Indian Antiquary Vol 52

Author(s): Richard Carnac Temple, Stephen Meredyth Edwardes, Krishnaswami Aiyangar
Publisher: Swati Publications
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032544/1

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THX INDIAN ANTIQUARY A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH IN ARCHAEOLOGY, EPIGRAPHY, ETHNOLOGY, GEOGRAPHY, HISTORY, FOLKLORE, LANGUAGES, LITERATURE, NUMISMATICS, PHILOSOPHY, RELIGION, Etc., Etc., EDITED BY SIR RICHARD CARNAC TEMPLE, BART., C.B., C.I.E., F.S.A., HON. FELLOW, TRIN. HALL, CAMBRIDGE, FORMERLY LIEUT.-COLONEL, INDIAN ARMY, AND STEPHEN MEREDYTH EDWARDES, C.S.I., C.V.O., FORMERLY OF THE INDIAN CIVIL SERVICE AND PROF. RAO SAHEB S. KRISHNASWAMI AIYANGAR, M.A., (HONY.) PE.D., HONORARY CORRESPONDENT OF THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL DEPARTMENT OF THE GOVERNMENT OF INDIA VOL. LII.-1923. mA.zrI kailAsanAgara bhari jJAna maMdira . zrI mahAvIra jaina bhArAdhanA kena, kocA Swati Publications Delhi 1985

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Published by Swati Publications, 34, Central Market, Ashok Vihar, Delhi-110052 Ph. 7113395 and Printed by S.K. Mehra at Mehra Offset Press, Delhi.

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CONTENTS. AIYANGAR. PROT. RAO SARE) S. K., M.A., EDWARDES, S. M., O.S.I., C.V.O.--coned. (Hons.) P.D. Roport of the Superintendent, Archwologioal The Life and Times of Chalukya Vikramaditya Survey of Burma, 1931-39, by Char. Duroi. VI, by A. V. Venkatrama Ayyar, M.A. .. 367 rollo .. .. .. .. .. .. 301 A Now and Critical Edition of the Maha. Lator Mughals, by W. Irvine, 1.C.S. .. .. 801 bharata .. .. . . . . . . 375 BABU RAM SAKSENA, M.A. Catalogue of the Museum of Arch mology . DECLENSION OF THE NOUN IN THE RAMAYAN Sanchi, Bhopal state, by Maulvi Muham. OT TULSIDAS .. .. .. .. .. 71 mad Hamid, etc. .. .. .. .. 802 BATUKNATH SHARMA, PANDIT, M.A. Annual Report of the Director-General of A NEW CRITICISM OF BHAVABHUTI.. .. 362 Archaeology in India, 1919-20, by Sir John BERRIEDALE KEITH, A. Marshall, Kt., C.I.E... .. .. .. 303 Uber das Verhaltnis zwischen Carudatta und An Indian Ephemeris, by Diwan Bahadur Mrocha katika, by Georg Morgenstiorno .. 60 L. D. Swamikannu Pillai, 1.8.0... .. 304 BHATTASALI, N. K., M.A. Coins and Chronology of the Early InDETERMINATION OF THE EPOCH OF THE dependent Sultans of Bengal, by Nalini PAROANATI ERA .. .. .. .. 314 Kanta Bhattasali, M.A. .. .. .. 347 DAYA RAM SAHNI Progress Report of the Archaeological Survey Sarnath-ka-Itihasa, by Brinda banachandra of India, Western Circle .. .. .. 347 Bhattacharyya, M.A., M.R.S.G.S. .. .. 370 The Madhyama Vyayoga, by Rov. E. P. Jun. DISKALKAR, D. B. vier .. .. .. .. .. .. 348 An Epithet of Samudragupta.. .. .. 17 Selections from Avesta and Old Persian (First DODWELL, H. Series), Pt. I, by I. J. S. Taraporowalls .. 348 "Form Foura" of Indian Origin . .. 126 Ksatriya Clans in Buddhist India, by Bimale DONALD JAYARATNA Charan Law .. .. .. .. .. 349 A NOTE ON MR. P. N. RAMASWAMI'S "EARLY "Apollo" Bandar, Bombay .. .. .. 360 HISTORY OF INDIAN FAMINES" .. The Diary of Ananda Ranga Pillai, by H. DUBREUIL, PROT. G. JOUVEAU Dodwell .. .. .. .. .. 300 PALLAVA PAINTING . . .. .. 45 A Study of Casto, by P. Lakshmi Narasu .. 360 INDIAN AND THE ROMANS .. .. Vodio antiquition, by G. Jouveau Dubrouil .. 970 THE DATE OF KANISHKA .. .. .. 82 GRIERSON, SI GEORGE A., K.O.I.E.EDWARDES, S. M., C.S.I., C.V.O.THE WORK OF THE ECOLE FRANCAISE D'EX THE APABIRAMBA STABALAS OT RAMA-SARMAN (TAREAVAGISA) .. .. .. 1, 187 TREME ORIENT .. .. .. .. 113 .. Paisachi and Chulike paisachika .. 16 A KOLI BALLAD.. ....... .. .. 127 A FEW REFLECTIONS ON BUCKLER'S POLITI HAIG, LIEUT. COL. Bra WOLSELEY, K.C.LE, CAL THEORY OF THE INDIAN MUTINY .. C.S.L., C.M.G., O.B.E.BOMBAT, A.D. 1660-1667 .. .. .. 211 Tax HISTORY OF THE NELAX SHAD KEROS The Jaina Gazette .. .. 20, 150, 200, 387, 331 . or AXMADNAGAR .. .. .. 166 (1) Mughal Administration ; (2) Studios in HILL, S. CHARLES Mughal India, by Jadunath Sarkar, M.A... 224 NOTES ON PIRACY IN EASTERN Warun, Annual Report of the Mysore Archaeological Sup. 1.9, 28, 41 Dept. for the yoar 1922 ... .. .. 226 HIRALAL, RAI BAHADUR, B.A., M.R.A.8.The Quarterly Journal of the Mythic Society, Tun Run of KAJLI KANOJA .. . 800 vol. XIII, No. 1 .. .. .. .. 228 HOCART, A. M.Historical Gloanings, by Bimala Charan Law, 226 FLYING THROUGH THE Ana .. 80 The Castos and Tribes of H. E. H. The Nizam' BUDDHA AND DEVADATTA .. Dominions, by Syed Siraj-ul-Haman .. 388 JOSEPH, T. K., B.A., L.T. Progress Report of the Archeological Survey, A CHRBTIAN DYNASTY DI MALABAN .. W. India, 1920, by R. D. Banorji .. .. 26 | MALABAR MISCELLANY

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iv KALE, Y. M. Geographical Position of certain places in India .. KRISHNAMAGHARLU, O. R., B.A. THE ORIGIN, GROWTH AND DECLINE OF THE VIJAYANAGAR EMPIRE MAN, E. H., C.I.E. DICTIONARY OF THE SOUTH ANDAMAN LAN GUAGE Sup. 189 MAULAVI ABDU'L-WALI, KHAN SAHIBA DARA-SHIKOH LETTER MODI, SHAMS-UL-ULMA DR. JIVANJI JAMSHETJI, B.A., Pa.D., C.I.E. COMMEMORATION OF THE KAININS AND MAIDENS IN THE AVESTA .. NOTE ON THE HALA AND PAILAM MEASURES IN GUJARAT .. RAMADAS, G., B.A. ODIA: A DERIVATION. DEVICHANDRAGUTTAM.. .. .. CONTENTS 262 Selections froni Avesta and Old Persian, by Dr. I. J. S. Taraporewala NARAYANA RAO, H.The Core of Karnata NARENDRANATH LAW, DR, M.A., B.L., P.R.S., PH.D. ../ 17 358 RADHAKUMUD MOOKERJI, DR., M.A., PH.D. HISTORY OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE FROM THE WORKS OF PANINI, KATYAYANA AND PATANJALI RASANAYAGAM, MUDALIYAR C. THE ORIGIN OF THE PALLAVAS RAWLINSON, H. G. 184 249 THE ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE BRAHMA-VIDYA THE ANTIQUITY OF THE FOUR STAGES OF LIFE .. NUNDOLAL DEY, M.A., B.L.-. GEOGRAPHICAL DICTIONARY OF ANCIENT AND MEDIEVAL INDIA Sup. 119, 127, 135 PADMANATH BHATTACHARYYA, MAHA. MAHOPADHYAYA VIDYAVINOD, M.A. Notes on Hala' and Pailam' in a Gujarat Copper-plate grant 305 9 244 272 47 66,87 SAMAPA: OR THE ASOKAN KALINGA RAMASWAMI, P. N., B.A. EARLY HISTORY OF INDIAN FAMINES, 107, 145, 1.92, 227 RANGASWAMI SARASWATI, A. 18 181 21 77 PROPOSED ILLUSTRATED MAHABHARATA, 248 RAY, H. C. THE ANDHAU INSCRIPTIONS ROSE, H. A., 1.0.8.MANU'S "MIXED CASTES" CONTRIBUTIONS TO PUNJABI LEXICOGRAPHY, SERIES IV 54, 120, 280, 321 SOME PROBLEMS IN NAQSHBANDI HISTORY.. 204 SHRIDHAR SHASTRI PATHAK THE PROBLEM OF THE SANKHYA KARIKAS... 177 SOMASUNDRAM, J. M., B.A. THE MULLAIPATTU STEIN, SIR AUREL, K.C.I.E. A CHINESE EXPEDITION ACROSS THE PAMIRS AND HINDUKUSH, A.D. 747.. ..98, 139, 173 TEMPLE, SIR R. C., BT. 61 THE PROJECTED ILLUSTRATED MAHABHARATA, 41 COLOUR SYMBOLISM SOME DISCURSIVE COMMENTS ON BARBOSA, 91, 130, 167 REGARDING THE CHRISTIANS OF ST. THOMAS, IN SOUTH INDIA RITUAL MURDER AS A MEANS OF PROCURING CHILDREN REMARKS ON THE ANDAMAN ISLANDERS AND THEIR COUNTRY 151, 216 307 IN THE CENTURY BEFORE THE MUTINY A PROTECTIVE CHARM FROM THE ROYAL PALACE AT MANDALAY THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY, A COLLECTION OF MSS., BY BERNARD P. SCATTERGOOD, M.A., F.S.A., Sup. Journal of Indian History, by Prof. Shafaat Ahmad Khan, Litt.D... .. 4 .. 278 .. The Subject Index to Periodicals La Chine, par Henri Cordier .. Jivatman in the Brahma Sutras, by Abhaya ** 24 13 103 113 351 17 kumar Guha, M.A., Ph.D. A Large Maund'.. Kos and Mil Mile... 'Malabar' Medina Talnaby.. An Elementary Palaung Grammar, by Mrs. Leslie Milne.. 40 Notes from Old Factory Records 60, 86, 126, 226, 266 Sikshasamuccaya, translated by late Prof. Cecil Bendall and Dr. W. H. D. Rouse Annual Report of the Mysore Archaeological Department 19 19 20 20 20 22288 20 39 89 84 83

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CONTENTS TEMPLE, SIR R. C., BT. contd. TEMPLE, SIR R. C., BT.--contd. An Account of the Ottoman Conquest of Topaz : Additional Examples .. .. .. 263 Egypt in A.D. 922, translated by Lt. Col. Two Archaeological Reports-Madras, 1909-20, W. H. Salmon .. .. .. .. .. 85 by A. H. Longhurst; Bengal, 1920-21, by Hollenism in Ancient India, by Dr. G. N.' K. N. Dikshit .. N. BRIT .. .. .. .. .. 263 Banerjee .. .. .. .. .. 124 Annual Progress Report (Hindu and Buddhist monuments), 1920-21 .. .. .. .. 264 A Grammar of the Chhatisgarhi Dinlect of Hindi, Annual Progress Report (Muhammadan and by Hiralal Kavyopadhyaya.. .. .. 124 British monuments), 1921 .. .. .. 264 Sources for the History of Vijayanagar, by Gurty Shivaji and his Times, by Jadunath Sarkar.. 306 Venkat Rao, M.A. .. .. .. .. 125 Sri Harsha of Kanauj, by K. M. Panikkar .. 370 The Coins of Haidar Ali and Tipu Sultan, by THOMAS, F. W.-- J. R. Henderson, C.I.E. .. .. .. 125 Buddha in der abendlundischen Logende, von A Guide to Nizamuddin, by Maulvi Zafar Heinrido Gunter .. .. .. .. 165 Hasan, B.A. .. .. .. .. .. 163 (1) Balacarita (Die Abentener des Knabes Palaung = Faringi .. . .. 185 A Human Scapegoat and His Antidote .. 185 Krishna), Schauspiel von Bhaga; (2) Dio Disposal of the Dead by Exposure.. .. 185 Abontenor des Knabes Krischna, Schauspiel Lakhimpuri, A Dialect of Modern Awadhi, by von Bhasa Ubersetzt von Herman Weller.. 186 Baburam Saksena, M.A .. . .. 226USBORNE, C. F.-- Gwalior Fort Album .. .. .. .. 226 The Story of Hir and Ranjha.. Sup. 63, 73 MISCELLANEA. Puisachi and Chulikapainachika, by George A. Grierson The Core of Karnata, by H. Narayana Rao .. .. .. .. An Epithet of Samudragupta, by D. B. Diskalkar .. Notes on Hala and Pailam in a Gujarat Copper-Plate Grant, hy Mahamahopadhyaya Vidyavinod Padma. nath Bhattacharyya, M.A..." "Malabar," by Sir R. C. Temple Medina Talnaby, by Sir R. O. Templo , Palaung=Faringi, by Sir R. C. Templo A Human Scapegoat and His Antidote, by Sir R. O. Temple .. Disposal of the Dead Ly Exposure, by Sir R. C. Temple .. Geographical Position of Certain Places in India, by Y. M. Kalo .. Topaz: Additional Examplos, by Sir R. C. Temple .. .. .. BOOK.NOTICES. Journal of Indian History, by Prof. Shafaat Ahmad Khan, Litt. D., by Sir R. C. Tomple The Subject-Index to Periodicals, by Sir R. O. Templo . .. La Chine, par Henri Corcier, by Sir R. O. Templo .. .. .. .. .. Jivatman in the Brahma Sutras, by Abhayakumar Guha, M.A., Ph.D., by Sir R. C. Temple .. An Elementary Palaung Grammar, hy Mrs. Leslie Milne, by Sir R. C. Temple .. .. Uber das Verhaltnis zwischen Carudatta und Mrecha katika, by Georg Morgenstierne, by A. Berricdale Keith .. .. " Sikshasamuccaya, A Compendium of Buddhist Doctrine, translated by the late Profonsor Cecil Bendall and Dr. W. H. D. Rouse, by Sir R. O. Temple... Annual Report of the Myxoie Archeological Department, by Sir R. C. Temple .. .. .. .. An Account of the Ottoman Conquest of Egypt in A... 922, translatod by Lt. Col. W. H. Salmon, by Sir R. O. Temple .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Hellonism in Ancient India, by Dr. G. N. Banerjee, by Sir R. C. Temple .. .. A Grammar of the Chhattisgarhi Dialect of Hindi, by Hira Lal Kavyopadhyaya, by Sir R. C. Tomple.. 124 Source for the History of Vijayanagar, by Gurty Von kat Rao, M.A., by Sir R. O. Temple .. .. 125 The Coins of Haidar Ali and Tipu Sultan, by J. R. Henderson, C.I.E., by Sir R. C. Templo . .. 126 A Guide to Nizamuddin, by Maulvi Zafar Hasan, B.A., by Sir R. C. Templo . . . . . . 183 Buddha in der Abendlundischen Legende, von Heinrich Gunter, by F. W. Thomas .. .. .. 165 The Jaina Gazette, by 8. M. Edwardes .. .. .. .. .. .. (1) Balacarita (Die Abentener des Knabes Krischna), Schauspel von Bhasa ; (2) Die Abentener des Knabes Kriachna, Schauspiel von Bhasa Ubersetzt von Herman Weller, by F. W. Thomas .. 186

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CONTENTS : : :: : .. 348 BOOK-NOTICEScontul. (1) Mughal Administration; (2) Studies in Mughal India, by Jadunath Sarkar, M.A., by S. M. Edwardos, 224 Annual Report of the Mysoro Archeological Department for the year 1922, by S. M. Edwardes .. 226 The Quarterly Journal of the Mythic Society, Vol. XIII, No. 1, by S. M. Edwardos .. .. .. 223 Historical Cleaning, by Bimala Charan Law, by S. M. Edwardes .. .. .. .. .. .. 228 Lakhimpuri, A Dialect of Modern Awadhi, by Baburam Saksona, M.A., by Sir R. O. Tomplo .. .. 228 Gwalior Fort Album, by Sir R. O. Temple .. .. .. .. .. .. . .. .. .. 220 Two Archological Reports-Madras, 1919-20, by A. H. Longhursh; Bengal, 1920-21, by K. N. Dikshit, by Sir R. O. Templo .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 263 Annual Progress Report (Hindu and Buddhist Monumente), 1920-21, by Sir R. O. Templo ... .. 261 Annual Progress Report (Muhammadan and British Monuments), 1921, by Sir R. O. Templo .. .. 264 . The Castes and Tribos of H. E. H. The Nizam's Dominions, by Syed Siraj-ul-Hassan, by S. M. Edwardes, 265 Progress Report of the Arohaeological Survey, W. India, 1920, by R. D. Banerjee, by S. M. Edwardes, 266 Roport of the Superintendent, Archaeological Survey of Burma, 1921-22, by Chas. Duroisello, by S. M. Edwardes .. .. .. . .. . .. . " Later Mughals, by W. Irvine, I.O.S., by S. M. Edwardes ardes .. .. . .. .. .. 301 Catalogue of the Museum of Archwology at Sanchi, Bhopal State, by Maulvi Muhammad Hamid, etc., by S. M. Edwardes .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Annual Report of the Director-General of Archeology in India, 1919-20, by Sir John Marshall, Kt., C.I.E., by 8. M. Edwardes .. .. .. An Indian Ephemeris, by Diwan Bahadur L. D. Swamikannu Pillai, L.S.O., by S. M. Edwardes .. .. Selections from Aveeta and Old Persian, by Dr. I. J. 8. Taraporowala, by Dr. J. J. Modi Shivaji and his Times, by Jadunath Sarkar, by Sir R. C. Templo .. .. .. Coins and Chronology of the Early Independent Sultans of Bongal, by Nalini Kanta Bhattarali, M.A., by S. M. Edwardes Progrees Report of the Archeological Survey of India, Western Circlo, by S. M. Edwardes .. .. 347 The Madhyama Vyayoga, by Rev. E. P. Janvier, by S. M. Edwardes Solections from Avesta and Old Persian (First Series), Part I, by I. J. S. Taraporewala, by S. M. Edwardes. 348 Kastriya Olans in Buddhist India, by Bimala Charan Law, by S. M. Edwardes ... .. .. .. 349 The Life and Times of Chalukya Vikramaditya VI, by A. V. Venkatrama Ayyar, M.A., by 8. K. Aiyangar, 367 The Diary of Ananda Ranga Pillai, by H. Dodwell, by S. M. Edwardos .. .. .. .. .. 368 A Study of Casto, by P. Lakshmi Narasu, by S. M. Edwardes . .. .. .. .. .. 369 Vodio Antiquition, by G. Jouvosu Dubreuil, by S. M. Edwardee .. . .. . .. 870 Sri Harsha of Kanauj, by K. M. Panikkar, by Sir R. C. Temple .. .. Samath-ka-Itihasa, by Brinda banachandra Bhattacharyya, M.A., M.R.S. G.8., by Days Ram Sahni A Now and Critical Edition of the Mahabharata, by S. K. Aiyangar .. .. NOTES AND QUERIES. A Large "Maund," by Sir R. O. Temple Kos and Mil Mile, by Sir R. C. Templo .. Notes from Old Factory Records, by Sir R. C. Temple .. .. 60, 80, 126, 226, 266 "Form Fours of Indian Origin, by H. Dodwell .. .. 126 "Apollo" Bandar, Bombay, by 8. M. Edwardes .. .. .. .. .. .. 350 SUPPLEMENTS. Notes on Piracy in Eastern Waters, by S. Charles Hill .. by S. Charles E . .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 1, 9, 28, 41 Geographical Dictionary of Anciont and Medieval India, by Nundolal Dey, M.A., B.L., 110, 127, 138 The Story of Hir and Ranjha, by Waris Shah, 1776 A.D., by O. F. Usbome .. .. .. 85, 73 The Scattergoods and the East India Company, a collection of MSS. by Bernard P. Scattergood, M.A., F.B.A., edited by Sir R. C. Temple .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 17 Dictionary of the South Andaman Language, by Edward Horace Man, C.I.E. .. .. .. .. 180 PLATES. Plato 111--India Omon Sanskrit MS. No. 1106, 13-A .. .. .. .. .. .. Platho I and II .. .. . .. . .. to face ", 102 Platos A, B, , D, E, in South Andaman Dictionary, Appendix XIII .. laeing 191, 193, 196, 197, 190 Plate, etc., of the Mandalay Palace .. .. .. .. .. .. .. facing 301, 382, 354 2 . Temple . . " 20 * .. 20

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The Indian Antiquary. The last forty years have witnessed a great advance in antiquarian research in India, and Indians themselves are exhibiting increasing OF interest in all that appertains to the past history of ANTIQUARIES their country. Where formerly the study of India's NDIA..important archaeological, epigraphical and numismatic relics was confined to a handful of Englishmen and one or two Indian scholars, there are now many Indians, including the trained officers of the Indian Archaeological Survey, who, devoting expert attention to original documents and lithic and other records, are able to supplement and occasionally correct the conclusions arrived at by acknowledged European authorities. The time, indeed, appears to be ripe for the creation of a Society of Antiquaries of India, formed on the lines of the Society of Antiquaries of London, which would include among its members, not only those Indians and Europeans, who have established their position in the field of historical and archaeological research, but also the Ruling Princes and Indian gentlemen, like the late Sir R. Tata, who are ready to encourage and support the labours of the trained antiquary. . In the event of such a Society being constituted on lines approved by those interested, and its importance and prestige being further secured by the grant of a Royal Charter, it is proposed to transfer to it, as the organ of its activities, the well-known Journal, The Indian Antiquary, founded fifty-two years ago by the late Dr. Burgess, which deals with the history, archaeology, epigraphy, folklore, etc., of the whole of India and Burma.

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It is recognized that the foundation of the proposed Society of Antiquaries of India must involve much preliminary discussion, and that considerable delay in launching the Society "THE INDIAN on a working basis is unavoidable. It has therefore ANTIQUARY." been arranged for the time being to direct efforts to securing the continued existence of The Indian Antiquary, which is at present the sole property of Lieut.-Colonel Sir R. C. Temple, Bart., by transferring the possession and management of the Journal to a small private company, The Indian Antiquary, Ltd., which, in the event of Sir R. C. Temple hereafter desiring to relinquish active management of the Journal, would carry on the work which he has undertaken alone for so many years. Since its foundation by Dr. Burgess in 1872, The Indian Antiquary has deserved well of India. He edited it till 1885, when it was taken over by Dr. J. F. Fleet and Sir R. C. Temple till 1892, by which time it had become the chief exponent of Oriental research in private hands and the chief medium for the publication of Indian epigraphical studies. For several years it trained and maintained a private staff for discovering, collecting and reproducing in facsimile all kinds of Indian epigraphic records; and its volumes, which have now reached No. LII, enshrine the whole history of epigraphical research as a systematic study. Moreover, it has performed pioneer work in teaching a new generation of Indian scholars the method of securing accurate knowledge of the annals of ancient and mediaeval India. Well-known Indian scholars to-day, as well as European authorities, are among its most valued contributors. For several years Professor D. R. Bhandarkar was associated with Sir Richard C. Temple in the editing of the Journal. Since his resignation, the appointment of Indian joint-editor has been filled by Professor S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar. Mr. S. M. Edwardes has also taken a part in the joint-editorship.

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3 In the light of the above record and with a view to providing the proposed Society of Antiquaries, when hereafter founded with a journal of established reputation, the Directors of the STUDENTS OF private company, formed to take over The Indian Anti INDIAN quary from the sole proprietorship of Sir R. C. Temple, ANTIQUITIES. 5. __ now appeal to all Indians and Englishmen interested in India's history to assist their object, either by becoming annual subscribers to the Journal, or by sending donations to be utilized in consolidating its future position and enlarging its scope. The annual subscription to the Journal is Rs. 20, and may be paid to The Superintendent, Indian Antiquary, British India Press, Mazagon, Bombay, or to Messrs. Bernard Quaritch, Ltd., 11, Grafton Street, New Bond Street, London, W. Donations may be sent to Lt.-Col. Sir R. C. Temple, Bart., [c/o Lloyd's Bank, Ltd. (Messrs. Henry S. King & Co.), 9, Pall Mall, London), who as chief editor and director will have the controlling voice in the management of the Indian Antiquary Ltd. (Signed) R. C. TEMPLE, R. E. ENTHOVEN, S. M. EDWARDES, Directors, Indian Antiquary Ltd.

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Plate III. INDIA OFFICE SANSKRIT MS. No. 1106, 13A. The Prakrta-Kalpataru of Kama-sarman (Tarkavagisa). shkti : aamaar' mbhi ht bidronnitptr shekl laarkssaar naan 23 / maataar mjaar eki mdhaam o chaatessaa mdhumaaaamiiti beshi daabi daahrnnNpurnkaar': kaake baadh ON kaat maanik deshe mRt maas baader pekssaapdiiy'aa bishess kreni taanne brssaayaabihaash: aamaaraa tuli prpksstaabihaa prklaa| anaath gto o caapaa bidhoy'ii diy'e ythaagibishti ei naarii :: naai graam kendr baa denni brbr ei Folio 45a Indian Antiquary 1945 taar e bhaalobaar bl bokaamaaHtthokiiyaadig ditaam r'y'aan bhaassaa saamaabaadibhiy'aai bidhi bbitaao taader ksstt ek bidhaay' nimaan kaaj sh ei sonaagr' pr'aakRt baanaayaa maatchaaH kbitaa pusste t rthmbaade mor paataao sujaar maagdhiitaa baidi shossn shbdi bhn nijeke kRmi kbit bhnaaki naakaanii jaani baa graamete dosstt pdaaniy'aa| shaanaarikaa pr'aadhik shutttt kaadi kaarnaaji kaabe kri shaassnn| deshii pdaaaany b ken aai Folio 45b Folio 46a kaadaayaadaa d milaa mdhydekhaayaadem+jurii smbhbnaasude // aalo bidhaansy bipryaay'nn paashcaan jaay'chen prysen| baijnyaani kiinaamt kaar chdaa kaanyciio eoN bhaanaa pdissttaa| paaraabt shktidnti endheshiir bhaassaapd pryogaao nesaa bishess dih smprdikssaabhedodaamtihaar pr 10 / itiaanyct shaamaan jaaphr shdk peshaatti kaanidhibidhaani shuddh kaar'aassaadl maakhaani taani teraadi maam kmaa shuru" nkii emn oke maachHdhrm kokm paushaac mjhot : sonaa| se maatr baas prthm teiiyaudi ekttaa maair nikhoj naamau maa delor sNkhyaao shryo sstt krmnyaapid naa kthito nkaarH bhoaadissuryybiksst snydaanaadi iisy nir'uupniiy'H bndhaadike yukt bikrss maai gRhe kichu tttbdibe shibcc| ksstter thaassttyaatt pRthisN shonaao pRthuddhbik baaNlaa chil m? C. WHITTINGHAM & GRIGGS, LTD, COLL

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH VOLUME LII-1923 THE APABHRAMSA STABAKAS OF RAMA-SARMAN (TARKAVAGISA). BY SIR GEORGE A. GRIERSON, K.C.I.E. (Continued from Vol. LI, p. 28.) Fol. 44b. I thakastapitishatab palaavab ayatprenanarddhamviserddharu( 6 )dalpunavalsovihndrierdvaud kakhaprapsavapi nityasyaivavadantidakakhadavasau panarnigaditalekvothavanos vraj || 29 | stipmastimeh syacoavairvvaccah stha(7)payateh . Metre, Sardulavikridita, | thakkas tha api tisthateh', paisavah syat 'prena' sardham 'viser' dharundah punar 'asiser', iha 'draer' dvau dekkha-pummav api, nicy asyaiva vadanti dakkha-darasau, timmas timeh' syac ca vai, vaccah 'sthapayaten' punar nigaditas cavo, 'tha vanca 'vraje' Mk. 67, thakka-stha-; 71, pasava pravis-; 73, arunna aslis-; 64, pumma- and dekkha-dre-; 65, dakkha-darsaya-; 75, tia- stim-, tim-; 76, thava- and thakkavasthapaya-; 70, vanca- vraj. These are the readings of the printed Edition. The MSS. differ. || 29 || = The following are dhatv-adetas. Sanskrit. stha- of tisthati pravis. ati-(1 adli-) dys dariaya tim = Apabhramea. thakka- or [3] tha.. paisava. dharunda- (? arunna-) dekkha- or pumma dakkha- or darasatimma vacca- or cava- (? thava-) vanica sthapaya- of sthapayati vraj Of the above, vacca- is also doubtful. Usually vaccai-kanksati or vrajati. With vanca-, of. Sindhi vanan", Lahnda vanjun, to go. Fol. 44b. grhograhoviha mucamu amukkamella bollavadevatha krnah kavasadi(Fol. 45a.)santi | Anavamaniyutaniyonicicatra akakhamacaksateh satrmatastu sastikale ||30| Metre, Vasantatilaka, gunho 'graher', iha 'muco' mua mukka mella, bollo 'vader', atha 'krah' kara adisanti anavam 'ao-yuta-niyo' pici, catra akkham 'acaksateh', satr matas tu sas trikale w || 30 || Mk. 68, gunha-= grah-; 74, mukka-, mua-, mulla-muo-; 63, bolla- = vad-; 69, karakr-; 77, anava ani-; 66, cakkha acaks-; 62, sarvadi satr. There is a short syllable missing in the fourth line. mato bahulas would fill the lacuna, but is a violent emendation.

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Dhatu-adesas-continued. grah muc vad kry anayaya acaks THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY anava akkha The present participle is used [as a finite verb] in all three times,-present, past, and future. With akkha- compare Sindhi, Panjabi, and old Hindi akh-, tell. gunha mua, mukka- or mella bolla kara Fol. 45a. tomatonna (1)suhihica padanyahu (2)ryathasamkhyatastvat&madhunimivitiyab 1 dastadarthonvitah dvitryadye duitinnicavinamayava(?)hunyatityoditam tatro(3)dahavanam puvatanakavoh kavyosuvodhyam vudhaih || 31 || [ JANUARY, 1923 Iityapabhrachiastavakab []*] 34 The three initial aksaras may also be read temota or temeto or tomata. 15 The doubtful aksara su may also be read mu or sva or mva. 16 The doubtful aksara hu may also be read du. Metre, Sard ulavikridita, ---- to, mo, tanna [1 tenni], (?) suehi [? achi], ehi ca padany ahur yatha samkhyatas 'tvam', 'tesam', 'adhuna', 'amibhir' iti ye sabdas tadarthanvitah 'dvi-try-adye' dui, tinni, cari, na maya (?)vahunyatityoditam I tatrodaharanam puratana-kaveh kavyesu bodhyam budhaih Ility apabhramsa-stabakah |||| Prakrit. to mo (1) lenni (1) achi Chim dui tinni cari || 31 || There is something wrong in the first two lines of this verse. In the second line no Sanskrit equivalent is given for the Prakrit mo. The corresponding passage in Mk. 78 has "tvam to, mam mo, tesam tenni". I am unable to suggest certain emendations for suehi and vahuny. The latter looks like some form of bahulya. The following Apabhramea words occur in the meanings respectively set opposite them : Sanskrit. tvam. [mam]. tesam. adhuna. amibhih (1 Ebhih). dvi-. tri-. [catur-]. The intelligent can find examples of these in the poems of the old poet. [Who the old poet' is does not appear. He is probably Pingala.] Bo ends the Chapter on [Nagara] Apabhra mes. Fol. 45a. Mk. 78, athavravadakhyamapabhramsabhrasam vadamah prasi(4)ddhatu sasindhudeje amrtanagavadeva siddhastadiya visesannayatrooyate laksma tasyonti The enti at the end is superfluous. #L

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JANUARY, 1923 THE APABHRAMSA STABAKAS OF RAMA-SARMAN Metre, Bhujangaprayata, --- -- ------ atha Vracadakhyam Apabhramsabhasam Mk. xviii, 1. vadamah, prasiddha tu sa Sindhudese smrta Nagarad eva siddhis tadiya visean na yatrocyate laksma tasyah 11 | We now proceed to describe the Apabhramba Bhasa called "Vracada', which is current in the Sindhu country. Its basis is recorded as being nothing but Nagara, especially when no definite rule is laid down for it. This indicates that any changes recorded in this section are not changes from Sanskrit, but are changes from "Nagara Apabhramsa. Fol. 45a. tanacyatra vasarayovihasabah2(5)prayojyo bhftyopavanastavihatuprakrtya antyasthayadhavagatautucajauvidheyau dvitve yathagivisatiychanadvi avay(6)jje || 2 || 17 In ihasasab the aksara sa is superfluous. Metre, Vasantatilaka, ---- - --- talavya eva sa-kayor iha bah prayojyo; Mk, 3. bhityaparesu ra-Ttav iba tu prakrtya Mk. 4. antahstha-yadhara-gatau tu ca-jau vidh@yau . Mk, 2. dvitve, yatha (?)paisadi yechalahia rayije 1121 Only the palatal e may be used, in place of 8 and . In this dialect an original r or is preserved, except in the words bhrtya- and others. When the letters e (including ch) and [? including ih] are doubled, the semi-vowel y is prefixed, as in (?) paisadi yocha. lahia rayjje (=Nagara paisadi cchalahia rajje=pravisati cchala-bhito rajye]. It is unnecessary to mention the letter in the first line, as it does not occur in Nagara. As examples of the gana bhrtyadi, Mk. gives niccan (ntyam), kiccan's (krtyam), and kicca kilya). The emendation of givisati to paisadi (cf. the next verse) is conjectural. Although not so written, the scribe certainly meant the chon yochala to be doubled. He always represents this doubled cch by ch, even in Sanskrit passages. Mk. makes the prefixing of y to c and j universal, and not only when these letters are doubled. Fol. 45a. dadhayoh svavaseratadanasyat ubhayahkincatadaumataupadadau dasanadisudothasoji (?) sva 38saivetyabhidhane(7)khanundu mahakhadge | 31 28 The doubtful ak sara sva is superfluous in the metre and is difficult to read. Metre, Aupacchandasika, ------- da-dhayah stara-sesata ca na syat Not in Mk. albayog kirca ta-dau (?-thau) matau pada dau L C f. Mk. 5. 'da anadisu' do, 'tha soji 'saivety' Mk. 5, 6. abhidhane khalu [kha Indum aha 'kha Ige || 31 Mk, 7. There can be no elision of [modial] d or(substitution of h) for (medialj dh. But, when initial, they become and d [? th), respectively. In the words daiana- eto. [the initial d becomes ] . In this dialect, the word soji is used as the equivalent of the Sanskrit saiva, and, as regards khadgah, it becomes khandur. In dealing with d and dh, we must remember that our basis is Nagart: In that dialect, an original d and dh follow the usual Prakrit rules, and, when medial, they are elided and changed to h respectively. In Vracada, this does not occur, an original medial d and dh remaining unchanged. But, in Nagara (see verse 2 of the preceding chapter), & medial d or dh represents an original t or th, respectively.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JANUARY, 1923 , These also remain unchanged. Thus, in Vrioada, a medial d may represent an original d or an original t, and a medial dh may represent an original dh or an original th. But, when initial, the case is different. An initial d represents only an original d, and an original dh represents only an original dh, just as in Nagara. Our author here states that an initial d becomes and an initial dh becomes d (? k). The words dasana- etc. form an exception, as in them the initial d becomes d. It is to be regretted that our author gives no examples of his rules, for they differ widely from those of Mk. The corresponding satra of Mk. (xviii, 5) states that initialt and d optionally become ! and d respectively. He gives as examples tavivijai or tiiviyijai (tapyate] and damano or damano (damanah). If, in our present verse, we were to read ta-thayok, instead of da-dhayoh, we should be told that initial i and th became and a (? th), respectively, and that in certain words initial d became d. This would to a certain extent agree with Mk. but would be entirely unauthorized by the MS., in which the dadhayoh is exceptionally clear. In the last line of the verse, the metre shows that the syllable kha has been omitted. Fol. 45a. tuyobhropanabhurmata ktevru vo vronetopratitah syurvayervarhamhuh yadanyattutatasamskytamsau (Fol. 456) vasenimahavastra bh Asaca samsadhayanti | 4 | Metre, Bhujangaprayata, --- -- --- -- bhavo' bho, punar bhur matah kte, bruvo 'bro, Mk. 8, 10. na bho praditah syur, 'vrser varham ahuht Mk. 8, 9. yad anyat tu tat Samskytan Sauraseni. Mk. 11. Maharasstra-bhase ca samsadhayanti Dhatv-adesas - The root bhu- becomes bho-, but in the past participle it is bhu-, nor does it become bho- when preceded by the prepositions pra etc. The root bru-becomes broThe root vro becomes varha-. Any other [roots) are provided for by Sanskrit and by the Sauraseni and Maharastri Bhasas. For prabhavati, Mk. gives pahavai as the corresponding form. For varha-, Mk. has vahaFol. 45b. upanagavamatrasamskstata ubbayovahuvanantavoktayoh This verse is not numbered in the MS., and possibly the second half is missing. The word sanskrtata is an evident copyist's slip for sankarat. Metre, Viyogini, - - - - Upanagaram atra sankarad Mk. 12. ubhayor ahur anantaroktayoh We are told that Upanagara is derived from a mixture of these two dialects, as just described, one after the other. takkibhrat'vanigaditatha(2)nuyavibhasa sinagavadibhivapitribhivanvitacet tamevatakkaviraye nigadantitakkapabhramsa maetadvadahavanamgave(3)ayam | 6 19 The ak ara bhra is not clear, and may be intended for pra(pu).

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JANUARY, 1923) THE APABHRAM SA STABAKAS OF RAMA-SARMAN Metre, Vasantatilaka, ----- - - -- Takki pura nigadita khalu ya vibhasa Comm. to Mk, 12. sa Nagaradibhir api tribhir anvita cet tam eva Takka-visaye nigadanti Takka pabhrathsam atra tad-udaharanarn gavesyam | 6 | In the preceding portion of the work the author has described the Takki Vibhaga. He now explains that the sakka Apabhramsa is merely this when mixed wp with the three kinds of Apabhramsa (Nagara, Vraoada, and Upanagara) just described. If the Takki Vibhasa formerly described [III, xii, 27 ff.] is mixed with the three kinds of Apabhramsa,- Nagara and so on, it is called sakka Apabhraisa, and is spoken in the Takka country, where examples of it are to be sought for. . Mk, reproduces verses 6-13, dealing with the minor forms of Apabhramba, in prose in the comm. to xviii, 12. According to him (seo preface to his grammar and xvi, 2), the difference between a Vibhasa and Apabhramsa is that the former is used only in dramas, while the latter is not used in dramas. In his preface, he gives the following list of Apabbramsa dialects. He quotes it from an unnamed author, possibly Rama-sarman; for the first page of the MS. of the Prakstakalpataru, which is quite fragmentary, appears to contain stray portions of a similar list. Mk's list is as follows: Vracado Laca-Vaidarbhav Upanagara-Nagarau Barbar' vantya-Pascala-Takka-Malava-Kaikayab Gaud'-Audhra (sic)-(+)Vaiva-Pascatya-Pandya-Kauntala-Sainhhalah 1 Kilingya-Pracya-Karnata-Kanoya-Dravida-Gaurjarah Abhiro Madhyadebiyah suksma-bheda-vyavasthitah saptavimsaty-apabhramsa Vaitaladi-prabhedatah In the above, the word 'Vaiva' should perhaps be 'Haiva'. In verse 29 of the Preface to the Sad-bhasa-candrika, Laksmidhara mentions a "Haiva' form of Paisaci. Referring to the above list, Mk. goes on to say :Nigaro Vracadas c'-Opanagaras ceti te trayab Apabhrambab pare suksma-bhedatvan na pithan matab | (with the comm.) esu trisv anyesam antarbhavan tatraiva vaksymab N Fol. 45b. yenigavawrioadakadayatrapabhramsabhedahkathitapuvastata tadvadvikegaarayanena paicalikadayovisati(4)ataeva 71 Metre, Upajati, -- --- -- yo Nagara. Vraca lakadayo 'tra pabhramsa-bhedah kathitab purastat 1 tad-vad visesasrayanena Panca likadayo vitsatir anya eva Just as writers have in the first place told of the various kinds of Apabhrachse -Nagara, Vracada, and so on,-, as described herein; so, if we class them according to special charaotoristios, there are twenty others, --Viz. Paxtcalika and so on. We shall see, from verse 13, that there is another principle of classification of Apabbramba which may also be employed. It is a classification, not according to special characteristios, but according to the local dialect of the dosya words borrowed by it.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JANUARY, 1923 Fol. 45b. avadiididhabunatrapa canta bhumnathanumagadhisyat vaida virbhakkannaghanarh vadanti natitusa(5)mbodhanababdabhrmna 18 Metre. Upajati, as before, avadi i-di-bah ulatra Panca [lika), tu-bhumniso khalu Magadhi syat, Vaidarbhikam alla-ghana vadanti, Lati tu sambodhana-sabda-bhumni. 1811 30 I follow Lassen in correcting bhumna throughout to bhumni. For Pancalika, Mk. gives only di. He omits i. I have emended the pancanta of the MS. to pasicalika tu with the aid of Mk. For magadhi, Mk. has malavi, which is probably the right reading also here. For Vaidarbhika, Mk. has ulla instead of alla. It has been said, in this regard, that Pancalika is distinguished by the frequency with which it uses the terminations i and di. [At the present day, the pleonastic terminations da and di are very commonly used in North Rajputana. ] In Magadhi, the word tu is frequently used. It is a curious fact that, at the present day, the Magahi dialect of Bihari is noted for the frequent use of another word, re, -a fact which is sufficiently important to be enshrined in local proverbs. Elsewhere, re is a contemptuous interjection. In Magabi, it can be used quite politely, and its polite use by a speaker of Magahi is said often to result in violent quarrels with people who do not speak the dialect.] Vaidarbhi is full of the pleonastic termination alla-[i ulla-). Lati is remark. able for the number of interjections of address. Fol. 46b. audrituiovahunaniddhistyakaikeyikavipsitasabdabhrmnam Bamasabhuyisthapad&tugaudidaka(6)vabhrogakilakontanisyat | 9 | Metre, Upajati, as before. - Audri tu i-o-bah ala nidieta, Kaikayika vipsita-sabda-bhuinni, samasa-bhuyistha-pada tu Gaudi, da-kara-bhamni kila Kauntali syat 1 9 11 For Audri, Mk, has Audhri, and says it is ikarokarabahula, i.e. full of i and u, not of i and o. Audri is described as noteworthy for the predominance of i and o [1u]. (There is nothing like this in modern Oriya.) In Kaikeyi, words are commonly repeated to express continuation, distribution, eto. Gaudi is rich in compoond words [Cf. the well-known Sanskrit Gaudi riti.) Kauntali, forsooth, abounds in the pleonastic suffix da. Fol. 45b. ekavabhrmniniravacipandi syata saippalisamyutavarnabhrmna kanjigajabimkhaci tabhibhu(7)mna pracyatasovattapadavilamba | 10 | Metre, Upajati, as before. e-kara-bhemni niravaci Pandi, syat Salppal sa iyuta-varna-bhumni, 1 Kalinga-ja hith-khacitabhibhumni, Praoya tu Soratta-padavalamba | 10 | Mk. has pandya for pandi, and saimhali (probably correot) for saippali. Bonafta is distinct in the MS. Mk. here has Pracya tad-debiya-bhasadhya, which, it will be remembered, is in prose, not in metre.

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JANUARY, 1923) THE APABHRAMA STABAKAS OF RAMA-SARMAN Pandya has been described as full of the letter e. Saippali ( Saimhall) is rich in compound consonanta. Kaliigi is replete with the syllable him. But Praoya is dependent on words of Saurastra. Regarding the form Soratta, of. Marahatla in verse 18 of the Nagara section. If the text is correct, it is extraordinary that words of Saurastra, in the extreme West of India, should be found in an eastern dialect. Mk's account,--that it is full of eastern desya words,- is much more probable.] FOL. 45b. abhivikaprayikabhattakadi karnodikave phaviparyyayena desipadanyevatu(Fol. 46a)madhyadesyasyadgaurijavisamskrtasabdabhumna || 11 || Metre, Upajati, as before. Abhirika prayika-bhaftakddi, Karnatika repba-viparyayana. desi-padany eva tu Madhyadebya, gyad Gaurjari Samakta-sabda-bhumni 11 | Abhiri commonly uses titles of respect, such as bhaftaka and so forth. Karnati is distinguished by the change of the letter (for l] [or, ? by metathesis of r). But Madhyadesya employs only the desys words of the country in which it is spoken) Gaurjari is full of Sanskrit words. Fol. 46a. syaddravilinasyaviparyyayena pascatyajasyadranaparyyayena vaitanikilamata (2)kivabhumna kancituna Ivahulopadistya | 12 31 The second a in the second line is evidently meant for 88. These two initial letters, when written clous together, as in the present case, form a badly written ia. Metre, Upajati, as before. syad Drivide lasya viparyayena, Pabcatya-ja syad ra-la-paryayena, 1 Valtallki-nama ta-kara-bhamni, Kulici tu e-o-bahulopa dista || 12 il For Dravidt, Mk, says repha-vyatyayena. For Pascatya, he says ra-la-G? ra-la-) ha-bhank vyatyayena. For Vaitaliki, he says Pha-(or some MSS. da-) kara-bahula. Drividi is distinguished by the change of 1 [for r) (or, ?, by metathesis of 1). P&botyk is distinguished by the mutual interchange of and I. Vaitaliki is fall of the letter * [? dh). But Kafici is described as having irregularly the letters & and o. Regarding the changes of and I in this and the preceding verse, it will be remembered that in Magadhi Prakrit and its connected dialeotaris regularly changed to l as in Karnati. The same change ooours in Sauraseni Paisaci, while in Panali Palhacir and I are mutually interchangeable, as in Pasoatya. Fol. 46 pavepysvabhrana sabhidastitattaddhesiyabhaga padasamprayogat nasa videg dib a(3)aada pradiatabhedoya dasyamatidurnipab || 13 | 11 itiprakftasimanovracadadyapabhraibastavakahill Metre, Upajati, as before. pard 'py Apabbra msa-bhida 'sti tattad desiya-bhs-pada-ssprayogat na sa visagad iba sa pradiata bhodo yad asyam ati durviskal]pah 113 | iti Praksta-basano Vrloadedy-Apabhraibastabakah #

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JANUARY, 1923 Mk, here says tesdde ta-bhana-vibhedat. Iti tenaiva (1. e. apparently our present author, from whom he is quoting) uklatvat. evan-vidha-bheda-hetu-kalpane sahasradhapi valtum Sakyatvat. tasmad yuklam ultam : vedya vidagdhair aparas tat-tad-desanusaratah.' Therd is also another system of classifying the various kinds of Apabhramba, viz. according to its use of the desya words of each partioular country in which it is spoken. This is not shown in detail in the present work, as it is very diffioult to determine the division nocording to this classification. Mk.'s concluding remarks are to the same effect. In the above verses, the various Apabhrasa dialects are classified according to the peculiar characteristios of each. As Apabhramsa was a literary language used over the whole of India, it was also liable to be contaminated by the presence of looal dasya words, and these, provide another and distinct basis of classification. The author apparently is referring to the account of local dialects given by Bharats (xvii, 68ff.) as follows: gangasagara-machye tu ye desah samprakortitah ekara-bahulam tesu bhasam taj-jnah prayojayet |58 || vindhyasagara-madhye tu ye desah srutim agatab nakara-bahulam tesu bhasam taj-jah prayojayet | 59 | surastravanti-desesu vetravaty-uttaresu ca ye dosas tenu kurvita cakara-bahulam iba || 60 | himavat-sindhusauviran ye oa desah samasritab ukara-bahulam taj-jnas tesu bhasam prayojayet | 61 || oarmanvatinedi-pare ye carbuda-samasritah takara-bahula nityam temu bhasam prayojayet 116211 58. As for the lands which are grouped together as between the Ganges and the sea, the skilled author should employ a language which is full of the letter e. [Of. Pandya and Kanci in verses 10 and 12, ab.) 59. As for those lands which we hear of as between the Vindhya and the sea, the skilled author will employ a language which is full of the letter n (t in which n is substituted for l]. 80. As for the countries of Surastra and Avanti, and those which lie north of the Vetravati, he should here make the language] full of the letter ca. 61. As for those lands which are in the neighbourhood of the Himalaya, and of the Sindhu-Sauviras, the skilled author should employ a language full of the lettor . [Cf. Audri, v. 9, ab.) 62. As for those whose home is the far side of the river Carmancati and near Mount Arbuda, he should always employ a language full of the letter ta. (Cf. Vaitaliki, v. 12, ab.) It will be observed that not a single statement of Bharata &grees with the statements in Rama-sarman's classification. If we assume that Rama-sarman's 'Magadhi' in verse 8 is the same language as that referred to as Malavi' by Mk. and that his Saippall' in verse 10 corresponds to Mk.'s 'Saimhali', then, including Nagara, Vracada, Upanagara, and Takka, ho has described twenty-four out of the twenty-seven given by Mk. in the list above quoted. The three that he has not described are Barbara, Avanta, and (1) Vaiva. Neither are these desoribed by Mk, in the prose passage corresponding to verses 6-13 above. We have therefore no information regarding them, beyond their mero namos. (To be continued.).

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9 JANUARY, 1923 ] THE ORIGIN, ETC., OF THE VIJAYANAGARA EMPIRE THE ORIGIN, GROWTH AND DECLINE OF THE VIJAYANAGARA EMPIRE. BY C. R. KRISHNAMACHARLU, B.A. (Continued from Vol. LI, p. 235.) The reigns of Mallikarjuna and his brother Virupaksha were rather short and filled only with differences in the royal family and the infirmities of the rulers. In the reign of the former there was a combined attack on the Vijayanagara capital by the Gajapati kings of Orissa and the Muhammadan kings of Bahmani. This was repulsed by the Saluva chief Narasimha, who was then ruling over the eastern country. About the same time Kanchi was invaded by the Pandyas from the south. These were all indications of the weakness which marked the hold of the central power over distant provinces and the capital, too, at times. The prestige of the state was maintained by the Saluva in the north. What really happened in the south is not clearly known. It is certain at any rate that the king was growing weak and powerless and that a powerful commander and local governor, who was also the far-seeing minister, could wield the destinies of the empire. Saluva Narasimha, who had attained to a hero's fame by his repulsion of the two enemies from the north, took into his hands the whole government. The Saluvas were already relations of the royal family. During the time of Devaraya II, Saluva Tipparaja, the father of Goparaja and a brotherin-law of the king, was the viceroy over the Tekkal country. And Saluva Narasimha's assumption of the de facto regal position was but the precursor of a political phenomenon like the rule of Aliya Ramaraja in Sadasiva's time about the middle of the sixteenth century. The expression Usurpation' may jar on the ears of the advocates of strict succession. Still usurpers are not always to be denounced. If the last members of a ruling family happen to be successively unfit to wield the reins of the government and if the imperial interests are certain thereby to be jeopardised, a usurper is to be welcomed. And the fact that the usurper continues to rule on under exactly the previous conditions is but the testimony to the legitimacy of his assumption. An honest, just and judicious usurper has as much title to the historian's respect as a later ruling family has. If the Vijayanagara dynasty has risen to prominence and illumined the pages of South-Indian history, it is because the earlier houses, namely the Chola, the Pandya and the Hoysala, had degenerated. The continuity of the state is maintained by such judicious replacements and assumptions. Political philosophy has a good word even for the 'tyrants' of Greece. Saluva Narasimha assumed royal titles about A.D. 1484. There were many circumstances favourable to his ascendency for some time. From A.D. 1375 the south had been independently held by the Sa uva chief Gopa-Tippa. Narasimha himself had been minister under three successive sovereigns, viz., Praudha Devaraya, Virapaksha and Mallikarjuna. To a long ministerial experience and the resultant influence in the state he added the glories of a conqueror and a defender of the capital, which naturally made him the fittest and so the most popular leader of the state in the decadent stage of the hereditary line of kings. During his ministry and his rule the kingdom itself was known to foreigners as 'the kingdom of Narasimha,' because of his domination over it for a peaceful and prosperous period of 44 years. The Saluva dynasty, too, had a brief period of rule and yielded place to the Tuluva dynasty to which Krishnaraya belonged. The ascendency of the latter was also the result of the weakness of the departed dynasty. Minister ousted minister, usurper ousted usurper, but only with the intention of maintaining the state in its ancient integrity, strength and glory. Such successions as these were but the medieval manifestations of the operations of the law of the 'rule of the hero' as against the 'rule of the heir.'

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10 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JANUARY, 1923 Thus, from A.D. 1336 to about A.D. 1506, i.e., for about 170 years, the Vijayanagara Empire had gone through a process of consolidation and expansion. Internally it was, generally speaking, strong. Though the ruling person and family occasionally proved unequal to the task, the organising ani governing resources of the state were yet strong. Throughout the whole of Southern India from the Konkan in the west to Kanchi in the east, and from Udayagiri in the north to Tinnevelly in the south, the Vijayanagara rule had been known, though appreciated only in parts. The idea of an All-South Indian sovereignty, with its centre at Vijayanagara, had now come to be felt and realised, though certain local ruling families were awaiting an opportunity to shake off its supremacy. The occasional troubles in the royal family and in the capital, owing to disputed but soon-settled successions in the one case, and to powerful but repulsed foreign attacks by the Muhammadans and their allies in the other, conjured up ideas of independence in the representatives of such local families. But the time - was soon to come when the brand of the Vijayanagara supremacy was to be set upon the whole of Southern India. During the period consolidation progressed mainly in the western, southern and eastern parts of the peninsula; the north was almost always out of its dominion. The Bahmini Muhammadans and the Gajapatis of Orissa were generally in league against the rising southern power. The Period of Expansion. The imperial enterprise and aspirations of the Vijayanagara house till the close of the fifteenth century were limited to the conquest of the country between the Malprabha and the Bhima rivers in the north and the Kaveri on the south. This part of the country had been already consolidated to a great extent. In the earlier days of the empire the chief concern of the rulers was to resist the attacks of the Muhammadans from the north and save the capital with the peninsular dominions attached to it. During this period of defensive conquest, the forts of Raichur and Mudkal had many . time passed under their rule. But with the opening of the sixteenth century the Vijayanagara monarch framed and undertook a military policy which was very far-sighted and venturesome. The permanent conquest of Raichur and Mudkal on the Bahmini frontier was held absolutely necessary for keeping back the encroachments of the Muhammadans. The policy was intended to handicap the enemy's resources and attempts by planting military outposts in his lands. This long. cherished and much-emphasised conquest could not be effectively carried out before two decades of the sixteenth century had passed. Krishnaraya adopted the military and political testaments of his predecessor and executed them to the letter. He not only fulfilled but improved upon them. The Adil Shahi capital, viz., Bijapur fell into his hands. But Krishnaraya's rule did not begin so prosperously. Rebellions were springing up. Encroachments had taken place. The former had to be quelled and the latter get back. The Um. mattur chiefs of Maisur laid claim to the lordship of Penugonda. Krishnaraya, as the first step in his conquering career, put them down. This was enough to ring the note of his greatness and that of Vijayanagara supremacy throughout the south. To the east he made three expeditions, by which the provinces of Udayagiri and Kondavidu were recovered to the Vijayanagara crown. Successively his conquests and dominions extended into Kalinga, the modern Gaijam and Vizaga patam districts. Cuttack is also claimed among his conquestb. In his day the Vijayanagara Empire reached its widest boundaries. These conqueste dealt a severe blow to the Golkonda Musselmans and their ally, the Gajapatis of

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JANUARY, 1923] THE ORIGIN, ETC., OF THE VIJAYANAGARA EMPIRE Orissa. But his conquest and occupation of Bijapur is the crowning event of his glorious military career. No part of the presidency is there, where his inscriptions are not found. During his time the Hindu as well as Muhammadan adversaries in the north of the Vijayanagara Empire had their beards singed in their own strongholds. 11 Krishnaraya was not merely a conqueror and general but also a sagacious and farseeing statesman. His personality commanded a glorious literary homage from contemporary poets and the highest personal regard from his vassals. With the Araviti family, a member of which had formerly helped Saluva Narasimha a great deal in the firm establishment of his kingdom, Krishnaraya formed marriage relations. Ramaraja and Ti amala, the later ministers and masters of the Vijayanagara state, were his sons-in-law. The other families also were kept warmly attached to him. About ten ruling families of the Telugu and Kanarese provinces were his devoted supporters and participated in his conquests and administration. With these commanding and attractive qualities he combined a delicate sense of chivalrous honour for his captive adversaries. The Gajapati prince who had resisted his attacks on Udayagiri and Kondavidu was taken a political prisoner. But as the next diplomatic step Krishnaraya made him the Governor of a Kanarese province in Maisur. He was also much sought after by the Portuguese of Goa, who in other reigns were either challenging or setting at nought the power of the Vijayanagara king. With Krishnaraya passed away the days of expansion. Consolidation again occupied the attention of the ruler in Achyutaraya's time. The extreme south of the peninsula revolted. A special expedition under the personal command of the Vijayanagara emperor quelled the rebellion. The Portuguese of Goa declared their independence. Achyutadeva was of much softer stuff than Krishnaraya. He was mostly led by his brother-in-law in the Government of the Empire. Family dissensions broke out after his death. But the interest of the Government and the maintenance of its ancient glory brought to the front the political genius of Ramaraja, the son-in-law of Krishna the Great and the brother-inlaw of Sadasiva the Mild, the successor of Achyuta. He was one of the greatest ministers of the Vijayanagara throne. In his time the empire was almost in the same glorious condition as in Krishna's time. The Bahmini kingdoms in their political vicissitudes very often appealed to and got a mediatory help from him. In many a treaty between any two of these Muhammadan states he had a voice the very powerful voice-of the arbitrator. This reminds us strongly of the position of England as an arbitrator in the European continental affairs in the time of Henry VIII. His greatness was acknowledged by his contemporary sovereigns. He had a great genius for organisation and command at home and effective diplomacy abroad. If the battle of Talikota succeeded it was during a providential moment of union among the bickering Bahmini kingdoms; for before and after the event these were ever divided amongst themselves. Even the loss of the battle with the fall of this pillar of Vijayanagara is by some Muhammadan contemporary writers attributed to a plot laid by two Muhammadan employees in Ramaraja's army. Ramaraja had but shortly before offended Muhammadan susceptibilities by the misuse of their sacred places at a time of friendly but advantageous occupation of their territory. Vengeance was intended and wreaked. Vijayanagara the capital town, the 'like of which was not known elsewhere in the mediaeval world,' changed its face. The cloud of desolation rose on her skies. Like Ayodhya after the withdrawal of R&ma, Vijayanagara remained desolate and disconsolate. The old royal line had become almost extinct. And like the Saluvas, the Aravitis, who were relations of the royal family by marriage, assumed the crown. Though after 1565 the city of Vijayanagara might not have been the same famous city of yore, the Amaravat! of the times, the Vijayanagar Empire did not end then. For fully a century later, its supremacy was willingly recognised in the south, and its memories lovingly enshrined in tradition and literature.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JANUARY, 1923 Among the causes that led to its final decay and disappearance from the pages of history were : (1) the weakness of the later members of the royal line ; (2) the rise of the Rajas of Maisur to independence ; (3) the growing power of the Nayakas of Madura and Tanjore who, though acknow. ledging the sovereignty of the Karnata kings, were stronger than they ; (4) the Mussalman occupation of the country round Arcot, which was near Chandra giri, the latest capital of the house ; (5) the Maratha occupation of Jinji in Sivaji's time and the unnational co-opera tion of his successors in the south with the Mussalmans there against the representatives of the Karnata line. Though the practical sovereignty of the Vijayanagara house passed away about the middle of the seventeenth century, a sentimental recognition of it survived even as late as A.D. 1790. This is a good testimony to its original power later greatness and popu. larity and to the respect accorded to it even in the days of its infirmity and decease. Throughout the period of its powerful existence the Vijayanagara kingdom was but a member of a complex political group. From the fourteenth to the seventeenth centuries of the Christian era this political group consisted of the five Bahmini Mussalman kingdoms and the one growing Hindu kingdom of Vijayanagara. The former, though related to one another by the tie of common religion, were still divided by the law of rival kingdoms. It is a mistake to imagine that religion kept on the Muhammadan kingdoms in a settled line of political unselfishness towards one another. It cannot be said either that these kingdoms recognised any such potential larger commonwealth as the several members of the United States of America now recognise. Encroachments and aggrandisements were common among them. In such a political world, the Hindu kingdom of Vijayanagara had great scope for extending its political influence into the Bahmini zone. In the early part of the sixteenth century when the Bahmini kingdom underwent dissolution and five monarchies emerged from it, the Vijayanagara kings largely controlled the balance of power among the Bahmini states, just as the kings of England maintained a balance of power in the continent about the same period. While by its opposition to the advance of the Muhammadan conquests and civilisation into the south, this kingdom humanised and tamed the conquering and plundering instincts of the aliens, by its diplomatic influence on their politics it checked the rise of any one of these to extraordinary power to the detriment of the interests of the other kingdoms and of its own power. By keeping them at bay and reducing them to conditions of friendship or subordination, it familiarised them with the worthy features of Hindu life and civilisation, and consequently brought them into sympathy with it. As a result of this long period of contact the later Muhammadan conquests of the southern Peninsula wera not marked by the savage character of the earlier conquests. On the other hand, we find such political phenomena as the Muhammadan chief 'Ayinu'l-Mulk being a willing and brother-like vassal of Rama Raja and the Muhammadan king Ibrahim of Golkonda staying with Rama Raja for some years in his court, as a result of which Ibrahim cultivated a strong taste for Telugu Literature and became in his later ruling days a patron of Telugu poetry. As a result of this appreciation of Hindu civilisation and character, Muhammadan kings even confirmed and granted numberless agraharas to Hindus. In this and other respects Vijayanagara bequeathed a humane and pro-Hindu policy to its Muhammadan successors. If the south as compared with the north of India bears to-day a lighter imprint of Islamic civilisation, it is because of the powerful existence for more than two centuries of this empire whose full history has yet to be written.

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JANUARY, 1923) THE MULLAIPAI TU THE MULLAIPATTU. (An Ancient Tamil Idyll.) BY J. M. SOJASUNDRAM, B.A. The Tholledppiyam, the oldest and best Tamil Grammar extant and the most precious mine of information on the ancient Tamils, has a chapter on the Porul, or song of love and war, creating a series of laws for a correct' construction of life. In this it has been followed by the latest orthodox grammars. In the first place a porul must consist of akam or internal subject and puram or external subiect. That is to say, the akam is concerned with love between two human souls brought together providentially or by chance, their joys and sorrows, hopes and fears their love undergoing no change whatever in the various vicissitudes of life. While the puram is concerned with nearly all the activities of human society primarily with war and the martial exploits of the people. In the next place, for the purposes of a porul, the Tamil Country is divided into four divisions called thinai, vix., Kurinji (hill), Mullai (forest), Marutham (cultivated plain), Neithal (sea-board). Later a fifth, Palai (desert) was added. Each of the above divisions is held to have its own characteristics as to outward features and setting, flora, fauna and climate, and as to inhabitants and their occupation and character. The people and chiefs, too, in each had special names; and further, the lovers in each had their peculiar and appropriate states of mind and behaviour, governed by surroundings, the time of the day and the season of the year. All this could never, however, be strictly adhered to, and a mingling of feelings and behaviour common to the whole world is not uncommonly met with in the songs. In this way, the distinctive behaviour expected of a lover was illicit or secret union among the Kuravars of the hills (Kurinji), patience among the Idayers of the forests (Mullai, the divi sion we are now concerned with), sulks among the Ulavar of the cultivated plains (Marutham), pining among the Paravars of the sea-board (Neithal), and separation among the Maravars or Vedars of the deserts (Palai). Each division had its special deity. Muruga for the hill folk. Mal (Vishnu) for the forest folk, Indra for the agriculturist of the plains (Maruthamakkal), Varuna for the fishermen of the sea-board, and Durga for the hunters of the deserts, for which term read jungles. Each division had, of course, its own peouliar occupations and marriage customs, determined by heredity and environment. The main points requisite for the correct' setting of a porul, or ancient Tamil song of love and war, may be tabulated as follows: Thinai or District. Description of District, Deity 1- of District. People of District. Description of People. Characteristic attitude of Lovers, 1. Kurinji .. Hill tracts ..Muruga .. Kursvar .. Wild hillmen. Secret or Illicit union. 2. Mullai .. Forests .. Mal (Vishnu) Idayer Forest herds. Patience. men. 3. Marutham. Cultivated Indra .. Ulavar (Ma. Cultivators..Sulks. plains. ruthamik 4. Neithal .. Sea-board .. Varuna .. Paravar ..Fishermen, Pining. seamen and merchants. 3. Palai .. Desert Durga Maravar or Huntsmen .. Separation. Vedar. kal). Ma jungles.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JANUARY, 1923 Al this means that the ancient Tamils were recognised by themselves as consisting of wild men of the hills, herdsmen of the forests, cultivators of the plains, fishermen and sea. men of the coasts, and hunters of the jungles : each class with its inherited cult and customs This observation leads by way of corollary to the suggestion that the order in which the thinai, or districts, their descriptions and their people are placed, connotes successive stages in civic life. That is, the ancient Tamils passed from a primitive life to civilisation, successively from a wild life in the hills to a pastoral life in the forests, thence to an agricultural life in the well-watered plains and onwards to that of fishermen and seamen on the seaboard. including & high civilisation as merchant adventurers. Later on the hunter's life of the jungle was also recognised as a lifo apart. As has been above shown, each of the stages in civilisation was held to have developed a characteristic temperament. A poet was therefore bound to set his song of love and war according to the district in which his story was placed, and the rules which bound him algo obliged him to add certain other items to the setting, which wore prescribed for him. Nevertheless, he was able, by attention to minute and elaborate details, held to be appro. priate, to produce a beautiful as well as a typical idyll. In the poem now given in translation the scene is laid in the Mullai Thinai, or forest district, and accordingly the following characteristic details (Karuporul) are incorporated in it: the food grains are ragi and samai; the animals are stags and hares; the trees konrai and kurunthu; the flower, mullai; the-birds, wild-fowl; the occupation, grazing; the music, sadari, clamorous songs with bucolic sports; the water, fresh streams; the deity, Mal or Vishnu, (which looks as if the Brahmans had already appropriated the local god, Mal, to their own Vishnu); the season and time, winter and evening, by 'winter' understanding the rainy season; and there are other minor obligatory details. We find that practically all the early poems contain similar details of the thinai chosen, and hence one may surmise that the earliest Tamil poetic compositions were Pastorals. This may well have been the case, as the beauty of the Mullai or Forest Country and the comparatively restful life that came to those men by turning to grazing herds and cattle for a livelihood may well have first roused the poetic faculty in them to activity. Put very briefly, the story of the Mullaipaltu is that of a heroine waiting for her hero absent on a campaign, in fond and loving thought of him. She pictures him in oamp and the neighing of his horses rings in her ears. Finally her lover is restored to the patient lady. The poem contains 103 lines and is couched in the form of a conversation among the heroine's attendant matrons, disclosing her state of mind and that of the warriors in camp, and incidentally the nature of the Southern rainy season and the great prowess of the hero. It is thus an ancient poem on lines that have very long since become familiar to the world. It is the setting that is of interest now. The Mullaipattu is the fifth of the series comprising the Ten Idylls known as the Pathu. pattu. It was composed by Napputhanar, the son of a jeweller, or rather dealer in gold, of Kaverippumpattinam. The date of the poem cannot be definitely fixed, but it belongs to that stage of Tamil literature when the Third Tamil Sangam flourished in Madura. which scholars agree to place between the second and third centuries A.D. I give below a translation of this Idyll and need hardly say that the beauty of the original is lost in the rendering of it into a foreign language. Nevertheless, the glimpses of ancient manners, thought and conditions of life reflected in the poem are of exceeding interest.

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JANUABY, 1923) THE MULLAIPATTU The Mullaipattu. On a winter evening, before the gathering in of night, when the fast sailing clouds even as Thirumal (Shri-Vishnu) bearing Lakshmi on His bogom, and the chakra and the right-spiral conch in His hands, heightened Himself when Mahavali poured water into His palms-rose high aloft into the heavens, drunk with the cold water of the roaring seas, and having rested for a while on the high mountains enveloping the expansive world, were pouring out their heavy rain--then the aged matrons of the palace bent their steps to the outskirts of the well-guarded city, and offering to the deity a nali of paddy and sweet-emel. ling mullai, which had blossomed to tunes resembling those of yal hummed by swarming bees, stood with folded hands waiting for words of omen. And having heard, they returned and spoke to her (the heroine) who had jewels lying loose on her person and pearly drops of tears collecting in her flower-like eyes darkened by collyrium. The words (of good omen that they] heard were those of a young shepherd. ess, who, with arms crossed over her shivering shoulders, observing the impatience and trouble of young calves fastened by cords, told them their mothers would very soon come to them, driven from behind by cow-herds with crooks in their hands. [Said they] "Thou, of mamai complexion, such were the words of good omen that we heard. Be Thou com forted. It is certain thy Lord crowned with victory will soon be here, laden with the spoils of war and the tributes of his enemies." Uncomforted even by these profuse words (of sympathy], she contemplated her Lord, now missing from her side, in an encampment, bordered by streams and as expansive as the sea in the midst of a jungle. (Her mind's eye saw) his camp pitched in a wide jungle which had been cleared of far-smelling pidavam and other green bushes after the fastnenges of the Vedars, who formed the enemy's frontier-guard, had been destroyed. It was fortified by a hedge of forest thorns. At the junction of straight long strects of camp, thatched with green leaves, smalleyed elephants with cheeks emitting ichor stood on guard, refused to eat the bundles of tall sugar-canes, stalks of paddy and sweet leaves, and [only] brushed their faces with them and laid their trunks over sharp-pointed tusks, while young elephant-drivers in their northern dialect urged them to eat the masses of food [before them), pricking them with their sharp forked goads. In his tent supported on poles (fixed in the ground) and secured by cords, [his) quiver of arrowe-such as em boldens one not to fly from the field-hung from shis) bow. like as the crimson-dyed clothes of austere Andhanas are suspended from their tripods. The [tent-poles made out of} spears with carved flower-heads and shields are the warrior's] only.protection. Encircled by these [tents) and amidst the armies speaking many different tongues is set apart the [King's) tent of different coloured canvas, supported on well-seasoned staves. Damsels with arms adorned with small bracelets and with tresses which fall on beauteous shoulders are on guard both day and night, their vari-coloured belts shining with glitter ing daggers, and move about with oil-cans lighting numerous lamps and replenishing them with oil, and trimming their wicks as they burn out. At.midnight, long after the long-tongued bell has rung all to rest, aged body-guards of majestic bearing go around the camp with drowsy eyelids like full-blown punali creepers and bushes shaken by drizzle and gentle breeze, and, those infallible in calculating time,

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JANUARY, 1923 announce the hour of night thus "O Thou that vanquisheth thine enemies in this wide world surrounded by roaring waters, this is the time of night as seen from thy nalika-vattil." 1 Valiant Yavanas (western foreigners) of fearful appearance and muscular build, clad in tight jackets, which cover their bodies and hide their horse-whips, stand outside on guard. Within the elegant well-lit inner apartment, adorned with tiger-chains of skilled workmanship. well-clad dumb Mechas (who make themselves understood by signs) attend on the King, who spends a sleepless night absorbed in thoughts of [coming] battle. In that camp, filled with sweet music of the drums of victory-the camp, the very thought of which makes his enemies quake with fear-the King is reclining on a bed, supporting his head on an arm wearing a kadakam, and thinks of his men who hewed down their enemies, of his elephants forgetful of their females and wounded by hard-hitting swords, of his warriors gaining laurels by hewing to the earth trunks of elephants that fall and quiver like serpents, [of men) who sacrifice their very life in battle, jealous to gain victory for the honey-filled wreath and bounty in reward, and of horses in pain that decline to eat their grass, pricking their ears on hearing the sound of the piercing arrows on their shields of protection. With the flame of the thick wicks burning steadily out of the hollow of the hands of golden statues, in her beautiful apartment in her great palace of seven storeys, the Queen thinks of the King meditating thus in his camp, and contemplating many things she quivers as & peacock pierced by an arrow. She secures fast [her] wristlets that have loosened and slipped down and breathes deeply, pining over the absence of her lord, lost in contemplation of him. And as she heard the sound of the rain-water falling from the corners of her mansion, she Was reminded of her lord's promised time of return, (when) the neighing of the steeds attached to his chariot of invincible fame reached her beautiful ears the King returning from the victorious field coveted by his enemies with streaming standards which knew naught but victory. (Behind him) followed a large army with horns and conches blowing-leaving behind them the profuse valli roots that matured in that season, the stag with his knotted branching horns frisking about with his hind amid ripening stalks of varagu, already in want of the rains which now begin to drizzle in tiny drops with the beginning of the winter (season) the kaya trees whose profuse leaves pour forth their dark flowers, the konrai trees whose tender leaflets and branches send a shower of gold, the pointed buds of white kandhat whose blossom is as wide as the palm, and the thonri which had put forth its red blossoms. they came along the wide red sandy paths overgrown with forest vegetation. MISCELLANEA. PAISACH AND CHOLIKAPAISACHIKA. paisachiks. But he describes two varieties of theOn . 52 of Volume LI of the Indian Antiquary latter. One of these varieties closely agrees with the W. P. V. Ramanujaswimf discusses a remark of Paisachi of Vararuchi, while the other agrees with mine that H&machandra in his Prakrit Grammar the Paisach of the later Eastern Grammarians, trents of three varieties of Paiflchi, and maintains Rama-Sarman and Markanddya. These two varieties that Hamachandra knows of only two varieties.differ in one most important point of phonetics, May I point out that this is a mere question of and though Hamachandra is entitled, if he plossen, worde. Hamachandra cortainly does admit the exist-to group them together under one head, I still noe of only two dialoote, --Paislobf and Chalika-l think that << clearer perception of the Paibach 1 Nalika-attil:. clepsydra or ancient water-clock. It consists of graduated metal cup with hole in the contre placed in . vennel of water. As the water rose in the cup it indicated the hour.

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JANUARY, 1923) MISCELLANEA. 17 known to him is to be obtained by saying that, -as The adverb baram, which meant 'greatly', was he actually does-he describes three varieties, viz., perhaps derived from the same root. Tamil authors Paitachi proper, and two varieties of Chalika have written the name as karunadu, which in that paibachika. language, even in the modern dialect, would mean May I add that never, even in my wildest elevated land, and Tamil scholars, like Mr. moments, have I thought that the word "Chalike-Justice Sesha Aiyar of Travancore, have commended paisachiko" employed by Homachandra was a the new derivation, for unlike Chola, Pandya, dual, as Mr. Ramanujazwami suggests that I may Korals, and other Dravidian lands of the south, have done. It is of course a locative singular. Karpata was situated on a plateau and is still spoken of as the land above the Ghate. The Tamil I must repeat that the difference between him and me is one of words and of words only. He word may, however, be a corruption of the Sans. maintains, and I fully admit, that Homachandra krit name. H. NARAYANA RAO. groupa Paisachs under two appellations, but that, as I have explained, is not inconsistent with the fact that Hemachandra actually describes three AN EPITHET OF SAMUDRAGUPTA. varieties. P CWTTNe , one of the epithets, always GEORGE GRIEBSON. and only, applied to the Gupta emperor, SamudraTHE CORE OF KARNATA. gupta, shows that he revived the ancient rite of the horse-sacrifice which had long remained in Inscriptions found in Dharwar distriot speak of a aboyance. But the Cammaks oopper-plate part of Kuntala as Eradagundu 1.4., XII, p. 271; in cription 1 of the Vakataka Maharaja Pravarasena E.I., XIII, p. 326. This expression literally means II shows that Prevaragena I had celebrated the two-six-hundred, or twelve-hundred. Dr. Fleet horse-sacrifice however, han interpreted it as the name of a two four times, ( :) district area comprising six-hundred villages, the and that Maharaja Sri Bhavanaga of the Bhidiatriota being Puligere three-hundred, and Belvola radivas bad oelebrated it as many as ton times three-hundred. In a Nilgunda inscription those T ( u rch, eto). dietricts are mentioned as Detri dalam, two-three. These two kings no doubt lived before Samodra. hundred-E.I., IV, p. 206. This disoropanay has not gupta : The daughter of Candragupta IT, named been explained. Now it so happens that the poet PrabbAvatigupta had married Rudrasena II, the Ranns, in his Gadd yuddha (982 4 D.), describes his great great grandson of Maharaja Pravaradona 1.3 language as that of Eradagundru, the core of Kan. If the identification of Rudragens I, the grandmade-I, 42. His native district must therefore have son of Pravarasena I, with the Rudradeva of the been included in the area, and from his Agila-Purdna, Allahabad Pillar inscription is accepted, Samu. XII. 46, we learn that he was born at Muduvolalu, dragupta would be the contemporary of the grandin Jambukhandi Seventy, Belugali Five-hundred. son of Pravarmena I of the VALAtakas. Maharaja It was at one timoa three-hundred district-E.I., Bhavanaga's time goes further back as he was the VI, p. 29; VII, p. 209. In the previous century father-in-law of Maharaja Pravaradens I. (See the author of Kapirdja-marga had placed the core of the expression T ime TraitKannada between the towns Kisuvolalu, Onkunda, Pudigere, and Kopana. This last was in Hagaritige , oto, in the Cammaka plate referred to Three-hundred-E.I., XII, p. 308. I think there above.) foro that Eradarunuru comprised four three How is it then that Samudragupta revived the hundred districts, Bevole, Belgali, Puligote, and horse-sacrifice, which had remained long in abeyance, Hagaritige. probably since the days of Pusyamitra of the I may add that the derivation of Karpata from sunga dynasty 14 kari-nddu, black country, does not satisfy many Kings like Pravarasena and Bhavanaga may Indian rholars, for Mysore is not black, and they not have a good a reason to celebrate the horsedo not consider it probable that a land which sacrifice as Samudragupta undoubtedly had according to Nripatunga stretobod from the Kaveri and really when the father-in-law of the Bhiraiva to the Godavari, would be described by an inaun- dynasty pelebrates the secrifice ten times and the picious colour. I have proposed to derive the son-in-law of the Vakataka dynasty oelebrate Dame from kart-nddu, elevated or great land. As it at least four times, their horse-sacrifice oould separate word, karu, in this sense, is now obso not have been more than petty formal affairs loto, but it survives in the names of places like without the real substance. Yet the rito as such Kardru, and in words liko karumdda, lofty dwel. was in practice not very long before Samudragupta ling, and karugallu, large stone which mark and how can it be said that he revived it ? the site of village and is annually worshipped D. B. DTB ALKAL. 1 Pleot's CJ. No. 56. B.I., Jan. 1019, p. 39. Fleet's G.I., No.. Smith 2.2.1... 26

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19 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY JANUARY, 1923 NOTES ON 'HALA 'ANDPAILAM'IN SO 'Ndla' is 7x7X 4X 28 X 1265868 square A GUJARAT OOPPER-PLATE GRANT. cubit3' 4 acres (circ.) Recently I had occasion to go through the Prof. Hultach has not stated whether the Supaka gant of the Chalukya king Karnadeva. 'hala' measure is still current in Guzarat or not: as published in Vol. I of Epigraphin Indica (vide I believe the measure may yet be found to exist No. XXXVI, pp. 316-318) and interpreted by there as in Sylhet. Prof. E. Holtzsch. The words Hala and Paildr As regards pdild, not only the translation occur in the phrase EG if () Y but also the explanation in the foot-note seems to be tentative. Dr. Buhler's identification of it ET T T AT (1. 10-11 of plate 1 of the with modern pdyali is based on conjecture. Led grant). This phrase has been translated as by such an insecure interpretation of paildri, follows: "hala 4 ll. e. (in words) four ploughe Prof. Hultzach has translated vahantili) very of land carrying, (ie., requiring as seed corn) 12 curidusly, as "carrying (i.6., requiring as seed corn)." pillana (or 48 sers): and to this a footnote has Vahanti ought to be translated as "bearing * (ie, been added as follows: producing)": in that case the above interpretation of I owe this explanation of the words Y pilan becomes apparently erroneous. TEC to Dr. Buhler, who remarks on them-"The Curiously enough, this pailam' measure of com is found in certain quarters in the same distranslation is merely tentative. Pallamh seems to be the Gujarati plural of pdilun, which latter I take trict of Sylhet especially in the great rice-produc ing pargand Baniyachang. to be indentical with the modern P dyal 'a measure The table is as follows: of four sera' (or 48 pounda). See Shapurji Edalji's 77 seers (of paddy) .. 1 pura. Gujarati and English Dictionary, 2nd Edition, .. 16 puras 1 bhuta. 16 bhatas .. PADA aeft.' Unlike the Gujarati 'ser' --which seems to Here though something has been said of Pallari weigh 1.2 lb. [as pdyali is 4 eers (or 48 lbs.) vide measure, the word "hala' has remained unex the foot-noto already quoted)--the seer here is plained. about 2 lbs, and 40 scera make a maund. So that In two Copper plates grantal discovered about a pild is 7 goers X 16 X 16+40=16 maunds. Afty years ago in Sylhet, the word 'hala' ooours A keddra of a well-cultivated fertile fold in the as . moasure of land and although Dr. Mitra said locality (in Sylhet) may yield as much as discussed a good deal about the word, he did not 4 bhutas (.e. 12 maunds) of paddy, a hAla of land say how much land was exactly meant by the of above condition may produce 48 bhoths or 3 term. He could have, however, easily got the pallas-80 that 4 halas may bear 12 paslas. Assu. requisito information, only if he had equired ming that the land granted was the best of the about it of any person belonging to the locality: sort, the above calculations may suit the grant me in the distriot of Sylbot, hala commonly of the Chalukya king. The poliris in the Suaska called Mla' is yet a current measure of land. plates inscriptions has apparently no connection The table below will show the details : with payalib of the modern use and so no fantastio ..l nala? (rod or rather reed intrepretation 7 cubits need be put on vahani to suit a wrong conjecture. of measure) Sometimes two extremes meet 1 nala X I nala.. I rekha. and here, an ancient record discovered in the western part of 1 rokhas ..l yashti. India ban ita interpretation supported even by the Ayhtis kedern (called Keyara mala stan of this at leon in the na m net commonly). province in the Empire ! 12 keddrae .. hAla. PADMANATH BEATROHARTYA. 1 Vide procredings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, No, VIII, August, 1880: Dr, Rajonda Mila's article on "Copper-plates inscriptions from Sylhet." * The langth of this monoring rod varies a little sometime but such a variation is negligible. It is rekable that all thote term of land cerurenent are pure Sanskrit words. La mome of the Kamarups copper plates inscriptions, land granted has been mentioned with the predo: ago, in Bala-Varman's pant WASB., 1897, pt I, pp. 285 et seq.), wo find " Dhanyachstus maharotosttimati bhumik " (land producing 4000 peddy) I peet, the word pads in the Sunda grant indoriptions is with a wrong anuaudra and the crude tora should be in the Sylhet Table. This in paulan should have been 3 (visarga) if inflected in accumtive plural for it might have been without any sign of infootion, like the word hala in " balse I vwy strange indeed that the same locality in Bylhet has Domuro similar ta name with payat, it is onlled which, however is equal to piede in. 30 mars or the ol d , and not * menecm14 1b. in welche

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JANUARY, 1923) BOOK-NOTICES 19 BOOK-NOTICES. JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY. Published by the Professor Shalaat Ahmed Khan, who writes most Dopartment of Modern Indian History, three times of the issue, han a third article in which he printa a vearly. Edited by Prorsa SHAYAAT AHMAD series of doouments on Britisb Indian History, that KEAN, LETT. D; F.R. Historical Society. Univer- are after my own heart, and he follows them up pity Professor of Modern Indian History, Allaha- with more documents on "The E. I. Company's bad. Vol. I, Pt. I. Serial No. 1. Nov. 1921. War with Aurangzeb" in a fashion altogether Yet another periodical in English conducted commendable. Altogether by Indians, published this time by the The two other articles are a chapter from the Indian Branch of the Oxford University Press, I writer's (Professor Beni Prasad) forthcoming His. and devoted to History, has been launched into tory of Jahangir, which I for one shall be glad to see, the sea of Oriental Research. Such a fact is in and an account by Professor Ishwari Prasad, 'Aditself a further proof of the great change that has ministration of Sher Shah,' which follows rather come over Indian Education within the experience soon upon Professor Kalikaranjan Qanungo's of the present writer, due, be it observed, to the excellent Sher Shah; but that ruler's reign was so large-minded methods of the British Government important to the history of modern India, that we in educating the people with whom it has had to can hardly have too much of honest studies of it. deal. It is not many years ago since the On the whole we may afely congratulate the production of such a Journal as that under review University of Allahabad on the opening number of would have been impossible. its historical journal. Having said thus muoh, let The pubioote dealt with in this first issue of the an old friend of Indian rescaroh say word of new periodical are fascinating indeed. It starte criticism. There are too many misprints, but with East India Trade in the XVIIth Century," I know the diffoulty of avoiding those in English giving well informed general moount thereof by work in India. I have also tested references and the editor, based on original research in English, quotations and find them by no means noourato an Librariee-the right and, ono may say, the only way old "Indian" failing. to produce paper that can be of real o to stu. R. C. TEMPLE. dents, whether the opinions expressed by the author THE SUBJECT INDEX TO PERIODICATA, 1917-1919. as the result of his research are to the mind of the Issued by the Literary Association. I.-Language reader or not. This is followed by a still more valuable Article and Literature.-Pt. 1. Classical, Oriental and on the "Sources for XVIIth Century British India Primitive. August 1921, the Library Association, in the British Archives." This is worth even an Stapley House, 33 Bloomsbury Square, London, W.C. 1. Agents: P.8. King and Son, Ltd. old student's serious attention, le Professor Shafaat Ahmad Khan has made good use of his time in Price 2g. 6d.net. England to dive not only into the resources of the I have much pleasure in bringing this very fine British Mureum, tha Bodleian and several Libraries compilation to the notice of the readers of the in London-he migbt have included Cambridge in Indian Antiquary. The scope of the ligt inoludes Classical his purview-but he has also included in his search and Oriental Literature, Mythology, the WAS. Geography, History and Chronology and Primitivo Amined by the Historical Manuscripte Coinmission and the enormous mass of M8. matter Language and Literature. But Archeology and Art are included in a separate List "Fine Arts, so. at the India Office and Public Record Othoo. Other lists are in the course of publication. Many in the latter collection I may add are, however, PS e. d. still - indexed as to be practically beyond the un. A. Theology and Philosophy . 0 7 6 initiated searcher's capacity to discover. In this B-E. Historical, Political, and connection I am glad to observe the following remark Economic Sciences ... .. on p. 80:-"John Marshall was probably the first F. Education and Child Welfare .. Englishman who learnt the Sanskrit language and G. Fine Art and Arohnology .. 0 9 0 explained the philosophy, the religion and the H. Music .. .. .. .. 03 customs of the Hindus. His manuscripts were 1. Language sad Literature, written during the years 1662-4." John Marshall Pt. 1. Classical, Oriental and Primitive o 96 was a more remarkable man than is now recognised, Pt. 2. Modern, including Bibliography and his observations on trade were quite out of the and Library Administration .. O OO m on. His work. M . whole want rescuing J. Science and Technology (in preparation), from the MSS. and detailed competent editing. The work has been magnificently done by oom. The article winds up with long depeription of the potent editors, and authore in this Journal wm and Rewino M88. at the Bodleians and their bearing their communications adequately represented among obredo, which is most useful m a referonoo lokher papers on the same subjects. - memorsodum for the searcher to keep by him.

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20 INDIAN ANTIQUARY LA CHINE, par HENRI CORDIER, membre de l'Institut, Prof. a l'Ecole des Langues Orientales. Collection Payot ; Directeur, Georges Batault. Payot et Cie., Paris, 106 Boulevard Saint-Germain. 1921. This is a useful little book of 138 pages duodecimo, on Chine, by the well known Sinologue, Prof. Henri Cordier. It is divided into two parts, descriptive and historical. Both are not only instructive, but of great weight as they come from so competent an authority on all he writes about. Certain items are very useful indeed, e.g., the weights and measures on pp. 67-68 and the table of Dynasties on pp. 135-138. The whole work should prove of great use as a vade mccum even to advanced students of things Chinese. R. C. TEMPLE. JIVATMAN IN THE BRAHMA-SUTRAS, a Comparative Study by ABHAYAKUMAR GUHA, M.A., PH.D., approved thesis for Ph.D., Calcutta. Calcutta University, 1921. This is a good specimen of the philosophico-religious work of the modern type of Hindu scholar-independent comparative examination of the original texts with a bold expression of opinion in consequence thereof. Whatever opinions one may have of the results attained, work on such lines is to be encouraged and makes for sound scholarship. The author is a true follower of the so-called "philosophy" of the Vedanta, and to him true knowledge is" revealed;" that is to say, it is not what Europeans understand by "philosophy." His mental attitude is shown in his concluding paragraph: "The Vedanta in its unfalsified form is the greatest consolation in the suffering of life and death, is the strongest support of the seekers after truth, and is the highest path that has ever been revealed unto humanity. It is not for India alone; in the language of Swamin Vivekananda, it is for the whole world. In the whole world there is hardly any study so beneficial and ennobling a that of the Vedanta. Nay, it is destined sooner or later to become the faith of the whole world." With these ideas fixed in his mind the author takes us through the many interpretations of what may be called the orthodox Hindu Theory of Life [ JANUARY, 1923 as contained in the commentaries of the recognised masters on Badarayana's sutras-Sankara, Ramanuja, Madhva, Baladeva, Srikantha, Nimvarka, Vallabha, Vijnanabhikshu and Bhaskara. He compares them all together and with many other writers of minor importance and with analogous works of European philosophers, profoundly disagreeing with these last, and also with many of the Indians too, even the most famous. With none of this am I disposed to quarrel. It all helps to a solution of a question which must vary with the inevitable increase in human knowledge, and about which, until it is "scientifically" settled, thinkers must continue to disagree. A LARGE "MAUND." The following note taken from an account of Waziristan in 1921 in the Journal of the United Service Institute of India for (1922), vol. LII, p. 61, is of some interest to numismatists: To these remarks I would add that the book contains much that is informing and many arresting arguments well worth study by all who would understand the attitude of many educated Hindus towards one of the most momentous questions that exists. Dr. Guha winds up his Preface with a statement which has my hearty agreement: "I am sorry to note that I have not been able to adopt the system of transliteration recommended by the Council of the Royal Asiatic Society, for want of necessary types with diacritical marks in the Press, where I have got this Thesis printed, for which I hope to be excused by all scholars engaged in Oriental studies. If any occasion arises for a second edition, I will certainly try to remove this and other blemishes that have passed unnoticed in the pages of this work." As one who has of late had to occupy an important position in the Council of the Royal Asiatic Society, and has moreover had to wrestle at his own expense with the vagaries of scholars and committees as to transliteration for more than a generation, I sincerely sympathise with Dr. Guha, and live in hope that the time is not far distant when a method of writing Oriental languages in Roman characters will have been devised that shall meet alike the necessities of an ordinary we never arrive at anything which will satisfy the printing press and the desires of scholars, even if demands of professed phonologists. R. C. TEMPLE. NOTES AND QUERIES. Institute of India for (1922), vol. LII, p. 61, is instructive from two points of view: (1) as showing how the kos is measured in mountainous country, and (2) as showing in mil mile that corruptions of English have extended beyond British India into. "The maund in Waziristan is 51 seers of 102 so un-British a country as Afghanistan. telahs or 2 pounds each" R. C. TEMPLE. KOS AND MIL= MILE The following extract from an account of Waziristan in 1921 in the Journal of the United Service! "The kos may be taken as in India for the fifth part of a manzil or day's march, which is less in hilly districts. The mil or English mile is understood by those who deal with Europeans." R. C. TEMPLE.

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FEBRUARY, 1923] SANSKRIT LITERATURE FROM THE WORKS OF PANINI, ETC. 21 HISTORY OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE FROM THE WORKS OF PANINI, KATYAYANA AND PATANJALI. BY DR, RADHAKUMUD MOOKERJI, M.A., PH.D. The title of the paper points to an important and interesting line of investigation which may be profitably undertaken by the historian of Sanskrit literature, who cannot always come across any very fertile sources of information in individual Sanskrit works. Such works generally, and naturally, refer to those bearing upon their own subject matter, and not to works treating of other topics. But the limitation of this reference does not apply to the grammatical works. For the traditional standpoint of Sanskritists has ascribed to grammar the position that modern pedagogics would ascribe to logic. Even in the Upanishads, grammar has been singled out among the then subjects of study as the Vedanam Veda, the science of sciences. Thus, by its inherent character, grammar has to draw freely and liberally upon the entire field of literature and folklore, of language, and even of the unwritten customs and usages of speech, for its data and materials, and transcends the limitations which restrict the range of other classes of works in respect of their literary references and allusions. Thus the sutras of Panini, the prince of grammarians, the vartikas of Katyayana, and the Mahabhishya of Patanjali, all abound in references to various classes of literature that were evolved up to their times and also, ocoasionally, even to individual works under these classes. If, with the distinguished Orientalist, Sir R, G. Bhandarkar, we roughly fix upon the seventh century B.o. as the date of Panini, and, according to the received opinion, B.C. 350 and B.C. 150 as approximately the dates of Katyayana and Patanjali, we shall have some knowledge of the history of Sanskrit literature for a period of about 500 years from the references those grammarians convey to the various Sanskrit works known to them and in their epochs. Sanskrit literature, in Panini's time, or, more strictly speaking, even before his time, had been sufficiently developed in volume and variety to be comprehended by him under several classes or types, sharply distinguished from one another in their contents and pur. poses and sometimes even in the principle of their growth or formation. As usual, the principle of classification adopted by Panini is at once novel and scientific and may be fruitfully applied to the history of all literatures. Panini's analytical insight has distinguished the following classes of literature in Sanskrit : 1. Dfishta, i.e., literature that is seen, or revealed' and is to be ascribed to authors specifically designated as seers ' or 'pishis. As extant examples of this revealed literature, Panini mentions the three Vedas generally (IV. 3, 129] and, individually, the Rig Veda (VI. 3, 55. 133; VII. 4, 39, etc.), Sama Veda (I. 2, 34; IV. 2, 7. 60; V. 2, 59, etc.), and a Yajur Veda (II. 4, 4; IV. 2, 60; V. 4, 77, etc.). As regards the Rig Veda, Panini knew of its Sakala sakha or recension (IV. 3, 128], of its Pada-patha [VI. 1, 115; VII, 1, 57; VIII. 1, 18, etc.) and Krama-pdfha (IV. 2, 61, etc.] and of its division into suktas, adhyayas, and anuvakas [V. 2, 60). As seers' or 'pishis' Panini mentions Vdmadeva (IV. 2, 7. 9), Praskanva, Harischandra, and Manghika. 1 A paper contributed to the second Oriental Conference.

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22 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (PEBRUARY, 1923 The practical applications of the three Vedas to the performance of religious ceremonies were also considerably developed in Panini's time, as is evident from his reference to several class of priestly specialists proficient in the particular practices of their respective arts. "These are Chhandoga, U kthika, Yajnika and Bahuricha (IV. 3, 129). The chhandoga or udgar i priests were those who sang in metre; the ukthikas were those who recited certain verses called ukthas as distinguished from the Samon verses which had to be chanted and from the yujus verses which were muttered sacrificial formula, as explained by Monier Williains. The ydjnikas were the priests connected with the Yajur Veda and the bahvichas were the Hotri priests who represented the Rig Veda in sacrificial ceremonies. In Panini's time each of these classes of priests developed special schools which were meant to conserve their own particular texts and rules to be studied by the priests concerned for purposes of their practical application in ceremonies. Panini is silent regarding the Atharva Veda, for the word occurs only in some of the ganas and not in his su tras. There is also the absence of a clear declaration in respect of the literature of the Aranyalons and Upanishads. The word aranyaka is explained in its literal sense and not as indicative of a literary work (IV. 2, 129), while the word u panishad is referred to in the sense of a secret [I. 4, 79), though the Balamanorama takes it to mean the literary work, Vedanta-bhaga. If we infer from Panini's silence regarding these works that they were not extant in his time, we must be prepared to declare a much earlier date for Panini himself. Katyayana and Patanjali were of course acquainted with a greater volume and variety of Vedic literature. The vartikas definitely mention the Atharva Veda [IV. 2, 38. 63; IV. 3, 133, etc.). The varti ka to IV. 3, 105 refers to Yajfiavalkya, the author of the white Yanur Veda, as one to be included among the later or more modern rishis than those contemplated in the sutra itself, which in my opinion shows that Yajavalkya was considered by Katyayana to be a contemporary of Panini. II. Prokta, i.e., literature which is propounded or enounced for the first time but which is not revealed ' [IV. 2, 63; 3, 101, etc.). Panini mentions several varieties of Prokta Literature, viz. (1) Chhandas works, among which are mentioned those enounced by Tittiri, Varatantu, Khandika and Ukha; works by rishis like Kasyapa and Kausika; works of Saunaka and others; of Katha and Charaka, Kalapi and Chh&gali; of the direct pupils of Kalapi. (numbering four according to the Katika) and Vaisampayana (whose pupils numbered nine according to the Kasika, IV. 3, 101-109). Goldstuoker takes the works of Saunaka referred to above to be the second mandala of the Rig Veda which, being thus a prokta work, is regarded by him as later in time than the other parts of the Rig Veda. To Panini's list of these secondary Vedic works, Patanjali adds those known as Kashaka, Kala paka, Kauth uma [II. 4, 3), Mardaka, and Paippaladaka which is a sakha of the Atharva Veda (gloss to IV. 3, 101]. Of these he singles out the Kathaka and Kalapaka recensions as being most widely prevalent and taught in every village. (2) Brahmana works (IV. 3, 105]. So far as I know Panini does not mention any individual work under the Brahmana literature, but only refers to such Brahmana works as were enounced by the ancient sages in a general way. The Kafika however points out that by ancient sages' Panini meant Bhallava, Satyayana and Aitareya. Panini, however,

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FEBRUARY, 1923] SANSKRIT LITERATURE FROM THE WORKS OF PANINI, ETC. 23 refers to Brahmana works of 30 or 40 adhyayas [V. 1, 62]; to Anu-Brahmanas [IV. 2, 63] or works written in imitation of or based upon the Brahmanas; and also to attempts at indexing mantras for convenience of reference at sacrifices [IV. 4, 125-127]. (3) Kalpa works, of which individual examples are not mentioned by Panini, though the Katika cites two, viz., those of Painga and Arunaparaja [IV. 3, 105]. Katyayana and Patanjali refer to the Brahmana and Kalpa works of more modern sages like Yajnavalkya and Sulava. (4) Sutra works, of which two classes are mentioned by Panini, viz., (i) Bhiksu-sutras propounded by Parasarya and Karmanda, in which are collected the rules and precepts to be observed by the bhikshus, ascetics (.e., men in the fourth asrama of life) and (ii) Natasutras which give collections of rules for actors [IV. 3, 110-111] and were propounded by Silalin and Krisasvin. III. Upajata, i.e., original works in which the authors impart the knowledge they have themselves discovered or developed untaught [II. 4, 21; IV. 3, 115; VI. 2, 14]. Panini's work is itself described as an example of such original literature by the Kasika, which also mentions further the grammatical works of Kasakritsna, Apisala and Vyadi. Other examples of such literature cited by the Kasika are Gurulaghavam or the science of wealth and Dushkarana which, according to some, means Kamasastra or sexual science. Sometimes Panini's work is mentioned as belonging to the prokta class of literature. Thus the formation Paniniyam is explained as Paninina proktam, the system of grammar enounced by Panini [IV. 2, 64]. IV. Krita, i.e., literature that is ordinarily composed [IV. 3, 87. 116; cf. the expression sastra-krit in the vartika to III. 1, 85]. Panini mentions the following varieties of this class of works : (1) Sisu-Krandiya, a treatise on the cries of infants [IV. 3, 88]. (2) Yamasabhiya, a book relating to the court of Yama [ibid.]. (3) Works bearing on the seasons; e.g., a vasantika is one who studies the book relating to spring [IV. 2, 64]. (4) Stoka (cf. Slokakara)[III. 1, 25; 2, 23]; thus, upalokayati one who praises in verse. (5) Gatha works (ibid). (6) Sutra whence sutrakara (ibid). (7) Mantra whence mantrakara (ibid). (8) Mahabharata [VI. 2, 38]. (9) Katha whence Kathika or story-teller [IV. 4, 102]. There is a further development of this general literature in the ages of Katyayana and Patanjali. Thus Katyayana knew of a work dealing with the wars of the gods and demons called Dasudauram; of works known as Vayasavidyd, Sarpavidya, Gaulakshana, Aivalakshana dealing with crows, snakes, cows and horses respectively; of Anga-vidya, Kshatravidya, Dharma-vidya, Sansarga-vidya; of Akhyana (story), Akhyayika (fiction), Itihasa and Purana; of works known as Anusu, Lakshya and Lakshana [Var. to IV. 2, 60]. A vartika mentions the celebrated author Vyasa whose son is Suka according to Patanjali [IV. 1, 97]. Patanjali was very familiar with the Mahabharata, as is evident from his mention of Yudhishthira and Arjuna as the elder and the younger brother [II. 2, 34] and of Vasudeva, Baladeva, Nakula, Sahadeva and Bhaimasenya as members of non-rishi families of Vrishni and Kuru [IV. 1, 114] and also from his reference to the story of Kansa killed by Krishna as being very popular [III. 1, 26 (6)]. As examples of the literature of fiction or Akhyayika, Patanjali mentions Vasavadatta, Sumanottara and Bhaimarathi, while the Kasika adds the name of Urvasi, Patanjali also refers to the kavya literature of which he instances the

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24 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY work of Vararuchi and Jalauka slokas [IV. 3, 101 (37)]. Lastly, Vyakarana and Mimamsa are referred to as subjects of specialised studies [II. 2, 29]. V.Vyakhyana or the literature of commentaries [IV. 3, 66]. Panini knew of commen [ FEBRUARY, 1923 taries. (1) On Soma and other sacrifices. (2) On adhyayas of works of rishis [IV. 3, 69] of which the Kasika mentions Vasish. thika and Vaisvamitrika as examples. (3) Called Paurodasika and Purodasika [ibid., 70]. (4) On Chhanda works called Chhandasya and Chhandasa [ibid. 71]. (5) Called Chaturhotrika, Panchahotrika, Brahmanika, Archika, Prathamika, Adhvarika, Paurascharanika, Namika, Akhyatika, Namakhyatika [ibid., 72]. (6) On works classified under Rigayanddi [ibid., 73] under which the Kabika mentions no less than twenty-five works like Upanishad, Nyaya, Siksha, Vyakarana, Vastu-vidya, Kshatra-vidy, Utpata and the like. As examples of commentaries on sacrificial works, Patanjali mentions Pakayajnika, Navayajnika, Panchaudanika, Saptandanika, Daiaudanika, Agnishtomika, Vajapeyika, Rajasayika. Patanjali also mentions commentaries on Nirukta and Vyakarana [IV. 3, 66]. Apart from the references to other branches of literature, the grammatical works throw light upon the history of their own subject. For instance, Panini mentions among his predecessors Apisali, Kasyapa, Gargya, Galava, Chakravarman, Bharadvaja, Sakatayana, Sakalya, Senaka, Sphotayana; also authors designated collectively as eastern [II. 4, 60; III. 4, 18; IV. 1, 17. 43. 160, etc.] and northern grammarians [III. 4, 19; IV. 1, 130, 157, etc.]. Patanjali mentions the four stages in the history of grammatical literature as represented by the four acharyas, Apisala-Panini-Vyadi-Gautama [VI. 2, 36], the order of their mention being that of chronology according to the Vartika on II. 2, 34. He also refers to other schools of grammar such as those of the Bharadvajiyas [III. 1, 89 (1); IV. 1, 79 (1); VI. 4, 7 (1); ibid., 155 (1)], Saunagas [II. 2, 18 (1-4); VI. 3, 44 (1)], Kunaravadava [VII. 3, 1 (6)], Sauryabhagavat [VIII. 2, 106 (3)], and Kuni [Kaiyyata's gloss. on I. 1, 75]. MANU'S "MIXED CASTES." BY H. A. ROSE. Ir will be generally conceded that two main motives underlie the laws of marriage: (1) eugenic, (2) the other economic, the desire to keep property in the kin. To the former belongs the rule, instinctive or otherwise, against incest. But incest is a very variable offence. We are not now concerned with its punishment but with its effect on the offspring. Manu lays down no clear rules about exogamy, and his commentators are not agreed as to his meaning, but it is clear that he forbade marriage with a woman of the same gotra as the man; and between him and a sapinda on the mother's side: III, SS 5.1 The gotra was the traceable kin, the sapinda a fairly near cognate. That in fixing these limits Manu, or his school, had some eugenic aims in view seems certain. He goes on to say that sickly wives or those unlikely to have male offspring should be avoided, however wealthy they may be. His ideals of marriage are twofold, according as a man's first or subsequent marriage is in question. For the first wife & bride of equal caste must be chosen: III, SS 4. But immediately the rule is qualified and such equality is only recommended. For a second marriage indeed the ideal appears to be that the bride should be of lower status than her husband, even two or three castes lower. But no sooner is this concession made in III, SS 12 than in SSSS 13-19 it is withdrawn, and the Brahmana who marries a Sudra wife is denounced in no measured terms; though it has been laid down that he is at liberty to go down so far for a spouse. 1 Sacred Books of the East, vol. XXV.

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FEBRUARY, 1993 MANU'S "MIXED CASTES" 28 So much for Manu's express marriage-law. But by implication this is by no means all of it. When we turn to his chapter on Mixed Castes we find a far more complex and far less ideal state of affairs. The right or license to take a wife from below is seemingly extended to the first wife, and treated as quite en regle, such a union being anuloma or 'with the hair, and contrasted with a much lower type of marriage, the praliloma, or against the hair, i.e. a marriage between a woman of high and a man of lower caste. Pratiloma has results so curious that they deserve to be set forth in a table", thus :Pratiloma. --- Anuloma. IV. A Nishada3 X a Sadra's dr. . . .But if she marry a Kshatriya ...... a Brahmana. a Pukkasa's dr. X a Chandala. an Ugra's dr. X a Brahmana: . . a Kshattri. i Sopaka - =(5) an Avrita. a Svapaka. 1 a Nishada (Parasava)'s dr. X a Sadra : ...or a Chandala Kukkutaka. Antyavasayin. III. A Sadra X a Vaisya's dr. . . . But if she X a Brahmana. an Ayogava's dr. X a Brahmana. an Ambashtha's dr. x. a Brahmana : ora Vaidehaka. a Dhigvana. an Abhira. a Vena. an Ayogava's dr. X a Dasyu ...a Vaideha .. or a Nishada. a Sairandhra. Maitreyaka. a Dasa or Margava. A Sadra ... a Vaisya X a Kshatriya's dr. Kshattri. a Magadha. (5) A Sadra ... & Vaisya. or a Kshatriya X a Brahmana's dr. & Chandala (1) a sata (3) a Vaideha's dr. X a Nishada.... a Chandala. ... a Nishada a Pandusopaka. an Ahindika. Karavara's dr. X & Vaideha .... a Karavara. (2) a Meda a n Andhra. The Brahmana being the highest in rank, the degradation attaching to his daughter, if she marries beneath her, is the greatest. If she marry a Sadra, their son will be the lowest of men' as Manu says more than once. Thus we can correct the order of degradation in X, $26. The order should be Chandala, Vaidehaka, Sata, Magadha, Kshattri, and Ayogava. But obviously the principle can still operate, and so Manu explains "just as a Sudra begets Hero | = son of: X='married' and 's='whoge' or 'and his'. 3 Narada gives a different account of the Nishada's origin. He says the Nishada is distinct from and inferior to the Paragava. The Nishada is a Sudra woman's son by a Kshatriya, while the Parasa & her son by a Brahman : SBE., XXXIII, p. 188 (XII. & 108). This would make the Nishida of NArada the same as Manu's Ugra. But the MSS. differ, a Nepalego text making the Ugra, Parasava and Nishada all anuloma sons of a Bodra woman by husbands of the (three) higher castes : ibid. p. 186 n, to $ 193. But if this text is correct we are driven to making the Ugra a son of a Sadra woman by a Vaisya, so that the ascending scale would be :-Ugra, Parasava, Nishada, as Narada gives it. This shows how unreal the application of the principleg must have been.

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26 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ FDRUARY, 1923 on a Brahmana female a boing who is outcast from the Aryan community, so that out-caste bagets on females of the four casted sons even more worthy of being outcasted than he is himself.". Such are in effect Manu's words, but the train of his thought can best be followed in the table. Manu omits to specify which is the mixed caste formed when a Brahmana's daughter marries a Chandala, or a Vaideha, etc. He is equally silent as to what results when a Kshatriya's or a Vaisya's daughter marries & Chandala, etc. In other words he gives us no illustrations to X, $ 30. But the principle of pratiloma can go on operating among the mixed castes inter se. Indeed Manu says there are fifteen more mixed castes, engendered on females of higher rank (but not of the four castes) by men who are vdhya or 'excluded,' and these lower races are still more worthy of being outoasted than the former : 8 31. These fifteen he does not specify fully, but he clearly gives samples of them. E.g., (reading the lower part of the table) a Vaideha's daughter has by a Chandala a Pandusopaka, a 'dealer in cane.' And an Ayogava's daughter has by & Vaideha a Maitreyaka or 'bell-ringer. These two specimens do not bring out the principle at all well, for the two resulting occupational castes are quite clean and respectable, though ex hypothesi the Pandusopaka ought to be lower, much lower, than a Chandala; and a Maitreyaka lower than a Vaideha. Thus we not only fail to trace the 18 castes, but doubt whether the two specified are correctly ranked in Manu as we have him. Before we try to track down the other castes in the table, let us look at the anuloma castes. First, a man marrying only one caste below him begets no new caste, so the table has only to exhibit what happens when there is more than one degree of hypergamy. When a Sadra's daughter (top of the table) has an Ugra son by a Kshatriya his rank is fairly good, seeing that his daughter, espoused to a Brahmana, bears an Avrita, apparently a respectable caste, though its status is left undefined. But in $ 49, we find an Ugra equated to a Kshattri, so that anuloma does not avail the Ugra much. Although he resembles a Kshatriya just as much as a Sadra, V, 89, the function assigned to him is catching animals living in holes. One can understand the degradation of the Sudra wife's progeny by a Brahmana, because Manu denounced such unions, as already noted. Yet the Nishada whom she bears is inter. preted to be distinct from the pratiloma Nishada who catches fish. The daughter of an anuloma Nishada marrying a Chandala must however be regarded as marrying beneath her, for their son is an Antyavasayin, who is "employed in burial-grounds and despised even by those excluded":X, $ 39, being seemingly inferior to a Kukkutaka, her son by a Sadra. The cases of a Vaisya's daughter seem much simpler. Her son by & Brahmana is a professional man, practising the art of healing': X, $ 47. And his daughter by marrying a Brahmana can raise their issue to the decent status of an. Abhira, though Manu does not define that status. But if an Ambashtha's daughter espouse a husband of distinctly low status, an admittedly degraded Vaidehaka, her son must be a Vena, whom the commentators identify with the Baruda or 'basket-maker': X, $ 19. But at best the illustrations are not very convincing and all we can do is to suggest that both the pratiloma and anuloma principles are on work on this side also. Moreover the table shows several castes whose origin is not described. A Nishada appears to be below a Sadra; at all events there is a pratiloma Nishada, and by marrying him a Sadra's daughter loses caste for her sons, who become Pukkasas, equated to Ugras 4 Manu deuoribes the Ugra a "ferocious in his manners and delighting in cruelty":X, 19. The Mgra was one of the two conseoratory (1) rites at a coronation, and was so called because it'ofected the subjugation of enemies': Law, Ancient Indian Polity, p. 196. 6 V, n. 7 on p. 403. Yet so low is the anulonu Nighada that hin niokname Parasava is inter prstod to mean'a living oorps'; IX, 80178,

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FEBRUARY, 1923] MANU'S MIXED CASTES " 27 and Kahattris: SS 49. And a Pukkasa's daughter can go down further and espouse a Chandala, thereby creating a caste as low as the Chandala, viz., the Sopaka. The Sopaka's vocation is not defined, but he was 'sinful,' living by the occupations of his sire (? the Chandala), and ever despised by good men : X, SS 38. But it is when we come to the lower pratiloma groups again that we see how important the Nishada was. There was Nishada blood in nearly every one of them. Yet we are not told how this or the Dasyu caste originated. The Dasyu was outside the pale of Aryan caste, whatever his tongue : X, SS 45; but we cannot say that he or the Niskada was one of the fifteen mixed castes. Nor is it clear that an Ayogava's daughter lost or gained status by marrying him, or any other of her nume. rous suitors. One would imagine that by espousing a Brahmana she would elevate her son's caste to some extent, but the Dhigvana is only a leather-worker' and so must be far below the Ayogava who is a carpenter. We can only conjecture that the fifteen castes included the Pandusopaka, Karavara, Meda, Andhra, Ahindika, Sairandhra, Maitreyika, Pukkasa, Dasa, Sopaka, and possibly the Nishada and Dasyu. That makes twelve in all, and we may make up fifteen by including the Antyavasayin, Kukkutaka, and Vena. We cannot however settle the precedence of these fifteen mixed castes inter se or in relation to the original six. The inference from the whole chapter is that Manu or his editor was enunciating principles actually at work, as they are to this day, but never applied or applicable to any actually existing social groups on any great scale. It can hardly be imagined, for instance, that the division of labour was held up until there was a sufficient supply of Ayogavas to make carpenters, or that the leather industry had to ca'canny until the carpenters had had an abundance of daughters to marry Brahmanas and become Dhigvanas. Such large occupational groups must have preceded Manu's definitions of the status of the fruits of mesalliances in terms of their lowly social position. Lastly, it is doubtful whether these mixed castes were each quite homogeneous in status. The Suta almost certainly was not. His position was seemingly dependent on the office which he held as to which see Law, Ancient Indian Polity, p. 87. Manu gives his reasons for thus setting forth the law of anuloma. It was based on a primitive physiological theory, not, he admits, universally accepted even in India. The basic idea was, as applied to humankind, that the son of an Aryan by a non-Aryan woman might inherit Aryan characteristics, whereas the son of an Aryan woman by a non-Aryan man was condemned by nature to inherit the non-Aryan traits of his father: X, SSSS 72 and 67. Hence the Sudra woman's children by a Brahman could by marrying Brahmans for six generations regain, as it were, their patrilineal caste, that of the Brahman, within the seventh generation. At least this is the only interpretation which SS 64 will bear in the light of the modern working of the principle.8 I assume that the Svapaka of SS 51 is really a Sopaka, The Svapaka is really not so very low. He is the son of a Kehattri by an Ugra's daughter, and so apparently pure anuloma all through: 19. 7 Another worker in leather' is the Karavara, s It operates still among the Brahmans and among the Ghirths of the Kangra District in the Punjab. "In the seventh generation the Ghirth's daughter becomes a queen", runs the proverb. Apparently this proverb or Manu's principle misled Emile Senart into writing as if a system of seven castes could be traced in the Punjab. The correct view is that within certain castes there are, as it were, seven degrees of impurity, which can be removed by proper marriages for six generations; Les Castes dans l'Inde, p. 30.

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28 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ FEBRUARY, 1923 We must now consider the effects of the anuloma and pratiloma principles on the law of inheritance. As far as the present writer has been able to trace, the progeny of a pratiloma marriage was absolutely excluded from the succession'. Even on failure of sons of every category Manu seems to rule out the possibility of a son by pratiloma taking any share in his father's estate. Vishnu is more explicit. After defining the twelve categories of sons, he declares that children begotten (by husbands of inferior caste) on women of a higher caste receive no share : SBE., VII, SS 37. At best he allows them maintenance. He thus, it appears, excludes them even from the twelfth and lowest category of sons who may inherit : cf. $ 27. The anuloma sons on the other hand all took shares in the inheritance, but those shares were graded in accordance with their rank. This principle was entirely different from that which regulated succession among the twelve categories, each of which excluded all the grades below it. Some idea of the complications which could arise (and in practice must have arisen) out of this system may be gathered from the fact that in cach category the anuloma principle could operate ; so that when it had been decided to which category sons belonged it might next be necessary to decide how they were to share if their mothers were not of the same status. Manu explains his principle by two examples. He takes the case of a Brahmana who has had four wives, a Brahman(i), a Kshatriya, a Vaisya and a Sudra wife, and says the estate may be divided in two ways - 1. 11 1. To the Brahmani's son .. 'one most excellent share + 3 shares of the remainder .. 4 shares. 2., , Kshatriya wife's son...: 2 >> 3. Vaisya 4. , , Sudra >> >> >> .. 1 share. Total 71 shares. 10 shares. The most excellent share" is not defined. It may not have been very large. It will be noticed that, whichever method of partition was adopted, the Brahmani's son got six-fifteenths and the Vaisya wife's son three-fifteenths. By method I the Kshatriya wife's son got half a fifteenth more and the Sudra wife's son so much less than by method II. It may be suggested that the most excellent share' was one-fourth of a share only, or in modern parlance a sawdia. If this conjecture could be proved the remainder was very nearly the whole estate. It remains to notice the apparently later rules which, in accord with the prohibition of a Brahman's marriage with a Sudra woman, debar their son from taking more than a tenth share even when he is an only son, and then lay it down that no son by a Sudra mother, whatever his father's caste, shall inherit as of right but may take whatever his father may give him : Manu, IX, 86 154 & 155.10 J. Jolly in his Recht und Sitte, p. 62, does not bring this point out at all clearly. Further he does not mention anuloma or the effects of it on the law of inheritance. In his translation of Brihaspati (SBE. XXXIII), p. 374, 927 he has" Let Brahmans, Kshatriya, Valayas, and sadras, bogotton in order by Brahman, take four, three, two shares, and one share in succession." This means : "Let the son bogotton on a Brahman wife, the son begotten on. Kshatriya wife, and so on) by a Brahman, take four, three etc."; just Manu's ruler IL 10 Manu, & IX, deals somewhat briefly with the wholo question. Vishnu ampliflon his doctrine. adopting his method II, and not only never excluding the Sadra wife's son but actually allowing him to take half the estate when he is the only son: XVIII, 98 1 to 40.

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FEBRUARY, 1923] HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAHI KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR Whether the anuloma and pratiloma principles had any real influence on the formation of castes may be doubted. They can hardly have led to the constitution of the lower menial and artizan castes en masse, though they may have contributed fresh sections to masses already existing. Their legal consequences must have been indirectly of great importance, and it is regrettable that we do not know precisely when they first came into operation. But if and when fully recognised and enforced, one of them must have been the cessation of pratiloma marriage as carrying no better status than concubinage. The anuloma principle must have been less drastic, but amply potent enough to bring about that fission of the higher castes which is so distinctive of modern Hinduism. Hindu Law had little or no regard for the institution of property as an end to which the eugenic welfare of the family might be sacrificed. It never recognised primogeniture, where private estates were concerned, as anything more than the right to a small extra honorific share. It even counterbalanced that share by special rights of ultimogeniture and the like. Its leading principle was absolutely equal division of the estate among all sons of equal status. But under the influence of an ideal which, however mistaken, was an eugenic ideal it fostered variety of status, just as it elaborated gradations of marriage and even more numerous degrees of sonship by blood, by appointment, by fiction and by adoption. In modern Indian custom every principle laid down by the ancient jurists can be traced, often in a modified or even a debased form, but almost invariably recognizable. Even in Muhammadan tribes we find the principle of anuloma at work. It would however be unsafe to assume that in a purely or predominantly Muhammadan tract, where there is a vague but widespread feeling that sons by a wife of low birth (lowliness of status being quite undefined), no element of contract enters in. Just as a woman or her kin may contract for her that her husband is not to take a second wife during her lifetime under a penalty, 11 so it may be made the condition of the gift of a bride that her offspring is to succeed to the bulk of her husband's estate. Such a stipulation may be express or implied. In any case there is often, among both Hindus and Muhammadans, a strong sentiment in favour of giving sons by a wife of high status a substantially larger share in his father's estate than sons by a wife, equally married, are entitled to.12 It is probable that a similar principle could be traced in other primitive legal systems, but that of anuloma seems to be distinctively Hindu. At any rate the present writer has failed to discover any indication of it in Hammurabi's Code or other records of early law. THE HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAHI KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR. By LIEUT, COLONEL SIR WOLSELEY HAIG, K.C.I.E., C.S.I., C.M.G., C.B.E. (Continued from Vol. LI, p. 242.) 29 XCIX.-AN ACCOUNT OF THE MISSION OF QASIM BEG AND MIRZA MUHAMMAD TAQI TO BIJAPUR, FOR THE PURPOSE OF BRINGING BACK FOR THE PRINCE, MIRAN HUSAIN, THE SISTER OF IBRAHIM 'ADIL SHAH II. When Salabat Khan was relieved of the anxiety caused by the near presence of the imperial army, he busied himself in arranging for the marriage of Miran Husain, and, in pursuance of the former agreement, sent the physician Qasim Beg and Mirza Muhammad Taqi 11 In India contracts in restraint of polygyny are by no means rare, but they have been nullified by the British codes. English lawyers applied the rule that all contracts in restraint of marriage are void: to a social system entirely unknown to the makers of the rule. Henco a covenant to refrain from marrying other wives is just as invalid, under Anglo-Indian law, as one to abstain from marriage altogether. 13 Rose, A Compendium of the Punjab Customary Law, Lahore, 1911, p. 70 ff. It should be noted that the rule wavers between giving the inferior sons a diminished share and excluding them from inheritance altogether, but allowing them maintenance.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ FEBRUARY, 1923 with valuable presents and offerings to arrange with Ibrahim Adil Shah II for the journey of his sister to Ahmadnagar, to meet her husband, Miran Husain. These envoys, after reaching the city of Bijapur, brought their mission to a successful termination and returned to Ahmadnagar with conciliatory answers from Ibrahim 'Adil Shah. Mirza Muhammad Taqi was then deputed to bring the bride and set out for Bijapur with this object. He brought the royal bride, seated in a howdah, in great state to Ahmadnagar, but as the whole of the negotiations had proceeded on the basis of the retrocession of the fortress of Sholapur, and Ibrahim 'Adil Shah II evaded the fulfilment of this condition, Salabat Khan delayed the marriage feast and festivities until the fortress should have been surrendered. At this time the king's infatuation for Tulji, the dancing girl, greatly increased and the dancers succeeded in obtaining anything that they wished, until one day the king, when in a specially generous mood, gave to one of the dancing girls a necklace of pearls, each pearl of which was a gem of the finest water. Nasir Khan took the necklace to Salabat Khan and told him the story of its having been given by the king to the dancing girl, and suggested that its return should be demanded. According to some the king commanded that the rope of pearls should be given to a person whom Salabat Khan deemed to be unworthy of it, and Salabat Khan hesitated to carry out the order. Whichever story be true it is certain that the king was so enraged with Salabat Khan that he set light to the treasury, and burnt and destroyed utterly countless jewels, rich stuffs, and rare valuables from all cities and countries. When the flames leaped up their sparks were wafted to the royal library and other buildings, and the smoke of destruction began to arise from these. The royal servants did their best and with great difficulty succeeded in rescuing from the flames a very little out of very much.280 30 Although some attribute the king's act to folly and senseless wastefulness and say that as boundless generosity and prodigality bring about in time miserliness and penurious. ness, so excess leads to folly and wastefulness; yet the act was in truth evidence of the king's lofty spirit, which counted as nothing beside itself the world and all that was in it. This it was which had led him to withdraw from affairs of state and to pass his time in acquiring merit. When the dancing girls had obtained so much influence as to be admitted to intimate converse with the king, and had ascertained that the king was becoming estranged from Salabat Khan, they began still further to poison the king's mind against him and to open the doors of strife and discord. They continually harped on Salabat Khan's independent power in the state and proved to the king that he habitually disobeyed the king's commands, until the king began to make trial of Salabat Khan by commanding him to perform duties 290 Firishta says (ii, 283, 284) that the name of this dancing girl was Fathi Shah and that the king wished to give her two costly necklaces of pearls, sapphires, and rubies, which had formed part of the Vijayanagar booty. He also says that Salabat Khan at first refused to give the necklaces to Fathi Shah and that when the king insisted substituted, after consultation with the amfrs, two other necklaces. The woman discovered the substitution and complained to the king, who sent for Salabat Khan and ordered him to have all the state jewels brought forth from the treasury and arranged in a room in the palace, Salabat Khan, bent on saving the Vijayanagar necklaces, concealed them, but had all the other jewels set out. The king caused the room to be cleared and went with Fathi Shah to inspect the jewels, On missing the Vijayanagar necklaces he became so enragod that he wrapped up all the jewels in some valuable carpets, set fire to the carpets, and left the room. His attendants rushed in to save what they could and succeeded in saving all the jewels except the pearls, so that they and the carpets were all that was lost. From this day forth Murtaza Nizam Shah was known as "the Madman."

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FEBRUARY, 1923] HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAHI KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR 31 little suited to his dignity 281. Thus at this time a farman was issued ordering Salabat Khan to go to the fortress of Darb282 and not to return until further orders. Although Salabat Khan so for obeyed the order as to go in haste to the fortress, he did not wait for an order recalling him, but returned without it. A few days later Salabat Khan was ordered to go to Junnar and, having prepared a lofty throne, to await in the village of Narangaon the arrival of the king, who proposed to tour in that part of his dominions, Salabat Khan proceeded to obey that order, and rendered acceptable service, but, as before, did not remain where he was, but returned to court without leave. In addition to all this, the petition of Waghoji, Naikwadi of the fort of Shivner, full of slander of Salabat Khan, was presented to the king by means of the dancing girls and added to the king's indignation against his minister. The king now issued a fresh order directing Salabat Khan to go to the village of Patori283 and set up a throne there, and a pavilion for the throne and everything that might be necessary for the holding of a royal court. Salabat Khan set out for Patori and busied himself in carrying out the orders which he had received. The king's health now gave way, and the court physicians, among them Qasim Beg and Hakim Hasan Kashi, were engaged in treating him until the chief physician, Hakim Misri, arrived from the hospital and by his treatment completely restored the king to health. While the physicians were employed in treating the king, Salabat Khan once again returned to the capital without leave, and the king, enraged by his repeated acts of disobedience, summoned him to court. Salabat Khan never entered the royal presence without fear and trembling, and the king, taking advantage of his nervous terror, hid behind a door and suddenly came forth as Salabat Khan entered, and stopped him, with his sword drawn, intending to cut him down. Salabat Khan, seeing the king before him with his sword raised, fell and rolled on the ground like a half-killed bird and wept and howled for mercy. The king, overcome by this sight, refrained from slaying him and ordered that he should be imprisoned. On Safar 10, in the year mentioned above,284 a farman was issued to Mirza Sadiq and Bihzad-ul-Mulk, ordering them to send Salabat Khan to the fortress of Parenda, and to undertake jointly the administration of the kingdom. Mirza Sadiq and Bihzad-ul-Mulk 281 According to Firishta what chiefly enraged the king against Salabat Khan was the advance of Ibrahim 'Adil Shah II to the frontier. Ibrahim insisted that the marriage between his sister and princo Husain should be consummated or that his sister should be sent back. Salabat Khan replied that neither request could be complied with until the fortress of Sholapur had been retroceded. Ibrahim thereupon crossed the frontier and laid siege to the fortress of Ausa. Murtaza Nizam Shah sent for Salabat Khan, "upbraided him for having brought this trouble on the state, and accused him of treachery. Salabat Khan protested his loyalty and the king accused him, with more reason, of disobedience, and weakly added that if he had the power he would imprison him. Salabat Khan replied that he was the king's humble servant and only required to be told in which fort he was to be imprisoned, when he would go there and remain there as a prisoner.-F. ii, 284. 282 Firishta says (ii, 285) that Salabat Khan was ordered to go to Danda-Rajpuri and, on receiving the order, went straight to his house, caused his servants to put him in irons, and, in spite of the protests of his followers, went to Danda-Rajpuri and remained a prisoner there. On his departure the king appointed Qasim Beg Hakim vakil and plshed and Mirza Muhammad Taqi Nasiri minister. Firishta does not mention the subsequent movements of Salabat Khan, here described. According to him Salabat Khan remained obediently in Danda-Rajpuri until he was recalled, by Firishta's own advice, to counteract the plots of Sultan Husain Sabzavari, who had received the title of Mirza Khan. Sayyid Ali appears to relate all the stories circulated by Salabat Khan's enemies, * -" 293 Pathardi, about thirty-one miles east of Ahmadnagar, 284 No year has been mentioned but H. 995 appears to have been the year, in which case this date would be equivalent to Jan. 20, A.D. 1587.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ FEBRUARY, 1923 then became joint valils and pishvas and sent Salabat Khan to the fortress of Parenda. On his arrival there a fresh farman was received, ordering that he should be sent to the forts of Anx, and he was accordingly sent thither. When Bihzad-ul-Mulk had acted as vakil and pishvd jointly with Mirza Sadiq for a short time, ir plotted to oust Mirza sadiq from the office in order that he himself might hold it alone, there by following the example set by Salabat khan. His designs became known to the king, who was angered by them, and a farmin was issued to Mirza Sadiq ordering him to imprison Bihzad-ul-Mulk and send him to Parenda, and to undertake the duties of vakil and pished by himself. The order was obeyed, and Bihzad-ul-Mulk was sent to Parenda and imprisoned at the end of the month of Safar (Feb. A.D. 1687), while Mirza Sadiq under. took alone the duties of the office of vakil and pishva, and drew all power in tho state into his own hands. At this time Tulji the dancing girl and her followers, who had till now been in attendance on the king day and night, were de barred from his presence, and his own ser. vants had access to him once again. One of them, named Isma'il, received the title of Isma'il Khan, or rather Isma'il Shah, and rose by degrees to be an amir and to great power in the state. C.-AN ACCOUNT OF THE MARCH OF IBRAHIM 'ADIL SHAH II WITH HIS ARMY TO THE COUN. TRY OF MURTAZA NIAM SHAH, AND OF THE DISPUTES THAT ABOSE THEREFBOM. It has already been mentioned that when Ibrahim 'Adil Shah objected to surrender. ing the fortress of Shola pur, Salabat Khan postponed the marriage feast of Miran Husain and thus put an end to the friendship between the two royal houses. Ibrahim 'Adil Shah then set himself to cultivate the friendship of Muhammad Quli Qutb Shah, and to enter into an alliance with that family; he marched with his army and sent an envoy to Muhammad Quli Qutb Shah, professing friendship for him and a desire to be connected with his family by marriage. Muhammad Quli Qutb Shah, who also had reason to be displeased with Sala. bat Khan, received these overtures favourably and agreed to give Ibrahim 'Adil Shah his sister in marriage, but for fear of Salabat Khan hesitated to send her. In the meantime news of the arrest of Salabat Khan was received, and Muhammad Quli Qutb Shah, whose mind was now easy regarding Salabat Khan, took advantage of the opportunity to conclude the marriage festivities of his sister and Ibrahim 'Adil Shah II, and then Ibrahim 'Adil Shah marched with his army towards the kingdom of Ahmadnagar and wasted the frontier province of the kingdom. Mirza sadiq reported this matter to the king, who commanded that Salabat Khan and Bihzad-ul-Mulk should be released from confinement and placed in administrative charge and military command of their own jagirs, that Shahzada Miran Husain should be interned in Daulatabad, and that the royal pishkhana should be dispatched towards Bijapur, while the amirs and chiefs of the army repaired to the capital with their troops. Mirza Sadiq was ordered to submit a report when all this should have been done. Mirza sadiq, in obedience to the royal command, sent a messenger to summon Salabat Khan and Bihzad-ul-Mulk from the fortresses in which they were imprisoned, placed Miran Husain in DaulatAbad, and sent the royal pishkhand on towards Bijapur. He then reported to the king that his commands had been executed. The king now reflected that the recall of Salabat Khan to duty would be attributed to infirmity of purpose on his part, and a fresh order was issued to the effect that Salabat Khan should be detained as before, and should not be summoned to the presence. Bihzad. ul-Mulk had not reached the fortress to which he was being sent when the farman recalling

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FEBRUARY, 1923] HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAH KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR 33 him reached him, and he returned to court. Sala bat Khan acted on the first farman which had reached him, paying no attention to the prohibition in the second farman, and set out for the capital. Bihzad-ul-Mulk on his return to the capital endeavoured, as before, to associate himself with Mirza Sadiq in the office of vakil and pishva, but this design conflicted with Mirza Sadiq's plans, and he reported the matter to the king, from whom he obtained a fresh farman for the arrest of Bihzad-ul-Mulk. Mirza sadiq, having regard to the crisis, did not give effect to this order, but represented to the king that as the 'Adil Shahi army had reached the frontier, it would be better to postpone the arrest of Bihzad-ul-Mulk. The king was enraged by Mirza sadiq's intercession for Bihzad-ul-Mulk, and issued a farmon to the latter directing him to arrest Mirza sadiq and send him to the fortress of Rajuri. In the meantime Salabat Khan, who had set out in accordance with the first farman, arrived at the oapital, and when the king heard of his arrival ho issued another farman directing that he too should be sent to the fortress of Rajuri. Bihzad-ul-Mulk, in obedience to these commands, sent Salabat Khan and Mirza Sadiq together to Rajuri. The duration of Mirza Sadiq's tenure of the office of pishvd, after the deposition of Salabat Khan, was no more than nine days, but in these few days he did much for the people, organized many charities, and instituted many public works. Blessed is the man who is not intoxicated with the pride of ten day's power, but considers the poor and needy, and neglects not the oppressed and afflicted. The duration of Sala bat Khan's tenure of the office of pishvd, both alone and in association with Asad Khan was at least twelve years. He, too, certainly did much good while he was in power, and no ptshvd was ever so powerful as he was during this period. At this time, owing to the constant change of pishvds, the affairs of the kingdom fell into confusion, many villages were deserted and fell into ruins, and the inhabitants of the kingdom fell on evil days, and the kingdom began to decay. Bihzad-ul-Mulk, finding the field now clear before him, was led on by ambition to represent to the king that without a pishva the affairs of the kingdom could not fail to fall into confusion, in the hope that the king would confer this high office on him. But it was far from the king's intention to appoint Bihzad-ul-Mulk pishva, and on Monday, Rabi-ulAwwal 14 (Feb. 13, A.D. 1587) the post was conferred on Qasim Beg, the son of Qasim Beg. Although Qasim Beg at first, out of regard to his personal safety, declined the appointment, he was at length prevailed upon by Hakim Misri and other officers of state to accept office. A farman was then issued ordering that Bihzad-ul-Mulk and Sanjar Khan should be imprisoned, and Qasim Beg sent them to the fortrees of Ransuri. In the meantime the king received news that Ibrahim 'Adil Shah had advanced as far as Parenda, and Qasim Beg, who was a good-natured and good hearted ran, now used his best endeavours to compose the quarrel and bring about peace. He sent an envoy to Ibrahim 'Adil Shah to say that by the exortion of well-wishers the foundation of friendship between the two dynasties had been comented by a matrimonial alliance, and that although Sala bat Khan had, at the instance of some self-seekers, postponed the celebration of the marriage feast for a short time, he would now set himself to atone for this dereliction and would do his best to cause the feast to be held at once. . Ibrahim Adil Shah, on this good man's intervention, retired from Parenda, and Qasim Beg summoned the prince from Daulatabad and, with the king's permission, made preparations for a splendid feast and for the celebration of the consummation of the marriage in the village o. Patori. The astrologers were then ordered to select an auspicious hour for the

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34 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ FEBRUARY, 1923 consummation of the marriage, and selected an auspicious night. The marriago was consummated on that night, the key to his desires being placed in the hand of the prince. The amirs and chief officers of the ariny and the vazirs and courtiers attended, offered their congratulations, and scattered largesse. Affer the conclusion of the festivities the king issued a farman summoning the prince to court. Qasim Beg sent on the prince to court, and he remained there, without being allowed to depart, for three days. On the fourth night, at the time when all men take rest, a fire broke out in the bedchamber of the guiltlees prince, but since his hour had not yet come he escaped from this calamity by the help of the dancing girls. Some attributed this fire to the king's majesty, but God knows the truth of all things.286 When the prince escaped from the heart of the flames of that fire, Qasim Beg undertook to protect his person and managed to persuade him, perturbed as he was, that he need have no fear of fire. The king now ordered that the prince should be sent back to Daulatabad, and Qasim Beg sent him back thither under the charge of some of his own trusted servants, taking every possible precaution for his personal safety. After this a royal farman was issued removing Muhib Khan from the post of commandant of Daulatabad and appointing Ahmad Khan in his place, and a secret order was issued to Ahmad Khan directing him to put the prince to death. But the prince was beloved by all, both great and small, and Qasim Beg also was opposed to any violence against him. Ahmad Khan therefore put to death another who resembled the prince, and sent his head to the king. The people, when they saw, as they thought, the head of their favourite. were naturally convinced that the prince had been put to death, but a few days later the commandant's artifice and the fact that the prinde was still alive became known, and the king, who attributed this disobedience and deceit to Qasim Beg, issued an order removing him from the office of pishvd, and Habib Khan, who had formerly been known as Musharraful-Mamalik, acquired the office of pishvd by the efforts of Futab;286 but his tenure of the office lasted no longer than one night, for, at the end of the night on which he put on the robe of honour which had been conferred on him as vakil, Habib Khan, one of the immediate atten. dants of the king, gave Futuh a jewelled necklace and by his help became vakil and pishua, and the king removed Habib Khan from the office of pishva almost at the moment in which he conferred it on him. Qasim Beg was vakil for nine months, and was followed by Habib Khan who held office for one night.287 After that, in accordance with the royal command, the song of some of the old officers of the court who had been concerned in public affairs gained access to the king's 385 There is no doubt of Murtaza Nizam Shah's guilt. Firishta, who was in close attendance on him at this time and belonged to his party, not the prince's, says that he caused the prince's bedding to be set on fire and then had the door of his bedroom secured, so that he could not escape. Fathi Shah, the king's favourite dancing girl, heard the prince's cries and taking pity on him, had him released, and Qasim Beg and Mirza Muhammad Taqi Nagiri sent him secretly back to Daulatabad. Two or three days lator the king went to the bodroom to search for his son's remains, but finding not even a bono questioned Fathi Shah. She suggested that the prince's bones had been entirely calcined, but the king refused to believe this, and pressed her more closely, whereupon she admitted that she had saved the prince and handed him over to Qasim Beg and Mirza Muhammad Taqf, but they, on being examined, denied any knowledge of the affair, whereupon the king dismissed them and appointed Mirza Sadiq Khan Urdubadi vakil.-F. ii, 285. 286 I take this most unusual name to be Sayyid 'Ali's version of Fathi Shah, the title conferred by Murtaza Nizam Shah on Tulji, the dancing girl. 387 According to Firishta, MirzA Muhammad Sadiq Urdabadi succeeded Qasim Beg as valil and, on refusing to aid the king in his designs against his son's life, was superseded by Sultan Husein Sabzavari, who received the title of Mirza Khan-F. ii, 285.

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BRUARY, 1923) HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAH KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR 85 private council. Among these were Maulana Habibullah, son of Mauland 'Inayatullah Ta'i, who in the days of the late king and in the early days of the reign of Murtaza Nigam Shah had been one of the chief pillars of the Ahmadnagar kingdom, Sultan Husain, son of Sultan Hasan Sabzavari, Vafa Khan and the sons of the other amirs and officers. These the king summoned to court, and as he was guided by divine grace, he followed the advice of the chief men in the kingdom, who were convinced, as though by inspiration, that Sultan Husain, who was known as Mirza Khan, was inspired with capability for office. The king therefore commanded all to support him. Thereafter all, having been asked their age, were invested with robes of honour and allowed to depart. Early the next morning, at the instance of Futah and her followers, the king summoned Maulana Habibullah, invested him with a robe of honour and appointed him to the administration of all the affairs of the kingdom. When the son of Maulana 'Inayatullah was transferrd to the post of vakil, he arrested most of the nobles and officers of the kingdom, and especially the foreigners, such as Qasim Beg, akim Misri, Mirza Muhammad Taqi, Amin-ul-Mulk, Habib Khan, Shah Rafi'-ud-din Husain, Mirza Muqim and others, and sent them to distant fortresses. In the meantime the petition of Raja Baharjias88 had arrived at court. Its purport was that his brother, Narayan, had risen in rebellion against him and that many had gather. ed around him. He requested that a force might be sent from the capital to his assistance and promised to pay nacl bahd and to regard himself thenceforward as a vassal of Ahmadnagar. In accordance with the royal command a number of the principal amirs, such as Nur Khan, Saif Khan, Abhang Khan, Jahangir Khan and Saif-ul-Mulk, were sent with a large army to the assistance of Raja Baharju, and Farhad khan was appointed to the command of the army. The amire marched in accordance with the royal command, and when they reached the frontier of Baharjid's country, they learnt that Narayanjid had overpowered him and imprisoned him, and had established himself as independent ruler of the country. They therefore halted on the frontier and reported the condition of affairs to the capital. The son of Maulana 'Inayatullah was then beginning to totter, preparatory to falling from the office of vakil, and nobody took the trouble to answer the letter of the amirs until the Maulana was deposed and Mirza Khan, with the assistance of Isma'il Khan, was appointed valil. Then however, Mirza Khan sent a man to recall the amirs and entered into friendship with them. The way of this matter was on this wise. When the son of Maulana 'Inayatullah had been pishva for nearly three months, Mirza Khan entered into a confederacy with Isma'il Khan and promised to pay him the sum of 10,000 huns when he should be appointed, and in the mean. time he paid as eamest money to Futah the sum of 2,000 huns, so that the whole of that party unanimously favoured his elevation to the post of pishud, and began to make reports and complaints to the king regarding the son of Maulana 'Inayatullah and succeeded in prejudicing the king against him and in obtaining a farman for his deposition. The son of Maulana 'Inayatullah was, indeed, not fit for the office of vakil. Mirza sadiq, an account of whoge prosperity and disgrace has already been given, said of his tenure of the office of pishvd that he was a preg. nant pishva and was gravid for nine months, nine days and nine hours, which is the period of pregnancy, during the tenure of the office of pishud by Qasim Beg, Mirza sadiq himself, and Habib Khan, and that a black crow was born. A strange thing is that the following homistich is a chronogram for the date of the deposition of the son of Maulana 'Inayatullah. Jy la Bloemen e us 289 308 This was Baharji, Raja of Baglana. Firishta does not mention this affair. 209 I cannot extraot from this chronogram any possible dato for the dismissal.

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36 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ FEBRUARY, 1923 When the appointment of pished was, by the help of the daucing girls, bestowed on Mirza Khan, who was, in truth, the cause of the ruin of the Nigam Shahi dynasty, he, in accordance with the vileness of his disposition and his natural wickedness, began to lay the axe to the root of the power and prestige of the Nizan Shahi dynasty, and to behave with great ingratitude to his old master, and to plot and conspire against the king with a gang who were tired of his seclusion and abstraction from affairs of state, with the object of putting the prince on the throne. When Mirza Khan was settled in the post of vakil he sent to recall the amirs who had been sent to the assistance of Baharjiu, and succeeded in turning them into partisans of his own in the matter of placing the prince on the throne. He falsely accused Farhad Khan and Saif-ulMulk, who would not aid him in this matter, of some offence, and seized them and imprisoned them in a fortress. He confiscated their jagirs and conferred them on 'Ali Khan, his own mother's brother, to whom also he gave the title of Kishvar Khan. He also entered into correspondence with Bijapur on this subject, and sent to Ibrahim 'Adil Shah to remind him that the prince was his son-in-law and suffered great hardship and misfortune in Ahmadnagar, as a band of dancing girls who had the king's ear and access to all his councils were for ever trying to compass the overthrow of the prince. He said that the prince had hitherto, by the assistance of his well-wishers, escaped from the snares of his enemies, and was hoping that his connection by marriage with Ibrahim 'Adil Shah would induce the latter to invade Ahmadnagar, come to his assistance, set him on the throne of his ancestors, and return. He promised that whenever Ibrahim 'Adil Shah came to the prince's aid the fortress of Parenda would be surrendered to him. Ibrahim 'Adil Shah, led astray by these fomenters of strife, and induced by his connection with the prince and by the hope of increasing his dominions, ordered his army to assemble, and sent on his peshkhana. He then marched, at the head of a very strong and numerous army, for the kingdom of Ahmadnagar. When the news of Ibrahim 'Adil Shah's approach reached the king, his kingly pride and valour led him to order the pishthana forth and to send it on in the direction of Bijapur. All the amtrs and vazirs who were of the party of the prince were sent on with the advanced guard before the rest of the army, and although they openly obeyed the royal command, yet when they reached the village of Patori they halted and advanced no further. The king, in spite of the instability of his position and of his ill-health, was firmly resolved on punishing the enemy, and marched from the capital with his army. When the amirs heard that the king had marched, they left the village of Patori and marched on to the village of Dawara, 20 and the king and his army encamped at Patori. As the greater part of the army, from the prince downwards, were openly disobedient, and the greater number of the foreigners and loyal servants, whose staunchness and fidelity will be remembered to their credit until the end of the world, and whose swords and counsel had ever been at the disposal of the kings of the Nizam Shahi dynasty, were now imprisoned in various fortresses by Isma'il Khan and his followers, who held all power in the state, and, being rendered helpless, owing to the quarrels between the amirs, could not render any assis tance at this crisis, and as the king suspected that all trouble had been brought about by Mirza Khan, whom he bitterly reproached, there was no course open to him but to send a humble message to Ibrahin 'Adil Shah, promising to pay him a large sum of money and to attempt to compose the quarrel by peaceful means. 290 Pathardi and Dhanora.

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FBRUARY, 1923 ] HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAH KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR 37 Mirza Khan was now much alarmed, and attempted to persuade the king's servants, under whose charge he was, to let him go free, in order that he might persuade the amirs to cease their opposition to the king's wishos, and to attack the 'Adil Shahi army. The fool Ismail Khan. in his simplicity, believed that Mirza Khan was speaking the truth and let him go free. Mirza Khan then made off to the amire and at last openly showed himself a traitor. On the follow. ing day, he and all the amirs marched with the army to Daulatabad and placed themselves at the disposal of the prince 391. When Mirza Khan fled towards the amirs, the royal camp moved from the village of Patori to Mahkari, and thence to the capital. Before Mirza Khan and the amirs could reach Daulatabad and make obeisance to the prince, the kotwal of that fortress and all its garrison had concurred in raising the prince to the throne, and had actually seated him on the throne. Rastin Khan, governor of the city of Bir, and all the citizens had followed the example of Daulatabad and declared for the prince. In the meantime Mirza Khan also, with the chief amirs, arrived at Daulatabad and made obeisance to the prince. The accession of Mirza Khan and the amirs greatly strengthened the position of the prince, and adherents began to assemble from all sides. The prince entrusted all affairs of administration to Mirza Khan and made him his valil and pishva, and even entered into an engagement with Mirza Khan to the effect that he would never even think of deposing him from the office of valil and pishvd. On the following day at sunrise Mirza Khan brought the prince forth from Daulatabad and they marched out into the open plain. It is said that when the prince left the fortress, the moon was in Scorpio, and although he was strongly advised not to leave the fort then, he paid no heod to the advice. *1 This account of the last days of the reign of Murtad Nizam Shah I is not correct. Firishta, who was employed by the king as a confidential agent and adviser during his contest with the prince, is & far better authority than Sayyid 'Ali. He says that when the amirs and the army halted at Dhanora and refused to advance any further against the army of Bijapur, which was besieging Ause, he was himself sent by the king to make inquiries in the camp and report the cause of the delay. Mirza Khan, who had returned to the city, was much-alarmed by the deputation of Firishta, whom he knew to be devoted to the king's interest, and offered the dancing girl, Fathi Shah, a bribe of 12,000 hans to obtain an order appointing him to investigate the cause of the army's slothfulnose, The bribe was accepted and the imbecile king sent Mirza Khan to the camp. Firishta fled from the carp on Mirza Khan's arrival and was pursued, but contrived to eludo his pursuers and to reach Ahmadnagar in the morning, when he made his report to the Jaing. He said that Mirzi Khan intended to go to Daulatabad, release the prince, and raise him to the throne. Fathi Shah, who was present at the interview, gave him the lie and said that it was inconceivable that Mirze Khan should be meditating treason. Firishta replied that he had no motive for wishing to injure MirzKhan but feared that the truth of his report would soon ba manifest. He was yet speaking when spies came in and reported that Mirza Khan and the amirs were marching to Daulatabad with the object-of proclaiming the prince. The king, in great alarm, asked Firishta what was to be done. Firishta replied that two measures, either of which was certain of success, were open. The first was to assemble the guards and march rapidly to Paithan to oppose the progress of the rebellious amits, who would be desorted by the army when it was seen that the king had taken the field. To this the king pleaded sickness caused by poison administered by a eunuch, who, he feared, had been in the pay of Mirza Khan. Firishta's second proposal was that Salabat Khan should be recalled from Danda Rajpuri, and that the king should be carried in his litter as far as Junnar, to meet him. He said that the army, on learning that the king and Salabat Khan had met and were reconciled, would at once desort the prinoo and Mirza Khan and return to its allegiance. The king issued an order recalling SalAbat Khan from Danda Rajpuri and would have started to meet him, had not the dancing girl dissuaded him by alarming him. The miserable king lost heart, and decided to await SalAbat Khan's arrival in Ahmadnagar. It was SalAbat Khan's arrival that Mirza Khan had feared, and in order to forestall it he was marching on Daulatabad by double stages. Firishta, seeing that the king was entirely in the hands of Fathi Shah, was constrained to let events tako their courseF. ii, 286-288.

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38 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( FEBRUARY, 1923 Mirza Khan, having brought the prince forth from the fort, presented to him the confede. rates who had declared for him, and when all the amirs, officers, sila! dars, and troops who had agreed to raise the prince to the throne had made their obeisance and had been assured of the increase of his bounty and favour towards them, some of them were promoted. Among these was Mir Muhammad Salih Nishaburi, who received the title of Khan khanan and the appointment of Sar-i-naubat. When the news of the prince's intentions reached the city of Ahmadnagar, most of the army, who were by nature a faithless crew, forgot their obligation and disgraced themselves by for saking their lawful master and hastening to join the prince, and during the two or three days which the prince now spent in Daulatabad he was joined by innumerable troops. When an enormous force had thus gathered round the prince's standard, the prince marched on Ahmadnagar. Meanwhile the king contracted dysentery and became very weak. Although Ismail Khan and'his party strove hard to enlist some help, so that they might meet the rebels in the field, their efforts were unsucessful. The dancing girls were now dispersed. Some of them hid their heads in holes and corners and others fled to all parts in fear of their lives., Ismail Khan, the head of that gang, was unable to cope with the calamity that had befallen him, and sent umbrella and aftabgirs, the special insignia of royalty, by the hand of Daud Khan, another member of the gang, to the prince, and asked for an assurance that his life would be spared, but was so overcome by terror and perplexity that, without waiting for this assurance, he fled to the prince's camp. When Daud Khan, who had started before Isma'il Khan, reached the prince's camp, he was slain by the turbulent mob, but Ismi'il's fate was not decided so soon, for when he arrived he was admitted to make his obeisance, and Mirza Khan, interceding for him, prevented the mob from doing him violence. When the prince's army arrived before Ahmadnagar,899 it halted by the Kala Chabatra in order that an auspicious hour for entering the city might be chosen, and the prince's tent was pitched there. The Sayyids, maularis, and the great men and the people of the city came forth to pay their respects and offer their congratulations, and received the honour of being allowed to make their obeisance, while the chief men of the army went out to welcome the prince, and all were graciously received. The next day at sunrise the prince mounted in royal state and rode with his amirs and officers towards the citadel of Ahmadnagar to pay his respects to the king. When the prince was admitted to the royal presence he made his obeisance, 23 and the king with paternal kindness called him to him. A number of the prince's most devoted adherents, who had from motives of caution accompanied him to the royal presence, were apprehensive of the prince's advancing to the foot of the throne, notwithstanding the great weakness of the king, but the king, perceiving their anxiety, reassured the prince, and, when he drew near embraced him and kissed his forehead, and then gave him some useful and profitable advice regarding kingcraft and the mutability of all human concerns. When the king had finished his discourse, the prince took his leave, and sent the king, owing to his great weakness, from the Baghdad palace to the bath of Haidar Khan. Then Mirza Khan and 293 On the arrival of Prince Hunin before Ahmadnagar, Firishta attempted to have tho gates of the fort shut until Sal&bat Khan should arrive; but all except Fathi Shah and her maidservant, Sabza, had dossrted the king, and there was none to carry out any orders. The prince and Mirza Khan, with thirty or forty ruffians, entered the fort and made their way to the Baghdad palace, slaying all whom they met on their way. Firishta we recognized by the prince as a school-fellow, and was protected by him -F. ii, 288. . 208 According to Firishta, the prinoe, on entering his father's presence, treated him with every conceivable indignity and, touching him with the point of his sword, threatened to run him through the body. The king replied that he was sick unto death and would not trouble his son for many days longer, and prayed that his life might be spared. The appeal touched the prince for the moment, and he domead ed himself more humanely-F. ii, 288.

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FEBRUARY, 1923] some of the fomenters of strife who were in the prince's company, began to ply him with arguments to the effect that a king is the shadow of God and can, no more than God, endure a partner or a rival, and that any such should, in accordance with God's law, be removed. They succeeded in gaining the prince's consent and the prince proceeded to compass the king's death,294 and made manifest to all the truth of what the astrologers had foretold regarding the prince. Of a truth it becomes not a king to be a parricide, and if he becomes one his reign endures not. The days of the new king's reign had not yet reached one year, when the ill luck consequent on this base action overtook him and handed him over to the gang which had instigated him to this action, so that he was slain, as will soon be described. The death of the king caused widespread lamentation and mourning. After his death the learned and accomplished men of the court made the necessary arrangements for his enshroudment and funeral and buried him in the garden of Rauzah, among the tombs of his ancestors. MISCELLANEA. This dreadful calamity happened on Rajab 18, A.H. 996 (June 14, A.D. 1588). Most accounts say that Murtaza Nizam Shah reigned twenty-four years. 296 (To be continued.) MISCELLANEA. "MALABAR." As is well known, the term Malabar, properly the South-West Coast of India, was, up to the eighteenth century at any rate, extended round Cape Comorin, up the South-East Coast. So that Malabar came to mean any inhabitant of Southern India. An interesting instance of this is to be found in a chatty book of travels On and Off Duty in Annam, by Gabrielle M. Vassal (London, 1910; Heinemann). At the end of the book, pp. 277278, is a short glossary of no intrinsic value, e.g., "Sais, coachman: the name the French have given to the native driver." "Choum-choum: the native alcohol made from fermented rice," which must be the author's idea of sam-shi. But she gives, nevertheless, an explanation of "Malabar," as used in Annam, which rings true: "Malabar was the term used for any Indian in Indo-China; now it is used for the closed carriage driven originally by the Indians the small box which is the favourite carriage of the Annamese." Here clearly the Indian" is the Chulia (Chola, Tamil) of the Coromandel (8.E.) Coast, or the Kling (Kalinga, Telugu) further up the Coast northwards, and the carriage' is the familiar bandy, Tamil vandi, of Madras and the Coast generally. R. C. TEMPLE. " 39 MEDINA TALNABY. A Seventeenth Century Hobson-Jobson. Jon Olafsson, 1593-1679, the Icelandic traveller, was in India (Tranquebar) from 1621 to 1624 and on his return home wrote an account of his travels in MS, which has since been printed in Icelandic in Copenhagen, well edited by Hr. Sigfus Blondal. He followed the common practice of his day of interlarding his MS. with information from contemporary writers, using the Compendium Cosmographics, a short geography in Danish by Hans (or Pjetur) Nansen (1633), for the purpose of enlarging on the geographical portion of his book. In describing Asia he records, amongst the cities of Arabia, two which he calls Medina and Talnaby. Nansen's Compendium was popular and ran into editions-1633, 1635, 1646. Jon Olafsson's "Modina and Talnby " discloses a good instance of the rise of a Hobson-Jobson. In the 1633 and 1635 editions of Nansen, the names are printed as one"Medina Talnaby." In the 1646 edition, somebody inserted a comma thus: "Medina, Talnaby." Incidentally this shows that Jon Olafsson used the 1646 edition, reading the statement as the names of two towns. These words, however, represent the name of one town only! Let us write them as one name "Medinatalnaby" and divide the name up " Medinat-al-naby." The name becomes at once Medinatu'n-Naby, the City of the Prophet, i.e., Medina not far from Mecca. R C. TEMPLE. 20 Sayyid 'All does not give the details of Murtaza Nizam Shah's death. According to Firishta, Husain II, a few days after his interview with his father, had him carried to the bath and caused it to be heated to a much higher temperature than usual. He then had all apertures closed and allowed the king, no water to drink, so that he was suffocated, or rather, baked to death-F. ii, 288. 295 Firishta agrees in the date here given as that of Murtaza Nigam Shah's death, but says that he reigned for twenty-four years and five months. He adds that he was buried temporarily at Raurah, above Daulatabad, and that his body was exhumed by his brother, Burhan II, and sent to Karbala, where it was buried beside those of his father and grandfather-F. ii, 288,

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ FEBRUARY, 1923 BOOK-NOTICE AN ELEMENTARY PALAUNO GRAMMAR by Mrs. to which Palaung belongs, viz., those of the general LESLIE MILNE. Introduction by.c. O. BLAGDEN. | Mon Race. This is to say that ta in both NicoOxford, Clarendon Press, 1921. hareso and Palaung is used when it is necessary or desirable to express the fact that there is an inti. I understand Mrs. Milne's difficulties in this mate relation between two words in a sentence. first attempt to reduce the Palaung language to writing and to unravel its construction," becauso This leads me to note that Palaung, like other in 1875, in co-operation with Mr. E. H. Man I made languages of the kind, has a wide list of what we an attempt to reduce a language an Andamanoso used to call numeral co.etficiente, but I suppose we dialect of a tribe that epidemics introduced by must now call them numeral determinatives. I Europeans have alas ! since absolutely wiped out- am nos euro, however, whether the younger for the first time to writing. The difficulties before term is an improvement, especially as this Grammar us were much greater than thoso Mro. Milne had to tends to show that these words are really descriptive encounter, for the reasons that thore was no pro or classificatory. Perhaps the best and most vious knowledge to guide us and no known group generally intelligible term for them would be 'olasei. of languages with which to compare what we were fier.' I throw this out as a hint to professional trying to learn. I well remember the difficulty of grammarians. making anything of an obviously grammatical Turning to the "System of writing," I am very construction out of the statements of natives of ! pleased to see that only four unusual letters are used, the soil, quite as intent on learning our language and my remarks thereon will show the suthoresg As we were on learning theirs, and utterly unable how far the public she caters for will grasp her to explain, or help in explaining, any grammatical meaning, though I suspect it is thst ekilled philologist form. Something of the sisine trouble no doubt Mr. Otto Blagden who is responsible for them and fell to Mrs. Milue in her endeavours. not Mrs. Milne. I will preface my remarks by This book is not "scientific." That is, it does quoting from p. 12:"When there is no diacritical not attempt to present the language philologically, mark over a lettor, the vowel sound is short ; when and uses for grammatical purposes the terms and a straight line is over a lotter-a, the vowel sound expressions commonly employed in teaching and is long." Then "Aasa in Mann (German) makes explaining English to English people. The book a asa in father 1-"a as u in but makes as ur in is none the less useful and clear to those for whom further. Am I right? We now get a little puzzle : it is primarily intended I take it missionaries and " as in ein get or well makes in fate? " as a in Government officials. For such a purpose it is a pane" makes a in? what, raising the question of why good book. print both eando? What is gained by doing so ? It is also an honest book and shirks no difficulties I next come to a greater difficulty :-"i as i in presented by an analytical language framed on lines pin," and " as i In medicine," what then are i unknown to European learners. There is a real and I! Havo we in Palaung what Sir George attempt to explain the why and wherefore of every Grierson would call "long short i" and "short long word in overy sentence quoted : which after all is i ?" If so, it should be stated. Prima facie, what the learner wants, unless he be a philological there is no reason really for bothering the reader student. Such a student will find out for himself how with either e or i. very inadequate is the usual English scheme of Lastly, we have "o as o in bons," which would do grammatical teaching, where "non-Aryan " Oriental away with o altogether: however, I assume that languages are concerned. I need not point out to such the deficiencies in this respect on almost every Mrs. Milne means "Oas o in opaque", which should leave us 0 A9 in bone. And then we have what page of this book. I can't print in the Journal, vie., what looks like a One result is that a great many words have to be q gone wrong to represent "o as in hot or law !" treated as "particles"-a term dear to the old time In the text we have very frequently this q gone grammarians when faced with a syllable or word wrong with the long mark over it, so it must be essential to any given language, which he could not both long and short as in hot and law. But need account for or exactly classify-a term I person we worry the public with this a gone wrong? ally should like to see tabued to all gramma Would not the much more easily printed and rians. While we are on this point, there is one do cqually well and be as easily explained ? I "particle,' la, which very often appears, with every kind of sense attached to it according to context. throw this out as a hint. Mrs. Milne gives it the general sense of the English The only further remark needed here is that the to. It seems to me to be really what I have called book is beautifully printed and Mr. Blagden's conjunctor of intimate relation' in treating introduction admirable. Nicobarose-a tongue in general alliance with those R. C. TEMPLE.

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MC, 1923! THE PROJECTED ILLUSTRATED MAHABHARATA THE PROJECTED ILLUSTRATED MAHABHARATA. BY SIR RICHARD TEMPLE, BT. IN vol. III, pt. I, of the Annals of the Bhandarkar Institute, Poona, for July 1921, but published in January 1922, there is a paper by the Chief of Aundh on the lines to be followed in drawing the pictures for the Institute's edition of the Mahabharata. The Institute has been fortunate in securing a heavy Government subsidy supplemented by a princely donation from the Chief himself, who is anxious that the money shall be properly spent, i.e., that the illustrations shall reproduce the period of the actors in the story as accurately as may be. He has fairly and dispassionately stated his views as tothe principles that should guide the artists employed. With these views I may say at once I heartily agree. In ascertaining what these principles should be, the point that raises controversy is (to quote the Chief) the fact that "no caves or statues or carvings belonging to the epic period are available, nor is there any literary evidence which may unimpeachably be assigned to the epio period." To this I 'inay add that it is not even yet definitely settled what was "the epic period.". In the circumstances it is clear that all we can go upon is circumstantial evi. dence for such all-important points in pictorial representation as dress for man and beast, vehicles (animal or other), dwellings, processions, manners and customs, insignia and so on. And such circumstantial evidence as we have is based perforce on tradition, ancient or modern. The whole argument, therefore, rests on the value of tradition in such a matter as this or in allied matters. In my judgment tradition is of very great value-specially if it can be traced back to a period when writing was unknown, or but sparsely used, or known only to a limited class. In guch cases tradition is at least of equal value with written or inscribed documents, even if these can be shown to be contemporary. In literary matters it is not difficult to show that this is the case. The circumstances in which Sir George Grierson and Dr. Lionel Barnett recovered the practically unwritten Kashmiri text of the Lalla Vakyani, 600 years after the author's date, make a case in point. The unquestioned accuracy with which a hafiz will repeat the Kuran, a Jew the Hebrew Scriptures, and many a Christian of the days gone by could repeat the Bible, and members of Brahmanical and Buddhist Schools appropriate portions of what I may call the Indian Scriptures, are other cases in point. Yet another illustration of the value of literary tradition is the fact that some thirty years ago the broken stones of the Kalyani Inscriptions at Pegu were set up again, despite many lost gaps, with complete accuracy because the text-recording the upasampada ceremony of ordination-was of supreme importance to the Buddhist hierarchy of Burma, and agreed word for word, even letter for letter, with the traditional written texts to be had in abundance in unvarying MSS. The accuracy of pictorial representations of such ephemeral matters as the light and shade and the colouration of a landscape, of cloud effects and so on, are as much a matter of memory as the words of a text or the notes of a long musical work, and the fact that these can be, and are habitually, carried without error in certain types of brain is beyond cavil. In ancient sculpture and pictures allowance must of course be made for want of knowledge in perspective and anatomy, but this does not detract from the accuracy of tradition in such matters-dress, vehicles, dwellings, collective movements and manners-as go to the correct reproduction of a scene enacted before the date of the ancient artist. I therefore submit that we can safely trust his productions as to such points as the above. As the Chief of Aundh says, we possess an ancient tradition of this kind in the sculptures and actual pictures at Sa nchi, Bharhut, Bhilsa, Ajanta, Ellora, Java, Amaravati and so on,

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42 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( MARCH, 1923 and not only do I agree that we are safe in using them as models for such a project as an illustrated Mahabharata, but I have actually done so for illustrations of Indian History. About ten years or more ago I was asked to write the Persian, Indian and Further Indian sections of Hutchinson's History of the Nations. It was to be a brief popular history from the earliest to the most modern times and highly illustrated, i.e., with at least one picture on every page, besides many full-page illustrations. Of the Indian section, to which I will now restrict myself, I controlled the illustrations as well as the letter-press. As the history had to be very brief and cover the whole story from the earliest to the most modern times, I had to leave out very many important incidents and matters I wished to include in the 25,000 words I was allowed for all India, ancient, mediaeval and modern. I used the power of profuse illustration to make good deficiencies as far as possible. The illustrations then became of paramount importance. Further, as the work was essentially "popular, more pictures containing "movement" than I wished had to be included. Lastly, I could command the services of English artists only, some of whom had never been in India and had, therefore, to be carefully taught and instructed. For the anciont portion of the work I relied on the many books, illustrated in facsimile available nowadays on ancient Indian sculptured remains, and to my mind I was justified in doing so. Roughly the procedure was to select the photographs or other mechanical reproductions I wanted for my scenes, carefully explain them to the artist, and tell him to draw his picture with modern perspective and anatomy. He did not always quite clearly apprehend, but for the purpose in hand, viz., pictures for the education of a public unlearned in things Indian, the artists, taken all round, seemed to me to succeed in recreating with reasonable accuracy Indian scenes of long ago. In the case of the proposed illustrated Mahabharata, I do not see why the Chief of Aundh and his colleagues should not succeed in satisfying even a loarned Indian public by following the same method-which indeed I gather is what he proposes to do with this difference :-my artists were English without expert Indian knowledge, he and his artists are expert Indians. The ancient scenos depicted were as follows: Prehistoric India. 1 p. 115--The dawn of life ; building a home. Drawn from a descriptioa of Anda manose practice; the most primitive Oriental type known. 2. p. 116- The early morning of life; the daily bread. Taken from a photograph of primitive life in Bengal. 3. p. 117-The forenoon of life ; Aryans entering India. Artist's own idea, accepted by myself. 4. p. 118-Aryans settled in India : open-air sacrifice. From description : artist had been long in India. North India 5. p. 119-Maya's Dream of the Birth of Gautama Siddharta, the Buddha, B.c. 568. From a well known Buddhist sculptured soene. 1 Attached to the section of the work is a table of "Dates of Indian History with cautionary ncto "Most of the oarly dates and many Hindu dates up to the Muhammadan Conqueet in 1193 are still controveesial."

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MARCH, 1923] THE PROJECTED ILLUSTRATED MAHABHARATA 43 6. p. 120-A hermit in times beyond date. From sculptured scenes by an artist who knew India well. 7. p. 121-An exhortation by Mahavira, the Jina, B.C. 560. From a description. 8. p. 122-The last days of Buddha's teaching, B.C. 489. From a description, to bring out the difference between the nakedness of Mahavira and the clothing of Buddha. 9. p. 122-Prasenajit of Kosala (Oudh) pays a visit, B.C. 520. From a sculpture; not successful: very stiff and the horse's tail should be tied to the harness. The scene is fairly portrayed, nevertheless. 10. p. 123-Ajatasatru of Magadha makes a midnight call, B.C. 495. From description, based on ancient sculpture. 11. p. 124-Anathapindaka's great act of charity, B.C. 483. From a well-known Buddhist sculpture. 12. p. 125-Porus awaits the attack of Alexander, July, B.C. 326. From description, based on Greek accounts, of the opening scene of the battle. 13. p. 126-A feat of Alexander the Great, B.C. 326. From the Greek account of the attack on the fort of the Malloi. 14. P. 126 -Ancient Indian coins from photographs. 15. p. 127-Chandragupta Maurya entertains his bride from Babylon, B.C. 303. From a well-known sculptured scene, showing contemporary customs: the great ladies scantily clothed; the maidservants fully clothed. But I doubt if an ancient Greeco-Persian or Babylonian princess could have been induced to appear otherwise than heavily clad. 16. p. 128--Asoka's Envoy declares peace, B.C. 261. From another sculptured scene of the same kind as No. 15. 17. p. 129 Somewhere there is a fine full-page dancing scene from a sculpture which is missing from the copy I now have. 18. p. 129 Foreigners at Sanchi with offerings, B.O. 145. From a sculptured scene. 19. p. 130-Asoka's missionaries set up an edict Pillar at Lauriya Nandangarh, B.O. 244. Partly from description and partly from sculptured figures. 20. p. 131-King Milinda asks questions, B.O. 140. From description, by an artist who knew India. 21. p. 132-Gondophares receives a letter from St. Thomas, c. 45 A.D. From description to an artist acquainted with Indo-Baktrian art. 22. p. 133-Kanishka inaugurates Mahayana (Northern) Buddhism, 100 A.D. From description and Indo-Baktrian art. The figure of the Buddha is much too modern. 23. p. 134-A street scene in Taxila, A.D. 260. From description. The instruction was that the ancient Buddhist sculptures were to be taken for the buildings, but that otherwise the bazaar would be much as it is now in Northern India. 24. p. 135-Vikramaditya Gupta goes forth to war, A.D. 395. From description. 25. p. 136-Kalidasa inaiting the "Cloud Messenger," A.D. 375. From description. 26. p. 137-The defeat of the Ephthalites or White Huns, A.D. 528. A vigorous battle scene from a study of Mongolian and Indian pictures and designs. 27. p. 138-Fa Hsien at the ruins of Asoka's Palace, A.D. 407. From study of ancient sculpture.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( MABOE, 1923 28. p. 139--The Emperor Harsha pays homage to Buddha, A.D. 645. From description. 29. p. 140-An Ancient Coronation. Photograph of an Ajanta fresco, showing ancient method of painting a soene. 30. p. 144-Kirtivarman Chandella visits his temple at Khajurahu, A.D. 1065. From a photograph of a temple at Khajurahu. 31. p. 144-Sankaracharya talks of the One God, A.D. 815. From description to an artist who knew India. 32. P. 145-Ramanuja contemplating his philosophy of the One Personal God, A.D. 1100. Froin description and a metal image of Ramanuja. The Deccan and South India. 33. p. 146-Worship at Karli in the days of Christ, A.D. 20. From a photograph of the Cave and description showing that the dress of the people was much as now. 34. p. 148-Arrival of the Jewish pilgrims at Cochin, (traditionally) A.D. 68. From description showing Jewish dress of the period and modern Malabart costume. . 35. p. 149-Pulikesin II, the Chalukhya receives envoys from Persia, A.D. 625. From a coloured fresco at Ajanta. 36. p. 150-Cutting an Inscription at Vatapi, A.D. 578. From a photograph taken at Ba dami. 37. p. 150-A Singhalese raid into Southern India, A.D. 1175. From description. p. 151-Vikramanka Chalukhya sends a friendly letter to Kulottunga Chola, c. 1080. From description and an Ajanta painting. p. 152--Two busts showing ancient Indian jewellery. From Ajanta paintings. 40. p: 152-Ruins of the Kailasa at Ellora. From a photograph. 41. p. 154-Defeat of Pulikesin II. Chalakhya by Mahamalla Pallava at Badami, A.D. 142. Vigorous battle-piece from description. 42. p. 155-Rajaraja Chola inspects the bas-relief of his exploits at Tanjore, A.D. 995. From photographs of Tanjore temple walls and description giving modern costume to an artist who knew India. Muhammadan and Later India. The same principles as the above were adopted for illustrations of mediaeval and modern India, of which the following are typical examples of the methods by which scenes, sometimes long gone by, were reconstructed :43. p. 172-The Mediaeval Reformer Kabir and his sons, A.D. 1510. From a contem porary Indian painting in the India Office. . 44, p. 174Rejoicings at the Birth of the Emperor Akbar the Great, A.D. 1642. From another contemporary Indian painting. 45. p. 174 The Khan Jahan shows Akbar his Princely Captives (the Rebellion of the Mirzas), A.D. 1572. In colours from a contemporary Indian painting. 46. p. 186- The Action between the French and the English off Pulo Aor (Straits of Singapore) in 1804. Froin a photograph of contemporary English print. 47. p. 194-Maharaja Ranjit Singh of the Panjab, c. 1835. From a photograph of contemporary English painting. 48. p. 205-The Well at Cawnpore, 1857. From a photograph of a rare sketch made. by an English officer on the spot after its discovery. Note.--All the later illustrations were made after original contemporary European drawings.

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MAROH, 1923) PALLAVA PAINTING 45 Bearing in mind that the illustrations above mentioned were made by English artists for an English audience, it is hoped that the above remarks on the method of producing them may be of use to the Chief of Aundh and his colleagues in their praiseworthy attempt to bring hone to the modern Hindu public the scenes described in their great Epic. In such a matter it is the public and not any particular class of virtuosi that have to be considered. In an effort to reach the public by illustration the initial cost is always great. Messrs. Hutchinsons' enterprise, of which my work was of course only a portion, meant, I under stand, an outlay of PS30,000, and I am not surprised to hear that the new Mahabharata will oost a great deal of money to produce. PALLAVA PAINTING. By Prop. G. JOUVEAU DUBREUIL.1 PALLAVA sculpture and architecture are well-known, but Pallava painting is quite a new subject. Some traces of colour found at Mahabalipuram and at Mamandar give room for suspicion that the monuments there have been painted, but these remains are quite sufficient to enable us to understand the art of Pallava painting. The discovery of frescoes in the Pallava rock-cut temple at Sittannavasal are of much importance. These paintings enable us to put forth the two following propositions - 1. The process of Pallava painting is similar to that of the Ajanta paintings. 2. From an artistic point of view, the remains that we have are very remarkable. It would appear that the painting of the Pallavas was, perhaps, even more beauti ful than their sculpture. The frescoes at Sittannavasal came to my knowledge thus. In the course of the year 1918, I undertook, with the late Mr. T. A. Gopinatha Row, a complete study of all the rock cut temples of Southern India. Sittannavasal figured in a list of villages that I sent to Mr. Glopinatha Row and I requested him to make an examination of the cave temple there. On the 27th January 1919, Mr. Gopinatha Row wrote to me, "In accordanoe with the strongly expressed desire of yours to undertake the writing of a work on the South Indian rook-out shrines, I took twenty days' privilege leave before Christmas with permission to suffix the Christmas holidays to it and visited the following places.....". And about SittannavAsal and its frescoes he said, "These paintings are perhaps as old as the shrine and are in a fairly good state of preservation and need being copied fully." It is therefore certain that Mr. Gopinatha Row intended to return to Sittannavisal to make a complete study of it, but unfortunately death prevented my friend from realising his project. The discovery of Pallava paintings appeared to me, however, to be so important that I went to the spot on the 3rd January 1920. Sittannavasal is nine miles to the north-west of Pudukkottai and is situated in the midst of the Pallava country, being only a few miles from Narttamalai, Malaiyadipatti, Kudumiyamalai and Kunnandarkdil, which contain well-known inscriptions of the epoch of the Pallavas. The arohitectural style of the rock-cut shrine at Sittannavasal is identical with that of the Mamandor caves, which we owe to Mahendravarman I., as is proved by the Mamandir inscription praising the poetical and musical talents of this king. The Sittannavdeal cave is & Jain temple and was carved out of the rock by men who were the contemporaries, 1 The discovery referred to in this article was first announoed on 13th November 1920 in a note privately printed at the State Press, Pudukkottai.

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16 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCE, 1923 co-religionists and friends of Mahendravarman I., before he was converted by Appar. It was at one time fully decorated, but only the upper parts of the edifice are now intact. So there only remain the paintings on the ceilings, the capitals and the upper parts of the pillars. The principal subject that is preserved is a grand fresco which adorns the whole extent of the ceiling of the verandah. This fresco represents a tank covered with lotus. In the midst of the flowers are found fish, geese, buffaloes, elephants and three men who are surely Jains holding lotuses in their hand. The skin of two of these Jains is dark-red in colour and that of the third is bright yellow. Their pose, their colouring and the sweetness of their countenance are indeed charming, and I regret very much my inability to give photographs of them here. Unfortunately red and yellow appear black in photographs and in this case the Jains are painted red, yellow and black, and photographs that I took with the greatest care failed to give any satisfactory result. Moreover, it is very difficult to make a copy of the fresco by hand, and it is almost impossible for anyone but a professional painter to reproduce a tableau without changing its expression. For my part it was impossible to make an exact copy of these paintings, whose charms consist in the versatility of design and in gradation of colouring with the half-tones and the light and shade. The fresco of "the Lotus tank" was probably some scene from the religious history of the Jains, which I do not know. The decoration of the capitals of the two pillars of the facade is well-preserved, and consists of painted lotuses whose blooming stems intertwine with elegance. The pillars them. Helves are adorned with the figures of dancing-girls. The one on the right side is not wellpreserved but, luckily, the one on the left has escaped almost completely the ravages of man, rain and time. As this part of the monument is in full light, it was easy for me to make a tracing of it on transparent paper and thus obtain an almost perfect reproduction of it, given here. This charming dancing-girl is a devadasi of the temple, for in the seventh century, the Jains and the Buddhists had come to terms with God in regard to the introduction of dancing-girls into their austere religion. * NON A PALLAVA FRESCO AT SITTANNAVASAL NHAR PUDUKKOTTAI.

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MAROE, 1923) ODIA : A DERIVATION 47 The art of dancing was greatly honoured at the time of Mahendravarman I. In 1920 my friend, Mr. K. G. Sankara Aiyar of Trivandram, studied the Mamandur inscription with the aid of a few photographs that I had sent him, and was able to read in it the words : nasahitvacha nrityavihitah. It is therefore probable that the king Mahendravarman I was the author of a treatiso on dancing. In the samo inscription he found the words : kradharani svara varnnayapura tapuh kavigira, and elsewhere: kinchavividhaih kritvavarnam Chandrdvarnam. Mahendravarman was thus the author of certain works on music, which is an art inseparable from dancing. Further, in The Pallaras, page 39, I have given it as my opinion that the Kudumiyamalai inscription referred to the musical talents of Mahendravarman. I should add here that Mr. T. A. Gopinatha Row, when visiting the rock-cut temples of Pudukkottai State, made the important discovery of a new musical inscription and wrote to me as follows :-"The Tirumayyam Cave also contained a musical treatise similar to the Kurumiyamalai inscription. It is engraved on the wall of the shrine to Siva (rock-cut). A very late Pandya king has erased a portion of the inscription, stating that it is in an unintelligible script, and has engraved thereon a useless inscription of his own recording perhaps a gift of a few coins. The "beggar" did not know what serious damage he was doing to an invaluable inscription. The fragments that are available now read here and there :Sha[dja), Gandhara, Dhaiva[ta]-terms of Indian music, written in the same characters as the Kudumiyamalai inscription. Of the fine arts of the Pallava epoch, we have kilown the soulpture for a long time. We have now some information about painting, music and dancing. Thus the fresco paintings of Sittannavasal complete our knowledge of the art of the Pallavas during the time of Mahendravarman I. ODIA : A DERIVATION. BY G. RAMADAS, B.A. ODIYA, generally spelt Oriya in English, is the language of the Odias, who live in the province commonly called Orissa, which is usually held to be a contraction of Odra-desa, meaning the country of the Odras. The initial vowel 6 is at times changed to v, and the name is then pronounoed Voddes. So great an authority as Sir George Grierson, Linguistic Survey of India, vol. V, pt. 2, 'p. 367, says: "It (Oriya) is the language of Odra or Utkala, both of which are ancient names of the country now known as Orissa." The first question then to attack is: When did these names, Odra, Odia, and Utkala, come to be used ? The terms Odra, Odia and Utkala are not found in the Ramayana. In the Mahabharata, however, the name Ondra appears (Bhishma parva, Canto 9, sloka 7), but in association with Barbaras and Mechhas. It is possible that Ondra is here & wrong reading for Andhra. Anyhow it cannot refer to the Odras... Utkala occurs in floka 41 of the same Canto, where it is associated with the Dabarnas, who may have derived their name from the river Dasarna, which is mentioned by Ptolemy as ono of the four rivers of Kannagara and as the western mouth of the Ganges. The Dasar. nas are also mentioned in the Vishnu Punana as inhabiting the south-western part of Madhyadesa, in juxtaposition to the Sabaras. The names of the kings of this people are given in the Mahabhdrata, but nothing more is said of the Utkalas. In none of the Edicts of Asoka are the Utkalas or Odras mentioned, and neither of these names is found in the inscriptions of the caves of the Udayagiri and Khandaqiri hills

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48 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ MARCE, 1923 of Orissa. Later on, Megasthenes and Pliny mention a number of peoples living in the country near the mouths of the Ganges, but it is impossible to identify any of them with the Odras or Utkalas. In the Allahabad posthumous pillar inscription of Samudra-Gupta, only he metropolitan towns of the kingdoms conquered are mentioned, and it is not possible to say for certain which of them was the capital of the Odra-desa. All we can say is that three of the kingdoms seem to have been in the region along the coast, for Kalidasa, whose works belong to much the same period, says in his Raghuvassa, Canto IV, that after Raghu had conquered the Sumhas, princes of Vaiga (Bengal), he crossed the river Kapisa, and being shown the way by the princes of Utkala, bent his course towards Kalinga, with which land he associates the mountain Mahendra-giri. This kingdom of Utkala was, according to the Allahabad Inscription, ruled over by Vyaghraraja, while Mahendra-giri was in the kingdom of Kalinga from Asokan times, and what the Allahabad Inscription and Kalidasa's statement seem to imply is that by Samudra-Gupta's time the northern part of the Asokan Kalinga had become a separate kingdom known as Uttara-Kalinga or Utkala. This is not an unnatural assumption to make. But as yet we have not met with any mention of Odra or Odia, and we cannot therefore be certain of the use of that term before the seventh century A.D., the latest date so far given to Kalidasa. In the travels of Hwan Thsang, the Chinese Pilgrim of the seventh century, Odra is, however, mentioned, to the south of which is Konyodha, and to the south of that again is Kalinga. It seems clear from these statements that the ancient Utkala had come to be known as Odra by the time of this prince of the Chinese pilgrims. It is now necessary to discuss how and why this new name came to be used. As has been above said, the Utkalas and Dasarnas were the people living in the region between Kannagara (Konark, Kanarak) and the western mouth of the Ganges, and it is stated in the Vishnu-Purana that the Sabaras were living in juxtaposition to the Dasarnas. Besides these three, many minor tribes were probably also living in this region. The Utkalas must have become the most prominent of them all in subsequent times, as the whole territory was named after them. To ascertain how the name Odra or Odia arose, we have to go to the derivation of the word itself. Monier Williams in his Sanskrit-English Dictionary says, " Odra is formed of ud to embrace, and the affix rak; the u becomes 7." This makes out that the word originally meant "the people that embrace," and signifies that the people have the character of em. bracing or adopting the manners of others. However, had this been so observable in the people as to give them a name signifying that characteristic, Hwan Thsang, who never omitted to mention any prominent fact, would have said so in his account of Odra. At the present day they are found to be very tenacious in adhering to their native habits. The derivation given above cannot be accepted. Sanskrit scholars always try to derive every word in that language from Sanskrit roots alone. This is due to their zeal to show that Sanskrit is a pure language unpolluted by the admixture of foreign (Mlechchha) and vernacular (Paisachaka) elements. But an unbiased study will show that even in Sanskrit such foreign words do exist, and that words to express ideas foreign to Sanskrit had to be borrowed from other languages. Thus, Hora, Drekkana. Sunapha, etc., of the astronomical expressions were adapted from Greek. From China came chini. The names of towns and countries were not materially altered when they were taken into Sanskrit. Thus, Kottura, a purely Dravidian name formed of kotta, new, and uru,

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MARCH, 1923] ODIA : A DERIVATION 49 a town, became in Sanskrit Kottaraka, and the Sabara name Lanka remained unchanged in Sanskrit. Similarly the name Odra appears to have had its origin in a language which is unconnected with the sacred language of India. The Kuis or Khonds are a tribe of the Dravidian class living in the hills of Orissa, "Their habitat is the hills separating the districts of Ganjam and Vizagapatam in the Madras Presidency and continuing northwards into the Orissa Tributary States, Bod, Daspalla, and Nayagarh, and, crossing the Mahanadi, into Angul and the Khondmals. The Khond area further extends into the Central Provinces, covering the northern part of Kaldhandi, and the south of Patna." (Grierson's Linguistic Survey of India, vol. IV, p. 457.) These people cannot have been immigrants, for the migratory instinot is not in them, so far as can be now judged. They are very much attached to their homes. Though now confined to the hills, they must have onoe formed the people of both the hills and the littoral, until the irresistible flood of the Aryan peoples flowed down upon them from the mouths of the Ganges, and made most of them retreat into the hills. Even then some of them remained amongst their conquerors. "But over the whole tract (where Oriya is spoken), except the settled portions of Orissa, there are a number of tribes who know no Oriya, and whose only form of speech is some Dravidian or Mupga language" (Grierson, op. cit., vol. V, pt. 2, p. 368). The occupation of Orissa by the Aryan conquerors is comparable with that of Britain by the Teutonio tribes. There was no extermination of the original inhabitants. In course of time conquering immigrants penetrated into the hill tracts also, besides occupying all the low valleys and plains, and foroed the Dravidian tribes up into the remoter hills. Even there the Khonds could not escape the invader's influence, and some of their words crept into the Khond language. All their cardinal numerals from three to twenty are Oriya--Amu, we (Oriya, ame); sunna, gold; rupa, silver ; loko, man; chdsd-gatanju, cultivator (Oriya, chasa, cultivation); gaude-nju, shepherd (Oriya, gaudu, a shepherd); OsurSnju, a devil (osur, a demon); goda, a horse ; honso, a duck: denga, tall, are all examples of Oriya words that have been directly, or with the addition of Kui terminations, taken into Kui. Some of the Oriya customs are also found among the Khonds. Where did these conquerors that exerted so much influence upon the indigenous inhabi. tants of the country come from? It has already been suggested that they were, prior to the seventh century, called the Utkalas, as inhabitants of the kingdom of Uttara-Kalinga. Their language and customs bear a resemblance to those of the people of Bengal and Bihar, and the three languages of Bengal, Bihar and Utkala all appear to have sprung from the Magadhi Prakrit. It may be assumed therefore that the Utkalas must have originally inhabited the region near the mouths of the Ganges, i.e., the southern part of Magadha. It cannot be definitely determined why these Utkalas left their original homes for the country of the Khonds, but they may have entered it after it had been conquered by Asoka for reasons of trade. To the present day they show a strong tendenoy towards trade and traffic, and Osiya silk merchants are found in every place as far south as Madras. They have also always exhibited an adventurous and enterprising spirit, and this may have induced them to leave their native homes for pastures new. They certainly carried their arms southwards as far as Nellore, and the kings of Cuttack bore the titles of Gajapati, Gaudesvara, Navakoti-Karnata-Kalabargesvara, claiming a suzerainty over Kalinga, the Gauda country,1 the Carnatic, and even Kulbarga. A copper-plate grant of Pratapa Rudra 1. That is, the Vizagapatam District, because Simhachalam is called Govara-Kahetra in the Oriya inscriptions of that temple. A class of shepherds called Gavards are found in large numbers in this distriot.

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50 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH, 1923 Deva of this family, dated 1509-10 A.D. (No. 12 of Appendix A, Epigraphical Report, Madras, 1920-21) has been discovered at Kavali in the Nellore District, and a stone inscription (No. 208 of 1899) of the same king in the Guntur District. But when the Oriyas came into conflict with the powerful Vijayanagar Empire under Krishna Deva Raya, they had to recede northwards, and a boundary for their country was formed where Vaddadi (Vadde of the Odias: vadi, a limit), a town in the District of Vizagapatam, now stands. A further proof of their adventurous spirit is to be found in the fact that Vaddes, a class of Odias, are found settled so far south as the district of Tinnevelly. Such being the spirit of the people, no wonder the Khonds had to submit, and were perhaps reduced to the position of the serfs of European feudal times. Thus degraded, the Khonds treated their superiors as over-lords and called them Odas, which in the Kui language means kings. At the present day the indebted hillmen of the Jeypore Agency call their creditors sahukar, which in Oriya, as elsewhere, means money-lender, while the lower classes call the Brahmans, especially the temple-priests, mahd-prabhu, which means "great lord." The Kui word oda is purely Dravidian and is found in all the Dravidian languages Thus-Telugu, Odayadu or Odayudu, meaning "king" or "lord": Kanarese, Odayar, the title of the Maharaja of Mysore: Tamil, Udayar, meaning "king." Another form of the word, Udayavar, is applied only to Ramanuja, the reputed founder of the Vaishnava religion in the South. Add to this Dravidian word oda the suffix iya, which means 'belonging to,' and we get Odia, as the "people of the kings." Such a derivation conforms with vernacular habits, while Sanskrit scholars, who want to make every word pedantic, add ra to the root and form from it odra by the process of dropping the final a and lengthening the initial o. In my view the Odias got their name out of their own tongue and themselves gave it to their language and their country. The language is in fact of comparatively recent origin and did not take on a literary form till the middle of the nineteenth century. INDIA AND THE ROMANS. BY PROF. G. JOUVEAU DUBREUIL. (Translated from the French by Sir R. C. Temple.1) Ir is generally thought that Europe and India are far removed from each other, though relations between them were numerous before the discovery of the Cape of Good Hope and the progress of navigation. I propose not only to show that there were communications between India and Rome, but to try and prove that they were frequent and important and that India was thoroughly saturated with Roman civilisation.. The Roman Republic had without doubt hardly any relations with India. But the Emperor Augustus received two Indian embassies. One of them brought with it some presents and a letter written in Greek, by which a king in India gave the Romans complete liberty of entry and traffic. The presents consisted of curiosities from his country: a man without arms, an enormous tortoise, some snakes, and a gigantic partridge [? peacock]. The ambassadors went by the city of Broach, which is to the north of Bombay, followed the route of Nearchos along the Persian Gulf, and reached Italy by way of Antioch. That was the old route to Europe. 1 G. Jouveau-Dubreuil : L'Inde et les Romains; Librairie Paul Geuthner, 13 rue Jacob, Paris, 1921. A pamphlet of 7 pages.

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MARCH, 1923 ] INDIA AND THE ROMANS 51 In the year B.O. 30 Augustus conquered Egypt, and from that time the ordinary route used was that by Egypt and the Red Sea. According to Strabo, real fleets, counting more than 120 vessels, used to leave the Red Sea and steer for India. Commerce now became very important and we have some details of it in the works of Strabo and Pliny, and above all in the Periplus of the Erythrean Sea and in Ptolemy's Geography. Let us go back to that time of long ago, and, in imagination, let us accompany a Roman merchant on his voyage. He makes the classic voyage across the Mediterranean from Rome to Alexandria, and then our merchant embarks on the Nile and goes up the river as far as Koptos, a little below Thebes. After this he crosses the desert on camel-back for 200 miles to Berenice, the port of the Troglodites [Cave-dwellers], in one of the gulfs of the Red Sea. There he finds about 400 vessels, ready to sail together as a fleet, for the ports of India. In the middle of July the fleet leaves the shores of Egypt and after some days arrives at Mouza, near the town of Mocha in Arabia. A little further on, in the Straits of Babel Mandeb, the fleet takes in fresh water at the port of Okelis, now Ghalla. It passes in sight of Eudemone or Aden, reaches the port of Kane, and finally leaves the coast of Arabia. The ships now start on the open sea for India. It is the beginning of August. The [South-west] Monsoon is at its height, and therefore all that our hardy seamen had to do was to run before the Wind of Hippalos to cross the whole width of the Arabian Gulf in a month. The Indian coast is struck on a day in September, and after the bearings are taken the ship is directed to the port of Barygaza, now the town of Broach [Bharukachchha, Bharuch] in the Gulf of Cambay. Here our merchant lands a portion of the merchandise he has brought from Europe, the greater part of it consisting of articles for the bazar [cheap market], valueless rubbish made in Europe. There is plenty of made-up clothing because the rich Indians dress themselves in the latest fashions of Rome. There are objects in steel or bronze, glassware, tin, lead, sandrach3 gum, coral, perfumery, unguents, etc. There are also special goods for presentation to the kings, because the town of Barygaza, which is the great seaport of Malwa and the Deccan, is in direct communication with Ozene, (Ujjayini, Ujjain) where reigns Tiastanes (Chashtana), and with Paithana, of which the king is called Siro-Polemaios (Sri-Pulumayi). These princes live in the greatest luxury, and for them our merchant has brought some silver dishes richly chased, fine wines and instruments of music and paints, and also some of those Greek (Yavani) slaves whose beauty and talents are extolled by the Hindu poets and much appreciated by the kings. All the European articles are sold dear and easily in the markets of Barygaza. We now continue our voyage southwards, following the coast of Dakhinabades or the Deccan. It is dangerous and there is a risk of being captured by the pirates of Nitria before we can arrive at the port of Muziris (Muyirikkodu or Cranganore), the great port of the country of the Cheras. In this town is found a Roman garrison composed of two cohorts, charged with the protection of commerce, and there is in the neighbourhood a temple of Augustus. The ship next doubles Cape Komaria or Comorin and arrives at the port of Kolkhof or Korkai. This town is in the centre of the pearl country and belongs to Pandion (the Pandyan) King of Madura. It is much frequented by Europeans and many of the inhabitants understand and speak Greek. The Pandyan (king) has a guard of Yavanas or European soldiers. Besides all this, the current money is Roman, and our merchant has landed at Kolkhoi a great quantity of Roman pieces, which at once pass into circulation. They serve Hippalos was the first Roman navigator to cross the Indian Ocean direct by the use of the Monsoon, about 79 A.D. The gum of the Sandarach tree (Ar. chandrus), also known as Citrus. Jointed arbor vitae, Pounce tree. The resin was formerly much esteemed as a medicine, but is now only used as an ingredient in varnishes.

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52 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ MARCH, 1923 him to buy pearls, the principal product of the country, and a certain quantity of ivory coming from Ceylon, and some beryls which come from Punnata or Punnad, of which the capital, Padiyar, stands on an affluent of the Cauvery. In the month of November the ship leaves Kolkhof with a cargo of pearls, ivory and precious stones for the return voyage to Europe. After rounding Cape Comorin the ship touches at the port of Becare [Vaikkarai] (now in the State of Travancore). It there takes in an enormous quantity of pepper from the town of Nelkyuda, which belongs to the Pandyan king, and is in the centre of the pepper region. After that the ship goes up the Malabar coast as far as Barygaza (Broach). In that port is taken in a freight of cotton cloths, especially very fine muslins, which have come from the neighbourhood of Masulipatam (Maesalia). It is now December or January; the wind is blowing from the north-east, and the ship can easily return to Arabia and thence to Egypt. Our merchant can then go on quickly to Rome where he can sell very dear what he has bought in a cheap market in India. Pliny complains indignantly that goods were sold in Rome at a price which was a hundred times their cost in India. The risks of the voyage were thus more than repaid. Despite the high prices at which pearls, incense, ivory, muslin and precious stones were sold in Rome, these articles went off at once, so great was the luxury and the taste for costly display in Rome under the first Emperors. On their part the Indians were pleased to see the advent to their country of these Europeans who brought them the luxury and civilisation of the West The Tamil poets tell us of the vases and lamps of the Yavanas and of the European soldiers, who wore fine armour and defended the city of Madura with courage. There was at Pukar (Kaveripattanam) an entire quarter for European merchants, where the shops were full of rare and precious articles. A Tamil poem, the Ahandnaru, speaks with admiration of the great and beautiful ships of the Yavanas which frequented the port of Muziris. The importance of Roman commerce was so great that the local money was completely replaced by the Roman. There have been discovered in the South of India numerous hoards buried in the earth and the pieces they contained were entirely Roman. There has never been found a single piece bolonging to a native prince, which clearly proves that the kings had adopted the Roman money. This last had the advantage of being international, whereas the indigenous moneys had no currency outside their own country. In 1850 an enormous quantity of gold pieces was discovered at Kottayam near Tellicherry. In 1856 at Kaliyamputtur in the Madura district, a large number of gold coins of the time of Tiberius, Claudius, Nero, Domitian and Nerva was found. At Pollachi in the Coimbatore district two hoards were discovered, both containing coins of Augustus and Tiberius. In the same district at Karuvur two hoards were also discovered. One of these, found in 1878, contained 500 silver coins of Augustus and 90 silver coins of Tiberius. At Vellalar in the same district of Coimbatore were found two hoards of silver coins. That found in 1842 contained 135 pieces of Augustus, 378 of Tiberius, 5 of Claudius. The other, found in 1891, was in a pot containing 180 pieces of Augustus and 329 of Tiberius. In 1898 there was discovered at Pudukkottai a hoard of a great quantity of coins of the Emperors from Augustus to Vespasian. It is to be remarked that all these coins were those of the Roman Emperors who reigned in the first century of our era.

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MARCE, 1028 ) INDIA AND THE ROMANS 53 Towards the end of that century Roman manners became simpler and there was reaction against the unbridled luxury of the first emperors. As the South of India produced chiefly articles of luxury, its commerce with Rome fell off. We now enter on the second phase of the bistory of the relations between India and the Romans. Up to this time the kingdom of the Parthians had served as a barrier between Northern India and the West. It is well known that the Parthians were the irreduci blo enemies of the Romans and hostile to Roman civilisation. But in the second half of the first century the Kushans of Bactria conquered Northern India and introduced there a taste for Western civilisation. From that time communications between Northern India and Europe became practicable also by land. One passed from India into the valley of Kabul and thenoo into Bactria. Following then the course of the Oxus, one arrived at the Black Sea by way of the country of the Massagetes. One could also go by Baluchistan, the South of Persia and Mesopotamia. Trajan and Antoninus Pius received ambassadors from India while Kanishka, a Kushan prince reigning in Northern India, bore in his inscription at Ava the title of Caesar, and at that time they (the Kushans) made use of (Roman) hours for dividing the day, as is proved for us by the rock inscription at Manikyala. The Kushan kings had coinage of their own, but it is to be remarked that the coins had exactly the weight of the Roman coins. The one silver coin which is known of Vima Kadphises is exactly of the weight of the (Roman) denarius, while the gold coins of the Kushans have the same weight as the Roman gold coins. It is probable that Roman coins were not current in Northern India, because very few have been found in that region. Nevertheless, it is useful to remember that three gold pieces, namely of Domitian, Trajan, and Sabina the wife of Hadrian, respectively, have been found mixed up with coins of the Kushan kings in a sanctuary [stupa] at Jalalabad. At that time Greek was the international language, and the Roman influence which penetrated into India in the first century of our era was in reality that cosmopolitan civilisation which is known as Graoco-Roman. From 105 to 273 A.D. the principal commercial emporium was Palmyra in Syria, and it is in some measure in consequence of its action as an intermediary that India received the Graeco-Roman culture, which spread itself thence through all the East. This Western influence profoundly affected the whole of India. We possess innumerablo sculptures which are so Graeco-Roman in style, that it is often necessary to know that they have buen discovered in India in order to recognise them as Indian. The style is often called Graeco-Buddhist, because Graeco-Roman art is found applied to Buddhist subjects. It is chiefly in Gandhara that sculptures of this kind have been discovered, and Professor Foucher of the Sorbonne has written a masterly work on the subjeot. Such soulptures have, however, been found at Mathura, on the Jamna, at Sarnath near Benares, and at Amaravati near Bezwada, which clearly shows that this art was spread all over India. Probably the Oriental wars of the Romans in the days of Trajan and Hadrian helped to spread the GraecoRoman art of Pergamos and Ephesus into India. The greater part of the foot-soldiers and horsemen represented in the bas-reliefs of Amaravati have the appearance of being imitations of those on Trajan's Column (at Rome). Buddha in sculpture personates Apollo, and the god Kuvera has the same appearance as the Zeus of Phidias. The figures are of a Grock type; the hair is ourly, and the clothing imitates the Roman toga. A halo adorna thothead of the Buddha, of a kind which, with their regular features, their curly locks, their draperies and their gostures of benediction completes a faithful portrait of the saints of the ancient Christian Church.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAECE, 1923 CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY. SERIES IV. BY H. A. ROSE, I.C.S. (Retired). In this Series the Bahdwalpur State Gazetteer (Lahore, 1904) is referred to as B.; the Chamba State Gazetteer (Lahore, 1904) as Ch.; the Simla Settlement Report as Simla S. R.; the Simla Hill States Gazetteer (Lahore, 1904) as SS. (with the addition of the name of the State); tho Sirmur State Gazetteer (Lahore, 1904) as Sirmur; and the Mandi and Suket States Gazetteer (Lahore, 1904) as Mandi or Suket, as applicable. The words in this Series are principally excerpted from the above works, but some from unpublished sources, many from the present writer's A Compendium of the Punjab Customary Law (Lahore, 1910 ;- cited as Comp.) and his Glossary of Punjab Tribes and Castes (Lahore, 1911, 1914 and 1919) have also boen included. Roman numerals refer to the three previous Series. P.D.-the Punjabi Dictu. of Bhai Maya Singh, D.G.K. Dera Ghazi Khan, and D.I.K. -Dera Ismail Khan Districts. Aba : a vocative, O father, -bawaji, among Pathans and Shaikhs. Abhyagat: a begging sadhu. Suket, 24. * Achar : character'. Gloss., I, p. 716. Achhlt: an offering of rice to Mahadeo : Suket 23, or -at, Gloss., I, p. 376 : as much as vill stay on the thumb, first and second fingers. Adh-gabh : lit. 'mid-pregnancy,' and so a rite observed thereat. Chloss., I, p. 733. Adhi-ghari : add to, in III), called gahri in Pangi and Lahul: V. Gahr. Ch., 231. Adh-pai: v. Pai. Adhwara: the high fields above the village, used for grazing in summer : Dudharu : in Churah : Ch., 228 ; but on p. 277 the forms adwdri, dudhari are given. Aga : * ceremony performed at night. A little menhdi is applied to the bridegroom's Anger and the rest is sent to the bride, on the night before the wedding : Sangrur (Jind). Agdhal: a steel for striking fire :=Kasparan. Simla S.R., xlv. Ahangkara : vanity. Glose., I, p. 716. Ahra : an official ranking below the Durbiyal. Ch., 265. Allan : Pieris ovalifolia. Ch., 239. Alra : a small tree, with leaves poisonous to cattle. Simla S.R., xliv. AJI : a vocative, used in addressing a woman among Pathans and Shaikhs. Akal, chhornd an observance performed on the 17th day after a death. Gloss., I. p. 855. See also Banjur chhond and Barkhotsar. Akall : an akall yard contains 17 girahs, instead of 16, the usual number. Amritsar. * Akkar: a title given to men of good family, who enjoy immunity from begar, and in former times were employed as soldiers. Ch., 178. Akrt: a kind of ak. B., 114. Altrantt: the 3rd day of the Magh festival. Sirmar, 64. Amangal (?-al): an inauspicious man, Suket, 25. Amara : Spondias mangifera. Sirmar, App. IV, iv. Amho samhana: simple exchange of brides in betrothal, in which only two are exchanged. Comp., 2. Cf. Chobhan. * Amran : watered or irrigated (?) :kohli, land which produces rice with the aid of rain. Ch., 223. Amrit: 'neotar'; chhaknd, to drink nectar, the Sikh rite of initiation ; sanskar - pahul. Gloss., I, pp. 696, 709 and 720.

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MAROE, 1923 1 CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY : 55 Anchhu : Rubus paniculatus. Sirmur, App. IV, v. Anda : see under Par. Also, a small vessel of brass. Sirmur, 43. Andarli: land close to the village. SS. Bilaspur, 15. Angan : a verandah. Ch., 119. Angralcha: a long tunic used by Hindus, reaching to the knees, with a cloth waist-band, tight trows and a small turban ; now confined to the older men. Ch., 205. Angshi: a wooden hand-rake. Simla S.R., xlv. Ang : =angarka. SS. Bashahr, 41 Ankh saldi : an observance in the third month of a first pregnancy in which the woman c2ases to apply antimony to her eyes. Gloss, I, p. 731. Annith: a leopard or panther; syn., bagh or baghera. Sirmur, 6. Ant-dan: the last alms, given by a dying man. Gloss., I, p. 843. Antrishti : an offering of a cow, etc., made at death to a Gujrati Brahman. Ch., 209. Apkatri : a coarse cotton cloth. SS. Jubbal. 20. Ara: a measure=4 tats: Simla S.R., xliv. Arandal, the food (rice and mutton) served to the bride's father party by the boy's on the third day after the wedding. Mandi, v. Dham. Arg : a big loaf. Ch., 124. Arjal: a horse or mare with three feet of one colour and the fourth of another-an evil sign counteracted by a white blaze on the forehead. B., 184. Arjan: Terminalis chebula. Ch., 239. Arkhol: Rhus sp. or semialata, or Wallichii, cf. Lifri. Ch., 236-7. Arti: apricot. Simla S.R., xlii. Art : & wedge for splitting 'stone. Simla S.R., xlv. Arvi: one of the two kinds of edible arum, A. colocasia. SS., Bashahr, 48. Asa : a circular wooden vessel, in some places of 5, in others of 4 odis, used on the threshing floor for measuring grain; Hazara. See also under Kassa. Adik-her, worship (?) round the village. Gloss., I, p. 346. (Bashahr.) Ashtami : a tax levied for goats, etc., sacrificed at festivals. SS., Kumharsain, 19. Ashanti : the first day of the Diwali. Sirmur, 63. Asklanti: the first day of the Magh festival. Sirmur, 64. (?) Asko : vulg. asnadrishtaddr and janwdi. Asar biah : 8 farm of marriage in which the bride's father receives consideration. B., 107. Cf. P.D., p. 48, 9.v. Asar. Ath-lai: the eight circumbulations at a wedding when the pair are both made to go four timeg round the earthan lamp and vessel of water, the tape and a bunch of pomegranates. Ch., 146. Athra : Add. to III) athrawdR is a woman whose children are born prematurely and generally die. Athri (sic) ka mankd is a bead used as a talisman against athra. The correct term seems to be athrah, and the word can hardly mean bead, as that is the meaning of manka. Gloss., I, pp. 760 and 854. Athraha : 'sitting on the heels'. Attock Gr., p. 113. Athwaha : a child born in the eighth month ; athwan, -wahan, or -wansa, rites observed in the eighth (or ninth) months of pregnancy. Glogs., I, pp. 736, 739. Athwara : regular corvee, as opposed to Hela, q.v. (Add. to III). Aur-da-minh : late rain in Assun (Sept.-Oot.). B., 209 [Add to Aur, drought, on p. 56, P.D.} Auri : an erect stone : SS., Jubbal, 12; a picture, or monument. Gloss., I, p. 341 n. Antar: fr., Sanskrit aputra, sonless': an antar stone is one ereoted by the relatives of a man who has died without leaving a male descendant to perform the shndddha : autariana

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56 [ MARCH, 1923 tirsera is a tax collected to maintain the temple of Raja Udai Singh who died childless. Ch., 44 and 96. THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY Autri in Autri Barani'unirrigated land': Mandi, 24. Cf. Autri and Otar in III. Ayar: Andromeda ovalifolia. Sirmur, App. IV, vi. Babach: father; teg babach, elder father, and gato babach, younger father,' in a polyandrous family. SS., Bashahr, 16. Babat: a cess small in amount, paid by Brahman mu'afidars to the State. SS., Kunhiar, 5. Babri beans. Simla S.R., xli, and SS., Bashahr, 41. : Bada: a willow; Salix viminalis. Ch. 240. Badaran a tax, levied on the Tikka's investiture with the sacred thread. SS., Kumharsa in 22. Badha: a kind of disparity fine, paid where a girl child is exchanged for one who is of age. Gloss., I, p. 788. I. p. 80 Badhar: the second day of the wedding rites. Gloss., I, p. 897. Badhawa: lit.increase'; add to P.D., 8.v.-' because the vow is to add to the necklace each year'. Gloss., I, p. 780. Badhna a kettle tamalu. B., 195. Badi-jadi Bag: a : a large square field. Sirmur, App. I. Bag: goira, a place outside the village set apart for the wedding procession. Gloss., I, p. 895. family. marriages and funerals'. SS., Baghal, 18. Bagha: a dance. Gloss., I, p. 919. Bagra a cess levied on inferior grains. SS., Bashahr, 70. Bahan: 'subordinate gods' in Kulu. of Hindi, p. 50. Baharke: out-door,' the lower castes as opposed to Bhitarke. Mandi, 340. Baharli: land at a distance from the village, opposed to Andarli. SS., Bilaspur, 15. Bahatra: fr. bahattar, 72', having been invented in 1872 Bikrami: a weight 9 sers kham. Sirmur, App. III. = Bahi Jawari: lit., 'breakfast', (?), a sweet sent to each member of a wedding party the morning after the marriage; Sialkot. Gloss., I, p. 823. Bahnell an adopted sister; Delhi. Gloss., I, p. 907. Bahoria: (1) younger brother's wife, (2) son's wife, or (3) any other young wife in the Gloss., I, p. 433. Cf. bathu: Diack, Kulu Dialect Bahu: (1) wife, (2) son's wife. Bahur: a room in an upper story. Mandi, 33. Bai fajr: to-morrow morning. B., 191. Bal'at: (? bai'at), religious self-surrender, lit. 'sale'. B., 180. Balb: north-west. B., 106. Cf. Baibkon in P.D., p. 75. Balsar ki roti a kind of bread. SS., Bashahr, 41. : Bajanglaya noon. SS., Bashahr, 41. Bahadurshahi ser: a ser containing 18 chhitanks English. Hazara. Baind: Pasand. q.v., Ch., 224. Baindri: a crack in the soil, in Inner Saraj; in Outer called balai; elsewhere in Kulu the term used is waliyati-Bejindri in the Simla Hills: v. Gloss., I, p. 438. Baishal: a second quality of tobacco, cut in Baisakh. Sirmur, 67. Baithi bhagti v. Bhagti. Baltri: a singer of sacred songs. Gloss., I, p. 376. Sankr. Maitreyaka, Manu, SBE., X, 33.

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PAROH, 1923] CONTRIBUTIONS. TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY 57 Bajal: a snow pigeon, columba leuconota. Ch. 37. Bajendri batai : a gap between two furrows into which no seed has dropped ; =bejindri; Simla Hills; cf. Bijandri. Gloss., I, p. 438. Bajob: land held free of revenue or rent in lieu of service. Ch., 285. Bakher: a scramble ; Karnal Gloss., I, p. 896. Bakhru : a honeysuckle, Lonicera quinquelocularis. Ch., 239. Bakli: =chhal, Anogeissus latifolia. Sirmur, App. IV, v. Bakra : a due (lag), as being the price of a goat. Ch., 154. Bakra : & square loaf. Ch., 124. Baksa: Elaeodendron Roxburghii. Sirmur, App. IV, iii. Balawa: a system by which the State contributes to a subject's funeral as his family does to a Chief's. SS., Baghat, 12. Bali : tribute. SS., Kumharsain, 19. Balka : a (? married) disciple. B., 173. V. P.D., 86; and ef. Palak. Ballh : land free from stones and level ; cf. Balhri (its dim.), in III. Mandi, 64. Balfi: a bride. B., 108. Bamb: a drum. B., 191. Hence Bamb-weld, 9 p.m. and 11 p.m. Bamb, lit.='a spout or jet'. P.D., 88. Ban (add to III), butana, 'to rub with barnd.' Gloss., I, p. 814. Banati : Kannedar, embroidered ' (shoes). B., 102. Banghauk: a small seed, like cummin, used for adulteration. Ch., 243. Banda : Viscum album. Sirmur, App. IV, vii. Banda-bhara : ( obs.), a practice whereby traders entrusted goods to a Nanakputra for convoy. Gloss., I, p. 680. Bandakara : partition of land. SS., Kunhiar, 10. Bandha: add in III :- Ch., 152, 153 and 157. (2) A tax of As. 2 per house levied on tobacco smokers, SS., Bilaspur, 22. Bandi : (i) a sub-division of a kiar, q.v. Sirmur, App. I. (i), a concubine. Bingar: high-lying land containing sandstone. Sirmur, App. I. Bangari : & crop sown in autumn. Ch., 226. Bangchuhru : a tax on shops selling bracelets, eto. Suket, 42. Banjhara (beta),=Chaukhanda ; in Mandi. Banjur chhorna :=Akal chhorna, q.v. Banni: Olostegia limbata. Ch., 239. Banshira bhut: a hobgoblin who haunts forests. 88., Kumharsain, 12. Bar: (1) a boon. Gloss., I, p. 449. (2) a song, ib., p. 158. (Simla Hills.) Bar cheroti: Ficus bengalensis. Sirmur, App. IV, vii. Bara : a small field near a village,=the nidi of the plains ; a kitchen garden. Sirmur, App. I. Baran : the most serious form of oath on the Raja. SS., Bashahr, 34. V. Darohi. Barati : a peon. Sirmur, 63. Bari: (1) a dried preparation made from mash, much like sepa. Simla S.R., xli. 2) a dish of grain ground and boiled. SS., Bashahr, 41. Barlyard : a kind of wheat, grown at high altitudes. Ch., 226. Barhil : Godami, a tool-keeper. Mandi, 51. Barkan: a tree, the fruit of which is used in ablutions before a wedding. Simla 8.R., xliv. Barkhotsar chhofna : =Banjar chhorna, q.v. Barmi: yew. Ch., 236.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( MARCE, 1923 Barni : (1) the orthodox form of betrothal, according to Hindu ritual. ss., Bashahr, 12. (2) the third form of inarriage, rarely used. 88., Kumharsain, 8. Bas: a tool, Panj. basauli. Simla S.R., xlv. Barsi, Barsodhi : Barsaudi in III. Cf. Gloss., I, p. 862. Basand : a plot of land kept fallow in the Autumn harvest, in Churah; baindh. Ch., 224. Cf. Basand in III. Basharta : the observance of bringing back the bride from her parent's home to her husband's house. Pathans of Hoshiarpur. Bashri : the 2nd day of the Bisu festival. Sirmar, 63. Basniar : land reserved for a Spring crop. Mandi, 42. . Basnith: a kind of benevolence, levied every two or three years but on no fixed principle. SS., Kunharsain, 19. Basta : a fallow. SS., Jubbal, 17. Basuthi: Adhatoda vasica. Sirmur, App. IV, vii. Cf. Basuti in III. - Bathailni: a fine sieve, used for bathu ; cf. Kadelna. Simla S.R., xlvi. Bathanga : a commutation fee paid for corvee. SS., Bilaspur, 22. Bathra: a kind of wheat which ripens early. Ch., 225. Batlohl : spirits of grain, a cess. SS., Bashahr, 74. Batrauli, Batrawal : a corvee levied on all, especially for building and repairing State houses, etc. SS., Bashahr, 73 and Kumharsain, 22. Batri: a fast : Sansk, Vrata. Simla Hills, but in the upper hills the terin used for the fast or the nine days of the navardtrat in Asauj is Karali. Gloss., I, p. 471. Battadar : inferior, a child by a wife of a lower tribs Comp., 25. Battar: a method of sowing rice. Ch., 224. Batti: wild syringa, Dentzia corymboxa. Ch., 238. Baturu : bread raised by the dough being mixed and left overnight. 88., Bashahr, 41. Batwa: a plant whose roots are used in making thim ; of. Beri. Sirmur, 59. Batwal: one who puts the weights in the scale when salt is being weighed. Mandi, 51. Bad, Bbad : ' many' (?). 88.. Baghat, 1. Bauni: Quercus annulatu. Sirmur, App. IV, vi. Bebe : (1) sister, (2) any girl of one's owe-village ; Jiji. Begara : a tenant liable to render begar or forced labour, or chukrunda in lieu of it. Ch., 280 Bendha : bridegroom : - ini, bride. Loharii. Beokari : & simple form of marriage. Mandi, 24. Ber giggar: Zizyphus vulgaris. Sirmur, App. IV, iii. Beri: a plant whose roots are used to make khim; cf. Batwa. Sirmur, 59. Besku : & watchman, of crops. Mandi, 62. Bhabhak : the true dawn, in the Ubha. B., 191, Syns. Boh and Bara-phulde. Bhabher : & valuable grass ; Andropogon involutus. Sirniur, 6. Bhagti : a Hindu, male (?). who sings kafis, dohras, etc. If he sings and dances standing he is called khari-blugti, and if he does so sitting he is called baithi-bhagti. B., 114. Cf. Bhagtia, P.D., 116. Bhaibat : = Pagvand. Bhail (! or) bhashil, shrubs (Saliaceae) of various kinds-used for basket-making Simla S.R., xlii. Bhakh : ? imper., 'consume' or (?) 'burn'. Gloss., I, p. 345. Bban: mountain ash, Pyrus ancuparia. Ch., 238. Cf. Bhan in II. Bhangoll: an oil expressed from the seeds of bhang. Suket, 27 ,Bhanja : also wa nandat, husband's sister's son.' Bhankbar: a soil similar to Bhilar, 9.6. Sirmur, App. I.

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MARCH, 1923) BOOK-NOTICE 59 Bhaoli: a unit of assessment ; 24 talxis-1 bhaoli. SS., Mangal, 1; and fr. 12 to 20 lakhaos =1 bhaoli. Bilaspur, 21. Bhar: a store of grass. Mandi, 33. Bharbhat-wela : the false dawn, among Hindus. B. 191. Among Muhammadans the syns. are Subh-kazib and Ashur-wela. ib. Bhari : see under Datha. Bharaon (Haqq-): a cash oess levied to cover the cost of collecting revenue. SS., Baghal, 15. Bharoli: n chupatti made of bhart, pulse,' Cajanus bicolor. Simla S.R.. xli. Bartoli : n bread made from bhart, a pulse, Cajanus bicolor. SS., Bashahr, 418. Bhashil : see under Bhail. Bhart, Bhart: a pulse, Cajanus bicolor. SS., Bashahr, 48, and Kumharsain, 15. Bhat: a common oven. Sirmur, 65. Also a term applied to marriages celebrated in an emergency on certain days. Mandi, 24. (To be continued.) BOOK-NOTICE. L'BER DAS VERA LTNIS ZWISCHEN CARUDATTARamila are credited witi a Sadrakukathd, and the UND MROCHA KATIKA By Georg Morgenstierne. former can hardly be distinguished from the Saupp. 80 and Ixii. Loipzig, Otto Harrassowitz, 1921. milla, whose fame Kalidasa records along with that When T. Ganapati Sastri published tho first of of Bhasa and kaviputrau. A more definite date for Bhasa's cramas, lo expressed the assured opinion Budraks is then achieved by finding in him Sivathat the Carudatta was the prototype of the M rccha- datta, the Abhira, whose son, Isvarasena, is creditkariki, and he adduced several parallel passages ed by Fleets with the founding of the Cedi era of from the two works in support of his view. There 248-249 A.D. on the overthrow of the Andhra domilationship has, on the whole, gono without serious nion, a conjecture supported by the fact that in question, but, in viow of Bhattanatha Swamin's the M rechakatild Palakn is dethroned by Aryako. attempti to throw doubt on the authenticity of son of a cowhere (gopala). It is really impossible Bhasa's drumas, the detailed investigation of the to attach any weight to such contentions. The Odrudatta undertaken by Mr. Morgenstierne has legendary character of Sudraka was long ago pointed substantial interest and value, especially as it is out by S. Lovi, whose argunents aro not dealt with accompanied by the text of the Carudatta with the by Konow, while Windisch5 has pointed out that the parallel passages of the Mrochakatika. A careful Pajak legend shows clear signs of derivation from study of the two can yield only one result; the the Krea myth, and there is not the slightest hint Mrechakafika, represents a working over of the any where that Sudraka hal any connection with the Oaru data, and the Canadatta is not, as from isolated decline of the Andhraz. Moreover there is good pausagor might be deduced, a shortened version of reason to believe that Kalidasa did not know the the Mechakagilea. The author, naturally enough, Mrcchakatikd. Both he and Bapa are silent as to sometimes presses unduly points in favour of the Sadraka, and the careful investigations of Mr. Mor. priority of the Carudatta, but the cumulative effect genstierne have failed to produce a single instance of the evidence is overwhelming. of borrowing: the fow cases, in which he think It is mere di Meult to follow Mr. Morgenstierne Kalidasa may in the Malavikdy imitra have borrowin the chronological conclusions into which he is ed from the Mrcchakagikd are equally open to explaled by acceptance of Professor Konow's ingenious nation as borrowings from or reminiscences of the speculations regarding the date of the Mrochakatika. Carudatta, and, it may be added, in none of them is The basis of these speculations is the acceptance of there any real sign of indebtedness. In fact Vamans the view that King Sadraka, who appears in the pro- still remains the earliest source of certain citation logue as the author and as having entered the fire from the Mechakatikd, and, though Levi in his at the age of a hundred years and ten days, was in theory of the Saka development of the Indian fact the redactor of the Mrochakafiled. It becomes drama was inclined to reconsider his earlier judg. possible then to place the Mrochakatikd beforement of the date of the Mrochakafika, he adduced Kalidasa, on the ground that Somila and no arguments to counter his former conclusion. 1 1.A., XLV, 189 ff. Kuhne Festschrift, pp. 107 ff 9 JRAS., 1903, p. 568. Thiatre Indien, i. 196-208. 5 Berichte der Sache. Gesellschaft d. Wiss. 1888, pp. 439,440. . JA. ser. 9, xix, 123 ff.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (MARCH, 1923 With the rejection of the historical theory of character of the argument from Bina's reference Sudraka we can attain a plausible explanation of to the fame won by Bhasa with plays whose begin the apparent absurdity of the attribution to thenings were performed hy tho silmudhira. It would, king of tho M rechakatika. The author who worked certainly, be a non sequitur to conclude that the up Bhas's play, perhaps left incomplete by its Trivandrum plays are Bhasa's simply bocause writer, may well have thought it possible by the they are begun by the stru-dhara, but this is not device of ascribing the work to Sadraka to secure the argument to be met. The contentionis (1) that for it a measure of attention which would not have by this clecidedly noteworthy fact the plays are beon accorded to it, had it appeared under his true eligible to be considered Bhasa's; (2) that they name. Nor is it probable that the period between are, takon as a whole, marked by such outstanding the Cdrudalta and the Mrochalatikd was short, a merit as to indicate as their author a dramatist of mere half century if we are to accept Konow's the highest rank, and therefore accord with Bapa's indentification of the rdjasimhal of Bhasa's playa reference to the winning of fame by them; (3) with Rudrasimha,' the Western Ksatrapa, who one of them, the Svapna-Vasavadatta bears the roigned as Mahakpatrapa from 181-188 and 191-196 same title and clearly dealt with the same incident A.D., falling in the interim to the lower dignity of as did, according to Rajasekhara and doubtless Ksatrapa. This identification wholly lacks plausi- also Vakpati, a play of Bhasa's ; (4) Bhamaha bility, and against it may be set off that of Dr. pays one of these plays, the Pratija yaugandhardBarnett7 who finds in the word an allusion to the yana the same compliment of anonymous criticism Pandy& Ter-Maran Rajasimha I (c. A.D. 675), an as he does to KAlida sa's Meghadata. To ignore indentification which postulatos a decidedly lato these coincidences and to leave us with an anony. date for the Myochakafilea. mous dramatist of the highest Indian rank is to Mr. Morgenstierne rejects with Prof. Konow demand too much from probability. Moreover, the theory of Dr. Barnett, which denies Bhasa's the language, style, metre, and the dramatic techni. paternity of the dramas. On the whole it seems que are all most naturally explained by acceptance iinpossible to avoid the conclusion that the ascrip of a date prior to Kalidasa. On the other hand tion to Bhasa is correct. The arguments adduced Bhisa stands very far from the origins of drama, in support of the escription have, indeed, very which oven in Abvaghoga appears in so highly Varying weight, and against that from the condition developed a condition as to render it impossible to of Bhasa's Prakrit Dr. Barnett has brought a very accept Konow's suggestion 10that the drama need not pertinent consideration in the shape of a reminder be carried back more than a century before his datothat the Southern tradition presents plays like the assumed to be the middle of the sccond century Nagananda in & condition showing Prakrit forms A.D., & conclusion induced in part by an unfortumore archaic than are found in the Northern tradi- nate acceptance of Profossor Luders' mistaken tion, though he has not completely disposed of the attemptil to reinterpret the evidence of the Mahdevidence. But Dr. Barnett clearly ignores the true bharya, 12 A. BERRIEDALE KEITH. NOTES AND QUERIES. NOTES FROM OLD FACTORY RECORDS. desires may be transmitted to his Britannick 41. An early Fountain Pen. Majesty : The same being translated is now brought 31 March 1750. Consultation at Fort St. before the Board.... David. The President produces a letter from the In the Name of God Gracious and mercifull, By Ambassadors advising that on the 27th Instant they the Mercy of the Lord of the Earth, I am in hopes had an Audience of Nazir Jung (Nazir Jang, Gove to have the North under my Possession as that of of the Deccan from 1748, murdered in 1760) and the South is under the Command of my Pen 88 deliver'd him the Present, on which Occasion he far as a Certain Part of the Sea. I received the express'd himself in such friendly terms towards Pen you sent me as a good sign that by the Worke us and the English Nation in general as gives us of the said Pen the remaining comer namely the the greatest reason to hope that all our Requests East and West, may fall under my Command. will be complied with, the rather as he promises By the help of God he that obeys me will attain 'ore long to give us convincing Proofs of his Esteem. his end, he that disobeys me will fall & Proy They incloso a Paper wrote in their presence by to the bloody and revengefull Swords of my bravo Nauzir Jings own Hand with one of the Fountain Soldiers. (Factory Records, Fort St. David, vol. 7, Pens that was an Article of the Present, which helpp. 150, 153). R. C. TEMPLE. 7 Buft. School Oriental Studies, I, I, 35-38; JRAS., 1921, pp. 687-889. . Besides Lenny, ZDMG., lxxii, 203-208, see W. Printz, Bhdsa's Prakrit (1921). - Soe Sukthankar," Studies in Bhasa" in JAOS., xl and xli; Lindenau, Bhdea-Studien (1918). 10 Das indische Drama, p. 49. 11 SBAW'., 1916, pp. 698 ff. 13 Soe Bull School Oriental Studies, I, iv, 27-32.

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APRIL, 1923) COLOUR SYMBOLISM COLOUR SYMBOLISM. (As a Subject for Indian Research.) BY SIR RICHARD O. TEMPLE, Br. IN 1900 the late Dr. W. H. R. Rivers, whose premature death has been such a loss to Anthropology, revived the study of Colour Symbolism in his own effective manner by a lecture on "Primitive Colour Vision." It had previously been somewhat ineffectively mooted for some time, but Dr. Rivers showed that it could be made to play an important part in the study of the development of the human mind. "The subject of the evolution of the colour senge in man," he wrote, " is one which can only be settled by the convergence to one point of lines of investigation which are usually widely separated. The sciences of archwology. philology, psychology and physiology must all be called upon to contribute to the elucidation of this problem." His work fired Mr. Donald Mackenzie "to collect evidence regarding Colour Symbolism in ancient religious art and literature" with the object of writing a book thereon. The book is written, but not yet published, being one of the many victims of post-war financial conditions, but he has, nevertheless, published an illuminating and very valuable preliminary article on the subject as & line of anthropological research." This in its turn has induced me to write the present paper in the hope of rousing enthusiasm thereon among Indian scholars. The whole point of Rivers' contention was that to the primitive mind terms for colours can, and often do, convey much more than the mere names for colours as such, and for that reason the same term can denote on occasion more than one distinct colour: e.g., the Celtio glas is used for grey, green and blue. Rivers showed that this term glas was used also to denote both vigour and water, and further among the ancient Baltic employers of Celtio speech to describe amber as well, amber being regarded as a magic product of water. Hence glas was not only a colour but also water impregnated with a " life substance" (amber), which animated human beings. Thence it became the symbol of the Mother Goddess and her life substance," which was held to be a "protector " of man. The same colour term could thus denote various conorete objects having different colours, such as water itself, amber, the boar son of the Mother Goddess, and woad-dye (blue) which was a "protector," and also such an abstraction as vigour, the result of animation by and the protection of the Mother Goddess. Therefore, in order to understand colour symbolism, it becomes necessary, in the words of Mr. Mackenzie, "to collect evidence regarding the colours of the deities of various cults in different lands and to make extracts from religious texts and folk-lore literature referring to various colours and the beliefs connected with them." (p. 138.) Pursuing his subject on this principle, Mr. Mackenzie found that colour symbolism goes back as far as the earliest types of man that can be studied. "The symbolic use of colour was prevalent even before man began to record his ideas by means of pictorial or alphabetic signy. Egyptian colour symbolism was already old at the dawn of the Dynastic period." (p. 138.) Cave man, in his drawing and painting could work only with earth colours, and the cave artist was thus limited to "[reds), blacks, whites and yellows without reference to the symbolism of such colours, or to the actual colours of the animals whose forms he depicted." (p. 139.) Nevertheless, he clearly attached a symbolic value to some colours at any rate. "As Osborn bas noted in his Men of the Old Stone Age, the so-called Venus figures on rock and in ivory bear traces of red coloration; one of several Solutrean laurel-leat 1. Published in the Popular Scientific Monthly, vol. LIX., No. 1, pp. 44-58, May 1901-D.A.M. 3 Folklore, vol. XXXIII, No. 2," Colour Symbolism," 30 June 1922, pp. 136 ff.

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62 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( APRIL, 1923 lances, which had been worked too finely to be used, and had been deposited probably as & religious offering, [or had been hoarded as wealth), similarly retains evidence that it had been coloured red; the bones of the Cro-Magnon dead, as in the Paviland cave, are frequently found to retain traces of the red earth that had been rubbed on the body before internment." (p. 139.) The Abbe Breuil informed Mr. Mackenzie that "the imprints of hands on rook faces are oftenest red, but that white, black, and yellow hands are not uncommon." He was fur. ther informed by the Abbe " that small green stones were placed between the teeth of the Cro-Magnon dead, interred in the Grimaldi caves near Mentone" on the French Mediterranean Coast. (p. 139.) This latter custom is one of very special interest in connection with the study of colour symbolism, especially when we find that the ancient Egyptians attached a magico-religious value to green stones, that the Chinese placed jade in the mouths of their dead, and that certain of the pre-Columbian Americans placed green pebbles in graves and regarded them as "the principle of life." In the Egyptian Book of the Dead a scarab of green stone with a rim of gold is addressed by the deceased as "my heart, my mother, my heart whereby I came into being."4 Gold and green stones were in Egypt closely associated with water and with deities supposed to have had their origin in water. They thus link with amber. "Gold, like amber, had origin from the tears of the northern goddess Freyja." (pp. 139-140.) The green symbolism of Egypt seems like the primitive earth-colours symbolism of the caves, to have been due to the necessary material being forthcoming. "The earliest green paint was made from ground malachite mixed with fat or vegetable oil. After the introduction of metal-working, green and blue pigments were derived from copper. It would appear therefore that blue and green symbolism in religious art became widespread as a result of direct and indirect Egyptian influence." (p. 140.) We have here alighted on something intensely human, but it is possible to carry colour symbolism much further back in Egypt than this. "Before green and blue paints were manufactured in Ancient Egypt, the early people, as their funerary remains testify, entertained beliefs regarding coloured stones. The modern Sudani still believes (as Budge records), 'that stones of certain colours possess magical qualities, especially when inscribed with certain symbols, of the meaning of which, however, he has no knowledge, but which are due, he says, to the presence of spirits in them." (p. 141.) Mr. Mackenzie next shows that the "fundamental belief in the potency of colour, as an expression or revelation of divine influence, can be traced not only in Ancient Egypt from the earliest times, but in almost every part of the world. As the colours of stones indicated the virtues they possessed, so did the colours of deities reveal their particular attributes. A wealth of colour, or a definite colour scheme, was displayed by supernatural beings, and these displayed the colours chiefly because they were supernatural beings, the colours being in themselves operating influences." The following Chinese text is of importance in this connection: "A dragon in the water covers himself with five colours. Therefore he is a god." 8 Brinton, The Myths of the New World, p. 294-D.A.M. * Budgo, Gode of the Egyptians, vol. I, p. 365 et seq. Chapter XXX of the Book of the Dead has 0 my heart (which I owo) to my mother: O my heart (who belongest), to my essence."--Erman, Aeg. R. 2162, quoted by Prof. H. W. Hogg, Journal of the Manchester Oriental Society, 1911, p. 79-D.A.M. * Gods of the Egyptiane, vol. I, p. 16-D.A.M. * De Visser, The Dragon in China and Japan, p. 63, section 2-D.A.M.

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APRIL, 1923 ] COLOUR SYMBOLISM After going in this fashion into evidence from other parts of the world, Mr. Mackenzie takes us to India, and it is this part of his article which is the cause of the present paper: the object of it being to rouse the Indian student to bring forward all the evidence possible from Indian literature and folklore, as only the Indian student can. This is not an attempt at original research and the aim is to stimulate research by Indians interested in elucidati..g the meaning of their sacred writings. So I have no hesitation in quoting here that part of Mr. Mackenzie's observations, which deals specifically with India at full length, together with his footnotes showing the sources of his information. Mr. Mackenzie writes (pp. 143. 144, 145):-"The evidence afforded by India is particularly rich and significant. In the Mahabharata we read of an ascetic, named Uktha, who performed a ponance lasting many years with the view of making a pious son' equal to Branma. In the end there arose a very bright energy (force) full of animating (creative) principle and of five different colours.' In the same ancient work it is stated: Six colours of living creatures are of principal importance, black, dusky, and blue which lies between them; then red is more tolerable, yellow is happiness and white is extreme happiness. White is perfect, being exempted from stain. sorrow and exhaustion; (possessed of it) a being going through (various births), arrives at perfection in a thousand forms... Thus destination is caused by colour and colour is caused by time. The destination of the black colour is bad. When it has produced results, it clings to hell.'8 "Destination being caused by colour and colour by time, the Creator assumes different colours in the different Yugas (World's Ages). The Creator says: 'My colour in the Krita Yuga is white, in the Treta Yuga yellow; when I reach the Dvapara Yuga, it is red, and in the Kali Yuga black.' "In the Mahabharata the Kali Age is referred to as 'the Black or Iron Age.' Hesiod's Ages (in his Works and Days) are metal ages, but are evidently also coloured ages, for almost everywhere gold is yellow, silver white, copper or bronze red and iron black. The Doctrine of the World's Ages obtained in more than one ancient land, the only differences being in the sequences of the colours or metals. Of special interest in this connection are the following examples :-- Mexican Celtic Indian I 63 1. White 1. White 1. Whe 1. White 1. Yellow 4. Black. " 4. Black. 10 Colours of Mythical Ages. .. 2. Yellow .. 3. Red.. 2. Red 3. Yellow 2. Red 3. Yellow ,, II 2. Yellow 3. Red.. Greek 2. White 3. Red.. 4. Black. 13 "White is a lunar colour, that of the 'silvery' moon ('Sveta, white as the moon');14 yellow is a solar colour, that of the golden' sun. It may be therefore that the precedence 4. Black. 11 .. 4. Black. 12 " .. .. 7 Vana Parva, section ccxx-D.A.M. s Muir, Sanskrit Texts, vol. I, p. 151-D.A.M. * Kingsborough's Antiquities of Mexico, vol. VI, pp. 171 et seq.; Brinton, The Myths of the New World, pp. 249 et seq, etc.-D.A.M. 10 H. D'Arbois De Jubain ville, The Irish Mythological Cycle (trans.), pp. 5-7, 25, 26, 69, 70. The Milesians were the "Black race."-D.A.M. 11 Vana Parva of the Mahabharata, section exlix, (Roy's trans., p. 447), etc.-D.A. M. 12 The Vana Parva of the Mahabharata, section clxxxix, (Roy's trans., p. 569)-D.A.M. 13. That is, the Greek "Golden," "Silver," "Bronze" and "Iron" Ages. The "Ages of Heroes" is evidently a late interpolation. Hesiod's Works and Days, 109-173-D.A.M. 14 Mahabharata (Bhishma Parva, section iii)-D.A.M.

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64 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (APRIL, 1923 given to white in the Mexican, Celtic and Indian Ages has a lunar significance and had originally a connection with the lunar calendar. Both the Mexican and Celtic colour sequences are found in India. "In India the castes were connected by some ancient sages with the Yugas or Mythical Ages, while others connected them with the various coloured moods of the Creator. In the Mahabharata it is stated : The Brahmans beautiful (or, dear to Soma) were formed from an imperishable (akshara), the Kshattriyas from a perishable (kshara) element, the Vaisyas from alteration, the Sadras from & modification of smoke. While Vishnu was thinking upon the castes (varna), Brahmans were formed with white, red, yellow and blue colours (varnaih). Hence in the world men have become divided into castes.' 16 - "Caste (varna) literally means 'colour,' but evidently not in the sense favoured by modern rationalists. The usual caste colours in India are: (1) Brahmang, white ; (2) Kshattriyas, red; (3) Vaisyas, yellow; (4) Sadras, black.18 There are also sex colours. In one of the world's continents, according to ancient Hindu belief, the men are of the colour of gold and women fair as celestial nymphs ; in another the men are black and the women of the colour of blue lotuses."17 A good deal of the colour symbolism of the world has no doubt been due to the diffi. culty that all human beings, primitive and civilised, as they grow to adolescence, experience in realising and mentally visualising abstractions. Many people of high civilisation and education mentally visualise numbers with the aid of colours : e.g., through all life five will to such persons appear as though coloured say blue, seven as red, nine as green, and so on. And this physiological faot probably helped the transfer of the conventional colours for concrete objects to the abstractions connected with or arising out of them, which we have thus seen, and Mr. Mackenzie has shown in his article, to have been practically universal. The data which Mr. Mackenzie collected regarding the symbolic use of colours exhibits not only its extreme antiquity, but also its persistence to our own time, and they tended to show " that outside Egypt the colours most generally favoured in ancient times were these four: Black, White, Red and Yellow. All these were earth colours. Blue and green were, as I have indicated, colours of Egyptian origin manufactured from copper or copper ore. Vegetable blue and green dyes appear to have had a later origin as substitutes for metal colours." (p. 146.) The four primitive earth-colours, Black, White, Red and Yellow, have been used by many peoples "to divide space and time, to distinguish the mountains, rivers and seas in the mythical world, to distinguish the races of mankind and, as in India, the various castes. The ancient habit of using these four colours in the manner indicated survives till our own day. We still have 'Black, White,' Red,' and 'Yellow,' races ; 'black,''White,' Red,' and Yellow 'castes, as in India ; Black, White,' Red' and 'Yellow' seas." (pp. 146, 147.) 18 Muir, Sanskrit Texts, vol, I. p. 151. Brahmans were 'twice-born ment and therefore 'white': Sadras through cupidity became ignorant and therefore black, being in a condition of darkness, ibid., pp. 140-1, notes 250-1-D.A.M. 16 Muir's Sanskrit Texte, vol. I, p. 140 and note 248, in which it is stated that in the Kathaka Brahmana (xi, 6), a white colour is ascribed to the Vaisya and a dark hue to the Rajanya. The pangngo referred to indicates that casta (colour) had no relation to skin colours and is as follows: 1. Since the Vsibye offers an oblation of white (rice) to the Adityas, he is born as it were white; and as the Varuna oblation is of black (rice) the Rajanya is as it were dusky." The Rajapye were the nobles of royal blood in the Kshattriya casto (Rajputs)-D.A.M. 17 Muir, op. cit., p. 491-D.A.M.

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APRIL, 1923) COLOUR SYMBOLISM 65 The cardinal points have constantly been given colours, and "the habit of colouring these and the winds that blow from them obtained in the Old and New Worlds. It had undoubtedly a doctrinal signiicance" (p. 14), possibly as the result in the Old World of efforts of the early Oriental mind to grasp ideas so exclusively abstract, combined with an already familiar symbolism. "The colours of the cardinal points have similarly & deep significance in the Chinese Fung-Shui doctrine. De Groot shows in his great work, The Religious System of China, that colours are connected with the elements, the seasons, certain heavenly bodies and even with the internal organs. In Central America and Ancient Egypt the internal organs were similarly connected with the coloured cardinal points." I need hardly point out to Indian scholars that this last consideration opens up a large and intensely interesting question in relation to the universally recognised philosophy that has led to the practice of Yoga--the doctrine of restraint of the body and its desires as a means of salvation for the soul. Fundamentally the human body is there regarded as a microcosm, of which the Universe is the Macrocosm, and any study which tends to show that this idea is also at the back of the religious conceptions of mankind outside India cannot but be of the greatest interest. Let Mr. Mackenzie speak for himself here once more (pp. 148 149); "The Maya (Central American) system yields the following arbitrary connections :18 Cardinal Point. Bacab. 19 Days. Colours. Elements. South .. Hobnil (the Belly) .. Kan .. Yellow .. Air. East .. Canzicnal (Serpent Being). Muluc .. Red .. Fire. North . Zaczini (White Being) ... Ix .. White .. Water. West .. Hozan ek (the Disem bowelled Black one) .. Cauac .. Black Earth. The Chinese system yields : East, the Blue Dragon ; Spring; wood; planet Jupiter ; liver and gall. South, the Red Bird ; Summer; fire; the sun ; planet Mars; hoart and large intestines. West, the White Tiger ; Autumn; wind; metal; planet Venus; lungs and small intestine. North, the Black Tortoise ; Winter; cold; water; planet Mercury; kidneys and bladder."20 "The point of special interest is [according to Eliot Smith 21] that the Egyptian custom of connecting the internal organs with the coloured cardinal points, which had a doctrinal significance connected with mummification, spread Eastward and reached China and America. The Maya custom, it will be noted, bears a clouer resemblance to the Egyptian than does the Chinese. Black is in both cases the colour for the intestines and yellow for the stomach, while white is apparently the liver colour in America as in Egypt. The Canopio jars, which went out of fashion in Egypt, were continued in use by the Maya and placed under the protection of the Bacabs, their gods of the four coloured cardinal points." (p. 149.) The rest of Mr. Mackenzie's article is devoted to the development of his subject in Egypt and in those parts of the world which the ancient civilisation of that country has chiefly affected, but I hope I have abstracted enough from it to show that it is well worth taking up solely from the Indian point of view. 18 Brinton, Mayan Hieroglyphics, p. 41-D.A.M. 19 God of a Cardinal Point. 30 De Groot, op. oit., book I, vola. III, p. 983 and IV, 16-D.A.M. 21 The Migration of Eastern Owlture, 1905.

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66 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1923 SAMAPA: OR THE ASOKAN KALINGA By G. RAMADAS, B.A. IN the Kalinga edicts of Asoka, containing instructions to the officers entrusted with the control of the tribes on the borders, it is stated that these officers were located at a place called Samapa, and the Provincials' Edict says that a viceroy was placed at Tosali. Thus the two chief towns of Kalinga are mentioned, but their location being undefined, they have not yet been identified, and the limits of Kalinga have become a matter for speculation. The first of the speculators was W. W. Hunter, who in the Imperial Gazelleer of India, 1886, identified Coringa or Rajahmandry, in the Godavari district, with the old capital of Kalinga, thus taking the southern boundary of Kalinga beyond the Godavari. Vincent A. Smith asserts that Kalinga extended from the Mahanadi to the river Krishna in the south. He includes Amaravati, Andhra or Warangal, and Kalinga proper or Rajahmandry in the three Kalingas. The same view is held by the Superintendent of the Madras Archaeological, Department, who, to prove the antiquity of the caves and stupae at Guntapalle, states, " know from the rock-cut inscription at Jangada in the Ganjam district that Asoka conquered this part of the Madras Presidency in B.C. 230.2" Let us examine all these statements. Hunter's assumption has been disproved by F. E. Pargiter, who says that Kling. does not appear to have reached as far as the Godavari, because this river is never connected with Kalinga in any passage as far I am aware'.3 Hunter was led to his belief by the similarity of Coringa in sound to Kalinga, but a careful study of place-names shows that Coringa is made up of Cor + inga. The first syllable has the same meaning-whatever it may be-as 'cor' in Cor-lam, Cor-la-kota, Cor-la. It cannot be a modification of Kal' in Kalinga Next, Rajahmandry has beeu believed to be the capital of Kalinga, because it was thought to be another form of the Rajapura mentioned as the capital of Kalinga : C kaliGgaviSaye rAjan rAjJacitrAGgadasya ca / zrImadrAjapuraM nAma nagaraM tatra bhArata || 4 But Rajapura cannot be the name of the capital, as the term means only the royal residence. Even supposing it to have been the metropolis itself, it cannot be identified with Rajahmandry, as the latter town is reputed to have been built by Rajaraja, the Eastern Chalukyan king who had the Mahabharata translated into Telugu. And lastly, had three Kalingas existed in the time of Asoka, why does he speak of having conquered only Kalinga? Had the region inhabited by the Andhras been included in Kalinga, they would not have been separately stated by him to be a people in the king's dominions 2.5 Also, since the Andhras, like the Pitinikas and others, are mentioned by Asoka as living in the king's dominions, i.e., in the dominions that had been under the sway of the Mauryan Ruler before Kalinga was subdued, it would seem that they had never got into Kalinga before that time. The Andhra inscriptions, so far known, fix Pittapur as the Northern limit of Andhra influence on the East Coast. The inscription at Kodavalu near Pittapur, the only Andhra inscription yet discovered in this part of the country, tells us that Sami Sri Chanda Sata (Chandra Sri Satakarni) was the king of the Andhras about a.r. 208. These Andhras, originally inhabitants of the Vindhyas, marched down the Godavari valley and occupied 1 V. A. Smith's Asoka, p. 129, n. 4. 3 JASB., vol. LXVI, part I, No. 2, 1587. 5 Edict XIII. 3 Archaeological Report, 1916-17, p. 31. ^ Mahabharata, Santi P., Canto 4. U No. 29, Puranic list of V. A. Smith.

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APRIL, 1923] SAMAPA: OR THE ASOKAN KALINGA. 67 the region about the mouths of the river during the second century of our era." Though an impassible barrier, such as a high range of mountains or a broad sea, did not divide the regions occupied respectively by the Andhras and the Kalingas, they remained separate and distinct, each maintaining its own civilization, religion and arts. The Kalingas were Jains, building Arhats with very little art decoration, while the Andhras built in a fine architecture Buddhist stupas decorated with beautiful sculptures. Had the Andhras spread themselves into Kalinga, such relics as have been found at Amaravati and Guntapalle would have been seen in the country lying to the north of the Langulya. Kharavela, who ruled over Kalinga about the period immediately after Asoka, says in an inscription that the Andhra kingdom lay to the west of his own. " zatakarNipazcimadizaM hayagaja nararatha bahulaM daNDaM prasthApayati. "8 By west he may mean the districts of Godavari and Krishna. Even in the present day, the people of the districts of Ganjam and Vizagapatam call those of Godavari and Krishna, the men of the west; while the men of Godavari and Krishna understand by the eastern people the men of Vizagapatam and Ganjam districts. In the light of this fact, Andhras of the west' may mean the Andhras in the lower valleys of Godavari and Krishna rivers. The actual west of the country of Kalinga being mountainous, it would have been very difficult for Satakarni to send his presents across the mountains. Whatever be the position of the Andhra country relative to Kalinga, it is certain that they were two distinct and independent kingdoms, and there is no reason to think that the Andhras were the people of Kalinga. It is now necessary to define the limits of the region called Kalinga under Asoka. In the Eastern Ghats there are a number of passes that lead from the littoral over the Ghats into the interior of India. The easiest of them all is the Kalingia Ghat which goes from Russulkonda by Durgaprasad. It is quite practicable for carts. At the top of the Ghat there is a road on to the Boad frontier. "From Kalingia at the top of this Ghat there is another road that leads to Balliguda "Kalingia' in Oriya means belonging to Kalinga.' This pass was probably the chief means of intercourse over the hills between Central India and Kalinga. The people called the Kalingis are found even now living to the north of the Nagavali or Langulya, which forms the boundary between the districts of Ganjam and Vizagapatam. "Kaling? (126, 546): A caste of temple priests and cultivators found mainly in Ganjam and Vizagapatam." 10 "The Kalingis are essentially Telugus and are found mainly on the borderland between the districts of Ganjam and Vizagapatam. The same class of people are known as the Kalinjis in the country north of the Vamsadhara river." 11 In the Telugu parts they are called Kalingis and in the Oriya country they are known as Kalinjis. These Kalingis are not found south of Chipurupalle in the Vizagapatam district. These were the original people that gave their name to the region; most of them are now found confined to the south of Ganjam district, but some are found scattered all over the Oriya country along the coast. 7 "Misconceptions about the Andhres," ante, vol. XLII, part DXXXVII, Nov. 1913. 8 Actes du Sixieme congres Internationale de Orientalistes tenu en 1883, a Leda. "Haagumpha Caves." 10 Census Report, 1901. Ganjam District Manual. 11 Castes and Tribes of Southern India.

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68 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (APRIL, 1923 - -- The capital of Kalinga was always known as Kalinganagara. Kharavela is said to have strengthened his town of Kalinganagara in the first year of his reign. The major portion of the Udayagiri inscription of this king speaks of the embellishments made to the Arhats on the hill. "Umbrellas and kalasas were placed in display, that faith for the Triratna might be inspired among minor and greater chiefs." After every victory he obtained over his enemies, the king Khara vela made gifts of "an excellent wish-fulfilling tree with horses, elephants, chariots, with alms houses and rest houses" to the Arhat 12 An outside seat was made for the Arhats on the Kunari Hill, and an assemblage of the very learned and great sages of all quarters was held on the mountain peak near the site of the Arhat. Such attentions to a seat of worship could be given by the ruling king only when such a religious house was close to the royal residence. The copper-plate grants of the Eastern Ganga kings speak of a Kalinganagara as the seat of the kings. This town is identified with Kalinga patam by some and with Mukhalingam by others. Whatever the truth may be, the capital of the Eastern Ganga kings cannot have been so far north as the Udayagiri Hills, near which existed the chief seat of the Jain king Kharavela. Kalinga is said to be a district in the country ruled over by Saktivarma, who had his chief seat of government at Pishtapura (Pitahpur).13 On paleographical grounds, these plates may be assigned to a little before or after the conquest of Kalinga by Samudragupta. The king calls himself ' Vasishtiputra' and 'Magadhi'. It appears therefore that he was a descendant of Chandra Satakarni who was also a Vasishtiputra. He was consequently an Andhra king, who from his capital at Pitahpur ruled over the Kalinga country. In the same plates the village Rakaluva is mentioned as being in the Kalinga Vishaya. It has been identified with Ragolu, a village on the road from the railway station to Chicacole (83deg 57' 30" N. and 18deg 20' 48" E., Indian Atlas, No. 108), and lying to the north of the Nagavali. This clearly proves that the country of Kalinga lay to the north of that river. Samudragupta is said to have defeated Swamidatta, the king of Pishtapura and Mahendragiri Kottura.14 The original line concerned with this point runs thus :" TES HFT fegre per a trace". In the whole prasasti, as in this line, the name of the king is mentioned immediately after the name of his kingdom. So the translators were mistaken and said Mahendra was the king of the country belonging to Pishtapura ; and Swamidatta was the king of the country related to Kottura on the hill.' In the revised edition of his Early History of India, V. A. Smith says (p. 284) that "Samudragupta vanquished the chieftain who held Pishtapura, the ancient capital of Kalinga, now Pithapuram in the Godavari district, as well as the hill forts of Mahendragiri and Kottura." In a foot-note Kottura is identified with Kottoor of Indian Atlas No. 108, which lies twelve miles south-south-east from Mahendragiri. This interpretation is self-contradictory in two points. Kottora is called "a hill fort;" but the village of Kottoor identified with it is on the sea coast and cannot be a hill fort. The compound 'Mahendragiri Kauttu. raka', is not a dvandva, because Mahendragiri' is an adjective and 'Kauttura' is a noun. The termination of the compound does not show its dual nature. As a compound the term means of Kottura connected with Mahendragiri.' The mountain Mahendra was always the chief landmark for Kalinga. Therefore by Mahendragiri Kottura' is meant Kalinga, and Kottura near Mahendragiri. was its chief town. The whole line means "Swamidatta (the ruler) of the country which has Pishtapura (for its capital), and also of 12 Op. cit., Hatagumpha Caves. 18 Ep. Ind., vol. XII, No. 1. 14 Allahabad Posthumous Pillar Inscription : Corpus.

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APRIL, 1923) SAMAPA: OR THE ASOKAN KALINGA 69 - the country which has Kottura near Mahendragiri (for its capital)." So the two kingdoms Paishtapuraka and Kalinga were, at the time of Samudragupta's invasion, under one king. From this it appears that Ragolu plates of Saktivarma belonged to Samudragupta's times. The conquests described in the Raghuvamsa seem to have had their source in the con. quests of Samudragupta. 'satI| kapizAM sainyairbaddha dviradasetubhiH / utkalAdarzitapathaH kaliGgAbhimukho yayI // 38 // sapratApaM mahendrasya mUpniM tIkSNaM nyavezayat / azaM dviradasyeva yantA gambhIra vedinaH // 19 // SICTATE OF FUFI TETYT :1'16 "He crossed the river Kapisa with his army on a bridge made of his elephants, and being shown the way by the princes of Utkala, bent his course towards Kalinga. He encamped with all the unbearable influence of his military glory, on the peak of the Mahendra mountain, like unto the elephant driver, who plunges deep his goading rod on the head of an elephant that does not mind the pain. The prince of Kalinga who came to fight with a large number of elephants received him with a shower of arrows."16 The prince of Kalinga is said to have come and attacked king Raghu, who had already occupied the heights of Mahendra. If he had been residing at Kottura, the chief town of Kalinga, he would have been ready at Mahendra to receive the conqueror. He must have been far away at Pishtapura, his chief residence, when he heard of the approach of the invader, and would have come to fight him. Consider the difficulties of conveying an army composed of elephants and archers from Pitahpur to the Mahendra mountain in those early days, when there were no good roads. Even in Katha SaritSagar, king Vatsa is said to nave occupied Mahendra first and then subdued the Kalingas.17 All these show that Kalinga was for some time in the fourth century of our era under the domination of the king of Pishtapura, but it was kept separate with its own metropolis and its own institutions. Before and after this period the kingdom of Kalinga was free and independent under its own native rulers. There is evidence to prove that the Kalinga kingdom extended southward as far as Mahendra and Kottur during the cenvury preceding the Christian era. gerea a aa atufe 1/18 "made (erected) pillars in Patalaka, Chetaka and Vaiduryagarbha." Vaiduryagarbha and the others were thought to be parts of the caves. If this is right, then there was no need to ereot pillars. Here FiraT. means triumphal pillars. So the above names are not those of caves, but of territories. Vaiduryagarbha is the modern Vidarbha. Chetaka is the Svetaka of the grants of Prithivi. varma Deva, 19 Samanta Varma, 20 and Indra varma, 21 which is spoken of as Svetakadhishthana.' This Svetaka' by metathesis became 'Sikati' or 'Chikati,' a small zamindari in the Ganjam district, extending as far as Baruva to the south. The Kottur of Samudragupta's times lies very near Baruva. There is no doubt therefore that the southern boundary of the Katinga of Kharavela extended as far as Baruva. It has already been pointed out that the chief centre of Kharavela's administration was not far from the Udayagiri hills, on which his inscription exists. Kalinga, being conguered 16 Raghunamsa, Canto IV. 16 Bandharkar's translation. 17 Katha Sarit Sagar, lambaka 3, taranga 5. 18 Udayagiri Ins., line 15. 1. Ep. Ind., vol. IV, No. 26. 20 Ep. Ind., vol. XV, No. 14. 31 Rp. Report, 1918, App. A, No. 9.

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70 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( APRIL, 1923 by Asoka, was governed through a viceroy till only a few years before the accession of Kharavela. The Viceregal seat of Kalinga must have been either at Kalinganagara itself, or in the near vicinity. Indeed it was strategically necessary for the conqueror to locate his government either in the capital or in its immediate neighbourhood. I shall reserve the identification of Tosali for a future occasion, and take up now the extent of Kalinga, The three kingdoms of Anga, Vanga and Kalinga are said to have been founded by three princes of those names who were the sons of king Bali. Angas descended from Anga; from Vanga came the Vangas, and the Kalingas came from the prince Kalinga.22 Anga is identified with Bhagalpole and Vanga with the modern Bengal. Kalinga must be south of Bengal, but where it begins in the north requires study. Let us look at the evidence. * King Raghu is said to have crossed the river Kapisa after he had conquered the Vangas. Being shown the way by the Utkalas, he entered Kalinga and encamped on the Mahendra hill. Lassen identifies the river Kapisa with Subarnarekha, but Mr. Pargiter proves it to be the Kansi which flows through Midnapur.23 King Vatsa is said to have defeated the Vangas and planted a triumphal pillar on the shores of the eastern sea. Then the Kalingas came, and paid tribute to him when he had reached the Mahendra mountain. 24 In the Mahabharata, Yudhishtira is said to have reached the sea where the Ganges enters it with five mouths and thence to have proceeded to Kalinga along the coast. sasAgaraM samAsAdya gaGgAyA ssA me nRpa / nadInAM paJcAnAM madhye cake samAplavam / / tatassamudra tIreNa jagAma vasudhAdhitaH / bhrAtRbhi ssahito vIraH kaliGgAnpratibhArana // lomshaaH|| ete kaliGgAH kaunteya yatra vaitaraNI ndii| ___yatrAyajata dhApi devAn zaraNametyave // vaishmpaaynH|| tato vaitaraNiM sarve pANDavA draupadI tthaa| . avatIrya mahAbhAgA starpayAM cakrire pitRRn // 25 The river Vaitarani is the Baitrani in the north of Orissa. The Utkalas mentioned in the Raghuvamsa are not spoken of in the edicts of Asoka, nor in the inscriptions of Kharavela. Kalinga was then spoken of as one kingdom. But in times subsequent to those of Magadha supremacy, the country of Kalinga, owing either to racial differences or to the rise of the dormant tribes, must have been divided into Kauralaka. Mahakantaraka and Mahendragiri,--the Kautturaka of the Allahabad Pillar inscription, or the Udra, Konyodha and Kalinga of Hiuen-Tsiang. Ut-kala is only a contraction of Uttara-Kalinga, which means northern Kalinga. When the northern part of Kalinga, which is adjacent to the kingdoms of Northern India, associated with the north, the indigent Dravidian tribs, such as the Kuis and the Savaras, combined with the immigrant peoples from the south (Dramilas) and associated the southern part with Southern India. So the northern peoples became known as the people of Northern Kalinga, or Uttara-Kalingas or Ut-Kales, while the southern inhabitants were called Kalingas. When this separation Was brought about cannot be precisely stated, but it must have happened in the time that intervened between Kharavela's time and Samudragupta's invasion-a period of oblivion in the history of the eastern part of the Gangetic valley. It is clear, however, that Kalinga lay immediately to the south of Bengal, which then formed a part of the kingdom of Asoka. (To be continued.) . 31 Mahabhdrata, Adi Parva, canto 143 ; Machchi Purdna, Adyaya 48; Visht Purdna, by * H. H. Wilson, pp. 144, Amse 4, Adhyaya 23. 38 JASB., vol. LXVI, part I, No. 2 (1897). 24 Katha Sdrit Sdgar, wpra. 36 Mahdbhdrata, Vana Parva.

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APRIL. 1923] DECLENSION OF THE NOUN IN THE RAMAYAN OF TULSIDAS 71 DECLENSION OF THE NOUN IN THE RAMAYAN OF TULSIDAS. By BABU RAM SAKSENA, MA. 81. Nouns in Sanskrit have three genders, three numbers and eight cases, and the bases end either in consonants or in vowels. Casa-relations are expressed by adding various terminations to the bases. The system of declension in Sanskrit, thus, was very rigid and complicated. A noun could express every thing about itself without invoking the aid of other words in a sentence or of word-order, e.g., putrah is of masculine gender, singular number and nominative case. Nouns in Modern Awadhil have two genders, the neuter being lost, two numbers, the dual having disappeared, and only two cases, the direct and the oblique. The oblique is employed only for the plural number; so there is only one case the direct--for the singular Case-relations are expressed not by adding terminations to the bases but by using van oue post-positions after the two oases. The bases end either in consonants or in vowels. The system of declension, thus, in Modern Awadhi is very flexible and much simpler than that of the parent-language. For example: put can be used both as a singular noun and a plural, and, with a post-position, to denote any case-relation. Mediaeval literature shows a stepping-stone to the modern language. The dual and the dative were dying out by the time of the literary Prakrits. The Apabhramsa stage created further confusion and case-relations could be distinguished only by minor vowel-modifications and the use of nasalisation. $ 2. The new system was not completely established by the time of Tulsidas. The noun in the Ramayan has two cases : direct and oblique. The oblique has two forms-one for the singular and the other for the plural. Post-positions are not generally employed and the gimple direct or oblique is used. This creates a certain confusion and difficulty in anderstanding the meaning. In the Aranyakanda there are 831 such nouns as require postpositions after them according to the practice of Modern Awadhf, but of these, post-positions are employed only after 215 nouns, i.e., with a little more than 26 per cent. & 3. Bases usually end in a (e.g., mdhuna, tana), 4 (e.g., deha, batiyd), i (0.g., hari, rahani), 1 (e.g., barlar, kahant), u (e.g., gharu, bau), or (e.g., ndu, batdu). Of these the nouns in a are very few. A few nouns used in the Ramayan end in 6 but all these are probably borrowings from the Braj Bhasha, 2.g., hiyo (Aw. hiyd), cero (Aw. cerd). Use of the Direct. $ 4. In the singular the direct is used(a) without post-positions as (1) the subject, e.g., jada laga (I. 386), bhukha butdi (I. 245a); mukhiyd cahiye (II. 315). murucha gas (II, 43) girirdi dye (I. 102a), kuari rijhai (I. 131); dohat phiri (I. 183); kharabharu pard (1. 83k). (2) inanimate direct object, e.g., jo bakhara karahi (I. 14), odsu cdrd idi (1. 3026). bharata kahauti kaht (II. 295d), rama bibdki kinha (I. 23d), dhruva phan pdeu (I. 25e). 1 Vide L.S.I., vol. VI and Lakhimpurt-A Dialoot of Modern Awadh JASB., XVIU (N. 8.) No. 8. 7 This paper is based on a detailed study of the first two ahapters, the Balakanda and the Ayodhyakanda of the Ramdyan and a more general study of the rest. The conclusions do not seem to be upeet by the general study. i Tho referoncos are to the Ramacaritardnasa edited by five members of the Nagar prachkriol Sabha and published by the Indian Press, Allahabad, in 1915. It is decidedly the most authoritative edition of the Ramdyan, available. The Roman figure denotes the Kanda, ..g., L denotes Bdfaldada, the Arabio figure denotes the number of the dohd and the letters, a, b, c, do, denoto the number of the lizo atordom. Thus 386 denotes the second lino alter the 39th dond.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ APRIL, 192 Note.--If the direct case is used as an animate object it is generally followed by a postposition, e.g., uparohita kaha hari (I. 168d), but also marasi gdi (II. 35h). (3) instrumental case, e.g., bhaya nama japata (I. 27a), sipi samand (I, 10%), saha sakhi (1. 3d), sarisa kapdsu (I. le). (4) genitive case, e.g., mukuta-chabt (1. 10a), tala-rakchavare (I. 37a). (5) locative case, e.g., ura dhama karau (I. 38), nisi nida pari (II. 36h), batachaht balthe (1.51h). (6) vocative case, e.g., bhaiya (I. 290d), bhai (1.7m). (6) With post-positions, e.g., nparohita kaha hari (I. 168d); barata lagang tot (1. 3089); bhagatanha hita lagi (1. 12e); bhaga 12.tulast bhaye (1.26); ghaya mahu (II. 34c), Qara para (I. 29). $ 5. In the plural the direct is used without post-positions at - (1) the subject, e.g., bajana baje (I. 90h), lavd lukane (I. 267c), larikini at (I. 354h), nau asisahi (I. 319). (2) inanimate direct object, e.g., tinha siea ndye (I. 92e), tinha khambhd birace (I. 2867), bahu dhanuht tort (I. 270g). Note.-The direct without any post-positions is sometimes, though rarely, used as an animate direct object also, e.g., bharata sdhant bolaye (I. 297c), gedru pdhard boldi (II. 89c). (3) instrumental case but rarely, e.g., aneka bhats gdye (I. 329). (4) genitive case but exceptionally, e.g., ked marupa khala jinisa anekd (I. 175g). (5) locative case but exceptionally, e.g., sohata pura cahu pdea (I. 212). Use of the Oblique Singular. $ 6. The oblique singular is need (a) without post-positions as (1) animate direot object, e.g., hamisahi baka hasahi (I. 86), sakhahi nihari (I. 170a), simi badhuki jimi 898aka siyard (II. 669). Note. This case is sometimes, though rarely, used as an inanimate direct object also, e.g., banhi gaye (II. 165e), of Modern Awadhi bajarai gaye; sukhahi anubhavahi (I. 21b). (2) instrumental case, e.g., mai carita sanchepahi kaha (I. 1027), e dvahi chi nous (I. 221h), citere citrita (1. 212e). (3) dative case, e.g., ahere phirata (I. 1588), corahi nati na bhdud (II. 10g), pitahi mata bhavi (1. 72b), jamunahi kinha prandnd (II. llla), bhusundihi dinha (I. 29d). (4) genitive case, e.g., napahi bilapata (II. 36e) (5) locative case, e.g., gunahi manu rata (I. ta), babarahi phala igahi (I. 964), maikl easure sakala sukha (II. 96), dudre gayeu (II. 38d); cf. the remains of the oblique in e in some words of Modern Awadhi, sapne, mathe, dudre, jape, etc. (6) with post-positions, e.g., naharuhi lage (II. 35h). Use of the Oblique Plural. $ 7. The oblique plural is used (a) without post-positions as (1) the subject of past indioative verb (based on ancient perfect participle), e.g., surana astuts kanht (I. 82%), nayananhi nirakhe (II. 209), muninha kirati gar (I. 127), dasinha dikha (II: 147c) ; cf. the same tise of the oblique in Modern Awadhi * (2) animate direct object, e.g., sa phanhi ramasanmukha ko karata (II. 3251), bdghini myginha citava (IL. 50a). (8) ilustrumental case, e.g., nifa mija mukhani kaht nija hont (1. 2c).

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APRIL, 1923] DECLENSION OF THE NOUN IN THE RAMAYAN OF TULSIDAS 73 (4) dative case, e.g., nagara sevakana saupi (II. 187), kabinha karau paranama (I. 13d),. muni bhdinha asisa dinhi (I. 236c). (5) genitive case, e.g., bhagatanha hita lagt (I. 12e), sacetanha karani (I. 84c), tarubaranha madhya (II. 236c). (6) locative case, e.g., jhalaka jhalakata payanha kaise (II. 203a), janaka pidhana baishare (1.327e). (b) with post-positions, e.g., loganha-pahi jau (1.239h) kandaranhi mahu (I. 83j), atana para (I. 346d). Animate and Inanimate object. SS 8. There is a tendency in the language of the Ramayan to use the simple direct as the inanimate object and the oblique or the direct followed by a post-position as the animate object (vide examples of the direct object above). This tendency is found in Modern Awadhi also. The reason of this tendency seems to be that an animate object may also generally be used as the subject which is put in the direct case, while an inanimate object cannot so generally be the subject. Hence the necessity of distinction in the former arises and, therefore, the object is distinguished from the subject by a change of case or by the use of post-positions after one of them. Form of the Oblique Singular. SS 9. The oblique singular generally ends in -hi or-hi, e.g., saraga: saragahi or saragahi; katha: kathahi or kathahi; sandhi: sandhihi or sandhihi; bhai: bhaihi or bhdihi; madhu : madhuhi or madhuhi; badhu badhuhi or badhuhi. Note. The final long vowel (e.g., in katha, bhai, badhu) at the end of a base is shortened before the termination -hi or -hi. An alternative oblique case for the masculine bases ending in a or a ends in -e, the final vowel being dropped, e.g., *buta: bute, *sapana: sapane, *citera: citere, *palana: palane. Form of the Oblique Plural. SS 10. The oblique plural generally ends in -na, -nha, nha, -ni, nhi or -nhi, the final vowel of a base being shortened if it ends in a long vowel, e.g., sura; surana, loga: loganha, gana gananha, asrama: asramani, satha: sathanhi or sathanh, khambha: khambhanha, savati: savatina, kubari kubarinha, badhu badhunha, nau: nduna. Other Forms. SS 11. Nouns in -a and -a have a plural form in -e, which is used either as a subject or object, e.g., cera: cere, pakavana: pakavane; as a subject, e.g., pakavane bhare (I. 3046), panavare parana lage (I. 327h), badhaye hona lage (I. 295c), calahi na ghore (II. 142e); as an object, e.g., lakhighore (II. 146g), isa karavare tare (I. 356a), nrpa magane tere (1. 339a). Some nouns in -a which denote inanimate things form their plural by adding - to them, the resulting form being used either as a subject or an object, e.g., assa: asisai, bhauha bhauhai, bata: batai, sauha: sauhai; as a subject, e.g., bhauhar kutila bhak (I. 251h); as an object, e.g., duhu bhat asssai pat (I. 307). Note. Some purely Sanskrit forms are used in the Ramayan, e.g., sukhena. They are distinctly loan-words and have little to do with the general language of the Ramayan. History of the Forms. The Direct. SS 12. By the time of the literary Prakrits all bases became vocalic owing to the falling off of final consonants. Then followed the loss in the quantity of final vowels. This combined with the loss of inter-vocalic consonants resulted in the ancient system being entirely

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74 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY APRIL, 1923 confused by the time of Tulsidas. In the Ramayan we find only vocalic bases. The direct gage is the result of the ancient nominative-accusative : puta is the representative of putrah: putram er of putrah : putran. Nouns in -a, -i and -u come from ancient bases in -a, -a, -, -, -u, - and come about owing to the loss of final consonants and vowels, while nouns in -a, - and -u come from the ancient bases in -a, -1, and -u enlarged by means of the suffix ka or kd to .aka, -ika, -uka, etc., and result from the loss of inter-vocalic k and subsequent contraction of vowels. $13. The direct case in -a (neha, nlda) comes from two different sources-the ancient singular nominative-accusative and the ancient plural nominative-accusative. The various stages of neha are sneho-sneham : neho-neham : neho-neham: nehu-neha : neha and snehah. 8nehan : neha-neha : neha. That the nouns in -a come from two different sources, singular and plural, is clearly' shown by the fact that a large number of the masculine nouns in -a have an alternative form in -u (rama or ramu, puta or putu, neha or nehu) which cannot be used in the plural. It is also clear from the fact that a very short u (*) is added sometimes to a consonantio base in Modern Awadhi if a singular thing is denoted, while a very short a (a) if the plural, 0.g., ham em phalu khdyen while ham cari phala khayen. $ 14. Bases in -a come from. (1) ancient nouns in 2, e.g., putra : puta, karya : kdja, paksa : pakha, aksara : akhara, krodha : koha ; (2) Ancient nouns in - which are mostly feminine, e.g., ddrud : daba, varayatra , bardia, nidra : nida, or (3) are borrowings (including tatsamas), e.g., jahaja, adhiba, bakhasisa, saraga, kabitta. 8 15. Bases in -d are generally masculine though a number of feminine bases (invariably loan-words) are also found. They come from (1) ancient -a bases enlarged to aka (through -aa : -), e.g., kitaka : kira, *dodhaka 1 doha ; or (2) are borrowings (including tatsamas), e.g., stvd, murucha, bidhata, argaja, piroja SS 16. Bases in which are mostly feminine come from (1) ancient bases, e.g., sarasvatt : sarasai, pattri: pati, kumari : kuari ; (2) Magadhi ending -e, e.g., milani, rahani, ghavani ; or (3) are borrowings from Sanskrit and other languages, e.g., lacchi, bhagati, cakkavai, vndi, sahdi, di, khabari. & 17. Bases in which are generally feminine and seldom masculine come from (1) ancient - ika and -ska bases, e.g., cakrika : caki, sarika : sari, -talika : tari, rajnika : rant, vracika : bichi : *gunika guni; *maloka : malt, *addhanika : sdhani; or (2) are borrowings, e.g., bibaki. SS 18. Bases in - are mostly masculine and (1) represent the penultimate stage of ancient nouns in -a, e.g., manu, dahu, chohu, lahu, or (2) are borrowings from Sanskrit and other languages, e.g., bdu, madhu, soru, bagu lagamu, tolu. 19. Bages in - are very few and are either ancient enlarged bases, e.g!, nad or are loan-words from Sanskrit and other languages, e.g., badhu.

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APRIL, 1923 ) DECLENSION OF THE NOUN IN THE RAMAYAN OF TULSIDAS 75 $ 20. Bases which ended in short vowels in the language of the Ramiyan have become consonantic in Modern Awadhi owing to the loss of the final short vowel, e.g., puta : mit, phala : phal : bipati : bipat, soru : 8or. When the pronunciation is slack, however. e. and are heard after the last consonant, which connect the forms with their parents. Bases in long vowols, however, seem to subsist intact, e.g, doha, kira, chati, chahi, nda ! The Oblique Case. $ 21. Cases which express concrete relations have a tendency to disappear in all IndoEuropean languages. Use of alternative cases appears in Sanskrit literature as early as some of the earliest Brahmanas. At the Prakrit stage some cases and case-forms entirely die out and by the time of Apabhramsa case-relations become still more confused. By the time of Tulsidas there was established one general case-the oblique-which answered for all concrete or indirect cases. The direct case, with the aid of post-positions, also sometimes expressed these relations. Oblique Singular. & 22. The oblique singular of the Ramayan which ends in -hi or hi goes back to the instrumental plural and is based on the Apabhramsa termination - him, e.g., puttahim. Nasalisation is very unstable in Indian languages, m becomes and finally disappears. This -him goes back to the Sanskrit termination -bhis of the instrumental plural. The alternative oblique singular in -e also seems to be based on the ancient instrumental plural, though on the alternative form in -aih (putraih). This alternative was mostly applied to bases in -a, the predeo nors of the masculine bases of the Ramayan in -a and -a. The instrumental tends to be confounded very early with the dative, the ablative, the genitive, and the locative. The post-positions kera, keri, kere, based on karya or some such word10 and lagi (Sans krit. Lagyate) which are generally used after the oblique, can be used both with the genitive and the instrumental. $ 23. An objection which may be put forward against this derivation of the oblique singular, is that a plural ford has been invoked for tracing the development of the singular. It should, however, be noted that by the time of the Ramayan the whole ancient system was in pieces and quite a new system was evolved from the remains of the ancient. Moreover, the instrumental singular (puttt) was liable to be confused with the nominative (puttu) and the locative (putti), so recourse was had to some -hi form to make the general oblique. $ 24. The development of the pronouns in Prakrit 11 generally leads to the same conclusion, e.g., mai < Prakrit mae (instrumental singular), tui < Prakrit tue (instrumental singular), hamahi samhehim (instrumental plural), tumhahi < tumhehim, (instrumental plural), tehi (oblique singular) Page #88
76 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ APRIL, 1923 The alternative proposal19 of Dr. Bloch of deriving this case from the dative singular di not suit the case in the Ramayan, though it quite suits Marathi ; devaya becomes Marathi deva (through devaa), but could not become devahi or even devai. & 28. Dr. Bloch thinkg13 that the h of the Apabhramba was not a sound attually pronounced at the time but only inserted as a method of transcription. But from the frequency with which the aspiration between two vowels occurs in the Ramayan it is hard to believe that it does not represent a true sound of the time. Besides, the survival of inter-vocalich in some words of Modern Awadhi does not warrant Dr. Bloch's proposition. $ 27. Concrete case-relations are expressed in two different ways in the Ramayan, at least as regards the singular, viz. (a) by using post-positions after the direct case, and (b) by using the oblique simple or followed by post-positions. Modern Awadhi has generally adopted the first course and has mostly lost the singular oblique. Traces of it, however, are still found in such forms as gharai, bajarai ; mathe, sapne. Oblique Plural. $ 28. The oblique plural is based on the ancient genitive plural (Prakrit, puttanam). The genitive has been a very common alternative case for the dative, locative and instrumental, and is often confounded in form with the ablative since early Indo-Aryan times. It is at the basis of the oblique plural of all the Indo-Aryan languages. 14 & 29. One objeotion to this derivation of the oblique plural is that the n of terminations survives in modern languages only as a simple nasalisation, e.g., Marathi devam Sanskrit deva nam, Hindustani ghoro < Sanskrit ghotakanam, Braj. ghorau, Rajasthani ghord or ghoda < Sanskrit ghotakdnam, and not as a full sound. But the full n sound does survive in the oblique of some Indo-Aryan languages, e.g., in Kasmiri 15 dative plural tsuran, guren, mdlan, in Sindhi 16, e.g., ddlhan", and in Singhalese. An alternative suggestion for the derivation of this case is that some such noun as jana might have been affixed to the nouns to form the plural, and the una of the Ramayan may be its remains (cf. Bengali gach-sakallt where sakal is added to form the plural). But this derivation is not possible, since here we are seeking the derivation of an oblique case and the oblique of jana would never give na at the end (cf. Bhili, 18 bdpane, plural dative, and bapano, plural genitive). If it were a direct case the derivation would be possible. & 30. Besides -na, the oblique plural ends in - nha, -ni and -nhi also. h and hi seem to have been added to it on the model of the oblique singular. 31. Modern Awadhi, while it has lost the oblique singular, has retained the oblique plural. The aspiration which was added to it has been quite lost, so that the modern oblique plural ends in-na or-ni simply. Other Forms. & 32. The nominative-accusative plural in 2 (cere, bandanavdre) seems to go back to the Prakrit accusative ending - e 19, which sometimes replaced the regular Sanskrit ending -an (putte). This form has been lost in most of the words of Modern Awadhf, being replaced by the direct. $88. The forms assai, bhauhal, etc., seem to have been based on the accusative plural termination - dni of the neuter : *vatlar : batai. These forms subsist in Modern Awadh. though their nasalisation has been lost, e.g., batai: batai; kitabai, bhauhai. 13 Vide Dr. Bloch, pp. 182-183. 13 Ibid., pp. 31, 132. 14 Ibid., pp. 181-82. 15 Vide L.S.I., VIII, part II, p. 271. 16 Ibid., VIII, part I, p. 25. 17 Ibid., V, part I, p. 34. 18 Ibid., IX, part III, p. 12. 19 Vide Woolner, Introduction to Prabrit, p. 32.

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APRIL, 1923 ] THE ORIGIN OF THE PALLAVAS 77 THE ORIGIN OF THE PALLAVAS. BY MUDALIYAR C. RASANAYAGAM. THE origin of the dynasty of the Pallavas and that of their name has been a subject of controversy for a long time, and the attempts made to throw light on it have not made the mystery less impenetrable. That the Pallavas became a great power in South India in the sixth and seventh centuries, and that they contributed a great deal to the growth first of Buddhism and then of Hinduism, and to South Indian architecture and sculpture, are well known. But we have still to find out who they were and whence they came. Dr. Vincent A. Smith in the first edition of his Early History of India, said that the origin of the Pallava clan or tribe, which supplied royal families to Kinchi, Vengi and Palakkada, was obscure, and that the name appeared to be another form of Pahlava. This was the name of a foreign clan or tribe frequently mentioned in inscriptions and Sanskrit literature, and Dr. Smith thought that it was derived ultimately from the name for the 'Parthians.' His supporters believed that this nomadic tribe of Parthians, Pahlavas, or Pallavas passed through India from the north to the south without leaving a trace of their long journey, just as if they had marched along a highway, and finally halted at Kanchipuram, defeated the uncivilized tribes living there, built a great city and ruled over them. The improbability of this story, notwithstanding the attempt on the part of some to determine the date of the supposed Parthian invasion and the Pallava immigration to the south, appears to have been clearly proved by Dr. Fleet. In a note to the Indian Antiquary, Mr. J. Burgess said that the Pallava theory of Dr. Vincent Smith could not be accepted and that Dr. Fleet had disposed of it by pointing out that it was based partly on a mistranslation. The Pallava mystery then became so much more mysterious that Dr. Vincent Smith in the second edition of the same work, published in 1908, changed his opinion and said that, though Dr. Flest and other writers were disposed to favour the view that Pallavas and Pahlavas were identical, and that the Pallava dynasty of Kanichi should be considered of Persian origin, yet recent research did not support this hypothesis, and that it seemed more likely that the Pallavas were a tribe, clan or caste, which was formed in the northern part of the Madras Presidency, possibly in the Vengi country. He also added, perhaps to throw a doubt on his own suggestion and to seek for the Pallava origin still further south, that the Vellalas, Kallas and Pallis of South India claimed to be connected with them. For eleven more years no satisfactory explanations were offered, and in The Oxford History of India published in 1919, Dr. Smith was constrained to admit that the Pallavas constituted one of the mysteries of Indian history, and that there was every reason to believe that future historians would be able to give a fairly complete narrative of the doings of the Pallava kings and lay open the secret of their origin and their connections. Mr. G. Jouveau-Dubreuil, Professor of the Pondicherry College, whose knowledge of Indian antiquities and allied subjects is profound, and who has done most to work out a rational history of the Pallavas from the earliest times to the decline of their power, from the available data of inscriptions and copper plates, accepted the challenge thrown out by Dr. Smith. In his book on The Ancient History of the Deccan, published in 1920, he proceeds to give a plausible account of the origin of this elusive tribe. He takes the family tradition, given in the Velurpalayam plates, that the first member of the family who became king acquired all the emblems of Royalty on marrying the daughter of the Lord of See also Numismata Orientalia, p. 42. 1 Vol. XXXIV, p. 196.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ Arat, 1025 Serpents-evidently a Naga princess 3, as his basis, and tries to prove a Pahlava-Naga alliance that enabled the Pallavas to inherit the Kanohi throne. With painstaking care he first brings together the Satavahanas, the Chutu Nagas, the Western Kshatrapas, the Maharathis, etc., under a chronological arrangement before turning to the matter of the Pallava-Naga alliance. But although this throws a flood of light on the obsoure history of the Deccan during that early period, it does not in any way satisfy the reader. It leaves him to surmise that a Pahlava minister of the Western Kshatrapas reigning at Aparanta married the daughter of Siva-Skanda-Naga-Satakarni and inherited the throne of Kanchi. If the Pahlava minister or his son had made such an alliance and had, by some process not clearly explained, inherited the throne of Kanchi, the statement in the Velarpalayam plates would be verified. And as the Pahlavas were of Parthian origin, the older theory too would have been established. Thus the pious hope of Dr. Vincent Smith that the home of the Pallavas might be found somewhere further south still remains unfulfilled. The Naga dynasty, of course, was easily found by M. Dubreuil in the contemporaneous Chutu Nagas, who were fortunately succeeded by the Pallavas; but he had still to show that one of their kings was the ruler of a larger tract of land than was under the authority of the Chutus. If an alliance of the Chutu Nagas with the Satavahanas could be established, a Satavahana king would answer the purpose. Such a king in the person of Siva-Skanda-Naga-Satakarni, who belonged to a dynasty of Andhra-cum-Chutu-cum-Maharathi, and in whose veins ran Naga blood for two generations, was ready to hand. As certain coins with the legend Sri Pulumayi were found near Cuddalore, Skanda Naga is assumed to have been identical with Sri Pulumayi and to have occupied the country of which Kafichi later became the capital. It is left to be inferred that this country was given as a dowry to his daughter, who married the Pahlava minister of the Western Kshatrapas or his son. Even supposing in the absence of any authorities, that the marriage did really take place, questions still arise whether the sovereignty of Siva-Skanda-Naga-Satakarni in the third century A.D., ever extended so far as to include Tondaimandalam, and whether there was no king of any other dynasty reigning at Kanchi at the time. There is no other authority than the finding of the coins ; and that of course, without other evidence to support it, does not prove anything, just as the finding of Greek and Roman coins in a place can never by itself prove that the place was under the way of the Greeks or the Romans. All this unsatisfactory groping in the dark was due to the ignorance of ancient Tainit literature under which Western scholars generally laboured, and partly also perhaps to their belief that no valuable historical information could be gathered from these works. But during the last decade or two there has been an awakening that has placed all the hidden treasures of ancient Tamil literature before the public. Among these is the Manimekalai, a veritable mine of information to the antiquarian and the historian. From the Manimekalai one is able to gather that one kisli, who was also known as Vadiveskilli, Venveskilli, Mavenkilli, Nedumudikilli and Killi Valavan, the son and successor of Karikala the Great, was the Chola king reigning at Puhar or Kaveripum pattinam, when that city was engulfed by the sea, and that he thereupon removed his capital to Uraiyur. According to the Chilappali. karam, or the Epic of the Anklet, a sister work to the Manimekalai, the Chera king Sengut. tuvan built a temple for the worship of Pattini, and at the consecration of the temple there were present Gajabahu of Lanka, Jam Cheliyan of Madura and Killi of Uraiyur, who also built tem, or the same deity in their own countries. Gajabahu ruled in Ceylon from 3 Repor. w Epigraphy, 1910-1911. Manimekalai, Canto XXV, 11, 178-203. Chilappatikaram, Canto XXX, 11, 160--164.

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APRIL, 19.3] THE ORIGIN OF THE PALLAVAS 113 to 135 A.D. The destruction of Puhar was therefore a little before this. It is also said in the Manimekalai that while Killi was reigning at Uraiyur, his brother Ilamkilli or Ilamko was at Kanchi, and after him Killi's son by a Naga princess, Tondairan Ilantirayan, was installed at Kanchi. All these facts, taken from the Tamil Epics, were given by Prof. Krishnaswami Aiyangar in a very valuable and instructive paper, published in the Indian Antiquary. But if he had dived deeper, he would have found more information throwing a great deal of light on the origin of the Pallavas. Tondaiman Ilantirayan was the son of Killi by Pilivalai, the daughter of Valaivanan, the Naga king of Mani-pallavam. He was lost in a shipwreck on his way from Mani-pallavam to Puhar, but was afterwards found washed ashore coiled up in a tondai creeper, and he was therefore called Tondaiman Ilantirayan, Tondaiman, and also Tirayan, because he was washed ashore by the sea. The sove. reignty of Toncaimandalam, separated from Cholamandalam, was assigned to him by his father, and he was the first king of Tondaimandalam, which was so called after his name, with his capital at Kanchi. Killi is also alleged to have caused a grove and a tank to be made at Kazchi in imitation of those in the island of Mani-pallavam.10 This tank was perhaps the one referred to in the Kasakudi plates as the tank of Tirayan.1! Ilantirayan was the first independent king who reigned at Kanchi, and the dynasty started by him was called the Pallava dynasty. He must have come to the throne about the third quarter of the second century A.D. The destruction of Puhar and the consequent removal of the capital to Uraiyur before 150 A.D., is confirmed by Ptolemy, the Alexandrian geographer, who wrote his work about that time, as he calls Orthoura (Urantai or Usaiyur) the capital of the Cholas. As, perhaps, Ilantirayan's Naga mother was not considered equal in rank to his father, his dynasty was not called by the usual patronymic, but was designated by his mother's native place Mani-pallavam. Mani-pallavam has been identified as the Jaffna Peninsula, which was then an island; and to observers sailing up from India the island would have appeared just like a sprout or growth on the mainland of Lanka, and hence it was called 'pallavam,' which in Tamil means 'a sprout' or 'the end of a bough.' The name Mani-pallavam occurs only in the Manimekalai. The more ancient name of the island was Manipuram ; and the Sinhalese called it Mani-Nagadipa, as it was populated by the Nagas and governed by Naga kings.12 The prefix Mani appears to have been retained and the name pallavam added by the Tamils, as it appeared like a sprout springing from a mother tree. The later Pallavas called themselves by the birudas Buddhyankura, Nayan. kara, Tarunankura and Lalitankura, with the Sanskrit ending ankura ineaning 'a sprout.' The title Potharayar, adopted by the Pallava kings, is also derived from the Tamil word potu, meaning 'a sprout and synonymous with pallavam. These facts clearly show that they retained the nemory of their origin and adopted titles bearing the same meaning as the Tamil word pallavam.13 In the Rayakotta plates, 14 a Pallava king Skanda Sishya, supposed to have lived earlier than Vishnugopa (330 A.D.), claims descent from Asvaddhaman, the Brahman warrior of the Mahabharata, through a Naga princez8. The origin of Ilantirayan was either forgotten by . Mahavanoa, List of Kings, part I; but Mr. Geiger gives 171-193 A.D. for Gajabahu. 7 Perumpamarrupadai, 1. 37. 8 Ante., vol. XXXVII, Celebrities in Tamil Literature, p. 235. 9 Perumpanarrupadai, 11:31-37. 10 Manimekalai, Canto XXVIII, 11 : 201 - 207. 11 South Indian Inscriptions, vol. II, No. 73. 11 JOBRAS., vol. XXVI, Nagadipa and Buddhist Remains in Jatkaa. 15: Epigraphic Indica, vol. VII, p. 145. 6 Ibid., vol. V, No. 8.

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80 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (APRIL, 1923 this time, or with the purpose of concealing the liaison of the Chola king with the Naga princess, this Puranic story was manufactured under Brahmanic influence and began to be believed. The legend of Ilantirayan as the originator of the Pallava dynasty was, however, referred to by Dr. Hultzch in his notes on the Rayakotta plates.16 Thus it will be seen that the name Pallava had really its origin further south than imagined by Dr. Smith, and the name implied a ruling dynasty and not a tribe or clan. If the meaning of the word pallava, as represented later in the several titles adopted by the kings of that dynasty be admitted, the improbability of their connection with the Pahlavas or the Parthians is quite plain. It is impossible to say whether there are any Vellalas or Kallas in South India who claim relationship with the Pallavas, but the Pallis or the Palli. vilis claim to be the descendants of the last Pallava kings, who were defeated and degraded by the Cholas FLYING THROUGH THE AIR. - BY A. M. HOCART. THE cominonest miracle of Buddhist literature consists in flying through the air, so much so that the Pali title arahant, one who has attained the summum bonum of religious aspiration,'1'a saint,' has given rise to the Sinhalese verb rahatve-which means 'to disappear, 'to pass instantaneously from one point to another.' . In fact flying through the air has become the test of arahalship. In Sanskrit literature standing in mid-air is a sign by which one can tell a god from a inan. Sanskrit readers are familiar with that passage in the story of Nala (V. 22 pp.) where Damayanti, at a loss how to clistinguish her lover from the four gods who have assumed his form, in her distress prays to them to reveal their divinity. They do so by appearing "sweatless, unwinking, crowned with fresh and dustless garlands." "Asvedan stabdhalocanan hrsitasragrajohonan sthithan asprealah ksitim." By the way this is but another instance of how saints have assumed the attributes of gods, or, rather, to be on the safe side, how both derive their attributes from a common source. Why this insistence on the power to float in the air? Why is it made a test of divinity or sainthood ? It has rather been taken for granted that, given supernatural beings, they must move in the regions of air instead of treading the earth. We are so used to the idea that we think it perfectly natural, and forget that it only seems natural because we are so used to it. When we come to think of it, there is no reason why they should not walk as we do, swim in the sea, or burrow in the earth. If we are to make a beginning of explaining customs and beliefs we must take nothing for granted, but must seek to explain everything, not by vague phrases such as "poetic fancy," "primitive thought," but by precise causes from which the custom or belief derives with logical, one might almost say mathematical, necessity. The line of attack I propose is one which has already enabled us to win several minor advantages. It may or may not be successful in this case, but I claim for it that at the least it is a serious attempt to penetrate into the region of myth, and that it conforms to the standard I have set. 16 Epigraphia Indica, vol. V, p. 50. 1 The Pali Text Society's Pali-English Dictionary. 2 Rahatenand : mama dan metana innaudnam me velav Ingaland inga puluvami. 3 Chieftainship in the Paciflo', Amor. Anthropologist, 1915, p. 631. The Common Sense of Myth', ibid, 1910, p. 307. Polynesian Tombs,' ibid., 1918, p. 456. Myths in the Making,' Folk-Lore, 1922, p. 57.

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APRIL, 1923) FLYING THROUGH THE AIR 81 I use as my base the fact that over a large part of the old world kings are divine, they are impersonations of gods, and as such have all the attributes of godhead, so that what is true of the god is true of the king, and what is true of the king is true of the god. I have no hesi. tation in believing that all th> varieties of this doctrine, wherever they occur, are derived from the same original source, since the area they cover is continuous from West Africa to Peru, and even, if it were not continuous, the doctrine itself is sufficiently strange and elaborate to warrant us in denying that it can ever have sprung up independently in various parts of the world. Now, in countries where the kings or priest-kings are divine it sometimes happens that the king is never allowed to touch the ground. Instances are quoted by Sir James Frazer in his Golden Bough4 from countries both East and West of India : among the Zapotecs of Mexico, in Japan, Siam, Persia, Uganda. The case which gives us most support comes from Tahiti, and I will therefore quote in full Ellis' account in his Polynesian Researches (III, 101f, 108, 114): "Whether, like the sovereigns of the Sandwich Islands, they were supposed to derive their origin by lineal descont from the gods, or not, their persons were regarded as scarcely less sacred than the personifications of the doities ... The sovereign and his consort always appeared in public on men's shoulders, and travelled in this manner wherever they journeyed by land ... On these occasions (changes of mounts) their majesties never suffered their feet to touch the ground ... The inauguration ceremony, answering to coronation among other nations, consisted in girding the king with the inaro ura, or sacred girdle, of red feathers which not only raised him to the highest earthly station, but identified him with the gods. This idea pervaded the terms used with reference to his whole establishment. His houses were called clouds of heaven, the glare of the torches in luis dwelling was denominated lightning, and when the people saw them in the evening as they passed near his abode, instead of saying the torches were burning in the palace, they would observe that the lightning was flashing in the clouds of heaven. When ho passed froin one district to the other they always used the word mahuli, which signifies to Ay, and hence they described his journey by saying that the king was flying from one district of the Island to another." In Tahiti then it was literally true that gods were distinguished from ordinary men in that they never touched the ground, but that they flew where others walked. But the reason why the king-god did so was not the reason given by the people themselves ; they said that if he touched the ground that spot would have become sacred and could never more have been used for profane purposes. This may have been a very good reason for keeping up the practice, but the other observances I have quoted leave no doubt that its true origin is that the king of Tahiti, like the king of Egypt, of the Hittites, of Ceylon, of various parts of India,' of Japan, to naine a few among many, was the sun god himself or his son, and as such lived in clouds, flashed lightning and moved above the earth. The king of Tahiti like other Polynesian kings was called Heaven, and "at death or transference of a king's temporal power it is said, "The Ra (sun) has set,' the king being called the man who holds the sun,' or 'the Sun-Eater'."'8 "You have produced evidence," some one will object," from Mexico, from Tahiti, from Uganda, from everywhere except from India, from which the argument set out. You have not attempted to show us in existence in India the custom which is supposed to explain the + 2nd ed., I, 234, 236 ; III, 202. Garstang : The Land of the Hillites, p. 340. 6 Don M. de Z. Wickremasinghe : Epigraphia Zeylanicu, vols. I, p. 26, II, pp. 162 & 189. 7 Senart : Essai sur la Legende du Bouddha. 8 Tregear : Comparative Maori Dictionary, s.v. ra and rungi.

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82 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1923 miracle of flying through the air." But if my suggestion is right, we ought not to find the custom practised in India at the time and in the place where the Nala episode or any writing containing the same belief was written; for as long as the gods are to be seen carried about so that their feet may not touch the ground, this mark of kingship, viz., divinity, cannot be regarded in the light of a miracle. On the other hand when the custom has fallen into oblivion the perfectly true statement that gods used to move above the earth can only be interpreted in the sense of a supernatural manifestation. In Sanskrit and Pali literature therefore we cannot expect to find more than echoes of this ancient custom,-indications that it once existed. We seem to have such an echo in the history of Sona as related by Spence Hardy in his Manual of Buddhism (p. 254). From his childhood Sona never put his foot on the ground, because he had a circle of red hairs under the sole of his foot. He had only to threaten to put his foot down to bring his servants to reason, as they dreaded that so much merit should thus get lost. Now this wheel on the sole has been shown by Senart to be originally an emblem of the Sun-god. 10 Others better read than I may find more traces of this very ancient custom. I would just like to make a suggestion for what it is worth. Both Egypt11 and in Polynesia1 have a story that heaven and earth were in close embrace until a hero came and parted them by lifting up the Heavens. May not the customs of not allowing the solar king to touch the earth have some connection with this myth ? Let us leave that aside however and return to the other attributes ascribed to gods by the Mahabharata: "sweatless, unwinking, crowned with fresh and dustless garlands." I confess these were long a stumbling block to me, for if we explain one attribute by the theory of divine kingship we must explain the others in the same way. Here I stuck until I chanced to read in the Golden Bough (I. 235) the following passage taken from Kaempfer's History of Japan: "In ancient times he (the Mikado) was obliged to sit altogether like a statue, with out stirring either hands or feet, head or eyes, nor indeed any part of his body, because, by this means, it was thought he could preserve peace and tranquility in his empire." I mentioned at the outset the parallellism that exists between kings and saints; we could hardly expect that it would extend even to the contemplative exercises of the Indian ascetics. Our inquiry, then, has had results which bear out the opinion I have frequently expressed before, that myths and miracles are excellent and reliable history, not of events but of customs. No one will wonder at this who has busied himself with collecting oral tradition, and who knows how anxious the average man is to get his tradition faultlessly accurate. If he goes wrong it is not that he alters statements he has heard, but that he misconceives their meaning, because the custom which is the clue to that meaning is lost. THE DATE OF KANISHKA. BY PROF. G. JOUVEAU-DUBREUIL. The first volume of the Cambridge History of India is just out, and it is certain that all the Journals which are going to publish reviews of it will not allow themselves to do anything but praise it and congratulate the Editor, Prof. E. J. Rapson. He is also himself the author of several of the chapters. As is well known, Prof. Rapson has specially studied Indian Numismatics, and no one is better qualified than he to write Chanters XXII and XXIII, which treat of the Greeks and Sakas of India, as the 10 Op. cit., pp. 88 ff., 139. 9 Cf. Myths in the Making, p. 64. 11 Erman; Handbook of Egyptian Religion. 13 Tregear; op. cit. s.v. Mani.-Arthur Grimble: Myths from the Gilbert Islands, Folk-Lore, 1922, p. 94. In Egypt the sky is a waman, the Earth a man; in Polynesia it is the reverse.

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APRIL, 1023) THE DATE OF KANISHKA 83 history of those dynasties is based solely on the study of their coins. Indeed, these two chapters are excellent, and the result of his great labours in this direction is important. It is common knowledge that the chronology of the Saka and Pahlava Dynasties has so far remained very uncertain, but the question seems now to be definitely settled. Indeed, Prof. Rapson says categorically (pages 576): "In that portion of Pahlava history which oomes after the Christian Era, the period of the reign of Gondopharnes may be regarded as almost definitely fixed ... There can be little doubt that the Era (in the Takht-iBahi inscription) is the Vikrama-savat, which began in 58 B.C., and that therefore Gondopharnes began to reign in 19 A.D., and was still reigning in 45 A.D." The study of the history of the Kushanas is reserved for Volume II, and there again the question of dates presents formidable difficulties : " The chronology of this period has been one of the most perplexing problems in the whole of Indian history, and the problem can scarcely be said to be solved positively even now (page 583)." As there is raised here a question of the highest importance to the history of India, I take the liberty of expressing the opinion that the problem may be taken to be practically settled by a careful study of the excavations of Sir John Marshall at Taxila. Assuming that Gondopharnes was reigning in the region of Taxila in 45 A.D., his successor in Iran was Pacores. During the reign of Pacores the Governor of Taxila was Sagas, nephew of Aspavarman. In the year 64 A.D. (Parjitar inscription) the same country was occupied by the "Great King " Kushana. If I have rightly understood the reports of the excavations of Sir John Marshall at Taxila (Excavations at Taxila, Arch. Survey Ind., 1912-13, pp. 1 ff; and A Guide to Taxila, Calcutta, 1918), quite distinct stratifications have been discovered in that place, viz:(a) Strata of Gondopharnes, Sasan, etc., (6) Strata of Kujula-Kadphises and Herm cus; (c) Strata of Vima-Kadphises. The formation of the soil, during the period in which the coins of Kujula-Kadphises and Hermaeus were alone in circulation, in all probability involved a considerable number of years. And then there must have been a fairly long period, during which the coins of V'ima-Kadphises became numerous. But this is not all, and it is necessary also to draw attention to a point of extreme importance. The town of Sirkap seems to have been abandoned all of a sudden after a certain number of years of the reign of Vima-Kadphises. As a matter of fact, at Sirkap are found the coins of all the predecessors of V'ima, as well as those of V'ima Kadphises himself. But there has never been found a single coin of his sucoessors at Sirkap. Next, Sir John Marshall makes a remark which is of the first consequence :-"Not a single coin of Soter-Megas has been found at Sirkap." If, on this, we take into consideration that coins of Soter-Megas are very common in India, and that they date from a period before Kanishka, it becomes evident that between the date of the abandonment of Sirkap and the acoession of Kanishka a great number of years must have passed. Moreover, in some other parts of Taxila, e.g., at the Chir stupa, coins of V'ima-Kadphiscs, Soter-Megas, Kanishka, etc., are found in abundance. In short, the Kushanas got possession of Taxila about 60 A.D., and from that date we must reckon the periods of the coins, (1) of Kujula and Hermous. (2) of V'ima Kadphises, (3) of Soter Megas, (4) of Kanishka. Each of these periods has undoubtedly covered a large number of years, and in such circumstances it becomes impossible to place the accession of Kanishka in 78 A.D., that is to say, only eighteen years after the immigration of the Kushanas into Northern India.

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84 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY If we now take into consideration the style of some of the sculptures, we must hold that the art of Kanishka is a Graeco-Buddhist art so degenerated that it is impossible to place it in the first century A.D., Indeed, Sir John Marshall has dubbed the style of Kanishka rococo (The Cambridge History, vol. I, p. 648). The period of Kanishka is therefore the first half of the second century, A.D.1 and he certainly did not found the Saka Era. Who then did found that Era? The oldest inscriptions unquestionably belonging to this Era are dated in the reign of Rudradaman and in the Saka year 52. The dynasty of Rudradaman was founded by his grandfather Chashtana, and since Chashtana's grandson was reigning in Saka year 52, it is certain that the commencement of that Era took place in the time of Chashtana. [APRIL, 1923 The most natural supposition of all is to admit that Chashtana was the founder of the dynasty and also the founder of the Era. Proceeding on this supposition, the history of India becomes quite clear. Thus, in the first half of the first century A.D. there existed a vast empire, that of Gondophares, which included, (1) the Pahlava kingdom of Eastern Iran, (2) the Yavana kingdom of Kabul, (3) the Saka kingdom of the Punjab, Rajputana and Maharashtra. This empire fell about 60 A.D., and whilst the Kushanas got possession of the Panjab, the king of the Deccan, Gautamiputra Satakarni, destroyed the Sakas, Yavanas and Pahlavas, and seized Maharashtra, Kathiawar and Malwa. This is exactly what the celebrated inscription of Nasik tells us (Ins. No. 2, Ep. Ind., vol. VII, p. 61): " Gautamiputra destroyed the Sakas, Yavanas, and Pahlavas and became king of Surashtra, Akaravanti, etc." The above conquests of Ujjain and Kathiawar by the king of the Deccan could only have been temporary. In 78 A.D. Chashtana became king of Malwa and Surashtra, and founded a new dynasty and a new era-the Saka Era. BOOK-NOTICES. SIKSHASAMUCCAYA, A COMPENDIUM OF BUDDHIST DOCTRINE. Compiled by Santideva, chiefly from earlier Mahayana Sutras. Translated by the late Professor Cecil Bendall and Dr. W. H. D. Rouse, both of Cambridge. London, John Murray for Government of India, Indian Text Series: 1922. In considering any Indian philosophical subject I like to get at the root meaning of the title, in this case, samuccaya. Samudcaya, or samuccaya, indicates a heaping together, collection, combination: in philosophy a joint production of knowledge, faith (with works), and meditation. The title of Santideva's work, sikshasamuccaya, would in effect be a summary or code of the Doctrine of Combination. As a general doctrine samuccaya has played an important part in Indian philosophy of the early middle ages or late antiquity-7th and 8th centuries A.D. and onwards. It would obviously fascinate the contemplative mind of the larger section of philosophic Hindus. The Bhagavatas, Madhvas and Vishnusvamis all upheld the doctrine generally, viz., that to secure release-the Hindu form of salvation-it was necessary to combine religious duty with knowledge. In doing so they went beyond Sankara, who was satisfied with knowledge only, and their view had the full support of Ramanuja. All this shows how important the study of the Doctrine of Samuccaya is for a proper apprehension of modern philosophic Hinduism. But the book before me takes it into Buddhism also. Santideva was, with Candrakirti, one of the two shining lights of the philosophic (Madhyamaka School) Mahayana Buddhism of the 7th century A.D. His Bikehdeamuccaya is an excellent manual of the teaching of his school, though in a bulky form. It sets forth the ideal life of a Bodhisattva according to the Mahayana philosophy: the ideal of self-sacrifice for the benefit of the world through self-enlightenment. It teaches the general Doctrine of Combination to the full: faith in the form of 1 The inscription of Asvaghosha at Sarnath (Ep. Ind., vol. VIII, p. 171), which is dated in the year 40 has been specially studied by Mr. Arthur Venis. It would seem (JRAS., 1912, p. 702) that the inscription may also be dated in the year 209. If one may suppose that one of these two dates is in the Vikrama Era and the other in the Era of Kanishka, the year 151 A.D. (Vikrama Samvat 209) will be the year 40 of the Era of Kanishka, and the date of Kanishka will be 111 A.D. 2 That he ruled also in the Kabul valley, which was probably annexed before his reign (p. 574), appears to be shown by the large numbers of his coins which were found on its ancient site by Masson (Cambridge History of India, vol. I, p. 577).

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APRIL, 1923) BOOK NOTICES 85 passionate devotion, charity and compassion : In his long account of this precious finl. Mr. works in the form of full Mahaya a ritual: sacri. Narasimhachar is enabled to make many useful fice by self-discipline and martyrdom carried to observations on the chronology of the Gangas and any necessary extent of torture at one's own or their contemporaries, and to set much straight in other hands -all for the benefit of others. Would the old controversy on the subject between Dr. that Mahayaniam could have been induced to stay Fleet and Mr. Rice. where Santideva carried it. A matter of another kind is the realing of the However, the importance of Santicleva's great inscription on a typical Saktio image of the Vajrawork for the student of Buddhisme, is obvious, and yana School of Mahayana Buddhism acquired by we must congratulate ourselves that the translation Monsieur Clemenceau during his Eastern tour, thareof should have fallen into such competent obviously in or from Nepal. It is dated 1517 A.D hands, though it has been long in the preparation. and was handed over to the Department for ax&. It is more than thirty years ago since Professor mination by the Maharaja of Mysore. Bendall got possession of the MS. : more than Among the coins described are somo ll Virs. twenty-five since he edited it for the St. Petersburg raya parame, and with reference to them Mr. Nara. Bibliotheca Buddhica, and almost that period since simhachar has a remark to make worth recording he and Professor Cowell started to translate it. here: "Now with regard to the symbol on the Then Dr. Rouse took it up as a labour of duty at reverse, I venture to make A noir suggestion. Professor Bendall's request on his deathbed, with Besides the twelve dots the reverse shows an the active assistance of Professor de la Vallee animal, evidently A crocodile, moving to the left. Poussin and Dr. F. W. Thomas. The mere enume. ! In the Plates in my Report for 1911 and in Elliot's ration of these names is enough to show th, quality Coins of Southern India, the coins are figured up of the translation and that Cambridge has been side down, showing the dots below and the animal fortunate in being able to claim them for teachors ! above lying on ite back. If they are figured tha of Sanskrit. R. C. TEMPLE. other way about, the crocodile 3an be clearly see moving to the left with its bent tail, and bearing ANNUAL REPORT OF THE MYSORE ARCHEOLO the twelve dots on its back. I think the animal GICAL DEPARTMENT, 1921. Government Press, represents Sisumara, or the heavenly poepina Bangalore. supporting on its back the collection of she stara Gazetteer work during 1921 has prevented and planets." Mr. R, Narasimhachar and his staff from report. Altogether this is an admirable Report, although ing in such detail as usual, but they have suc. the year has heen largely taken up with other work. ceeded nevertheless in putting together information R. C. TEMPLE. of much interest and value and the illustrations! AN ACCOUNT or THUS OTTOMAN CONQUEST of ara excellent. Eaert in A. H. 922, A.D. 1516: translated from The points that strike ono on perusing its pages volume III of the Arabic Chronicle of Muhemare that Mr. Narasimhachar has again reason to mod Ibn Ahmed Ibn Ilyas. By Lieut.-Colonel point to & stone with a Tamil Inscription of W. H. Salmon. With introduction by PrologKulottunga Chola, dated 1084 A.D., having been! sor D. S. Margoliouth. Royal Asiatic Sopsed for carving an image, this time of Hanuman. ciety: Oriental Translation Fund : New Series; Here is one source of the disappearance of ins. vol. XXV. pp. xiii and 117. oriptions. H y fortunate are others, even of great This little volume deals with a very important value, in being accidentally preserved, the follow. period in the history of Egypt and is instructiva ing outline of the story of one of them is a proof. withal, as it gives an account by an eye-witness A farmer, Kempananjappa of Kudlar, ploughed of the manner of the passing of the Mamluk rulers, up two sets of copper-plato grante of the Gangas or rather of the sudden extinction of the last of and then reburied them in a field of his in another them. It is therefore well worth the while of the village, Aldur. There they remained six years, Royal Asiatic Society to print an authentic trang when he shewed them to a friend, a banker, Naganna lation, though of course the gubject has ofton bson of Mysore, who showed them to Pandit Sama dealt with before. chArys of the Mysore Oriental Library, for many! It is for this reason, perhaps, that both Colonol years in the Archaeological Department. Hence Salmon and Professor Margoliouth have contentheir publication in this Report. One of them ted themselves respectively with a bare translais of great value, being the only grant of the Ganga tion and an introduction assuming a condiderable king Marasimha as yet unearthed. It is dated knowledge of Arabic literature and history. The 963 A.D. and is a fine work of art. Not only that, book is in fact practically for students only and it is a rary long inscription of some 200 lines, and those well equipped for its apprehension. Given owing to its late date, it givea practically the entire this qualification in the reader, the book is bs. Ganga genealogy. It is fortunato indeert that the yond reproach, well up to the standard of tho farmer happened to show it to the right people. Society's work and most useful.

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86 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ APRIL, 1923 In his short foreword Colonel Salmon seems nounce," and such annoying upsetters of indexing to be impressed by the "appalling cruelties in as Civa. This last after all is not much of an im. the narratives." I am afraid that a very long provement on the Madras Manual of Adminis. course of study in Oriental, and I may say Occi- tration, which as late as 1893, just 100 years after dental, history at all periods, obliges me to say Sir William Jones, produced Caushy for a very that they are characteristic of armed coaquest well-known town-the reader may be left to guess on the part of most races in all parts of the world. which. Since that Committoo's day editors have There is indeed not much to choose between the never had peace, and really chaos is again threat. various accounts War has always been, and the lastening us : experto crede. Great War shows that it still is, a very horrible thing. The truth is that "experts" in meeting never One very instructive point for study is brought | settle anything. The Government of India found out by Professor Margoliouth. The Mamlak was this to be the case when it came to entering a foreign slave ard many of the class in all Orien- the names of Native Officers in the Army List. tal countries rose to high positions, when of suf Knowledgeable Staff Officers had to settle the cient capacity-not a few to be governors and writing of Native names in Roman characters, even kings : hance the so-called Slave Dynasties and the index-writer had peace and so had the in various parts of the Eastern world. But they index-reader. I have myself seen the same Native could only hold sway by personal ability and name written Ali Bakhsh, Ally Bax, Ully Bux prestige, which was not backed, as Professor and Olly Buccus by Adjutants who were good Margoliouth says, by any popular enthusiasm soldiers but indifferent scholars. The effect on or loyalty. Hence they usually went down at an alphabetical list is obvious! once before an organised nation when under a The same thing happened in Burma. Burmese capable sovereiga or commander. This was the orthography is as erratic almost as English. Incharacteristio fate of the Mamlak ruler of Egypt. genious lesser officials made travelling allowances I notice that Professor Margoliouth remarks by road "pay" by the spelling of place-names on the death of M. Van Bershom during the pub- in bills for travelling from say X to Hlaingdet lication of this book. I cordially agree that that vid Longtet, to Hlontak and back, say 30 miles : great scholar will not be easily replaced. the three names above being more or less legiti. The mention above of the Mamlak rulers brings mate spellings of one name and the actual distance up once again what is to me the burning question travelled being say 10 miles. Wo who had to of transliteration. In the book we have Mamlak, pase such bills about 1890 induced the GovernMameluke, Memlak, Memlook for the same ment to adopt and print an official spelling for Oriental word. Where are we? Again we have every place name in the country. It paid to do so. Zain al-din, quldd al-nds and so on. Pace Pre I have lately had to review several books fossor Margoliouth, I see no justification. In the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society involving Arabic seript surely all the vowels are marked, the transliteration of Indian, Persian, Turki and if not written out as separate letters, as in Roman, Arabic names. The chaotic state of "scholarly" and the above transcriptions show to me neither rendering of Oriental names in European form the sound nor the script. I know they are in has in consequence as prominently forced itself the modern fashion, but is that justified ? upon my mind as it did a generation ago. I do More than 30 years ago Dr. Fleet and I drew not therefore apologise for repeatedly bringing up tables of transliteration for this Journal out it to the notice of the Society and for suggesting of the custom then current, and all went well; the adoption of an outside authority which has .c., it was generally adhered to by all our contri- knowledge to settle for general recognition the butors and we know where we were, till there sat conflicting opinion of experts in meeting. I canan international committee, which produced such not see any other way out of the present impasse. abortions as Kers which "no fellah can pro. R. C. TEMPLE. NOTES AND QUERIES. NOTES FROM OLD FACTORY RECORDS. have ordered him to koop Contract friendship with 42. Sales in fortified places in Sumatra. you and to encourage your Port by making a 22 March 1693/4. Nathaniel Higginson, Paggorl and Sending people there to buy Pepper ; President of Fort St. George, to the Raja of Syllabarr Mr. Wilson hae given me an Account of your true 1Sumatral. I have received your Letter and friendship. I desire your acceptance of a Small understand the contents Concerning which I have token of my respect which he will deliver you. written to Mr. Wilson whom I have appointed (Letters from Fort St. George, vol. 22.) Govr. of York Fort [Bencoolen, Sumatra) and R. C. TEMPLE. i Malay pagd, an enclosure Can. dodra, fortided village. The meaning (probably due to both vernacular words) appears to be making strong enclosure ete.

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SAMAPA: OK TAE ASOKAN KALINGA 87 SAMAPA: OR THE ASOKAN KALINGA. BY G. RAMDAS, B.A. (Continued from p. 70.) When Asoka ascended the throne of Magadha he found that Kalinga abutted on his Kingdom on the south. It was a powerful civilised neighbour of the Great Mauryan Ruier. "In such a country dwell Brahmans and ascetics, men of different sects and house-holders, who all practise obedience to elders, obedience to father and mother, proper treatment of friends, acquaintances, comrades, relatives, slaves, and servants with fidelity of devotion." Difference in religion may have been the cause of the war that Asoka waged against Kalinga. From the records of Kharavela we learn that Jainism, which was contemporaneous with Buddhism, was followed in Kalinga, while Brahmanism was the state religion in Magadha. Asoka himself admits hat he acquired the Law of Piety" on seeing the atrocities committed when Kalinga was subdued by the force of arms."26" Asoka was, by the preachings of a young ascetic, "constrained to abandon the Brahmanical faith of his father and to accept as a lay disciple the sacred law of Buddha. The Afokdvaddna says that on seeing the miracle shown by a holy ascetic named Balapandita, Asoka embraced the true religion and forsook the paths of wickedness. The conversion of Asoka seems to have happened after Kalinga had been conquered. It must have been the Brabmans, always opposed to Buddhism and Jainism, who advised Aboka to subdue Kalinga and destroy the Anti-Brahman religion prevalent there. This fact is corroborated by the Dalada vamea :" When the remains of Buddha were distributed amongst his disciples, the left canine tooth of the lower jaw fell to the lot of one of them. He brought it to Kalinga and built a small stupa over it. Seeing the miracles worked by it, many people gathered round it and a big city named Dantapura rose round it. The Brahmans, envying the popularity of Buddhism, advised Guha. Siva, the King of Kalinga, to destroy the stepa and the city of Dantapura. But by the iniracles shown by the tooth, Guha-Siva embraced Buddhism. Then Aboka, the overlord. was induced to punish Guba-Siva and destroy Dantapura. But the tooth appeared to Asoka in a dream and by means of its miracles converted him to Buddhism." Kalinga was a powerful kingdom and an adverse religion was followed there. It became therefore necessary to subdue it, but when attempts to conquer it were made it showed. bold front. A great and bloody war ensued. "One hundred and fifty thousand persons were thence carried away captive; one hundred thousand were slain and many times that number perished." Having thus conquered it, Asoka found it necessary to establish two sets of governing bodies, one to carry on the provincial administration and the other to control the border tribes. The former was plaved at Tosali and the latter at Samaps. The administrative genius exhibited here by the Mauryan Emperor is akin to that of the British administration of the North-Western Frontier Territory. The need of a frontier administration proves the existenoe of uncivilised and troublesome forest tribes on the borders of Kalinga. Which border was it ! On the west there are the Eastern Ghats, beyond which in aftertimes rose up the kingdom of South Kosala. These Ghats, being difficult to cross, formod & safe proteoticn on the west. On the south no such proteotion existed and the forest tribes also were very troublesome. Kharavela speaks of having planted a pillar of victory in Chataka (Chikati) which is even now inhabited by Savaras and other forest tribes. "The Kingdom of Mah&kantars" is mentioned by Samudragupta. The name itself tells us that it was great forest. The Konyodha apoken of by Hiuen-Tsiang suggests that it was . kingdom of Kondhs, of the olage of " forest 16 Ediot xiii. 11 The Caylonowe lugrad : Afoka by V. A. Smith.

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88 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (MAY, 1923 tribes." All these refer to one and the same tract of country lying on the southern border of Asokan Kalinga. Raghu is said to have marched his armies through a forest after he had vanquished the king of Kalinga. King Vatsa also similarly led his invading army through a forest after he had captured the Mahendra mountain. Even in these days the country about this mountain forms the home of the Savaras, the Kuis and other forest tribes. The Savaras must have been partly civilised, for they were hospitable and Rama was hospitably received by a Savara lady. They have always been powerful and warlike, and they fought in the war of Mahabharata. Therefore it is no wonder that Asoka tried to put a check upon them. A constant watch had to be put on them, for they distrusted Asosa, as he was foreign to them. This is why he says :-"I desire them to trust me and to be assured that they will receive from me happiness, and not sorrow." So he instructs his border officers to "inspire this folk with trust, so that they may be con. vinced that the king is unto them even as a father, and that as he cares for himself, so he cares for them, who are as the king's children." 28 With these bits of good advice were however' mingled threats to overawe them :-"Shun evil-doing that ye may escape destruction." It was only after the annexation of Kalinga that the monarch's heart became sensitive to pain and misery. He himself confesses it :-" The loss of even the hundredth or the thousandth part of the person, who were then slain, carried away captive, or done to death in Kalinga, would now be a matter of deep regret to His Majesty." Toleration of religion, kindness to animals, and all such morals were adopted after the conquest of Kalinga. To preach these inorals to and control the border tribes, officials were appointed and were placed in such a position that might freely mix with the borderers and give instructions --"I expect to be well served by you in this business, because you are in a position enabling you to inspire these folk with trust and to secure their happiness." The officials were expected to "display persevering energy in inspiring trust in these borderers and guiding them in the path of Piety." These things could not have been done unless the responsible officials had lived in the midst of the forest tribes. Asoka, in his zeal to promulgate his Law of Piety and his pious works, had all his edicts set up in every place where he could find a favourable space to carve them upon. Among the places in which they were set up and still exist are Dhauli and Jaugada in Kalinga. Which of them was nearest the border ? It has already been pointed that the borderers were in the South of Kalinga, i.e., in the tract about Mahendragiri. Moreover, the Borderers' Edict at Jaugada is in better preservation than its duplicate at Dhauli; while the Provincials' Edict at Dhauli is better preserved than its duplicate at Jaugada. If the respective states of preservation had been due to the work of wind and rain, both the edicts in both the places would have been equally effected. This inequality of preservation cannot be due to the destructive ravages of the Muhammadan invaders, or of the Pindari and Thag hordes, for they would have tried to destroy the whole insoribed surface and not only particular parts of it. The phenomenon is probably due to the care of the border officers being specially bestowed only on the Edict which concerned them, to the neglect of the others. For this reason Jaugada must be held to be nearest the border, and that border to be the southern one, where there are troublesome border tribes. It is now necessary to locate the head-quarters of the frontier control. Tosali, the seat of the Vioeroy of Kalinga, is mentioned by Ptolemy in his Ancient India. The vestiges of a large city have been discovered not far from the site of the monument at Dhauli.29 The 39 Compare the Instructions to the Provinciale with these lines 29 MeKrindle's Ptolemy.

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SAMAPA OR THE ASOKAN KALINGA 89 MAY, 1923] position of Tosali having been thus defined, we must seek for that of Samapa. Although the Borderers' Edict is at Jaugada, there are those who presume that the southern border was far south, near Pulicat or Rajahmandry. Yet a study of the distribution of the Pillar and Rock Edicts of Asoka shows that the material selected for carving the inscriptions was adapted to the physical nature of the country in which the edict was intended to be published. Thus in the Gangetic valley, where a stone as big as a pea cannot be obtained, big blocks of stone shaped into the form of pillars had to be brought from a distance and set up with the edicts already carved on them. In places like Sanchi, where suitable structures were already existing, a foct-step, or a railing, or a pillar of a railing would offer a surface for engraving, not a command or a moral doctrine, but a gift or an offering to the holy shrine. Rocks were selected to record the edicts where there were natural boulders. Now, these Asokan Edicts approximately give us the limits of the Mauryan Empire, and had Kalinga run so far south as Rajahmandry, the Mauryan Emperor would not have been at a loss to find, near the banks of the Godavary, a boulder similar to the one at Jaugada. Had the caves and topes at Guntapalle flourished during the time of Devanampriya, a pillar or a railing would have offered a face to carve an edict or a gift upon, but they did not then exist. A comparative study of the characters in the Asokan Edicts and those of the inscriptions discovered in the Guntapalle excavations will show that they quite disagree, and thus it is proved that they do not belong to the same period. Indeed, from the paleography of the inscriptions discovered in the Guntapalle caves, it may be safely asserted that the caves and other local specimens of architecture belong to a time later than that of Asoka. Thus it appears to be clear that Jaugada is near the southern frontier of Kalinga. Samapa must be searched for near it. In fact Jaugada itself may have been Samapa, for there is the rock with the edicts upon it, surrounded by a fort, the ruins of which are to be seen even now. The following is a description of the Jaugada rock and the fort, taken from Sewell's Lists" It is situated on the site of a large city, surrounded by a fort wall. The inscribed rock is one of a group inside the fort. It rises vertically and the inscribed surface faces the south-east. Numbers of copper coins have been found close by the Jaugada fort. Old pottery and tiles abound within the fort wall." The Ganjam District Manual gives the follo ving account of the place :-"What the enclosure was it is not possible to say. It seems too large for a 'fort'; it is a long square, the opposite faces being 858 yards by 814 yards respectively. The bank, an earthen one, even now, in places is 18 feet high and 148 ft. across at the base and it has two entrances on each side. Inside are found old tiles and debris of houses, and coins after rain and in ploughing; but for the most part the coins are copper ones. The Asokan Edicts do not say anything of a fort having been built there by Asoka. Moreover, a monarch, who entirely trusted to the efficacy of his Law of Piety for good government, had very little need of forts and strongholds. Asoka depended entirely upon the moral co-operation of his subjects for the defence of his dominions. The foreign princes, whose kingdoms bordered on that of Asoka were held in the pious bond of the Law of Piety and were prevented from territorial aggression. Thus enjoying internal peace and having no fear of attack from outside, Devanam priya had full tranquillity of mind when visiting the holy places and building stupas and erecting votive pillars and monuments.< "Jaugada" means the "Lac Fort." Its name of Lac' is from a tradition that it was made of Lac' and was therefore impregnable, for no enemy could scale the walls because they were too smooth and slippery; but its impregnability was destroyed by a spy who let

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90 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ May, 1923 the adversary into the secret that fire would melt the stuff." 30 The fort however appears to have been built in times subsequent to Asoka's. The rocks here are geologically connected with the Eastern Ghate, and the place is now surrounxled by Peddakemidi, Chinna Kemidi, and other parts of Ganjam District, where malaria and other kinds of forest diseases are rife. In those ancient days, however, the region may have been even more unhealthy. A benign sovereign, who treated his people as his own children, would not expose his officers to this unhealthy region. At the present day the officers for the administration of the Agency tracts of the three northernmost districts of the Madras Presidenoy have their head-quarters at Vizagapatam, a healthy town on the sea coast, and the Kalinga rulers of old are also said to have greatly appreciated life on the coaet. The palace of the King of Kalinga was on the seashore : yamAtmanaH sadmani saMnikRSTo mndrtvnityaajityaamtuuryH| prAsAdavAtAyana dRzyavIciH prabodhayatyarNava eva suptm|| "The ocean itself, the waves of which are seen from the windows of his palace, and the deep resounding roars of which surpass the sound of the watch drum, being close at hand. awakes him as it were, when asleep in his palace-room." At the approach of the spring, the King of Kalinga retired to the shore with his family and subjects to celebrate the vernal festivities. darduragiritaTa candanazleSa zItalAnilAcArya dattamAnAlatAnRtta lIle kAle, kalijarAja ssahAnAjanena saha ca tanayayA sakalena ca nagarajanana daza trINi ca dinAti dinakara kiraNa jAlA laDnIye raNadalitasAlagintanatalatApraphisa-tayAlIDhasaikatataTe taralataraGgazIkarAsArasaGgazItale sAgara -4.1987, IETTE FTO ART chefia"33 "In that season, when the various creepers dance according to the instruction given by their tutor, the cool breeze that is embraced by the sandal wood trees on the slopes of the Dardura hill, the King of Kalinga, accompanied by his women folk, his daughter and his townsmen, became engaged in sport for thirteen days in the pleasure garden on the seashore, which is impenetrable to the rays of the sun, where the sand-banks are swept by the tendrils of the creepers that are bent by the perching of the humming bees, and which is cooled by the spray of the waves that play constantly." Communications with other countries was mostly by sea. The Andhra king comes over the sea and carries away the King of Kalinga and his family.38 Great and constant was the interoourse with Ceylon (Iramandalam). The people of Ceylon established colonies. Hiramandalam, Hirapuram in the Parlakimidy Taluk, Hira Khandi in Dharakota Zamindari. Hirapalli in Gumsur Taluk, Hirapalli in Attagada Zamindari of the Ganjam District, are all remnants of Ceylonese colonisation in Kalinga. Kalingapura, the modern Polan. naruwa in Ceylon, reminds us of the great friendship that existed between that Island and Kalinga. The left canine tooth of the lower jaw of Buddha, which was found in the Ceylon stapas and is now deposited in the British Museum, was taken to Ceylon from Kalinga after the destruction of Dantapura. 30 Ganjam District Gazette. 31 Raghu Vamoa, Canto 6. 39 Dagalumdra Oharitra, Canto 7. 33 Ganjam District Manual.

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MAY, 1923] SOME DISCURSIVE COMMENTS ON BARBOSA For such maritime intercourse there must be a port convenient for anchorage and safe from storms. Baruva at the mouth of the Mahendratanaya is mentioned by Pliny as the point from which the ships coming from the south turned to cross to Chryse. "Baruva, being only 16 miles from Mahendragiri, is the nearest port and can be seen from the bungalow on the hill.34 Even now native passengers from Burmah are frequently landed at Baruva. There are two temples there, reputed to have been built by the Pandavas, and it is near by that the Kottura of Samudragupta must be placed. It is in this region near the southern border of Kalinga, and almost in the vicinity of the Savara region, and having a good sea-port, that the situation of Samapa must be sought. " The word Samapa is formed of Sama (even or level) and apa (water). The name signifies that it is a town built in the region of level water, i.e., a level country. In old days towns and villages were given names signifying the natural condition of the country in which they were built. To make this name more significant ta' (earth) was added as an affix in subsequent times. Samapata' 35 in the days when the people from the south came and settled in Kalinga, became Samapeta,' then 'Sampeta,' which easily became Sompeta.' 'Dramilas,' the modern Dravidas,' were defeated by Raja Raja, the father of Ananta varma Choda Ganga,36 Dimila in Vizagapatam District and Dimilas in Ganjam District remind us of the settlement of the country by the people from the south. C Sompeta' is the head-quarters of a Deputy Tahsildar and native Magistrate. The village is situated partly in the Talatampara mutah of the Chikati estate, and partly in that of Jalantara, The country around is level and fertile. Uddanam is a fertile tract adjoining Sompeta, where there are flourishing gardens of fruit trees. Plantains, jack-fruit, oranges and other kinds of fruit are so plentifully grown that they are supplied not only to the whole of Ganjam District but to the adjacent parts of Vizagapatam. Talatampara, which means 'a low marsh' is only two miles from Sompeta and reminds us of the original level nature of the land. Some old coins also are reported to exist here.37 Kottura, the modern Kotturu, lies only two miles north-east of Sompeta. Kanchili, two miles by road from Sompeta, contains images and temples of great antiquity. An old temple, said to date from the time of the Pandavas, exists at Pottangi, which is 6 miles south-west of Sompeta. Inscriptions also are said to exist in this village. Patasapuram, which is only one mile from Sompeta, contains inscriptions in unknown characters. Mahendragiri, the most important land-mark of Kalinga, is 15 miles west of Sompeta. Its nearness to the capital of the Kalinga of Samudragupta's times, and its closeness to the port of Baruva mentioned by Ptolemy, clearly prove that Sompeta was the Samapa of Asoka; and it is the nearest to the habitat of the Savaras, the powerful tribes for whose control the great and pious Mauryan Emperor issued Edicts of advice. 91 SOME DISCURSIVE COMMENTS ON BARBOSA. As edited by the late M. LONGWORTH DAMES.1 BY SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE, BT. Ir fell to me to review the two volumes of Barbosa, edited by my old friend and colleague in Indian research for many years, for the Royal Asiatic and Royal Geographical Societies, and while I was concluding the review of his second volume came the news of his death 34 Ganjam District Manual. 35 Sampa-ti-puram in Anakapalli Taluk of Vizagapatam District, appears to have got its name from Samapa. Ti' is an evidence of ta', being added to make the sense more clear. 37 Sewell's Lists. 36 Ind. Ant., vol. XVIII, June 1889, No. 179. 1 The Book of Duarte Barbosa, Translated from the Portuguese text, first published in 1812 Edited and annotated by M. L. Dames, vol. I, 1918: vol. II, 1921. London: Hakluyt Society. 2 JRAS., July 1919, March and October 1922: Geographical Journal, April 1922.

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92 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ May, 1923 in January 1922. And so I have made up my mind to put together here a somewhat enlarged edition of what I then wrote, as a memorial to one who first collaborated with me so long ago as 1883, and right up to his death was still a stand-by when certain questions of detail in research came up. Dames was a true scholar, never thinking of himself or his "reputation," content to forward knowledge at any and every opportunity and to take the help he could render others as the only reward of his erudition. Thus his notes, reviews and letters were very many and his books few. Fortunately he was induced, as I well recollect, to edit Barbosa for the Hakluyt Society and thus to leave behind him a monument to his Oriental acquirements that will last as long as the original text will be studied. The book was published in two volumes of differing interest, and it will be convenient to divide the present comments thereon accordingly into those on vol. I and on vol. II. Volume I. -- I will commence my comments by saying that Dames' new edition of Barbosa is thoroughly justified by the accuracy of the translation and the great value of the numerous notes which illuminate the text in an extraordinary degree. The Oriental scholarship, the bigtorical, geographical, and numismatic knowledge displayed by him, taken with his power of patient research, make his work of the greatest value to all students of the doings of Europeans in India and the Nearer East in the earlier days of their excursions into Eastern lands. As a brother editor for the Hakluyt Society of records of the country following that in which Barbosa lived, I have some experience of the puzzles of all kinds that are before anyone who undertakes to edit the writings of the old travellers, if he would really elucidate the text before him, and I cannot help expressing my admiration of the manner in which Dames has faced and overcome those that confronted him in this work. When we consider that Barbosa wrote early in the sixteenth century, almost at the commencement of Portuguese enterprise in the East, that his book begins with a description of the east coast of Africa from the Cape to Suez, and proceeds down the Arabian side of the Red Sea, round to the Persian Gulf, up the Gulf and down again, and then round to the Indies, and thence onwards down the west coast of India to Mangalor in this first volume, one can grasp something of the variety of language, history, and geography that had to be encountered, and the vast range of the research necessary to explain properly the statements in the text with anything like scholarly, and therefore useful, accuracy. Dames has met all his difficulties in a way that has been of the highest service to myself at all events, and it is a matter of much regret to me that my own volume III, published in 1919, of Peter Mundy's travels in the early seventeenth century, covering a little of Barbosa's ground, was too far advanced in the press to enable me to utilize his notes. From a very careful reading of the first volume from end to end, the first thing that strikes me is the closeness of comparison between Barbosa, the Portuguese traveller of the sixteenth century, and Peter Mundy, the English traveller of the seventeenth century. They had both the same spirit of travel, the same capacity for observation, the same cominand of the Oriental languages they met with, the same interest in the places they visited and the people among whom they were thrown, the same determination to record only what they saw and knew fairly, the same aloofness in their writings from current squabbles (and these were always in those days incessant and insistent), the same caution as to vouching for what they only heard, and, considering the times in which they lived and the people for whom they wrote, the same breadth of view. Both were, in fact, products of that spirit of enquiry into man and his ways that has produced the modern anthropologist. The result

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MAY, 1829) SOME DISCURSIVE COMMENTS ON BARBOSA 93 is they have preserved reoords of value for all time. And if I may say so, their remarks present to their editors much the same kind of puzzles for solution. Dames has brought out the special geographical and ethnographical value of Barbosa's work in a oareful introduction, in the course of which he draws attention to a point that is worth general notice. How did the Portuguese and their followers in the East manage to communicate so easily with the natives of India and of the East generally? The explanation is the presence about the Indian and Eastern coasts in their days of a large number of mamlaks, " captives from the races subdued or raided by the Muhammadans, some of them Europeans," who followed their original masters as slaves, when these found their way across the seas to India and the East as adventurers. Many of the mughrabts or Western captives spoke Spanish, and many Spaniards and Portuguese at that period could talk Arabic, and hence from the outset there was ease of communication between the first of the Portuguese travellers with the Indian peoples through such interpreters. Barbosa, who was for years on the west coast of Southern India, knew Malayalam well, and others learnt other vernaculars at least colloquially. By Mundy's time Portuguese and mestilosg (half-castes) ware the ordinary interpreters in practically all the languages the English came across. Mundy himself knew Spanish and soon learnt Portuguese too. He had an extraordinarily accurate ear, and made determined attempts, more or less successful, at every language he met with. One of his merchant companions to the Far East, Thomas Robinson, was an accomplished interpreter in Portuguese. It was in this way that the early wanderers managed to learn so much with considerable accuracy of the people they were thrown with, and to conduct their commercial affairs with the skill they so constantly exhibited. It was this linguistic knowledge also, this ability to understand clearly what was said to him, that enabled a man like Barbosa to distinguish between races, to know the difference between Turks, Mamlaks, Arabs, Persians, Khurasants, and Turkomans; to distinguish between Arabic, Turkish, and Gujarati as spoken on the Indian western coast, and to recognize the existence of the Navayats, the Indo Arab mestigos or half-castes of the coast. His capacity to converse familiarly with the natives in the South enabled him to learn about the different kingdoms and rulers on the coast and inland, and to learn much about the Hindus and their customs, and to differentiate between sects of them in some instances. Perhaps the most interesting point in this respect is that the first Portuguese knowledge of the Delhi Sultanate of Barbosa's time was through the distorted reports of wandering Hindu jogts driven from the North to the South by the Muhammadan usurpers of the Northern kingdoms. The geographical and historical notes given with lavish hand in this volume are valuable beyond measure and are too numerous to notioe except here and there. Among the very many places he mentions in them I venture to suggest that such variations of name as Benemetapa, Bonomotapa, Monomotapa, for the same place on the East African coast, may be due to the inflection of the root in the indigenous premutative languages taking place at the commencement of their words, and that accordingly it is in the last syllables thereof that the true sense of form is to be sought. The remarks on the Island of Sam Lourenco (St. Lawrence of the early English sailors) or Madagascar, are most interesting and go partly to account for the culture found among the modern Malagasy. For the benefit of further students of that island and its history, I would refer them to the volumes of the Antananarivo Annual, an excellent publication.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY MAY, 1923 Among many other valuable suggestions, Dames has one that the name Guardafui for the well-known cape at the African end of the Red Sea may be of Persian and not Arab origin, and may mean Gard-i-Hafun, the turn or bend of Hafun, which is worth consideration. After following the coast beyond Guardafui to Suez and down again to Aden, Barbosa and contemporary writers and map-makers get much confused as to the order in which the ports and the prominent features of the coast occur, and some of them are guilty of duplicating the same name under allied forms. It is here that they are difficult to follow, and the elucidation of their statements requires much patience and skill. As a hint to those engaged in research as to these coasts, such terms in Portuguese as Mafamede for Muhammad, Rosalgate for Rasa'l-hadd, Coquiar for Sohar, should keep one always on the look out for the forms that Arabic and may assume in transference to Portuguese and Spanish, and hence to other European tongues. The Portuguese c for 8 in Sohar represents , the cedilla being often left out in MSS. This habit has led to many mistakes, and the student should always be wary. Barbosa's Coracones (Coracones) for Khurasa nis is a good instance, as it induced Ramusio to write Coracanis, an impossible form of the Persian original. The Portuguese x for the sound of English sh gives Oriental names and words a curious appearance to English eyes (e.g., Xeques = Shekhs), but it need never mislead them. When the traveller gets into the region of Ormuz, identifications, both within and without the Persian Gulf, become very difficult and uncertain. Much closer knowledge than we at present possess is necessary here, and may now, in some degree, become posvible as a by-product of the Great War. The geographical difficulties met with are well ex. plained by Dames, and so are some of the historical puzzles. To Barbosa and the Portuguese of his day the great Shah Iema'll of Persia, the overlord of all the neighbourhood of the Gulf, was known as Xeque (Shekh) Ismael, in allusion to the then recent origin of the family. Dames speaks of him as Ismail Shah, but, as I understand, he and all his successors in the Safavi Dynasty were known as Shah Isma'il, Shah Tahmasp (the "Great Sophy" of Elizabeth's timo), Shah 'Abbas, and so on, in contradistinction to the Aga Muhammad Shah, Fatteh 'All Shah, and so on, of the latest and present Q&jar Dynasty of Persia. Dames rightly points out that Shah Isma'll was of no mean descent, as his opponents made out. His father was the great Shi'a saint (Shekh Saifu'ddin Ishak of Ardabil), and his grandfather the still greator Sbokh Haidar Safi, lineal descendant of the seventh Imam, Masa al-Kazim, the out. come of whose teaching was a division of Muhammadanism vitally momentous to the world of Islam. His mother was Martha, the daughter of the then recent and important Turkoman ruler, as I understand, of the Akkuyunlu (White Sheep Standard) Tribes, and not of the Karakuyunlu (Black Sheep Standard), as Dames has it, known as Uzun Hasan (Long Hasan) among many other names, by Despoina, the Christian daughter of the Emperor John Comneus (Calo Johannes) of Trebizond in Asia Minor. Isma'il was thus a Shi'a, a Safi, and Persian of high descent, and it was this fact, coupled with his personal qualities and his championship of the Shi'a faith, that made him so popular a candidate for the Persian throne. It says much for Barbosa's accuracy of information that he correctly states that Shah Isma'il was almost uniformly successful in his wars, though he was defeated at the great battle of Khoi (1514) by the Sunni Sultan of Constantinople, Selim I, through the latter's then novel use of artillery. Leaving Ormuz, Barbosa takes us to India proper at Diul or Diul Cinde, as the PortuQuelle called the port of Deval in Sindh (the Arabio Daybul), on the then western branch of the Indus Delta. On this Dames has a good note. He then passes on to Gujarat, or

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MAY, 1923) SOME DISCURSIVE COMMENTS ON BARBOSA 95 kingdom of Guzarate as he calls it. This is remarkable, as it was then usual to call it Cambaya or Cambay, through Arabic Kambayat, from its principal seaport, but Barbosa knew that the kingdom of Cambaya belonged to the king of Guzerate, once again showing accuracy of information. He describes its people as Resbutos or Rajpats, thus commencing a series of corruptions of that much abused name : Baneanes (Banians, Banias) or traders, meaning thereby Jain traders from his description of them; and Bramenes or Brahmans. He thus got the main divisions of the Hindus fairly accurately, and the order in which he places them is interesting, as showing how they appeared to rank in the eyes of the earliest European visitors to the country. The lower classes he calls Pateles, from the title patel, assumed by certain low castes for their sub-divisions. Dames remarks that "it is probable that some men of these castes acted as messengers for the Brahmans in Barbosa's time." Barbosa's description of the Muhammadan and cosmopolitan side of the population of Cambay is equally discriminating. Of inland cities there is a description of Champaner (Barbosa's Champanel), then an important mint town of the Muhammadan kings of Gujarat, and of Ahmadabad, under the name of Andava. A large port called Pateney is then reached, which Dames conjectures to be Somnath. The name is somewhat of a puzzle. This is followed soon afterwards by a description of Dio (Diu) and its relations with the Portuguese, and of Barbasy, apparently the modern Bhaunagar. Then comes Guindarim in the land of dangerous tides, which is most interesting, as it represents Ghandhar, the Kandaher of many a North Indian legend, unless indeed by the Kandahar of the northern bards is really meant the old land of Gandhara about Peshawar. After a short account of the "fair city of Cambaya" and its luxury, follow two notices, with important notes attached, of Limadura and Reynel. The first is the place where the carnelians of commerce came from, and Dames identifies it with Limodra on the banks of the Narbada near Ratanpur in the Rajpipla State. The second is the town known to the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries as Reynel, Ravel, Reiner, Reniel, Raneile, Ro Neal, and so on, on the Tapti, near Surat. This, as I think correctly, Dames shows to be the old town of Rander. It was the home of wealthy Indo-Arab half-breeds called Momins, Naveyat&s, Nayat&s, Naiteas, and Naites, whose luxurious ways Barbosa notices. Surat is briefly noticed as Curate, while the neighbouring province of Sorath is called Curiate, and then follow short accounts of Dinuy (Daman) and Baxay (Vasai, Bagaim. Bassein), and Tana-Majambu, an odd name for Thena, as to which Dames has an interesting conjecture. By the way, many years ago I wrote an article in this Journal, vol. XXII, pp. 18-21, showing that there are now three postal towns in India and Burma, all called Bassein by us, none of which is so known to the natives of the neighbourhood. Bassein in Bombay is Vasdi: Bassein in Berar is Basim or W&sim ; Bassein in Burma is known to the Burmans as Pathong and to the Talaings of the neighbourhood as Pasom or Pasim. I was moved thereto by my letters, when at Bassein in Burma in 1875, being constantly and unnecessarily sent elsewhere. Barbosa's next description is of the "Daquem Kingdom," the Deccan, where the Bah. manis of Kulbarga and Bidar still ruled in name and the 'Adilshabt Dynasty of Bijapur was the virtual power on the coast. After noticing several ports along the coast, he comes to " the River of Betele and the towns thereon," which last Dames identifies with Vijaydrug. "one of the best harbours on the west coast of India," on the Vaghotan River, in the Ratnagiri District. Here is given an socurate description of "betel" (pdn-supdri) both as

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96 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (May, 1923 to its nature and its use. Vengorla is noticed under the name of Banda, which takes our traveller to the Portuguese province of Bardes and Goa. Goa naturally yields a long description and some excellent annotations, especially that upon the Sindabor of the Arab geographers, which Dames shown to be more applicable to the neighbouring Cintacora of Barbosa on the river Liga or Kalinadi than to Goa, as Yule supposed. Another valuable note shows how the founder of the 'Adilshahi Dynasty, the Kurd mamluk, Yusuf Adil Khan (Ydaloam of the Portuguese) came to be known as the Sabayo. Very interesting also is Barbosa's description of the tonguos spoken at Goa in his time, "Arabic Persian and Daqanim, which is the native tongue of the land." Daqanim stands here for "Dakhani, the language of the Deocan, that is, Marathi." Nowadays it stands for a variety of Urdu, the first form of that lingua franca which the present writer learnt to his much trouble afterwards. Barbosa then enters "the Kingdom of Narsingua," that is, of Vijayanagar, so named by the Portuguese after Narsingha, the name of its ruler when they first arrived. Its capital' was Bisnagua, Vijayanagar, through the popular form Bijanagar. He describes it as of "five vast provinces," with Tolinate (Tulunada) the land of the Tuluvas along the coast. He shows that he could distinguish between the Telugu, Canarese, and Tamil languages, and calls the Eastern province Charamandel, which is nearer to the native Cholamandalam than our own Coromandel. Passing by Honor (Hona war, Anglice Onore), he notes on the pirates of his day and then reaches Baticala (Bhatkal), where a century later Courteen's Expedition attempted to start an English factory, as is described at length by Peter Mundy. The space given by Barbosa to Bhatkal is much larger than usual, and there is a remarkable description of rice planting in its neighbourhood. A statement in the text also leads to a useful note on the use of the term "India" by the Portuguese to describe only Goa and their first settlements. With Bracalor, which, with the restoration of the cedilla, can be shown to be the Canarese Basararu, Arabicized into Abu Sarur by Ibn Batata, and a description of Mangalor, taken from Ramusio's text, the itinerary ends. The volume ends with, for the time, an extraordinarily accurate description of the Vijayanagar Empire and its capital and of the manners of its people, due no doubt to Barbosa's knowledge of Malayalam and possible bowing acquaintance with Canarese and Tamil. He must have seen both the kingdom and the capital at their best, as they were then under the greatest of their rulers, Krishna Deva Raya. Especially valuable is the account of the Lingayats and their customs, the description of sati by burning and burial alive. of hook-gwinging, and of the King's method of collecting an army and going to war with enormous impedimenta. Finally, there are two short notices from hearsay of Orissa and Delhi, in which Barbosa discloses that his information came from wandering jogis, jogues or Coamerques (stodmbrikhi) as he calls them. These he describes at length, obviously from personal acquaintance. This description gives Dames an opportunity for a fine note on the bezoar-stone carried by the "jogues," as the wind-up of this very valuable work. Incidentally, many matters of great interest to the student of things Oriental are to be found in Dames's notes. For instance, his remarks on the early mistake of the Portuguese that the Hindus were some kind of Christians, from a very cursory observation of their religious observanoes; and his frequent remarks on the persistent and successful attempts of the Portuguese to stop the Indian trade with the West vid the Red Sea, with the object of diverting it into their own hands by the long sea route. Their advent must indeed havo

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MAY, 1923) SOME DISCURSIVE COMMENTS ON BARBOSA been a crushing blow to the prosperity of the Arabian seaboard, and its effect on the peoples thereon is evidenced by the serious, though ineffectual, attempts of the Mamlak Sultan of Egypt on his own behalf to drive out the Portuguese by an expedition to the Indian sea. coast itself. Indeed, the situation created by European aggression in regard to the ancient Indo-Arabian trade is quite pathetic. A most interesting survival of the Portuguese days in India is pointed out in the use of the term "Canarim" (Canarin or Canarese) for "Eurasian," resulting in the well-known Anglo-Indian metathesized expression Karani, degenerating in many places into a vernacular term for any kind of native or Eurasian clerk. Occasionally Dames passes over Indian expressions without comment, e.g., Gingelly oil, and on p. 90 he has no explanation of what is referred to by the fish at Basra, "which the more they are boiled or roasted, the more they bleed." Nor does he explain what kind of a shore boat is meant by the term "terada " beyond a reference on p. 97 to the commentaries; and as he has a note on the Turkish composite bow and says it is still made on the Indian frontiers, it is a pity he does not explain what kind of a bow it is. The vagueness of the term "India" as used by the Portuguese comes out clearly when among the imports into Diul (in Sindh) are mentioned "certain canes which are found in India and are of the thickness of a man's leg." The reference is, of course, to the Giant Bamboo, and "India" must be the Malabar Coast, or Burma or the Malay Archipelago. On the "rhubarb of Babylonia" Dames has an illuminating note (pp. 93-4). "Scarletin-grain" is a term which Dames uses several times, meaning thereby cloth dyed scarlet, and of this he gives an admirable explanation in his second volume, p. 77, note 1. On p. 10 there is an interesting statement as to the "Heathen whom the Moors name Cafres." meaning the inhabitants of South Africa (Zulus and Bantus), and showing the origin of the term Kafir as applied to any "Heathen " and of the spelling " Cafre." Dames is always valuable when dealing with numismatics, and I personally am grateful for his remarks on "cruzado" (p. 65), on "pardao" (p. 191), and on the coinage of Ormus (pp. 99-100), and for his note on weights and measures on p. 167, and on "fardo, farden," meaning a bundle (p. 194). The bulk of Dames' miscellaneous notes are naturally in explanation of the Portuguese forms of Oriental terms found in the text; in fact, of Hobson-Jobsons. Many of these are very valuable to the student, and some are new to myself. I would note a few here. The term almadia (p. 14) for a canoe was carried to the Indian coast, as was noted by Mandelslo. The origin of assegai is explained as the Port. azagaia for Berber zaghaya. There are, too, A series of notes on aleguegua and babagoure for carnelian and chaloedony, and on the chalcedony mines of Limodra in the Rajpipla State (pp. 137 and 144). And further, there is a neat note explaining how the Indian term Deccan (Dakhim, Dakhan), the Kingdom on the right hand, i.e., the Southern Kingdom, became to the Portuguese Daquem, D'aquem, the Kingdom on this side, i.e., the Hither Kingdom, by pure folk-etymology. Attention is also drawn to the r in " lacquer" (lac) and in almiscar (musk), which is absent in the original vernacular (p. 56). One could go on almost indefinitely on the etymological notes, but I will content myself with expressing gratitude for those on "camlet" (woollen) and." cambolim" and "cameline" (otton) cloths (pp. 63, 93, 120), though I doubt if tafeta over meant anything but milk cloth. and I should like to see proof that it was at any time a mixture of camlet and slk (p. 93). Especially am I grateful for an explanation of Sentes brocades and Jannabija cloth (p. 79);

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ MAY, 1923 and on p. 124 there is a note worth quoting: "The word grao (gram in the old spelling) is almost always used in the sense of the red dye (not really a grain). The use of the word gran (pronounced as an English word) to denote the chick-pea (Cicer aretinus) is modern. For this Barboga employed the word chicharo (chicharro in modern spelling), the correct Portuguese name for this pea." Incidentally, a note on p. 131 points out that a very early, if not the earliest, use of casta in Portuguese for the modern term "caste" is in Correa, I. p. 746 : "Melequiaz (Malik Ayyaz) was a foreigner, a Moor, a Jao (Javanese] by caste." On p. 206 there is a valuable note on " umbrella " and the various terms in European languages therefor, and on p. 218 another on tambarane, the portable lingam worn by Lingayats. This volume closes with a long note by Barbosa on Jogues, or, as the copyist has it, Jones ! And here I propose to leave him, with gratitude to Dames for his version and his annotations. Would that he were still alive to give us more. (To be continued.) A CHINESE EXPEDITION ACROSS THE PAMIRS AND HINDUKUSH, A.D. 747.1 By StR AUREL STEIN, K.C.I.E. At the beginning of my second Central Asian journey (1906-08), and again at that of the third (1913-16), I had the good fortune to visit ground in the high snowy range of the Hindukush which, however inaccessible and remote it may seem from the scenes of the great historical dramas of Asia, was yet in the eighth century A.D. destined to witness events closely bound up with a struggle of momentous bearing for vast areas of the continent. I mean the glacier pass of the Darkot (15,400 feet above sea level) and the high valleys to the north and south of it, through which leads an ancient toute connecting the Pamirs and the uppermost headwaters of the Oxus with the Dard territories on the Indus, and thus with the north-west marches of India. The events referred to arose from the prolonged conflict with the Arabs in the west and the rising power of the Tibetans in the south, into which the Chinese empire under the Tang dynasty was brought by its policy of Central Asian expansion. Our knowledge of the memorable expedition of which I propose to treat here, and of the historical developments leading up to it, is derived wholly from the official Chinese records contained in the Annals of the T'ang dynasty. They were first rendered generally accessible by the extracts which M. Chavannes, the lamented great Sinologue, published in his invaluable Documents sur les Turcs occidentaux." 1 Reprinted from the Geographical Journal for February, 1922. 2 The accompanying sketch-map 1 is intended to illustrate the general features of the mountain territories between the western T'ien-shan and the Indus which were affected by the political developments and military operations discussed in this paper. Sketch-map 2 reproduces essential topographical details of that portion of the ground between the uppermoat Oxus and Gilgit river valleys which witnessed the chief exploits of the Chinese expedition of A.D, 747 into the Hindukush region. It has been prepared from Northern Transfrontier Sheet No. 2 S. W. of the Survey of India, scale 4 miles to 1 inch. For convenient reference regarding the general topography of this mountain region may be recommended also sheet No. 42 of the 1: 1,000,000 map of Asia published by the Survey of India (Calcutta, 1919). 8 Documents sur les Tou-kite (Turcs) occidentaux, recueillis et commentee par Edouard Chavannes, Membre de l'Institut, etc., published by the Imperial Academy of Sciences of St. Petersburg, 1903, see in particular pp. 149-154.

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MOUNTAIN TERRITORIES. BETWEEN THE WESTERN T'IEN SHAN AND THE INDUS. Sketch Map No. 1. Indian Antipary. k'oklND 25 Gulcha ** Meralbach Bo n ele prochaines YARKANT AM Sn Scale 1/5.250.000 or 1Inch -827 Murs LLLLL --- Rondra varwned. I ve been wand by the Cane er finer.41.7+7 Indicate vorent ly the srlard of p resent. Brighta u mare: A Grographical Journal

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MAY, 1923 ) A CHINESE EXPEDITION ACROSS THE PAMIRS, ETC. 99 In order to understand fully the details of the remarkable exploit, which brought a Chinese army right across the high inhospitable plateaux of the Pamirs to the uppermost Oxus valley, and thence across the ice-covered Darkot down to the valleys of Yasin and Gilgit draining into the Indus, it is necessary to pay the closest regard to the topography of that difficult ground. Modern developments arising from the Central Asian intereste of two great Asiatic powers, the British and Russian empires, have since the eighties of the last century helped greatly to add to our knowledge of the regions comprised in, or adjacent to, the great mountain massif in the centre of Asia, which classical geography designated by the vague but convenient name of Imaos. But much of the detailed topographical information is not as yet generally accessible to students. Even more than elsewhere, personal familiarity with the ground in its topographical and antiquarian aspects seems here needed for a full comprehension of historical details. This local knowledge I was privileged to acquire in the course of the two Central Asian expeditions already referred to, and accordingly I have taken occasion to elucidate the facts connected with that memorable Chinese exploit in Serindia, the detailed report on my second journey, soon to be issued from the Oxford University Press. The bulk and largely archeological contents of this work may prevent that account from attracting the attention of the geographical student. Hence, with the kind permission of the Delegates of the Oxford University Press, I avail myself of the opportunity to present here [Geographical Journal] the main results of my researches Some preliminary remarks seem needed to make clear the political and military situation which prevailed in Central Asia during the first half of the eighth century A.D., and which accounted for the enterprise to be discussed here. After a long and difficult atruggle the Chinese under the great Tang emperors T'ai-tsung (A.D. 627-650) and Kao-tsung (A.D. 650-684) succeeded in vanquishing, first the Northern Turks (A.D. 630), and after a short interval also the Western Turks. They were the principal branches of that great Turkish nation which since its victory over the Juan-juan (Avars) and the Hoa, or Hephthalites, about the middle of the seventh century, had made itself master of inner Asia. By A.D. 659 the Chinese had regained political predominance, and for the most part also military control, over the great Central Asian territories roughly corresponding to what is now known As Chinese Turkestan, after having lost them for about four centuries. This renewed effort at Central Asian expansion, like that first made by the great Han emperor Wu-ti (140-86 B.C.), had for its object partly the protection of north-western Chine from nomadic inroads and partly the control of the great Central Asian trade route passing through the Tarim basin. Stretching from east to west between the great mountain ranges of the T'ien-shan in the north and the Kun-lun in the south, the Tarim basin is filled for the most part by huge drift-sand deserts. Yet it was destined by nature to serve as the main overland line for the trade intercourse between the Far East and Western Asia, and recent archaeological explorations have abundantly proved its great importance generally for the interchange of civilizations between China, India, Iran, and the classical West. During Han times, when China's great export trade of silk had first begun about 110 B.o. to find its way westwards through the strings of Oases scattered along the foot of The work has appeared since the above was written. 5 For a masterly exposition from Chinese and Western sources of all historical facts here briefly gummed up, see M. Chavannes' Essai sur l'histoire des Tou-kiue occidentaux, forming the concluding portion of his Documents sur les Turcs occidentaux, pp. 217-303. . Cf. Chavannes, Turca occidentaux, pp. 266 199.

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100 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ MAY, 1923 the Tien-shan and K'un-lun, the Chinese hold upon the Western Kingdoms" with their settled and highly civilized populations had been threatened mainly by inroads of the Huns and other nomadic tribes from the north. After the reconquest under the Emperor Kao. tsung the situation was essentially different. The danger from the nomadic north had lossened. Troubles with the medley of Turkish tribes left in possession of the witle grazing areas beyond the T'ien-shan never ceased. Yet the Chinese administration by a wellorganized system of garrisons, and still more by diplomatic skill, was well able to hold them in check. But additional and greater dangers had soon to be faced from other sides. The claim to the succession of the whole vast dominion of the Western Turks was drawing the administration of the Chinese protectorate, established in the Tarim basin and known as the "Four Garrisons," into constant attempts to assert effective authority also to the west of the great meridional range, the ancient Imaos, in the regions comprising what is now Russian and Afghan Turkestan." Considering the vast distances separating these regions from China proper and the formidable difficulties offered by the intervening great deserts and mountain ranges, Chinese control over them was from the outset bound to be far more precarious than that over the Tarim basin. But the dangers besetting Chinese dominion in Central Asia increased greatly with the appearance of two new forces upon the scene. Already in the last quarter of the seventh century the newly rising power of the Tibetans seriously threatened and for a time effaced the Chinese hold upon the Tarim basin.8 Even after its recovery by the Chinese in A.D. 692 the struggle never quite oeased. Another and almost equally great threat to China's Central Asian dominion arose in the west through the advance of Arab conquest to the Oxus and beyond. About A.D. 670 it had already made itself felt in Tokharistan, the important territory on the middle Oxus comprising the greater part of the present Afghan Turkestan. Between A.D. 705 and 715 the campaigns of the famous Arab general Qotaiba, had carried the Muhammadan arms triumphantly into Sogdiana, between Osus and Yaxartes, and even further. By taking advantage of internal troubles among the Arabs and by giving support to all the principalities between the Yaxartes and the Hindukush which the Arabs threatened with extinction, the Chinese managed for a time to stem this wave of Muhammadan aggression. But the danger continued from this side, and the Chinese position in Central Asia became even more seriously jeopardized when the Tibetans soon after A.D. 741 advanced to the Oxus valley and succeeded in joining hands with the Arabs, their natural allies. Baulked for the time in their attempts to secure the Tarim basin, the Tibetans had only one line open to effect this junction. It led first down the Indus from Ladak through Baltistan (the "Great Po-lu" of the Chinese Annals) to the Hindukush territories of Gilgit and Yasin, both comprised in the "Little Po-la " of the Chinese records.10 Thence the passes of the Darkot and the Baroghil--the latter a saddle in the range separating the Oxus from the Chitral river headwaters-would give the Tibetans access to Wakhan ; through this open portion of the upper Oxus valley and through fertile Badakhshan the Arabe 7 For very interesting notices of the adninistrative organization, which the Chinese attempted soon after A.D. 669 to impose upon the territories from the Yaxartes to the Oxus and even south of the Hindukush, eee Chavannes, Turca occidentaux, pp. 268 sqq. # of. Chavannes, Turcs occidentaux, pp. 280 899. * See Chavannes, ibid. pp. 288 899. . 10 Cf. for this identification Chavannes, ibid. p. 160, and Noten supplementaria i sloo my Ancions Khotan, i. pp. 6 a99.

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MAY, 1923] A CHINESE EXPEDITION ACROSS THE PAMIRS, ETC. 101 -established on the middle Oxus might be reached with comparative ease. But an advance along the previous portions of this route was beset with very serious difficulties, not merely on account of the great height of the passes to be traversed and of the extremely confined nature of the gorges met with on the Indus and the Gilgit river, but quite as much through the practical absence of local resources sufficient to feed an invading force anywhere between Ladak and Badakhshan. Nevertheless the persistent advance of the Tibetans along this most difficult line is clearly traceable in the Chinese records. "Great P'o-lu," i.e., Baltistan, had already become subject to them before A.D. 722. About that time they attacked "Little P'o-lu," declaring, as the T'ang Annals tell us, to Mo-chin-mang its king: "It is not your kingdom which we covet, but we wish to use your route in order to attack the Four Garrisons (i.e., the Chinese in the Tarim basin)."11 In A.D. 722 timely military aid rendered by the Chinese enabled this king to defeat the Tibetan design. But after three changes of reign the Tibetans won over his successor Su-shih-li-chih, and inducing him to marry a Tibetan princess secured a footing in "Little P'o-lu." "Thereupon," in the words of the T'ang shu, "more than twenty kingdoms to the north-west became all subject to the Tibetans."1 These events occurred shortly after A.D. 741.13 The danger thus created by the junction between Tibetans and Arabs forced the Chinese to special efforts to recover their hold upon Yasin and Gilgit. Three successive expeditions despatched by the "Protector of the Four Garrisons," the Chinese GovernorGeneral, had failed, when a special decree of the Emperor Hsuan-tsang in A.D. 747 entrusted the Deputy Protector Kao Hsien-chih, a general of Korean extraction commanding the military forces in the Tarim basin, with the enterprise to be traced here. We owe our detailed kowledge of it to the official biography of Kao Hsien-chih preserved in the T'ang Annals and translated by M. Chavannes. To that truly great scholar, through whose premature death in 1918 all branches of historical research concerning the Far East and Central Asia have suffered an irreparable loss, belongs full credit for having recognized that Kao Hsien-chih's remarkable expedition led him and his force across the Pamirs and over the Baroghil and Darkot passes. But he did not attempt to trace in detail the actual routes followed by Kao Hsien-chih on this hazardous enterprise or to localize the scenes of all its striking events. To do this in the light of personal acquaintance with the topography of these regions, their physical conditions, and their scanty ancient remains, is my object in the following pages. With a force of 10,000 cavalry and infantry Kao Hsien-chih started in the spring of A.D. 747 from An-hsi, then the headquarters of the Chinese administration in the Tarim basin and corresponding to the present town and oasis of Kucha. 14 In thirty-five days he reached Su-le, or Kashgar, through Ak-su and by the great caravan road leading along the foot of the T'ien-shan. Twenty days more brought his force to the military post of the 11 See Chavannes, Turcs occidentaux, p. 150. 13 Of. Chavannes, ibid., p. 151. By the twenty kingdoms are obviously meant petty hill principalities on the Upper Oxus from Wakhan downwards, and probably also others in the valleys south of Hindukush, such as Mastuj and Chitral. 13 Of. Stein, Ancient Khotan, i. p. 7. A.D. 741 is the date borne by the Imperial edtios investing Bu-shih-li-chih's immediate predecessor; its text is still extant in the records extracted by M. Chavannes, Turca occidentaux, pp. 211 sqq. 16 For these and all other details taken from M. Chavannes' translation of Kao Hsien-chih's biography in the T'ang shui, see Turse occidentaux, pp. 152 sqq.

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102 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( MAY, 1928 Tisung-ling mountains, established in the position of the present Tashkurghan in Sarikol.15 Thence by a march of twenty days the " valley of Po-mi," or the Pamirs, was gained, and. after another twenty days Kao Hsien-chih arrived in "the kingdom of the five Shih-ni," i.e., the present Shighnan on the Oxus. The marching distance here indicated agrees well with the time which large caravans of men and transport animals would at present need to cover the same ground. But how the Chinese general managed to feed so large a force, after once it had entered the tortuous gorges and barren high valleys beyond the outlying cases of the present Kashgar and Yangi. hissar districts, is a problem which might look formidable, indeed, to any modern commander. The biography in the Annals particularly notes that "at that time the foot soldiers all kept horses (i.e., ponies) on their own account." Such a provision of transport must have considerably increased the mobility of the Chinese troops. But it also implied greatly increased difficulties on the passage through ranges which, with the exception of certain portions of the Pamirs, do not afford sufficient grazing to keep animals alive without liberal provision of fodder. It was probably as a strategic measure, meant to reduce the difficulties of supply in this inhospitable Pamir region, that Kao Hsien-chih divided his forces into three columns before starting his attack upon the position held by the Tibetans at Lion-yun. M. Chavannes has shown good reason for assuming that by the river Po-18 (or So-18), which is described as flowing in front of Lien-yun, is meant the Ab-i-Panja branch of the Oxus, and that Lien-yun itself occupied a position corresponding to the present village of Sarhad, but on the opposite, or southern, side of the river, where the route from the Baroghil paso debouches on the Ab-i-Panja. We shall return to this identification in detail hereafter. Here it will suffice to show that this location is also clearly indicated by the details recorded of the concentration of Kao Hsien-chih's forces upon Lien-yun. Of the three columns which were to operate from different directions and to effect a simultaneous junction before Lien-yan on the thirteenth day of the seventh month (about the middle of August), the main force, under Kao Hsien-chih himself and the Imperial Commissioner Pien Ling-ch'eng, passed through the kingdom of Hu-mi, or Wakhan, ascending the main Oxus valley from the west. Another column which is said to have moved upon Lien-yun by the route of Ch'ih-fo-t'ang, "the shrine of the red Buddha,"16 may be assumed, in view of a subsequent mention of this route below, to have operated from the opposite direction down the headwaters of the Ab-i-Panja. These could be reached without serious difficulty from the Sarikol base either over the Tagh-dumbash Pamir and the Wakhjir pass 16 Trung-ling, or "the Onion Mountains," is the ancient Chinese designation for the great snowy range which connects the T'ien-shan in the north with the K'un-lun and Hindukush in the south, and forms the mighty castorn rim of the Pamirs. The Chinese term is sometimes extended to the high valley and plateaus of the latter also. The range culminates near its centre in the great ice-clad peak of Mustagh-ata and those to the north of it, rising to over 25,000 feet above sea level. It is to this great mountain chain, through which all routes from the Oxus to the Tarim banin pass, that the term Imaos is clearly applied in Ptolemy's 'Geography.' The great valloy of Sarikol, situated over 10,000 feet above sea level, yet largely cultivated in ancient times, forms the natural base for any military operations across the Pamire for early accounts of it in Ohinese historical texts and in the records of old travellers from the East and Weat, of my Ancient Khotan, i. pp. 27 agg. Descriptions of the present Sarikol and of the two main routes which connect it with Kashgar, through the Gox valley to the north of Muztagh-8ta and across the Ohiohiklik pase in the south, are given in my Ruins of Khotan, pp. 67 -99., and Desert Cathay, i. pp. 89 899. 16 The term fout'ang, which M. Chavannes translates "la salle du Bouddha ...," designates, cording to Dr. Gilea's Chinese-English Dictionary, p. 1330, "a family shrine or oratory for the worship of Buddha" Considering the location, the rendering of trang by "shrine" soome here appropriate.

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MOUNTAIN TERRITORIES. 102 a. BETWEEN THE UPPER OXUS AND THE GILGIT RIVERS. Sketch Map No. 2. Indian Antiquary. Scale 1 700,000 or 1 Inch - 11 Miles 4084 ---- Routes assumed to have been used by the Chinese speditionary force. 4. D 747 Indicates apparimately the extent of permanent snow. 2 5627 5411 5637 73 30 VE Geographical Journal.

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MAY, 1923) REGARDING THE CHRISTIANS OF ST. THOMAS IN SOUTH INDIA 103 (16,200 feet) 17 or by way of the Naiza-tash pass and the Little Pamir. Finally, a third column, composed of 3,000 horsemen, which was to make its way to Lien-yun by Pei-ku, or " the northern gorge," may be supposed to have descended from the side of the Great Pamir. For such a move from the north, either one of the several passes could be used which lead across the Nicholas range, south-east of Victoria lake, or possibly & glacier track, as yet unexplored, leading from the latter into one of the gorges which debouch east of Sarhad.18 In any case it is clear that by thus bringing up his forces on convergent but wholly distinct lines, and by securing for himself a fresh base in distant Shighnan, the Chinese general effectively guarded against those difficulties of supplies and transport which, then as now, would make the united move of so large a body of men across the Pamirs a physical impossibility. The crossing of the Pamirs by a force, which in its total strength amounted to ten thousand men, is so remarkable a military achievement that the measures which alone probably made it possible deserve some closer examination, however succinct the Chinese record is upon which we have to base it. So much appears to me clear, that the march was not effected in one body, but in three columns moving up from Kashgar in successive stages by routes of which Tash-kurghan," the post of the Ts'ung-ling mountains," was the advanced base or point d'appui. If Kao Hsien-chih moved ahead with the first column or detachment to Shighnan and was followed at intervals by the other two detachmente, the advantage gained as regards supplies and transport must have been very great. His own column would have reached a fresh base of supplies in Shighnan while the second was moving across the main Pamirs and the third arriving in Sarikol from the plains. Thus the great strain of having to feed simultaneously the whole force on ground absolutely without looal resources was avoided. It must be remembered that, once established on the Oxus, the Chinese Commissariat could easily draw upon the abundant produce of Badakhshan, and that for the column left on the Pamirs the comparatively easy route across the Alai would be available for drawing supplies from the rich plains of Farghana, then still under Chinese control. (To be continued.) REGARDING THE CHRISTIANS OF ST. THOMAS IN SOUTH INDIA. BY SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE, BT. A LITTLE pamphlet of 70 pages has come into my hands, which purports to be "an investigation into the latest resoarohes in connection with the timo-honoured tradition regarding the martyrdom of St. Thomas in Southern India." It is a Catholio production with an introduction by Mgr. Teixeira, Vioar General of the Diocese of Mylapore (San Thome de Meliapur), and has been written by a "retired Superintendent, General Records, Government Secretariat, Madras," who is also Editor of the Catholic Register. It is, however, far from being a sectarian issue, and the pros and cons of long-disputed points relating to the alleged mission of St. Thomas to India and its termination in South India are fairly set out in a manner worth the serious attention of students. There is also painstaking bibliography at the end of the pamphlet. The author's position is well explained by Mgr. Teixeira, who writes "(1) That even if the evidence so far available is not such as to compel belief, it nevertheless argues very strongly in favour of the tradition which places the martyrdom of St. Thomas in Southern 17 For descriptions of this route, of, my Ruins of Khotan, pp. 60 .99., and Desert Oathay, i. pp. 83 899. 18 Regarding the existence of this track, d. the information obtained in the course of my third Central Anian journey, Geographical Journal, 48, (1916), p. 216. 1 St. Thomas the Apostle in India, by F. A. D'Cruz. Madras : Hoe and Co., 1922.

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104 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ MAY, 1923 India ; and (2) that the writers who have tried to discredit and disprove it have failed to do 8o." As Editor of this Journal I have perforce had to make myself acquainted at times with the story of St. Thomas as regards India, and speaking personally, my impression is that there is nothing against the possibility or even probability of the Apostle's visit to South India, in addition to his attendance at the Court of so great a monarch as Gondophares (Guduphara), must have been in Northern India and Afghanistan in the middle half of the first century of the Christian era. Such a theory involves the supposition, easily defensible, of a journey southward by sea to Muziris (Cranganore), then the most famous port on the Malabar Coast, and onwards either overland vid Argaru (Urgapura = Alavay - Madura), or by sea to the country of the Aioi (Aay=Pandya), or of the Toringai (=Soringoi = Chola), where there were then several ports well known to Yavana (Western foreigners) seamen, merchants and traders. Mr. D'Cruz does not carry his account of the tradition of St. Thomas in India beyond the arrival of the Portuguese, and it will help the further investigation thereof to state here what Duarte Barbosa, who may be regarded as the Father of Portuguese Indian story, has to say on the subject, quoting from the late Mr. Dames' edition of 1921. In vol. II, p. 88, Barbosa has a note on Chatua, i.e., Chetwai or Chettuvayi, locally the traditional landing place of St. Thomas on the Malabar Coast, and then passes on to Cranganore, at that time (c. 1500-1520) under the ruler of Cochin. Of this place he says (p. 89) : "In these places [Chatua and Cranganor) dwell many Moore, Christians and Heathen Indians. The Christians follow the doctrines of the Blessed Saint Thomas, and they hold there a Church dedicated to him, and another to Our Lady. They are very devout Christians, lacking nothing but true doctrine whereof I will speak further on, for many of them dwell from here as far as Charamandel, whom the blessed Saint Thomas left established here when he died in these regions." Then on p. 93, in reference to Cochin itself, Barbosa remarks: "This Kingdom possesses a very large and excellent river (Cochin River, really an outlet of the Cochin lagoon), which here comes forth to the sea by which come in great ships of Moors and Christians, who trade with this Kingdom [meaning, I take it, Muhammadan and European traders)...... At the mouth of the river the King our Lord [of Portugal] possesses a very fine fortress, which is a large settlement of Portuguese and Christians, natives of the land, who became Christians after the establishment of our fortress. And every day also other Christian Indians who have remained from the teaching of the Blessed Saint Thomas come there also from Coilam and other places." From this it will be seen that the early Portuguese settlers clearly distinguished between their own Christian converts and the Syrian "Christians of St. Thomas." On pp. 96-97 Barbosa remarks that "Passing this place [Cochin), we come at once to another, the first in this kingdom of Coilam which they call Cale Coilam (Fort (Qil'a) Coilam, and also Caymcolan, .e., Kayankallam). whither come numbers of Moors, Heathens and Christians of the doctrine of the Blessed Saint Thomas and many of them also dwell in the inland country." On this Mr. Dames notes (p. 96) that "it was a centre of the Syrian Christians from an early period, a church having been built there in A.D. 829." He also gives (p. 97) references to Marco Polo, Fr. Jordanus, Marignolli and Hobson-Jobson, which are very useful here.

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MAY, 1923) REGARDING THE CHRISTIANS OF ST, THOMAS IN SOUTH INDIA 105 As regards Quilon itself, after stating (p. 97) that it was "a very great city with a right good haven," Barbosa says that "Hither come Moors, Heathen and Christians in great numbers." And he then proceeds to remark (pp. 97 ff.) that "At a certain point where the land projects into the sea is a very great church, miraculously built by the Apostle Our Lord Saint Thomas." Then follows a variant of the well-known story of the great log at full length, but it is told of Quilon and not here of Mailapur: "The Christians of Saint Thomas asserted to me that they had found this written in their book which they preserve with extreme reverence." With the log, "The Apostle then, whom they call Matoma ( = Syrian, Mar Thoma]," miraculously built his Church. Barbosa then makes some statements as to these Christians which are worth excerpting (pp. 100-101): Beholding these miracles and many others, which Our Lord daily worked through him, many became Christians from Cochin to the great Kingdom of Coilam, whick extends to the Coast facing towards Ceilam, in which there may be well twelve thousand [variously 2,000 and 7,000 households of Christians scattered among the Heathen, and there also some churches in the inland country. The more part of these lack both doctrine and baptism, having only the name of Christians, for St. Thomas in his time baptised all who desired baptism, and as the King of Coilam perceived that so many people were receiving his doctrine he took heed of it, saying that they would take possession of the land. So he began to shun them, and on this Saint Thomas departed thence, persecuted by them and by the Heathen, towards the land of Charamandel and came to a great town named Mailapur, where he received martyrdom and where he lies buried, of which I will speak more fully in its place further on. Thus from that time the Christians remained in this Kingdom of Coilam with that church, and levied duties on pepper, of which it possesses somewhat, and also other duties. These Christians, thus continuing without instructions and with no priest to baptise them, were for long Christians in nothing but name only. Then they gathered together and took counsel one with another, and determined to send forth some from among them into the world where the Sacrament of Baptism was known. With this intent five men set forth into the world at great cost, and came to stay in the land of Armenia (Syria] where they found many Christians and a Patriarch who ruled them, who, understandinig their object, sent with them a Bishop and five or six clerks to baptise them and say mass and instruct them, which Bishop tarried with them for five or six years, and when he went back there came another, who stayed with them for as many years. Thus for a long time they continued to improve. These Armenians are white men; they speak Arabic and Chaldee. They have the church law and recite their prayers perpetually. Yet I know not whether they recite the whole office as do our Friars. They wear their tonsures reversed, hair in the place of the tonsure, and the head around it shaven. They wear white shirts, and turbans on their heads; they go barefoot, and wear long beards. They are extremely devout and say mass at the altar as we do here, with a cross facing them. He who says it walks between two men, who help him, one on each side. They communicate with salted bread ingead of the host, and consecrate thereof sufficient for all who are present in the church ; they distribute the whole of this as if it were blessed bread, and every man comes to the foot of the altar to receive it from the priest's hand. And the wine is in this wise. As at that time there was no wine in India they take raisins brought from Mecca and Ormuz, and leave them for the night to soak; the next day when

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106 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ MAY, 1923 they go to say mass they press out the juice, and say the mass with that. These men. baptised for money, and when they returned from Malabar to their own country they had great riches, and thus for lack of money many went unbaptised." Barbosa's next reference (pp. 102-103) to the earlier South Indian Christians may, if further followed up, turn out to be important: " At this Cape Comory [Kumari, Comorin] there is an ancient Church of Christians which was founded by the Armenians [Syrians], who still direct it, and perform in it the Divine Service of Christians, and have crosses on the altars. All mariners [again after a common Indian custom] pay it a tribute and the Portuguese celebrate mass there when they pass. There are there many tombs, amongst which there is one which has written on it a Latin epitaph: 'Hic jacet Catuldus Gulli filius qui obiit anno." On this, however, Mr. Dames remarks: "As this passage appears, according to Lord Stanley's note, neither in the Barcelona MS. nor in the Munich MS. No. 570, and is not found in the Portuguese text nor in Ramusio, it depends only on the Munich MS. No. 571. It would seem, therefore, to be a rather late interpolation." I am not, however, quite satisfied thus to dismiss this very precise statement, and it would be quite worth while to examine the jungle about the Cape or neighbourhood for possible remains. Doubling the Cape and passing by Ceylon and the Pearl Fisheries, Barbosa arrived at Mailapur, now usually spelt Mylapore, in the neighbourhood of San Thome, or St. Thomas's Mount, and he describes again at length on pp. 126-129 a variant of the legend of St. Thomas, which is characteristically Indian. "Here lies buried the body of the Blessed Saint Thomas in a little church near the sea. The Christians of Coulam say that when Saint Thomas departed thence, being persecuted by the Heathen, he came with certain of his fellows to the city of Mailapur, which in those days was a city of ten or twelve leagues in length, and far removed from the sea which afterwards ate away the land and advanced well into the city. At first Saint Thomas began to preach the faith of Christ, and converted certain men thereto, wherefore the others went about to slay him, and he for this reason dwelt apart from the people, wandering ofttimes in the wilderness." This is followed by a story of the accidental killing of a peacock on the wing by a hunter, which turned out to be St. Thomas himself, whereon the people buried him as a Saint. "Thus he lies very modestly in the church which his disciples and fellows built for him (p. 129)." The story of the slaying of the peacock reminds Mr. Dames of the Buddhist Nachcha Jataka (Hansa Jataka), and he suggests that it is really an old Buddhist tale fastened on to St. Thomas after a manner well known to students of folktales. The use made by Hindu and Muhammadan ascetics of the Christian tomb is also thoroughly Indian (p. 129): "The Moors and Heathen used to burn lights on it, each one claiming it as his own, The church is arranged in our fashion with crosses on the altar and on the summit of the vault, and a wooden grating, and peacocks as devices, but it is now very ruinous and all around it covered with brushwood, and a poor Moor holds charge of it and begs alms for it, from which a lamp is kept burning at night, and on what is left they live. Some Indian Christians go there on pilgrimage and carry away many relics, little earthen balls from the same tomb of the Blessed Saint Thomas, and also give alms to the aforesaid Moor, telling him to repair the said house." 2 This is really a confused reference to the story of the connection of St. Thomas with Pulicat, 28 miles distant, ourrent among the early Portuguese. See below next point in connection with St. Thomas.

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MAY, 1923) EARLY HISTORY OF INDIAN FAMINES 107 Finally Mr. Dames (pp. 127-129) shows that San Thome was founded by Nuna da Cunha in 1533, no doubt in memory of this tale, and that Mailapur became confused by European travellers and writers with Pulicat, then the nearest seaport. On pp. 130-131 he quotes Correa, who in 1521 was a member of a Committee of investigation into the story about St. Thomas' burial, set up apparently in 1517, the year before Barbosa left India, under Lopes de Sequeira and his suocessor, Duarte de Meneses. Correa's statement is remarkable (pp. 130-131) - "I, Gaspar Correa, who write this story, went in the company of Pero Lopes de Sampayo to visit this holy house. And the Captain Pero Lopes left the ship at Paleacate, and twelve or fifteen men landed with him on a pilgrimage to the holy house which is seven leagues away (i.e., at Mailapur), all on foot, singing and rejoicing, with plenty of food and drink. On coming in sight of the holy house we were all overcome by a devout sadness, so that we sang no more nor spoke one to the other with a new devotion in our hearts, remembering our sins. Each man recited his prayers with 80 great a trembling that his legs and arms weakened and shook, for we seemed to be planting our feet on holy ground. And outside the door of the holy house we fell on our knees, and shed so many tears that I know not whence they came. There we all confessed and the Father said mass (having brought with him all that was needful therefor), and we all took the holy sacrament. And this was the first mass that was said in the holy house, being the day of Corpus Christi of the year 1521." Then he goes on to describe repairs done to the church, and the discovery of some of the bones of the king who had been converted by Saint Thomas, who was reported by the country-folk to have been called Tanimudolyar, interpreted as "Thomas, the servent of God." But I take it that this name or rather title is merely " Tani Mudaliyer, Thomas the Great." We have, however, not yet got to the bottom of the story of St. Thomas, for Mr. D'Cruz notes that Father Hosten, S.J., "has started publishing in the Catholic Herald of India, beginning with the issue of 27th July 1921, tentative articles on his findings " during a visit to San Thome in the beginning of 1921. And also measures are being taken to have translated into English a volume on St. Thomas and the Malabar tradition by the Rev. Fr. Bernard of St. Thomas, T.O.C.D. This work was published in Malayalam in 1917, filling about 500 pages. EARLY HISTORY OF INDIAN FAMINES. By P. N. RAMASWAMI, B.A. (With an Additional Note by L. M. ANSTEY.) Introduction. "The idols of the market-place "-to adopt the picturesque language of Bacon-"are the most troublesome of all-those, namely which have entwined themselves round the understanding from the associations of words and names. For mon imagine that their reason governs words, whilst, in fact, words react upon the understanding and this has rendered 1 In the publication of the papers I have received very great help from my gifted and beloved master, Mr. P. T. Srinivasa Aiyangar. The Nestor of South Indian Historians spared no pains to make these papers as comprehensive as possible. Several eminent scholartonpecially Pandit Brinvarai Aohariar and Fr. Steenkisto-have liberally helped me with facts, suggestions, etc. I thank them all. I also take this opportunity to thank the St. Joseph's College Library Staff for their kindly services during the preparation of these papers; and have much pleasure in thankfully acknowledging their unfailing courtesy, promptand intelligent help.-P.N.A.

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108 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1923 philosophy and science sophistical and inactive." And in Political Economy, above all sciences, we may expect the idols of the market-place to abound. Indian Economics is full of stubborn fallacies which would at once have been loosened by a Socratic Induction, and altogether dispelled by a scientific analysis. The early history of Indian famines is an instance in point. It is only the deceptive familiarity of common discourse which fosters the prevailing general impression that famines at the present day are the direct consequence of English administration, and that in times of the predominance of the Hindus and Muhammadans they were less extended in area and less tragic in their effects. But a review of the early famines in India, of which History makes mention, shows that such an assertion proceeds from sheer ignorance; there is not a tittle of historical evidence to support it' (Theodore Morison, Economic Transition in India). Famines of long duration and extent, and causing very considerable destruction, have been frequently recorded from the very dawn of Indian History. In the language of the Imperial Gazetteer (vol. III, chapter X, page 475) ' famines were very frequent under native rule and frightful." But the prevailing general impression is, as we have already said, that famines are far more frequent and destructive now than in former times. The reason for the wide prevalence of this interesting assumption, based upon insufficient data, is not far to seek. The early history of Indian famines lies scattered in scores of volumes which are mostly inaccessible to the general reader; while handy books of reference like Balfour's Cyclopaedia of India, innumerable Gazetteers, Famine Commission Reports and special treatises like R. C. Dutt's Indian Famines, give adequate and ample information about famines in the British Period. It is the dearth of information in the former, and its plenteousness in the latter case, that is mainly responsible, it is submitted, for this widespread fallacy. The following series of papers are a pioneer attempt to sketch the early history of Indian Famines. They make no pretension whatsoever either to erudition or completeness. If this slight sketch of mine should be so fortunate as to induce competent men to undertake the early history of Indian famines on an adequate scale, it will have achieved its object. Ancient Hindu Period to the Death of Harsha in 650 A.D. The Vedic Period. The early history of Indian famines must be traced back to a time much anterior to the Vedic period (before 3000 B.C.). "The one great danger that must have constantly threatened primitive man, was famine. Man in the savage state when living [even] in our luxurious country was often brought to the verge of starvation, in spite of his having implements and weapons which his ruder ancestors had no idea of." Consider the condition of savages,' says Bentham (Theory of Legislation, chapter vii, page 109), they strive incessantly against famine which cuts off entire tribes. Rivalry for subsistence produces among them the most cruel wars and, like beasts of prey, men pursue men as means of sustenance. The fear of this terrible calamity silences the softest sentiments of nature; pity unites with insensibility in putting to death the old men who can hunt no longer.' "It is obvious that famine and its hideous consequence, cannibalism, could only be prevented by the storage of food, which doubtless took at this early stage the form of the confinement or in other words the domestication of such animals as formed the spoils of the chase In support of this theory, cf. Digby, Prosperous British India; Naoroji, Poverty and Un British Rule in India. For the other side, cf. Morison, Srinivasa Raghava Aiyangar, and others. "The severity of famines is mitigated even in such a country as India."-Marshall, Principles (Bk. IV, chapter iv, page 187).

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MAY, 1923] EARLY HISTORY OF INDIAN FAMINES 109 and the chief food-supply of men " (R. A. Nelson, Law of Property, p. 26). Thus, frequent famines led to the transition from the hunting to the pastoral stage of civilisation (E. Jenks, History of Politics, ch. iv, p. 24). Dr. Schrader (Pre-historic Antiquities of the Aryan Peoples, ch. v, p. 286) has admirably shown how famines again caused the transition from the pastoral to the agricultural life. To labour and to store, the fundamental laws of man's existence on earth,--are the offspring, so to speak, of their parents, Hunger and Famine. Vedie Period, 2000 B.C.-1400 B.C. The transition from the pastoral to the agricultural life of the Indian man lands us in the Vedic period of Indian History (2000-1400 B.C.). The four Vedas constitute the chief sources of information for this period. "The ends of Vedic Hymns were practical. The Vedio Hymns were designed to persuade the gods to deal generously with men: As birds extend their sheltering wings, Spread your protection over us." (Rig Veda.)3 Therefore we find in the Rig Veda, the most ancient of our records, the first famine cry: "The waters of the upper sea in Heaven were prisoned by the gods, But the wise priest released them all (removed the drought and wet the sods), He, praying the magic verse; the rain compelling voice had he, God! free us from the hunger-ill; and give the magic word to me. Let loose for us on earth the rain--the waters of yon heavenly sea!" But this is only one of the many voices raised in the Rig Veda in supplication to the gods who are over and over again besought to drive away the plague of hunger caused by frequent droughts : "O! Indra (Rain-god) give food and strength to us who are hungry, Help us with thy help, powerful god, save us from this present plague, hunger and wretchedness, Indra, do thou keep drought and hunger from our pasture; So well-known for thy might, O ever beneficent showerer, Set open thou, unfretting towards us, this moving cloud." Compare also the significant remark : The gods did not give hunger as the only death. A measure of the frequency of droughts and, consequentially, famines) in the Vedic period, can bo had from the rain-hymns (to invent a word) in the Rig Veda : 0 Mitra and Varuna, bedew with showers of hoavenly fluid the pasture where our kine graze and bedew our realms with honey, Q gods of the noblest deeds. Through their help alone we shall earn, and be able to lay by; and still there will be over-abundance. I invoke Mitra of holy might and Varuna the exterminator of the wicked, both cherishing a desire to pour down rains. Thy benevolence, Agni, O god, which like the downpour of a rain-cloud, is undefiled and wondrous and promotes our advancement. "O Mitra and Varuna, the rain is giving out surprisingly loud thunders foreboding plenty and puissance, the Maruts (too) have clad themselves in cloud. Induce, therefore, by your clever words the reddish but stainless heaven to pour down showers. "O Maruts, cry out from the ocean. O showerers, pour down showers (of rain), 3 A. Coomarawami, The Dance of Siva, etc., ch. I. (p. 18).

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110 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ MAY, 1923 'Showerers of vital vigour, I am glad to view your chariots like the subtle lustre accompanying the showers. The mortal-be he a sage or a king-whom the showers of rain conduct by the right path, never sustains defeat nor death. He never succumbs; he is never distressed; he never fails. His riches never abate, nor do his succours cease.' So great in fact was the importance of rain that the word drought 'amiva,' as used above, became synonymous with the word 'anacana.' During the Vedic period fainines resulting from drought, as Mr. P. T. Srinivasa Iyengar in his masterly study of the Age of the Mantras has shown, were of frequent occurrence, when the starving poor desirous of food courted the man with the store of sustenance; the lean beggar craving for food ate even poisonous plants after washing off the poison with water and people died of starvation in multitudes during famines. Rna debts, frequently mentioned in the Rig Veda and onwards, were probably contracted during these "times of distress."4 The bulk of the people, the agriculturists, were very poor, and borrowed at usurious rates of interest and repaid their debts in 16 or 18 instalments. The payment of debt from debt,' i.e., compounding of old debts with new ones, so common to-day among professional money-lenders, was equally so in 2000 B.C. There are two hymns in the Atharva Veda for securing release from debts. These things which we learn from Mr. P. T. Srinivasa Iyengar's Age of the Mantras, show that nothing is more natural, but nothing is more dangerous, than to cast a halo over the past and to make of it a golden age. The idyllic pictures of the Vedic period as a truly golden Age, before the pressure of famine had been felt, are beautiful but entirely devoid of historical truth. In the vigorous language of Wilks (Historical Sketches of South India, vol. I, p. 2), "the Golden Age of India, like that of other regions, belongs exclusively to the poet. In the sober investigation of facts, this imaginary era recedes farther and farther at every stage of inquiry, and all that we find is still the empty praise of the ages which have passed." Epie Period, 1400 B.C.-800 B.C. And beginning from this remote Vedic Age (2000 B.C. to 1400 B.C.) we can trace the frequent occurrence of famines along the centuries past the Atharvan poet, who prays that the sun may not ruin his crops, to the Epic period (1400 B.C.-800 B.C.) when we observe that the gods were no longer trusted overmuch ' (Hopkins, India, Old and New, p. 235). For the good Kings of the Epics, far from trusting too much in the gods, built canals and reservoirs as their first duty and irrigated the country as best they could. In chapter V of the Sabha Parva (the Kacchit chapter), Narada asks Yudhistira, 'Are the tanks large and full, located in suitable places in your kingdom, so that agriculture may not depend solely on rains from the heavens? Does not the seed and the maintenance of the man who tills go unrealised?' And the sage advises the king not to leave agriculture to the mercy of the rain, but to assist it by the construction of tanks suitably situated in different parts of the kingdom. But in spite of these precautionary measures taken by the Epic kings, droughts, and consequently famines, of long duration and extent, occurred in the Epic period of Indian history. We find repeated allusions in the Great Epics, to "droughts that lasted for many years, bahuvarsiki, and again more specially: "now at this time there was a great twelve-year . drought, etc." The Ramayana mentions (Balakanda, Adhyaya IX, slokas 8 and 9) that in the time of the great king Romapada, in consequence of some default on his part, a terrible and Maodonell and Keith, Vedic Index of Names and Subjects, vol. I.

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MAY, 1923) EARLY HISTORY OF INDIAN FAMINES 111 dreadful drought, capable of striking terror into all, occurred. And it is said that when Rahyacringa, the twice-born one, Kacyapa's son, entered the kingdom, Indra poured forth plenty of showers enlivening the hearts of all men. In the Uttara Kanda (Adhyaya 86, elo las 4 and 6) of the Ramayana, it is mentioned that after the disappearance of Indra a great drought prevailed. In consequence the world became unproductive, devoid of all juice, the forests rotted, pools, tanks, lakes, etc., dried up, and all living beings withered and decayed. The Vana Parva (Adhyaya 193, sloka 17, and following) in the Mahabharata, contains another striking reference. Vaicampayana says: 'O Janamejaya ! for two years owing to absence of rain everything got parched up ; on the surface of the earth there was no water; wells, ponds, lakes, etc., became dried up. It is also predicted in the Vana Parva that unseasonal rainfall will frequently harrow mankind in the Kaliyuga. The Epic poets also intimate that droughts came every twelve years. These droughts were the parents of famines, for whenever a drought is mentioned, the next thing noticed is the famine that followed it. Thus in one account : 'Now at this time camo a twelve-year drought. The store of food was exhausted and there was no food.' The descriptions of such famines are sufficiently vivid to make it certain that the scenes were drawn from life. In the Banti Parva of the Mahabharata (Adhyaya 141, 8loka 13 and following) a terrible famine on account of a twelve-years' drought is mentioned. There is a remarkable sentence bearing on this subject in the same Parva, detailing the Viswamitra-chandals episode in which Viswamitra pressed by hunger during this famine entered the house of a Chandala and took away by stealth the leg of a dead dog to eat! In the Chhandogya Upanishad a similarly amusing story of a famine-stricken couple is related. The Ramayana alludes to famines in pre-Rama days. These were presumably caused by droughts. But it would only be a half-truth to say that famines at this time were due in all cases to droughts : they were sometimes caused by disafforestation and robbery (the work of dacoits and tax-gatherers). For, in spite of the minatory warnings of the Brahmang 'that the king who devours his people by unjust taxation goes to hell,' and the sage advice that taxes are to be realised in the fashion of the weaver of the garland and not the coal-merchant', there were bad Epic Kings who crushed their subjects by unjust taxation. The heavy indebtedness of the agricultural classes accentuated these evils. Though the Sacred Laws provided that the State had to see that the money-lenders were never awarded interest exceeding 12%; widespread ugury was eating into the very vitals of the ryot class (cf. C. V. Vaidya, Epic India, p. 219). Famines also resulted at times, not from drought, but from too much water. This is referred to in a proverb which deprecates too much ': 'Through too great coal the wood is burnt; through too much rain faming comes; too much is ever bad. An examination of other allied forms of Sanskrit Literature, sheds much light upon the frequency and widespread character of ancient Indian famines. The Ritualistic Literature contains several references to droughts. Every pious Hindu, in making his Sandhya performance, praye daily that the god Surya shall svert drought with its hideous consequences. Similar references are found in the Sraddh, Upanayans and other ceremonies. The Dramatic Literature is replete with references of this kind. One among the innumerable instances is found in the V Anga of Sakuntala. Prose literature like Panchatantraka, Katha-Saritatigara, Brihat-Kathamafjart contain interesting allusions to famines and droughts. The astronomical and the astrological literature constantly alludes to famines 'as in the nature of indications imported by specific astronomical phenomena or configurations' (Dr. V. V. Ramanan). Abundant information of ancient Indian famines is also found in the Stotra Literature. In the

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[MAY, 1923 Aditya-hrdaya and Surya-kavacha, the Sun who is hailed as the Varita 'sender of clouds,' is aptly referred to as the averter of calamities like famine, etc. The Subramania Sahasra Namapali calls the god Subramania the rain-giver, "Kshamavargita "(famine averter). In the Praises to the Nine Planets there is a story that Saturn being once offended caused a famine extending over twelve years to devastate the kingdom of Dacarata. The Lalita Sahasranamavali, Vishnu Sahasranamavali, Siva-Sahasranamavali contain similar references. A study of the Bhagavatam reveals a similar state of affairs. In the Third Skandam and the Seventh Skandam there are references to famines. At the conclusion of the Bhagavatam the sage Sukra predicts that famines will frequently figure in the annals of the Kaliyuga. The Sri Devi Bhagavatam also metions several famines. O bright-eyed lady! say how you were able to pass those terrible years of famine. By whom were these children supported in the absence of food-stuffs? Listen, O best of sages! how this cruel famine-time was tided over by me, etc.' (Skanda VII, Adhyaya 13, slokas 7 and 30.) "Famines lasting 10, 5, and 9 years visited the land as a result of the Karma of the inhabitants. Owing to the prevalence of a terrible drought, there arose famine causing untold havoc. The people were emaciated. The heavy toll of lives in every house made it scarcely possible to count the number of corpses. (S. 12 A. 9, s. 1 and 2.) "Owing to the absence of rain every thing was parched up; on the surface of the earth there was no water, etc. This drought O king, lasted for 100 years." (S. 7, A. 28, c. 21 and 22.) 112 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY The Puranas, when properly studied, will yield abundant information on ancient Indian famines. I shall confine myself entirely to the Vishnu Purana, which has been excellently translated by H. H. Wilson. In chapter IX, page 231, the importance of rain is emphasized: The water which the clouds shed upon earth is in truth the ambrosia of living beings, for it gives fertility to the plants which are the support of their existence. By this all vegetables grow and are nurtured and become the means of maintaining life. With them, again, those men who take the law for their light, perform the daily sacrifices, and through them give nourishment to the gods; and thus sacrifices, the Vedas, the Four castes with the Brahmanas at their head, all the residences of the gods, all the tribes of animals, the whole world, all are supported by the rains by which food is produced.' The Vishnu Purdna contains several references to famines. According to the Vishnu Purana even the Indra-loka was not immune from famine; for it is said in the Durvasas-Indra episode (ch. IX, page 71) that 'all vegetable products, plants, and herbs in the Indra-loka were withered and died; and Indra was divested of prosperity and energy.' It is related in ch. XIII, page 102, that on the death of King Vena, who was deposed by the Brahmans, famine and anarchy raged throughout the land. "His subjects approached Prthu (Vena's successor), suffering from the famine by which they were afflicted, as all the edible plants had perished during the season of anarchy. In reply to his question as to the cause of their coming, they told him that in the interval in which the earth was without a king, all vegetable plants had died, and consequently the people had perished. Thou,' said they, 'art the bestower of sustenance on us; thou art appointed by the Creator the protector of the people; grant us vegetables, the support of the lives of the subjects who are perishing with hunger.'" Similarly on the death of Kacyapa, anarchy ensued and famine raged throughout the land, Elsewhere, ch. xiii, p. 431, it is related that from the moment of Akrura's departure from Dwaraka various calamities, portents, snakes, famine, plague and the like made their appearance. On this Andhaks, one of the elders of the Yadu race, thus spoke :

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MAY, 1923) RITUAL MURDER AS A MEANS OF PROCURING CHILDREN 113 Wherever Swaphalka the father of Akrura dwelt, there famine, plague, death and other visitations were unknown. Once when there was want of rain in the kingdom of Kasiraja, Swaphalka was brought there, and immediately there fell rain from the heavens. It is elsewhere said in laudation of Sri Krishna, and as a proof of his extraordinary good fortune," that in his reign there was no famine ! " 5 At the conclusion of the Vishnu-Purana, Parasara predicts, among other things," that the people of the Kaliyuga will always be in dread of famine; they will all live like hermits upon leaves, roots and fruits, and put a period to their lives through fear of want." The Epic Kings, when a famine occurred, took strong remedial measures to mitigate its horrors. The relief of the famished people was looked upon at this period as a sacred duty devolving upon kings, as was also the adoption of measures for protecting the people from fire, serpents, tigers, and epidemic diseases. "In fact," says C. V. Vaidya (Epic India, p. 221) "in almost every matter where modern civilised Goverr.ments think it their duty to como to the relief of the people, the people of Epic days looked upon it as the sacred duty of Government." Age of Laws and Philosophy (800--320 B.C.) We have now come to the Age of Laws and Philosophy (800-320 B.C.) For the earlier period of this age the Dharma-Sastras are the best sources of information. They make frequent mention of famines and devote separate chapters to the modifications considered necessary in the social and economic structure during those "times of distress." Gautama (Sacred Books of the East, vol. II, ch. 7, p. 211) and Manu (ibid, vol. 25, ch. X, p. 421, 0.97 and foll.) elaborately discuss how in times of famine the inferior callings may be pursued by the higher orders. The caste rules concerning food, etc., were relaxed. Manu says: "He who when in danger of losing his life through hunger accepts food from any person whatsoever, is no more tainted by sin than the sky is by mud." Manu gives some instructive examples of the length to which our Brahman forbears woro driven by hunger and famine: "Ajigarta (vide Aitareya Brahmana VII c. 13-16) who suffered hunger, approached in order to slay his own son and was not tainted by sin, since he (only) sought a remedy against starvation. Vamadeva who well knew right and wrong did not sully himself when, tormented (by hunger), he desired to eat the flesh of a dog in order to save his life. Bharadvaga, a performer of great austerities, accepted many cows from the carpenter Bribu, when he was starving together with his sons in a lonely place. Visvamitra, who well knew what is right or wrong, when he was tormented by hunger, consented to eat the haunch of a dog receiving it from the hands of a Chandala. In another place (p. 435, ch. I, s. 29) the Visvadevas, the Sadhyas, the great sages of the Brahmana caste, are said to have been afraid of perishing in times of distress. (To be continued.) RITUAL MURDER AS A MEANS OF PROCURING CHILDREN. By SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE, BT. CONCRETE instances of this well-known custom in Northern India were recorded by myself while Superintendent of the Penal Settlement, Port Blair, and are published here as Similarly during the reign of Rama in Ayodhya and Dharmaputra in Hastinapur "the clouds rialding showers soonably caused the erope to grow abundantly. During the periods of [their] role, lood, was always abundant," etc. Regularity of rain was clearly looked upon as unusual.

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114 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ MAY, 1923 of general interest to students of folk-customs. The first of these instances is almost exactly the same as ono published ante, vol. XXVII, p. 336 (1898). Instances. 1. Life-convict No. 14114, Musst. Begi, was received in the Penal Settlement of Port Blair on the 2nd December 1895 and died there on the 14th June 1897. She was convicted of murder on 5th May 1893 by the Sessions Court of Jalandhar, Panjab. She is described 29 aged about 40 years and as the wife of Shadi Shah Faqir of Daboli. With her was charged Musst. Amiri, wife of Dallu Shah Faqir of Daboli, who was her daughter. The mother and daughter were convicted of murdering a female child named Begam, age about 3, on March 2nd, 1893. The conviction was based on the confession of both the women corroborated by other evidence. The point of the confession for the present purpose is this. Musst. Begi had been told by a faqir that if she killed the eldest son or daughter of some one and bathed herself over the body she would have a malo child and it would live. Accordingly one day, as the child Begam was playing near Begi's house with Begi's own little daughter Mamon, Begi and her elder daughter Amiri took the child to Begi's house and cut her throat with a knife. The body was then hidden behind an earthen kothi (hut) and next day it was buried in a corner of the house. On the day following the body was taken by Amiri to & barley field near the village-pond, and Begi, who had accompanied Amiri, bathed herself over the body and then threw it into the pond. But it would not sink and so it was taken out and left in the field where it was found. 2. Life-convicts No. 16663, Musst. Kuri. and No. 16664, Musst. Paro alias Dhapo, were received in the Penal Settlement on 15th November 1897. They were convicted of murder on 27th February 1897 by the Sessions Court of Saharanpur, N.-W. P. Musst. Kuri is described as aged about 40 and as the wife of Nabia Shekh, by caste a weaver, of the village Mala, in the Muzaffarnagar District, and by occupation a midwife and Musalman beggar. Musst. PAro alias Dhapo is described as aged about 28 and as the wife of Hushnak, Hindu Jat, of the same village and by occupation a cultivator. In this case four persons were tried : two men Jaidyal, Jat, aged 36, and Gordhan, Baniya, aged 32, and the two women above mentioned : i.e., 3 Hindus and 1 Musalman. They were charged with the murder of a Jat boy named Qabul, aged 61 years, in their village. The evidence showed that the boy had been strangled in Jaidyal's house. In the sequel Jaidyal and Gordhan were hanged and the two women were sent to Port Blair for life. Musst. Kuri died on 23rd December 1898. The motive for the murder, which was alleged to have been instigated by a sorcerer, was to preserve Musst. Dhapo's male child. She had lost several children, and her only living children at the time of the murder were a girl and a boy about 10 days old. An objection to its being a ritual murder was raised during the trial on the ground that, had it been one, the syand, or sorcerer, would have been present and certain ceremonies would have been gone through with needles and sandal-wood, etc. The syand on this occasion, who belonged to the Mali caste "which supplies sorcerers largely," was arrested. 3. Life-convict No. 16414, Musst. Joi, was received in the Penal Settlement on 23rd October 1897. She was eonvicted of mischief by fire on 4th May 1896 by the Sessions Court of Saharanpur, N.-W. P. She is described as aged about 30 and as the wife of a Chamar (leather-worker) in the village of Sampla and by occupation a labourer. She was caught in the act of setting fire to the thatched hut of another Chamar named Shiyam. Before the Hames could be got under, two men sleeping in the hut were burnt to.

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MAY, 1923 ] THE WORK OF THE ECOLE FRANCAISE D'EXTREME-ORIENT 115 death. She made a full confession, and her story was that she had set fire to the hut by the advice of a sorcerer in order to get children. She had been married over twelve years and had had two children, who had died in infanoy, and was thereafter childless. Mr. Muir, the Sessions Judge, remarked on this "Her story is not impossible. It is said such cases are not uncommon." THE WORK OF THE ECOLE FRANCAISE D'EXTREME-ORIENT. BY S. M. EDWARDES, C.S.L., C.V.o. THE French School or Institute of the Far East was founded in 1898 and commenced publishing a scientific journal or bulletin two years later. The issuel which lies before us contains a historical sketch of the School's foundation, and a brilliant risume of its studies in Indo-Chinese archaeology and ethnography, with particular reference to Annam, Champa or Southern Annam, Cambodia, Laos, Siam, the Malay Peninsula, Burma, India, Tibet, China and Japan. It is a very remarkable record, which is here for the first time unfolded,-one which does infinite credit to the genius and perseverance of our Allies. The idea of establishing a school of Eastern studies had first commended itself to Messrs. Barth, Breal, and Emile Senart, the pioneers of Indian research in France, who dreamed, of creating at Chandernagore an institution comparable with the flourishing French schools at Athens and Rome and with the well-known archaeological institute at Cairo. But while the project was yet incomplete and the question of financial support for the moment prevented further progress, a magician appeared in the person of Paul Doumer, the Governor-General of Indo-China, who transformed the dream of an Eastern school into a permanent Archaeological Mission of Indo-China, charged with the duty of investigating the antiquities, history, languages and civilisation of the IndoChinese peninsula and neighbouring countries. The first director of the School was M. Louis Finot and work commenced in 1899 in Cambodia. In 1900 M. Pelliot was dispatched to China to collect a nucleus of books for a Library; but his labours had barely commenced before the Boxer rebellion broke out, in the course of which the building, occupied by the student interpreters of the French Legation at Pekin, in which M, Pelliot had temporarily stored his collection, was burned to the ground with all its contents. Unable for the moment to pursue his quest, M. Peiliot offered his services to the French naval authorities and played an active part in the struggle to save the Legations. In consequence of the outbreak, many valuable documents and works of art were thrown upon the market, and M. Pelliot was able to return to Saigon in 1901 with & fine collection of paintings and artistic exhibits, of which some were sent to the Louvre and others were placed in the newly-founded Museum of the Far Eastera School. Both the Museum and the Library were finally organized on a permanent basis by M. Foucher who succeeded M. Finot in 1901. Meanwhile steady spade-work was being carried on in Champa, Cambodia, Tonkin and other places by expert archaeologists and philologists, thuir task being temporarily interrupted by the Hanoi Exhibition of 1902 and by the first Congress of Students of the Far East held at the close of the same year, and in 1903 by the sudden outburst of the disastrous typhoon, which destroyed the fine collection of paintings, the porcelains from China, the figures of the Annamite pantheon, and a collection of Burmese, and Corean exhibits which had been carefully arranged in the Museuin. The School 1 Bulletin De L'Ecole Francaise d'Extreme-Orion L'Ecole Francise d'Extren e Jront dopuis son origine jusqu'en 1020. Imprimerie d'Extreme-Orient, Hanoi, 1922.

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116 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY MAY, 1923 also suffered a severe loss by the deplorable death of M. Odend'hal, who commenced an archaeological survey of the Laos country in 1904 and was treacherously murdered by savages in April of that year. Despite these misfortunes and obstacles, the work of the School steadily progressed. Those who devoted themselves to the archaeological side of the programme were struck by the spontaneous character of the Indian architecture of the Far East. In Champa and Cambodia, oven more clearly than in Java and India, the monuments appear all at once of so finished and perfect a type that they must either have been borrowed directly from another civilization, or have been gradually developed in the country itself throughout a long period of years. This phenomenon is observable twice in Cambodia, in the 6th and the 9th centuries. Thus also appear, almost at the samo moment, pre-Ankoric art and Champa art, and a little later Indo-Javanese art. All these types have analogous features which must be due to a common ancestry : at the same time they differ so distinctly that they must have been separated from the parent stock at various and widely separated epochs. The original source was probably Indian ; this much religious tradition in the different countries indicates; but no definite assertion is at the same time possible in the absence of a single relic of the primordial type. The Pallava architecture of Southern India belongs obviously to the same order as the early forms of Cham, Khmer and Indo-Javanese art, yet it exhibits no closer affinity with any one of these types than that which forms the general link between them all. Even the remains of the earlier Gupta architec. ture and art afford no clearer connexion between India and the schools of Indo-China and Java. The archaeologists of the French Far Eastern School have met with other difficultios, resulting from the dual nature of the creeds borrowed from India. The reaction of these religions, one upon another, are very little understood, particularly outside their country of origin. Consequently the identity of images is easily confused, and it is frequently difficult to distinguish the figure of a Bodhisattva from a Brahmanic deity who possesses similar characteristics. The most curious oscillations from the one iconography to the other have been discovered in the course of archaeological exploration in the Far East. It is quite exceptional, also, for images to bear any inscription; and in cases where they do so, the name of the deity is usually a local or special appellation, which often raises an entirely fresh problem. As a general rule, identification has to depend on outward characteristics, attitude, or some particular attribute. Several pages of the Bulletin are devoted to a clear and interesting account of the work of conservation and the obstacles which the School has ensuntere:1 and overooma in this direction, and a complete list is included of the various archeological tours or journeys undertaken under the auspices of the School. Among these may be mentioned M.Parmentier's inventory of Cham antiquities, compiled from 1900 to 1904 ; the mission of MM. Dufour and Carpelux to the Bayon of Ankhor Thom in 1901 and 1904 ; the mission of M. Pelliot to Chinese Turkestan in 1906-08; and the missions to China of Chavannes, Maspero and Aurousseau. Apparently Indo-China, so far as is at present known, possesses no relics of periods earlier than the age of polished stone, and this is true of the Far East generally, with the single exception of Japan, which has a remarkable collection of chipped flints. The French School, however, has managed to collect a fine set of neolithic relics, some of which were discovered at Samron Sen in Cambodia and others at Tortoise Island in Cochin China.

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MAY, 1923 ] THE WORK OF THE ECOLE FRANCAISE D'EXTREME-ORIENT 117 The Laos country and Annam are also represented. The Tortoise Island collection appears to have been the remains of a very ancient workshop, in which were fabricated implements with squared sides and curved edges, reminding one of a certain type of spade used by the Annamites of to-day when working in the rice-swamps. The collection includes also various kinds of hatchets and long chisels, beautifully made in rather soft stone. The Samron Sen remains on the other hand consist of masses of shells, which mark the site of an important lake-village and were probably used by lime-burners installed here at some very early date, and also of stone implements of various kinds, chisels and gouges and bone fishing-tackle. Some of the larger shells, which attain an immense size, have been carved into ornaments and gewgaws, and these are found side by side with terra-cotta disks, intended for insertion in the lobe of the ear. An important set of arms and of bronze ornaments was recovered by M. d'Argence from the riverside in Annam. The beauty of their forms, the excellence of the work and the curious style of ornamentation on several pieces, point to an advanced type of civilization, while the narrowness of the stone bracelets and the puny dimensions of the handles of the bronze arms indicate that they must have been used by a race of small, slight people, comparable in this respect with the modern Annamites. The labours of the School have also lifted the veil which shrouded the ancient art of the Laos country. At the end of the nineteenth century Laotian art was only known in the form of a few great monuments on the banks of the Mekong, and the only known examples of sculpture were innumerable bronze figures of Buddha. To M. Parmentier belongs the credit of a prolonged scientific examination into all existing remains, whereby it becomes clear for the first time that the art of Laos is quite distinct from Siamese art and on the other hand has very few affinities with the art of Cambodia. It is not, as one might at first suppose, a purely local art. In the continuous reconstruction rendered necessary by the perishable character of the material employed, it appears to have preserved certain very ancient forms, which the application of old traditions has carried unscathed down succeeding centuries It is on this account that, alone among the various arts of Indo-China, it has preserved wholly unaltered the curious type of structure widening from base to summit, which General de Beylie once described as "the kneading-trough." This type appears nowhere else, if we except a few rare examples in Burma, albeit it was known to the older art of Champa. Its origin must be sought in a practicable method of light construction evolved by the savage tribes of the Malay archipelago. Several pages of the Bulletin are devoted to the valuable researches into ancient Cham civilization carried out by MM. Finot and Lajonquiere, M. Parmentier and other enthusiastic workers. It is now certain that Cham architecture, which appeared in perfection in the 7th century A.D. in the splendid edifices of Mi-son, was preceded by a mystem of light construction, which attained a high degree of artistic merit and of which the later brick - construction was a faithful copy. Side by side with this perfected type of Cham architecture, dating from the 7th century, there exists a primitive architecture,-a series of brick-built edifices of massive appearance, apparently allied to the brick structures of Cambodia which are assigned to primitive or pre-Ankoric Khmer art. To this primitive Cham art belong the most remarkable sculptures, among them being some very fine busts of Siva discovered by Dr. Sallet. Primitive Khmer art, which at one time was supposed to be represented almost entirely in the stupendous antiquities and ruins of An-kor, has now been proved to be far older than the art which has bequeathed to us the sandstone images of that ancient city. The art of An-Kor, in fact, never

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118 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (May, 1923 passed beyond the lower basin of the Mekong: but the older Khmer art, as the researches of the French School have shown, spread itself all along the rivers and their affluents, in a more or less south-westerly direction, until it embraced the greater portion, if not the whole, of the Malay peninsula. The statues belonging to this older art are usually distinguishable by having the hair arranged in the form of a cylindrical mitre, and the majority of the antiquarian relics of Cochin China belong to this ancient type. The architecture of primitive Khmer origin is remarkable for two distinct but equally common types of construction, which must have been contemporaneous, but descended from different stocks. One, rich in decoration, has only one storey of appreciable height above the main building; the other, with the simplest ornamentation, is composed of a multiplicity of tiny storeys crowned by a heavy gabled vaulted roof. The latter type approximates in character to certain well-known Indian monuments, such as the raths of Mavalipuram, the Teli Ka Mandir at Gwalior and the colossal gopuras of the South Indian shrines. Historically it is still difficult to attribute this double form of art to any particular ethnic group or to fix precisely the date of its appearance. It disappears suddenly in the troubled period of the 8th century A.D. and seems to have left no trace whatever, either in the obviously different type, which we see in the Bayon of Yashovarman, or in the system of isolated sanctuaries which are the salient feature of the architecture of Indravarman. Space does not permit of our referring at any length to the full and admirable description of classical Khmer art, as embodied in the famous monuments and ruins of Ankor. But it is interesting to learn from the exploration carried out at the temple of Ankor Vat that the shrine was in the first instance consecrated to the cult of Vishnu, and was subsequently converted into a Buddhist temple ; that two images representing the Narsinh and Varaha avatars of Vishnu were discovered among the debris of the temple-court; and that to the south of Ankor Vat numerous metal plates bearing an image of Buddha have been found, as well as a pillar bearing an Arabic inscription. The description of the enclosure of Ankor-Thom is a striking example of the meticulous care with which every portion of these extraordinary ruins has been surveyed, scrutinized and where possible restored. The religious centre of the ancient town was the famous Bayon, in respect of which the French School corrects a misapprehension reiterated by several of those who have published books and papers on the subject. They all speak of a third enclosure of laterite provided with an eastern and a western gate. The complete disappearance of this enclosure is surprising, but is explained by the assumption that the wall, which would be an anomaly in Khmer architecture, was really a laterite curtain, devoid of detail, which must have been hurriedly erected as a defence work at the time of the struggle with the Siamese. Built without foundations and masking the base of the exterior galleries of the citadel, the wall or curtain was demolished in the course of the excavations and much of the material composing it was used in metalling the high road in its vicinity. The description of the Phimanakas and the Royal Palace surrounding it is likewise a veritable mine of detail and must be carefully studied to be appreciated. Broadly speaking, the achievement of the French Far Eastern School during its first twenty years of active life, has been the orderly presentation of all problems concerning the archaeology of Indo-China and the satisfactory solution of several of them. Practically unknown arts, like the art of Champa, primitive Khmer, Laotian art and early Annamite art, have been brought to light and subjected to close scrutiny by experts. The conservation of ancient monuments and of exhibits suitable for inclusion in museums has been secured, so far as the staff and means available would permit. Much, it is admitted, yet remains

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MAY, 1923) THE WORK OF THE ECOLE FRANCAISE D'EXTREME ORIENT 119 to be done : but the School is established on a firm basis and looks forward to more rapid work in the immediate future. Indo-Chinose ethnography has occupied a large share of the School's attention, and the Bulletin describes in detail the researches carried out among the Moi, i.e., the savage peoples inhabiting the mountainous regions of Annam, and the northern tribes, including the Thai, Muong, Man, Miao-tson and Lolo. Here we meet instances of tribal kings regarded as divi. nities, of exogamy allied with totemism, of spirit-belief as the basis of custom. Among the Thai oucur festivals, marked by sexual license, which undoubtedly were meant to glorify "la reprise des travaux des champs interdits depuis la recolte," -in brief the Indo-Chinese equivalent of the festival of the vernal equinox. Side by side with its purely ethnographical work, the School has studied the historical and political geography of Annam, and has compiled through the researches of its leading experts and collaborators a tolerably complete political history of the country. The conclusions now artived at may need modification or revision when the work of epigraphy is more advanced. At the moment little has been done in this direction except to collect 12,000 facsimiles of inscriptions from the provinces of Tonkin, which still await expert elucidation. A linguistic and literary survey, at present incomplete, constitutes another important branch of the work of the School in Tonkin, Annam and Cochin China. The chapter on the researches carried out among the Chams contains some curious information. Degraded though their present religion is, 'it still preserves fragments of Hindu ritual in the form of corrupt and unintelligible expressions and formule. The prayers used at the great festivals contain whole pages of corrupt Sanskrit, of which the original meaning has been irretrievably lost. In these Siva is usually invoked, as also the joint Siva.Uma under the title of Sivome. M. Durand has made a special study of the corrupt Muhammadan faith ombracod by some of the Chams, and has decided that they belonged originally to the Shia sect. This, coupled with the fact that their cosmogony is embodied in a treatise bearing the name of Anouchirvan, leads him to infer that the Chams first received the Muhammadan faith from Persia. It was probably brought by Persian seamen and navigators. On the other hand, the fact that Brahmanio Hinduism was the original basis of Cham religion is proved by survivals of the abhishek ritual and by the discovery of a statue of a female bearing an inscription, which shows that it is the statue of Queen Suchih, who refused to become a sati with her royal spouse. In consequence of this refusal, her statue was excluded from the principal tower of the temple of Po Rome, and that of the second Queen Sansan, who mounted the pyre with the dead king, was placed there instead. The later portion of this most interesting publication contains much information about Cambodia, Laos, Siam, the Malay Peninsula, Java, India, China and Japan, to all of which countries the French Far Eastern School has sent scientific missions. As regards Burma, Mr. Duroiselle, the Superintendent of the Archaeological Survey, has him. self been a corresponding member of the French School since 1905, and has furnished the School with copies of some of the inscriptions found in that country. M. Finot has edited some of the Burmese texts and has dealt exhaustively with the origin and evolution of Buddhism in Burma. His view is briefly, that from the 6th century A.D. Prome and Pegu were the two centres in which southern Buddhism and Pali culture flourished and that the writing in use at that date was a South Indian script. "Cette region cotiere professait donc le Theravada six a sept siecles avant qu'il ne fit son apparition sur les bords du Mekhong." It is quite possible that Siam borrowed the creed from Pegu to hand it on to her eastern neighbours, and that therefore the inscriptions of Maunggun and Hmawza are indirectly the

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120 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ May, 1928 earliest title-deeds of the modern Buddhism of Cambodia. In the chapter on India there is an interesting reference to the statue of & warrior, belonging to the Gandhara school, which is now preserved in the Lahore Museum. The figure is seated on a throne and holds a spear in the right hand. Beautifully carved, the statue is also remarkable for the imperious, almost brutal, expression of the features, which contrasts strikingly with the serene placidity of the Buddhas and Bodhisattvas which surround it. The late Dr. Vincent Smith believed the statue to be a portrait of one of the Indo-Scythian kings. M. Vogel of the French School, however, by an ingenious comparison of the statue with a piece of sculpture in the British Museum and with another example of the same type preserved in the messroom of the Corps of Guideg at Mardan, has decided that the statue is that of the Hindu god Kuvera. His theory is to some extent corroborated by a bas-relief representing Kuvera and Hariti, disoovered at Shahr-i-Bahlol. The identification of M. Vogel is, however, not wholly free from doubt. In conclusion, it remains to draw attention to the excellent photographs and plates which embellish this important publioation. The French School of the Far East is to be congratulated, not only upon its record of work during the first twenty years of this century, but also upon the attractive form in which that record is now presented to the public. CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY. SERIES IV. By H. A. ROSE, 1.C.S. (Retired.) (Continued from page 59.) Bhat: (lit. boiled rice,' for Bhatt, P. D., 131)--chingana, an observance at weddings in Churah. The bride's sister seats her by the boy and his future brother-in-law brings so me boiled rice (what) in a vessel which he and the boy's brother scatter over it : Ch. 153. Phati: a mother's (non-uterine ?) brother; fr. bhat, a wedding gift': Gloss., I, p. 900. Bhatta: a sum of money paid to compensate for a bride's inferiority of status : SS. Bashahr, 13; pl.-e, tomatoes, ib., 49. Bhati jhalka : lit. 'hearth' (? and ?) 'flare'; a rite at weddings : Gloss., I, p. 825. Bhatungru : an official who keeps a register of attendance : Mandi, 51. Bhed : a cess, one pice per jun of cultivated land : SS. Kunhiar, 10. Bhekal : Principia utilis : Simla S. R. xliii. Cf. Bhekhal in III. Bhent : offerings mado to samadhs and taken by faqirs : Gloss., I, p. 392. Bhet: a scapegoat ; Simla Hills : Gloss., I, p. 364. Bhet: a contribution levied for a feast to all subjects at the Diwali, doubtless = Bhed: SS. Kuthar, 8. Bhet sair: a cess payable at the Sair festival: SS. Bilaspur, 22. Bhewal: a tree, Grewia laevigata : Sirmur, App. IV, iii. Bhikon : a tree or shrub, chhanbar: Sirmar, 26 and 43. Bhilar : dry, poor soil, not improved even by manure : bhankhar : Sirin ur, App. I. Bhilawa : Semecarpus anacardium : Sirmar, App. IV, iv. Bhirappi : fictitious brotherhood, in Multan : Gloss., I, p. 903. Bhillaura: Thewia nudiflora : Sirmur, App. IV, vii. Bhiresa : a kind of millet, Fagopyrum emarginatum : Mandi, 42. Bhitarke 'in-door,' high castes as opposed to BAharke: Mandi, 30. Bhittal : a person afflicted by bhi!! B. 197. Cf. P. D., 138. Bhondri: & fee of Ro. 1 paid to the State on the marriage of a Kanet girl: SS. Kunhien, 6.

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MAY, 1928) CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY 121 Bhokri : the 2nd form of marriage, but rarely used : SS. Kumharsain, 8. Bhor: an upper storey ;-dar, a two-storied house, a house with a slanting roof : Ch., 119. Bhor : the minister of a god; Simla Hills : Gloss., I, p. 337 ff. Bhora, Bahore, a rite at weddings; cf. P. D. 560 8. v. Kanji. Syns. Rit and Sawani : Glloss., I, p. 735. Bhrayi : Bhrayai, land oultivated in Autumn but not in Spring : Mandi, pp. 42 and 66. Syn. Saral. Cf. also Brayah. BhQA : father's sister (cf. P. D. 141) said to be used in villages, whereas phu phi is used in towns. But villagers also use the latter term in explaining relationships between themselves, ., mo, pha pho ba bot. Bhud : & sandy soil, mixed with small stones : Sirmur, App. I. Bhugla: coriander seed - dhania; Simla S. R., xxxix. Bham bhat: lit. ' earth brother'; a brother by mutual adoption, made joint owner of land : Karnal Gr., p. 138, and Gloss., I, p. 176. Bhunda : & sacrifice formerly held every 12 years : SS. Kumharsain 8. Cf. Bashahr, 38. Bhur: & watohman : SS. Kumharsain, 19. Bhur: a distribution of money among Brahmans at a wedding : Gloss., I, p. 798. BIAhor: a marriage according to the Shastras : Mandi, 23. Blalu : supper : Sirmor, 58. Bibi : = nand, father's sister.' Bichu-rog: an affection of the liver in sheep and goats: SS. Bashahr, 53. Blda hona : to take leave of ; Glogs., I, p. 897. (Add to III). - Aigf, return; * sum of money returned by the boy's father to clinch a betrottal : Gloss., I, p. 892, Cf. Waddigi. Bidrl : apparently a diminutive of bidd, a bundle of shawls, v. P. D. 8. V.; or of bidh, a word used in Gujrat : Bidh: a bundle ; Glogs., I, pp. 816, 812 and 831. Biglr bachha : a birth custom ; in Delhi; lit., 'take the child,' which is passed through a loaf, etc., Gloss., I, p. 773. Blha Bhat : sweets given on the second day of a wedding, as Khurli or Mitha Bhat and Danda are given on the 1st and 3rd days respectively : Gloss., I, p. 801. Bihag : sunrise : Suket, 27. Bihal : Grewia oppositifolia : Sirmur, 69 and 66. Bljandri: lit., 'not growing,' i.e., failure of a portion of the crop on a field : Sirmar, 56. Bija: a bird lerud, lerwa nivicola : Ch., 36. Bikar: an office-holder in a temple who prepares food : Suket, 26. Bll-terl : an offering of some kind made to Mahadeo : Suket, 24. Bimbara: a kind of tobacco : Ch., 225. Bindi: a child by marriage among Bairagis, as opposed to Nadi, q. v. : Comp., 226. Birbat = chun labat. Biswal : a gown : 88. Bashahr, 42. Bihangna : commutation for corvee : Mandi, 61. I Bahwin : a dande, performed sitting : Gloss., I, p. 920. Bith : a kind of millet : Mandi, 42, Blyahl: a ball of oowdang containing valuables and worshipped at births : Gloss., I, p. 750-1. Byal: '& meal,' especially the evening meal; hence biyali, 3 hours after sunset and boilet biyak, 6 hours after sunset: Mandi, 31-2,

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122 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (MAY, 1828 Bobo : sister, among Pathans and Shaikhs. Bohnl: a measure of capacity made of thin wood or sticks (roeds ) 34 in. in diameter and 2 in. deep; used in the Bakot ildga; choihdi. Bohokhal: Bohotl : (?), unirrigated land, generally sloping, sometimes terraced : Suket, 29. Bola : marriage by exchange, in Chamba : Gloss., I, p. 788. Boloha: a thong ;=pharir : Simla, S. R., xlv. Bora : a camel load: Dera Ismail Khan. Borto: a ropa (); Bashahr: Gloss., I, p. 347. Botbal: a widow who has romarried '; a woman who has had a son by a Rajput but is not subsequently married by his brother: Gloss., III, p. 67. Cf. Chhatrora and Dhudl. Bowara: a system of mobilizing labour for harvest work: SS. Bashahr, 50. Brayah : a plot of land kept fallow in Autumn: Ch., 224. Bres: a grain, Fagopyrum esculentum, grown on the higher uplands. It is ground into meal: Ch., 202, 204 and 222. Brimi : the female of the Ja, q. v. Buba : a gift made to the bride by the boy's father after her betrothal: Gloss., I. p. 791. Bujky: a shortened form of regular marriage used in Brahmaur;= janef in Churah : Ch., 127 Buk: a double handful : D.I.K. Bukhal: lucky child, a girl born after three boys : Gloss., I, p. 744. Bur: Ar. (burnus ?), a cloak: B., 151. Chabona : roasted gram : Simla, S. R., xli. Chabra: a variety of buckwheat : 88. Bashahr, 48. Chach: = Chhach, q. v. Chad : a present in money and kind given to the bride ; Cf. eodj: Ch., 128. Chadar Badal : fictitious sisterhood effected by exchanging shawls : Gloss., I, p. 905. Syn. Oshnd-badal. Cf. Challa-badal. Chadha : sedentary ; --dha, cross-legged; see Chudda : Ch., 138, Chairu: a blanket : SS. Bashahr, 42. Chahr: a cess levied for the watchman : SS. Baghahr, 72. Chak : (? Chh- ), a daily wago equal to a meal for three men : SS. Jubbal, 19. Chak khant : lit. eating food,' a visit paid by the father of a boy to his plancde's house to confirm the betrothal : Ch., 157. Chaka kaln: income from the lease of State quarries : Suket, 42. Chakera : gum of the Bauhinia relusa ; semla : Sirmur, 5. Chakhre : hornbeam : Ch., 236. Cf. Chakri. Chakli: a coppar coin current in Chamba ; = {th of an anna : Ch., 73 Chakmak: a steel for striking light : SS. Bashahr, 42. Chakpora : (?-pur), hornbeam, Carpinus viminea : Ch., 240. Chakri : hornbeam, Carpinus faginea : Ch., 240. Chikrl: Misl , personal corvee, SS. Bashahr, 71. Chakrunds : a cash payment made by a begaru in lieu of forced labour : Ch. 280. Chals-muklawa, in Gurgaon : Gloss., I, p. 816. Cf. Challa in Karnal, ib., p. 899. Chaliswan : the ceremony of the 40th' day after death, but observed on various earlier days : Gloss., I, p. 886. Challa-badal bahin: a sister made by exchange of rings : Gloss., I, p. 916.

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MAT, 1923) CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY 183 Chamang: a generic term for shoemakers, weavers and the like; of. Domang : SS. Bashahr, 22. Chameri: typhus : Mandi, 18. Chanda : fold of & turban: B. 194 and 187. Cf. P. D. 185. Chandni-da-gawan : singing of songs in the open air on moonlight nights by girls (in the Ubha): B., 202. Chandrainan: (moon') -khawan, lit. "to eat the moon '; an observance in which & son-in-law takes his meals in his father-in-law's house when he visits him to congratulate him on the new moon in the lunar month after his betrothal : B., 104. Chandwa : & wheel made of stioks but without a rim, used at the Shivratri : SS. Bashahr, 29. Changa (? or) barmi: yew, Taxus baccata : Ch., 240. (2) a seal or mark, made on a layer of earth placed over a grain-heap : SS. Kuthar, 7. Changar: high-lying land : SS. Nalagarh, 11. Channa arta : a ceremony on the third day of the Koyidan, in Peshawar : Gloss., I, p. 832. Channi jorna : to test a bridegroom's skill in marksmanship, by hanging a channi in a doorway: Gloss., I, p. 799. Chanwand :? Chara : Syringa emodi : Ch., 239. Charairi: & swallow or swift : Ch., 37. Charotri: an ornament worn round the waist : B., 112. Charva : food supplied to a trade tribunal: SS. Bashabr, 62. Chath : the occupation rite of a new house : Gloss., I, p. 913. Chati: a large pitcher also used as a churn : B., 196. Chatti: a basket, to hold 2 sers : Simla, S. R., xlvi. Chatti: the rite observed on the 6th day after a birth : Gloss., I, pp. 768-70, 778-9. Chaubagla: a pleated coat : SS. Kumharsain, 13. Chaugharia mahurat, : lucky hours; also called Zakki, which is probably for Ar. zakd, even,' as opposed to odd. Cf. Chaughara, 'four-sided ': P.D., 201. Chaukannl: peaked : B, 194. Chaukhand : a son born to a widow within the four oorners of her deceased husband's house, and so deemed his legitimate heir, no matter how long he was born after the husband's death: Ch., 128. Chauntra: an official in charge of a group of several bhojas, corresponding to a zasl. dar: Sirmur, 63. Chagsingha: a kind of deer : Sirmar. 7. Chautha: quartan fever : Suket, 2. Chawal: an oath sworn against the authority of an official, called Gatti elsewhere, in the lower hills : SS. Bilaspuri, 2. Chehll: the midday meal: Sirmor, 58. Cf. Cheli in III. Chela n= dastarbandi: in Pasrllr (Sialkot)! Chelki: pl. -fan, Charotri : B. 112. Cher: a pheasant : Sirmar, 7. Chers :-shi, a cess levied to provide goats and sheep for the Shivratri festival and the valuries of State officials : SS. Kumharsain, 19-20 and 8. Chera : a large vessel ; Simla Hills : Gloss., I, p. 450. Cheunta : add in III: = Chunta, 9.0. Chhach (b): buttermilk; hence Chh&chhehar, & collector of oil and ghi : SS. Kumharsain, 20. Chhagana : a sister by mutual adoption, as dearer six times than a sister by birth : Gloss., I, p. 907.

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124 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY F MAY, 1927 Chhahu : axe : Mandi, 43. Chhakri : a game played with cowries on a cross figure marked on wood, a stone or the ground : Ch., 211. . Chhaku: a day labourer: SS. Bilaspur, 15. Cf. Chak. Chhal : - Bakli q. . Chhall : maize, = kukri or makki: Simla, S. R., xxxix. Chhamohani : invitation, Bashahr: Gloss, I, p. 346. Chbanan: rice and dried fruits cooked together := girdhi : B., 108. (To be continued.) BOOK NOTICES. HELLENIAM in Ancient India, by Dr. G. N. BAN not afraid of cros-examination and gives his autho ERJEE, Lecturer on Egyptology and Oriental rities in a series of admirable bibliographies atHistory, Caloutta University. Second Edn. tached to each section of his work. These are BUTTERWORTE AND CO., Caloutta and London not always as complete as they might be, but ab It says much for Dr. G. N. Banerjee's handling any rate one does know exactly on what he bases of this important subject that his book has gone the faith that is in him. In this way he has to a second edition in the year suoceeding the produced a work that is a credit to him and his appearance of the first. It is wide to a bewilder. University. ing extent and demands for its adequate treatment The results of his detailed study of his subjeot A matured knowledge of many of those studies Dr. Banerjee sums up in a single sentence : " Greece that make up the "humanities." Dr. Banerjee has played & part, but by no means & predo. has shown himself to be not afraid of tackling any minant part, in the civilisation of ancient India." part of it. One is not disposed to quarrel with him in this Taking Hellenism to be the spread of Greek general view. It is in the details that the interest culture and the Hellenes to be the people who lies, and here I would like to quote again and again accepted the Greek mode of life, and contemplating from his pregnant pages; but obviously in the story of the give-and-take conflict of centuries "review" one should leave the reader to Dr. Ban. between Greece and the lands intervening between erjee's paragraphs themselves. I will merely it and India, and also of the lands within their content myself with remarking that, however respective borders in Ancient times, one cannot much one may be disposed to disagree with the but say that primd facie the reciprocal influence individual opinions expressed by Dr. Banerjee, must have been very great. How far that in. his book is well worth & scholar's examination. fluence can be said to have been actually felt a R. C. TEMPLE. regards India is the riddle that Dr. Banerjee has set himself to solve, so far as a solution is possible. A GRAMMAR OF THE CHHATTISGARHI DIALECT OF He has not shirked his task and considers it from HINDI, by HIRA LAL KAVYOPADHYAYA, transall points of view-architecture, sculpture, paint- lated by SIR GHORGE GRIEESON, revised and ing, coinage, astronomy, mathematics, medicine, enlarged by PANDIT LOCHAN PRASAD KAVYA. writing, literature, drama, religion, philosophy, VINOD under the supervision of RAL BAHADUR mythology, fables and folklore. The view is HIRA LAL. Calcutta, 1921. oomprehensive enough in all conscience and its A good many competent people have obviously study is history in excelsio. Such A width of had a hand in the production of this Grammar of view demands an enormous amount of varied 225 pp. of a modern dialect of Hindi spoken in reading and what is more, an unusual capacity the Chhattisgarh Division of the Central Provinces. for absorption and assimilation of what is read Chhattisgarhi is the Southern of the three dialects Dr. Banerjee has grasped his nettles with a firm of Eastern Hindi, which is itself the successor of hand and has honestly attempted to crush out of the Ardha-Magadhi Prakrit current in the country them all that they have to give him. He has (Oudh) between the Sauraseni and Magadhi Prakrite his opinions, but he states his grounds fairly, and ! It is nearly allied to the Bagheli dialect of Eastern though exports may find what appear to them to Hindi of Baghelkhand and Bundelkhand. It is be flaws in apprehension and deduction, yet he is known as Lariya to the Uriyas and also as Khal Ho transparently honest and fair that his views tAhi when spoken by the people of the Chatte and offorts cannot but command respect. He is garh plains (Khaloti).

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May, 1923] BOOK NOTICES 125 Chhattisgarhi as the definite dialect of about hope that "worthy biographies" of himself and four and a half millions of people is quite modern, his father will yet be produced. As Mr. Hender. having arisen in the 17th century A.D. "The son remarks, there must be unworked sources of oldest and only inscriptional record" on stone information still available in Mysore, and I may is at Dantewara in the Bastar State, dated 1703 ; add elsewhere, among relics " looted" and brought but in the 17th century Prahlad Dabe of Sarangash to England from the fall of Seringapatam. Mr. wrote an historical poem, the Jayachandrika, Henderson quotes from Meadows Taylor, who, containing, among other dialectic terms, words in his Tippoo Sultaun (fiction) puts the following in pure Chhattisgarhf. Of late, however, there description of him into the mouth of one of his has been a move to create a literature for the dialect. and hence no doubt the call for a Grammar. That characters (p. x) :it has been well set forth in the present work is "He was a great man-such an one as Hind guaranteed by the names on the titlo page. will never see again. He had great ambition. R. C. TEMPLE. wonderful ability, perseverance, and the art of leading men's hearts more than they were aware SOURCES FOR THE HISTORY OF VIJAYANAGAR, by of, or cared to acknowledge ; he had patient apGURTY VENKAT RAO, M.A. Oxford University plication, and nothing was done without his sancPress: Bombay, Calcutta, Madras, 1922. Re. tion, even to the meanest affairs, and the business printed from the Journal of Indian History. of his dominions was vast. You will allow he February 1922. was brave, and died like a soldier. He was kind This little pamphlet of 18 pp. contains the roeult and considerato to his servants, and a steady of very wide reading and is a credit to its author friend to those ho loved. Mashalla ! he was a and to the Allahabad University, of which he is . great man." Meadows Taylor, T'ippoo Sultaus, p. 450. & research scholar in the Historical Department. It we add that he was austere, simple and abThe results of an examination of a great number of stemious in his private life, we have here a view of papers, pamphlets and books are set down in a him that is supported by more recent research. lucid and admirably brief manner, and the authority Haidar 'Ali and his son show in their coins the for every statement is carefully given. It is ex different circumstances in which they lived, giving actly what the title says it is: a reliablo guide to once more an illustration of how coine do reflect the Sources of Vijayanagar history--the history of history. Haidar 'Ali, the military adventurer, an Empire of which every South Indian Hindu had to be very careful to alter as little as possiblo must be proud, for it kept back the tide of Muham. the coinage already current in the dominions he madan aggression for 200 years and finally, through carved out for himself in Hindu Mysore and neighits heirs, prevented it from overwhelming the South. bourhood, in order to preserve their currency This little book will be of value to every student, intact, and so the Muhammadan usurper of a and is a worthy companion to Professor Krishna mirister-ridden kingdom imitated the local Hindu swami Aiyangar's work on the same subject. coins, acting merely the initial of his name R. C. TEMPLE. JA (tiger), and only doubtfully got as far as a THE COINS OF HAIDAR ALI AND TIPU SULTAN, by full Persian inscription in his later years. J. R. HENDERSON, C.I.E., formerly Superin- The real interest in this collection of coins lice tendent, Madras Government Museum, Madras in those of Tipu Sultan-the strongly established Government Press, 1921. Muhammadan ruler, the lover of change, unable This valuable numismatio monograph is much to hide his masterful pride of powerlue from more than mere description of the coins struck twelve Hindu mint towns, to which he gave fanci. by these two important monarchs, representing ful new-fangled Persianised names. These mint the interesting mixed Arabo-Indian race of the towns, by the way, once more show the propriety Navayats, whose charactors have come down in of testing the spread of a conqueror's power by English historical accounts in an unfortunately the geographical extension of his mints. He soon garbled form, as they were enemies to be fought founded a new era, the Maladi, which was in effoct under circumstances most serious to the nascent the existing Hindu Sixty Year Cycle with Arabio power of the East India Company. It is unwise names substituted for the old Hindu names, to to accept unhesitatingly the character of any bygone the great puzzlement of writers on the subject, king from the estimates of contemporary enemies. 88 Mr. Henderson explains. Incidentally, the R.., Tipu was anything but a monster of iniquity change greatly puzzled the die-sinkers and led to in real life, and I heartly ondorse Mr. Henderson's many errors on the coins themselves. * Thero is an account of Tipu in the Journal of the Mythic Society, Bangalore, vol. X., No. 1, pp. 12- (Oot. 1919).

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126 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY MAY, 1923 Tipu went much further in puzzling posterity. He Tipu divided his coinage into sixteen categories. einployed both the Abjad API and Atithi ll to all of which, excepting one, the gold fanam, systems of the Arabs in enumerating his cyclic he gave fanciful Arabic names indicating-though not by name-its official value. In this way he years. Ho next adopted "two systems of no issued four gold coins of 1, 2 and 4 pagodas and menclature" for naming the months of the year, the fanam; 7 silver of 1 and 2 rupees and of and ho also, at the end of his reign, adopted the hall to a 32nd part of the rupee, and 6 copper of device of lettering his years from the Arabic 1 and 2 pice and of topice. Alphabet, getting, however, only as far as the first All this, and a good deal more, together with for letters beforo he was killed at Soringapatam I much detail of the minta and coins themselves, in 1227 Mauludi = 1799 A.D. All this, as may be will be found in Mr. Henderson's valuable monoimagined, caused still further mistakes by the graph, to which is attached a good bibliography. die-sinkere. Truly a puzzling coinage. R. C. TEMPLE. NOTES AND QUERIES. " FORM FOURS" OF INDIAN ORIGIN Perhaps somo ovolution of this sort was contem The following letter, which appeared in The plated by an order issued in the Carnatic, Janu7'imes Literary Supplement of July 6th, 1922, ro. ary 4, 1783, after Coote's departure. This directed garding the "Origin of Forming Fours," is publigh- that when the line of march was to be shortened, ed here in the hope that some reador may be able the files would "double up." This, I take it, to throw more light on this interesting point means that two files would march abroast. In 1783 THE ORIGIN OF FORMING FOURS. this was only an occasional formation ; but in 1790 Sir.-In his recent "Life of Cooto," Colonel I find, "The line will move off four-deep from the Wylly alludes to an interesting point in the evolu- left." This looks as if the line fell in two-deep, tion of tactics. At p. 198 he notices Coote's intro. then formed four-deep. and turned into fou cluction of the two-deep formation at Madras in Again, in the same year, the Army was to "march December, 1780. He ornits, however, to observe in double files formed from the centre of comper that within a month Coote was ordering his men nies." In 1791 " the whole marches off ...in one to fall in three-deep (G.O., Camp near Karanguli, column from the left, the files doubled as usual." January 22, 1781). His original order for the Does this mark the beginnings of our familiar two-deep formation was reposted, July 1, 1782, and column of fours January 4, 1783. But Fullarton says it remained H. DOD WELL. the common custom to draw up Sepoys threecleep; and this is confirmed by a Madras order of NOTES FROM OLD FAOTORY RECORDS. July 28, 1785, mentioning distinctive clothing for 43. Laying out Boundaries, 1691. the front, contre, and rear raaks. In 1787, how 161 June 1694. President and Council of Fort ever, an order direots the regulations of the British St. George to Governor of Fort St, David. Sundo Army to be followod by all troops save that the Ballogee [Sundar BAIAJI) woo hear is reduced to sen will fall in two-doop "as at present." great want and lives within your bounds. He was Under correction, I suggest that there was evi. once ordered a monthly allowance in consideration dently a good deal of hesitation about definitely of his service in lying out of your bounds by the adopting the two-doop formation, and that this Random Shott, wherein he was kind and may be was due to the fact that no convenient maroh an usefull man if you can keep him true to your formation had been invented. The custom was interest. Unless you know any good Roason to As Fullarton says--to march by files, and, when the men were only two denp, this made an unduly the contrary you may employ him as Surveigher prolonged line of march. This perhaps explains of the bounds and fields and Vebear (wazir, the tendency to revert to the three-doop line. overseer) of planting. Whereby you may make Fullarton suggests BS & remedy a march-formation A considerable emprovement by planting treen in five columns in the form of a quincunx. But propper for growing in the moore barran placer that had the disadvantage of being possible only and you may allow Sando Ballageo monthly in the most open country. The roal solution was payment as you shall find he deserves not exceedfound-as most of us know by personal experi ing 8 Pagodos Per Month.-(Letters from Fort St. onco-by doubling the files, either by the process George, Vol. 22.) of forming fours or by some clumsier method. R. C. TEMPLE 1 The term "random" originally meant the full range of a gun, its modern meaning of haphazard coming later. Therefore the services held worthy of reward consisted in good shooting at the boundary, hy which the utmost limit possible in favour of the company was secured.

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JUNE, 1923] A KOLI BALLAD A KOLI BALLAD. By S. M. EDWARDES, C.S.I., C.V.O. SOME years ago one of my Hindu friends in Bombay drew my attention to a doggerel verse in Marathi which was popular among the Christian Koli fishermen inhabiting the old Koliwada of the Mandvi area, which lies just north of the Arthur Crawford Market. The verse transliterated in English runs as follows: Nakhwa Koli jat bholi Ghard madhye dravya mahamar Topiwalyane hukum kela Batliwalyachya barabar. This may be roughly translated as follows:"Seaman Koli of simple mould Hath in his house great store of gold; Lo! at the order of Topiwala Koli is peer of Batliwala." Further enquiry showed that the verse was known to other lower-class Hindus in Bombay besides the Kolis, and that it was a fragment of a ballad which commemorated a chance meeting of a former Governor of Bombay, a Parsi millionaire (Sir J. Jijibhai, whose family name was originally Batliwala) and the Patel or headman of the Kolis of Mandvi. The whole of the ballad, in its original form, had been lost; but about 1880 an old Koli, named Antone Dhondu Nakhwa, composed a new version embodying the quaint story which formed the gist of the original. This version, which fifteen years ago was regularly sung on the occasion of festivals in the Patel's family and is possibly still in vogue, runs as follows: zrI. puNyavaMta puNyazIla pATela juraNa koLI gunI gunavAna / dhadAtA koLIvaMzI sAttADa maulA ThIkANa // 2 // muMbaI zaharI bAhera koThI phoTovAcA Ahe gurUgAra / juna pATela pATela koLI lokAMcA saradAra || nyAya insAphI anumatAne vAle jaise sAcovAra / paMcAmadhyeM pAle pAlagIrIcA adhikAra sera. // eke divazI vaise bArIyA paTela surana doSa jana bolata hote doghe pATalAce parA AlI mArI sAheba gavharacI gADI tethe jhaTakana / vuThe vArIyA donhI haste rAmarAma karI namana // nAhIM buTe surana pATela tetheM baisalA saThAna / dharmaMdAtA* // 2 // 127 . vArIyAsI mhaNe gavharnara koNa koLI Ahe gunInana / mhaNe vArIyA bAsI lakSmI Ahe prsn| dara roja phanyAnI moja mojUnI dravya vALavito dhana / apAra dravya koThAre bharabharunI ThevI khana //

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128 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY sera, kaI yeka jana joDyAsI mena lAvunI gharI cAlata Ahe / paisA vAluna punhA Thevuna kamatI nase vATata Ahe // nati nema sukavata ase nase kadA khuTata Ahe / sadA lakSmI bharabharunI koThAre bharata Ahe || gahanerAsI mhaNe vArIyA dravyAcI Ahe hI khAna dharmaMdAtA0 / / 2 / / jhAlA aikUna sAheba mhage pATela jI aikaave| vipula bhAMDAra bharale kitI Ahe te sAMgAve // pATela mhaNe dravya tujalA hAve titake neUna pahAve / mApa lAvUnI gADyA dravyAcyA bharUna nyAve // [ JUNE, 1923 sera, sAttADa molyA kIllyAparyaMta lAvilI gADIcI hAra / jhAlA cakita gavharnara mhaNe mAga karIto jamInadAra || pATela mhaNe kAMhIM nako AnIka dravya neI apara / cAMdIce kaule ghAlaNyAsa hukUma dyAvA jI sarakAra / / nAhIM hukUma deta gadara tAMbyAcI karI maar| dharmAdAtA0 // 3 // mhaNe gavharnara aika pATelajI tAMbyAcI pAMca kaulAra / hukUma deto tulA bharAvayAsI adhikAra // nova rAhIla kIrtI gAIla jana loka tujhe phAraM / koLI pATela DaMkA vAjela tujhA anivAra / / sera. bharatakhaMDa nAMva ADa caya mulakhI garjata rAhI / murtI rAhI kIrtI naca kadApi na jAI / / dhoMDu tanaye aMtona gAIye kavana karIne tyAcI ravAI / motyAcI paDhana hIre ratana jIle ThAI ThAI | hAtI gheUni caMgaraMga karI daMga inAsa turA nIzAna / dhamadAtA 0 // 4 // This rendering of the old tradition by Antone Dhondu may be roughly translated as follows: "In Sattad Moholla lived the virtuous and saintly Juran Koli. Beyond the Fort walls lies gay Koliwada, where Juran is the leader of the Kolis. Fair and just, like a well-ground soimitar, Juran wields his authority as Patel in the panchayat. "One day Juran Patel and the wadia were sitting and gossiping on the verandah of the Patel's house, when suddenly the carriage of H. E. the Governor passed by. Up rose the Parsi and made profound salutation-Juran however remained stolidly seated and showed no sign of recognition. "Who is this worthy Koli?" enquired the Governor of the wadia; and the latter replied, "He is the special favourite of Lakshmi; for daily he spreads his piles of gold to dry, measuring them with the phara: his cellars bulge with wealth; his riches are beyond compare.

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JUNE, 1923) A KOLI BALLAD 129 "Many coat the soles of their shoes with wax and trample over his hoard; but the pile of wealth never dries; never is he short of money : he goes on drying his gold and silver in full measure and never misses a coin, for Lakshmi ever fills his cellars. He is in truth a real mine of riches." The Governor in wonder then turned to Juran Patel and asked him how much wealth he possessed, and the Patel answered:"Take away as much as you can by measure and by cartload." "Straightway the carts are collected : they stretch in unbroken line from Sattad to the Fort. The Governor, amazed at so much wealth, cried " Only express the wish and I will make you a Zamindar." But the Patel declined the honour, and added "My Lord, take away as much as you will; I only ask your permission to roof my house with silver tiles." The Governor demurred and suggested the use of Copper tiles instead. "Henceforth it shall be the special privilege of your family to use five copper tiles. This will make you famous, and songs will be sung in your honour: your name, O Koli Patel, will be more widely known than by the beating of a battaki." "Though he is dead, the name of Juran Patel is known throughout India. His fame will never die. This ballad in his honour was composed by Antone, son of Dhondu. Let us sing it, and let Enas (i.e., Ignatius, son of Antone) decorated with pearls and diamonds, with the banner in his hand and the pipes in his mouth, make you merry." Antone's verses require some elucidation. In the first place it will be observed that the Parsi. who is called Batliwala in the original verse, is identified by Antone Nakhwa with one of the Wadias. The surname Batliwala is certainly that of the family of Sir Jam. shedji Jijibhai ; but among the lower-classes of Bombay, as I pointed out a few years ago in my Byways of Bombay, the word has become a synonym for millionaire, just as 'Shankarshet' has crept into use as the equivalent of rich and prosperous.' It is quite possible that Antone Nakhwa is correct and that the Parsi who figures in the Koli tradition was a member of the rich and well-known Wadia family, which was so closely connected with the Indian Government of old days as ship-builders and dockmasters in Bombay. Sattad, ie, Seven Brab-trees, which still lives in the Sattad Street of the modern municipal section of Mandvi, was for many years a well-known landmark and figured in 1793 as one of the portions of the disorderly area known as 'Dungree and the woods 'which were controlled by special police chaukis. The old Koliwada, which has now been shorn of its original character by the operations of the City Improvement Trust since the beginning of the twentieth century, was one of the original settlements of the Bombay Kolis, the earliest inhabitants of the Island, and was situated a good deal nearer the shore of the harbour, before the great reclamation carried out by the Frere Company and the building of the modern docks and quays changed the whole character of the eastern foreshore. That Juran Patel was a wealthy man has been proved of late years by the constant apnaarance of his name in the old doouments and title-deeds relating to the properties acquired by the Improvement Trust in and around Mandvi. His total lack of education and his superstitious belief may have been responsible for the practice, attributed to him in the Ballad. of spreading his piles of money out to dry, in the same way that he and the Kolis in general spread the fish out to dry in the sun. According to the Kolis of to-day, Juran Patel's house was one of the few really strong houses in Bombay at the period of his prosperity, the walls being built upon an iron framework and the 'cellar,' which contained his piles of money.

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130 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY JUNE, 1923 being almost as stout as a modern safe. The origin of these cellars in Mandvi Koliwada is obscure ; but I have suggested in Byways of Bombay that they were originally the colouring-ponds of the Koli fisherman, which, as building progressed and overcrowding began to be felt in the middle of last century, were enclosed with brick walls, roofed with tiles, and utilized as store-rooms. No more plausible explanation has hitherto been suggested. The precise identity of the Governor in the ballad has not been definitely determined ; but as Juran Patel flourished in the middle of the nineteenth century, one may assume that the reference is either to Viscount Falkland (1848-1853) or to Lord Elphinstone (1863-1860). The copper tiles, it is perhaps needless to add, have disappeared and now belong to the realm of tradition rather than of fact. But the story of their having once been fixed to the roof of Juran Patel's house is still cherished and firmly believed by the Mandvi Kolis of the twentieth century. In 1906 the house in Dongri Street, in which Mahadev Dharma Patel, then headman of the Kolis, resided, was said to be the very house to which the tiles were once affixed, and local wiseacres declared that after they had been removed from the roof, they were fastened in a prominent position to the wall of the house and were preserved as a kind of family escutcheon. No trace of them now remains. But the ballad describing their origin still exists and, as I have pointed out elsewhere, seems to emphasize the bond of friendship which existed from the earliest days between the aboriginal fisher-folk, the Parsi pioneers of commerce and the English Government in Bombay. SOME DISCURSIVE COMMENTS ON BARBOSA. As edited by the late M. LONGWORTH DAMES.3 BY SIR RICHARD O. TEMPLE, Bt. (Continued from page 98.) Volume II. The second volume contains Barbosa's remarks on the Coasts of Malabar, Eastern India to Bengal, Further India, China and the Malay Archipelago, and incidentally, of many other parts of the South-Eastern Asiatic Continent. It is a worthy successor of the first volume, and Dames in editing it had the good fortune to meet with invaluable assistance at the hands of Mr. J.A. Thorne, whose personal knowledge of the Malabar Coast and its people is unrivalled, and of Mr. W. H. Moreland, especially in the matter of the identification of the "City of Bengala." Here again the early date of Barbosa as a European traveller, his closeness and accuracy of observation, his extraordinary knowledge of the people he lived amongst, and his capacity for obtaining good information regarding their neighbours, combined with his editor's invaluable notes, make this volume, too, of an unusual importance, which I can now but merely indicate. Geography. Following Barbosa in his wanderings round the coast of India, which start from the Country of the Zamorin of Calicut on the South-Western Coast, we come first upon his wonderful account of the Zamorin and the manners and customs of his Court and people of all classes and kinds, and upon the extraordinarily valuable notes of Messrs. Dames and Thorne there. on. But being just now in the domain of geography rather than of ethnography, I must 3 The Book of Duarte Barbosa, Translated from the Portuguese text, first published in 181 2. Edited and annotated by M. L. Dame, Vol. I, 1918; Vol. II, 1921. London: Hakluyt Society.

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JUNE, 1923 ] SOME DISCURSIVE COMMENTS ON BARBOSA 131 overcome the strong temptation to descant upon them here at length and proceed to wander with Barbosa as he proceeds down the Coast to the "Kingdom of Cananore," and mentions a number of local place-names, which are mostly identified with much skill and ingenuity. Among these, I would suggest that the form of the name of the river called "Miraporam," and identified with the Nileshwaram, sounds as if Barbosa's informant meant by that term & river named after a village or town called then Mirapura or something like it, which may or may not be still traceable. It may even have been the name of some temporary petty State, ag on it stood " & seaport of Moors and Heathen, a place of much trade and navigation, where dwells another of his [King of Cananore's) nephews, who often rises against him, and the King again brings him under his power." A note by Mr. Thorne on p. 80 in this connection gives one cause to think. He remarks on Maravel (Madayi) that "there are no Jews there now, but a Jew's tank (Chala Kulam) exists on the hill near the Travellers' Bungalow." The fact that Chuld and the like in 8. Indian names may refer to the Jews and not to the ubiquitous Cholas (Chulia, etc.) is well worth remembering. On p. 82 Mr. Thorne has an identification of note in annotating Cotaogatto, the Spanish form of Birboza's Quotezatam (Kottayam). He says it represents "the oblique case" of the nam Kottayam, which is "Kottayakath, hence Kottioth or Cotiote of the Tellicherry factors." This statement is well worth bringing into prominence as an explanation of European form of West Coast nam 33, which have long puzzled enquirers, myself included. Another good instance is Chiliate (Barboza), Ash-Shaliyat (Ibn Batuta) from the oblique form Ch gliyath of the name Chaliyam (p. 87). And another delightful instance of Barbosa's nomenclature is Tirangoto for Tiruvankodu, the obscure village which gave its name to the modern State of Travancore. In discussing Cochin and other places in South India, Barbosa constantly alludes to the native Syrian Christians, whom he calls Armenians by the way, and their legend of St. Thomas. He repeats the story of the foundation of St. Thomas' Church by a miracle, reported as having occurred in several places, including Mirapolis by Marignolli (c. 1345). Mirapolis for Mailapur, now a part of Madras town, is a fine instance of metathesis and folk. etymology. Barbosa's allusions on this subject are all interesting and valuable, and incidentally he says that they called the Apostle "Matoma," i.e., by a title, Mar (or Bar) Toma, such as Syrian and Neatorian Christians would naturally give him. On p. 131 Dames gives Correa's account of the investigation in 152! into the relics of St. Thomas, "who was reported by country folk to have been called Tanimudolyar," interpreted as "Thomas, the servant of God." - Mudaliyar means in Tamil the first or highest," and the expression would thus mean "Thomas the Great." It is a common title assumed by certain castes and professions in the South. We now pass on to the Cape of Cumeri or Cape Comorin, so named from Kumari, the S. Indian pronunciation of Kumari, the Virgin Goddess, i.e., Durga or Kali, to whom there is a well known temple there. One MS. of Barbosa has a remarkable statement here: "At this Cape Comory there is an ancient Church of Christians which was founded by the Armenians [Syrians, Nostorians), who still direct it and perform in it the Divine Service of Christians, and have crosses on the altars. All mariners pay it a tribute and the Portuguese cel&brate mass there when they pass. There are there many tombs, amongst these is one which has written on it a Latin epitaph: Hic jacet Catuldus Gulli filius qui obiit anno.. So precise & statement as this should be capable of corroboration, but I have not met with any in the authorities open to me, old or now. It has been suggested that as the Portuguese used every

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132 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [June, 1923 effort to put down the activities of the Syrian Christians, the church mentioned may have ceased to exist, even in the 17th century. But in regard to the fact that practically all Indians revere tombstones, the remains of such may even now be found to exist, if sought for, and their foundations may be discovered. After a passing allusion to the Laccadives and Maldives, with an error as to their number and Eastern or Southern extension, copied into many a map and book of travels afterwards, Barbosa reaches Ceylon (Ceilam). The chief interest in this part of the book lies in the notes that his account draw forth; e.g., I cordially agree with that on the varying forms of the name of the Island ainong ancient and medieval travellers based on the Sanskrit form Siuhala-dv pa and the Tamil form Ilain, producing such diverse corruptions thereof as Sielidiba, Tonarisim, Tranate and Hibonaro. It is interesting to note, too, that it was the quality of the cinnamon in Ceylon that took the Portuguese there, just as it was the cost, under the Dutch monopoly, of pepper in Europe, a very valuable culinary commodity before sugar became generally available, that took the English to the " South Seas," and thence to India. On the well-known name Adam's Peak, Dames has an illuminating note, pp. 117-118, commenting on Barbosa's term Adombaba :-"Barbosa probably heard the phrase Adam Babi used of Buddha by Muhammadans. I have myself heard the God Siva called Baba Adam in Northern India, and the identification of one of the leading gods with Adam may have come down from the Buddhist period." I am tempted to support this with an instance to the opposite effect. The name Buddha Makan (Buddha's House) for well-known Muham. madan sailors' shrines on the Northern and Eastern Coasts of the Bay of Bengal, notably at Akyab on the Arakan Coast and at Mergui on the Tenasserim Coast, arises out of a corruption, through local Buddhist influence combined with folk-etymology, of the name of the great sailors' saint, Badru'ddin Aulia, whose chief shrine is at Chittagong. So Badr Maqam became Buddha Makan. Dames' explanation of " Adam's Peak" explains also "Adam's Bridge," the com. paratively recent, geologically speaking, natural causeway of rock nearly closing the channel between Ceylon and India. Indeed the two terms mutually explain each other. The Hindus have always connected the " bridge" with the story of the Ramayana, and to them it is the dam or made bridge, the barrage par excellence, the ordinary term for which in the Indian "Aryan "languages is band, Anglice, bund. It is thus the Dam of Rama : Tamil, shethu ant setu, or Ramashethu, and alternatively Tiruvanai, Great (or Holy) Barrage or Bridge, Anglicised as Tirvanay. On the Indian end of it has been built perhaps the greatest shrine to Rama in all India, the great temple known as Rameshwaram. The "causeway " has also been Sanskritised as Adigethu, the First or Primeval Bridge. But the rocks have been known to Muhammadan sailors from the earliest days of the old Arabo-Indian trade acquaintance with S.E. India and Ceylon ; i.e., from the days when it created, in the first millennium A.D., those most interesting mixed mercantile Muhammadan races--the Moplahs of the S.W. and the Lubbays of the S.E. Coast of India. And to them, too, the "causeway" was the First, the Principal Bridge, the Bridge of Adam Baba (Father Adam), Adam's Bridge. In dealing with Quilicare (Kilakarai) on the Indian Coast opposite Ceylon, Dames has another of his illuminating notes on the Labbais (Lubbays), the Muhammadanised Tamil Hindus of Ceylon and the extreme South Indian Coast, whom he successfully compared with the Navayats of the Western Indian Coast and S. India (Haidar Ali and Tipu Sultan were Navayats) and to the Mapillas (Moplahs) of Malabar and the Laocadives. There are several such populations in and about the Indian Empire : eg., the Chulias of Burma and the Klings of the Malay Peninsula and Archipelago.

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June, 1923 ] SOME DISCURSIVE COMMENTS ON BARBOSA 133 Barbosa then passes up the East Coast to Paleacatte (Pulicat) and thence to Orissa, or as he calls it Otisa, a neat reference to the vernacular name, which is Odisa or Orisa, showing the two native pronunciations of the palatal (cerebral) sonant as d or r. Pulicat then belonged to Vijayanagar (Bisnaga), and that realm and Orissa were divided by the Udaya. giri hills, which name I suggest is at the root of Barbosa's " mountains called Odirguamalado," i.e., Udayagiri-malai, which may be translated "the Udaya mountain range," giri and malai both meaning "hill " in different vernaculars. In the course of his very valuable note on Pulicat, Dames refers to Fitch's Servidore, whatever may be the modern name " of that place (p. 131). It was on "the old trade route leading from the East Coast to Western India." I am tempted to suggest that Servidore represents Srivattur, for Tiruvattiyur, i.e., Trivetore in the Chingleput District. There is another Trivetore, viz., Tiruvattur in the North Arcot District. Mr. W. Foster, Early Travels in India, p. 16 n., is, however, of opinion that "Servidore" is "a confused form of Bidar, the capital, situated about 70 miles N. W. of Goloonda." There is much to be said for this view. But surely Dames writes in error when he observes that Malayalam is an Aryan language. In the account of Orissa the most interesting point to note is that Barbosa says that it was bounded on the North by "a river called Ganges, but they call it Guorigua," meaning thereby that the boundary river was a ganga or sacred river, viz., the Baitarani. For Guori. gua Dames has one of his happy suggestions, viz., that it is a mistranscription of the MS. and should be read Guangua, i.e., Ganga. Barbosa then goes on to "Bengala " which induces Dames to plunge into the old controversy as to the identity of the "City of Bengala "at great length and with much acumen. After adverting to the known identifications available to him and his correspondents, he finally arrives at the conclusion that by that name the Portuguese and other early writers meant Gaur, taken together with its ports Satgaon and Sunargaon, and not Dacca. Even now, however, this matter is not at rest, as Mr. Heawood has shown in the Geographical Journal for October 1921, where he inclines to the view held by Yule that the City of Bengala" was Chittagong. I cannot go into the question fully here, but as it has long attracted the attention of Bengali antiquaries themselves, I have been in communication with them, and hope some day to produce their views and arguments for the benefit of Indian enquirers generally. So far as I understand them, their views tend to identify the "City of Bengala" with one of the old ports in Eastern Bengal, notably Sunargaon. While I am on this point I may as well mention that Barbosa refers also to another long discussed geographical point, Lake Chimay or Chiamay, generally held to be mythical. Pinto is one of the chief sources of information, and my experience of him is that the more one knows of the country he happens to be talking about, the more one realises that he is not the liar he has so long been represented to be. No doubt many fanciful tales have been told about a great interior lake, which was called by the early travellers and map-makers, Chimay, or something like it. There is a good deal of confusion as to what the term Chimay, Chiamay represented, as it is applied to a State, a town, a river and a lake. It may well have represented them all, and if so, the State of Chiengmai on the Burmo-Siamese border, the Zimme of the Burmese, at once suggests itself, but whether Zimme is actually represented by the term is too complicated a question for me to enter into here. My main object in alluding to it now is to suggest that for the purpose of useful research, it would be as well to assume that Chimay is the name of some place really in existence, and no myth. Chimay has been given a possible location for Barbosa's Gueos, a tribe that is still a puzzle to enquirers, despite Dames' identification with the Was, on the authority of Sir George .

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134 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1923 Scott. My own impression is that on a critical examination of all the authorities, they will turn out to be Shans. The King of Pegu, whom the early Portuguese met, was by acquired nationality a Talaing, but by descent a Gwe Shan, which fact makes one think. Some have thought the Gueos to be Kachins, i.e., of Tibeto-Burman race. Others that they were Karens, others again, e.g., so great an authority as Sir George Scott, that they were Was, i.e., a branch of the Mon Race, as are the Talaings themselves, whereas Shans and Siamese make up a race of their own. Then there are the Giaos or Giaochis, again a 'Chinese' Wild Tribe (Barbarians), as indeed to the Chinese were all the rest above mentioned. It is clear that this question wants much further examination before settlement than it has yet received. But in these remarks I have been running on rather faster than Barbosa and must hark back to the "Heathen Kingdom of Burma," of which he knew little, as it did not then extend to the coast anywhere, and Dames is quite right as to the tangled history of the region when the early Portuguese voyagers saw it. The people they came across were the Talaings of Pegu and not the Burmese, and it is the Talaing language that is the source of many of the now familiar Further Eastern terms used by Europeans. I have often tried, e.g., in the Thirtyseven Nats and elsewhere, to disentangle the history of what we now call Burma at the time of the arrival of the Europeans in that region. It is not easy to obtain anything like a clear view of the ever-changing political situation of the time, but for practical purposes it may be stated that the ruling races of the period were Talaings in Pegu, mostly under kings of Shan origin from Martaban (1287-1540): Shans in Ava (1364-1554), though the population was Burman: Maghs in Myauku (Myohaung, the Old Town) in Arakan (1426-1784): BurmanShans in Taungu (1470-1530). This last principality, under a great Taungu Burman-Shan ruler, Tabin Shwedi, blossomed into a Talaing Empire, ruling under him and his successors from Pegu (1530-1599). Nevertheless, the several petty powers were always fighting and overturning each other temporarily. The king with whom the first Portuguese came in contact was Binya Ran, a ruler of Talaings who was of Shan origin (1481-1526). All through the hurly-burly of the centuries after the collapse (in 1298) of the Burmese Empire founded by Anawrata about 1010 and ruled from Pagan, Shans of various tribal origin managed to rule in most places-Martaban, Pegu, Pinya, Myinzaing, Sagaing, Taungu, and again in Pegu-without reference to the nationality of the inhabitants. The last Talaing rulers in Pegu, overthrown in 1757 by Alompra (Alaungphaya) the Burman, viz., Mintars Buddhakheti (17401746) and Binya Dala (1746-1757), were Gwe Shans, doubtless of the Gueo tribe mentioned by de Barros and others (see Barbosa II, 167 n.), and already alluded to. It is well worth while to bear such facts as the above in mind in examining the statements of the early Portuguese travellers and writers. The fact that the last "Talaing" Dynasty has come down to us as Gwe Shans raises a rather interesting point. If we are to follow the identification given by Sir George Scott to Dames, and hold the Gueos, and therefore the Gwes, to mean the Wa tribes, then they are not Shans or Laos at all, but must belong to the Mon-Annam race and to the Wa-Palaung group thereof. So Dames' note (vol. II, p. 167) on the Gueos, though helpful, does not solve the question. If, however, the identification is right, it premises that the last Talaing Dynasty came fron a ranch of the same race as that to which the Talaings themselves belonged. In talking of Burma, Barbosa makes a natural slip in stating that "There are no Moors therein, inasmuch as it has no seaport which they can use for their traffic." Muhammadans, under the names of Zairbadi and Panthay or Pathe, have been in Burma proper from long

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JUNE, 1923) SOME DISCURSIVE COMMENTS ON BARBOSA 135 before his day. The former are naturalised, like the Labbais, Navayats and Moplahs of India, and the latter came from Yunnan, where they were found by Marco Polo. When we took Mandalay in 1885, we found about 60 Musalman places of Worship in the city. Passing to geographical notices in the same region, Barbosa, in his account (Spanish version, p. 149) of the Gulf of Martaban, is apparently referring, by the "large island" he describes there, to Belugyun, which so effectually shelters Maulmain from the sea, rather than to the islands of the Mergui Archipelago, south of Tavoy, as Dames seems to suggest. I may also say that Siriam is not on the other side of Rangoon River in relation to Rangoon, but some way nearer its mouth on the same side beyond the junction with the Pegu River. Remains of the Church there and of other buildings were distinctly visible 30 years ago. Barbosa's Dela should be identified, not with Dala (p. 156), but with Dala. In accentuating Burmese place-names the safest general rule to follow is that the accent and the consequent long vowel) is on the ultimate syllable. As regards Macao near Pegu, I made a note some years ago on it which I have unfortunately mislaid. My recollection is that it was on the Pegu River, between its junction with the Rangoon River and Pegu town, and that it has since disappeared owing to river changes. To Dames' note on "Martaban jars" (p. 159), I may add that full information on the subject, with a chronological list of various forms of the names for this once very widely-spread article of commerce, will be found ante, vol. XXIII, pp. 340-341. They are very large, and in days gone by I long used one as a bathing tub. While one is discussing place-names it is interesting to note that Nicolo Conti in the 15th century thought that M@chin (Macinus) meant Burma with its capital at Ava. The name Capelan for the Ruby Mines of Burma has baffled Dames as it has long baffled me, and I would like to draw attention to it here in the hope that some Shan, Palaung or Mon scholar will take it up and settle it. As to Barbosa's Anseam for Siam, rightly or wrongly, I have always held Siam to be the Malay form of some common name, of which the Burmese Hram, pronounced Shan, is another, and that thus Siam and Shan are different forms of the same word. The Siamese, of course, are but & division of the great Shan RaceIn this view the "Moorish," .e., Arab sailors' Anseam, Asion, and so on, would be Arabic As. Siam, borrowed from the Malays, just as Dames justly remarks Arakan represents Ar. Rakhaing, and the same may be said of many another name to which the Arabic al, in its various forms, has been prefixed. In reference to Barbosa's Quedaa for Kedah and the relation of that name to the Arabic word qalai for tin, there is a long note ante, vol. XLVIII, pp. 156-158, collecting examples of the use of the term 'calin' (tin) from c. 920 to 1893 A.D., including examples from old maps of estuaries, towns and villages with the prefix kuala. The information and examples collected confirm the opinion that the earliest navigators knew of more than one place named Kedah. In the Times Atlas, sheet 82, there is both Old Kedah and Kwala, and on the coast of the Malay Peninsula no less than nine entrances to rivers with the prefix Kwala, and three on the coast of Sumatra. Besides these, there are, inland on the Peninsula, as many as six towns and villages shown with the same prefix. Then there is Dr. R. Rost's (Indo-China, 2nd series, vol. I, 1887, pp. 241, 243, map, p. 262) identification of the Chinese Kora (650-656 A.D.) with Kala. It seems to me, therefore, that M. Gabriel Ferrand's investigations require further research before we must accept his identification. Barbosa's detailed account of Malacca draws a long and valuable historical note from Dames, and with regard to the derivation of that namo I may say I am not at all sure that we can safely refer it to the abundance of myrabolan trees in the neighbourhood, for the reason

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13EUR THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JUNE, 1923 that Malaka is not an uncommon village name in the Nicobar Islands. There are two prominent instances which I can recall: one to the east of Car Nicobar and another to the rforth of Nancoyry in Cainorta Harbour. Myrabolan trees are not a product of the Nicobars, so far as I remember; certainly they are not prominent objects. With reference to Dames' note on the Nicobars, I wish to draw attention to three official books here, as they seem, from this note and others by first rate authorities, to be practically unknown. They all give a very full account of the Nicobars from every point of view: (1) Census of India, vol. III. Andamans and Nicobars, 1901. (2) Imperial Gazetteer of India (Nicobars), ed. 1909. (3) Gazetteer, Andaman and Nicobar Islands, Provincial Series, 1909. Az regards the term Nicobar, it means the Land of the Naked People, and is one form out of very many of Nakkavaram, the name by which the islands appear in the great Tanjore Inscription of 1050 A.D. : vide Marco Polo's Necuveran 1292; Rashidu'ddin's Nakwaram, 1300 ; Friar Odoric's Nicoveran, 1322 : all lineal ancestors of 15th and 16th century Portu. guose Nacabar and Nicubar, and of the modern Nicobar (from at least 1650). The people are not, and never have been, quite naked, and the story of the tails, repeated by the Swede Kjocping as late as 1647, has arisen from the appearance of the long streamer attached to the loin cloth, which looks exactly like a wagging tail as the men walk along : see Round About the Andamans and Nicobars, J.R.S.Arts, vol. XLVIII, 1900, p. 105. Passing on to the Malay Archipelago, the early Portuguese name of Jao for the people of Java was in common use for Javanese on the West Coast of India as far as Surat at any rate. And with regard to the origin of the inhabitants of Java and the mainland generally, Daines more than once remarks on their probable northern origin from the highlands of China proper. This migration to the South is still actively traceable among the Kachins for in. stance, and has undoubtedly gone on steadily for ages, as is indicated in all tradition, so far as I have heard it. In the Nicobars, where the inhabitants are "wild Malays," though really, I think, representative of some tribes of Mon origin, the tradition of migration from the North is still traceable in language and story, while the general likeness of Nicobarese to Malagasy struck me most forcibly when studying the latter language. Another general likeness in these migrants from a Northern cradle is to be found in the belief noted by Barbosa (p. 192) that "nothing ought to be over the head." The idea, in varions inconvenient forms, is common to Chinese, Shans, Talaings and Burmese. Until quite recently the essentially democratic Burmese, for instance, often put on an apparently cringing attitude in order to get the head lower than that of a recognised superior, and in many instances the idea affected their domestic building operations, as Barbosa notes that it did in the case of the Javanese. Barbosa's 'white folk ' of the Celebes and Sulu Islands raises a question of more import. ance than seems to have been recognised. Such people have been so often reported in the East and Far East among the Kafirs of the Pamirs, the Kanots of the Himalayas, the fisher. men (Maguvan) of the Malabar Coast, and of Pulo Aor and Pulo Condor of the Far Eastern Islands, the Jakuns of the Malay Peninsula, the Talaings and some Shans and Burmans, and certain tribes in the hinterland of French Extreme Orient, that the whole question is worthy of detailed investigation. For the present we may predicate them to be migrants, originally from the Western Chincso highlands. Returning to the Asiatic Continent, Barbosa calls Champa, now in French Cochin China, a " very great island," probably a mistranslation of some form of the term 'dufpa' which

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JUNE, 1923] SOME DISCURSIVE COMMENTS ON BARBOSA 137 means in old Indian geography a 'continent' as well as an 'island,' when taoked on to the name of a country. See also p. 212, where Barbosa's informant probably meant countries' where he translates islands. Barbosa's last geographical note is on the Lequeos or Liu Kiu Islands, south of Japan. Dames notes that Liu Kiu is Riu Kiu to the Japanese. This is due to a linguistic peculiarity. The Chinese say I where the Japanese say r, and they have a reciprocal difficulty respectively as to pronouncing these sounds; e.g., I have seen written up as an advertisement in Nagasaki for the benefit of sailors : "Good remonade," and my Japanese guide, a fiery little man, on one occasion kept on repeating "You not berieve me," when I differed and correctly) over a time-table. Moreover, an old hawker in Rangoon used to be known by the name of Tili Lupi, his method of pronouncing' three rupees,' the price of an article he frequently sold. In an appendix (pp. 241-4) on De Barros' Decadas (translated) reference is made to the "Cape of Singapura" (? Cabo de Cinguapura) valuable for the origin of the name Singapore, about which much has been hazarded, mostly nonsense. With this last remark I must close these overlong notes on the geography and Far Eastern ethnology to be found in Barbosa's second volume, refraining from descanting on Wagaru and other delightful geographical names on p. 243. In fact, Dames' admirable work contains so much that is valuable and arresting that it is difficult to stop talking about it. Linguistics. I now turn to the question of linguistics raised in vol. II, on which subject I am rather glad that the long-disputed derivation of the name Mount Delly on the Malabar coast of India comes at the very commencement of the volume, because I wish to make a protest against the transliteration of ch for a peculiar South Indian l. It is not Dames' fault that zh has been adopted, but anything more misleading to European eyes and ears, and even it may be said to non-Malayalam Dravidian ears, than zh for the sound, could not have been hit upon. Apparently this l is not a true phonological l, but it is near enough to 1 to be mistaken for one by all ears unaccustomed to the Dravidian languages. Hence, Mount Delly, as the European form of a native name for the first landfall made in India by Vasco da Gama in 1498. If we discard d as a Portuguese grammatical addition, Eli, or something like it, may be taken as the real name. The Arabs called it Haili or Hili, and the h in this form is etymologically important. The Malayalam name sounds to foreigners, including even Tamils, like Eli-mala (mula being "hill"), but it is written with the l, which it is the present fashion to write zh (Ezhi-mala). We see this l in Kolikkod (Calicut), written "scientifically " Kozhikkoa. On the above argument, eli has been taken to mean either "high" or geven." zooording to the lused, and the name to mean "High Hill" or "Seven Hills." A proposal by Burnell to derive it from tali, a temple, and thus to make it mean the Temple Hill, is rather upset by the old Haili or Hill of the Arabs. They might have adopted h for an initial 8, but were not likely to have done so for an initial t. In reference to this peculiar Malayalam I, I would remark also that in the derivations of the terms Malayalam and Malabar respectively, "the language and land of the hills," the alternative form Malayazhma (for Malayalma) for the former rather sticks on the tongue. Mr. Subrahmanya Aiyer, however, would upset all previous derivations in his most interesting and illuminating article in JRAS., April, 1922, on "An Unidentified Territory of Southern India." This Territory he shows to be the land of the Kolattiri Rajas, kings of Kolam, and that there were two Kolams, this one on the banks of the Agalappua!ai river, being called by way of distinction Pandala yani-Kolam, now a station on the South Indian Railway.

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138 THE INDIAN ANTIQUAR [JUNE, 1923 Aiyer's argument is that the land of the Kolettiri Rajas to have been the country of Rimaghata-Mshakesvara, Ramaghata (Ramghat), translating the Dravidian name Iramakulam, and to have been ruled by a dynasty known as the Moshakas or Mshakes. varas who," with their peoplo, appear to have migrated southwards at some ancient time from the region of the Vindhyas. Now the meaning of the Sanskrit mashaka is rat, and it translates the Dravidian eli, and to quote Mr. Subrahmanya Aiyer, " As a rule, the chieftains of the Deccan were lords of one or more divisions (nadu), possessed a favourite hill (malai), and a capital city (ar). The principal hill of the Mashaka king was the Elimalai, his nalu was Iramakudam, and his capital Klam." Therefore, assuming Mr. Aiyer to be right, the real meaning of the Eli in the Portuguese and European Mount Delly (d'Eliis Rat Hill, and not the High Hill nor the Seven Hills. Therefore myself, Dames, Yule, Burnell, and the rest of us have been all wrong. After the manner of India, the Mushakavansa (Mushaka Genealogy) has a legend, according to which the Kshattriya, mother of the first Mashaka king, took refuge from her enemies in a mountain cavern (i.e., in the Elimalai Hill), where she brought forth a son by a Rat-incarnation, a Parvata-raja," as big as an elephant." This son was eventually crowned king of the country in which the "Rat-mountain "stood. The interpretation of Elimalai as the Seven Hills is due, according to Mr. Subrahmanya Aiyer, to Indian and not to European scholiasts, and appears to have come about by the pe. culiar Dravidian ? being used by some of them in writing Eli. He tells us that "the dental ! of the word was sometimes changed into the lingual l which gave rise to the name Saptazaila applied to the Territory in some, Sanskrit works, such as the Keralamahatmya [Ancient History of Kerala, i.e., of Malabar]. Local tradition also perpetuated this name." Burnell's suggestion of tali, a temple, as a possible derivation for eli, seems to have arisen from & statement in the Mushakavamsa that the abode of Parasurama, the classical hero hereabouts, was on the Elimalai, now probably represented, says Mr. Subrahmanya Aiyer," by the modern Ramantalli temple, lying close under the mountain on its western or sea face." After a very valuable note on the legend of the conversion of Cheruman Perumal to Islam, Dames tackles another knotty linguistic question--the derivation of the name Zamorin-with the aid of Mr. Thorne, who gives at great length excellent reasons for finding the origin in Swami-sri, the Excellent Lord, in the place of the hitherto accepted Simudri, Lord of the Seas. So that many of us, including myself, in The Travels of Peter Mundy, vol. III., pt. ii, pp. 269-470 n., will now have to own ourselves corrected. Incidentally, Mr. Subrahmanya Aiyer notes that in the term "Kolnttiri," "the suffix tiri is nothing but an adaptation of fri." This supports Mr. Thorne's derivation of the Portuguese term Zamorin from Swami-sri [through ? Samudri). It would be useful to search loca! MSS. to see if the word has ever been actually written Swamittiri, or Samuttiri, or even Samudri. In the course of comments on Barbosa's description of Cananore as the seat of a Moplah family of note, once well known as that of the "Ali Raja," on which the Editor and Mr. Thorne have several notes, mention is made that the title has been passed on to the Moplah rulers of the Maldives and Laccadives, though repudiated by them. So hybrid an expression as Ali Raja is not prima facie a possible title for a virtually independent Muslim family of importance, and the term requires, in my opinion, further investigation. The first idea that suggests itself is that it refers to Adi Raja (First or Chief Raja) and that it is comparable with the Aji Raja, or rather Aji Saka, the first hero' from India of the Archipelagic Malays of Sumatra and Java. Be that as it may, is it not possible that the Malayalam title Ilaya Raja

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JUNE, 1923 A CHINESE EXPEDITION ACROSS THE PAMIRS, ETC. 139 (Elliah Raja) for the nearest heir to the throne is reflected in the Malabar title? It corresponds to the common yuvaraja of many Hindu States, including Mysore. It was the Jobraj of many Parliamentary questions in the days when the Manipur State was to the fore in general politics about 1890, and was applied by the crowd to the Prince of Wales in Poona and elsewhere when they shouted, "Jubraj Ki jai," Hurrah for the heir! In another corruption from the Pali equivalent upara ja, it becomes the "Upper Roger" of early English visitors to the Court at Pegu. (To be continued.) A CHINESE EXPEDITION ACROSS THE PAMIRS AND HINDUKUSH, A.D. 747.* BY SIR AUREL STEIN, K.C.I.E. (Continued from p. 103.) By disposing his force en echelon from Shighnan to Sarikol, Kao Hsien-chih obtained also a strategically advantageous position. He was thus able to concert the simultaneous convergent movement of his columns upon the Tibetans at Sarhad without unduly exposing any of his detachments to separate attack and defeat by a superior Tibetan force ; for the Tibetans could not leave their position at Sarhad without imminent risk of being cut off from the Baroghil, their only line of communication. At the same time the disposition of the Chinese forces effectively precluded any Tibetan advance either upon Sarikol or Badakhshan. Difficult as Kao Hsien-chih's operations must have been across the Pamirs, yet he had the great advantage of commanding two, if not three, independent lines of supplies (from KashgarYarkand; Badakhshan; eventually Farghana), whereas the Tibetan force of about equal strength, cooped up at the debouchure of the Baroghil, had only a single line, and one of exceptional natural difficulty, to fall back upon. Of the territories of Yasin, Gilgit, Baltistan, through which this line led, we know that they could not provide any surplus gupplies for an army,19 The problem, as it seems to me, is not so much how the Chinese general succeeded in overcoming the difficulties of his operations across the Pamirs, but how the Tibetans ever managed to bring a force of nine or ten thousand men across the Darkot to Sarhad and to maintain it there in the almost total absence of local resources. It is certainly significant that neither before nor after these events do we hear of any other attempt of the Tibetans to attack the Chinese power in the Tarim basin by way of the uppermost Oxus, constant, and in the end guccessful, as their aggression was during the eighth century A.D. The boldness of the plan which made Kao Hsien-chih's offensive possible and crowned it with deserved success must, I think, command admiration quite as much as the actual crossing of the Darkot. The student of military history has, indeed, reason to regret that the Chinese record does not furnish us with any details about the organization which rendered this first and, as far as we know, last crossing of the Pamirs by a large regular force possible. But whatever our opinion may be about the fighting qualities of the Chinese soldier as judged by our standards and there is significant evidence of their probably not having been much more serious in Tang times than they are now-it is certain that those who know the formidable obstacles of deserts and mountains which Chinese troops have successfully faced and overoome during modern times will not feel altogether surprised at the power of resource * Reprinted from the Geographical Journal for February, 1022, 19 Cf. Ancioni Khotan, i. pp. 11 -99.

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140 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1923 and painstaking organization which the success of Kao Hsien-chih's operations indisputably attests in that long-forgotten Chinese leader and those who shared his efforts. The location of Lien-yun near Sarhad, as originally proposed by M. Chavannes, is confirmed by the description of the battle by which the Chinese general rendered himself master of the Tibetan position and of the route it was intended to guard. The three Chinese columns operating, as I have shown, from the west, east, and north, "had agreed to effect their junction on the thirteenth day of the seventh month (August) between seven and nine o'clook in the morning at the Tibetan stronghold of Lien-yun. In that stronghold there were a thousand soldiers ; moreover, at a distance of 15 li (about 3 miles) to the south of the rampart, advantage had been taken of the mountains to erect palisades, behind which there were eight to nine thousand troops. At the foot of the rampart there flowed the river of the valley of Po-le, which was in flood and could not be crossed.20 Kao Hsien-chih made an offering of three victims to the river; he directed his captains to select their best soldiers and their best horses; each man carried rations of dry food for three days. In the morning, they assembled by the river-bank. As the waters were difficult to cross, officers and soldiers all thought the enterprise senseless. But when the other river-bank was reached, neither had the men wetted their standards nor the horses their saddle-cloths. "After the troops had crossed and formed their ranks, Kao Hsien-chih, overjoyed, said to Pien Ling-ch'eng (the Imperial Commissioner): For a moment, while we were in the midst of the passage, our force was beaten if the enemy had come. Now that we have crossed and formed ranks, it is proof that Heaven delivers our enemies into our hands.' He at once ascended the mountain and engaged in a battle which lasted from the ch'en period (7-9 a.m.) to the 88u period (9-11 a.m.). He inflicted a great defeat upon the barbarians, who fled when the night came. He pursued them, killed 5,000 men, and made 1,000 prisoners; all the rest dispersed. He took more than 1,000 horses, and warlike stores and arms beyond counting." The analysis given above of the routes followed by the Chinese columns, and what we shall show below of Kao Hsien-chih's three days' march to Mount T'an-chu, or the Darkot, confirm M. Chavannes in locating the Tibetan stronghold of Lien-yun near the present Sarhad, the last permanent settlement on the uppermost Oxus. It is equally clear from the description of the river crossing that the Chinese concentration must have taken place on the right or northern bank of the Ab-i-Panja, where the hamlets constituting the present Sarhad are situated, while the stronghold of Lien-yun lay on the opposite left bank. Before I was able to visit the ground in May 1906, I had already expressed the belief that the position taken up by the Tibetan main force, 15 li (circ. 3 miles) to the south of Lien: yun, must be looked for in the valley which debouches on the Ab-i-Panja opposite to Sarhad.21 It is through this open valley that the remarkable depression in the main Hindukush range represented by the Baroghil and Shawitakh saddles (12,460 and 12,560 feet respectively), is gained. I also surmised that the Chinese general, apart from the confidence aroused by the successful river crossing, owed his victory mainly to a flanking movement by which his troope gained the heights, and thus suecessfully turned the fortified line behind which the Tibetans were awaiting them. 30 M. Chavannee has shown (Turca occidentaux, p. 164) that this name Po-k is a misreading oasily explained in Chinese writing for So-18 mentioned elsewhore as a town in Ha-mi or Wakhan. 11 See Ancient Khotan, i. p. 7

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June, 1923] A CHINESE EXPEDITION ACROSS THE PAMIRS, ETC. 141 The opinion was confirmed by what I saw of the valley leading to the Oxus on my descent from the Baroghil on 19 May 1906, and by the examination I was able to make two days later of the mountain-side flanking its debouchure from the west. The valley into which the route leads down from the Baroghil is quite open and easy about Zartighar, the southernmost hamlet. There a ruined watch-tower shows that defence of the route had been a concern also in modern times. Further down the valley-bottom gradually contracts, though still offering easy going, until, from a point about 2 miles below Zartighar to beyond the scattered homesteads of Pitkhar, 29 its width is reduced to between one-half and onethird of a mile. On both sides this defile is flanked by high and very precipitous rocky ridges, the last offshoots of spurs which descend from the main Hindukush watershed. These natural defences seemed to provide just the kind of position which would recommend itself to the Tibetans wishing to bar approach to the Baroghil, and thus to safe. guard their sole line of communication with the Indus Valley. The width of the defile would account for the comparatively large number of defenders recorded by the Chinese Annals for the enemy's main line ; the softness of the ground at its bottom, which is almost perfectly level, covered with fine grass in the summer, and distinctly swampy in the spring owing to imperfect drainage, would explain the use of palisades, at first sight a rather strange method of fortification in these barren mountains. Finally, the position seemed to agree curiously well with what two historical instances of modern times, the fights in 1904 at Guru and on the Karo-la, had revealed as the typical and time-bonoured Tibetan scheme of defence-to await attack behind a wall erected across the open ground of a valley or saddle. There remained the question whether the defile of Pitkhar was capable of being turned by an attack on the flanking heights such as the Chinese record seemed plainly to indicate. The possibility of such a movement on the east was clearly precluded by the extremely precipitous character of the flanking spur, and still more by the fact that the summer flood of the Ab-i-Panja in the very confined gorge above Sarhad would have rendered that spur inaccessible to the Chinese operating from the northern bank of the river. All the greater was my satisfaction when I heard from my Wakhi informants of ruins of an ancient fort, known as Kansir, situated on the precipitous crest of the flanking spar westwards, almost opposite to Pitkhar. During the single day's halt, which to my regret was all that circumstances would allow me at Sarhad, I was kept too busy otherwise to make a close inspection of the ground where the Tibetan post of Lien-yun might possibly have been situated. Nothing was known locally of old remains on the open alluvial plain which adjoins the river at the mouth of the valley coming from the Baroghil; nor were such likely to survive long on ground liable to inundation from the Oxus, flowing here in numerous shifting channels with a total width of over & mile. 23 Tho Pixkhar of sketch-map 2 is a misprint. 33 In my noto in Ancient Khotan, p. 9, I had ventured to suggest that, considering how scanty timber must at all times have been about Sarhad, there was some probability that walls or "Sangars" constructed of loose stonos were really meant by the " palisados " montioned in the translation of the passage from the T'ang Annals. This suggestion illustrates afresh the risk run in doubting the accuracy of Chinese records on quasitopographical points without adequate local knowledge. On the one hand, I found that the peculour nature of the soil in the defile would make the construction of heavy stone walls inadvisable, if not distinctly difficult. On the other, my subsequent march up the Ab-i-Panja showed that, though timber was ag scarce about Sarhad itself as I had been led to assume, yet there was abundance of willow and other jungle in parts of the narrow river gorge one march higher up near the debouchure of the shaor and Baharak streams. This could well have been used for palisadeg after being floated down by the river.

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142 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JUNE, 1923 Even if the exact position of Lien-yon thus remained undetermined, my short stay at Sarhad sufficed to convince me how closely local conditions agreed with the details of Kao Hsien-chih's exploit in crossing the Oxug. The river at the time of the summer flood must, indeed, present a very imposing appearance as it spreads out its waters over the wide valley. bottom at Sarhad. But the very separation of the waters makes fording always possible even at that season, provided the passage takes place in the early morning, when the flood due to the melting snow and ice is temporarily reduced by the effect of the night's frost on the glaciers and snow-beds at the head of the Ab-i-Panja. The account in the Annals distinctly shows that the river passage must have been carried out at an early hour of the morning, and thus explains the complete success of an otherwise difficult operation._ I was able to trace the scene of the remaining portion of the Chinese general's exploit when, on May 21, I visited the ruined fortifications reported on the steep spur overlooking the debouchure of the Baroghil stream from the west and known as Kansir. After riding across the level plain of sand and marsh, and then along the flat bottom of the Pitkhar de Ale for a total distance of about 3 miles, we left our ponies at a point a little to the south of some absolutely impracticable rock faces which overlook Pitkhar from the west. Then, guided by a few Wakhis, I climbed to the crest of the western spur, reaching it only after an hour's hard scramble over steep slopes of rock and shingle. There, beyond a stretch of easily sloping ground and about 300 feet higher, rose the old fort of Kansir at the extreme north end of the crest. Between the narrow ridge occupied by the walls and bastions and the continuation of the spur south-westwards a broad dip seemed to offer an easy descent towards the hamlet of Karkat on the Oxus. It was clearly for the purpose of guarding this approach that the little fort had been erected on this exposed height. On the north and east, where the end of the spur falls away in unscalable cliffs to the main valley of the Oxus and towards the mouth of the Pitkhar defile, some 1600 to 1700 feet below, structural defences were needless. But the slope of the ridge facing westwards and the narrow neck to the south had been protected on the crest by a bastioned wall for a distance of about 400 feet. Three bastions facing west and south-west, and one at the extreme southern point, still rose, in fair preservation in parts, to a height of over 30 feet. The connecting wall-curtains had suffered more, through the foundations giving way on the steep incline. Of structures inside the little fort there remained no trace. Definite archaeological evidence as to the antiquity of the little fortification was supplied by the construction of the walls. Outside a core of closely packed rough stones they show throughout a solid brick facing up to 6 feet in thickness, with regular thin layers of brushwood separating the courses of large sun-dried bricks. Now this systematic use of brushwood layers is a characteristic peculiarity of ancient Chinese construction in Central Asia, intended to assure greater consistency under climatic conditions of particular dryness in regions where ground and structures alike are liable to constant wind erosion. My explorations around Lop-nor and on the ancient Chinese Limes of Tun-huang have conclusively proved that it dates from the very commencement of Chinese expansion into Central Asia. 24 At the same time my explorations in the Tarim basin have shown also that the Tibetan invaders of the Tang period, when building their forts, did not neglect to copy this constructive expedient of their Chinese predecessors and opponents in these regions.26 On 24 EUR4., e.g., Desert Cathay, i. pp. 397 899., 540 899.; ii. pp. 44, 50, etc. 26 This was distinctly observed by me in the Tibetan forts at Miran and Mazar-tagh, built and occupied in the 8th century A.D., ; cf. Serindia, pp. 457 1285 899.

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JCNE, 1923] A CHINESE EXPEDITION ACROES THE PAMIRS, ETC. 143 various grounds which cannot be discussed here in detail it appears to me very probable that the construction of the Kansir walls was due to the Tibetan invaders of Wakhan. But whether the fortification existed already when Kao Hsien-chih carried the Tibetan main position by an attack on its mountain flank, or whether it was erected by the Tibetans when they returned after the retirement of the Chinese some years later, and were, perhaps, anxious to guard against any repetition of this move outflanking a favourite defensive position, I am unable to say. The viotory thus gained by Kao Hsien-chih on the Oxus had been signal, and it was followed up by him with the boldness of a truly great commander. The Imperial Commissioner and certain other high officers feared the risks of a further advance. So kao Hsien-chih decided to leave them behind together with over 3,000 men who were sick or worn out by the previous hardships, and to let them guard Lien-yun. With the rest of his troops he "pushed on, and after three days arrived at Mount T'an-chu; from that point downwards there were precipices for over 40 li (circ. 8 miles) in a straight line. Kao Hsien-chih surmised: *If the barbarians of A-nu-yueh were to come to meet us promptly, this would be the proof of their being well-disposed.' Fearing besides that his soldiers would not care to face the descent (from Mount T'an-chu), he employed the strategem of sending twenty horsemen ahead with orders to disguise themselves in dress as if they were barbarians of the town of A-nu-ygeh, and to meet his troops on the summit of the mountain. When the troops had got up Mount T'an-chu they, in fact, refused to make the descent, saying, 'To what sort of places would the Commissioner-in-Chief have us go ?' Before they had finished speaking, the twenty men who had been sent ahead came to meet them with the report: The barbarians of the town of A-nu-yueh are all well-disposed and eager to welcome you ; the destruction of the bridge over the So-yi river is completed.' Kao Hsien-chih pretended to rejoice, and on his giving the order all the troops effected their descent." After three more marches the Chinese force was in reality met by "the barbarians of the town of A-nu-yueh" offering their submission. The same day Kao Hsien-chih sent ahead an advance guard of a thousand horsemen, charging its leader to secure the persons of the chiefs of "Little Po-la " through a ruse. This order having been carried out, on the following day Kao Hsien-chih himself occupied A-nu-yueh, and had the five or six dignitaries who were supporting the Tibetans executed. He then hastened to have the bridge broken which spanned the So-yi river at a distance of 60 li, or about 12 miles, from A-nu-yueh. "Scarcely had the bridge been destroyed in the evening when the Tibetans, mounted and on foot, arrived in great numbers, but it was then too late for them to attain their obiect. The bridge was the length of an arrow-shot; it had taken a whole year to construct it. It had been built at the time when the Tibetans, under the pretext of using its route, had by deceit possessed themselves of Little P'o-la." Thus secured from a Tibetan counter-attack on Yasin, Kao Hsien-chih prevailed upon the king of Little Po-lu to give himself up from his hiding-place, and completely pacified the territory. The personal acquaintance with the ground which I gained in 1906 on my journey up the Yarkhun, or Mastuj, valley and across to Sarhad, and again on my move up Yasin and across the Darkot in 1913, has rendered it easy to trace the successive stages here recorded of Kao Hsien-chih's great exploit. All the details furnished by the Chinese record agree accurately with the important route that leads across the depression in the Hindukush range, formed by the adjacent Baroghil and Shawitakh Passes, to the sources of the Mastuj river, and then, surmounting southwards the ice-covered Darkot Pass (circ. 15,400 feet), descende

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144 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JUNE, 1923 the valley of Yasin to its debouchure on the main river of Gilgit. The only serious natural obstacle on this route, but that a formidable one, is presented by the glacier pass of the Darkot. I first ascended it on 17 May 1906, from the Mastuj side, under considerable difficulties, and to a description of that visit and the photographic illustrations which accompany it I may here refer for all details. 26 Owing to a curious orographio configuration two great ice-streams descend from the northern face of the Darkot pass. One, the Darkot glacier properly so-called, slopes down to the north-west with an easy fall for a distance of nearly 8 miles, pushing its snout to the foot of the Rukang spur, where it meets the far steeper Chatiboi glacier. The other ice-stream, which on the map is shown quite as long, but which reliable information represents as somewhat shorter, descends towards the north-east and ends some miles above the summer grazing ground of Showar-shur on the uppermost Yarkhun river. Thus two divergent routes offer themselves to the traveller who reaches the Darkot pass from the south and wishes to proceed to the Oxug. The one, keeping to the Darkot glacier, which I followed myself on my visit to the Darkot pass, has its continuation in the easy track which crosses the Rukang spur, and then the Yarkhun river below it to the open valley known as Baroghil-yailak. Thenoe it ascends over a very gentle grassy slope to the Baroghil saddle, characteristically called Dasht-iBaroghil, "the plain of Baroghil." From this point it leads down over equally easy ground, past the hamlet of Zartighar, to the Ab-i-Panja opposite Sarhad. The other route, after descending the glacier to the north-east of the Darkot Pass, passes down the Yarkhun river past the meadows of Showar-shur to the grazing ground of Shawitakh-yailak; thence it reaches the Hindukush watershed by an easy gradient near the lake of Shawitakh or Sarkhin-zhoe. The saddles of Baroghil and Shawitakh are separated only by about 2 miles of low gently sloping hills, and at Zartighar both routes join. The distances to be covered between the Darkot pass and Sarhad are practically the same by both these routes, so far as the map and other available information allow me to judge. My original intention in 1906 was to examine personally those portions of both routes which lie over the neve-beds and glaciers of the Darkot. But the uncertain weather conditions prevailing at the time of my ascent, and the exceptional difficulties then encountered owing to the early season and the heavy snowfall of that spring, effectively prevented my plan of ascending from the foot of the Rukang spur and descending to Showar-shur. In 1913 I was anxious to complete my examination of the Darkot by a descent on the latter route. But my intention was unfortunately frustrated by the fact that the passage of the glacier on the Showar-shur side had been blocked for several years past by an impracticable ice-fall which had formed at its end. Having thus personal experience only of the north-west route, I am unable to judge to what extent present conditions justify the report which represents the glacier part of the north-eastern route as somewhat easier. It is, however, a fact that the Pamir Boundary Commission of 1895, with its hervy transport of some six hundred ponies, used the latter route both coming from and returning to Gilgit. The numerous losses reported 20 Soo Desert Cathay, i. pp. 52 age. In 1913 I crossed the Darkot from the Yasin side towards the close of August, s.e., at the very season when Kao Hsien-chih effected his passage. The difficulties then encountered in the deep snow of the new beds on the top of the pass, on the great and much. creased glacier to the north, and on the huge side morainee along which the descent leads, impressed me as much as before with the greatness of Keo Hsien-chih's alpino feat in taking a military force acros the Darkot.

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JUNE, 1923] EARLY HISTORY OF INDIAN FAMINES 145 of animals and loads show that here, too, the passage of the much-crevassed glacier and the treacherous snow.covered moraines proved a very serious difficulty for the transport. Nevertheless, inasmuch as for a force coming from the Wakhan side the ascent to the Darkot pass from the nearest practicable camping ground would be about 1,300 feet less by the Showar-shur route than by that passing the Rukang spur, I consider it probable that the former was used. Kao Hsien-chih's biography states that it took the Chinese general three days to reach "Mount Tan-chu," i.e., the Darkot, but does not make it quite clear whether thereby the arrival at the north foot of the range or on its crest is meant. If the latter interpretation is assumed, with the more rapid advance it implies, it is easy to account for the time taken by & reference to the ground; for, although the Shawitakh-Baroghil saddle is crossed without any difficulty in the summer after the snow has melted, no military force accompanied by baggage animals could accomplish the march from Sarhad across the Darkot in less than three days, the total marching distance being about 30 miles. Even a four days' march to the crest, as implied in the first interpretation, would not be too large an allowance, considering the high elevations and the exceptional difficulties offered by the glacier ascent at the end. The most striking evidence of the identity of "Mount T'an-chu" with the Darkot is supplied by the description given in the record of "the precipices for over 40 li in a straight line" which dismayed the Chinese soldiers on looking down from the heights of Mount T'an-chu; for the slope on the southern face of the Darkot is extremely steep, as I found on my ascent in 1913, and as all previous descriptions have duly emphasized. The track, mostly over moraines and bare rock, with a crossing of a much-crevassed glacier en route, descends close on 5,000 feet in a distance of little more than 5 miles before reaching, near a ruined "Darband," or Chiusa, the nearest practicable camping ground above the small village of Darkot. (To be continued.) EARLY HISTORY OF INDIAN FAMINES.* BY P. N. RAMASWAMI, B.A. (With an Additional Note by L. M. ANSTEY.) (Continued from page 113.) . In his separate heading "Times of distress" (ch. VIII, s. 339 and foll.) Manu onnsiders other rules and regulations applicable to such times. The Kshatriya King was justified in the interests of public safety "in taking without sin even the fourth part of the orops." The other law-givers also give their own "famine-Sutras," of which a brief account must suffice. According to Yajfavalkya," when a man saves the life of a woman who has been abandoned in forests, or forsaken in time of famine, etc., he has a right to enjoy her as agreed upon during the rescue." And according to some other law-givers it was permissible for one who has been maintained during famine "to ransom himself from servitude by a pair of oxen." Famine in Hindu Law (vide Narada) is one of the recognised causes of slavery. Yajfavalkya also holds that a husband is not liable to make good the property of a wife taken by him during a famine. The authors of the Smritichandrika, the Dayu-Vibhaga, as well as Jimuta Vahana, recognise that a woman's ostate is subject to her husband's control in times of distress. Devala . In the publication of those papers I have received very great help from my gifted and beloved master, Mr. P. T. Srinivasa Aiyangar. The Nestor of South Indian Historiaus spared no pains to mako these papers as comprehensive as possible. Several eminent woholars especially Pandit Srinivas Achariar and Fr. Steunkisto-have liberally helped me with facts, suggestiona, eto. I thank them all. I also take this opportunity to thank the St. Joseph's Collogo Library Staft for their kindly sor vicou during the preparation of those papers; and have much pleasure in thankfully acknowledging this unfailing courtesy, prompt and intelligent help.-P.N.R.

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146 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ June, 1923 mentions a woman's gains as part of the separate property over which sho has exclusive control, and which her husband cannot use except during famine. Katyayana lays down similar injunctions. As Mr. Mayne remarks, the Hindu law-givers unanimously agree that the husband may take his wife's property only in case of extreme distress, as in a famine, etc. (Mayne's Hindu Law and Usage, sec. 569 and foll., p. 632.) Besides these important legal works, we also find ample references in the Twenty Sanhitas translated and published by M. N. Dutt. The importance of irrigation as a famine preventive is well recognised. The Vasistha Samhita-lays down among the duties of the King (ch. xvii, sloka 8): 'There shall be places for distributing water.' The Brahmans also encour. aged irrigation by promising "heaven" to those who dug canals, etc. The Vrihaspati Sanahita says (p. 429): 'He who excavates a now tank or reclaims an old one, lives gloriously in the celestial region after rescuing his entire family, eto' Similarly, the Likhita Sanhita (ch. I): By purtta (digging of tanks, wells, etc.) one attains to emancipation. He who re-excavates and restores dilapidated wells, tanks, and lakes, reaps the fruits of Purtta acts.' The Satata pa and Sanivarta Sannhitas lay down similar injunctions. The Vishnu Sanhita categorically declares (ch. xci): "The half of the sin of a person, who has caused a well to be excavated, is extinguished just as water begins to well up from its bottom. (1) He who causes a tank to be excavated, goes to the region of Varuna and enjoys satisfaction each day, etc. But, in spite of all the efforts of the priests for the extension of irrigational works to prevent droughts and famine, these latter seem to have often prevailed. The Dharmasastras contain indirect references to famines. The Sankha Sarshita would forbid even in times of distress, the twice-born wedding a Sudra girl, inasmuch as a son begotten by him of her will never find his salvation. The Parasara Samhita says: In disease, pestilence or famine, etc., a Sudra should cause a Brahmana to observe a fast or perform ceremonies. The Daksha Sanhita (p. 144, ch. III, 8. 17-18) specifies certain articles which should not be given away even in times of famine. The Atri Samhitz lays down the following minatory warnings : " The Kingdom where the ignorant partake of the food which should be taken by the learned, courts drought ; or a great calamity like pestilence or famine appears there. There the god of rain pours down showers (and there is no famine) where the king adores these, -the Brahmans learned in the Vedas and well versed in the scriptures." Passing to the later period of the Age of Laws and Philosophy, we detect a similar state of affairs. We find numerous descriptions of famines in Sanskrit literature. But the best authority for this period is the Brahman minister Kautilya. In his Arthafastra(trans. R. Shama Sastri)--the contents of which are held by distinguished historians as describing the state of things before the establishment of the Maurya Empire-Kautilya enters into the following details of the measures to be taken for famine protection : "During famine," says Kautilya," the king shall show favour to his people by providing them with seed and provisions. He may also do such works as are usually resorted to in calamities; he may show favour by distributing either his own collection of provisions or the hoarded income of the rich among the people, or seek help from his friends among kings; " or the policy of thinning the rich by exacting excessive revenue (progressive taxation) or causing them to disgorge their accumulated capital (capital levy), may be resorted to; " or the king with his subjects may emigrate to another kingdom where there is an abundant harvest ; " or he may remove himself with his subjects to the seashore or to the banks of rivers or lakes. He may cause his subjects to grow vegetables, grain, roots and fruits wherever water is available. He may, by hunting and fishing on a large scale, provide the people with wild boasts, birds, fish," etc. (Arthasastra, bk. 4, ch. II),

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Jun, 1928) EARLY HISTORY OF INDIAN FAMINES 147 Chanakya in his Arthasastra mentions other remedial and relief measures : (a) remission of taxes, (6) construction of relief works to keep the people remuneratively employed, and. (c) Famine Relief funds to which the wealthy were to be persuaded to handsomely sub. soribs by promises of titleg and honours. Kautilya, however, relies mainly on two relief measures to mitigate the horrors of famine, viz., the strict regulation of prices and the state distribution of corn among the famished people. The system of standardisation of prices is instructive :-" The Superintendent of commerce shall fix a profit of 5 per cent. over and above the fixed price of local commodities and ten per cent. on foreign produce. Merchants who enhance the price or realigo profit even to the extent of half a pana (a small denomination) more than the above in the sale or purchase of commodities, shall be punished with a fine of, from 5 panas in case of realising 100 panas up to 200 panas. "Fines for greater enhancement shall be proportionately increased. "Merchants who conspire eithor to prevent the sale of merchandise or to sell or purchase commodities at higher prices shall be fined 1,000 panas." And as the ancient kings of India were themselves the greatest traders in the land and in very close touch with the movements of the market, they were able strictly but justly to regulate prices. Secondly, the distribution of foodstuffs was easy in those days when people paid most of the taxes in kind and the king had a network of treasuries all over the land stored with foodstuffs. The granaries were stored with the finest grains : "grains pure and fresh," enjoins Kautilya, "shall be received in full measures; otherwise a fine twice the value of the grains shall be imposed." Other interesting details are given in the Arthasastra which should be briefly indicated. Says Kautilya (p. 261): "There are eight kinds of providential visitations : they are fire, floods, pestilential diseases, famine, rats, tigers (vyalah), serpents and demons. From theso shall the king protect his kingdom ; " and he adds, like a true Brahman :"success in averting these is to be sought by worshipping Gods and Brahmanas." During drought Indra (Sachinatha), the Ganges, mountains and Mahakachchha were to be worshipped. On p. 54, kings are advised not to take possession of any country which is harassed by frequent visitation of famines. Elsewhere he naively observes, "the destruction of crops is worse than the destruction of handfuls (of grains), since it is the labour that is destroyed thereby; absence of rain is worse than too much rain" (p. 396). In chapter IV, Bk. VIII (p. 401), there is an interesting discussion between Kautilya and his master; "Providential calamities are fire, floods, pestilence, famine, and the epidemic disease called maraka)." "My teacher says that, of pestilonce and famine, postilenco brings all kinds of business to a stop by causing obstruction to work on account of disease and death among men and owing to the flight of servants, whereas famine stops no work, but is productive of gold, cattle and taxes." "No," says Kautilya, "pestilence devastates only a portion of the country and can be remedied; whereas famine causes trouble to the whole of the country, and occasions dearth of sustenance to all living creatures." Kautilya (Ch. 14, Bk. 7, p. 374) recognises the import. ance of irrigation works : irrigational works (setubhanda) are the source of crops; the results of a good shower of rain are ever attained in the case of crops below irrigational works" ; and says, "a King (Ch. I, Bk. 2, p. 53) shall also, in addition to his helping the ryots with grain, cattle, money, construct resorvoirs filled with water, either permanent or from some other source ; or he may provide with sites, roads, timber and other necessary things those who construct reservoirs of their own accord; and kings are warned not to be niggardly in

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143 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [Jonx, 1923 Public Works expenditure ;" for the king will have to suffer in the end if he curtails the amount of expenditure on profitable works." (Ch. VII, Bk. 2, p. 71.) Judging from the elaborate famine codes drawn up at this time it would not be unsafe to make the assertion that famines not unfrequently prevailed in Mauryan India. There is a tradition which asserts that in 603 B.c. and 433 B.O.(8) during the reign of the Emperor Jayachandra, a great pestilence and famine raged throughout Northern India (Balfour, Cyclopaedia of India, art." famines"). It should, however, in all fairness be added that when famines did occur, adequate remedial and relief measures were promptly undertaken by the State." It should be cbserved," says Mr. E. B. Havell (History of Aryan Rule in British India, p. 305), " that the regulation of prices and famine preventive measures had been a recognised branch of Hindu polity" : But the deficient means of rapid communication and transport, as well as the widely prevailing agricultural indebtedness must have greatly mitigated the beneficial effects of these ameliorative efforts. A measure of the widespread agricultural indebtedness at this time can be had from the elaborate code of usury laws drawn up. The rate of interest, accord. ing to Vasistha, for loans for which security was given was 15 per cent. per annum. Other articles might be lent at a much higher rate of interest. Similarly Gautama says that the rate of interest may vary from 15 to 800 per cent. !' He also montions no less than six different forms of interest, viz., compound interest, periodical interest, daily interest, stipulated interest, corporal interest, and the pawn interest. From these elaborate usury codes and other Sanskrit works we infer the great agricultural indebtedness at this time. This was fostered sometimes by the prevailing insecurity and maladministration ; but most often it was the direct outcome of the poverty of the people. Anyhow it engendered in the people that pessimism, passivity and lack of prospectiveness which rendered them nerveless in the struggle against famines; and made the rigours of famine cruel and hard. Buddhist India, B.C. 820--300 A.D. In Buddhist India (B.C. 300-A.D. 300) it was no better. Famines resulting from drought were of frequent occurrence. Wo find numerous descriptions of famines in Pali and Sanskrit literature : "We find many references (especially in the Jataka talos) to times of great scarcity, and that too in the very districts adjacent to Patali Putra where Chandragupta held his magnificent court" (Rhys Davids, Buddhist India, p. 50). It is related in one of the Jataka Tales (Jataka Tales, Cowell and Rouse, vol. II, Tale No. 276, p. 262 and foll.) "that in the kingdom of Kalinga, in the reign of a king, also named Kalinga, the rain fell not and because of the drought there was famine in the land. The people thought that lack of food might produce a pestilence; and there was fear of drought and fear of famine,-these three fears were over present before them. The people wandered about destituto hither and thither leading their children by the hand. All the people in the kingdom gathered together and came to Santapura ; and there at the King's door made outcry. "As the king stood by the window he heard the noise and asked the people why they were making all that noise. "'O Sire," was the reply, 'three fears have seized upon all your kingdom. There falls no rain, the crops fail, there is a famine. The people starved, destituto, are wandering about with their little ones by the hand; make rain for us, o King!'" * For further particulars, consult R. O. Dutt, History of Ancient Civilisation in India, vole. I and II 1 The interest on products of animals, on wool, on the produot of flold and on boasts of burd@n ahal increase more than five-fold the value of the object, etc.

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JUNE, 1923) EARLY HISTORY OF INDIAN FAMINES "Said the King, What used former monarchs to do, if it would not rain!' " 'Former monarchs, O King 1 if it would not rain, used to give alms, to keep the holy day, to make vows of virtue and to lie down seven days in their chamber on a grass pallet; then the rain would fall!'" etc. The Jataka Tales record another great famine in Kalinga. "Now at that time there was a drought in the kingdom of Kalinga ; the corn grew not, there was a great famine, and men being unable to live, took to robbery" (Jataka, book xxii, No. 547). Another Jataka Tale records a famine in Benares (Vol. v, Book xviii, Tale No. 526, p. 100): "Once upon a time when Brahmadatta ruled in Benares, . . . . for the space of three years rain stopped from falling in the kingdom of Kabi; and the country became, as it were, scorched up, and when no crops ripened, the people under the stress of famine gathered themselves together in the palace-yard and reproached the King. Taking his stand at an open window, he asked what was the matter? 'Your majesty,' they said, 'for three years no rain has fallen, and the whole kingdom is burnt up, and the people are suffering greatly; cause rain to fall, sire,'" etc. Compare also the significant description of a king and his country: "O! yes. In the kingdom all is well; the countryside is at peace; the animals all strong to work ; and the rain clouds do not cease." (Jataka Tales, Vol. VI, Bk. 22, Tale No. 547, p. 301.) In the reign of the great Emperor Chandragupta well-concerted precautionary measures were undertaken by the State to mitigate the horrors of famine. A magnificent system of canals with sluices was constructed and maintained under the strict supervision of departmental officers. The Greek writers make mention of this splendid irrigation system. Megasthenes remarks that imperial officers were wont to "measure lands as in Egypt, and inspect the sluices by which water is distributed into the branch canals so that every one may enjoy his fair share of the benefit." (V. A. Smith, Early History of India, p. 133.) Arrian and Strabo notice it. Dion Chrysostom writes: "There are many channels to convey. water from the rivers, some of them large, and others which are smaller and mingle with each other. These are made by the inhabitants as suits their pleasure, and they (Indians) convey water in ducts with facility, just as you convey water for the irrigation of your garden " (M'Crindle, Ancient India, p. 175). These precautionary measures, however, were not crowned with complete success. Famines of long duration and intensity occurred in Mauryan India. A tradition affirmeand there is nothing incredible in it--that a famine lasting twelve years devastated Northern India at the end of the reign of the Emperor Chandragupta. It is also said that a large body of people migrated at this time to Southern India (V. A. Smith, Oxford History of India, Bk. II, ch. I, p. 75). Of Bindusara and his times we possess little or no information. Though no account of a famine or drought in Asoka's reign has been handed down to us, we know something of that great Emperor's irrigational activities from the inscription of the Satrap Rudradaman engraved soon after the year A.D. 150 on the famous rock at Girnar in Kathiawar. We have little or no information of the feeble successors of Asoka. The Mauryan dynasty was replaced in or about 185 B.c. by the Sunga dynasty; and till the rise of the Gupta power, we have no detailed record of the autonomous, anarchical condition of the people. Agricul. tural indebtedness prevailed widely. There is constant reference to promissory notes, and the Buddhist law books give the rate of interest for loans on security as about 18 per cent. per annum ; but the current rate of interest was much higher and ranged from 18 to 30 per cent. (Cf. Rhys Davids, Buddhist India, p. 102). In 138 B.C. a drought which prevailed through out the world, also visited India (Balfour, Cyclopaedia of India, art. "droughts"). In the anarchical times that intervened between the dissolution of the Mauryan Empire and the rise of the Gupta power, droughts and famines must have been of frequent occurrence ; but this is merely a conjecture based upon insufficient data.

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150 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1923 Gupta Period, A.D. 320 - 500. In the Gupta period we have ample evidence of the condition of the people left by Chinese travellers. That prince of travellers, Fa-Hien, while recording the general prosperity of the kingdom, "algo testifies that several districts had retrograded in population and wealth. The causes of this decay were probably droughts and famines. The contemporaneous author of the Sukraniti is however more explicit. He is to the Gupta period what Kautilya is to the Maurya period. The author of the Sukraniti recognises the great importance of seasonal rainfall. "Can the nourishment," he asks," that is due to the water from the skies be derived from the water of the rivers, etc.?" (ch. V., sec. 1, p. 261); and wisely concludes,." Where the clouds do not pour rain in season, thero the lands are not productive, the commonwealth deteriorates and enemies are increased and wealth is destroyed." (Ch. IV, Sec. I, p. 132.) The ravages of droughts were common; and the author speaks of "perpetual famines." He elsewhere gives a graphic description of the impoverished people: "Through abject poverty some people came under the subjugation of enemies, some courted death, some went to the villages, some to the hills, some fell into utter ruin and some became mad. And, owing to insufficiency of wealth, some came to be the subjects of others" (B. K. Sarkar, Sukraniti, p. 116). These famines must have been caused by drought; for Varahamihira, the great astronomer who lived at this time, mentions in his writings the theory of the connection between sunspots and droughts, and this knowledge must have been the result of personal observation. Sukracharya relies mainly on two Famine Relief measures : (1) the extension of irrigation and (2) the storage of food-grains. After exhorting kings not to be niggardly in Public Works expenditure, he lays down the following rules for the proper storage of foodstuffs in the Royal granaries : "Grains should be collected, sufficient to meet the wants of three years in proper seasons, by the King for his own good as well as for that of the commonwealth. "The king should store up those grains that are well-developed, bright, the best of the species, dry, new, or have good colour, smell, and taste, the famous ones, durable and the dear ones - not others. "He should not preserve those that have been attacked by poisons, fire, or snows or eaten by worms and insects or those that have been hollowed out, but should use them for immediate consumption. "And the king should carefully replace every year by new instalments the exact amounts of those consumed." (Cb. IV, sec. II, p. 141.) Though the Gupta line did not become extinct until the early part of the eighth century, the history of the later Gupta kings is merged in obscurity; and we possess no information of famines during this period. "In 297 A.D. in Magadha a famine is said to have raged. This is however merely a legend" (Dutt, History of India, vol. II, p. 317). The political disorders which followed the decay of the Gupta dynasty were checked for a time by the strong arm of Harsha, who succeeded partially in bringing the whole of India "under one umbrella." The reign of Harsha seems to have been singularly free from great famines. Minor inflictions may have occurred, but are not recorded. In A.D. 640 Harsha died. At this time a severe famine caused by drought inflicted Aryavarta with the greatest hardships. (E. B. Havell, History of Aryan Rule in India, p. 249.). After the death of Harsha, India was broken up into a number of potty states, of whose history for oenturies we have little or no knowledge. (To be continued.)

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JUNE, 1923 ] REMARKS ON 1HE ANDAMAN 18LANDERS AND THEIR COUNTRY REMARKS ON THE ANDAMAN ISLANDERS AND THEIR COUNTRY. BY SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE, BT., C.B., C.I.E., F.S.A., Chief Commissioner, Andaman and Nicobar Islands, from A.D. 1894 to 1903. I. Introduction. 151 IN 1919-201 yet another of the many Commissions, deputed by the Government of India to enquire into the Penal Settlement at Port Blair in the Andaman Islands, visited that place and reported thereon. The object of the Commission differed greatly from that of all its predecessors in that they were sent with a view to improving the administration of the Indian Penal System, while this one was political and was sent to see if the Penal Settlement should be retained or abolished, preferably the latter. The Commission duly found reasons for recommending that it should be abolished as soon as practicable, and assuming the Gov. ernment of India to adopt that policy, it becomes important to give to the scientific world the information about the aborigines of the Islands contained in the official Census Report of 1901, as it was a detailed summary of all that was known about them up to that date. This Report was written by myself after several years' experience as Head of the Administration of the Islands and a very long acquaintance with them. Naturally it provided much information not readily procurable elsewhere. Moreover, if the Penal Settlement is actually abolished, the incentive to maintain interest in the aborigines will disappear, and the old official reports on them will be lost to sight. This alone is a reason for preserving such portions of them as are of value to the ethnologist. But there is a further reason. The Census Report in question has long been out of print, while its successors have not contained the same kind of ethnological information, and I have found that books, articles and papers, even by scholars and searchers of the highest authority, show that they have not heard of the Report, and have made or perpetuated errors in matters of detail, which it is a pity to let run on for ever. without providing a means for checking them. I have therefore selected such portions of the Report as deal with Ethnology and kindred subjects for my present purpose. The linguistic portion has already been reproduced with amendments in the Indian Antiquary.3 Yet another reason for extending knowledge about the Andamanese is that they are a moribund race and the old characteristics of such as survive are fast becoming lost under contact with Europeans and civilised Asiatics. The diminution of the aboriginal population has gone on steadily with each succeeding generation, and even as I write I have news that there lately died at Port Blair the last of the Aka-Beas, the only tribe of which an extensive knowledge has ever been acquired, through the prolonged labours of Mr. E. H. Man. I am 1 Report of the Indian Jaile Committee, 1919-20. London: 1921. 3 Census of India, 1901: The Andaman and Nicobar Islande-Report on the Census. 3 A Plan for a Uniform Scientific Record of the Languages of Savages, ante, Vol. XXXVI, pp. 181 ff. Mr. Man's works on the Andamans comprise the following:-Notes on two maps of the Andaman Islands (with R. C. Temple): See Journal of the Royal Geographical Society, 1880. The Lord's Prayer in the South Andaman Language (with R. C. Temple); Thacker, Spink & Co., Calcutta, 1877. The Arts of the Andamanese and Nicobarese, with observations by Major-Genl. A. Lane Fox, F.R.S. (Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, Vol. VII, 1878.) On the Andaman and Nicobar objects presented to Major-Geni A. Pitt-Rivers, F.R.S. (Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, Vol. XI, Feb. 1882.) On the Aboriginal Inhabitants of the Andaman Islands. Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, Vol. XII, 1883. (This was published in book form by Trubner & Co. for the Royal Anthropological Institute in 1884.)

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152 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1923 informed also that the diminution in numbers is now very marked among the Onges, the latest of the tribes to beoome 'friendly.' In addition to all this, there has lately been published a new book on the Andaman Islanders by Mr. A. R. Brown, who spent about 18 months, largely in the North Andaman, between 1906 and 1908 as a professed anthropologist. In this book he often criticises the work of his predecessors, especially that of Mr. Man, and propounds what is to all intents and purposes a new theory of social anthropology. I am not in agreement with many of his statements as to facts, and it will be as well perhaps to commence the present disquisition by an examination of his book. The plan I therefore propose to adopt for these remarks is to divide them into the following parts-(1)-the Introduction; (2) a criticism of Mr. Brown's book generally(3) a criticism of his system of writing the language; (4) an exposition of his new theory :(5) an amended statement of the contents of the Census Report, 1901; (6) a bibliography of the whole subject. Brown's Andaman Islanders: Observations. (a) Census of 1901. I have had reason to notioe the first part of Mr. Brown's book (Observations) elsewhere, but for the sake of olearness I will here restate the gist of what I have said and make certain additions thereto in support of my former criticisms. Mr. Brown' has exhibited two unfortunate habits in his work : (1) pitting his own observations against those of his predecessors and deciding in favour of his own without reference to relative opportunities for observing, and (2) appropriating without acknowledgment information collected by them, including the benefit he has clearly had from their labours and discoveries. And he has had the further misfortune (shall we call it ?) to adopt a system of reducing the language to writing by an unsuitable method in deliberate preference to a long established and well-known practice. The idiosyncrasies of Mr. Brown thus indioated are brought to the notice of the reader with sufficient clearness, and I do not suppose that anything I can write here will influence him, but nevertheless in the interests of the understanding of this remarkable people and of the lessons in anthropology to be drawn from a study of them, the oriticisms that follow are necessary. I may as well, however, say at once that the illustrations in Mr. Brown's book are first rate, and that his theory in the second part of it is admirably developed, and so the book on the whole is good and well worth study: all the more reason for noticing what seems to be wrong in it. Mr. Brown's trend of mind, as exhibited in this book, leads him to lay too much stress on his own powers of observation and too little on those of his predecessors. Indeed, he seems at times to go out of his way to disagree with their results, sometimes on quite minor points, even where they, like himself, have been students of experience, but, in some cases, with far better opportunities for observation. He is partioularly unfair to Mr. Man from the very beginning. In his Introduction itself there is a statement which, considering his opportunities of ascertaining the facts, ought not to have crept in. He writes (p. 20)-"By far the most important of these (a number of writings) is a work by Mr. E. H. Man, who was for The Andaman Islanders. A study in social anthropology. (Anthony Wilkin studentship research, 1906) by A. R. Brown, M.A. Formerly Fellow of Trinity Coll., Cambridge. * Man, a Monthly Record of Anthropological Science. Vol. XXII, pp. 121-127, Aug. 1922. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, April 1923, pp. 288-292. Nature, July 1922, Vol. 110, pp. 106-108. Goog. Journal, Vol. LX, pp. 371-2, Nov. 1922.

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JUNE, 1923) REMARKS ON THE ANDAMAN ISLANDERS AND THEIR COUNTRY 153 some years an officer of the Penal Settlement of Port Blair, and for four years of that time was in charge of the Andamanese Home. Mr. Man made a special study of the language of the Aka-Bia tribe and compiled an extensive vocabulary, which, however, has never been published." But what are the facts, which could easily have become known to Mr. Brown by the date of his visit to the Andamans and the publication of his book ? Mr. Man had retired before he arrived at the Andamans, after well over thirty years' continuous service there, during all of which he was in actual close touch with the Andamanese, even when he was not in technical charge of them. After his retirement he has continued his labours on his Dictionary to the present day, having begun them in 1874, nearly fifty years ago. I may add here, though Mr. Brown evidently did not know this when he wrote, that the Dictionary has been published in this Journal in the course of 1919-1922. These remarks on Mr. Brown's statement lead fairly to the observation that it is always unwise to belittle the work of predecessors. I emphasize this point because it bears on the relative authority of Mr. Man and of Mr. Brown in cases whure their opinions are found to differ. To go into particulars. Some geographical and orographical detailed statements are made in a general way in the baginning of Mr. Brown's Introduction in round figures, in the course of which thara are ramarks on the climate. These last are pretty clearly taken, and I suspect some of the others, too, from the Census Report of 1901. Any one reading the Report' will become aware of the labour with which such information was gathered and recorded, but there is no indication in Mr. Brown's Introduotion as to the source of his state. ments. It may be that he has collated the Report with the work of other writers, and he might, if he had chosen, been much more accurate than he is in his statements. They are, however, merely introductory to his main story and therefore not of much consequenoe, except as exhibiting the trend of his method. The length of time of the existence of the Andamanese in their present habitat is a question of some importance from the point of view of cultural anthropology, as their isolation therein through the ages and the reasons therefore are pretty well accepted. If the last point is agreed to, then we have, or at least had when Mr. Man first began to investigate the Andamanese, an unprogressive race representing the earliest known stage of culture without contact from outside that it is now possible to study. Therefore the question of the islands being once part of the Asiatic mainland is of great consequence, wben we come to consider the points whether this remarkable people represent a race once occupying the South-East corner of Asia and what is now known as the Malay Archipelago, or whether they are emigrants from some part thereof. It will be readily seen that if it can be shown that the Andamanoso were on their present site before it consisted of islands, and also that there are still traces of Negritos of their class in India, Burma and the Arehipelago, an important point in anthropological history would be gained. Mr. Brown seems inclined to admit the probability of the Andaman Islands being at one time joined to the Continent, and in this belief he is supported, to my mind, by the geological, biological and conchological evidence hitherto gathered about them. But he argues (p. 5) as if the connection between the islands and the continent had definitely orased before the Andamanese had reached them. Against such an assumption can be Ret the apparent age of some of their kitchen-middens, some terms in their language, and the tradition of a cataolyam everywhere among the people, so far as any reliance can be placed on this last, and it seems to me that Mr. Brown has dismissed this argument Oenou of India, 1901: Andaman and Nicobar Islands, Pp. 37-40.

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154 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JUNE, 1023 on too littlo enquiry. Unfortunately, other recognised Negrito races of South-East Asia, e... Semange and Abtas, have been much in contact with past or present inhabitants of their neighbourhood, but surely it is still too early to say of the Further Indian (Indo. Chinese), Archipelagic, or even Indian jungles, that there are no other people of the Negrito type traceable therein-not even in customs, beliefs or language. In Mr. Brown's general account of the history of the Islands I recognise much of the Census Report, and en passar) I would note that Mr. Brown does not seem to know of the existence of those two great editions of Marco Polo that go under the revered names of Henry Yule and lenri Cordier. Inter alia Mr. Brown remarks in effect that the Andamanese are divided into groups of one race, and their speech into languages of one family, though he observes that these last are mutually unintelligible. What he does not state is that these foots were elicited at great labour extended over a long period by Mr. E. H. Man and the writer of these notes, and in the course of his remarks oa this point he makes & statement to which I must revert for a space, as it is so typical of his method when dealing with the work of other people. He says (p. 12) that "the natives of the Little Andaman refer to themselves as Onge (men). It is probable that the 80-called Jarawa of the South Andaman have the same word. In a vocabulary obtained by Colebrooke in 1790 from a Jarawa near Port Blair, the word Mincopie is given as meaning a native of the Andaman Islands." It is not unfair to Mc. Brown to say that a stranger, say a student of anthropology in his own University (Cam. bridge), on reading this passage, would have no idea as to where he obtained the information on which he has based the statement just quoted. I will now quote from my own Grammar of the Andamanese Language in the Census Report, 1901.8 At p. 116 of the Report I discuss the question of proofs of the existence of Northern and Southern Groups in the Language, and then pa9s on (p. 117) to an examination of an Outer Group (Onge-Jarawa). "In turning to the Onga-Jarawa Group, one finds that the hostility of the Jarawas, and the only recent friendlines of th) Ongas combined with the inaccessibility of the island they inhabit, have caused the knowledge of their language to be but slight. However, we have the careful Vocabulary of Colebrooke made in 1790 and those made by Portman just a century later. An examination of these affords sufficient results for the present purpose : viz., proof of the fundamental identity of the languaga of these people with that of the rest of the Andaman Trib@s, and what is, perhaps, quite as interesting, proof that Colebrooke's informant really was a Jarawa. A comparison of such of Portman's words as can be compared with Colebrooke's, when shown with roots and affixes separated and reduced to one system of tran. scription, produces the following results; noting that in their actual lists, both enquirers fell into the natural error of taking the prefixed inflected ' personal pronouns' to be essential parts of the words to which they were attached." I next proceed in the same place to pull to pieces, so as to show roots, 67 words given by both Colebrooke (1790) and Portman (1892), and approximately 9 other words from Colebrooke and 28 from Portman. 10 In Appendix B of this part of the Census Report & Roprinted in this Journal with amendments : vol. XXXVI, pp. 217 ft. . Not reprinted here in detail. 10 Portman is unfortunately always difficult to follow in his linguistic atatements as they are so uncertain. His vocabularios no apt to differ frequently from the statements in his lists of sentonces, and where his vooabularies can be compared they are inconstant : but at p. 731, vol. II, of his History of our Relations with the Andamanono, bo gives a comparative list of Jarawa and Onge words from his own observations.

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JONE, 1923) REMARKS ON THE ANDAMAN ISLANDERS AND THEIR COUNTRY 155 I further disouss a list of about 250 Onge words. Next I go into roots and affixes in detail to show (p. 120) how the words reported by Colebrooke are actually made up. Lastly, as a result of this method, I am able to make the following remarks (p. 120): "Colebrooke showed all sorts of impossible things to his Jarawa to name, and one interesting result is the following English. Jarawa. Onge. Cotton cloth. Papor. Pange--be. Be-nge--be. Flat-beoome-is. Flat-become-is. Of course, no Jarawa had ever seen before anything approaching to either object, and this man's one expression for both means 'it is (has been) flattened, which is what the savage meant to convey when asked anything so impossible as to name them." I then proceed to my concluding remarks on the Onge-Jarawa language (pp. 120-121): "We are now in a position to solve a great puzzle of ethnographists for a century and more : why were the Andamanese called Minoopie by Europeans! What word does this transoription represent ? It can now be split up thus M- ongebe. I-man-kind-am. (I am an Onge.) "Or, as the Jarawas perhaps pronounce the expression 'M-inggo-be' or even M-injo-be,' I am an Inggo (Injo). The name given by the Onges to themselves is a' verbal noun 'o-nge, man-being. So that wien questioned as to himself by Colebrooke, this Jarawa replied 'M'inggoba,' or something like it, which compound expression by mistranscription and misapprehension has b3come the wall-known Minoopie of the general ethnological books in many languagas for an Andaman9se. Tae Onges oall their own home, the Little Andiman, Gwab3-l'Oaga. Jarawa is a modern Bla torm, possibly radically identical with Yorowa, the Boa name for the Northern Group of Tribes. "It is just possible that Colebrooke's Jarawa misunderstood what was wanted altogether and simply said, 'I am will be, would be) drinking: m-inggo-be, I-drink-do.' "I have now to record a great disappointment. The proof that the method herein adopted for recovering the Jarawa language was correct lay in the faot that the word i-nge for water' was asoertained from a little Jarawa boy captured in February, 1902, and the identical word was quite independently unearthed from Colebrooke's and Portman's Vocabularies as Onge-Jarawa for' water. The only other word clearly ascertained from the boy, wilung for 'pig' has not been gathered independently as yet. This little boy was the last of the prisoners left, who were captured on that occasion, as the women and small children and girls were all returned and only two boys kept back for a while in order to get their language, eto., from them. Of these, the elder died of fever and on the very day that their language was fairly recovered, and we were in a position to set to work to learn quickly from him, the younger died very suddenly, without warning illness, of pneumonia." Although it is 20 years ago since these remarks were made, I well recolleat the sense of satisfaction at baing able, from a long general acquaintance with Andamanese in all its aspects, to explain the fkrat rough tentative reoord of the language, especially as it had been made by so graat an Orientalist as Henry Thomas Colebrooko, and to settle, as far as that is now possible, an old "soiontifo" term for an Andaman Islander. I therefore make no apology for the length of the note on this point, as it brings so interesting a discovery once more to notice.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JUNE, 1923 I have even a further note to make here. It will have been observed in the quotation given above that Mr. Browa talks of the "so-called Jarawa," and says that it is the "official" name for the tribe though "probably they call themselves Onge," the name Jarawa being derived from the Aka-Bea term for them, as if Jarawa was a wrong term to use. But why should it be? The Bea or Aka-Bea Tribe was that living in and around the Penal Settlement at Port Blair when the British Officials arrived, and its terms were naturally those adopted by them. Is it wrong for an Englishman to talk of "the French," or for a Frenchman of "Les Anglais"? Or for an Italian of "Inghilterra"? Or again is it wrong to speak of "Deutschland" as Germany or L'Allemagne? And what about using such terms as Burman, Talaing, Siamese, Tibetan and so on for people who do not know themselves by names even approaching these forms? For that matter, what about "Andaman " itself? It is worth while noting this point, because European scholarship got the Andamanese tribal names from Mr. Man, who adopted them from the tribe he worked with the Aka-Bea. Europeans thus, had a uniform set of names not identified with any English reporter. Then Mr. Portman came along and took to calling some of them by their names for themselves as he heard them, so that the searcher had two sets of names before him, Man's Aka-Bea names and the set according to Portman. Mr. Brown has followed Portman's plan and created yet a third set -a set according to Brown. He thus extended the confusion created by Portman, which does not work for improvement. It may be said that I myself created a fourth set in the Census Report, but what I did was to leave out the grammatical affixes to the names and so shortened them for the English student. 156 To turn to another subject. On p. 15 Mr. Brown says:-"It is not possible to give accurately the area occupied by each tribe, as the boundaries are difficult to discover." That is no doubt true at the present day, as the tribes are all mixed up together, as were the Hottentots before they disappeared, just as the Andamanese are disappearing. But it was not wholly true 50 years ago when Mr. Man began to work. The area of occupation by various tribes has altered from time to time to my personal knowledge. In fact, political geography was always changing in the Andamans, as elsewhere, according to variation in local tribal supremacy. E.g., Colebrooke found Jarawas at Port Blair in 1790, whereas Dr. Mouat and his successors found Aki-B3as there in 1858. The Jarawa area of occupation has since varied greatly in my own experience. Mr. Brown shows here and throughout his observations a tendency to give the impression that his observations in 1906-1908, when the tribes had become all mixed up and were in close friendly contact (except the Onges and Jarawas), were true of the Andamanese Tribes, when they were still separated and largely mutually hostile. His remarks must therefore always be read with caution. On one point, estimate of population, Mr. Brown differs from all who preceded him. The Census of 1901 was a first attempt it is true, but it was very carefully performed by officers of long experience, including Mr. Man himself, on a definite detailed plan, which is explained at full length in the Report. It involved visits to every available part of the Islands, so thorough that they in turn involved brushes with the Jarawas. Every effort practicable was made to arrive at approximate accuracy, and an estimate was added of the population in pre-contact days on data that were also fully explained. The meaning of all this is that the Census estimates were made, on openly described data, both for the present (1901) and the former population. Mr. Brown thinks them wrong on very much smaller opportunity for judging, and owing to my experience, his strictures on the Jarawa estimate do not impress

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JUNE, 1923 ] A CHRISTIAN DYNASTY IN MALABAR 157 me at any rate. Here we have again a characteristio of this book, a tendency to criticise on insufficient data, so that on points of observation it supplies evidence only. It does not supersede the work of former observers. (To be continued.) A CHRISTIAN DYNASTY IN MALABAR (Being an Enquiry into Local Christian Tradition). BY T. K. JOSEPH, B.A., L.T. The Muhammadan royal house of the Ali Rajas of Canannore is fairly well known. Not so the Christian dynasty of Villiyarvattam near Cochin, which became extinct some time before the advent of the Portuguese to the Malabar Coast. Reliable evidence for its existence has not yet been forthcoming. Malabar Christian tradition has it that this line of kings dates from the time of the famous merchant Thomas of Cana who colonized Cranganore (Kodungallor, Kotunnallur) along with a large number of Christians from Baghdad, Nineveh and Jerusalem in 345 A.D. But there is absolutely no historical evidence to support this. When in 1502 Vasco da Gama came to Cochin for the second time, some Syrian Christians from Cranganore presented him with a sceptre which, they said, once belonged to their ancient Christian sovereigns. The Kerala Palama, a history of the Portuguese in Malabar, written in Malayalam after 1662. refers to this incident in these words :-"The Syrian Christians came from Cranganore with fowls and fruits and presenting them said, we are all very glad of your coming. In older times there was in this land a king in our own community. Here we give you the soeptre and the writ of kingship granted to him by the ancient Perum Ale. We, about 30,000 of us, are all of one accord. Henceforth let the King of Portugal hold sway over us.'... The sceptre was red in colour and had two silver rings with throe silver bells on one of them." "These St. Thomas' Christians then," says Adriaan Moens, Dutch Governor, in his Memorandum on the Administration of Malabar (1781), "being favoured with privileges, increased, it is said, in influence, power and number among the nations of the country, became bold through these advantages and desired, just as the Israelites of old, a king over them and did in fact appoiut one, by name Balearte (Villiyarvattam), and gave him the title of king of the St. Thomas' Christians. His descendants are also said to have succeeded him on the throne until at last one came to die without offspring. In his place was elected with the common consent of the people a king, who was at the same time king of Diamper or Odiamper (Udayamperur), which is distant 3 (Dutch) miles from Cochin to the south in the present territory of the king of Travancore....When the kings of this dynasty also had died out altogether, the kings of Cochin are supposed to have got posseseion of that kingdom." Vide Galletti's Dutch in Malabar, p. 174. (Madras, 1911.) Moens gives also the subsequent fate of this kingdom of Villiyarvattam (Balearte). "The little old kingdom of Valliavattam also belongs to him [i.e., to PAliyat Achohan, here. ditary prime minister of the king of Cochin). It is an island, a little to the north from here (Cochin) near the southern extremity of Paru (Parur). He got this in ancient times from the king of Cochin, who had inherited it from a Nair chief." Ibid, p. 120. . J. V. Stein van Gollenesse also says to the same effect in his Memorandum of 1743 : "He (P&liyat Achchan) possesses also a right to the old state of Villiar Vattatta; this however is merely nominal." We have it on the authority of the author of the Cochin State Manual that the royal family of Villiy Arvattam" became extinct about 1600 A.D., and it is stated

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158 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JUNE, 1993 , that the title with only a small portion of the estate passed to Paliyat Achan." Ibid, p. 62, and note 1. Mr. Logan in his Malabar Manual says that this Villiyarvattam is "the Beliartes of the Portuguese, the Kodungallor (Cranganore) dynasty." Vide Logan's Malabar Manual, Vol. II, Collection of Deeds, No. 7, pote 5. We have hitherto been in the domain of mere tradition and non-contemporary documents, the reliability of which can be called in question. Contemporary evidence for the existence of this Christian dynasty is, however, afforded by some writers of the 16th century. In 1439 Pope Eugene IV sent envoys to the Christian king of Malabar with a letter which commenced as follows "To my most beloved son in Christ, Thomas, the Ilustrious Emperor of the Indians, Health and the Apostolic Benediction :-There often has reached us a constant rumour that Your Serenity and also all who are the subjects of your Kingdom are true Christians. This letter is given at page 60 of Wadding's Annales Minorum. Vide Travancore Manual, Vol. II, p. 147. (Ed. 1906.) It may be this same King Thomas that Poggio Bracciolini, Secretary to the above men. tioned pontiff, refers to in his Historia De Varietate Fortunae, Lib. IV, written in 1438 or a little later. Says he, "while preparing to insert in this work, for the information of my readers, the various accounts respecting the Indians related to me by Nicolo, ....there arrived another person from Upper India, towards the north. . . . .He says that there is & kingdom twenty days' journey from Cathay, of which the king and all the inhabitants are Christians, but heretios, being said to be Nestorians." Vide India in the 15th Century, Nicold Conti, p. 33 (Hakluyt, 1867). The meaning of the term Upper India can be gathered from an account of the journey of Hieronimo Di Santo Stefano, a Genoese merchant who visited Calicut on a mercantile speculation at the close of the century with which we are dealing. "In this city" (of Calicut) says Santo Stefano, "there are many a thousand houses inhabited by Christians, and the district is called Upper India." Ibid, Santo Stefano, p. 5. Far better than all these, there is in the present writer's poseession a tracing of an unpublished Malayalam inscription in Vatteluttu characters, found at Diamper already men. tioned in the passage quoted from Moens' Memorandum, paragraph 4 above. It runs as follows:-Raja Thomma of Villarvattam, who resided at Chennamangalam, died 2-1-1450." This Chennamangalam was in those daye and is even now the seat of the family of PAliyat Achohan, to whom the Christian Kingdom is said to have passed. In 1330 Pope John XXII sent Bishop Jordans to Quilon with a letter which began as follows "Nobili viro domino Nascarinorum et universis sub eo Christianis Nascarinis de Columbo.... "The chief of the Nazarene Christians here referred to may have been a predecessor of the above King Thomas. The earliest contemporary reference to this dynasty is, as far as the present writer's information goes, in a copper plate sale deed of 1290, which is stated in the dooument to have been executed in the presence of a king of the Villiy&rvattam dynasty. The record gives no clue as to whether the king was Hindu or Christian at that time. In the chronicles of the Trippanittura archives of the Maharaja of Cochin it is recorded that the youngest branch of that royal family "adopted the Villiyarvattam dynasty... and sheltered the Portuguese in Cochin." It can be inferred from the context that the adoption was due to the absence of heirs in that dynasty and really meant an annexation or absorption of territory. For, in the same record, just on sentence before, we find that "the Matattinkil dynasty was adopted into the youngest branch because the former became extinct and thus the branch prospered more and more " on account of the vast territory Since sending this article to the Editor it has been ascertained by careful scrutiny and after a thorough discussion in the Malayalam papers, that this inscription is spurious--T. K.J.

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JUNE, 1923 ] HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAHI KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR and powerful relatives possessed by that dynasty. Very probably it is this adoption that is referred to in the last sentence of our first passage taken from Moens' Memorandum above cited. The year "about 1600 A.D." above quoted as the time of the extinction of this dynasty appears to be nothing more than a very rough approximation., 159 Postscript by the Editor. The above remarks have an important bearing on the traditions regarding the Apostle St. Thomas in India, because one of the clearly outstanding facts in the Malabar tradition about the beginnings of Christianity in that country is that crosses were set up for worship in every one of the seven places where churches were founded by the Apostle St. Thomas. It is known, however, that the practice of setting up crosses in churches did not come into vogue in the first century of the Christian era. The inference from this circumstance would therefore be that Christianity in Malabar does not date from the first century A.D., and that it was not St. Thomas who brought the religion into that country. THE HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAHI KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR. BY LIEUT-COLONEL SIR WOLSELEY HAIG, K.C.I.E., C.S.I., C.M.G., C.B.E. (Continued from page 39.) CI. AN ACCOUNT OF THE CHARACTER OF MURTAZA NIZAM SHAH. Murtaza Nigam Shah excelled all his predecessors in justice, valour, and generosity, the three best characteristics that a king can possess. He was so just that in his reign the whole face of the country was swept clean of tyranny and oppression, that no ruthless hand was laid on the collar of any poor wretch, and the turbulent and violent could not even see the form of injustice in the mirror of their imagination. His generosity was so great that when he found that his treasury was exhausted by his gifts to the poor and worthy, he went into retirement, and shortly after the beginning of his reign he completely emptied the treasury. While Sayyid Shah Jamal-ud-din Husain was vakil and pished he reported to the king that the whole of the cash in the treasury had been exhausted by his munificent gifts and that the turn of the vessels and valuable utensils had now come, and the servants had begun to break them up and distribute the pieces. He, therefore, advised the king that moderation in alms-giving would tend to the good of the country. The king told him to dissuade the poor, if he could, from representing their needs before the throne, for that he could not find it to be in consonance with the principles of generosity to repulse beggars. One day the topic of the conversation at court was the lofty spirit of kings, and one of the courtiers praised the lofty spirit of the king Isma'il Haidar Safavi, as an instance of which he related the following story: One day a qalandar chanced to come before the king in Isfahan, the capital of 'Iraq, and the king promised to fulfil all that he asked. The qalandar, emboldened by the king's great bounty, begged three days' kingship of the king. Although this was a request that few would have preferred, the king's word had been passed, and the galandar was permitted, for the space of three days, to reign over all the realm of Persia and its subjects. Murtaza Nizam Shah then said "If he took back the kingdom from him again he acted ignobly, for to take back what had once been given is not the part of a generous man."

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160 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (June, 1923 They say also that one day when the king was out riding an Arab stopped him and begged of him. He had a piece of cotton cloth tied to a stick and was begging in his own tongue. The king asked what he wanted, and the grasping Arab said "I have come from my own gountry to this land on hearing the report of your generosity and I wish to fill the purse of my avarice and cupidity from the river of your majesty's generosity." The king asked wherewith, and the Arab said in a low voice "With all necessaries." The king ordered the officers of the treasury to comply with all the Arab's demands and then send an officer with him to his most convenient seaport to put him on board a ship for his own country. Indeed the king was so bountiful that many described his bounty as wastefulness. Although many wise men and philosophers have pronounced Murtaza Nigam Shah to be a madman and have attributed his actions to insanity, yet all his other actions and words, and especially the theological and philosophical questions which he asked of the learned men of the court, some of which have been recorded, are evidences of his understanding, acumen, sanity, and well ordered mind. One of the king's immediate attendants, who was well acquainted with his condition and affairs, has related that in the latter days of life, when he wag afflicted with sickness, he repeatedly wrote to the great officers of state ordering them to see that there was no delay in the execution of orders issued by him in the first half of the month, but to hold over any orders issued by him in the second half of the month, as he was not then himself, but God knows the truth of the matter.256 CII.-AN ACCOUNT OF THE PRINCE'S ACCESSION TO THE THRONE OF HIS FATHER AND GRANDFATHER. When the amirs and officers of state had finished the obsequies of the late king they enthroned the prince Miran Husain and admitted all, both small and great, to the hall wherein he was enthroned, and caused favours and rewards to be bestowed on both gentle and simple. On the third day after the death of Murtaza Nizam Shah, when Husain Nizam Shah had gone to his tent with the amirs, vazirs, and officers of the army for the khatm, spies brought news of the approach of Ibrahim 'Adil Shah and his army, which was then encamped at Patori. On hearing this news Husain Nigam Shah, taking every precaution, marched towards the 'Adil Shahi camp, and leaving Ahmadnagar behind him, halted near the Farahbakhsh garden to distribute arms to his army and to prepare it for battle,287 298 Few will agree with the fulsome Sayyid 'Ali that Murtaza's deeds and words were evidence of his understanding, acumen, sanity, and well ordered mind. They were those of a lunatio, but a parasito belauds from policy the profusion of a maniac. 397 Firishta's account of these events is far more probable. Ibrahim 'Adil Shah II was, in fact, marching on Ahmadnagar to assist in deposing Murte pa Nisam Shah II and raising Husain II to the throne. When he reached Pathardi be heard that Husain had imprisoned his father and ascended the throne. Ibrahim sent him his congratulations and proposed to visit him and his wife Kadijah Bulgan, who was Ibrahim's sister. Before an answer to this message could be received news arrived that Hussin had put his father to death. Ibrahim wrote him a bitterly reproachful lotter, saying that he had come with the intention of raising him to the throne and in the belief that be would content himself with wonding his father to some port where he could spend the rest of his life in religious retirement. If this were not mu ciont he himself would have undertaken to keep Murta in safe custody, or might even have blinded him; but now that Husain had murdered his father he had no desire to see him and would have nothing to do with him. He threatened him with the divine vengeance and prophesied that he would not reign for long, and having dispatched this letter returned to his own country. F. ii, 114, 115.

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JUNE, 1923 ] HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAHI KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR When Ibrahim 'Adil Shah heard that Husain Nigam Shah had distributed arms to his army and was marching to meet him he repented of his enterprise and sent a message to Husain Nizam Shah saying that as that day was the khatm of the late king he had come with all his army to celebrate it at the mosque of Jaichand's village, but that as he had heard that Husain Nizam Shah took his coming ill, and had assembled his army and distributed arms to them, he was starting at once on his return journey to his own country. He marched in such haste that he allowed nothing to stop him until he reached Bijapur. When the army crossed the Beora, that river was in spate and many elephants and horses, and much property, baggage and camp equipage were swept away. After Ibrahim Adil Shah had retired without venturing to meet him, Husain Nizam, Shah seated himself on the throne with full power, and proceeded to devote his time to enjoyment. He confirmed Mirza Khan in the office of vaktl, and also conferred on him the office of imarat bint, or commander-in-chief, which was formerly held by Saif Khan, one of Mirza Khan's friends, and thus added very largely to his power and influence. It had been foretold that the prince Husain Nigam Shah would not enjoy his power for long, and he had no taste for the cares and duties of kingship and no ambition for the conquest cf kingdoms, and therefore left all public business in the hands of Mirza Khan while he abandoned himself to the circulation of the wine cup, the enjoyment of music and sensual pleasures; indulging in his morning cup and drinking all day long. The kingdom of the Dakan had fallen into his hands without difficulty and without his being called upon to endure any hardship, and he therefore failed to appreciate its value, and contented himself with lewdness and wantonness. 161 Isma'il Khan, when he was vainly endeavouring to raise a party for Murtaza Nizam Shah, had summoned all the Foreigners. Mirza Khan now sent Salabat Khan back into confinement 28 and made Muzaffar Khan Mazandarani commandant of the fortress in which he was confined, and also expelled Habib Khan from the city and sent him to the seaport. Most of the Dakani and African amirs, however, became suspicious of Mirza Khan, owing to his dismissal of Saif Khan, in spite of his former great friendship with him, and conspired to compass his downfall. By means of the female servants of the haram they reported to the king that Mirza Khan meditated rebellion, and had privily brought Miran Shah Qasim from the fortress of Sinnar and kept him concealed in his house with a treasonable motive.99 Husain Nizam Shah, in spite of his youth, was not misled by the words of these sowers of strife, and kept the engagement into which he had entered with Mirza Khan, but set men to watch him, set himself to inquire into the reports which had been made to him, and sent a swift messenger to the fortress of Sinnar to inquire regarding Miran Shah Qasim. When Mirza Khan became aware of the machinations of his enemies, he set himself to estab lish his innocence and, having approached the king through Yaqut Khan, son of the old Farhad Khan, who was now in the king's service, he complained that his enemies had slandered him to the king and that their lies had some effect on the king's mind, but that as God was his witness, he was free of all blame,300 299 Salabat Khan was now sent to the fortress of Kherla, in Berar, situated in 21deg 56' N. and 78deg 1' E. 299 Qasim was a younger brother of Murtaza Nizam Shah I and uncle of Husain II. He had been imprisoned in the fortress of Sinnar, in 19deg 50' N. and 74deg E. F. ii, 289. 300 According to Firishta Hussin II imprisoned Mirza Khan on suspicion, but released him and restored him to favour on being convinced of his innocence. The fate of the prince, Miran Qasim, is not mentioned by Sayyid 'Ali. Firishta says that Mirza Khan, in order to remove, once for all, any ground for the suspicion that he wished to raise him to the throne, proposed to Husain II that he should be put to death. The king assented and Qasim and his sons, and apparently some of his brothers, whose names have not been recorded, were murdered at Sinnar.

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162 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1923 Husain Nizam Shah, in his good nature and trustfulness, reassured Mirza Khan and promised to bestow further favours on him, and when the person who had been sent to make inquiries about Miran Shah Qasim returned and reported that what Mirza Khan's detractors had said was a lie, he summoned Mirza Khan and bestowed upon him fresh honours and favours. But Mirza Khan, in order to remove the reproach that had been cast on him and to silence his slanderers, asked to be allowed to resign the office of vakil and pishva and recommended that the duties of the post should be entrusted to a commission consisting of Qasim Beg, the physician, Sayyid Mir Sharif Jilani, and Sayyid Muhammad Samnani, and that they should dispose of all civil and revenue matters, in order that he might be de. livered from the wiles of his enemics and serve the king with a peaceful mind. Mirza Khan's proposal was approved by the king and the three persons mentioned wero summoned and appointed to perform the duties of vakil and pishvd, being invested with robes of honour on the occasion. Although these three persons were, by the royal command, appointed to perform the duties of the office of vakil and pishvd, yet they did not take up any matter without Mirza Khan's consent, and they had not sufficient power or independence to concern themselves in any matter without first consulting him. Mirza Khin employed himself in acquiring popularity among all classes and distributed the king's bounty and favours to all, both gentle and simple, in accordance with their ranks and degrees. Thus he promoted Mir Sayyid Murtaza, the son of Mir Shirvani, who had long been intimate with him, to the rank of amir, or rather of amir-ul-umard, and be stowed on him in jagir the province of Bir, which is the most fertile and populous of all the provinces of the Dakan. He raised Mirza Muhammad Salih, entitled Khankhanan, above his fellows, by promoting him to the rank of an amir, and by giving to him the appointment of Sar-i-sar-s-naubal of the right wing. He also released Jamshid Khan, who had been imprisoncd since the defcat of Sayyid Murtaza Sabzavari and made him one of the chief amirs. Sayyid Hasan, the writer's brother, received the appointment of Sar-i-naubat. He conferred on Farhad Khan the African, who had becn imprisoned and again released, the same rank and the same districts as he had before. He raised Bahadur Khan Gilani also to the rank of arnir, and made Amin-ul-Mulk, who had long held that rank and office under Murtasa Nizam Shah, a vazir. Mirza Khan thus administered the affairs of the kingdom unexceptionally and shewed gitat generosity to all. The king also having regard to the friendships of early days, promoted some of his immediate and favourite courtiers, such as Akbar Khan and Yaqat Khan, who were well known as the king's most intimate Associates, to the rank of amir, and thus raised them from the lowest to the highest rank. The king passed all his time in the pursuit of pleasure in company with these men, indulging in the satisfaction of his youthful passions and in drinking from morning to evening and from evening to morning. He would spend the nights in the bazars in company with the lowest, and in his presence nobody was more honoured than this vile gang. Thus Mirza an and all the rest of the Foreigners, through envying Ankas Khan's and 'Ambar Khan's access to the king, stirred them up to act against this gang, and the gang, 301 owing to the deeply implanted hatred which existed between them and the Foreigners. were ever plotting to bring about their downfall, and slandering them to the king, and the quarrel between these two factions led to such ill results that it may be said to have ruined a world, brought a whole people to execution or slaughter, and plunged a world into grief, distraction, and destruction, as will be seen. (To be continued.) 301 The gang consisted of the young king's low companions from the bazars, who were Dakadis.

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JUNE, 1923) BOOK NOTICES 168 BOOK NOTICES. A GUIDE TO NIZAMUDDIN (Memoirs of the and learning who they were that have here found Archaeological Survey of India, No. 10), their last resting place. It is literally studied with by MAULVI ZAFAR HASAN, B.A. XI Plates. memories. Calcutta Government Press, 1922. Khwaja Mu'ayyinu'ddin (Mu'inu'ddin) Chishti 1 This valuable monograph has several points for of Ajmer, buriod there in a similar enclosure and recommendation. It is based partly on very equally well worth a monograph, was the founder rare authorities : it deals with one of the most of the famous Chishtiye Order of Saints about interesting groups of Muhammadan sepulchral 1200 A.D. and was succeeded by Qutb Shah of monuments in India: it is carefully prepared, Mehrauli, who passed on the insignia of saintship and it is beautifully illustrated. to Shekh Farid of PAkpatan, the preceptor of Every visitor to Delhi, indeed every globe. Nizamu'ddin Aulia of Budaun and later of Delhi. trotter in India, goes or is taken to view the village In the above list alone we have a galaxy of holy of Nizamu'ddin (Soldier of the Faith), especially men, round whom endless legend has collected. the romantic and very beautiful grave, rather But in addition, the Sayyid ancestors of Nizamuddin than tomb, of Jahanara, the devoted poetess himself, Sayyid 'Ali al-Bukhari and Sayyid daughter of Shahjahan, and to see men and boys Khwaja Arab, both of Budaun, respectively the take the big dive of 60 feet into the bdolt or well paternal and maternal grandfathers of Nizamu'ddin, there, off the roof of the Chini-kh-Burj. are great heroes of legend on their own account. The village takes its name from the most popular Nizamu'ddin was born at Budaun in 1238 A.D. of the medieval saints known to fame all over and went to Delhi in 1254 to study under Khwaja India as Nizamu'ddin Aulia, round whose tomb Shamsuddin (afterwards Shamsu'l-Mulk), wazir and shrine Mughal Royalties, notables and wealthy (minister) of Ghiyasu'ddin Balban, the "Slave personages have been buried, in Muhammadan King." Here he secured the friendship of Shokh fashion, century after century. Consequently some Najibu'ddin Mutawakkil, brother of the great of the buildings erected are amongst the best of Shokh Farid, and under his influence became the their kind, and in true Indian style have been latter's disciple in 1257, and then in 1265 his neglected, and also restored and enlarged and successor in the saintship, settled near Delhi. Here cared for, right up to the present day, by kings, his life was mixed up with the Khilji Dynasty of princes and notables. So that one has here Delhi and great by gone names of that line come collected together neglected ruins, often occupied before us,--'Alau'ddin, Mu'izzuddin, Jalaluddin, by very poor people and so destroyed as far as Qutbuddin , together with changes in the capital possible, and also graves, tombs and buildings fully round about, Delhi,-Ghiyaspur, Nizampur, preserved. It is good to learn that the Imperial Kilukhsi-and later, Tughlaqabad, Shahjahanabad. Government has the whole place in hand. With some of the rulers he was in high favour, Such a place is an epitome of many phases of but others were inclined to distrust him, and there Indian Muhammadan history, and is alive with are numerous aggrandising stories of the usual the varied associations of centuries in every corner more or less miraculous kind as to the assistance of it. Famous men and women, and events of or the reverse given them by him. Old tales of the most interesting and incongruous character the day are forcibly brought to mind in these are here recalled everywhere, and one can hardly legends : e.g., the famous raid of Malik Kafur into imagine a place more worth explaining to the Southern India (Warangal) for 'Alau'ddin Khilji, visitor, and I may add more difficult to explain and incidentally we sometimes hear, in connection to the non-expert in a manner that will not bore with the saint, of the names, characters and doings him. This monograph is an excellent attempt. of some of the sons of the old kings, which are not The surroundings are thoroughly Indian and otherwise familiar to history. Thus, we find that are filled with the families of a poverty-stricken Khiar Khan, the unfortunate son of 'Alau'ddin and not very desirable class of people (pirzadas, Khilji, who, with his brother Shadi Khan, was children of the saint), who derive an unworthy blinded by Malik Kafar, on his father's death, built livelihood out of the memory of by-gone worthies the well-known Jama'at Khana (Hall of Congrega of special sanctity or social standing, with whom tion), now a mosque for Nizamu'ddin's followers. they have or claim a family connection. I will After the Khiljis, the Tughlaqe were closely take time, tact and money to remove them to a connected with Nizamu'ddin, and the well-known more useful sphere, but for the sake of themselves proverb, to give it its modern non-litegary form. and the historical Associations of the renewed "Dillt dar hai, Delhi is a long way off," arose out capital of the Indian Empire it will be worth doing of the reply the saint gave to Ghiyasu'ddin Tughlaq, Many and many great name, event, legend when the latter demanded a certain sum of money and story comes to mind on going over the ground alleged to have been deposited with him and said 1 "Christi," according to a book by globe trotting English lady about 10 years ago

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164 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JUNE, 1923 he was coming to fetch it. It wa# so far off that of Nizamuddin. Thus do seint and sinner, princely he was killed on his way to the saint by the fall heroine and wealthy noble, lio here in close proxi. of a house at Tughlaqabad, whether accidentally mity, as happens elsewhere. or otherwise is a matter of some doubt, but at any Passing over some well-inscribed Brava rate the eaint had no hand in his death. Hence importance. Wo come to that of Amir Kh the proverb recalls a prophecy. This was the last (1263-1325), the great Indian Persian poet and reported deed of Nizamuddin, for he died soon Nizamu'ddin's favourite disciple. As might be afterwards in 1325, aged 87, passing on the insignia expected, this memorial has drawn the attention to Shokh Nasiru'ddin, Chiragh-i-Delhi (the Lamp of of princes at all times-Muhammad Tughlag, Babur Delhi). Before he died Nizamu'ddin had founded a through his brother-in-law. Mahdi KhwAin. Sub-Order of the safis, the Chishtiya Nizamiya. Humayun, Akbar through Shahabu'ddin Ahmad All about the shrine of the Saint pious Muham. Khan, Jahangir through Khwaja 'Imadu'ddin madans of means, men and women, lie buried, but Hasan. But the rulers with whom Amir Khuer many of them were far from being people of was mostly connected in his lifetime were JalAlu'ddin historical importance, even when the memorials Khilji And Ghiyasu'ddin Tughlaq. Near his left are prominent, as in the case of the Chini-ke grave is a ddidn or hall, containing four tombe, Burj itself, which is the monument of "a woman one of which is that of 'Ikram Mirdahs ('Corporal of no importance," one Zuhra, and in that of Bar 'Ikram) of the reign of Shah 'Alam II and dated' Kokaldi, daughter of Mulayam Khan, and otherwise 1801. Outside it is a grave attributed to Zfyeu'ddin unknown to fame. But close by we find a less Barani, the historian of Firoz Shah Tughlaq, who, pretentious structure of 1379 with an important like many others of note, W&S & disciple of Nizam. connection, as it was built by Malik Ma'raf, the u'ddin. Here again we have a queer mixture of chamberlain of the great Firos Shah Tughlaq. great and small collected round the shrine of the The tomb of the saint itself is not of much archi- famous saint. tectural consequence, but all sorts of namos are Outside Amir Khusru's enclosure are the mosque connected with its construction and repair, includ. and grave of one of the Khan DaurAn Khans, ing that remarkable madman Muhammad Tughlaq, most probably those of the great noble of that title Firoz Shah Tughlaq, Akbar's son Murad in the days of the Emperore Farrukhsiyar and (1597) through Lal Beg his paymaster,' Shahjahan Muhammad Shah, who was killed in action in 1739, through Khalilu'llah Khan, his governor of Shah. and the memorial of Atga Khan. This last recalls jahanabad, and 'Alamgir II (1755). In the same not only an interesting point in history, for he enclosure, too, are some beautiful tombs, that of helped Humayun to escape after his defeat by Jahanara, with its well-known inscription of 1681, Sher Shah Sur, but also an interesting point in being the most visited. Many are the stories Imperial Mughal manners, for he was, as his name connected with this devoted woman, that of the infers, the husband of Akbar's wet-nurse, Jiji recovery from a severe burn through the skill of Anaga. His title 48 Imperial foster-father stuck Gabriel Boughton of the East India Company, to him despite his much higher title of 'Azam with all the subsequent consequences, being one Khan, on his defeat for the Emperor of the great of them. Close by is the grave of a very different Bairam Khan. His son, Mirza 'Aziz Kokaltash. personage : the decadent Mughal Emperor, Akbar's foster-brother, again as his name implies, Muhammad Shah, the victim of Nadir ShAh, whose built his tomb and lies himself not far off. This massacre of Delhi (1739) is still a troubled memory last was a clever turbulent noble, often in trouble of the past, and beside him, by a sort of historical with both Akbar and Jahangir owing to his freedom irony, lie Sahiba Mahal, the wife of Nadir Shah of speech, but of great ability. Between him and himself, and her infant daughter, side by side also his father are the tombs of Bahram Shah, son of with Muhammad Shah's grandson. Here we have Shah Alam II, and his wife, Bi Jan (1807-10). before us a tragedy of the oppressor in the very We now return to the days of the "Save Kings," home of the oppressed. the Khiljis, and the Tughlaqs in the ruins of the Near by, too, are other records of the days of LAI Mahal, attributed both to Ghiyasu'ddin Balban decadence: the tombs of Mirza Jahangir, the and 'Alau'ddin Khilji, and of the mosquo of Khan nad son of Akbar II (1821). whom Mr. Seton, the Jahan Maqbal or Tilangan And Khan Jahan British Resident, had to place in confinement at Jauna, father and son, successively the warra his father's request. It is a sign of those times (ministers) of Firoz Shah Tughlaq. The story that neither his tombstone, nor that of his brother of the first is of great interest, as be was reputed Mirza Babur, were originally meant for them. to be a Hindu (Telugu) prisoner of importance, His was meant for a woman, now unknown, and brought away in the raid on Warangal under his brother's belonged in the first instance to one Muhammad Tughlaq in 1321, who'verted' and Mir Muhammad who died in 1579! In this neigh. became a disciple of Chiragh-i-Dehli. Hence the bourhood lies Mirsa Babur's wife, Not far oft presence of his remains in the neighbourhood of is the tomb of Khyrje 'Abdu'r-Rahman. & disciple 1 Nizamu'ddin, The latter of these two remarkable

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JUNE, 1923) BOOK NOTICES 165 men had for a long while the proud title of Khan | years been rather dormant than extinct. In the Jahan bin Khan Jahan, but after a long service meanwhile the tendencies in the treatment of and much building for Islam, including the Kalan art, architecture and ritual have been in the direc. Masjid at Shahjahandbad, he was eventually tion of recognizing common or parallul develop murdered in 1387. Such are the Associations of a wonderful spot, ments and reciprocal influences. What was lack the details of which are to be found in this excellent ing was the discovery of channels and lines of commemoir by Maulvi Zafar Hasan. One or two munication. The disinterment of the Central other minor matters in it are also worth notice. Asian Civilization of the centuries immediately On p. 1, in talking of Nizamu'ddin himself, the following the Christian epoch, and the interming. author says: "The original home of his ancestors, ling of religions and cultures which it reveals is who were Sayyid by caste, had been Bukhara." a new fact of considerable import, 49 is also Ho thus shows how deeply the idea of paste has the realization of the widespread influence of bitten into the Indian Muhammadan mind, even Byzantine art. In the Parthian and Sassanian in the case of "doctors" of Islam. On p. ll the empires also Christianity, Manichaeism aud Maulvi catches Prof. J. N. Sarkar tripping, and Buddhism were intermingled, and if they failed remarks: "At the head of the grave (of Nizam. to influence each other, this must have been due u'ddin) on a wooden stand is placed a manuscript to a protective quality inherent in the nature of copy of the Qurdn, which is oddly described by religion. Professor J. N. Sarkar as having been written by Professor Gunter's conclusions are mainly the Emperor Aurangzeb. The manuscript is dated negative. He denies that St. Eustachius and St. 1127 A.H. (1715-16 A.D.), some nine years after Christopher have any proved connection with the death of that Emperor, and there is no internal Brahmadatta and Patacard and with the Mahaor external evidence to indicate that Aurangzeb sutasoma Jatake respectively and while or any other Mughal Emperor was in any way acknowledging that Joasaph in the Story of Bas. connected with it The attendants at the shrine Inam And Joasaph is the Bodhisattva, he denies relate that the copy of the Qurdn has been there that the story of the Bodhisattva is here that of for a very long time, but they have no knowledge Buddha. It is not until the 12th and 13th cen. of its origin." Lastly, he seems to trip himself turies that he allows even the slightest indications of Indian motifs in the west, and anything like in remarking on p. 14 that "the language of this inscription (of 'Alamgir m), which is Old Urdu literary influence he postpones to the end of the deserves special notice." But it is dated 1766, middle ages and the epoch of the modern age. What there is in common between India and Clas. And so why is it called "Old Urdu" ? Perhaps sical and early Christian story he would trace "antiquated " Urdu would be more appropriate. back to common Indo-European inheritance, In vol. XXXV, pp. 141, 142, 169, 178, 203 f. of parallel development, and the original Aesop. this Journal are quoted many specimens in 1654 In his second part Professor Gunter considera and earlier. more generally the sources of the resemblances R. C. TEMPLE between the stories of saints in the two religions. BUDDHA IN DER ABHNDLUNDISCHEN LEGENDE, These he classes under three heads, adaptations von HEINNICZ GONTER.Haesset, Leipzig, 1922, of primitive stories, features epringing from com. pp. XII, 305 and (1). munity of saintly type due to community of theory The author of this work, who is Professor of of saiatehip, and actual experiences of life evoked History at Tubingen, dieclaims the quality of by the struggle to attain that ideal. Here we Indologue, but claims that sufficient Buddhist find much that is interesting and reasonable, and texts for his purpose are available in translations, it can hardly be denied that the causes thus defined whereas an Indologue would have needed for are true causes. The morks and saints of Buddhism the treatment of the topie a disproportionate and Christianity were not born amid surroundings amount of reading of Christian legendary matter having no psychological background; thuir ideal He has paturally had recourse mainly to the liter- led to deductions in regard to their procedure tiro of story, Jatakas, Avadanas, eto, taking under supposed conditions and to practical account of the comparisons which have been made encounters in the world of experience. by previous scholars, such as Kuhn, Speijer, It must be admitted, moreover, that in seeking Zacharise and Garbe. for parallels between east and west we are in nord The old question of the interchange of fable of the corrective which Professor Gunter supplice. and legend between the East and West has of late I Fixing our attention upon one or two striking

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166 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY resemblances, we are too apt to contract our view to the particular case. For instance, we compare the infant Christ and the infant Krishna, and we forget that there are many other infants in religious story, whether they be Buddha or Hercules or Zeus; and thus we may mistake a matter of large human psychology for a particular historical transmission. The alternative method is not without its perils: if we select a particular motif and try to trace it through a wide area of the religious world, we are apt to drop one by one in the course of our adaptations all the distinctive features of the story, until we are left with a thread of connection too slender to have any significance. The critics, also, of theories of borrowing may display a not really helpful method when they merely swamp the propounded identification with a deluge of parallels culled from miscellaneous sources. The only means of reaching solid results is to take a more or less compact body of matter and with full regard to the historical and geographical conditions to see whether we can construct a more or less solid causeway from point to point. This was not Professor Gunter's task and it cannot be said that he has greatly furthered it. com. It must also be urged that the conclusion presented by Professor Gunter is of that kind which may be termed the miraculous. First of all during long centuries practically no contact at all; then in the 12th and 13th centuries some inklings; and finally towards the close of the middle ages a definite beginning of literary intercourse. A gap we are prepared to admit ; for we can name the cause, that is the intervention of the Islamic block, so impenetrable to religious influences from outside and so crushing to communities of other faiths enclosed within its terrain. But in the pre-Islamic centuries other conditions prevailed and if there was then no lack of obstacles to munion between distant lands, these were rather such as to render communications slow and stagnant than to constitute a definite block. Above all at the time which in the highest degree excites our interest, in the period beginning with Asoka's despatch of missionaries to the west, the period when it would be most fascinating to know of Buddhist ideas in the intellectual life of Syria, Palestine and Egypt, the medium was receptive and the ways were moderately open. What we need now, especially after the elaborate discussions by Bergh van Eysinga and Garbe, is new facts, such as those we owe to that great scholar Ernst Kuhn. Two lines of new discovery are in such a matter worth more than volumes of indecisive discussion. F. W. THOMAS. [JUNE, 1923 published by the Jaina Parish Venkatachala Iyer THE JAINA GAZETTE Gazette Office, 21, Street, Madras, 1922. From the issues of the Jaina Gazette for May and June, 1922, it appears that this monthly organ of the All-India Jaina Association has been in existence for three years. Like one or two other Madras publications, however, its regular appear. ance has been prevented by a printers' strike and other symptoms of industrial unrest. The May number contains a useful article by Professor A. Chakravarti on "Idols of Indian Research," which draws pointed attention to the manner in which that old bane of Indian Literature, odium theologicum, even in these days. reacts detri. mentally upon historical research "What is still more unfortunate," he writes, "is that this defect (religious rivalry) is not obsolete, but quite alive even unto the present day. It is within the knowledge of several students that facts epigraphical and literary which are likely to advance the worth of a particular sect are very often suppressed or twisted in interpretations by other seats. This deplorable lack of academic openness of mind vitiates research in South Indian history." One catches an echo of this sectarian rancour in the proposal to establish in Madras a Central Jain Press and Library, which will counteract the machinations of "the jealous opponents of Jainism." The latter are alleged to have destroyed many of the great Jain scriptures in past centuries, and to have wrongfully attributed the authorship of other Jain works to Hindus. The suggestion that the Jain faith is merely an off-shoot of other religious systems is not accepted by the Jaina Gazette. The general attitude of the journal forms a curious comment upon the claim occasionally advanced in political circles that India is now "a nation" and that the "cleavages of religion, race and caste," which have always threatened her solidarity, have ceased to be of primary importance. The journal publishes an account of the proceedings of the Jain Political Cor.ference, from which we learn that some of the leading members of the community were closely identified with the Non co-operation movement and have been imprisoned for failing to give security for good behaviour. The list of "Books of the Hour," advertised as procurable at the office of the journal, contains. publications by Messrs. C. R. Das, B. G, Tilak, Lala Lajpat Rai, C. F. Andrews, Bernard Houghton, and Mahatma Gandhi. Apart from this, the paper contains some useful notes on Jain philosophy and religious beliefs. Some of the advertisements strike one as hardly suitable for a publication dealing largely with the history, literature, and science of the Jain religion. S. M. EDWARDES.

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SOME DISCURSIVE COMMENTS ON BARBOSA 167 SOME DISCURSIVE COMMENTS ON BARBOSA. (48 edited by the late M. LONGWORTH DAMES.) BY SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE, BT. (Continued from page 139.) I throw out these suggestions in the hope that someone will investigate further. That well-informed, and as far as quaint spelling is concerned, truly delightful volume, the Madras Manual of Administration, vol. III, 8.v. Cannanore, remarks: "The descendant of the old Cannanore Moplah Sultans, Ally Rajah, resides in the East of the Bay." The following extract from Mr. H. E. A. Cotton's Castes and Customs in Malabar in the Proceedings of the East India Association (published in the Asiatic Quarterly Review, Jan. 1922, p. 245) seems to confirm tho suggestion that the term Ali Raja represents Ilaya Raja or Junior Raja :-" The chief secular potentate of the community is the Ali Raja of Cannanore in North Malabar. According to tradition, the first of the line was a Nayar at the Court of the Kollattiri Raja, who embraced Islam about the end of the eleventh century A.D. His successors became the hereditary ministers of the Kollattiri and attained a position of considerable power. At one time they were lords of the Laccadive Islands which contain a Moplah population, and possessed their own fleet. But they are now merely landowners. The succession goes in the female line, and the Waliya Bibi, or Senior Lady, was formerly an important personage. In 1824 she was regularly supplied with a guard of honour from the military station at Cannanore,' says Major H. Bevan in his Thirty Years in India, and was very strict in exacting this homage to her rank.'" In regard to the Kollattiri Rajas, Mr. Cotton writes : "This family, which is one of the most ancient and honourable in Malabar, is now represented by the Raja of Chirakkal. It is closely allied with the ruling house of Travancore, with which it observes 'community of pollution,' and ladies have been adopted from it to prevent that dynasty from extinction." While describing the neighbourhood of Cannanore, Barbosa makes a remarkable slip in this version of his work, in talking of the cocoanut as "a great fruit which they call cocos," while the versions in Ramusio and of the Spaniards are more correct in saying " which they call tenga (Malayalam form) and we call-cochi (cocoas]." Barbosa is not often caught tripping like this (p. 90). On p. 92 he correctly describes the areca nut (Malayalam, adakka) under that name. The term poonac (Coco-nut oilcake) used in note 1, p. 90, wants investi. gation. The Sanskrit term is puindga, and any South Indian similar term would be a borrowing. Has this been the case ? At p. 36 is a note by Mr. Thorne to which I wish to draw attention. Barbosa is describ. ing the Srikovil or Great Temple of Calicut, and remarks " without the church [read "temple ") is a stone of the height of a man." On this Mr. Thorne notes: "This is the mandapam, a stone platform with a tiled canopy, in front of the Srikovil, but within the four walls of the temple enclosure. Only Brahmans may use the mandapam, on which prayers are said by the worshippers." In editing Peter Mundy, vol. III, pt. i, pp. 75-6, who had remarked: "We lay ... in a Pagode. It seems they serve here [Bhatkal] to harbour passengers in their Couroes round aboutt (like to the Saraes aboutt Guzaratt) as well as For Devotion," my annotation to the passage was: "Mundy means that they rested in the open porch (mantapam) of a temple (koil) near Bhatkal, often used by travellers for that purpose." I made this note because I had so rested myself, notably, I recollect, at the Seven Pagodas, Mavalivaram (Mahabalipuram). I see that the Madras Manual, above quoted, has : Mantapam (manda pa San.; mandef, Hind.)... any square or rectangular hall frith a flat roof supported by pillars, open at the sides ; particularly the porch (toranam) of a temple (coil [kow])." Mr. Thorne's note seems to indicate another senge of the term mandapammantapam in Malayalam. * The Book of Duarte Barbosa, Translated from the Portuguese text, Arat published in 1312. Edited and annotated by M. L. Dames, Vol. I, 1918; Vol. II, 1921. London, Hakluyt Society.

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168 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JULY, 1923 The above note leads one to the derivation of "pagoda," a very old puzzle. I said as much in Peter Mundy, vol. III, p. 190 n. Monsenhor Dalgado has discussed all the old suggestions: Chinese pao-t'ah and poh-kuh-t'ah, Portuguese pagao; Singhalese dagaba through bagada and pagode; Persian, but-kadah; and Sanskrit bhagavat. He rejects all of them except bhagavat, and I suppose bhagavata. On this I would remark in favour of the old suggestion dagaba, that the Indo-Chinese pagoda, as a matter of fact, is a true dagaba, or reliquary, and that the forms pagod, pagode, and pagoda may, like many terms common to objects in Europe, India, and the Far East, have a multiple origin, Eastern and Western, owing to similarity in sound of terms of totally different origin for the same or like objects in the East and West. Instances that occur to me are Hindustani rasid and English receipt; European taffeta and Persian tafta; European dimity and Oriental dimyatt; and so on. As regards the deriva. tion from Bhagavat, the Adorable, or its derivative form bhagavata, the adorer or adored, it is prima facie not clear why an interpreter should choose such a term to describe a structure having common descriptive names of its own everywhere. Assuming, however, such to be the case, then on the fact of the Dravidian, like the German, difficulty in clearly distinguishing between surds and sonants, we might proceed to look for a sequence such as this: bhagavat, bhagwat, bagwat, bagaut, bagot, pagot, pagod, pagoda. I suspect, however, that the old travellers really said to themselves pagod, pagoda, in which case the sequence would start with bhagavata. But no such sequences have been actually traced as yet. At pp. 120-121 Barbosa has a remarkable passage relating to the boat, well known as the sampan. He says: "A land belonging to the King of Coulam [Kollam, Quilon], and to other lords who are subject to him, which is called Quilicare [Kilakkarai, in the Madura district opposite Ceylon] wherein are many and great towns of the Heathen, and many others with havens on the sea where dwell many Moors, natives of the land. Its navigation is carried on in certain small craft, which they call champanes, in which Moors come to trade there and carry thither the goods of Cambaya. Here certain horses are of great value, and they take cargoes of rice and cloth and carry them to Malabar." What did Barbosa mean by champanes, the sampan of modern times? I have very often been in a sampan; it certainly could not go round to Malabar or Cambay with cargo. Barbosa may have meant generally that these "Moors," i.e., Labbais or Lubbays of Madura or Ceylon, a naturalised and halfindigenous population like Navayats and Moplahs, traded about India. But the point is that in the early sixteenth century the sampan was used by Muslim sea-coast people between Southern India and Ceylon under that name. Dames says, following Dalgado and Yule seemingly, that it "is Malay and apparently ultimately Chinese," I have always seen them with eyes painted on either side of what may be called the bows, which predicate a purely Chinese origin. The word would mean in dialectic Chinese "three planks," just as the Tamil catamaran (kattumaram) is of three planks corded and sewn together, and I cannot see any Malay origin for the sampan in design or form. M. Noel Peri, in Bulletin de l'Ecole Francaise de l'extreme Orient, t. XIX, No. 5, discusses the term at length, but he says that it is doubtful whether it is in common use beyond Japanese and Far Eastern ports. It is common enough, however, in Burmese, Nicobarese, Malayan, and Singhalese harbours, and, as we have seen above, in South East Indian harbours too. His desire, backed by Professor Bloch, is to show that it is (American) Columbian, and introduced thence to the East by the Portuguese, but his quotations are not early enough. I am afraid that the Chinese derivation is not upset yet. When Barbosa is off Java, amongst the islands to the south of it, he notes (p. 195) "that the women wear suruces," and on this Dames remarks that "this name for a garment has not been traced elsewhere, and is not given in the Spanish version or in Ramusio. It may very probably be a form of the Malay sarong." As a matter of fact the word has only lately come

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JULY, 1923) SOME DISCURSIVE COMMENTS ON BARBOSA 169 to light (see ante, vol. L, Supp., p. 11). It has been taken for sart, but wrongly. There are steady quotations for it from 1604 to 1661 in various forms, but usually sarasses. It meant the highly-figured cotton skirt or petticoat of the Malay women, and the material for it. It was often used in conjunction with tappi (tappi-sarasses), meaning a skirt (Malay-Jav, ta peh). Serdsah appears to be the Malay-Jav. form of the imported Persian term sardsar, brocade, but the material was cotton. Europeans used it for any kind of cotton cloth. To make confusion worse confounded, tappi-sarasses got mixed up with tappiceels and tapseiles, plain and striped silk and cotton cloths, arising out of the Persian tafsila, a rich silken stuff ; and even with other cloths and materials with which I need not trouble my present readers. As regards "patolas (that is to say Cambaya cloths)," p. 198, found at Banda, there are quotations in the early seventeenth century which seem to identify them with sarasses, manufactured at Surat for Batavia and Bantam, and with a garment of cotton called tapchindie, i.e., a chindie-skirt, for which also there are a good many quotations, Barbosa has an appendix on precious stones, opening up so many questions as to words and terms that I will not attempt to examine it here. Ethnology. Barbosa is of course acute in his observations as to customs and is not often in serious error, but in describing the marks on the foreheads of some Hindus as being made to denote caste,' he falls into a mistake which Dames corrects. It cannot be too clearly understood that they mark' sect' not caste,' and it is interesting to note that the error, commonly made by Europeans to this day, dates as far back as Barbosa. I would like here to express a high appreciation of the annotation of Messrs. Dames and Thorne on the account of the Zamorins and also of the Nayars to which clan they belong, and of their history, manners, customs and rites, especially as regards the matriarchate and consequent heredity in the female line. They go a long way towards finally accurate krowledge on perhaps one of the most interesting old-fashioned dynasties of modern times. It is as well to note here that Barbosa's account of them is still, after 400 years, the best foreign first hand description yet given. The well known South Indian matriarchal rule of succession passing to the sister's son is in the case of the successor of a Zamorin, an instance of a social custom defeating any practically useful end. The succession goes to the eldest male heir alive in the direct female line, whoever his mother may have been. The result is that each Zamorin succeeds at a time when he is "too old to administer his estate or property well : he holds the title a year or so, and is then succeeded by another old man." Another instance of a social custom defeating any practical end is to be found amongst the Karens of Burma. Among Sgaw and Pwo Karens, in times of general danger, the girls of allied villages are given in exchange as brides, to become hostages for the good faith of the villagers towards each other. This explains a curious set of customs. Sawntungs may only marry among cousins residing in specified villages, and then not without the consent of the elders. The area of choioe is so small that many aged bachelors and spinsters exist, and it results in great irregularity of age in the married couples, both ways--in men in regard to wives and in wives in regard to men. This is carried to an extreme extent by the Banyoks of Banyin in Loi Seng, where the field of choice is among six families at the choice of the chief official of the distriot (taungad). Five and twenty years ago it had nearly wiped out the tribe.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1923 The ways of the Zamorins are always interesting, and the installation oath on the lamp and gold ring to protect by the sword is more than noteworthy. One would like to know further what the instruments were which were used at the ceremony and were "like unto a sheath of brass." Were they gongs? It may be mentioned here too that on pp. 29-32 several other oaths and ordeals worth examining are detailed. One installation custom, which must cause unstable administration, is that of changing all or most of the public offices at each of the frequent accessions of succession, as the Zamorins, like the Presidents of the United States in this respect, followed each other at short intervals. Incidentally, this custom accounts for the present day numerical strength of the Menon Caste of the Nayars, which is made up of the descendants of those who at one time or another have been clerks to a Zamorin. Their documents were written, or rather inscribed, on strips of palm-leaf (ola), and this habit was so much in vogue even 50 years ago that the present writer's washing and similar bills were made out on olas, when he was in the neighbourhood of Calicut about 1873. Barbosa is so well informed about the modern Malabar Coast (I say "modern" because long after his time the term "Malabar " was often applied to the East as well as to the West Coast of S. India), that one is tempted to comment indefinitely on his observations. Perhaps the most interesting of these is the following (p. 37):-"These Bramenes hold the number three in great reverence; they hold that there is a God in three persons, who is not more than one; their prayers are all ceremonials; they honour the Trinity and would as it were desire to depict it. The name which they give it is Bermabesma Maceru," who are three persons and only one God, whom they confess to have been since the beginning of the world. They have no knowledge nor information concerning the life of our Lord Jesus Christ. They believe and repeat many truths, yet do not tell them truly." How much more Barbosa knew of educated Hinduism than many who followed him even 300 years later! To my mind, however, the notable thing about this passage is that Barbosa does not in it allude to the image of the Trimurti or Hindu Triad, but to the fact that they "honour the Trinity" and "hold that there is a God in three persons, who is not more than one." He is clearly talking here of the Southern form of the Hindu religious philosophy as related to him by obviously educated people. And when he goes on to say that the Trinity is called Bermabesma Maceru (the last an easy error in transcription for Macecu), that is, Brahma, Vishnu and Siva (Mahesvara), and that they are "three persons and only one God," he proves that he had been sitting at the feet of professors of Southern Vaishnavism, presumably of monistic Bhagavatas. For this is precisely what they strongly held--that there is only one God and three representative forms of Him, the one God being Bhagavat or Bhagavan, the Adorable. This is not precisely the Christian Trinity (three persons in one God), but very near it, and the remarkable thing is that this first European observer of Hinduism should have got so much nearer the actual facts about the belief of the modern educated classes of Hindus than most of the European writers who have come after him. It is remarkable, too, that he should have observed (p. 37) that certain ascetic orders of Hindus bury and do not burn their dead. No doubt he alludes to the Lingayats, who by his time had become numerous and well established in the Malabar regions, and bury their dead. On this same page (p. 37) Barbosa mentions a custom that amounts to a mild form of couvade. 170 From religion Barbosa passes on to the social customs of the Nayars and the notes thereon are invaluable. In the course of these I am very pleased to see a remark by Dames that the Code of Manu (Manava Dharma Sastra) "never did and does not now correspond to the 5 Brahma-Vishpu-Maheevara.

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JULY, 1923] SOME DISCURSIVE COMMENTS ON BARBOSA 171 facts in any part of India," with the absurd result that such classes in the South as the Nayars have been ranked by the orthodox as Sudras and have so been held to be inferior. I have often wondered how much harm has been done in the ages right up to the present day by assuming the Code to consist of anything but mere monastic "councils of perfection." On pp. 55, 66, Barbosa has a few remarks in connection with the Nayars on South Indian "Devil-worship" and on the Hindu Doctrine of Rebirth, which are not quite correct, though left unannotated. The Nayars are essentially a military body by tradition and extraordinarily arrogant where inferior castes are concerned; and both Barbosa's and Mr. Fawcett's (p. 49) remarks on their former and present treatment of "Low-castes" contain a lesson to those who would accuse the European in India of arrogance towards the native Indians of any degree. There has never been anything in the actions of Europeans in this respect approaching that of one native Indian towards another. In another sense it may be remarked that well known to the Nayars were both the boycott and the strike-very old social weapons in India, noticed incidentally by many travellersand Barbosa's accounts of the methods adopted by Nayar soldiers to recover arrears of pay would spell terror if applied by European armies for a like purpose, though it is possible that similar practices were in vogue when mercenary forces were the fashion. Barbosa has on p. 57 a remark which is more than merely interesting, as the earliest European instance of an observation, common more than three centuries later on, with quite as much error in it. He is talking of the "Cuiavem " or potters (Kuswan or Kuyavan). He says "They do not differ from the Nayres (Nayars), yet by reason of a fault which they committed, they remain separate from them." This kind of folk-genealogy to bolster up a claim to "better days" in the past is very common in India and in the middle of the last century there was brought about the accidental collection of many such instances as that quoted unwittingly by Barbosa. Someone in high office directed Settlement (of Land Revenue) officials to find out the origin of caste names in the course of their enquiries into tenant right. The result was the record in innumerable Reports, in the Panjab at any rate, of childish accounts of caste origin, based on absurdly false etymology, and put forward in every case in order to raise the social status of the narrators. Anyone interested can collect them for himself from the official Settlement Reports of the period. It is very interesting to find that this particular method of gulling the inexpert European enquirer is as old as Barbosa himself. That the Kuyavan did differ from the Nayar comes out naively in a remark in Ramusio's version of Barbosa: "Those who are sprung from them may not adopt any other caste or occupation" (p. 57). On the whole Barbosa's observations on such castes as Kuyavan Vannathan and Chaliyan, when compared with the modern Gazetteers, seem to infer that they and the Nayars have an origin similar to that of the Rajput clans further North. Indeed, I am tempted here to note as a possible contribution to the ethnology of the Coast, that what we know of the Nayars, the soldiers and "middle class" of the West Coast-the Kuswans or Kuyavans, the potters, the Cuiavem of Barbosa-the Vannathans (p. 58), special washermen for the Nayars who thus avoid caste pollution-and the Chaliyans (p. 59) weavers, whose presence does not pollute the Nayars-all connected with them in the business of lifeshows that they form together what further North would be called a Rajput Clan and their followers. In fact, I am inclined to look upon the Nayars as indigenous Rajputs (there are others in India) and the rest as their followers in true Rajput fashion, although the very

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172 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JULY, 1923 strong Brahmanical influence of the South has succeeded in including the Nayars themselves among the Sudras, putting on that term a complexion very different from its original sense. After" describing the Nayars, Barbosa goes through the whole gradation of castes with wonderful accuracy, drawing many valuable notes from his annotators, including a fine comparative table of caste nomenclature on p. 71. Going further along in his accounts, we find Barbosa twice alluding to a variant of the old European custom which is the subject of Sir James Fraser's Golden Bough : once at "Quilicare " (Kilakkarai in the Madura District) and once at Pasay in Sumatra (pp. 121, 185). Hamilton (1727) transferred it to the Zamorins. It is worth while noting these two variants of a widely spread legend of the compulsory murder of the priest-king by his often unwilling successor.. Before parting with the engrossing subject of the Zamorins and their people, I would note that Barbosa's annotators have an appendix dealing with native accounts of them, con. taining information not to be found elsewhere. In the course of it there is mention (p. 254) of a world-wide folk-custom, giving it a rational explanation : "As they go they turn and throw rice and other things over their shoulder. This ceremony is intended to avert the evil eye, and with this the investiture of the Sthanis (the Five Rajas) is complete." After dealing at great length with the South-Western Hindus, Barbosa turns his atten. tion to the Moors, as he calls them in the fashion of his day, i.e., the Muhammadans of the Malabar Coast, both those that had become naturalised and those still strangers in the land, This leads him to speak with his accustomed acuteness of those jovial ruffians, the Moplahs (Mapillas), and in regard to them he is often informing and makes but few mistakes. As regards Barbosa's observations on Further India, that on pp. 150-152 (one fancies by hearsay), of custom in Arakan of selecting brides by the smell of their perspiration in clothing, which reads as if it were apocryphal, may have an explanation in the custom of smelling for kissing prevalent in Burma and elsewhere in the Far East. In annotating Barbosa's remarks on Pegu, Dames writes accurately regarding the White Elephant. Except in pictorial representations it was anything but white, and that captured during the Third Butmese War, at Mandalay, from the Burmese Court in 1885, of which the present writer had charge for a while officially, was, properly speaking, not even piebald. It had, however, on it certain marks in the arrangement of the hair, etc., which constituted it a holy object and a "white elephant" according to a set of carefully recorded and observed rules : just as has the child chosen to become the Dalai Lama in Tibet. Barbosa's statements also as to there being "many very proper nags, great walkers" in Pegu is accurate, if for "walkers" we translate " amblers." The Pegu pony (really from the Shan uplands) is still a remarkable ambler. I had one (13) hands) for some time in Mandalay, a good weightcarrier, on which I have successfully kept pace for a long distance with a horse at a smart canter. These ponies can keep up a quick amble almost indefinitely and are comfortable to ride at that pace. Barbosa has a remark on Ambam or Amboyna in the Malay Archipelago, which is of unusual interest (p. 199), when he says that every man collects as many "Cambaya cloths" as he can to provide a ransom in case he is captured and enslaved. In parts of the Nicobars it is also the custom to collect white and red cotton cloths by the piece, but for a very different purpose, viz., for wrapping round the owner's corpse as part of the funeral ceremonies. One wonders if Barbosa understood rightly.

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JULY, 1923 ] A CHINESE EXPEDITION ACROSS THE PAMIRS, ETC. Barbosa several times mentions the large size of the bells, drums and gongs of the Malay Archipelago (e.g., pp. 198, 202, 203). This is common to the whole of the Far East, where they are put to many uses, including currency. 173 In describing Siam, Barbosa gives a circumstantial account of the ceremonial eating of dead relatives and friends as part of funeral ceremonies. This he attributes to a people "in the interior towards China where there is a Heathen Kingdom subject to Anseam [Siam]." Dames identifies them with the Gueos, which argues that they were probably [Gwe] Shans and not Was, as Sir George Scott has suggested. These ceremonial cannibals may be there. fore taken to have been Shans of some kind,, in respect of whom such cannibalism has often been reported, as it has also been attributed to Wild Was who belong to the Mon Race and the Kachins who belong to the Tibeto-Burman Race. I have myself known of a case where the body of a Shan rebel said to have been a great sorcerer was dug up by a local chief and boiled down into a decoction, some of which it was proposed to send to the British Chief Commissioner (the late Sir Charles Crosthwaite). It was probably the same case as that reported in the Upper Burma Gazetteer, pt. I, vol. II, p. 37, as occurring in 1888. It will be seen here that the cannibalism was purely ceremonial and due to a desire to secure extraordinarily supernatural powers by a sort of sympathetic magic. The funeral ceremony told to Barbosa may have been a garbled report of similar occurrences. Ceremonial cannibalism of the same kind is said to have existed among the Nicobarese. I must wind up this very long discursive survey of one of the most informing books among the many of the same kind produced of late years by a note showing the care with which it has been edited. In describing the kingdom of Cochin, Barbosa alludes to the Court politics there of his day, of which the Portuguese accounts that have come down to us are scarcely intelligible, were it not for Mr. Rama Varmaraja's Contributions to the History of Cochin, Trichur, 1914. The quotations from this local publication in a long footnote (p. 94) set this matter straight, and provide a strong instance of the importance of placing the editing of such works as Barbosa's in the hands of competent annotators possessing the requisite knowledge. A pathetic interest attaches to these comments on a great book. Just as they were ready for the press, there came to me news of the death of the writer, putting an end to a friendship of forty years standing. A CHINESE EXPEDITION ACROSS THE PAMIRS AND HINDUKUSH, A.D. 747.* BY SIR AUREL STEIN, K.C.I.E. (Continued from page 145.) Well could I understand the reluctance shown to further advance by Kao Hsien-chih's cautious "braves," as from the top of the pass I looked down on 17 May 1906, through temporary rifts in the brooding vapour into the seeming abyss of the valley. The effect was still further heightened by the wall of ice-clad mountains rising to over 20,000 feet, which showed across the head of the Yasin valley south-eastwards, and by the contrast which the depths before me presented to the broad snowy expanse of the glacier firn sloping gently away on the north. Taking into account the close agreement between the Chinese record and the topography of the Darkot, we need not hesitate to recognize in T'an-chu an endeavour to give a phonetic rendering of some earlier form of the name Darkot, as accurate as the imperfections of the Chinese transcriptional devices would permit. * Reprinted from the Geographical Journal for February 1922.

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174 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1923 The stratagem by which Kao Hsien-chih met and overcame the reluctance of his troops, which threatened failure when success seemed assured, looks characteristically Chinese. The forethought shown in preparing this ruse is a proof alike of Kao Hsien-chin's judgment of men and of the extreme care with which every step of his great enterprise must have been planned. But such a ruse, to prove effective, must have remained unsuspected. I believe that, in planning it, full advantage was taken of the peculiar configuration of the Darkot, which provides, as seen, a double route of access to the pass. If the party of men sent ahead to play the role of the "barbarians of Little Po-la" offering their submission was despatched by the Baroghil and Rukang route, while the troops marched by the Showitakh-Showar-shur route, all chance of discovery while on the move would be safely guarded against. As I had often occasion to note in the course of my explorations, Chinese military activity, from antiquity down to modern times, has always taken advantage of the keen sense of topography widely spread in the race. So kao Hsien-ehih was likely to take full account of the alternative routes. Nor could it have been particularly difficult for him to find suitable actors, in view of the generous admixture of local auxiliaries which the Chinese forces in Central Asia have at all times comprised. The remaining stages of Kao Hsien-chih's advance can be traced with equal ease. The three marches which brought him from the southern foot of the pass to "the town of A-nu-yueh " obviously correspond to the distance, close on 30 miles, reckoned between the first camping ground below the Darkot to the large village of Yasin. The latter, by its position and the abundance of cultivable ground near by, must always have been the political centre of the Yasin valley. Hence it is reasonable to assume that we have in A-nu-yueh a fairly accurate reproduction of the name Arniya or Arniah, by which the Dards of the Gilgit valley know Yasin. The best confirmation of this identification is furnished by the statement of the Chinese record that the bridge across the River So-yi was situated 60 li from A-nu-yueh. Since the notice of Little Po-lu contained in the T'ang Annals names the River So-yi as the one on which Yeh-to, the capital of the kingdom, stood, it is clear that the Gilgit river must be meant. Now, a reference to the map shows that, in a descent of the valley from Yasin, the Gilgit river is reached at a distance of about 12 miles, which exactly agrees with the 60 li of the Chinese account. It is evident also that, since the only practicable route towards Gilgit proper and the Indus valley leads along the right, or southern, bank of the Gilgit river, the Tibetan reinforcements hurrying up from that direction could not reach Yasin without first crossing the river. This explains the importance attaching to the bridge and the prompt steps taken by the Chinese leader to have it broken. As the Gilgit river is quite unfordable in the summer, the destruction of the bridge sufficed to assure safe possession of Yasin.28 37 The T'ang Annals specifically mention in the account of Shih-ni, or Shighnan, on the Oxus that its chief in A.D. 747 followed the Imperial troops in their attack on Littlo P'o.lu, and was killed in the fighting: cf. Chavannes, Turcs occidentaux, p. 163. 28 The biography of Kao Hsien-chih calls this bridge "pont de rotin " in M. Chavannes' translation, Turce occidentaur, p. 153. But there can be no doubt that what is meant is a" rope bridge," or jhula, made of twigs twisted into ropes, & mode of construction still regularly used in all the valleys between Kashmir and the Hindukush. Rope bridges of this kind across the Gilgit river near the debouchure of the Yasin valley were the only permanent means of access to the latter from the south, until the wire suspension bridge near the present fort of Gupig was built in recent years.

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JULY, 1923] A CHINESE EXPEDITION ACROSS THE PAMIRS, ETC. 175 It still remains for us to consider briefly what the biography in the T'ang Annals tells us of Kao Hsien-chih's return from Little Po-lu. After having secured the king and his consort and pacified the whole territory, he is said to have retired by the route of "the shrine of the red Buddha" in the eighth (Chinese) month of A.D. 747. In the ninth month (October) he rejoined the troops he had left behind at Lien-yuan, i.e., Sarhad, and by the end of the same month regained "the valley of Po-mi," or the Pamirs. Reference to the map shows that there are only two direct routes, apart from that over the Darkot and Baroghil, by which the upper Ab-i-Panja valley can be gained from Gilgit-Yasin. One leads up the extremely difficult gorge of the Karambar or Ashkuman river to its headwaters east of the Yarkhun river sources, and thence by the Khora-bhort Pass over the main Hindukush range and down the Lupsuk valley to the Ab-i-Panja. This it strikes at a point close to Karvan-balasi, half a march below the debouchure of the Little Pamir, and two and a half marches above Sarhad.29 The other, a longer but distinctly easier route, leads up from Gilgit through the Hunza valley to Guhyal, whence the Ab-i. Panja headwaters can be gained either via the Kilik and Wakhjir passes or by the Chapursan valley. At the head of the latter the Irshad pass gives access to the Lupsuk valley already mentioned, and down this Karwan-balasi is gained on the Ab-i-Panja.30 All three passes are high, close on or over 16,000 feet, but clear of ice and comparatively easy to cross in the summer or early autumn. Taking into account the distinct statement that Kao Hsien-chih left after the whole "kingdom" had been pacified, it is difficult to believe he should not have visited Gilgit, the most important portion of Little Po-lu. In this case the return through Hunza would have offered manifest advantages, including the passage through a tract comparatively fertile in places and not yet touched by invasion. This assumption receives support also from the long time, one month, indicated between the start on the return march and the arrival at Lien-yun. Whereas the distance from Gilgit to Sarhad vid Hunza and the Irshad pass is now counted at twenty-two marches, that from Gilgit to the same place by the Karambar river and across the Khora-bhort is reckoned at only thirteen. But the latter route is very difficult at all times and quite impracticable for load-carrying men in the summer and early autumn, when the Karambar river completely fills its narrow rock-bound gorge. The important point is that both routes would have brought Kao Hsien-chih to the same place on the uppermost Ab-i-Panja, near Karwan-balasi, which must be passed by all wishing to gain Sarhad from the east, whether starting from Hunza, Sarikol, or the Little Pamir. This leads me to believe that the "shrine of the red Buddha," already mentioned above as on the route which Kao Hsien-chih's eastern column followed on its advance to Sarhad, must be looked for in this vicinity. Now it is just here that we find the small ruin 30 Regarding Karwan-balasi and the route along the Oxus connecting Sarhad with the Little Pamir, of. Desert Cathay, i. pp. 72 agg. 80 The Hunza valley route was followed by me in 1900. For a description of it and of the Kilik and Wakhjir pages, by which it conneots with the Ab-i-Panja valley close to the true glacier source of the Oxus, see my Ruins of Khotan, pp. 29 899. The branch of this route leading up the Chapursan valley and across the Irshad pass, was for the most part seen by me in 1013. The Chapursen valley is open and easy almost throughout and showe evidence of having contained a good deal of cultivation in older time i see my note in Geographical Journal, 48, p. 109. On this account, and in view of the fact that this route is some 18 miles shorter than that over the Wakhjir and crosses only one watershed, it offers a distinctly more convenient lino of acown to the Oxus headwaters from Gilgit than the former branch.

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176 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY JULY, 1923 known as Karwan-balasi, which has all the structural features of a Buddhist shrine, though now reverenced as a Muhammadan tomb.31 We have here probably another instance of that continuity of local cult, which has so often converted places of ancient Buddhist worship in Central Asia and elsewhere into shrines of supposed Muhammadan saints.33 According to the Annals the victorious general repaired to the Imperial capital, taking with him in triumph the captured king Su-shih-li-chih and his consort. The Emperor pardoned the captive chief and enrolled him in the Imperial guards, i.e., kept him in honour. able exile, safely away from his territory. This was turned into a Chinese military district under the designation of Kuei-jen, and a garrison of a thousand men established there. The deep impression which Kao Hsien-chih's remarkable expedition must have produced in all neighbouring regions is duly reflected in the closing remarks of the T'ang-shu : " Then the Fu-lin (Syria), the Ta-shih (i.e., the Tazi or Arabs), and seventy-two kingdoms of divers barbarian peoples were all seized with fear and made their submission." It was the greatness of the natural obstacles overcome on Kao Hsien-chih's victorious march across the inhospitable Pamirs and the icy Hindukush, which made the fame of this last Central Asian success of the T'ang arms spread so far. If judged by the physical difficulties encountered and vanquished, the achievement of the able Korean general deserves fully to rank by the side of the great alpine feats of commanders famous in European history. He, for the first, and perhaps the last, time led an organized army right across the Pamirs and successfully pierced the great mountain rampart that defends Yasin-Gilgit, and with it the Indus valley, against invasion from the north. Respect for the energy and skill of the leader must increase with the recognition of traditional weakness which the Annals' ungarnished account reveals in his troops. Diplomatic documents reproduced from the Imperial archives give us an interesting glimpse of the difficult conditions under which the Chinese garrison, placed in Little P'o-lu, was maintained for some years after Kao Hsien-chih's great exploit. As I have had occasion to discuss this curious record fully elsewhere, it will suffice to note that the small Chinese force was dependent wholly upon supplies obtained from Kashmir,33 exactly as the present garrison of Indian Imperial Service troops has been ever since it was placed in Gilgit somo thirty years ago. In view of such natural difficulties as even the present Kashmir-Gilgit road, an achievement of modern engineering, has not succeeded in removing, it is not surprising to find that before long resumed Tibetan aggression threatened the Chinese hold, not merely upon Gilgit Yasin, but upon Chitral and distant Tokharistan too. A victorious expedition undertaken by Kao Hsien-chih in A.D. 750 to Chitral succeeded in averting this danger.34 But the fresh triumph of the Chinese arms in these distant regions was destined to be short. Early in the following year Kao Hsien-chih's high-handed intervention in the affairs of 31 Regarding the ruin of Karwan-balasi, cf. Desert Cathay, i. pp. 76 899., Serindia, i. pp. 70 sq. 89 For references, see Ancient Khotan, i. p. 611, 8.0. "local worship"; also my "Note on Buddhist Local Worship in Muhammadan Central Asia," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1910, pp. 839 sqq. 33 Cf. Ancient Khotan, i. pp. 11 -99.; for the official documents embodied in the 'Tee fu yuan kuei' (published A.D. 1013), see Chavannes, Turcs occidentaux, pp. 214 899. In the former place I have pointed out the exact parallel which the difficulties experienced since 1890 about the maintenance of an Indian Imperial garrison in Gilgit present to the conditions indicated by the Chinese record of A.D. 749. The troublee attending the transport of supplies from Kashmir necesitated the construotion of the present Gilgit Road, a difficult piece of engineering. 84 Cf. Chavannes, Turcs occidentaux, pp. 188, 214 699., 296.

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JULY, 1823 ) THE PROBLEM OF THE SANKHYA KARIKAS. 177 Tashkend, far away to the north, brought about a great rising of the populations beyond the Yazartes, who received aid from the Arabs. In a great battle fought in July 751, in the plains near Talas, Kao Hsien-chih was completely defeated by the Arabs and their local allies, and in the ensuing debacle barely escaped with a small remnant of his troops.35 This disaster marked the end of all Chinese enterprise beyond the Imaos. In Eastern Turkestan Chinese domination succeeded in maintaining itself for some time amidst constant struggles, until by A.D. 791 the last of its administrators and garrisons, completely cut off long before from contact with the Empire, finally succumbed to Tibetan invasion. Close on a thousand years were to pass after Kao Hsien-chih's downfall before Chinese control was established onoe again over the Tarim basin and north of the T'ien-shan under the great emperor Ch'ien-lung. THE PROBLEM OF THE SANKHYA KARIKAS. BY SHRIDHAR SHASTRI PATHAK, In his edition of Isvarkrishna's Sankhya Karikas with Gaudapada's Commentary thereon, Wilson, while oommenting on the seventy-second karika, makes the following observation:" We have here in the text reference to seventy stanzas as comprising the doctrinal part of Sankhya. In fact, however, there are but sixty-nine, unless the verse containing the notice of kapila be included in the enumeration, and in that case it might be asked, why should not the next stanza at least, making mention of the reputed author, be also comprehended, when there will be seventy-one verses? The scholiasts offer no explanation of the difficulty." The three stanzas referred to above, beginning with the 70th in Wilson's edition, run as follows - etat pavitramayyaM munirAsuraye'nukampayA pradadau / bhAsurirapi pazcazikhAya tena ca bahudhA kRtaM tantram // 70 // ziSyaparamparayAgatamIzvarakRSNena caitadAryAbhiH / saMkSiptamAryamatinA samyagvijJAya siddhAntam / / 71 / / saptamyAM kila ye'rthAsteH kRtsnasya SaSTitaMtrasya AkhyAyikAvirahitAH paraSAdavivarjitAzcApi // 72 // Gaudapada's Commentary, as observed by Wilson, stops at the end of the sixty-ninth kdrika, but in its concluding verse quotes 'seventy' as the number of Aryas (Yatraitah Saptatiraryah, etc.) In an article in Sanskrit Research " the late Mr. B. G. Tilak, accepting Wilson's view regarding the existence of some incongruity in the number of karikas, proceeds to show that a lirika is actually missing from the present text, and even claims to have discovered it in a passage of Gauda pada's Commentary. This passage is a part of the bhashya on the sixtyfirst karika and contains a discussion on the nature of the first cause of creation. In Mr. Tak's opinion it must have originally formed Gaudapada's Commentary on & distinot karikd following the sixty-first, and was somehow left out of the body of the text. Selecting suitable excerpts from the passage and putting them together, he gets the following as the missing karika. kAraNamIzvarameke puruSaM kAlaM pare svabhAvaM vaa| ar: i farfurat 26:: FAT 11 36 Cf. Chavannee, Turos occidentaux, p. 142, note 2. M. Chavannes, p. 297, quotes the closely conpordant account of these events from Muhammadan historical recorde.

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178 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( JULY, 1923 The sixty-first karika itself runs as follows : prakRteH sukumArataraM na kiJcidastIti me matirmavati / yA dRSTAsmIti punarna darzanamupaiti puruSasya / / 61 // However ingenious this solution of Wilson's difficulty may be, there are serious objections to it, which tend to show clearly that the whole theory of a missing kdrika is both untenable and unnecessary. Our objections to Mr. Tilak's solution of Wilson's difficulty are : (1) In the concluding or seventy-second karika (which we have already quoted above) Isvarkrishna, the author, distinctly says the subjects treated in the seventy karikas are those in the whole of the Shashtitantra, exclusive of illustrative tales and omitting con. troversial texts (paravadantvarjitah). The verse discovered by Mr. Tilak contains in its first half four different views regarding the cause of creation, and in the second a refutation of these. It is inconceivable that a couplet so distinctly controversial in its character could have escaped the author's notice, when he stated at the end that he had omitted all controversial matter. This fact alone, in our opinion, constitutes strong and sufficient ground for rejecting Mr. Tilak's karika as the missing one. (2) Besides being controversial in character, and therefore out of place in a plain statement of the Sankhya dootrines, Mr. Tilak's kdrikd does not fit the context well. Let us consider what the context actually is -After having described the twofold creation, personal and intellectual, the author comes (in the 55th verse) to the main object of the system, viz., the final dissolution of the connection of soul and body. In the creation the sentient soul experiences pain arising from decay and death until it be released from its person. The part played by Prakriti or Nature in this process of Purushavimoksha, or the freeing of the soul, is the subject treated from the fifty-sixth to the sixty-third karika. The karika proposed by Mr. Tilak as the missing one, however, bears upon an altogether different matter, namely the proving of Prakriti to be the sole first cause of creation. While discussing the passage in the Commentary which has been made by Mr. Tilak to yield his karika, Wilson could not help observing, " Gauda pada has gone out of his way rather to discuss the character of a first cause." This remark of Wilson is particularly important, when we remember that it was he who was the first to notice what seemed to him an incongruity regarding the number of karikas. If the substance of the Commentary on the sixty-first karika had been in keeping with the context, it could not have escaped his notioe that it might appertain to some kdrikd missing from the text. Here we may notice an argument put forward by Mr Tilak to support his theory. He says that "Alberuni, quoting from a Sankhya book in the form of a dialogue dwells upon the same essential doctrines of the Sankhya philosophy," that is to say, "the doctrine not to recognize any cause of the world subtler than the Prakriti." This Mr. Tilak regarded as independent evidence from which it would, he says, be unreasonable to suppose that the doctrine was not mentioned in the sankhya kdrikds. Now Alberuni's statement refers only to the Sankhya doctrine of Prakyiti being the subtle cause of the universe, not to any refutation of the other causes in the Sankhya karikds. In stating the doctrine of Sankhya, the author would naturally say "there is no cause subtler than Prakriti, " i.e., Prakriti is the subtlest. But if he proceeds to say that Isvara or Kala or Svabhava is not subtler than Prakriti, he is no longer stating a doctrine, but replying to an objection to his doctrine. This latter is not essential in a statement of the Sankhya system, especially one which professedly avoids a controversy.

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JULY, 1923) THE PROBLEM OF THE SANKHYA KARIKAS 179 (3) Not only is Mr. Tilak's karika controversial in character and out of place in the context, but it is also defective as a refutation of other views regarding the first oa use of creation. As stated by tsvarkrishna in the last (72nd) karika, the Sankhya karikas are & compendium of the Shashtitantra, an older and larger work on the Sankhya system. Though the latter work is not extant, a synopsis of its contents is found in the Ahirbudhnyasarhita of the Pancharatra Agama (edited for the Adyar Library by Mr. D. Ramaniyacharya). We quote the following from it : SaSTibhedaM smRtaM tatraM sAMkhyaM nAma mhaamune| prAkRtaM vaikRtaM ceti maNDale dve samAsataH / / prAkRtaM maNDalaM tatra dvAtriMzadbhadamiSyate / tatrArtha brahmatatraM tu dvitIyaM puruSAMkitam / trINi tatrANyathAnyAni shktniytikaalyoH|| Turcanufa fi l etc., etc. Here we have a reference to chapters on the refutation of five different views regarding the first cause of creation, respectively advocating Brahna, Purusha, Sakti, Niyati and Kala. As against these five Mr. Tilak's karika gives only four, namely, Isvara, Purusha, Kala and Svabhava. Identifying Brahing with Isvara and Niyati with Svabhava, we are still left without anything to correspond to Sakti in the karika, which thus fails to fulfil the very object it has in view, viz., the establishment of Prakriti as the only first cause of creation by disproving all others. (4) The passage of the Commentary, from which the excerpts are chosen to form Mr. Tilak's kirikd, is obviously based on a far-fetched, if not erroneous, interpretation of the word sukumarataram in the sixty-first couplet. All commentaries, excepting that of Gaudapada and the Matharurilli, explain the word by salajja, atipesal, purushadarshanasahishnu, etc., i.e., bashful, modest, unable to bear the gaze of the soul, etc. The propriety of the adjective as applied to Prakriti in the first line of the couplet is fully brought out in the second line, which says yA dRSTAsmIti punarna darzanamupaiti puruSasya. In fact, the plain meaning of the karika is "methinks nothing is more gentle (modest, bashful, etc.) than Nature ; once seen by the soul it ever shrinks from its gaze": that is to say, Nature being once understood by the soul, ceases to act. This meaning is in full conformity with that of the two preceding karikde, one of which likens Prakriti to a dancer who desists from the dance after having exhibited herself to the spectators. It is clear, therefore, that there is no need to interpret the word sukumiratara in another way, in order to justify its application to Prakriti. Gaudapada's Commentary on the sixty-first karika first gives the above plain meaning, but later proceeds to dilate upon the word sukumarataram. As Wilson says, he goes out of his way "to discuss the character of a first cause, giving to sukumdratara a peculiar import, that of enjoyable, peroeptible,' (subhogyatara), which Nature eminently is, and is therefore according to him the most appropriate souroe of all perceptible objects, or in other words of creation". This far-fetched interpretation would take all force out of the metaphorical illustration implied in the couplet. (5) Further, the sixty-second verse, viz. : tasmAna badhyate nApi mucyate nApi saMsarati kazcit / saMsarati badhyaye mucyate ca nAnAzrayA prakRtiH // 62 // which draws a sort of conclusion from the description of the ways of Prakriti in the process of liberation of the soul, will not appropriately follow Mr. Tilak's verse, which only contains a discussion of the first cause of creation and has nothing whatever to do with

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180 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JULY, 1928 Purushavimoksha, which is the subject under treatment. To any one who reads the Karikas beginning with the fifty-sixth and ending with the sixty-second, both with and without Mr. Tilak's karika between the sixty-first and sixty-second, it will be quite clear how the new karika introduces a digression and cannot therefore have formed part of the original text. (6) Having given above the grounds on which the proposed karika ought to be rejected, we shall now proceed to show that the passage in the Commentary on which it is based, shows unmistakable signs of either being corrupt, or wrongly interpolated in its present place. The same also is the case with Matharavritti which is cited in support of the new karika. The text of Gaudapada's Commentary on the sixty-first karika, as it stands at present, begins thus : loke prakRteH sukumArataraM na kiMcidastItyevaM me matirbhavati / yena parArya evaM matiruptannA / kasmAdahamanena puruSeNa dRSTAsmItyasya puMsaH punadarzanaM nopaiti puruSasyAdarzanamupayAtItyarthaH / This practically explains the whole karika. The words and a Habar, "Since Nature thus thinks of another's advantage", seek to bring out the propriety of the word Sukumaralaram (gentle, soft), though, as a matter of fact, the second half of the couplet is in itself sufficient to justify the epithet. But the explanation does not conflict with the general tenour of the description of Prakriti's part in the work of- freeing Purusha. Having however given this explanation, it is inconceivable that Gaudapada should proceed to give another and more far-fetched interpretation, in which it is necessary to interpret the word sukumdralaram as karanam ( : : Fara gaat afpretatie Theater etc.), for which there is no authority whatever, and which is so far removed from the implied comparison between Prakritt and a shy damsel. The repetition of the words 2 gangara got near the end of the Commentary on the karika and of other words, too, clearly indicates that a passage so loose and rambling in character, and so replete with incoherent interpretations, cannot be relied upon for the purpose of building up a karika. Its presence in the text seems to be due to some such circumstance as the careless transcription of a reader's marginal notes on a manuscript into the body of the text. (7) In the Matharavritti also, which follows Gaudapada's Commentary, we have me matirbhavatIti puruSa AtmAnaM bravIti / me matirbhavatIti puruSasya etc., in which the writer asks us to under. stand Purusha by the word . It is clear here, however, that the pronoun H can have reference only to isvarktishna and not to Purusha, for as a rule the pronoun cannot precede the noun for which it stands. In fact, the whole interpretation of the kdrikd would thus be entirely wrong, and we cannot but conclude that the passage which contains it is a corrupt form of the original. Such sentences again as evaM prakRtiH paramAtmanA puruSeNa jJAnacakSuSA dRSTA, which contains the epithet Paramdtman applied to Purusha, could not have been written either by a Vedantist or a follower of the Sankhya philosophy, for the former with his conception of the omniscience of the supreme soul would never endanger the Sarvag nyatra of the Paramdiman by keeping him in the darkness of ignorance before he has seen the nature of Prakriti, while the latter would never attribute the epithet Paramatman to his Purusha. To say, therefore, that the passages in question in the Commentary and the Ma. tharavritti really form part of the original texts, amounts to saying that the learned authors of the commentaries were either ignorant or careless in the extreme. We have the authority of Vachaspatimisra, the author of the Sankhyatatvakaumudi, in rejecting all this superfluous discussion about Prakriti as the prime cause of creation. Mr. Tilak suggests that it must have been a Vedantist who attempted to explain the sankhya karikas consistently with the

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JULY, 1923) DEYICHANDRAGUPTAM 181 doctrines of the Vedanta. But this is entirely groundless. He even cites the instance of Vidnyanabhikshu in support of his suggestion ; but herein he misrepresents facts, because Vidnyanabhikshu clearly held the two systems to be separate and made no attempt to identify them with one another. For instance, he writes - brahmAmImAMsAyAM tvayaM vizeSo yatparamAtmavivekazeSatvam / sAMkhyazAne tu sAmAnyAtmAvivekazeSatvam / Having thus stated our grounds for the rejection of the proposed karika, we shall now briefly show that it is not necessary to have any new karika at all to make up the number seventy. The seventieth karika as it stands gives the Guruparampard, as is often the practice in old works. Thus the Brihadaranyaka concludes with a chapter that gives a fairly long list of succession from preceptor to pupil. The Shasktitantra, which is the source of the Sankhya karikas, must have given this Guruparampara, and therefore there cannot be the least objection to counting the present seventieth kdrikd among the seventy, which are referred to in the seventy-second verse ( ret for Suitat: Echte feast). This is the most natural explanation. It did not occur to Wilson, probably because it did not strike him that "the Guruparampard formed an integral feature of the promulgation of doctrines in Indian works. It was also partly due to the fact that Gaudapada's Commentary stops at the end of the sixty-ninth karikd; but this is easily explained by the fact that the seventieth karika is too easy to need any comment. When Tavarakrishna writes that his seventy karikas contain all matters that are treated in the whole of Shashtitantra, he does not include only the purely doctrinal part in the words "the whole of Shashtitantra," but also the Guruparampara, which we have every reason to believe formed the concluding part of it. It does not seem therefore necessary, when such a simple and natural explanation of the existence of the seventy karikds is available, to search for a new karika in the first place, and to build up a theory on a loose and insecure foundation, so entirely discordant with the general aim and particular context as Mr. Tilak's proposed karika has been shown to be. Now the 71st karika is one of the two concluding karikas of the book Sankhya karika. It states : -" Isvarkrishna (i.e., I myself) brought into a short compass by means of these aryas all the principles of Sankhya philosophy." Wilson asks why this stanza also should not be included in the seventy? (Heat Pants etc.) But it is fairly clear from what we have said above that the doctrinal part and the Guruparampara of the Shash titantra are to be found in the seventy aryas, while the seventy-first which is concerned with Isvarkrishna, the author himself of Sankhya karikas, can have formed no part of the Shashtitantra, which is a far older work. DEVICHANDRAGUPTAM Chandragupta Vikramdditya's Destruction of the Saka Satraps. (A glimpse into Gupta history from Sanskrit Literature.) By A. RANGASVAMI SARASVATI, B.A. The great military achievement of the greatest of the Gupta emperors, Chandragupta Vikramaditya, was his final destruction of the Saka power in Malwa and Guzerat and the annexation of its territories. The last date on the ooins of these Satraps is 310, which is found on the coins of Svami Rudrasimha, son of Svami Satyasinha. The inscription on 1 JRAS. 1890, p. 630, and 1899, p. 357, med Ann. Rep. of the Watson's Museum of Antiquities, Rajkot.

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182 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1923 these coins runs Ragno Mahakshatrapasa Svami Satyasimkasa Putrasa Ragno Mahakshatrapasa Svami Rudrasimhasa.' Soon after the date which is found on these coins, i.e., .Saka 310 or A.D. 388, the Saka dominions were incorporated in the Gupta Empire. A sliort passage in Bana's Harshacharita, first brought to the notice of scholars by the late Dr. Bhau Daji, wherein the hero, Sri Harsha, after learning of his brother's death, is offered condolence by his friend Skandagupta, seemed to afford to archaeologists a glimpse into an episode in the history of the final overthrow of the Satraps by Chandragupta. The portion of the passage referring to the particular incident runs : aripurecaparakalatrakAmukaM kAminIvezaguptazcacandraguptaH zakapatimazAtayat // This has been translated 'In the enemy's city, the king of the Sakas, while courting another man's wife, was butchered by Chandragupta in his mistress's dress.'The reference in this pas sage has rightly been thought to indicate Chandragupta Vikramaditya, the Gupta Emperor's killing the last Satrap Rudrasimha. Historians thought that the information afforded by this passage had nothing historical in it and that the tale was merely "scandalous tradition." 4 Sankara, the commentator of Harshacharita, has the following note referring to this passage : 'zakAnAmAcAryaH zakAdhipatiH candraguptabhrAtRnAyAMdhruvadevIMprArthayamAnaH candraguptenadhruvadevIveSadhAriNAstrIveSanana parivatena rahasi vyaapaaditH| This note adds a little moro to our knowledge of the event than the original text. It says that the ruler of the Sakas, who is also called their & charyja (preceptor), was secretly killed by Chandragupta, while he was making advances of love towards Dhruvadeur, the brother's wife of Chandragupta, in the disguise of a woman and surrounded by seldiers dressed as women. This note makes it certain that the Chandragupta referred to by Bana is the Gupta emperor of that name, on account of the mention of the name Dhruvadevi. Dhruvadevi is known to historians to be the name of Chandragupta Vikramaditya's wife and the mother of his son and successor Kumaragupta. But there arises & small difficulty. This is the statement of Sankara, the commentator, that Dhruvadevi was the brother's wife 'Can' of Chandragupta. Evidently there is some mistake in the statement of the commentator. The information thus afforded is augmented from an unexpected source. One of the works discovered by the Government Oriental Manuscripts Library of Madras, the srngaraprakasa, contains several significant passages which add to the knowledge of scholars on this point. These passages, like a large number of similar ones in the work, are quotations from many Sanskrit works, some of which are entirely forgotten, while others are known only by name. The author of this interesting work is Bhoja and seems to be identical with the King of Dhara of that name, who was a great patron of letters and who was the author of the work on Rhetoric, Sarasvatikanthabharana. The passages are given below and are taken from the cighteenth adhyaya of this work.? 3 The Literary Remains of Dr. Bhau Daji, pp. 193-194. Harshacharita, Trans. by Cowell and Thomas, p. 9:. 3 Harshacharita, Translation by Cowell and Thomas, p. 194. # V. A. Smith, Early History, p. 292 (Third Edition). 5 Fleet, Gupta Inscriptions, Nos. 10 and 12. 8 Rep. of the Peripatetic part of the Government Oriental MSS. Library. Madras, 19. . 7 I owe the extracts to the courtesy of my friend Mr. M. Ramakrishnakavi, M.A.. of the Government Oriental MSS. Library. Madras. He has not only discovered these works for the Library, but has mado a collection of extracts similar to the above. He has since published some of those in a learned article on Dandin, in a Telugu literary journal, the Kala.

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JULY, 1923) DEVICHANDRAGUPTAM 183 i-taglaga: a: 941: terari aragt & fat qurinaa 11 ii-deviicndrgupteviduusskNpraatcndrguptH|| sadaMbhyAnpRdhuvamavikratabalAdRSTAdbhutAndAntanaH hAsasyaivaguhAmukhAdabhimukhaMniSkAmataH parvatAt / ekasvApividhUtakesaranaTAbhArasya bhItAmRgAH gandhAdevaharevantivahayo viirsyrkisNkhyyaa|| iii-devIcandraguptevasantasenAmuddizyamAthavasyoktiH AnandAzrusitetarotpalarucorAbanatAnetrayoH prtyNgessussraannepulkissusvedsmaatnvtaa| kurvANenanitaMbayorupacayasaMpUrNayorapyaso tenApyaspRzatApyathonivasanaprandhistadhocchAsitaH // These passages are said to have been taken from a now forgotten drama 9-TE, whose author is not known. The first passage proves clearly that the subject matter of this drama is the same as what we findin Bao a's reference in the Harshacharita. It says that Chandragupta managed to enter the camp of his enemy at Alipura in the guise of a woman, for the purpose of killing the Lord of the Sakas. Here the place where the Sakapati's camp, -eralt, was laid is called Alipura. The identity of this place deserves to be established. Its name has not been read correctly in the manuscripts of the Harshacharita. Dr. Bhau Daji, who first discovered the Harshacharita for archaeologista found the reading Nalinapura8 for the name of the place. But soon he found in another manuscript the reading Aripura, the enemy's town, which has since been accepted among scholars. This extract from the Srngaraprakasa gives the name as Alipura, which appears to be the correct form, and which could very easily have been misread both as Nalinapura and Aripura. The second extract above quoted is more interesting and gives us some more information of the drama. In this, Chandragupta is made to reply to the vidushaka (clown), when the latter criticized him for his rash behaviour in endangering his life in the midst of his enemies. Chandragupta says that the danger does not matter much, and that the number of his surrounding enemies need not deter him from embarking on heroic deeds. He says that the enemies will be scattered like the herds of animals (elephants) at the very smell of the lion, issuing out of his den on seeing many elephants of high breed. If the information afforded by this extract is historical,--there is absolutely no reason to doubt it--the actual incidents in the war between Chandragupta and the Saka sovereign seem to be an invasion by the former of the territory of the enemy, where, by an accident, the queen of Chandragupta, Dhruva Devi, fell into the hands of the enemy, the Saka sovereign. The latter, whatever his name may have been, most unchivalrously made advances of love towards her. Chandragupta managed, along with a few select followers in the guise of women, to enter the enemy's camp. There he, disguised as his own queen, Dhruva Devi, managed to get an interview with the Saka King and killed him. This incident more than any other seems to have given Chandragupta the title Vikramaditya, a title which was first used by the famous sovereign, who set aside for the time the rule of the Sungas, defeated and brought under subjection the Andhra kingdom, and beat back, though temporarily, the advancing tide of the Saka invasion. One of the other titles of this great hero was 8 The Literary Remains of Dr. Bhau Daji, p. 193. . This information will be published in the form of an article soon.-A.R.S.

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184 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JULY, 1923 Sahasauka, distinguished for daring, and from what we know of him, his daring was of a special sort. By his exploit in the enemy's camp, Chandragupta seems to have got the popular title Vikramaditya. . The next extract above quoted affords some more interesting information about DeviChandraguptam. This verse is addressed by a character called Madhava to his beloved Vasantasena in the enemy's camp. It is not known whether Madhava and Vasantasena were real historical characters. From the verse no new historical information can be gleaned, but the nature of this verse, as well of that of the one previously quoted, is such that it leaves in the mind of the reader a feeling of sorrow that he is unable to know more of the story and of the fortunes of the love between Vasantasena and Madhava. From the discussion in the above paragraphs one would be inclined to think that Bana was referring to the subject matter of this drama, when he quoted the incident in his work. May it not be that Bana was merely referring to several other historical dramas and poems, when he was recounting the fates of the sovereigns, who lost their lives by treachery or by their own folly ? The nature of the subject matter of these dramas being personal, they would not be particularly interesting to generations who came long after them, and as a consequence the works fell out of use. Only a few of the most popular, like the Mrichchakatiko, Mudrdrakshasa, Pratigndyaugandhardyana, Svapnavdsavadatta, Arimaraka and the Malavikagnimitra, have been preserved, or rather rescued from oblivion, on account of their special merit or the nature of their subject matter. COMMEMORATION OF THE KAININS OR MAIDENS IN THE AVESTA. BY SHAMS.UL.ULMA DR. JIVANJI JAMSHEDJI MODI, B.A., Ph.D., C.L.E. MR. KALIPADA MITRA's paper entitled "About Buddhist Nuns," ante Vol. LI, p. 225 ff., has suggested to me the subject of this brief note. Mr. Mitra's paper, and the preceding paper of Mr. Lakshman Rao which it criticizes, and other writings show that in ancient India there existed both a class of married women and a class of unmarried women or maidens, who were poetesses and seers, and who, dedicating their lives to public gooi, formed as it were a class of public benefactresses. Among these, those belonging to the latter class, viz., the maidens, were spoken of as bhikkhunis, samanis and pabbaijitas. What was the case in ancient Iran ? Asceticism had no place in the religious and social circles of Iran; but still there were public benefactresses, both married and unmarried, whose names have been commemorated in the long list of the calendar of Iranian saints. The Farvardin Yasht (Yt. XIII) treats of the Fravashis or Farohars, who stand fourth in the spiritual Hierarchy of the Avesta. Every man has a Frevashi of his own. These Fravashis are, like the Pitris of the Hindus, as it were the deified souls of the dead. Thus, the Fravardin Yasht, which speaks of the Fravashis of the dead, enumerates the names of the departed worthies of Iran who had served their country well. This part is, as Prof. Darmesteter says, "like a Homer's catalogue of Mazdeism." It contains as it were a calendar of all Iranian saints. In this Yasht we also find at the end the names of women who had served their country well and were sanctified or canonized. In this list of women, at first, we find the names of married women, and then those of kainins or maidens. Two sections of the Yasht (ss. 141 and 142) contain names of nine kainins or maidens who were sanctified or canonized for good deeds. The following formula illustrates the way in which these worthy maidens are commemorated : "Kainyao vadhuto ashaonyao fravashom yazamaide," i.e., We commemorate (or invoke) the fravashis of the holy maid Vadhut.

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JULY, 1923] MISCELLANEA 185 Unfortunately, we are not in a position to find from extant literature what the worthy deeds were, for which they were sanctified. As to the period to which these names belong, we may say that they all belong to the pre-Parthian period of the Persian ruling dynasties. The calendar seems to have been generally closed with the invasion of Alexander. A few names are here and there identified with some known Parthian names. The name Gaotama (TAT) is identified by some with that of the founder of the Buddhist religion. Some take this Gaotama to be one of the Rishis. Some scholars like Spiegel and Geldner take the word to be a common noun and not a proper noun. However, in all the circumstances, we can safely say that unmarried women or maidens were, like men, canonized or sanctified in olden times in Persia for their pious and charitable deeds. MISCELLANEA. PALAUNG = FARINGI. in the coming year. Each man leads his pony A puzzling corruption of the Oriental term 'to a starting point outside the city. The ponies Faringi (=Frank) for a Western European is noted find their own way home without riders, and thoso incidentally by Mr. San Baw U in an article entitled that make their way straight home bring good "My Rambles among the Ruins of the Golden fortune with them, Last year the Kung-one City of Myauk-u" (in Arakan) in Vol. XI, p. 165, of the high officials of Lhasa---was in Gyantse. Noof the Journal of the Burma Research Society. The body could dream of allowing his horse to go astray. Palaunge are a well known people in Burma, but so it was helped in by faithful servants, who ran in Arakan the name may have quite a different behind it firing guns and yelling. So the horse meaning, thus: "The Portuguese invaders were came in all right, and good luck was assured to the known as Palaungs, probably & corruption of the Kung." namo . Feringhis.' At that time [1534 A. D.] R. C. TEMPLE. a son was born to the king [Min Bahor Min Bin of Arakan) and to mark the victory [over the DISPOSAL OF THE DEAD BY EXPOSURE. Portuguese on their first attack on Arakan] he was The following note by Capt. J. B. Noel of the named Palaung by his father and later he was Mount Everest Expedition in The Times of the known as King Min Palaung [the builder of the 2nd October 1922 gives yet another description of famous Urittaung Pagoda at Ponnagyun)." R. O. TEMPLE. disposal of the dead by exposure. This time in Tibet. A HUMAN SCAPEGOAT AND HIS ANTIDOTE. "The most gruesome custom one can see at The following description of a human scapegoat Gyantse is the disposal of the dead. At daybreak in Tibet is from an account of Gyantee by Capt. the body is carried to the crost of a low hill, a mile J. B. Noel of the Mount Everest Expedition in from the city. After & Lams has said prayers The Times of the 2nd October 1922. It will be and incantations over the naked corpse, the proBeen that a human being acts the part of the sin- fessional butchers slice the body up with knives, transferrer and ponies as the converse, viz., as cutting off, separately, ths logs and arms, and luck-bringers. lastly the head. : "At the Tibetan New Year is enacted at the They hack and smash each member into pulp Temple the annual ceremony of purifying the city on a rock, with hatchets, and throw it to the vultures, of the evils of the outgoing year. The Lamas who stand waiting only 5 feet away. The birds produce beggar man who is willing, through consume every particle of the flesh and the crushed fanaticism and promise of eternal merit, to risk his bone. One man stands by to beat off the ravens, life in the strangest of ceremonies. Naked, he for the raven is unclean to the Tibetan, and only clothes himself in the putrid entrails of animals, the vulture may cat his flesh. Although I had with the vile, bloody intestines coiled round his my cinematograph with me when I saw this burial, head, neck, arms and body. I refrained from photographing this custom. The He represents the evil, the disease, the ill-luck, thing was simply too awful and soul-stirring to and the bad things of last year. He runs out of the photograph. Temple door, and the mad populace beat drums But the Tibetans thought nothing of it. The and blow trumpets to frighten away the devil in dead are naught to them, since tha spirit has left him. They hurl'stones and beat the beggar with and become reborn in another being, following sticks. They chase him through the streets out its Wheel of Life and its eternal weary path to into the open country, if he does not get killed before ! far off Karma. The relatives of the dead man con. After they have disposed thus of the troubles sumod chung afterwards, and all became drunk." of last year the people soek omons for good fortune R. C. TEMPLE.

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186 . . THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1923 BOOK NOTICE. (1) BALACARITA (DIE ABENTENER DES KNABES unconventional spirit which breathes perhaps more KRISHNA), SCHAUSPIEL VON BH8A. TEXTA strongly in the Balacarita and Avimdraka than HERAUSGEGEBEN VON DR. H. WELLER. Pp. in any of the plays and is after the literary tos[V]. IX. 105. (Haessel) Leipzig, 1922, timony tha best argument for their authenticity. (2) Dis ABENTENER DES KNABES KRISCHNA, The text given in the second work is, of course, SCHAUSPIEL VON BESA UBERSETZT VON HER based almost entirely upon that elicited by MAN WELLER. Pp. 99. The same. Mahamahopadhyaya Ganapati Sastri, whose emen. dations and his chdyd are for the most part The former of these two works is a lithographed edition of the text from Dr. Weller's autograph, reproduced. In a number of passages Dr. Weller has introduced corrections of his own or has with Proface and notes; the second is a printed followed some valuable suggestions of Professor verse translation similarly equipped. The trans Jacobi. To a certain extent he has regularized lation we may pass over briefly with the observa the Prakrit spellings. He admits as many AS tion that it is well done, being both accurato in rendering the sonse and readable as literature. three varieties of the Sauraseni dialect, which The notes to it are mainly concerned with expla- he attributes respectively to the women, the nations of mythological and historical mattere, cowherds, and to the cowherd maidons with dramatic terminology and the like. In the the wrestlers respectively. They differ chiefly Introduction we have first an account of the in the use of 6, 4, 5, and of l and . In the discovery of the drama by Mahamahopadhyaya verses he has allowed forms like paddhat and udia Ganapati fastri, & discussion of its date, partly for vaddhadi and adida, to stand. Such changes in comparison with the plays of Asvaghos, of and abstention from change are methodological; whom in this respect the author does not como but they do not add to our knowledge or carry for short, and a suggestion that the early neglect his their own certainty. Our manuscripts are too remoto of this dramatist may have been caused by his in date from the supposed time of composition ; comparative freedom of method and simplicity of style. The idea is one which naturally presents and if we look to the inscriptions of that period, itself and in itself has an undeniable verisimilitude. we shall find no lack of inconsistencies. It may be doubted whether any Indo-Aryan language It is ingeniously suggested that the title of the except Sanakrit, and in a certain degree Pali, has Bdsacarita points to Bhasa's having worked in centre Mathura, an undoubted early of n the ever been spelled or pronounced with tolerable consistency. Krishna drama,-since elsewhere the refereno, to There are some interesting grammatical features Krishna would not have been so obviously given in the Balacarita. We may mention md with by the word bila. the infinitive (md pavisidum, Act IV. p. 55) and As regards the drama itself, Dr. Weller calls with the participle (md anuhdardnam, Act I, p. 10); attention to such negative features, 6.9., the absence of erotio motive, as indicate an early extension of the participle (0.8., madalia = myta) version of the Krishra story, and explain some or noun (gehalasim) by a hypocoristio l, s else where in Prakrit and its descendants ; pamkhu = points, the person of Katyayani, the reckoning pdmiu, cokkha dauca, dildndm =dilm, and so of Krishna as the seventh, and not the eighth, son of Devaki, certain features of forth. Wo may note the use of guna in the sense popular character and others suggestive of Buddhist influence. He of 'favour or service,' p. 12 and p. 28 (gundafinds a local historical nucleus in the adventures grdha) recognition of favour, which should not of the Krishna of Mathura. As regards the poetic be altered with Professor Jacobi to samgrdmo, and dramatic quality of the work, he as the sense is found elsewhere. In the verse 18 rightly omphasizes the impressiveness of the opening night imdm nadimp, oto, we may suspect that the original soene and of the dialogue of Kamsa with the Chand ending was siddhir yadi daivate sthitam if success ala girls, the dream, the impersonated weapons [is to be],' depends upon fate ; vaha mi too has the and so forth, some of which have a quite Shake sense of "traverso' the river. The sentiment sponrean tone. The play fulfils the technical require.. (p. 33) that for girls the mother has a stronger mente, of an Indian nafaka. It gives no countelove [than for boys) ' recurs in Hargacarita with nance to the hypothesis of Christian traits in the parents' in place of mothers.' We may note the Krishna story. To most of these judgments miswritings papada for paguda (p. 14) and mahdiwe should subscribe. But perhaps even more mydt for mdo (p. 34, v. 16). strese might have been laid upon the fresh and F. W. THOMAS.

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AUGUST. 1923 THE APABHRAMSA STABAKAS OF RAMA-SARMAN 1871 THE APABHRAMSA STABAKAS OF RAMA-SARMAN (TARKAVAGISA). BY SIR GEORGE A. GRIERSON, K.C.I.E. (Continued from page 8.) Indexes. In the following Indexes, the few words found in the Vracada section (the third Stabaka of the third Sakha) have the numeral iii (in Roman figures) prefixed to the verse-numbers. Other words, occurring in the main Stabaka (ii) dealing with standard Apabhramsa, have only the verse-numbers of that Stabaka quoted, without any prefixed "u." Prakrit-Sanskrit. kanha, krsnah, 9, 27, 28; krsnam, 9. a, ca, 27. kanhu, krsnah, 10. ahi, ayanti, 27. kara-, ks-, 30. aehi (?), adhuna, 31. kasu, kasya, kasyab, 19. akkha., acaks., 30. kassu, kasya, kasyah, 19. aggi, agnih, 8; aggi, agnih, 8. kananham, kananebhyah, 13. amu, asau, sdah, amum, 20. kananahun, kananebhyah, 13. amu-, amu-, 20. kapanaho, kananasya, 13. amha, mama, 23. kamahur (?), karisyamah, 28. amha (? amhabaru), asmat, 23. kamipidu, kamini, 7. ambalm, vayam, 23, 26; vayam, asman, 23. kasu, kasya, kasyah, 19. amhasu, asmasu, 23. kilantu, kridan, 9; kridanti, 9. amhahin, asmabhih, 23. ke, ke, kab, kani, 19; kan, kab, kani, 19. amhasu, asmasu, 23. kesu, kesu, kasu, 19. amhe, asmabhib, 23. keha-, kidria-, 6. amhehi (? amhehim), asmabhih, 23. kehi, kidrsi, 5. asiena (?), asina, 16. ko, kah, ka, kim, 19. asiehim, asibhih, 16. kkhu, khalu, 25. anava-, anayaya., 30. khandum, khadgah, iii, 3. arunna- ( dharunda-), asis- (? aslis-); 29. khodam ( thodam), stokam, 5. alingal, alingati, 9. imu, ayam, idam, imam, 20. gandhavvaho, gandharvah, 18. gahull-(? lahuli-); (?) " vastraprapta-," isuehim, isubhih, 16. "laghu-", 4. uccu (?), uccah, 10. gunha-, grah., 30. gori, gauri, 9. e, esah, 21. - goladi, gauri, 6. ethu (?), atra, 10. esu, esah, 9. caranti, caranti, 10. ena, esah, etam, 21. cari, catvari, 31. eha-, eta-, 20. eiva- (? thava-), sthapaya-, 29. ehi, amibhih (? ebhih), 31. ehu, esab, 28 (bis); esah, etam, 21. chappa (?), sipra, 3. ehe, esah, etam, 21; etasmin, 21. chundaga-, sundaka-, 3. eho, esah, etam, 21. jadru, yasya, yasyah, yasmin, yasyam, 20. kaim, kasmin, kasyam, 19. jadru (?), yam, yam, yat, 19. kam, kam, kam, kim, 19. jaraha, jarasya, 7. kanthe, kanthe, 6. juanu, yuva, 10.

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188 judu, yutam, 27. je, yah, 21. zora, ubra, 10 tha-, stha-, 29. hava- (? cava-), sthapaya-, 29. dasana-, dasana-, iii, 3. na, na, 26. pale, nadyam, 17. nalu, nadyah, nadib, 11. palham, nadibhyab, 13. nalhe, nadyab, 13. palho, nadyah, 18. parao, narakah, 9. paro, narab, 9. naalahe, (?) nagarah, 10. no, asmakam, 23. tadru, tasya, tasyah, tasmin, tasyam, 20. tadru (?), tam, tam, tat, 19. tanna (? tenni), tesam, 31. tasu (?), tasya, 16. tasu, tasya, 27. tinni, trini, 31. THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY timma-, tim-, 29. tujjha (? tumbha), tava, tvat, 22. tumbha (? tujjha), tava, tvat, 22. tumbhaim, yuyam, yusman, 22. tumha, tava, tvat, 22. tumhahim, yusmabhih, 22. tumhe, tava, tvat, 22; yuyam, 27. tulahu, tolayatha, 27. tuha, tava, tvat, 22. tuham, tvam, 22. tenni ( tanna), tesam, 31. to (? so), sah, 21. teram, tvadiyam, 5. tehlm, tasmin, tasyam, taib, tabhih, tesu, tasu, 12. to, tvam, 31. toharam (?), tvadiyam, 5. thakka-, stha-, 29. thodam, (? khodam), stokam, 5. darasa, darsaya-, 29. dakkha-, darsaya-, 29. dui, dve, 31. dekkha-, drs-, 29. devvaho, daivat, 25. deivvaho, daivat, 25. deva, devah, 27. desu, desam, 27. dehi, dadasi, 27. dhanai, dhanani, 27. dharunda, (? arunna-), asis- (? aslis-), 29. paim, tvam, tvaya, tvayi, 22. paisadi (?) pravisati, iii, 2. palsava-, pravis-, 29. papalie, pranalya, 12. padidu, patitah, 2. parasuena, parasuna, 16. pasapnam, prasannam, 6. pahava-, prabhu-,-iii, 4. pukkara-, puskara-, 3. pumma-, drs-, 29, purise, purusena, purusaib, purusat, puru. sasya, puruse, 15, [ AUGUST, 1923 pelle, patayati, 27. ppaasu, prayasam, prakasam, or pravasam, 27. priya-, priya-, 4. balau, balakah, 28; balah, 25. baladu (?), bala, 7. balau, bala, 10; balih, 25. balao, balah, 25. balahim, balayam, balabhih, balasu, 12. bolla-, vad-, 30. bro-, bru-, iii, 4. bhallam, bhadram, 5. bhudu, bhutah, iii, 4. bhicca-, bhrtya-, iii, 2. bho-, bhu-, iii, 4. maim, mam, maya, mayi, 23. mam, mam, 9. makkara-, maskara-, 3. macca-, mrtyub, 16. majjha, mama, mat, 23. majjhu, mama, mat, 23. maha, mama, mat, 23. malau, malah, 11. mua, mue-, 30.

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August, 1923 ] THE APABHRAMSA STABAKAS OF RAMA-SARMAN 189 mukka-, muc., 30. saala-, sakala-, 2. mfga-, mrga-, 4. samrakkhjo (? sam kappio), sanraksitah (? mella-, muo., 30. sandaritab), 16. meram, madiyam, 5. sumkappio, see the preceding. meradu (?), madiya, 7. sla, srih, 6. me, mam, 31. suaro, sukarah, 25. moharam (?), madiyam, 5. . sughu, sukham, 2. yechalahia, chalabhitah, iii, 2. se (? te), sab, 21. so, sah, 26. rakkasamugha- (?), raksasamukha-, 3. so]1, Baiva, iii, 3. raylje, rajye, iii, 2. sodhu, sothah, 2. rabiu, radha, 10. rina, vana-, 4. hatthi, hastinam, 27. rukkha, vyksab, 18. hamu, aham, 23. rukkhai, voksab, 25. basahom, hasamah, 26. rakkhasu, vsksasya, 14. hasihli, hasieyati, 28. rukkhah assa, vsksasya, 14. hasisai, hasisyati, 28. rukkhahu, vIksah, 10. hasedi, hasati, 26. rukkhu, vsksah, 16, 25. hiada, hrdayam, 6. rukkho, veksah, 25. hojjal, bhavet, 25. laggu, lagna, 6. hossal, bhavisyati, 28. lahull- ( gahuli-), (?) "vastraprapta-", hoijjal, bhavet, 25. "laghu-", 4. Sanskrit-Prakrit. loga, lokah, 2. agnin, aggi, aggi, 8. vacca, sthapaya-, 29. atra, ethu (), 10. vanes-, vraj., 29. adas; amu-, amu-, 20; asau, amu, 20; adah, vanalm, vanani, 11. - amu, 20; amum, amu, 20; amibhih vanae, vanena, 12. (? ebhih), ebt, 31. yanadam, vanam, 8. adhuna, abhi (?), 31. va paham, vanasya, 13; vananam, 14. asih; aslna, asiena (?), 16; aslbhih, asiohim, vanahe, vana I, 17. 16. vapaho, vanani, 18. asmad; abam, hamu, 23; mam, me, 31; vapain, vanani, 11. - man, 9; maim, 23: maya, main, 23; vapadam, vanam, 8. mat, majjha, 23; majjhu, 28 ; maha, 23; varba, prso, iii, 4. mama, majjha, 23 ; majjhu, 23 ; maha, vahuu, vadhvah, vadhuh, 11. 23 ; amha, 23 ; mayi, maim, 23; vayam, vahue, vadhva, 12 ; vadhvam, 17. amhain, 23, 26; asman, amhain, 23; vahuham, vadhunam, 14. asmabhin, amhahim, 23; amhehi (? amhe, vahuhi, vadh vam, vadhubhih, vadhusu, 12. him), 23; amhe, 23; asmat, amha vahubun, vadhvah, 13; vadhubhyah, 13. (? amhahan), 23; wmakam, no, 23 vabuhur (?), vadhunam, 14. asmasu, ambasu, 23; amhasu, 23. vahuhe, vadhu !, 17. viinpa (?), vidirnah, 16. Idam; ayam, imu, 20; Idam, imu, 20; imam, viruan, viruddham, 3. imu, 20. vradi, vyadih, 4. isah,; Isubhih, isuehin, 16. vrasu, vyasah, 4. deoan, uocu (), 10. 11 - -- --

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190 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY AUGUST, 1923 13. etad; eta-, cha-, 20; esan, e, 21; esu, 9; 1 tul-; tolayatha, tulahu, 27. @ha, 21; ehu, 21, 28 (bis); ehe, 21 ; eho trini, tinni, 31. 21; etam, aha, 21 ; @hu, 21; ehe, 21 ; eho, tvadiyam, teran, 5; toharari (?), 5. 21 ; etasmin, ehe, 21 ;? ebhih, ehim (31). dabana-, dasana-, iii, 3. kanthe, kanthe, 6. da, dadasi, dehi, 27. kananam; kananasya, kananaho, 13; df; dekkha-, pumma, 29; darbaya. kananebhyah,kananaham, 13; kapanahum, darasa-, dakkha-, 29. devah, deva, 27. kamini, kaminidu, 7. delam, desu, 27. kim; kah, ko, 19; ka, ka, 19; kim, ko, 19; daivat, devvaho, deivvaho, 25. kam, kam, 19; kam, kam, 19; kim, kam, dve, dui, 31. 19; kasya, kassu, 19; kasu, 19; kasu, 19; kasyah kassu, 19; kasu, 19; kasu, dhanani, dhama, 27. 19; kasmin, kain, 19; kasyam, kain, 19; na, na, 26. ke, ke, 19; kan, ke, 19; kani, ke, 19; kan, nadi; nadyan, naihe, 13; nadyam, naiz, 17; ke, 19; kab, ke, 19; kani, ke, 19; kesu, nadyan, naiho, 18; naiu, 11; nadih, nasu, kesu, 19; kasu, kesu, 19. 11; nadibhyah, naihan, 13. kidsba-, koha-, 6; kidfsi, kebi, 5. narah, naro, 9; narakah, narao, 9. v kr, kara., 30; karisyamah, ka mahum nagarah (?), paalahe, 10. (?), 28. vni-; .-nayaya-, anava-, 30. krsnah, kanha 9, 27, 28 ; kanhu, 10; kfsnam, kanha, 9. patita m, padidu, 2. v krid.; kridan, kilantu, 9; kridanti, Parabu na, parasuena, 16. kilantu, 9. purusah ; purusena, purise, 15; purusat, khadgah, khandum, iii, 3 purise, 15; purusasya, purise, 15; puruse, khalu, kkhu, 25. purise, 15 ; purusaih, purise, 15. puskara-, pukkara., 3. gandharvah, gandhavvaho, 18. patayati, pelle, 27. gauri, gori, 9 : goladi, 6. prayasam (? prakasam, or pravasam), grah., gunha-, 30. ppaasu, 27. ca, a, 27. pranalya, panalio, 12. V caks-; -caks-, akkha-, 30. prasannam, pasannam, 6. vcar-; caranti, caranti, 10. priya-, priya, 4. catvari, cari, 31. balakah, balau, 28. chala-bhitah, yochala-hia, iii, 2. bala, baladu (), 7; balau, 10; balah, balau, 25, balau, 25; balao, 25; balayam, balahin, 12; jarasya, jaraha, 7. balabhih, balabis, 12 ; balasu, balahim, 12, tad: sali, te (? se), 21 : 87, 26; saiva, sojir sa b ru-, bro-, iii, 4. iii, 3; tam, tadru (?), 19; tam, tadru (?), bhadram, bhallam, 5. 19; tat, tadru (?), 19; tasya, tasu, 27 : bhu., bho-, iii, 4; pra-bhu-, pa-hava-, iii, 4 ; tasu (?), 16 : tadru, 20; tasyah, tadru, bhavet, hojjai, 25; hoijjai, 25; bhavisyati, 20: tasmin, tadru, 20; tehim, 12; tasyam, hossai, 28; bhutah, bhudu, iii, 4. tadru, 20; tehim, 12; taih tehim. 12. bhrtya-, bhicca-, iii, 2. tabbin, tehim, 12; tesam, tanua ( ! tenni); madiyam, meram, 5; moharam (?), 5; 31 : tesu, tehim, 12 ; tasu, tehim, 12. madlya, meradu (?, 7. tim, timma., 29. maskara-, makkara-; 3.

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191 AUGUST, 1923.] THE APABHRAMSA STABAKAS OF RAMA-SARMAN malah, malau, 11. 13; vana !, vanabe, 17 ; vanani, vanaim, v mue, mua-, mukka-, mella-, 30. vanait, 11 ; vanaho, 18; vananam, vangmfga-, miga., 4. ham, 14. mptyuh, macca, 16. "vastraprapta." (?), lahuli- (? gahuli-), 4. vidirnah, viinna (?), 16. yad : yah, je, 21; yam, jadru, 19; yam, viruddham, viruan, 3. jadru, 19; yat, jadru, 19 ; yena, jena, 16; vis-; pra-vis- paisava-, 29; pra-visati, yasya, jadru, 20; yasyah, 'jadru, 20; paisadi (6), iii, 2. yasmin, jadru, 20; yasyam, jadru, 20. vrksah, rukkhu, 16, 25; rukkho, 25; ruk. Vya ; a-yanti, aahi, 27. khahu, 10; rukkhai, 25; Vpksasya, yutam, judu, 27. rukkhasu, 14 ; rukkbahassa, 14; Vpkgah, yuva, juanu, 10. rukkha, 18. yusmad; tvam, tuhan, 22 ; tvam, to, 31; vis-, varha-, iii, 4. paim, 22; tvaya, pain, 22; tvat, tuha, 22; vyadin, vradi, 4. tumha, 22 ; tumhe, 22; tumbha,(? tujjha), vyasan vrasu, 4. 22 ; tava, tuha, 22 ; tumha, 22 ; tumhe, v vraj-, vanoa-, 29. 22 ; tumbha ( tusjha), 22; tvayi, paim; 22; yuyam, tumhe, 27; tum bhain, 22; vais (? Velis-); a-bis. (? -blis.), dharundayusman, tumbhain, 22; yusmabbin, tum. (? arunna-), 29. hahim, 22. sundaka-, chundaga-, 3. Bothah, sodhu, 2. raksasamukha-, rakkasa mugha- (?), 3. grih, sia, 6. rajye, rayjje, iii, 2. volls-, see v bis. radba, rahiu, 10. lagna, laggu, 6. samraksitan (? samdaritah), samrakkhio slaghu-", lahuli- (?gahuli-), 4. (? sarkappio), 16. ling-; .-lingati, alingai, 9. sakala-, saala-, 2. lokah, logu, 2. saidaritah, see sam raksitah. . sipra, chappa (?), 3. v vad-, bolla-, 30. sukarah, suaro, 25. vadhuh; vadhva, vahue, 12; vadhvan, sukham, sughu, 2. vahuhum, 13; vad hvam, vahuhi, 12 : stokam, khodam (? thoda), 5. vahue, 17; vahu !, vahuhe, 17; vad hvah, v stha-. tha, thakka-, 29; sthapaya-, oAVA vahuu, 11; vadhuh, vahau, 11; (? thava-), vacca, 29. vadhubhih, vahuhi,12; vadhubhyan, yahuhum, 13; vadbunam, vahuham, 14 ; hastinam, hatthi, 27. vahuhun (?), 14 ; vadhusu, vahuhi, 12. has : hasati, hasedi, 26; hasa mah, hasabun, vana-, rina, 4 ; vanam, vanadam, vanadam, 26 ; hasisyati, basihi, hasisai, 28. 8; vanena, vanae, 12 ; vanasya, vanaham, I hfdayam, hiada, 6.

Page #208
192 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (AUGUST, 1923 EARLY HISTORY OF INDIAN FAMINES.* By P. N. RAMASWAMI, B.A. (With an Additional Note by L. M. ANSTEY.) (Continued from page 150.) II. Mediaeval Hindu Kingdoms, from the death of Harsha in A.D. 650 to the Muhammadan Conquest, A.D. 1200. Age of Rajput Ascendeney, A.D. 600 to 1200. During the five and a half centuries intervening between the death of Harsha and the rise of Muhammadan power, India, released from the control of a vigorous central government, had reverted to her normal condition of anarchical autonomy. The death of Harsha having loosened the bonds which held his empire together, the experiences of the third and sixth centuries were repeated, and a rearrangement of kingdoms was begun, of which the record is obscure. It is impossible to say exactly what happened in most of the provinces for a considerable time after his disappearance from the scene. Generally speaking, a medley of petty states with ever varying boundaries was ceaselessly engaged in dynastic wars. It might be gathered from this circumstance, even if we had no more conclusive evidence from other sources, that famines and epidemics, destructive to an extent of which we can hardly form an adequate idea, devastated the country, The history of famines during this period is however marred by two serious limitations. First, our information is incomplete. It is true that for Southern India we have ample epigraphic evidence, but the history of Northern India is remarkable for its paucity of records. Secondly, it is impossible after the unity of Indian history has been lost, to relate the history of Indian famines in a single continuous narrative arranged in strict chronological order. At best a bird's-eye view can be taken. In A.D. 879 a universal famine affecting several parts of the world was also felt in India (Chamber's Encyclopaedia, Art. 'Famines '). The history of a great famine in Kashmir in A.D. 917-918 is recorded in ample detail in the metrical chronicle called the Rajatarangini written in the twelfth century by a learned Brahman named Kalhana, which has been admirably edited and translated by Sir M. A. Stein. Kalhana refers to a famine in Kashmir in A.D. 445 ; but the date is not definitely known. The awful famine which occurred in A.D. 917 is thus described : "One could scarcely see the water in the Vitasta (Jhelum) entirely covered as the river was with corpses soaked and swollen by the water in which they had long been lying. The land became densely covered with bones in all directions until it was like one great burial ground causing terror to all beings. The king's ministers and the Tantrins (household troops) became wealthy as they amassed riches by selling stores of rice at high prices. The king would take that person as minister who raised the sums due on the Tantrins by selling the wretched subjects...." "This gruesome picture," says Mr. V. A. Smith, "might give cause for reflection to some critics of modern methods of relief." The Encyclopaedia Britannica (Art. Famines') records a famine in India in A.D. 941 in which entire provinces were de. populated and men driven to cannibalism." It also records another severe famine in A.D. 1022 (vide Balfour, Cyclop. of India, vol. I). Farishta says that the year A.D. 1033 " was remarkable for a great drought and famine in many parts of the world. The famine was succeeded by a pestilence (Joodry Plague) which swept off many thousands from the face of the earth; for in less than one month 40,000 persons died in Ispahan alone. Nor did it rage with less violence in Hindustan where whole countries were entirely depopulated." (Briggs, Hist. of the Rise of Muhammadan Power, vol. I, p. 103). Chambers Encyclopaedia * See foot-note 1 in page 107.

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AUGUST, 1923) EARLY HISTORY OF INDIAN FAMINES 193 refers to a famino which raged in Northern India from A.D. 1052 to 1060. Mr. Loveday (Hist. and Economics of Ind. Famines, App. A, p. 135 and fol.) notices a famine which devastated the Deocan and Burhanpur for three years, A.D. 1116-1119. Miss Mabel Duff (Chron. of India, p. 135) refers to the great flood and famine that devastated Kashmir in A.D. 1099 and the following year." In A.D. 1148-1159 there was an eleven years' famine in India. In A.D. 1162 the universal famine affecting different parts of the world found an echo in this country. There is a legend that a famine lasting twelve years visited Bombay in A.D. 1200 (Loveday, Ind. Famine, p. 135). So much for the series of famines that affected Northern India from A.D. 650 to 1200. The Kingdoms of the Peninsula. For the history of famines in the kingdoms of the Peninsula from A.D. 650 down to the Muhammadan conquest, we have two chief sources of information, viz., epigraphic and literary. The epigraphic records of Southern India show that famines during all this period were of frequent occurrence. Speculation in grain and the sale of children in time of famine are referred to in two proverbs. A famine in the seventh century due to "absence of raia followed by floods in the Cauvery" is mentioned in the Periyapuranam (Navalar's edition, p. 115). It was on this occasion that the holy Appar and Sambandhar were helped by Siva to relieve the distress (Tanjore Gazetteer, chap. XV, p. 240). Another famine is recorded in the Epigraphica Carnatica (vol. IV, No. 108 of 1540). At that time grains sold at 7 mana (maunds) for one hana (fanam) and men ate men (manusa manusara tindaru). "Things," as Mr. Rice curtly remarks (Mysore and Coorg, ch. III, p. 179) " were apparently left to their own course." Famines were somotimes caused by excessive rainfall. A terrible famine occurring in the Cho!a-nadu in A.D. 1124 is referred to in several inscriptions. A Thiruvathar inscription (Ep. Rep., 1900-2, No. 276 of 1901 and No. 404 of 1902) refers to the distrainment of lands for non-payment of taxes caused by the utter destruction of all crops by a severe inundation ; and similar references are made in the Tiruvadi inscription (ibid.). Famines in Chola times seem to have been frequently caused by inundations ; hence the name "Punal-nadu" (land of floods) given to the Chola-nadu. Further details of these famines are given in Mr. Gopinath Rao's A Brief History of the Chola Dynasty. But it would be manifestly inaccurate to ascribe famines solely to droughts and floods. More frequently still they were brought about through the ravages of war. In those days wars were frequent and peace was almost unknown. The innumerable petty dynasties that ruled in Southern India were perpetually fighting, some for their very existence, some for mastery over their neighbours. These wars were attended by the greatest cruelties. One of the Pandyan kings in an inscription boasts,' among other exploits, of having set Tanjore and Uraiyur (the Chola capitals) on fire ; of having demolished the houses, high walls, storied houses and places ; caused the sites of the buildings to be ploughed over by asses and sown with cowries, etc. One of the Chola kings in his turn in like manner humbled the Pandyans and assumed the title of Madurantaka (death of the Madura city). Similarly in the Pattinapalai (cf. St. Joseph's Coll. Magaz., Sept. 1918, p. 135) the ravages of Karrikala Chola are described. No wonder then that famines are frequently mentioned in the annals of the kings of South India. The Tanjore Gazetteer (ch. VII, p. 147) alludes to a famine in the Chola-nadu in A.D. 1055 of which the Epigraphist's Annual Report for 1899, ch. IX, gives the following details : "During the reign of this king (Rajendra) in A.D. 1055 a terrible famine in consequence of some default on the king's part occurred." This famind, as the Alangudi inscription

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194 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (AUGUST, 1923 shows, was caused by the constant warfare of king Rajendra, which dried up the resources of the kingdom and terribly enhanced the taxes. In the south of Kumbakonam, at Koviladi, "times became bad, the village was ruined and the ryots flod " (Epigraphist's Ann. Rep., 1899). Apparently there was no great loss of life on this occasion. The evils of famine, which were provoked in several instances by exorbitant taxation, were accentuated by the indebtedness of the peasantry, the prevailing high rate of interest, the absence of secure communications, and the want of an effective co-ordinating central authority. The highways were very unsafe, and caravans of merchants travelled from town to town escorted by soldiers (Kanakasabai, ch. IX, p. 109). From an inscription recorded by Mr. Venkayya (Arch. Surv. Rep. for 1903) we learn that the current rate of interest was 15 per cent. But higher rates were not unknown. In one of the famous Ukkal inscriptions (Hultzch, 8. 1. Inscriptions, vol. 3, part I, p. 9) the rate of interest recorded is 50 per cent. per annum. The exorbitant taxation which crushed the people and which must have frequently contributed to bring about severe famines, needs more detailed explanation. "There is ample evidence," as Dr. Burnell in South Indian Palcography has pointed out, "to show that Manu's proportion of one-sixth was never observed, and that the land tax taken not only by the Muhammadan but Hindu sovereigns also was fully one half of the gross produce." Even when the land tax was maintained at the traditional one-sixth rate, kings like Haribara of Vijayanagar made up the deficiency by a multitude of vexatious cesses, reckoned in the case of Vijayanagar by Wilks as twenty. In Appendix A will be found three extracts which may give the reader some idea of the multitude of those vexatious cesses. The Chola, Hoysala and Pandya kings, the native dynasties of the Northern Circars and the famous kings of Vijayanagar, all of them exacted 50 per cent. of the gross produce. Regarding the other taxes we need only mention that they can be divided into classes namely, taxes on various professions and incomes, octroi duties, customs, and pearl fisheries. The professional tax was singularly elaborate and inquisitorial. It evidently reached every class of the population and every art of life. The weaver had to pay a small tax on each loom, the merchant had to pay a certain proportion of his profits, and the keeper of a mill, of his earnings ; goldsmiths and masons, barbers and labourers of all sorts, had to pay their share. The all pervading nature of this taxation can be realised from the fact that the washerman had to pay something for the use of the stones on which he washed his clothes in tanks and rivers. To use the expressive language of Nelson, "every weaver's loom paid so much per annum ; and every iron smelter's surface, every oil-mill, every retail shop, every house occupied by an artificer; and every indigo vat. Every collector of wild honey was taxed; every maker and seller of clarified butter ; every owner of carriage bullocks. Even stones in the beds of rivers, used by washermen to beat clothes on, paid a small tax." Contributions were levied from the merchants (setts), the weavers (kaikkolars), the shopkeepers (vanigars), the oil-vanigars and classes who formed the "eighteen communities." The idengai and valangai varis were paid by the people of the right and left-hand castes respectively; the police rate, by all communities. Again, the purchase and sale of cattle, the manufacture of salt, the catching and sale of fish in tanks and rivers, the cutting of fuel in forests, all these were subject to taxation. Every marriage was a source of income. Every labourer was bound to serve the king freely for a period in the year. That the king attached a good deal of importance to free service (vetti-vari) is clear from an inscription of the fifteenth century at Tirukkattupalli, which says that the king gave away to the temple of the place about 40 to 45 different taxes, which appear to have been generally collected by the

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Adatst, 1923 1 EARLY HISTORY OF INDIAN FAMINES 195 palace at that period, except the vetti-vari. Nor is this surprising in an age when the construction of public works was a criterion of royal greatness and popular prosperity, and when there was a mania for such works among kings and governors, Polygars and petty chiefs. The octroi duties and land customs were evidently levied at fixed places and on all merchandise. "All kinds of goods, even fire-wood and straw, paid these duties." The rates must have varied with variations of weight, of commodities, and of the distance travelled. They were also liable to constant enhancements at the ruler's discretion. From stray and incidental notices in the chronicles, we find, as Nelson did, that the usual octroi duty on paddy was one fanam for every eight padis or bags (i.e., a duty of 27d. on every 400 lbs). Similarly, coastal towns lovied sea-customs. An exceedingly interesting regulation regarding maritime enterprise by king Ganapati Deva of Warangal in the thirteenth century is given in the Ep. Rep., 1910, p. 107. It is not improbable that a similar policy guided other powers in later times; but no definite and dogmatic statement is possible. The vexatious imports and exports and duties, besides the innumerable tolls during the transport of goods, must have clogged considerably the ancient South Indian industry and trade, which besides were also subject to other vexatious restraints.&. The pearl fisheries, which were an object of greedy competition among foreign exploiters, were a royal monopoly and naturally proved a lucrative source of revenue. Such heavy and oppressive taxation, which undoubtedly contributed much to the often recurring famines in Southern India, is after all quite in consonance with the traditions of the country. From Vedic times (B.C. 2000-1500), when the Heaven-world is spoken of as a place where no taxes are paid by the weak to the mighty, we have an unbroken record of oppressive taxation. The Epic literature (B.. 1500-800) furnishes abundant evidence of this statement. The literature of the Age of Laws and Philosophy is replete with devices for scientifically rack-renting the people ; and the art of fleecing both nobility and commons attains perfection in the Kautilyan Arthasdsfra. Readers of the Arthasdstra (tran. R. Shama Sastri) will agree with the remark of L. D. Barnett (Antiquities of India, ch III, p. 104) that the Kautilyan Arthasastra" depicts a society choking in the deadly grip of a grinding bureaucracy. On every branch of industry lay the dead hand of taxation." We have given a brief extract describing Kautilyan taxation in Appendix B. We do not however wish to convey the impression that taxation in India was never of e mild or more reasonable character. Good Epic kings who were content to tax their subjects lightly were not unknown; and the Chinese travellers, Fa Hien (A Record of Buddhistic Kingdoms, ch. XVI, tran. Logge) and Hiuen Tsang (Beal; Records of the Western World, ch. X) tell us that taxation in India at their time was not onerous. It is useless to give more instances. What is maintained here is that Ancient Indian History furnishes a continuous tradition of oppressive taxation which accentuated the eyils of famine, and not unfrequently was so enhanced as even to provoke famine. We shall now pass on to the second source of information respecting this period, viz., the literature of the time, with the caution however that such literature is, generally speaking. largely coloured, and due precaution must be exercised in distilling history' out of its exaggerated descriptions. I shall first take up the religious literature of Southern India. The Tiruvilaiyadal Purdnam which professes to be a chronicle of the Pandyan kings, contains several references to famines and droughts. In the fourteenth Miracle it is said that on account of the displacement The above two paragraphs are largely based on the extremely valuable article of Prof. V. Rangacharya on the History of the Naik Kingdom of Madura" (Ind. Antiquory, vol. XLV, 1916).

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196 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (August, 1928 of the Nine Plancts, no rains fell, there was no harvest and no fodder, and the people suffered terribly from famine. The Pandyan king Ugravira, with his brother kings, the Chera and the Chola monarchs, whose subjects were equally a prey to this terriblo calamity, went to consult the sage Agastya as to the best means of averting the drought and famine, etc. The fifteenth Miracle records another great drought in the time of Ugravira Pandya, when "owing to scarcity of rain the rivers dried up; the king without adequate resources was unable to protect his subjects; and suffering greatly like a mother for the illness of her children, the king consulted the astrologers, who told him that on account of some adverse planets no rain would fall for one year, etc." The thirty-first Miracle tells us that in the days of Kulabli. shana Pandya a great drought and famine occurred, which caused many people to migrate to noighbouring countries. The thirty-eighth Miracle mentions the ravages of floods in Pandyanadu. We might easily multiply such instances, but these will suffice for our purpose. The Kandapurana gives several instances of droughts occurring in the land of the Tamilians. The Tirutondar Periya Purana, in the Kotpuli Nayanar charitra, mentions a great famine that devastated the Cholanadu; and other similar allusions to famines can be instanced from the Tiruvddavuradigal Purana. But after quoting from the religious works, we may pass on now to the secular works of Tamil poets and other writers, and see what they have to say on the subject of droughts and famines. Want of space compels me to confine myself to the Sacred Kural. In this work the introductory chapter on God is followed by one on Rain; and in regard to this Glover (?) (The Folk Songs of Southern India, p. 221) remarks: "Rain is the greatest requirement of a tropical country. Without it man and beast must perish ; with abundance of rain all nature smiles, plenty fills every garner, poverty becomes bearable, for there is the certainty of food. Most of the ancient vernacular books therefore follow the invocation of the Deity, usually Ganesa or Sarasvati, with the praise of rain." The remarks of the great Tamil scholar, Mr. G. U. Pope (Sacred Kural, p.5) are to the same purpose : " It seems strange to European readers that the introductory chapter on God should be followed by one on rain. This is very usual however in Tamil literature, the idea being that neither virtue, wealth nor pleasure could exist without rain......" The Chilappadhikdram tells of a grave miscarriage of justice in the Pandyan kingdom ; and how from that day when an innocent man was unjustly condemned and beheaded, there was no rain in the country; and famine, fever and small-pox smote the people severely. Veru-Vel.Chelya the king, who held his court at Korakai, believing that these misfortunes were brought about by that grave miscarriage of justice, performed many expiatory ceremonies. Copious showers of rain then fell, and famine and pestilence disappeared from the kingdom. Kobar, king of Kongu, Gajabahu, king of Lanka, and Perunk-killi Chola also performed several ceremonies, and their kingdoms were blest with never failing rain and abundant crops. Thus not infrequently " the clouds changed their nature and the lark which always sings their praise gasped for the little drop which the clouds withheld " (Pattinapalai). "That land (was to be discovered) whose peaceful annals knew nor famine, force, nor wasting plague, nor ravage of foe" (Sacred Kural, p. 102). The kings were held responsible by the poets as well as by the common people for the occurrence of these femines. As Mr. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar remarks (Ancient India, ch. IV, p. 69), the ideal set before the kings was 9 Where King from right deflecting makes unrighteous gain, The seasons change, the clouds pour down no rain. Where King, who righteous law regarde, the soeptre wields, Thero fall the showers, there rich abundance crowns the fiulda-(Sacred Kural).

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August, 1983) EARLY H'STORY OF INDIAN TAMINES 197 WOEKO. something unattainable. "Oh the King ! he is to blame if the rains fail; he is to blame it the women go astray, etc." Some kings, inspired by the wholesome fear that they would be held responsible for these calamities, spared no pains to avert the horrors of famine. They kept throughout the land granaries stored with grain to be distributed in times of scarcity; and they carried out a very liberal programme of irrigational works. Meadows Taylor History of India, ch. XIV, p. 67) offers some interesting remarks on the kroat irrigational activities of the Southern Kings. "In these Southern Kingdoms, as an almost higher proof of their civilisation, may be adduced that artificial irrigation of the soil that had been commenced upon a scale of extended usefulness, which existed probably in no other country except Babylon. The exact period at which the system was commenced is not known : but existing inscriptions relate to periods shortly after the Christian era, and it is not improbable that it had then been long in operation. In this particular the Southern people of India left the Northerners "far behind." Of such useful works upwards of 50,000 are still in working order in the Madras Presidency, and the total number of those enduring monumente of past ages must be immense. Besides the kings, the village assemblies frequently strove to fight against famines. A South Indian inscription of about 1054, for instance, records how in a certain village visited by famine the assembly, expecting no succour from the king, themselves moved in the matter of providing relief for the people. They secured a loan of 1011 kalangu of gold and 464 palam of silver in jewellery and vessels from the local temple, to which they mortgaged 84 veli of the oommon lands of the village, from the produce of which the interest on the loan was to be paid (Madr. Ep. Rep., 1899-1900, p. 20). Another case of self-help is reported in the reign of Kulot. tunga Chola III in Inscriptions Nos. 274 and 279 of 1909 (Madr. Ep. Rep., 1909-10, p. 95) when the assembly of Tirukkachur borrowed 15 kasu of a generous individual, and for interest gave him a piece of land belonging to the village, the government dues on which they themselves paid. Inscription No. 397 of 1913 records a similar case where, in a period "of bad time and scarcity of grain," a loan was arranged for by the village assembly to tide over the distress. One more interesting case is rooorded in Inscription No. 353 of 1909. Rajondra Deva (A.D. 1052) paid some gold to a village for building a stone temple. They had already built 8 angas of the temple for half the money, when'a famine occurred and the people could neither completo it nor return the money. The templo authorities complained of them to the king, and they were eventually let off on supplying an image of the god that was needed in the temple. It is refreshing to read of such beneficent activities on the part of the villagers themselves. Nevertheless owing to deficient means of communication and transport, absence of effective co-ordination, etc., it is very unlikely that the people wore able to neutralise altogether the horrors of famine. The overtaxed, ignorant and apathetic rural classes, largely given to drink, sunk in indebtedness and earning a precarious livelihood, remained always a ready prey to famine. Although there existed in those days an active maritime trade, it may be doubted whether foreign trade provided labour and sustenance to any considerable portion of the population. It is often forgotten that our foreign tradelo consisted chiefly of a few articles of luxury like pepper, pearls, beryls, sandalwood, peacock's feathers, etc. The trade was chiefly in the hands of a small capitalist class, and it is very unlikely that it could absorb the surplus population. The teeming millions of India were then, as now, engaged in agriculture, and were exposed to all the vicissitudes of periodically recurring famines. Now and then beneficent kings and local communities attempted to relieve the people ; but such efforts were necessarily on a small scale and were productive of very limited results. . (To be continued.) lo Of Rawlinson's Intercourse between India and the Western World: Mookerjes, History of Indian Shipping : Kapakasabhai, The Tamils Eighteen Hundred Years Ago, ch. III, pp. 10-39.

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198 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ AUGUST, 1923 A FEW REFLECTIONS ON BUCKLER'S POLITICAL THEORY OF THE INDIAN MUTINY.1 BY S. M. EDWARDES, C.S.I., C.V.O. MR. BUCKLER possesses a genius for academic discussion, and apparently a certain bias against the men who laid the foundations of British Rule in India. If we are to accept the spirit and teaching of his pamphlet on the "Political Theory of the Indian Mutiny", we must perforce assume, not only that contemporary writers were deceived as to the real causes of the outbreak of 1857, as some of them may well have been, but also that every student of Indian history since that date has likewise been misled as to the fons et origo of the Sepoy Revolt. We must further acquiesce in the view that this fundamental error is the direct product of the consciously dishonest propaganda of the East India Company, which in pursuance of a desire to justify itself in the eyes of the British public of past centuries, deliberately concocted a fictitious history for home consumption, and in so doing, if I apprehend his meaning correctly, deliberately deceived also the potentates and people of India. Whatever grounds there may be for the view that opinion in England was bemused from 1750 to 1857 by the specious tales woven by this Macchiavellian body of East India merchants, no writer who has lived in India and studied at first hand the acute perceptive power of its peoples, could solemnly suggest that up to 1857 the Indian territorial leaders and the general body of the people suffered themselves to be misled by the alleged duplicity of the Company and actually to believe that for some years prior to 1857 the Company still regarded itself in fact, and wished to be regarded, as the vassal of the Mughal Emperor. Yet this assertion is one of the main props of Mr. Buckler's novel theory regarding the cause of the Indian Mutiny; and it seems to me to display a fundamental and profound ignorance of the mentality of the people of India, both Hindu and Muhammadan. Mr. Buckler has presumably studied the period of Indian history immediately preceding the Mutiny with great care: he has read and digested all documents relating to the trial of Bahadur Shah II, to which the English student can obtain access in the tranquil surroundings of his own country. But I feel bound to remark that his arguments disclose an inadequate acquaintanceship with the psychology of the people of India, and that his apparent bias against the East India Company in no small degree vitiates an otherwise clever academic disquisition. Indeed, had this pamphlet been published at the time when Vinayak Savarkar was compiling his War of Indian Independence, 1857, one can imagine that the Brahman rebel would have welcomed Mr. Buckler's theory, as affording some support to the views underlying his seditious publication. Mr. Buckler's main contention, which rests upon a close study of the record of the proceedings of the trial of the King of Delhi, is that the Mutiny was primarily, if not wholly, the result of the treasonable behaviour of the East India Company towards the Mughal Emperor. The Company, in his view, was simply a vassal of the Emperor, and had become so overbearing and mutinous that the Native Army was obliged to come to its sovereign's assistance and punish its rebel officer. "Hence," in Mr. Buckler's words, "if in 1857 there was any mutineer, it was the East India Company," which by policy and act had deliberately flouted its legal suzerain-the miserable and powerless representative of the house 1 By F. W. Buckler, M.A., F.R. HISTS., reprinted from the Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 4th Series, vol. V, pp. 71-100.

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August 1923 ) BUCKLER'S POLITICAL THEORY OF THE INDIAN MUTINY 199 of Akbar. Before referring to the arguments adduced in support of this contention, it may be observed that the author apparently finds corroboration of his theory in the "outstanding fact that between the death of Aurangzeb in 1707 and the outbreak of the year 1857, there was no sign of concerted opposition to the British in India, save the attempts made by Haidar Ali and his son Tipu." Assuming the correctness of this statement, surely there is nothing very remarkable in the apparent absence of concerted opposition to the Company, at any rate for a considerable portion of the period. In the first place, the only powers which could have led a mass attack upon the British position in India were the Mughal Emperor, and later the Maratha Confederacy. But from 1707 onwards the Mughal Empire fell rapidly into ruin, and the Emperor himself became a mere phantom and roi-faineant. Aurangzeb's policy fatally weakened Mughal dominion, and one by one the Viceroys and Subahdars of the Empire fell away from their allegiance and began to carve out independent states for themselves. As early as 1715 the English envoys to Delhi were able to remark the rottenness of the Empire--"a Mughal army in open revolt in the streets of the capital and the Emperor himself a mere tool in the hands of unscrupulous ministers." In Bengal the Nawabs became independent; Bombay and Madras witnessed respectively the rise of the Maratha power and of the Nizamu'l-mulk. On all sides the English company watched from its factories an empire sinking into decrepitude, "great nobles carving kingdoms out of the remnants, and the turbulent Maratha hordes growing yearly in strength and devoting all their resources to predatory war." Thus down to 1780 the decadent Mughal Empire was too weak, and the new principalities were far too busy with their scramble for power, to organize combined opposition to the English merohants in India. Secondly, it is doubtful whether the Company's actions or policy, down to 1750, provided any ground whatever for concerted hostilities on the part of the Indian powers. And if this be true, there is surely nothing very remarkable in the absence of such opposition. In the first half of the eighteenth century the English were still bent only on trading: all they desired was peaceful commerce, and in their capacity as traders they had the sympathy of the Indian trading classes, who profited not a little from their activities. Mr. Roberts in his History of British India has pointed out that the revolution of 1756-57 in Bengal was not primarily the conquest of an Indian province by a European trading settlement, but was rather the overthrow of a foreign (Muhammadan) government by the trading and financial classes, both Hindu and British. Bengal was governed by a Nawab, nominally owning the suzerainty of the Mughal : but for many years the Nawabs had been practically independent. They were men of Mughal, Persian and Afghan race, ruling ever a Hindu people, who owned most of the wealth of the country and were united by a community of trading interests with the English. By 1750 the Hindus were seen to be less tolerant than before of the Muhammadan minority and were seeking a chance to free them. selves from the yoke ; while the English were irritated by arbitrary restrictions upon their trade. Siraju'd-daula's impolitio actions pressed equally hardly upon both European trader and Hindu subject, and directly paved the way for the battle of Plassey in 1757. It can hardly be contended that up to the date of Plassey any real cause existed for concerted action against the Company, and Mr. Buckler's argument seems scarcely relevant. But thereafter the position changed, in consequence of the political power acquired by the English in Bengal. Haidar Ali, the Marathas and the Nizam were all striving for power, and they alternately courted the Company or combined together to threaten its existence,

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200 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (Avaust, 1933 By 1780 Bombay and Madras had so embroiled themselves with the native powers of Con. tral and Southern India that "the foundations of British Rule were shaken to their base." When we recall the fact that in 1780 Mysore, Hyderabad and Poona, supported by all the Maratha; chiefs except Baroda, were joined together for a desperate attack upon British power in India; when we recall Warren Hastings' own admission that he had to face "war either actual or impending in every quarter and with every power in Hindustan," it is ini. possible to understand Mr. Buckler's assertion that between 1707 and 1857 there was no sign of concerted opposition to British Rule in India. Again, Mr. Buckler's theory that the Native Army mutinied in 1857 as an overt protest against the insubordinate behaviour of the East India Company towards their beloved suzerain, the Mughal phantom at Delhi, is surely discounted partly by the fact tu) that previous mutinies had occurred, which had no concern whatever with Mughal suzerainty, e.g., one in 1764, a second at Vellore, and a third at Barrackpore in 1824, and partly by the fact (6) that various sections of Indians other than the soldiers of the Native Army and various non-Moslem interests were implicated in the attempt to overthrow British power in 1857. The alleged grievance against the Company for its cavalier treatment of the descendant of Akbar may perhaps have served to bring the emperor, his entourage, and a section of Muhammadans into overt hostility to the English: but I do not believe for a montent that this consideration carried any weight with Nana Sahib, Tantia Topi, the Rani of Jhansi, or with that large body of the civil population who feared that the British intended to " Christianize " the country. Babu Ramgopal Ghose, a contemporary witness, declared that the notion that their religion was at stake was foisted on the native publio by design, and that this notion was at the root of the revolt. Briefly, the Mutiny, far from being merely a Muhammadan attempt to punish the Company for its alleged infidelity to the throne of Delhi, was really the outcome of that fundamental Hindu antagonism to Western civilization and Western materialism, which in more recent times has formed one of the mainsprings of anarchical conspiracies and non-co-operation movements. Mr. Roberts in chapter XXIX of his History of British India and Mr. Holmes in his History of the Indian Mutiny give a resume of the various causes underlying the outbreak of 1857, which obliges one to be extremely cautious in accepting Mr. Buckler's new-fangled theory. On his own admission, it is based almost wholly upon the record of the trial of Bahadur Shah II. One can certainly admit that when the Mutiny broke out, the mutineers needed a figure head and a war-cry. Bahadur Shah filled the required role. But though they proclaimed him Emperor, the mutineers showed him little respect and retained the administration of the mutinous area, such as it was, in their own hands. In short, the mutineers dragged in the wretched representative of vanished Mughal sovereignty, merely to give a show of dignity to their revolt, which was based on several actual or fancied grievances of their own and was joined by many others who had no sympathy with the Mughal claim to sovereignty. To substantiate his theory, Mr. Buckler suggests that :(1) The Mughal Empire down to the deposition of Bahadur Shah II was an effective source of political authority, and was the suzerain de jure of the East India Company. (2) The Maratha rebellion was " artificially extended " beyond the year 1720 90 that the Company was enabled to portray the loyal vassal Sindia as a monster of tyranny, and itself to pose "in the eyes of India " as a repentant vassal returning

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AUGUST, 1923] BUCKLER'S POLITICAL THEORY OF THE INDIAN MUTINY 201 to the loyalty of the Mughal Emperor, while at the same moment it masqueraded in Europe as the British Government and the "protector" of a pensioned king of Delhi. (3) The duplicity of Wellesly, as expressed in (2), was accentuated by his successors, who owing to ignorance of Indian languages and conditions adopted a policy which the Mughal emperor could not but interpret as high treason, and which therefore ultimately drove the Native army to revolt. In regard to (1), it seems to me impossible in the light of known facts, to accept the view that the Mughal Empire was an effective source of political authority down to the date of the outbreak. To be effective, a government surely must be possessed of the power to impose its will upon its vassals and subjects, and upon any outsider who dares to infringe its rights. If it has not this power, obviously it cannot fall within the category of effective government. What are the historical facts? In 1756 Ahmad Shah Durrani sacked Delhi; in 1760 the British were supreme in Bengal, the titular Nawab of the province being merely the creature and protege of the Company: in 1764 was fought the battle of Buxar, in which the English defeated the Emperor of all India and his titular prime minister. As a result of that battle, the Emperor-a homeless fugitive-made his submission, and, in return for an an. nuity of twenty-six lakhs from the Bengal revenues and the districts of Allahabad and Kora, agreed to resign all further claims on the revenues and to confirm formally the right of the Company to the territories in their possession. He thus became in substance a pensioner of the Company, hardly a sound basis on which to found a claim to effective political authority. In 1769 the Marathas, having recovered from their defeat, again crossed the Narbada, raided Rajputana and Rohilkand, and began to intrigue with the puppet Emperor, who was subsisting at Allahabad on the money paid to him by the Company. The Marathas offered to place him on the throne of Delhi, and on his accepting this proposal, he was escorted to Delhi in 1771 by Mahadaji Sindia, who became in practice his jailor. He was forced by the Marathas to hand over the two districts of Allahabad and Kora, which had been given to him as an act of grace by Clive. Thereupon Hastings ordered the discontinuance of his allowance,-an act which, as Mr. Roberts remarks, is supported by "all temperate and responsible opinion." From 1784 onwards Sindia had complete control of the aged Emperor, who was practically forced to issue patents appointing the Peshwa supreme Vicegerent of the Empire and Sindia himself the Peshwa's Deputy. "So by a curious turn of the political wheel, the Mughal Emperor had now passed under the control of a general of the Hindu confederacy, which was swayed by the Minister of the Peshwa-himself the Mayor of the Palace of the Raja of Satara, whose claims were historically based upon a rebellion against Mughal sovereignty." Finally, in 1803, we find Lord Lake again taking under British protection the poor old blind Emperor, Shah Alam, "seated under a small tattered canopy." With this record of facts before one, how can it possibly be said that the Mughal Empire continued down to 1858 an effective source of political authority? The power of the Mughal Empire disappeared after 1761, and neither dialectics nor legal quibbling can alter that fact. As regards the academic question of de jure suzerainty, we should have thought that to be permanently terminated by the fact that the Emperor, or the troops under his orders, had twice fought the Company in the field and been defeated on both occasions. It can hardly be contended that de jure sovereignty remains with one who, after being defeated in battle and making submission to his conquerors, is granted a subsistence allowance at their will and pleasure.

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202 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ AUGUST, 1923 pace does not permit of my dealing at length with Mr. Buckler's other two arguments. As regards the Marathas, however, I may point out that in 1720 Muhammad Shah recognized by treaty the authority of Raja Shahu and admitted his right to levy the chauth and sardeshmukhi over the whole Deccan. In 1737, after making themselves masters of Gujarat, Malwa and Bundelkhand, and evading the imperial army, the Marathas appeared in the suburbs of Delhi. Two years later Nadir Shah left the Mughal Empire bleeding and prostrate. In 1760 the Maratha government decided to renew the invasion of Upper India and to attempt the achievement of Maratha supremacy, but they were badly defeated at Panipat in the following year. Their predatory armies, however, soon recovered strength under Sindia, Holkar and other independent chiefs. In 1782 Sindia conducted negotiations for the Treaty of Salbai, and thereafter became by far the most powerful figure in India. In fact, at the beginning of the nineteenth century the Marathas practically commanded the whole of Hindustan, and it was from them, rather than from the Mughal, that the English actually acquired by force of arms the government of the whole country. It was in gratitude for his deliverance from Mahadaji Sindia that the blind Shah Alam conferred upon Lord Lake the insignia of the nalki, etc., which were the only tokens remaining to him of the once dominant position of his house. I confess I cannot discern any grounds for Mr. Buckler's assertion that under Sindia the Marathas were welded into "a strong loyal pro-Mughal confederacy." What of Jasvant Rao Holkar? He never showed the smallest respect for Mughal sovereignty, and he struggled violently with Sindia and the Peshwa. Nor can I discover in the history of Shah Alam's chequered fortunes the smallest justification for the statement that Mahadaji Sindia was the only loyal vassal of the Emperor, or that the East India Company posed as the Emperor's repentant vassal in 1802. Before the eyes of the world the English in India took Shah Alam under their protection, after the capture of Delhi by Lake; but they did so as a conquering power which had vanquished the "loyal vassal" who held him in thrall. As regards Wellesley's policy, it would certainly have been wiser to declare openly that the Company had succeeded to the rights of the Mughal dynasty, as in fact it had. England was at death-grips with Napoleon, and Wellesley was certainly entrusted with the task of making India "safe", and of excluding for ever all possibility of French competition in India. He might, therefore, have declared the paramountcy of the Company with justifica. tion. But he was bound to consider also the prejudices of the authorities in England, who frequently baulked his plans by withholding support, and also the views of the Company's shareholders, who thought more of the provision of goods for export than of empire. Both parties would probably have objected to a declaration announcing in plain language that the Company had succeeded to the rights and privileges of the Mughal Emperor: and Wellesley may also have held that the superstitious veneration accorded by some sections of native opinion to the title of the Great Mughal required to be acknowledged, even though the actual power of the holder of the title had long passed away. Later on, Lord Dalhousie showed his anxiety to arrange for the extinction of the Mughal's title at Delhi, but he was overruled by the Court of Directors. It seems a reasonable supposition that it was the authorities in England, rather than their representatives in India, who persisted in conti. nuing "the fiction" of Mughal sovereignty, when all trace of that sovereignty had for practical purposes disappeared. Ilbert in his Government of India points out that "the situation created in Bengal by the grant of the Diwani in 1765 and recognised by the legislation of 1773, resembled what in the language of modern international law is called a protectorate. The country had

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AUGUST, 1923) BUCKLER'S POLITICAL THEORY OF THE INDIAN MUTINY 203 not been definitely annexed: the authority of the Delhi Emperor and his native vice-regent was still formally recognized, and the attributes of sovereignty had been divided between them and the Company in such proportions that, while the substance had passed to the latter, a shadow only remained with the former." Wellesley, then, at the worst seems to have done no more than perpetuate an arrangement accepted by the authorities in England who framed the Regulating Act twenty years before. There are other points in Mr. Buckler's paper which deserve comment, as, for example, his statement that the Company continued offering nazr8 till 1843. The late Dr. Vincent Smith, a careful historian, states that Lord Hastings (1813-22) discontinued them, holding that "such a public testimony of dependence and subservience" was irreconcilable with any rational system of policy, when the paramount authority of the British government had been openly established. Again, Mr. Buckler formulates an elaborate argument in favour of the religious character of Mughal sovereignty over India. It is very doubtful whether, even in the heyday of its prosperity, Mughal sovereignty could be justly described as based on religious supremacy, i.e., on the claim of the Emperor to be in the Khilafat or succession of divine authority. But whether this be so or not, what earthly connexion can there have been between the religious claims of an Islamic potentate and the Hindu majority of the mutineers? If every single person implicated in the outbreak had been a Musalman, this theory might carry some weight. But a very large proportion both of the army and other rebels were Hindus, to whom the religious aspect of Mughal supremacy was meaningless exoept perhaps as an incitement to religious and racial hatred. Those who have lived in India and witnessed the intense religious antipathy which exists between Hindus and Muhammadans, and from time to time explodes in open and sanguinary repriBals, will find it very hard to adopt the view that the religious claims of the Mughal Emperor can have weighed in the smallest degree with Brahman leaders like Nana Sahib and the Rani Lakshmibai, and with the Brahman and other Hindu sepoys of the army. Speaking generally, Mr. Buckler's paper strikes me as an ingenious effort of spocial pleading in defence of Bahadur Shah. But it is vitiated by a tendency to find specious ex. planations for facts which admit of a simpler and more straightforward construction, and also by an unfortunate bias (doubtless as counsel for the defence) against the English in India, which inevitably suggests doubts as to his strict impartiality. It is quite true, as he states, that no mere palace intrigue could have produced such a rising as that of 1857: but, had he studied all the conditions and circumstances and the political and social events preceding the Mutiny, he would perhaps have realized that there were several other important causes of the outbreak besides the mere "conflict of fact and fiction" in regard to the effective political sovereignty of the phantom descendant of the Great Mughal.

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204 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ August, 1923 SOME PROBLEMS IN NAQSHBANDI HISTORY BY H. A. ROSE, L.C.S. (Retired). The history of the Naqshbandi Order would be of some interest, if it could be recovered, not merely because it has played an important part in Muslim thought, but also because it has had no little influence on the political vicissitudes of India, Mesopotamia, and, to a less extent, Turkey. In order to unravel some pieces of the tangled skein it is essential to set forth the spiritual pedigree of the Order. 1. As usual in such pedigrees its line is linked up with that of the great Muhammadan . mystics, ending in this case with Abu'l Qasim Gurgani (quite incorrectly Karkiani). Thence the line continues to 2. Abu 'Ali al-Fayl b. Muhammad al-Farmadhi: as to whom see Nicholson's Kashfal-Mahjub, p. 169. He died in 470 . (A.D. 1078), and he must not be confused with another Farmadt who died in 537 H. : M. Hartmann, Der Islamische Orient, VI-X, p. 308. 3. His khalifa (succ@ksor) Khwaja (or Shaikh Abu) Yusuf Hamadani (A.D. 1048--1140). In the Rashahat Yusuf Hamaddni is assigned three khalifas, (1) Khwaja 'Abdulla Barqi, (2) Hasan Andaqi, and (3) Ahmad Yasawi who died in A.D. 1166-7 or perhaps in 562 H. (A.D. 1169). Ahmad Yasawi was a saint of great importance. His disciple Luqman al-Khurdsani taught Muhammad 'Ata bin Ibrahim, called Haji Bektash, subsequently the patron saint of the Janissaries. The date of his death is uncertain, but it occurred in the four. teenth century A.D. : M. Hartmann, Der Islamische Orient, VI-X, p. 309. 4. Khwaja 'Abd-ul-Khaliq Ghujduwani (son of Imam 'Abd-ul-Jamil and one of the best-known Naqshbandis), born at Ghujduwan, six farsakhs from Bukhara in the twelfth century A.D. He died in 575 H. (A.D. 1179--80). Except that he studied under Shaikh Abu Yusuf little is however really known of him, though MSS. of his works exist : E.I., I, p. 165. He laid down eight rules, which constituto the tariqa of the Khwajas, but three more were afterwards introduced. They include khilwat dar anjuman, safr dar watn, etc., which are explained in a mystic sense : JRAS., 1916, pp. 64-5. According to Hartmann, it was to 'Abd-ul-Khaliq that Khizr taught also the habs an-nafas or restraining of the breath' exercises of the Naqshbandis : Der Islam, VI, p. 67. This practice is naturally attributed to one of the forms of the Indian yoga, but it is not quite impossible that its origin is far older, both the Yogis and the Naqshbandis having revived a practice current among some forgotten sects of Central Asia. That Indian ideas did however influence the earliest Sofis seems to be unquestionable : ib., p. 51. 5. 'Arif Rewgari, who took his title from Rewgar, a place six farsakhs from Bukhara. His death is assigned to 715 H., but as Hartmann points out, this cannot be correct, as his pir died in 575 H., and assuming that he received the gift of 'light' from him at the early age of ten, he must have been 160 years old when he died 1: Hartmann, op. cit., VI-X, P. 309. 6. Muhammad Faghnawi, who appears in the Tarikh---Rashidi as Khwaja Mahmud 'Anjir Faghrawi. His correct name seems to have been (Khoja) Mahmud Anjir(i) Faghnawi, from his birth-place, Faghn, three farsakhs from Bukhara. But ho lived in Wabkan, where his grave also is. There is much uncertainty as to the meaning of 'Anjir,' and also about the date of the saint's death, which is assigned to 670 H. or to 715 H. (A.D. 1272 or 1316): Hartmann, op. cit., VI-X, p. 309.

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AVQUST, 1923 ] SOME PROBLEMS IN NAQSHBANDI HISTORY 205 7. The Khoja Azizan Shaikh 'Ali Ramitani, who died in 705 or 721 1. (A.D. 1306 or 1321), and took his title from Ramitan (the name is variously spelt) near Bukhara : Hartmann, op. cit., p. 310. He was also styled Piri Nassaj. 8. Khwaja Muhammad BABA-i-Samasi, of the Tarikh-i-Rashidi, p. 401. The Khoja Muhammad BAbaji Samasi was born in Sam&si, a dependency of Ramitan, lying three farsakhs from Bukhara, and died in 740 or 755 H. (A.D. 1340 or 1354): Hartmann, op. cit., p. 310. 9. Amir Saiyid Kalal (in the Rashahat:JRAS., 1916, p. 62. Mir Kalal in the Tarikhi-Rashidi, p. 401). His true name was probably Saiyid Amir Kulal Sokhari, from Sokhar, two farsakhs from Bukhara, where he was born and buried. He worked as a potter (kulal), and is said to have been also styled Ibn Saiyid Hamza. He died in 772 . (A.D. 1371): op. cit., p. 310. 10. The Khoja Baha-ud-Din Naqshband was born in 718 1. (A.D. 1318) and died in 791 4. (A.D. 1389-90) at the age of 73: op. cit., p. 311. The Nurbakhshis. From the Naqshbandis at & very early stage branched off another Order, that of the Nur bakhshis. So far as I have been able to trace, this Order is not now known outside Kashmir and the Hazara District of the Punjab. Unfortunately its history is very obscure. The Tarikh-i-Rashidit throws some light upon it. According to that work Saiyid 'Alf Hamadani, also called Amir Kabir 'Ali the Second, a refugee from Hamadan, appeared in Kashmir about A.D. 1380. He and his Order are said to have been expelled from Persia by Timur, and to him is attributed the conversion of Kashmir (although it had been at least begun by Sultan Shams-ud-Din, who came there disguised as a Qalandar, about 40 years earlier). However this may be, Saiyid 'Ali is stated to have died at Pakhli, the seat of a half-legendary Arab kingdom, about A.D. 1386. He became " & sort of patron saint of the Muhammadan section of the population, but the people were all Hanifi, we are told, until about A.D. 1550 one Shams, who came from Talish (? Gilan) in Ir&q, introduced a new form of religion, giving it the name of Nurbakhshi. Shams wrote a work called the Fikh-i-Ahwat, which does not conform to the teachings of any sect, Sunni or Shi'a, and his sectarios regarded him as the promised Mahdi. That Saiyid 'Ali Hamadani was a historical personage is oonfirmed by the Turkish authorities, but I have failed to connect him with Sh. Abd Yusuf Hamad&ni. His full name was Amir Saiyid 'Ali b. Ush-Shihab (Shihab-ud-Din) b. Mir Saiyid Muhammad al-Husaini of Hamadan" founder of an order of safis, espeoially known as the apostle of Kashmir''; and he entered Kashmir in 781 1. (A.D. 1380) with 700 disciples, acquiring great influence over Sultan Qutb-ud-Din. Dying in 786 1. (A.D. 1385) at the age of 73 he was buried at Khuttilan (not at Pakhli). He was the author of the Zakhirat. ul. Mulak, a treatise on political ethics: Cal. of Persian MSS. in the British Museum, II, p. 147. Those fragments of history perhaps justify & conjecture that S. 'Ali Hamadani played an important part in the resistance to Timur and his descendants. In the Punjab Shah 1 Pp. 432-7 of Denison Rose's Trans. 2 CJ. Brown, The Dervishes, p. 126, where he appears as Sa'eed 'Alee Hemdenee.' 3 Wherever Saiyid 'Ali may actually have been interred, he certainly has still & shrine (zidrat) at Nankog in the Pakhli plain of Hazara, and to it women bring children suffering from parchhawan to be passed under an olive-tree. The saint also has some resting places Wishast-gdhe) in Kashmir: Rose, Glossary of Punjab Tribes and Oastes, I, p. 594. The tradition that the saint was buried at Khuttilan may be explained ; Khutlan, as it is also spelt, was the seat of Khwaja Iphaq: t. the following page. Unfortunately the Mirdt at Muqdsid, though montioning the Norbakhshis on p. 3, gives no account of them that I can trace.

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206 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (August, 1923 Rukh, for instance, never seems to have been able to extend his sway much beyond the Salt Range, and his failure to penetrate Kashmir may have been largely due to the Naqshbandi opposition or resentment. Who Shams" was, it is not oasy to say. But in all probability he is to be identified with Seiyid Muhammad, son of Saiyid Muhammad of Qatif, a descendant of course of the Imam Masa Kazim. Born at Qa'in 795 1. (A.D. 1393) he was initiated by the Khwaja Ishaq Khutlani, who was a disciple of Saiyid 'Ali Hamadani, and from him received the title of Nurbakhsh. In 826 H. (A.D. 1423) he proclaimed himself Khalif in Khutlan and was imprisoned by Shah Rukh at Herat in that year. He died at Rai in 869 1. (A.D. 1465). So far all is plain-sailing, but when we come to his successors the facts are obscure. Saiyid Muhammad is said to have been followed as head of the Order by his son, Shah Qasim. Well treated by Shah Isma'il Safawi, he died in 927 H. (A.D. 1521). But it is also said that S. Muhammad's principal khalifa was Asiri (Shaikh Shams-ud-Din) Muhammad b. Yahya of Lahijan in Gilan, and that he settled in Shiraz where he built the Khanqah Nuria. A friend of Dawani, Shah Isma'il visited him ton in 910 1. (A.D. 1505). Besides a Diwan Asiri left a commentary on the Gulshan-s-Raz. His son Fida'i died in 927 H. (A.D. 1531): Cat. of Turkish MSS. in the British Museum, p. 650. It is fairly obvious that the Norbakshis continued to exercise some influence in Persia under the Safawis, but that fact would not ondear them to the Turkish authorities and amply explains why there is no allusion to Shah Qasim or Asiri and their protectors in such a work as Brown's Dervishes. Novertheless another disciple of S. Muhammad, one Shaikh Khalil-ullah Baqlant, is mentioned in the spiritual pedigree given in the Sabhat ul-Akhbar, a work which was actually translatod from the Persian into Turkish in 952 1. (A.D. 1545): ib., p. 323. The Disruption of the Naqshbandis, We now come to a crisis in the history of the Naqshbandi Order, which so far has not been explained. According to the Rashahat its real founder was the saint Khwaja 'Ubaid. ullah, by name Nasir-ud-Din, but commonly known as the Khwaja Ahrar or Hazrat Ishan. This work makes Bahd-ud-Din Naqshband merely a learned expositor of the principles of the Order.. Yet it ascribes Khwaja Abrar's investiture to Ya'qub Charkhi, himself a disciple of Baha-ud-Din. Other authorities however ignore Ya'qub Charkhi4 and make Khwaja Abrar 5th, not 3rd, in spiritual descent from Baha-ud-Din, thus Baha-ud-Din Naqshband. Alai-ud-D'in al-Attar. Nizam-ud-Din Kham ush. The Tarikh-i-Rashidi speaks of a Maulana Nizam-ud Din Kham ash or ? : op. cit., p. 194. I have failed to trace any other details of his personality, but the 'Ali-il&his still have eight sects, one of which is styled Kham ushi : E.I., I, p. 293. 4 A minor problem concerning Ya'qub Charkhi is the place of his burial. From "information received "I stated in A Glossary of Punjab Tribes and Castea, III, p. 548, that he was one of the four important disciples of Baha-ud-Din Naqshband and was interred at Malafko in the Hippar Dist. of that province. But according to the Rashandt he lies buried at Hamalghata (or -nu) in Hippar-Shadman, Transoxiana, and East-South East of Samarqand, though he was born in the Ghazni district of Afghanistan: JRAS., 1916. p. 61. This suggests that a Ya'qub (but not Charkhi) was buried at Malafko. The doubtful passage in Babur's Memoirs makes mention of a Ya'qub as a son of Kh. Yahya. Whether he was Yahya's third son or not, this Ya'qub may be the saint of Me

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AUGUST, 1923) SOME PROBLEMS IN NAQSHBANDI HISTORY 207 Sultan-ud-Din al-Kashghari, (but his real name was almost certainly Sa'id-ud-Din, and the Tarikh-i-Rashidt calls him Sa'd-ud-Din). He is however sometimes described not as a disciple of Nizam-ud-Din Kham ush, but of Saiyid Sharif 'Ali b. Muhammad al-Jurjani, who died in 816 H. (A.D. 1414), and was the author of the Sharh Muwagif: Nassau Lees, Nafahat al-Uns, pp. 6, 2-3. Ubaid-ullah Samarqandi (Khwaja Ahrar). Le Chatelier again assigns not only Alai-ud-Din and Ya'qub Jarhi (Charkhi obviously) as disciples or rather successors to Baha-ud-Din, but also gives him a third successor in Nasr-ud-Din of Tashkand. Thus it seems clear that the Order began to show symptoms of disruption on the death of Baha-ud-Din. Le Chatelier however says that it was under the pontificate of Nasr-ud-Din Tashkandi (who is not at all generally recognised as a khali fa of Baha-ud-Din) that the Order split up into two branches, that of the West under him as Grand Master, and the other of the East under another khalifa, Sultan-udDin al-Kashghari. But the Turkish versions of the pedigree seem to acknowledge only the last-named. The Western Naqshbandis. Of the fate of the Western Naqshbandis little seems to be recorded in Turkish literature. From 'Ubaid-ullah al-Samarqandi the 'descent' passes to Sh. 'Abdullah Alahi (as he was known in poetry), Arif billah 'Abdullah, "the God-knowing servant of God," of Simaw. He followed the jurisprudent 'Ali of Tus to Persia, quitting Constantinople; and devoted himself to the secular sciences until he was impelled to destroy all his books. His teacher, however, induced him to sell them all with the exception of one oontaining the dealings of the Saints, and give the proceeds in alms. From Kerman he went to Samarqand, where he attached himself to the great Shaikh Arif billah 'Ubaid-ullah (the 'little servant of God'), and at his behest he accepted the teaching of the Naqshbandis from their Shaikh Baha-ud-Din. Later he went to Herat, and thence returned to Constantinople, but its disturbed condition on the death of Muhammad II drove him to Yenija Wardar, where he died in 1490 A.D. He left at least two works, the Najat al-Arwah min Rasan il-Ashbah, The Salvation of the Soul from the Snares of Doubt,' and the Zad al-Mushtaqin, The Viotuals of the Zealous,' sometimes described as the zad al-Talibin or the Maslik at-Talibin ("The Victuals of the Seekers,' or Regulations for them): Hammer-Purgstall, Geschichte der Osmanischen Dichtkunst, I, p. 207. This sketoh does not hint that Alahi was head of the Western Naqshbandis. But it suggests that the Order was not popular with the imperial authorities at Constantinople in his day and that people who wrote about its history were obliged to omit facts of cardinal importance in it. 6 Here Le Chatelier, who actually cites the Rashahat as his authority, has fallen into a two-fold error. On p. 150 of his Oonfreries musulmanes du Hedjaz, he gives an account of "Sultan-ud-Din al-Kashghari and his resistance to 'Baber.' But the future conqueror of India was not opposed by the Naqshbandi Shaikh. The prince in question was Mirza Babur, and the Shaikh who opposed him was not Sultan-ud-Din al. Kashghari but Khwaja Ahrar. So far from being hostile to the branch to which the great Babur belonged, the Khwaja Ahrar fended off Mirza Babur's attack in the interests of Abu Sa'id Mirza, grandfather of the future emperor: H. Beveridge in JRAS., 1916, p. 69. And so far from being opposed to the great BAbur at Samarqand, the latter Asserts that Khwaja Ahrar appeared to him in a dream and foretold his second capture of the city : Memoirs, I, p. 139. Strangely enough Brown (The Dervishes, p. 136) makes " our Lord Maulana Sa'id-ud-Din KAshghari" the opponent of Mirza Babur, and this too on the authority of the Raahahat, thus endorsing one of Le Chatelier's errors. It seems then possible that more than one recension of that work exists, but even if that bo so, a consideration of the dates involved proves that it was Mirza Babur, and not the conqueror of India, who was thwarted at Samarqand by a Naqshbandi Shaikh. The great Babur made his first attempt on the city in A.D. 1498, and could not possibly have been opposed by the precursor of Khwaja Ahrar, who had died in A.D. 1490, at least eight years earlier. * The Tarikh-i-Rashich adds that Sa'd-ud-Din had & disciple in the "Shaikh al-Islam," Maulana Abd-ur-Rahman Jami: p. 194. This was of course the famous Persian poet Jami' (A.D. 1414-92): .1., 7, 1, p. 1011. To the poet he is credited with having appeared in a vision.

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208 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY | AUGUST, 1923 From Alahf we are taken to Sh. Sa'id Ahmad al-Bukhari, as to whom I fail to find any record. Thence we come to Sh, Muhammad Chalabi (the Turkish cognomen is noteworthy), "nephew of Aziz," and so to Sh. 'Abd-ul-Latif, nephew of Muhammad Chalabi. Here it is patont that tho pedigree is quite fragmentary. These data and omissions suggest that by Evlia's time the Naqshbandis had fallon under the disfavour of the imperial government, that the heads of the Western Naqshbandis wero only recognized by it when they were harmless, and that, while that Government did not venture to abolish the con vents of the Order in the capital or elsewhere, it suppressed any leading institution which was likely to recall memories of the great names in the Order or increase the influence of its independent heads for the time being. The conneotion with the Eastern Naqshbandis, was similarly discouraged, if not entirely broken off. None of the great Naqshbandis of India are commemorated by foundations at Constantinople. There is indeed one Hindilar8 (Indians') takia at Khorkhor near Aq Sarai in Stambal, just as there is an Usbek-lar takia there too. But most of the Naqshbandi con vents bear names that are merely picturesque, or only commemorate latter-day Saints of the Order who were, frankly, nonentities. And so, when the author of the Turkish Mirdt al-Muqasid gives a list of the Naqshbandi saints of modern times, he has to omit all allusion to their chequered history in the West and fall back on the Indian silsila, which nover had any real jurisdiction in Turkey and was certainly not recognised there by the imperial authorities. The Eastern Naqshbandi s. To turn now to the Eastern Naqshbandis, we have first to deal with the Khwaja Ahrar. In his youth this saint had a vision of Christ, which was interpreted to mean that he would become a physician, but he himself declared that it foretold that he would have a living heart. Later on he obtained great influence over Sultan Abu Sa'id Mirza, a great-grandson of Timar and ruler of Mawara-un-Nahr from A.D. 1451 to 1468. This sovereign was then the most powerful of the Timurids in Central Asia : and Herat his capital was famous for its institutions and its learning. The Khwaja acted as envoy to the rivals of this ruler who were also descendants of Timur. For the nonce he succeeded in making peace between them, but it was not permanent. The Khwaja died in A.D. 1490 or porhaps a year later. 10 His descendants were (Khwaja Ahrar, 'Ubeid-ullah.) Khwajaka Khwaja. Khwaja Yahya, whom Babur styles Kh. Kalan : his father's guccessor, Zakaria, 'Abd-ul-Baqi. Muhammad Amin. ? Ya'qub. both, with Kh. Yahya, murdered by Uzbegs in A.D. 1500. Regarding the sons of Kh. Ahrar, Babur makes a significant statement. Between them enmity arose, and then the elder became the spiritual guide of the elder prince (Baisan qar Was this the 'Ahd-ulLatif Naqshbandi who died in 971 1. (A.D. 1564), according to the Mirat al. Kd'indt of Nishanji-zAda Muhammad b. Ahmad b. Muhammad b. Ramapan, a Qiri of Adrianople who died in 1031 H. vid. Cat. of Turkish MSS. in the British Museum, p. 30. If so, we have again the curious fact that his headship of the Order is suppressed. Evlis mentions two Indian convents, one of the Hindus, "worshippers of fire," where bodies could by burnt, and the other, the convent of the Indian Qalandare, at the head of the bridge of Kaghid. khana : Travels, I, Pt. 2, p. 87. * E.., the Agvan-lar Takia-si, near the Chinili Mosque at Scutari, seems to be so named from the Pers. akawan, 'flower of the arghawdn, (red) Judas-tree : Johnson, Pera..Ar..Eng. Dicty., p. 144, and Red. house, Turk.- Eng.. Lex., p. 69. Evlia's translator calls it the Syringa. 10 JRAS., 1916, p. 56.

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AUGUST, 1923] SOME PROBLEMS IN NAQSHBANDI HISTORY Mirza) and the younger the guide of the younger (Sultan 'Ali Mirza). Khwajahka Khwaja had stoutly refused to surrender Baisanqar when that prince had sought sanctuary in his. house. Kh. Yahya on the other hand gave shelter to Sultan 'Ali Mirza, his rival. It is further stated by Babur that his "teacher and spiritual guide" was a disciple of Kh. Ahrar, by name 'Abdullah, but better known as Khwaja Maulana Qazi. Now this adviser was murdered by Babur's enemies in 903 H. (1498 A.D.). Thus we see that. there was a tendency for the sons and disciples of the religious chief each to attach himself to a member of the ruling house descended from Timur. Khwaja Maulana Qazi was apparently hanged for no better reason than that he had been active in defence of Babur, a fate from which his religious character did not save him. But the tendency mentioned was not the universal rule, for we read of yet another disciple of Kh. Ahrar, Hazrat Maulana Muhammad Qazi, author of the Silsilat al-Arifin, who was honoured by the "Hazrat Ishan" with the title of Ishan (though he does not appear to have been recognised as his spiritual successor) and died in A.D. 1516 without having attached himself to any prince. On the other hand Kh. Ahrar, it is said, also left a grandson "Khwaja Nura " or Hazrat Makhdumi Nura, who was named Mahmud from his father and Shahab-ud-Din from his grandfather (sic), but received the title of Khwaja Khawand Mahmud. This saint followed Humayun to India, but found that he had been supplanted in favour by the sorcerer-saint Shaikh Bahlol11. To this refusal on Humayun's part to recognise Khwaja Nura's claims to his hereditary veneration, the author of the Tarikh-i-Rashidi hints that all that emperor's misfortunes were due: JRAS., 1916, pp. 59 ff. and Tarikh-i-Rashidi, pp. 212 and 398-9. 209 After the murder of Khwaja Maulana Qazi, Babur seems to have had no spiritual guide for a time. He declares that in 905 H. he was negotiating with Khwaja Yahya, but he admits that the Khwaja did not send him any message, though several times persons were sent to confer with him, i.e., in plain English, to attempt to seduce him from his allegiance to Sultan 'Ali Mirza. Whether the Khwaja was inclined to listen to such overtures must remain uncertain. At the worst all that can be reasonably regarded as proved against him is that when Sultan 'Ali Mirza was betrayed by his mother and it became clear that Samarqand must fall either to Babur or to Shaibani Khan, the Khwaja deserted Sultan 'Ali and ostensibly went over to Shaibani, But his tardy submission did not save him from the suspicion (possibly well-founded) that he was really favouring Babur's claims, which were far stronger than Shaibani's, to the possession of Samarqand. In so doing he would in fact have only been renewing an hereditary tie, for, Babur informs us, his father had appointed Khwajahka Khwaja keeper of his seal, 13 The slaughter of Khwaja Yahya with his two sons in A.D. 1500 did not of course bring the silsila or chain of spiritual descent of the western Naqshbandis to an end, but how it continued is a mystery. The Rashahdt states that Yahya had a third son, Muhammad Amin, who escaped death. On the other hand a tradition was current that Yaby& had a third (or fourth) son, named Khwaja Ya'qub. This last is mentioned in Babur's Memoirs as once appearing to him in a dream, but Beveridge holds that the passage is spurious : JRAS., 1916, p. 73. It is however possible that it is genuine, but that it was suppressed in the Persian translations, in order to make it appear that Babur was not under the spiritual protection of the Naqshbandi Shaikhs. But this suggestion finds no confirmation, it must be admitted, in the authorities known to me. These are two, the Panjab traditions, and the Turkish work, 11 This saint, a brother of the better-known saint Muhammad Ghaus of Gwalior, was, it is interesting to note, put to death by Mirza Hindal, brother of Humayun, in 945. (A.D. 1538): Beale, Or. Biog. Dy., p. 370. On p. 265 Bahlol appears as Phul! 13 Babur describes him as a man of learning, a great linguist and excelling in falconry. He was also acquainted with magic, yadahgiri, i.e. the power of causing rain and snow by magic: Memoirs, I, p. 68.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ AUGUST, 1923 the Mirat al-Muqasid. Below, the spiritual pedigrees so preserved are set out in parallel columns : 210 Mirat al-Muqasid. 1. Milana Ya'qub Charhi Hissari. 2. Khwaja (a gap) Nasir-ud-Din 'Ubaidullah Tashkandi Samarqandi. 3. Muhammad Zahid. 4. Maulana Darvish. 5. Maulana Khwajagi Samarqandi. 7. 6. Maulana Shaikh Muhammad Samaqi. Imam Rabbani Mujaddid Alif-sani Sh. Ahmad Faruqi b. 'Abd-ul-Wahid Faruqi Sirhindi, d. 1074 H. (A.D. 1664). 8. Sh. Muhammad Ma'sum 'Urwah'- Wasqa, Kh. Muhammad Ma'sum. Sahib Maktubat: d. 1097 H. (A.D. 1688). 9. Sh. Saif-ud-Din 'Arif. 10. Sh. Saiyid Muhammad Nuri Budauni. The Panjab tradition. Ya'qub Charkhi. Nasir-ud-Din 'Ubaid-ullah Ahrar. Muhammad Zahid. Maulana Darvish Muhammad. Maulana Khwajgi Amkinki (sic). Khwaja Muhammad Baqi-billah Berang. Imam Rabbani Mujaddid Alifsani Sh. Ahmad Faruqi Sirhindi. Sh. Saif-ud-Din. M. Hafiz Muhammad Muhsin Dihlawi. Saiyid Nur Muhammad Budauni. 11. Sh. Shams-ud-Din Khan Janan Mazhar. Shams-ud-Din Habib-ullah Mazhar Shahid. 12. Sh. 'Abdullah Dihlawi. 13. Hazrat Zia-ud-Din Zu-'l-Jannahin Maulana Khalid, d. 1242 H. at the age of 50 (A.D. 1827). (Hence the Order is called Khalidia.) Mirza Janjanan. Mujaddid Miatusaliswal (?) Ashar Sayid 'Abdullah (Shah Ghulam 'Ali Ahmadi). Shah Abu Sa'id Ahmadi. Shah Ahmad Sa'id Ahmadi. Haji Dost Muhammad Qandhari. Haji Muhammad 'Usman-whose shrine is at Kulachi in the Dera 'Isma'il Dist., Panjab. The Mirat al-Muqasid, it will be observed, omits all mention of the silsila of the Western Naqshbandis, Alahi and his successors. Now the Naqshbandis have always been numerous and important in Turkey. They have, or had when Brown wrote, 52 takias in Constantinople alone. In other Turkish towns also they had many foundations, e.g., three at Brusa: Evliya, II, p. 8. The takias at Constantinople include one named "Ahmad al-Bukhari Takiasi," which must commemorate Sh. Sa'id Ahmad al-Bukhari, Alahi's successor. It is in the Kaban Daqiq (Flour Weigh-House) at Stambul. They also include four called Amir Bukhara Takiasi. Who the 'Amir Bukhara' was, it is hard to say with any certainty. A Shams-ud-Din Bukhari (not to be confused with Shams-udDin Muhammad Bukhari, the 'Amir Sultan' of Bayazid I's reign) was a Persian, who came to Constantinople in the time of Muhammad II and there rose to eminence as the Shaikh of the reign of Bayazid II. He lived as a Naqshbandi, and his cloister is one of the principal Naqshbandi foundations in the Turkish capital: Hammer-Purgstall, GdOD, I, p. 212. This must be the convent just outside the Adrianople Gate,' in which lies Shaikh Ahmad 'Bukhara' (? al-Bukhari). in the mausoleum built for him by Murad III, near the FlowerHall: Evlia, I, pt. 2, p. 21. If this Sh. Ahmad was the head of the Order, it is clear that it was favoured by Murad III, though Evlia, who is very chary of details where the Naqshbandis are concerned, does not say that Sh. Ahmad Bukhara belonged to that Order. But he adds:"Sh. Ahmad Sadiq, from Tashkendi in Bokhara, who made the journey on foot three times from Balkh to Constantinople (and back again) is buried at the convent of Amir Bokhara,"

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August, 1923) BOMBAY, A.D. 1660--1667. 211 And further :" Sh. Khak Dada, the chief fountain of contemplation, born at Pergamus, was most famous by the name of Na'lbenji (the farrier)"; and at Rumeli Hissar is the laleia of . a farrier-saint, Na'lbar Mahmad Effendi, a Naqshbandi. In the religious teaching of the Naqshbandis there was not much that would explain all this. They taught that a life could be purchased by the sacrifice of another life ; and twice Khwaja Ahrar was saved from death by men devoting themselves (becoming feila) in order to restore him to health : JRAS., 1916, p. 75.13 This example was clearly followed by Babur, when he resolved to offer up his own life to save that of Humayun : Memoirs, II, p. 442. Babur, like bis descendant Aurangzeb, was buried in a tomb open to the sky. Whether Jahangir's tomb at Lahore was also hypathral is still a moot question : Journal of the Punjab Historical Society, III, p. 144. But it is noteworthy that Jahangir rebuilt Babur's tomb'in A.D. 1607-8: Memoirs, II, p. 426. This usage was certainly not confineil to the Nqh. bandis, though Khwaja Baqi-billah has no building over his grave at Dohli : Rose, Gloss. Punjab T. and o., III, p. 550. It appears rather to have become a Chishti practica : ., p. 530. (Qutb Shah forbade a building to be erected over his tomb at Mihrauli neer Dehli.) But the political predilections of the Naqshbandis may well have led to their persecution at the hands of the Sultans of Turkey. As we have seen, a Nurbakhshi wrote a treatise on political ethics. Khwaja Athrar's dependents by their influence protected many poor de. fonceless persons from oppression in Samarqand, says Babur: Memoirs, I, p. 40. In truth the Naqshbandi Khwajas seem to have sought to give new life to the old idea, that beside the secular King should stand a divinely-guided adviser, the keeper of his seal and his conscience, and the interpreter of the spirit, not merely of the letter, of the formal laws. BOMBAY, A.D. 1660-1667. (A few remarks on Dr. Shafaat Ahmad Khan's Resume of Anglo-Portuguese Negotiations. 1) BY S. M. EDWARDES, C.S.I., c.v.o. DR. SHAFAAT A. KHAN's new work, which consists of important documents preserved in the Public Record Office, the India Office, and the British Museum, linked together into a more or less connected narrative by the author's explanatory comments, throws much light upon the circumstances of Bombay in the latter half of the seventeenth century and on the tortuous negotiations between England and Portugal, which accompanied the surrender of the Island. An important feature of the materials here collected "ie their wealth of information on the commercial usages of the period. For it was not merely a question of petty dues and vexatious tolls: it was the vital problem of the security of the Company's trade and the safety of its subjects. Moreover, writes Dr. Khan, "the elaborate reports of the Council, the active support of the King, and the numerous representations to the Portuguese Govern. ment, show the intimate connection between the foreign and economio policy of England; while the keen and sustained interest manifested by Charles II in the varied colonial and Commercial activities of the times vindicate that monarch from the reckless charges hurled by his opponents." To the student of Bombay history almost every page of this book contains something of interest. One meets, for example, with new variants of the spelling of the name of the Island, which do not seem to have been noticed by previous historians. In an account of the Anglo-Dutch attack on the Island in A.D. 1626 we find "Bumbay"; David Davis' description of the same event speaks of "Bumbaye ; "while Kerridge in his dispatch of January 4th, 13 For a much earlier instance of the practice vide R. Hartmann, al-Qushairt'Darstellung des Sufitums, Turk. Bibl., 18, p. 46. 1 Anglo-Portuguese Negotiations relating to Bombay, A.D. 1660-1077, by Shafaat Ahmad Khan, Litt. D. F.R.Hist.s., University Professor of History, Allahabad. Humphrey Milford, Oxford University Press.

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212 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY AUGUST, 1923 1628, writes the name "Bumbaiee." Phonetically, there is little difference between this and the proper vernacular name" Mumbai." In A.D. 1654, however, the Company in a petition to Cromwell describe the Island as "Bone Bay," which is reminiscent of the old erroneous dorivation from "Buon Bahia quasi Boon Bay." After that date the name is almost invariably written "Bom baim," until it is finally superseded by "Bombay." The late Mr. A. M. T. Jackson was probably correct in holding that Mumbai, "Mother Mum ba," the eponymous goddess of the Island, is a local form and manifestation of "Mommai," the well-known village-goddess in Kathiawar. Dr. Khan remarks that Kerridge's dispatch of A.D. 1628 contains the earliest description of Bombay by an English writer, and that his information was obtained from one Richard Tuck, an English sayler," who had long served the Portuguese and frequented the Island. Ho describes the inhabitants "both of Bumbaiee and Salsett" as "poore fishermen and other labourers, subject to the Portugall." These are the "Cooleys " (Kolis), "Callim bines and Bunderines" (Kunbis and Bhandaris), and "Frasses" (Farash) etc., of later writers. Another point, which is clearly indicated in a report of the Company to Charles II in February 1675-6, is the former importance of Mahim. "Within this Haven or Bay," they write, "stands the Island of Bom baim (called anciently Mahim), which gives Title and denomination to the whole Soa that enters, which is called the Port of Bombajm. There are some small spotts of Islands as Trum bay Galean and others as Elefanta and Patacas scarce worth notice ....... On part of the Island of Bombaim stands Mahim, the name formerly of the whole Island. There, in old time, was built by the Moores a great Castle, and in the times of the Kings of Portugall, this was the place where his Courts and the Custome house was kept, and here were the Duties paid by the vessels of Salset, Trumbay, Gallean and Bundy on the Maine etc." So far as I can remember, none of the early records in India refer so clearly as this to the original importance of Mahim, and particularly to the fact that the whole Island was originally styled Mahim, the Portuguese transliteration of Mahi (ie., Mahikavati), which was the name of the former city of the almost legendary Raja Bimb. Tho knowledge of the Island possessed by the Court of Committees compares favourably with the gross ignorance displayed by some members of the King's entourage. Even the Lords of the Council who examined very carefully the territorial claims of the English against their Portuguese antagonists were handicapped by having no map of Bombay, and could not therefore adjudicato as clearly as they might have done upon the Company's view that Salsette and Karanja formed an integral part of the territory ceded to England under the Marriage Treaty. Charles II, however, was bent upon upholding the Company's claims, and it was really his repudiation of Humphrey Cooke's agreement with the Portuguese Viceroy and his advocacy of the Company's case against the Portuguese that formed the foundation of Bombay's subsequent expansion The documents of the period throw further light on Humphrey Cooke's character and behaviour. A letter from him to the Secretary of State dated August 26th, 1664, proves the truth of Colonel Biddulph's opinion as to the exact date (April 6th) of Sir Abraham Shipman's death, published in ante, vol. XLI, 1912, and justifies the view adopted in the Gazetteer of Bombay City and Island, that Shipman died in April, 1664. Cooke's letter, which is written from "Angediva Island in Easte India," discloses the terrible mortality among the soldiers from the poisonous air of this "un houldsum" place, and then, after descanting upon the heavy charges incurred by Cooke as Governor "in housekeeping and servants," which could not be "avoyded for our nation's honour," proffers a request that the King will grant him a two years' commission as "Governor in Bom baim "at a salary of 40 shillings a day. In another long letter of March 3rd, 1664-65 Cooke complains of the attitude of Sir George Oxinden-the earliest indication, as Dr. Khan remarks, of that friction between the King's and the Company's officers which led later to the cession of Bombay to

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AUGUST, 1923) BOMBAY, A.D. 1660--1667. 213 the Company. This letter is chiefly valuable for its description of the Island at the moment that Cooke received charge of it from the Portugueso. "What they (the Portuguese) delivered," writes Cooke," was only two small Bulworks, some Earth and Stones (the Ceremony for the Island) as appeareth by the papers of Rendition. The King of Portugal (as they say) hath neither house, Fort, Ammunition, nor foote of Land on it, onely the Aforrowes or Rents, which is but small, importing about 700 lb. yearly. The two Bulworkes they delivered (Donna Ennes da Miranda olaimes to bee hers) and appeareth so with the house. Our King's Majestie hath nothing more than the Rents that the King of Portugall had, with the Island and Port, which being wholy unfortyfied will cost much monies to make it defenceable by Sea and Land, which must be donne if his Majestio intends to make anything of it. At present I shall onely make a Platforme for our security while awaiting!] further orders from his Majestie, which with the two Bulworkes will hold all our Ordnance." Cooke then proceeds :-" In this Island was neither Government nor Justice, but all eases of Law was carried to Tannay and Bassin." He therefore appointed "for the whole Island a Tannadar, which is a kind of under Captain," on 300 xeraphins a year ; also a Justice of the Peace ; "two persons to take care of Orphants Estates, one for the white people and one for the Black ; " and "two Customers, one at Maym and another at this place." He also "enordered a Prison to be made to keepe all in quietness, obedience and subjection, these people generally being very litigious," and he proposed, "if our monies will reach," to build two custom-houses. "In the Island," he adds, "are five churches, nine Townes and villages, and upwards of 20,000 souls, as the Padres have given mee an Account; the generall Language is Portugueez, soe that it will be necessary the Statutes and Lawes should bee translated in to that Language. The people most of them are very poore." The Jesuits, according to Cooke, were doing their utmost to bring the English into disrepute by kidnapping "Orphants off this Island, of the Gentues, Moores and Banians, to force them to bee Christians, which if should bee suffered wee shall never make anything of this place, for the liberty of Conscience makes all the aforenamed desirous to live amongst us." In later reports Cooke refers to his quarrel with the Portuguese about Mahim, which "is the best part of this Island." "I never took Boate to pass our men, when I took the possession of it, and at all times you may goe from one place to the other dry-shod. I cannot imagine how they cann make them two Islands." He also describes the fortifications which he erected on the landside of the Great House, "all done with Turffe and Cocer nutt trees 14 foote hygh round," and states that he turned all the people in Bombay on to the work of construction, giving them no pay, but "only somethinge to drinke." The letter was accompanied by a "ruff draught " of the fortification, which is probably the very plan recently discovered by Mr. William Foster in the Public Record Office. Cooke, as is well known, was shortly afterwards removed from his post in Bombay and died subsequently in Salsette, after causing as much trouble as he could to his successor. The character of his brief term of administration is described by Sir Gervase Lucas in a letter of March 2, 1666-7-"At my arrivall here I found Mr. Cooke very weary of his imployment, haveing just at that time run as Farr as his Majesties Treasure would inable him : and if not go seasonably relieved as by my arrival, it had been very hazardous how His Majesties Island and people had been disposed of: for he had, by his imprudence and bribery, lockt himselfe up from justly advancing his Majesties Revenue." Others who caused annoyance to Sir Gervase were the Jesuits, Bernardino de Tavora, and Igius (Ric) de Miranda, who controlled the whole Island and the sea fishing, levied tribute from the people and exercised "the power of punishment, imprisonment, whipping, starving, banishment." Lucas put a stop to these rights and prerogatives, and warns the Lord Chancellor that he is sure on this account to

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214 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ AUGUST, 1923 receive "loud Out-ories against him. It was left to Gerald Aungier eventually to put an end to the hostilities between the English and the Portuguese landholders and to substitute order for chaos in Bombay. One of the most interesting papers included in Dr. Khan's book is Wilcox's long report of December 1672, on the establishment of English Law in Bombay. Wilcox was appointed Judge in August 1672; the Statute Book and other law books arrived from England in December of that year; and Wilcox framed a code of Civil Procedure which superseded the Protuguese Law. Space permits of the notice of only a few of the details mentioned in the report. Bombay was divided into three "hundreds," Bombay, Mahim and Mazagon, each of which had a Justice of the Peace and a Constable. There were to be two prisons, one for debt, the other for criminals, which were to be in charge of a "sufficient person," who was to be punished with imprisonment and fine if any "felons and murders" escaped from custody. Among the officers of the Sessions was a Constable, who was to serve for a year only, a successor being chosen "every Easter Mundy by the major Voices of the Inhabitants." Each of the three "hundreds " was to choose its own Constable. The Governor (Aungier) decided that the formal introduction of the English Law and the opening of the Court of Judicature should be marked by special ceremonial, and fixed August 1st, 1672, as the date of the function. But on that day "there fel so prodigious a quantity of raine that his Honr. was forced to put of the solemnity till the eight day." On the latter date, acordingly, the following procession marched "into the Bazaar neare two miles in circumference, [and] came to the Guild Hal [perhaps Mapla Por, Aungier's Fair Common-House], where the Governor Entring the Court, took the Chaire." "1. Fifty Bandaries in green liveries. 2. 20 Gentues 20 Mooremen 20 Christians representing different castes, etc. 3. His Honrs. horse of State lead by an Englishman. 4. Two Trumpets and Kettle Drums on Horseback. 5. The English and Portugal Secretary on horseback, carrying his Majesties letters Patent to the Honble. Company and their Commission to the Governor tyed up in scarfs. 6. The Justices of the Peace and Council richly habited on horseback. 7. The Governor in his Pallankeen with fower English pages on each side in rich liveries be re-headed, Surrounded at a distance with Peons and Blacks. 8. The Clerke of the Papers on foot. 9. The fower Atturneys or Common Leaders on foot. 10. The Keeper of the Prisons and the two Tipstaffs on foot, bareheaded before the Judg. 11. The Judg on Horseback on a Velvet broad cloth. 12. His Servants in Purple serge liveries. 13. Fower Constables with their staves. 14. Two Churchwardens. 15. Gentlemen in Coaches and Palankeens. 16. Both the Companies of foot (except the main Guard) marching in the Reare. One feels a little sorry for the Governor's English pages and others who had to walk bareheaded through the bazaar on a muggy day in the monsoon. But heads were possibly harder in those days; and our friends, including the two Churchwardens, probably made up for their forced exertions after the conclusion of the ceremony. The Governor made a remark.

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AUGUST, 1923 ] BOMBAY, A.D. 1660-1667. 215 able speech at the opening of the Court, which Wilcox quotes in full ; after which an order was given for the release of all prisoners, and the day ended with feux-de-joie, bonfires, and general merrymaking. "Never was there a joyfuller day," writes Wilcox;" the whole Island is become English." In conclusion, in order to prove to the Directors that "al uncleanness" was being severely dealt with, he gives the full details of a case of rape, committed by one of your private centinels, a Dutchman," and describes how the culprit was convicted and sentenced to be hanged, but was in the end punished by simple banishment, in response to the prayers of the inhabitants, who objected to an execution taking place immediately after the ratification of Aungier's famous Convention. The Dutchman was not the only European who fell foul of Wilcox's subordinates: for he adds that" a French man had his house puld down for seling drink and permitting publick gaming on the Lord's day in time of prayer, as also for harbouring lewd women, and suffering &l kind of debauchery, and al this after warning given him to the contrary." Several persons, presumably English, were fined for refusing to come to Church. The authorities of those days were all for a "dry" Bombay, but their rules and penalties produced little or no effect, as is clear from the account of the Rovd. F. Ovington who visited the Island seventeen years later. Sivaji, or Savageo as the name is written, is twice mentioned in this collection of documents, once in a letter of January 1663-4 from that "mercurial character," Henry Gary, to the Earl of Malborough, which describes Sivaji's sack of Surat, and again in a report of November 1666, which apparently refers to the Maratha's famous escape from Agra. A well-known Bombay figure of those early days, who also figures in these records, is Alvaro Pirez de Tavora, lord of the manor of Mazagon. Shortly after the acceptance of his convention, Aungier gave de Tavora a commission in the Mazagon militia. When the Dutch were threatening an attack on Bombay in A.D. 1673, de Tavora "did on a sudden, either cowardly or treacherously, desert his command and abandon the Island," setting an evil example which was immediately followed by "above ten thousand of the Portugall and other inhabitants." Aungier thereupon issued a proclamation ordering all the runaways to return within twenty-four hours on pain of confiscation of their estates, and," because it was a time to act with resolution," he sealed up their houses. All returned except de Tavora, who was thereupon summoned personally to return within forty days, his estate in the meantime being placed in charge of his mother. To this summons de Tavora paid no heed, but remained in Portuguese territory, whence he bombarded the French and Dutch admirals, the Portuguese Viceroy, and the East India Company with petitions and misrepresentations of Aungier's action. The matter was finally settled by the Company in. December 1677, when "a demonstration of sorrow and submission " by de Tavora "did beget in the Court a sence of tenderness and compassion towards the Gentleman," and they ordered that if de Tavora similarly apologised for his misbehaviour to the Governor and Council in Bombay, his estates should be restored to him. That they were restored is apparent from the fact, recorded in the Bombay City Gazetteer, vol. II, p. 392, that the property remained in possession of de Tavora's descendants until 1731, when it was sold by their order in three lots to Antonio de Silva, Antonio de Lima, and Shankra Sinoy (Shankar Shenvi). I have quoted enough from Dr. S. A. Khan's book to indicate its claim to the attention of all students of Bombay history. Containing as it does documents of such interest and importance, the book will be a valuable addition to the history of the early years of Crown and Company rule in the Island,

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216 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ AUGUST, 1923 REMARKS ON THE ANDAMAN ISLANDERS AND THEIR COUNTRY. BY SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE, Br., C.B., C.I.E., F.S.A., Chief Commissioner, Andaman and Nicobar Islands, from A.D. 1894 to 1903. (Continued from page 157.) (b) Ethnological Observations: Ceremonies. Mr. Portman is quoted on p. 24, thus:-" Mr. Portman gives the following meanings of the other tribal names of the South and Middle Andaman, but the derivations are somewhat doubtful:-Aka-Bea, fresh water: Oko-Juwoi, they cut patterns on their bows: AkaKol, bitter or salt taste." It is a pity that this quotation is printed, because it serves to perpetuate an error. Aka-Kol, if it means anything at all ascertainable, means 'flower.' In none of the dialects does the name convey" bitter or salt taste." I may say here at once, on innumerable opportunities for judging, that where Mr. Man and Mr. Portman differ, it is much the safer plan to follow the former, and further that, unless one has personal knowledge on the point, it is wise to look for corroboration before quoting a statement made by the latter. From the same page I take another quotation :-"I may take this opportunity of pointing out two errors in the names of tribes given in the Census Report of 1901. The name AkaCharill" is given as Aka-Chariar; the stem -ar means 'to talk and is not an essential part of the tribal name; Aka Chari-ar-bom means he talks the Chari language." I fear it is Mr. Brown that is in error, not the Census Report. The names given in the Report were those of the tribes as known to the Aka-Bea tribe, and they were selected on the principle already explained. The Census officers had to choose a language for recording the names of all the tribes. No other plan would be uniform and intelligible. They purposely chose the language they knew best,-the Aka-Bea. In this connection I may remark that when Mr. Brown writes so confidently of the true sense of an Aka-Chariar sentence, one must take into account his very short stay amongst the tribe.12 His next criticism on the same page is not more fortunate. According to him the second error of the Census officers was in recording the name of a 'new' tribe as Aka-Tabo. His words are: "The name Aka-Bo is given as Aka-Tabo; t'a-Bo means I (em) Aka-Bo,' t'a-Jeru means 'I (am) Aka-Jeru,' the prefix aka- being contracted to a- after the personal pronoun t I or my." The name of the tribe in Aka-Bea, the Census language, was unquestionably Tabo and so was rightly recorded, whereas Mr. Brown's form will not stand criticism. Thus, as above quoted, he says (p. 24) that t'a-Bo means I (am) Aka-Bo' and that t' means 'I or my.' On p. 54, however, he says, "the Aka-Jeru equivalent for my father' is t'a-mai, the 'being the personal pronoun 'my,' after which the prefix aka- is contracted to a. Similarly thy father' is ng'a-mai and their father' or 'their fathers' is n'a-mai," aka-mai, according to Mr. Brown (p. 54) meaning his father.' Here t' is clearly stated to mean 'my' and a to be a contracted form of aka, the special prefix for tribal names and also for 'father.' On this I have to make two observations. Mr. Brown makes, in the above instances of proper names, i.e., of nouns, t' to mean both 'I (am)' and 'I or my' (p. 24), 11 I am obliged to adhere to the established spelling and not to adopt Mr. Brown's. Non-Continental presses do not admit of any other course. 12 Working on the analogy of the Jarawa "m'onge-be, I-onge become (am)," and Mr. Brown's p. 54" achiu-ng a-mai-bi, who your father become (is)," may it not be after all that his "Aka-chari-arbom" (p. 51) merely means " (he) a-Chariar-is? (he is a Chariar)"? In which case the name would be properly recorded as Chariar.

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August, 1923) REMARKS ON THE ANDAMAN ISLANDERS AND THEIR COUNTRY 217 tu and also to mean my' (p. 54): and he takes a to be aka contracted. I beg leave to doubt it all without the striotest proof, as it is contrary to Andamanese linguistio habit, where that is known for certain. E.g. - Bea. Balawa. Bojigyab. Jwai.. Kol. dol dol tul te dia dege tiya tiye tiyi I, my 13 d' So t' is extremely unlikely to mean both 'I' and 'my' in the above proper names, on Mr. Brown's own showing. Tabo, therefore on the whole argument, is more likely to be the correct form of the tribal name than Bo, and Mr. Brown has created confusion by using Bo throughout his book. I am afraid I am myself ultimately responsible, owing to my method, accepted without acknowledgment by Mr. Brown, of making Mincopie out of m'ongebe (verbal phrase), which, however, is not quite the same thing as m'onge (nominal phrase). It is just possible, from Mr. Brown's phrase "achiu-ng'a-mai-bi, who is your father?" (p. 54), that "t'abo-bi "might mean 'I am an Abo,' but this is not his inference ; and from this observation it does not follow that t'abo without a verb following it means "I am &-Bo or Aka-Bo." I now turn to the very important subject of expressions for relationships and the like. The cbsential point here is accuracy of observation and report, as all subsequent theorising is obviously dependent on it. At p. 56 Mr. Brown writes as follows "The terms of relationship of the Akar-Bale tribe may be taken as representative of the tribes of the South Andaman. The following list contains all the more important of them." Mr. Brown mugt excuse my calling the tribe in question Balawa according to the established system, and also my remarking that here he is in Mr. Man's area of direct observation, where his statements can be tested. On p. 58 he says: "A parent often speaks of his or her infant son as d'ab-bula and of his infant daughter as d'ab-pal, ab-bula and i5-pal being the terms for 'male and female.'" And in & footnote he says: "Dege bula and dege pal mean 'my husband' and my wife' respectively." There is nothing in the text to show that these statements disagree with Mr. Man's. However, what the latter has said is that "dab-bila means 'my particular man, my husband' as distinguished from dia (dege) bila, my man. Just as dab-pail means 'my wife' and 'dia-fdege) pail' my woman.' So ad-ik-yate is 'my (newly-married) husband :' dai-ik-yale,' my (newly married) wife'; il-ke being to take these expressions are used during the first few months after marriage. An infant son is by both parents called dia (dege) ota, 'my little boy,' and an infant daughter, dia (dege) kata, 'my little girl.' " The absence of any reference to the existence of this information is more than regrettable, because Mr. Brown has based an argument on truncated and therefore insufficient evidence. An instance of criticism on similar insufficient information oocurs on p. 75. Mr. Man is quoted as to widow marriage and as to having said: "Should she have no younger brother. in-law (or cousin by marriage), however, she is free to wed whom she will." Mr. Brown then proceeds to say that "there is an ambiguity here in the use of the term 'younger brother, for the Andamanese have no word meaning simply 'younger brother.'" Such a statement depends on how much one knows of the language. Mr. Man knew of no diffioulty on the 13 Syncopated form before an open vowel : in the case of nouns meaning 'my ': in the case of verbe meaning I'.

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218 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY AUGUST, 1923 point. As explained to him the terms daka-kam generally, and also dar-doatinga and dar. wej(er)inga, occasionally were used for my younger brother and daka-kam also for "my uterine younger half-brother,' while dir-doalinga and dar-waj(er)inga signified also my younger half-brother (if consanguino). Similarly the terms ad-en-tobare, ad-en-tobanga or ad-en-tokare, ad-en-lokanga were used for my elder brother' and dar chabil ento-bare (or entokare) for my elder half-brother,' (uterine or consanguine)." The whole of the criticism on page 75 is captious. E.g.," Mr. Man says it is not considered decorous that any fresh alliance should be contracted until about a year had elapsed from the date of bereavement.' I knew of one case, however, of a woman with a young child, who married again only a fortnight or so after her husband's death." Mr. Man was here describing a social attitude when the society was numerous : Mr. Brown saw it so diminished as to be broken up. A social custom, therefore, might well be strictly applied in the former's day and loosely in the latter's. The inference is that if it comes to a question of the essential trustworthiness of the evidence available the palm must be given to Mr. Man. The value of evidenoe as to social relations is so very important in discussions such as the present one, that I follow it further. I was much struck with the statements on p. 65 criticising Mr. Man thus: "It will be observed that the Akar-Bale list is consistent and logical throughout. It seems probable that there is an error in Mr. Man's list, and that husband's younger sister 'should be aka-ba-pail instead of otin, while younger brother's wife' should be otin instead of aka-ba-pail. This would make the Aka-Bea list consistent with itself and with the Akar-Bale list." I submitted this paragraph to Mr. Man and he at once wrote back : "I am willing to concede that it is probable that 'husband's younger sister should be akaba pail (not otin) and that younger brother's wife' should be otin (not aka-ba-pail)."14 The reply is complimentary to Mr. Brown's acuteness, but it also shows the difference in literary manners between the two writers, for there is nowhere that I can see any hint in Mr. Brown's book of his debt to his predecessor for information gathered with great labour and patience or of the assistance it had obviously been to him in making his observations, and, it may be added, his criticisms. Whereas Mr. Man will acknowledge an error, if there is one, without hesitation in the interests of scientific accuracy. Mr. Brown can also be caught tripping in the same way, for at the bottom of the same page 65, he has inverted Balawa and Bea terms. His table runs : Aka-Bea Akar-Bale Da Maia Sir Chana 16 Lady Whereas it should run Bea Balawa Maia Da Sir Chana In On the next page (66) Mr. Brown says: "According to Mr. Man these last two terms [did maia and did maiola) are applied not to a man's own father, but to the other persons whom he addresses as maia. This is contradicted by Mr. Portman who gives dia-maiola as the Akd-Bea for my father'." These two witnesses are here quoted as of equal value. Both worked before Mr. Brown's time and he is apparently not able to distinguish between them, although he was for some time in Port Blair itself. And then in a footnote he remarks: "The natives commonly applied the term to me in the form Mam-jula." Mamjola (Father, Great 14 The whole tribe has now disappeared and there is no one left to question. 16 For the benefit of the reader I have not adopted Mr. Brown's transcription. In Lady

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AUGUST, 1923] REMARKS ON THE ANDAMAN ISLANDERS AND THEIR COUNTRY man, Chief) was applicd not only to Mr. Man as long ago as 1874 but also before that to Messrs. Corbyn and Homfray, his predecessors in charge of the Andamanese in the sixties, and to my own knowledge in 1875 it was the ordinary name for Mr. Man, being so reported in a little work we drew up together in 1877 (the first time Andamanese' saw itself in print),16 and in Mr. A. J. Ellis's Report1 in 1882. Since then it has been consistently used for every one of Mr. Man's successors in office. The footnote is characteristic and the plain fact is that Mr. Brown has here not sufficiently acquainted himself with his authorities. For Mr. Man explained the situation thus to Mr. Ellis for the latter's Report "Mam, Sir, is used in addressing a leading chief. The officer in charge of the Andamanese Homes is addressed or referred to as Mam or Mam-jola, an euphuism for Mam-ola, indicating head or supreme chief." Mr. Ellis in editing the "Letters to Jambu" (see his Report) rendered Mam by "Worshipful," Mr. Man having previously explained to him "that ola was an honorific suffix to such terms as maia and chana. E.g., Maia, Mr., becomes Maiola when addressing or referring to a Chief or one's father: Chana or Chana, Mrs., becomes Charola when addressing one's mother or a woman one's senior in age or superior in position." 219 On minor points Mr. Brown remarks (p. 28): "In the tribes of the North Andaman the word equivalent to wa [people] of the South is koloko." It may be noted here that the Bea (South Andaman) equivalent is laga. On p. 32 a criticism of Mr. Man is based on the anslation of the word bud, which Mr. Brown regards as the term for communal hut.' Mr. Man has, however, long ago pointed out that bud is the generic term for 'hut' and that baraij is the term both for 'communal hut' and a 'permanent village.' Has Mr. Brown been wise in his criticism? At pp. 134-137 Mr. Brown has a description of a "peace-making ceremony" on which he subsequently bases a long and important argument. He commences his account with the following words: "In the North Andaman, and possibly in the South also, there was a ceremony by which two hostile local groups made peace with one another." Here he has the field to himself and is entitled to all the credit there is in a new discovery, for in all the 50 years that the Southern and Mid Andaman tribes have been closely examined no such ceremony has been observed, even by those who have lived in the Andamanese camps. Indeed, in the earlier stages of the British acquaintance with them the intertribal relations were such that there was no opportunity for holding one. (c) Ethnological Observation: Beliefs. It would be quite possible to extend the above remarks on Mr. Brown's accounts of the ceremonies of the Andamanese, but enough has been said to press home my main point that he does not supersede Mr. Man as a witness. I will therefore pass at once to his account of religion and magical beliefs. Mr. Brown plays so much upon the terms for 'heat' and 'cold' and the meaning they convey to the Andamanese that one is reluctant to throw cold water on any observations leading up to his arguments. But on p. 137 he observes that the Lau of the North is the 16 The Lord's Prayer translated into the Bojig-ngiji (da) or South Andaman (Elaka-bea (da) Language, by E. H. Man, Assist. Supdt., Andamans and Nicobars, in charge of the Andamanese, with Preface, Introduction and notes by R. C. Temple, Lt., 21st R. N. B. Fusiliers. Calcutta, Thacker Spink & Co., London & Strasburg, Trubner & Co., 1877. 17 Report of Researches into the Language of the South Andaman Island, arranged by Alexander J. Ellis, F.R.S., F.S.A., twice President of the Philological Society, from the Papers of E. H. Man, Esq., Assist. Supdt. of the Andaman and Nicobar Islands, and Lt. R. C. Temple of the B. S. Corps, Cantonment Magistrate at Ambala, Panjab. Reprinted from the Eleventh Annual Address of the President of the Philoogical Society, delivered by Mr. A. J. Ellis, F.R.S., F.S.A., on his retiring from the chair, 19 May 1862, and contained in the Transactions of that Society for 1882-3-4, pp. 44-73.]

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220 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ Adaust, 1923 same as the Chauga of the South. All Ancamanese when they die, he says, become Lau or Spirits. He further observes that aliens are, to them, also visitors from the world of Spirits (p. 138). So far I am with him, but he then goes on to say that "the clothes that these' spirita' (scil, foreign visitors) wore they called Lau-ot-julu, the word of-julu meaning cold.'" In the Bea language the term for cloth, clothes and even canvas sails is ia-yolo. Now, assuming the term julu to convey the sense of clothing, the obvious Bea equivalent for Mr. Brown's Northern Lau-ot-julu would be Chauga-l'ia-yolo, which means "the Spirits' clothes." But neither in the South nor in the Mid Andaman has any term been found which even approaches julu, yolo with the sense of cold. Whereas the exact equivalent of the form Lau-ot-julu is, in Bea, Chauga-l'ot-yolo, but that has the sense of "the foreigner's18 soul.' " No doubt Mr. Brown will heartily disagree with all this, but it goes to show how much depends, in speculation about savages, on the correct apprehension of the native terms and how necessary it is to .look into those presented. Here is a strong instance. Mr. Brown is giving a legend of the first ancestor, derived from some men of the Bojigyab tribe19 (Mid Andaman), and the end of him is (p. 194) that "he is turned into a kara-duku." On this Mr. Brown remarks at length: "There is some doubt about the translation of the word kara-duku. It is an Aka-Bea word, although it was used as given above, by an A-Puchikwar man. Mr. Man translates it 'cachalot.' Mr. Portman says [Notes on the Languages of the South Andaman Group of Tribes) that kara-duku is crocodile,' but that the cachalot, the proper name for which is biriga-ta, is sometimes [p. 227 of Portman's book has 'equally '] called kara-duku. The only authority for the existence of crocodiles in the Andamans is the statement of Mr. Portman, who says that the natives killed one in the Middle Andaman and brought the bones to him. Although I was in many of the creeks at the Andamans at different times I never saw a crocodile, and none of the other officers of the Settlement, who have repeatedly explored a large part of the islands, ever seems to have seen one, so that the one recorded by Mr. Portman may possibly have been & single one that had come oversea from the mainland of Asia," Mr. Portman, however, thought differently, as he was well aware of an old controversy as to the true meaning of kdra-daku and as to the existence of crocodiles in the Andamans. There are plenty in the Nicobars. Remembering this I referred to Mr. Man. Here is his reply: " I remember there was doubt about the correct meaning of kedra-daku at one time, and it was wrongly described as the word for cachalot (sperm whale,) but later I found that biriga-ta meant whale' and kara-duka crocodile.' In confirmation of this the somewhat similarly formed reptile, the iguana, is called duku. I well remember being told of a man, while swimming a creek in the Middle Andamans, being seized and carried off by a crocodile. It occurred some time in the sixties," during the latter part of which I may remark Mr. Man was in the Andamans. The inference here is that a reference to Mr. Man would probably have modified the remarks above quoted from p. 194. Finally, Mr. Brown might as well have quoted Mr. Portman correctly, for he says, p. 227 op. cit : "the word kara-duku is also applied to the cachalot equally with the proper name of biriga-ta. There remained some doubt regarding the proper translation of the word in the minds of Europeans until a crocodile was killed by the Andamanege in Yeretil Creek in 1894. Crocodiles are rare in the Andamans, but have been very occasionally killed by the Andamanese and I have known of three cases in which Andamanese have been eaten by the reptiles." Mr. Brown's methods are thus sufficiently clearly seen. 18 Ohduga nowadays means specially a native of India as well as spirit.' 19 Mr. Brown calls it "A-Puchikwar," written with a c diacritically marked in Eastern European fashion 1 an instructive instance of the art of puzzling students. It is done, I know, in the name of scientific accursey; but suppose for the same reason one took to writing about Kozhikkodu for Caliout, or Kahanpur for Cawn pore, or Varanas for Benares, or Mramma for Burma.

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August, 1923) REMARKS ON THE ANDAMAN ISLANDERS AND THEIR COUNTRY 221 Here is a milder instance of the importance of being sure of one's translation and of being careful about criticising that of old experts. At p. 176 Mr. Brown remarks about the Andaman seers' that "the name of these medicine-men in the North Andaman is oko-jumu, meaning literally 'dreamer' or 'one who speaks from dreams from a stem jumu, the primary meaning of which refers to the phenomena of dreams. In Aka-Bea the corresponding term is olopaiad, and according to Mr. Man, this term also means 'dreamer'. Mr. Portman, however, gives taraba as the Aka-Bea word for 'dream' or 'to dream.'" Mr. Portman was here not by any means contradicting, but merely supporting Mr. Man, or, better, sitting at bis feet. Here are the latter's own words : "a dream is ab-laraba, a seer's dream is ara-muga-tdraba : to dream about things is ab-tarabake, 20 to dream thus as a gcer is 6t-paiadke, to be dreaming as a seer is ara-muga-tdrabake: a seer is oko-paiad. An ordinary dreamer is ab-taraba-yate; ab-tarabanga : a dreamer, that is 'a seer' is ot-paiad-yate ; ara-muga-taraba-yate : Ot. paiad-nga; ara-muga-tarabanga." It is a pity that Mr. Brown should thus lightly contrast the statements of his predecessors. But next he proceeds to correct Mr. Man on the same page : "according to a statement by Mr. Man, only men can possess the powers that entitle them to be regarded as oko-paiad. The natives whom I questioned told me that a woman may possess the same powers, though it is more usual for men to become famous in this way than women." Did he clearly understand! A little further down the page we read of his own difficulties in the matter of enquiry, including "I had to make use of an interpreter," not for the first or only time be it remarked. That Mr. Brown is not always careful of quoting his predecessors accurately before passing judgment on them and sometimes rough judgment-is obvious by his remarks on p. 173. He is there hard on Mr. Man about the difficult, and I may gay dangerous, subject of the spirit' and 'soul' after death, mainly because he did not himself find corroboration. Here again the questions of length of observation and of opportunity therefor and also of knowledge of the language come into play. Mr. Brown is deliberately pitting his 'short' and 'slight' against his predecessor's 'long' and 'considerable'. It is not a wise proceeding. Again, if we are to suppose Mr. Man to be prejudiced in favour of the Christian views on this subject, may we not suppose Mr. Brown to be prejudiced in favour of the opposite ? In fact, so dangerous is the subject to approach when it comes to recording accurately facts as observed in an alien people, that the least one can do is to treat the views of others--when competent-- with respect. To act otherwise is to cast doubts, out of one's own mouth, on any views one may put forward. To quote inaccurately and base statements or inferences on a wrong quotation is to damage one's own work. Mr. Brown does not believe in what he calls Mr. Man's Chaitan, as the home of the (Anda. manese) dead in certain circumstances; and in a footnote to p. 173, he says: "I could not obtain any information about the word that Mr. Man gives as chaitan. Some men of the South Andaman whom I questioned did not seem to reoognise the word, except as their way of pronouncing the Urdu word shaitan = devil." Of course they did not recognize it, because it is a commonplace in linguistics that the uneducated have great difficulty in recognizing even familiar words if incorrectly pronounced. The puerile suggestion that chai-f-idin (pronounced by Europeans chaitan) is & corruption of shaitan, is an old one in Port Blair (Andaman Penal Settlement). The literal meaning of chai-f-tan is the chai-tree (tan)'. 11 It has nothing to do with any idea of Shaitan, the Indian Muhammadan's Satan. Cf. Bumli-tan in Port Blair Harbour, in a tree at which spot the wrapped up body of an * Andamanese chief was once to be seen lying for some time 'buried,' as I well remember 20 Ke is the generis suffix of the verb. 31 The chan is the tree from which South Andaman bows are made.

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222 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ August, 1923 Another instance of such folk-etymology is the suggestion I have heard that South Anda. manese bdraij, 'a communal hut' is corrupted from the English barrack', convicts' barracks being prominent objects in Port Blair. Further, a former local officer, of great linguistic attainments and also idiosyncrasies, named de Roepstorff, who was murdered in tragic cir. cumstances at the Nicobars in 1883, suggested that the South Andaman ridi for the name of a slender bamboo (Bambusa nana) was the English reed'. He did not believe in the existence of the Jarawas and used to say that the name merely perpetuated the Hindustani jharuwald, gentleman of the broom, scavenger !'99 It is interesting to find Mr. Brown in the same company and this little history supports my point of the importance of knowing the language concerned when criticising others versed in one's own field of observation. With reference to the Andamanese beliefs as to the phenomena of nature, sun and moon and so on, Mr. Brown makes a remark (p. 141): "Before relating in detail what could be learnt about their beliefs on these matters, it is necessary to call attention to one feature in these beliefs. Different statements, not only of different informants, but even of the same informant, are often quite contradictory . . . Many examples of such contradictions will be found in what follows, and it is important to point out their existence beforehand." And again on p. 158: "Any attempt to reconcile the statements of different men or of the same men on different occasions can only produce a false impression of the real condition of the native beliefs, and therefore the statements are kept separate, and each one is given as it was taken down." I heartily agree with these excellent sentiments, but unfortunately Mr. Brown does not act on his principles. On p. 205 he gives two out of three of Mr. Man's versions of the fire legend, and proceeds to say that "this [the second) legend contains an obvious contradiotion (of the first]. i.There is the possibility, however, that this inconsistency is due not to the natives themselves, but to Mr. Man's transcription." Apparently, therefore, an argument that applies when Mr. Brown's informants disagree is not to apply when Mr. Man's contradict themselves. Next, on p. 140 he writes : "Mr. Man's account of the spirits of the jungle and sea contains an important error, which needs to be pointed out." He is equally emphatic at some length in differing from Mr. Man in certain points of detail about the spirits of the sea. Any one who will read his pages on these points will perceive that the "important error" to which he draws attention arises out of the versions of the story he procured from a different tribe being not in accord with Mr. Man's. Why, on Mr. Brown's own principles in such a case, should his story be right and Mr. Man's wrong? Why should not both be right as a matter of statements taken down from different natives of different tribes at different times, in fact a whole generation-30 years--apart, in different circumstances? We are re. minded here, too, once more forcibly, of Mr. Man's experience and Mr. Brown's inexperi. ence as a witness. Also, are we to suppose that Mr. Brown does not acknowledge that even 'civilised' people of high education would on questioning be found to differ profoundly as to the "Unseen World" and the " Powers of Darkness"? The above are not isolated instances of Mr. Brown's attitude. On p. 108 we find that "Mr. Man states that in cases of tree-burial they are careful not to select a fruit tree or one of a species used for the manufacture of their canoes, bows and other implements. Such natives as I questioned said that this was not so and that they would use any suitable tree whether one that was useful or not. I was unable definitely to prove this point, as I did not see a single instance of tree-burial during my stay in the islands." Perhaps in his short stay this was so, when we remember the diminution of population that had taken place. But Mr. Man knew of several instances, and so for that matter did the present writer. Now it is a fair question to ask-who is the more likely to be right about this matter : the old stager with his great knowledge of the language and its speakers, or the youngster with his little 93 800 leo my remarks in The Lord's Prayer in the S. Andaman Language, p. 60, on his deriva. tion of boringada, good, from the English very good, the Andaman050 word being 'booringa (da).

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August, 1923 ) REMARKS ON THE ANDAMAN ISLANDERS AND THEIR COUNTRY 223 knowledge of both ? The same remark applies to the statements on p. 109 about infant burial, with the additional reason for not contradicting Mr. Man that Mr. Brown's informant came from & different tribe, even if rightly understood. Lastly, when on p. 115 he is dealing with Mr. Man's statements as to prohibited food, his reasons for differing are even more indefensible, as Mr. Man had given the vernacular word for prohibited food, yat-tub. This word must have a definite sense. If it does not imply what Mr. Man says it does, what does it imply ? Mr. Brown does not tell us what he thinks about its meaning. He is nothing if not cock sure. On a very minor point, the botanical identification of a plant, every body is wrong, Mr. Man, Mr, Portman and myself (pp. 181, 451, 452). We all gave the same name to a certain small tree or shrub used for producing rope and also for keeping off spirits. We called it Melochia velutina. Mr. Brown says it is Hibiscus tiliaceus. He reverts to this 'error' more than once, as if it were important. His authority apparrently is a photograph by Mr. Portman in the British Museum. I for one am not inclined to sit in sack-cloth and ashes. We may be wrong of course, for in matters of this kind it is easy to make slips. Parhaps Mr. Brown is the best botanist of us all. But it is not Mr. Man's habit, nor is it mine, to make statements of this nature without some verification. Our authorities are Beddome, Watt, Kurz, Prain, Gamble, Brandis, and if I recollect rightly, also King. So wa ara in good company, even assuming that one of these authorities origi. nally made a blunder and all the r@st followed him. As I said before, the point of botanical identification is here a very minor one : the real point is that the fibre and leaves of a certain local shrub are used by the Andamanese for both domestio and magical purposes. If, however, one puts stress on botanical names, we are all liable to make slips, even Mr. Brown himself. On p. 189 he refers to the anadendron paniculatum as "a vegetable substance with magical properties, and he constantly speaks of it under that name. Sir David Prain, however, oalls the plant Anodendron. All this does not matter much, except as showing that Mr. Brown would do well to be gentle with others, 28 These remarks are not too severe. Again and again, on page after page, Mr. Brown quotes Mr. Man only to contradict him or belittle his powers of observation in the above manner. Indood, the book reads in parts as if it were an Oratio contra Manum in the good old classical style. Yet on March 17, 1909, not long after his return from the Andamans, Mr. Brown read a paper before the Folklore Society, in the course of which he said : "Mr. Man's researches were in many ways excellent. I have tested as far as possible every statement in his book and oan speak with ungrudging praise of it." Why then is Mr. Man such a bad witness now! Although he oan be proved to be oocasionally at fault, as in the case of the use of alaba-fibre, as long ago pointed out by Mr. Portman and acknowledged by himself. Are we to look for a solution of this question in the strictures of Pater Schmidt in Man. 1910. Art. i, and of Andrew Lang in the same volume? Is it unfair to surmise that the author is in this book justifying his omniscienoe? 93 To be meticulously accurate here, the point was referred to the Royal Botanical Gardena Kew, and it was there ascertained that "the original and generally accepted spelling of the fibre-producing shrub in question is Anodendron panioulatum, as the name of the genus was derived from the way in which Anodendron paniculatum ascended high trees (DO. Proar. viii, p. 443; 1844). It should, striotly speaking, have been spelt Anadendron. L. Wight (III. Ind. Bot., ii, p. 164, 1850) spolt it that way. It is desirablo, however, to retain the original spelling, as the corrected form Anadendron would be apt to be confused with the genus Anadondron (Araceae)." Mr. Brown in his remarks on Melochia Veluting and Hibisous tiliacewe soom to lay claim to be an expert botanist. If so and if he deliberately adopted anadendron for the original anodendron, he would be guilty of something very like pedantey.

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224 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY He was then considered by his elders of great experience to be self-sufficient and discour. teous. He has not improved in this respect since. It is a great pity, for the book contains so much that is good in itself that it might have been made a standing authority on his subject. Had he asked either Mr. Man or myself, we would have helped him to the best of our ability. Indeed, for a while he had all mine, and with them many of Mr. Man's voluminous linguistic notes, representing the work of many years covering nearly all his information. He has by his self-confidence and spirit of contradiction spoilt a good book and thrown doubt on every statement in it. (To be continued.) BOOK-NOTICES. [ AUGUST. 1923 1. MUGHAL ADMINISTRATION (PATNA UNIVERSITY READERSHIP LECTURES, 1920), by JADUNATH SARKAR, M.A., Indian Educational Service Bihar; M. C. Sarkar and Sons, Calcutta 1920. 2. STUDIES IN MUGHAL INDIA, by JADUNATH SARKAR, M.A. Being Historical Essays (2nd edition, with 12 new essays added); M. C. Sarkar and Sons, Calcutta, and W. Heffer and Sons, Cambridge, 1919. Both these small books by Professor Sarkar well deserve a place in the library of the student of Indian history. The former deals succinctly with the character of the Mughal Government, with the sovereign and the various official departments, with the provincial administration and with the taxation of land and revenus collection. The final chapter is devoted to a discussion of the achievements and failure of Mughal rule. At intervals Professor Sarkar gives the reader pic. turesque glimpses of the official life of those days. The Emperor was the highest court of appeal, but the people who sought justice from him had to pay bribes to a hierarchy of menials and courtiers ere they could count on their grievances being brought to the imperial notice. To counteract this practice, Jahangir and some other occupants of the throne. of Delhi used to suspend a gold chain from the balcony of the palace to the ground outside Agra fort, to which the people could tie their petitions for justice. Corruption was wide-spread and was common to all departments of the State. The Qazis, who formed the highest judiciary, were notorious in this respect. Every provincial capital had its local Qazi, who was appointed by the Chief Qazi, and as these posts were often sold for bribes the Qazi's department became a byword and a reproach in Mughal times. While the State declined to undertake any socialistic work and contented itself with police duties and the collection of revenue, it considered itself bound by Moslem law to appoint a Censor of Public Morals (muhtasib), who at times impinged with some violence upon the daily life of the subjects. He would march, through the streets with a party of soldiers, demolishing and plundering liquor-shops, distilleries and gambling-dens, breaking the pots and pans in which bhang was prepared,, and enforcing the strict observance of religious rites on the part of the Muhammadan population. In Aurangzeb's day the demolition of newly-built temples was ono of this officer's duties, as also the expulsion from the urban areas of tawaif or 'professional women', which must have offered ample opportunity for illicit perquisites. The latter duty was also entrusted to the Kotwal or chief of the city police, whose functions are minutely enumerated in the Ain-i-Akbari. To the European police-officer of to-day the use made by the Kotwal of the sweeper and house-scavenger must seem somewhat curious. The Kotwal, in Manucci's words, had to obtain information about all that went on, so as to be able to report to the ruler. For this purpose there are throughout the Mughal empire certain persons known as halal-khor, who are under obligation to go twice a day to clean out every house; and they tell tho Kotwal all that goes on. One wonders how the Police Commissioner of a modern Indian city would carry on his work effectively, if he had to depend for most of his confidential information on the menial staff of a municipal health depart. ment. The halal-khors of Mughal days must have often provided strange packets of scandalous gossip for the Kotwal. Professor Sarkar's remarks on the position of the peasantry and the character of the subordinate revenue and judicial administration are illuminating. The lower officials were incurably corrupt: the highest officials were on the whole just, though even among them a Diwan occasionally appeared who inflated the revenue demand on paper and then farmed the collection to the highest bidder with ruinous consequences. These practices gave point to the famous remark of the great Diwan-i-ala Sadullah Khan, that a Diwan who behaved unjustly to the ryots was "a demon with a pen and inkpot before him." The Persian alif closely resembles a reed-pen, and the nun is not unlike the indigenous ink-pot. Div or Diw, the first half on the word Diwan, signifies an evil spirit; and hende Sadullah

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AUGUST, 1923] 13, is Khan's description of an oppressivo very apt. Towards the end of the book Professor Sarkar gives a list of the various abwabs or exactions which were collected on various pretexts, in addition to regular land-revenue or customsduties. Modern politicians who complain of the taxation imposed by the British Government in India might do worse than look through this long list of oppressive cesses levied by an indigenous government in the good old days. BOOK-NOTICES The second volume consists of short essays, of which nearly half the number were published under the title of Historical Essays in 1912. Among the rest is an interesting chapter on Zeb-un-nissa, in which Professor Sarkar is able to refute the story of her lover being done to death in the harem, and also the legend of her falling in love with Sivaji at Agra, which formed the motif of an old Bengali novel by Bhudev Mukerji. The princess died in captivity in 1702, having been imprisoned by her father's order for complicity in the rebellion of Prince Akbar. The Emperor learnt from the news-letter of Delhi,' so runs the official Persian record of her death, that the Princess Zeb-unnissa had drawn on her face the veil of God's Mercy and taken up her abode in the palace of inexhaustible Forgiveness.' She was buried in the "Garden of Thirty Thousand Trees" outside the Kabuli gate of Delhi: but her tomb was demolished in making the Rajputana railway-line. Alas! Professor Sarkar includes in this small volume a good account of Bhimsen, the Hindu memoirwriter of Aurangzeb's reign, and of Ishwar Das, the Nagar Brahman of Patan, who wrote the Fatuhat-i-Alamgiri; also the memoir of William Irvine which appears at a later date in Professor Sarkar's edition of the Later Mughals; and two brief essays on art and education in Muslim India. The author here provides a pleasant adjunct to the purely political history of the Mughal empire, and one hopes that he will publish many more such essays. S. M. EDWARDES. ANNUAL REPORT OF THE MYSORE ARCHEOLOGICAL DEPARTMENT for the year 1922. Govern ment Press, Bangalore, 1922. This report is the "swan-song" of Mr. R. Nara. simhachar, who retired from the Office of Director of Archaeological Researches, Mysore, in July, 1922, after several years' valuable service. On this account one may forgive the inclusion in the Report of six paragraphs dealing with Benares, Sarnath, Allahabad, Gaya, Puri-Jagannatli, Bezwada and other places, which Mr. Narasimhachar visited while on privilege leave. They cannot be said to have any direct connexion with Mysore archaeology and antiquities.. A considerable number, of new records of the Ganga, Nolamba and Hoysala dynasties were discovered 225 and copied during the year, among the more noteworthy being three fragmentary virugals, referring to. a cattle-raid, which mention a hitherto unknown Nolamba ruler named Biyalachore. Interesting also is a set of copper-plates recording a grant in 1534 by Achyuta-Raya of Vijayanagar to one Srirangaya, who is stated to be a lineal descendant of Sudarsanacharya, author of the Srutaprakisika, a commentary on the Sribhashya of Ramanuja. charya. The Vijayanagar inscriptions copied during the year cover a period of nearly two centuries, from 1370 to 1573. Mr. Narasimhachar also gives details of two new records of the Yelahanka Chiefs of Magadi, and by a comparison of all the hitherto discovered inscriptions of this family is enabled to construct a pedigree of those rulers, which corresponds very closely with the genealogy given in a Sanskrit work written about the end of the seventeenth century. A relic of the last of these chiefs came to light during the year in the form of a palm-leaf letter addressed by him during his imprisonment at Seringapatam, to the chief of Hulikal, who was a collateral relative of his. His imprisonment, which resulted eventually in his death, was due to the fact that he refused to present a tine elephant to the King of Mysore, whose commander-in-chief marched against him and took possession of his kingdom. The Report calls attention to the fact that Mysore contains many old monuments of great architectural beauty, which imperatively require conservation by the State. It is therefore satisfactory to learn that a draft Bill for the Preservation of Ancient Monuments is being considered by the Government of H. H. the Maharaja. Students of Indian history and antiquities will fully endorse the praise bestowed by the State upon Mr. Narasimhachar's work during the last sixteen years. S. M. EDWARDES. THE QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF THE MYTHIC SOCIETY (Bangalore), vol. XIII, No. 1, October, 1922; Bangalore Press, Mysore Road, Bangalore. The Mythic Society's Journal for October, 1922, contains a good article on Sravana Belgola and the colossal statue of Gommatesvara by Rao Bahadur R. Narasimhachar. After discussing the date of the statue and its dimensions, the author examines the tradition regarding the visit to avana Belgola of the Mauryan emperor Chandragupta and the Jain saint Badrabahu. There is little doubt that the story has a solid foundation on fact. The procedure ordinarily adopted in cases of abdication, as described by Tod and in the Ras Mala, supplies a reasonable explanation of the sudden disappear. ance of Chandragupta from the political stage. For the monarch who abdicated was treated as having died, could not re-enter the capital, and as. sumed a name in religion. Another article, which

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220 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ August, 1923 will be completed in a later issue, is that of Mr. C. | Kisasamkicca and Makkhali Gosala, was probably Hayavadana Rao on the Tribes and Castee of directly responsible for the doctrine of Samma Mysore. He hay collected traces of the matriar. ajivo (right living), which was adopted by the chate, pre-marital communism, the Levirate, etc., Jains and Buddhists; and both Mahavira and which form & useful commentary upon the facta Buddha owed more than appears superficially elicited by the ethnographical survey. to the teaching of Ajitakesakambali and Sanjaya. It is doubtful whether the statement of Major The chapter on Buddhaghosa's commentaries Jackson, quoted in Mr. Vanea' paper on "Coin Col will well repay perusal, and is one of the best lecting in South India," that "even more com. features of this little book, which provides in a mon are thick copper coins of the Mahratta kings convenient compass some of the salient facts of Satara, known as Chhatrapati pice, especially deducible from an examination of Buddhist literathe issue of the great Sivaji (1674-80)" is correct. ture. It is generally understood that no coins struck in S. M. EDWARDES. Sivaji's name are now extant, except possibly LAK ***URI, A DIALECT OF MODERN AWADHI the unique gold coin found at Phaltan in 1919. B) buram Saksena, M.A. Journal and Pro. The copper coins, locally known as Shivrais, which A.S.B., (Now Series), Vol. XVIII, have so far been found, are usually ascribed to later 1922, No. 5. members of Sivaji's line. According to Grant Duff, This is an excellent grammar of the important Sivaji first began issuing coins in his own namo unliterary dialect of Hindu spoken about Lak in 1664. himpur of the Kheri District of Oudh,-important S. M. EDWARDES. because it preserves the language of the Ramdyana of Tulsidas. Mr. Sakeena says of it, pages 308-9: HISTORICAL GLEANINGS, hy BIMALA CHARAN LAW, "the language of the Ramdyana of Tulsidas, with a foreword by DR. B. M. BARUA. Calcutta Oriental Series, No. 6. E. 2; Thacker, Spink which broadly represents forms of Awadhi of the 16th century rosembles generally the dialect of and Co., Calcutta, 1922. Lakhimpur," and he then proceeds to give the This is a brief collection of essays, most of chief points of resemblance. which have been published already in the As above remarked, the grammar is well put Journal and Proceedings of the Asiatic Society together and easy to follow-a good example of of Bengal. They include such subjects as how such things should be done. One point about "Taxila as a centre of Sanskrit and Pali literature," a "The wandering it strongly appeals to me. It is necesarily teachers of Buddha's age," "Buddhaghosa's commentaries" and "Buddha phonological book, in which Professor R. L. Turner and the Niganthas." has given advice and guidance, and yet the only There is a chapter on the Liechavis in Ancient India, which contains some peculiarities used are a reversed e to denote" very short a," and i, w, and above the line) to repreof the information embodied in the first part of sent very short , and e; also "above a vowel the author's "Kshatriya Clans in Buddhist India," and which, in consideration of the latter publi denotes nasalisation, as in bhawar." All this is cation, might have been omitted. As pointed simple, easy to follow and to my mind, pace the out in the foreword, Mr. Law's researches have phonologists, eminently practical. I wish there were more like it. been confined to Buddhist literature, especially R. C. TEMPLE. that in PAli, and his work is mainly compilation of references scattered throughout that literature. GWALIOR FORT ALBUM. Archeological Dept., It is none the less useful on that account, parti Gwalior State. cularly in regard to such problems as the influence This is a useful little brochure for visitors to of the five heretical teachers on the development Gwalior, giving a plan of the Fort and some two of Jainism and Buddhism. Mr. Law is enabled dozen illustrations of the principal buildings in to show that, despite their divergences, these and about it. The doecriptions which accompany teachers belonged to one and the same period of the illustrations are such that the visitor will thought-development in India and prepared the not be led astray. Altogether a creditable little way for the doctrine of Buddha. The Ajivika production. order, for example, founded by Nandavaccha, R. C. TEMPLE. NOTES AND QUERIES. NOTES FROM OLD FACTORY RECORDS. and Ensigns of this garrison for the good Services 44. Military Rewards, 1703. dono in our late troubles, which the Paymester having gott ready, the Govr. did this day invite Fort St. George Diary, 23 December 1703. The them all to dinner when he delivered them their 23 of May last was made an act of Councill for Coats and hatte. (Factory Records, Fort St. George, the Paymaster to gett ready Beaver Hatte and Beaver Hatte and vol. (12). Coats for the Portugueez Oficers and Lieutenants R 0. TEMPLE

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SEPTEMBER, 1923) EARLY HISTORY OF INDIAN FAMINES EARLY HISTORY OF INDIAN FAMINES. By P. N. RAMASWAMI, B.A. (With an Additional Note by L. M. ANSTEY.) (Continued from page 197.) III.-Mediaeval Muhammadan Period, A.D. 1200-1500. The Pre-Moghul Age. We shall now briefly narrate the history of Indian famines after the advent and conquests of the Musalmans. The Jama Pattavalt or the Succession List of the High Priests, notices in Early Guzerat, in the fime of king Vigaladeva, a three years' famine which occurred between Samvat 1315 (A.D. 1259) and Samvat 1318 (A.D. 1262). The bards of Early Guzerat praise Visaladeva for lessening the miseries of this three years' famine (Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency, vol. I, part I, ch. III, p. 203). In the early part of the reign of Jalaluddin Khilji a severe famine occurred about Delhi and the Siwalik districts. In the picturesque language of A. L. Badaoni (Muntakhabu-'t-Tavarikh, trans. Ranking, vol. I, sec. 172, p. 235), "there was a scarcity of famine in that year, (A.D. 1291) and such a famine occurred that the Hindus, from excess of banger and want, went in bands and joining their hands threw themselves into the Jumna, and became the portion of the alligator of extinction. Many Muslims also, burning in the flames of hunger, were drowned in the ocean of non-existence." Farishta (Briggs, History of the Rise of the Muhammadan Power, vol. I, p. 301) narrates that "thousands of Hindus daily died in the streets and highways." This great famine was attributed by the vulgar to the king's execution of a holy man named Sidi Maula. But the real cause seems to have been the failure of rain and the very lenient administration of the old Sultan. "The king's mistaken lenity," says Farishta (Briggs, History of the Rise of the Muhammadan Power, vol. I, p. 296), " seems to have soon produced the effect which these chiefs saw. Clemency is a virtue which descends from God; but the degenerate children of India of that age did not deserve it. The king's sentiments having become public, no security was any longer found. The streets and highways were infested by thieves and banditti. House-breaking, robbery, murder and every other species of crime was committed by many who adopted them as means of subsistence. Insurrections prevailed in every province; numerous gangs of free-booters interrupted commerce, and even commen intercourse. Add to which the king's governors neglected to render any account, either of ther repekues or of their administration." In the reign of his successor Alau'ddin Khilji (A.D. 1294--1316) famines of unparalleled severity swept over Northern India. But Alau'ddin took stern measures to relieve the people. "He caused an edict which he steadily enforced-to be proclaimed throughout the country, fixing the price of every article of consumption. To accomplish the reduction of the prices of grain in particular he caused large magazines to be built upon the rivers Jumna and Ganges, and other places convertient for water carriage, under the direction of Mullik Kubool. This person was authorised to receive half the land-tax in grain ; and the government agent supplied the markets when any articles rose above the fixed price. The first regulation was established for fixing the prices of grain at Delhi, from which we may suppose what those were for the country towns" (Briggs, History of the Rise of the Muhammadan Power, vol. I, p. 356). Similar regulations governed the cloth trade (ibid., p. 357). A third regulation fixed the prices of horses (ibid., p. 359). The fourth regulation regarded the sale of slaves of both sexes. The fifth regulation regarded the sale of cattle, oxen, sheep, goats, camels and asses; in short, every useful animal and all commodities were sold at a stated price in the markets (ibid., p. 360). * See ante, note 1 to p. 107.

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228 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY SEPTEMBER, 1923 But Alauddin Khilji's moasures were not crowned with perfect success. As the historian remarks, "In consequence of a drought, a dearth ensued and a difference took place in practice. [The standard price and the current market price of the same article were different.] It is difficult to conceive how so extraordinary a project should have been put in practice without defeating its own end. But it is confidently asserted that the orders continued throughout the reign of the monarch. The importation of grain was encouraged; while to export it or any other article of food was a capital crime. The king had a daily report laid before him of the qnantity sold and remaining in the several granaries; and overseers were appointed in the different markets to inform him of abuses, which were punished with the utmost rigour. The king received daily reports from three different departments on this subject and he even employed the boys in the street to go and purchase articles, to ascertain that no variation took place from the fixed rates." Free-traders and Protectionists will put a different complexion on Alau'ddin's regulations. But, while authors may disagree about the wisdom or folly of these regulations, none will dispute the incontrovertible fact that the evils of famine were accentuated in Al&u'ddin's days by the crushing taxation he imposed on the people. He required his advisers to draw up rules and regulations for grinding down the Hindus and for depriving them of "that wealth and prosperity which fosters disaffection and rebellion." The eultivated land was directed to be all measure and the government took half the gross produce. "No Hindu could hold up his head, and in their houses no sign of gold or silver.... or any superfluity was to be seen. These things, which nourish insubordination and rebellion, were no longer to be found .... Blows, confinement in the stocks, imprisonment and chains, were all employed to enforce payment." Replying to a learned lawyer whom he had consulted, the Sultan said: "O doctor, thou art a learned man, but thou hast had no experience. I am an unlettered man, but I have seon a great deal. Be assured, then, that the Hindus will never become submissive and obedient till they are reduced to poverty. I have, therefore, given orders that just sufficient shall be left to them from year to year, of corn, milk and curds, but that they shall not be allowed to accumulate hoards and property." In this connection the earnest attention of the reader must be drawn to one interesting fact, viz., the Sultans of Delhi, in times of famine, while leaving the provinces to their own fate, did their best to mitigate the evil effects of famine in the capital. The reason for this is obvious. Tyrants as they were, their existence depended upon the acquiescence of the capital city. Therefore we must not take the measures of relief carried out in the imperial city as typical of what was done in the country and provinces. The long reign of Muhammad Tughlak Shah (A.D. 1325-51) is nothing but a series of famines which were partly brought about by scarcity of rain, and partly by gross misrule. The Musalman historian Ziau'ddin Barni, in his Tarikh-i-Firoz Shahi (Elliot and Dowson, History of India, vol. III, p. 244 and fol.) relates that in the beginning of the unlucky reign of Muhammad Tughlak (A.D. 1327) "a total famine devastated Delhi and its environs and throughout tho Doab. Grain became dear. The scarcity of rain caused the famine to become general. It continued for some years, and thousands upon thousands of people perished of want. Communities were reduced and families were broken up." In short, as the historian Ziauddin Barni remarks, "the glory of the state and the power of the government of Sultan Muhammad from this time withered and decayed." This famine, as Al. Badaoni points out (Muntakhabu'r Tawarikh, sec. 228, p. 305) was brought about by the

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SEPTEMBER, 1923) EARLY HISTORY OF INDIAN FAMINES 229 king's gros misrule. "At this time," says the candid historian," the Sultan formed the opinion that in consequence of the refractory conduct of his subjects in the Doab it was advisable to double the taxes lovied on that country; he also instituted numbering their cattle and a house census and other vexatious and oppressive measures which were the cause of the complete ruin and desolation of the country." The internal state of the country was one of ruin. His political freaks, viz., attack on Persia, forced currency, attack on China, etc., had depleted the treasury; and the taxes were enhanced to a degree that had become unbearable, while they were collected so rigorously that the peasantry were reduced to beggary and the people who possessed anything felt that no other resource was left them but rebellion. The Sultan camo to hate his subjects and to take pleasure in their wholesale destruction. At one time he led forth his army against the recalcitrant peasantry. Zi&u'ddin Barnt thus describes the expedition : "He laid the country waste from Kanauj to Dalmau, and every person that fell into his hands he slew. Many of the inhabitants (ryots) fled and took refuge in the jungles, but the Sultan had the jungles surrounded and every individual that was captured was killed. It is not astonishing, then, that almost before the country could recover from the effects of the awful famine of a D. 1329, another disastrous famine (A.D. 1337) laid it low. The king's change of capital was partly responsible for this calamity. Ibn Batuta gives a heart-rending at ount of the miseries undergone by the poor people who were ordered by the tyrant to leave Delhi and settle in Daulatabad in the Deccan ; but hardly had the remnant of the miserable inhabitante settled in Daulatabad when they were ordered to go back to Delhi. "When the miserable inhabitants," says Ziau'ddin Barni, "reached Delhi (from Daulatabad), they found famine raging there with such fury that few persons could procure the nece. ggaries of life. The king's heart seemed for once to be softened with the miseries of his wretched subjects. He even for a time changed his conduct and took some pains to encourage husbandry and commerce, and for this purpose detributed large sums of money to the inhabitants for cultivation purposes; they expended the money on necessaries of life and many of them were severely punished upon that account" (Briggs, History of the Rise of the Muhammadan Power, vol. I). "In A.D. 1341 the famine still continued to rage in the city, so that men ate one another. The king in his distress ordered a second distribution of money towards the sinking of wells and the cultivation of the lands, but the people weakened by hunger, and distracted by private distress in their families, made very little progress in restoring its prosperity, while the coutinuation of the drought rendered all their labour in vain" (ibid.). "The next year (A.D. 1342) saw a continuation of the famine in the city of Delhi and the people deserted it; till at length the king, unable to procure provisions even for his own household, was obliged to abandon it also, to open the gates, and permit the few half-starved wretched inbabitants whom he had confined, to provide for themselves. Thousands crowded towards Bengal" (ibid.). The traveller Ibn Batuta, who lived in the court of Muhammad Bin Tughlak, relates that during famine time" he saw three women who were cutting in pieces and eating the skin of a horse which had been dead some months. Skins were cooked and sold in the markets. When bullocks were slaughtered, crowds rushed forward to catch the blood and consume it for their sustenance. The famine became unendurable." Zidu'ddin Bargi gravely relates that "men devoured men." The monster Tughlak died in A.D. 1351 ; and his successor Firoz, the benevolent prince, raetored order, and his wise irrigational activities restored to the country a modicum of its former prosperity. Sir John Strachey observes (India, p. 217), "Long before our time some

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230 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY SEPTEMBER, 1923 of the Muhammadan sovereigns had undertaken irrigational works." Chief among them was Firoz, who constructed the great canal for purposes of irrigation from the Sutlej to the Kugger rivers. In A.D. 1356 another canal was constructed by which water for irrigation of a peculiarly arid district was carried as far as Halisi. A third canal connected with the Sutlej was his handiwork. At his death, according to Farishta, he left 50 dams across rivers to promote irrigation, 30 lakes, etc. His wise and benevolent measures brought some prosperity to the country. In September, 1388, the old Sultan died, being about 80 years old, and the government fell into utter confusion. A series of puppet Sultans, all equally wanting in personal merit, pags rapidly across the stage. It was then that the weakness of the government inspired Amir Timur (Timur-i-lang) to invade India. Early in A.D. 1398 he came down upon the country, carrying fire and sword wherever he want. But he had no intention of staying in it, and the same year he departed by the way he had come-by the Punjab. The author of the luntakhabu't.Tawarikh records (sec. 272, p. 359) "that at this time a famine an! p stilence fell upon Delhi, that the city was utterly ruined, and those of the inhabitants who were left died, while for two whole months not a bird moved a wing in Delhi." Duff, in his History of the Mahratlas (vol. I, p. 48), states that at this time "the dreadful famine, distinguished from all others by the name of the Doorga Davee, commenced (A.D. 1396) in the Maharashtra, and lasted, according to the Hindu legend, for twelve years. At the end of that time the periodical rains returned; but whole districts were entirely depopulated, and a very scanty revenue was obtained from the territory between the Godavery and the Krishna for upwards of thirty years." During this famine which affected the whole of the Deccan, the Bahmani king Muhammad Shah I, employed ten thousand bullooks at his own expense, constantly going to and fro from Malwa and Gujarat for grain, which was distributed to the people at a cheap rate (Briggs, History of the Rise of the Muhammadan Power, vol. II, p. 347).11 In A.D. 1412-13 a severe famine prevailed in the Deccan Farishta (Briggs, History of the Rise of the Muhammadan Power, vol. II, p. 405) gives the following graphic description of it : "This year no rain falling, a grievous famine was experienced throughout the Decca" ; and multitudes of cattle died on the plains for want of water. The king in consequence in. creased the pay of his troops and opened the public stores of grain for the use of the poor Tag next year also there being no rain, the people became seditious, complaining that the present reign was unlucky, and the conduct of the prince displeasing to God. The king was much affected, and repaired to the mosque in state to crave the mercy of Heaven to. wards his subjects. His prayers ware heard, and plentiful showers fell shortly after: those who had abused him now became loud in his praise calling him Wally' (saint) and worker of miracles." Passing over the merciless devastation of a severe famine in Orissa in A.D. 1471, the Deccan was visited in A.D. 1474 by a terrible famine of which the following account is given by Farishta (Briggs, History of the Rise of the Muhammadan Power, vol. II, p: 493): "When the royal standard reached the city of Bijapore, Muhammad Shah Bahmuny II at the request of Khajiva Muhammad Khan, halted to repose himself from his fatigues, and the minister endeavoured to soothe his grief for the death of his mother. Admiring the situation of Bijapore, the king would have willingly remained there during the rainy season, but so severe a drought prevailed throughout the Deccan, that the wells were dried up, and the king, contrary to his inolination, moved with his army to 11 Further details of this famine may be had from Gribble's History of the Deccan, ch. v, p. 54 ; Haig, Historic Landmarks of the Deccan, ch. ii, p. 29; and Suryanarain Row's Never to be Forgotten Empire, ch. xi, p. 200.

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SEPTEMBER, 1923 1 EARLY HISTORY OF INDIAN FAMINES 231 Ahmedabad Bedar. No rain fell during the next year either and the towns in consequence became almost depopulated. Many of the inhabitants died of famine and numbers emigrated for food to Malwa, Jafnagger and Gujarat. In Telingana and Maharashtra and throughout the Bahmini no grain was sown for two years; and in the third when the Almighty God showered His mercy on the earth, scarcely any farmers remained in the country to cultivate the lands." A general dearth was experienced in Hindustan in 1491 (Balfour, Cyclopaedia of India). The Delhi country was visited by a local famine in A.D. 1494 (Loveday, History and Economics of Indian Famines, p. 136). In A.D. 1500 a severe famine prevailed in the Delhi country; but all relief measures were prevented by the never-ending dynastic wars (ibid.). Scarcity of rain, combined with ceaseless internecine warfare, produced a famine in Bombay in 1520 ; no relief measures were undertaken (ibid.). A very general famine in Sind in A.D. 1521 was produced by failure of the rains (Balfour, Cyclopedis of India). Sind in A.D. 1527 was severely affected by dearth. This famine of A.D. 1527 possesses a peculiar interest as being the result neither of the ordinary ravages of war nor of perverse meteorological conditions, but of a deliberate defensive policy. "In A.D. 1527 Jam Nunda, ruler of Sind, with the same object in view as the Dutch when they opened their sluice gates, ordered all standing corn in that country to be destroyed. The scheme was unsuccessful; but at least the effects were not so fatal as when thirteen years later Mirza Shah Humayun forbade the sowing of corn on either bank of the river, and prohibited import. For, in the former case, with a favourable harvest six months later, the distress passed away; whereas, in the latter reign, two years of natural deficiency followed the year of artificial famine and the people were delivered from the conqueror to be decimated by want" (Loveday, History of Indian Famines, ch. I). Appendix A. I. The following from a grant dated A.D. 1084 by Kulotfunga Chola, shows the taxes and seigneurial dues levied under the Cholas in the Tanjore district :".... May you enjoy the several trees and the enjoyment and cultivation, etc. For the enjoyment of the abova rights may you enjoy also the nad atchi, the nirdichi, one nels (of rice collection) for every vatti (platter), one nili (of rice cultivation) on the days sacred to the manes, the tax on weddings, the tax on washermen's stones, the tax on potters, the rent on water, the leaves collection, a cloth for every loom, the brokerage, the taxes on goldsmiths, the tax on neatherds, the tax on sheep, the good oow, the good bull, the watch, eto." II. The following taken from Mr. Rice's Mysore and Coorg (p. 174) is a Mysore inscription illustrating the Hoysala taxation : "Land rent, plough tax, house tax, forced labour, accountant's fee, provender, unexpected visitor, army, double payment, change of district, threshing floor, tribute on coming of age, festivity subscriptions, boundary marks, birth of a son, fodder for elephants, fodd@r for horses, sale within village, favour of the palace, alarm, seizure, destruction of injury caused by the nad or magistrate, and whatever else may come." III. A number of Tamil inscriptions discovered in 1913 give a long list of the obligations and taxes to which a landlord of the Pandya kingdom was subject: In return for the right of growing any crops wet or dry, including plantain, sugar-cane, turmeric, ginger, areca and cocoanut he was bound, we are informed, to pay "the taxes in gold and in grain, such as udsalka damai, perka damai, tarikkadamai, Sekkofu, eruttusammadam, mada-rikkam, Talayarikkami, asuvakkadamai, Pattadainulayam, idattura, vettivari, palavari and puduvari (that may be enforced by the palace), na!lerudu (good bull), narpasu (good cow), nallerumdi (good bullock), narkila (good ewe), konigai, virimuthu, edakkatiyam, viruttupadu udugarai and mugamparavi. To this the other cognate inscriptions add : Palatali, kanikkai, sandai,

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232 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY SEPTEMBER, 1923 eriminvilai, malai-amanji, madilimanji, ed uttalavu, virutumadu, sattukada mai, and virarai. It should be acknowledged that the exact meaning of many of these is not knownante, Feb. 1916. Appendix B. The normal share of the produce taken by the state was one-fourth. But water rates and various other dues were also exacted, so that the cultivator of the irrigated land could not retain as much as half the produco of his fields. Occasional benevolences were also levied at the king's discretion. A regular system of excise duties was in force. In fortified towns the royal revenue was derived largely from taxes or sales as stated by Megasthenes. To facilitate the collection of taxas on sale, the law required that all articles for sale should not be sold at the place, of growth or manufacture but brought to the toll-house, there offered for sale, and if sold, taxed. Imports from abroad paid as a rule soven distinct taxes aggre. gating about 20 per cent. ; perishable goods, 163 per cent. ; while on many others from 4 to 10 per cent. Highly priced goods such as precious stones were assessed on special valuations made by experts. All goods brought for sale had to be marked with an official stamp. Other innumerable fiscal dues were also levied. Modern Period-The Moghuls, A.D. 1500-1760. Little more remains to be said of famines in the annals of the sultanates of Delhi. In A.D. 1526 Baber founded the Moghul Empire, and we enter a new era of Indian History. In A.D. 1540 a famine spreading over the East coast of the Red Sea, affected the Coromandel coast, usually immunc from such disastem. The Tarikh-i-Tahiri (Elliot and Dowson, History of India, vol. VII) relates that a severe famine prevailed in Sind at the time of Emperor Humayun's flight (A.D. 1540) and that extreme misery drove the men of Sind to eat their own kind.12 Raw rides and old skins were cooked in water and eaten. During the winter of A.D. 1540, owing to scarcity of rain, the terrible famine affected the whole of India. "Men and women trooped down to the rivers and the sea, and drowned themselves, when they could no longer enduro the agony of hunger; the natives of the Coromandel coast were driven to cannibalism; and, in a letter to Prince Luiz, D. Joao de Castro estimates that two-thirds of the population of Vijayanagar perished (K. G. Jayne, Vasco de Gami and his Successors, p. 135). The reign of Muhammad Adil Shih, the Sur king, witnessed a severe famine (A.D. 1553), of which we possess a graphic account from the pen of Al-Badaoni in his Muntakhabu't. Tawarikh (sec. 428, p. 649, vol. I): "A severe fapine prevailed throughout the eastern portion of the Hindustan, especially in Agra, Bengal, and Dalhi. It was so severe that two pounds of fowar grain cost two half-tankahs, and could in fact not be had even at that price, Men of wealth and position had to close their houses, and died by tens or twenties or even more in one place, getting neither grave nor shroud. The Hindus also were in the same plight, and the bulk of the people were fain to live on the seeds of the kikur thorn, and on wild herbs, also on the skins of the oxen which the rich slaughtered and sold from time to time; after a few days their hands and feet swelled and they died. As a date for that year the phrase Khashm-i-izad (Divine wrath) was invented. The writer of these pages with these guilty eyes of his gaw man eating his fellowman in those terrible days. So awful was their aspect that no one dared let his glance rest upon them; and the greater part of that country, what with scarcity of rain, and shortness of grain and desolation, and what with 12 The Portuguese who lived on the Bombay coast (near Santoun) very charitably bought rico, cocoanute, millete, eto., and sold them at a much lower price than they could huvo sold them had they wanted to-Correa, Lendas de India, vol. IV, p. 132.

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SEPTEMBER, 1923] EARLY HISTORY OF INDIAN FAMINES 233 the constant struggle and turmoil, and two years' continual anarchy and terror, was ntterly ruined, the peasantry and tenants disappeared, and lawless crowds attacked the cities of the Muslims." The minister Hemu, in whose hands the impotent Adil Shah had left all power, displayed the most brutal indifference to the sufferings of the people, and pampered his elephants with rice, sugar and butter, while men and women ate one another. He deserved his fate. In the course of the year A.D. 1556 Akbar met Hemu in battle, and the latter was completely defeated. The vanquished Hemu was put to death by the victor. The proverbial good fortune of Akbar, however, did not render his reign immune from famines. That of A.D. 1565-6 at the beginning of his reign was extremely severe. The ini-Akbari (Jarrett, vol. III, p. 425) says: "In the beginning of the year of the accession of His Majesty to the imperial throne.... great famine occurred, which raised the dust of dispersion. The capital was devastated and nothing remained but a few houses. In addition to this and other innumerable disasters, a plague became epidemical. This calamity and destruction of life extended throughout most of the cities of the Hindustan. The writer of this work was then five years old, and has a perfect recollection of this cvent, and the evidence of many eye-witnesses confirms his testimony. The distresses of the times ruined any families, and multitudes died. In the quarter in which my family resided, about seventy in all, high and low, male and female, may have survived." The first year of the reign of Akbar witnessed another severe famine. "In this year," says the Akbar Nami, "there was little rain, and the price of food rose very high. Celestial influences were unpropitious, and those learned in the stars announced dearth and scarcity. The kind-hearted Emperor sent experienced officers in every direction, to supply food every day to the poor and destitute. So, under the imperial orders, the necessitous received daily assistance to their satisfaction, and every class of the indigent was entrusted to the care of those who were able to care for them" (Elliot and Dowson, History of India, vol. VI, p. 94). Another minor historian Shaikh Nuru'l-Hakk, in his Tubdatu'lTawarikh, remarks: " Dur. ing the year A.D. 1598 there was scarcity of rain throughout the whole of Hindustan, and a fearful famine raged continuously for three or four years. The king ordered that alms should be distributed in all the cities, and Nawab Shaikh Faird Bokhari being ordered to superintend and control their distribution, did all in his power to relieve the general distres of the people. A kind of plague was also added to the horrors of this period, and depopu. lated whole houses and villages. In consequence of the dearth of grain and the necessities of ravenous hunger, men ate their own kind. The streets and roads were blocked up with dead bodies, and no assistance could be rendered for their removal" (Ellipt and Dowson, History of India, Vol. VI, p. 193). The vague records of the measures undertaken for famine relief would seem to point out that they were slight and inadequate. Besides, nothing is known of the process of recovery which must have occupied a long time. The modern historian would be glad to sacrifice no small part of the existing chronicles if he could obtain a full account of the famine of A.D. 1595-8 and of its economic effects" (V. A. Smith, Akbar, ch. xiv, p. 398). In the absence of detailed records it is impossible to lay down with confidence the exact importance of each of the causes which contributed to the cycle of famines at this time. Probably the rapid growth of population at this time had far out-distanced the growth of cultivation. The inferiority of new lands taken up for cultivation, and the decrease in the productive power of the soil, are noticed by contemporary writers. The increasing export of raw naterials

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234 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY SEPTEMBER, 1923 during Akbar's reign may have led to the substitution of non-food for food-crops. More. over the ceaseless wars of Akbar created scarcity of food-stuffs. Above all, the assessment of Akbar was pretty heavy. Abu-l-Fazl expressly states that, for purposes of revenue, "the best crops were taken into account every year, and the year of the most abundant harvest accepted." Remissions, if any, were not easy to obtain. Besides, innumerable imposts were levied. To mention one detail, Mr. Oldham has calculated that in the Ghazipur dig. trict, Akbar's assessment worked out at Rs. 2 per acre as against the modern assessment of Rs. 1. 8-0. In Kashmir Akbar took half the crop; the local Sultans previously used to take two-thirds. But the productive power of the soil was then much less than at present. To quote one instance from Mr. S. Srinivasa Raghava Aiyangar's classical Progress of the Madras. Presidency, "While the Ain-i-Akbari rate for rice is 1.338 lbs., the Madras settlement average for the same tract is 1621 lbs. In fine, Akbar's land revenue realised him PS20,000,000; while that of the British Government in 1918-19 was 20-9 million pounds." Meanwhile the acreage of cultivation, as Moreland, in his recent work on India at the time of the death of Akbar, points out, has exactly doubled ! Outside the Moghul empire, several famines occurred during the reign of Akbar. In A.D. 1569 in Assam a famine occurred owing to the damage done to crops by a swarm of locusts (E. A. Gait, History of Assam, p. 101). In A.D. 1570 a great famine appears (vide the records of the Jesuit Mission) to have raged on the Tinnevelly coast. Father Henriques, a Portuguese missionary, established famine relief houses, in which 50 persons were daily fed. In A.D. 1677 a famine is recorded in Kutch ; liberal relief in the form of cooked food was distributed widely. In the reign of Ally Shah Chuk in A.D. 1578, a severe famine was experienced in Kashmir, in which many thousands of the inhabitants died (Briggs, History of the Rise of the Muhammadan Power, vol. IV, ch. x, p. 523). In A.D. 1592, in the Sholapur district, a pestilence and famine almost decimated the population (Loveday, History of Indian Famines, p. 165). In A.D. 1600 there was a famine north of the Godavari (Hopkins, India Old and New, p. 237). The reign of Jahangir was not more free from faminey; but the modern reader looks in vain for any relief measures undertaken by that pleasure-loving monarch to mitigate the borrors of famines which were carrying away thousands of his subjects. A severe famine and pestilence raged in the Punjab (A.D. 1613-15) for two whole years (Loveday, History of Indian Famines). Gujarat and Ahmadabad were visited by a famine in A.D. 1623 ; but the famine was not sovere, and the stores of the country proved sufficient (ibid.). In A.D. 1641 a famine resulting from & very bad outbreak of cattle disease, which made ploughing impossible, broke out in Assam. (E. A. Gait, History of Assam, p. 136 and fol.) A letter of a Jesuit missionary dated A.D. 1622 says that in Madura so severe a famine had raged for some years that numerous corpses of those who had died were left unburied (Madura Gazetteer, p. 50). A famine of unparalleled severity occurred in the middle of Shah Jahan's reign, and is recorded in the Emperor's chronicles by Abdu'l-Hamid Lahori, in the Badshah-Nama : (Elliot and Dowson, History of India, vol. VII, p. 24 and fol.) "During the past year (A.D. 1629) no rain had fallen in the territories of the Balaghat, and the drought had been especially severe about Daulatabad. In the present year also there had been a deficiency in the bordering countries and a total want in the Dakhin and Guzerat. The inhabitants of these two countries were reduced to the direst extremity. Life was offered for a loaf, but none would buy ; rank was to be sold for a cake, but none cared for it; the ever bounteous hand was now stretched out to beg for food; and the feet which had always trodden the way of contentment now walked about only in search of sustenance. For a long time dogs' flesh was sold for goats'

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SEPTEMBER, 1923 1 EARLY HISTORY OF INDIAN FAMINES 235 flesh, and the pounded bones of the dead were mixed with flour, and sold. When this was discovered, the sellers were brought to justice. Destitution at length reached such a pitch that men began to devour each other, and the flesh of a son was preferred to his love. The numbers of the dying caused obstructions in the roads, and every man whose dire sufferings did not terminate in death and who retained the power to move, wandered off to the towns and villages of other countries. Those lands which had been famous for their fertility and plenty now retained no trace of productiveness." The blunt English sailor, Peter Mundy, who travelled from Surat to Agra and back while this famine was raging, used no art in describing what he saw on his way, and we get from his narrative a most vivid picture of the horrors of famine in the seventeenth century. But we abstain from quoting his extremely gruesome and repulsive description. Many other references to this " direful time of dearth " may be found in the letters sent from the English factories in India at this period (vide The English Factories in India, 1630-33. by W. Foster). There is one sentence in those letters which corroborates the testimony of previous witnesses, that the people were driven to cannibalism by the awful famine of A.D. 1630. It is as follows: "Masulipatam and Armagon were solely oppressed with famine, the living eating up the dead, and men soaroely durst travel in the country for fear they should be killed and eaten." These quotations may serve to give some idea of the severity of famines in bygone times. The evidence of their frequency is even stronger. These famines, while undoubtedly due to failure of rain,13 were also due to the rack-renting over-18sessment, and to the unexampled prodigality of the court. The prodigality and splendour of Shah Jahan's court are apt to dazzle our vision, but we must remember that they had a dark back-ground of untold suffering and misery (vividly depicted by Bernier), seldom exposed to view. We shall give the following extract from Bernier, Travels in the Moghul Empire (ed. V. A. Smith) illustrating the state of the country. Having spoken of the despotic tyranny of local Governors, he declares that it was often so excessive as to deprive the peasant and artisan of the necessaries of life, and then leave him to die of misery and exhaustion, a tyranny owing to which these wretched people have no children at all, or have them only to endure the agonies of starvation, and to die at a tender age,-a tyranny, in fine, that drives the cultivator of the soil from his wretched home to some neighbouring states in hopes of finding milder treatment, or to the army where he becomes the servant of some trooper. As the ground is seldom tilled otherwise than by compulsion, and as no person is found willing and able to repair the ditches and canals for the conveyanoe of water, it happens that the whole country is badly cultivated and a good part rendered unproductive from the want of irrigation. The houses too, are in a dilapidated condition, there being few people who will either build new ones or repair those which are tumbling down" (Bernier, Travels in the Moghul Empire, p. 226). Regarding the conditions of the Indian manufactures (which had remained almost unchanged from the time of the "Periplus "), it would seem that they absorbed only a microscopic minority of the population. The industries were comprised under two heads : on the one hand, there was the village handicraft supplying the scanty needs of the population; and on the other hand, there were the handicrafts that ministered to the wants of the wealthy few, e.g., architecture, painting, manufactures of fine cotton and silk. India was never a 13 "I have known two entire years page with scarcely a drop of rain, and the consequences of the extraordinary drought wore widespread sioknees and famine"-Bernior, Travels in the Moghul Empire (ed. V. A. Smith), p. 431.

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236 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ SEPTEMBER, 1923 great manufacturing country, and certainly, in the time of Shah Jahan, industries gave employment to only a microscopio minority of the population (Hamilton, Trade Relations between India and England, ch. ii, p. 7). The people depended, as now, upon agriculture; and Bernier's accurate description shows the miseries which the wretched peasantry were suffering. This miserable state of the country certainly led to the frequent rise and spread of famines, and when famines did occur, Shah Jahan displayed the most callous indifference to the sufferings of the people, who died in myriads for lack of sustenance of any kind. Nothing was done by the government to help the suffering people; but the author of the Badshah-Nama states that the emperor opened a few soup kitchens, gave a lakh and a half of rupees in charity spread over a period of twenty weeks, and remitted only one-eleventh of the assessment of land revenue. The remissions so made" by the wise and generous Emperor" in the crown lands amounted to seventy lakhs. The holders of jagirs and official commands were expected to make similar reductions. These facts do not justify the historian's praise of "the generous kindness and bounty" of Shah Jahan. The remission of one-eleventh of the land revenue implies that attempts were made to collect ten-elevenths, a burden which could not be borne by a country reduced to the "direst extremity" and retaining no trace of productiveness. We are not told how far the efforts to collect the revenue succeeded ; and, as usual, we are left in the dark concerning the after-effects of the famine. No statistics are on record. Even the nature of the consequent pestilence is not mentioned, but it is almost certain that cholera must have carried off thousands of victims. Sir Richard Temple, the editor of Mundy's work, has good reason for saying that "it is worthwhile to read Mundy's unimpassioned matter-of-fact observations on the famine ", in order to realise the immensity of the difference in the conditions of life as existing under the rule of the Moghul dynasty when at the height of its glory, and those prevailing under the modern British government" (V. A. Smith, Oxford of History of India, p. 394). The full truth of Sir Richard's remarks will be realised when we compare the relief measures undertaken by Lord Curzon in 1900-1 with those of Shah Jahan. A cruel famine broke out in 1900-1 ; and the following extracts from Mr. Lovat Fraser's India under Curzon and After (ch. viii, p. 263 and fol.) will give an idea of the heroulean efforts made by that noble Viceroy to assuage the rigours of famine: "At the end of July 1900, Lord Curzon, accompanied by Mr. (now Sir) Walter Lawrence and others, started in fierce heat upon another famine-tour [he was ceaselessly touring for months) through the worst districts of Guzerat, where they met Lord Northcote, the Governor of Bombay, who was also investigating conditions on the spot. It was the most critical moment of the famine. The monsoon was due and some rain had fallen, but the people swarmed on the relief works, and the cholera had been raging. In more than one camp visited by the Viceroy the sufferers were still dying from cholera. While the tour was in progress, the rain set in heavily, and the whole region was changed into a slough." One extract from an account of a visit to a famine camp under these conditions, must suffice as a type of several such visits. It describes a halt at Dohad in the Panch Mahals on the 1st August: "Fine rain was falling when the Viceroy started on horseback. The drizzle increased steadily to a downpour. The roads were in a frightful state, and the horses had difficulty in keeping their feet. A scramble over the bund and a tramp through the gluey mud brought the visitors to the camp .. .. In spite of the weather & complete tour of the camp was made .... Wet to the skin, the party prepared to return, etc." * The cost of the famine to the Indian Exchequer was very great. The amount expended in direct relief was PS6,670,000. A further sum of PS1,585,000 was spent in loans and advances to landholders and cultivators, and only half this sum was ever recovered. Land

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SEPTEMBER, 1923 1 EARLY HISTORY OF INDIAN FAMINES 237 revenue was remitted to the extent of PS1,333,000. Subscriptions amounting to thousands of pounds were poured into India. Many noble Englishmen laid down their lives in bravely combating the evils of famine. The lives of such men indeed are the seed-and the sap-of Empire. I cannot pause to enumerate in detail the claborate measures adopted to deal with the great famine. Those interested may read a graphic account of the "Plague and Famine" in Lovat Fraser's India under Curzon and After. It is these glaring disparities that have provoked the witty remark of an eminent French writer, M. de la Mazeliere (Essai sur l'evolution de la civilisation indienne, vol. ii, p. 427): "Les adversaires de gouvernement pretendent que les famines sont beaucoup plus nom. breuses qu' autrefois. C'est prouve par les mot : autrefois on appelait famine une famine ou des centaines de milliers de gens mouraient de faim : aujourd'hui l'on dit que le Bengale et l'Oudh ont souffert d'une famine en 1900-1 alors que cette meme annee la mortalite n'avait augmente ni dans l'une ni dans l'autre province." "In A.D. 1631-32," says Sir W. W. Hunter (History of British India, vol. II, ch. i, p. 59), "a calamity fell upon Guzerat which enables us to realise the terrible meaning of the word famine'in India under Native rule. In A.D. 1631 a Dutch merchant reported that only eleven of the 260 families at Swally survived. He found the road thence to Surat covered with bodies decaying on the highway where they died, (there) being no one to bury them. In Surat, the great and crowded city, he could hardly see any living persons; but the corpses at the corner of the streets lay twenty together, nobody burying them. Thirty thousand had perished in the town alone. Pestilence followed famine. The President and ten or eleven of the English factors fell victims "with divers inferiors now taken into Abraham's bosom--threefourths of one whole settlement. No man could go in the streets, without giving great alms or being in danger of being murdered, for the poor people cried aloud, 'Give us sustenance or kill us.' Thus, what was once in a manner the garden of the world was turned into a wilderness." This great famine of Gujarat was known as the Satiksakal or famine of Samvat 1687 (A.D. 1631)-(Burgess' Chronology of Modern India, p. 86). According to James Mill (History of India, vol. II, bk, iii, ch. iv, p. 329), in A.D. 1640-55 a dreadful famine resulting from several years of excessive drought prevailed throughout India and a great part of Asia, and added by its horrors to the calamities which overwhelmed the inhabitants of the Deccan. During the famine, religion had made the Hindus desert cultivation and betake themselves to supplications, penances and ceremonies pleasing to their gods. The calamities which sprung from this act of devotion may be easily imagined. A severe famine in A.D. 1646-47 adversely affected the Madura district; it is not possible to say whether the distress extended further South (The Tinnevelly Gazetteer, ch. viii, p. 247). A famine lasting several years devastated Ahmadabad in A.D. 1650 ; it was primarily caused by an extensive outbreak of cattle disease, the ravages of locusts, and pestilence. Grain was imported; and relief measures were undertaken (Loveday, History of Indian Famines, p. 165). The Madura Gazetteer records a severe famine in Madura in A.D. 1669-62 during the reign of Muttu Alakadri of the Nayakkan dynasty, when the cruel devastation of the Musulman invaders produced & severe looal famine and pestilence, in which 10,000 Christians alone are said to have perished from want (cf. Madura Gazetteer, p. 50). A terrible famine of the three great necessaries of life-grain, grass, water-called in the country tirkal or terrible famine, an account of which has been handed down in writing, occurred in Rajputana in A.D: 1661. The long reign of Aurangzeb is disfigured by recurring famines. The court historian Khafi Khan, in his Muntakhabu'l-Lubab (Elliot and Dowson, History of India, vol. VII, p. 246 and fol.), makes the following record : "The movements of large armies through the country,

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY 1 SEPTEMBER, 1923 especially in the eastern and northern parts, during the two years past (A.D. 1657-58), and scarcity of rain in some parts, had combined to make grain dear. To comfort the people and alleviate their distress, the Emperor gave orders for the remission of several taxes (a long list of them is given). But although his gracious and beneficent Majesty remitted these taxes and issued strict orders prohibiting their collection, the avaricious propensities of Jagirdars, Faujdars and Zemindars prevailed, and the regulation for the abolition of most of the imposts had no effect." The Emperor's edict remained a dead letter. 238 In fairness, however, the authoritative account of Mr. James Mill-who probably derived information from other sources-of this famine of A.D. 1661 must be cited (History of India, vol. II, bk. iii, ch. iv, p. 349). "The third year of Aurangzeb's reign," writes Mr. Mill, "was visited with a great famine. The prudence of Aurangzeb, if his preceding actions will not permit us to call it his humanity, suggested to him the utmost activity of beneficence on this calamitous occasion. The rents of the husbandmen and other taxes were remitted. The treasury of the Emperor was opened without limit. Corn was distributed to the people at reduced prices. The great economy of Aurangzeb who allowed no expense for the luxury and ostentation of his court, and who managed with skill and vigilance the disbursements of the state, afforded him a resource for the wants of the people." This is high praise from a great historian who is by no means unduly biassed in favour of Aurangzeb. The famine of A.D. 1661 was, as pointed out by Khafi Khan, partly due to war and scarcity of rain. The distress, however, continued long owing to the intolerable misgovernment. We have already seen how a rapacious civil service rendered futile even the good intentions of Aurangzeb. Add to this the imposition of a variety of new and vexatious duties upon the Hindus. A miserable, invertebrate, rack-rented peasantry; a vicious, corrupt, and rapacious civil service; and a fanatical Emperor: and you have a fairly good picture of the times. We have the testimony of de Castro in 1662: "The Moghuls have destroyed these lands, through which cause many persons have died of famine" (Hopkins, India Old and New, p. 237); and the Portuguese now so suffered from dearth that de Castro had to raise money for relief by pawning the hairs of his beard! Southern India was plunged at this time in those ceaseless, never-ending, dynastic wars, which were soon to be waged in the North also. The economic condition of the South had reached its nadir; and the miserable condition of the cultivators who formed the bulk of the population cannot be adequately described. In consequence of the changes introduced by the Muhammadan conquest, and the many abuses which later times had established, the share really enjoyed by the ryots was often reduced to a sixth, and but seldom exceeded a fifth. In those parts of the country where the practice of receiving rents in kind, or by a money valuation of the actual produce, still obtained, the cultivators were reduced to an equally unfavourable situation by the arbitrary demands and the contributions to which they were subjected beyond the stipulated rent. The effects of this unjust custom were considerably augmented by the common custom of Zemindars, of sub-renting their lands to farmers, who were armed with unrestricted powers of collection, and who were thus enabled to disregard, whenever it suited their purpose, the engagements they had entered into with the ryots, besides practising every species of oppression, which an unfeeling motive of selfinterest could suggest. They frequently reduced the ryots to the necessity of borrowing from money-lenders at the heavy interest of three, four, five per cent. per month. In addition to the assessment on the lands or the shares of their produce received from the inhabitants duties were levied on inland trade, which were collected by the renters under the Zemindars. These duties, which went by the name of sayer, as they extended to grain,

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SEPTEMBER, 1923] EARLY HISTORY OF INDIAN FAMINES 239 to cattle, to salt and to all the other necessaries of life, collected by corrupt, partial and extortionate agents, produced the worst effects on the state of society. Under the head of 'sayer revenue' was also included a variety of taxes, indefinite in their amount and vexatious in their nature; they consisted of imposts on houses, on the implements of agriculture, on looms, on merchants, on artificers and on the professions and castes-(Extract from the Fifth Report of the Parliamentary Committee on East India Affairs, 1813). Famines frequently devastated Southern India at this time. In A.D. 1675 Madura suffered from a famine after Venkaji's invasion, "which was so severe," says one of the Jesuit Missionaries "that nothing was to be met with in any direction save desolation and the silence of the tomb"; another famine in A.D. 1678, following a deluge caused by excessive rainfall on the Western Ghats; and in A.D. 1682, after the invasion of the famous Chikka Deva Raya, king of Mysore, in despair the ministers of the State deposed their incompetent ruler Chokkanatha in favour of his brother" (Madura Gazetteer, p. 50). When Aurangzeb invaded the Deccan, a great famine swept over Southern India. The Seir Mutagherin (Eng. trans. Seid-Gholam-Hossein Khan, vol. IV, p. 205) alludes to it: "There is no describing the miseries they (invaders and defenders) suffered. Vast numbers of men died from mere want. To all these distresses was joined a mortality that swept away people by shoals. Numbers unable to bear hunger and famine any longer, deserted, etc." Khafi Khan, in his Muntakhabu'-l-Lubab is mcre explicit: "The scarcity and dearness of grain and fodder was extreme, so that many men of wealth were disheartened; who can describe the position of the poor and needy? Throughout the Dakhin in the early part of this year there was a scarcity of rain when the jowar and bajra came into ear, so they dried up and perished. These products of the autumn harvest are the main support of the people of the Dakhin. Rice is the principal food of the people of Haidarabad, and the cultivation of this had been stopped by war and by scarcity of rain. ... Pestilence (waba) broke out and carried off many men. Thus great numbers of men were lost. Others unable to bear the pangs of hunger and wretchedness went over to the enemy, etc." (Elliott and Dowson, History of India, vol. III, p. 328). Sind, where so little rain falls that the country may be said to be rainless, and is aptly called by Sir John Strachey the Egypt of India (India, p. 24), suffered as usual from drought in A.D. 1682-3, which caused some scarcity of grain (Balfour, Encyclopaedia of India). The N.-W. Provinces had their turn of dearth of water and grain the following year, A.D. 1683-4 (ibid.). In A.D. 1684 a famine in Gujarat raised the price of grain in Ahmedabad to such a degree, that Shekh Muhi-'uddin, the son of the Kazi and regulator of prices, was mobbed (Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency, vol. I, part 1, p. 287). In A.D. 1687 a distress of food in Madura is recorded; it is impossible to say whether it extended further south (Tinnevelly Gazetteer, p. 247). In A.D. 1688, in the Mandu State (Punjab), during the reign of Sidh Sena, a terrible famine occurred, from which very many people died (Lepel Griffin, The Rajahs of the Punjab, p. 580). In A.D. 1690 Baroda suffered from a severe drought and dearth of grain (Balfour, Encyclopaedia of India). In A.D. 1698, the Bombay Gazetteer (vol. I, part 1) records "a year of much scarcity on account of a second failure of the rain in Marwar and N. Guzerat." In A.D. 1702-4 Bombay and the Deccan suffered from scarcity of food (Loveday, History of Indian Famines); the following year famine visited the Thar and Parkar districts (Balfour, Encyclopaedia of India). The long reign of Aurangzeb came to a close on the morning of Friday, Feb. 21, 1707. It had witnessed dreadful famines 14 brought about partly by natural causes and partly by mal-administration. But the strong central authority vested in his vigorous person 14 If the account given by Nicholas Manucci in his Storia de Mogor (p. 97) is to be believed, no less than two millions of the people of the Deccan perished from drought in the opening years of the eighteenth century. Those desirous of further studying the economic conditions of India at this time may consult A Pepys of Moghul India, A.D. 1653-1708, which is an abridged edition of the voluminous work of Manucci.

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240 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( SEPTEMBER, 1925 preserved.some sort of order in his heterogencous empire and gave it a modicum of prosperity. With his death the partial unity of Indian history was lost, and India reverted onoo more to her normal condition of anarchical autonomy. According to William Crooke's calculations (Things Indian, art. "Famine", p. 207) in some regions of the North, from the middle of the sixteenth century up to A.D. 1820, there occurred no less than twenty-three famines, and also, ascording to him, in the Deccan we have records of about 25 famines in 500 years, beginning with the terrible Durga Devee of A.D. 1397-1408. But the occurrence of famine was at no time so frequent as in the period between the death of Aurangzeb and the foundation of the English Empire. The author of the Tarikh'ul-Bahadur Shahi (Elliott and Dowson, History of India, vol. VII, ch. lxxxi, p. 565) says, that "on account of the death of Aurangzeb, and in consequence of the confusion in Hindustan, the price of grain in all the provinces remained unsettled. A long list of the prices is given; the prioes appear to have risen above thirty-two times the normal level. We can easily imagine the misery of the people! From a letter written by Fr. Martin (10th December 1713) to Fr. de Villette, we have some vivid glimpses of a local famine which terribly harried the Marava country. The following is extracted from the Lettres Edifiantes et Curieuses, vol. II, p. 451 (edited by M. L. Aime. Martin, Paris, 1840): "On the 18th December 1709, all the tanks were full of water, when there came a hurricane called by the people Perumpugal. It began at 7 a.m. with violent rain from the north-east. It lasted till 4 o'clock, when the wind subsided. But, before sunset, it began again from the south-east with etill more fury. The waters, being pushed by the wind against the dykes, struck against them with so much violence that they broke in many places. Then the water of the tanks, joining the torrents caused by the storm, caused a general flooding of the land, which uprooted all the rice around and covered the countryside with sand. The loss of the harvests was added to that of the cattle, which were drowned together with the tribes. As this inundation happened during the night, several thousands of persons perished. In one place a hundred corpses were found, carried down by the current. A Christian showed me a large tree, upon which he had climbed along with twenty-six other Indians. There they remained the whole night and the following days. Two of them fell down through exhaustion and were carried away by the torrent . . . . Some time after, I crossed a grove of tamarind trees .... Nearly all of them had been thrown down leaving their roots high up in the air . . . . Most unfortunate were the consequences. Famine broke out worse than ever, and the mortality was so universally spread that several thousands of men were compelled to migrate into the kingdoms of Madura and Tanjore adjoining the Marava country."16 Fr. de Bourgos (Lettres Edifiantes et Curieuses, vol. II, p. 624), in a letter dated 25th November 1718, observes: "The pecuniary help received from France this year has been very useful. For & whole year famine has been doing great havoc here. There was no governmental relief, since anarchy and chaos alone rule this country." Want of space prevents me from printing an interesting letter of Fr. Le Caron to his sisters, dated 20th November 1720 (Lettres Edifiantes et Curieuses, p. 574), which gives us & vivid account of these anarohioal pre-British times. It cannot be sufficiently emphasised that it is difficult for us enjoying, for an unbroken period of one hundred and fifty years, political unity, assured peace (bringing easy intercourse) and the Reign of Law under the British Raj, to grasp the central notion that pre-British India never enjoyed for a considerable period 18 Such emigrations caused by famines were frequent in pre- British times," says Mr. V. M. Nagam Aiyar in his Report on the census of Travancore (p. 654), "the bulk of the Nambudri Brahmins-colonists of Malabar-came from the region between the Krishna and the Godavari rivers constantly devastated in the past by long droughts and severe famines" (quoted by V. Gopal Iyer, The Chronology of Ancient India, part 1, ch. ii, p. 123).

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SEPTEMBER, 1923) EARLY HISTORY OF INDIAN FAMINES 241 these three blessings. Liberty, as we understand it now, never-I deliberately use the wordexisted in pre-British India, and of course democratic government was a thing unknown. It may be that democratic government was not repugnant to Hindu genius, but it was never tried on a large scale or for a considerable period. The country was generally administered by a cruel, rapacious autocracy whose last care was the welfare of the people. A vivid grasp of these facts alone will enable us to study aright the early history of Indian famines. The Tanjore district suffered from a great famine in A.D. 1730 (vide Father Beschi's Times and Writings, by Rev. L. Besse, S.J.). The annual letter of the Jesuits of 1729, dated 26th August 1730, and written by Fr. Vincent Guerreiro, speaks at length of the Tanjore district, then under the care of Father Beschi, S.J. In the kingdom of Tanjore, although the paddy orop was abundant, the famine which prevailed in the country around was felt, because the merchants had sent rice to the adjoining kingdom, even going as far as Cape Comorin in order to sell it at a higher rate. The number of famished people who flooked thither from every quarter, rendered the famine still more terrible. In the royal town called Mabadevipatnam, the number of the dead was so great, that the corpses had to be loaded on carts at public expense and buried in large pits dug at a distance from the town. But these trenches were soon filled up, and those who had been entrusted with this task, seeing that they were unable to cope with the work, gave it up. The dead were lying unburied in the fields, on the public places along the roads and thoroughfares. "Here is an incident," writes Fr. Beschi," which has been told me by one who witnessed it. It is hardly credible. A dog ate uncooked rice, and unable to digest it, rejected it undigested. A poor man seeing this, took the rioe, oarefully washed it, and eagerly devoured it." So great was the multitude of those who came from Marava to sell their children for a trifle, that in certain towns it was found necessary to publish an edict forbidding the further buying of slaves (Fr. Beschi's Times and Writings, ch. xv, p. 88 and fol.) In a letter written by Fr. Bernard Biscoping, we read that a terrible famine raged among the West Coast Christians in A.D. 1728, and yet Malabar was usually free from that scourge. The factors of Tellicherry reoorded of this famine, in their diary, that "there was extraordinary scarcity of rice. The factory stock was reduced to barely a month's stook. There was none to be had at Mangalore, where parents were selling their children to obtain food, and the factory doors were daily besieged by crowds of starving men, women and children" (Gazetteer of the Malabar and Anjengo districts, ch. viii, p. 271). The civil wars of A.D. 1732-33, coupled with lack of rains, caused a cruel famine in the southern districts. A plague also made its appearance in the shape of pestilential fevers. Towns were depopulated and set on fire, the cattle carried away, the crops out down. When ever any harvest had been gathered and put aside, the soldiery made such inroads that nothing remained for the poor people to live upon. On that account crowds of Madura people from the Madura country, destitute of everything, migrated into the neighbouring kingdom (Fr. Beschi's Times and Pritings, ch. xv, p. 88 and fol.). From a letter of Father Saignes to Madame de Hyacinthe, dated 3rd June 1736 (Lettres Edifiantes et Curieuses, vol. II, p. 636), we can gather a fairly clear idea of the extreme misery that prevailed in Southern India at this time : "The extreme misery, which for the last two years has been general in the whole Carnatic, took away from us numbers of Christians. During these two years, not a drop of rain fell here. The wells, tanks, and even some rivers were empty. Rice and other grains were soorohed by the excessive drought in the country

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242 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ SEPTEMBER, 1928 side, and for these poor people nothing was so common as to spend one or two days without eating anything. Whole families, forsaking their villages, used to go into the woods to feed, like animals, upon wild fruit, leaves of trees, herbs and roots. Those that had children sold them for one measure of rice; others who could not see how to sell them, seeing them dying of hunger, poisoned them, to shorten their miseries. A man came to me one day and told me: We are all dying of starvation. Either give me something to eat, or I am going to poison my wife and my five children, after which I will poison myself.' You will understand that under such circumstances we readily sacrifice our own selves." Fr. Tremblay (Lettres Edifiantes et Curieuses, p. 661) gives a vivid account of the famine in A.D. 1737 which lasted for two years : "It is impossible for me to speak of the sights of misery I was given to witness. Suffice it to say I saw a repetition of what is related in the Sacred Book of Christian Scripture of the sieges of Samaria and Jerusalem. From the outset, as the princes and nobles and ministers monopolised for themselves all the rice kept in stock in both towns and villages, the people were reduced to the utmost wretchedness." Fr. Tremblay's letter shows that there was neither protection by the Government, nor protection against the Government in these anarchical times. Meanwhile, in the North, there was, as has been already pointed out, utter confusion and ceaseless internecine warfare. The weak puppets who .oocu pied the throne of Aurangzeb, were unable to check the rapid dissolution of the Moghul Empire. The battle of Panipat in January 1761 set the seal on its final dissolution. The old autocratic. oorrupt, vicious and unpopular Muhammadan regime was replaced by British rule. The house of Babar had accomplished the cycle of its existence, and the sceptre of India was about to pass into other hands. With the tragedy of Panipat, which ushers in a new era of Indian history, our brief account of early Indian famines may be fittingly closed. This brief study of the early history of Indian famines establishes the fact, beyond the slightest doubt, that famines were far more frequent and destructive in former centuries than at present. This dis-illusionment must check the temptation to overstate the economic evils of our age and to ignore the existence of similar and worse evils in earlier ages. Pessimistic descriptions of our own age, combined with romantic exaggerations of the past, can only tend to the setting aside of methods of progress which, if slow, are yet solid; and to the hasty adoption of others of greater promise, but which resemble the potent medicines of a charlatan, and while quickly effecting a little good, sow the seeds of widespread and lasting decay. Additional Note. By L M ANSTEY. ACCOUNT OF A FAMINE IN AND AROUND PATNA, IN A.D. 1671, BY JOHN MARSHALL. 16 (Extracts from Harleian MS. 4254 in the British Museum.) 1 June 1670. The Raines in the year 1670 at Pattans came in in June the first. The 6th of June 1671 being Tuesday the Raines came in Pattana. Famine in Pattana 1671. In latter end of May 1671 there dyed of Famine in Pattana about 100 persons dayly and had so for three or four months, corne was then (vizt) Wheate - 16 John Marshall was entertained as a factor in the E. I. Co.'s service in Jan. 1668. He served the Company in Patna, Hugli and Kasimbazar until Nov. 1676, when he was appointed Chief at Balasor, where he died, in Sept. 1677. Ho recorded his experience in India from 1668 to 1672 in a MS, entitled Notes and Oberpations of East India.

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SEPTEMBER, 1923) EARLY HISTORY OF INDIAN FAMINES 243 21 Rupees per Maund, Barley 2 Rupees, Rice fine 4 Rupees, Ditto Course 21 Rupees, Beefe 1} Rupees, Goat flesh 2 Rupses, Butter or Gee 71 Rupees, Oyle 7 Rupees per Maund which consists of eighty lb. English Averde poiz. June the 19th we came to Pattana from Singee. I see upon one peece of sand about the middle way betwixt the City and the River about 32 or 33 Persons ly dead within about 10 yards compas from the middle of them, and so many by the River side that could not come on shore but by very many dead corps, also aboundance upon the sand besides, now Rice fine 4 Rupees per Maund, beeing a little while since 4 rupees 7 annas being somtbing cheaper. Wood for fireing 41 maund per Rupee, Hens 5 and chickens 8 per Rupee ; tis reported that since the begining of October there have died of Famine in Pattana and the Suburbs about 20000 Persons, and there cannot in that time have gone fewer from the City than 150000 persons, the corps in the river generally lie with their backs upward, great number of Slaves to be bought for 4 annas and 8 annas per peece, and good ones for 1 rupee per peece, but they are exceeding leane when bought, and if they eat but very little more than ordinary of rice or eat any flesh, butter or any strong meat, their faces, hands, and feet and codds swell immediately exceedingly, so that tis esteemed enough to give them at first seer of rice, and those very leane seer per day to be eaten at twice. The Famine reachcth from 3 or 4 days jorney beyond Bonarres [Benares] to Rojamaul [Rajmahal], the most of the poore that go hence go to Dacca for viotualls, though there is thought to be great quantities of Rice in these parts, yet through the Nabobs roguery heere is a Famine, and also somthing from the drynes of the last yeere. The Rains at Pattana came in in 1671 upon the 6th June and rained every day till July 11th. In Pattana about 23th July there dyed about 260 or 300 Persons Dayly of Famine in and about the City of Pattana, Rice being 5 Rupees per Maund best sort. I have examined some dying of Famine who told me that within their bodies they were hot, but without cold, espically on their Bally and privy parts. They are very thirsty and hungry, and so feeble they can neither go nor stand nor scarce stirr any joint. They have no pain in their head, but & great one in their Navill. Their urin is very red and thick like blood, and excrement like water, which runs often from them, but but little at a time. I examined one woman immediately before shee died. In June 1671 the Raines continued from 6th June, and not one fare day till August, except 1lth and 30th July. August 1671. Before the Famine there were 4000 houses inhabited in Hodgipore Hajipur and but now 1800 inhabited, and out of them many have dyed. In Pattana in 1671 August 8th, nowdy dayly here of Famine two or three hundred persons in City and Suburbs, rioe now 7 seer per Rupee or 5 rupees 11 annas per Maund of best sort and sometimes none to be bought nor bread in the Bazar. In the Gaut by our Factory which was not 4 yards round about (as I conoeive) lay 50 dead corps which I could tell which were driven thether in about 2 dayes time, and Mr. Nurse saith that the day after he counted 152 dead corps in ditto place. Abundance are every day drove to the side of the River, though the most persons of quallity hire Hollolcores to carry them into the middle of a river with a string, and carries them into the middle of the river and then cuts the string, and so lets them drive down with the stream. Notwithstanding there was 50 dead corps in the Gaut by our Factory, yet the Gaut was seldome without a great many women who take up water by the dead corps and drink it, and dress their victualls with it.

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244 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY SEPTEMBER, 1923 August 5th 1671 and 7th ditto was no raine, which have been the only days without raine (except two before), since the 8th of June. Upon the 7th ditto two merchants in Pattana threw themselves into a common well and drowned themselves. Now a terrible sad cry of poor in the Bazzar. August 12th. Rice fine 6 seer per Rupee or 6 rupees 104 annas per Maund, no course rice to be bought, wheat now 10 seer per Rupee or 4 Rupees per Maund. Some dayes neither rice nor bread to be bought in the Bazar. August 20th 1671. Now Rioe in Pattana 5 seer per Rupee or 8 rupees per Mauind and very scarce to be bought for that price. September the 15th 1671. In Pattana Rice was 8 Seer per Rupee, but Course, 12 Seer Goats flesh and 24 of Beefe per Rupee. Such was the laziness of workmen in the time of Famine, That in the time of making one Casmeer boat for the Company, Six of the Carpenters died of Famine. In Pattana and the Suburbs died in 14 months last past, ending 6th Nov., 1671, of the Famine 135400 Persons, an Account thereof being taken out of the Coatwalls Chabootry. November the 17th 1671. Then came in the cold weather in Pattana aftor a little storme and raine. I received [11th December 1671] an Act in writing out of the Coatwalls Chabootree wherein was writ that in the twelve months last past there had died in Pattana and the Suburbs of the Famine 103000 Persons (Vizt.) 50000 Mussulmen and 53000 Hindoos which were taken notice of in their bookes of Reoords. December 26th. I received an exact account from the Coatwall Chabootry, to which give credit, that in twelve months, ending 22th November last, being 354 dayes, there dyad in Pattana and the Suburbs of the Famine 15644 Mussulmen to whom the Nabob gave cloth to cover them when were buried, having no friends to bury them, dying in the Streets, and tis thought 2500 dyed in the skirts of the towne in their houses, or where might be buried by some of their relations which were not reckoned, in all 18144, and tis supposed four times as many Hindoos died as Musselmen which were 72576, which, with the 18144, make in all 90720; and the townes near Pattana, some are quite depopulated, having not any persons in them. In one towne, about 3 Coss west from Pattana, where were 1000 houses inhabited, are now but 300, and in them not above four or five hundred Persons, the rest being dead. This Account I received from Mamood-herreef (Mahmud Sharif). THE ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE BRAHMA VIDYA. BY DR. NARENDRA NATH LAW, M.A., B.L., PH.D. The origination of the Brahma-vidyd is attributed by Deussen, followed by other western scholars, to the Ksattriyas from whom, in their opinion, the Brahmanas learnt it in later times. Their reasons for holding such an opinion are perhaps two : 1. The Brahmanas who had been the originators and supporters of the karma-kanda of the Vedic samhitds and brdhmanas could not consistently and in view of their self-interest, be the originators of the jnana-kanda of the Upanishads, in other words, the Brahma-vidya. So much occupied were they with rituals and ceremonies that the Brahma-vidyd could not possibly find a place in their thoughts. II. There are narratives in the Upanishads themselves, the matrix of the Brahmavidya, describing a tow Brahmaqas as learning the subject from particular Ksattriyas.

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SEPTEMBER, 1923 ] THE ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE BRAHMA VIDYA 245 The opinion does not however appeal to me as sound for these reasons : (1) In spite of the apparent conflict between the karma-kanda and the jnana-kanda, wo find the one leading to the other by reason of the connected purposes subserved by them in the scheme of life of the Vedic Hindus. The rituals and sacrifices are meant mostly for Hindus in the second stage of life (the grihasthas), after which two other stages of life are presented culminating in karma-sannyasa, when rituals are discarded, and the mental cogitation of brahma takes their place. The pre-vanaprastha stages with their rituals serve as a preparation for the last two stages of life, viz., the vanaprastha and the yati with their gradually increasing emphasis on the jnana-kanda. That the karma-kanda and the jnana-kanda aro not meant to be antagonistic to each other, or mutually exclusive, is found from the fact that the idea of Brahma is found in the Vedic works on rituals from the Rig Veda downwards. The attempt to find a unity behind the multiplicity of the Vedio gods, to discover an allcomprehending first principle, makes its appearance as early as the hymn of the Rig Veda, and is there linked with the names of Prajapati, Vigvakarman, and Purusa. It is first in the Satapatha Brahmana that we find the neuter Brahman exalted to the position of the supremo principle which is the moving force behind the gods. 1 Again one of the principal objects of the performance of the sacrifices was the obtaining of wealth, power, and other means of enjoyment in this and the next world. But side by side with these are found in the ritual books, the Brahmanas, other sacrifices in which the celebrants had to renounce the world, e.g., the Sarva-medha. The references to the last stage of life (third and fourth stages combined) in the Vedio works on the karma-kanda, without any disapproval of the same, show that the entrance to a stage of life in which the rituals were on the way to be gradually dis. carded, was not antagonistic to their objects. Had it been so, the works on rituals would have disapproved of the third stage, or laid down injunctions for the prosecution of a ritual. istic course of life up to the end of its span, to the rigid exclusion of the jnana-kanda. But far from that being the case, we find kings like Janaka, one of the supposed originators and propagators of the Brahma-vidya, performing a big sacrifice at the very time when he had the discussion with Yajnavalk ya regarding brahma; and similarly we find the king Asvapati about to perform a sacrifice when the Brahmanas went to him for hearing from him more about brahma than Aruni knew. It is therefore not correct to suppose that brahma-vidyd had its origin outside the karma-kunda, and from the brains of the Ksattriyas alone, and that it had its birth in a spirit antagonistic to the jnidna-kanda. This wrong idea has most probably arison from the fact that the early Jainas and Buddhists, many of whom were Knattriyas, including Mahavira and Buddha, and whose religions were but offshoots of the inana-kanda with changes or additions of their own, were hostile to the Brahmanas and their karma-kanda ; and the spirit in which they preached their doctrines has been sup. posed to pervade the Upanishads, and has been read into the passages that treat of the Brahma-vidya. (2) The Upanishads contain narratives in which Brahmanas figure as learners from the Ksattriyas; but the conclusion they point to has to be read in the light of faots lost sight of by Deussen and others. Among the Ksattriyas, Janaka, king of Videha, had the highest reputation as a master of the Brahma-vidya ; but yet the self-same king considered Yajsavalkya as having a greater 1 ERE., vol. II, pp. 798, 799; Rig Veda, I, 164, 45; III, 9, 9; 9. Br., XIII, 6, 2, 7; XI, 2, 3, 1. 1 9. Br., 13, 7, 1: San. Sr. S. 16, 15, 0-6; 16, 15, 23; 16, 16, 3-8. 3 The subject has been treated in my article "The Antiquity of the Four Stages of Life", which will be published shortly in this Journal,

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246 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY mastery over the subject, and listened to lectures on the subject from that erudite Brahmana.4 Previously, Janaka had also learnt portions of the subject from various. Brahmana acaryas, viz., Jitva, Udanka, Barku, Gardabhivipita, Satyakama, and Vidagdha. King Janasruti was at great pains in searching for the Brahmana Raikva to learn the Brahma-vidya from him. King Brihadratha of the Ikshvaku race learnt the same vidya from the Brahmana ascetic Sakayana. Besides these instances of Ksattriyas learning the Brahma-vidya from the Brahmanas, we find in the Upanishads, the names of many Brahmanas, who handed down the science from generation to generation, and these Brahmanas were far larger in number than the few Ksattriya kings versed in that science. [SEPTEMBER, 1923 Now let us scan the narratives which are relied upon as supporting the view that the Ksattriyas were the originators and teachers of the Brahma-vidya. We find in the Satapatha-Brahmana that Janaka said more on Agnihotra than Svetaketu, Somasusma, and Yajnavalkya knew; but this concerned Agnihotra and not the Brahma-vidya." Again, Pravahana Jaivali, a Ksattriya, gave evidence of greater knowledge than Silaka and Dalbhya in the Chandogya,8 but this knowledge was of Saura-vidya which belonged rather to the karma-kanda. Again, according to the Brihadaranyaka and the Chandogya Upanishads, the aforesaid Ksattriya as king of Pancala silenced Svetaketu by putting to him five questions, none of which Svetaketu could answer; and when Svetaketu's father Uddalaka Aruni came to the king to hear on the subject, the latter said that it was unknown to the Brahmanas. The subject is called Pancagni-vidyd. Considering its subject-matter, it cannot be said that it was Brahma-vidyd proper, for it treats of the paths, along which men depart after death, and so forth. Ignorance of these matters cannot be taken as ignorance of the Brahma-vidyd on the part of the Brahmanas. Moreover, it was not reasonable for Jaivali on silencing Svetaketu to question him "How could any body who did not know these things say that he had beenf vlly instructed ?"10 for if no Brahmana had knowledge of the subject, Svetaketu came within the rule, and could not be said to have been without proper education merely because of his ignorance of a matter not known to the Brahmanas generally; nor can it be said that no Brahmana before Pravahana Jaivali had complete education, because they were not taught the matter. If this passage be taken as mere bluff, or an insult to Svetaketu, it cannot be taken in its literal sense, and Jaivali really expected from Svetaketu the knowledge of a matter, which was known to every well-educated Brahmana or Ksattriya. The later passage, therefore, addressed to Svetaketu's father, viz., "this know. ledge did not go to any Brahmana before you, and therefore this teaching belonged in all the worlds to the Ksatra class alone" cannot also be accepted in its literal import. Br. Up., IV, 2. Maitra. Up., 1 ff. Five Brahmana householders and theologians named Prachinasala, Satyayajna, Indradyumma, Jana and Budila came once to Uddalaka Aruni to learn Vaisvanara-vidyd from him. Aruni, diffident as to the fulness of his knowledge of the subject, took them to the king, Asvapati Kaikeya, who was also studying the subject. From this it is evident that both Arupi and Asvapati were studying the subject independently of each other, and the inference that it was at first the monopoly of the Ksattriyas does not find support from the narrative. 11 6 8 Chan. Up., I, 8, ff. 10 Chan. Up. (SBE.), V, 3, 4. 5 Ibid., IV, 1. 7 S. Br., 11, 6, 2, 5; Br. Up., 4, 3, 1. Br. Up., VI, 2, 1 ff; Chan. Up., V, 3, 1 ff. Chan Up, 5, 11 ; cf. 8. Br., X, 6, 1. 11

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SEPTEMBER, 1923) THE ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE BRAHMA.VIDYA 247 A narrative in the Brihadaranyaka Upanishadla relates that once a Brahmana youth named Balaki osme to king Ajatajatrn of Kasi to speak to him regarding Brahma. Whet Balaki said did not meet with the king's appreciation, and therefore Balaki requested the king to teach him the subject afresh. The king replied that it was opposed to practice that # Brahmana should aska Ksattriya to teach him the brahma-vidya. This akhyayika also does not support the conclusion that the Kshattriyas were the originators and first teachers of the brahma-vidya ; for it was the Brahmana youth Balaki who proposed at first to speak to the king on the subject. Harl the vidya been the exclusive possession of the Kyattriyas, it would not have been possible for him to know it or to propose to teach it to the king 13 Again, the king's reply that it was opposed to practice that a Brahmana should learn the Erahma-vidya from a Ksattriya also points to an inference not compatible with the opinion regarding the Ksattriyas' monopoly of that branch of learning. Though the point may not be established from the above narratives that the Ksattri. yas were the originators of the Brahma-vidya, it is however clear that the aforesaid Ksattriya kings were learned and promoters of learning. Erudite Brahmanas used to visit their court at times, and were rewarded for giving evidence of scholarship, or for defeating their opponents in debates ; when the number of these visitors diminished, king Ajatasatru of Kasi expressed disappointment, as king Janaka was more fortunate in the matter. Sometimes, conferences of the erudite, or the spiritually elevated, were called in connexion with the sacrifices held by them, as king Janaka did.14 These meetings of learned men offererl the kings opportunities of acquiring knowledge on diverso subjects, from scholars of diverse lands. It was perhaps for this reason that among the Ksattriyas, only the kings have been men tioned in the Upanishads as having knowledge of the Brahma-vidya. A king by learning certain points from a Brahmana visitor could use that knowledge for testing, or defeating in argument, another Brahmana who had not had the opportunity of knowing them. Henco we cannot draw the inference, from the instance of a king defeating a Brahmana in debate, that all the Brahmanas were ignorant of the subject on which he was silenced. We find instances of a king silencing learned Brahmanas in discussions regarding rituals. This cannot, like the examples in respect of the Brahma-vidya, lead to the conclusion that the Keattriyas monopolized the ritual lore. * It appears to me probable that the aforesaid narratives in the Upanishads are meant in many cases to point to certain requisites, without which the acquisition of the Brahmavidyd could not be complete. The need of humility in one who thinks himself a master of all knowledge is brought out in the akhyayika relating to Svetaketu. He was stabdha (loth to speak), and anucanamani (puffed up with the idea that he was well-read) when he met his father after completing his education. His inability to answer the questions put to him by his father disconcerted him.16 Similarly, the conceited pandits at Janak a's court were humiliated by Yajzavalk ya 16 Dripta (arrogant) Balak i came to teach Ajatasatru, but was bound, on account of the insufficiency of his knowledge, to listen to the latter's discourso on Brahma 17 Even when Janaka thought, at the approach of Yajsavalkya, that the latter had come to have information from him on abstruse points, he was also shown that his know. ledge was not complete, and hence he submitted to acquire the necessary knowledge from the great Brahmana theologian 18 Though Narada had read all the works comprised in a long list, he could not master the Brahma-vidya propor. This shows that mere book learning was not enough for the puspose, but the knowledge of the self was necessary.19 12 Br. Up., II, 1. 13 Ibid., III, 1, 1. 14 Ibid., II, 1, I. 16 , Chan. UP, VI, 1. 16 B:. Up., III, 1. 17 Ibid., II, 1. 18 Ibid., IV, I, 1. 19 Chan. Up., VII, 1, 3.

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248 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( SEPTEMDER, 1923 It is supposed that the fact of the origin of the Brahmi-vidyd from tho Ksattriyas was so widely known that their inability to conceal it has compelled them to incorporato the narratives in the Upanishads in spite of their unwillingness to do so. But the question may be asked," why the lists of teachers of Brahma-vidya appearing in the Brihadaranyaku Upanishad20 do not contain the names of Janaka, Ajatasatru, Asvapati, Pravahana Jaiveli and so forth. A similar list in the Mundakopanishad mentions only the names of Brahmanas a teachers of the Brahma-vidyd.21 If it be supposed that the names of the Ksattriya teachers of the Brahma-vidyd have been purposely eliminated by the Brahmanas, it remains inexplicable why they should incorporate the narratives which recorded the cases of humiliation of Brahmanas by Ksattriyas. Sir G. A. Grierson states in the Encyclopaedia of, Religion and Ethics (vol. 2, p. 540) that according to the Bhagavata Purana (il, xxi, 26), even Kapila, the founder of the Sankhya system, was descended from a Ra jarsi and was therefore a Ksattriya.' If we examine the statement closely, it is found to be altogether erroneous. Though Kapila's mother Devahuti was the daughter of Manu of ihe Ksattriya caste, his father was the Brahmana Kardama (Bhagavala, III, xxii, 2-3). The Manusamhita (X, 6) lays down that %sons, begotten by twiceborn men on wives of the next lower castes, they declare to be similar to their fathers, but) blamed on account of the fault inherent) in their mothers.' Pursuant to this rule, Kapila would follow the caste of his father Kardama, i.e., would be a Brahmana. It is also wellknown that the descendants of Arundhati, who was the daughter of Kardama and Devahuti and was married to Vagistha, were Brahmanas, e.g., Sakti, Paragara, Vyasa. Hence Kapila was a Brahmana and not a Ksattriya. The figures in the Puranas that tend to mislead one on this point are, for instance, Dhritaras tra and Pandu (sons of Vyasa), Asmaka (son of Damayanti by Vasistha (see Bhagavata, IX, ix, 39)]. The deviations from the rule that the caste of the son follows that of the father take place for the reason, that the sons in these instances are Ksetraja. It is put forward as an argument in favour of the Ksattriya origin of the Brahma-vidyd that it has been named Raja-vidya.22 The expression is found in the passage raja-vidya rdjaguhyam pavitramidamultamam. The expression raja-vidya has been interpreted as a vidya originated by the Ksattriyas. But the next expression rajaguhyam shows the application of that sense of rajan to be out of place, and therefore, the passage cannot yield the meaning sought to be drawn from it by those who believe in the Ksattriya origin of the Brahma-vidya. THE PROPOSED ILLUSTRATED MAHABHARATA. BY H. G. RAWLINSON. I am sorry to disagree with the views put forward by Sir Richard C. Temple, Bt, in ante, vol. LII, p. 41 ff., on the above subject. I do not see why we should be any more safe in going to the Ajanta frescos, which represent life in the Deccan in the seventh century A.C., to illustrate the Mahabharata or Ramayana than we should be, say, in utilising the Bayeux tapestries to illustrate a work on the Wars of the Roses Modern Indian art is corrupt beyond redemption. The hideous productions of the school of the late Ravi Varma (oleograph copies of which, alas, are found in almost every home in Western India) are striking examples of this. As for the work of some of our newer Indian artists, trained in Western schools of art, which are in so much request for book-illustrations, they are graceful cnough, but they no more represent ancient India than pageants like "Cairo" represent incient Egypt. A little more may be said for our Indian prae-Raphaelites of Bengal, but they are artificial and self-conscious and lack spontaneity. Why not go backto the magnificent 20 Br. Up., II, 6; IV, 6. 31 Mund. Up., I, I. 39 Bhagavad-Gita, XI, 2.

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SEPTEMBER, 1923] A NOTE ON THE HALA AND PAILAM MEASURES IN GUJARAT 249 work of the older Indian artists of Rajputana and the Punjab! Here we have indigenous Indian drawing and painting at its zenith, uncontaminated by Western contact, representing the scenes as Indian draughtsmen of the best period imagined them. As an example, take the superb illustrations of the Nala-Damayanti episode in Dr. Ananda Coomara-Swamy's Indian Drawings, vol. II, plates vi-x. Could anything be more suitable for the purpose ? There must be many more similar Indian drawings and paintings available in the various collections. I should suggest that those in charge of the work of bringing out this edition of the Mahabharata should consult Dr. Coomara-Swamy, who would, I am sure, be happy to assist them with his advice. A NOTE ON THE HALA AND PAILAM MEASURES IN GUJARAT. BY SHAMS-UL-ULMA JIVANJI JAMSHEDJI MODI, B.A., PR.D., C.I.E. In ante, vol. LII, p. 18, there is an article by Mahamahopadhyaya Vidyavinod Padmanath Bhattacharyya, headed "Notes on Hala and Pailam in & Gujarat copper-plate grant." Therein, the author says that (a) the word hald has remained unexplained, and that (b)-he believes that the hal measure may yet be found to exist in Gujarat. I beg to give in this brief note the information desired. In my occasional visits to Naosari in Gujarat, I have heard the word hard, which seems to be the same as hala, used as a measurement of grain. On inquiring from a friend, Mr. Edalji Navrojee Mehta at Naosari, I learn that- the measure is still used there. There, forty (40) seers make one maund, and seven (7) maunds make one hard. Thus the word hard is used now as a measure for grain, but not for land. That hard is used as a measure of corn in Kathiawar also, appears from the following table, which I find in Mr. Nanabhoy Bejanji Karani's book let of tables for schools, under the heading, p. 17, of $1812191541 442191 4:4913131 4 gaDIANuM eTale 1 pavAluM 2 mihalA eTale 1 esIuM 4 pavAlAM - 1 pAlI | 2 cAsIo 1 hAre. YA >> 1714 26121 1394 5 mAM" >> HS go $44e1 >> 1331 2 saI 41841 As to the literal meaning of the word hala or hard, I think it means the measure of grain that is produced by the use of a hal or plough." A plough and a pair of bullocks were roughly estimated to be able to cultivate a certain quantity of land, varying according to quality." The tax or coss on this cultivation was known as hal-vera, i.e., plough-cess. It seems, therefore, that at one time formerly, the word hala or hard was also used as a ineasure for land and signified an area which could be cultivated by a hal or plough and produced a hard of grain. The word keddra of Sylhet, twelve of which make up a hala there, may be, I think, the same as a keyara or keyari of Gujarat where it means "a part of the field surrounded by embankments." It has no fixed definite measure. As to the word Pailam, I think it is the same as pallu or pallo (MEI) of Gujarat. I remember having heard it in my boyhood in Gujarat, but I am told that it is not used now at Naosari. It consisted of six and a half (6) maunds. 1 The Land Revenue of Bombay, by Alexander Rogers (1892), vol. I, p. 88.

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250 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (SEPTEMBER, 1993 THE HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAH KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR. By Lieut..COLONEL WIR WOLSELEY HAIG, K.C.I.E., C.S.I., C.M.G., C.B.E. (Continued from page 162.) CIIL-AN ACCOUNT OF THE TREACHERY OF MIRZA Khin, WHICH LED TO THE MURDER OF HUSAIN NIZAM SHY, A GENERAL MASSACRE OF ALL THE FOREIGNERS, AND THE DOMINATION OF JAMIL KHAN, AND THE REBELLIOUS SECT OF THE MAHDavis. As God had willed that Husain Nizam Shah should fall, so the king's devotion to debauchery and lascivious pleasures, his neglect of his duties as king, and his passion for low company, estranged from him the hearts of the people, and as it had been decreed by fate that the conquering sahib Qiran302 should reign over the kingdom of Hindustan and cast the shadow of his justice and clemency on the heads of the afflicted people of the Dakan, the power necessarily departed from Husain Nizam Shah, and since God had removed the glance of His kindness and compassion from the Sayyids, Maulavis, and the people of Ahmadnagar, he left them to their evil de vices until they ventured on rebellion and earned by their ill deeds severe punishment. When the quarrel between Mirza Khan and Ankas Khan increased in intensity, Mirza Khan proposed to the Khankhanan, who was one of his intimates, that he should cultivate the friend. ship of Ankas Khan, invite him to a banquet at his house and try to ruin his honour, in order that he might fall from the royal favour. The foolish Khan khanan acted on the suggestion of Mirza Khan, made friends with Ankas Khan, invited him one night to a feast at his house, and spent the night with him in pleasure. The next day Mirza Khan reported to Husain Nigam Shah something of what had passed the night before at the Khan khanan's house, using enigmatical language. Husain Nizam Shah, much surprised, asked the Khankhanan what the truth of the matter was. The foolish Khan khanan preserved a silence which was equivalent to many corroborations, and the king, becoming angry, turned from them to Ankas Khan and began to reproach him. How much soever Ankas Khan tried to prove the falsehood of Mirza Khan's words, in order to free himself from the imputation which had been cast upon him, he failed to convince the king, and after this quarrel a bitter enmity sprang up between Mirza Khan and Ankas Khan and all the Foreigners, 303 and Mirza Khan and Ankas Khan began to seek to compass each other's downfall. Husain Nizam Shah, having regard to Ankas Khan's former services and to the love which he had borne him, preferred him before Mirza Khan and began to consider how he could bring about Mirza Khan's downfall. Ankas Khan bethought himself of a plan and unfolded it to the king. He proposed that he should give a banquet which the king should honour with his presence, and that a trusty band of armed men should be concealed and should spring out at a given signal and seize Mirza Khan, and thus put an end to his turbulence. On Wednesday, Jamadi-ul-Awwal 12 (March 18, A.D. 1589), Husain Nizam Shah honoured Ankas Khan by attending a banquet given at his house, and the Khankhanan, Jamshid Khan, Sayyid Murtaza and all the principal amirs and officers were there also. As Mirza Khan was approaching the house he learnt of the arrangement which had been made, and on the pretext of pains in the stomach returned home and contrived to warn the Khan khanan and Sayyid Murtaza of what was intended. Sayyid Murtard took ma'jun and foigned sickness, 304 lay down and uttered naught but sighs and groans. The Khan khanan attacked Ankas Khan with bitter words and took Sayyid Murtaza away from the assembly. When they reached the neighbourhood of the fort they sent for Mirza 303 Burhan Nizam II. 303 The author's meaning is obsouro here. He intends to say that Mirza Khan was at the head of the Foreign, and Ankas Khan at that of the Dakani, party. 304 Firishta says (ii, 390) that it was not Sayyid Murtaza, but his father, Aqa Mir Shirvani, who feignod sickness. Ma'jun was an electuary, largely composed of opium.

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SEPTEMBER, 1923) HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAH KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR 251 Khan and then they sent a messenger to Husain Nizam Shah saying that Sayyid Murtaza Was very sick and that a bath would do him more good than physic. They asked permission to take him to the bath in tho fort, as he might perhaps get better there, and recover from his sickness. The good natured prince gave these traitors leave to come into the fort and to the bath, and appointed Ankas Khan to look after them, in order that they might be at ease. Mirza Khan and the Khan khanan took Sayyid Murtaza into the fort and placed a guard of their own trusty men over the gate of the fort, and when Husain Nizam Shah returned from Ankas Khan's house they waited on him and told him that Sayyid Murtaza was only just breathing, but that if he would deign to visit the sick man it was possible that he might obtain fresh life. The simple minded king, ignorant of his enemies' guile and trusting to their word, entered the fort. They had previously ordered their own men, whom they had set over the gate, to admit none but the king and a very few of his immediate attendants, so that when once the king had entered the fort unguarded, he was completely in the hands of his enemies. When Mirza Khan had thus by stratagem brought the king into the fort he showed his hand. He took the king to the top of the Baghdad palace and placed him in a solitary corner to repent of his trusting folly, with a guard over him. He then summoned Jamshid Khan, Amin-ul-Mulk, and all the chief men among the Foreigners, and after some consultation, sent Mustafa Khan, Amin-ul-Mulk, Shah Ibrahim and Shah Isma'il to Lohogaph.306 Mustafa Khan hastened with the speed of the wind to the fortress where the two princes were confined, released them from the charge of the eunuchs, and on the fourth day brought the two young princes secretly into the fort of Ahmadnagar, bringing them over the wall at midnight in order that none might know of their arrival. After consultation and recourse to the sortes Koranicae, the lot fell on Isma'ii Shah, and the next day, Monday, the 16th of the month already mentioned (April 1, A.D. 1589),806 in spite of the moon's being in Scorpio, preparations were made for his enthronement with the usual ceremonies of presentation of robes of honour to the amirs and officers of state, etc. The Sayyids, the Qazis and the learned men of the court were summoned, but since Mirza Khan had brought the king into the fort, which was now some days ago, nobody knew what had happened to him, and most of the amirs of the Dakan were very perturbed, and disturbances began. One Jam&1307 was the first to start the outbreak, and on this day on which the younger prince was to be enthroned, Jamal Khan went with a number of Havaldars and petty officers who were under the command of Sayyid Hasan, the brother of Jamshid Khan, and were quartered in, the village of Humayunpur, to Sayyid Hasan, related to him the story of Mirza Khan's opposition to the king and instigated him to return. Jamal Khan, in order to set his mind at rest, told him that he would in no way injure the king. Hasan therefore, though not willingly, returned to the city with the army of the Dakan, and when they reached the door of the fort, Jamal Khan left a detachment with Sayyid Hasan in the gate of the fortress and handed over command of the corps of Ba 'in Khan, 308 which was encamped before the fortress, to Azhdaha Khan who was formerly one of his partisans, and sent it to the Daulatabad gate, while he, 306 The author is obscure here. The Foreigners had decided to depose Husain II and it was necessary to find a successor. Qasim and other mombers of the royal family had boon murdered at Sinnar, and Burhan, the other unolo of Husain, had fled to the court of Akbar, but had left behind him, in the fort of Lohogarh, two young bons, Ibrahim and Isma'il, who seem to have been the only males of the royal family, besides the king, remaining in the kingdom.-F. ii, 290, 294. 806 According to Firishta, who agrees in the date here given, the question was not decided by Bortilage. Ibrahim was the elder of the two princes, but his mother was a nogress, and he was dark and illfavoured. The choice therefore fell on Isma'il, aged twelve, whose mother was a fair-skinned lady of the Konkan.-F. ii, 294. 307 Jamal Khan was a muvallad, i.e., the son of an African by a woman of the Dakan. He belonged, therefore, to the party of the Dakanis and Africans. 306 BA'inf Khan.-F. ii, 292,

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ SEPTEMBER, 1923 252 with a small force, went to the Kaia Chabutra, whence he kept up continual communication with the Dakanis and Africans of the city, where he busied himself in enligting them on his side and against Mirza Khan. All, both weak and strong, gathered around Jamal Khan, and the place was soon in an uproar, and he by his display of loyalty greatly increased the estimation in which he was held by the people. Sayyid Hasan by his brother's order entered into an agreement with the amirs and officers of the army and they all went together to the fort of Ahmadnagar. It is said that on this day Jamshid Khan309 meditating treachery against Husain Nizam Shah, entered into an agreement with thr amirs and chief officers in the army who were of the king's party to the effect that they should be faithful to him (the king) and also went to the fort in order that he might frustrate the treasonable design of Mirza khan and, with them, set the king free, in order that by his display of loyalty they might gain advancement. In any case a large number of all classes gathered round Jamal Khan, and he, assuring them that they would gain promotion and advancement, marched with them against the fort, and sent a messenger to Mirza Khan to say that it was some days since he had taken the king into the fort and denied to all access to him, so that none knew how he fared, and to demand that he should either free the king at once or admit Jamal Khan and his men to see him, in order that strife and disturbance might cease. Mirza Khan, in his pride, treated Jamal Khan's message with contempt and told him to wait for a moment in order that he might be honoured by being admitted to pay his respects to his king (i.e., prince Isma'il). When Jamal Khan heard this improper answer, which was intended to allay by mere words the turbulent desires of the hearts of himself and his followers, he determined to take action and the matter passed from speech to open strife. As the fort then contained but a small garrison, Mirza Khan, becoming alarmed, sent Lashkar Khan and Kishvar Khan out to allay the strife 310 Jamal Khan valued these men not a boddle and slew Kishvar Khan, while Lashkar Khan was wounded and escaped back into the fort with much difficulty. Mirza Khan and the other Foreigners who were in the citadel were now much perturbed, barricaded the gates of the fort and prepared for war, and to defend the fort. When Mirza Khan saw that the whole city was in a ferment he became much alarmed and sent Jamshid Khan to Jamal Khan to arrange terms of peace. Jamal Khan at once put Jamshid Khan and Sayyid Hasan, who had only just again sworn fidelity to him, into irons, and threw them on to the back of an elephant. He gave the magistracy of the city to Bulbul Khan, the African, and sent him into the city with others to kill 'Inayat Khan, the existing governor. Bulbul Khan then went into the bazar and collected a number of the rabble, who supported him, and by the aid of whom he seized 'Inayat Khan and put him to death. His head was placed on a spear and was carried about through the city and the bazars. When the garrison of the fort saw the head of 'Inayat Khan, the thanadar, on a spear being paraded through the city, they gave up hope of life and hope of flight and freedom, and in their perplexity brought prince Isma'il Khan on to one of the bastions of the fortress and raised the royal umbrella over his head, and even though they proclaimed him by the royal style and title, the Dakanis continued to shoot arrows and sling stones against the fortress and against the young prince, who was wounded. At this 300 Jamshid Khan appears to have acted throughout in the interests of Ismail. He belonged to the Foreign party. 810 Firishta says that Mirza Khan, having foolishly delayed the suppression of Jamal Khan's rising until the latter had a force of 25,000 horse, now sent out against him his uncle, Muhammad Sa'id, and Kishver Khan with a force of 150 sons of Foreigners, seven Foreigners, twenty Dakanis, and an elephant. This small force was defeated, and only ten or fifteen wounded men escaped back into the fort.-F. ii, 291.

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SEPTEMBER, 1923 ] HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAH KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR 253 time, as Mirza Khan had already, in the hardness of his heart, blinded Husain Nizam Shah311 and outraged his honour, he considered that if he beheaded the king and threw his head down among the army, they would desist from the attack and acquiesce in accepting Isma'il as their king. The wretch never considered that he who imbrues his hands in the blood of the kings and causes their death causes infinite strife and copious bloodshed and draws down upon himself the wrath of God. It is said that Amin-ul-Mulk was the instigator of this disgraceful crime and iniquity, and that the son of Z0-l.fiqar Khan was its perpetrator, but God knows the truth.318 In any case these cruel and vile men, regardless of the disgrace and calamity which would follow the crime, dared to kill the king and, severing his crowned head from his body with a dagger, placed it on & spear and brought it to a bastion of the fortress, whence they threw it down among the army 313 The martyred king had barely time to look the attainment of his desires in the face, when he was pierced, like the rose with the thorn of disappointment, and the bird of his desire had barely spread his wings when he flew from the threshold of life to the nest of nonentity. As this young prince had been accessory to the death of his father and had, at the instigation of traitors, issued orders for the shedding of his blood, fate, in obedience to the decree of the Almighty avenger brought speedy punishment to him--as the poet says: "The king. dom becomes not a parricide, and if he succeeds his reign lasts but six months." When the army saw the head of their king, they uttered a loud and bitter cry, and a world was thrown into mourning, so that all mankind were afflicted with grief. The army then arose and attacked the fortress. It was as though the gates and walls bore down, with their weight, on the bewildered gang within, and as though fate and time themselves declared war against them. The ill-fortune following on treason infused fear and dread into the hearts of Mirza Khan and his gang and deprived them of strength, so thai none was able to stretch forth his hands to battle, nor to keep his foot firmly planted in its place. From the first watch of the day until the evening the battle raged. Jamal Khan, who had first set the fight going, was approved and followed by all and promoted his followers, giving to them the lands and titles of the amirs who had followed Mirza Khan. The amirs who were in the fort had left their forces without, and had alone rebelled against the king in the fort, and these forces now joined the new amirs who had been appointed to command them, and fought beside them. As the blood of the murdered king cried out for vengeance against his murderers, the army of the Dakan, which surrounded the fort like a raging sea, all attacked the fortress at once, and swarmed over the walls like ants and locusts. One body forced the Daulatabad gate and poured into the fort, and another body set fire to the gate which faces the city and rendered resistance by the defenders impossible. When the defenders, who were bat a small gang, saw fire and disaster threatening their lives on every side, and found the way of escape blocked whithersoever they turned, they ran confusedly and crept into holes and corners, crying, 'Here, here, is a refuge.' A number of Sayyids, Qazis, and learned men who had not consented to the treason that had been committed and who had forcibly and against their will been brought into the fort by Mirza Khan, such as Qasim Beg, Mir Sharif, Mirza Muhammad Taqi, Mirza Sadiq, Mir 'Izz-ud-din Astarabadi, Maulana Najm-ud-din Shushtari, Qazi 311 Firishta does not mention the blinding of Husain II. 813 Firishta says that it was Isma'il Khan, son of the Foreigner, Zu-l-fiqar Khan, who ordered the decapitation of Husain II.-F. ii, 291. 918 According to Firishta, the head was only thrown down when Mirza Khan learnt that Jamal Khan was trying to persuade the people that the head exhibited on the bastion was not that of Husain II. -F. ii, 292.

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254 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ SEPTEMBER, 1923 Nur-ud-din Isfahani, Mir Muhammad Hasan Tabataba'i, and Mir Husain Gilani crept into holes and hid themselves from the sight of the violent and bloody men. The others, such as Mirza Khan, the Khankhanan, Jamshid Khan with his son and brother, Amin-ul-Mulk with his two sons, Sayyid Murtaza Shirvani, Bahadur Khan Gilani, Bai Khan, Sayyid Muhammad Samnani with his brother, and a number of other men famous for their bravery who were not entirely enfeebled by fear, made some efforts in one direction or other, but as the army was pressing upon them both within and without, this wretched gang, though they sought in every direction for a way of escape, found none. They therefore made a stand in an open space between the two gates and opposed the troops as they came from the direction of each. The force which had entered by the Daulatabad gate ran hither and thither, plundering and slaying all whom they met, so that the broker of death was selling at one price the old man of 80 and the boy of 8, while the fire of their wrath burnt up young and old, rich and poor, alike. Mirza Muhammad Taqi, Mirza Sadiq, Mir 'Izz-ud-din, Maulana Najm-ud-din, Qazi Nurud-din, and Mir Muhammad Husain, each of whom was among the most learned and accomplished men of the age, were all slain by the sword on that