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JUNE, 1923]
EARLY HISTORY OF INDIAN FAMINES
145
of animals and loads show that here, too, the passage of the much-crevassed glacier and the treacherous snow.covered moraines proved a very serious difficulty for the transport. Nevertheless, inasmuch as for a force coming from the Wakhan side the ascent to the Darkot pass from the nearest practicable camping ground would be about 1,300 feet less by the Showar-shur route than by that passing the Rukang spur, I consider it probable that the former was used.
Kao Hsien-chih's biography states that it took the Chinese general three days to reach "Mount Tan-chü," i.e., the Darkot, but does not make it quite clear whether thereby the arrival at the north foot of the range or on its crest is meant. If the latter interpretation is assumed, with the more rapid advance it implies, it is easy to account for the time taken by & reference to the ground; for, although the Shawitakh-Baroghil saddle is crossed without any difficulty in the summer after the snow has melted, no military force accompanied by baggage animals could accomplish the march from Sarhad across the Darkot in less than three days, the total marching distance being about 30 miles. Even a four days' march to the crest, as implied in the first interpretation, would not be too large an allowance, considering the high elevations and the exceptional difficulties offered by the glacier ascent at the end.
The most striking evidence of the identity of "Mount T'an-chü” with the Darkot is supplied by the description given in the record of "the precipices for over 40 li in a straight line” which dismayed the Chinese soldiers on looking down from the heights of Mount T'an-chü; for the slope on the southern face of the Darkot is extremely steep, as I found on my ascent in 1913, and as all previous descriptions have duly emphasized. The track, mostly over moraines and bare rock, with a crossing of a much-crevassed glacier en route, descends close on 5,000 feet in a distance of little more than 5 miles before reaching, near a ruined "Darband," or Chiusa, the nearest practicable camping ground above the small village of Darkot.
(To be continued.) EARLY HISTORY OF INDIAN FAMINES.*
BY P. N. RAMASWAMI, B.A. (With an Additional Note by L. M. ANSTEY.)
(Continued from page 113.) . In his separate heading "Times of distress” (ch. VIII, s. 339 and foll.) Manu onnsiders other rules and regulations applicable to such times. The Kshatriya King was justified in the interests of public safety "in taking without sin even the fourth part of the orops." The other law-givers also give their own “famine-Sutras," of which a brief account must suffice. According to Yajfavalkya," when a man saves the life of a woman who has been abandoned in forests, or forsaken in time of famine, etc., he has a right to enjoy her as agreed upon during the rescue." And according to some other law-givers it was permissible for one who has been maintained during famine "to ransom himself from servitude by a pair of oxen." Famine in Hindu Law (vide Narada) is one of the recognised causes of slavery. Yajfavalkya also holds that a husband is not liable to make good the property of a wife taken by him during a famine. The authors of the Smritichandrika, the Dayu-Vibhaga, as well as Jimuta Vahana, recognise that a woman's ostate is subject to her husband's control in times of distress. Devala
. In the publication of those papers I have received very great help from my gifted and beloved master, Mr. P. T. Srinivasa Aiyangar. The Nestor of South Indian Historiaus spared no pains to mako these papers as comprehensive as possible. Several eminent woholars especially Pandit Srinivas Achariar and Fr. Steunkisto-have liberally helped me with facts, suggestiona, eto. I thank them all. I also take this opportunity to thank the St. Joseph's Collogo Library Staft for their kindly sor vicou during the preparation of those papers; and have much pleasure in thankfully acknowledging this unfailing courtesy, prompt and intelligent help.-P.N.R.