, 163 ; -
KAlayukta................................... he had the biruda of Jagadókamalla, 165;
Sarvajit ................. - one of his chief cities was Pottalakere,
Vikarin..................... 161, 165; - the Mantar inscription of his Jupiter, the planet ; his sixty-year cycle ac
time, of Saka-Sarvat 962, edited ............ 161 cording to the southern luni-solar system ; jayastambha; see dharma-jayastambha ......8, 19 names of the years of the cycle, accord. Jayavarmadara (Chandella); Bee Kajurkhô... 362 ing to this system, as used in recorded Jayavarmadeva (Paramara) 36, 37, 38,
dates: - 850; -his Ujjain grant, edited............... 349 Chitrabhånu.............. Jayendra, a king of Kasmir ..................263, 266 Dundubhi...............
317 Jedda, a village in Maisar; perhaps men.
Lávara .............
374 tioned by the ancient name of Jedagur
Jaya ...............
274 or Jedagur ........................................... 144 Prajapati ..........
442 Jedugar, or Jedugar, perhaps the ancient
Pramadin .........
442 name of Jedda ...................................144, 145 Saumya.............
41 jewel, the serpent ....................
78 Siddharthin..
...... 155 Jdalamôrudurganagara, = Jêsalmer, 39; -
Srimukha ...... leo Jêsalpur ......................
*** SESS..... 240
SyabhAnu ................... ..... .... ... 157 Jbanal; an inscription from the wall of the
Vibhava ...............
......................... 165, 248 Fort; examination of the date .............. 179 Virôdhikrit ....................................... 41 Jidduļige Seventy, an ancient district near
Virôdhin .......................................... 156 Balaganve ............... Jinaprabha composed his Ajitaldntistavadritti
in A. D. 1308, . : 354; - and his Bhaya- ka, an affis, in pravardhamanaka ................ 803
harastavavritti in the same year................ 26 Kabir, the value of his works...................... 104 Jiyasatta, king of Savattht in the Kunala 1 Kachari language, its affinity to Garo ......... 231
country ............................................... 235 n. Kachchhayana's Pali Grammar; BuddhaJfianavimalagani composed his commentaryon
ghosa is said to have translated it into Mahêsvara's Sabdaprabheda in A. D. 1598 39 Burmese ............................................... 119 Jupiter, the planet; his sixty-year cyclo Kadanapura, an ancient town ....................... 33
according to the mean-sign system; an Kadaram, an ancient place ............ 331, 339, 340 instance in which a year of this oycle is Kadt grants; examination of the dates; of apparently quoted as the expired year, Bhimadeva II., 25, 30, 166, 366,368, 369; 369 ; - names of the years of the cycle, - of Jayantasimha, 25; - of Molarija, according to this system, as used in re.
166; - of Tribhuvanapaladeva, 372; - corded, dates (the queries indicate that in and of Visaladêva ........ .............. 183 those instances the years may be deter- Kajharagrama, an ancient village in mined either by this system or by the Magadha ............................................... 181 northern luni-solar system):
Kakka-Sari, the name of seventeen Jain Bahudhânya ................. ............34 (P) pontiffs in the Upakesa-Gachchha, 238 to BhÂva .........
...............32 (R), 359 241 ; - the tenth of them is placed in VikKhara ................. .............. 363 (P) rama-Samvat 1154, . . 241;- the eleventh, Kshayakfit ................ ................. 33 in V.-S. 1252,-. 241 ; - the twelfth, in . Manmaths ...........
................ 186 V.-S. 1371, 241; --the sixteenth, in Plsys ..................
................... 31 (P) V. S. 1498, .. 242; - and the seventeenth Prajapati............. .................38 EP) in V.-S. 1595 ..........
............... 249
.

Page #491

INDEX.
457
Kakkudacharya, a Jain pontiff in the UpakeśaGachchha......................
............... 239 kal-atita in Vikrama dates...... 27, 38, 40, 183, 353 Kalachuri dynasty; mention of an early king
named Buddha, conquered by Mangalesa, with the use of the dynastic name in the
form of Kalatsūri ............................ 16, 19, 20 Kalachuri era; the dates in the grants of
the Maharajas of Uchchakalpa are to be referred to it
...................................227, 228 Kalarbaţi, ancient name of the modern
Kanamadi; the chief town of a three
hundred or two-hundred district .........270, 275 KAlanjar inscriptions ; examination of the
dates; of Madanavarmadêva, 23; - of
Paramardidêva, 37, 354; - others... 31, 174, 178 kalatadri, a Sanskritised form of kalachuri
or kalachuri ......................................16, 20 Kalavali, a Tamil poem ............................ 340 Kalhana; extracts from his Rajatarangint, . continued.................................................. 261 Kali-Vishnuvardhana V. (East. Ohalukya) ... 435 KAlidas Tribêdt, as a poetical critic ............ 104 Kalidasa, the poet; his Ritusaṁhdra must
have been composed before A. D. 472 ...... 285 Kalinga country, 14, 19; - mention of seven
divisions of it, 336;-& Tamil poem, deBoribing the conquest of it in the time of
Kulttunga-Chidadeva I...... .............. 829 Kalingattu Parani, a Tamil poem by Jayan.
konda; extracts edited, 329; - it was writ.
ten not later than A. D. 1113 ................ 338 Kalmucks on the Volga, proofs of settlements of the ..........
............... 158 KAluvâka or Karuvaka family ...............
123 Kalyana, the capital of the Western Cholu.
kyas ...................................................... 831 Kamahên, a tribe of Sokotran highlanders,
192; - their claim to Mahri Arab descent... 192 Kamôh; see Katimush& ...................... 263, 265 Kampili, an ancient place in the Bellary Dis. trict ..............
......... 331, 339, 340 Kanamadi, a village in the Belgaum District;
mentioned by the ancient name of Kalnm.
badi ................................. ................ 270 Kanarese ballads, No. 5; the Daughter-in-law
of Channavva of Kittûr ......................... 413 Kaņaswa, a village in the Kotah State; men
tioned under the ancient name of Kaņvaśrama, 55, 61, 62; - the inscription of Siva.
gana, of Malava-Samvat 795 expired, edited 55 Kanchi, 330, 331, 333, 337, 339; - a king of
Kanchi was defented by Vikram Aditya I., 151; - Kulôttunga-Chodadêva I. had his court at Kåricht .........
.............. 339 Kandarba, an officer of the Mahdrdja Pogilli
149, 145
Kannadige, apparently the ancient name of Babinagar ............
........... 270, 275 Kanni, Cape Comorin ....... .............. 337 Kanvasrama, 'the hermitage of Kaņva,' an
cient name of Kanaswa .................. 55, 61, 62 Kapila, the, and the Rêvå; mention of their confluence..........
............... 31 Kapisi&grama, an ancient village ............... 168 Kara = Bani Kara=Gharab, 212; - Gara... 214 Karabada, one of the forms of the ancient
name of Karåd, the chief town of a four
thousand district ............................ 270, 275 karana, an astrological term for half a tithi;
names of the karanas as used in recorded dates: Báva .....
............ 27 DhAtpidaivata (= BAlava) .................... 24
Kaulava ....................................... kdrapaka, 'an agent' ............................62 n. Karikala, a Chola king ....................... 331, 339 Karikala, or Karikala-Chôļa, a title of Kulotunga-Chodaddva I.......
.............. 337 Karkota dynasty of Kasmir; its initial point
was A. D. 601............................................. 269 Karnapura, an ancient town ..................... 169 Karshin, a tribe of Soķotran highlanders,
192; - their claim to Portuguese descent... 192 Kartavirya III. (Ratta of Saundatti and
Belgaum) ................. .................... Kartavfrya IV., Mahamandalesvara (Ratta
of Saundatti and Belgaum), 243, 248 ; - his wife was Eobaladevi, 248; -his Bhoj grant of Saka-Sat vat 1131, edited ......... 242 Karun kara, of the Pallava family, a prime
minister and general of Kulottunga-Chôdadêva I.; his conquest of the Kalinga country,
as narrated in the Kalingattu Parani 929 to 345 Kåruváka or Kaluvâka family....................... 123 Kasmir, list of the kings of, contin aed......... 263 Katak; see Cuttack ..............
.............. 82 Katha Upanishad, Prof. Whitney on the....... 281 Katika, an ancient town in Kasmir.......... 263, 264 KatimushA agrahdra; the modern Kamph in
Kasmir .......................................... 263, 265 Kaveri, the river, 331, 338, 339; - the high
banks along it were built by the Chôļa king Karikala ......... Kdvyaprakdkad pikd; see Jayanta ............. 178 Kendôramanya, ancient name of Kendür...... 9, 20 Kendûr, a village in the Bijapur District;
mentioned by the ancient name of Kendôramånya.....................
......... 9, 20 Kenigara, Kirghiz Sultán......... .............. 321 Kêrela country, 14, 19; - a king of it was
conquered by Vikramaditya I................ 151 koro, 'a tank;' corrupted spellings of this
word in English mape ........................162 n.
****.......... 839

Page #492

458
INDEX.
Kesab Dås, as a poetical critic ................... 104 Krishnasvami Naidu, W. S. ; notice of his Kesin, a Jain pontiff in the Upaksa-Gachchha 235 South Indian Chronological Tables ......... 326 Kesuvoļala, one of the ancient forms of the Kubja-Vishộuvardhana I. (East. Chalukya)... 434
name of Pattadakal ..............................9, 20 Kadal-Samgam, the junction of the TungaKevati-Kund' inscriptions; examination of bhadra and the Krishna ............ 331, 339, 340
the dates ...............................................22, 175 Kulottunga-Chôdadêva I. (Eastern Chalakya), Khajuraho inscriptions; examination of the 425 n., 426, 427, 435; - mentioned by the dates..................
........................... 35, 362 names of Rajendra-Chôda and Kulôttungakhampana, a variant of, or a mistake for, dêva, 435; - he had the biruda of Raja
kampana ..........................................274 n. Narayana, 436; -he succeeded to the boveKhandakhadya; see Brahmagupta ...... 51 and n. reignty of Vengi, but afterwards obtained Khédrapur inscription of Singhaņa II.; ex
the Chôļa empire, 435; -his viceroys in amination of the date ........................... 440 Vengi, 435 ; - his wife was MadhurântaKhushwakht Rai, Diwan, enlists Guláb Singh 291 kidevi, 435; - one of his prime ministers Killi-Valavan, a Chôļa king ....................... 339 was the Pallava Karunakara, who reconKiragrâma; an inscription in the temple of
quered Kalinga for him, 329 to 345; - this Vaidyanatha; examination of the date...... 167 was effected between the twentieth and Kirparim, Diwan, author of the Guldbndma... 289 twenty-sixth years of his reign, 338; - the Kirtivarmadeva (Chandella); see Déôgadh ... 36 poem describing this mentions Gangapuri, Kirtid har, first historical Rája of Jammun ... 289 or Gangaikonda-Cholapuram, as his capital, Kishn Dås, as a writer on the Kfishņa cult ... 104 339; - and Kanchi as the city where his kissing, among thi Sokotrans, 193; - by court was held, 333, 339; - it gives him
smelling among the Sokotrang ................. 193 the title of Karikala-Chola, 337; - and Kirtivarman I. (Early Chalukya), 151, 304, mentions ThiyAkavalli as his queen ......... 333 310, 434; - he had the biruda of Puru- Kulottungadêva; see Kulottunga-Chôdadeva Raņaparåkrama, 14, 19; - list of the kings
I..............
............425 n., 435 conquered by him, 14, 19; - remarks on Kulzum, = the Red Sea; an origin of the the mention of his name in the Bådami in.
word
190 scription .............. ..................... 11, 12 n. Kumarad&vi, wife of Chandragupta I. ......... 225 Kittar, the Daughter-in-law of Ohannavva of; Kumaragupta I. (Early Gupta), his wife was
Kanarese ballad ................................. 413 Anantadêvi ............................................. 225 K-RAjak@sarivarman, a Chola king; his acces- Kumaragupta II. (Early Gupta), 225, 227; -
sion took place in A. D. 1003 or 1004 ...70 to 72 bis Bhitari seal, edited ....... ............ 224 Koch-Cheňkaņņán, a Châļa king.................. 839 KumArap la, a person mentioned in conneoKöddaru, ancient name of Kotar in Travancore 340 tion with the tenth Kakka-Sari ................241 Kokkili (East. Chalukya) ............................ 435 | KumArapAladdva (Chaulukya); examination Kolar, a village in the Bijapur District; an 1 of the dates of the Mângrôl inscription, and inscription of Singháņa II. ; examination of
of a MS. of his time ....................... 29, 172 the date ........................................... 157 Kandi Three-thousand, the, included the Koleru, the ancient name of probably Kalai- Koravalli kampana... . ............ 244, 249. roo' in the Godavari District. .................. 424 Kunsi, the river ...........
884 Kollabhiganda-VijayAditya IV. (East. Ohalu- Kuntada ouuntry conquered by Kulôttungakya) ........... .. ... ..... .............
Ohôdadêva I. ............................... 331, 435 Kolli, the river ..................................... 834
Kuravas, a low Tamil caste settled in Ceylon 160 Komma, of the Vanma family; his wife was Kurumarathi, or Kurumarathya, a town of
Attikambika............... .............. 274 Vishnuvardhana 1................................ 310 Koppai, an ancient place ......................331, 339 Kurumi, an ancient place ..............
uandien place ................. 891 Kôranţa, Kôrantaka, an ancient place ......... 287 Kusaitalai, the river ........................ ...... 384 Koravalli kampana, a division of the Kandi ? kuttichdorfs, mischievous elves in Madras .....75
Three-thousand .............................. 244, 249 Kötah State, an inscription from the, edited... 55 Krishna, the river ...................................... 334 I and xs, changes between, in Kanarese Prikrit 317 Krishna, the worship of, as represented in
and , and ! and r, changes between, in modern vernacular literature ............... 104 Kanarobe ........................................ 270 Krishna (Dêvagiri-Yådava); see Bêhatti, Labaduha, a Burmese folk-hero .................. 497
Chikka-Bagiwadi, and Munőļļi .........441, 442 Lalla JI LAI, his share in reviving vernacular Krishna II. (Rechtradata) ......... 3... 248 literatare ..........................
.. . .. .... .. ....... 104

Page #493

INDEX
459
Lakasthana, an ancient place ...................... 22 Lunar Race, the, included the Chalukyan ...
151 and n., 332, 337, 338, 425, 435 Luqman, legends about, Prof. Toy on ......... 232 lute-banner ...
............. 330
La-sari, = Lakshmanaséna-samvat............2, 3, 4 lagna, 'the rising of a sign of the zodiac
(rdki);' names of the lagnas as used in recorded dates :
Ghata (i. e. Kumbha; Aquarius) ......... 102 Simha (Leo) ....................................32, 35 Vanij (i. e. Tul; Libra) ..................... 129
Vpischika (Scorpio) ............................ 436 Laghuvainganapadra, an ancient village ...... 348 Lakshmaņasêna, a king of Bengal; Prof.
Kielhorn's examination of the dates in the era that is named after him, 1 to 7; -with the results, taking as expired all the years but one, that the year was an ordinary Bouthern Karttik-Adi year, with the amanta scheme of the lunar fortnights; that the epoch of the era was A. D. 1118-19; and that the first day of the first current year
was the 7th October, A. D. 1119............... Lakshmidêva I., or Lakshmidhara (Ratta of
Saundatti and Belgaum); his wife was
ChandrikAdêvi....................................... Lakshmivarmadôva, Mahakumdra (Paramára),
346 to 318, 351; -his Ujjain grant, of Vikrama-Samvat 1200, edited, 351; -examination of the date ........................... 40, 352 Lalitatripurasundari of Nepal; examinationof the dates of her inscription ... 35, 169,
176, 177 Lalla, the Chhinda ; see Dewal ................... 364 languages, Indian ; remarks on the pronuncia
tion of them in the eleventh century, as
shewn by Albêrāni's transliteration.......... 72, 78 Lafijigésara, Prakrit form of Nandikógvara ... 317 Laljisvara, Nandisvara,=Nandikêśvara... 317 LAţa, LA¢âcharya, or Latadêva, an astronomi
cal writer, anterior to Varahamihira, 52, 53, 135, 138, 141;- he wrote sommentaries on the Panlisa and Rômaka Siddhântas, 52 ; - he is not the author of the original Súrya-Siddhanta, 52;- but he may have had something to do with the authorship
of the present Sürya-Siddhanta ................ 63 Lattalar, an ancient town of the Rashtra
katas, 165; - also Lattandr .................. 248 lau®, an abbreviation used in certain dates,
30, 173, 558; - also laukio, 24; - and laukikao, 24; -- and, laulika, without the
sign of abbreviation .........................25, 183 Lepoha language, Prof. Avery on the, 230;
its affinity to Burmese ........................... 230 linga-worship in Kasmir.........................263, 267 lion banner .............................................. 330 literature, vernacular, of Hindustan, its
soope and value................................ 103, 104 Lucknow Provincial Museum; the copper seal ,
of Kim Aragupta II., edited ..................... 224!
m and v, the Prakṣitic change between ......... Mâchâţi inscription of the time of Firaz Shah
bin Rajab; examination of the date .......... Machohhaprabandha, a work attributed to
the twelfth Kakka-Sari ............................. 241 Madanapaladêva of Kanauj, grants of; exami
nation of the dates .................................. 371 Madavardjya, a territory mentioned in the
Rajataraṁgint; probably the modern
Miraj or Meraj ...............................264 and n. Madanavarman (Chandella); examination of
the dates of his Ajaygadh, Banda, and
KAlañjar inscriptions........................ 23, 167, 368 Madhumati, an ancient place in Kathifwad... 170 Madhurântakidêvi, wife of Kulottunga-Chodadêva I. .............
.......... 485 Madraka, a tribe or country
aka,& tribe or country ................. 14, 19 Madras Presidency, an inscription from the, edited...........................
***............... 423 Madura country, conquered by the Chôļas 331, 389 Mågada ; see Mahakata .............................. 7 Magadba country...................................... 14, 19 magio, the connection of serpents with........... 79 Maguda, Prakrit form of the name of Makata;
see Mahakata .......... ......... ............. Mahadvadafaka mandala, an ancient division
in Malwa ........................................... 851 MahAkata, a group of temples in the Bijapur
District; also called MAkata, Makuta and Magacha; the real original name is Makuta, 7; and it occurs in the Praksit form of Maguda, 8; - the pillar inscription of
Mangalêsa, edited ................................. 7 MahAlakshmidovi, perhaps the name of the
wife of Narasimhagupta.....................226, 227 Mahamantrin, 'great minister,' an official title
.................. 218, 219 Mahammada SAhi ; see Dehli ....................... 26 Mahamada PAtasha, Sultan Mahmud Bigarha.........................*
87 Mahan Singh, father of Ranjit Singh, plum
ders Jammon ......................................... 290 Mahardja continued to be a paramount title
in Southern India long after the time when it had ceased to be used as such in Northern
India, 305, 807; - applied to Bhimadeva II. 23 Mahdrajddhirdja, & title of paramount sovereignty: question as to the etymological analysis of the word, 305 n. ;-the true application of the title; it is the only one

Page #494

460
INDEX.
33
which corresponds to the European 'king' or emperor;' but it does not necessarily denote an emperor of the whole of India, 308; the manner in which it probably reached Southern India, 305 n.; - its
adoption by the Chalukyas ............... 306, 307 Mahimûda Pataskba, =Sultan Mahmud Bigarha..........
................. 32 Mahmad Bigarha, Sultân; examination of
the dates of an inscription of his time at
Adalij, 27; - and of a MS. of his time ... 32 Mahmad of Ghazni, opposed by Autárdev of
Jamman ........................................... 289, 290 Mahoba inscriptions ; examination of the
dates; of Paramardidêva, 36; - another... 179 Mahra Arabs of Hadhramaut, described 211, 212 Mahuva, an inscription at; examination of
the date ............................................. 38 Maisar, inscriptions from, edited............ 142, 146 Maitrdyani-Sarhitd, Prof. Whitney on the... 232 Makuta, MAka; see Mahakața ............... 7 Makuţ&ávaranátha, a name of Siva, at MahAkata................
.............................8, 20 Malaprabhasari composed his commentary on Manatungastri's Siddhajayanticharitra in A. D. 1204 ..........................
............... 182 MAlapura, an ancient town ........................ 176 MAlava, the Paramira rulers of; notes on them, with three of their grants edited, 845
to 353 MAlava era, the ; definite proof that it is the
Vikrama era, 316; - a date in it .........56, 61 MAlder of Jammon, defeats Timor............... 290 Malik Muhammad as a historical and philo
sophio writer ....................................... 104 Mallai, a name of Mamallaipuram .........387, 340 Mallikarjuna, Yuvardja, younger brother of
rtavfrya IV....................................243, 248 Manabhadra, a Yaksha mentioned in connec
tion with the first Yakshadêva-Sari ......... 238 Mdnavadharmadstra; objections to Dr.
Burnell's view that its date lies between 4. D. 100 and 500, .. 229; -tho Samhita cannot be proved to have been in extstence much before A. D. 500 ........................... 232 Manavya gôtra included the Chalukyas ... 13,
151, 310, 434 Mandala, the kings of; see Ramnagar ......... 369 Mangi-Yavarija (East. Chalukya) ................ 435 Mangalapura, an ancient town in Surashtra... 355 Mangalibvara ; see Mangalôša .................. 15 Mangaldsa (Early Chalukya), 15, 19; -he
had the birudas of Uru-Raravikrinta, 15, 19; - and of simply Raņavikranta, 15; - and the epithet of orfprithir pallabhendra, 15, 19; -- he seems to have been a hall brother of Kirtivarman I., 15; - remarks
on the forms of his name, 15; - the date of his accession in A. D. 597 or 598,.. 10 and errata; - remarks on the mention of his name in the Badami cave inscription, 11, 12 n. ;-he conquered a Kalachuri king, named Buddha, 18, 19; - certain coins, supposed to be connected with his time, are of very much later date, 80; -his MahAkața
pillar inscription, edited ........................ 7 Mångalyapura, an ancient town ................... Mângról inscriptions; examination of the
dates; of the time of Kumarapala, 172; -
of the time of Nasrat Shah ..................... 355 Manipulvli, the river................................ 334 Maniyara-Appayanavidu, ancient name of
probably Maạn dr or Manor in the Nizam's
Dominions .................. ........................ 270, 274 Manpâru, the river............... ............. 334 Maņņai, an ancient place on the banks of
the Ganges...........................................331, 339 Manse, Vogul, 159 ; - Ostiak ....... .... 169 Mansêra, Piyadasi's inscriptionat, M.
Senart's account of ................. .............. 43 Mantar, a village in the Mudhol State; men.
tioned by the name of Deyvada-Mantar, 161, 165; - an inscription of the time of Jayasithha III., dated Saka-Sarhvat 962,
edited .......................... ............ 161 Manu; see Mdnavadharmabastra ......... 229, 292 Manor, or Manşor, a village in the Nizam's
Dominions ; mentioned by the ancient
name of Maniyara-Appayanavidu ............. 270 Marco Polo, his account of St. Thomas'
death.............. Marotakota, an ancient place ..............239, 241 Marpha, the Fort of; an inscription; exami.
nation of the date ............................... marriage customs of the Parsis .............374, 377 Marusthall, an ancient place ..................... 176 Mathanadeva, a king; see Rajôrgadh ......... 22 mattar, a land-measure ...........................274 n. Maurya raoe, & prince of the, named
Dhavala, about A. D. 738 ....................56, 60 maxims, folktales based on, 126; - folk
tales turning on, 275 ; - the four
maxims, a variant folktale ..................126 ff. Måyamôdaka; an ancient village ................. 350 Mayilai, ancient name of Mailâpur, a suburb
of Madras ................... ............337, 340 Mêdnmarya, a general of Vira-Chôdadêva ... 436 Medinipur, = Midnapur
.............. 242 Mêghaváhana, a king of Kasmir; his wife
was Amitaprabhi ............................... 263, 267 Meraj, in Kaśmir; see Madavarajya ...26+ and n. metamorphosis in folktales ; serpent into
prince ................................................. 316 Mbari, an Arabic dialect, described ......211, 212

Page #495

INDEX.
461
......
.
..
.........
mlin and mtin sahib, explained ...............290 n. Phågara (Feb.-March) ......... Mian Didd attacks Jammin .................. 293, 294 Phaguņa (Feb.-March)......... 25, 167, 168, 170 Mian Mötà rules Jammun, 291; -his a88888i
Phålgu (Feb.-March).......................... 26 nation ........................... .................. 292 Phalguņa (Feb.-March)...24, 26, 41, 167, Midnapur mentioned as Medinipura ............ 242
169, 171, 367, 368, 373 Mira B&i, as a writer on the Krishna cult ... 104 Sravana, (July-Aug.) ... 30, 31, 33, 34, 39, Miraj or Meraj, in Kasmir; see Madavarajya
40, 156, 174, 178, 179, 181, 186, 353, 356 264 and n. Suchi (June-July) ..........
.... .... 35 Miraj, in the Southern Marathi country: ex.
Vaisakha (April-May)...2, 4, 20, 28, 31, 32, amination of the date in an inscription of
35, 36, 38, 40, 175, 176, 179, 180, 181, Saka-Samvat 1065 ................
........... 317
183, 185, 218, 273, 355, 356, 360, 362, miser, the sight of a, as an omen .............. 131
364, 373 Mléchchhas; the term used to denote the months, Hindu solar; Bhadrapada indicated
Muhammadans ............................. 216, 217 by the sun being in Simha (Leo), 129, 426; mohinis, female devils who possess men, in
- and Pansha, by the sun being in Dhanus Madras ................................................... 103 1 (Sagittarius)........................................... 102 Molyneux, the globe-maker.................. 411, 412 months, Tamil solar; Ayappasi (= Aippasi; Mômaladevi, probably the mother of Yasovar.
Karttika) .................
70 madeva ........
348 Mrityujit, a Chola king........... .............. 339 Mômi, a tribe of Sokoţran Highlanders, 192; - Mudhol State, an inscription from the, edited 161
their claim to Abyssinian descent ............. 192 Mudivemu, an ancient agrahdra.................... 484 monkey, the word, as an omen...................... 181 MuhabibAda, a village in the KarnAtaka moon-worship in Soķotra, 195; - in ancient
country ............................................. 37 Oholdes ........................................... 196 Muhammad Bakhtyar; his conquest of Bengal, months, Hindu lunar (see also intercalary.
about A. D. 1198-99, seems to have taken and intercalated); names of them as used
place in the eightieth year of the Lakshin recorded dates :
manaaena era ............. AshAdha (June-July)... 29, 36, 37, 39, 40, Makari, an ancient place ............................ 831
155, 179, 180, 186, 357, 358, 359, 369, 441 Male-Samgha, a division among the Jains ... 274 Avayaja (Sept.-Oct.) ...................... 28 Molarija (Chaplukya); see Kadi................... 166 Asvayuja (Sept.-Oct.) ........................ 187 Munîndrapura, an ancient town ................. 39 Agvina (Sept.-Oct.)...30, 32, 33, 34, 172, Muija of Dhård; Amitagati composed his
176, 177, 858 Subhdshitaratnasandóha in his reign ....... 361 Bhadra (Ang. Sept.)... 29, 30, 175, 176, 181, 185 Munógli inscriptions of Singhana II. and Bhidrapada (Aug.-Sept.)... 29, 31, 33, 157,
Krishna ; examination of the dates ... 440, 441 173, 174, 181, 183, 317, 357, 361, 366 Mart-sdvirad-Ayya, the title of a Lingayat Bhadravs (Aug. Sept.)... 28 (P), 175, 184, 386 priest at Hubli ..............
.................. 244 Chaitra (March-April)... 3, 29, 30, 31, 36,
musadara, its effect on the finance of the 39, 41, 46, 174, 176, 182, 185, 355, 361,
Khalifas..................... ............... 322, 323 362, 366, 372, 440, 442 musio, Hindu, M. Grosset's contribution to Jésbta (May-June............... ............. 441 the study of, account of ........................ 72 Jyêshtha (May-June) 28, 31, 33, 35, 36, 37, musical instruments; the trivale of the Rattas 165
177, 178, 182, 183, 184, 187, 354, 363, 369, 373 Mashaka country; apparently part of the Karttika (Oct.-Nov.)... . 5, 23, 25, 27, 28, Malabar Coast ............
........... 14, 19 40, 166, 167, 169, 170, 247, 252, 309, 853,
354, 356, 365, 367, 369, 374, 440 Madhava (March-April) ...... .............34, 38 + and 1, changes between, in Kanarese Madhu (March-April) .................... 34, 39 Prakpit........... Mågha (Jan-Feb.) 22, 25, 27, 166, 168, and !, a change between, in Kanarese ...... 270
170, 361, 365, 368, 371, 373, 374, 442 Nadal inscription of Alhapadêva; examinaMaha (Jan-Feb.).................................... 855 tion of the date ....................................... 30 Marga (Nov.-Dec.) 24, 166, 167, 169, 170, Någarakhanda Seventy, the, an ancient dis171, 172, 849, 364, 368, 872
trict near Balagv e ............................... 144 Margasira (Nov.-Dec.) ............... 28, 164, 171 Nagas; they are counted as gods among the Margasiraha (Nov.-Dec.)...... 24, 102, 168, 172 Buddhists, 74 ; - they are perhaps menPancha (Deo.-Jan.)....3, 4, 22, 25, 26, 168, tioned as the Aļukas, 14, 19; -mention of
169, 172, 354, 361, 363, 371 them in connection with the Chola......831, 839
317

Page #496

462
INDEX.
Navilai, an ancient place ............. ................ 335 NAyarkhanda, Prakrit form of the name of
the Nagarakhanda District ................ 144, 145 Nepál : a note on the conquest of it by
Harsbavardhana of Kananj, 40 ; - the inscription of Lalitatripurasundari; exami
ration of the dates................................. 35 Niralgi, a village in the Dharwad District;
perhaps mentioned by the ancient name of
Nirilli .............................................144, 145 Nirilli, perhaps the ancient name of Niralgi .................
.............. 144, 145 North-West Provinces; the copper seal of
Kumaragupta II., edited, 224 ; - an in
scription of Govindachandra, partially . edited.................................................... 249 numerical words; exceptional use of véda to
denote three,' 25, 26; - and of sdgara
and sayara to denote seven' ...............25, 26 Nydyasiddhantamañjart, note on a MS. of tbe.
229, 230
35
441
nail-headed characters, a variety of, from Gayà ..............
................. 77 nakshatra, 'a lunar mansion ; festivals in
honour of the Tishya nakshatra, 96, 100, 102; - names of the nakshatras, as used in recorded dates :Anuradha
..........170, 356, 366 Dhanishth& ...................................25, 27 Gurubha (= Pushya) ........................ 38 Hasta ............................................ 28 Jyêshthi .......................................... 369 Maitra (=Anuradha)
102 Mala ..............
373 Punarvasu .......... Purvå-Ashadha .............. Pushya ...................... 27, 31, 34, 39, 176, 177 Rêvati ................
............ 23 Rôhiņi ............... .............32, 35, 150 Sravaņa ....
................. 192, 436 Svåti ...... Tishya .........
................ 169 Uttara-Bhadrapada ............................, 27, 28 Uttari-Bhadrapadika....
29 Uttari-Bhadrika................................... 129 Visakhi....................................
Vishnudaivata (= Sravana) nail-paring in the Avesta ................. Nalapura, a fortress of Virasimhadeva .......... Nalodayatiká; see Ramarshi ..................... 34 names of places in England in the 15th cen
tury, map of, noticed ............................. 412 Nandigrama, an ancient village. 20;
identified with Nandikêývara, 9; -but
this is wrong ....................................... 317 Nandikêśvara, a village near Badami; it is
different from Nandigrama, 317; -its name uccurs in the Prákpit forms of
Lanjigisara and Lažjiśvara ..................... 317 Nandikshếtra, an ancient place in Kasmir 263, 268 Nanodaya, a Buddhist work by Buddhaghôba 117 Nanyaura grants; examination of the dates ;
of Dévavarnadova, 364; -- of Dhangadêva 23 Naraka, a king of Pragjyütisha .................. 203 Narapati composed his Narapatija yacharya
in A. D. 1175 ............ ....................... 30 Narasitnhadeva (Kalachuri); see Alha-ghâ¢... 29 Narasimhagupta (Early Gupta), 225, 226, 227;
- his wife's name appears to be Mah.
lakshmidêvî ..................................... 225, 227 Naravarman (Paramara) ......... 346, 347, 350, 351 Narendramrigaraja, = Vijayaditya II. (East.
Chalukya)......... Nusrat Shah of Dehli; see Mângrol ............ 355 Nat-worship in Burma ........
438 Nivalli, an ancient place near Balayårve...... 145 Narapaduprakarana, a work attributed to
the ninth Devayupta-Sari ...... ............. 240
255
ogress, nature and character of, in Burmese folktales ...............
....... 438 omens in the Avesta, 230; - in Bihar, 130,
131;- in Madras, 254; - in the North
West Provinces, 264 ; - in Oudh ............. 325 Onko reckoning of Orissa, a system of regnal
years commencing with Bhadrapada sukla 11 or 12 ...............
.......... 255 opprobrious names in Madras ........ ordeals in Sokotra ............
195 Orissa, the Onko reckoning of...................... 255 Osanagari, a place in Mirwar; the old form
of the name was Upakêsanagari .........233, 234 Osmanli language, a new grammar of the
159, 160 Oswals, the lay adherents of the Upakéśa
gachchha; they take their name from Osanagari................
.............. 235 Ostiak, = Manse, 159; - Vogul, 159; - the
heathen customs of the............................ 159 owl, the word, as an omen ..........................
... 435
Padalipta, a town in Surashtra ..................22 Padinappalai, a Tamil poem in praise of Kari
kala ............................................. 331, 340 Padma Charita, the, of Vimala, was written
five hundred and thirty-two years after the nirvuna of Mahavira ....... padra as the termination of a village-name, in
Laghuvainganapadra............. ............... 348 Palal, a feudatory ruler of Sêyaviya in the
Kekayaddha country ........................ 236 n. Paitinaha-Siddhanta ............... 46, 139, 141, 142
..... 379

Page #497

INDEX.
463
Paithan grant of Ramachandra; examination Parsis, nuptial songs of the ............ .......374 ff. of the date ............... .........
............ 442 ...
Párávachandra perhaps composed his VartPalam Bảoli; an inscription of the time of tika on Virabhadrasidhu's Chatunsarana. Giyås-ud-din Balban; examination of the
prakérnaka in A. D. 1639......................... 373 date ................................................... 186 | pataka (see algo bataka) as the termination Pålär, the river ............................ 332, 333, 334 of a village-name, in Devalapåtaka ......... 348 palibódha, bond, fetter' ..............
Pattadakal, a village in the Bijapur District; palikétana, an arrangement of flags............ 434 mentioned by the ancient name of KesuvoPallnvas, 425, 434; - conquered by Vikra. lala
..................9, 20 maditya I., 151; - and by Vinayaditya, Pattdvall, the, or List of Jain Pontiffs, of the
157; - later history of the family... 329 to 340 U pakêsa-Gachchha ......................... 233 to 242 Pampa, the river ...................................... 334 | Pauliba-Siddhanta, 46, 52 and n., 133, 134, Panchadandatapachchhattrabandha; see Ra
141, 142, 316; - its rule, as given in the machandra...........................................26, 27 Panchasiddhantika, for calculating the pañchámahasabda mentioned among the in
mean place of the sun, 141; there seem to signia of the Eastern Chalukyas............... 434 be three works of this name ..................52 n. Panchapramana, a work attributed to the paundarwa-sacrifice .......
....... 19 seventh Kakka-Sori ............ ..................... 240 Pennai, the river.........
.................. 334 Pandarams, a Tamil mendicant caste in Ceylon 160 Pêröja SÅhi Sultan, = Firaj Shah bin Rajab... 31 Pañchasiddhantiká, an astronomical work by Phulwariya; inscription of Pratápadhavalu;
Varahamihira, based on five Jyotisha examination of the date ........................ 179 Siddhantas, 45 to 54, 439 ; - its epoch is pillars, inscribed ........................7, 122, 125. 215 Tuesday, 22nd March, A. D. 505, . . 46, Piplinagar grant of Arjunavarmadeva; 50, 51; - and the kshépalas in it are for examination of the date........................... 24 the preceding Sunday, 50; - passages in pisitsus, male devils who possess women, in it relating to the original Romaka-Siddhan
M adras ...................................... ........ 103 ta...............................................136, 138, 141 pitamaha, in sutradhdra-pitumaha,' a very Pandita-Chola, apparently a title of Rajaraja
Brahman among Sutradharas' ............... 249 I. (Eastern Chalukya) ......................... 337 Pithapuri, apparently one of the forms of the Pandya country; reference to five divisions
ancient name of Pittapuram ...............424, 426 of it ....................................................... 335 Pitt&puram in the Godavari District; apPandya kings; mentioned in connection with
parently mentioned by the name of Kirtivarman I., 14, 19; - and Vikrama- Pithapuri, 424; - notes of some inscripditya I............................................... 151 tions here .................... Pañjáb, an inscription from the, edited......... 215 Pitt, Thomas, of the Pitt diamond, Yule's Pansiyapanas Jataka.................................. 411 account of, noticed ............................ 131, 132 Pdpabuddhi-Dharmabuddhi-Kathanaka, a Piyadasi, a name or title of Asoka ............... notice of Bendall's MS, of ..................... 280 plough-banner...........
.............. Paramabhattdraka, a title of paramount sove- poetry, historical value of modern verna.
reignty; its adoption by the Chalukyas 306, 307 cular paramabhattarak-éty-ddi-rdjávalt ............... 180 Pogari-Gachchha, the, a division of the MalaParamâra rulers of Målava; notes on them,
Samgha............................................... 274 with three of their grants edited ...... 345 to 359 Pogilli, Mahdrija (Sôndraka), a foudatory of Parainardidêva (Chandella); see Bateswar,
Vinayaditya .......... ................ 113, 115 Kalanjar, and Mahôb&...............30, 36, 37, 854 Ponmukari, the river .............................. 334 Paramédvara, a title of paramount ove- Ponnavada ugrahara, ancient name of Hon. reignty : applied to Harehavardhana of
wid..............
............ 269, 273, 274 Kanauj, 41, 306 ; - its adoption by the Ponni, the Kåvêri. river .......................... 337
............................305, 307 Porunai, the lambraparni l'iver'................ 337 paramount sovereigns, i.e. sovereigns Posidonius, the first globe-maker ............... 411
supreme in their own doninions, but not possession, demoniacal, in Madras................ 103 necessarily reigning over the whole of Pottalakere, a capital of Jayasinha III. ; it is India; the development of their titles in
the modern Dandan iyakanakere ... 161, 162, 165 Southern India.......... ............ 305 to 309 Pradyumna, an early astronomical writer, 52, Pariahs of Jaffna, a Tamil caste in Ceylon ... 160
135, 138 parikhdya, a fiscal term, requiring explana. Pragjyotisha, two kings of, referred to in the tion......
........... 249 and n.1 Riijatarangini ............ ..............263, 2:07
427

Page #498

464
INDEX.
.. 170
...
75
....
435
kings ...................
Prandda, a commentary on the Prakriyakau. Qalmaqe, see Kalmucks ...
..... 158 mudi; its date...................
quivering of the left eyelid as an omen ...... Prån Näth, as a revivalist writer ............... 104 Prasnottara-Ratnamála, a Jain work, attri
buted sometimes to Vimala, and some- rand changes between, in Kanarese ....... 270
times to a king Amoghavarsha............378, 379 z, a Dravidian letter, represented in Nagarf Pratápadhavala, Mahindlyaka (J&piliya); see inscriptions by rr ................................ 243
Phulwariya and Sahasrâm................ 179, 184 Rahu mentioned as causing an eclipse of the Pratápaditya I., a king of Kaśmir; a relative moon, 23; -and of the sun .................... 371
of a king Vikramaditya................... 261 to 264 rainy season, the; the connection of serpentpratisiddhaya, an ancient tax... ................ 165 worship with it ........ pravara, an invocation of ancestors at the
Rai Talak of Dehli.....
. .......... 289 performance of certain rites; names of rain, making, in Sokotra, 195; - charms in pravaras, as mentioned in records : -
Madras ............
..................... 103 Bharadvája-Angirasa-Bârhaspatya ...... 351 Raiwan grant of Govindachandradeva ; exGarga Angiras-Viśvamitra-Jamadagni
amination of the date ........... ................. 372 Varhaspati ..................
............ 252
Raja-Bhima II. (East. Chalukya) ................ 435 Visvamitra-(&c.) (?) ........ ............. 310 Raja-Narayana, biruda of Kulottungapravartamdna; see current and expired years Chôdadeva I. .......... proof of identity in folktales - a silver Raja-Paramébvara, a title of paramount sove. ring, 154; - a gold ring, 154 ; - a sword,
reignty.................................. 307 and n., 436 154 ; - hair, 155; - a mode of folding rája-érdvita, 'a royal proclamation' ... 145 and n. betel-leaves .................
.......... 278
Rájddhirdja, a title of paramount sovereignty, proverbs of Turkistân ............. ........... 321
used by some of the Eastern Chalukyas ... 307 Ptolemy, as a globe-maker, 411; - compari- Rajakesari, the name of two early Chôļa . son of some of his aetronomical elements
............... 331, 339 with those of the Romaka-Siddhanta ...... 284 R&jak darivarman ; see K0-Rajakesarivarman 70 puberty, fees on the attainment of............... 145 Rajakdearivarman (Chola); he had the title of Pubesa, a proper name ................................. 8 Jayankonda-Chôļa ................................ 329 Pulikesin I. (Early Chalukya), 151, 434; - Rajamriganka; an astronomical work attri. remarks about the meaning of the name,
buted to king Bhoja ; its epoch is Saka14 n.; -- he had the birudas of Satyasraya
Samvat 964, expired ........ ............. 45 and Raņavikrama, 14, 18, 19, 310; - and Rajaraja, or Vira-Rajendra (Chola); he had the epithet of sriprithivirallabha, 14; -his the title of Gangaikonda-Chola......332, 337, 339 wife was Durlabhadevi........................ 14, 19 Rajaraja I. (East. Chalukya), 424 n., 427; - Pulikekin II. (Weet. Chalukya), 11, 12 and n., the date of his coronation in A. D. 1022, 13; – he had the biruda of Satyaóraya,
.. 130; - apparently he had the biruda 151, 434; - he is perhaps denoted in the of Pandita-Chola, 337; - his wife was Goa grant by the epithet of briprithiutval- Ammangadêvî, 435; -- his coins .........79 to 28 labha, 12 n.; - the grant of Vishnuvar- Rajaraja II. (East. Chalukya), a viceroy of dhana I. is dated in his eighth year ......... 304 Vengi ...............
..............425, 435 Pulida-Siddhanta; see also Paulisa-Siddhanta 316 Rajarajadêva; see Ko-Rajakesarivarman ...... 70 punch-coins, instances of, in the eleventh R&jaśayana bhóga, a subdivision in the Maha
century A. D.................. ............... 79, SO dvadasaka mandala ............................... 351 Punyachandródaya-Purana ; see Isvaraksi. Rajasimha, s ruler of Vikramanagara in A. D. shna ............... ............... 27 1598 ...............
....... 39 Punyasagara composed his Jambudvípapra- . Rájásraya, a biruda of Vinayaditya ...... 143, 145
jnaptivritti in A. D. 1589 ......................... Rajatarangini, extracts from the, continued 261 Puragupta (Early Gupta), a son, recently Rajendra-Choda, a Choda king..................... 435
brought to notice, of Kumâragupta I., 225, Rájendra-Choda, otherwise called Kulot226, 227 :- his wife was Vatsadevi 225 and tunga-Chodadêva I. (East. Chalukya) ...... 435
n., 226 Râjendradeva (Chôla) ................. Puranic genealogies; of the Chóļas, 330, 339; RAjórgadh, a place near Alwar ; examination
of the Eastern Chalukyas .................. 433 of the date of the inscription of MathanaPuru-Ranapara krama, a biruda of Kirtivar
déva .......... man I. ...........
.............. 14, 19 Rajputâna, an inscription from, edited ....... Pyus, an extinct tribe of Burma.................. 437 | Rajyapura, a town of Mathanadeva ............

Page #499

INDEX.
465
date
..................
..
..
309
Ramachandra composed his Panchadandata. Ren, a village in the Fathpur District; a
pachchhattrabandha in A. D. 1434......... 26, 27 grant of Govindachandradeva, of Vikrama. Ramachandra (Dêvagiri-Yadava); see Paithan 442 Samvat 1188, partially edited .................. 249 Ramacharitra; see Dêvavijayagari ............ 176 | Revê, the, and the Kapild: mention of their Raminand, the value of the works of ........ 104 confluence
.............. 31 Råmapunyavallabha, Muhdsdndhivigrahiku, Rêwah grant of Salakhanavarmadêva, of the
an officer of Vinayaditya ...... ............... 152 time of Vijayadêva; examination of the Râmarshi composed his Nalodayatkd in
................. 171 A. D. 1607 ..........
............ 34 rhythm in the Rig Vada, 287 ; - in preRâmnagar inscription of the kings of Man
classical Hindu poetry .......... .............. 267 dala; examination of the date.................. 369 Rig Veda; notice of Prof. Oldenberg's text, Ramnagar falls to Gulab Singh ................... 294 286, 288; - traces of rhythm in it, 287; -- Rimôh ; see Ramush&........................... 263, 265 its textual superiority over the other Védas, Ramri, the island of, Eastern Chalukya coins 288; - the Váshkala recension, 288; -
from ......................... .................... 79 textual variations, 288; - the Sakala recen. Ramusha agrahdra; the modern Rámôh in sion, 283 ;-arrangement of the Sarichita, Kasmir ..........
............ 263, 265 288; - a hymn to the Dawn from it ...... 326 Raņaparåkrama, the biruda of a Chalukya Ritusaihara ; see Kalidasa........................ 285
prince mentioned in a Lakshmeshwar in- Rimaka-Siddhanta, 46, 52, 53, 141, 142; -
scription ............................................... 14 there are two separate works of this name, Ranaraga (Early Chalukya) ...................... 14, 18 183 to 142; the original one, represented Ranavikrama, a biruda of Palikesin I... 14, 19, 810 in the Panchasiddhantikd, must be much Ranavikranta, a biruda of Mangalêba ......... 19
older than A. D. 505,.. 141 ; -- and proRanbir Singh of Janman; his first ap
bably its latest possible date is A. D. 150, pearance in public, 297; -his marriage ...
. . 142; - it is based on the theories and Ranjit Singh's campaign in Kasmir ............ 292 Tables of Hipparchus, 142; - Table of the rasi, a sign of the zodiac ;' reference to the elements of this Siddhanta, 139; - the moon being in Kumbha (Aquarius), 27 other is the work of Srishêna, whose period
(No. 22); - and in Mina (Pisces) ...27 (No. 23) is between A. D. 578 and 628, . . 138; -- Rásin, an inscription at ; examination of the
comparison of some of the elements of the date
................... 355
original work with those of Ptolemy......... 284 rathi or ruthyá, in Kurumarathi or Kurumara- Royal Asiatic Society, copper-plates in the, thyâ, and Bhimarathi or Bhimarathyå 304 and n. edited ..........
****........ 345 rati, its weight in Akbar's time discussed ... 220 Ratnachada, a Vidyddhara mentioned in con.
nection with Svayamprabha-Sari ............ 235 Sabuktagin of Ghazni opposed by Bhöjden of Ratnamåla, a former name of Sri-Lakshmi.
Jammon .............................................. 289 Mahathana......................................... ....... 235 Sachchikadôvi, a goddess mentioned in the Ratnaprubha-Suri, the sixth Jain pontiff in
Pattivali of the Upakeśa-Gachcha ... 237, the Upakeśa-Gachcha, 236 to 238; -- he
238, 239, 249 was translated to heaven in the year 84
S&dik, the Kirghiz Sultân........................... 321 after Malavira, 238; - the same name sdgara, and in Prakṣit sdyara, used excep
was borne by five subsequent pontiffs... 233, 239 tionally to denote 'seven'.................. 25. 26 Rata-Narayana, a biruda of Ereyammarasa 165 Sahasram inscription of Pratápadhavala; Rattas of Saundatti and Belguum ...161, 165, examination of the date........................... 184
242 to 249
sailing-directions round England in the 15th Rattasamudra, the name of an ancient tank
century............................. .............. 412 at Mantur ............ ..............165 and errata Såhi Salama, Sultân; an unidentified prince; Rayanamala; Pråkpit form of the name of date, A. D. 1607.................................... 34
Ratnamål ......................................... 235 Saiva inscriptions ................................. 9, 55 RAypur inscription of Brahmaddva; examina. saka used in the sense of a year'... 24, 25, tion of the date ...................................... 26
28, 33, 169, 176, 177 regnal years; instances of the use of them, baka used in the sense of a year,' 25, 35:
20, 70, 152, 187, 311, 436; - difficulties and in the sense of belonging to the Sakas' about the reckoning of the regnal years of
2, 26, 27, 28, 31, 32, 41, 431 Vinayaditya, 148; - and of Vijayaditya, Saka era; instances of the connection of the 183; -- the Onko reckoning of Orissa ...... 255 name of Salivahana with it................... 32, 176

Page #500

466
INDEX.
..
......
26
in
....
..
Saka-nrip-anta, a mistaken explnnation,
tion, in connection with a Saptarshi date, adopted by Brahmagupta, Utpala, and
169; -and to denote years of the Vikrama Albérůni, of the origin of the Saka era...... 261 era... 22 to 40, 166 to 187, 218, 252, 349, Sakambhari, i.e. Sâmbhar in Rajputana 216
354 to 374 . to 219 Sånars of Madras, caste emancipation, a SA kétapura .......
case of ................................................ 231 Kákhá, 'a Vedic school;' mention of the sanchakdra, satyamkara,' an agreement'... 241
Aśralayana sakh. ................................. 351 Sanghårs, pirates of Kachh, a possible origin Saktivarman (East. Chalukya), 435; -- he for Zingari ........................................... 191 had the biruda of Chalukya-Chandra, 81;- Sankuka, a prince, of the Brahman caste ; his coins............
.........79 to 82 his wife was Dêgiņi .......... ...............56, 60, 61 Salai, an ancient place .............................. 335 Sanskrit grammar; negative clauses in the Salakhanavarmadêva, Maharanaka; see Rig Veda, 230 ; – the sibilants, 231; - Rêwah ..............................
............... 171 orthography of the Vedas ........................ 288 Salivahana; instances of the connection of Sanskrit, multiform presente in, 229; - pro
his name with the Saka era..................32, 176 posed elimination of the tan-class of verbs Sålivoge, an ancient village in the Edevoļal
..................
229 vishaya ............. ..................147, 150 n., 152 Sauskpit roots, Prof. Whitney on ................ 229 Salivuge, a later form of the name of Salivoge 147 Sanskrit proverbs ...........
...... 232 Sallakshanapåla, Rujaputra, a minister of Sanskrit works, piracy of, in Bombay ......... 230
Viealadeva..........................................216, 219 Sanskrit words; remarks on the translitera. san, an abbreviation; used in composition tion of them by Albêrûnt ..................... 72, 73
with La (=Lakshmanasêna), 3, 4; - with saptakshátra, among the Jains, seven spheres Sirinha, 180; -with Valabhi, 180; - and of action' ...........................................241 n. with Vikrama, 180, 181; - used without Saptarshi era, the, spoken of as the any appellative in composition, to denote Saptarshi-mata, 169; - and the Sastrayears of the Lakshmanasena era, 2; - and
samvatsara .......................................... 176 of the Vikrama era...22, 30, 31, 168, 174, Sarangadva (Vaghêla); the Kavyaprakdea
252, 371 dipikd of Jayanta was composed in his Samapa, an ancient place mentioned in the reign ..................................................... 178
Jangada edict....................................95, 101 Sarangapura, an ancient town...................... 181 Samartha stormed by Gulab Singh......... 294, 295 sarpabali, & sacrifice in snake-worship ... 73 to 75 samastabhuvandéraya, asylum of the uni- sarvábhyantarasiddhi, a fiscal term denoting
verse,' an epithet of Jayasimha III. .......... 165 full and complete rights of enjoyment ...... 271 samaye used in dates, after sariivat, instead Sarvanka, an ancient village ...................... 61 of Darshd ..... ..........................28, 30, 11
.........................28, 35, 175 SAtårå grant of Vishnuvardhana I., edited ... 303 Samdhimator. Samdhimati, also called Satrunjaya mountain, the .............. 240, 241, 242
Aryarája, a minister of Jayendra, and sub- Satyásraya, a biruda of Pulikesin L., 14, 18,
sequently king of Kasmir ............ 263, 266, 267 310- of Pulikesin II., 151, 434; - and Sandhisvara, an ancient Saiva temple in
of Vinayaditya .................... ............... 152 Kasmir.......... .. ................263, 267 Saúbhdgyabhdskara; see Bhaskararaya ......... 34 sankranti, the passage of the sun into a Saukhyaspadapattana, an ancient town ...... 33
sign of the zodiao? (see also dakshindyana Saura-Siddhanta, i, e. the Sarya-Siddhanta and uttardyana); names of the sankrdntis
46, 133, 141, 142 as mentioned in recorded dates:
Sayana-Panchang for Saka-Samvat 1811, Dakabiņayana (summer solatioo) .......150, 174 notioed ............
............... 256 Mosha (Aries) ..................................39, 176 edyara; see sdgara................................ 25, 26 Udagayana (winter solstice) ............... 361 Scindia's Dominions, inscriptions from, edited 345
Uttarayana (winter solstice)... 25, 27, 363, 371 seals of grants; emblems on them, 224, 243, Samudragupta. (Early Gupta); his wife was 349, 303, 423; legends on them... 249, 309, 423 Dattadêyt....................
Beasons :sarvat, an abbreviation; used in oomposition
Grishma (the hot season) ..................... 33 with Lakshmanasena, 4; — with Muham- . Sarad (the autumn) ......... .............. 27. 34 mada, to denote years of the Hijra era,
Sisira (the dewy season) ................. 27 180 1 - with Simba, 24, 172; -- and with
Varshåh (the raine) ...... Vikrama, 24 to 40, 166 to 187, 354 to 374 ; Seohutera = Sokotra.............................. 198
used without any appellative in composi.. Séna-Gaņa, the, a division of the Mala-Saragha 274

Page #501

INDEX:
467
SPRO,
DOK
.....
........
.
..
.........
190
........
.....
.
Sena II. (Ratta of Saundatti and Belgaum) 248 Sendraka family....... .............. 143, 145 serpent in folktales, 283, 315; - marriage
with human girl in folktales .................. 315 serpents; the part played by them in Hindu
epic literature, 74 ; - worship of them
closely connected with the rainy season ... 75 shodašitika, a word, apparently used, for the
sake of the metre, for shadafiti in the sense of the sign Mithuna (Gemini)............. 359, 360 ShahAbu'd-din Ghart builda Sialkot ............ 290 Shâhbâz-Gashi; notes of M. Senart's remarks
on the twelfth edict of Asőks at this
place ............................................43, 4 shadows, omens from ..........
............ 252 shashthatupa, a penance among the Jains ... 289 n. Sheda, a place in Kasmir...................... 263, 267 shoes, the position of, as an omen ............... 130 Sialkot built by Shahabud-din Ghart ......... 290 Siam, Eastern Chalukya coins from ............. 79 Siberia, bear-worship in .......
............ 159 sibilants, the old Indian ........
231 Siddhasari, the name of seventeen or eighteen
Jain pontiffs in the Upakêsa-Gachohha, 238 to 242; - the fourteenth or fifteenth of them is placod in Vikrama-Sathvat 1930, . . 241; - the next, in V.-S. 1475, . . 242;
the next, in V.-S. 1565, .. 242; - and the last, in V.-S. 1655 ....... ............... 242 sikandari, a copper coin ...... ......... 219, 220 Sinditya, son of Vikramaditya of Ujjain,
may be SilAditya of Milava, about A. D.
580...................................................... 262 Silarntnasari composed his commentary on
Mêrutunga's Méghadata in A. D. 1436 ...... 368 Simha, an astronomical writer .........52, 135, 138 SimhôdradAsthÅna, an ancient place ............ 33 sindara, an elephant' ................... 165 n., 248 n. Singana-Garuda, another name of Eroyam
marasa .......................................... 161, 165 singha as a termination of a proper name, in
Jayasingha.............. ...... . ...........18, 18 Singhans II. (Dêvagiri-Yadava); see Khédr.
pur, Kólår, and Munolli ...... ............... 157, 440 Bithila- Achdrya, among the Jains, denotes an
Achdrya who permita laxity of observances. 234 Sivagana, a prince, of the Bråbman caste, 56,
61;-his Kaņaswa inscription, edited ....... 55 Styadoni, an inscription from ; examination of the date ............
............... 181 Siyal Bêt in Kathiếwsų, examination of the
date of an inscription at .......................... 170 Sivagimha, a king: remarks on the date of
grant from Biblr, which purporte to be of his time, but is possibly sparious.......... 1, 2, 5, 7 Skandagupta (Early Gupta) is omitted in the
genealogy given in the Bhitarf seal ... 227
slang, numerals, amongst the Tamils, 160;
used by mendicants in Ceylon, notice of the 160 sleep, omens for .................. ................. 325 smelling for kissing, among the Sokotrans ... 198 enake:worship, see serpent-worship... ...... 73 to 75 Sndtripanchdáikd; see Udayasagara ............ 22 sneezing, customs regarding ....................... Sôdara, an ancient spring in Kasmir ........... 268 Sók, the old capital of Soķotra .................. 190 Soko, =Sok .......... Sokotra, an origin for the name through
Buķutra, 189, 190; - notice of its history, 190; - population of, 193; - people of the plains a mixed race, 192; - people compared with Bani Karas, 212, 214'; - physical appearance of the inhabitants, 189; - highland tribes, their appearance, 192; - their dress, 192; their customs, 193; are cave dwellers, 194; -an account of the aboriginea, 189 ff.;-aborigines probably the highland inhabitants, 191; - colonization by Alexander the Great, 190 ; - colonization by the Ptolemies, 198; - the language not yet identified authoritatively, 189; - wanting in Greek words, 191; - possibly connected with Aramaic, 197; - belongs to the Ethiopia branch of Northern Semitio family, 199; - Christianity, 190; -- its an. c ient character, 189; - Christianity of the people discussed, 190; - burial customs of the highland tribes, 194; - Sokotrans, identity with the Gåras,' - Bani Kara Beduins, 215; - descent from the Gorrei,
ancient Chaldæana, Cushite Beduins, 215; - their political institutions, 194 ; - their food, 194; - their mode of eating meat, 194; - their occupations, 193; - their business capacity, 194; - their conservatism, 197; - possible Chaldæan origin of their religious custom, 196 ; - probably received. religion through the Harrant Sabæans ---.......
..................... 197 Solar Race included the Cholas ...... 330, 332, 339 Sôma, the Moon, mentioned as the founder
of a race .............. ............................. 438 Somavaróa, the Lunar Race, included the
Chalukyas. ... 151 and n., 332, 337, 338, 425, 435 Sômêsvara I. (Western Chalukyn); mention
of his wife Kêtaladevi, 269, 273, 274; - two other wives of his, 271 ; - his Honwad
inscription of Saka-Samvat 976; edited ... 268 son, duty leviable in the case of a man
dying without a ..................................... 145 son, neglected, in folktales.......................153 1. Sonnavada, a hamlet of Bhôyija............. 244, 249 sovereigas, paramount, ..."overeigns
supreme in their own dominions, but not
.

Page #502

468
230
necessarily reigning over the whole of India; the development of their titles in Southern India.......... ************ .....305 to 309 soul, capturing the external ....................................................325 spirit-worship in Burma ............................................ 438 spirits, evil, in the Avesta................ áráhe, or asrdhe, a word used in dates, requiring explanation......... 163, 164 and n., 165 śravita, a proclamation,' in nakara-érávita and raja-śr.ivita .....................................................145 n. Sri-Kumara, another name of Utpala-Kumara 235 Sri-Lakshmi-Mahasthâna, a name of Bhinmal in the Pattavalt of the Upakêśa-Gachchha, 233 n., 235; former traditional names of the place Srimal; see Bhinmal Srinilaya bhoja, an ancient territorial division in the Western Chalukya kingdom......304, 310 ériprithivivallabha, favourite of fortune and
235 .......... 233 n.
of the earth;' an epithet of Pulikêsin I., 14, 18; and of Jayasimha III., 165;-and of Sômêsvara I., 273; in the Goa grant it is perhaps used to denote Pulikêsin II. 12 n. sriprithivivallabhendra, chief or lord of
favourites of fortune and of the earth;' an
***************...
********..
....................................
epithet of Mangalèsa ..... ............................................15, 19 Sripuuja, a king of Bhinmal ..................... 235 Srishêṇa, an astronomical writer, author of the later R3maka-Siddhanta, 52, 53, 133, 134, 135, 133, 141; his date lies between A. D. 578 and 628.... 138 Srivatsadêvi, possibly the name, instead of
330
Vatsadevi, of the wife of Puragupta...225 n., 226 Sriviracharitra; see Guruchandragani......... 36 Śriyambitaka, an ancient village 9, 20 stag-banner...... Stageirus, the metropolis of the Greek colonists of Sokotra stars, Iranian names for the, Prof. Weber on the, 72; Albêrani's names for the
****************
=
St. Thomas in Sokotra su, an abbreviation of éukla or suddha, 'the bright fortnight; it is usually followed by di, divasa, 'a (civil) day; a case in which su is used without di, 373; instances in which tudi is used as one word, meaning the bright fortnight,' 3, 4, 26, 28, 29, 32, 33, 34, 40, 353, 372; - an, instance of the use of sudya, 40; - instances of the use of su ti, where ti is an abbreviation of tithi, a lunar day' 36, 217, 218 Subhadatta, a Jain pontiff in the UpakêsaGachchha
*******
INDEX.
******************
***************
190
72 198
*************
235 Subhashitaratnasamdoha; see Amitagati...... 361 Subhaṭavarman (Paramŝra)......... Succaba, a corruption of the Greek name for
346
Sokotra.........
190
************
Suddha-Sari (?), a Jain pontiff in the Upakêśa-Gachchha 241 Sak; see Sok........... ...................................................... 190 Suka-Saptati, the; notice of Dr. Schmidt's
=
*********
edition ... 410 Sukhadhara, through Dvipa Sukhâdhâra, = (?) Diuskadra, (?) Dioscorides ................................ 189 Sukhôdadhi; see Bhimasêna 34 Sukuṭri aloes, an ancient export from Sokotra... **********. Sultan Muhammad Khân of Kabul befriended by Gulab Singh
************
sundaka; a doubtful word
*************
355
************
Sûr Dâs as a writer on the Krishna cult Surâsanî, an ancient locality Surashtra, the Kathiawâd country, 22; also Surashtra......... Suraзundara, Yuvaraja of Utpala-Kumara... 235 Surâtirâja, an early Chôla king 331, 339 Súri, among the Jains, denotes an Acharya who has risen to the head of his gachchha or sákhá Sûrî Emperors of Delhi; copper coinage 219, 220 Saris, pirates from Sar on the Arab Coast,
************
234
*****.*..
sun.........
191; possible Indian origin from Kachh through a settlement on Sokotra ............ 191 Surya, the sun, mentioned by Brahmagupta as the author of the Surya-Siddhanta surya-parvan used to denote an eclipse of the ... 440 Súrya-Siddhinta; there are two separate works of this name; account of the original one, as deduced from the Pañchasiddhantika, 45 to 54; it is older than Lâța and Varâhamihira, and was not written by either of them; it must be of much earlier date than A. D. 500,.. 52, 53; - Table of the elements of the original and of the present Surya-Siddhanta, 49; the present Súrya-Siddhanta is to be placed not later than A. D. 500, and Lâța may have had something to do with the authorship of it... 53. Saryavamsa, the Solar Race, included the Cholas 330, 332, 339 Suvarṇaprasadikâ, an ancient locality. ******... 351 Svayamprabha-Sari, a Jain pontiff in the Upakêsa-Gachchha.......
************
*******.....
******
—
276 238 n. 104 351
***********
********....
......
190
************...
134
235
Tadapa (East. Chalukya).... ..... 435 Taddavadi, one of the ancient forms of the name of Taddewâḍi Taddewadi, a village in the Bijapur District; the various forms of its ancient name ...... 269 Tahangadh, an inscription at; examination of the date...... Tajik dialect, a dictionary of the, noticed
269
373 200

Page #503

INDEX
469
.
.....
king
transliteration, Alberuni's, of Indian words,
described, 72, 73; - value of Persian and Arabic, in testing the pronunciation of Indian words, 73; -into Russian characters of foreign languages, 157; -of San.
skrit words into Tamil ...................... 231, 232 tribhoga, a fiscal terın, explained ............... 271 Tribhuvanapaladêva (Chaulukya); see Kadi... 372 tribhuvdúkuža, a motto on the seals of
Eastern Chalukya grants ........................ 423 Trilochana-Pallava, a traditional early Pallava
............ 425, 434 Trilôhanapåladeva; examination of the date
of his grant of Vikrama-Sathvat 1084...... 174 Trincomalee, its capture by the Dutch from
the Portuguese ..................................... 410 Tripitaka ; commentaries on it were written,
or translated, by Buddhaghôsa ................. 118 trivale, a musical instrument ... Tulsi Das, the value of his works, 104; -his
influence as a poet ................. ................. 104 Tungêśvara, a Saiva temple in Kasmir ...263, 264 Tujina I., a king of Kasmir ; his wife was
Vákpushța ................... ..................263, 264 tupha, = tumha, not stúpa ....................... 86 tutelary genina, the serpent as a...... Tyag-Achdrya, among the Jains, denotes an
Acharya who does not permit laxity of observances........................................... 234
...
Taksbasila mentioned in the Dhauli edict, by
the name of Takhasilâ.......... ...............85, 96 Taldavadi, one of the ancient forms of the
name of Taddew&di ............................. 269 Tamil historical texts; the Kalingattu Pa.
rani; extracts edited ............. .............. 329 Tamil transliteration of Sanskrit words. 231, 232 Tapa-Gachchha, a division among the Jains... 233 Tardavad, one of the ancient forms of the name of Taddewadi
.......... 269 Tardhavadi, one of the ancient forms of the
name of Taddewadi; the chief town of a
one-thousand district........................ 269, 274 tang = tank ............................................ 220 tank, a jeweller's weight discussed............... 220 tanke == tánké .......................................... 220 tanks, weights used in the mints of Akbar ... 220 Taxila; see Takshasila .......................85, 96 Türahi, an inscription at; examination of the date ............
***....................... 173 Thôpaka (Méhara); see Hathasni ................. 359 Thikarika, or Thikkarika, an ancient village... 348 Thiyakavalli, wife of Kulottunga-Chôdadeva
..............333, 339 Timur, defeated by Maldēv of Jamman......... 290 Tiruvallam in the North Arcot District; examination of the date of an inscription at
the Bilvanathêśvara temple..................... 70 Tishya nakshatra ; festivals in honour of it 96,
100, 102 tithi, 'a lunar day ;' special names of tithis;
akshaya tritiyd, Vaisakha sukla 3, .. 36; - naga-tithi, = Chaitra sukla 5, .. 39; - Vishnu-tithi, = Jyêshtha sukla 11, .. 369; - the repetition of a tithi, denoted by dvitiya-chaturthi, 356; - mention of two tithis, one after the other, 33; - an instance of a correction in the tithi of a date, 317; - instances of tithis used as current, being joined with the weekdays on which
they begin ........................42, 361 to 363, 126 Titivala; see Tivala................................. 123, 124 titles of paramount sovereignty; the deve.
lopment of them in Southern India .. 305 to 309 Tirala, or Titivala; apparently the name of a
queen of Asoka .............................. 123, 121 Tovdaimán, a title of Karunakara-Pallava 333,
33-4, 336, 337 Topazo, a name for Sokotra........................ 190 Tôramâna, a king of Kaśmir; he appears to be
the historical Toramana, the father of
Mihirakula ......................................... 262 Toramara vishaya, an ancient division in the
Western Chalukya kingdom............ 150 n., 152 Tosali, an ancient place mentioned in the
Dhauli edicts ................. ...............95, 101 Trailokyamalla, a biruda of Sômêsvara I. 273, 274
74
Uchohakalpa, the Maharjas of; the dates in
their grants are to be referred to the
Kalachuri era .................................227, 228 uchchhirga, 'a loan' ........................... 285 n. Udayaditya (Paramara) ............... 346, 347, 350 Udayana of Ayodhyå, mentioned as an
ancestor of the Chalukyas ..................425, 434 Udayasagara composed his Snutripañchdfika in A. D. 1246
............ 22 Udayasinhadêva; a MS. of his time; ex
amination of the date ........................... 175 Udayavarmadêva, Mahakumdra (Paramara)
346, 347 Udaypur insoriptions; examination of the
dates; of the time of Ajayápåladeva, 362;
others .............. ............. 28, 36, 168, 355 uddha, 'deserted' .......
.................... 239 Uddhdra, among the Jains, denotes one who at vast expense rebuilds all the old temples
241 n. Odharana, a minister of Utpala-Kumara ...... 235 Uhada, a minister of Utpala-Kumâra ...... 235, 236 Ujjain mentioned in the Dhauli and Jaugada
edicts, by the name of Ujeni ..................85, 96 Ujjain grants, edited ; of Yábóvarmadova,
of Vikrama-Samvat 1192,.. 348; - of

Page #504

470
INDEX.
..........
13
**... ... 131
Jayavarmadêva, 349, - and of Lakshmivarmadêva, of V.-S. 1200, . . 351; -
examination of the date..................... 40, 352 Umgå inscription of Bhairavêndra ; exami
nation of the date .................................. 32 *Undega,' a village in Maisar; perhaps men
tioned by the ancient name of Andugi... 144, 145 unfortunate face, the................................ 131 unfortunate names............. Upadhyaya, among the Jains, denotes one
who has the right of reading, but not of
explaining, the Sacred Text....................... 234 Upakesa-Gachchha, a division among the
Jains; the lay adherents of it are called Oswale, 233; - its history and pontifical
succession ...................................238 to 242 Upakasanagari, Upakêsapattana, Upaksa
pura; old forms of the name of Osa
nagari ................................. 234, 237 to 239 Uşda Langunge, rise of the.. ..................... 104 Urjayanta-tirtha; an ancient name of Girnar 29 Urman Beg of Tashkand .............................. 157 Uru-Raņa vikranta, a biruda of Mangalêsa...15, 19 Uthakai, an ancient place........................ 331, 339 Uthavapaka, an ancient village ................. 351 Uthiya, = Chêra .............. ................ 331, 333 Utpala, the astronomical writer; the dates of
his completion of his commentaries on the
Brihat-Samhita and the Brihaj-Jitaka...... 41 Utpala-Kumfra, a king of Bhinmal ............ 235 uttardyana, the whole period during which
the sun is moving from south to north' 27, 33, 38
vállabhendra, 'lord of favourites;' an epithet
of Jayasimha I. ............. Valliggâme, one of the ancient names of
Balagâmve.........................................144, 145 Valuti, = Pandya ...............................331, 336 Vanaga or Vårasa family........................... 274 Vandai, an ancient Pallava town; it is the modern Vandalar in the Chingleput
District.............................334, 336, 337, 340 Vanga country.................................. 14, 19 Varahamihira; see Panchasiddhantikd and
Strya-Siddhanta..............................45 to 54 Vardhamanapura, a town of Jayavarmadêva 350 varkara,' goat' ..............................237 n. varshe used in dates, after samvat (see also
samaye, and vao), 25 to 31, 33, 36, 38 to 40, 166 to 172, 175 to 178, 180, 181, 183 to 187, 355, 356, 358, 360, 365, 366, 368, 369, 372, 374 ; - it has been taken to mean 'in the civil year;' but this meaning has not yet been established
............... 167 vartamdna; - see current and expired years Varuna, a commentator on the Khanda
khadya, about A. D. 1040 ............... 54 and n. V dsishtha-Siddhanta, 46, 133, 134, 135, 141,
142; - the later work of this name was
written by Vishpuchandra ..................... 138 Vatukhotaka Thirty-six, the ; an ancient
group of villages ............ ................. 350 Vatsadôvi, or possibly Srivatsadêvi, wife of
Puragupta..............................225 and n., 226 Vattara, a town mentioned in connection
with Kirtivarman I......................... 14, 15, 19 Vayalar, the river .............. .............. 834 véda used exceptionally to denote three'... 25, 26 Vedevalli, perhaps the ancient name of
Yodehalli ............... ................ 144, 145 Vengi, the land of, 435; - it included either sixteen or eighteen thousand villages ... 427
and n. Voņugrâma, one of the forms of the ancient
name of Belgaum ...................... 243, 244, 248 Verawal inscription of the time of Arjuna
dôva ; examination of the date ............. 180 Vigraha, another name of Visaladeva, 219;
- also Vigraharaja...........................216, 218 Vijậpura, an ancient town ........................ 183 Vijaya, a king of Kasmir ..................... 263, 266 Vijaya-Sakha, a division of the Tapa-Gachchha, 233; the pontifical succession in
............... 234 Vijayachandradêva of Kanauj (?); see Jaunpur 182 Vijayadeva of Chêdi ; see Rêwah ............... 171
VijayAdhiraja ; see Byfini ........................ 181 | Vijayaditya (Western Chalukya); the period
of his accession, 188; - difficulties in the reckoning of his regnal years ................ 188
v and m, the Prakritic change between......... 230 va, an abbreviation of vadya (or, if it stands
for ba, of bahula), the dark fortnight'; it is usually followed by di, divasa, 'a (civil) day'; instances in which vadi is used as one word, meaning the dark fortnight,' 2, 167, 170, 171, 175, 176, 185, 186, 356, 566; - instances of the use of va ti, where ti is an abbreviation of tithi, 'a lunar day'
169, 217 vao, an abbreviation of varshé................. 176 Vachchhaudêva, Rdja .............................. Vadaüda, an ancient village ............. 351 Vaijayanti, ancient name of Banawasi, 147,
152; - mentioned as conquered by Kirtivarman I..................... ............ 14, 19 Vaishnava inscription, & ....... vájapaya-sacrifice ............ Vajrasena, a teacher mentioned in connection
with the third Yakshadeva-Súri............... 239 VakpatirAja of Dhårå; examination of the
date of his grant .................................. 23 Vákpushța, wife of Tuñjina I...........263, 264, 266
28
it...................
**.
..
19

Page #505

INDEX
471
138
Vijayaditya, brother of Rajaraja I. (East.
Chalukya), a viceroy of Vengi ............425, 435 Vijayaditya I., II., III., IV., and V. (East.
Chalukya)............................................. 435 Vijayanandin, an early astronomical writer
135, Vijayapâladêva, a king............................... 22 Vijayapândyadêva, Mahamandalesvara; see
Dåvangere ..................... ............ 156 Vijayêsvara, an ancient temple at Bijbihira in Kasmir ............
..............263, 266 Vikrama era, mentioned as the MÁlava era, 56, 61;- definite proof that the Malaya era is the Vikrama era, 316; - an instance in which the Vikrama era is apparently treated as the still current reign of Vikramaditya, by the use of the expression Vikramaditya. rdjye, 31; - an instance in which it is apparently reckoned from the death of Vikrama, 361; - instances in which, otherwise than by the expression Vikrama-Sarunt, the name of the king, from whom the era derived its appellation, is connected with it; by the use of the names Vikrama, 23, 24, 26, 27, 30, 32, 35, 36, 38, 39, 40, 177, 182, 183, 353, 354, 361, 365, 369, 373; - Vikramaditya, 25, 31, 32, 36, 166, 169, 173, 176, 180, 186, 219, 366, 368, 369, 372; — Vikra. márka, 26, 30, 38, 366, 373; - and Vikramasena, 168; - Prof. Kielhorn's examination of questions connected with this era; Introductory Remarks, 20; - 1, Regular Dates; A Dates in Bright Fortnights; 1, in the months Karttika to Phalguna; (a) in current years, 22; - (b) in expired years, 22; - 2, in the months Chaitra to Aévina; (a) in northern current years, 28; - (b) in northern expired (or southern current) years, 28; - (c) in southern expired years, 35; - (d) a date which may come under any of the preceding three heads, 40; - B., Dates in Dark Fortnights; 1, in the months Kårttika to Phalguna; (a) in current years; (A.) parni. mânta dates, 166; - (B) amnânta dates (none), 166; --- (b) in expired years; (A.) půrnimânta dates, 166 ;-(B.) amânta dates, 170; - (c) dates which may be either půrnimânta dates of current years, or amânta dates of expired years, 171; - 2, in the months Chaitra to Asvina; (a) in northern current years; (A.) půrnimanta dates, 172; - (B.) amânta dates (none), 173; (b) in northern expired (or southern current) years; (A.) parnimânta dates, 173; -(B.) amânta dates, 177; -(e) in southern expired years; (A.) pārņimânta dates, 178;
- (B.) amânta dates, 181 ; (d) dates which may be either amanta dates of northern current years, or porņimânta dates of southern expired years, 184 ; -(e) a date which may be either an amanta date of a northern current year, or a pornimânta date of a northern expired or southern current year, 185 ; - (f) dates which may be either parạimânta dates of northern expired years, or amânta dates of southern expired years, 185; -2, Irregular Dates ; (a) dates which, though irregular by the Tables, are shewn to be regular when calculated by one or other of the Siddhậntas, 354; - (b) dates of which the reading is, or may appear to be, doubtful, 357; (c) dates which work out satisfactorily, only when the day of the date is taken to have been joined with the tithi commencing on it, 361; (d) a date with a wrong week-day, 363; -(e) (f) (g)(b) dates which work out properly only for years near to the given years, 364, 367, 368 ; - (i) dates which contain other errors, 369;
Appendix ; Additional Regular Dates ...... 373 Vikrama-Choda (East. Chalukya) ............... 427 Vikramaditya, a king mentioned in connection with Pratápaditya I.; Kalhana says he is not "the enemy of the Sakas
(Sak-dri)" ................ ..................261 to 264 Vikramaditya I. (West. Chalukya) ............ 151 Vikramaditya II. (East. Chalukya) ............ 435 Vikramanagara, an ancient town .............. 39 Vikramapura, = Bikrampur ..................... 242 Vikramárka, a variant of the name of the
king after whom the Vikrama era was
named ............................ 26, 30, 38, 366, 373 Vikramasina, a name used for the king after
whom the Vikrama era was named ......... 168 Vikramasinha (?); see Dubkund ............... 361 Viliñam, an ancient place............................ 335 villages, a note on the number of, in territorial divisions ........
434 Vimala, the name of the author of the
Padma.Charita, and sometimes of the Prainottara-Ratnamdll; the two are dis
tinct and separate persons ...................378, 379 Vimaladitya (East. Chalukya).......
435 Vinayaditya (West. Chalukya), 145, 151; - he had the birudas of R&jaśraya, 143, 145;
- and Satyåsraya, 151; - the period of his accession, in A. D. 670,.. 148; - a difficulty about the reckoning of his regnal years, 148; - a Balagårve inscription of his time, edited, 142; - his Sorab grant of
Saka-Samvat 614, edited .......................... 146 | Vindhyavarman (Paramâra) .................... 346

Page #506

472
—
Vira-Ballala (Hoysala); see Gadag 155 Vira-Chôdadêva (East. Chalukya), a viceroy of Vengi, 424, 425, 435, 436; - he also had the name of Vishnuvardhana, 436; the date of his appointment, in A. D. 1078, 426; his city was Jananathanagari, 424, 436; the Chellar grant, of his twenty-first year, edited..................... 423 Vira-Narayana, a Chôla king 339 Vira-Rajendra; see Rajaraja (Chola).. ..... 359 Viranagari, a former name of Sri-LakshmiMahasthâna. ....... 285 Virasimhadeva; examination of the date of his grant of Vikrama-Samvat 1177........ 167 Viravarmadêva (Chandella); examination of the dates of his Ajaygadh inscrip
......
**********..
tions ************
**********
.25, 373 Virgin Mary, as a Hindu goddess, the, 286; - her "sisters," 286; an Indian tale of the......... 285, 286 Virutarája, an enemy of Kulôttunga-Choda
**********.....
332, 337
---
36
dêva I. Visala, Visaladêva, king of Sâkambhari, 216 to 219; he also had the name of Vigraharaja, 216, 218, 219; he defeated the Mlechchhas or barbarians, i. e. the Muhammadans, 216, 217; his inscriptions on the Dehli Siwâlik pillar, edited, 215; examination of the date Visaladeva (Chaulukya); examination of the dates of a Dabhoi inscription of his time, 28; of his Kadi grant, 183; and of a MS. of his time *********** 170 Vishamasiddhi, a biruda of Vishnuvardhana I............. ......304, 310 Vishnu-tithi, a name of Jyêshtha sukla 11... 869 Vishnuchandra, an early astronomical writer, author of the later Vasishtha-Siddhanta... 52, 134, 135, 138 Vishudharmsttara, a Kaśmirian work from which Albêrûnî derived the greater part of his quotations about Hindu cosmogony, astronomy, &c.; comparison of the original text with his renderings of it, 381 to 410; its composition cannot be placed later than about A. D. 500, 410; in the eleventh century there existed also a second, and shorter, work, bearing the
same name
INDEX.
************
407
Vishnuvamsa, the lineage of Vishpu; it included the Chalukyas, 425: and the Pragjyôtisha kings... ***********...... .... 267 Vishnuvardhana, a name of Vira-Chôḍadêva
424, 436 Vishnuvardhana I. (Eastern Chalukya), 310, 434; the Prâkrit form of his name was Biṭṭarasa, 303; he had the biruda
of Vishamasiddhi, 304, 310; his Satara grant, edited
*******
Vishnuvardhana II., III, IV. and V. (East. Chalukya)... Visuddhimagga, a Buddhist work, sometimes attributed to Buddhaghosa
Visvarapa, writer of the Rên grant of Govindachandradeva......... ............ 252 Viśvaviévôpaka, among the Jains, denotes one in whose body and soul all the marks of an Acharya are found 240 n. Visvesvararajadhânî, = Kasi 28 Vogul = Manse, 159; Ostiak Vriddha-Ganesa, a senior Ganésa'...... C Vriddhanagara, an ancient town. .................172 Vrihimukha, an ancient village......9, 20 vyatipata, a term used in connection with eclipses; a possible explanation of it......... 440
**************
**********
****************
803
water-palace in folktales
Weber's Sacred Literature of the Jains; translated by Dr. Smyth; continuation Wellsted, the chief authority on the Sokotrans.... witches, in Kasmir
women, tricks of, in folktales
435
.........159 ..239 n.
Wahhabis destroy Christianity in Sokotra... 199 waifs, river, in folktales...437, 438 Wanthali, an inscription at ; examination of the date 26 315
118
*************
62
191
..263, 267 ..127, 128
Yakshadêva-Sari, the name of six Jain pontiffs in the Upakêśa-Gachchha, 238, 239;
the third of them is placed in the year 585 after Mahavira Yasovarmadêva, Maharaja (Paramâra), 346 to 351; his Ujjain grant of VikramaSamvat 1192, edited ......... 348 290 438
239
Yasudev of Jamman founds Jasrôtâ yathé, Burmese form of rishi Yavana, a name mentioned by Brahmagupta as that of an astronomical writer... 134 Yavanapura, an ancient city mentioned by Lâta and Varâhamihira ........46, 52 Yayâti, an epic king, mentioned as the founder of a race..........
year, the Hindu solar; its length according to the original Surya-Siddhanta, 47, 49; -the present Súrya-Siddhanta, 49; and the original Rómaka-Siddhanta Yedehalli, a village in Maisûr; perhaps mentioned by the ancient name of Vedevalli..... .144, 145
.........
433
139

Page #507

INDEX
473
Yöginipura, a name of Dehli ..................... 355 Yuddhamalla II. (East. Chalukya) ............ 485 Yudhishthira I., a king of Kasmir......... 263, 267 yuvardja, Burmese equivalent of the word ... 437
yóga, an astrological element; names of the yógas, as used in recorded dates :
Aindra (=Indra) ........ ............ .... 182 Harshaa ........... Parigha .......... Siddha (for Siddhi)........... Siddhi (for Siddha) Sôbhana ................. .*** Subba
. ............ ..... ... Vaidhsiti ....................
441 Vriddhi .............................................. Vyatipata....................... ............ 31, 155
Zingari, a possible origin for the name.......... 191 Zorawar Singh Gahloriâ, his unsuccessful
expedition towards Tibet ............
300

Page #508


Page #509

vi
ERRATA.
ERRATA IN VOL. XIX.
p. 4, line 35, for Sukrê read Bukrė.
p. 10, line 9 from the bottom, for A. D. 487 or 498, read A. D. 597 or 598.
p. 13, line 13, for ordinary, read ordinarily.
p. 38, line 26, for târâka, read țâraka.
p. 48, line 29, for revolution, read revolutions.
p. 50, note 15, for st, read 1st.
p. 53, line 25, for chapter xvii., read chapter xvi. p. 71, note 8, for risha, read Vrisha.
p. 79, line 2, and throughout the paper, and in the Plate, for Rajaraja II., read Rajaraja I.; and see p. 424, note 3.
p. 102 a, line 12 from the bottom, and p. 103 b, line 16, for accession, read coronation.
p. 138, line 10, for chapter xviii., read chapter viii.; and in note 8, for Dáéa°, read Data".
p. 165, line 28, for saying "Let us dive into the Ratta ocean,- acquired a grant," read, as has been pointed out by Mr. Rice, "acquired a grant for the purpose of widening (or deepening) the (tank that is called) Raṭṭasamudra;" and cancel note 26.
p. 189, lines 4, 14, 23, and 24, for Sokotra read Sokotra.
line 19, for Sokotran read Sokotran.
33
p. 190, note 3, line 3, for Sokotra read Sokotra.
p. 191, line 32, for Sokotra read Sokotra.
37, for Sokotran read Sokotran. p. 250, line 6, for 1131, read 1188.
p. 273, note 26, in the first word of this note, for baliya, read baliya.
p. 109, note 53, the following should be added, [These eras, according to Burmese chronology, commenced, G. E. in B. C. 691; S. E. in B. C. 543; P. E. in A. D. 79. The S. E. is the era of the Nirvana; and the P. E. is simply the Saka era. The Burmese now reckon by a local Burmese era (B. E.), which dates from A. D. 639. See Crawfurd, Ava, App., p. 31 ff.; Prinsep's Essays, Vol. II. Useful Tables, pp. 165, - R. C. T.]
166.
-
p. 382 b, line 20-21, for by gained, read be gained. p. 385, note 12, for accordingly, read accidentally. p. 386, at the end of the first Sanskrit verse, for ?, read <.
F. 129 a, line 5 from the bottom, for Rajaraja
II., read Rajaraja I.; and make the same correction on p. 130 b, lines 2, 4, p. 390, at the end of the last two Sanskrit verses, 22-23; see p. 424, note 3. for and, read and <. p. 435, note 83, line 4, for maḍnalam, read mandalam.
p. 129 a, last line, and p. 130 b, line 1, for accession, read coronation.
p. 284 a, line 29, for Pulisaâcharya, read Pulisâcharya.
p. 304, line 7 from the bottom, for Mahkaata, read Mahakata.
p. 351, line 32, for Mahadvasaka, read Mahadvadasaka.

Page #510
_