Indian Antiquary Vol 52

Author(s): Richard Carnac Temple, Stephen Meredyth Edwardes, Krishnaswami Aiyangar
Publisher: Swati Publications
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032544/1

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THX
INDIAN ANTIQUARY A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH
IN
ARCHÆOLOGY, EPIGRAPHY, ETHNOLOGY, GEOGRAPHY, HISTORY, FOLKLORE, LANGUAGES,
LITERATURE, NUMISMATICS, PHILOSOPHY, RELIGION, Etc., Etc.,
EDITED BY
SIR RICHARD CARNAC TEMPLE, BART., C.B., C.I.E., F.S.A.,
HON. FELLOW, TRIN. HALL, CAMBRIDGE, FORMERLY LIEUT.-COLONEL, INDIAN ARMY,
AND
STEPHEN MEREDYTH EDWARDES, C.S.I., C.V.O.,
FORMERLY OF THE INDIAN CIVIL SERVICE
AND
PROF. RAO SAHEB S. KRISHNASWAMI AIYANGAR, M.A., (HONY.) PE.D., HONORARY CORRESPONDENT OF THE ARCHÆOLOGICAL DEPARTMENT
OF THE GOVERNMENT OF INDIA
VOL. LII.-1923.
मा.श्री कैलासनागर भरि ज्ञान मंदिर . श्री महावीर जैन भाराधना केन, कोचा
Swati Publications
Delhi 1985

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Published by Swati Publications, 34, Central Market, Ashok Vihar, Delhi-110052 Ph. 7113395 and Printed by S.K. Mehra at Mehra Offset Press, Delhi.

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CONTENTS.
AIYANGAR. PROT. RAO SARE) S. K., M.A., EDWARDES, S. M., O.S.I., C.V.O.--coned. (Hons.) P.D.
Roport of the Superintendent, Archwologioal The Life and Times of Chalukya Vikramaditya
Survey of Burma, 1931-39, by Char. Duroi. VI, by A. V. Venkatrama Ayyar, M.A. .. 367
rollo .. .. .. .. .. .. 301 A Now and Critical Edition of the Maha.
Latør Mughals, by W. Irvine, 1.C.S. .. .. 801 bharata .. .. . . . . . . 375 BABU RAM SAKSENA, M.A.
Catalogue of the Museum of Arch mology . DECLENSION OF THE NOUN IN THE RAMAYAN
Sanchi, Bhopal state, by Maulvi Muham. OT TULSIDAS .. .. .. .. .. 71
mad Hamid, etc. .. .. .. .. 802 BATUKNATH SHARMA, PANDIT, M.A.
Annual Report of the Director-General of A NEW CRITICISM OF BHAVABHUTI.. .. 362
Archaeology in India, 1919-20, by Sir John BERRIEDALE KEITH, A.
Marshall, Kt., C.I.E... .. .. .. 303 Uber das Verhaltnis zwischen Carudatta und
An Indian Ephemeris, by Diwan Bahadur Mrocha katika, by Georg Morgenstiorno .. 60 L. D. Swamikannu Pillai, 1.8.0... .. 304 BHATTASALI, N. K., M.A.
Coins and Chronology of the Early InDETERMINATION OF THE EPOCH OF THE
dependent Sultans of Bengal, by Nalini PAROANATI ERA .. .. .. .. 314 Kanta Bhattasali, M.A. .. .. .. 347 DAYA RAM SAHNI
Progress Report of the Archaeological Survey Sarnath-ka-Itihasa, by Brinda banachandra
of India, Western Circle .. .. .. 347 Bhattacharyya, M.A., M.R.S.G.S. .. .. 370
The Madhyama Vyayoga, by Rov. E. P. Jun. DISKALKAR, D. B.
vier .. .. .. .. .. .. 348 An Epithet of Samudragupta.. .. .. 17 Selections from Avesta and Old Persian (First DODWELL, H.
Series), Pt. I, by I. J. S. Taraporowalls .. 348 "Form Foura" of Indian Origin . .. 126 Ksatriya Clans in Buddhist India, by Bimale DONALD JAYARATNA
Charan Law .. .. .. .. .. 349 A NOTE ON MR. P. N. RAMASWAMI'S "EARLY
"Apollo" Bandar, Bombay .. .. .. 360 HISTORY OF INDIAN FAMINES" ..
The Diary of Ananda Ranga Pillai, by H. DUBREUIL, PROT. G. JOUVEAU
Dodwell .. .. .. .. .. 300 PALLAVA PAINTING . . .. .. 45
A Study of Casto, by P. Lakshmi Narasu .. 360 INDIAN AND THE ROMANS .. ..
Vodio antiquition, by G. Jouveau Dubrouil .. 970 THE DATE OF KANISHKA .. .. .. 82
GRIERSON, SI GEORGE A., K.O.I.E.EDWARDES, S. M., C.S.I., C.V.O.THE WORK OF THE ECOLE FRANCAISE D'EX
THE APABIRAMBA STABALAS OT RAMA-SARMAN
(TAREAVAGISA) .. .. .. 1, 187 TREME ORIENT .. .. .. .. 113
.. Paisachi and Chulike paisachika
.. 16 A KOLI BALLAD.. ....... .. .. 127 A FEW REFLECTIONS ON BUCKLER'S POLITI
HAIG, LIEUT. COL. Bra WOLSELEY, K.C.LE, CAL THEORY OF THE INDIAN MUTINY ..
C.S.L., C.M.G., O.B.E.BOMBAT, A.D. 1660-1667 .. .. .. 211
Tax HISTORY OF THE NELAX SHAD KEROS The Jaina Gazette ..
.. 20, 150, 200, 387, 331 .
or AXMADNAGAR .. .. .. 166 (1) Mughal Administration ; (2) Studios in
HILL, S. CHARLES Mughal India, by Jadunath Sarkar, M.A... 224
NOTES ON PIRACY IN EASTERN Warun, Annual Report of the Mysore Archaeological
Sup. 1.9, 28, 41 Dept. for the yoar 1922 ... .. .. 226
HIRALAL, RAI BAHADUR, B.A., M.R.A.8.The Quarterly Journal of the Mythic Society, Tun Run of KAJLI KANOJA
.. . 800 vol. XIII, No. 1 .. .. .. .. 228
HOCART, A. M.Historical Gloanings, by Bimala Charan Law, 226
FLYING THROUGH THE Ana ..
80 The Castos and Tribes of H. E. H. The Nizam' BUDDHA AND DEVADATTA .. Dominions, by Syed Siraj-ul-Haman .. 388
JOSEPH, T. K., B.A., L.T. Progress Report of the Archeological Survey, A CHRBTIAN DYNASTY DI MALABAN ..
W. India, 1920, by R. D. Banorji .. .. 26 | MALABAR MISCELLANY

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iv
KALE, Y. M.
Geographical Position of certain places in India ..
KRISHNAMAGHARLU, O. R., B.A.
THE ORIGIN, GROWTH AND DECLINE OF THE VIJAYANAGAR EMPIRE
MAN, E. H., C.I.E.
DICTIONARY OF THE SOUTH ANDAMAN LAN
GUAGE
Sup. 189 MAULAVI ABDU'L-WALI, KHAN SAHIB⚫A DARA-SHIKOH LETTER
MODI, SHAMS-UL-ULMA DR. JIVANJI JAMSHETJI, B.A., Pa.D., C.I.E. COMMEMORATION OF THE KAININS AND MAIDENS IN THE AVESTA
..
NOTE ON THE HALA AND PAILAM MEASURES IN GUJARAT
..
RAMADAS, G., B.A.
ODIA: A DERIVATION.
DEVICHANDRAGUTTAM..
..
..
CONTENTS
262
Selections froni Avesta and Old Persian, by Dr. I. J. S. Taraporewala NARAYANA RAO, H.The Core of Karnata NARENDRANATH LAW, DR, M.A., B.L., P.R.S., PH.D.
../ 17
358
RADHAKUMUD MOOKERJI, DR., M.A.,
PH.D.
HISTORY OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE FROM THE WORKS OF PANINI, KATYAYANA AND PATANJALI
RASANAYAGAM, MUDALIYAR C.
THE ORIGIN OF THE PALLAVAS RAWLINSON, H. G.
184
249
THE ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE BRAHMA-VIDYA
THE ANTIQUITY OF THE FOUR STAGES OF LIFE ..
NUNDOLAL DEY, M.A., B.L.-.
GEOGRAPHICAL DICTIONARY OF ANCIENT AND MEDIEVAL INDIA Sup. 119, 127, 135 PADMANATH BHATTACHARYYA, MAHA. MAHOPADHYAYA VIDYAVINOD, M.A.
Notes on Hala' and Pailam' in a Gujarat Copper-plate grant
305
9
244
272
47 66,87
SAMAPA: OR THE ASOKAN KALINGA
RAMASWAMI, P. N., B.A.
EARLY HISTORY OF INDIAN FAMINES, 107, 145,
1.92, 227
RANGASWAMI SARASWATI, A.
18
181
21
77
PROPOSED ILLUSTRATED MAHABHARATA, 248
RAY, H. C.
THE ANDHAU INSCRIPTIONS ROSE, H. A., 1.0.8.MANU'S "MIXED CASTES" CONTRIBUTIONS TO PUNJABI LEXICOGRAPHY, SERIES IV 54, 120, 280, 321 SOME PROBLEMS IN NAQSHBANDI HISTORY.. 204 SHRIDHAR SHASTRI PATHAK
THE PROBLEM OF THE SANKHYA KARIKAS... 177 SOMASUNDRAM, J. M., B.A.
THE MULLAIPATTU
STEIN, SIR AUREL, K.C.I.E.
A CHINESE EXPEDITION ACROSS THE PAMIRS AND HINDUKUSH, A.D. 747.. ..98, 139, 173 TEMPLE, SIR R. C., BT.
61
THE PROJECTED ILLUSTRATED MAHABHARATA, 41 COLOUR SYMBOLISM SOME DISCURSIVE COMMENTS ON BARBOSA, 91, 130, 167 REGARDING THE CHRISTIANS OF ST. THOMAS, IN SOUTH INDIA RITUAL MURDER AS A MEANS OF PROCURING CHILDREN REMARKS ON THE ANDAMAN ISLANDERS AND THEIR COUNTRY 151, 216
307
IN THE CENTURY BEFORE THE MUTINY A PROTECTIVE CHARM FROM THE ROYAL PALACE AT MANDALAY THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY, A COLLECTION OF MSS., BY BERNARD P. SCATTERGOOD, M.A., F.S.A., Sup. Journal of Indian History, by Prof. Shafaat Ahmad Khan, Litt.D...
..
4
.. 278
..
The Subject Index to Periodicals La Chine, par Henri Cordier .. Jivatman in the Brahma Sutras, by Abhaya
**
24
13
103
113
351
17
kumar Guha, M.A., Ph.D.
A Large Maund'.. Kos and Mil Mile... 'Malabar'
Medina Talnaby..
An Elementary Palaung Grammar, by Mrs. Leslie Milne..
40
Notes from Old Factory Records 60, 86, 126, 226, 266 Sikshasamuccaya, translated by late Prof. Cecil Bendall and Dr. W. H. D. Rouse Annual Report of the Mysore Archæological Department
19
19
20
20
20
22288
20
39
89
84
83

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CONTENTS
TEMPLE, SIR R. C., BT. contd.
TEMPLE, SIR R. C., BT.--contd. An Account of the Ottoman Conquest of Topaz : Additional Examples .. .. .. 263
Egypt in A.D. 922, translated by Lt. Col. Two Archaeological Reports-Madras, 1909-20, W. H. Salmon .. .. .. .. .. 85
by A. H. Longhurst; Bengal, 1920-21, by Hollenism in Ancient India, by Dr. G. N.'
K. N. Dikshit ..
N. BRIT .. .. .. .. .. 263 Banerjee .. .. .. .. .. 124
Annual Progress Report (Hindu and Buddhist
monuments), 1920-21 .. .. .. .. 264 A Grammar of the Chhatisgarhi Dinlect of Hindi,
Annual Progress Report (Muhammadan and by Hiralal Kavyopadhyaya.. .. .. 124
British monuments), 1921 .. .. .. 264 Sources for the History of Vijayanagar, by Gurty
Shivaji and his Times, by Jadunath Sarkar.. 306 Venkat Rao, M.A. .. .. .. .. 125
Sri Harsha of Kanauj, by K. M. Panikkar .. 370 The Coins of Haidar Ali and Tipu Sultan, by THOMAS, F. W.-- J. R. Henderson, C.I.E. .. .. .. 125
Buddha in der abendlundischen Logende, von A Guide to Nizamuddin, by Maulvi Zafar
Heinrido Gunter .. .. .. .. 165 Hasan, B.A. .. .. .. .. .. 163
(1) Balacarita (Die Abentener des Knabes Palaung = Faringi ..
. .. 185 A Human Scapegoat and His Antidote .. 185
Krishna), Schauspiel von Bhaga; (2) Dio Disposal of the Dead by Exposure.. .. 185
Abontenor des Knabes Krischna, Schauspiel Lakhimpuri, A Dialect of Modern Awadhi, by
von Bhasa Ubersetzt von Herman Weller.. 186 Baburam Saksena, M.A .. . .. 226USBORNE, C. F.-- Gwalior Fort Album .. .. .. .. 226 The Story of Hir and Ranjha.. Sup. 63, 73
MISCELLANEA. Puisachi and Chulikapainachika, by George A. Grierson The Core of Karnata, by H. Narayana Rao .. .. .. .. An Epithet of Samudragupta, by D. B. Diskalkar .. Notes on Hala and Pailam in a Gujarat Copper-Plate Grant, hy Mahamahopadhyaya Vidyavinod Padma.
nath Bhattacharyya, M.A..." "Malabar," by Sir R. C. Temple Medina Talnaby, by Sir R. O. Templo , Palaung=Faringi, by Sir R. C. Templo A Human Scapegoat and His Antidote, by Sir R. O. Temple .. Disposal of the Dead Ly Exposure, by Sir R. C. Temple .. Geographical Position of Certain Places in India, by Y. M. Kalo .. Topaz: Additional Examplos, by Sir R. C. Temple .. .. ..
BOOK.NOTICES. Journal of Indian History, by Prof. Shafaat Ahmad Khan, Litt. D., by Sir R. C. Tomple The Subject-Index to Periodicals, by Sir R. O. Templo . .. La Chine, par Henri Corcier, by Sir R. O. Templo .. .. .. .. .. Jivatman in the Brahma Sutras, by Abhayakumar Guha, M.A., Ph.D., by Sir R. C. Temple .. An Elementary Palaung Grammar, hy Mrs. Leslie Milne, by Sir R. C. Temple .. .. Uber das Verhaltnis zwischen Carudatta und Mrecha katika, by Georg Morgenstierne, by A. Berricdale
Keith .. .. " Sikshasamuccaya, A Compendium of Buddhist Doctrine, translated by the late Profonsor Cecil Bendall
and Dr. W. H. D. Rouse, by Sir R. O. Temple... Annual Report of the Myxoie Archeological Department, by Sir R. C. Temple .. .. .. .. An Account of the Ottoman Conquest of Egypt in A... 922, translatod by Lt. Col. W. H. Salmon, by
Sir R. O. Temple .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Hellonism in Ancient India, by Dr. G. N. Banerjee, by Sir R. C. Temple .. .. A Grammar of the Chhattisgarhi Dialect of Hindi, by Hira Lal Kavyopadhyaya, by Sir R. C. Tomple.. 124 Source for the History of Vijayanagar, by Gurty Vøn kat Rao, M.A., by Sir R. O. Temple .. .. 125 The Coins of Haidar Ali and Tipu Sultan, by J. R. Henderson, C.I.E., by Sir R. C. Templo . .. 126 A Guide to Nizamuddin, by Maulvi Zafar Hasan, B.A., by Sir R. C. Templo . . . .
. . 183 Buddha in der Abendlundischen Legende, von Heinrich Gunter, by F. W. Thomas .. .. .. 165 The Jaina Gazette, by 8. M. Edwardes .. .. .. .. .. .. (1) Balacarita (Die Abentener des Knabes Krischna), Schauspel von Bhasa ; (2) Die Abentener des
Knabes Kriachna, Schauspiel von Bhasa Ubersetzt von Herman Weller, by F. W. Thomas .. 186

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CONTENTS
:
:
::
:
.. 348
BOOK-NOTICEScontul. (1) Mughal Administration; (2) Studies in Mughal India, by Jadunath Sarkar, M.A., by S. M. Edwardos, 224 Annual Report of the Mysoro Archeological Department for the year 1922, by S. M. Edwardes
.. 226 The Quarterly Journal of the Mythic Society, Vol. XIII, No. 1, by S. M. Edwardos .. .. .. 223 Historical Cleaning, by Bimala Charan Law, by S. M. Edwardes .. .. .. .. .. .. 228 Lakhimpuri, A Dialect of Modern Awadhi, by Baburam Saksona, M.A., by Sir R. O. Tomplo .. .. 228 Gwalior Fort Album, by Sir R. O. Temple .. .. .. ..
.. ..
. .. .. .. 220 Two Archological Reports-Madras, 1919-20, by A. H. Longhursh; Bengal, 1920-21, by K. N. Dikshit,
by Sir R. O. Templo .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 263 Annual Progress Report (Hindu and Buddhist Monumente), 1920-21, by Sir R. O. Templo ... .. 261 Annual Progress Report (Muhammadan and British Monuments), 1921, by Sir R. O. Templo .. .. 264 . The Castes and Tribos of H. E. H. The Nizam's Dominions, by Syed Siraj-ul-Hassan, by S. M. Edwardes, 265 Progress Report of the Arohæological Survey, W. India, 1920, by R. D. Banerjee, by S. M. Edwardes, 266 Roport of the Superintendent, Archæological Survey of Burma, 1921-22, by Chas. Duroisello, by S. M. Edwardes ..
.. .. . .. . .. . " Later Mughals, by W. Irvine, I.O.S., by S. M. Edwardes
ardes
.. .. . ..
.. .. 301 Catalogue of the Museum of Archwology at Sanchi, Bhopal State, by Maulvi Muhammad Hamid, etc.,
by S. M. Edwardes .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Annual Report of the Director-General of Archeology in India, 1919-20, by Sir John Marshall, Kt.,
C.I.E., by 8. M. Edwardes .. .. .. An Indian Ephemeris, by Diwan Bahadur L. D. Swamikannu Pillai, L.S.O., by S. M. Edwardes .. .. Selections from Aveeta and Old Persian, by Dr. I. J. 8. Taraporowala, by Dr. J. J. Modi Shivaji and his Times, by Jadunath Sarkar, by Sir R. C. Templo .. .. .. Coins and Chronology of the Early Independent Sultans of Bongal, by Nalini Kanta Bhattarali, M.A.,
by S. M. Edwardes Progrees Report of the Archeological Survey of India, Western Circlo, by S. M. Edwardes .. .. 347 The Madhyama Vyayoga, by Rev. E. P. Janvier, by S. M. Edwardes Solections from Avesta and Old Persian (First Series), Part I, by I. J. S. Taraporewala, by S. M. Edwardes. 348 Kastriya Olans in Buddhist India, by Bimala Charan Law, by S. M. Edwardes ... .. .. .. 349 The Life and Times of Chalukya Vikramaditya VI, by A. V. Venkatrama Ayyar, M.A., by 8. K. Aiyangar, 367 The Diary of Ananda Ranga Pillai, by H. Dodwell, by S. M. Edwardos .. .. .. .. .. 368 A Study of Casto, by P. Lakshmi Narasu, by S. M. Edwardes . .. .. .. .. .. 369 Vodio Antiquition, by G. Jouvosu Dubreuil, by S. M. Edwardee .. . .. . .. 870 Sri Harsha of Kanauj, by K. M. Panikkar, by Sir R. C. Temple .. .. Samath-ka-Itihasa, by Brinda banachandra Bhattacharyya, M.A., M.R.S. G.8., by Days Ram Sahni A Now and Critical Edition of the Mahabharata, by S. K. Aiyangar .. ..
NOTES AND QUERIES. A Large "Maund," by Sir R. O. Temple Kos and Mil Mile, by Sir R. C. Templo .. Notes from Old Factory Records, by Sir R. C. Temple ..
.. 60, 80, 126, 226, 266 "Form Fours of Indian Origin, by H. Dodwell
.. .. 126 "Apollo" Bandar, Bombay, by 8. M. Edwardes .. .. ..
.. .. .. 350 SUPPLEMENTS. Notes on Piracy in Eastern Waters, by S. Charles Hill ..
by S. Charles E . ..
.. ..
.. .. .. .. 1, 9, 28, 41 Geographical Dictionary of Anciont and Medieval India, by Nundolal Dey, M.A., B.L., 110, 127, 138 The Story of Hir and Ranjha, by Waris Shah, 1776 A.D., by O. F. Usbome .. .. .. 85, 73 The Scattergoods and the East India Company, a collection of MSS. by Bernard P. Scattergood,
M.A., F.B.A., edited by Sir R. C. Temple .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 17 Dictionary of the South Andaman Language, by Edward Horace Man, C.I.E. .. .. .. .. 180
PLATES. Plato 111--India Omon Sanskrit MS. No. 1106, 13-A .. .. .. .. .. .. Platho I and II .. .. . .. . ..
to face ", 102 Platos A, B, , D, E, in South Andaman Dictionary, Appendix XIII .. laeing 191, 193, 196, 197, 190 Plate, etc., of the Mandalay Palace .. .. .. .. .. .. .. facing 301, 382, 354
2
. Temple
.
.
"
20
*
..
20

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The Indian Antiquary.
The last forty years have witnessed a great advance in antiquarian research in India, and Indians themselves are exhibiting increasing
OF interest in all that appertains to the past history of ANTIQUARIES their country. Where formerly the study of India's
NDIA..important archæological, epigraphical and numismatic relics was confined to a handful of Englishmen and one or two Indian scholars, there are now many Indians, including the trained officers of the Indian Archæological Survey, who, devoting expert attention to original documents and lithic and other records, are able to supplement and occasionally correct the conclusions arrived at by acknowledged European authorities. The time, indeed, appears to be ripe for the creation of a Society of Antiquaries of India, formed on the lines of the Society of Antiquaries of London, which would include among its members, not only those Indians and Europeans, who have established their position in the field of historical and archæological research, but also the Ruling Princes and Indian gentlemen, like the late Sir R. Tata, who are ready to encourage and support the labours of the trained antiquary. .
In the event of such a Society being constituted on lines approved by those interested, and its importance and prestige being further secured by the grant of a Royal Charter, it is proposed to transfer to it, as the organ of its activities, the well-known Journal, The Indian Antiquary, founded fifty-two years ago by the late Dr. Burgess, which deals with the history, archæology, epigraphy, folklore, etc., of the whole of India and Burma.

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It is recognized that the foundation of the proposed Society of Antiquaries of India must involve much preliminary discussion,
and that considerable delay in launching the Society "THE INDIAN
on a working basis is unavoidable. It has therefore ANTIQUARY."
been arranged for the time being to direct efforts to securing the continued existence of The Indian Antiquary, which is at present the sole property of Lieut.-Colonel Sir R. C. Temple, Bart., by transferring the possession and management of the Journal to a small private company, The Indian Antiquary, Ltd., which, in the event of Sir R. C. Temple hereafter desiring to relinquish active management of the Journal, would carry on the work which he has undertaken alone for so many years.
Since its foundation by Dr. Burgess in 1872, The Indian Antiquary has deserved well of India. He edited it till 1885, when it was taken over by Dr. J. F. Fleet and Sir R. C. Temple till 1892, by which time it had become the chief exponent of Oriental research in private hands and the chief medium for the publication of Indian epigraphical studies. For several years it trained and maintained a private staff for discovering, collecting and reproducing in facsimile all kinds of Indian epigraphic records; and its volumes, which have now reached No. LII, enshrine the whole history of epigraphical research as a systematic study. Moreover, it has performed pioneer work in teaching a new generation of Indian scholars the method of securing accurate knowledge of the annals of ancient and mediæval India. Well-known Indian scholars to-day, as well as European authorities, are among its most valued contributors. For several years Professor D. R. Bhandarkar was associated with Sir Richard C. Temple in the editing of the Journal. Since his resignation, the appointment of Indian joint-editor has been filled by Professor S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar. Mr. S. M. Edwardes has also taken a part in the joint-editorship.

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3
In the light of the above record and with a view to providing the proposed Society of Antiquaries, when hereafter founded with a
journal of established reputation, the Directors of the STUDENTS OF private company, formed to take over The Indian Anti
INDIAN quary from the sole proprietorship of Sir R. C. Temple, ANTIQUITIES.
5. __ now appeal to all Indians and Englishmen interested in India's history to assist their object, either by becoming annual subscribers to the Journal, or by sending donations to be utilized in consolidating its future position and enlarging its scope. The annual subscription to the Journal is Rs. 20, and may be paid to The Superintendent, Indian Antiquary, British India Press, Mazagon, Bombay, or to Messrs. Bernard Quaritch, Ltd., 11, Grafton Street, New Bond Street, London, W. Donations may be sent to Lt.-Col. Sir R. C. Temple, Bart., [c/o Lloyd's Bank, Ltd. (Messrs. Henry S. King & Co.), 9, Pall Mall, London), who as chief editor and director will have the controlling voice in the management of the Indian Antiquary Ltd.
(Signed) R. C. TEMPLE,
R. E. ENTHOVEN,
S. M. EDWARDES,
Directors, Indian Antiquary Ltd.

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Page #11


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Plate III.
INDIA OFFICE SANSKRIT MS. No. 1106, 13A. The Prakṛta-Kalpataru of Kama-sarman (Tarkavägisa).
শক্তি : আমাৰ মভি হত বিদ্রোণিতপত্র শেকল লারক্ষার নান ২৩। মাতার মজার একি মধাম ও ছাতেষা মধুমাামীতি বেশি দাবি
দাহরণংপুরনকাৰ: কাকে বাধ ON কাত মানিক দেশে মৃত মাস বাদের পেক্ষাপদীয়া বিশেষ করেনি তাননে বর্ষাযাবিহাশ: আমারা তুলি পরপক্ষতাবিহা প্রকলা। অনাথ গতো ও চাপা বিধোয়ী দিয়ে যথাগিবিশতি এই নারী ::
নাি
গ্রাম কেন্দ্র বা দেননি বর্বর এই
Folio 45a
Indian Antiquary
1945
তার এ ভালোবার বল বোকামাঃঠোকীযাদিগ দিতাম ৰয়ান ভাষা সামাবাদিভিয়াই বিধি ববিতাও তাদের কষ্ট এক বিধায় নিমান কাজ শ এই সোনাগৰ প্ৰাকৃত বানাযা মাতছাঃ কবিতা পুষতে ত রথমবাদে মোর পাতাও সুজার মাগধীতা বৈদি শোষন শব্দই বহন নিজেকে কৃমি কবিত বহনাকি নাকানী জানি বা গ্রামেতে দোষট পদানিয়া। শানারিকা প্ৰাধিক শুট্ট কাদি কার্নাজি কাবে করি শাষণ। দেশী পদাান্য ব
কেন আি
Folio 45b
Folio 46a
কাদাযাদা দ
মিলা
মধ্যদেখা্যাদেমৗজুরী সম্ভবনাসুদে ॥ আলো বিধানস্য বিপর্যায়ণ পাশ্চান জায়ছেন পর্যসেন। বৈজ্ঞানি কীনামত কার ছদা কাঞ্চীও এওঁ বহানা পদিষ্টা। পারাবত শক্তিদন্তি এন্ধেশীর ভাষাপদ প্রযোগাও নেসা বিশেষ দিহ সম্প্রদিক্ষাভেদোদামতিহার পর ১০। ইতিআঞ্চত শামান জাফর শদক পেশাটি কানিধিবিধানি শুদ্ধ কাৰাষাদল মাখানি তানি তেরাদি মাম কমা শুরু" নকী এমন ওকে মাছঃধর্ম কোকম পৌশাচ মঝোত : সোনা। সে মাত্র বাস প্রথম তেীযৌদি একটা মাইর নিখোজ নামৌ মা দেলোর সংখ্যাও শরযো ষ্ট কর্মন্যাপিদ না কথিতো নকারঃ ভোাদিষুর্য্যবিক্ষত সন্যদানাদি ঈস্য নিৰূপনীয়ঃ বন্ধাদিকে যুক্ত বিকর্ষ মাই গৃহে কিছু তত্ত্বদিবে শিবচ্চ। কষ্টের থাষ্ট্যাট পৃথিসং শোনাও পৃথুদ্ধবিক বাংলা ছিল
ম?
C. WHITTINGHAM & GRIGGS, LTD, COLL

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH
VOLUME LII-1923
THE APABHRAMSA STABAKAS OF RAMA-SARMAN (TARKAVAGISA).
BY SIR GEORGE A. GRIERSON, K.C.I.E. (Continued from Vol. LI, p. 28.)
Fol. 44b.
I
thakastapitishatab palaavab ayātprēṇaṇārddhaṁviśērddhärū( 6 )ḍalpunavälşövihndriërdvaud kakhaprapsăvapi nityasyaivavadantidakakhadavasau panarnigaditalekvőthavaños vraj || 29 |
stipmastimēḥ syacoavairvvaccaḥ stha(7)payatēḥ
.
Metre, Sardülavikriḍita,
|
thakkas tha api tisthateh', paisavah syat 'prena' sârdham 'viser' dharundaḥ punar 'asiser', iha 'dráér' dvau dekkha-pummāv api, nicy asyaiva vadanti dākkha-darasau, timmas timeḥ' syac ca vai, vaccaḥ 'sthapayaten' punar nigaditas cavo, 'tha vañca 'vraje' Mk. 67, thakka-stha-; 71, pasava pravis-; 73, āruņņa āśliṣ-; 64, pumma- and dekkha-dré-; 65, dakkha-darśaya-; 75, tia- stim-, tim-; 76, thava- and thakkavasthapaya-; 70, vañca- vraj. These are the readings of the printed Edition. The MSS. differ.
|| 29 ||
=
The following are dhatv-ādētas.
Sanskrit.
stha- of tisthati
pravis.
ati-(1 adli-)
dyś
dariaya
tim
=
Apabhraméa.
thakka- or [3] tha.. païsava.
dharunda- (? āruṇṇa-)
dekkha- or pumma
dakkha- or darasatimma
vacca- or cava- (? thāva-) vanica
sthapaya- of sthapayati
vraj
Of the above, vacca- is also doubtful. Usually vaccai-kankṣati or vrajati. With vanca-, of. Sindhi vañan", Lahnda vañjun, to go.
Fol. 44b.
grhögrahoviha mucāmu amukkamella bollavadevatha kṛñaḥ kavasadi(Fol. 45a.)śanti | Anavamaniyutaniyōṇicicatra akakhamacakṣatēḥ satṛmatastu sastikālē ||30|
Metre, Vasantatilaka,
gunho 'graher', iha 'muco' mua mukka mella, bollo 'vader', atha 'krah' kara adisanti
anavam 'ão-yuta-niyo' pici, câtra akkham
'acakṣatēḥ', satṛ matas tu sas trikālē
w
|| 30 ||
Mk. 68, gunha-= grah-; 74, mukka-, mua-, mulla-muo-; 63, bolla- = vad-; 69, karakṛ-; 77, anava ani-; 66, cakkha acaks-; 62, sarvadi satṛ.
There is a short syllable missing in the fourth line. mato bahulas would fill the lacuna, but is a violent emendation.

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Dhatu-ādēsas-continued.
grah
muc
vad
kry
ānāyaya
acaks
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
āṇāva
akkha
The present participle is used [as a finite verb] in all three times,-present, past, and
future.
With akkha- compare Sindhi, Panjabi, and old Hindi akh-, tell.
gunha
mua, mukka- or mella
bolla
kara
Fol. 45a.
tömatōnna (1)suhihica padanyahu (2)ryathāsaṁkhyatastvät&madhunimivitiyab 1
dastadarthônvitāḥ
dvitryadye duitinnicāvinamayāvā(?)hunyatityōditam tatrō(3)dāhavaṇaṁ puvātanakavõḥ kavyoşuvōdhyam vudhaiḥ || 31 ||
[ JANUARY, 1923
Iityapabhrachiastavakab []*]
34 The three initial aksaras may also be read temōta or tēmēto or tomātā.
15 The doubtful akṣara su may also be read mu or sva or mva.
16 The doubtful aksara hu may also be read du. Metre, Šārd ülavikriḍita,
----
to, mo, tanna [1 tenni], (?) suēhi [? achi], ehi ca padany ahur yatha samkhyatas 'tvam', 'tēṣām', 'adhuna', 'amībhir' iti ye sabdās tadarthânvitaḥ 'dvi-try-adye' dui, tinni, cari, na maya (?)vahunyatityôditam
I
tatrôdaharanam puratana-kavēḥ kävyēsu bodhyam budhaiḥ
Ility apabhramsa-stabakaḥ ||||
Prakrit. tō
mō
(1) lenni
(1) achi
Chim
dui
tinni
cāri
|| 31 ||
There is something wrong in the first two lines of this verse. In the second line no Sanskrit equivalent is given for the Prakrit mo. The corresponding passage in Mk. 78 has "tvam to, mam mō, tēṣām tenni". I am unable to suggest certain emendations for suehi and vahuny. The latter looks like some form of bahulya.
The following Apabhraméa words occur in the meanings respectively set opposite them :
Sanskrit.
tvām.
[mām].
tēṣām.
adhună.
amibhiḥ (1 Ebhiḥ).
dvi-.
tri-.
[catur-].
The intelligent can find examples of these in the poems of the old poet. [Who the old poet' is does not appear. He is probably Pingala.] Bo ends the Chapter on [Nagara] Apabhra més.
Fol. 45a.
Mk. 78,
athavrāvaḍākhyāmapabhramsabhraṣām vadāmaḥ prasi(4)ddhātu săsindhudējē amṛtānāgavādēva siddhastadiyā visēṣannayatrōoyatē lakṣma tasyönti
The enti at the end is superfluous.
#L

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JANUARY, 1923
THE APABHRAMSA STABAKAS OF RÄMA-SARMAN
Metre, Bhujangaprayāta, --- -- ------ atha Vrācadakhyām Apabhramsabhāsām
Mk. xviii, 1. vadāmah, prasiddhā tu sā Sindhudēsē smrtā Nāgarād ēva siddhis tadiyā
viśēan na yatrocyatē lakṣma tasyah 11 |
We now proceed to describe the Apabhramba Bhāsă called “Vracada', which is current in the Sindhu country. Its basis is recorded as being nothing but Nagara, especially when no definite rule is laid down for it.
This indicates that any changes recorded in this section are not changes from
Sanskrit, but are changes from "Nāgara Apabhramsa. Fol. 45a. tānacyatra vasarayövihasabah2(5)prayõjyo bhftyöpavanastāvihatuprakrtyä antyasthayadhavagatautucajauvidhēyau dvitvē yathāgivišatiychanadvi avay(6)jjē || 2 ||
17 In ihasasab the akşara sa is superfluous. Metre, Vasantatilakā, ---- - --- tālavya ēva sa-kayõr iha bah prayojyo;
Mk, 3. bhịtyâparēsu ra-Țtāv iba tu prakrtya
Mk. 4. antahstha-yâdhara-gatau tu ca-jau vidh@yau .
Mk, 2. dvitvē, yathā (?)païsadi yechalahia rayijë
1121 Only the palatal é may be used, in place of 8 and . In this dialect an original r or is preserved, except in the words bhrtya- and others. When the letters e (including ch) and [? including ih] are doubled, the semi-vowel y is prefixed, as in (?) paisadi yocha. lahia rayjje (=Nāgara paisadi cchalahia rajje=pravišati cchala-bhitō rājyê].
It is unnecessary to mention the letter in the first line, as it does not occur in Nāgara.
As examples of the gana bhrtyadi, Mk. gives niccan (ntyam), kiccan's (krtyam), and kiccā kılyā). The emendation of givisati to pāisadi (cf. the next verse) is conjectural. Although not so written, the scribe certainly meant the chon yochala to be doubled. He always represents this doubled cch by ch, even in Sanskrit passages. Mk. makes the prefixing of y to c and j universal, and not only when
these letters are doubled. Fol. 45a. dadhayõh svavasēratadanasyāt ubhayāḥkiñcaţādaumataupadādau dasanādişudothasõji (?) sva 38saivētyabhidhāne(7)khanundu mahakhadgē | 31 28 The doubtful ak sara sva is superfluous in the metre and is difficult to read. Metre, Aupacchandasika,
------- da-dhayāḥ stara-sēşatā ca na syāt
Not in Mk. albayog kirca ta-dau (?-thau) matau pada dau L C f. Mk. 5. 'da anadişu' do, 'tha sõji 'saivéty'
Mk. 5, 6. abhidhānē khalu [kha Indum āha 'kha Igē
|| 31 Mk, 7. There can be no elision of [modial] d or(substitution of h) for (medialj dh. But, when initial, they become and d [? th), respectively. In the words daiana- eto. [the initial d becomes ] . In this dialect, the word sõji is used as the equivalent of the Sanskrit saiva, and, as regards khadgah, it becomes khandur.
In dealing with d and dh, we must remember that our basis is Nägart: In that dialect, an original d and dh follow the usual Prakrit rules, and, when medial, they are elided and changed to h respectively. In Vråcada, this does not occur, an original medial d and dh remaining unchanged. But, in Nagara (see verse 2 of the preceding chapter), & medial d or dh represents an original t or th, respectively.

Page #16

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[ JANUARY, 1923
,
These also remain unchanged. Thus, in Vrioada, a medial d may represent an original d or an original t, and a medial dh may represent an original dh or an original th.
But, when initial, the case is different. An initial d represents only an original d, and an original dh represents only an original dh, just as in Nagara. Our author here states that an initial d becomes and an initial dh becomes d (? k). The words daśana- etc. form an exception, as in them the initial d becomes d. It is to be regretted that our author gives no examples of his rules, for they differ widely from those of Mk.
The corresponding sâtra of Mk. (xviii, 5) states that initialt and d optionally become ! and d respectively. He gives as examples tāvivijaï or tiiviyijai (tāpyatē] and damano or damano (damanah).
If, in our present verse, we were to read ta-thayõk, instead of da-dhayoh, we should be told that initial i and th became and a (? th), respectively, and that in certain words initial d became d. This would to a certain extent agree with Mk. but would be entirely unauthorized by the MS., in which the dadhayoh is exceptionally clear.
In the last line of the verse, the metre shows that the syllable kha has been
omitted. Fol. 45a. tuyobhröpanabhurmata ktèvru võ vrönetöprātitah syurvayễrvarhamhuh yadanyattutatasamskytaṁsau (Fol. 456) vasēnimahāvästra bh Asaca samsadhayanti | 4 |
Metre, Bhujangaprayāta, --- -- --- -- bhavo' bho, punar bhür matah ktē, bruvo 'bro, Mk. 8, 10.
na bho práditah syur, 'vrsēr varham āhuht Mk. 8, 9. yad anyat tu tat Samskytań Saurasēni.
Mk. 11. Mahārāßtra-bhāsē ca samsādhayanti Dhātv-ādēšas -
The root bhu- becomes bho-, but in the past participle it is bhu-, nor does it become bho- when preceded by the prepositions pra etc.
The root brü-becomes broThe root vro becomes varha-.
Any other [roots) are provided for by Sanskrit and by the Saurasēni and Mahārāştri Bhāṣās.
For prabhavati, Mk. gives pahavai as the corresponding form. For varha-, Mk.
has vahaFol. 45b. upanagavamatrasaṁskstāta ubbayövähuvanantavöktayoh
This verse is not numbered in the MS., and possibly the second half is missing. The word sanskrtāta is an evident copyist's slip for sankarāt. Metre, Viyogini, - - - -
Upanāgaram atra sankarad
Mk. 12. ubhayor āhur anantarøktayoh
We are told that Upanagara is derived from a mixture of these two dialects, as just described, one after the other. tākkibhrat'vānigaditātha(2)nuyävibhāṣā sināgavādibhivapitribhivanvitācēt tāmēvatakkavirayê nigadantitakkāpabhramsa maētadvadāhavanaṁgavē(3)ạyaṁ | 6
19 The ak ara bhra is not clear, and may be intended for pra(pu).

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JANUARY, 1923)
THE APABHRAM SA STABAKAS OF RÅMA-ŠARMAN
Metre, Vasantatilakā, ----- - - -- Tākki purā nigaditä khalu yā vibhāşā
Comm. to Mk, 12. sā Nagaradibhir api tribhir anvitā cēt tām ēva Takka-visayē nigadanti Tākka
pabhrathsam atra tad-udāharanarn gavēşyam | 6 | In the preceding portion of the work the author has described the Täkki Vibhāgā. He now explains that the sākka Apabhramsa is merely this when mixed wp with
the three kinds of Apabhramsa (Nägara, Vrāoada, and Upanāgara) just described.
If the Täkki Vibhāṣā formerly described [III, xii, 27 ff.] is mixed with the three kinds of Apabhramśa,- Nāgara and so on, it is called sākka Apabhraíśa, and is spoken in the Takka country, where examples of it are to be sought for. .
Mk, reproduces verses 6-13, dealing with the minor forms of Apabhramba, in prose in the comm. to xviii, 12. According to him (seo preface to his grammar and xvi, 2), the difference between a Vibhāṣā and Apabhramsa is that the former is used only in dramas, while the latter is not used in dramas. In his preface, he gives the following list of Apabbraṁsa dialects. He quotes it from an unnamed author, possibly Rāma-sarman; for the first page of the MS. of the Prākstakalpataru, which is quite fragmentary, appears to contain stray portions of a similar list. Mk's list is as follows:
Vracado Lāça-Vaidarbhāv Upanāgara-Nagarau Barbar' vantya-Pascala-Takka-Mālava-Kaikayāb Gaud'-Audhra (sic)-(+)Vaiva-Păscătya-Pāņdya-Kauntala-Sainhhalah 1 Kilingya-Pracya-Kärnäta-Kāñoya-Drāvida-Gaurjarah Abhiro Madhyadēbīyah sūksma-bheda-vyavasthitäh saptavimsaty-apabhramsā Vaitāládi-prabhēdatah
In the above, the word 'Vaiva' should perhaps be 'Haiva'. In verse 29 of the Preface to the Şad-bhāsa-candrikā, Lakşmidhara mentions a "Haiva' form of Paisāci.
Referring to the above list, Mk. goes on to say :Nigaro Vrācadas c'-Opanāgaras cêti tē trayab
Apabhrambab parē sūkşma-bhēdatvān na pithan matäb |
(with the comm.) ēsu trişv anyēşām antarbhāvan tatraiva vaksymab N Fol. 45b. yênigavawrioadakadayātrāpabhramsabhēdāhkathitāpuvastata tadvadvikegāárayaņēna påīcālikādayovisati(4)ataēva
71 Metre, Upajāti, -- --- -- yo Nagara. Vrāca lakádayo 'tra
pabhramsa-bhēdāh kathitāb purastāt 1 tad-vad visēşásrayaņēna Pañcā
likadayo vitsatir anyà éva Just as writers have in the first place told of the various kinds of Apabhrachse -Nagara, Vrācada, and so on,-, as described herein; so, if we class them according to special charaotoristios, there are twenty others, --Viz. Päxtcalika and so on.
We shall see, from verse 13, that there is another principle of classification of Apabbramba which may also be employed. It is a classification, not according to special characteristios, but according to the local dialect of the dosya words borrowed by it.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[ JANUARY, 1923
Fol. 45b. avādiididhabunātrapa cânta bhūmnāthanumagadhisyāt vaida virbhakkannaghanärh vadanti nāțitusa(5)mbödhanababdabhrmnā 18
Metre. Upajāti, as before, avādi i-di-bah ulatra Panca
[likā), tu-bhūmniso khalu Māgadhi syāt, Vaidarbhikām alla-ghana vadanti,
Lāți tu sambödhana-sabda-bhūmni. 1811 30 I follow Lassen in correcting bhumna throughout to bhūmni.
For Pañcālika, Mk. gives only di. He omits i. I have emended the pancanta of the MS. to pasicalika tu with the aid of Mk. For magadhi, Mk. has mälavi, which is probably the right reading also here. For Vaidarbhikā, Mk. has ulla instead of alla.
It has been said, in this regard, that Pancālikā is distinguished by the frequency with which it uses the terminations i and di.
[At the present day, the pleonastic terminations da and di are very commonly used in North Rājputānā. ] In Māgadhi, the word tu is frequently used.
It is a curious fact that, at the present day, the Magahi dialect of Bihari is noted for the frequent use of another word, rē, -a fact which is sufficiently important to be enshrined in local proverbs. Elsewhere, re is a contemptuous interjection. In Magabi, it can be used quite politely, and its polite use by a speaker of Magahi is said often to result in violent quarrels with people who do not speak the dialect.]
Vaidarbhi is full of the pleonastic termination alla-[i ulla-). Läti is remark.
able for the number of interjections of address. Fol. 46b. audrituiõvahunaniddhistyäkaikėyikāvipsitasabdabhrmnam Bamāsabhūyiṣthapad&tugaudidakä(6)vabhrógākilakontanisyat | 9 |
Metre, Upajati, as before. - Audri tu i-o-bah ala nidietā,
Kaikāyikā vipsita-sabda-bhūinni, samāsa-bhūyiştha-padā tu Gaudi, da-kāra-bhamni kila Kauntali syāt
1 9 11 For Audri, Mk, has Audhri, and says it is ikärôkārabahula, i.e. full of i and u, not of i and o.
Audri is described as noteworthy for the predominance of i and o [1ū]. (There is nothing like this in modern Oriya.)
In Kaikeyi, words are commonly repeated to express continuation, distribution, eto. Gaudi is rich in compoond words [Cf. the well-known Sanskrit Gaudi riti.)
Kauntali, forsooth, abounds in the pleonastic suffix da. Fol. 45b. ēkāvabhrmniniravácipāndi syata saippalīsamyutavarnabhrmna kanjigajābimkhaci tâbhibhū(7)mnā prācyātasővattapadāvilamba | 10 |
Metre, Upajāti, as before. e-kāra-bhemni niravāci Pandi,
syåt Salppal sa iyuta-varna-bhūmni, 1 Kalinga-ja hith-khacitábhibhūmni,
Prāoya tu Soratta-padávalamba | 10 | Mk. has pandya for pandi, and saimhali (probably correot) for saippali. Bonafta is distinct in the MS. Mk. here has Pracyā tad-debiya-bhasádhyā, which, it will be remembered, is in prose, not in metre.

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JANUARY, 1923)
THE APABHRAMA STABAKAS OF RAMA-SARMAN
Pandyā has been described as full of the letter ē. Saippali ( Saimhall) is rich in compound consonanta. Kāliigi is replete with the syllable him. But Prãoyā is dependent on words of Saurastra.
Regarding the form Söratta, of. Marahatla in verse 18 of the Nāgara section. If the text is correct, it is extraordinary that words of Saurastra, in the extreme West of India, should be found in an eastern dialect. Mk's account,--that it is
full of eastern dēsya words,- is much more probable.] FOL. 45b. abhivikäpräyikabhattakādi karņodikāvē phaviparyyayēņa dēsipadānyēvatu(Fol. 46a)madhyadēśyāsyādgaurijavisamskrtasabdabhūmnă || 11 ||
Metre, Upajāti, as before. Abhirika prāyika-bhaftakddi,
Karnatikā rēpba-viparyayānā. desi-padany ēva tu Madhyadēbyā,
gyad Gaurjari Samakta-sabda-bhūmni 11 | Abhiri commonly uses titles of respect, such as bhaftaka and so forth. Kārnāti is distinguished by the change of the letter (for l] [or, ? by metathesis of r). But Madhyadēśyā employs only the dēsys words of the country in which it is spoken)
Gaurjari is full of Sanskrit words. Fol. 46a. syäddrāviļinasyaviparyyayēņa pāścātyajāsyādranaparyyayēņa vaitānikilāmata (2)kivabhūmná kāñcītuña Ivahulopadistyä | 12
31 The second á in the second line is evidently meant for 88. These two initial letters, when written clous together, as in the present case, form a badly written ia.
Metre, Upajāti, as before. syad Drivide lasya viparyayēna,
Pābcātya-jā syad ra-la-paryayēņa, 1 Valtallki-náma ta-kara-bhamni,
Kūlici tu e-o-bahulopa diştā || 12 il For Dråvidt, Mk, says rēpha-vyatyayēna. For Pascātyä, he says ra-la-G? ra-la-) ha-bhänk vyatyayēna. For Vaitāliki, he says Pha-(or some MSS. da-) kära-bahula. Drividi is distinguished by the change of 1 [for r) (or, ?, by metathesis of 1). P&botyk is distinguished by the mutual interchange of and I. Vaitaliki is fall of the letter * [? dh). But Kafici is described as having irregularly the letters & and o.
Regarding the changes of and I in this and the preceding verse, it will be remembered that in Magadhi Prakrit and its connected dialeotaris regularly changed to l as in Kärnāti. The same change ooours in Saurasēni Paisāci, while in
Pañali Palhacir and I are mutually interchangeable, as in Pasoátyā. Fol. 46 pavēpysvabhrana sabhidastitattaddhesiyabhāgā padasaṁprayõgät nasā vidēg dib a(3)aada pradiatábhēdöya dasyāmatidurnipab
|| 13 | 11 itipråkftasimanovracadadyapabhraíbastavakahill
Metre, Upajati, as before. pard 'py Apabbra msa-bhidā 'sti tattad
désiya-bhs-pada-ssprayógāt na să visāgad iba sa pradiată
bhodo yad asyām ati durviskal]pah 113 | iti Prāksta-basano Vrloadedy-Apabhraíbastabakah #

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Mk, here says tēşdde ta-bhāņā-vibhedät. Iti tēnaiva (1. e. apparently our present author, from whom he is quoting) ukłatvát. évan-vidha-bheda-hētu-kalpanë sahasradhapi valtum Sakyatvät. tasmad yuklam ultam :
vēdyå vidagdhair aparās tat-tad-dēšanusāratah.' Therd is also another system of classifying the various kinds of Apabhramba, viz. according to its use of the dësya words of each partioular country in which it is spoken. This is not shown in detail in the present work, as it is very diffioult to determine the division nocording to this classification.
Mk.'s concluding remarks are to the same effect. In the above verses, the various Apabhrasa dialects are classified according to the peculiar characteristios of each. As Apabhramsa was a literary language used over the whole of India, it was also liable to be contaminated by the presence of looal dasya words, and these, provide another and distinct basis of classification. The author apparently is referring to the account of local dialects given by Bharats (xvii, 68ff.) as follows:
gangasagara-machyê tu yē dësāh samprakortitäh ēkāra-bahulāṁ tēşu bhāsām taj-jñaḥ prayõjayēt |58 || vindhyasāgara-madhyê tu yē dēśāḥ śrutim ăgatāb nakāra-bahulām tēşu bhāsām taj-jah prayõjayēt | 59 | surăstråvanti-dēśēşu vētravaty-uttarēşu ca yē dośās tēņu kurvita cakāra-bahulam iba
|| 60 | himavat-sindhusauvirän yē oa desah samāśritab ukāra-bahulām taj-jñas tēşu bhāsām prayõjayēt | 61 || oarmaņvatinedī-pārē yë cârbuda-samāśritäh takāra-bahula nityam tēmu bhāsāṁ prayõjayēt
116211 58. As for the lands which are grouped together as between the Ganges and the sea, the skilled author should employ a language which is full of the letter ē. [Of. Pandya and Kāñci in verses 10 and 12, ab.)
59. As for those lands which we hear of as between the Vindhya and the sea, the skilled author will employ a language which is full of the letter n (t in which n is substituted for l].
80. As for the countries of Surastra and Avanti, and those which lie north of the Vētravati, he should here make the language] full of the letter ca.
61. As for those lands which are in the neighbourhood of the Himalaya, and of the Sindhu-Sauviras, the skilled author should employ a language full of the lettor . [Cf. Audri, v. 9, ab.)
62. As for those whose home is the far side of the river Carmancati and near Mount Arbuda, he should always employ a language full of the letter ta. (Cf. Vaitāliki, v. 12, ab.)
It will be observed that not a single statement of Bharata &grees with the statements in Rama-sarman's classification.
If we assume that Rama-sarman's 'Māgadhi' in verse 8 is the same language as that referred to as Malavi' by Mk. and that his Saippall' in verse 10 corresponds to Mk.'s 'Saimhali', then, including Nāgara, Vracada, Upanagara, and Takka, ho has described twenty-four out of the twenty-seven given by Mk. in the list above quoted. The three that he has not described are Barbara, Avanta, and (1) Vaiva. Neither are these desoribed by Mk, in the prose passage corresponding to verses 6-13 above. We have therefore no information regarding them, beyond their mero namos.
(To be continued.).

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JANUARY, 1923 ]
THE ORIGIN, ETC., OF THE VIJAYANAGARA EMPIRE
THE ORIGIN, GROWTH AND DECLINE OF THE VIJAYANAGARA EMPIRE. BY C. R. KRISHNAMACHARLU, B.A. (Continued from Vol. LI, p. 235.)
The reigns of Mallikarjuna and his brother Virûpâksha were rather short and filled only with differences in the royal family and the infirmities of the rulers. In the reign of the former there was a combined attack on the Vijayanagara capital by the Gajapati kings of Orissa and the Muhammadan kings of Bahmanî. This was repulsed by the Sâļuva chief Narasimha, who was then ruling over the eastern country. About the same time Kânchi was invaded by the Pânḍyas from the south. These were all indications of the weakness which marked the hold of the central power over distant provinces and the capital, too, at times. The prestige of the state was maintained by the Sâluva in the north. What really happened in the south is not clearly known. It is certain at any rate that the king was growing weak and powerless and that a powerful commander and local governor, who was also the far-seeing minister, could wield the destinies of the empire. Sâļuva Narasimha, who had attained to a hero's fame by his repulsion of the two enemies from the north, took into his hands the whole government. The Sâluvas were already relations of the royal family. During the time of Dêvaraya II, Sâluva Tipparâja, the father of Gôparaja and a brotherin-law of the king, was the viceroy over the Tekkal country. And Sâluva Narasimha's assumption of the de facto regal position was but the precursor of a political phenomenon like the rule of Aliya Râmarâja in Sadasiva's time about the middle of the sixteenth century.
The expression Usurpation' may jar on the ears of the advocates of strict succession. Still usurpers are not always to be denounced. If the last members of a ruling family happen to be successively unfit to wield the reins of the government and if the imperial interests are certain thereby to be jeopardised, a usurper is to be welcomed. And the fact that the usurper continues to rule on under exactly the previous conditions is but the testimony to the legitimacy of his assumption. An honest, just and judicious usurper has as much title to the historian's respect as a later ruling family has. If the Vijayanagara dynasty has risen to prominence and illumined the pages of South-Indian history, it is because the earlier houses, namely the Chôla, the Pandya and the Hoysala, had degenerated. The continuity of the state is maintained by such judicious replacements and assumptions. Political philosophy has a good word even for the 'tyrants' of Greece.
Saluva Narasimha assumed royal titles about A.D. 1484. There were many circumstances favourable to his ascendency for some time. From A.D. 1375 the south had been independently held by the Så uva chief Gopa-Tippa. Narasimha himself had been minister under three successive sovereigns, viz., Praudha Dêvaraya, Virâpâksha and Mallikarjuna. To a long ministerial experience and the resultant influence in the state he added the glories of a conqueror and a defender of the capital, which naturally made him the fittest and so the most popular leader of the state in the decadent stage of the hereditary line of kings. During his ministry and his rule the kingdom itself was known to foreigners as 'the kingdom of Narasimha,' because of his domination over it for a peaceful and prosperous period of 44 years.
The Saluva dynasty, too, had a brief period of rule and yielded place to the Tuluva dynasty to which Krishnaraya belonged. The ascendency of the latter was also the result of the weakness of the departed dynasty. Minister ousted minister, usurper ousted usurper, but only with the intention of maintaining the state in its ancient integrity, strength and glory. Such successions as these were but the medieval manifestations of the operations of the law of the 'rule of the hero' as against the 'rule of the heir.'

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Thus, from A.D. 1336 to about A.D. 1506, i.e., for about 170 years, the Vijayanagara Empire had gone through a process of consolidation and expansion. Internally it was, generally speaking, strong. Though the ruling person and family occasionally proved unequal to the task, the organising ani governing resources of the state were yet strong. Throughout the whole of Southern India from the Konkan in the west to Kanchi in the east, and from Udayagiri in the north to Tinnevelly in the south, the Vijayanagara rule had been known, though appreciated only in parts.
The idea of an All-South Indian sovereignty, with its centre at Vijayanagara, had now come to be felt and realised, though certain local ruling families were awaiting an opportunity to shake off its supremacy. The occasional troubles in the royal family and in the capital, owing to disputed but soon-settled successions in the one case, and to powerful but repulsed foreign attacks by the Muhammadans and their allies in the other, conjured up ideas of independence in the representatives of such local families. But the time - was soon to come when the brand of the Vijayanagara supremacy was to be set upon the whole of Southern India. During the period consolidation progressed mainly in the western, southern and eastern parts of the peninsula; the north was almost always out of its dominion. The Bahmini Muhammadans and the Gajapatis of Orissa were generally in league against the rising southern power.
The Period of Expansion. The imperial enterprise and aspirations of the Vijayanagara house till the close of the fifteenth century were limited to the conquest of the country between the Malprabha and the Bhima rivers in the north and the Kaveri on the south. This part of the country had been already consolidated to a great extent. In the earlier days of the empire the chief concern of the rulers was to resist the attacks of the Muhammadans from the north and save the capital with the peninsular dominions attached to it. During this period of defensive conquest, the forts of Raichur and Mudkal had many . time passed under their rule. But with the opening of the sixteenth century the Vijayanagara monarch framed and undertook a military policy which was very far-sighted and venturesome. The permanent conquest of Raichur and Mudkal on the Bahmini frontier was held absolutely necessary for keeping back the encroachments of the Muhammadans. The policy was intended to handicap the enemy's resources and attempts by planting military outposts in his lands. This long. cherished and much-emphasised conquest could not be effectively carried out before two decades of the sixteenth century had passed. Krishnaraya adopted the military and political testaments of his predecessor and executed them to the letter. He not only fulfilled but improved upon them. The Adil Shahi capital, viz., Bijapur fell into his hands. But Krishnaraya's rule did not begin so prosperously. Rebellions were springing up. Encroachments had taken place. The former had to be quelled and the latter get back. The Um. mattur chiefs of Maisur laid claim to the lordship of Penugonda. Krishnaraya, as the first step in his conquering career, put them down. This was enough to ring the note of his greatness and that of Vijayanagara supremacy throughout the south. To the east he made three expeditions, by which the provinces of Udayagiri and Kondavidu were recovered to the Vijayanagara crown. Successively his conquests and dominions extended into Kalinga, the modern Gaijam and Vizaga patam districts. Cuttack is also claimed among his conquestb. In his day the Vijayanagara Empire reached its widest boundaries. These conqueste dealt a severe blow to the Golkonda Musselmans and their ally, the Gajapatis of

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JANUARY, 1923] THE ORIGIN, ETC., OF THE VIJAYANAGARA EMPIRE
Orissa. But his conquest and occupation of Bijapur is the crowning event of his glorious military career. No part of the presidency is there, where his inscriptions are not found. During his time the Hindu as well as Muhammadan adversaries in the north of the Vijayanagara Empire had their beards singed in their own strongholds.
11
Krishnarâya was not merely a conqueror and general but also a sagacious and farseeing statesman. His personality commanded a glorious literary homage from contemporary poets and the highest personal regard from his vassals. With the Araviti family, a member of which had formerly helped Sâļuva Narasimha a great deal in the firm establishment of his kingdom, Krishnarâya formed marriage relations. Râmarâja and Ti amala, the later ministers and masters of the Vijayanagara state, were his sons-in-law. The other families also were kept warmly attached to him. About ten ruling families of the Telugu and Kanarese provinces were his devoted supporters and participated in his conquests and administration. With these commanding and attractive qualities he combined a delicate sense of chivalrous honour for his captive adversaries. The Gajapati prince who had resisted his attacks on Udayagiri and Kondaviḍu was taken a political prisoner. But as the next diplomatic step Krishnarâya made him the Governor of a Kanarese province in Maisur. He was also much sought after by the Portuguese of Goa, who in other reigns were either challenging or setting at nought the power of the Vijayanagara king.
With Krishnaraya passed away the days of expansion. Consolidation again occupied the attention of the ruler in Achyutarâya's time. The extreme south of the peninsula revolted. A special expedition under the personal command of the Vijayanagara emperor quelled the rebellion. The Portuguese of Goa declared their independence. Achyutadêva was of much softer stuff than Krishnaraya. He was mostly led by his brother-in-law in the Government of the Empire. Family dissensions broke out after his death. But the interest of the Government and the maintenance of its ancient glory brought to the front the political genius of Râmaraja, the son-in-law of Krishna the Great and the brother-inlaw of Sadasiva the Mild, the successor of Achyuta. He was one of the greatest ministers of the Vijayanagara throne. In his time the empire was almost in the same glorious condition as in Krishna's time. The Bahmini kingdoms in their political vicissitudes very often appealed to and got a mediatory help from him. In many a treaty between any two of these Muhammadan states he had a voice the very powerful voice-of the arbitrator. This reminds us strongly of the position of England as an arbitrator in the European continental affairs in the time of Henry VIII. His greatness was acknowledged by his contemporary sovereigns. He had a great genius for organisation and command at home and effective diplomacy abroad. If the battle of Talikôta succeeded it was during a providential moment of union among the bickering Bahmini kingdoms; for before and after the event these were ever divided amongst themselves. Even the loss of the battle with the fall of this pillar of Vijayanagara is by some Muhammadan contemporary writers attributed to a plot laid by two Muhammadan employees in Ramaraja's army. Ramaraja had but shortly before offended Muhammadan susceptibilities by the misuse of their sacred places at a time of friendly but advantageous occupation of their territory. Vengeance was intended and wreaked. Vijayanagara the capital town, the 'like of which was not known elsewhere in the mediaeval world,' changed its face. The cloud of desolation rose on her skies. Like Ayodhya after the withdrawal of R&ma, Vijayanagara remained desolate and disconsolate. The old royal line had become almost extinct. And like the Saluvas, the Aravitis, who were relations of the royal family by marriage, assumed the crown. Though after 1565 the city of Vijayanagara might not have been the same famous city of yore, the Amaravat! of the times, the Vijayanagar Empire did not end then. For fully a century later, its supremacy was willingly recognised in the south, and its memories lovingly enshrined in tradition and literature.

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Among the causes that led to its final decay and disappearance from the pages of history were :
(1) the weakness of the later members of the royal line ; (2) the rise of the Râjâs of Maisur to independence ; (3) the growing power of the Nayakâs of Madura and Tanjore who, though acknow.
ledging the sovereignty of the Karnata kings, were stronger than they ; (4) the Mussalman occupation of the country round Arcot, which was near Chandra
giri, the latest capital of the house ; (5) the Maratha occupation of Jinji in Sivaji's time and the unnational co-opera
tion of his successors in the south with the Mussalmans there against the
representatives of the Karnata line. Though the practical sovereignty of the Vijayanagara house passed away about the middle of the seventeenth century, a sentimental recognition of it survived even as late as A.D. 1790. This is a good testimony to its original power later greatness and popu. larity and to the respect accorded to it even in the days of its infirmity and decease.
Throughout the period of its powerful existence the Vijayanagara kingdom was but a member of a complex political group. From the fourteenth to the seventeenth centuries of the Christian era this political group consisted of the five Bahmini Mussalman kingdoms and the one growing Hindu kingdom of Vijayanagara. The former, though related to one another by the tie of common religion, were still divided by the law of rival kingdoms. It is a mistake to imagine that religion kept on the Muhammadan kingdoms in a settled line of political unselfishness towards one another. It cannot be said either that these kingdoms recognised any such potential larger commonwealth as the several members of the United States of America now recognise. Encroachments and aggrandisements were common among them. In such a political world, the Hindu kingdom of Vijayanagara had great scope for extending its political influence into the Bahmini zone. In the early part of the sixteenth century when the Bahmini kingdom underwent dissolution and five monarchies emerged from it, the Vijayanagara kings largely controlled the balance of power among the Bahmini states, just as the kings of England maintained a balance of power in the continent about the same period. While by its opposition to the advance of the Muhammadan conquests and civilisation into the south, this kingdom humanised and tamed the conquering and plundering instincts of the aliens, by its diplomatic influence on their politics it checked the rise of any one of these to extraordinary power to the detriment of the interests of the other kingdoms and of its own power. By keeping them at bay and reducing them to conditions of friendship or subordination, it familiarised them with the worthy features of Hindu life and civilisation, and consequently brought them into sympathy with it. As a result of this long period of contact the later Muhammadan conquests of the southern Peninsula wera not marked by the savage character of the earlier conquests. On the other hand, we find such political phenomena as the Muhammadan chief 'Ayinu'l-Mulk being a willing and brother-like vassal of Rama Raja and the Muhammadan king Ibrahîm of Golkonda staying with Rama Raja for some years in his court, as a result of which Ibrâhîm cultivated a strong taste for Telugu Literature and became in his later ruling days a patron of Telugu poetry. As a result of this appreciation of Hindu civilisation and character, Muhammadan kings even confirmed and granted numberless agraharas to Hindus. In this and other respects Vijayanagara bequeathed a humane and pro-Hindu policy to its Muhammadan successors. If the south as compared with the north of India bears to-day a lighter imprint of Islamic civilisation, it is because of the powerful existence for more than two centuries of this empire whose full history has yet to be written.

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JANUARY, 1923)
THE MULLAIPAI TU
THE MULLAIPĀTTU. (An Ancient Tamil Idyll.)
BY J. M. SOJASUNDRAM, B.A. The Tholledppiyam, the oldest and best Tamil Grammar extant and the most precious mine of information on the ancient Tamils, has a chapter on the Porul, or song of love and war, creating a series of laws for a correct' construction of life. In this it has been followed by the latest orthodox grammars.
In the first place a porul must consist of akam or internal subject and puram or external subiect. That is to say, the akam is concerned with love between two human souls brought together providentially or by chance, their joys and sorrows, hopes and fears their love undergoing no change whatever in the various vicissitudes of life. While the puram is concerned with nearly all the activities of human society primarily with war and the martial exploits of the people.
In the next place, for the purposes of a porul, the Tamil Country is divided into four divisions called thinai, vix., Kurinji (hill), Mullai (forest), Marutham (cultivated plain), Neithal (sea-board). Later a fifth, Pälai (desert) was added. Each of the above divisions is held to have its own characteristics as to outward features and setting, flora, fauna and climate, and as to inhabitants and their occupation and character. The people and chiefs, too, in each had special names; and further, the lovers in each had their peculiar and appropriate states of mind and behaviour, governed by surroundings, the time of the day and the season of the year. All this could never, however, be strictly adhered to, and a mingling of feelings and behaviour common to the whole world is not uncommonly met with in the songs.
In this way, the distinctive behaviour expected of a lover was illicit or secret union among the Kuravars of the hills (Kurinji), patience among the Idayers of the forests (Mullai, the divi sion we are now concerned with), sulks among the Ulavar of the cultivated plains (Marutham), pining among the Paravars of the sea-board (Neithal), and separation among the Maravars or Vedars of the deserts (Palai). Each division had its special deity. Muruga for the hill folk. Mal (Vishnu) for the forest folk, Indra for the agriculturist of the plains (Maruthamåkkal), Varuņa for the fishermen of the sea-board, and Durgå for the hunters of the deserts, for which term read jungles. Each division had, of course, its own peouliar occupations and marriage customs, determined by heredity and environment.
The main points requisite for the correct' setting of a porul, or ancient Tamil song of love and war, may be tabulated as follows:
Thinai or District.
Description of District,
Deity 1- of District.
People of District.
Description of People.
Characteristic attitude of Lovers,
1. Kurinji .. Hill tracts ..Muruga .. Kursvar .. Wild hillmen. Secret or Illicit
union. 2. Mullai .. Forests .. Mäl (Vishnu) Idayer Forest herds. Patience.
men. 3. Marutham. Cultivated Indra .. Ulavar (Ma. Cultivators..Sulks. plains.
ruthamik 4. Neithal .. Sea-board .. Varuņa .. Paravar ..Fishermen, Pining.
seamen and
merchants. 3. Palai .. Desert Durga Maravar or Huntsmen .. Separation.
Vedar.
kal).
Ma
jungles.

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Al this means that the ancient Tamils were recognised by themselves as consisting of wild men of the hills, herdsmen of the forests, cultivators of the plains, fishermen and sea. men of the coasts, and hunters of the jungles : each class with its inherited cult and customs This observation leads by way of corollary to the suggestion that the order in which the thinai, or districts, their descriptions and their people are placed, connotes successive stages in civic life. That is, the ancient Tamils passed from a primitive life to civilisation, successively from a wild life in the hills to a pastoral life in the forests, thence to an agricultural life in the well-watered plains and onwards to that of fishermen and seamen on the seaboard. including & high civilisation as merchant adventurers. Later on the hunter's life of the jungle was also recognised as a lifo apart.
As has been above shown, each of the stages in civilisation was held to have developed a characteristic temperament. A poet was therefore bound to set his song of love and war according to the district in which his story was placed, and the rules which bound him algo obliged him to add certain other items to the setting, which wore prescribed for him. Nevertheless, he was able, by attention to minute and elaborate details, held to be appro. priate, to produce a beautiful as well as a typical idyll. In the poem now given in translation the scene is laid in the Mullai Thinai, or forest district, and accordingly the following characteristic details (Karuporul) are incorporated in it: the food grains are ragi and sāmai; the animals are stags and hares; the trees konrai and kurunthu; the flower, mullai; the-birds, wild-fowl; the occupation, grazing; the music, sadari, clamorous songs with bucolic sports; the water, fresh streams; the deity, Mál or Vishnu, (which looks as if the Brahmans had already appropriated the local god, Māl, to their own Vishnu); the season and time, winter and evening, by 'winter' understanding the rainy season; and there are other minor obligatory details.
We find that practically all the early poems contain similar details of the thinai chosen, and hence one may surmise that the earliest Tamil poetic compositions were Pastorals. This may well have been the case, as the beauty of the Mullai or Forest Country and the comparatively restful life that came to those men by turning to grazing herds and cattle for a livelihood may well have first roused the poetic faculty in them to activity.
Put very briefly, the story of the Mullaipāltu is that of a heroine waiting for her hero absent on a campaign, in fond and loving thought of him. She pictures him in oamp and the neighing of his horses rings in her ears. Finally her lover is restored to the patient lady. The poem contains 103 lines and is couched in the form of a conversation among the heroine's attendant matrons, disclosing her state of mind and that of the warriors in camp, and incidentally the nature of the Southern rainy season and the great prowess of the hero. It is thus an ancient poem on lines that have very long since become familiar to the world. It is the setting that is of interest now.
The Mullaipāttu is the fifth of the series comprising the Ten Idylls known as the Pathu. pattu. It was composed by Napputhânăr, the son of a jeweller, or rather dealer in gold, of Kaverippumpattinam. The date of the poem cannot be definitely fixed, but it belongs to that stage of Tamil literature when the Third Tamil Sangam flourished in Madura. which scholars agree to place between the second and third centuries A.D.
I give below a translation of this Idyll and need hardly say that the beauty of the original is lost in the rendering of it into a foreign language. Nevertheless, the glimpses of ancient manners, thought and conditions of life reflected in the poem are of exceeding interest.

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JANUABY, 1923)
THE MULLAIPATTU
The Mullaipāttu. On a winter evening, before the gathering in of night, when the fast sailing clouds even as Thirumal (Shri-Vishnu) bearing Lakshmi on His bogom, and the chakra and the right-spiral conch in His hands, heightened Himself when Mahāvali poured water into His palms-rose high aloft into the heavens, drunk with the cold water of the roaring seas, and having rested for a while on the high mountains enveloping the expansive world, were pouring out their heavy rain--then the aged matrons of the palace bent their steps to the outskirts of the well-guarded city, and offering to the deity a nali of paddy and sweet-emel. ling mullai, which had blossomed to tunes resembling those of yāl hummed by swarming bees, stood with folded hands waiting for words of omen.
And having heard, they returned and spoke to her (the heroine) who had jewels lying loose on her person and pearly drops of tears collecting in her flower-like eyes darkened by collyrium. The words (of good omen that they] heard were those of a young shepherd. ess, who, with arms crossed over her shivering shoulders, observing the impatience and trouble of young calves fastened by cords, told them their mothers would very soon come to them, driven from behind by cow-herds with crooks in their hands. [Said they] “Thou, of māmai complexion, such were the words of good omen that we heard. Be Thou com forted. It is certain thy Lord crowned with victory will soon be here, laden with the spoils of war and the tributes of his enemies."
Uncomforted even by these profuse words (of sympathy], she contemplated her Lord, now missing from her side, in an encampment, bordered by streams and as expansive as the sea in the midst of a jungle. (Her mind's eye saw) his camp pitched in a wide jungle which had been cleared of far-smelling pidavam and other green bushes after the fastnenges of the Vedars, who formed the enemy's frontier-guard, had been destroyed. It was fortified by a hedge of forest thorns.
At the junction of straight long strects of camp, thatched with green leaves, smalleyed elephants with cheeks emitting ichor stood on guard, refused to eat the bundles of tall sugar-canes, stalks of paddy and sweet leaves, and [only] brushed their faces with them and laid their trunks over sharp-pointed tusks, while young elephant-drivers in their northern dialect urged them to eat the masses of food [before them), pricking them with their sharp forked goads.
In his tent supported on poles (fixed in the ground) and secured by cords, [his) quiver of arrowe-such as em boldens one not to fly from the field-hung from shis) bow. like as the crimson-dyed clothes of austere Andhanas are suspended from their tripods. The [tent-poles made out of} spears with carved flower-heads and shields are the warrior's] only.protection.
Encircled by these [tents) and amidst the armies speaking many different tongues is set apart the [King's) tent of different coloured canvas, supported on well-seasoned staves. Damsels with arms adorned with small bracelets and with tresses which fall on beauteous shoulders are on guard both day and night, their vari-coloured belts shining with glitter ing daggers, and move about with oil-cans lighting numerous lamps and replenishing them with oil, and trimming their wicks as they burn out.
At.midnight, long after the long-tongued bell has rung all to rest, aged body-guards of majestic bearing go around the camp with drowsy eyelids like full-blown punali creepers and bushes shaken by drizzle and gentle breeze, and, those infallible in calculating time,

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announce the hour of night thus "O Thou that vanquisheth thine enemies in this wide world surrounded by roaring waters, this is the time of night as seen from thy nalika-vattil." 1
Valiant Yavanas (western foreigners) of fearful appearance and muscular build, clad in tight jackets, which cover their bodies and hide their horse-whips, stand outside on guard. Within the elegant well-lit inner apartment, adorned with tiger-chains of skilled workmanship. well-clad dumb Mechas (who make themselves understood by signs) attend on the King, who spends a sleepless night absorbed in thoughts of [coming] battle.
In that camp, filled with sweet music of the drums of victory-the camp, the very thought of which makes his enemies quake with fear-the King is reclining on a bed, supporting his head on an arm wearing a kadakam, and thinks of his men who hewed down their enemies, of his elephants forgetful of their females and wounded by hard-hitting swords, of his warriors gaining laurels by hewing to the earth trunks of elephants that fall and quiver like serpents, [of men) who sacrifice their very life in battle, jealous to gain victory for the honey-filled wreath and bounty in reward, and of horses in pain that decline to eat their grass, pricking their ears on hearing the sound of the piercing arrows on their shields of protection.
With the flame of the thick wicks burning steadily out of the hollow of the hands of golden statues, in her beautiful apartment in her great palace of seven storeys, the Queen thinks of the King meditating thus in his camp, and contemplating many things she quivers as & peacock pierced by an arrow. She secures fast [her] wristlets that have loosened and slipped down and breathes deeply, pining over the absence of her lord, lost in contemplation of him.
And as she heard the sound of the rain-water falling from the corners of her mansion, she Was reminded of her lord's promised time of return, (when) the neighing of the steeds attached to his chariot of invincible fame reached her beautiful ears the King returning from the victorious field coveted by his enemies with streaming standards which knew naught but victory.
(Behind him) followed a large army with horns and conches blowing-leaving behind them the profuse valli roots that matured in that season, the stag with his knotted branching horns frisking about with his hind amid ripening stalks of varagu, already in want of the rains which now begin to drizzle in tiny drops with the beginning of the winter (season) the kāyā trees whose profuse leaves pour forth their dark flowers, the konrai trees whose tender leaflets and branches send a shower of gold, the pointed buds of white kandhat whose blossom is as wide as the palm, and the thõnri which had put forth its red blossoms.
they came along the wide red sandy paths overgrown with forest vegetation.
MISCELLANEA. PAISACH AND CHOLIKAPAISACHIKA. paisachiks. But he describes two varieties of theOn . 52 of Volume LI of the Indian Antiquary latter. One of these varieties closely agrees with the W. P. V. Ramanujaswimf discusses a remark of Paisachi of Vararuchi, while the other agrees with mine that H&machandra in his Prakrit Grammar the Paisach of the later Eastern Grammarians, trents of three varieties of Paiflchi, and maintains Rama-Šarman and Markanddya. These two varieties that Hamachandra knows of only two varieties.differ in one most important point of phonetics, May I point out that this is a mere question of and though Hamachandra is entitled, if he plossen, worde. Hamachandra cortainly does admit the exist-to group them together under one head, I still noe of only two dialoote, --Paislobf and Chalika-l think that « clearer perception of the Paibach
1 Nalika-attil:. clepsydra or ancient water-clock. It consists of graduated metal cup with hole in the contre placed in . vennel of water. As the water rose in the cup it indicated the hour.

Page #29

JANUARY, 1923)
MISCELLANEA.
17
known to him is to be obtained by saying that, -as The adverb baram, which meant 'greatly', was he actually does-he describes three varieties, viz., perhaps derived from the same root. Tamil authors Paitachi proper, and two varieties of Chalika have written the name as karunadu, which in that paibachika.
language, even in the modern dialect, would mean May I add that never, even in my wildest elevated land, and Tamil scholars, like Mr. moments, have I thought that the word "Chalike-Justice Sesha Aiyar of Travancore, have commended paisachiko" employed by Hômachandra was a
the new derivation, for unlike Chola, Pandya, dual, as Mr. Ramanujazwami suggests that I may
Korals, and other Dravidian lands of the south, have done. It is of course a locative singular. Karpata was situated on a plateau and is still
spoken of as the land above the Ghate. The Tamil I must repeat that the difference between him and me is one of words and of words only. He word may, however, be a corruption of the Sans. maintains, and I fully admit, that Hômachandra
krit name.
H. NARAYANA RAO. groupa Paisachs under two appellations, but that, as I have explained, is not inconsistent with the fact that Hemachandra actually describes three
AN EPITHET OF SAMUDRAGUPTA. varieties.
P CWTTNe , one of the epithets, always GEORGE GRIEBSON.
and only, applied to the Gupta emperor, SamudraTHE CORE OF KARNATA.
gupta, shows that he revived the ancient rite of
the horse-sacrifice which had long remained in Inscriptions found in Dharwar distriot speak of a
aboyance. But the Cammaks oopper-plate part of Kuntala as Eradagundu 1.4., XII, p. 271;
in
cription 1 of the Vakataka Maharaja Pravarasena E.I., XIII, p. 326. This expression literally means
II shows that Prevaragena I had celebrated the two-six-hundred, or twelve-hundred. Dr. Fleet
horse-sacrifice however, han interpreted it as the name of a two
four times, (
:) district area comprising six-hundred villages, the
and that Maharaja Sri Bhavanaga of the Bhidiatriota being Puligere three-hundred, and Belvola radivas bad oelebrated it as many as ton times three-hundred. In a Nilgunda inscription those T (
u rch, eto). dietricts are mentioned as Detri dalam, two-three. These two kings no doubt lived before Samodra. hundred-E.I., IV, p. 206. This disoropanay has not gupta : The daughter of Candragupta IT, named been explained. Now it so happens that the poet PrabbAvatigupta had married Rudrasena II, the Ranns, in his Gadd yuddha (982 4 D.), describes his great great grandson of Maharaja Pravaradona 1.3 language as that of Eradagundru, the core of Kan. If the identification of Rudragens I, the grandmade-I, 42. His native district must therefore have son of Pravarasena I, with the Rudradeva of the been included in the area, and from his Agila-Purdna, Allahabad Pillar inscription is accepted, Samu. XII. 46, we learn that he was born at Muduvolalu, dragupta would be the contemporary of the grandin Jambukhandi Seventy, Belugali Five-hundred. son of Pravarmena I of the VALAtakas. Maharaja It was at one timoa three-hundred district-E.I., Bhavanaga's time goes further back as he was the VI, p. 29; VII, p. 209. In the previous century father-in-law of Maharaja Pravaradens I. (See the author of Kapirdja-marga had placed the core of
the expression T
ime TraitKannada between the towns Kisuvolalu, Onkunda, Pudigere, and Kopana. This last was in Hagaritige
, oto, in the Cammaka plate referred to Three-hundred-E.I., XII, p. 308. I think there
above.) foro that Eradarunůru comprised four three
How is it then that Samudragupta revived the hundred districts, Bevole, Belgali, Puligote, and
horse-sacrifice, which had remained long in abeyance, Hagaritige.
probably since the days of Puşyamitra of the I may add that the derivation of Karpata from
sunga dynasty 14 kari-nddu, black country, does not satisfy many Kings like Pravarasena and Bhavanaga may Indian rholars, for Mysore is not black, and they not have a good a reason to celebrate the horsedo not consider it probable that a land which sacrifice as Samudragupta undoubtedly had according to Nripatunga stretobod from the Kaveri and really when the father-in-law of the Bhiraiva to the Godavari, would be described by an inaun- dynasty pelebrates the secrifice ten times and the picious colour. I have proposed to derive the son-in-law of the Vakataka dynasty oelebrate Dame from kart-nddu, elevated or great land. As it at least four times, their horse-sacrifice oould
separate word, karu, in this sense, is now obso not have been more than petty formal affairs loto, but it survives in the names of places like without the real substance. Yet the rito as such Kardru, and in words liko karumdda, lofty dwel. was in practice not very long before Samudragupta ling, and karugallu, large stone which mark and how can it be said that he revived it ? the site of village and is annually worshipped
D. B. DTB ALKAL. 1 Pleot's CJ. No. 56. B.I., Jan. 1019, p. 39. Fleet's G.I., No.. Smith 2.2.1... 26

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19
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
JANUARY, 1923
NOTES ON 'HALA 'ANDPAILAM'IN
SO 'Ndla' is 7x7X 4X 28 X 1265868 square A GUJARAT OOPPER-PLATE GRANT.
cubit3' 4 acres (circ.) Recently I had occasion to go through the Prof. Hultach has not stated whether the Supaka gant of the Chalukya king Karnadeva. 'hala' measure is still current in Guzarat or not: as published in Vol. I of Epigraphin Indica (vide I believe the measure may yet be found to exist No. XXXVI, pp. 316-318) and interpreted by there as in Sylhet. Prof. E. Holtzsch. The words Hala and Paildr As regards pdild, not only the translation occur in the phrase EG if () Y
but also the explanation in the foot-note seems to
be tentative. Dr. Bühler's identification of it ET T T ÁT (1. 10-11 of plate 1 of the
with modern pdyali is based on conjecture. Led grant). This phrase has been translated as by such an insecure interpretation of paildri, follows: "hala 4 ll. e. (in words) four ploughe Prof. Hultzach has translated vahantili) very of land carrying, (ie., requiring as seed corn) 12
curidusly, as "carrying (i.6., requiring as seed corn)." pillana (or 48 sers): and to this a footnote has Vahanti ought to be translated as "bearing • (ie, been added as follows:
producing)": in that case the above interpretation of I owe this explanation of the words Y
pilan becomes apparently erroneous. TEC to Dr. Bühler, who remarks on them-"The
Curiously enough, this pailam' measure of
com is found in certain quarters in the same distranslation is merely tentative. Pallamh seems to be the Gujarati plural of pdilun, which latter I take
trict of Sylhet especially in the great rice-produc
ing pargand Baniyâchang. to be indentical with the modern P dyal 'a measure
The table is as follows: of four sera' (or 48 pounda). See Shapurji Edalji's
77 seers (of paddy) .. 1 púra. Gujarati and English Dictionary, 2nd Edition, ..
16 puras
1 bhùta. 16 bhätås
.. PADA aeft.'
Unlike the Gujarati 'ser' --which seems to Here though something has been said of Pallari
weigh 1.2 lb. [as pdyali is 4 eers (or 48 lbs.) vide measure, the word "hala' has remained unex
the foot-noto already quoted)—the seer here is plained.
about 2 lbs, and 40 scera make a maund. So that In two Copper plates grantal discovered about a pild is 7 goers X 16 X 16+40=16 maunds. Afty years ago in Sylhet, the word 'hala' ooours A keddra of a well-cultivated fertile fold in the as . moasure of land and although Dr. Mitra said locality (in Sylhet) may yield as much as discussed a good deal about the word, he did not 4 bhutas (.e. 12 maunds) of paddy, a hAla of land say how much land was exactly meant by the of above condition may produce 48 bhoths or 3 term. He could have, however, easily got the pallás-80 that 4 halas may bear 12 paslas. Assu. requisito information, only if he had equired ming that the land granted was the best of the about it of any person belonging to the locality: sort, the above calculations may suit the grant me in the distriot of Sylbot, hala commonly of the Chalukya king. The poliris in the Suaska called Mla' is yet a current measure of land. plates inscriptions has apparently no connection The table below will show the details :
with payalib of the modern use and so no fantastio ..l nala? (rod or rather reed
intrepretation 7 cubits
need be put on vahani to suit a
wrong conjecture. of measure)
Sometimes two extremes meet 1 nala X I nala.. I rekha.
and here, an
ancient record discovered in the western part of 1 rokhas ..l yashti.
India ban ita interpretation supported even by the Ayhtis kedern (called Keyara mala stan of this at leon in the na m net commonly).
province in the Empire ! 12 keddrae .. hAla.
PADMANATH BEATROHARTYA. 1 Vide procredings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, No, VIII, August, 1880: Dr, Rajonda Mila's article on "Copper-plates inscriptions from Sylhet."
• The langth of this monoring rod varies a little sometime but such a variation is negligible. It is rekable that all thote term of land cerurenent are pure Sanskrit words.
La mome of the Kamarups copper plates inscriptions, land granted has been mentioned with the predo: ago, in Bala-Varman's pant WASB., 1897, pt I, pp. 285 et seq.), wo find " Dhanyachstus maharotosttimati bhumik " (land producing 4000 peddy)
I peet, the word pads in the Sunda grant indoriptions is with a wrong anuaudra and the crude tora should be in the Sylhet Table. This in paulan should have been 3 (visarga) if inflected in accumtive plural for it might have been without any sign of infootion, like the word hala in " balse
I vwy strange indeed that the same locality in Bylhet has Domuro similar ta name with payat, it is onlled which, however is equal to piede in. 30 mars or the ol d , and not • menecm14 1b. in welche

Page #31

JANUARY, 1923)
BOOK-NOTICES
19
BOOK-NOTICES. JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY. Published by the Professor Shalaat Ahmed Khan, who writes most
Dopartment of Modern Indian History, three times of the issue, han a third article in which he printa a vearly. Edited by Prorsa SHAYAAT AHMAD series of doouments on Britisb Indian History, that KEAN, LETT. D; F.R. Historical Society. Univer- are after my own heart, and he follows them up pity Professor of Modern Indian History, Allaha- with more documents on "The E. I. Company's bad. Vol. I, Pt. I. Serial No. 1. Nov. 1921. War with Aurangzeb" in a fashion altogether
Yet another periodical in English conducted commendable. Altogether by Indians, published this time by the The two other articles are a chapter from the Indian Branch of the Oxford University Press, I writer's (Professor Beni Prasad) forthcoming His. and devoted to History, has been launched into tory of Jahangir, which I for one shall be glad to see, the sea of Oriental Research. Such a fact is in and an account by Professor Ishwari Prasad, 'Aditself a further proof of the great change that has ministration of Sher Shah,' which follows rather come over Indian Education within the experience soon upon Professor Kalikaranjan Qanungo's of the present writer, due, be it observed, to the excellent Sher Shah; but that ruler's reign was so large-minded methods of the British Government important to the history of modern India, that we in educating the people with whom it has had to can hardly have too much of honest studies of it. deal. It is not many years ago since the On the whole we may afely congratulate the production of such a Journal as that under review University of Allahabad on the opening number of would have been impossible.
its historical journal. Having said thus muoh, let The pubioote dealt with in this first issue of the an old friend of Indian rescaroh say word of new periodical are fascinating indeed. It starte criticism. There are too many misprints, but with East India Trade in the XVIIth Century," I know the diffoulty of avoiding those in English giving well informed general moount thereof by work in India. I have also tested references and the editor, based on original research in English, quotations and find them by no means noourato an Librariee-the right and, ono may say, the only way old "Indian" failing. to produce paper that can be of real o to stu.
R. C. TEMPLE. dents, whether the opinions expressed by the author
THE SUBJECT INDEX TO PERIODICATA, 1917-1919. as the result of his research are to the mind of the
Issued by the Literary Association. I.-Language reader or not. This is followed by a still more valuable Article
and Literature.-Pt. 1. Classical, Oriental and on the "Sources for XVIIth Century British India
Primitive. August 1921, the Library Association, in the British Archives." This is worth even an
Stapley House, 33 Bloomsbury Square, London,
W.C. 1. Agents: P.8. King and Son, Ltd. old student's serious attention, le Professor Shafaat Ahmad Khan has made good use of his time in
Price 2g. 6d.net. England to dive not only into the resources of the
I have much pleasure in bringing this very fine British Mureum, tha Bodleian and several Libraries
compilation to the notice of the readers of the in London-he migbt have included Cambridge in
Indian Antiquary. The scope of the ligt inoludes
Classical his purview-but he has also included in his search
and Oriental Literature, Mythology, the WAS.
Geography, History and Chronology and Primitivo Amined by the Historical Manuscripte Coinmission and the enormous mass of M8. matter
Language and Literature. But Archeology and
Art are included in a separate List "Fine Arts, so. at the India Office and Public Record Othoo.
Other lists are in the course of publication. Many in the latter collection I may add are, however,
£ e. d. still - indexed as to be practically beyond the un.
A. Theology and Philosophy . 0 7 6 initiated searcher's capacity to discover. In this
B-E. Historical, Political, and connection I am glad to observe the following remark
Economic Sciences ... .. on p. 80:-"John Marshall was probably the first
F. Education and Child Welfare .. Englishman who learnt the Sanskrit language and
G. Fine Art and Arohnology .. 0 9 0 explained the philosophy, the religion and the
H. Music .. .. .. .. 03 customs of the Hindus. His manuscripts were
1. Language sad Literature, written during the years 1662-4." John Marshall
Pt. 1. Classical, Oriental and Primitive o 96 was a more remarkable man than is now recognised,
Pt. 2. Modern, including Bibliography and his observations on trade were quite out of the and Library Administration .. O OO
m on. His work. M . whole want rescuing J. Science and Technology (in preparation), from the MSS. and detailed competent editing.
The work has been magnificently done by oom. The article winds up with long depeription of the potent editors, and authore in this Journal wm and Rewino M88. at the Bodleians and their bearing their communications adequately represented among obredo, which is most useful m a referonoo lokher papers on the same subjects. - memorsodum for the searcher to keep by him.

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INDIAN ANTIQUARY
LA CHINE, par HENRI CORDIER, membre de l'Institut, Prof. à l'Ecole des Langues Orientales. Collection Payot ; Directeur, Georges Batault. Payot et Cie., Paris, 106 Boulevard Saint-Germain. 1921. This is a useful little book of 138 pages duodecimo, on Chine, by the well known Sinologue, Prof. Henri Cordier. It is divided into two parts, descriptive and historical. Both are not only instructive, but of great weight as they come from so competent an authority on all he writes about. Certain items are very useful indeed, e.g., the weights and measures on pp. 67-68 and the table of Dynasties on pp. 135-138. The whole work should prove of great use as a vade mccum even to advanced students of things Chinese. R. C. TEMPLE.
JIVATMAN IN THE BRAHMA-SUTRAS, a Comparative Study by ABHAYAKUMAR GUHA, M.A., PH.D., approved thesis for Ph.D., Calcutta. Calcutta University, 1921.
This is a good specimen of the philosophico-religious work of the modern type of Hindu scholar-independent comparative examination of the original texts with a bold expression of opinion in consequence thereof. Whatever opinions one may have of the results attained, work on such lines is to be encouraged and makes for sound scholarship. The author is a true follower of the so-called "philosophy" of the Vêdânta, and to him true knowledge is" revealed;" that is to say, it is not what Europeans understand by "philosophy."
His mental attitude is shown in his concluding paragraph: "The Vedanta in its unfalsified form is the greatest consolation in the suffering of life and death, is the strongest support of the seekers after truth, and is the highest path that has ever been revealed unto humanity. It is not for India alone; in the language of Swamin Vivekananda, it is for the whole world. In the whole world there is hardly any study so beneficial and ennobling a that of the Vedanta. Nay, it is destined sooner or later to become the faith of the whole world."
With these ideas fixed in his mind the author takes us through the many interpretations of what may be called the orthodox Hindu Theory of Life
[ JANUARY, 1923
as contained in the commentaries of the recognised masters on Bâdarayana's sutras-Sankara, Ramanuja, Madhva, Baladeva, Srikantha, Nimvarka, Vallabha, Vijñanabhikshu and Bhaskara. He compares them all together and with many other writers of minor importance and with analogous works of European philosophers, profoundly disagreeing with these last, and also with many of the Indians too, even the most famous. With none of this am I disposed to quarrel. It all helps to a solution of a question which must vary with the inevitable increase in human knowledge, and about which, until it is "scientifically" settled, thinkers must continue to disagree.
A LARGE "MAUND."
The following note taken from an account of Waziristan in 1921 in the Journal of the United Service Institute of India for (1922), vol. LII, p. 61, is of some interest to numismatists:
To these remarks I would add that the book contains much that is informing and many arresting arguments well worth study by all who would understand the attitude of many educated Hindus towards one of the most momentous questions that
exists.
Dr. Guha winds up his Preface with a statement which has my hearty agreement: "I am sorry to note that I have not been able to adopt the system of transliteration recommended by the Council of the Royal Asiatic Society, for want of necessary types with diacritical marks in the Press, where I have got this Thesis printed, for which I hope to be excused by all scholars engaged in Oriental studies. If any occasion arises for a second edition, I will certainly try to remove this and other blemishes that have passed unnoticed in the pages of this work." As one who has of late had to occupy an important position in the Council of the Royal Asiatic Society, and has moreover had to wrestle at his own expense with the vagaries of scholars and committees as to transliteration for more than a generation, I sincerely sympathise with Dr. Guha, and live in hope that the time is not far distant when a method of writing Oriental languages in Roman characters will have been devised that shall meet alike the necessities of an ordinary we never arrive at anything which will satisfy the printing press and the desires of scholars, even if demands of professed phonologists.
R. C. TEMPLE.
NOTES AND QUERIES.
Institute of India for (1922), vol. LII, p. 61, is instructive from two points of view: (1) as showing how the kos is measured in mountainous country, and (2) as showing in mil mile that corruptions of English have extended beyond British India into.
"The maund in Waziristan is 51 seers of 102 so un-British a country as Afghanistan. telahs or 2 pounds each"
R. C. TEMPLE. KOS AND MIL= MILE
The following extract from an account of Waziristan in 1921 in the Journal of the United Service!
"The kos may be taken as in India for the fifth part of a manzil or day's march, which is less in hilly districts. The mil or English mile is understood by those who deal with Europeans."
R. C. TEMPLE.

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FEBRUARY, 1923]
SANSKRIT LITERATURE FROM THE WORKS OF PAŅINI, ETC.
21
HISTORY OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE FROM THE WORKS OF PAŅINI,
KÅTYÁYANA AND PATANJALI.
BY DR, RADHAKUMUD MOOKERJI, M.A., PH.D. The title of the paper points to an important and interesting line of investigation which may be profitably undertaken by the historian of Sanskrit literature, who cannot always come across any very fertile sources of information in individual Sanskrit works. Such works generally, and naturally, refer to those bearing upon their own subject matter, and not to works treating of other topics. But the limitation of this reference does not apply to the grammatical works. For the traditional standpoint of Sanskritists has ascribed to grammar the position that modern pedagogics would ascribe to logic. Even in the Upanishads, grammar has been singled out among the then subjects of study as the Vedanam Veda, the science of sciences. Thus, by its inherent character, grammar has to draw freely and liberally upon the entire field of literature and folklore, of language, and even of the unwritten customs and usages of speech, for its data and materials, and transcends the limitations which restrict the range of other classes of works in respect of their literary references and allusions.
Thus the sûtras of Påņini, the prince of grammarians, the vårtikas of Kâtyâyana, and the Mahabhishya of Patañjali, all abound in references to various classes of literature that were evolved up to their times and also, ocoasionally, even to individual works under these classes. If, with the distinguished Orientalist, Sir R, G. Bhandarkar, we roughly fix upon the seventh century B.o. as the date of Påņini, and, according to the received opinion, B.C. 350 and B.C. 150 as approximately the dates of Katyayana and Patanjali, we shall have some knowledge of the history of Sanskrit literature for a period of about 500 years from the references those grammarians convey to the various Sanskrit works known to them and in their epochs.
Sanskrit literature, in Pâņini's time, or, more strictly speaking, even before his time, had been sufficiently developed in volume and variety to be comprehended by him under several classes or types, sharply distinguished from one another in their contents and pur. poses and sometimes even in the principle of their growth or formation. As usual, the principle of classification adopted by Panini is at once novel and scientific and may be fruitfully applied to the history of all literatures.
Påņini's analytical insight has distinguished the following classes of literature in Sanskrit :
1. Dfishta, i.e., literature that is seen, or revealed' and is to be ascribed to authors specifically designated as seers ' or 'pishis.
As extant examples of this revealed literature, Pånini mentions the three Vedas generally (IV. 3, 129] and, individually, the Rig Veda (VI. 3, 55. 133; VII. 4, 39, etc.), Sama Veda (I. 2, 34; IV. 2, 7. 60; V. 2, 59, etc.), and a Yajur Veda (II. 4, 4; IV. 2, 60; V. 4, 77, etc.).
As regards the Rig Veda, Pâņini knew of its Sakala sakha or recension (IV. 3, 128], of its Pada-patha [VI. 1, 115; VII, 1, 57; VIII. 1, 18, etc.) and Krama-pdfha (IV. 2, 61, etc.] and of its division into suktas, adhyayas, and anuvákas [V. 2, 60).
As seers' or 'pishis' Panini mentions Vdmadeva (IV. 2, 7. 9), Praskanva, Harischandra, and Manghika.
1 A paper contributed to the second Oriental Conference.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
(PEBRUARY, 1923
The practical applications of the three Vedas to the performance of religious ceremonies were also considerably developed in Pånini's time, as is evident from his reference to several class of priestly specialists proficient in the particular practices of their respective arts. "These are Chhandoga, U kthika, Yajnika and Bahuricha (IV. 3, 129). The chhandóga or udgår i priests were those who sang in metre; the ukthikas were those who recited certain verses called ukthas as distinguished from the Samon verses which had to be chanted and from the yujus verses which were muttered sacrificial formula, as explained by Monier Williains. The ydjñikas were the priests connected with the Yajur Veda and the bahvichas were the Hotri priests who represented the Rig Veda in sacrificial ceremonies. In Panini's time each of these classes of priests developed special schools which were meant to conserve their own particular texts and rules to be studied by the priests concerned for purposes of their practical application in ceremonies.
Påņini is silent regarding the Atharva Veda, for the word occurs only in some of the ganas and not in his sû tras. There is also the absence of a clear declaration in respect of the literature of the Aranyalons and Upanishads. The word aranyaka is explained in its literal sense and not as indicative of a literary work (IV. 2, 129), while the word u panishad is referred to in the sense of a secret [I. 4, 79), though the Balamanorama takes it to mean the literary work, Vedanta-bhaga. If we infer from Pånini's silence regarding these works that they were not extant in his time, we must be prepared to declare a much earlier date for Påņini himself.
Katyayana and Patañjali were of course acquainted with a greater volume and variety of Vedic literature. The vårtikas definitely mention the Atharva Veda [IV. 2, 38. 63; IV. 3, 133, etc.). The varti ka to IV. 3, 105 refers to Yåjfiavalkya, the author of the white Yanur Veda, as one to be included among the later or more modern rishis than those contemplated in the sutra itself, which in my opinion shows that Yajavalkya was considered by Katyayana to be a contemporary of Påņini.
II. Prokta, i.e., literature which is propounded or enounced for the first time but which is not revealed ' [IV. 2, 63; 3, 101, etc.). Påņini mentions several varieties of Prokta Literature, viz.
(1) Chhandas works, among which are mentioned those enounced by Tittiri, Varatantu, Khandika and Ukha; works by rishis like Kâsyapa and Kausika; works of Saunaka and others; of Katha and Charaka, Kalậpi and Chh&gali; of the direct pupils of Kalápi. (numbering four according to the Katika) and Vaisampâyana (whose pupils numbered nine according to the Kašika, IV. 3, 101-109).
Goldstüoker takes the works of Saunaka referred to above to be the second mandala of the Rig Veda which, being thus a prokta work, is regarded by him as later in time than the other parts of the Rig Veda.
To Pâņini's list of these secondary Vedic works, Patañjali adds those known as Kashaka, Kala paka, Kauth uma [II. 4, 3), Mardaka, and Paippaladaka which is a sakha of the Atharva Veda (gloss to IV. 3, 101]. Of these he singles out the Kathaka and Kalapaka recensions as being most widely prevalent and taught in every village.
(2) Brahmana works (IV. 3, 105]. So far as I know Panini does not mention any individual work under the Brahmana literature, but only refers to such Brahmaņa works as were enounced by the ancient sages in a general way. The Kafika however points out that by ancient sages' Pâņini meant Bhållava, Šatyâyana and Aitareya. Pâņini, however,

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23
refers to Brahmana works of 30 or 40 adhyayas [V. 1, 62]; to Anu-Brahmanas [IV. 2, 63] or works written in imitation of or based upon the Brahmanas; and also to attempts at indexing mantras for convenience of reference at sacrifices [IV. 4, 125-127].
(3) Kalpa works, of which individual examples are not mentioned by Pânini, though the Katika cites two, viz., those of Painga and Aruņaparâja [IV. 3, 105]. Kâtyâyana and Patanjali refer to the Brahmana and Kalpa works of more modern sages like Yajnavalkya and Sulava.
(4) Sûtra works, of which two classes are mentioned by Pâṇini, viz., (i) Bhiksu-sûtras propounded by Pârâsarya and Karmanda, in which are collected the rules and precepts to be observed by the bhikshus, ascetics (.e., men in the fourth asrama of life) and (ii) Natasutras which give collections of rules for actors [IV. 3, 110-111] and were propounded by Silâlin and Krisâsvin.
III. Upajata, i.e., original works in which the authors impart the knowledge they have themselves discovered or developed untaught [II. 4, 21; IV. 3, 115; VI. 2, 14]. Pânini's work is itself described as an example of such original literature by the Kasika, which also mentions further the grammatical works of Kâsakritsna, Apisala and Vyâḍi. Other examples of such literature cited by the Kasiká are Gurulághavam or the science of wealth and Dushkarana which, according to some, means Kamasastra or sexual science. Sometimes Pânini's work is mentioned as belonging to the prokta class of literature. Thus the formation Pâniniyam is explained as Pâninina proktam, the system of grammar enounced by Pânini [IV. 2, 64]. IV. Krita, i.e., literature that is ordinarily composed [IV. 3, 87. 116; cf. the expression sastra-krit in the vârtika to III. 1, 85]. Panini mentions the following varieties of this class of works :
(1) Sisu-Krandiya, a treatise on the cries of infants [IV. 3, 88].
(2) Yamasabhiya, a book relating to the court of Yama [ibid.].
(3) Works bearing on the seasons; e.g., a vásantika is one who studies the book relating to spring [IV. 2, 64].
(4) Stoka (cf. Slokakára)[III. 1, 25; 2, 23]; thus, upalokayati one who praises in verse. (5) Gatha works (ibid).
(6) Sutra whence sûtrakara (ibid).
(7) Mantra whence mantrakára (ibid).
(8) Mahabharata [VI. 2, 38].
(9) Katha whence Kathika or story-teller [IV. 4, 102].
There is a further development of this general literature in the ages of Kâtyâyana and Patanjali. Thus Katyayana knew of a work dealing with the wars of the gods and demons called Dasudauram; of works known as Vayasavidyd, Sarpavidya, Gaulakshana, Aivalakshana dealing with crows, snakes, cows and horses respectively; of Anga-vidya, Kshatravidya, Dharma-vidya, Sansarga-vidya; of Akhyâna (story), Akhyâyika (fiction), Itihasa and Purana; of works known as Anusu, Lakshya and Lakshana [Vår. to IV. 2, 60]. A vártika mentions the celebrated author Vyasa whose son is Suka according to Patanjali [IV. 1, 97].
Patanjali was very familiar with the Mahabharata, as is evident from his mention of Yudhishthira and Arjuna as the elder and the younger brother [II. 2, 34] and of Vasudeva, Baladeva, Nakula, Sahadeva and Bhaimasenya as members of non-rishi families of Vrishni and Kuru [IV. 1, 114] and also from his reference to the story of Kansa killed by Krishna as being very popular [III. 1, 26 (6)]. As examples of the literature of fiction or Akhyayika, Patanjali mentions Vasavadatta, Sumanottara and Bhaimarathi, while the Kasika adds the name of Urvasi, Patanjali also refers to the kávya literature of which he instances the

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work of Vararuchi and Jalaukâ slokas [IV. 3, 101 (37)]. Lastly, Vyakarana and Mimamsa are referred to as subjects of specialised studies [II. 2, 29].
V.Vyakhyana or the literature of commentaries [IV. 3, 66]. Panini knew of commen
[ FEBRUARY, 1923
taries.
(1) On Soma and other sacrifices.
(2) On adhyayas of works of rishis [IV. 3, 69] of which the Kasika mentions Vâsish. thika and Vaisvamitrika as examples.
(3) Called Paurodasika and Purodášika [ibid., 70].
(4) On Chhanda works called Chhandasya and Chhandasa [ibid. 71].
(5) Called Chaturhotrika, Pañchahotrika, Brahmanika, Archika, Prathamika, Adhvarika, Pauraścharanika, Namika, Akhyatika, Namakhyâtika [ibid., 72].
(6) On works classified under Rigayanddi [ibid., 73] under which the Kábika mentions no less than twenty-five works like Upanishad, Nyaya, Siksha, Vyakarana, Vastu-vidya, Kshatra-vidy, Utpâta and the like.
As examples of commentaries on sacrificial works, Patanjali mentions Pakayajnika, Navayajnika, Pâñchaudanika, Saptandanika, Dáiaudanika, Agnishtomika, Vajapeyika, Rajasayika. Patanjali also mentions commentaries on Nirukta and Vyakarana [IV. 3, 66].
Apart from the references to other branches of literature, the grammatical works throw light upon the history of their own subject. For instance, Panini mentions among his predecessors Apisali, Kasyapa, Gargya, Galava, Chakravarman, Bharadvaja, Sakatayana, Sakalya, Senaka, Sphotayana; also authors designated collectively as eastern [II. 4, 60; III. 4, 18; IV. 1, 17. 43. 160, etc.] and northern grammarians [III. 4, 19; IV. 1, 130, 157, etc.]. Patanjali mentions the four stages in the history of grammatical literature as represented by the four acharyas, Apisala-Panini-Vyadi-Gautama [VI. 2, 36], the order of their mention being that of chronology according to the Vârtika on II. 2, 34. He also refers to other schools of grammar such as those of the Bharadvajîyas [III. 1, 89 (1); IV. 1, 79 (1); VI. 4, 7 (1); ibid., 155 (1)], Saunagas [II. 2, 18 (1-4); VI. 3, 44 (1)], Kunaravadava [VII. 3, 1 (6)], Sauryabhagavat [VIII. 2, 106 (3)], and Kuni [Kaiyyata's gloss. on I. 1, 75].
MANU'S "MIXED CASTES."
BY H. A. ROSE.
Ir will be generally conceded that two main motives underlie the laws of marriage: (1) eugenic, (2) the other economic, the desire to keep property in the kin. To the former belongs the rule, instinctive or otherwise, against incest. But incest is a very variable offence. We are not now concerned with its punishment but with its effect on the offspring. Manu lays down no clear rules about exogamy, and his commentators are not agreed as to his meaning, but it is clear that he forbade marriage with a woman of the same gotra as the man; and between him and a sapinda on the mother's side: III, § 5.1 The gotra was the traceable kin, the sapinda a fairly near cognate. That in fixing these limits Manu, or his school, had some eugenic aims in view seems certain. He goes on to say that sickly wives or those unlikely to have male offspring should be avoided, however wealthy they may be. His ideals of marriage are twofold, according as a man's first or subsequent marriage is in question. For the first wife & bride of equal caste must be chosen: III, § 4. But immediately the rule is qualified and such equality is only recommended. For a second marriage indeed the ideal appears to be that the bride should be of lower status than her husband, even two or three castes lower. But no sooner is this concession made in III, § 12 than in §§ 13-19 it is withdrawn, and the Brahmana who marries a Sûdra wife is denounced in no measured terms; though it has been laid down that he is at liberty to go down so far for a spouse.
1 Sacred Books of the East, vol. XXV.

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MANU'S “MIXED CASTES”
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So much for Manu's express marriage-law. But by implication this is by no means all of it. When we turn to his chapter on Mixed Castes we find a far more complex and far less ideal state of affairs. The right or license to take a wife from below is seemingly extended to the first wife, and treated as quite en règle, such a union being anuloma or 'with the hair, and contrasted with a much lower type of marriage, the praliloma, or against the hair, i.e. a marriage between a woman of high and a man of lower caste. Pratiloma has results so curious that they deserve to be set forth in a table", thus :Pratiloma.
--- Anuloma.
IV.
A Nishada3 X a Sadra's dr. . . .But if she marry a Kshatriya ...... a Brahmana. a Pukkasa's dr. X a Chandála. an Ugra's dr. X a Brâhmana: . . a Kshattri. i Sopaka - =(5) an Avrita.
a Svapâka. 1 a Nishâda (Pârasava)'s dr. X a Sadra : ...or a Chandala
Kukkutaka. Antyâvasấyin. III. A Sadra X a Vaisya's dr. . . . But if she X a Brahmana. an Ayogava's dr. X a Brahmana. an Ambashtha's dr. x. a Brahmana : ora Vaidehaka. a Dhigvana.
an Abhira.
a Vena. an Ayogava's dr. X a Dasyu ...a Vaideha .. or a Nishada.
a Sairandhra. Maitreyaka. a Dasa or Margava. A Sadra ... a Vaisya X a Kshatriya's dr. Kshattri.
a Màgadha.
(5)
A Sadra ... & Vaisya.
or a Kshatriya X a Brahmana's dr.
& Chándala
(1)
a sata
(3) a Vaideha's dr. X a Nishada.... a Chandala. ... a Nishâda
a Pandusopaka. an Åhindika. Kârâvara's dr. X & Vaideha .... a Kâråvara.
(2)
a Meda a n Andhra. The Brahmana being the highest in rank, the degradation attaching to his daughter, if she marries beneath her, is the greatest. If she marry a Sadra, their son will be the lowest of men' as Manu says more than once. Thus we can correct the order of degradation in X, $26. The order should be Chandala, Vaidehaka, Sata, Magadha, Kshattri, and Ayogava. But obviously the principle can still operate, and so Manu explains "just as a Súdra begets
Hero | = son of: X='married' and 's='whoge' or 'and his'.
3 Nárada gives a different account of the Nishada's origin. He says the Nishada is distinct from and inferior to the Paragava. The Nishada is a Sudra woman's son by a Kshatriya, while the Parasa &
her son by a Brahman : SBE., XXXIII, p. 188 (XII. & 108). This would make the Nishida of NArada the same as Manu's Ugra. But the MSS. differ, a Nepalego text making the Ugra, Parasava and Nishada all anuloma sons of a Bodra woman by husbands of the (three) higher castes : ibid. p. 186 n, to $ 193. But if this text is correct we are driven to making the Ugra a son of a Sadra woman by a Vaisya, so that the ascending scale would be :-Ugra, Parasava, Nishada, as Narada gives it. This shows how unreal the application of the principleg must have been.

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[ FDRUARY, 1923
on a Brahmana female a boing who is outcast from the Aryan community, so that out-caste bagets on females of the four casted sons even more worthy of being outcasted than he is himself.". Such are in effect Manu's words, but the train of his thought can best be followed in the table. Manu omits to specify which is the mixed caste formed when a Brâhmana's daughter marries a Chandala, or a Vaideha, etc. He is equally silent as to what results when a Kshatriya's or a Vaisya's daughter marries & Chandala, etc. In other words he gives us no illustrations to X, $ 30.
But the principle of pratiloma can go on operating among the mixed castes inter se. Indeed Manu says there are fifteen more mixed castes, engendered on females of higher rank (but not of the four castes) by men who are vdhya or 'excluded,' and these lower races are still more worthy of being outoasted than the former : 8 31. These fifteen he does not specify fully, but he clearly gives samples of them. E.g., (reading the lower part of the table) a Vaideha's daughter has by a Chandala a Påndusopaka, a 'dealer in cane.' And an Ayogava's daughter has by & Vaideha a Maitreyaka or 'bell-ringer. These two specimens do not bring out the principle at all well, for the two resulting occupational castes are quite clean and respectable, though ex hypothesi the Påndusopåka ought to be lower, much lower, than a Chandala; and a Maitreyaka lower than a Vaideha. Thus we not only fail to trace the 18 castes, but doubt whether the two specified are correctly ranked in Manu as we have him. Before we try to track down the other castes in the table, let us look at the anuloma castes.
First, a man marrying only one caste below him begets no new caste, so the table has only to exhibit what happens when there is more than one degree of hypergamy. When a Sadra's daughter (top of the table) has an Ugra son by a Kshatriya his rank is fairly good, seeing that his daughter, espoused to a Brahmana, bears an Avrita, apparently a respectable caste, though its status is left undefined. But in $ 49, we find an Ugra equated to a Kshattri, so that anuloma does not avail the Ugra much. Although he resembles a Kshatriya just as much as a Sadra, V, 89, the function assigned to him is catching animals living in holes. One can understand the degradation of the Sudra wife's progeny by a Brahmana, because Manu denounced such unions, as already noted. Yet the Nishada whom she bears is inter. preted to be distinct from the pratiloma Nishada who catches fish. The daughter of an anuloma Nishada marrying a Chandala must however be regarded as marrying beneath her, for their son is an Antyävasayin, who is "employed in burial-grounds and despised even by those excluded":X, $ 39, being seemingly inferior to a Kukkutaka, her son by a Sadra.
The cases of a Vaisya's daughter seem much simpler. Her son by & Brahmana is a professional man, practising the art of healing': X, $ 47. And his daughter by marrying a Brahmana can raise their issue to the decent status of an. Abhira, though Manu does not define that status. But if an Ambashtha's daughter espouse a husband of distinctly low status, an admittedly degraded Vaidehaka, her son must be a Vena, whom the commentators identify with the Baruda or 'basket-maker': X, $ 19. But at best the illustrations are not very convincing and all we can do is to suggest that both the pratiloma and anuloma principles are on work on this side also.
Moreover the table shows several castes whose origin is not described. A Nishada appears to be below a Sadra; at all events there is a pratiloma Nishada, and by marrying him a Sadra's daughter loses caste for her sons, who become Pukkasas, equated to Ugras
4 Manu deuoribes the Ugra a "ferocious in his manners and delighting in cruelty":X, 19. The Mgrå was one of the two conseoratory (1) rites at a coronation, and was so called because it'ofected the subjugation of enemies': Law, Ancient Indian Polity, p. 196.
6 V, n. 7 on p. 403. Yet so low is the anulonu Nighada that hin niokname Parasava is inter prstod to mean'a living oorps'; IX, 80178,

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MANU'S MIXED CASTES "
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and Kahattris: § 49. And a Pukkasa's daughter can go down further and espouse a Chandala, thereby creating a caste as low as the Chandâla, viz., the Sopâka. The Sopâka's vocation is not defined, but he was 'sinful,' living by the occupations of his sire (? the Chandâla), and ever despised by good men : X, § 38. But it is when we come to the lower pratiloma groups again that we see how important the Nishâda was. There was Nishâda blood in nearly every one of them. Yet we are not told how this or the Dasyu caste originated. The Dasyu was outside the pale of Aryan caste, whatever his tongue : X, § 45; but we cannot say that he or the Niskâda was one of the fifteen mixed castes. Nor is it clear that an Ayogava's daughter lost or gained status by marrying him, or any other of her nume. rous suitors. One would imagine that by espousing a Brahmana she would elevate her son's caste to some extent, but the Dhigvana is only a leather-worker' and so must be far below the Ayogava who is a carpenter. We can only conjecture that the fifteen castes included the Pândusopaka, Kârâvara, Meda, Andhra, Ahindika, Sairandhra, Maitreyika, Pukkasa, Dasa, Sopaka, and possibly the Nishâda and Dasyu.
That makes twelve in all, and we may make up fifteen by including the Antyavasayin, Kukkutaka, and Vena. We cannot however settle the precedence of these fifteen mixed castes inter se or in relation to the original six. The inference from the whole chapter is that Manu or his editor was enunciating principles actually at work, as they are to this day, but never applied or applicable to any actually existing social groups on any great scale. It can hardly be imagined, for instance, that the division of labour was held up until there was a sufficient supply of Ayogavas to make carpenters, or that the leather industry had to ca'canny until the carpenters had had an abundance of daughters to marry Brahmanas and become Dhigvanas. Such large occupational groups must have preceded Manu's definitions of the status of the fruits of mesalliances in terms of their lowly social position.
Lastly, it is doubtful whether these mixed castes were each quite homogeneous in status. The Sûta almost certainly was not. His position was seemingly dependent on the office which he held as to which see Law, Ancient Indian Polity, p. 87.
Manu gives his reasons for thus setting forth the law of anuloma. It was based on a primitive physiological theory, not, he admits, universally accepted even in India. The basic idea was, as applied to humankind, that the son of an Aryan by a non-Aryan woman might inherit Aryan characteristics, whereas the son of an Aryan woman by a non-Aryan man was condemned by nature to inherit the non-Aryan traits of his father: X, §§ 72 and 67. Hence the Sûdra woman's children by a Brahman could by marrying Brahmans for six generations regain, as it were, their patrilineal caste, that of the Brahman, within the seventh generation. At least this is the only interpretation which § 64 will bear in the light of the modern working of the principle.8
I assume that the Svapaka of § 51 is really a Sopaka, The Svapaka is really not so very low. He is the son of a Kehattri by an Ugra's daughter, and so apparently pure anuloma all through: 19. 7 Another worker in leather' is the Kârâvara,
s It operates still among the Brahmans and among the Ghirths of the Kangra District in the Punjab. "In the seventh generation the Ghirth's daughter becomes a queen", runs the proverb. Apparently this proverb or Manu's principle misled Emile Senart into writing as if a system of seven castes could be traced in the Punjab. The correct view is that within certain castes there are, as it were, seven degrees of impurity, which can be removed by proper marriages for six generations; Les Castes dans l'Inde, p. 30.

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[ FEBRUARY, 1923
We must now consider the effects of the anuloma and pratiloma principles on the law of inheritance. As far as the present writer has been able to trace, the progeny of a pratiloma marriage was absolutely excluded from the succession'. Even on failure of sons of every category Manu seems to rule out the possibility of a son by pratiloma taking any share in his father's estate. Vishnu is more explicit. After defining the twelve categories of sons, he declares that children begotten (by husbands of inferior caste) on women of a higher caste receive no share : SBE., VII, § 37. At best he allows them maintenance. He thus, it appears, excludes them even from the twelfth and lowest category of sons who may inherit : cf. $ 27.
The anuloma sons on the other hand all took shares in the inheritance, but those shares were graded in accordance with their rank. This principle was entirely different from that which regulated succession among the twelve categories, each of which excluded all the grades below it. Some idea of the complications which could arise (and in practice must have arisen) out of this system may be gathered from the fact that in cach category the anuloma principle could operate ; so that when it had been decided to which category sons belonged it might next be necessary to decide how they were to share if their mothers were not of the same status. Manu explains his principle by two examples. He takes the case of a Brâhmana who has had four wives, a Brahman(i), a Kshatriya, a Vaisya and a Sudra wife, and says the estate may be divided in two ways -
1.
11 1. To the Brahmani's son .. 'one most excellent share
+ 3 shares of the remainder .. 4 shares. 2., , Kshatriya wife's son...: 2
» 3. Vaisya 4. , , Sudra
» » » .. 1 share.
Total 71 shares.
10 shares. The most excellent share" is not defined. It may not have been very large. It will be noticed that, whichever method of partition was adopted, the Brahmani's son got six-fifteenths and the Vaisya wife's son three-fifteenths. By method I the Kshatriya wife's son got half a fifteenth more and the Súdra wife's son so much less than by method II. It may be suggested that the most excellent share' was one-fourth of a share only, or in modern parlance a sawdia. If this conjecture could be proved the remainder was very nearly the whole estate. It remains to notice the apparently later rules which, in accord with the prohibition of a Brahman's marriage with a Sudra woman, debar their son from taking more than a tenth share even when he is an only son, and then lay it down that no son by a Sûdra mother, whatever his father's caste, shall inherit as of right but may take whatever his father may give him : Manu, IX, 86 154 & 155.10
J. Jolly in his Recht und Sitte, p. 62, does not bring this point out at all clearly. Further he does not mention anuloma or the effects of it on the law of inheritance. In his translation of Brihaspati (SBE. XXXIII), p. 374, 927 he has" Let Brahmans, Kshatriya, Valayas, and sadras, bogotton in order by Brahman, take four, three, two shares, and one share in succession." This means : "Let the son bogotton on a Brahman wife, the son begotten on. Kshatriya wife, and so on) by a Brahman, take four, three etc."; just Manu's ruler IL
10 Manu, & IX, deals somewhat briefly with the wholo question. Vishnu ampliflon his doctrine. adopting his method II, and not only never excluding the Sadra wife's son but actually allowing him to take half the estate when he is the only son: XVIII, 98 1 to 40.

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FEBRUARY, 1923] HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAHI KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR
Whether the anuloma and pratiloma principles had any real influence on the formation of castes may be doubted. They can hardly have led to the constitution of the lower menial and artizan castes en masse, though they may have contributed fresh sections to masses already existing. Their legal consequences must have been indirectly of great importance, and it is regrettable that we do not know precisely when they first came into operation. But if and when fully recognised and enforced, one of them must have been the cessation of pratiloma marriage as carrying no better status than concubinage. The anuloma principle must have been less drastic, but amply potent enough to bring about that fission of the higher castes which is so distinctive of modern Hinduism. Hindu Law had little or no regard for the institution of property as an end to which the eugenic welfare of the family might be sacrificed. It never recognised primogeniture, where private estates were concerned, as anything more than the right to a small extra honorific share. It even counterbalanced that share by special rights of ultimogeniture and the like. Its leading principle was absolutely equal division of the estate among all sons of equal status. But under the influence of an ideal which, however mistaken, was an eugenic ideal it fostered variety of status, just as it elaborated gradations of marriage and even more numerous degrees of sonship by blood, by appointment, by fiction and by adoption. In modern Indian custom every principle laid down by the ancient jurists can be traced, often in a modified or even a debased form, but almost invariably recognizable. Even in Muhammadan tribes we find the principle of anuloma at work.
It would however be unsafe to assume that in a purely or predominantly Muhammadan tract, where there is a vague but widespread feeling that sons by a wife of low birth (lowliness of status being quite undefined), no element of contract enters in. Just as a woman or her kin may contract for her that her husband is not to take a second wife during her lifetime under a penalty, 11 so it may be made the condition of the gift of a bride that her offspring is to succeed to the bulk of her husband's estate. Such a stipulation may be express or implied. In any case there is often, among both Hindus and Muhammadans, a strong sentiment in favour of giving sons by a wife of high status a substantially larger share in his father's estate than sons by a wife, equally married, are entitled to.12 It is probable that a similar principle could be traced in other primitive legal systems, but that of anuloma seems to be distinctively Hindu. At any rate the present writer has failed to discover any indication of it in Hammurabi's Code or other records of early law.
THE HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAHI KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR. By LIEUT, COLONEL SIR WOLSELEY HAIG, K.C.I.E., C.S.I., C.M.G., C.B.E. (Continued from Vol. LI, p. 242.)
29
XCIX.-AN ACCOUNT OF THE MISSION OF QASIM BEG AND MIRZA MUHAMMAD TAQI TO BIJAPUR, FOR THE PURPOSE OF BRINGING BACK FOR THE PRINCE, MIRAN HUSAIN,
THE SISTER OF IBRAHIM 'ADIL SHAH II.
When Salabat Khân was relieved of the anxiety caused by the near presence of the imperial army, he busied himself in arranging for the marriage of Miran Husain, and, in pursuance of the former agreement, sent the physician Qasim Beg and Mirza Muhammad Taqi
11 In India contracts in restraint of polygyny are by no means rare, but they have been nullified by the British codes. English lawyers applied the rule that all contracts in restraint of marriage are void: to a social system entirely unknown to the makers of the rule. Henco a covenant to refrain from marrying other wives is just as invalid, under Anglo-Indian law, as one to abstain from marriage altogether.
13 Rose, A Compendium of the Punjab Customary Law, Lahore, 1911, p. 70 ff. It should be noted that the rule wavers between giving the inferior sons a diminished share and excluding them from inheritance altogether, but allowing them maintenance.

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[ FEBRUARY, 1923 with valuable presents and offerings to arrange with Ibrâhîm Adil Shah II for the journey of his sister to Ahmadnagar, to meet her husband, Mîrân Husain. These envoys, after reaching the city of Bîjâpûr, brought their mission to a successful termination and returned to Ahmadnagar with conciliatory answers from Ibrâhîm 'Adil Shâh. Mîrzâ Muhammad Taqi was then deputed to bring the bride and set out for Bîjâpûr with this object. He brought the royal bride, seated in a howdah, in great state to Ahmadnagar, but as the whole of the negotiations had proceeded on the basis of the retrocession of the fortress of Sholâpûr, and Ibrâhîm 'Adil Shâh II evaded the fulfilment of this condition, Salâbat Khân delayed the marriage feast and festivities until the fortress should have been surrendered.
At this time the king's infatuation for Tulji, the dancing girl, greatly increased and the dancers succeeded in obtaining anything that they wished, until one day the king, when in a specially generous mood, gave to one of the dancing girls a necklace of pearls, each pearl of which was a gem of the finest water. Nasir Khân took the necklace to Salabat Khân and told him the story of its having been given by the king to the dancing girl, and suggested that its return should be demanded. According to some the king commanded that the rope of pearls should be given to a person whom Salâbat Khân deemed to be unworthy of it, and Şalabat Khân hesitated to carry out the order. Whichever story be true it is certain that the king was so enraged with Salabat Khân that he set light to the treasury, and burnt and destroyed utterly countless jewels, rich stuffs, and rare valuables from all cities and countries. When the flames leaped up their sparks were wafted to the royal library and other buildings, and the smoke of destruction began to arise from these. The royal servants did their best and with great difficulty succeeded in rescuing from the flames a very little out of very much.280
30
Although some attribute the king's act to folly and senseless wastefulness and say that as boundless generosity and prodigality bring about in time miserliness and penurious. ness, so excess leads to folly and wastefulness; yet the act was in truth evidence of the king's lofty spirit, which counted as nothing beside itself the world and all that was in it. This it was which had led him to withdraw from affairs of state and to pass his time in acquiring merit.
When the dancing girls had obtained so much influence as to be admitted to intimate converse with the king, and had ascertained that the king was becoming estranged from Salâbat Khân, they began still further to poison the king's mind against him and to open the doors of strife and discord. They continually harped on Salabat Khân's independent power in the state and proved to the king that he habitually disobeyed the king's commands, until the king began to make trial of Salâbat Khân by commanding him to perform duties
290 Firishta says (ii, 283, 284) that the name of this dancing girl was Fathi Shah and that the king wished to give her two costly necklaces of pearls, sapphires, and rubies, which had formed part of the Vijayanagar booty. He also says that Salabat Khân at first refused to give the necklaces to Fathi Shah and that when the king insisted substituted, after consultation with the amfrs, two other necklaces. The woman discovered the substitution and complained to the king, who sent for Salabat Khan and ordered him to have all the state jewels brought forth from the treasury and arranged in a room in the palace, Salabat Khân, bent on saving the Vijayanagar necklaces, concealed them, but had all the other jewels set out. The king caused the room to be cleared and went with Fathi Shah to inspect the jewels, On missing the Vijayanagar necklaces he became so enragod that he wrapped up all the jewels in some valuable carpets, set fire to the carpets, and left the room. His attendants rushed in to save what they could and succeeded in saving all the jewels except the pearls, so that they and the carpets were all that was lost. From this day forth Murtaza Nizam Shah was known as "the Madman."

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little suited to his dignity 281. Thus at this time a farman was issued ordering Salabat Khân to go to the fortress of Darb282 and not to return until further orders. Although Salabat Khan so for obeyed the order as to go in haste to the fortress, he did not wait for an order recalling him, but returned without it. A few days later Şalâbat Khân was ordered to go to Junnar and, having prepared a lofty throne, to await in the village of Nârangaon the arrival of the king, who proposed to tour in that part of his dominions, Salâbat Khân proceeded to obey that order, and rendered acceptable service, but, as before, did not remain where he was, but returned to court without leave. In addition to all this, the petition of Waghoji, Naikwadi of the fort of Shivner, full of slander of Salâbat Khân, was presented to the king by means of the dancing girls and added to the king's indignation against his minister. The king now issued a fresh order directing Salâbat Khân to go to the village of Pâtori283 and set up a throne there, and a pavilion for the throne and everything that might be necessary for the holding of a royal court. Salâbat Khân set out for Pâtorî and busied himself in carrying out the orders which he had received. The king's health now gave way, and the court physicians, among them Qasim Beg and Hakim Ḥasan Kâshî, were engaged in treating him until the chief physician, Hakim Mişrî, arrived from the hospital and by his treatment completely restored the king to health.
While the physicians were employed in treating the king, Salabat Khân once again returned to the capital without leave, and the king, enraged by his repeated acts of disobedience, summoned him to court. Salâbat Khân never entered the royal presence without fear and trembling, and the king, taking advantage of his nervous terror, hid behind a door and suddenly came forth as Salâbat Khân entered, and stopped him, with his sword drawn, intending to cut him down. Salâbat Khân, seeing the king before him with his sword raised, fell and rolled on the ground like a half-killed bird and wept and howled for mercy. The king, overcome by this sight, refrained from slaying him and ordered that he should be imprisoned. On Şafar 10, in the year mentioned above,284 a farman was issued to Mîrza Sadiq and Bihzâd-ul-Mulk, ordering them to send Salâbat Khân to the fortress of Parenda, and to undertake jointly the administration of the kingdom. Mirza Sâdiq and Bihzâd-ul-Mulk
281 According to Firishta what chiefly enraged the king against Salabat Khan was the advance of Ibrahim 'Adil Shah II to the frontier. Ibrâhîm insisted that the marriage between his sister and princo Husain should be consummated or that his sister should be sent back. Salabat Khân replied that neither request could be complied with until the fortress of Sholapûr had been retroceded. Ibrâhîm thereupon crossed the frontier and laid siege to the fortress of Ausa. Murtaza Nizam Shah sent for Salabat Khân, "upbraided him for having brought this trouble on the state, and accused him of treachery. Salabat Khân protested his loyalty and the king accused him, with more reason, of disobedience, and weakly added that if he had the power he would imprison him. Salabat Khân replied that he was the king's humble servant and only required to be told in which fort he was to be imprisoned, when he would go there and remain there as a prisoner.-F. ii, 284.
282 Firishta says (ii, 285) that Salabat Khan was ordered to go to Danda-Rajpûrî and, on receiving the order, went straight to his house, caused his servants to put him in irons, and, in spite of the protests of his followers, went to Danda-Rajpuri and remained a prisoner there. On his departure the king appointed Qasim Beg Hakim vakil and plshed and Mirza Muḥammad Taqi Nasiri minister. Firishta does not mention the subsequent movements of Salabat Khân, here described. According to him Şalabat Khân remained obediently in Danda-Rajpûrî until he was recalled, by Firishta's own advice, to counteract the plots of Sultan Husain Sabzavari, who had received the title of Mirza Khan. Sayyid Ali appears to relate all the stories círculated by Salabat Khan's enemies,
•
-"
293 Pathardi, about thirty-one miles east of Ahmadnagar,
284 No year has been mentioned but H. 995 appears to have been the year, in which case this date would be equivalent to Jan. 20, A.D. 1587.

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then became joint valils and pishvás and sent Şalábat Khân to the fortress of Parenda. On his arrival there a fresh farmán was received, ordering that he should be sent to the forts of Anx, and he was accordingly sent thither.
When Bihzâd-ul-Mulk had acted as vakil and pishvd jointly with Mirza Şadiq for a short time, ir plotted to oust Mirza sadiq from the office in order that he himself might hold it alone, there by following the example set by Salábat khân. His designs became known to the king, who was angered by them, and a farmin was issued to Mirza Şadiq ordering him to imprison Bihzâd-ul-Mulk and send him to Parenda, and to undertake the duties of vakil and pished by himself. The order was obeyed, and Bihzâd-ul-Mulk was sent to Parenda and imprisoned at the end of the month of Şafar (Feb. A.D. 1687), while Mirza Şadiq under. took alone the duties of the office of vakil and pishvá, and drew all power in tho state into his own hands. At this time Tulji the dancing girl and her followers, who had till now been in attendance on the king day and night, were de barred from his presence, and his own ser. vants had access to him once again. One of them, named Isma'il, received the title of Isma'il Khan, or rather Isma'il Shah, and rose by degrees to be an amir and to great power in the state. C.-AN ACCOUNT OF THE MARCH OF IBRÂHÎM 'ÅDIL SHAH II WITH HIS ARMY TO THE COUN.
TRY OF MURTAZA NIAM SHAH, AND OF THE DISPUTES THAT ABOSE THEREFBOM.
It has already been mentioned that when Ibrahîm 'Adil Shâh objected to surrender. ing the fortress of Sholâ pûr, Salábat Khân postponed the marriage feast of Mîrân Husain and thus put an end to the friendship between the two royal houses. Ibrahîm 'Adil Shah then set himself to cultivate the friendship of Muḥammad Quli Qutb Shah, and to enter into an alliance with that family; he marched with his army and sent an envoy to Muhammad Quli Qutb Shah, professing friendship for him and a desire to be connected with his family by marriage. Muḥammad Quli Qutb Shah, who also had reason to be displeased with Salâ. bat Khân, received these overtures favourably and agreed to give Ibrâhîm 'Adil Shâh his sister in marriage, but for fear of Şalábat Khân hesitated to send her. In the meantime news of the arrest of Salábat Khân was received, and Muhammad Quli Qutb Shah, whose mind was now easy regarding Salábat Khan, took advantage of the opportunity to conclude the marriage festivities of his sister and Ibrahim 'Adil Shah II, and then Ibrahim 'Adil Shah marched with his army towards the kingdom of Aḥmadnagar and wasted the frontier province of the kingdom.
Mirza sadiq reported this matter to the king, who commanded that Şalábat Khan and Bihzâd-ul-Mulk should be released from confinement and placed in administrative charge and military command of their own jagirs, that Shahzada Mirån Husain should be interned in Daulatâbâd, and that the royal pishkhana should be dispatched towards Bijapur, while the amirs and chiefs of the army repaired to the capital with their troops. Mirza Sadiq was ordered to submit a report when all this should have been done.
Mirzâ şâdiq, in obedience to the royal command, sent a messenger to summon Şalábat Khan and Bihzâd-ul-Mulk from the fortresses in which they were imprisoned, placed Miran Husain in DaulatAbad, and sent the royal pishkhand on towards Bijapur. He then reported to the king that his commands had been executed.
The king now reflected that the recall of Şalábat Khân to duty would be attributed to infirmity of purpose on his part, and a fresh order was issued to the effect that Şalâbat Khån should be detained as before, and should not be summoned to the presence. Bihzâd. ul-Mulk had not reached the fortress to which he was being sent when the farman recalling

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him reached him, and he returned to court. Salâ bat Khân acted on the first farmán which had reached him, paying no attention to the prohibition in the second farmán, and set out for the capital. Bihzâd-ul-Mulk on his return to the capital endeavoured, as before, to associate himself with Mirza Şadiq in the office of vakil and pishva, but this design conflicted with Mirza Şadiq's plans, and he reported the matter to the king, from whom he obtained a fresh farmán for the arrest of Bihzâd-ul-Mulk. Mîrzâ şâdiq, having regard to the crisis, did not give effect to this order, but represented to the king that as the 'Adil Shâhî army had reached the frontier, it would be better to postpone the arrest of Bihzâd-ul-Mulk. The king was enraged by Mirza sadiq's intercession for Bihzâd-ul-Mulk, and issued a farmôn to the latter directing him to arrest Mirza şådiq and send him to the fortress of Råjûrî. In the meantime Salábat Khân, who had set out in accordance with the first farman, arrived at the oapital, and when the king heard of his arrival ho issued another farmân directing that he too should be sent to the fortress of Rajûrî. Bihzâd-ul-Mulk, in obedience to these commands, sent Salábat Khân and Mirza Sadiq together to Rajúri.
The duration of Mirza Sadiq's tenure of the office of pishvd, after the deposition of Şalábat Khân, was no more than nine days, but in these few days he did much for the people, organized many charities, and instituted many public works. Blessed is the man who is not intoxicated with the pride of ten day's power, but considers the poor and needy, and neglects not the oppressed and afflicted.
The duration of Salâ bat Khan's tenure of the office of pishvd, both alone and in association with Asad Khân was at least twelve years. He, too, certainly did much good while he was in power, and no ptshvd was ever so powerful as he was during this period.
At this time, owing to the constant change of pishvds, the affairs of the kingdom fell into confusion, many villages were deserted and fell into ruins, and the inhabitants of the kingdom fell on evil days, and the kingdom began to decay.
Bihzâd-ul-Mulk, finding the field now clear before him, was led on by ambition to represent to the king that without a pishva the affairs of the kingdom could not fail to fall into confusion, in the hope that the king would confer this high office on him. But it was far from the king's intention to appoint Bihzâd-ul-Mulk pishva, and on Monday, Rabi-ulAwwal 14 (Feb. 13, A.D. 1587) the post was conferred on Qasim Beg, the son of Qasim Beg.
Although Qasim Beg at first, out of regard to his personal safety, declined the appointment, he was at length prevailed upon by Hakim Misri and other officers of state to accept office. A farman was then issued ordering that Bihzâd-ul-Mulk and Sanjar Khân should be imprisoned, and Qasim Beg sent them to the fortrees of Ranşûrî.
In the meantime the king received news that Ibrâhîm 'Adil Shah had advanced as far as Parenda, and Qasim Beg, who was a good-natured and good hearted ran, now used his best endeavours to compose the quarrel and bring about peace. He sent an envoy to Ibrâhîm 'Adil Shah to say that by the exortion of well-wishers the foundation of friendship between the two dynasties had been comented by a matrimonial alliance, and that although Şalâ bat Khân had, at the instance of some self-seekers, postponed the celebration of the marriage feast for a short time, he would now set himself to atone for this dereliction and would do his best to cause the feast to be held at once. .
Ibrahim Adil Shah, on this good man's intervention, retired from Parenda, and Qasim Beg summoned the prince from Daulatâbâd and, with the king's permission, made preparations for a splendid feast and for the celebration of the consummation of the marriage in the village o. Påtori. The astrologers were then ordered to select an auspicious hour for the

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consummation of the marriage, and selected an auspicious night. The marriago was consummated on that night, the key to his desires being placed in the hand of the prince. The amirs and chief officers of the ariny and the vazirs and courtiers attended, offered their congratulations, and scattered largesse.
Affer the conclusion of the festivities the king issued a farmán summoning the prince to court. Qasim Beg sent on the prince to court, and he remained there, without being allowed to depart, for three days. On the fourth night, at the time when all men take rest, a fire broke out in the bedchamber of the guiltlees prince, but since his hour had not yet come he escaped from this calamity by the help of the dancing girls. Some attributed this fire to the king's majesty, but God knows the truth of all things.286
When the prince escaped from the heart of the flames of that fire, Qasim Beg undertook to protect his person and managed to persuade him, perturbed as he was, that he need have no fear of fire. The king now ordered that the prince should be sent back to Daulatâbâd, and Qasim Beg sent him back thither under the charge of some of his own trusted servants, taking every possible precaution for his personal safety.
After this a royal farman was issued removing Muhib Khân from the post of commandant of Daulatâbâd and appointing Ahmad Khan in his place, and a secret order was issued to Ahmad Khân directing him to put the prince to death. But the prince was beloved by all, both great and small, and Qasim Beg also was opposed to any violence against him. Ahmad Khân therefore put to death another who resembled the prince, and sent his head to the king. The people, when they saw, as they thought, the head of their favourite. were naturally convinced that the prince had been put to death, but a few days later the commandant's artifice and the fact that the prinde was still alive became known, and the king, who attributed this disobedience and deceit to Qasim Beg, issued an order removing him from the office of pishvd, and Habib Khan, who had formerly been known as Musharraful-Mamalik, acquired the office of pishvd by the efforts of Futab;286 but his tenure of the office lasted no longer than one night, for, at the end of the night on which he put on the robe of honour which had been conferred on him as vakil, Habib Khân, one of the immediate atten. dants of the king, gave Futůh a jewelled necklace and by his help became vakil and pishua, and the king removed Habib Khân from the office of pishvá almost at the moment in which he conferred it on him.
Qasim Beg was vakil for nine months, and was followed by Habib Khan who held office for one night.287 After that, in accordance with the royal command, the song of some of the old officers of the court who had been concerned in public affairs gained access to the king's
385 There is no doubt of Murtaza Nizam Shah's guilt. Firishta, who was in close attendance on him at this time and belonged to his party, not the prince's, says that he caused the prince's bedding to be set on fire and then had the door of his bedroom secured, so that he could not escape. Fathi Shah, the king's favourite dancing girl, heard the prince's cries and taking pity on him, had him released, and Qasim Beg and Mirza Muhammad Taqi Nagiri sent him secretly back to Daulatabad. Two or three days lator the king went to the bodroom to search for his son's remains, but finding not even a bono questioned Fathi Shah. She suggested that the prince's bones had been entirely calcined, but the king refused to believe this, and pressed her more closely, whereupon she admitted that she had saved the prince and handed him over to Qasim Beg and Mirza Muhammad Taqf, but they, on being examined, denied any knowledge of the affair, whereupon the king dismissed them and appointed Mirza Sadiq Khân Urdubadi vakil.-F. ii, 285.
286 I take this most unusual name to be Sayyid 'Ali's version of Fathi Shah, the title conferred by Murtaza Nizam Shah on Tulji, the dancing girl.
387 According to Firishta, MirzA Muhammad Sadiq Urdabadi succeeded Qasim Beg as valil and, on refusing to aid the king in his designs against his son's life, was superseded by Sultan Husein Sabzavari, who received the title of Mirza Khân-F. ii, 285.

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private council. Among these were Maulânâ Habibullah, son of Maulând 'Inayatullah Ta'i, who in the days of the late king and in the early days of the reign of Murtaza Nigam Shah had been one of the chief pillars of the Ahmadnagar kingdom, Sultan Husain, son of Sultan Hasan Sabzavári, Vafa Khân and the sons of the other amirs and officers. These the king summoned to court, and as he was guided by divine grace, he followed the advice of the chief men in the kingdom, who were convinced, as though by inspiration, that Sultân Husain, who was known as Mirza Khân, was inspired with capability for office. The king therefore commanded all to support him. Thereafter all, having been asked their age, were invested with robes of honour and allowed to depart. Early the next morning, at the instance of Futâh and her followers, the king summoned Maulânâ Habibullâh, invested him with a robe of honour and appointed him to the administration of all the affairs of the kingdom. When the son of Maulânâ 'Inayatullâh was transferrd to the post of vakil, he arrested most of the nobles and officers of the kingdom, and especially the foreigners, such as Qasim Beg, akim Misri, Mirza Muhammad Taqi, Amîn-ul-Mulk, Habîb Khân, Shah Rafi'-ud-din Husain, Mirza Muqim and others, and sent them to distant fortresses.
In the meantime the petition of Raja Bahârjias88 had arrived at court. Its purport was that his brother, Narayan, had risen in rebellion against him and that many had gather. ed around him. He requested that a force might be sent from the capital to his assistance and promised to pay nacl bahd and to regard himself thenceforward as a vassal of Ahmadnagar. In accordance with the royal command a number of the principal amirs, such as Nür Khân, Saif Khân, Abhang Khân, Jahangir Khan and Saif-ul-Mulk, were sent with a large army to the assistance of Raja Baharjů, and Farhad khan was appointed to the command of the army. The amire marched in accordance with the royal command, and when they reached the frontier of Bahârjid's country, they learnt that Narayanjîd had overpowered him and imprisoned him, and had established himself as independent ruler of the country. They therefore halted on the frontier and reported the condition of affairs to the capital. The son of Maulana 'Inayatullah was then beginning to totter, preparatory to falling from the office of vakil, and nobody took the trouble to answer the letter of the amirs until the Maulana was deposed and Mirza Khân, with the assistance of Isma'il Khân, was appointed valil. Then however, Mirza Khân sent a man to recall the amirs and entered into friendship with them.
The way of this matter was on this wise. When the son of Maulânâ 'Inayatullah had been pishvá for nearly three months, Mirza Khân entered into a confederacy with Isma'il Khan and promised to pay him the sum of 10,000 huns when he should be appointed, and in the mean. time he paid as eamest money to Futâh the sum of 2,000 huns, so that the whole of that party unanimously favoured his elevation to the post of pishud, and began to make reports and complaints to the king regarding the son of Maulânâ 'Inayatullah and succeeded in prejudicing the king against him and in obtaining a farmán for his deposition. The son of Maulana 'Inayatullâh was, indeed, not fit for the office of vakil. Mirza sadiq, an account of whoge prosperity and disgrace has already been given, said of his tenure of the office of pishvd that he was a preg. nant pishva and was gravid for nine months, nine days and nine hours, which is the period of pregnancy, during the tenure of the office of pishud by Qasim Beg, Mirza sadiq himself, and Habib Khân, and that a black crow was born. A strange thing is that the following homistich is a chronogram for the date of the deposition of the son of Maulana 'Inayatullah. Jy la Bloemen e us 289
308 This was Baharji, Raja of Baglâna. Firishta does not mention this affair. 209 I cannot extraot from this chronogram any possible dato for the dismissal.

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When the appointment of pished was, by the help of the daucing girls, bestowed on Mirza Khân, who was, in truth, the cause of the ruin of the Nigâm Shâhî dynasty, he, in accordance with the vileness of his disposition and his natural wickedness, began to lay the axe to the root of the power and prestige of the Nizân Shâhî dynasty, and to behave with great ingratitude to his old master, and to plot and conspire against the king with a gang who were tired of his seclusion and abstraction from affairs of state, with the object of putting the prince on the throne.
When Mirza Khan was settled in the post of vakil he sent to recall the amirs who had been sent to the assistance of Bahârjîû, and succeeded in turning them into partisans of his own in the matter of placing the prince on the throne. He falsely accused Farhad Khân and Saif-ulMulk, who would not aid him in this matter, of some offence, and seized them and imprisoned them in a fortress. He confiscated their jâgirs and conferred them on 'Ali Khân, his own mother's brother, to whom also he gave the title of Kishvar Khân. He also entered into correspondence with Bijâpûr on this subject, and sent to Ibrâhîm 'Adil Shâh to remind him that the prince was his son-in-law and suffered great hardship and misfortune in Ahmadnagar, as a band of dancing girls who had the king's ear and access to all his councils were for ever trying to compass the overthrow of the prince. He said that the prince had hitherto, by the assistance of his well-wishers, escaped from the snares of his enemies, and was hoping that his connection by marriage with Ibrâhîm 'Adil Shâh would induce the latter to invade Ahmadnagar, come to his assistance, set him on the throne of his ancestors, and return. He promised that whenever Ibrâhîm 'Adil Shâh came to the prince's aid the fortress of Parenda would be surrendered to him.
Ibrâhîm 'Adil Shah, led astray by these fomenters of strife, and induced by his connection with the prince and by the hope of increasing his dominions, ordered his army to assemble, and sent on his peshkhana. He then marched, at the head of a very strong and numerous army, for the kingdom of Ahmadnagar.
When the news of Ibrâhîm 'Adil Shah's approach reached the king, his kingly pride and valour led him to order the pishthana forth and to send it on in the direction of Bîjâpûr. All the amtrs and vazirs who were of the party of the prince were sent on with the advanced guard before the rest of the army, and although they openly obeyed the royal command, yet when they reached the village of Pâtorî they halted and advanced no further.
The king, in spite of the instability of his position and of his ill-health, was firmly resolved on punishing the enemy, and marched from the capital with his army.
When the amirs heard that the king had marched, they left the village of Pâtori and marched on to the village of Dâwâra, 20 and the king and his army encamped at Pâtori.
As the greater part of the army, from the prince downwards, were openly disobedient, and the greater number of the foreigners and loyal servants, whose staunchness and fidelity will be remembered to their credit until the end of the world, and whose swords and counsel had ever been at the disposal of the kings of the Nizam Shahî dynasty, were now imprisoned in various fortresses by Ismâ'îl Khân and his followers, who held all power in the state, and, being rendered helpless, owing to the quarrels between the amirs, could not render any assis tance at this crisis, and as the king suspected that all trouble had been brought about by Mirza Khân, whom he bitterly reproached, there was no course open to him but to send a humble message to Ibrâhîn 'Adil Shâh, promising to pay him a large sum of money and to attempt to compose the quarrel by peaceful means.
290 Pathardi and Dhanora.

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Mirza Khan was now much alarmed, and attempted to persuade the king's servants, under whose charge he was, to let him go free, in order that he might persuade the amirs to cease their opposition to the king's wishos, and to attack the 'Adil Shahi army. The fool Ismail Khân. in his simplicity, believed that Mirza Khan was speaking the truth and let him go free. Mirza Khân then made off to the amire and at last openly showed himself a traitor. On the follow. ing day, he and all the amirs marched with the army to Daulatâbâd and placed themselves at the disposal of the prince 391.
When Mirza Khân fled towards the amirs, the royal camp moved from the village of Pátori to Mahkarî, and thence to the capital.
Before Mirza Khan and the amirs could reach Daulatâbâd and make obeisance to the prince, the kotwal of that fortress and all its garrison had concurred in raising the prince to the throne, and had actually seated him on the throne. Rastîn Khân, governor of the city of Bir, and all the citizens had followed the example of Daulatâbâd and declared for the prince. In the meantime Mirza Khân also, with the chief amirs, arrived at Daulatâbâd and made obeisance to the prince. The accession of Mirza Khan and the amirs greatly strengthened the position of the prince, and adherents began to assemble from all sides. The prince entrusted all affairs of administration to Mirza Khân and made him his valil and pishvá, and even entered into an engagement with Mirza Khân to the effect that he would never even think of deposing him from the office of valil and pishvd.
On the following day at sunrise Mirza Khân brought the prince forth from Daulatâbâd and they marched out into the open plain. It is said that when the prince left the fortress, the moon was in Scorpio, and although he was strongly advised not to leave the fort then, he paid no heod to the advice.
*1 This account of the last days of the reign of Murtad Nizam Shah I is not correct. Firishta, who was employed by the king as a confidential agent and adviser during his contest with the prince, is & far better authority than Sayyid 'Ali. He says that when the amirs and the army halted at Dhanora and refused to advance any further against the army of Bijapur, which was besieging Ause, he was himself sent by the king to make inquiries in the camp and report the cause of the delay. Mirza Khân, who had returned to the city, was much-alarmed by the deputation of Firishta, whom he knew to be devoted to the king's interest, and offered the dancing girl, Fathi Shah, a bribe of 12,000 hans to obtain an order appointing him to investigate the cause of the army's slothfulnose, The bribe was accepted and the imbecile king sent Mirza Khan to the camp. Firishta fled from the carp on Mirza Khan's arrival and was pursued, but contrived to eludo his pursuers and to reach Ahmadnagar in the morning, when he made his report to the Jaing. He said that Mirzi Khân intended to go to Daulatâbâd, release the prince, and raise him to the throne. Fathi Shah, who was present at the interview, gave him the lie and said that it was inconceivable that Mirzê Khân should be meditating treason. Firishta replied that he had no motive for wishing to injure MirzKhân but feared that the truth of his report would soon ba manifest. He was yet speaking when spies came in and reported that Mirza Khan and the amirs were marching to Daulatábåd with the object-of proclaiming the prince. The king, in great alarm, asked Firishta what was to be done. Firishta replied that two measures, either of which was certain of success, were open. The first was to assemble the guards and march rapidly to Paithan to oppose the progress of the rebellious amits, who would be desorted by the army when it was seen that the king had taken the field. To this the king pleaded sickness caused by poison administered by a eunuch, who, he feared, had been in the pay of Mirza Khån. Firishta's second proposal was that Şalábat Khân should be recalled from Danda Rajpuri, and that the king should be carried in his litter as far as Junnar, to meet him. He said that the army, on learning that the king and Salabat Khan had met and were reconciled, would at once desort the prinoo and Mirza Khan and return to its allegiance. The king issued an order recalling SalAbat Khan from Danda Rajpuri and would have started to meet him, had not the dancing girl dissuaded him by alarming him. The miserable king lost heart, and decided to await ŞalAbat Khan's arrival in Ahmadnagar. It was ŞalAbat Khan's arrival that Mirza Khân had feared, and in order to forestall it he was marching on Daulatâbâd by double stages. Firishta, seeing that the king was entirely in the hands of Fathi Shah, was constrained to let events tako their courseF. ii, 286-288.

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Mirza Khân, having brought the prince forth from the fort, presented to him the confede. rates who had declared for him, and when all the amirs, officers, sila! dars, and troops who had agreed to raise the prince to the throne had made their obeisance and had been assured of the increase of his bounty and favour towards them, some of them were promoted. Among these was Mir Muhammad Salih Nishâbûrî, who received the title of Khân khânån and the appointment of Sar-i-naubat.
When the news of the prince's intentions reached the city of Ahmadnagar, most of the army, who were by nature a faithless crew, forgot their obligation and disgraced themselves by for saking their lawful master and hastening to join the prince, and during the two or three days which the prince now spent in Daulatâbâd he was joined by innumerable troops.
When an enormous force had thus gathered round the prince's standard, the prince marched on Ahmadnagar. Meanwhile the king contracted dysentery and became very weak. Although Ismail Khân and'his party strove hard to enlist some help, so that they might meet the rebels in the field, their efforts were unsucessful. The dancing girls were now dispersed. Some of them hid their heads in holes and corners and others fled to all parts in fear of their lives., Ismail Khân, the head of that gang, was unable to cope with the calamity that had befallen him, and sent umbrella and aftabgirs, the special insignia of royalty, by the hand of Daud Khan, another member of the gang, to the prince, and asked for an assurance that his life would be spared, but was so overcome by terror and perplexity that, without waiting for this assurance, he fled to the prince's camp. When Dâûd Khân, who had started before Isma'il Khân, reached the prince's camp, he was slain by the turbulent mob, but Ismi'il's fate was not decided so soon, for when he arrived he was admitted to make his obeisance, and Mirza Khân, interceding for him, prevented the mob from doing him violence.
When the prince's army arrived before Ahmadnagar,899 it halted by the Kala Chabatra in order that an auspicious hour for entering the city might be chosen, and the prince's tent was pitched there. The Sayyids, maularis, and the great men and the people of the city came forth to pay their respects and offer their congratulations, and received the honour of being allowed to make their obeisance, while the chief men of the army went out to welcome the prince, and all were graciously received. The next day at sunrise the prince mounted in royal state and rode with his amirs and officers towards the citadel of Ahmadnagar to pay his respects to the king.
When the prince was admitted to the royal presence he made his obeisance, 23 and the king with paternal kindness called him to him. A number of the prince's most devoted adherents, who had from motives of caution accompanied him to the royal presence, were apprehensive of the prince's advancing to the foot of the throne, notwithstanding the great weakness of the king, but the king, perceiving their anxiety, reassured the prince, and, when he drew near embraced him and kissed his forehead, and then gave him some useful and profitable advice regarding kingcraft and the mutability of all human concerns. When the king had finished his discourse, the prince took his leave, and sent the king, owing to his great weakness, from the Baghdad palace to the bath of Haidar Khân. Then Mirza Khan and
293 On the arrival of Prince Hunin before Ahmadnagar, Firishta attempted to have tho gates of the fort shut until Şal&bat Khan should arrive; but all except Fathi Shah and her maidservant, Sabza, had dossrted the king, and there was none to carry out any orders. The prince and Mirza Khan, with thirty or forty ruffians, entered the fort and made their way to the Baghdad palace, slaying all whom they met on their way. Firishta we recognized by the prince as a school-fellow, and was protected by him -F. ii, 288. .
208 According to Firishta, the prinoe, on entering his father's presence, treated him with every conceivable indignity and, touching him with the point of his sword, threatened to run him through the body. The king replied that he was sick unto death and would not trouble his son for many days longer, and prayed that his life might be spared. The appeal touched the prince for the moment, and he domead ed himself more humanely-F. ii, 288.

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some of the fomenters of strife who were in the prince's company, began to ply him with arguments to the effect that a king is the shadow of God and can, no more than God, endure a partner or a rival, and that any such should, in accordance with God's law, be removed. They succeeded in gaining the prince's consent and the prince proceeded to compass the king's death,294 and made manifest to all the truth of what the astrologers had foretold regarding the prince. Of a truth it becomes not a king to be a parricide, and if he becomes one his reign endures not. The days of the new king's reign had not yet reached one year, when the ill luck consequent on this base action overtook him and handed him over to the gang which had instigated him to this action, so that he was slain, as will soon be described.
The death of the king caused widespread lamentation and mourning. After his death the learned and accomplished men of the court made the necessary arrangements for his enshroudment and funeral and buried him in the garden of Rauzah, among the tombs of his ancestors.
MISCELLANEA.
This dreadful calamity happened on Rajab 18, A.H. 996 (June 14, A.D. 1588). Most accounts say that Murtaza Nizam Shah reigned twenty-four years. 296
(To be continued.)
MISCELLANEA.
"MALABAR."
As is well known, the term Malabar, properly the South-West Coast of India, was, up to the eighteenth century at any rate, extended round Cape Comorin, up the South-East Coast. So that Malabar came to mean any inhabitant of Southern
India.
An interesting instance of this is to be found in a chatty book of travels On and Off Duty in Annam, by Gabrielle M. Vassal (London, 1910; Heinemann). At the end of the book, pp. 277278, is a short glossary of no intrinsic value, e.g., "Sais, coachman: the name the French have given to the native driver." "Choum-choum: the native alcohol made from fermented rice," which must be the author's idea of sam-shi. But she gives, nevertheless, an explanation of "Malabar," as used in Annam, which rings true: "Malabar was the term used for any Indian in Indo-China; now it is used for the closed carriage driven originally by the Indians the small box which is the favourite carriage of the Annamese." Here clearly the Indian" is the Chulia (Chola, Tamil) of the Coromandel (8.E.) Coast, or the Kling (Kalinga, Telugu) further up the Coast northwards, and the carriage' is the familiar bandy, Tamil vandi, of Madras and the Coast generally. R. C. TEMPLE.
"
39
MEDINA TALNABY.
A Seventeenth Century Hobson-Jobson. Jón Olafsson, 1593-1679, the Icelandic traveller, was in India (Tranquebar) from 1621 to 1624 and on his return home wrote an account of his travels in
MS, which has since been printed in Icelandic in Copenhagen, well edited by Hr. Sigfús Blöndal. He followed the common practice of his day of interlarding his MS. with information from contemporary writers, using the Compendium Cosmographics, a short geography in Danish by Hans (or Pjetur) Nansen (1633), for the purpose of enlarging on the
geographical portion of his book. In describing Asia he records, amongst the cities of Arabia, two which he calls Medina and Talnaby.
Nansen's Compendium was popular and ran into editions-1633, 1635, 1646. Jón Olafsson's "Modina and Talnby " discloses a good instance of the rise of a Hobson-Jobson. In the 1633 and 1635 editions of Nansen, the names are printed as one"Medina Talnaby." In the 1646 edition, somebody inserted a comma thus: "Medina, Talnaby." Incidentally this shows that Jón Olafsson used the 1646 edition, reading the statement as the names of two towns. These words, however, represent the name of one town only! Let us write them as one name "Medinatalnaby" and divide the name up " Medinat-al-naby." The name becomes at once Medinatu'n-Naby, the City of the Prophet, i.e., Medina not far from Mecca. R C. TEMPLE.
20 Sayyid 'All does not give the details of Murtaza Nizam Shah's death. According to Firishta, Husain II, a few days after his interview with his father, had him carried to the bath and caused it to be heated to a much higher temperature than usual. He then had all apertures closed and allowed the king, no water to drink, so that he was suffocated, or rather, baked to death-F. ii, 288.
295 Firishta agrees in the date here given as that of Murtaza Nigam Shah's death, but says that he reigned for twenty-four years and five months. He adds that he was buried temporarily at Raurah, above Daulatabad, and that his body was exhumed by his brother, Burhan II, and sent to Karbala, where it was buried beside those of his father and grandfather-F. ii, 288,

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[ FEBRUARY, 1923
BOOK-NOTICE AN ELEMENTARY PALAUNO GRAMMAR by Mrs. to which Palaung belongs, viz., those of the general
LESLIE MILNE. Introduction by.c. O. BLAGDEN. | Mon Race. This is to say that ta in both NicoOxford, Clarendon Press, 1921.
hareso and Palaung is used when it is necessary or
desirable to express the fact that there is an inti. I understand Mrs. Milne's difficulties in this
mate relation between two words in a sentence. first attempt to reduce the Palaung language to writing and to unravel its construction," becauso
This leads me to note that Palaung, like other in 1875, in co-operation with Mr. E. H. Man I made languages of the kind, has a wide list of what we an attempt to reduce a language an Andamanoso used to call numeral co.etficiente, but I suppose we dialect of a tribe that epidemics introduced by
must now call them numeral determinatives. I Europeans have alas ! since absolutely wiped out- am nos euro, however, whether the younger for the first time to writing. The difficulties before term is an improvement, especially as this Grammar us were much greater than thoso Mro. Milne had to tends to show that these words are really descriptive encounter, for the reasons that thore was no pro
or classificatory. Perhaps the best and most vious knowledge to guide us and no known group generally intelligible term for them would be 'olasei. of languages with which to compare what we were fier.' I throw this out as a hint to professional trying to learn. I well remember the difficulty of grammarians. making anything of an obviously grammatical Turning to the "System of writing," I am very construction out of the statements of natives of
! pleased to see that only four unusual letters are used, the soil, quite as intent on learning our language
and my remarks thereon will show the suthoresg As we were on learning theirs, and utterly unable
how far the public she caters for will grasp her to explain, or help in explaining, any grammatical
meaning, though I suspect it is thst ekilled philologist form. Something of the sisine trouble no doubt
Mr. Otto Blagden who is responsible for them and fell to Mrs. Milue in her endeavours.
not Mrs. Milne. I will preface my remarks by This book is not "scientific." That is, it does quoting from p. 12:"When there is no diacritical not attempt to present the language philologically, mark over a lettor, the vowel sound is short ; when and uses for grammatical purposes the terms and a straight line is over a lotter-a, the vowel sound expressions commonly employed in teaching and is long." Then "Aasa in Mann (German) makes explaining English to English people. The book à asa in father 1-"a as u in but makes as ur in is none the less useful and clear to those for whom further. Am I right? We now get a little puzzle : it is primarily intended I take it missionaries and " as in ein get or well makes in fate? " as a in Government officials. For such a purpose it is a pane" makes a in? what, raising the question of why good book.
print both eando? What is gained by doing so ? It is also an honest book and shirks no difficulties I next come to a greater difficulty :-"i as i in presented by an analytical language framed on lines pin," and " as i In medicine," what then are i unknown to European learners. There is a real and I! Havo we in Palaung what Sir George attempt to explain the why and wherefore of every
Grierson would call "long short i" and "short long word in overy sentence quoted : which after all is
i ?" If so, it should be stated. Prima facie, what the learner wants, unless he be a philological there is no reason really for bothering the reader student. Such a student will find out for himself how with either e or i. very inadequate is the usual English scheme of
Lastly, we have "o as o in bons," which would do grammatical teaching, where "non-Aryan " Oriental
away with o altogether: however, I assume that languages are concerned. I need not point out to such the deficiencies in this respect on almost every
Mrs. Milne means "Oas o in opaque", which should
leave us 0 A9 in bone. And then we have what page of this book.
I can't print in the Journal, vie., what looks like a One result is that a great many words have to be
q gone wrong to represent "o as in hot or law !" treated as "particles"-a term dear to the old time
In the text we have very frequently this q gone grammarians when faced with a syllable or word
wrong with the long mark over it, so it must be essential to any given language, which he could not
both long and short as in hot and law. But need account for or exactly classify-a term I person
we worry the public with this a gone wrong? ally should like to see tabued to all gramma
Would not the much more easily printed and rians. While we are on this point, there is one
do cqually well and be as easily explained ? I "particle,' la, which very often appears, with every kind of sense attached to it according to context.
throw this out as a hint. Mrs. Milne gives it the general sense of the English
The only further remark needed here is that the to. It seems to me to be really what I have called
book is beautifully printed and Mr. Blagden's conjunctor of intimate relation' in treating introduction admirable. Nicobarose-a tongue in general alliance with those
R. C. TEMPLE.

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THE PROJECTED ILLUSTRATED MAHABHARATA
THE PROJECTED ILLUSTRATED MAHABHARATA.
BY SIR RICHARD TEMPLE, BT. IN vol. III, pt. I, of the Annals of the Bhandarkar Institute, Poona, for July 1921, but published in January 1922, there is a paper by the Chief of Aundh on the lines to be followed in drawing the pictures for the Institute's edition of the Mahabharata. The Institute has been fortunate in securing a heavy Government subsidy supplemented by a princely donation from the Chief himself, who is anxious that the money shall be properly spent, i.e., that the illustrations shall reproduce the period of the actors in the story as accurately as may be. He has fairly and dispassionately stated his views as tothe principles that should guide the artists employed. With these views I may say at once I heartily agree.
In ascertaining what these principles should be, the point that raises controversy is (to quote the Chief) the fact that "no caves or statues or carvings belonging to the epic period are available, nor is there any literary evidence which may unimpeachably be assigned to the epio period." To this I 'inay add that it is not even yet definitely settled what was "the epic period.". In the circumstances it is clear that all we can go upon is circumstantial evi. dence for such all-important points in pictorial representation as dress for man and beast, vehicles (animal or other), dwellings, processions, manners and customs, insignia and so on. And such circumstantial evidence as we have is based perforce on tradition, ancient or modern. The whole argument, therefore, rests on the value of tradition in such a matter as this or in allied matters.
In my judgment tradition is of very great value-specially if it can be traced back to a period when writing was unknown, or but sparsely used, or known only to a limited class. In guch cases tradition is at least of equal value with written or inscribed documents, even if these can be shown to be contemporary. In literary matters it is not difficult to show that this is the case. The circumstances in which Sir George Grierson and Dr. Lionel Barnett recovered the practically unwritten Kashmiri text of the Lallá Vákyani, 600 years after the author's date, make a case in point. The unquestioned accuracy with which a hafiz will repeat the Kurân, a Jew the Hebrew Scriptures, and many a Christian of the days gone by could repeat the Bible, and members of Brahmanical and Buddhist Schools appropriate portions of what I may call the Indian Scriptures, are other cases in point. Yet another illustration of the value of literary tradition is the fact that some thirty years ago the broken stones of the Kalyani Inscriptions at Pegu were set up again, despite many lost gaps, with complete accuracy because the text-recording the upasampada ceremony of ordination-was of supreme importance to the Buddhist hierarchy of Burma, and agreed word for word, even letter for letter, with the traditional written texts to be had in abundance in unvarying MSS.
The accuracy of pictorial representations of such ephemeral matters as the light and shade and the colouration of a landscape, of cloud effects and so on, are as much a matter of memory as the words of a text or the notes of a long musical work, and the fact that these can be, and are habitually, carried without error in certain types of brain is beyond cavil. In ancient sculpture and pictures allowance must of course be made for want of knowledge in perspective and anatomy, but this does not detract from the accuracy of tradition in such matters-dress, vehicles, dwellings, collective movements and manners-as go to the correct reproduction of a scene enacted before the date of the ancient artist. I therefore submit that we can safely trust his productions as to such points as the above.
As the Chief of Aundh says, we possess an ancient tradition of this kind in the sculptures and actual pictures at Så nchi, Bharhut, Bhilsa, Ajanta, Ellora, Java, Amaravati and so on,

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and not only do I agree that we are safe in using them as models for such a project as an illustrated Mahabharata, but I have actually done so for illustrations of Indian History.
About ten years or more ago I was asked to write the Persian, Indian and Further Indian sections of Hutchinson's History of the Nations. It was to be a brief popular history from the earliest to the most modern times and highly illustrated, i.e., with at least one picture on every page, besides many full-page illustrations. Of the Indian section, to which I will now restrict myself, I controlled the illustrations as well as the letter-press. As the history had to be very brief and cover the whole story from the earliest to the most modern times, I had to leave out very many important incidents and matters I wished to include in the 25,000 words I was allowed for all India, ancient, mediæval and modern. I used the power of profuse illustration to make good deficiencies as far as possible. The illustrations then became of paramount importance. Further, as the work was essentially "popular, more pictures containing "movement" than I wished had to be included. Lastly, I could command the services of English artists only, some of whom had never been in India and had, therefore, to be carefully taught and instructed.
For the anciont portion of the work I relied on the many books, illustrated in facsimile available nowadays on ancient Indian sculptured remains, and to my mind I was justified in doing so. Roughly the procedure was to select the photographs or other mechanical reproductions I wanted for my scenes, carefully explain them to the artist, and tell him to draw his picture with modern perspective and anatomy. He did not always quite clearly apprehend, but for the purpose in hand, viz., pictures for the education of a public unlearned in things Indian, the artists, taken all round, seemed to me to succeed in recreating with reasonable accuracy Indian scenes of long ago. In the case of the proposed illustrated Mahabharata, I do not see why the Chief of Aundh and his colleagues should not succeed in satisfying even a loarned Indian public by following the same method-which indeed I gather is what he proposes to do with this difference :-my artists were English without expert Indian knowledge, he and his artists are expert Indians. The ancient scenos depicted were as follows:
Prehistoric India. 1 p. 115—The dawn of life ; building a home. Drawn from a descriptioa of Anda
manose practice; the most primitive Oriental type known. 2. p. 116- The early morning of life; the daily bread. Taken from a photograph of
primitive life in Bengal. 3. p. 117-The forenoon of life ; Aryans entering India. Artist's own idea, accepted
by myself. 4. p. 118-Aryans settled in India : open-air sacrifice. From description : artist had been long in India.
North India 5. p. 119-Maya's Dream of the Birth of Gautama Siddharta, the Buddha, B.c. 568.
From a well known Buddhist sculptured soene. 1 Attached to the section of the work is a table of “Dates of Indian History with cautionary ncto "Most of the oarly dates and many Hindu dates up to the Muhammadan Conqueet in 1193 are still controveesial."

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43
6. p. 120-A hermit in times beyond date. From sculptured scenes by an artist who knew India well.
7. p. 121-An exhortation by Mahâvira, the Jina, B.C. 560. From a description. 8. p. 122-The last days of Buddha's teaching, B.C. 489. From a description, to bring out the difference between the nakedness of Mahâvira and the clothing of Buddha.
9. p. 122-Prasenajit of Kosala (Oudh) pays a visit, B.C. 520. From a sculpture; not successful: very stiff and the horse's tail should be tied to the harness. The scene is fairly portrayed, nevertheless.
10. p. 123-Ajâtasatru of Magadha makes a midnight call, B.C. 495. From description, based on ancient sculpture.
11. p. 124-Anathapindaka's great act of charity, B.C. 483. From a well-known Buddhist sculpture.
12. p. 125-Porus awaits the attack of Alexander, July, B.C. 326. From description, based on Greek accounts, of the opening scene of the battle.
13. p. 126-A feat of Alexander the Great, B.C. 326. From the Greek account of the attack on the fort of the Malloi.
14. P.
126 -Ancient Indian coins from photographs.
15. p. 127-Chandragupta Maurya entertains his bride from Babylon, B.C. 303. From
a well-known sculptured scene, showing contemporary customs: the great ladies scantily clothed; the maidservants fully clothed. But I doubt if an ancient Greeco-Persian or Babylonian princess could have been induced to appear otherwise than heavily clad.
16. p. 128--Asoka's Envoy declares peace, B.C. 261. From another sculptured scene of the same kind as No. 15.
17. p. 129 Somewhere there is a fine full-page dancing scene from a sculpture which is missing from the copy I now have.
18. p. 129
Foreigners at Sanchi with offerings, B.O. 145. From a sculptured scene. 19. p. 130-Asoka's missionaries set up an edict Pillar at Lauriya Nandangarh, B.O. 244. Partly from description and partly from sculptured figures.
20. p. 131-King Milinda asks questions, B.O. 140. From description, by an artist
who knew India.
21. p. 132-Gondophares receives a letter from St. Thomas, c. 45 A.D. From description to an artist acquainted with Indo-Baktrian art.
22. p. 133-Kanishka inaugurates Mahâyâna (Northern) Buddhism, 100 A.D. From description and Indo-Baktrian art. The figure of the Buddha is much too modern.
23. p. 134-A street scene in Taxila, A.D. 260. From description.
The instruction was that the ancient Buddhist sculptures were to be taken for the buildings, but that otherwise the bazaar would be much as it is now in Northern India. 24. p. 135-Vikramaditya Gupta goes forth to war, A.D. 395. From description. 25. p. 136-Kalidasa inaiting the "Cloud Messenger," A.D. 375. From description. 26. p. 137-The defeat of the Ephthalites or White Huns, A.D. 528. A vigorous battle scene from a study of Mongolian and Indian pictures and designs. 27. p. 138-Fa Hsien at the ruins of Asoka's Palace, A.D. 407. From study of ancient
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28. p. 139--The Emperor Harsha pays homage to Buddha, A.D. 645. From description. 29. p. 140-An Ancient Coronation. Photograph of an Ajanta fresco, showing ancient
method of painting a soene. 30. p. 144-Kirtivarman Chandella visits his temple at Khajurahu, A.D. 1065. From
a photograph of a temple at Khajurahu. 31. p. 144-Sankaracharya talks of the One God, A.D. 815. From description to an
artist who knew India. 32. P. 145-Râmânuja contemplating his philosophy of the One Personal God, A.D. 1100. Froin description and a metal image of Ramanuja.
The Deccan and South India. 33. p. 146-Worship at Kârli in the days of Christ, A.D. 20. From a photograph of the
Cave and description showing that the dress of the people was much as now. 34. p. 148-Arrival of the Jewish pilgrims at Cochin, (traditionally) A.D. 68. From
description showing Jewish dress of the period and modern Malabart
costume. . 35. p. 149-Pulikesin II, the Châlukhya receives envoys from Persia, A.D. 625. From a
coloured fresco at Ajanta. 36. p. 150-Cutting an Inscription at Vatapi, A.D. 578. From a photograph taken at
Bå dåmi. 37. p. 150-A Singhalese raid into Southern India, A.D. 1175. From description. p. 151–Vikramanka Châlukhya sends a friendly letter to Kulottunga Chola,
c. 1080. From description and an Ajanta painting. p. 152—Two busts showing ancient Indian jewellery. From Ajanta paintings. 40. p: 152-Ruins of the Kailasa at Ellora. From a photograph. 41. p. 154-Defeat of Pulikesin II. Chalakhya by Mahamalla Pallava at Badami,
A.D. 142. Vigorous battle-piece from description. 42. p. 155-Rajaraja Chola inspects the bas-relief of his exploits at Tanjore, A.D. 995.
From photographs of Tanjore temple walls and description giving modern costume to an artist who knew India.
Muhammadan and Later India. The same principles as the above were adopted for illustrations of mediæval and modern India, of which the following are typical examples of the methods by which scenes, sometimes long gone by, were reconstructed :43. p. 172-The Mediæval Reformer Kabir and his sons, A.D. 1510. From a contem
porary Indian painting in the India Office. . 44, p. 174Rejoicings at the Birth of the Emperor Akbar the Great, A.D. 1642. From
another contemporary Indian painting. 45. p. 174 The Khan Jahân shows Akbar his Princely Captives (the Rebellion of the
Mirzas), A.D. 1572. In colours from a contemporary Indian painting. 46. p. 186- The Action between the French and the English off Pulo Aor (Straits
of Singapore) in 1804. Froin a photograph of contemporary English print. 47. p. 194-Maharaja Ranjit Singh of the Panjab, c. 1835. From a photograph of
contemporary English painting. 48. p. 205-The Well at Cawnpore, 1857. From a photograph of a rare sketch made.
by an English officer on the spot after its discovery. Note.--All the later illustrations were made after original contemporary European
drawings.

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PALLAVA PAINTING
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Bearing in mind that the illustrations above mentioned were made by English artists for an English audience, it is hoped that the above remarks on the method of producing them may be of use to the Chief of Aundh and his colleagues in their praiseworthy attempt to bring hone to the modern Hindu public the scenes described in their great Epic. In such a matter it is the public and not any particular class of virtuosi that have to be considered. In an effort to reach the public by illustration the initial cost is always great. Messrs. Hutchinsons' enterprise, of which my work was of course only a portion, meant, I under stand, an outlay of £30,000, and I am not surprised to hear that the new Mahabharata will oost a great deal of money to produce.
PALLAVA PAINTING.
By Prop. G. JOUVEAU DUBREUIL.1 PALLAVA sculpture and architecture are well-known, but Pallava painting is quite a new subject. Some traces of colour found at Mahabalipuram and at Mâmandar give room for suspicion that the monuments there have been painted, but these remains are quite sufficient to enable us to understand the art of Pallava painting. The discovery of frescoes in the Pallava rock-cut temple at Sittannavâsal are of much importance.
These paintings enable us to put forth the two following propositions - 1. The process of Pallava painting is similar to that of the Ajanta paintings. 2. From an artistic point of view, the remains that we have are very remarkable.
It would appear that the painting of the Pallavas was, perhaps, even more beauti
ful than their sculpture. The frescoes at Sittannavâsal came to my knowledge thus. In the course of the year 1918, I undertook, with the late Mr. T. A. Gopinatha Row, a complete study of all the rock cut temples of Southern India. Sittannavåsal figured in a list of villages that I sent to Mr. Glopinatha Row and I requested him to make an examination of the cave temple there. On the 27th January 1919, Mr. Gopinatha Row wrote to me, "In accordanoe with the strongly expressed desire of yours to undertake the writing of a work on the South Indian rook-out shrines, I took twenty days' privilege leave before Christmas with permission to suffix the Christmas holidays to it and visited the following places.....". And about SittannavAsal and its frescoes he said, "These paintings are perhaps as old as the shrine and are in a fairly good state of preservation and need being copied fully." It is therefore certain that Mr. Gopinatha Row intended to return to Sittannavisal to make a complete study of it, but unfortunately death prevented my friend from realising his project. The discovery of Pallava paintings appeared to me, however, to be so important that I went to the spot on the 3rd January 1920.
Sittannavåsal is nine miles to the north-west of Pudukkottai and is situated in the midst of the Pallava country, being only a few miles from Narttamalai, Malaiyadipatti, Kudumiyamalai and Kunnandarkðil, which contain well-known inscriptions of the epoch of the Pallavas.
The arohitectural style of the rock-cut shrine at Sittannavåsal is identical with that of the Mamandør caves, which we owe to Mahendravarman I., as is proved by the Mamandir inscription praising the poetical and musical talents of this king. The Sittannavdeal cave is & Jain temple and was carved out of the rock by men who were the contemporaries,
1 The discovery referred to in this article was first announoed on 13th November 1920 in a note privately printed at the State Press, Pudukkottai.

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co-religionists and friends of Mahendravarman I., before he was converted by Appar. It was at one time fully decorated, but only the upper parts of the edifice are now intact. So there only remain the paintings on the ceilings, the capitals and the upper parts of the pillars.
The principal subject that is preserved is a grand fresco which adorns the whole extent of the ceiling of the verandah. This fresco represents a tank covered with lotus. In the midst of the flowers are found fish, geese, buffaloes, elephants and three men who are surely Jains holding lotuses in their hand. The skin of two of these Jains is dark-red in colour and that of the third is bright yellow. Their pose, their colouring and the sweetness of their countenance are indeed charming, and I regret very much my inability to give photographs of them here. Unfortunately red and yellow appear black in photographs and in this case the Jains are painted red, yellow and black, and photographs that I took with the greatest care failed to give any satisfactory result. Moreover, it is very difficult to make a copy of the fresco by hand, and it is almost impossible for anyone but a professional painter to reproduce a tableau without changing its expression. For my part it was impossible to make an exact copy of these paintings, whose charms consist in the versatility of design and in gradation of colouring with the half-tones and the light and shade. The fresco of "the Lotus tank" was probably some scene from the religious history of the Jains, which I do not know.
The decoration of the capitals of the two pillars of the façade is well-preserved, and consists of painted lotuses whose blooming stems intertwine with elegance. The pillars them. Helves are adorned with the figures of dancing-girls. The one on the right side is not wellpreserved but, luckily, the one on the left has escaped almost completely the ravages of man, rain and time. As this part of the monument is in full light, it was easy for me to make a tracing of it on transparent paper and thus obtain an almost perfect reproduction of it, given here. This charming dancing-girl is a dévadási of the temple, for in the seventh century, the Jains and the Buddhists had come to terms with God in regard to the introduction of dancing-girls into their austere religion.
· NON A PALLAVA FRESCO AT SITTANNAVÅSAL NHAR PUDUKKOTTAI.

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The art of dancing was greatly honoured at the time of Mahendravarman I. In 1920 my friend, Mr. K. G. Sankara Aiyar of Trivandram, studied the Mâmandûr inscription with the aid of a few photographs that I had sent him, and was able to read in it the words : nasahitvacha nrityavihitah. It is therefore probable that the king Mahendravarman I was the author of a treatiso on dancing. In the samo inscription he found the words : kradharani svara varnnayapura tapuh kavigira, and elsewhere: kinchavividhaih kritvavarnam Chandrdvarnam. Mahendravarman was thus the author of certain works on music, which is an art inseparable from dancing. Further, in The Pallaras, page 39, I have given it as my opinion that the Kudumiyamalai inscription referred to the musical talents of Mahendravarman.
I should add here that Mr. T. A. Gopinatha Row, when visiting the rock-cut temples of Pudukkottai State, made the important discovery of a new musical inscription and wrote to me as follows :-"The Tirumayyam Cave also contained a musical treatise similar to the Kurumiyamalai inscription. It is engraved on the wall of the shrine to Siva (rock-cut). A very late Pandya king has erased a portion of the inscription, stating that it is in an unintelligible script, and has engraved thereon a useless inscription of his own recording perhaps a gift of a few coins. The "beggar" did not know what serious damage he was doing to an invaluable inscription. The fragments that are available now read here and there :Sha[dja), Gandhåra, Dhaiva[ta]-terms of Indian music, written in the same characters as the Kudumiyamalai inscription.
Of the fine arts of the Pallava epoch, we have kilown the soulpture for a long time. We have now some information about painting, music and dancing.
Thus the fresco paintings of Sittannavåsal complete our knowledge of the art of the Pallavas during the time of Mahendravarman I.
ODIA : A DERIVATION.
BY G. RAMADAS, B.A. ODIYA, generally spelt Oriya in English, is the language of the Odias, who live in the province commonly called Orissa, which is usually held to be a contraction of Odra-desa, meaning the country of the Odras. The initial vowel 6 is at times changed to v, and the name is then pronounoed Voddês.
So great an authority as Sir George Grierson, Linguistic Survey of India, vol. V, pt. 2, 'p. 367, says: “It (Oriya) is the language of Odra or Utkala, both of which are ancient names of the country now known as Orissa." The first question then to attack is: When did these names, Odra, Odia, and Utkala, come to be used ?
The terms Odra, Odia and Utkala are not found in the Ramayana. In the Mahabharata, however, the name Ondra appears (Bhishma parva, Canto 9, sloka 7), but in association with Barbaras and Mechhâs. It is possible that Ondra is here & wrong reading for Andhra. Anyhow it cannot refer to the Odras...
Utkala occurs in floka 41 of the same Canto, where it is associated with the Dabarnas, who may have derived their name from the river Dasárna, which is mentioned by Ptolemy as ono of the four rivers of Kannagara and as the western mouth of the Ganges. The Dasar. nas are also mentioned in the Vishnu Punana as inhabiting the south-western part of Madhyadêsa, in juxtaposition to the Sabarás. The names of the kings of this people are given in the Mahabhdrata, but nothing more is said of the Utkalas.
In none of the Edicts of Asoka are the Utkalas or Odras mentioned, and neither of these names is found in the inscriptions of the caves of the Udayagiri and Khandaqiri hills

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of Orissa. Later on, Megasthenes and Pliny mention a number of peoples living in the country near the mouths of the Ganges, but it is impossible to identify any of them with the Odras or Utkalas.
In the Allahabad posthumous pillar inscription of Samudra-Gupta, only he metropolitan towns of the kingdoms conquered are mentioned, and it is not possible to say for certain which of them was the capital of the Odra-desa. All we can say is that three of the kingdoms seem to have been in the region along the coast, for Kalidasa, whose works belong to much the same period, says in his Raghuvassa, Canto IV, that after Raghu had conquered the Sumhâs, princes of Vaiga (Bengal), he crossed the river Kapisa, and being shown the way by the princes of Utkala, bent his course towards Kalinga, with which land he associates the mountain Mahendra-giri. This kingdom of Utkala was, according to the Allahabad Inscription, ruled over by Vyaghrarâja, while Mahendra-giri was in the kingdom of Kalinga from Asokan times, and what the Allahabad Inscription and Kalidasa's statement seem to imply is that by Samudra-Gupta's time the northern part of the Asokan Kalinga had become a separate kingdom known as Uttara-Kalinga or Utkala. This is not an unnatural assumption to make. But as yet we have not met with any mention of Odra or Odia, and we cannot therefore be certain of the use of that term before the seventh century A.D., the latest date so far given to Kalidasa.
In the travels of Hwan Thsang, the Chinese Pilgrim of the seventh century, Odra is, however, mentioned, to the south of which is Konyôdha, and to the south of that again is Kalinga. It seems clear from these statements that the ancient Utkala had come to be known as Odra by the time of this prince of the Chinese pilgrims. It is now necessary to discuss how and why this new name came to be used.
As has been above said, the Utkalas and Dasarņas were the people living in the region between Kannagara (Konark, Kanârak) and the western mouth of the Ganges, and it is stated in the Vishnu-Purâņa that the Sabarâs were living in juxtaposition to the Daśårņas. Besides these three, many minor tribes were probably also living in this region. The Utkalas must have become the most prominent of them all in subsequent times, as the whole territory was named after them.
To ascertain how the name Odra or Odia arose, we have to go to the derivation of the word itself. Monier Williams in his Sanskrit-English Dictionary says, “ Odra is formed of ud to embrace, and the affix rak; the u becomes 7." This makes out that the word originally meant "the people that embrace," and signifies that the people have the character of em. bracing or adopting the manners of others. However, had this been so observable in the people as to give them a name signifying that characteristic, Hwan Thsang, who never omitted to mention any prominent fact, would have said so in his account of Odra. At the present day they are found to be very tenacious in adhering to their native habits. The derivation given above cannot be accepted.
Sanskrit scholars always try to derive every word in that language from Sanskrit roots alone. This is due to their zeal to show that Sanskrit is a pure language unpolluted by the admixture of foreign (Mlechchha) and vernacular (Paisachaka) elements. But an unbiased study will show that even in Sanskrit such foreign words do exist, and that words to express ideas foreign to Sanskrit had to be borrowed from other languages. Thus, Hora, Drekkana. Sunapha, etc., of the astronomical expressions were adapted from Greek. From China came chini. The names of towns and countries were not materially altered when they were taken into Sanskrit. Thus, Kottura, a purely Dravidian name formed of kotta, new, and úru,

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a town, became in Sanskrit Kottäraka, and the Sabara name Lanka remained unchanged in Sanskrit. Similarly the name Odra appears to have had its origin in a language which is unconnected with the sacred language of India.
The Kuis or Khonds are a tribe of the Dravidian class living in the hills of Orissa, "Their habitat is the hills separating the districts of Ganjam and Vizagapatam in the Madras Presidency and continuing northwards into the Orissa Tributary States, Bod, Daspalla, and Nayagarh, and, crossing the Mahanadi, into Angul and the Khondmals. The Khond area further extends into the Central Provinces, covering the northern part of Kaldhandi, and the south of Patna." (Grierson's Linguistic Survey of India, vol. IV, p. 457.) These people cannot have been immigrants, for the migratory instinot is not in them, so far as can be now judged. They are very much attached to their homes. Though now confined to the hills, they must have onoe formed the people of both the hills and the littoral, until the irresistible flood of the Aryan peoples flowed down upon them from the mouths of the Ganges, and made most of them retreat into the hills. Even then some of them remained amongst their conquerors. “But over the whole tract (where Oriya is spoken), except the settled portions of Orissa, there are a number of tribes who know no Oriya, and whose only form of speech is some Dravidian or Mupgå language" (Grierson, op. cit., vol. V, pt. 2, p. 368). The occupation of Orissa by the Aryan conquerors is comparable with that of Britain by the Teutonio tribes. There was no extermination of the original inhabitants.
In course of time conquering immigrants penetrated into the hill tracts also, besides occupying all the low valleys and plains, and foroed the Dravidian tribes up into the remoter hills. Even there the Khonds could not escape the invader's influence, and some of their words crept into the Khond language. All their cardinal numerals from three to twenty are Oriya--Amu, we (Oriya, ame); sunna, gold; rupa, silver ; loko, man; chdsd-gatanju, cultivator (Oriya, chasa, cultivation); gaude-nju, shepherd (Oriya, gaudu, a shepherd); OsurSnju, a devil (osur, a demon); gôda, a horse ; honso, a duck: denga, tall, are all examples of Oriya words that have been directly, or with the addition of Kui terminations, taken into Kui. Some of the Oriya customs are also found among the Khonds.
Where did these conquerors that exerted so much influence upon the indigenous inhabi. tants of the country come from? It has already been suggested that they were, prior to the seventh century, called the Utkalas, as inhabitants of the kingdom of Uttara-Kalinga. Their language and customs bear a resemblance to those of the people of Bengal and Bihar, and the three languages of Bengal, Bihar and Utkala all appear to have sprung from the Magadhi Prakrit. It may be assumed therefore that the Utkalas must have originally inhabited the region near the mouths of the Ganges, i.e., the southern part of Magadha.
It cannot be definitely determined why these Utkalas left their original homes for the country of the Khonds, but they may have entered it after it had been conquered by Asoka for reasons of trade. To the present day they show a strong tendenoy towards trade and traffic, and Osiya silk merchants are found in every place as far south as Madras. They have also always exhibited an adventurous and enterprising spirit, and this may have induced them to leave their native homes for pastures new. They certainly carried their arms southwards as far as Nellore, and the kings of Cuttack bore the titles of Gajapati, Gaudėšvara, Navakoti-Karnata-Kalabargèsvara, claiming a suzerainty over Kalinga, the Gauda country,1 thé Carnatic, and even Kulbarga. A copper-plate grant of Pratâpa Rudra
1. That is, the Vizagapatam District, because Simhachalam is called Govara-Kahetra in the Oriya inscriptions of that temple. A class of shepherds called Gavards are found in large numbers in this distriot.

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Deva of this family, dated 1509-10 A.D. (No. 12 of Appendix A, Epigraphical Report, Madras, 1920-21) has been discovered at Kâvali in the Nellore District, and a stone inscription (No. 208 of 1899) of the same king in the Guntur District. But when the Oriyas came into conflict with the powerful Vijayanagar Empire under Krishna Dêva Râya, they had to recede northwards, and a boundary for their country was formed where Vaddâdi (Vadde of the Odias: vádi, a limit), a town in the District of Vizagapatam, now stands. A further proof of their adventurous spirit is to be found in the fact that Vaddes, a class of Odias, are found settled so far south as the district of Tinnevelly.
Such being the spirit of the people, no wonder the Khonds had to submit, and were perhaps reduced to the position of the serfs of European feudal times. Thus degraded, the Khonds treated their superiors as over-lords and called them Odâs, which in the Kui language means kings. At the present day the indebted hillmen of the Jeypore Agency call their creditors sahukar, which in Oriya, as elsewhere, means money-lender, while the lower classes call the Brahmans, especially the temple-priests, mahd-prabhu, which means "great lord."
The Kui word oda is purely Dravidian and is found in all the Dravidian languages Thus-Telugu, Odayadu or Odayudu, meaning "king" or "lord": Kanarese, Odayar, the title of the Mahârâja of Mysore: Tamil, Udayar, meaning "king." Another form of the word, Udayavar, is applied only to Râmânuja, the reputed founder of the Vaishnava religion in the South.
Add to this Dravidian word oḍa the suffix iya, which means 'belonging to,' and we get Odia, as the "people of the kings." Such a derivation conforms with vernacular habits, while Sanskrit scholars, who want to make every word pedantic, add ra to the root and form from it odra by the process of dropping the final a and lengthening the initial o. In my view the Odias got their name out of their own tongue and themselves gave it to their language and their country. The language is in fact of comparatively recent origin and did not take on a literary form till the middle of the nineteenth century.
INDIA AND THE ROMANS.
BY PROF. G. JOUVEAU DUBREUIL.
(Translated from the French by Sir R. C. Temple.1)
Ir is generally thought that Europe and India are far removed from each other, though relations between them were numerous before the discovery of the Cape of Good Hope and the progress of navigation. I propose not only to show that there were communications between India and Rome, but to try and prove that they were frequent and important and that India was thoroughly saturated with Roman civilisation..
The Roman Republic had without doubt hardly any relations with India. But the Emperor Augustus received two Indian embassies. One of them brought with it some presents and a letter written in Greek, by which a king in India gave the Romans complete liberty of entry and traffic. The presents consisted of curiosities from his country: a man without arms, an enormous tortoise, some snakes, and a gigantic partridge [? peacock]. The ambassadors went by the city of Broach, which is to the north of Bombay, followed the route of Nearchos along the Persian Gulf, and reached Italy by way of Antioch. That was the old route to Europe.
1 G. Jouveau-Dubreuil : L'Inde et les Romains; Librairie Paul Geuthner, 13 rue Jacob, Paris, 1921. A pamphlet of 7 pages.

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In the year B.O. 30 Augustus conquered Egypt, and from that time the ordinary route used was that by Egypt and the Red Sea. According to Strabo, real fleets, counting more than 120 vessels, used to leave the Red Sea and steer for India. Commerce now became very important and we have some details of it in the works of Strabo and Pliny, and above all in the Periplus of the Erythrean Sea and in Ptolemy's Geography.
Let us go back to that time of long ago, and, in imagination, let us accompany a Roman merchant on his voyage. He makes the classic voyage across the Mediterranean from Rome to Alexandria, and then our merchant embarks on the Nile and goes up the river as far as Koptos, a little below Thebes. After this he crosses the desert on camel-back for 200 miles to Berenice, the port of the Troglodites [Cave-dwellers], in one of the gulfs of the Red Sea. There he finds about 400 vessels, ready to sail together as a fleet, for the ports of India. In the middle of July the fleet leaves the shores of Egypt and after some days arrives at Mouza, near the town of Mocha in Arabia. A little further on, in the Straits of Babel Mandeb, the fleet takes in fresh water at the port of Okėlis, now Ghalla. It passes in sight of Eudêmone or Aden, reaches the port of Kanê, and finally leaves the coast of Arabia. The ships now start on the open sea for India. It is the beginning of August. The [South-west] Monsoon is at its height, and therefore all that our hardy seamen had to do was to run before the Wind of Hippalos to cross the whole width of the Arabian Gulf in a month.
The Indian coast is struck on a day in September, and after the bearings are taken the ship is directed to the port of Barygaza, now the town of Broach [Bharukachchha, Bharuch] in the Gulf of Cambay. Here our merchant lands a portion of the merchandise he has brought from Europe, the greater part of it consisting of articles for the bâzâr [cheap market], valueless rubbish made in Europe. There is plenty of made-up clothing because the rich Indians dress themselves in the latest fashions of Rome. There are objects in steel or bronze, glassware, tin, lead, sandrach3 gum, coral, perfumery, unguents, etc. There are also special goods for presentation to the kings, because the town of Barygaza, which is the great seaport of Malwa and the Deccan, is in direct communication with Ozênê, (Ujjayinî, Ujjain) where reigns Tiastanês (Chashtana), and with Paithana, of which the king is called Siro-Polemaios (Sri-Pulumâyi). These princes live in the greatest luxury, and for them our merchant has brought some silver dishes richly chased, fine wines and instruments of music and paints, and also some of those Greek (Yavanî) slaves whose beauty and talents are extolled by the Hindu poets and much appreciated by the kings. All the European articles are sold dear and easily in the markets of Barygaza.
We now continue our voyage southwards, following the coast of Dakhinabades or the Deccan. It is dangerous and there is a risk of being captured by the pirates of Nitria before we can arrive at the port of Muziris (Muyirikkôdu or Cranganore), the great port of the country of the Chêras. In this town is found a Roman garrison composed of two cohorts, charged with the protection of commerce, and there is in the neighbourhood a temple of Augustus.
The ship next doubles Cape Komaria or Comorin and arrives at the port of Kolkhof or Korkai. This town is in the centre of the pearl country and belongs to Pandion (the Pândyan) King of Madura. It is much frequented by Europeans and many of the inhabitants understand and speak Greek. The Pândyan (king) has a guard of Yavanas or European soldiers.
Besides all this, the current money is Roman, and our merchant has landed at Kolkhoi a great quantity of Roman pieces, which at once pass into circulation. They serve
Hippalos was the first Roman navigator to cross the Indian Ocean direct by the use of the Monsoon, about 79 A.D.
The gum of the Sandarach tree (Ar. chandrus), also known as Citrus. Jointed arbor vitae, Pounce tree. The resin was formerly much esteemed as a medicine, but is now only used as an ingredient in varnishes.

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him to buy pearls, the principal product of the country, and a certain quantity of ivory coming from Ceylon, and some beryls which come from Punnâta or Punnâd, of which the capital, Padiyar, stands on an affluent of the Cauvery.
In the month of November the ship leaves Kolkhof with a cargo of pearls, ivory and precious stones for the return voyage to Europe. After rounding Cape Comorin the ship touches at the port of Becare [Vaikkarai] (now in the State of Travancore). It there takes in an enormous quantity of pepper from the town of Nelkyuda, which belongs to the Pândyan king, and is in the centre of the pepper region. After that the ship goes up the Malabar coast as far as Barygaza (Broach). In that port is taken in a freight of cotton cloths, especially very fine muslins, which have come from the neighbourhood of Masulipatam (Maesalia). It is now December or January; the wind is blowing from the north-east, and the ship can easily return to Arabia and thence to Egypt.
Our merchant can then go on quickly to Rome where he can sell very dear what he has bought in a cheap market in India. Pliny complains indignantly that goods were sold in Rome at a price which was a hundred times their cost in India. The risks of the voyage were thus more than repaid.
Despite the high prices at which pearls, incense, ivory, muslin and precious stones were sold in Rome, these articles went off at once, so great was the luxury and the taste for costly display in Rome under the first Emperors.
On their part the Indians were pleased to see the advent to their country of these Europeans who brought them the luxury and civilisation of the West The Tamil poets tell us of the vases and lamps of the Yavanas and of the European soldiers, who wore fine armour and defended the city of Madura with courage.
There was at Pukar (Kaveripattanam) an entire quarter for European merchants, where the shops were full of rare and precious articles. A Tamil poem, the Ahandnaru, speaks with admiration of the great and beautiful ships of the Yavanas which frequented the port of Muziris.
The importance of Roman commerce was so great that the local money was completely replaced by the Roman. There have been discovered in the South of India numerous hoards buried in the earth and the pieces they contained were entirely Roman. There has never been found a single piece bolonging to a native prince, which clearly proves that the kings had adopted the Roman money. This last had the advantage of being international, whereas the indigenous moneys had no currency outside their own country.
In 1850 an enormous quantity of gold pieces was discovered at Kottayam near Tellicherry. In 1856 at Kaliyamputtûr in the Madura district, a large number of gold coins of the time of Tiberius, Claudius, Nero, Domitian and Nerva was found. At Pollachi in the Coimbatore district two hoards were discovered, both containing coins of Augustus and Tiberius. In the same district at Karuvûr two hoards were also discovered. One of these, found in 1878, contained 500 silver coins of Augustus and 90 silver coins of Tiberius. At Vellalar in the same district of Coimbatore were found two hoards of silver coins. That found in 1842 contained 135 pieces of Augustus, 378 of Tiberius, 5 of Claudius. The other, found in 1891, was in a pot containing 180 pieces of Augustus and 329 of Tiberius. In 1898 there was discovered at Pudukkottai a hoard of a great quantity of coins of the Emperors from Augustus to Vespasian. It is to be remarked that all these coins were those of the Roman Emperors who reigned in the first century of our era.

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Towards the end of that century Roman manners became simpler and there was reaction against the unbridled luxury of the first emperors. As the South of India produced chiefly articles of luxury, its commerce with Rome fell off.
We now enter on the second phase of the bistory of the relations between India and the Romans. Up to this time the kingdom of the Parthians had served as a barrier between Northern India and the West. It is well known that the Parthians were the irreduci blo enemies of the Romans and hostile to Roman civilisation. But in the second half of the first century the Kushåns of Bactria conquered Northern India and introduced there a taste for Western civilisation. From that time communications between Northern India and Europe became practicable also by land. One passed from India into the valley of Kabul and thenoo into Bactria. Following then the course of the Oxus, one arrived at the Black Sea by way of the country of the Massagetes. One could also go by Baluchistan, the South of Persia and Mesopotamia.
Trajan and Antoninus Pius received ambassadors from India while Kanishka, a Kushan prince reigning in Northern India, bore in his inscription at Ava the title of Caesar, and at that time they (the Kushåns) made use of (Roman) hours for dividing the day, as is proved for us by the rock inscription at Manikyala. The Kushân kings had coinage of their own, but it is to be remarked that the coins had exactly the weight of the Roman coins. The one silver coin which is known of Vima Kadphises is exactly of the weight of the (Roman) denarius, while the gold coins of the Kushans have the same weight as the Roman gold coins. It is probable that Roman coins were not current in Northern India, because very few have been found in that region. Nevertheless, it is useful to remember that three gold pieces, namely of Domitian, Trajan, and Sabina the wife of Hadrian, respectively, have been found mixed up with coins of the Kushån kings in a sanctuary [stúpa] at Jalalabad.
At that time Greek was the international language, and the Roman influence which penetrated into India in the first century of our era was in reality that cosmopolitan civilisation which is known as Graoco-Roman. From 105 to 273 A.D. the principal commercial emporium was Palmyra in Syria, and it is in some measure in consequence of its action as an intermediary that India received the Graeco-Roman culture, which spread itself thence through all the East.
This Western influence profoundly affected the whole of India. We possess innumerablo sculptures which are so Graeco-Roman in style, that it is often necessary to know that they have buen discovered in India in order to recognise them as Indian. The style is often called Graeco-Buddhist, because Graeco-Roman art is found applied to Buddhist subjects. It is chiefly in Gandhâra that sculptures of this kind have been discovered, and Professor Foucher of the Sorbonne has written a masterly work on the subjeot. Such soulptures have, however, been found at Mathurâ, on the Jamna, at Sårnáth near Benares, and at Amaravati near Bezwada, which clearly shows that this art was spread all over India. Probably the Oriental wars of the Romans in the days of Trajan and Hadrian helped to spread the GraecoRoman art of Pergamos and Ephesus into India. The greater part of the foot-soldiers and horsemen represented in the bas-reliefs of Amaravati have the appearance of being imitations of those on Trajan's Column (at Rome). Buddha in sculpture personates Apollo, and the god Kuvera has the same appearance as the Zeus of Phidias. The figures are of a Grock type; the hair is ourly, and the clothing imitates the Roman toga. A halo adorna thothead of the Buddha, of a kind which, with their regular features, their curly locks, their draperies and their gostures of benediction completes a faithful portrait of the saints of the ancient Christian Church.

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CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY.
SERIES IV.
BY H. A. ROSE, I.C.S. (Retired). In this Series the Bahdwalpur State Gazetteer (Lahore, 1904) is referred to as B.; the Chamba State Gazetteer (Lahore, 1904) as Ch.; the Simla Settlement Report as Simla S. R.; the Simla Hill States Gazetteer (Lahore, 1904) as SS. (with the addition of the name of the State); tho Sirmur State Gazetteer (Lahore, 1904) as Sirmûr; and the Mandi and Suket States Gazetteer (Lahore, 1904) as Mandi or Suket, as applicable. The words in this Series are principally excerpted from the above works, but some from unpublished sources, many from the present writer's A Compendium of the Punjab Customary Law (Lahore, 1910 ;- cited as Comp.) and his Glossary of Punjab Tribes and Castes (Lahore, 1911, 1914 and 1919) have also boen included. Roman numerals refer to the three previous Series. P.D.-the Punjabi Dictu. of Bhai Maya Singh, D.G.K. Dera Ghazi Khân, and D.I.K. -Dera Ismail Khân Districts.
Aba : a vocative, O father, -báwaji, among Pathans and Shaikhs.
Abhyagat: a begging sâdhu. Suket, 24. · Achar : character'. Gloss., I, p. 716.
Achhlt: an offering of rice to Mahâdeo : Suket 23, or -at, Gloss., I, p. 376 : as much as vill stay on the thumb, first and second fingers.
Adh-gabh : lit. 'mid-pregnancy,' and so a rite observed thereat. Chloss., I, p. 733. Adhi-ghari : add to, in III), called gâhri in Pangi and Lahul: V. Gahr. Ch., 231. Adh-pai: v. Pai.
Adhwara: the high fields above the village, used for grazing in summer : Dudharú : in Churâh : Ch., 228 ; but on p. 277 the forms adwdri, dudhari are given.
Ågå : * ceremony performed at night. A little menhdi is applied to the bridegroom's Anger and the rest is sent to the bride, on the night before the wedding : Sangrûr (Jind).
Agdhál: a steel for striking fire :=Kasparan. Simla S.R., xlv. Ahangkara : vanity. Glose., I, p. 716. Ahra : an official ranking below the Durbiyal. Ch., 265. Allan : Pieris ovalifolia. Ch., 239. Alra : a small tree, with leaves poisonous to cattle. Simla S.R., xliv. AJI : a vocative, used in addressing a woman among Pathans and Shaikhs.
Akal, chhornd an observance performed on the 17th day after a death. Gloss., I. p. 855. See also Banjûr chhond and Barkhotsar.
Akall : an akáll yard contains 17 girahs, instead of 16, the usual number. Amritsar. • Akkar: a title given to men of good family, who enjoy immunity from begår, and in former times were employed as soldiers. Ch., 178.
Akrt: a kind of ak. B., 114. Alträntt: the 3rd day of the Magh festival. Sirmar, 64. Amangal (?-al): an inauspicious man, Suket, 25. Amara : Spondias mangifera. Sirmar, App. IV, iv.
Amho sâmhana: simple exchange of brides in betrothal, in which only two are exchanged. Comp., 2. Cf. Chobhan.
• Amran : watered or irrigated (?) :kohli, land which produces rice with the aid of rain. Ch., 223.
Amrit: 'neotar'; chhaknd, to drink nectar, the Sikh rite of initiation ; sanskar - pahul. Gloss., I, pp. 696, 709 and 720.

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:
55
Anchhu : Rubus paniculatus. Sirmûr, App. IV, v. Anda : see under Par. Also, a small vessel of brass. Sirmûr, 43. Andarlî: land close to the village. SS. Bilaspur, 15. Angan : a verandah. Ch., 119.
Angralcha: a long tunic used by Hindus, reaching to the knees, with a cloth waist-band, tight trows and a small turban ; now confined to the older men. Ch., 205.
Angshi: a wooden hand-rake. Simla S.R., xlv. Ang : =angarka. SS. Bashahr, 41
Ankh saldi : an observance in the third month of a first pregnancy in which the woman c2ases to apply antimony to her eyes. Gloss, I, p. 731.
Annith: a leopard or panther; syn., bågh or baghera. Sirmûr, 6. Ant-dan: the last alms, given by a dying man. Gloss., I, p. 843. Antrishti : an offering of a cow, etc., made at death to a Gujrati Brahman. Ch., 209. Apkatri : a coarse cotton cloth. SS. Jubbal. 20. Ara: a measure=4 tats: Simla S.R., xliv.
Arandal, the food (rice and mutton) served to the bride's father party by the boy's on the third day after the wedding. Mandi, v. Dhâm.
Arg : a big loaf. Ch., 124.
Arjal: a horse or mare with three feet of one colour and the fourth of another-an evil sign counteracted by a white blaze on the forehead. B., 184.
Arjan: Terminalis chebula. Ch., 239. Arkhol: Rhus sp. or semialata, or Wallichii, cf. Lifri. Ch., 236-7. Arti: apricot. Simla S.R., xlii. Art : & wedge for splitting 'stone. Simla S.R., xlv. Arvi: one of the two kinds of edible arum, A. colocasia. SS., Bashahr, 48.
Asa : a circular wooden vessel, in some places of 5, in others of 4 odis, used on the threshing floor for measuring grain; Hazara. See also under Kassa.
Adik-her, worship (?) round the village. Gloss., I, p. 346. (Bashahr.) Ashtami : a tax levied for goats, etc., sacrificed at festivals. SS., Kumhârsain, 19. Ashanti : the first day of the Diwali. Sirmûr, 63. Asklantî: the first day of the Mâgh festival. Sirmûr, 64. (?) Asko : vulg. asnadrishtaddr and janwdi.
Asar biah : 8 farm of marriage in which the bride's father receives consideration. B., 107. Cf. P.D., p. 48, 9.v. Asar.
Ath-lài: the eight circumbulations at a wedding when the pair are both made to go four timeg round the earthan lamp and vessel of water, the tape and a bunch of pomegranates. Ch., 146.
Athra : Add. to III) athrawdR is a woman whose children are born prematurely and generally die. Athri (sic) ka mankd is a bead used as a talisman against athra. The correct term seems to be athrâh, and the word can hardly mean bead, as that is the meaning of manka. Gloss., I, pp. 760 and 854.
Athraha : 'sitting on the heels'. Attock Gr., p. 113.
Athwaha : a child born in the eighth month ; athwan, -wahan, or -wansa, rites observed in the eighth (or ninth) months of pregnancy. Glogs., I, pp. 736, 739.
Athwårå : regular corvée, as opposed to Hela, q.v. (Add. to III). Aur-da-minh : late rain in Assun (Sept.-Oot.). B., 209 [Add to Aur, drought, on p. 56, P.D.} Auri : an erect stone : SS., Jubbal, 12; a picture, or monument. Gloss., I, p. 341 n.
Antar: fr., Sanskrit aputra, sonless': an antar stone is one ereoted by the relatives of a man who has died without leaving a male descendant to perform the shndddha : autariána

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tirsera is a tax collected to maintain the temple of Raja Udâî Singh who died childless. Ch., 44 and 96.
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
Autri in Autrî Barânî'unirrigated land': Mandi, 24. Cf. Autri and Otar in III. Ayar: Andromeda ovalifolia. Sirmûr, App. IV, vi.
Babach: father; teg babach, elder father, and gato babach, younger father,' in a polyandrous family. SS., Bashahr, 16.
Bâbat: a cess small in amount, paid by Brahman mu'afidârs to the State. SS., Kunhiâr, 5.
Babri beans. Simla S.R., xli, and SS., Bashahr, 41.
:
Bada: a willow; Salix viminalis. Ch. 240.
Badaran a tax, levied on the Tikka's investiture with the sacred thread. SS., Kumhârsa in 22.
Bâdhâ: a kind of disparity fine, paid where a girl child is exchanged for one who is of age. Gloss., I, p. 788.
I. p. 80
Badhâr: the second day of the wedding rites. Gloss., I, p. 897. Badhawa: lit.increase'; add to P.D., 8.v.-' because the vow is to add to the necklace each year'. Gloss., I, p. 780.
Badhna a kettle tamalu. B., 195.
Badi-jadi Bag: a
: a large square field. Sirmûr, App. I.
Båg: goira, a place outside the village set apart for the wedding procession. Gloss., I, p. 895.
family.
marriages and funerals'. SS., Bâghal, 18.
Bagha: a dance. Gloss., I, p. 919.
Bagra a cess levied on inferior grains. SS., Bashahr, 70.
Bahan: 'subordinate gods' in Kulu. of Hindi, p. 50.
Baharke: out-door,' the lower castes as opposed to Bhitarke. Mandi, 340. Bâharli: land at a distance from the village, opposed to Andarli. SS., Bilaspur, 15. Bahatra: fr. bahattar, 72', having been invented in 1872 Bikrami: a weight 9 sers kham. Sirmûr, App. III.
=
Bahi Jawârî: lit., 'breakfast', (?), a sweet sent to each member of a wedding party the morning after the marriage; Sialkot. Gloss., I, p. 823.
Bahnell an adopted sister; Delhi. Gloss., I, p. 907.
Bahoria: (1) younger brother's wife, (2) son's wife, or (3) any other young wife in the
Gloss., I, p. 433. Cf. bathu: Diack, Kulu Dialect
Bahu: (1) wife, (2) son's wife.
Bahur: a room in an upper story. Mandi, 33.
Bai fajr: to-morrow morning. B., 191.
Bal'ât: (? bai'at), religious self-surrender, lit. 'sale'. B., 180.
Balb: north-west. B., 106. Cf. Baibkon in P.D., p. 75.
Balsar ki roti a kind of bread. SS., Bashahr, 41.
:
Bajanglaya noon. SS., Bashahr, 41.
Bahadurshahi ser: a ser containing 18 chhitanks English. Hazâra.
Baind: Pasand. q.v., Ch., 224.
Baindri: a crack in the soil, in Inner Saraj; in Outer called balai; elsewhere in Kulu
the term used is waliyati-Bejindri in the Simla Hills: v. Gloss., I, p. 438.
Baishal: a second quality of tobacco, cut in Baisakh.
Sirmûr, 67.
Baithi bhagti v. Bhagti.
Baltri: a singer of sacred songs. Gloss., I, p. 376. Sankr. Maitreyaka, Manu, SBE.,
X, 33.

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Bajal: a snow pigeon, columba leuconota. Ch. 37.
Bajendri batai : a gap between two furrows into which no seed has dropped ; =bejindri; Sımla Hills; cf. Bijandri. Gloss., I, p. 438.
Bajob: land held free of revenue or rent in lieu of service. Ch., 285. Bakher: a scramble ; Karnal Gloss., I, p. 896. Bakhru : a honeysuckle, Lonicera quinquelocularis. Ch., 239. Bakli: =chhal, Anogeissus latifolia. Sirmûr, App. IV, v. Bakra : a due (lag), as being the price of a goat. Ch., 154. Bakra : & square loaf. Ch., 124. Baksa: Elaeodendron Roxburghii. Sirmûr, App. IV, iii.
Balawa: a system by which the State contributes to a subject's funeral as his family does to a Chief's. SS., Baghât, 12.
Bali : tribute. SS., Kumhârsain, 19. Balká : a (? married) disciple. B., 173. V. P.D., 86; and ef. Palak. Ballh : land free from stones and level ; cf. Balhri (its dim.), in III. Mandi, 64. Balfi: a bride. B., 108.
Bamb: a drum. B., 191. Hence Bamb-weld, 9 p.m. and 11 p.m. Bamb, lit.='a spout or jet'. P.D., 88.
Bån (add to III), butânâ, 'to rub with barnd.' Gloss., I, p. 814. Bânati : Kannedår, embroidered ' (shoes). B., 102. Banghauk: a small seed, like cummin, used for adulteration. Ch., 243. Banda : Viscum album. Sirmûr, App. IV, vii.
Banda-bhara : ( obs.), a practice whereby traders entrusted goods to a Nánakputra for convoy. Gloss., I, p. 680.
Bandákara : partition of land. SS., Kunhiår, 10.
Bandhå: add in III :- Ch., 152, 153 and 157. (2) A tax of As. 2 per house levied on tobacco smokers, SS., Bilâspur, 22.
Bandi : (i) a sub-division of a kiár, q.v. Sirmûr, App. I. (i), a concubine. Bingar: high-lying land containing sandstone. Sirmûr, App. I. Bangari : & crop sown in autumn. Ch., 226. Bangchuhru : a tax on shops selling bracelets, eto. Suket, 42. Banjhårå (beta),=Chaukhanda ; in Mandi. Banjur chhornâ :=Akal chhornå, q.v. Banni: Olostegia limbata. Ch., 239. Banshira bhut: a hobgoblin who haunts forests. 88., Kumhårsain, 12. Bar: (1) a boon. Gloss., I, p. 449. (2) a song, ib., p. 158. (Simla Hills.) Bar cheroti: Ficus bengalensis. Sirmûr, App. IV, vii.
Bårå : a small field near a village,=the nidi of the plains ; a kitchen garden. Sirmur, App. I.
Baran : the most serious form of oath on the Raja. SS., Bashahr, 34. V. Darohi. Baráti : a peon. Sirmûr, 63.
Båri: (1) a dried preparation made from mash, much like sepa. Simla S.R., xli. 2) a dish of grain ground and boiled. SS., Bashahr, 41.
Barlyard : a kind of wheat, grown at high altitudes. Ch., 226. Barhil : Godami, a tool-keeper. Mandi, 51. Barkan: a tree, the fruit of which is used in ablutions before a wedding. Simla 8.R., xliv. Barkhotsar chhofnå : =Banjar chhorna, q.v. Barmi: yew. Ch., 236.

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Barni : (1) the orthodox form of betrothal, according to Hindu ritual. ss., Bashahr, 12. (2) the third form of inarriage, rarely used. 88., Kumhârsain, 8.
Bås: a tool, Panj. basauli. Simla S.R., xlv. Barsi, Barsodhi : Barsaudi in III. Cf. Gloss., I, p. 862.
Basánd : a plot of land kept fallow in the Autumn harvest, in Churâh; baindh. Ch., 224. Cf. Basand in III.
Bashartâ : the observance of bringing back the bride from her parent's home to her husband's house. Pathậns of Hoshiarpur.
Bashri : the 2nd day of the Bisu festival. Sirmår, 63. Basniâr : land reserved for a Spring crop. Mandi, 42. .
Basnith: a kind of benevolence, levied every two or three years but on no fixed principle. SS., Kunhårsain, 19.
Basta : a fallow. SS., Jubbal, 17. Basuthi: Adhatoda vasica. Sirmûr, App. IV, vii. Cf. Basúti in III. - Bathailni: a fine sieve, used for bathu ; cf. Kadelna. Simla S.R., xlvi. Bathånga : a commutation fee paid for corvée. SS., Bilaspur, 22. Båthra: a kind of wheat which ripens early. Ch., 225. Batlohl : spirits of grain, a cess. SS., Bashahr, 74.
Batrauli, Batråwal : a corvée levied on all, especially for building and repairing State houses, etc. SS., Bashahr, 73 and Kumhârsain, 22.
Batri: a fast : Sansk, Vrata. Simla Hills, but in the upper hills the terin used for the fast or the nine days of the navardtrat in Asauj is Karali. Gloss., I, p. 471.
Battadár : inferior, a child by a wife of a lower tribs Comp., 25. Battar: a method of sowing rice. Ch., 224. Batti: wild syringa, Dentzia corymboxa. Ch., 238. Baturu : bread raised by the dough being mixed and left overnight. 88., Bashahr, 41. Batwa: a plant whose roots are used in making thim ; of. Beri. Sirmûr, 59. Batwal: one who puts the weights in the scale when salt is being weighed. Mandi, 51. Båd, Bbåd : ' many' (?). 88.. Baghất, 1. Bauni: Quercus annulatu. Sirmûr, App. IV, vi. Bebe : (1) sister, (2) any girl of one's owe-village ; Jiji. Begârâ : a tenant liable to render begár or forced labour, or chúkrunda in lieu of it. Ch., 280 Bendhå : bridegroom : - ini, bride. Lohárii. Beokari : & simple form of marriage. Mandi, 24. Ber giggar: Zizyphus vulgaris. Sirmûr, App. IV, iii. Beri: a plant whose roots are used to make khim; cf. Batwa. Sirmûr, 59. Besku : & watchman, of crops. Mandi, 62. Bhabhåk : the true dawn, in the Ubhâ. B., 191, Syns. Boh and Bara-phulde. Bhabher : & valuable grass ; Andropogon involutus. Sirniûr, 6.
Bhagti : a Hindu, male (?). who sings kafis, dohrás, etc. If he sings and dances standing he is called khari-blugti, and if he does so sitting he is called baithi-bhagti. B., 114. Cf. Bhagtia, P.D., 116.
Bhaibat : = Pagvand.
Bhail (! or) bhashil, shrubs (Saliaceae) of various kinds-used for basket-making Simla S.R., xlii.
Bhakh : ? imper., 'consume' or (?) 'burn'. Gloss., I, p. 345. Bban: mountain ash, Pyrus ancuparia. Ch., 238. Cf. Bhan in II. Bhangoll: an oil expressed from the seeds of bhang. Suket, 27 ,Bhânja : also wa nandat, husband's sister's son.' Bhankbar: a soil similar to Bhilar, 9.6. Sirmûr, App. I.

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BOOK-NOTICE
59
Bhaoli: a unit of assessment ; 24 talxıs-1 bhaoli. SS., Mangal, 1; and fr. 12 to 20 lakhaos =1 bhaoli. Bilaspur, 21.
Bhar: a store of grass. Mandi, 33.
Bharbhât-wela : the false dawn, among Hindus. B. 191. Among Muhammadans the syns. are Subh-kâzib and Ashûr-wela. ib.
Bhari : see under Datha.
Bharaon (Haqq-): a cash oess levied to cover the cost of collecting revenue. SS., Båghal, 15.
Bharoli: n chupatti made of bhart, pulse,' Cajanus bicolor. Simla S.R.. xli. Bartoli : n bread made from bhårt, a pulse, Cajanus bicolor. SS., Bashahr, 418. Bhashil : see under Bhail. Bhârt, Bhart: a pulse, Cajanus bicolor. SS., Bashahr, 48, and Kumhârsain, 15.
Bhat: a common oven. Sirmûr, 65. Also a term applied to marriages celebrated in an emergency on certain days. Mandi, 24.
(To be continued.)
BOOK-NOTICE. L'BER DAS VERA LTNIS ZWISCHEN CARUDATTARámila are credited witi a Sadrakukathd, and the UND MROCHA KATIKA By Georg Morgenstierne.
former can hardly be distinguished from the Saupp. 80 and Ixii. Loipzig, Otto Harrassowitz, 1921.
milla, whose fame Kalidasa records along with that When T. Ganapati Sastri published tho first of
of Bhasa and kaviputrau. A more definite date for Bhâsa's cramas, lo expressed the assured opinion
Budraks is then achieved by finding in him Sivathat the Carudatta was the prototype of the M rccha- datta, the Abhira, whose son, Isvarasena, is creditkariki, and he adduced several parallel passages ed by Fleets with the founding of the Cedi era of from the two works in support of his view. There
248-249 A.D. on the overthrow of the Andhra domilationship has, on the whole, gono without serious
nion, a conjecture supported by the fact that in question, but, in viow of Bhattanatha Swamin's
the M rechakațild Palakn is dethroned by Aryako. attempti to throw doubt on the authenticity of
son of a cowhere (gopala). It is really impossible Bhâsa's drumas, the detailed investigation of the
to attach any weight to such contentions. The Odrudatta undertaken by Mr. Morgenstierne has
legendary character of Sûdraka was long ago pointed substantial interest and value, especially as it is
out by S. Lovi, whose argunents aro not dealt with accompanied by the text of the Carudatta with the
by Konow, while Windisch5 has pointed out that the parallel passages of the Mrochakatika. A careful
Pajak legend shows clear signs of derivation from study of the two can yield only one result; the the Krea myth, and there is not the slightest hint Mrechakafika, represents a working over of the any where that Sudraka hal any connection with the Oaru data, and the Canadatta is not, as from isolated decline of the Andhraz. Moreover there is good pausagor might be deduced, a shortened version of reason to believe that Kalidasa did not know the the Mechakagilea. The author, naturally enough, Mrcchakatikd. Both he and Bapa are silent as to sometimes presses unduly points in favour of the Sadraka, and the careful investigations of Mr. Mor. priority of the Carudatta, but the cumulative effect
genstierne have failed to produce a single instance of the evidence is overwhelming.
of borrowing: the fow cases, in which he think It is mere di Meult to follow Mr. Morgenstierne Kalidasa may in the Malavikdy imitra have borrowin the chronological conclusions into which he is ed from the Mrcchakagikd are equally open to explaled by acceptance of Professor Konow's ingenious nation as borrowings from or reminiscences of the speculations regarding the date of the Mrochakatika. Carudatta, and, it may be added, in none of them is The basis of these speculations is the acceptance of there any real sign of indebtedness. In fact Våmans the view that King Sadraka, who appears in the pro- still remains the earliest source of certain citation logue as the author and as having entered the fire from the Mechakatikd, and, though Lévi in his at the age of a hundred years and ten days, was in theory of the Saka development of the Indian fact the redactor of the Mrochakafiled. It becomes drama was inclined to reconsider his earlier judg. possible then to place the Mrochakatikd beforement of the date of the Mrochakafika, he adduced Kalidasa, on the ground that Somila and no arguments to counter his former conclusion. 1 1.A., XLV, 189 ff.
Kuhne Festschrift, pp. 107 ff 9 JRAS., 1903, p. 568.
Thiátre Indien, i. 196-208. 5 Berichte der Sache. Gesellschaft d. Wiss. 1888, pp. 439,440. . JA. sér. 9, xix, 123 ff.

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(MARCH, 1923
With the rejection of the historical theory of character of the argument from Bina's reference Sudraka we can attain a plausible explanation of to the fame won by Bhasa with plays whose begin the apparent absurdity of the attribution to thenings were performed hy tho silmudhira. It would, king of tho M rechakatika. The author who worked certainly, be a non sequitur to conclude that the up Bhas's play, perhaps left incomplete by its Trivandrum plays are Bhasa's simply bocause writer, may well have thought it possible by the they are begun by the stru-dhara, but this is not device of ascribing the work to Sadraka to secure the argument to be met. The contentionis (1) that for it a measure of attention which would not have by this clecidedly noteworthy fact the plays are beon accorded to it, had it appeared under his true eligible to be considered Bhâsa's; (2) that they name. Nor is it probable that the period between are, takon as a whole, marked by such outstanding the Cdrudalta and the Mrochalaţikd was short, a merit as to indicate as their author a dramatist of mere half century if we are to accept Konow's the highest rank, and therefore accord with Bapa's indentification of the rdjasimhal of Bhasa's playa reference to the winning of fame by them; (3) with Rudrasimha,' the Western Ksatrapa, who one of them, the Svapna-Vasavadatta bears the roigned as Mahakpatrapa from 181-188 and 191-196 same title and clearly dealt with the same incident A.D., falling in the interim to the lower dignity of as did, according to Rajasekhara and doubtless Ksatrapa. This identification wholly lacks plausi- also Vakpati, a play of Bhasa's ; (4) Bhamaha bility, and against it may be set off that of Dr. pays one of these plays, the Pratija yaugandhardBarnett7 who finds in the word an allusion to the yana the same compliment of anonymous criticism Påndy& Tér-Mâran Rajasimha I (c. A.D. 675), an as he does to KAlidâ sa's Meghadata. To ignore indentification which postulatos a decidedly lato these coincidences and to leave us with an anony. date for the Myochakafilea.
mous dramatist of the highest Indian rank is to Mr. Morgenstierne rejects with Prof. Konow demand too much from probability. Moreover, the theory of Dr. Barnett, which denies Bhâsa's the language, style, metre, and the dramatic techni. paternity of the dramas. On the whole it seems que are all most naturally explained by acceptance iinpossible to avoid the conclusion that the ascrip of a date prior to Kalidasa. On the other hand tion to Bhâsa is correct. The arguments adduced Bhisa stands very far from the origins of drama, in support of the escription have, indeed, very which oven in Abvaghoga appears in so highly Varying weight, and against that from the condition developed a condition as to render it impossible to of Bhasa's Prakrit Dr. Barnett has brought a very accept Konow's suggestion 10that the drama need not pertinent consideration in the shape of a reminder be carried back more than a century before his datothat the Southern tradition presents plays like the assumed to be the middle of the sccond century Nagananda in & condition showing Prakrit forms A.D., & conclusion induced in part by an unfortumore archaic than are found in the Northern tradi- nate acceptance of Profossor Lüders' mistaken tion, though he has not completely disposed of the attemptil to reinterpret the evidence of the Mahdevidence. But Dr. Barnett clearly ignores the true bharya, 12
A. BERRIEDALE KEITH.
NOTES AND QUERIES. NOTES FROM OLD FACTORY RECORDS. desires may be transmitted to his Britannick 41. An early Fountain Pen.
Majesty : The same being translated is now brought 31 March 1750. Consultation at Fort St. before the Board.... David. The President produces a letter from the In the Name of God Gracious and mercifull, By Ambassadors advising that on the 27th Instant they the Mercy of the Lord of the Earth, I am in hopes had an Audience of Nazir Jung (Nazir Jang, Gove to have the North under my Possession as that of of the Deccan from 1748, murdered in 1760) and the South is under the Command of my Pen 88 deliver'd him the Present, on which Occasion he far as a Certain Part of the Sea. I received the express'd himself in such friendly terms towards Pen you sent me as a good sign that by the Worke us and the English Nation in general as gives us of the said Pen the remaining comer namely the the greatest reason to hope that all our Requests East and West, may fall under my Command. will be complied with, the rather as he promises By the help of God he that obeys me will attain 'ore long to give us convincing Proofs of his Esteem. his end, he that disobeys me will fall & Proy They incloso a Paper wrote in their presence by to the bloody and revengefull Swords of my bravo Nauzir Jings own Hand with one of the Fountain Soldiers. (Factory Records, Fort St. David, vol. 7, Pens that was an Article of the Present, which helpp. 150, 153).
R. C. TEMPLE. 7 Buft. School Oriental Studies, I, I, 35-38; JRAS., 1921, pp. 687-889. . Besides Lenny, ZDMG., lxxii, 203-208, see W. Printz, Bhdsa's Prakrit (1921). - Soe Sukthankar,“ Studies in Bhâsa" in JAOS., xl and xli; Lindenau, Bhdea-Studien (1918). 10 Das indische Drama, p. 49.
11 SBAW'., 1916, pp. 698 ff. 13 Soe Bull School Oriental Studies, I, iv, 27-32.

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COLOUR SYMBOLISM
COLOUR SYMBOLISM. (As a Subject for Indian Research.)
BY SIR RICHARD O. TEMPLE, Br. IN 1900 the late Dr. W. H. R. Rivers, whose premature death has been such a loss to Anthropology, revived the study of Colour Symbolism in his own effective manner by a lecture on "Primitive Colour Vision." It had previously been somewhat ineffectively mooted for some time, but Dr. Rivers showed that it could be made to play an important part in the study of the development of the human mind. “The subject of the evolution of the colour senge in man," he wrote, " is one which can only be settled by the convergence to one point of lines of investigation which are usually widely separated. The sciences of archwology. philology, psychology and physiology must all be called upon to contribute to the elucidation of this problem." His work fired Mr. Donald Mackenzie "to collect evidence regarding Colour Symbolism in ancient religious art and literature" with the object of writing a book thereon. The book is written, but not yet published, being one of the many victims of post-war financial conditions, but he has, nevertheless, published an illuminating and very valuable preliminary article on the subject as & line of anthropological research." This in its turn has induced me to write the present paper in the hope of rousing enthusiasm thereon among Indian scholars.
The whole point of Rivers' contention was that to the primitive mind terms for colours can, and often do, convey much more than the mere names for colours as such, and for that reason the same term can denote on occasion more than one distinct colour: e.g., the Celtio glas is used for grey, green and blue. Rivers showed that this term glas was used also to denote both vigour and water, and further among the ancient Baltic employers of Celtio speech to describe amber as well, amber being regarded as a magic product of water. Hence glas was not only a colour but also water impregnated with a " life substance" (amber), which animated human beings. Thence it became the symbol of the Mother Goddess and her life substance," which was held to be a "protector " of man. The same colour term could thus denote various conorete objects having different colours, such as water itself, amber, the boar son of the Mother Goddess, and woad-dye (blue) which was a "protector," and also such an abstraction as vigour, the result of animation by and the protection of the Mother Goddess. Therefore, in order to understand colour symbolism, it becomes necessary, in the words of Mr. Mackenzie, "to collect evidence regarding the colours of the deities of various cults in different lands and to make extracts from religious texts and folk-lore literature referring to various colours and the beliefs connected with them." (p. 138.)
Pursuing his subject on this principle, Mr. Mackenzie found that colour symbolism goes back as far as the earliest types of man that can be studied. “The symbolic use of colour was prevalent even before man began to record his ideas by means of pictorial or alphabetic signy. Egyptian colour symbolism was already old at the dawn of the Dynastic period." (p. 138.) Cave man, in his drawing and painting could work only with earth colours, and the cave artist was thus limited to "[reds), blacks, whites and yellows without reference to the symbolism of such colours, or to the actual colours of the animals whose forms he depicted." (p. 139.) Nevertheless, he clearly attached a symbolic value to some colours at any rate. "As Osborn bas noted in his Men of the Old Stone Age, the so-called Venus figures on rock and in ivory bear traces of red coloration; one of several Solutrean laurel-leat
1. Published in the Popular Scientific Monthly, vol. LIX., No. 1, pp. 44-58, May 1901-D.A.M. 3 Folklore, vol. XXXIII, No. 2," Colour Symbolism," 30 June 1922, pp. 136 ff.

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lances, which had been worked too finely to be used, and had been deposited probably as & religious offering, [or had been hoarded as wealth), similarly retains evidence that it had been coloured red; the bones of the Cro-Magnon dead, as in the Paviland cave, are frequently found to retain traces of the red earth that had been rubbed on the body before internment." (p. 139.)
The Abbé Breuil informed Mr. Mackenzie that "the imprints of hands on rook faces are oftenest red, but that white, black, and yellow hands are not uncommon." He was fur. ther informed by the Abbé " that small green stones were placed between the teeth of the Cro-Magnon dead, interred in the Grimaldi caves near Mentone" on the French Mediterranean Coast. (p. 139.) This latter custom is one of very special interest in connection with the study of colour symbolism, especially when we find that the ancient Egyptians attached a magico-religious value to green stones, that the Chinese placed jade in the mouths of their dead, and that certain of the pre-Columbian Americans placed green pebbles in graves and regarded them as "the principle of life.” In the Egyptian Book of the Dead a scarab of green stone with a rim of gold is addressed by the deceased as "my heart, my mother, my heart whereby I came into being."4 Gold and green stones were in Egypt closely associated with water and with deities supposed to have had their origin in water. They thus link with amber. "Gold, like amber, had origin from the tears of the northern goddess Freyja." (pp. 139-140.)
The green symbolism of Egypt seems like the primitive earth-colours symbolism of the caves, to have been due to the necessary material being forthcoming. “The earliest green paint was made from ground malachite mixed with fat or vegetable oil. After the introduction of metal-working, green and blue pigments were derived from copper. It would appear therefore that blue and green symbolism in religious art became widespread as a result of direct and indirect Egyptian influence." (p. 140.) We have here alighted on something intensely human, but it is possible to carry colour symbolism much further back in Egypt than this. "Before green and blue paints were manufactured in Ancient Egypt, the early people, as their funerary remains testify, entertained beliefs regarding coloured stones. The modern Sudani still believes (as Budge records), 'that stones of certain colours possess magical qualities, especially when inscribed with certain symbols, of the meaning of which, however, he has no knowledge, but which are due, he says, to the presence of spirits in them.” (p. 141.)
Mr. Mackenzie next shows that the "fundamental belief in the potency of colour, as an expression or revelation of divine influence, can be traced not only in Ancient Egypt from the earliest times, but in almost every part of the world. As the colours of stones indicated the virtues they possessed, so did the colours of deities reveal their particular attributes. A wealth of colour, or a definite colour scheme, was displayed by supernatural beings, and these displayed the colours chiefly because they were supernatural beings, the colours being in themselves operating influences." The following Chinese text is of importance in this connection: "A dragon in the water covers himself with five colours. Therefore he is a god."
8 Brinton, The Myths of the New World, p. 294-D.A.M.
• Budgo, Gode of the Egyptians, vol. I, p. 365 et seq. Chapter XXX of the Book of the Dead has 0 my heart (which I owo) to my mother: O my heart (who belongest), to my essence."--Erman, Aeg. R. 2162, quoted by Prof. H. W. Hogg, Journal of the Manchester Oriental Society, 1911, p. 79-D.A.M. • Gods of the Egyptiane, vol. I, p. 16-D.A.M.
• De Visser, The Dragon in China and Japan, p. 63, section 2-D.A.M.

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COLOUR SYMBOLISM
After going in this fashion into evidence from other parts of the world, Mr. Mackenzie takes us to India, and it is this part of his article which is the cause of the present paper: the object of it being to rouse the Indian student to bring forward all the evidence possible from Indian literature and folklore, as only the Indian student can. This is not an attempt at original research and the aim is to stimulate research by Indians interested in elucidati..g the meaning of their sacred writings. So I have no hesitation in quoting here that part of Mr. Mackenzie's observations, which deals specifically with India at full length, together with his footnotes showing the sources of his information. Mr. Mackenzie writes (pp. 143. 144, 145):-"The evidence afforded by India is particularly rich and significant. In the Mahabharata we read of an ascetic, named Uktha, who performed a ponance lasting many years with the view of making a pious son' equal to Branma. In the end there arose a very bright energy (force) full of animating (creative) principle and of five different colours.' In the same ancient work it is stated: Six colours of living creatures are of principal importance, black, dusky, and blue which lies between them; then red is more tolerable, yellow is happiness and white is extreme happiness. White is perfect, being exempted from stain. sorrow and exhaustion; (possessed of it) a being going through (various births), arrives at perfection in a thousand forms... Thus destination is caused by colour and colour is caused by time. The destination of the black colour is bad. When it has produced results, it clings to hell.'8
"Destination being caused by colour and colour by time, the Creator assumes different colours in the different Yugas (World's Ages). The Creator says: 'My colour in the Krita Yuga is white, in the Treta Yuga yellow; when I reach the Dvâpara Yuga, it is red, and in the Kali Yuga black.'
"In the Mahabharata the Kali Age is referred to as 'the Black or Iron Age.' Hesiod's Ages (in his Works and Days) are metal ages, but are evidently also coloured ages, for almost everywhere gold is yellow, silver white, copper or bronze red and iron black. The Doctrine of the World's Ages obtained in more than one ancient land, the only differences being in the sequences of the colours or metals. Of special interest in this connection are the following examples :--
Mexican
Celtic
Indian I
63
1. White 1. White
1. Whe
1. White
1. Yellow
4. Black. " 4. Black. 10
Colours of Mythical Ages. .. 2. Yellow .. 3. Red.. 2. Red 3. Yellow 2. Red 3. Yellow ,, II 2. Yellow 3. Red.. Greek 2. White 3. Red.. 4. Black. 13 "White is a lunar colour, that of the 'silvery' moon ('Sveta, white as the moon');14 yellow is a solar colour, that of the golden' sun. It may be therefore that the precedence
4. Black. 11
.. 4. Black. 12
"
..
..
7 Vana Parva, section ccxx-D.A.M.
s Muir, Sanskrit Texts, vol. I, p. 151-D.A.M.
• Kingsborough's Antiquities of Mexico, vol. VI, pp. 171 et seq.; Brinton, The Myths of the New World, pp. 249 et seq, etc.-D.A.M.
10 H. D'Arbois De Jubain ville, The Irish Mythological Cycle (trans.), pp. 5-7, 25, 26, 69, 70. The Milesians were the "Black race."-D.A.M.
11 Vana Parva of the Mahabharata, section exlix, (Roy's trans., p. 447), etc.-D.A. M.
12 The Vana Parva of the Mahabharata, section clxxxix, (Roy's trans., p. 569)-D.A.M.
13. That is, the Greek "Golden," "Silver," "Bronze" and "Iron" Ages. The "Ages of Heroes" is evidently a late interpolation. Hesiod's Works and Days, 109-173-D.A.M.
14 Mahabharata (Bhishma Parva, section iii)-D.A.M.

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given to white in the Mexican, Celtic and Indian Ages has a lunar significance and had originally a connection with the lunar calendar. Both the Mexican and Celtic colour sequences are found in India.
"In India the castes were connected by some ancient sages with the Yugas or Mythical Ages, while others connected them with the various coloured moods of the Creator. In the Mahabharata it is stated : The Brahmans beautiful (or, dear to Soma) were formed from an imperishable (akshara), the Kshattriyas from a perishable (kshara) element, the Vaisyas from alteration, the Sadras from & modification of smoke. While Vishnu was thinking upon the castes (varna), Brahmans were formed with white, red, yellow and blue colours (varnaih). Hence in the world men have become divided into castes.' 16 -
"Caste (varna) literally means 'colour,' but evidently not in the sense favoured by modern rationalists. The usual caste colours in India are: (1) Brahmang, white ; (2) Kshattriyas, red; (3) Vaisyas, yellow; (4) Sadras, black.18 There are also sex colours. In one of the world's continents, according to ancient Hindu belief, the men are of the colour of gold and women fair as celestial nymphs ; in another the men are black and the women of the colour of blue lotuses."17
A good deal of the colour symbolism of the world has no doubt been due to the diffi. culty that all human beings, primitive and civilised, as they grow to adolescence, experience in realising and mentally visualising abstractions. Many people of high civilisation and education mentally visualise numbers with the aid of colours : e.g., through all life five will to such persons appear as though coloured say blue, seven as red, nine as green, and so on. And this physiological faot probably helped the transfer of the conventional colours for concrete objects to the abstractions connected with or arising out of them, which we have thus seen, and Mr. Mackenzie has shown in his article, to have been practically universal. The data which Mr. Mackenzie collected regarding the symbolic use of colours exhibits not only its extreme antiquity, but also its persistence to our own time, and they tended to show " that outside Egypt the colours most generally favoured in ancient times were these four: Black, White, Red and Yellow. All these were earth colours. Blue and green were, as I have indicated, colours of Egyptian origin manufactured from copper or copper ore. Vegetable blue and green dyes appear to have had a later origin as substitutes for metal colours." (p. 146.)
The four primitive earth-colours, Black, White, Red and Yellow, have been used by many peoples "to divide space and time, to distinguish the mountains, rivers and seas in the mythical world, to distinguish the races of mankind and, as in India, the various castes. The ancient habit of using these four colours in the manner indicated survives till our own day. We still have 'Black, White,' Red,' and 'Yellow,' races ; 'black,''White,' Red,' and Yellow 'castes, as in India ; Black, White,' Red' and 'Yellow' seas." (pp. 146, 147.)
18 Muir, Sanskrit Texts, vol, I. p. 151. Brahmans were 'twice-born ment and therefore 'white': Sadras through cupidity became ignorant and therefore black, being in a condition of darkness, ibid., pp. 140-1, notes 250-1-D.A.M.
16 Muir's Sanskrit Texte, vol. I, p. 140 and note 248, in which it is stated that in the Kathaka Brahmana (xi, 6), a white colour is ascribed to the Vaisya and a dark hue to the Rajanya. The pangngo referred to indicates that casta (colour) had no relation to skin colours and is as follows: 1. Since the Vsibye offers an oblation of white (rice) to the Adityas, he is born as it were white; and as the Varuna oblation is of black (rice) the Rajanya is as it were dusky." The Rajapye were the nobles of royal blood in the Kshattriya casto (Rajputs)-D.A.M.
17 Muir, op. cit., p. 491-D.A.M.

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The cardinal points have constantly been given colours, and "the habit of colouring these and the winds that blow from them obtained in the Old and New Worlds. It had undoubtedly a doctrinal signiicance” (p. 14), possibly as the result in the Old World of efforts of the early Oriental mind to grasp ideas so exclusively abstract, combined with an already familiar symbolism. "The colours of the cardinal points have similarly & deep significance in the Chinese Fung-Shui doctrine. De Groot shows in his great work, The Religious System of China, that colours are connected with the elements, the seasons, certain heavenly bodies and even with the internal organs. In Central America and Ancient Egypt the internal organs were similarly connected with the coloured cardinal points."
I need hardly point out to Indian scholars that this last consideration opens up a large and intensely interesting question in relation to the universally recognised philosophy that has led to the practice of Yoga—the doctrine of restraint of the body and its desires as a means of salvation for the soul. Fundamentally the human body is there regarded as a microcosm, of which the Universe is the Macrocosm, and any study which tends to show that this idea is also at the back of the religious conceptions of mankind outside India cannot but be of the greatest interest. Let Mr. Mackenzie speak for himself here once more (pp. 148 149); “The Maya (Central American) system yields the following arbitrary connections :18 Cardinal Point.
Bacab. 19
Days. Colours. Elements. South .. Hobnil (the Belly) .. Kan .. Yellow .. Air. East .. Canzicnal (Serpent Being). Muluc .. Red .. Fire. North . Zaczini (White Being) ... Ix .. White .. Water. West
.. Hozan ek (the Disem
bowelled Black one) .. Cauac .. Black Earth. The Chinese system yields : East, the Blue Dragon ; Spring; wood; planet Jupiter ; liver and gall. South, the Red Bird ; Summer; fire; the sun ; planet Mars; hoart and large
intestines. West, the White Tiger ; Autumn; wind; metal; planet Venus; lungs and small
intestine. North, the Black Tortoise ; Winter; cold; water; planet Mercury; kidneys and
bladder."20 “The point of special interest is [according to Eliot Smith 21] that the Egyptian custom of connecting the internal organs with the coloured cardinal points, which had a doctrinal significance connected with mummification, spread Eastward and reached China and America. The Maya custom, it will be noted, bears a clouer resemblance to the Egyptian than does the Chinese. Black is in both cases the colour for the intestines and yellow for the stomach, while white is apparently the liver colour in America as in Egypt. The Canopio jars, which went out of fashion in Egypt, were continued in use by the Maya and placed under the protection of the Bacabs, their gods of the four coloured cardinal points." (p. 149.)
The rest of Mr. Mackenzie's article is devoted to the development of his subject in Egypt and in those parts of the world which the ancient civilisation of that country has chiefly affected, but I hope I have abstracted enough from it to show that it is well worth taking up solely from the Indian point of view. 18 Brinton, Mayan Hieroglyphics, p. 41-D.A.M.
19 God of a Cardinal Point. 30 De Groot, op. oit., book I, vola. III, p. 983 and IV, 16-D.A.M. 21 The Migration of Eastern Owlture, 1905.

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SAMAPA: OR THE ASOKAN KALINGA
By G. RAMADAS, B.A.
IN the Kalinga edicts of Asoka, containing instructions to the officers entrusted with the control of the tribes on the borders, it is stated that these officers were located at a place called Samâpa, and the Provincials' Edict says that a viceroy was placed at Tosali. Thus the two chief towns of Kalinga are mentioned, but their location being undefined, they have not yet been identified, and the limits of Kalinga have become a matter for speculation.
The first of the speculators was W. W. Hunter, who in the Imperial Gazelleer of India, 1886, identified Coringa or Rajahmandry, in the Godavari district, with the old capital of Kalinga, thus taking the southern boundary of Kalinga beyond the Godavari. Vincent A. Smith asserts that Kalinga extended from the Mahânadi to the river Krishna in the south. He includes Amaravati, Andhra or Warangal, and Kalinga proper or Rajahmandry in the three Kalingas. The same view is held by the Superintendent of the Madras Archæological, Department, who, to prove the antiquity of the caves and stupae at Guntapalle, states, " know from the rock-cut inscription at Jangada in the Ganjam district that Asoka conquered this part of the Madras Presidency in B.C. 230.2"
Let us examine all these statements. Hunter's assumption has been disproved by F. E. Pargiter, who says that Kling. does not appear to have reached as far as the Godavari, because this river is never connected with Kalinga in any passage as far I am aware'.3 Hunter was led to his belief by the similarity of Coringa in sound to Kalinga, but a careful study of place-names shows that Coringa is made up of Cor + inga. The first syllable has the same meaning-whatever it may be-as 'cor' in Cor-lam, Cor-la-kota, Cor-la. It cannot be a modification of Kal' in Kalinga Next, Rajahmandry has beeu believed to be the capital of Kalinga, because it was thought to be another form of the Rajapura mentioned as the capital of Kalinga :
C
कलिङ्गविषये राजन् राज्ञचित्राङ्गदस्य च । श्रीमद्राजपुरं नाम नगरं तत्र भारत || 4
But Rajapura cannot be the name of the capital, as the term means only the royal residence. Even supposing it to have been the metropolis itself, it cannot be identified with Rajahmandry, as the latter town is reputed to have been built by Rajaraja, the Eastern Chalukyan king who had the Mahabharata translated into Telugu. And lastly, had three Kalingas existed in the time of Aśoka, why does he speak of having conquered only Kalinga? Had the region inhabited by the Andhras been included in Kalinga, they would not have been separately stated by him to be a people in the king's dominions 2.5 Also, since the Andhras, like the Pitinikas and others, are mentioned by Aśoka as living in the king's dominions, i.e., in the dominions that had been under the sway of the Mauryan Ruler before Kalinga was subdued, it would seem that they had never got into Kalinga before that time.
The Andhra inscriptions, so far known, fix Pittapur as the Northern limit of Andhra influence on the East Coast. The inscription at Kodavalu near Pittapur, the only Andhra inscription yet discovered in this part of the country, tells us that Sami Sri Chanda Sata (Chandra Śrî Sâtâkarni) was the king of the Andhras about a.r. 208. These Andhras, originally inhabitants of the Vindhyas, marched down the Godavari valley and occupied
1 V. A. Smith's Asoka, p. 129, n. 4.
3 JASB., vol. LXVI, part I, No. 2, 1587.
5
Edict XIII.
3 Archaeological Report, 1916-17, p. 31.
▲ Mahabharata, Santi P., Canto 4.
U
No. 29, Puranic list of V. A. Smith.

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67
the region about the mouths of the river during the second century of our era." Though an impassible barrier, such as a high range of mountains or a broad sea, did not divide the regions occupied respectively by the Andhras and the Kalingas, they remained separate and distinct, each maintaining its own civilization, religion and arts. The Kâlingâs were Jains, building Århats with very little art decoration, while the Andhras built in a fine architecture Buddhist stupas decorated with beautiful sculptures. Had the Andhras spread themselves into Kalinga, such relics as have been found at Amarâvati and Guntapalle would have been seen in the country lying to the north of the Langulya.
Khâravela, who ruled over Kalinga about the period immediately after Aśoka, says in an inscription that the Andhra kingdom lay to the west of his own. " शतकर्णिपश्चिमदिशं हयगज नररथ बहुलं दण्डं प्रस्थापयति. "8 By west he may mean the districts of Godavari and Krishna. Even in the present day, the people of the districts of Ganjam and Vizagapatam call those of Godavari and Krishna, the men of the west; while the men of Godavari and Krishna understand by the eastern people the men of Vizagapatam and Ganjam districts. In the light of this fact, Andhras of the west' may mean the Andhras in the lower valleys of Godavari and Krishna rivers. The actual west of the country of Kalinga being mountainous, it would have been very difficult for Sâtakarni to send his presents across the mountains.
Whatever be the position of the Andhra country relative to Kalinga, it is certain that they were two distinct and independent kingdoms, and there is no reason to think that the Andhras were the people of Kalinga. It is now necessary to define the limits of the region called Kalinga under Aśoka.
In the Eastern Ghâts there are a number of passes that lead from the littoral over the Ghâts into the interior of India. The easiest of them all is the Kalingia Ghât which goes from Russulkonda by Durgâprasâd. It is quite practicable for carts. At the top of the Ghat there is a road on to the Boad frontier. "From Kalingia at the top of this Ghât there is another road that leads to Balliguda "Kalingia' in Oriya means belonging to Kalinga.' This pass was probably the chief means of intercourse over the hills between Central India and Kalinga.
The people called the Kâlingîs are found even now living to the north of the Nâgâvali or Langulya, which forms the boundary between the districts of Ganjam and Vizagapatam. "Kaling? (126, 546): A caste of temple priests and cultivators found mainly in Ganjam and Vizagapatam." 10 "The Kalingis are essentially Telugus and are found mainly on the borderland between the districts of Ganjam and Vizagapatam. The same class of people are known as the Kâlinjîs in the country north of the Vamsadhara river." 11 In the Telugu parts they are called Kâlingîs and in the Oriya country they are known as Kalinjîs. These Kalingis are not found south of Chipurupalle in the Vizagapatam district. These were the original people that gave their name to the region; most of them are now found confined to the south of Ganjam district, but some are found scattered all over the Oriya country along the coast.
7
"Misconceptions about the Andhres," ante, vol. XLII, part DXXXVII, Nov. 1913.
8 Actes du Sixieme congrés Internationale de Orientalistes tenu en 1883, a Leda. "Haagumpha
Caves."
10 Census Report, 1901.
⚫ Ganjam District Manual.
11 Castes and Tribes of Southern India.

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--
The capital of Kalinga was always known as Kalinganagara. Khâravela is said to have strengthened his town of Kalinganagara in the first year of his reign. The major portion of the Udayagiri inscription of this king speaks of the embellishments made to the Arhats on the hill. "Umbrellas and kalašas were placed in display, that faith for the Triratna might be inspired among minor and greater chiefs." After every victory he obtained over his enemies, the king Khâra vêla made gifts of "an excellent wish-fulfilling tree with horses, elephants, chariots, with alms houses and rest houses" to the Arhat 12 An outside seat was made for the Arhats on the Kunâri Hill, and an assemblage of the very learned and great sages of all quarters was held on the mountain peak near the site of the Arhat. Such attentions to a seat of worship could be given by the ruling king only when such a religious house was close to the royal residence. The copper-plate grants of the Eastern Ganga kings speak of a Kalinganagara as the seat of the kings. This town is identified with Kalinga patam by some and with Mukhalingam by others. Whatever the truth may be, the capital of the Eastern Ganga kings cannot have been so far north as the Udayagiri Hills, near which existed the chief seat of the Jain king Khåravela.
Kalinga is said to be a district in the country ruled over by Saktivarma, who had his chief seat of government at Pishtapura (Pitahpur).13 On paleographical grounds, these plates may be assigned to a little before or after the conquest of Kalinga by Samudragupta. The king calls himself ' Vâsishtiputra' and 'Mâgadhi'. It appears therefore that he was a descendant of Chandra Satakarni who was also a Våsishtiputra. He was consequently an Andhra king, who from his capital at Pitahpur ruled over the Kalinga country. In the same plates the village Råkaluva is mentioned as being in the Kalinga Vishaya. It has been identified with Ragolu, a village on the road from the railway station to Chicacole (83° 57' 30" N. and 18° 20' 48" E., Indian Atlas, No. 108), and lying to the north of the Nagávali. This clearly proves that the country of Kalinga lay to the north of that river.
Samudragupta is said to have defeated Swamidatta, the king of Pishtapura and Mahendragiri Kottura.14 The original line concerned with this point runs thus :" TES HFT fegre per a trace". In the whole prasasti, as in this line, the name of the king is mentioned immediately after the name of his kingdom. So the translators were mistaken and said Mahendra was the king of the country belonging to Pishtapura ; and Swamidatta was the king of the country related to Kottura on the hill.' In the revised edition of his Early History of India, V. A. Smith says (p. 284) that "Samudragupta vanquished the chieftain who held Pishtapura, the ancient capital of Kalinga, now Pithapuram in the Godavari district, as well as the hill forts of Mahendragiri and Kottura." In a foot-note Kottura is identified with Kottoor of Indian Atlas No. 108, which lies twelve miles south-south-east from Mahendragiri. This interpretation is self-contradictory in two points. Kottöra is called "a hill fort;" but the village of Kottoor identified with it is on the sea coast and cannot be a hill fort. The compound 'Mahendragiri Kauttu. raka', is not a dvandva, because Mahendragiri' is an adjective and 'Kauttura' is a noun. The termination of the compound does not show its dual nature. As a compound the term means of Kottura connected with Mahendragiri.' The mountain Mahendra was always the chief landmark for Kalinga. Therefore by Mahendragiri Kottura' is meant Kalinga, and Kottura near Mahendragiri. was its chief town. The whole line means "Swamidatta (the ruler) of the country which has Pishtapura (for its capital), and also of 12 Op. cit., Hatagumpha Caves.
18 Ep. Ind., vol. XII, No. 1. 14 Allahabad Posthumous Pillar Inscription : Corpus.

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the country which has Kottura near Mahendragiri (for its capital)." So the two kingdoms Paishtapuraka and Kalinga were, at the time of Samudragupta's invasion, under one king. From this it appears that Ragolu plates of Saktivarma belonged to Samudragupta's times.
The conquests described in the Raghuvamsa seem to have had their source in the con. quests of Samudragupta.
'सती| कपिशां सैन्यैर्बद्ध द्विरदसेतुभिः । उत्कलादर्शितपथः कलिङ्गाभिमुखो ययी ॥ ३८ ॥ सप्रतापं महेन्द्रस्य मूप्निं तीक्ष्णं न्यवेशयत् । अशं द्विरदस्येव यन्ता गम्भीर वेदिनः ॥१९॥
SICTATE OF FUFÌ TETYT :1'16 “He crossed the river Kapisa with his army on a bridge made of his elephants, and being shown the way by the princes of Utkala, bent his course towards Kalinga. He encamped with all the unbearable influence of his military glory, on the peak of the Mahendra mountain, like unto the elephant driver, who plunges deep his goading rod on the head of an elephant that does not mind the pain. The prince of Kalinga who came to fight with a large number of elephants received him with a shower of arrows."16 The prince of Kalinga is said to have come and attacked king Raghu, who had already occupied the heights of Mahendra. If he had been residing at Kottura, the chief town of Kalinga, he would have been ready at Mahendra to receive the conqueror. He must have been far away at Pishtapura, his chief residence, when he heard of the approach of the invader, and would have come to fight him. Consider the difficulties of conveying an army composed of elephants and archers from Pitahpur to the Mahendra mountain in those early days, when there were no good roads. Even in Katha SaritSagar, king Vatsa is said to nave occupied Mahendra first and then subdued the Kalingas.17 All these show that Kalinga was for some time in the fourth century of our era under the domination of the king of Pishtapura, but it was kept separate with its own metropolis and its own institutions. Before and after this period the kingdom of Kalinga was free and independent under its own native rulers.
There is evidence to prove that the Kalinga kingdom extended southward as far as Mahendra and Köttur during the cenvury preceding the Christian era. gerea a aa
atufe 1/18 "made (erected) pillars in Patálaka, Chêtaka and Vaiduryagarbha." Vaiduryagarbha and the others were thought to be parts of the caves. If this is right, then there was no need to ereot pillars. Here FiraT. means triumphal pillars. So the above names are not those of caves, but of territories. Vaiduryagarbha is the modern Vidarbha. Chêtaka is the Svêtaka of the grants of Prithivi. varma Deva, 19 Samanta Varma, 20 and Indra varma, 21 which is spoken of as Svêtakadhishthana.' This Svêtaka' by metathesis became 'Sikati' or 'Chikati,' a small zamindari in the Ganjam district, extending as far as Bâruva to the south. The Kottur of Samudragupta's times lies very near Baruva. There is no doubt therefore that the southern boundary of the Katinga of Khåravela extended as far as Baruva.
It has already been pointed out that the chief centre of Khåravela's administration was not far from the Udayagiri hills, on which his inscription exists. Kalinga, being conguered 16 Raghunamsa, Canto IV.
16 Bandharkar's translation. 17 Katha Sarit Sagar, lambaka 3, taranga 5. 18 Udayagiri Ins., line 15.
1. Ep. Ind., vol. IV, No. 26. 20 Ep. Ind., vol. XV, No. 14.
31 Rp. Report, 1918, App. A, No. 9.

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by Asoka, was governed through a viceroy till only a few years before the accession of Kharavêla. The Viceregal seat of Kalinga must have been either at Kalinganagara itself, or in the near vicinity. Indeed it was strategically necessary for the conqueror to locate his government either in the capital or in its immediate neighbourhood. I shall reserve the identification of Tosali for a future occasion, and take up now the extent of Kalinga,
The three kingdoms of Anga, Vanga and Kalinga are said to have been founded by three princes of those names who were the sons of king Bali. Angas descended from Anga; from Vanga came the Vangas, and the Kalingas came from the prince Kalinga.22 Anga is identified with Bhagalpole and Vanga with the modern Bengal. Kalinga must be south of Bengal, but where it begins in the north requires study. Let us look at the evidence. * King Raghu is said to have crossed the river Kapisa after he had conquered the Vangas. Being shown the way by the Utkalas, he entered Kalinga and encamped on the Mahendra hill. Lassen identifies the river Kapisa with Subarnarékha, but Mr. Pargiter proves it to be the Kansi which flows through Midnapur.23 King Vatsa is said to have defeated the Vangas and planted a triumphal pillar on the shores of the eastern sea. Then the Kalingas came, and paid tribute to him when he had reached the Mahendra mountain. 24
In the Mahabharata, Yudhishtira is said to have reached the sea where the Ganges enters it with five mouths and thence to have proceeded to Kalinga along the coast.
ससागरं समासाद्य गङ्गाया स्सा मे नृप । नदीनां पञ्चानां मध्ये चके समाप्लवम् ।। ततस्समुद्र तीरेण जगाम वसुधाधितः ।
भ्रातृभि स्सहितो वीरः कलिङ्गान्प्रतिभारन ॥ लोमशाः॥ एते कलिङ्गाः कौन्तेय यत्र वैतरणी नदी।
___यत्रायजत धापि देवान् शरणमेत्यवे ॥ वैशम्पायनः।। ततो वैतरणिं सर्वे पाण्डवा द्रौपदी तथा।
. अवतीर्य महाभागा स्तर्पयां चक्रिरे पितॄन् ॥25 The river Vaitarani is the Baitrani in the north of Orissa.
The Utkalas mentioned in the Raghuvamsa are not spoken of in the edicts of Asoka, nor in the inscriptions of Khâravela. Kalinga was then spoken of as one kingdom. But in times subsequent to those of Magadha supremacy, the country of Kalinga, owing either to racial differences or to the rise of the dormant tribes, must have been divided into Kauralaka. Mahâkântâraka and Mahendragiri,--the Kautturaka of the Allahabad Pillar inscription, or the Udra, Konyodha and Kalinga of Hiuen-Tsiang. Ut-kala is only a contraction of Uttara-Kalinga, which means northern Kalinga. When the northern part of Kalinga, which is adjacent to the kingdoms of Northern India, associated with the north, the indigent Dravidian tribs, such as the Kuis and the Savaras, combined with the immigrant peoples from the south (Dramilas) and associated the southern part with Southern India. So the northern peoples became known as the people of Northern Kalinga, or Uttara-Kalingas or Ut-Kalês, while the southern inhabitants were called Kalingås. When this separation Was brought about cannot be precisely stated, but it must have happened in the time that intervened between Khâravêla's time and Samudragupta's invasion-a period of oblivion in the history of the eastern part of the Gangetic valley. It is clear, however, that Kalinga lay immediately to the south of Bengal, which then formed a part of the kingdom of Asoka.
(To be continued.) . 31 Mahabhdrata, Adi Parva, canto 143 ; Machchi Purdna, Adyâya 48; Visht Purdņa, by · H. H. Wilson, pp. 144, Amse 4, Adhyâya 23.
38 JASB., vol. LXVI, part I, No. 2 (1897). 24 Katha Sdrit Sdgar, wpra. 36 Mahdbhdrata, Vana Parva.

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DECLENSION OF THE NOUN IN THE RÁMÁYAN OF TULSIDAS.
By BABU RAM SAKSENA, MA. 81. Nouns in Sanskrit have three genders, three numbers and eight cases, and the bases end either in consonants or in vowels. Casa-relations are expressed by adding various terminations to the bases. The system of declension in Sanskrit, thus, was very rigid and complicated. A noun could express every thing about itself without invoking the aid of other words in a sentence or of word-order, e.g., putrah is of masculine gender, singular number and nominative case.
Nouns in Modern Awadhil have two genders, the neuter being lost, two numbers, the dual having disappeared, and only two cases, the direct and the oblique. The oblique is employed only for the plural number; so there is only one case the direct--for the singular Case-relations are expressed not by adding terminations to the bases but by using van oue post-positions after the two oases. The bases end either in consonants or in vowels. The system of declension, thus, in Modern Awadhi is very flexible and much simpler than that of the parent-language. For example: pút can be used both as a singular noun and a plural, and, with a post-position, to denote any case-relation.
Mediaeval literature shows a stepping-stone to the modern language. The dual and the dative were dying out by the time of the literary Prakrits. The Apabhramsa stage created further confusion and case-relations could be distinguished only by minor vowel-modifications and the use of nasalisation.
$ 2. The new system was not completely established by the time of Tulsidas. The noun in the Ramayan has two cases : direct and oblique. The oblique has two forms-one for the singular and the other for the plural. Post-positions are not generally employed and the gimple direct or oblique is used. This creates a certain confusion and difficulty in anderstanding the meaning. In the Aranyakânda there are 831 such nouns as require postpositions after them according to the practice of Modern Awadhf, but of these, post-positions are employed only after 215 nouns, i.e., with a little more than 26 per cent.
& 3. Bases usually end in a (e.g., mdhuna, tana), 4 (e.g., déha, batiyd), i (0.g., hari, rahani), 1 (e.g., barlar, kahant), u (e.g., gharu, bau), or (e.g., ndu, batdú). Of these the nouns in a are very few. A few nouns used in the Ramayan end in 6 but all these are probably borrowings from the Braj Bhasha, 2.g., hiyo (Aw. hiyd), céró (Aw. cérd).
Use of the Direct. $ 4. In the singular the direct is used(a) without post-positions as
(1) the subject, e.g., jada laga (I. 386), bhukha butdi (I. 245a); mukhiyd cahiye (II. 315). murucha gas (II, 43) girirdi dye (I. 102a), kuāri rijhai (I. 131); dohát phiri (I. 183); kharabharu pard (1. 83k).
(2) inanimate direct object, e.g., jó bakhara karahi (I. 14), odsu cdrd idi (1. 3026). bharata kahauti kaht (II. 295d), ráma bibdki kinha (I. 23d), dhruva phan pdeu (I. 25e).
1 Vide L.S.I., vol. VI and Lakhimpurt-A Dialoot of Modern Awadh JASB., XVIU (N. 8.) No. 8.
7 This paper is based on a detailed study of the first two ahapters, the Balakanda and the Ayodhyakanda of the Ramdyan and a more general study of the rest. The conclusions do not seem to be upeet by the general study.
i Tho referoncos are to the Ramacaritardnasa edited by five members of the Nagar prachkriol Sabha and published by the Indian Press, Allahabad, in 1915. It is decidedly the most authoritative edition of the Ramdyan, available. The Roman figure denotes the Kanda, ..g., L denotes Bdfaldada, the Arabio figure denotes the number of the dohd and the letters, a, b, c, do, denoto the number of the lizo atordom. Thus 386 denotes the second lino alter the 39th dond.

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Note.--If the direct case is used as an animate object it is generally followed by a postposition, e.g., uparóhita kahā hari (I. 168d), but also marasi gdi (II. 35h).
(3) instrumental case, e.g., bhaya nama japata (I. 27a), sipi samand (I, 10%), saha såkhi (1. 3d), sarisa kapdsu (I. le).
(4) genitive case, e.g., mukuta-chabt (1. 10a), tala-rakchaváre (I. 37a).
(5) locative case, e.g., ura dhama karau (I. 38), nisi nida pari (II. 36h), batachaht balthe (1.51h).
(6) vocative case, e.g., bhaiya (I. 290d), bhái (1.7m).
(6) With post-positions, e.g., nparóhita kahā hari (I. 168d); barata lagang tot (1. 3089); bhagatanha hita lagi (1. 12e); bhaga 12.tulast bhaye (1.26); ghaya mahu (II. 34c), Qara para (I. 29).
$ 5. In the plural the direct is used without post-positions at -
(1) the subject, e.g., bájana bajë (I. 90h), lavd lukánē (I. 267c), larikini at (I. 354h), näú asísahi (I. 319).
(2) inanimate direct object, e.g., tinha síea ndye (I. 92e), tinha khambhd biracé (I. 2867), bahu dhanuht tórt (I. 270g).
Note.-The direct without any post-positions is sometimes, though rarely, used as an animate direct object also, e.g., bharata sdhant bolayé (I. 297c), gedru pdhard boldi (II. 89c).
(3) instrumental case but rarely, e.g., aneka bhats gdyê (I. 329). (4) genitive case but exceptionally, e.g., ked marupa khala jinisa anekd (I. 175g). (5) locative case but exceptionally, e.g., sóhata pura cahū pdea (I. 212).
Use of the Oblique Singular. $ 6. The oblique singular is need (a) without post-positions as
(1) animate direot object, e.g., hamısahi baka hasahi (I. 86), sakhahi nihari (I. 170a), simi badhuki jimi 898aka siyard (II. 669).
Note. This case is sometimes, though rarely, used as an inanimate direct object also, e.g., banhi gaye (II. 165e), of Modern Awadhi bajarai gaye; sukhahi anubhavahi (I. 21b).
(2) instrumental case, e.g., mai carita sañchepahi kaha (I. 1027), é dvahi chi nous (I. 221h), citêrê citrita (1. 212e).
(3) dative case, e.g., ahêrê phirata (I. 1588), côrahi nati na bhdud (II. 10g), pitahi mata bhavi (1. 72b), jamunahi kinha prandnd (II. llla), bhusundihi dinha (I. 29d).
(4) genitive case, e.g., napahi bilapata (II. 36e)
(5) locative case, e.g., gunahi manu rata (I. ta), babarahi phala igahi (I. 964), maikl easuré sakala sukha (II. 96), dudre gayeu (II. 38d); cf. the remains of the oblique in e in some words of Modern Awadhi, sapne, mathe, dudre, jape, etc. (6) with post-positions, e.g., naharuhi låge (II. 35h).
Use of the Oblique Plural. $ 7. The oblique plural is used (a) without post-positions as
(1) the subject of past indioative verb (based on ancient perfect participle), e.g., surana astuts kanht (I. 82%), nayananhi nirakhe (II. 209), muninha kirati går (I. 127), dasinha dikha (II: 147c) ; cf. the same tise of the oblique in Modern Awadhi • (2) animate direct object, e.g., sa phanhi ramasanmukha ko karata (II. 3251), bdghini myginha citava (IL. 50a).
(8) ilustrumental case, e.g., nifa mija mukhani kaht nija hont (1. 2c).

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(4) dative case, e.g., nagara sêvakana saupi (II. 187), kabinha karaŭ paranâmâ (I. 13d),. muni bhdinha asisa dinhi (I. 236c).
(5) genitive case, e.g., bhagatanha hita lågt (I. 12e), sacêtanha karani (I. 84c), tarubaranha madhya (II. 236c).
(6) locative case, e.g., jhalaká jhalakata pâyanha kaisé (II. 203a), janaka piḍhana baisharé (1.327e).
(b) with post-positions, e.g., loganha-pahi jâu (1.239h) kandaranhi mahữ (I. 83j), aṭana para (I. 346d).
Animate and Inanimate object.
§ 8. There is a tendency in the language of the Râmâyan to use the simple direct as the inanimate object and the oblique or the direct followed by a post-position as the animate object (vide examples of the direct object above). This tendency is found in Modern Awadhi also.
The reason of this tendency seems to be that an animate object may also generally be used as the subject which is put in the direct case, while an inanimate object cannot so generally be the subject. Hence the necessity of distinction in the former arises and, therefore, the object is distinguished from the subject by a change of case or by the use of post-positions after one of them.
Form of the Oblique Singular.
§ 9. The oblique singular generally ends in -hi or-hi, e.g., saraga: saragahi or saragahi; katha: kathahi or kathahi; sandhi: sandhihi or sandhihi; bhâĩ: bhâihi or bhdihĩ; madhu : madhuhi or madhuhi; badhû badhuhi or badhuhi.
Note. The final long vowel (e.g., in katha, bhai, badhu) at the end of a base is shortened before the termination -hi or -hi.
An alternative oblique case for the masculine bases ending in a or å ends in -e, the final vowel being dropped, e.g., *bûta: bûte, *sapana: sapanê, *citêrâ: citêrê, *pálaná: pâlane. Form of the Oblique Plural.
§ 10. The oblique plural generally ends in -na, -nha, nhã, -ni, nhi or -nhi, the final vowel of a base being shortened if it ends in a long vowel, e.g., sura; surana, lôga: loganha, gana gananhã, asrama: asramani, satha: sathanhi or sathanh, khambha: khambhanha, savati: savatina, kubari kubarinha, badhû badhunha, nâu: nduna.
Other Forms.
§ 11. Nouns in -a and -a have a plural form in -ê, which is used either as a subject or object, e.g., cerá: céré, pakavana: pakaváné; as a subject, e.g., pakavané bharê (I. 3046), panavâre parana lagê (I. 327h), badhayê hôna lagê (I. 295c), calahi na ghôrê (II. 142e); as an object, e.g., lakhighôre (II. 146g), isa karavarê târé (I. 356a), nṛpa maganê têrê (1. 339a).
Some nouns in -a which denote inanimate things form their plural by adding - to them, the resulting form being used either as a subject or an object, e.g., assa: asisai, bhauha bhauhai, bâta: bâtai, sauha: sauhai; as a subject, e.g., bhauhar kutila bhak (I. 251h); as an object, e.g., duhu bhat asssai pat (I. 307).
Note. Some purely Sanskrit forms are used in the Râmâyan, e.g., sukhena. They are distinctly loan-words and have little to do with the general language of the Râmâyan.
History of the Forms.
The Direct.
§ 12. By the time of the literary Prakrits all bases became vocalic owing to the falling off of final consonants. Then followed the loss in the quantity of final vowels. This combined with the loss of inter-vocalic consonants resulted in the ancient system being entirely

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confused by the time of Tulsidas. In the Ramayan we find only vocalic bases. The direct gage is the result of the ancient nominative-accusative : puta is the representative of putrah: putram er of putrah : putran.
Nouns in -a, -i and -u come from ancient bases in -a, -a, -, -, -u, - and come about owing to the loss of final consonants and vowels, while nouns in -a, - and -u come from the ancient bases in -a, -1, and -u enlarged by means of the suffix ka or kd to .aka, -ika, -uka, etc., and result from the loss of inter-vocalic k and subsequent contraction of vowels.
$13. The direct case in -a (néha, nlda) comes from two different sources-the ancient singular nominative-accusative and the ancient plural nominative-accusative. The various stages of néha are sného-sneham : néhô-néham : nêho-nêham: néhu-néhã : néha and snéhah. 8néhán : néha-néha : néha.
That the nouns in -a come from two different sources, singular and plural, is clearly' shown by the fact that a large number of the masculine nouns in -a have an alternative form in -u (ráma or ramu, púta or pútu, néha or néhu) which cannot be used in the plural. It is also clear from the fact that a very short u (*) is added sometimes to a consonantio base in Modern Awadhi if a singular thing is denoted, while a very short a (a) if the plural, 0.g., ham em phalu khdyen while ham cari phala khayen.
$ 14. Bases in -a come from.
(1) ancient nouns in 2, e.g., putra : puta, karya : kdja, paksa : pakha, aksara : akhara, kródha : kôha ;
(2) Ancient nouns in - which are mostly feminine, e.g., ddrud : daba, varayatra , bardia, nidra : nida, or
(3) are borrowings (including tatsamas), e.g., jahaja, adhiba, bakhasisa, saraga, kabitta.
8 15. Bases in -d are generally masculine though a number of feminine bases (invariably loan-words) are also found. They come from
(1) ancient -a bases enlarged to aka (through -aa : -), e.g., kitaka : kirā, *dódhaka 1 dóha ; or
(2) are borrowings (including tatsamas), e.g., stvd, murucha, bidhata, argaja, piroja § 16. Bases in which are mostly feminine come from (1) ancient bases, e.g., sarasvatt : sarasai, pattrí: pati, kumari : kuāri ; (2) Magadhi ending -e, e.g., milani, rahani, ghavani ; or
(3) are borrowings from Sanskrit and other languages, e.g., lacchi, bhagati, cakkavai, vndi, sahdi, di, khabari.
& 17. Bases in which are generally feminine and seldom masculine come from
(1) ancient - ika and -ska bases, e.g., cakrika : cáki, sarika : sári, -talika : tari, rájnika : rant, vrácika : bichi : *gunika guni; *málóka : malt, *addhanika : sdhani; or
(2) are borrowings, e.g., bibaki. § 18. Bases in - are mostly masculine and
(1) represent the penultimate stage of ancient nouns in -a, e.g., manu, dahu, chóhu, lahu, or
(2) are borrowings from Sanskrit and other languages, e.g., bdu, madhu, soru, bagu lagamu, tolu.
19. Bages in - are very few and are either ancient enlarged bases, e.g!, nad or are loan-words from Sanskrit and other languages, e.g., badhu.

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$ 20. Bases which ended in short vowels in the language of the Râmîyan have become consonantic in Modern Awadhi owing to the loss of the final short vowel, e.g., púta : mit, phala : phal : bipati : bipat, sôru : 8ôr. When the pronunciation is slack, however. e. and are heard after the last consonant, which connect the forms with their parents. Bases in long vowols, however, seem to subsist intact, e.g, dóha, kirá, châti, chahi, nda !
The Oblique Case. $ 21. Cases which express concrete relations have a tendency to disappear in all IndoEuropean languages. Use of alternative cases appears in Sanskrit literature as early as some of the earliest Brahmanas. At the Prakrit stage some cases and case-forms entirely die out and by the time of Apabhramsa case-relations become still more confused. By the time of Tulsidas there was established one general case-the oblique-which answered for all concrete or indirect cases. The direct case, with the aid of post-positions, also sometimes expressed these relations.
Oblique Singular. & 22. The oblique singular of the Râmâyan which ends in -hi or hi goes back to the instrumental plural and is based on the Apabhramsa termination - him, e.g., puttahim. Nasalisation is very unstable in Indian languages, m becomes and finally disappears. This -him goes back to the Sanskrit termination -bhis of the instrumental plural.
The alternative oblique singular in -e also seems to be based on the ancient instrumental plural, though on the alternative form in -aih (putraih). This alternative was mostly applied to bases in -a, the predeo nors of the masculine bases of the Ramayan in -a and -a.
The instrumental tends to be confounded very early with the dative, the ablative, the genitive, and the locative.
The post-positions kéra, kéri, kéré, based on karya or some such word10 and lagi (Sans krit. Lagyaté) which are generally used after the oblique, can be used both with the genitive and the instrumental.
$ 23. An objection which may be put forward against this derivation of the oblique singular, is that a plural ford has been invoked for tracing the development of the singular. It should, however, be noted that by the time of the Râmâyan the whole ancient system was in pieces and quite a new system was evolved from the remains of the ancient. Moreover, the instrumental singular (puttt) was liable to be confused with the nominative (puttu) and the locative (putti), so recourse was had to some -hi form to make the general oblique.
$ 24. The development of the pronouns in Prakrit 11 generally leads to the same conclusion, e.g., mai < Prakrit maê (instrumental singular), tui < Prakrit tué (instrumental singular), hamahi samhéhim (instrumental plural), tumhahi < tumhëhim, (instrumental plural), tehi (oblique singular) Page #88

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The alternative proposal19 of Dr. Bloch of deriving this case from the dative singular di not suit the case in the Ramayan, though it quite suits Marathi ; dévaya becomes Marathi deva (through devaa), but could not become devahi or even dévai.
& 28. Dr. Bloch thinkg13 that the h of the Apabhramba was not a sound attually pronounced at the time but only inserted as a method of transcription. But from the frequency with which the aspiration between two vowels occurs in the Ramayan it is hard to believe that it does not represent a true sound of the time. Besides, the survival of inter-vocalich in some words of Modern Awadhi does not warrant Dr. Bloch's proposition.
$ 27. Concrete case-relations are expressed in two different ways in the Ramayan, at least as regards the singular, viz.
(a) by using post-positions after the direct case, and (b) by using the oblique simple or followed by post-positions.
Modern Awadhi has generally adopted the first course and has mostly lost the singular oblique. Traces of it, however, are still found in such forms as gharai, bajárai ; mathé, sapne.
Oblique Plural. $ 28. The oblique plural is based on the ancient genitive plural (Prakrit, puttàņam). The genitive has been a very common alternative case for the dative, locative and instrumental, and is often confounded in form with the ablative since early Indo-Aryan times. It is at the basis of the oblique plural of all the Indo-Aryan languages. 14
& 29. One objeotion to this derivation of the oblique plural is that the n of terminations survives in modern languages only as a simple nasalisation, e.g., Marathi devam Sanskrit dévá nám, Hindustani ghoro < Sanskrit ghôtakånám, Braj. ghôrau, Rajasthani ghord or ghoda < Sanskrit ghôtakdnám, and not as a full sound. But the full n sound does survive in the oblique of some Indo-Aryan languages, e.g., in Kasmiri 15 dative plural tsúran, guren, mdlan, in Sindhi 16, e.g., ddlhan", and in Singhalese.
An alternative suggestion for the derivation of this case is that some such noun as jana might have been affixed to the nouns to form the plural, and the una of the Râmâyan may be its remains (cf. Bengali gach-sakallt where sakal is added to form the plural). But this derivation is not possible, since here we are seeking the derivation of an oblique case and the oblique of jana would never give na at the end (cf. Bhili, 18 bdpane, plural dative, and bápánô, plural genitive). If it were a direct case the derivation would be possible.
& 30. Besides -na, the oblique plural ends in - nha, -ni and -nhi also. h and hi seem to have been added to it on the model of the oblique singular.
31. Modern Awadhi, while it has lost the oblique singular, has retained the oblique plural. The aspiration which was added to it has been quite lost, so that the modern oblique plural ends in-na or-ni simply.
Other Forms. & 32. The nominative-accusative plural in 2 (céré, bandanavdré) seems to go back to the Prakrit accusative ending - ê 19, which sometimes replaced the regular Sanskrit ending -an (putte). This form has been lost in most of the words of Modern Awadhf, being replaced by the direct.
$88. The forms assai, bhauhal, etc., seem to have been based on the accusative plural termination - dni of the neuter : *vatlar : batai. These forms subsist in Modern Awadh. though their nasalisation has been lost, e.g., batai: batai; kitabai, bhaūhai. 13 Vide Dr. Bloch, pp. 182-183.
13 Ibid., pp. 31, 132. 14 Ibid., pp. 181-82.
15 Vide L.S.I., VIII, part II, p. 271. 16 Ibid., VIII, part I, p. 25.
17 Ibid., V, part I, p. 34. 18 Ibid., IX, part III, p. 12.
19 Vide Woolner, Introduction to Prabrit, p. 32.

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THE ORIGIN OF THE PALLAVAS. BY MUDALIYAR C. RASANAYAGAM.
THE origin of the dynasty of the Pallavas and that of their name has been a subject of controversy for a long time, and the attempts made to throw light on it have not made the mystery less impenetrable. That the Pallavas became a great power in South India in the sixth and seventh centuries, and that they contributed a great deal to the growth first of Buddhism and then of Hinduism, and to South Indian architecture and sculpture, are well known. But we have still to find out who they were and whence they came.
Dr. Vincent A. Smith in the first edition of his Early History of India, said that the origin of the Pallava clan or tribe, which supplied royal families to Kiñchi, Vengi and Palakkada, was obscure, and that the name appeared to be another form of Pahlava. This was the name of a foreign clan or tribe frequently mentioned in inscriptions and Sanskrit literature, and Dr. Smith thought that it was derived ultimately from the name for the 'Parthians.' His supporters believed that this nomadic tribe of Parthians, Pahlavas, or Pallavas passed through India from the north to the south without leaving a trace of their long journey, just as if they had marched along a highway, and finally halted at Kâñchipuram, defeated the uncivilized tribes living there, built a great city and ruled over them. The improbability of this story, notwithstanding the attempt on the part of some to determine the date of the supposed Parthian invasion and the Pallava immigration to the south, appears to have been clearly proved by Dr. Fleet. In a note to the Indian Antiquary, Mr. J. Burgess said that the Pallava theory of Dr. Vincent Smith could not be accepted and that Dr. Fleet had disposed of it by pointing out that it was based partly on a mistranslation. The Pallava mystery then became so much more mysterious that Dr. Vincent Smith in the second edition of the same work, published in 1908, changed his opinion and said that, though Dr. Flest and other writers were disposed to favour the view that Pallavas and Pahlavas were identical, and that the Pallava dynasty of Kâñichi should be considered of Persian origin, yet recent research did not support this hypothesis, and that it seemed more likely that the Pallavas were a tribe, clan or caste, which was formed in the northern part of the Madras Presidency, possibly in the Vengi country. He also added, perhaps to throw a doubt on his own suggestion and to seek for the Pallava origin still further south, that the Vellâļas, Kallas and Pallis of South India claimed to be connected with them. For eleven more years no satisfactory explanations were offered, and in The Oxford History of India published in 1919, Dr. Smith was constrained to admit that the Pallavas constituted one of the mysteries of Indian history, and that there was every reason to believe that future historians would be able to give a fairly complete narrative of the doings of the Pallava kings and lay open the secret of their origin and their connections.
Mr. G. Jouveau-Dubreuil, Professor of the Pondicherry College, whose knowledge of Indian antiquities and allied subjects is profound, and who has done most to work out a rational history of the Pallavas from the earliest times to the decline of their power, from the available data of inscriptions and copper plates, accepted the challenge thrown out by Dr. Smith. In his book on The Ancient History of the Deccan, published in 1920, he proceeds to give a plausible account of the origin of this elusive tribe. He takes the family tradition, given in the Vêlûrpâlayam plates, that the first member of the family who became king acquired all the emblems of Royalty on marrying the daughter of the Lord of See also Numismata Orientalia, p. 42.
1 Vol. XXXIV, p. 196.

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Serpents-evidently a Nâga princess 3, as his basis, and tries to prove a Pahlava-Naga alliance that enabled the Pallavas to inherit the Kanohi throne. With painstaking care he first brings together the Satavahanas, the Chuţu Nâgas, the Western Kshatrapas, the Mahârathis, etc., under a chronological arrangement before turning to the matter of the Pallava-Naga alliance. But although this throws a flood of light on the obsoure history of the Deccan during that early period, it does not in any way satisfy the reader. It leaves him to surmise that a Pahlava minister of the Western Kshatrapas reigning at Aparanta married the daughter of Siva-Skanda-Naga-Satakarņi and inherited the throne of Kanchi. If the Pahlava minister or his son had made such an alliance and had, by some process not clearly explained, inherited the throne of Kâñchi, the statement in the Vélarpalayam plates would be verified. And as the Pahlavas were of Parthian origin, the older theory too would have been established. Thus the pious hope of Dr. Vincent Smith that the home of the Pallavas might be found somewhere further south still remains unfulfilled. The Någa dynasty, of course, was easily found by M. Dubreuil in the contemporaneous Chutu Någas, who were fortunately succeeded by the Pallavas; but he had still to show that one of their kings was the ruler of a larger tract of land than was under the authority of the Chutus. If an alliance of the Chuţu Nâgas with the Satavahanas could be established, a Satavahana king would answer the purpose. Such a king in the person of Siva-Skanda-Nâga-Satakarni, who belonged to a dynasty of Andhra-cum-Chutu-cum-Mahârathi, and in whose veins ran Naga blood for two generations, was ready to hand. As certain coins with the legend Sri Pulumâyi were found near Cuddalore, Skanda Naga is assumed to have been identical with Sri Puļumâyi and to have occupied the country of which Kafichi later became the capital. It is left to be inferred that this country was given as a dowry to his daughter, who married the Pahlava minister of the Western Kshatrapas or his son. Even supposing in the absence of any authorities, that the marriage did really take place, questions still arise whether the sovereignty of Siva-Skanda-Någa-Satakarni in the third century A.D., ever extended so far as to include Tondaimandalam, and whether there was no king of any other dynasty reigning at Kâñchi at the time. There is no other authority than the finding of the coins ; and that of course, without other evidence to support it, does not prove anything, just as the finding of Greek and Roman coins in a place can never by itself prove that the place was under the way of the Greeks or the Romans.
All this unsatisfactory groping in the dark was due to the ignorance of ancient Tainit literature under which Western scholars generally laboured, and partly also perhaps to their belief that no valuable historical information could be gathered from these works. But during the last decade or two there has been an awakening that has placed all the hidden treasures of ancient Tamil literature before the public. Among these is the Manimekalai, a veritable mine of information to the antiquarian and the historian. From the Manimekalai one is able to gather that one kisli, who was also known as Vadivêşkilli, Venvêşkilli, Mâvenkilli, Nedumudikilli and Killi Valavan, the son and successor of Karikala the Great, was the Chola king reigning at Puhår or Kaveripům pattinam, when that city was engulfed by the sea, and that he thereupon removed his capital to Uraiyur. According to the Chilappali. karam, or the Epic of the Anklet, a sister work to the Manimekalai, the Chêra king Sengut. tuvan built a temple for the worship of Pattini, and at the consecration of the temple there were present Gajabâhu of Lanka, Jam Cheliyan of Madura and Killi of Uraiyûr, who also built tem, or the same deity in their own countries. Gajabahu ruled in Ceylon from 3 Repor. w Epigraphy, 1910-1911.
Manimekalai, Canto XXV, 11, 178-203. Chilappatikaram, Canto XXX, 11, 160--164.

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113 to 135 A.D. The destruction of Puhâr was therefore a little before this. It is also said in the Manimekalai that while Killi was reigning at Uraiyur, his brother Iļamkilli or Iļamko was at Kanchi, and after him Kilļi's son by a Någa princess, Tondairân Iļantirayan, was installed at Kânchi. All these facts, taken from the Tamil Epics, were given by Prof. Krishnaswami Aiyangar in a very valuable and instructive paper, published in the Indian Antiquary. But if he had dived deeper, he would have found more information throwing a great deal of light on the origin of the Pallavas. Tondaimán Ilantirayan was the son of Killi by Pilivalai, the daughter of Valaivanan, the Naga king of Mani-pallavam. He was lost in a shipwreck on his way from Mani-pallavam to Puhâr, but was afterwards found washed ashore coiled up in a tondai creeper, and he was therefore called Tondaimán Iļantirayan, Tondaimân, and also Tirayan, because he was washed ashore by the sea. The sove. reignty of Toncaimandalam, separated from Cholamandalam, was assigned to him by his father, and he was the first king of Tondaimandalam, which was so called after his name, with his capital at Kanchi. Killi is also alleged to have caused a grove and a tank to be made at Kážchi in imitation of those in the island of Mani-pallavam.10 This tank was perhaps the one referred to in the Kasakudi plates as the tank of Tirayan.1! Ilantirayan was the first independent king who reigned at Kanchi, and the dynasty started by him was called the Pallava dynasty. He must have come to the throne about the third quarter of the second century A.D. The destruction of Puhår and the consequent removal of the capital to Uraiyûr before 150 A.D., is confirmed by Ptolemy, the Alexandrian geographer, who wrote his work about that time, as he calls Orthoura (Urantai or Usaiyûr) the capital of the Cholas. As, perhaps, Iļantirayan's Någa mother was not considered equal in rank to his father, his dynasty was not called by the usual patronymic, but was designated by his mother's native place Mani-pallavam. Mani-pallavam has been identified as the Jaffna Peninsula, which was then an island; and to observers sailing up from India the island would have appeared just like a sprout or growth on the mainland of Lanka, and hence it was called 'pallavam,' which in Tamil means 'a sprout' or 'the end of a bough.' The name Mani-pallavam occurs only in the Manimekalai. The more ancient name of the island was Manipuram ; and the Sinhalese called it Mani-Nagadipa, as it was populated by the Nâgas and governed by Nâga kings.12 The prefix Mani appears to have been retained and the name pallavam added by the Tamils, as it appeared like a sprout springing from a mother tree. The later Pallavas called themselves by the birudas Buddhyankúra, Nayan. kära, Tarunankûra and Lalitankůra, with the Sanskrit ending ankúra ineaning 'a sprout.' The title Potharâyar, adopted by the Pallava kings, is also derived from the Tamil word pôtu, meaning 'a sprout and synonymous with pallavam. These facts clearly show that they retained the nemory of their origin and adopted titles bearing the same meaning as the Tamil word pallavam.13
In the Râyakotta plates, 14 a Pallava king Skânda Sishya, supposed to have lived earlier than Vishņugopa (330 A.D.), claims descent from Asvaddhaman, the Brahman warrior of the Mahabharata, through a Någa princez8. The origin of Iļantirayan was either forgotten by
. Mahavanoa, List of Kings, part I; but Mr. Geiger gives 171-193 A.D. for Gajabahu. 7 Perumpamarrupadai, 1. 37. 8 Ante., vol. XXXVII, Celebrities in Tamil Literature, p. 235. 9 Perumpanarrupadai, 11:31–37. 10 Manimekalai, Canto XXVIII, 11 : 201 - 207. 11 South Indian Inscriptions, vol. II, No. 73. 11 JOBRAS., vol. XXVI, Någadipa and Buddhist Remains in Jatkaa. 15: Epigraphic Indica, vol. VII, p. 145. 6 Ibid., vol. V, No. 8.

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this time, or with the purpose of concealing the liaison of the Chola king with the Någa princess, this Puranic story was manufactured under Brahmanic influence and began to be believed. The legend of Iļantirayan as the originator of the Pallava dynasty was, however, referred to by Dr. Hultzch in his notes on the Rayakötta plates.16
Thus it will be seen that the name Pallava had really its origin further south than imagined by Dr. Smith, and the name implied a ruling dynasty and not a tribe or clan. If the meaning of the word pallava, as represented later in the several titles adopted by the kings of that dynasty be admitted, the improbability of their connection with the Pahlavas or the Parthians is quite plain. It is impossible to say whether there are any Vellalas or Kallas in South India who claim relationship with the Pallavas, but the Pallis or the Palli. vilis claim to be the descendants of the last Pallava kings, who were defeated and degraded by the Cholas
FLYING THROUGH THE AIR. -
BY A. M. HOCART. THE cominonest miracle of Buddhist literature consists in flying through the air, so much so that the Pali title arahant, one who has attained the summum bonum of religious aspiration,'1'a saint,' has given rise to the Sinhalese verb rahatve-which means 'to disappear, 'to pass instantaneously from one point to another.' . In fact flying through the air has become the test of arahalship.
In Sanskrit literature standing in mid-air is a sign by which one can tell a god from a inan. Sanskrit readers are familiar with that passage in the story of Nala (V. 22 pp.) where Damayanti, at a loss how to clistinguish her lover from the four gods who have assumed his form, in her distress prays to them to reveal their divinity. They do so by appearing "sweatless, unwinking, crowned with fresh and dustless garlands." "Asvedân stabdhalocanan hrsitasragrajohonan sthithân aspréalah ksitim."
By the way this is but another instance of how saints have assumed the attributes of gods, or, rather, to be on the safe side, how both derive their attributes from a common source.
Why this insistence on the power to float in the air? Why is it made a test of divinity or sainthood ? It has rather been taken for granted that, given supernatural beings, they must move in the regions of air instead of treading the earth. We are so used to the idea that we think it perfectly natural, and forget that it only seems natural because we are so used to it. When we come to think of it, there is no reason why they should not walk as we do, swim in the sea, or burrow in the earth. If we are to make a beginning of explaining customs and beliefs we must take nothing for granted, but must seek to explain everything, not by vague phrases such as "poetic fancy," "primitive thought," but by precise causes from which the custom or belief derives with logical, one might almost say mathematical, necessity.
The line of attack I propose is one which has already enabled us to win several minor advantages. It may or may not be successful in this case, but I claim for it that at the least it is a serious attempt to penetrate into the region of myth, and that it conforms to the standard I have set.
16 Epigraphia Indica, vol. V, p. 50. 1 The Pali Text Society's Pali-English Dictionary. 2 Rahatenand : mama dan metana innaudnam me velav Ingaland inga puluvamı.
3 Chieftainship in the Paciflo', Amor. Anthropologist, 1915, p. 631. The Common Sense of Myth', ibid, 1910, p. 307. Polynesian Tombs,' ibid., 1918, p. 456. Myths in the Making,' Folk-Lore, 1922, p. 57.

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I use as my base the fact that over a large part of the old world kings are divine, they are impersonations of gods, and as such have all the attributes of godhead, so that what is true of the god is true of the king, and what is true of the king is true of the god. I have no hesi. tation in believing that all th> varieties of this doctrine, wherever they occur, are derived from the same original source, since the area they cover is continuous from West Africa to Peru, and even, if it were not continuous, the doctrine itself is sufficiently strange and elaborate to warrant us in denying that it can ever have sprung up independently in various parts of the world.
Now, in countries where the kings or priest-kings are divine it sometimes happens that the king is never allowed to touch the ground. Instances are quoted by Sir James Frazer in his Golden Bough4 from countries both East and West of India : among the Zapotecs of Mexico, in Japan, Siam, Persia, Uganda. The case which gives us most support comes from Tahiti, and I will therefore quote in full Ellis' account in his Polynesian Researches (III, 101f, 108, 114): "Whether, like the sovereigns of the Sandwich Islands, they were supposed to derive their origin by lineal descont from the gods, or not, their persons were regarded as scarcely less sacred than the personifications of the doities ... The sovereign and his consort always appeared in public on men's shoulders, and travelled in this manner wherever they journeyed by land ... On these occasions (changes of mounts) their majesties never suffered their feet to touch the ground ... The inauguration ceremony, answering to coronation among other nations, consisted in girding the king with the inaro ura, or sacred girdle, of red feathers which not only raised him to the highest earthly station, but identified him with the gods. This idea pervaded the terms used with reference to his whole establishment. His houses were called clouds of heaven, the glare of the torches in luis dwelling was denominated lightning, and when the people saw them in the evening as they passed near his abode, instead of saying the torches were burning in the palace, they would observe that the lightning was flashing in the clouds of heaven. When ho passed froin one district to the other they always used the word mahuli, which signifies to Ay, and hence they described his journey by saying that the king was flying from one district of the Island to another."
In Tahiti then it was literally true that gods were distinguished from ordinary men in that they never touched the ground, but that they flew where others walked. But the reason why the king-god did so was not the reason given by the people themselves ; they said that if he touched the ground that spot would have become sacred and could never more have been used for profane purposes. This may have been a very good reason for keeping up the practice, but the other observances I have quoted leave no doubt that its true origin is that the king of Tahiti, like the king of Egypt, of the Hittites, of Ceylon, of various parts of India,' of Japan, to naine a few among many, was the sun god himself or his son, and as such lived in clouds, flashed lightning and moved above the earth. The king of Tahiti like other Polynesian kings was called Heaven, and "at death or transference of a king's temporal power it is said, “The Ra (sun) has set,' the king being called the man who holds the sun,' or 'the Sun-Eater'."'8
"You have produced evidence," some one will object," from Mexico, from Tahiti, from Uganda, from everywhere except from India, from which the argument set out. You have not attempted to show us in existence in India the custom which is supposed to explain the + 2nd ed., I, 234, 236 ; III, 202.
Garstang : The Land of the Hillites, p. 340. 6 Don M. de Z. Wickremasinghe : Epigraphia Zeylanicu, vols. I, p. 26, II, pp. 162 & 189. 7 Senart : Essai sur la Légende du Bouddha. 8 Tregear : Comparative Maori Dictionary, s.v. ra and rungi.

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miracle of flying through the air." But if my suggestion is right, we ought not to find the custom practised in India at the time and in the place where the Nala episode or any writing containing the same belief was written; for as long as the gods are to be seen carried about so that their feet may not touch the ground, this mark of kingship, viz., divinity, cannot be regarded in the light of a miracle. On the other hand when the custom has fallen into oblivion the perfectly true statement that gods used to move above the earth can only be interpreted in the sense of a supernatural manifestation. In Sanskrit and Pali literature therefore we cannot expect to find more than echoes of this ancient custom,-indications that it once existed. We seem to have such an echo in the history of Sona as related by Spence Hardy in his Manual of Buddhism (p. 254). From his childhood Sona never put his foot on the ground, because he had a circle of red hairs under the sole of his foot. He had only to threaten to put his foot down to bring his servants to reason, as they dreaded that so much merit should thus get lost. Now this wheel on the sole has been shown by Senart to be originally an emblem of the Sun-god. 10 Others better read than I may find more traces of this very ancient custom. I would just like to make a suggestion for what it is worth. Both Egypt11 and in Polynesia1 have a story that heaven and earth were in close embrace until a hero came and parted them by lifting up the Heavens. May not the customs of not allowing the solar king to touch the earth have some connection with this myth ?
Let us leave that aside however and return to the other attributes ascribed to gods by the Mahabharata: "sweatless, unwinking, crowned with fresh and dustless garlands." I confess these were long a stumbling block to me, for if we explain one attribute by the theory of divine kingship we must explain the others in the same way. Here I stuck until I chanced to read in the Golden Bough (I. 235) the following passage taken from Kaempfer's History of Japan: "In ancient times he (the Mikado) was obliged to sit altogether like a statue, with out stirring either hands or feet, head or eyes, nor indeed any part of his body, because, by this means, it was thought he could preserve peace and tranquility in his empire." I mentioned at the outset the parallellism that exists between kings and saints; we could hardly expect that it would extend even to the contemplative exercises of the Indian ascetics.
Our inquiry, then, has had results which bear out the opinion I have frequently expressed before, that myths and miracles are excellent and reliable history, not of events but of customs. No one will wonder at this who has busied himself with collecting oral tradition, and who knows how anxious the average man is to get his tradition faultlessly accurate. If he goes wrong it is not that he alters statements he has heard, but that he misconceives their meaning, because the custom which is the clue to that meaning is lost.
THE DATE OF KANISHKA.
BY PROF. G. JOUVEAU-DUBREUIL.
The first volume of the Cambridge History of India is just out, and it is certain that all the Journals which are going to publish reviews of it will not allow themselves to do anything but praise it and congratulate the Editor, Prof. E. J. Rapson.
He is also himself the author of several of the chapters. As is well known, Prof. Rapson has specially studied Indian Numismatics, and no one is better qualified than he to write Chanters XXII and XXIII, which treat of the Greeks and Sakas of India, as the
10 Op. cit., pp. 88 ff., 139.
9 Cf. Myths in the Making, p. 64.
11 Erman; Handbook of Egyptian Religion.
13 Tregear; op. cit. s.v. Mani.-Arthur Grimble: Myths from the Gilbert Islands, Folk-Lore, 1922, p. 94. In Egypt the sky is a waman, the Earth a man; in Polynesia it is the reverse.

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history of those dynasties is based solely on the study of their coins. Indeed, these two chapters are excellent, and the result of his great labours in this direction is important.
It is common knowledge that the chronology of the Saka and Pahlava Dynasties has so far remained very uncertain, but the question seems now to be definitely settled. Indeed, Prof. Rapson says categorically (pages 576): "In that portion of Pahlava history which oomes after the Christian Era, the period of the reign of Gondopharnes may be regarded as almost definitely fixed ... There can be little doubt that the Era (in the Takht-iBahi inscription) is the Vikrama-savat, which began in 58 B.C., and that therefore Gondopharnes began to reign in 19 A.D., and was still reigning in 45 A.D."
The study of the history of the Kushậnas is reserved for Volume II, and there again the question of dates presents formidable difficulties : " The chronology of this period has been one of the most perplexing problems in the whole of Indian history, and the problem can scarcely be said to be solved positively even now (page 583).” As there is raised here a question of the highest importance to the history of India, I take the liberty of expressing the opinion that the problem may be taken to be practically settled by a careful study of the excavations of Sir John Marshall at Taxila.
Assuming that Gondopharnes was reigning in the region of Taxila in 45 A.D., his successor in Irån was Pacores. During the reign of Pacores the Governor of Taxila was Sagas, nephew of Aspavarman. In the year 64 A.D. (Parjitâr inscription) the same country was occupied by the "Great King " Kushâņa.
If I have rightly understood the reports of the excavations of Sir John Marshall at Taxila (Excavations at Taxila, Arch. Survey Ind., 1912-13, pp. 1 ff; and A Guide to Taxila, Calcutta, 1918), quite distinct stratifications have been discovered in that place, viz:(a) Strata of Gondopharnes, Sasan, etc., (6) Strata of Kujúla-Kadphises and Herm cus; (c) Strata of Vima-Kadphises. The formation of the soil, during the period in which the coins of Kujúla-Kadphises and Hermæus were alone in circulation, in all probability involved a considerable number of years. And then there must have been a fairly long period, during which the coins of V'ima-Kadphises became numerous.
But this is not all, and it is necessary also to draw attention to a point of extreme importance. The town of Sirkap seems to have been abandoned all of a sudden after a certain number of years of the reign of Vima-Kadphises. As a matter of fact, at Sirkap are found the coins of all the predecessors of V'ima, as well as those of V'ima Kadphises himself. But there has never been found a single coin of his sucoessors at Sirkap.
Next, Sir John Marshall makes a remark which is of the first consequence :-"Not a single coin of Soter-Megas has been found at Sirkap." If, on this, we take into consideration that coins of Soter-Megas are very common in India, and that they date from a period before Kanishka, it becomes evident that between the date of the abandonment of Sirkap and the acoession of Kanishka a great number of years must have passed. Moreover, in some other parts of Taxila, e.g., at the Chir stúpa, coins of V'ima-Kadphiscs, Soter-Megas, Kanishka, etc., are found in abundance. In short, the Kushånas got possession of Taxila about 60 A.D., and from that date we must reckon the periods of the coins, (1) of Kujúla and Hermous. (2) of V'ima Kadphises, (3) of Soter Megas, (4) of Kanishka. Each of these periods has undoubtedly covered a large number of years, and in such circumstances it becomes impossible to place the accession of Kanishka in 78 A.D., that is to say, only eighteen years after the immigration of the Kushånas into Northern India.

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If we now take into consideration the style of some of the sculptures, we must hold that the art of Kanishka is a Græco-Buddhist art so degenerated that it is impossible to place it in the first century A.D., Indeed, Sir John Marshall has dubbed the style of Kanishka rococo (The Cambridge History, vol. I, p. 648).
The period of Kanishka is therefore the first half of the second century, A.D.1 and he certainly did not found the Saka Era. Who then did found that Era? The oldest inscriptions unquestionably belonging to this Era are dated in the reign of Rudradâman and in the Saka year 52. The dynasty of Rudradâman was founded by his grandfather Chashṭana, and since Chashtana's grandson was reigning in Saka year 52, it is certain that the commencement of that Era took place in the time of Chashtana.
[APRIL, 1923
The most natural supposition of all is to admit that Chashtana was the founder of the dynasty and also the founder of the Era. Proceeding on this supposition, the history of India becomes quite clear. Thus, in the first half of the first century A.D. there existed a vast empire, that of Gondophares, which included, (1) the Pahlava kingdom of Eastern Irân, (2) the Yavana kingdom of Kabul, (3) the Saka kingdom of the Punjab, Rajputâna and Mahârâshtra. This empire fell about 60 A.D., and whilst the Kushânas got possession of the Panjab, the king of the Deccan, Gautamiputra Satakarni, destroyed the Sakas, Yavanas and Pahlavas, and seized Mahârâshtra, Kâthiâwâr and Mâlwâ. This is exactly what the celebrated inscription of Nâsik tells us (Ins. No. 2, Ep. Ind., vol. VII, p. 61): " Gautamîputra destroyed the Sakas, Yavanas, and Pahlavas and became king of Surâshtra, Akaravanti, etc." The above conquests of Ujjain and Kathiawâr by the king of the Deccan could only have been temporary. In 78 A.D. Chashtana became king of Mâlwâ and Surâshtra, and founded a new dynasty and a new era-the Saka Era.
BOOK-NOTICES.
SIKSHASAMUCCAYA, A COMPENDIUM OF BUDDHIST DOCTRINE. Compiled by Sântideva, chiefly from earlier Mahayana Sutras. Translated by the late Professor Cecil Bendall and Dr. W. H. D. Rouse, both of Cambridge. London, John Murray for Government of India, Indian Text Series: 1922.
In considering any Indian philosophical subject I like to get at the root meaning of the title, in this case, samuccaya. Samudcaya, or samuccaya, indicates a heaping together, collection, combination: in philosophy a joint production of knowledge, faith (with works), and meditation. The title of Sântideva's work, sikshasamuccaya, would in effect be a summary or code of the Doctrine of Combination.
As a general doctrine samuccaya has played an important part in Indian philosophy of the early middle ages or late antiquity-7th and 8th centuries A.D. and onwards. It would obviously fascinate the contemplative mind of the larger section of
philosophic Hindus. The Bhagavatas, Madhvas and Vishnusvamis all upheld the doctrine generally, viz., that to secure release-the Hindu form of salvation-it was necessary to combine religious duty with knowledge. In doing so they went beyond Sankara, who was satisfied with knowledge only, and their view had the full support of Ramanuja. All this shows how important the study of the Doctrine of Samuccaya is for a proper apprehension of modern philosophic Hinduism.
But the book before me takes it into Buddhism also. Śântideva was, with Candrakirti, one of the two shining lights of the philosophic (Madhyamaka School) Mahayana Buddhism of the 7th century A.D. His Bikehdeamuccaya is an excellent manual of the teaching of his school, though in a bulky form. It sets forth the ideal life of a Bodhisattva according to the Mahayana philosophy: the ideal of self-sacrifice for the benefit of the world through self-enlightenment. It teaches the general Doctrine of Combination to the full: faith in the form of
1 The inscription of Asvaghosha at Sarnath (Ep. Ind., vol. VIII, p. 171), which is dated in the year 40 has been specially studied by Mr. Arthur Venis. It would seem (JRAS., 1912, p. 702) that the inscription may also be dated in the year 209. If one may suppose that one of these two dates is in the Vikrama Era and the other in the Era of Kanishka, the year 151 A.D. (Vikrama Samvat 209) will be the year 40 of the Era of Kanishka, and the date of Kanishka will be 111 A.D.
2 That he ruled also in the Kâbul valley, which was probably annexed before his reign (p. 574), appears to be shown by the large numbers of his coins which were found on its ancient site by Masson (Cambridge History of India, vol. I, p. 577).

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BOOK NOTICES
85
passionate devotion, charity and compassion : In his long account of this precious finl. Mr. works in the form of full Mahâyâ a ritual: sacri. Narasimhachâr is enabled to make many useful fice by self-discipline and martyrdom carried to observations on the chronology of the Gangas and any necessary extent of torture at one's own or their contemporaries, and to set much straight in other hands -all for the benefit of others. Would the old controversy on the subject between Dr. that Mahåyåniam could have been induced to stay Fleet and Mr. Rice. where Santideva carried it.
A matter of another kind is the realing of the However, the importance of Santicleva's great inscription on a typical Saktio image of the Vajrawork for the student of Buddhisme, is obvious, and yana School of Mahayana Buddhism acquired by we must congratulate ourselves that the translation Monsieur Clemenceau during his Eastern tour, thareof should have fallen into such competent obviously in or from Nepal. It is dated 1517 A.D hands, though it has been long in the preparation. and was handed over to the Department for ax&. It is more than thirty years ago since Professor mination by the Maharaja of Mysore. Bendall got possession of the MS. : more than Among the coins described are somo ll Virs. twenty-five since he edited it for the St. Petersburg råya parame, and with reference to them Mr. Nara. Bibliotheca Buddhica, and almost that period since simhachår has a remark to make worth recording he and Professor Cowell started to translate it. here: "Now with regard to the symbol on the Then Dr. Rouse took it up as a labour of duty at reverse, I venture to make A noir suggestion. Professor Bendall's request on his deathbed, with Besides the twelve dots the reverse shows an the active assistance of Professor de la Vallée animal, evidently A crocodile, moving to the left. Poussin and Dr. F. W. Thomas. The mere enume. ! In the Plates in my Report for 1911 and in Elliot's ration of these names is enough to show th, quality Coins of Southern India, the coins are figured up of the translation and that Cambridge has been side down, showing the dots below and the animal fortunate in being able to claim them for teachors ! above lying on ite back. If they are figured tha of Sanskrit.
R. C. TEMPLE. other way about, the crocodile 3an be clearly see
moving to the left with its bent tail, and bearing ANNUAL REPORT OF THE MYSORE ARCHEOLO
the twelve dots on its back. I think the animal GICAL DEPARTMENT, 1921. Government Press,
represents Sisumara, or the heavenly poepina Bangalore.
supporting on its back the collection of she stara Gazetteer work during 1921 has prevented
and planets." Mr. R, Narasimhachar and his staff from report.
Altogether this is an admirable Report, although ing in such detail as usual, but they have suc.
the year has heen largely taken up with other work. ceeded nevertheless in putting together information
R. C. TEMPLE. of much interest and value and the illustrations! AN ACCOUNT or THUS OTTOMAN CONQUEST of ara excellent.
Eaert in A. H. 922, A.D. 1516: translated from The points that strike ono on perusing its pages volume III of the Arabic Chronicle of Muhemare that Mr. Narasimhachar has again reason to mod Ibn Ahmed Ibn Ilyas. By Lieut.-Colonel point to & stone with a Tamil Inscription of W. H. Salmon. With introduction by PrologKulottunga Chola, dated 1084 A.D., having been! sor D. S. Margoliouth. Royal Asiatic Sopsed for carving an image, this time of Hanumân. ciety: Oriental Translation Fund : New Series; Here is one source of the disappearance of ins. vol. XXV. pp. xiii and 117. oriptions. H y fortunate are others, even of great This little volume deals with a very important value, in being accidentally preserved, the follow. period in the history of Egypt and is instructiva ing outline of the story of one of them is a proof. withal, as it gives an account by an eye-witness A farmer, Kempananjappa of Kudlar, ploughed of the manner of the passing of the Mamluk rulers, up two sets of copper-plato grante of the Gangas or rather of the sudden extinction of the last of and then reburied them in a field of his in another them. It is therefore well worth the while of the village, Aldûr. There they remained six years, Royal Asiatic Society to print an authentic trang when he shewed them to a friend, a banker, Naganna lation, though of course the gubject has ofton bson of Mysore, who showed them to Pandit Sama dealt with before. chArys of the Mysore Oriental Library, for many! It is for this reason, perhaps, that both Colonol years in the Archaeological Department. Hence Salmon and Professor Margoliouth have contentheir publication in this Report. One of them ted themselves respectively with a bare translais of great value, being the only grant of the Ganga tion and an introduction assuming a condiderable king Marasimha as yet unearthed. It is dated knowledge of Arabic literature and history. The 963 A.D. and is a fine work of art. Not only that, book is in fact practically for students only and it is a rary long inscription of some 200 lines, and those well equipped for its apprehension. Given owing to its late date, it givea practically the entire this qualification in the reader, the book is bs. Ganga genealogy. It is fortunato indeert that the yond reproach, well up to the standard of tho farmer happened to show it to the right people. Society's work and most useful.

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In his short foreword Colonel Salmon seems nounce," and such annoying upsetters of indexing to be impressed by the "appalling cruelties in as Çiva. This last after all is not much of an im. the narratives." I am afraid that a very long provement on the Madras Manual of Adminis. course of study in Oriental, and I may say Occi- tration, which as late as 1893, just 100 years after dental, history at all periods, obliges me to say Sir William Jones, produced Caushy for a very that they are characteristic of armed coaquest well-known town-the reader may be left to guess on the part of most races in all parts of the world. which. Since that Committoo's day editors have There is indeed not much to choose between the never had peace, and really chaos is again threat. various accounts War has always been, and the lastening us : experto crede. Great War shows that it still is, a very horrible thing. The truth is that "experts" in meeting never
One very instructive point for study is brought | settle anything. The Government of India found out by Professor Margoliouth. The Mamlak was this to be the case when it came to entering a foreign slave ard many of the class in all Orien- the names of Native Officers in the Army List. tal countries rose to high positions, when of suf Knowledgeable Staff Officers had to settle the cient capacity-not a few to be governors and writing of Native names in Roman characters, even kings : hance the so-called Slave Dynasties and the index-writer had peace and so had the in various parts of the Eastern world. But they index-reader. I have myself seen the same Native could only hold sway by personal ability and name written Ali Bakhsh, Ally Bax, Ully Bux prestige, which was not backed, as Professor and Olly Buccus by Adjutants who were good Margoliouth says, by any popular enthusiasm soldiers but indifferent scholars. The effect on or loyalty. Hence they usually went down at an alphabetical list is obvious! once before an organised nation when under a The same thing happened in Burma. Burmese capable sovereiga or commander. This was the orthography is as erratic almost as English. Incharacteristio fate of the Mamlak ruler of Egypt. genious lesser officials made travelling allowances
I notice that Professor Margoliouth remarks by road "pay” by the spelling of place-names on the death of M. Van Bershom during the pub- in bills for travelling from say X to Hlaingdet lication of this book. I cordially agree that that vid Longtet, to Hlontak and back, say 30 miles : great scholar will not be easily replaced.
the three names above being more or less legiti. The mention above of the Mamlak rulers brings mate spellings of one name and the actual distance up once again what is to me the burning question travelled being say 10 miles. Wo who had to of transliteration. In the book we have Mamlak, pase such bills about 1890 induced the GovernMameluke, Memlak, Memlook for the same ment to adopt and print an official spelling for Oriental word. Where are we? Again we have every place name in the country. It paid to do so. Zain al-din, quldd al-nds and so on. Pace Pre
I have lately had to review several books fossor Margoliouth, I see no justification. In the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society involving Arabic seript surely all the vowels are marked, the transliteration of Indian, Persian, Turki and if not written out as separate letters, as in Roman, Arabic names. The chaotic state of "scholarly" and the above transcriptions show to me neither rendering of Oriental names in European form the sound nor the script. I know they are in has in consequence as prominently forced itself the modern fashion, but is that justified ?
upon my mind as it did a generation ago. I do More than 30 years ago Dr. Fleet and I drew not therefore apologise for repeatedly bringing up tables of transliteration for this Journal out
it to the notice of the Society and for suggesting of the custom then current, and all went well; the adoption of an outside authority which has .c., it was generally adhered to by all our contri- knowledge to settle for general recognition the butors and we know where we were, till there sat conflicting opinion of experts in meeting. I canan international committee, which produced such not see any other way out of the present impasse. abortions as Kers which "no fellah can pro.
R. C. TEMPLE. NOTES AND QUERIES. NOTES FROM OLD FACTORY RECORDS. have ordered him to koop Contract friendship with
42. Sales in fortified places in Sumatra. you and to encourage your Port by making a 22 March 1693/4. Nathaniel Higginson, Paggorl and Sending people there to buy Pepper ; President of Fort St. George, to the Raja of Syllabarr Mr. Wilson hae given me an Account of your true 1Sumatral. I have received your Letter and friendship. I desire your acceptance of a Small understand the contents Concerning which I have token of my respect which he will deliver you. written to Mr. Wilson whom I have appointed (Letters from Fort St. George, vol. 22.) Govr. of York Fort [Bencoolen, Sumatra) and
R. C. TEMPLE. i Malay pagd, an enclosure Can. dodra, fortided village. The meaning (probably due to both vernacular words) appears to be making strong enclosure ete.

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SAMAPA: OK TAE ASOKAN KALINGA
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SAMAPA: OR THE ASOKAN KALINGA.
BY G. RAMDAS, B.A.
(Continued from p. 70.) When Asoka ascended the throne of Magadha he found that Kalinga abutted on his Kingdom on the south. It was a powerful civilised neighbour of the Great Mauryan Ruier. "In such a country dwell Brahmans and ascetics, men of different sects and house-holders, who all practise obedience to elders, obedience to father and mother, proper treatment of friends, acquaintances, comrades, relatives, slaves, and servants with fidelity of devotion."
Difference in religion may have been the cause of the war that Asoka waged against Kalinga. From the records of Khåravêla we learn that Jainism, which was contemporaneous with Buddhism, was followed in Kalinga, while Brahmanism was the state religion in Magadha. Asoka himself admits hat he acquired the Law of Piety" on seeing the atrocities committed when Kalinga was subdued by the force of arms."26" Asoka was, by the preachings of a young ascetic, "constrained to abandon the Brahmanical faith of his father and to accept as a lay disciple the sacred law of Buddha. The Afokdvaddna says that on seeing the miracle shown by a holy ascetic named Balapandita, Asoka embraced the true religion and forsook the paths of wickedness. The conversion of Asoka seems to have happened after Kalinga had been conquered. It must have been the Brabmans, always opposed to Buddhism and Jainism, who advised Aboka to subdue Kalinga and destroy the Anti-Brahman religion prevalent there. This fact is corroborated by the Dalada vaméa :" When the remains of Buddha were distributed amongst his disciples, the left canine tooth of the lower jaw fell to the lot of one of them. He brought it to Kalinga and built a small stúpa over it. Seeing the miracles worked by it, many people gathered round it and a big city named Dantapura rose round it. The Brahmans, envying the popularity of Buddhism, advised Guha. Siva, the King of Kalinga, to destroy the stepa and the city of Dantapura. But by the iniracles shown by the tooth, Guha-Siva embraced Buddhism. Then Aboka, the overlord. was induced to punish Guba-Siva and destroy Dantapura. But the tooth appeared to Asoka in a dream and by means of its miracles converted him to Buddhism."
Kalinga was a powerful kingdom and an adverse religion was followed there. It became therefore necessary to subdue it, but when attempts to conquer it were made it showed. bold front. A great and bloody war ensued. “One hundred and fifty thousand persons were thence carried away captive; one hundred thousand were slain and many times that number perished." Having thus conquered it, Asoka found it necessary to establish two sets of governing bodies, one to carry on the provincial administration and the other to control the border tribes. The former was plaved at Tosali and the latter at Samaps. The administrative genius exhibited here by the Mauryan Emperor is akin to that of the British administration of the North-Western Frontier Territory.
The need of a frontier administration proves the existenoe of uncivilised and troublesome forest tribes on the borders of Kalinga. Which border was it ! On the west there are the Eastern Ghats, beyond which in aftertimes rose up the kingdom of South Kosala. These Ghats, being difficult to cross, formod & safe proteoticn on the west. On the south no such proteotion existed and the forest tribes also were very troublesome. Khåravela speaks of having planted a pillar of victory in Chataka (Chikati) which is even now inhabited by Savaras and other forest tribes. "The Kingdom of Mah&kantars" is mentioned by Samudragupta. The name itself tells us that it was great forest. The Konyodha apoken of by Hiuen-Tsiang suggests that it was . kingdom of Kondhs, of the olage of " forest 16 Ediot xiii.
11 The Caylonowe lugrad : Afoka by V. A. Smith.

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tribes." All these refer to one and the same tract of country lying on the southern border of Asokan Kalinga. Raghu is said to have marched his armies through a forest after he had vanquished the king of Kalinga. King Vatsa also similarly led his invading army through a forest after he had captured the Mahendra mountain.
Even in these days the country about this mountain forms the home of the Savaras, the Kuis and other forest tribes. The Savarâs must have been partly civilised, for they were hospitable and Râma was hospitably received by a Savará lady. They have always been powerful and warlike, and they fought in the war of Mahabharata. Therefore it is no wonder that Asoka tried to put a check upon them. A constant watch had to be put on them, for they distrusted Asosa, as he was foreign to them. This is why he says :-“I desire them to trust me and to be assured that they will receive from me happiness, and not sorrow." So he instructs his border officers to "inspire this folk with trust, so that they may be con. vinced that the king is unto them even as a father, and that as he cares for himself, so he cares for them, who are as the king's children." 28 With these bits of good advice were however' mingled threats to overawe them :-"Shun evil-doing that ye may escape destruction." It was only after the annexation of Kalinga that the monarch's heart became sensitive to pain and misery. He himself confesses it :-" The loss of even the hundredth or the thousandth part of the person, who were then slain, carried away captive, or done to death in Kalinga, would now be a matter of deep regret to His Majesty." Toleration of religion, kindness to animals, and all such morals were adopted after the conquest of Kalinga. To preach these inorals to and control the border tribes, officials were appointed and were placed in such a position that might freely mix with the borderers and give instructions --"I expect to be well served by you in this business, because you are in a position enabling you to inspire these folk with trust and to secure their happiness." The officials were expected to "display persevering energy in inspiring trust in these borderers and guiding them in the path of Piety." These things could not have been done unless the responsible officials had lived in the midst of the forest tribes.
Asoka, in his zeal to promulgate his Law of Piety and his pious works, had all his edicts set up in every place where he could find a favourable space to carve them upon. Among the places in which they were set up and still exist are Dhauli and Jaugada in Kalinga. Which of them was nearest the border ? It has already been pointed that the borderers were in the South of Kalinga, i.e., in the tract about Mahendragiri. Moreover, the Borderers' Edict at Jaugada is in better preservation than its duplicate at Dhauli; while the Provincials' Edict at Dhauli is better preserved than its duplicate at Jaugada. If the respective states of preservation had been due to the work of wind and rain, both the edicts in both the places would have been equally effected. This inequality of preservation cannot be due to the destructive ravages of the Muhammadan invaders, or of the Piņdari and Thag hordes, for they would have tried to destroy the whole insoribed surface and not only particular parts of it. The phenomenon is probably due to the care of the border officers being specially bestowed only on the Edict which concerned them, to the neglect of the others. For this reason Jaugada must be held to be nearest the border, and that border to be the southern one, where there are troublesome border tribes.
It is now necessary to locate the head-quarters of the frontier control. Tosali, the seat of the Vioeroy of Kalinga, is mentioned by Ptolemy in his Ancient India. The vestiges of a large city have been discovered not far from the site of the monument at Dhauli.29 The 39 Compare the Instructions to the Provinciale with these lines
29 MeKrindle's Ptolemy.

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position of Tôsali having been thus defined, we must seek for that of Samâpa. Although the Borderers' Edict is at Jaugada, there are those who presume that the southern border was far south, near Pulicat or Rajahmandry. Yet a study of the distribution of the Pillar and Rock Edicts of Asoka shows that the material selected for carving the inscriptions was adapted to the physical nature of the country in which the edict was intended to be published. Thus in the Gangetic valley, where a stone as big as a pea cannot be obtained, big blocks of stone shaped into the form of pillars had to be brought from a distance and set up with the edicts already carved on them. In places like Sânchi, where suitable structures were already existing, a foct-step, or a railing, or a pillar of a railing would offer a surface for engraving, not a command or a moral doctrine, but a gift or an offering to the holy shrine. Rocks were selected to record the edicts where there were natural boulders. Now, these Asokan Edicts approximately give us the limits of the Mauryan Empire, and had Kalinga run so far south as Rajahmandry, the Mauryan Emperor would not have been at a loss to find, near the banks of the Godavary, a boulder similar to the one at Jaugada. Had the caves and topes at Guntapalle flourished during the time of Dêvânampriya, a pillar or a railing would have offered a face to carve an edict or a gift upon, but they did not then exist. A comparative study of the characters in the Aśokan Edicts and those of the inscriptions discovered in the Guntapalle excavations will show that they quite disagree, and thus it is proved that they do not belong to the same period. Indeed, from the paleography of the inscriptions discovered in the Guntapalle caves, it may be safely asserted that the caves and other local specimens of architecture belong to a time later than that of Asoka.
Thus it appears to be clear that Jaugada is near the southern frontier of Kalinga. Samâpa must be searched for near it. In fact Jaugada itself may have been Samâpa, for there is the rock with the edicts upon it, surrounded by a fort, the ruins of which are to be seen even now. The following is a description of the Jaugada rock and the fort, taken from Sewell's Lists" It is situated on the site of a large city, surrounded by a fort wall. The inscribed rock is one of a group inside the fort. It rises vertically and the inscribed surface faces the south-east. Numbers of copper coins have been found close by the Jaugada fort. Old pottery and tiles abound within the fort wall." The Ganjam District Manual gives the follo ving account of the place :-"What the enclosure was it is not possible to say. It seems too large for a 'fort'; it is a long square, the opposite faces being 858 yards by 814 yards respectively. The bank, an earthen one, even now, in places is 18 feet high and 148 ft. across at the base and it has two entrances on each side. Inside are found old tiles and dêbris of houses, and coins after rain and in ploughing; but for the most part the coins are copper ones.
The Asokan Edicts do not say anything of a fort having been built there by Aśoka. Moreover, a monarch, who entirely trusted to the efficacy of his Law of Piety for good government, had very little need of forts and strongholds. Asoka depended entirely upon the moral co-operation of his subjects for the defence of his dominions. The foreign princes, whose kingdoms bordered on that of Aśoka were held in the pious bond of the Law of Piety and were prevented from territorial aggression. Thus enjoying internal peace and having no fear of attack from outside, Devânâm priya had full tranquillity of mind when visiting the holy places and building stúpas and erecting votive pillars and monuments.<
"Jaugada" means the "Lac Fort." Its name of Lac' is from a tradition that it was made of Lac' and was therefore impregnable, for no enemy could scale the walls because they were too smooth and slippery; but its impregnability was destroyed by a spy who let

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the adversary into the secret that fire would melt the stuff.” 30 The fort however appears to have been built in times subsequent to Asoka's.
The rocks here are geologically connected with the Eastern Ghâte, and the place is now surrounxled by Peddakemidi, Chinna Kemidi, and other parts of Ganjam District, where malaria and other kinds of forest diseases are rife. In those ancient days, however, the region may have been even more unhealthy. A benign sovereign, who treated his people as his own children, would not expose his officers to this unhealthy region. At the present day the officers for the administration of the Agency tracts of the three northernmost districts of the Madras Presidenoy have their head-quarters at Vizagapatam, a healthy town on the sea coast, and the Kalinga rulers of old are also said to have greatly appreciated life on the coaet. The palace of the King of Kalinga was on the seashore :
यमात्मनः सद्मनि संनिकृष्टो मन्द्रत्वनित्याजितयामतूर्यः।
प्रासादवातायन दृश्यवीचिः प्रबोधयत्यर्णव एव सुप्तम्।। "The ocean itself, the waves of which are seen from the windows of his palace, and the deep resounding roars of which surpass the sound of the watch drum, being close at hand. awakes him as it were, when asleep in his palace-room."
At the approach of the spring, the King of Kalinga retired to the shore with his family and subjects to celebrate the vernal festivities.
दर्दुरगिरितट चन्दनश्लेष शीतलानिलाचार्य दत्तमानालतानृत्त लीले काले, कलिजराज स्सहानाजनेन सह च तनयया सकलेन च नगरजनन दश त्रीणि च दिनाति दिनकर किरण जाला लड्नीये रणदलितसालगिन्तनतलताप्रफिस-तयालीढसैकततटे तरलतरङ्गशीकरासारसङ्गशीतले सागर
-4.1987, IETTE FTO ART chefia"33 "In that season, when the various creepers dance according to the instruction given by their tutor, the cool breeze that is embraced by the sandal wood trees on the slopes of the Dardura hill, the King of Kalinga, accompanied by his women folk, his daughter and his townsmen, became engaged in sport for thirteen days in the pleasure garden on the seashore, which is impenetrable to the rays of the sun, where the sand-banks are swept by the tendrils of the creepers that are bent by the perching of the humming bees, and which is cooled by the spray of the waves that play constantly."
Communications with other countries was mostly by sea. The Andhra king comes over the sea and carries away the King of Kalinga and his family.38 Great and constant was the interoourse with Ceylon (Iramandalam). The people of Ceylon established colonies. Hiramandalam, Hirapuram in the Parlakimidy Taluk, Hira Khandi in Dhårakota Zamindari. Hirapalli in Gumsur Taluk, Hirapalli in Attagada Zamindari of the Ganjam District, are all remnants of Ceylonese colonisation in Kalinga. Kalingapura, the modern Polan. nåruwa in Ceylon, reminds us of the great friendship that existed between that Island and Kalinga. The left canine tooth of the lower jaw of Buddha, which was found in the Ceylon stápas and is now deposited in the British Museum, was taken to Ceylon from Kalinga after the destruction of Dantapura. 30 Ganjam District Gazette.
31 Raghu Vamoa, Canto 6. 39 Dagalumdra Oharitra, Canto 7.
33 Ganjam District Manual.

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For such maritime intercourse there must be a port convenient for anchorage and safe from storms. Bâruva at the mouth of the Mahendratanaya is mentioned by Pliny as the point from which the ships coming from the south turned to cross to Chryse. "Bâruva, being only 16 miles from Mahendragiri, is the nearest port and can be seen from the bungalow on the hill.34 Even now native passengers from Burmah are frequently landed at Bâruva. There are two temples there, reputed to have been built by the Pândavâs, and it is near by that the Kottura of Samudraguptâ must be placed.
It is in this region near the southern border of Kalinga, and almost in the vicinity of the Savarâ region, and having a good sea-port, that the situation of Samâpa must be sought.
"
The word Samâpa is formed of Sama (even or level) and apa (water). The name signifies that it is a town built in the region of level water, i.e., a level country. In old days towns and villages were given names signifying the natural condition of the country in which they were built. To make this name more significant ta' (earth) was added as an affix in subsequent times. Samapata' 35 in the days when the people from the south came and settled in Kalinga, became Samâpêtâ,' then 'Sampêta,' which easily became Sompêtâ.' 'Drâmilas,' the modern Drâvidas,' were defeated by Raja Raja, the father of Ananta varma Choda Ganga,36 Dimila in Vizagapatam District and Dimilas in Ganjam District remind us of the settlement of the country by the people from the south.
C
Sompêta' is the head-quarters of a Deputy Tahsildar and native Magistrate. The village is situated partly in the Talatampara mutah of the Chikati estate, and partly in that of Jalantara, The country around is level and fertile. Uddânam is a fertile tract adjoining Sompêta, where there are flourishing gardens of fruit trees. Plantains, jack-fruit, oranges and other kinds of fruit are so plentifully grown that they are supplied not only to the whole of Ganjam District but to the adjacent parts of Vizagapatam. Talatampara, which means 'a low marsh' is only two miles from Sompêta and reminds us of the original level nature of the land. Some old coins also are reported to exist here.37 Kottura, the modern Kotturu, lies only two miles north-east of Sompêta.
Kanchili, two miles by road from Sompêta, contains images and temples of great antiquity. An old temple, said to date from the time of the Pândavâs, exists at Pottangi, which is 6 miles south-west of Sompêta. Inscriptions also are said to exist in this village. Patasapuram, which is only one mile from Sompêta, contains inscriptions in unknown characters. Mahendragiri, the most important land-mark of Kalinga, is 15 miles west of Sompêta.
Its nearness to the capital of the Kalinga of Samudragupta's times, and its closeness to the port of Bâruva mentioned by Ptolemy, clearly prove that Sompêta was the Samâpa of Asoka; and it is the nearest to the habitat of the Savaras, the powerful tribes for whose control the great and pious Mauryan Emperor issued Edicts of advice.
91
SOME DISCURSIVE COMMENTS ON BARBOSA. As edited by the late M. LONGWORTH DAMES.1 BY SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE, BT.
Ir fell to me to review the two volumes of Barbosa, edited by my old friend and colleague in Indian research for many years, for the Royal Asiatic and Royal Geographical Societies, and while I was concluding the review of his second volume came the news of his death
34 Ganjam District Manual.
35 Sampa-ti-puram in Anakapalli Taluk of Vizagapatam District, appears to have got its name from Samapa. Ti' is an evidence of ta', being added to make the sense more clear. 37 Sewell's Lists.
36 Ind. Ant., vol. XVIII, June 1889, No. 179.
1 The Book of Duarte Barbosa, Translated from the Portuguese text, first published in 1812 Edited and annotated by M. L. Dames, vol. I, 1918: vol. II, 1921. London: Hakluyt Society.
2 JRAS., July 1919, March and October 1922: Geographical Journal, April 1922.

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in January 1922. And so I have made up my mind to put together here a somewhat enlarged edition of what I then wrote, as a memorial to one who first collaborated with me so long ago as 1883, and right up to his death was still a stand-by when certain questions of detail in research came up. Dames was a true scholar, never thinking of himself or his "reputation," content to forward knowledge at any and every opportunity and to take the help he could render others as the only reward of his erudition. Thus his notes, reviews and letters were very many and his books few. Fortunately he was induced, as I well recollect, to edit Barbosa for the Hakluyt Society and thus to leave behind him a monument to his Oriental acquirements that will last as long as the original text will be studied.
The book was published in two volumes of differing interest, and it will be convenient to divide the present comments thereon accordingly into those on vol. I and on vol. II.
Volume I.
-- I will commence my comments by saying that Dames' new edition of Barbosa is thoroughly justified by the accuracy of the translation and the great value of the numerous notes which illuminate the text in an extraordinary degree. The Oriental scholarship, the bigtorical, geographical, and numismatic knowledge displayed by him, taken with his power of patient research, make his work of the greatest value to all students of the doings of Europeans in India and the Nearer East in the earlier days of their excursions into Eastern lands. As a brother editor for the Hakluyt Society of records of the country following that in which Barbosa lived, I have some experience of the puzzles of all kinds that are before anyone who undertakes to edit the writings of the old travellers, if he would really elucidate the text before him, and I cannot help expressing my admiration of the manner in which Dames has faced and overcome those that confronted him in this work. When we consider that Barbosa wrote early in the sixteenth century, almost at the commencement of Portuguese enterprise in the East, that his book begins with a description of the east coast of Africa from the Cape to Suez, and proceeds down the Arabian side of the Red Sea, round to the Persian Gulf, up the Gulf and down again, and then round to the Indies, and thence onwards down the west coast of India to Mangalor in this first volume, one can grasp something of the variety of language, history, and geography that had to be encountered, and the vast range of the research necessary to explain properly the statements in the text with anything like scholarly, and therefore useful, accuracy. Dames has met all his difficulties in a way that has been of the highest service to myself at all events, and it is a matter of much regret to me that my own volume III, published in 1919, of Peter Mundy's travels in the early seventeenth century, covering a little of Barbosa's ground, was too far advanced in the press to enable me to utilize his notes.
From a very careful reading of the first volume from end to end, the first thing that strikes me is the closeness of comparison between Barbosa, the Portuguese traveller of the sixteenth century, and Peter Mundy, the English traveller of the seventeenth century. They had both the same spirit of travel, the same capacity for observation, the same cominand of the Oriental languages they met with, the same interest in the places they visited and the people among whom they were thrown, the same determination to record only what they saw and knew fairly, the same aloofness in their writings from current squabbles (and these were always in those days incessant and insistent), the same caution as to vouching for what they only heard, and, considering the times in which they lived and the people for whom they wrote, the same breadth of view. Both were, in fact, products of that spirit of enquiry into man and his ways that has produced the modern anthropologist. The result

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is they have preserved reoords of value for all time. And if I may say so, their remarks present to their editors much the same kind of puzzles for solution.
Dames has brought out the special geographical and ethnographical value of Barbosa's work in a oareful introduction, in the course of which he draws attention to a point that is worth general notice. How did the Portuguese and their followers in the East manage to communicate so easily with the natives of India and of the East generally? The explanation is the presence about the Indian and Eastern coasts in their days of a large number of mamlaks, " captives from the races subdued or raided by the Muhammadans, some of them Europeans," who followed their original masters as slaves, when these found their way across the seas to India and the East as adventurers. Many of the mughrabts or Western captives spoke Spanish, and many Spaniards and Portuguese at that period could talk Arabic, and hence from the outset there was ease of communication between the first of the Portuguese travellers with the Indian peoples through such interpreters. Barbosa, who was for years on the west coast of Southern India, knew Malayalam well, and others learnt other vernaculars at least colloquially. By Mundy's time Portuguese and mestilosg (half-castes) ware the ordinary interpreters in practically all the languages the English came across. Mundy himself knew Spanish and soon learnt Portuguese too. He had an extraordinarily accurate ear, and made determined attempts, more or less successful, at every language he met with. One of his merchant companions to the Far East, Thomas Robinson, was an accomplished interpreter in Portuguese. It was in this way that the early wanderers managed to learn so much with considerable accuracy of the people they were thrown with, and to conduct their commercial affairs with the skill they so constantly exhibited.
It was this linguistic knowledge also, this ability to understand clearly what was said to him, that enabled a man like Barbosa to distinguish between races, to know the difference between Turks, Mamláks, Arabs, Persians, Khurâsânts, and Turkomâns; to distinguish between Arabic, Turkish, and Gujarati as spoken on the Indian western coast, and to recognize the existence of the Navayats, the Indo Arab mestigos or half-castes of the coast. His capacity to converse familiarly with the natives in the South enabled him to learn about the different kingdoms and rulers on the coast and inland, and to learn much about the Hindus and their customs, and to differentiate between sects of them in some instances. Perhaps the most interesting point in this respect is that the first Portuguese knowledge of the Delhi Sultanate of Barbosa's time was through the distorted reports of wandering Hindu jogts driven from the North to the South by the Muhammadan usurpers of the Northern kingdoms.
The geographical and historical notes given with lavish hand in this volume are valuable beyond measure and are too numerous to notioe except here and there. Among the very many places he mentions in them I venture to suggest that such variations of name as Benemetapa, Bonomotapa, Monomotapa, for the same place on the East African coast, may be due to the inflection of the root in the indigenous premutative languages taking place at the commencement of their words, and that accordingly it is in the last syllables thereof that the true sense of form is to be sought. The remarks on the Island of Sam Lourenco (St. Lawrence of the early English sailors) or Madagascar, are most interesting and go partly to account for the culture found among the modern Malagasy. For the benefit of further students of that island and its history, I would refer them to the volumes of the Antananarivo Annual, an excellent publication.

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Among many other valuable suggestions, Dames has one that the name Guardafui for the well-known cape at the African end of the Red Sea may be of Persian and not Arab origin, and may mean Gard-i-Háfun, the turn or bend of Håfun, which is worth consideration.
After following the coast beyond Guardafui to Suez and down again to Aden, Barbosa and contemporary writers and map-makers get much confused as to the order in which the ports and the prominent features of the coast occur, and some of them are guilty of duplicating the same name under allied forms. It is here that they are difficult to follow, and the elucidation of their statements requires much patience and skill.
As a hint to those engaged in research as to these coasts, such terms in Portuguese as Mafamede for Muhammad, Rosalgate for Råsa'l-hadd, Coquiar for Sohar, should keep one always on the look out for the forms that Arabic and may assume in transference to Portuguese and Spanish, and hence to other European tongues. The Portuguese c for 8 in Sohar represents , the cedilla being often left out in MSS. This habit has led to many mistakes, and the student should always be wary. Barbosa's Coracones (Coraçones) for Khurasa nîs is a good instance, as it induced Ramusio to write Coracanis, an impossible form of the Persian original. The Portuguese x for the sound of English sh gives Oriental names and words a curious appearance to English eyes (e.g., Xeques = Shekhs), but it need never mislead them.
When the traveller gets into the region of Ormuz, identifications, both within and without the Persian Gulf, become very difficult and uncertain. Much closer knowledge than we at present possess is necessary here, and may now, in some degree, become posvible as a by-product of the Great War. The geographical difficulties met with are well ex. plained by Dames, and so are some of the historical puzzles. To Barbosa and the Portuguese of his day the great Shah Iema'll of Persia, the overlord of all the neighbourhood of the Gulf, was known as Xeque (Shekh) Ismael, in allusion to the then recent origin of the family. Dames speaks of him as Ismail Shah, but, as I understand, he and all his successors in the Safavi Dynasty were known as Shah Isma'il, Shah Tahmasp (the "Great Sophy" of Elizabeth's timo), Shah 'Abbas, and so on, in contradistinction to the Aga Muhammad Shah, Fatteh 'All Shah, and so on, of the latest and present Q&jâr Dynasty of Persia. Dames rightly points out that Shah Isma'll was of no mean descent, as his opponents made out. His father was the great Shi'a saint (Shekh Saifu'ddin Ishak of Ardabil), and his grandfather the still greator Sbokh Haidar Safi, lineal descendant of the seventh Imam, Maså al-Kazim, the out. come of whose teaching was a division of Muhammadanism vitally momentous to the world of Islam. His mother was Martha, the daughter of the then recent and important Turkomân ruler, as I understand, of the Akkuyunlu (White Sheep Standard) Tribes, and not of the Karakuyunlu (Black Sheep Standard), as Dames has it, known as Uzun Hasan (Long Hasan) among many other names, by Despoina, the Christian daughter of the Emperor John Comneus (Calo Johannes) of Trebizond in Asia Minor. Isma'il was thus a Shi'a, a Safi, and
Persian of high descent, and it was this fact, coupled with his personal qualities and his championship of the Shi'a faith, that made him so popular a candidate for the Persian throne. It says much for Barbosa's accuracy of information that he correctly states that Shāh Isma'il was almost uniformly successful in his wars, though he was defeated at the great battle of Khôi (1514) by the Sunni Sultan of Constantinople, Selim I, through the latter's then novel use of artillery.
Leaving Ormuz, Barbosa takes us to India proper at Diul or Diul Cinde, as the PortuQuelle called the port of Deval in Sindh (the Arabio Daybul), on the then western branch of the Indus Delta. On this Dames has a good note. He then passes on to Gujarat, or

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kingdom of Guzarate as he calls it. This is remarkable, as it was then usual to call it Cambaya or Cambay, through Arabic Kambâyat, from its principal seaport, but Barbosa knew that the kingdom of Cambaya belonged to the king of Guzerate, once again showing accuracy of information. He describes its people as Resbutos or Rajpats, thus commencing a series of corruptions of that much abused name : Baneanes (Baniâns, Baniâs) or traders, meaning thereby Jain traders from his description of them; and Bramenes or Brahmans. He thus got the main divisions of the Hindus fairly accurately, and the order in which he places them is interesting, as showing how they appeared to rank in the eyes of the earliest European visitors to the country. The lower classes he calls Pateles, from the title patel, assumed by certain low castes for their sub-divisions. Dames remarks that “it is probable that some men of these castes acted as messengers for the Brahmans in Barbosa's time." Barbosa's description of the Muhammadan and cosmopolitan side of the population of Cambay is equally discriminating.
Of inland cities there is a description of Champânêr (Barbosa's Champanel), then an important mint town of the Muhammadan kings of Gujarat, and of Ahmadábåd, under the name of Andava.
A large port called Pateney is then reached, which Dames conjectures to be Somnath. The name is somewhat of a puzzle. This is followed soon afterwards by a description of Dio (Diu) and its relations with the Portuguese, and of Barbasy, apparently the modern Bhaunagar. Then comes Guindarim in the land of dangerous tides, which is most interesting, as it represents Ghandhâr, the Kandahêr of many a North Indian legend, unless indeed by the Kandahår of the northern bards is really meant the old land of Gandhåra about Peshawar. After a short account of the "fair city of Cambaya" and its luxury, follow two notices, with important notes attached, of Limadura and Reynel. The first is the place where the carnelians of commerce came from, and Dames identifies it with Limodra on the banks of the Narbada near Ratanpur in the Rajpipla State. The second is the town known to the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries as Reynel, Ravel, Reiner, Reniel, Raneile, Ro Neal, and so on, on the Tâpti, near Surat. This, as I think correctly, Dames shows to be the old town of Randêr. It was the home of wealthy Indo-Arab half-breeds called Momins, Navêyat&s, Nayat&s, Naiteas, and Naites, whose luxurious ways Barbosa notices.
Surat is briefly noticed as Çurate, while the neighbouring province of Sorath is called Curiate, and then follow short accounts of Dinuy (Daman) and Baxay (Vasai, Bagaim. Bassein), and Tana-Majambu, an odd name for Thêna, as to which Dames has an interesting conjecture. By the way, many years ago I wrote an article in this Journal, vol. XXII, pp. 18-21, showing that there are now three postal towns in India and Burma, all called Bassein by us, none of which is so known to the natives of the neighbourhood. Bassein in Bombay is Vasdi: Bassein in Berar is Basim or W&sim ; Bassein in Burma is known to the Burmans as Pathông and to the Talaings of the neighbourhood as Pasôm or Pasim. I was moved thereto by my letters, when at Bassein in Burma in 1875, being constantly and unnecessarily sent elsewhere.
Barbosa's next description is of the “Daquem Kingdom," the Deccan, where the Bah. manis of Kulbarga and Bidar still ruled in name and the 'Adilshåbt Dynasty of Bijapur was the virtual power on the coast. After noticing several ports along the coast, he comes to " the River of Betele and the towns thereon," which last Dames identifies with Vijaydrug. “one of the best harbours on the west coast of India," on the Vaghotan River, in the Ratnagiri District. Here is given an socurate description of "betel” (pdn-supdri) both as

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to its nature and its use. Vengorla is noticed under the name of Banda, which takes our traveller to the Portuguese province of Bardes and Goa.
Goa naturally yields a long description and some excellent annotations, especially that upon the Sindåbør of the Arab geographers, which Dames shown to be more applicable to the neighbouring Cintacora of Barbosa on the river Liga or Kalinadi than to Goa, as Yule supposed. Another valuable note shows how the founder of the 'Adilshahi Dynasty, the Kurd mamlúk, Yûsuf Adil Khân (Ydaloam of the Portuguese) came to be known as the Sabayo. Very interesting also is Barbosa's description of the tonguos spoken at Goa in his time, "Arabic Persian and Daqanim, which is the native tongue of the land." Daqanim stands here for "Dakhani, the language of the Deocan, that is, Marathi." Nowadays it stands for a variety of Urdu, the first form of that lingua franca which the present writer learnt to his much trouble afterwards.
Barbosa then enters "the Kingdom of Narsingua," that is, of Vijayanagar, so named by the Portuguese after Narsingha, the name of its ruler when they first arrived. Its capital' was Bisnagua, Vijayanagar, through the popular form Bijanagar. He describes it as of "five vast provinces," with Tolinate (Tulunada) the land of the Tuluvas along the coast. He shows that he could distinguish between the Telugu, Canarese, and Tamil languages, and calls the Eastern province Charamandel, which is nearer to the native Cholamandalam than our own Coromandel. Passing by Honor (Honâ war, Anglice Onore), he notes on the pirates of his day and then reaches Baticala (Bhatkal), where a century later Courteen's Expedition attempted to start an English factory, as is described at length by Peter Mundy. The space given by Barbosa to Bhatkal is much larger than usual, and there is a remarkable description of rice planting in its neighbourhood. A statement in the text also leads to a useful note on the use of the term "India" by the Portuguese to describe only Goa and their first settlements. With Bracalor, which, with the restoration of the cedilla, can be shown to be the Canarese Basarāru, Arabicized into Abu Sarûr by Ibn Batâta, and a description of Mangalor, taken from Ramusio's text, the itinerary ends.
The volume ends with, for the time, an extraordinarily accurate description of the Vijayanagar Empire and its capital and of the manners of its people, due no doubt to Barbosa's knowledge of Malayalam and possible bowing acquaintance with Canarese and Tamil. He must have seen both the kingdom and the capital at their best, as they were then under the greatest of their rulers, Krishna Deva Raya. Especially valuable is the account of the Lingayats and their customs, the description of sati by burning and burial alive. of hook-gwinging, and of the King's method of collecting an army and going to war with enormous impedimenta.
Finally, there are two short notices from hearsay of Orissa and Delhi, in which Barbosa discloses that his information came from wandering jogis, jogues or Çoamerques (stodmbrikhi) as he calls them. These he describes at length, obviously from personal acquaintance. This description gives Dames an opportunity for a fine note on the bezoar-stone carried by the "jogues," as the wind-up of this very valuable work.
Incidentally, many matters of great interest to the student of things Oriental are to be found in Dames's notes. For instance, his remarks on the early mistake of the Portuguese that the Hindus were some kind of Christians, from a very cursory observation of their religious observanoes; and his frequent remarks on the persistent and successful attempts of the Portuguese to stop the Indian trade with the West vid the Red Sea, with the object of diverting it into their own hands by the long sea route. Their advent must indeed havo

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been a crushing blow to the prosperity of the Arabian seaboard, and its effect on the peoples thereon is evidenced by the serious, though ineffectual, attempts of the Mamlak Sultan of Egypt on his own behalf to drive out the Portuguese by an expedition to the Indian sea. coast itself. Indeed, the situation created by European aggression in regard to the ancient Indo-Arabian trade is quite pathetic.
A most interesting survival of the Portuguese days in India is pointed out in the use of the term "Canarim” (Canarin or Canarese) for "Eurasian," resulting in the well-known Anglo-Indian metathesized expression Karani, degenerating in many places into a vernacular term for any kind of native or Eurasian clerk.
Occasionally Dames passes over Indian expressions without comment, e.g., Gingelly oil, and on p. 90 he has no explanation of what is referred to by the fish at Basra, "which the more they are boiled or roasted, the more they bleed." Nor does he explain what kind of a shore boat is meant by the term "terada " beyond a reference on p. 97 to the commentaries; and as he has a note on the Turkish composite bow and says it is still made on the Indian frontiers, it is a pity he does not explain what kind of a bow it is.
The vagueness of the term "India" as used by the Portuguese comes out clearly when among the imports into Diul (in Sindh) are mentioned "certain canes which are found in India and are of the thickness of a man's leg." The reference is, of course, to the Giant Bamboo, and "India" must be the Malabar Coast, or Burma or the Malay Archipelago. On the "rhubarb of Babylonia" Dames has an illuminating note (pp. 93-4). "Scarletin-grain" is a term which Dames uses several times, meaning thereby cloth dyed scarlet, and of this he gives an admirable explanation in his second volume, p. 77, note 1. On p. 10 there is an interesting statement as to the "Heathen whom the Moors name Cafres." meaning the inhabitants of South Africa (Zulus and Bantus), and showing the origin of the term Kafir as applied to any “Heathen " and of the spelling " Cafre."
Dames is always valuable when dealing with numismatics, and I personally am grateful for his remarks on "cruzado" (p. 65), on “pardao" (p. 191), and on the coinage of Ormus (pp. 99-100), and for his note on weights and measures on p. 167, and on "fardo, farden," meaning a bundle (p. 194).
The bulk of Dames' miscellaneous notes are naturally in explanation of the Portuguese forms of Oriental terms found in the text; in fact, of Hobson-Jobsons. Many of these are very valuable to the student, and some are new to myself. I would note a few here. The term almadia (p. 14) for a canoe was carried to the Indian coast, as was noted by Mandelslo. The origin of assegai is explained as the Port. azagaia for Berber zaghaya. There are, too, A series of notes on aleguegua and babagoure for carnelian and chaloedony, and on the chalcedony mines of Limodra in the Rajpipla State (pp. 137 and 144). And further, there is a neat note explaining how the Indian term Deccan (Dakhim, Dakhan), the Kingdom on the right hand, i.e., the Southern Kingdom, became to the Portuguese Daquem, D'aquem, the Kingdom on this side, i.e., the Hither Kingdom, by pure folk-etymology. Attention is also drawn to the r in " lacquer" (lac) and in almiscar (musk), which is absent in the original vernacular (p. 56).
One could go on almost indefinitely on the etymological notes, but I will content myself with expressing gratitude for those on "camlet" (woollen) and." cambolim" and "cameline" (otton) cloths (pp. 63, 93, 120), though I doubt if tafeta over meant anything but milk cloth. and I should like to see proof that it was at any time a mixture of camlet and slk (p. 93). Especially am I grateful for an explanation of Sentes brocades and Jannábija cloth (p. 79);

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and on p. 124 there is a note worth quoting: "The word grão (gram in the old spelling) is almost always used in the sense of the red dye (not really a grain). The use of the word gran (pronounced as an English word) to denote the chick-pea (Cicer aretinus) is modern. For this Barboga employed the word chicharo (chicharro in modern spelling), the correct Portuguese name for this pea." Incidentally, a note on p. 131 points out that a very early, if not the earliest, use of casta in Portuguese for the modern term "caste" is in Correa, I. p. 746 : “Melequiaz (Malik Ayyaz) was a foreigner, a Moor, a Jao (Javanese] by caste." On p. 206 there is a valuable note on " umbrella " and the various terms in European languages therefor, and on p. 218 another on tambarane, the portable lingam worn by Lingâyats.
This volume closes with a long note by Barbosa on Jogues, or, as the copyist has it, Jones ! And here I propose to leave him, with gratitude to Dames for his version and his annotations. Would that he were still alive to give us more.
(To be continued.)
A CHINESE EXPEDITION ACROSS THE PAMIRS AND
HINDUKUSH, A.D. 747.1
By StR AUREL STEIN, K.C.I.E. At the beginning of my second Central Asian journey (1906–08), and again at that of the third (1913-16), I had the good fortune to visit ground in the high snowy range of the Hindukush which, however inaccessible and remote it may seem from the scenes of the great historical dramas of Asia, was yet in the eighth century A.D. destined to witness events closely bound up with a struggle of momentous bearing for vast areas of the continent. I mean the glacier pass of the Darkot (15,400 feet above sea level) and the high valleys to the north and south of it, through which leads an ancient toute connecting the Pamirs and the uppermost headwaters of the Oxus with the Dard territories on the Indus, and thus with the north-west marches of India.
The events referred to arose from the prolonged conflict with the Arabs in the west and the rising power of the Tibetans in the south, into which the Chinese empire under the Tang dynasty was brought by its policy of Central Asian expansion. Our knowledge of the memorable expedition of which I propose to treat here, and of the historical developments leading up to it, is derived wholly from the official Chinese records contained in the Annals of the T'ang dynasty. They were first rendered generally accessible by the extracts which M. Chavannes, the lamented great Sinologue, published in his invaluable Documents sur les Turcs occidentaux."
1 Reprinted from the Geographical Journal for February, 1922.
2 The accompanying sketch-map 1 is intended to illustrate the general features of the mountain territories between the western T'ien-shan and the Indus which were affected by the political developments and military operations discussed in this paper.
Sketch-map 2 reproduces essential topographical details of that portion of the ground between the uppermoat Oxus and Gilgit river valleys which witnessed the chief exploits of the Chinese expedition of A.D, 747 into the Hindukush region. It has been prepared from Northern Transfrontier Sheet No. 2 S. W. of the Survey of India, scale 4 miles to 1 inch.
For convenient reference regarding the general topography of this mountain region may be recommended also sheet No. 42 of the 1: 1,000,000 map of Asia published by the Survey of India (Calcutta, 1919).
8 Documents sur les Tou-kite (Turcs) occidentaux, recueillis et commentée par Edouard Chavannes, Membre de l'Institut, etc., published by the Imperial Academy of Sciences of St. Petersburg, 1903, see in particular pp. 149-154.

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MOUNTAIN TERRITORIES.
BETWEEN THE WESTERN T'IEN SHAN AND THE INDUS. Sketch Map No. 1.
Indian Antipary.
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25
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finer.41.7+7 Indicate vorent ly the srlard of p resent. Brighta u mare:
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Grographical Journal

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In order to understand fully the details of the remarkable exploit, which brought a Chinese army right across the high inhospitable plateaux of the Pamirs to the uppermost Oxus valley, and thence across the ice-covered Darkot down to the valleys of Yasin and Gilgit draining into the Indus, it is necessary to pay the closest regard to the topography of that difficult ground. Modern developments arising from the Central Asian intereste of two great Asiatic powers, the British and Russian empires, have since the eighties of the last century helped greatly to add to our knowledge of the regions comprised in, or adjacent to, the great mountain massif in the centre of Asia, which classical geography designated by the vague but convenient name of Imaos. But much of the detailed topographical information is not as yet generally accessible to students. Even more than elsewhere, personal familiarity with the ground in its topographical and antiquarian aspects seems here needed for a full comprehension of historical details.
This local knowledge I was privileged to acquire in the course of the two Central Asian expeditions already referred to, and accordingly I have taken occasion to elucidate the facts connected with that memorable Chinese exploit in Serindia, the detailed report on my second journey, soon to be issued from the Oxford University Press. The bulk and largely archeological contents of this work may prevent that account from attracting the attention of the geographical student. Hence, with the kind permission of the Delegates of the Oxford University Press, I avail myself of the opportunity to present here [Geographical Journal] the main results of my researches
Some preliminary remarks seem needed to make clear the political and military situation which prevailed in Central Asia during the first half of the eighth century A.D., and which accounted for the enterprise to be discussed here. After a long and difficult atruggle the Chinese under the great Tang emperors T'ai-tsung (A.D. 627-650) and Kao-tsung (A.D. 650-684) succeeded in vanquishing, first the Northern Turks (A.D. 630), and after a short interval also the Western Turks. They were the principal branches of that great Turkish nation which since its victory over the Juan-juan (Avars) and the Hoa, or Hephthalites, about the middle of the seventh century, had made itself master of inner Asia. By A.D. 659 the Chinese had regained political predominance, and for the most part also military control, over the great Central Asian territories roughly corresponding to what is now known As Chinese Turkestan, after having lost them for about four centuries.
This renewed effort at Central Asian expansion, like that first made by the great Han emperor Wu-ti (140-86 B.C.), had for its object partly the protection of north-western Chine from nomadic inroads and partly the control of the great Central Asian trade route passing through the Tarim basin. Stretching from east to west between the great mountain ranges of the T'ien-shan in the north and the Kun-lun in the south, the Tarim basin is filled for the most part by huge drift-sand deserts. Yet it was destined by nature to serve as the main overland line for the trade intercourse between the Far East and Western Asia, and recent archaeological explorations have abundantly proved its great importance generally for the interchange of civilizations between China, India, Iran, and the classical West.
During Han times, when China's great export trade of silk had first begun about 110 B.o. to find its way westwards through the strings of Oases scattered along the foot of
The work has appeared since the above was written.
5 For a masterly exposition from Chinese and Western sources of all historical facts here briefly gummed up, see M. Chavannes' Essai sur l'histoire des Tou-kiue occidentaux, forming the concluding portion of his Documents sur les Turcs occidentaux, pp. 217-303.
. Cf. Chavannes, Turca occidentaux, pp. 266 199.

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the Tien-shan and K'un-lun, the Chinese hold upon the Western Kingdoms” with their settled and highly civilized populations had been threatened mainly by inroads of the Huns and other nomadic tribes from the north. After the reconquest under the Emperor Kao. tsung the situation was essentially different. The danger from the nomadic north had lossened. Troubles with the medley of Turkish tribes left in possession of the witle grazing areas beyond the T'ien-shan never ceased. Yet the Chinese administration by a wellorganized system of garrisons, and still more by diplomatic skill, was well able to hold them in check. But additional and greater dangers had soon to be faced from other sides. The claim to the succession of the whole vast dominion of the Western Turks was drawing the administration of the Chinese protectorate, established in the Tarim basin and known as the "Four Garrisons," into constant attempts to assert effective authority also to the west of the great meridional range, the ancient Imaos, in the regions comprising what is now Russian and Afghan Turkestan."
Considering the vast distances separating these regions from China proper and the formidable difficulties offered by the intervening great deserts and mountain ranges, Chinese control over them was from the outset bound to be far more precarious than that over the Tarim basin. But the dangers besetting Chinese dominion in Central Asia increased greatly with the appearance of two new forces upon the scene. Already in the last quarter of the seventh century the newly rising power of the Tibetans seriously threatened and for a time effaced the Chinese hold upon the Tarim basin.8 Even after its recovery by the Chinese in A.D. 692 the struggle never quite oeased.
Another and almost equally great threat to China's Central Asian dominion arose in the west through the advance of Arab conquest to the Oxus and beyond. About A.D. 670 it had already made itself felt in Tokharistan, the important territory on the middle Oxus comprising the greater part of the present Afghan Turkestan. Between A.D. 705 and 715 the campaigns of the famous Arab general Qotaiba, had carried the Muhammadan arms triumphantly into Sogdiana, between Ośus and Yaxartes, and even further. By taking advantage of internal troubles among the Arabs and by giving support to all the principalities between the Yaxartes and the Hindukush which the Arabs threatened with extinction, the Chinese managed for a time to stem this wave of Muhammadan aggression. But the danger continued from this side, and the Chinese position in Central Asia became even more seriously jeopardized when the Tibetans soon after A.D. 741 advanced to the Oxus valley and succeeded in joining hands with the Arabs, their natural allies.
Baulked for the time in their attempts to secure the Tarim basin, the Tibetans had only one line open to effect this junction. It led first down the Indus from Ladak through Baltistan (the "Great Po-lü" of the Chinese Annals) to the Hindukush territories of Gilgit and Yasin, both comprised in the "Little Po-la ” of the Chinese records.10 Thence the pásses of the Darkot and the Baroghil—the latter a saddle in the range separating the Oxus from the Chitral river headwaters-would give the Tibetans access to Wakhan ; through this open portion of the upper Oxus valley and through fertile Badakhshan the Arabe
7 For very interesting notices of the adninistrative organization, which the Chinese attempted soon after A.D. 669 to impose upon the territories from the Yaxartes to the Oxus and even south of the Hindukush, eee Chavannes, Turca occidentaux, pp. 268 sqq.
# of. Chavannes, Turcs occidentaux, pp. 280 899.
• See Chavannes, ibid. pp. 288 899. . 10 Cf. for this identification Chavannes, ibid. p. 160, and Noten supplementaria i sloo my Ancions Khotan, i. pp. 6 a99.

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-established on the middle Oxus might be reached with comparative ease. But an advance along the previous portions of this route was beset with very serious difficulties, not merely on account of the great height of the passes to be traversed and of the extremely confined nature of the gorges met with on the Indus and the Gilgit river, but quite as much through the practical absence of local resources sufficient to feed an invading force anywhere between Ladak and Badakhshan.
Nevertheless the persistent advance of the Tibetans along this most difficult line is clearly traceable in the Chinese records. "Great P'o-lü," i.e., Baltistan, had already become subject to them before A.D. 722. About that time they attacked "Little P'o-lü," declaring, as the T'ang Annals tell us, to Mo-chin-mang its king: "It is not your kingdom which we covet, but we wish to use your route in order to attack the Four Garrisons (i.e., the Chinese in the Tarim basin)."11 In A.D. 722 timely military aid rendered by the Chinese enabled this king to defeat the Tibetan design. But after three changes of reign the Tibetans won over his successor Su-shih-li-chih, and inducing him to marry a Tibetan princess secured a footing in "Little P'o-lü." "Thereupon," in the words of the T'ang shu, "more than twenty kingdoms to the north-west became all subject to the Tibetans."1 These events occurred shortly after A.D. 741.13
The danger thus created by the junction between Tibetans and Arabs forced the Chinese to special efforts to recover their hold upon Yasin and Gilgit. Three successive expeditions despatched by the "Protector of the Four Garrisons," the Chinese GovernorGeneral, had failed, when a special decree of the Emperor Hsüan-tsang in A.D. 747 entrusted the Deputy Protector Kao Hsien-chih, a general of Korean extraction commanding the military forces in the Tarim basin, with the enterprise to be traced here. We owe our detailed kowledge of it to the official biography of Kao Hsien-chih preserved in the T'ang Annals and translated by M. Chavannes. To that truly great scholar, through whose premature death in 1918 all branches of historical research concerning the Far East and Central Asia have suffered an irreparable loss, belongs full credit for having recognized that Kao Hsien-chih's remarkable expedition led him and his force across the Pamirs and over the Baroghil and Darkot passes. But he did not attempt to trace in detail the actual routes followed by Kao Hsien-chih on this hazardous enterprise or to localize the scenes of all its striking events. To do this in the light of personal acquaintance with the topography of these regions, their physical conditions, and their scanty ancient remains, is my object in the following pages.
With a force of 10,000 cavalry and infantry Kao Hsien-chih started in the spring of A.D. 747 from An-hsi, then the headquarters of the Chinese administration in the Tarim basin and corresponding to the present town and oasis of Kucha. 14 In thirty-five days he reached Su-lê, or Kashgar, through Ak-su and by the great caravan road leading along the foot of the T'ien-shan. Twenty days more brought his force to the military post of the
11 See Chavannes, Turcs occidentaux, p. 150.
13 Of. Chavannes, ibid., p. 151. By the twenty kingdoms are obviously meant petty hill principalities on the Upper Oxus from Wakhan downwards, and probably also others in the valleys south of Hindukush, such as Mastuj and Chitral.
13 Of. Stein, Ancient Khotan, i. p. 7. A.D. 741 is the date borne by the Imperial edtios investing Bu-shih-li-chih's immediate predecessor; its text is still extant in the records extracted by M. Chavannes, Turca occidentaux, pp. 211 sqq.
16 For these and all other details taken from M. Chavannes' translation of Kao Hsien-chih's biography in the T'ang shui, see Turse occidentaux, pp. 152 sqq.

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Tísung-ling mountains, established in the position of the present Tashkurghan in Sarikol.15 Thence by a march of twenty days the " valley of Po-mi," or the Pamirs, was gained, and. after another twenty days Kao Hsien-chih arrived in "the kingdom of the five Shih-ni," i.e., the present Shighnan on the Oxus.
The marching distance here indicated agrees well with the time which large caravans of men and transport animals would at present need to cover the same ground. But how the Chinese general managed to feed so large a force, after once it had entered the tortuous gorges and barren high valleys beyond the outlying cases of the present Kashgar and Yangi. hissar districts, is a problem which might look formidable, indeed, to any modern commander. The biography in the Annals particularly notes that "at that time the foot soldiers all kept horses (i.e., ponies) on their own account.” Such a provision of transport must have considerably increased the mobility of the Chinese troops. But it also implied greatly increased difficulties on the passage through ranges which, with the exception of certain portions of the Pamirs, do not afford sufficient grazing to keep animals alive without liberal provision of fodder.
It was probably as a strategic measure, meant to reduce the difficulties of supply in this inhospitable Pamir region, that Kao Hsien-chih divided his forces into three columns before starting his attack upon the position held by the Tibetans at Lion-yün. M. Chavannes has shown good reason for assuming that by the river Po-18 (or So-18), which is described as flowing in front of Lien-yün, is meant the Ab-i-Panja branch of the Oxus, and that Lien-yün itself occupied a position corresponding to the present village of Sarhad, but on the opposite, or southern, side of the river, where the route from the Baroghil paso debouches on the Ab-i-Panja. We shall return to this identification in detail hereafter. Here it will suffice to show that this location is also clearly indicated by the details recorded of the concentration of Kao Hsien-chih's forces upon Lien-yün.
Of the three columns which were to operate from different directions and to effect a simultaneous junction before Lien-yän on the thirteenth day of the seventh month (about the middle of August), the main force, under Kao Hsien-chih himself and the Imperial Commissioner Pien Ling-ch'êng, passed through the kingdom of Hu-mi, or Wakhan, ascending the main Oxus valley from the west. Another column which is said to have moved upon Lien-yün by the route of Ch'ih-fo-t'ang, "the shrine of the red Buddha,"16 may be assumed, in view of a subsequent mention of this route below, to have operated from the opposite direction down the headwaters of the Ab-i-Panja. These could be reached without serious difficulty from the Sarikol base either over the Tagh-dumbash Pamir and the Wakhjir pass
16 Trung-ling, or "the Onion Mountains," is the ancient Chinese designation for the great snowy range which connects the T'ien-shan in the north with the K'un-lun and Hindukush in the south, and forms the mighty castorn rim of the Pamirs. The Chinese term is sometimes extended to the high valley and plateaus of the latter also. The range culminates near its centre in the great ice-clad peak of Mustagh-ata and those to the north of it, rising to over 25,000 feet above sea level. It is to this great mountain chain, through which all routes from the Oxus to the Tarim banin pass, that the term Imaos is clearly applied in Ptolemy's 'Geography.'
The great valloy of Sarikol, situated over 10,000 feet above sea level, yet largely cultivated in ancient times, forms the natural base for any military operations across the Pamire for early accounts of it in Ohinese historical texts and in the records of old travellers from the East and Weat, of my Ancient Khotan, i. pp. 27 agg. Descriptions of the present Sarikol and of the two main routes which connect it with Kashgar, through the Gox valley to the north of Muztagh-8ta and across the Ohiohiklik pase in the south, are given in my Ruins of Khotan, pp. 67 -99., and Desert Cathay, i. pp. 89 899.
16 The term fout'ang, which M. Chavannes translates "la salle du Bouddha ...," designates, cording to Dr. Gilea's Chinese-English Dictionary, p. 1330, "a family shrine or oratory for the worship of Buddha" Considering the location, the rendering of trang by "shrine" soome here appropriate.

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MOUNTAIN TERRITORIES.
102 a. BETWEEN THE UPPER OXUS AND THE GILGIT RIVERS. Sketch Map No. 2.
Indian Antiquary.
Scale 1 700,000 or 1 Inch - 11 Miles
4084
---- Routes assumed to have been used
by the Chinese speditionary force. 4. D 747 Indicates apparimately the extent of permanent snow.
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Geographical Journal.

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(16,200 feet) 17 or by way of the Naiza-tash pass and the Little Pamir. Finally, a third column, composed of 3,000 horsemen, which was to make its way to Lien-yün by Pei-ku, or " the northern gorge," may be supposed to have descended from the side of the Great Pamir. For such a move from the north, either one of the several passes could be used which lead across the Nicholas range, south-east of Victoria lake, or possibly & glacier track, as yet unexplored, leading from the latter into one of the gorges which debouch east of Sarhad.18 In any case it is clear that by thus bringing up his forces on convergent but wholly distinct lines, and by securing for himself a fresh base in distant Shighnan, the Chinese general effectively guarded against those difficulties of supplies and transport which, then as now, would make the united move of so large a body of men across the Pamirs a physical impossibility.
The crossing of the Pamirs by a force, which in its total strength amounted to ten thousand men, is so remarkable a military achievement that the measures which alone probably made it possible deserve some closer examination, however succinct the Chinese record is upon which we have to base it. So much appears to me clear, that the march was not effected in one body, but in three columns moving up from Kashgar in successive stages by routes of which Tash-kurghan," the post of the Ts'ung-ling mountains," was the advanced base or point d'appui. If Kao Hsien-chih moved ahead with the first column or detachment to Shighnan and was followed at intervals by the other two detachmente, the advantage gained as regards supplies and transport must have been very great. His own column would have reached a fresh base of supplies in Shighnan while the second was moving across the main Pamirs and the third arriving in Sarikol from the plains. Thus the great strain of having to feed simultaneously the whole force on ground absolutely without looal resources was avoided. It must be remembered that, once established on the Oxus, the Chinese Commissariat could easily draw upon the abundant produce of Badakhshan, and that for the column left on the Pamirs the comparatively easy route across the Alai would be available for drawing supplies from the rich plains of Farghana, then still under Chinese control.
(To be continued.) REGARDING THE CHRISTIANS OF ST. THOMAS IN SOUTH INDIA.
BY SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE, BT. A LITTLE pamphlet of 70 pages has come into my hands, which purports to be "an investigation into the latest resoarohes in connection with the timo-honoured tradition regarding the martyrdom of St. Thomas in Southern India." It is a Catholio production with an introduction by Mgr. Teixeira, Vioar General of the Diocese of Mylapore (San Thomé de Meliapur), and has been written by a "retired Superintendent, General Records, Government Secretariat, Madras," who is also Editor of the Catholic Register. It is, however, far from being a sectarian issue, and the pros and cons of long-disputed points relating to the alleged mission of St. Thomas to India and its termination in South India are fairly set out in a manner worth the serious attention of students. There is also painstaking bibliography at the end of the pamphlet.
The author's position is well explained by Mgr. Teixeira, who writes "(1) That even if the evidence so far available is not such as to compel belief, it nevertheless argues very strongly in favour of the tradition which places the martyrdom of St. Thomas in Southern
17 For descriptions of this route, of, my Ruins of Khotan, pp. 60 .99., and Desert Oathay, i. pp. 83 899.
18 Regarding the existence of this track, d. the information obtained in the course of my third Central Anian journey, Geographical Journal, 48, (1916), p. 216.
1 St. Thomas the Apostle in India, by F. A. D'Cruz. Madras : Hoe and Co., 1922.

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India ; and (2) that the writers who have tried to discredit and disprove it have failed to do 8o." As Editor of this Journal I have perforce had to make myself acquainted at times with the story of St. Thomas as regards India, and speaking personally, my impression is that there is nothing against the possibility or even probability of the Apostle's visit to South India, in addition to his attendance at the Court of so great a monarch as Gondophares (Guduphara), must have been in Northern India and Afghanistan in the middle half of the first century of the Christian era. Such a theory involves the supposition, easily defensible, of a journey southward by sea to Muziris (Cranganore), then the most famous port on the Malabar Coast, and onwards either overland vid Argaru (Urgapura = Alavāy - Madura), or by sea to the country of the Aioi (Aay=Pandya), or of the Toringai (=Soringoi
= Chola), where there were then several ports well known to Yavana (Western foreigners) seamen, merchants and traders.
Mr. D'Cruz does not carry his account of the tradition of St. Thomas in India beyond the arrival of the Portuguese, and it will help the further investigation thereof to state here what Duarte Barbosa, who may be regarded as the Father of Portuguese Indian story, has to say on the subject, quoting from the late Mr. Dames' edition of 1921.
In vol. II, p. 88, Barbosa has a note on Chatua, i.e., Chetwai or Chettuvayi, locally the traditional landing place of St. Thomas on the Malabar Coast, and then passes on to Cranganore, at that time (c. 1500-1520) under the ruler of Cochin. Of this place he says (p. 89) :
"In these places [Chatua and Cranganor) dwell many Moore, Christians and Heathen Indians. The Christians follow the doctrines of the Blessed Saint Thomas, and they hold there a Church dedicated to him, and another to Our Lady. They are very devout Christians, lacking nothing but true doctrine whereof I will speak further on, for many of them dwell from here as far as Charamandel, whom the blessed Saint Thomas left established here when he died in these regions." Then on p. 93, in reference to Cochin itself, Barbosa remarks:
“This Kingdom possesses a very large and excellent river (Cochin River, really an outlet of the Cochin lagoon), which here comes forth to the sea by which come in great ships of Moors and Christians, who trade with this Kingdom [meaning, I take it, Muhammadan and European traders)...... At the mouth of the river the King our Lord [of Portugal] possesses a very fine fortress, which is a large settlement of Portuguese and Christians, natives of the land, who became Christians after the establishment of our fortress. And every day also other Christian Indians who have remained from the teaching of the Blessed Saint Thomas come there also from Coilam and other places."
From this it will be seen that the early Portuguese settlers clearly distinguished between their own Christian converts and the Syrian "Christians of St. Thomas."
On pp. 96-97 Barbosa remarks that "Passing this place [Cochin), we come at once to another, the first in this kingdom of Coilam which they call Cale Coilam (Fort (Qil'a) Coilam, and also Caymcolan, .e., Kayankallam). whither come numbers of Moors, Heathens and Christians of the doctrine of the Blessed Saint Thomas and many of them also dwell in the inland country." On this Mr. Dames notes (p. 96) that "it was a centre of the Syrian Christians from an early period, a church having been built there in A.D. 829." He also gives (p. 97) references to Marco Polo, Fr. Jordanus, Marignolli and Hobson-Jobson, which are very useful here.

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As regards Quilon itself, after stating (p. 97) that it was "a very great city with a right good haven," Barbosa says that "Hither come Moors, Heathen and Christians in great numbers." And he then proceeds to remark (pp. 97 ff.) that "At a certain point where the land projects into the sea is a very great church, miraculously built by the Apostle Our Lord Saint Thomas." Then follows a variant of the well-known story of the great log at full length, but it is told of Quilon and not here of Mailapur: "The Christians of Saint Thomas asserted to me that they had found this written in their book which they preserve with extreme reverence." With the log, "The Apostle then, whom they call Matoma ( = Syrian, Mar Thoma]," miraculously built his Church.
Barbosa then makes some statements as to these Christians which are worth excerpting (pp. 100-101):
Beholding these miracles and many others, which Our Lord daily worked through him, many became Christians from Cochin to the great Kingdom of Coilam, whick extends to the Coast facing towards Ceilam, in which there may be well twelve thousand [variously 2,000 and 7,000 households of Christians scattered among the Heathen, and there also some churches in the inland country. The more part of these lack both doctrine and baptism, having only the name of Christians, for St. Thomas in his time baptised all who desired baptism, and as the King of Coilam perceived that so many people were receiving his doctrine he took heed of it, saying that they would take possession of the land. So he began to shun them, and on this Saint Thomas departed thence, persecuted by them and by the Heathen, towards the land of Charamandel and came to a great town named Mailapur, where he received martyrdom and where he lies buried, of which I will speak more fully in its place further on. Thus from that time the Christians remained in this Kingdom of Coilam with that church, and levied duties on pepper, of which it possesses somewhat, and also other duties. These Christians, thus continuing without instructions and with no priest to baptise them, were for long Christians in nothing but name only. Then they gathered together and took counsel one with another, and determined to send forth some from among them into the world where the Sacrament of Baptism was known. With this intent five men set forth into the world at great cost, and came to stay in the land of Armenia (Syria] where they found many Christians and a Patriarch who ruled them, who, understandinig their object, sent with them a Bishop and five or six clerks to baptise them and say mass and instruct them, which Bishop tarried with them for five or six years, and when he went back there came another, who stayed with them for as many years. Thus for a long time they continued to improve.
These Armenians are white men; they speak Arabic and Chaldee. They have the church law and recite their prayers perpetually. Yet I know not whether they recite the whole office as do our Friars. They wear their tonsures reversed, hair in the place of the tonsure, and the head around it shaven. They wear white shirts, and turbans on their heads; they go barefoot, and wear long beards. They are extremely devout and say mass at the altar as we do here, with a cross facing them. He who says it walks between two men, who help him, one on each side. They communicate with salted bread ingead of the host, and consecrate thereof sufficient for all who are present in the church ; they distribute the whole of this as if it were blessed bread, and every man comes to the foot of the altar to receive it from the priest's hand. And the wine is in this wise. As at that time there was no wine in India they take raisins brought from Mecca and Ormuz, and leave them for the night to soak; the next day when

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they go to say mass they press out the juice, and say the mass with that. These men. baptised for money, and when they returned from Malabar to their own country they had great riches, and thus for lack of money many went unbaptised."
Barbosa's next reference (pp. 102-103) to the earlier South Indian Christians may, if further followed up, turn out to be important: " At this Cape Comory [Kumâri, Comorin] there is an ancient Church of Christians which was founded by the Armenians [Syrians], who still direct it, and perform in it the Divine Service of Christians, and have crosses on the altars. All mariners [again after a common Indian custom] pay it a tribute and the Portuguese celebrate mass there when they pass. There are there many tombs, amongst which there is one which has written on it a Latin epitaph: 'Hic jacet Catuldus Gulli filius qui obiit anno." On this, however, Mr. Dames remarks: "As this passage appears, according to Lord Stanley's note, neither in the Barcelona MS. nor in the Munich MS. No. 570, and is not found in the Portuguese text nor in Ramusio, it depends only on the Munich MS. No. 571. It would seem, therefore, to be a rather late interpolation." I am not, however, quite satisfied thus to dismiss this very precise statement, and it would be quite worth while to examine the jungle about the Cape or neighbourhood for possible remains.
Doubling the Cape and passing by Ceylon and the Pearl Fisheries, Barbosa arrived at Mailapur, now usually spelt Mylapore, in the neighbourhood of San Thomé, or St. Thomas's Mount, and he describes again at length on pp. 126-129 a variant of the legend of St. Thomas, which is characteristically Indian.
"Here lies buried the body of the Blessed Saint Thomas in a little church near the sea. The Christians of Coulam say that when Saint Thomas departed thence, being persecuted by the Heathen, he came with certain of his fellows to the city of Mailapur, which in those days was a city of ten or twelve leagues in length, and far removed from the sea which afterwards ate away the land and advanced well into the city. At first Saint Thomas began to preach the faith of Christ, and converted certain men thereto, wherefore the others went about to slay him, and he for this reason dwelt apart from the people, wandering ofttimes in the wilderness."
This is followed by a story of the accidental killing of a peacock on the wing by a hunter, which turned out to be St. Thomas himself, whereon the people buried him as a Saint. "Thus he lies very modestly in the church which his disciples and fellows built for him (p. 129)."
The story of the slaying of the peacock reminds Mr. Dames of the Buddhist Nachcha Jataka (Hansa Jataka), and he suggests that it is really an old Buddhist tale fastened on to St. Thomas after a manner well known to students of folktales. The use made by Hindu and Muhammadan ascetics of the Christian tomb is also thoroughly Indian (p. 129):
"The Moors and Heathen used to burn lights on it, each one claiming it as his own, The church is arranged in our fashion with crosses on the altar and on the summit of the vault, and a wooden grating, and peacocks as devices, but it is now very ruinous and all around it covered with brushwood, and a poor Moor holds charge of it and begs alms for it, from which a lamp is kept burning at night, and on what is left they live. Some Indian Christians go there on pilgrimage and carry away many relics, little earthen balls from the same tomb of the Blessed Saint Thomas, and also give alms to the aforesaid Moor, telling him to repair the said house."
2 This is really a confused reference to the story of the connection of St. Thomas with Pulicat, 28 miles distant, ourrent among the early Portuguese. See below next point in connection with St. Thomas.

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Finally Mr. Dames (pp. 127-129) shows that San Thomé was founded by Nuna da Cunha in 1533, no doubt in memory of this tale, and that Mailapur became confused by European travellers and writers with Pulicat, then the nearest seaport. On pp. 130-131 he quotes Correa, who in 1521 was a member of a Committee of investigation into the story about St. Thomas' burial, set up apparently in 1517, the year before Barbosa left India, under Lopes de Sequeira and his suocessor, Duarte de Meneses. Correa's statement is remarkable (pp. 130-131) -
“I, Gaspar Correa, who write this story, went in the company of Pero Lopes de Sampayo to visit this holy house. And the Captain Pero Lopes left the ship at Paleacate, and twelve or fifteen men landed with him on a pilgrimage to the holy house which is seven leagues away (i.e., at Mailapur), all on foot, singing and rejoicing, with plenty of food and drink. On coming in sight of the holy house we were all overcome by a devout sadness, so that we sang no more nor spoke one to the other with a new devotion in our hearts, remembering our sins. Each man recited his prayers with 80 great a trembling that his legs and arms weakened and shook, for we seemed to be planting our feet on holy ground. And outside the door of the holy house we fell on our knees, and shed so many tears that I know not whence they came. There we all confessed and the Father said mass (having brought with him all that was needful therefor), and we all took the holy sacrament. And this was the first mass that was said in the holy house, being the day of Corpus Christi of the year 1521.”
Then he goes on to describe repairs done to the church, and the discovery of some of the bones of the king who had been converted by Saint Thomas, who was reported by the country-folk to have been called Tanimudolyar, interpreted as "Thomas, the servent of God." But I take it that this name or rather title is merely " Tani Mudaliyêr, Thomas the Great."
We have, however, not yet got to the bottom of the story of St. Thomas, for Mr. D'Cruz notes that Father Hosten, S.J., "has started publishing in the Catholic Herald of India, beginning with the issue of 27th July 1921, tentative articles on his findings " during a visit to San Thomé in the beginning of 1921. And also measures are being taken to have translated into English a volume on St. Thomas and the Malabar tradition by the Rev. Fr. Bernard of St. Thomas, T.O.C.D. This work was published in Malayalam in 1917, filling about 500 pages.
EARLY HISTORY OF INDIAN FAMINES.
By P. N. RAMASWAMI, B.A. (With an Additional Note by L. M. ANSTEY.)
Introduction. "The idols of the market-place "-to adopt the picturesque language of Bacon-"are the most troublesome of all-those, namely which have entwined themselves round the understanding from the associations of words and names. For mon imagine that their reason governs words, whilst, in fact, words react upon the understanding and this has rendered
1 In the publication of the papers I have received very great help from my gifted and beloved master, Mr. P. T. Srinivasa Aiyangar. The Nestor of South Indian Historians spared no pains to make these papers as comprehensive as possible. Several eminent scholartonpecially Pandit Brinvarai Aohariar and Fr. Steenkisto-have liberally helped me with facts, suggestions, etc. I thank them all. I also take this opportunity to thank the St. Joseph's College Library Staff for their kindly services during the preparation of these papers; and have much pleasure in thankfully acknowledging their unfailing courtesy, promptand intelligent help.-P.N.A.

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philosophy and science sophistical and inactive." And in Political Economy, above all sciences, we may expect the idols of the market-place to abound. Indian Economics is full of stubborn fallacies which would at once have been loosened by a Socratic Induction, and altogether dispelled by a scientific analysis. The early history of Indian famines is an instance in point. It is only the deceptive familiarity of common discourse which fosters the prevailing general impression that famines at the present day are the direct consequence of English administration, and that in times of the predominance of the Hindus and Muhammadans they were less extended in area and less tragic in their effects. But a review of the early famines in India, of which History makes mention, shows that such an assertion proceeds from sheer ignorance; there is not a tittle of historical evidence to support it' (Theodore Morison, Economic Transition in India). Famines of long duration and extent, and causing very considerable destruction, have been frequently recorded from the very dawn of Indian History. In the language of the Imperial Gazetteer (vol. III, chapter X, page 475) ' famines were very frequent under native rule and frightful."
But the prevailing general impression is, as we have already said, that famines are far more frequent and destructive now than in former times. The reason for the wide prevalence of this interesting assumption, based upon insufficient data, is not far to seek. The early history of Indian famines lies scattered in scores of volumes which are mostly inaccessible to the general reader; while handy books of reference like Balfour's Cyclopaedia of India, innumerable Gazetteers, Famine Commission Reports and special treatises like R. C. Dutt's Indian Famines, give adequate and ample information about famines in the British Period. It is the dearth of information in the former, and its plenteousness in the latter case, that is mainly responsible, it is submitted, for this widespread fallacy. The following series of papers are a pioneer attempt to sketch the early history of Indian Famines. They make no pretension whatsoever either to erudition or completeness. If this slight sketch of mine should be so fortunate as to induce competent men to undertake the early history of Indian famines on an adequate scale, it will have achieved its object.
Ancient Hindu Period to the Death of Harsha in 650 A.D. The Vedic Period.
The early history of Indian famines must be traced back to a time much anterior to the Vedic period (before 3000 B.C.). "The one great danger that must have constantly threatened primitive man, was famine. Man in the savage state when living [even] in our luxurious country was often brought to the verge of starvation, in spite of his having implements and weapons which his ruder ancestors had no idea of." Consider the condition of savages,' says Bentham (Theory of Legislation, chapter vii, page 109), they strive incessantly against famine which cuts off entire tribes. Rivalry for subsistence produces among them the most cruel wars and, like beasts of prey, men pursue men as means of sustenance. The fear of this terrible calamity silences the softest sentiments of nature; pity unites with insensibility in putting to death the old men who can hunt no longer.'
"It is obvious that famine and its hideous consequence, cannibalism, could only be prevented by the storage of food, which doubtless took at this early stage the form of the confinement or in other words the domestication of such animals as formed the spoils of the chase
In support of this theory, cf. Digby, Prosperous British India; Naoroji, Poverty and Un British Rule in India. For the other side, cf. Morison, Srinivasa Raghava Aiyangar, and others. "The severity of famines is mitigated even in such a country as India."-Marshall, Principles (Bk. IV, chapter iv, page 187).

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and the chief food-supply of men " (R. A. Nelson, Law of Property, p. 26). Thus, frequent famines led to the transition from the hunting to the pastoral stage of civilisation (E. Jenks, History of Politics, ch. iv, p. 24). Dr. Schrader (Pre-historic Antiquities of the Aryan Peoples, ch. v, p. 286) has admirably shown how famines again caused the transition from the pastoral to the agricultural life.
To labour and to store, the fundamental laws of man's existence on earth,--are the offspring, so to speak, of their parents, Hunger and Famine.
Vedie Period, 2000 B.C.-1400 B.C. The transition from the pastoral to the agricultural life of the Indian man lands us in the Vedic period of Indian History (2000-1400 B.C.). The four Vedas constitute the chief sources of information for this period. "The ends of Vedic Hymns were practical. The Vedio Hymns were designed to persuade the gods to deal generously with men:
As birds extend their sheltering wings,
Spread your protection over us." (Rig Veda.)3 Therefore we find in the Rig Veda, the most ancient of our records, the first famine cry:
"The waters of the upper sea in Heaven were prisoned by the gods,
But the wise priest released them all (removed the drought and wet the sods), He, praying the magic verse; the rain compelling voice had he, God! free us from the hunger-ill; and give the magic word to me.
Let loose for us on earth the rain—the waters of yon heavenly sea!" But this is only one of the many voices raised in the Rig Veda in supplication to the gods who are over and over again besought to drive away the plague of hunger caused by frequent droughts :
“O! Indra (Rain-god) give food and strength to us who are hungry, Help us with thy help, powerful god, save us from this present plague, hunger
and wretchedness, Indra, do thou keep drought and hunger from our pasture; So well-known for thy might, O ever beneficent showerer,
Set open thou, unfretting towards us, this moving cloud." Compare also the significant remark :
The gods did not give hunger as the only death. A measure of the frequency of droughts and, consequentially, famines) in the Vedic period, can bo had from the rain-hymns (to invent a word) in the Rig Veda :
0 Mitra and Varuna, bedew with showers of hoavenly fluid the pasture where our kine graze and bedew our realms with honey, Q gods of the noblest deeds. Through their help alone we shall earn, and be able to lay by; and still there will be over-abundance.
I invoke Mitra of holy might and Varuna the exterminator of the wicked, both cherishing a desire to pour down rains.
Thy benevolence, Agni, O god, which like the downpour of a rain-cloud, is undefiled and wondrous and promotes our advancement.
"O Mitra and Varuna, the rain is giving out surprisingly loud thunders foreboding plenty and puissance, the Maruts (too) have clad themselves in cloud. Induce, therefore, by your clever words the reddish but stainless heaven to pour down showers. "O Maruts, cry out from the ocean. O showerers, pour down showers (of rain),
3 A. Coomarawami, The Dance of Siva, etc., ch. I. (p. 18).

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'Showerers of vital vigour, I am glad to view your chariots like the subtle lustre accompanying the showers.
The mortal-be he a sage or a king-whom the showers of rain conduct by the right path, never sustains defeat nor death. He never succumbs; he is never distressed; he never fails. His riches never abate, nor do his succours cease.'
So great in fact was the importance of rain that the word drought 'amiva,' as used above, became synonymous with the word 'anacana.'
During the Vedic period fainines resulting from drought, as Mr. P. T. Srinivasa Iyengar in his masterly study of the Age of the Mantras has shown, were of frequent occurrence, when the starving poor desirous of food courted the man with the store of sustenance; the lean beggar craving for food ate even poisonous plants after washing off the poison with water and people died of starvation in multitudes during famines. Ṛna debts, frequently mentioned in the Rig Veda and onwards, were probably contracted during these "times of distress."4
The bulk of the people, the agriculturists, were very poor, and borrowed at usurious rates of interest and repaid their debts in 16 or 18 instalments. The payment of debt from debt,' i.e., compounding of old debts with new ones, so common to-day among professional money-lenders, was equally so in 2000 B.C. There are two hymns in the Atharva Veda for securing release from debts. These things which we learn from Mr. P. T. Srinivasa Iyengar's Age of the Mantras, show that nothing is more natural, but nothing is more dangerous, than to cast a halo over the past and to make of it a golden age. The idyllic pictures of the Vedic period as a truly golden Age, before the pressure of famine had been felt, are beautiful but entirely devoid of historical truth. In the vigorous language of Wilks (Historical Sketches of South India, vol. I, p. 2), "the Golden Age of India, like that of other regions, belongs exclusively to the poet. In the sober investigation of facts, this imaginary era recedes farther and farther at every stage of inquiry, and all that we find is still the empty praise of the ages which have passed."
Epie Period, 1400 B.C.-800 B.C.
And beginning from this remote Vedic Age (2000 B.C. to 1400 B.C.) we can trace the frequent occurrence of famines along the centuries past the Atharvan poet, who prays that the sun may not ruin his crops, to the Epic period (1400 B.C.-800 B.C.) when we observe that the gods were no longer trusted overmuch ' (Hopkins, India, Old and New, p. 235). For the good Kings of the Epics, far from trusting too much in the gods, built canals and reservoirs as their first duty and irrigated the country as best they could. In chapter V of the Sabha Parva (the Kaçchit chapter), Narada asks Yudhistira, 'Are the tanks large and full, located in suitable places in your kingdom, so that agriculture may not depend solely on rains from the heavens? Does not the seed and the maintenance of the man who tills go unrealised?' And the sage advises the king not to leave agriculture to the mercy of the rain, but to assist it by the construction of tanks suitably situated in different parts of the kingdom. But in spite of these precautionary measures taken by the Epic kings, droughts, and consequently famines, of long duration and extent, occurred in the Epic period of Indian history.
We find repeated allusions in the Great Epics, to "droughts that lasted for many years, bâhuvarṣiki, and again more specially: "now at this time there was a great twelve-year . drought, etc." The Râmâyana mentions (Balakanda, Adhyaya IX, slokas 8 and 9) that in the time of the great king Romapada, in consequence of some default on his part, a terrible and
Maodonell and Keith, Vedic Index of Names and Subjects, vol. I.

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dreadful drought, capable of striking terror into all, occurred. And it is said that when Rahyaçringa, the twice-born one, Kaçyapa's son, entered the kingdom, Indra poured forth plenty of showers enlivening the hearts of all men. In the Uttara Kanda (Adhyâya 86, elô las 4 and 6) of the Ramayana, it is mentioned that after the disappearance of Indra a great drought prevailed. In consequence the world became unproductive, devoid of all juice, the forests rotted, pools, tanks, lakes, etc., dried up, and all living beings withered and decayed. The Vana Parva (Adhyâya 193, sloka 17, and following) in the Mahabharata, contains another striking reference. Vaiçampayana says: 'O Janamejaya ! for two years owing to absence of rain everything got parched up ; on the surface of the earth there was no water; wells, ponds, lakes, etc., became dried up. It is also predicted in the Vana Parva that unseasonal rainfall will frequently harrow mankind in the Kaliyuga.
The Epic poets also intimate that droughts came every twelve years. These droughts were the parents of famines, for whenever a drought is mentioned, the next thing noticed is the famine that followed it. Thus in one account : 'Now at this time camo a twelve-year drought. The store of food was exhausted and there was no food.' The descriptions of such famines are sufficiently vivid to make it certain that the scenes were drawn from life. In the Banti Parva of the Mahabharata (Adhyâya 141, 8lóka 13 and following) a terrible famine on account of a twelve-years' drought is mentioned. There is a remarkable sentence bearing on this subject in the same Parva, detailing the Viswamitra-chandals episode in which Viswamitra pressed by hunger during this famine entered the house of a Chandala and took away by stealth the leg of a dead dog to eat! In the Chhandogya Upanishad a similarly amusing story of a famine-stricken couple is related. The Ramayana alludes to famines in pre-Rama days. These were presumably caused by droughts.
But it would only be a half-truth to say that famines at this time were due in all cases to droughts : they were sometimes caused by disafforestation and robbery (the work of dacoits and tax-gatherers). For, in spite of the minatory warnings of the Brahmang 'that the king who devours his people by unjust taxation goes to hell,' and the sage advice that taxes are to be realised in the fashion of the weaver of the garland and not the coal-merchant', there were bad Epic Kings who crushed their subjects by unjust taxation. The heavy indebtedness of the agricultural classes accentuated these evils. Though the Sacred Laws provided that the State had to see that the money-lenders were never awarded interest exceeding 12%; widespread ugury was eating into the very vitals of the ryot class (cf. C. V. Vaidya, Epic India, p. 219). Famines also resulted at times, not from drought, but from too much water. This is referred to in a proverb which deprecates too much ': 'Through too great coal the wood is burnt; through too much rain faming comes; too much is ever bad.
An examination of other allied forms of Sanskrit Literature, sheds much light upon the frequency and widespread character of ancient Indian famines. The Ritualistic Literature contains several references to droughts. Every pious Hindu, in making his Sandhya performance, praye daily that the god Surya shall svert drought with its hideous consequences. Similar references are found in the Sraddh, Upanayans and other ceremonies. The Dramatic Literature is replete with references of this kind. One among the innumerable instances is found in the V Anga of Sakuntala. Prose literature like Panchatantraka, Katha-Saritatigara, Brihat-Kathamafjart contain interesting allusions to famines and droughts. The astronomical and the astrological literature constantly alludes to famines 'as in the nature of indications imported by specific astronomical phenomena or configurations' (Dr. V. V. Ramanan). Abundant information of ancient Indian famines is also found in the Stótra Literature. In the

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[MAY, 1923 Aditya-hrdaya and Surya-kavacha, the Sun who is hailed as the Varita 'sender of clouds,' is aptly referred to as the averter of calamities like famine, etc. The Subramania Sahasra Namapali calls the god Subramania the rain-giver, "Kshamavargita "(famine averter). In the Praises to the Nine Planets there is a story that Saturn being once offended caused a famine extending over twelve years to devastate the kingdom of Daçarata. The Lalita Sahasranamavali, Vishnu Sahasranamavali, Siva-Sahasranamavali contain similar references.
A study of the Bhagavatam reveals a similar state of affairs. In the Third Skandam and the Seventh Skandam there are references to famines. At the conclusion of the Bhagavatam the sage Sukra predicts that famines will frequently figure in the annals of the Kaliyuga. The Sri Devi Bhagavatam also metions several famines. O bright-eyed lady! say how you were able to pass those terrible years of famine. By whom were these children supported in the absence of food-stuffs? Listen, O best of sages! how this cruel famine-time was tided over by me, etc.' (Skanda VII, Adhyaya 13, slokas 7 and 30.)
"Famines lasting 10, 5, and 9 years visited the land as a result of the Karma of the inhabitants. Owing to the prevalence of a terrible drought, there arose famine causing untold havoc. The people were emaciated. The heavy toll of lives in every house made it scarcely possible to count the number of corpses. (S. 12 A. 9, s. 1 and 2.)
"Owing to the absence of rain every thing was parched up; on the surface of the earth there was no water, etc. This drought O king, lasted for 100 years." (S. 7, A. 28, c. 21 and 22.)
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The Puranas, when properly studied, will yield abundant information on ancient Indian famines. I shall confine myself entirely to the Vishnu Purana, which has been excellently translated by H. H. Wilson. In chapter IX, page 231, the importance of rain is emphasized: The water which the clouds shed upon earth is in truth the ambrosia of living beings, for it gives fertility to the plants which are the support of their existence. By this all vegetables grow and are nurtured and become the means of maintaining life. With them, again, those men who take the law for their light, perform the daily sacrifices, and through them give nourishment to the gods; and thus sacrifices, the Vedas, the Four castes with the Brahmanas at their head, all the residences of the gods, all the tribes of animals, the whole world, all are supported by the rains by which food is produced.'
The Vishnu Purdṇa contains several references to famines. According to the Vishnu Purana even the Indra-lôka was not immune from famine; for it is said in the Durvasas-Indra episode (ch. IX, page 71) that 'all vegetable products, plants, and herbs in the Indra-lôka were withered and died; and Indra was divested of prosperity and energy.' It is related in ch. XIII, page 102, that on the death of King Vena, who was deposed by the Brahmans, famine and anarchy raged throughout the land. "His subjects approached Pṛthu (Vena's successor), suffering from the famine by which they were afflicted, as all the edible plants had perished during the season of anarchy. In reply to his question as to the cause of their coming, they told him that in the interval in which the earth was without a king, all vegetable plants had died, and consequently the people had perished. Thou,' said they, 'art the bestower of sustenance on us; thou art appointed by the Creator the protector of the people; grant us vegetables, the support of the lives of the subjects who are perishing with hunger.'" Similarly on the death of Kaçyapa, anarchy ensued and famine raged throughout the land, Elsewhere, ch. xiii, p. 431, it is related that from the moment of Akrura's departure from Dwaraka various calamities, portents, snakes, famine, plague and the like made their appearance. On this Andhaks, one of the elders of the Yadu race, thus spoke :

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Wherever Swaphalka the father of Akrura dwelt, there famine, plague, death and other visitations were unknown. Once when there was want of rain in the kingdom of Kasiraja, Swaphalka was brought there, and immediately there fell rain from the heavens. It is elsewhere said in laudation of Sri Krishna, and as a proof of his extraordinary good fortune," that in his reign there was no famine ! ” 5
At the conclusion of the Vishnu-Purana, Parasara predicts, among other things," that the people of the Kaliyuga will always be in dread of famine; they will all live like hermits upon leaves, roots and fruits, and put a period to their lives through fear of want."
The Epic Kings, when a famine occurred, took strong remedial measures to mitigate its horrors. The relief of the famished people was looked upon at this period as a sacred duty devolving upon kings, as was also the adoption of measures for protecting the people from fire, serpents, tigers, and epidemic diseases. "In fact," says C. V. Vaidya (Epic India, p. 221) "in almost every matter where modern civilised Goverr.ments think it their duty to como to the relief of the people, the people of Epic days looked upon it as the sacred duty of Government."
Age of Laws and Philosophy (800—320 B.C.) We have now come to the Age of Laws and Philosophy (800-320 B.C.) For the earlier period of this age the Dharma-Sastras are the best sources of information. They make frequent mention of famines and devote separate chapters to the modifications considered necessary in the social and economic structure during those "times of distress." Gautama (Sacred Books of the East, vol. II, ch. 7, p. 211) and Manu (ibid, vol. 25, ch. X, p. 421, 0.97 and foll.) elaborately discuss how in times of famine the inferior callings may be pursued by the higher orders. The caste rules concerning food, etc., were relaxed. Manu says: "He who when in danger of losing his life through hunger accepts food from any person whatsoever, is no more tainted by sin than the sky is by mud."
Manu gives some instructive examples of the length to which our Brahman forbears woro driven by hunger and famine:
“Ajigarta (vide Aitareya Brahmana VII c. 13-16) who suffered hunger, approached in order to slay his own son and was not tainted by sin, since he (only) sought a remedy against starvation. Vamadeva who well knew right and wrong did not sully himself when, tormented (by hunger), he desired to eat the flesh of a dog in order to save his life.
Bharadvaga, a performer of great austerities, accepted many cows from the carpenter Bribu, when he was starving together with his sons in a lonely place.
Visvamitra, who well knew what is right or wrong, when he was tormented by hunger, consented to eat the haunch of a dog receiving it from the hands of a Chandala.
In another place (p. 435, ch. I, s. 29) the Visvadevas, the Sadhyas, the great sages of the Brahmana caste, are said to have been afraid of perishing in times of distress.
(To be continued.)
RITUAL MURDER AS A MEANS OF PROCURING CHILDREN.
By SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE, BT. CONCRETE instances of this well-known custom in Northern India were recorded by myself while Superintendent of the Penal Settlement, Port Blair, and are published here as
Similarly during the reign of Rama in Ayodhya and Dharmaputra in Hastinapur "the clouds rialding showers soonably caused the erope to grow abundantly. During the periods of [their] role, lood, was always abundant," etc. Regularity of rain was clearly looked upon as unusual.

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of general interest to students of folk-customs. The first of these instances is almost exactly the same as ono published ante, vol. XXVII, p. 336 (1898).
Instances. 1. Life-convict No. 14114, Musst. Begi, was received in the Penal Settlement of Port Blair on the 2nd December 1895 and died there on the 14th June 1897. She was convicted of murder on 5th May 1893 by the Sessions Court of Jalandhar, Panjab. She is described 29 aged about 40 years and as the wife of Shadi Shah Faqir of Daboli. With her was charged Musst. Amiri, wife of Dallû Shah Faqir of Daboli, who was her daughter.
The mother and daughter were convicted of murdering a female child named Begam, age about 3, on March 2nd, 1893. The conviction was based on the confession of both the women corroborated by other evidence. The point of the confession for the present purpose is this. Musst. Begi had been told by a faqir that if she killed the eldest son or daughter of some one and bathed herself over the body she would have a malo child and it would live. Accordingly one day, as the child Begam was playing near Begi's house with Begi's own little daughter Mamon, Begî and her elder daughter Amiri took the child to Begi's house and cut her throat with a knife. The body was then hidden behind an earthen kothi (hut) and next day it was buried in a corner of the house. On the day following the body was taken by Amiri to & barley field near the village-pond, and Begî, who had accompanied Amiri, bathed herself over the body and then threw it into the pond. But it would not sink and so it was taken out and left in the field where it was found.
2. Life-convicts No. 16663, Musst. Kuri. and No. 16664, Musst. Paro alias Dhapo, were received in the Penal Settlement on 15th November 1897. They were convicted of murder on 27th February 1897 by the Sessions Court of Saharanpur, N.-W. P. Musst. Kuri is described as aged about 40 and as the wife of Nabia Shekh, by caste a weaver, of the village Mala, in the Muzaffarnagar District, and by occupation a midwife and Musalman beggar. Musst. PAro alias Dhapo is described as aged about 28 and as the wife of Hushnak,
Hindu Jat, of the same village and by occupation a cultivator. In this case four persons were tried : two men Jaidyal, Jat, aged 36, and Gordhan, Baniya, aged 32, and the two women above mentioned : i.e., 3 Hindus and 1 Musalmân. They were charged with the murder of a Jat boy named Qabûl, aged 61 years, in their village.
The evidence showed that the boy had been strangled in Jaidyâl's house. In the sequel Jaidyal and Gordhan were hanged and the two women were sent to Port Blair for life. Musst. Kurî died on 23rd December 1898.
The motive for the murder, which was alleged to have been instigated by a sorcerer, was to preserve Musst. Dhåpo's male child. She had lost several children, and her only living children at the time of the murder were a girl and a boy about 10 days old. An objection to its being a ritual murder was raised during the trial on the ground that, had it been one, the syand, or sorcerer, would have been present and certain ceremonies would have been gone through with needles and sandal-wood, etc. The syând on this occasion, who belonged to the Mâlî caste "which supplies sorcerers largely," was arrested.
3. Life-convict No. 16414, Musst. Joi, was received in the Penal Settlement on 23rd October 1897. She was eonvicted of mischief by fire on 4th May 1896 by the Sessions Court of Saharanpur, N.-W. P. She is described as aged about 30 and as the wife of a Chamar (leather-worker) in the village of Sâmplâ and by occupation a labourer.
She was caught in the act of setting fire to the thatched hut of another Chamar named Shiyam. Before the Hames could be got under, two men sleeping in the hut were burnt to.

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death. She made a full confession, and her story was that she had set fire to the hut by the advice of a sorcerer in order to get children. She had been married over twelve years and had had two children, who had died in infanoy, and was thereafter childless.
Mr. Muir, the Sessions Judge, remarked on this "Her story is not impossible. It is said such cases are not uncommon."
THE WORK OF THE ÉCOLE FRANÇAISE D'EXTRÊME-ORIENT.
BY S. M. EDWARDES, C.S.L., C.V.o. THE French School or Institute of the Far East was founded in 1898 and commenced publishing a scientific journal or bulletin two years later. The issuel which lies before us contains a historical sketch of the School's foundation, and a brilliant risumé of its studies in Indo-Chinese archæology and ethnography, with particular reference to Annam, Champa or Southern Annam, Cambodia, Laos, Siam, the Malay Peninsula, Burma, India, Tibet, China and Japan. It is a very remarkable record, which is here for the first time unfolded,-one which does infinite credit to the genius and perseverance of our Allies. The idea of establishing a school of Eastern studies had first commended itself to Messrs. Barth, Breal, and Emile Senart, the pioneers of Indian research in France, who dreamed, of creating at Chandernagore an institution comparable with the flourishing French schools at Athens and Rome and with the well-known archæological institute at Cairo. But while the project was yet incomplete and the question of financial support for the moment prevented further progress, a magician appeared in the person of Paul Doumer, the Governor-General of Indo-China, who transformed the dream of an Eastern school into a permanent Archæological Mission of Indo-China, charged with the duty of investigating the antiquities, history, languages and civilisation of the IndoChinese peninsula and neighbouring countries.
The first director of the School was M. Louis Finot and work commenced in 1899 in Cambodia. In 1900 M. Pelliot was dispatched to China to collect a nucleus of books for a Library; but his labours had barely commenced before the Boxer rebellion broke out, in the course of which the building, occupied by the student interpreters of the French Legation at Pekin, in which M, Pelliot had temporarily stored his collection, was burned to the ground with all its contents. Unable for the moment to pursue his quest, M. Peiliot offered his services to the French naval authorities and played an active part in the struggle to save the Legations. In consequence of the outbreak, many valuable documents and works of art were thrown upon the market, and M. Pelliot was able to return to Saigon in 1901 with & fine collection of paintings and artistic exhibits, of which some were sent to the Louvre and others were placed in the newly-founded Museum of the Far Eastera School. Both the Museum and the Library were finally organized on a permanent basis by M. Foucher who succeeded M. Finot in 1901. Meanwhile steady spade-work was being carried on in Champa, Cambodia, Tonkin and other places by expert archæologists and philologists, thuir task being temporarily interrupted by the Hanoi Exhibition of 1902 and by the first Congress of Students of the Far East held at the close of the same year, and in 1903 by the sudden outburst of the disastrous typhoon, which destroyed the fine collection of paintings, the porcelains from China, the figures of the Annamite pantheon, and a collection of Burmese, and Corean exhibits which had been carefully arranged in the Museuin. The School
1 Bulletin De L'Ecole Française d'Extrême-Orion L'Ecole Francise d'Extren e Jront dopuis son origine jusqu'en 1020. Imprimerie d'Extreme-Orient, Hanoi, 1922.

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also suffered a severe loss by the deplorable death of M. Odend'hal, who commenced an archaeological survey of the Laos country in 1904 and was treacherously murdered by savages in April of that year.
Despite these misfortunes and obstacles, the work of the School steadily progressed. Those who devoted themselves to the archæological side of the programme were struck by the spontaneous character of the Indian architecture of the Far East. In Champa and Cambodia, oven more clearly than in Java and India, the monuments appear all at once of so finished and perfect a type that they must either have been borrowed directly from another civilization, or have been gradually developed in the country itself throughout a long period of years. This phenomenon is observable twice in Cambodia, in the 6th and the 9th centuries. Thus also appear, almost at the samo moment, pre-Ankoric art and Champa art, and a little later Indo-Javanese art. All these types have analogous features which must be due to a common ancestry : at the same time they differ so distinctly that they must have been separated from the parent stock at various and widely separated epochs. The original source was probably Indian ; this much religious tradition in the different countries indicates; but no definite assertion is at the same time possible in the absence of a single relic of the primordial type. The Pallava architecture of Southern India belongs obviously to the same order as the early forms of Cham, Khmer and Indo-Javanese art, yet it exhibits no closer affinity with any one of these types than that which forms the general link between them all. Even the remains of the earlier Gupta architec. ture and art afford no clearer connexion between India and the schools of Indo-China and Java.
The archæologists of the French Far Eastern School have met with other difficultios, resulting from the dual nature of the creeds borrowed from India. The reaction of these religions, one upon another, are very little understood, particularly outside their country of origin. Consequently the identity of images is easily confused, and it is frequently difficult to distinguish the figure of a Bodhisattva from a Brahmanic deity who possesses similar characteristics. The most curious oscillations from the one iconography to the other have been discovered in the course of archæological exploration in the Far East. It is quite exceptional, also, for images to bear any inscription; and in cases where they do so, the name of the deity is usually a local or special appellation, which often raises an entirely fresh problem. As a general rule, identification has to depend on outward characteristics, attitude, or some particular attribute. Several pages of the Bulletin are devoted to a clear and interesting account of the work of conservation and the obstacles which the School has ensuntere:1 and overooma in this direction, and a complete list is included of the various archeological tours or journeys undertaken under the auspices of the School. Among these may be mentioned M.Parmentier's inventory of Cham antiquities, compiled from 1900 to 1904 ; the mission of MM. Dufour and Carpelux to the Bayon of Ankhor Thom in 1901 and 1904 ; the mission of M. Pelliot to Chinese Turkestan in 1906-08; and the missions to China of Chavannes, Maspero and Aurousseau.
Apparently Indo-China, so far as is at present known, possesses no relics of periods earlier than the age of polished stone, and this is true of the Far East generally, with the single exception of Japan, which has a remarkable collection of chipped flints. The French School, however, has managed to collect a fine set of neolithic relics, some of which were discovered at Samron Sen in Cambodia and others at Tortoise Island in Cochin China.

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The Laos country and Annam are also represented. The Tortoise Island collection appears to have been the remains of a very ancient workshop, in which were fabricated implements with squared sides and curved edges, reminding one of a certain type of spade used by the Annamites of to-day when working in the rice-swamps. The collection includes also various kinds of hatchets and long chisels, beautifully made in rather soft stone. The Samron Sen remains on the other hand consist of masses of shells, which mark the site of an important lake-village and were probably used by lime-burners installed here at some very early date, and also of stone implements of various kinds, chisels and gouges and bone fishing-tackle. Some of the larger shells, which attain an immense size, have been carved into ornaments and gewgaws, and these are found side by side with terra-cotta disks, intended for insertion in the lobe of the ear. An important set of arms and of bronze ornaments was recovered by M. d'Argence from the riverside in Annam. The beauty of their forms, the excellence of the work and the curious style of ornamentation on several pieces, point to an advanced type of civilization, while the narrowness of the stone bracelets and the puny dimensions of the handles of the bronze arms indicate that they must have been used by a race of small, slight people, comparable in this respect with the modern Annamites.
The labours of the School have also lifted the veil which shrouded the ancient art of the Laos country. At the end of the nineteenth century Laotian art was only known in the form of a few great monuments on the banks of the Mekong, and the only known examples of sculpture were innumerable bronze figures of Buddha. To M. Parmentier belongs the credit of a prolonged scientific examination into all existing remains, whereby it becomes clear for the first time that the art of Laos is quite distinct from Siamese art and on the other hand has very few affinities with the art of Cambodia. It is not, as one might at first suppose, a purely local art. In the continuous reconstruction rendered necessary by the perishable character of the material employed, it appears to have preserved certain very ancient forms, which the application of old traditions has carried unscathed down succeeding centuries It is on this account that, alone among the various arts of Indo-China, it has preserved wholly unaltered the curious type of structure widening from base to summit, which General de Beyliè once described as "the kneading-trough." This type appears nowhere else, if we except a few rare examples in Burma, albeit it was known to the older art of Champa. Its origin must be sought in a practicable method of light construction evolved by the savage tribes of the Malay archipelago.
Several pages of the Bulletin are devoted to the valuable researches into ancient Cham civilization carried out by MM. Finot and Lajonquière, M. Parmentier and other enthusiastic workers. It is now certain that Cham architecture, which appeared in perfection in the 7th century A.D. in the splendid edifices of Mi-son, was preceded by a mystem of light construction, which attained a high degree of artistic merit and of which the later brick - construction was a faithful copy. Side by side with this perfected type of Cham architecture, dating from the 7th century, there exists a primitive architecture,-a series of brick-built edifices of massive appearance, apparently allied to the brick structures of Cambodia which are assigned to primitive or pre-Ankoric Khmer art. To this primitive Cham art belong the most remarkable sculptures, among them being some very fine busts of Siva discovered by Dr. Sallet. Primitive Khmer art, which at one time was supposed to be represented almost entirely in the stupendous antiquities and ruins of An-kor, has now been proved to be far older than the art which has bequeathed to us the sandstone images of that ancient city. The art of An-Kor, in fact, never

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passed beyond the lower basin of the Mekong: but the older Khmer art, as the researches of the French School have shown, spread itself all along the rivers and their affluents, in a more or less south-westerly direction, until it embraced the greater portion, if not the whole, of the Malay peninsula. The statues belonging to this older art are usually distinguishable by having the hair arranged in the form of a cylindrical mitre, and the majority of the antiquarian relics of Cochin China belong to this ancient type. The architecture of primitive Khmer origin is remarkable for two distinct but equally common types of construction, which must have been contemporaneous, but descended from different stocks. One, rich in decoration, has only one storey of appreciable height above the main building; the other, with the simplest ornamentation, is composed of a multiplicity of tiny storeys crowned by a heavy gabled vaulted roof. The latter type approximates in character to certain well-known Indian monuments, such as the raths of Mavalipuram, the Teli Ka Mandir at Gwalior and the colossal gopuras of the South Indian shrines. Historically it is still difficult to attribute this double form of art to any particular ethnic group or to fix precisely the date of its appearance. It disappears suddenly in the troubled period of the 8th century A.D. and seems to have left no trace whatever, either in the obviously different type, which we see in the Bayon of Yashovarman, or in the system of isolated sanctuaries which are the salient feature of the architecture of Indravarman.
Space does not permit of our referring at any length to the full and admirable description of classical Khmer art, as embodied in the famous monuments and ruins of Ankor. But it is interesting to learn from the exploration carried out at the temple of Ankor Vat that the shrine was in the first instance consecrated to the cult of Vishnu, and was subsequently converted into a Buddhist temple ; that two images representing the Narsinh and Varaha avatars of Vishnu were discovered among the dèbris of the temple-court; and that to the south of Ankor Vat numerous metal plates bearing an image of Buddha have been found, as well as a pillar bearing an Arabic inscription. The description of the enclosure of Ankor-Thom is a striking example of the meticulous care with which every portion of these extraordinary ruins has been surveyed, scrutinized and where possible restored. The religious centre of the ancient town was the famous Bayon, in respect of which the French School corrects a misapprehension reiterated by several of those who have published books and papers on the subject. They all speak of a third enclosure of laterite provided with an eastern and a western gate. The complete disappearance of this enclosure is surprising, but is explained by the assumption that the wall, which would be an anomaly in Khmer architecture, was really a laterite curtain, devoid of detail, which must have been hurriedly erected as a defence work at the time of the struggle with the Siamese. Built without foundations and masking the base of the exterior galleries of the citadel, the wall or curtain was demolished in the course of the excavations and much of the material composing it was used in metalling the high road in its vicinity. The description of the Phimanakas and the Royal Palace surrounding it is likewise a veritable mine of detail and must be carefully studied to be appreciated. Broadly speaking, the achievement of the French Far Eastern School during its first twenty years of active life, has been the orderly presentation of all problems concerning the archæology of Indo-China and the satisfactory solution of several of them. Practically unknown arts, like the art of Champa, primitive Khmer, Laotian art and early Annamite art, have been brought to light and subjected to close scrutiny by experts. The conservation of ancient monuments and of exhibits suitable for inclusion in museums has been secured, so far as the staff and means available would permit. Much, it is admitted, yet remains

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to be done : but the School is established on a firm basis and looks forward to more rapid work in the immediate future.
Indo-Chinose ethnography has occupied a large share of the School's attention, and the Bulletin describes in detail the researches carried out among the Moi, i.e., the savage peoples inhabiting the mountainous regions of Annam, and the northern tribes, including the Thai, Muong, Man, Miao-tson and Lolo. Here we meet instances of tribal kings regarded as divi. nities, of exogamy allied with totemism, of spirit-belief as the basis of custom. Among the Thai oucur festivals, marked by sexual license, which undoubtedly were meant to glorify "la reprise des travaux des champs interdits depuis la recolte," -in brief the Indo-Chinese equivalent of the festival of the vernal equinox. Side by side with its purely ethnographical work, the School has studied the historical and political geography of Annam, and has compiled through the researches of its leading experts and collaborators a tolerably complete political history of the country. The conclusions now artived at may need modification or revision when the work of epigraphy is more advanced. At the moment little has been done in this direction except to collect 12,000 facsimiles of inscriptions from the provinces of Tonkin, which still await expert elucidation. A linguistic and literary survey, at present incomplete, constitutes another important branch of the work of the School in Tonkin, Annam and Cochin China.
The chapter on the researches carried out among the Chams contains some curious information. Degraded though their present religion is, 'it still preserves fragments of Hindu ritual in the form of corrupt and unintelligible expressions and formule. The prayers used at the great festivals contain whole pages of corrupt Sanskrit, of which the original meaning has been irretrievably lost. In these Siva is usually invoked, as also the joint Siva.Uma under the title of Sivome. M. Durand has made a special study of the corrupt Muhammadan faith ombracod by some of the Chams, and has decided that they belonged originally to the Shia sect. This, coupled with the fact that their cosmogony is embodied in a treatise bearing the name of Anouchirvan, leads him to infer that the Chams first received the Muhammadan faith from Persia. It was probably brought by Persian seamen and navigators. On the other hand, the fact that Brahmanio Hinduism was the original basis of Cham religion is proved by survivals of the abhishek ritual and by the discovery of a statue of a female bearing an inscription, which shows that it is the statue of Queen Suchih, who refused to become a sati with her royal spouse. In consequence of this refusal, her statue was excluded from the principal tower of the temple of Po Rome, and that of the second Queen Sansan, who mounted the pyre with the dead king, was placed there instead.
The later portion of this most interesting publication contains much information about Cambodia, Laos, Siam, the Malay Peninsula, Java, India, China and Japan, to all of which countries the French Far Eastern School has sent scientific missions. As regards Burma, Mr. Duroiselle, the Superintendent of the Archæological Survey, has him. self been a corresponding member of the French School since 1905, and has furnished the School with copies of some of the inscriptions found in that country. M. Finot has edited some of the Burmese texts and has dealt exhaustively with the origin and evolution of Buddhism in Burma. His view is briefly, that from the 6th century A.D. Prome and Pegu were the two centres in which southern Buddhism and Pali culture flourished and that the writing in use at that date was a South Indian script. "Cette région côtière professait donc le Theravada six à sept siècles avant qu'il ne fit son apparition sur les bords du Mékhong." It is quite possible that Siam borrowed the creed from Pegu to hand it on to her eastern neighbours, and that therefore the inscriptions of Maunggun and Hmawza are indirectly the

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earliest title-deeds of the modern Buddhism of Cambodia. In the chapter on India there is an interesting reference to the statue of & warrior, belonging to the Gandhara school, which is now preserved in the Lahore Museum. The figure is seated on a throne and holds a spear in the right hand. Beautifully carved, the statue is also remarkable for the imperious, almost brutal, expression of the features, which contrasts strikingly with the serene placidity of the Buddhas and Bodhisattvas which surround it. The late Dr. Vincent Smith believed the statue to be a portrait of one of the Indo-Scythian kings. M. Vogel of the French School, however, by an ingenious comparison of the statue with a piece of sculpture in the British Museum and with another example of the same type preserved in the messroom of the Corps of Guideg at Mardan, has decided that the statue is that of the Hindu god Kuvera. His theory is to some extent corroborated by a bas-relief representing Kuvera and Hariti, disoovered at Shahr-i-Bahlol. The identification of M. Vogel is, however, not wholly free from doubt.
In conclusion, it remains to draw attention to the excellent photographs and plates which embellish this important publioation. The French School of the Far East is to be congratulated, not only upon its record of work during the first twenty years of this century, but also upon the attractive form in which that record is now presented to the public.
CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY.
SERIES IV. By H. A. ROSE, 1.C.S. (Retired.)
(Continued from page 59.) Bhat: (lit. boiled rice,' for Bhatt, P. D., 131)—chingâna, an observance at weddings in Churâh. The bride's sister seats her by the boy and his future brother-in-law brings so me boiled rice (what) in a vessel which he and the boy's brother scatter over it : Ch. 153.
Phâti: a mother's (non-uterine ?) brother; fr. bhát, a wedding gift': Gloss., I, p. 900.
Bhatta: a sum of money paid to compensate for a bride's inferiority of status : SS. Bashahr, 13; pl.-e, tomatoes, ib., 49.
Bhāti jhalka : lit. 'hearth' (? and ?) 'flare'; a rite at weddings : Gloss., I, p. 825. Bhatungru : an official who keeps a register of attendance : Mandi, 51. Bhed : a cess, one pice per jún of cultivated land : SS. Kunhiâr, 10. Bhekal : Principia utilis : Simla S. R. xliii. Cf. Bhekhal in III. Bhent : offerings mado to samadhs and taken by faqirs : Gloss., I, p. 392. Bhet: a scapegoat ; Simla Hills : Gloss., I, p. 364.
Bhet: a contribution levied for a feast to all subjects at the Diwali, doubtless = Bhed: SS. Kuthår, 8.
Bhet sair: a cess payable at the Sair festival: SS. Bilaspur, 22. Bhewal: a tree, Grewia laevigata : Sirmur, App. IV, iii. Bhikon : a tree or shrub, chhanbar: Sirmar, 26 and 43. Bhilar : dry, poor soil, not improved even by manure : bhankhar : Sirin ûr, App. I. Bhilawa : Semecarpus anacardium : Sirmar, App. IV, iv. Bhirappi : fictitious brotherhood, in Multân : Gloss., I, p. 903. Bhillaura: Thewia nudiflora : Sirmur, App. IV, vii. Bhiresa : a kind of millet, Fagopyrum emarginatum : Mandi, 42. Bhitarke 'in-door,' high castes as opposed to BAharke: Mandi, 30. Bhittal : a person afflicted by bhi!! B. 197. Cf. P. D., 138.
Bhondri: & fee of Ro. 1 paid to the State on the marriage of a Kanet girl: SS. Kunhiên, 6.

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Bhokri : the 2nd form of marriage, but rarely used : SS. Kumhârsain, 8. Bhor: an upper storey ;-dâr, a two-storied house, a house with a slanting roof : Ch., 119. Bhor : the minister of a god; Simla Hills : Gloss., I, p. 337 ff.
Bhora, Bahore, a rite at weddings; cf. P. D. 560 8. v. Kanji. Syns. Rit and Sawani : Glloss., I, p. 735.
Bhrayi : Bhrayai, land oultivated in Autumn but not in Spring : Mandi, pp. 42 and 66. Syn. Sarål. Cf. also Brayah.
BhQA : father's sister (cf. P. D. 141) said to be used in villages, whereas phú phí is used in towns. But villagers also use the latter term in explaining relationships between themselves, ., mô, pha pho bà bột.
Bhud : & sandy soil, mixed with small stones : Sirmûr, App. I. Bhugla: coriander seed - dhania; Simla S. R., xxxix.
Bham bhat: lit. ' earth brother'; a brother by mutual adoption, made joint owner of land : Karnal Gr., p. 138, and Gloss., I, p. 176.
Bhunda : & sacrifice formerly held every 12 years : SS. Kumhársain 8. Cf. Bashahr, 38. Bhur: & watohman : SS. Kumhårsain, 19. Bhur: a distribution of money among Brahmans at a wedding : Gloss., I, p. 798. BIAhor: a marriage according to the Shastras : Mandi, 23. Blalu : supper : Sirmor, 58. Bibi : = nand, father's sister.' Bichu-rog: an affection of the liver in sheep and goats: SS. Bashahr, 53.
Blda hona : to take leave of ; Glogs., I, p. 897. (Add to III). - Aigf, return; * sum of money returned by the boy's father to clinch a betrottal : Gloss., I, p. 892, Cf. Waddigi.
Bidrl : apparently a diminutive of bidd, a bundle of shawls, v. P. D. 8. V.; or of bidh, a word used in Gujrât :
Bidh: a bundle ; Glogs., I, pp. 816, 812 and 831.
Biglr bachha : a birth custom ; in Delhi; lit., 'take the child,' which is passed through a loaf, etc., Gloss., I, p. 773.
Blha Bhat : sweets given on the second day of a wedding, as Khurli or Mitha Bhat and Danda are given on the 1st and 3rd days respectively : Gloss., I, p. 801.
Bihåg : sunrise : Suket, 27. Bihal : Grewia oppositifolia : Sirmür, 69 and 66. Bljandri: lit., 'not growing,' i.e., failure of a portion of the crop on a field : Sirmar, 56. Bija: a bird lerud, lerwa nivicola : Ch., 36. Bikar: an office-holder in a temple who prepares food : Suket, 26. Bll-terl : an offering of some kind made to Mahadeo : Suket, 24. Bimbara: a kind of tobacco : Ch., 225. Bindi: a child by marriage among Bairagis, as opposed to Nadi, q. v. : Comp., 226. Birbat = chun labat. Biswal : a gown : 88. Bashahr, 42. Bihangna : commutation for corvée : Mandi, 61.
I Bahwin : a dande, performed sitting : Gloss., I, p. 920. Bith : a kind of millet : Mandi, 42,
Blyahl: a ball of oowdang containing valuables and worshipped at births : Gloss., I, p. 750-1.
Byal: '& meal,' especially the evening meal; hence biyali, 3 hours after sunset and boilet biyak, 6 hours after sunset: Mandi, 31-2,

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Bobo : sister, among Pathåns and Shaikhs.
Bohnl: a measure of capacity made of thin wood or sticks (roeds ) 34 in. in diameter and 2 in. deep; used in the Bakot ildga; choihdi.
Bohokhal: Bohotl : (?), unirrigated land, generally sloping, sometimes terraced : Suket, 29. Bola : marriage by exchange, in Chamba : Gloss., I, p. 788. Boloha: a thong ;=pharir : Simla, S. R., xlv. Bora : a camel load: Dera Ismail Khân. Borto: a ropa (); Bashahr: Gloss., I, p. 347.
Botbal: a widow who has romarried '; a woman who has had a son by a Rajpût but is not subsequently married by his brother: Gloss., III, p. 67. Cf. Chhatrora and Dhudl.
Bowára: a system of mobilizing labour for harvest work: SS. Bashahr, 50. Brayah : a plot of land kept fallow in Autumn: Ch., 224.
Bres: a grain, Fagopyrum esculentum, grown on the higher uplands. It is ground into meal: Ch., 202, 204 and 222.
Brimi : the female of the Ja, q. v. Buba : a gift made to the bride by the boy's father after her betrothal: Gloss., I. p. 791.
Bujky: a shortened form of regular marriage used in Brahmaur;= janef in Churah : Ch., 127
Buk: a double handful : D.I.K. Bukhal: lucky child, a girl born after three boys : Gloss., I, p. 744. Bur: Ar. (burnus ?), a cloak: B., 151. Chabona : roasted gram : Simla, S. R., xli. Chabra: a variety of buckwheat : 88. Bashahr, 48. Chach: = Chhâch, q. v. Chad : a present in money and kind given to the bride ; Cf. eodj: Ch., 128.
Chadar Badal : fictitious sisterhood effected by exchanging shawls : Gloss., I, p. 905. Syn. Oshnd-badal. Cf. Challa-badal.
Chadha : sedentary ; --dha, cross-legged; see Chudda : Ch., 138, Chairu: a blanket : SS. Bashahr, 42. Chahr: a cess levied for the watchman : SS. Baghahr, 72. Chak : (? Chh- ), a daily wago equal to a meal for three men : SS. Jubbal, 19.
Chak khant : lit. eating food,' a visit paid by the father of a boy to his plancde's house to confirm the betrothal : Ch., 157.
Chaka kaln: income from the lease of State quarries : Suket, 42. Chakera : gum of the Bauhinia relusa ; semla : Sirmûr, 5. Chakhre : hornbeam : Ch., 236. Cf. Chakri. Chakli: a coppar coin current in Chamba ; = {th of an anna : Ch., 73 Chakmak: a steel for striking light : SS. Bashahr, 42. Chakpora : (?-pur), hornbeam, Carpinus viminea : Ch., 240. Chakri : hornbeam, Carpinus faginea : Ch., 240. Chikrl: Misl , personal corvée, SS. Bashahr, 71. Chakrunds : a cash payment made by a begáru in lieu of forced labour : Ch. 280. Chals-muklawa, in Gurgaon : Gloss., I, p. 816. Cf. Challa in Karnal, ib., p. 899.
Chaliswan : the ceremony of the 40th' day after death, but observed on various earlier days : Gloss., I, p. 886.
Challa-badal bahin: a sister made by exchange of rings : Gloss., I, p. 916.

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Chamang: a generic term for shoemakers, weavers and the like; of. Domang : SS. Bashahr, 22.
Chameri: typhus : Mandi, 18. Chanda : fold of & turban: B. 194 and 187. Cf. P. D. 185.
Chandni-da-gawan : singing of songs in the open air on moonlight nights by girls (in the Ubha): B., 202.
Chandrainan: (moon') -khâwan, lit. "to eat the moon '; an observance in which & son-in-law takes his meals in his father-in-law's house when he visits him to congratulate him on the new moon in the lunar month after his betrothal : B., 104.
Chandwa : & wheel made of stioks but without a rim, used at the Shivratri : SS. Bashahr, 29.
Changa (? or) barmi: yew, Taxus baccata : Ch., 240. (2) a seal or mark, made on a layer of earth placed over a grain-heap : SS. Kuthår, 7.
Changar: high-lying land : SS. Nalagarh, 11. Channa arta : a ceremony on the third day of the Koyidan, in Peshawar : Gloss., I, p. 832.
Channi jorna : to test a bridegroom's skill in marksmanship, by hanging a chánni in a doorway: Gloss., I, p. 799.
Chanwand :? Chara : Syringa emodi : Ch., 239. Charairi: & swallow or swift : Ch., 37. Charotri: an ornament worn round the waist : B., 112. Charva : food supplied to a trade tribunal: SS. Bashabr, 62. Chath : the occupation rite of a new house : Gloss., I, p. 913. Châti: a large pitcher also used as a churn : B., 196. Chatti: a basket, to hold 2 sers : Simla, S. R., xlvi. Chatti: the rite observed on the 6th day after a birth : Gloss., I, pp. 768-70, 778-9. Chaubagla: a pleated coat : SS. Kumhårsain, 13. Chaugharia mahurat, : lucky hours; also called Zakki, which is probably for Ar. zakd,
even,' as opposed to odd. Cf. Chaughara, 'four-sided ': P.D., 201. Chaukannl: peaked : B, 194.
Chaukhand : a son born to a widow within the four oorners of her deceased husband's house, and so deemed his legitimate heir, no matter how long he was born after the husband's death: Ch., 128.
Chauntra: an official in charge of a group of several bhojas, corresponding to a zasl. dar: Sirmûr, 63.
Chagsingha: a kind of deer : Sirmar. 7. Chautha: quartan fever : Suket, 2.
Châwal: an oath sworn against the authority of an official, called Gatti elsewhere, in the lower hills : SS. Bilaspuri, 2.
Chehll: the midday meal: Sirmor, 58. Cf. Cheli in III. Chela n= dastárbandi: in Pasrllr (Sialkot)! Chelki: pl. -fân, Charotri : B. 112. Cher: a pheasant : Sirmar, 7.
Chers :-shi, a cess levied to provide goats and sheep for the Shivratri festival and the valuries of State officials : SS. Kumharsain, 19-20 and 8.
Chera : a large vessel ; Simla Hills : Gloss., I, p. 450. Cheunta : add in III: = Chunta, 9.0.
Chhach (b): buttermilk; hence Chh&chhehår, & collector of oil and ghi : SS. Kumhårsain, 20.
Chhagana : a sister by mutual adoption, as dearer six times than a sister by birth : Gloss., I, p. 907.

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Chhahu : axe : Mandi, 43.
Chhakri : a game played with cowries on a cross figure marked on wood, a stone or the ground : Ch., 211. .
Chhaku: a day labourer: SS. Bilaspur, 15. Cf. Chak. Chhal : - Bakli q. . Chhall : maize, = kukri or makki: Simla, S. R., xxxix. Chhamohani : invitation, Bashahr: Gloss, I, p. 346. Chbanán: rice and dried fruits cooked together := girdhi : B., 108.
(To be continued.)
BOOK NOTICES. HELLENIAM in Ancient India, by Dr. G. N. BAN not afraid of cros-examination and gives his autho
ERJEE, Lecturer on Egyptology and Oriental rities in a series of admirable bibliographies atHistory, Caloutta University. Second Edn. tached to each section of his work. These are BUTTERWORTE AND CO., Caloutta and London not always as complete as they might be, but ab
It says much for Dr. G. N. Banerjee's handling any rate one does know exactly on what he bases of this important subject that his book has gone the faith that is in him. In this way he has to a second edition in the year suoceeding the produced a work that is a credit to him and his appearance of the first. It is wide to a bewilder. University. ing extent and demands for its adequate treatment The results of his detailed study of his subjeot A matured knowledge of many of those studies Dr. Banerjee sums up in a single sentence : " Greece that make up the "humanities." Dr. Banerjee has played & part, but by no means & predo. has shown himself to be not afraid of tackling any minant part, in the civilisation of ancient India." part of it.
One is not disposed to quarrel with him in this Taking Hellenism to be the spread of Greek
general view. It is in the details that the interest culture and the Hellenes to be the people who
lies, and here I would like to quote again and again accepted the Greek mode of life, and contemplating
from his pregnant pages; but obviously in the story of the give-and-take conflict of centuries
"review" one should leave the reader to Dr. Ban. between Greece and the lands intervening between
erjee's paragraphs themselves. I will merely it and India, and also of the lands within their
content myself with remarking that, however respective borders in Ancient times, one cannot
much one may be disposed to disagree with the but say that primd facie the reciprocal influence
individual opinions expressed by Dr. Banerjee, must have been very great. How far that in.
his book is well worth & scholar's examination. fluence can be said to have been actually felt a
R. C. TEMPLE. regards India is the riddle that Dr. Banerjee has set himself to solve, so far as a solution is possible. A GRAMMAR OF THE CHHATTISGARHI DIALECT OF He has not shirked his task and considers it from HINDI, by HIRA LAL KAVYOPADHYAYA, transall points of view-architecture, sculpture, paint- lated by SIR GHORGE GRIEESON, revised and ing, coinage, astronomy, mathematics, medicine, enlarged by PANDIT LOCHAN PRASAD KAVYA. writing, literature, drama, religion, philosophy, VINOD under the supervision of RAL BAHADUR mythology, fables and folklore. The view is HIRA LAL. Calcutta, 1921. oomprehensive enough in all conscience and its A good many competent people have obviously study is history in excelsio. Such A width of had a hand in the production of this Grammar of view demands an enormous amount of varied 225 pp. of a modern dialect of Hindi spoken in reading and what is more, an unusual capacity the Chhattisgarh Division of the Central Provinces. for absorption and assimilation of what is read Chhattisgarhi is the Southern of the three dialects Dr. Banerjee has grasped his nettles with a firm of Eastern Hindi, which is itself the successor of hand and has honestly attempted to crush out of the Ardha-Magadhi Prakrit current in the country them all that they have to give him. He has (Oudh) between the Sauraseni and Magadhi Prakrite his opinions, but he states his grounds fairly, and ! It is nearly allied to the Bagheli dialect of Eastern though exports may find what appear to them to Hindi of Baghelkhand and Bundelkhand. It is be flaws in apprehension and deduction, yet he is known as Lariya to the Uriyas and also as Khal Ho transparently honest and fair that his views tAhi when spoken by the people of the Chatte and offorts cannot but command respect. He is garh plains (Khaloti).

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BOOK NOTICES
125
Chhattisgarhi as the definite dialect of about hope that “worthy biographies" of himself and four and a half millions of people is quite modern, his father will yet be produced. As Mr. Hender. having arisen in the 17th century A.D. "The son remarks, there must be unworked sources of oldest and only inscriptional record" on stone information still available in Mysore, and I may is at Dantewara in the Bastar State, dated 1703 ; add elsewhere, among relics " looted" and brought but in the 17th century Prahlad Dabe of Sarangash to England from the fall of Seringapatam. Mr. wrote an historical poem, the Jayachandrika, Henderson quotes from Meadows Taylor, who, containing, among other dialectic terms, words in his Tippoo Sultaun (fiction) puts the following in pure Chhattisgarhf. Of late, however, there
description of him into the mouth of one of his has been a move to create a literature for the dialect. and hence no doubt the call for a Grammar. That
characters (p. x) :it has been well set forth in the present work is
"He was a great man-such an one as Hind guaranteed by the names on the titlo page.
will never see again. He had great ambition. R. C. TEMPLE.
wonderful ability, perseverance, and the art of
leading men's hearts more than they were aware SOURCES FOR THE HISTORY OF VIJAYANAGAR, by
of, or cared to acknowledge ; he had patient apGURTY VENKAT RAO, M.A. Oxford University plication, and nothing was done without his sancPress: Bombay, Calcutta, Madras, 1922. Re.
tion, even to the meanest affairs, and the business printed from the Journal of Indian History.
of his dominions was vast. You will allow he February 1922.
was brave, and died like a soldier. He was kind This little pamphlet of 18 pp. contains the roeult
and considerato to his servants, and a steady of very wide reading and is a credit to its author
friend to those ho loved. Mashalla ! he was a and to the Allahabad University, of which he is
. great man." Meadows Taylor, T'ippoo Sultaus,
p. 450. & research scholar in the Historical Department.
It we add that he was austere, simple and abThe results of an examination of a great number of
stemious in his private life, we have here a view of papers, pamphlets and books are set down in a
him that is supported by more recent research. lucid and admirably brief manner, and the authority
Haidar 'Ali and his son show in their coins the for every statement is carefully given. It is ex
different circumstances in which they lived, giving actly what the title says it is: a reliablo guide to
once more an illustration of how coine do reflect the Sources of Vijayanagar history--the history of
history. Haidar 'Ali, the military adventurer, an Empire of which every South Indian Hindu
had to be very careful to alter as little as possiblo must be proud, for it kept back the tide of Muham.
the coinage already current in the dominions he madan aggression for 200 years and finally, through
carved out for himself in Hindu Mysore and neighits heirs, prevented it from overwhelming the South.
bourhood, in order to preserve their currency This little book will be of value to every student, intact, and so the Muhammadan usurper of a and is a worthy companion to Professor Krishna
mirister-ridden kingdom imitated the local Hindu swami Aiyangar's work on the same subject. coins, acting merely the initial of his name
R. C. TEMPLE.
JA (tiger), and only doubtfully got as far as a THE COINS OF HAIDAR ALI AND TIPU SULTAN, by
full Persian inscription in his later years. J. R. HENDERSON, C.I.E., formerly Superin- The real interest in this collection of coins lice tendent, Madras Government Museum, Madras in those of Tipu Sultan-the strongly established Government Press, 1921.
Muhammadan ruler, the lover of change, unable This valuable numismatio monograph is much to hide his masterful pride of powerlue from more than mere description of the coins struck twelve Hindu mint towns, to which he gave fanci. by these two important monarchs, representing ful new-fangled Persianised names. These mint the interesting mixed Arabo-Indian race of the towns, by the way, once more show the propriety Navậyats, whose charactors have come down in of testing the spread of a conqueror's power by English historical accounts in an unfortunately the geographical extension of his mints. He soon garbled form, as they were enemies to be fought founded a new era, the Maladi, which was in effoct under circumstances most serious to the nascent the existing Hindu Sixty Year Cycle with Arabio power of the East India Company. It is unwise names substituted for the old Hindu names, to to accept unhesitatingly the character of any bygone the great puzzlement of writers on the subject, king from the estimates of contemporary enemies. 88 Mr. Henderson explains. Incidentally, the R.., Tipu was anything but a monster of iniquity change greatly puzzled the die-sinkers and led to in real life, and I heartly ondorse Mr. Henderson's many errors on the coins themselves.
• Thero is an account of Tipu in the Journal of the Mythic Society, Bangalore, vol. X., No. 1, pp. 12- (Oot. 1919).

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Tipu went much further in puzzling posterity. He Tipu divided his coinage into sixteen categories. einployed both the Abjad API and Atithi ll to all of which, excepting one, the gold fanam, systems of the Arabs in enumerating his cyclic he gave fanciful Arabic names indicating-though
not by name-its official value. In this way he years. Họ next adopted "two systems of no
issued four gold coins of 1, 2 and 4 pagodas and menclature" for naming the months of the year,
the fanam; 7 silver of 1 and 2 rupees and of and ho also, at the end of his reign, adopted the
hall to a 32nd part of the rupee, and 6 copper of device of lettering his years from the Arabic
1 and 2 pice and of topice. Alphabet, getting, however, only as far as the first
All this, and a good deal more, together with for letters beforo he was killed at Soringapatam I much detail of the minta and coins themselves, in 1227 Mauludi = 1799 A.D. All this, as may be will be found in Mr. Henderson's valuable monoimagined, caused still further mistakes by the graph, to which is attached a good bibliography. die-sinkere. Truly a puzzling coinage.
R. C. TEMPLE.
NOTES AND QUERIES. “ FORM FOURS" OF INDIAN ORIGIN Perhaps somo ovolution of this sort was contem
The following letter, which appeared in The plated by an order issued in the Carnatic, Janu7'imes Literary Supplement of July 6th, 1922, ro. ary 4, 1783, after Coote's departure. This directed garding the "Origin of Forming Fours," is publigh- that when the line of march was to be shortened, ed here in the hope that some reador may be able the files would "double up." This, I take it, to throw more light on this interesting point
means that two files would march abroast. In 1783 THE ORIGIN OF FORMING FOURS.
this was only an occasional formation ; but in 1790 Sir.-In his recent "Life of Cooto," Colonel I find, "The line will move off four-deep from the Wylly alludes to an interesting point in the evolu- left." This looks as if the line fell in two-deep, tion of tactics. At p. 198 he notices Coote's intro. then formed four-deep. and turned into fou cluction of the two-deep formation at Madras in Again, in the same year, the Army was to "march December, 1780. He ornits, however, to observe in double files formed from the centre of comper that within a month Coote was ordering his men nies." In 1791 " the whole marches off ...in one to fall in three-deep (G.O., Camp near Karanguli,
column from the left, the files doubled as usual." January 22, 1781). His original order for the
Does this mark the beginnings of our familiar two-deep formation was reposted, July 1, 1782, and
column of fours January 4, 1783. But Fullarton says it remained
H. DOD WELL. the common custom to draw up Sepoys threecleep; and this is confirmed by a Madras order of NOTES FROM OLD FAOTORY RECORDS. July 28, 1785, mentioning distinctive clothing for
43. Laying out Boundaries, 1691. the front, contre, and rear raaks. In 1787, how 161 June 1694. President and Council of Fort ever, an order direots the regulations of the British St. George to Governor of Fort St, David. Sundo Army to be followod by all troops save that the Ballogee [Sundar BAIAJI) woo hear is reduced to sen will fall in two-doop "as at present."
great want and lives within your bounds. He was Under correction, I suggest that there was evi.
once ordered a monthly allowance in consideration dently a good deal of hesitation about definitely
of his service in lying out of your bounds by the adopting the two-doop formation, and that this
Random Shott, wherein he was kind and may be was due to the fact that no convenient maroh
an usefull man if you can keep him true to your formation had been invented. The custom was
interest. Unless you know any good Roason to As Fullarton says--to march by files, and, when the men were only two denp, this made an unduly
the contrary you may employ him as Surveigher prolonged line of march. This perhaps explains
of the bounds and fields and Vebear (wazir, the tendency to revert to the three-doop line.
overseer) of planting. Whereby you may make Fullarton suggests BS & remedy a march-formation A considerable emprovement by planting treen in five columns in the form of a quincunx. But propper for growing in the moore barran placer that had the disadvantage of being possible only and you may allow Sando Ballageo monthly in the most open country. The roal solution was payment as you shall find he deserves not exceedfound-as most of us know by personal experi
ing 8 Pagodos Per Month.-(Letters from Fort St. onco-by doubling the files, either by the process
George, Vol. 22.) of forming fours or by some clumsier method.
R. C. TEMPLE 1 The term "random" originally meant the full range of a gun, its modern meaning of haphazard coming later. Therefore the services held worthy of reward consisted in good shooting at the boundary, hy which the utmost limit possible in favour of the company was secured.

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A KOLI BALLAD
A KOLI BALLAD.
By S. M. EDWARDES, C.S.I., C.V.O.
SOME years ago one of my Hindu friends in Bombay drew my attention to a doggerel verse in Marathi which was popular among the Christian Koli fishermen inhabiting the old Koliwada of the Mandvi area, which lies just north of the Arthur Crawford Market. The verse transliterated in English runs as follows:
Nakhwa Koli ját bholi
Ghard madhye dravya mahámar Topiwályâne hukum kela
Bátliwályachya barabar.
This may be roughly translated as follows:"Seaman Koli of simple mould
Hath in his house great store of gold;
Lo! at the order of Topiwâla
Koli is peer of Batliwala."
Further enquiry showed that the verse was known to other lower-class Hindus in Bombay besides the Kolis, and that it was a fragment of a ballad which commemorated a chance meeting of a former Governor of Bombay, a Parsi millionaire (Sir J. Jijibhai, whose family name was originally Batliwala) and the Pâtel or headman of the Kolis of Mândvi. The whole of the ballad, in its original form, had been lost; but about 1880 an old Koli, named Antone Dhondu Nakhwa, composed a new version embodying the quaint story which formed the gist of the original. This version, which fifteen years ago was regularly sung on the occasion of festivals in the Pâtel's family and is possibly still in vogue, runs as follows:
श्री. पुण्यवंत पुण्यशील पाटेल जुरण कोळी गुनी गुनवान । धदाता कोळीवंशी सात्ताड मौला ठीकाण ॥ २ ॥ मुंबई शहरी बाहेर कोठी फोटोवाचा आहे गुरूगार । जुन पाटेल पाटेल कोळी लोकांचा सरदार || न्याय इन्साफी अनुमताने वाले जैसे साचोवार । पंचामध्यें पाले पालगीरीचा अधिकार
सेर.
॥
एके दिवशी वैसे बारीया पटेल सुरन दोष जन बोलत होते दोघे पाटलाचे परा आली मारी साहेब गव्हरची गाडी तेथे झटकन । वुठे वारीया दोन्ही हस्ते रामराम करी नमन ॥ नाहीं बुटे सुरन पाटेल तेथें बैसला सठान । धर्मंदाता• ॥ २ ॥
127
.
वारीयासी म्हणे गव्हर्नर कोण कोळी आहे गुनीनन । म्हणे वारीया बासी लक्ष्मी आहे परसन।
दर रोज फन्यानी मोज मोजूनी द्रव्य वाळवितो धन । अपार द्रव्य कोठारे भरभरुनी ठेवी खन ॥

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सेर,
कई येक जन जोड्यासी मेन लावुनी घरी चालत आहे । पैसा वालुन पुन्हा ठेवुन कमती नसे वाटत आहे ॥ नति नेम सुकवत असे नसे कदा खुटत आहे । सदा लक्ष्मी भरभरुनी कोठारे भरत आहे || गहनेरासी म्हणे वारीया द्रव्याची आहे ही खान धर्मंदाता० ।। २ ।।
झाला ऐकून साहेब म्हगे पाटेल जी ऐकावे। विपुल भांडार भरले किती आहे ते सांगावे ॥ पाटेल म्हणे द्रव्य तुजला हावे तितके नेऊन पहावे । माप लावूनी गाड्या द्रव्याच्या भरून न्यावे ॥
[ JUNE, 1923
सेर, सात्ताड मोल्या कील्ल्यापर्यंत लाविली गाडीची हार । झाला चकित गव्हर्नर म्हणे माग करीतो जमीनदार || पाटेल म्हणे कांहीं नको आनीक द्रव्य नेई अपर । चांदीचे कौले घालण्यास हुकूम द्यावा जी सरकार ।। नाहीं हुकूम देत गदर तांब्याची करी मार। धर्मादाता० ॥ ३ ॥
म्हणे गव्हर्नर ऐक पाटेलजी तांब्याची पांच कौलार । हुकूम देतो तुला भरावयासी अधिकार ॥ नोव राहील कीर्ती गाईल जन लोक तुझे फारं । कोळी पाटेल डंका वाजेल तुझा अनिवार ।। सेर. भरतखंड नांव आड चय मुलखी गर्जत राही । मुर्ती राही कीर्ती नच कदापि न जाई ।। धोंडु तनये अंतोन गाईये कवन करीने त्याची रवाई । मोत्याची पढन हीरे रतन जीले ठाई ठाई | हाती घेऊनि चंगरंग करी दंग इनास तुरा नीशान । धमदाता ० ॥ ४ ॥
This rendering of the old tradition by Antone Dhondu may be roughly translated as follows:
"In Sattad Moholla lived the virtuous and saintly Juran Koli. Beyond the Fort walls lies gay Koliwada, where Juran is the leader of the Kolis. Fair and just, like a well-ground soimitar, Juran wields his authority as Patel in the panchayat. "One day Juran Pâtel and the wadia were sitting and gossiping on the verandah of the Patel's house, when suddenly the carriage of H. E. the Governor passed by. Up rose the Parsi and made profound salutation-Juran however remained stolidly seated and showed no sign of recognition. "Who is this worthy Koli?" enquired the Governor of the wadia; and the latter replied, "He is the special favourite of Lakshmi; for daily he spreads his piles of gold to dry, measuring them with the phara: his cellars bulge with wealth; his riches are beyond compare.

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A KOLI BALLAD
129
"Many coat the soles of their shoes with wax and trample over his hoard; but the
pile of wealth never dries; never is he short of money : he goes on drying his gold and silver in full measure and never misses a coin, for Lakshmi ever fills his cellars. He is in truth a real mine of riches." The Governor in wonder then turned to Juran Påtel and asked him how much wealth he possessed, and the Patel answered:“Take away as much as you can by measure and by cartload."
“Straightway the carts are collected : they stretch in unbroken line from Sattad
to the Fort. The Governor, amazed at so much wealth, cried " Only express the wish and I will make you a Zamindar." But the Pâtel declined the honour, and added "My Lord, take away as much as you will; I only ask your permission to roof my house with silver tiles." The Governor demurred and suggested the use of Copper tiles instead. "Henceforth it shall be the special privilege of your family to use five copper tiles. This will make you famous, and songs will be sung in your honour: your name, O Koli Pâtel, will be more widely known than by the beating
of a battaki." “Though he is dead, the name of Juran Patel is known throughout India. His fame
will never die. This ballad in his honour was composed by Antone, son of Dhondu. Let us sing it, and let Enas (i.e., Ignatius, son of Antone) decorated with pearls and
diamonds, with the banner in his hand and the pipes in his mouth, make you merry." Antone's verses require some elucidation. In the first place it will be observed that the Parsi. who is called Båtliwala in the original verse, is identified by Antone Nakhwa with one of the Wadias. The surname Båtliwala is certainly that of the family of Sir Jam. shedji Jijibhai ; but among the lower-classes of Bombay, as I pointed out a few years ago in my Byways of Bombay, the word has become a synonym for millionaire, just as 'Shankarshet' has crept into use as the equivalent of rich and prosperous.' It is quite possible that Antone Nakhwa is correct and that the Parsi who figures in the Koli tradition was a member of the rich and well-known Wadia family, which was so closely connected with the Indian Government of old days as ship-builders and dockmasters in Bombay. Sáttad, ie, Seven Brab-trees, which still lives in the Såttâd Street of the modern municipal section of Mandvi, was for many years a well-known landmark and figured in 1793 as one of the portions of the disorderly area known as 'Dungree and the woods 'which were controlled by special police chaukis. The old Koliwada, which has now been shorn of its original character by the operations of the City Improvement Trust since the beginning of the twentieth century, was one of the original settlements of the Bombay Kolis, the earliest inhabitants of the Island, and was situated a good deal nearer the shore of the harbour, before the great reclamation carried out by the Frere Company and the building of the modern docks and quays changed the whole character of the eastern foreshore.
That Juran Pâtel was a wealthy man has been proved of late years by the constant apnaarance of his name in the old doouments and title-deeds relating to the properties acquired by the Improvement Trust in and around Mandvi. His total lack of education and his superstitious belief may have been responsible for the practice, attributed to him in the Ballad. of spreading his piles of money out to dry, in the same way that he and the Kolis in general spread the fish out to dry in the sun. According to the Kolis of to-day, Juran Pâtel's house was one of the few really strong houses in Bombay at the period of his prosperity, the walls being built upon an iron framework and the 'cellar,' which contained his piles of money.

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being almost as stout as a modern safe. The origin of these cellars in Mandvi Koliwada is obscure ; but I have suggested in Byways of Bombay that they were originally the colouring-ponds of the Koli fisherman, which, as building progressed and overcrowding began to be felt in the middle of last century, were enclosed with brick walls, roofed with tiles, and utilized as store-rooms. No more plausible explanation has hitherto been suggested.
The precise identity of the Governor in the ballad has not been definitely determined ; but as Juran Patel flourished in the middle of the nineteenth century, one may assume that the reference is either to Viscount Falkland (1848-1853) or to Lord Elphinstone (1863-1860).
The copper tiles, it is perhaps needless to add, have disappeared and now belong to the realm of tradition rather than of fact. But the story of their having once been fixed to the roof of Juran Patel's house is still cherished and firmly believed by the Mandvi Kolis of the twentieth century. In 1906 the house in Dongri Street, in which Mahadev Dharma Pâtel, then headman of the Kolis, resided, was said to be the very house to which the tiles were once affixed, and local wiseacres declared that after they had been removed from the roof, they were fastened in a prominent position to the wall of the house and were preserved as a kind of family escutcheon. No trace of them now remains. But the ballad describing their origin still exists and, as I have pointed out elsewhere, seems to emphasize the bond of friendship which existed from the earliest days between the aboriginal fisher-folk, the Parsi pioneers of commerce and the English Government in Bombay.
SOME DISCURSIVE COMMENTS ON BARBOSA. As edited by the late M. LONGWORTH DAMES.3
BY SIR RICHARD O. TEMPLE, Bt. (Continued from page 98.)
Volume II. The second volume contains Barbosa's remarks on the Coasts of Malabar, Eastern India to Bengal, Further India, China and the Malay Archipelago, and incidentally, of many other parts of the South-Eastern Asiatic Continent. It is a worthy successor of the first volume, and Dames in editing it had the good fortune to meet with invaluable assistance at the hands of Mr. J.A. Thorne, whose personal knowledge of the Malabar Coast and its people is unrivalled, and of Mr. W. H. Moreland, especially in the matter of the identification of the "City of Bengala."
Here again the early date of Barbosa as a European traveller, his closeness and accuracy of observation, his extraordinary knowledge of the people he lived amongst, and his capacity for obtaining good information regarding their neighbours, combined with his editor's invaluable notes, make this volume, too, of an unusual importance, which I can now but merely indicate.
Geography. Following Barbosa in his wanderings round the coast of India, which start from the Country of the Zamorin of Calicut on the South-Western Coast, we come first upon his wonderful account of the Zamorin and the manners and customs of his Court and people of all classes and kinds, and upon the extraordinarily valuable notes of Messrs. Dames and Thorne there. on. But being just now in the domain of geography rather than of ethnography, I must
3 The Book of Duarte Barbosa, Translated from the Portuguese text, first published in 181 2. Edited and annotated by M. L. Dame, Vol. I, 1918; Vol. II, 1921. London: Hakluyt Society.

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overcome the strong temptation to descant upon them here at length and proceed to wander with Barbosa as he proceeds down the Coast to the “Kingdom of Cananore," and mentions a number of local place-names, which are mostly identified with much skill and ingenuity. Among these, I would suggest that the form of the name of the river called "Miraporam," and identified with the Nileshwaram, sounds as if Barbosa's informant meant by that term & river named after a village or town called then Mirapura or something like it, which may or may not be still traceable. It may even have been the name of some temporary petty State, ag on it stood " & seaport of Moors and Heathen, a place of much trade and navigation, where dwells another of his [King of Cananore's) nephews, who often rises against him, and the King again brings him under his power."
A note by Mr. Thorne on p. 80 in this connection gives one cause to think. He remarks on Maravel (Madayi) that "there are no Jews there now, but a Jew's tank (Châlâ Kulam) exists on the hill near the Travellers' Bungalow." The fact that Chûld and the like in 8. Indian names may refer to the Jews and not to the ubiquitous Cholas (Chulia, etc.) is well worth remembering.
On p. 82 Mr. Thorne has an identification of note in annotating Cotaogatto, the Spanish form of Birbɔza's Quotezatam (Kottayam). He says it represents "the oblique case" of the nam Kottayam, which is "Kottayakath, hence Kottioth or Cotiote of the Tellicherry factors." This statement is well worth bringing into prominence as an explanation of European form of West Coast nam 33, which have long puzzled enquirers, myself included. Another good instance is Chiliate (Barboza), Ash-Shâliyat (Ibn Batuta) from the oblique form Ch gliyath of the name Chaliyam (p. 87). And another delightful instance of Barbosa's nomenclature is Tirangoto for Tiruvankodu, the obscure village which gave its name to the modern State of Travancore.
In discussing Cochin and other places in South India, Barbosa constantly alludes to the native Syrian Christians, whom he calls Armenians by the way, and their legend of St. Thomas. He repeats the story of the foundation of St. Thomas' Church by a miracle, reported as having occurred in several places, including Mirapolis by Marignolli (c. 1345). Mirapolis for Mailapur, now a part of Madras town, is a fine instance of metathesis and folk. etymology. Barbosa's allusions on this subject are all interesting and valuable, and incidentally he says that they called the Apostle "Matoma," i.e., by a title, Mar (or Bar) Toma, such as Syrian and Neatorian Christians would naturally give him. On p. 131 Dames gives Correa's account of the investigation in 152! into the relics of St. Thomas, "who was reported by country folk to have been called Tanimudolyar," interpreted as "Thomas, the servant of God." - Mudaliyår means in Tamil the first or highest," and the expression would thus mean "Thomas the Great." It is a common title assumed by certain castes and professions in the South.
We now pass on to the Cape of Cumerį or Cape Comorin, so named from Kumari, the S. Indian pronunciation of Kumârî, the Virgin Goddess, i.e., Durga or Kali, to whom there is a well known temple there. One MS. of Barbosa has a remarkable statement here: "At this Cape Comory there is an ancient Church of Christians which was founded by the Armenians [Syrians, Nostorians), who still direct it and perform in it the Divine Service of Christians, and have crosses on the altars. All mariners pay it a tribute and the Portuguese cel&brate mass there when they pass. There are there many tombs, amongst these is one which has written on it a Latin epitaph: Hic jacet Catuldus Gulli filius qui obiit anno.. So precise & statement as this should be capable of corroboration, but I have not met with any in the authorities open to me, old or now. It has been suggested that as the Portuguese used every

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effort to put down the activities of the Syrian Christians, the church mentioned may have ceased to exist, even in the 17th century. But in regard to the fact that practically all Indians revere tombstones, the remains of such may even now be found to exist, if sought for, and their foundations may be discovered.
After a passing allusion to the Laccadives and Maldives, with an error as to their number and Eastern or Southern extension, copied into many a map and book of travels afterwards, Barbosa reaches Ceylon (Ceilam). The chief interest in this part of the book lies in the notes that his account draw forth; e.g., I cordially agree with that on the varying forms of the name of the Island ainong ancient and medieval travellers based on the Sanskrit form Siúhala-dv pa and the Tamil form Ilain, producing such diverse corruptions thereof as Sielidiba, Tonarisim, Tranate and Hibonaro. It is interesting to note, too, that it was the quality of the cinnamon in Ceylon that took the Portuguese there, just as it was the cost, under the Dutch monopoly, of pepper in Europe, a very valuable culinary commodity before sugar became generally available, that took the English to the “ South Seas," and thence to India.
On the well-known name Adam's Peak, Dames has an illuminating note, pp. 117-118, commenting on Barbosa's term Adombaba :-"Barbosa probably heard the phrase Adam Babi used of Buddha by Muhammadans. I have myself heard the God Siva called Bâbâ Adam in Northern India, and the identification of one of the leading gods with Adam may have come down from the Buddhist period." I am tempted to support this with an instance to the opposite effect. The name Buddha Makan (Buddha's House) for well-known Muham. madan sailors' shrines on the Northern and Eastern Coasts of the Bay of Bengal, notably at Akyab on the Arakan Coast and at Mergui on the Tenasserim Coast, arises out of a corruption, through local Buddhist influence combined with folk-etymology, of the name of the great sailors' saint, Badru'ddin Aulia, whose chief shrine is at Chittagong. So Badr Maqam became Buddha Makân.
Dames' explanation of " Adam's Peak" explains also "Adam's Bridge," the com. paratively recent, geologically speaking, natural causeway of rock nearly closing the channel between Ceylon and India. Indeed the two terms mutually explain each other. The Hindus have always connected the “ bridge” with the story of the Ramayana, and to them it is the dam or made bridge, the barrage par excellence, the ordinary term for which in the Indian "Aryan "languages is band, Anglice, bund. It is thus the Dam of Râma : Tamil, shethu ant sétu, or Râmashếthu, and alternatively Tiruvanai, Great (or Holy) Barrage or Bridge, Anglicised as Tirvanay. On the Indian end of it has been built perhaps the greatest shrine to Râma in all India, the great temple known as Rameshwaram. The "causeway " has also been Sanskritised as Adigêthu, the First or Primeval Bridge. But the rocks have been known to Muhammadan sailors from the earliest days of the old Arabo-Indian trade acquaintance with S.E. India and Ceylon ; i.e., from the days when it created, in the first millennium A.D., those most interesting mixed mercantile Muhammadan races—the Moplahs of the S.W. and the Lubbays of the S.E. Coast of India. And to them, too, the "causeway” was the First, the Principal Bridge, the Bridge of Adam Bâbâ (Father Adam), Adam's Bridge.
In dealing with Quilicare (Kilakarai) on the Indian Coast opposite Ceylon, Dames has another of his illuminating notes on the Labbâis (Lubbays), the Muhammadanised Tamil Hindus of Ceylon and the extreme South Indian Coast, whom he successfully compared with the Navâyats of the Western Indian Coast and S. India (Haidar Ali and Tipu Sultân were Navâyats) and to the Mapillas (Moplahs) of Malabar and the Laocadives. There are several such populations in and about the Indian Empire : eg., the Chulias of Burma and the Klings of the Malay Peninsula and Archipelago.

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Barbosa then passes up the East Coast to Paleacatte (Pulicat) and thence to Orissa, or as he calls it Otisa, a neat reference to the vernacular name, which is Odisa or Orisā, showing the two native pronunciations of the palatal (cerebral) sonant as d or r. Pulicat then belonged to Vijayanagar (Bisnaga), and that realm and Orissa were divided by the Udaya. giri hills, which name I suggest is at the root of Barbosa's " mountains called Odirguamalado," i.e., Udayagiri-malai, which may be translated "the Udaya mountain range," giri and malai both meaning "hill ” in different vernaculars. In the course of his very valuable note on Pulicat, Dames refers to Fitch's Servidore, whatever may be the modern name " of that place (p. 131). It was on "the old trade route leading from the East Coast to Western India.” I am tempted to suggest that Servidore represents Srivattûr, for Tiruvattiyûr, i.e., Trivetore in the Chingleput District. There is another Trivetore, viz., Tiruvattur in the North Arcot District. Mr. W. Foster, Early Travels in India, p. 16 n., is, however, of opinion that "Servidore" is "a confused form of Bidar, the capital, situated about 70 miles N. W. of Goloonda." There is much to be said for this view. But surely Dames writes in error when he observes that Malayalam is an Aryan language.
In the account of Orissa the most interesting point to note is that Barbosa says that it was bounded on the North by "a river called Ganges, but they call it Guorigua," meaning thereby that the boundary river was a ganga or sacred river, viz., the Baitarani. For Guori. gua Dames has one of his happy suggestions, viz., that it is a mistranscription of the MS. and should be read Guangua, i.e., Ganga.
Barbosa then goes on to "Bengala ” which induces Dames to plunge into the old controversy as to the identity of the "City of Bengala "at great length and with much acumen. After adverting to the known identifications available to him and his correspondents, he finally arrives at the conclusion that by that name the Portuguese and other early writers meant Gaur, taken together with its ports Satgaon and Sunârgaon, and not Dacca. Even now, however, this matter is not at rest, as Mr. Heawood has shown in the Geographical Journal for October 1921, where he inclines to the view held by Yule that the City of Bengala” was Chittagong. I cannot go into the question fully here, but as it has long attracted the attention of Bengali antiquaries themselves, I have been in communication with them, and hope some day to produce their views and arguments for the benefit of Indian enquirers generally. So far as I understand them, their views tend to identify the "City of Bengala” with one of the old ports in Eastern Bengal, notably Sunargaon.
While I am on this point I may as well mention that Barbosa refers also to another long discussed geographical point, Lake Chimay or Chiamay, generally held to be mythical. Pinto is one of the chief sources of information, and my experience of him is that the more one knows of the country he happens to be talking about, the more one realises that he is not the liar he has so long been represented to be. No doubt many fanciful tales have been told about a great interior lake, which was called by the early travellers and map-makers, Chimay, or something like it. There is a good deal of confusion as to what the term Chimay, Chiamay represented, as it is applied to a State, a town, a river and a lake. It may well have represented them all, and if so, the State of Chiengmai on the Burmo-Siamese border, the Zimme of the Burmese, at once suggests itself, but whether Zimme is actually represented by the term is too complicated a question for me to enter into here. My main object in alluding to it now is to suggest that for the purpose of useful research, it would be as well to assume that Chimay is the name of some place really in existence, and no myth.
Chimay has been given a possible location for Barbosa's Gueos, a tribe that is still a puzzle to enquirers, despite Dames' identification with the Was, on the authority of Sir George
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Scott. My own impression is that on a critical examination of all the authorities, they will turn out to be Shâns. The King of Pegu, whom the early Portuguese met, was by acquired nationality a Talaing, but by descent a Gwê Shân, which fact makes one think. Some have thought the Gueos to be Kachins, i.e., of Tibeto-Burman race. Others that they were Karens, others again, e.g., so great an authority as Sir George Scott, that they were Wâs, i.e., a branch of the Môn Race, as are the Talaings themselves, whereas Shâns and Siamese make up a race of their own. Then there are the Giaos or Giaochis, again a 'Chinese' Wild Tribe (Barbarians), as indeed to the Chinese were all the rest above mentioned. It is clear that this question wants much further examination before settlement than it has yet received.
But in these remarks I have been running on rather faster than Barbosa and must hark back to the "Heathen Kingdom of Burma," of which he knew little, as it did not then extend to the coast anywhere, and Dames is quite right as to the tangled history of the region when the early Portuguese voyagers saw it. The people they came across were the Talaings of Pegu and not the Burmese, and it is the Talaing language that is the source of many of the now familiar Further Eastern terms used by Europeans. I have often tried, e.g., in the Thirtyseven Nats and elsewhere, to disentangle the history of what we now call Burma at the time of the arrival of the Europeans in that region. It is not easy to obtain anything like a clear view of the ever-changing political situation of the time, but for practical purposes it may be stated that the ruling races of the period were Talaings in Pegu, mostly under kings of Shân origin from Martaban (1287-1540): Shâns in Ava (1364-1554), though the population was Burman: Maghs in Myauků (Myohaung, the Old Town) in Arakan (1426-1784): BurmanShans in Taungû (1470-1530). This last principality, under a great Taungû Burman-Shân ruler, Tabin Shwêdi, blossomed into a Talaing Empire, ruling under him and his successors from Pegu (1530-1599). Nevertheless, the several petty powers were always fighting and overturning each other temporarily. The king with whom the first Portuguese came in contact was Binya Rân, a ruler of Talaings who was of Shân origin (1481-1526). All through the hurly-burly of the centuries after the collapse (in 1298) of the Burmese Empire founded by Anawrata about 1010 and ruled from Pagan, Shâns of various tribal origin managed to rule in most places-Martaban, Pegu, Pinya, Myinzaing, Sagaing, Taungu, and again in Pegu-without reference to the nationality of the inhabitants. The last Talaing rulers in Pegu, overthrown in 1757 by Alompra (Alaungphayâ) the Burman, viz., Mintars Buddhakhêtî (17401746) and Binya Dala (1746-1757), were Gwê Shans, doubtless of the Gueo tribe mentioned by de Barros and others (see Barbosa II, 167 n.), and already alluded to. It is well worth while to bear such facts as the above in mind in examining the statements of the early Portuguese travellers and writers.
The fact that the last "Talaing" Dynasty has come down to us as Gwê Shans raises a rather interesting point. If we are to follow the identification given by Sir George Scott to Dames, and hold the Gueos, and therefore the Gwês, to mean the Wa tribes, then they are not Shans or Laos at all, but must belong to the Môn-Annam race and to the Wa-Palaung group thereof. So Dames' note (vol. II, p. 167) on the Gueos, though helpful, does not solve the question. If, however, the identification is right, it premises that the last Talaing Dynasty came fron a ranch of the same race as that to which the Talaings themselves belonged.
In talking of Burma, Barbosa makes a natural slip in stating that "There are no Moors therein, inasmuch as it has no seaport which they can use for their traffic." Muhammadans, under the names of Zairbâdî and Panthay or Pathê, have been in Burma proper from long

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before his day. The former are naturalised, like the Labbâis, Navâyats and Moplahs of India, and the latter came from Yunnan, where they were found by Marco Polo. When we took Mandalay in 1885, we found about 60 Musalman places of Worship in the city.
Passing to geographical notices in the same region, Barbosa, in his account (Spanish version, p. 149) of the Gulf of Martaban, is apparently referring, by the “large island” he describes there, to Belügyun, which so effectually shelters Maulmain from the sea, rather than to the islands of the Mergui Archipelago, south of Tavoy, as Dames seems to suggest. I may also say that Siriam is not on the other side of Rangoon River in relation to Rangoon, but some way nearer its mouth on the same side beyond the junction with the Pegu River. Remains of the Church there and of other buildings were distinctly visible 30 years ago. Barbosa's Dela should be identified, not with Dála (p. 156), but with Dala. In accentuating Burmese place-names the safest general rule to follow is that the accent and the consequent long vowel) is on the ultimate syllable. As regards Macao near Pegu, I made a note some years ago on it which I have unfortunately mislaid. My recollection is that it was on the Pegu River, between its junction with the Rangoon River and Pegu town, and that it has since disappeared owing to river changes. To Dames' note on "Martaban jars” (p. 159), I may add that full information on the subject, with a chronological list of various forms of the names for this once very widely-spread article of commerce, will be found ante, vol. XXIII, pp. 340-341. They are very large, and in days gone by I long used one as a bathing tub. While one is discussing place-names it is interesting to note that Nicolo Conti in the 15th century thought that M@chin (Macinus) meant Burma with its capital at Ava.
The name Capelan for the Ruby Mines of Burma has baffled Dames as it has long baffled me, and I would like to draw attention to it here in the hope that some Shân, Palaung or Môn scholar will take it up and settle it. As to Barbosa's Anseam for Siam, rightly or wrongly, I have always held Siam to be the Malay form of some common name, of which the Burmese Hram, pronounced Shân, is another, and that thus Siam and Shân are different forms of the same word. The Siamese, of course, are but & division of the great Shân RaceIn this view the "Moorish," .e., Arab sailors' Anseam, Asion, and so on, would be Arabic As. Siam, borrowed from the Malays, just as Dames justly remarks Arakan represents Ar. Rakhaing, and the same may be said of many another name to which the Arabic al, in its various forms, has been prefixed.
In reference to Barbosa's Quedaa for Kedah and the relation of that name to the Arabic word qalai for tin, there is a long note ante, vol. XLVIII, pp. 156-158, collecting examples of the use of the term 'calin' (tin) from c. 920 to 1893 A.D., including examples from old maps of estuaries, towns and villages with the prefix kuala. The information and examples collected confirm the opinion that the earliest navigators knew of more than one place named Kedah. In the Times Atlas, sheet 82, there is both Old Kedah and Kwala, and on the coast of the Malay Peninsula no less than nine entrances to rivers with the prefix Kwala, and three on the coast of Sumatra. Besides these, there are, inland on the Peninsula, as many as six towns and villages shown with the same prefix. Then there is Dr. R. Rost's (Indo-China, 2nd series, vol. I, 1887, pp. 241, 243, map, p. 262) identification of the Chinese Kora (650-656 A.D.) with Kala. It seems to me, therefore, that M. Gabriel Ferrand's investigations require further research before we must accept his identification.
Barbosa's detailed account of Malacca draws a long and valuable historical note from Dames, and with regard to the derivation of that namo I may say I am not at all sure that we can safely refer it to the abundance of myrabolan trees in the neighbourhood, for the reason

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that Malaka is not an uncommon village name in the Nicobar Islands. There are two prominent instances which I can recall: one to the east of Car Nicobar and another to the rforth of Nancoyry in Cainorta Harbour. Myrabolan trees are not a product of the Nicobars, so far as I remember; certainly they are not prominent objects.
With reference to Dames' note on the Nicobars, I wish to draw attention to three official books here, as they seem, from this note and others by first rate authorities, to be practically unknown. They all give a very full account of the Nicobars from every point of view: (1) Census of India, vol. III. Andamans and Nicobars, 1901. (2) Imperial Gazetteer of India (Nicobars), ed. 1909. (3) Gazetteer, Andaman and Nicobar Islands, Provincial Series, 1909.
Az regards the term Nicobar, it means the Land of the Naked People, and is one form out of very many of Nakkaváram, the name by which the islands appear in the great Tanjore Inscription of 1050 A.D. : vide Marco Polo's Necuveran 1292; Rashidu'ddin's Nakwaram, 1300 ; Friar Odoric's Nicoveran, 1322 : all lineal ancestors of 15th and 16th century Portu. guose Nacabar and Nicubar, and of the modern Nicobar (from at least 1650). The people are not, and never have been, quite naked, and the story of the tails, repeated by the Swede Kjocping as late as 1647, has arisen from the appearance of the long streamer attached to the loin cloth, which looks exactly like a wagging tail as the men walk along : see Round About the Andamans and Nicobars, J.R.S.Arts, vol. XLVIII, 1900, p. 105.
Passing on to the Malay Archipelago, the early Portuguese name of Jao for the people of Java was in common use for Javanese on the West Coast of India as far as Surat at any rate. And with regard to the origin of the inhabitants of Java and the mainland generally, Daines more than once remarks on their probable northern origin from the highlands of China proper. This migration to the South is still actively traceable among the Kachins for in. stance, and has undoubtedly gone on steadily for ages, as is indicated in all tradition, so far as I have heard it. In the Nicobars, where the inhabitants are "wild Malays," though really, I think, representative of some tribes of Môn origin, the tradition of migration from the North is still traceable in language and story, while the general likeness of Nicobarese to Malagasy struck me most forcibly when studying the latter language.
Another general likeness in these migrants from a Northern cradle is to be found in the belief noted by Barbosa (p. 192) that "nothing ought to be over the head." The idea, in varions inconvenient forms, is common to Chinese, Shâns, Talaings and Burmese. Until quite recently the essentially democratic Burmese, for instance, often put on an apparently cringing attitude in order to get the head lower than that of a recognised superior, and in many instances the idea affected their domestic building operations, as Barbosa notes that it did in the case of the Javanese.
Barbosa's 'white folk ' of the Celebes and Sulu Islands raises a question of more import. ance than seems to have been recognised. Such people have been so often reported in the East and Far East among the Kafirs of the Pamîrs, the Kanôts of the Himalayas, the fisher. men (Maguvan) of the Malabar Coast, and of Pulo Aor and Pulo Condor of the Far Eastern Islands, the Jakuns of the Malay Peninsula, the Talaings and some Shâns and Burmans, and certain tribes in the hinterland of French Extrême Orient, that the whole question is worthy of detailed investigation. For the present we may predicate them to be migrants, originally from the Western Chincso highlands.
Returning to the Asiatic Continent, Barbosa calls Champa, now in French Cochin China, a " very great island," probably a mistranslation of some form of the term 'dufpa' which

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means in old Indian geography a 'continent' as well as an 'island,' when taoked on to the name of a country. See also p. 212, where Barbosa's informant probably meant countries' where he translates islands.
Barbosa's last geographical note is on the Lequeos or Liu Kiu Islands, south of Japan. Dames notes that Liu Kiu is Riu Kiu to the Japanese. This is due to a linguistic peculiarity. The Chinese say I where the Japanese say r, and they have a reciprocal difficulty respectively as to pronouncing these sounds; e.g., I have seen written up as an advertisement in Nagasaki for the benefit of sailors : "Good remonade," and my Japanese guide, a fiery little man, on one occasion kept on repeating “You not berieve me," when I differed and correctly) over a time-table. Moreover, an old hawker in Rangoon used to be known by the name of Tili Lupi, his method of pronouncing' three rupees,' the price of an article he frequently sold.
In an appendix (pp. 241-4) on De Barros' Decadas (translated) reference is made to the “Cape of Singapura” (? Cabo de Çinguapura) valuable for the origin of the name Singapore, about which much has been hazarded, mostly nonsense.
With this last remark I must close these overlong notes on the geography and Far Eastern ethnology to be found in Barbosa's second volume, refraining from descanting on Wågarû and other delightful geographical names on p. 243. In fact, Dames' admirable work contains so much that is valuable and arresting that it is difficult to stop talking about it.
Linguistics. I now turn to the question of linguistics raised in vol. II, on which subject I am rather glad that the long-disputed derivation of the name Mount Delly on the Malabar coast of India comes at the very commencement of the volume, because I wish to make a protest against the transliteration of ch for a peculiar South Indian l. It is not Dames' fault that zh has been adopted, but anything more misleading to European eyes and ears, and even it may be said to non-Malayalam Dravidian ears, than zh for the sound, could not have been hit upon. Apparently this l is not a true phonological l, but it is near enough to 1 to be mistaken for one by all ears unaccustomed to the Dravidian languages. Hence, Mount Delly, as the European form of a native name for the first landfall made in India by Vasco da Gama in 1498. If we discard d as a Portuguese grammatical addition, Eli, or something like it, may be taken as the real name. The Arabs called it Haili or Hili, and the h in this form is etymologically important. The Malayalam name sounds to foreigners, including even Tamils, like Eli-mala (mula being "hill”), but it is written with the l, which it is the present fashion to write zh (Ezhi-mala). We see this l in Kolikkod (Calicut), written "scientifically " Kozhikkoa. On the above argument, eli has been taken to mean either "high" or geven.” zooording to the lused, and the name to mean "High Hill" or "Seven Hills." A proposal by Burnell to derive it from tali, a temple, and thus to make it mean the Temple Hill, is rather upset by the old Hailî or Hill of the Arabs. They might have adopted h for an initial 8, but were not likely to have done so for an initial t.
In reference to this peculiar Malayalam I, I would remark also that in the derivations of the terms Malayalam and Malabar respectively, "the language and land of the hills," the alternative form Malayazhma (for Malayalma) for the former rather sticks on the tongue.
Mr. Subrahmanya Aiyer, however, would upset all previous derivations in his most interesting and illuminating article in JRAS., April, 1922, on “An Unidentified Territory of Southern India." This Territory he shows to be the land of the Kolattiri Rajas, kings of Kolam, and that there were two Kolams, this one on the banks of the Agalappua!ai river, being called by way of distinction Pandala yani-Kolam, now a station on the South Indian Railway.

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Aiyer's argument is that the land of the Kolettiri Rajas to have been the country of Rimaghata-Mshakešvara, Ramaghata (Râmghat), translating the Dravidian name Iramakulam, and to have been ruled by a dynasty known as the Moshakas or Mshakes. varas who," with their peoplo, appear to have migrated southwards at some ancient time from the region of the Vindhyas. Now the meaning of the Sanskrit mashaka is rat, and it translates the Dravidian eli, and to quote Mr. Subrahmanya Aiyer, “ As a rule, the chieftains of the Deccan were lords of one or more divisions (nádu), possessed a favourite hill (malai), and a capital city (ar). The principal hill of the Mashaka king was the Elimalai, his nału was Iramakudam, and his capital Klam." Therefore, assuming Mr. Aiyer to be right, the real meaning of the Eli in the Portuguese and European Mount Delly (d'Eliis Rat Hill, and not the High Hill nor the Seven Hills. Therefore myself, Dames, Yule, Burnell, and the rest of us have been all wrong. After the manner of India, the Múshakavansa (Múshaka Genealogy) has a legend, according to which the Kshattriya, mother of the first Mashaka king, took refuge from her enemies in a mountain cavern (i.e., in the Elimalai Hill), where she brought forth a son by a Rat-incarnation, a Parvata-raja," as big as an elephant." This son was eventually crowned king of the country in which the "Rat-mountain "stood.
The interpretation of Elimalai as the Seven Hills is due, according to Mr. Subrahmanya Aiyer, to Indian and not to European scholiasts, and appears to have come about by the pe. culiar Dravidian ? being used by some of them in writing Eli. He tells us that "the dental ! of the word was sometimes changed into the lingual l which gave rise to the name Saptažaila applied to the Territory in some, Sanskrit works, such as the Keralamahatmya [Ancient History of Kerala, i.e., of Malabar]. Local tradition also perpetuated this name."
Burnell's suggestion of tali, a temple, as a possible derivation for eli, seems to have arisen from & statement in the Müshakavamsa that the abode of Parasurama, the classical hero hereabouts, was on the Elimalai, now probably represented, says Mr. Subrahmanya Aiyer," by the modern Ramantalli temple, lying close under the mountain on its western or sea face."
After a very valuable note on the legend of the conversion of Chêruman Perumal to Islam, Dames tackles another knotty linguistic question--the derivation of the name Zamorin-with the aid of Mr. Thorne, who gives at great length excellent reasons for finding the origin in Swami-sri, the Excellent Lord, in the place of the hitherto accepted Simudri, Lord of the Seas. So that many of us, including myself, in The Travels of Peter Mundy, vol. III., pt. ii, pp. 269-470 n., will now have to own ourselves corrected. Incidentally, Mr. Subrahmanya Aiyer notes that in the term "Kölnttiri," "the suffix tiri is nothing but an adaptation of fri." This supports Mr. Thorne's derivation of the Portuguese term Zamorin from Swâmi-sri [through ? Samudri). It would be useful to search loca! MSS. to see if the word has ever been actually written Swamittiri, or Samuttiri, or even Samudri.
In the course of comments on Barbosa's description of Cananore as the seat of a Moplah family of note, once well known as that of the "Ali Raja," on which the Editor and Mr. Thorne have several notes, mention is made that the title has been passed on to the Moplah rulers of the Maldives and Laccadives, though repudiated by them. So hybrid an expression as Ali Raja is not prima facie a possible title for a virtually independent Muslim family of importance, and the term requires, in my opinion, further investigation. The first idea that suggests itself is that it refers to Adi Raja (First or Chief Raja) and that it is comparable with the Aji Raja, or rather Aji Saka, the first hero' from India of the Archipelagic Malays of Sumatra and Java. Be that as it may, is it not possible that the Malayalam title Ilaya Raja

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(Elliah Raja) for the nearest heir to the throne is reflected in the Malabar title? It corresponds to the common yuvaraja of many Hindu States, including Mysore. It was the Jobrâj of many Parliamentary questions in the days when the Manipur State was to the fore in general politics about 1890, and was applied by the crowd to the Prince of Wales in Poona and elsewhere when they shouted, "Jubraj Ki jai," Hurrah for the heir! In another corruption from the Pali equivalent uparâ ja, it becomes the "Upper Roger" of early English visitors to the Court at Pegu.
(To be continued.)
A CHINESE EXPEDITION ACROSS THE PAMIRS AND
HINDUKUSH, A.D. 747.* BY SIR AUREL STEIN, K.C.I.E.
(Continued from p. 103.) By disposing his force en échelon from Shighnan to Sarikol, Kao Hsien-chih obtained also a strategically advantageous position. He was thus able to concert the simultaneous convergent movement of his columns upon the Tibetans at Sarhad without unduly exposing any of his detachments to separate attack and defeat by a superior Tibetan force ; for the Tibetans could not leave their position at Sarhad without imminent risk of being cut off from the Baroghil, their only line of communication. At the same time the disposition of the Chinese forces effectively precluded any Tibetan advance either upon Sarikol or Badakhshan. Difficult as Kao Hsien-chih's operations must have been across the Pamirs, yet he had the great advantage of commanding two, if not three, independent lines of supplies (from KashgarYarkand; Badakhshan; eventually Farghana), whereas the Tibetan force of about equal strength, cooped up at the debouchure of the Baroghil, had only a single line, and one of exceptional natural difficulty, to fall back upon. Of the territories of Yasin, Gilgit, Baltistan, through which this line led, we know that they could not provide any surplus gupplies for an army,19
The problem, as it seems to me, is not so much how the Chinese general succeeded in overcoming the difficulties of his operations across the Pamirs, but how the Tibetans ever managed to bring a force of nine or ten thousand men across the Darkot to Sarhad and to maintain it there in the almost total absence of local resources. It is certainly significant that neither before nor after these events do we hear of any other attempt of the Tibetans to attack the Chinese power in the Tarim basin by way of the uppermost Oxus, constant, and in the end guccessful, as their aggression was during the eighth century A.D.
The boldness of the plan which made Kao Hsien-chih's offensive possible and crowned it with deserved success must, I think, command admiration quite as much as the actual crossing of the Darkot. The student of military history has, indeed, reason to regret that the Chinese record does not furnish us with any details about the organization which rendered this first and, as far as we know, last crossing of the Pamirs by a large regular force possible. But whatever our opinion may be about the fighting qualities of the Chinese soldier as judged by our standards and there is significant evidence of their probably not having been much more serious in Tang times than they are now-it is certain that those who know the formidable obstacles of deserts and mountains which Chinese troops have successfully faced and overoome during modern times will not feel altogether surprised at the power of resource
• Reprinted from the Geographical Journal for February, 1022, 19 Cf. Ancioni Khotan, i. pp. 11 -99.

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and painstaking organization which the success of Kao Hsien-chih's operations indisputably attests in that long-forgotten Chinese leader and those who shared his efforts.
The location of Lien-yün near Sarhad, as originally proposed by M. Chavannes, is confirmed by the description of the battle by which the Chinese general rendered himself master of the Tibetan position and of the route it was intended to guard. The three Chinese columns operating, as I have shown, from the west, east, and north, "had agreed to effect their junction on the thirteenth day of the seventh month (August) between seven and nine o'clook in the morning at the Tibetan stronghold of Lien-yün. In that stronghold there were a thousand soldiers ; moreover, at a distance of 15 li (about 3 miles) to the south of the rampart, advantage had been taken of the mountains to erect palisades, behind which there were eight to nine thousand troops. At the foot of the rampart there flowed the river of the valley of Po-le, which was in flood and could not be crossed.20 Kao Hsien-chih made an offering of three victims to the river; he directed his captains to select their best soldiers and their best horses; each man carried rations of dry food for three days. In the morning, they assembled by the river-bank. As the waters were difficult to cross, officers and soldiers all thought the enterprise senseless. But when the other river-bank was reached, neither had the men wetted their standards nor the horses their saddle-cloths.
"After the troops had crossed and formed their ranks, Kao Hsien-chih, overjoyed, said to Pien Ling-ch'êng (the Imperial Commissioner): For a moment, while we were in the midst of the passage, our force was beaten if the enemy had come. Now that we have crossed and formed ranks, it is proof that Heaven delivers our enemies into our hands.' He at once ascended the mountain and engaged in a battle which lasted from the ch'en period (7-9 a.m.) to the 88ŭ period (9-11 a.m.). He inflicted a great defeat upon the barbarians, who fled when the night came. He pursųed them, killed 5,000 men, and made 1,000 prisoners; all the rest dispersed. He took more than 1,000 horses, and warlike stores and arms beyond counting."
The analysis given above of the routes followed by the Chinese columns, and what we shall show below of Kao Hsien-chih's three days' march to Mount T'an-chü, or the Darkot, confirm M. Chavannes in locating the Tibetan stronghold of Lien-yün near the present Sarhad, the last permanent settlement on the uppermost Oxus. It is equally clear from the description of the river crossing that the Chinese concentration must have taken place on the right or northern bank of the Ab-i-Panja, where the hamlets constituting the present Sarhad are situated, while the stronghold of Lien-yün lay on the opposite left bank.
Before I was able to visit the ground in May 1906, I had already expressed the belief that the position taken up by the Tibetan main force, 15 li (circ. 3 miles) to the south of Lien: yün, must be looked for in the valley which debouches on the Ab-i-Panja opposite to Sarhad.21 It is through this open valley that the remarkable depression in the main Hindukush range represented by the Baroghil and Shawitakh saddles (12,460 and 12,560 feet respectively), is gained. I also surmised that the Chinese general, apart from the confidence aroused by the successful river crossing, owed his victory mainly to a flanking movement by which his troope gained the heights, and thus suecessfully turned the fortified line behind which the Tibetans were awaiting them.
30 M. Chavannee has shown (Turca occidentaux, p. 164) that this name Po-k is a misreading oasily explained in Chinese writing for So-18 mentioned elsewhore as a town in Ha-mi or Wakhan.
11 See Ancient Khotan, i. p. 7

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The opinion was confirmed by what I saw of the valley leading to the Oxus on my descent from the Baroghil on 19 May 1906, and by the examination I was able to make two days later of the mountain-side flanking its debouchure from the west. The valley into which the route leads down from the Baroghil is quite open and easy about Zartighar, the southernmost hamlet. There a ruined watch-tower shows that defence of the route had been a concern also in modern times. Further down the valley-bottom gradually contracts, though still offering easy going, until, from a point about 2 miles below Zartighar to beyond the scattered homesteads of Pitkhar, 29 its width is reduced to between one-half and onethird of a mile. On both sides this defile is flanked by high and very precipitous rocky ridges, the last offshoots of spurs which descend from the main Hindukush watershed.
These natural defences seemed to provide just the kind of position which would recommend itself to the Tibetans wishing to bar approach to the Baroghil, and thus to safe. guard their sole line of communication with the Indus Valley. The width of the defile would account for the comparatively large number of defenders recorded by the Chinese Annals for the enemy's main line ; the softness of the ground at its bottom, which is almost perfectly level, covered with fine grass in the summer, and distinctly swampy in the spring owing to imperfect drainage, would explain the use of palisades, at first sight a rather strange method of fortification in these barren mountains. Finally, the position seemed to agree curiously well with what two historical instances of modern times, the fights in 1904 at Guru and on the Karo-la, had revealed as the typical and time-bonoured Tibetan scheme of defence-to await attack behind a wall erected across the open ground of a valley or saddle.
There remained the question whether the defile of Pitkhar was capable of being turned by an attack on the flanking heights such as the Chinese record seemed plainly to indicate. The possibility of such a movement on the east was clearly precluded by the extremely precipitous character of the flanking spur, and still more by the fact that the summer flood of the Ab-i-Panja in the very confined gorge above Sarhad would have rendered that spur inaccessible to the Chinese operating from the northern bank of the river. All the greater was my satisfaction when I heard from my Wakhi informants of ruins of an ancient fort, known as Kansir, situated on the precipitous crest of the flanking spar westwards, almost opposite to Pitkhar. During the single day's halt, which to my regret was all that circumstances would allow me at Sarhad, I was kept too busy otherwise to make a close inspection of the ground where the Tibetan post of Lien-yün might possibly have been situated. Nothing was known locally of old remains on the open alluvial plain which adjoins the river at the mouth of the valley coming from the Baroghil; nor were such likely to survive long on ground liable to inundation from the Oxus, flowing here in numerous shifting channels with a total width of over & mile.
23 Tho Pixkhar of sketch-map 2 is a misprint.
33 In my noto in Ancient Khotan, p. 9, I had ventured to suggest that, considering how scanty timber must at all times have been about Sarhad, there was some probability that walls or "Sangars" constructed of loose stonos were really meant by the " palisados " montioned in the translation of the passage from the T'ang Annals.
This suggestion illustrates afresh the risk run in doubting the accuracy of Chinese records on quasitopographical points without adequate local knowledge. On the one hand, I found that the peculour nature of the soil in the defile would make the construction of heavy stone walls inadvisable, if not distinctly difficult. On the other, my subsequent march up the Ab-i-Panja showed that, though timber was ag scarce about Sarhad itself as I had been led to assume, yet there was abundance of willow and other jungle in parts of the narrow river gorge one march higher up near the debouchure of the shaor and Baharak streams. This could well have been used for palisadeg after being floated down by the river.

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Even if the exact position of Lien-yön thus remained undetermined, my short stay at Sarhad sufficed to convince me how closely local conditions agreed with the details of Kao Hsien-chih's exploit in crossing the Oxug. The river at the time of the summer flood must, indeed, present a very imposing appearance as it spreads out its waters over the wide valley. bottom at Sarhad. But the very separation of the waters makes fording always possible éven at that season, provided the passage takes place in the early morning, when the flood due to the melting snow and ice is temporarily reduced by the effect of the night's frost on the glaciers and snow-beds at the head of the Ab-i-Panja. The account in the Annals distinctly shows that the river passage must have been carried out at an early hour of the morning, and thus explains the complete success of an otherwise difficult operation._
I was able to trace the scene of the remaining portion of the Chinese general's exploit when, on May 21, I visited the ruined fortifications reported on the steep spur overlooking the debouchure of the Baroghil stream from the west and known as Kansir. After riding across the level plain of sand and marsh, and then along the flat bottom of the Pitkhar de Ale for a total distance of about 3 miles, we left our ponies at a point a little to the south of some absolutely impracticable rock faces which overlook Pitkhar from the west. Then, guided by a few Wakhis, I climbed to the crest of the western spur, reaching it only after an hour's hard scramble over steep slopes of rock and shingle. There, beyond a stretch of easily sloping ground and about 300 feet higher, rose the old fort of Kansir at the extreme north end of the crest. Between the narrow ridge occupied by the walls and bastions and the continuation of the spur south-westwards a broad dip seemed to offer an easy descent towards the hamlet of Karkat on the Oxus.
It was clearly for the purpose of guarding this approach that the little fort had been erected on this exposed height. On the north and east, where the end of the spur falls away in unscalable cliffs to the main valley of the Oxus and towards the mouth of the Pitkhar defile, some 1600 to 1700 feet below, structural defences were needless. But the slope of the ridge facing westwards and the narrow neck to the south had been protected on the crest by a bastioned wall for a distance of about 400 feet. Three bastions facing west and south-west, and one at the extreme southern point, still rose, in fair preservation in parts, to a height of over 30 feet. The connecting wall-curtains had suffered more, through the foundations giving way on the steep incline. Of structures inside the little fort there remained no trace.
Definite archæological evidence as to the antiquity of the little fortification was supplied by the construction of the walls. Outside a core of closely packed rough stones they show throughout a solid brick facing up to 6 feet in thickness, with regular thin layers of brushwood separating the courses of large sun-dried bricks. Now this systematic use of brushwood layers is a characteristic peculiarity of ancient Chinese construction in Central Asia, intended to assure greater consistency under climatic conditions of particular dryness in regions where ground and structures alike are liable to constant wind erosion. My explorations around Lop-nor and on the ancient Chinese Limes of Tun-huang have conclusively proved that it dates from the very commencement of Chinese expansion into Central Asia. 24 At the same time my explorations in the Tarim basin have shown also that the Tibetan invaders of the Tang period, when building their forts, did not neglect to copy this constructive expedient of their Chinese predecessors and opponents in these regions.26 On
24 €4., e.g., Desert Cathay, i. pp. 397 899., 540 899.; ii. pp. 44, 50, etc.
26 This was distinctly observed by me in the Tibetan forts at Miran and Mazar-tagh, built and occupied in the 8th century A.D., ; cf. Serindia, pp. 457 1285 899.

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various grounds which cannot be discussed here in detail it appears to me very probable that the construction of the Kansir walls was due to the Tibetan invaders of Wakhan. But whether the fortification existed already when Kao Hsien-chih carried the Tibetan main position by an attack on its mountain flank, or whether it was erected by the Tibetans when they returned after the retirement of the Chinese some years later, and were, perhaps, anxious to guard against any repetition of this move outflanking a favourite defensive position, I am unable to say.
The viotory thus gained by Kao Hsien-chih on the Oxus had been signal, and it was followed up by him with the boldness of a truly great commander. The Imperial Commissioner and certain other high officers feared the risks of a further advance. So kao Hsien-chih decided to leave them behind together with over 3,000 men who were sick or worn out by the previous hardships, and to let them guard Lien-yün. With the rest of his troops he "pushed on, and after three days arrived at Mount T'an-chü; from that point downwards there were precipices for over 40 li (circ. 8 miles) in a straight line. Kao Hsien-chih surmised: *If the barbarians of A-nu-yueh were to come to meet us promptly, this would be the proof of their being well-disposed.' Fearing besides that his soldiers would not care to face the descent (from Mount T'an-chü), he employed the strategem of sending twenty horsemen ahead with orders to disguise themselves in dress as if they were barbarians of the town of A-nu-ygeh, and to meet his troops on the summit of the mountain. When the troops had got up Mount T'an-chu they, in fact, refused to make the descent, saying, 'To what sort of places would the Commissioner-in-Chief have us go ?' Before they had finished speaking, the twenty men who had been sent ahead came to meet them with the report: The barbarians of the town of A-nu-yüeh are all well-disposed and eager to welcome you ; the destruction of the bridge over the So-yi river is completed.' Kao Hsien-chih pretended to rejoice, and on his giving the order all the troops effected their descent."
After three more marches the Chinese force was in reality met by “the barbarians of the town of A-nu-yüeh" offering their submission. The same day Kao Hsien-chih sent ahead an advance guard of a thousand horsemen, charging its leader to secure the persons of the chiefs of "Little Po-la " through a ruse. This order having been carried out, on the following day Kao Hsien-chih himself occupied A-nu-yueh, and had the five or six dignitaries who were supporting the Tibetans executed. He then hastened to have the bridge broken which spanned the So-yi river at a distance of 60 li, or about 12 miles, from A-nu-yueh. “Scarcely had the bridge been destroyed in the evening when the Tibetans, mounted and on foot, arrived in great numbers, but it was then too late for them to attain their obiect. The bridge was the length of an arrow-shot; it had taken a whole year to construct it. It had been built at the time when the Tibetans, under the pretext of using its route, had by deceit possessed themselves of Little P'o-la.” Thus secured from a Tibetan counter-attack on Yasin, Kao Hsien-chih prevailed upon the king of Little Po-lü to give himself up from his hiding-place, and completely pacified the territory.
The personal acquaintance with the ground which I gained in 1906 on my journey up the Yarkhun, or Mastuj, valley and across to Sarhad, and again on my move up Yasin and across the Darkot in 1913, has rendered it easy to trace the successive stages here recorded of Kao Hsien-chih's great exploit. All the details furnished by the Chinese record agree accurately with the important route that leads across the depression in the Hindukush range, formed by the adjacent Baroghil and Shawitakh Passes, to the sources of the Mastuj river, and then, surmounting southwards the ice-covered Darkot Pass (circ. 15,400 feet), descende

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the valley of Yasin to its debouchure on the main river of Gilgit. The only serious natural obstacle on this route, but that a formidable one, is presented by the glacier pass of the Darkot. I first ascended it on 17 May 1906, from the Mastuj side, under considerable difficulties, and to a description of that visit and the photographic illustrations which accompany it I may here refer for all details. 26
Owing to a curious orographio configuration two great ice-streams descend from the northern face of the Darkot pass. One, the Darkot glacier properly so-called, slopes down to the north-west with an easy fall for a distance of nearly 8 miles, pushing its snout to the foot of the Rukang spur, where it meets the far steeper Chatiboi glacier. The other ice-stream, which on the map is shown quite as long, but which reliable information represents as somewhat shorter, descends towards the north-east and ends some miles above the summer grazing ground of Showar-shur on the uppermost Yarkhun river. Thus two divergent routes offer themselves to the traveller who reaches the Darkot pass from the south and wishes to proceed to the Oxug.
The one, keeping to the Darkot glacier, which I followed myself on my visit to the Darkot pass, has its continuation in the easy track which crosses the Rukang spur, and then the Yarkhun river below it to the open valley known as Baroghil-yailak. Thenoe it ascends over a very gentle grassy slope to the Baroghil saddle, characteristically called Dasht-iBaroghil, “the plain of Baroghil." From this point it leads down over equally easy ground, past the hamlet of Zartighar, to the Ab-i-Panja opposite Sarhad. The other route, after descending the glacier to the north-east of the Darkot Pass, passes down the Yarkhun river past the meadows of Showar-shur to the grazing ground of Shawitakh-yailak; thence it reaches the Hindukush watershed by an easy gradient near the lake of Shawitakh or Sarkhin-zhoe. The saddles of Baroghil and Shawitakh are separated only by about 2 miles of low gently sloping hills, and at Zartighar both routes join.
The distances to be covered between the Darkot pass and Sarhad are practically the same by both these routes, so far as the map and other available information allow me to judge. My original intention in 1906 was to examine personally those portions of both routes which lie over the néve-beds and glaciers of the Darkot. But the uncertain weather conditions prevailing at the time of my ascent, and the exceptional difficulties then encountered owing to the early season and the heavy snowfall of that spring, effectively prevented my plan of ascending from the foot of the Rukang spur and descending to Showar-shur. In 1913 I was anxious to complete my examination of the Darkot by a descent on the latter route. But my intention was unfortunately frustrated by the fact that the passage of the glacier on the Showar-shur side had been blocked for several years past by an impracticable ice-fall which had formed at its end.
Having thus personal experience only of the north-west route, I am unable to judge to what extent present conditions justify the report which represents the glacier part of the north-eastern route as somewhat easier. It is, however, a fact that the Pamir Boundary Commission of 1895, with its hervy transport of some six hundred ponies, used the latter route both coming from and returning to Gilgit. The numerous losses reported
20 Soo Desert Cathay, i. pp. 52 age. In 1913 I crossed the Darkot from the Yasin side towards the close of August, s.e., at the very season when Kao Hsien-chih effected his passage. The difficulties then encountered in the deep snow of the new beds on the top of the pass, on the great and much. créased glacier to the north, and on the huge side morainee along which the descent leads, impressed me as much as before with the greatness of Keo Hsien-chih's alpino feat in taking a military force acros the Darkot.

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of animals and loads show that here, too, the passage of the much-crevassed glacier and the treacherous snow.covered moraines proved a very serious difficulty for the transport. Nevertheless, inasmuch as for a force coming from the Wakhan side the ascent to the Darkot pass from the nearest practicable camping ground would be about 1,300 feet less by the Showar-shur route than by that passing the Rukang spur, I consider it probable that the former was used.
Kao Hsien-chih's biography states that it took the Chinese general three days to reach "Mount Tan-chü," i.e., the Darkot, but does not make it quite clear whether thereby the arrival at the north foot of the range or on its crest is meant. If the latter interpretation is assumed, with the more rapid advance it implies, it is easy to account for the time taken by & reference to the ground; for, although the Shawitakh-Baroghil saddle is crossed without any difficulty in the summer after the snow has melted, no military force accompanied by baggage animals could accomplish the march from Sarhad across the Darkot in less than three days, the total marching distance being about 30 miles. Even a four days' march to the crest, as implied in the first interpretation, would not be too large an allowance, considering the high elevations and the exceptional difficulties offered by the glacier ascent at the end.
The most striking evidence of the identity of "Mount T'an-chü” with the Darkot is supplied by the description given in the record of "the precipices for over 40 li in a straight line” which dismayed the Chinese soldiers on looking down from the heights of Mount T'an-chü; for the slope on the southern face of the Darkot is extremely steep, as I found on my ascent in 1913, and as all previous descriptions have duly emphasized. The track, mostly over moraines and bare rock, with a crossing of a much-crevassed glacier en route, descends close on 5,000 feet in a distance of little more than 5 miles before reaching, near a ruined "Darband," or Chiusa, the nearest practicable camping ground above the small village of Darkot.
(To be continued.) EARLY HISTORY OF INDIAN FAMINES.*
BY P. N. RAMASWAMI, B.A. (With an Additional Note by L. M. ANSTEY.)
(Continued from page 113.) . In his separate heading "Times of distress” (ch. VIII, s. 339 and foll.) Manu onnsiders other rules and regulations applicable to such times. The Kshatriya King was justified in the interests of public safety "in taking without sin even the fourth part of the orops." The other law-givers also give their own “famine-Sutras," of which a brief account must suffice. According to Yajfavalkya," when a man saves the life of a woman who has been abandoned in forests, or forsaken in time of famine, etc., he has a right to enjoy her as agreed upon during the rescue." And according to some other law-givers it was permissible for one who has been maintained during famine "to ransom himself from servitude by a pair of oxen." Famine in Hindu Law (vide Narada) is one of the recognised causes of slavery. Yajfavalkya also holds that a husband is not liable to make good the property of a wife taken by him during a famine. The authors of the Smritichandrika, the Dayu-Vibhaga, as well as Jimuta Vahana, recognise that a woman's ostate is subject to her husband's control in times of distress. Devala
. In the publication of those papers I have received very great help from my gifted and beloved master, Mr. P. T. Srinivasa Aiyangar. The Nestor of South Indian Historiaus spared no pains to mako these papers as comprehensive as possible. Several eminent woholars especially Pandit Srinivas Achariar and Fr. Steunkisto-have liberally helped me with facts, suggestiona, eto. I thank them all. I also take this opportunity to thank the St. Joseph's Collogo Library Staft for their kindly sor vicou during the preparation of those papers; and have much pleasure in thankfully acknowledging this unfailing courtesy, prompt and intelligent help.-P.N.R.

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mentions a woman's gains as part of the separate property over which sho has exclusive control, and which her husband cannot use except during famine. Katyayana lays down similar injunctions. As Mr. Mayne remarks, the Hindu law-givers unanimously agree that the husband may take his wife's property only in case of extreme distress, as in a famine, etc. (Mayne's Hindu Law and Usage, sec. 569 and foll., p. 632.)
Besides these important legal works, we also find ample references in the Twenty Sanhitas translated and published by M. N. Dutt. The importance of irrigation as a famine preventive is well recognised. The Vašistha Samhita-lays down among the duties of the King (ch. xvii, sloka 8): 'There shall be places for distributing water.' The Brahmans also encour. aged irrigation by promising "heaven" to those who dug canals, etc. The Vrihaspati Sanahita says (p. 429): 'He who excavates a now tank or reclaims an old one, lives gloriously in the celestial region after rescuing his entire family, eto' Similarly, the Likhita Sanhita (ch. I):
By purtta (digging of tanks, wells, etc.) one attains to emancipation. He who re-excavates and restores dilapidated wells, tanks, and lakes, reaps the fruits of Purtta acts.' The Satata pa and Sanivarta Sannhitas lay down similar injunctions. The Vishnu Sanhita categorically declares (ch. xci): "The half of the sin of a person, who has caused a well to be excavated, is extinguished just as water begins to well up from its bottom. (1) He who causes a tank to be excavated, goes to the region of Varuna and enjoys satisfaction each day, etc. But, in spite of all the efforts of the priests for the extension of irrigational works to prevent droughts and famine, these latter seem to have often prevailed.
The Dharmasastras contain indirect references to famines. The Sankha Sarshita would forbid even in times of distress, the twice-born wedding a Sudra girl, inasmuch as a son begotten by him of her will never find his salvation. The Parasara Samhita says: In disease, pestilence or famine, etc., a Sudra should cause a Brahmana to observe a fast or perform ceremonies. The Daksha Sanhita (p. 144, ch. III, 8. 17-18) specifies certain articles which should not be given away even in times of famine. The Atri Samhitz lays down the following minatory warnings : " The Kingdom where the ignorant partake of the food which should be taken by the learned, courts drought ; or a great calamity like pestilence or famine appears there. There the god of rain pours down showers (and there is no famine) where the king adores these, -the Brahmans learned in the Vedas and well versed in the scriptures."
Passing to the later period of the Age of Laws and Philosophy, we detect a similar state of affairs. We find numerous descriptions of famines in Sanskrit literature. But the best authority for this period is the Brahman minister Kautilya. In his Arthafastra(trans. R. Shama Sastri)—the contents of which are held by distinguished historians as describing the state of things before the establishment of the Maurya Empire-Kautilya enters into the following details of the measures to be taken for famine protection :
“During famine," says Kautilya," the king shall show favour to his people by providing them with seed and provisions. He may also do such works as are usually resorted to in calamities; he may show favour by distributing either his own collection of provisions or the hoarded income of the rich among the people, or seek help from his friends among kings;
" or the policy of thinning the rich by exacting excessive revenue (progressive taxation) or causing them to disgorge their accumulated capital (capital levy), may be resorted to;
" or the king with his subjects may emigrate to another kingdom where there is an abundant harvest ;
" or he may remove himself with his subjects to the seashore or to the banks of rivers or lakes. He may cause his subjects to grow vegetables, grain, roots and fruits wherever water is available. He may, by hunting and fishing on a large scale, provide the people with wild boasts, birds, fish," etc. (Arthasastra, bk. 4, ch. II),

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Chanakya in his Arthasastra mentions other remedial and relief measures : (a) remission of taxes, (6) construction of relief works to keep the people remuneratively employed, and. (c) Famine Relief funds to which the wealthy were to be persuaded to handsomely sub. soribs by promises of titleg and honours. Kautilya, however, relies mainly on two relief measures to mitigate the horrors of famine, viz., the strict regulation of prices and the state distribution of corn among the famished people. The system of standardisation of prices is instructive :-" The Superintendent of commerce shall fix a profit of 5 per cent. over and above the fixed price of local commodities and ten per cent. on foreign produce. Merchants who enhance the price or realigo profit even to the extent of half a pana (a small denomination) more than the above in the sale or purchase of commodities, shall be punished with a fine of, from 5 panas in case of realising 100 panas up to 200 panas.
"Fines for greater enhancement shall be proportionately increased.
"Merchants who conspire eithor to prevent the sale of merchandise or to sell or purchase commodities at higher prices shall be fined 1,000 panas."
And as the ancient kings of India were themselves the greatest traders in the land and in very close touch with the movements of the market, they were able strictly but justly to regulate prices.
Secondly, the distribution of foodstuffs was easy in those days when people paid most of the taxes in kind and the king had a network of treasuries all over the land stored with foodstuffs. The granaries were stored with the finest grains : "grains pure and fresh," enjoins Kautilya, "shall be received in full measures; otherwise a fine twice the value of the grains shall be imposed."
Other interesting details are given in the Arthasastra which should be briefly indicated. Says Kautilya (p. 261): "There are eight kinds of providential visitations : they are fire, floods, pestilential diseases, famine, rats, tigers (vyalah), serpents and demons. From theso shall the king protect his kingdom ; " and he adds, like a true Brahman :"success in averting these is to be sought by worshipping Gods and Brahmanas." During drought Indra (Sachinatha), the Ganges, mountains and Mahakachchha were to be worshipped. On p. 54, kings are advised not to take possession of any country which is harassed by frequent visitation of famines. Elsewhere he naively observes, "the destruction of crops is worse than the destruction of handfuls (of grains), since it is the labour that is destroyed thereby; absence of rain is worse than too much rain” (p. 396). In chapter IV, Bk. VIII (p. 401), there is an interesting discussion between Kautilya and his master; "Providential calamities are fire, floods, pestilence, famine,
and the epidemic disease called maraka)." "My teacher says that, of pestilonce and famine, postilenco brings all kinds of business to a stop by causing obstruction to work on account of disease and death among men and owing to the flight of servants, whereas famine stops no work, but is productive of gold, cattle and taxes."
"No," says Kautilya, "pestilence devastates only a portion of the country and can be remedied; whereas famine causes trouble to the whole of the country, and occasions dearth of sustenance to all living creatures." Kautilya (Ch. 14, Bk. 7, p. 374) recognises the import. ance of irrigation works : irrigational works (setubhanda) are the source of crops; the results of a good shower of rain are ever attained in the case of crops below irrigational works" ; and says, "a King (Ch. I, Bk. 2, p. 53) shall also, in addition to his helping the ryots with grain, cattle, money, construct resorvoirs filled with water, either permanent or from some other source ; or he may provide with sites, roads, timber and other necessary things those who construct reservoirs of their own accord; and kings are warned not to be niggardly in

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Public Works expenditure ;" for the king will have to suffer in the end if he curtails the amount of expenditure on profitable works." (Ch. VII, Bk. 2, p. 71.)
Judging from the elaborate famine codes drawn up at this time it would not be unsafe to make the assertion that famines not unfrequently prevailed in Mauryan India. There is a tradition which asserts that in 603 B.c. and 433 B.O.(8) during the reign of the Emperor Jayachandra, a great pestilence and famine raged throughout Northern India (Balfour, Cyclopædia of India, art." famines"). It should, however, in all fairness be added that when famines did occur, adequate remedial and relief measures were promptly undertaken by the State." It should be cbserved,” says Mr. E. B. Havell (History of Aryan Rule in British India, p. 305), " that the regulation of prices and famine preventive measures had been a recognised branch of Hindu polity" :
But the deficient means of rapid communication and transport, as well as the widely prevailing agricultural indebtedness must have greatly mitigated the beneficial effects of these ameliorative efforts. A measure of the widespread agricultural indebtedness at this time can be had from the elaborate code of usury laws drawn up. The rate of interest, accord. ing to Vaśistha, for loans for which security was given was 15 per cent. per annum. Other articles might be lent at a much higher rate of interest. Similarly Gautama says that the rate of interest may vary from 15 to 800 per cent. !' He also montions no less than six different forms of interest, viz., compound interest, periodical interest, daily interest, stipulated interest, corporal interest, and the pawn interest. From these elaborate usury codes and other Sanskrit works we infer the great agricultural indebtedness at this time. This was fostered sometimes by the prevailing insecurity and maladministration ; but most often it was the direct outcome of the poverty of the people. Anyhow it engendered in the people that pessimism, passivity and lack of prospectiveness which rendered them nerveless in the struggle against famines; and made the rigours of famine cruel and hard.
Buddhist India, B.C. 820—300 A.D. In Buddhist India (B.C. 300-A.D. 300) it was no better. Famines resulting from drought were of frequent occurrence. Wo find numerous descriptions of famines in Pali and Sanskrit literature : "We find many references (especially in the Jataka talos) to times of great scarcity, and that too in the very districts adjacent to Patali Putra where Chandragupta held his magnificent court” (Rhys Davids, Buddhist India, p. 50). It is related in one of the Jataka Tales (Jataka Tales, Cowell and Rouse, vol. II, Tale No. 276, p. 262 and foll.) “that in the kingdom of Kalinga, in the reign of a king, also named Kalinga, the rain fell not and because of the drought there was famine in the land. The people thought that lack of food might produce a pestilence; and there was fear of drought and fear of famine,-these three fears were over present before them. The people wandered about destituto hither and thither leading their children by the hand. All the people in the kingdom gathered together and came to Santapura ; and there at the King's door made outcry.
"As the king stood by the window he heard the noise and asked the people why they were making all that noise.
“'O Sire," was the reply, 'three fears have seized upon all your kingdom. There falls no rain, the crops fail, there is a famine. The people starved, destituto, are wandering about with their little ones by the hand; make rain for us, o King!'"
• For further particulars, consult R. O. Dutt, History of Ancient Civilisation in India, vole. I and II
1 The interest on products of animals, on wool, on the produot of flold and on boasts of burdən ahal increase more than five-fold the value of the object, etc.

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"Said the King, What used former monarchs to do, if it would not rain!'
" 'Former monarchs, O King 1 if it would not rain, used to give alms, to keep the holy day, to make vows of virtue and to lie down seven days in their chamber on a grass pallet; then the rain would fall!'" etc.
The Jataka Tales record another great famine in Kalinga. “Now at that time there was a drought in the kingdom of Kalinga ; the corn grew not, there was a great famine, and men being unable to live, took to robbery” (Jataka, book xxii, No. 547). Another Jataka Tale records a famine in Benares (Vol. v, Book xviii, Tale No. 526, p. 100): "Once upon a time when Brahmadatta ruled in Benares, . . . . for the space of three years rain stopped from falling in the kingdom of Kabi; and the country became, as it were, scorched up, and when no crops ripened, the people under the stress of famine gathered themselves together in the palace-yard and reproached the King. Taking his stand at an open window, he asked what was the matter? 'Your majesty,' they said, 'for three years no rain has fallen, and the whole kingdom is burnt up, and the people are suffering greatly; cause rain to fall, sire,'" etc. Compare also the significant description of a king and his country: "O! yes. In the kingdom all is well; the countryside is at peace; the animals all strong to work ; and the rain clouds do not cease." (Jataka Tales, Vol. VI, Bk. 22, Tale No. 547, p. 301.) In the reign of the great Emperor Chandragupta well-concerted precautionary measures were undertaken by the State to mitigate the horrors of famine. A magnificent system of canals with sluices was constructed and maintained under the strict supervision of departmental officers. The Greek writers make mention of this splendid irrigation system. Megasthenes remarks that imperial officers were wont to "measure lands as in Egypt, and inspect the sluices by which water is distributed into the branch canals so that every one may enjoy his fair share of the benefit." (V. A. Smith, Early History of India, p. 133.) Arrian and Strabo notice it. Dion Chrysostom writes: "There are many channels to convey. water from the rivers, some of them large, and others which are smaller and mingle with each other. These are made by the inhabitants as suits their pleasure, and they (Indians) convey water in ducts with facility, just as you convey water for the irrigation of your garden " (M'Crindle, Ancient India, p. 175). These precautionary measures, however, were not crowned with complete success.
Famines of long duration and intensity occurred in Mauryan India. A tradition affirmeand there is nothing incredible in it--that a famine lasting twelve years devastated Northern India at the end of the reign of the Emperor Chandragupta. It is also said that a large body of people migrated at this time to Southern India (V. A. Smith, Oxford History of India, Bk. II, ch. I, p. 75). Of Bindusara and his times we possess little or no information. Though no account of a famine or drought in Asoka's reign has been handed down to us, we know something of that great Emperor's irrigational activities from the inscription of the Satrap Rudradaman engraved soon after the year A.D. 150 on the famous rock at Girnar in Kathiawar.
We have little or no information of the feeble successors of Asoka. The Mauryan dynasty was replaced in or about 185 B.c. by the Sunga dynasty; and till the rise of the Gupta power, we have no detailed record of the autonomous, anarchical condition of the people. Agricul. tural indebtedness prevailed widely. There is constant reference to promissory notes, and the Buddhist law books give the rate of interest for loans on security as about 18 per cent. per annum ; but the current rate of interest was much higher and ranged from 18 to 30 per cent. (Cf. Rhys Davids, Buddhist India, p. 102). In 138 B.C. a drought which prevailed through out the world, also visited India (Balfour, Cyclopaedia of India, art. "droughts"). In the anarchical times that intervened between the dissolution of the Mauryan Empire and the rise of the Gupta power, droughts and famines must have been of frequent occurrence ; but this is merely a conjecture based upon insufficient data.

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Gupta Period, A.D. 320 - 500. In the Gupta period we have ample evidence of the condition of the people left by Chinese travellers. That prince of travellers, Fa-Hien, while recording the general prosperity of the kingdom, "algo testifies that several districts had retrograded in population and wealth. The causes of this decay were probably droughts and famines. The contemporaneous author of the Sukraniti is however more explicit. He is to the Gupta period what Kautilya is to the Maurya period.
The author of the Sukraniti recognises the great importance of seasonal rainfall. "Can the nourishment," he asks," that is due to the water from the skies be derived from the water of the rivers, etc.?" (ch. V., sec. 1, p. 261); and wisely concludes,." Where the clouds do not pour rain in season, thero the lands are not productive, the commonwealth deteriorates and enemies are increased and wealth is destroyed.” (Ch. IV, Sec. I, p. 132.) The ravages of droughts were common; and the author speaks of "perpetual famines." He elsewhere gives a graphic description of the impoverished people: “Through abject poverty some people came under the subjugation of enemies, some courted death, some went to the villages, some to the hills, some fell into utter ruin and some became mad. And, owing to insufficiency of wealth, some came to be the subjects of others" (B. K. Sarkar, Sukraniti, p. 116). These famines must have been caused by drought; for Varahamihira, the great astronomer who lived at this time, mentions in his writings the theory of the connection between sunspots and droughts, and this knowledge must have been the result of personal observation.
Sukracharya relies mainly on two Famine Relief measures : (1) the extension of irrigation and (2) the storage of food-grains. After exhorting kings not to be niggardly in Public Works expenditure, he lays down the following rules for the proper storage of foodstuffs in the Royal granaries :
“Grains should be collected, sufficient to meet the wants of three years in proper seasons, by the King for his own good as well as for that of the commonwealth.
“The king should store up those grains that are well-developed, bright, the best of the species, dry, new, or have good colour, smell, and taste, the famous ones, durable and the dear ones - not others.
“He should not preserve those that have been attacked by poisons, fire, or snows or eaten by worms and insects or those that have been hollowed out, but should use them for immediate consumption.
"And the king should carefully replace every year by new instalments the exact amounts of those consumed." (Cb. IV, sec. II, p. 141.)
Though the Gupta line did not become extinct until the early part of the eighth century, the history of the later Gupta kings is merged in obscurity; and we possess no information of famines during this period. “In 297 A.D. in Magadha a famine is said to have raged. This is however merely a legend" (Dutt, History of India, vol. II, p. 317). The political disorders which followed the decay of the Gupta dynasty were checked for a time by the strong arm of Harsha, who succeeded partially in bringing the whole of India "under one umbrella." The reign of Harsha seems to have been singularly free from great famines. Minor inflictions may have occurred, but are not recorded. In A.D. 640 Harsha died. At this time a severe famine caused by drought inflicted Aryavarta with the greatest hardships. (E. B. Havell, History of Aryan Rule in India, p. 249.). After the death of Harsha, India was broken up into a number of potty states, of whose history for oenturies we have little or no knowledge.
(To be continued.)

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JUNE, 1923 ] REMARKS ON 1HE ANDAMAN 18LANDERS AND THEIR COUNTRY
REMARKS ON THE ANDAMAN ISLANDERS AND THEIR COUNTRY. BY SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE, BT., C.B., C.I.E., F.S.A., Chief Commissioner, Andaman and Nicobar Islands, from A.D. 1894 to 1903.
I. Introduction.
151
IN 1919-201 yet another of the many Commissions, deputed by the Government of India to enquire into the Penal Settlement at Port Blair in the Andaman Islands, visited that place and reported thereon. The object of the Commission differed greatly from that of all its predecessors in that they were sent with a view to improving the administration of the Indian Penal System, while this one was political and was sent to see if the Penal Settlement should be retained or abolished, preferably the latter. The Commission duly found reasons for recommending that it should be abolished as soon as practicable, and assuming the Gov. ernment of India to adopt that policy, it becomes important to give to the scientific world the information about the aborigines of the Islands contained in the official Census Report of 1901, as it was a detailed summary of all that was known about them up to that date. This Report was written by myself after several years' experience as Head of the Administration of the Islands and a very long acquaintance with them. Naturally it provided much information not readily procurable elsewhere. Moreover, if the Penal Settlement is actually abolished, the incentive to maintain interest in the aborigines will disappear, and the old official reports on them will be lost to sight. This alone is a reason for preserving such portions of them as are of value to the ethnologist.
But there is a further reason. The Census Report in question has long been out of print, while its successors have not contained the same kind of ethnological information, and I have found that books, articles and papers, even by scholars and searchers of the highest authority, show that they have not heard of the Report, and have made or perpetuated errors in matters of detail, which it is a pity to let run on for ever. without providing a means for checking them. I have therefore selected such portions of the Report as deal with Ethnology and kindred subjects for my present purpose. The linguistic portion has already been reproduced with amendments in the Indian Antiquary.3
Yet another reason for extending knowledge about the Andamanese is that they are a moribund race and the old characteristics of such as survive are fast becoming lost under contact with Europeans and civilised Asiatics. The diminution of the aboriginal population has gone on steadily with each succeeding generation, and even as I write I have news that there lately died at Port Blair the last of the Akà-Bêas, the only tribe of which an extensive knowledge has ever been acquired, through the prolonged labours of Mr. E. H. Man. I am
1 Report of the Indian Jaile Committee, 1919-20. London: 1921.
3 Census of India, 1901: The Andaman and Nicobar Islande-Report on the Census.
3 A Plan for a Uniform Scientific Record of the Languages of Savages, ante, Vol. XXXVI, pp. 181 ff.
Mr. Man's works on the Andamans comprise the following:-Notes on two maps of the Andaman Islands (with R. C. Temple): See Journal of the Royal Geographical Society, 1880. The Lord's Prayer in the South Andaman Language (with R. C. Temple); Thacker, Spink & Co., Calcutta, 1877. The Arts of the Andamanese and Nicobarese, with observations by Major-Genl. A. Lane Fox, F.R.S. (Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, Vol. VII, 1878.) On the Andaman and Nicobar objects presented to Major-Geni A. Pitt-Rivers, F.R.S. (Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, Vol. XI, Feb. 1882.) On the Aboriginal Inhabitants of the Andaman Islands. Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, Vol. XII, 1883. (This was published in book form by Trübner & Co. for the Royal Anthropological Institute in 1884.)

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informed also that the diminution in numbers is now very marked among the Onges, the latest of the tribes to beoome 'friendly.'
In addition to all this, there has lately been published a new book on the Andaman Islanders by Mr. A. R. Brown, who spent about 18 months, largely in the North Andaman, between 1906 and 1908 as a professed anthropologist. In this book he often criticises the work of his predecessors, especially that of Mr. Man, and propounds what is to all intents and purposes a new theory of social anthropology. I am not in agreement with many of his statements as to facts, and it will be as well perhaps to commence the present disquisition by an examination of his book.
The plan I therefore propose to adopt for these remarks is to divide them into the following parts-(1)-the Introduction; (2) a criticism of Mr. Brown's book generally(3) a criticism of his system of writing the language; (4) an exposition of his new theory :(5) an amended statement of the contents of the Census Report, 1901; (6) a bibliography of the whole subject.
Brown's Andaman Islanders: Observations.
(a) Census of 1901. I have had reason to notioe the first part of Mr. Brown's book (Observations) elsewhere, but for the sake of olearness I will here restate the gist of what I have said and make certain additions thereto in support of my former criticisms.
Mr. Brown' has exhibited two unfortunate habits in his work : (1) pitting his own observations against those of his predecessors and deciding in favour of his own without reference to relative opportunities for observing, and (2) appropriating without acknowledgment information collected by them, including the benefit he has clearly had from their labours and discoveries. And he has had the further misfortune (shall we call it ?) to adopt a system of reducing the language to writing by an unsuitable method in deliberate preference to a long established and well-known practice. The idiosyncrasies of Mr. Brown thus indioated are brought to the notice of the reader with sufficient clearness, and I do not suppose that anything I can write here will influence him, but nevertheless in the interests of the understanding of this remarkable people and of the lessons in anthropology to be drawn from a study of them, the oriticisms that follow are necessary. I may as well, however, say at once that the illustrations in Mr. Brown's book are first rate, and that his theory in the second part of it is admirably developed, and so the book on the whole is good and well worth study: all the more reason for noticing what seems to be wrong in it.
Mr. Brown's trend of mind, as exhibited in this book, leads him to lay too much stress on his own powers of observation and too little on those of his predecessors. Indeed, he seems at times to go out of his way to disagree with their results, sometimes on quite minor points, even where they, like himself, have been students of experience, but, in some cases, with far better opportunities for observation. He is partioularly unfair to Mr. Man from the very beginning. In his Introduction itself there is a statement which, considering his opportunities of ascertaining the facts, ought not to have crept in. He writes (p. 20)-"By far the most important of these (a number of writings) is a work by Mr. E. H. Man, who was for
The Andaman Islanders. A study in social anthropology. (Anthony Wilkin studentship research, 1906) by A. R. Brown, M.A. Formerly Fellow of Trinity Coll., Cambridge.
• Man, a Monthly Record of Anthropological Science. Vol. XXII, pp. 121-127, Aug. 1922. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, April 1923, pp. 288-292. Nature, July 1922, Vol. 110, pp. 106-108. Goog. Journal, Vol. LX, pp. 371-2, Nov. 1922.

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some years an officer of the Penal Settlement of Port Blair, and for four years of that time was in charge of the Andamanese Home. Mr. Man made a special study of the language of the Aka-Bia tribe and compiled an extensive vocabulary, which, however, has never been published." But what are the facts, which could easily have become known to Mr. Brown by the date of his visit to the Andamans and the publication of his book ? Mr. Man had retired before he arrived at the Andamans, after well over thirty years' continuous service there, during all of which he was in actual close touch with the Andamanese, even when he was not in technical charge of them. After his retirement he has continued his labours on his Dictionary to the present day, having begun them in 1874, nearly fifty years ago. I may add here, though Mr. Brown evidently did not know this when he wrote, that the Dictionary has been published in this Journal in the course of 1919-1922. These remarks on Mr. Brown's statement lead fairly to the observation that it is always unwise to belittle the work of predecessors. I emphasize this point because it bears on the relative authority of Mr. Man and of Mr. Brown in cases whure their opinions are found to differ.
To go into particulars. Some geographical and orographical detailed statements are made in a general way in the baginning of Mr. Brown's Introduction in round figures, in the course of which thara are ramarks on the climate. These last are pretty clearly taken, and I suspect some of the others, too, from the Census Report of 1901. Any one reading the Report' will become aware of the labour with which such information was gathered and recorded, but there is no indication in Mr. Brown's Introduotion as to the source of his state. ments. It may be that he has collated the Report with the work of other writers, and he might, if he had chosen, been much more accurate than he is in his statements. They are, however, merely introductory to his main story and therefore not of much consequenoe, except as exhibiting the trend of his method.
The length of time of the existence of the Andamanese in their present habitat is a question of some importance from the point of view of cultural anthropology, as their isolation therein through the ages and the reasons therefore are pretty well accepted. If the last point is agreed to, then we have, or at least had when Mr. Man first began to investigate the Andamanese, an unprogressive race representing the earliest known stage of culture without contact from outside that it is now possible to study. Therefore the question of the islands being once part of the Asiatic mainland is of great consequence, wben we come to consider the points whether this remarkable people represent a race once occupying the South-East corner of Asia and what is now known as the Malay Archipelago, or whether they are emigrants from some part thereof. It will be readily seen that if it can be shown that the Andamanoso were on their present site before it consisted of islands, and also that there are still traces of Negritos of their class in India, Burma and the Arehipelago, an important point in anthropological history would be gained.
Mr. Brown seems inclined to admit the probability of the Andaman Islands being at one time joined to the Continent, and in this belief he is supported, to my mind, by the geological, biological and conchological evidence hitherto gathered about them. But he argues (p. 5) as if the connection between the islands and the continent had definitely orased before the Andamanese had reached them. Against such an assumption can be Ret the apparent age of some of their kitchen-middens, some terms in their language, and the tradition of a cataolyam everywhere among the people, so far as any reliance can be placed on this last, and it seems to me that Mr. Brown has dismissed this argument
Oenou of India, 1901: Andaman and Nicobar Islands, Pp. 37-40.

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on too littlo enquiry. Unfortunately, other recognised Negrito races of South-East Asia, e... Semange and Abtas, have been much in contact with past or present inhabitants of their neighbourhood, but surely it is still too early to say of the Further Indian (Indo. Chinese), Archipelagic, or even Indian jungles, that there are no other people of the Negrito type traceable therein-not even in customs, beliefs or language.
In Mr. Brown's general account of the history of the Islands I recognise much of the Census Report, and en passar) I would note that Mr. Brown does not seem to know of the existence of those two great editions of Marco Polo that go under the revered names of Henry Yule and lenri Cordier.
Inter alia Mr. Brown remarks in effect that the Andamanese are divided into groups of one race, and their speech into languages of one family, though he observes that these last are mutually unintelligible. What he does not state is that these foots were elicited at great labour extended over a long period by Mr. E. H. Man and the writer of these notes, and in the course of his remarks oa this point he makes & statement to which I must revert for a space, as it is so typical of his method when dealing with the work of other people.
He says (p. 12) that "the natives of the Little Andaman refer to themselves as Onge (men). It is probable that the 80-called Jarawa of the South Andaman have the same word. In a vocabulary obtained by Colebrooke in 1790 from a Jarawa near Port Blair, the word Mincopie is given as meaning a native of the Andaman Islands." It is not unfair to Mc. Brown to say that a stranger, say a student of anthropology in his own University (Cam. bridge), on reading this passage, would have no idea as to where he obtained the information on which he has based the statement just quoted. I will now quote from my own Grammar of the Andamanese Language in the Census Report, 1901.8 At p. 116 of the Report I discuss the question of proofs of the existence of Northern and Southern Groups in the Language, and then pa9s on (p. 117) to an examination of an Outer Group (Onge-Jarawa). "In turning to the Onga-Jarawa Group, one finds that the hostility of the Jarawas, and the only recent friendlines of th) Ongas combined with the inaccessibility of the island they inhabit, have caused the knowledge of their language to be but slight. However, we have the careful Vocabulary of Colebrooke made in 1790 and those made by Portman just a century later. An examination of these affords sufficient results for the present purpose : viz., proof of the fundamental identity of the languaga of these people with that of the rest of the Andaman Tribəs, and what is, perhaps, quite as interesting, proof that Colebrooke's informant really was a Jarawa. A comparison of such of Portman's words as can be compared with Colebrooke's, when shown with roots and affixes separated and reduced to one system of tran. scription, produces the following results; noting that in their actual lists, both enquirers fell into the natural error of taking the prefixed inflected ' personal pronouns' to be essential parts of the words to which they were attached."
I next proceed in the same place to pull to pieces, so as to show roots, 67 words given by both Colebrooke (1790) and Portman (1892), and approximately 9 other words from Colebrooke and 28 from Portman. 10 In Appendix B of this part of the Census Report
& Roprinted in this Journal with amendments : vol. XXXVI, pp. 217 ft. . Not reprinted here in detail.
10 Portman is unfortunately always difficult to follow in his linguistic atatements as they are so uncertain. His vocabularios no apt to differ frequently from the statements in his lists of sentonces, and where his vooabularies can be compared they are inconstant : but at p. 731, vol. II, of his History of our Relations with the Andamanono, bo gives a comparative list of Jarawa and Onge words from his own observations.

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I further disouss a list of about 250 Onge words. Next I go into roots and affixes in detail to show (p. 120) how the words reported by Colebrooke are actually made up. Lastly, as a result of this method, I am able to make the following remarks (p. 120): "Colebrooke showed all sorts of impossible things to his Jarawa to name, and one interesting result is the following English. Jarawa.
Onge. Cotton cloth. Papor. Pange--be.
Be-nge—be. Flat-beoome-is.
Flat-become-is. Of course, no Jarawa had ever seen before anything approaching to either object, and this man's one expression for both means 'it is (has been) flattened, which is what the savage meant to convey when asked anything so impossible as to name them."
I then proceed to my concluding remarks on the Onge-Jarawa language (pp. 120-121): "We are now in a position to solve a great puzzle of ethnographists for a century and more : why were the Andamanese called Minoopie by Europeans! What word does this transoription represent ? It can now be split up thus
M-
ongebe. I-man-kind-am.
(I am an Onge.) "Or, as the Jarawas perhaps pronounce the expression 'M-inggo-be' or even M-injo-be,' I am an Inggo (Injo). The name given by the Onges to themselves is a' verbal noun 'ö-nge, man-being. So that wien questioned as to himself by Colebrooke, this Jarawa replied 'M'inggoba,' or something like it, which compound expression by mistranscription and misapprehension has b3come the wall-known Minoopie of the general ethnological books in many languagas for an Andaman9se. Tae Onges oall their own home, the Little Andiman, Gwab3-l'Oaga. Jarawa is a modern Bla torm, possibly radically identical with Yorowa, the Boa name for the Northern Group of Tribes.
"It is just possible that Colebrooke's Jarawa misunderstood what was wanted altogether and simply said, 'I am will be, would be) drinking: m-inggo-be, I-drink-do.'
"I have now to record a great disappointment. The proof that the method herein adopted for recovering the Jarawa language was correct lay in the faot that the word i-nge for water' was asoertained from a little Jarawa boy captured in February, 1902, and the identical word was quite independently unearthed from Colebrooke's and Portman's Vocabularies as Onge-Jarawa for' water. The only other word clearly ascertained from the boy, wilung for 'pig' has not been gathered independently as yet. This little boy was the last of the prisoners left, who were captured on that occasion, as the women and small children and girls were all returned and only two boys kept back for a while in order to get their language, eto., from them. Of these, the elder died of fever and on the very day that their language was fairly recovered, and we were in a position to set to work to learn quickly from him, the younger died very suddenly, without warning illness, of pneumonia."
Although it is 20 years ago since these remarks were made, I well recolleat the sense of satisfaction at baing able, from a long general acquaintance with Andamanese in all its aspects, to explain the fkrat rough tentative reoord of the language, especially as it had been made by so graat an Orientalist as Henry Thomas Colebrooko, and to settle, as far as that is now possible, an old "soiontifo" term for an Andaman Islander. I therefore make no apology for the length of the note on this point, as it brings so interesting a discovery once more to notice.

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I have even a further note to make here. It will have been observed in the quotation given above that Mr. Browa talks of the "so-called Jarawa," and says that it is the "official" name for the tribe though "probably they call themselves Önge," the name Jarawa being derived from the Akà-Bêa term for them, as if Jarawa was a wrong term to use. But why should it be? The Bêa or Akà-Bêa Tribe was that living in and around the Penal Settlement at Port Blair when the British Officials arrived, and its terms were naturally those adopted by them. Is it wrong for an Englishman to talk of "the French," or for a Frenchman of "Les Anglais"? Or for an Italian of "Inghilterra"? Or again is it wrong to speak of "Deutschland" as Germany or L'Allemagne? And what about using such terms as Burman, Talaing, Siamese, Tibetan and so on for people who do not know themselves by names even approaching these forms? For that matter, what about "Andaman " itself? It is worth while noting this point, because European scholarship got the Andamanese tribal names from Mr. Man, who adopted them from the tribe he worked with the Akà-Bêa. Europeans thus, had a uniform set of names not identified with any English reporter. Then Mr. Portman came along and took to calling some of them by their names for themselves as he heard them, so that the searcher had two sets of names before him, Man's Akà-Bêa names and the set according to Portman. Mr. Brown has followed Portman's plan and created yet a third set -a set according to Brown. He thus extended the confusion created by Portman, which does not work for improvement. It may be said that I myself created a fourth set in the Census Report, but what I did was to leave out the grammatical affixes to the names and so shortened them for the English student.
156
To turn to another subject. On p. 15 Mr. Brown says:-"It is not possible to give accurately the area occupied by each tribe, as the boundaries are difficult to discover." That is no doubt true at the present day, as the tribes are all mixed up together, as were the Hottentots before they disappeared, just as the Andamanese are disappearing. But it was not wholly true 50 years ago when Mr. Man began to work. The area of occupation by various tribes has altered from time to time to my personal knowledge. In fact, political geography was always changing in the Andamans, as elsewhere, according to variation in local tribal supremacy. E.g., Colebrooke found Jarawas at Port Blair in 1790, whereas Dr. Mouat and his successors found Aki-B3as there in 1858. The Jarawa area of occupation has since varied greatly in my own experience. Mr. Brown shows here and throughout his observations a tendency to give the impression that his observations in 1906-1908, when the tribes had become all mixed up and were in close friendly contact (except the Önges and Jarawas), were true of the Andamanese Tribes, when they were still separated and largely mutually hostile. His remarks must therefore always be read with caution.
On one point, estimate of population, Mr. Brown differs from all who preceded him. The Census of 1901 was a first attempt it is true, but it was very carefully performed by officers of long experience, including Mr. Man himself, on a definite detailed plan, which is explained at full length in the Report. It involved visits to every available part of the Islands, so thorough that they in turn involved brushes with the Jarawas. Every effort practicable was made to arrive at approximate accuracy, and an estimate was added of the population in pre-contact days on data that were also fully explained. The meaning of all this is that the Census estimates were made, on openly described data, both for the present (1901) and the former population. Mr. Brown thinks them wrong on very much smaller opportunity for judging, and owing to my experience, his strictures on the Jarawa estimate do not impress

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A CHRISTIAN DYNASTY IN MALABAR
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me at any rate. Here we have again a characteristio of this book, a tendency to criticise on insufficient data, so that on points of observation it supplies evidence only. It does not supersede the work of former observers.
(To be continued.)
A CHRISTIAN DYNASTY IN MALABAR (Being an Enquiry into Local Christian Tradition).
BY T. K. JOSEPH, B.A., L.T. The Muhammadan royal house of the Ali Rajas of Canannore is fairly well known. Not so the Christian dynasty of Villiyârvattam near Cochin, which became extinct some time before the advent of the Portuguese to the Malabar Coast. Reliable evidence for its existence has not yet been forthcoming.
Malabar Christian tradition has it that this line of kings dates from the time of the famous merchant Thomas of Cana who colonized Cranganore (Kodungallor, Kotunnallur) along with a large number of Christians from Baghdad, Nineveh and Jerusalem in 345 A.D. But there is absolutely no historical evidence to support this. When in 1502 Vasco da Gama came to Cochin for the second time, some Syrian Christians from Cranganore presented him with a sceptre which, they said, once belonged to their ancient Christian sovereigns.
The Kerala Palama, a history of the Portuguese in Malabar, written in Malayalam after 1662. refers to this incident in these words :-“The Syrian Christians came from Cranganore with fowls and fruits and presenting them said, we are all very glad of your coming. In older times there was in this land a king in our own community. Here we give you the soeptre and the writ of kingship granted to him by the ancient Perum Aļe. We, about 30,000 of us, are all of one accord. Henceforth let the King of Portugal hold sway over us.'... The sceptre was red in colour and had two silver rings with throe silver bells on one of them."
"These St. Thomas' Christians then," says Adriaan Moens, Dutch Governor, in his Memorandum on the Administration of Malabar (1781), "being favoured with privileges, increased, it is said, in influence, power and number among the nations of the country, became bold through these advantages and desired, just as the Israelites of old, a king over them and did in fact appoiut one, by name Balearte (Villiyârvattam), and gave him the title of king of the St. Thomas' Christians. His descendants are also said to have succeeded him on the throne until at last one came to die without offspring. In his place was elected with the common consent of the people a king, who was at the same time king of Diamper or Odiamper (Udayamperur), which is distant 3 (Dutch) miles from Cochin to the south in the present territory of the king of Travancore....When the kings of this dynasty also had died out altogether, the kings of Cochin are supposed to have got posseseion of that kingdom." Vide Galletti's Dutch in Malabar, p. 174. (Madras, 1911.)
Moens gives also the subsequent fate of this kingdom of Villiyârvattam (Balearte). "The little old kingdom of Valliavattam also belongs to him [i.e., to PAliyat Achohan, here. ditary prime minister of the king of Cochin). It is an island, a little to the north from here (Cochin) near the southern extremity of Paru (Parûr). He got this in ancient times from the king of Cochin, who had inherited it from a Nair chief." Ibid, p. 120. .
J. V. Stein van Gollenesse also says to the same effect in his Memorandum of 1743 : "He (P&liyat Achchan) possesses also a right to the old state of Villiar Vattatta; this however is merely nominal." We have it on the authority of the author of the Cochin State Manual that the royal family of Villiy Arvattam" became extinct about 1600 A.D., and it is stated

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,
that the title with only a small portion of the estate passed to Paliyat Achan." Ibid, p. 62, and note 1. Mr. Logan in his Malabar Manual says that this Villiyârvattam is "the Beliartes of the Portuguese, the Kodungallôr (Cranganore) dynasty." Vide Logan's Malabar Manual, Vol. II, Collection of Deeds, No. 7, pote 5.
We have hitherto been in the domain of mere tradition and non-contemporary documents, the reliability of which can be called in question. Contemporary evidence for the existence of this Christian dynasty is, however, afforded by some writers of the 16th century. In
1439 Pope Eugene IV sent envoys to the Christian king of Malabar with a letter which commenced as follows "To my most beloved son in Christ, Thomas, the Ilustrious Emperor of the Indians, Health and the Apostolic Benediction :-There often has reached us a constant rumour that Your Serenity and also all who are the subjects of your Kingdom are true Christians. This letter is given at page 60 of Wadding's Annales Minorum. Vide Travancore Manual, Vol. II, p. 147. (Ed. 1906.)
It may be this same King Thomas that Poggio Bracciolini, Secretary to the above men. tioned pontiff, refers to in his Historia De Varietate Fortunae, Lib. IV, written in 1438 or a little later. Says he, “while preparing to insert in this work, for the information of my readers, the various accounts respecting the Indians related to me by Nicolò, ....there arrived another person from Upper India, towards the north. . . . .He says that there is & kingdom twenty days' journey from Cathay, of which the king and all the inhabitants are Christians, but heretios, being said to be Nestorians." Vide India in the 15th Century, Nicold Conti, p. 33 (Hakluyt, 1867).
The meaning of the term Upper India can be gathered from an account of the journey of Hieronimo Di Santo Stefano, a Genoese merchant who visited Calicut on a mercantile speculation at the close of the century with which we are dealing. "In this city" (of Calicut) says Santo Stefano, "there are many a thousand houses inhabited by Christians, and the district is called Upper India." Ibid, Santo Stefano, p. 5.
Far better than all these, there is in the present writer's poseession a tracing of an unpublished Malayalam inscription in Vatteluttu characters, found at Diamper already men. tioned in the passage quoted from Moens' Memorandum, paragraph 4 above. It runs as follows:-Raja Thômma of Villárvattam, who resided at Chennamangalam, died 2-1-1450." This Chênnamangalam was in those daye and is even now the seat of the family of PAliyat Achohan, to whom the Christian Kingdom is said to have passed.
In 1330 Pope John XXII sent Bishop Jordans to Quilon with a letter which began as follows "Nobili viro domino Nascarinorum et universis sub eo Christianis Nascarinis de Columbo.... "The chief of the Nazarene Christians here referred to may have been a predecessor of the above King Thomas.
The earliest contemporary reference to this dynasty is, as far as the present writer's information goes, in a copper plate sale deed of 1290, which is stated in the dooument to have been executed in the presence of a king of the Villiy&rvattam dynasty. The record gives no clue as to whether the king was Hindu or Christian at that time.
In the chronicles of the Trippänittura archives of the Maharaja of Cochin it is recorded that the youngest branch of that royal family "adopted the Villiyârvattam dynasty... and sheltered the Portuguese in Cochin." It can be inferred from the context that the adoption was due to the absence of heirs in that dynasty and really meant an annexation or absorption of territory. For, in the same record, just on sentence before, we find that "the Måtattinkil dynasty was adopted into the youngest branch because the former became extinct and thus the branch prospered more and more " on account of the vast territory
Since sending this article to the Editor it has been ascertained by careful scrutiny and after a thorough discussion in the Malayalam papers, that this inscription is spurious--T. K.J.

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HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAHI KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR
and powerful relatives possessed by that dynasty. Very probably it is this adoption that is referred to in the last sentence of our first passage taken from Moens' Memorandum above cited. The year "about 1600 A.D." above quoted as the time of the extinction of this dynasty appears to be nothing more than a very rough approximation.,
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Postscript by the Editor.
The above remarks have an important bearing on the traditions regarding the Apostle St. Thomas in India, because one of the clearly outstanding facts in the Malabar tradition about the beginnings of Christianity in that country is that crosses were set up for worship in every one of the seven places where churches were founded by the Apostle St. Thomas. It is known, however, that the practice of setting up crosses in churches did not come into vogue in the first century of the Christian era. The inference from this circumstance would therefore be that Christianity in Malabar does not date from the first century A.D., and that it was not St. Thomas who brought the religion into that country.
THE HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAHI KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR. BY LIEUT-COLONEL SIR WOLSELEY HAIG, K.C.I.E., C.S.I., C.M.G., C.B.E.
(Continued from page 39.)
CI. AN ACCOUNT OF THE CHARACTER OF MURTAZA NIZAM SHAH.
Murtaza Nigam Shah excelled all his predecessors in justice, valour, and generosity, the three best characteristics that a king can possess. He was so just that in his reign the whole face of the country was swept clean of tyranny and oppression, that no ruthless hand was laid on the collar of any poor wretch, and the turbulent and violent could not even see the form of injustice in the mirror of their imagination. His generosity was so great that when he found that his treasury was exhausted by his gifts to the poor and worthy, he went into retirement, and shortly after the beginning of his reign he completely emptied the treasury. While Sayyid Shah Jamal-ud-din Husain was vakil and pished he reported to the king that the whole of the cash in the treasury had been exhausted by his munificent gifts and that the turn of the vessels and valuable utensils had now come, and the servants had begun to break them up and distribute the pieces. He, therefore, advised the king that moderation in alms-giving would tend to the good of the country. The king told him to dissuade the poor, if he could, from representing their needs before the throne, for that he could not find it to be in consonance with the principles of generosity to repulse beggars.
One day the topic of the conversation at court was the lofty spirit of kings, and one of the courtiers praised the lofty spirit of the king Ismâ'il Haidar Şafavî, as an instance of which he related the following story: One day a qalandar chanced to come before the king in Isfahan, the capital of 'Iraq, and the king promised to fulfil all that he asked. The qalandar, emboldened by the king's great bounty, begged three days' kingship of the king. Although this was a request that few would have preferred, the king's word had been passed, and the galandar was permitted, for the space of three days, to reign over all the realm of Persia and its subjects. Murtaza Nizam Shah then said "If he took back the kingdom from him again he acted ignobly, for to take back what had once been given is not the part of a generous man."

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They say also that one day when the king was out riding an Arab stopped him and begged of him. He had a piece of cotton cloth tied to a stick and was begging in his own tongue. The king asked what he wanted, and the grasping Arab said "I have come from my own gountry to this land on hearing the report of your generosity and I wish to fill the purse of my avarice and cupidity from the river of your majesty's generosity." The king asked wherewith, and the Arab said in a low voice "With all necessaries." The king ordered the officers of the treasury to comply with all the Arab's demands and then send an officer with him to his most convenient seaport to put him on board a ship for his own country. Indeed the king was so bountiful that many described his bounty as wastefulness.
Although many wise men and philosophers have pronounced Murtazâ Nigâm Shah to be a madman and have attributed his actions to insanity, yet all his other actions and words, and especially the theological and philosophical questions which he asked of the learned men of the court, some of which have been recorded, are evidences of his understanding, acumen, sanity, and well ordered mind. One of the king's immediate attendants, who was well acquainted with his condition and affairs, has related that in the latter days of life, when he wag afflicted with sickness, he repeatedly wrote to the great officers of state ordering them to see that there was no delay in the execution of orders issued by him in the first half of the month, but to hold over any orders issued by him in the second half of the month, as he was not then himself, but God knows the truth of the matter.256
CII.-AN ACCOUNT OF THE PRINCE'S ACCESSION TO THE THRONE OF
HIS FATHER AND GRANDFATHER.
When the amirs and officers of state had finished the obsequies of the late king they enthroned the prince Miran Husain and admitted all, both small and great, to the hall wherein he was enthroned, and caused favours and rewards to be bestowed on both gentle and simple.
On the third day after the death of Murtaza Nizâm Shah, when Husain Nizam Shah had gone to his tent with the amirs, vazirs, and officers of the army for the khatm, spies brought news of the approach of Ibråhim 'Adil Shah and his army, which was then encamped at Pâtori. On hearing this news Husain Nigam Shah, taking every precaution, marched towards the 'Adil Shâhî camp, and leaving Ahmadnagar behind him, halted near the Farahbakhsh garden to distribute arms to his army and to prepare it for battle,287
298 Few will agree with the fulsome Sayyid 'Ali that Murtaza's deeds and words were evidence of his understanding, acumen, sanity, and well ordered mind. They were those of a lunatio, but a parasito belauds from policy the profusion of a maniac.
397 Firishta's account of these events is far more probable. Ibrahim 'Adil Shah II was, in fact, marching on Ahmadnagar to assist in deposing Murte på Nisam Shah II and raising Husain II to the throne. When he reached Pathardi be heard that Husain had imprisoned his father and ascended the throne. Ibrahim sent him his congratulations and proposed to visit him and his wife Kadijah Bulgan, who was Ibrahim's sister. Before an answer to this message could be received news arrived that Hussin had put his father to death. Ibrahim wrote him a bitterly reproachful lotter, saying that he had come with the intention of raising him to the throne and in the belief that be would content himself with wonding his father to some port where he could spend the rest of his life in religious retirement. If this were not mu ciont he himself would have undertaken to keep Murta in safe custody, or might even have blinded him; but now that Husain had murdered his father he had no desire to see him and would have nothing to do with him. He threatened him with the divine vengeance and prophesied that he would not reign for long, and having dispatched this letter returned to his own country. F. ii, 114, 115.

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When Ibrahim 'Adil Shâh heard that Husain Nigâm Shâh had distributed arms to his army and was marching to meet him he repented of his enterprise and sent a message to Husain Nizam Shah saying that as that day was the khatm of the late king he had come with all his army to celebrate it at the mosque of Jaichand's village, but that as he had heard that Husain Nizâm Shâh took his coming ill, and had assembled his army and distributed arms to them, he was starting at once on his return journey to his own country. He marched in such haste that he allowed nothing to stop him until he reached Bîjâpûr. When the army crossed the Beora, that river was in spate and many elephants and horses, and much property, baggage and camp equipage were swept away.
After Ibrahim Adil Shah had retired without venturing to meet him, Husain Nizâm, Shah seated himself on the throne with full power, and proceeded to devote his time to enjoyment. He confirmed Mirzâ Khân in the office of vaktl, and also conferred on him the office of imårat bint, or commander-in-chief, which was formerly held by Saif Khân, one of Mirza Khân's friends, and thus added very largely to his power and influence. It had been foretold that the prince Husain Nigâm Shâh would not enjoy his power for long, and he had no taste for the cares and duties of kingship and no ambition for the conquest cf kingdoms, and therefore left all public business in the hands of Mirza Khân while he abandoned himself to the circulation of the wine cup, the enjoyment of music and sensual pleasures; indulging in his morning cup and drinking all day long. The kingdom of the Dakan had fallen into his hands without difficulty and without his being called upon to endure any hardship, and he therefore failed to appreciate its value, and contented himself with lewdness and wantonness.
161
Ismâ'il Khân, when he was vainly endeavouring to raise a party for Murtaza Nizam Shah, had summoned all the Foreigners. Mirza Khân now sent Salâbat Khân back into confinement 28 and made Muzaffar Khân Mâzandarânî commandant of the fortress in which he was confined, and also expelled Habib Khân from the city and sent him to the seaport.
Most of the Dakani and African amirs, however, became suspicious of Mirza Khân, owing to his dismissal of Saif Khân, in spite of his former great friendship with him, and conspired to compass his downfall. By means of the female servants of the haram they reported to the king that Mirza Khân meditated rebellion, and had privily brought Mîrân Shah Qasim from the fortress of Sinnår and kept him concealed in his house with a treasonable motive.99 Husain Nizam Shah, in spite of his youth, was not misled by the words of these sowers of strife, and kept the engagement into which he had entered with Mirza Khân, but set men to watch him, set himself to inquire into the reports which had been made to him, and sent a swift messenger to the fortress of Sinnår to inquire regarding Mirân Shah Qasim. When Mirza Khan became aware of the machinations of his enemies, he set himself to estab lish his innocence and, having approached the king through Yaqut Khân, son of the old Farhâd Khân, who was now in the king's service, he complained that his enemies had slandered him to the king and that their lies had some effect on the king's mind, but that as God was his witness, he was free of all blame,300
299 Salabat Khan was now sent to the fortress of Kherla, in Berar, situated in 21° 56' N. and 78° 1' E. 299 Qasim was a younger brother of Murtaza Nizam Shah I and uncle of Husain II. He had been imprisoned in the fortress of Sinnar, in 19° 50' N. and 74° E. F. ii, 289.
300 According to Firishta Hussin II imprisoned Mirza Khan on suspicion, but released him and restored him to favour on being convinced of his innocence. The fate of the prince, Miran Qasim, is not mentioned by Sayyid 'Ali. Firishta says that Mirza Khan, in order to remove, once for all, any ground for the suspicion that he wished to raise him to the throne, proposed to Husain II that he should be put to death. The king assented and Qasim and his sons, and apparently some of his brothers, whose names have not been recorded, were murdered at Sinnår.

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Husain Nizâm Shah, in his good nature and trustfulness, reassured Mirza Khan and promised to bestow further favours on him, and when the person who had been sent to make inquiries about Miran Shah Qasim returned and reported that what Mirza Khân's detractors had said was a lie, he summoned Mirza Khân and bestowed upon him fresh honours and favours. But Mirza Khan, in order to remove the reproach that had been cast on him and to silence his slanderers, asked to be allowed to resign the office of vakil and pishva and recommended that the duties of the post should be entrusted to a commission consisting of Qasim Beg, the physician, Sayyid Mir Sharif Jilani, and Sayyid Muhammad Samnânî, and that they should dispose of all civil and revenue matters, in order that he might be de. livered from the wiles of his enemics and serve the king with a peaceful mind. Mirza Khan's proposal was approved by the king and the three persons mentioned wero summoned and appointed to perform the duties of vakil and pishvd, being invested with robes of honour on the occasion. Although these three persons were, by the royal command, appointed to perform the duties of the office of vakil and pishvd, yet they did not take up any matter without Mirza Khan's consent, and they had not sufficient power or independence to concern themselves in any matter without first consulting him.
Mirza Khin employed himself in acquiring popularity among all classes and distributed the king's bounty and favours to all, both gentle and simple, in accordance with their ranks and degrees. Thus he promoted Mir Sayyid Murtaza, the son of Mir Shîrvani, who had long been intimate with him, to the rank of amir, or rather of amir-ul-umard, and be stowed on him in jagir the province of Bir, which is the most fertile and populous of all the provinces of the Dakan. He raised Mirza Muhammad Salih, entitled Khânkhânân, above his fellows, by promoting him to the rank of an amir, and by giving to him the appointment of Sar-i-sar-s-naubal of the right wing. He also released Jamshid Khân, who had been imprisoncd since the defcat of Sayyid Murtaza Sabzavari and made him one of the chief amirs. Sayyid Hasan, the writer's brother, received the appointment of Sar-i-naubat. He conferred on Farhad Khân the African, who had beçn imprisoned and again released, the same rank and the same districts as he had before. He raised Bahadur Khân Gilânî also to the rank of arnir, and made Amin-ul-Mulk, who had long held that rank and office under Murtasa Nizâm Shâh, a vazir.
Mirza Khân thus administered the affairs of the kingdom unexceptionally and shewed gitat generosity to all. The king also having regard to the friendships of early days, promoted some of his immediate and favourite courtiers, such as Akbar Khân and Yâqật Khân, who were well known as the king's most intimate Associates, to the rank of amir, and thus raised them from the lowest to the highest rank. The king passed all his time in the pursuit of pleasure in company with these men, indulging in the satisfaction of his youthful passions and in drinking from morning to evening and from evening to morning. He would spend the nights in the bazars in company with the lowest, and in his presence nobody was more honoured than this vile gang.
Thus Mirza ân and all the rest of the Foreigners, through envying Ankas Khân's and 'Ambar Khân's access to the king, stirred them up to act against this gang, and the gang, 301 owing to the deeply implanted hatred which existed between them and the Foreigners. were ever plotting to bring about their downfall, and slandering them to the king, and the quarrel between these two factions led to such ill results that it may be said to have ruined a world, brought a whole people to execution or slaughter, and plunged a world into grief, distraction, and destruction, as will be seen.
(To be continued.) 301 The gang consisted of the young king's low companions from the bazars, who were Dakadis.

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BOOK NOTICES. A GUIDE TO NIZAMUDDIN (Memoirs of the and learning who they were that have here found
Archaeological Survey of India, No. 10), their last resting place. It is literally studied with by MAULVI ZAFAR HASAN, B.A. XI Plates. memories. Calcutta Government Press, 1922.
Khwaja Mu'ayyinu'ddin (Mu'inu'ddin) Chishti 1 This valuable monograph has several points for of Ajmer, buriod there in a similar enclosure and recommendation. It is based partly on very equally well worth a monograph, was the founder rare authorities : it deals with one of the most of the famous Chishtiye Order of Saints about interesting groups of Muhammadan sepulchral 1200 A.D. and was succeeded by Qutb Shah of monuments in India: it is carefully prepared, Mehrauli, who passed on the insignia of saintship and it is beautifully illustrated.
to Shekh Farid of PAkpatan, the preceptor of Every visitor to Delhi, indeed every globe.
Nizâmu'ddin Aulia of Budâûn and later of Delhi. trotter in India, goes or is taken to view the village
In the above list alone we have a galaxy of holy of Nizâmu'ddîn (Soldier of the Faith), especially
men, round whom endless legend has collected. the romantic and very beautiful grave, rather But in addition, the Sayyid ancestors of Nizamuddin than tomb, of Jahânârâ, the devoted poetess
himself, Sayyid 'Ali al-Bukhari and Sayyid daughter of Shahjahân, and to see men and boys Khwaja Arab, both of Budaun, respectively the take the big dive of 60 feet into the bdolt or well paternal and maternal grandfathers of Nizamu'ddin, there, off the roof of the Chini-kh-Burj.
are great heroes of legend on their own account. The village takes its name from the most popular
Nizâmu'ddin was born at Budâûn in 1238 A.D. of the medieval saints known to fame all over
and went to Delhi in 1254 to study under Khwaja India as Nizâmu'ddin Aulia, round whose tomb Shamsuddin (afterwards Shamsu'l-Mulk), wazir and shrine Mughal Royalties, notables and wealthy (minister) of Ghiyasu'ddin Balban, the "Slave personages have been buried, in Muhammadan King." Here he secured the friendship of Shokh fashion, century after century. Consequently some Najibu'ddin Mutawakkil, brother of the great of the buildings erected are amongst the best of Shokh Farid, and under his influence became the their kind, and in true Indian style have been latter's disciple in 1257, and then in 1265 his neglected, and also restored and enlarged and successor in the saintship, settled near Delhi. Here cared for, right up to the present day, by kings, his life was mixed up with the Khilji Dynasty of princes and notables. So that one has here Delhi and great by gone names of that line come collected together neglected ruins, often occupied before us,--'Alau'ddin, Mu'izzuddin, Jalaluddin, by very poor people and so destroyed as far as Qutbuddin , together with changes in the capital possible, and also graves, tombs and buildings fully round about, Delhi,-Ghiyaspur, Nizâmpur, preserved. It is good to learn that the Imperial Kilûkhși-and later, Tughlaqabad, Shâhjahanabad. Government has the whole place in hand.
With some of the rulers he was in high favour, Such a place is an epitome of many phases of but others were inclined to distrust him, and there Indian Muhammadan history, and is alive with are numerous aggrandising stories of the usual the varied associations of centuries in every corner more or less miraculous kind as to the assistance of it. Famous men and women, and events of or the reverse given them by him. Old tales of the most interesting and incongruous character the day are forcibly brought to mind in these are here recalled everywhere, and one can hardly legends : e.g., the famous raid of Malik Kafür into imagine a place more worth explaining to the Southern India (Warangal) for 'Alau'ddin Khilji, visitor, and I may add more difficult to explain and incidentally we sometimes hear, in connection to the non-expert in a manner that will not bore with the saint, of the names, characters and doings him. This monograph is an excellent attempt. of some of the sons of the old kings, which are not
The surroundings are thoroughly Indian and otherwise familiar to history. Thus, we find that are filled with the families of a poverty-stricken Khiar Khân, the unfortunate son of 'Alau'ddin and not very desirable class of people (pirzadas, Khilji, who, with his brother Shadi Khan, was children of the saint), who derive an unworthy blinded by Malik Kafar, on his father's death, built livelihood out of the memory of by-gone worthies the well-known Jama'at Khana (Hall of Congrega of special sanctity or social standing, with whom
tion), now a mosque for Nizâmu'ddin's followers. they have or claim a family connection. I will
After the Khiljis, the Tughlaqe were closely take time, tact and money to remove them to a
connected with Nizamu'ddin, and the well-known more useful sphere, but for the sake of themselves proverb, to give it its modern non-litegary form. and the historical Associations of the renewed
"Dillt dar hai, Delhi is a long way off," arose out capital of the Indian Empire it will be worth doing of the reply the saint gave to Ghiyâsu'ddin Tughlaq,
Many and many great name, event, legend when the latter demanded a certain sum of money and story comes to mind on going over the ground alleged to have been deposited with him and said
1 "Christi," according to a book by globe trotting English lady about 10 years ago

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he was coming to fetch it. It wa# so far off that of Nizamuddin. Thus do seint and sinner, princely he was killed on his way to the saint by the fall heroine and wealthy noble, lio here in close proxi. of a house at Tughlaqabad, whether accidentally mity, as happens elsewhere. or otherwise is a matter of some doubt, but at any Passing over some well-inscribed Brava rate the eaint had no hand in his death. Hence importance. Wo come to that of Amir Kh the proverb recalls a prophecy. This was the last (1263-1325), the great Indian Persian poet and reported deed of Nizamuddin, for he died soon Nizamu'ddin's favourite disciple. As might be afterwards in 1325, aged 87, passing on the insignia expected, this memorial has drawn the attention to Shokh Nasiru'ddin, Chiragh-i-Delhi (the Lamp of of princes at all times-Muhammad Tughlag, Babur Delhi). Before he died Nizâmu'ddin had founded a through his brother-in-law. Mahdi KhwAin. Sub-Order of the safis, the Chishtiya Nizamiya. Humayun, Akbar through Shahabu'ddin Ahmad
All about the shrine of the Saint pious Muham. Khan, Jahangir through Khwaja 'Imádu'ddin madans of means, men and women, lie buried, but Hasan. But the rulers with whom Amir Khuer many of them were far from being people of was mostly connected in his lifetime were JalAlu'ddin historical importance, even when the memorials Khilji And Ghiyâsu'ddin Tughlaq. Near his left are prominent, as in the case of the Chini-ke grave is a ddidn or hall, containing four tombe, Burj itself, which is the monument of "a woman one of which is that of 'Ikram Mirdahs ('Corporal of no importance," one Zuhra, and in that of Bar 'Ikrâm) of the reign of Shah 'Alam II and dated' Kokaldi, daughter of Mulayam Khan, and otherwise 1801. Outside it is a grave attributed to Zfyêu'ddin unknown to fame. But close by we find a less
Barani, the historian of Firoz Shah Tughlaq, who, pretentious structure of 1379 with an important like many others of note, W&S & disciple of Nizâm. connection, as it was built by Malik Ma'raf, the u'ddin. Here again we have a queer mixture of chamberlain of the great Firos Shah Tughlaq. great and small collected round the shrine of the
The tomb of the saint itself is not of much archi- famous saint. tectural consequence, but all sorts of namos are Outside Amir Khusru's enclosure are the mosque connected with its construction and repair, includ. and grave of one of the Khân DaurAn Khans, ing that remarkable madman Muhammad Tughlaq, most probably those of the great noble of that title Firoz Shah Tughlaq, Akbar's son Murad in the days of the Emperore Farrukhsiyar and (1597) through Lal Beg his paymaster,' Shahjahan Muhammad Shah, who was killed in action in 1739, through Khalilu'llah Khan, his governor of Shah. and the memorial of Atga Khân. This last recalls jahanabad, and 'Alamgir II (1755). In the same not only an interesting point in history, for he enclosure, too, are some beautiful tombs, that of helped Humayun to escape after his defeat by Jahanara, with its well-known inscription of 1681, Sher Shah Sur, but also an interesting point in being the most visited. Many are the stories Imperial Mughal manners, for he was, as his name connected with this devoted woman, that of the infers, the husband of Akbar's wet-nurse, Jiji recovery from a severe burn through the skill of Anaga. His title 48 Imperial foster-father stuck Gabriel Boughton of the East India Company, to him despite his much higher title of 'Azam with all the subsequent consequences, being one Khan, on his defeat for the Emperor of the great of them. Close by is the grave of a very different Bairam Khân. His son, Mirza 'Aziz Kokaltash. personage : the decadent Mughal Emperor, Akbar's foster-brother, again as his name implies, Muhammad Shah, the victim of Nadir ShAh, whose built his tomb and lies himself not far off. This massacre of Delhi (1739) is still a troubled memory last was a clever turbulent noble, often in trouble of the past, and beside him, by a sort of historical with both Akbar and Jahangir owing to his freedom irony, lie Sahiba Mahal, the wife of Nadir Shah of speech, but of great ability. Between him and himself, and her infant daughter, side by side also his father are the tombs of Bahram Shah, son of with Muhammad Shah's grandson. Here we have Shah Alam II, and his wife, Bi Jan (1807-10). before us a tragedy of the oppressor in the very
We now return to the days of the "Save Kings," home of the oppressed.
the Khiljis, and the Tughlaqs in the ruins of the Near by, too, are other records of the days of LAI Mahal, attributed both to Ghiyåsu'ddin Balban decadence: the tombs of Mirza Jahangir, the and 'Alau'ddin Khilji, and of the mosquo of Khân nad son of Akbar II (1821). whom Mr. Seton, the Jahan Maqbal or Tilangan And Khan Jahan British Resident, had to place in confinement at Jauna, father and son, successively the warra his father's request. It is a sign of those times (ministers) of Firoz Shah Tughlaq. The story that neither his tombstone, nor that of his brother of the first is of great interest, as be was reputed Mirza Babur, were originally meant for them. to be a Hindu (Telugu) prisoner of importance, His was meant for a woman, now unknown, and brought away in the raid on Warangal under his brother's belonged in the first instance to one Muhammad Tughlaq in 1321, who'verted' and Mir Muhammad who died in 1579! In this neigh. became a disciple of Chiragh-i-Dehlí. Hence the bourhood lies Mirsa Babur's wife, Not far oft presence of his remains in the neighbourhood of is the tomb of Khyrje 'Abdu'r-Rahman. & disciple 1 Nizamu'ddin, The latter of these two remarkable

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men had for a long while the proud title of Khan | years been rather dormant than extinct. In the Jahan bin Khan Jahan, but after a long service meanwhile the tendencies in the treatment of and much building for Islâm, including the Kalan
art, architecture and ritual have been in the direc. Masjid at Shahjahandbåd, he was eventually
tion of recognizing common or parallul develop murdered in 1387. Such are the Associations of a wonderful spot,
ments and reciprocal influences. What was lack the details of which are to be found in this excellent ing was the discovery of channels and lines of commemoir by Maulvi Zafar Hasan. One or two munication. The disinterment of the Central other minor matters in it are also worth notice.
Asian Civilization of the centuries immediately On p. 1, in talking of Nizâmu'ddin himself, the following the Christian epoch, and the interming. author says: "The original home of his ancestors, ling of religions and cultures which it reveals is who were Sayyid by caste, had been Bukhara." a new fact of considerable import, 49 is also Ho thus shows how deeply the idea of paste has the realization of the widespread influence of bitten into the Indian Muhammadan mind, even Byzantine art. In the Parthian and Sassanian in the case of "doctors" of Islam. On p. ll the empires also Christianity, Manichaeism aud Maulvi catches Prof. J. N. Sarkar tripping, and Buddhism were intermingled, and if they failed remarks: "At the head of the grave (of Nizâm. to influence each other, this must have been due u'ddin) on a wooden stand is placed a manuscript to a protective quality inherent in the nature of copy of the Qurdn, which is oddly described by religion. Professor J. N. Sarkar as having been written by Professor Günter's conclusions are mainly the Emperor Aurangzeb. The manuscript is dated negative. He denies that St. Eustachius and St. 1127 A.H. (1715-16 A.D.), some nine years after
Christopher have any proved connection with the death of that Emperor, and there is no internal
Brahmadatta and Patacard and with the Mahaor external evidence to indicate that Aurangzeb sutasoma Jâtake respectively and while or any other Mughal Emperor was in any way
acknowledging that Joasaph in the Story of Bas. connected with it The attendants at the shrine
Inam And Joasaph is the Bodhisattva, he denies relate that the copy of the Qurdn has been there
that the story of the Bodhisattva is here that of for a very long time, but they have no knowledge
Buddha. It is not until the 12th and 13th cen. of its origin." Lastly, he seems to trip himself
turies that he allows even the slightest indications
of Indian motifs in the west, and anything like in remarking on p. 14 that "the language of this inscription (of 'Alamgir m), which is Old Urdu
literary influence he postpones to the end of the deserves special notice." But it is dated 1766,
middle ages and the epoch of the modern age.
What there is in common between India and Clas. And so why is it called "Old Urdu" ? Perhaps
sical and early Christian story he would trace "antiquated " Urdu would be more appropriate.
back to common Indo-European inheritance, In vol. XXXV, pp. 141, 142, 169, 178, 203 f. of
parallel development, and the original Aesop. this Journal are quoted many specimens in 1654
In his second part Professor Günter considera and earlier.
more generally the sources of the resemblances R. C. TEMPLE
between the stories of saints in the two religions. BUDDHA IN DER ABHNDLUNDISCHEN LEGENDE, These he classes under three heads, adaptations
von HEINNICZ GÖNTER.Haesset, Leipzig, 1922, of primitive stories, features epringing from com. pp. XII, 305 and (1).
munity of saintly type due to community of theory The author of this work, who is Professor of of saiatehip, and actual experiences of life evoked History at Tübingen, dieclaims the quality of by the struggle to attain that ideal. Here we Indologue, but claims that sufficient Buddhist find much that is interesting and reasonable, and texts for his purpose are available in translations, it can hardly be denied that the causes thus defined whereas an Indologue would have needed for are true causes. The morks and saints of Buddhism the treatment of the topie a disproportionate and Christianity were not born amid surroundings amount of reading of Christian legendary matter having no psychological background; thuir ideal He has paturally had recourse mainly to the liter- led to deductions in regard to their procedure tiro of story, Jatakas, Avadanas, eto, taking under supposed conditions and to practical account of the comparisons which have been made encounters in the world of experience. by previous scholars, such as Kuhn, Speijer, It must be admitted, moreover, that in seeking Zacharise and Garbe.
for parallels between east and west we are in nord The old question of the interchange of fable of the corrective which Professor Günter supplice. and legend between the East and West has of late I Fixing our attention upon one or two striking

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resemblances, we are too apt to contract our view to the particular case. For instance, we compare the infant Christ and the infant Krishna, and we forget that there are many other infants in religious story, whether they be Buddha or Hercules or Zeus; and thus we may mistake a matter of large human psychology for a particular historical transmission. The alternative method is not without its perils: if we select a particular motif and try to trace it through a wide area of the religious world, we are apt to drop one by one in the course of our adaptations all the distinctive features of the story, until we are left with a thread of connection too slender to have any significance. The critics, also, of theories of borrowing may display a not really helpful method when they merely swamp the propounded identification with a deluge of parallels culled from miscellaneous sources. The only means of reaching solid results is to take a more or less compact body of matter and with full regard to the historical and geographical conditions to see whether we can construct a more or less solid causeway from point to point. This was not Professor Günter's task and it cannot be said that he has greatly furthered it.
com.
It must also be urged that the conclusion presented by Professor Günter is of that kind which may be termed the miraculous. First of all during long centuries practically no contact at all; then in the 12th and 13th centuries some inklings; and finally towards the close of the middle ages a definite beginning of literary intercourse. A gap we are prepared to admit ; for we can name the cause, that is the intervention of the Islamic block, so impenetrable to religious influences from outside and so crushing to communities of other faiths enclosed within its terrain. But in the pre-Islamic centuries other conditions prevailed and if there was then no lack of obstacles to munion between distant lands, these were rather such as to render communications slow and stagnant than to constitute a definite block. Above all at the time which in the highest degree excites our interest, in the period beginning with Asoka's despatch of missionaries to the west, the period when it would be most fascinating to know of Buddhist ideas in the intellectual life of Syria, Palestine and Egypt, the medium was receptive and the ways were moderately open. What we need now, especially after the elaborate discussions by Bergh van Eysinga and Garbe, is new facts, such as those we owe to that great scholar Ernst Kuhn. Two lines of new discovery are in such a matter worth more than volumes of indecisive discussion.
F. W. THOMAS.
[JUNE, 1923
published by the Jaina Parish Venkatachala Iyer
THE JAINA GAZETTE Gazette Office, 21, Street, Madras, 1922.
From the issues of the Jaina Gazette for May and June, 1922, it appears that this monthly organ of the All-India Jaina Association has been in existence for three years. Like one or two other Madras publications, however, its regular appear. ance has been prevented by a printers' strike and other symptoms of industrial unrest.
The May number contains a useful article by Professor A. Chakravarti on "Idols of Indian Research," which draws pointed attention to the manner in which that old bane of Indian Literature, odium theologicum, even in these days. reacts detri. mentally upon historical research "What is still more unfortunate," he writes, "is that this defect (religious rivalry) is not obsolete, but quite alive even unto the present day. It is within the knowledge of several students that facts epigraphical and literary which are likely to advance the worth of a particular sect are very often suppressed or twisted in interpretations by other seats. This deplorable lack of academic openness of mind vitiates research in South Indian history."
One catches an echo of this sectarian rancour in the proposal to establish in Madras a Central Jain Press and Library, which will counteract the machinations of "the jealous opponents of Jainism." The latter are alleged to have destroyed many of the great Jain scriptures in past centuries, and to have wrongfully attributed the authorship of other Jain works to Hindus. The suggestion that the Jain faith is merely an off-shoot of other religious systems is not accepted by the Jaina Gazette. The general attitude of the journal forms a curious comment upon the claim occasionally advanced in political circles that India is now "a nation" and that the "cleavages of religion, race and caste," which have always threatened her solidarity, have ceased to be of primary importance.
The journal publishes an account of the proceedings of the Jain Political Cor.ference, from which we learn that some of the leading members of the community were closely identified with the Non co-operation movement and have been imprisoned for failing to give security for good behaviour. The list of "Books of the Hour," advertised as procurable at the office of the journal, contains. publications by Messrs. C. R. Das, B. G, Tilak, Lala Lajpat Rai, C. F. Andrews, Bernard Houghton, and Mahatma Gandhi. Apart from this, the paper contains some useful notes on Jain philosophy and religious beliefs. Some of the advertisements strike one as hardly suitable for a publication dealing largely with the history, literature, and science of the Jain religion.
S. M. EDWARDES.

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SOME DISCURSIVE COMMENTS ON BARBOSA. (48 edited by the late M. LONGWORTH DAMES.)
BY SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE, BT.
(Continued from page 139.) I throw out these suggestions in the hope that someone will investigate further. That well-informed, and as far as quaint spelling is concerned, truly delightful volume, the Madras Manual of Administration, vol. III, 8.v. Cannanore, remarks: "The descendant of the old Cannanore Moplah Sultans, Ally Rajah, resides in the East of the Bay."
The following extract from Mr. H. E. A. Cotton's Castes and Customs in Malabar in the Proceedings of the East India Association (published in the Asiatic Quarterly Review, Jan. 1922, p. 245) seems to confirm tho suggestion that the term Ali Raja represents Ilaya Raja or Junior Raja :-" The chief secular potentate of the community is the Ali Raja of Cannanore in North Malabar. According to tradition, the first of the line was a Nayar at the Court of the Kollattiri Raja, who embraced Islam about the end of the eleventh century A.D. His successors became the hereditary ministers of the Kollattiri and attained a position of considerable power. At one time they were lords of the Laccadive Islands which contain a Moplah population, and possessed their own fleet. But they are now merely landowners. The succession goes in the female line, and the Waliya Bibi, or Senior Lady, was formerly an important personage. In 1824 she was regularly supplied with a guard of honour from the military station at Cannanore,' says Major H. Bevan in his Thirty Years in India, and was very strict in exacting this homage to her rank.'” In regard to the Kollattiri Rajas, Mr. Cotton writes : “This family, which is one of the most ancient and honourable in Malabar, is now represented by the Raja of Chirakkal. It is closely allied with the ruling house of Travancore, with which it observes 'community of pollution,' and ladies have been adopted from it to prevent that dynasty from extinction."
While describing the neighbourhood of Cannanore, Barbosa makes a remarkable slip in this version of his work, in talking of the cocoanut as "a great fruit which they call cocos," while the versions in Ramusio and of the Spaniards are more correct in saying " which they call tenga (Malayalam form) and we call-cochi (cocoas]." Barbosa is not often caught tripping like this (p. 90). On p. 92 he correctly describes the areca nut (Malayalam, adakka) under that name. The term poonac (Coco-nut oilcake) used in note 1, p. 90, wants investi. gation. The Sanskrit term is puíndga, and any South Indian similar term would be a borrowing. Has this been the case ?
At p. 36 is a note by Mr. Thorne to which I wish to draw attention. Barbosa is describ. ing the Srikovil or Great Temple of Calicut, and remarks “ without the church [read "temple ") is a stone of the height of a man." On this Mr. Thorne notes: "This is the mandapam, a stone platform with a tiled canopy, in front of the Srikovil, but within the four walls of the temple enclosure. Only Brahmans may use the mandapam, on which prayers are said by the worshippers." In editing Peter Mundy, vol. III, pt. i, pp. 75-6, who had remarked: “We lay ... in a Pagode. It seems they serve here [Bhatkal] to harbour passengers in their Couroes round aboutt (like to the Saraes aboutt Guzaratt) as well as For Devotion," my annotation to the passage was: "Mundy means that they rested in the open porch (mantapam) of a temple (koil) near Bhatkal, often used by travellers for that purpose." I made this note because I had so rested myself, notably, I recollect, at the Seven Pagodas, Mâvalivaram (Mahabalipuram). I see that the Madras Manual, above quoted, has : Mantapam (manda pa San.; mandef, Hind.)... any square or rectangular hall frith a flat roof supported by pillars, open at the sides ; particularly the porch (toranam) of a temple (coil [ków])." Mr. Thorne's note seems to indicate another senge of the term mandapammantapam in Malayalam.
• The Book of Duarte Barbosa, Translated from the Portuguese text, Arat published in 1312. Edited and annotated by M. L. Dames, Vol. I, 1918; Vol. II, 1921. London, Hakluyt Society.

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The above note leads one to the derivation of "pagoda," a very old puzzle. I said as much in Peter Mundy, vol. III, p. 190 n. Monsenhor Dalgado has discussed all the old suggestions: Chinese pao-t'ah and poh-kuh-t'ah, Portuguese pagão; Singhalese dagaba through bagada and pagode; Persian, bût-kadah; and Sanskrit bhagavat. He rejects all of them except bhagavat, and I suppose bhagavata. On this I would remark in favour of the old suggestion dagaba, that the Indo-Chinese pagoda, as a matter of fact, is a true dagaba, or reliquary, and that the forms pagod, pagode, and pagoda may, like many terms common to objects in Europe, India, and the Far East, have a multiple origin, Eastern and Western, owing to similarity in sound of terms of totally different origin for the same or like objects in the East and West. Instances that occur to me are Hindustani rasid and English receipt; European taffeta and Persian tâfta; European dimity and Oriental dimyatt; and so on. As regards the deriva. tion from Bhagavat, the Adorable, or its derivative form bhagavata, the adorer or adored, it is prima facie not clear why an interpreter should choose such a term to describe a structure having common descriptive names of its own everywhere. Assuming, however, such to be the case, then on the fact of the Dravidian, like the German, difficulty in clearly distinguishing between surds and sonants, we might proceed to look for a sequence such as this: bhagavat, bhagwat, bagwat, bagaut, bagôt, pagôt, pågôd, pâgôda. I suspect, however, that the old travellers really said to themselves pâgód, pagoda, in which case the sequence would start with bhagavata. But no such sequences have been actually traced as yet.
At pp. 120-121 Barbosa has a remarkable passage relating to the boat, well known as the sampan. He says: "A land belonging to the King of Coulam [Kollam, Quilon], and to other lords who are subject to him, which is called Quilicare [Kilakkarai, in the Madura district opposite Ceylon] wherein are many and great towns of the Heathen, and many others with havens on the sea where dwell many Moors, natives of the land. Its navigation is carried on in certain small craft, which they call champanes, in which Moors come to trade there and carry thither the goods of Cambaya. Here certain horses are of great value, and they take cargoes of rice and cloth and carry them to Malabar." What did Barbosa mean by champanes, the sampan of modern times? I have very often been in a sampan; it certainly could not go round to Malabar or Cambay with cargo. Barbosa may have meant generally that these "Moors," i.e., Labbâis or Lubbays of Madura or Ceylon, a naturalised and halfindigenous population like Navâyats and Moplahs, traded about India. But the point is that in the early sixteenth century the sampan was used by Muslim sea-coast people between Southern India and Ceylon under that name. Dames says, following Dalgado and Yule seemingly, that it "is Malay and apparently ultimately Chinese," I have always seen them with eyes painted on either side of what may be called the bows, which predicate a purely Chinese origin. The word would mean in dialectic Chinese "three planks," just as the Tamil catamaran (kattumaram) is of three planks corded and sewn together, and I cannot see any Malay origin for the sampan in design or form. M. Noel Peri, in Bulletin de l'Ecole Française de l'extrême Orient, t. XIX, No. 5, discusses the term at length, but he says that it is doubtful whether it is in common use beyond Japanese and Far Eastern ports. It is common enough, however, in Burmese, Nicobarese, Malayan, and Singhalese harbours, and, as we have seen above, in South East Indian harbours too. His desire, backed by Professor Bloch, is to show that it is (American) Columbian, and introduced thence to the East by the Portuguese, but his quotations are not early enough. I am afraid that the Chinese derivation is not upset yet.
When Barbosa is off Java, amongst the islands to the south of it, he notes (p. 195) "that the women wear suruces," and on this Dames remarks that "this name for a garment has not been traced elsewhere, and is not given in the Spanish version or in Ramusio. It may very probably be a form of the Malay sarong." As a matter of fact the word has only lately come

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to light (see ante, vol. L, Supp., p. 11). It has been taken for sårt, but wrongly. There are steady quotations for it from 1604 to 1661 in various forms, but usually sarasses. It meant the highly-figured cotton skirt or petticoat of the Malay women, and the material for it. It was often used in conjunction with tappi (tappi-sarasses), meaning a skirt (Malay-Jav, ta peh). Serdsah appears to be the Malay-Jav. form of the imported Persian term sardsar, brocade, but the material was cotton. Europeans used it for any kind of cotton cloth. To make confusion worse confounded, tappi-sarasses got mixed up with tappiceels and tapseiles, plain and striped silk and cotton cloths, arising out of the Persian tafsila, a rich silken stuff ; and even with other cloths and materials with which I need not trouble my present readers.
As regards "patolas (that is to say Cambaya cloths),” p. 198, found at Banda, there are quotations in the early seventeenth century which seem to identify them with sarasses, manufactured at Surat for Batavia and Bantam, and with a garment of cotton called tapchindie, i.e., a chindie-skirt, for which also there are a good many quotations,
Barbosa has an appendix on precious stones, opening up so many questions as to words and terms that I will not attempt to examine it here.
Ethnology. Barbosa is of course acute in his observations as to customs and is not often in serious error, but in describing the marks on the foreheads of some Hindus as being made to denote
caste,' he falls into a mistake which Dames corrects. It cannot be too clearly understood that they mark' sect' not caste,' and it is interesting to note that the error, commonly made by Europeans to this day, dates as far back as Barbosa.
I would like here to express a high appreciation of the annotation of Messrs. Dames and Thorne on the account of the Zamorins and also of the Nayars to which clan they belong, and of their history, manners, customs and rites, especially as regards the matriarchate and consequent heredity in the female line. They go a long way towards finally accurate krowledge on perhaps one of the most interesting old-fashioned dynasties of modern times. It is as well to note here that Barbosa's account of them is still, after 400 years, the best foreign first hand description yet given.
The well known South Indian matriarchal rule of succession passing to the sister's son is in the case of the successor of a Zamorin, an instance of a social custom defeating any practically useful end. The succession goes to the eldest male heir alive in the direct female line, whoever his mother may have been. The result is that each Zamorin succeeds at a time when he is "too old to administer his estate or property well : he holds the title a year or so, and is then succeeded by another old man.” Another instance of a social custom defeating any practical end is to be found amongst the Karens of Burma. Among Sgaw and Pwo Karens, in times of general danger, the girls of allied villages are given in exchange as brides, to become hostages for the good faith of the villagers towards each other. This explains a curious set of customs. Sawntungs may only marry among cousins residing in specified villages, and then not without the consent of the elders. The area of choioe is so small that many aged bachelors and spinsters exist, and it results in great irregularity of age in the married couples, both ways--in men in regard to wives and in wives in regard to men. This is carried to an extreme extent by the Banyoks of Banyin in Loi Seng, where the field of choice is among six families at the choice of the chief official of the distriot (taungad). Five and twenty years ago it had nearly wiped out the tribe.

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The ways of the Zamorins are always interesting, and the installation oath on the lamp and gold ring to protect by the sword is more than noteworthy. One would like to know further what the instruments were which were used at the ceremony and were "like unto a sheath of brass." Were they gongs? It may be mentioned here too that on pp. 29-32 several other oaths and ordeals worth examining are detailed.
One installation custom, which must cause unstable administration, is that of changing all or most of the public offices at each of the frequent accessions of succession, as the Zamorins, like the Presidents of the United States in this respect, followed each other at short intervals. Incidentally, this custom accounts for the present day numerical strength of the Menon Caste of the Nâyars, which is made up of the descendants of those who at one time or another have been clerks to a Zamorin. Their documents were written, or rather inscribed, on strips of palm-leaf (ôla), and this habit was so much in vogue even 50 years ago that the present writer's washing and similar bills were made out on olas, when he was in the neighbourhood of Calicut about 1873.
Barbosa is so well informed about the modern Malabar Coast (I say "modern" because long after his time the term "Malabar " was often applied to the East as well as to the West Coast of S. India), that one is tempted to comment indefinitely on his observations. Perhaps the most interesting of these is the following (p. 37):-"These Bramenes hold the number three in great reverence; they hold that there is a God in three persons, who is not more than one; their prayers are all ceremonials; they honour the Trinity and would as it were desire to depict it. The name which they give it is Bermabesma Maceru," who are three persons and only one God, whom they confess to have been since the beginning of the world. They have no knowledge nor information concerning the life of our Lord Jesus Christ. They believe and repeat many truths, yet do not tell them truly."
How much more Barbosa knew of educated Hinduism than many who followed him even 300 years later! To my mind, however, the notable thing about this passage is that Barbosa does not in it allude to the image of the Trimûrti or Hindu Triad, but to the fact that they "honour the Trinity" and "hold that there is a God in three persons, who is not more than one." He is clearly talking here of the Southern form of the Hindu religious philosophy as related to him by obviously educated people. And when he goes on to say that the Trinity is called Bermabesma Maceru (the last an easy error in transcription for Maçeçu), that is, Brahmâ, Vishnu and Siva (Maheśvara), and that they are "three persons and only one God," he proves that he had been sitting at the feet of professors of Southern Vaishnavism, presumably of monistic Bhagavatas. For this is precisely what they strongly held--that there is only one God and three representative forms of Him, the one God being Bhagavat or Bhagavân, the Adorable. This is not precisely the Christian Trinity (three persons in one God), but very near it, and the remarkable thing is that this first European observer of Hinduism should have got so much nearer the actual facts about the belief of the modern educated classes of Hindus than most of the European writers who have come after him.
It is remarkable, too, that he should have observed (p. 37) that certain ascetic orders of Hindus bury and do not burn their dead. No doubt he alludes to the Lingayats, who by his time had become numerous and well established in the Malabar regions, and bury their dead. On this same page (p. 37) Barbosa mentions a custom that amounts to a mild form of couvade.
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From religion Barbosa passes on to the social customs of the Nayars and the notes thereon are invaluable. In the course of these I am very pleased to see a remark by Dames that the Code of Manu (Mânava Dharma Sâstra) "never did and does not now correspond to the 5 Brahma-Vishpu-Mahêêvara.

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facts in any part of India," with the absurd result that such classes in the South as the Nâyars have been ranked by the orthodox as Sûdras and have so been held to be inferior. I have often wondered how much harm has been done in the ages right up to the present day by assuming the Code to consist of anything but mere monastic "councils of perfection." On pp. 55, 66, Barbosa has a few remarks in connection with the Nâyars on South Indian "Devil-worship" and on the Hindu Doctrine of Rebirth, which are not quite correct, though left unannotated.
The Nâyars are essentially a military body by tradition and extraordinarily arrogant where inferior castes are concerned; and both Barbosa's and Mr. Fawcett's (p. 49) remarks on their former and present treatment of "Low-castes" contain a lesson to those who would accuse the European in India of arrogance towards the native Indians of any degree. There has never been anything in the actions of Europeans in this respect approaching that of one native Indian towards another.
In another sense it may be remarked that well known to the Nâyars were both the boycott and the strike-very old social weapons in India, noticed incidentally by many travellersand Barbosa's accounts of the methods adopted by Nâyar soldiers to recover arrears of pay would spell terror if applied by European armies for a like purpose, though it is possible that similar practices were in vogue when mercenary forces were the fashion.
Barbosa has on p. 57 a remark which is more than merely interesting, as the earliest European instance of an observation, common more than three centuries later on, with quite as much error in it. He is talking of the "Cuiavem " or potters (Kuswan or Kuyavan). He says "They do not differ from the Nayres (Nâyars), yet by reason of a fault which they committed, they remain separate from them." This kind of folk-genealogy to bolster up a claim to "better days" in the past is very common in India and in the middle of the last century there was brought about the accidental collection of many such instances as that quoted unwittingly by Barbosa. Someone in high office directed Settlement (of Land Revenue) officials to find out the origin of caste names in the course of their enquiries into tenant right. The result was the record in innumerable Reports, in the Panjab at any rate, of childish accounts of caste origin, based on absurdly false etymology, and put forward in every case in order to raise the social status of the narrators. Anyone interested can collect them for himself from the official Settlement Reports of the period. It is very interesting to find that this particular method of gulling the inexpert European enquirer is as old as Barbosa himself. That the Kûyavan did differ from the Nâyar comes out naïvely in a remark in Ramusio's version of Barbosa: "Those who are sprung from them may not adopt any other caste or occupation" (p. 57).
On the whole Barbosa's observations on such castes as Kuyavan Vannathân and Châliyan, when compared with the modern Gazetteers, seem to infer that they and the Nâyars have an origin similar to that of the Rajpût clans further North.
Indeed, I am tempted here to note as a possible contribution to the ethnology of the Coast, that what we know of the Nâyars, the soldiers and "middle class" of the West Coast-the Kuswans or Kuyavans, the potters, the Cuiavem of Barbosa-the Vannathâns (p. 58), special washermen for the Nâyars who thus avoid caste pollution-and the Châliyans (p. 59) weavers, whose presence does not pollute the Nâyars-all connected with them in the business of lifeshows that they form together what further North would be called a Rajpût Clan and their followers. In fact, I am inclined to look upon the Nayars as indigenous Rajputs (there are others in India) and the rest as their followers in true Rajpût fashion, although the very

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strong Brahmanical influence of the South has succeeded in including the Nâyars themselves among the Sūdras, putting on that term a complexion very different from its original sense.
After" describing the Nayars, Barbosa goes through the whole gradation of castes with wonderful accuracy, drawing many valuable notes from his annotators, including a fine comparative table of caste nomenclature on p. 71.
Going further along in his accounts, we find Barbosa twice alluding to a variant of the old European custom which is the subject of Sir James Fraser's Golden Bough : once at "Quilicare " (Kilakkarai in the Madura District) and once at Pasay in Sumatra (pp. 121, 185). Hamilton (1727) transferred it to the Zamorins. It is worth while noting these two variants of a widely spread legend of the compulsory murder of the priest-king by his often unwilling successor..
Before parting with the engrossing subject of the Zamorins and their people, I would note that Barbosa's annotators have an appendix dealing with native accounts of them, con. taining information not to be found elsewhere. In the course of it there is mention (p. 254) of a world-wide folk-custom, giving it a rational explanation : "As they go they turn and throw rice and other things over their shoulder. This ceremony is intended to avert the evil eye, and with this the investiture of the Sthanis (the Five Rajas) is complete.”
After dealing at great length with the South-Western Hindus, Barbosa turns his atten. tion to the Moors, as he calls them in the fashion of his day, i.e., the Muhammadans of the Malabar Coast, both those that had become naturalised and those still strangers in the land, This leads him to speak with his accustomed acuteness of those jovial ruffians, the Moplahs (Mapillas), and in regard to them he is often informing and makes but few mistakes.
As regards Barbosa's observations on Further India, that on pp. 150-152 (one fancies by hearsay), of custom in Arakan of selecting brides by the smell of their perspiration in clothing, which reads as if it were apocryphal, may have an explanation in the custom of smelling for kissing prevalent in Burma and elsewhere in the Far East.
In annotating Barbosa's remarks on Pegu, Dames writes accurately regarding the White Elephant. Except in pictorial representations it was anything but white, and that captured during the Third Butmese War, at Mandalay, from the Burmese Court in 1885, of which the present writer had charge for a while officially, was, properly speaking, not even piebald. It had, however, on it certain marks in the arrangement of the hair, etc., which constituted it a holy object and a "white elephant" according to a set of carefully recorded and observed rules : just as has the child chosen to become the Dalai Lama in Tibet. Barbosa's statements also as to there being "many very proper nags, great walkers" in Pegu is accurate, if for "walkers" we translate " amblers." The Pegu pony (really from the Shan uplands) is still a remarkable ambler. I had one (13) hands) for some time in Mandalay, a good weightcarrier, on which I have successfully kept pace for a long distance with a horse at a smart canter. These ponies can keep up a quick amble almost indefinitely and are comfortable to ride at that pace.
Barbosa has a remark on Ambam or Amboyna in the Malay Archipelago, which is of unusual interest (p. 199), when he says that every man collects as many "Cambaya cloths" as he can to provide a ransom in case he is captured and enslaved. In parts of the Nicobars it is also the custom to collect white and red cotton cloths by the piece, but for a very different purpose, viz., for wrapping round the owner's corpse as part of the funeral ceremonies. One wonders if Barbosa understood rightly.

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Barbosa several times mentions the large size of the bells, drums and gongs of the Malay Archipelago (e.g., pp. 198, 202, 203). This is common to the whole of the Far East, where they are put to many uses, including currency.
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In describing Siam, Barbosa gives a circumstantial account of the ceremonial eating of dead relatives and friends as part of funeral ceremonies. This he attributes to a people "in the interior towards China where there is a Heathen Kingdom subject to Anseam [Siam]." Dames identifies them with the Gueos, which argues that they were probably [Gwê] Shâns and not Wâs, as Sir George Scott has suggested. These ceremonial cannibals may be there. fore taken to have been Shâns of some kind,, in respect of whom such cannibalism has often been reported, as it has also been attributed to Wild Wâs who belong to the Mon Race and the Kachins who belong to the Tibeto-Burman Race. I have myself known of a case where the body of a Shân rebel said to have been a great sorcerer was dug up by a local chief and boiled down into a decoction, some of which it was proposed to send to the British Chief Commissioner (the late Sir Charles Crosthwaite). It was probably the same case as that reported in the Upper Burma Gazetteer, pt. I, vol. II, p. 37, as occurring in 1888. It will be seen here that the cannibalism was purely ceremonial and due to a desire to secure extraordinarily supernatural powers by a sort of sympathetic magic. The funeral ceremony told to Barbosa may have been a garbled report of similar occurrences. Ceremonial cannibalism of the same kind is said to have existed among the Nicobarese.
I must wind up this very long discursive survey of one of the most informing books among the many of the same kind produced of late years by a note showing the care with which it has been edited. In describing the kingdom of Cochin, Barbosa alludes to the Court politics there of his day, of which the Portuguese accounts that have come down to us are scarcely intelligible, were it not for Mr. Rama Varmaraja's Contributions to the History of Cochin, Trichur, 1914. The quotations from this local publication in a long footnote (p. 94) set this matter straight, and provide a strong instance of the importance of placing the editing of such works as Barbosa's in the hands of competent annotators possessing the requisite knowledge.
A pathetic interest attaches to these comments on a great book. Just as they were ready for the press, there came to me news of the death of the writer, putting an end to a friendship of forty years standing.
A CHINESE EXPEDITION ACROSS THE PAMIRS AND
HINDUKUSH, A.D. 747.*
BY SIR AUREL STEIN, K.C.I.E.
(Continued from page 145.)
Well could I understand the reluctance shown to further advance by Kao Hsien-chih's cautious "braves," as from the top of the pass I looked down on 17 May 1906, through temporary rifts in the brooding vapour into the seeming abyss of the valley. The effect was still further heightened by the wall of ice-clad mountains rising to over 20,000 feet, which showed across the head of the Yasin valley south-eastwards, and by the contrast which the depths before me presented to the broad snowy expanse of the glacier firn sloping gently away on the north. Taking into account the close agreement between the Chinese record and the topography of the Darkot, we need not hesitate to recognize in T'an-chü an endeavour to give a phonetic rendering of some earlier form of the name Darkot, as accurate as the imperfections of the Chinese transcriptional devices would permit.
* Reprinted from the Geographical Journal for February 1922.

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The stratagem by which Kao Hsien-chih met and overcame the reluctance of his troops, which threatened failure when success seemed assured, looks characteristically Chinese. The forethought shown in preparing this ruse is a proof alike of Kao Hsien-chin's judgment of men and of the extreme care with which every step of his great enterprise must have been planned. But such a ruse, to prove effective, must have remained unsuspected. I believe that, in planning it, full advantage was taken of the peculiar configuration of the Darkot, which provides, as seen, a double route of access to the pass. If the party of men sent ahead to play the role of the "barbarians of Little Po-la" offering their submission was despatched by the Baroghil and Rukang route, while the troops marched by the Showitakh-Showar-shur route, all chance of discovery while on the move would be safely guarded against. As I had often occasion to note in the course of my explorations, Chinese military activity, from antiquity down to modern times, has always taken advantage of the keen sense of topography widely spread in the race. So kao Hsien-ehih was likely to take full account of the alternative routes. Nor could it have been particularly difficult for him to find suitable actors, in view of the generous admixture of local auxiliaries which the Chinese forces in Central Asia have at all times comprised.
The remaining stages of Kao Hsien-chih's advance can be traced with equal ease. The three marches which brought him from the southern foot of the pass to "the town of A-nu-yüeh " obviously correspond to the distance, close on 30 miles, reckoned between the first camping ground below the Darkot to the large village of Yasin. The latter, by its position and the abundance of cultivable ground near by, must always have been the political centre of the Yasin valley. Hence it is reasonable to assume that we have in A-nu-yüeh a fairly accurate reproduction of the name Arniya or Arniah, by which the Dards of the Gilgit valley know Yasin.
The best confirmation of this identification is furnished by the statement of the Chinese record that the bridge across the River So-yi was situated 60 li from A-nu-yüeh. Since the notice of Little Po-lü contained in the T'ang Annals names the River So-yi as the one on which Yeh-to, the capital of the kingdom, stood, it is clear that the Gilgit river must be meant. Now, a reference to the map shows that, in a descent of the valley from Yasin, the Gilgit river is reached at a distance of about 12 miles, which exactly agrees with the 60 li of the Chinese account. It is evident also that, since the only practicable route towards Gilgit proper and the Indus valley leads along the right, or southern, bank of the Gilgit river, the Tibetan reinforcements hurrying up from that direction could not reach Yasin without first crossing the river. This explains the importance attaching to the bridge and the prompt steps taken by the Chinese leader to have it broken. As the Gilgit river is quite unfordable in the summer, the destruction of the bridge sufficed to assure safe possession of Yasin.28
37 The T'ang Annals specifically mention in the account of Shih-ni, or Shighnan, on the Oxus that its chief in A.D. 747 followed the Imperial troops in their attack on Littlo P'o.lü, and was killed in the fighting: cf. Chavannes, Turcs occidentaux, p. 163.
28 The biography of Kao Hsien-chih calls this bridge "pont de rotin " in M. Chavannes' translation, Turce occidentaur, p. 153. But there can be no doubt that what is meant is a" rope bridge," or jhula, made of twigs twisted into ropes, & mode of construction still regularly used in all the valleys between Kashmir and the Hindukush. Rope bridges of this kind across the Gilgit river near the debouchure of the Yasin valley were the only permanent means of access to the latter from the south, until the wire suspension bridge near the present fort of Gupig was built in recent years.

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It still remains for us to consider briefly what the biography in the T'ang Annals tells us of Kao Hsien-chih's return from Little Po-lü. After having secured the king and his consort and pacified the whole territory, he is said to have retired by the route of “the shrine of the red Buddha" in the eighth (Chinese) month of A.D. 747. In the ninth month (October) he rejoined the troops he had left behind at Lien-yuan, i.e., Sarhad, and by the end of the same month regained “the valley of Po-mi," or the Pamirs.
Reference to the map shows that there are only two direct routes, apart from that over the Darkot and Baroghil, by which the upper Ab-i-Panja valley can be gained from Gilgit-Yasin. One leads up the extremely difficult gorge of the Karambar or Ashkuman river to its headwaters east of the Yarkhun river sources, and thence by the Khora-bhort Pass over the main Hindukush range and down the Lupsuk valley to the Ab-i-Panja. This it strikes at a point close to Karvan-balasi, half a march below the debouchure of the Little Pamir, and two and a half marches above Sarhad.29 The other, a longer but distinctly easier route, leads up from Gilgit through the Hunza valley to Guhyal, whence the Ab-i. Panja headwaters can be gained either via the Kilik and Wakhjir passes or by the Chapursan valley. At the head of the latter the Irshad pass gives access to the Lupsuk valley already mentioned, and down this Karwan-balasi is gained on the Ab-i-Panja.30 All three passes are high, close on or over 16,000 feet, but clear of ice and comparatively easy to cross in the summer or early autumn.
Taking into account the distinct statement that Kao Hsien-chih left after the whole "kingdom" had been pacified, it is difficult to believe he should not have visited Gilgit, the most important portion of Little Po-lü. In this case the return through Hunza would have offered manifest advantages, including the passage through a tract comparatively fertile in places and not yet touched by invasion. This assumption receives support also from the long time, one month, indicated between the start on the return march and the arrival at Lien-yün. Whereas the distance from Gilgit to Sarhad vid Hunza and the Irshad pass is now counted at twenty-two marches, that from Gilgit to the same place by the Karambar river and across the Khora-bhort is reckoned at only thirteen. But the latter route is very difficult at all times and quite impracticable for load-carrying men in the summer and early autumn, when the Karambar river completely fills its narrow rock-bound gorge.
The important point is that both routes would have brought Kao Hsien-chih to the same place on the uppermost Ab-i-Panja, near Karwan-balasi, which must be passed by all wishing to gain Sarhad from the east, whether starting from Hunza, Sarikol, or the Little Pamir. This leads me to believe that the "shrine of the red Buddha,” already mentioned above as on the route which Kao Hsien-chih's eastern column followed on its advance to Sarhad, must be looked for in this vicinity. Now it is just here that we find the small ruin
30 Regarding Karwan-balasi and the route along the Oxus connecting Sarhad with the Little Pamir, of. Desert Cathay, i. pp. 72 agg.
80 The Hunza valley route was followed by me in 1900. For a description of it and of the Kilik and Wakhjir pages, by which it conneots with the Ab-i-Panja valley close to the true glacier source of the Oxus, see my Ruins of Khotan, pp. 29 899.
The branch of this route leading up the Chapursan valley and across the Irshad pass, was for the most part seen by me in 1013. The Chapursen valley is open and easy almost throughout and showe evidence of having contained a good deal of cultivation in older time i see my note in Geographical Journal, 48, p. 109. On this account, and in view of the fact that this route is some 18 miles shorter than that over the Wakhjir and crosses only one watershed, it offers a distinctly more convenient lino of acown to the Oxus headwaters from Gilgit than the former branch.

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known as Karwan-balasi, which has all the structural features of a Buddhist shrine, though now reverenced as a Muhammadan tomb.31 We have here probably another instance of that continuity of local cult, which has so often converted places of ancient Buddhist worship in Central Asia and elsewhere into shrines of supposed Muhammadan saints.33
According to the Annals the victorious general repaired to the Imperial capital, taking with him in triumph the captured king Su-shih-li-chih and his consort. The Emperor pardoned the captive chief and enrolled him in the Imperial guards, i.e., kept him in honour. able exile, safely away from his territory. This was turned into a Chinese military district under the designation of Kuei-jên, and a garrison of a thousand men established there. The deep impression which Kao Hsien-chih's remarkable expedition must have produced in all neighbouring regions is duly reflected in the closing remarks of the T'ang-shu : " Then the Fu-lin (Syria), the Ta-shih (i.e., the Tazi or Arabs), and seventy-two kingdoms of divers barbarian peoples were all seized with fear and made their submission."
It was the greatness of the natural obstacles overcome on Kao Hsien-chih’s victorious march across the inhospitable Pamirs and the icy Hindukush, which made the fame of this last Central Asian success of the T'ang arms spread so far. If judged by the physical difficulties encountered and vanquished, the achievement of the able Korean general deserves fully to rank by the side of the great alpine feats of commanders famous in European history. He, for the first, and perhaps the last, time led an organized army right across the Pamirs and successfully pierced the great mountain rampart that defends Yasin-Gilgit, and with it the Indus valley, against invasion from the north. Respect for the energy and skill of the leader must increase with the recognition of traditional weakness which the Annals' ungarnished account reveals in his troops.
Diplomatic documents reproduced from the Imperial archives give us an interesting glimpse of the difficult conditions under which the Chinese garrison, placed in Little P'o-lü, was maintained for some years after Kao Hsien-chih's great exploit. As I have had occasion to discuss this curious record fully elsewhere, it will suffice to note that the small Chinese force was dependent wholly upon supplies obtained from Kashmir,33 exactly as the present garrison of Indian Imperial Service troops has been ever since it was placed in Gilgit somo thirty years ago.
In view of such natural difficulties as even the present Kashmir-Gilgit road, an achievement of modern engineering, has not succeeded in removing, it is not surprising to find that before long resumed Tibetan aggression threatened the Chinese hold, not merely upon Gilgit Yasin, but upon Chitral and distant Tokharistan too. A victorious expedition undertaken by Kao Hsien-chih in A.D. 750 to Chitral succeeded in averting this danger.34 But the fresh triumph of the Chinese arms in these distant regions was destined to be short. Early in the following year Kao Hsien-chih's high-handed intervention in the affairs of
31 Regarding the ruin of Karwan-balasi, cf. Desert Cathay, i. pp. 76 899., Serindia, i. pp. 70 sq.
89 For references, see Ancient Khotan, i. p. 611, 8.0. "local worship"; also my "Note on Buddhist Local Worship in Muhammadan Central Asia," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1910, pp. 839 sqq.
33 Cf. Ancient Khotan, i. pp. 11 -99.; for the official documents embodied in the 'Tee fu yuan kuei' (published A.D. 1013), see Chavannes, Turcs occidentaux, pp. 214 899.
In the former place I have pointed out the exact parallel which the difficulties experienced since 1890 about the maintenance of an Indian Imperial garrison in Gilgit present to the conditions indicated by the Chinese record of A.D. 749. The troublee attending the transport of supplies from Kashmir necesitated the construotion of the present Gilgit Road, a difficult piece of engineering.
84 Cf. Chavannes, Turcs occidentaux, pp. 188, 214 699., 296.

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Tashkend, far away to the north, brought about a great rising of the populations beyond the Yazartes, who received aid from the Arabs. In a great battle fought in July 751, in the plains near Talas, Kao Hsien-chih was completely defeated by the Arabs and their local allies, and in the ensuing débâcle barely escaped with a small remnant of his troops.35
This disaster marked the end of all Chinese enterprise beyond the Imaos. In Eastern Turkestan Chinese domination succeeded in maintaining itself for some time amidst constant struggles, until by A.D. 791 the last of its administrators and garrisons, completely cut off long before from contact with the Empire, finally succumbed to Tibetan invasion. Close on a thousand years were to pass after Kao Hsien-chih's downfall before Chinese control was established onoe again over the Tarim basin and north of the T'ien-shan under the great emperor Ch'ien-lung.
THE PROBLEM OF THE SANKHYA KARIKAS.
BY SHRIDHAR SHASTRI PATHAK, In his edition of Isvarkrishna's Sankhya Karikas with Gaudapáda's Commentary thereon, Wilson, while oommenting on the seventy-second karika, makes the following observation:" We have here in the text reference to seventy stanzas as comprising the doctrinal part of Sankhya. In fact, however, there are but sixty-nine, unless the verse containing the notice of kapila be included in the enumeration, and in that case it might be asked, why should not the next stanza at least, making mention of the reputed author, be also comprehended, when there will be seventy-one verses? The scholiasts offer no explanation of the difficulty."
The three stanzas referred to above, beginning with the 70th in Wilson's edition, run as follows -
एतत् पवित्रमय्यं मुनिरासुरयेऽनुकम्पया प्रददौ । भासुरिरपि पश्चशिखाय तेन च बहुधा कृतं तन्त्रम् ॥ ७० ॥ शिष्यपरम्परयागतमीश्वरकृष्णेन चैतदार्याभिः । संक्षिप्तमार्यमतिना सम्यग्विज्ञाय सिद्धान्तम् ।। ७१ ।। सप्तम्यां किल येऽर्थास्तेः कृत्स्नस्य षष्टितंत्रस्य
आख्यायिकाविरहिताः परषादविवर्जिताश्चापि ॥ ७२ ॥ Gaudapáda's Commentary, as observed by Wilson, stops at the end of the sixty-ninth kdrika, but in its concluding verse quotes 'seventy' as the number of Aryas (Yatraitah Saptatirâryah, etc.)
In an article in Sanskrit Research " the late Mr. B. G. Tilak, accepting Wilson's view regarding the existence of some incongruity in the number of karikás, proceeds to show that a lirika is actually missing from the present text, and even claims to have discovered it in a passage of Gauda påda's Commentary. This passage is a part of the bhâshya on the sixtyfirst karika and contains a discussion on the nature of the first cause of creation. In Mr. Tak's opinion it must have originally formed Gaudapâda's Commentary on & distinot karikd following the sixty-first, and was somehow left out of the body of the text. Selecting suitable excerpts from the passage and putting them together, he gets the following as the missing karika.
कारणमीश्वरमेके पुरुषं कालं परे स्वभावं वा। ar: i farfurat 26:: FAT 11
36 Cf. Chavannee, Turos occidentaux, p. 142, note 2. M. Chavannes, p. 297, quotes the closely conpordant account of these events from Muhammadan historical recorde.

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The sixty-first karika itself runs as follows :
प्रकृतेः सुकुमारतरं न किञ्चिदस्तीति मे मतिर्मवति ।
या दृष्टास्मीति पुनर्न दर्शनमुपैति पुरुषस्य ।। ६१ ॥ However ingenious this solution of Wilson's difficulty may be, there are serious objections to it, which tend to show clearly that the whole theory of a missing kdrika is both untenable and unnecessary. Our objections to Mr. Tilak's solution of Wilson's difficulty are :
(1) In the concluding or seventy-second karika (which we have already quoted above) Isvarkrishna, the author, distinctly says the subjects treated in the seventy karikas are those in the whole of the Shashtitantra, exclusive of illustrative tales and omitting con. troversial texts (paravadantvarjitah). The verse discovered by Mr. Tilak contains in its first half four different views regarding the cause of creation, and in the second a refutation of these. It is inconceivable that a couplet so distinctly controversial in its character could have escaped the author's notice, when he stated at the end that he had omitted all controversial matter. This fact alone, in our opinion, constitutes strong and sufficient ground for rejecting Mr. Tilak's kariká as the missing one.
(2) Besides being controversial in character, and therefore out of place in a plain statement of the Sankhya dootrines, Mr. Tilak's kdrikd does not fit the context well. Let us consider what the context actually is -After having described the twofold creation, personal and intellectual, the author comes (in the 55th verse) to the main object of the system, viz., the final dissolution of the connection of soul and body. In the creation the sentient soul experiences pain arising from decay and death until it be released from its person. The part played by Prakriti or Nature in this process of Purushavimoksha, or the freeing of the soul, is the subject treated from the fifty-sixth to the sixty-third karikâ. The kariká proposed by Mr. Tilak as the missing one, however, bears upon an altogether different matter, namely the proving of Prakriti to be the sole first cause of creation. While discussing the passage in the Commentary which has been made by Mr. Tilak to yield his karika, Wilson could not help observing, “ Gauda pada has gone out of his way rather to discuss the character of a first cause." This remark of Wilson is particularly important, when we remember that it was he who was the first to notice what seemed to him an incongruity regarding the number of karikas. If the substance of the Commentary on the sixty-first karika had been in keeping with the context, it could not have escaped his notioe that it might appertain to some kdrikd missing from the text. Here we may notice an argument put forward by Mr Tilak to support his theory. He says that “Alberuni, quoting from a Sankhya book in the form of a dialogue dwells upon the same essential doctrines of the Sankhya philosophy," that is to say, "the doctrine not to recognize any cause of the world subtler than the Prakriti." This Mr. Tilak regarded as independent evidence from which it would, he says, be unreasonable to suppose that the doctrine was not mentioned in the sankhya kdrikds. Now Alberuni's statement refers only to the Sankhya doctrine of Prakyiti being the subtle cause of the universe, not to any refutation of the other causes in the Sankhya karikds. In stating the doctrine of Sankhya, the author would naturally say "there is no cause subtler than Prakriti, " i.e., Prakriti is the subtlest. But if he proceeds to say that Isvara or Kala or Svabhava is not subtler than Prakriti, he is no longer stating a doctrine, but replying to an objection to his doctrine. This latter is not essential in a statement of the Sankhya system, especially one which professedly avoids a controversy.

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(3) Not only is Mr. Tilak's karikâ controversial in character and out of place in the context, but it is also defective as a refutation of other views regarding the first oa use of creation. As stated by tsvarkrishņa in the last (72nd) kârika, the Sankhya karikás are & compendium of the Shashtitantra, an older and larger work on the Sankhya system. Though the latter work is not extant, a synopsis of its contents is found in the Ahirbudhnyasarhitá of the Pancharatra Agama (edited for the Adyar Library by Mr. D. Ramaniyacharya). We quote the following from it :
षष्टिभेदं स्मृतं तत्रं सांख्यं नाम महामुने। प्राकृतं वैकृतं चेति मण्डले द्वे समासतः ।। प्राकृतं मण्डलं तत्र द्वात्रिंशद्भदमिष्यते । तत्रार्थ ब्रह्मतत्रं तु द्वितीयं पुरुषांकितम् । त्रीणि तत्राण्यथान्यानि शक्तनियतिकालयोः॥ Turcanufa fi
l etc., etc. Here we have a reference to chapters on the refutation of five different views regarding the first cause of creation, respectively advocating Brahna, Púrusha, Sakti, Niyati and Kala. As against these five Mr. Tilak's kårikå gives only four, namely, Isvara, Purusha, Kala and Svabhava. Identifying Brahing with Isvara and Niyati with Svabhava, we are still left without anything to correspond to Sakti in the karika, which thus fails to fulfil the very object it has in view, viz., the establishment of Prakriti as the only first cause of creation by disproving all others.
(4) The passage of the Commentary, from which the excerpts are chosen to form Mr. Tilak's kirikd, is obviously based on a far-fetched, if not erroneous, interpretation of the word sukumarataram in the sixty-first couplet. All commentaries, excepting that of Gaudapáda and the Matharurilli, explain the word by salajja, atipesal, purushadarshanasahishnu, etc., i.e., bashful, modest, unable to bear the gaze of the soul, etc. The propriety of the adjective as applied to Prakriti in the first line of the couplet is fully brought out in the second line, which says या दृष्टास्मीति पुनर्न दर्शनमुपैति पुरुषस्य. In fact, the plain meaning of the karika is "methinks nothing is more gentle (modest, bashful, etc.) than Nature ; once seen by the soul it ever shrinks from its gaze”: that is to say, Nature being once understood by the soul, ceases to act. This meaning is in full conformity with that of the two preceding karikde, one of which likens Prakriti to a dancer who desists from the dance after having exhibited herself to the spectators. It is clear, therefore, that there is no need to interpret the word sukumiratara in another way, in order to justify its application to Prakriti. Gaudapåda's Commentary on the sixty-first karikâ first gives the above plain meaning, but later proceeds to dilate upon the word sukumarataram. As Wilson says, he goes out of his way “to discuss the character of a first cause, giving to sukumdratara a peculiar import, that of enjoyable, peroeptible,' (subhogyatara), which Nature eminently is, and is therefore according to him the most appropriate souroe of all perceptible objects, or in other words of creation". This far-fetched interpretation would take all force out of the metaphorical illustration implied in the couplet. (5) Further, the sixty-second verse, viz. :
तस्मान बध्यते नापि मुच्यते नापि संसरति कश्चित् ।
संसरति बध्यये मुच्यते च नानाश्रया प्रकृतिः ॥ ६२ ॥ which draws a sort of conclusion from the description of the ways of Prakriti in the process of liberation of the soul, will not appropriately follow Mr. Tilak's verse, which only contains a discussion of the first cause of creation and has nothing whatever to do with

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Purushavimoksha, which is the subject under treatment. To any one who reads the Karikas beginning with the fifty-sixth and ending with the sixty-second, both with and without Mr.
Tilak's karika between the sixty-first and sixty-second, it will be quite clear how the new kårika introduces a digression and cannot therefore have formed part of the original text.
(6) Having given above the grounds on which the proposed karika ought to be rejected, we shall now proceed to show that the passage in the Commentary on which it is based, shows unmistakable signs of either being corrupt, or wrongly interpolated in its present place. The same also is the case with Matharavritti which is cited in support of the new karika. The text of Gaudapâda's Commentary on the sixty-first karika, as it stands at present, begins thus :
लोके प्रकृतेः सुकुमारतरं न किंचिदस्तीत्येवं मे मतिर्भवति । येन परार्य एवं मतिरुप्तन्ना । कस्मादहमनेन पुरुषेण दृष्टास्मीत्यस्य पुंसः पुनदर्शनं नोपैति पुरुषस्यादर्शनमुपयातीत्यर्थः । This practically explains the whole karika. The words and a Habar, "Since Nature thus thinks of another's advantage", seek to bring out the propriety of the word Sukumaralaram (gentle, soft), though, as a matter of fact, the second half of the couplet is in itself sufficient to justify the epithet. But the explanation does not conflict with the general tenour of the description of Prakriti's part in the work of- freeing Purusha. Having however given this explanation, it is inconceivable that Gaudapâda should proceed to give another and more far-fetched interpretation, in which it is necessary to interpret the word sukumdralaram as karanam ( : : Fara gaat afpretatie Theater etc.), for which there is no authority whatever, and which is so far removed from the implied comparison between Prakritt and a shy damsel. The repetition of the words 2 gangara got near the end of the Commentary on the karika and of other words, too, clearly indicates that a passage so loose and rambling in character, and so replete with incoherent interpretations, cannot be relied upon for the purpose of building up a karika. Its presence in the text seems to be due to some such circumstance as the careless transcription of a reader's marginal notes on a manuscript into the body of the text.
(7) In the Matharavritti also, which follows Gaudapâda's Commentary, we have मे मतिर्भवतीति पुरुष आत्मानं ब्रवीति । मे मतिर्भवतीति पुरुषस्य etc., in which the writer asks us to under. stand Purusha by the word . It is clear here, however, that the pronoun H can have reference only to išvarkțishna and not to Purusha, for as a rule the pronoun cannot precede the noun for which it stands. In fact, the whole interpretation of the kdrikd would thus be entirely wrong, and we cannot but conclude that the passage which contains it is a corrupt form of the original. Such sentences again as एवं प्रकृतिः परमात्मना पुरुषेण ज्ञानचक्षुषा दृष्टा, which contains the epithet Paramdtman applied to Purusha, could not have been written either by a Vedântist or a follower of the Sankhya philosophy, for the former with his conception of the omniscience of the supreme soul would never endanger the Sarvag ñyatra of the Paramdiman by keeping him in the darkness of ignorance before he has seen the nature of Prakriti, while the latter would never attribute the epithet Paramatman to his Purusha. To say, therefore, that the passages in question in the Commentary and the Ma. tharavritti really form part of the original texts, amounts to saying that the learned authors of the commentaries were either ignorant or careless in the extreme. We have the authority of Vachaspatimisra, the author of the Sankhyatatvakaumudi, in rejecting all this superfluous discussion about Prakriti as the prime cause of creation. Mr. Tilak suggests that it must have been a Vedantist who attempted to explain the sankhya karikas consistently with the

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doctrines of the Vedanta. But this is entirely groundless. He even cites the instance of Vidnyánabhikshu in support of his suggestion ; but herein he misrepresents facts, because Vidnyánabhikshu clearly held the two systems to be separate and made no attempt to identify them with one another. For instance, he writes -
ब्रह्मामीमांसायां त्वयं विशेषो यत्परमात्मविवेकशेषत्वम् । सांख्यशाने तु सामान्यात्माविवेकशेषत्वम् । Having thus stated our grounds for the rejection of the proposed karika, we shall now briefly show that it is not necessary to have any new karikå at all to make up the number seventy. The seventieth karika as it stands gives the Guruparampard, as is often the practice in old works. Thus the Brihadaranyaka concludes with a chapter that gives a fairly long list of succession from preceptor to pupil. The Shaskţitantra, which is the source of the Sankhya karikas, must have given this Guruparampará, and therefore there cannot be the least objection to counting the present seventieth kdrikd among the seventy, which are referred to in the seventy-second verse ( ret for Suitat: Echte feast). This is the most natural explanation. It did not occur to Wilson, probably because it did not strike him that "the Guruparampard formed an integral feature of the promulgation of doctrines in Indian works. It was also partly due to the fact that Gaudapáda's Commentary stops at the end of the sixty-ninth karikd; but this is easily explained by the fact that the seventieth karika is too easy to need any comment. When Távarakrishna writes that his seventy karikás contain all matters that are treated in the whole of Shashtitantra, he does not include only the purely doctrinal part in the words "the whole of Shashtitantra," but also the Guruparampara, which we have every reason to believe formed the concluding part of it. It does not seem therefore necessary, when such a simple and natural explanation of the existence of the seventy kárikds is available, to search for a new karika in the first place, and to build up a theory on a loose and insecure foundation, so entirely discordant with the general aim and particular context as Mr. Tilak's proposed kârikâ has been shown to be.
Now the 71st kårikå is one of the two concluding kårikâs of the book Sankhya karika. It states : -" Iśvarkrishna (i.e., I myself) brought into a short compass by means of these aryas all the principles of Sankhya philosophy." Wilson asks why this stanza also should not be included in the seventy? (Heat Pants etc.) But it is fairly clear from what we have said above that the doctrinal part and the Guruparampara of the Shash titantra are to be found in the seventy aryas, while the seventy-first which is concerned with Isvarkrishna, the author himself of Sankhya karikás, can have formed no part of the Shashțitantra, which is a far older work.
DEVICHANDRAGUPTAM
Chandragupta Vikramdditya's Destruction of the Saka Satraps. (A glimpse into Gupta history from Sanskrit Literature.)
By A. RANGASVAMI SARASVATI, B.A. The great military achievement of the greatest of the Gupta emperors, Chandragupta Vikramaditya, was his final destruction of the Saka power in Malwa and Guzerat and the annexation of its territories. The last date on the ooins of these Satraps is 310, which is found on the coins of Svami Rudrasimha, son of Svami Satyasinha. The inscription on
1 JRAS. 1890, p. 630, and 1899, p. 357, med Ann. Rep. of the Watson's Museum of Antiquities, Rajkot.

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these coins runs Ragño Mahakshatrapasa Svámi Satyasimkasa Putrasa Ragño Mahakshatrapasa Svámi Rudrasimhasa.' Soon after the date which is found on these coins, i.e., .Saka 310 or A.D. 388, the Saka dominions were incorporated in the Gupta Empire.
A sliort passage in Bana's Harshacharita, first brought to the notice of scholars by the late Dr. Bhau Daji, wherein the hero, Sri Harsha, after learning of his brother's death, is offered condolence by his friend Skandagupta, seemed to afford to archæologists a glimpse into an episode in the history of the final overthrow of the Satraps by Chandragupta. The portion of the passage referring to the particular incident runs :
अरिपुरेचपरकलत्रकामुकं कामिनीवेशगुप्तश्चचन्द्रगुप्तः शकपतिमशातयत् ॥ This has been translated 'In the enemy's city, the king of the Sakas, while courting another man's wife, was butchered by Chandragupta in his mistress's dress.'The reference in this pas sage has rightly been thought to indicate Chandragupta Vikramaditya, the Gupta Emperor's killing the last Satrap Rudrasimha. Historians thought that the information afforded by this passage had nothing historical in it and that the tale was merely "scandalous tradition." 4 Sankara, the commentator of Harshacharita, has the following note referring to this passage :
'शकानामाचार्यः शकाधिपतिः चन्द्रगुप्तभ्रातृनायांध्रुवदेवींप्रार्थयमानः चन्द्रगुप्तेनध्रुवदेवीवेषधारिणास्त्रीवेषनन परिवतेन रहसि व्यापादितः। This note adds a little moro to our knowledge of the event than the original text. It says that the ruler of the Sakas, who is also called their & charyja (preceptor), was secretly killed by Chandragupta, while he was making advances of love towards Dhruvadeur, the brother's wife of Chandragupta, in the disguise of a woman and surrounded by seldiers dressed as women. This note makes it certain that the Chandragupta referred to by Bana is the Gupta emperor of that name, on account of the mention of the name Dhruvadêvi. Dhruvadevi is known to historians to be the name of Chandragupta Vikramaditya's wife and the mother of his son and successor Kumaragupta. But there arises & small difficulty. This is the statement of Sankara, the commentator, that Dhruvadêvî was the brother's wife 'Can' of Chandragupta. Evidently there is some mistake in the statement of the commentator.
The information thus afforded is augmented from an unexpected source. One of the works discovered by the Government Oriental Manuscripts Library of Madras, the śrngaraprakasa, contains several significant passages which add to the knowledge of scholars on this point. These passages, like a large number of similar ones in the work, are quotations from many Sanskrit works, some of which are entirely forgotten, while others are known only by name.
The author of this interesting work is Bhoja and seems to be identical with the King of Dhârâ of that name, who was a great patron of letters and who was the author of the work on Rhetoric, Sarasvatikanthabharana. The passages are given below and are taken from the cighteenth adhyaya of this work.?
3 The Literary Remains of Dr. Bhau Daji, pp. 193-194. Harshacharita, Trans. by Cowell and Thomas, p. 9:. 3 Harshacharita, Translation by Cowell and Thomas, p. 194. # V. A. Smith, Early History, p. 292 (Third Edition). 5 Fleet, Gupta Inscriptions, Nos. 10 and 12. 8 Rep. of the Peripatetic part of the Government Oriental MSS. Library. Madras, 19. . 7 I owe the extracts to the courtesy of my friend Mr. M. Ramakrishnakavi, M.A.. of the Government Oriental MSS. Library. Madras. He has not only discovered these works for the Library, but has mado a collection of extracts similar to the above. He has since published some of those in a learned article on Dandin, in a Telugu literary journal, the Kala.

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i-taglaga: a: 941: terari aragt & fat qurinaa 11
ii-देवीचन्द्रगुप्तेविदूषकंप्रातचन्द्रगुप्तः॥ सदंभ्यान्पृधुवमविक्रतबलादृष्टाद्भुतान्दान्तनः हासस्यैवगुहामुखादभिमुखंनिष्कामतः पर्वतात् । एकस्वापिविधूतकेसरनटाभारस्य भीतामृगाः
गन्धादेवहरेवन्तिवहयो वीरस्यर्किसंख्यया॥ iii-देवीचन्द्रगुप्तेवसन्तसेनामुद्दिश्यमाथवस्योक्तिः
आनन्दाश्रुसितेतरोत्पलरुचोराबनतानेत्रयोः प्रत्यंगेषुषराननेपुलकिषुस्वेदसमातन्वता। कुर्वाणेननितंबयोरुपचयसंपूर्णयोरप्यसो
तेनाप्यस्पृशताप्यथोनिवसनप्रन्धिस्तधोच्छासितः ॥ These passages are said to have been taken from a now forgotten drama 9-TË, whose author is not known. The first passage proves clearly that the subject matter of
this drama is the same as what we findin Bâo a's reference in the Harshacharita. It says that Chandragupta managed to enter the camp of his enemy at Alipura in the guise of a woman, for the purpose of killing the Lord of the Sakas. Here the place where the Sakapati's camp,
-eralt, was laid is called Aļipura. The identity of this place deserves to be established. Its name has not been read correctly in the manuscripts of the Harshacharita. Dr. Bhau Daji, who first discovered the Harshacharita for archæologista found the reading Nalinapura8 for the name of the place. But soon he found in another manuscript the reading Aripura, the enemy's town, which has since been accepted among scholars. This extract from the Śrngaraprakasa gives the name as Alipura, which appears to be the correct form, and which could very easily have been misread both as Naļinapura and Aripura.
The second extract above quoted is more interesting and gives us some more information of the drama. In this, Chandragupta is made to reply to the vidůshaka (clown), when the latter criticized him for his rash behaviour in endangering his life in the midst of his enemies. Chandragupta says that the danger does not matter much, and that the number of his surrounding enemies need not deter him from embarking on heroic deeds. He says that the enemies will be scattered like the herds of animals (elephants) at the very smell of the lion, issuing out of his den on seeing many elephants of high breed. If the information afforded by this extract is historical,--there is absolutely no reason to doubt it--the actual incidents in the war between Chandragupta and the Saka sovereign seem to be an invasion by the former of the territory of the enemy, where, by an accident, the queen of Chandragupta, Dhruva Dêvi, fell into the hands of the enemy, the Saka sovereign. The latter, whatever his name may have been, most unchivalrously made advances of love towards her. Chandragupta managed, along with a few select followers in the guise of women, to enter the enemy's camp. There he, disguised as his own queen, Dhruva Devi, managed to get an interview with the Saka King and killed him. This incident more than any other seems to have given Chandragupta the title Vikramaditya, a title which was first used by the famous sovereign, who set aside for the time the rule of the Sungas, defeated and brought under subjection the Andhra kingdom, and beat back, though temporarily, the advancing tide of the Saka invasion. One of the other titles of this great hero was
8 The Literary Remains of Dr. Bhau Daji, p. 193. . This information will be published in the form of an article soon.-A.R.S.

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Sahasâúka, distinguished for daring, and from what we know of him, his daring was of a special sort. By his exploit in the enemy's camp, Chandragupta seems to have got the popular title Vikramaditya. .
The next extract above quoted affords some more interesting information about DeviChandraguptam. This verse is addressed by a character called Madhava to his beloved Vasantasênå in the enemy's camp. It is not known whether Madhava and Vasantasênå were real historical characters. From the verse no new historical information can be gleaned, but the nature of this verse, as well of that of the one previously quoted, is such that it leaves in the mind of the reader a feeling of sorrow that he is unable to know more of the story and of the fortunes of the love between Vasantasênâ and Madhava.
From the discussion in the above paragraphs one would be inclined to think that Båna was referring to the subject matter of this drama, when he quoted the incident in his work. May it not be that Bâna was merely referring to several other historical dramas and poems, when he was recounting the fates of the sovereigns, who lost their lives by treachery or by their own folly ? The nature of the subject matter of these dramas being personal, they would not be particularly interesting to generations who came long after them, and as a consequence the works fell out of use. Only a few of the most popular, like the Mrichchakatiko, Mudrdrakshasa, Pratigndyaugandhardyana, Svapnavdsavadatta, Arimaraka and the Maļavikågnimitra, have been preserved, or rather rescued from oblivion, on account of their special merit or the nature of their subject matter.
COMMEMORATION OF THE KAININS OR MAIDENS IN THE AVESTA.
BY SHAMS.UL.ULMA DR. JIVANJI JAMSHEDJI MODI, B.A., Ph.D., C.L.E. MR. KALIPADA MITRA's paper entitled "About Buddhist Nuns," ante Vol. LI, p. 225 ff., has suggested to me the subject of this brief note. Mr. Mitra's paper, and the preceding paper of Mr. Lakshman Rao which it criticizes, and other writings show that in ancient India there existed both a class of married women and a class of unmarried women or maidens, who were poetesses and seers, and who, dedicating their lives to public gooi, formed as it were a class of public benefactresses. Among these, those belonging to the latter class, viz., the maidens, were spoken of as bhikkhunis, samanis and pabbaijitas.
What was the case in ancient Iran ? Asceticism had no place in the religious and social circles of Iran; but still there were public benefactresses, both married and unmarried, whose names have been commemorated in the long list of the calendar of Iranian saints. The Farvardin Yasht (Yt. XIII) treats of the Fravashis or Farohars, who stand fourth in the spiritual Hierarchy of the Avesta. Every man has a Frevashi of his own. These Fravashis are, like the Pitris of the Hindus, as it were the deified souls of the dead. Thus, the Fravardin Yasht, which speaks of the Fravashis of the dead, enumerates the names of the departed worthies of Iran who had served their country well. This part is, as Prof. Darmesteter says, "like a Homer's catalogue of Mazdeism." It contains as it were a calendar of all Iranian saints. In this Yasht we also find at the end the names of women who had served their country well and were sanctified or canonized. In this list of women, at first, we find the names of married women, and then those of kainins or maidens. Two sections of the Yasht (ss. 141 and 142) contain names of nine kainins or maidens who were sanctified or canonized for good deeds. The following formula illustrates the way in which these worthy maidens are commemorated :
"Kainyâo vadhûto ashaonyâo fravashôm yazamaide," i.e., We commemorate (or invoke) the fravashis of the holy maid Vadhut.

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MISCELLANEA
185
Unfortunately, we are not in a position to find from extant literature what the worthy deeds were, for which they were sanctified.
As to the period to which these names belong, we may say that they all belong to the pre-Parthian period of the Persian ruling dynasties. The calendar seems to have been generally closed with the invasion of Alexander. A few names are here and there identified with some known Parthian names. The name Gaötama (TAT) is identified by some with that of the founder of the Buddhist religion. Some take this Gaotama to be one of the Rishis. Some scholars like Spiegel and Geldner take the word to be a common noun and not a proper noun. However, in all the circumstances, we can safely say that unmarried women or maidens were, like men, canonized or sanctified in olden times in Persia for their pious and charitable deeds.
MISCELLANEA. PALAUNG = FARINGI.
in the coming year. Each man leads his pony A puzzling corruption of the Oriental term 'to a starting point outside the city. The ponies Faringi (=Frank) for a Western European is noted find their own way home without riders, and thoso incidentally by Mr. San Baw U in an article entitled that make their way straight home bring good "My Rambles among the Ruins of the Golden fortune with them, Last year the Kung-one City of Myauk-u" (in Arakan) in Vol. XI, p. 165, of the high officials of Lhasa---was in Gyantse. Noof the Journal of the Burma Research Society. The body could dream of allowing his horse to go astray. Palaunge are a well known people in Burma, but so it was helped in by faithful servants, who ran in Arakan the name may have quite a different behind it firing guns and yelling. So the horse meaning, thus: "The Portuguese invaders were came in all right, and good luck was assured to the known as Palaungs, probably & corruption of the Kung." namo . Feringhis.' At that time [1534 A. D.]
R. C. TEMPLE. a son was born to the king [Min Bahor Min Bin of Arakan) and to mark the victory [over the DISPOSAL OF THE DEAD BY EXPOSURE. Portuguese on their first attack on Arakan] he was
The following note by Capt. J. B. Noel of the named Palaung by his father and later he was
Mount Everest Expedition in The Times of the known as King Min Palaung [the builder of the
2nd October 1922 gives yet another description of famous Urittaung Pagoda at Ponnagyun)."
R. O. TEMPLE.
disposal of the dead by exposure. This time in
Tibet. A HUMAN SCAPEGOAT AND HIS ANTIDOTE.
"The most gruesome custom one can see at The following description of a human scapegoat Gyantse is the disposal of the dead. At daybreak in Tibet is from an account of Gyantee by Capt.
the body is carried to the crost of a low hill, a mile J. B. Noel of the Mount Everest Expedition in from the city. After & Lams has said prayers The Times of the 2nd October 1922. It will be and incantations over the naked corpse, the proBeen that a human being acts the part of the sin- fessional butchers slice the body up with knives, transferrer and ponies as the converse, viz., as cutting off, separately, ths logs and arms, and luck-bringers.
lastly the head. : "At the Tibetan New Year is enacted at the They hack and smash each member into pulp Temple the annual ceremony of purifying the city on a rock, with hatchets, and throw it to the vultures, of the evils of the outgoing year. The Lamas who stand waiting only 5 feet away. The birds produce beggar man who is willing, through consume every particle of the flesh and the crushed fanaticism and promise of eternal merit, to risk his bone. One man stands by to beat off the ravens, life in the strangest of ceremonies. Naked, he for the raven is unclean to the Tibetan, and only clothes himself in the putrid entrails of animals, the vulture may cat his flesh. Although I had with the vile, bloody intestines coiled round his my cinematograph with me when I saw this burial, head, neck, arms and body.
I refrained from photographing this custom. The He represents the evil, the disease, the ill-luck, thing was simply too awful and soul-stirring to and the bad things of last year. He runs out of the photograph. Temple door, and the mad populace beat drums But the Tibetans thought nothing of it. The and blow trumpets to frighten away the devil in dead are naught to them, since tha spirit has left him. They hurl'stones and beat the beggar with and become reborn in another being, following sticks. They chase him through the streets out its Wheel of Life and its eternal weary path to into the open country, if he does not get killed before ! far off Karma. The relatives of the dead man con.
After they have disposed thus of the troubles sumod chung afterwards, and all became drunk." of last year the people soek omons for good fortune
R. C. TEMPLE.

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186
.
.
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[JULY, 1923
BOOK NOTICE.
(1) BALACARITA (DIE ABENTENER DES KNABES unconventional spirit which breathes perhaps more
KRISHNA), SCHAUSPIEL VON BH8A. TEXTA strongly in the Balacarita and Avimdraka than HERAUSGEGEBEN VON DR. H. WELLER. Pp. in any of the plays and is after the literary tos[V]. IX. 105. (Haessel) Leipzig, 1922,
timony tha best argument for their authenticity. (2) Dis ABENTENER DES KNABES KRISCHNA, The text given in the second work is, of course,
SCHAUSPIEL VON BESA UBERSETZT VON HER based almost entirely upon that elicited by MAN WELLER. Pp. 99. The same.
Mahamahopadhyâya Ganapati Sastri, whose emen.
dations and his chdyd are for the most part The former of these two works is a lithographed edition of the text from Dr. Weller's autograph,
reproduced. In a number of passages Dr. Weller
has introduced corrections of his own or has with Proface and notes; the second is a printed
followed some valuable suggestions of Professor verse translation similarly equipped. The trans
Jacobi. To a certain extent he has regularized lation we may pass over briefly with the observa
the Prakrit spellings. He admits as many AS tion that it is well done, being both accurato in rendering the sonse and readable as literature. three varieties of the Sauraseni dialect, which The notes to it are mainly concerned with expla- he attributes respectively to the women, the nations of mythological and historical mattere, cowherds, and to the cowherd maidons with dramatic terminology and the like. In the the wrestlers respectively. They differ chiefly Introduction we have first an account of the
in the use of 6, 4, 5, and of l and . In the discovery of the drama by Mahamahopadhyaya
verses he has allowed forms like paddhat and udiä Ganapati fastri, & discussion of its date, partly
for vaddhadi and adida, to stand. Such changes in comparison with the plays of Asvaghos, of
and abstention from change are methodological; whom in this respect the author does not como
but they do not add to our knowledge or carry for short, and a suggestion that the early neglect
his their own certainty. Our manuscripts are too remoto of this dramatist may have been caused by his
in date from the supposed time of composition ; comparative freedom of method and simplicity of style. The idea is one which naturally presents
and if we look to the inscriptions of that period, itself and in itself has an undeniable verisimilitude.
we shall find no lack of inconsistencies. It may
be doubted whether any Indo-Aryan language It is ingeniously suggested that the title of the
except Sanakrit, and in a certain degree Pali, has Bdsacarita points to Bhasa's having worked in
centre Mathura, an undoubted early
of
n the
ever been spelled or pronounced with tolerable
consistency. Krishna drama,-since elsewhere the refereno, to
There are some interesting grammatical features Krishna would not have been so obviously given
in the Balacarita. We may mention md with by the word bila.
the infinitive (md pavisidum, Act IV. p. 55) and As regards the drama itself, Dr. Weller calls
with the participle (md aṇuhdardnam, Act I, p. 10); attention to such negative features, 6.9., the absence of erotio motive, as indicate an early
extension of the participle (0.8., madalia = myta) version of the Krishra story, and explain some
or noun (gehalasim) by a hypocoristio l, s else
where in Prakrit and its descendants ; pamkhu = points, the person of Katyayani, the reckoning
pdmiu, cokkha dauca, dildndm =dilm, and so of Krishna as the seventh, and not the eighth, son of Devaki, certain features of
forth. Wo may note the use of guna in the sense
popular character and others suggestive of Buddhist influence. He
of 'favour or service,' p. 12 and p. 28 (gundafinds a local historical nucleus in the adventures
grdha) recognition of favour, which should not of the Krishna of Mathura. As regards the poetic
be altered with Professor Jacobi to samgrdmo, and dramatic quality of the work, he
as the sense is found elsewhere. In the verse 18
rightly omphasizes the impressiveness of the opening night
imdm nadimp, oto, we may suspect that the original soene and of the dialogue of Kamsa with the Chand
ending was siddhir yadi daivate sthitam if success ala girls, the dream, the impersonated weapons
[is to be],' depends upon fate ; vaha mi too has the and so forth, some of which have a quite Shake sense of "traverso' the river. The sentiment sponrean tone. The play fulfils the technical require..
(p. 33) that for girls the mother has a stronger mente, of an Indian nafaka. It gives no countelove [than for boys) ' recurs in Hargacarita with nance to the hypothesis of Christian traits in the parents' in place of mothers.' We may note the Krishna story. To most of these judgments miswritings papáda for paguda (p. 14) and mahdiwe should subscribe. But perhaps even more mydt for mdo (p. 34, v. 16). strese might have been laid upon the fresh and
F. W. THOMAS.

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THE APABHRAMŠA STABAKAS OF RAMA-ŠARMAN
1871
THE APABHRAMSA STABAKAS OF RÅMA-SARMAN (TARKAVAGISA).
BY SIR GEORGE A. GRIERSON, K.C.I.E. (Continued from page 8.)
Indexes. In the following Indexes, the few words found in the Vracada section (the third Stabaka of the third Sakhā) have the numeral iii (in Roman figures) prefixed to the verse-numbers. Other words, occurring in the main Stabaka (ii) dealing with standard Apabhramsa, have only the verse-numbers of that Stabaka quoted, without any prefixed "ü.” Prakrit-Sanskrit.
kanha, krsnah, 9, 27, 28; krşņam, 9. a, ca, 27.
kaņhu, krşnah, 10. ahi, āyānti, 27.
kara-, kş-, 30. aēhi (?), adhunā, 31.
kasu, kasya, kasyäb, 19. akkha., acakş., 30.
kassu, kasya, kasyāh, 19. aggi, agnih, 8; aggi, agnih, 8.
känanham, kānanēbhyah, 13. amu, asau, sdah, amum, 20.
kāņaņahun, kānanēbhyah, 13. amu-, amu-, 20.
kapanaho, kānanasya, 13. amha, mama, 23.
kamahur (?), karisyāmah, 28. amha (? amhabaru), asmāt, 23.
kämipidu, kāmini, 7. ambalm, vayam, 23, 26; vayam, asmān, 23. käsu, kasya, kasyah, 19. amhasu, asmāsu, 23.
kilantu, kridan, 9; kridanti, 9. amhahin, asmābhih, 23.
kë, kē, kāb, käni, 19; kān, käb, käni, 19. amhāsu, asmāsu, 23.
kēsu, kēşu, kāsu, 19. amhē, asmābhib, 23.
kēha-, kidría-, 6. amhēhi (? amhēhim), asmābhih, 23. kēhi, kidrsi, 5. asiēna (?), asinā, 16.
ko, kah, kā, kim, 19. asiēhim, asibhih, 16.
kkhu, khalu, 25. āņāva-, änāyaya., 30.
khandum, khadgah, iii, 3. äruņņa- ( dhāruņda-), āśiş- (? äśliş-); 29.
khodam ( thodam), stökam, 5. ålingal, ālingati, 9. imu, ayam, idam, imam, 20.
gandhavvaho, gandharvāh, 18.
gähull-(? lāhuli-); (?) " vastraprâpta-," isuēhim, işubhih, 16.
"laghu-", 4. uccu (?), uccaḥ, 10.
gunha-, grah., 30.
göri, gauri, 9. ē, ēşah, 21. -
göladi, gauri, 6. ēthu (?), atra, 10. ēsu, ēşah, 9.
caranti, caranti, 10. ēna, ēşah, ētam, 21.
cări, catvāri, 31. ēha-, ēta-, 20.
eiva- (? thāva-), sthāpaya-, 29. ēhi, amibhiḥ (? ēbhih), 31. ēhu, ēşab, 28 (bis); ēşah, ētam, 21.
chappă (?), siprā, 3. ēhē, ēşah, ētam, 21; ētasmin, 21.
chundaga-, sundaka-, 3. ēho, ēsah, ētam, 21.
jadru, yasya, yasyāh, yasmin, yasyām, 20. kaim, kasmin, kasyām, 19.
jadrũ (?), yam, yām, yat, 19. kam, kam, kām, kim, 19.
jāraha, jārasya, 7. kanthē, kanthē, 6.
juāņu, yuvā, 10.

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judu, yutam, 27. jë, yaḥ, 21. зора, убра, 10
tha-, stha-, 29.
hāva- (? cava-), sthāpaya-, 29.
dasana-, daśana-, iii, 3.
na, na, 26.
palē, nadyam, 17.
nalu, nadyah, nadib, 11.
palham, nadibhyab, 13. nalhe, nadyab, 13.
palho, nadyah, 18.
paraō, narakaḥ, 9.
parō, narab, 9.
näalahë, (?) nägarāḥ, 10.
no, asmākam, 23.
tadru, tasya, tasyah, tasmin, tasyäm, 20.
tadru (?), tam, tām, tat, 19.
tanna (? tenni), tēṣām, 31.
täsu (?), tasya, 16.
täsu, tasya, 27.
tiņņi, triņi, 31.
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
timma-, tim-, 29.
tujjha (? tumbha), tava, tvät, 22. tumbha (? tujjha), tava, tvät, 22.
tumbhaïm, yuyam, yuşman, 22. tumha, tava, tvät, 22.
tumhahim, yuşmabhiḥ, 22.
tumhe, tava, tvāt, 22; yuyam, 27.
tulahu, tōlayatha, 27.
tuha, tava, tvät, 22.
tuham, tvam, 22.
teņņi ( tāņņa), tēṣām, 31.
to (? so), sah, 21.
tēram, tvadiyam, 5.
těhlm, tasmin, tasyam, taib, tābhiḥ, tēṣu,
tāsu, 12.
tö, tvām, 31.
töharam (?), tvadīyam, 5.
thakka-, stha-, 29.
thōdam, (? khōḍam), stōkam, 5.
darasa, darśaya-, 29. dakkha-, darśaya-, 29.
dui, dvě, 31. dekkha-, drs-, 29. devvahō, daivät, 25. deivvahō, daivät, 25. dēvā, devāḥ, 27.
dēsu, deśam, 27.
dehi, dadāsi, 27.
dhanai, dhanani, 27.
dhärunda, (? arunna-), asis- (? aslis-), 29.
païm, tvām, tvaya, tvayi, 22. païsadi (?) praviśati, iii, 2. palsava-, pravis-, 29. papalie, praṇalyā, 12. padidu, patitaḥ, 2. parāsuēņa, parasună, 16. pasapņam, prasannam, 6. pahava-, prabhu-,-iii, 4. pukkara-, puskara-, 3. pumma-, drs-, 29,
purise, purusena, purusaib, puruṣāt, puru.
sasya, puruse, 15,
[ AUGUST, 1923
pelle, patayati, 27.
ppaasu, prayasam, prakāśam, or pravāsam, 27. priya-, priya-, 4.
bälaü, balakaḥ, 28; bäläḥ, 25. baladu (?), bālā, 7.
bäläu, bālā, 10; bāliḥ, 25.
bäläō, bālāḥ, 25.
bālähim, bālāyām, bālābhiḥ, bālāsu, 12.
bolla-, vad-, 30.
bro-, brü-, iii, 4.
bhallam, bhadram, 5.
bhūdu, bhūtaḥ, iii, 4. bhicca-, bhṛtya-, iii, 2. bho-, bhu-, iii, 4.
maim, mām, maya, mayi, 23.
mam, mām, 9. makkara-, maskara-, 3. macca-, mṛtyub, 16. majjha, mama, mat, 23. majjhu, mama, mat, 23. maha, mama, mat, 23. mālāu, mālāḥ, 11. mua, mue-, 30.

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THE APABHRAMSA STABAKAS OF RAMA-SARMAN
189
mukka-, muc., 30.
saala-, sakala-, 2. mfga-, mrga-, 4.
samrakkhjö (? sam kappio), saņraksitah (? mella-, muo., 30.
saņdāritab), 16. mēram, madiyam, 5.
sumkappiö, see the preceding. mēradu (?), madiya, 7.
slā, srih, 6. mē, mām, 31.
suaro, sukaraḥ, 25. moharam (?), madiyam, 5. .
sughu, sukham, 2. yechalahia, chalabhitah, iii, 2.
sē (? tē), sab, 21.
so, sah, 26. rakkasamugha- (?), rākşasamukha-, 3.
so]1, Baiva, iii, 3. rayljē, rājyē, iii, 2.
sodhu, sothah, 2. rābiu, rādhā, 10. riņa, vana-, 4.
hatthi, hastinam, 27. rukkha, výkşāb, 18.
hamu, aham, 23. rukkhai, vộkşab, 25.
basahom, hasāmah, 26. rakkhasu, vškşasya, 14.
hasihli, hasięyati, 28. rukkhah assa, vşkşasya, 14.
hasisaï, hasisyati, 28. rukkhahu, vỊkşah, 10.
hasēdi, hasati, 26. rukkhu, vşkşah, 16, 25.
hiadā, hrdayam, 6. rukkho, věkşah, 25.
hojjal, bhavēt, 25. laggu, lagnā, 6.
hossal, bhavisyati, 28. lähull- ( gāhuli-), (?) "vastraprâpta-",
hõijjal, bhavēt, 25. "laghu-", 4.
Sanskrit-Prakrit. löga, lõkah, 2.
agnin, aggi, aggi, 8. vacca, sthāpaya-, 29.
atra, ēthu (), 10. vanes-, vraj., 29.
adas; amu-, amu-, 20; asau, amu, 20; adaḥ, vanalm, vanāni, 11. -
amu, 20; amum, amu, 20; amibhiḥ vaņaē, vanēna, 12.
(? ēbhih), ēbt, 31. yanadam, vanam, 8.
adhunā, abhi (?), 31. va paham, vanasya, 13; vanānäm, 14. asih; aslnā, asiēņa (?), 16; aslbhih, asiõhim, vanahē, vana I, 17.
16. vapahó, vanāni, 18.
asmad; abam, hamu, 23; mām, mē, 31; vapäin, vanāni, 11. -
man, 9; maïm, 23: mayā, main, 23; vapadam, vanam, 8.
mát, majjha, 23; majjhu, 28 ; maha, 23; varba, prso, iii, 4.
mama, majjha, 23 ; majjhu, 23 ; maha, vahữu, vadhvah, vadhūh, 11.
23 ; amha, 23 ; mayi, maim, 23; vayam, vahūē, vadhvá, 12 ; vadhvām, 17.
amhain, 23, 26; asmán, amhain, 23; vahūham, vadhūnām, 14.
asmäbhin, amhahim, 23; amhēhi (? amhē, vahühi, vadh vām, vadhübhih, vadhūşu, 12. him), 23; amhē, 23; asmāt, amha vahübun, vadhvāh, 13; vadhūbhyah, 13. (? amhahan), 23; wmäkam, no, 23 vabūhur (?), vadhūnām, 14.
asmāsu, ambasu, 23; amhāsu, 23. vahūhē, vadhu !, 17. viiņpa (?), vidirnäh, 16.
Idam; ayam, imu, 20; Idam, imu, 20; imam, viruan, viruddham, 3.
imu, 20. vradi, vyādih, 4.
işah,; Işubhiḥ, isuēhin, 16. vrásu, vyāsah, 4.
deoan, uocu (), 10.
11
-
--
--

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13.
ëtad; ēta-, cha-, 20; eşan, ē, 21; ēsu, 9; 1 tul-; tölayatha, tulahu, 27.
@ha, 21; ēhu, 21, 28 (bis); ēhē, 21 ; ēho triņi, tiņni, 31. 21; ētam, āha, 21 ; @hu, 21; ēhē, 21 ; ēho, tvadiyam, tērań, 5; toharari (?), 5. 21 ; ētasmin, ēhē, 21 ;? ēbhiḥ, ēhim (31).
dabana-, daśana-, iii, 3. kanthē, kanthē, 6.
da, dadāsi, dēhi, 27. kananam; känanasya, kānanaho, 13; df; dekkha-, pumma, 29; darbaya. känanēbhyah,kānanaham, 13; kapanahum, darasa-, däkkha-, 29.
dēväh, dēvā, 27. kāmini, kaminidu, 7.
dēlam, dēsu, 27. kim; kah, ko, 19; kå, kā, 19; kim, ko, 19; daivāt, devvaho, dēivvaho, 25. kam, kam, 19; kām, kam, 19; kim, kam,
dvë, dui, 31. 19; kasya, kassu, 19; käsu, 19; kasu, 19; kasyāḥ kassu, 19; kāsu, 19; kasu,
dhanäni, dhamā, 27. 19; kasmin, kain, 19; kasyäm, kaïn, 19; na, na, 26. kē, kē, 19; kän, kē, 19; käni, kē, 19; kän,
nadi; nadyan, naihē, 13; nadyam, naiz, 17; kē, 19; kāb, kē, 19; kāni, kē, 19; kēşu,
nadyan, naiho, 18; naiu, 11; nadih, nasu, kēsu, 19; käsu, kēsu, 19.
11; nadībhyaḥ, naihan, 13. kidsba-, köha-, 6; kidfsi, kēbi, 5.
narah, naro, 9; narakaḥ, narao, 9. v kr, kara., 30; karişyāmah, kā mahum
nāgarāḥ (?), pāalahē, 10. (?), 28.
vni-; .-nāyaya-, āņāva-, 30. krşņaḥ, kanha 9, 27, 28 ; kaņhu, 10; kfşņam, kanha, 9.
patita m, padidu, 2. v krid.; kridan, kilantu, 9; kridanti,
Parabu nă, parāsuēna, 16. kilantu, 9.
purusaḥ ; puruşēna, purisē, 15; puruşāt, khadgah, khandum, iii, 3
purisë, 15; puruşasya, purisē, 15; puruşē, khalu, kkhu, 25.
purisē, 15 ; puruşaiḥ, purisē, 15.
puşkara-, pukkara., 3. gandharvah, gandhavvaho, 18.
pātayati, pellē, 27. gauri, gori, 9 : gõladi, 6.
prayasam (? prakasam, or pravasam), grah., guṇha-, 30.
ppaāsu, 27. ca, a, 27.
praņālyā, paņālio, 12. V caks-; -cakş-, akkha-, 30.
prasannam, pasaņņam, 6. vcar-; caranti, caranti, 10.
priya-, priya, 4. catvāri, cāri, 31.
balakah, balaü, 28. chala-bhitaḥ, yochala-hia, iii, 2.
bāla, bāladu (), 7; bālaü, 10; bālāh, bālāu, 25,
bālaü, 25; bālāõ, 25; bālāyām, bālāhin, 12; järasya, jāraha, 7.
bäläbhiḥ, bälābis, 12 ; bālāsu, bālāhim, 12, tād: salı, tē (? sē), 21 : 87, 26; saiva, sõjir
sa b rü-, brö-, iii, 4. iii, 3; tam, tadrū (?), 19; tām, tadrũ (?), bhadram, bhallam, 5. 19; tat, tadru (?), 19; tasya, tāsu, 27 : bhū., bhő-, iii, 4; pra-bhū-, pa-hava-, iii, 4 ; tāsu (?), 16 : tadru, 20; tasyāḥ, tadru, bhavēt, hojjai, 25; hõijjai, 25; bhavişyati, 20: tasmin, tadru, 20; tēhim, 12; tasyam, hossaï, 28; bhūtaḥ, bhūdu, iii, 4. tadru, 20; tēhim, 12; taih tēhim. 12. bhrtya-, bhicca-, iii, 2. tābbin, tēhim, 12; tēşam, tānua ( ! tenni); madiyam, mēram, 5; mōharam (?), 5; 31 : tēşu, tēhim, 12 ; täsu, tēhim, 12. madlyā, mēradu (?, 7. tim, timma., 29.
maskara-, makkara-; 3.

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THE APABHRAMSA STABAKAS OF RAMA-SARMAN
mäläh, mālāu, 11.
13; vana !, vanabë, 17 ; vanäni, vanaim, v mue, mua-, mukka-, mella-, 30.
vanäit, 11 ; vanaho, 18; vananam, vangmfga-, miga., 4.
ham, 14. mptyuḥ, macca, 16.
"vastrapräpta." (?), lāhuli- (? gāhuli-), 4.
vidirnaḥ, viiņna (?), 16. yad : yah, jē, 21; yam, jadrũ, 19; yam, viruddham, viruan, 3.
jadrũ, 19; yat, jadrũ, 19 ; yēna, jēna, 16; vis-; pra-vis- païsava-, 29; pra-visati, yasya, jadru, 20; yasyāḥ, 'jadru, 20; paisadi (6), iii, 2. yasmin, jadru, 20; yasyām, jadru, 20.
vrkṣaḥ, rukkhu, 16, 25; rukkho, 25; ruk. Vyā ; ā-yanti, aāhi, 27.
khahu, 10; rukkhai, 25; Vpkşasya, yutam, judu, 27.
rukkhasu, 14 ; rukkbahassa, 14; Vpkgåh, yuvā, juāņu, 10.
rukkha, 18. yuşmad; tvam, tuhan, 22 ; tvām, to, 31; vis-, varha-, iii, 4.
paim, 22; tvayā, pain, 22; tvät, tuha, 22; vyādin, vrādi, 4. tumha, 22 ; tumhē, 22; tumbha,(? tujjha), vyäşan vräsu, 4. 22 ; tava, tuha, 22 ; tumha, 22 ; tumhē, v vraj-, vañoa-, 29. 22 ; tumbha ( tusjha), 22; tvayi, païm; 22; yuyam, tumhē, 27; tum bhain, 22;
vais (? Veliş-); ā-bis. (? -blis.), dhárundayuşmän, tumbhain, 22; yuşmăbbin, tum.
(? āruņņa-), 29. hahim, 22.
suņdaka-, chundaga-, 3.
Bothah, sõdhu, 2. räkşasamukha-, rakkasa mugha- (?), 3. griḥ, siā, 6. răjyē, rayjjē, iii, 2.
volls-, see v biş. rādbā, rāhīu, 10.
lagnā, laggu, 6.
samraksitan (? samdäritah), sämrakkhiö slaghu-", lāhuli- (?gāhuli-), 4.
(? sarkappio), 16. ling-; .-lingati, alingaï, 9.
sakala-, saala-, 2. lokah, lögu, 2.
saídāritaḥ, see sam rakṣitah. .
sipra, chappā (?), 3. v vad-, bolla-, 30.
sukarah, suarő, 25. vadhūh; vadhva, vahüē, 12; vadhvăn, sukham, sughu, 2.
vahūhum, 13; vad hvăm, vahühi, 12 : stokam, khodam (? thoda), 5. vahüē, 17; vahu !, vahūhē, 17; vad hvah, v stha-. thā, thakka-, 29; sthāpaya-, oĀVA vahuu, 11; vadhūh, vahāu, 11; (? thāva-), vacca, 29. vadhūbhiḥ, vahūhi,12; vadhübhyan, yahūhum, 13; vadbūnām, vahūham, 14 ; hastinam, hatthi, 27.
vahūhun (?), 14 ; vadhūşu, vahūhi, 12. has : hasati, hasēdi, 26; hasa mah, hasabun, vana-, riņa, 4 ; vanam, vaņadam, vaņādam, 26 ; hasişyati, basihi, hasīsai, 28.
8; vanēna, vaņaē, 12 ; vanasya, vanaham, I hfdayam, hiadā, 6.

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EARLY HISTORY OF INDIAN FAMINES.*
By P. N. RAMASWAMI, B.A. (With an Additional Note by L. M. ANSTEY.)
(Continued from page 150.) II. Mediaeval Hindu Kingdoms, from the death of Harsha in A.D. 650 to the
Muhammadan Conquest, A.D. 1200.
Age of Rajput Ascendeney, A.D. 600 to 1200. During the five and a half centuries intervening between the death of Harsha and the rise of Muhammadan power, India, released from the control of a vigorous central government, had reverted to her normal condition of anarchical autonomy. The death of Harsha having loosened the bonds which held his empire together, the experiences of the third and sixth centuries were repeated, and a rearrangement of kingdoms was begun, of which the record is obscure. It is impossible to say exactly what happened in most of the provinces for a considerable time after his disappearance from the scene. Generally speaking, a medley of petty states with ever varying boundaries was ceaselessly engaged in dynastic wars. It might be gathered from this circumstance, even if we had no more conclusive evidence from other sources, that famines and epidemics, destructive to an extent of which we can hardly form an adequate idea, devastated the country,
The history of famines during this period is however marred by two serious limitations. First, our information is incomplete. It is true that for Southern India we have ample epigraphic evidence, but the history of Northern India is remarkable for its paucity of records. Secondly, it is impossible after the unity of Indian history has been lost, to relate the history of Indian famines in a single continuous narrative arranged in strict chronological order. At best a bird's-eye view can be taken.
In A.D. 879 a universal famine affecting several parts of the world was also felt in India (Chamber's Encyclopædia, Art. 'Famines '). The history of a great famine in Kashmir in A.D. 917-918 is recorded in ample detail in the metrical chronicle called the Rajatarangini written in the twelfth century by a learned Brahman named Kalhana, which has been admirably edited and translated by Sir M. A. Stein. Kalhana refers to a famine in Kashmir in A.D. 445 ; but the date is not definitely known. The awful famine which occurred in A.D. 917 is thus described : "One could scarcely see the water in the Vitasta (Jhelum) entirely covered as the river was with corpses soaked and swollen by the water in which they had long been lying. The land became densely covered with bones in all directions until it was like one great burial ground causing terror to all beings. The king's ministers and the Tantrins (household troops) became wealthy as they amassed riches by selling stores of rice at high prices. The king would take that person as minister who raised the sums due on the Tantrins by selling the wretched subjects...." "This gruesome picture," says Mr. V. A. Smith, "might give cause for reflection to some critics of modern methods of relief." The Encyclopædia Britannica (Art. Famines') records a famine in India in A.D. 941 in which entire provinces were de. populated and men driven to cannibalism." It also records another severe famine in A.D. 1022 (vide Balfour, Cyclop. of India, vol. I). Farishta says that the year A.D. 1033 " was remarkable for a great drought and famine in many parts of the world. The famine was succeeded by a pestilence (Joodry Plague) which swept off many thousands from the face of the earth; for in less than one month 40,000 persons died in Ispahan alone. Nor did it rage with less violence in Hindustan where whole countries were entirely depopulated." (Briggs, Hist. of the Rise of Muhammadan Power, vol. I, p. 103). Chambers Encyclopædia
• See foot-note 1 in page 107.

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refers to a famino which raged in Northern India from A.D. 1052 to 1060. Mr. Loveday (Hist. and Economics of Ind. Famines, App. A, p. 135 and fol.) notices a famine which devastated the Deocan and Burhanpur for three years, A.D. 1116-1119. Miss Mabel Duff (Chron. of India, p. 135) refers to the great flood and famine that devastated Kashmir in A.D. 1099 and the following year." In A.D. 1148-1159 there was an eleven years' famine in India. In A.D. 1162 the universal famine affecting different parts of the world found an echo in this country. There is a legend that a famine lasting twelve years visited Bombay in A.D. 1200 (Loveday, Ind. Famine, p. 135). So much for the series of famines that affected Northern India from A.D. 650 to 1200.
The Kingdoms of the Peninsula. For the history of famines in the kingdoms of the Peninsula from A.D. 650 down to the Muhammadan conquest, we have two chief sources of information, viz., epigraphic and literary. The epigraphic records of Southern India show that famines during all this period were of frequent occurrence. Speculation in grain and the sale of children in time of famine are referred to in two proverbs. A famine in the seventh century due to "absence of raia followed by floods in the Cauvery” is mentioned in the Periyapuranam (Navalar's edition, p. 115). It was on this occasion that the holy Appar and Sambandhar were helped by Siva to relieve the distress (Tanjore Gazetteer, chap. XV, p. 240). Another famine is recorded in the Epigraphica Carnatica (vol. IV, No. 108 of 1540). At that time grains sold at 7 mana (maunds) for one hana (fanam) and men ate men (manusa manusara tindaru). "Things," as Mr. Rice curtly remarks (Mysore and Coorg, ch. III, p. 179) " were apparently left to their own course."
Famines were somotimes caused by excessive rainfall. A terrible famine occurring in the Cho!a-nadu in A.D. 1124 is referred to in several inscriptions. A Thiruvathar inscription (Ep. Rep., 1900-2, No. 276 of 1901 and No. 404 of 1902) refers to the distrainment of lands for non-payment of taxes caused by the utter destruction of all crops by a severe inundation ; and similar references are made in the Tiruvadi inscription (ibid.). Famines in Chola times seem to have been frequently caused by inundations ; hence the name “Punal-nadu" (land of floods) given to the Chôļa-ņâdu. Further details of these famines are given in Mr. Gopinath Rao's A Brief History of the Chola Dynasty.
But it would be manifestly inaccurate to ascribe famines solely to droughts and floods. More frequently still they were brought about through the ravages of war. In those days wars were frequent and peace was almost unknown. The innumerable petty dynasties that ruled in Southern India were perpetually fighting, some for their very existence, some for mastery over their neighbours. These wars were attended by the greatest cruelties. One of the Pandyan kings in an inscription boasts,' among other exploits, of having set Tanjore and Uraiyûr (the Chola capitals) on fire ; of having demolished the houses, high walls, storied houses and places ; caused the sites of the buildings to be ploughed over by asses and sown with cowries, etc. One of the Chola kings in his turn in like manner humbled the Pandyans and assumed the title of Madurântaka (death of the Madura city). Similarly in the Pattinapalai (cf. St. Joseph's Coll. Magaz., Sept. 1918, p. 135) the ravages of Karrikala Choļa are described. No wonder then that famines are frequently mentioned in the annals of the kings of South India.
The Tanjore Gazetteer (ch. VII, p. 147) alludes to a famine in the Chola-nadu in A.D. 1055 of which the Epigraphist's Annual Report for 1899, ch. IX, gives the following details : "During the reign of this king (Rajendra) in A.D. 1055 a terrible famine in consequence of some default on the king's part occurred." This famind, as the Alangudi inscription

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shows, was caused by the constant warfare of king Rajendra, which dried up the resources of the kingdom and terribly enhanced the taxes. In the south of Kumbakonam, at Kôviladi, "times became bad, the village was ruined and the ryots flod " (Epigraphist's Ann. Rep., 1899). Apparently there was no great loss of life on this occasion.
The evils of famine, which were provoked in several instances by exorbitant taxation, were accentuated by the indebtedness of the peasantry, the prevailing high rate of interest, the absence of secure communications, and the want of an effective co-ordinating central authority. The highways were very unsafe, and caravans of merchants travelled from town to town escorted by soldiers (Kanakasabai, ch. IX, p. 109). From an inscription recorded by Mr. Venkayya (Arch. Surv. Rep. for 1903) we learn that the current rate of interest was 15 per cent. But higher rates were not unknown. In one of the famous Ukkal inscriptions (Hultzch, 8. 1. Inscriptions, vol. 3, part I, p. 9) the rate of interest recorded is 50 per cent. per annum. The exorbitant taxation which crushed the people and which must have frequently contributed to bring about severe famines, needs more detailed explanation.
"There is ample evidence," as Dr. Burnell in South Indian Palcography has pointed out, "to show that Manu's proportion of one-sixth was never observed, and that the land tax taken not only by the Muhammadan but Hindu sovereigns also was fully one half of the gross produce.” Even when the land tax was maintained at the traditional one-sixth rate, kings like Haribara of Vijayanagar made up the deficiency by a multitude of vexatious cesses, reckoned in the case of Vijayanagar by Wilks as twenty. In Appendix A will be found three extracts which may give the reader some idea of the multitude of those vexatious cesses. The Chola, Hoysala and Pandya kings, the native dynasties of the Northern Circars and the famous kings of Vijayanagar, all of them exacted 50 per cent. of the gross produce.
Regarding the other taxes we need only mention that they can be divided into classes namely, taxes on various professions and incomes, octroi duties, customs, and pearl fisheries. The professional tax was singularly elaborate and inquisitorial. It evidently reached every class of the population and every art of life. The weaver had to pay a small tax on each loom, the merchant had to pay a certain proportion of his profits, and the keeper of a mill, of his earnings ; goldsmiths and masons, barbers and labourers of all sorts, had to pay their share. The all pervading nature of this taxation can be realised from the fact that the washerman had to pay something for the use of the stones on which he washed his clothes in tanks and rivers. To use the expressive language of Nelson, "every weaver's loom paid so much per annum ; and every iron smelter's surface, every oil-mill, every retail shop, every house occupied by an artificer; and every indigo vat. Every collector of wild honey was taxed; every maker and seller of clarified butter ; every owner of carriage bullocks. Even stones in the beds of rivers, used by washermen to beat clothes on, paid a small tax." Contributions were levied from the merchants (setts), the weavers (kaikkolars), the shopkeepers (vanigars), the oil-vanigars and classes who formed the "eighteen communities." The idengai and valangai varis were paid by the people of the right and left-hand castes respectively; the police rate, by all communities. Again, the purchase and sale of cattle, the manufacture of salt, the catching and sale of fish in tanks and rivers, the cutting of fuel in forests, all these were subject to taxation. Every marriage was a source of income. Every labourer was bound to serve the king freely for a period in the year. That the king attached a good deal of importance to free service (vetti-vari) is clear from an inscription of the fifteenth century at Tirukkattupalli, which says that the king gave away to the temple of the place about 40 to 45 different taxes, which appear to have been generally collected by the

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palace at that period, except the vetti-vari. Nor is this surprising in an age when the construction of public works was a criterion of royal greatness and popular prosperity, and when there was a mania for such works among kings and governors, Polygars and petty chiefs.
The octroi duties and land customs were evidently levied at fixed places and on all merchandise. “All kinds of goods, even fire-wood and straw, paid these duties." The rates must have varied with variations of weight, of commodities, and of the distance travelled. They were also liable to constant enhancements at the ruler's discretion. From stray and incidental notices in the chronicles, we find, as Nelson did, that the usual octroi duty on paddy was one fanam for every eight padis or bags (i.e., a duty of 27d. on every 400 lbs). Similarly, coastal towns lovied sea-customs. An exceedingly interesting regulation regarding maritime enterprise by king Ganapati Deva of Warangal in the thirteenth century is given in the Ep. Rep., 1910, p. 107. It is not improbable that a similar policy guided other powers in later times; but no definite and dogmatic statement is possible. The vexatious imports and exports and duties, besides the innumerable tolls during the transport of goods, must have clogged considerably the ancient South Indian industry and trade, which besides were also subject to other vexatious restraints.&.
The pearl fisheries, which were an object of greedy competition among foreign exploiters, were a royal monopoly and naturally proved a lucrative source of revenue.
Such heavy and oppressive taxation, which undoubtedly contributed much to the often recurring famines in Southern India, is after all quite in consonance with the traditions of the country. From Vedic times (B.C. 2000-1500), when the Heaven-world is spoken of as a place where no taxes are paid by the weak to the mighty, we have an unbroken record of oppressive taxation. The Epic literature (B.. 1500-800) furnishes abundant evidence of this statement. The literature of the Age of Laws and Philosophy is replete with devices for scientifically rack-renting the people ; and the art of fleecing both nobility and commons attains perfection in the Kautilyan Arthasdsfra. Readers of the Arthasdstra (tran. R. Shama Sastri) will agree with the remark of L. D. Barnett (Antiquities of India, ch III, p. 104) that the Kautilyan Arthasastra" depicts a society choking in the deadly grip of a grinding bureaucracy. On every branch of industry lay the dead hand of taxation." We have given a brief extract describing Kautilyan taxation in Appendix B. We do not however wish to convey the impression that taxation in India was never of e mild or more reasonable character. Good Epic kings who were content to tax their subjects lightly were not unknown; and the Chinese travellers, Fa Hien (A Record of Buddhistic Kingdoms, ch. XVI, tran. Logge) and Hiuen Tsang (Beal; Records of the Western World, ch. X) tell us that taxation in India at their time was not onerous. It is useless to give more instances. What is maintained here is that Ancient Indian History furnishes a continuous tradition of oppressive taxation which accentuated the eyils of famine, and not unfrequently was so enhanced as even to provoke famine.
We shall now pass on to the second source of information respecting this period, viz., the literature of the time, with the caution however that such literature is, generally speaking. largely coloured, and due precaution must be exercised in distilling history' out of its exaggerated descriptions.
I shall first take up the religious literature of Southern India. The Tiruvilaiyadal Purdnam which professes to be a chronicle of the Pandyan kings, contains several references to famines and droughts. In the fourteenth Miracle it is said that on account of the displacement
The above two paragraphs are largely based on the extremely valuable article of Prof. V. Rangacharya on the History of the Naik Kingdom of Madura" (Ind. Antiquory, vol. XLV, 1916).

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of the Nine Plancts, no rains fell, there was no harvest and no fodder, and the people suffered terribly from famine. The Pândyan king Ugravira, with his brother kings, the Chera and the Chôļa monarchs, whose subjects were equally a prey to this terriblo calamity, went to consult the sage Agastya as to the best means of averting the drought and famine, etc. The fifteenth Miracle records another great drought in the time of Ugravira Påndya, when "owing to scarcity of rain the rivers dried up; the king without adequate resources was unable to protect his subjects; and suffering greatly like a mother for the illness of her children, the king consulted the astrologers, who told him that on account of some adverse planets no rain would fall for one year, etc.” The thirty-first Miracle tells us that in the days of Kulabli. shana Pandya a great drought and famine occurred, which caused many people to migrate to noighbouring countries. The thirty-eighth Miracle mentions the ravages of floods in Påndyanadu. We might easily multiply such instances, but these will suffice for our purpose.
The Kandapurana gives several instances of droughts occurring in the land of the Tamilians. The Tirutondar Periya Purana, in the Kotpuļi Nayanar charitra, mentions a great famine that devastated the Cholanadu; and other similar allusions to famines can be instanced from the Tiruvddavúradigal Purana.
But after quoting from the religious works, we may pass on now to the secular works of Tamil poets and other writers, and see what they have to say on the subject of droughts and famines. Want of space compels me to confine myself to the Sacred Kural. In this work the introductory chapter on God is followed by one on Rain; and in regard to this Glover (?) (The Folk Songs of Southern India, p. 221) remarks: "Rain is the greatest requirement of a tropical country. Without it man and beast must perish ; with abundance of rain all nature smiles, plenty fills every garner, poverty becomes bearable, for there is the certainty of food. Most of the ancient vernacular books therefore follow the invocation of the Deity, usually Ganêsa or Sarasvati, with the praise of rain." The remarks of the great Tamil scholar, Mr. G. U. Pope (Sacred Kural, p.5) are to the same purpose : “ It seems strange to European readers that the introductory chapter on God should be followed by one on rain. This is very usual however in Tamil literature, the idea being that neither virtue, wealth nor pleasure could exist without rain......"
The Chilappadhikdram tells of a grave miscarriage of justice in the Pandyan kingdom ; and how from that day when an innocent man was unjustly condemned and beheaded, there was no rain in the country; and famine, fever and small-pox smote the people severely. Veru-Vel.Chelya the king, who held his court at Korakai, believing that these misfortunes were brought about by that grave miscarriage of justice, performed many expiatory ceremonies. Copious showers of rain then fell, and famine and pestilence disappeared from the kingdom. Kobar, king of Kongu, Gajabahu, king of Lanka, and Perunk-killi Chola also performed several ceremonies, and their kingdoms were blest with never failing rain and abundant crops.
Thus not infrequently " the clouds changed their nature and the lark which always sings their praise gasped for the little drop which the clouds withheld ” (Pattinapalai). "That land (was to be discovered) whose peaceful annals knew nor famine, force, nor wasting plague, nor ravage of foe" (Sacred Kural, p. 102). The kings were held responsible by the poets as well as by the common people for the occurrence of these femines. As Mr. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar remarks (Ancient India, ch. IV, p. 69), the ideal set before the kings was
9 Where King from right deflecting makes unrighteous gain,
The seasons change, the clouds pour down no rain. Where King, who righteous law regarde, the soeptre wields, Thero fall the showers, there rich abundance crowns the fiulda-(Sacred Kural).

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WOEKO.
something unattainable. "Oh the King ! he is to blame if the rains fail; he is to blame it the women go astray, etc."
Some kings, inspired by the wholesome fear that they would be held responsible for these calamities, spared no pains to avert the horrors of famine. They kept throughout the land granaries stored with grain to be distributed in times of scarcity; and they carried out a very liberal programme of irrigational works.
Meadows Taylor History of India, ch. XIV, p. 67) offers some interesting remarks on the kroat irrigational activities of the Southern Kings. "In these Southern Kingdoms, as an almost higher proof of their civilisation, may be adduced that artificial irrigation of the soil that had been commenced upon a scale of extended usefulness, which existed probably in no other country except Babylon. The exact period at which the system was commenced is not known : but existing inscriptions relate to periods shortly after the Christian era, and it is not improbable that it had then been long in operation. In this particular the Southern people of India left the Northerners "far behind." Of such useful works upwards of 50,000 are still in working order in the Madras Presidency, and the total number of those enduring monumente of past ages must be immense.
Besides the kings, the village assemblies frequently strove to fight against famines. A South Indian inscription of about 1054, for instance, records how in a certain village visited by famine the assembly, expecting no succour from the king, themselves moved in the matter of providing relief for the people. They secured a loan of 1011 kalangu of gold and 464 palam of silver in jewellery and vessels from the local temple, to which they mortgaged 84 veli of the oommon lands of the village, from the produce of which the interest on the loan was to be paid (Madr. Ep. Rep., 1899–1900, p. 20). Another case of self-help is reported in the reign of Kuļôt. tunga Chola III in Inscriptions Nos. 274 and 279 of 1909 (Madr. Ep. Rep., 1909-10, p. 95) when the assembly of Tirukkachur borrowed 15 kasu of a generous individual, and for interest gave him a piece of land belonging to the village, the government dues on which they themselves paid. Inscription No. 397 of 1913 records a similar case where, in a period "of bad time and scarcity of grain," a loan was arranged for by the village assembly to tide over the distress. One more interesting case is rooorded in Inscription No. 353 of 1909. Rájöndra Deva (A.D. 1052) paid some gold to a village for building a stone temple. They had already built 8 angas of the temple for half the money, when'a famine occurred and the people could neither completo it nor return the money. The templo authorities complained of them to the king, and they were eventually let off on supplying an image of the god that was needed in the temple.
It is refreshing to read of such beneficent activities on the part of the villagers themselves. Nevertheless owing to deficient means of communication and transport, absence of effective co-ordination, etc., it is very unlikely that the people wore able to neutralise altogether the horrors of famine. The overtaxed, ignorant and apathetic rural classes, largely given to drink, sunk in indebtedness and earning a precarious livelihood, remained always a ready prey to famine. Although there existed in those days an active maritime trade, it may be doubted whether foreign trade provided labour and sustenance to any considerable portion of the population. It is often forgotten that our foreign tradelo consisted chiefly of a few articles of luxury like pepper, pearls, beryls, sandalwood, peacock's feathers, etc. The trade was chiefly in the hands of a small capitalist class, and it is very unlikely that it could absorb the surplus population. The teeming millions of India were then, as now, engaged in agriculture, and were exposed to all the vicissitudes of periodically recurring famines. Now and then beneficent kings and local communities attempted to relieve the people ; but such efforts were necessarily on a small scale and were productive of very limited results.
. (To be continued.) lo Of Rawlinson's Intercourse between India and the Western World: Mookerjes, History of Indian Shipping : Kapakasabhai, The Tamils Eighteen Hundred Years Ago, ch. III, pp. 10-39.

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A FEW REFLECTIONS ON BUCKLER'S POLITICAL THEORY OF THE INDIAN MUTINY.1
BY S. M. EDWARDES, C.S.I., C.V.O.
MR. BUCKLER possesses a genius for academic discussion, and apparently a certain bias against the men who laid the foundations of British Rule in India. If we are to accept the spirit and teaching of his pamphlet on the "Political Theory of the Indian Mutiny", we must perforce assume, not only that contemporary writers were deceived as to the real causes of the outbreak of 1857, as some of them may well have been, but also that every student of Indian history since that date has likewise been misled as to the fons et origo of the Sepoy Revolt. We must further acquiesce in the view that this fundamental error is the direct product of the consciously dishonest propaganda of the East India Company, which in pursuance of a desire to justify itself in the eyes of the British public of past centuries, deliberately concocted a fictitious history for home consumption, and in so doing, if I apprehend his meaning correctly, deliberately deceived also the potentates and people of India. Whatever grounds there may be for the view that opinion in England was bemused from 1750 to 1857 by the specious tales woven by this Macchiavellian body of East India merchants, no writer who has lived in India and studied at first hand the acute perceptive power of its peoples, could solemnly suggest that up to 1857 the Indian territorial leaders and the general body of the people suffered themselves to be misled by the alleged duplicity of the Company and actually to believe that for some years prior to 1857 the Company still regarded itself in fact, and wished to be regarded, as the vassal of the Mughal Emperor.
Yet this assertion is one of the main props of Mr. Buckler's novel theory regarding the cause of the Indian Mutiny; and it seems to me to display a fundamental and profound ignorance of the mentality of the people of India, both Hindu and Muhammadan. Mr. Buckler has presumably studied the period of Indian history immediately preceding the Mutiny with great care: he has read and digested all documents relating to the trial of Bahadur Shah II, to which the English student can obtain access in the tranquil surroundings of his own country. But I feel bound to remark that his arguments disclose an inadequate acquaintanceship with the psychology of the people of India, and that his apparent bias against the East India Company in no small degree vitiates an otherwise clever academic disquisition. Indeed, had this pamphlet been published at the time when Vinayak Savarkar was compiling his War of Indian Independence, 1857, one can imagine that the Brahman rebel would have welcomed Mr. Buckler's theory, as affording some support to the views underlying his seditious publication.
Mr. Buckler's main contention, which rests upon a close study of the record of the proceedings of the trial of the King of Delhi, is that the Mutiny was primarily, if not wholly, the result of the treasonable behaviour of the East India Company towards the Mughal Emperor. The Company, in his view, was simply a vassal of the Emperor, and had become so overbearing and mutinous that the Native Army was obliged to come to its sovereign's assistance and punish its rebel officer. "Hence," in Mr. Buckler's words, "if in 1857 there was any mutineer, it was the East India Company," which by policy and act had deliberately flouted its legal suzerain-the miserable and powerless representative of the house
1 By F. W. Buckler, M.A., F.R. HISTS., reprinted from the Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 4th Series, vol. V, pp. 71-100.

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of Akbar. Before referring to the arguments adduced in support of this contention, it may be observed that the author apparently finds corroboration of his theory in the "outstanding fact that between the death of Aurangzeb in 1707 and the outbreak of the year 1857, there was no sign of concerted opposition to the British in India, save the attempts made by Haidar Ali and his son Tipu."
Assuming the correctness of this statement, surely there is nothing very remarkable in the apparent absence of concerted opposition to the Company, at any rate for a considerable portion of the period. In the first place, the only powers which could have led a mass attack upon the British position in India were the Mughal Emperor, and later the Maratha Confederacy. But from 1707 onwards the Mughal Empire fell rapidly into ruin, and the Emperor himself became a mere phantom and roi-fainéant. Aurangzeb's policy fatally weakened Mughal dominion, and one by one the Viceroys and Subahdars of the Empire fell away from their allegiance and began to carve out independent states for themselves. As early as 1715 the English envoys to Delhi were able to remark the rottenness of the Empire--"a Mughal army in open revolt in the streets of the capital and the Emperor himself a mere tool in the hands of unscrupulous ministers." In Bengal the Nawabs became independent; Bombay and Madras witnessed respectively the rise of the Maratha power and of the Nizamu'l-mulk. On all sides the English company watched from its factories an empire sinking into decrepitude, "great nobles carving kingdoms out of the remnants, and the turbulent Maratha hordes growing yearly in strength and devoting all their resources to predatory war." Thus down to 1780 the decadent Mughal Empire was too weak, and the new principalities were far too busy with their scramble for power, to organize combined opposition to the English merohants in India.
Secondly, it is doubtful whether the Company's actions or policy, down to 1750, provided any ground whatever for concerted hostilities on the part of the Indian powers. And if this be true, there is surely nothing very remarkable in the absence of such opposition. In the first half of the eighteenth century the English were still bent only on trading: all they desired was peaceful commerce, and in their capacity as traders they had the sympathy of the Indian trading classes, who profited not a little from their activities. Mr. Roberts in his History of British India has pointed out that the revolution of 1756-57 in Bengal was not primarily the conquest of an Indian province by a European trading settlement, but was rather the overthrow of a foreign (Muhammadan) government by the trading and financial classes, both Hindu and British. Bengal was governed by a Nawab, nominally owning the suzerainty of the Mughal : but for many years the Nawabs had been practically independent. They were men of Mughal, Persian and Afghan race, ruling ever a Hindu people, who owned most of the wealth of the country and were united by a community of trading interests with the English. By 1750 the Hindus were seen to be less tolerant than before of the Muhammadan minority and were seeking a chance to free them. selves from the yoke ; while the English were irritated by arbitrary restrictions upon their trade. Siraju'd-daula's impolitio actions pressed equally hardly upon both European trader and Hindu subject, and directly paved the way for the battle of Plassey in 1757.
It can hardly be contended that up to the date of Plassey any real cause existed for concerted action against the Company, and Mr. Buckler's argument seems scarcely relevant. But thereafter the position changed, in consequence of the political power acquired by the English in Bengal. Haidar Ali, the Marathas and the Nizam were all striving for power, and they alternately courted the Company or combined together to threaten its existence,

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By 1780 Bombay and Madras had so embroiled themselves with the native powers of Con. tral and Southern India that "the foundations of British Rule were shaken to their base." When we recall the fact that in 1780 Mysore, Hyderabad and Poona, supported by all the Maratha; chiefs except Baroda, were joined together for a desperate attack upon British power in India; when we recall Warren Hastings' own admission that he had to face "war either actual or impending in every quarter and with every power in Hindustan," it is ini. possible to understand Mr. Buckler's assertion that between 1707 and 1857 there was no sign of concerted opposition to British Rule in India.
Again, Mr. Buckler's theory that the Native Army mutinied in 1857 as an overt protest against the insubordinate behaviour of the East India Company towards their beloved suzerain, the Mughal phantom at Delhi, is surely discounted partly by the fact tu) that previous mutinies had occurred, which had no concern whatever with Mughal suzerainty, e.g., one in 1764, a second at Vellore, and a third at Barrackpore in 1824, and partly by the fact (6) that various sections of Indians other than the soldiers of the Native Army and various non-Moslem interests were implicated in the attempt to overthrow British power in 1857. The alleged grievance against the Company for its cavalier treatment of the descendant of Akbar may perhaps have served to bring the emperor, his entourage, and a section of Muhammadans into overt hostility to the English: but I do not believe for a montent that this consideration carried any weight with Nana Sahib, Tantia Topi, the Rani of Jhansi, or with that large body of the civil population who feared that the British intended to " Christianize " the country. Babu Ramgopal Ghose, a contemporary witness, declared that the notion that their religion was at stake was foisted on the native publio by design, and that this notion was at the root of the revolt. Briefly, the Mutiny, far from being merely a Muhammadan attempt to punish the Company for its alleged infidelity to the throne of Delhi, was really the outcome of that fundamental Hindu antagonism to Western civilization and Western materialism, which in more recent times has formed one of the mainsprings of anarchical conspiracies and non-co-operation movements.
Mr. Roberts in chapter XXIX of his History of British India and Mr. Holmes in his History of the Indian Mutiny give a résumé of the various causes underlying the outbreak of 1857, which obliges one to be extremely cautious in accepting Mr. Buckler's new-fangled theory. On his own admission, it is based almost wholly upon the record of the trial of Bahadur Shah II. One can certainly admit that when the Mutiny broke out, the mutineers needed a figure head and a war-cry. Bahadur Shah filled the required rôle. But though they proclaimed him Emperor, the mutineers showed him little respect and retained the administration of the mutinous area, such as it was, in their own hands. In short, the mutineers dragged in the wretched representative of vanished Mughal sovereignty, merely to give a show of dignity to their revolt, which was based on several actual or fancied grievances of their own and was joined by many others who had no sympathy with the Mughal claim to sovereignty.
To substantiate his theory, Mr. Buckler suggests that :(1) The Mughal Empire down to the deposition of Bahadur Shah II was an effective
source of political authority, and was the suzerain de jure of the East India
Company. (2) The Maratha rebellion was " artificially extended ” beyond the year 1720 90
that the Company was enabled to portray the loyal vassal Sindia as a monster of tyranny, and itself to pose "in the eyes of India " as a repentant vassal returning

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to the loyalty of the Mughal Emperor, while at the same moment it masqueraded in Europe as the British Government and the "protector" of a pensioned king of Delhi.
(3) The duplicity of Wellesly, as expressed in (2), was accentuated by his successors, who owing to ignorance of Indian languages and conditions adopted a policy which the Mughal emperor could not but interpret as high treason, and which therefore ultimately drove the Native army to revolt.
In regard to (1), it seems to me impossible in the light of known facts, to accept the view that the Mughal Empire was an effective source of political authority down to the date of the outbreak. To be effective, a government surely must be possessed of the power to impose its will upon its vassals and subjects, and upon any outsider who dares to infringe its rights. If it has not this power, obviously it cannot fall within the category of effective government. What are the historical facts? In 1756 Ahmad Shah Durrani sacked Delhi; in 1760 the British were supreme in Bengal, the titular Nawab of the province being merely the creature and protégé of the Company: in 1764 was fought the battle of Buxar, in which the English defeated the Emperor of all India and his titular prime minister. As a result of that battle, the Emperor-a homeless fugitive-made his submission, and, in return for an an. nuity of twenty-six lakhs from the Bengal revenues and the districts of Allahabad and Kora, agreed to resign all further claims on the revenues and to confirm formally the right of the Company to the territories in their possession. He thus became in substance a pensioner of the Company, hardly a sound basis on which to found a claim to effective political authority. In 1769 the Marathas, having recovered from their defeat, again crossed the Narbada, raided Rajputana and Rohilkand, and began to intrigue with the puppet Emperor, who was subsisting at Allahabad on the money paid to him by the Company. The Marathas offered to place him on the throne of Delhi, and on his accepting this proposal, he was escorted to Delhi in 1771 by Mahadaji Sindia, who became in practice his jailor. He was forced by the Marathas to hand over the two districts of Allahabad and Kora, which had been given to him as an act of grace by Clive. Thereupon Hastings ordered the discontinuance of his allowance,-an act which, as Mr. Roberts remarks, is supported by "all temperate and responsible opinion." From 1784 onwards Sindia had complete control of the aged Emperor, who was practically forced to issue patents appointing the Peshwa supreme Vicegerent of the Empire and Sindia himself the Peshwa's Deputy. "So by a curious turn of the political wheel, the Mughal Emperor had now passed under the control of a general of the Hindu confederacy, which was swayed by the Minister of the Peshwa-himself the Mayor of the Palace of the Raja of Satara, whose claims were historically based upon a rebellion against Mughal sovereignty." Finally, in 1803, we find Lord Lake again taking under British protection the poor old blind Emperor, Shah Alam, "seated under a small tattered canopy."
With this record of facts before one, how can it possibly be said that the Mughal Empire continued down to 1858 an effective source of political authority? The power of the Mughal Empire disappeared after 1761, and neither dialectics nor legal quibbling can alter that fact. As regards the academic question of de jure suzerainty, we should have thought that to be permanently terminated by the fact that the Emperor, or the troops under his orders, had twice fought the Company in the field and been defeated on both occasions. It can hardly be contended that de jure sovereignty remains with one who, after being defeated in battle and making submission to his conquerors, is granted a subsistence allowance at their will and pleasure.

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pace does not permit of my dealing at length with Mr. Buckler's other two arguments. As regards the Marathas, however, I may point out that in 1720 Muhammad Shah recognized by treaty the authority of Raja Shahu and admitted his right to levy the chauth and sardeshmukhi over the whole Deccan. In 1737, after making themselves masters of Gujarat, Malwa and Bundelkhand, and evading the imperial army, the Marathas appeared in the suburbs of Delhi. Two years later Nadir Shah left the Mughal Empire bleeding and prostrate. In 1760 the Maratha government decided to renew the invasion of Upper India and to attempt the achievement of Maratha supremacy, but they were badly defeated at Panipat in the following year. Their predatory armies, however, soon recovered strength under Sindia, Holkar and other independent chiefs. In 1782 Sindia conducted negotiations for the Treaty of Salbai, and thereafter became by far the most powerful figure in India. In fact, at the beginning of the nineteenth century the Marathas practically commanded the whole of Hindustan, and it was from them, rather than from the Mughal, that the English actually acquired by force of arms the government of the whole country. It was in gratitude for his deliverance from Mahadaji Sindia that the blind Shah Alam conferred upon Lord Lake the insignia of the nalki, etc., which were the only tokens remaining to him of the once dominant position of his house. I confess I cannot discern any grounds for Mr. Buckler's assertion that under Sindia the Marathas were welded into "a strong loyal pro-Mughal confederacy." What of Jasvant Rao Holkar? He never showed the smallest respect for Mughal sovereignty, and he struggled violently with Sindia and the Peshwa. Nor can I discover in the history of Shah Alam's chequered fortunes the smallest justification for the statement that Mahadaji Sindia was the only loyal vassal of the Emperor, or that the East India Company posed as the Emperor's repentant vassal in 1802. Before the eyes of the world the English in India took Shah Alam under their protection, after the capture of Delhi by Lake; but they did so as a conquering power which had vanquished the "loyal vassal" who held him in thrall.
As regards Wellesley's policy, it would certainly have been wiser to declare openly that the Company had succeeded to the rights of the Mughal dynasty, as in fact it had. England was at death-grips with Napoleon, and Wellesley was certainly entrusted with the task of making India "safe", and of excluding for ever all possibility of French competition in India. He might, therefore, have declared the paramountcy of the Company with justifica. tion. But he was bound to consider also the prejudices of the authorities in England, who frequently baulked his plans by withholding support, and also the views of the Company's shareholders, who thought more of the provision of goods for export than of empire. Both parties would probably have objected to a declaration announcing in plain language that the Company had succeeded to the rights and privileges of the Mughal Emperor: and Wellesley may also have held that the superstitious veneration accorded by some sections of native opinion to the title of the Great Mughal required to be acknowledged, even though the actual power of the holder of the title had long passed away. Later on, Lord Dalhousie showed his anxiety to arrange for the extinction of the Mughal's title at Delhi, but he was overruled by the Court of Directors. It seems a reasonable supposition that it was the authorities in England, rather than their representatives in India, who persisted in conti. nuing "the fiction" of Mughal sovereignty, when all trace of that sovereignty had for practical purposes disappeared.
Ilbert in his Government of India points out that "the situation created in Bengal by the grant of the Diwani in 1765 and recognised by the legislation of 1773, resembled what in the language of modern international law is called a protectorate. The country had

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not been definitely annexed: the authority of the Delhi Emperor and his native vice-regent was still formally recognized, and the attributes of sovereignty had been divided between them and the Company in such proportions that, while the substance had passed to the latter, a shadow only remained with the former." Wellesley, then, at the worst seems to have done no more than perpetuate an arrangement accepted by the authorities in England who framed the Regulating Act twenty years before.
There are other points in Mr. Buckler's paper which deserve comment, as, for example, his statement that the Company continued offering nazr8 till 1843. The late Dr. Vincent Smith, a careful historian, states that Lord Hastings (1813–22) discontinued them, holding that "such a public testimony of dependence and subservience” was irreconcilable with any rational system of policy, when the paramount authority of the British government had been openly established. Again, Mr. Buckler formulates an elaborate argument in favour of the religious character of Mughal sovereignty over India. It is very doubtful whether, even in the heyday of its prosperity, Mughal sovereignty could be justly described as based on religious supremacy, i.e., on the claim of the Emperor to be in the Khilafat or succession of divine authority. But whether this be so or not, what earthly connexion can there have been between the religious claims of an Islamic potentate and the Hindu majority of the mutineers? If every single person implicated in the outbreak had been a Musalman, this theory might carry some weight. But a very large proportion both of the army and other rebels were Hindus, to whom the religious aspect of Mughal supremacy was meaningless exoept perhaps as an incitement to religious and racial hatred. Those who have lived in India and witnessed the intense religious antipathy which exists between Hindus and Muhammadans, and from time to time explodes in open and sanguinary repriBals, will find it very hard to adopt the view that the religious claims of the Mughal Emperor can have weighed in the smallest degree with Brahman leaders like Nana Sahib and the Rani Lakshmibai, and with the Brahman and other Hindu sepoys of the army.
Speaking generally, Mr. Buckler's paper strikes me as an ingenious effort of spocial pleading in defence of Bahadur Shah. But it is vitiated by a tendency to find specious ex. planations for facts which admit of a simpler and more straightforward construction, and also by an unfortunate bias (doubtless as counsel for the defence) against the English in India, which inevitably suggests doubts as to his strict impartiality. It is quite true, as he states, that no mere palace intrigue could have produced such a rising as that of 1857: but, had he studied all the conditions and circumstances and the political and social events preceding the Mutiny, he would perhaps have realized that there were several other important causes of the outbreak besides the mere "conflict of fact and fiction" in regard to the effective political sovereignty of the phantom descendant of the Great Mughal.

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SOME PROBLEMS IN NAQSHBANDI HISTORY
BY H. A. ROSE, L.C.S. (Retired). The history of the Naqshbandi Order would be of some interest, if it could be recovered, not merely because it has played an important part in Muslim thought, but also because it has had no little influence on the political vicissitudes of India, Mesopotamia, and, to a less extent, Turkey. In order to unravel some pieces of the tangled skein it is essential to set forth the spiritual pedigree of the Order.
1. As usual in such pedigrees its line is linked up with that of the great Muhammadan . mystics, ending in this case with Abu'l Qasim Gürgâni (quite incorrectly Karkiâni). Thence the line continues to
2. Abu 'Ali al-Fayl b. Muhammad al-Fârmadhi: as to whom see Nicholson's Kashfal-Mahjúb, p. 169. He died in 470 . (A.D. 1078), and he must not be confused with another Fârmadt who died in 537 H. : M. Hartmann, Der Islamische Orient, VI-X, p. 308.
3. His khalifa (succəksor) Khwaja (or Shaikh Abû) Yûsuf Hamadani (A.D. 1048--1140). In the Rashahat Yûsuf Hamaddni is assigned three khalifas, (1) Khwaja 'Abdulla Barqi, (2) Hasan Andaqi, and (3) Ahmad Yasawi who died in A.D. 1166–7 or perhaps in 562 H. (A.D. 1169). Ahmad Yasawi was a saint of great importance. His disciple Luqmån al-Khurdsânî taught Muhammad 'Atå bin Ibrahim, called Haji Bektash, subsequently the patron saint of the Janissaries. The date of his death is uncertain, but it occurred in the four. teenth century A.D. : M. Hartmann, Der Islamische Orient, VI-X, p. 309.
4. Khwaja 'Abd-ul-Khaliq Ghujduwâni (son of Imam 'Abd-ul-Jamil and one of the best-known Naqshbandis), born at Ghujduwân, six farsakhs from Bukhara in the twelfth century A.D. He died in 575 H. (A.D. 1179—80). Except that he studied under Shaikh Abû Yusuf little is however really known of him, though MSS. of his works exist : E.I., I, p. 165. He laid down eight rules, which constituto the tariqa of the Khwajas, but three more were afterwards introduced. They include khilwat dar anjuman, safr dar watn, etc., which are explained in a mystic sense : JRAS., 1916, pp. 64-5. According to Hartmann, it was to 'Abd-ul-Khaliq that Khizr taught also the habs an-nafas or restraining of the breath' exercises of the Naqshbandis : Der Islam, VI, p. 67. This practice is naturally attributed to one of the forms of the Indian yoga, but it is not quite impossible that its origin is far older, both the Yogis and the Naqshbandis having revived a practice current among some forgotten sects of Central Asia. That Indian ideas did however influence the earliest Sofis seems to be unquestionable : ib., p. 51.
5. 'Arif Rewgari, who took his title from Rewgar, a place six farsakhs from Bukhara. His death is assigned to 715 H., but as Hartmann points out, this cannot be correct, as his pir died in 575 H., and assuming that he received the gift of 'light' from him at the early age of ten, he must have been 160 years old when he died 1: Hartmann, op. cit., VI-X, P. 309.
6. Muhammad Faghnawi, who appears in the Tarikh---Rashidi as Khwaja Mahmud 'Anjir Faghrawi. His correct name seems to have been (Khoja) Mahmûd Anjir(i) Faghnawî, from his birth-place, Faghn, three farsakhs from Bukhara. But ho lived in Wabkan, where his grave also is. There is much uncertainty as to the meaning of 'Anjir,' and also about the date of the saint's death, which is assigned to 670 H. or to 715 H. (A.D. 1272 or 1316): Hartmann, op. cit., VI-X, p. 309.

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7. The Khoja Azizan Shạikh 'Ali Ramitanî, who died in 705 or 721 1. (A.D. 1306 or 1321), and took his title from Ramitan (the name is variously spelt) near Bukhara : Hartmann, op. cit., p. 310. He was also styled Piri Nassaj.
8. Khwaja Muhammad BABA-i-Samasi, of the Tarikh-i-Rashidi, p. 401. The Khoja Muhammad BAbaji Samasi was born in Sam&si, a dependency of Ramitan, lying three farsakhs from Bukhara, and died in 740 or 755 H. (A.D. 1340 or 1354): Hartmann, op. cit., p. 310.
9. Amir Saiyid Kalal (in the Rashahat:JRAS., 1916, p. 62. Mir Kalal in the Tarikhi-Rashidi, p. 401). His true name was probably Saiyid Amir Kulal Sokhari, from Sokhar, two farsakhs from Bukhara, where he was born and buried. He worked as a potter (kulal), and is said to have been also styled Ibn Saiyid Hamza. He died in 772 . (A.D. 1371): op. cit., p. 310.
10. The Khoja Baha-ud-Din Naqshband was born in 718 1. (A.D. 1318) and died in 791 4. (A.D. 1389-90) at the age of 73: op. cit., p. 311.
The Nürbakhshis. From the Naqshbandis at & very early stage branched off another Order, that of the Nûr bakhshis. So far as I have been able to trace, this Order is not now known outside Kashmir and the Hazara District of the Punjab. Unfortunately its history is very obscure. The Tarikh-i-Rashidit throws some light upon it. According to that work Saiyid 'Alf Hamadani, also called Amir Kabir 'Ali the Second, a refugee from Hamadan, appeared in Kashmir about A.D. 1380. He and his Order are said to have been expelled from Persia by Timûr, and to him is attributed the conversion of Kashmir (although it had been at least begun by Sultan Shams-ud-Din, who came there disguised as a Qalandar, about 40 years earlier). However this may be, Saiyid 'Ali is stated to have died at Pakhli, the seat of a half-legendary Arab kingdom, about A.D. 1386. He became " & sort of patron saint of the Muhammadan section of the population, but the people were all Hanifi, we are told, until about A.D. 1550 one Shams, who came from Talish (? Gilan) in Ir&q, introduced a new form of religion, giving it the name of Nürbakhshi. Shams wrote a work called the Fikh-i-Ahwat, which does not conform to the teachings of any sect, Sunni or Shi'a, and his sectarios regarded him as the promised Mahdi. That Saiyid 'Ali Hamadani was a historical personage is oonfirmed by the Turkish authorities, but I have failed to connect him with Sh. Abd Yusuf Hamad&ni. His full name was Amir Saiyid 'Ali b. Ush-Shihab (Shihab-ud-Din) b. Mir Saiyid Muhammad al-Husaini of Hamadan" founder of an order of safis, espeoially known as the apostle of Kashmir''; and he entered Kashmir in 781 1. (A.D. 1380) with 700 disciples, acquiring great influence over Sultan Qutb-ud-Din. Dying in 786 1. (A.D. 1385) at the age of 73 he was buried at Khuttilan (not at Pakhli). He was the author of the Zakhirat. ul. Mulak, a treatise on political ethics: Cal. of Persian MSS. in the British Museum, II, p. 147. Those fragments of history perhaps justify & conjecture that S. 'Ali Hamadani played an important part in the resistance to Tîmûr and his descendants. In the Punjab Shah
1 Pp. 432-7 of Denison Rose's Trans. 2 CJ. Brown, The Dervishes, p. 126, where he appears as Sa'eed 'Alee Hemdenee.'
3 Wherever Saiyid 'Ali may actually have been interred, he certainly has still & shrine (zidrat) at Nankog in the Pakhli plain of Hazara, and to it women bring children suffering from parchhawan to be passed under an olive-tree. The saint also has some resting places Wishast-gdhe) in Kashmir: Rose, Glossary of Punjab Tribes and Oastes, I, p. 594. The tradition that the saint was buried at Khuttilan may be explained ; Khutlån, as it is also spelt, was the seat of Khwaja Iphâq: t. the following page. Unfortunately the Mirdt at Muqdsid, though montioning the Nørbakhshis on p. 3, gives no account of them that I can tracę.

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Rukh, for instance, never seems to have been able to extend his sway much beyond the Salt Range, and his failure to penetrate Kashmir may have been largely due to the Naqshbandi opposition or resentment.
Who Shams" was, it is not oasy to say. But in all probability he is to be identified with Seiyid Muhammad, son of Saiyid Muhammad of Qatif, a descendant of course of the Imâm Mâsâ Kâzim. Born at Qa'in 795 1. (A.D. 1393) he was initiated by the Khwaja Ishaq Khutlânî, who was a disciple of Saiyid 'Ali Hamadani, and from him received the title of Nürbakhsh. In 826 H. (A.D. 1423) he proclaimed himself Khalif in Khutlån and was imprisoned by Shah Rukh at Herät in that year. He died at Rai in 869 1. (A.D. 1465). So far all is plain-sailing, but when we come to his successors the facts are obscure. Saiyid Muhammad is said to have been followed as head of the Order by his son, Shah Qasim. Well treated by Shah Isma'il Safawi, he died in 927 H. (A.D. 1521). But it is also said that S. Muhammad's principal khalifa was Asiri (Shaikh Shams-ud-Din) Muhammad b. Yahyâ of Lahijan in Gilân, and that he settled in Shiraz where he built the Khânqah Núria. A friend of Dawani, Shah Isma'il visited him ton in 910 1. (A.D. 1505). Besides a Diwan Asiri left a commentary on the Gulshan-s-Raz. His son Fida'i died in 927 H. (A.D. 1531): Cat. of Turkish MSS. in the British Museum, p. 650. It is fairly obvious that the Norbakshis continued to exercise some influence in Persia under the Safawis, but that fact would not ondear them to the Turkish authorities and amply explains why there is no allusion to Shah Qasim or Asiri and their protectors in such a work as Brown's Dervishes. Novertheless another disciple of S. Muhammad, one Shaikh Khalil-ullah Baqlant, is mentioned in the spiritual pedigree given in the Sabhat ul-Akhbar, a work which was actually translatod from the Persian into Turkish in 952 1. (A.D. 1545): ib., p. 323.
The Disruption of the Naqshbandis, We now come to a crisis in the history of the Naqshbandi Order, which so far has not been explained. According to the Rashahat its real founder was the saint Khwaja 'Ubaid. ullah, by name Naşir-ud-Din, but commonly known as the Khwaja Ahrar or Hazrat Ishan. This work makes Bahd-ud-Din Naqshband merely a learned expositor of the principles of the Order.. Yet it ascribes Khwaja Abrar's investiture to Ya'qub Charkhi, himself a disciple of Baha-ud-Din. Other authorities however ignore Ya'qub Charkhi4 and make Khwaja Abrar 5th, not 3rd, in spiritual descent from Baha-ud-Din, thus
Baha-ud-Din Naqshband. Alai-ud-D'in al-Attar.
Nizam-ud-Din Khâm ush. The Tarikh-i-Rashidi speaks of a Maulana Nizam-ud
Din Khâm âsh or ? : op. cit., p. 194. I have failed to trace any other details of his personality, but the 'Ali-il&his still have eight sects, one of which is styled
Kham ůshi : E.I., I, p. 293. 4 A minor problem concerning Ya'qub Charkhi is the place of his burial. From "information received "I stated in A Glossary of Punjab Tribes and Castea, III, p. 548, that he was one of the four important disciples of Baha-ud-Din Naqshband and was interred at Malafko in the Hippar Dist. of that province. But according to the Rashandt he lies buried at Hamalghata (or -nů) in Hippar-Shadman, Transoxiana, and East-South East of Samarqand, though he was born in the Ghazni district of Afghanistan: JRAS., 1916. p. 61. This suggests that a Ya'qub (but not Charkhi) was buried at Malafko. The doubtful passage in Babur's Memoirs makes mention of a Ya'qub as a son of Kh. Yahya. Whether he was Yahya's third son or not, this Ya'qub may be the saint of Me

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207
Sultân-ud-Din al-Káshghari, (but his real name was almost certainly Sa'id-ud-Din,
and the Tarikh-i-Rashidt calls him Sa'd-ud-Din). He is however sometimes described not as a disciple of Nizâm-ud-Din Khâm úsh, but of Saiyid Sharif 'Ali b. Muhammad al-Jurjani, who died in 816 H. (A.D. 1414), and was the author
of the Sharh Muwagif: Nassau Lees, Nafahat al-Uns, pp. 6, 2-3. Ubaid-ullah Samarqandi (Khwaja Ahrar). Le Chatelier again assigns not only Alai-ud-Din and Ya'qûb Jarhi (Charkhi obviously) as disciples or rather successors to Baha-ud-Din, but also gives him a third successor in Nasr-ud-Din of Tashkand. Thus it seems clear that the Order began to show symptoms of disruption on the death of Baha-ud-Din. Le Chatelier however says that it was under the pontificate of Nasr-ud-Din Tashkandi (who is not at all generally recognised as a khali fa of Baha-ud-Dîn) that the Order split up into two branches, that of the West under him as Grand Master, and the other of the East under another khalifa, Sultân-udDîn al-Kâshghari. But the Turkish versions of the pedigree seem to acknowledge only the last-named.
The Western Naqshbandis. Of the fate of the Western Naqshbandis little seems to be recorded in Turkish literature. From 'Ubaid-ullah al-Samarqandi the 'descent' passes to Sh. 'Abdullah Alahi (as he was known in poetry), Arif billah 'Abdullah, “the God-knowing servant of God," of Simaw. He followed the jurisprudent 'Ali of Tùs to Persia, quitting Constantinople; and devoted himself to the secular sciences until he was impelled to destroy all his books. His teacher, however, induced him to sell them all with the exception of one oontaining the dealings of the Saints, and give the proceeds in alms. From Kerman he went to Samarqand, where he attached himself to the great Shaikh Arif billah 'Ubaid-ullah (the 'little servant of God'), and at his behest he accepted the teaching of the Naqshbandis from their Shaikh Baha-ud-Din. Later he went to Heråt, and thence returned to Constantinople, but its disturbed condition on the death of Muhammad II drove him to Yenija Wardar, where he died in 1490 A.D. He left at least two works, the Najat al-Arwah min Rasan il-Ashbah, The Salvation of the Soul from the Snares of Doubt,' and the Zád al-Mushtaqin, The Viotuals of the Zealous,' sometimes described as the żad al-Talibin or the Maslik at-Talibin ("The Victuals of the Seekers,' or Regulations for them): Hammer-Purgstall, Geschichte der Osmanischen Dichtkunst, I, p. 207. This sketoh does not hint that Alahi was head of the Western Naqshbandîs. But it suggests that the Order was not popular with the imperial authorities at Constantinople in his day and that people who wrote about its history were obliged to omit facts of cardinal importance in it.
6 Here Le Chatelier, who actually cites the Rashahat as his authority, has fallen into a two-fold error. On p. 150 of his Oonfréries musulmanes du Hedjaz, he gives an account of "Sultân-ud-Din al-Káshghari and his resistance to 'Baber.' But the future conqueror of India was not opposed by the Naqshbandi Shaikh. The prince in question was Mirza Babur, and the Shaikh who opposed him was not Sultân-ud-Din al. Kashghari but Khwaja Ahrar. So far from being hostile to the branch to which the great Babur belonged, the Khwaja Ahrar fended off Mirza Babur's attack in the interests of Abu Sa'id Mirza, grandfather of the future emperor: H. Beveridge in JRAS., 1916, p. 69. And so far from being opposed to the great BAbur at Samarqand, the latter Asserts that Khwaja Ahrar appeared to him in a dream and foretold his second capture of the city : Memoirs, I, p. 139. Strangely enough Brown (The Dervishes, p. 136) makes " our Lord Maulana Sa'id-ud-Din KAshghari" the opponent of Mirza Babur, and this too on the authority of the Raahahat, thus endorsing one of Le Chatelier's errors. It seems then possible that more than one recension of that work exists, but even if that bo so, a consideration of the dates involved proves that it was Mirza Babur, and not the conqueror of India, who was thwarted at Samarqand by a Naqshbandi Shaikh.
The great Babur made his first attempt on the city in A.D. 1498, and could not possibly have been opposed by the precursor of Khwaja Ahrar, who had died in A.D. 1490, at least eight years earlier.
• The Tarikh-i-Rashich adds that Sa'd-ud-Din had & disciple in the "Shaikh al-Islam," Maulana Abd-ur-Rahman Jami: p. 194. This was of course the famous Persian poet Jami' (A.D. 1414-92): .1., 7, 1, p. 1011. To the poet he is credited with having appeared in a vision.

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From Alahf we are taken to Sh. Sa'id Ahmad al-Bukhari, as to whom I fail to find any record. Thence we come to Sh, Muhammad Chalabi (the Turkish cognomen is noteworthy), "nephew of Aziz," and so to Sh. 'Abd-ul-Latif, nephew of Muhammad Chalabi. Here it is patốnt that tho pedigree is quite fragmentary.
These data and omissions suggest that by Evlia's time the Naqshbandis had fallon under the disfavour of the imperial government, that the heads of the Western Naqshbandis wero only recognized by it when they were harmless, and that, while that Government did not venture to abolish the con vents of the Order in the capital or elsewhere, it suppressed any leading institution which was likely to recall memories of the great names in the Order or increase the influence of its independent heads for the time being.
The conneotion with the Eastern Naqshbandis, was similarly discouraged, if not entirely broken off. None of the great Naqshbandis of India are commemorated by foundations at Constantinople. There is indeed one Hindilar8 (Indians') takia at Khorkhor near Aq Sarai in Stambal, just as there is an Usbek-lar takia there too. But most of the Naqshbandi con vents bear names that are merely picturesque, or only commemorate latter-day Saints of the Order who were, frankly, nonentities. And so, when the author of the Turkish Mirdt al-Muqasid gives a list of the Naqshbandi saints of modern times, he has to omit all allusion to their chequered history in the West and fall back on the Indian silsila, which nover had any real jurisdiction in Turkey and was certainly not recognised there by the imperial authorities.
The Eastern Naqshbandi s. To turn now to the Eastern Naqshbandîs, we have first to deal with the Khwaja Ahrar. In his youth this saint had a vision of Christ, which was interpreted to mean that he would become a physician, but he himself declared that it foretold that he would have a living heart. Later on he obtained great influence over Sultan Abu Sa'id Mirza, a great-grandson of Timar and ruler of Mâwara-un-Nahr from A.D. 1451 to 1468. This sovereign was then the most powerful of the Timûrids in Central Asia : and Herât his capital was famous for its institutions and its learning. The Khwaja acted as envoy to the rivals of this ruler who were also descendants of Timûr. For the nonce he succeeded in making peace between them, but it was not permanent. The Khwaja died in A.D. 1490 or porhaps a year later. 10 His descendants were
(Khwaja Ahrar, 'Ubeid-ullah.)
Khwajaka
Khwaja.
Khwaja Yahya, whom Babur styles Kh. Kalân : his father's guccessor,
Zakaria, 'Abd-ul-Baqi. Muhammad Amin. ? Ya'qub.
both, with Kh. Yahyâ, murdered by Uzbegs in A.D. 1500. Regarding the sons of Kh. Ahrar, Babur makes a significant statement. Between them enmity arose, and then the elder became the spiritual guide of the elder prince (Baisan qar
Was this the 'Ahd-ulLatif Naqshbandi who died in 971 1. (A.D. 1564), according to the Mirat al. Kd'indt of Nishanji-zAda Muhammad b. Ahmad b. Muhammad b. Ramapan, a Qiri of Adrianople who died in 1031 H. vid. Cat. of Turkish MSS. in the British Museum, p. 30. If so, we have again the curious fact that his headship of the Order is suppressed.
Evlis mentions two Indian convents, one of the Hindus, "worshippers of fire," where bodies could by burnt, and the other, the convent of the Indian Qalandare, at the head of the bridge of Kaghid. khana : Travels, I, Pt. 2, p. 87.
• E.., the Agvan-lar Takia-si, near the Chinili Mosque at Scutari, seems to be so named from the Pers. akawan, 'flower of the arghawdn, (red) Judas-tree : Johnson, Pera..Ar..Eng. Dicty., p. 144, and Red. house, Turk.- Eng.. Lex., p. 69. Evlia's translator calls it the Syringa.
10 JRAS., 1916, p. 56.

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Mirza) and the younger the guide of the younger (Sulţân 'Ali Mirza). Khwajahkâ Khwaja had stoutly refused to surrender Baisanqar when that prince had sought sanctuary in his. house. Kh. Yahyâ on the other hand gave shelter to Sultan 'Ali Mirza, his rival. It is further stated by Bâbur that his "teacher and spiritual guide" was a disciple of Kh. Ahrar, by name 'Abdullah, but better known as Khwaja Maulana Qazi. Now this adviser was murdered by Bâbur's enemies in 903 H. (1498 A.D.). Thus we see that. there was a tendency for the sons and disciples of the religious chief each to attach himself to a member of the ruling house descended from Timûr. Khwaja Maulana Qâzi was apparently hanged for no better reason than that he had been active in defence of Bâbur, a fate from which his religious character did not save him. But the tendency mentioned was not the universal rule, for we read of yet another disciple of Kh. Aḥrâr, Hazrat Maulana Muḥammad Qâzî, author of the Silsilat al-Arifin, who was honoured by the "Hazrat Ishân" with the title of Ishân (though he does not appear to have been recognised as his spiritual successor) and died in A.D. 1516 without having attached himself to any prince. On the other hand Kh. Ahrâr, it is said, also left a grandson "Khwaja Nûra " or Hazrat Makhdûmî Nûra, who was named Mahmûd from his father and Shahâb-ud-Din from his grandfather (sic), but received the title of Khwaja Khawand Mahmûd. This saint followed Humâyûn to India, but found that he had been supplanted in favour by the sorcerer-saint Shaikh Bahlol11. To this refusal on Humâyûn's part to recognise Khwaja Nûra's claims to his hereditary veneration, the author of the Tarikh-i-Rashidi hints that all that emperor's misfortunes were due: JRAS., 1916, pp. 59 ff. and Tarikh-i-Rashidi, pp. 212 and 398-9.
209
After the murder of Khwaja Maulana Qâzi, Bâbur seems to have had no spiritual guide for a time. He declares that in 905 H. he was negotiating with Khwaja Yahyâ, but he admits that the Khwaja did not send him any message, though several times persons were sent to confer with him, i.e., in plain English, to attempt to seduce him from his allegiance to Sultân 'Ali Mirza. Whether the Khwaja was inclined to listen to such overtures must remain uncertain. At the worst all that can be reasonably regarded as proved against him is that when Sultan 'Ali Mirza was betrayed by his mother and it became clear that Samarqand must fall either to Bâbur or to Shaibânî Khân, the Khwaja deserted Sultân 'Ali and ostensibly went over to Shaibâni, But his tardy submission did not save him from the suspicion (possibly well-founded) that he was really favouring Babur's claims, which were far stronger than Shaibani's, to the possession of Samarqand. In so doing he would in fact have only been renewing an hereditary tie, for, Babur informs us, his father had appointed Khwajahkâ Khwaja keeper of his seal, 13
The slaughter of Khwaja Yahyâ with his two sons in A.D. 1500 did not of course bring the silsila or chain of spiritual descent of the western Naqshbandis to an end, but how it continued is a mystery. The Rashahdt states that Yahyâ had a third son, Muḥammad Amin, who escaped death. On the other hand a tradition was current that Yaby& had a third (or fourth) son, named Khwaja Ya'qub. This last is mentioned in Babur's Memoirs as once appearing to him in a dream, but Beveridge holds that the passage is spurious : JRAS., 1916, p. 73. It is however possible that it is genuine, but that it was suppressed in the Persian translations, in order to make it appear that Babur was not under the spiritual protection of the Naqshbandi Shaikhs. But this suggestion finds no confirmation, it must be admitted, in the authorities known to me. These are two, the Panjab traditions, and the Turkish work,
11 This saint, a brother of the better-known saint Muhammad Ghaus of Gwalior, was, it is interesting to note, put to death by Mirza Hindål, brother of Humayun, in 945. (A.D. 1538): Beale, Or. Biog. Dy., p. 370. On p. 265 Bahlol appears as Phul!
13 Babur describes him as a man of learning, a great linguist and excelling in falconry. He was also acquainted with magic, yadahgiri, i.e. the power of causing rain and snow by magic: Memoirs, I, p. 68.

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the Mirât al-Muqasid. Below, the spiritual pedigrees so preserved are set out in parallel columns :
210
Mirat al-Muqasid. 1. Milana Ya'qûb Charhi Hissari.
2. Khwaja (a gap) Nasir-ud-Din 'Ubaidullah Tashkandi Samarqandi.
3. Muḥammad Zahid.
4.
Maulana Darvish.
5. Maulana Khwajagi Samarqandi.
7.
6. Maulana Shaikh Muhammad Samâqî. Imâm Rabbânî Mujaddid Alif-sânî Sh. Aḥmad Faruqi b. 'Abd-ul-Wahid Fârûqî Sirhindî, d. 1074 H. (A.D. 1664).
8. Sh. Muhammad Ma'şûm 'Urwah'- Wasqâ, Kh. Muḥammad Ma'sûm.
Sahib Maktubât: d. 1097 H. (A.D. 1688).
9.
Sh. Saif-ud-Din 'Arif.
10. Sh. Saiyid Muhammad Nûrî Budaunî.
The Panjab tradition.
Ya'qub Charkhî. Nâsir-ud-Din 'Ubaid-ullah Ahrar.
Muhammad Zahid.
Maulana Darvish Muhammad. Maulana Khwajgî Amkinki (sic). Khwaja Muhammad Bâqi-billah Berang. Imâm Rabbânî Mujaddid Alifşanî Sh. Aḥmad Faruqi Sirhindî.
Sh. Saif-ud-Din.
M. Hafiz Muḥammad Muhsin Dihlawi. Saiyid Nur Muhammad Budauni.
11. Sh. Shams-ud-Din Khân Jânân Mazhar. Shams-ud-Din Habib-ullah Mazhar Shahid.
12. Sh. 'Abdullah Dihlawi.
13. Hazrat Ziâ-ud-Din Zû-'l-Jannâhîn Maulana Khalid, d. 1242 H. at the age of 50 (A.D. 1827). (Hence the Order is called Khâlidiâ.)
Mirza Janjanan.
Mujaddid Miatusâliswal (?) Ashar Sayid 'Abdullah (Shâh Ghulâm 'Ali Ahmadi). Shah Abû Sa'id Ahmadi. Shah Ahmad Sa'id Ahmadi. Haji Dost Muḥammad Qandhârî. Haji Muhammad 'Usmân-whose shrine is at Kulâchi in the Dera 'Ismâ'il Dist., Panjab.
The Mirat al-Muqasid, it will be observed, omits all mention of the silsila of the Western Naqshbandis, Alahi and his successors. Now the Naqshbandis have always been numerous and important in Turkey. They have, or had when Brown wrote, 52 takias in Constantinople alone. In other Turkish towns also they had many foundations, e.g., three at Brusa: Evliya, II, p. 8.
The takias at Constantinople include one named "Ahmad al-Bukhârî Takiasi," which must commemorate Sh. Sa'id Ahmad al-Bukhari, Alahi's successor. It is in the Kabân Daqiq (Flour Weigh-House) at Stambul.
They also include four called Amir Bukhara Takiasi. Who the 'Amir Bukhara' was, it is hard to say with any certainty. A Shams-ud-Din Bukhârî (not to be confused with Shams-udDin Muhammad Bukhari, the 'Amir Sultan' of Bayazid I's reign) was a Persian, who came to Constantinople in the time of Muḥammad II and there rose to eminence as the Shaikh of the reign of Bayazid II. He lived as a Naqshbandî, and his cloister is one of the principal Naqshbandi foundations in the Turkish capital: Hammer-Purgstall, GdOD, I, p. 212. This must be the convent just outside the Adrianople Gate,' in which lies Shaikh Ahmad 'Bukhara' (? al-Bukhari). in the mausoleum built for him by Murâd III, near the FlowerHall: Evlia, I, pt. 2, p. 21. If this Sh. Aḥmad was the head of the Order, it is clear that it was favoured by Murad III, though Evlia, who is very chary of details where the Naqshbandîs are concerned, does not say that Sh. Aḥmad Bukhara belonged to that Order. But he adds:"Sh. Aḥmad Sadiq, from Tashkendi in Bokhara, who made the journey on foot three times from Balkh to Constantinople (and back again) is buried at the convent of Amîr Bokhara,"

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211
And further :" Sh. Khák Dada, the chief fountain of contemplation, born at Pergamus, was most famous by the name of Na'lbenji (the farrier)"; and at Rumeli Hissar is the laleia of . a farrier-saint, Na'lbar Mahmad Effendi, a Naqshbandi.
In the religious teaching of the Naqshbandis there was not much that would explain all this. They taught that a life could be purchased by the sacrifice of another life ; and twice Khwaja Ahrar was saved from death by men devoting themselves (becoming feila) in order to restore him to health : JRAS., 1916, p. 75.13 This example was clearly followed by Babur, when he resolved to offer up his own life to save that of Humâyûn : Memoirs, II, p. 442.
Babur, like bis descendant Aurangzeb, was buried in a tomb open to the sky. Whether Jahangir's tomb at Lahore was also hypathral is still a moot question : Journal of the Punjab Historical Society, III, p. 144. But it is noteworthy that Jahangir rebuilt Babur's tomb'in A.D. 1607-8: Memoirs, II, p. 426. This usage was certainly not confineil to the Nqh. bandis, though Khwaja Bâqi-billah has no building over his grave at Dohli : Rose, Gloss. Punjab T. and o., III, p. 550. It appears rather to have become a Chishti practica : ., p. 530. (Qutb Shah forbade a building to be erected over his tomb at Mihraulî neer Dehli.)
But the political predilections of the Naqshbandis may well have led to their persecution at the hands of the Sultans of Turkey. As we have seen, a Nürbakhshi wrote a treatise on political ethics. Khwaja Aþrår's dependents by their influence protected many poor de. fonceless persons from oppression in Samarqand, says Babur: Memoirs, I, p. 40. In truth the Naqshbandi Khwajas seem to have sought to give new life to the old idea, that beside the secular King should stand a divinely-guided adviser, the keeper of his seal and his conscience, and the interpreter of the spirit, not merely of the letter, of the formal laws.
BOMBAY, A.D. 1660-1667. (A few remarks on Dr. Shafaat Ahmad Khan's Résumé of
Anglo-Portuguese Negotiations. 1)
BY S. M. EDWARDES, C.S.I., c.v.o. DR. SHAFAAT A. KHAN's new work, which consists of important documents preserved in the Public Record Office, the India Office, and the British Museum, linked together into a more or less connected narrative by the author's explanatory comments, throws much light upon the circumstances of Bombay in the latter half of the seventeenth century and on the tortuous negotiations between England and Portugal, which accompanied the surrender of the Island. An important feature of the materials here collected "ie their wealth of information on the commercial usages of the period. For it was not merely a question of petty dues and vexatious tolls: it was the vital problem of the security of the Company's trade and the safety of its subjects. Moreover, writes Dr. Khan, "the elaborate reports of the Council, the active support of the King, and the numerous representations to the Portuguese Govern. ment, show the intimate connection between the foreign and economio policy of England; while the keen and sustained interest manifested by Charles II in the varied colonial and Commercial activities of the times vindicate that monarch from the reckless charges hurled by his opponents."
To the student of Bombay history almost every page of this book contains something of interest. One meets, for example, with new variants of the spelling of the name of the Island, which do not seem to have been noticed by previous historians. In an account of the Anglo-Dutch attack on the Island in A.D. 1626 we find "Bumbay"; David Davis' description of the same event speaks of "Bumbaye ; "while Kerridge in his dispatch of January 4th,
13 For a much earlier instance of the practice vide R. Hartmann, al-Qushairt'Darstellung des Súfitums, Türk. Bibl., 18, p. 46.
1 Anglo-Portuguese Negotiations relating to Bombay, A.D. 1660-1077, by Shafaat Ahmad Khan, Litt. D. F.R.Hist.s., University Professor of History, Allahabad. Humphrey Milford, Oxford University Press.

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1628, writes the name "Bumbaiee." Phonetically, there is little difference between this and the proper vernacular name" Mumbai." In A.D. 1654, however, the Company in a petition to Cromwell describe the Island as "Bone Bay," which is reminiscent of the old erroneous dorivation from "Buon Bahia quasi Boon Bay." After that date the name is almost invariably written "Bom baim," until it is finally superseded by "Bombay." The late Mr. A. M. T. Jackson was probably correct in holding that Mumbai, "Mother Mum ba," the eponymous goddess of the Island, is a local form and manifestation of "Mommai," the well-known village-goddess in Kathiâwâr.
Dr. Khan remarks that Kerridge's dispatch of A.D. 1628 contains the earliest description of Bombay by an English writer, and that his information was obtained from one Richard Tuck, an English sayler," who had long served the Portuguese and frequented the Island. Ho describes the inhabitants "both of Bumbaiee and Salsett" as "poore fishermen and other labourers, subject to the Portugall." These are the "Cooleys " (Kolis), "Callim bines and Bunderines" (Kunbis and Bhandaris), and "Frasses" (Farash) etc., of later writers. Another point, which is clearly indicated in a report of the Company to Charles II in February 1675-6, is the former importance of Mahim. "Within this Haven or Bay," they write, "stands the Island of Bom baim (called anciently Mahim), which gives Title and denomination to the whole Soa that enters, which is called the Port of Bombajm. There are some small spotts of Islands as Trum bay Galean and others as Elefanta and Patacas scarce worth notice ....... On part of the Island of Bombaim stands Mahim, the name formerly of the whole Island. There, in old time, was built by the Moores a great Castle, and in the times of the Kings of Portugall, this was the place where his Courts and the Custome house was kept, and here were the Duties paid by the vessels of Salset, Trumbay, Gallean and Bundy on the Maine etc." So far as I can remember, none of the early records in India refer so clearly as this to the original importance of Mahim, and particularly to the fact that the whole Island was originally styled Mahim, the Portuguese transliteration of Mahi (ie., Mahikâvati), which was the name of the former city of the almost legendary Raja Bimb.
Tho knowledge of the Island possessed by the Court of Committees compares favourably with the gross ignorance displayed by some members of the King's entourage. Even the Lords of the Council who examined very carefully the territorial claims of the English against their Portuguese antagonists were handicapped by having no map of Bombay, and could not therefore adjudicato as clearly as they might have done upon the Company's view that Salsette and Karanja formed an integral part of the territory ceded to England under the Marriage Treaty. Charles II, however, was bent upon upholding the Company's claims, and it was really his repudiation of Humphrey Cooke's agreement with the Portuguese Viceroy and his advocacy of the Company's case against the Portuguese that formed the foundation of Bombay's subsequent expansion
The documents of the period throw further light on Humphrey Cooke's character and behaviour. A letter from him to the Secretary of State dated August 26th, 1664, proves the truth of Colonel Biddulph's opinion as to the exact date (April 6th) of Sir Abraham Shipman's death, published in ante, vol. XLI, 1912, and justifies the view adopted in the Gazetteer of Bombay City and Island, that Shipman died in April, 1664. Cooke's letter, which is written from "Angediva Island in Easte India," discloses the terrible mortality among the soldiers from the poisonous air of this "un houldsum" place, and then, after descanting upon the heavy charges incurred by Cooke as Governor "in housekeeping and servants," which could not be "avoyded for our nation's honour," proffers a request that the King will grant him a two years' commission as “Governor in Bom baim "at a salary of 40 shillings a day. In another long letter of March 3rd, 1664-65 Cooke complains of the attitude of Sir George Oxinden-the earliest indication, as Dr. Khan remarks, of that friction between the King's and the Company's officers which led later to the cession of Bombay to

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213
the Company. This letter is chiefly valuable for its description of the Island at the moment that Cooke received charge of it from the Portugueso.
“What they (the Portuguese) delivered," writes Cooke," was only two small Bulworks, some Earth and Stones (the Ceremony for the Island) as appeareth by the papers of Rendition. The King of Portugal (as they say) hath neither house, Fort, Ammunition, nor foote of Land on it, onely the Aforrowes or Rents, which is but small, importing about 700 lb. yearly. The two Bulworkes they delivered (Donna Ennes da Miranda olaimes to bee hers) and appeareth so with the house. Our King's Majestie hath nothing more than the Rents that the King of Portugall had, with the Island and Port, which being wholy unfortyfied will cost much monies to make it defenceable by Sea and Land, which must be donne if his Majestio intends to make anything of it. At present I shall onely make a Platforme for our security while awaiting!] further orders from his Majestie, which with the two Bulworkes will hold all our Ordnance."
Cooke then proceeds :-" In this Island was neither Government nor Justice, but all eases of Law was carried to Tannay and Bassin.” He therefore appointed "for the whole Island a Tannadar, which is a kind of under Captain," on 300 xeraphins a year ; also a Justice of the Peace ; "two persons to take care of Orphants Estates, one for the white people and one for the Black ; " and "two Customers, one at Maym and another at this place." He also “enordered a Prison to be made to keepe all in quietness, obedience and subjection, these people generally being very litigious," and he proposed, "if our monies will reach," to build two custom-houses. "In the Island," he adds, "are five churches, nine Townes and villages, and upwards of 20,000 souls, as the Padres have given mee an Account; the generall Language is Portugueez, soe that it will be necessary the Statutes and Lawes should bee translated in to that Language. The people most of them are very poore." The Jesuits, according to Cooke, were doing their utmost to bring the English into disrepute by kidnapping "Orphants off this Island, of the Gentues, Moores and Banians, to force them to bee Christians, which if should bee suffered wee shall never make anything of this place, for the liberty of Conscience makes all the aforenamed desirous to live amongst us."
In later reports Cooke refers to his quarrel with the Portuguese about Mahim, which "is the best part of this Island." "I never took Boate to pass our men, when I took the possession of it, and at all times you may goe from one place to the other dry-shod. I cannot imagine how they cann make them two Islands.” He also describes the fortifications which he erected on the landside of the Great House, “all done with Turffe and Cocer nutt trees 14 foote hygh round," and states that he turned all the people in Bombay on to the work of construction, giving them no pay, but “only somethinge to drinke." The letter was accompanied by a "ruff draught " of the fortification, which is probably the very plan recently discovered by Mr. William Foster in the Public Record Office. Cooke, as is well known, was shortly afterwards removed from his post in Bombay and died subsequently in Salsette, after causing as much trouble as he could to his successor. The character of his brief term of administration is described by Sir Gervase Lucas in a letter of March 2, 1666-7-"At my arrivall here I found Mr. Cooke very weary of his imployment, haveing just at that time run as Farr as his Majesties Treasure would inable him : and if not go seasonably relieved as by my arrival, it had been very hazardous how His Majesties Island and people had been disposed of: for he had, by his imprudence and bribery, lockt himselfe up from justly advancing his Majesties Revenue." Others who caused annoyance to Sir Gervase were the Jesuits, Bernardino de Tavora, and Igius (Ric) de Miranda, who controlled the whole Island and the sea fishing, levied tribute from the people and exercised “the power of punishment, imprisonment, whipping, starving, banishment." Lucas put a stop to these rights and prerogatives, and warns the Lord Chancellor that he is sure on this account to

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receive "loud Out-ories against him. It was left to Gerald Aungier eventually to put an end to the hostilities between the English and the Portuguese landholders and to substitute order for chaos in Bombay.
One of the most interesting papers included in Dr. Khan's book is Wilcox's long report of December 1672, on the establishment of English Law in Bombay. Wilcox was appointed Judge in August 1672; the Statute Book and other law books arrived from England in December of that year; and Wilcox framed a code of Civil Procedure which superseded the Protuguese Law. Space permits of the notice of only a few of the details mentioned in the report. Bombay was divided into three "hundreds," Bombay, Mahim and Mazagon, each of which had a Justice of the Peace and a Constable. There were to be two prisons, one for debt, the other for criminals, which were to be in charge of a "sufficient person," who was to be punished with imprisonment and fine if any "felons and murders" escaped from custody. Among the officers of the Sessions was a Constable, who was to serve for a year only, a successor being chosen "every Easter Mundy by the major Voices of the Inhabitants." Each of the three "hundreds " was to choose its own Constable. The Governor (Aungier) decided that the formal introduction of the English Law and the opening of the Court of Judicature should be marked by special ceremonial, and fixed August 1st, 1672, as the date of the function. But on that day "there fel so prodigious a quantity of raine that his Honr. was forced to put of the solemnity till the eight day." On the latter date, acordingly, the following procession marched "into the Bazaar neare two miles in circumference, [and] came to the Guild Hal [perhaps Mapla Por, Aungier's Fair Common-House], where the Governor Entring the Court, took the Chaire."
"1. Fifty Bandaries in green liveries.
2. 20 Gentues 20 Mooremen
20 Christians
representing different castes, etc.
3. His Honrs. horse of State lead by an Englishman.
4. Two Trumpets and Kettle Drums on Horseback.
5. The English and Portugal Secretary on horseback, carrying his Majesties letters Patent to the Honble. Company and their Commission to the Governor tyed up
in scarfs.
6. The Justices of the Peace and Council richly habited on horseback.
7. The Governor in his Pallankeen with fower English pages on each side in rich liveries
be re-headed, Surrounded at a distance with Peons and Blacks.
8. The Clerke of the Papers on foot.
9. The fower Atturneys or Common Leaders on foot.
10. The Keeper of the Prisons and the two Tipstaffs on foot, bareheaded before the Judg.
11. The Judg on Horseback on a Velvet broad cloth.
12. His Servants in Purple serge liveries.
13. Fower Constables with their staves.
14. Two Churchwardens.
15. Gentlemen in Coaches and Palankeens.
16. Both the Companies of foot (except the main Guard) marching in the Reare.
One feels a little sorry for the Governor's English pages and others who had to walk bareheaded through the bazaar on a muggy day in the monsoon. But heads were possibly harder in those days; and our friends, including the two Churchwardens, probably made up for their forced exertions after the conclusion of the ceremony. The Governor made a remark.

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able speech at the opening of the Court, which Wilcox quotes in full ; after which an order was given for the release of all prisoners, and the day ended with feux-de-joie, bonfires, and general merrymaking.
"Never was there a joyfuller day," writes Wilcox;" the whole Island is become English." In conclusion, in order to prove to the Directors that "al uncleanness" was being severely dealt with, he gives the full details of a case of rape, committed by one of your private centinels, a Dutchman," and describes how the culprit was convicted and sentenced to be hanged, but was in the end punished by simple banishment, in response to the prayers of the inhabitants, who objected to an execution taking place immediately after the ratification of Aungier's famous Convention. The Dutchman was not the only European who fell foul of Wilcox's subordinates: for he adds that" a French man had his house puld down for seling drink and permitting publick gaming on the Lord's day in time of prayer, as also for harbouring lewd women, and suffering &l kind of debauchery, and al this after warning given him to the contrary." Several persons, presumably English, were fined for refusing to come to Church. The authorities of those days were all for a "dry" Bombay, but their rules and penalties produced little or no effect, as is clear from the account of the Rovd. F. Ovington who visited the Island seventeen years later.
Sivaji, or Savageo as the name is written, is twice mentioned in this collection of documents, once in a letter of January 1663-4 from that "mercurial character," Henry Gary, to the Earl of Malborough, which describes Sivaji's sack of Surat, and again in a report of November 1666, which apparently refers to the Maratha's famous escape from Agra. A well-known Bombay figure of those early days, who also figures in these records, is Alvaro Pirez de Tavora, lord of the manor of Mazagon. Shortly after the acceptance of his convention, Aungier gave de Tavora a commission in the Mazagon militia. When the Dutch were threatening an attack on Bombay in A.D. 1673, de Tavora "did on a sudden, either cowardly or treacherously, desert his command and abandon the Island," setting an evil example which was immediately followed by "above ten thousand of the Portugall and other inhabitants." Aungier thereupon issued a proclamation ordering all the runaways to return within twenty-four hours on pain of confiscation of their estates, and," because it was a time to act with resolution," he sealed up their houses. All returned except de Tavora, who was thereupon summoned personally to return within forty days, his estate in the meantime being placed in charge of his mother. To this summons de Tavora paid no heed, but remained in Portuguese territory, whence he bombarded the French and Dutch admirals, the Portuguese Viceroy, and the East India Company with petitions and misrepresentations of Aungier's action. The matter was finally settled by the Company in. December 1677, when "a demonstration of sorrow and submission " by de Tavora "did beget in the Court a sence of tenderness and compassion towards the Gentleman," and they ordered that if de Tavora similarly apologised for his misbehaviour to the Governor and Council in Bombay, his estates should be restored to him. That they were restored is apparent from the fact, recorded in the Bombay City Gazetteer, vol. II, p. 392, that the property remained in possession of de Tavora's descendants until 1731, when it was sold by their order in three lots to Antonio de Silva, Antonio de Lima, and Shankra Sinoy (Shankar Shenvi).
I have quoted enough from Dr. S. A. Khan's book to indicate its claim to the attention of all students of Bombay history. Containing as it does documents of such interest and importance, the book will be a valuable addition to the history of the early years of Crown and Company rule in the Island,

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REMARKS ON THE ANDAMAN ISLANDERS AND THEIR COUNTRY. BY SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE, Br., C.B., C.I.E., F.S.A.,
Chief Commissioner, Andaman and Nicobar Islands, from A.D. 1894 to 1903. (Continued from page 157.)
(b) Ethnological Observations: Ceremonies.
Mr. Portman is quoted on p. 24, thus:-" Mr. Portman gives the following meanings of the other tribal names of the South and Middle Andaman, but the derivations are somewhat doubtful:-Aka-Bêa, fresh water: Oko-Juwoi, they cut patterns on their bows: AkaKol, bitter or salt taste." It is a pity that this quotation is printed, because it serves to perpetuate an error. Aka-Kol, if it means anything at all ascertainable, means 'flower.' In none of the dialects does the name convey" bitter or salt taste." I may say here at once, on innumerable opportunities for judging, that where Mr. Man and Mr. Portman differ, it is much the safer plan to follow the former, and further that, unless one has personal knowledge on the point, it is wise to look for corroboration before quoting a statement made by the latter.
From the same page I take another quotation :-"I may take this opportunity of pointing out two errors in the names of tribes given in the Census Report of 1901. The name AkaCharill" is given as Aka-Chariar; the stem -ar means 'to talk and is not an essential part of the tribal name; Aka Chari-ar-bom means he talks the Chari language." I fear it is Mr. Brown that is in error, not the Census Report. The names given in the Report were those of the tribes as known to the Aka-Bea tribe, and they were selected on the principle already explained. The Census officers had to choose a language for recording the names of all the tribes. No other plan would be uniform and intelligible. They purposely chose the language they knew best,-the Akà-Bêa. In this connection I may remark that when Mr. Brown writes so confidently of the true sense of an Akà-Châriâr sentence, one must take into account his very short stay amongst the tribe.12
His next criticism on the same page is not more fortunate. According to him the second error of the Census officers was in recording the name of a 'new' tribe as Åkà-Tâbo. His words are: "The name Aka-Bo is given as Aka-Tabo; t'a-Bo means I (em) Aka-Bo,' t'a-Jeru means 'I (am) Aka-Jeru,' the prefix aka- being contracted to a- after the personal pronoun t I or my." The name of the tribe in Akà-Bêa, the Census language, was unquestionably Tâbo and so was rightly recorded, whereas Mr. Brown's form will not stand criticism. Thus, as above quoted, he says (p. 24) that t'a-Bo means I (am) Aka-Bo' and that t' means 'I or my.' On p. 54, however, he says, "the Aka-Jeru equivalent for my father' is t'a-mai, the 'being the personal pronoun 'my,' after which the prefix aka- is contracted to a. Similarly thy father' is ng'a-mai and their father' or 'their fathers' is n'a-mai," aka-mai, according to Mr. Brown (p. 54) meaning his father.' Here t' is clearly stated to mean 'my' and a to be a contracted form of aka, the special prefix for tribal names and also for 'father.' On this I have to make two observations. Mr. Brown makes, in the above instances of proper names, i.e., of nouns, t' to mean both 'I (am)' and 'I or my' (p. 24),
11 I am obliged to adhere to the established spelling and not to adopt Mr. Brown's. Non-Continental presses do not admit of any other course.
12 Working on the analogy of the Jarawa "m'önge-be, I-önge become (am)," and Mr. Brown's p. 54" achiu-ng a-mai-bi, who your father become (is)," may it not be after all that his "Aka-chari-arbom" (p. 51) merely means " (he) a-Chariar-is? (he is a Chariar)"? In which case the name would be properly recorded as Chariår.

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217
tu
and also to mean my' (p. 54): and he takes a to be aka contracted. I beg leave to doubt it all without the striotest proof, as it is contrary to Andamanese linguistio habit, where that is known for certain. E.g. -
Bea.
Balawa. Bojigyab. Jwai.. Kol. dol dol tul
te dia dege tiya tiye
tiyi I, my 13 d'
So t' is extremely unlikely to mean both 'I' and 'my' in the above proper names, on Mr. Brown's own showing. Tabo, therefore on the whole argument, is more likely to be the correct form of the tribal name than Bo, and Mr. Brown has created confusion by using Bo throughout his book. I am afraid I am myself ultimately responsible, owing to my method, accepted without acknowledgment by Mr. Brown, of making Mincopie out of m'ongebe (verbal phrase), which, however, is not quite the same thing as m'onge (nominal phrase). It is just possible, from Mr. Brown's phrase "achiu-ng'a-mai-bi, who is your father?” (p. 54), that "t'abo-bi "might mean 'I am an Abo,' but this is not his inference ; and from this observation it does not follow that t'abo without a verb following it means "I am &-Bo or Aka-Bo."
I now turn to the very important subject of expressions for relationships and the like. The cbsential point here is accuracy of observation and report, as all subsequent theorising is obviously dependent on it. At p. 56 Mr. Brown writes as follows "The terms of relationship of the Akar-Bale tribe may be taken as representative of the tribes of the South Andaman. The following list contains all the more important of them." Mr. Brown mugt excuse my calling the tribe in question Balawa according to the established system, and also my remarking that here he is in Mr. Man's area of direct observation, where his statements can be tested.
On p. 58 he says: "A parent often speaks of his or her infant son as d'ab-bula and of his infant daughter as d'ab-pal, ab-bula and i5-pal being the terms for 'male and female.'” And in & footnote he says: "Dege bula and dege pal mean 'my husband' and
my wife' respectively." There is nothing in the text to show that these statements disagree with Mr. Man's. However, what the latter has said is that "dab-bila means 'my particular man, my husband' as distinguished from dia (dege) bila, my man. Just as dab-pail means 'my wife' and 'dia-fdege) pail' my woman.' So ad-ik-yate is 'my (newly-married) husband :' dai-ik-yale,' my (newly married) wife'; il-ke being to take these expressions are used during the first few months after marriage. An infant son is by both parents called dia (dege) öta, 'my little boy,' and an infant daughter, dia (dege) káta, 'my little girl.' ” The absence of any reference to the existence of this information is more than regrettable, because Mr. Brown has based an argument on truncated and therefore insufficient evidence.
An instance of criticism on similar insufficient information oocurs on p. 75. Mr. Man is quoted as to widow marriage and as to having said: "Should she have no younger brother. in-law (or cousin by marriage), however, she is free to wed whom she will." Mr. Brown then proceeds to say that "there is an ambiguity here in the use of the term 'younger brother, for the Andamanese have no word meaning simply 'younger brother.'” Such a statement depends on how much one knows of the language. Mr. Man knew of no diffioulty on the
13 Syncopated form before an open vowel : in the case of nouns meaning 'my ': in the case of verbe meaning I'.

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point. As explained to him the terms daka-kam generally, and also dar-dôatinga and dar. wej(er)inga, occasionally were used for my younger brother and daka-kam also for "my uterine younger half-brother,' while dir-dóalinga and dar-waj(er)inga signified also my younger half-brother (if consanguino). Similarly the terms ad-en-tobare, ad-en-tobanga or ad-en-tökare, ad-en-lökanga were used for my elder brother' and dar chábil entó-bare (or entokare) for my elder half-brother,' (uterine or consanguine)."
The whole of the criticism on page 75 is captious. E.g.," Mr. Man says it is not considered decorous that any fresh alliance should be contracted until about a year had elapsed from the date of bereavement.' I knew of one case, however, of a woman with a young child, who married again only a fortnight or so after her husband's death." Mr. Man was here describing a social attitude when the society was numerous : Mr. Brown saw it so diminished as to be broken up. A social custom, therefore, might well be strictly applied in the former's day and loosely in the latter's. The inference is that if it comes to a question of the essential trustworthiness of the evidence available the palm must be given to Mr. Man.
The value of evidenoe as to social relations is so very important in discussions such as the present one, that I follow it further. I was much struck with the statements on p. 65 criticising Mr. Man thus: "It will be observed that the Akar-Bale list is consistent and logical throughout. It seems probable that there is an error in Mr. Man's list, and that husband's younger sister 'should be aka-ba-pail instead of otin, while younger brother's wife' should be otin instead of aka-ba-pail. This would make the Aka-Bea list consistent with itself and with the Akar-Bale list." I submitted this paragraph to Mr. Man and he at once wrote back : "I am willing to concede that it is probable that 'husband's younger sister should be akaba pail (not otin) and that younger brother's wife' should be otin (not aka-bā-pail)."14 The reply is complimentary to Mr. Brown's acuteness, but it also shows the difference in literary manners between the two writers, for there is nowhere that I can see any hint in Mr. Brown's book of his debt to his predecessor for information gathered with great labour and patience or of the assistance it had obviously been to him in making his observations, and, it may be added, his criticisms. Whereas Mr. Man will acknowledge an error, if there is one, without hesitation in the interests of scientific accuracy.
Mr. Brown can also be caught tripping in the same way, for at the bottom of the same page 65, he has inverted Balawa and Bea terms. His table runs :
Aka-Bea Akar-Bale Da Maia
Sir Chana 16
Lady Whereas it should run
Bea
Balawa Maia
Da
Sir Chana
In On the next page (66) Mr. Brown says: “According to Mr. Man these last two terms [did maia and did maiola) are applied not to a man's own father, but to the other persons whom he addresses as maia. This is contradicted by Mr. Portman who gives dia-maiola as the Akd-Bea for my father'." These two witnesses are here quoted as of equal value. Both worked before Mr. Brown's time and he is apparently not able to distinguish between them, although he was for some time in Port Blair itself. And then in a footnote he remarks: "The natives commonly applied the term to me in the form Mam-jula." Mamjola (Father, Great
14 The whole tribe has now disappeared and there is no one left to question. 16 For the benefit of the reader I have not adopted Mr. Brown's transcription.
In
Lady

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man, Chief) was applicd not only to Mr. Man as long ago as 1874 but also before that to Messrs. Corbyn and Homfray, his predecessors in charge of the Andamanese in the sixties, and to my own knowledge in 1875 it was the ordinary name for Mr. Man, being so reported in a little work we drew up together in 1877 (the first time Andamanese' saw itself in print),16 and in Mr. A. J. Ellis's Report1 in 1882. Since then it has been consistently used for every one of Mr. Man's successors in office. The footnote is characteristic and the plain fact is that Mr. Brown has here not sufficiently acquainted himself with his authorities. For Mr. Man explained the situation thus to Mr. Ellis for the latter's Report "Mam, Sir, is used in addressing a leading chief. The officer in charge of the Andamanese Homes is addressed or referred to as Mâm or Mâm-jôla, an euphuism for Mâm-ola, indicating head or supreme chief." Mr. Ellis in editing the "Letters to Jâmbu" (see his Report) rendered Mâm by "Worshipful," Mr. Man having previously explained to him "that ola was an honorific suffix to such terms as maia and châna. E.g., Maia, Mr., becomes Maiola when addressing or referring to a Chief or one's father: Chana or Chana, Mrs., becomes Charola when addressing one's mother or a woman one's senior in age or superior in position."
219
On minor points Mr. Brown remarks (p. 28): "In the tribes of the North Andaman the word equivalent to wa [people] of the South is koloko." It may be noted here that the Bêa (South Andaman) equivalent is laga. On p. 32 a criticism of Mr. Man is based on the anslation of the word bûd, which Mr. Brown regards as the term for communal hut.' Mr. Man has, however, long ago pointed out that bûd is the generic term for 'hut' and that bâraij is the term both for 'communal hut' and a 'permanent village.' Has Mr. Brown been wise in his criticism?
At pp. 134-137 Mr. Brown has a description of a "peace-making ceremony" on which he subsequently bases a long and important argument. He commences his account with the following words: "In the North Andaman, and possibly in the South also, there was a ceremony by which two hostile local groups made peace with one another." Here he has the field to himself and is entitled to all the credit there is in a new discovery, for in all the 50 years that the Southern and Mid Andaman tribes have been closely examined no such ceremony has been observed, even by those who have lived in the Andamanese camps. Indeed, in the earlier stages of the British acquaintance with them the intertribal relations were such that there was no opportunity for holding one.
(c) Ethnological Observation: Beliefs.
It would be quite possible to extend the above remarks on Mr. Brown's accounts of the ceremonies of the Andamanese, but enough has been said to press home my main point that he does not supersede Mr. Man as a witness. I will therefore pass at once to his account of religion and magical beliefs.
Mr. Brown plays so much upon the terms for 'heat' and 'cold' and the meaning they convey to the Andamanese that one is reluctant to throw cold water on any observations leading up to his arguments. But on p. 137 he observes that the Lau of the North is the
16 The Lord's Prayer translated into the Bojig-ngiji (da) or South Andaman (Elákà-béa (da) Language, by E. H. Man, Assist. Supdt., Andamans and Nicobars, in charge of the Andamanese, with Preface, Introduction and notes by R. C. Temple, Lt., 21st R. N. B. Fusiliers. Calcutta, Thacker Spink & Co., London & Strasburg, Trübner & Co., 1877.
17 Report of Researches into the Language of the South Andaman Island, arranged by Alexander J. Ellis, F.R.S., F.S.A., twice President of the Philological Society, from the Papers of E. H. Man, Esq., Assist. Supdt. of the Andaman and Nicobar Islands, and Lt. R. C. Temple of the B. S. Corps, Cantonment Magistrate at Ambala, Panjab. Reprinted from the Eleventh Annual Address of the President of the Philoogical Society, delivered by Mr. A. J. Ellis, F.R.S., F.S.A., on his retiring from the chair, 19 May 1862, and contained in the Transactions of that Society for 1882-3-4, pp. 44-73.]

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same as the Chàuga of the South. All Ancamanese when they die, he says, become Lau or Spirits. He further observes that aliens are, to them, also visitors from the world of Spirits (p. 138). So far I am with him, but he then goes on to say that "the clothes that these' spirita' (scil, foreign visitors) wore they called Lau-ot-julu, the word of-julu meaning cold.'” In the Bêa language the term for cloth, clothes and even canvas sails is ia-yolo. Now, assuming the term julu to convey the sense of clothing, the obvious Bêa equivalent for Mr. Brown's Northern Lau-ot-julu would be Chauga-l'ia-yolo, which means "the Spirits' clothes." But neither in the South nor in the Mid Andaman has any term been found which even approaches julu, yolo with the sense of cold. Whereas the exact equivalent of the form Lau-ot-julu is, in Bea, Chauga-l'öt-yólo, but that has the sense of "the foreigner's18 soul.' " No doubt Mr. Brown will heartily disagree with all this, but it goes to show how much depends, in speculation about savages, on the correct apprehension of the native terms and how necessary it is to .look into those presented.
Here is a strong instance. Mr. Brown is giving a legend of the first ancestor, derived from some men of the Bôjigyáb tribe19 (Mid Andaman), and the end of him is (p. 194) that "he is turned into a kara-duku." On this Mr. Brown remarks at length: “There is some doubt about the translation of the word kara-duku. It is an Aka-Bea word, although it was used as given above, by an A-Puchikwar man. Mr. Man translates it 'cachalot.' Mr. Portman says [Notes on the Languages of the South Andaman Group of Tribes) that kara-duku is
crocodile,' but that the cachalot, the proper name for which is biriga-ta, is sometimes [p. 227 of Portman's book has 'equally '] called kara-duku. The only authority for the existence of crocodiles in the Andamans is the statement of Mr. Portman, who says that the natives killed one in the Middle Andaman and brought the bones to him. Although I was in many of the creeks at the Andamans at different times I never saw a crocodile, and none of the other officers of the Settlement, who have repeatedly explored a large part of the islands, ever seems to have seen one, so that the one recorded by Mr. Portman may possibly have been & single one that had come oversea from the mainland of Asia," Mr. Portman, however, thought differently, as he was well aware of an old controversy as to the true meaning of kdra-daku and as to the existence of crocodiles in the Andamans. There are plenty in the Nicobars. Remembering this I referred to Mr. Man. Here is his reply: " I remember there was doubt about the correct meaning of kedra-daku at one time, and it was wrongly described as the word for cachalot (sperm whale,) but later I found that biriga-ta meant whale' and kåra-důka
crocodile.' In confirmation of this the somewhat similarly formed reptile, the iguana, is called duku. I well remember being told of a man, while swimming a creek in the Middle Andamans, being seized and carried off by a crocodile. It occurred some time in the sixties," during the latter part of which I may remark Mr. Man was in the Andamans. The inference here is that a reference to Mr. Man would probably have modified the remarks above quoted from p. 194. Finally, Mr. Brown might as well have quoted Mr. Portman correctly, for he says, p. 227 op. cit : "the word kára-dúku is also applied to the cachalot equally with the proper name of biriga-ta. There remained some doubt regarding the proper translation of the word in the minds of Europeans until a crocodile was killed by the Andamanege in Yêretil Creek in 1894. Crocodiles are rare in the Andamans, but have been very occasionally killed by the Andamanese and I have known of three cases in which Andamanese have been eaten by the reptiles." Mr. Brown's methods are thus sufficiently clearly seen.
18 Ohduga nowadays means specially a native of India as well as spirit.'
19 Mr. Brown calls it "A-Puchikwar," written with a c diacritically marked in Eastern European fashion 1 an instructive instance of the art of puzzling students. It is done, I know, in the name of scientific accursey; but suppose for the same reason one took to writing about Kozhikkodu for Caliout, or Kahanpur for Cawn pore, or Varanas for Benares, or Mramma for Burma.

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Here is a milder instance of the importance of being sure of one's translation and of being careful about criticising that of old experts. At p. 176 Mr. Brown remarks about the Andaman
seers' that "the name of these medicine-men in the North Andaman is oko-jumu, meaning literally 'dreamer' or 'one who speaks from dreams from a stem jumu, the primary meaning of which refers to the phenomena of dreams. In Aka-Bea the corresponding term is olopaiad, and according to Mr. Man, this term also means 'dreamer'. Mr. Portman, however, gives taraba as the Aka-Bea word for 'dream' or 'to dream.'” Mr. Portman was here not by any means contradicting, but merely supporting Mr. Man, or, better, sitting at bis feet. Here are the latter's own words : "a dream is ab-làraba, a seer's dream is ara-mûga-tdraba : to dream about things is ab-tarabake, 20 to dream thus as a gcer is 6t-paiadke, to be dreaming as a seer is ara-muga-tdrabake: a seer is óko-paiad. An ordinary dreamer is ab-táraba-yáte; ab-tarabanga : a dreamer, that is 'a seer' is ôt-paiad-yáte ; ara-muga-táraba-yáte : Ôt. paiad-nga; ara-muga-tarabanga." It is a pity that Mr. Brown should thus lightly contrast the statements of his predecessors. But next he proceeds to correct Mr. Man on the same page : "according to a statement by Mr. Man, only men can possess the powers that entitle them to be regarded as oko-paiad. The natives whom I questioned told me that a woman may possess the same powers, though it is more usual for men to become famous in this way than women." Did he clearly understand! A little further down the page we read of his own difficulties in the matter of enquiry, including "I had to make use of an interpreter," not for the first or only time be it remarked.
That Mr. Brown is not always careful of quoting his predecessors accurately before passing judgment on them and sometimes rough judgment-is obvious by his remarks on p. 173. He is there hard on Mr. Man about the difficult, and I may gay dangerous, subject of the spirit' and 'soul' after death, mainly because he did not himself find corroboration. Here again the questions of length of observation and of opportunity therefor and also of knowledge of the language come into play. Mr. Brown is deliberately pitting his 'short' and 'slight' against his predecessor's 'long' and 'considerable'. It is not a wise proceeding. Again, if we are to suppose Mr. Man to be prejudiced in favour of the Christian views on this subject, may we not suppose Mr. Brown to be prejudiced in favour of the opposite ? In fact, so dangerous is the subject to approach when it comes to recording accurately facts as observed in an alien people, that the least one can do is to treat the views of others—when competent-- with respect. To act otherwise is to cast doubts, out of one's own mouth, on any views one may put forward. To quote inaccurately and base statements or inferences on a wrong quotation is to damage one's own work.
Mr. Brown does not believe in what he calls Mr. Man's Chaitan, as the home of the (Anda. manese) dead in certain circumstances; and in a footnote to p. 173, he says: “I could not obtain any information about the word that Mr. Man gives as chaitan. Some men of the South Andaman whom I questioned did not seem to reoognise the word, except as their way of pronouncing the Urdu word shaitan = devil.” Of course they did not recognize it, because it is a commonplace in linguistics that the uneducated have great difficulty in recognizing even familiar words if incorrectly pronounced. The puerile suggestion that chai-f-idin (pronounced by Europeans chaitan) is & corruption of shaitan, is an old one in Port Blair (Andaman Penal Settlement). The literal meaning of chai-f-tán is the chai-tree (tan)'. 11 It has nothing to do with any idea of Shaitan, the Indian Muhammadan's Satan.
Cf. Bumli-tân in Port Blair Harbour, in a tree at which spot the wrapped up body of an • Andamanese chief was once to be seen lying for some time 'buried,' as I well remember
20 Ke is the generis suffix of the verb. 31 The chan is the tree from which South Andaman bows are made.

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Another instance of such folk-etymology is the suggestion I have heard that South Anda. manese bdraij, 'a communal hut' is corrupted from the English barrack', convicts' barracks being prominent objects in Port Blair. Further, a former local officer, of great linguistic attainments and also idiosyncrasies, named de Roepstorff, who was murdered in tragic cir. cumstances at the Nicobars in 1883, suggested that the South Andaman ridi for the name of a slender bamboo (Bambusa nana) was the English reed'. He did not believe in the existence of the Jarawas and used to say that the name merely perpetuated the Hindustani jharuwald,
gentleman of the broom, scavenger !'99 It is interesting to find Mr. Brown in the same company and this little history supports my point of the importance of knowing the language concerned when criticising others versed in one's own field of observation.
With reference to the Andamanese beliefs as to the phenomena of nature, sun and moon and so on, Mr. Brown makes a remark (p. 141): "Before relating in detail what could be learnt about their beliefs on these matters, it is necessary to call attention to one feature in these beliefs. Different statements, not only of different informants, but even of the same informant, are often quite contradictory . . . Many examples of such contradictions will be found in what follows, and it is important to point out their existence beforehand." And again on p. 158: "Any attempt to reconcile the statements of different men or of the same men on different occasions can only produce a false impression of the real condition of the native beliefs, and therefore the statements are kept separate, and each one is given as it was taken down." I heartily agree with these excellent sentiments, but unfortunately Mr. Brown does not act on his principles. On p. 205 he gives two out of three of Mr. Man's versions of the fire legend, and proceeds to say that “this [the second) legend contains an obvious contradiotion (of the first]. i.There is the possibility, however, that this inconsistency is due not to the natives themselves, but to Mr. Man's transcription." Apparently, therefore, an argument that applies when Mr. Brown's informants disagree is not to apply when Mr. Man's contradict themselves. Next, on p. 140 he writes : "Mr. Man's account of the spirits of the jungle and sea contains an important error, which needs to be pointed out." He is equally emphatic at some length in differing from Mr. Man in certain points of detail about the spirits of the sea. Any one who will read his pages on these points will perceive that the "important error" to which he draws attention arises out of the versions of the story he procured from a different tribe being not in accord with Mr. Man's. Why, on Mr. Brown's own principles in such a case, should his story be right and Mr. Man's wrong? Why should not both be right as a matter of statements taken down from different natives of different tribes at different times, in fact a whole generation-30 years—apart, in different circumstances? We are re. minded here, too, once more forcibly, of Mr. Man's experience and Mr. Brown's inexperi. ence as a witness. Also, are we to suppose that Mr. Brown does not acknowledge that even 'civilised' people of high education would on questioning be found to differ profoundly as to the “Unseen World" and the “ Powers of Darkness”?
The above are not isolated instances of Mr. Brown's attitude. On p. 108 we find that "Mr. Man states that in cases of tree-burial they are careful not to select a fruit tree or one of a species used for the manufacture of their canoes, bows and other implements. Such natives as I questioned said that this was not so and that they would use any suitable tree whether one that was useful or not. I was unable definitely to prove this point, as I did not see a single instance of tree-burial during my stay in the islands." Perhaps in his short stay this was so, when we remember the diminution of population that had taken place. But Mr. Man knew of several instances, and so for that matter did the present writer. Now it is a fair question to ask-who is the more likely to be right about this matter : the old stager with his great knowledge of the language and its speakers, or the youngster with his little
93 800 leo my remarks in The Lord's Prayer in the S. Andaman Language, p. 60, on his deriva. tion of boringada, good, from the English very good, the Andaman050 word being 'booringa (da).

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knowledge of both ? The same remark applies to the statements on p. 109 about infant burial, with the additional reason for not contradicting Mr. Man that Mr. Brown's informant came from & different tribe, even if rightly understood. Lastly, when on p. 115 he is dealing with Mr. Man's statements as to prohibited food, his reasons for differing are even more indefensible, as Mr. Man had given the vernacular word for prohibited food, yat-túb. This word must have a definite sense. If it does not imply what Mr. Man says it does, what does it imply ? Mr. Brown does not tell us what he thinks about its meaning.
He is nothing if not cock sure. On a very minor point, the botanical identification of a plant, every body is wrong, Mr. Man, Mr, Portman and myself (pp. 181, 451, 452). We all gave the same name to a certain small tree or shrub used for producing rope and also for keeping off spirits. We called it Melochia velutina. Mr. Brown says it is Hibiscus tiliaceus. He reverts to this 'error' more than once, as if it were important. His authority apparrently is a photograph by Mr. Portman in the British Museum. I for one am not inclined to sit in sack-cloth and ashes. We may be wrong of course, for in matters of this kind it is easy to make slips. Parhaps Mr. Brown is the best botanist of us all. But it is not Mr. Man's habit, nor is it mine, to make statements of this nature without some verification. Our authorities are Beddome, Watt, Kurz, Prain, Gamble, Brandis, and if I recollect rightly, also King. So wa ara in good company, even assuming that one of these authorities origi. nally made a blunder and all the rəst followed him. As I said before, the point of botanical identification is here a very minor one : the real point is that the fibre and leaves of a certain local shrub are used by the Andamanese for both domestio and magical purposes. If, however, one puts stress on botanical names, we are all liable to make slips, even Mr. Brown himself. On p. 189 he refers to the anadendron paniculatum as "a vegetable substance with magical properties, and he constantly speaks of it under that name. Sir David Prain, however, oalls the plant Anodendron. All this does not matter much, except as showing that Mr. Brown would do well to be gentle with others, 28
These remarks are not too severe. Again and again, on page after page, Mr. Brown quotes Mr. Man only to contradict him or belittle his powers of observation in the above manner. Indood, the book reads in parts as if it were an Oratio contra Manum in the good old classical style. Yet on March 17, 1909, not long after his return from the Andamans, Mr. Brown read a paper before the Folklore Society, in the course of which he said : “Mr. Man's researches were in many ways excellent. I have tested as far as possible every statement in his book and oan speak with ungrudging praise of it." Why then is Mr. Man such a bad witness now! Although he oan be proved to be oocasionally at fault, as in the case of the use of alaba-fibre, as long ago pointed out by Mr. Portman and acknowledged by himself. Are we to look for a solution of this question in the strictures of Pater Schmidt in Man. 1910. Art. i, and of Andrew Lang in the same volume? Is it unfair to surmise that the author is in this book justifying his omniscienoe?
93 To be meticulously accurate here, the point was referred to the Royal Botanical Gardena Kew, and it was there ascertained that "the original and generally accepted spelling of the fibre-producing shrub in question is Anodendron panioulatum, as the name of the genus was derived from the way in which Anodendron paniculatum ascended high trees (DO. Proar. viii, p. 443; 1844). It should, striotly speaking, have been spelt Anadendron. L. Wight (III. Ind. Bot., ii, p. 164, 1850) spolt it that way. It is desirablo, however, to retain the original spelling, as the corrected form Anadendron would be apt to be confused with the genus Anadondron (Araceae)." Mr. Brown in his remarks on Melochia Veluting and Hibisous tiliacewe soom to lay claim to be an expert botanist. If so and if he deliberately adopted anadendron for the original anodendron, he would be guilty of something very like pedantey.

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He was then considered by his elders of great experience to be self-sufficient and discour. teous. He has not improved in this respect since. It is a great pity, for the book contains so much that is good in itself that it might have been made a standing authority on his subject. Had he asked either Mr. Man or myself, we would have helped him to the best of our ability. Indeed, for a while he had all mine, and with them many of Mr. Man's voluminous linguistic notes, representing the work of many years covering nearly all his information. He has by his self-confidence and spirit of contradiction spoilt a good book and thrown doubt on every statement in it.
(To be continued.)
BOOK-NOTICES.
[ AUGUST. 1923
1. MUGHAL ADMINISTRATION (PATNA UNIVERSITY READERSHIP LECTURES, 1920), by JADUNATH SARKAR, M.A., Indian Educational Service Bihar; M. C. Sarkar and Sons, Calcutta 1920. 2. STUDIES IN MUGHAL INDIA, by JADUNATH SARKAR, M.A. Being Historical Essays (2nd edition, with 12 new essays added); M. C. Sarkar and Sons, Calcutta, and W. Heffer and Sons, Cambridge, 1919.
Both these small books by Professor Sarkar well deserve a place in the library of the student of Indian history. The former deals succinctly with the character of the Mughal Government, with the sovereign and the various official departments, with the provincial administration and with the taxation of land and revenus collection. The final chapter is devoted to a discussion of the achievements and failure of Mughal rule. At intervals Professor Sarkar gives the reader pic. turesque glimpses of the official life of those days. The Emperor was the highest court of appeal, but the people who sought justice from him had to pay bribes to a hierarchy of menials and courtiers ere they could count on their grievances being brought to the imperial notice. To counteract this practice, Jahangir and some other occupants of the throne. of Delhi used to suspend a gold chain from the balcony of the palace to the ground outside Agra fort, to which the people could tie their petitions for justice. Corruption was wide-spread and was common to all departments of the State. The Qazis, who formed the highest judiciary, were notorious in this respect. Every provincial capital had its local Qazi, who was appointed by the Chief Qazi, and as these posts were often sold for bribes the Qazi's department became a byword and a reproach in Mughal times.
While the State declined to undertake any socialistic work and contented itself with police duties and the collection of revenue, it considered itself bound by Moslem law to appoint a Censor of Public Morals (muhtasib), who at times impinged with some violence upon the daily life of the subjects. He would march, through the streets with a party of soldiers, demolishing and plundering
liquor-shops, distilleries and gambling-dens, breaking the pots and pans in which bhang was prepared,, and enforcing the strict observance of religious rites on the part of the Muhammadan population. In Aurangzeb's day the demolition of newly-built temples was ono of this officer's duties, as also the expulsion from the urban areas of tawaif or 'professional women', which must have offered ample opportunity for illicit perquisites. The latter duty was also entrusted to the Kotwal or chief of the city police, whose functions are minutely enumerated in the Ain-i-Akbari. To the European police-officer of to-day the use made by the Kotwal of the sweeper and house-scavenger must seem somewhat curious. The Kotwal, in Manucci's words, had to obtain information about all that went on, so as to be able to report to the ruler. For this purpose there are throughout the Mughal empire certain persons known as halal-khor, who are under obligation to go twice a day to clean out every house; and they tell tho Kotwal all that goes on. One wonders how the Police Commissioner of a modern Indian city would carry on his work effectively, if he had to depend for most of his confidential information on the menial staff of a municipal health depart. ment. The halál-khors of Mughal days must have often provided strange packets of scandalous gossip for the Kotwal.
Professor Sarkar's remarks on the position of the peasantry and the character of the subordinate revenue and judicial administration are illuminating. The lower officials were incurably corrupt: the highest officials were on the whole just, though even among them a Diwan occasionally appeared who inflated the revenue demand on paper and then farmed the collection to the highest bidder with ruinous consequences. These practices gave point to the famous remark of the great Diwan-i-ala Sadullah Khan, that a Diwan who behaved unjustly to the ryots was "a demon with a pen and inkpot before him." The Persian alif closely resembles a reed-pen, and the nun is not unlike the indigenous ink-pot. Div or Diw, the first half on the word Diwan, signifies an evil spirit; and hende Sadullah

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13, is
Khan's description of an oppressivo very apt. Towards the end of the book Professor Sarkar gives a list of the various abwabs or exactions which were collected on various pretexts, in addition to regular land-revenue or customsduties. Modern politicians who complain of the taxation imposed by the British Government in India might do worse than look through this long list of oppressive cesses levied by an indigenous government in the good old days.
BOOK-NOTICES
The second volume consists of short essays, of which nearly half the number were published under the title of Historical Essays in 1912. Among the rest is an interesting chapter on Zeb-un-nissa, in which Professor Sarkar is able to refute the story of her lover being done to death in the harem, and also the legend of her falling in love with Sivaji at Agra, which formed the motif of an old Bengali novel by Bhudev Mukerji. The princess died in captivity in 1702, having been imprisoned by her father's order for complicity in the rebellion of Prince Akbar. The Emperor learnt from the news-letter of Delhi,' so runs the official Persian record of her death, that the Princess Zeb-unnissa had drawn on her face the veil of God's Mercy and taken up her abode in the palace of inexhaustible Forgiveness.' She was buried in the "Garden of Thirty Thousand Trees" outside the Kabuli gate of Delhi: but her tomb was demolished in making the Rajputana railway-line. Alas!
Professor Sarkar includes in this small volume a good account of Bhimsen, the Hindu memoirwriter of Aurangzeb's reign, and of Ishwar Das, the Nagar Brahman of Patan, who wrote the Fatuhat-i-Alamgiri; also the memoir of William Irvine which appears at a later date in Professor Sarkar's edition of the Later Mughals; and two brief essays on art and education in Muslim India. The author here provides a pleasant adjunct to the purely political history of the Mughal empire, and one hopes that he will publish many more such essays.
S. M. EDWARDES. ANNUAL REPORT OF THE MYSORE ARCHEOLOGICAL DEPARTMENT for the year 1922. Govern ment Press, Bangalore, 1922.
This report is the "swan-song" of Mr. R. Nara. simhachar, who retired from the Office of Director of Archæological Researches, Mysore, in July, 1922, after several years' valuable service. On this account one may forgive the inclusion in the Report of six paragraphs dealing with Benares, Sarnath, Allahâbâd, Gaya, Puri-Jagannâtli, Bezwada and other places, which Mr. Narasimhâchâr visited while on privilege leave. They cannot be said to have any direct connexion with Mysore archæology and antiquities.. A considerable number, of new records of the Ganga, Nolamba and Hoysala dynasties were discovered
225
and copied during the year, among the more noteworthy being three fragmentary virugals, referring to. a cattle-raid, which mention a hitherto unknown Nolamba ruler named Biyalachore. Interesting also is a set of copper-plates recording a grant in 1534 by Achyuta-Râya of Vijayanagar to one Srirangaya, who is stated to be a lineal descendant of Sudarsanâcharya, author of the Srutaprakisika, a commentary on the Sribhashya of Ramanuja. charya. The Vijayanagar inscriptions copied during the year cover a period of nearly two centuries, from 1370 to 1573. Mr. Narasimhachar also gives details of two new records of the Yelahanka Chiefs of Magadi, and by a comparison of all the hitherto discovered inscriptions of this family is enabled to construct a pedigree of those rulers, which corresponds very closely with the genealogy given in a Sanskrit work written about the end of the seventeenth century. A relic of the last of these chiefs came to light during the year in the form of a palm-leaf letter addressed by him during his imprisonment at Seringapatam, to the chief of Hulikal, who was a collateral relative of his. His imprisonment, which resulted eventually in his death, was due to the fact that he refused to present a tine elephant to the King of Mysore, whose commander-in-chief marched against him and took possession of his kingdom.
The Report calls attention to the fact that Mysore contains many old monuments of great architectural beauty, which imperatively require conservation by the State. It is therefore satisfactory to learn that a draft Bill for the Preservation of Ancient Monuments is being considered by the Government of H. H. the Maharaja. Students of Indian history and antiquities will fully endorse the praise bestowed by the State upon Mr. Narasimhachar's work during the last sixteen years. S. M. EDWARDES.
THE QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF THE MYTHIC SOCIETY (Bangalore), vol. XIII, No. 1, October, 1922; Bangalore Press, Mysore Road, Bangalore. The Mythic Society's Journal for October, 1922, contains a good article on Sravaná Belgola and the colossal statue of Gommatesvara by Rao Bahadur R. Narasimhachar. After discussing the date of the statue and its dimensions, the author examines the tradition regarding the visit to avana Belgola of the Mauryan emperor Chandragupta and the Jain saint Badrabahu. There is little doubt that the story has a solid foundation on fact. The procedure ordinarily adopted in cases of abdication, as described by Tod and in the Ras Mala, supplies a reasonable explanation of the sudden disappear. ance of Chandragupta from the political stage. For the monarch who abdicated was treated as having died, could not re-enter the capital, and as. sumed a name in religion. Another article, which

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will be completed in a later issue, is that of Mr. C. | Kisasamkicca and Makkhali Gosala, was probably Hayavadana Rao on the Tribes and Castee of directly responsible for the doctrine of Samma Mysore. He hay collected traces of the matriar. ajivo (right living), which was adopted by the chate, pre-marital communism, the Levirate, etc., Jains and Buddhists; and both Mahavira and which form & useful commentary upon the facta Buddha owed more than appears superficially elicited by the ethnographical survey.
to the teaching of Ajitakesakambali and Sanjaya. It is doubtful whether the statement of Major The chapter on Buddhaghosa's commentaries Jackson, quoted in Mr. Vanea' paper on "Coin Col will well repay perusal, and is one of the best lecting in South India," that “even more com. features of this little book, which provides in a mon are thick copper coins of the Mahratta kings convenient compass some of the salient facts of Satara, known as Chhatrapati pice, especially deducible from an examination of Buddhist literathe issue of the great Sivaji (1674-80)" is correct. ture. It is generally understood that no coins struck in
S. M. EDWARDES. Sivaji's name are now extant, except possibly
LAK ***URI, A DIALECT OF MODERN AWADHI the unique gold coin found at Phaltan in 1919.
B) buram Saksena, M.A. Journal and Pro. The copper coins, locally known as Shivrais, which
A.S.B., (Now Series), Vol. XVIII, have so far been found, are usually ascribed to later
1922, No. 5. members of Sivaji's line. According to Grant Duff,
This is an excellent grammar of the important Sivaji first began issuing coins in his own namo
unliterary dialect of Hindu spoken about Lak in 1664.
himpur of the Kheri District of Oudh,-important S. M. EDWARDES.
because it preserves the language of the Ramdyana
of Tulsidas. Mr. Sakeena says of it, pages 308-9: HISTORICAL GLEANINGS, hy BIMALA CHARAN LAW,
"the language of the Ramdyana of Tulsidas, with a foreword by DR. B. M. BARUA. Calcutta Oriental Series, No. 6. E. 2; Thacker, Spink
which broadly represents forms of Awadhi of the
16th century rosembles generally the dialect of and Co., Calcutta, 1922.
Lakhimpur," and he then proceeds to give the This is a brief collection of essays, most of
chief points of resemblance. which have been published already in the
As above remarked, the grammar is well put Journal and Proceedings of the Asiatic Society
together and easy to follow-a good example of of Bengal. They include such subjects as
how such things should be done. One point about "Taxila as a centre of Sanskrit and Pali literature,"
a "The wandering
it strongly appeals to me. It is necesarily teachers of Buddha's age," "Buddhaghosa's commentaries" and "Buddha
phonological book, in which Professor R. L. Turner and the Niganthas."
has given advice and guidance, and yet the only There is a chapter on the Liechavis in Ancient India, which contains some
peculiarities used are a reversed e to denote" very
short a," and i, w, and above the line) to repreof the information embodied in the first part of
sent very short , and e; also "above a vowel the author's "Kshatriya Clans in Buddhist India," and which, in consideration of the latter publi
denotes nasalisation, as in bhawar." All this is cation, might have been omitted. As pointed
simple, easy to follow and to my mind, pace the out in the foreword, Mr. Law's researches have
phonologists, eminently practical. I wish there
were more like it. been confined to Buddhist literature, especially
R. C. TEMPLE. that in PAli, and his work is mainly compilation of references scattered throughout that literature.
GWALIOR FORT ALBUM. Archeological Dept., It is none the less useful on that account, parti
Gwalior State. cularly in regard to such problems as the influence
This is a useful little brochure for visitors to of the five heretical teachers on the development Gwalior, giving a plan of the Fort and some two of Jainism and Buddhism. Mr. Law is enabled dozen illustrations of the principal buildings in to show that, despite their divergences, these and about it. The doecriptions which accompany teachers belonged to one and the same period of the illustrations are such that the visitor will thought-development in India and prepared the not be led astray. Altogether a creditable little way for the doctrine of Buddha. The Ajivika production. order, for example, founded by Nandavaccha,
R. C. TEMPLE. NOTES AND QUERIES. NOTES FROM OLD FACTORY RECORDS. and Ensigns of this garrison for the good Services 44. Military Rewards, 1703.
dono in our late troubles, which the Paymester
having gott ready, the Govr. did this day invite Fort St. George Diary, 23 December 1703. The them all to dinner when he delivered them their 23 of May last was made an act of Councill for Coats and hatte. (Factory Records, Fort St. George, the Paymaster to gett ready Beaver Hatte and
Beaver Hatte and vol. (12). Coats for the Portugueez Oficers and Lieutenants
R 0. TEMPLE

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EARLY HISTORY OF INDIAN FAMINES
EARLY HISTORY OF INDIAN FAMINES.
By P. N. RAMASWAMI, B.A. (With an Additional Note by L. M. ANSTEY.)
(Continued from page 197.) III.-Mediaeval Muhammadan Period, A.D. 1200-1500.
The Pre-Moghul Age. We shall now briefly narrate the history of Indian famines after the advent and conquests of the Musalmans.
The Jama Pattavalt or the Succession List of the High Priests, notices in Early Guzerat, in the fime of king Vigaladêva, a three years' famine which occurred between Samvat 1315 (A.D. 1259) and Samvat 1318 (A.D. 1262). The bards of Early Guzerat praise Vişâladeva for lessening the miseries of this three years' famine (Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency, vol. I, part I, ch. III, p. 203). In the early part of the reign of Jalaluddin Khilji a severe famine occurred about Delhi and the Siwâlik districts. In the picturesque language of A. L. Badaoni (Muntakhabu-'t-Tavārikh, trans. Ranking, vol. I, sec. 172, p. 235), "there was a scarcity of famine in that year, (A.D. 1291) and such a famine occurred that the Hindus, from excess of banger and want, went in bands and joining their hands threw themselves into the Jumna, and became the portion of the alligator of extinction. Many Muslims also, burning in the flames of hunger, were drowned in the ocean of non-existence." Farishta (Briggs, History of the Rise of the Muhammadan Power, vol. I, p. 301) narrates that "thousands of Hindus daily died in the streets and highways."
This great famine was attributed by the vulgar to the king's execution of a holy man named Sidi Maula. But the real cause seems to have been the failure of rain and the very lenient administration of the old Sultan. "The king's mistaken lenity," says Farishta (Briggs, History of the Rise of the Muhammadan Power, vol. I, p. 296), “ seems to have soon produced the effect which these chiefs saw. Clemency is a virtue which descends from God; but the degenerate children of India of that age did not deserve it. The king's sentiments having become public, no security was any longer found. The streets and highways were infested by thieves and banditti. House-breaking, robbery, murder and every other species of crime was committed by many who adopted them as means of subsistence. Insurrections prevailed in every province; numerous gangs of free-booters interrupted commerce, and even commen intercourse. Add to which the king's governors neglected to render any account, either of ther repekues or of their administration."
In the reign of his successor Alâu'ddin Khilji (A.D. 1294--1316) famines of unparalleled severity swept over Northern India. But Alâu'ddîn took stern measures to relieve the people. "He caused an edict which he steadily enforced-to be proclaimed throughout the country, fixing the price of every article of consumption. To accomplish the reduction of the prices of grain in particular he caused large magazines to be built upon the rivers Jumna and Ganges, and other places convertient for water carriage, under the direction of Mullik Kubool. This person was authorised to receive half the land-tax in grain ; and the government agent supplied the markets when any articles rose above the fixed price. The first regulation was established for fixing the prices of grain at Delhi, from which we may suppose what those were for the country towns" (Briggs, History of the Rise of the Muhammadan Power, vol. I, p. 356). Similar regulations governed the cloth trade (ibid., p. 357). A third regulation fixed the prices of horses (ibid., p. 359). The fourth regulation regarded the sale of slaves of both sexes. The fifth regulation regarded the sale of cattle, oxen, sheep, goats, camels and asses; in short, every useful animal and all commodities were sold at a stated price in the markets (ibid., p. 360).
• See ante, note 1 to p. 107.

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But Alauddin Khilji's moasures were not crowned with perfect success. As the historian remarks, "In consequence of a drought, a dearth ensued and a difference took place in practice. [The standard price and the current market price of the same article were different.] It is difficult to conceive how so extraordinary a project should have been put in practice without defeating its own end. But it is confidently asserted that the orders continued throughout the reign of the monarch. The importation of grain was encouraged; while to export it or any other article of food was a capital crime. The king had a daily report laid before him of the qnantity sold and remaining in the several granaries; and overseers were appointed in the different markets to inform him of abuses, which were punished with the utmost rigour. The king received daily reports from three different departments on this subject and he even employed the boys in the street to go and purchase articles, to ascertain that no variation took place from the fixed rates." Free-traders and Protectionists will put a different complexion on Ålâu'ddin's regulations.
But, while authors may disagree about the wisdom or folly of these regulations, none will dispute the incontrovertible fact that the evils of famine were accentuated in Al&u'ddin's days by the crushing taxation he imposed on the people. He required his advisers to draw up rules and regulations for grinding down the Hindus and for depriving them of "that wealth and prosperity which fosters disaffection and rebellion." The eultivated land was directed to be all measure and the government took half the gross produce.
"No Hindu could hold up his head, and in their houses no sign of gold or silver.... or any superfluity was to be seen. These things, which nourish insubordination and rebellion, were no longer to be found .... Blows, confinement in the stocks, imprisonment and chains, were all employed to enforce payment."
Replying to a learned lawyer whom he had consulted, the Sultan said: "O doctor, thou art a learned man, but thou hast had no experience. I am an unlettered man, but I have seon a great deal. Be assured, then, that the Hindus will never become submissive and obedient till they are reduced to poverty. I have, therefore, given orders that just sufficient shall be left to them from year to year, of corn, milk and curds, but that they shall not be allowed to accumulate hoards and property."
In this connection the earnest attention of the reader must be drawn to one interesting fact, viz., the Sultans of Delhi, in times of famine, while leaving the provinces to their own fate, did their best to mitigate the evil effects of famine in the capital. The reason for this is obvious. Tyrants as they were, their existence depended upon the acquiescence of the capital city. Therefore we must not take the measures of relief carried out in the imperial city as typical of what was done in the country and provinces.
The long reign of Muhammad Tughlak Shah (A.D. 1325-51) is nothing but a series of famines which were partly brought about by scarcity of rain, and partly by gross misrule. The Musalman historian Ziâu'ddin Barni, in his Tarikh-i-Firoz Shahi (Elliot and Dowson, History of India, vol. III, p. 244 and fol.) relates that in the beginning of the unlucky reign of Muhammad Tughlak (A.D. 1327) "a total famine devastated Delhi and its environs and throughout tho Doab. Grain became dear. The scarcity of rain caused the famine to become general. It continued for some years, and thousands upon thousands of people perished of want. Communities were reduced and families were broken up." In short, as the historian Ziauddin Barni remarks, "the glory of the state and the power of the government of Sultan Muhammad from this time withered and decayed." This famine, as Al. Badaoni points out (Muntakhabu'r Tawarikh, sec. 228, p. 305) was brought about by the

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king's gros misrule. "At this time," says the candid historian," the Sultan formed the opinion that in consequence of the refractory conduct of his subjects in the Doab it was advisable to double the taxes lovied on that country; he also instituted numbering their cattle and a house census and other vexatious and oppressive measures which were the cause of the complete ruin and desolation of the country."
The internal state of the country was one of ruin. His political freaks, viz., attack on Persia, forced currency, attack on China, etc., had depleted the treasury; and the taxes were enhanced to a degree that had become unbearable, while they were collected so rigorously that the peasantry were reduced to beggary and the people who possessed anything felt that no other resource was left them but rebellion. The Sultan camo to hate his subjects and to take pleasure in their wholesale destruction. At one time he led forth his army against the recalcitrant peasantry. Zi&u'ddin Barnt thus describes the expedition : "He laid the country waste from Kanauj to Dalmau, and every person that fell into his hands he slew. Many of the inhabitants (ryots) fled and took refuge in the jungles, but the Sultan had the jungles surrounded and every individual that was captured was killed.
It is not astonishing, then, that almost before the country could recover from the effects of the awful famine of a D. 1329, another disastrous famine (A.D. 1337) laid it low. The king's change of capital was partly responsible for this calamity. Ibn Batuta gives a heart-rending at ount of the miseries undergone by the poor people who were ordered by the tyrant to leave Delhi and settle in Daulatabad in the Deccan ; but hardly had the remnant of the miserable inhabitante settled in Daulatabad when they were ordered to go back to Delhi. "When the miserable inhabitants," says Ziâu'ddin Barni, "reached Delhi (from Daulatabad), they found famine raging there with such fury that few persons could procure the nece. ggaries of life. The king's heart seemed for once to be softened with the miseries of his wretched subjects. He even for a time changed his conduct and took some pains to encourage husbandry and commerce, and for this purpose detributed large sums of money to the inhabitants for cultivation purposes; they expended the money on necessaries of life and many of them were severely punished upon that account" (Briggs, History of the Rise of the Muhammadan Power, vol. I).
"In A.D. 1341 the famine still continued to rage in the city, so that men ate one another. The king in his distress ordered a second distribution of money towards the sinking of wells and the cultivation of the lands, but the people weakened by hunger, and distracted by private distress in their families, made very little progress in restoring its prosperity, while the coutinuation of the drought rendered all their labour in vain" (ibid.).
“The next year (A.D. 1342) saw a continuation of the famine in the city of Delhi and the people deserted it; till at length the king, unable to procure provisions even for his own household, was obliged to abandon it also, to open the gates, and permit the few half-starved wretched inbabitants whom he had confined, to provide for themselves. Thousands crowded towards Bengal" (ibid.).
The traveller Ibn Batuta, who lived in the court of Muhammad Bin Tughlak, relates that during famine time" he saw three women who were cutting in pieces and eating the skin of a horse which had been dead some months. Skins were cooked and sold in the markets. When bullocks were slaughtered, crowds rushed forward to catch the blood and consume it for their sustenance. The famine became unendurable." Zidu'ddin Bargi gravely relates that "men devoured men."
The monster Tughlak died in A.D. 1351 ; and his successor Firoz, the benevolent prince, raetored order, and his wise irrigational activities restored to the country a modicum of its former prosperity. Sir John Strachey observes (India, p. 217), "Long before our time some

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of the Muhammadan sovereigns had undertaken irrigational works." Chief among them was Firoz, who constructed the great canal for purposes of irrigation from the Sutlej to the Kugger rivers. In A.D. 1356 another canal was constructed by which water for irrigation of a peculiarly arid district was carried as far as Halisi. A third canal connected with the Sutlej was his handiwork. At his death, according to Farishta, he left 50 dams across rivers to promote irrigation, 30 lakes, etc. His wise and benevolent measures brought some prosperity to the country. In September, 1388, the old Sultan died, being about 80 years old, and the government fell into utter confusion. A series of puppet Sultans, all equally wanting in personal merit, pags rapidly across the stage. It was then that the weakness of the government inspired Amir Timur (Timur-i-lang) to invade India.
Early in A.D. 1398 he came down upon the country, carrying fire and sword wherever he want. But he had no intention of staying in it, and the same year he departed by the way he had come-by the Punjab. The author of the luntakhabu't.Tawarikh records (sec. 272, p. 359) "that at this time a famine an! p stilence fell upon Delhi, that the city was utterly ruined, and those of the inhabitants who were left died, while for two whole months not a bird moved a wing in Delhi." Duff, in his History of the Mahratlas (vol. I, p. 48), states that at this time "the dreadful famine, distinguished from all others by the name of the Doorga Davee, commenced (A.D. 1396) in the Maharashtra, and lasted, according to the Hindu legend, for twelve years. At the end of that time the periodical rains returned; but whole districts were entirely depopulated, and a very scanty revenue was obtained from the territory between the Godavery and the Krishna for upwards of thirty years." During this famine which affected the whole of the Deccan, the Bahmani king Muhammad Shah I, employed ten thousand bullooks at his own expense, constantly going to and fro from Malwa and Gujarat for grain, which was distributed to the people at a cheap rate (Briggs, History of the Rise of the Muhammadan Power, vol. II, p. 347).11
In A.D. 1412-13 a severe famine prevailed in the Deccan Farishta (Briggs, History of the Rise of the Muhammadan Power, vol. II, p. 405) gives the following graphic description of it :
"This year no rain falling, a grievous famine was experienced throughout the Decca" ; and multitudes of cattle died on the plains for want of water. The king in consequence in. creased the pay of his troops and opened the public stores of grain for the use of the poor Tag next year also there being no rain, the people became seditious, complaining that the present reign was unlucky, and the conduct of the prince displeasing to God. The king was much affected, and repaired to the mosque in state to crave the mercy of Heaven to. wards his subjects. His prayers ware heard, and plentiful showers fell shortly after: those who had abused him now became loud in his praise calling him Wally' (saint) and worker of miracles."
Passing over the merciless devastation of a severe famine in Orissa in A.D. 1471, the Deccan was visited in A.D. 1474 by a terrible famine of which the following account is given by Farishta (Briggs, History of the Rise of the Muhammadan Power, vol. II, p: 493): "When the royal standard reached the city of Bijapore, Muhammad Shah Bahmuny II at the request of Khajiva Muhammad Khan, halted to repose himself from his fatigues, and the minister endeavoured to soothe his grief for the death of his mother. Admiring the situation of Bijapore, the king would have willingly remained there during the rainy season, but so severe a drought prevailed throughout the Deccan, that the wells were dried up, and the king, contrary to his inolination, moved with his army to
11 Further details of this famine may be had from Gribble's History of the Deccan, ch. v, p. 54 ; Haig, Historic Landmarks of the Deccan, ch. ii, p. 29; and Suryanarain Row's Never to be Forgotten Empire, ch. xi, p. 200.

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Ahmedabad Bedar. No rain fell during the next year either and the towns in consequence became almost depopulated. Many of the inhabitants died of famine and numbers emigrated for food to Malwa, Jafnagger and Gujarat. In Telingana and Maharashtra and throughout the Bahmini no grain was sown for two years; and in the third when the Almighty God showered His mercy on the earth, scarcely any farmers remained in the country to cultivate the lands." A general dearth was experienced in Hindustan in 1491 (Balfour, Cyclopædia of India). The Delhi country was visited by a local famine in A.D. 1494 (Loveday, History and Economics of Indian Famines, p. 136). In A.D. 1500 a severe famine prevailed in the Delhi country; but all relief measures were prevented by the never-ending dynastic wars (ibid.). Scarcity of rain, combined with ceaseless internecine warfare, produced a famine in Bombay in 1520 ; no relief measures were undertaken (ibid.). A very general famine in Sind in A.D. 1521 was produced by failure of the rains (Balfour, Cyclopedis of India). Sind in A.D. 1527 was severely affected by dearth. This famine of A.D. 1527 possesses a peculiar interest as being the result neither of the ordinary ravages of war nor of perverse meteorological conditions, but of a deliberate defensive policy. "In A.D. 1527 Jam Nunda, ruler of Sind, with the same object in view as the Dutch when they opened their sluice gates, ordered all standing corn in that country to be destroyed. The scheme was unsuccessful; but at least the effects were not so fatal as when thirteen years later Mirza Shah Humayun forbade the sowing of corn on either bank of the river, and prohibited import. For, in the former case, with a favourable harvest six months later, the distress passed away; whereas, in the latter reign, two years of natural deficiency followed the year of artificial famine and the people were delivered from the conqueror to be decimated by want" (Loveday, History of Indian Famines, ch. I).
Appendix A. I. The following from a grant dated A.D. 1084 by Kulotfunga Chola, shows the taxes and seigneurial dues levied under the Chôļas in the Tanjore district :".... May you enjoy the several trees and the enjoyment and cultivation, etc. For the enjoyment of the abova rights may you enjoy also the nad atchi, the nirdichi, one nels (of rice collection) for every vatti (platter), one nili (of rice cultivation) on the days sacred to the manes, the tax on weddings, the tax on washermen's stones, the tax on potters, the rent on water, the leaves collection, a cloth for every loom, the brokerage, the taxes on goldsmiths, the tax on neatherds, the tax on sheep, the good oow, the good bull, the watch, eto."
II. The following taken from Mr. Rice's Mysore and Coorg (p. 174) is a Mysore inscription illustrating the Hoysala taxation : "Land rent, plough tax, house tax, forced labour, accountant's fee, provender, unexpected visitor, army, double payment, change of district, threshing floor, tribute on coming of age, festivity subscriptions, boundary marks, birth of a son, fodder for elephants, foddər for horses, sale within village, favour of the palace, alarm, seizure, destruction of injury caused by the nad or magistrate, and whatever else may come."
III. A number of Tamil inscriptions discovered in 1913 give a long list of the obligations and taxes to which a landlord of the Pandya kingdom was subject: In return for the right of growing any crops wet or dry, including plantain, sugar-cane, turmeric, ginger, areca and cocoanut he was bound, we are informed, to pay “the taxes in gold and in grain, such as udsalka damai, perka damai, tarikkadamai, Sekkofu, eruttusammadam, mada-rikkam, Talayarikkami, asuvakkadamai, Pattadainulayam, idattura, vettivari, paļavari and puduvari (that may be enforced by the palace), na!lerudu (good bull), narpasu (good cow), nallerumdi (good bullock), narkila (good ewe), konigai, virimuthu, edakkatiyam, viruttupadu udugarai and mugamparavi. To this the other cognate inscriptions add : Palatali, kāņikkai, sandai,

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êriminvilai, malai-amanji, madilimanji, ed uttalavu, virutumadu, sattukada mai, and virarai. It should be acknowledged that the exact meaning of many of these is not knownante, Feb. 1916.
Appendix B. The normal share of the produce taken by the state was one-fourth. But water rates and various other dues were also exacted, so that the cultivator of the irrigated land could not retain as much as half the produco of his fields. Occasional benevolences were also levied at the king's discretion. A regular system of excise duties was in force. In fortified towns the royal revenue was derived largely from taxes or sales as stated by Megasthenes. To facilitate the collection of taxas on sale, the law required that all articles for sale should not be sold at the place, of growth or manufacture but brought to the toll-house, there offered for sale, and if sold, taxed. Imports from abroad paid as a rule soven distinct taxes aggre. gating about 20 per cent. ; perishable goods, 163 per cent. ; while on many others from 4 to 10 per cent. Highly priced goods such as precious stones were assessed on special valuations made by experts. All goods brought for sale had to be marked with an official stamp. Other innumerable fiscal dues were also levied.
Modern Period-The Moghuls, A.D. 1500-1760. Little more remains to be said of famines in the annals of the sultanates of Delhi. In A.D. 1526 Baber founded the Moghul Empire, and we enter a new era of Indian History. In A.D. 1540 a famine spreading over the East coast of the Red Sea, affected the Coromandel coast, usually immunc from such disastem. The Tarikh-i-Tahiri (Elliot and Dowson, History of India, vol. VII) relates that a severe famine prevailed in Sind at the time of Emperor Humayun's flight (A.D. 1540) and that extreme misery drove the men of Sind to eat their own kind.12 Raw rides and old skins were cooked in water and eaten. During the winter of A.D. 1540, owing to scarcity of rain, the terrible famine affected the whole of India. "Men and women trooped down to the rivers and the sea, and drowned themselves, when they could no longer enduro the agony of hunger; the natives of the Coromandel coast were driven to cannibalism; and, in a letter to Prince Luiz, D. Joao de Castro estimates that two-thirds of the population of Vijayanagar perished (K. G. Jayne, Vasco de Gami and his Successors, p. 135).
The reign of Muhammad Adil Shih, the Sûr king, witnessed a severe famine (A.D. 1553), of which we possess a graphic account from the pen of Al-Badaoni in his Muntakhabu't. Tawarikh (sec. 428, p. 649, vol. I): "A severe fapine prevailed throughout the eastern portion of the Hindustan, especially in Agra, Bengal, and Dalhi. It was so severe that two pounds of fowar grain cost two half-tankahs, and could in fact not be had even at that price, Men of wealth and position had to close their houses, and died by tens or twenties or even more in one place, getting neither grave nor shroud. The Hindus also were in the same plight, and the bulk of the people were fain to live on the seeds of the kikur thorn, and on wild herbs, also on the skins of the oxen which the rich slaughtered and sold from time to time; after a few days their hands and feet swelled and they died. As a date for that year the phrase Khashm-i-izad (Divine wrath) was invented. The writer of these pages with these guilty eyes of his gaw man eating his fellowman in those terrible days. So awful was their aspect that no one dared let his glance rest upon them; and the greater part of that country, what with scarcity of rain, and shortness of grain and desolation, and what with
12 The Portuguese who lived on the Bombay coast (near Santoun) very charitably bought rico, cocoanute, millete, eto., and sold them at a much lower price than they could huvo sold them had they wanted to-Correa, Lendas de India, vol. IV, p. 132.

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the constant struggle and turmoil, and two years' continual anarchy and terror, was ntterly ruined, the peasantry and tenants disappeared, and lawless crowds attacked the cities of the Muslims."
The minister Hemu, in whose hands the impotent Adil Shah had left all power, displayed the most brutal indifference to the sufferings of the people, and pampered his elephants with rice, sugar and butter, while men and women ate one another. He deserved his fate. In the course of the year A.D. 1556 Akbar met Hemu in battle, and the latter was completely defeated. The vanquished Hemu was put to death by the victor.
The proverbial good fortune of Akbar, however, did not render his reign immune from famines. That of A.D. 1565-6 at the beginning of his reign was extremely severe. The ini-Akbari (Jarrett, vol. III, p. 425) says: "In the beginning of the year of the accession of His Majesty to the imperial throne.... great famine occurred, which raised the dust of dispersion. The capital was devastated and nothing remained but a few houses. In addition to this and other innumerable disasters, a plague became epidemical. This calamity and destruction of life extended throughout most of the cities of the Hindustan. The writer of this work was then five years old, and has a perfect recollection of this cvent, and the evidence of many eye-witnesses confirms his testimony. The distresses of the times ruined
any families, and multitudes died. In the quarter in which my family resided, about seventy in all, high and low, male and female, may have survived."
The first year of the reign of Akbar witnessed another severe famine. "In this year," says the Akbar Namı, "there was little rain, and the price of food rose very high. Celestial influences were unpropitious, and those learned in the stars announced dearth and scarcity. The kind-hearted Emperor sent experienced officers in every direction, to supply food every day to the poor and destitute. So, under the imperial orders, the necessitous received daily assistance to their satisfaction, and every class of the indigent was entrusted to the care of those who were able to care for them” (Elliot and Dowson, History of India, vol. VI, p. 94). Another minor historian Shaikh Nûru'l-Hakk, in his Tubdatu'lTawarikh, remarks: " Dur. ing the year A.D. 1598 there was scarcity of rain throughout the whole of Hindustan, and a fearful famine raged continuously for three or four years. The king ordered that alms should be distributed in all the cities, and Nawab Shaikh Faird Bokhari being ordered to superintend and control their distribution, did all in his power to relieve the general distres of the people. A kind of plague was also added to the horrors of this period, and depopu. lated whole houses and villages. In consequence of the dearth of grain and the necessities of ravenous hunger, men ate their own kind. The streets and roads were blocked up with dead bodies, and no assistance could be rendered for their removal" (Ellipt and Dowson, History of India, Vol. VI, p. 193).
The vague records of the measures undertaken for famine relief would seem to point out that they were slight and inadequate. Besides, nothing is known of the process of recovery which must have occupied a long time. The modern historian would be glad to sacrifice no small part of the existing chronicles if he could obtain a full account of the famine of A.D. 1595-8 and of its economic effects" (V. A. Smith, Akbar, ch. xiv, p. 398). In the absence of detailed records it is impossible to lay down with confidence the exact importance of each of the causes which contributed to the cycle of famines at this time. Probably the rapid growth of population at this time had far out-distanced the growth of cultivation. The inferiority of new lands taken up for cultivation, and the decrease in the productive power of the soil, are noticed by contemporary writers. The increasing export of raw naterials

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during Akbar's reign may have led to the substitution of non-food for food-crops. More. over the ceaseless wars of Akbar created scarcity of food-stuffs. Above all, the assessment of Akbar was pretty heavy. Abu-l-Fazl expressly states that, for purposes of revenue, "the best crops were taken into account every year, and the year of the most abundant harvest accepted." Remissions, if any, were not easy to obtain. Besides, innumerable imposts were levied. To mention one detail, Mr. Oldham has calculated that in the Ghazipur dig. trict, Akbar's assessment worked out at Rs. 2 per acre as against the modern assessment of Rs. 1. 8-0. In Kashmir Akbar took half the crop; the local Sultans previously used to take two-thirds. But the productive power of the soil was then much less than at present. To quote one instance from Mr. S. Srinivasa Raghava Aiyangar's classical Progress of the Madras. Presidency, "While the Ain-i-Akbari rate for rice is 1.338 lbs., the Madras settlement average for the same tract is 1621 lbs. In fine, Akbar's land revenue realised him £20,000,000; while that of the British Government in 1918-19 was 20-9 million pounds." Meanwhile the acreage of cultivation, as Moreland, in his recent work on India at the time of the death of Akbar, points out, has exactly doubled !
Outside the Moghul empire, several famines occurred during the reign of Akbar. In A.D. 1569 in Assam a famine occurred owing to the damage done to crops by a swarm of locusts (E. A. Gait, History of Assam, p. 101). In A.D. 1570 a great famine appears (vide the records of the Jesuit Mission) to have raged on the Tinnevelly coast. Father Henriques, a Portuguese missionary, established famine relief houses, in which 50 persons were daily fed. In A.D. 1677 a famine is recorded in Kutch ; liberal relief in the form of cooked food was distributed widely. In the reign of Ally Shah Chuk in A.D. 1578, a severe famine was experienced in Kashmir, in which many thousands of the inhabitants died (Briggs, History of the Rise of the Muhammadan Power, vol. IV, ch. x, p. 523). In A.D. 1592, in the Sholapur district, a pestilence and famine almost decimated the population (Loveday, History of Indian Famines, p. 165). In A.D. 1600 there was a famine north of the Godavari (Hopkins, India Old and New, p. 237).
The reign of Jahangir was not more free from faminey; but the modern reader looks in vain for any relief measures undertaken by that pleasure-loving monarch to mitigate the borrors of famines which were carrying away thousands of his subjects. A severe famine and pestilence raged in the Punjab (A.D. 1613-15) for two whole years (Loveday, History of Indian Famines). Gujarat and Ahmadabad were visited by a famine in A.D. 1623 ; but the famine was not sovere, and the stores of the country proved sufficient (ibid.). In A.D. 1641 a famine resulting from & very bad outbreak of cattle disease, which made ploughing impossible, broke out in Assam. (E. A. Gait, History of Assam, p. 136 and fol.) A letter of a Jesuit missionary dated A.D. 1622 says that in Madura so severe a famine had raged for some years that numerous corpses of those who had died were left unburied (Madura Gazetteer, p. 50).
A famine of unparalleled severity occurred in the middle of Shah Jahan's reign, and is recorded in the Emperor's chronicles by Abdu'l-Hâmid Lahori, in the Badshah-Nama : (Elliot and Dowson, History of India, vol. VII, p. 24 and fol.) “During the past year (A.D. 1629) no rain had fallen in the territories of the Balaghat, and the drought had been especially severe about Daulatabad. In the present year also there had been a deficiency in the bordering countries and a total want in the Dakhin and Guzerat. The inhabitants of these two countries were reduced to the direst extremity. Life was offered for a loaf, but none would buy ; rank was to be sold for a cake, but none cared for it; the ever bounteous hand was now stretched out to beg for food; and the feet which had always trodden the way of contentment now walked about only in search of sustenance. For a long time dogs' flesh was sold for goats'

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flesh, and the pounded bones of the dead were mixed with flour, and sold. When this was discovered, the sellers were brought to justice. Destitution at length reached such a pitch that men began to devour each other, and the flesh of a son was preferred to his love. The numbers of the dying caused obstructions in the roads, and every man whose dire sufferings did not terminate in death and who retained the power to move, wandered off to the towns and villages of other countries. Those lands which had been famous for their fertility and plenty now retained no trace of productiveness."
The blunt English sailor, Peter Mundy, who travelled from Surat to Agra and back while this famine was raging, used no art in describing what he saw on his way, and we get from his narrative a most vivid picture of the horrors of famine in the seventeenth century. But we abstain from quoting his extremely gruesome and repulsive description.
Many other references to this " direful time of dearth " may be found in the letters sent from the English factories in India at this period (vide The English Factories in India, 1630-33. by W. Foster). There is one sentence in those letters which corroborates the testimony of previous witnesses, that the people were driven to cannibalism by the awful famine of A.D. 1630. It is as follows: "Masulipatam and Armagon were solely oppressed with famine, the living eating up the dead, and men soaroely durst travel in the country for fear they should be killed and eaten."
These quotations may serve to give some idea of the severity of famines in bygone times. The evidence of their frequency is even stronger. These famines, while undoubtedly due to failure of rain,13 were also due to the rack-renting over-18sessment, and to the unexampled prodigality of the court. The prodigality and splendour of Shah Jahan's court are apt to dazzle our vision, but we must remember that they had a dark back-ground of untold suffering and misery (vividly depicted by Bernier), seldom exposed to view. We shall give the following extract from Bernier, Travels in the Moghul Empire (ed. V. A. Smith) illustrating the state of the country. Having spoken of the despotic tyranny of local Governors, he declares that it was often so excessive as to deprive the peasant and artisan of the necessaries of life, and then leave him to die of misery and exhaustion, a tyranny owing to which these wretched people have no children at all, or have them only to endure the agonies of starvation, and to die at a tender age,-a tyranny, in fine, that drives the cultivator of the soil from his wretched home to some neighbouring states in hopes of finding milder treatment, or to the army where he becomes the servant of some trooper. As the ground is seldom tilled otherwise than by compulsion, and as no person is found willing and able to repair the ditches and canals for the conveyanoe of water, it happens that the whole country is badly cultivated and a good part rendered unproductive from the want of irrigation. The houses too, are in a dilapidated condition, there being few people who will either build new ones or repair those which are tumbling down" (Bernier, Travels in the Moghul Empire, p. 226).
Regarding the conditions of the Indian manufactures (which had remained almost unchanged from the time of the "Periplus "), it would seem that they absorbed only a microscopic minority of the population. The industries were comprised under two heads : on the one hand, there was the village handicraft supplying the scanty needs of the population; and on the other hand, there were the handicrafts that ministered to the wants of the wealthy few, e.g., architecture, painting, manufactures of fine cotton and silk. India was never a
13 "I have known two entire years page with scarcely a drop of rain, and the consequences of the extraordinary drought wore widespread sioknees and famine"-Bernior, Travels in the Moghul Empire (ed. V. A. Smith), p. 431.

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great manufacturing country, and certainly, in the time of Shah Jahan, industries gave employment to only a microscopio minority of the population (Hamilton, Trade Relations between India and England, ch. ii, p. 7). The people depended, as now, upon agriculture; and Bernier's accurate description shows the miseries which the wretched peasantry were suffering.
This miserable state of the country certainly led to the frequent rise and spread of famines, and when famines did occur, Shah Jahan displayed the most callous indifference to the sufferings of the people, who died in myriads for lack of sustenance of any kind. Nothing was done by the government to help the suffering people; but the author of the Badshah-Nama states that the emperor opened a few soup kitchens, gave a lakh and a half of rupees in charity spread over a period of twenty weeks, and remitted only one-eleventh of the assessment of land revenue. The remissions so made" by the wise and generous Emperor" in the crown lands amounted to seventy lakhs. The holders of jagirs and official commands were expected to make similar reductions. These facts do not justify the historian's praise of "the generous kindness and bounty" of Shah Jahan. The remission of one-eleventh of the land revenue implies that attempts were made to collect ten-elevenths, a burden which could not be borne by a country reduced to the "direst extremity" and retaining no trace of productiveness. We are not told how far the efforts to collect the revenue succeeded ; and, as usual, we are left in the dark concerning the after-effects of the famine. No statistics are on record. Even the nature of the consequent pestilence is not mentioned, but it is almost certain that cholera must have carried off thousands of victims. Sir Richard Temple, the editor of Mundy's work, has good reason for saying that "it is worthwhile to read Mundy's unimpassioned matter-of-fact observations on the famine ", in order to realise the immensity of the difference in the conditions of life as existing under the rule of the Moghul dynasty when at the height of its glory, and those prevailing under the modern British government” (V. A. Smith, Oxford of History of India, p. 394).
The full truth of Sir Richard's remarks will be realised when we compare the relief measures undertaken by Lord Curzon in 1900-1 with those of Shah Jahan. A cruel famine broke out in 1900-1 ; and the following extracts from Mr. Lovat Fraser's India under Curzon and After (ch. viii, p. 263 and fol.) will give an idea of the heroulean efforts made by that noble Viceroy to assuage the rigours of famine: "At the end of July 1900, Lord Curzon, accompanied by Mr. (now Sir) Walter Lawrence and others, started in fierce heat upon another famine-tour [he was ceaselessly touring for months) through the worst districts of Guzerat, where they met Lord Northcote, the Governor of Bombay, who was also investigating conditions on the spot. It was the most critical moment of the famine. The monsoon was due and some rain had fallen, but the people swarmed on the relief works, and the cholera had been raging. In more than one camp visited by the Viceroy the sufferers were still dying from cholera. While the tour was in progress, the rain set in heavily, and the whole region was changed into a slough." One extract from an account of a visit to a famine camp under these conditions, must suffice as a type of several such visits. It describes a halt at Dohad in the Panch Mahals on the 1st August: "Fine rain was falling when the Viceroy started on horseback. The drizzle increased steadily to a downpour. The roads were in a frightful state, and the horses had difficulty in keeping their feet. A scramble over the bund and a tramp through the gluey mud brought the visitors to the camp .. .. In spite of the weather & complete tour of the camp was made .... Wet to the skin, the party prepared to return, etc." • The cost of the famine to the Indian Exchequer was very great. The amount expended in direct relief was £6,670,000. A further sum of £1,585,000 was spent in loans and advances to landholders and cultivators, and only half this sum was ever recovered. Land

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revenue was remitted to the extent of £1,333,000. Subscriptions amounting to thousands of pounds were poured into India. Many noble Englishmen laid down their lives in bravely combating the evils of famine. The lives of such men indeed are the seed-and the sap-of Empire. I cannot pause to enumerate in detail the claborate measures adopted to deal with the great famine. Those interested may read a graphic account of the “Plague and Famine" in Lovat Fraser's India under Curzon and After.
It is these glaring disparities that have provoked the witty remark of an eminent French writer, M. de la Mazelière (Essai sur l'évolution de la civilisation indienne, vol. ii, p. 427): "Les adversaires de gouvernement pretendent que les famines sont beaucoup plus nom. breuses qu' autrefois. C'est prouvé par les mot : autrefois on appelait famine une famine où des centaines de milliers de gens mouraient de faim : aujourd'hui l'on dit que le Bengale et l'Oudh ont souffert d'une famine en 1900-1 alors que cette mème année la mortalité n'avait augmenté ni dans l'une ni dans l'autre province."
"In A.D. 1631-32," says Sir W. W. Hunter (History of British India, vol. II, ch. i, p. 59), "a calamity fell upon Guzerat which enables us to realise the terrible meaning of the word
famine'in India under Native rule. In A.D. 1631 a Dutch merchant reported that only eleven of the 260 families at Swally survived. He found the road thence to Surat covered with bodies decaying on the highway where they died, (there) being no one to bury them. In Surat, the great and crowded city, he could hardly see any living persons; but the corpses at the corner of the streets lay twenty together, nobody burying them. Thirty thousand had perished in the town alone. Pestilence followed famine. The President and ten or eleven of the English factors fell victims "with divers inferiors now taken into Abraham's bosom--threefourths of one whole settlement. No man could go in the streets, without giving great alms or being in danger of being murdered, for the poor people cried aloud, 'Give us sustenance or kill us.' Thus, what was once in a manner the garden of the world was turned into a wilderness." This great famine of Gujarat was known as the Satiksakal or famine of Samvat 1687 (A.D. 1631)-(Burgess' Chronology of Modern India, p. 86).
According to James Mill (History of India, vol. II, bk, iii, ch. iv, p. 329), in A.D. 1640-55 a dreadful famine resulting from several years of excessive drought prevailed throughout India and a great part of Asia, and added by its horrors to the calamities which overwhelmed the inhabitants of the Deccan. During the famine, religion had made the Hindus desert cultivation and betake themselves to supplications, penances and ceremonies pleasing to their gods. The calamities which sprung from this act of devotion may be easily imagined. A severe famine in A.D. 1646-47 adversely affected the Madura district; it is not possible to say whether the distress extended further South (The Tinnevelly Gazetteer, ch. viii, p. 247). A famine lasting several years devastated Ahmadabad in A.D. 1650 ; it was primarily caused by an extensive outbreak of cattle disease, the ravages of locusts, and pestilence. Grain was imported; and relief measures were undertaken (Loveday, History of Indian Famines, p. 165). The Madura Gazetteer records a severe famine in Madura in A.D. 1669-62 during the reign of Muttu Alakadri of the Nayakkan dynasty, when the cruel devastation of the Musulman invaders produced & severe looal famine and pestilence, in which 10,000 Christians alone are said to have perished from want (cf. Madura Gazetteer, p. 50). A terrible famine of the three great necessaries of life-grain, grass, water-called in the country tirkal or terrible famine, an account of which has been handed down in writing, occurred in Rajputana in A.D: 1661.
The long reign of Aurangzeb is disfigured by recurring famines. The court historian Khafi Khan, in his Muntakhabu'l-Lubab (Elliot and Dowson, History of India, vol. VII, p. 246 and fol.), makes the following record : "The movements of large armies through the country,

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especially in the eastern and northern parts, during the two years past (A.D. 1657-58), and scarcity of rain in some parts, had combined to make grain dear. To comfort the people and alleviate their distress, the Emperor gave orders for the remission of several taxes (a long list of them is given). But although his gracious and beneficent Majesty remitted these taxes and issued strict orders prohibiting their collection, the avaricious propensities of Jagirdars, Faujdars and Zemindars prevailed, and the regulation for the abolition of most of the imposts had no effect." The Emperor's edict remained a dead letter.
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In fairness, however, the authoritative account of Mr. James Mill-who probably derived information from other sources-of this famine of A.D. 1661 must be cited (History of India, vol. II, bk. iii, ch. iv, p. 349). "The third year of Aurangzeb's reign," writes Mr. Mill, "was visited with a great famine. The prudence of Aurangzeb, if his preceding actions will not permit us to call it his humanity, suggested to him the utmost activity of beneficence on this calamitous occasion. The rents of the husbandmen and other taxes were remitted. The treasury of the Emperor was opened without limit. Corn was distributed to the people at reduced prices. The great economy of Aurangzeb who allowed no expense for the luxury and ostentation of his court, and who managed with skill and vigilance the disbursements of the state, afforded him a resource for the wants of the people." This is high praise from a great historian who is by no means unduly biassed in favour of Aurangzeb.
The famine of A.D. 1661 was, as pointed out by Khafi Khan, partly due to war and scarcity of rain. The distress, however, continued long owing to the intolerable misgovernment. We have already seen how a rapacious civil service rendered futile even the good intentions of Aurangzeb. Add to this the imposition of a variety of new and vexatious duties upon the Hindus. A miserable, invertebrate, rack-rented peasantry; a vicious, corrupt, and rapacious civil service; and a fanatical Emperor: and you have a fairly good picture of the times. We have the testimóny of de Castro in 1662: "The Moghuls have destroyed these lands, through which cause many persons have died of famine" (Hopkins, India Old and New, p. 237); and the Portuguese now so suffered from dearth that de Castro had to raise money for relief by pawning the hairs of his beard!
Southern India was plunged at this time in those ceaseless, never-ending, dynastic wars, which were soon to be waged in the North also. The economic condition of the South had reached its nadir; and the miserable condition of the cultivators who formed the bulk of the population cannot be adequately described. In consequence of the changes introduced by the Muhammadan conquest, and the many abuses which later times had established, the share really enjoyed by the ryots was often reduced to a sixth, and but seldom exceeded a fifth. In those parts of the country where the practice of receiving rents in kind, or by a money valuation of the actual produce, still obtained, the cultivators were reduced to an equally unfavourable situation by the arbitrary demands and the contributions to which they were subjected beyond the stipulated rent. The effects of this unjust custom were considerably augmented by the common custom of Zemindars, of sub-renting their lands to farmers, who were armed with unrestricted powers of collection, and who were thus enabled to disregard, whenever it suited their purpose, the engagements they had entered into with the ryots, besides practising every species of oppression, which an unfeeling motive of selfinterest could suggest. They frequently reduced the ryots to the necessity of borrowing from money-lenders at the heavy interest of three, four, five per cent. per month.
In addition to the assessment on the lands or the shares of their produce received from the inhabitants duties were levied on inland trade, which were collected by the renters under the Zemindars. These duties, which went by the name of sayer, as they extended to grain,

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to cattle, to salt and to all the other necessaries of life, collected by corrupt, partial and extortionate agents, produced the worst effects on the state of society. Under the head of 'sayer revenue' was also included a variety of taxes, indefinite in their amount and vexatious in their nature; they consisted of imposts on houses, on the implements of agriculture, on looms, on merchants, on artificers and on the professions and castes-(Extract from the Fifth Report of the Parliamentary Committee on East India Affairs, 1813).
Famines frequently devastated Southern India at this time.
In A.D. 1675 Madura suffered from a famine after Venkaji's invasion, "which was so severe," says one of the Jesuit Missionaries "that nothing was to be met with in any direction save desolation and the silence of the tomb"; another famine in A.D. 1678, following a deluge caused by excessive rainfall on the Western Ghats; and in A.D. 1682, after the invasion of the famous Chikka Dêva Râya, king of Mysore, in despair the ministers of the State deposed their incompetent ruler Chokkanâtha in favour of his brother" (Madura Gazetteer, p. 50).
When Aurangzeb invaded the Deccan, a great famine swept over Southern India. The Seir Mutagherin (Eng. trans. Seid-Gholam-Hossein Khan, vol. IV, p. 205) alludes to it: "There is no describing the miseries they (invaders and defenders) suffered. Vast numbers of men died from mere want. To all these distresses was joined a mortality that swept away people by shoals. Numbers unable to bear hunger and famine any longer, deserted, etc." Khâfi Khan, in his Muntakhabu'-l-Lubab is mcre explicit: "The scarcity and dearness of grain and fodder was extreme, so that many men of wealth were disheartened; who can describe the position of the poor and needy? Throughout the Dakhin in the early part of this year there was a scarcity of rain when the jowar and bajra came into ear, so they dried up and perished. These products of the autumn harvest are the main support of the people of the Dakhin. Rice is the principal food of the people of Haidarabad, and the cultivation of this had been stopped by war and by scarcity of rain. ... Pestilence (waba) broke out and carried off many men. Thus great numbers of men were lost. Others unable to bear the pangs of hunger and wretchedness went over to the enemy, etc." (Elliott and Dowson, History of India, vol. III, p. 328).
Sind, where so little rain falls that the country may be said to be rainless, and is aptly called by Sir John Strachey the Egypt of India (India, p. 24), suffered as usual from drought in A.D. 1682-3, which caused some scarcity of grain (Balfour, Encyclopædia of India). The N.-W. Provinces had their turn of dearth of water and grain the following year, A.D. 1683-4 (ibid.). In A.D. 1684 a famine in Gujarat raised the price of grain in Ahmedabad to such a degree, that Shekh Muhi-'uddin, the son of the Kazi and regulator of prices, was mobbed (Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency, vol. I, part 1, p. 287). In A.D. 1687 a distress of food in Madura is recorded; it is impossible to say whether it extended further south (Tinnevelly Gazetteer, p. 247). In A.D. 1688, in the Mandu State (Punjab), during the reign of Sidh Sena, a terrible famine occurred, from which very many people died (Lepel Griffin, The Rajahs of the Punjab, p. 580). In A.D. 1690 Baroda suffered from a severe drought and dearth of grain (Balfour, Encyclopædia of India). In A.D. 1698, the Bombay Gazetteer (vol. I, part 1) records "a year of much scarcity on account of a second failure of the rain in Marwar and N. Guzerat." In A.D. 1702-4 Bombay and the Deccan suffered from scarcity of food (Loveday, History of Indian Famines); the following year famine visited the Thar and Parkar districts (Balfour, Encyclopædia of India).
The long reign of Aurangzeb came to a close on the morning of Friday, Feb. 21, 1707. It had witnessed dreadful famines 14 brought about partly by natural causes and partly by mal-administration. But the strong central authority vested in his vigorous person
14 If the account given by Nicholas Manucci in his Storia de Mogor (p. 97) is to be believed, no less than two millions of the people of the Deccan perished from drought in the opening years of the eighteenth century. Those desirous of further studying the economic conditions of India at this time may consult A Pepys of Moghul India, A.D. 1653-1708, which is an abridged edition of the voluminous work of Manucci.

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preserved.some sort of order in his heterogencous empire and gave it a modicum of prosperity. With his death the partial unity of Indian history was lost, and India reverted onoo more to her normal condition of anarchical autonomy.
According to William Crooke's calculations (Things Indian, art. "Famine", p. 207) in some regions of the North, from the middle of the sixteenth century up to A.D. 1820, there occurred no less than twenty-three famines, and also, ascording to him, in the Deccan we have records of about 25 famines in 500 years, beginning with the terrible Durga Devee of A.D. 1397-1408. But the occurrence of famine was at no time so frequent as in the period between the death of Aurangzeb and the foundation of the English Empire. The author of the Tarikh'ul-Bahadur Shahi (Elliott and Dowson, History of India, vol. VII, ch. lxxxi, p. 565) says, that "on account of the death of Aurangzeb, and in conséquence of the confusion in Hindustan, the price of grain in all the provinces remained unsettled. A long list of the prices is given; the prioes appear to have risen above thirty-two times the normal level. We can easily imagine the misery of the people!
From a letter written by Fr. Martin (10th December 1713) to Fr. de Villette, we have some vivid glimpses of a local famine which terribly harried the Marava country. The following is extracted from the Lettres Edifiantes et Curieuses, vol. II, p. 451 (edited by M. L. Aimé. Martin, Paris, 1840): “On the 18th December 1709, all the tanks were full of water, when there came a hurricane called by the people Perumpugal. It began at 7 a.m. with violent rain from the north-east. It lasted till 4 o'clock, when the wind subsided. But, before sunset, it began again from the south-east with etill more fury. The waters, being pushed by the wind against the dykes, struck against them with so much violence that they broke in many places. Then the water of the tanks, joining the torrents caused by the storm, caused a general flooding of the land, which uprooted all the rice around and covered the countryside with sand. The loss of the harvests was added to that of the cattle, which were drowned together with the tribes. As this inundation happened during the night, several thousands of persons perished. In one place a hundred corpses were found, carried down by the current. A Christian showed me a large tree, upon which he had climbed along with twenty-six other Indians. There they remained the whole night and the following days. Two of them fell down through exhaustion and were carried away by the torrent . . . . Some time after, I crossed a grove of tamarind trees .... Nearly all of them had been thrown down leaving their roots high up in the air . . . . Most unfortunate were the consequences. Famine broke out worse than ever, and the mortality was so universally spread that several thousands of men were compelled to migrate into the kingdoms of Madura and Tanjore adjoining the Marava country."16
Fr. de Bourgos (Lettres Edifiantes et Curieuses, vol. II, p. 624), in a letter dated 25th November 1718, observes: "The pecuniary help received from France this year has been very useful. For & whole year famine has been doing great havoc here. There was no governmental relief, since anarchy and chaos alone rule this country.” Want of space prevents me from printing an interesting letter of Fr. Le Caron to his sisters, dated 20th November 1720 (Lettres Edifiantes et Curieuses, p. 574), which gives us & vivid account of these anarohioal pre-British times. It cannot be sufficiently emphasised that it is difficult for us enjoying, for an unbroken period of one hundred and fifty years, political unity, assured peace (bringing easy intercourse) and the Reign of Law under the British Raj, to grasp the central notion that pre-British India never enjoyed for a considerable period
18 Such emigrations caused by famines were frequent in pre- British times," says Mr. V. M. Nagam Aiyar in his Report on the census of Travancore (p. 654), "the bulk of the Nambudri Brahmins-colonists of Malabar-came from the region between the Krishna and the Godavari rivers constantly devastated in the past by long droughts and severe famines" (quoted by V. Gopal Iyer, The Chronology of Ancient India, part 1, ch. ii, p. 123).

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these three blessings. Liberty, as we understand it now, never-I deliberately use the wordexisted in pre-British India, and of course democratic government was a thing unknown. It may be that democratic government was not repugnant to Hindu genius, but it was never tried on a large scale or for a considerable period. The country was generally administered by a cruel, rapacious autocracy whose last care was the welfare of the people. A vivid grasp of these facts alone will enable us to study aright the early history of Indian famines.
The Tanjore district suffered from a great famine in A.D. 1730 (vide Father Beschi's Times and Writings, by Rev. L. Besse, S.J.). The annual letter of the Jesuits of 1729, dated 26th August 1730, and written by Fr. Vincent Guerreiro, speaks at length of the Tanjore district, then under the care of Father Beschi, S.J. In the kingdom of Tanjore, although the paddy orop was abundant, the famine which prevailed in the country around was felt, because the merchants had sent rice to the adjoining kingdom, even going as far as Cape Comorin in order to sell it at a higher rate. The number of famished people who flooked thither from every quarter, rendered the famine still more terrible. In the royal town called Mabadevipatnam, the number of the dead was so great, that the corpses had to be loaded on carts at public expense and buried in large pits dug at a distance from the town. But these trenches were soon filled up, and those who had been entrusted with this task, seeing that they were unable to cope with the work, gave it up. The dead were lying unburied in the fields, on the public places along the roads and thoroughfares. “Here is an incident," writes Fr. Beschi," which has been told me by one who witnessed it. It is hardly credible. A dog ate uncooked rice, and unable to digest it, rejected it undigested. A poor man seeing this, took the rioe, oarefully washed it, and eagerly devoured it."
So great was the multitude of those who came from Marava to sell their children for a trifle, that in certain towns it was found necessary to publish an edict forbidding the further buying of slaves (Fr. Beschi's Times and Writings, ch. xv, p. 88 and fol.)
In a letter written by Fr. Bernard Biscoping, we read that a terrible famine raged among the West Coast Christians in A.D. 1728, and yet Malabar was usually free from that scourge. The factors of Tellicherry reoorded of this famine, in their diary, that “there was extraordinary scarcity of rice. The factory stock was reduced to barely a month's stook. There was none to be had at Mangalore, where parents were selling their children to obtain food, and the factory doors were daily besieged by crowds of starving men, women and children" (Gazetteer of the Malabar and Anjengo districts, ch. viii, p. 271).
The civil wars of A.D. 1732-33, coupled with lack of rains, caused a cruel famine in the southern districts. A plague also made its appearance in the shape of pestilential fevers. Towns were depopulated and set on fire, the cattle carried away, the crops out down. When ever any harvest had been gathered and put aside, the soldiery made such inroads that nothing remained for the poor people to live upon. On that account crowds of Madura people from the Madura country, destitute of everything, migrated into the neighbouring kingdom (Fr. Beschi's Times and Pritings, ch. xv, p. 88 and fol.).
From a letter of Father Saignes to Madame de Hyacinthe, dated 3rd June 1736 (Lettres Edifiantes et Curieuses, vol. II, p. 636), we can gather a fairly clear idea of the extreme misery that prevailed in Southern India at this time : “The extreme misery, which for the last two years has been general in the whole Carnatic, took away from us numbers of Christians. During these two years, not a drop of rain fell here. The wells, tanks, and even some rivers were empty. Rice and other grains were soorohed by the excessive drought in the country

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side, and for these poor people nothing was so common as to spend one or two days without eating anything. Whole families, forsaking their villages, used to go into the woods to feed, like animals, upon wild fruit, leaves of trees, herbs and roots. Those that had children sold them for one measure of rice; others who could not see how to sell them, seeing them dying of hunger, poisoned them, to shorten their miseries. A man came to me one day and told me: We are all dying of starvation. Either give me something to eat, or I am going to poison my wife and my five children, after which I will poison myself.' You will understand that under such circumstances we readily sacrifice our own selves."
Fr. Tremblay (Lettres Edifiantes et Curieuses, p. 661) gives a vivid account of the famine in A.D. 1737 which lasted for two years : "It is impossible for me to speak of the sights of misery I was given to witness. Suffice it to say I saw a repetition of what is related in the Sacred Book of Christian Scripture of the sieges of Samaria and Jerusalem. From the outset, as the princes and nobles and ministers monopolised for themselves all the rice kept in stock in both towns and villages, the people were reduced to the utmost wretchedness." Fr. Tremblay's letter shows that there was neither protection by the Government, nor protection against the Government in these anarchical times.
Meanwhile, in the North, there was, as has been already pointed out, utter confusion and ceaseless internecine warfare. The weak puppets who .oocu pied the throne of Aurangzeb, were unable to check the rapid dissolution of the Moghul Empire. The battle of Panipat in January 1761 set the seal on its final dissolution. The old autocratic. oorrupt, vicious and unpopular Muhammadan regime was replaced by British rule. The house of Babar had accomplished the cycle of its existence, and the sceptre of India was about to pass into other hands. With the tragedy of Panipat, which ushers in a new era of Indian history, our brief account of early Indian famines may be fittingly closed.
This brief study of the early history of Indian famines establishes the fact, beyond the slightest doubt, that famines were far more frequent and destructive in former centuries than at present. This dis-illusionment must check the temptation to overstate the economic evils of our age and to ignore the existence of similar and worse evils in earlier ages. Pessimistic descriptions of our own age, combined with romantic exaggerations of the past, can only tend to the setting aside of methods of progress which, if slow, are yet solid; and to the hasty adoption of others of greater promise, but which resemble the potent medicines of a charlatan, and while quickly effecting a little good, sow the seeds of widespread and lasting decay.
Additional Note.
By L M ANSTEY. ACCOUNT OF A FAMINE IN AND AROUND PATNA, IN A.D. 1671, BY JOHN MARSHALL. 16
(Extracts from Harleian MS. 4254 in the British Museum.) 1 June 1670. The Raines in the year 1670 at Pattans came in in June the first. The 6th of June 1671 being Tuesday the Raines came in Pattana.
Famine in Pattana 1671. In latter end of May 1671 there dyed of Famine in Pattana about 100 persons dayly and had so for three or four months, corne was then (vizt) Wheate
- 16 John Marshall was entertained as a factor in the E. I. Co.'s service in Jan. 1668. He served the Company in Patna, Hugli and Kasimbazar until Nov. 1676, when he was appointed Chief at Balasor, where he died, in Sept. 1677. Ho recorded his experience in India from 1668 to 1672 in a MS, entitled Notes and Oberpations of East India.

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21 Rupees per Maund, Barley 2 Rupees, Rice fine 4 Rupees, Ditto Course 21 Rupees, Beefe 1} Rupees, Goat flesh 2 Rupses, Butter or Gee 71 Rupees, Oyle 7 Rupees per Maund which consists of eighty lb. English Averde poiz.
June the 19th we came to Pattana from Singee. I see upon one peece of sand about the middle way betwixt the City and the River about 32 or 33 Persons ly dead within about 10 yards compas from the middle of them, and so many by the River side that could not come on shore but by very many dead corps, also aboundance upon the sand besides, now Rice fine 4 Rupees per Maund, beeing a little while since 4 rupees 7 annas being somtbing cheaper. Wood for fireing 41 maund per Rupee, Hens 5 and chickens 8 per Rupee ; tis reported that since the begining of October there have died of Famine in Pattana and the Suburbs about 20000 Persons, and there cannot in that time have gone fewer from the City than 150000 persons, the corps in the river generally lie with their backs upward, great number of Slaves to be bought for 4 annas and 8 annas per peece, and good ones for 1 rupee per peece, but they are exceeding leane when bought, and if they eat but very little more than ordinary of rice or eat any flesh, butter or any strong meat, their faces, hands, and feet and codds swell immediately exceedingly, so that tis esteemed enough to give them at first seer of rice, and those very leane seer per day to be eaten at twice. The Famine reachcth from 3 or 4 days jorney beyond Bonarres [Benares] to Rojamaul [Rajmahal], the most of the poore that go hence go to Dacca for viotualls, though there is thought to be great quantities of Rice in these parts, yet through the Nabobs roguery heere is a Famine, and also somthing from the drynes of the last yeere.
The Rains at Pattana came in in 1671 upon the 6th June and rained every day till July 11th.
In Pattana about 23th July there dyed about 260 or 300 Persons Dayly of Famine in and about the City of Pattana, Rice being 5 Rupees per Maund best sort. I have examined some dying of Famine who told me that within their bodies they were hot, but without cold, espically on their Bally and privy parts. They are very thirsty and hungry, and so feeble they can neither go nor stand nor scarce stirr any joint. They have no pain in their head, but & great one in their Navill. Their urin is very red and thick like blood, and excrement like water, which runs often from them, but but little at a time. I examined one woman immediately before shee died.
In June 1671 the Raines continued from 6th June, and not one fare day till August, except 1lth and 30th July.
August 1671. Before the Famine there were 4000 houses inhabited in Hodgipore Hajipur and but now 1800 inhabited, and out of them many have dyed.
In Pattana in 1671 August 8th, nowdy dayly here of Famine two or three hundred persons in City and Suburbs, rioe now 7 seer per Rupee or 5 rupees 11 annas per Maund of best sort and sometimes none to be bought nor bread in the Bazar. In the Gaut by our Factory which was not 4 yards round about (as I conoeive) lay 50 dead corps which I could tell which were driven thether in about 2 dayes time, and Mr. Nurse saith that the day after he counted 152 dead corps in ditto place. Abundance are every day drove to the side of the River, though the most persons of quallity hire Hollolcores to carry them into the middle of a river with a string, and carries them into the middle of the river and then cuts the string, and so lets them drive down with the stream. Notwithstanding there was 50 dead corps in the Gaut by our Factory, yet the Gaut was seldome without a great many women who take up water by the dead corps and drink it, and dress their victualls with it.

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August 5th 1671 and 7th ditto was no raine, which have been the only days without raine (except two before), since the 8th of June. Upon the 7th ditto two merchants in Pattana threw themselves into a common well and drowned themselves. Now a terrible sad cry of poor in the Bazzar.
August 12th. Rice fine 6 seer per Rupee or 6 rupees 104 annas per Maund, no course rice to be bought, wheat now 10 seer per Rupee or 4 Rupees per Maund. Some dayes neither rice nor bread to be bought in the Bazar.
August 20th 1671. Now Rioe in Pattana 5 seer per Rupee or 8 rupees per Mauind and very scarce to be bought for that price.
September the 15th 1671. In Pattana Rice was 8 Seer per Rupee, but Course, 12 Seer Goats flesh and 24 of Beefe per Rupee.
Such was the laziness of workmen in the time of Famine, That in the time of making one Casmeer boat for the Company, Six of the Carpenters died of Famine.
In Pattana and the Suburbs died in 14 months last past, ending 6th Nov., 1671, of the Famine 135400 Persons, an Account thereof being taken out of the Coatwalls Chabootry.
November the 17th 1671. Then came in the cold weather in Pattana aftor a little storme and raine.
I received [11th December 1671] an Act in writing out of the Coatwalls Chabootree wherein was writ that in the twelve months last past there had died in Pattana and the Suburbs of the Famine 103000 Persons (Vizt.) 50000 Mussulmen and 53000 Hindoos which were taken notice of in their bookes of Reoords.
December 26th. I received an exact account from the Coatwall Chabootry, to which give credit, that in twelve months, ending 22th November last, being 354 dayes, there dyad in Pattana and the Suburbs of the Famine 15644 Mussulmen to whom the Nabob gave cloth to cover them when were buried, having no friends to bury them, dying in the Streets, and tis thought 2500 dyed in the skirts of the towne in their houses, or where might be buried by some of their relations which were not reckoned, in all 18144, and tis supposed four times as many Hindoos died as Musselmen which were 72576, which, with the 18144, make in all 90720; and the townes near Pattana, some are quite depopulated, having not any persons in them. In one towne, about 3 Coss west from Pattana, where were 1000 houses inhabited, are now but 300, and in them not above four or five hundred Persons, the rest being dead. This Account I received from Mamood-herreef (Mahmud Sharif).
THE ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE BRAHMA VIDYA.
BY DR. NARENDRA NATH LAW, M.A., B.L., PH.D. The origination of the Brahma-vidyd is attributed by Deussen, followed by other western scholars, to the Kşattriyas from whom, in their opinion, the Brahmanas learnt it in later times. Their reasons for holding such an opinion are perhaps two :
1. The Brahmaņas who had been the originators and supporters of the karma-kanda of the Vedic samhitds and brdhmanas could not consistently and in view of their self-interest, be the originators of the jnana-kända of the Upanishads, in other words, the Brahma-vidya. So much occupied were they with rituals and ceremonies that the Brahma-vidyd could not possibly find a place in their thoughts.
II. There are narratives in the Upanishads themselves, the matrix of the Brahmavidya, describing a tow Brahmaqas as learning the subject from particular Kşattriyas.

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The opinion does not however appeal to me as sound for these reasons :
(1) In spite of the apparent conflict between the karma-kanda and the jñana-kanda, wo find the one leading to the other by reason of the connected purposes subserved by them in the scheme of life of the Vedic Hindus. The rituals and sacrifices are meant mostly for Hindus in the second stage of life (the grihasthas), after which two other stages of life are presented culminating in karma-sannyása, when rituals are discarded, and the mental cogitation of brahma takes their place. The pre-vanaprastha stages with their rituals serve as a preparation for the last two stages of life, viz., the vanaprastha and the yati with their gradually increasing emphasis on the jñana-kânda. That the karma-kânda and the jñana-kânda aro not meant to be antagonistic to each other, or mutually exclusive, is found from the fact that the idea of Brahma is found in the Vedic works on rituals from the Rig Veda downwards.
The attempt to find a unity behind the multiplicity of the Vedio gods, to discover an allcomprehending first principle, makes its appearance as early as the hymn of the Rig Veda, and is there linked with the names of Prajapati, Vigvakarman, and Puruşa. It is first in the Satapatha Brahmana that we find the neuter Brahman exalted to the position of the supremo principle which is the moving force behind the gods. 1
Again one of the principal objects of the performance of the sacrifices was the obtaining of wealth, power, and other means of enjoyment in this and the next world. But side by side with these are found in the ritual books, the Brahmanas, other sacrifices in which the celebrants had to renounce the world, e.g., the Sarva-mêdha.
The references to the last stage of life (third and fourth stages combined) in the Vedio works on the karma-kända, without any disapproval of the same, show that the entrance to a stage of life in which the rituals were on the way to be gradually dis. carded, was not antagonistic to their objects. Had it been so, the works on rituals would have disapproved of the third stage, or laid down injunctions for the prosecution of a ritual. istic course of life up to the end of its span, to the rigid exclusion of the jñana-kanda. But far from that being the case, we find kings like Janaka, one of the supposed originators and propagators of the Brahma-vidya, performing a big sacrifice at the very time when he had the discussion with Yajnavalk ya regarding brahma; and similarly we find the king Asvapati about to perform a sacrifice when the Brahmanas went to him for hearing from him more about brahma than Aruni knew. It is therefore not correct to suppose that brahma-vidyd had its origin outside the karma-kûnda, and from the brains of the Kşattriyas alone, and that it had its birth in a spirit antagonistic to the jñidna-kanda. This wrong idea has most probably arison from the fact that the early Jainas and Buddhists, many of whom were Knattriyas, including Mahavira and Buddha, and whose religions were but offshoots of the iñana-kânda with changes or additions of their own, were hostile to the Brâhmanas and their karma-kanda ; and the spirit in which they preached their doctrines has been sup. posed to pervade the Upanishads, and has been read into the passages that treat of the Brahma-vidya.
(2) The Upanishads contain narratives in which Brahmaņas figure as learners from the Kşattriyas; but the conclusion they point to has to be read in the light of faots lost sight of by Deussen and others.
Among the Ksattriyas, Janaka, king of Videha, had the highest reputation as a master of the Brahma-vidya ; but yet the self-same king considered Yâjsavalkya as having a greater
1 ERE., vol. II, pp. 798, 799; Rig Veda, I, 164, 45; III, 9, 9; 9. Br., XIII, 6, 2, 7; XI, 2, 3, 1. 1 9. Br., 13, 7, 1: San. Sr. S. 16, 15, 0-6; 16, 15, 23; 16, 16, 3-8.
3 The subject has been treated in my article "The Antiquity of the Four Stages of Life", which will be published shortly in this Journal,

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mastery over the subject, and listened to lectures on the subject from that erudite Brahmana.4 Previously, Janaka had also learnt portions of the subject from various. Brahmana âcâryas, viz., Jitva, Udanka, Barku, Gardabhîvipita, Satyakâma, and Vidagdha. King Jânašruti was at great pains in searching for the Brahmana Raikva to learn the Brahma-vidya from him. King Brihadratha of the Ikshvâku race learnt the same vidya from the Brahmaṇa ascetic Sâkâyana.
Besides these instances of Kṣattriyas learning the Brahma-vidya from the Brahmanas, we find in the Upanishads, the names of many Brahmanas, who handed down the science from generation to generation, and these Brahmaņas were far larger in number than the few Kṣattriya kings versed in that science.
[SEPTEMBER, 1923
Now let us scan the narratives which are relied upon as supporting the view that the Kṣattriyas were the originators and teachers of the Brahma-vidya. We find in the Satapatha-Brahmana that Janaka said more on Agnihotra than Svetakêtu, Somasusma, and Yajnavalkya knew; but this concerned Agnihotra and not the Brahma-vidya."
Again, Pravahana Jaivali, a Kṣattriya, gave evidence of greater knowledge than Silaka and Dalbhya in the Chandogya,8 but this knowledge was of Saura-vidya which belonged rather to the karma-kânda. Again, according to the Brihadaranyaka and the Chandogya Upanishads, the aforesaid Kṣattriya as king of Pañcâla silenced Svetakêtu by putting to him five questions, none of which Svetakêtu could answer; and when Svetakêtu's father Uddalaka Aruni came to the king to hear on the subject, the latter said that it was unknown to the Brahmanas. The subject is called Pañcâgni-vidyd. Considering its subject-matter, it cannot be said that it was Brahma-vidyd proper, for it treats of the paths, along which men depart after death, and so forth. Ignorance of these matters cannot be taken as ignorance of the Brahma-vidyd on the part of the Brahmanas. Moreover, it was not reasonable for Jaivali on silencing Svetakêtu to question him "How could any body who did not know these things say that he had beenf vlly instructed ?"10 for if no Brahmana had knowledge of the subject, Svetakêtu came within the rule, and could not be said to have been without proper education merely because of his ignorance of a matter not known to the Brahmanas generally; nor can it be said that no Brahmana before Pravahana Jaivali had complete education, because they were not taught the matter. If this passage be taken as mere bluff, or an insult to Svetakêtu, it cannot be taken in its literal sense, and Jaivali really expected from Svetakêtu the knowledge of a matter, which was known to every well-educated Brahmana or Kṣattriya. The later passage, therefore, addressed to Svetaketu's father, viz., "this know. ledge did not go to any Brahmana before you, and therefore this teaching belonged in all the worlds to the Ksatra class alone" cannot also be accepted in its literal import.
Br. Up., IV, 2.
Maitra. Up., 1 ff.
Five Brahmana householders and theologians named Prachinasala, Satyayajña, Indradyumma, Jana and Budila came once to Uddalaka Aruņi to learn Vaisvanara-vidyd from him. Aruņi, diffident as to the fulness of his knowledge of the subject, took them to the king, Asvapati Kaikeya, who was also studying the subject. From this it is evident that both Arupi and Asvapati were studying the subject independently of each other, and the inference that it was at first the monopoly of the Ksattriyas does not find support from the narrative. 11
6
8 Chan. Up., I, 8, ff.
10 Chân. Up. (SBE.), V, 3, 4.
5 Ibid., IV, 1.
7 S. Br., 11, 6, 2, 5; Br. Up., 4, 3, 1.
Br. Up., VI, 2, 1 ff; Chân. Up., V, 3, 1 ff. Chân Up, 5, 11 ; cf. 8. Br., X, 6, 1.
11

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A narrative in the Brihadaranyaka Upanishadla relates that once a Brahmana youth named Balâki osme to king Ajâtajatrn of Kaši to speak to him regarding Brahma. Whet Bâlâki said did not meet with the king's appreciation, and therefore Bâlâki requested the king to teach him the subject afresh. The king replied that it was opposed to practice that # Brâhmana should aska Ksattriya to teach him the brahma-vidya. This akhyayikå also does not support the conclusion that the Kshattriyas were the originators and first teachers of the brahma-vidya ; for it was the Brahmaņa youth Bâlâki who proposed at first to speak to the king on the subject. Harl the vidya been the exclusive possession of the Kyattriyas, it would not have been possible for him to know it or to propose to teach it to the king 13 Again, the king's reply that it was opposed to practice that a Brahmana should learn the Erahma-vidya from a Kşattriya also points to an inference not compatible with the opinion regarding the Kşattriyas' monopoly of that branch of learning.
Though the point may not be established from the above narratives that the Kşattri. yas were the originators of the Brahma-vidya, it is however clear that the aforesaid Kşattriya kings were learned and promoters of learning. Erudite Brâhmaņas used to visit their court at times, and were rewarded for giving evidence of scholarship, or for defeating their opponents in debates ; when the number of these visitors diminished, king Ajátasatru of Kasi expressed disappointment, as king Janaka was more fortunate in the matter. Sometimes, conferences of the erudite, or the spiritually elevated, were called in connexion with the sacrifices held by them, as king Janaka did.14 These meetings of learned men offererl the kings opportunities of acquiring knowledge on diverso subjects, from scholars of diverse lands. It was perhaps for this reason that among the Kşattriyas, only the kings have been men tioned in the Upanishads as having knowledge of the Brahma-vidya. A king by learning certain points from a Brâhmana visitor could use that knowledge for testing, or defeating in argument, another Brahmana who had not had the opportunity of knowing them. Henco we cannot draw the inference, from the instance of a king defeating a Brâhmana in debate, that all the Brâhmanas were ignorant of the subject on which he was silenced. We find instances of a king silencing learned Brâhmaņas in discussions regarding rituals. This cannot, like the examples in respect of the Brahma-vidya, lead to the conclusion that the Keattriyas monopolized the ritual lore. • It appears to me probable that the aforesaid narratives in the Upanishads are meant in many cases to point to certain requisites, without which the acquisition of the Brahmavidyd could not be complete. The need of humility in one who thinks himself a master of all knowledge is brought out in the akhyayika relating to Svêtaketu. He was stabdha (loth to speak), and anúcánamáni (puffed up with the idea that he was well-read) when he met his father after completing his education. His inability to answer the questions put to him by his father disconcerted him.16 Similarly, the conceited pandits at Janak a's court were humiliated by Yajžavalk ya 16 Dripta (arrogant) Balak i came to teach Ajátasatru, but was bound, on account of the insufficiency of his knowledge, to listen to the latter's discourso on Brahma 17 Even when Janaka thought, at the approach of Yâjsavalkya, that the latter had come to have information from him on abstruse points, he was also shown that his know. ledge was not complete, and hence he submitted to acquire the necessary knowledge from the great Brâhmana theologian 18
Though Nárada had read all the works comprised in a long list, he could not master the Brahma-vidya propor. This shows that mere book learning was not enough for the pušpose, but the knowledge of the self was necessary.19 12 Br. Up., II, 1. 13 Ibid., III, 1, 1.
14 Ibid., II, 1, I. 16 , Chân. UP, VI, 1. 16 B:. Up., III, 1.
17 Ibid., II, 1. 18 Ibid., IV, I, 1.
19 Chan. Up., VII, 1, 3.

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It is supposed that the fact of the origin of the Brahmi-vidyd from tho Kşattriyas was so widely known that their inability to conceal it has compelled them to incorporato the narratives in the Upanishads in spite of their unwillingness to do so. But the question may be asked," why the lists of teachers of Brahma-vidya appearing in the Brihadaranyaku Upanishad20 do not contain the names of Janaka, Ajậtasatru, Asvapati, Pravahana Jaiveli and so forth. A similar list in the Mundakopanishad mentions only the names of Brâhmanas a teachers of the Brahma-vidyd.21 If it be supposed that the names of the Kşattriya teachers of the Brahma-vidyd have been purposely eliminated by the Brâhmaņas, it remains inexplicable why they should incorporate the narratives which recorded the cases of humiliation of Brahmaņas by Kşattriyas.
Sir G. A. Grierson states in the Encyclopædia of, Religion and Ethics (vol. 2, p. 540) that according to the Bhagavata Purana (il, xxi, 26), even Kapila, the founder of the Sânkhya system, was descended from a Râ jarşi and was therefore a Kşattriya.' If we examine the statement closely, it is found to be altogether erroneous. Though Kapila's mother Devahûti was the daughter of Manu of ihe Ksattriya caste, his father was the Brâhmana Kardama (Bhagavala, III, xxii, 2-3). The Manusamhita (X, 6) lays down that %sons, begotten by twiceborn men on wives of the next lower castes, they declare to be similar to their fathers, but) blamed on account of the fault inherent) in their mothers.' Pursuant to this rule, Kapila would follow the caste of his father Kardama, i.e., would be a Brahmana. It is also wellknown that the descendants of Arundhati, who was the daughter of Kardama and Devahûti and was married to Vagiştha, were Brâhmaņas, e.g., Sakti, Paragara, Vyâsa. Hence Kapila was a Brahmana and not a Kşattriya. The figures in the Puranas that tend to mislead one on this point are, for instance, Dhřitaraş tra and Pându (sons of Vyâsa), Asmaka (son of Damayanti by Vašiştha (see Bhagavata, IX, ix, 39)]. The deviations from the rule that the caste of the son follows that of the father take place for the reason, that the sons in these instances are Ksétraja.
It is put forward as an argument in favour of the Kşattriya origin of the Brahma-vidyd that it has been named Raja-vidya.22 The expression is found in the passage raja-vidya rdjaguhyam pavitramidamultamam. The expression raja-vidya has been interpreted as a vidya originated by the Kşattriyas. But the next expression rajaguhyam shows the application of that sense of rajan to be out of place, and therefore, the passage cannot yield the meaning sought to be drawn from it by those who believe in the Kşattriya origin of the Brahma-vidya.
THE PROPOSED ILLUSTRATED MAHABHARATA.
BY H. G. RAWLINSON. I am sorry to disagree with the views put forward by Sir Richard C. Temple, Bt, in ante, vol. LII, p. 41 ff., on the above subject. I do not see why we should be any more
safe in going to the Ajanta frescos, which represent life in the Deccan in the seventh century A.C., to illustrate the Mahabharata or Ramayana than we should be, say, in utilising the Bayeux tapestries to illustrate a work on the Wars of the Roses Modern Indian art is corrupt beyond redemption. The hideous productions of the school of the late Ravi Varma (oleograph copies of which, alas, are found in almost every home in Western India) are striking examples of this. As for the work of some of our newer Indian artists, trained in Western schools of art, which are in so much request for book-illustrations, they are graceful cnough, but they no more represent ancient India than pageants like “Cairo" represent incient Egypt. A little more may be said for our Indian prae-Raphaelites of Bengal, but they are artificial and self-conscious and lack spontaneity. Why not go backto the magnificent
20 Br. Up., II, 6; IV, 6. 31 Mund. Up., I, I. 39 Bhagavad-Gita, XI, 2.

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work of the older Indian artists of Rajputana and the Punjab! Here we have indigenous Indian drawing and painting at its zenith, uncontaminated by Western contact, representing the scenes as Indian draughtsmen of the best period imagined them. As an example, take the superb illustrations of the Nala-Damayanti episode in Dr. Ananda Coomara-Swamy's Indian Drawings, vol. II, plates vi-x. Could anything be more suitable for the purpose ? There must be many more similar Indian drawings and paintings available in the various collections. I should suggest that those in charge of the work of bringing out this edition of the Mahabharata should consult Dr. Coomara-Swamy, who would, I am sure, be happy to assist them with his advice.
A NOTE ON THE HALA AND PAILAM MEASURES IN GUJARAT.
BY SHAMS-UL-ULMA JIVANJI JAMSHEDJI MODI, B.A., PR.D., C.I.E. In ante, vol. LII, p. 18, there is an article by Mahamahopadhyaya Vidyavinod Padmanath Bhattacharyya, headed "Notes on Hala and Pailam in & Gujarat copper-plate grant." Therein, the author says that (a) the word håld has remained unexplained, and that (b)-he believes that the hal measure may yet be found to exist in Gujarat. I beg to give in this brief note the information desired.
In my occasional visits to Naosari in Gujarat, I have heard the word hard, which seems to be the same as hala, used as a measurement of grain. On inquiring from a friend, Mr. Edalji Navrojee Mehta at Naosari, I learn that- the measure is still used there. There, forty (40) seers make one maund, and seven (7) maunds make one hard. Thus the word hard is used now as a measure for grain, but not for land.
That hård is used as a measure of corn in Kathiawar also, appears from the following table, which I find in Mr. Nanabhoy Bejanji Karani's book let of tables for schools, under the heading, p. 17, of $1812191541 442191 4:4913131
૪ ગડીઆણું એટલે ૧ પવાલું ૨ મિહલા એટલે ૧ એસીઉં ૪ પવાલાં - ૧ પાલી | ૨ ચાસીઓ
૧ હારે. YA » 1714 26121
1394 ૫ માં"
» HS go $44e1 » 1331 ૨ સઈ
41841 As to the literal meaning of the word hala or hard, I think it means the measure of grain that is produced by the use of a hal or plough." A plough and a pair of bullocks were roughly estimated to be able to cultivate a certain quantity of land, varying according to quality." The tax or coss on this cultivation was known as hál-vera, i.e., plough-cess. It seems, therefore, that at one time formerly, the word hala or hård was also used as a ineasure for land and signified an area which could be cultivated by a hal or plough and produced a hârd of grain.
The word keddra of Sylhet, twelve of which make up a hala there, may be, I think, the same as a keyara or keyari of Gujarat where it means "a part of the field surrounded by embankments." It has no fixed definite measure.
As to the word Pailam, I think it is the same as pallu or pallo (MEI) of Gujarat. I remember having heard it in my boyhood in Gujarat, but I am told that it is not used now at Naosari. It consisted of six and a half (6) maunds.
1 The Land Revenue of Bombay, by Alexander Rogers (1892), vol. I, p. 88.

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THE HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAH KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR. By Lieut..COLONEL WIR WOLSELEY HAIG, K.C.I.E., C.S.I., C.M.G., C.B.E.
(Continued from page 162.) CIIL-AN ACCOUNT OF THE TREACHERY OF MIRZA Khin, WHICH LED TO THE MURDER OF
HUSAIN NIZAM SHY, A GENERAL MASSACRE OF ALL THE FOREIGNERS, AND THE DOMINATION OF JAMIL KHAN, AND THE REBELLIOUS SECT OF THE MAHDavis.
As God had willed that Husain Nizâm Shah should fall, so the king's devotion to debauchery and lascivious pleasures, his neglect of his duties as king, and his passion for low company, estranged from him the hearts of the people, and as it had been decreed by fate that the conquering şahib Qiran302 should reign over the kingdom of Hindůstan and cast the shadow of his justice and clemency on the heads of the afflicted people of the Dakan, the power necessarily departed from Husain Nizam Shah, and since God had removed the glance of His kindness and compassion from the Sayyids, Maulavis, and the people of Ahmadnagar, he left them to their evil de vices until they ventured on rebellion and earned by their ill deeds severe punishment.
When the quarrel between Mirza Khân and Ankas Khan increased in intensity, Mirza Khan proposed to the Khânkhanan, who was one of his intimates, that he should cultivate the friend. ship of Ankas Khân, invite him to a banquet at his house and try to ruin his honour, in order that he might fall from the royal favour. The foolish Khân khânán acted on the suggestion of Mirza Khân, made friends with Ankas Khan, invited him one night to a feast at his house, and spent the night with him in pleasure. The next day Mirza Khan reported to Husain Nigam Shah something of what had passed the night before at the Khân khânân's house, using enigmatical language. Husain Nizam Shah, much surprised, asked the Khånkhanan what the truth of the matter was. The foolish Khân khânán preserved a silence which was equivalent to many corroborations, and the king, becoming angry, turned from them to Ankas Khan and began to reproach him. How much soever Ankas Khân tried to prove the falsehood of Mirza Khân's words, in order to free himself from the imputation which had been cast upon him, he failed to convince the king, and after this quarrel a bitter enmity sprang up between Mirza Khan and Ankas Khân and all the Foreigners, 303 and Mirza Khan and Ankas Khân began to seek to compass each other's downfall. Husain Nizam Shah, having regard to Ankas Khan's former services and to the love which he had borne him, preferred him before Mirza Khan and began to consider how he could bring about Mirza Khan's downfall. Ankas Khan bethought himself of a plan and unfolded it to the king. He proposed that he should give a banquet which the king should honour with his presence, and that a trusty band of armed men should be concealed and should spring out at a given signal and seize Mirza Khan, and thus put an end to his turbulence. On Wednesday, Jamadi-ul-Awwal 12 (March 18, A.D. 1589), Husain Nizam Shah honoured Ankas Khân by attending a banquet given at his house, and the Khankhanan, Jamshid Khan, Sayyid Murtaza and all the principal amirs and officers were there also. As Mirza Khan was approaching the house he learnt of the arrangement which had been made, and on the pretext of pains in the stomach returned home and contrived to warn the Khân khânån and Sayyid Murtaza of what was intended. Sayyid Murtard took ma'jún and foigned sickness, 304 lay down and uttered naught but sighs and groans. The Khân khânån attacked Ankas Khan with bitter words and took Sayyid Murtaza away from the assembly. When they reached the neighbourhood of the fort they sent for Mirza
303 Burhan Nizam II.
303 The author's meaning is obsouro here. He intends to say that Mirza Khan was at the head of the Foreign, and Ankas Khân at that of the Dakani, party.
304 Firishta says (ii, 390) that it was not Sayyid Murtaza, but his father, Aqá Mir Shirvani, who feignod sickness. Ma'jún was an electuary, largely composed of opium.

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Khan and then they sent a messenger to Husain Nizam Shah saying that Sayyid Murtaza Was very sick and that a bath would do him more good than physic. They asked permission to take him to the bath in tho fort, as he might perhaps get better there, and recover from his sickness. The good natured prince gave these traitors leave to come into the fort and to the bath, and appointed Ankas Khan to look after them, in order that they might be at ease.
Mirza Khan and the Khân khanan took Sayyid Murtaza into the fort and placed a guard of their own trusty men over the gate of the fort, and when Husain Nizam Shah returned from Ankas Khan's house they waited on him and told him that Sayyid Murtaza was only just breathing, but that if he would deign to visit the sick man it was possible that he might obtain fresh life. The simple minded king, ignorant of his enemies' guile and trusting to their word, entered the fort. They had previously ordered their own men, whom they had set over the gate, to admit none but the king and a very few of his immediate attendants, so that when once the king had entered the fort unguarded, he was completely in the hands of his enemies. When Mirza Khan had thus by stratagem brought the king into the fort he showed his hand. He took the king to the top of the Baghdad palace and placed him in a solitary corner to repent of his trusting folly, with a guard over him. He then summoned Jamshid Khan, Amîn-ul-Mulk, and all the chief men among the Foreigners, and after some consultation, sent Mustafa Khan, Amin-ul-Mulk, Shah Ibråhim and Shah Isma'il to Lohogaph.306 Mustafa Khan hastened with the speed of the wind to the fortress where the two princes were confined, released them from the charge of the eunuchs, and on the fourth day brought the two young princes secretly into the fort of Ahmadnagar, bringing them over the wall at midnight in order that none might know of their arrival. After consultation and recourse to the sortes Koranicae, the lot fell on Isma'ii Shah, and the next day, Monday, the 16th of the month already mentioned (April 1, A.D. 1589),806 in spite of the moon's being in Scorpio, preparations were made for his enthronement with the usual ceremonies of presentation of robes of honour to the amirs and officers of state, etc. The Sayyids, the Qazis and the learned men of the court were summoned, but since Mirza Khan had brought the king into the fort, which was now some days ago, nobody knew what had happened to him, and most of the amirs of the Dakan were very perturbed, and disturbances began. One Jam&1307 was the first to start the outbreak, and on this day on which the younger prince was to be enthroned, Jamal Khân went with a number of Havaldárs and petty officers who were under the command of Sayyid Hasan, the brother of Jamshid Khan, and were quartered in, the village of Humâyûnpûr, to Sayyid Hasan, related to him the story of Mirza Khan's opposition to the king and instigated him to return. Jamal Khan, in order to set his mind at rest, told him that he would in no way injure the king. Hasan therefore, though not willingly, returned to the city with the army of the Dakan, and when they reached the door of the fort, Jamal Khân left a detachment with Sayyid Hasan in the gate of the fortress and handed over command of the corps of Bå 'in Khân, 308 which was encamped before the fortress, to Azhdaha Khan who was formerly one of his partisans, and sent it to the Daulatâbâd gate, while he,
306 The author is obscure here. The Foreigners had decided to depose Husain II and it was necessary to find a successor. Qasim and other mombers of the royal family had boon murdered at Sinnar, and Burhån, the other unolo of Husain, had fled to the court of Akbar, but had left behind him, in the fort of Lohogarh, two young bons, Ibrahim and Isma'il, who seem to have been the only males of the royal family, besides the king, remaining in the kingdom.-F. ii, 290, 294.
806 According to Firishta, who agrees in the date here given, the question was not decided by Bortilage. Ibrahim was the elder of the two princes, but his mother was a nogress, and he was dark and illfavoured. The choice therefore fell on Isma'il, aged twelve, whose mother was a fair-skinned lady of the Konkan.-F. ii, 294.
307 Jamal Khan was a muvallad, i.e., the son of an African by a woman of the Dakan. He belonged, therefore, to the party of the Dakanis and Africans.
306 BA'inf Khân.-F. ii, 292,

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with a small force, went to the Kaia Chabútra, whence he kept up continual communication with the Dakanis and Africans of the city, where he busied himself in enligting them on his side and against Mirza Khan. All, both weak and strong, gathered around Jamal Khân, and the place was soon in an uproar, and he by his display of loyalty greatly increased the estimation in which he was held by the people. Sayyid Hasan by his brother's order entered into an agreement with the amirs and officers of the army and they all went together to the fort of Ahmadnagar. It is said that on this day Jamshid Khân309 meditating treachery against Husain Nizam Shah, entered into an agreement with thr amirs and chief officers in the army who were of the king's party to the effect that they should be faithful to him (the king) and also went to the fort in order that he might frustrate the treasonable design of Mirzà khân and, with them, set the king free, in order that by his display of loyalty they might gain advancement. In any case a large number of all classes gathered round Jamal Khân, and he, assuring them that they would gain promotion and advancement, marched with them against the fort, and sent a messenger to Mirza Khân to say that it was some days since he had taken the king into the fort and denied to all access to him, so that none knew how he fared, and to demand that he should either free the king at once or admit Jamal Khan and his men to see him, in order that strife and disturbance might cease. Mîrza Khân, in his pride, treated Jamal Khan's message with contempt and told him to wait for a moment in order that he might be honoured by being admitted to pay his respects to his king (i.e., prince Isma'il). When Jamal Khan heard this improper answer, which was intended to allay by mere words the turbulent desires of the hearts of himself and his followers, he determined to take action and the matter passed from speech to open strife. As the fort then contained but a small garrison, Mirza Khan, becoming alarmed, sent Lashkar Khan and Kishvar Khân out to allay the strife 310 Jamal Khân valued these men not a boddle and slew Kishvar Khân, while Lashkar Khan was wounded and escaped back into the fort with much difficulty. Mirza Khan and the other Foreigners who were in the citadel were now much perturbed, barricaded the gates of the fort and prepared for war, and to defend the fort. When Mirzà Khân saw that the whole city was in a ferment he became much alarmed and sent Jamshid Khân to Jamal Khân to arrange terms of peace. Jamal Khan at once put Jamshid Khan and Sayyid Hasan, who had only just again sworn fidelity to him, into irons, and threw them on to the back of an elephant. He gave the magistracy of the city to Bulbul Khân, the African, and sent him into the city with others to kill 'Inayat Khân, the existing governor. Bulbul Khân then went into the bazar and collected a number of the rabble, who supported him, and by the aid of whom he seized 'Inayat Khan and put him to death. His head was placed on a spear and was carried about through the city and the bazars. When the garrison of the fort saw the head of 'Inayat Khân, the thanadár, on a spear being paraded through the city, they gave up hope of life and hope of flight and freedom, and in their perplexity brought prince Ismâ'il Khân on to one of the bastions of the fortress and raised the royal umbrella over his head, and even though they proclaimed him by the royal style and title, the Dakanis continued to shoot arrows and sling stones against the fortress and against the young prince, who was wounded. At this
300 Jamshid Khan appears to have acted throughout in the interests of Ismail. He belonged to the Foreign party.
810 Firishta says that Mirza Khan, having foolishly delayed the suppression of Jamal Khan's rising until the latter had a force of 25,000 horse, now sent out against him his uncle, Muhammad Sa'id, and Kishver Khan with a force of 150 sons of Foreigners, seven Foreigners, twenty Dakanis, and an elephant. This small force was defeated, and only ten or fifteen wounded men escaped back into the fort.-F. ii, 291.

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time, as Mirza Khân had already, in the hardness of his heart, blinded Husain Nizam Shah311 and outraged his honour, he considered that if he beheaded the king and threw his head down among the army, they would desist from the attack and acquiesce in accepting Ismâ'il as their king. The wretch never considered that he who imbrues his hands in the blood of the kings and causes their death causes infinite strife and copious bloodshed and draws down upon himself the wrath of God.
It is said that Amin-ul-Mulk was the instigator of this disgraceful crime and iniquity, and that the son of Z0-l.fiqar Khân was its perpetrator, but God knows the truth.318 In any case these cruel and vile men, regardless of the disgrace and calamity which would follow the crime, dared to kill the king and, severing his crowned head from his body with a dagger, placed it on & spear and brought it to a bastion of the fortress, whence they threw it down among the army 313 The martyred king had barely time to look the attainment of his desires in the face, when he was pierced, like the rose with the thorn of disappointment, and the bird of his desire had barely spread his wings when he flew from the threshold of life to the nest of nonentity. As this young prince had been accessory to the death of his father and had, at the instigation of traitors, issued orders for the shedding of his blood, fate, in obedience to the decree of the Almighty avenger brought speedy punishment to him--as the poet says: "The king. dom becomes not a parricide, and if he succeeds his reign lasts but six months."
When the army saw the head of their king, they uttered a loud and bitter cry, and a world was thrown into mourning, so that all mankind were afflicted with grief. The army then arose and attacked the fortress. It was as though the gates and walls bore down, with their weight, on the bewildered gang within, and as though fate and time themselves declared war against them. The ill-fortune following on treason infused fear and dread into the hearts of Mirza Khan and his gang and deprived them of strength, so thaï none was able to stretch forth his hands to battle, nor to keep his foot firmly planted in its place. From the first watch of the day until the evening the battle raged. Jamal Khân, who had first set the fight going, was approved and followed by all and promoted his followers, giving to them the lands and titles of the amirs who had followed Mirza Khân. The amirs who were in the fort had left their forces without, and had alone rebelled against the king in the fort, and these forces now joined the new amirs who had been appointed to command them, and fought beside them.
As the blood of the murdered king cried out for vengeance against his murderers, the army of the Dakan, which surrounded the fort like a raging sea, all attacked the fortress at once, and swarmed over the walls like ants and locusts. One body forced the Daulatâbâd gate and poured into the fort, and another body set fire to the gate which faces the city and rendered resistance by the defenders impossible. When the defenders, who were bat a small gang, saw fire and disaster threatening their lives on every side, and found the way of escape blocked whithersoever they turned, they ran confusedly and crept into holes and corners, crying, 'Here, here, is a refuge.' A number of Sayyids, Qazis, and learned men who had not consented to the treason that had been committed and who had forcibly and against their will been brought into the fort by Mirza Khân, such as Qasim Beg, Mir Sharif, Mirza Muhammad Taqi, Mirza Sadiq, Mir 'Izz-ud-din Astarâbâdi, Maulânâ Najm-ud-din Shushtari, Qazi
311 Firishta does not mention the blinding of Husain II.
813 Firishta says that it was Isma'il Khân, son of the Foreigner, Zu-l-fiqar Khan, who ordered the decapitation of Husain II.-F. ii, 291.
918 According to Firishta, the head was only thrown down when Mirza Khan learnt that Jamal Khan was trying to persuade the people that the head exhibited on the bastion was not that of Husain II. -F. ii, 292.

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Nûr-ud-din Isfahânî, Mir Muḥammad Hasan Tabâțabâ'i, and Mir Husain Gilâni crept into holes and hid themselves from the sight of the violent and bloody men. The others, such as Mirza Khân, the Khânkhânân, Jamshid Khân with his son and brother, Amin-ul-Mulk with his two sons, Sayyid Murtaza Shirvânî, Bahadur Khân Gilânî, Bâî Khân, Sayyid Muhammad Samnânî with his brother, and a number of other men famous for their bravery who were not entirely enfeebled by fear, made some efforts in one direction or other, but as the army was pressing upon them both within and without, this wretched gang, though they sought in every direction for a way of escape, found none. They therefore made a stand in an open space between the two gates and opposed the troops as they came from the direction of each. The force which had entered by the Daulatâbâd gate ran hither and thither, plundering and slaying all whom they met, so that the broker of death was selling at one price the old man of 80 and the boy of 8, while the fire of their wrath burnt up young and old, rich and poor, alike.
Mirza Muḥammad Taqi, Mîrzâ Şâdiq, Mîr 'Izz-ud-din, Maulânâ Najm-ud-dîn, Qâzi Nûrud-din, and Mir Muḥammad Husain, each of whom was among the most learned and accomplished men of the age, were all slain by the sword on that night. When about seven hours of that night had passed and the fire which had been lighted at the gate of the fort was some. what abated, the band which from fear of their enemies had taken up their stand between the two gates, ignorant of the consequences of drawing the sword of strife from the scabbard and of urging the charger on into the field, and of the bragging tongue of sword and spearhead, gave vent to their feelings and emotions and raised loud cries. Mîrzâ Khân then asked Bahadur Khân Gilânî what plan could be devised for an escape, and who might be expected to help them in the extremity of their peril. Bahâdur Khân, who was one of the most eloquent of men, answered in poetry to the effect that there was nothing for it but to fight to the end, and at length all of them agreed to make a determined dash for the gate, trusting in God and treading the fire like Ibrâhîm the Friend. They 'then threw themselves on their enemies to fight valiantly for honour and a good name, and to lose, with good name and honour, their heads, or to escape from that whirlpool of destruction and to bring the bark of their hopes safely to shore. This gang, therefore, mounted their horses and charged out through the burning gate, attacking the army, which with its elephants was drawn up like Alexander's barrier along the edge of the ditch. Some of them, such as Bâ'în Khân, Sayyid Murtaza and others, were slain at once, and the dust of the battlefield was their shroud, while others managed to break through their enemies and to free themselves, by a hundred stratagems, from their immediate danger, but of these some, such as Amîn-ul-Mulk, the Khân khánân, and others and Muḥammad Samnânî and Aqâ Malik Mazandarânî, were slain that night Bahadur Khân and some others, whom fate was by the rabble of the city and the suburbs. less rapid in overtaking, escaped from their dreadful position, crept away into hiding places and, a few days later, managed to escape to a place of refuge. Mirza Khân, although ho escaped from the slaughter on the battlefield, could flee no further than a village in the environs of the city, where, as the reward of his treason, his horse was stopped by the wall of fate, and he fell into the hands of the villagers.814
314 Firishta's account of the capture of the fort is as follows:-While the Dakanis and Africans under Jamal Khan and Yaqût Khan were surrounding the fort, a hundred oxen laden with dried cowdung and millet stalks for sale passed. Jamal Khân had their loads piled against the gate of the fort and lighted. Towards evening the gate was destroyed, but none could pass over the hot ashes for some time. At length Mirza Khan and his followers, Bâ'ini Khân, Amin-ul-Mulk Nishâbûrî, the Khankhânân, Sayyid Muhammad Samnânî, Bahadur Khân Gilâni, Nûr Tahir Alavi, Aqa Mir Shirvânî, Shahbaz Khan Dakani, and Ismail Khan the Kurd, drawing their swords, spurred their horses over the hot ashes and cut their way through the besiegers. Some were slain in the streets of the city and some in the suburbs-Mirza Khan himself fled towards Junnar and could not be found for some days, but was eventually captured and put to death.-F. ii, 292.

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When Jamal Khân with the Dakanis and Africans had thus overcome the Foreigners and had taken the fort by storm, they seated Ismâ'îl Shâh on the royal throne and issued an order for a general massacre of the Foreigners. The blood-thirsty soldiery and cruel brigands slew and plundered in all directions, and the Foreigners were overwhelmed in the general destruction, so that their blood ran in rivers through the streets of the city,315
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In those evil days the custom of genera massacres and of general plunderings became so rife in the city and kingdom of Ahmadnagar that it was as though peace and security had fled from the world, while those who had formerly held their heads as high as the heavens in their pride were humbled to the dust, and chaste virgins, who had never shewn their faces to the sun or to the moon, were dragged by the hair of the head into the bazar among drunken men. Buildings which stood erect to heaven now bowed their heads as those ashamed, and the palaces, buildings and gardens of the Foreigners were destroyed.
When Jamal Khân had carried out his great design and had completely and easily over. thrown and extinguished that powerful party and destroyed the life of a world of persons, and had imprisoned Jamshid Khân and his brothers and son, who had been captured, he arranged the funeral obsequies of Husain Nizam Shah,316 and when he had finished these he seated Ismâ'il Nizâm Shâh on the throne of his ancestors and opened a royal court for the administration of justice. He gave out the jagîrs of all the Foreigners to the Africans and Dakanis, but especially to the Mahdavis, and increased the allowances and grants of all, both gentle and simple, so that the people, who are ever the slaves of favour, readily yielded obedience to him.
In the meantime Farhad Khân, the African, who was in Chîtâpûr, had heard of the death of Husain Nizam Shah and the accession of Ismâ'il Nigâm Shah, and hastened to court to pay his respects to the new king. When he heard of the general massacre of the Foreigners, he bargained with Jamal Khan for the lives of the remnant which remained, and as all the Africans supported Farhâd Khân and Jamal Khân's position was yet insecure, Jamâl Khân was compelled to agree to Farhad Khân's proposals and to forgo the slaughter of the remnant of the Foreigners.
In the two or three days during which the slaughter had continued, all the Foreigners who had been in the fort or the city, the streets or bazars, had fallen into the hands of the Dakanis and had perished, but a number who had been in the eunuchs' quarters and other sardis and private houses had fortified themselves, and defended themselves feebly and as best they could with stones and arrows. They were now weakening, and in their confusion and distress their affairs had reached such a pitch that they were on the point of falling into the hands of their enemies, when suddenly Farhad Khân came among them, and having gone through the whole city and all its quarters, released a Foreigner whenever one was found in the hands of the mob, and stopped the aggression of the persecutors, and even slew some of the mob with the sword as an example to others. In every building in which he found a body of Foreigners defending themselves, he left a body of his own men, with instructions to protect them from all evil. By this means the persecution of the Foreigners ceased.
315 Firishta says that on the night on which the fort was captured about 300 Foreigners were alain, among them being Mirza Muhammad Taqi Naziri, Mirza Sadiq Urdübâdî, Mir 'Izz-ud-din Astarabadi, and Mulla Najm-ud-din Shushtari. Only four escaped, Qasim Beg, Sayyid Sharif Gilânî, I'timad Khân Shushtari, and Khvaja Abd-us-Salâm Tûnî. On the following day the slaughter of the Foreigners began again and lasted for seven days, about a thousand being slain in all.-F. ii, 292, 293.
316 Husain Nizam Shah II was buried at Rausah.-F. ii, 293.

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In the meantime Jamal Khan received news of the capture of Mirza Khân, who was the originator of the rebellion and the prime cause of the general massacre of the Foreigners. He immediately reported the news to the king, and Mirza Khan was by Jamal Khan's orders imprisoned beside Jamshid Khan and others.
The next day Burhan Khan, one of the valiant men of the army, was entrusted with the execution of that gang, and he put to death Jamshid Khân, Sayyid Hasan and his brothers, and the son of Sayyid Murtaza, a youth of great wit and great personal beauty.317 He then loaded the gun-Malik-i-Maidan-with the bodies of these high born Sayyids and fired it, so that each fragment of their bodies fell in some spot where it could neither be seen nor identified. They then mounted the wretch Mirza Khân on an ass and paraded him through the streets and bazars as an example, while crowds of the people followed, reproaching and cursing him. He was then flayed like a sheep and sent to his reckoning with every circumstance of disgrace, to the accompaniment of his cries of anguish and the eyes, which had been upraised in pride and haughtiness before sun and moon, were trampled at last, as a reward of their treachery, in the dust of disgrace, and the head, which in its pride was lowered before no Cæsar and no Fachfür, was kicked to nothingness as a reward for its treason. And in truth that which was done to Mirza Khân seemed to fall short of his deserts for his base actions and cruelty. The punishment of which he was worthy was rather that he should again live & hundred times in each moment and each time suffer the same punishment. If his father attempted his own life that wretch had deprived a whole people of life and had disgraced a party318 which had hitherto always been able to boast of its sincerity, its truth and its fidelity, making it a by-word in the mouths of the gentle and simple, and as a reward for his treachery lost not only his life, but also his religion and his faith. He had consented to the murder of the prince of the age and received his punishment in the disputes which followed and hastened to the next world, and the hidden meaning of the verse "This, because God changeth not the favour with which He favoureth & people, so long as they change not what is in their hands," 319 had its effect on that people.
But when the fire of that world consuming strife leapt into flame its sparks spread to another party which had in no way consented to the murder of the king, but on the contrary had feared its results. They, nevertheless, were involved in the calamities which ensued on the acts of the traitors, which indeed flowed over the whole city like a destructive food, destroying the lives of both, the evil and the good, both bond and free, and overthrowing them. A succession of calamities destroyed the peaceful country of this party and threw it into such confusion as reigns in the country of an unjust king, so that peace and prosperity disappeared from the earth and from the age and were succeeded by oppression and rebellion.
When fate took pity on the ruined remnant, and the intercession of Farhad Khân, like the prayer of IgA, revived them, some who had the strength and means to travel were dispersed among the various cities and countries, while a small body, hungry and naked, cast down from their former place by weakness and inanition, gathered together in the eunuchs' quarters and ever prayed to God for the arrival of His Majesty the Sahib Qirân, 320 the protector of Foreigners.
317 These, according to Firishta, were Jamshid Khan Shirazt, his brothers Sayyid Husain and Sayyid Muhammad, and his son Sayyid Murtagi.-F. ii, 293.
318 The Foreigners. 319 Qur'an viii, 36. 320 Burhan Nigam Shah II.

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The rebellion having been thus suppressed, Jamal Khan hastened to the house of Farhad Khân and endeavoured to induce him to enter into an agreement with a view to their holding the office of vakil and pishva jointly, but Farhad khân would not accept this proposal and said that Qasim Beg was the man for the office and that they ought to free him from prison and entrust the arlministration of the kingdom to him. When Jamal Khan saw that Farhad Khân would not co-operate with him in the office of vakil and was convinced that he himself could not possibly become vakil without the co-operation and consent of Farhad Khân, he applauded Farhad Khan's resolution, and it was decided that they should both goto court together the next day and give effect to whatever arrangement was best for the kingdom. But when Jainal Khan left Farhad Khân's house he resolved to imprison him.
The next day Jamal Khân brought a body of his troops armed into the fort and stationed a company over the gate with orders to prevent any of Farhad's men from entering the fort with him.
Early in the morning Farhad khân, as had been agreed, set out for the fort, and when he entered the fort he had no more than a few men with him, and as soon as he had made his obeisance to Isma'il Nizam Shah, Jamal Khân placed a guard over him and led the young king forth from the fort in royal state. Without the fort were the troops of Farhad Khân, who were ignorant of what had befallen their leader. They were honoured by being permitted to pay their homage, and some of them received posts in the royal service, while others were promised higher rank and better pay, so that all were drawn by interest towards Jamal Khân.
This faithless gang now forgot all that they owed to Farhad Khan and went over to Jamål Khân and entered his service.
When Jamal Khân had led the young king through the streets and bazars for some time and had given the populace the opportunity of paying their homage to him, he took him back to the fort and again seated him on the throne. He then made Farhad Khan over to a trusty body of his own troops and sent him to the fortress of Rajůri.321
To fill Farhad Khân's place Jamal Khan selected Yaqût, who had belonged to Maulana Inayatullah and was distinguished no loss by valour and courage than by goodness of dis. position and beauty of person, and raised him to the rank of amir and to the command of the army, conferring on him the title of Khudavand Khan. In order to strengthen the friendship between himself and Khudavand Khân he betrothed his daughter to the son of Khudavand Khan and gave a banquet on the occasion which was honoured by the young king's presence, continuing the festivities for several days and extending his hospitality to all, both gentle and simple. He also promoted some of the Dakanis and Africans to the rank of amirs and officers, by this means ingratiating himself with them and ensuring the tenure of all power in the state by these two classes.
Among the amirs who were promoted by Jamal Khân above their fellows was, in the first place, Shah Abû Turâb, the maternal uncle of the young king; then Amjad-ul-Mulk, the Mahdav, who was made amir-ul-umará of Berar. Then came Khan Malik, who was appointed sar-i-naubat, then Nizam . Khân Nîshâbûrî, Sono Khân, Kamil Khan and others, who were promoted to be amirs and officers. Likewise Miyên Aminullah Burhanpuri, who had formerly been in the service of Khudávand Khân of Berar and had been his lieutenant in his civil governorship, received the title of Amîn Khân, the rank of vazir, and a governorship, and I'timâd Khân, the brother of Khattât Khân Daulatabadi, received the appointment of Sar-z-Khail and the other Mahdavis, likewise the friends and assistants of Jamal Khân were appointed to appointments suited to their abilities and to rank suitable to their positions.
321 Perhaps Rahuri, in 19° 24' N. and 74° 40' E.

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CIV-AN ACCOUNT OF THE RELEASE OF ŞALABAT KHÂN FROM THE FORTRESS OF
KHERLA BY MUAMMAD KHÂN, THE Amir-ul-Umard OF BERAR, AND OF THE GATHERING TOGETHER OF THE Amirs UNDER HIM AGAINST JAMAL KUAN.
A.D. 1589. At the time when Jamal Khân was stirring up all this strife in Ahmadnagar, Muhammad Khân, sar-i-naubat, was amir-ul-umara of Berar and every Foreigner who could escape from the city found a refuge in Berar, until Muhammad Khan had assembled a large army. As he was apprehensive of Jamal Khân, and some of those in the capital had sought help from the amirs of Berar against Jamal Khân, some of the amirs, such as Bahri Khân, Ikhla, Khân "Aziz-ul-Mulk and others, assembled to take counsel together. They decided to set Şalábat Khân free and to make him their ruler, and then to employ theinselves in overthrowing Jamal Khan and the Mahdauts. They therefore sent a messenger to Sayyid Mugaffar Khan Mazandarani, governor of the fort of Kherla, telling hiin of what had passed among them. Muzaffar Khân approved of the policy of the amirs and released Şalábat Khân from in prisonment and sent him to the amirs. The amírs received $al&bat Khân with great honour and professed obedience to him. They then collected their troops and marched towards Ahmadnagar. On their way thither Bahadur Thân Gilani and other Foreigners of the court, who had escaped from Ahmadnagar at the time of the fighting, met them, and attached themselves to $alábat Khan's army.
When the news of Şalâ bat Khân's release from Kherla, of the confederacy of the amirs and of their march towards the capital reached the misguided Jamal Khân, he, inasmuch as his power was not yet firmly established, and he could not trust the royal army, became disturbed and apprehensive, and began to spend money freely, bestowing largesse on both poor and rich and making them all wealthy, until he was able to assemble a large army. Ho then sent forward the young king's pishthana towards Berar, and taking the young king with him, set out with his army in the same direction.
Jamal Khân reached the town of Shivgaon311 and encamped before it with the prince, and hence were issued letters to the amirs who were with Şalábat Khân, promising them not only forgiveness but also promotion in the royal service if they would leave Şalábat Khân.
When Şalâbat Khân reached the town of Paithan, a number of the amin8, such as Ikhlây Khan, 'Aziz-ul-Mulk and others, owing to relationships which are the cause of mutual attraction, disgraced themselves by violating their agreement, and fled from Salâbat Khan's camp at midnight. Şalâbat Khân sent Bahadur Khân with a number of Foreigners in pursuit of the fugitives, and Bahadur Khân came up with them and captured and turned back 'Aziz-ul-Mulk and his brothers, but Şalábat kban, dreading the effects of the wiles of the Africans and Dakanis and the strife which they had occasioned in his camp, considered it inadvisable to meet Jamal Khan in the field, and without making any attempt to gain honour in battle, began to retreat towards Berar. The rest of Şalábat Khân's army, who had placed confidence in the promises made by Jamal Khân, now left Şalábat Khan and hastened to join Jamal Khân.
When Jamal Khân heard of the retreat of Salábat Khân, he marched from Shivgaon and encamped before Paithan, and sent a body of Kolis to pursue Şalábat khân and Muhammad Khân. This body of Kolis hastened in pursuit of Şalábat Khân, Bahri Khân, Muhammad Khân, and the other Foreigners who had not dared to face Jamal Khân and took from them their horses and elephants, while the inhabitants of the province of Berar also rose against them and reduced them to great straits. With great difficulty, and after suffering many hardships, they contrived to reach the frontier of Burhanpur, where they
323 In 19° 21' N. and 76° 14' E,

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were safe from Jamal Khân. Raja 'Ali Khân, the ruler of Burhanpur, sent safe conducts for Salábat Khân, Muhammad Khân, and Bahri Khân, and also scnt fodder for their animals and assigned to cach & dwelling in Burhanpůr, shewing them much courtesy and kindness.
In the course of this quarrel between Salábat Khan and Jamal Khân, Ibrahim Adil Shah II had marched into the Niyam Shâhi kingdom with a great army. Jamal Khân, there. fore, as soon as he was free from anxiety regarding Salábat khân, marched from Paithan with his army against the 'Adil Shâhi army, and when the two armies came within striking distance of one another, 323 they remained for a long time facing one another without venturing into the field. Jamal Khân, who was not strong enough to withstand Ibrâhîm
Adil Shah, opened negotiations for peace and strove to keep himself clear of any appeal to arms, and as the 'Adil Shâhî army was stronger than Isma'il Nizam Shah's army, they. rendered arrogant by their superiority, demanded the oession of Parenda and other forts as the price of peace. At length Nûr Khân went from Jamal Khan's army into the 'Adil Shahi camp and did his utmost to extinguish the fire of strife, offering a large sum as nasl baha 324 on condition that the Adil Shâhi army returned to its own country. Jamal Khan sent the promised sum and the 'Adil Shâhi army retreated to Bijapûr.
When the army had returned to Ahmadnagar, Jamal Khân, who had been made suspicious of the remnant of the Foreigners by the revolt of Salábat Khan, first considered plans for the massacre of them, and afterwards, moved by the intercession of Khudâ vand Khân, gave them their lives, but banished them from the country and appointed a body of men to collect all Foreigners from their hiding places into one place. He then sent some to Bijapur,316 some to Golconda, and some to Chaul and other ports, but would give permission to none to go to Malwa to pay his respects to the şahib Qiran.
of the great men and officers among the Foreigners, Shâb Rafi'ud-din Husain, Shah Haidar, Qasim Beg, Mir Sharif Gilâni, Sayyid Muhammad Samanâni and Mirza Muqim Riyavi were sent to Mecca. Jamal Khân then took his scat on the masnad of the vakil, nay, rather on the throne of the kingdom, with none to oppose or gainsay him, and bestowed much honour on the Mahdavi sect, the heretical belief of which is that Sayyid Muhammad of Jaunpur was the promised Mahdi 326 "He promoted several of these heretics to 'the ranks of amirs and vazirs, and placed every member of the sect above the reach of want.
338 At Ashti. F. ii, 205.
3* The amount of na'l bahd fixed was 70,000 (F. ii, 205) or 75,000 (F. ii, 116) huns. Another condition of the treaty was that Kha lijah Sultân, .widow of Husain Nixâm Shah II and sister of Ibrahim Adil Shah H, should be sent back to Bijapur.
335 It was now, Dec. 28, 1589, that the historian Muhammad Qasim Firishta fled from Abmadnagar to Bijapur, where he entered the service of Ibrahim 'Adil Shah Il.
836 Early in the tenth century of the Hijrah era Sayyid Muhammad of Jaunpur claimed to be the promised Mahdi. He died in A. H. 910 (A.D. 1504-05) while returning from a pilgrimage to Mecca, but not before he had gained many adherents, including Mahmud I of Gujarat. The movement was continued by Shaikh 'Ala'i of BiyAna who, in the reign of Islam Shah Sur of Dihli (1545-1852), travelled to Hindiya for the purpose of propagating his doctrine in the Dakan and gained many converts. Thence the doctrines spread to Ahmadnagar. Firishta is mistaken in saying that Sayyid Muhammad claizoed in A.D. 1653 to be tho Mahdi. The followers of Sayyid Muhammad and Shaikh 'Ala'i were schismatical Sunnis, for the Shi'ahs believe that the Mahdi is alive but concealed, and Firishta says that Jamal Khan, on establishing the Mahdavi herosy, abolished the Shi'ah Khutbah. He also says that many Mahdavia came from northern India to serve in a state where their religion had been established, for they had been persecuted early in Akbar's reign, and were still regarded as unorthodox.

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In the meantime news reached the wretch Jamal that the Sahib Qirán had crossed the frontier of Malwa with a very large army, and was marching on his capital.327
Immediately after hearing this news Jamal Khân received a royal farman addressed to him, promising him a continuance and an increase of the favours which he enjoyed, and inviting him to appear at the royal camp to do homage. But the wretched Jamal Khân was deaf and blind to what was to his own interest and to the interest of the people at large, and he not only refused to go to the royal camp, but raised the standard of rebellion, and from his mistaken view regarding the prince (Isma'il Nizam Shah), refused to be guided into the way of obedience until his disobedience overwhelmed him and many others, his friends, in ruin.
When the wieked Jamal Khân heard of the intention of Burhân Nizam Shah to march to his capital, he sent several of the greatest amirs into the province of Berar, and with them a strong army to defend that province. He appointed Amjad-ul-Mulk, the Mahdavi, the greatest recipient of his trust and confidence, Amir-ul-umard of that province, and bade him exercise the utmost caution, telling him that if Şalábat Khân should go to make his obeisance to Burhan Nizam Shâh or should go to Akbar's court, it was possible that the allegiance of the amirs of Ahmadnagar would be much shaken, and that he should therefore send to Şalábat Khân a promise of safety, fortified by bonds and agreements, and a promise of increase of favour and dignity from Isma'il Nizam Shah. He also wrote to Raja 'Ali Khân, the ruler of Burhanpur, requesting him to urge Salâbat Khân to return to Ahmadnagar.
In the meantime the farman of Burhân Nizam Shah summoning Şalábat khân reached him from Hindiya. As it was not Şalabat khân's good fortune to be guided into the way that would have been best for him in the end, and as it was not given to him to discern the truth and what was right, he did not obey the royal farman, but was misled by Jamal Khan's deceitful words and went astray, going to Ahmadnagar, and thus falling headlong into the pit of error and ignorance,328
When Şalábat Khân reached the outskirts of Ahmadnagar, Jamal Khan sent a number of the nobles of the court to perform the ceremony of welcoming him with honour and consideration, but Şalábat Khan saw that he would act wisely in seeking retirement, and requested Jamal Khân to permit him to retire to some unfinished buildings which he owned in the town of Tisgaon and there to complete the buildings before death came upon him. Jamal Khân granted his roquest and bestowed the town of Tisgaon 329 upon him. Şalabat Khân took his departure for that village and there occupied himself in finishing his buildings and laying out his gardens, but Salábat Khân had, some time before this, been afflicted
327 This is a mistako. Akbar, on learning of the elevation of Isma'il Nizam Shah to the throne of Ahmadnagar, recalled the young king's father from Bangash, where ho was employed, informed him that his son had usurped his throne, and offered him an army that he might seize it. Burhån rejected the offer, saying that his appearance at the head of a foreign ariny would raise the whole of the Dakan in arms against him. Akbar therefore permitted him to leave his court with a few followers in order that he might make an appeal to the loyalty of his subjects. Akbar's historians assert that Burhån promised, in the event of success, to cede Berar, but this is not to be credited, for Burhún had nothing but Akbar's goodwill, which was hardly a quid pro quo for a rich and fortile province. Burhan of course earned Akbar's permission to depart by a formal promise that he would hold Ahmadnagar as a fief of the empire, but the promise Was never kept, and Akbar complained bitterly of Burhan's ingratitude.
338 When Burhan had returned from Bijapur to Ahmadnagar in 1582, in the guise of a darvial, he had planned the assassination of Salábat Khan, whose power retained Murtapa on the throne. Salabat Khan had a diligent search made for Burhân but the latter's disguise enabled him to elude him and escape from the kingdom, Sulabat Khan succeeded, however, in capturing several of his adherents, and put them to death. Salábat Khan's unwillingness to put himself into the power of Burhan was, therefore, only natural.-F. ii, 299.
370 Situated in 20° 16' N. and 73° 57' E. But Firishta says that Salábat Khan retired to the town of Yankápur, which he had built, and died there in A.D. 1590.

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with a disease which caused sores to break out on his limbs, and now that disease returned with more violence than ever, and he entirely lost his health. He was compelled to go into the city for treatment and there his powers altogether failed him and he grew worse and worse until he drank the cup of death from the band of the cup-bearer of eternity, and hastened to the place whence he had come. It is suspected by some that Jamal Khân got rid of him by means of poison, and thus freed himself from the anxiety of his existence; but God knows the truth.
261
A.D. 1590. They buried Salâbat Khân, after his death, under the dome on the top of the high hill known as Shâh Dungar,330 which is within two leagues of Ahmadnagar and which had been built by Şalâbat Khân as his tomb. This is a building which is famed everywhere for its height, beauty, elegance and strength. The height of the top of the dome from the ground is nearly 60 gar. It is built of dressed stones and is octagonal in plan with a hall at every angle and four storeys, one below the other, with a hall and windows. On all sides of the tomb the ground is scarped from the top of the hill downwards to the middle of it, and trees and fruit trees have been planted thickly on the slope so that the eyes of all beholders are enchanted with the scene.
Many such stately and lofty buildings have been left by Salâbat Khân in the Dakan, and bear witness to the high-mindedness of that age, and will endure to later ages.
The period of Salabat Khân's tenure of the office as vakil and pishvâ both alone and in association with Asad Khân, was nearly twelve years, in the course of which time he rendered great services in advancing the prosperity of the country and in exercising a proper control over the kingdom and the roads, but all to no purpose, for he was not allowed to bring his work to a prosperous conclusion.
After Salabat Khân's death, news came to Jamal Khân that Burhân Nizam Shah's army had entered Berar by way of Gondwâra.331 Jamal Khân, on hearing this news, was much perturbed, and at once set to work to prepare his army for the field. In the meantime fresh news was received to the effect that Jahangir Khân,332 the African, one of the amirs of Berar, had dared to disobey the orders of Burhân Nizam Shah and had even ventured to withstand him by force of arms, and as, in accordance with the saying, "everything is postponed to its proper time," some delay occurred in Burhân Nizâm Shâh's career of victory, Chaghatâi Khân, who was one of the bravest of the Mughul army, was killed by a musket shot, and his troops, when they saw their leader killed, fled at once from the field. The wretch, 'Jamal Khân, was much rejoiced by the receipt of this news and began to prepare for the downfall of the kingdom of Ahmadnagar, and wrote a hypocritical and deceiving letter to Burhân Nizam Shah, saying that quarrels had broken out between the Foreigners and the Dakanis, and that a number of the former who were in the royal service were afraid to pay their respects at court. He proposed, therefore, that Burhân Nizâm Shâh should come alone to the capital
330 Six miles east of the city (Ahmadnagar), on a hill between 700 and 800 feet above the level of the fort and on the left of the Ahmadnagar-Shivgaon road, stands the tomb of the Nizam Shahî minister, Şalâbat Khân, commonly known as Chând Bibi's Mahall. It is an octagonal dome surrounded by a threestoried verandah.'-Imperial Gazetteer of India, 1908, v, 124.
331 That is to say, through the Sâtpûras, the country of the Korkus, not of the Gonds.
332 Jahangir Khân, whose fiefs lay on the northern border of Berar, adjoining Khandesh, responded to Burhân's first appeal by promising to support his cause, and thus encouraged him to enter Berar with the small force at his disposal, but for some unexplained reason, probably owing to the presence of a few imperial officers among Burhân's companions, turned against him and attacked him. Burhan was defeated and fled to Hindiya, and thence to the court of Râja 'Ali Khân of Khandesh.

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in order that the Foreigners might have no further excuse to delay coming to court and sub. mitting to the royal commands. As the words of Jamal Kbån were far from the truth, they appeared to Burhân Nizâm Shah to be exactly like the excuses for their enmity given to All by Calhal and Zubair, 333 and he paid no attention to them, but marched from the town of Hindiya to the village of Kandoya,334 which is near Burhanpûr, where he occupied himself day and night in forming plans for the conquest of his hereditary dominions, the result of which plans will be shortly narrated.
(To be continued.)
MISCELLANEA
GEOGRAPHICAL POSITION OF CERTAIN
PLACES IN INDIA. In ante, vol. LI (Supp.), p. 108, I find some corrections to be necessary. In fixing the geographical position of certain places in ancient and medieval India, Mr. Nundolal Dey is naturally at a disadvantage so far as local knowledge is concerned, and has thus too readily accepted previous sur. mises by European orientalists, which can now be shown to be erroneous.
KUNDINAPUR. gr. For examplo, on p. 108 Kundinapur is described. The only approximately accurate suggestion is that of Dowson, but as will presently appear it is put forward with some hesitation. Other surmises, including those of Cunningham and Führer, are wide of the mark.
In fact Kundinapur is fortunately one of the few places in India that still exist under the same name and in the most convincing surroundings. Ito present name is Kundinpur or Koundinyapur, and it lies about 25 miles east of the modern Amraoti, on the western bank of the Wardha (The Varada of the Puranas) in the Chandur talug of the Amraoti district of Berar. In the neighbourhood and throughout the wholo of Borar it is known as the ancient capital of the Vidarbhas. It has a famous templo of Krishna and Rukmini, where a large annual fair is held. It is now com. paratively a small place. The old city, extending w far as the outskirts of the modern Amrnoti is buried underground.
KOSALA (DAKHINA). er ates. This place is rightly identified with Gondwana, i.c., to the east of Nagpur ; but Mr. Dey has quoted from Cunningham's Ar. Sur. Rep., vol. XVII, P. 08, the following words
** Vidarbha or Berar was called, in the Buddhist period, Dakshina Kosala.".
Somo comment should have been made on the above statement, which is not wholly convincing, based as it is upon the solitary mention in Hiuen. Tsang's travels, where Kosala is said to be 1800 lia (about 300 miles) to the north-west of Kalinga (Northern Sircars) and 900 lis (1600) to the north of Andhra. This description no doubt applies to Berar or Vidarbha, but looking to the want of proper maps and other advantages of modern times, it is not unlikely that it was applied to the region to the east of Berar, say Chanda District, which was the western portion of the Kosala country. Even after this date Berar is styled Vidarbha ; and in later literature the name of Kosola is nowhere given to any part of this country. Vidarbha and Kosala are mentioned separately (vide Mahabharata, Vana P., A. 61). It is not thus safe to rely on the uncorroborated tostimony of Hiuen-Tsang. Other orientalists like Ferguson and Grant did not support Cunningham's view (Seo JRAS., 1875, p. 260 ; JRAS., Bengal Br., vol. LX, p. 115).
BHOJAKATA. . This name appears in many Pundnas and it may with advantage be added to the list of Mr. Doy. This was the later capital of Vidarbha altor
383 Talhah and Zubair were two of the six electors appointed by the Caliph 'Umar to elect his successor. The choice fell upon 'Uthman, much to the disappointment of 'Ali, who was himself one of the ulectors. Zubair, however, voted for 'All. Afterwards, in A. 1. 36 (Aug. A.D. 656), when 'Ali, thon Caliph, declared war against Mu'aviyyah, Talhah and Zubair deserted him. • 334 Khandwa, now headquarters of the Nimêr District of the Central Provinces, situated in 21° 50° N. and 76° 22' E.
Bee Watters' Yuan Chwang, vol. II, pp. 209–210.

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Kundinapura. (Hariamsa, 60.) (Mahabharata, has supplied me with the following early instances Nabha P. A. 31.)
of its use.
1.553. "... il tempo ini porto a una costa This place was founded by Rutkinin. brother
(lella Pescheria dell' Agofar, doue stanno alcuni of Rukinini. It is now called Bhål-Kuli in the
padri clella compagnia ... due fratelli ... Amraoti District of Berar, where there is a temple
& etiam gli attri fratelli, pero non han bidedicated to Rukmin. For some time Berar
sogno d'interpreti, che in quella lingua si was also called by this name.
chia mano Topazzi ..." Diversi Avisi BHOGWARDHAN. a.
particolari dall' Indie &c., Venezia ?1562. A small kingdom to the west of Vidarbha (see fols. 1158-116. Markandeya Purana, 54 : 48). The place is now 1003. Giacomo Finicio hů Badaga que sabia called Bhokardhan and is a Tahsil town in the Malavar nað se podeter subio onde eu estava Aurangabad district of the Nizam's dominions, & me falava Topas ... somente o topas on the western boundary of Berar.
badega no sexto mandamento me fez in.
stancia dissendo que tamban) og Malavares If advantage is taken of local knowledge, Mr.
tað Semtinhao muitas molheres, &c., &c. Dey's ancient geographical list will be invaluable
Reports of the Jesuit Missions in India, 1601 - to students of ancient India.
1659, Brit. Mus. Add. MS. 9853, fol. 4la. Y. M. KALE.
From these two quotations, taken (lirect from
the originals, it is quite clear that to the Jesuit TOPAZ : ADDITIONAL EXAMPLES.
Fathers in the 16th and early 17th centuries With reference to my article on the term Topaz topaz moant merely interpreter. (ante, vol. L, 106 ff.), Professor J. Charpentier
R. O. TEMPLE. BOOK-NOTICES. TWO ARCHXOLOGICAL REPORTS-1. ANNUAL RE: At p. 27 of this Report is a useful note regard. PORT OF THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL DEPARTMENT, | ing the brothers Akkanna and Madanna, the SOUTHERN CIRCLE, MADRAS, 1919-1920, by A ill-fated Ministers of the Qutb Shahi Kings, H. LONGHURST, Madras Government Press; 'Abdu'llah Qutb Shah and 'Abdu'l-Hasan (c. 16112. ANNUAL REPORT OF THE ARCHÆOLOGICAL 1687), who appear so often in the East India SURVEY OF INDIA, EASTERN CIRCLE, BENGAL, Company's Records. On pp. 31 ff. is another 1920-1921, by K. N. DIKSHIT, Calcutta Govern- useful note on Raja Ranga of Chandragiri, who ment Pross.
invited Francis Day, through the Kalahasti Both reports show substantial work accomplished
Poligar, to settle at what is now Fort St. George
in 1039-40. and contain some very interesting bits of infcr. ination. From tho Madras Report there is a note
The most important note in this Report is on of special interest to myself. "In the old days,
up. 34 ll. on the Buddhist remains at SalihundAm, most visitors to the Seven Pagodas from Madras
Ganjam District. But the remains are quite late did the journey by boat vid the Buckingham
Mehåyåna. Canal. But today they arrive by motor car, via
In the second Report it is satisfactory to find Chingleput and Tirukkulukkunram," but it that such historical tombs as those of Murshid Quli sooms that the road beyond the latter place (itself Khan at Katra and of Alivardi Khan and ancient and most worthy of study) is still so abo- Suraju'ddaula at Khush Bagh and Raushani Bagh minably bad that the writer of the Report suggests are being looked after. Indeed the care of such methat the Government should assist in its being put morials and of the graves and tombs of Europeans in order," as the Seven Pagodas may be regarded scattered about Bengal is most praiseworthy, as the most important and valuable group of names of great interest constantly occurring S Ancient monuments in this Madras] Presidency, Alexander Cosma de Körös at Darjeeling, Mahaand are visited by more tourists than any other råja Nand Kumar at Kunjaghâta (Murshidaplace in Southern India." About fifty years ago bad), Mary Hastings and her daughter at Kasimthe present writer visited the Seven Pagodas bêzêr, Grigoris Herklots at Kalkapur (showing from Madres by the Canal in days when globe. incidentally that the author of the well-known trotters had not come upon the scene, and Qanoon-e-Islam must have been an Armenian the knowledge thereof was much more limited by birth), Henry Martin's Pagoda at Serampore, than now. Indeed it was the cause of his first Sher Afghan's tomb at Bardwân, and so on. attempt (1875) to appear in the public press as An important feature comes to light in the a writer on Indian antiquities.
notices of two Antiquarian Societies, the

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Varendra Research Society of Rajshahi and the after, and that the graves of Englishmen who have Kamarûpa Anusandhan Samiti of Gauhati, both died in, for them, lonely spots are now so carefully of which are highly commended in the Report. 'supervised. the format having established a good Muscum. There are two notes that have specially attracted
R. C. TEMPLE iny attention. On p. 5 we read that the Govern. ANNUAL PROGRESS REPORT: Archeological Sur
ment of India has clecided to treat Archaeology as vey, Northern Circle (Hindu and Buddhist
a. Central or Reserved subject" under the Imperial Monuments), 1920-1921. Lahore, Civil and
Government, and to undertake all the responsi. Military Gazette Press, 1922.
bility for administrative and conservation expenses This is an interesting and valuable Report,
hitherto placed upon Local Governments. This especially as regards the excavations at Harappa,
is one result of the Reforms Scheme." Let us where the invaluable ruins have so long been
hope, with the writer of the Report, that the grant subjected to quite modern vandalism, and that to
for conservation will ceage to be "seriously inadean extent which is worth quoting from the
quate to meet the many urgent demands on it." Report (p. 8): "The ruins have been subjected
The other observation of the Report is worth to continued exploitation for bricks by thought.
quoting in full. On p. 1 it says: less Railway contractors and villagers. Already,
"With the appointment of a limited number of before General Cunningham's visit in 1873, the
trained conservation assistants to the staff of the site had furnished brick ballast for more than
Archeological Department, and with the aid of a 100 miles of the Lahore and Multan Railway
comprehensive Manual of Conservation now under line. These depredatione have, if anything, been
preparation by the Director-General of Archæology, carried on even more vigorously since General it is hoped that it will be possible to record consider Cunningham's time, and it is patent that the town able and progressive improvement in this direction of Harappa has been built and rebuilt many times in future years. The difficulty at present experi. over with bricks obtained from this site." This enced is to impress sufficiently on the understanding has happily ceased at last with the establishment of Public Works Department subordinates the ne. of a standard modern brick kiln in the neighbour. cessity of subordinating the effect of a repair to the hood. I may here say that during a hurried visit appearance of the old weathered fabric in which to the spot in 1878 many interesting sunken
it is being executed, their instinctive aim in many foundations and buildings were still extant, clearly
cases being apparently to advertise, either by widely showing the form that the ancient houses took. spread pointing or patches of incongruous pink Despite the depredations, the Archaeological plaster, the extent of their activities on its behalf Department secured 411 ancient objects from Counterfeited antiquity, as such, can never be con three trenches dug in January 1921.
doned, as it is indeed superfluous to remark; but The most interesting note (p. 11) is on "two
there is a great deal of difference between this and seals [found at Harappa) in an unknown script,"
the effective assimilation of, for instance, & patch of illustrated on plate IX. As to these seals Mr.
simple underpinning in rough rubble masonry with Daya Ram Sahni, the Reporter, writes: "Several
the undermined old structure it is intended to scholars have dealt with the seals deposited in
sustain; or the recessing of mortar jointing behind the London (British) Museum, but evidently no
the face of the old stones to leave their naturally satisfactory interpretation of the Legends has as
weathered arises quite clear and defined, colour. yet been obtained. The excavations being (now
staining such mortar in the mixing to conform to described have so far failed to supply any aid in
the old tone; or again in similarly treating the the solution of the problem. Further particulare
mortar-infilling in a crack of a dome, rather than of these documents will be published in the special
leave it shamelessly to invite comparison with the article on these excavations." It may help Mr.
trailing depredations of whito ants. Daya Ram Sahni to say that illustrated articles,
"Such items, it is at once admitted, are minor respectively by Mr. Longworth Dames and Mr. in themselves, but are very far from minor in their K, P. Jayaswal, appeared in this Journal, vol.
disastrous effect on an ancient fabric, whose age. XV, p. 1, and vol. XLII, p. 203, on the Harappa worn beauty and mellowed charm it is the incidental Seals.
aim of this department to conserve without undue
R. C. TEMPLE. and unnecessary advertisement of the process." ANNUAL PROGRESS REPORT: Archaeological Survey On p. 13 the writer brings home this view with the of India, Northern Circle (Muhammadan and following remark: British Monuments), 1921. By A. J. PAGE, "At Attock, work on the conservation of the Superintendent, Allahabad, Government Press, Begamki-Sarai, one of the old Mughal caravan. 1922
sarais that marked the badshahi highway from the This is a very modest report on a great deal of Indus across to Bengal, was taken in hand and work well done, and it is satisfactory to know that Re. 3,040 spent on the repair, which consisted
to clasees of monuments are being well looked principally in underpinning the undermined

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BOOK-NOTICES
265
portions of the old walls and the removal of the Again, in the article on the Marathas, Risley's remains of modorn bungalows within the area. The theory as to the Soythian or semi-Scythian origin remarks made in the preamble of these notes relative of these people is apparently accepted without demur. to the necessity for subduing the effect of such despite the fact that authorities like Dr. W. Crooke repairs are unfortunately specially applicable to this have proved that this view rests upon a wholly building, the work executed on which cannot be inadequate basis, and that skill in horsemanship. instanced as a satisfactory piece of conservation." which Risley regarded as one of the strongest
R. O. TEMPLE. indications of a Scythian ancestry, was equally
characteristic of the Rajputs and of the despised THE CASTIS AND TRIBES OF H. E, H, THE Nizam's Jats, and was really engendered by local conditions
DOMINIONS by SYED SIRAJ-UL-HASSAN; volume in the Doocan. The derivation of the name Vanjari I; The Times Press, Bombay, 1920.
(Banjari or Lamani) from Sanskrit van (forest) This volume is one of the important series which and char (to wander) is likewise obsolete and owes its origin to the decision of the Indian Govern. erroneous. Many Vears Ago Sir Richard Temnle ment in 1001 to conduct an ethnographical survey pointed out in this Journal (Vol. IX, p. 205, footnote) of the chief provinces of India, and to investigate that the Panjabi word banaj or vanaf, signifying the origin, social configuration, customs and occu- trade, provides the true origin of the name. It is pations of their numerous tribes and castes on
really an occupational designation for that large the lines suggested as long ago 49 1885 by Me9gre.
class which for centuries earned a livelihood by Nesfield, Denzil Ibbetson and Risley. The ter.
carrying grain and supplies for arinies in the field, ritories of the Ruling Princes were not included
It is doubtful again whether the statement on in the original scheme : but several of the States p. 248 that "the Hatkars are all Bargi Dhangars" have followed the lead of British India and have should stand without qualification. A reference to added to the general store of knowledge much the account of this caste in the Bombay volumes information of the highest value about the social shows that although the Hatkars claim to be Bargi groupe resident within their jurisdiction. The Dhangars, the Bargis and Hatkars of Ahmadnagar prolace to the present volume shows that serious and Sholapur are really two distinct sub-castes of obstacles provented its earlier publication, and the Dhangar tribe, and it seems probable that indood nearly prohibited its appearance altogether. this statement is equally applicable to the Hatkars Mr. Kale of the Education Department, who ool. of Hyderabad. lected much of the information embodied in the The Chanchus (art. 22) are presumably iden. book, died when the draft articles were on tical with the wild forest tribe of the same name the point of completion, while Mr. Siraj ul Hassan, in the Nallamalai hills of Madras; and, if so, the A Judge of the Nizam's High Court, who took brief account here given of their character and over Mr. Kilo's work at the request of the Finance ocoupation should be read in conjunction with a Department, developed a serious affection of the pamphlet entitled "The Chenchus and the Madras eyee, which for some time forood him to relinquish Police" issued by the Madras Publicity Bureau the task of preparing the volume for issue. Thein 1921, which describes a very romarkable attempt help of friends, however, ultimately rendered to reclaim them from their criminal habits. The publication possible.
articles on the Munnure, the Mutrasis and the These circumstances in some degree disarm ! Telagas are interesting, and those on the Golas, criticism and may be held responsible for occa- the Gonds, and the Dhobis will repay perasal. sional errors in printing. Other mistakes of a more The claim of the Raj Gonds to a Rajput origin important kind appear in the articlo on Lingayats, and their disinclination to give their daughters in in which King Bijjala is described as a member marriage to ths lower ranks of their own tribe is of the Chalukya dynasty, whereas he was a Kala curiously reminiscent of the relations existing churya who usurped Chalukya dominion, and between the Marathas proper and the Kunbis. in the article on the Mahars, who are said to have The book contains good accounts of the Bhils, probably given their namo to Maharashtre. This who inhabit the hills oa the north-western border derivation, originally suggested by the Mahars of Aurangabad, of the Kapus, the chief cultivating themselves and incautiously accepted by the late caste of Telingana, and of various smaller groups Sir W. Hunter, has long been proved untenable. ! like the Perika or gunny-bag weavers, the Picha A more accurate view of the probable origin of the kuntalas or peripatetio genealogists, the Satani, name Maharashtra would have been obtained by who are priests of the lower Telugu classes, and referring to Mr. Enthoven's article on the Marathas the Singe or mendicants of the horn (singa), who in his Tribes and Castes of Bombay. The statement beg only from Hatkars and Devengas. above-mentioned is the more remarkable in that The ethnographical record of Southern India the author on subsequent page quotes Dr. John would be incomplete without authentio information Wilson's remona for believing that the country about the various peoples of the Hyderabad State, could not bave been named after the Mahars. and Mr. Sirajul Hassan is to be congratulated on

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having for the first time supplied an authoritative account of them. In conclusion, it may be men. tioned that the use of the spelling Zansi for Jhansi, when speaking of the Rani Lakshmibai, is calculated to confuse the average English reader, and that if Sir George Clark," whose opinion of Konkanasth Brahman cleverness is alluded to on page 100, is meant to be the present Lord Sydenham, his surname should have been correctly spelt with a final "e." S. M. EDWARDES.
[SEPTEMBER, 1923
four copper coins of the Nizamshahi dynasty, none of whose coins have hitherto been described, was another noteworthy achievement of the year.
Mr. Banerji's remarks on the condition of the Bhamburda caves, near Poona, and the fine palace, Faria Bagh, of the Ahmadnagar Sultans, exemplify the vandalism to which ancient monuments are still liable at the hands both of Indian and of European. The Army Remount Department which utilizes the palace as a bullock-stable and dries dung-cakes on its verandahs is perhaps more reprehensible than the Hindu mendicant who has converted the ancient caves into a kind of suburban villa. In the case of the Gol Gumbaz of Bijapur, too, it was apparently only a direct appeal by Mr. Banerji to the Governor of Bombay that prevented hideous modern buildings being erected under the orders of the Collector, Mr. Kabraji, in the very shadow of this magnificent relic of the Adilshahi Kings. The famous gun, Malik-i-Maidan, which was regarded with superstitious reverence by the people of Bijapur in the day of Pietro della Valle, suffered also during the year. A police constable broke off a piece of the gun and ordered a goldsmith to convert it in to an amulet. Fortunately he was detected and punisherl.
To the influence and interest of Sir George Lloyd, the Governor, Bombay owes the explo ration of the old palace of the Peshwas in Poona. Mr. Banerji deals very fully with the work of clearance, which has disclosed an elaborately laid-out garden, one side of which consisted of three terraces provided with fountains and minute reservoirs on the pattern of the famous Shalimar gardens of Lahore and Kashmir. On the top of the palace-plinth was found a large lotus-shaped fountain with more than 200 jets, the whole system of fountains and reservoirs being connected by pipes and ducts of pure copper. One wonders whether it was one of the pipes of the large fountain which caused the fatal injuries to the Peshwa Mahdu Rao Narayan in October, 1795. Mr. Banerji's report contains other interest. ing matter and will fully repay perusal.
8. M. EDWARDES.
PROGRESS REPORT OF THE ARCHEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA, Western Circle, for the year ending March 31, 1920, by R. D. BANERJI; Calcutta, Baptist Mission Press.
One can always be certain that any work by Mr. R. D. Banerji in the domain of Archæology will be well done, and the official report for the year 1919-20 fully confirms this assurance. Mr. Banerji's name has been so closely identified with the Hatigumpha inscription of Kharavela that ono is not surprised at his having been deputed in October 1919 to Khandagiri to assist Mr. K. P. Jayaswal in making a fresh copy of the inscription. The results of Mr. Banerji's comparison of the letters of this inscription with those of the Nanaghat inscription of Queen Nayanika are bound to be interesting and will, it is hoped, find a place in the next annual report. Bombay antiquarians will be glad to know that at the instance of Mr. Banerji the Prince of Wales' Museum has secured the six important copper-plate grants which once belonged to Dr. Gerson da Cunha, and that-one of these proves to be the earliest grant of the Silahara dynasty of the Konkan yet discovered. It establishes the existence of a hitherto unknown ruler of that family, and further discloses the interesting fact that so long as the Rashtrakuta dynasty existed, the Silaharas, who were its feudatories, forbore to assume the well-known title of Tagarpuraparamesvara. Another of the grants records. the conquest of Goa from the Muhammadans at some date prior to A.D. 1391 by a minister of Harihara II. of Vijayanagar. The decipherment of NOTES AND NOTES FROM OLD FACTORY RECORDS. 45. Discipline among Company's Servants, 1699. 20th March 1699. Consultation at Fort St. George. Upon some words yesterday at the Generall table Mr. James Eustace called Mr. George Shaw Son of a whore, of which he complained to the Gover. nour (who was then present at the Table) and he promised that he would this day hear their difference in Council and punish him that was found guilty of giving occasion of so rude and uncivill a behaviour at the Companys table, But Mr. Shaw goeing from Evening Service to the Sea gate Struck Mr. Eustace, of which the Governour being inform'd confined both to their chamber, which being considered, it is agreed that Mr. Eustace
QUERIES.
was guilty of great insolence in calling Mr. Shaw son of a whore at the Comps. table, and Mr. Shaw of great disrespect, to the Governour in strikeing Mr. Eustace after he had declared he would Examine it and punish the offender.
It is unanimously resolved that for the future prevention of offences of the like nature, Mr. Eustace and Mr. Shaw be each of them fined their half years Salary payable in India, and confined to the Fort for one month and neither to wear Sword or cane for 12 months, which resolve they being both sent for, were acquainted with. (Factory Records, Fort St. George, vol. 10.)
R. C. TEMPLE.

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BUDDHA AND DEVADATT..
BY A. M. HOCART. DEVADATTA'y constant, but unsuccessful, persecution of the Buddha, his cousin, is one of the main themes of Buddhist legend. It has usually been taken as a simple case of sec. tarian jealousy, requiring no further explanation. I believe there is a great deal more in it than that.
I will preface my remarks with the Buddha's genealogy. Spence Hardy, in his Manual of Buddhism (p. 140), relates how the thirty-two sons of Râma of the Kôli tribe married their thirty-two mother's brother's daughters of the Sakya tribe. From this time it became
custom of the Köli and Sakya tribes to intermarry with each other." This is borne out by the following pedigree taken from Rhys David's Buddhism and Spence Hardy! :Jayasena
Dêvadaha (Sakya)
(Kôli)
Siihahậnu=Kaîcana
Yaśôdhara=Aijana
Siúhahân. Kancana
(See left)
Suprabuddha-Amrita
Sudhôdhana=Maha Vaya
(Sakya)
Suprabuddha= Amrita
(See right)
Gautamabuddha-Yasodhara Dêvadatta Any one who has the slightest acquaintance with kinship systems will immediately diagnose the case. It is the cross-cousin system, under which a man's children are expected to marry his sister's children, but not his brother's children. In technical language a man marries his cross-cousin, a term invented to express the fact that they are cousins through parents of opposite sexes. Such a form of marriage results in a system of reckoning kin, in which the maternal uncle is the same as the father-in-law, the paternal aunt as the mother-inlaw, and so forth, as any one can work out for himself on the above pedigree.
* This mode of reckoning kin is found in its typical form among the Tamils, the Todas, and other peoples of South India, among the Sinhalese, ancient and modern, the Torre's Straits Islanders, the New Hebrideans, and in Fiji. With a trifling modification it occurs among the Seneca-Iroquois of North America. Species of the same genus, or crosses between this and other species, are found broadcast from South Africa to America across the Pacific.
I assume straightaway that all these systems have a common origin. If we maintain that they have arisen independently, then good-bye to all history of civilization. We might just as well be consistent and say that the resemblances between Latin and Sanskrit, or Mala. gasy and Hawaiian are accidental.
If all these systems have a common origin, we are justified in drawing inferences from one to another, provided we observe the laws of evidence. Just as we compare the Latin pater,
1 This Pedigree is given in Mahayanda 11, 15ff.
? Richard's Cross-cousin Marriage in South India ; Man, 1914, No. 97 : Rivers', The T6dda, 184 ; Morgan, Systems of Consanguinity, Pi. X ft. 3 Cambridge Expedition to Torres Straits, VI, p. 92.
Morgan, ef. cit. PI, IV ff.

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with the Sanskrit pitar, the Gothic fadar, and so hark back to an original paler, so we are justified in placing the Sakya custom besides the Sinhalese, the Fijian, and the New Hebridean, and thus rostore the original practice from which all these varieties are derived.
Inseries of papers I have described the beliefs and practices that centre round orosscousinship in Fiji. In Fiji groups intermarry just like the Koli and the Sakya, and this tribal relationship is variously described in different parts as tauvu, veilambani, veimbatiki, veikila. People who are so related make a point of abusing one another, calling each other "oad," " orphan," "body fit to cook"; they pull one another by the hair; they take each other's property without asking leave ; on ceremonial occasions a man will seize a lot of stuff and get beaten in a playful way by his cross-cousins. There is a great rivalry between such groups : "they are lands that vie with one another," says a Fijian, " it is a disgrace for them that the report should go forth that they have been overwhelmed in war, or in ex. changes, or in eating, or in drinking." All this rough handling, and rivalry, and abuse is done, mind you, in a friendly way; in fact a man's proper "pal” is his cross-cousin, and tales are told of the endless tricks inseparable cross-cousins played on one another. So essen.' tial is this cheating that over and over again tribes will derive their relationship from two gods of whom one cheated the other, who, thereupon, retaliated with bad language. So essen. tial is the fighting that in the Windward Islands of Fiji, where they have forgotten the meaning of veitambani, they will tell you that two tribes are veitamband because they could fight one another!
This constant feud between cross-cousins was not a local growth in Fiji, for traces of it are found elsewhere. In the New Hebrides the two halves of society" are said to have dif. ferent characters .... In the old time members of the two moieties hated one another and even now there is a feeling of enmity between the two." Among the Thonga of South Africa, just as in Fiji, the uterine nephew steals the offering and gets pelted by the othere. This therefore looks like an original feature of the cross-cousin system sufficiently andent to have spread to South Africa at one end, and Fiji at the other.
The reader will long ago have seen what we were coming to, namely to the conclusion that the rivalry of Buddha and Dévadata is an echo of the friendly and ceremonial antagonism of cross-cousins. We must leave it undecided, however, whether there existed between the Buddha and his cousin a friendly feud, which, with the disappearance of the custom, was misinterpreted as a bitter enmity; or whether in those days an originally friendly opposition had degenerated into hate; or whether, finally, there never was such a rivalry between the two, but traditions of cross-cousin rivalry became attached to the pair. It matters little to our purpose what may have been the case, for we are not concerned here with events, but with oustoms, and it is sufficient if we can show that the legend of Buddha and Divadatta is evidence that similar customs onoe prevailed in Northern India as they do now in the Pacific.
At the suggestion of Rao Saheb S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar let us consider the exact form taken by the feud between Buddha and Devadatfa. “Shin-i-tian" quoted by Klaproth and Remusat in their edition of Fa Hian (p. 201) records a rivalry in mighty deeds between Nanda, the Buddha's brother, and Devadatta, in which, of course, Nanda surpasses his cousin. Late in life, according to Spence Hardy (Manual of Buddhism, p. 326) Devadatta thought thus :-"I am equally honourable as to my family with Buddha; before I became a priest I was treated with all respect, but now I receive even less than my previous
6 "The Fijian Custom of tauuu, "JRAI., 1913, p. 101 ; " More about tatou," Man, 1914, No. 96; "The Uterino Nephew," Man, ibid., 1922.
• "Chieftainship in the Pacific," American Journ. of Anthropology, 1918, p. 631. • 7. The Common Sense of Myth," ibid., 1016, p. 316.
• Rivers' History of Malanesian Society, I, p. 22. The author probably took it more seriously than it was meat.
• Janod, Life of an African Tribe. I, p. 162.

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269
followers. I must take to myself 500 disciples ; but before I can do this, I must persuade some king or other to take my part; great monarchs of Rajagaha, and other places, are all on the side of Buddha ; I cannot therefore deceive them, as they are wise. But there is Ajásat, the son of Bigâra ; he is ignorant of causes, and disobedient to his parents ; but he is liberal to his followers; so I must bring him over, and then I can easily procure & large retinue." Thug Dêvadatta enters into rivalry with the Buddha : the Buddha founds & monastic order, Dévadatta must do the same; the Buddha is patronised by a great monarch, Devadafta must also seek such an exalted patron. Dêvadatta preaches "in imitation of Buddha" (p. 339): but like our Fijian veitambans, Dévadatta must go one better than the Buddha, only he does so in the spiritual, they in the material. When he finds his Order fall to pieces he comes to the Buddha, and says (p. 337): “I have hitherto been refused that which I asked at your hands, but this is not right, as I am the nephew of Sudhôdana :" (here I must interrupt to inquire whether this is not an echo of the right a man's sister's son has of taking everything of his uncle's without his uncle being allowed to say him nay; otherwise what is the meaning of Devadatta's words ?). Dêvadatta then proceeds to ask that on five points the discipline of the Order should be made more severe. The Buddha calls on men to leave the world and retire into monasteries ; Dêvadatta wants them to retire to the forest. Buddha allows his disciples to eat what is brought by the people to the monasterios ; Dévadatta wants them to eat nothing but what they have begged from door to door, and so on. The only motive that influences Dévadatta from beginning to end is rivalry, a desire to surpass his cousin
If the hostility of Dévadatta is merely the record of ordinary hatred, it is diffioult to under stand why Dêvadatta possesses the power of flying through the air and ot performing miracles (Spence Hardy, Manual of Buddhism, p. 326). Here we have a man who, according to existing accounts, is utterly wicked, so wicked as to oppose the Saviour of the World, yet endowed with a power which is normally attained only after treading the path of meditation and renunciation towards the goal of sanctity. Buddhist tradition seems to have felt the difficulty, for it is at pains to explain that to him the power of passing through the air and of assuming of any form was only a curse, which "led him on to do that which involved himself in ruin." If on the other hand this antagonism is really the echo or the continuation of an old sporting feud involving no moral stigma on either side, it is only natural that the rival chiefs should both be endowed with wondrous power; only one surpasses the other. When at a later time it came to be interpreted as the malice of the Evil One against the Good One, & difficulty arose which had to be explained away. A similar difficulty beset our theologians of old, who accepted the wonders tradition asoribes to " Osiris, Isis, Horus and their train;" yet deeming them to be devils, were perplexed by the power wielded by the enemies of God, and were redused to suppose that only
"Through God's high sufferance, for the trial of man, By falsities and lies the greatest part Of mankind they corrupted to forsake
God their Creator." But to return to our problem, can we find in Modern India any evidence that the kinship customs were similar to those that now prevail in Fiji, any trace of that playful antagonism of cross-cousins ? Unfortunately kinship and its customs has not received the attention it deserves, and therefore there is a dearth of evidence. I have made inquiries in Ceylon and this is the result: "If cross-cousins are of equal age they talk to one another like chums. If they are of different ages, the younger one treats the older as if he were his elder brother. Brothers don't discuss private matters, such as love affairs, with each other ; but cousins of equal age discuss such matters freely. They call each other names, if they are angry... Brothers abuse one another when they are very young." All that survives then in Ceylon is a

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greater familiarity between cross-cousins, and even that is restricted by the respect for age, which is such that * a man will address his servant as ayya (elder brother), if he is older."
Thanks to R20 Saheb S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, I am able to produce more definite evidence from South India. I will quote his letter :-" Whether they actually marry or no, these cross-cousins usually enjoy that license, particularly as between men, to indulge in free talk, which between others would be regarded as insulting. As between these cousins there is infinitely more freedom of talk. This habit has even invaded the castes to whom marriage between cross-cousins is a prohibition, such as, for instance, the Brahmans. The habit is almost generalamong all classes other than that of the Brâhmans."
Another way of approaching the problem is by looking for divisions that fight one another. The only case I know of is the hostility between the right-hand and left-hand factions of Southern India, as described by Dubois in his Hindu Manners and Customs (Oxford ed., p. 25). The left-hand includes the Vaisyas, a high caste, and also the lowest of all. The right-hand consists of most of the higher Südras and of the Parias. Their disputes centre, it, should be noted, round religious ceremonies. It may be objected that these two groups do not intermarry and that there is no evidence that they ever did ; on the other hand there is no evidence that they did not. The rigidity of caste is admittedly not early. Even at the present day cases of intermarriage are not uncommon, and I need not dwell upon them beyond quoting Mr. H. Codrington's inforination as regards Ceylon:-" The castes used to intermarry, 1.c., a higher caste man took a wife from the caste next below. This is still done in parts of Ceylon by the Hali (Salagama. Tamil, Saliyar) and Vahunpurayo."
But whether caste ever intermarried or not, the Tamil and Sinhalese kinship system is there to prove that there must at one time have been in the South intermarrying groups like the Sakya and Kôli, for the Tamil system is based on the dual organization and is sufficient evidence of its former existence. If in Tamil land this system divided the clans into two intermarrying groups, we should get back to a state of society such as exists in Fiji. There each state is divided into two groups of clans : the nobles and their councillors or heralds are always in one, to the vanguard in the other; it can be shown that marriage into the other half was, until recently, the proper thing ; but the nobles have tended to form alliances with the nobles of foreign states and thus to become endogamous within their rank or caste; the car. penters are strictly endogamous because no one will marry into them, they are so despised.
The Todas, who have the cross-cousin system are divided into Tartharol and Teivaliol. These two divisions do not now intermarry, but the following custom is significant. When a girl reaches a certain age "a man belonging to the Tartharol, if the girl is a Teivali, and to Teivaliol, if she is a Tarthar, comes in the day-time to the village of the girl, and, lying down beside her puts his mantle over her so that it covers both and remains there for a few minutes. Fifteen days later she is cleflowered by a man of either division."'11 This looks very much like a survival of the time when a woman's proper husband came from the opposite division. She still, in the majority of cases, finds her official para mour in the opposite divi. sion.12 The Tôlàs therefore constitute the first link in the chain with which we want to connect the Tamil social organisation with the Fijian. Students of Indian society may well find soine more links among the backward tribes of India, for those who are out of the swim of civilization move more slowly and are often to be found now exactly where their neighbours stood thousands of years ago.
The use of the terms right and left as applied to social divisions, lends probability to my suggestion. Ainong the Elema of New Guinea the clubs are divided into right and left.
19 It is the posible that they have the same origin as the Koattriyas and Brāhmans of India I! Riscrs' Th Tnas, . 303.
12 Ibid., p. 526.

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If I understand Dr. Seligman's note, the right and left intermarry, but not right with right, or left with left.13 The Galla of East Africa also divides society into a right and left wing, cach of which can only marry into the other. 14
I must apologize for producing such flimsy supports to the argument. As a matter of fact, they are intended not as proofs, but as clues for dwellers in India and round the Indian Ocean to follow up, and thus link up Africa and the Pacific with Northern India. Such a result might have far reaching consequences, so far reaching indeed that I am almost afraid of hinting at them, for fear of being utterly discredited, but here goes.
The antagonism of the Buddha and Dêvadatta is that of Good and Evil, which appear again in the persons of Osiris and Seth, Aluva Mazda and Angro-Minyus, Christ and Satan. the Devas and Ayurâs. If it is based on the rivalry of two intermarrying groups, may not those other antagonisms go back to the same source. In Fiji we have seen that the gods of intermarrying tribes over-reach one another just as their descendants do. May not the same have happened in other parts of the world, and the rivalry of the tribesmen be shared by their gods? I must insist that this institution is essentially religious : in Fiji the relation of tauvu is defined as "having gods in common;" and a man who resents the seizing of property by his cross-cousins is made ill by the spirits. In South Africa the pelting of the uterine nephew is part of a religious ceremonial. The story of the malice of Dêvadatta has only been preserved by the Buddhist religion. It is not therefore surprising that a feud, which is essentially reli. gious, should have been preserved in the annals of religion ; nor that, once the custom had died out, the tradition should have been misunderstood, and an animus erept in which was not there before. Scholars may fail to see how a theory of good and evil can have arisen out of a mere system of intermarriage ; but it is not a mere system of intermarriage ; it is an elaborate theology of which the intermarriage of two tribes or families is only one consequence. That theology is only beginning to unfold itself. As the picture becomes clearer and more detailed we shall cease to find it difficult to believe that the powers of good and evil go back to the ceremonial antagonism of intermarrying groups.
Appendix A. I should like to draw the reader's attention to Vinaya, vol. II, p. 188, where Dévadatta approaches Buddha most respectfully and offers to relieve his age of the burden of adminis. tering the Order. The Buddha replies with abuse, calling himn corpse, lick-spittle" (chava88a, khelaka pasea). This seems scarcely in keeping with the character of the Buddha, but it is with that of a cross-cousin.
Dévadatta is hurt and one day whon Buldha is walking up and down on Grethrakuta Kill throws a stone at him (op. cit., p. 193).
Hiuen Tsiang saw the stone which was 14 or 15 feet high.16 Evidently we have here an old world legend of a type that covers a good part of the world, and is far more ancient than Buddhism. An example from the Pacific will be found in my "Cult of the Dead in Eddy. stone Island," pt. II.16 It is remarkable that in Fiji this kind of legend is often told to account for the cross-cousinship. Thus the people of the island of Nayani and of Vannavati intermarry a great deal and are relations (veiwekani); they tell a legend which is the nearest approach I can think of to the legend of Grdhrakūta. The gist of it is that the ancestor god of Nayau stole the water which the ancestor god of Vanuavatu had hung on a tree while he was at work. When the god of Vanuavatu discovered this he looked towards Nayau and saw the god of Nayau fleeing towards Nayau. He picked up a stone and threw it and struck the bottles so that they broke. The stone broke in two and one half is in Nayau.
13 The Melanesian of British Now Guinea, p. 28. 14 A. Werner, Some Galla Nnter, 1915. No. 10, 18 Beal. Buddhist Records of the Western World, II, 153. 19 JRAI, July-December, 1922.

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A similar logond without the stone throwing is told to explain why Undu in Totoya and Natok alau in Matuku are tribal cross-cousins (tauvd).
Appendix B. Rao Saheb S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar has given me further particulars about the abuse usual among cross-cousins, from which it appears that they indulge in obscenities; for he says, "These expressions have reference more or less to matters of banter not usually permissible except as between husband and wife." Among the hill tribes of Fuji the banter of crosscousins alludes to sex.17
I think enough has been said to show that the use of abusive language among crosscousins is a very ancient feature of the cross-cousin system, as ancient as the nearest common ancestor of the people who introduoed the system into India, the New Hebridoe, and Fiji. It follows that normally Siddartha and Devadatta would have behaved in this charaoteristic manner.
THE ANTIQUITY OF THE FOUR STAGES OF LIFE (ASRAMAS).
By Dr. NARENDRA NATH LAW, M.A., B.L., P.R.S., Ph.D. SCHOLARS are divided in their opinion as to the time of origin of the four stages into which the life of a Hindu came to be divided. According to Prof. Deussen, the theory of the four asramus is in the course of formation in the older Upanisade. Ohand. Up. (VIII, 15) mentions only tho Brahman student and householder. The same work (II, 23, 1) names tapas of the anchorite as part of dharma. The words muni and pravrájin are found in the Br. Up. (IV, 4, 22) in addition to the references to the practisers of vedanuvacana (study), yajita (sacrifice), and tapas (austerity). But at that time, they did not form part of a progressivo series, and until a late period, the separation between the third and fourth dsramas, 6.e., between the ränaprastha and the pravrajin was not strictly carried out. According to Prof. Rhys Davids, the four stages of life oame into vogue after Buddha or after the com pilation of the pitakas, because these works do not mention them. He says that even the names of the four stages are not found in the older Upanipads. The term brahmacarin has in many places been used to denote a pupil, and the word yati occurs in two or three places to mean a sannyåsin, but there is no mention of gyhastha, vanaprastha, and bhiksu. The first unge of the four stages is found, according to him, in the law-codes of Gautama and Apastamba, but even there, they were not settled as to details. Prof. Jacobi, however, states in his Introduotion to the translation of the Jaina-Stras that the four stages are much older than both Jainism and Buddhism. The object of this article is to attempt to substantiate the view of Prof. Jacobi by showing that the four stages of life were well developed at the time of the older Upanişads, and the mutual relations between them had been fixed before that period.
A little thought will make it evident that the first two stages of life of a Hindu had their origin in the usual divisions of life into (1) preparation for bearing the burden of later life. (2) actual bearing of the burden as a householder; while the last two stages of life originated in the feeling of worry, and hankering after detachment from worldly troubles, that naturally come upon a man's mind in later life. Though the word asrama may not be found in use in a very early period, yet it cannot be denied that there existed in the Aryan
17 Man, Note on various definitions of Totomiem, 1920, No. 12. 1 The Philosophy of the Upanigads, pp. 367, 368. 2 The Dialogues of the Buddha, vol. I, pp. 212, 213. 8 SBE., XXII, p. xxix.

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society from very carly times the student (brahmacárin), the householder ((grhastha), 147 the porson who renounced the world (muni or yati), as ovidenced in the carlicst Vedic work. Beforo dwelling on the question whether any tixed relations were ostablishod among the sovoral stages of life at that time, we would first cleal with the closcriptions with which wo are furnished by the Vedic samhilds, tho brahmanas, anil tho Upanišads.
Brahmacarya means tho stato in which learning is acquired in it well-reguler! WN. The provision for brahmacaryat oxisted at tho time of the Vedio samhitas. It is loint in the Rg-veda (I, 112, 2; 1, 112, 4) that the students of those days used to study unler a Guru. obtained recognition of their merit as students from loarned mon assombled at a place (kl.. X, 71), and met with odium if they were unsuccessful in their carcers (RV., X. 71, 9). The use of the term brahmacarin is also found in the same work (RV., X, 109,5). Byhapati has been called brahmacârin, because he was living as a widower. The primary senso of the word brahmacarya is the study of the Vela, brahma meaning vedln, and as the control of the senses Wis compulsory for a brahmacárin, the word brahmacarya came secondarily to mean contro! of the senses. The application of the term to Brhaspati was on the strength of this second. ary sense. It is therefore evident that at the time of the Rig Veda, not only was there is regulatod provision for the study of the Vedas, but also the student had to practise chastity. The Taittiriya-Samhita (VI, 3, 10, 5) refers to brahmacarya as a compulsory duty of the Brahmanas. It has also been stated that a Brahmana boy is born with three debts: the deb: to the ysis is paid off by brahmaourya, that to the gods by the performance of the sacrifices. and the one to the ancestors by the birth of a son. In the face of such passages in the Vedas Prof. Deussen remarks that up to the time of the Chandogya Upanigad, the study of the Veda was not universally enjoined upon the Brahmanas.
The brahmacârin has been extolled in the Atharva-veda (XI, 15). It appears from here that the duties prescribed for the brahmacárin in the dharma-sdstras were sustantially the same in the Atharvit-veda. Hence, the evidences from the Rg. Yajur and Atharva Vedas make it clear that the Brahmana boy had to perform regularly the duties of the first deran from the time of the Samhita period. That the grhastha (houscholder) existed at that time with his duties as such, needs no mention. The passage from the Taittiriya-Samhita cita already shows that a Brâhmana youth had to enter upon the second asrama by marriage, to pay off the debt to the forefathers.
The next point for our enquiry would be whether the third and the fourth stages of lif: (diramas) are also mentioned in the Samhita with details, if any. The Rg Veda (X, 109, 4; 154, 2; VI, 5, 4) mentions in several places terms like lapas, tapasvanu ; but it is difficult to say, whether this tapasya had any connection with the vanaprastha (third stngu of life. It is however clear that the munis ' mentioned in the same Veda formed a class distinct from the grhasthas. They used to read the stôtras (VII, 56, 8), had Indra as their friend (VIII, 17, 14), were dear to the gods and moved about in the air by virtue of their occult powers (X, 136). One of the siktas (X, 136) describes the Kesins. It seems that the munis with long hair were given this appellation. It is stated by Dr. Roth in his Nirukia (p. 164) that the kesins of this Sakta bear a strong resemblance to the munis described in the literature of the following period. Some of these munis went naked (vátarasandra) and some wore yellow clothes, and all of them possessed occult powers. The Atharva-Veda (VIT, 74, 1) also mentions the occult powers of the munis. The Rg Veda (VII, 3,9; 6, 18) refers
Cf. Kunte's Vicissitudes of Aryan Civilization, p. 129 and ERE., vol. 5, p. 190. 5 The Philosophy of the Upanigads, p. 369.

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also to the yalis; but particulars about them do not appear in the text. The three Samhitas, viz., Taittirtya (II, 4, 9, 2; VI, 2, 7, 5), Kathaka (VIII, 5, 12, 10; XXV, 6, 36, 7), and Atharva (IL, 5, 3) contain an akhydyika, in which Indra is described as killing the yatis by throwing them into the mouth of an animal named salavyk. The Atharva Veda (XV) men. tions another class of sådhus called Vrátya. Though the text does not expressly state that the munis used to renounoc the world, yet the fact that they resemble the vâna prasthus of the dharma-sdstras, and are mentioned as belonging to a class separate from the ordinary men, and are superior to the latter, justifies the inference that they did not belong to the second asrama. It is found from the Brâhmanas (see below) that there is no radical differ. ence between the munis and yatis of the Samhitas and Brahmaņas, and those mentioned in the literature of the following periods. However, this enquiry leads us to the inference, that though the Verla Samhitas contain references to the states of life similar to those involved in the four stages, they are mentioned separately without any express statement that they were inter-related, nor do they detail clearly the duties of the munis and the yatis.
The Brahmanas contain all the four terms. It is found in the Satapatha-Brahmana (XI, 3, 3) that the brahmacárin had to perform duties like the oollection of fuel, begging of alms, looking after the comforts of the preceptor, etc. The Aitareya-Brahmaņa (XXII, 9) mentions Nabhanedista as living in the house of his Guru as a brahmacárin. The Panca. vimša-Brahmana (XIV, 4, 7) contains an akhyāyika which relates that Indra restored to life his favourito rpis called Vaikhanasas who had been killed by the Asuras at a place called Muni-marana. Wo have found in the Rg Veda (VIII, 17, 14) that Indra was the friend of the munis. In the present passage from the Pañcavimša-Brahmana, Indra is also the friend of the Vaikhånasas. The Vaikhånasas appear therefore to have taken the place of the munis of the Samhitas in this akhydyika. The narrative as to Indra killing the yatis is also found in the Brahmanas (Ait. Br., XXXV, 2; Pañc. Br., VIII, I, 4; XIII, 4, 16). The AitareyaBrahmana (XXXIII, I), moreover, hints at the four asramas together. Hero Narada while extolling the birth of sons depreciates the agramas: "Of what good will mala (impurity of blood and somen), ajina (the hairy skin of a black antelope), masru (beard), and tapasya (austerity) be? O, Brahmaņas ! pray for sons ; sons stand for a world beyond cavil." Så yana while commenting on the passage says, “ Mala, ajina, smasru, and tapasyd indicate the four asramas. The asrama of the grhastha is indicated by mala, because of its connection with the mala (impurity) of blood and semen ; bre macarya is indicated by the skin of the black antelope which is used by the brahmacárin ; vânaprastha is indicated by the beard, the shaving of which is prohibited in this ásrama ; and pärivrajya, the fourth asrama, is indi. cated by the term tapasya which involves the control of the senses." The terms, indeed, do not yield any reasonable interpretation if they be taken in any other sense (see Haug's transl. of the Ait. Br., p. 461). It is now clear that the Samhitds and Brahmanas mention all the four stages of life corresponding to the four asramas ; but they do not furnish any oloar evidence bearing on the details of life of the yatis. It is inferred by many from the narrative of the killing of the yatis that they were opposed to the Vedas and the Brahmanic religion, and hence, references to the punishment to which they were subjected are found in several places in the Vedio literature. But if we look closely into the passage of the Aitareya-Brahmana (XXXV, 2), we shall find that such an inference is not justified. It is found in the narrative that the gods exoommunicated Indra for misdeeds committed by him. He was even forbidden to drink soma. One of the misdeeds was the killing of the yatis. Had the yatis been opposed to the Veday, the same Vedas would not have contained a reference

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to the punishment of Indra for doing away with their lives. Hence, it can be inferred that tho modes of living of the brahmacdrin, g, hastha, muni, and yati were all in compliance with the Vedas from the time of the Samhitas.
We would now enquire as to when the four modes of living came to form a progressive series in the life of a Hindu. The Taittiriya-samhita (VI, 3, 10, 5) shows that both brahmacarya and grhastha were practisud by a particular individual, and the Satapatha-Brahmana (XI, 3, 3, 7) lays down as a duty of the grhastha that a anataka (i.e., one who has formally concluded his life as a brahmacarin for entering upon the second stage of life) should no longer beg for alms as he used to do as a brahmacárin. This passage establishes the connection between the str.ges of a brahmacârin and a grhastha. Then again we meet with the narrative in which Manu is said to have partitioned his properties among his sons during his lifetime. The partition took place during the absence of his youngest son Nâbhânedista, who was staying as a brahmacarin in the house of his Guru. According to the TaittiriyaSamhita (III, 1, 9), Manu himself divided the properties, while according to the AitareyaBrdhmana (XXII, 9), the elder brothers of Nâbhânedista appropriated the properties among themselves. When Nâbhânedista returned from the house of his Guru, he was asked by his father not to be sorry for his exclusion from a share in the properties, for he would be able to earn money by his own exertions. This narrative shows that Manu gave away his all to his sons and was living detached from the world in his old age. He could not wait for the return of his youngest son from the house of his Guru, because the time for living detached from the world demanded immediate action. It may be that Manu instead of returning to the forest was living under the care of his sons; but such a mode of living may be termod the third or fourth stage of life. The Manu Samhita (IV, 257, 258 ; VI, 94, 95) and the Vasistha Dharma-sútra (X, 26) of a later period have applied the cppellation of asramin to mon living in this way. We can therefore infer from their narrative that the stages of a brahmacarin, a grhastha, and one living detached from the world existed at that time. These three states of life are the foundation of the dsramas. As the result of our enquiry, it may now be laid down that the terms brahmacdrin, grhastha, muni (or vaikhanas), and yati are found separately in the Vedio Samhitas and Brahmanas, and in a few places, as shown already, we meet with instances of entrance into the life of a grhastha after the conclusion of studentship, and moreover, we meet with the example of living detached from the world in old age after the end of a period lived as grhastha. In addition, we find a reference to all the four stages of life in the Aitareya-Brahmana. Hence, it would not, I think, be unreasonable to infer that as early as the period covered by the Samhitas and the earlier Brāhmaṇas, the stages of life emerged with their inter-relations established between them in a progressive order.
The point next engaging our attention is the development reached by the stages of life at the time of the Upanişads. The Chandogya and the Brhadaranyaka are regarded as the earliest of the Upanigads; hence we would confine ourselves to the evidence furnished by only these two works. It is found in the Chandogya (II, 23, 1) that Dharma has been divided into three parts in the following way :-yajña (sacrifice), adhyayana (study of the scriptures), and dana (gift) form the first part ; tapasyd (austerity) forms the second part ; and life-long residence in the house of the preceptor forms the third part. Of these three parts, the first is meant for the householder, the second though practisable by all is specially meant for the udnaprasthin, and the life-long residence in the house of the preceptor is meant for the nais. thika-brahmacdrin. Two classes of brahmacarins are found from the time of the Upanipads. The student who after staying at the house of his preceptor for the prescribed period and

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(OCTOBER, 1923 fulfilling his duties returned home, was called upakurvdna-brahmacarin (Cha. Up., VIII, 16, 1). while the student, who lived life-long at the house of his Guru, was called naisthika-brahmacarin (Cha. Up., II, 23, 1). After the montion of the grhastha, vanaprasthz, and naisthika. brahmtarin in the above way, it has been laid down that they all reach punyalóka, while the man who is brahma-samstha gets amrtatva (immortality). The man who is brahma-samatha belongs to the fourth stage of life. Hence, we have the mention of all the four asramas together in one place. Again, in the Byhaddranyaka (IV, 4, 22), Yajñavalkya, while discoursing on the knowledge of atman, says, "The Brâhmanas try to know Him (Åtman) by the study of the Vedas, and by knowing Him by yajña, dana, tapasyd, and freedom from worldly desires (anášaka) attain the stage of a muni." In this passage, the study of the Vedas stands for brahmacarya, yaja, dana, and tapasyd'stand for gdrhasth ya, and lastly, the terms andsaka and muni stand for the renunciation of the world. Immediately after this passage, we find it laid down that the Parivrâjakas take Pravrajyd with the object of getting Him. Hence, here also, all the four agramas have been mentioned together. Though the states of life corresponding to the four asramas are found separately mentioned in the Samhitas and the Brahmanas, particulars about the third and the fourth divisions of life are found in & large measure in the Upanisads. In the latter works, two paths are mentioned as leading to the next world. Those who live in the villages and perform sacrifices, make gifts, practise austerities, and engage in works of public utility like the digging of wells, eto., go to the higher regions along the path called Pit-yana and return to this world, Cha. Up. (VI, 2, 16); and those who live in the forests and practise sraddha, satya, and tapasyd go to the brahma-loka along the path called Deva-yina and never return to this world (Cha. Up., V, 10, 1; Br. Up., VI, 2, 15). It is clear from the passages that the dwellers in the village stand for the grhasthas and the dwellers in the forests stand for the sannydsins. We find elsewhere that the sannyasins beg for alms (Br. Up., III, 5, 1) and wander about (Bt. Up., IV. 4. 22). By putting together the distinctive marks of a sannydsin, we find that they were these, viz., dwelling in the forest, begging alms, and wandering. It is inferable from the narrative relating to the partition of Manu's properties that he detached himself from the world at the end of his life as a grhastha ; but the Upanişads make the point clear by showing in the life of Yâjñavalkya that he detached himself from the world at the end of the second stage of his life. Yajñavalkya called his wife and told her that he intended to take up pravrajya (Br. Up., IV, 5, 1). The renunciation of the world at the conclusion of the second stage of life was so very common a matter, that the husband did not say anything by way of broaching the subject before the wife. The latter also was not sur. prised in the least at hearing the intention of her husband. That a particular individual entered upon different asramas at different periods of his life is also found in a few other instances in the Upanişads. The life of a Hindu was divided into three parts from very early times. In the Aitareya-Aranyaka (V, 3, 3), it is laid down in regard to a certain vidya that it should not be taught either to a boy or a trtiya (na valsye na ca lytiye); here the word totiyut stands for an old man. Further, in the Cha. Up. (III, 16), man has been compared with a sacrifice and the following analogies have been drawn : the first twenty-four years of man's life have been mentioned as corresponding to the pratahsavana of the sacrifice, the next forty-four years to its madhyandini-savana, and the following forty-eight years to its htfys-8auana. It is not clear, on what principlo, a man's life has been divided in this way but it should be noticed that in the dharma-sdstras (e.g., Manu, IX, 94), the second stage of life is put as generally commencing from the twenty-fifth year, while in the Cha. Up. (VI, 1, 1), Svêtaketu is found to conclude his career as brahmacarin at the same age for entering

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upon the second asrama. After the said passe ge, the comparison between the man and the sacrifice has been further drawn in the following way: the fact that he does not satisfy his desire for food and water, though he is hungry and thirsty, corresponds to the diksha of the sacrifice ; drinking, eating, and indulgence in the sexual passion correspond to its upasad, stotra and sastra : austerity, gift, simplicity, non-injury to living beings (ahimsi) and truthfulness correspond to its daksind; and death corresponds to the avabhrta bathing of the sacrifice (Cha. Up., III, 17). Here, the abstinence from food and drink implies brahmacarya. A sacrifice commences with the diksha , similarly, the life of a man begins with brahmacarya. Next, indulgence in the desire for food, drink, and the sexual passion forms part of the duties of a grhastha; and as the dharma of a grhastha is practised in the middle portion of a man's life, similarly the upasad, stotra, and sastra come in the middle portion of a sacrifice. Then, austerity, gift, non-injury to beings, and truthfulness are the marks of a sannyásin. The dharma-sástras mention gift (Vasistha, IX, 8) and non-injury to sentient beings (Vašistha, X, 3) as the dharma of a sannyasin. It has also been shown above from the Upanişad that the sannydsins practise sraddha, tapasyd, and satya in the forests, and as sannyasa is adopted by & man towards the last portion of his life, so dakvind is paid towards the end of the sacrifice. Then the very last ritual of the sacrifice, viz., the avabhıta bathing has been compared to a man's death. So, it is apparent that the several rituals composing a sacrifice have been compared to the various stages of a man's life with the duties attaching to them.
In the above comparison between a man and a sacrifice, the human life has been divided into three parts. The life of Yâjña valkya instances the entrance upon three stages of life in succession. Hence, it should be made clear whether at the time of the earlier Upanisads, there existed any difference between the third and the fourth asramas. We find in the Cha. Up. (II, 25, 1) that the brahmacarin, grhastha and tapasvin got to punyalóka after death, while one who is brahma-nistha attains immortality. The Br. Up. (IV, 4, 22) mentions both muni and pravrdjin in the same place, and informs us that the last-mentioned sannyasins used to wander about. The passage in the Br. Up. (IV, 3, 22) contains the two separate terms sramana and tapasa, and it is also found in the Upanişads that some living in the forest practised tapasyd with great devotion (Cha. Up., V, 10), while others, non-attached to the world, wandered about and subsisted on alms (Br. Up., III, 5, 1). Hence, at the time of the earliest Upani ads, there existed two diramas that were entered upon after the conclusion of the career of a man as a grhastha, and these were the third and the fourth stages of life. We have seen already that the Samhitds and Brahmanas mention both the terms muni and yati. Though the third and the fourth asramas were different, they were founded upon the common basis of the renunciation of the world. One was the first stage of sannyása, while the other was its mature stage. These two divisions of life have been most probably combined and referred to only as one in the Upanişads cited above, giving rise to only three stages of life, viz., brahmacarya, gårhasthya, and sannydsa, and it is perhaps for this reason that the terms like muni were applied to members of both the third and the fourth stages of life. The vanaprasthin used to practise tapasyd and cogitate on brahma in a particular place in a forest; but a yati had no fixed place of abode, and wandered about, giving himself up sololy to brahma to the exclusion of all other works. We cannot infer from the case of Yâjñavalkys, as mentioned in the Upanişads, that because he adopted pravrajya or the fourth dsrama from his life as a grhastha, theretu.e all used to enter upon the fourth dirama without going through the third. In fact, it all depended upon the intensity of one's feeling of non attachment to the world, and of devotion to brahma and things of the spiritual world. It may not be possible for a man to enter upon the fourth stage immediately after the s-oond stage on account of the hardships involved in the change, and the mental, moral and physical training

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required to prepare him for the arduous fourth dsrama. Hence, the third stage has been put in to make the transition slower and more convenient. It cannot be inferred from the example of Yâjña valkya that there was no difference between the third and the fourth stages of life. It cannot be also stated that the difference between the third and the fourth stages of life of the earlier Upanisads was less than that in later times. The Jávalopanisad (4) clearly describes the progressive order of the four stages of life, brahmacari bhûtvá grhi bhavet, ghi bhûtvá vani bhavet, vani bhûtvâ pravrajet (a man is to become a householder after he had been a brahmacârin; he becomes a vaní (forest-dweller) after having been a householder; and he becomes a pravrájin after he had been a vaní). Immediately after this pas sage, the following is laid down: "Yati-dharma can be adopted from the stages of a brahmacârin, ghastha, or a vanaprasthin." The law-codes of Vasistha (VII, 3), Apastamba (II, 9, 21, 1) and Baudhâyana (II, 10, 17, 2-6) lay down that any dsrama can be taken up at will. Manu (VI, 68) also has allowed an individual to go over to the fourth dsrama if he chooses to do so, and Yajnavalkya (III, 56) is of opinion that the fourth dsrama can be entered upon from the house or the forest (i.e., from the second or the third stages of life). We do not however see any provision for the entrance upon one dirama from another in the reverse order. It has rather been expressly prohibited in the law-code of Daksha (I, 12). Hence, it was the general rule at the time next to that of the earliest Upanisads that the four stages of life should follow each other in due order, with this exception that the first stage could lead to any one of the remaining three stages, according to the desire of the brahmacárin (cf. Apastamba's law-code, II, 9, 21, 4). This rule is also noticed in the earliest Upanisads. Thus, one could remain a brahmacárin for life (Chd. Up., II, 23, 1), or after brahmacarya, could remain at the dwelling-house for life, devoting one self to the cogitation of brahma in old age (Châ. Up., VIII, 15). A man could also become a yati without becoming a householder if his feelings prompted him to do so (Br. Up., IV, 4, 22); while again, Yajnavalkya complied with the requirements of the three dsramas in due order (IV, 5, 1). From this collocation of the available evidence, it is allowable to infer that at the time of the two earliest Upanisads, the Chandogya and the Bṛhadaranyaka, the four diramas existed as a firmly established institution.
278
THE ANDHAU INSCRIPTIONS.
BY H. C. RAY.
THE history of ancient India from the fall of the Maurya dynasty to the rise of the Guptas is still imperfectly known. Some welcome light has recently been thrown on this period by the discovery of the Taxila Scroll and the Andhau Inscriptions. The first of these has received its due share of attention from many scholars.1 But the Andhau inscriptions, since their discovery by Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar, have hardly received the attention they deserve. It is with interest, therefore, that we open the pages of the January issue of the Epigraphia Indica3 to read an article on this subject from the pen of Mr. R. D. Banerjee.
Mr. Banerjee accepts the view that the inscriptions are dated in the reign of Rudradaman alone, which was put forward by Prof. Jouveau-Dubreuil some two years ago in his Ancient History of the Deccan. He rejects the theory of Prof. Bhandarkar of the conjoint
1 Fleet, JRAS., 1914, pp. 992-999; Marshall, JRAS., 1914, pp. 973 et seq; Chanda, JRAS., 1921, pp. 319-24; Sten Kenow, Ep. Ind., XIV, p. 284 ff. Raychaudhuri, Calcutta Review, December 1922, p. 493. Deb. JRAS., 1922, pp. 37-42.
Progress Report-Archaeological Survey of India, 1905-06, pp. 35, A; 1914-15, pp. 67 ff. Epigraphia Indica, vol. XVI, 1922.
4 Pages 26 and 27. It is curious that Mr. Banerjee gives no reference in his paper to this important conclusion of the learned French Professor.

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rule of Châstana and Rudradâman, and remarks that Apart from the possibility of such an event in India, nobody having ever thought or tried to prove conjoint reigns of two monarchs except Messrs. Bhandarkar, there is sufficient evidence in the Andhau inscriptions themselves to prove that the author of the record was quite ignorant as to the exact relationship between Châṣṭana and Rudradâman.' This is a strange statement. Every student of ancient Indian history, who has an acquaintance with either the Greek authors or the Arthasâstra of Kautilya, knows that there are distinct references to conjoint rule in Ancient India. In the chapter on Raja-rajyayor=vyasana-chinta Kautilya distinctly refers to dvairâjya or the rule of a country by two kings, while the constitution of the city of Tauala as described by Diodorus is apparently conjoint rule of that type. The Mahdvasas also refers to the conjoint rule of the sons of Kâlâsoka. Again we do not understand how a trained archaeologist of Mr. Banerjee's eminence could disregard the evidence of Indian numismatics and epigraphy. The joint coins of Lysias and Antialkidas, Strato I and Agathocleia, Strato I and II, Azes and Azilises, and Vonones and Spalahores clearly indicate conjoint rule in ancient India. The conjoint rule of Huvishka and Kanishka of the Ara inscription is also supported by some scholars. Thus it is quite clear that there is distinct evidence for the existence of conjoint rule in India.
The next question that arises in this connection is, why the name of Jayadaman has been given the fourth and the last place in the list of the Kshatrapa names occurring in the Andhau inscription and not third as would normally have been the case if the inscription had really belonged to Rudradâman alone (Rajno Châṣṭanasa Ysâmotikaputrasa rájño Rudradamasa Jayadamaputrasa......)? In all Kshatrapa inscriptions, when the writer gives the pedigree of the reigning king, we have first the name of the remotest ancestor, next the name of his son and so on, as in the Gunda and the Jasdan inscriptions edited by Mr. Banerjee himself. (If Châstana and Jayadâman were dead, both ought to have been mentioned similarly, i.e., either Jayadâman would also have been given the honorific "rajan" as in the Gunda and Jasdan inscriptions, or Châstana would, equally with Jayadâman, have been mentioned without it.) With reference to the ignorance of the scribe we might well ask Mr. Banerjee, how is it that he knew the relationship between the great-grandfather (Ysamotika) and the grandfather (Châstana) of the reigning king, but did not know the relationship between the grandfather (Châstana) and the grandson (Rudradaman)? It seems rather strange that the man should know a relationship so remote and yet be ignorant of one so recent.
THE ANDHAU INSCRIPTIONS.
5
4
279
Again the omission of the title "rája" in the case of Jayadaman, which is found in the Gunda and the Jasdan inscriptions, is, significant, if we take into account the order of mention of the names in the Andhau inscriptions.10 The names of Châṣṭana and Rudradâman are mentioned exactly in the same way, preceded by the royal title and then the father's name. The father of Châstana is also without any title honorific or otherwise.
Consideration of the above facts leaves little doubt that the inscriptions belong to the joint sovereigns Chastana and Rudradâman, and not to Rudradâman alone as advocated by Dr. Dubreuil and Mr. Banerjee. (I am indebted to Dr. H. C. Raychaudhuri for some of the suggestions contained in the paper.)
5 "Deccan of the Satavahana Period," ante, vol. XLVII, p. 154, footnote 26. Mysore edition, 1919, p. 325. cf. Do-rajja of the Aydramgasutta.
7 Ancient India, its invasion by Alendander the Great, ed. by McCrindie, p. 296. Geiger's Eng. trans, p. 27.
• Whitehead's Catalogue of Coins in the Lahore Museum, pp. 6, 81, 132, 141.
10 Epigraphia Indica, vol. XVI, 1922, p. 233.

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.
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,
CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY.
SERIES IV. By H. A. ROSE, I.C.S. (Retired.)
(Continued from page 124.) Chhånbar: a shrub;= Bhikon, q.v. Chhanchi: an umbrella, Kulu : Gloss., I, p. 432. Chhapanj: th or 4th, a due paid for grazing sheep: Mandi 47. Chharå: a bachelor : B., 101. Chharda: a cairn, commenced by a woman prepared to become sati: Mandi, 35.
Chhat: a measure of capacity ; 60 odis make l'chhat: but in some villages of the Boi ildga a chhat contains 80 odis: Hazara.
Chhatar: a large umbrella, used at weddings : B., 114...
Chhati: lit. 6th.' The 6th day after a birth on which the child may be named; other rites also being observed : B., 99.
Chhatrora : the son of a Rajput by a woman whom he might have married, legitimized by her subsequent marriage to his brother: Gloss., III, p. 67.
Chhaya dân, = akhîrî dân : lit. 'last gift,' made by a dying man : Gloss., I, p. 842. Chhe-châp : an undefined term in marriage : Ch., 126.
Chhela : a small goat (or Re. 1 or 1}) paid as a cess for the upkeep of & temple : SS. Bashahr, 75.
Chhed-karâi : lit. 'boring through,' the annulment of a marriage at a wife's instance, on payment of the rit and a rupee : Bashahr, 14.
Chhidra: a terrifying spirit which inust be propitiated by incense of mustard-seed; Simla Hills ; hence chhidra-shanti, a rite to exorcise the chhidra; and chhidra or chhuta kholna, to secure release froin an interdict,' and so bring about a reconciliation : Gloss., I, pp. 470, 436, 437 and 433.
Chhilbichhli: a day on which a picture of pine (1 chal) is made; Bashahr: Gloss., I, p. 346.
Chholpa : a rite corr. to the Hindu kiria karm, in Kanawar : SS. Bashahr, 36.. Chhaå: a species of boycott: SS. Bashahr, 33. Chhuhâru : rice, grown on unirrigated land : SS. Kumharsain, 14. Chichåri: certain minor rites observed at a wedding : Ch., 143. Chikri : a small hoe : Simla S. R., xlv.
Chikan : ( chikûn); the chikûn-di is the day on which batnd is rubbed on the bodies of the boy and his bride at a wedding : B., 105.
Chilla : Casearia tomentosa : Sirmûr, App. IV, v. Chikri : a small hoe : SS. Bashahr, 46. Chrá: a small loaf; see under doyan : B., 97. Chileri : a pancake : SS. Kumbårsain, 12. Chilta: a kind of food : SS. Bashahr, 41. Chimu : Morus serrata : Sirmûr, App. IV, vii. Chinai : a grain, Panicum miliaceum, eaten in Pangi and Lâhul : Ch., 204. Chingar: hill shoes with leather soles and woollen tops : SS. Jubbal, 20. Chîni-bahin : a sister in religion : Gloss., I, p. 907. Chinjar: shoes; = Lowâta : Simla S. R., xlv. Chinjarol: a woodcook : Ch., 37.

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Chinolti: chapatis made from china : Simla S. R., xxxix. Chira: mixed crop, = barra : SS. Jubbal, 16. Chirara : Litsaea zeylanica : Sirmûr, App. IV, vii. Chirauli : Buchanania latifolia : Sirmûr, App. IV, iv. Chiri: the breaking of jasmine (muut) twigs under the bridegroom's foot : Ch. 143. Chirindi : Litegea zeylanica : Ch., 239. Cf. Chirara. Chirna: a trance; Simla Hills : Gloss., I, p. 456.
Chirya ka bârat: a fast in which no food cooked on a hearth is eaten by women: Suket, 22.
Chitra : snake-wood; Staphylea Emodi : Ch. 237.
Chlankal :'a game in which a plank is balanced on an upright support and swung round by two boys, one leaning on each end : Ch., 212.
Choah: three : SS. Bashahr, 73. Choba: rice or bread with ghi and sugar : B., 104. Chobhanj: an exchange of brides in which four are involved : Comp. 2. Cf. Trebhanj.
Choha : 2 chohas =1 odt. But in the Dannah (?) ildgn the Dhunds use a choha containing 4 kurras, so that it =l odi, i.e., it is twice the usual size.
Ciaoharta: a kind of rice : SS. Bashahr, 48.
Chola : lit. bodice' (dim. -i); chola is the ceremony on the 13th day after a birth, when the child is clothed in a chola ; cf. Dasothan: B., 99.
Chola i : amaranthus : Sirmûr, 58. Choli-dori, = Gudani, q.v. Cholu mang : & cess levied to pay for the Raja's wardrobe : SS. Bashahr, 75. Cholti: a cess levied for officials : SS. Bashahr, 75. Chopri roti: bread spread with ghi: B., 192. Chorpith : damages for breach of a contract not to take a second wife : Comp., 59. Chothai : nee under Lap and Bohni. Chuba: a woman's frook : SS. Bashahr, 41.
Chudda : buttocks; cf. Chadha ; also chut, debauchee ; chutanhru and chutrainya, debauched : Ch., 138-9.
Chukka: a half handful : D. I. K. Chukri : rhubarb : Ch., 222. Chuli: apricots; -ki phand, stewed apricots : SS. Bashahr, 41.
Chulian lenâ : lit. ' to take handfuls of water,' to drink water from the Ganges from each other's hands and so become brothers oz sisters: Gloss., I, p. 903. .
Chane (pl.): long hair ; vingre chúne, long curling hair : B., 195.
Chung: a rite to preserve the bride from ever becoming a widow. Flour is ground by sat-suhagans and distributed, probably in handfuls (chúng). A repetition of the rite is the chhoti chung, also called jind rorí: B., 108-9.
Chunta : & goad; Cheunta. Chupta, = chapkan, a frock; cf. Chuba: SS. Bashahr, 42. Chur: wild apple (Pångi); Pyrus malus : Ch., 238. Chari : probably a kind of sweet: B., 106.
Chut: Chutânhru and Chutrainya, see under Chudda. Chut chipat, 'impure'; Simla Hills : Gloss., I, p. 456.
Dachhna, -dakhna, - dakhshna : Gloss., I, p. 360. Dadasrå : husband's grandfather.

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Dadiora father of one's father-in-law (?)
Dadsål: a term used vaguely for the family or village in which one's grandfather married. Dadu elder'; Simla Hills: Gloss., I, p. 459.
Daft; a broad verandah: SS. Bashahr, 43.
Dåg fem. dágni (1) a spirit: Sirmûr, 51-3;-specially associated with fields; Simla Hills: Gloss., I, p. 470. (2) the evil eye: SS. Kumhârsain, 7.
Dajh presents from bride to bridegroom: Multân. Cf. daj, dowry': Comp., 62 Dakar: a hard soil with much clay: Sirmûr, App. I. Cf. P. D., 261.
Dall: a big wicker receptacle: Sirmûr, 68. Cf. P. D., p. 265, 8.v. Dall. Dalla: a go-between: B., 203.
Dân : dowry.
Danda: see Biha Bhat.
[ OCTOBER, 1923
Danda: a receptacle for grain made of wicker-work smeared with mud: Ch., 208. Dânga toral a payment to the State of As. 2 out of the rit: SS. Kumhârsain, 8. Dan-gir a receiver of dues: B.. 129.
Dangra axe: Sirmûr, 62.
Dâni: an inspector on a mine: Mandi, 51.
Danovar: the return visit of a newly wed couple to the bride's parents: SS. Bashahr, 13 and Kumhârsain, 8.
Daoni: Dauni, an ornament worn on the forehead: B., 112. Cf. Danwani, P. D., 272, and Danwan, 'hobble.'
Dapher: lazy Ch., 139.
Da âi: a cess, levied for the men who ferry people across the river on skins: SS. Bashahr, 75.
Dareoti: a small shrine built to house a pap or 'ghost'; Gloss., I, p. 471.
Darna: a scarecrow: Sirmûr, 69. Cf. Darna, 'to hide oneself' and Darna, 'to fear."
Darohi: an oath, on the Râjâ; implying that if the man on whom the oath is imposed does something he will have to pay a penalty to the Râjâ; cf. Baran and Thâl: SS. Bashahr, 35. Daropa in Daska Tahsil, SialkotBut in Pasrur Tahsil
6 chhitanks.
=
=
parop 1 tat 4 paropis 1 ser 8 chhitanks. i daropa 2 topas = 3 sers. 1 mânî 7 mans 20 sers.
=
1 paropi 1 topa 1 daṛopa
1 mânî
=
6 chhitanks.
1 ser 10 chhitanks. 3 sers 4 chhitanks. 8 mans 5 sers.
In some parts of Sialkot 1 pai= 4 topas or 2 daropas. Dasawai a chief official or manager: Sirmûr, 63. Dashongi: a headman, in Chin Tahsil of Bashahr, Pålsarâ: SS. Bashahr, 65.
Dasoihan lit. 10th, a ceremony observed on the 10th day after a birth, when all earth. enware is broken: B. 99.
:
Daspindi a rite performed on the 10th day after death by the nearest gotris with the aid of the parohit: Ch., 148.
Dastar lit. turban'; lands set aside as the appanage of an eldest son: Comp., 77.
Datha a handful of grass clutched in cutting. Then
20 to 40 dathas 1 gaddi.
Kagan Valley, Hazara
But in Bhogarmang
And in Tanawal
8 dalhas
10 gaddis 1 gadda.
5 goddis = 1 gadda. 3 gaddas 1 bhari. Daulanti; the 2nd day of the Mâgh festival: Sirmûr, 64.
1 gaddi. 9 gaddis 1 gadda.

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Daurl: the Hill tun, Cedrela serrata : Ch., 236. Dawan-wåtrå; see under Songi. Dawatin : a square piece of silver worn round the neck: B., 105. Deh, bakdin, Melia azadirachta : Sirmûr, App. IV, iii. Dehl: a doorway: Ch., 146. Cf. III 8.0.
Dehrl: a room attached to a temple ;-ru, a temple ; Kulu; dehra also seems to ma room attached to a temple : Gloss., I, pp. 432 and 434.
Deti-danda, tip.cat; fr. danda, 'club'; = Cull-danda : B., 201. Devidiar (or) shur : Juniperus macropoda ; in Lahul: Ch. 240. Dew&: a Kanet who performs priestly duties : Sirmar, 36.
Dewa-dhami: the third ceremony during a pregnanoy; the husband's father worships ancestors with special rites : = Nau-giri : B., 98 and 109.
Dhabll: a blanket, = gudma: SS. Jubbal, 18. Cf. III. Dhadu: an assistant to the Dhauri : Mandi, 51. Dhagota: a cragsman: Ch., 139. Dhagmohru, Chaukhandd ; in Kulu. Dhal: Woodfordia floribunda : Sirmor, App. IV, . Dhaj: & slab of stone, usually long, erected to a deceased person; hence : Dhaji : & monolith (Pångt) : Ch., 159, 161. Dhåki : & musician ; cf. Dhoki: Sirmar, 26. Dhal: revenue imposed on land : Suket 16 (cf. ddl tar on p. 413) and SS. Mahlog, 7.
Dhal: a fair, held from 12th to 26th, Poh ;-baya, a cess levied on houses at the fair : SS. Bashahr, 61 and 74.
Dhalka : lit. passing,' go evening; cf. dopahar dhale, afternoon ': Mandi, 31.
Dham: a feast : Sirmûr, 26. (2) Dhâm, an observance on the 3rd day after a wedding when the wedded pair go to the house of the boy's father : Glossary I, p. 824. CF. Ladhitaru. (3) a payment made by Rajpát relatives of the Chief to the State at a son's marriage : SS. Kunhiår, 8.
Dhamin : Grewia vestita and tiliaefolia : Sirmar, App. IV, iii. Dhang: an inferior soil: Sirmar, 65. Dhani : irrigated land : ? fr. dhan, 'rice': Ch., 223. Cf. Dhånd in, III. Dhanpharl: a variety of buckwheat : 88. Bashahr, 48. Dhar: a kind of soil (? barani): Sirm tr, 73. Dharanta : bankrupt : Ch., 138. . Dharól: a wife married by Dharewa, q.u. : Comp., 42.
Dharowa (or) karowe : remarriage of a widow with her husband's (? younger) brother, as opposed to jhanjardra, remarriage with a man who is not his brother: Mandi, 28.
Dhart: (1) a measure of capacity for grain now rarely used ; 1 dhari = 2 chohas : Hazara. (2) a weight, = 10 sers kachcha : Suket, 32.
Dharm-bh&i : fem. - bahin, a brother or sister by mutual adoption : Chloss., 1, pp. 903 and 905.
Dharothi: a partition for storing grain ; = Kuthar : Sirmar, 60. (Add o.v. in HII.) Dhatu : & syuare cloth head-dress: SS. Bashahr, 41. Dhauldhak : Erythrina suberosa : Sirmor, App. IV, iv. Dhaura : Lagerstraemia parviflora : Sirmar, App. IV, . Dhauri: a ganger under whom miners work: Mandi, 61.

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Dhell: a cake of herbs, fermented and used to make sur : Mandi, 32. Dheta : bride's father: B. 102.
Dhialehi : a tenant who gets cattle and implements free from the landlord and pays him half the produce : Sirmar, 72.
Dhiankra: an offering : SS. Jubbal, 13. Dhimadár: an official, the deputy of the sidnd or village headman : Sirmar, 63 Dhilo : hide and seek,' usually played at night : Ch., 212. Dhira adeo : sunset: Mandi, 31. Syn. Sanpari. Dhirt: middle finger : Attock.Gr., p. 114. Dho: wedding dhoe-de, the date of the wedding : B., 106. Dhod& : ? bread : B., 192. P.D., p. 310 = bread of joudr or bajrd.
Phok. the setting out of the wedding party to the house of the girl's father : (Bhakkar.)
Dhoki: a low casto, & musician; ? =Dhaki : Sirmûr. 63.
Dhona : lit. to remove or transport ; also to give or present, as in tewar dhona, to present a tewar or set of three garments to the bride's lagts : add to P. D., 311. (Mukhtbar.)
Dhort: a bride-price : SS. Bashahr, 13. Dhab: the stunted juniperus recurva : Ch., 235.-petar on p. 240.
Dhul : Panj, udhai, a wife married by a brother of a Rajput to whom she has borne son: Gloss., III, p. 67. Cf. Bothal.
Dhuj: a pole, set up in front of a temple, probably to represent the dhajja or standard of the god : Ch., 186.
Dhwad : land on which two crops are regularly cultivated : Mandi, 42. Didi : an image, of a childless (? sonless) man, = Newa q.v.: SS. Bashahr, 33. Dib: an ordeal : SS. Jubbal, 23.
Dikashta: a rite observed for 9 days in which offerings are put on the road taken at funeral: Mandi, 34.
Dujan : ('heart's life'), a sister by mutual adoption : Gloss., I, p. 907. Dilmila, = Dilján. Dingl: a small stick, broken in the Chhed karai divorce : SS. Bashahr, 14. Dinns : black : Ch., 138. Disa-sul Jognf: the unlucky directio.. for the day : Sirmar, 56. [Add to Panj. Dy., p. 323.] Diun : Sarcococca pruniformis : Ch., 239. Di&a, = Biyâd, feast : Ch., 159. Do: a kind of bread, in Kanwar; = Bari : SS. Bashahr, 41. Doah: two: SS. Bashahr, 73. Dod: 1 morning, as in Dod kl roti, breakfast ': SS. Bashahr, 41. Dodan: Sapindus Mukorossi, whose fruit is used as soap ;=ritha : Ch., 237.
Dodo : soap-nuts : Ch., 243. Also a game played with 5 soap-nuts of which 4 are placed on the ground, while the 5th is thrown into the air. The rest must be picked up and the 6th caught before it reaches the ground : Ch., 212.
Dogra : a small fish : Ch., 39. Dohohl: a detached habitation : Sirmar. Domang : 'blacksmiths and carpenters'; of. Chamang: SS. Bashahr, 22. Dopii: the midday meal; = Rasoi : Ch., 204. Dori: a woollen cord or girdlo : Ch., 149, 206.

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Doru: a blanket, worn by women : SS. Bashahr, 42.
Doyan: a ceremony observed on the 6th or 11th day after a birth, at which chillre or small loaves, also called doyan, are cooked, dipped in syrup and distributed : B. 97. Cf. Doi, a small spoon': P. D., 327.
Drudh : Druhri, a mouse's hole: Ch., 139. Duden: (pl. of Ar. du'a, 'prayer'), hamail, a necklace of rupees : B., 195. Dudhari : Ficus glomerata : Sirmar, App. IV, vii.
Dudhara: rich pasture; = Adhwârâ : Ch., 228. But on p. 277 the form is given as dudhari.
Dudhi: Wrightii tomentosa : Sirmûr, App. IV, vi. Dudhiaru : a collector of milk (dudh) for officials : Ch. 264. Dudh-sharik bahin: a foster sister : Gloss., I, p. 907. Dugána: a sister by mutual adoption : Gloss., I, p. 907. Dajang :- the Hindu shrath in Kandwar: SS. Bashahr, 37. Dulgi: a cess, spirits made from a forest tree called him : SS. Bashahr, 74. Dunda: one-handed : Ch., 138. Dunu, Dunun : garlic ; = wasan : Simla S. R., xli, and ss. Bashahr, 49. Dur : & rope : Gloss., I, p. 392.
Durbiyal: an official in Brahmaur who performs the duties of an ugrdhika or muqaddam : Ch., 265.
Durohi : an oath, as in Raja ki durohi,' an oath sworn on the Rajk : Ch., 154.
Dushman: a sister by the implication that the enemy of one is the other's enemy also : Gloss., I, p. 907.
Ehupra : myrsine africana : Sirmar, App. IV, vi. Elo : (ailo), barley : Ch., 8. Farhri : the ceremony of blowing.bihan at each other by bride and bridegroom : Ch., 143. Fulgar : the horned pheasant, Ceriornis melanocephala : Ch., 36.
Gabhed: the son of a man by & widow with whom he lives in her dead husband's house ; Riondha : Mandi, 23.
Gach: gypsum : Ch., 241.
Gachl : GA-, a cord, worn as a waist-belt, made of wool : Mandi, 32, and ss. Bashahr, 42, etc.
Gad : unirrigated land in an upper valley : Mandi, 42. Gadar : = Paraina, q.v.
Gadd: an observance at which women of the bride's family distribute tikre (sweetmeats). and those of the boy's chari, while the women of the brotherhood put paldsds in the bride's lap : B., 106. Cf. God pauni, to put presents in a bride's lap': P.D., 351.
Gadda: see under Datha. Gaddan: a small fish : Ch., 39. Gaddi : see under Datha. Gadhaldi: one of the two kinds of edible arum : Simla 8. R., xli.
Gadholra := pichhlag, the son of a remarried widow by her first husband : Comp., 113 CF. Parkhatt and Niâmar.
Gadhil : a rich soil of hard olay which forms large bard lamps : Sirmar, App. I. Gagar: a brass pitcher : B. 196. 04. P. D., 363. Gaggal : land full of stones : Ch., 220.

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Gahori a poor stony soil: Sirmûr, App. 1.
Galhri or-ra: patches of land made by terracing the hill-sides; Ghad: Mandi, 65. Gainax an earthen lamp with 32 wicks, used in ritual cures: Sirmûr, 25.
Gajre: bracelets; paunhchian: B., 112.
=
Gal: (1) neck: a woman must not wash her head on a Friday or her brother will fall sick-gal lagdi: Ch., 194. (2) Nihasa, 3 prayer to injure an enemy; Kulu; Gloss., I, p. 433.
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Galaund: the snow pheasant, tetrasgallus Himalayensis: Ch., 36.
Galdi: a small fish: Ch., 39.
Galsari: the chief ornament of a Gaddi woman: Ch., 206.
Gami: a man represented by a mask at the Châr or Spring festival: Ch., 45. Gânâ-chhoran: lit. 'loosening of the ganas,' 3 or 6 days after marriage: B., 106. Ganâr a hive: Ch., 228.
Gandala: Sambucus Ebulus: Ch., 239.
Gandhall: one of the two kinds of edible arum, A. colocasia: SS. Bashahr, 48. Gandhin-pawan: fixing the programme for the wedding ceremonies: B., 105.
Gane: the owner of sheep or goats grazed by a shepherd other than their owner at a fixed rate of remuneration: Ch., 279, n. 1.
Ganga-bhâî: fem. -bahin, a brother or sister made by visiting the Ganges together and there drinking as in Chulîân lenâ., q.v.
piri.
Ganori a large round basket; Ganwsar begår: corvée for travelling officials: SS. Bashahr, 73.
=
=
Garib-shara: (? Gh-), a quiet form of Sargudhi marriage. The låg, etc., are not all rendered as in that form, but on an auspicious day the bridegroom and his sister go to the bride's house and worship the vessel (kumbh). He then seats himself on the blanket and the bride's mother places her by his side. After a meal the pair go to the groom's house and the kumbh is again touched. This second worship of it makes the marriage binding: Ch., 153.
Garol: Traveller's joy,' Clematis montana: Ch., 236.
Gârri: a player on a one-stringed instrument: Ch., 193.
Gat: a hole gat nahan, bathing over the hole' or grave, is practised by women whose childern die, in Churâh: Ch., 125.
Gaterir a demon, Ghatiâlu; Simla Hills: Gloss., I, p. 470. Gatha: see under Sathri.
Gato small or younger: SS. Bashahr, 16; -lang, 10 a.m. ib., 41.
Gatod a plant: Sirmûr, 25.
:
Gatta a Gaur Brahman of illegitimate descent: Sirmûr, 35.
Gatti (khelna): (1) goli q.v. Ch., 211. (2) an oath sworn against (? on) the authority of an official; Châwal: SS. Bilaspur, 12.
Gaugati Arum colocasea: Sirmar, 65 and 69.
Gautura: Nerium odorum: Sirmûr, App. IV, vi.
Gawai: a lower storey in which cattle are kept: Mandi, 33.
Gawati (a meal) eaten in the morning: Sirmûr, 58.
Gelar fr. gel,with,' the child which accompanies its mother, when she remarries : Comp., 113. Cf. Gadhelra.
Gerlân: a game played with small bits of wood: B., 202.
Ghad: terraced fields; Gaihri: Mandi, 64. Ghagara grû, coloured cloth for a skirt: Ch., 142.
(To be continued.)

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28;
THE HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAH KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR. By LIPUT.-COLONEL SIR WOLSELEY HAIG, K.C.I.E., C.S.I., O.M.G., C.B.E.
(Continued from page 262.) CV.-AN ACCOUNT OF THE COMING OF IBRÂHÎM ADIL SHAH II TO THE ASSISTANCE OF
BURHAN NIZAM SHAH, AND OF HIS BATTLE WITH JAMAL KHÂN. When Burhân Nizam Shah had established his camp at Khandwa he sent letters to the Sultans of the Dakan, summoning all of them to his aid. Ibrahim Adil Shah II, guided by God's grace and on the advice of Dilâvar Khân, who was the vakil of the kingdom of Bijapûr, girded up his loins to assist Burhan Nizam Shah, and marched with a very large army from Bijapur. 335
Raja 'Ali Khân, the ruler of Burhanpûr, when he heard of the march of Ibrahim Adil Shah from Bijâpûr, resolved to assist Burhân Nizâm Shah, and came forth to meet the latter before Asîrgarh, offered him pishkash and entertained him at the feast, and then marched, in company with him, into Berar. The wretch Jamal Khan heard of Ibrahim 'Adil Shah's departure from Bijapur and also of the invasion of Berar by Burhan Nigam Shah and Raja 'Ali Khân, the ruler of Burhanpûr, and thus found the whirlpool of destruction closing in upon him on every side. He regarded the business of confronting Ibrahim Adil Shâh as the more urgent and, taking with him the prince Isma'il, marched against the Bijâpúris with nearly 10,000 horse. When the two armies met, at the village of Kåri-nâri, the news of the arrival of Burhân Nizâm Shâh in Berar and of the submission to him of the principal amirs of that province, on whom Jamal Khân specially relied, was received ; but Jamal Khân, lest the news should spread in the army and cause it to disperse, caused the kettledrums to be beaten and circulated the news that Burhân Nizâm Shâh had been defeated, while he himself prepared for battle with the 'Adil Shâhîs.
That night Abhang Khân the African, who was one of Jamal Khân's principal amirs, fled with his troops from Jamal Khan's camp to the 'Adil Shâhi camp, and thence to Berar, where he joined Burhan Nizam Shah's army.
Although the flight of Abhang Khân and the news of the submission of the amírs of Berar. to Burhan Nizam Shah combined to shake the resolution of the foolish Jamal Khân, the obstinacy of ignorance was sufficient to keep him steadfast in his plans, and on the next day he prepared to attack the Bijâpûrî army. Dilâvar Khân, leaving Ibrâhîm 'Adil Shah in camp, marched with the army to repulse Jamal Khân.
When the two armies were drawn up, the warriors on either side prepared to attack their enemies. Bahadur Khân Gilâni and the Foreigners, who had escaped from the battle with Jamal Khân and had taken refuge in the Bijâpûr kingdom, charged Jamal Khan's army. Jamal Khân's gunners, who had drawn up their heavy guns in front of his army so as to form an impenetrable barrier, now fired. The noise and smoke were tremendous, but as the guns were on an eminence and the 'Adil Shâhî troops were in a hollow, the fire passed harmlessly over their heads, and the valiant Foreigners charged up to the guns, broke the line of carriages, and then
335 Sayyid 'Ali's account of Burhan's proceedings dislocates the order of events Burhan's cause had been commended by Akbar to Raja 'Ali Khân of Khandesh, but when Burhån, after his first ill. advised attempt to gain his throne, appealed to Raja 'Ali Khan, the latter counselled himn to avoid employ. ing imperial troops, whose presence would only raise the whole of the Dakan against him, and undertook to obtain for him the aid of Ibr Ahim of Bijapúr, or rather of Dilavar Bhan the African, in whose hands IbrAhim was a puppet. He fulfilled his promise, and Dildvar Khan not only assisted Burban by creating a diversion to the south of Ahmadnagar, but exhorted the amira of Berar to espouse his ca F . ii, 119.

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fell on Jamal Khân's force and attacked it bravely. At this juncture 'Ain-ul-Mulk and Ankas Khân, who were the foremost of the Adil Shâhî army, came round behind Jamâl Khân's army, plundered his baggage and dispersed his army, so that most of Jamal Khân's troops broke and fled. Jamal Khan then, with a body of picked cavalry who had withdrawn from the field in good order, observed that most of the Adil Shâhî army was engaged in gathering the spoils and collecting the beasts of the army of Ahmadnagar and that Dilâvar Khân, with a small force, remained in order on the field. He, therefore, taking advantage of the opportunity thus offered, fell on Dilâvar Khân like a thunder-olap and slew many of his men. Dilåvar ân, although he strove manfully to meet the attack, was unable to keep his men together, and they fled, leaving their elephants, horses, tents, and camp equipage, and Dilâvar Khân himself escaped with difficulty,336
When the fugitives arrived at Ibrâhîm 'Adil Shâhî's camp, he seeing that no stand could then be made against the enemy, fled to the fortress of Naldrug, and halted nowhere until he reached that fortress, which is seven gâû distant from the battlefield, and the whole of the 'Adil Shâhî tents, camp equipage, baggage, elephants, horses, arms, and munitions of war fell into the hands of Jamal Khân's army. Among the spoils were nearly 200 elephants, and the rest of the spoil may be estimated on this scale. The wretch Jamâl Khân retained only the elephants and caused all the other plunder to be divided among his troops.337
The next day Jamâl Khân turned and marched northward towards Berar to meet Burhân. Nizam Shah.338 He was puffed up with pride by his victory over the Adil Shâhî army and regarded a battle with the army of Burhân Nizâm Shâh as a very easy matter. He
336 The army of Bijapûr advanced to Naldrug and then to Dhârâsiv, in Ahmadnagar territory. Jamal Khan, taking with him Ismâ'il Nizam Shah, marched southwards and occupied an extremely strong position some miles to the north of Dhârâsiv. Dilâvar Khân, misled by reports to the effect that Dilavar Khân meditated flight, incautiously advanced, with 30,000 horse ill prepared for battle, in the hope of capturing Jamal Khân. So defective was his system of intelligence that when he saw Jamal Khan's camp, he suspected it to be that of his own master, Ibrahim 'Adil Shah, with whom he had lost touch. He had only just discovered that it was the enemy's camp when a courtier arrived with a message from Ibrâhîm ordering him not to attack, as he was not prepared, but to await reinforcements. He was inclined to repent his rashness, but his pride would not allow him to withdraw, and he trusted to his superiority in numbers and to Jamal Khan's sense of weakness as betrayed in his determined efforts to patch up a peace. He therefore pushed on across the difficult and broken ground which lay between him and the enemy. The desertion of Abhang Khân decided Jamal Khan to fight, for he perceived that if he remained inactive, all his partisans would fall away one by one, and as Dilêvar Khan had sent his Maratha troops to the rear of the camp to cut off supplies, immediate action was necessary. On Feb. 28, 1591, Dilâvar hhân's force, having crossed the broken ground which lay between him and the enemy, arrived within striking distance in the greatest disorder. 'Ain-ul-Mulk Kan'ânî, Ankas Khân and other amirs commanding the wings, knowing that Dilavar Khan was in disfavour and was fighting against orders, fled with their contingents, with the intention of informing Ibrahim that Dilavar Khan's disobedience had involved the army in defeat. Dilavar Khan, though much embarrassed by the desertion of these amirs, still had a large force under his command, and pressed on to the attack-F. ii, 121-124.
337 Dilavar Khan was left with only seven attendants, one of whom was the historian Firishta, who was wounded, and fled with all speed in order to forestall, if possible, those amers who had deserted him and wished to destroy him. Before reaching Naldrug he was joined by two or three thousand of his broken troops. Firishta, owing to his wounds, was left in Dhârâsiv and fell into the hands of Jamal Khân, but somehow contrived to escape-F. ii, 124.
338 Raja Ali Khan and Burhûn were much alarmed by the news that Jamal Khan was marching against them. They wrote to Ibrahim, imploring him to harass the enemy as much as possible and sent as prisoners to Asirgarh. Sayyid Amjad the Mahdavi and other amirs of Berar whose fidelity they suspected. Ibrahim 'Adil Shah, who had been eight days behind Jamal Khân, halted at Pâthri, near the Godavari, but sent a force of Maratha horse to harass him and cut off his supplies. Dilavar Khan wished to pusli on towards Robankhed, but the king would not move and the quarrel which ensued brough about Dilavar Khan's downfall.

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therefore marche d with great specd, covering two stages every day, little thinking that he was marching to meet his fate. The hand of fate had seized his reins and was leading him straight to the slaughter house, and he therefore passed on, intent on battle and disregarding all advice, until he reached the neighbourhood of the ghat of Rohankhed.339
But before Jamâl Khân could reach the ghat already named, the royal army had already seized on it, and Jamâl Khân therefore turned aside to another ghat, by crossing which he would be able to attack the royal army. When Burhân Nizam Shah heard of the intended passage of Jamal Khân by another ghat, he was inspired to march thither to meet him, and with Raja All Khân and the whole army, marched towards the ford for which Jamâl Khân was making. The royal army reached this ford before Jamâl Khân's arrival, and by great good fortune obtained possession of the only water which was to be found in the neighbourhood. At the hottest time of the day, when the sun was at its height, Jamâl Khân and his army descended the ghat and caught sight of the royal army.
When they descended from the hills into the plains, they saw a land which resembled the plain of the resurrection in heat, and dry in the extreme. Jamâl Khân's army marched hither and thither in that dry land in search of water, but found nothing but a mirage,340
When Jamal Khân found matters to be thus, he turned his heart aside from thoughts of eating and drinking, and even from those of the kingdom and of the wealth, and on that very day, Rajab 13 (May 7, A.D. 1591),341 resolved to attack the royal army at once. In company with Khudâvand Khân he drew up his army, placing the artillery in front and the rest of the army in its rear, and then marched to attack the roy
army.
It so happened that between the two armies there was an impassable slough, on the edge of which the royal artillery was drawn up in ambush, and Jamal Khân's army, knowing nothing of this obstacle, came on at a rapid pace, when suddenly the greater part of their elephants and cavalry stuck fast in the mire, and Jamal's army, though they hastened to the right and the left to find a passage, were unable to find one, or to cross the slough. The royal troops, who were drawn up on the edge of the slough, then opened a heavy artillery fire on Jamâl Khan's troops and threw them into the greatest confusion.
At this juncture Habshiyân, who was one of Jamal Khân's amirs, led by his good fortune, turned his face from Jamâl Khân and went over, with nearly 1,000 horse, to Burhân Nigam Shah, and his defection caused still greater confusion among Jamal Khân's troops. Jamal Khan was now much perturbed and rode backwards and forwards trying to make his men fight by promises of money rewards. He then came to his artillery and used every effort to induce the gunners to fire their guns, but nobody fired a gun. Failing in his object he was overcome with wrath, and cut off the head of Mâdho Râm, the havâldar of the artillery, with a sword. Then, when he looked around and saw the way of safety closed on every side, he washed his hands of life, and he and Khudâvand Khân then rode into the thick of the fight and fought bravely.
In the meantime victory declared for Burhân Nigâm Shâh342 and the proud banner of Jamal Khan was hurled down into the dust. Jamâl Khân was now hit in the forehead by a musket ball, drank the hot draught of death at the hands of the lord of hell, and went
339 In 20° 38' N. and 76° 12' E.
340 Jamal Khan, arriving within striking distance of the enemy after a long and hot march, found him in possession of the only water within view. After some search a grove of date palms was found, which contained just enough water to slake the thirst of Jamal Khan's men and their horses. Jamal Khan attacked as soon as his men had refreshed themselves-F. ii, 297.
341 Firishta (ii, 297) agrees in this date, but the Akbarnáma has April 5, 1591.
342 According to Abûl Fagl, in the Akbarnama, the victory of Rohankhed was due almost entirely to Raja Ali Khan. He and Burhân agreed that it would not be politic for the latter to be prominent in hostilities against his future subjects, if it could be avoided, and thus Burhan stood aside, with a small contingent, while his ally engaged the enemy.

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to receive the punishment of his crimes. One of the warriors of the royal army recognized him, severed his evil head from his vile body, and having thus cleansed the earth from the pollution of his existence, hastened with the head to Burhan Nizam Shah.
Khudavand Khân, when he witnessed the end of Jamal Khân, turned his horse's head away from the field of battle, and with a few of his brave warriors, took to flight. A troop of brave warriors from the royal army gave chase to him, and soon came up with him, and although Khudávand Khân turned to meet them, it availed nought, for his hour was come, and the swords of the warriors finished his business and sent him to join Jamal Khân.143
But Dastar Khân,344 the eunuch, who had been placed by Jamal Khan and Khuda. vand Khân in charge of the young prince Isma'il, when he saw the death of Jamal Khan and Khudåvand Khân, took the prince with him and fled. When the news of the flight of the traitor Dastûr Khân reached Burhan Nizam Shah, he sent a troop of his cavalry in pur. suit of him. This troop pursued him hotly, and when Dastür Khan saw. that he could not, encumbered as he was, escape from them, he left the prince and continued his flight alone, The pursuers took the young prince and led him into the presence of the king, his father, by whom he was kindly received. The king kissed his forehead and forgave him all his faults, including even his rebellion, following the dictates of mercy and parental feeling.
When the hand of fate sealed the book of the life of Jamal Khan with the seal of death and closed his unworthy existence with the pistol of destruction, bringing to an end the days of his rule which were, indeed, a night of misfortune to the good and a festival of wealth and power to the wicked, the g lous sun of the kingdom of Burhan Nigam Shâh by God's grace rose and illumined the world, gladdening and profiting all
The king gave thanks to God for his great victory, and in gratitude therefor, issued an act of indemnity to the whole of the army of Jamal Khan. The great men of the court then came before the king and congratulated him on his great victory, and all received honouns and rewards befitting their rank. The king's secretary wrote an account of the victory and scoession, and thus spread the glad news throughout the world.
The length of the reign of the prince, Ismâ'i! Nigam Shah, and of the tenure of office by his vakil, Jamal Khån, was nearly two years.
The battle of Rohankhed was fought on Rajab 13 A.H. 999 (May 7, A.D. 1591). An account of the life of Burhan Nizam Shah from his birth and his glorious reign until now would be so long that this book could not contain it. I will, therefore, turn my attention to writing a fresh volume for the delight of the world. I hope that his kingdom will endure as long as the sun shall shine.
OVI.-AN ACOOUNT OF BURHẦN NIZIN SHE'S DESPATOH OT AN ARMY AGAINST THE FRANKS (PORTUGUESE) AND OF SOME OF THE EVENTS WHICH
HAPPENED AT THAT TIME. In accordance with the orders of God and the prophet, which enjoin holy wars, the king was ever oocupying his mind with thoughts of waging holy wars against infidels and misbelievers and in designs of conquest. But especially did he desire to uproot and overthrow those causes of strife and mischief, the wicked Portuguese, whose tyranny had laid waste countries and cities, and against whose oppression both bond and free cried aloud, and who were thus more obnoxious to the king than other polytheists, for this irreligious nation is distinguished above other polytheists and heretics by its great power and majesty, and Musalmans are ever suffering at their hands.
843 Firishtá says (ii, 297) that Yaqat Khan accompanied Khudāvand Khan in his flight and shared his fate.
344 Firishta (it. 297) calls this eunuch Suhail Khan. Ho fled to Bijậpur.

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The late king, Murtaza Nizam Shah, had, in the early part of his reign, led an army against the Portuguese in Revdanda and had besieged that fortress for a long time, in the course of which much fighting took place between the royal army and the Portuguese, and most of the dwellings of the polytheists were destroyed by artillery fire, while many of the Musalmans attained martyrdom. But at length the king, being annoyed with some of the amirs and officers of state who had entered into correspondence with the Portuguese, and in accordance with agreements entered into with them, had hung back in the day of battle, had abandoned the siege and returned to his capital and had punished the treacherous amírs, as has already been related. Murtaza Nizâm Shâh had had no other opportunity of avenging himself on the misbelievers, and from that time until the time of his ascending the throne, it had been the desire of Burhân Nizâm Shâh to take revenge on the misbelievers and polytheists, and he had been meditating a holy war against that irreligious and evil tribe.
One of the ships of Burhân Nizam Shah, named the "Husaini," was sailing from Mecca to the port on Murtaza-âbâd Chaul with a large number of Musalmans and much treasure and property on board and had been sucked into a whirlpool and sunk in the neighbourhood of the port of Vaisî which is in the possession of the Portuguese, and the Portuguese had recovered most of the treasure and property by means of divers, and had thus opened the doors of war in their faces.346 Fahîm Khân, who was governor of that district and was, by the royal command, engaged in endeavouring to recover the cargo of the ship, reported the affair to the king, and the report aroused the king's old zeal against the Christians, and a command was issued that as Fahîm Khân was well acquainted with the circumstances and conditions of that part of the country and of its forts and strongholds, he should repair immediately to court. Fahim Khân obeyed the order and travelled in great haste to court. On his arrival the king questioned him regarding all the circumstances and conditions of that. country, and then commanded that the map-makers of court should draw an arsurate map of the village of Rovdanda, of Chaul and of the hill of Kärla,346 which is opposite to these villages and commands them, and should submit it to him. The order was obeyed, and a very accurate map was drawn and submitted to the king. The king then decided that the troops should first build a fort on the Karla hill and should garrison it and mount guns in it in order to strike terror into the hearts of the polytheists and to overthrow their buildings and dwellings, and to close the way by sea which was their only way of obtaining supplies, thus reducing them to extreme straits. The position of the Karla hill was such that the only way to Revdanda by sea lay past it, and after a fort had been built on its summit it would be impossible even for birds to find a passage by that way. The amire and officers of state applauded this plan of the king's.
In spite of the fact that most of the amirs and troops had been detached to Berar, which was on the frontier of Akbar's empire and was, as was then rumoured, likely to be attacked by Sultan Murad, of the fact that the grounds of quarrel between Burhan Nizâm Shâh and Ibrahim Adil Shah had not been entirely removed, and of the fact that 'Imad Khån with a number of the best known amirs had been detached to the assistance of Muhammad Quli Qutb Shah, Burhan Nizam Shah, having resolved to wage a holy war against the infidels,
345 This provocation is not mentioned by Firishta. The Portuguese account says :- This action (the attack on Revdanda) was taken by the Niza maluco (Burhan Nizam Shah), notwithstanding the treaty that still existed between him and the Portuguese, which had been concluded by Francisco Barreto; but he justified his action in this respect on the ground of certain complaints which he preferred agginst the present governor, Matthias do Albuquerque-Danvers, ii, 89. Vaisi' was perhaps Bassein.
346 Firishta (ii, 302) calls this hill Khorla. According to the Portuguese account, the commander of the Moorish' settlement on the opposito side of the river, who had onoe been in the service of the Portuguese, 'had oollooted on a height called the Morro a body of 4,000 horso and 7,000 infantry, with which he overawed the Portuguese oity, and inflicted considerable damage on the place with sixty-five large cannon which he had placed there'-Danvers, ii, 88, 89.

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paid no heed to other enemies, but commanded all amirs then present at court to prepare themselves and their troops for a holy war against the unbelievers.
In accordance with the royal command, Farhad Khân the African, who was one of the slaves of *he court, prepared to march against the misbelieving Franks and was invested with a robe of honour and appointed to the command of the expedition, and I'timad Khân, sar-i-naubat of the left wing, was appointed sar-i-naubat and muster master of the force, and assistant to Farhad Khân, and a large number of the famous amirs, such as Shuja'at Khân, Taj Khan, Bajlah Khan, Bahadur Khân, Nasir-ul-Mulk, Åne Rao, Kamil Khân, Mujtabi Khân and Shaish Farid Raja, who commanded all the silah dârs, with most of the kaváldárs and officers of the army, and all the troops-Africans, Turks, Dakanis and Khurasinis-were appointed to the army under the command of Farhad Khân, and on Tuesday, Sha'ban 2, marched towards the port of Reydanda--an army such as had never marched to battle before.347
Fahîm Khân, who was an old servant of the Nigam Shahi dynasty, and had long been governor of the whole of the Konkan, was now appointed, on account of his intimate knowledge of that country, to be special assistant to Farhad Khan and his army. Bakhtyâr Khân, sarpardadâr, who was a specially trusted servant of the king, was appointed to the command of all the infantry, gunners, archers and spearmen of the expedition--a very large force-and marched with them for the land of the unbelievers. Asad Khân, one of the trusted servants of the kingdom, who was dietinguished for his political wisdom and had for a long time held the office of pishud and vakil, as has been said, and who was also unequalled in the art of besieging and reducing fortresses and in his knowledge of artillery, was sent, in company with Rûmî Khân, who was also one of the most famous artillerists of the Dakan and was in com. mand of the artillery of Burhận Nizâm Shâh, with the heavy artillery of Ahmadnagar to overwhelm the polytheists.
The zeal of Burhân Nizâm Shah against the polytheists was such that he continually went in person to the gun park and urged the expediting of the dispatch of the artillery, until at length all the great guns were sent against the Franks.348
347 The date here given is equivalent to May 4, 1693, but according to the Portnguege account "The Moors began a regular siege of Chaul in April, 1592." It is clear that hostilities began some time before Farhad Khan was appointed to the command of the besieging force, for Firishta says that the Portuguese, before his arrival, had already made two successful night attacks on the Muslims, killing, on each occasion. two or three thousand Dakanis, at whose destruction Burhan Nizam Shah secretly rejoiced. The Muslims wore at first commanded by the eunuch Taladar,' who was wounded and died. A Turk who succeeded him was also killed, and Farhad Khan, who arrived from Ahmadnagar with 10,000 horse, then took command of the besioging force. The Portuguese were also reinforced by sixty grabs laden with fighting men and munitions of war, according to Firishta. The Portuguese account is more explicit : "Dom Alvaro de Abranches shortly arrived with a reinforcement of 300 men from Bassein and 200 men from Surat, and the garrison then consisted of 1,000 Portuguese and about an equal number of slaves." Firishta says that on July 17, 1693, 1,000 Portuguese and many African slaves attacked Khorla and were defeated, 100 Portuguese and 200 other Christians being slain, and Burhan II gave a great banquet to celebrate this victory. The Portuguese account does not mention this reverse.-F. ii, 302, 303 ; Danvers, ii, 89.
348 Sayyid 'All does not mention the disgraceful end of the expedition to Chaul. Firishta saya (ii, 304, 305) that on the night of Friday, September 13, 1693, 4,000 Portuguese attacked Khorla. Taj Khan and Ano Rao were encamped without the fort with a force and bore the first brunt of the attack. The gates of the fort were opened to admit the fugitives but could not be shut in time to exclude their pursuere, and the Portuguese followed them into the fort and began to lay about them. The uproar awoke Farhad Khan, Asad Khan, and the other amirs from their sleep, but they were too confused to devise any measure of defence, and the slaughter continued. Ten or twelve thousand Muslims were slain and Farhad Khan and his wife and daughter were taken alive. His wife was ransomed, but he and his daughter became Christians and went to Portugal. The Portuguese account places the number of the killed at 10,000.- whilst others have stated that they amounted to 60,000." The spoils were considerable, and of the Portuguese only twenty-one were killed. (Danvers, ii, 90.) Firishta (ii, 304) attributes the apathy of the officers to disaffection caused by the tyranny of Burhan II, and adds that Burhan regarded this slaughter of the Dekanis as a victory.

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CVII.-AN ACCOUNT OF THE PUNISHMENT OF SOME FOES IN THE GUISE OF FRIENDS WHO, THOUGH IN THE SERVICE OF BURHAN NIZAM SHAH, WERE SECRETLY
LEAGUED WITH HIS ENEMIES AND ENDEAVOURING TO BRING ABOUT THE RUIN OF THE KINGDOM.
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In the meantime, while the army was being despatched against the polytheists, the king received news from the kotwal of the fortress of Jond that a number of rebels, headed by that chief of rebels and enemy of the family of the prophet-Amjad-ul-Mulk the MahdaviAmjad-ul-Mulk, had formed the design of rebelling and had sent a large sum to the naikwâris of that fort to induce them, by some means or other, to set free the prince Ismâ'îl, the son of Burhân Nizam Shah, who had himself been king, and to hand him over to them, in order that he might become the nucleus of a rebellion. 349
Burhân Nizam Shah, who was under God's special protection, although he knew all about the actions of these seditious persons, had, nevertheless, been indisposed to punish before any overt act had been committed. Now, however, that the treason of these traitors had been exposed and they had been shown in their true light by the petition of the kotwal of the fortress, and the petition of Rashid-ul-Mulk, the Bijâpûr envoy, the king set himself to prevent the rebellion before it had actually broken out, and issued an order summoning the wicked Amjad-ul-Mulk from his jagir, where he had been compelled to dwell by a royal farman, to court, in order that his case might be tried and that he might be handed over to the police officer in the event of his guilt being proved.
Mahalldar Khân, in accordance with the royal command, went to summon the rebel and dragged him to the royal court. After he had been tried, a number of his fellow conspirators who had been concerned in his plot, were brought to trial, and were sentenced to be flayed alive, while Amjad-ul-Mulk, who had been a traitor to his master and benefactor and had earned the reward of his treason, was blinded, but as this was not all the punishment due to his treason, after his eyes had been torn out and he had been subjected to blindness, which is the worst of punishments, the lord of hell hastened to receive his wicked spirit and reunited him with the evil Jamâl Khân and the other lords of error who had been his companions, and it was proved to the world that the way of transgressors is hard and their end evil.
CVIII-AN ACCOUNT OF SOME OF THE ACTS OF JUSTICE OF BURHAN NIZAM SHAH, WHICH WERE PERFORMED ABOUT THIS TIME.350
In the course of these events it was reported to the king that Sayyid Nur Muḥammad Amin, who had proceeded as an ambassador, Jalâl-ud-din Muḥammad Akbar Pâdshah, to the
349 Burhan II had from the first been obnoxious to the Dakanîs and Africans, and there had been more than one plot to depose him and restore his son Ismail. Sayyid Amjad-ul-Mulk, though a Foreigner, had adopted the Mahdavi religion, the professors of which were chiefly Dakanis and Africans. Firishta does not mention Amjad-ul-Mulk's plot.
350 Sayyid 'Ali mentions his patron's acts of justice, but not his tyranny. During the siege of Chaul he formed the habit of seizing and dishonouring the wives and daughters of his subjects. He commanded Shuja'at Khân the African, one of his chief amirs, to send him his wife, and when he refused, he had him imprisoned and had his wife brought to the royal harem by force. The lady did not find favour in his eyes and he sent her away unmolested, but in the meantime Shuja'at Khân had committed suicide by stabbing himself in the stomach. The king's act aroused a storm of indignation, and the officers at Chaul neglected their duty and thought of nothing but returning to Ahmadnagar and deposing the tyrant -F. ii, 304.

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court of Ibrâhîm 'Adil Shâh II, was returning from Bîjâpûr and had arrived within a short distance of Aḥmadnagar, and the king decided, in view of the service formerly rendered by him to the Nizâm Shâhî dynasty, to honour him by summoning him to the capital and entertaining him, and by the royal command the learned and distinguished Sayyid Granâ'im, who was one of the king's most intimate courtiers, was sent to invite Nûr Muḥammad Amin, whom he found in the neighbourhood of the capital, and brought to court. When he arrived at the outskirts of the garden of the 'Thâdatkhâna, a number of the nobles, such as Miyân Manjhû Jînî Begi, Sharza Khân, sar-i-naubat of the right wing, and other officers of the army, went forth by the royal command to welcome the Sayyid, and brought him to the outskirts of the garden of the watercourse where they lodged him. After that great quantities of fodder, of food, drink, and all sorts of fruits were sent for use of the Sayyid and his followers, the plain being loaded with these evidences of royal generosity.
After Nur Mu'ammad Amin had been thus royally entertained at a banquet, it was reported to the king in a petition from Nûr Muḥammad Tahir Mûsawi that when he was ambassador from Qutb Shâh to Adil Shâh it had been reported to that king that Nur Muhammad Amin had oppressively possessed himself of the property of certain merchants who were travelling in the same direction as he was. The petition. expressed a hope that the king would not pass over such tyranny but would see that those who had suffered wrong were righted. Now, although the offence had not been committed within the dominions of Ahmadnagar, the king's sense of justice, hatred of oppression, and benevolence towards all who were desolate and oppressed were such that he determined to right the wrong. In spite of what was agreeable to that Sayyid in particular, and to all other Sayyids in general, and in spite of Nur Muhammad Amin's high post in the service of so mighty a monarch as Jalâl-ud-din Muḥammad Akbar, who had for nearly 40 years sat upon the imperial throne, ruling over most of the countries of Hind, Sind, Kabul, Kashmir, Bengal, Malwa, Gujarât and Somnât, and was above all the kings of the earth by reason of the numbers and strength of his armies-in spite of all these considerationsBurhân Nizâm Shâh resolved that justice should be done. He therefore commanded that Nur Muḥammad Amîn should settle the claims of the merchants and leave the country, but that he should not venture to march until he had settled their claims.
Although Nur Muhammad Amin, after admitting the justice of the claim, excused himself, and through the mediation of the great officers of state and the king's courtiers represented that consideration was due to him on account of the services which he had formerly rendered to the state, the king's love of justice would not permit him to listen to such pleas, and he insisted on nothing short of restoration of the property to those from whom it had been taken, and the satisfaction of those who claimed justice.
In short, thanks to the king's justice, the property which Akbar Pâdshâh's ambassador had unjustly taken was restored, willingly or unwillingly, and he obtained leave to depart.201
351 Sayyid Ali's history ends here, what follows being merely a supplement or appendix. Burhân Nizam Shah II died on April 13 (Akbarnama) or April 28 (F. ii, 307) 1595, and his elder son, Ibrahim, to whom Isma'il had formerly been preferred, was raised to the throne. Ibrahim, who was a worthless sot, was killed in a faction fight on Aug. 22, 1595, and Chand Bibi supported the claim of his infant son, Bahadur, to the throne, while Miyan Manjhû and the Dakanis, with whom the Africans were, for once, not in accord, raised to the throne the pretender Aḥmad.

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Supplement. CIX.-AN ACCOUNT OF THE MARCH OF THE MUGHUL ARMY TO THE
DAKAN, AND OF THEIR RETURN WITHOUT ACCOMPLISHING THEIR OBJECT. It is evident that when God opens the door of prosperity in the face of a fortunate man and fortifies him with trust in Himself, fulfilment hastens to greet his hopes in which direction soever they may turn. This proposition is well exemplified in the coming to the Dakan of the Mughul army and in their retreat, after besieging Ahmadnagar, and after much fighting, without obtaining a glimpse of victory or success, and also in the persevering loyalty of that Bilqis of the age, Chånd Bibi Sultan, daughter of Husain Nizam Shah I, may God most High extend the shadow of her majesty over the heads of all creatures.
The account of these events is as follows :- After the martyrdom of Ibrahim Nizâm Shah, Miyân Manjhů stepped aside from the path of obedience and faithful service and placed on the throne of the Dakan a young boy whom he named Ahmad Shah,369 and sent the true prince, Bahadur Nizam Shah, a prisoner to Jond, which is one of the strongest forts of the Dakan; nor did he content himself with this, but posted a body of doorkeepers around the private pavilion of the chaste Chånd Bibi Sultân to prevent the access of the servants and personal slaves to her, and to prevent any one from approaching the pavilion. Nay more, he entertained the thought of overthrowing her altogether.
The African amirs, however, refused to support Miyan Manjhů, and besieged the fortress of Ahmadnagar, 363 reducing the garrison to considerable straits. Miyân Manjhů in his difficulties, sent a petition to the prince, Shah Murâd, who was ever meditating the conquest of the Dakan and an expedition towards Ahmadnagar, enticing and instigating him to attempt the conquest of the Dakan. Before this letter reached Shâh Muråd, he had already received from Akbar Pådshah a farmán directing him to undertake the conquest of the Dakan, and all the amirs stationed on the frontier had received similar orders. Now that Shah Murad learnt from Miyân Manjhu's petition of the quarrels between the amirs of Aḥmadnagar, he seized his opportunity, and with the amirs of Gujarat, Malwa and other districts marched towards the Dakan.
When Raja 'Ali Khân, the ruler of Burhanpûr, heard of the approach of that great army, he gave up all hope of receiving any assistance from the army of the Dakan, and in obedi. ence to the orders of Akbar Padshåh, joined the prince and the officers of the army, and
352 Some years before this a person named Shah Tâhir had appeared in the Dakan, representing himself to be the son of Muhammad Khudábanda, son of Burhan Nizam Shah I, on whose death in A.D. 1554 all his sons, except Husain, his successor, had left Ahmadnagar. Shah Tahir said that Khudabanda had died in Bengal, and that he was his son. Some trustworthy men who had known Khudábanda per ronally were sent to Burhan II, then an amir at the court of Akbar, to investigate the matter. Burhan informed them that Khudábanda, who was his uncle, had died in his house, that all his offspring were still with him, and that Shah Tâhir was an impostor. Shah Tâhir was imprisoned in a fortress, lest he should create disturbances, and died, leaving a son, Ahmad-F. ii, 310, 311.
853 On September 5, 1595, Ikhlas Khan and the other African and Muwallad amfrs drew up their forces in the plain of the Kala Chabútra. Miyan Manjhù enthroned Ahmad Shah on a bastion of the fort and sent out his son, Miyan Hagan, with 700 horse, to attack the Africans. A ball struck the umbrella of Ahmad Shah and caused much consternation, and Miyan Hasan's force was defeated and fled within the fort, which was then besieged. The Africans were then reinforced by Abhang and Habashi Khan the Muwallad. who were released by the commandant of Daulatábad. The governor of Jond, however, refused to release Bahadur without an order from Miyan Manjhů; and the Africans, who had ten or twelve thousand horso, but required a figure-head, set up a child picked out of the bazars of Ahmadnagar, whom they entitled Moti Shah. It was now that the traitor Miyan Menjhd applied to Sultan Murad for help-F. ii, 311, 312.

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professed obedience,864 He had an interview with the Khân khânân, who placed great confidence in him and introduced him to the prince. The combined forces then marched for the Dakan by way of Sultánpûr.
Sa'adat Khan, one of the amirs of the reign of Burhân Nizâm Shah, had, since the death of Ibrahîm Nizam Shah, behaved with great courtesy and consideration towards the trai. tor Miyân Manjhû, and Miyân Manjhù now sent him to Kalba 366 and Nâsik which he held in mugásd from the Nizam Shahi government. At this time, when the great Mughul army was passing by these places, Sa'adat Khan, having regard to the smallness of his numbers and the great strength of the enemy, saw no suitable opportunity of opposing them, and the Mughul army marched without any opposition into the Dakan. Miyan Manjha, who had in the meantime been relieved from his troubles by the cessation of the siege of Ahmadnagar by the Africans, 366 repented of having called this army to his aid and took counsel with the chief statesmen of the kingdom. As he was very apprehensive of Chånd Bibi Sultân, and feared her greatly, he treated her with great deference, in order that he might again worm his way into favour. He then marched with his troops from the fortress of Ahmadnagar to meet, as he said, the Mughuls. He had to halt for three days with out the walls to await the assembling of the army of the Dakan and the arrival of his son, Miyân Hasan, who had been sent with some other amîrs to suppress the rising of Ikhlâş Khan and the rest of the African amîrs. While he was halted here, news repeatedly arrived of the approach of the army of the Mughuls, and he took counsel with the amirs as to whether they should halt where they were and meet the enemy in the open field. Most of the amire advised retreat rather than battle, but Chând Bibi Sultân summoned Muja. hid-ud-din Shamshir Khân the African, who had been brought up at the court of Murtaza Nizam Shah and, having risen by slow degrees from the position of a slave to the rank of an amir and an officer, had then withdrawn himself from public business, both civil and military, and had chosen a life of holy retirement devoted to the study of theology, and now that Miyân Manjhû was reduced to impotence by his fear came forth to aid the state with his advice, and Ikhlâs Khân and the rest of the Africans, and asked them for their advice in the matter of opposing the Mughuls in the field. Mujahid-ud-din Shamshir Khan the African forbade Miyan Manjhů to carry out his intention of fleeing, saying that to flee before an enemy's army without appeal to the arbitrament of the sword and to leave one's country and one's fellow subjects to the mercy of the enemy was a course approved by no faithful follower of the true religion and would bring a heavy punishment at the day of judgment. Miyân Manjhû replied that the army of the enemy was thousands more
354 Raja Ali Khan of Khandesh had long been in a difficult position. His sympathies were with the independent states of the Dakan, but he could not openly oppose the emperor. Abul Fazl saya in tho Akbarndms that he now for the first time ranged himself definitely on the imperial side. He had long made profession of loyalty, but his actions had not always coincided with his words, and it was only in the presence of envoys from Akbar that the Khutbah had been recited in the emperor's name. He had opposed Khan-i-A'zam when he invaded Berar, but had repented of his action. It was Faisi who first seriously influenced him, and now that the Dakan was to be invaded by two large imperial armies he once more received an envoy from Akbar, who conciliated him by promising that the rich district of Nandurbår should be added to his kingdom. Miyan Manjhu's appeal to Sultan Murad had deprived Raja 'Ali Khân of every pretext for standing aloof. - 365 Kalven in 20° 30' N. and 74° 2' E.
356 Miyan Manjha, on September 30, 1595, attacked the African amfrs at the 'Idgah, defeated them and captured their 'king' Moti Shah. It was now that he repented of his message to Sultan Murad.-F. ii, 312.

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than double in number the army of the Dakan, and that even if the latter endured all the toils and hardships of a fight against such odds, it would only be to lose all their elephants, all their artillery and all that enabled Ahmadnagar to exist as an independent kingdom. Philosophers, he said, had said that the wise man was he who refrained from fighting with one stronger than himself and appealed to arms only as a last resort. Ho said that it would be the wisest courge to flee to the court of Ibrahîm Adil Shâh II and make Bijâpûr their place of refuge, and to appeal for help also to Muhammad Quli Qutb Shah and then, with the assistance of these two powerful kings, to return and drive out the invaders. Mujahidud-dîn Shamshir Khân replied that if Miyân Manjhů would but remain where he was and hand over the command of the forces to him, leaving the duty of fighting the enemy to him, he would, with God's help, make such a night attack on the enemy and so fight that the stories of Dastan and Qinsa-yi-Haft Kavan should be forgotten. If, he said, he were victorious over the enemy, all would be well, and if not, he would become a guerrilla leader and would devote himself to harrying the enemy on all sides, and would slay any that might be delivered into his hand, would make all roads difficult for them, would cut off all their supplies of water and forage, and thus so encircle them that they would be unable to move, and would be reduced to such severe straits that they would return ashamed and unsuccessful.
But Miyân Manjhû was not sure of Shamshîr Khân's goodwill towards himself, and on the pretext that the army would not follow him, refused to accede to his request, but in order to satisfy him, appointed him amir-ul-umard and commander-in-chief of the province of Ahmadnagar, in order that he might preserve order in that country and protect the people, and that the scattered army might gather together under his command and that his commends and prohibitions might be obeyed.
A written farman to this effect was issued and Shamshîr Khân was invested with the robe of honour of amir-ul-umard of the country and people. The command of the fort of Ahmadnagar was given to Anşâr Khân,367 one of Shamshir Khân's friends and supporters, and he was ordered to repel some of the nobles and some of the people of the kingdom.
Then Ahmad (Nizâm) Shah, taking with him all the cash and valuables that were in the treasury, nearly 300 elephants, the whole of the artillery, all the insignia and paraphernalia of royalty, and about 8,000 horse who had chosen to accompany him and to serve him, retired disgracefully on Friday, Rabi II, 20 (December 23, A.D. 1595) to Bîr.368
A number of the great nobles and officers of state, such as Afzal Khân, who had more experience of the service of kings than any of his contemporaries, now privately assured Chånd Bibi Sultan of their fidelity to her and entered the service of the Nigam Shahi house. Also Maulana Shams-ud-din Muhammad Lârî, the ambassador of Ibrahim Adil Shah II, Maulânâ Haji Isfahani, the ambassador of Muḥammad Quli Qutb Shah, Habib Khân, who was at that time made an amîr and a local governor, the Sayyid Mir Zaman Rizavi-yi. Mashhadi, and a large number of other Foreigners, of whom the author was one, withdrew from public affairs, and being no longer content to be associated with Miyan Manjhů preferred the service of the Queen to the company of that chief of evil men.
357 According to Firishta (ii, 312) Ansar kuin was a follower of Miyan Manjha.
368 Firishta says (ii, 312) that Miyan Manjhů and Ahmad ShAh retired to Ause, in order to summon help from Bijapur and Goloonda. Miyan Manjhů had three good reasons for retiring from Aḥmadnagar. Ho was apprehensive of Chånd Bibi, he feared to meet the imperial army in the field, and his position, as the statesman who had invited imperial intervention, would have boon most embarrassing

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Miyân Manjhů, fearing the opposition of the Foreigners, sent a messenger to Şaffdar Khân, governor of the city of Burhânâbâd, ordering him to bring all the Foreigners, whether they would or not, with all the artillery, firearms, and munitions of war belonging to the government, to the royal camp. Saffdar Khân, Habib Khân, Asad Khân, and some other Foreigners were thus compelled to march, whether they would or not, and join the camp of Miyân Manjhů, but a number of other (Foreign) officers sat at home, closed their doors to the world, and refused to join the army of Miyân Manjhů.
when Chând Bibi Sultan heard of the flight of the traitors and revolutionists, she devoted the whole of her attention to the settling of the affairs of the faith and of state and to strengthening the foundations of the realm and the monarchy and repairing the breaches caused by the recent disorders.... being.... 369 of the royal family, had been from time to time when he came to years of discretion, always scrupulously observant of the orders issued by royal authority, and firm in his obedience thereto, especially during the supremacy of Miyân Manjhû, and had always entered into engagements with Afzal Khân regarding the repelling of the enemies of the state and evolved effectual plans to this end, now that Miyan Manjhở had left the capital empty and retreated, Chând Bibi Sultân sent for Afzal Khan and Muhammad Khân and urged them to oppose Ansar Khân. As most of the chief men and nobles of the state had left the army of Miyân Manjhů, Anşår Khân, kotwal of the fortress of Ahmadnagar, becoming apprehensive of them, prepared, in pursuance of the instructions which he had received from Miyân Manjhů, to oppose them ; and as he feared Muhammad Khân, who was the chief and leader of all the Dakanis, more than any of the others he regarded his overthrow as the most important of all the steps to be taken.
On Monday, therefore, Rabi-us-sâni 23 (December 26, A.D. 1595) which day was in truth, the morning of the prosperity of the good, and the evening of the downfall of the foes of the state, having made all arrangements with his brethren and his partisans for slaying Muhammad Khan,360 he sent a man to the Khân saying that he urgently desired his presence to consult with him and carry out certain important affairs of state. Muhammad Khân, as I have heard from him, trusting entirely in God's mercy and goodness, went with a few of his sons and relatives to the fort to confer with the wretch Ansar Khân. Ansar Khân, making the excuse that the consultation must take place in private, first took the Khân to his own quarters, he having posted there a body of troops to whom he had given instructions to attack and overpower the Khân when he should give the signal. Muham. mad Khân, ignorant of the wiles of his enemies, entered the quarters with two of his sons and one other of his relatives, but Multân Khân Sayyid Hasan, Ahmad Shah and Shir Khân, although they were ranked among the partisans of Anşår Khân, secretly associated themselves with Muhammad Khin, and had already entered into an agreement with the Queen's scrvants to bring about the downfall of Anşår Khân. These men suspected the design of Angâr Khân anci were double his intentions regarding themselves. They therefore seized the door of the quarters and allowed no one of Anşâr Khan's men to enter. Ansar Khân began to ask Muhammad Khân's advice on the matter in connection with which he had called him and, in the midst of his conversation, made a sign to his brother to slay Muhammad Khân. Angâr Khan's brother laid his hand on his sword and was about to
850 These blanks in the original MS. may be filled in as follows: Muhammad Khan, son of Muhibbullah...connortion ... Muhil bulâh had been the foster brother of Murtaza Nizam Shah. -F. ii, 312.
300 According to Firishta (ii, 312) Chånd Bibi commissio ed Muhammad Khan to slay Angar Khân.

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attack Muhammad Khân, when the latter's sons, becoming aware of the guile of their enemies, drew their swords and attacked the brethren and partisans of Anşar Khân. Ansår Khân now attempted himself to attack Muhammad Khân, but Abû'l Qasim placed Anşâr Khân in front of him like a shield and the wicked Ansar Khân received his brother's sword in his breast, and it came out at his back. Muhammad Khân then stretched forth his hand and seized the sword of Anşâr Khân's brother and by main strength wrenched it from his grasp, and struck him so shrewd a blow in the chest with it that its point came out of his back, and he and his brother, those two leaders of strife and wickedness, both fell, and the days of their treachery and deceit came to an end. Although the sons of Muhammad Khân were wounded, yet, by God's grace, they obtained the mastery over the partisans and brethren of Ansår Khan and separated the wicked ones of the kingdom from its loyal subjects and freed the realm from their vile existence.
When Muhammad Khan and his sons had finished with Angâr Khan and his partisans, they cut off Ansar Khân's wicked head and exhibited it at the door of the palace, without which his followers were trying to gain admittance in spite of the resistance offered by Multân Khân, Ahmad Shah, Sayyid Hasan, and 'Ali Shîr Khân. When his followers saw the severed head of their leader they desisted from fighting and submitted to the victors.
Muhammad Khân, after slaying Anşar Khân, waited on Chånd Bibi Sultân and related to her all that had occurred. A royal command was issued to the effect that the traitor's head should be placed on a spear and paraded through the bazars as a warning to other traitors, and that the good news of their victory over treason should be published abroad both to high and low in the kingdom. When these orders had been carried out Chând Bibi Sultân, in order to allay the fears of all, showed herself on one of the bastions of the fort, like the sun in his glory, with the royal umbrella over her head. When Mujahid-ud dîn Shamshîr Khân, who had undertaken the defence of the fort and was engaged in col. lecting men to oppose the enemy, as has been said, heard of the death of Anşar Khân and of the appearance of Chånd Bibi on the bastion of the fort, he hastened with all his sons to pay his respects to her, and his example was followed by Afzal Khân, while Nûr Muhammad Khân had outstripped them all in paying his respects to her. Then all the nobles ard the people of the city, both great and small, hastened to the bastion to do her reverence.
In the meantime an army was seen approaching the city from the north, and reached the neighbourhood of the 'idgah. Some of them galloped up to the top of the "Edgah hill, and the rest of them marched towards the city 361
361 The advance of the imperial army had been delayed by the quarrels between Akbar's son, Sultan Murad, viceroy of Gujarat, and the Khân khânân. The prince had insisted on the Khân khânân's joining him in Gujarat, that they might advance together on Ahmadnagar, but the Khân khånân, with whom was Shahrukh Mirzê of Badakhshân, refused to march as a mere follower of the prince, and maintained that each should march from his own province and that they should converge on Ahmadnagar. The prince, angered by the Khin khanan's dilatory movements, began his march on Ahmadnagar, and the Khân khânân, leaving Shahrukh Mirzê with the guns, heavy baggage, and main body of his army, hastened forward and met the prince on December 11, 1595, at Chân dûr (20° 19' and 74° 15'E.) Here he showed so little respect to the prince that for some time the latter would not receive him formally, and their relations were further embittered by a violent guarrel between Sadiq Muḥammad Khân, the prince's tutor, and Shahbaz Khân, one of the Khân khânân's chief amirs. However the army advanced and the Khân khanan arrived before Ahmadna. gar, as stated here and by Firishta (ii, 312) on December 26, 1595. See Akbarndma.

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Nobody had had any idea that the army of the Muzhuls was so near at hand. Some thought it to be the army of Sa'adat Khân, while others thought that it was the army of the Africans. Shamshir Khân sent a man out to thein to ascertain the truth, and he returned with the news that the army was the Khân khânân's and was the advanced guard of the Mughuls. When the nobles and the garrison of the fort learnt of the arrival of the Mughul army, they sent out some guns against them and opened fire upon them with a view to breaking their line, which had now reached the edge of the plain of the Kala Chabútra, and used their utmost endeavours in repairing and strengthening the defences and preparing every thing that was necessary for the siege.
As the day had now drawn on to evening the khânkhânân's army did not halt longer in the neighbourhood of the fort, but retired and joined the Khânkhânån who had halted near the old garden of the watercourse, and kept careful watch all that night until the breaking of the true dawn on the following morning. Chånd Bibi Sultân also paid attention to the needs of her subjects and appointed Muhammad Khân vakil and amir-ul-umard as a reward for his great services, entrusting to him the duty of fortifying and defending the fort, and warning him to exercise all possible care in the execution of these duties. The protection of the poor subjects living without the fort and the duty of meeting the enemy in the field were entrusted to Mujahid-ud-din Shamshir Khân, with whoin were associated Nur Muhainmad Zamân and a number of other brave officers.
The next day was Tuesday, Rabi'us-Sânî 24 (December 27, A.D. 1595). The Khân khânán, detaching a number of his chief officers to protect the city and Burhånâbâd and to look to the safety of the poor inhabitants, proclaimed a general ainnesty to all, both small and great. A number of the poor and weak dwellers in the suburbs, who had remained in their houses because they had no means of transporting themselves and their property within the city, were much reassured by the proclamation of this amnesty, and took advantage of it to move into the fort and into other fortified posts.
On this day Nûr Muhammad Zaman was deputed to summon Sayyid Jalal-ud-din Haidar and brought that Sayyid and his noble sons to court, and Afzal Khân was deputed to summon the ambassadors of the Sultans of the Dakan and brought those two pillars of the faith and of the state to court, and on the same day a battle was fought between Mujahid-ud-din Shamshir Khan and his loyal army on the one side and a force of the Mughuls which had had the temer. ity to oooupy the plain of the Kala Chabútra on the other, and in the battle Nûr Muhammad Zamân displayed the valour which is ever the mark of Sayyids, and with a small force charged the compact mass of the Mughul army and scattered it. When the garrison of the fort saw the standards of the army of Abmadnagar borne triumphantly aloft in the hour of victory. their courage was renewed and the despair and discouragement which had afflicted them disappeared, so that they took the field valiantly, confident of victory.
In the evening of the same day the army of the highborn and successful prince Shah Murâd, with his great amirs and Khâns, such as Mirza Shahrukh, governor of Badakhshan, Shahbaz Khan, sadiq Muhammad Khan, Sayyid Murtaza and the rest of the amîrs and officers, an army swift to shed blood, covering with its hosts both mountain and plain, darkening the gun with its dust, and advancing like a tempestuous sea, arrived at the environs of the city, and encamped near the garden of the old watercourse, which is called the Bagh-i-Bihisht, where the prince's pavilion was set up.
(To be continued.)

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BOOK-NOTICES. REPORT OF THE SUPERINTENDENT, ARCHAEOLOGICAL Duroiselle holds that these symbols reached Burma
SURVEY OF BURMA, 1921-22, by CHAS. DUROISELLE. from the north-west and not, as one might suppose, Rangoon Government Press, 1922.
through the Nestorian Christians of Madras. After Like all Mr. Duroiselle's work, this Report is a succinct review of the available evidence he ascribes extraordinarily full and instructive; and it is
the presence of these crosses in the midst of a group to be hoped that the Government of India, under
of Mongolo-Chinese portraits to the influence of the now arrangements necessitated by the Reform
Christian soldiers serving in the army of the Great Scheme, will leave the Provincial Government and
Khan, who entered Pagan in A.D. 1287. The testimony its Archæological department to carry on unmo.
of Marco Polo appears to support this conclusion. lested the work they are now doing so woll. A
Space does not permit of more than a passing list of 102 ancient monuments in Burma, to be
roference to the subject of European influence maintained by the Imperial Government, has been
on the old paintings and carvings at Amarapura, prepared, ranging from the seventh century remains
which is discussed in the Report ; and we press at Prome to the comparatively modern structures
forward to the welcome announcement that the at Mandalay. If one may judge from tho very
Superintendent has nearly completed for publi. inadequate sum allotted by the Indian Government
cation a trustworthy guide book to the Palace at during the year under review for the conservation
Mandalay. No one is better qualified to explain of Burma's historical buildings, as well as from
the details of a structure which, in his own words, the evidence given in the report of the interest
is “the last, and only one preserved to us, of frequently taken by Burmans themselves in the
a long series of similar structures built by succeeding exploration and maintenance of their country's
dynasties at the numerous capitals of Burma.... antiquities, it is obviously closirable that Archæo.
Its plan is not merely old Indian, but rather pan. logy in Burma should be a provincial subject.
Asiatic, for its prototypes were lound scattered over As has been the case in India, careless vandalism
Avast stretch of country from Patna to Peking, on the part of the local authorities has still to be
and perhaps as far as Nineveh." Contemplation reckoned with and forestalled by the Archaeological
of the former home of Burmese Royalty may thus department. An instance occurred at Amarapura
perchance help towards a livelier conception of where, in defiance of the law, permission was granted
the appearance of the great Mauryan palace to a Muhammadan merchant to erect a factory
at Pataliputra in the days of Chandragupta and his on the site of the old palace; and though the
famous grandson, which itself seems to have been continuance of the work was ultimately prohibit.
an echo of the palaces of Babylonia and Assyria. ed at the instance of the Survoy, the remains of the
The year under review witnessed the completion ancient walls had already been dismantled to provide
of A list of European cemeteries and tombs a brick foundation for the approach to the factory.
in Burma, containing inscriptions anterior to Excavation at Sameikshe yielded among other
1858, the earliest record of this type being dated things a tablet of King Aniruddha (1044-1077),
1682, and also the provision of an inscribed marble a bronze Bodhisattva of the eleventh century, and a
tablet on the remains of the old East India Com. small votive tablet containing figures surmounted
pany's factory on Hainggyi island in Bassein. Other
noteworthy features of the Report are the list by a legend in North Indian characters, which, unfortunately, are too faint for decipherment.
of dates in the Burmese common era appearing It is clear that this region once contained an im
in the "Inscriptions of Pagan, Pinya and Ava"
with their English equivalents,-& work which has portant settlement, and further exploration of
beer admirably performed by Diwan Bahadur the numerous mounds a few miles from Sameik. she will probably give interesting results. At
L. D. S. Pillai Avargal of Madras,- and secondly, a Pagan other votive tablets were found containing
discussion of the legend of Wasundhaye, the Earth. legends in Sanskrit, Pali, Burmese and Talaing,
goddess, the origin of which, based as it seems to be which date back to the eleventh and twelfth cen
upon purely oral tradition, is at present undetermin. turies, and it is proposed to publish full details of
ed. A valuable contribution by Mr. San Shwe Bu, them, as well as of many similar tablets unearthed
honorary archæological officer for Arakan, forms the during the last few years, in Epigraphir Birmanica.
conclusion of a record upon which the Government The pictures of Mongol soldiers, found at Pagan
of Burma can be heartily congratulated.
S. M. EDWARDES. in company with a portrait of a Buddha seated in European fashion in a high chair, are wonder- LATER MUCHALA, by W. IRVINE, L.C.S. (Retd.); fully lifelike and give a very good idea of Kublai edited by JADUNATH SARKAR, I.E.S., vol. I, Khan's warriors. Equally interesting are the repre- 1707-20; vol. II, 1709-39. Calcutta: M. C. Sarkar & Hentations of Christian crosses, which suggest the Song. London: Luzac & Co. preberice of Christians in the Buddhist metropolis We welcome an edition of the late William Irvine's between the sixth and thirteenth centuries, Mr. Later Mughals, edited by Professor J. Sarkar, whose

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[ OCTOBER, 1923
own scholarly researches in the Mughal period of Indian history have gained wide recognition. These two volumes open with a short biography of Irvine, written by Professor Sarkar, and a list of the books and papers which he published during his lifetimo. From the former we gather that Irvine joined the I.C.S. in 1863 and retired as District Magis. trato of Saharanpur in 1888, in order that he might devoto his leisure to literary work in Indo. Muhammadan history, which he first began to study seriously about 1875. By dint of constant practice he had made himself master of the Persian language during his service in India, and had form. ed a fino collection of Persian historical MSS. 89 the basis of his later historical researches. After his retirement also ho maintained Muhammadan scribe in India to hunt up fresh MSS. and make copies of them where necessary.
His plan was to write an original history of the decline of the Mughal Empire, to be called The Later Mughals, and to cover the period from the death of Aurangzeb in 1707 to the capture of Delhi by the English in 1803. Ho worked so conscientiously, verifying his references 80 often and consulting so many sources of information, tha he ultimately completed the tale of only thirty-one years out of the century contemplated in his ori. ginal plan. Moreover, he laid the work aside for about eight years in order to publish his great edition of Manucci's travels and his well-known treatise on the Army of the Indian Mughals We share Professor Sarkar's profound regret that Irvine was not spared to complete the task which he had mapped out. He died at the end of 1911, after a long and painful illness borne with admir. able fortitude, leaving his history incompleto.
Profesor Sarkar, with whom he corresponded during his lifetime, pays an eloquent tribute to Irvino both as a historian and as a man. Certainly Ir vine was one of the old type of studious and intellectual Civil Servants, now alas! well-nigh vanished, who utilized their official sojourn in India to perfect their knowledge of its history, antiquities, customs and civilization, in order that they might interpret their significance to succeeding generations. Professor Sarker realizes this fully; and with the object of paying a tribute to a departed friend and fellow-student in the same field of research, he has taken Irvine's incomplete work and prepared it for publication.
The history commences with the accession of Bahadur Shah and ends with the departure of Nadir Shah from Delhi in May 1739. Professor Sarkar has edited the two volumes with discretion : for he has pruned and abbreviated many of the · voluminous footnotes which Irvino had written rather for his own satisfaction than for the purpose of illuminating the text, and has carefully revised the text iteelf from February 1725, which Irvine
had left incomplete. The latter task has involved much labour, for the narrative has had to be checked by constant references to original Persian documents and also to the Marathi letters and reports, which have only come to light since 1898 and were unknown to Irvine. Fortunately there is no one better qualified than Professor Sarkar to perform such a task.
From a work which every student of Indian history ought to read from beginning to end, it is fruitless to quote notes or passages. It is full of valuable information, historical and chronological. In a foreword Irvine himself described his task as having been its own exceeding great reward (the only one, I fear, ever likely to come to me): it has served to bridge over the period between active life and the first advances of old age, and through it I heve failed to feel "the weight of too much liberty." At some future day the genius may arise who shell make these dead bones live : and when in a footnote this " Gibbon of the future" flinge me a word of acknowledgment, I shall be satisfied." Irvine's work will live, there is little doubt of that-and had he known, he might well have echoed the words of the Roman poet: "Non omnis moriar, etc." To socure this happy consummation of his friend's long labours in the field of Mughal history has been the pious task of Professor Sarkar,-a striking instance, it seems to us, of the camaraderie which unites the true scholars of the East and West.
S. M. EDWARDES.
CATALOGUE OF THE MUSEUM OF ARCHAEOLOGY AT
SANCHI, BHOPAL STATE, by MAULVI MUHAMMAD HAMID, B.A., and PANDIT RAM CHANDRA KAE, B.A., and MR. RAMPRASAD CHANDA, B.A., with a foreword by SIR JOHN MARSHALL, KT., C.L.E. Calcutta : Superintendent, Government Printing, India, 1922.
In the foreword to this catalogue of the Sanchi antiquities Sir John Marshall explains that it is intended partly as a complement to the Guide to Sonchi, which he has already published, and partly as a supplement to the larger and more elaborate monograph on the monuments, which is now being prepared. Of the antiquities now in the Sanchi Museum, which was built, furnished and arranged under Sir John Marshall's supervision, some were discovered in the jungle which formerly enveloped the ruins, and others were unearthed in the course of the excavations carried out by the Archæological Survey. To the three Assistants to the Director-General of Archæology, whose names are given above, the task of describing the exhi. bits was entrusted, their work being assisted in some measure by Sir John Marshall himself, and these boing verified by Monsieur A. Foucher. As a result the catalogue is lucid and complete

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The exhibits herein described Pomprise many with the amount spent during the five years im. figures of Buddha, in varying conditions of pre- mediately preceding the outbreak of War. As servation, dating from the seventh to the tenth one would naturally suppose, the Archaeological centuries A.D. No. 19, which was found in a stupa of Department, like other departments, has suffer. the seventh century, is declared to have originally ed from lack of funds and from the great rise in belonged to a shrine of the arly Gupta period rates and wages which has occurred since 1915. and to have been placed in the stupa as an object In consequence, in the Northern Circle alone about of special veneration when the shrine fell into 120 estimates for repairs, amounting to decay. Instances of the practice of burying older seven lakhs of rupees, were awaiting allotmont cult images in stupas have been met with at other of funds at the close of 1919-20. Nevertheless sites examined by the Archeological Survey, and 1 the Department has much solid work to its credit, together with the characteristics of the figure and has occasionally been assisted by generous itseli, serve to establish the probability of its later donors like the Maharajadhiraja of Burdwan, enshrinement in the stupa. The catalogue also who paid for the construction of a chattri to mark describes (No. 32) a statue of a corpulent male the site of the tomb of the Empress Jodh Bai, figure seated on a four-legged chair, which is wife of Jahangir. In the Panjab & small monusupposed to represent Jambhala. One of the ment was erected to mark the site of the Kiln of most important exhibits in the Roofed Hall is Buddhu, who was brickmaker at the Court of the Capital of an Asoko Column, on which geese Jahangir and played an active part in the build. and lions are depicted with remarkable fidelity ing of that Emperor's city of Lahore. The Jain to nature; another is a standard bowl of Mauryan community of Jhansi have agreed to provide the workmanship, pieced together from fragments funds required for the repair of the Jain temple and partially restored. Some of the fragments in the Fort at Deogarh- work which could not of stupa gateways are remarkable, as also are be undertaken during the year under review owing the relics, here shown, of the Early Kushan and to the prevalence of famine in the district. The Gupta schools. A. 83, for example, contains Western Circle was more fortunnte, for the Gov. an inscription in Brahmi characters below the ernor of Bombay decided to raise the Local sculptures, which are ascribed to the Mathura Government's contribution towards the school, and date back to Kushan dominion in the repair and maintenance of monuments from second century A.D. In the inscription appears Rs. 40,000 to Rs. 80,000, to which the Government the name of an unknown King-Vasnushana-who, of India added a grant-in-aid of Rs. 18,500. it is suggested, may have been a foreigner Much necessary work was thus rendered possible who assumed power in Mathura after the fall of on the famous relics in Bijapur, Champaner, Vasudeva Kushan.
Ahmadabad and other places. A protecting wall Other antiquities include iron spearheads
was partially completed round the site of the daggers, arrowheads, monastic and household
famous Gol Gumbaz, and the precincts were
entirely cleared of prickly pear, cactus, and the utensils, knifo blades, razors, artisan's tools and
ruins of mud huts which had accumulated for a variety of bronze and copper objects. Parti. cularly interesting is an ancient "smoothing
centuries in the courtyard. Débris, trees and ploughshare," intended to be worked by bullocks,
boulders were likewise removed from the Ele. and used for removing old stubblo from the fields.
phanta Caves in Bombay harbour, which have A special section is devoted to early glazed pottery
for years been neglected, despite their archeodating from the third century B.C. to the
logical importance and their popularity A8 A first century A.D., and to the terra cottas found
visitors' resort. on the site. The catalogue is illuminated and
The report mentions an interesting Account embellished by a set of excellent photographic
by Mr. Longhurst of the palaces within the Chan. plates, of which Nos. III, V, VIII, X, XIV, XV
dragiri fort in the Chittur District, which appear and XVIII are particularly interesting. Sir John
to belong to the seventeenth century. Whatever their Marshall and his assistants have produced in this
precise age may be, there is little doubt that "it catalogue a handy volume of permanent value
was to this place that the royal house of Vijaya. to antiquarians and others who visit Sanchi.
nagar betook their fallen fortunes towards the S. M. EDWARDES.
close of the sixteenth century." The King's Palace
derives special interest from the fact that " in ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR-GENERAL OF 1639 a king named Ranga, who was ryling in
ARCHÆOLOGY IN INDIA, 1919-20, by SIR JOHN Chandragiri, heard that the English, who in 1625 MARSHALL, KT., C.I.E. Calcutta : Superinten- had moved their factory from Masulipatam to dent, Government Printing, India, 1922.
Armegaum, were dissatisfied with the results This report opens with a succinct survey of the of their trade in that place. An invitation was expenditure incurred during the year upon the therefore sent by the Kalahasti Poliger to Mr. conservation of ancient monuments, as compared Day, the Superintendent of the Company's Factory

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to settle within his dominions, which extended to the coast. The offer was accepted, and Mr. Day visited the Raja in his palace at Chandragiri in 1639, where in 1640 a grant was made of a small strip of land on the coast, the first ever possessed by the British in this part of India. To protect themselves against the danger of attack from their restless and lawless neighbours a fort was built and named Fort St. George, after the traditional champion of England." A curious feature of the palace is that it possesses no entrances on the south side, although this may be regarded as its front, all the entrances being on the north. In Burma the amount of outstanding conser vation work is very large, and inasmuch as some of the estimates were prepared many years ago, when the cost of building materials and local labour was much less than it is now, the completion of the various items is likely to cost double and possibly treble the sum now shown in the estimates. Most of the money available during the year under review was devoted to repairing the palace at Mandalay and the tombs of King Mindon and the Burmese Queens.
Sir John Marshall gives an interesting summary of further exploration at Taxila. Among other finds at Sirkap were a flask of green glass, the first intact specimen of a glass vessel found in North-Western India: pieces of Chinese jade which throw an interesting sidelight on the ques tion of the Far-Eastern trado with India in those early days; a hoard of copper coins of King Gondophares and other Indo-Parthian Kings; and copper ornaments, some of which afford a striking illustration of the evolution of a bird-head motif from the simple comma so familiar in the "dot and comma pattern of Scytho-Parthian art. Perhaps more interesting than these was Gandhara statuette, representing a female clad in tunic and suri, holding a lotus in her right hand.
13
In the Gandhara School figures completely in the round, such as this one, are exceedingly rare, and what adds still further to its interest and value is the fact that it can be assigned with cer tainty to a date not later than the middle of the first century A.D., thus supplying us with n definite landmark-where landmarks are singu. larly few-in the early history of this School."
A deeply interesting account is given of the work so far carried out at the Bhir Mound, where three distinct strata have been exposed, the top stratum belonging to the third or fourth century B.C., the second not less than a century older than the top one, and the third likewise a hundred years. or more older than the second. In the middle and lowest strata were found beads of cornelian, agate, lapis-lazuli, crystal, pearl, coral and shell, of various shapes and designs, many of them beautifully finished, together with glass beads of good quality, which justify the belief that the
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[ OCTOBER, 1923
jewellers' and lapidaries' arts and the art of glassmaking had reached a high pitch of excellence long before the third century B.C.
In Western India the chief discoveries were the old Palace of the Peshwas in Poona, to which allusion has been made in a previous review, and a fine old Chalukyan temple exhumed from below the inner wall of the fort at Sholapur. Excavations in the Ganjam District of Madras resulted in the discovery of interesting Buddhist remains, while among the remains unearthed in Burma were some stone axe-heads, which are declared to date from the close of the Pliocene or the beginning of the Pleistocene period. Epigra. phical work of importance was carried out in all Circles, among the records examined being fourteen sets of copper-plates and a lithic record of the Rashtrakuta Nripatunga Amoghavarsha I, whose son Duddayya (a name hitherto unknown) conferred a revenue settlement on twelve territorial divisions. A Vijayanagara record of the reign of Achyutaraya records a drought; which destroyed cocoanut and areca plantations, and gives details of remissions of rent fixed to lighten. the burden of the distressed cultivators; while an important inscription, discovered at the top of the Uparkot Fort in Junagadh, was examined by Mr. Banerji and found to belong to the reign of the Kshatrapa Jivadaman I. Six new inscriptions were discovered in Burma, two of which definitely refer to King Tissa, hitherto known as a legendary King of Pegu, and three epigraphs on terra cotta votive tablets were also examined, one of which, written in Burmese, shows that in the eleventh and twelfth centuries A.D. the Burmese were still using words derived, not from the Pali of Southern Buddhism, but from the Sanskrit.
The report is embellished with admirable photographs of some of the chief monuments mentioned by the Director-General, and of the relics discovered in the excavations at Taxila, Mathura, Nalanda, and in Burma. The work of the Archaeological Survey is so important and its achievements have hitherto been so creditable. that one can only hope that, even if the Indian and Provincial Governments cannot increase their grants-in-aid, wealthy Indians will come forward in increasing numbers to finance the activities of the experts who are slowly but surely bringing to light the civilization of vanished ages.
S. M. EDWARDES.
AN INDIAN EPHEMERIS, A.D. 700 to A.D. 1799, showing the daily solar and lunar reckoning according to the principal systems current in India with their English equivalents, also the ending moments of tithis and nakshatras, and the years in different eras, with a perpetual planetary almanac and other auxiliary tables, by Diwan Bahadur L. D.

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SWAMEANNU PILLAI, I.S.O. Publishod under the Authority of the Government of Madras. Superintendent, Government Press, Madras, 1922.
This is an extraordinary publication which bears striking testimony to the knowledge, ingenuity and perseverance of Diwan Bahadur L. D. Swamikannu Pillai. The author's Indian Chro. nology, published in 1911, is already well-known ; and Part I of the first volume of this new work is really an enlarged edition of the former. It contain very full explanation of the principles
1 he has based his Indian calendar. The other six volumes comprise # continuous
nac from A.D. 700 to A.D. 1799, the period fron... 180 to A.D. 2000 being containod in a separate or which has also been taken over by the Maa. Government.
The main object of the Ephemeris, according to the author, is to elucidate the solar month and day of the Tamil and Malayalam calendars, the solar months according to the zodiacal constella tions, the tithi for every day with its onding moment, tho nakshatra with its ending moment, the lunar months and pakshas in use all over India, the Muhammadan months and days, and finally the solar and lunar eclipses, for a period of 1,300 years. Under each of these heads the equivalent English month and date and week-day are given throughout. The choice of the year 700 A.D. as the starting point of the calendar is due to the paucity of verifiable Indian dates before the eighth century A.D.; and although the author, in agree. ment with other authorities, inclines to the view that week-days may have been known to the inhabitants of India for some considerable period before the fifth century A.D., yet the rare occur. rence of actual week-day dates in Indian litera. ture and inscriptions between the fifth and eighth centurios made him decide, no doubt wisely, to choose A.D. 700 as the upper limit of his almanac.
Among the many interesting subjects discussed or referred to in the course of the work are the nature of the adhika and kshaya months, the connexion between the solar and lunar reckoning, the planetary and eclipse chronology, the Pari. padal horoscope, the period of the Tamil Sangam literature, the date of Christ's birth, the common but mistaken belief in the occurrence once in a thousand years of a lunar fortnight with only 13 days, and in the Appendices the exact date of the death of Buddha and the astronomical references in the Mahabharata. The exposition of the EyeTables which the author has prepared for the chief siddhantas of the Indian calendar will repay careful perusal; while as regards the day to day calendar, one can only say that the historian and epigraphist have at last been furnished with a comprehensive work of roference which gives
then the exact English equivalent of any dato occurring in ancient Indian records.
The possibilities of error have been eliminated by a very ingenious use of cycles of recurrence. Apart from its value to the historian and epigra. phist, the work is also of use in the investigation of horoscopes. The author makes no secret of his distrust of astrology, and he only accepts horoscopes in so far as they offer a means of arriv. ing at definite chronological conclusions. Thus by his detailed investigation of the horoscope in the Sangam Tamil work Paripadal, he strives to prove that a horoscope can be chronologically verified, and that if it indicates the position of five or six planets by their råsis or zodiacal constellations, its exact date can be definitely established. He holds the view that the Indian horoscope owes its origin to the Ptolemaic system of astronomy and astrology, which in turn was derived from Babylonian and Chaldæan sources. It is im. possible within the limits of a review to discuss in any detail a work of this magnitude. Let it suffice to say that the Diwan Bahadur's achieve. ment is likely to become a landmark in the science of Indian chronology, and that the infinite care which he has expended on this work fully justifies the official support accorded to his labours by the Government of Madras.
S. M. EDWARDES. SELECTIONS FROM AVESTA AND OLD PERSIAN
(First Series), Fart 1, by IRACH JEHANGIR S. TARAPOREWALA. Calcutta : 1922.
Dr. Irach Jehangir Sorabji Taraporewala has ilono a good service to the Calcutta University in special, and to all students of Avesta and Sanskrit in general, by preparing and publishing his excellent Selections from Avesta and old Persian. The book is a very useful addition to the previous works of this kind one from the pen of Prof. A. V. Williams Jackson of the Columbia University of America and another from that of Prof. Hans Reichelt of Germany. We welcomo this new attempt in the same line from the pen of an Indian Professor and that a Parsee, who, from the very fact of being conversant with the belief and ritual of his people, can do justice to his subject of translations and notes. I had the pleasure of hearing Dr. Taraporowala's lec. tures on Philology in the University of Bombay, some years ago, and I had also the pleasure of having an exchange of views with him on some subjects of his proseat work. So, I am in a posi. tion to speak with some personal knowledge and authority on his work and beg to say that Dr. Taraporowala's work is sound and aims at perfection. On the one hand, by a long stay and study in the centres of learning in England and Germany, he has well acquired the present criti. cal method of the West for learning and toodang

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his subjects: and on the other hand he has his own ideal of the East to enter into the inner or religious spirit of a subject. He has shown both these to good advantage in this his first attempt in the line. Those qualifications have made him a good constructive critic in his notes and interpretations.
As to his "Selections, they were just what they should be in a first book of the kind. Some of them, for example the three brief prayers, all forming only eight lines of the text, give one an idea of both the author's critical method of learn. ing and teaching, and his religious constructive spirit of devotion.
Sir Asutosh Mukerjee has identified himself with the good of the University of Calcutta and with him the Calcutta University has, as it were, identified itself for these last few years. He has proved himself to be one of its best, if not the best, of its Vice-Chancellors, and needs to be congratulated, both for his "characteristic insight into the choice of the teachers of his University, and for his choice of subjects for the teaching. Wo will welcome the continuance of the “Selec. tions," if not for tho selections themselves, for the valuable notes and interpretations which may go a great way in helping others to understand the Avosta from many points of view.
JIVANJI JAMSHEDJI MODI. SHIVAJI AND HIS TIMES, by JADUNATA SARKAR.
Second Ed. Calcutta : M. O. Sarkar & Song, 1920.
Professor Sarkar has carefully checked and revised the first edition of this important historical study, which I reviewed at length in vol. XLIX, pp. 152 fr. He has performed this work with the conscientious thoroughness that distinguishes him. The only point on which I am inclined to quarrel with bim is that there is still no index. The book is go crammed with historical names and references to persons and places and events that an index is essential. I will give an instance. Professor Sarkar draws attention to the fact that among his corrections is the "position of Ponda in Ch. X." Considering the part played by that fortress in Shivaji's day and the importance to history of its captures by Shivaji, such a correction is of more than ordinary interest. But one had to search right through "Ch. X.," 32 pages long, bofore it was found in a footnote to p. 279.
In my review of the first edition I devoted myself chiefly to the evidence available about the murders of Chandra Rao More of Javli and of Afzal Khan of Bijapur, and I suggested that these two matters were so important that it would be worth while to -investigate them in full. In this edition Professor Sarkar has added "& critical examination of the ovidence of the Javli and Afzal Khan affairs." Such a re-examination in the first case is timely
und necessary, however severe, in view of the version given in the History of the Maratha People by Messrs. Kincaid and Parasnis, with whom I cannot bring myself to agree.
The questions Professor Sarkar sets himself to answer in the case of Afzal Khan are :
(1) Was tho slaying of Afzal Khan a treacher. ous murder or an act of self-defence on the part of Shivaji? He answers in favour of the latter view.
(2) Who struck, the first blow at the interview ? He answers: Afzal Khan.
(3) Why did Shivaji so elaborately protect his person and place an ambush round-Afzal Khan's forces ? Because he was fully convinced that Afzal Khan meant treachery : both were acts of common prudence.. --
(4) Tf Afzal Khan meant treachery why did he not keep his troops in readiness for delivering an Assault or at least for defending themselves? Because he believed that the death of Shivaji would lead to the immediate collapse of his upstart power and was ignorant of the position and strength of his enemy's forces. "The weight of recorded evidence, as well as the probabilities of the caso, support the view that Afzal Khan struck the first blow and that Shivaji only committed what Burke calls a preventive murder.""
It seems to me that in this matter Professor Sarkar's further examination supports my own statement in the former review: "Here we havo two unscrupulous foes, each capable of any act to gain the object in view-in this case the other's destruction, whether oy crafty diplomacy or direct murder. The most stute won." Perhaps that is after all the faireet view of an essentially mediaeval transaction.
Professor Sarkar has gone very far into the English sources of the time for his new facts, and most wisely so, as the British in India were then merely clover onlookers of the fights between Musalman and Maratha with no political fish of their own to fry beyond liberty to trado peaceably. Incidentally one is grateful to him for bringing to notice and extracting from the Old Correspondence and Factory Records at the India Office, the Surat Consultations and Letters, the Records of Fort St. George, the Orme MSS. (India Office), the Dutch Factory Records (India Ofice).
Altogether Professor Sarkar has produced an edition for which all students of Maratha history will be grateful to him. A third edition will be called for, no doubt, and to that I cannot but hope he will add an index. In the present one, the student looking for such things will not find it easy to discover the whereabouts of the account of the first fight of the English and Marathas, or Shivaji's letter protesting against the jaziya.
R. C. TEMPLE.

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IN THE CENTURY BEFORE THE MUTINY
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IN THE CENTURY BEFORE THE MUTINY.
By SR RICHARD C. TEMPLE, Br. I have lately had reason to go fully into the story of the Mutiny of the Bengal Army, 1857-1859, and have been impressed by two facts : Firstly, that it was in its essentials a mutiny of an army against its employers and not a rebellion of a people against its rulers, though local malcontent notables did succeed in making it one in restricted areas; Secondly, that its roots went back to the very dawn of the existence of the Army. The well-known story of the greased cartridges with its consequences was merely a symptom of a deeply rooted disease. The object of this paper is to indicate briefly what the history of the disease appears to be. I begin the enquiry, therefore, with the foundation that eventually grew to be the Honorable East India Company.
In 1600 Queen Elizabeth, while Akbar the Great was still alive, granted a charter to the East India Company of Merchants to trade in India and establish local factories for the purpose. Chartered traders and merchants the British in India remained, as one mercantile body among many others of varying length of life-Portuguese and Spanish, French, Dutch, Danish, Swedish, Austrian (i.e., Flemish). None of the European nations represented by these bodies attempted to set up a rule in the country except the Portuguese and Spanish, who created a coastwise empire from Gombroon on the Persian Gulf to Malacca on the Malay Coast, to say nothing of the Malay Archipelago. But the Dutch, English and French had destroyed the power of Portugal in India by the eighteenth century, and as regards the native powers they had never attempted to establish a rule on Indian soil for themselves. The East India Companies quarrelled and fought with each other and at times with local Indian rulers, but were always of little consequence politically until about 1750, when the rivalry had dwindled down to a straggle for supremacy between the English and the French. By that date the European trading companies had acquired from native Indian rulers real estate, avtonomy for their settlements, and trading privileges. Their friendship and goodwill, too, had become desirable to local and even imperial potentates. But that was all, for we may except the isolated instance of the British Naval expedition against Aurangzeb in 1685, which was unsuccessful at the time, though it enabled Job Charnock to found Calcutta. Autonomy involved self-defence, and troops and forts of a sort were maintained to that end by the mercantile companies, but they neither held nor sought for the means to possess politically either power or influence. It was left to the Frenchmen Dupleix, de Lally and de Bussy to seek both in order to oust their British rivals from India. The opportunity for attaining their desire lay in the political conditions then existing in that country.
It is now necessary to turn for a while to the general history of modern India. After the effective establishment of Muslim rule at Delhi by an alien from southern Afghanistan, Muhammad Ghori (Shahabu'ddin), in 1193, a great number of dynasties, Hindu and Muhammadan, arose and fell in various parts, some of them temporarily powerful and of large extent. At this period the principal dynasties were Muhammadan, ruling usually from Delhi. One of them, that of the Lodi Afghans of Delhi, became involved in an ordinary family fight for the accession, and application was made by one of the parties concerned to Babur, then Mughal ruler of Kabul, to intervene. This enabled that great and ambitious prince to establish himself in Delhi and Agra and found in 1529 a great kingdom, which subsequently, through the genius of his grandson Akbar the Great, became the Mughal Empire of India. Under Akbar and his immediate descendants, Jahangir, Shahjahan and Aurangzeb, this Empire over-shadowed everything up till the death of the last n 1707. While the Mughal Empire was still a mighty living force, there had sprung up in the Deccan a series of Muhammadan kingdom of great importance at the time, now known, first as the Bahmani, and then as the Five Shahi kingdoms. Their combined territories stretched from

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sea to sea and formed a kind of barrier power between the Mughals and the South, and though they had all been overthrown before Aurangzeb died, they left a distinct mark behind them and paved the way for succession as soon as his controlling hand was removed, In addition, there arose and fell at the same time the Hindu Vijayanagar Empire of the South, which, too, left its mark in a number of independent Hindu States. In further addition there arose, in Aurangzeb's life-time, yet another Hindu power under Sivaji the Maratha, destined to play a leading part all over India in the subsequent centuries.
Aurangzeb was a great prince, but unfortunately he was also a sectarian fanatic, and in the end, as had Muhammad Tughlak long before him, he broke up the Empire he had so greatly extended during the fifty years of his rule. He alienated from the Mughals all the Hindus and many Musalmans alike, as his humble. tomb near the caves of Ellora in the Deccan testifies. The conditions at his death were such that it required a man as strong and capable as himself to keep the Empire together. After his death, however, not one of his successors-most of them mere puppets-from 1707 to 1858, when the Imperial title was formally abolished by the British, ever even remotely approached his capacity. The result as regards the Empire was chaos, and as regards local areas a rapidly moving kaleidoscope of dynasties and principalities, until the British stepped in and consolidated power once more under a single authority.
For the immediate purpose it is enough to note that when the presentatives of the French and English Companies caine to loggerheads and had sufficient armed strength to try and oust each other from Indian soil by force, the important Indian powers were : firstly, the Maratha local states making themselves felt everywhere from their centre the Deccan; secondly, the Muhammadan State of the Nizam of Hyderabad, also in the Deccan, with his vassal the Nawab of the Carnatic (East Coast) at Arcot not far from Madras; and thirdly, a quite new and ephemeral State at Seringa patam under the notorious Haidar Ali and his son Tipu Sahib, who had ousted the Rajas of Mysore risen locally out of a part of the Vijayanagar Empire. In the north there were the Nawabs of Oudh at Lucknow and of Bengal at Dacca, nominally viceroys of a roi fainéant, the Mughal Emperor at Delhi, who, indeed, is always to be found in a misty background in all transactions of the time till after the mutiny itself.
In the course of the armed commercial struggle that arose out of the rivalry between the French and English, the French leader, Dupleix, conceived the idea of interference in the affairs of the Indian States. The opportunity came when the inevitable disputes for the succession to the thrones of Hyderabad and Arcot arose. The French backed one claimant and the English his rival as a matter of policy. In the local wars that ensued the English were fortunate in possessing a genius in Clive, so that Dupleix and his successor de Lally were entirely defeated with the aid of British sca power. French influence thereupon disappeared from India. In the interval the English took Orissa, i.e., the Northern Circars or Divisions of the Hyderabad State, which had been taken possession of by de Bussy, who had managed to get control over the Nizam of the day.
The English had thus become accustomed to the idea of actual rule in India, when in 1757 Suraju'ddaula, the Nawab or Viceroy of Bengal (by then its actual king, as after 1741 supervision from the Delhi Emperor was not even nominal) gave the opportunity to Clive to seize power in Bengal. Suraju'ddaula had attacked Calcutta and massacred most of its white population. Thereupon Clive had not only retrieved the position, but after Plassey upset the whole fabric of the Nawab's rule, and set up a relative as successor in his capacity of master of the situation. Shortly afterwards in 1764, after the victory of Buxar over the Nawab of Oudh in combination with the British-made Nawab of Bengal, at which battle the titular Mughal Emperor Shah Alam of Delhi was present as a purely passive spectator,

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the Bengal Nawab was superseded by Clive and his son appointed in his place. Clive was thus unquestionably master, but he did not push matters, accepting a formal grant of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa from the helpless Shah Alam, who had by this become for all practical purposes a pensioner of the Company at Allahabad, to pass later on into the protection of Sindia of Gwalior. In this way the British East India Company became one of the many sovereign powers in India, just as were the Nizam of Hyderabad, Haidar Ali of Mysore, the Nawab of Oudh, and the various Rajput princes and the members of the Maratha confederacy, the Mughal Emperor of Delhi being a mere, though sometimes convenient, shadow to all parties.
After Clive, Warren Hastings acted as an effective Governor from the very first, treated the Bengal Nawab as a titular prince, and began to protect Oudh with the Company's troops, especially against the Robilla Afghans established independently north of the Ganges over a Hindu population. The proceedings of Clive and Hastings had so far been mcrely the actions of the representatives of an English Chartered Company, and it was rightly felt in England that if they were to be supported by the British Crown they must be leg lised. Hence the Regulating Act of 1773, which erected a Governor-General of British India as it then was, created a Council, a High Court, and a system of Government under the general superintendence of the King's Ministers. The Company still remained but with limited powers, and the point for the present purpose is that thereafter it was the Crown and not the Company that was ultimately responsible for the action of the Governors-General. British rule was legally established in all parts held to be British territory.
It was not possible in the conditions of Hastings' time for the British to be left in place by the rival powers in India, and to understand the next proceedings of Hastings, it is necessary to explain that the Maratha Confederacy consisted of five dynasties ruling in Central India. These may be briefly called the Peshwas of Poona (the titular leaders), the Bhonsles of Nagpore, the Gaekwars of Baroda, the Holkars of Indore, and the Sindias of Gwalior. In the eighteenth century they made themselves felt from Bombay to Calcutta and from Lahore to Madras; practically over all India. The impotent occupants of the throne of Delhi were always powerless whenever the Maratha chicfs came their way, but they were used by the Marathas for legalising purposes, just as Clive and the British had used them. Taking sides in a disputed succession involved the British in war with the Marathas, in which the Nizam and Haidar Ali of Mysore joined against the English. It came to nothing, but in the course of it Sindia of Gwalior took the ever-helpless Shah Alam of Delhi under his protection on his quitting that of the British. Before Hastings left India, Pitt's India Act (1784) was passed and resulted in a Minister for India under the title of President of the Board of Control, taking all the real power in Indian affairs out of the hands of the Directors. India was afterwards de facto governed by the Crown and the Governors-Goneral always acted as its representatives.
The India Act forbade a policy of conquest and annexation, but in the conditions it was not possible to follow it out, and every Governor-General found himself, however reluctantly, involved in war and its consequences, in or out of India, for the sake of subsequent peace. First came the Mysore War of 1790 with Tipu Sahib, son of the redoubtable Haidar Ali, and the acquisition of much territory in Southern India with the approval of the British Government. After this, when Lord Wellesley's important influence came to be felt, Tipu Sahib, who had been intriguing with France (Napoleon), was overthrown, and there was & still further acquisition of territory. Incidentally the Nizam was definitely brought under British protection. Wellesley next put into practice the principle of subordinate alliance, i.e., British protection of Native States, beginning with the Peshwa of Poona. This produced a war with the Marathas, in the course of which Bhonsle was defeated at Argaon,

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Holkar at Dig, Sindia at Assaye and Laswari, while Lake entered Delhi. Sindia had overrun most of the lands of the Rajputs and all the country between the Ganges and the Jumna and lost them all. As a result of this war, by 1805 British influence in India, except in the Punjab, extended indirectly as far as it does now, and avowedly no one paid any attention to the Delhi fainéant Emperor, handsomely pensioned by the British.
The Home Government did not like this policy of expansion and war, recalled Lord Wellesley and reversed it, only to create as one result much worse trouble and war later on. As another result the Sikhs had arisen in the Punjab as a formidable consolidated power under Ranjit Singh, which was kept at bay along the line of the river Sutlege (Satluj), partly by a garrison at Ludhiana and partly by that sagacious monarch's appreciation of British strength. As a third result the Pindaris, a horde of marauders in Central India, became very dangerous, as they worked hand in hand with the Maratha rulers. This gave rise to another Maratha War, including the brilliant victories of Kirkee, Sitabaldi and Mahidpur over the Peshwa, Bhonsle and Holkar respectively. The Peshwa disappeared as the pensioned Raja of Bithur near Cawnpore, where he was succeeded by his adopted son, the notorious Nana Sahib of the Mutiny. The Bhonsle's territories became the Central Provinces of British India, and the Pindaris and other marauders, including the Pathans of Amir Khan and Ghafur Khan, ceased to exist. All this had been achieved by 1818 under the brilliant administration of Lord Hastings. There was no question now as to which power was really ruling in India:—that of the Governor-General under the Crown of England, though nominally under the East India Company. Indeed, a little later (1826) in the days of Lord Amherst, British action in intervening in another local succession at Bharatpur near Delbi was a vowedly taken by the raramount power." By 1833 English was declared to be the official language of the country, and by the Charter Act of next year Parliament abolished the Company as a commercial body and used it only for administrative purposes, empowering the Government of India to pass laws, and throwing open official positions in its territories to English and Indians alike. The Crown thus deliberately assumed sovereign powers and no one could say it nay. The only independent powers now left were the Sikh rulers of the Punjab and the Amirs of Sind.
In 1937 fear of intrigue by the Russians, as successors of the Eastern policy of Napoleon brought about, with the assistance of Ranjit Singh of the Punjab, a mismanaged and dis. astrous war with Atghanistan, and as a consequence a war with the Amirs of Sind resulting in annexation, W..ile these operations were proceeding Ranjit Singh died and the usual dynastic intrigues followed, in the course of which the British frontier was crossed by the Sikns. Four hard tought battles in rapid succession at Mudki, Ferozeshah (Pherushahr) near Ferozepore, Aliwal near Ludhiana, and Sobraon crippled the Sikh power. The Sikhs were now under no effective government at all, and two more terrible battles at Chilianwala and Gujrat resulted in the annexation of the whole Punjab. British domination did not induce hatred in the Sikh soldiers, who rapidly became loyal supporters of their former antagonists.
By this time Lord Dalhousie was Governor-General and ruling vigorously, which in India means restlessly. He was much impressed by the misgovernment of too many of the rulers in subordinate alliance with the British power, and as a means of improving the position of the people, he steadily applied the old " doctrine of lanse", whereby the right of adoption was refused to childless Rajas and Nawabs and the sovereignty over their States passed to the paramount power, in this case the British. Failure to produce children is not uncommon among the highly self-indulgent, and many opportunities consequently arose of applying the doctrine. The Maratha chiefs were the principal sufferers :-amongst others

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Satara the remains of the Peshwa's dominions, Jhansi, andl Nagp-re the relic of the Bhonsle State. All these woro escheated by the British Government. The Nana Sahib of Bithur, as the adopted son of the last Peshwa, claimed to be a victim also, but this was far from being the case. The pensioned Nawabs of the Carnatic, too, were subjected to the doctrine, and annexation in this manner went on apace. The final and most important annexation, that of Oudh, was however ordered from England against Dalhousie's advice.
The right of adoption had for many centuries been a cherished right among Hindus for religions reasons and from them had been passed on to the Indian Muhammadans. The wholesale application, therefore, of the doctrine of lapse not only created a sense of personal disaster, but the deepest possible resentment, in the minds of the highly placed classes of the population, which had a direct influence on those who took advantage of the Mutiny in the Bengal Army to try and convert it into a rebellion. In 1856 Dalhousie left India to die in the next year, and it fell to his successor, Lord Canning, to face the Mutiny, suppress it and reoonstruct the Government of the country thereafter.
It will have been seen that in all the preliminaries to the Mutiny the Delhi Emperor was not considered by any one concerned in ruling any part of India, and that the century of fighting in which the British were almost uniformly victorious was performed chiefly by native troops led by British Officers.
Disturbance among the Indians, caused by such British proceedings, as these, would naturally be limited to the ruling and higher classes, and it cannot be said that the inevi. table British interference with the life of the ordinary folk to which the Sepoy belonged could have had much effect by the date of the Mutiny. The British were not in a position to make changes of any consequence in the general civil administration before the date of Hastings and the Regulating Acts of 1773, and then not to an extent that could touch the people as a whole before 1813 when European missionaries were freely admitted, 1829 when Lord William Bentinck felt strong enough to abolish the practice of the self-immolation of widows (suttee, sati), 1835 when the Press was given complete freedom and state. controlled education an English turn, and 1854 when the “Education Charter" was promulgated. In the conditions existing in and before 1857, therefore, no opportunity could have occurred for these vital acts to reach down to the people. The British system of domestic administration could not as such have created general unrest, and so could not have helped to create Mutiny. Recent administrative errors of judgment and miscalculations no doubt helped to fan the flames in Oudh and Bengal when it had been started, but any dissatisfaction among the troops as to general public affairs, except perhaps in Oudh whence so many of them came, could only have been such as was caused by the agents of malcontent native rulers and notables.
The questions then that arise on the foregoing remarks are : How was it that the trouble began as a Mutiny and not as a rebellion ? . What manner of men were they that composed the armies at the disposal of the British Government in India? Why should the men who had followed the British officers to victory so gallantly and so often for a century turn on them in the end within a very few years of their last assaults on the armies of the Native States ? For it must be remembered that it was only in 1852 that they had returned from a victorious war in Burma, that the conquest of the Punjab dated only from '849, and that, like the Gurkhas after their defeat by Ochterlony in 1816, they had not only become the friends of the British power, but had actually fought for it in Burna. As is well know, in Janu. ary 1857 the cartridges for the new Enfield rifle were found to have been greased, at the Dam Dum Small Arms Factory near Caloutta with animal fat. The general feeling was that this endangered the casto feelings of the Hindu soldiers and injured the religious emotions of thoir Muhammadan comrades, boonuse they had to bite the cartridges charging the muzzle

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loaders of those days. The voice of slander spread it about that the grease was unclean and that the British consequently meant to convert the native soldiers forcibly to Christianity. But how was it that what was obviously a local blunder, at once remedied, caused a conflagration from Barrackpore to Ambala in the Punjab in three months? The greased cartridges were merely a pretext and not the cause. Besides a political unrest raised by interested agitators, what was it?
It is necessary now to go back a little into the history of the Native or Sepoy (sipáhi, a soldier) Army of the East India Company. Just as the French were the first to entertain the idea of attaining political power in India by force, so were they the first to perceive that the Indians of the warlike races were capable of absorbing European discipline and of being turned into formidable military bodies. The British were not long in imbibing the idea. The first British corps formed on this principle was raised in Bombay and soon after Madras followed suit, and so when French and English met in armed conflict, disciplined native troops were employed on both sides. The principles of recruitment and control can be thus stated:recruit only from the warlike classes, induce men of good family to join as officers and give these last a good position and sufficient authority, train them all in European style, and place them under a very few selected (three only at first) British officers who understand their prejudices and can treat them sympathetically and well. There was ample wisdom in all this, because after all the rank and file of the armies serving the British Company came from the same classes as those serving the various Indian rulers, Hindu and Muhammadan, at the time, and in the population that supplied them the long continued struggle between potentate and potentate, great and small, had developed a loyalty that was strictly personal and not national. Pay the sepoy well, understand him and his ways, treat him sympathetically and thus create comradeship, exact a reasonable discipline showing him who is his master, lead him bravely and so win his respect, show him, too, that the leading is wise and successful, and there is no limit to his loyalty and even devotion. It had been the nature of his forebears for countless generations to follow blindly the leader who knew them and knew also how to lead. It is found in the stories of Muhammad Ghori and Alau'ddin Khilji, of Babur and Sher Shah, of Shivaji the Maratha and of the Navayat adventurer Haidar Ali of Mysore, every one of whom, except the Maratha, were of foreign origin. The nature of the sepoy was the nature of his ancestors and it helped to create the story of Clive. In serving Clive and the English faithfully the sepoy was only doing what his class had always done. It mattered nothing to him that his leaders were foreigners and Christians, for they respected his religious ideas and feelings, whatever they were. In courage he had never been lacking. An army thus constituted was so formidable a fighting machine that it was not often successfully defied. To quote once more the often quoted words attributed to Sir Colin Campbell (Lord Clyde): "Take a bamboo and cast it against a tree, the shaft will rebound and fall harmless: tip it with steel and it becomes a spear which will pierce deep and kill." To quote further the remark of Sir W. H. Russell, the great war correspondent of the time: "The bamboo is the Asiatic, the steel point is the European."
At the same time the sepoys, like the rest of the Indian population, were credulous and excitable on any kind of report or rumour, and liable to outbursts of unreasonable anger on provocation great or small, real or imaginary. They were an easy prey to the highly placed malcontent and his local agent the agitator. That is to say, they were liable to sudden mutiny and showed this liability from the beginning. Mutinies actually occurred in various places and in all armies for all kinds of reasons, serious and frivolous. In some cases they were due to mismanagement. The more important occurred in 1764, 1766, 1808, 1824, 1843, 1844 and 1849. The Mutiny of 1857 was in fact by no means an isolated or

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novel occurrence. Calm consideration will show that in the conditions it must always be a liability to be guarded against. This liability to get out of hand did not, however, mean that in time of war the Sepoy Armies were not to be relied on. Their whole history shows the converse. The emotions actuating the fighting man, as the sepoy has always been in war and activity, are not those that move him in peace and in action. This same martial capacity has also made him work side by side in a spirit of true comradeship with that other fighting man par excellence, the British soldier.
The Bengal Army in 1857 was not conducted on the ideal principles, which guided the founders of the Sepoy system. Originally the Bombay and Madras Regiments consisted of high caste Hindus and good class Muhammadans, but soon different castes and races entered and made a successful blend. However, when Clive used his experiences at Arcot and in the South generally, and formed the Bengal force that fought under him at Plassey, it consisted chiefly of Brahmans and high caste Hindus. This peculierity the Bengal Army retained right up to the Mutiny of 1857, but otherwise it was run on the same general principles as its predecessors. But there came changes. The number of the European officers increased and the influence of the native officers decreased. The constant widening of the British territories and military responsibilities led to the raising of many irregular troops to which the best officers went. The officers left behind began to lose influence and the men their old sense of discipline. l'ay, allowances, and pecuniary rewards were interfered with, which caused the deepest dissatisfaction. The practices of the other armies showed that caste prejudices were given too much prominence. Promotion of British Officers went by seniority and thus too old or incompetent men occupied the higher commands. In consequence of all this an insubordinate spirit increasingly prevailed. Add the national liability of the sepoy to credit any story of a cock and a bull that any rascal chose to bring to him and it will be perceived that by 1857 the Army was oftener than not ready to Mutiny. Add again the political unrest caused by the progressivo British supremacy over the native rulers and their dependants during a long period, and to that neglect to maintain anything like a sufficient proportion (it approached one to six in the most favourable view) of British to native troops, and the withdrawal of some of the former for the wars in Persia and China. Then one realises that the native leaders began to think that they had before them a real chance to upset the British power, and that the sepoy began to bo puffed up with his own importance and to think that he could safely try conclusions with his British Officers.
In 1857 the Bengal Army was indeed ripe for Mutiny. Many competent lookers-on in India saw this and kept on insisting on it, though the seniority-promoted officers in immediate command were blind. Dalhousie, too, saw that generally the position was dangerous and proposed an increase in the British and a decrease in the sepoy forces. But he was sick unto death, and his successor, Lord Canning, arrived just in time to face the irruption of the long-rumbling volcano.1
1 Mr. F. W. Buckler of Cambridge read a lecture on the Political Theory of the Indian Mutiny beforo the Royal Historical Society on January 12, 1922, which has been printed in its Transactions, 4th fries, vol. V, pp. 71--100. In this lecturo he propounds an entirely new theory of the causes of the Indian Mutiny, with a large number of notes giving the places where the data for his statements are to be found, many of them French sources. In the small space available to him he has not been able to do inore than merely state his conclusions, which are, however, so novel and so subversive of the views I have expressed in the present text that I can do no more than just allude to them. No doubt in time Mr. Buckler will further elucidate his ideas at greater length and with more detailed references to his authorities. His main theory is perhaps best expressed by a sentence on pago 29 : "the main cause, then, was the treatment [by the English) of the Emperor [Bahadur Shah)."

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DETERMINATION OF THE EPOCH OF THE PARGANATI ERA.1
BY N. K. BHATTASALI, M.A.
TH problem of the determination of the beginning year and date of the Pargan&ti Era is well-known to students of antiquarian studies in Bengal, and discussions up to date on the subject have been neatly summarised by Babu Yatindra Mohana Râya in Volume II of his phakara Itihasa, pp. 392-397, with the conclusion that it was impossible to solve the problem until further materials were forthcoming. He summarises the synchronistic dates of eight documents and bases his discussion on them. About two years ago, I chanced upon three more documents dated both in the Bengali and in the corresponding Parganâti year. During the Durga Puja holidays of 1921, I searched the collection of old documents in my own family and that of another old family near me, and brought to light ten more documents dated synchronistically in the Bengali and the Parganati Era. Three of these were already known to Babu Yatindramohana Râya from an article of mine in the now-defunct journal Gyhastha, but as I had omitted to mention the days of the months recorded in them, they could not then be of much use in calculation. The fresh materials now obtained permit of a re-opening of the topic and an attempt has been made in this paper to solve the vexatious problem.
As the Parganâti Era cannot be expected to be known to students of antiquarian studies outside Bengal, it is necessary to explain that an Era of this name is found widely used in the Eastern districts of Bengal on all sorts of legal documents, not the least interesting of which are deeds of sale or transfer of slaves. The years of the era are almost always used synchronistically with the years of the Bengali Era. The earliest application hitherto met with is of the year 4613 which is equal to about A.D. 1663. The perishable nature of the material rough, thin, handmade paper-on which these documents were invariably drawn up, worked on by the moist atmosphere of Lower Bengal, has lost to us all the older documents or made them extremely scarce. But during the whole of the twelfth century of the Bengali Era, corresponding to A.D. 1694-1793, documents dated in the Parganâti Era are very frequently met with. It was ousted from the synchronistic company of the Bengali Era by the advent and currency of the Christian Era, with the enactment of the Permanent Settlement of Bengal.
The importance of the Era is that, even on rough calculation, its beginning year goes back to about A.D. 1199-1200, the accepted date of the first incursion of the Muhammadans into Bengal. This significant feature, combined with the fact that at least two instances are known of this Erá being called the Vallâli Era (San Vallâli)4 makes it very probable that some remarkable event in the History of Bengal, connected with the Sena Kings, was distinguished by its inauguration. The above probability makes the exact determination of the beginning of the Era most important for the History of Bengal.
Below is given a chronological list of documents hitherto discovered on which the Parganati Era has been found used. In most cases, we have the equivalent Bengali year, but in some cases, the Parganâti year stands alone.
1 Read at the Second Oriental Conference, Calcutta, 1922.
The Era was noticed, unfortunately under a slightly inaccurate name, in the Indian Antiquary, 1912, in my article headed "King Lakshmana Sena of Bengal and his Era."
3 Prof. Satián Chandra Mitra, B.A., in Dacca Review and Sammilana, B.s. 1319, Bengali Section, p. 472.
Raya's Dhakara Itihasa, II, pp. 394-395.

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of
List of Documents dated in the Parganati Era. The Dated Portion of
Subject Locality where
Reference and Remarks Documents.
found.
Documents. 1 इति समाचार शमी एकसटि| Sale of | Village Aigada. Prof. S. C. Mitra. B.A.in | तारिख पाषाढ.
Slaves. District Khulna.| Dacca Review and Sammilana, San 461, date the 7th
vol. II, Bengali portion, 1319 Ashadha.
B.S., page 472.
2 Parganati 497, date the 25th
of Ashadha.
Sj. Raya's Dhākāra Itihasa, vol.
II, page 396.
....
3
ति सन १९१० तारिख २५ | Sale of IVillage Masura| Illustrated against page 396 of
परगणाति सन ५०९ साज. Slaves. in Vikrampur, Raya's Dhakara Itihasa, vol. II San 1117, date the 25th
District Dacca. Chaitra, Parganati year 509.
Ditto.
Village Paik pada One of the old documents prein Vikrampur, served in the writer's own District Dacca. family.
इति सन १९५१ पगारशयो एक पंचाशवांगना परगणाति सन ५५३ पाचशयो तेताल्लिष तेरिखमाष Bengali San 1151, Parganati San643, date the 25th Magha.
Ditto.
Ditto.
Ditto.
इति सन११४एगारशची पाट पंचाश परगणाति सन५५०पांचरायो पंचाश तेरिख २१ फालगुन. San 1168, Pargan&ti year 550, date the 21st Falguna..
इति सन १९५२ एगारश बासह Land-sale. वांगाला परगावाति सन सन ५५५. पाचश चोप्पा जेष्ठ सहरे १५ रवि रवि (सुनि!) माहे । माष
रोग दुश्वार.. - Bengali San 1162, Parganati
year 664. . . . the 3rd Maghe, Wednesday.
Village Kâmarkhada in Vikrampur, District Daccs.
lustrated against page 45 of Sj. J. Gupta's Vikramapurera Itihdag. The reading of the document printed against it is a miserable misreading.
Village Paikpada. In possession of Babu Kailasa District Dacca.1 Chandra Mitra of Paikpada.
16. garco del Ditto. मतावक सम ५६२ पाचशमी बासष्ट ते १मापाढ. San 1170, corresponding year 582, date the llthAshadha.
Ditto.
Ditto.
Ditto.
8 Ditto But date the 18th
Ashadha.

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List of Documents dated in the Parganati Era-contd.
Reference and Remarke.
found,
Same as No. 7.
No. 7.
The Dated Portion of
Subject No.
Locality where Documents.
Documents. 9 Same as No. 7. But date the Same as Same as No. 7.
15th Aşhâdha. 10 Bengali year 1173, Parganat Land. Village year 561, the 25th Chaitra. delication. Dingâ manik,
Ps. Lonsing. District Farid
pur. 11 Bengali year 1175, Pargaņâti
566, the 23rd Vaisakha, the 10th Zulhijja.
The document is in the possession of Babu Nisikanta Bhattacharyya of DingAmânikya from whom, Babu Ramaniranjana Datte. B.A., Sub-Deputy Magistrate, obtained it for my inspection. Sj. Raya's Dhakdra Itihasa, II,
page 390.
12 Bengali year 1175 Parganati! Sale of Same as No. 10.
567, the 10th Agrahầyana. Slaves.
Same as No. 10.
G GT 384¢ atu RB IT
AT791...17 Party Tror 3683
fare ara. San 1176, date the 22nd Bhadra,
Tuesday, 570th year of the Vallali Era, Saka 1692, the full moon day.
Colophon Village
of a Abdullapur, Bengali | District Dacca. Manuscript.
This manuscript of only 5 pages called Svapnádhyaya was hun. ted out from a heap of manuscripts at & Vaishṇava monastery at Abdullâpur by Sj. Yatindramohana Raya and myself, about 1914 A.D.
14
TFT 51 Tire ya fararaft Land-sale. Village Nagar, In possession of Babu Ananda. बांगला परगणाति पाचशश्रो
Ps. Palang, nåtha Râya of Nagar and चासत्तरि ९ माह चेत्र.
District Farid published in his Bdra BhaiBengali year l'183, Parganati
pur.
ña, P. 252. 9th Chaitra.
Ditto.
Village Paikpâdâ, in possession of Babu Kailasa District Dacca. Chandra Mitra of Paikpadá.
15 faitsgari aur
शी परगणाति सन ५७८ पाचशमी VIETA are at . San 1187, Parganati 578, the 1st Abvina.
16
Ditto.
Ditto.
Ditto.
fra ICC P ego - दासि परगणाति मन ५८० पांच
शमीमाशी तेरिखमाघ. San 1188, Pargan&ti 580, the 6th Magha.
The first two documents are not of any use in the determination of the epoch of the Parganati Era, as the corresponding Bengali years are wanting. The following chart has been prepared with the synchronistic dates of the remaining fourteen documents -

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317
Synchronistie Chart of dates in the Parganati Era
The correct dates are printed in Clarendon type.
Bengal
Year.
Valkakha.
Ashaha.
Bhadra.
Ābvina.
Agrahayana.
Magha.
Falguna.
Chaitra
1117
(3) 25th. 509 P.
1151
(4) 25th. 543 P.
1157
(5) 21st. 550 P.
1162
(6) 3rd. 554 P.
1170
(7-9) 11-13-15th
562 P.
1173
(10) 25th 564 P.
1175
|(11) 23rd.
566 P.
(12) 10th.
567 P.
1176
(13) 22nd.
570 P.
1183
(14) 9th. 574 P.
1187
(15) Ist. 578 P.
1188
(16) 6th. 580 P. !
Discussion of the Evidence of Documents. (a) Documents preserved in the house of Babu Nifi Kanta Bhattacharyya of Dingamanik. Nos. 10 and 12. The following chart shows the relative position of the two documents:
Val.
Jyal.
Asha.
Sra.
Bha.
1. Āév.
Kar.
Agra.
Haua. Magha
Fal.
Chai.
1173
25th. 564 P.
1174
1175
10th 567 P.
It may be seen at a glance that one of the two dates must be wrong. If we have the 564 Parganati on the 25th Chaitra of B.s. 1173, we cannot have 567 Parganâti on the 10th of Agrahayana of B.s. 1175.

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(b) Documents preserved in the house of Babu Kailasa Chandra Mitra of Paikpâdâ. Nos. 7, 8, 9, 15, 16. Here again, the following chart shows the relative position of the documents :
Adv. Kar. Agra. Paus. Magha. Fál. Chai.
Bengali Year.
1170
1187
1188
Vai. Jyai.
Asha.
11-1315th 562 P.
STA.
Bha.
1st. I 578 P.
6th. 580 P.
From the above chart it will be evident that if on the 11-15th of Ashâdha of B.S. 1170, we have P. 562, we ought to have 562+17= P. 579 during the same period of B.S. 1187. But we find instead P. 578 still continuing on the 1st of Aśvina, in a document preserved in the same family. So, of these two dates one must be wrong. On the other hand, if on the 1st Aswin of B.S. 1187 we have P. 578, there is no obstacle in the way of having P. 580 on the 6th of Magh of B.S. 1188, as we find on document No. 16. From this agreement of the latter two dates, we get a valuable hint that the intermediate year 579 began somewhere between the 1st of Aśvina and the 6th of Magha following-if these two dates are correct. The agreement between these two dates also makes probable the proposition that the first date is wrong and the last two right.
(c) The Colophon of the manuscript Svapnadhyaya.
The manuscript was evidently written by an ignorant scribe, and though he has ostentatiously recorded the years of the Bengali Era, the Saka Era and the Vallali or the Parganâti Era, the month, the day of the month, the week day and the tithi as well,-he evidently made serious mistakes. If the Bengali year is right, the Sakabdd is wrong; for, the equivalent of B.S. 1176 is 1691 Saka, and not 1692 Saka, as the scribe has recorded. It is reasonable to suppose that he recorded the Bengali year all right; but in using the Saka Era, generally used by the astronomers, and the Parganâti Era which was falling into disuse, he could not get the correct years of those Eras. Indeed, in the case of the Parga. nâti Era, he made a mistake of no less than three years, as will be seen afterwards.
(d) The Documents as a whole.
With these criticisms in view, let us proceed to examine the complete chart. The first year to attract our attention will undoubtedly be the year B.S. 1175. In this year we have two documents dated in Parganâti, from two different places. The first one executed on the 23rd Vaisakha shows the year P. 566, while the second one executed on the 10th of Agrahayana of the same year shows that the year P. 566 has come to an end in the meanwhile and the next year P. 567 has begun. We find these two dates agreeing perfectly well with the last two dates of (b) above, where we received the hint that years of the Parganâti Era may have begun somewhere between the 1st of Aśvina and the 6th of Mâgha. We find the documents Nos. 11 and 12, pointing to the same unusual conclusion, and we are convinced that these dates are right. With their help, we can still more limit the period within which the beginning of the Parganâti years should fall. We can now say that these years must begin on some day between the 1st of Aswin and the 10th of Agrahayana following. The materials obtained up till now do not allow of a closer limitation, but the exclusion of the 1st of Aśvina lends strength to the supposition that in all probability, the years began on the 1st of Kârttika and the Era was a Karttikadi Era.
5 I think, there can be no doubt that the Parganati Era is meant.
Like the Lakshmana Sena Era of Tirhut, as determined by Dr. Kielhorn in the Indian Antiquary,
vol. XIX.

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With the establishment of this fact, if we now look at the chart, we find that dates Nos. 3, 4, 5, 6, 11, 12, 15, 16, agree perfectly with this conclusion and it should be noticed that this correct series includes the four earliest dates. Nos. 7-9, 10, 13, 14, do not agree with this conclusion. By looking at the chart it will be seen that Nos. 7-9 do not agree with the rest of their series. If on the 15th of Ashâdha, B.S. 1170, we get 562 Parganâti, we should naturally get 562+3=565 Parganâti on the same date of B.S. 1173. But document No. 10 shows 564 still continuing on the 25th Chaitra of that year. So, Nos. 7-9, which have been surmised to be wrong in (b) above do not also agree with their own series of wrong dates. It must therefore be absolutely wrong. This is also the case with No. 13. It gives us 570 Vallâlî-i.e., Parganâti on the 22nd Bhâdra of B.S. 1176, whereas the correct date ought to have been 567 Parganâti, no less than three years earlier. It is easily seen that No. 13 has agreement with no other date on the chart. It stands alone.
319
The dates Nos. 10 and 14 agree with one another and they differ with the correct series by only six months. The cause of the discrepancy is very plain. Parganâti Era was falling into disuse and people here and there had begun to forget that it was a Karttikâdi Era. They, in their forgetfulness, used it as the Bengali Era, and instead of beginning a new year in Karttika, continued the old year down to the last day of Chaitra, like the Bengali year. It may be seen from the chart at a glance that this was the case both with Nos. 10 and 14. The assumption that the difference noted might be due to the adoption of solar calculation in one locality and the lunar in other, cannot be supported, as the mistake has been found to occur on documents in the same family, executed within a few years of one another.
The determination of the beginning of the Parganâti Era is now a simple calculation. The year 567 (No. 12) begins on the 1st Kârttika of B.S. 1175-1690 Sakabda. So the Parganati Era began on the 1st of Kárttika of 1124 Saka, the 28th Sept. 1202 A.D., Saturday.
The earliest use of this Era, hitherto met with, as has already been noticed, is in No. 1 of our list. The date is P. 461, equal to A.D. 1663. The phraseology of the dated portion suggests that it was the standard popular reckoning used in the country, as it is used alone and is not distinguished by any name. It does not appear whether the date in No. 2 had the distinctive epithet Parganati' attached to it, as Sj. Râya gives no reference to show whence the date is taken; but the fact that it has been used singly makes it probable that this early use is also to be classed with No. 1. But it is not of much use to speculate on this point without collating many more early documents. The division of the country into Parganas had been effected about half-a-century prior to our earliest document, and the use of the Erain and about the limited area of the pargand of Vikrampur must have soon earned for it the distinctive name of the Parganâti Era. But even in later years, the Era was sometimes used without any distinctive name as we find on documents Nos. 7, 8 and 9, while the epithet 'Vallâlî,' found attached to it, at least in two cases, points unmistakably to its origin and ancient connection. Scholars, with the notable exception of one, are now generally agreed on the chronology of the Sena kings, and the fact that Lakshmana Sena was ousted from West and North Bengal by Ikhtiyaruddin Muhammad bin Bakhtiyar, about A.D. 1200, is not seriously disputed by many. The epithet Vallâlî attached to the Parganâti Era, shows that, in popular tradition, it was connected with the dynasty that preceded the coming of the Muhammadans in Bengal, as everything pre-Muhammadan is Vallâlî in Bengal, so powerful a stamp did the great king Vallâla Sena leave upon the popular imagination. Was it in sorrowful remembrance of the termination of the glory of the great king Lakshmana Sena that this Era first began to be reckoned in Vikrampur and places around it, the last resort of the descendants of Lakshmana Sena? The fond clinging of the Hindu populace to old memories gave the reckoning a long lease of life and it began to fall into disuse only with the introduction of the Christian Era.

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(e) Mr. Blochmann's Calculation of the date of the Muhammadan Invasion of Bengal. The latest calculation of the date of Muhammad's invasion of Bengal is that of Dr. Blochmann in JASB, 1875, pp. 275-277. His conclusion that the conquest of Bengal by Muhammad took place about A.D. 1198-99 is now generally accepted. But in view of the determination of the beginning of the Parganâti Era, on the 28th September A.D. 1202, I think the premises of Dr. Blochmann may be examined again.
The following are the premises on which he based his conclusions:
320
[NOVEMBER, 1923
1.
H. 589-Qutbu'ddin occupies Delhi.
2. Muhammad appears before Qutbu'ddîn in Delhi as an applicant for soldiership and is rejected.
3. After his rejection Muhammad goes to Rudaon, where he is given a fixed salary. 4. After some time Muhammad goes to Oudh where he obtains certain fiefs near the Bihar frontier. He undertakes plundering expeditions which continue for one or two years.
5. He invades South Bihar and takes the town of Bihar. He then goes to Delhi where he remains for some time in Qutb's Court.
6. The second year after his conquest of Behar, he sets out for Bengai.
Mr. Blochmann computes that at least 5 years must have been required for items Nos. 2 to 6 and therefore the conquest could not have been effected earlier than H. 594. He also considers the following facts:
7. Qutbu'ddîn took the fort of Kalinjar in H. 599, after which he went to the neighbouring Mahoba, where Muhammad Bakhtiyar paid his respects and offered presents from the Bengal spoil.
So the conquest of Bengal must have taken place earlier than H. 599.
Again :
8. Muhammad, after taking Nadiya, selected Lakhnauti as capital, settled the country on an extensive scale by coining money and establishing Masjids and Colleges.
9. After some years had passed away, Muhammad invaded Tibet.
10. He returned discomfitted and was assassinated at Devkot in H. 602. Muhammad must have taken about 6 or 7 years in doing items 8, 9 and 10 and so the conquest of Bengal took place about H. 595.
Thus Dr. Blochmann comes to the conclusion that the conquest took place in about
H. 594-595 or A.D. 1198-99.
(f) Criticism of Mr. Blochmann's conclusion.
It is not of much use to criticise the premises, which are conjectural and therefore can waver on this side or that side by one or two years. From item No. 5, it will be seen that Muhammad took good care to appease his liege-lord Qutbu'ddîn as soon as he made the daring aggrandisement of the conquest of South Bihar. It is only natural that he should not fail to do so again, after his raid on the rich country of Bengal, and that, as soon as possible after the event, so that his liege-lord might not grow suspicious of his activities or envious of his success. If Muhammad saw Qutbu'ddîn in H. 599 at Mahoba with the spoils from his raid on Bengal, the placing of the conquest of Bengal in H. 594-595 by Dr. Blochmann is certainly too early. If a daring servant, after a bold conquest, makes a delay of four or five years in sharing his spoils with his liege-lord, he will certainly find no friend in him when he arrives to pay his respects. The raid on Bengal cannot, therefore, be put earlier than H. 598 A.D. 1201-1202 (October 1st, 1201-September 20th, 1202). And if the Parganâti Era began on the 28th September, A.D. 1202, the conclusion that the beginning of the Era coincided with the raid of Muhammad and the fall of Lakshmana Sena, is not arrived at by any very great stretch of imagination.

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321
CONTRIBUTIONS TO PUNJABI LEXICOGRAPHY.
SERIES IV. BY H. A. ROSE, I.C.S. (Retired.)
(Continuel from page 286.) Ghài: = Ghâri, a tenure in which the crop is equally divided between landlord and tenant : Ch., 161.
Ghaink: a small torch, made at the Khaul mela on the full moon in Mâgh, and swung round the head and thrown into a walnut-trec in the belief that if it catches in the branches the thrower will have a son: Ch., 160.
Ghala : field peas; = Kalao: S.S., Bashahr, 47. Ghâli: grass, the right to cut grass : Ch., 275-6. Ghaloti: a large earthen bin for grain : B., 196.
Ghara: a tenant who pays half the produce of his land as rent, after the seed for the next sowing has been put aside. He may also be liable for special services : Ch., 155 and 277. Cf. Ghâri.
Gharasni : fr. ghar wasni (v. Ghrasni): Gloss., I., p. 436. Cf. Diack, Kulu Dialect, p. 64, 8.v. Grâsni
Ghara-wanj: a stand for pitchers : B., 197. Ghareri : an animal kept at home (ghar) and not taken to the pastures : Ch., 279. Ghari: rinderpest: SS. Bashahr, 53. Ghâri : a tenure ; = Ghài
Ghar-jawântri : the custom of service in lieu of a money payment for a wife : Ch., 154 ; =Ghari-jowâtri in Mandi, where the term of service may extend to 9 or 10 years : Mandi, 23.
Gharthân,= Kandunda, q.o.
Ghara : lit. domestic'; ghari bachh is the revenue or rent paid by a jagirdar from his own income as distinguished from the bâchh or fixed portion paid by him out of the rent received from tenants : Ch., 280.
Gharwan : Jand mado-cultivable by pulling down houses : Mandi, 67. Ghâsan : a grass reserve: Sirmûr, 68. Ghaughatî : an inferior spirit : Sirmûr, 59. Ghernon phernon : a custom at weddings : Sirmor, 31. Gheo : =ght : B., 192. Ghin: Elaeagnus hortensis : Ch., 239. Ghiyârd : a collector of ghi payable as revenue : Ch., 264. Ghondi : a skirt and gaiters combined : SS. Kumhårsain, 13. Ghorâi: a women's dance, danced in two lines in a circle : Ch., 210. Ghorel: a poor soil, much the same as gahori : Sirmar, App. I. Ghori : a group of hamlets, smaller than the pargana : SS. Bashahr, 42-3. Ghorlåna : a money payment into which service is commuted: Ch., 171. Ghor-punâ : a game in which two girls swing round, grasping each other's hands : Ch., 212. Ghortangnan : rent for Gharâts or water-mills : SS. Bashahr, 74.
Ghrasni : Sanskr. grihapravesha, = Gorasang in Kanawar, the rite observed on the completion of a new house : SS. Bashahr, 37.
Ghukra bakra : a kind of loaf (bakrû = a square loaf); = Gurgura in Churaht: Ch., 124.
Ghunda : a cotton gown of a special pattern, worn by Gaddi women : Ch., 206; - Ichard karna, a rite at a wedding in Churâh ; lit. to lift up the ghunda 'or the veil of the bride, which is done by the boy's mother who gives her a present of a rupee or less : Ch., 153.
Ghunkare : heavy brass anklets, worn by Gaddi women: Ch., 206. Giâri : a feast held just after the Spring harvest; Kulu; Gloss., I, p. 438.

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Gilhru : goitre; in Kulu; cf. Gilra in III: Gloss., I, p. 432. Gindi : matting ; B., 196.
Gindi-bråg: a game like 'hen-and-chickens'; of the players one is a shepherd, one a leopard, others sheep and dogs. The leopard tries to seize one of the sheep who is rescued by the dog : (brág = leopard) : Ch., 212.
Girah : see under Ungal. Girâhf := Chhanân q.v. B., 108.
Girasni : the ceremony which completes a marriage; the bride gives the boy gur: Sirmûr, 31.
Gobi : a kind of tobacco, not so tall as the ordinary tamaki or tamaki and with spreading leaves like a cabbage : Ch., 225.
Godami: - Barhil, q.v. God lena, lit. 'to take in the lap,' to adopt : Gloss., I, p. 903. Goha:=mail, manure : Ch., 221. Gohåla : a Brahman to whom alms are given at a suphandi : Ch. 210. Gohar : waste land on hillsides leading to a stream: Mandi, 65. Goldâr : a Police officer, thanadár : SS. Bashahr, 24. Golf : a game played with pice or other coins; - Gatti: Ch., 211. Gon, 'sky'; hence Govânu, the Sky god : SS. Jubbal, 12. Gorchar : pasture near a village ; = Juh and Munchar : Ch., 277. Gosum : Schleichera trijuga : Sirmûr, App. IV, iv.
Got: a form of contract in which the contractor engages shepherds to fold their flooks on land in return for the manure, the contractor being paid malána by the landowner : Ch., 279.
Got-bhái: a collateral however remote: Comp., 132. Gotri: a blood relation : Ch., 148. Grât : a water-mill; -1, the owner of a water-mill; - and, a tax on water-mills : Ch., 276. Grit :=ghi : B., 111.
Guâmi: a present (Rs. 3) given to the bride's mother by the bridegroom; also called thilaul: Ch., 157.
Gudani : Jhanjrårâ q..: Ch., 147. Gudni: thinning out, of crops : halodni : Ch., 225. Guldår: a corruption of ghalladar, a store-keeper : Sirmar, 63. Guli dandå : tip-cat : Ch., 212. Gan: horsechestnut: Aesculus indica: Ch., 237. Gun: the fruit of the Pavia indica : Ch., 222. Gunachu : Rubus lasiocarpus : Sirmûr, App. IV, v. Ganch: a kind of fish : Sirmûr, 7. Gundalka : almost dark : Ch., 204. Gundri:= Kundia, trousers : SS. Bashahr, 42.
Gunna: speaking through the nose; hence, ghunain, one who speaks through his nose': Ch., 138.
Guntar: cow's urine, Guntr, Guntrar, Guntrala, a rite of purification after childbirth : Ch., 123.
Guråkh&: a peon: = Jeltâ : Mandi, 59. Gurani : coarse sugar: Sirmur, 26.
Gurbår: a special day in each year, usually a birthday, on which no work may be done Ch., 194

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Gur-bhai: brother made by taking the pahul at the same time, among Sikhs : Gloss., 1, p. 903.
Gurgura: (Churâhi), - Ghukrů bakrů, q.v. Gurohâch: in Kanawar = Newa, q.v. Gursewa : followers: B., 156. Gur-Teriya : the 13th lunar day of Magh, one of the days for Bhat marriages : Mandi, 24.
Guraru : a swing bridge made of rope on which slides a wooden ring from which hangs a coil; cf. trangart : Ch., 15.
Gutha: a fist : Ch., 139. Gwayon : (a family) of low status, opposed to Khund : Sirmûr, 63.
Hakâran: a rito performed in Brahmaur in the 3rd month after a birth, when water is put in a vessel and walnuts, rice and incense in the child's hands. It throws some away and the rest are picked up by children: Ch., 124.
Halal : = Baindri, 9.0. Haldu : Adina cordifolia : Sirmûr, App. IV, vi. Hales : Dog wood, Cornus macrophylla : Ch., 239. Hallah : = Hela, q.v. SS. Bashahr, 73. Hallar: a bastard : Ch., 146. Cf. III, s.v. Halodni : thinning out ; = Gudni: Ch., 225. Handola : a swing ; Kulu: Gloss., I, p. 424. Hånjhall : lit. 'supporter of the heart,' breakfast: Nihar, etc. Hankalu: Sageretia theezans : Ch., 237. Har: a bone : Ch., 139.
Hårkaran : a penalty recovered from an adulterer: SS. Bashahr, 14 ; payable to the State in Kumhârsain, ib., 8.
Har-phera : a ceremonial visit paid by a newly married pair within a month of their wedding to the wife's parents, to whom a small present is made : Ch., 153.
Har singal: Nyctanthes Abor tristis ; Sirmar, App. IV, vi. Haryang: a cess : Mandi, 63. Hara: a measure: -4 pathas (in Rainkâ Tahsil) : Sirmûr, App. III. Hatangnan: a cess levied for the keep of the State elephants : SS. Bashahr, 74.
Hathlâr : the sickle, sword or axe, allotted to a second son on inheritance as his special share ; cf. Jethwâgh : Ch., 154.
Hatth-lewa : hand-taking; and -mel, hand-joining : B., 111.
Hela : ? special; hela begår, as opposed to athwdra begår, usually consisted in household work rendered to State officials : SS. Nâlâgarh, 16-17.
Hlundási : one who remains at home in winter : Ch. 228. Hera : a oess, State gamekeeper's pay recovered from villagers : SS. Bashahr, 75.
Hiski : the casting of a red cloth over the girl's head to effect her betrothal, among Baloch (D.G. K.): Comp., 1-2-3.
Hôda : phapra flour boiled and then baked; Chilta : SS. Bashahr, 41. Howejan: a fine kind of barley : Simla S. R., xxxix.
Huda-bharna : to play hudi, a game in which a boy tries to hop a given distance without letting one foot touch the ground : Ch., 212.
Ikiha : a feast given to the brotherhood on the 21st day after a death: B., 197. Ikki-pur: a gambling game played with cowries : B. 201,

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Imân-bahin: Dharm-bahin, among Muhammadans; a sister made by Chadar-badal, q.v. Indrangan: a cess of Re. 1 to Rs. 4: SS. Bashahr, 75.
Istisqâ prayer for rain; fr. same root as saqqa: B., 173. Jach: some kind of service to a deota; Kulu: Gloss., I, p., 432.
Jabal wet, marshy land, always full of water: Sirmûr, App. I.
Jadolan: a cess levied for the hair-cutting ceremony of the Tikka: SS. Kumhârsain, 22. Jagar: an imprecation; -dená, to invoke curses: Sirmûr, 40.
Jagni: a torch: Ch. 275.
Jagru jag: a rite performed when offerings have to be made to a deota on account of illness; Kulu; Gloss., I, p. 437. Jag = 'fair'; cf. Kulu Dial. of Hindi, p. 65. Jain : Terminalia tomentosa : Sirmür, App. IV, v.
Jaingta a root, from which, when dried, sur or beer is made;
Karonda: Sirmûr, 58.
Jakat Chaudhri a cess levied for the Zakât contractors' servants: SS. Bashahr, 75 Jakhwahi: a weighman, of salt: Mandi, 51.
Jam clumsy: Ch., 139.
Jamanwâlâ: a rite to scare away an autar or spirit of a person who has died childless. In it 4 balis, offerings of boiled maize (ghunganian), nettle baths, and bran bread are offered 4 times by night: Ch., 150.
Jan: the bridegroom's followers: Ch., 143.
Jana: a young boy selected as a divine representative; Simla Hills: Gloss., I, p. 475 f. Janal: a superior form of marriage in Churâh: Ch., 152.
[NOVEMBER, 1923
Janaza prayer at a funeral; Ar., lit. a corpse' or 'bier': B., 176-7.
Janei: a short form of regular marriage in Churâlı; Bujkyâ in Brahmaur: Ch., 127. Jangshal: a cess, a commutation of the State's right to half the skin of every dead animal: SS. Bilaspur, 23.
Phalguna (?): Mandi, 39.
=
Janji, janji, janî: a superior form of marriage, used in the Sâch pargana of Pângi : Ch., 157.
Japas: a month,
Jappe: a small fish: Ch., 39.
Jaserl: early morning meal: SS. Bashahr, 41.
Jatâme pig: B. 201; cf. P. D., p. 484; jatâmân, any wild animal.
Jâtera: worldly business, opp. to Mâtera: Ch., 142.
Jattu: the first hair, of a child: Ch., 195.
Jatra a pilgrimage: Gloss., I, p. 452.
Jaul: a shoulder-band: Ch., 144.
Jathalna: morning meal: Sirmûr, 58.
Jathiâli: a sort of headman in the Chamâr caste; Kulu: Gloss., I, pp. 348 and 435. Jathung: the extra share of an eldest son; in Sirmûr; Jathw& in Churâh (Chamba): Comp., 73.
=
Jel, a second ploughing: Ch., 221.
Jelta, -thâ, a peon: also an office-holder in a temple: Mandi, 59, and Suket, 26. Jetha:-1, lit. elder'; so, 'first sown': Ch., 224.
Jethund (Jaithund): the extra share assigned to an eldest son on inheritance, but counterbalanced by his obligation to pay a larger share of any debts; cf. Jethwâgh: Ch., 148.
Jethunda is apparently the form used in Rawalpindi and the Barmaur wizarat of Chamba: Comp., 71-2.
Jethwagh: (i) a fee paid to the senior wife (bart lari) when her husband takes a second spouse, for her admission into the house; (ii) the best field assigned to an eldest son on inheritance: Ch., 152 and 154.

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Jhabtâlpu : daybreak : Mandi, 31. Jhaggi : a long woollen garment reaching to the knees, worn by women : Mandi, 32. Jhajra : & form of marriage : Sirinûr, 30. Jhalla : lit. idiot'; the Guru's deputy: Sirmûr, 40. Cf. P.D., p. 491. Jhallar: a large jar; dim. jhânwala : B., 197. Jhanjhoţi: a song ; Kulu : Gloss., I, p. 424. Jhamb: a mattock used for repairing canals: Mandi, 43.
Jhanjrârâ: a form of widow re-marriage, ranking below the byák. In it the bride dons ornaments, especially the nose-ring (ndth), with a red ribbon (dorf) to bind her hair, and a bodice (cholt). Syns are Cholf-dori and Sargudhi, 99.v. Ch., 126-7.
Jhanki : (?). Jharga (): a kind of greens : Simla, S. R., xxxix. Jhâta: a child by a purely adulterous connection : SS. Bashahr, 17. Jhata, Jhatogra, Chaukhandû; in Sirmûr : Comp., 116. Jherâ (beta): = Chaukhanda ; in Saraj.
Jhind-phuk : = Man-Inarzî; lit. bush-burning,' a form of marriage among the Caddis : Ch., 127.
Jhish : dawn : SS. Bashahr, 40. Jhinjni : rod : Simla, S. R., xl.; and SS. Kumhårsain, 14. Jhol; buttermilk boiled with salt, ghi and spices : Mandi, 32. Jhonta : an axe : Ch., 229.
Jhulkå: a fire-rite observed just before a wedding; the best man kindles a fire under a pan of water while the bridegroom's family endeavour to extinguish it: B., 102.
Jhamar: v. P. D., p. 502; 8.v. jhumar.
Jhumriala : a tenant of land, said to mean family servant,' but applied to a man of any caste who subrents land; the first class of jhumriálú subrent from State tenants, the second or anwasîdar hold land in lieu of service, and the third are farm servants, but also hold some land : Ch., 165 and 277.
Jhanga : interest : B., 203 (where a proverb is cited). Cf. P.D., 503. Jhutiyâr : a servant under the Batwal : Ch., 264. Jharnå: to idle or meditate; cf. jhurján, idle : Ch., 138. Jiali: a man who is sacrificed ; Bashahr : Gloss., I, p. 347. Jiageota : Putranjiva retusa : Sirmur, App. IV, vii. Jija: a sister's husband : Gloss., I, p. 903. Jiji: = Bebe, q.v. Jil butâra : the pied kingfisher : Ch., 38. Jind rori : - Chhoti chung, q.v.: B., 109. Jingban : Odina Wodier: Sirmûr, App. IV, iv.
Jinsål : a contract by which the State sells the skins of dead cattle, all of which are claimed by it : Suket, 42 and 33.
Jinsâli: an official, now abolished, who was in charge of the nagazine of a pargana : Ch., 264. Cf. Jinsål in III.
Jira : white; = Kallû : Simla, S. R., xl. Jirda: a screen : Mandi, 53. Jiringar : dumb : Ch., 138.
Jithong : the eldest son's extra share on inheritance amounting to 4 pathas of land : Sirmar, 37.
Jogan: a demon ; Kulu : Gloss., I, p. 437. Joji: a small cloth cap, worn by women in Churáh: Ch., 206.
·

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Jora-pawa: a cess, in cominutation of the right to shoes and bedposts enjoyed by officials : SS. Bilaspur, 22.
Jori: a small earring with silver pendants : B., 103. (?) a pair, P. D., 8.v. Ja, za : the hybrid between & yak and a cow ; fem. Brimi: SS. Bashahr, 53. Juh": pasture near a village; - Corchar and Munchar : Ch., 277.
Juni: a weight; 1 patha 5 sers khám : 16 pathas = 1 júní, and 20 júnis = 1 khdr : Sirmûr, App. III.
Jari : a small bundle ; = roli : Ch., 223. Jusmusa : dawn: Ch., 204. Juth : refuse of grass dried again for fodder: Mandi, 45.
Juth pái: an observance at a wedding after the bat parana. The boy's father or uncle and his companions on return from the bride's house place 4 coins in a plate and rejoin the wedding procession: Ch., 143.
Jutti: a string of black wool knitted together : Mandi, 24. - .. Kachnai: = Kurali. . Kadhu : ? a ram : a cess : = Poksha, q.v. Kadelni : (add 8.v. in III), but not so fine as the bathailní. Kadroll: a bread made from koda: SS. Bashahr, 48. Kaephal : Myrica eapida : Sirmûr, App. IV, vii. Kagadara : a letter-carrier; fr. Pers. kaghaz, paper': Ch. 264. Kaila : revenue in kind : Sirmûr, 87.
Kall: a cow or bullock black in colour with certain white points ; cf. Megat and Phangat : Jullundur, S. R., 55.
Kain: the area which could be sown with a given quantity of seed-usually 4 mans kachcha : Sirmûr, 87; the area which can be sown with 3 to 4 bhârs of seed : SS. Sângri, 4.
Kaint: Pyrus variolosa : Sirmûr, App. IV, v. Kakar : a tobacco cultivated on irrigated land. It only produces one crop : Sirmûr, 67. Kakarain : Pistaccia integerrima : Ch., 235.
Kakkar: a kind of tobacco : B., 193 ? = Kandahârî, but cf. Kakkar. P. D., 535, second growth of the tobacco plant.'
Kakni : south-east: B., 186. Kala Båtha: a species of Bathû, Amaranthus : SS. Bashahr, 48. Kalâhu : any irrigated land : Sirmûr, 72-3, and App. I. Kalagi: a tuft ; Kulu : Gloss., I, p. 349.
Kaldi-chhurânâ : 'to release the wrist'; a game in which the wrist is firmly held by some one and has to be forcibly released : Ch., 212
Kalal: 10 a.m.: SS. Bashahr, 40.
Kalao : = Ghala q.v. Kalari, an early morning meal, of weak porridge made of båthú : SS. Kumbârsain, 312.
Kalawa: see under Sathri. Kalwar : soil of specially good quality : Sirmûr, App. I. Kalel : after dark : Ch., 204. Kali ehir : Pinus excelsa : Sirmûr, App. IV, vii. Kali siri: lit. black head,' a widow: Gloss., I, p. 906 Kaliol : morning, fr. Kalwari q.v. : Mandi, 31. Kalla: holly, Ilex dipyrena: > Karela : Ch., 237. Kalka : an ark; Kulu : Gloss, I, p. 472 Kallu : white; = jira: Simla, S. R., xl. Kalwar : 9 or 10 a.m.: Ch., 204,

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Kalwari: breakfast': Mandi, 31.
Kamal: Berberis nepalensis: Ch., 237.
Kambella: Mallotus philippinensis: Sirmûr, App. IV, vii.
Kamdâri a patwâr cess: SS. Kuthâr, 8.
Kâmri: a waist-belt: SS. Kumhârsain, 13.
Kâna, blind: Ch., 139.
Kanchar a box, in Pangî; cf. Kanjâl: Ch., 208.
Kanchhong, Kânchhang: the youngest son's extra share on inheritance-usually Rs. 8 or a few utensils: Sirmûr, 37.
Kanda Principia utilis; cf. Bhekal : Ch.,, 238.
Kandela Bauhinia retusa: Sirmûr, App. IV, iv.
Kandrol, a wild fig, Ficus cunia: Ch., 240.
Kandunda :: Gharthân, the extra share of a youngest son, consisting of the hearth: Comp., 72.
Kandari: a table-cloth: B., 104.
Kane: Spiraea sorbifolia: Ch., 238.
Kanetha: younger: Ch., 59.
Kangash a kind of grass: Ch., 222.
Kânghu a comb: Ch., 140.
Kangu:
Kanga:
=
Kongi, Flacourtia Ramontchi: Sirmûr, App. IV, i.
Panj. ror?, the yellowish colour used for caste-marks by Brahmans: B., 111. Prepared from red turmeric: 108. Cf. Kunggû, 'red amla': P. D., 635.
Kanh: Mutth, q.v.
Kanha: fem. -î, lit. youngest; so, last sown': Ch., 224.
Kanjal: a box, oblong in shape; cf. Tunî, in the Râvi valley; and Kanchar or Shikârî in Pângi: Ch., 208.
Kanjlu a poplar, Populus ciliata and alba: Ch., 240.
Kanla: the poplar, Acer pictum;
Sufeda: Ch., 236.
Kannedâr: Bânati, q.v.
Kantlù, Kanthî, a necklace: SS. Bashahr, 36.
Kanwa: a vessel: B., 197.
Kar chompri: a tax on milch cattle in return for grazing: Suket, 42.
Kar: a line; kar dharna, a rite at the fixing of the wedding day: Sirmûr, 30.
27
Kar: a sum of money payable to a jagirdar for grazing in a State pasture: Ch., 278.
Kârâ cash revenue: Sirmûr, 87.
Karahad: cess: SS. Bashahr, 67.
Karach: a censer; Simla Hills; Dhurna: Gloss., I, p. 456.
Karâlî: (1) land entirely dependent on rainfall: SS. Bashahr, 46. (2) Batri, q.v. Karandi: a trowel: Ch., 229.
Karangora: a shrub, under which the demon Chungû is found: Ch., 150.
Karar: Rosa moschata: Ch., 238.
Karaunda: Carissa carandas: Sirmûr, App. IV, vi.
Karaunj: Ougeinia dalbergioides: Sirmûr, App. IV, iv.
Karela holly: Kalla, q.v.: Ch., 237.
Kari: an ornament for the ankles : Ch., 208. Karonda: a root; see Jaingtû: Sirmûr, 58. Karori: Virginia creeper, Vitis sp., Ch., 237.

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Karotari: a saw : Ch., 229. Karru : violets : SS. Bashahr, 61. Karun, a mulberry tree, Morus serrala : Ch. 240. Kashitu: a variety of rice : SS. Bâghal, 8. Kashmal : Berberis Lycium : Sirmûr, App. IV, i. Kasmal: B. aristatu: ib. Kasparan : a steel; = Agdhâl, q.v. Kassa: a measure:-1 kassa = 2 odis; in the Bui ildqu of Hazara. Cf. Asa,
Kat : = Katohar, the high fickels above the village used for grazing in summer, in Bral: maur ; = Adwåri: Ch., 277.
Kåtaki : a tobacco, cut in Kåtak : Sirmûr, 67. Kâtal : land situated on the banks of streams: Sirmûr, App. I, and Mandi, 64. Katul : land at a distance from the village, scantily manured and watered : SS. Baghất, 8. Käth: a heavy piece of wood attached to a prisoner's leg : SS. Bilaspur, 20. Kathåla : an office-bearer in a temple : Sukot, 26. Kathi : Spiraea canescens : Ch., 238. Kati, a knife : Ch., 125. Katmâlâ : a neck ornament: B., 112. Kattal : a grass cut late and then inferior to Sarlu: Mandi, 45. Kau : Olea ferugina : Ch., 239. Kauni: Pennisetum Italicum : Ch., 222. Kaunta: a cone, of cedar or pine ; = Relra: Simla S. R., Ixiv. Kaur : a root : Ch., 243. Kaure watte di roti: = Mundar chor ; B., 197. Cf. Watti, dough': P.D., 1203 Kawâr: a bride: B., 110: v. P. D., p. 572, where kawdd is fem. and kawdr m Kema: a tree : Sirmûr, 79. Kerrâ: adj., brown: Ch., 138. Khadar: = panjobal : Sirmûr, App. I. Khadda (s) : parched maize : Ch., 151. Khâlâ : mother's sister, among Pathâns and Shaikhs. Her husband is Khålů. Khalâwa : lord chamberlain : Ch., 168. Khaliân: threshing-floor; Sirin ûr, 65. Khåll: a pond : Sirmûr, 71. Khalri : - rat, in Bhogarmang. Khalru : a skin: Ch., 142.
Khâla : v. Khâlâ. Khalwar : see under Topa. Khâman : - Ol or Khol, q.v., Kulu : Gloss., I, p. 438.
Khanda: a large box; bara ; -, a box, larger than the bara : Simla S. R., xlvi. Of. Khanta in III.
Khanda : an iron inace, offered to a Naga : Ch., 155. Khập : & sub-caste, described as endogamous, among Malis : Comp., 24. Khar: a weight; see under Jûni.
Khår: (1) a grass used in roofing: Ch., 119; (2) cominutation of former supplies of grass : SS. Bilaspur, 22.
Kharbas :-wås, & sheet : Ch., 142.

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Khari bhagti : Hoe Bhagti.
Kharmakora : a grass which grows on barren hills in the rains anil makes inferior hay: Mandi, 45.
Kharoli : & common shed : Sirmûr, 65. Kharori : small pieces of wood hung on a necklace outside a temple : Sirmûr, 43. Kharpat : Garuga pinnata : Sirmûr, App. IV. iii. Kharu : = Kharshu, q.v. in III. Kharyâtr : land which grows grass suitable for hay: Mandi, 45. Khat-nâu : 4 bed-raft': Ch., 11. Khatri : a general term for a dhobi or washerman: B., 147. Khel : pron. Khed, a wept, a sub-division of a caste: SS. Bashahr, 20. Khepra: a mask; Kulu : Glosb., I, p. 326. Khikhyar : a large fish: Ch., 39. Khil : an inferior soil, newly made land: Sirmûr, 65, and App. I.
Khila : parched gram ;-khedni, lit. 'to play with the khila,' is a rite observed at a w3dding to break the tie of kinship, if any exist, between the parties : Ch., 145.
Khim : the dried cake of barley, etc., from which sur is made : Sirmûr, 58. Khinna : hockey: Ch., 211. Khira: a lamb which has not yet cut its teeth ; cf. P. D., p. 599 : Sirmûr, 52. Khirri : the small bamboo, Dendrocalamus strictus : SS. Bilaspur, 17. Khobli : lumps of meal in dough: SS. Bashahr, 41. Khol: (1) foreskin: B., 97. (2) an opening in the soil; m Ol., q.v. Khola : greedy : Ch., 139. Khora: a cess in kind, of gur: SS. Bashahr, 70. Khot : ghost; = Pâp: SS. Kumhârsain, 8. Khran : foot-and-mouth disease : SS. Bashahr, 63.
Khund: (1) a family respected for its bravery : Sirmûr, 63 ; Khand, a descendant of Mâwi or Mawanna ; (2) also apparently a canton : Simla Hills : Gloss., I, p. 451.
Khurli : see under Biha bhat. Khurpa: foot-and-mouth discase: SS. Jubbal, 18. Khwosh : a daughter's husband : Pathåns. Kiamal: Berberis vulgaris : Ch., 237. Klar: a field which remains full of water-generally sown with rice : Sirmar, App. I. Kilar: a species of wych hazel, Parcotia Jacquemontiana : Ch., 33. . Killar : = Kilår, q.v..:-Ch., 239. Kirka: a tree, Cocculus laurifolius : Sirmûr, App. IV, ii. Kirtijubar : some kind of dance (?): Simla Hills : Gloss., I, p. 463.
Kishta: the wild apricot, Prunus armenica : Sirmûr, 80. The fruit when dried : = Sukeri : Ch., 225.
Kohi : Alnus nepalensis : Sirmûr, App. IV, vi. Koith kathal: Feronia elephantum : Sirmûr, App. IV, iii. Kolath: = Kulat, q.v. Kolsar (? kolsa): = kalej: Sirmûr, 7. The Euplocamus albocristatus : Ch., 36. Kongi: = Kanga, q.v. Kokla: Sphenocerous sphenurus : Ch., 37. Koli ghas: a cess of 80 bundles of grass per kain of cultivation : SS. Kunhidr. 10.

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Konsal: a man who lives with a widow in her dead husband's house ; = Linda : Mandi. 23.
Kotheru: an official in Brahmaur corresponding to the Jhutiyår elsewhere in Chamba : Ch., 265.
Kothiala : an official in charge of a granary ; of. kotials (Suket, 38): SS. Bilaspur, 21.
Kothipavali: a housc-tax, levied for festivals and religious purposes from cultivators: SS. Bashahr, 74.
Kotri : owlet, Athene Brama. Kral: Bauhinia variegata : Oh., 235 and 238. Krao : the oak: Quercus semicarpifolia : Ch., 235 and 240.
Kuasa : fem. -i, descendant of a niwaed or daughter's son: used by Pathans and Shaikhs in Jhajjar.
Kuhainta: a hunchback : Ch., 139. Kahli : an earthen bin ;-atâ, a rite observed before a wedding : B., 109. Kuji: Rosa moschata : Sirmûr, App. IV, v. Kukari : maize or Indian oorn = maklei : Ch., 224. Kukrolâ : = kokelas, Pucrasia macrolopha: Ch., 36. Kulâhar: a little before noon: B., 191. Kuldhu : land watered from a kul, but with a long lead : SS. Jubbal, 16. Kulat: = Kolath (add in III). Kulbant : irrigated land : SS. Bilaspur, 15, and Bhajji, 7. Kulinza: a demon represented by a masked man at the Chår or Spring festival : Ch., 45. Kulthorni: inferior land such as grows Kulath : SS. Baghal, 8. Kulwar : the first big meal of the day, eaten at 10 or 11 a.m.: Suket, 27.
Kunde: (1) an iron stick, crooked in shape, offered to a Naga : Ch., 155. (2) a receptacle for smelting iron : SS. Jubbal, 20.
Kundla :-Gundri, trousers : SS. Bashahr, 42.
Kunj: a trouser-string ; -chhor-wela, undressing. or bed-time : B., 192. Syn. Sota among Hindus and in the Lamma.
Kunjhain: a form of worship offered to Kali and other goddesses in lieu of sacrifice; part of a forest being preserved and consecrated for it; Simla Hills : Gloss., I, p. 470.
Kunna: a measure of land; ghumao: Ch., 224. Kura: Holarthena anti-dysenterica : Sirmûr, App. IV, vi. Kurall: = Kachnat : Sirmar, App. IV, iv.

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THE HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAH KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR. BY LIEUT.-COLONEL BIR WOLSELEY HAIG, K.C.I.E., O.S.I., O.M.G., C.B.E.
(Continued from 1 age 300.) cx.-AN ACCOUNT OF THE SACK AND PLUNDER OF THE CITY AND COUNTRY WHICH
DISGUSTED AND REPELLED BOTH GREAT AND SMALL. This was one of the reasons why the Mughuis failed to capture the fort.369 As soon as the prince, Shih Murad, and the Khânkhânån heard of this oppression of the people, they did their utmost to check and prevent it, and executed a number of the plunderers in order to deter the rest, but nobody in the town or in the suburbs had any property left nor any shelter, for the very foundations of all the houses were so destroyed and obliterated that none could distinguish his own house from another's. As it was God's will that the plans of Akbar's army to capture the fort should fail, this occurrence was the cause of the undermining of the strength and the destruction of the power of the Mughul army and of the restoration of the hopes of the supporters of the Ahmadnagar monarchy, and this was, in truth, the first breach in the foundations of the enemies' fortunes and the cause of disgust in the minds of all, both small and great, in the kingdom of Aḥmadnagar. This enabled them to understand the truth of the secret of the advantage of suffering a little loss to secure a great gain, for this wholesale wasting and plundering denuded the whole country of inhabit. ants and habitations and prevented all traffic through it, the result being that for three months the enemy had no communication of any sort with their own country and that a famine broke out in their camp, so that in thatspace of time no one, gentle or simple, so much as looked on rice, ghi, or other necessaries of life, and this plundering, and the famine which ensued, became the cause of the enemy's retreat, as will shortly be described. Help and assistance are from God!
CXI.-AN ACCOUNT OF THE NIGHT ATTACK WHICH MUBARIZ-UD-Din ABHANG KAN 363 MADE ON THE MUGHUL ARMY, AND OF SOME OTHER EVENTS
WHICH HAPPENED AT THE SAME TIME. It has already been said that when the African amirs, owing to the evil results of their continual quarrels with one another, separated and were scattered, they dispersed to all parts of the kingdom. Of these amirs, Ikhlág Khân, 'Aziz-ul-Mulk, Balil Khan and others hastened to Daulatábåd, the garrison of which fortress, acting in concert with them, raised to the throne a person called Moti, whom they entitled Moti Shah, and raised the standard of
independence and of opposition to all others. . In the same way Mubariz-ud-din Abhang Khân also hastened to Bijapûr for the purpose
of securing possession of the person of some member of the royal family of Ahmadnagar who could be set up as heir to the kingdom. Here he found Mîrân Shah 'Ali, the son of the late Burhan Nizâm Shah I, who was living under the protection of Ibrahim Adil Shah II, and his son, who was then twenty years of age, and took them, with a body of troops, into the Bir district where, with a view to composing the affairs of that district and to conquering the rest of the kingdom, he assembled large numbers of the army which was scattered and
863 According to the Akbarndma and Firishta (ii, 313), Shahbaz Khân, a bigoted Sunnt, was responsible for this atrocity. The policy of the prince and the Kh An Khanan (a Shi'ah) was to conciliate the inhabitants, to whom, therefore, they proclaimed an amnesty, but on December 29 (December 30, according to Firishta, ii, 313) Shahbaz Khan ordered a massacre of the inhabitants of the city of Ahmadnagar and of the suburb of Burhånábad. The wretched people were plundered and slain, and Shahbaz Khân proceeded to plunder the building known as the Hospice of the Twelve Imáme. He was severely rebuked by the prince and the Khân kh&nan, and many of his followers, caught plundering, were put to death. The outrage seriously injured the imperial cause.
303 The Albarndma agrees with Sayyid 'Ali in calling this amir Abhang Khan. Firishta calls him Abang Khan, but this may be a scribe's error,

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dispersed throughout the district. Miyân Manjhû from fear of the Mughul army had also fled into the Bir district, taking Ahmad Shah with him, so now Chånd Bibi Sultân, whose endeavours were ever directed to what was best for the state, and to the good administration of the kingdom, sent a trusty servant with her own sign manual to Mubariz-ud-din Abhang Khân forbidding him to fight with Miyân Manjhû and his followers, and ordering him to re. pair at once to Daulatâbâd and there to co no to an agreement with, and join foroes with the rest of the African amirs and all who were still loyal, and to drive out the Mughul army.364
In obeclience to the queen's command Mubariz-ud-din Abhang Khân, with Miran Shah *Ali and about 5,000366 horse, ready for battle, marched to Daulatâbâd, and when the news of his approach with Mîrân Shah Ali reached Ikhlas Khan and the rest of the African amîrs, they, owing to their former disputes with Abhang Khân, would not accept Mirân Shah Ali. They took counsel among themselves, saying: “We have raised a king to the throne and clovatod the royal umbrella over his head, and have drawn into our own hands the management and means of managing all the affairs of the kingdom. Now for no reason whatever, to depose our king and to acknowledge Shah Ali, the protégé of Abhang Khân, and to place ourselves under the orders of our enemy, can lead to nothing but shame and repentance. They therefore refused to join themselves to Mubariz-ud-din Abhang Khân, or to acknowledge Mîrân Shah 'Ali, and declined either to see them or to have any communication with them, but a force of about 500 of the best cavalry, silahdárs and other braye men, descrted Ikhlas Khân and joined the army of Shah Ali and Abhang Khân.
When Miran Shah Ali and Mubariz-ud-din Abhang Khân had given up all hopes of coming to an agreement with Ikhlâs Khân and the rest of the African amirs, they reported the whole matter to Chånd Bibi Sultan and said that they were willing to bring their army to Ahmad. nagar and to do their utmost both to assist in defending the fort and in engaging the enemy in the field. The queen issued an order directing them to come, and they marched towards the city. When they approached the suburbs they sent a spy to inquire which entrance to the fort was unwatched and guarded by the Mughuls. The spy returned and reported that the eastern side of the fortress, on which was a high road to Tisgaon and the public highway, was unguarded by the Mughuls, and on the evening of Saturday, Rabi-us-sâni 28 (Deoember 30, A.D. 1595), Miran Shâh 'Ali and Mubariz-ud-dîn Abhang Khân with their valiant army, entered the fort by the road which the spy had indicated, 366
The strange thing was that on that morning Shâh Murad had ridden round the fort in order to inspect the works and to apportion the posts to the corps of his army, and had assigned the eastern side, where ran the Tisgaon road and the high road by which the army was to come, to the Khânkhânân and that on the evening of the same day the Khânkhânån marched from the neighbourhood of the Namazgah to the garden of the 'Ibadat-Khana, which stood in the road of the army of Mirån 'Ali Shah and Mubariz-ud-din Abhang Khân, and there encamped with his army.367 On that dark night the whole of the Khânkhânân's corps,
364 Firishta mentions (ii, 313) the onfusion prevailing in the state of Ahmadnager owing to the existence of irreconcilable fections, of which there were no less than four :-(1) Miyan Manjha, on the Bijapur frontier, acknowledging the impostor, Ahmad Shah; (2) Ikhlas Khan and his party, near Daulatabad, acknowledging the impostor, Moti Shah ; (3) Abhang Khan, on the Bijapur frontier, acknowledging the pretender, 'Ali Nizam Shah, son of Burhan Nixam Shah I; and (4) Chand Bibi, in Ahmadnagar, acknow. ledging the heir of line, the infant Bahadur, son of Ibrahim Nizam Shah, who was imprisoned in Jond.
366 Firishta (ii, 314) says 7,000 horse.
366 In the Akbarndma a very misleading uccount of this affair is given. It is said that on December 31 Shah 'Ali and Abhang khan led a night attack on the Khân khanan's lines, but were defeated and driven back into the city with heavy loss. The Khân khânên was blamed for not capturing them. It was the eity that they were trying to reach, and Abhang Khån attained his object. 'Ali Shah did not enter the city, but fled. His son Murtaza, afterwards Murtaza Nizâm Shah II, entered the city with Abhang Khán.
367 Sultan Murad had inspected the trenches and, finding that there were none on this side of the city, had ordered the Khân khanan to take his post there. F. ii, 314.

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having no expectation of the arrival of the enemy, slept the sleep of negligence, without having taken any of the ordinary precautions against surprise. When two watches of the night had passed Miran 'Ali Shah and Mubariz-ud-din Abhang Khân marched up with their brave army and became aware of the encampment of the Mugl uls at the garden of the 'IbadatKhana. Finding the Mughuls asleep and defenceless they fell upon them and began to slay them. When the Khânkhânân's negligent corps awakened confusedly from their sleep, they found that they were being attacked by a fierce enemy, that the way of escape was closed on every side, and that death was staring them in the face; they found that no course but to fight bravely was open to them, and they thereforo prepared to resist their enemy and to gain a name as soldiers. Some fought at the doors of their tents and some, leaving their own belongings, made for the tent of the Khânkhânân.
The army of the Dakan, when they found tents empty of their owners, cast prudence and caution to the winds, and proceeded to plunder the enemy's goods; but Mubariz-ud-dîn Abhang Khân, with a resolute body of men, made a stand near the pavilion of the Khånkhânân and there kept his flag flying for nearly two astrological hours, fighting manfully with the enemy the while. The Khânkhânân, taking with him a body of expert archers, retired to the roof of the building in which he lodged and poured showers of arrows and shot and a fire of musketry on Abhang Khân and his followers, until by degrees the numbers of those around the Khânkhânån grew ever greater and greater, while the army of the Dakan melted away in search of plunder. When Abhang Khân saw that the enemy had grown strong and that there was no longer any hope of a successful attack on them, he retreated towards the fort, taking with him the son of Miran Shâh 'Ali, while Shah 'Ali himself and the troops with him retreated by the road by hich they had come388 and were pursued by Daulat Khân Lodi, one of the amirs of the Khånkhânân's army, who captured and slow many of his men.33)
Mubariz-ud-din Abhang Khân, however, with the son of Mrån Shah Ali, and a large foroe, contrived to reach the gate of the fort in the darkness of the night and increased the confidence and raised the spirits of the garrison a thousand-fold. The chamberlains of the court, by the orders of Chånd Bibi Sultân, led Mubariz-ud-din Abhang Khan and the son of Miran Shah 'Ali into the fort and into her presence, where his valour and great services became the theme of every tongue, and where he was the recipient of much honour and of the royal favour.
Since Mubariz-ud-din Abhang Khân had performed this deed of valour against the mighty Mughul army and had shown so much bravery, the enemy began to fear the army of the Dakan, and the self esteem which had been engendered by the former unwillingness of the Dakanîs to attack them gave way to terror, and the great night attack undermined their valour, power and prestige, so that they began to fear to meet the Dakanis in the field and no more neglected any precautions against surprise, but redoubled their efforts to reduce the fortress. They apportioned every section of the lines of circumvallation to some of the great amirs, and the prince, Shah Murad, selected the country to the east of the fort, which had been the scene of the fight, as the camping ground of his own special troops and of the army of Gujarât. The ground to the south, which is opposite to the village of Shaitanpur and lies towards the Farah Bakhsh garden, was given to the Khân khânân, the ground to the west, which lies towards the city of Ahmadnagar and on which side is the original gate of the fort, was given to Shahbaz Khan and Mirza Shahrukh, and the ground to the north, which lies towards Burhânâbâd and the Namazgah, was given to Raja 'Ali Khân, the ruler of Burhanpur. The army of the Mughuls thus
368 'Ali Shah was an old man of seventy who had for many years lived a retired life in Bijapur and was loth to incur the dangers and hardships of active service or to enter the disturbed arena od Ahmadnagar politics. F. ii, 313, 315,
369 About 900. F. ii, 315.

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surrounded the fort on all sides, and pressed forward their sap and trenches, and were instant
lay and aight in fighting and in carrying on the siege, their sole object in life now being the reduction of the fortress.
Muj Abid-ud-din Shamshir Khan, who, with his sons and a valiant body of troops had been doing their utmost without the walls against the enemy, was now recalled within the walls and the gates were finally closed so that none might pass out nor in. The garrison now made up their minds to severe fighting and kept up a hoavy fire on the besiegers both by night and by day, making also frequent sorties.
But the fortress of Ahmadnagar is very strong, and though the Mughuls besieged it both straitly and vigorously, they saw no prospect of reducing it. Shah Murad was so intent on gaining his object that he personally spent most of his time in the trenches, supervising the filling in of the ditch, and the erection of a tower to overtop the wall, so that in a short time the tower was as high as the wall and the ditch was filled up with earth and rubbish.
Chånd Bibi Sultan also personally did everything in her power to perfect the diefence, and looked after the defenders. She rested not by day from attending to the wants of the needy and feeblo nor did she sleep by night, praying God with tears and lamentations to restore peace and prosperity to her people. Therefore the enemy's arrow missed its mark and none of their plans for the reduction of the fortress was successful.
While the Mughul army spared no efforts in erecting their tower to overtop the wall and in increasing its height, the defenders constantly increased the height of the bastion to which it was opposite, so that it still exoelled the tower in height, and thus made all the enemy's efforts of no avail.
In the meantime Venkoji the Koli, who had formerly adhered to Ahmad Shah and Miyan Manjhů, now deserted them and returned to the neighbourhood of the Mughul army and frequently attacked the picquets posted for the protection of their stores of grass, and captured many horses, elephants, camels, and bullocks, and also slow many of their men. Sa'adat Khan also, the old servant of Burhan Nizam Shah, who had forinerly gone into the distriot of Nasik and Chandûr, now collected an efficient army and so cut off the communications of the enemy that nobody could approach Ahmadnagar from the direction of Sultanpûr and Nandurbar.
Sayyid Raja, one of the amirs of Akbar's army, was now ordered by Shah Muråd to put & stop to the raids of Venkoji, and in his self-sufficiency and pride did not wait to assemble & sufficient body of troops but marched to attack Venkoji with the few followers whom he had with him, and whon he came up with him found himself greatly outnumbered, but had pressed on too fast to be able to retreat with safety, and therefore, with his followers, attacked Venkoji's men just as a moth flies into a flame. Venkoji's troops surrounded Sayyid Rajů and his followers like a halo, and as God had decreed that Sayyid Raja's family should be extinguished in disgrace and that his fighting days should be brought to an end, his troops, who were very tigers in bravery, failed to save him. On every side he saw the way of escape closed with sword and spear and they, washing their hands of life, fought bravely, and with determination, resolved to sell their lives dearly. After a fierce conflict Sayyid R&jû, with a number of his relations, friends, and followers met their death on tho field, and only & fow poor wretches whom death was slow in overtaking escaped from the fray and spread abroad the news of the death of Sayyid Råjû.370
This occurrence Epread dismay among the powerful army of the enemy and greatly encouraged the army of Abrnadnagar. At the same time the Mughul army received news that Sa Adat Khâu,371 who had been patrolling the Nasik district with 2,000 efficient horse and laid
870 "On January 4, 1690, the enemy attacked the imperial camp, and was not driven back before Bayyid Raja and some of his brothers and a number of horses and pack animals had been killed."-A. N.
871 On January 7 a caravan coming from Gujarût was plundered by Sa'adat Khan."-A. N.

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an ambush for Sayyid 'Alam, one of the amirs of Gujarât who was marching from that country to join the Mughul army with a large quantity of treasure, stores and munitions of war, and had slain Sayyid Alam and a large number of his troops, and captured all the treasure, baggage and elephants. This news caused great dejection among all in the Mughul army, both small and great, and measures were concerted for retrieving this great disaster. Sadiq Muhammad Khân the Åtâliq was sent with a large force against Sa'adat Khan, in order that the communications of the Mughuls might no more be interrupted. Sadiq Muhammad Khan with Miran Ali Khan, Sayyid Murtaza and a large force of picked men, amounting to 2,000 horse, marched with great expedition to take revenge on Raja Jagannath and Sa'adat Khan and approached Sa'adat Khan's camp as evening was falling. As the troops covered a great distance they were scarcely fit to attack Sa'adat Khân that night, and therefore halted where they were. When Sa'adat Khân became aware of the approach of the Mughul army, his own army was very heavily laden with the plunder of the army of Gujarat, and he therefore, &s a measure of precaution, placed those of his army who were less fit for fighting in charge of his baggage. Sa'Adat Khan withdrew himself from the dangerous proximity of Sadiq Muhammad Khân's army and, with 300 mounted Afghán archers, took up his position on the bank of a river372 which flowed between his camp and Sadiq Muhammad Khan's troops. Şadiq Muhammad Khan also took up his position on the opposite bank of the river, and the two armies opened fire on one another. In spite of the smallness of Sa'adat Khan's force Şadiq Muhammad Khan could not cope with his enemy, and disgraced himself by retiring. In the course of his retreat he passed through the pargana of Sangamner and committed great enormities there. He plundered all the cattle and fodder of the inhabitants of that country, which had been all gathered together in one place, and made prisoners a large number of the people of all classes, and then continued his retreat.
Between Şadiq Muhammad Khan and Shahbaz Khân there existed a long standing foud, and in all their quarrels the Khân khânân uniformly took the side of Shahbaz Khan. Now that sadiq Muhammad Khan was absent from the camp the Khankhanan seized his opportunity and sent a message to the prince (Shah Murad) to the effect that as long as Şadiq Muhammad Khan was with the army the conquest of the Dakan would not advance. It was advisable, he said, that sadiq Muhammad Khân should be relieved of the office of vakil and per. mitted to return to Hindustan in order that the amirs might be free to use all their efforts in the direction of reducing the fortress. The prince considered that the necessities of time demanded this policy and accepted this advice and visited the quarters of the Khânkhânån, which were then in the Farah Bakhsh garden, for the purpose of ascertaining the wishes of the amire. He found the air of the Farah Bakhsh garden so much to his liking that he left the village of Bhingar for the garden house in this garden and there spent some ten or fifteen days in pleasure. During this time also sadiq Muhammad Khân refrained from any interference in the duties of the post of vakil, discerning such a course the best in his own interests, and remained in the village of Bhingar; but all this time a secret correspondence was maintained between the prince and the ami rs.
In the meantime 373 the spies of the Mughul army brought news to that army that Ikhlag Khân, with the rost of the African amirs who had boon in Daulatåbåd, had raised to the throne one Moti whom they entitled Moti Shah, and were marching towards
377 The Godavari.
373 On January
10, 1696.

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Ahmadnagar,374 The Khankhanan, in order to put a slight on Sadiq Muhammad Khan, who had shewn great slackness in attacking Sa'adat Khan, and had returned re infecta, sent Daulat Khân Lodi the Afghân, who was the best officer in his own corps, with some 8,000 horse, armed with bows and arrows, whom he picked from the corps of the prince and Shahbaz Khan as well as from his own corps, to check the advance of Ikhláş Khan and the rest of the African amirs. The two armies met on the banks of the Godavari and the battle began in the evening.
When the Mughul army came into sight, Ikhlas Khan and the rest of the African amirs sent their baggage back to Daulatábad and drew up their forces along the bank of the river in a strong position ; but as soon as the Mughul army arrived their courage failed them and they broke and fled without even striking a blow for their manhood. The Mughuls pursued the fleeing army for a short distance and slow some of those whose flight was less expeditious. They then encamped in the village which the Africans had left, and halted there for the rest of the night. The next morning they marched thence to the town of Paithan, which was hard by. A number of foreign merchants and some of the poorest and feeblest of the in. habitants of the country, trusting to the general amnesty which the Mughuls had proclaimed in favour of all non-belligerents, had remained in the town, and the Mughul army, immediately on arriving in the town, began to plunder all the houses therein and violently despoiled those people of all the valuablo stuffs, money, and goods, even going so far as to strip both men and women of thoir clothes, leaving not a covering for any woman, gentle or simple. They then set out on their return to Ahmadnagar, and a company of the wretched sufferers followed the army, limping and hobbling, until they reached the army of the Khânkhânân. Here they surrounded the Khânkhânân's darbâr and cried aloud for justice, but Daulat Khan and tho rost of the amirs had brought their plunder with them, and the Khânkhânân, who had acquired a false reputation for generosity, cast longing eyes on the spoils and forgot the de mands of generosity and humanity in his avarice, and had no pity on the desolate and oppressed. Ho distributed most of the valuable stuffs taken among his army while the rightful owners wandered barefoot and bareheaded about his door day and night, crying tor justice but unable to obtain from their own stores sufficient for their bodies.376 This matter displeased Shâh Murâd and he returned from the Farah Bakhsh garden to Bhingar. On his way two of the Khânkhânân's personal staff came up to him and received evidence of his wrath against the Khânkhånân.
Şadiq Muhammad Khân now again acquired great influence as vakil while the Khânkhânîn remained for some days in the Farah Bakhsh garden engaged in pleasure, paying no attention whatever to the siege operations. The prince, however, was in the trenches from morning to evening, directing the operation and revolving plans for the reduotion of the fortress. Onoe more a number of councillors formed a council without consulting the Khânkhânán, and brought him from the Farah Ba'shsh garden to the lines around Ahmad nagar so that he was compelled to take at least an apparent interest in the siege, and detached part of his own corps to the neighbourhood of the Kala Chabútra, which is opposite to the gate of the fort.
376 Ikhlive bån made an attempt to reach Ahmadnagar with 10,000 horse. According to the Albar. ndma it was Shir Khvajo that was sent against him, but Firishta agroes with Sayyid 'All that it was Daulat Khân Lodi. He says, however, that Daulat Khin Lodi had only five or six thousand horse. As the affair ended in a victory for the imperial troops the discrepancy regarding the name of the officer in command suggests fabricated dispatches. Firishta and Sayyid 'Ali have probably given the name correctly, and in the imperial account the credit of the victory seems to have been wrongly given, owing, doubtless, to some intrigue, to Shir Khv&ja. F. iii, 314.-A. N.
876 It is admitted in the Akbarndma that the inhabitants of Paithan had been included in the general amnesty and that the plunder of the town was a breach of faith which seriously injured the imperial cause.

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Traditions of the old friendship between Raja 'Ali Khân, ruler of Khandesh, still remained, and he maintained an uninterrupted intercourse with those within the fort, so that they were enabled, by his means, to introduce into the fort any supplies that they might require, and occasionally, when a body of gunners came from the other forts in the kingdom to reinforce those in Ahmadnagar, they were able to enter the fortress by the help of Raja Ali khân and greatly strengthened the defence. When this matter became known to the prince he removed Raja Ali Khân from the position which he docupied and placed that section of the trenches under the command of Raja Jagannath, who was one of the great Rajput amirs, and thus all ingress and egress was stopped. In the course of the siege, and while it was at its height, Raja Ali Khân, ruler of Burhånpûr, being instigated thereto by Akbar's amirs, sent to Chând Bibi Sultân a letter saying "I purposely accompanied the Mughul army into this country for the purpose of preserving the honour of the Nizâm Shâhî dynasty. I know well that this fortress will, in a short time, be captured by the Mughuls. See that you shun not the fight but protect your honour and surrender this fort at the last to the prince, and he will give you in exchange for it any fort and any district in this country that you may choose. The honour of the Nizam Shahi house is, owing to the connection between us, the same to me as the honour of my own house, and it is for this reason that I, laying aside all fear of arrow or bullet, have come to the gate of the fort, and I will bring Chând Bibi Sultân to my own camp."
When the defenders received this letter their dismay and confusion were greatly increased and they were struck with terror, for they had relied greatly on Raja 'Ali Khan, and they now almost decided to surrender, but Afzal Khân did his best to pacify them and to calm their fears, and sent Raja Ali Khân a reply saying, "I wonder at your intellect and policy in sending such a letter to Chånd Bibi Sultan and that you should endeavour to destroy this dynasty. It was you who went forth to greet the Mughul army and it was you that brought them into this country, and the Sultans of the Dakan will not forget this. Soon, by the grace of God, the Muchiul army will have to retreat and then Chånd Bibi Sultân will be in communication, as before, with the Sultans of the Dakan. It will then be for you to fear the vengeance of the brave men of the Dakan and to tremble for your house and for your kingdom.” 376 When this reply reached Raja Ali Khân he was overcome with shame for what he had written, and the Mughul amirs also gave up all hope of taking the fortress, but Miyân Manjh û who, on the first approach of the Mughul army, had taken Ahmad Shâh with him and had taken refuge on the frontiers of Ibrahim Adil Shah II, now sent letters and petitions, explaining his own helpless and hopeless state and asking assistance, both to that king-and Muhammad Quli Qutb Shah. The former, with a view to the prosperity and security of his kingdom, made the repulse of the enemies of the country his object, and in order to give confidence to the defenders of Ahmadnagar issued farmáns directing his army to march to their support and considered designs for driving out Akbar's army. He sent Suhail Khân, who had received from him the honourable title of Amîn-ul-Mulk, with a number of his chief amirs and near 30,000 horse to the aid of Ahmadnagar for the protection of the Nizam Shahi kingdom, with orders to attack the enemy and to drive him forth, thus freeing the Dakan from strife and oppression. From
376 The Akbarndma contains no indication of Raja 'Ali Khan's correspondence with the garrison, but there is every reason to believe that it took place.

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the Qutb Shahi court Mahdi Quli Sultân Tâlish was sent with 10,000 horse and 20,000 foot to drive out the proud invaders.377
Ibrahim Adil Shah II also issued repeated farmáns and letters of advice to Ikhlas khân and the rest of the African amirs warning them even with threats against rebellion, disobedi. ence, and intestine strife, which were the cause of the ruin of the kingdom and the state, and urging them to unite with their rulers and the chief men in the state in driving forth the enemies of the kingdom and its people. In accordance with these commands Ikhlâs Khân and the rest of the African amirs retreated, with about 20,000 horse which they had collected from all parts of the kingdom, to Bijâpür, and took refuge with Ibrahim Adil Shah who showed such energy in equipping them that in a short time they had an army of about 70,000 efficient cavalry, with elephants, guns, matchlockmen, and all munitions of war, assembled on the frontier of the kingdom of Bijapûr. CXII-AN ACCOUNT OF THE BREACHING OF THE WALL OF AHMADNAGAR AND OF THE BATTLE BETWEEN THE NIGAM SHAH ARMY AND THE ENEMY,AND OF THE VICTORY OF THE FORMER, BY THE GRACE OF GOD AND THE HELP
OF CHÍND BiBi SULTIN. The siege of Ahmadnagar had now, owing to the great strength of the place, lasted for a long time, and there seemed to be no immediate prospect of its fall. It became clear at length to the amirs of the Mughul army that it would not be captured by the device of erecting towers over against its guns or by filling up its ditch. After taking counsel together, they decided to mining and kept their decision a secret from all, both great and small, lest any rumour of it should reach the defenders. They then get themselves to putting their decision into action regularly and systematically. Several mines were sunk in that portion of the trenches which was ocoupied by the prince, and the foundation of both bastion and curtain were hollowed out. When the miners had finished sinking the mines on the night of Friday, Rajab 1 (March 1-2, A.D. 1596), 378 which was, of the four nights, the night of supererogatory devotions, the mines were filled powder and tamped with mud and stones and left till the morning, at which time the sentries who have watched all night, take their rest and the guards generally are negligent, when the mines were to be fired in order that the wall of the fort might be thrown down and that the besiegers might rush in through the breach and make themselves masters of the place. But as it was decreed that the fortress was not to be taken, Khyaja Muhammad Khân, 379 who had been a high official in Fârs and was of the vazirzadas of Shîrâz and was a man distinguished by his fidelity and singleness of heart, ascertained the position of the enemy's mines, and at the risk of his life, obtained an entrance into the fort and set all the people therein, both great and small, to digging countermines. They struck one of the enemy's mines and removed the charge, filling its place with stones and earth. When the sun rose they struck another of the enemy's mines, not yet charged, which they left alone. They then began to look for the third
377 According to Firishta Suhail Khan was sent in the first place to Naldrug with 25,000 horse, and was there joined by Miyan Manjhů with Ahmad Shah and by Ikhlae Khan and his followers. The Golconda contingent under Mahdt Quli Sultan the Turkman amounted, according to the same authority, to only five or six thousand horse. The author of the Tarikh-i-Muhammad Qutb Shahi says that a very large army was sent with Mahdi Qul! Sultan, but it would have been impossible for Muhammad Quli Qutb Shah to send a very large army, for his southern frontier was then being threatened by Venkata I of Penukonda. It was owing to the assembly of this army that Sultan Murad resolved to press the siege more vigorously and to reduce the fortress by means of mines before relief could arrive. F. ii, 315.-T. M. Q. S.
878 March 1-2, A.D. 1596. Firishta (ii, 315) agrees in this date, but according to the Akbarndma it was on the night of February 29 that the mines were completed.
379 Khvâja Muhammad Khan Shîråzi was in the army of Sultan Murad. His treachery is not mentioned in the Akbarndma, but Firishta says (ii, 316) that he gave information to the garrison out of pity for them.

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mine. Sadiq Muhammad Khân ordered the firing of the mines to be delayed until after midday, as the clay was Friday, Rajab 1, a day on which fighting is unlawful, and this delay was the salvation of the defenders, for they had been toiling all night in the countermines and were weary in the morning, so that they were compelled to return to their homes for some rest, and if the besiegers had fired the mines, then it is possible that the assault would have been successful, as the defenders would have had no inforination of the affair and would have been absent, but as fate had decreed that the fortress should be Haved from the enemy, the defenders were mysteriously strengthened at every turn.
From the early dawn of Friday Shah Murâd and sadiq Muhammad Khan were employed in assembling their troops, in preparing everything necessary for the assault, and in issuing orders for the parading of the corps of the amirs under the walls of the fortress. These orders were proclaimed to all the army by heralds, and the army paraded in force and surrounded the fort of Ahmadnagar like a tempestuous sea.
Shah Murad took the field against the fortress in person, but all the amirs and great Khâns led their corps towards the khânkhânån and Shahbaz Khân, whose conduct in the field was regulated by their desire to please the Shahzada Shaikhūjî,380 who was opposed to the conquest of the Dakan.
When the whole army was drawn up, the fireworkers advanced and fired the mines. By this time the defenders had found two full mines and had removed their charges, and had also found an empty mine, the end of which they left open. The remaining mines, however, blew up with a terrific report, and destroyed about 50 yards of the wall.381 A force of the enemy which had been halted near the ditch and was waiting for the firing of the mine, threw themselves into the ditch and rushed forward towards the breach, and as it seemed probable that other sections of the wall would fall, the rest of the army awaited their fall, in order that they might make a combined assault and capture the fortress. Many of the stones which were blown into the air fell on these men and killed many of them, and as there was also a large body of the defenders engaged in countermining close to the wall, many of these also were killed by the stones. Other bodies of the defenders, who were further from the wall, when they saw the great breach made by the mines, fled 382 for fear of falling stones, and some betook themselves to the palace of Chånd Bibi Sultan. The amirs and officers of the army, who had been in their own quarters when they heard of the great disaster that had happened, hastened at once, in confusion, in the direction of the breach. Of these, Mujahid-ud-din Shamshir Khân and Mubariz-ud-din Abhang Khan arrived first at the breach, and with arrow, sword, and spear opposed the entry of the Mughuls. Next came Muhammad Khan and his sons and relations, Multân Khân, Ahmad Shah,883 Ali Shîr Khân, and the rest of the amirs and officers, one after the other, and occupied and held the breach against the enemy. A number of the principal Foreign officers, such as Afzal Khân, Maulana Muhammad, the ambassador of Muhammad Quli Qutb Shah, Sayyid Mir Muhammad
380 Shaikhûji or Shaikh a BABA was Akbar's pet name for his eldest son, prince Salim, afterwards the emperor Jahangir. This passage illustrates the extent to which the army was honeycombed with troason. Akbar had ordered that Ahmadnagar should be captured, but because the drunken and dis. affected Salim was loth that his brother Murad should gain glory in the Dakan, many of the amire were determined that the siege should not be carried to a successful conclusion. Other influences were at work. The Khân khânån, who was a Shiah, was unwilling to drive the Shiah dynasty of Ahmednagar to extremities and was perhaps implicated in the treachery of the Shiah Khv ja Muhammad Khan.
381 So also Firishta (ii, 316) but in the Albarndma it is said that only thirty yards of the wall were destroyed.
383 Among these were the son of All Shah Murtaş, afterwards Murtapa Nigam Shah II, Abhang Khan, Shamshir Khan, and Affal Khan. F. ii, 316.
389 This Ahmad Shah must not be confounded with Miyan Manjha's candidate for the throne; Ho was probably a Sayyid, to whom the title of Shah is often given in India.

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Zamân, Mir Sayyid 'Ali Astarâbâdi, and Khyâja Husain Kirmani, who, on account of the great valour which he displayed on this day, received the title of Tir Andaz Khân, and all the rest of the Foreigners who were in their quarters and received news of what had happened, made with all speed for the broach and drove back the enemy with showers of arrows. Then some of the chief Foreign officers, among whom were the ambassadors of the other kings of the Dakan, went, by the advice of the nobles of the state, to the royal palace, and brought forth Chånd Bibi Sultân and brought her to the breach, where all the fighting was taking place. When the warriors saw the queen under the royal umbrella their courage increased a thousandfold and they drove back the enemy from the breach with a heavy fire of artillery and musketry and with showers of arrows. A heavy fire of artillery and musketry and showers of hand grenades were also rained on the enemy from the bastions, and this drove them from the ditch. So strenuous was the effort made by those who were loyal to the Nizam Shahi dynasty that Muhammad Lari, ambassador of Ibråhim Adil Shah II, although he was quite ignorant of artillery, climbed in the heat of the fight, to the top of one of the bastions and set light to his patched-robe, with which he fired several guns, doing great execution among the enemy. As soon as the news of the progress of Chånd Bibi Sultan in person to the breach was spread abroad, all men, both great and small, old and young, hastened thither in such numbers that the mass of them closed the breach, and they fought manfully together. They say that when Chånd Bibi Sultan reached the neighbourhood of the breach a number of elephant drivers drove their elephants in front of her that they might form a defence for her against the enemy. She, however, trusting entirely on God, forbade the elephant drivers to drive the elephants in front of her, and said, “Although suicide is unlawful and is repugnant to both reason and the holy law, I have brought with me a cup of poison in order that if (which God forbid) the enemy should take the fortress, I may drink the poison and so free myself from my enemies. Nevertheless, since it is certainly possible to attain martyrdom by means of wounds inflicted by the enemies of the faith and of the state, why should I attempt to avoid wounds given by the enemy?" Having regard to the sin. cerity and singleheartedness of Chånd Bibi Sultân, God saved from capture the fortress, which had actnally already, one might almost say, fallen into the enemy's hands; and His decree for its safety issued. Thus, at the time when the wall was blown up, although the whole of the Mughul army was drawn up, ready and thirsting for the fray, and although many of the defenders who were near the breach were killed by the stones, and the rest fled, so that until the arrival of Majahid-ud-din Shamshîr Khan and Mubariz-ud-din Abhang Khân the breach was void of defenders, in accordance with God's will şådiq Muhammad Khan, expecting the explosion of other mines and the destruction of another section of the wall, would not allow all his men to rush into the breach at once and thus gain the victory with ease, while the small force which rushed into the ditch in front of the others, and reached the breach, halted when they found that none followed them, and by the time that the rest of the Mughul army had given up all hope of the explosion of other mines and of the destruction of more of the wall, the garrison had returned to the breach and were prepared to confront their enemy, and thus slew most of that force of the Mughuls which had entered the breach. While the battle was at its height an arrow struck Afzal Khan in the breast, but the case of a talisman which he was wearing stopped the arrow and he received no manner of hurt. The rest of the Mughul army, seeing how the fight went, did not venture into the ditch but stood drawn up along its edge, as though fighting with the wall, and the battle waxed fierce. Although the Mughul army fought most fiercely and bravely, fate had decreed that they should not gain the victory, and they therefore gained nothing but shame for all their pains. Large numbers of them were slain by arrows, stones, gunshot and musketry, while many more were severely wounded and returned lamenting. The battle raged for the last four hours of the

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day until sunset, when the enemy retreated without having gained any advantage, and fell back out of the range of the heavy fire and retired to their quarters.
Chånd Bibi Sultan, however, remained where she was, and directed the builders to repair the wall of the fort and its foundations, and exercised such close supervision over them that on that very day the builders rebuilt the wall of mud and stones to the height of four yards, thus closing the breach to the enemy, heaping grenades and gunpowder behind the wall to act as a sufficient obstacle to the enemy. The queen next turned her attention to the defenders of the fort, wino now had some respite from the fray, and encouraged them to further efforts by acts of royal favour and generosity. Of the Foreigners, Khyâja Husain Kirmânî, who had displayed great valour and done great execution with his bow, sending many of the bravest of the enemy to the next world, was honoured with the title of Tir Andaz Khân, and Hasan Aqî Turkmân received the title of Qizilbâsh Khân. Chånd Bibi Sultan then exhorted all the troops to be watchful and on their guards, and then returned to her quarters.
Shah Murâd, whose prestige had received a severe blow and whose object had not been attained, was plunged in thought and anxiety, and shed tears of disappointment. He took council with his amirs touching the reduction of the fortress until the morning. At sunrise Shah Murad again drew up his forces and advanced towards the breach. When he reached the ditch he wished to press on to the attack of the fortress at once, but a number of his amirs, who were in attendance on him, seized his reins and prevented him from entering the ditch or from engaging personally in the fight. Following the advice of his loyal friends, the prince dismounted from his horse at the edge of the ditch and urged his troops on to battle, encouraging them with promises of favour and advancement. He sent one of his officers to the Khân khânân to ask him for help, but the Khân khânân, making his former faults his pretext, refrained from participating in the battle, and the prince in his zeal and jealous pride, ordered his own troops to attack the fortress with the utmost vigour and to fight like men. A body of Ahadis and special mansabdars, who were the bravest of the Mughul troops, attacked the fort with the utmost determination.384 The defenders were much encouraged by the success which they had had the day before, in spite of the ruin of a section of the wall, and also by their success in repairing the damage done and by the thought that they had so piled explosives against the wall as to make it like the gate of hell. They were therefore not apprehensive of the enemy's onslaught and began a vigorous fire of grenades, musketry and artillery which did great execution among the enemy. The battle raged furiously on both sides and young and old, great and small alike, fell victims to its rage. As often as the Mughuls advanced in compact masses towards the breach, so often did the artillery and musketry fire and the grenades of the defenders scatter them and turn them back with heavy loss, until the ditch was filled with their dead. The enemy displayed the greatest bravery, but in spite of their valour and their numbers, they failed, for the jealous wrath of God had so decreed, and the noble queen had help from heaven.386 The garrison fought that day suoh a fight as has never been seen. From dawn till dusk the battle raged, and when night fell Shah Murad, who now saw nothing but shame in store for himself, returned with heaviness of heart, tears and sighs towards his camp, gave up all intention of spurring his army on to further action and of acquiring name and fame, and despaired of gaining the kingdom and empire of the Dakan, which he had set before him as his object in this vain
304 Ahadia were troopers of a superior class, like the gentlemen of the Lifeguards" in Stuart days. Mangabdars were officers commanding less than 200 horse. Officers commanding 200 horse or more ranked as amirs.
386 According to Firishta (ii, 318) a relieving army had now reached the border of the Bir distrlot, about ninety miles from Ahmadnagar.

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imagining, so that it became evident to all that victory and suooebis are of God, and not of self-confidence, nor of hosts, and that it is the key of God's favour that opens the doors of victory and success.
XIII.-AN ACCOUNT OF THE PEACE AND TREATY BETWEEN CHAND Bibi SULTAN AND THE PRINCE SHẢH MURAD, AND A RELATION OF THE
REST OF THE OCCURRENCES WHICH TOOK PLACE AT THAT TIME. It has already been mentioned that Ibrahîm Adil Shâh II had sent 30,000 horse to the aid of the Nizâm Shâhî army, that Muhammad Quli Qutb Shâh had sent 10,000 horse and 20,000 foot for the same purpose, and that the Nizâm Shâhî forces, their spirits being roused, had assembled from all parts of the kingdom and marched into the Bijapur dominions, 60 that there were HOW assembled on Ibrahîm Adlil Shah's frontier 386 some 70,000 or 80,000 horse with elephants, utillery, and all munitions of war, which foruc had now begun its march towards Ahmadgar. Meanwhile the siege dragged its slow length along and the garrison were reduced to considerable straits for want of food.
'The queen now sent farmáns to the amirs of the army of the Dakun in which sho explained the garrison's mullering for want of food, and the difficulty with which the enemy's attacks were beaten off. It so happened that the spy bearing these dispatches was captured by uglul picquet, and that his papers were taken to the Khânkhânån and Sadiq Muhammad Nhân. The amirs of Akbar's army now wrote a letter to Suhail Khân, the commander-in-chich of Ibrahîm Adlil Shâli's army, saying that they had been expecting his arrival for a long time in the hope that his intervention would put an end to the campaign in Ahmadnagar, and requesting him to come quickly387 They gave this dispatch together with dispatches from the fortress, to the spy, to deliver to Suhail Khân, and scut off the spy. It is said that when this dispatch reached Suhail Khân, he saw how the land lay, and at once marched to Ahmadnagar with great speed by way of the hilly country.387
When news of the approach of the army of the Dakan and an account of its strength une muinber's reached Shah Murid and the rest of the amirs and Khans of the Mughui army, who had already given up all hope of capturing Ahmadnagar and had raised the siege, it produced further panic among them and completely demoralized then, so that they lost all self-control. A council of war was then held, at which it was unanimously agreed that its the army of the Dakan, which was very numerous and strong, was approaching prepared for battle, and that as it was now hopeless to attempt to take the fort, they should enter into some sort of an armistice with the garrison of the fortress and on this pretext retire from before it, and then march to meet Suhail Khân's army.
Sayyid Murtaza,388 who was an old servant and subject of the Nizâmn Shahi dynasty, and ever bore in mind the favours which he had received from them, was appointed to arrange the term of peace. Sayyid Murtaza, on the advice of the prince and the amirs, sent a letter to the fort, to the chief officers of state, asking them to send out an envoy empowered to treat for peace in order that some settlement might be arrived at, and the prince might entirely raise the siege and retire from before the fortress. Now although the garrison Were hard pressed for want of food and provisions and earnestly desired peace—so much so that they could hardly refrain from agreeing to it on any terms, yet they thought that they
380 This letter way written by the Khân khânån who, for the reasons already explained, did not wish the fortress to fall, and know that the arrival of substantial relief would compel the prince to raise the siego. Tho disgraceful circumstance is not mentioned in the Akbarndma. F. ii, 318.
387 Firishta suys : 'the hilly country of Mánikdaund' which was only thirty miles east of Ahmad. tagar: F. ii, 318.
388 This was Sayyid Murtage Sabzavari, who had been governor of Berar in the reign of Murtaza Nixum Shah I, had attempted to overthrow Salábat Khân, and on being defeated by him, had fled from the Dakan and taken refuge at Akbar's court. He was now commander of 1,000 horse in Akbar's service.

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perceived indications in the way in which Sayyid Murtaza's letter was written, of weakness and supplication, for, since the invaders had failed in their object and now come suing for peace, the defenders were more hopeful of ultimate victory and success, and, lest the enemy should attribute too ready an acceptance of terms to a conviction of defeat, they wrote an answer to Sayyid Murtaza saying that if a trustworthy agent were sent from the Mughul camp to the court of the Saltanat and the Khilafat to arrange the terms of peace, an ambassador would likewise be sent from the court to the camp in order that the terms might be concluded.
Sayyid Murtaza then sent Mir Hashim of Madinah, the Ballahi of his corps, who was clistinguished above his fellows for acuinen, valour and ability, to the royal court, where h: remained for ten days without receiving leave to depart, so that the Mughul amirs became hopeless of a settlement, and disquieting rumours obtained currency in their camp. At length, however, the garrison prepared suitable gifts for Shâb Murad, the khânkhânân, Shahbûz Khân, and Sadiq Muḥammail Khân. As the sincerity, purity of disposition, and complete good faith of Umdat-ul-Mulk. Afzal Khân Quni, who was one of the pillars of the state and the most famous man of the kingdom, and had received the appointment of ambasHilor, in which he had rendered noteworthy services and displayed both wisdom and acumen, were agreed upon by all, Chanel Bibi Sultân, by way of acknowledging his excellent services in general, but especially during the period of the siege, in which he had earned the approbation of all, appointed him Vú ib and Pishvů of the kingdom, with the honourable title of Changiz Khân. He was likewise now appointed ambassador to Shah Murad, in order that by his wisdom and diplomatic ability poace might be concluded. In like manuer Mir Muhammad Zaman Riyavi, Mashhadi, was appointed envoy to the Khânkhânîn, and Sayyid Shah Bahram Astarábâdi was appointed envoy to Shahbaz Khân, to treat for peace. On Sunday, Rajab 10 (March 11, A.D. 1596) which day was the beginning of happier times, these envoys left the fort in accordance with the royal command and set about the business of their mission. When news of the dispatch of the embassy reached Shâb Murâd, he cominanced that the envoys should be lodged in the camp of Sayyid Murtaza, in order that, when he should summon them, Sayyid Murtaza might produce them before him. He then sent a messenger to sunnuon the Khân khånân, Shahbaz Khan, Râja 'Ali Khân, Şâdiq Muhammad Khân, and the rest of the great officers and amirs, and held a court at which the envoys might fitly be reccivedSayyil Murtaza then introduced Afzal Khân, now styled Changiz Khân, Mir Muhammad Zamân and Shah Bahrâm, and presented them to the prince. After the envoys had performed the kúrnish and taslim which are the forms of salutation observed at the court of the Chaghatái Pâdshahs, the prince and the Khânkhânån called them up and asked them the cause of the Warfare and the object of their mission, and then began to speak of peace. Afval-ul-Khawanin Changiz Khân then replicd with the usual complimentary exorclium. The prince was pleased with his speech and, after conferring on him a robe of honour, informed him that the conduct of negotiations was entrusted to the Khânkhânâu, and that they might make their representations to him with a view to the settlement of the matter.38)
The next day the Khân khânân, Shahbaz Khân, and Sadiq Muhammad Khan held a formal niccting to which they invited the envoys of Chand Bibi Sultan. The first proposal of the Mughul amirs was an attempt to seduce Afral-ul-Khawânîn Changiz Khân from his allegiance in order that the fort might fall into their hands: They promised him that if he would desert his mistress he should be made a commander of 5,000 and should receiv) any province of the Dakan that he might prefer, while he should always be consulted in all matters with an assurance that his advice should be followed. This, they said, should be his reward if he would show them how they might take the fort.390
389 The prince probably wished that the Khân khinen should bear tho disgrace ut inaking peacu. 390 These details of the negotiations are mentioned by no other authority.

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Afzal Khân replied that the capture of the fort by assault was an impossibility, that the only way of taking it was by starving the garrison or exhausting their ammunition, which was now not to be thought of, as the garrison had now ten years' supply of grain, powder, and munitions of war, that it numbered nearly 10,000 brave men, all loyal and true, mindful of the benefits which they had for years received from the Nizâm Shâhi dynasty, and ready to fight to the death for their queen rather to surrender the fortress.
When the Mughul army saw that their wiles had no effect on Afyal Khân they gave up all hope of capturing the fortress and began on a new tack. They said that as the late Burhan Nizam Shah had, at the time of his departure from Hindústân to the Dakan, presented the province of Berar as pi shkash to Akbar Pådshah, that province now rightly belonged to the empire, and the kingdom of Ahmadnagar should relinquish possession of it. They added that since the prince, Shah Murad, had come to the Dakan the whole of that country was in fact in his possession, and that it would be better for Aḥmadnagar to cede the province of Daulatâbâd with all its defences, in order that the Mughul army might raise the siege of Ahmadnagar and leave what remained of the Ahmadnagar kingdom to Bahadur Nizâm Shâh, who would then always be aided against his enemies by the emperor.
Afzal-ul-Khawânîn Changiz Khân replied that there was not at that moment a king on the throne of Ahmadnagar to whom this matter could be referred. The province of Berar, he said, belonged to the Sultans of the Dakan and was at that time occupied by the troops of Ahnadnagar. As for the suggestion regarding Daulatâbâd, it could only, he said, furnish additional ground for strife. The people of that province had for some time been in rebellion, had set up a king of their own, and refused to obey the coinmands of Chând Bibi Sultân. In spite of this, he said, the amirs of the Dakan, who were in the fort, would never listen to such a proposal and the negotiations would be delayed, or rather, entirely closed. He proceeded "Even if the queen's command ran in the province of Daulatâbâd, what army of the Dakan have you defeated that the province of Berar or of Daulatâbâd should be ceded to you? Your star was in the ascendant when you found dissensions rife among the amirs of this powerful kingdom, each one of whom had betaken himself off in a different direction, leaving the country devoid of troops. If we had had but 10,000 horse at the Ghat of Kálna. you would not have dared to cross our frontier! But now, behold, a great army of 100,000 of the best warriors of the Dakan is on its way to take vengeance on you, and it is even now within eight leagues of this place. First meet them, and give them their answer in the field, and then speak of conquests and cessions !"
Sadiq Muhammad Khan Ataliq, who was the de facto leader of the expedition into the Dakan, lost his temper at these words and said, “What nonsense is this? You, like a eunuch, are keeping a woman in the fort in the hope that she will come to your aid, or that you will obtain some assistanoe from her. This is the son of his Majesty the Emperor, Jalal-ud-dîn Muhammad Akbar, at whose court many kings gird up their loins to do service. Do you imagine that the crows and kites of the Dakan, who squat, like ants or locusts, over a few spiders, can cope with the descendant of Taimûr and his famous amirs, the Khânkhânân and Shahbaz Khân, for example, each of whom has conquered countries ten times as large as the Dakan? We have left this fortress to you as a refuge and have taken the rest for ourselves. In two or three days time we shall level your fortress with the dust, behold, it! is already taken! And then do you believe that your queen will retain her honour ? Do not you, who are men of the same race as ourselves, throw your selves away to no purpose."
Afzal Khan then replied: "I have eaten the salt of the Sultans of the Dakan for forty years, and when I entered this fortress I gave up all hope of life, property, and children. Now I have come to you to perform this duty. All must die, and I am prepared to die, nay, rather, have set my heart on martyrdom. I am come to you, for man cannot die better

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than by being slain for his benefactors, by this means obtaining an everlasting good name. I have heard that the emperor Akbar claims to be a god,391 and I now see that his amirs claim to be prophets. It was doubtless last night that inspiration descended on you that this country should be conquered by you. Is God most High, forsooth, neither art nor part in this matter that you issue the decisive decree that you will take this fort within the next few days? It is possible that, in accordance with the holy verse, 'How oft, by God's permission, hath a small host vanquished a numerous host!' 39 He will help the men of this country and turn you back unsuccessful from before this fortress. It is, moreover, evident to you that the people of this country have lived and live in enmity with Foreigners. I am a well-wisher of the emperor, and I consider it to be his benefit to withdraw the prince's great amirs from the neighbourhood of this fort, lest such a disaster as cannot be remedied befall them. The fort contains a large number of brave and fierce warriors who, if they fall, will be martyrs, and who, if they prevail, will be warriors in God's way. How can I command them to submit to you? The army of the Dakan is on the point of arriving, and you will then be surrounded and, after heavy losses and much hardship and toil, you will only with the utmost difficulty be able to retreat, and you will not be safe or at peace until you reach the presence of the emperor. What I now say will certainly be
reported to the emperor."
345
Mir Muḥammad Zaman also spoke well-weighed, manly, sober, and sincere words in that meeting place and silenced the enemy.
Some days were spent in such discussions as these and peace seemed to be far off when news of the approach of the army of the Dakan was repeatedly circulated through the Mughul camp. Spies reported that 70,000 good horse, with elephants and a strong force of artillery, were marching towards them stage by stage. The Mughul amirs now thought it high time to drop the fruitless discussions about Daulatâbâd and contented themselves with the province of Berar, on the basis of the cession of which peace was concluded.
On Tuesday, Rajab 23 (March 23, A.D. 1596) 393 the gates of war were closed and peaceful communications were opened between the two armies.
As the stores in the fort had now been entirely consumed the defenders were reduced to great straits, and while Afzal Khân was in the Mughul camp, they wrote to him imploring him to hasten, by all the means in his power, the conclusion of peace, and saying that they could not hold out for a day longer and that most of the garrison had, owing to the failure of the supplies, decided to let themselves down over the walls and flee to the Mughul camp. Afzal Khan therefore agreed with the Mughul amirs that Sayyid Murtaza and Qazi Ḥasan should be sent to the fortress to conclude the terms of peace and they, on arriving in the fortress, were favourably received by Chand Bibi Sultan and received marks of her royal favour. Terms of peace were soon agreed upon, the great officers of state in Ahmadnagar consenting, in view of the exigencies of the time, to the cession of Berar, and the treaty of peace and friendship was signed. 'Umdat-ul-Mulk Muhammad Khân Miyân Muntakhab, who had once more with his sword established his title to royal favour, and several great officers
381 This taunt, levelled at Akbar's theological vagaries, probably hit the orthodox amtras hard.
Qur'an ii, 250.
393 Firishta seems to agree in this date, for he says that the imperial army retreated early in April 1598 (F. ii, 318). According to the Akbarnama peace was concluded on March 2, but this does not appear to be probable.
كم من مكة كاملة قابت مكة كبيرة باذن الله 105

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of state in Ahmadnagar were sent to the prince, Shah Murad, to conclude the treaty there, and were kindly and favourably received, & robe of honour being conferred on Muhammad Khân. Peace having been thus happily restored, the affairs of the kingdom soon righted themselves, Sand Muhammad Khan, Changiz Khân, and the rest of the amirs and officers returned joyfully from the prince's camp to the fortress, where they were most favourably received by Chånd Bibi Sultan, who approved of all their exertions on behalf of the faith and the state. The Mughul army now raised the siege and withdrew from before the fortress, while the garrison, which had been reduced to great straits for want of food, came forth and purchased corn from the Mughuls, who had amassed great store of grain during the continuance of the siege. In two or three days' time the garrison had collected such store or corn that if the peace could have been broken and the state of siege 'restored, they would have had no anxiety.
When the news of the approach of the army of the Dakan, which was marching from the hill country and the district of Mânikdân, reached the Mughul army, the army of the Dakan was within five gdú of Ahmadnagar.
At first Shah Murad decided to fight them and, on the night of Rajab 27 (March 27, A.D. 1596), marched one stage from Ahmadnagar in their direction, but he then changed his mind and retreated, marching towards the ghat of Jeûr. Thence he marched towards Daulatbâd and, passing by Daulatâbâd, marched towards Hasápur and Berar?
When the news of the departure of the Mughul army reached the amirs and officers of the army of the Dakan, they advanced to Ahmadnagar and encamped in the village of Påtūri. Ikhlas Khân and most of the Nizâm Shâhî amirs sent petitions expressing their submission and obedience to Chånd Bibi Sultân and asked for assurances of forgiveness. These were issued to the amirs and officers of the army and they all received marks of the royal favour and enoouraging bonours. Ikhlas Khan and the rest of the African amirs then separated themselves from the 'Adil Shâh army and encamped in the garden of the 'Ibadat-Khina in the suburbs of the city and sent a messenger to ask that they might be admitted to an audience. A royal farman was issued, admitting them to an audienoe, and Ikhlâs with his son and his brothers, 'Aziz-ul-Mulk with his brothers, Malik Khân, Khudâ vand Khân, Hamid Khân with his sons, Farhad Khân, and Dalpat Rai were admitted at court and had the honour of paying their respects there, and received robes of honour and rich gifts.
As Miran Shah 'Ali was in the hands of the Africans and all the Africans had wished to raise him to the throne, now that the African amirs paid their respects to Chând Bibi, he became alarmed and fled for safety to the 'Adil Shahi army, where he remained under the protoction of Suhail Khan. A body which had been sent from the army of the Dakan in pursuit of Miran Shâh 'Ali failed to come up with him, but plundered his tents and camp equipag and all his property, and then returned.

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BOOK-NOTICES
BOOK-NOTICES.
COINS and CHRONOLOGY OF THE EARLY INDEPENDENT SULTANS OF BENGAL, by NALINI KANTA BHATTASALI, M.A., Curator, Dacca Museum. W. Heffer and Sons, Ltd., 4, Petty Cury, Cambridge, 1922.
This excellent monograph, which is marked by careful reasoning and sound scholarship, owes its publication in the present form to a remarkable find of 346 silver coins of the Bengal Sultans, discovered in the wall of a deserted house in a village in the Dacca District. The hoard might never have reached the notice of the local authorities, had not the finders quarrelled among themselves over their shares of the treasure and so aroused the interest of the police, who promptly seized the hoard before the finders had time to conceal or otherwise dispose of any of the coins. The Collector of Dacca subsequently requested Mr. N. K. Bhattasali to examine and report upon the hoard, and in pursuance of that request the author prepared the present monograph, which in 1920 was awarded a prize from the Griffith Memorial Fund by the University of Calcutta.
The hoard has proved to be extremely important from the standpoint of history and numismatics; for not only did it contain large numbers of the hitherto rare coins of Azam Shah, Hamza Shah, Bayazid Shah and Muhammad Shah, but it also proves the existence of a hitherto unknown King, Firoz Shah, son of Bayazid Shah. There were also three coins of a mysterious Hindu King Danuja-marddana Deva and one coin of his successor Mahendra Deva. The author deals succinctly with each Sultan in turn, comparing such information about them as has hitherto been available with the facts deducible from expert scrutiny of these newly-discovered coins. The result is a considerable addition to our knowledge of the political history of Bengal in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries A.D., and several new and important disclosures regarding the dates and identity of the Kings who succeeded in turn to the thrones of Lakhnauti and Sonargaon.
Perhaps the most interesting deduction is the identification of Danujamarddana Deva with the Hindu Raja Ganesh, who after the death of Bayazid Shah in A.D. 1414, drove the Muham. madans from northern Bengal. Mr. Bhattasali shows that Raja Ganesh abdicated in A.D. 1415 in favour of his son Jadu, who embraced Islam and assumed the name of Jalalu'ddin Muhammad Shah. The latter, however, did not reign 'very long; for in A.D. 1416 he was dethroned and reconverted to Hinduism, whereupon Raja Ganesh once again usurped the sovereignty. But the tale of Jadu's conversions and reconversions was not yet complete. In A.D. 1418 Raja Ganesh died whereupon his son, Jadu, who apparently
347
changed his faith as lightly as he changed his garments, ascended the throne under the title of Mahendra Deva and then a few months later, towards the close of A.D. 1418, again turned Musalman and resumed his former title of Jalalu'ddin Muhammad Shah. He eventually died in A.D. 1431. Some of his coins were minted at Chatgaon, which is identical with Chittagong, and, as Mr. Bhattasali shows in an illuminating note, with the "Sadkawan " of Ibn Batuta.
Mr. Bhattasali has furnished his monograph with photographs of the more important coins, with a useful synchronistic table of Christian and Hijra years, and with a good index. The publi cation will be appreciated by students of Indian history and numismatics.
S. M. EDWARDES.
PROGRESS REPORT OF THE ARCHEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA, WESTERN CIRCLE, for the year ending March 31st, 1921. Government Central Press, Bombay, 1922.
a
This is a very interesting report, reflecting much credit on the superintendent of the Survey. Part IV, which deals with Exploration, includes full details of the monuments and relics discovered and examined during the year in Sind, Gujarat, the Deccan, and various Indian States. The Rewa State yielded three new inscriptions, dating from the eleventh century, which give supplementary information. about the Chedi dynasty. One of them brings to light a hitherto unknown line of subordinate kings of the Chedi Era, who were staunch Buddhists. A relic of another was kind yielded by Rewa gun, which had been brought to the State from the Maharaja's palace in Allahâbâd. This gun, which was cast in the reign of Sher Shah and is one of the oldest guns in India, bears a couplet and Persien prose inscription similar to that found on other guns cast by Sayyid Ahmad of Constantinopole, and also an inscription in Sanskrit which records that in A.D. 1702 the gun was obtained by Rudrasinha of the Ahom dynasty, of Assam, after defeating the King of Hidimba (modern Cachar). Mr. Banerji also paid a visit to the valuable collection of carved bricks and terracotta plaques made by the late Dr. Tessitori and now housed in the palace at Bikaner, and points out that some of the plaques date back to the Kushân period and support the belief that the portion of the modern Bikaner State, which lay along the old course of the Hakra or "lost river," was within the orbit of the great school of sculpture at Mathura.
At Bijapur steps have been taken to strengthen an old Baobab tree in the compound of the Dis. trict Judge's bungalow, which is one of the execution trees used by the Adilshah Sultans for

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
(NOVEMBER, 1926
hanging their prisoners. The Ratnagiri District provided an important find of silver lurins, ranging in date from A. H. 964 to 1018, of which two bear a legend in Kanarese. Hitherto it has been up posed that All Adil Shah I was the first prince to strike coins in his own name; but the earliest of the larins in this hoard must be assigned to Ibrahim I. Some of the coins disclose a new name Tahmasp-perhaps the father of IbrAhim I. The researches of the department brought to light also at Broach two Muhammadan inscriptions of the time of the Tughlaq dynasty of Delhi, as well as records of the time of Shah Jahan and Farrukhsiyar and two later Mughal rulers. A new copper-plato grant of Naravarman of the Para mara dynasty of M&lava (A.D. 1110-11) was found in possession of an art collector in Bombay.
Mr. Banorji makes some pertinent remarks upon the neglect of the authorities in past years to strengthen the weaker portions of the famous Portuguese monuments at Bassein, in consequence of which a part of the fine barrel-vault of the Dominican church has now collapsed, and presumably can never be repaired. He also cites an instance of wilful damage by contractors. The débris of some old monuments at Bassein was sold by the P.W.D. to a firm engaged in building now police lines. The contractors thereupon proceeded to augment the débris by deliberately quarrying the existing portions of the Franciscan church and monastery, the Captain's palace and other monumenta of Portuguese rule, undermining them in such a manner that the next mongoon might cause them to fall in ruin. They actually out up one of the inscribed tomb-stones and carted the pieces, away to the site of the new polico. barracks, where fortunately they were discovered. Vandalism of this kind should be heavily punishod, but the report is silent as to the ponalty, if any, imposed on the contractors.
The Report which includes a full description of the monuments explored in Western and Con. tral India, is embellished with many good photographs, and affords ample proof of the valuablo activity of Mr. Banerji and his assistants.
• S. M. EDWARDES.
and the characters and the plot of the drama, the translator refers to the vexed question of the dato of Bhasa and of the authorship of this and the other twelve plays, but does not himself attempt to solve the problem. Bhattanatha Svamin of Kumbakonam published a paper in this journal for December, 1916, (pp. 189-95), in which he denied that the Swapnatieavadatta and the other twelve plays ascribed to Bhasa are really the work of that early author, and charao. terized the plays as "quite modern." His view was to some extent supported by Dr. Barnett who suggested that these works were not written earlier than the seventh century A.D. We are disposed, however, to prefer the opinion of Dr. Max Lindenau who places Bhase in the last quarter of the second century A.D., and relies upon internal evidence, discussed with much elaboration, for the support of his view that Bhasa was indeed the author of the plays.
The translator has given close attention to the structure and details of this particular drama ; and his rendering seems to have caught the spirit of the original, in which the superiority of the Brabman over all other men is constantly im. pressed upon the reader. We are not certain that “Middleman" is quite a happy translation of the Sanskrit Madhyama, though that is its literal meaning. Modern Associations have in. vested the word with a peculiar significance, which cannot be wholly suppressed. Is Dr. Janvier correct in his statement that the epithet Vrikodard (wolf-belly) was applied to Bhima on account of his enormous appetite? In an anno. tated edition of tho Kanarese poem Jaimini Bharata, published in Mysore, the term was said to refer to the hairy chest of the Pandava hero, not to his capacity for consumption of food. The use of the word "caste", too, in reference to the four-fold division of Manu is usually held now to be misleading, the Brahman, Kshatriya, Vaish and Shudra being more correctly described as "classes." But these minor matters in no way mar the worth of the translation, which is certain of a warm welcome from Sanskritists and others engaged in the study of ancient Indian literature.
S. M. EDWARDES. SELECTIONS FROM AVESTA AND OLD PERSIAN
(First Series), Part I. Edited with Translations and Notes, by IRACH JEHANGIR S. TARAPOREWALA, Calcutta. Published by the Calcutta University and Printed at the Baptist Mission Pross, 1922.
The author of this work is Professor of Com. parative Philology in the Calcutta University and has prepared this series of selections from the Avesta for the help of those Indian students who choose Comparative Philology as one of their
THE MADHYAMA VYAYOGA, & drama composed by the poet BHASA, translated from the original Sanskrit, with introduction and notes by Rev. E. P. JANVIER The Woaleyan Mission Press, Mysore, 1921.
This English edition of one of the much-discussed plays of Bhasa was originally presented by the author to the Faculty of the Graduate School in the Pennsylvania University in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Dootor of Philosophy. In the course of his introductory essay, which discusses the position of the Sanskrit poet, the historical setting of the play,

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NOVEMBER, 1923)
BOOK-NOTICES
349
Habjects of study. This fact doubtless accounts as untenable the suggestion of the lato Dr. Vincent for the strange method of spelling Iranian words Smith that the Licchavis were of Tibetan origin, followed throughout the work, both in the text pointing out that the practice of exposing the and in the notes. Philologists may find no diffi. corpaes of the dead, which Dr. Smith held to be culty in accepting “Gada" for "Gatha," but indicative of Mongolien affinities, is proved by the ordinary onquirer will probably find himself passages in the Atharva-Veda to have been wellnon-plussed occasionally by this novel orthogra. known to the Vedic Aryans. He likewise rejects play. The inclusion in the book of a loose leaf the alternative theories of a Persian and a Yue. containing a "transliteration key” inay perhaps chi origin, and argues from passages in the eanobe accepted as evidence that the author himself nical literature of the Buddhists and Jains that realizes the diffioulties which confront the average ! they were Aryan Kshatriyas of the same caste reader, brought face to face for the first time with or class as the Buddha. By the time of Manu this method of spelling.
thoy were regarded as Vratya Kshatriyas, which The notes which follow the various excerpts the author interprets to signify Kshatriyas of from the Avesta text are copious and illuminating, pure descent who had grown careless of Brahman and we gather from the preface that the work ceremonial and had therefore been excluded from has been scrutinized before publication by Shams- the Savitri or rite of initiation. ul-ulama Dr. J. J. Modi of Bombay, whose repu
An instructive chapter on the Liechavi capital, tation Man Iranian scholar has long been firmly
Vainali, is followed by an account of their manners established both in Europe and India. Wo do
and customs, which throws an interesting side. not, however, entirely agree with the author's
light on the Licchavi character, their religious view, expressed in the notes on The Vara of Yima,
and philosophical ideas, and their system of govern that the story of the Doluge does really represent
ment and the administration of justice. It great catastrophe in the history of the human
seems tolerably clear that the tribe or clan was race, and that the Deluge and the Ice-Age were
governed by an oligarchical sasembly, each mem. in some way connected. On this subject we
ber of which was styled R&ja; and if the author prefer the views of Sir James Frazer to those of
is correct in suggesting that the Buddhist sangha Mr. H. G. Wells or the late Mr. Bal Gangadhar
was directly modelled upon the political assembly Tilak. The first-named authority has clearly
or corporation of the Licchavis and other tribes stated in his Folk-Lore in the Old Testament that,
in north-eastern India, we obtain at once consi" while there is reason to believe that many derable light upon the constitution and managediluvial traditions dispersed throughout the world
ment of these tribal governments. are based on reminiscences of catastrophee which
In regard to their political history, it is obsoractually ocorred, there is no good ground for holding that any such traditions are older than
ved that the author accepts as authontác the story & few thousand years at most; wherever they
of Ajatasatru being a parricide. But it is not
improbable that Ajatasatru, like many later Indian appear to describe vast changes in the physical
rulers, did not confine his royal favour to configuration of the globe, which must be roferred
any one sect, and that the tale of his crime and to more or less remote epochs of geologic time,
of Dovadatta's plotting is the product of odium they probably embody, not the record of contem
theologicum, which has done so much to falsify porary witnesses, but the speculation of much
the history of Ancient India. In later years, when later thinkers. Compared with the great natural
in consequence of Asoka's patror.age Buddhism features of our planet, man-is but a thing of yes.
became pre-eminent in northern India, leanings terday, and his memory a dream of the night." Apart from these criticisms, Mr. Taraporewala
towards Jainism, such as Ajataastru may have
shown, would have been regarded as criminal deserves to be congratulated on a worthy addition
by ecclesiastical chroniclers. This supposition is to the literature of Iranian research.
in no way weakened by the facts, stated by Mr. 8. M. EDWARDES.
B. C. Law, that Buddhism was extremely popular KSATRIYA OLANS IN BUDDHIST INDIA, by BIMAL among the Licchavis, and that Ajatasatru wa
CHARAN LAW, with a foreword by the Hon. consistently hostile to the Licchavis, whose indeSir Asutosh Mookerjee; Thacker, Spink pendence he eventually succeeded in subduing and Co., Calcutta, 1922.
by tho accepted Oriental method of secretly This book represents an attempt to give a con Bowing dissension among them. nected history of some of the Ksatriya clans in The latter portion of the book dealt with the Ancient India in the time of Buddha. The larger Videh As, Mallas, Sakyae and minor clans. The portion of the book is devoted to an account of author traverses Dr. Smith's identification of the important but rather mysterious Licchavi Kusinagara with some site within the borders olan, whose precise origin and character are still of Nepal, and prefers Cunningham's identification the sabjoct of speculation. The author rejects with Kasia village in Gorakhpur District. He

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
bases his view on the distance between Pava and Nepal, which the Buddha would not have had the strength to cover in his illness; and the dis covery of the copper-plate behind, the Nirvana temple in Kasia, discussed by Pargiter in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1913, certainly supports his contention. On the other hand Kusinagara had long been deserted in the time of the Chinese pilgrims, whereas building was continuous at Kasia throughout the Gupta period and afterwards. In his remarks on the Moriyas of Pipphalivana-a little known clan
NOTES AND QUERIES.
"APOLLO" BANDAR, BOMBAY.
The origin of the name "Apollo" Bandar-the spot which has witnessed the arrival and depar. ture of so many Viceroys, Governors, and other distinguished visitors to India has long been a subject of speculation. The various derivations of the word "Apollo" have been enumerated by me in the Gazetteer of Bombay City and Island, vol. I, page 25, as follows:
"The origin of Apollo (Bandar) is still undetermined. In Aungier's agreement (1872-74) it appears as Polo, while in 1743 it is written Pallo; and the original form of these words is variously stated to have been palva (a large war vessel), and pallav (a cluster of sprouts or shoots). A third derivation is from padao (small tradingvessel), known to Bombay residents of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries as the class of vessel chiefly used by the Malabar pirates. Of the three derivations that from pallav is perhaps the most plausible." In a footnote on page 26, I quoted the testimony of Dr. Gerson da Cunha to the effect that as late as 1860 the Girgaum Road, which led from the Apollo Bandar across the Esplanade to Girgaum, was known as Palva Road, and I myself have seen it marked Pallow Road in an old map of the Municipal wards.
A recent article in this Journal on the 'Origin of the Pallavas 'by Mr. O. Rasanayagam Mudaliyar of Colombo, appears to corroborate indirectly the derivation of the name from pallav, though in the sense of a sprout' or a shoot', not a cluster of sprouts or shoots' as I originally wrote. The author of the article alluded to traces the -origin of the name of the Pallava dynasty of Southern India from the island of Manipallavam, which was the home of the Naga mother of the
[NOVEMBER, 1923
the author records that they were connected by matrimonial alliance with the Nandas, and prof fers the interesting suggestion that they may have been the progenitors of the imperial Mauryas of Magadha. Mr. Law's book is obviously the result of steady inquiry and research, and we readily associate ourselves with Sir A. Mookerjee's expression of hope that the author will continue his investigations and ultimately give us a complete history of all the Kshatriya clans which flourished. in Buddhistic and post-Buddhistic times. S. M. EDWARDES.
earliest Pallava king and has now been identified with the modern Jaffna peninsula in Ceylon. He, points out that pallavam is a Tamil word, meaning a sprout or branch of a tree; and that the word must have been applied by the Tamils to the peninsula in ancient times, because to anyone sailing from India to Ceylon it would have seemed by its shape and position to resemble naturally a sprout or shoot from the parent island.
The Tamil word pallavam is indentical with the Kanarese pallava, which has the same meaning. We know that there was a considerable Dravidian element in the early population of Bombay sland, and that the first code of laws. dating from 1670, was published in Portuguese and Kanarese, which indicates that the latter language was known to the earliest inhabitants. Secondly, a scrutiny of old maps of Bombay, e.g., Fryer's map of 1672 or the map of Bombay and adjoining Islands published in 1724, will show that Mendham's Point, which was the southern extremity of the main Island before the days of reclamation and the union of Colaba, jutted out southwards in a sharp point resembling a shoot, sprout or twig of the parent Island.
Taking all these facts into consideration, is it not conceivable that the train of thought which led Tamil seamen and others to apply the term pallavam to the Jaffna promontory of Ceylon was likewise responsible for the application of the name pallava to the out-jutting tongue of land on the south side of the Fort, which was known familiarly as Mendham's Point during the early years of British rule, but as "Pallo " and "Palva" in official documents and in the street nomenclature of a later date? The analogy seems to me to confirm the view that Apollo " is merely an Anglo-Indian corruption of the Kana. rese word pallava ().
"
8. M. EDWARDESĮ

Page #367


Page #368

PLAN OF THE MANDALAY PALACE WHEN CAPTURED BY THE BRITISH TROOPS.
Indian Anton
North Car
.
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un
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ano corre
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on the north and th of this cond ere all in King Meade's me by intele Wooden Balliage with Carregated fra Kota We Second die ditto, with Planked or Thia Tu Boda . ..
to came by Palace
Oh Xit T T o the Regeln
ard # B
ANIA 11 PAS two rin 1-An evenly Slatine miom, now the Chief Commisioan átaing room. Deum at which the King and with his belants the
-Prvy Coronel Chambre de
la From itsbe watched the Britik ne slab i to al DUTTAA Offers were here pre troape sur Mandalay
White Elephant wted to Royal of the body of Klex Man ley la state here, so the water w The house
s
arkitehes. A fent throbe which blandat the were alle of the Peon The
w a ll of the
photographie studie baldi diri IRLO ANJO Pome, ad robing room
Y-Bye task or Trenery one where the Alwis Wasser Privy Consellore mat.
2-Hount for Paws Native Theatrical Perfor , The B e st of ZW dance room for Q
for rares e Farlaus sporta nu hareback na kingad Qasas pertalian
41-Thabr Lover where the one and the watches e
tres plays a the NA kind of There are cleared way.
A- richly door K
lo which the king the
T
h i prihood id on here, but we
ZZ-The Honth Darten Palaos. Tru J-Orgially the Qur' YO Thewl
k iod of peale house by king Thahaw And it wwe in the frout verandah of the house that he w take prisoner by Colonel
e I- D
of Sir Frederick Roberta o
Site. It 1. Be the ev Rou. Wale war by King Vatte to the sales Process the daughter of
he Winter
for the replies of T A n Turk The of the latest offer
played the endles , le King Thilawums to
1 er Pan Throne of the first het 0.
of es ne bote Pared that w
ed whes Eleg siged the worst for the appointment of a ere all
T-Seil Throse,
welling room for T e ste down then ,
the Best Led VL-Deilurone The King here at the White Elephant led to courts the centre of with the Day thr . This co - TIL-Prerok Three Tep Viewing the Royal Home INTER N AS
Y
TAB Where the indiwe receive X The spot where the foundation stone of the palace was found
Lader: Stanford fiesta!
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Page #369

ខ
2
.
3
13
una w
Chara contained in the Foundation Stone of Mandalay Palace
The Cherm.

Page #370

သဖွံ့နှံ့ သိရွိသည္။သဿကံပဉ္စသတ သဟံသာ မာမိ သိရသာမဟံ၊ တ ဦးသိသဦးဘာဒီဂရီ နီ ́နတီမီယား” ကာရားဘာဝံနီဟွာသိန္ဒီစီးခံနေကံအီဟဲ” ముకు Hitcinn
Charm contained in the Foundation Stone of Mandalay Palace.
The mode of reading the Charm.

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DECAMBER, 1923) A PROTECTIVE CHARM FROM THE ROYAL PALACE AT MANDALAY 351
A PROTECTIVE CHARM FROM THE ROYAL PALACE AT MANDALAY.
BY SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE, Bt. The Third Burmese War (1885-1889) broke out towards the ond of 1885, and what remained of the Burmese Empire was annexed by the British Crown on 1st January 1886. This last political act necessitated many changes in the Royal Palace at Mandalay, its capital. With those I was intimately concerned in my official capacity thero for threo years from 1887 to 1889, both years inclusive. The Palace had to be transformed from a typical mediæval Far Eastern stockaded enclosure of 200 acres into the Head Quarters of a XIXth Century local administration of the British type, while the newly conquered country, henceforth to be known as Upper Burma, was being organised as a British Indian Province.
As the country became pacified and the need for special protection no longer prossing, the former walled Royal City of Mandalay of 1,000 acres, of which the Palace formed the centre, was evacuated of its 65,000 inhabitants--a long and complicated operation put into my hands. This proceeding was necessary in order to form a Cantonment, and as the fashion then was, a City of Refuge for British troops and residents : and then the sanitation of the Palace stockaded enclosure became a matter of paramount importance. This in its turn necessitated inter alia the exposing to the open air of its crowdod buildings and of the area on which they stood as far as possible, an oporation involving the removal of the mighty palisade surrounding it. The palisade consisted of solid teak posts twelve inches in diameter and some twelve feet high, a few only on either side the Eastern gato being preserved to show what the palisade had been like. All the gates with their solid brick pillars wero destroyed.
In 1889 the last gato loft-the Eastern Gate-was dismantled, and as I had information that the "Foundation Stone" of the Palace had been deposited in one of its brick pillars, I gave instructions that if anything of the kind was discovered, information was to be given me before it was removed or tampered with. I well remember an agitated Burmese official coming running to me in my quarters in the Palace (marked R on Plan attached) not far from the Gate, to tell me that the stone" had been found. I went at once and found it in situ, embedded about four-and-a-half feet from the ground in the right hand pillar (as one left the Palace) of the inner approach to the East Gate, at the spot marked with a cross in the Plan. The “stone” consisted of an inscribed stone coffer with a stone cover about eighteen inches square and twelve inches deep, hollowod out to contain a small thin silver plate about eight inches square. On taking off the lid or cover it was found that on the silver plate was lightly engraved a charm for the protection of the Palace (vide Plates of "The Charm "attached).
It was one of many about the Palace, and subsequently to its discovery a MS. book was found there, showing that a great number of such protective charms were placed about it. The site of each was explained in the MS., with the aid of which several of them were brought to light. I remom ber seeing the book and examining it, and afterwards assisting in the discovery of some of the charms, but neither the book nor the charms were ever in my possession and I do not remember what became of them.
A similar inscribed stone coffer was found in the left hand pillar of the same gate, also four-and-a-half feet from the ground, but there was neither silver plate nor charm in it.
The inscriptions on the stones were in modern Burmese ; vide facsimiles on Plates A and B taken from estampages made by myself at the time. Mandalay was founded by King Mindon Min in 1857 and the Palace was completed in 1858, so it may be presumed that the right-hand stone coffer and its contents were about thirty years old when discovered.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[ DECEMBER, 1923
The inscriptions on the two stones are identical and most unfortunately faulty in the same place.
INSCRIPTION ON THE STONES.
Text.
1. Thathanidaw 2401 Gawza-thekkayit 1219 k'u B'awashin Min: taya: gyi: P'aya: 2. Nan: zan 6 hnit-myauk Mandalê: ayat-hnaik Shwê-myodawgy: gỗ pan : đông :
kanet saik
3. Hmat-yuê Shwê-nan: myodaw tilók sannêdaw mûya tanga: nidaw myoyo : le’wè 4. Ayat 3 k'an-dwin In : t'i-thwin: hmyôk-hnan thi kyauk-thitta.
Translation.
4. [This is] the stone coffer, in which the Charm is placed and encased [buried] about three cubits [from the ground]
3. In the wall on the left hand side of the Royal Red Gate of the Royal dwelling-place, [which was] founded and built as a Royal golden-Palace, marked out
2. And established' at the great Golden City at Mandalay, in the sixth year of the reign of
1. [Mindon Min] the Lord of the Great Law and Master of Life, in the Secular Year 1219 and the Canonical Year 2401 [both working out to A.D. 1857].
It will be observed that the lines of the translation are numbered in the inverse order of those of the text. This is in consequence of the Burmese way of thinking and speaking, which is in the inverse order of English thought and speech. The Englishman states the fact and then explains the circumstances:-" He-killed the-woman with-the-axe by-a-blow on-the-head." The Burman explains the circumstances and then states the fact:-" onthe-head by-a-blow with-the-axe the woman he-killed." In reading a Burmese petition it is safest to commence at the end and read backwards. This process has been applied to this inscription and it will be seen with success.
The stones were sent to the Phayre Museum at Rangoon in 1889, but the silver plate was kept back in order to get the charm read and explained, which was a difficult matter, as will be seen from the remarks which follow. It was therefore put aside, owing no doubt to the conditions obtaining in a country still in a state of war, or rather of armed disturb. ances such as are common after war, and then forgotten. At any rate it was deciphered and put away, and after 30 odd years I came across it among old papers and now hasten to publish it. It has at last been restored to the stone from which it came.
The charm is really in cipher, as the letters, or rather syllabary, of its words are laid out on a winged chess-board and can only be read by employing a particular order of "the Knight's Tour." Otherwise it is quite unintelligible in any language: vide Plates of "the Charm," explaining the successive moves by means of numerals. This is not an uncommon device of the Burmese. Anyone following the moves thus explained will find them complicated, and that, even when the key is known, they are not easy to follow and must always be difficult to concoct. It is a good cipher.
The decipherment shows the language to be the modern form of Pali in use among the Burmese and the general sense to be a prayer to the supernatural spirits (nats), which haunt the Burmese and the world they live in, to give the Palace every protection. The whole has, however, been given a Buddhist turn.
1 The reading here is obscure, owing to faults in both stones, but it is no doubt, pan: dông: kanet saik with the sense, 'planted deeply the pole of authority' (pan: dong :) i.c., established.' The term kanet is Talaing, meaning 'a peg' or 'plan,' corresponding to the Burmese panet. Talaing terms are often used in connection with the Burmese Palace, and this very phrase kanet saik hmat has been found in a Burmese diary of King Thibaw's time. Information from Prof. Duroiselle and Mr. Godfrey Harvey.

Page #373

DWOMBRE, 1923-) A PROTECTIVE CHARM FROM THE ROYAL PALACE AT MANDALAY 353
--F1-441 LHATJUKE
THE CHARM.
Text. Sambuddhé atthavisancha | dvadasañcha sahassake || panchasatasahassani namami sirasâ'mahan. Tosam Dhammancha Sanghanchal adarêna nama'maham. | Namakt. ra-'nubhavêna, hitvå sabbê ubbadda vê, l aneka antarâyâ'pi vina.santu asêsato. |
Translation. The supreme Buddhas, both the Twenty-eight and the Twelve, [counting by] the thousand, [even] Five-hundred-thousand, I [the King] worship with my lowly salutation. Both their Law and their Order with respect I reverence. (So that] by the efficacy of veneration, [with] all evil-fortunes put away, the manifold dangers [about me) vanish utterly.
The text is in verse: the soansion of the five lines, of sixteen syllables each, of the poem being marked above by the signs and I. It will be perceived that the Buddhism of the charm is of the Mahåyåna (Northern) and not of the Hinayana (Southern) typo. This makes one presume the charm to be the work of some PÔnnå, Northern Indian, nominally Manipuri, soothsayer, of the kind that abounded in the Palace and ruled its ceremonial.
The Knight's Tour. The solution of the problem of the Knight's Tour given in this charm is of great interest, and it is worth while to go into the question here to some extent, promising that the problem extends to eighty squares on a winged board, and is not confined to the ordinary eight-square ohess board of sixty-four squares.
In 1837 there was brought out in London a small book, called Indian Reminiscences, from the papers of George Augustus Addison, a young servant of the East India Company, who died in Batavia in 1814, aged 22, as Private Secretary to Sir Stamford Raffles. It is a wonderful production for so young a man and shows him to have been what his Chief said of him: "His abilities and acquirements were remarkably great, and his application and exertions unwearied " It may be noted in addition that the range of his reading and his powers of observation must have been quite unusual.
Amongst the subjects he tackled was the solution of the celebrated old problem of the Knight's Tour on an ordinary chess board of sixty-four squares, or as it was then called 'the Knight's Trick at Chess,'' which has puzzled many a European mathematician searching for a general rule. It has, of course, been solved empirically from time to time, but not always on the same lines. Solutions worked out by repeated trials were published as long ago as 1722, and were on sale in Paris on cards from 1777 onwards. These facts induced Addison to make an attempt to find a general rule, which he proceded to do in four rather difficult pages and claims to have succeeded in his effort. His final solution is in the Plato "Correct Knight's Tour."
The real problom is to fill;a chess-board of sixty-four squares by sixty-four consecutive knight's moves. The key point of Addison's solution is that the last station of the knight must be within a knight's move of the first station, which must be in the top left-hand corner of the board as above. Otherwise there will be only sixty-three, not sixty-four, moves made, although the board will have been filled up.
Commenting on this solution, a writer in the Indian Antiquary, vol. XI (1882), p. 115, points out that the Brahmans of Western India (Bhaunagar) had an empirical solution of the problem, which was preserved in a mnemonic Anushţubh bloka, covering half the board (thirty-two squares), and by repetition the whole sixty-four squares ; thus -
• The continuous text in the Plate does not quite follow that of the chese board, e.g., in square twenty-throo the toxt has 889, in the text below it is written 8a. Similarly in squares thirty-four and thirty-eight the text has ea and san respectively and below these are both reproduced as sa. The text is not always classical' as it has sahassakd for sahassikt and ubbaddavd for upaddant, 3 Indian Reminiscences or The Bengal Moofussul Miscellany.
"General Solution of the Knight's Trick at Chess," op. cit., pp. 19-24.

Page #374

354
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
DECEMBER, 1923
Sloka. Kesajhannâgabhattâya têdhakhêvañarághabê
Shâjathadhêpachammêthê dânâhâchheladophanga. This stoka did not, however, solve the problem in sixty-four moves, as it did not bring the last station of the knight to a knight's move from the first. In fact it moved the knight only sixty-three times, though he appeared to make sixty-four moves by counting his first position as move No. 1, which it is not. It was also not true to itself, as it left out the syllable sa, which comes before ha, the thirty-second syllable of the Dôvan ågari gyllabary, la being looked on as a late addition. The written diagram is shown on the Plate, "Indian Knight's Tour."
Burmese Oke88. In vol. VII of the Asiatic Researches (1803), pp. 480-505, there is a long posthumous paper on the 'Burmha Game of Chess' by Hiram Cox, written in his inimitable manner. He gives an elaborate account, with diagrams, of chess as evolved everywhere, from China, Burma, India and Persia to Europe, showing all the varieties to be essentially forms of but one original game. The Burmese game would seem to have been derived from India at some period from its name, which, though pronounced nowadays as sittayin, is spelt chachturang, obviously a form of the Sanskrit chaturanga, the Four Armies, just as the Persian shatranj is another corruption of the same word. I have said above" at some poriod” advisedly, because the Burmese board is set out quite differently from the Indian, and Boems, if anything, to be more allied to the Chinese method of setting out than to the Indian.
Be this as it may, the Knight's Moves, or Steed's Leaps as the Burmeze say, are the same as those of Europe and India, and therefore the problem of the Knight's Tour is the same to the Burmese as to the European or Indian, and must be solved on the same principles.
It will be observed that in the instance before us the problem has been to complete the Tour in eighty moves, not in sixty-four, and therefore the board has been extended by sixteen squares by adding four wings of four squares each, one on each side of it. It is thus quite a different board from the usual one. But tho interesting point is that the problem has been correctly solved, because the eightieth position is a knight's move from the first, (vide diagrams on the Plates of the "Burmese Knight's Tour").
For those who cannot follow the Devanagari syllabary, I here state the diagram in the Plate "Indian Knight's Tour by Figures," following the Devanagari order of syllables.
Compare this diagram ("Indian Knight's Tour by Figures") with Addison's given above, and it will be seen that the 64th move will not reach square No. 1 and so make the board filled up by moves. To be correct the figure 64 should be where 8 is found or at the square marked 2. Even the half boards are incorrect, for the 32nd station should be at 8 or 2, and the 64th at 40 or 34.
8 There is a short note on it in Ind. Ant., vol. I (1872), quoting Dr. F. Mason, A Working Man's Life
6 The modern pronunciation of the word for chess in Burmese is sit-tayin or oil-thayin. This means that it is spelt, in the Burmese syllabary of Indian origin, as chach-turang or chach-surang, both spelling and pronunciation being arrived at by folk-etymology, as the division of the syllables is wrong. The word in Sanskrit is chatur-anga, 'four (chatur)-divisions (anga), or, as it is a "fighting game, 'four. armies. This sense is preserved in the Burmese sit-tayin (or chach-turang), sit (chach) meaning army in that vernacular. It will be observed that the real sense of the latter part of the Sanskrit compound has been lost, the invented terminant turang being nowadays given the traditional interpretation of 'oommander.' The real Burmese term for 'army-commander' is sit-ks, rendered by Cox in his astonishing method of transcription by chekoy. Cox's Burhman Empire, by the way, is well worth reproducing and editing, if only for the Hobson-Jobsons in it, which are innumerable, and due apparently to an attempt to transliterate the words a spelt, and at the same time to transcribe them se pronounced with the aid of a faulty linguistic ear. The modern Burmese name for chess is sometimes pronounced sit-phayin, with the sense of 'war-lord,-a further stop in folk-etymology striving for a meaning.

Page #375

လ၅ က်
စပါယ်
Burmese Inscription on the Foundation Stone of the Palace at Mandalay.
၃၆ft
ခင်းသာ
GO9c
R. C. TEMPLE
SCALE 57
W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.

Page #376

Burmese Inscription on the Foundation Stone of the Palace at Mandalay.
Mooreca
cleodoredaccoglicablococcoce
သ ရ ကရင်
မှတ်
SCALE $57

Page #377

Indian Antiquary.
BURMESE KNIGHT'S TOUR IN 80 MOVES ON WINGED BOARD.
1 16 | 30 65
31 2
62 17
28
15
2746
66
63
18
26
129
79
360 33
40
1142
| 72
25
13-
10
77
68
73
48
57
34
12
39
241976
55
70
49
53
38
23 8
51
3621
37

Page #378

Indian Antiquary.
· INDIAN KNIGHT'S TOUR BY FIGURES.
30
24
27
4
52
35
34
36
55
38
39

Page #379

Indian Antiquary.
A CORRECT KNIGHTS TOUR.
36 52459
25
2
27
38
63
54
55
18
4340

Page #380

Indian Artinary.
INDIAN KNIGHT'S TOUR.
ke
jha
nna
bha
ttaya
te
khe
gha
be
sha
tha
dhe
cha
mme
chhe
pha
nga
jha
nna
khe
sha
tha
dhe.
da
hā
chhe
la
pha
nga

Page #381

DECEMBER, 19231
MALABAR MISCELLANY
356
MALABAR MISCELLANY.
BY T. K. JOSEPH, B.A., L.T.
1. Another Persian Cross in Travancore. The two stone slabs in the Valiya Palli (Great Church) at Kottayam, with a cross and inscription carved on each are well known to archæologists and form, together with the three Syrian Copper Plates of the reigns of Sthåņu Ravi and Vira Raghava, the most interesting of the antiquarian objects inspocted by distinguished visitors to Travancore. The abovementioned slabs are believed to have been brought from an old church at Cranganore (Muziris of the old travellers) in Cochin and set up in the church which dates from A.D. 1550,1 by Archbishop Mar Abraham (died 1597) on the occasion of its reconstruction in A.D. 1577.3
In A.D. 1547, while repairing an old hermitage on the Great Mount near Madras, the Portuguese came upon a stone slab, like the smaller one at Kottayam, with a similar cross and inscription carved on it. This cross was soon unhesitatingly identified with the one which the Apostle St. Thomas is said to have embraced while on the point of death, and its miraculous virtues speedily obtained great fame. It was eventually set up over an altar in the Church of the Madonna, which was afterwards erected on the Great Mount, and there it is still on view.4
A slab rosem bling the smaller one at Kottayam and the miraculous one on the Great Mount was discovered by me towards the close of A.D. 1921 at a place called Katamarram in North Travancore, when a copy of the inscription-on it was handed over to me for deci. pherment. But as the epigraph was in Pahlavi and not in Vatteluttu I forwarded a copy of it to the Pahlavi scholar Dr. Cassertelli. The inscription sooms to be a replica of the one on the other two similar slabs. Rev. Fr. H. Hosten, S.J., of Darjeeling, in a letter to me dated 27th May 1922, says "I have compared it with the Mylapore (Great Mount) inscription, and have little doubt but yours is a replica of it."
"An interesting place," says Fr. Hosten again," is Katamarşam Church, where an altar cross with a Sassanian-Pahlavi inscription was discovered.........., altar-cross and inscription being in the style of the Mylapore cross at St. Thomas' Mount (Big Mount), and of the Kottayam crosses. We expect that a Sassanian-Pahlavi inscription should fall within the Sassanian dynasty (A.D. 222-651). Even if it were somewhat later, the art displayed by the Katamarram cross-for we have not yet secured any photographs or rubbings of itmay help to determine certain almost obliterated designs of the Mylapore cross, and this may lead to a very distinct advance in the interpretation of the tradition of the St. Thomas' Christians."
1 This date has been obtained by calculation from the details given in a Malayalam song about the the church. See Ancient Songs of the Syrian Christians of Malabar, p. 71 of text in Malayalam (Kotteyam, 1910).
Travancore State Manual, vol. II, p. 171. (Trivandrum, 1906.) 8 See footnote 1 above. * Yule and Cordier's Marco Polo, vol. II, p. 368. (Murray, 1903.)
6 See Yule and Cordier's Marco Polo, vol. II, p. 353 (Murray, 1903), for & facsimile of the in. scription. Since making the discovery I obtained three other eye-copies of the epigraph. The last one received on 21st May 1922 gives a sketch of the entire inscribed face—the cross, the ornamental design around, as well as the inscription disposed in the form of an arch. The Superintendent of the Travancore Archæological Department will shortly visit the place and take a reliable estampage and a photo of it. Photos of the Kottayam slabs are available from the Trivandrum Museum, Travancore.
Rov. H. Hoston, S.J., in his articlo Christian Archaeology in Malabar" in the Catholic Herald of India. December (1), 1922.

Page #382

356
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
(DOBBER, 1993
It may be interesting to recall here that doctors have differed as to the age and meaning of the insoription on these stones. Two Canarese Brahmans engaged by the Portuguese found in the 36 letters of it a succinct account of the life and acts of Jesus and his apostle St. Thomas. Multum in Parvo !
Here are three other versions : 1. "In punishment (?) by the cross (was) the suffering to this (one): (He) who
is the true Christ and God above, and Guide for ever pure."-Dr. Burnell.8 2. "Whoever believes in the Messiah, and in God above, and also in the Holy Ghost,
is in the grace of Him who bore the pain of the Cross."-Dr. Haug.8 3. “What freed the true Messiah, the forgiving, the upraising, from hardship!
The crucifixion from the tree and the anguish of this."-Dr. West. Dr. Burnell has assigned the inscription to the seventh or eighth century A.D., while Mr. Fergusson considers the architectural character to be of the ninth 10
II. A Greek Inscription at Châyal. About two decades ago the late Prof. Sundaram Pillai of the Travancore Educational Service discovered 450-only about a dozen of these have been published-inscriptions in Travancore in Tamil, Malayalam, Sanskrit, Hindustani, Canarese, Dutch and Latin languages.11 Inscriptions in Syriao also are common in North Travancore. A Greek inscription in Travancore is, however, quite an unexpected find. One such was discovered a few years ago at Nilakkal in the forests of central Travancore, on the upper limb of a stone cross, which limb is now set up for worship at a place near the Roman Catholic Church at Kanji. rappalli in the High Ranges of Travancore. The other portions of the broken cross are said to be in the forest at Nilakkal. There are figures and words engraved on these also.
The inscription 1' on the upper limb, an ink impression of which was sent to me for deciphorment (received on 5th November 1920) a few years ago, consists of only three Greek letters. As far as I can make out they seem to be Chi, Rho and lota (XRI), all capitals and probably form the first three letters of the Greek name Christos (Christ). Nothing more oan be made out of this fragment. Perhaps this rare inscription in the common language of the old Roman Empire will reveal some unknown facts in the history of the Syrian Christians of Malabar. Fr. Bernard referred to above (footnotes 7 and 10 of No. I) and some other local gentlemen think that the letters form a portion of the superscription I.N.R.I. in old Greek characters.
Nilakkal was formerly known as Châyal and is reputed to have had one of the first seven churches founded by St. Thomas himself. The place was deserted by the Christians there owing to the ravages of wild boasts and locusts. These immigrants (among whom were the then ancestors of the present writer according to family tradition) came and settled
7 See Vincenzo Maria di S. Caterina da Sienna, I1, Viaggio all' Indie Orientali, Lib. II, Cap. II, Romae, 1872. This reference has been taken without verification from Fr. Bernard's St. Thomas Christians (in Malayalam), vol. I, p. 333 (Pala, 1916).
9 See Marco Polo above, vol. II, p. 359. 9 Indian Antiquary, vol. III.
10 Fr. Bernard in his book referred to in footnote 7 says that the Katamarram Church dates from the seventh century A.D. ibid., p. 297. No documentary evidence is adduced. Probably the author relies upon tradition.
11 Travancore State Manual, vol. I, p. 176.
12 In the Plate attached is a tracing from the ink impression in my possession. This very rough alcetoh may be of no use to soholars. Attempts are being made to secure a photo of the fragment now in the Kinjirappalli Church and to recover the remaining fragments from the uninhabited forest at Nilakkal.

Page #383

31
41
SI
43.
40
25
12
21
69
28
41
26
44
11 K
39
24
53
13 14
32
Diagram, of
Burmese Knight's Tour in 80 moves
showing order of moves.
42 43
61
15
80 27
29
42
13
54
53
9
33
162-63
70
38
30
14
45
34
24 125
15 16
++
10
54
76
23
71
K
524
16
164
65
K
46
79
715 50.
72
77
35
45
55
55
72
37 K
65
31
2
61
64
47
68
75
26327
36
70 K
51
73
22 K
17
66
62
180
66
3
78
73
56
49
63
7 K
60
67
48
69
17+
74
14 15 36K
21
"
20
28 29
38 39
48
58 59
67 65
59
76
18
33
57
20
.35
6
12
58
19
34
5
30
18
40
56

Page #384


Page #385

DNOWMBER, 1023)
A NOTE ON THE EARLY HISTORY OF INDIAN FAMINES
357
dowo in Chengunnar (in Travancore), where they built a church still existing, in M.e. 420 18. (A.D. 1244-45). Ruins of the old houses, the church, the tanks and the granito-lined wells whioh belonged to these Christians and a temple not oompletely dilapidated are still found at Nilakkal (old Chayal) on a plane 4 miles by 3 miles The temple is a little to the East of the supposed ruins of the old oburch and is still visited by Hindu pilgrims once a year in the month of Makaram (Jan-Feb.). The largest of the tanks there belonging to the Church and the temple are each about four acres in extent. The ruined houses arranged in regular rows like stroots are on the south, west and north sides of the ruined church, there being no traces of buildings between it and the temple. Tradition says that the bell of the old church at Nilakkal was thrown into the tank near it, when the Christian inhabitants of the place emigrated to Chengunn úr to escape the ravages of wild beasts. Excavations at the place will be very fruitful.
A NOTE ON MR. P. N. RAMASWAMI'S PAPER ON THE "EARLY HISTORY OF INDIAN FAMINES."
BY DONALD JAYARATNA. REFERRING to the very instructive paper which appeared in ante, vol. LII, pp. 107-113, eto., by Mr. P. N. Ramaswami, B.A., on the "Early History of Indian Famines," I have pleasure in placing the following facts before the readers of the Journal :
From the Sinhalese Historical Records-Půjdvaliya (thirteenth oentury A.D.), Rajavaliya (seventeenth century A.D.), Beminiliyi Mahasiya (seventeenth century A.D.) and other Pali works, viz., Rasardhini (thirteenth or fourteenth century A.D.) and Manoratha púrani, commentary on Anguttara Nikdya (fifth century A.D.), we learn that Jambudvipa (India) and Lanka (Ceylon) were afflicted by a famine which lasted twelve years. This famine, which was called Beminitiya Mahasdya, ocourred in the reign of Milinda, king of the Yonakas, who reigned at Sagala, (which has been identified with the modern Sialkot in the N-E. Punjab). It is to be regretted that nothing of this great famine has been recorded, in the History of Indian Famines."
The Gatise of this famine, according to the Rajavaliya was as follows:
"The next king was ChôranAga, son of Valagambahu, who razed to the ground 18 viharas. During his reign the island of Lanka was struck with a famine. It occurred thus
"Milindu, king of the City of Sagal in Jambudvipe, coveted a certain woman and wickedly put to death her innocent husband after he had secured his conviction, by unjust means. The king had told his servants : Charge her husband with some fault or other and tell me.' Accordingly, they watched on the road which the Brahman (husband) took while going to trado. As be came down to a mountain pass they drove towards the Brahman the Prime Minister's bull, which had been used for ploughing, and hid themselves. The bull finding no room to pass turned back, the Brahmaa following the bull; upon which they rushed out and seized the Brahman, demanding: Where are you taking this bull by stealth ?' and hailed him before the king, who put him to death.
"The Brahman's wife, having come to know that the king had put the Brahamn to death, exclaimed: As truly as I have observed the duty of a good' and virtuous wife in not violating the marriage vow, may the country of this king come to ruin ;' and having smeared the soles of her feet with charcoal, she threw three handfuls of water into the air, clapped her hands thrios, enterod her house, shut the door and breathed her last.
13 Whitehouse, Lingerings of Light in a Darl Land,

Page #386

368
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
(DECEMBER, 1923
"The gods being offended, there was no rain, and Dambadiva suffered from famine for twelve years.
"Bo it known that at the same time, because Ohôranaga, King of Lanka, demolished the viharks, this beautiful Lankå also suffered from famine for three years. Know also that the date of tbis famine, callod B mini-siya, coincidod with the commencement of the Saka era. The people afterwards killed the said Chôranaga whose reign had lasted twelve years. • "Be it known that at this time 623 years had elapsed since the death of our Buddha." (Rájávaliya, pp. 44-46.)
• There are discrepancies in the various accounts regarding the date and the duration of the famine. Without going into details, I give below a summary of the facts stated in the above-mentioned books:
(a) Pajavaliya and Beminitiya Mahâsâya say that this island and India were struok with famine in the reign of Valagambahu while Milinda was reigning at Sagala.
(b) The extract from Rajavaliya quoted above shows that it occurred in the reign of ValagambAhu's gon Choranaga, and also that the date of this famine coincided with the commencement of the Saka Era, when 623 years had elapsed since the death of Buddha, and Ceylon and Jambudvipa suffered from famine for three and twelve years respectively.
(c) Beminitiya Mahasdya says that 489 poars had elapsed since the demise of Gautama Buddha, whon King Milinda became & oonvert to Buddhism at the termination of the dialectio controversies.
(d) Mahavanga tells us that King Valagambahu reigned in B.c. 104 and again from B.O. 89-74, and Choranåga from B.O. 60-48.
(a) According to Prof. T. W. Rhys Davids' Questions of Milinda, Milinda (Menander) was one of those Greek kings who carried on in Baktria the Greek dominion founded by Alexander the Great. Prof. Rhys Davids is of opinion that Milinda reigned for a consider. able time in the latter part of the second century B.., probably from about 140 to about 115, or even B.o. 110.
A DARA-SHIKOH LETTER.
BY KHAN SAHIB MAULAVI ABDU'L-WALI. . In ante, vol. XXXIX, pp. 119-126, I published a short paper on “Sarmad" and his execution. Incidentally, I noted from memory, the fragment of a letter, which Dara had written to Sarmad, with English translation. After a search of many years, the full text of the letter is now available to me. The letter and its reply together with their translation are inserted below, Dara Shikóh's letter-written in fine, terse Persian-is a noteworthy instrument, which fully corroborates his inquisitive nature on theological and mystic questions.
DARA'S LETTER TO SARMAD.
(Text.)
/
1 [ پیر و مرشد من ] ہر روز قصد ملازمت دارد - میسر نمی شود - اگر من منم - پس اراده من معطل چرا۔
1 The words put under brackets are not in the present text

Page #387

DECEMBER, 1928)
A DARA-SHIKOH LETTER
359
و اگر من نیستم - چه تقصیر مرا۔ قتل امام حسین اگر چہ مشیت ایزدیست۔ پس یزید در میان کیست - و اگر غیر مشیت است. پس معنی يفعل الله ما يشاء ويحكم ما یرید چیست - نبی مختار بجنگ کفار میرفت۔
افتاد - شکست در لشکر اسلام (می علمای ظاهری میگویند کہر تعليم صبر استمنتهي را تعليم جر درکار »
SARMAD'S REPLY.
(Pet.)
ایعزيزما انچه خوانده ایم فراموش کرده ایم إلا حدیث دوست کے تکرار میکنیم و
TRANSLATION.
Dana's Letter. My Pir and Preceptor,
Everyday [I] resolve to pay(my) respects [to you]. (It) remains unaccomplished. If I be I-wherefore is my intention of no account? If I be not—what is my fault? Though the murder of Imam Husayn was the Will of God : who was Yazid between God and Husayn]? If it was not the Divine Will, then what is the meaning of the Quranic verse] "God does whatever he wills, and commands whatever he intende"? The most excellent Prophet used to go to fight with the unbelievers : defeat was inflicted on the army of Islam. The exoteric scholars say it was meant as) an education in resignation. To the perfoot [fully educated) what education was necessary ?
Sarmad's Reply. My dear,
What we have read we have put away from the memory,
Save the discourse of the Friend which we reiterate. - At the outset Dara Sbikõh finds himself at a loss to make out why human desire is not sometimes fulfilled. The next question is the martyrdom of Husayn by order of Yazid. If it was pre-ordained and according to the Divine Will, why is Yazid condemned, as he was but a blind instrument in the hands of the Dispenser of all human destinies! The third and last query is about the defensive wars which the Prophet sometimes had to wage, and the repulse which his troops sustained. .
Sarmad who was deeply absorbed in Divine contemplation gave a characteristio reply by a Persian couplet.
It has been rendered, at my request, into verse by Mr. Johan van Manen, the prosent learned Secretary of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, thus
Forgotten has been what we read The Friend's Name only sung instead.
1 Tho words put between bralcote are not in the text,

Page #388

360
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[ DECEMBER, 1923
THE RUINS OF KAJLI KANOJA.
BY RAI BAHADUR HIR ALAL, B.A., M.R.A.S. BETUL is a jungle district in the Contral Provinces inhabited mostly by aboriginal tribes-- Gonds and Korkus--which form not less than 37 per cent. of the total population. The Gonds ortbe attained regal power and ruled it, but all signs of their greatness have disappeared, there being now only 32 villages in their possession, in spite of their tribal strength of 83,000. Gonds erect no temples; a living tree is the shrino of their God. They seldom creuted forts, as the caves and mountain heights afforded them the necessary shelter. If they captured any stronghold built by their predecessors, they did not disdain to utilize it, yet they always trusted to the inaccessible peaks and caverns, whence they defied the cannon of their more civilized enemies. Thus, while the forts oommanded some little respect at their hands, the teinples and their architecture enjoyed no such regard, as the Gonds could never persuade their Bara Deo to change his habitation from the Saj (Terminalia tomentosu) tree to the lithic shrines of the Hindus or Jains. One could hardly expect the existence of the latter in the highlands of Betul, but an inspection of Kajli and Kanoja, two contiguous villages about 20 miles from Betul, the headquarters of the district, indicates that there was a time when Hinduism and Jainism flourished side by side, and that once there were inuch larger towns than those the district can at present boast of. Kanoja was apparently a flourishing place in the days of the Rashtrakůța kings of Malkhed, one of whose inscriptional records on copper is still in possession of a Gosain of Multai, the headquarters of a Tahsil
1 Such for instance is the fort of Khedia, which I visited on 24th October 1909 and recorded the following note in the visitors' book. I venture to reproduce it, with a view to keep on record the date of the fort, which has remained undetermined as yet, except by fanciful guesses of no value. The inscription discovered by me forms part of the fort wall. "I visited the Khodla Fort on the above named date and found an inscription on the eastern wall which is cated in the year A.D. 1365, which leads to the inference that the Fort was built somewhere between A.D. 1365 and 1398, the latter being the year in which Narsing Rai, king of Khedia, opened hostilities with the Bahmani kings of Berar,.who in turn invaded his country and pursued his troops 'to Khedla, leaving upwards of ten thousand slain upon the field, while Narsing Rai, having with much dificulty gained the fortress, was besieged by the victorious army.' 'The quotation is from the Persian historian Firishta and shows the existence of the fortress in A.D. 1398. This fortress has played an important part in the History of Betul. In A.D. 1425 Hoshangshah, who gave his name te Hoshangabad, twice invaded Khoçilâ, but was repulsed with severe loss. In a third attack ne, however, came suddenly on Nårsing Rai, who petitioned Ahmad Shah Bahmani of Berar for assistance. The result was an utter defeat of Hoshangahah who fled, leaving his harem in the enemy's hands. Hoshangshah, however, watched for another opportunity, and in 1433 he again in vaded Kheda and slew Narsing R
Fain in vaded Khedalå and slew Narsing Rai, reducing the fort and its dependent territory.
"Betul was now attached to tho western Dominions, but Kheduld was to be the scene oi yet another conflict. In 1467 the Bahmanis of Berar invaded it and took it into their possession. In 1596 it was finally incorporated in the Mughal empire and was made the headquarters of a Sarkar or District subordinate to the Subah of Ellichpore. The Khedia Sarker included 36 Parganas, ero bracing the centre and north of the Betul District and some tracts of Chhindwara and Wardha. On the decline of the Mughal empire Bakht Buland, the Raja of Deogarh and Chhindwara, extended his jurisdiction over Betul, which subsequently passed with the rest of the Deogarh territories to the Bhonslas of Nagpur in A.D. 1743. The inscription I have referred to above gives the name of the town as Khetakapura, which has apparently got corrupted into Khedia.
"Within the precincts of the fort there is the grave of Mukand Raj Swami, who is said to be the first Marathi poet. He is believed to have died about A.D. 1335. There are numberless traditions about the miracles he worked and that is why he is now universally worshipped by the people of the district. The lands inside the fort aro losed to Nathulal who is called qiladar on that account, and it is at his request that I have given a brief sccount of the vicinitudes of the jungle fortress during its existence of about 500 years. It is now in ruins but the summit of the hill on which it is built commands a fine view of the fertile valley round about. The only work of art is a side window on the main entrance of the fort. The labour of Ascending to the top is well repaid by the fine view referred to above."
3 Indian Antiquary, vol. XVIII, p. 230 ff. Another inscription of the same king was found at Tiwarkhed, 14 miles from Multai, vide Ep. Ind., vol. XI, p. 276 ff.

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Greek Inscription at Chấyal, (Nilakkal), Travancore.

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of that name, within which Kanoja is included. There are several heaps of temple ruins belonging to the mediæval Brahmanio style, and although many statues and images have been removed to distant places, such as Nagpur, there still remain several fragments which bespeak the glory of the ancient town. The architecture appears to belong to about the tenth century A.D.At that time the city appears to have extended for more than three miles from west to east, including the present villages of Kedarakhôda and Deogaon, and its breadth north to south was about two miles. The western and southern sides of the town seem to have bson occupied by Saivas, as in this part the ruins belong to Saiva temples. The heap in the south-eastern corner of Kanoja village was a Saiva temple. There two massive door jambe with three figures on each may be still seen. They are carved on two sides, one showing Siva and Parvati and the other a female figure carrying a water jar. In one door jamb the váhana is a makara and in the other a tortoise, and these clearly represent the Ganga and Yamuna respectively. They are very important, as indicating the age of the temple, which belonged to the period when the representations of these rivers had crept down from the tops of the door to the bottom. In this heap there is a figure of a lion overpowering an elephant, which local historians have put down as a special sign-manual of the Gonds, but this is clearly a mistake. I have seen the same representation in the temples of Bhuvaneswara in Orissa, and in other ancient temples which were built long before the Gonds came into power. Of course the Chanda Gond rulers seem to have taken a fancy to that figure and had it carved on the walls of the rampart they built round Chånda city, and also adopted it as their crest; but it was not their own invention and was an adaptation in & cruder form than the original from which they copied. On the bank of the Bel river to the south of Kanoja there are ruins of a big shrine with remains of similar door jumbs, as degaribed above, together with a headless Nandi, indicating that that temple was also Saiva. There still lio many beautiful carved stones with friezes, inscribed with figures of a lion overpowering an elephant. There used to be an embankment in the river in front of the temple, which apparently faced north. Close to this place lies Kedårakheda, whose name is signi. ficant. It is apparently named after Siva, one of whose other names is Kedara.
The centre of Kanoja town was oocupied by the Jains, who had & shrine built near the place now known as Bota, where stood a small fortress, marks of whose bestions are still clearly visible. It was not long ago that the fortress was dismantled and stones removed for use in the Betul and Multai tanks. Fragments of Jain imagos lie in a field just outside the boundary of the Kota. These consist of a solid stone with figures of four Jain Tirthan. karas, one on each faco, and a soparate broken statue. Two colossal naked images of the Tirthankaras were removed to the Nagpur museuin some years ago. The local story about these figures is that they represent the two masons, Nangar and Bhongar, who built the təmples at Kanoja. The execution of these required special sanctity, and therefore to avoid any chhůl or pollution they had to put off their clothing and work in a state of nudity. They had a sister who used to bring them food, and when she entered the enclosure she was
3 The Betul district contains a most sacred place of Jains named Muktagiri, an account of which I have already contributed in anto, vol. XLII, pp. 220 et seq.. Curiously in this jungly district there is also a Buddhist shrine at Salbardi, about 35 miles west of Muktagiri. The head of Buddba's image has been broken and it is now being worshipped 88 & Devi. This appears to be the work of gaktas who enshrined Mahadeva in & cave approached through a somewhat difficult and narrow Pagnage, recently widened and provided with steps by the Amraoti District Council. About dozen years ago, I discovered two vihdras in this place, one of which contains the headless imago referred to above (vide Anaoti District Gazeltcer, p. 425).

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ordered to ring a bell. This used to serve as a signal for them to dress and receive their meals. One day out of ouriosity she did not ring the bell and entered the enclosure, whereupon supernatural will intervened and turned the parties into stone, in order to cover their shame. The people of the plece do not understand Jainism, and the story related above is a local explanation of the curious sight of naked figures, apparently borrowed from the Gondi ides of sanctity, required at the time of the preparation of their God. Their God is made of a piece of cloth, which they require to be woven by a naked weaver, who has cleaned himself in water, and who must not, during the period he is working, spit, or answer calls of nature. If he feels a necessity for these, he has to stop work for that day and begin again next day in the same state. Again, as works of art are considered by wild people to be accomplished by magic, which is most effective when done in a state of nudity, the explanation of the naked state of the so-called Nângar and Bhongar may have been influenced by this idea aleo.
Further east lies the village of Kajli, which was certainly a quarter of Kanoja formerly. Here there is a big heap of ruins with beautifully carved stones and figures in bas relief. This seems to have been a grand shrine dedicated to Vishnu, whose broken statue has now been removed to Betul and is placed under a tree in front of the Government Treasury. It is an exquisitely carved statue in black stone. Some of the bas reliefs in the heap of ruins of Kajli are those of the four-handed Vishnu, carrying the conch, the mace, the lotus and the disous. The vandalism of railway contractors has deprived the ruins of many of its valuable sculptures. Kajli was apparently the Vaishnava quarter. There are several old tanks, on the banks of which temples were constructed, but they are all now gone, and only pieces of sculpture lying here and there show from their style their antiquity and the greatness of the town, within which they were originally constructed.
A NEW CRITICISM OF BHAVABHUTI.
BY PANDIT BATUKNATH SHARMA, M.A.
It is encouraging to note that, together with a healthy appreciation of literature, a determination to subject the works of all poets to critical analysis has also manifested itself in India. Admirable as this spirit of criticism is, it is occasionally apt, unless strictly controlled, to lack impartiality and to give a one-sided view of the matters in issue. We have a good example of this modern criticism in a peculiarly interesting article by a great Bengali scholar, who is well-known to almost all students of Sanskrit, especially to those who are constantly consulting notes on their prescribed texts. Principal Sardaranian Roy, to whom I refer, hes published an article in the Asadha and Sravans numbers of Vangavani, a wellknown Bengali Magazine, on Bhavahhutir Pratipatti, the Fame of Bhavabhuti. Special interest attaches to his article by reason of his endeavour to prove that Bhavabhuti was not a very great poet and that Uttaracharita in particular is not his best work. In sup. port of his opinion, Principal Roy has discovered' a number of blunders in the technique of Uttararamacharita. My object here is simply to give a brief résumé of his learned paper, without at present venturing on any critical comment of my own.
Principal Roy starts with the conviction that Bhavabhuti, in spite of his great admiration for Valmiki, could not bring himself to believe in the story of Rama, exactly as it is given in the Ramayana. Bhavabhuti could not conceive how Kekai. the daughter of a famous family, the daughter-in-law of a Solar ruler and the mother of such a saintly person as Bharata, could indulge in such a mean intrigue for banishing the well-beloved Rama

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from his paternal home. Likewise Bhavabhati thought that the treacherous murder of BAli and the merciless banishment of Sita at the hand of the guileless and all-loving Rama. were improbable facts. Again, Bhavabhūti could not reconcile himself to the idea of the Ramayana as a tragedy. With so many incongruitios confronting him in the work of VAJ. miki, Bhavabhati wes led to write two dramas on the life of Rama, in which he tried to ex. pungo the four great blots from the traditional version of the story. In his Viracharita, he made Sarpanakha take the guise of Kekai and secure the banishment of Rama; he portrayed Bali as instigated by Malyaran against Rama, and thus as taking the offensive himself. In his Uttaracharita, he showed that Rama, though fully convinced of Sita's chastity and loving her from the depth of his heart, was forced by peculiar ciroumstanoes to take the drastic step, at a time when he was wholly and solely responsible for all State affairs. In the same drama, says Principal Roy, he further showed that the 'par' and 'There' portions are later additions to Valmiki's work, and that the story is erTrainasmuch as they were united in the hermitage of Valmiki.
After improving the Ramayana aocording to his own fancy, he was greatly elated and was naturally inolined to expect much admiration from contemporary critics. But his hopes were doomed to disappointment. We become aware of this from two very suggestivo veries which appear in the opening portion of Uttaracharita and Malati Madhava. They are (0) 49 249€ dod gat fatal
यथा स्त्रीणां तथा वाचर्चा साधुले दुनो जनः ॥ (उत्तरचरित) ये नाम केचिदिहनः प्रथयन्स्यवश जानन्ति ते किमपि तान् प्रति नैष यस्नः । उत्पत्स्यते तु मम कोऽपि समानधर्मा
कालोधयं निरवधिविपुलाच पृथ्वी" ॥ (मालतीमाधव) In the latter sloka, there is further a note of defiance. He seems to say: "You critics of poor abilities, what do I care for you? He alone will understand ine, who shares in my propensities and attainments. And such an one will be born, for Time is limitless and the Earth is boundless." Cherishing this proud conviction, he composed his third and, according to Principal Roy, his last and best work, nained Malali Madhava. He thereby did acquire respect, but the number of his opponents did not greatly diminish. When his admirers said : OMTATART" his adversaries replied with a pointed taunt "ret: qfarelor: rg i her: ".
But times gradually changed. The itumber of his onemies dwindled. Thankless oritiDiem vielded place to grateful appreciation. At last, we find him in our own times on the pinnacle of glory. In almost every literary vernacular of the Indian continent wo meet with appreciation of the three works of Bhavabhậti. Even Sir R. G. Bhandarker and Dr. S. K. Belvalker, two of the greatest Orientalists of the last and present generations reepectively, have not failed to offer a glowing tribute to the old Sanskrit poet, trained as they are in Western methods of study and writing.
Those who find merit in the works of Bhavabhati have given their reasons for doing so. Unfortunately the grounds on which ancient oritios disparaged him, are wholly unknown to us. But there must have been such reasons, thinks Principal Roy, and they should be discoverable.

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Principal Roy has constituted himself the champion of those unfortunate old critics of Bhavabhûti, who were destined by the rude hand of fate to be drowned with their learned reviews in the sea of pure oblivion. But the task is no easy one. He is obliged to call Imagination to his aid and create a new old world' around him. The two remarks of Bhavabhati, quoted above, furnish him with the necessary material for the composition of that required world. In that world, he comes across the old votaries of Valmiki's muse, who, finding him sympathetio, lodge their complaint against Bhavabhùti. The author of Vircharita and Uttarcharita, a young upstart in his days, had the audacity to direct his impudent pen against erfit (Valmiki). He had further the impertinence to brag about himself a great deal, calling himself ET
TECTA: and what not. But really speaking, he was so poor in dramatic skill that he could not manage properly the technique of even the Utta. racharita, which is now-God knows why-considered one of the greatest dramatic works, surpassing even those of Kalidasa. Even his me, which is unaccountably considered his chef d'euvre, is not very elevating. One is at a loss to know why Bhavabhati should command so much respect in these days,
Here was a clue for Principal Roy. He directed his keen attention to the first act of Uttaracharita and there detected a number of defects. Let us see what those defects are ? In the year , Sutradhåra says-" To S aqorat: 1
: (FARETTIF) # aft" etc. It is a defect. As soon as an inhabitant of Ayodhyâ appears on the stage, the real drama begins and gear ar ends. Dramaturgy requires the exit of the Satradhara as soon as the farat comes to an end. If he does not leave the stage, he transgresses the dicta of area. Dasarupake is clear on this point. It says: " TAH par
TER 9ai" It is no wonder that a critic should get enraged with a dramatist who performs an saraftaad
After this we have-" Caf ) 72:1 rare : FTETE ETC ETETTE:"-eto. Here also there is a defect. No actor can come upon the stage after TETT without adopting the role of some character or other. He cannot be an actor of Ayodhyâ, for he addresses the other as art and is himself addressed as AFT. The two persons cannot still be regarded as Sutradhara and Nata, for, firstly, the TT has come to an end, and secondly, such sentences as "Perrara
P
rrora Tate ," "arratsaita" etc., would be wholly irrelevant on their lips. To the critic this does not appear commendable.
When asked why the festivities had ceased, the gives the following as one of the reasong-—" in
वशिष्ठाधिष्ठिता देव्यो गता राघव मातरः।
poradi gres EHITTYIHA 11" It has been shown above that, in order that all the ciroumstances leading to the banish ment of Sità may appear natural, Bhavabhậti considered it advisable to remove all the elders from the capital. Here the poet informs us of that fact. But in a drama everything should be consistent and relevant. Does this appear consistent? The absence of the elders is not a sufficient reason for the cessation of festivities. They were not strangers or guests that the rejoicings should continue as long as they were there and should eage as soon as they were gone. Such an inconsistency cannot contribute to the fame of a poet.
Satradhara and Nata, as shown here, appear to be two Vaitalikas attached to the court of Ayodhya. One of them says, "
f a fredag.". Then the other suggests, " f
a gfore traf TT" They are conversing as they walk along, and it seems therefrom that the user was situated very near. He is to compose a

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within the time they will take to walk that distance, and the mi should be at the same time
wholly faultless one! Is this not absurd? But what could the poet do! He was onder the stern necessity of informing his audience that there was a scandal afloat, and this talk. about faultless , was designed to elicit an ejaculation from the az, after the Satradhara's words "यथाली । सथा वांचा साधुत्वे दुर्जनो अनः" to the effect that “भात दुर्बन इति TUR I ETA hagi a t ht : I TATT fu fara hrattav" Here there is another inconsistency also. It was the custom for Vaitalikas to be present at the royal court, before the king occupied the throne and to sing according to the occasion. Here we find then reaching the royal court at the moment when the king is retiring to his inner apartments.
The reason why Rama and Sità did not accompany their elders to the hermitage of E TF, is given in the message brought by Ke19. It is this, "a rifa aratarie TASR Rufa FIT" But why did 29 not go ? Again, if Sità was OTTH in an advanced state of pregnancy, why could not the elders wait for a day, and comnience their twelve years' facrifice after being assured of her happy delivery? We know from the sequel that she gave birth to me and key in the afternoon of that very day. Is it possible that such experienced matrons as 94874t and o r would not have known of Sita'e advanced condition? In a Hindu family such happenings are rare. In the latter part of Aştavakra's message, we hear th advised "
teats Far rarsi refase;" Rama replies "GRŪG ufer" | Rama's words indicate that Sitê was very shy in revealing her desires to him. It is quite natural. But after a few moments, the poet wholly forgets this and makes Sitä say "pasaran peute MIT T P an", as if she could wholly divest herself of all womanly feelings in a minuto and could make use of the word tuy itself.
But what was the true? Sit& says, “ Sa Tag w o w farita ", etc. She conceived such a desire on the day of her delivery! But Rama's answer is still more surprising. He not only agreed to her preporal but made all arrangements for her journey to Valmiki's hermitage. She was not taken to the hermitage of our because she was tort. But this consideration was of no account, when it was a matter of going to the hermitage of Valmiki. Rama must have been very inconsiderate and forgetful, if he could allow such a journey at such a stage.
Site requested Rama-"arág, a TA3" | and Rama, at once complying with her request, said--"
à Targ T À " | But when she goes, Rama is not with her. To our great surprise, she does not even enquire why Ráma was not to go with her.
Let us view this from another standpoint. Revana was killed. Sità passed through the ordeal of fire. On that very day Vibhisana was installed on the throne and Rama with his rotinue came back to Ayodhya. The coronation festivities lasted for fifteen or sixteen days. Thus we see that Rama and Sita were together for barely fourteen or fifteen days, when Janaka departed and the festivities canie to an end. But our dramatist speaks of Site As it on that very day,--the day on which so many events simultaneously took place. Was the limit of ten months and ten days not applicable in the case of Sita! We have never heard of any such concessions in the case of human beings.
One thing more is very surprising about this wer u . Why did not the eldera impart their instructions on the eve of their departure? Perhaps they forgot to do so, but suddenly remembered when they reached their destination. Such a forefat even in the

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case of ब्रह्मर्षि वशिष्ठ! He also tolls Rams through भटावक्र-" जामात यशेन वयं विरुद्धा एवं बाल एवासिनवेच राज्यम् But if राम was a बाल to the mind of वशिष्ठ, he ought to have given his instructions in such general terms for all time-" Don't take any important step without consulting me". But the poet could not make Vasistha do that; for in such a case Sit could not have been banished. But the poet ought to have seen that if afg did not take particular care of the 'new king' and the new kingdoms, he would fail in the performance of his duties as arter. Besides, Rama could have consulted Vasistha very easily; for he was at such a little distance from the capital that 1 could have come in a very
short time.
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But there was no reason why Rama should be considered as a by Vasisthe. He himself speaks of him in वीरचरिष—
" क्षमायाः स क्षेत्रं गुणमणिगणानामपि खनिः प्रपन्नानां मूर्तः सुकृतपरिपाको जनिमताम् । कृपारामो रामो बहिरिह दृशोपास्यत इति प्रमादाद्वैतस्याप्युपरि परिवर्तामह इमे ॥
We cannot assume that Vasistha changed his opinion about Rama in a few years. Vircharita and Uttaracharita are inter-related. They are supplementary to one another. Such a contradiction is in no way in keeping with the talents of a real dramatist.
Besides these blunders in the technique of Uttaracharita, there are many linguistic defects, which it is unnecessary to point out here. They do not mar the effect so clearly as the other defects. The fame of a real dramatist depends on his handling of plot and the employment of proper devices. None can claim to be a dramatist by simply writing a few slokas, beautifully delineating बीभत्स and भवानक रसs.
It has been clearly shown above that Bhavabhuti utterly fails to fulfil the requirements of a dramatist. Just as a whole building deteriorates by reason of a weak foundation, so Bhavabhuti's dramas suffer by reason of his failure in the proper arrangements and handling of their technique.
Such are the few mistakes discovered' by Principal Roy in the Uttaracharita of Bhavabhuti. The present writer has no intention at present of examining his views and of showing how far they can really stand. He is, however, tempted to doubt whether these could have been the causes of Bhavabhuti's disparagement (if there was such disparagement at all). He further ventures to remark that if Bhava bhûti's two slokas (res, etc., and rara ferfte: etc.) cited above, have really any reference to the unfavourable opinions about him, these must have been mostly due, not to his poetic failures but to prejudice generated by his philosophic views. In philosophic circles, he was known as a and we do find disparaged in the 20th chapter of Bodhanacharya's agra in words like"अयं क्षपणकपक्षादपि पापीयानुम्बेकपक्ष इस्युपेक्ष्यते " 1 So far as concerns his poetic abilities he was greatly respected and admired. Vakpatirâja, the famous author at and a well-known contemporary of f, gratefully remembers him in the following worde
R
भवमूइ जलहिणिग्गय - कशामयरसकणा इव स्फुरन्ति । Greer farter oorfa fang sending 11
1 See geft, page 265 (Nirnayasagar edition).

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BOOK-NOTICES. THE LITE AND TIMES OF CHALUKYA VIKRAMA for eight years. The contemporary great Chola DITYA VI. BY A. V. VENKATRAMA AYYAR, M.A. Virarajendra died in the year following and was
This is a little book relating to the life of a great succeeded by his own son, only to be set aside and sovereign and dealing with an important epoch
killed by & more enterprising relation, the ChAlukya. in the history of South India. Unlike many an
Chola Kulottunga, who succeeded to the other epoch or personage in Indian History this
throne in A.D. 1070. This latter was the happens to be a subject, the materials for tho his. daughter's son of the great Chola Rajendra I and tory of which we have in some quantity mainly
the legitimate successor to the Eastern ChAlukya in the shape of inscriptions. What is perhaps
territories of his father. He does not appear better in this particular case, we have a life of the
to have made very much of this patrimony of ruler written, no doubt in true epic fashion, but
his, and had been, for some reason or other, and by a person directly and intimately acquainted
perhaps with some little justification in his own with him also. The whole of India south of the
eyes, waiting to succeed to this Chola empire. He "Vindhyas was divided during the last quarter took the opportunity when the Chola Virarajendra of the eleventh century and the first quarter of
died and his son succeeded to the throne, with the twelfth between the dominant rulers, the the aid of his brother-in-law, the prince Chalukya ChOla-Chalukya Kulottunga I and the Western Vikramaditya. That gave the occasion for him Chalukya VikramAditya VI. We have therefore to occupy the Chola throne. for the period a certain quantity of information, Prince Vikramaditya, with his elder brother both of a friendly character and a quantity of Someávara, had already a creditable share in the matter bearing witness on the opposite side. achievement of the father in his manful struggle The period lends itself therefore to far fuller against the Cholas, and was already viceroy of treatment than several others of equal import- perhaps the most vulnerable, but at the same ance in South Indian History. Mr. Venkatrama time the most important viceroyalty of the em. Ayyar has been at the subject for some consider. pire. In the course of the series of wars between able time, and the work has been the result of the Cholas and the Châlukyas, chiefly under the years of study beginning ten years ago. He has Chola Virarajendra, Vikramaditya bore a very attempted to do justice to the subject and has considerable part and attained to some considerbrought to bear upon it a considerable amount able distinction, and, by a series of complicated of labour and careful investigation of facts. transactions, had entered into a treaty with the
Vikramaditya VI was the son of a father who Chola ruler, sealed by himself marrying the great was a great man himself, and fought for the main- Chola's daughter. He let his brother rule however tenance of his kingdom against a succession of for over seven years after this event and powerful Chola rulers, who exhibited a hatred of ultimately succeeded to the throne by attacking the Chalukya empire and wreaked their vengeance and throwing his brother into prison. The main upon it for all that they suffered from the Rash-| incident in the life of Vikramaditya himself, and trakatas, the immediate predecessors of the Chå- the problem calling for solution in the history lukyss themselves. The wars were therefore of the time, were the unravelling of the series of more than ordinarily bitter and very often had the complicated transactions leading up to this been carried with destructive effect to the usurpation, as it seems. Mr. Venkatrama Ayyar very heart of the Chalukyan empire. Somsvara with painstaking carefulness has sorted out and struggled manfully against this irresistible tor. narrated the series of events leading up to this rent, and, on the whole, may be considered.to third act of the tragedy so far as Soméhvara 11 have held his own.
was concerned, and has on the whole done his He died what to modern people must appear
work carefully and well. But in respect of the an unnatural death, while the struggle was the
usurpation itself he has got into so much horohottest and the balance of success in the war 'still
worship by the time that he reaches the period doubtful. The responsibilities of maintaining the
of usurpation, that he lets himself go into arguing struggle and keeping the enemy out of the em.
that Vikramaditya's was almost & legitimate pire attached to the ChAjukya empire at the time,
succession to the throne of his brother, and exo. whoever the successor was. Som svara Ahave.
nerates him from the responsibility of having malla left three sons at least at the time of his
cherished the idea of a usurpation and of plandeath, of whom the eldest happened to be some
ning and carrying it out. We very much fear évara, and perhaps the fittest in Vikramaditya.
in this effort he overshoots the mark. His own The eldest son Soméévars succeeded to his throne,
exhibition of facts seems to give a clear indication apparently without difficulty, soon after the death that in his transactions, which terminated with of his father in A.D. 1068 and continued to rule his marriage with a Chols princese, there must

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have been an ulterior object beyond that of Hafe- desired. For instance what is written 'nelavitu guarding the ompire, which it may readily be would be better if written nilaividu' in Tamil, granted was certainly one of the guiding motives. the meaning being the same, the place of rosidence. To set aside an elder brother and occupy his But what is objectionable in the way that he writes throne would have done great violence to the it is, it is not 'Nela' in Kanarese but nels. The prevailing sentiment of the time, and if he took place name Gadag is written in Tamil Katak which his measures with deliberation to lead gradually is likely to lead to misunderstanding. So Appigere on to a combination of circumstances when he is written Annigêr ; similarly, Puligere, etc. The could justify & usurpation, it would certainly be place name written 'Santalij' in Tamil ought to be in kooping with the character of the prince and written Santalige', and so on. 'Ajupa' is rendered the ruler later. Wo do not deny that Vikramaditya A lupa' or Alupi' which is wajustifiable. put the integrity of the empire before everything Adiyama' and Asugi' would be better.. as else in this transaction as in every other. But Adiyama' and 'Achchugi.' In regard to certain of it must be remembered that it was his own ar- the offices Mr. Venkatrama Ayyar writes 'Ayuktaka' rangements for the imperial government that which ought to be Ayaktaka,' and in regard to carried the seed of its ultimate dismemberment. three other offices he writes them as NAlakavandan
As we have already noted, it is quite a readable and then Nürakavungan and Manneyan, which ought account of the great uler and his empire, and to be Nalgámundan or Nal-gávundan, Orgávundan what we do say in criticism thereof has no other or the headman of the town, and Manneya, the chief object than to invite attention to the points or the govornor of a fort. There is another exwhich would benefit by a revision. The first pression Ambali which, I think, is properly Umbali, of such is the name of the dynasty. The term meaning maintenance. Chalukya has no derivation in Sanskrit or mean- Notwithstanding these little slips, which we hope ing so far. It seems most probable that it is an would be corrected in the next edition, the little book adaptation in Sanskrit from the term Salukku of is a welcome addition to the historical literature in Tamil, a petty chief, usually chief not of a settled Tamil of an important period. Its utility is enhanced pountry but of a country which is in need of a
by the addition of a map, which is a good enough settled organisation. It cannot be an accidental
one but we notice some bad blunders in it. The Chola coincidence. The flag of the imperial Chalukyas
capital Cangaikonda Cholapuram is shown on the was the boar, the habitual emblem of the rulers of these comparatively barren and
south banks of the Kaveri, and we believe too far
unsettled territories. The name may have been derived
into the interior for the scale adopted. Kanchi is from such petty chieftains and the early dynasty
marked as if it were on the sea-coast. The former that became heir to the title might have been is about three miles north of the Coleroon, which is
is about three milos north of the Coleto of a different ethnio group. It is not unlikely the northern arm of the Kaveri and is about 15 miles therefore that the boar flag and the boar seals, etc., from the Kaveri. Kanchi is about 40 miles interior, had something of a totemistic significance in them. Koppam is marked on the lower course of the That they were Agaikula chieftains has in support
Krishna in the Madras Presidency, whereas it is of it, not only Kapilar's roference to the Irungové
actually a few miles to the south-east of Kolhapur chieftain of that locality, but is also found re.
and belongs to the Southern Mahratta country. We ferred to in the name of the father of the early
commend the book none the less as a useful addition Batavahana queen NAganika. He is described
to the literature of the period. as Angiyakulavadano, which Professor Rapson
8. K. AIYANGAR attempted to render of the family of the Angas' (Champa or Bhagalpur on the Ganges). But
THE DIARY OF ANANDA KANGA PILLAI, translated the torm soems really to stand for Agneyakula
from the Tamil by order of the Governroent vardhana, which simply means the up-raiser of
of Madras; edited by H. DODWELL. Vol. VIII. the prospority of the family of the fire-born. Government Press, Madras, 1922. There is a large class of people called Vanniyans The latest instalment of this well-known and or Pallis widely spread in South India, who seem important record covers the period from May, to have been the early occupants of the country 1751 to December, 1763, during which the Bucand their name has some connection with the cesses of the French in South India, which had Agnikula, the term "vanni' being only another aroused Dupleix's ambitions, were counteracted name for Agni (fire).
by Clive's capture of Arcot and the lows of Tri. Mr. Venkatrama Ayyar's use of Kanarese chinopoly. A useful sketch of the progross of words and place names leaves something to be events during this period is given in the Intro

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duction, and oxcellent footnotes illuminate the A STUDY OF CASTE. By P. LAKSHMI NARASU. pages of the actual diary. From the record of
K. V. Raghavulu, Mint Street, Madras, 1922 Dupleix's dubash one obtains many & sidelight upon the difficulties confronting the Governor
This essay which fills one hundred and sixty of Pondicherry, and upon his incurable addiction pages of fairly small print is for the most part to intrigue. His personal vanity also is illustrat. an exposure of the merciless character of the Indian ed in more than one entry; and Mr. Dodwell caste-system and a plea for its abolition. At includes injudicious nepotism also among the the same time the author, who has evidently read Causes which contributed to ruin his ambitious
widely and thought deeply, traces the history schemes. There is no doubt that Dupleix failed
of the system from the earliest ages and conchiefly because he could not adjust the measure
traste its effects upon Indian society with the of his grand schemes to that of his limited resour
progress achieved by those who follow other sysces and because he was far too ready to use the
tems of religion and sociology. "Mutual ropuldisreputable trickery practised by the decadent
sion, hierarchical organization, and hereditary Indian princes of his time.
specialization," he writes, "are the three main The diary proves that the Maratha cavalry
characteristics of Caste," and he proceeds to show fully lived up to the reputation which they ac
that, while on the one hand it is directly responsible
for Auch questionable customs as those of childquired in other parts of India, for nearly every reference to them
marriage and the prohibition of widow-remarriage, speaks of their wholesalo plundering of villages. Other interesting entries are
| it has also exercised, and still exercises, a most
disastrous influence upon national politics, national concerned with the dominant influence of Madame
education, national intellectuality and Duploix and the escapo of Hasan-ud-din Khán
nationfrom Fort St. David, which is reminiscent of
al eugenics. Caste, according to the author, Shivaji's famous escape from
had its origin in magic and metaphysice : it crushes
Agra. The influence of Madame Dupleix, the Portuguese half
the individual under its dead weight, and hinders
progress by killing all consciousness of liberty. caste, had apparently superseded that of Ananda
So long as casto endures, India can never advance Pillai to a large extent during the period covered
along the true path to responsible government by this volume. We read of her dealing direct with vakils in reference to money matters and
and can never develop & real sense of national issuing orders for the interception and censoring
patriotism. Reading these severe strictures on of letters. But perhaps her most amazing tour.de
the salient feature of Hinduism, one cannot help force was the forciblo baptism of Muttâyan, brother
rocalling to mind the pious hope expressed in the of Duploix's writer, Ranga Pillai,
Report on Indian Constitutional Reform that the
while he was on his death-bed. The diary describes her
ballot-boxes and the hustings of the new era would going to the dying man's house, driving away
tend to soften the asperities of the Caste system. the relatives and others who were present, and
If we are to believe Mr. Narasu-and his wellthen saying "mantrame" over him and anointing
written treatise demands perusal by all who inter. him with oil. Ranga Pillai, in an agony of fear
est themselves in India-nothing short of the and anger, rushed to Dupleix, foll at his feet and
complete abolition of Caste and the radical exbogged him to put & stop to Madame Dupleix's tirpation of all religion based on caste, will enable outrageous conduct. Al be received in reply the millions of India to weld themselves into a was a threat of beating. The dying man was
cultured and united nation. Pessimistic se this then removed by Mademo's orders to the house view is, we fear that it contains more than an of a Christian, where he expired; and the final
element of truth, and that India may be unable scone dopiote this bigoted and intriguing woman,
to achieve the political and social progress that with a military guard round her, placing the
she so greatly desires, until she has cast aside the corpse in an ivory palanquin and accompanying
priestly heritage of the dead centuries and found it to the Christian cemetery withi acolytes bearing
her own soul. Mr. Narasu puts the point more tapers, Roman Catholio priests reading from the
plainly."Priest-ridden, karma-obsessed and maya. Scriptures, sacred music and a feu-de-joie of
enslaved mentality is the source of all the miseries craskers! This astonishing Botion, with which,
under which the Hindus are groaning. Spiritual be it noted, no respectable Christian priest in
slavery, fatalism and superstition have smothered Pondicherry would have anything to do, must
all power of self-reliance and all sense of freedom." have shaken Hindu society in that town to its Casto is responsible for this degradation of spirit, foundatiora. Volume VIII e a worthy compan and caste must therefore disappear, if India is ion to the previous issues of the Hindu agent's ever to leave the valley and scale the heights diary.
that guard the Promised Land. 8. M. EDWARDES.
8. M. EDWARDIL

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VEDIO ANTIQUITIES. BY G. JOUVEAU-DUBREUIL. which Professor Paniklar may alter his mind
Luzao and Co., London, and Modern Press, 1, when this little book finds a successor : "the origin Pondicherry, 1922.
of the Pallava family is obscure." Late research Professor Jouveau-Dubreuil's work hardly re. in this Journal points to an origin in Ceylon. The quires an introduction to antiquarian circles : last remark on Harsha is arresting: “Harsha for his researches in South Indian antiquities are seems to have been unmarried, and in any case already widely appreciated. This modest little it is certain that he left no issue behind him." brochure of 29 pages deals with his discovery The first of these statements seems a little too of the rock-cut tombs in Malabar (Kerala) which, modern in form for the 7th century A.D., and one as he explains, are exactly similar in their main would like to know if "unmarried " men at that features to the tombs of the Vedic Aryans. The time were at all known. The fact that both Vedic tomb was merely a reproduotion of the Yasodharman of the 6th century and Harsha hemispherical hut of an Aryan chief-"a hollow of the 7th century left no successors is of itself stupa" made of timber and covered with clay : remarkable. They wore the last of the two 'geand the chief ceremony performed in it by the neral' rulers of their period, and the circumstance Aryans of the Vedic age was the fire-sacrifice, of both being childless or at any rate successor - which necessitated the presence of some sort of less has had so great an offect on Indian history chimney to carry off the smoke of the offerings. that one would like to know all about their imme. Professor Jouveau-Dubreuil's personal examina. diate followers, if that were possible. tion of the laterite caves of Malabar proves that The remaining short chapters of the book,-on they were furnished with "chimneys," as well Harsha the King,' Harsha the Poet,' and the social 89 with other stereotyped features of the Vedic conditions of his time, are well put together and tomb; and this coupled with the fact that the make excellent reading for the youth of the Bom. traditional land owners of Kerala are Arys Brah- bay University. Finally the book winds up with manara (Nambudiri Brahmans) who perform the a fino note on Bana's Harsha Charila and the other Soma and Agni sacrifices, leads to his main conclu material available for a study of Harsha's life. Bion that Malabar in prehistoric ages was directly
RC. TEMPLE colonised by Aryans from the north of India. A
SARNATH-KA-ITIHASA. BY MR. BRINDABANACHANDRA very interesting little book.
BHATTACHARYA, M.A., M.R.S.G.S. Jaknamanda! S. M. EDWARDES.
Press. Kashi. Samvat 1979. SRI HARSHA OF KANAUJ. By K. M. PANIKKAR, This book is a translation in Hindi of Mr. Bhatta
B.A. (Oxon.), pp. iii, 82. Bombay: D. B. charya's Sachitra Sarndther Itihasa in the Bengali Taraporevala and Sons, 1922.
language which was published a few years ago. This is in reality more than a brief history of The need of a Hindi Guide to those ruins was Sri Harsha. It is, as the sub-titlo says, "a mono. 1 greatly folt for a long time and Mr. Bhattacharya's graph on the history of India in the first half of book will, therefore, be welcomed by the Hindi. the 7th century A.D.," and as such it is a good reading public. It would, however, have been book and well worth reading. Professor Panikkar more useful, if greater care had been exercised starts with a capital résumé of the political con. in its proparation. As it is, the printing leaves dition in the 6th century A.D., and he is perhapa much to be desired, and the misprints and omissions right in saying of the great ruler of that time, make the author's meaning often doubtful. The Yasodharman, that it is not known who he way, value of this otherwise interesting book is further though there have been several people who have vitiated by numerous mistakes and mis-statemente, tried to hunt him down. At any rate in Yaso- and the author frequently finds fault with previous dharman we have a character who is quite worth writers on Sárnáth, where he is himself obviously some such monograph as that under review. in error. The following notes are offered in & Perhaps Professor Panikkar may try his hand. I purely scientific spirit, merely to draw Mr. The great religious point of that century which Bhattacharya's attention to such matters in his the writer makes is the breakdown of Buddhism book as require correction or improvement, and bufore Brahmanism " in spite of the patronage to enable him to remedy them in the future al the great Emperor Harsha himself."
editions of his book. Such points are dealt This short account is followed by the political with, for convenience, seriatim. history of Sri Harsha's reign for which, besides Page 8, List of Contents, etc. --" Dhámek Stupa." Bana, there is a good deal recorded in inscrip- The correct pronunciation is Dhamekh Staps in Lions, which has all been searched by Professor accordance with the original Sanskrit name Panikkar and well set out. In fact to my mind Dharmeksha. Similarly the spelling Buddha the account put together by him is a good example Gayů in Mr. Bhattacharya's book should be of how such things ought to be done. There is only corrected to Bodh Gaya, conformably with the one point, and that in a footnoto to p. 25, as to ancient Sanskrit name Bodhi Gaya.

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Page 24, para. 2.-Mr. Bhattacharya complains Sculpture Shed to the west of the Jain temple that no European or Indian archaeologist has and transferred to the main Archeological Museum tried to explain whon and how the modern name at Sarnath in 1911 where it is exhibited in the Sarnath came to be associated with this place. Central Hall against the west wall. The description This is not correct, for the point has been fully I given by Mr. Bhe tacharya is also incomplete as discussed by General Cunningham in his it leaves the figures in the relief on the base un. Archaeological Survey Reporte, vol. I, p. 105, identified. Correct information about them is and repeated in Mr. Oertel's article and 'in my given in the Oatalogue of the Museum of Archaeology Guide to the Buddhist Ruins of Sarnath , p. 2.
p. 67, No. B (6) 175. Mr. Bhattacharya is also Page 29.-When the Sarndth Catalogue and the wrong in stating that the back of this sculpture Guide to the Buddhiet Ruins of Sarnath, were bears six chaityas sketched in three tiers. In reality published, the exact purpose of the Aboka railing there are eight chaityas arranged in only two rows. unearthed by Mr. Oertel in the southern chapel P. 77, l. 24-25.--Here we are i formed that the of the Main Shrine was not known. It was
monolithic railing disclosed in the southora chapel tentatively suggested that the railing might of the Main Shrine is engraved with "two or three originally have surrounded some sacred spot at
lettere " which baffle docipherment. This railing, Sárnáth or possibly the Asoka Pillar itself. Mr.
indeed, bears two short inscriptions engraved, one Bhattacharya prefers the latter suggostion. It is, completely and the other only partially, by the however, now evident that like the stupas restored priests of the Servåstivadi sect of Buddhists in by Sir John Marshall at SAfichi, the Dharma- the 3rd or 4th century A.D. Both these inscriprájika Stupa (Jagatsingh Stúpa) at Sárnáth tions have been deciphered and published in was also provided at the top with a harmika the Annual Report, of the Director General of balustrade and that the railing brought to Archaeology in India for 1904-05, Part II, p. 68 light by Mr. Oertel is the one which originally and for 1906—07, p. 96, No. IV. There is no other surmounted the sta pa referred to.
writing on the visible portion of this railing, which Page 36.-Mr. Bhattacharya states that no
has not yet been deciphered. inscriptions of the reign of any other Gupta
P. 78, U. 20-23.--These lines inform us that in king than Kumâragupta II have so far been found
view of the inscription engraved on the back of tho at sårnâth. This requires correction, for out of
Bodhisattva statue (Bal), Dr. Vogel has expressed the three Gupta inscriptions carved on Buddha images, discovered by Mr. Hargreaves in 1914-15,
the opinion that, at the time when this image was
installed, it was not the custom "to erect statues two, both dated in the year 157 of the Gupta era,
against the walls of the temples." What Dr. Vogel belong to the reign of Budhaguptu (vide Director
does say in his Annual Report for 1904-05, p. 47 General of Archæology's Annual Report for 1914.
(not 57 as quoted) is : " It is noticeable that the 15, Part II, pp. 124-5, Inscriptions Nos. XVI and
image is also carved on the back, which indicates XVII).
that it stood detached and not inside a shrine or Page 59. 70 D (e) 8, read D (1) 8.
against the wall of some building. I presume that Page 61.-In lines 14 ff., we read that "in the
the first Buddhist imagos were erected in the open end of the 13th century" queen Kumaradevi
with umbrellas over them," etc. had an inscription engraved to record the restore
P. 79, IL. 16.1.-"Like other Aboka Pillars this tion of a Buddha image of the time of Aboks et Sarnath. The worde placed between the
pillar (the Sarnath Asoka Pillar) is also crowned inverted commas should be corrected to " in the
with four lions. It is by no means the rule. end of the 12th or begioning of the 13th century of
Only one other Aboka Pillar, namely the one at the Vikrama-era." The latest date known for
Så fichi, is known to have four lions. Other Aboka Govindchandra (A.D. 1114-1164), husband of
pillars bear a single lion, or elephant or bull. Kumaradevi, is 1211 of the Vikrama Samvat. P. 80, H. 21-22.- For B (6) 73, read B (6) 173, It is highly improbable that this queen should have. Mr. Bhattacharya is su convinced of this tiny image survived her husband so long as to have been having been a gift of the Maharaja Kumâragupta living in the ond of the 13th century V.S.
II, that he omphatically mentions this opinion at Page 69, l. 1.--For B (c) read B (c) 1.
p. 39 and 98 also of his book. 20 is true that Dr. Page 77, para. 1.--This pars. is devoted to the Konow mentioned this as a possibility, but I agree description of an image (No. В6 175) representing with Dr. Vogel that the absence of any titles before the temptation of Gautama Sakyamuni by the the name of Kumkragupta in the inscription on Evil One (Mara). Mr. Bhattacharya describes this image and the insignificant character of the it as still standing to the east of the Main Shrine, gift militate against such an assumption. but the visitor using this Hindi Guide will in vain P. 80, l. 23.--For B (6) 79, read B (6) 179. Search for it in the area indicated. Having been P. 86.-Referring to the four animals carved on unearthed in 1904-05 by Mr. Oertel, it was first the abacus of the Aboka Capital, Mr. Bhattacharya deposited along with other soulptures in the remarks that he accepta the late Dr. Bloch's view

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that they are moant to demonstrate the subordina. Bharhut, now preserved in the Indian Museum: tion of the Hindu gods, whose vehicles they are, Calcutta, is fashioned in a different variety of atone to the founder of Buddhism. He himself further and bears no polish. The large balustrado which suggests that these animals are shown in motion surrounds the main stdpa at SANchi is aleo not to signify that the Buddhist doctrine will continue polished like the products of Asokan crafterden. to flourish as long as animals of these species Nor is it correct to say, as Mr. Bhattacharya does, exist on the earth. The real purpose of the that the Asoka railing unearthed in the southern circular member of the capital and the animale chapel of the Main Shrine at Sarnath is inscribed carved on it appears to be to illustrate the Anotatta with short votive records of donors, like the railings lake. (Vide Guide to the Buddhist Ruins at Sarnath, at Bharhut and safchf; for no such records have 3rd edition.)
been noticed on the visible portion of the Sarnath P. 88, para. 2.- In this paragraph Mr. Bhatta- railing. The two inscriptions containing the name charys criticises the view of European archeologists of the Sarvistiv din sect which do exist on this that the Buddha image was created by the Greco. railing merely record the fact of the railing being Buddhist artists after the appearance of the in the possession of the above sect. Mr. BhattaMahayana mct of the Buddhists. He seeks to prove charya Appears to have been lod into this errop that images of the Buddha were made in India by by a supposition that the short inscription contain Indian sculptors several centuries before Christ ing the name of the nun Sarvahikd occurs on the on the evidence of the inscription (DI. 9) of Aboka railing. In reality this inscription is engraved Kumaradevi, queen of Govindachandra of Kansuj, on & stone (No. Da 39 in the Museum at Sârnâth) which states that this lady had an image of the which belonged to an altogether separate railing, of Buddha at Sarnath restored in accordance with the a later date, part of which has survived on way in which it existed in the days of Dharmaboka. the outside wall of the rectangular walled court He adds that unless this queen told a deliberate immediately to the east of the Main Shrine. lie, we must accept the existence of Buddha images P. 90, 13.-For D (9) 4, read D (g) 4. in ancient times, for why were the artists who 1 P. 92, last para.The red stone colossal atatuo produced the fine Asoka capital and the magnificent (No. Ba 1 in the Sarnath Museum) shows a minia. sculptures of Sanchi incapable of making imagesture figure of a lion standing between the feet of the of the Buddha ? Of course Mr. Bhattacharya statue and Dr. Vogel suggested that the figure was himself knows of no Buddha images of an earlier meant to distinguish the statue as one of the Sakya. date than those of GandhArs 88 actually existing simha Gautama before his enlightenment. Mr. anywhere. I agree with Mr. Bhattacharya that Bhattacharya rejecte this view, as he is unable to Kumaradevi had no object in recording a falsehood understand why the symbol of "the Lion of the or deceiving the future generations. It was, how. Sakya race" should have been represented under over, a case of misunderstanding or vague and wrong the feet of the statue. Ho is, therefore, of opinion information. The inscription of Kumaradevi, on that the figure of the lion in question must have whose evidence Mr. Bhattacharya solely relies, is been intended to symbolise something else, that fully fourteen centurios later than the time of Aboka is not known to him. This point seems to need no Kumaradevi was no trained Archaeologist. She further comment, because presumably Mr. Bhattssaw the principal image of the Master at Sarnath, charya's difficulty is due to his reading under which, owing to the ignorance of the prieste in charge instead of between the feet of the statue. or to their desire to impress her with its high anti- P. 103. B (d) 2.-In my Oatalogue of the M quity, was described to be as ancient as the famous Bom of Archaeology of Sarnath, I have, following patron of the Buddhist Church. As a true believer Dr. Vogel, identified this image tentatively as one and pious votary she accepted the information as of the Bodhisattva Maitreya. Mr. Bhattacharya correct and the poet who composed the inscription rejects this view because images of Maitreya, acmentioned it as a fact. In this connection it is cording to his Dhyana, ought to have three eyes, interesting to be able to cite the parallel cases of four arms and the posture of preaching, whereas Hiuen Thsang, who habitually refera monuments this image has only two eyes and two arms and is of a later date to Asoka, or the church on St. Thomas' representod in the gift-bestowing attitude (varaMount at Madras where an inferior copy of mudra). For these reasons and on account of the Renaissance Madonna is pointed out still as the Dhyani-Buddha in the forehead of the Bodhisattva work of St. Thomas with every desire for truth and what he believes to be a lotus stalk in his left and certainty with no intention of guilo.
hand, Mr. Bhattacharya is inclined to identify this Page 89, para. 3.-This paragraph is meant to image with the Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara. contime the description of the Aboka railing at It would have been unnecessary for me to anSarnath from the preceding paragraph. Here we swer Mr. Bhattacharya's objections on this point, are informed that the railing is polished in the same if he had given in his book all the characteristics way as the railings at Saschf and Bharhut. It of Maitreya enumerated in the addhana of this will be observed, howover, that tho railing from deity, as quoted in M. A. Foucher's ftude sur

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L' iconographie Bouddhique de l'Inde, 1905, page 48. For, if we read the sadhana with care we find that the form of Maitreya, enjoined in the text for meditation, is a three-faced, three-eyed and four-armed deity who makes the gesture of teaching (vyakhydna) with one pair of his hands, while the right hand of the remaining pair has the gift bestowing attitude, and the left hand holds & sprout of the Nagakesara flower. Mr. Bhattacharya overlooks the vara-mudra, and makes its absence in the sculpture under discussion a ground against its being an image of Maitreya. The statues of Maitreya noticed in the Gangetic plains, including, Magadha have only two arms, and the sculptors who made them preferred the vara-mudra which could be made with a single hand and left the other hand free to hold the prescribed flower. An image of this type from Magadha is illustrated in M. A. Foucher's Iconographie Bouddhique, 1900, page 112, fig. 14. In Gandhara, too, Maitreya images have only two arms, but the right hand is raised in the abhaya-mudrâ, presumably because the postures of the various Bodhisattvas had not yet become definitely fixed in that period.
There is, however, further evidence in support of the identification proposed in my catalogue. A useful criterion for determining the identity of the Bodhisattvas at Sarnath is the effigy of the Dhyani-Buddha, which is almost invariably depicted in the crown or the hair of the Bodhi. sattva images. The Dhyâni-Buddha of Maitreya is Amoghasiddhi, whose characteristic attitude is the abhaya-mudri, and a miniature figure of this deity is clearly exhibited in the hair of the image in question (vide Archaeological Survey of India Annual Report, for 1904-05, part II, Pl. XXVIII, Fig. d). It is true that the right forearm of the Dhyani-Buddha is damaged, but what remains Icaves no doubt as to the right hand having been raised to the shoulder in the posture of granting security. Mr. Bhattacharya does not appear to be ignorant of the importance of this feature, for he himself describes, ten lines higher up in his book, the effigy of the Dhyani-Buddha Amitabha as the principal cognizance (pradhana chihna) of the BodhiBattva Avalokitesvara (Bd 1). It will thus Be seen that the identification of this image (Bd 2) as one of Maitreya rests on good reasons, and that it certainly cannot be a representation of Avalokitesvara as proposed by Mr. Bhattacharya.
P. 105. B (c) 1.-This is the pedestal of a statue of the Buddha preaching his first sermon, with the well-known Sanskrit inscription recording the restoration of some of the monuments of Sarnath in the reign of the king Mahipala of Bengal in the year Samvat 1083. The relief on the base shows the Wheel of the Law with a deer, a lion and an Atlante on either side. Between the two deer and the wheel we further notice two
373
ymbols which in the Catalogue of the Museum of Archaology at Sarnath have been correctly described as thunderbolts (vajra), possibly to symbolize the Adamantine throne, seated on which Gautama-Buddha attained supreme wis dom. Mr. Bhattacharya, however, considers these symbols to be two dwarfish men and identifies the m as Mâra and one of his daughters.
P. 107, 11. 1 and 2.-In his description of the image of Avalokitesvara, B (d) 8, Mr. Bhattacharya informs us that on the forehead of the figure in front of the headdress conformably with the Buddhist canon, "there is an effigy of Amitabha together with Dhyani-Buddhas." The meaning of this remark is not clear, for what we really find is a miniature figure of Amitabha in the headdress and a separate single Bodhisattva figure seated in vara-mudrd on the proper right side of the halo of the central image.
P. 107. For B (b) 17, read B (d) 17.
P. 107, footnote 28.-In this footnote Mr. Bhattacharya represents me as having stated in a footnote at p. 126 of my Catalogue of the Museum of Archaeology at Sarnath that image No. 19 from Magadha now deposited in the Calcutta Museum is similar to the image of the Bodhisattva Vajrasattva -B (d) 20 in the Sârnath Museum. Mr. Bhattacharya adds that he is unable to trace the Magadha image in question in the Catalogue of the Calcutta Museum. The footnote in my Catalogue referred to runs as follows: 2 Cf. Foucher Iconographie Bouddhique, edition of 1900, Pl. VI, 6; also image from Magadha now in Calcutta Museum in fig. 19 on p. 122." The image in question is indeed illustrated in M. Foucher's book named in the footnote "in fig. 19 on p. 122" as stated in the Surnath Catalogue.
Pp. 114-117.-These pages are devoted to a criticism of Dr. Vogel's view expressed at p. 24 of his introduction to my Catalogue of the Museum of Archaeology at Sarnath, which of course is shared by other archaeologists, that " It is very curious how in this manner the Indian sculptors, after having adopted from their Græco-Bactrian brethren a division of various scenes in clearly partitioned panels, gradually reverted to the primitive method of the earliest school, namely, that of crowding a number of consecutive scenee in one panel." Dr. Vogel illustrates his remark by a reference to the fragmentary stele No. 0 (a) 2 (Pl. XX of Sarnath Calaloguc) where the lowermost panel, for instance, shows, besides the nativity of the Buddha, the conception (Maya's dream) with the Bodhisattva descending in the form of an elephant and the first bath ministered by the two Nagas. Mr.Bhattacharya rejects this view and informs us that Dr. Vogel failed to understand the chronology of the reliefs delineating the life of the Buddha. He himself considers the Sarnath steles, which in some

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Cades delineate the scenes in clearly divided panels, engraved on the sculptures of different periods, and while in others they represent more than one event the old practice of engraving Inscriptions in later in one and the same panel, as marking a transitional periods on the same sculpture is well known. Mr. stage of development between the Jataka reliefs Bhattacharya would have accepted the existing on the Sachf stúpa, where there is no division epigraph on O (a) l as evidence of its date, had it at all of separate events on the one hand, and the contained the name of the actual donor of the Gandhorn reliefs on the other, where obviously he sculpture. Now though none of the five steles meant to convey there is no trace of the primitive (Ca 1-5) in the Sarnath Museum boars such an practice, each independent scene being exhibited inscription, it is fortunate that we can remind the in a separate compartment. Mr. Bhattacharya, critic of four steles in exactly the same style, which therefore, "concl.dee that the GandhArs reliefs were found at Sarnath itself by General Cunningham of this kind are copied from the steles of Sarnath in 1838-36 and are now preserved in the Indian and that the Mathurê reliefs represent an inter- Museum, Calcutta. One of these reliefs bears an mediate stage between the Sarnath and Gandhậra inscription in typical Gupta characters and clearly representations." 'In the present advanced state supplies the information insisted on by Mr. Bhattaof our knowledge of the sculptural art of India itcharya; for it states that this image of the Teacher appears scarcely necessary to offer any detailed (gastri) was caused to be made by A cartain comment on such a belated theory. The sole gupta (Cunningham, A.S.R., vol. I, p. 123 and foundation of Mr. Bhattacharya's conclusion is his Pl. XXXIV, 4). It may be hoped that Mr. Bhattabelief that the SArnáth steles are anterior to the charya will now be convinced of his error. early GandhAra sculptures. The following paragraph P. 120, footnote 44.- The author of the Sarndth will show the untenability of this view.
Catalogue is charged with lack of consistenoy, for Pp. 117-119. o(a) 1.-This stele representing the while he correctly identifies the two figures de four main events from the life of the Buddha has picted on the base of B (6) 181 alongside of the in the Sarnath Oatalogue been assigned to the 5th first five disciples as the two donors of that sculpture, century A.D. Mr. Bhattacharya believes the he describes a similar figure in C(a), as having been sculpture to be earlier than the Gandhåra reliefs added for the sake of symmetry. Mr. Bhattacharya of this kind in the Indian Museum, Calcutta. His will, however, note that the possibility of the figure reasons are these :-(1) the latter represent a maturer in the latter sculpture also being a donor is not execution of the subjects portrayed than the denied. Then where does inconsistency come in 1 Sarnáth reliefs, and (2) that the Gandhara sculptures P. 120, 11.14-16.--Mr. Bhattacharya finds yet dolineate, besides the main events, others which another error in my description of O (a) 1 in the are absent in the Sarnath slabs, as for example i Sar:.4th Catalogue, for he says that behind the dying the seven steps of the infant Bodhisattva -by the Buddha there are five figures of mourners, wherese side of the birth soene. As regards Mr. Bhatta by & mistake I make out only four. It Mr. Bhatcharya's first argument, it is sufficient to observe tacharya will read with care the Sarnath Oatalogue, that the closest examination of the reliefs illustrating p. 185, II. 23-27, he will find that I have actually the career of the Buddha at Sarnath fails to reveal described six Aguros (neither four nor five), namely, any difference in artistio treatment between thom four ordinary mourners and two dryads or tree Bud several hundreds of other sculptures in authentic spirits, which are issuing from the foliage of the twin Cupta style, some of whidh bear contemporary adlo trees under which the Buddha attained inscriptions dated in the Gupta era. Nor doos | Parinirudna. the second argument carry any greater weight, for P. 133, L 4.-Por. Sanchi', read. Maski."
une scene of taking the seven steps 18 missing Pp. 141-142, D (a) 14 and 16.These two rail. in all the five steles (Ca 1-5) in the Sarnath Museum,
ing pillars contain the following two inscriptions its place is taken by the First Bath and the other Sihaye adhi Janteyikdye thabho and (Bhajriniye events are as detailed in treatment as then seemed
sahan Jateyikd[ye thabho ddnan) which have been necessary. The absence at Sarnath, as also at
translated (Sarnath Catalogue, pp. 210 and 211) Mathura, of many of the less important events and
as "The pillar (is the gift) of Jariteyika with Siha" Jataka stories that are so abundant in Gandhara and "[This pillar is the gift) of Jatoyika together is, however, an admitted fact and was due to the with Bharini." Mr. Bhattacharys approves of sculptors of the Gangetic regions having chosen and quotes the translation of the second inscription. only the main events for portrayal.
In the first inscription, however, he considers the Mr. Bhattacharya takes the author of the Sarnath rendering given in the Sarnath Oatalogue as incorrect, Catalogue to task for assigning this slab to the and he himself proposes to interpret the words Gupta period without giving any reasons. The Sthaye adhi as the title “Shahan whahi" and to Gupta inscription containing the Buddhist formula suggest that the donor named here was a male ye dharmd eto, out on the back of the soulpture inhabitant of Persia. It appears to me that Mr. proves nothing, because the same formula is found Bhattacharya has fallen into this error on account:

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of the somewhat different form of the preposition having regard to the magnitude of the work and odhi in this epigraph. He also appears to be the resources, material and mental, that it neces. unaware of the fact that Sihd (Sanskrit Sinha) sarily calls forth for its successful completion, as the name of a nun or laywoman is very frequently it would be a great pity if at this stage anything met with in early Prakpit inscriptions ; cf. for should come in the way of gathering all the resourexample, Sanchi inscriptions in the Epigraphia ces together with a view to a singlo edition, Indica, vol. II, p. 112, Inscription No. 18: p. 379. leaving the question of an authoritative southern No. 212; and p. 394, No. 358.
recension aside for the while. There seems to be P. 152, u. 2-4.Mr. Bhattacharya states that good prospect of such a combination of the two "As the inscription of Kumaragupta recently found projects, and we hope that this would come about at SarnAth has not yet been published for the and accelerate the pace of work, so that this vast general publie, it is not noticed in his book." The enterprise may reach its completion, while those Hindi Guido being reviewed in these notes was engaged in the work are yet alive and active. It published in Vikrama Samvat 1979, 6.6., only as is therefore matter for special gratification that few months ago, and all the three inscriptions of the work should have advanced 80 far satisKumâragupta and Budbagupta excavated by Mr. factorily that we have before us an edition, tenHargreaves in 1914-15 were duly published by the tative though it be, of one parvan at least, so that explorer in the Director-General of Archaeology's those interested may know how exactly the work Annual Report for 1914-15, Pt. II, and discussed is being carried on, and as giving an earnest of at greater length by Mr. Panna Lall, 1.0.8., the possible completion of the work to those who in his paper, " The dates of Skandagupta and exhibited their sympathy for the enterprise by his successors" in the Hindustan Review for substantial grants of money for the work. January 1918.
The Mahabharata is a work, as is well-known, P. 152, 11. 15-18. The text of the inscription on which in some recensions runs to 125,000 verses and D ) 69 quoted by Mr. Bhattacharya contains in others, which perhaps may be regarded as closer several mistakes.
to the original, to more than 85,000 verses, with DAYA RAM SAHNI. out the Harivamsa. It is available in something
like 1,200 manuscripts, which have all to be col. A NEW AND CRITICAL EDITION OF THE MAHA
lected and collated before anything like an edition BHARATA.
of an authoritative character could be attempted. It is almost five years since the Bandharkar All the 1,200 manuscripts are not all of them comOriental Research Institute of Poona, following plete, and being in parts reduces a great deal the lead given by the talented and liberal minded the magnitude of numbers. Even so we get to nobleman of Bombay, the Pant Prathinidhi of
an average of about 64 for each separato paruan Aundh, undertook an All-India critical edition
of the work. The part of the work befowe us is of the Mahabharata. An edition of the Maha.
based on more than half a dozen published edi. bharala is, on the fade of its a very large venture, tions and 16 manuscripts, of which 12 are classe and the undertaking by the Institute of its publi. as containing the northern version, and 4 the cation in critical edition must have appeared southern, of which one is in Grantha characters to people at the time a bold venture on the part with its provenance chiefly in the Tamil country, of the Institute, having regard to all the implica
one in Telugu and two in Malayalam characters. tions of a scheme of that magnitude. It is matter of the twelve northern manuscripts, one is in for great gratification that a large scheme like Bengaleo and the remaining eleven in Old and that should have been put in hand, and earnestly i New Nagari, having come from various localities, and enthusiastically carried so far forward as
so that the number of manuscripta though small to give us a tentative edition of the Vindfaparan is of wide geographical distribution and is of a on lines of modern criticism acceptable to Oriental
very representative character. The earliest of Boholars, Eastern and Western. It is almost these manuscripts go down to the days of the a quarter of a century since an edition of Mahd. Vijayanagar Emperor Dêvarêya II, i.e., about bharata was projected in Europe, and that on 500 years since, and are based entirely upon macloser examination limited itself to an edition terial far older still. These manuscripts fall into only of the southern recension of the great work, separate well-defined groups and are actually and even so the advance that has been made is, arranged in ton groups by the editor. With this for very satisfactory reasons, undoubtedly not variety of texts both published and manuscript much although it was feared at the time that this before him the editor's work becomes somewhat project was being discussed whether the two difficult and puzzling unless he could proceed on schemes would not prove to be a needless duplica- definite principle in regard to the choice of the tion of resources. As far as it is known at present, texts. The supreme need in such cases is the the need for an authoritative southern recension has recovery of the texts as used by a commentator not ceased to be of foree. But at the same time of standing and reputation, or something similar

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So far, for the Mahabharata only three commen. taries are available, and all of them, compared to the manuscripts themselves, may be regarded as quite modern. Of these the latest is Nilakanţa who quotes another commentator Arjunamiśra; and there is internal evidence for regarding the third commentary Vishamapadavivarana as being anterior to Arjunamiśra. The readings warranted by the oldest of these commentaries are included in an appendix. The first stage in this work would be to see how far the oldest available manuscript has any preferential claim over the rest of them. But happily for us we are able to carry the process down to a period far earlier than that. So far as the Virataparvan, at any rate, is con cerned, we are provided with a welcome check by the existence of the Javanese version of this parvan made in the year A.D. 996, and this version has been carefully edited and published by Junyboll. It is based entirely on the southern recension for which we get a comparatively early date A.D. 996. thus making it clear that the southern recension with the whole mass of its interpolations goes back to about A.D. 1000. This gives us a chronological land-mark which we are often-times denied in respect of Indian literary works. This, according to the editor, may war. rant our carrying back the texts of the Maha. bharata in its present form perhaps to the commencement of the Christian era. The position of the editor is supported by the fact that all the manuscripts consulted by him uniformly state that the Virataparvan was composed of 67 chapters and 2,050 verses, and the part of it that makes the statement was known to the Mimâmsa scholar Kumarilabhatta whose date is about A.D. 700. A close exammation of the texts seems to adjust them to the computation of chapters and verses contained in the Mahabharata itself. This can be carried further back as the editor points out by the discovery of Hertel, who has noted it in his edition of the Panchatantra, that a Pahalvi translation of three chapters of the Santiparvan was made in the reign of Khusru Nushirvan A.D. 531-79. This Persian version is now lost, but a Syrian translation of it exists, and a comparison of this Syrian version with the three chapters of the Santiparvan as it exists in the original to day, shows that the text was substantially the same at the time the translation was executed. Thus we seem to be carried back to a period much anterior to A.D. 500 for the text of the Mahabharata in its present form, at any rate according to the northern version.
It would be very interesting in this connection if it were possible to compare two Tamil versions of the Bharata for the existence of which we have some references. One of them is datable in the eighth century A.D., or perhaps in the early ninth, a version of 12,000 stanzas in Tamil, of which
[DECEMBER, 1923
hardly 1,000 exist, and this does not relate to the Viráṭaparvan at all so far. There seems good reason for believing that there was an earlier version of the Mahabharata which must go back to the third century A.D., and of which we have no part extant as it seems, and which is said to have been a deliberate version in Tamil of the Sanskrit Mahabharata. Although perhaps it is not likely that this work was a verse-to-verse transla. tion, still if the manuscript of this work can be secured we may gain at least the broad lines of the original of the Mahabharata, but unfortunately we are denied this source of criticism of the existing texts.
Setting before himself therefore, the recovery of the text of the Mahabharata as the main object of the critical edition which contains no external interpolations, and which intrinsically approxi mates to the spirit and characteristics of the period to which by tradition, as corroborated by external evidence, the epic is generally assigned, the editor has achieved the task which may, having regard to all the circumstances, be regarded as eminently successful. The result achieved seems to bring the text of Viraṭaparvan to a fairly close correspondence to the text of the original edition when the parvasangraha chapter was added to it. This first critical edition of the Mahabharata is perhaps just as far as we can reach at present, and what that period actually is, is matter which may have to be settled after we have this full edition before us. It was already stated that in this particular case the recovery of the text used by the commentator would have been comparatively modern. Therefore the editor naturally has depended upon the manuscript sources which take us back to a time considerably anterior to the oldest known commentary. He has therefore pitched upon three of the manu. scripts of the northern recension which have proved more reliable from many points of view than anything else that could be thought of. He finds that his manuscript authorities clear the confusion created by the interpolations, and give us a text which is perhaps as old as we can reach at present. Passing over the question whether the whole of the Viráṭapurvan is an interpolation with the remark that the arguments so far offered in support of the position that it is an interpolation are not satisfactory. These criticisms were based upon the existing editions, which lose a consider. able part of their validity by the fact that the passages fixed upon as giving evidence of this character of the parvan drop away from the text on the standard of the manuscript criticism adopted by the editor. Anyway, that question will have to be considered finally when the whole of the edition is available for critical study. It may however be accepted without a doubt that the Virataparvan editions contain interpolations

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as other parvans do, and the actual point for con- sideration is as to the actual criterion of oriticism for the discovery of these interpolations. A mere criticism on the best of ideas will not constitute A standard as individual opinions on matters like this, are likely to differ very widely indeed. There fore the best and perhaps, in the present state of study of the Mahabharata, critically the most soceptable course would be to reconstruct the text on the basis of the manuscripts. If this reconstruction brings us close to the enumeration in the parvasangraha parva, we gain at least one step, and that a long step, forward in the recovery of the original text.
The parva sangrahaparvan gives, both the Nagari and tise Southern Recensions happen to be in agreement in giving to the Virafaparvar, 67 adhyayas and 2,050 verses. As against this, the two Nagari editions give 72 adhydyas, and 2,272 verses and 2,376 verses respectively. The most recent houthern printed edition, that of Kum. bhakonam, gives to it 78 adhyiyas and 3,494 verses, the Grantha edition giving 76 adhyayas and 3,281 verses ; thus exhibiting a comparatively small difference in respect of chapters and verses as between the two southern editions. By adopt. ing mainly the ordinary principles of manuscript criticism only, the editor has produced a text of 2,033 lines. The division of chapters is a matter perhaps of later arrangement, and actually is of less importance. Thus the difference between the total of verses according to the parvasangrahaparua and the tentative edition is that the former has 17 more verses. As against these 17, there are 35 half verses, which are all collected in an appendix on the autho. rity of the manuscripts, inost of which happen to be extra lines to the two line stanzas. If this could be taken as the equivalent of 17 elo as the total quantity comes up to be the same with a differ. ence of a half sloka. This ought to be regarded 49 a great success we the new text is vouched for by manuscript authority. and the critical texts applied are within very reasonable limite of indi. vidual opinion. According to the editor, "the passages which are now considered as interpolated on the evidence of the manuscripts are (1) mostly repetitions, or (2) meaningless additions ; (3) those which cannot be regarded as necessary to the texts by any cogent line of argument, (4) passages otherwise considered interpolated and which are absent in the southern recension, and (6) similar pasaages not found in the Bengali manuscripts." The parvasangrahaparva dating back to at least A.D., 500 and the manuscripts most relied on going back to the fifteenth century A.D., a mere manuscript tradition would justify the wasumption that for about a thousand years the manuscript tradition continued to be handed down without much corruption. This position in regard to the
manuscript tradition is confirmed by the fact that the passages which are, from the point of view of the manuscripts themselves, regarded as interpolatod are uniformly omitted from the southern recensions : while there is overy possibility of additions being made for various reasons, anything like e curtailment, it would be difficult to prove if postulated. Comparing the reckoning as contained in the first chapter and the second chapter of the Adiparvan, it is found that the second reckoning refers to a period when the Mahabharata was divided into 18 parvane, while that of the first chapter refers perhaps to a period anterior to that. The concluding portion of the passage in the second chapter makes it absolutely clear, that the 18 parvan Bharata was the edition of Lomaharsha, whereas the previous one was one of a hundred parvans by Vyása, though it is possible that the word parvan is not used in the same pense in the two contexts. The parvasangraha having continued the same in all the recensions, north and south, we have to accept it as the reckoning according to the original editor. It would seem however that there should have been vast additions, and at the same time the chapter which gives the reckoning should have remained the same. There is one explanation possible for this. The expansion, which seems to us very vast in the southern recension, appears to be, most of it, if not all, of the character of the expansion of the original text, the original being swamped by the additions. Since this expansion seems to have been more or less due to the sense of propriety of the redactors of the Mahd. bharata, it seems to have been of the character of a mere exposition of the original texts, and as such even the vast additions were not actually regarded as addition to the substance of the whole work. That seems how it is that the so-called interpolations hre been coming in, and that perhaps accounts for te original reckoning being left uninterfered with.
What is said above in regard to the character of the expansion of the southern recension would perhaps explain why some of the blokas found in the northern recensiou are not found in the southern. This will also satisfactorily account for the Swamping of the portions of the original text and the removal of features which might be regarded as crude and unrefined. Hence the editor prefers inclusion of lines and Sloka found in the three manuscripts whose reliability he has taken pains to demonstrate. Hence it seems justified that some of the blokoe not found in the southern recension are worthy of inclusion in the critical text. The main point in each case will however be whether the idea has not been worked up in any corresponding "interpolated" passago, the working up showing the character of expansion and removal of features that jar upon the taste of the redactor or the editor. The editor finds that out of the 3,494 floreas of the Vindfaparvan in the published Davanagari edition of the southern

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recension. 222 are from the northern recension, is well on the way to the revovary of the text of and this is just about the number of additional an early redaction. slokas found in the northern recension over and In regard to the illustrations there are three above the parvasangraha enumeration. Sub. l' in the
in the
Virdtat
Virdfaparvan, These follow in the plan tracting these additional flokas he arrived at 3,272
adopted by the illustrious Pant Prathinidhi of as the actual number of the southern recension,
Aundh, in regard to dress, ornaments, animals, while the Tanjore Grantha edition which in the
etc., the illustrations in the sculptures at Bharhut Tamil country enjoys the reputation of being
and Sanchi. He has adopted for good reasons based on the best available manuscripts is 3,281
the mode of painting found in the Ajanta caves. slokas. This gives the Virdtaparvan in the southern
The accomplished Pant, on an elaborate examinarecension a little over 1,230 additional blokas.
tion, finds that the Ajanta colouring is the parent Of these, as many as 321 blokas are found in the
of all the old schools of the painting art in India. critical edition for which there is no corresponding
While adopting therefore the, Ajanta style he text in the southern recension, working up to a
follows the best schools of Mogul, Jaipur, and percentage of 15 of the text of the critical edition
Maharashtra art for light and shade. In doing not being found in the southern recension. These
so he is not oblivious of the spirit of the poem include three full chapters for which no textual equivalent could be found in the northern recen.
differing in its descriptions of various scenes ; sion, accounting for 57 slokas of the critical text.
nor would he neglect anatomy and perspective
As some of the modern schools of painting do. This difference may be due to the different method
"The Heroes in the Mahabharata," according to of exposition adopted before the recensione got fixed by being committed to writing. The go.
the Pant, "were all men and they acted like men. called expurgated passages would find an explana.
They had good qualities as well as many faults ; tion in this fact that in the course of the exposi.
and therefore, we must paint them as men, and tion what seemed objectionable to good taste had
He described in the Mahabharata, like figures that been worked over, the expurgation thus taking
We see sculptured in Sanchi and other places, and on the form not of a recision but of a modified
as painted in Ajanta, or in other Indian schools, paraphrase. This would reduce considerably the
which, as I have shown above, have been faithfully Slokas wanting authority in the southern recon.
following Ajanta." The question would arise sion, and thus diminish the consequence on the
how far the soulptural representations of Bharhut actual text owing to the want of support in all
and Sanchi are true to the men and women of the recensions. The editor therefore seems justi.
their surroundings of the days of the Mahabharata. fied in his assumption that "this divergence may
The answer to this question would naturally
depend upon how far these details of the life of possibly be connected with the Mahabharata text as such being fixed in the two recensione separate.
the ancients among the Hindus. changed from the ly after the Mahabharata had extended to the
days of the Mahabharata to the second century south, and had been current both in the north
B.C. or thereabouts. It is just possible that there
have been great changes. It is perhape more and south, and was receiving incidents and descriptions in both places or in each recension,
probable that the change was not so great in real
life. Whether it be the one or the other, so long according to its peculiar development and style,
as the painter primes himself by careful study with the result that these new incidents came to
and successful grasp of the theme he is going to be worded differently in the two recensions."
paint, we carry ourselves to the spirit of the Thore are 11 lines that the editor has included
Mahabharata ay near as it is possible to do with in the critical edition on the authority of some the means at our disposal. To adopt what others of the manuscripts, most of which are perhaps perhaps. with far greater facility follow, the not found in the southern recension. He would scene of a modern bazaar for the court of Dhuryo. justify their inclusion on the ground that it is dhana, or otherwise adopt the method of painting possible they were excluded from the southern
from medieval art in India would vive altogether recension because of their violont character, and
a false notion. The accomplished Pant has adopt.
ed just these as the criteria for his illustrations, because no motive could be established for their
and a comparison of Arjuna's chariot in the war inclusion in some of the manuscripts. We con.
in the Vindtaparvan with the description of Krish. gratulate the editor on the success that he has so
na's chariot quoted in the preface at page 36 would far obtained in the reclamation of a text which
give us some idea of the actual production. We comes so close to the early redaction when the
are decidedly of opinion this makes & closer ap second parvasangraha chapter was added to the proach to the idea of the text than any other text. It is just possible that there will be differen. proposed scheme will. Wo commend the work ces of opinion in respect of details here and there, as a whole without going into the actual minuti but on the whole the work shows that the editor
S. K. AIYANGAR.

Page #409

INDEX.
G.D. stands for the Supplement, Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and Mediaval India, pp. 118-150.
H.R. stands for the Supplement, the Story of Hir and Rayha, pp. 65-78.
P.E.W. stands for the Supplement, Notes on Piracy in Eastern Waters, pp. 1-62. S.A.L. wands for the Supplement, Dictionary of The South Andanian Language, Appendix XIII;
pp. 189—203. Sc. standa for the Stepploment, The Scattergoods and The East India Company, pp. 17-32.
.
. .
. . 132
.. 363
298
...
.. 276
Aay. See Aioi.
Akkanna .. .. .. .. .. .. 263 Abadon .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 9 Al&u'ddin Khilji .. . 227, 229, 312 `Abdu'l-Hasan .. ..
.. . 283 Alaungphaya. Seo Alompra. 'Abdu'llah, Qutb Shah . . .. .. 283 Alavây. Seo Argar u. Aba'i Hasan Shah, of Golcondah, Sc. 33, 24 Ali Adil Shah I .. .
.. .. 348 Abd'l Qasim Gurgani ..
.. .. 204. 'Ali Khan, Raja. Seo Burhønpur. Account of the Ottoman Conquest of Egypt in Alipura, saka camp at .. .. .. .. 183 A.1. 922 (book-notice)..
Ali Raja, moaning of, 138, 157; (Ally Rajah).. 167 Achyutadeva Raya
225, 304 Aliwal, battle ..
... .. ..
. .. .. 310 Adali, Raja
H.R. 75 Allahabad Posthumous Pillar Inscription .. 68n. Adam's Bridge ..
Alompra .. .. .. .. .. .. 134 Adam's Peak ..
.. .. 132
Anboyna (Ambam) .. .. .. .. 172 Addison, Geo. A...
America, (pro-Columbian) and colour symbolism adhyayana ..
.. .. 275 62; (Central) .. .. .. .. . 66 'AdilahAhi Dynasty 96, 347 Amherst, Lord .. .. ..
.. .. 310 Adisethu, Adam's Bridge..
Amir Khusrû, poet . .. .. .. 164 Adom baba, Buddha ..
Amjad-ul-Mulk, rebellion of .. adoption of heirs, in India
Amoghavarsha I, Rashtrakuta ..
304 Altas .. ..
amrtatva .. .. .. .. .. .. 376 Afghan war (first) ..
.. 310 anddaka .. .. Afghans, Lodi .. ..
.. 307 Anawrata .. ..
.. .. .. 134 Afghans, Rohilla .. ..
.. 309 Ancient and Medieval India, Geographical Dic. Afsal Khan of Bijapur .. 306, 340, 343-345! tionary of. See Geographical Dictionary of. Agneyakulawardhana, meaning of ... 368 Ancient and Medieval India. Agnihotra .. .. .. ..
..346 Andaman Islanders and their country, remarks Ahadla . . .. .. .. .. 341 on the .. .. .. 154-157, 216-224 Ahmad Shah, pretender, 294n., 295n., 297n..
Andamanese beliefs. .. .. .. .. 222 332n., 334, 337, 338n. Andhau Inscriptions ...
.. .. 278, 279 Ahmad Shah Bahmani, of Berar .. 360n. Andhra Inscriptions
.. .. 66 Ahmad Yasavi . ..
.. 204
Andhras, The .. .. 68, 67n., 183 'Ain ul. Mulk .. .. .. .. 26 288n. Anga, identification of ..
.. ...70 Aioi, the, identifloation of .. ..
Angodiva .. .. ..
.. .. .. 212 Ajkaa .. .. ..
269 Angeroo, Anjino. Seo Anjiro. Ajktafetru .. . ..
349
Angiyakulavadano, meaning of .. .. 368 Aji vikas .. .. . ..
.. .. .. .. Ala-Bha, Andaman tribo.. 151, 153, 156, 216-220
.. .. 101
Aniruddha .. .. .. .. .. .. 301 AKA-Kol, Andaman tribe
Anjiro, (Yajiro) .. .. .. P.E.W. 16, 37n. ALA-Tabo, Andaman tribo
.. 216
An-kor, ruins of .. . .. .. 117, 118 Akbar, 333, 334, 351n., 259n., 260n., 287n.
ankúra, (Sans.) meaning of .. .. ...79 293-296n., 307, 331, 337, 339n., 342n., 344, 345n. Annam, finds of bronze ornamente, oto., in, 117, 119
.. 104
22
ALU-Aol, Andaman
IDO
..
.
. 216

Page #410

380
INDEX
-
.
.
66rv.
Badrababu
Annual Report of the Director General of Aungier, Gerald ..
. . . 314, 215 Archæology in India, 1919-20, by Sir Jolin Jurangzeb .. .. 168, 234-240, 242, 307, 308 Marshall, Kt., C.I.E., (book-notice) .. .. 303 | Ayloffe, W2... . Sc. 17, 18, 22, 2in., 27, 28 Annual Report of The Mysore Archaological Azam Shah .. .. .. .. .. .. 347
Depurtment, 1921, (book-notice) .. .. 85 Aziz-ui-Mulk .. .. .. .. .. 268 Annual Report of The Mysore Archæological
Department, 1922, (book-notice) .. .. 225 Annual Progress Report, (Hindu and Buddhist
Monunienta) 1920-21, (book notice).. .. 264 Annual Proyreus Report (Muhammadan and
British Monuments), 1921, (book notice) .. 264 Anaeam, Siam .. .. .. .. 135, 173 | Antaravédipalem, Antroveed). Sc. 25n. anuloma .. . ..
.. 25-29 A-nu-yueh, Arni-ya ..
.. 143, 174 Apabhransa Stabakas of Rama-Šarman (Tar.
Babur .. . .. 207-209, 211, 232, 242
Bacabs kavågisa (contd. from Vol. LI, p. 28), 1-8,
. .. ..
" Badrabahu .. 187-101
.. .. .. .. 225
Badruddin Aulia, patron saint of sailors Aparanta.. .. .. .. 78
.. 132
Bahadur Khan .. .. .. Apastamba
.. ..
.. 272 . ..
254, 258
Bahadur Nizam Shah .. 294n , 295n., 332n., 344 "Apollo" Bandar, Bombay .. .. .. 350
Bahadur Shah II ... Arabs and Chinese .. 98, 100, 101, 176, 177
.. 199, 200, 203, 3131.
Bahadur Shah of Gujarat . P.E.W. 31, 32n. urahant .. .. .. .. .. .. 80
Bahan flag .. .. .. .. Arakan
.. P.E.W. 16 .. .. .. !35; P.E.W. 47-49
Baba-ud-Din Naqshband Archæological Reports-I. Madras, 1919-20, by
.. .. 205--207
Bahmani Sultans .. A. H. Longhurst; II. Bengal, 1920–21, by
'.. K. N. Dikshit, (book-notico).. .. .. 263
Bahrein .. .. ..
P.E.W. 7, 8 Architecturo, Indian, of the Far East .. . 116
Bahri Khan ..
.. .. 359 Arcot . ..
Bahuricha, meaning of
.. .. 22 Argaon, battle .. .. ..
baira, meaning of .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 9 Argaru, identification of ..
Baitarani, riv. .. .. .. .. 70, 133 Arif billah 'Abdullah ('Abdullah Alahi) of
Bajaus, Malay tribe .. .. P.E.W. 26n. Simaw .. ..
.. ..
Bakht Buland 207, 208
.. . 360n. Arif billah 'Ubaid.Ullah, Shaikh
Balacarita (Die Abenkner Des Krabou Krisch
.. .. 207 Arjunamista
na), by Dr. H. Weller, (book-notice).. .. 186 .. "
BAIAki Armenians, Syrians . i. 105, 106, 131
.. ..
.. 247 Arniya See Yasin.
Balapandita
.. . 87 art, under Kanishka
Balasor .. ..
..Sc. 28–32 .. .. 84 artillery, early use of .. .. ..
Balawa, Andaman tribo ..
.. 217, 218 Arys Brahmane. See Nambudiri Brahmans.
Baloarte (Villiyârvattam)
.. 167, 158 Asad Khan .. .. .. .. 261, 292n., 298
B&li Ascite (of Pliny) .. .. .. P.E.W. 6
Bamda (Vengorla) .. Ashtola island
.. P.E.W. 5 BADA
.. .. .. 182, 184 doramas. Soe Four Stages of Life..
Banoanos, Banians ..
.. 95 Arranin .. ..
Banjari. Seo Vanjari. .. .. .. .. 275
Banksall, meaning of Ameye, battle ..
.. .. .. .. .. 310
.. 8. 23a. Atvaddhaman
Baptême de la Ligne
..P.E.W. 81 Abvaghosha, Sarnath Inscription of ..
Bara deo (Gond deity) .. .. .. .. 360 Advapati .. ..
.. 245, 246, 248
Barbasy (Bhaunagar) .. .. .. .. 95 Atoks and Kalinga, 49. Seo Samapa.
Barbosa, Some Discursivo Comments on, Vol. I. Abolus Pillars .. .. .. .. ..
371
01-08 ; Vol II. 130-139, 107–173 Aloka railings . . .. ..371,
Barbosa, on St. Thomas in India . 104-106 Adoldvaddna, tho.. .
87 Bargis .. ..
.. .. .. .. 286 Atga Bhan.. ..
.. 164
Baroghil .. .. .. 139, 141-148, 174, 176 Augustus, Indian embassien to, 50; templo of, Barreto, Francisco .. at Mumiris, 61; coins of
Baruva, port of Kalinga
. . . . 91
-. 104
376
372
291n.

Page #411

INDEX
381
.
52
"
..
.. 273
Barygaza, Broach ..
. 51 Bojigyab, Andaman dialect .. . 217, 220 Basse, Capt. w. ..
.. .. So. 17, 18 Bombay, A.D. (1600—67) .. .. 211--215 Bassein, in Berar ..
.. .. .. 95: Bombay, variants of the name .. .. 211, 912 Bassein, in Burme ..
.. .. 95 Borahs .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 8 Bassein, in Bombay 95, 291n., 292., 348 Boundary-surveye (1694) .. .. .. 126 Baté. See Beyt.
Brahma .. . ..
. 245, 247. 273 Bayazid Shah. .. ..
.. . 347 brahmacarya ..
.. 273, 274, 277 Becare (Vaikkarai)
Brdhmayas, and the Brahma-vidyd .. 244–248 Begamki-Sarai, Attock
264 Brahmans .. ..
.. .. 05 Behar .. .. .. 7. .. 309, 320 brahma-nistha .. ..
.. .. 277 Belügyun, isl. ..
brahma-samstha ..
.. .. 276 Beminitiya Mahdady* ..
Brahma Vidya. Origin and Development of the, Bencoolen .. .. ..
244-948 Benemtapa, forms of the name .. ..
Bphaspati .. .. .. Bengal, Nawabs of, 308, 309 ; Muhammadan in- Bțihadratha ..
.. .. .. 248 vasions of, 314, 319, 320 ; Sultans of .. . 347 Broach, Roman trade with . .. 50-52 Bengal Army, mutiny of .. .. .. 307, 313 Bromley, Thos. .. .. . Sc. 28n.. 29 Bengala, city, identification of .. .. 130, 133 Broughton, Gabriel .. .. .. .. 164 Bengali Era
.. 314-316, 318 Brown, Mr. A. R., on the Andaman Islanders, Bentinck, Lord Wm. .. .. .. 311
152n, 153, 156, 216–224 Berar, in the reign of Burhân Nizam Shah II, Buckler, Mr. F. W. .. .. .. 313n. 258, 260n., 261n., 287n., 288n., 291, 296n., Buddha, relics of, 87, 90 ; cult of, in the Far
342n., 344-346 East, 118-120. 245; images of, 303, 372Berar, and Kosala, 262; and Bhojakata .. 263 374, 349, 350, date of .. .. .. 358 Bermabesma, Macecu .. .., .. .. 170
Buddha in Der Abend undischen Legende, von betel. See pdn-supari.
Heinnich Günter (book-notice) .. .. 165 Betele, riv., identification of .. .. .. 95 Buddha and Ddvadatta ..
.. .267-272 Betul, C.P. .. .. .. .. .. 360–362 Buddha, the Red, Shrine of .. .. 102n., 176 Beyt
.. .. .. .. P.E.W. 11, 12 Buddhu .. .. .. .. .. .. 303 Bhagalpore. See Anga.
Burhån, prince .. .. .. .. 251n. Bhamburda Cavos
. .. .. .. 266 Burhan Nizam Shah I, 2950., 296, 331, 332n., Bharatpur .. .. .. 310
334, 344 Bharukachchha, Broach ..
Burhan Nirâm Shah II... 250n., 259-262, 287 Bhaaa's dramas .. ..
60, 348 Burhanpår, in the reign of Burhan Nizam Shah Bhatkal (B&ticala)
II... 258, 259, 261n., 287–289, 295, 296n., Bhat-kuli. See Bhojakata.
33ln., 333, 337n. Bhavabhūti, A New Criticism of
Burleigh ..
.. P.E.W. 52 Bhils
Burma, early rulers of .. .. .. .. 134 Bhind .. . ..
.. .. 348 Burmese war, third .. .. .. .. 351 Bhogwardhan .. . .. .
Buxar, battle
.. .. .. .. 201, 308 . .. .. .. .. .. 182 Byam, John
.. Sc. 28-31 Bhojakata ... .. ..... .262, 263 Bhokardhan. Seo Bhogwardhan. Bhonsles of Nagpur .. .. 309-311, 300n. Bijapur, in the reign of Murtaza Nizam Shah I,
29—33, 36; in the reign of Husain II, 160n., 161 ; in the reign of Burhan NişAm Shah II, 259n., 260n., 287n., 288n., 290n., 291, 204,
297n., 331, 337, 338, 340, 342 Bikaner .. .. ..
Cachar.. .. Biny Dala .. .. .. .. .. 134 Caesar, title of Kanishka Binya Ran, Sbank. .. .. .. .. 134 Cafre. See Kafir. Bimagus. See Vijayanagar.
Caloutta . . "
.. 307, 308 Bithur, RAj& of. 8oo Péshwa of Poona.
Calempluy, isl.... .
P.E.W. 340. Biyalaohore, Nolamba chief .. .. .. 225 'Calico. Seo Ploco-gooda.
.. 51
36
265
Bhoja

Page #412

382
INDEX
..
.. 239
65
.. 310
.. 169
Calo Johannes. See John Comneus.
Chonchus .. .. .. Cambaya .. .. ..
95, 96
Chengunnar .. "
.. Cambaya cloths .. .. ..
169, 172
Chennamangalam.. .. Cammal Copperplate .. .. ..
Chêtaka, identification of Campbell, Sir Colin ..
Chotwsi, St. Thomas at .. Cana, Thomas .. ..
Chhdndoga, meaning of .. Canarese (Canarim) signification of ...
Ohattisgarhi, dialect of Hindi Candrakirti "
Chiamay ** .. ..
.. 133
.. Cannanore .. .. 167 Ch'ien-lung, emp... ..
.. 177 Cannibalism, 173; during famine .. 232, 233, 236 Ol'ih.fo-t'ang, meaning of
102n Canning, Lord .. .. .. .
311, 313 Chikati (Sikati) ..
. . . . . 69, 87, 91 Cape of Singapore
137 Chikka Deva Raya .. Capelin, the Ruby Mines of Burma .. .. 135
Ohilappatikdram .. ..
.. 78n. Cardinal Points, colours of the ..
Child-murder. See Ritual Murder. Carnatio, Nawabs of the .. . ..
311 Chilianwalá, battle-- .Carudatta .. .. ..
.. ..
Chiliate, Chaliyam 59, 60
..
.. 131 " Casto, and colour symbolism .. .. 64n.
Chimay, lake .. ..
.. 133 Cantes. See Mixed Castes.
China and colour symbolism ..
62, 65 Castes and Tribes of H. E. H. The Nizam's Chinese and Tibetana ..
176, 177 Dominions, by Syed Siraj-ul-Hassan, Vol. I,
chindie-skirt .. .. .. (book-notice) .. . .. .. .. 265 Chints. See Piece-goods. Cataloyue of The Museum of Archaeology at Sanchi,
Chirotsanndevathedhahartri
.. .. .. 17 Bhopal State, by Maulvi Muhammad Hamid
Chishtiya Nisâmiya, safi brotherhood (book-notice) .
Chittagong .. .. 302
.. ..
.. .. .. .
133, 347 Coilam (Ceylon) .. .. .. .. 105, 132
Chola, the Toringai. .. .. .. .. 104 Ceylon and Kalinga, 90, 105, 132; P.E.W. 27
Cholas .. .. .. ..
.. "
231, 387
Chöranaga, k. chach-turang, meaning of ..
.. .
357, 368 .. ... 354n.
Christian Dynasty in Malabar .. 157-159 Chaliyam .. .. .. .. .. 18 Christians of St. Thomas, in South India, 103 Chaliyans .. .. .. .. 171
--107, 356357 Chalukyas . . *
... 367 Chamberlain, G... .. .. Sc. 20, 21, 28n.
Chuchak, a Syal of Rangpar, H.R. 65, 66, 68
Chalikapaitachika, varieties of, used .. Champa
.. 16 . . . . . . 136
Cintacora, on the Liga .. .. .. .. 96 Chams, religion of the .. .. .. .. 119 Chanchus. See Chenchus.
Clive, Lord .. .. .. 308, 309, 312, 313, 368 Chand Bibi, d. of Husain Nizam Shah I, 294
Clyde, Lord. Soe Campbell 300, 332–334, 337-346
Çoamerques. See Swdmirithi.
cochi, cocoanut Chandragupta Maurya, irrigation policy of, 148,
.. .. .. .. .. 167 Cochin China .. 149, 225
.. .. P.E.W. 13a. Chandragupta Vikramaditya
cocoanut ..
. .. ..
.. ..
..
.. 167 181-184 Supra Vikramaditya ..
..
COCO-nut oiloake .. .. .. Chandra Rao More of Javli
.. 167 .. .. .. 306
. Chandra Sri Satakarni
.. ..
170, 171 Code of Manu .. .
..
66-68 Charamandel, Cholamandalam ..
Cogi Alli. See Khwaja Ali. .. .. 96
. Charles II. and Bombay ..
Coilam (various forms of the name) 104, 105 .. .. 211, 212
coins, Roman, in India, 62, 63; Nizam Shah, Charm, Protective, from The Royal Palace,
266 ; conjoint issues of ... .. .. .. 279 Mandalay
.. .. 351-354 Charnock, Job ..
Coins of Haidar Ali and Tipu Sultan, by J. R.
.. .. .. 307 Charter Act, (1834)
Henderson, C.I.E., (book-notice) .. .. 128 Chashtana, Saks Satrap, 51, 84; joint ruler
Coins and Chronology of The Early Independent with Rudradaman
Sultans of Bengal, by Nalini Kanta Bhattasali, .. .. .. .. 279
M.A. (book-notice) .. Chataks. See Sikati.
.
.. . .. 347
Coke, Sir Ed. .. .. Chatgaon. See Chittagong.
.. .. P.E.W. 60 Chatus. See Chetwai.
Colebrooke's Andaman Vocabulary .. 151166 chatiranga. See chach-turang.
Colour Symbolism.. 291, 292, 293n.
Comorin, C., Syrian Christian Church at, 106, 131
conjoint rule, in Ancient India .. .. Chayal. See Nilakkal.
.. 379
131
.
.. 310
..
.
61-68
..
Chaul
"

Page #413

Cooke, Humphrey... Copang, Copim
Copper-plate inscriptions. See Inscriptions,
Copper-plate. Corbin, the Coringa Coromandel
Correa, on Mailapur Costamuza, pirate
Cotaogatto, Kottayam Coulam. See Quilon. Cox, Hiram
da Cunha, Nunho..
da Cunha, Tristian
da Faria, Antonio
da Miranda, Donna Ennes
Dakan.
See Deccan.
Dakhinabades
Daladavaméa, the Dalhousie, Lord
INDEX
:::
212, 213 Sc. 24n.
P.E.W. 52 66
96
Cranganore, (Muziris), 51, 52; and St. Thomas, 104, 157, 158, 355-357; colonisation of, 157, 158; P.E.W. 6 Croissant, the P.E.W. 52 Cro-Magnon, evidence of colour symbolism among the
Cuiavem. See Kuyavam.
Culliford, pirate Cumeri, (Kumar!) Comorin Cutiale, Marakkar
107, 131 P.E.W. 42 131
354n.
62
P.E.W. 30, 34-36 P.E.W. 13, 24
P.E.W. 33, 34 213
..
Dela, identification of Delhi
P.E.W. 50 131
Delly, Mount, derivation of name P.E.W. 21, 29, 31 Deluge, tradition of the .. Despoina, wife of Uzun Hasan
51 87
202, 310, 311, 313
375, 376.
dóna
Dangri. See Piece-goods.
Dantapura.. 87, 90 Danuja-Marddana Deva, of Bengal, identifica
tion of
Daquem (Deccan) kingdom
Dara-Shikoh, letter of
Darkot Pass, 98-101, 139, 140, 143-145, 173-175 Dasarnas
47, 48 Daulatabad.. 229, 331, 332n., 335, 336, 344-346 Day, Francis 203, 303, 304
347 ? 358, 359
Daybul. See Deval.
de Abranches, Dom Alvaro
292n.
de Albuquerque, Affonso, P.E.W. 13, 19, 20, 21,
de Bussy
de Camora, Ruy Gonsalvo de Funay, Capt. Jean B.... de Lally
24, 25, 27 de Albuquerque, Matthias .. 291n.; P.E.W. 41 de Beaulieu, General Augustin.
.P.E.W. 52
de Mello, Gonzales Vaz
de Mello, Martin Alphonso
.. 307 - P.E.W. 44 P.E.W. 31, 51 307, 308 ..P.E.W. 30 P.E.W. 30 P.E.W. 39 P.E.W. 23 51 P.E.W. 45 .. P.E.W. 30 P.E.W. 19, 20
de Mesquita, Dominick
de Mondragon, Pierre de Monfart, Defeynes de Pereira, Ruy Vaz de Sodre, Vincent..
dead, the, disposal of, in Tibet, 185, 349; in Sian. See cannibalism.
Deccan, 95, 97; under Husain II, 161, 162, 237, 239n., 240; and the Mughals, 295-300, 307, 308, 331-346 Declension of the Noun in the Ramayan of Tulsidas.. 71-76 135 307-309 187, 138
349
..
227-232,
dévadási, in Buddhism, and in Jainism..
Devadatta ..
Deval
::::
:::::
383
Dêvânampriya. See Asoka.
Devaraya II
Deva-ydna
Dhangar tribe Dharma
375 .. 276 265 272, 275 265 182, 183 157, 158
Dhobi Dhruvadêvi
Diamper, inscription from
Diary of Ananda Ranga Pillai, edited by H. Dodwell, (book-notice) 368
Dictionary of South Andaman Language. See South Andaman Language.
::::
94
46
Dig, battle.. Dio, Diu
Di Santo Stefano, Hieronimo Discipline in the E. I. Company.. Diul, Diul Cinde. See Deval. Diwan
224, 225
202
310, 311
Diwani of Bengal. "doctrine of lapso Doorgs Devee (famine) 230, 240 Dracharam (Dasheroon) Sc. 24-26 Drake, Sir Francis .. P.E.W. 52 Dubdsht (Dubass), meaning of Sc. 23, 24 304 Duddayya, Rashtrakuta.. Dum Dum, Factory at .. 311 Dutch in India, 307; P.E.W. 41, 45; as merchant adventurers, P.E.W. 49; and English, Se. 17, 18, 23, 24, 29 307, 308, 368, 369
Dupleix
::::
349 94, 97
310
95
158 266

Page #414

384
INDEX
380 Dupleix, Mmo. .."
Farhad Khan, African, in the service of Ahmad.
279 nagar .. .. .. .. doairdjya, meaning of
255-287, 29%n. Faria Bagh Palace ... .. ...... 266 Faringi .. .. .. .. .. .. 185 Farishta. See Firishta. Fathi Shah. Seo Tulji. fedd, meaning of .. ..
.. 211 Ferozehah, battle.. ..
.. .. 310 Firishta, on Murtaza Nizâm Shah I., 30n., 31n.,
34n., 37n., 38n., 39n. ; on Husain Nizam Shah
II., 38n., 39n., 160n., 161n., 250n., 25ln., Eat India Company, and the Mutiny, 198–203, 252n., 253n., 254n., 255n., 256n., 259n., 261n.; • 211-216, 307-310, 312
on Burhan Niyam Shah II., 288n., 289n., East India Companies .. .. .. 307, 308 290n., 294n., 297n., 298n., 299n., 331n., 332n., Eoolo Francaise D'Extrême-Orient,' the work 336n., 338n., 339n., 841n, 342n. 345n.; on of the .. ..
... .. 116-120
famines .. .. .. .. .. 227, 230 'Education Charter 'in India .. .. .. 311
229, 230 Edwards, Richard .. .. .. Sc. 28, 29 Firoz Shah, s. of Bayazid Shah .. .. .. 347 Edicta of Aboka at Dhauli, 88 ; at Jaugada, 88, Fleetwood, R. .. .. .. .. Sc. 19, 25
89; at Sanchi .. .. .. .. .. 89 Flying Through The Air-Test of Arahantship, Egypt : and colour symbolism, 62, 65; Ottoman
80-82 conquest of .. .. .. .. .. 85 "Form Fours," Suggested origin of . .. 126 Elementary Palaung Grammar, by Mrs. Leslie
Formosa .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 38, 39 Milne, (book-notice) ..
. 40
Fort St. George . 263, 304 ; 8c. 18-21, 28 Elimalai .. .. .. ..
fountain pen, 18th century reference to .. 60 Elizabeth, q. ..
.. 307; P.E.W. 52 Four Stages of Life, The antiquity of .. 279-278 England and Portugal (1660).. . 211-214 Francis I. .. ... .. .. .. P.E.W. 62 English, in India, P.E.W. 41, 45; as merchant Franks. See Portuguese. adventurers, P.E.W. 49, 62. See Mutiny,
Fravashis, Farohars i.
. . . . 184 Eradarun aru .. .. ..
Freedom of the Press in India.
.. 311 Eurian. See Canarim.
French, in India, 307, 308, 312, 368; as merchant Eustace, Mr. James .. .. .. .. 266
• adventurers .. . i. ..P.E.W. 49 Evans, John, Chaplain of Bengal .. Sc. 3ln. Froyja, Scandinavian goddess..
.. 62 Earning, Capt. N. ..
.. Sc. 28 | Fu-lin, Syria .. .. .. .. .. 176 exposure of the dead .. ... .. .. 349 Futuh. Seo Tulji.
".. 138
..
.. 150
Fs-Hien .. farine, in Vedic hymns, 109, 110; in Epics and
Purdnas, 110-113; in Code of Manu, 113, 145; in the Sanhitas, 146; in the Arthasdetra, 146, 147; in the Jatakas, 148, 149; in the Glupta age, 150; in the Rajatarangini, 192; in inscriptions, 193; in Tamil literature, 195,
196 ; in Coylon, 357; in India.. .. .. 357 Famines, Indian, Early History of, 107-113,
148-150, 192—197, 227-244 Farinos, Indian, Noto on The Early History of,
357, 358
Geekwars of Baroda .. .. .. .. 309 Gajabåhu, of Coylon . .. i. .. 78 Gajapati dynasty of Cuttack .. .. 9, 10, 49 galleys .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 4on. Ganesh, Hindu Raja. See Danuja Marddann. Ganga Dynasty, Copper-plate Inseriptions of .. 85 ganza, ganoo, meaning of .. .. .. So. 28n. Gard-i-HAfun. See Guardafui. Gaulapada .. .. .. .. .. 177, 181 Gauļdevara, title of kings of Cuttack .. .. Gaur.. ... .. .. .. .. .. 133 Gautama.. Gautamiputra śAtakarni, conquests of .. ..

Page #415

INDEX
385
..
16
613.
Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and Medieval Adri. Soo Halu. India, ancient names in .. G.D. 119-150 Harappa, seals found at ..
.. .. 264. Ghandhør (Kandahar) .. . . .. 95 Harding, James .. ..
Sc. 32n. Giaos, the .. .. ..
.. ... .. 134 Harsha .. .. ..
.. .. 150 Gilgit .. .. .. .. .. 176n. Harshacharita .. .
.. 182, 183 Girnar Inscription of Radradaman .. .. 149 Hastings, Lord . ..
. . .. 203, 310 glas, (Coltio) signification of .. .. .. 81 Hastings, Warren ..
.. .. 309, 311 Goa
...
96, 266 HAthigumphê Cave Inscription .. 671., 68n., 266 Gohil Rajputs ..
. P.E.W. 10, 11 | Hatton, Christopher . . Sc. 18-22, 26 Golcondah, 32 ; in the reign of Burhan Nizam Hawking, Sir Richard .. .. ..P.E.W. 60
Shah II .. .. .. 337, 338n., 339, 342 HazAra. Seo Takht Hezâra. Golden Hind ..
.. P.E.W. 52 Heathfield, J. .. .. .. Sc. 21, 25, 27 Gol Gumbaz, the .. .. .. .. .. 266 "Heaven" (name of Polynesian Kinge). . .. 81 Gollas .. .. ..
Hellenism in Ancient India, by Dr. G. N. Banerjee Gommatesvara .. .. .. .. 225 (book-notice) .. ..
.. 124 Gondophares (Gondopharnês) 83, 84; and St. Hémachandra .. .. Thomas .. .. .. .. .. .. 104
Hemu ..
"
.. 333 Gonds .. .. .. .. 265, 360, 361Hormous .. .. ..
.. 83 gotra, defined .. . .. .. .. 24
Hidamba. See Cachar. Greco-Roman culture and art, in India ..53
Hindu States of South India ..
.. 308 Grammar of the Chhattisgarhi Dialect of Hindi, by
Hindus, Vodic .. .. .
.. 245 Hira Lal Kavyopadhyaya, (book-notice) .. 124
Hippalos, Roman navigator .. .. Great Sophy, the. See Shih Tahmaap.
Hir and Ranjha.. See Story of Hir and Ranjha. Grdhrakuta legend .. .... .. 271
Historical Gleanings, by Bimala Charan Law, Grook Inscription. See Inscription from Travan
(book-notice) . . . . . . . 296
History of the Nations. (Hutchinson), list of illus core.
trations in the Indian Section of .. grhastha
.. .. 243, 272-278 ..
.. 42-4 Guardafui .. ..
History of the Nizam Shahi Kings of Aḥmadnagar Guduphara. See Gondopbares.
(contd. from Vol. LI., p. 942), 29-39, 160-162,
250-262, 287–300, 331-346 Guha-Siva.. ..
History of Sanskrit Literature from the Works of Guide to Nizamuddin (Memoirs of the Archwo.
Papini, Katyayana and Patanjali . 21-24 logical Survey of India, No. 10), by Maulvi
Hos (Hephthalites) .. .. .. .. .. 99 Zafar Hasan, (book-notice) - 163-165 Hobeon-Jobsons, examples of .. .. 97, 08 Guindarim. See Ghandhår.
Hatkars . . . . . . . .
.. 265 Gujrat, battle .. ..
Holkers of Indore .. .. ..
.. 300, 310 Gunda Inscription
Hongkong .. .. . . ..P.E.W. 28 Guntapalle Caves .. ..
Honor, Onore, (Hondwar) Guorigua (Ganga).. .
... 133 hook-swinging
96 ..
.. Gépta Inscriptions
371, 374, 375
horse-sacrifice. See Samudragupta. Hoshangshah
. .. 300n. Gwaba-r Ongo, Little Andaman ....
..
.. 155 Gwalior Fort Album, (book-notice)
Hugli .. .. .. .. 8o. 28–90, 32 Huns ..
100 133, 134, 172 H ain Nigam Shah II., 29, 32-34, 36–30.
180n., 250-263, 355m., 289 Husaini, the .. .. .. .. .. 201
Lauan-tsang, Emp... .. Hyderabad, Nizams of .. .. .. 308, 309
**
..
36
Gule
. 101
S
habs an-nafas, Naqshbandi practice Haidar Ali .. 125, 182, 138, 199, 308, hal, meaning of .. Hola, meaning of .. halal-lhor .. Hamta Shah ..
249
18, 249
221 .. 347
..
Iba Batuta.. Ibrahim, prince
.. ...
.. ..
.. PEW. 14 .. 2010.

Page #416

386
See Bijapur.
Ibrahim 'Adil Shah I. Ibrahim Adil Shah II. Ibrahim Nizam Shah 294n., 295, 296, 332n. Ikhlas Khân, African, 258, 331, 332n., 335, 336., $ 338n., 346 78
79
llam Cheliyam of Madura 1lamkilli of Kanchi.. Ilaya Raja. See Ali Râjâ. Imaos, the
99, 100, 102n., 177 50-53
India and The Romans India, Geographical Position of Certain Places in, 262
"India" of Portuguese writers
96, 97 63-65
India and colour symbolism
India. See Mutiny.
India, S., Hindu States of
Indra.. Inscriptions:
Allahabad Posthumous Pillar
Andhau..
308 309
India Act (1784) ..
116
..
Indian Architecture of The Far East Indian Ephemeris, by Diwan Bahadur L. D. 304
Swamikannu Pillai, I.S.O., (book-notice) Indian Famines, Early History of. See Famines. "Indian Mutiny, The Political Theory of," a few reflections on 198-203 109, 110, 273, 274, 275
Andhra
Betul
Burmese.
Girnar
Gunda
Gupta
Hathigumphå
Jasdan
Jaugada.. Kadamiyamalai Kasakudi
Kulottunga Chola Mamandur
Manikyala
Muhammadan Nanaghat
Nasik
Parjitar
Sarnath
Takhti Bahi Tanjore..
:::::::::
from Tranvancore Udayagiri Copperplate: Eastern Ganga Rágóla
Rayakōṭṭa
Vélurpalayam
Lramakudam, Ramghât
::::::
:::::
:::::
INDEX
..
348
68n. 278, 279 66 360n. 364 149 :. 379 371, 374, 375 67n., 68n., 266
.. 279 66
47 ... 79 85 45, 47
L
84 83 84n. .. 83
136
355, 356 68
85
69 80
79,
77, 78 138
Iramandalam. See Ceylon. irrigation ..
148, 107, 230 Ismail, prince. See Ismâ'il Nizam Shah. Isma'il Haidar Şafavi
Ismail Nizam Shah, 255, 257-260n., 287, 288n., 290, 293, 294n.
Isma'il Shah. See Shah Isma'il. Islam Shah Sûr of Delhi Island of Gold Iévarkrishna
Janaáruti
Jandiala, home, of Waris Shah
Jadu. See Jalaluddin Muhammad Shah. Jaffna Peninsula. See Mani-pallavam. Jahanara Jahangir
103, 104 307, 339n.; P.E.W. 49 Jaina Gazette, (book-notice) .. 166 Jalaluddin Muhammad Shah, identification of, 347 Jalalu'ddin Khilji.. Jamal Khan Jambudvipa
227 250-262, 287-290 357, 358 231
Jam Nunda, of Sind Janaka
245-248 246
..
H.R. 78
Jao
Jarawa, Andaman tribe Jasdan Inscription Jaswant Bao Holkar Jats, character of the Jaugada fort.. Jaugada Inscription Java
53
348 Jhang, home of Hir
266
Jhansi
259a. P.E.W. 35, 51 177-181
..
John Comneus, emp. of Trebizond Jond
:::::
159
..
Jayadaman, in the Andhau Inscription Jesuits, the.. Jetiga (deity)
136 154-156, 216n., 222
279 202 H.R. 67, 68 89 66 ... 136 .. 279 213 P.E.W. 7 H.R. 65, 68, 75 .. 311 127, 129 Jivdiman in the Brahma Sutras, by Abhayakumar
Jijibhai, Sir J., in Koli ballad
Guha, (book-notice) "Jobraj" (Yuvaraja) Jogis..
Jogues. See Jogis.
Johanna, isl...
Johanna, the
20 139 93, 96, 98
Sc. 17 So. 17 94 293, 295., 332n. 158
Jordanus, Bishop Journal of Indian History, by Prof. Shafaat Ahmad Khan, (book-notice)..
19

Page #417

INDEX
387
..
H.R.
320 .. 67
Juan-juan, (Avare) .. 99 KedArakheda ..
.. 361 Juran Koli .. ..
Kodar Rai, of Sripur .. .. P.E.W. 47 Jwai, Andaman dialect ..
.. .. .. 217 kekas ..
.. ..
262, 263 Komal Rois .. .. .. P.E.W. 37n. Kerala. See Malabar. Koraļa Palama, a Malayalam history .. .. 187 Kokins .. . .. .. .. .. 373 Khadijah Sultan, widow of Husain Nizam Shah II.,
160n.-162, 269n.
Khaltah. See Chhattisgarhi. Kabul, under Gondophares . ..
Khan Dauran Khan
.. .. 164 Kafir, origin of the name.. .. ... 97 Khandwa .. .. ..
.. .. 287 Kainins and maidens, commemoration of, in the than-i-A'zam ..
296n. Avesta .. .. .. .. .. .. 184 Khan-Jahan Jauna
.. 164, 165 Kajli Kanoja, The Ruins of .. .. 360--302 Khin Jahan Maqbal ..
.. 164 Kalabagh, Radha at ..
Khára véle, Inscription of.. .. 67-70, 87 Kalinga, Asoka's conquest of ..
Khashm-s-itad, meaning of
.. 832 Kalinga, Asokan. Soe Samapa.
Khedia, fort . ..
. . 360n. Kalinganegara .. .. .. . 68, 70
| Kherla, fort ..
.. 958 Kalingapura, in Ceylon ..
Khotakapura. See Khedia, Kalingas, the ".. ..
Khilafat .. ..
.. .. .. 203 Kalingie, the .. ..
Khilji Dynasty .. ..
.. .. 163, 164 KAlinjar .. .
Khmorart.. ..
117, 118 Kalinjis, the ..
Khoi, battle ..
.. .. .. 94 Kallas
77, 80 Khonds, (Kuis) ..
.. .. 41, 87 Kambayat. See Cambaya.
Khorla .. ..
. . .. 291n., 202n. Kaichi, KAßchipuram ..
77-79 Khuru Nishirvan.. .. .. .. .. 376 Kanchili hili ..
.. .. .. .. .. .. 91 Khwaja Acom .. .. .. P.E.W. 33, 34 Kanishks, Date of
.. 82-84 Khwaja Ahrar, reputed founder of the Naqab. Kansi. See Kapila.
bandia .. .. .. .. .. 206-211 Kanair, fort
.. 142, 143 Khwaja Ali.. .. .. .. P.E.W. 44 Kao-Hsien-chih, 101-103, 139, 140, 142–145, Khwajaka Khwaja .. .. .. 208, 209
173-177 Khwaja Mu'ayyinu'd-din, Chishti.. .. .. 163 Kao-taung, Tang emp.... .. 99, 100 Khwaja Yahya .. .. .. .. 208, 209 Kapita, riv., 69; identification of .. ..
Kidd, pirate .. .. .. P.E.W. 50 Kapua .. .. .. . .. .. 26
Kilakkarai .. .. .. .. 139, 168, 172 Karani, moaning of .. ..
Killi, (son of Karikala) other names of . 78 Karanja .. ..
King as Sun.god... .. .. .. 81, 82 Karikala, Chola king ..
Kings, divinity of.. ..
81, 82 Karikde. See Sdn khya Karilede.
Kirkoe, battle .. ..
.. 310 Karlint. See Aba'l Qasim Gürgáni.
Kinhvez Khan .. ..
369. Karla. See Khorla.
Knight's Tour (Cheon) .. . .. 359-354 karma-kdinda .
.. .. 244, 245 Kobang. Soe Copane. tarma-annydea.. .. .. . .. 245 Kodavalu, Andhra Inscription at .. .. 86 Karnadova, Chalukya, grant of .. .. 18 Kodungallar (Kotunnallar), Cranganore, 187, 158 Karnata, derivation of ..
... 17
Kolam ... .. .. .. .. 137, 138 Kanan-balasi, shrine of Buddha
176n.
KolAttari Rajas, territory of the.. 197, 138, 167 Kasakudi Inscription ..
. . . . . . 79 Koli and Bakya tribes, intermarriage of, 307, Kasin. Seo Kusinagara.
966, 970 Katamaram .. ..
.. 386 Koli Balled.. ..
.. .. 129-130 Katyayans, date of, 21; Classification of Vedic Koliwada (Bombay) .. .. .. "187–130 Literature by .. .. .. .. 21.-24
Kolkhof, Pandyan port ... .. .. 61, 62 Kaveripattanam. See Puhar.
Kollam, Quilon .. ..
.. .. 166 Kodah . .. ..
... .. 135 Konyode, of Hiushinag .. .. .. kedara, meaning of ..
Kora (Chinono) identifioation of ...
::::::::
.
.. 186

Page #418

888
INDEX
..
.
.
.. 20 .. 262
.
.. .. 95
P.E.W. 41 .. 98, 97
96, 98, 170 .. 251n. .. .. 377 . Sc. 17
.
Limadura, identification of Linahon, pirate .. Limodra in Rajpipla Ling yate .. Lohogarh .. .. Lomaharsha ..
.. London, the
.. .. Longoloths. See Piece.goods. Long Hasan. See Uzun Hasan. Loo-choo, isls. Lucas, Sir G. Ludhiana .. . .. ..
.
P.E.W. 39
. .. 213 .. .. 310
Korea
P.E.W. 41, 43 Korki, Kolkhoi ..
.. . 61 Korkun
... . 360 kos, length of Kosala (Dakhina).. Kottayam .. .. .. . .. 131, 355n. Kottoor. See Kottura. Kottara, identification of.. . .. 68, 69, 01 Krishna Deva Raya, Tuļuva .. 9-11, 60, 96 Ksatriya Clans in Buddhist India, by Bimala Charan Law, (book-notice) ..
.. 349 Kigttriyas, and the Brahma-vidyd .. 241-248 Kucha. See An-hai.. Kudumiyamalai Inscription .. .. .. 47 Kuis.. . ..
.. . .. 49, 50, 70, 88 Kulottunga Chola, Inscription of, 85, 231, 367 Kumaradevi .. .. .. .. 371, 372 Kumari. Sea Comorin. Kuprinapur.. .. ..
.. .. 262, 263 Kunhale, pirate .. .. P.E.W. 42, 44, 480. Kunji Ali Markar .. .. .. P.E.W. 22, 23 Kushan Kings, coinage of .. .. 83, 83, 84 Kusinagara.. .. .. ... ... 349, 350 Kuvpra .. .. ..
.. 120 Kayavans (Kuswans) ..
.
Labbaie, Lubbaya... .. .. 132, 138, 168 Lac Fort. Seo Jaugada. La Chino, par Henri Cordier, (book-notice).. 20 Lake, Lord.. .. .. .. 201, 202, 310 Lakhimpuri, A Dialect of Modern Awadhi, by
Baburam Saksena, M.A., (book-notice) . 226 Lamani. Soo Vanjari. Jancha, moaning of .. .. P.E.W. 29n. Lanka ..
.. .. .. ..
.. .. .. 357, 358 larins, silver ..
.. .. .. 348 Lariya. Soo Chhattisgarhi. Later Mughale, by W. Irvino, (book-notice).. 201 Laro of Oleron .. .. P.E.W. 12, 13, 14 Left-hand castes .. .. .. .. 270, 271 Loquoos, (Liu Kiu) iala. .. .. .. .. 137 Lexicography Panjabi, Contributions to, 5459
120-124, 280-286, 321-330 Ling-panhau, pirate .. .. P.E.W. 46 Liochavi clan .. .. .. ... .. 349 Lion-yin, identication of, 102, 103, 141-145, 176 Life and Times of Chalukya Vikramaditya, by
A. V. Venkatrama Ayyar, M.A., (boot-notice), 307
MACAO .. ..
P.E.W. 28, 38n., 43 Maohin, Macinus ..
.. .. .. 135 Madagascar
.. .. .. .. 93 Madanna, 263 ; (Pantulu) .. .. Sc. 24n. Madapollam .. Sc. 19, 22, 24n., 28, 27n., 28 Madhyadees ..
.. .. 47 Madhyama Vyayoga, by the Rovd. E. R. Janvier, (book-notice) ..
.. .. 348 Madras (Madarasa patam) .. .. Sc. 18, 19 Madura, Argaru . ..
.. .. 104 Maenolia, Masulipatam .. .. .. . 52 MAgadha .. .. .. .. .. .. 87 Magadhi, title of Saktivarma .. .. Magellan .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 30 Mahdhdrata, significance of colours in the, 63, 64 MahdbMrata, illustrated edition, 41-45, 284 Mahak atara ..
.. .. .. .. 87 Maharashtra ..
. . . . . . 265 Mahars . . .
. . . . . . 265 Mahavira.
.. .. .. 245 Mahdavis .. . ., 250, 255, 258, 259n. Mahdu Rao Nêrayan, Poshwa .. .. .. 266 Mahendra, mt. .. .. 69–70, 88, 91 Mahendra Dova. See Jalaluddin Muhammad Shah. Mahendragiri, (Mount Mahendra) . 88, 91 Mahendravarman 1. Pallav, patron of poetry
and music .. .. .. .. 45–47 Mahidpur, battle .. .. .. . .. 310 Mahim
.. 212—214 Mahmud of Ghazni ..
P.E.W. 9 Mailpur. Soo Mylapore. Mainwaring, M. .. .. .. Sc. 18-20, 22n. majin, meaning of
250n. Malabar, A Christian Dynuty in . 107-159 Malabar, 39, 138; rock-cut tombe of . .. 370 Malabar Miscellany .. .. .. 366-367

Page #419

INDEX
389
Malacca, derivation of the name, 135, 136; Mendoza, Andreas Hurtado .. P.E.W. 42, 44
P.E.W. 16, 17, 25, 28, 30, 34, 35, 40 Merchant Adventurers .. .. P.E.W. 49-53 MAlati Madhava..
363 mestiçoes, definition of .. .. .. .. 93 Malay Archipelago .. .. .. 172, 173 Mikado, the .. .. Malik-i-Maidan .. .. .
mil (i.e., milo) .. ..
. .. 20 Maldi era .. . 125, 126 Milinda , .. .,
.. 357, 358 Mamandur Inscription of Mahendravarman I., Military Rewards, in Fort St. George (1703).. 226 Pallava .. .. .. **
Mindon Min .. .. .. **
.. 351, 352 mamlak .. .. ..
.. ..
.. .. 93, 96 Mintara Buddhakheti .. ..
.. .. 134 Mamlaks .. ..
.. .. 85, 86, 97 Miran Shah Husain. See Husain Nizam Shah II. Man, Mr. E. H., on the Andaman Islanders, Miran Shah Ali, ("Ali Nizâm Shan) .. 331-333
151-156, 216--224 Miran Shah Qasim, uncle of Husain Nizam Mandalay, palace of .. .. .. ..301 ShAh 11. ..
. . ..
. . ..
. . .
. . en. Mandalay, Protective Charm from .. 351-354 Mirapolis, Mailapur .. .. .. .. 131 Mandapam.. .. .. .. .. .. 167 Miraporam, riv., identification of . .. 131 Manikyâla inscription at..
..
53 Mir'Izz-ud-din Astarabadi . ..253-256n. Manila
P.E.W. 41, 46 | Mir Sayyid Murtazh. See Murtaza Sayyid. Manimekalui .. .. .. 78n., 79n. Mirza 'Aziz Kókaltash (Kuka), fostor brother Mani-Nagadipa. See Mani-pallavam.
of Akbar.. .. .. .. .. .. 164 Mani-pallavam, identification of .. 79, 350 Mirza JahAngir, s. of Akbar II. .. .. .. 164 Manipuram. See Manipallavam.
Mirza Khan, pirhud of Ahmadnagar, 35-38, Mangabdars .. ..
161n., 162, 250-256 Manu .. .. .. .. 275, 276, 278 Mirza Shah Humayun .. .. .. .. 231 manzil ..
Mipri, Hakim to Murtaza Nizam Shah I. 31, 35 Mapillas. See Moplahs.
Missionaries, European, in India .. 311 maraka, meaning of.. .. .. .. .. 147 Mixed Castos, (Laws of Manu) .. .. 24-29 Marakkars .. P.E.W. 19n., 21-23, 45n. Miyan Manjhů, rebellion of, 294-298, Marasimha Ganga, copper-plate Inscription of, 85
332n., 834, 337, 338n., 339n. Marathas.. .. 199202, 200,
199-202, 265, 308-310M lechchha .. .. .. .. .. .. 16 Maratha Wars .. .. .. .. 309, 310 Mohan, R., Chief at Masulipatam .. Bc. 18, 19 Marie-de-bon-secours, the.. . P.E.W. 31 Moluocas .. . .. P.E.W. 17n., 26, 31 Maritime Codes, early .. .. P.E.W. 12n. Moors .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 17n., 22, 24 markar Paté
. P.E.W. 44
Moplaha, 132, 135, 138, 167, 168, 179; P.E.W. 8 marriage, in the Code of Manu, 24-29; cross- Moreland, Mr. W. H., on Barbosa .. .. 130
cousin .. .. .. .. .. 267-272 Moriyas of Pipphalivana .. .. .. .. 360 marriage-customs in Burma .. .. .. 169
Mother Goddess, the.. .. .. .. .. 81 Marshall, John, first English student of Sans. Moti Shah, pretender, in Ahmadnagar, 298n., krit .. .. .. .. 19, 242n.
296n., 331, 3320., 335 "Martaban--jars" .. .. .. .. 135 Mrechakafika .. .. .. .. 59, 80 Martha, mother of Shah Isma'il .. .. 94
Mubariz-ud-din Abbang Khan, Amir, 331-333, Mascarenhas, Don Francisco ..
. 339n, 340 Mascarenhas, Don Giles James.. P.E.W. 42
Mudki, battle .. .. .. .. .. 310 Master, Robert ..
Mughal Administration, by Jadunath Sarkar, .. .. So. 17, 21
M.A., (book-notice) .. .. .. .. 224 Masulipatam (Moesalia) 52; (Metchlepatam),
Mughal Empire .. .. 232, 234, 242, 307–309 Sc. 18-21, 2426
Mughal Emperor and the East India Company, Matharuritti .. .. .. 180
198203 Matkar Muhammad Kunhale .. P.E.W. 44
Mughals, in the Deccan, 295—300, 331-340, Matoma. See St. Thomas.
344—348; P.E.W. 46–48 matriarchate, in Calicut ..
.. .. 169
mughrabi, definition of .. .. .. . . 93 Mauryas of Magadha .. ..
.. 350 Muhammad Adil Shah, Sark... .. 232, 233 Maya. See America (Central) and colour sym. Muhammad bin Bakhtiyar .. .. 319, 890 bolism.
Muhammad Ghori
.. . 307, 312 Maym. See Mohim.
Muhammad Khan, of Berar .. .. 258, 259 Medina Talnaby (Medinatun-Naby) .. .. 39 Muhammad Quli Qutb Sh8h. See Colcondah. Mendham's Point, Bombay ..
.. 350
Mubammed Raza ... . .. ... sc. 369.

Page #420

390
INDEX
230
14
Muhammad Shah, tomb of
164 Muhammad Shah, coins of Muhammad Shah I., Bahmani .. Muhammad Shah II., Bahmani..
230 Muhammad Tughlak .. ..
229 Muhammadan Dynasties
307 Muhammadans, of Burma, 134, 135; of Malabar, 1
172; and Bengal .. .. 347; P.E.W. 50 Mukand Raj (Port) .. .. .. 300n. Mukhalingam. See Kalinganagara. Muktagiri, (Jain sanctuary)
361n. Mullaiptu, Tamil poem
13-16 Mullik Kabool .. ..
.. 227 Mullins, Darby, pirate ..
P.E.W. 50 Mumbai goddess .. .. .. .. .. 212
.. .. 279-277 Munnurs . . .
.. .. .. 265 Murtas NAsam Shah I., reign of, 29—39 : death of, 39, 160n.; character of, 159, 160-162, 291,
296, 298n., 342n. Murtaza Nizam Shah II. .. 332n., 339n. Murtaza Sabzavari, Sayyid, of Berar, in the reign of usein Nizam Shah II, 162, 242n., 243,
848, 250, 251, 254, 256, 338, 34.n., 343, 345 Mdad al-Kazim .. .. . .. .. 94 Mashakas, rulers of R&mghat .. .. .. 138 Musalman, (Musalman). See Muhammadan. "Mutiny, In the Century before the ", 307-313 Mutanis .. ..
.. .. 265 Muttu Alakadri, Nayakkan .. .. .. 237 Musirikkodu, Muriria .. .. .. .. 51 Muriris. Soo Cranganore. Muztagh-sta, mt. . . .. .. .. 102n. Mylapore, and St. Thomas, 103, 105-107, 131, 355 Myrore War (1700) .. .. .. .. 309 Mythical Agen, interpreted by colours.. 63n., 64
Nambudiri Brahmans
.. .. 370 Nåna Sahib .. .. 200, 203, 310, 311 NAO!
.. .. .. 268 Nandas ..
. .. .. 350 NAnaghat Inscription of Queen Nayanika .. 266 Napputhanar, port .. . .. Naqshbandi History, Some Problems in, 301--211 Nárada. .. .. .. .. .. .. 247 NarasApuram, Narsipore .. Sc. 24n., 25 Narasimha Saluva .. .. . * Naravarman, Paramâra k. .
• 348 Narsing Rai .. .. .
360n. Narsingha of Vijayanagar .. .. .. 96 NAşir-ud-Din. See Khwaja Ahrar. Native Army .. ..
.. .. 307 Navâyats .. .. .. 93, 125, 132, 135, 168 Nayars .. . .. .. .. 169-172 Negritos, in S. E. Aria .. .. .. 153, 154 neolithic relics in the Far East .. 116, 117 Nestorian Christiana, of Malabar, 131, 158, 301 New and Critical Edition of the Mahabhdrata,
(book-notice) .. .. .. .. 375–378 Nilakanta .. .. .. .. .. .. 376 Nilakkal .. .. .. .. .. 358n., 357 Nitria, pirates of .. .. .. 51; P.E.W. 7 Nizâmpatam Nizam Shahi Kings of Ahmadnagar. Soo History
of the Nizam Shahi Kings of Ahmadnagar. Nizamuddin Aulia .. .. .. 163-165 Nizamu'l-Mulk .. .. .. .. .. 199 Northern Circars, Sco Orissa. Nurbakhshis .. .. .. .. 205-208 Nûr Muhammad Amin, Akbar's ambassador to
Bijapur ..... .. .. .. .. 294
..
157
Ochterlony, Gen. . .. .. .. 311
oda, meaning of .. Nabh nodiota. .. .. .. .. .. 275 Odia, dorivation of ..
47-50 Nachcha Jataka, and St. Thomas .. . 106 Odiamper, Diamper Nagasaki .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 43 Odirguama-lado (Udayagiri) .. .. .. 133 Nagas, the, connected with Pallavas .. 78-80 Odiya language .. .. ..
47, 49 Nagpore .. .. .. .. .. .. 311 Odra-desa .. .. .. .. .. 47 Naik of Sangameshwar .. .. . P.E.W. 42
Odra. .. .. .. .. ... 47-49 Nairs, the .. .. ..
.. P.E.W. 44, 45 Oko-Juwoi, Andaman Tribe.. .. .. 216 nainthika-brahmacurin .. .. . 275, 276
Omrah, Muhammadan Saint .. . P.E.W. 8 Nakkavkam, Nico bars..
.. . 136 Onyes, Andaman Tribe .. 152, 154-156 nalika-patti ..
Oriya. See Odiya Naļinapura. See Aļipura.
Oriana, derivation of, 47, 48, 131: (Northern Naldrug .. .. .. . .. . . 288.! Ciroars) .. .. .. .. 308, 309

Page #421

INDEX
391
Orthoure, of Ptolemy. See Uraiyur. Ottoman conquest of Egypt in A.H. 922 .. 85 Oudh ; Nawabs of, 308, 309; annexation of .. 311 Ozené (Ujjain) .. .. .. .. .. 51
.
Parmentier, Captain Joan .. ..P.E.W. 51, 52 Parthians, Pahlavas
.. 77, 78, 80 parwdna, meaning of .. .. .. 29n. PatAlaka .. .. ..
69 PatAeapuram, inscriptions at Patoles, lower-clasa Hindus Patenoy, ancient port ..
95 Pathé. See Panthay. Pathupattu, Tamil poems
14 Patna
242-244 Pedda Gollapalem (Gullepollam).. 8o. 24n. Pedda Kellapalli (Collipelle)
Sc. 24n. peirates, meaning of .. .. .. P.E.W. 50 Pelican, the .. ..
P.E.W. 52 Perez, Ferdinand .. .. P.E.W. 25, 27, 28 Perez, Simon .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 28 Perez, Thos. .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 28n. Perika
.. .. .. 265 Perumpupal .. ..
. .. 240 Peshwas of Poona, palace of .. 266, 309-311 Peter Mundy, 92, 93, 96, 167, 168, 235, 236 Petit Lion, the .. .. .. P.E.W. 59 Pettipoloe. See Nisampatnam. Pichakuntalas
.. .. 265 Piece-goods : Calicoes, printed ..
So. 19 Chinta . .
8c. 19 Dangri
Sc. 19 Longoloths
8c. 19 Patolas
169 Sallampores Sala ..
8c. 12 Tappiceels
" .. 169 Tapseiles
169 Pindaris Pilivalai, Nage, mother of Ilantirdyan .. 79 Pinto, Ferdinand Mendez .. P.E.W. 33–35 Piracy in Eastern Waters, Notes on, P.E.W. 1-52 Piram, isl. .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 10 Pirate Boats, ancient .. .. P.E.W. 16 Pirate Coast, W. India .. P.E.W. 7, 12, 13 PiratesArab
P.E.W. 1, 5, 6, 8, 39, 43 Andamanene .. .. .. P.E.W. 1 Arakanese .. .. .. P.E.W. 1, 14, 80, 47 Barbary .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 24, 49 Bawarij .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 9 Chinese, P.E.W. 1, 6, 7, 10, 14, 25, 30, 83, 38,
41, 43, 46, 47, 51 Dyaks
. .. P. W. 1 European, P.E.W. 1, 14, 17-20, 29, 31, 37,
43, 46, 47, 61 Indian .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 29 Japanese .. P.E.W. 1, 2, 14, 26, 80, 88, 41, 43 Jate .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 7, 8, 9
350 .. 80
Pacheco, Emmanuel
.. P.E.W. 29-31 Pacores, date of .. ..
.. .. 83 padao, meaning of ..
.. 350 Padepatam.. .. ..
..P.E.W. 44 Padas, meaning of ..
..P.E.W. 45 pagar (Malay), meaning of
86n. pdyára (Kanarese), meaning of .. .. 86n. pagoda .. .. .. .. .. .. 168 Pablavas, and Palla vas .. .. 77–80, 83, 84 Parlam, meaning of
.. .. 18, 249 paintings, printed calicoes. See Piece-goods. Paisdchi, varieties of .. .. .. 16, 17 Paishtapuraka. See Pishtapura. Paithan .. .. ..
258, 259 Pallakollu, (Pollicull) ..
Sc. 26n. Palaung and Faringi
... 185 Paloscatta, Pulicat
.. 133 Paliyat Achchan ..
158 pallav, meaning of.. .. pallava, meaning of .. Pallava painting. ..
45-47 Pallava architecture, and the Far East .. 116 pallavam (Tamil), meaning of .. .. 79, 350 Pallavas, Origin of the .. .. 77–80, 350 Pallis .. .. .. .. .. 77, 80, 368 palva, meaning of .. .. .. .. .. 350 Pamirs and Hindukush, A Chinese Expedi.
tion Across The .. 98-103, 139–145, 173—177 params, of Viraraya :
. . . . . . 85 Parcdyni-vidya .. .. ... .. ... 246 Påndye. See Aioi. Papinir date of, 21; classification of Sanskrit
Literature by .. .. .. .. 21-24 Panipat, battle .. .. .. .. 202, 242 Panjabi Lexicography, Contributions to (Series
IV), 54-59, 120-124, 280-286, 321-330 pan-rupari .. ..
. .. .. 95 Panthay .. Parenda .
.. 259 Parganati Era, Determination of the Epoch of the
.. .. 314-320 Parivr&jakas ..
.. .. 276 parivrajya .. .. .. .. .. 274 Parjitar Inscription
.. .. 83
..Sc. 19
*
310
.. 134

Page #422

392
INDEX
pumyalóka .. .. Purushavimoksha ..
. .
.. ..
276, 277 178, 180
.
Q&jár Dynasty of Persia . . . . . 94 Qasim, Nizam Shahi prince ...... 251n.
Qasim Beg, Hakim, to Burhan Nizam Shah I.; 1. pishva, under MurtazÀ Nizam Shah I., 29, 31n.,
33, 162, 355n., 267, 259 Qasim Beg, s. of Qasim Beg, Hakim .. 33, 34 Qotaība, Arab General .. .. .. .. 100 Quarterly Journal of The Mythic Society, Vol.
XIII, No. I (book-notice) .. .. .. 225 Quategatam. See Kottayam. Quedas. See Kedah, Quilicare. See Kilakkarai. Quilon ..
.. .. .. 105, 168 Qutbu'ddin.. .. .. .. .. .. 320
BODO VODO AAI..
..
..
..
.. 158
Pirates-contd.
Maghs. See Arakanese. Malabar .. P.E.W. 1, 6, 12, 13, 39-41, 44 Malay, P.E.W. 1, 12, 14, 25, 26, 27, 29, 40, 43, 46 Maratha ..
P.E.W. 1, 6 Meds .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 7, 9 Nico ba reso
P.E.W. 1 Phoenician
.. P.E.W. 5 Sanganian ..P.E.W. 1, 5, 7, 9, 32, 33, 39 Turkish .. .. P.E.W. 30, 32, 37, 43 of Nitria .. ..
.. 51; P.E.W. 7 Pishtapura. See Pitahpur. Pitahpur, Andhra cap. .. .. ... 68, 69 Pitr-yana .. .. .
.. .. .. 276 Pittapur .. .. ..
66 Plassey, battle of .. .. .. 299, 308, 313 Polonnaruwa. See Kalingapura. polygyny .. .. ..
..
29n. Polynesia, kingship in .. .. .. 81, 82n. poonac. See coco-nut oilcake. Pope Alexander VI. .. .. P.E.W. 17, 18 Pope Eugene IV .. .. .. .. .. 158 Pope John XXII.. .. Port Blair .. .. .. .. .. 151, 156 Portman's Andaman Vocabulary, 164n., 156,
216, 218, 220, 221, 223 Portugal and England, (1660) .. .. .211—214 Portuguese (Goa), 11, 92, 93, 96, 97, 232n., 238, 290-292, 307; P.E.W. 13, 17-24, 41, 42,
44, 45, 47, 48, 49 Portuguese and Spanish names, Arabic foundation of .. .. ..
94 Portuguese relieg in Bassein ..
348 Porul, meaning of .. .. .. .. 13 Potharaya, Pallava title..
79 póttu (Tamil) meaning of
.. 79 Prakriti .. ..
.. 178-180 Pratapaditya of Jessore.. .. P.E.W. 47 pratiloma .. .. .. .. .. 25-29 Pravahana Jaivali .. .. .. 246, 248 praurdjin .. .. .. .. 272, 277, 278 Progress Report of The Archæological Survey of
India, Western Circle, for the year ending Mar.
31st, 1920, by R. D. Banerji, (book-notice), 266 Progress Report of The Archaeological Survey of
India, Western Circle, for the year ending
March 31st, 1921, (book-notice). .. .. 347 Property in Hindu Law.. .. .. .. 29 Packlo, Major W. .. .. Sc. 19, 20 Puhat (Pukar) early Chola cap., European set
tlement at .. .. .. .. 82, 78, 79 Pulicat, connection of St. Thomas with, 106n.,
107, 138 "Pasal ada," Chola-nadu .. .. .. 193 Panjab, conquest of ... .. .. .. 311
..
.. 66
Radcliffe, Eliz. See Scattergood, Eliz. Radcliffe, Peter .. .. .. Sc. 18, 19, 27 Radcliffe, Thos. .. .. .. ..Sc. 19, 27 Raghu, conquests of .. ..
69, 70 Ragolu Inscription . .. .. 68, 69 rahatve (Sinhalese), meaning of .. .. 80n. Reikva .. .. ..
... 246 Rajahmandry... .. Rajaraja, Eastern Chalukya .. .. :. 66 rája-vidya, meaning of .. .. .. .. 248 Rajputs
.. .. .. 95, 309, 310 Rakaluva. See Rajolu. Rima .. .. .. .. 362, 363, 365, 366 Ramacaritamdnasa. . . . . . . . 71n. Ramaraja SAluva .. .. .. .. .. 11 Rama-sarman. See Apabhramsa Stabakas. Ramdyan of Tulsidas, Declension of The Noun
in .. .. .. .. .. 71-76 Ramchandra Rai .. .. .. P.E.W. 47, 48 Ramghat, identification of .. .. .. 138 Ramsden, G. .. .. . Sc. 24n., 27 Rander (Reynel) .. .. .. .. .. 95 random shot, meaning of .. .. .. 126n. Ranga, k. of Chandragiri .. .. 263, 303 Rangpür, birthplace of Hir, H.R. 66-67, 69 Rani of Jhansi .. .. .. . 200, 203

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INDEX
393
Ranjit Singh
.. .. 310 SalAbat Khân, favourite of Murtaza Niyam Rashtrakuta Dynasty ..
.. .. 266 ShAh I., 29-33, 37n., 38n., 161n., 259-261, 342n. R@yakotta Copperplate Inscription
79, 80 Salim, prince, and the Deccan .. . 339n. Red Flag, piratical use of .. .. P.E.W. 7
Sallampores. See Piece-goods.
Sallampe Regulations Act (1773) .. .. .. 309, 311
Salsette . . . .
.. .. .. 212, 213 Remewe, the ... .. .. .. P.E.W. 46 SAlu. See Piece-goods. Report of the Superintendent Archæological Survey Balukku and Chalukya .. .. .. .. 368
of Burma, 1021-22, (book-notice) .. .. 301 Saļuva Dynasty .. .. .. .. 9 Resbutos. See Rajputs.
SamApa : or The Asokan Kalinga, 60—70, 87-91 Rovdanda .. .. .. .. 291n. Sam&pa, derivation of .. .. .. .. 91 Rewa State .. ..
.. .. 347 Samapa, identification of .. .. .. 91 Reynel, identification of .. .. .. .. 95 samgha, Buddhist .. .. .. .. .. 349 right-hand castes .. .. .. .. 270, 271 samhitds, Vedic .. .. Ritual Murder as a Means of Procuring Children, Sami Sri Chanda Sata. Soe Chandra Sri Sata.
113-115 karni. Robinson, Thos., companion of Peter Mundy.. 9 Sam Lourenco. See Madagascar. Rohankhed, battle of .. .. .. 288-290 sampan, derivation of ..
... .. 168 Romans, and India, relations between.. 50-53 Sampa-ti-puram ..
9ln. rope-bridge .. .. .. .. 174n.! Samron Sen Cambodia
Samron Sen (Cambodia), noolithic relics from, Ruby Mines of Burma. See Capelan.
116, 117 Rudradáman, Kshatrapa, 84, 149; in the samuccaya, meaning of .. .. .. .. 84
Andhau Inscriptions .. .. .. 278, 279 ) Samudragupta, celebration of horse-sacrifice by. Rudradeva. See Rudrasena I.
17; conquest of Kalinga by .. 68–70, 78, 91 Rudrasena I. .. ..
. .. 17 . Sancan, q.. .. .. .. .. .. 119 Rudrasimha, W. Kshatrapa
60, 181, 182 sandrach gum . . . . . . 51n. Rudrasinha, Ahom k. ..
.. .. .. 347
Sandwich Islands, king-god in .. .. .. 81 Russell, Sir W. H.
.. .. 312 Sandwip, isl. .. .. .. P.E.W. 47, 48 Ruyzer, Nicolaas .. ..
.. Sc. 25n. Sangan-Narayan, deity .. .. P.E.W. 11 Sankara .. ..
. .. .. 182 Sankhya Karikás, Problem of the .. 177-181 sannydsin .. ..
.. .. 272, 276, 277 Sanskrit Literature. See Pånini, Katydyana. San Thomé ..
103, 106, 107 Śantideva .. ..
. .. .. 84 San.wen .. ..
.. P.E.W. 6 Sabards .. .. .. .. .. .. 47
wapinda, defined ..
... .. 24 Sabayo, title of Yûsuf 'Adil Khân .. .. 96 Saptasaila .. .. Sacrifice Rock .. .. .. P.E.W. 22, 45sarasses
sarasses . . ..
. . .. .. .. .. 169 Sadkawan. Soe Chittagong.
Sarhad. See Lien-yün. Safavi Dynasty of Persia ..- . .. 94 Sarikoli ..
.. . 1021., 103, 139 . . i. 357 Sarmad .. .. .. ..
.. 358 Sahasanka, title of Chandragupta . .. 184
Sárnáth Inscription .. ..
84n. Sahib Qiran. See Burhan Nizam Shah II.
Sarndth-kd-Itihdsa, by M. Brindabanachandra Saida, husband of Hiri. .. H.R. 68, 74
Bhattacharya, M.A. (book-notice) .. 370-375
Sarva-mddha St. Lawrence, isl. See Madagascar.
.. .. ..
.. ..
.. 245
Sasas, governor of Taxila ... .. .. 83 St. Thomas, The Christians of, in South Indii,
Satakarni ..
88, 67 103-107
Satani St. Thomas, 131 ; Christians of, 157-159, 355, 356
Satara .. .. Saiyid Ali Hamadani, şafi Saint, 200n., 206n.
sats ..
96, 311 saka Era . . .. .. .. .. .. 84
Sati Asakal, the Saka Satraps and Chandragupta Vikramaditya,
.. .. 387 satya
.. 276, 277 181-184 Satyasimha..
.. .. 181 Sakayana .. .. .. ..
. Savaras .. ..
70, 87, 88, 91 Saku varma, k. of Kalinga .. .. 68, 69 8&vitri .. ..
... .. 849 Sakya and Koli Tribes. See Koli.
sayer, meaning of ..
.. .. 238, 239
... 138
.. 365
.. 311

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394
INDEX
78
.. 275
Sayyid 'Ali, on the NipAm Shahlo, 3in., 160n..
161n., 205n. 287n., 292n., 293n., 331n., 336n. Sayyid Hasan ..
.. . 251, 252 Sayyid Muhammad of Jaunpur ..... 269n. Scapegoat, Human
. . . . . . . . 185 Scattergood, Catherine .. .. .. Sc. 31, 32 Scattergood, Eliz. .. .. . Sc. 31 Scattergood, John
.. ..Sc. 24, 30 Scattorgood, John (junior), Sc. 17n., 31n., 32 Scattergood, R. .. .. .. Sc. 17, 31, 32 Scot, Edmund, E.L.C. Agent .. P.E.W. 51 Seor and maund, capacity of, in Sylhet, 18; in
Waziristan .. .. .. .. .. ... 20 Selections Prom Avesta And Old Persian, (First
Serios). Part I, by I. J. S. Taraporowalla,
(book-notice) .. .. .. .. 305, 348 Selim I. .. .. .. Semang .. ..
.. .. 154 Sena Kinga .. .. ..
314, 319 Sengutpuvan, Chéra k... Sepoy. See Native Army. Seringapatam .. .. Servidore, identification of Setubhanda, meaning of .. Seven Pagodas .. .. Sox colours
.. 64 Shahabu'ddin.See Muhammad Chori. Shah Alam .. .. ..
201, 202, 308, 309 Shah 'All .. ..
.. .. 332, 333n. Shah Isma'il of Persia .. .. ..
.. .. 94
.. 94 Shah Jahan ..
.. 35, 36, 234 Shah Tahir, pretender w, pretender
..
.. .. .. 295n. ShAh Tahmasp .. .. .. .. .. 94 Shaikhaji, Shaikha Baba. See Salim. Shams, founder of the Narbakhshi Order, 205, 206 Shams-ud-Din, Sultan of Kashmir .. .. Shashtitantra .. .. .. .. 179, 181 Shaw, Mr. Goo. .. .. .. .. .. 266 Shekh Haidar Safi .. .. .. .. 84 Shekh Saifu'ddin Ishak of Ardabil .. .. 94 Shihabuddin Khwaja .. . P.E.W. 30, 32 Shih-ni, Shighman on the Oxus .. .. 174n. Shipman, Sir A. .. .. .. .. .. 212 Shivaji and His Times, by Jadunath Sarkar,
(book-notice) .. .. .. .. .. Shivgaon .. ..
. . .
. . . . . 258 Shol&por .. .. .. .. 30, 3ln., 32 Showitakh-Showar-shur .. .. .. .. 174 Sial. Seo Syal. Si Alkot. See Bagala. Siam ; and Shan, 135; funeral customs of .. 173 Bidh Sena .. ..
.. . 239 Sidi Maula .. ..
.. ..227 Sikati (Chikati) .. .. .. .. 80, 87, 91 Sikhs, rise of the ..
.. ..310
Sikshásamuccaya, A Compendium of Buddhist
Doctrine, (book-notice).. .. .. .. 84 Silahâra Dynasty .. ..
.. .. 266 Sinan
. .. P.E.W. 33 Sind, Amirs of . ..
. . . . . .. 310 SindAbûr, (of Arab geographers). Soo Cintacora. Sindia Mahädaji .. .. 200-202, 309, 310 Singapore .. .. .. ..
.. .. 137 Singe
.. 265 Sinhala-dvipa (Ceylon) .. :
.. 132 Siriam
.. 135 Sirkap, Kushận coins in ..
83 Siro-Polemaios. See Śri-Palumâyi. Sita .. .. .. .. .. .. 363–366 Sitâbaldi, battle .. ... .. . .. 310 Sittannavåsal (Pudukkottai State), frescoes at, 45 siva, in the Cham country .. .. .. 119 śivadatta, Abhira. See sadraks. Śivaji, 215; coins of .. .. 226, 308, 312 Śiva-Skanda-Naga sätakarni, and the Pallava, 78 Sivoma. See śiva. Skanda Någa. See siva-Skanda-Naga-śAtakarni. Skânda Sishya, Pallava ..
.. .. .. 79 andtaka .. .. So braon, battle .. .. ... .. .. 310 Sogdiana .. ..
.. 100 Sokotra . i.
P.E.W. 9, 13 Somėkvara II. ..
. .. 367 Sompêt. See Samapa. Sona, legend of .. .. .. .. .. 82 Soringoi. See Toringai. Soter-Megas, coins of .. .. .. .. 83 Sources for The History of Vijayanagar, by
Gurty Venkat Rao, M.A., (book-notice) .. 126 South Andaman Language, A Dlotionary of
The, Appendix XIII... .. 8.A.L. 189—203 Spaniards .. .. P.E.W. 17, 18, 23, 41, 49 Spanish, in India .. .. .. .. .. 307 sråddh ..
.. 276, 277 framana ..
.. .. 277 Sri Harsha of Kanauj, by K. M. Panikkar, B.A., (book-notice) .. .. ..
.. 370 Śrikovil Tomple, Calicut .. .. .. .. 167 Śri-Pulumáyi, 81; coins of .. .. .. 78 Sthanis, Five Rajas . .. .. .. 172 Story of Hir and Ranjha.. .. H.R. 65–78 Streynsham Master
Sc. 20, 21, 26, 28, 29 Studies in Mughal India, by Jadunath Sarkar,
(book-notice) .. .. .. .. .. 224 Study of Caste, by P. Lakshmi Narasu, (book. notice) .. .. .. ..
i. .. 369 Subarnarókha. Seo Kapisa. Subject-Index to Periodicals, (book-notice) .. 19 Subordinate alliance, system of .. .. 309, 310 Suohen, q. . . .. .. .. 119
::::::
205
:
:

Page #425

INDEX
396
güdraka, identification of
.. 59, 60 Sukumdrataram, interpretations of .. 179, 180 Sulaiman Pasha . . .
P.E.W. 32, 33 Sulaiman Reis .. ..
. P.E.W. 30 Sultan Abd Sa'id Mirza .. .. .. .. 208 Sultan Husain. See Mirza Khan. Sultan-ud-Din al-Kashghari, Naqshbandi Shaikh,
207n. Sultans of Delhi, and famine .. 228, 229, 232 Sumatra, sales in fortified places in .. .. 86 Suraju'ddaula
. .. .. 308 Suruces. See Sarasses. Sussex .. ..
.. .. .. P.E.W. 52 Buttee. Soe sati. Svapna-Vasavadatta .. .. .. 60, 348 Svetaka, Chêtaka Svetaketu .. .. .. .. 246, 247, 276 Swamidatta, defeated by Samudragupta .. 68 swdmirikhi, jógis .. .. Swan, the .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 49 Syal, Rajput tribe: H.R. 65character of, H.R. 67, 76 Syrian Christians, 104-106, 131, 132, 157, 158,
350n., 356
Tarim basin
99-101, 139, 142 Tartharol, Toda sect
.. .. 270 Ta-shih, Arabs ..
.. .. 176 Tash-Kurghan .. .. .. .. 102, 103 Tauala .. .
.. .. . 279 tauvu, meaning of .. .. 268, 271, 272 tawaif . ..
.. .. 224 taxation, and famine, 194, 195, 228, 229, 231, 232,
235, 238, 239 Taxila, excavations in, 53 ; discoveries at .. 304 Teivaliol, Toda sect .. .. .. .. 270 Telagas .. .. .. .. .. .. 265 tenga. See cocoanut. Thana . .. .. ..
P.E.W. 40 Theophilus, Bishop .. .. ..P.E.W. 7 Tholkáppiyam, Tamil grammar .. .. 13 Thomas, k. of Malabar .. .
.. 158 Thorne, Mr. J. A., on Barbosa, 130, 131, 138, 167 Tiastanes. See Chashtana. Tibet, disposal of the dead in, 185; New Year custoof
. .. .. .. .. 185 Tibetans and Chinese, 98, 100-102, 139-143,
176, 177 Timoja (Tirumaya) .. .. P.E.W. 20n. Timur .. .. .. .. .. 205, 230 Tindal (Tandell) meaning of
.. Sc. 23n. Tipu Sultan .. 125, 126, 132, 199, 308, 309 Tiruvanai, Adam's Bridge .. .. .. 132 Tiruvankódu
.. .. .. .. .. 131 Tivill, J. .. .. .. .. . Sc.24n. Tokharistan
.. .. .. 100 tomba, rock-cut .. .. .. .. .. 370 tondai, meaning of.. ..
. .. 79 Tondaimán Ilantirdyan, founder of the Pallava
dynasty .. .. . . .. .. 79, 80 Tondaimandalam .. .. .. .. 78, 79 Topaz, meaning of .. . . . . . 263 Toringai, identification of
.. 104 Tortoise Island (Cochin China), neolithic relics from ..
.. .. .. 116, 117 torture
. .. . . P.E.W. 51 Torali
.. 66, 70, 87-89 Tree-burial in Andamans..
.. .. 222 Trenchfield, Richard
.. Sc. 31n., 32 Trichinopoly .. .. ..
.. .. 368 Trimurti .. .. ..
.. .. .. 170 Trivetore .. ..
.. .. .. 133 trtiya .. .. .. .. .. .. 272 T'Aung-ling, mti, identification of . 102n. Tughlaqs .. .. .. .. .. 163, 164 Tulji, dancing girl, favourite of Murta, Nizam
Shah I. .. .. .. 30, 32, 34, 35, 37n., 38n. Tulsidas, Ramdyan of .. .. .. 71-76
.
.. 134
Tabin Shwedi .. .. .. .. Tabo
. . . . . . 217 Tahiti, King-god in Tahmasp, Adilshahi T'ai tsung Tang, emp... .. Takht Hazara, in Gujranwala, home of Ranjha,
H.R. 73 Takht-i-Bahi Inscription Talaings ... .. .. tambarano, meaning of .. .. .. .. 98 Tamil country, in Aneient literature, 13, 14;
deities of the .. .. .. .. 13, 14, 15 Tamil Literature, the Pallavas in i .. 78 T'an-chü, Darkot .. .. .. 140, 143, 145, 173 T'ang Dynasty .. .. .. .. 98-101 Tani Mudaliyar. See St. Thomas. Tanjore Inscription
.. .. 136 Tantia Topi . . . . . . . . . . 200 Taocay, pirate .. ..
P.E.W. 41 tapas tapasya. .. .. .. 273, 275–277 tapchiadie. See chindie-skirt. Tappipeels (Tapeeiles). Soe Piece-goods.
.. 272

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396
INDEX
Tuluva dynasty .. Turks and Chinese
.
..
9 99, 100
..
.. 272
..
. 68
50
'Ubaid-Ullâh. See Khwaja Ahrar. Uber Das Verhaltnis Zwischen Odrudatta und Mrocha
kafika, by Georg Morgenstierne, (book-notice), 60 Udayagiri hills .. .. .. .. .. 133 Udayagiri Inscription .. .. Udayamperar. See Diamper. Udayavar .. .. Uddalaka Aruni ..
246 Udydfri. See Chhandoga. urgd, meaning of .. ..
26n. Ujjayini (Ujjain) .. .. Ukthika, meaning of ..
.. 22 upakurvana-brahmacárin..
.. 276 Upanagaram, dialect ..
4, 5 Upanishads.. .. ..
244—248 "Upper Roger" (uparâja). See Jobrâj. Uraiyur .. .. ..
78, 79 Urgapura. See Argaru. usury, in ancient India .. .. 148n., 149 Utkala .. .. .. .. .. 47, 48, 69 Utkalas . .
.. .. 70 Uttara Kalinga .. .. .. ..
18, 49, 76
18, 49, 70 Uzun Hasan, Turkomån ruler .. .. .. 94
vani.. ... ..
. . . . . . . . 278 Vanjari .. ..
.. .. 266 Vannathåns ..
.. 17 Vanniyans.. .. Vasco da Gama .. .. 157 ; P.E.W. 17-20, 29 VAinhtiputra,' title of Saktivarma .. .. 68 VagnushAns, unknown k... . .. Vedanta philosophy .. .. .. vedanuracana Vedic Antiquities, by G. Jouveau-Dubreuil,
(book-notice) ... .. veikila, meaning of ..
.. 268 veimbatikl, meaning of .. ... . 268 veitambani, meaning of .. .. .. 268, 269 veiwekani, meaning of . .. -. .. 271 Vellalas .. ..
.. .. 77, 80 Velúrpalayam Copper-plate Inscription, 77, 78 Venkaji .. .. ..
.. .. 239 Ventoquian, pirate . .. P.E.W. 41 Vibhaga, Takki Vibhapa .. Vidarbha, Vaiduryagarbha i . .. Vidnyanabhikshu .. .
'. 181 Vijayanagara Empire, origin, growth and decline
of (contd. from Vol. LI, p. 235) .. 9-12 Vijayanagara, civilizing influence of .. .. 12 Vijayanagar .. .. ..
.. 96, 308 Vijay drug .. .. .. .. .. .. 96 Vikrama era
.. .. .. 83 Vikramaditya VI...
.. . 367, 368 Villiyâsvattam, Christian dynasty of .. 157-159 Vima-Kadphises .. .. Vincent, Matthias .. .. .. .. Sc. 30 Viracharita .. .. .. .. 363, 364, 366 Virarájéndra, Chola k. ..
.. 367 VisAlad@va .. ..
.. 227 Vishnu, cult of, in the Far East.. .. .. 118 Vishnu, on mixed marriages
28n. Vodden (Odra-desa) Vonk, Dirk.. .. ..
Sc. 28n. Vracada dialect .. ..
.. 3, 4, 5 Vyasa . ..
.. .. 377
..
..
83
62
70
Vachaspatimiéra .. ..
.. .. 180 váhya, meaning of .. ..
.. 26 Vaiduryagarbha, identification of
.. 69 Vaikhanagas ..
274, 276 Vaikkarai .. .. .. .. Vaisali .. ..
.. 349 Vaisi, possibly Bassein in Bombay
291n. Vaitarani, riv. Vajfiavalkya
.. .. .. 245, 247 ValagambAhu, k...
.. .. ..
.. .. .. 358 Valaivånan, Naga k. of Mani-pallavem.. .. 79 Vallala Sena .. ..
.. .. 319 Vallali Era .. .. .. .. 314, 316, 318, 319 Valmiki .. .. .. .. 262-265 urinapraatha.. .. .. .. 245, 272-377 Vanga, identification of ..
.. .. .. 70
waba, meaning of .. .. .. .. .. 239 Wales, Samuel .. .. .. .. Sc. 19, 22 Waliya Bibi, the ..
.. .. .. 167 Waris Shah, composer of the Story of Hir and
Ranjha .. .. H.R. 66-68, 74, 75, 77, 78 Wha, Guoos..
.. .. 133, 134, 173 Wasundhaye
.. .. .. .. 301

Page #427

INDEX
397
Wellesley, Sir Arthur, 201--203; Lord, 309, 310, Yavana soamen .. .. .. .. .. 104 White Elephant .. .. .. .. .. 172 Yavanas .. .. " White Folk," of the Celebes and Sulu Islande, 136 Ydalcam. See Yusuf 'Adil Khan. Wilcox, Judge ... .. .. .. 214, 215 Yelahanka Chiefs of Magadi .. .. .. 225 Wu-ti, Han einp. .. .. .. .. .. 09 Yerewa, North Andaman tribes.. .. Wynne, M., Chief at Madapollam .. Be. 22, 26 York Fort, Sumatra .. ..
Yusuf 'Adil Khan, founder of the 'Adil-Shahi
dynasty .. .. .. .. .. .. 96
yafra.. .. .. .. YAjfiavalkya, date of .. Yajnika, meaning of .. Yelemanchiti (Ellemanchete) Ya'qub Charkhi .. Yuin .. . Yeodharman .. .. yati .. Yavans soldiers
.. 272, 278, 276 .. 22, 276–278 .. .. .. 22 .. .. So. 25n. .. 208n., 207, 210
173, 1740.
.. 370 .. 245, 272-278 .. - 61, 62
Zairbadt .
. .. .. 134 Zamorin of Calicut, 130, 138, 169, 170, 172;
P.E.W. 42, 44, 480. Zeb-un-niena .. .. .. .. .. .. 225 Zeinal, Malay Chiel .. .. .. P.E.W. 25 Zimme, Chiongmal ....
.. .. .. 133

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Page #429

NOTES ON PIRACY IN EASTERN WATERS.
By S. CHARLES HILL.
Introduction. 1. In collecting the following notes I have been guided rather by the popular than by the legal interpretation of the terms Pirate and Piracy. Whilst legal rulings would exclude all acts of violence at sea, the perpetrators of which held regular commissions or acted with the approval of the princes whose subjects they were or of the communities to which they belonged, the general opinion of mankind has through all times stigmatized as piratical all unnecessary violence or excessive cruelty committed on the seas, without any regard to any technical justification put forward by the perpetrators. Thus Thucydides (Pelop. War, I, 4, 8) describes as piratical the exploits of the Hellenes and Barbarians who harassed the trade of the Mediterranean in the fourth century B.c., though so far from these being considered disgraceful, they carried with them "even some glory," and when in the year 1822 Sir George Cockburn asserted in Parliament that the ill-treatment of British merchant sailors in the West Indies was not piratical because committed under the Spanish flag, Edmund Burke indignantly protested (Hansard Parl. Debates, 31st July 1822) that such "fictions of law and metaphysical fallacies" made " an end of all security on the sea," and that “when the crew of a vessel perpetrated acts which were unknown to civilized war, she must be considered prima facie a pirate".
2. I had originally intended to include in my collection instances of piracy in all the seven seas, but the amount of material is so great that I have here limited myself to that which refers to piracy east of the Cape of Good Hope, with only occasional reference to piratical interruption in the Atlantic of trade between Europe and the East. Even so the subject is immense. The indigenous pirates belonged to many races and may roughly be divided into (1) the Arabians on the shores of the Red Sea and Persian Gulf, (2) the Sanganians, inhabitants of the Indian Coast from the delta of the Indus to Kathiawar, (3) the Malabarese and Marathas dominating the coast from Surat to Cape Comorin, (4) the Arakanese or Maghs inbabiting the northern coast of the Bay of Bengal, (5) Andaman and Nicobar Islanders, (6) the Malays and Dyaks of the Malay Peninsula and Archipelago, (7) the Chinese and (8) the Japanese. To the above groups of pirates must be added the European pirates who infested the Eastern Seas from the arrival of the Portuguese at the end of the fifteenth century up to the middle of the eighteenth. Amongst these, British, Irish and American (all under the common denomination of English) are exceedingly prominent, but though there is no doubt that in point of numbers they exceeded the pirates of other European nations fexcepting perhaps the Portuguese), it is equally certain that these other nations supplied recruits to the bands of desperadoes in full proportion to their mercantile strength and activity in the East. As I have not had access to their national Records, these notes, as far as regards piracy by subjects of the Continental nations of Europe, are lamentably incomplete. Further, it must be remembered that the indigenous pirates preyed chiefly upon native trade and so their depredations, which must have been enormous and continuous, are hardly ever mentioned in European Records except when European trade was affected. The study of the private records of leading Indian families in the Bombay Presidency ought to throw much light on this subject.
3. In these notes are included a number of incidents of a non-piratioal nature. These are chiefly connected with the occupation of territory by European Powers and are included simply to show how these Powers were concerned with the repression of the local piratical

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communities. It will be observed that many incidents and details have been included upon doubtful authority. I can only reply that I give my authorities. Also, when one remembers that pirates were never looked upon as honourable enemies, it is natural that, whilst the depositions of their victims were exculpatory of their own carelessness or cowardice, they exaggerated the criminality of the freebooters; on the other hand, the depositions of captured pirates were always open to the suspicion which attaches to King's Evidence. Thus, except as regards the bare outlines and exact dates of events, official records are as untrustworthy as private accounts, whilst the latter are fuller, more human and more illuminating. We may, in short, be sure that tales of comtemporary piracy, even if untrue as to facts, were correct delineations of character and customs. Beside the authors, upon whose writings I have drawn freely, I am much indebted for assistance to Sir Richard Temple, Mr. W. Foster, C.I.E., Mr. A. I. Ellis and above all, to Miss L. M. Anstey.
N.B. I have left the spelling of the names of persons and places, whether they occur in quotations or in the narrative, practically as they are to be found in the original sources of my information.
ADVENTURERS, THE.
183-85, 216.
ALI RAJA (or COGI ALI). 167, 347, 506, 641. AMERICANS. 761, 788, 865, 913, 918.
ANDAMANESE. 404, 723, 878.
BADJAK. 889.
BAJAUS. 97.
BALANINI. 869, 896, 898.
BALUCCOS. 420.
BANJAREENS. 514.
Contents.1
ANGLO-AMERICANS. 367-370, 379-381, 385, 386, 389-399, 406-419, 432-461, 463-465,
476-481, 486-492, 493-505, 508, 510, 511, 520-528, 547-549, 552, 554-560, 578. ANGRIANS. 384, 429, 468, 518, 529, 533, 535, 561, 570-576, 583, 584, 594-597, 599-612,
624-627, 643, 644-616, 689, 712-795, 796.
ARABIANS. 4-6, 11, 19-25, 144, 163, 328, 329, 331, 339, 340, 350, 359-361, 375-376, 400, 401, 418, 420-425, 470-475, 483-485, 515, 516, 537, 538, 587, 588, 619, 632, 633, 650-653, 657, 665-668, 721, 722, 742-753, 792-794, 797, 798, 812-814, 835-840, 869, 899, 900.
ARAKANESE. 113, 177-182, 310-319, 713.
BARBARY ROVERS. 234, 326, 327.
BAWARIJ. 28.
[ JANUARY, 1923
BOUGINAIS. 808.
BROTHERS OF THE COAST, 940.
BENI YAS.
836, 838.
BLACK FLAG. 131, 235, 397, 403, 410, 553, 555, 790, 851, 893.
BLACK FLAGS, THE. 933.
BLOODY OF RED FLAG. 18, 235, 236, 277, 374, 410, 438, 443, 446, 479, 521, 535, 553,
555, 556, 579, 604, 623, 662, 829, 836, 886, 888, 913.
BOMBAY MARINE. 222, 609, 833.
BUGIS. 97, 635, 735, 779, 820, 824, 850.
BUTANS. 935, 936.
1 The figures in the Contents refer to the numbered sections in the text.

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JANUARY, 1923)
NOTES ON PIRACY IN EASTERN WATERS.
1
CANARESE. 64, 69. CANNANOBA PIRATES See ALI RAJA. CAUSES OF ANGLO-AMERICAN PIRACY. 493-495. CHAUB ARABS. 651, 666. CHAVAS. 27. CHINESE. 10, 33, 90-92, 111, 123, 138-142, 151-154, 162, 176, 196, 197, 252, 263.
290-296, 320, 332-337, 550, 551, 720, 736-739, 754, 762-774, 817, 818, 841. 842
862-866, 901-934. COCHIN CHINESE. 640, 656, 738. COTA PIRATES. 347. DANES. 230, 246, 288, 362-366, 371, 372, 397, 411, 416, 502, 558n. DIYENI. 15. DUTCH. 198-203, 207, 208, 214, 231, 237-244, 248, 254-256, 282-287, 296-299, 321, 322.
338, 381, 402, 503, 547, 548, 561, 581, 582, 587, 614, 631. DYAKS. 97, 203, 785, 821, 861, 868. ENGLISH. 137, 190-195, 204-206, 214-220, 232, 233, 237-244, 249-251, 269, 274-278,
308, 309, 323, 324, 351-353, 377, 378, 581, 582, 589-591, 594, 615-618, 631, 679-683,
799, 833, 834, 905, 910, 914, 927. See also ANGLO-AMERICANS. FLAGS. 18. 58, 131, 216, 235, 236, 277, 364, 374, 397, 403, 410, 415. 438. 443. 446. 479.
500, 507,521, 535, 552, 553, 555, 556, 579, 604, 623, 662, 677, 754, 773, 790, 829, 836.
851, 886, 888, 893, 913. FORMOSANS. 142, 213, 243, 320, 333-337, 935, 936. FRENCH. 88, 137, 186-189, 271-273, 301-304, 388, 435, 439, 479-481, 496, 509, 522
547, 589-591, 148, 185, 714, 758-780, 800, 801. FRENCH-AMERICANS. 373, 374, 403, 412, 416, 441. GOHILS. 34. GURJJARAS. 27. HUNGARIANS. 684. ILLANUNS or LANUNS. 97, 672, 673, 724, 776, 852, 853, 856, 874, 893. INDIANS IN THE MEDITERRANEAN. 107. IRISH. 367, 491, 494, 521, 554. JAN-DOUS, THE, 866. JAPANESE. 30-32, 53-58, 90-92, 132-135, 138-142, 151-154, 164-166, 211-213, 254, 256
259-268. JATS. 8, 20, 26, 27. JAVANESE. 97, 342, 587, 729. JOASMIS. 721, 742-753, 792,793, 797, 798, 814, 836. JOLLY ROGER, THE. 553. JOLOMEN. 174, 175. KABAS. See VAGHERS. KEMPSAUNT or KEMPSHEW. See KHEM SAWUNT. KERKS. 26. KHARVAS or KEARWAS. 8, 35. KEEM SAWUNT. 250, 346, 382, 430, 532, 534, 600, 602, 604, 608, 642, 654, 663, 686, KOLIS. 8, 34, 306, 592, 604, 608, 657, 715. LADRONES. 253, 720. See CHINESE. MAGHS. See ARAKANESE. MALABARISK. 12-14, 41-62, 67-87, 143-146, 148-150, 155-161, 167-170, 221-228,
249-251, 270, 279-281, 305-307, 330, 331, 343-350, 382-384,428-431, 438. 462, 466-469, 482, 506, 507, 517-519, 529-536, 561, 570-577, 683-586, 594 597, 599-613, 624-627, 641-647, 654, 655, 658-663, 686-692, 795, 796.

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(JANUABY, 1923
MALAGASY. 755-757. MALAYS. 37-40, 59, 60, 95-99, 108-110, 147, 174, 175, 202, 203, 229, 257, 258, 289, 300,
.325, 341, 312, 405, 512-614, 627, 539-544, 580, 593, 620-622, 634-639, 669-677, 693-712, 724-735, 775-791, 802-811, 815-816, 819-832, 843-861, 867-877, 885–
898, 937-945. MALTESE. 546. MALWANS. 307, 608, 646, 657, See MARATHAS. MARAKKARS. 65, 72, 73, 76, 84, 106, 149, 159, 160, 168, 169, 330, 347, 506, 641. MARATHAS. 305-307, 348, 350, 462, 482, 604, 613, 647, 655, 658-663, 686-692. See
also MALWANS, SIVAJIS. MARATIS. 757. MEDITERRANEAN PIRATE BOATS. 9. MEDS or MERS. 8, 26-28. MIANAS. 8. MINDANAO ISLANDERS. 97, 174, 175, 258, 540, 544. MUSCATIS. 6, 19, 421-425, 588, 632, 663, 665, 722, 744, 747, 749,792,794, 835-837. NAGAS. 10. NAIRS. 167, 168. NEW GUINEA PIRATES. 844, 889. NICOBERESE. 799, 879-884. PERSIANS. 6, 19, 20, 653. PHOENICIANS. 5, 115. PORTUGUESE. 61-66, 89, 93, 94, 100-106, 115, 116, 118, 119, 123-131, 164, 171-173.
177-183, 186-189, 209, 210, 215, 230, 245-247, 310-319, 517, 550, 562, 579, 664, 713,
865, 903, 910, 913, 916, 917, 921, 926. RAYADS or RAYATS. 696, 699, 811. SALEETERS. 341, 405, 513. SANGANIANS. 7, 8, 15-18, 26-29, 34-36, 41-52, 117, 123-131, 144, 221-228, 330, 331,
354-358, 375, 376, 387, 426, 427, 466-469, 545, 563, 564, 592, 198, 623, 628-630,
657, 678, 715-719, 740, 741, 797, 798. SANGHARS. 8, 306. SANGUISCEERS. 158. SCOTCH. 446-459, 521, 558. SIDIS. 305, 306, 383, 566, 574, 604, SIVAJIS. 348, 452, 482, 518, 604, 608. See also MARATHAS. SOMALIS. 619. SPANISH. 114, 171-173, 245-247, 289, 649, 714. Sulu ISLANDERS. 97, 237, 540, 544, 634, 638, 670, 672, 779, 780, 852, 857, 861. SWEDES. 502. TOBELLORAIS. 889. TUMBOOSOO. 845. TURKS. 89, 112, 120-122, 136, 163, 579, 632, 633. UTTOBEES. 667, 168, 721, 722, 812. VAGHERS. 8, 36, 306, 798. VENETIANS. 89. WACHERS. See VAGHERS. WAHABIS. 721. WABRILS. 357, 358. ZAMORIN. 63, 68, 69-76, 84, 89, 149, 168, 167, 168, 169, 270, 610.

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JANUARY, 1923)
NOTES ON PIRACY IN EASTERN WATERS
I.--EARLY NOTICES OF PIRACY.
Arabians. 4. The earliest instances of piracy in the Eastern Seas of which any mention is to be found are connected with the inhabitants of Arabia. In the Koran (Sale's ed., cap. XVIII) it is written :-" The vessel belonged to certain poor men, who did their business in the sea : and I was minded to render it unserviceable, because there was a king behind them, who took every sound ship by force". This piratical personage is supposed to have been Jaland Ibn Karkar or Minwar Ibn Jaland al Azdi, who reigned in Oman in the time of Moses, i.e., about the middle of the sixteenth century B.O.
5. According to Herodotus (1.1) the Phoenicians came originally [c. 3000 B...) from the coasts of the Erythr wan Sea, i.e., that portion of the Indian Ocean which washes the shores of Arabia from Aden to the Persian Gulf, and Strabo (Bohn's ed., III, 187; XVI, fii, 4, 5) says that in his time certain islands in the Persian Gulf claimed Tyre and Sidon as their colonies. Wilkinson (Malta and Gogo., p. 4) asserts that the Phoenicians founded & colony in Malta in 1519 B.O. It was their piratical seizure of Io, daughter of Inachus, king of Argos, which, according to tradition, originated that hostility between Europe and Asia, which culminated in the Trojan War in the eleventh century B.O. The Phoenician pirates were certainly amongst the earliest of their profession in the Mediterranean; so, if Herodotus and Strabo are to be believed, Europe owes the introduction of piracy to the East. According to Justice (Dominion of the Sea, p. 55), the Phoenicians became prominent in the Mediterranean about 810 B.C.
6. The two most prominent tribes in the Annals of Oman are the Hinavi, to whom belong the tribes subject to the Imams of Muscat, and the Ghafiris, to whom belong the Joasmis of Ras-ul-Khymah. All of these, at different times, indulged in piracy (Bomb. Sel., XXIV, 1). The Hinavi Arabs are said to have established themselves near Muscat in the fourth century B.C. (Danvers' Persian Records, p. 5). Further, according to Strabo (XVI, i. 10) and Arrian, the Persians blocked the mouths of the Tigris to prevent the incursions of pirates from this part of the coast, and it was not until the time of Alexander that the obstructions were removed. (Vincent, Ancient Commerce, I, 505).
Sanganians. 7. In the year 325 B.O. Nearchus, the Admiral of Alexander the Great, conducted a fleet from the mouth of the Indus to the Persian Gulf. A short distance from the former he came upon an island called Bibacta, though th: adjacent country was named Sangada. The latter name at once suggests the Sangadian or Sanganian pirates, who in later times found their headquarters in Gujarat (Arrian, Indica, XXI). Again, in cap. XXXI, Arrian records the mysterious disappearance of an Egyptian ship belonging to this fleet at the island of Nosala, which lay about seven miles off the shore and was dedicated.to the Sun. This ieland Vincent (Voyage of Nearchus and Periplus, p. 48) indentifies with the modern Ashtola, which, according to Kempthorne, was, in historical timog, a rendezvous of the Joasmi pirates (McCrindle, Periplus, p. 188 n. 40). It might well happen that pirates took advantage of superstitious beliefs to conceal their operations.
8. In the third century B.O. Ptolemy Euergetes (246-221 B.C.), in order to free the Red Sea from pirates, established fortified posts on both the Arabian and African coasts from Suez to the Straits, as well as colonies of Greeks and Egyptians at various places, e.g. Mawah (Kerr, XVIII, 86). These pirates must have been either Arabs or inhabitants of the coasts of Sind, Kathiawar, Cambay and Gujarat, afterwards known to Europeans under the general name of Sanganians, but to themselves under different tribal names. Along

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the South Kathiawar, Canbay and Gujarat coasts the pirates were chiefly Kolis and to a less extent Kharvas. About the Gulf of Cutch, near Beyt, Dwarka and Porbandar, which was their chief haven, they were Jats, Vaghers, Sanghars, Meds or Mers, and Mianas. Of these, the Sanghars and Vaghers were probably the most ancient. The Vaghers or Kabas are mentioned in the Mahabharata, the Sanghars (of Sindh and west of the Indus) are possibly alluded to by Nearchus, as already stated. (Bomb. Gaz., IX, 526). According to Vincent, in the time of Agatharchides (B.c. 200) the ports of Arabia and Ceylon were entirely in the hands of the people of Gujarat (Periplus, I, 25, 36, 254; Bomb. Gaz., I, i, 492 n). Mediterranean Pirate Boats.
6
9. It was in the time of Ptolemy Euergetes that one Eudoxus is said (Strabo, II, 3, 4) to have circumnavigated Africa, taking with him two boats resembling those used by pirates, probably such as were used in the Mediterranean and described later as Hemiolis or Myoparones or Liburnian Galleys.
Chinese.
10. In the third century B.C. possibly occurred an instance of Chinese piracy, for in the Bodhisattvavadana Kalpalata of the poet Kohemendra (tenth century A.D.) it is stated that Indian merchants trading to distant lands, complained to the Emperor Asoka (d. 223 B.C.) that they had been plundered by certain pirates called Nagas i.e., Serpent-worshippers and so, probably, Chinese (Mukherji, Indian Shipping, p. 113). In 400 A.D. a famous Chinese pirate San-wen, who had ravaged the northern seaboard of China, raised a rebellion in the south in Chehkiang. He was not suppressed until 403, when having been defeated by Sinking, Governor of Linhai, and seeing no chance of escape, he leaped into the sea and was drowned (Macgowan, p. 195). In 447 A.D. the Emperor Won-ti sent a punitive expedition which laid the country waste and sacked the capital of Tonquin, because pirates from that country had harassed towns and villages on the south coast of China (Macgowan, pp. 209210).
Arabians.
11. During the first century A.D. it appears unlikely that the inhabitants of Arabia Proper engaged in open piracy. When the Roman Aelius Gellius invaded Arabia Felix he found no use for his warships "for the Arabians being mostly engaged in traffic and commerce are not a very warlike people on land, much less so at sea" (Strabo, XVI, 4, 23). On the other hand, Pliny (23-79 A.D.) mentions a report that some islands on the Ethiopian coast were inhabited by a piratical tribe of Arabians called Ascitae, who, "placing the inflated skins of oxen beneath a raft of wood......ply their piratical vocation with the aid of poisoned arrows (Hist. Nat., VI, 35). It is not possible to identify these people, but it is a fact that such petty piracy by the coast Arabs prevailed right on into modern times (see para 538 below).
Malabarese.
12. Pliny tells us (Hist. Nat., VI, 23) that the merchant vessels, Greek or Egyptian, waich traded to India, were large, well-found and well-manned, and carried companies of archers, as those seas were greatly infested with pirates. According to him, the port of departure was Ocelis (? Gehla at the south-west point of Arabia Felix) and the nearest mart in India was Muziris (? Cranganore), which however was not a very suitable port "on account of the pirates which frequent its vicinity, where they occupy a place called Nitrias". This was probably Nitran or Netrani (or Pigeon Island), fifteen miles north-west of Bhatkal and

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NOTES ON PIRACY IN EASTERN WATERS
25 miles south-west of Hona var. In 1801 it was a nest of Maratha pirates. On it was & pillar sacred to the spirit Jetiga, which destroyed the boats of fishermen and traders who neglected to propitiate it (Bomb. Gaz., XV, ii, 335).
18. Ptolemy (second century A.D.) refers definitely to a portion of the western coast of India as the Pirate Coast, which (McCrindle, India as described by Plolemy, p. 45) extended from Chaul to Mangalore, or roughly from Bombay to Goa, and which Ptolemy calls a part of Ariaka (Bomb. Gaz.. I, ii, 1). This part of the coast remained piratical up to the nineteenth century. Ptolemy says (VII, i, 84) that the pirates occupied five ports, viz., Mandagara (modern Madangad to the south of Bankot creek), Byzantion (i.e., Vaijayanti, probably Chiplun or Dhabol), Khersonesus (the peninsula of Goa), Armagara (Cape Rainas) and Nitria (? Mangalore), and even two inland towns, viz., Olokhaira (? Kheda in the Ratnagiri District, and Mousopalla (? Miraj near the river Krishna), (Bom. Guz., I, 1, 541 ; X, 192 n.).
14. According to Vincent (Periplus, p. 105, supposed to have been composed about 247 A.D., Colonel Miles says 80 A.D.), there were pirates on the Malabar Coast at places conjectured to be Vingurla, Goa and Marmagon.
Sanganlans. 15. Wilford (Asiatic Researches, IX, 224) says that in the fourth century A.D. the Diveni or pirates of Diu were forced to send hostages to the Emperor Constantine (320-340), one of them being a Christian Bishop named Theophilus.
16. In the sixth and seventh centuries, fleets from the coasts of Sind and Gujarat are said to have formed settlements in Java and Cambodia, whilst Sumatra is said to have reoeived settlements from Bengal and Orissa (Bomb. Gaz., I, 1, 489).
17. In the sixth century A.D. the Jats of the Indus and Cutch (Kachh), driven from their homes by the White Huns, occupied the Bahrein Islands. At the same time the Persians complained of Indian piracy, and Naushirvan the Sassanian demanded the cession of the whole of the Baluchistan coast. It is said that in 570 he invaded the lower Indus, and perhaps Ceylon. Possibly he used the very Jats just mentioned to man his ships. At any rate it is certain that the early Muhammadan piratical attacks on Gujarat and the Konkan (637-770) were due to these Jat settlers and not to the Arabs themselves, whose chiefs forbade Buch enterprises (Bomb. Gaz., I, I, 433 n.; XIII, 433 n.).
18. About 710 the Meds and other pirates of Debal and the Indus mouths plundered eight vessels sent by the Ruler of Ceylon with presents, pilgrims, Muhammadan female orphans and Abyssinian slaves to secure the favour of Hajjaj-bin-Yusuf-al-Saquali (Governor of Arabia, who rebuilt the tomb of the Prophet at Mecca). This and other Sanganian outrages led to the Arab invasion of Sind (711-12) under Muhammad son of Kasim. When Muhammad besieged Debal (i.e., Karachi), the defenders flew a red flag on a long staff placed upon a lofty temple but the destruction of the staff by a stone from a manjanik ( a kind of catapult) so discouraged them that they surrendered (Al Biladuri in Elliott, I, 118-20). This is the earliest instance I have found of the use of the red flag and it probably had the signification of "No Surrender " or a fight to the death. How this use has continued up to the present day in India may be seen from the following extract from the Times of the 2nd June 1919
Simla, May 29.-The assault and capture of the Spin Baldak fort were characterized by smart work. Early in the morning a party bearing a white flag advanced to the fort to deliver a written message requiring its surrender. The garrison

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replied by hoisting a red flag and opening fire. Our guns made a breach in the wall and the fort was finally reduced by a flanking and frontal assault. The infantry battalion forming the garrison fought bravely and most of them were killed "
Arabians. 19. It is said that there are records of Arab settlements on the Indian Coast in the time of the historian Agatharchides (c. 200 B.C.), but the Arab settlers seem to have been for long engaged only in commerce (Edwardes, Rise of Bombay, p. 48). About 571 A.D. the Hinavi Arabs of Muscat took Ormuz from the Persians and made it a base for piracy (Danvers' Persian Records, p. 5), but it was not until the whole Arab world had been stirred up by the wars which followed the rise of Muhaminadanism that the lust of fighting seized upon the Arab mind and the Arab sailor turned into the Arab pirate. In the seventh century the island of Bahrein was seized by the piratical tribe of Abd-ul-Kais (Bomb. Gaz., XIII, 433). Muhammad died in the year 632 and in 636 took place the first Muslim Arab attack upon the Indian Coast. The same year the Arab Governor of Bahrein fitted out two fleets against the ports of Cambay (Edwardes, pp. 46, 49). There can be little doubt that the new religion spread to the Arab settlers and that their influence caused a change of religion among the lower classes of the Coast Hindus (Bom. Gaz., XIII, ii, 404 n).
20. During the seventh and eighth centuries the Arabs settled freely in Gujarat, Cambay and Malabar. This not only greatly increased the commerce on the coast but supplied an incentive to piracy, whilst it brought a large influx of strangers who took willingly to that occupation (Danvers, I, 26). At the same time the Arabs conquered Persia and founded Basra on the Persian Gulf (Kerr, XVIII, 276). It was not however the Arubs proper but the Jats, already settled in large numbers on the shores of the Persian Gulf, who for the next one hundred and fifty years, were the moving spirits of the Muhammadan ses-raids on the Gujarat and Konkan Coasts (Bomb. Gaz., I, I, 493 n.).
21. About this time Muhammadan traders appear to have reached the coast of China, for it is said that in Canton there is the tomb of one of their saints named Omrah, who died 629 A.D. (Chin. Repos., XX, 79). On the other hand, Chinese traders visited Diu in the seventh and eighth centuries (Mukherji, 169) and in the ninth century Chinese vessels reached the Persian Gulf (Renaudot, in Kerr, VIII, 276).
22. In 759 A.D. Arab and Persian vessels plundered Canton and carried off the booty by sea (Bretschneider, pp. 10-11; Bomb. Gaz., XIII, 433).
23. Before this the attacks on Arab trade and the Arabian coast had forced the Arabs to reprisal (see para. 18 above). In 730 an Arab fleet attacked Broach (Mukherji, p. 185). Between 750 and 770 the Arab Lord of Mansura (capital of Sind) sent an expedition against Valabha (Valeh) and in 758 the Khalif Mansur sent Amru bin Jamal with a fleet to the coast of Baroda. A second expedition in 776 took the town of Broach (Bomb. Gaz., I, 94-5). During the reign of the Kalif Al Mamun (813-33), Muhammad Fazl sailed with 60 ships against the Meds and took Mali in North Kathia war with & great slaughter of the defenders (Bomb. Gaz., IX, 527).
24. The Moplahs, of whom there are now about a million in Malabar, are said to be descendants of Arab immigrante, who landed in the tenth century, whilst the great trading community, the Borahs, are said to be mainly descendants of Hindus converted by Arab teachers in the eleventh century (Imperial Gaz. of India, I, 138).
25. Al Idrisi (A.D. 1100) says that Cambaya in Gujarat is a pretty and well-known naval station, second among the towns of Gujarat. “It has a fine fortress built by Govern. ment to prevent the inroads of the pirates of Kish (i.e., Mekran)." (Bomb. Gaz., I, 1, p. 515).

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NOTES ON PIRACY IN EASTERN WATERS
9
Sanganians.
26. The Chinese traveller Hiuen Tsiang (about 630 A.D.) describes the inhabitants of Saurashtra (i.e., Gujarat) as sea-faring (Mukherji, p. 169). At the end of the seventh century the enterprise of these Sanganian pirates of Cutch and Kathiawar, who united themselves with the Meds and Kerks of Sind, was so great that they extended their operations to the Red Sea as far as Jeddah and to the Persian Gulf and banks of the Euphrates, in which latter locality they were sometimes associated with the Jats, though the Jats were just as ready to attack the Indian coast as the Arabian (Bomb. Gaz., XIII, 433). The whole power of the Khalifs was brought against these marauders during the 8th and 9th centuries, and when conquered, the pirates were transported to Asia Minor (Bomb. Gaz., XIII, ii, 714). Ebn Hankal, writing in the 10th century, says that Abadon, on the Persian Gulf, was one of the stations where sentinels were placed on watch against pirates (Ouseley, Oriental Geography, p. 11).
27. During the 7th century Gurjjaras, chiefly of the Chapa or Chavada clan, rose to power in Dwarka and Somnath. In 740 they established themselves at Anahilvada Patan. Their kings, especially Vanaraja (720-780) and Yogaraja (806-841), made great efforts to put down piracy, and succeeded in driving the Jats from the Gujarat coast, only however to turn their attention elsewhere, for in 834-5 a Jat fleet made a descent upon the Tigris. The Chavas themselves soon succumbed to local influences and became as desperate pirates as their predecessors (Bom. Gaz., I, i, 492-6 n.). Towards the end of the 9th century the seas in this part of the world had become so dangerous to merchant vessels that the Chinese ships, which sailed to Arabia, carried crews of as many as 500 armed men and supplies of naphtha, with which to defend themselves against pirates (Bomb. Gaz., XIII, 434). Al Biladuri, in 892, ays that the pirates infesting these seas were Meds and people of Saurashtra, who were Chauras or Gurjjaras (Bom. Gaz., I, i, 492–6 n.).
28. We now first hear of Sokotra as a pirate resort. Masudi (who died at Cairo in 957) says:-" Sokotra is one of the stations frequented by the Indian corsairs called Bawarij, which chase the Arab ships bound for India and China, just as the Greek vessels chase the Mussulmans in the sea of Rum along the coasts of Syria and Egypt " (Yule, Marco Polo, II, 410 n.). Albiruni (Takhik-i-Hind., 1030 A.D.) says that the Bawarij were the Med pirates of Cutch and Somnath, and were so named from the fact that they used ships called baira [or bera] (Elliott, Hist., I, 65). Bira being the Gipsy word for a boat, some have supposed that these Cutch pirates were the forbears of the modern Gipsies (Bomb. Gaz., XIII, ii, 714 n.). In 980 Grahari the Chaudasama, known in story as Graharipu, the Ahir of Sorath and Girnar, so infested the Indian Ocean with his cruisers that no ship was safe (Bomb. Gaz., I, i, 492-6.; IX, 527).
29. In 1025 Mahmud of Ghazni captured Somnath and is said to have planned an expedition by sea against Ceylon (Bomb. Gaz., I, i, 494 n.). Such was the influence of Kathiawar on every one who in turn became its master, that he was inevitably and irresistibly led to piratical exploits.
Japanese.
30. The mention of piracy in Japan occurs at a very early date. In 862 the Inland Sea pirates pillaged the Bizen tax-rice on its way to the Capital, after killing the officer in charge. In 866 Settsu, Idzumi, Harima, Bizen, Bingo, Aki, Suwo, Nagato and all the provinces of the Nankaido were infested by swarms of freebooters (Murdoch, Japan, I, 231). Brigandage and piracy were drastically dealt with by the minister Tokihara, who died about 909. They revived under Shujaki Teimo (939-46). Fujiwara Sumitomo was sent from Kyoto to assist the Governor of Iyo to deal with the sea-rovers. On the expiration of his

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commission, he established himself as a pirate chief in the island of Hiburi in the Bungo Channel (936). By 938 he had 1500 craft under his flag and was practically master of the Inland Sea. All that the Government did was to send him a letter of warning and to raise him a grade in official rank. This encouraged him to indulge in further depredations; 80, in 940, Ono Yushifuro was appointed to deal with him. The treachery of one of his lieutenants enabled Ono to drive him from the Inland Sea. With help from Kyushu he estab. lished himself at Hakata, where his ships were burnt or captured and the fortress taken after a desperate resistence. Sumitomo escaped to Iyo, where he was captured and executed in 941, his head being sent to the Capital (Murdoch, I, 250-2).
31. In 1129 piracy in the Inland Sea was suppressed by Taida Tadamori, who governed Harima, Ise and Bizen in succession (Murdoch, I, 283).
32. In order to open commerce with the Chinese between 1166 and 1170, Tseonyana, King of Japan, sent emissaries to the Island of Flaynan (? Hainan), but these men plundered instead of trading, so that the Chinese refused all overtures (Lettres Edifiantes, XVI, 258).
Chinese. 33. In 998 A.D. the Government at Dazaifu reported to Kioto that Chinese pirates had ravaged the coast at Tsukushi. Next year troops were sent against them. In April 1019 Chinese pirates again ravaged the coast of Tsukushi and killed Fujiwara Masatada, the Governor (Asiat. Soc. of Japan, IX, 127). In 1270 Kublai Khan sent an Ambassador, Chaoliang, to demand homage from Japan. This was refused, and in 1274 he sent a fleet which the Japanese defeated. In 1279 he sent an Ambassador whom the Japanese executed, as it appeared that his predecessor Chao had played the spy. In 1281 a great Chinese fleet was destroyed at Firando by a storm and 100,000 Chinese soldiers, who had been landed, were killed by the Japanese (Allen, in China Review, III, 59; Maogowan, 437). In 1348 one Fang Kwo Chin, a salt dealer, being accused of collusion with the pirates who infested the Tai-chow Islands in Chehkiang, turned pirate to avoid arrest and ravaged the coast. Having captured an Imperialist officer, he set him free on condition that he would represent his innocence and procure his pardon. This was granted and he was made a minor Mandarin, but in 1354 he rebelled again, and it was not until 1366 that he was finally defeated and ceased to trouble Government (Macgowan, pp. 456-63). In 1373 Itataha, King of Cochin-China, defeated a fleet of pirates which infested the coast and sank 20 of their ships (Mémoire his. torique de la Cochin-Chine. Lettres Edifiantes, IV, 587).
Sanganians. 34. At the end of the 12th century the Gohils, a Rajput tribe, driven from their possessions, settled in Saurashtra under one Sejuk. They made their head-quarters first at Piram Island in the Gulf of Cambay and then at Gogo. Like their predecessors they quickly adopted the local profession, and Sejuk's grandson Mocarro (Mokhraj Gohil) became a noted pirate, levying tribute from every ship that passed and using his spoils largely in fortifying his castle on Piram Island, which he took from the Baria Kolis about 1326 (Bomb. Gaz., VIII. 153). In 1345 [ or 1347, Bomb. Gaz., I, i, 230 ) the castle was taken and Mokhraj killed by Muhammad Tughlak (Ras Mala, I, 318). It is said that 25,000 men were killed in the defenoo (Tod, Travels, pp. 265-6). This disaster did not, however, put an end to the Rajputs of Saurashtra, for Vaja chieftains of Vejalkot in the Gir and Janjmer on the East Bhavnagar sonst openly practised piracy (Bomb. Gaz., VIII, 163), and the Sultans of Ahmadabad (6.e.,

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of Gujarat) long retained the title of " lord of the sea ", which we find applied to Sultan Bahadur when he was defeated by Humayun in 1535 (Bayley, Gujarat, p. 386). In fact, thege Rajputs were the ancestors of the Sanganian pirates who were to become so troublesome in the 17th and 18th centuries, and are described in the Bombay Gazetteer (I, i, 495) as the Sangar Rajputs of Mandvi in Cutch and of Navanagar in North Kathiawar. The origin of the name Sangadian or Sanganians is not certainly known. Colonel Tod was of opinion that it was not taken from any particular tribe or country, but was derived from the word sangam (meaning " confluence of waters", such as occurs at the mouths of creeks or rivers). At such places were found the haunts of pirates, e.g., at Aramra and Dwarka, and shrines were there erected to Sangam-Narayan, the God of thieves, their protector. These nests they called Sangada or Sangam-dhara, whence the name Sangadian or Sanganian was applied to the pirates, though the Gohils' own name for themselves was "children of Tricum-Rae". On the other hand, Sir Richard Temple informs me that the various forms under which the name appears are clearly descriptive, relating to a tribe occupying Sind, if not in the time of Alexander (see para. 7 above), at least as early as the 8th century A.D., which spread later as Rajputs to many parts of Western India and notably to Cutch and Kathiawar, those on the sea-board betaking themselves to piracy. In Ogilvy's Atlas (1670) Cutch is called Sanga. (See also Bomb. Gaz., IX, i, 519 and XIII, ii, 713-4.7.) I use the term for all the pirates of this coast, whatever their race or religion.
35. "These corsairs," says Tod, "never spread their sails in quest of prey without first propitiating or bribing their deity, and never returned without offering a share of their spoils to this Mercury. Like the Pindaris, those scourges of India who prayed geven times a day, these "seizers of rings considered their hazardous occupation not only honourable but sanctified". It was not until the 19th century that they were finally suppressed, and how high was the honour in which the pirate chiefs were held by their fellow tribesmen is shown by their sepulchres. "Let us quit," says Tod (p. 430), "the graves of the giants of Aramra for its mcre interesting memorials, the pallias of the pirates........There remain two on which are sculptured in high relief 'the ships of Tricum-Rae'engaged in combat. One of these is a three-masted vessel, pierced for guns, the other is of a more antique form and character, having but one mast and none of those modern inventions of war. Both are represented in the act of boarding the chase. One of the piratical sailors, with sword and shield, is depicted as springing from the shrouds, another from the bow of his ship, and it may be supposed they are the effigies of the heroes who lie there". Another pallia was inscribed to the memory of Rana Raimal, who in A.D. 1572 performed the Saka, when attacked by the king. There was another, and the latest in date, erected to the memory of these buccaneers and sufficiently laconic, S. 1819 (A.D. 1763) Jadoo Kharwa was slain on the seas'. Kharwa is the most common epithet of the Indian sailor.
36. Opposite Aramra is the Pirates' Island Baté or Beyt (Bet.) In the last edition of the Imperial Gazetteer this is called Beyt Shankhodar, owing to the immense number of sankh or conch shells found there. It is a very holy place and on its western side the Kullore-kot or Pirates' Castle still stands, as in Tod's time, "a memorial of a scourge which from the earliest period of History infested these waters from the Shankhodwara at the entrance of the Red Sea to the Gulf of Cutch." The most famous chief of Beyt was Rana Raimal, who was known as Sangam-Dhara or the Pirate. After a long career he was captured and taken to Timur, who not only get him free but gave him a title, (Tod, pp. 431-437). The last chief of Beyt was one Singram, who was so terrified by the storming of Dwarka, the stronghold

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of the Vagher pirates, by Colonel Lincoln Stanhope in 1820 (see para. 798 below), that he aurrendered his castle and was granted a pension by the Gaikwar of Baroda. Colonel Tod himself spoke with the sister-in-law of this chief (Tod, 440). The fortress of Beyt was finally destroyed by Colonel Donovan in October 1859, after an outbreak amongst the Waghers of Okhamandal (Bomb. Gaz, I, I, 446-8).
Malays. 37. Fah Hien, the Chinese traveller, sailing from Ceylon to Java in the year 414 A.D., says "In this Ocean there are many pirates who conring on you suddenly destroy everything". It is not clear who these pirates were, but probably they were Malays, who had not yet become Muhammadans. (S.S. Beal, Travels of Fah Hian and Sung.Yan). Kia -- Tan (Itineraries, pp. 785-805) says that the people of the Island of Ko-ko-seng ( on the east coast of Sumatra)" are pirates and cruel sailors dread them." (Chau-Ju-Kua, p. 11.)
88. About 1160 A.D. Malays began to settle in what is now known as the Malay Peninsula, and it is said that in 1252 they founded the city of Malacca. (See para, 59 below.)? This date therefore appears to mark the rise of Muhammadan influence in that part of the world and the origin of those petty states from which came the Malay pirates, who infested all these regions and especially the eastern coast of Sumatra, the river mouths of which were well suited to their requirements (Marsden, Sumatra, p. 36, and Crawford, Indian Archipelago. II, 481-2).
39. The Malays have very ancient Maritime Codes, which deal amongst other subiects, with Piracy. The Malacca Code is said to have been compiled by Sultan Mahmud Shah, the first sovereign of Malacca mentioned as having turned Muhammadan, about the year 1296 A.D. (JRAS., Straits Branch, July 1879, No. 3).' Other authorities say that Raja Iskandar Shah of Malacca was converted to Muhammadanism on his marriage with the daughter of a Raja of Pasei, where Muhammadanism was established about 1300 A.D. (Blagden, Malay History, in JRAS., Straits Branch, September 1909).
40. Friar Odorio (Travels, 1318-1330) says that in the country of Thalamassin, near Java, the inhabitants are nearly all rovers, who use the blow pipe with poisoned arrows and who render their bodies impervious to steel by wearing a kind of stone found in certain canes. The shipmen, however, arm themselves with weapons of hardened wood, with which they easily slay the rovers, who carry no armour (Yule, Cathay, I, 91).
Sanganlans and Malabarese. 41. In 1290 Marco Polo, the traveller, found the people of the western coast of India largely engaged in piracy. He says: "From this kingdom of Melibar [Malabar] and from another near it called Gujarat there go forth every year more than a hundred corsair vessels on cruise. These pirates take with them their wives and children and stay out the whole summer. Their method is to join in fleets of twenty or thirty of these pirate vessels together, and then they form what they call a sea-cordon, that is they drop off till there is an interval of five or six miles between ship and ship, so that they cover something like an hundred miles of sea and no merchant ship can escape them, for when any corsair sights a veggel a signal is made by fire (at night) or smoke (by day), and then the whole of them make for this and seize the merchants and plunder them. After they have plundered
them they let them go saying, 'Go along with you and get more gain and that, mayhap, may - fall to us also. But now the merchants are aware of this and sail with such great ships
2 The earliest European maritime cordes, such as the Laws of Oleron are ascribed only to the time of Richard I ; i.e., 1189 to 1199.

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that they don't fear the corsairs. Still mishaps do befall them at times" (Yule, Marco Polo, III, cap. xxv).
42. Of Gujarat Marco Polo says:- The people are the most desperate pirates in existence, and one of their atrocities is this: when they have taken a merchant vessel they force the merchants to swallow a stuff called Tamarindi mixed in sea-water, which produces a violent purging. This is done in case the merchants, on seeing their danger, should have swallowed their most valuable stones and pearls. And in this way the pirates secure the whole " (ibid, cap. xxvi, p. 392). Pinto (Cap. x, p. 30) mentions a horrible potion of lime steeped in urine which was used by the piratical fishermen on the coast of Sumatra in 1539 for the same purpose. In 1674 the numismatist Jean Vaillant, being taken by Algerine corsaits on a voyage from Leghorn to Rome, managed to save some valuable medals from his captors by swallowing them, but with consequences nearly fatal to himself (Spon., Voyage d'Italie, I, 14).
NOTES ON PIRACY IN EASTERN WATERS
13
43. The pirates of Gujarat and Malabar were protected by the local chiefs :-" With the king [of Tana's] connivance many corsairs launch from this port to plunder merchants. These corsairs have a covenant with the king [whose country produces no horses] that he shall get all the horses they capture and all other plunder shall remain with them" (Yule, Marco Polo, III, cap. vi, p. 395).
44. Sokotra was now a pirate haunt and market :-"A multitude of corsairs frequent this island. They come there and encamp and put up their plunder for sale, and this they do to good profit, for the Christians of the island purchase it, knowing well that it is Saracen or Pagan gear" (ibid., p. 407). In 1507 the King of Portugal, hearing that Sokotra was inhabited by Christians subject to the Moors, ordered Tristan da Cunha and Affonso de Albuquerque to conquer that island, so that Portuguese ships might winter there and secure the navigation of the Red Sea against the Moors (Kerr, VI, 92).
45. Besides connivance in open piracy, the chiefs of the coast indulged in a practice not unlike that followed by William of Normandy when he seized the person of Harold thrown on his coast by stormy weather. "You must know" says Marco Polo, speaking of Malabar, "that if any ship enters this estuary and anchors there, having been bound for some other port, they seize her and plunder the cargo. For they say, 'you were bound for somewhere else and 'tis God who has sent you hither, so we have a right to all your goods,' and this naughty custom prevails all over the provinces of India" (Marco Polo, cap. xxiv). This being the custom of the country-Pinto (p. 274) mentions the same custom in Siam in 1545 it was natural that all wrecks should be claimed by the Princes of the coast, a claim which gave much trouble to the East India Company. In fact it was not until 1736-7 that the King of Bednur consented to relinquish it as far as the Company was concerned. Even then very few of the Indian chiefs would follow his example (Logan., Malabar, I, 170. See however para. 571 below). One Walter Vaughan, who in 1702-3 was a prisoner in Johore, refusing to apostatise, was angrily told by the King that he and his shipwrecked companions hadi been given him by God and he might choose between Islam and death (Adventures of Five Englishmen from Pulo Condore, p. 63).3 These evil customs were by no means unknown in Europe, as is proved by the fact that the ill-usage of shipwrecked mariners is prohibited by the Laws of Oleron, and the rule observed in certain places that the Lords of the Coast and the
3 In the Lettres Edifiantes (XVI, 137) it is stated (c. 1737) that in Cochin China it is not the custom for the king to seize the cargoes of wrecked vessels, but on the contrary, in no place in the world are shipwrecked people so well treated.

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Sailors should each take one-third of the goods of a wreck, leaving only one-third for the owners, is proscribed by the Roll of Oleron (c. 1438) as a 'cursed and damnable custom'. which directly incited Pilots to treacherous wrecking of ships (Justice, p. 245; Twiss, Black Book of the Admiralty, II, 465)."
46. The Muhammadan, Ibn Batuta, who started on his travels in 1324-5 makes various references to piracy :-"The inhabitants of this place (Hinaur) are Moslems of the sect of Shafia, a peaceable and religious people. They carry on however a warfare for the faith by ses and for this they are noted...... The inhabitants of Malabar generally pay tribute to the King of Hinaur, fearing as they do his bravery by sea" (Ibn. Batuta, pp. 165-6). Again, when any of the war vessels of the infidel Hindus pass by these [the Maldive] islands they take whatsoever they find without being resisted by any one (ibid, p. 177). He was himself captured by pirates "From this place [i.e., Kowlam in Malabar] I set out to visit the Sultan Jamal Oddin of Hinaur... ... The infidel Hindus however oame-out against us in twelve war vessels, between the last-mentioned place and Fakanum, and, giving us severe battle, at length overcame us and took our ship. They then stripped us of all. From me they took all the jewels given me by the King of Batala as well as the additional presents of the pious shaikhs, leaving me only one pair of trowsers, and thus we landed almost naked." According to the same writer it was not the custom of these pirates "to kill or drown any. body when the actual fighting is over. They take all the property of the passengers and then let them go whither they will with their vessels " (ibid., p. 194).
47. This comparatively gentle behaviour of the Sanganian and Malabar pirates must, I think, be ascribed, at least in part, to a naturally merciful disposition. It is true that in sparing the lives of their victims they lessened the chance of resistance and showed a kind of business foresight, and it is true that such behavoiur involved no danger to themselves, for their victims could not warn their fellow traders of the presence of the pirates nor obtain any redress from the States to which the pirates belonged. On the other hand human nature ia such that the habit of violence generally begets brutality, and yet we very seldom find these Indian pirates indulging in the callous brutality of the Arakanese or Malays or the wanton and unnecessary cruelty of the Chinese, Japanece and European pirates. The only free-booters who appear to have resembled them in charcotr are the Desert Arabs, of whom we hear in 1772:"The Arabs who rob in the desert do not kill those who submit without resistance, in fact they leave them sufficient or even more than sufficient to continue their journey. To those who resist, if they conquer, they give no quarter" (Parsons, Travels, p. 103).
48. Ibn Batuta (A.D. 1342) is probably referring to Malabarese pirates when he says that a great ship, sailing from Kandahar (i.e., Gandhar, north of Broach) to China, carried & guard of Abyssinians to protect it from pirates, though of course he may have also had in mind the dangers to which the ship would be exposed in the Malay Archipelago (Bomb. Gaz., I, I, 493 n.).
49. In 1346-7 John de Marignoli met at Quilon in Malabar a Mudaliar, whose son having been taken by pirates, had been sold to a Genoege merchant and by him caused to be baptised (Yule, Cathay, II, 381).
50. Abd-ur-Razzak tells us that in 1442 he met at Calicut certain people who had brought horses by sea from Ormuz and had been captured on the way by cruel pirates who had plundered them of all their wealth and barely spared their lives. Further, he says:
Of Pigeon Island (Yule, Cathay, II, 425).

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From Calicut are vessels continually sailing for Mecca, which are for the most part laden with pepper. The inhabitants of Calicut are adventurous sailors. They are known by the name of Chini-bechegan (sons of the Chinese) and pirates do not dare to attack the vessels of Calicut" (Major, India in the 15th century). This possibly explains why Faria (I, 315; II, 14) speaks of Cutiale as the Chinese Captain or China Cutiale and (I, 365) says that the town of Diu was founded by the Sultan of Cambay in commemoration of a victory over a Chinese (i.e., Malabar) fleet.
51. Towards the end of the 15th century the coast of Kathiawar was largely inhabited by piratical communities. In 1472-3 Sultan Mahinud Bigarha of Gujarat conquered Jagat (i.e., Dwarka) then under Raja Bhim (whose subjects plundered all travellers, Mirat Sikandari, p. 62) and also the island of Beyt Sankhdara (three kos from the land), which was the stronghold of the Raja's piratical subjects, whose ill-usage of a holy Mullah had been reported to him. Bhim escaped from the island but was soon captured, and was put to death at Ahmadabad. In 1473 Mahmud equipped ships at Gogha, which he sent against the Malabari pirates (Mirat Sikandari, p. 60; Bayley, Gujarat, pp. 195-199). According to Elliott (VI, 467), Mahmud Shah I of Gujarat in 1482 fitted out a fleet against the pirates of Bulsar on the Kathiawar coast, on which he embarked gunners and musketeers from Cambay. Lord Egerton says (Ind. and Or. Armour, p. 152) that this is one of the first recorded uses of artillery in India.
52. The absolute impossibility of eradicating the tendency to piracy, except by the most radical measures, from the people of this locality is shown by the fact that, even when the country had come under the Maratha power, the two chief seats of piracy in the Surat district were along the right bank of the Tapti and southward between the mouth of the Tapti and Daman. In the former, the usual method was for captains to sell their cargoes to their friends or run their ships ashore and then plunder them, the Maratha officials of Olpad sharing in the plunder. To the south they threw cargo overboard near villages inhabited by their friends. Though little cotton was grown south of Surat, the villages between that town and Bulsar (40 miles) were full of cotton, commonly called "cotton of the sea ". After the harvest was over, the villagers, especially those subject to the Nawab of Sachin, used to attack and plunder trading vessels (Bomb. Gaz., II, 234).
Japanese. 58. In the 7th year of Hung-woo, founder of the Ming Dynasty, (A.D. 1361) the Japanese in concert with Fan-kuo-chien, the expelled ruler of Chehkiang, who with his ad. herents had turned pirates (Allen, in China. Review, III, 59) commenced to 'make raids on the coast of China. These being conducted by the Japanese Government, were piratical only in the sense of being unprovoked and without declaration of war. The raiders sailed up the Yangtao, but on the approach of a-squadron under Tsing-hai, they fled to the Loochoo Islands, where most of their ships were taken and brought to Nankin (RA8., North China Branch Journal, N.S., VIII, 1873, pp. 37-8). Remonstrances made in 1368 proving Ineffectual, the coasts of Fokien and Chehkiang were placed in a condition of defence
(Chin. Repos., XIX, pp. 136-8). In 1374 a Japanese fleet raiding the coast was defeated by · Wu-ching and driven to the Loo-choo Islands where it lost many of its ships (Macgowan,
p. 469). In the same reign Japanese pirates seized the island of Tsungming (in the Province of Nankin), but their chief paid tribute to China (Chin, and Jap. Repos., 1 Sept. 1865, p. 422). Commerce between Japan and China having been interrupted in this way, the Shogun

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Yoshi-mitsu (1368-1394) succeeded in restoring intercourse by consenting that goods sent from Japan should be described as tribute and that he himself should receive investiture from the Emperor of China. In return, a number of commercial passports were issued (in 1404, see China Review, III, 60) to the Shogun, which he transferred to Ouchi, the feudal lord of Nagato, which had long been the chief port for this trade. As a matter of fact the tribute constituted only a small portion of the cargoes sent, the remainder being merchandise delivered to the depôts of the Japanese Government in China, where it was sold for copper cash (Brinkley, Japan, VI, 159).
54. In 1401 the Ruler of Japan arrested some thirty leaders of the pirates of Tui-ma and Tai-chi and sent them with his tribute to China, a custom which was repeated, when. ever tribute was sent, for some time, (Chin. Repos., XIX, Hai-kwoh Tu Chi, cap. X, pp. 1368). On the first occasion the pirates, when handed over to the Chinese, were thrown alive into caldrons of boiling water (China Review, III, 60). In 1408 Japanese pirates again troubled China (Murdock, I, 598).
55. In 1418 the Japanese pirates were severely defeated at Wang-hai-wo (Chin. Repos., XIX. 136-8), but in 1419 they again appeared on the Chinese coast, landing at Kiushau. 15 miles north of Shanghai, when they were again defeated by the Ohinese general How-Tuan on land and most of their ships were burnt (RAS., North China Branch Journal, N.S. VIII, 38). Still their piracy continued, and was the cause of constant complaints from the Chinese between 1428 and 1441 (Murdoch, I, 598), but possibly the latter were really due to the fact that the Japanese had ceased to pay tribute.
56. In the year 1419 the Japanese made a great piratical raid into Korea (Murdoch, I, 599).
57. Between 1459 and 1463, the Japanese, instigated by Chinese fugitives, made many raids into Taichau and Taiming. They came in the guise of traders. Sometimes they even pretended to be bringing tribute, but they were always well armed and on the watoh for opportunities to make raids. If they could do nothing else, they took occasion to form connections with the most crafty, daring and lawless of the inhabitants of the coasts, which might be of use on future occasions (Chin. Repos., XIX, 136-8).
58. In the 15th and 16th centuries such Japanese ships of war as were built in Japan flew the Bahan flag (Murdoch, I, 15-16). According to Mr. W. A. Woolley, on the sails of such ships were inscribed two characters, which the Chinese read as Bahan-sen i.e., Bahan or pirate ships, but the Japanese as Hachiman, the name of an Emperor of the 16th dynasty, who flourished about 1275 A.D. and whom the Japanese worshipped as the God of War (Hist. Notes on Nagasaki. As. Soc. of Japan, Trans., IX, 146). These Japanese pirates cruised as far as the Straits of Malacca, and, because of their ferocity, Japanese ships were excluded from all access to Portuguese India (see para. 211 below). Anjiro (Yajiro), the first Japanese convert to Christianity and St. Xavier's pilot in his Japanese expedition (1549, see para. 135 below) is said to have been killed in a piratical attack on the Chinese coast (Murdoch, I, 15-16).
Malays. 59. In 1374 Muhammadanism was introduced into Java (Temminick, I, 295). In 1377 the Javanese conquered Palembang, and a little later they took possession of the southern portion of the Malay Peninsula. Hence Malacca was probably founded, not in 1252 according to the Malay annals (see para. 38 above), but between 1377 and 1499 (Blagden in RAS. Straits Journal, 1909, LIII, 141).

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60. According to the Journal des Indes Orientales (6e année tom, III) towards the end of the 15th century, during the reign of the Sultan Mansur Shah, the coasts of Malacca were harassed by pirates from the Celebes, led by "Kraing Samerloek ", son of Prince "Badoelen" (Parl. Papers, 1851, LVI, i, p. 64). According to Crawfurd (Descript. Dict., Piracy), quoting from the Annals of Malacca, Sultan Mansur Shah commenced his reign in the year 1374. Chau-Ju-Kua says that the inhabitants of San-fo-tsi (i.e., Palembang in Sumatra) made use of an iron chain to protect themselves from pirates in old times. In his own time (15th century) this chain was ooiled up on shore and, as even crocodiles dared not pass over it, it was looked upon as holy and was worshipped. On the other hand, these people were pirates themselves and levied an ad valorem toll of one-third on all merchandise in return for a pass. If ships attempted to sail by without calling in to take a pass, they attacked them and killed their crews. The people of Linga also, he says, lived by piracy (ChauJu-Kua, pp. 62-3). The people of the island dependencies of Shopo (in central Java) were great pirates and made raids to take slaves, whilst the people of the Island of Tanjung-wulo preferred piracy to legitimate occupations and so were rarely visited by traders (ibid., pp. 84-5).
II.
The Portuguese,
61. About the middle of the 15th century the Portuguese began to push southwards along the west coast of Africa. In 1471 they discovered the coast of Guinea, and in 1481 the English began to fit out ships for the Guinea voyage. The French sailed in the same direction about the same time. It was evident therefore that, as soon as any one of the maritime nations of Europe should discover the new route to the Indies, the wealth and plunder which rewarded the discovery would excite the cupidity and emulation of its equally daring rivals (Kerr, VII, 211).
62. The most powerful rivals of the Portuguese at this time were neither the English nor the French, but the Spanish. The last were, like the Portuguese, adherents of the Papacy, and having their eyes already fixed upon the West Indies, Mexico and Peru, it was easy to arrive at terms of accommodation. In 1493 Pope Alexander VI issued a Bull which, by a meridian running 300 leagues (Kerr, II, 54) west of the Azores and Cape Verde Islands, divided the southern hemisphere between the Spanish and the Portuguese, giving them the right to conquer and convert to the Christian faith the peoples of any lands they might enter, which were not already subject to Christian sovereigns, Hence when Vasco da Gama doubled the Cape of Good Hope in 1497 and opened the sea-route to India, the Portuguese came not merely as friendly traders, but, more especially after the Papal Bull of 1502 constituted the King of Portugal "Lord of the Navigation, Conquest and Trade of Ethiopia, Arabia, Persia and India" (Imp. Gaz. of India, II, 447), as missionaries, and, when opposition was offered, as crusaders. In 1501 Cabral, passing free a ship belonging to Arabian merchants of Cambaya, declared that Portugal was at war only with the Moors of Mecca and the Zamorin who had wronged the Portuguese (Osorio, I, 120). They did not, it is true, bring any of that racial contempt which the
5 Faria (1, 21) says that when Garcia de Loaysa, a Knight of Malta, arrived at the Moluccas in 1525, he found that Portuguese had been there before the existence of those Islands was known in Portugal, and that in the Island of St. Matthew in 2° S. Latitude, Portuguese sailors had 87 years earlier left carved on trees their customary French Motto Talent de bien faire. This was the motto of Prince Henry the Navi gator who died in 1460.

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English, Dutch and French showed later for Asiatic peoples, and which, in their own eyes, excused, if it did not justify, a brutal assumption of superiority, but they brought with them a religious fanaticism and batred for the Muhammadans which led them into acts of cruelty and outrage such as probably had never before been committed in the Far East, Coryat says that the only request which Akbar ever refused to grant to his mother was that a Bible might be hanged round an ass's neck and the ass beaten round Agra, because the Portuguese had tied a Koran, which they had taken in a Moor ship, round the neck of a dog and driven the latter through the streets of Ormuz (Foster, Karly Travels, p. 278). What kind of men were the Explorers whom the Portuguese bad brought, may be judged from the fact that before Vasco da Gama left Lisbon in 1497, he received on board ten malefactors (Cabral had some 20 of the same in 1500, Kerr, II, 399 n.), who had been condemned to dio, but had been pardoned on condition of going this voyage for the purpose of being left on shore where da Gama pleased, that they might, examine the country and be enabled to give him an account of the inhabitants on his return (Osorio I, 50, Castaneda in Kerr; II, 313; Bee para. 219 below for English imitation). Apparently no idea was entertained of the unfavourable impression of the European character which the heathen might form from such strange colonists.
68. Conflict was certain to arise between the newcomers and the natives for many reasons. The former brought the unwelcome offer of a new religion, all the less likely to be received because there were already a number of Christian renegades in the land. In 1498 at Calicut, Paulo, brother of Vasco, arrested as a spy a man who pretended to be a Christian, and in 1504, when the Zamorin beseiged Don Duarte Pacheco in Cochin, Italian deserters? Assisted him with his artillery (Kerr, II, 419). Did the newcomers call themselves traders, the commerce of the coast was already in the hands of native merchants, who wanted no interference, or of the Arabs, who resented the approach of rivals. Did they come frankly as pirates, the seas were already provided with gentry of that profession who had no intention of sharing their plunder. They might show the authority of the Pope and the commissions of the King of Portugal, but Castaneda writes that in 1502 the Zamorin, addressing his chiefs, contrasted the Portuguese unfavourably with the Arabs. The latter, he said, had traded with Malabar for 600 years, had done no harm and had enriched his kingdom, whilst the Portuguese were thieves, robbers and pirates. They had attacked him without cause, taken and destroyed his ships, made his ambassadors prisoners, insisted on their ships being laden before those of the Moors and destroyed his city (Kerr, II, 447). Mr. J. J. A. Campos (p. 29) saya :-"The suspicious and unfriendly manner in which the early European merchants were received by the Indian rulers impelled them in a large manner to constitute themselves into a military power. The Portuguese originally came only for purposes of trade and evangelization. From the difficulties that were put in their way and from the consequent commercial disputes, arose the necessity of defence by arms, and from this grew up the idea of conquests." The reader may judge for himself whether this is a full explanation of the conduct of the Portuguese.
64. In 1498 da Gama took, off Melinda (in Africa), a Moor Sambucco (Ar. sanbuk, a small sea-going boat), in which was great store of gold and silver (Castanheda in Kerr, II, 336). The news of this outrage arrived in India about the same time as did da Gama and
. The term "Moor" is used here and elsewhere to si nify a Muhammadan inhabitant of India (Bee Yule, Hobson-Jobson, 8.0. MoorED.
Two Milanese lapidaries, John Maria and Pedro Antonio, who had come out to India with Vasoo da Gams. They taught the Indians to make big guns. News of their death reached Cannanore in 4th March 1506. (Verthema in Kerr, II, 454, 479 ; VII, 123, 130.)
8 "I do not pretend to persuade the World our only design was to preach, on condition it be believed 10 was not only to trade" (Faria, I, 23).

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being represented as unprovoked, must have caused the Moors to await him with hostility (ibid., 369). In the second Portuguese voyage in 1600 the commander Pedro Alvares Cabral attacked all Moorish vessels which he met with on the coast of Malabar, and in particular
"Moor" ship bound from Cochin to Cambay, on which was an exceedingly fine elephant, which the Zamorin coveted and requested Cabral to take for him (Kerr, II, 411). In 1602 Vasco da Gama, in revenge for the massacre of some Portuguese at Calicut, having captured
Moorish vessel, the Meri belonging to Cairo, "full of many Moors of quality, who went pilgrims to Cairo," (Faria, I, 65) manned by Arabians and Egyptians (Osorio, I, 131), plun. dered it, took out all the children and then burned the ship with some three hundred Moore, of whom thirty were women, on board. The children he handed over to the Friars to be brought up as Christians (Castanheda in Kerr's voyages, II, 435). In the same year he ehased into the river of Onore three pirate vessels belonging to Timoja, a Kanarese pirate, and then, having captured some vessels bringing rice from Coromandel, cut off the hands, noses and ears of the crews, and finally burned them alive together with a Brahman sent by the Zamorin to deceive him. A friar, who had come with the same object, was also mutilated, but was sent back alive with an insulting letter and the hands, noses and ears of de Gama's victims. (Danvers, Portuguese in India, I, 85).
65. From 1502, i.e., from the time of Vasco da Gama's second visit to India, the Portuguese, in virtue of the sovereign rights which they claimed, obliged wall vessels to produce a manifest of their goods (Day, Land of the Perumala, p. 92). In virtue of the same rights thoy claimed a sort of right of arbitrament and general protection. Thus in this year Vinoont do Sodre, having been left to cruise off Cannanore, the King of which had accepted the Portoguese alliance, received a complaint that a Moor, Cojemamemarcar (i.e., Khwaja Muhammad Marakkar) of Cairo, who had come to Cannanore with three shipe, had allowed his men to indulge in robbery and violence, had insisted that all the Moor ships present, eight in num. ber, should be laden before any others, and finally was about to sail without satisfying his obligations. Sodre immediately sent for the Moor and forced him to pay his dues. Leaving Sodre's presence, the Moor indulged in violent abuse of the King and boasted that he was afraid of nobody. This was reported to Sodre, and when the Moor came to him with his receipta, Sodre reproached the Cannanore officials with disloyalty to their master in not having ex. acted payment for such insults, tied the Moor up and had him beaten on the back and stomach "which was very fat," and then filled his mouth with dirt, to which he added a piece of bacon (in spite of the offer of a large sum of money to spare him this last indignity), and then sent bim away with his hands tied behind him. He "later did much injury to avenge himself" (Corres, P. 335). This appears to be the origin of the feud waged between the Marakkars and the Portuguese for over a hundred years. Possibly it shows that the Marakkars settled in Malabar were part of a Cairo family, but it does not explain the origin of the namo.10 Logan (1. 334 m.) says it means 'Doer of the Law' and the Malabar Gazetteer says it was given as family name by the Zamorin, but it is more probable that it is the Marathi word Marker, meaning 'Demon', used by the people of the Konkan colloquially for seamen, who on this coast were chiefly Muhammadans. In 1803 Albuquerque found at Coulao (i.e., Coulam) the brother of Cherinamarcar who had gone there to reside (Comment. of Albuquerque, I, 11).
Logan (1. 309) says that on this ship was the richest merebant in Calicut, the brother of Coja Cassim, ses factor to the Zamorin.
10 Qadir Humein Khan (South Indian Musulmans, p. 22) mye that the Marakhyans of Tinnevellyn descendants of Arab and Ponian traders and that the man is taken to me boalmen from the Arabie markab or Tamil marrabpolam.

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Vorthema says that in 1608 one Mamal-marikar'a man' of great riches and wisdom' wms sont by the King of Cannanore to make peace with the Portuguese (Kerr, VII, 138).
88. In 1503 Vinoonte Sodre went with a fleet towards Cambay to capture the rich Moor ships which traded from India to the Red Sea. There he took five ships, the booty of whloh, in cash alone, amounted to 200,000 pardaos. Most of the Moors were killed in fight and the ships were burnt (Kerr, II, 456). In 1504 Duarte Pacheco arrested at Cannanore Belinamaoar, one of the chief Moors, who, with others, was preparing to quit the city (Castanheda, in Kerr, II, 474). The exploits of Duarte (i.e., Edward) Pacheco produced such an effect upon the Egyptians that the Soldan (Sultan) threatened to destroy the Holy Sepulohre, unless the Portuguese desisted from their conqueste in India (Faria, Hist. of Porhugal, p. 319).
Malabarese. 87. In 1498 when Vesco da Gama was at Anjediva, two vessels belonging to Timoja (da Cunha, BBRAS. Journal, XI, 297) entered the port making every sign of friendship, but, being warned that they were pirates, be opened fire as soon as they were within rango whereupon they filed in confusion (Walokenaar, Histoire des Voyages, I, 171). Taris say that Timoja's ships were linked together and so covered with branches n to look like floating island (Faria, I, 81).
88. In 1498 the pirate craft of Goa are described by Castanheda as amall brigantinos Alled with men, ornamented with flags and streamers, the crew beating drums and sounding trumpets. Such were the pirate boats sent by the Zamorin in that year to attack da Gama's fleet. Some pirate beats taken at Goa in 1500 had small guns and cannon, javelina, long swords, large wooden buoklers covered with hides, long light bows and long broad-painted AITOW (Gama's Three Voyages, Hak. Soc., S. 1, 42, p. 252; Bom. Gar., XIII, 472 n.).
69. The Timoja, driven into Onore River by Vasco da Gama in 1502, was "Timmaya of Honavar, a great sea-robber, who paid part of his plunder to this King of Gersappa (18 miles east of Onore) who ruled the country." Correa (Three Voyages, 309, 335) calls him a foreign Moor, but probably he was a Hindu (Bom. Gaz., XV, ii, 102). In 1505, according to Osorio (I, 237) or 1507 according to Faria (I, 92), after Francisco de Almeyda had at. taoked Onore and burnt many vessels, some of which belonged to Timoja, 11 the latter permuaded the Portuguese to accept the King of Onore as their vassal. In 1608 Timoja warned the Portuguese of the approach of the Egyptian fleet under Mir Husain. In 1510 it was his advice which decided Albuquerque to attack Goa instead of Ormuz. He assisted in its oapture and was appointed Governor of the native inhabitants (Faria, I, 162-66). In recognition of his services the King of Portugal sent him a letter of thanks (Osorio, II, 23) And Albuquerque honoured with his presence his marriage to the daughter of the King of Glersappa (Faria, I, 177). In 1511, together with Melrao, son of the King of Onore, he was deteated by the troops of the Zamorin and Hidalcao (Adil Shah) and took refuge at Bisnagar, where he died (Comment of Albuquerque, III, 188).
70. In September 1807 Francisco de Almeyda attacked Cutiale, Admiral of tho Zamorin, at Panane, defeated him and burned the town (Osorio, I, 291).
71. The Portuguese experienoed great diffioulty in dealing with the swift sailing boats of the Malabar pirates. When Vasco da Gama came to India in 1624 he was, on his voyage
11 Faria (I, 162) ascribes Timoja's friendship for the Portuguese to the fact that he had been ill. treated by his kindred and neighbours and dispossessed of his fortune. This would bo sooounted for it ovigly. Hindu, he had embraced Muhammadanism.

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to Cochin, harassed by their attacks and, to check them, caused a Genoese boat-builder, named Vyne, to build him swift boats, which he manned with rowers who approached the pirates with their arms concealed. These men received not only pay and rations, but also all the goods found above deok on the pirate vessels which they captured. By their aid. the pirates were for a time kept in check (Jayne, Vasco da Gama, p. 127).
72. The Moor vessel attacked by Cabral in 1500 (see para. 64 above) belonged to two Moor merchants of Calicut named Mamale and Cherina Mercar (or Marakkar). On ascer taining that she was an honest trader and not a pirate as he had been informed, Cabral forbore to plunder her and offered full apologies to the owners (de Barros, I, 1), but the general disrespect which the Portuguese paid to their own passes, the insult to Khwaja Muhammad (see para. 65 above) and in 1507 the murder of young Mamale by Gonzalo Vaz (see para. 89. below), all combined to inflame the anger of the Marakkar family to fever heat. Hence forward we find them in constant alliance with the Zamorin against the Portuguese, and probably Cutiale, who became the Zamorin's Admiral in 1507 (Faria, in Kerr, VII, 101), was one of the Marakkars. Still we find that in August 1510 Mamale (i.e.; Muhammad Ali) attended the King of Cannanore in a friendly interview with Aibuquerque (Commentaries, II, 204). The Marakkars immediately began to make war upon the Portuguese, which of course, the Portuguese described as piracy.
78. In 1511, when Albuquerque was about to go to Malacca, the King of Cochin attempted to dissuade him owing to the influence of Cherina and Mamale-mercar, "two Moorish merchants, men full of all kinds of evil and worthless designs." They pretended that rebellion would break out in his absence, but really feared that he would take the ships which they had sent to Malacca and that, if Malacca itself were taken, their trade with that town would be ruined, "for they were the richest merchants in the whole of Malabar " (Comment. of Albuquerque, III, 56).
74. In 1523 the partial evacuation of Ceylon by the Portuguese led Mayadune 12, brother and rival of their ally the King of Kotta, to ask aid from the Zamorin to effect their total expulsion. At first he sent an officer named Galeaoem, but the latter was defeated by the Portuguese (Courtenay, p. 104).
75. In 1524 the Portuguese hanged at Cannanore the pirate Bala Hassan, a relative of the Raja, who had delivered him up on the demand of the Portuguese. This greatly incensed the Moors, and his relatives quitted the town and turned pirates (Faria, I, 282; Longan, I, 327).
76. In the same year the Muhammadans of Cochin gave much trouble to the Portuguese, notably Ahmad Markar, his brother Kunji Ali Markar and their maternal uncle Muhammad Ali Markar, all of whom, quitting Cochin, went to reside at Calicut (Zainuddin, p. 120). Henry Menezes (Logan, I, 327) and Lope Vaz da Sampayo (Faria, I, 284) accordingly stormed Pantalayini Kollam (i.e., Panane) in 1525, assieted by a fleet under Arel, Chief of Porka (Purakkat). A little later, at the siege of Coulete (Faria, I, 284), Arel showed so little enthusiasm in the attack that he appeared to be only an onlooker, so Menezes ordered one of his men to fire at him, which he did, breaking his leg. Arel was so enraged that he defeated Joined the Zamorin and took a fleet to sea to seek revenge (Faria, I, 292), but was in 1525 by George Albuquerque and, in his absence on the 15th October 1528, his town was taken and plundered, the Portuguese obtaining immense booty. After this lesson the Chiefs
13 Faria I, 401) calls him Madune Pandar, King of Ceitavaca, and brother of the King of Cota.

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of Porka remained in general (see para. 87 below) loyal to the Portuguese18 and did good service against the Dutch when the latter attacked the fort of Ernacollum in 1662 (Faria. L. 317-8; Logan, L, 341).
77. Meanwhilo, in 1624, Hierom de Sousa defeated one of the Zamorin's floete. oonsisting of 40 ships and commanded by "& valiant Moor" named Cutiale, whilst it was carry. ing provisions to Calicut, and soon after Don George Telo (Velo) captured four ships out of a fleet of 38 laden with spices, which were being convoyed by the same Moor commander, and drove the rest ashore (Faria, I, 281-2).
78. In 1526, as I have said, Menezes destroyed Pantalayini Kallam, the original set. tlement of the Marakkars, who removed first to Tikhodi and thence later to Kottakal. It was about this time that the Marakkars, incensed by the cruelty of Velo after his victory in 1624 (see pars. 106 below), having surprised a Portuguese ship, massacred the crew at Valliyan Kallu or the White Rook, eight miles off Kottakal, which was therefore known to Europeans as Saorifice Rook (Innes, Malabar Gaz., p. 433. Soe para. 344 below).
79. In 1526 Lope Vas blookaded fleet under Outiale at Cannanore and burned 70 paraos, whilst Manuel da Gama oloared the Coromandel coast of pirates (Faria, I, 297). In the same year the Zamorin sent a fresh foroo to Coylon under Ali Ibrahim Markar, a noted leader whom Zainuddin (Lopes, 63) calls a brother of Kunhale, and whom de Barros (IV, vii, 22) calls a great pirate and bold knight'; but this attempt failed like that of Galeacem.
80. In 1627 Paté Markar, commanding the Zamorin's foroes, reduoed the King of Kotta to great straits (Faria, I, 314).
81. In 1628 Lope Vaz again met the Chinese captain Cutialo with fleet of 70 pardos, defeated and took him prisonor (Faria, I, 315).
82. In 1530 Jamos Silveira defeated and killed a rich merchant of Mangaloro, who with 16 ships and 450 men had been harassing the Portuguese trade. In the same YOAP oft Mount Deli, he took six ships from Paté Markar (Faria, I, 342-9).
88. In 1631 the Portuguese seized some ships belonging to subjects of the Zamorin, amongst whom were Ali Ibrahim and his nephew Kutti Ibrahim Markar, on their way to Gujarat (Zainuddin, p. 126).
84. Apparently this seizure of their vessels brought to the front another of the Marak. kars, for about 1632 one Cundle (i.e., Kunhale or Kunji Ali) Marcar," bold pirate," la reported as harassing Portuguese trade near Cape Comorin. On one occasion having sur. priged 21 Portuguese asleep, he caused their heads "to be bruised to pieces " for daring to sleep whilst he was at sea. At Negapatam, having taken 40 Portuguese, he shot sight of them, in spite of the efforts of his relative Khwaja Maroar to save their lives. After a timo he was driven from his fort at Canamara and all his vessels taken by Antonio da Silva with
force from Cochin, and he fled to Caliout disguised as a beggar (Faria, I, 368-9). In 1633 Kunji Ali Markar (brother-in-law of Ahmad Markar) was sent with a present to the Zamorin from Sultan Bahadur Shah of Gujarat (Zainuddin, p. 134).
85. According to Courtenay (pp. 104-5), Kunhale had been aduoated by the Por. tuguese but had escaped and rejoined his family. When in 1636 Mayadune again askod assistance from the Zamorin, he and his brother Paichi or Paté Markar were appointed to lead the foroes gent, but as Mayadune was reconciled to his brother, the expedition returned
11 The accounts of the King of Porks are not very consistent. Para indood (III, 300) says under dato 1619 "The King of Poros, alway, ill affected to the Portugees, Main your embraced our friendship with great demonstrations of sincerity and letion.

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to Calicut. Faria (I, 400) says that in this year Cutiale, Admiral of Calicut, took a galley from James Reymoso, but as has been already stated (see para. 81 above), Cutiale had been taken prisoner by the Portuguese in 1528.14 Possibly Faria means Kunhale.
86. In 1537, because a ship had sailed to Jedda without their pass, the Portuguese attacked Puranur and killed a number of people, amongst whom was Kutti Ibrahimi Markar, nephew of Ali Ibrahim Markar. The latter, with his brother-in-law Ahmad Markar (also called Paichi or Paté [Pati] Markar) and his brother Kunji Ali Markar, took command of a fleet of 22 grabs sailing towards Ceylon, where the reconciliation between the King of Kotta and Mayadune had been broken. On the 20th (? 29th) February 1538 the Marakkars were surprised at Bentalah or Beadala, near Ramiseram, by Martin Alphonsus de Mello (or Sousa) and completely defeated. The three chiefs escaped by swimming and Ali Ibrahim returning towards Malabar died on the way (Zainuddin, 141, 144; Faria, I, 412; Pieris, Ceylon and the Portuguese, p. 48), but Ahmad (or Paté) Markar and Kunji Ali Markar made their way to Ceylon and joined Mayadune, who was in 1539 besieged in his capital by Don Miguel Ferreira. The latter threatened to destroy the town and carry Mayadune in chains to Goa unless he surrendered the two young chiefs.15 Mayadune was at his wit's end, and arranged to do by cunning what he could not effect openly without dishonour. He informed Paichi Marca and Kunhale Marca of the demand and advised them to escape by night into the forest, where they should remain until Ferreira had left the country. Accordingly they made their way that night with seventy Moorish followers into the forest, where they were set upon by a large number of Pachas, the cruellest caste among the Chingalas, who are accustomed to cut off the noses and lips of the enemies whom they slay. By these they were shot down to a man and their heads cut off and sent to Ferreira. Peace was immediately made, the delighted King of Kotta distributing money among all the men in the fleet and presenting to the Captain pieces of jewellery and lending 30,000 cruzadoes for the expenses of the fleet (Faria, II, 9; de Couto, Dec. V, i). The Zamorin was so cast down by this disaster that he sent China Cutiale as his ambassadar to Goa and made peace with the Portuguese (Faria, II, 14; de Couto, V, v, vii), but the Marakkar family only nursed its hatred for that nation and bided its time for revenge (see Ribeiro, Ceilao, 13-20; RAS. Ceylon Journ., XX, 57-107; Courtenay I, 28-47).
23
87. In 1540 Christopher da Gama was sent against the King of Porka (Purakkat) to demand reparation for various acts of piracy. This being refused, da Gama laid waste the country and forced the King to submit to his demands (Faria, II, 17). In 1542 the Queen of Batecala (Bhatkal) on the Kanarese.coast, having refused tribute to the Portuguese and given shelter and encouragement to the pirates, Martin Alfonso stormed and plundered Batecala and laid waste the country (Faria, II, 71-74).
- French.
88. In 1506 the French corsair, Pierre de Mondragon, took a Portuguese ship com manded by Job Queimado in the Mozambique Channel. It was however much easier and less risky to pillage the Spanish and Portuguese nearer home. In November 1508 he took a fine ship in the Bay of Cadiz, and, a little later, a rich carrack from Calicut (La Roncière, III, 137). King Emmanuel demanded satisfaction from the King of France, and this not being forthcoming, he sent Duarte Pacheco in 1509 with four ships to arrest him. He came across Mondragon off Cape Finisterre. The pirate, though he had only 2 vessels, willingly
14 Faria (II, 14) says that in 1539 China Cutiale was sent by the Zamorin as his ambassador to Goa. 15 Don Miguel had previously defeated and captured Pate Marcar's fleet at Putulam (Faria, II, 9).

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acoepted combat and was defeated and taken prisoner after a desperate resistance. He Was brought in chains to the King, but as the booty he had taken was all recovered and as he gave his word never to repeat his offence, he was set at liberty and returned to France (Osorio, I, 357). This courtesy, very unlike their behaviour to the Moors, the Portuguese extended to English pirates also. In 1521, Vasco Fernandez Caesar took after & severe fight in the Mediterranean four English vessels which were towing a Portuguese ship which they had taken. The English protested that they had taken it with them only to protect it from the Barbary pirates (!), and so were allowed to go free (Osorio, II, 356).
Portuguese. 89. In 1506 the Portuguese fleet under Tristiat d'Aounho and Alfonso Albuquerque was sent to establish the Portuguese on the coast of Afrioa and to obtain command of the navigation of the Red Sea (Bruce, I, 13; Kerr, VI, 92). Almost immediately the Portu. guese issued orders that native vessels must carry passes signed by Portuguese officers demand which the English imitated many years later as soon as they settled at Surat (800 para. 324 below). The historian Khafi Khan (Elliott, VII, 344) says "On the sea they (the Portuguese) are not like the English and do not attack other ships, except those which have not received their passes according to rule, or the ships of Arabia or Muscat, with which two countries they have a long-standing enmity and attack each other whenever an opportunity occurs" (Campos, p. 160). As a matter of fact (see para. 118 below), like the Barbary pirates, the Portuguese did not always respect their own passes when the ships carrying them were rich enough to excite their cupidity. In 1607 Gonzalo Vaz, meeting a rich Vengel carrying a pass from Lorenzo de Brito, Commandant of Cannanoro, declarod it to be a forgery and plundered the ship. To prevent any complaints he sewed up the crew in a sail and threw them into the sea. The stitching ooming loose, some of the corpses were washed ashore and one of them being recognised as that of the son (or son-in-law or nephew) of Mamale, a rich Malabar merchant, the hideous crime was discovered (Osorio, I, 261. 3; Logan, T, 314). Faria, (1, 110) says that Vaz was broken for this crime, but the punishment was so inadequate that many evils resulted to the Portuguese (Kerr, VI, 98). Osorio (I, 261-3)says that Mamale at once wrote to the Arabians at Calicut, and, at their instigation, the Zamorin sent Mayimamma Marakkar for Assistance to the Sultan of Egypt. In rosponse to this appeal, a fleet of 12 ships with a large force of Mamelukes was sent from Suez to Cambay under Amir Husain governor of Jeddah. Colonel Miles (p. 140) says that this feet was a combined force of Turks and Venetians, 16 the latter strongly objecting to the Portuguese discovery of a new trade route to India. At first in alliance with the Gujaratis, under the command of Malik Ayyaz, Governor of Diu, a Russian renegade (Dames in RAS. Journ., June 1921), Amir Husain had some success, defeating the Portuguese off Chaul in April 1507 and killing Don Lorenzo son of the Vioeroy (Faria in Kerr, VI, 112-3). The Zamorin's envoy Mayimamma was also killed in the fight (Logan, I, 317) and in February 1609 Amir Husain was totally defeated off Diu by the Viceroy Francisco de Almeyda. He himself escaped and returned to Mocha, but this disaster deprived the Moors of the command of the Red Sea (Barbosa, p. 21). Husain was killed at Jeddah in 1617 (Zainuddin, 96-7) and Sultan Salim having annexed Egypt, the command of the Turkish fleet was given to the Reis Sulaiman "a Turk of base parentage but a powerful and bold pyrate, born in Mitylene" (Faria, I, 212). On his way to Diu, Don Francisco plundered Dabul, and in February 1510 Don Francisco Albuquerque took Goa and destroyed all the ships and galleys of the "Rumes” (Barbosa, pp. 72-76).
16 Possibly in reforence to the Expedition of Sulaiman Pasha in 1637 (hoe para. 120 below).

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Japanese and Chinese.
90. In 1510 the Japanese settlers in Korea revolted against the Government but were. quickly suppressed. Thereafter very few Japanese were allowed to stay in Korea and inose only under close restrictions (Murdoch, II, 307).
91. Barbosa (p. 206, c. 1514) says: "There are great robbers and corsairs amongst these islands and ports of China." He probably refers to both Chinese and Japanese.
92. In 1513 native Chinese pirates, under Lin Tsih, blockaded the mouths of the Woo-sung and Yangtse rivers and came to Shanghai, whence Lin was driven by a storm. The Imperial fleet pursued and surrounded him, but not daring to attack, allowed him to escape (R.A.S., North China Journ., N.S. VIII, 38-39). In 1522 a quarrel amongst some Japanese, owing to the unjust decision of a local Chinese official, resulted in a riot in which the town was plundered and the Governor was killed. The Japanese being ordered to depart, their Chinese correspondents repudiated their debts. Thereupon, in reprisal, the Japanese turned pirates in conjunction with Wang-chih, Suhai, and other discontented Chinese (China Review, III, 60).
Portuguese.
93. In 1511 Alfonso de Albuquerque, sailing to Malacca, attacked off Pedir, between Acheen and Pasay, a large junk belonging to Geinal (or Zeinal), the lawful heir of Pasay Zeinal made so gallant a defence that Albuquerque offered him his favour and protection if he would surrender, which offer he accepted. The same year the Portuguese conquered Malacca and made themselves masters of the Moluccas (Marsden, 322; Faria, in Kerr, VI, 140; Crawfurd, II, 488). Faria (I, 99) notes that when the Portuguese arrived, the natives of Sumatra and the Moluccas were well disciplined and better supplied with artillery than the Portuguese. The representatives of the Dynasty which had ruled Malacca withdrew to Rhio and for three hundred years indulged in piracy (Buckley, p. 21). Zeinal who in despair of the Portuguese success against Malacca had revolted, confessed his fault and was again received into favour by Albuquerque (Osorio, II, 80).
94. On his return from Malacca in 1512, Albuquerque narrowly missed taking at the Maldives "Mafameda Macari (Muhammad Marakkar), a merchant of Cairo." He was the leader of that party in Malabar which favoured the bringing in of the Rumes or Turks to Calicut to fight the Portuguese (see para. 65 above). After the capture of Goa he feared that the Zamorin would surrender him to the Portuguese and so fled to Egypt (Comment. of Albuquerque, III, 203).
Malays.
95. In 1508 when the Portuguese Commander Don Lopez Sequiero came to Malacca he was warmly welcomed by the captains of some Chinese vessels in the harbour, but they warned him to be on his guard against the King. Being over-confident, he took no precautions, and many of his men were trapped and killed without his being able either to assist or revenge them (Osorio, I, 369). On the conquest of Malacca by Albuquerque in 1511, the royal family retired to Pahang and Johor, and later some of them to the Island of Bintang (i.e. Rhio. See para. 93 above). The followers of the chicfs thus dispossessed were naturally inclined to piracy (Wilkinson, Papers on Malay Subjects, I, 36).
96. In 1511 or 1512, Ferdinand Perez, having intercepted some boats carrying provisions to a rebel in Malacca, ordered the captains and headmen to be brought on board. They came very quietly, but as soon as they had got on deck, they drew their weapons and attacked the Portuguese, wounding Perez himself before they were overpowered (Faria, in Kerr, VI, 153). This pretended submission, when they knew that they could not escape, was a favourite Malay ruse right on to the 19th century and will be repeatedly mentioned.

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When the Spaniards commenced the conquest of the Philippines in 1565, they found the inhabitants of the Island of Mindoro already engaged in piracy, and the inhabitants of the Sulu Islands soon followed their example. The first attempt of the Spaniards to subdue these islanders took place in 1589. A number of expeditions followed with varying success up to the year 1851 (Crawfurd, Desc. Dicl., 8.0. Piracy).
97. The history of piracy in the Malayan Archipelago is somewhat difficult to follow, as there exists, so far as I know, no systematic account of its rise and progress, and the same pirates appear at different times under different tribal names, so that it is not always casy to distinguish between the different piratical races which sometimes acted together a'r at other times separately or even in hostility to each other. According to Sir Stamford Raffles, the inhabitants of the Archipelago are all of Tartar origin and were established in their present abodes in prehistoric times. Excluding the Mindanaoans, they may be divided into three communities, i.e., the Malays of Sumatra, the Javans and the Bugis. The first and third ware seafaring people, the second an agricultural people with a strong aversion to the sea and an absolute abhorrence of going beyond the limits of the Archi. polago. Unfortunately many Javans were trapped or forced to serve as sailors by the Europeans, the Dutch especially going so far as to kidnap men for this purpose. Under these circumstances the so-called Malay crews were mostly recruited from the lowest classes, criminal or desperats mon. 17 Serving under Europeans who did not understand their dialects and were ignorant of their customs, they readily resorted to mutiny and murder, and thus gave the Malay sailors their unenviable reputation. On the other hand, the real Malay sailors serving in Arab or Chinese vessels were never known to mutiny, for they always served under petty officers of their own nationality who knew their languages and customs and, further, they served voluntarily, as the Arabs and Chinese had no power to foroe them on board and could retain them only by good treatment. Whilst accepting Raffles' division of races, it may be as well to mention the names under which the pirates of the Archipelago are generally roferred to. Excluding such outlanders as the Chinese, Japanese and Arab pirates, who operated in these seas singly or in conjunction with the natives, the chief piratical races appear to have been (1) the Illanuns, who came originally from Mindanao in the Philippines and spread over the whole Archipelago, (2) the Sulu Islanders, belonging, I believe, to the same stock as the Illanuns (see Chin. Repos., IV, 520), (3) the Dyaks of Borneo, divided into the Hill and Sea Dyaks but all of them head-hunters, (4) the Bugis, who were outlaws from Celebes, (5) the Malays of Malacca and Sumatra, who also oper. ated throughout the whole Archipelago and, lastly, (6) a floating population with no fixed abode, known sometimes as Bajaus (J. C. Beecham, The Argus Pheasant), 18 but appearing under many other denominations. Beside the professional pirates, just as we find to have been the case in early times in European seas, all fishermen and coast-dwellers indulged in occasional piracy, and bona fide traders were not averse to accepting the gifts of Fortune when they appeared in the shape of rich booty weakly guarded. In the Malay seas the most cruel part of the business lay in the seizure of prisoners to be sold as slaves, which was accompanied by wholesale murder of the old and weak, and intolerable suffering inflioted upon the captives. I know of no parallel for the state of chaos which existed for more than three centuries in the Malay Archipelago exoept that of the Mediterranean during the period when its waters were swept by the Cilician pirates. It is diffioult to understand how humanity could continue to exist under such conditions and almost inexplicable how the
17 From the Loss of some of the English Company's ships it may be seen that now and then deficiencies in their crews were supplied by criminals who had beon reduced to slavery by their own laws.
18 Bajaus wore wandering inaritime Malays, of gipsy manners, the term (variously modified) being synonymous for pirates. (Crawfurd, Desc. Dict.)

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whole population of so large an area of the world's surface should have reliupseel, for it could not have always existed, into such a condition of mutual hostility.
98. Mr. J. Hunt, writing about 1812 and contrasting the condition in 1810 of the ports of Borneo, Achin, Johor, Malacca, Bantam, Ternate, etc., with the descriptions given of the same places by the early Portuguese visitors, ascribes the lamentable change entirely to Portuguese and Dutch interference with trade. These ports, he says, "have suffered the same vicissitudes as Tyre, Sidon or Alexandria, and, like Carthage, for ages the emporium of the wealth and commerce of the world, which now exhibits on its site a piratical race of descendants in the modern Tunisians and their neighbours the Algerines, the commercial ports of Borneo have become a nest of banditti and the original inhabitants of both from similar causes, the decay of commerce, have degenerated to the modern pirates of the present day” (Mal. Misc., 1820, VIII, 8).
99. Mere interference with trade would, most probably, have resulted only in the impoverishment of the inhabitants of the Archipelago. Something more was needed to turn these high-spirited races into the most desperate pirates that have ever existed. An English naval officer writes "Lastly I must mention the effect of European domination in the Archipelago. The first voyagers from the West found the natives rich and powerful, with strong established governments and a thriving trade with all parts of the world. The capacious European has reduced them to their present condition. Their governments have been broken up, the old States decomposed by treachery, by bribery and intrigues ; their possessions wrested from them under flimsy pretences; their trade restricted ; their vioes enoouraged; their virtues repressed and their energies paralysed or rendered desperate till there is every reason to fear the gradual extinction of the Malay races. This is the his. torical record of the rule of Europeans from their earliest landing to the present moment (1848). The same spirit which combines the atrocity of the Spaniard with the meanness of the Jew pedlar, has actuated them throughout, receiving only such modifications as time or necessity has compelled them to adopt " (Mundy, Borneo and Celebes, I, 70). Of course Buch practices as the head-hunting of the Dyak tribes cannot be blamed to the Europeans, but otherwise Captain Mundy's impeachment is practically proved by the readiness which has been shown by all classes of the population when brought under firm but kindly control, to live peaceably and resume legitimate trade.
Portuguese. 100. In 1517 the Portuguese established themselves at Point de Galle and Colombo In Ceylon and concluded a treaty with the King of Candy, but having seized two ships from Bengal, they were expelled from the commercial stations which they were attempting to establish in the island (Bruce, I, 17). In the same year Don Joao de Silveira was sent to Bengal by the Portuguese. On his way to Chittagong he took two vessels belonging to Gromadle, a relative of the Governor of that place, which were bound from Bengal to Cam. bay. He sent the two ships to Cochin, but kept the pilot and his nephew, who were from Bengal, with him. On his arrival, these two men represented him as a corsair and difficul. ties arose in the way of trade. At last, being short of food, Silveira found himself forced to take a boat laden with rice, which act gave the Governor an excuse for hostilities. After vainly blockading tho port, Silveira was in 1518 forced to withdraw to Arakan. In spite of this contretemps, it became the custom to despatch & Portuguese ship annually with merchandise to Chittagong (Faria, I, 220; Campos, p. 27). .
101. In 1516 Albuquerque, Captain General of Malacca, sent a junk flying Portuguese colours under Rafael Perestrello to the Canton River, where she was well received. In 1517 eight vessels under Fernando Perez de Andrade anchored at Shang-chuan (St. John's Island near Macao) and though suspected to be pirates, were allowed to trade. A part of

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the squadron returned to Malacca; the rest, accompanied by some Loochow junks, sailed up the coast and established factories at Ningpo in Chekiang and Tsuan-chou (Chincheo) in Fokien. But in 1518 a fresh squadron arrived under Perez's brother Simon, who forcibly and without any sort of permission established himself at Shang-chuan, erected a fort, and began a career of violence, robbery and piracy. Meanwhile, a Portuguese envoy, Thomas Perez, had been favourably received at Pekin and was on the point of securing a commercial treaty, but now the Chinese required him to give a promise for the evacuation of Malacca, which they asserted was tributary to China. Unable to do this, he refused. One member of the Mission was executed and the rest sent prisoners to Canton where Perez died in Jail 19 In 1521 Simon was driven from Shang-chuan, in spite of the heavy guns of the Portuguese, which guns the Chinese called 'Franks'. The Portuguese did not however quit the coast, but infested it as pirates, with their head-quarters at Tsuan-chou and Ningpo. Meanwhile, Alfonso de Mello Coutinho arriving (in 1522) with six vessels and ignorant of these events, his watering parties were attacked and driven with heavy loss to their ships, whereupon he left the coast. Many of the prisoners died of hunger, but 23 were put to a cruel death as spies and pirates (Ljungstedt, p. 7). The Portuguese at Ningpo and Tsuanchou continued to act lawlessly (Pinto, 315-16, says that the dishonesty of the Chinese merchants excited individual Portuguese to violent reprisals), until in 1545 the Portuguese colony at Ningpo was destroyed by a rising of the Chinese inhabitants, who killed "2,000 Christians, of whom 800 were Chinese," and burned 35 ships and two junks. In 1549 a similar fate befell the Portuguese colony at Tsuan-chou.
102. In 1537, the Portuguese, who had acted more diplomatically at Canton, had three settlements near that town, viz., Shangchuan, Langpeh-kao (Lampacao) and Macao (? Ama-kau or harbour of Ama); Macao they obtained possession of by a trick, having landed under pretence of drying goods which they had brought as tribute and which had got wet. (Brinkley, Japan, X, 170-174; Abbé Raynal, I, 100-108). The Portuguese account of the way in which they obtained Macao is as follows:-At first the Portuguese were forbidden to trade, but when a Chinese pirate To-kang-si-loo seized Macao, blockaded the Chinese coast and besieged Canton, the Chinese were glad of their assistance. The Portuguese drove him to Macao, where he killed himself, and received Macao as a reward for their services (see para. 139 below). Monsieur Sonnerat (Voyage to the East Indies, II, 187) says that the pirates had seized Ladrone or Rogues' Island and interfered with the navigation of the Canton River. Dalrymple (Memoir, p: 1) says that this was the southern island on the east side of the entrance to the Canton River and was so named by the Portuguese because they found it occupied by pirates on their arrival. However it must be one of the group which includes the present British settlement of Hongkong. Eitel (History of Hongkong, p. 130) indeed says that, according to tradition, ever since the downfall of the Sung Dynasty (A.D. 1279) and all through the reign of the Mongol Yuen Dynasty (1280-1333) Hongkong was a haunt of pirates. The Bay of Shaukiwan (close to the Ly-ee-mon Pass) and the Bay of Aberdeen (close to the Lamma Channel) were haunted by piratical craft which levied blackmail. They pretended to be fishing boats, but had men stationed on the hill-tops to warn them of the approach of merchant vessels. "It was the piratical pre-disposition of the fishermen residing in the neighbourhood of Hongkong that had caused the early Portuguese navigators to give these islands [at the mouth of the Canton River] the general rame of Ladrones." They must not be confused with the Marianne or Ladrone Islands in the Pacific.
103. In 1522 Don Andres Enriquez, in command of the fort at Pedir in Sumatra, being hard pressed by the King of Achin, sent for help to the Portuguese at Chittagong.
19 Henri Cordier, on the authority of Abel Rémusat, says that Perez was not killed, but settled in the country and married a Chinese lady, whom he converted to Christianity. (Toung Pao, 1911, p. 483.)

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Dominic Seixias was sent to his assistance in a ship which was stopped (?) by thirty Por tuguese who had turned pirates under a man named Diego (or James) Gago, and who appa rently offered their assistance. When Seixias arrived at Tenasserim and had gone ashore, the pirates under Brito (Gago having died) seized the ship and went off, leaving Seixias 20 and fourteen other Portuguese ashore, where they were seized by the natives and made slaves (Faria, I, 273).
NOTES ON PIRACY IN EASTERN WATERS
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104. In 1524 one of the ships in the fleet of Vasco da Gama was commanded by Mosem Gaspar Homem (or Gaspar Mossem) who de Barros says was a Majorcan. Simply because he was a foreigner (Faria, I, 280) or because he was "a man of narrow understanding" and did not know how to manage his men (Correa, p. 382), the seamen led by the Master and Pilot mutinied, killed him and turned pirates under one Nunho de Aguilar. Next year they were captured by Antony de Macedo and brought to Goa, where Aguilar was beheaded and the rest impaled or banished, according to the degree of their guilt (Faria, I, 285).
105. In 1523, during the Governorship of Don Duarte de Menezes, licenses were freely given to Privateers. Don Francisco Pereira Pestana gave such a license to Antonio Faleiro, who had at one time been a merchant and at another a soldier, to make prizes off Guardafui. Near Diu he took a ship carrying a Portuguese pass, robbed her of goods worth £15,000 and sold the crew as slaves. Most of his company, originally twenty in number, and consisting of outlaws and such, whom he had promised "that their beards should be made of gold," were lost in the course of his adventures, and he himself, being taken prisoner at Diu in 1538, turned Muhammadan to escape death (Whiteway, pp. 48-52). 106. In 1524 Cutiale, already mentioned (see para. 72 above) as commanding the fleet of the Zamorin, whilst convoying 38 ships laden with spices, lost four of them in a fight with George Velo near Cochin (see para. 77 above), "These four were brought in barbarous triumph to Goa, having many of the enemies hung upon the shrouds. The Canarin rowers [employed by the Portuguese] carried thirty heads in token of victory and 12 prisoners alive, who were given to the boys to be stoned to death" (Faria, in Kerr, VI, 101).
Indian Pirates in the Mediterranean.
107. Whilst Europeans were beginning to operate as pirates in Eastern waters it is curious to find mention of Indian pirates in European seas. Jerome Osorio (II, 290) tells us that "Two pirates, inhabitants of India, with a couple of large ships, had for four years infested the Straits of Gibraltar and the neighbouring coasts of Africa." These two men, who were brothers, were killed in fight in 1519 by the sons of the Governor of Ceuta. Indians (or at any rate Muhammadan Indians) were not at this time averse to foreign travel for, about 1616, Thomas Coryat met at Multan an Indian (whose religion he does not mention) who, in his youth had been captured by Florentines 'when sailing from Constantinople to Alexandria, and taken to Leghorn, where he had learned Italian (Foster, Early Travels, p. 271).
Malays.
108. In 1519 Emmanuel Pacheco, cruising between Passim and Achin and sending a boat with five men ashore for water at the former place, it was attacked by three Javanese lanchas21 (low-decked but very long vessels) commanded by one Zudamecio, a Javan of distinguished courage. As soon as ever he came up, the Portuguese determined to die
20 Possibly this is the Seixias sent by the King of Martaban in 1544 as an envoy to the King of Burma (Faria, III, 348) or the Dominic Seixias appointed one of the three generals of the Siamese army in 1546 (Faria, III, 355).
31 Faria (I, 229) says" three ships of Pacem, each with 150 men."
33 For a historical note on lancha, see Travels of Peter Mundy (Hak. Soc.), III, i, 172 [Ed.]

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rather than be captured and made slaves. One of their number, a barber, who was a man of very great strength, held on to Zudamecio's boat, whilst his companions boarded it, then followed them and the gallant five killed or drove into the sea Zudamecio and all his men, estimated to have been 150 in number (Osorio, II, 303).
109. In 1521 the great Portuguese navigator Magellan was killed in a fight with the inhabitants of Zebu Island, one of the Philippines. His successor, Juan Serrano, foolishly accepted the islanders' invitation to a feast and was murdered with 24 of his companions (Zuniga, Philippines, I, 49; Prince, New England Chronology). Oviedo (Historia General, XXV, vii, ii, p. 201) says that Magellan was killed at Coro in Venezuela (La Roncière, III, 267).28
110. Some time between 1526 and 1529 the King of Achin treacherously killed Simon de Sousa and other Portuguese bound for Malacca. Under pretence of restoring de Sousa's galley he entrapped other Portuguese, including Emmanuel Pacheco, in a galley well provided with men and cannon, and killed them all (Faria, I, 381. See para. 115 below).
Chinese.
111. Chinese pirates in the Canton River have already been mentioned (see para. 101 above). In 1522 the Chinese pirate She Tsung-li plundered the shipping at Shanghai, but was captured and decapitated (Rev. C. Schmidt, R.A.S. North China Branch, Journal, N. S. VIII, 39).
Turks.
112. In 1525 Sultan Sulaiman appointed the corsair Salman (Sulaiman) Reis a Capudan and commander, and sent him with 20 galleys to the Indian Ocean. He proceeded along the coasts of Aden and Yemen and plundered the lands of the rebels (?) and of such as were not well affected to the Porte, until the Shaikhs and Arabs submitted and promised to remit their taxes (Haji Khalifeh, p. 20). It is said that Sulaiman Reis quarrelled with and was killed by one Hayraddin (Haidar, who succeeded Sulaiman as Governor of Jedda, Dames, p. 12), another corsair who had been sent to him with reinforcements. Hayraddin in turn was killed by Sulaiman's nephew Mustapha who fled for refuge to the King of Cambay, with a few ships, the rest of the fleet returning to Suez (Faria, I, 301):
Arakanese.
113. In 1526 Ruy Vaz de Pereira, commanding the annual Portuguese ship to Bengal, found at Chittagong a galleot belonging to Khwaja Shihabu'ddin (Coge Sabadim), a rich Persian merchant (resident at Chittagong), "built after the Portuguese fashion in order to plunder merchant ships and ascribe the crime to the Portuguese ". This he took, with all its cargo, and carried away. In 1527-8 Martin Alphonso de Mello was wrecked on the coast of Chittagong. His men were taken prisoners and carried to Codovascan (Khuda Bakhsh Khan) of Chakaria (in the Chittagong District), a vassal of the King of Bengal, and were employed by him to fight his enemies. An attempt to escape was punished by the murder, before his eyes, of his nephew, Gonzales Vaz de Mello, chosen by the Brahmans, who were jealous of the Portuguese and had sworn to sacrifice to their gods the handsomest man of that nation who should fall into their hands. Meanwhile, Shihabu'ddin had referred the matter of his galleot to Nunho da Cunha, then Governor in Goa, and offered to pay a ransom of 3,000 cruzados for de Mello on condition that the galleot should be restored to him. This offer was accepted; de Mello was released and sent to Goa, and Shihabuddin now became a great friend of the Portuguese (Campos, pp. 30-33). The murder of the handsome young Portuguese reminds one of the story in Herodotus (VII, 180) how, when Xerxes
23 One of Magellan's Captains, Sebastian del Cano (or John Sebastian Cano, Faria, I, 252), commander of the Victoria, returned to Lisbon on the 7th September 1522, being the first sea-captain to circumnavigate the globe (Zuniga, Philippine Islands, pp. 49-52).

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was about to invade Greece in B.C. 480, his advanced foroe took a Greek ship of Troezen off Skiathos, the captain of which by name Leon was a man of extraordinary beauty. They "cut his throat at the prow of the ship, making a good omen for themselves of the first of the Hellenes whom they captured who was pre-eminent for beauty.” So also Sidonius Apollinaris (VIII, 6-13), a writer of the 5th century, says that the Saxon pirates, before returning homewards after one of their forays, invariably, as a religious rite or sacrifice, crucified or drowned a tenth part of their captives.
Spanish. 114. In 1526 the Spanish Captain, Alfonso de los Rios, defeated the Portuguese Cap. tain, Ferdinando de Baldaya, off Tidore. The Portuguese commander was killed in the fight. Some of his men who were taken prisoners escaped, but being recaptured, were hanged or beheaded at Tidore as traitors (!) to the King of Spain (Faria, I, 309; Kerr, II, 87). Thus the division of the Southern Hemisphere between Spain and Portugal actually led to collisions between the two countries in the East, both of them claiming the Moluccas.
Portuguese 115. In 1627 Don George Menezes, Governor of the Moluccas, suspecting that he had killed a favourite Chinese sow, caused the uncle ( brother) of the King of Ternate (? Tidore), a Muhammadan, to have his face smeared with hog's lard (Faria, I, 324; Crawfurd, II. 496). In the same year Francisco de Mello off Achin Head, attacked a ship from Mecca supposed to be richly laden. Not daring to board her, the Portuguese fired at her until she sank, and, being disappointed of their prey, massacred the crew and passengers, said to have been 300 Achinese and 40 Arabs, as they struggled in the water. This cruel act produced an implacable feud between the Achinese and Portuguese and caused the destruction of a great number of people of both nations (see para. 110 above). In 1529 tho Achinese managed to entrap a Portuguese ship commanded by Manuel Pacheco and killed all the crew, but a conspiracy which they set on foot to drive the Portuguese from Malaoca was betrayed and came to nothing (Marsden, pp. 339-43). Pinto (p. 33) says that the King of Achin had in his service one Cutiale Markar, a Muhammadan of Malabar, with 600 Gujaratis.
116. Strabo (III, v, 11) tells us that a Phoenician captain, on a voyage to the Cas. siterides, finding that he was followed by a Roman vessel, rather than allow the Roman captain to discover the proper route, ran his own vessel upon a shoal, so that the Roman was also wrecked and lost with all on board. The Phænician, however, escaped on a fragment of his vessel and returned safely to Carthage, where he was indemnified for his lost cargo. The Portuguese were as anxious as the Phoenicians to monopolize their trading routes, but adopted a safer method. They provided their rivals with pilots. When the Marie-de-bon-secours, Captain Jean Breulhy de Funay, was sent from Rouen in 1527 and arrived at Diu, she sent ashore her Captain-pilot Estevao Diaz de Brigas 24 He was immediately imprigoned by the ruler of that port, who according to Pinto (p. 25) was Sultan Bandar to.e., Bahadur) of Cambay, and on the 25th May 1528 the ship was seized and con fiscated. What became of the crew who refused to turn Muhammadans 25 is not known,
but the ship was later on incorporated in the Portuguese navy and Don Estevao became . a favourite of the "grand chien Bahadur." Presumably "chien " was some angry Frenchman's perversion of the Muhammadan title “Khan " (Faria, in Kerr's Voyages, VI, 231; La Roncière, III, 268).
24 Faria (1, 367) says that de Brigas, having fled from Portugal to ea ape the punishment due to his orimes, was given the command of a French ship.
36 Probably this is the Farangi ship mentioned by Bayley (Gujarat, 339). It came into Diu in 1628. The Governor Kiwan-ul-Mulk imprisoned the crow, who, by order of Sultan Bahadur Shah, were forcibly converted to Muhammada im The Mirat Sikandari (p. 159) says they all accepted conversion in proforence to death. Faria (I, 367) says that they refused Islam and were put to death to the number of 40.

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Sanganians. 117. In February 1528 a Gujarat fleet of 80 vessels under a valiant Moor named Alexiath (Ali Shah) appeared at the inouth of Chaul river and did much damage to the territory of Ahmadnagar and to Portuguese trade. The Viceroy Sampayo sent a fleet of 40 ships, which took or destroyed all of them in Bombay Harbour (Bom. Gaz., XIII, 451; da Cunha, Chaul and Bassein, p. 39). In 1529 Hector de Silveira sailed up the river at Bassein, defeated Alexiath and plundered and burned the city (Faria, I, 321).
Portuguese. 118. In 1531 Nano d'Acunha, "Governor of the Rortuguese interests in India, Nacle his first attempt to take Din, but being unsuccessful he retired, leaving Antonio de Saldanha, one of his captains, for the express purpose of piracy. Saldanha pillaged the coasts of Saurashtra or Kathiawar without mercy, burning Gogo and Patam (Pattan Som. nath), twelve leagues from Diu and carried off their riches (Tod, Travels, p. 259). It was Nunho da Cunha who in 1531 gave a license to Damiao Bernaldes to trade to Bengal. As soon as he had rounded Cape Comprin he turned corsair and plundered a rich Moor ship of £9,000 in money at the Nicobars. Nuno requested Shihabu'ddin (see para. 113 above) to .' seize him and his crew, but he made his escape, only to be captured by the Portuguese at Negapatam. He was sentenced to ten years' imprisonment but died in confinement (Campos, pp. 31, 159, 160 ; Whiteway, p. 52). James Silveyra, cruising near Aden in 1532-3, "discovered a very rich ship of Gidda (Jeddah) which spying him lay by and her Captain coming aboard, shewed him a letter from a Portuguese, who was prisoner in that city [Aden) which the Moor thought to be a secure pase, being given him as such. Silveyra
pened and found in it these words : 'I beseech such of the King of Portugal's Captains as shall meet this ship to make prize of her, for she belongs to a very wicked Moor.' Silveyra prrceiving how the Moor was imposed upon, took no notice of the deccit but discharged him, choosing rather to lose the riches of that ship than bring into question the sincerity of the Portuguese." (Faria, I, 356). In 1535 Diego Rebello prevented two Arab ships from trading at Chittagong (Campos, p. 57).
119. In 1535 the pirate Francis de Sa oaptured a junk coming from the Straits of Sunda to Chincheo (Ljungstedt, Port. Sett., p. 5).
Turks. 120. In 1537 when war broke out between Venice and the Turks, the Sultan ordered Sulaiman Pasha, Governor of Cairo, a eunuch of Greek descent (Dames, p. 15), "of stature short, his face ugly and belly so big, he was more like a beast than a man, his age eighty years (he could not rise without the help of four mon. His purse purchased him the coinmand," Faria, I, 433), to assist Burhan Beg (? Alauddin Lodi), who had taken refuge with Bahadur Shah of Gujarat (treacherously trapped and killed by a Portuguese captain on the 14th February 1537, Bayley, pp. 6, 389 26) to restore his father Iskandar (? Ibrahim) driven from Delhi by Humayun (von Hammer, II, 42-3). At Alexandria he found A Venetian trading fleet and compelled a number of the men to accompany him when he sailed for India from Suez on the 22nd June 1538. At Diu he found one Khwaja Zaffer (Jafar or Zafar), a renegade from Otranto (Kerr, VI. 267. His mother addressed her letters to him, Coje Zotar, my son at the Gates of Hell, 'Faria, II, 102) in command of the King of Diu's troops, and with his assistance took the Portugueso castle commanded by John Francisco Paduano. In defiance of the terms of capitulation he made the whole of the garrison galley slaves (Kerr, VI, 248, 271). Dames (p. 19) says that he failed to take the Portuguese castle and suddenly retired in November.
86 Faria (I, 404-8) asserts that Bahadur Shah's death was really due to his own treachery and more or legs an accident, but Nunho da Cunha found it necessary to send explanatory letters to "the Princes of the Decan, Narsinga, Ormuz and the coast of Arabin" in order to justify the Portuguese.

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181. Hamilton (I, 137) mentions a Turkish attack on Diu about 1540, but says that the Turkish commander was beheaded on his return to Aden for having failed to take the town. This evidently refers to Sulaiman Pasha, who reached Jedda on the 13th March 1539, and finding himself in disgrace, committed suicide (Dames, 20). Pinto (II, 4) says that in 1540 the Portuguese after a stiff fight near the entrance of the Red Sea, took a Tur. kish vessel commanded by a renegade, the son of one Paul Andrez, a native of Majorca, who, as he refused to recant, was bound hand and foot and thrown into the sea with a stone tied round his neck. Another of Sulaiman Pasha's captains, nained Heredin Muhammad, left his fleet and, with a single galley, made his way to Tenasserim, where he entered the service of the King of Siam and became his Admiral. Probably it was this officer who made an unsuccessful attack on the Portuguese vessels at Chittagong in 1538 (Campos, p. 42). In September 1814, whilst his ships were dispersed in search of four Portuguese vessels, which with 100 men had been cruising successfully on the coast and had taken three great ships and which he had driven into a well sheltered bay, the Portuguese attacked and destroyed them in detail and killed Heredin himself (Faria, IT, 91 ; Pinto, Voyages, pp. 193-6).
122. In 1646 the Turks made an unsuccessful attack on Muscat (Danvers, Persian Records, pp. 10-11). Somewhere about this time there died at Suez the old Barbary cor. bair Sinan, better known as Il Giudeo (the Jew) of Smyrna. Driven from Goletta in 1535 by Charles V, he took refuge at Tunis with Barbarossa and is said to have saved the lives of 10,000 Christian prisoners whom Barbarossa intended to massacre. Later, being sent by the Sultan to the Red Sea to harass the Portuguese, he established himself at Suez and there died of joy at the sight of his son, who, having been taken prisoner in his childhood and brought up as a Christian, had after a long time been allowed to visit him (Cornhill Magazine, Vol. 46, Sept. 1882, Review of Padre Alberto Guglielmotti's La Guerra dei Pirati e la Marina Pontifica).
Sangapians, Portuguese and Chinese. 128. Hitherto the piratical acts committed by the Portuguese, which have been mentioned, were mostly committed by men who held regular commissions and who, no doubt, would have justified themselves by the pretence of necessity, the right of reprisal or acts legitimately performed upon the bodies and goods of infidels. But about this time we have evidence that private Portuguese took the matter of reprisal into their own hands, and from reprisal passed rapidly to piracy. Ferdinand Mendez Pinto has left us a long account of the piratical condition of the China seas, infested at once by native pirates and by Sanganians and Portuguese. Perhaps the most illuminating part of this account is the detailed story of how one Antonio da Faria took vengeance for his own wrongs. This man, whom Purchas (Pilgrims, ed. 1625, II, 2 ; III, 256) quaintly describes as " by sea-fortune a king, beggar, lord, holy, holy theefe," was a trader in the Malayan seas, whose ship was taken off Lugor in Siam by a Gujarati ( born in Siam) pirate Khwaja Acem ( Hussain) about 1539-40, Pinto and a few others of the crew escaping with their bare lives (ibid., 253). Khwaja Acem had good reason to hate the Portuguese, for his father and two brothers had been killed by Hector da Silveira, when the latter took their ship on a voyage from Jedda to Dabul (Faria, I. 299; Pinto, p. 43). Receiving news of the loss of his ship, Faria found himself a ruined man and was ashamed to meet his creditors at Malacca until he had, in one way or another, made good his losses. With the help of some friends he armed a small junk, got together a crew of 55 men, of whom only a part were Portuguese, and in May 1640 set out in quest of Khwaja Acem. For nearly two years we hear of him roaming the China seas, at one time fighting with pirates and at others in alliance with them. Amongst his opponents were Similau, Quiay Taijano, and Premata Gundel. Two others, the Necauda Nicaulem and Hinimilau, had once been Christians. The last mentioned used to boast that God owed Heaven to him for ridding the earth of so many Portuguese.

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Originally a Gentile (? a Chinese), he had been much respected by the Portuguese, but as soon as he turned Christian he was neglected, and disappointed and angry, turned Muhammadan, the Muhammadans always making much of their converts (Pinto, p. 61). Whilst Faria set free the Christian prisoners whom he rescued from the pirates, he enriched himself and his crew with the booty he took from pirate and other ships which he captured, and forced the traders of Hainan to salute him as King of the Sea and to purchase passes from him (Pinto, p. 63). When shipwrecked, ho consoled himself and his comrades with the reflection that "God would not permit so much evil but for a greater good, nor would have taken from them 500,000 crusadoes but to give them 600,000. God doth not punish with both hands, his mercy curing the wounds which his justice maketh." The shipwrecked crew coming upon a small vessel ashore, charged the owners with the name of Jesus as their battle shout, and carried off the ship with the Captain's little son on board. They tried to console him with kindly words, but he told them that they could speak well of God but little used his Inw. At last they met a Chinese pirate, Quiay Panian, long friend of the Portuguese with some Portuguese amongst his crew, by whose red caps-always worn by Portuguese sailors, er
- they recognised him as an ally. With his assistance they found and surprised Khwaja Acem. The Christians attacked shouting Santiago. The Muhammadans, crying their profession of faith, resisted with equal courage until Khwaja Acem fell by the hand of Faria himself, and Faria's quest was completed. In consequence of this victory and his other exploits, Faria was received at Liampoo (i.e., Ningpo) with public rejoicings, which concluded with the celebration of the Mass and the preaching of a sermon by Fra Estevano Nogueyra in which the latter said "I will not stop but will rather say more, for I speak nothing but what is as true as the Gospel. In regard whereof let me alone, I pray you, for I have made a vow to God never to desist from commending this noble captain as he more than deserves at my hands for saving me 7,000 ducats' venture that Mem. Taborda had of mine in his junk and which was taken from him by that dog Coja Acem, for which let the soul of so cursed a rogue and devil be tormented in hell for ever and ever : whereunto say all with me Amen" (Pinto, XXII, 85). So far, Faria's conduct may have had some justification, but what followed shows how character degenerates when a man takes revenge into his own hands. Learning from a pirate named Similau that immense riches were stored in the tombs of the Chinese kings in the island of Calempluy 38 (? Kai-fong in Honan), he impiously determined to plunder them, and set out in May 1542 to raid the island with a priest and 56 Portuguese, 48 Patani (in Malacca) mariners and 42 slaves. Similau, conscience-stricken, deserted him on the way, but Faria, with two vessels, persisted and landed on the island. The alarm was quickly given and Faria was compelled to retreat with but a small portion of the hoped for booty. Moreover, he carried with him the solemn curses of the guardian priests. On the 5th August 1542, the raiders met with a great storm and Faria's own ship went down with all hands, Pinto and the crew of his consort being informed of his fate only by a loud cry of Mercy, Lord God', which reached them through the howl. ing of the winds and the crashing of the waves. (See also Faria, II, 31-53).
124. In 1542 the Portuguese first came to Japan, some of their sailors who had deserted from the authorities in Siam being wrecked upon the islands. The discovery quickly led to an irregular trade by lawless adventures like Pinto and Faria (Kaempfer, II, 50). Pinto claims that he was one of the three Portuguese (Diego Zeimoto, Christiano Boralho and Pinto 29) who were the discoverers of Japan. He says that, having been stranded at Lampacao and wishing to get to Malacca, he and his two companions took service with a Chinese pirate Samipocheca. Their ship, disabled in a fight with another pirate, was driven
17 I beliove sailors of all European nations wore red caps about this time. 3 R. Hildreth (Japan as it was and is, p. 18) says that the island of Calempluy is near Pekin, # Antony do Mota, Francis Zeymoto and Antony Peixoto (Faria, II, 69)

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NOTES ON PIRACY IN EASTERN WATERS = by & storm to Tanegashima, where they were welcomed by the Prince, to whose people they taught the art of making arquebuses. From Tanegashima this art spread to the rest of Japan. Pinto returned with Samipocheca to Ningpo (Pinto, 170-174; Murdoch, II, 34) and arrived at Malacca at the end of 1644 (Pinto, 189).
125. In 1542 Martin Alphonso, on his way to Goa, met with James Suarez de Melo, called the Gallego, who fleeing from a sentence of death, had gone to India in 1538 with two ships and 120 men and had turned pirate about Mozambique. He granted him pardon and the Gallego went off towards Tenasserim (Faria, II, 64 ; III, 357).
126. In the same year (1542) Hierom de Figueredo was sent with 80 men in three ships by the Portuguese to find the Island del Oro ("said to be in the Sea of the River Colander, in five degrees of South Latitude, 150 leagues from the Point of Sumatra").30 He laid aside this enterprise to seize some ships from Mecca and took very rich booty, but refusing to give his men their shares they marooned him on the sands of Galle in Ceylon, where they left him, with his hands and feet tied, to his fate (Faria, II, 29).
127. In 1645 four small vessels with 100 Portuguese on board cruised with much success on the coast of Tenasserim. The King of Siam sent a strong foroe against them under the Turk, Heredin Muhammad, but the fleet of the latter, having scattered in the search, was destroyed in detail and Heredin killed by the Portuguese (Faria, II, 91; see para. 121 above).
128. In 1647 when Malacca was hard pressed by the King of Achin, St. Xavier pro phesied the speedy arrival of succour. This came in the form of the ships of James Suarez the Gallego and his son Balthasar, who drove off the Achinese (Faria, II, 124). Suarez was already with 180 of his men in the service of the King of Pegu (Faria, II, 135). It is said that in 1549 he was worth four millions in jewels and other articles of value, had an annual pension of 200,000 ducats with the title of the King's Brother, was Governor of all his do minions and General of his army and had 1,000 Portuguese under him (Faria, III, 357). It was he and not Diego Suarez, who carried off a bride in the midst of her wedding guests and was killed by the indignant people in this year (ibid., 359). With Suarez was a Greek Engineer (Pinto, pp. 279-93).
129. In 1546 or 1547 Gogo was once more burnt by the Portugueno. The inhabitants were put to the sword without mercy and the cattle hamstrung. Many other towns with their shipping were similarly destroyed (Faria, II, 114; Tod, 259).
180. According to Zainuddin (p. 156) about 1555 to 1559 the Portuguese began a more rigorous inspection of passes. 31 If these, which were delivered to the ship captains on sailing, happened to be lost, the Portuguese cruisers seized ship and cargo and killed all the crew" in the most cruel manner, cutting their throats and throwing them into the sea : binding them with ropes and tying them up in nets or in some other ligatures of the kind and then casting them overboard." (After 1562 they attempted the forcible conversion of the Muhammadans at Goa.) When Gulbadan Begam, aunt of Akbar, wished in 1575 to make & pilgrimage to Mecca, she was forced to purchase a pass by ceding the village of Bulsar to the Portuguese. On her safe return in 1882 she sent troops to recover the village, but they were repulsed and in reprisal the Portuguese seized a Mughal ship. In revenge a party of Portuguese under Duarte Pereyra de Lacerda, landing for sport in what
30 James Pacheco, tant with two shipe on the same search to 1618, was lost with most of his men. Faria, I, 226.
31 Amongst the articles of the Peace made in 1634 between Nunho da Cunha and the King of Cambay were two : "That all ships bound for the Red Sea from that kingdom should set out from Bagaim (Bassein) and return thither to pay the duties. That none should go to other places without leave from the Portuguese." (Faria, I, 361.)

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they thought was iriendly country, were made prisoners and on refusing to become Muhammadans, were beheaded. This event was followed by open war between the Mughals and the Portuguese (Vincent Smith, Akbar, 134, 203). Zainuddin (pp. 172-3) says the war was caused by the piratical seizure.in 1577 by the Portuguese of a number of grabs sailing from Gujarat to Jeddah, with much treasure, some of these belonging to the Badshah Jalaluddin.
131. In 1581 Ferdinand de Miranda, having taken a rich ship of Balala at Surat, refused the booty to his fleet, whereupon fourteen of his ships left him and proceeded to Daman, putting the town into a great fright as they had set up black colours (vanderas negras, Asia Portuguesa, 1675, III, i. cap. ii., p. 11). The mutineers "landed and marched in warliko mamer into the city, committing extravagant enormities." On the arrival of Miranda they attempted to kill him, but he managed to appoase them by offering the equivalent of each man's share. "It was not above ten crowns a man, which they valued above their honour and duty." Miranda then destroyed a nest of robbers at Castalete near Diu (Faria, III, 9). The incident at Daman is interesting as the first mention that I have found any. where of the Black Flag as the sign of Mutiny: Later on Faria (III, 171) says that in 1612 or 1613 Nunho da Cunha fought off Surat some English vessels. "At length the English stood away, having put up black colours in token their captain was killed." No English captain was killed in the fight off Surat on the 29th November 1612 between the English under Captain Best and the Portuguese, but Faria possibly refers to the death of Captain Benjamin Joseph in fight with the Portuguese off the Comoro Islands on the 16th August 1616 (Faria, III, 251). The passage shows, however, that, if not in 1581, still before the publication of Faria's Asia in 1666-75, the Black Flag at sea denoted Mutiny as well as Mourning, nor could any other flag be so suitable for crews which had mutinied and, after making sure of the decease of their captains, had turned pirates. Possibly this was the origin of the Black Flag as the symbol of Piracy.
Japanese. 132. In 1539 a Japanese ambassador came to Ningpo to negotiate a commercial treaty, but was so badly treated by the Chinese Customs officials that the Japanese attacked the Chinese, who drove them back to their ships. It was, however, stipulated that three Japanese ships should be allowed to come annually (Chin. and Jap. Repos., 1st September 1865, p. 422 ; Chin. Repos., XI, 598).
133. In 1543 the Japanese, under a leader named Hsiang Hien, landed in force at Paou-shan, ten miles north of Shanghai, defeated several Chinese commanders in succes. sion and plundered and burned Shanghai. Chinese accounts say that the Japanese employed a large number of black slaves (see para. 252 below), whom they were acoustomed to buy at a high price, and also some white devils. The latter were probably Portuguese (Schmidt, RAS North Chint Journ., N.S., VIII, 39).
134. In 1546 a Japanese merchant, trading with money and goods belonging to his Government, was tricked out of them by the Chinese and was unable to obtain any redress from the authorities, as trade with the Japanese was, in 1547, prohibited by Chu Hwan (or Chi. huan), the Governor of Fokien and Chekiang. He, in reprisal, raided the coast of that province and carried off a rich booty. Though ready enough to cheat the foreigner, the Chinese traders were not willing to be debarred from trading with him. Chu Hwan had reported to Government that China suffered more from the treachery of her own subjeots than from the piracy of the Japanese. His consequent unpopularity caused him to fall into disfavour at Court. In order to avoid disgrace he committed suicide. His ediots fell into disuse, trade was resumed and disorder again reigned on the coast. The dishonesty of the Chinese merchants and officials compelled the Japanese to make piratioal reprisals, in which they were abetted by such Chinese malcontents as Wang-ohih, Su-hai (seo

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31
para. 92 above), Chin-tung and Mayeh. Large piratical squadrons were formed, the crows using Japanese dress, flags and signals (Chin. Repos., XIX, 138-40). According to Mr. George Philip (Early Portuguese in China Review, XIX, 50), the pirates who had raided Kiangnang and Chehkiang first appeared in Changchow district in 1550. Their bands contained only 30 per cent. of Japanese, and their chief rendezvous was the island of Gawseu at the entrance of Amoy harbour.
185. In 1549 St. Xavier set sail for Japan in a Chinese junk belonging to one Neceda, the most noted pirate in those seas, his ship being known as the “Thief's Junk." The possibility of this expedition appears to have been suggested by the fact that a Japanese gentleman named Angeroo3? (see para. 58 above), having been expelled from his country for an accidental homicide in 1541, had come to Malacca to see the holy man, of whom he had heard many extraordinary things. He was instructed, converted and baptised, accompanied his teacher to Japan and was there left as the head of the new Church in Japan, but the jealousy of the priosts drove him into a second exile. (Charlevoix, Histoire....du Japon, I, 187-191).
Turks. 186. Piri Reis or Pirbec ("an old pirate," Faria, II, 163), Kapudan of Egypt, was a nephew of Kemal Reis, 3? a celebrated Mediterranean corsair in the reign of Bajazet. In 1550 (or 1551, see Dames, p. 20, or 1552, see Danvers, Persian Records, pp. 10-11) he took Muscat from the Portuguese and made slaves of the Portuguese garrison. Next he attacked Ormuz, but having received a heavy bribe withdrew to Basra. Thence, fearing a Portuguese attack, he fled with three galleys and his treasure. One galley was wrecked at Bahrein, but two arrived safely at Suez. He went to Cairo, where he was arrested and executed by order of the Sultan. The treasure was sent to Constantinople and, its return having been refused to envoys from Ormuz, was placed in the Treasury. Piri Reis compiled a Maritime Atlas of the Aegean and Red Sea (Haji Khalifeh, p. 71 ; Von Hammer, II, 119; Danvers, I, 497). Piri Reis was succeeded as Kapudan by a famous corsair, Murad Beg, who was very badly beaten off Ormuz in August 1553 by the Portuguese under Diego da Noronha, losing his best ships and captains, but himself escaping to Basra (Haji Khalifeh, p. 72). He was beheaded for his defeat and Sidi Ali bin Husain, who had served under Khairuddin Barbarossa and was known as Katibi Rumi, was sent overland to replace him. Sailing from Basra, Sidi Ali was also badly beaten by the Portuguese under Fernandez de Menezes on the 25th August 1554, and then driven by storms to Daman, but not receiving protection from the native authorities, proceeded to Surat. Here the Portuguese demanded his surrender. The Gujaratis refused this, but destroyed his shipe. After some delay in Gujarat, during which he compiled his great work the Muhit or Ocean (a guide to the navigation of the eastern seas), he made his way overland through India and Central Asia a three years' journey-to Turkey (Haji Khalifeh, p. 73). Hearing of the defeat of Sidi Ali, the Sultan sent the ex-Janissary Jafar to take command. He arrived in 1864 only in time to hear of the destruction of the Turkish fleet, so, having taken four merchant ships carrying rich oargoes, he returned to Suez (Faria, II, 167-9, 173, 175).
English and French. 187. The earliest English voyages to Guinea of any importance were those of Captain Tbomas Wyndham in 1551 and 1553, John Lok in 1564, William Towerson in 1555, 1566, and 1658, William Rutter in 1862, Robert Baker in 1563 and David Carlet in 1664. In 1566 33 Hildreth (Japan as it was and 1) calls him "Anjino."
in 35 Camali or Kamal Rois was captured at Santa Maura in 1502 by tho Papel Commissary Bishop Posaro and the Venetians. (Cornhill Magazine, Sept. 1882.)

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George Fenner made a voyage to the Cape Verde Islands. All of these adventures found French Captains already on the scene. Both English and French were ready to plunder the Portuguese and occasionally fell foul of each other. (Kerr, VII, 201, et seq.)
Chinese and Japanese 138. From 1552 34 to 1556 Japanese pirates ravaged the coasts of China. On landing, they traversed the country in bands of fifty or sixty, dressed in red and wearing yellow caps. These bands were divided into squads of ten, of whom three only were Japanese, the other seven being Chinese who were forced to join them. They were almost always victorious and against almost any odds, but on the rare occasions on which they were defeated their bands were exterminated. In 1555 the pirates were forced to raise the siege of Nankin by the Langpin or Wolf soldiers of Oua-chi, Princess of Tien-tcheou (de Mailla, X, 325). They were also defeated by a Chinese pirate Mau-hai-fung in Chusan and again in Lih-piau, and in the same year the Chinese authorities managed to introduce dissensions amongst the pirates of their own nationality. Su-hai, as evidence of his submission, made Chin. tung and Mayeh prisoners, but when he presented himself to the Chinese general, he was himself arrested and beheaded. Wang-chih, who had been ready to submit, now changed his mind and resumed his relations with the Japanese (Chin. Repos., XIX, 138-40). In 1557 Wang-chih was captured. His followers fled southward and plundered in Fokien and Kwangtung Provinces until the year 1563, when they were suppressed (China Review, III, 60). In 1561 the Japanese had been joined by a Chinese pirate named Seang Wen-Kwa with twelve ships, but in the same year they were defeated with a loss of 3,000 men. (China Review, XIX, 51).
139. According to Dalrymple (Memoir, p. 1) it was in 1557 (see para. 102 above) that the Chinese gave Macao to the Portuguese in return for their assistance against a pirate Ching-si-law who was besieging Canton. The Portuguese raised the siege and drove Chang-si-law to Macao, where they fought and killed him. Ljungstedt (Port. Sett., p. 12) however is of opinion that Macao was given to the Portuguese on account of their pretended humility and on the bare promise of assistance against the pirates, and that the story of Chang-si-law is really that of the pirate Chin-chi-lung, who flourished about a hundred years later, antedated in order to flatter Portuguese pride. Pinto (p. 513) says that the Mandarins of Canton handed over Macao to the Portuguese at the request of the country merchants.36
140. In 1563 bad government having caused many Chinese to become outlaws, piracy again flourished on the Chinese coast, the Japanese allying themselves with the Chinese pirates 36 and rebels. Nevertheless they were defcated this year and again in 1564 with very heavy loss by Tsi-ki-kouang, Lieutenant General of Fokien (do Mailla, X, 325).
141. In 1564 the Chinese Admiral Yu-ta-yew met the pirate Lin-tau-kyen (who had Heized the island of long-hu), defeated him after a desperate conflict and pursued him to Formosa, but returned to China without making sure of his death. Liu-tau-kyen is said to have cut the throats of all the inhabitants of the island whom he could catch and to have used their blood to caulk his leaky ships. He then set out to attack the province of Kwantung, but perished miserably (Duhalde, I, 90 ; de Mailla, Formosa, 14-15). In 1570 the Japanese pirates raided the Chinese coast, but were driven off without having done much damage (China Review, XIX, 51).
34 According to Boulger (Hist. of China, II, 146), the Japanese raid in 1555 was due to the failure of a Chinese merchant to deliver goods for which he had been paid by the Japanese.
35 Faria (III, 311) says simply that the island was inhabited by robbers who harassed the mainland and that the Portuguese were allowed to settle at Macao in 1557 as a recompense for clearing them out.
86 Boulge (II, 147) says the Japanese allied themselves with a band of Chinese pitatee under ODO Hoangchi ( 7 Wang-obih. See paru. 138 above).

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142. During the reign of the Ming Emperor Kiat-Sing (1522-1507), the Japanese, in concert with Chinese pirates, raided the Chinese coasts, having their headquarters at Kilong-chan in the north of Formosa and ill-treating the people of that island so much that they deserted the west coast and retired into the mountains. The king of the Loo-choo Islands, which from the time of Chang-tai-keou had had a great trade with China and, as they lay conveniently between the two countries, had become the base for commerce between them, was accustomed to return to China numbers of people whom the Japanese pirates had carried off and left in his territory. At last the Japanese Emperor Tai-cosama, preparatory to an attack on China, determined to annex the islands. About 1610 a Japanese nobleman from Satsuma raised a fleet and 3,000 men, and invaded and pillaged them. He carried off the King, but two years later allowed him to return in all honour (Lettres Edifiantes, XXIII, 204-207).
Malabarese. 148. In 1563 Hierom Diaz de Menezes on his way to Goa was attacked by three Malabar pardos (prows) and escaped capture only owing to the fact that he had forty old soldiers on board beside his crew. Sixty Malabars lay dead on his own deck when their fleet gave up the fight. The Viceroy complained to the Zamorin of this outrage but was told "that they were some rebels and whoever met them might punish them." (See para. 158 below.) He therefore sent Dominiok de Mesquita, "a man of valour and no nice conscience as was requisite for such an action," to cruise on the coast of Kharepatam, where, taking ships by twos and threes and killing all the crews to the number of 2,000 men, Mesquita "filled the whole coast with mourning." In 1564 the Zamorin sent ambassadors to the Viceroy to complain, but they were told that it was perhaps some Portuguese who was in rebellion and that they might punish him. If taken he would do the same." Before the ambassadors departed, Mesquita arrived at Goa and was immediately arrested, but when they had gone he was released and rewarded (Faria, II, 219-20). Faria (II, 222) says that a "woman of a bold spirit and of good repute among her people," her husband being one of those killed in Mesquita's raids, so excited the people of Cannanore to revenge, that it took the Portuguese some years to subdue the coast.
Arablans, Sanganlans, and Malabarese. 144. Cæsar Frederick, writing in 1565, says that the coasts between Goa, Ormuz and Mocha were so infested with corrains and pirates that only ships which were very well appointed or under Portuguese convoy were safe from attack, and that all Moor ships which did not carry Portuguese passes were liable to capture (Kerr, VII, 149-152). Linschoten (1676-81) says (p. 21) that the Moors trading from Malabar to the Red Sea so resented this imposition that they secretly incited the pirates of the Malabar coast to attack the Portuguese shipping. These pirates, he says (p. 22), had havens at Chale, Calicut, Cunhale and Panane, from which they so terrorised the coast that the Portuguese were compelled to patrol the sea during the whole summer season. Even under such protection (?) hardly any but coast trade from port to Port managed to exist. In the time of Cesar Frederick it was necessary during the season of the pearl-fishing in the Gulf of Manaar for the Portuguese to send galleys or foists to protect the fishermen (Kerr, VII, 167).
Malabarese. 145. In 1566 the people of Funan (i.e., Ponnani, Logan, 1, 334) and Fundreeah (i.e., Pantalayani Kullam) in 12 grabs attacked a Portuguese carrack laden with rice and sugar in sight of Ponnani. In 1568 a fleet of 17 grabs belonging to the same place (the noted robber Kuttee-Pokur was in this fleet) attacked, off Shaloeat, a large carrack with 1,000 Portuguese on board, all of whom with their ship were blown up in the fight. Some time

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later, in the direction of Kacel, they took 22 vessels belonging to the Portuguese and their allies, laden with rice and carrying three small elephants. In 1569 Kuttee-Pokur sailed with six grabs into the river near Mungiloor (Mangalore), fired part of the fortifications and took a small galleot without suffering any loss. On his return he fell in with a fleet of nearly 50 Portuguose galleots and be and every one of his men were killed (Zainu'ddin, pp. 172-3). In the same year (1569) the Malabar coast was infested with pirates, of whom one only, 87 Canatale, is named by Faria. (II, 242, 268.) Don George de Menezes pursued some into the river of Kharepatam and himself boarded a galley on which there were 180 Moors, who fought until all but two were killed-a father and his son. Rather than surrender, the father killed his son and, stabbing himself, leaped overboard (Faria, II, 296).
146. In 1570, whilst the Portuguese were besieging Chaul, a fleet of 21 sait under Cati. proca Markar38 was sent out by the Zamorin and passed unnoticed through the Portuguese fleet. Catiproca landed a reinforcement of 1,000 musketeers, but failing in an attempt with fireships on the Portuguese fleet, stole out of the harbour by night and, at the suggestion of the Qucen of Mangalore, made an attempt to surprise and scale the Portuguese fort there. The Commandant's servants aroused by the noise which the Malabars made in raising the ladder, threw out a heavy chest of silver which broke it. The storming party thereupon Hed, carrying the chest with them to their ships. Whilst passing Cannanore, Catiproca met with a flect under Don James de Menezes and was utterly routed. He him. self was killed, his nophew Cutiale takon prisoner and the chest of silver recovered (Faria, II, 313.4).
Malays. 147. From 1567 to 1585 Mansur Shah reigned in Acheen. He was an inveterate my of the Portuguese and made a series oi unsuccessful attacks upon Malacca in 1568, 1569, 1572, 1573, 1574, 1575 and 1582 (Begbic, p. 46).
Malabarese. 148. In 1570 ten galleys of Malabar pirates pillaged the town of Thana, a little to the north of Bombay, and stole the great bell of the Cathedral while the people were celebrating the Feast of Expectaçao (Edwardes, p. 79). This appears to have been one of the exploits of the Elder Kunhale, for Faria says (III, 76) that he took many Portuguese ships and, amongst other exploits, plundered "Thana in the Island of Salsete near Bacaim," taking the opportunity of doing it when "those who should defend it were at the Devotions of the Holy Week". So much trouble was caused by these freebooters that every year the Portuguese used to send out on cruise two fleets known respectively as the Fleet of the North and the Floot of the South. Gemelli Careri tells us that the Malabar pirates were now a mixed crew of Moors, Gentiles (i.e., Hindus), Jews and Christians and that the Arabs soon followed their example (Churchill's Voyages, IV, 213).
149. Between 1571 and 1573 Kunhale the Elder (son or nephew of Paté Markar) then a resident of Kurichchi, obtained the Zamorin's permission to build a fort at Patupattanam, 77 leagues from Goa and 33 from Cochin, which was afterwards known as Kunhale's fort or Marcaire Costo (i.e., Marakkar Kotta) at the mouth of the Kotta River (Pyrard, II, 510, App. C).
150. In 1577 the Portuguese, under Don Paulo de Lima Pereira, attacked Dabul. The besieged called in the assistance of two Malabar pirates, Curtale and Mandaviraj, with five galleys, but this fleet with five of their own vessels was defeated by the Portuguese, only one ship escaping (Faria, II, 363). Danvers (II, 59) gives the date as 1579.
37 Unless the Moor Murimiya, who was killed in fight with the Portuguese, was also a pirate (Faria, II, 242).
38 Is this Kutti Pokur (sve para. 146 abowe).

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Japanese and Chinese.
151. In 1572 the Japanese attempted to renew friendly relations with Korea and were allowed to land at Fusan, on condition that any Japanese who landed elsewhere should be treated as pirates (Murdoch, II, 307).
152. In 1571 the Spanish had taken possession of Manila and founded the colony of that name (Zuniga, I, 114; Burney, I, 292). In 1574, during the Governorship of Guido de Labazorris, they narrowly escaped losing it to a Chinese pirate named Limahon. This man was a native of the province of Cuytan, where he commanded a band of robbers. Being driven out by the Governor, he betook himself to sea and collected a fleet of some forty ships. Attacking another pirate named Ventoquian, he defeated him and added fiftyfive of his ships to his own. This exploit attracted the renewed attention of the authori ties, and the Governor of Cuytan collected a force of 130 ships and 40,000 men with which to crush him. Unable to stand against so large a force, Limahon set sail for the Philippines (Ambassades Mémorables, p. 171). Surprising the Spaniards, he quickly drove their small garrison into the fort of Manila and would have taken it, had it not been relieved by Captain Juan de Salzedo from Vigan, who had seen his fleet passing and guessed its objective. Limahon had with him a force of 2,000 soldiers under his Japanese Lieutenant Sioco (Zuniga, I, 136). Sioco was killed in the attack on the fort, and this so discouraged the pirates that Limahon was forced to re-embark and take refuge in the river Fangashima. Omoncon, the Chinese Admiral, now arrived with his ships and, with his assistance, the Spaniards burned Limahon's fleet, but Limahon managed to escape to a desert island. Some accounts say that he died there of fever, others that he escaped to Formosa. Anyhow he was no more heard of (de Morga, Philippine Islands, p. 21 n., Ambassades Mémorables; Mendoza, Hist. of China, I, lxxi). The attack on Manila was repulsed on the 30th Nov. ember, which is the Feast of Saint Andrew. The Spaniards therefore ascribed their escape to that Saint and celebrated that day as a festival, at any rate as late as the year 1838 (Chinese Repos., VII, 290-291).
153. In 1575 the pirate Taocay, an enemy of Limahon and friend of Ventoquian, ravaged the coast of Chincheo (Mendoza, II, 97) and the Japanese occupied Chusan. In 1579 they took the Pescadores Islands in the Formosa Channel, Tien-pak in Quantung and some places in Fokien, and made many raids during the next twelve years. They are said to have indulged greatly in drunkenness and debauchery. Their custom was, when they had sacked a place, to set it on fire and to retire under the cover of the smoke and confusion. Their military discipline was of the strictest. All booty was scrupulously surren dered to the chief, who distributed it according to the merit of the fighting forces. Prisoners taken in battle were treated with great severity, but the people living in the neighbourhood of the strongholds occupied by the Japanese were so kindly treated that they readily furnished the information which the pirates required for their raids (Osborn, Cruise in Japanese Waters; Chin. Repos., XIX, 135-206).
41
154. Sir Humphrey Gilbert (North-West Passage, 1576, Hakluyt, VII, 195) says:"The great and dangerous piracy in these.[i.e., the China] seas no man can be ignorant of that listeth to read the Japonish and East Indian historie." It was, in fact, the state of things above described which, in part, accounted for the various efforts made to discover an alternative and safer route to China.
Malabarese.
155. In 1580 Portugal came under the same crown as Spain, an event which greatly weakened the prestige of the Portuguese in India and at the same time exposed their trade and settlements to the hostility of the Dutch and English.
156. In 1581 Matthias de Albuquerque destroyed some pirate galleys in the river Kharopatam near Goa and, pursuing their crews ashore, burned all the coastal villages

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(Faria, III, 2, mentions Coulete and Capocate) which gave them shelter (Danvers, II, 26). In the same year Gonzalo Vaz de Camoens with four ships followed a rich Gujarati vessel to the Negrais. Two of his ships were taken by Malabar pirates, but with the other two he captured a rich ship of Achin, laden with ammunition and such an amount of valuable booty that when brought on board his own ships the latter would have sunk, had he not forced his men to throw a quantity of it overboard (Faria, II, 369).
157. In 1583 six Portuguese were taken prisoners in an unsuccessful attack on Kun. hale's fort by Don Giles James Mascarenbas, and one of these was taken to Kunhale, a man of extraordinary strength, "who at one stroke cut him in two" (Faria, III, 13; Py. rard, II, 511 ; Danvers, II, 51, 112-116).
158. In 1584 the Portuguese concluded a peace with the Zamorin, the nominal sovereign of the Malabar pirate chiefs and communities, and received permission to ereot a fort at Panana, ten miles from Calicut, in order to keep them in check, for the Zamorin hypocritically pretended (see para. 143 above) that "they were sea-rovers and were subject neither to him nor to any one else." For this reason when requested to punish the people of Sanguisceo, twelve miles from Goa, he refused, and told the Viceroy, Don Francisco Mas. carenhas, that he might do so himself. As far as I can make out, these were the subjeots of the Hindu Naik of Sangameshwar, who had a fort at Jaygad at the mouth of the Sangameshwar River.39 An expedition against them in 1583 under the Viceroy's nephew Don Juliano (Don Giles Yanez de Mascarenhas, Faria, III, 18) was defeated in consequence of the indiscipline of the young Portuguese gentlemen volunteers, and Don Juliano was killed. A second expedition in 1584 or 1585 under the Viceroy's cousin Don Jeronimo, Assisted by the troops of the King of Bijapur was successful, and the pirate stronghold was destroyed. The Naik was restored to his throne on promise of amendment (Faria, III, 18, 21, Linschoten, I, 92, 143; Bomb. Gaz., X, 341; XV, ii, 119).
159. About 1586 Kunhale sent many pirate vessels to sea and took many Portuguese prisonere. Some of these, it is said, were saved from starvation in prison by the fact that a mouse having made a hole through the wall of their dungeon into a room in which rice was stored, sufficient rice fell through every night for them to live on. One of the prisoners, Emmanuel de Olivera, was beheaded for refusing to turn Muhammadan (Faria, III, 38).
180. In 1589 a Portuguese vessel meeting with some pirates of Cangane on the Malabar coast "pursued them with scoffs, scorning to take up arms against them, and they turnirg upon the galley, entered it and put all the men to the sword” (Faria, III, 62). In the same year two Portuguese galleys were attacked in the River Kharepatam by the famous Moor Costamuza (Cousty Morissey, Pyrard, I, 352), nephew and Admiral of Kuphale, and escaped only by the unexpected retirement of the enemy. Costamuza, in command of a squadron variously estimated at 14 or 22 galleys, soon became absolute on the coast, and took several Portuguese ships including a rich vessel from China, the crew of which they killed, but which they could not plunder as she caught fire. This disaster ruined many of the merchants of Goa. Owing to bad weather, the pirates were unable to regain Calicut and so went to Ceylon, where they concluded an alliance with the King of Jaffnapatam, who agreed to assist them with land forces against the Portuguese and provided them with a refuge in the Straits of Manaar, from which they could intercept ships trading with Bengal, Pegu and the Moluccas. Andreas Hurtado Mendoza was sent with a fleet to attack them. On his way he took two rich ships from Mecca, and in October surprised, and destroyed the pirate fleet at the mouth of the River Cardiva in Ceylon (Pet. Jaurici, Thesaurus, I. 489; Faria, III, 65 ; Ribeiro, Ceylon, p. 79; Danvers, II, 85).
89 Faria (II, 324) mentions the destruction of the Naik of Sanguicer's town in 1571 by Don George de Meneses.

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161. In 1593 the annual ship coming from Java, with only 14 Portuguese among the crew, wag beset almost in sight of Goa by 14 Malabar vessels. After a defence lasting three days and three nights, all the Portuguese were killed, but one of the crew, a Java islander, set the ship on fire, so that the enemy got little benefit from her (Faria, III, 73 ; see para. 160 above).
Chinese. 162. Geronimo Roman, writing in 1584, says that, at that time, the Chinese Government had an arsenal on the isiand of Lintao near Macao, to which was attached a fleet, but that the latter, though consisting of a large number of boats, was armed only with small iron guins, and that when even as many as a hundred of these war boats managed to surround a single corsair, they did not dare to come to close quarters without first resorting to nome such device as that of blinding the enemy by throwing powdered lime into the air from windward (Mendoza, I, lxxix, see paras. 343, 358 below).
Turks and Arabians. 163. In 1586 two ships bound from Chaul to the Red Sea, with goodis belonging to Portuguese merchants, were taken by two Turkish galleys.which had been built at Suez and now began to do much damage in the Red Sea. These galleys defeated a small Portuguese fleet under Ruy Gonsalvez de Camara and took Paté and Brava on the coast of Melinda in Africa. Gonsalvez's lieutenant, Pedro Homen Pereira, was also defeated in an attack upon a pirate stronghold at Nicolu on the Arabian coast, after a fight in which a gallant Dutch trumpeter lost his life in a desperate attempt to save the Portuguese ensign, which its bearer had thrown down in order to make his escape (Linschoten, I, 92). Colonel Miles (p. 178) says that in 1580 or 1581 (Faria, II, 370, says 1581) some galleys were equipped at Aden (by the Wali of Aden Dames, p. 26) under command of a freebooter, Meer Ali Beg. He left Aden in August 1580 or 1581 and plundered Muscat, the Portuguese fleeing to Matara, a league distant, where they were kindly treated. Then, supported by all the Arab traders, he betook himself to piracy on the African coast and took many places from the Portuguese. On the 5th March 1589 he was taken prisoner at Mombassa by Thomé de Souza Coutinho, who stormed his fort, killed over 70 Turks and took many prisoners, besides liberating-many Christians. Coutinho sent him to Lisbon, where he died after having become a Christian (Faria, IIT, 31, 69-61).
Portuguese and Japanese. 164. In 1670 the Portuguese had discovered the harbour of Nagasaki and had been allowed to make use of it for the purposes of trade (A8. Soc. of Japan, Trans., IX, 129). They took advantage of this privilege to introduce priests who began to proselytize and to interfere with the civil authority, which created so much disturbance that, on the 25th July 1587, the Japanese ordered all the Portuguese religious to leave the country, though they permitted trade to continue (Murdoch, II, 243). This arrangement, however, was not sufficient. The Japanese converts behaved with such insolence towards the Government that they provoked a series of massacres between 1590 and 1593 and again in 1596 (Kaempfer, II, 52, 54), and a general hostility towards their Portuguese patrons. In 1597 a Portuguese ship was purposely wrecked by the Japanese pilot in the harbour of Hurado (Firando or Hirado), in the Province of Toza. As in India, Japanese custom gave all wrecks to the king and the cargo was therefore confiscated and no redress was obtainable (de Morga, p. 84).
Japanese. 165. In 1588 Korea offered to renew friendly relations with Japan, provided that the latter would deliver up the Korean runaways who acted as guides to the Japanese pirates. In 1689 Sa Wha-dong, the leader of these runaways, and three Japanese pirates were surrendered at Seoul and immediately executed (Murdoch, II, 307).

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166. In 1599-1600 six ships manned by Japanese corsairs from Satsuma went out to plunder Chinese and other ships trading to Manilla (de Morga, 148).
Malabarese. 167. On the Malabar Coast, between Ceylon and Goa, the Portuguese trade was harass. ed at this time by the Nairs. Of these Nairs, Fitch, who was in Cochin from the 22nd March to November 1589, says :-" The Nairs, which be under the King of Samorin, which be Malabars, have always wars with the Portugals. The King has always peace with them but his people go to the sea to robbe and stealc. Their chief captaine is called Cogi Alli [Khwaja Ali], he hath three castles under him. When the Portugals complaine to the King, he sayeth he doth not send them ont; but he consenteth that they go. They range all the coast from Ceylon to Goa, and go by foure or five parowes (prows) or boats together, and have in them fifty or three score men and boord presently [i.e., immedintely). They do much harme on that const and take every yere many foists [light galleys) and boats of the Portugals. Many of these people be Moores. This King's countrey-beginneth twelve leagues from Cochin and reacheth neere unto Goa." (Fitch in Hakluyt, V, 592; Bomb. Gaz., XV, ii, 119; Ryley's Fitch, p. 187; Foster, Early Travels, p. 65.)
168. In 1595 Mulammad Kunhale Markar succeeded his uncle Paté Markar ani finished the fort of Padepatam, which he strongly fortified. In the pride of his power he assumed the title of King and Lord of the Indian Seas' and began to plunder the Mala. bars as well as the Portuguese. In defiance of the Zamorin, „who hitherto had shared his booty, he cut off the tail of one of his elephants and indecently mutilated one of his Nairy. The Zamorin accordingly agreed with the Portuguese to effect his destruction. In 1597 Luis de Silva ravaged the Island of the Sanganes (i.e., coast of Kathiawar) tor harbouring the pirates and, near Chaul, without the loss of a single man, took a galleot with a crew of 200 men commanded by Kunhale's nephew (Faria, III, 97). In 1598 the Portuguese and the Zamorin blockaded Padepatam by sea and land. In the first assault, though Kunhale lost many men of note, the Portuguese alone lost three hundred men and were forced to retire. This was, next to the defeat of Ruy Gonsales de Camara at Ormuz, the greatest disgrace that had ever befallen the Portuguese arms in Asia (Faria, III, 30, 105). So pleased was Kunhale with this success, that he assumed the title of Defender of the Muham. madan Faith and Conqueror (or Expeller) of the Portuguese.' But in March 1600 Hurtado and the Zamorin forced him to surrender on the mere promise of his life. "He accordingly marched out, having a black veil 40 on his head and carrying his sword downward, which he surrendered to the Zamorin, who immediately handed it to Hurtado." He was about 50 years of age, of low stature but (see para. 157 above) strong and well made. He and his nephew Cinale (Chinale and Cotiale, Pyrard, II, 523) with 40 prisoners of note were well treated so long as they were on board the fleet, but when they arrived at Goa, some of them were torn in pieces by the rabble, and Kunhale and his nephew were publicly beheaded, "so that the Government and the mob went hand in hand to commit murder and a flagrant breach of faith." Before his death he was asked if he would become a Christian, but being informed that conversion would not save his life, he preferred to die a Muhammadan (de Couto, XIV, 63; Bomb. Gaz., I, ii, 61; Faria, III, 76-7; 97-116; Danvers, II, 112). The murder of Kunhale by the Portuguese was never forgiven by his Moplah countrymen. "More than fifty years later a rock off the shore, perhaps that called in English times
40 in 673 A.D. Wamba, King of Spain, having taken Nismos and captured Paul, the commander of the city, he and his chiefs were brought into the city, the others carried on camels, but "Paul in the midst of them barefooted, with a crown of Wack leather on his head, instead of that of gold he had aspired to; all their beards long and their heads shaved" (Faria, Hist. of Portugal, p. 104). When Orsini and Pieri were condemned for attempting to murder Napoleon III in 1868, they were led out to execution as parricides with black veils about their heads.

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Sacrifice Rock' (see para. 78 above) was still known as Kunhale's Rock and the Kotta River long continued to be the principal nest of the corsairs, who, friendly to the Dutch and English, continued to work havoc upon the waning commerce of Goa" (Pyrard, II, 527). Pyrard tells us (I, 351) that in a house which he visited in 1608 (probably in Kottakal) there were pictures of Kunhale's exploits, and the Malabar Gazetteer says that these exploits and those of others of his family are the subject of many popular ballads. Pyrard says that Kunhale left a son named Marcara (? Marakkar) who was greatly respected by the people of Malabar. He declares that, whatever may have been asserted by the Zamorin, the Malabarese pirates had a perfect understanding with him, paying him tribute, 41 and being supplied by him when necessary with loans which they repaid with interest. They were chiefly Muhammadans, but welcomed any one who cared to join them, whilst they forced nobody. They ordinarily had fleets of 80 to 100 galleys (the latter they called pados) and with them they harassed the trade between Diu and the south. Before they embarked they chose a chief, for the term of the voyage only, and made vows to give a certain proportion of their booty to the poor and to the priests (see para. 35 above). At sea they preyed not only on the Portuguese but on everybody, including their own countrymen and even their own relatives, considering it unlucky to pass by anything thrown in their way by Fortune, 43 Before fighting they took betel, and upon it swore fidelity to each other. When they took Indian prisoners they merely plundered them, letting them go with their ships and heavy cargo. Though on land they traded peaceably with the Portuguese, at sea they were their mortal enemies, and if victorious they killed or ransomed their prisoners. When overpowered, they ran their vessels alongside the enemy and tried to sink her with themselves. On the other side, the Portuguese offered rewards for each man captured and sent their prisoners to the galleys 43 for life without any hope of redemption.
169. In the Nair territory, says Pyrard (I, 338, 344), there were four chief pyratical ports, viz., Moutingue between Cannanore and Calicut (where the King resided with his two chief pirates, Moussey Caca and Mestar Cogniali, and a third, the commander of his galloys, called Cousty Hamede, the most feared of all the corsairs of the coast), Chonbalo towards Cannanore, Badak towards Calicut, and finally, Cangelotte near Barcelore. The pirat :s had to pay customs and other duties to the Nair King as well as the presents due to the Zamorin.
170. Monsieur Henri Defeynes de Monfart, who was in Malabar about 1608-9, says that the people of that country " are exceeding black but yet not curled, flat-nosed or great lipt as the negroes be, nevertheless with as good faces as any in all Europe. They are Mahometans and valiant, although they are somewhat of a savage inclination and would never come to composition with the Portugals but delight themselves to be at variance with all their neighbours . . . Meanwhile I was there they took 160 caravels from the Portugals. And when they take any prisoner who by chance hath his garments cut or jag'd, they say he did teare them of purpose, knowing they should once be theirs, and knock him on the head with staves" (Somers, Colln. of Tracts, III, 337). On his return to Europe de Monfart was imprisoned for four years at Lisbon, the Viceroy of Goa having sent warning that he was " an undertaking man, who had exactly viewed all those countries [i.e., India to China] and could do much hurt to the King (of Spain] their master, by the acquaintances and
41 According to the Malabar Gazetteer (p. 433), the Marakkars had transferred their allegiance from the Zamorin to the Raja of Kadattanad after the murder of Kunhale.
17 European pirates made the same excuse for attacking their own countrymen. See Captain George Roberts, Four Voyages, 1722, p. 65-66.
43 O. Dellon (Inquisition at Goa, p. 149) says that as the Portuguese had no galleys in their Marine, prisoners condemned to the galleys were shut up in a prison at Lisbon known as The Galloy. I presumo therefore that a form of imprisonment is here referred to.

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intelligence I had of them, if ever I could come among the French, English or Hollanders” (Ibid., 342-3). Williain Finch says that in 1608 the Malabars took or sunk 60 Portuguese vessels, captured an Ormuz ship and 3 frigates. Soon after they took 16 out of a fleet of 25 vessels from Cochin and had 50 frigates and galleots out on oruise. In January 1609 they took 30 rich frigates bound for Diu. "They are good soldiers and uarry in each frigate 100 soldiers and in their gaileots 200" (Foster, Early Travels, p. 129).
Portuguese and Spanish. 171. In 1598 a kind of filibustering expedition, consisting of Spaniards and Portuguese assisted by the Japanese residents, restored to his throne the rightful king of Cambodia, but in 1599 # Malay Mussulman, Ocune Lacasamana, supported by the Cambodia mandarins and the King's stepmother, excited & counter-revolution and killed the Portuguese leaders, Captains Blas Ruys de Kernan Gonzales anà Diego Belloso, together with a number of their compatriots, Spaniards and Japanese. De Morga remarks "Neither did Blas Ruys du Hernan Gonzales and Diego Belloso deserve to enjoy the fruits of the labour of their expeditions and victories, since they were changed into a disastrous and cruel death when it appeared that they held them most secure and assured to them, for their designs and pretensions were not so adjusted to the obligations of conscience as they ought to have been ” de Morga, 92-93).
172. The imports of silver from Mexico to the Philippines for trade with China caused the Chinese to suppose that it was procured from mines in the Philippines themselves. The Spanish being suspicious of a Chinese attack on this account, in 1603 made an indiscriminate massacre of the Chinese in the islands (Brinkley, X, 178).
173. In 1613 the Portuguese seized four of the Imperial (Mughal) ships, one of which was the Remewe, said to be carrying three millions of treasure and two women bought for the Great Mogul," and in the cargo of which the mother of Jahangir heid a large interest. This act of pirauy led to war (Ormi, Hist. Frag., p. 346 ; Smith, Hist. of India, p. 380 ; see paras. 210, 215 below).
- Malays. 174. In 1599 the Spaniards having given up their settlement at Caldera in Mindanao, the Jolo men and the people of Bunahayen armed a number of vessels to make an expedition against the coasts of Pintado to plunder and make captives." They were joined by the people of Tampacan and mustered 50 vessels with more than 3,000 men. They plundered Panay and other islands, carrying off much booty and 800 Christian captives. In 1600 they attacked the Spanish settlement at Arevalo, but were repulsed with great loss though the Spanish Commander, Captain Juan Garcia, fell in the fight, a victim to his own reckless courage (de Morga, 141). This is the first instance I have come across of the Malays raiding for slaves.
175. In 1602 the Spaniards sent an expedition from Manila to Jolo to check the piracy of the inhabitants and that of the Mindanaoans, but it returned unsuccessful in 1603. The Mindanaoans indeed raided inore freely, attacking Luzon itself and capturing a number of prisoners, among whom were many Spaniards. Some of these they allowed to go on parole to Manila to obtain their ransoms. At last the Viceroy managed to collect a fleet, which put them to fight, the pirate boats " lightening themselves by throwing into the sea goods and captives, so as to run more swiftly” (de Morga, p. 213).
Chinese. 176. In the year 1600 the Chinese pirate Liang-punhau, who belonged to the Tankia or Thanhu (i.e., the Boating) Race and was in allianoe with the Japanese, was defeated and kilied by the Governor-General Chin-Sui, one hundred vessels being sunk in the fight and 1,600 pirates killed or drowned. For this success “the Emperor ordered a thanksgiving,

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himself sacrificing at the high altars and in the temples, proclaimed a victory throughout the Empire and received the congratulations of his Court" (Chin. Repos., XIX, 148).
Portuguese and Arakanese. 177. Since the advent of the Portuguese, many European adventurers bad entered the service of the native princes. As a rule, such men as entered the service of the chiefs on the west coast of India never acquired much influence with their employers, but on the eastern coast of the Bay of Bengal these adventurers were a very different class of men. Such men were constantly to be found in the service of the Princes of Cambodia, Siam, Burma and Arakan. It is with those serving in Arakan that we are particularly concerned, for from them and their followers originated a mixed force of free-booters, who barassed the lower provinces of Bengal for more than a hundred and fifty years. The country at the mouths of the Ganges from the Hugli to Arakan, at the end of the sixteenth century, though nominally subject to the Mughal, was held by local chiefs who were practically independent. The best known of these were (1) Kedar Rai of Sripur who recovered Sandwip from the Mugbals, twice defeated the King of Arakan and was finally defeated and killed by the officers of Raja Man Singh, the Mughal Governor from 1589 to 1606 ; (2) Ramchandra Rai, whose headquarters were at Bakla or Chandradwipa in the south-east of the Bakarganj District, "a Gentile of an excellent disposition, who is particularly fond of shooting with a gun" (Fitch, in Kerr, VII, 472, etc.), who with his son Kirtinarayan expelled the Farongis from the mouths of the Megna and whose alliance was courted by the Nawab of Dacoa (Campos, p. 81, describes him as a friend of the Portuguese); and (3) Pratapaditya of Jessore, the hero of the Sunderbunds," who established a kind of naval station in Chandikan or Saugor, and was eventually defeated and captured by Raja Man Singh (Mukherii, Indian Shipping and the Imp. Gaz.). Mr. O'Malley (24 Parganas, Gaz., p. 27) writes :"A balo of legend attaches to Pratapaditya, who is regarded by Bengali Hindus as a national hero." His father Bikramaditya settled in Jessore at Iswaripur, but Pratapaditya removed his headquarters to Dhumghat and "extended the limits of his kingdom by conquest, till all the surrounding country acknowledged his rule. He declared himself independent of the Mughal Emperors, and such was his power and prowess that he defeated, one after the other, the Imperial generals sent against him.” At last, however, he was surprised by the officers of Raja Man Singh and made prisoner. To escape from further disgrace he poisoned himself. Pratapaditya is the "King of Chandecan" mentioned by Jesuit writers.
178. As the King of Arakan was the natural enemy of the Mughals, it is probable that, at any rate, the first and third of the above-mentioned chiefs entertained some kind of relation with him and were acquainted with his use of Portuguese mercenaries. In fact Kedar Raj had some of the latter in his own service, for when, about 1602, he made himself master of the island of Sandwip, he plaqed it in the charge of a Portuguese nained Domingo Carvalho. The latter. finding himself not strong enough to hold the island with his own forces, obtained assistance from his fellow countryman, Emanuel da Mattos, who was in the service of the King of Arakan. Apparently he gave him part of the island which da Mattos placed under his deputy, a Moor named Fateh Khan. In this condition affairs remained until 1606 or 1607 when da Mattos died. N. B. Campos (p. 67) says that Carvalho and da Mattos retook Sandwip in 1602 from the Mughals, who had taken it from Kedar Rai. The latter when driven from Sandwip took refuge at Sripur and was treacherously murdered by Pratapaditya about 1605 (ibid., pp. 73, 82).

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179. About 1600 Salvador Ribeira da Sousa, a Portuguese, and Filippo de Brito o Nicote (born at Lisbon but of French origin) obtained command of the arıny of the King of Pegu. When da Sousa had made his fortune he retired to Portugal, leaving Nicote in command at Siriam. On da Mattos' death Nicote thought it a good opportunity to seize Dianga in Arakan, with the help of the Portuguese living there, Early in 1607 (Faria, III, 154), before he could make his attempt, the King discovered the plot and anticipated him by killing all the Portuguese in the place upon whom he could lay hands. Fateh Khan also, seeing that the Portugnese in Sandwip could no longer expect assistance from their countrymen in Arakan, massacred his late allies and, feeling himself absolutely secure, as sumed the magnificent title of Fateh Khan, by the grace of God, Lord of Sandwip, shed. der of Christian blood and Destroyer of the Portuguese nation' (Faria, III, 155). His triumph was short-lived. The few Portuguese who had escaped from the massacre at Dianga, some 80 men with ten small ships, having no other resource, turned pirates. It was absolutely necessary to exterminate them before they could gather force. Fateh Khan therefore attacked them off the Island of Dakhin Shahbagpur with 40 ships, on board of which there were 600 Moory, but the Portuguese were desperate men and skilful sailors, and Fateh Khan was defeated and killed. The fugitives now chose as their chief, first Estevao Palmeyro, who refused the command on the ground of their piratioal behaviour (Faris, III, 156; Campos, p. 83), and then one Sebastiao Gonzalez Tibao, a man of obscure origin, born near Lisbon (Faria, III, 154). With the assistance of the King of Bacala (? Ram Chandra Rai) in 1609, he made himself master of Sandwip, and formed an army of 1,000 Portuguese and 2,000 well armed natives, 200 horse, and a fleet of 80 vessels. With these he made himself so formidable that the Mughal Governor of Bengal was forced to fix his headquarters at Dacca for the better protection of his province. On the other hand, he quickly composed his quarrel with the King of Araken, and is said to have married his sister (see Campos, p. 85). In 1610, in alliance with his brother-in-law, he invaded Bengal, but the King having been defeated on land, Gonzales treacherously seized his fleet and ravaged the coast of Arakan. Having now made himself enemies on all sides, he thought it expedient to place himself under the protection of the Portuguese Viceroy. This having been promised, in 1615 he, with a Portuguese fleet under Don Francis de Meneses Roxo, invaded Arakan but was defeated, Roxo himself being killed in the fight, and in 1616 the King made himself master of Sandwip, reducing Gonzales to the miserable condition from which he had sprung. "So," says Faria (II, 228), “his sovereignty passed like a shadow; his pride was humbled and his villainies punished " (Campos, p. 155). Meanwhile, in 1613, Nicote had been forced to surrender Siriam to the King of Ava, he and his fellow Portuguese being taken prisoners and impaled.
180. From this time onwards, the pirates of Sandwip, whether Arakanese (generally kuown as Maghs) or Portuguese, were nominally subjects of the King of Arakan. For an. other fifty years they continued to terrorize Bengal (Imp. Gaz.; Beveridge, Bakarganj: Chittagong Gaz., Danvers, II, 142-7, 160-2, 179.81). So much were they feared by the Muhammadans that Shihabuddin Talish asserts that one hundred of the Mughal vessels would flee at the sight of four Portugaese and that no Governor before Shaista Khan would undertake the task of their suppression (Chittagong Gaz.). By Portuguese boats is here prubably meant pirate boats commanded by Portuguese captains, with Arakanese or half vaste crews. Bernier tells us that " in small and other light galleys they plundered the whole coast of Bengal and carried away whole towns, assemblies, markets, feasts and weddings of the poor Gentiles and others of that country, making women slaves, great and small, with

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49
strange cruelty and burning all that they could not carry away." Hence many islands, once well-peopled, were now deserted. The old people were sold by the pirates to their relatives, the younger they kept as rowers, forcing them to become Christians, or sold them as slaves to the Portuguese of Goa, Ceylon, St. Thomé or Hugli," bragging that they made more Christians in one year than all the Missionaries in India in ten." This behaviour 80 excited the wrath of Jahangir that he began to persecute the Jesuits and pulled down their churches in Agra and Lahore. The Christians, who had been tolerated at Hugli be. cause of their professed readiness to assist the Government against the pirates, were more than suspected of connivance in their outrages. At last, in 1632, a Mughal fleet and army under Kasim Khan captured the town, killing a large number of Portuguese and carrying such as remained alive into captivity, when they were forcibly converted to Muhammail. anism (Pinkerton's Voyages, VIII, 123-6). After the capture of Hugli (September 1632) about 3,000 Christians (100 Portuguese men with 60 or 70 women, the rest country born or slaves) escaped down the river to Saugor, where the King of Arakan permitted them to build a fort, and promised them protection against the Mughals (Campos, p. 137). On the 25th April 1633 a Portuguese frigate from Pipli attacked the first English frigate that came to Bengal at Harishpur and nearly destroyed the crew. The English claimed the surrender of the frigate from the Muhammadan Governor, who however only confiscated it for the Government. In the same year the Portuguese ransomed the crew of the English ship Swan, which had been surprised and taken by the Arakanese (Campos, p. 98; Hunte, India, I, 37).
181. In 1636 the Portuguese were ousted from their settlement at Hijili by the Mughals (Campos, p. 95). In 1638 the Magh Chief of Chittagong revolted from the King of Arakan and placed himself under the Mughals (Cotton, Chittagong, p. 2). In revenge, the King of Arakan showed further favour to the Portuguese adventurera, paid them high salaries and settled them in Dianga. With their help he built large vessels and ravaged the country of the Mughals as far as Dacoa (Campos, p. 158).
182. Shihabuddin Talish (writing about 1665) says that the Arakanese and Portuguese pirates brought their prisoners for sale to Tamluk (in Midnapur) and to Balasor. They were not allowed to land, but a messenger was sent on board. If his offers were satisfactory, the money was taken and the prisoners were handed over. Pipli was a similar slave market (Campos, p. 97; see para. 311 below).
III.
The Adventurers. 188. Hitherto the trade of the southern hemisphere, save where some feathers had been plucked by pirates and privateers in the southern Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, had been monopolized by the Portuguese and Spaniards. It was now to be challenged openly by the Dutch, English and French. All three nations formed syndicater, which had the approval of Government, to send ships to the East, and which gradually assumed the form of National Companies. The merchants .who composed the syndicates called themselves, in England, Merchant Adventurers' and they gave the men whom they employed what might be called regular commissions. The ships were well found, manned and armed, for it was necessary for them not only to defend themselves against attacks by the Barbary pirates and interference by the Spaniards and Portuguese, but also to deal with any hostility which might be shown by the natives of the countries with which they sought to trado. Such hostility was certainly to be expected, not merely from the native pirates who were reported to infest the Eastern Seas (see para. 154 above), but from the inhabitants of the coasts, whose feelings towards all Christians had been greatly em bittered by the outrages committed by the Spaniards and Portuguese,

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184. From the above it is evident that the captains of these armed vessels trading to the East must, necessarily, have been allowed by their employers a freedom of action which would be incomprehensible in modern times. Nor had they much in the idens of their own countrymen that we should think valuable to guide their judgment as to what was wrong and what was right in their relations with the nativos of the East. In the first place, the latter were Muhamınadans or Pagans, and as such they considered them to be the natural enemies of Christians. This was not merely the opinion of ignorant men, for Sit Edward Coke (Institutes, pub. 1628) was of opinion that pagans were to be treated as perpetual and irreclaimable enemies of Christians (Southey, S.D. 1096). In the second place, the Asiatics were of a different race and colour, and were therefore to be considered not only as inferiors but, on quasi-Biblical grounds, also as the natural prey of the white races. William Finch says that in his time (1608) "some Europeans think it lawful to make prize of the goods and ships of the Ethnicks fi.e., the heathen]" (Foster, Early Travels, p. 147). When Darby Mullins, an Irishman, who had served with Kidd and Culliford, was executed with Kidd on the 23rd May 1701, he said that he had joined the pirates "not knowing but that it was very lawful (as he said he was told) to plunder ships and goods, etc., belonging to the enemics of Christianity” (Brit. Mus., 515-1-2/193).44 In the third place, the Law of the Sea, as then interpreted, classed all men as enemies whose nations were not formally allied to one's own. When in 1593 Sir Richard Hawkins was captured by the Spanish and threatened with the punishment of a pirate, he protested that, though according to Spanish law a Spaniard could not take up arms against a national enemy without his King's Commission, an Englishman, according to English law, could do so (Observations, Purchas, XVII, 190-1). If then an Englishman met with one of his irreclaimable enemies,' it could hardly be expected that he would have much scruple about plundering him. Accordingly, as it was above all essential that his voyage should pay-and pay handsomely--for itself, when a merchant-captain was unable to obtain a good market, he had little or no hesitation in filling his ship with unbought goods from the holds of any Moorish, Indian, Chinese or Malay vessels which had not paid for passes from his own countrymen, more especially if they had made the unpardonable mistake of purchasing passes from any of his enemies (see para. 233 below). Similarly he enjoyed and exercised to the full the right of reprisal for any injury or insult which he might have suffered. Such was the simple creed of the Dutch, English and French captains of the time. The Asiatics, as well as the Portuguese and Spaniards, called them pirates, but if they thought it necessary to describe themselves by any particular name, it was that of Adventurers, and this we may accept, remembering that, after all, it means practically the same thing as pirates. Their ships they described as private men-of-war. The Adventurer had this in common with the pirate, namely that the object of his enterprise was gain, that he had practically no scruples and did not hestitate to employ torture in order to obtain any information he might require. He differed from the pirate in that he held a regular commission and did not attack his own countrymen, so he could not, properly, be classed amongst the "enemies of the human race."
185. As what most distinguishes piracy from other forms of violence is generally believed to be the cruelty and callousness of the pirates, it is, I think, important that, before judging the pirates themselves, one should take into consideration the nature of the times
44. "The navigation of that age assumed all mankind to be their natural prey, and regarded commerce and piracy as alternative pursuits, equally entitled to respect." Satow, Japan and Siam,
p. 140
46 The word pirate is derived from the Grool meirates, meaning one who attempus or attacke.

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in which they lived. The cruelty which prevailed throughout the world at the end of the sixteenth century, and for many years later, is almost beyond belief. Torture was the handmaid of the law and every one in authority considered that he had a right to make use of it, whether as a punishment or as a deterrent, particularly in dealing with foreigners. As a proof of what I say, a striking and horrible instance exists in a story related by one Ed. mund Soot, Agent of the English East India Company at Bantam (Discourse of Java, Purchas, II, 466, about 1604). Soot coolly tells of his treatment of a man 46 suspected of having set fire to the English Factory :-." Some things he confessed to him [i.e., the Javan Admiral] concerning our matter but not inuch, but he would tell us nothing. Wherefore, because of his sullenness and that it was he that fired us, I caused him to be burned under the nails of his thunbs, fingers and toes with sharp hot irons, and the nails to be torn off, and because he never blinshed at that, we thought that his arms and legs had been numbed by tying, wherefore we burned him in the hands, arms, shoulders and neck. But all was one with him. Then we burned him quite through the hands and with rasphes (?) of iron tore out the flesh and sinews. After that I caused cold screws of iron to be screwed into the bones of his arms and suddenly to be snatched out. After that all the bones of his fingers and toes to be broken with pincers. Yet for all this he never shed tear. No, nor once turned his head aside nor stirred hand nor foot, but when we demanded any question he would put his tongue between his teeth and strike his chin upon his knees to bite it off (see para. 291 below). When all the extremity we could use was but in vain, I caused him to be put in irons again, where the Amits or Ants, which do greatly abound there, got into his wounds and tormented him worse than we had done, as wo might well see by his gesture.” Even the Javans, who hated the Chinese, were horrified and begged that the man might be shot, that being in their eyes the most shameful form of death. Soot consented, but took care that the shooting should be done in the slowest and most painful manner. When things like this could be done by ordinary respectable men, one is forced to suspend judgement upon the actions of outlaws, of people driven to desperation by injustice and of men of semi-savage races, from whom the pirates were recruited.
French and Portuguese. 186. It is probable that some of the early voyages of the Adventurers may have been lost sight of altogether. Of others very little is known, e.g., that of the Norman ship from Dieppe which, in 1527, was the first French vessel, unless that of Mondragon anticipated it in 1506 (see para. 88 above), to touch at Madagascar (Froidevaux, France à Madagascar, p. 7) and that of Captain Rosados whose vessel was lost on the coast of Sumatra about 1629 (Pinto, p. 25).47 It was, I suppose, one of Rosados' men who was put to death by the Raja of Achin for his inability to find the Island of Gold (see para. 126 above) which he said he had visited (Jayne, p. 202). On the other hand, La Roncière (III, 200) gives a detailed account of the voyage of Captain Jean Parmentier of Dieppe, who, after touching at Madagascar in July 1529, arrived at Sumatra the same year (Middleton's Voyages, Hak. Soc. S.I., XIX, p. VI). He and his brother Raoul left Dieppe for the Moluccas on the 28th March 1629, taking with them an interpreter who, though a Frenchman, understood Malay, and so had probably been in those quarters before. On the 11th May they crossed the Line, celebrating for the first time on record the ceremony of the Baptême de la Ligne by making chevaliers of some fifty sailors. In later years the occasion became one for much unpleasant practical joking. They reached Sumatra on the 31st October, their arrival having been predicted two months earlier by a man who had seen their ship in the sky (1 a Firage).
** It is not clear whether the man was a Chinaman or a Javan, but probably the former. +7 The voyage of Captain de Funay to Dui has been mentioned in para, 116 abovo,

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Parmentier took hostages before commencing to trade, and, after a treacherous attack, during which some of the hostages escaped, upon his men ashore, put the rest of the hostages to death and then sailed away. He and his brother dying soon after, his successor in command returned to Sumatra, effected a reconciliation, secured a cargo and came safely baok to France.
187. In 1533 Francis I of France issued Letters of Marque against the Portuguese, declaring that the sea was free to men of all nations. It is reported that, in contemptuous defiance of the Papal Bulls, he remarked : "Je voudrais bien voir la clause du testament d'Adam qui m'exclut du partage du monde" (La Roncière, III, 300).
188. The Portuguese and Spaniards, finding that they could no longer trick the French by the loan of treacherous pilots (see para. 116 above), next tried to intimidate the French sailors by gross Cruelty. Having taken a ship, the Petit Lion of Dieppe, off the Azores, after dropping the officers from the yard arms into the sea and then beating them, they garotted them in a particularly cruel manner. Finally, throwing the officers' bodies into the hold, they drove the crew below and sank the ship by gunfire. In 1537 French corsairs patrolled the sea from Cape St. Vincent to the Antilles and, in reprisal for this and similar brutal behaviour, when they took any Portuguose or Spanish prisoners, they cut off their noses, saying in derision “ Eternuez l'or" (La Roncière, III, 291, 294).
189. The English records make but few references to French ships in the East at this time. In faot, Crawford (II, 516) says that the French first appeared in the Malay Archipelago under General Augustin de Beaulieu in 1621, ignoring the various instances already mentioned. It is, I suppose, in reference to Beaulieu's visit that Tavernier (III, 22) tells how, on a visit to Batavia, the French ships were treacherously set on fire and destroyed by the Dutch, whilst the crews were being entertained ashore by the Dutch Governor. In 1602 the Corbin and the Croissant from St. Malo visited St. Augustine in Madagascar. Beaulieu also touched at the same place in 1620 (Froidevaux, p. 8).
English. 190. English enterprise in this direotion began with Sir Francis Drake, who way, ac. cording to Andrew Lang (Hist. of Scotland, II, 339)," the most notorious of the sea-thieves who preyed upon the commerce of the world." It is sometimes good to see ourselves as others see us, but one wonders whether Lang would have described Drake in this way, haul Drake had the supreme good fortune to have been a Scotchman. Drake, leaving England in November 1577, raided the Pacific shore of South America, then failing to find a passage by the north of America, he determined to come home across the Pacific, though he had lost all his little fleet except his own ship, the Pelican (or Golden Hind). This determination was, no doubt, due to the fact that on board a Spanish galleon carrying a new Governor to the Philippines, which he had captured near Guatalco, he had found, besides a rich booty in goods and jewels, a chart of the Indian or Malayan Archipelago. By the aid of this he sailed a direct course from St. Francisco to the Moluccas, dooked and scraped his ship at Celebes, sailed into the Indian Seas along the coast of Java, vory narrowly escaping shipVreck in the Straits of Sunda, and thence by the Cape of Good Hope and Sierra Leone safely back to Plymouth with all his Spanish booty. There was at this time no war between England and Spain. Drake's conduct had therefore been, technically, piratical, and the Spanish Ambassador, anticipating Lang, described him as the "Master Thief of the Un. known World." Elizabeth, however, did not base her judgment on the opinions of her enemies. She accepted the rich presents which Drake offered in homage, and most of her courtiers followed the royal example, though Burleigh and Sussex refused to accept any preoious gifts from a man whose fortune had been made by plunder (Froude, English Seamen of the 16th century, p. 138; Kerr, X, 49).

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119
MAH
Maha şála-It is mentioned in the Padma P., (Srishti Kh. ch. 11), and Matsya P. (ch. 22),
as a tirtha or a place of pilgrimage on the Godavari. Sala is mentioned as a tributary of the Godavari (Brahma P., ch. 106, v. 20-22). It is the Maisolus of the Greeks. As Ptolemy places the mouth of the river Maisolus in the district called Maisolia, it may be identified with that portion of the Godavari which lies between the Pranahita or rather Wain-Gangân and the ocean. See Maisolia. In the Mahavagga (V, 13, 12 in SBE., XVII,
38) Mahagala is described as a border country on the east of South India. Mahasira-Masâr, a village eix miles to the west of Arrah in the district of Shahabad visited
by Hiuen Triang in the seventh century. Mahasthana-Mahåsthåna-gada in the district of Bagura in Bengal (Devi Bhagavata, VII,
ch. 38). It contained the celebrated temple of Mahadeva called Ugramadhava at the time of Vallâla Sena, king of Gauda (Ananda Bhatta's Vallala-charitam, ch. VI). It is seven miles to the north of Bogra (town). See Ballalapuri. Its ancient name was Šila Dhåpa (šila Dhâtugarbha) and contained four Buddhist stupas, but the name was changed into Sild-Dvipa after the revival of Hinduism (List of Ancient Monuments of Bengal;
JASB., 1875, p. 183). Mahati - Thə river Mahi, a branch of the river Chambal in Malwa (Vayu P., I, ch. 45, v. 97). Mahatag -The river Argasan in Afghanistan which joins the Gomal river or Gomati (Rig
Veda, X, 75). Same as Mehatnu. Mahavana--Same as Braja. See Gokula (Chaitanya-charitamrita, II, ch. 18). Mahivana Vlhira-1. Pinj kotai, near Sunigram in Buner, about twenty-six miles south
of Manglaur or Mangalore, the old capital of Udyana (Dr. Stein's Archaological Tour with the Indian Field Force in the Indian Antiquary of 1899). It was visited by Hiuen Tsiang. 2. Mahậvana-Katâgâra was situated in the suburb of Vaisálf; it was also called Maha
vana-vihara (Spence Hardy's Manual of Buddhism, p. 343). Mahendra-The whole range of hills extending from Orissa to the district of Madura was
known by the name of Mahendra-parvata. It included the Eastern Ghats and the range extending from the Northern Circars to Gondwana, part of which near Ganjam is still called Mahendra Malei or the hills of Mahendra (Raghuvamsa, IV, 08. 39, 40). It joins the Malaya mountain (Harshacharita, ch. VII). Parasurama retired to this mountain after he was defeated by Ramachandra. The Ramayana (Kishk., ch. 67; Lanka, ch. 4) and the Chaitanya-charitâmpita apply the name specially to the Eastern Ghats, and the hermitage of Parasurama is placed by the Chaitanya-charitamrita at the southern extremity of the range in the district of Madura. The Raghuvamsa (VI, v. 54) places it in Kalinga, so also the Uttara-Naishadha-Charita (Canto XII, v. 24). The name is princi
pally applied to the range of hills separating Ganjam from the valley of the Mahanadi. Mahomati-Mandala-Mandala in Central India. It was also called Mahesamandala or Mahesmati (Arch. S. Rep., vol. XVII, p. 54). Its capital was Mahishmati (JRAS., 1910,
p. 425). Mahesvara-Mahes or Chuli Mahesvara on the bank of the Nerbuda (Matsya P., ch. 189;
Sthaviravalicharita, XII); same as Mahishmati. Mahoya--The country which lies between the rivers Mahi and Nerbuda. The Mâheyas
lived on the bank of the Nerbuda (Vayu P., II, 45). Mahi-1. The river Mâhî in Malwa (Markandeya P., ch. 57). Near its mouth Andhaka, &
daitya; was killed by Siva in a cavern (Siva P., I, chs. 38, 43). 2. The river Måhl, a tributary of the Gandak (Sutla-nipdta, I, 2: Dhaniyasutta ; Tronckner's Milinda Paitha,

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MAR
p. 114, SBE., XXXV, p. 171), it rises in the Hiinalaya, and flows into the Great Gandak about half a mile above its junction with the Ganges, but practically into the Ganges near
Sonpur [Statistical Account of Bengal, vol. XI (1877), p. 358; JRAS., 1907, p. 45). Mahisha-1. According to Bhatta Swâini, the commentator of the Arthasastra (Bk. II,
Koshâdhyaksha), Mahisha was the country of Mâhishmati (Harivainéa, I, ch. 14). 2. Same
as Mahishaka. MAhishaka--According to Dr. Bhandarkar, Mâhishaka was the name of the country on the
Nerbuda, of which Mahishmati was the capital. (Early History of the Dekkan, sec. iii ; Padma P., Adi Kh., ch. 6; Mbh. Bhishma P., ch. 9). Griffith identifies it with Mysore (gee his Ramayana, Kishk., ch. 41). The Padma P. (Svarga (Adi), ch. 3] mentions M&hi. shska as the country of Southern India, and therefore it is the same as Mahishamandala which has been identified by Mr. Rice with the Southern Mysore country (Mahishamandala : see also Wilson's Vishnu P., vol. II, p. 178 note). But this identification is incorrect. See Dr. Fleet's Mahishamandala and Mahishmati in JRAS., 1910, p. 440. Mahishamandala-Same as Mahisha and Mahishmati (see Fleet, JRAS., 1910, p. 429). Mahadeva was sent as a missionary to this place by Asoka (Mahavamsa, ch. XII; Ep. Ind., vol. III, p. 136). According to the Dipavamsa, Asoka gent missionaries to Gan. dhâra, Mahisha, Aparantaka, Maharashtra, Yona, Hemavata, Suvarnabhumi and Laukadipa (JASB., 1838, p. 932). According to Mr. Rice, Mahishamandala was the Southern Mysore country, of which Mysore was the principal town (JRA8., 1911, pp. 810, 814), but Dr. Fleet disagrees with this identification. According to the latter, it was also called Mahamandala or Mahsha-rashtra, where the people called Mahesha lived (ibid.,
p. 833). MAhishmati-Mahesvara or Mahesh, on the right bank of the Nerbuda, forty miles to the
south of Indore. It was the capital of Haihaya or Anđpadeśa, the kingdom of the myriadhanded Kártya-viryârjuna of the Puranas, who was killed by Parasurama, son of Jamadagni and Roņuka and disciple of Subrahmanya (JASB., 1838, p. 495; Bhagavata P., IX, ch. 15). It was founded by Mahishmân according to the Harivansa (I, ch. 30), and by Mahisha according to the Padma P. (Uttara, ch. 75). It is also called Chuli Mahesvara (Garrett's Classical Dictionary). It has been correctly identified by Mr. Pargiter (Már kanleya P., p. 333 note) with Måndhâtå on the Nerbuda (JRAS., 1910, pp. 445-6): see Onkaranatha. It is the MAhissati of the Buddhists. The country, of which Mahishmati (Mâhissati) was the capital, was called during the Buddhist period Avanti-Dakshinapatha (D. R. Bhandarkar's Ancient History of India, pp. 45, 54). Mandana Misra, afterwards called Visvarûpa Acharya, who was born at Râjgir resided here, and it was at this place that he was defeated in controversy by Saškaracharya (Må dhavicharya's Sankaradig. vijaya, ch. 8). The Anarghardghava (Act VII, 115) says that MÅhishmatt was the capital of Chedi at the time of the Kalachuris. According to the Maha-Govinda Sutlanta (Digha
Nikdya, XIX, 36) Mahissati or Mahishmatî was the capital of Avanti (Malwa). Måhissati-See Mahishmati.. Mahlta-Same as Mahi (Mbh., Bhishina, ch. 9). Mahoba-The capital of Jejabhukti or Bundelkhand (see Mahotsavanagara). The Pra
bodha Chandrodaya was written during the reign of Kirtti Varman in the second half of
the eleventh century A.D. (Hemakosha ; Ramayana, Bk. I). Mahodadhi--The Bay of Bengal (Raghuvamsa, IV, v. 34; Vayu P., Pârva, ch. 47). Mahodaya--Kanauj (Hemakosha; Ramayana, Bk. I, ch. 32).

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Mahotsava-Nagara-Mahoba in Bundelkhand. The wholo Bundelkhand was anciently
called Mahoba from this town. It was the capital of the Chandel kingdom which is universally said to have been founded by Chandra Varman who was born in Samvat 225; he built 85 temples and erected the fort of Kalañjar. The Chandel kingdom was bounded on the west by the Dhasan river, on the east by the Vindhya mountain, on the north by the Jamuna, and on the south by the source of the Kiyan or Kane river. It appears from the inscriptions that the Chandel kings from Nannuka Deva, the founder of the dynasty, to Kirat Singh, reigned from 800 A.D. to the middle of the sixteenth century. It was in the reign of Kirtti Varma Deva, the twelfth king from Nannuka, who reigned from 1063 to 1097 A.D., that the Prabodha Chandrodaya Nataka was composed by Krishna Migra (Arch. S. Rep., vol. XXI, p. 80). The town stands on the side of the Madan Sågar lake, which was excavated in the twelfth century. The Kirat lake is of the eleventh century. Mainaka-Girl-1. The Sewalik range (Kurma P., Uparibhaga, ch. 36; Mbh., Vana, ch. 136),
extending from the Ganges to the Bias. 2. The group of hills near the eastern sources of the Ganges in the north of the Almora district (Pargiter's Markandeya P., ch. 57, p. 288). 3. A fabulous mountain situated in the sea, midway between India and Ceylon (Ramayana, Sundara K., ch. VII). 4. A mountain on the west of India in or near
Guzerat (Mbh., Vans, ch. 89). Malsolia - The coast between the Krishna and the Godåvar! (Ptolemy). It is the Masulia
of the Periplus. See Mahâsala. Mågadhi-See Sumågadhi (Ramdyaņa, I, ch. 32). Majjhima-Desa-See Madhyadesa (Mahvagga, V, 12, 13). MÅkandi-See Panchåla. Makula-Parvata --Kaluha-pâhâd which is about 26 miles to the south of Buddha-Gaya and
about sixteen miles to the north of Chatra in the district of Hazaribagh, is evidently corruption of the name of the Makula Parvata (see Bigandet's Life of Gaudama). Buddha is said to have passed his sixth vassa (or rainy season retirement) on the Makula mountain, which forms the western boundary of a secluded valley on the eastern bank of the Lilajan river, containing a temple of Durgâ called Kuleśvari (Kula and Iśvari). But the place abounds in Buddhist architectural remains and figures of Buddha. On a plateau just in front of the hill on which Kulesvari's temple is situated, and on the eastern side of the ravine which separates the plateau from the hill, there is a temple which contains a broken image of Buddha in the conventional form of meditation. There are also two impressions of Buddha's feet on the top of the highest peak of a hill on the northern side of the valley called the Akasalochana, and figures of Buddha carved in the central part of the hitt with inscriptions which have become much obliterated by time and exposure. The large bricks found at this place also attest to the antiquity of the place. The letter "Ma" of Makula must have dropped down by lapse of time, and kula was corrupted into Kaluha. There can be no doubt that the Brahmins appropriated this sacred place of the Buddhists and set up the image of Durgå at a subsequent period after the expulsion of Buddhism (see my article on the Kaluha Hill in the District of Hazaribagh in JASB., vol. LXX (1901), p. 31), but as Dr. Stein does not approve the above identification (see Indian Antiquary, vol. XXX, p. 90), the Kaluha-pahad may be, as is locally known, the Kolâchala mountain
of the Puråņas. Nala- A country situated to the east of Videha and north-west of Magadha, and on the
north of the Ganges (Mbh., Sabhà, ch. 29), including evidently the district of Chapra,

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Malada-A portion of the district of Shahabad (Ramdyana, Bala, oh. 24). It was on the
site of the ancient Malada and Karusha that Visvamitra's Asrama was situated; Vibvamitra-asrama has been identified with Buxar. It is mentioned among the eastern coun
tries conquered by Bhima (Mbh., Sabha, ch. 29). Malakúta-The Chola kingdom of Tanjore; it is mentioned by Hiuen Tsiang and also in the
Tanjore inscription (Dr. Burnell's South Indian Palaeography, p. 47, note 4; Sewell's
Sketch of the Dynasties of Southern India, p. 14).. Málava-1. Malwa (Brahmanda P., Porva, ch. 48); its capital was Dhård-nagara at the
time of Raja Bhoja. Its former capital was Avanti or Ujjayini (Brahma. P., ch. 43). Before the seventh or eighth century, the country was called Avantî (see Avanti). Hala yudha flourished in the court of Muñja (974 to 1010 A.D.); Bågbhata, the author of the celebrated medical treatise called after his name, flourished in the court of Raja Bhoja (Tawney's Prabandhachintamani, p. 198), and Mayura, the father-in-law of Bånabhatta, flourished in the court of the elder Bhoja (Ind. Ant., I, pp. 113, 114). For the origin of the name (Bee Skanda P., Maheśvara, Kedara Kh., ch. 17). 2. The country of the Malavas or Mallas (the Mallis of Alexander's historians) the capital of which was Multan (Mbh., Sabha P., ch. 32; MoCrindle's Invasion of India by Alexander, p. 352; Cunningham's Arch. 8. Rep., V, p. 129; Brihat-samhita, ch. 14). The "MAlayaraja " mentioned in the Harshacharita (ch. 4) was perhaps king of the Mallas of Multan (see Ep. Ind., vol. I, p. 70).
See Malla-dea. Malaya-Girl-The southern parts of the Western Ghats, south of the river Kaveri (Bhava
bhati's Mahdutra-charfta, Act V, v. 3), called the Travancore Hills, including the Cardamum Mountains, extending from Koimbatur gap to Cape Comorin. One of the summits bearing the name of Pothigei, the Bettigo of Ptolemy, was the abode of Rishi Agastya (MoCrindle's Ptolemy, VII, ch, 1, seo. 66 in Ind. Ant., XIII, p. 361 ; Chaitanya-charitamita, Madhya, ch. 9); it is also called Agasti-kata mountain or Potiyam, being the
southernmost peak of the Anamalai mountains where the river Tamraparni has its source. Malaya-Khapdam-See Mallara. Malayalam-Malabar (Rajavart, Pt. I). The Malayalam country included also Cochin and
Travancore, and it was anciently oalled Chers afterwards Kerala (see Chera and Kerala). According to some authorities, it was the ancient name of Travancore (Schoff, Periplus of the Erythrean Sea, p. 234; Da Cunha's Hist. of Chaul and Bassein; Caldwell's Drat. Comp. Gram., 3rd ed., p. 16). The entire Malayalam country originally comprised Tuluya, Mushika, Kerala and Kuva. For the history of Malayalam, see Mackenzie Manuscripts
in JASB., 1838, p. 132. Malin-1. Champanagar near Bhagalpur (Hemakosha ; Matsya P., ch. 48). 2. The river
Mandakinf. 3. The river Malint flows between the countries called Pralamba on the west and Apartala on the east, and falls into the river Ghagra about fifty miles above Ayodhya. It is the Erineses of Megasthenes. The hermitage of Kanva, the adoptive father of the celebrated Sakuntala, was situated on the bank of this river (Kalidasa's Sakuntala, Acts III, VI). Lassen says that its present name is Chuka, the western tributary of the Saraju (Ind. Alt., II, p. 524; Ramayana, Ayodhya K., ch. 18). See Kanva-asrama. Malla-Desa-1. The district of Multan was the ancient Malla-desa or Malava (9.v.), the
people of which were called Mallis by Alexander's historians and are the Malavas of the Mahabharata (Mbh., Sabha P., oh. 32). Its ancient capital was Multan (Cunningham's

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Arch. S. Rep., V, p. 129). Lakshmana's son Chandraketu was made king of Malla-desa by his uncle Ramachandra (Ramayana, Uttara K., ch. 115). 2. The country in which the Pâraśnâth hills are situated (McCrindle's Megasthenes and Arrian, pp. 63, 139), that is, portions of the districts of Hazaribagh and Manbhum. The Purdnas and the Mahabharata (Bhishma, ch. 9) mention two countries by the name of Malla, one in the west and the other in the east. 3. At the time of Buddha, the Mallas lived at Påvå and Kusinagara where he died. The ruins at Aniruddwa near Kasia (ancient Kusinagara) in the district of Gorakhpur have been identified with the palaces of the Malla nobles (see also Mbh., Sabha, ch. 29).
Malla-Parvata The Pâraénâth hill in Chhota-Nagpur, the mount Maleus of the Greeks (McCrindle's Megasthenes and Arrian, pp. 63, 139). See Samet-sikhara.. Mount Maleus has perhaps been wrongly identified with the Mandâra hill in the district of Bhagalpur in the Bihar province (Bradley-Birt's Story of an Indian Upland, p. 24).
Mallara Travancore; it is a contraction of Malabar (Chaitanya-charitâmpita, Pt. II, ch. 9). Travancore is also called Malaya-khandam.
Mallarâshtra-Same as Maharashtra (Garett's Class. Dic.; Mbh., Bhishma, ch. 9). Mallari-Linga Belâpur in the Raichur district, Nizam's territory, where Siva killed Mallasura (Arch. S. Lists: Nizam's Territory, p. 35). See, however, Manichuḍâ. Mallikarjuna-See Sri-salla (Ananda Giri's Sankaravijaya, ch. 55, p. 180). Malyavâna-Girl-1. The Anagundi hill on the bank of the Tuugabhadra. According to the Hemakosha, it is the same as Prasravana-giri; but according to Bhavabhuti, Mâlya. vâna-giri and Prasravana-giri are two different hills (Uttara Ramacharita, Act I): see Prasravana-giri.. Its present name is Phatika (Shphațika) Šila, where Ramachandra resided for four months after his alliance with Sugriva (Ramayana, Aranya, ch. 51). Ac. cording to Mr. Pargiter, Malyavâna and Prasravana are the names of the same mountain or chain of hills, but he considers that Prasravana is the name of the chain and Mâlyavâna is the peak (The Geo. of Rama's Exile in JRAS., 1894, pp. 256, 257). 2. The Karakorum mountain between the Nila and Nishadha (q.v.) mountains (Mbh., Bhishma, ch. 6). Manasa-1. Lake Mânas-sarovar, situated in the Kailâsa Mountain in Hûnadeśa in Western Tibet (JASB., XVII, p. 166; Ramayana, Bâla K., ch. 24). Its Hunnic name is Cho Mapan. It has been graphically described by Moorcroft in the Asiatic Researches, vol. XII, p. 375; see also JASB., 1838, p. 316, and Ibid., 1848, p. 127. According to Moorcroft's estimate, it is fifteen miles in length (east to west) by eleven miles in breadth (north to south). The circumambulation of the lake is performed in 4, 5 or 6 days according to the stay of the pilgrims in the eight Gumbas or guard-houses on the bank of the lake (JASB., 1848, p. 165). On the south of the lake is the Gurla range. Sven Hedin says, "Even the first view from the hills caused us to burst into tears of joy at the wonderful magnificent landscape and its surpassing beauty. The oval lake lies like an enormous turquoise embedded between two of the finest and most famous mountain giants of the world, the Kailas in the north and Gurla Mandatta in the south and between huge ranges, above which the mountains uplift their crowns of bright white eternal snow Hedin's Trans-Himalaya, II, p. 112). There are three approaches from the United Provinces to the Holy lakes and Kailâs,-over the Lipu Lekh Pass, Untadhura Pass, and the Niti Pass, the first being the easiest of all (Sherring's Western Tibet, p. 149). 2. UttaraMânasa and Dakshina-Mânasa are two places of pilgrimage in Gaya (Chaitanya-Bhagvata, ch. 12).
"(Sven

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Ma nasa-Sarovara--Same as Manasa. Måndagora --Mândâd, originally Mândâgada, situated in the Rajapuri creek near Kudem in the Bombay Presidency (McCrindle's Ptolemy, VII, ch. I, sec. 7; but see W. H. Schoff's Periplut of the Erythruean Sea, p. 201). Bhåndárkar also identifies it with Mândâd (Early Hist, of the Deklan, 890. viu). It has also been identified with Mandangar fort in the Ratnagiri district, Bombay (Bomb. Gaz., vol. I, Pt. I, 541-546), and with Mândal in
Kolaba district (ibid., vol. I, Pt. II). Mandakini-1. The Kaligangå or the Western Kali or Mandâgni, which rises in the moun.
tains of Kedåra in Garwal (Matsya P., ch. 121 ; Asia. Res., vol. XI, p. 508). It is a tributary of the Alakananda. 2. Cunningham has identified it with the Mandakin, small tributary of the Paisuni (Payasvini) in Bundelkhand, which flows by the side of
Mount Chitrakūta (Arch. 8. Rep., vol. XXI, p. 11; Matsya P., ch. 114). Mandapa-pura-Mandu in Malwa (Lalitpur Inscription in JASB., p. 87). The seat of
government was transferred to this place from Dhår by the Mahomedan conquerors of
Malwa in the fifteenth century. Mandara-Girl-1. A hill situated in the Banka sub-division of the district of Bhagalpur, two or three miles to the north of Bamst and thirty miles to the south of Bhagalpur. It is an isolated hill about seven hundred feet high with a groove all around the middle to indicate the impression of the coil of the serpent Våsuki which served as a rope for churning the ocean with the hill as the churn-staff, the gods holding the tail of the serpent and the Asuras the head. The groove is evidently artificial and bears the mark of the chisel. Vishnu incarnated as the tortoise (Kurma-avatara) and bore the weight of the mountain on his back when the ocean was being churned (Kurma P., I, ch. 1; Vamana P., ch. 90). There are two Buddhist temples on the top of the hill now worshipped by the Jainas. On a lower bluff on the western side of the peak was the original temple of Vishņu called Madhusudana (Garuda P., I, ch. 81), now in ruins, on the western side of which is a dark low cave containing an image of Nrisimha carved on the rock, and near it are situated a natural cavity in the rock containing a large quantity of pure limpid spring-water called the Akasa-Ganga and a colossal image of Vamana Deva and a huge sculpture of Madhu Kaitabha Daitya (for a description of the figure, see JASB., XX, p. 272). At the foot of the hill and on its eastern side are extensive ruins of temples and other buildings, and among them is a very old stone building called Nath-thân, which was evidently a monastery of the Buddhist period now appropriated by the Hindus. There are also ruins of buildings on the hill, and there are steps carved on the rock for easy ascent almost to the top of the hill. These ruins are said to belong to the time of the Chola Rajas, especially of Raja Chhatar Singh (Martin's Eastern India, vol. II ; Rashbihari Bose's Mandara Hill in Ind. Ant., I, p. 46). There is a beautiful tank at the foot of the hill called Papahirint where people come to bathe from a long distance on the last day of the month of Paush, when the image of Madhusůdana is brought to & temple at the foot of the hill from Bamsi. This tank was caused to be excavated by Konadevi, the wife of Adityasena who became the in løpendent sovereign of Magadha in the seventh century after the Kanauj kingdom had been broken up on the death of Harshavardhana (Corp. Inscrip. Ind., VOL III, p. 211). This shows that Anga was still under the domination of Magadha. The hill is sacred to Madhusa dana, but the image is now kept at Barpsi, the Balisa of the Mandara-mahatmya, where the temple was built in 1720 A.D. For the sanctity of the

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hill, see Variha P., ch. 143; Yogini Tantra, Pt. II, ch. 4; Nyisimha P., ch. 65. The Vardha P., (ch. 143) says that Mandâra is situated on the south of the Ganges and on the Vindhya range. 2. A portion of the Himalaya mountain to the east of Sumeru in Garwal. The Mahabharata (Anusâsana P., ch. 19, Vana P., ch. 162), however, does not recognise any other Mandâra except the Mandara of the Himalaya range (see Karmachala). In some Puranas, the BadarikA-Asrama containing the temple of Nara and Narayana is said to be situated on the Mandara mountain, but in the Mahabharata (Vana, chs. 162, 164), Mandara mountain is placed to the east and perhaps a part of Gandhamådana and on the north of Badarikásrama."Mahadeva resided here after his marriage with Parvati
(Vamana P., ch. 44). Mangala-Called also Maigali or Mangalapura, the capital of Udyana, identified by Wilford
with Mangora or Manglora. It was on the left bank of the Swat river (JASB., vol. VIII,
p. 311). Cunningham thought it could be identified with Minglaur (JRAS., 1896, p. 656). Mangala-girl-See Pånå-Nfisimha, (Wilson's Mackenzie Collection, p. 139). Mangalaprastha-Same as Mangala-giri (Devi Bhagavata, Pt. VIII, ch. 13). Mangipattana-It has been identified by Dr. Burgess with Pratishthana, the capital of
Salivahana (Burgess' Antiquities of Bidar and Aurangabad, p. 54). It is also called
Mungi-Paithân (see Pratishthana). Manichuda-A low range of hills, on the western extremity of which is situated the town
of Jejuri, 30 miles east of Poona, where the two -Asura brothers Malla and Mali molested the Brahmins. They were killed by Khandoba (Khande Rao), an incarnation of Siva (Brahmanda P., Khetra K., Mallari-mahat., as mentioned in Oppert's On the Original
Inhabitants of Bharatavarsha or India, p. 158, note). See Mallari-lnga. Månskapura-Månikalya in the Rawalpindi district of the Punjab, 14 miles to the south
of Rawalpindi, is celebrated for the Buddhist topes, where Buddha in a former birth gave his body to feed seven starving tiger-cubs (Arch. S. Rep., vol. XIV, p. 50; Punjab Gazetteer, Rawalpindi District, p. 41). Måņikalya is also called Mâņikiala. The Buddhist story has been transformed into the legend of Rasalu. The inscriptions confirm the idea that the body offering" or "Huta-murta " stupa was at this place. General Cunningham supposes that it owes its ancient name to Manigal, the father of Satrap Jihonia under Kujula Kara Kadphises. The principal tope was built by Kanishka in the first century A.D. (JASB., XVIII, p. 20), and according to some, in the second century B.C. It is six miles froin Takhtpuri, and said to contain about eighty houses built upon the ancient ruins (JASB., XXII, 570). For the Indo-Sassanian coins discovered at Manikalya, see
JASB., 1837, p. 288; ibid., II, 1834, p. 436. Manikarņa-Manikaran, a celebrated place of pilgrimage on the Pârvati, a tributary of the
Bias in the Kulu valley (JASB., 1902, p. 36; Brihat-Dharma P., I, ch. 6). See Parvati and Kuluta. There are boiling springs within a Kunda or reservoir, 8 or 10 cubits in diameter, called Manikaran or Manikarnika. The pilgrims got their rice and pulses boiled
in this Kunda. It is a contraction of Manikarnika Manikarnika-1. Same as Manikarnå. 2. A celebrated ghat in Benares. Maņimahesa - The temple of Mahadeva Maņimahesa or Manamahesa--an image of white
stone with five faces, a celebrated place of pilgrimage, situated at Barmawar which was the ancient capital of Chamba (Champå or Champâpuri of the Rajataranging) in the Punjab on the bank of the Ravi near its source (Cunningham's Arch. 8. Rep., vol. XIV, p. 109;

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Anc. Geo., p. 141). According to Thornton (see his Gazetteer of the Countries adjacent to India s.v. Ravee note), Manimahesa or Muni-muhis is a lake in which the river Boodhill takes its rige; it is according to. Vigne the real Ravi. Manimatipuri-Same as Ilbalapura (Mbh., Vana, ch. 96). Manipura-It was the capital of Kalinga, the kingdom of Babhruvahana of the Mahabharata
(Asvamedha P., ch, 79). Lassen identifies it with Manphur-Bunder and places it to the south of Chikakole, but this identification has been disapproved by Dr. Oppert (On the Weapons of the Ancient Hindur, pp. 145, 148), who identifies it with Manalaru near Madura (see also Oppert's On the Original Inhabitants of Bharatavarsha or India, p. 102). But the situation of the capital of Kalinga as described in the Mbh. (Adi, ch. 216), and the Raghuvamsa (VI, v. 56) and also the name accord with those of Manikapattana, a seaport at the mouth of the Chilka lake. See Kalinga-nagari. It has been identified by Mr. Rice with Ratanpur in the Central Provinces (Mysore Inscriptions, Intro., XXIX). But see
Ratnapura. Manjula See Bañjula. Mañjupâtan-Two and half miles from Katmandu ; it was the capital of Nepal named
after its founder Mañjugri (Svayambhú P., ch. 3, p. 152; Smith's Asoka, p. 77). The present town oi Patan or Lalita-påtan was founded by Asoka on the site of Mañju-Patan as a memorial of his visit to Nepal (Smith's Early History of India, p. 162). See Nepala. The great temple of Svayambhûnâtha stands about a mile to the west of Katmandu on a low, richly wooded detached hill, and consists of a hemisphere surmounted by a gradua
ted cone (Hodgson's Literature and Religion of the Buddhists). Same as Manjupattana. Mañjupattana-Same as Mañjupåtan. Mänyakshetra-Malkhed, on a tributary of the river Bhima in the Nizam's territory about
60 miles south-east of Sholapur. Amoghavarsha or Sarba, the son of Govinda III of the later Rashtrakata dynasty, made it his capital in the ninth century A.D. It was also
called Mankir (Bhandarkar's Hist, of the Dekkan, sec. XI). Marapura-Another name for Pradyumna-nagara, the modern Panduâ in the district of
Hughli in Bengal. Pându Sâkya, the son of Buddha's uncle Amitodana, became king of Kapilavastu after the death of Suddhodana, Buddha's father. He fled from Kapilavastu, retired beyond the Ganges and founded a town called, in Upham's Mahdvamia, ch. VIII, Morapura which is evidently a dialectical variation or mislection for Marapura, a gynonym of Pradyumna-nagara (see also Turnour's Mahavamsa, oh. V). Pandu appears also to have been called Mahânâma (Avadana-kalpalata, ch. 11; Spence Hardy's Manual
of Buddhism, p. 293). See JASB., 1910, p. 611. Marava-Marwar; same as Marusthala (Padma P., Uttara Kh.. ch. 68). Marakanda-Samarkand-See Sakadvipa (Rawlinson's Five Great Monarchies, vol. IV,
p. 56). Märkandeya-Tirtha-At the confluence of the Saraju and the Ganges where Märkanda
Rishi performed asceticism (Padma P., Svarga, ch. 16). But the Mahabharata places the hermitage of the Rishi at the confluence of the Gomati and the Ganges (Vana P.. ch. 84). According to tradition Markandeya performed asceticism near "the southern ocean" at Tirrukkadavur in the Tanjore district, Madras, and obtained the boon of immortality from Siva (Brihat-Siva P., Uttara, ch. 33 ; T. A. Gopinatha Rao's Iconography, Vol. II, pt. I, p. 158).

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Mârttanda-Bavan (Bhavana) or Martan or Matan, five miles to the north-east of Islama
nad in Kasmir. It is the birth-place of Vishnu Surya or the Sun (god). About one mile to the north-west of the temple lie the sacred springs of Mârttanda-tirtha and among them are the celebrated springs called Vimala and Kamala. The temple of Mârttanda is said to have been built by the Pandavas, but General Cunningham considers that it was built in 370 A.D. In the Rajatarangini it is called Simharotsika. For a description
of the temple, see Matan in Thornton's Gazetteer of Countries adjacent to India. Marttikâvata-There were a town and a country of this name. The country was also
called Salva (q.v.). The Brihat-samhita (ch. 16) places it in the north-western part of India. Its capital was Salvapura or Saubhanagara now called Alwar. According to Prof. Wilson, it was the country of the Bhojas by the side of the Parnaíà (Banas) river in Malwa (Vishnu P., pt. IV, ch. 13). It was situated near Kurukshetra (Mbh., Maushala, ch. 7). Marta, Merta, or Mairta in Marwar, 36 miles north-west of Ajmir and on the north-west of the Aravali mountain, was evidently the ancient town of Mårttikâvata. It contains many temples (Tavernier's Travels, Ball's ed., vol. I, p. 88). The country of Mårttikâvata therefore comprised portions of the territories of Jodhpur, Jaipur, and Alwar, as indicated by the identifications of its two principal cities Mârttikâvata (modern Marta) and Salvapura (modern Alwar). See Mfittikavati. Maru--Rajputana: an abode of death, i.e., a desert (Katyayana's Varttika; Kunte's
Vicissitudes of Aryan Civilization, p. 378). Same as Marustball and Marudhanva. Marubhumi-Same as Marusthali (Vishnu P., IV, 24 ; Wilson's translation, p. 474). Marudvfidha-1. The Chandrabhaga, the united stream of the Jhelum and the Chinab
(Ragozin's Vedic India, p. 451 and the Rig Veda, X, 75). 2. The Marubardhana, a tributary of the Chinab, which joins the latter river near Kishtawar (Thornton's Gazetteer,
s.v. Chenaut). Marudhanva-1. Mærwar (Bhavishya P., Pratisarga P., pt. III, ch. 2). 2. The ancient,
name of Rajputana (Mbh., Vana, ch. 201). It lay on the route between Hastinapura
and Dvårakå (16 d., Aśvamedha, ch. 53). Marusthala-Same as Marava and Marusthali (Padma P., Uttara Kh., ch. 68). Marusthali-Ihe great desert east of Sindh (Bhavishya P., Pratisarga P., pt. III). Marwar
is a corruption of Marusthali or Marusthan (Tod's Rajasthan-Annals of Marwar, ch. 1). It is called Maru in the Prabandhachintamani (Tawney's trans., p. 172). It denotes the whole of Rajputana ; see Maru and Marudhanva. Masakávati --Mazaga or Massanagar, twenty-four miles from Bajor, on the river Swat in
the Eusofzoi country. It has been identified by Rennell with Massaga of Alexander's historians and the Mashanagar of Baber. It held out for four days against the attack of Alexander McCrindle's Megasthenes and Arrian, p. 180 note). According to Arrian, Massaka was the oapital of the country of the Assakenoi (Ibid.). For the route of Alex
ander, see JASB., 1842, p. 552—Note on the passes into Hindoostan by H. T. Prinsep. Masura-Vihara-Identified by Mr. Stein with Gumbatoi in Buner, about twenty miles to
the south-west of Manglora, the ancient capital of Udyana. Matanga-A country to the south-east of Kamarupa in Assam, celebrated for its diamond
mines (Yuktikalpataru, p. 96). Matanga-Asrama-Same as Gandha-hasti Stapa (Mbh., Vana, ch. 84). Mathura-1. Mathura, the capital of Sarasena ; hence the Jainas call Mathura by the name
of Sauripura or Sauryapura (SBE., XLV, p. 112). It was the birth-place of Krishna. At a place called Janmabhumi or Kårâgâra near the Potara-kunda he was born; in the suburb called Malla-pura adjoining the temple of Kesava Deva, he fought with

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the two wrestlers, Chanura and Mushtika ; at Kubja's well he cured Kubjâ of her hump; at Kamsa-ka-Tilâ, outside the southern gate of the present city, he killed Kamsa; at Bisrâma ghâț or Bisrânti-ghat (Vardha P., ch. 152) he rested himself after his victory. Kamsa-ka-sila and Kubja's temple are situated on high mounds which are evidently the remains of the three Asoka Stūpas mentioned by Hiuen Tsiang. The Jog-ghât marks the spot where Kamsa is said to have dashed Mâyâ or Yoganidra to the ground, but a pair of feet carved on a stone just below the Bat treo (Ficus Indicus) in front of the Kârâgåra where Kțishna was born, points out the place where Kaņsa attempted to kill her, but she escaped from his hand into the sky. Mathura was the hermitage of Dhruva (Skanda P., Kasi Kh., ch. 20); near Dhruva-ghat, there is a temple dedicated to him. Growse identifies the Kaikali Tila (see Urumunda Parvata) near the Katra with the monastery of Upagupta, the preceptor, according to some, of Kâlâśoka or according to others of Asoka. It was visited by Hiuen Tsiang. The temple of Kaukali Devi, a form of Durga, is a very small temple built on the land evidently after the destruction of the Buddhist monastery. The temple of Bhutesvara is identified with the stapa of Sariputra, the disciple of Buddha ; it is one of the seven stapas mentioned by Hiuen Tsiang. With in the temple is a subterranean chamber containing the image of Påtaleswari—a form of Mahishamarddiņi. The Damdamå mound near Serai Jamalpur ís identified with the monkey-stapa and the Yaga Vihara with the temple of Kelava Deva, which has been graphically described by Travernier as the temple of " Râm Râm " before its destruction by Aurangzeb in 1669 for the construction of a mosque on its site.Mathura was also called Madhupuri (present Maholi, five miles to the south-west of the modern city), being the abode of Madhu, whose son Lavana was killed by Satrughna, the brother of Ramachandra, who founded the present city on the site of Madhuvana (Growse's Mathura, ch. 4: Harivamsa, pt. I, ch. 54). Inscriptions of Vasu Deva found in Mathura by General Cunningham. He was perhaps the first of the Kaņva dynasty of the Purâņas, which ruled over North-Western India and the Punjab just before and after the Christian era ; or he was the predecessor of Hushka, Jushka, and Kanishka (see Arch. S. Rep., vol. III, p. 42). Mathura was also called Madhura (Ramayana, Uttara, ch. 108—Bomb. recension); see Madhura. 2. Mathura (Padma P., Uttara, ch. 95), Madhurâ or Madura, the second capital of Pandya, on the river Vaigai, in the province of Madras; it is said to have been founded by Kula Sekhara. It was called Dakshiņa Mathurâ by way of contradistinction to Mathura of the United Provinces (Brihat-Siva P., pt. II, ch. 20). It was the capital of Jatavarman who ascended the throne in 1250 or 1251, and conquered the Hoysala kirg Somegvara of Karnâta (Ep. Ind., vol. III, p. 8). It contained the celebrated temples of Minâkshî Devi and Sundaresvara Mahadeva (Wilson's Mackenzie Collection, p. 226).
See Minakshi. Matipura-Madawar or Mundore in western Rohilkhand, eight miles north of Bijnor and
thirty miles to the south of Hardwar. It is also called Madyabar. See Pralamba. Matsya-Desa-1. The territory of Jaipur; it included the whole of the present territory of
Alwar with a portion of Bharatpur (Mbh., Sabha, ch. 30 and Virâta, ch. 1 ; Thornton's Gazetteer ; Arch. S. Rep., vol. XX, p. 2; vol. II, p. 244). It was the kingdom of Raja Virâţa of the Mahabharata, where Yudhishthira and his brothers resided incognito during the last year of their banishment. Bairâta or Birâta is in the Jaipur State of Rajputana. Matsya is the Machchha of the Buddhists, and it was one of the sixteen great kingdoms (maha-janapada) mentioned in the Pitakas (SBE., XVII, p. 146 note). Machheri, which is a corruption of Matsya, is situated 22 miles to the south of Alwar, which formerly appertained to the territory of Jaipur. See Birata. 2. Coorg (Skanda P., Kaveri Mâhât.

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chs. 11-14; Rice's Mysore and Coorg, vol. III, pp. 88, 89, 91). 3. The eastern Matsya appears to have been the southern portion of Tirhut including Baisali (q.v.), the country of the "Monster Fish" of Hiuen Tsiang (Beal's RWC., II, p. 78; JASB., 1900, p. 83;
Mbh., Sabha, ch. 30). Matsya-Tirtha-A small lake situated on a hill 8 or 10 miles to the west of Tirupanan.
kundram not far from the river Tuigabhadra, in the province of Mysore (Chaitanyacharitàmrita, pt. II, oh. 9). It is full of fishes which produce a musical sound morning and evening. This phenomenon is, perhaps, due to the singing of the fishes which are like the singing fishes called Butterman off the coast of Scotland or the singing fishes of Ceylon or to the arrangement of the surrounding rocks which, at varying temperatures, produce a musical sound. Such music was noticed in the statue of the “Vocal Memnon " in Egypt and also in the rocks of several places (see Rawlinson's Ancient
Egypt, p. 212). Maull-The Rohtas hills. Maullka-Same as Mulaka and Aŝmaka (Brahmanda P., ch. 49). Maulisnâna --Multan (Padma P., Uttara Kh., ch. 61). It is the Meu-lo-san-pu-lo (Mauli. snânapura) of Hiuen Tsiang. who visited it in 641 A.D. Same as Malasthanapura (q.v.). It is also called Mälasthåna in the Padma P., (I, ch. 13). It is the Malla-deġa of the Ramayana (Uttara, ch. 115) given by Ramachandra to Lakshmana's son Chandraketu. It is the country of the Mallas of Alexander's bistorians. Maulisnâna is perhaps a
corruption of Malava-sthåna or Malla-sthana. Mayapuri-It included Hardwar, Mayapuri, and Kankhala ; (see Sapta-mokshadapuri).
Kankhala is two miles from Hardwar. It was here that the celebrated Daksha-yajña of the Puranas took place, and Sati, the daughter of Daksha, sacrificed her lire, unable to bear the insult to her husband Mahadeva by her father (Karma P., I, ch. 15). The present Máyâpur is situated between Hardwar and Kankhala (Matsya P., ch. 22)Pilgrims from all parts of India go to bathe at Brahmakunda in the ghat called Har-ki-Pairi at Hardwar. In a temple behind the temple of Daksheģvara Mahadeva at Kankhala, the Yajfia-kunda, where Sati immolated herself, is still pointed out. In the Mahabharata (Vana, ch. 84),
Haridvâra is called Gangadvåra. Maya-rashtra-Mirat, where the remnant of Maya Danava's fort is still pointed out, in a
place called Andha-kota. It is about twenty miles from the Kali-nadi. The Bilvesvara Mahadeva is said to have been worshipped there by Mandodari, the wife of Råvana and daughter of Maya Danaya. About Andhakesa (perhaps corrupted into Andha-kota) and Bilvesvara Mahadeva, see Siva P., Bk. I, ch. 41. Maya is the reputed author of Mayamala, Mayasilpa, &o., (0. C. Gangoly's South Indian Bronzes, p. 7; Ind. Ant., vol. V,
p. 230). Mayarat-Same as Maya-rashtra, Mirat is a corruption of Mayarât. Mayara --Máy&puri or Hardwar. The present Mây&puri is situated between the town of
Hardwar and Kankhals. Mayari-Mahi, a town on the Malabar coast (Caldwell's Drav. Comp. Gram., p. 3). Medapata—Mewar in Rajputana (Ep. Ind., vol. II, p. 409). . Medhavi-Tirtha --Near Kalastjar in Bundelkhand. Mega-The second mouth of the Ganges mentioned by Ptolemy. It is perhaps a transcrip
tion of Magra (channel), now represented by the Jirmia estuary (see my Early Course of the Ganges),

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Meghanada-The river Megnâ in East Bengal. The river Brahmaputra in its southerly course towards the ocean after leaving Assam is called the Megnâ. Meghavahana-The river Megnâ in East Bengal. Same as Meghanâda. Mehatnu-A tributary of the Krumů, modern Kurum (Macdonell and Keith's Vedic Index of Names and Subjects, vol. II, p. 180; Rig-Veda, X, 75). Same as Mahatna. Mekala-The mount Amarakantaka, in which the river Nerbuda has its source; hence the Nerbuda is called Mekalakanyakâ (Amarakosha). It is a part of the Vindhya range. Melezigerls (of the Greeks)-The town of Målvan situated in the island called Medha in the Ratnagiri district of the Bombay Presidency. The Channel which separated the island from the mainland has now dried up (Revised Lists of Antiquarian Remains in the Bombay Presidency, vol. VIII, p. 204). Sir R. G. Bhandarkar identifies it with Jayagaḍ (Early History of the Dekkan, sec. viii).
Meros Mount-The mountain called Mar-koh near Jalalabad in the Punjab, which was ascended by Alexander the Great (McCrindle's Invasion of India by Alexander the Great," p. 338). For the route of Alexander the Great when he invaded India, see JASB., 1842, p. 552-Note on the Passes into Hindoostan by H. T. Prinsep. Meru-See Sumeru-Parvat (Skanda P., Vishnu Kh., III, ch. 7). Minakshi-Madura, one of the Pithas where Sati's eyes are said to have fallen. The temple of Minakshi Devi (Devi-Bhagavata, VII, ch. 38), is situated within the town. It is said to have been built by Visvanath, the first king of the Nyak dynasty, in 1520 A.D. (Fergasson's Hist. of Indian and Eastern Architecture, p. 364). See Mathura. Human sacrifices were offered to the goddess (JASB., VII, pt. I, p. 379). The Madura temple is one of the largest and most beautiful temples in Southern India. There are golden flag-staffs called Arunastambha or Sonár Tálgachh (golden palm-tree) in front of every temple in Southern India. The Aruna-stambha is a form of sun-dial for indicating the exact time of worship of the gods, though its real significance has now been forgotten; it now merely serves as an ornament to the temple.
Misraka-Misrikh, a celebrated Tirtha, in the district or Sitâpur in Oudh: the hermitage of Dadhichi Rishi [Padma P., Svarga (Adi), ch. 12]. But it appears to be a Kurukshetra Tirtha.
Mitanni-See Mitravana.
Mithila-1. Tirhut. 2. Janakpur (see Bideha). It was the capital of Bideha (Bhagavata, pt. IX, ch. 13). It is called Miyulu in the Buddhist annals (see Spence Hardy's Manual of Buddhism, p. 196). From the middle of the fourteenth to the middle of the sixteenth century, a dynasty of Brahman kings reigned in Mithila and the sixth of the line was Siva Simha. Vidyapati flourished at his court (JASB., 1884, p. 76 and colophon to his poems). He gave to the poet a village called Bisapi in Pargana Jarail on the Bâgvatî in 293 Lakshmana era or in 1400 A.D. His capital was Gajarathapur. The Mithila University, which was a Brahminical university, flourished in the 14th century A.D., after the destruction of the Vikramasilâ monastery by Bakhtiyar Khilji. Its glory was supplanted by the rise of the university town of Navadvipa.
Mitravana-1. Multan. Same as Sâmbapura. Kanarak in Orissa is also called Mitravana or Maitreyavana in the Kapila-samhita (Dr. Mitra's Antiquities of Orissa, vol. II, p. 146; Skanda P., Prabhasa Kh., I, 100). 2. Mitanni of the Tel-el-Amara inscription appears to be a corruption of Mitravana, one of the three "original seats" of Sun-worship: modern Mesopotamia (Bhavishya P., I, 72, 4; see Havell's Hist of Aryan rule in India, p. 41).

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The Aryans worshipped nature including the Sun (Mitra) before they emigrated to India
and other countries (comp. Rig Veda with the Avesta ; Bhavishya P., I, 139, 83 ff.). Miyulu-Same as Mithila. Mod&girl-Monghyr (Mbh., Sabha, ch. 29). Mohana-The southern portion of the Northern Circars, the coastlands situated between
the rivers Mahanadi and the Godavari (Mbh., Vana, ch. 252). Moharakapura-Moharpur in the district of Mirzapur, U.P. Seo Dharmara ya (3). Mouziris (of the Greeks)-Muyirikkodu or Muyirikotta (Kishan-kotta opposite to the site
of Cranganore) on the Malabar coast (Dr. Caldwell's Drav. Comp. Gram., p. 94 ; Dr. Bur. nell's 8. I. Pal., p. 51 noto; McCrindle's Ptolemy, VII, ch. 1, sec. 8 in Ind. Ant., vol. XIII, p. 228). The identification of Mouziris or Muziris, as it is also called, with Masura in the Ratnagiri district of the Bombay Presidency does not appear to be correct. It is most probably the Murachỉpattana of the Ramayana (Kish., ch. 42) and Brihat-Sanhita (ch, 14)
and the Muñijagrama of the Mbh., Sabha, ch. 30, conquered by Sahadeva. Mriga-Margiana, the country about Merv in Turkestan : see Såkadvipa (Rawlinson's Five
Great Monarchies, vol. IV, pp. 25, 26, note). Murg was the ancient name of Merv, which still exists in Murg-ab, the river of Merv. It is the Mourva of the Avesta and Margu of
the Achæmenian Inscriptions. Mrigadava-Sårnåth, six miles from Benares, the place where Buddha preached his first
sermon after the attainment of Buddhahood at Buddha Gaya (Dhamma-Chakka-ppavattana Sutta in the Sacred Books of the East, vol. XI). Mrigadåva was situated in Rishi. patana (Bhadrakalpa-Avadana in Dr. R. Mitra's Sans. Bud. Litr. of Nepal). Here Kaundinya, Asvajit, Váshpa, Mahânâ man and Bhadrika became his first disciples. The Buddhist temples and Viharas and stupas of Sârnâth were destroyed and burnt by the Sivaites in the eleventh century when Benares was annexed to the kingdom of Kanauj and Hinduism was restored. (See Saranganatha.) The exploration of 1905 has discovered a pillar of Asoka which marks the site where, according to Hiuen Tsiang, Buddha first "turned the wheel of law " The pillar is so well polished that it is still as "bright as Jade." The Dhamek Stupa, according to General Cunningham (Anc. Geo., p. 438). was the place where Buddha first turned the wheel of law. The Chaukhandi tower, or what is called Lari-kå-Jhânp, is the place where Buddha after his arrival met Kauņdinya, Asvajit, and the aforesaid three others, who were at first not inclined to show him any mark of respect, but were obliged to do so when he came near them. Akbar built a tower upon it to commemorate the visit of his father Humâyân. The place where the red sandstone statue of Bodhisattva of the time of Kanishka under an umbrella of the same material has been discovered, was the chankrama, mentioned by Itsing, where Buddha used to walk. Just to the south of the Asoka pillar, there is a hollow spot which has the appearance of a well and is pointed out as the bathing place of Buddha by ignorant men ; it is in reality the Asoka stupa mentioned by Hiuen Tsiang, the interior of which has be. come hollow by bricks being taken out of it by unscrupulous men. The base is now only a few feet above the ground, and there are still four staircases on its four sides each consisting of four or five steps and carved out of one piece of stone. The remains of a temple mentioned by Hiuen Tsiang may be identified with the ruins discovered with four porti. coes on the four sides on the southern sid of the excavated area. The three tanks referred to by Hiuen Tsiang have been identified by General Cunningham with the present tanks nained Chandratal, Saranga-tal, and Naya-tâl (Arch. S. Rep., vol. I, pp. 103-129). On the

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bank of the Saranga-tal, there is a small temple of Mahadeva called Sarnath. This temple is evidently founded on the ruins of a stupa erected to the memory of the six-tusked ele. phant which gave its tusks to the hunter in deference to his yellow robe. On the bank of the Naya-tal, where Buddha washed his garinents, there was a square stone containing marks of Buddha's robes, as stated by Hiuen Tsiang. The stone was found by General Cunningham near the village of Barahipur. For particulars of the ruins, see Sir John
Marshall's Excavations at Sarnath, 1907-08. . Mpigasthall-See Pasupatinátha (Vardha P., ch. 215; Svayambhu P., ch. 4). Mfittikávati --The country of the Bhojas by the side of the Parnasà (Banas) river in Malwa
(Wilson's Vishnu P., pt. IV, ch. 13; Harshacharitz, ch. VI). Same as Märttikâvata (Marta in Marwar). The capital of Mrittikâvatt or Mårttikâvata was Saubhanagara or galvapura, which has bsen identified by General Cunningham with Alwar (Mbh., Vana P., ch. 14, and Arch. S. Rep., vol. XX, p. 120). It was situated near Kurukshetra (see Mh.,' Maushala P.. ch. 7). It comprised portions of the territories of Jodhpur, Jaipur, and
Alwar. See Salva and Marttikavata. Muchtlinda-Buddha-kaņda, a tank in Buddha Gaya, to the south of the great temple.
Dr. R. L. Mitra, however, places the tank at a considerable distance to the south-east
of this tank, now called Mucharim (Buddha-Gaya, pp. 55-115). Muchkunda-A lake three miles to the west of Dholpur where Kala-yavana or Gonardda I
(Gonandh I according to the Rajatarangini, I, v. 48), king of Kasmir, an ally of Jarasindhu, was, by the advice of Krishna, consumed to ashes by a glance of Muchkunda when he was rudely awakened from his slumber (Vishnu P., pt. V, ch. 13; Vardha
P., ch. 158; Growse's Mathurd, p. 65). On the site of the lake there was formerly a mountain. Mudga-girl-Monghyr (see Madgala-giri). Mudgala-girl-Monghyr in Behar, Mudgalaputra, a disciple of Buddha, converted Srutavin.
satikoti, a rich merchant of this place, to Buddhism. Hence Mudgagiri and Mudgala-giri are contractions of Maudgalya-giri. The hermitage of Maudgala Rishi as he was called, existed near Monghyr (P. Ghosal's Bharat-bhramana). The Kashtahâriņi or Kashtaharana Ghat at Monghyr derives its sanctity from Råma having bathed at this Ghât to expiato his win for having killed Råvana, who though a rakshasa was nevertheless a Brâhmana. Ramachandra is also said to have expiated his sin for slaying Råvana by bathing at a sacred tank at Hatia-haran, twenty eight miles to the south-east of Hardoi in Oudh, and also in the river Gumti at Dhopập, eighteen miles south-east of Sultanpur in Oudh (Fahrer's MAI... Mudgala-giri is the Hiranya-Parvata of Hiuen Tsiang, which according to General Cunningham, is a form of Harana Parvata derived from the name of Kashtaharana Ghât (Arch. 8. Rep., XV, pp. 15, 16; Anc. Geo.. p. 476). The fort of Monghyr is situated on the Maruk hill, which is a spur of the Khadakpur hills, the Pirpâhâại hill at Monghyr being the most northern point of Khadakpur hills (JASB., 1852, p. 204). In the 11th century it was called Mun-giri (Alberuni's India,
I, p. 200). Majavant-It is identified with one of the mountains to the south of Kasmir. Soma plants, 80 necessary for sacrifices, used to grow copiously on this mountain (Drs. Macdonell and Keith's Vedic Index of Names and Subjects, vol. II, p. 169).

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Muktaveni-Triveņi, north of Hughli in Bengal. Muktavení is used by way of contra
distinction to Yuktaveni or Allahabad (Vardha P., ch. 152), where the three rivers Ganga, Yamuna, and Sarasvati unite and flow together; at Muktaveni the three rivers separate and flow in different directions ( Brihat-Dharma P., Purva Kh., ch. 6; JASB., XV, 1847, p. 393 ; An account of the temples of Triveni near Hughly, by D. Money). Triveni is mentioned by Pliny and Ptolemy; it formed a quarter of Saptagrâma (K. Ch., p. 196). The temple of the Sapta-Rishis or Seven Rishis near the Triveni Ghât has now been transformed into the tomb of Zaffar Khan Ghazi, the conqueror of Saptagrâma (JASB., 1910, p. 599). Muktavení has been alluded to in the Pavana-dúta (v. 33) by Dhoyî who
flourished in the 12th century A.D. Muktinatha-A celebrated temple of Narayana, situated in Tibet or rather on the border
of Nepal, on a small river called Káli-Gandaki, in the Sapta Gandaki range of the Himalaya, not far from the source of the Gandak. It is fifteen or sixteen days' journey from Pålpâ, the headquarters of the second governor of Nepal and four days' journey to the north of Bini-sahar, within half a mile of which the Gandak takes the name of Salagrâmi, the bed of which abounds with the sacred stones called Sålagrâma. About three days' journey beyond Muktinatha is a natural reservoir called Damodara-kunda (Hamilton's Gazetteer) which is considered to be the source of the Gandak (Thornton's Gazetteer). From the northern side a snow-covered river from Tibet, which is on the northern side,
brings in Salagrâma stones to the Kunda. Malaka-Same as Asmaka. According to the Buddhists, Malaka was a different town from
Asmaka (MB., p. 346; Vishnu-dharmottara P., pt. I, ch. 9). The countries of Molaka and Asmaka (Assaka) were separated by the Godavari (Paramatthajotikd, II, pt. II,
p. 581). Molasthana Pura--Multan. It is the Malava of the Mahabharata (Sabha P., ch. 31), situated
on the west of Hastinapura, Málava of the Harshacharita, and Mallabhûmi of the Ramdyana (Uttara, ch. 115)—the country of the Mallis of Alexander's historians. Vishnu incarnated at this place as Nrisimha-avatara, and killed the Asura Hiranyakasipu, the father of Prahlada. The temple of Nrisimha Deva in the old fort is still called Prahladapuri (Cunningham's Geography of Ancient India, p. 230). About fifty miles from Multan, a portion of the Suliman mountain is called Prahlada's Mount, from which Prahlada is believed to have been thrown down, and close by, is a tank into which, he is said to have been thrown by the orders of his father, Hiranyakaśipu. The temple of the Sun at Suraj Kunda, four miles to the south of Multan is said to have been built by Sâmba, the son of Krishna, who was cured here of his leprosy by the god (Bhavishya P., Brahma, ch. 74, Brahma P., I, oh. 140). It is a celebrated place of pilgrimage. The Suraj Kunda is 132 feet in diameter and 10 feet deep. Hiuen Tsiang saw the golden image of the Sun when he visited Multan in the reign of Raja Chach. It was the capital of Malla-desa or the country of the Mallis of Alexander's historians (see Hiranyapura). It is the same as Mauli-snâna of the Padma P., (Uttara, ch. 61)—the Meou-lo-san-pou-lo of Hiuen Tsiang. According to Prof. Wilson the sun-worship at Multan was introduced under Sassanian influence (Wilson's Ariana Antiqua, p. 357). This story is supported by the 5th century sun-coins, where the figures of the sun is in the dress of a Persian king, and the priests who performed the sun-worship at Multan were called Magas (Bomb. Gaz., vol. I, pt. I, p. 142). According to the Bhavishya P., (Brâhma, pp. 74 ff.) the priests were brought

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from Sakadvipa. Malasthana is mentioned in the Padma P., (I, ch. 13) as being the abode of Samba (see Maulisnana). The old city of Multan was situated on either bank
of the Ravi. Molatapi The river Tapti, so called from its souroe at Multai, which is a corruption of
Mælatâpi (Matsya P., ch. 22, v. 33). Munda-Chhota-Nagpur, especially the district of Ranchi (Vayu P., Pärva, ch. 45). Mundagrama-On the river Bagmati, where Daksha's Munda (head) is said to have fallen. Mundapçishtha-The Brahmayoni hill in Gaya (Garuda P., ch. 86; Agni P., ch. 115, v. 44);
especially that portion of it which contains the Vishnupada temple. See Kolahala
Parvata. . Muõjagrama-Soo Mouziris. Murachipattana–See Mouziris. Murald-1. The river Nerbuda (Trikandasesha, ch. I). It is also called Murandala. 2. Per
haps the river Mula-mutha, which rises near Poona and is a tributary of the Bhima (Raghuvamsa, IV, v. 55). 3. Same as Kerala or Malabar (Hall and Tawney's Kathd-sarit
sdgara, ch. XIX). Murand-Same as Lampéka. Murandala-See Murale. Mashika-It has been identified by Cunningham with Upper Sindh, of which the capital was Alor, the Musikanus of Ptolemy; he also identifies Alor with Binagara of Ptolemy. The Mahabharata (Bhishma, ch. 9), however, places the country of Mûshika in southern India, which has been identified by Wilson (Vishnu P., p. 474) with Konkan in the province of Bombay, infested with pirates; its inhabitants were called Kanakas (see also Padma P., Svarga Kh., ch. 3). In the Mackenzie Manuscripts, Mûshika is said to be one of the four districts of Malayalam, namely Taluva, Kerala, Kuva, and Mushika (JASB., 1838, p. 183). According to Dr. Fleet, Mushika, is a part of the Malabar Coast between Quilon and Cape Comorin (Bom. Gaz., vol. I, pt. II, p. 281 ; Dr. Fleet's Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts, pp. 276–584). As Strabo also places the Musikanos in Sindh (McCrindle's Ancient India as described in Classical Literature), there must have been two countries of that name, one in Upper Sindh, and the other on the Malabar Coast, that is, Travancore (see Dowson's Map in JRAS., 1846, facing p. i). Muziris-Same as Mouziris.
Nadekvara-Same as Bindusara (1), (Byihat-Naradiya P., pt. I, ch. 16). Nadika-Same as Kollága, a suburb of Baisali, where the Nâta olan resided, for which the
place was called Nadika. See Kupçagrama and Kollága (Mahd-parinibbana Sutta, ch. II,
5). Same as Natika. Nagarrada-The Sarik-kul, the lake of the Great Pamir. (Beal's RWC., II, p. 297n.). Naganadi-Same as Achiravad (I-tsing's Record of the Buddhist Religion, p. 185). Någapura-Same as Hastinapura (Mbh., Vana, ch. 183). Nagara-1. Same aus Chamatkarapura. 2. Same as Nagara håra,-Na-kia-lo-ho of Hiuen
Tsiang.

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Nagarahára-Same as Nigarhára (Brahmanda P., ch. 49, v. 70). The town was situated
at the confluence of the Surkhar or Surkh-rud and Kabul rivers, near JAlAlAbad (JASB., XVII. 498). McCrindle identifies it with Nanghenhar or Nangnihar, four or five miles to the west of Jalalabad, it is the Nagara or Dionysopolis of Ptolemy, and Nysa of Alexander's historians (Invasion of India by Alexander the Great, p. 338). BAbar also writes the name as Nangenhar (Talbot's Memoirs of Babar, p. 129), and Nekerhar (Erskine's Memoirs). Nungnihar, however, is the name of the Kabul valley, and Babar says that Nungnihara has nine streams (see Kubha). In 1570 the town of Jalalabad was built by Akbar. According to Prof. Lassen, it was the capital of a Greek kingdom, probably of Agathocles and Pantaleon, who exhibit the symbols of Dionysos on their coins (JASB., 1839, p. 145), and it was situated on the southern bank of the Kabul river not far from Jalalabad (JASB., 1840, p. 477). The name of Dionysopolis existed even at the time of Mahmûd of Ghazni, for Alberuni mentions the town of Dinus as being situated between Kabul and Peshawar. It was also called Udyanapura. At some distance from the ruins of Nagarahåra and on the opposite bank of the river is a mountain called Mar-koh, i.e.. Mount Meros of Alexander's historians (MoCrindle's Invasion of India by Alexander the Great, p. 338). Jalalabad contains some forty topes dating from the commencement of the Christian era to 700 A.D. On the southern bank of the Kabul river, Nagarahara was the extreme boundary of India (JASB., 1840, p. 486). The inscription found at Guserawa, 10 miles to the south-east of the town of Bihar, mentions the name of Nagarahara,
and is there said to be situated at Uttarâpatha (JASB., XVII, p. 492). Nagarakota-Kangra or Kot Kangrd at the junction of the Manjhi and the Ban-Gauge
rivers in the Kohistan of the Jalandhar Doab, where the temple of Mata Devt or Vajre. svart is situated; this holy shrine was deseorated by Mabm ad of Ghazni. It is a Pitha where one of Sati's breasts is said to have fallen. It was the old capital of Khluta or Trigartta (900 Dr. Stein: Rajatarangini, I, p. 204 note). The fort was considered im. pregnable ; it is now out of repairs. Within the fort are the remains of Hindu temples. About a mile from Kangra is the populous town of Bhawan built on the northern slope of a hill called Mulkera, containing a Hindu temple with gilded dome (JASB., XVIII, p. 366). Its anoient name was Susarmapura or Sugarmanagara (Ep. Ind., I, 103 note; Vol. II, p. 483). Agapuri is an isolated hill in the Kangra valley (JASB., XVII, 287) 1
it is a place of pilgrimage. Walmishäranya-Nimkhâravana or Nimsar, at a short distance from the Nimgar station
of the Oudh and Rohilkhand Railway, and twenty miles from Sitapur and 45 miles to the north-west of Lucknow. It was the abode of sixty thousand Rishis. Many of the Purdna were written perhaps at this place. It is situated on the left bank of the Gomati (Ramdyana, Uttara K., ch. 91). In the Naimisha forest, there was a town called Någa
pura on the bank of the Gomati. Nalranians-The river Phalgu (Ašvaghosha's Buddha-charita). Its two branches are the Nil&jana and the Mohand, and their united stream is called the Phalgu. Buddha-Gays in situated at a short distanoe to the west of the Nilajana or Nirafijans, which has its
source near Simeria in the district of Hazaribagh. lakulesvara Soe Karavana (Devi P., ch. 63). Nakalisa--80. Karavada (Skanda P., Mahesvara Kh., Kumarika, oh, 68), Malakauka-Soo Neleynda. Kalakanan S. Noleynda,

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Nalanda-Bargaon, which lies seven miles to the north-west of Rajgir in the district of
Patna, the celebrated seat of Buddhist learning up to the thirteenth century A.D. Bargầon is a corruption of Vibâragrâma. Nalanda was a "great city" in which were many horges, elephants, and men. The great monastery, which no longer exists, has been traced by General Cunningham by the square patches of oultivation amongst a long mass of brick ruins 1,600 feet by 400 feet. These open spaces show the position of the courtyard of the six smaller monasteries, which are described by Hiuen Tsiang as being situated within one enclosure forming altogether eight courts (Cunningham's Anc. Geo., p. 470; Mahd-parinibbana-sutta in the Sacred Books of the East, Vol. XI, p. 12). The whole establishment was surrounded by a brick wall which enclosed the entire convent from without, one gate opening into the great college (Beal's Life of Hiuen Telang, p. ix). It was the birth-place of Sariputra, the famous disciple of Buddha (Bigandet's Life of Caudama; Legge's Fa Hian, p. 81). But according to Hiuen Tsiang. Såriputra was born at Kalapinaka, four miles to the south-east of Nalanda. According to the Bhadra-kalpa Avadana; (Dr. R. Mitra's Sanskrit Buddhist Literature of Nepal, p. 45), Sariputra was born at Naradagrâma near Rajagriha; he was the last of the seven sons of Dharmapati by his wife Sari; but according to the Mandvastu-avadana (Sans. Bud. Liter. of Nepal, p. 148), the birthplace of Sariputra is located at Alanda which was four miles from Rajagriha. Naradagrâma and Alanda appear to be variations of Nalanda. Sariputra also died at Nalanda (Jataka, Cam. Ed., Vol. V, p. 64, but see Vol. I, p. 230). Sařkara and Mudgaragâminin, two brothers, built the celebrated monastery on the birth-place of Sariputra (Dr. R. L. Mitra's Buddha-Gaya, pp. 238, 242). But according to Hiuen Tsiang, the monastery was built by king Sakraditya (Beal's RWC., Vol. II, p. 168). The celebrated Nagarjuna, who introduced the Mahayana system of Buddhism in the first oentury, resided at the monastery of NÅlandâ, making it a seat of Mahayana'school of Central India (800 KosalaDakshina). Many Chinese pilgrims, including Hiuen Tsiang, studied at this monastery in the seventh century. The great temple at Nålandâ, which resembled the great temple at Buddha-Gaya, was built by Baladitya who lived at the end of the first century after Christ (Dr. R. L. Mitra's Buddha-Gaya, p. 247). Cunningham identifies it with the third mound from the north on the right side of the road. According to some authorities, it was built over the spot where Sariputra's body was burnt (Legge's Fa Hian, p. 81). It was situated to the north-west of the Nålandâ monastery containing a big image of Buddha. According to Hiuen Teiang, ten thousand priests, and according to I-tsing, over three thousand priests resided in the six large buildings within the same compound forming together one great monastic establishment, and the structure was one of the most splendid buildings in India (I-tsing's Records of the Buddhist Religion, p. 65). Hiuen Tsiang and I-tsing resided and studied at the Nalanda inonastery for many years. There are many high mounds and masses of briok ruins on both sides of the road running from north to south within the villages called Bargaon, Begumpur, Mustaphâpur, Kapatiah, and Anandpur, collectively called Bargaon. These high mounds are the remains of the temples attached to the great Nalandâ monastery. In an enclosure near a very big inound on the north side of these ruins is a very large and beautiful image of Buddha which is very similar to that at Buddha-Gaya. The image was, as stated before, enshrined at Baláditya's temple which is the third mound to the south from Bålåditya's Vihdra identified by Cunningham with the mound situated at a short distance to the north-west of this enclosure. Bargaon contains many sculptures of more beautiful design and artistic value than those

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of any other place. To the south of the monastery there was a tank where the Någa (dragon) Nalandâ lived. This tank has been identified by General Cunningham with the Kargidya Pokhar. Buddha, while on his way to Kusinâra, sojourned at Nalanda in the Påvârika Mango-orohard, afterwards the site of the famous Buddhist university (Kevaddha Sutta in Rhye Davids' Dialogues of the Buddha, p. 276). Bargaon contains a temple of the Sun and a beautiful Sarâvak temple of Mahavira, the last Tirthankara of the Jainas. Mahavira passed here fourteen Pajjunanas (Parjushana or rainy season retirement), Stevenson's Kalpasútra, ch. VI. Bargaon has been identified with Kundapura, the birthplace of Mahavira. But it has been proved by Dr. Hoernle that Kundapura or Kundagrâma was a quarter of Vaisali (see Hoernle's Uvasagadasao ; Bühler's Indian Sect of the Jainas, p. 25; SBE., Vol. XXII, p. 223). From this mistaken identification of Bargaon with Kundapura by the Jainas, the Hindus have gone further and changed Kundapurê into Kundinapura, the birth-place of Rukmiņi, the consort of Krishna. Though NÅlanda or Bargaon was not Kundapura, the birth-place of Mahavira, yet it appears that he dwelt at Nålandâ, perhaps on the site of the present Saråvak temple, while Buddha resided in the Påvarika Mango-orchard. On this occasion Buddha converted to Buddhism Upali, the favourite disciple of Mahavira, a grihapati, not his namesake the compiler of the Vinaya Pitaka. In consequence of this conversion Mahavira is said to have left the city of Nalanda and gone to Påpa (Påva) where he died of broken heart (Spence Hardy's Manual of Buddhism, 2nd Ed., p. 274; Stevenson's Kalpasútra, ch. VI). In the latter part of the seventh century when I-tsing resided at Nalanda, there were more than ten great tanke near the Nalanda monastery where at the sound of a ghanta (bell), hundred and sometimes thousand priests used to bathe together (I-tsing's Record of the Buddhist Religion, p. 108). There are still many large tanks gurrounding Bargaon, such as Dighi, Pensokhar, Saigarkha, Bhunai pokhar, several of which are now dry and are under cultiration. During the Buddhist period there were six universities, viz., at Nalanda (Bargaon), Vikramasila (Patharghata), Takshasila (Taxila). Balabht (Walk), Dhanakataka (Amaravati) and Kanchipura (Conjeverum); the first two were in Eastern India and the rest in Northern, Western, Central, and Southern India respectively. It also appears that there was a University at Padmapura in Vidarbha in the seventh century A.D. The Universities at Ujjayini, Takshasila, and Benares were Brahmanical universities. The University of Nalandâ was founded in succession to the Takshasila University in the first century B.O., and existed nominally up to the twelfth century A.D., when it was destroyed by the Muhammadans under Bakhtiyar Khilji. Kulika (Kelika, according to the Bhadrakalpa. Avadana, in Dr. R. Mitra's Sanskrit Buddhist Literature of Nepal), the birth-place of Maudgalya, the disciple of Buddha, has been identified by Cunningham with Jagdispur. mound, a little over one mile to the south-west of the rains of Bargaon (Arch. 8. Rep., Vol. I, p. 29). Between Rajgir and NalandA was the village Ambalatthika which
contained a rest-house (Chullavagga, XI, I, 8). Nalapura-Narwar, on the river Sindhu (Kalisindh), 40 miles south-west of Gwalior. It
was the capital of Raja Nala of the tale of Nala-Damayanti (Jour. Arch. Soc. of Delhi,
1863, p. 42; Tod's Rajasthana, Vol. II, p. 1197). It was the capital of Nishadha. Nalint-The river Padma (Ramdyana, Bala K., 43; Nikhilnath Rai's History of Murshida
bad, p. 57). But from the Padma P. (Uttara, ch. 62), Nalint and Padmé (Padmavati) appear to be different rivers. As the Nalint is described to be a considerable stream which

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flows to the east from near the source of the Ganges, its identification with the river Brahmaputra appears to be correct (Ramayana, Adi, ch. 43 ; Nabin Chandra Das's Anc.
Geo. of Asia). Nalini is also called Batodakå (Padma P., Swarga (Adi), ch. 2). Nanda-1. A portion of the river Sarasvati was called Nanda (Padma P., Srishti, ch. 18).
2. The river Mahananda, to the east of the river Kusi (Mbh., Vans, P., ohs. 87, 190). 3. The river Mandakini, a small river in Garwal, which falls into the river Alak&nanda (Brahmånda P., ch. 43); Nanda Prayaga is situated at the confluence of these two rivers. In the Bhagavata (IV, ch. 6), Nanda and Alakânandâ are said to be situated on the two sides of Alaka in the Kailasa mountain. 4. The river Godavari (seo Gotami). 5. A lofty snow-clad conical mountain peak in Kumaun called also Nanda Devi, celebrated ior its
temple of the goddess of that name (Devi P., chs. 38, 93). Nanda-Devi Parvata-See Nanda (5). Nandakini-See Pancha-Prayaga, Nandana-sara-A sacred lake on the north side of Pir Panjal mountain in Kasmir. Nandana-vana-See Bana. Nandigiri-The Nandidroog mountain in Mysore, containing a temple of Siva and the
sources of the five rivers: Northern Pinkkini (Pennar), Southern Pinkkini or Pâpaghni, Chitravati, Kshîranadi (Palar) and Arkavati. The Palad flows out of the mouth of the figure of Nandi out in the rock (Wilson's Mackenzie Manuscripts, p. 136). But in the Linga P. (Pt. I, ch. 43, and Siva P., IV, ch. 47), the names of the five rivers at Nandi's
place of austerity are differently given. See Japyesvara. Nandigråma--Nundgaon in Oudh, close to the Bharata-kunda, eight or nine miles to the
south of Fyzabad. Bharata is said to have resided at this place during the ezile of his brother Ramachandra. It is also called Bhadarasa (Ramayana, Ayodhyâ K., ch. 116
Archavatara-sthala-vaibhava-darpanam), Bhadaraså being a corruption Bhrâtfidarsana. Nandikshetra-Twenty-three miles south of Srinagar in Kasmir near the Haramukh mount,
including the Gangabal lake and the sacred lake called Nandisara or Nandkol or Kalodaka which is said to be the residence of Siva and his faithful attendant Nandin (Dr. Stein's Ancient Geography of Kasmir, p. 91; Katha-saritadgara, IX, ch. 50). The name is applied to a valley at the foot of the east glaciers of the Haramukh Peaks: the temple of Jyeshthesvara or Jyeshtharudra is situated in this valley (Dr. Stein's Rajatarangiai,
Vol. I, pp. 8, 21). Nandikund&Seo Sabhramati (Agni P., ch. 219). Nandipura-So called from Devi Nandini, one of the Sati Pithas situated in the district of
Birbhum in Bengal. Narayana-parvata -A mountain in Badarik -Asrama (q.v.), on the left bank of the Alake
nanda. Narayanasara-A lake at the mouth of the Indus at the western extremity of the Runn of
Kachh. eighteen miles south-west of Lakhpat (Bhagavata P., VI, ch. 6). It is a place of great sanctity and a rival to Dvaraka. The five sacred Sarovaras or lakes are Manisa on the north, Bindusarovara in Bhuvanesvara on the east, Pampå on the south, Nars.
yapasarovara on the west, and Pushkara in the middle. Narayant-The river Gandak. Narmada The river Nerbuda. It rises in the Amarakantaka mountain and falls into the
Gult of Oambay. The junction of the Nerbuda with the sea is called Narmada-Udadhi. sangama, which is a sacred place of pilgrimage (Matsya P., ch. 193).

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Narmada-Sindhu Sanga28-The function of the Nerbuda with the ocean: it is celebrated
as Jamadagni Tirtha (Matsya P., ch. 193). Nasikya-Same as Panehavati (Vayu P., Purva, oh. 48); Nasik. The name of Nasika is
mentioned by Ptolemy. . Nåţake-Same as Låta (Mbh., Sabha, ch. 30). Natika--A suburb of Vaisali (Besar), where the Jhátrika Kshatriyas resided to this clan
belonged Mahavira, the lasi Tirthankara of the Jainas (Jacobi's Jaina-skiras, Intro., in
SBE, XXII, p. xi). Navadovakula --Newal, thirty-three miles south-west of Unao near Bangarmau in Oudh and nineteen miles south-east of Kanauj, visited by Hiuen Triang (Fahrer's NAI). It
is the same as Alavt (see Alavi). NavadvipA-Nadia, the birth place of Ohaitanya, the last incarnation of Vishnu according
to the Vaishnavas. The Navadvips of Chaitanya was situated opposite to the present Navadvips across the river Ganges, the present Navadvipa is situated on the site of the ancient village of Kulia in the distriot of Nadia in Bengal. For the names of the original nine doipas or islets which formed the present Navad ripa (see the Vaishnava poet Narahari Das's Navadu pa Parikramd). Chaitanya was born in Saka 1107 corresponding to 1488 A.D., and he disappeared at Puri in Saka 1436 corresponding to 1533 A.D. See Uttala. Chaitanya was the son of a Vaidika Brahmana; at the age of 24, he was persuaded by Advaita to become a mendicant, to forsake his wife, and go to Benares; he taught his followers to think upon Hari and all out his name, to renounce a secular wife, to eat with all those who are Vaishnavas, and allow widows to marry. The Gossains are his successors. The era of Chaitanya marked the commencement of the Bengali literature. Navadvipa was the last Hindu capital of Bengal. Lakshmaniya or Asoka Sena, the grandson of Lakshmana Sena and great-grandson of Vallala Sena, held his court at this place, whence he was driven by Bakhtiyar Khilji who made Gaud onoe more the
capital of Bengal. For the Navadvipe university, see Mithila. Nava-Gándhara-Kandahar, where the begging-pot of Buddha (the four bowls given him
by the four guardian-deities after he had attained Buddhahood, and which he caused to appear as a single bowl) was removed from Kanishka's dagoba at Peshawar, the true Gandhåra. The alms-bowl was given by Buddha to the Lichchhavis and was kept at Vaicall, whence it was carried off by Kanishka in the second century A.D.; and when Gåndhara was conquered by Kitolo, it was removed to Kandahar by the Gândhâris who emigrated there in the fifth century (Arch. 8. Rep., Vol. XVI, pp. 8-12 ; Legge's Fa Hian,
ch. XI, note, p. 35; Rawlinson's Herodotus, Vol. I, p. 675 note). Nava-Rashtra-Neugari--the Noagramma of Ptolemy-ia the Baroach district, Bombay
(Mbh., Sabha, ch. 31). Nava-Tripadt-Naya-Tirupadi, twenty miles to the east of Tiranalavelli (Tinnivelli) visited
by Chaitanya (Archavatdra-sthala-vaibhava-darpanam, p. 64). Neleynda-Kottayam in Travancore (Periplus, Sehoff's trans., p. 208, and his Two South
Indian Place-names in the Periplus). It is the Nelkynda of Ptolemy (MoCrindle's Polemy, Bk. VII, oh. 1, sec. 9 in Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII (1884), p. 329). It is generally supposed to be Nilesvarem on the Malabar Coast (Yule's Marco Polo, Vol. II, p. 321). Neleynda or Nelkyndn is perhaps the Nalakalika of the Brakmanda P., ch. 49, and Nalakanana of the Kbh. (Bhishma, ch. 9).

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Nopala-Nepal (Vardha P., chs. 146, 215; Svayambha P., ch. 1). According to the Svayam
Whú P. (ch. 3), the Nepal valley originally consisted of a lake called Naga Basa or Kálihrada, She residence of the Naga Karkotaka. It was fourteen miles in length and four miles in breadth. The lake was dessicated by Maxjusri, who came from Pafcha Sfreka Parvata in Maha-China, by cutting open the mountain on the south, and constructed on the dry bed of the lake, the temple of Svayambhûnâth or Svayambhů Jyotirûpa or Adi. Buddha, the supreme God of the Northern Buddhists, about & mile and a half to the west of Kâţândı, and also the temple of Guhyesvari (ch. 5), who is the same as Prajña and Arya Târâ of the Prajfa Svabhävika sect and Prakriti of the Brahmins. It should be observed that Târa Devi, and not Ārya Tara, is the wife or Sakti of the fifth Dhyani Buddha Ainoghasiddha, as Vajra Dhâtesvari, Lochana, Mâmukhi, and Pandara are the Saktis of the four Dhyani Buddhas Vairochana, Akshobhya, Ratnasambhava, and Amitabha respectively (Hee Udandapura and Uravilva)). The dried bed of the lake to which he gave the name of Nepåla was originally populated from Maha China and afterwards from
Gauda-desa (Svayambhu P., ch. 7), at the time of Râjâ Prachanda Deva. Nibara—The river Nirâ, a tributary of the Bhimâ (Padma P., Svarga, Ådi, ch. 3). It
rises in the Western Ghats. Niohat-Girl-The low range of hills in the kingdom of Bhupal that lies to the south of Bhilsa
s far as Bhojapura (Kalidasa's Meghadata, Pt. I, v. 26; compare Cunningham's Bhilsa
Topes., p. 327). It is called the Bhojapura hills. Miehiksha-The name of a hill mentioned in the Deri P., ch. 42. Perhaps it is the same
aus Kalidasa's "Nichairâkhya." See Nichal-giri. Niehehhavi-Same as Tirabhukti (Purushottama Deva's Trikandasesha, ch. 2). Nich
bhavi is evidently a corruption of Lichchhavi, a warlike tribe who resided at Tirhut at
the time of Buddha and whose capitat was Vaisali. Nohulapura-Trichinopoly in the district of Madras (Archdvaldra-sthala-vaibhava-darpe
nam). Trichinopoly is evidently a corruption of Trisirapalli (Ep. Ind., Vol. I, p. 58). Nigamodbodha-Nigambod-ghåg in Old Delhi (Indraprastha) near the old Calcutta gate,
a place of pilgrimage on the Jamuna mentioned in the Padma P. (Uttara Kh, ch. 66). Nigarhára-Same as Nagarahara (Brahmanda P., ch. 49, v. 70). Nikal (of the Greeks)-Mong, where the celebrated battle was fought between Alexander
the Great and Porus (Cunningham's Anc. Geo., p. 174). Mong is now called Murg. a town on the bank of the Jhelum in the district of Guzerat in the Punjab. Nikai is said to have been built by Alexander on the site of the field of battle. Purchas, an early English travel. ler of the seventeenth century, says that the battle was fought in a city called Detee,
where a brags pillar existed as a token of the victory (Purchas's Pilgrimage). NIAD-The river Sindhu (Indus) of the Muhammadan historians. Nilachala-1. A hill at Pari in Orissa on which the temple of Jagannath is supposed to be
situated (Padma P., Patala, oh. 9). It is about 20 feet higher than the surrounding plain. 2. A bill at Gauhati in Ansam on which the temple of Kamakhya Devi was built. 3. The
Haridwar hills (Mbh., Anussana, ch. 26). NilAjan-The upper part of the river Phalgu. It is also called LilAjana. The Mahdwagga
(Pt. I, ch. 1), calls it Nirafljarâ. It passes through a beautiful deep narrow gorge called Khai-bâneru, the mountains on either side rising in wild confusion, naked and barren, and falls from a great height into a romantic glen called Mäluda, situated within a distance of six miles from Chatra, one of the sub-divisions of the district of Hazaribagh. Tho

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sound of the fall at Mâludâ can be heard from a great distance. According to Dr. Bucha. nan, the river is separated by a sandy channel into two arms opposite to the extensive ruins at Buddha-Gaya. The eastern and largest arm is called Nilájana and Niringohiya
(i.e., Niranjana in Påli) (Martin's Eastern India, Vol. I, p. 14). Nilakantha-A celebrated place of pilgrimage in Nepal containing the temple of Nilakantha
Mahadeva at the foot of the Sheopuri peak (ancient Satarudra mountain), five miles north
of Katmandu (Brihat-Siva P., Uttara Kh., ch. 32). Nilaichana-Same as Nilajana. Nila-Parvata-1. Nilgiri or Nilâchal, a low range of sandhills in the district of Puri in Orissa
on which the temple of Jagannath is situated. 2. A hill near Gauhati in Assam on which the temple of Kamakhya Devi is situated. 3. The Nilgiri hill in the Madras Presidency SBB., Vol. VIII, p. 222). 4. The Haridwar hills called Chandi-pâhâd situated on the northern side of the Ganges called here Nfladhârâ between Haridwar and Kankhala (Mbh., Anušksana, ch. 25). 3. On the north of Meru. The Kuen-lun range in Tibet (Brahmanda P., ch. 35, vs. 34-38; Mh., Bhishma, ch. 7; Anusâsana, ch. 7). See Uttara-Kuru and
Harivarsha. Nirahara-Same as Nagarahára (Matsya P., ch. 113). Niranjara Same as Nilajana. Nirvindhyâ-A tributary of the Chambal between the rivers Betravati (Betwa) and Sindh
in Malwa (Meghadata, Pt. I, vs. 30, 31). It has been identified with the river Kali-sindh in Malwa (Journal of the Buddhist Text Society, Vol. V, p. 46-Life of Chaitanya ; Megkadúta, V, v. 29). But this identification does not appear to be correct as Kalidasa's Sindh (Meghadáta, Pt. I, v. 30), appears to be the Kalisindh; the Nirvindhyâ should be identified with the Newuj, another tributary of the Chambal between the rivers Betwa and Kali-sindh (see Thornton's Gazetteer, s.v. Groalior, Bhopal). The Newuj is also called
Jam-niri (Tod's Rajasthan, I, p. 17). Nisehirå-The river Lilâjan which joins the Mobânâ near Gaya, and their united stream
forms the Phalgu (49H P., ch. 116; Adrkand. P., ch. 57). It is the Nirañjara of the
Buddhists. Nishada-bhomi-See Nishadba-bhami. Nishadha-1. Marwar, the capital of the Nala Raja (Tod's Rajasthan, Vol. I, p. 140; Mbk.,
Vana, ch. 53). Narwar is the contraction of Nalapura. It was the kingdom of the nine Nages of the Purange. It is situated on the right bank of the Sindh, forty miles to the south-west of Gwalior. Lassen places Nishadha, the kingdom of Nala, along the Satpura hills to tho north-West of Berar, Burgess also places it to the south of Malwa (Burgess's Antiquities of Kathiawad and Kachh, p. 131). 2. The mountains which lie to the west of the Gandhamadana and north of the Kabul river, called by the Greeks Paropamison, now called Hindu Kush (Lasgen's History traced from Bactrian and Indo-Scythian Coins in JASB., Vol. IX (1840), p. 469 note). Paropamisos is evidently a contraction of Par. vate-Upa-Nishads, or the name perhaps is derived from the Påripâtra (the name of the Westernmost peak) of the Nishadha range (Brahmdada P., ch. 14, v. 9). Pamir is perhaps & corruption of P&ripåtra. The Paropamisos, the Hindu-Kash, and the Koh-i-Baba appear to be the names of the different parts of the westerly continuation of the great
Himalayan chain. Nishadha-bhami-The country of the Nishādas (or Nishädhas) of Bheels, which was origi
nally Marwar or Jodhpur, whence driven south by other tribes they settled among the mountains that form the western boundary of Malwa and Khandesh in the lofty range

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of the Vindhya and Satpure, and the woody and rugged banks of the Mâhî, the Nerbuda,
and the Tapti (Malcolm's Memoirs of Central India, Vol. I, p. 452). Niveitti - The eastern half of Pundra-desa, comprising Dinajpur, Rungpur, and Koch-Bihar,
the principal town of which was Bardhana-kuti which has been identified by Westmacot with Pundravardhana (JASB., of 1875, p. 188). Gauda was also alled Nivritti
(Trikandašesha). Nysa-Nysatta, on the northern bank of the Kabul river about two leagues below Hasta
nagar (St. Martin cited in McCrindle's Megasthenes and Arrian, p. 180). It has been considered by Mr. McCrindle to be the same as Nagara or Dionysopolis of Ptolemy or ancient Nagarahåra (see Nagarabara).
0 Odantapuri-Same as Udandapura. Odna-Same as Udra. Orissa (Brahma P., ch. 27). Seo Utkala and Srikshötra. The sacred
Buddhist places in Orissa were appropriated by the Hindus in the fifth and sixth centuries on the revival of Hiduism, as Bhuvanesvara was done by the Saivas, Puri by the Vaigh. navas, Yaja pura by the Saktas, Konarka by the Sauras and Darpana (ancient Vinayakakshetra on the Assia range) by the Gânapatyas (Dr. Mitra's Antiquities of Orissa, Vol. II, p. 148). For the persecution of the Buddhists by the Hindus, soo Asiatic Researches, Vol. XV, p. 264; Hunter's Orissa, Vol. I, ch. V; Dr. R. Mitra's Orissa, Vol. II, p. 58; Madhavâ charya's Sankaravijaya, ch. I, v. 93; Brihat-Dharma P., Uttara Kh., ch. 19). Pushpamitra offered 100 dinars for the head of every Buddhist Sramana in Sakala (Arch. 8. Rep., of 1863, Vol. II, p. 41, and Vol. XX, p. 103). But Dr. Rhys Davids and Dr. Bühler are of opinion that the Buddhists were not persecuted (Buddhist India, p. 319). According to Brahma P. (chs: - 28, 29, 42), Odra extended northwards to Braja-mandala or Jâjpur, and consisted of three sacred kshetras called Purushottama (or Sri) kshetra,
Savita (or Arka) kshetra, and Birajâ kshetra through which flows the river Baitarani. Okhavati-The river Apagk, a branch of the river Chitang; its shortest distance from
Thanor war is three milos to the south (Mbh., Salya, ch. 39; Arch. S. Rep., Vol. XIV, p. 88). Kuru performod sacrifice on the bank of this river. As, however, according to the Vamana P. (ch. 58), PrithiAdaka is situated on the Oghavati (see Prithadaka), and Pohos (ancient Prithůdaka) is situated near the junction of the Markanda and the Saras. vati (Punjab Gazetteer, Ambala District, 1884, p. 5), the Oghavati cannot be identified
with the Apaga. It must be the river Markanda. 0114 ---Same as Läta (Rajagokhara's Viddhasala-bhanjika, Acts II and IV). OHA is a cor.
ruption of Ballabhí or Balabhi, and its present form is Wallay or Wald (see Balabhl). Omkarı-Saine as Omkaranátha (Brihat-Siva P., II, ch. 3). Omkara-kshetra-Same as Om kåranatha (Brihat-Siva P., II, ch. 4). Onkaranatha-Mândhâtê, an island in the Nerbuda where the temple of Omkaranátha is
situated, 32 miles north-west of Khandwa, seven miles north-east of the Mortaka Railway station, and six miles east of Barwai. Od kâranatha is one of the twelve great Lingas of Mahadeva (Siva P., Pt. I, ch. 38). On the Birkhala cliffs at the eastern end of the island is the shrine of Kala Bhairava to whom human sacrifices were offered (Imp. Gac.). The temple is the oldest of Siva temples (Caine's Picturesque India, p. 397). Same as Mahishmati. Ophir-See Sauvira, Abhina and - Surparaka (Bible, I Kings, 8, 10). But some authorities
consider it to have been in Southeru Arabia instead of in India.

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ORO
PAH
Orobatis of the Greeks)-Arbutt on the left bank of the Landai near Naoshera, west of
Pushkalâvati, through which Hephaistion advanced on his way to the Indus (McCrindle's
Invasion of India by Alexander, p. 72). Orukkallu-Warrangal, in the Central Provinces (Dr. Burnell's South Indian Paleography:
p. 54 note).
Padmagiri --Same as Ścâvana Belligola (S. K. Aiyangar's Ancient India, p. 209). Padmakshetra--Kanarak (Konarka), called also the black Pagoda or Chandrabhaga,
twenty-four milos north-west of Puri in Orissa. It contains a temple of the Sun (Surya), said to have been establisheci by Samba, a son of Krishna, who was cured here of leprosy by the god. Accorcling to an account, he was cured at Maltan (nee Malasthånapura). It appears, however, that this temple was built in 1277 A.D., under the superintendence of the minister Sivai Santra by Languliya Narasimha, the seventh king of the Gaugå. yamsi dynasty, who reigned from 1237 to 1282 A.D. (Hunter's Orissa). See Arka-kshetra and Konarka. For a descriptioa of the tom ple of Kanarak, see Major Kittoe's Journal of Tour in Orissa in JASB., 1838, p. 681. Padmapura-1. Same as Padmavati ; it is the birth-place of Bhavabhâti (Málati- Madhava,
Acts I, IV, IX). Padmapura is said to have been situated near Chandrapur at a short distance from Amaravati (Sarat Chandra Sastri's Bharata Bhramana, p. 244). 2. Pampur in Kasmir, on the right or north bank of the Jhelum, five or six miles to the southeast of Srinagar. It was built by Padma, the maternal uncle of Brihaspati, who reigned in Kasmir in the ninth century AD. It was celebrated for its cultivation of Kumkuma or saffron (Crocus sativus) which was largely used as a cosmetic by the ladies of ancient
India (Thornton's Gazetteer of Countries Adjacent to India). Padmavata-The country (janapada), the capital of which was Karavirapura : seo Padmavati. Padmavati-1. It has been identified by Cunningham with Narwar or Nalapura (Arch.
S. Rep., Vol. II, pp. 308-318; JASB., 1837, p. 17; Bhagavita P., Bk. XII, oh. 1) in Gwalior, on the rivor Sindh, 40 miles south-weat of Gwalior. But this identification appears to be doubtful. The town was situated at the confluonce of the rivers Sindhu (Sindh) and Para (P&zvati) in Vidarbha (Malabil aliuvu, Aci 1V), and therefore, it was perhaps thu inodorn Bijayanagara, which is de cuiTuption of Vidyanagara, 25 miles below Narwar (Thornton's Guz., .V. Sinde), Padmavati boing celebrated as a place of loaming, especially for its toaching in logie in the riglth century at thu time of Bhava lûti who was born at this pia - (Mahavirucharita, Act I: Laicu Kadhav, Act I); ancion Bidarbha (Berar) included the whole kingdom of Bhaps to the north of the Nerbuda (Cunningham's Bhilsa Tapos, p. 363). 2. Same as Karavirapura (HSriva wsa, Vishnu F., oh, 94), which has been identified with Kolhapur ; It was founded by Padmavarna. 3. It is another name for Ujjayini (Skanda P., Avant Kh., I, chs. 36, 44). It is supposed that the scene of the Malatt-Madhava is laid st Ujjayini (Wilson's Hindu Theatre, Vol. II). 4. The river Padin, a branch of the Ganges in East Bengal Brihat-Dharm P., Madhya Kh., ch. 22; Chaitanyu-Bhagavata, ch. 10; Devi Bhagavala, IX, Cho. 6, 7; Gladwin's Ayeen
Akbery, Pt. I, p. 301). Pahlava-Media (Mada), when it formed a part of the ancient Parthian kingdom (modern
Persia), was the "Pahlava country." The Avesta is written in the Pahlavi or Pehlvi character of the Parthian times (Prof. Noldeka in the Encyclopædia Britannica). The Pahlavas have been identified with the Parthians (Weber's History of Indian Literature, p. 188). It was celebrater for its horses (Mbh., Sabha, P., ch, 32). See Parada.

Page #506

PAH
PAM
-
Pahnava-Same as Pahlava (Brahmanda P., ch. 51, v. 46). Pal hån-Same as Pratishthana. Pakshi-Tirtha-Tirukkalukkunram (or "Hill of the Sacred Kites "), a large village in the
Chin gleput district in the Province of Madras, midway between Chingleput and Madras. It is a celebrated place of pilgrimage (Ep. Ind., Vol. III, p. 270 ; Chaitanyacharitamrita, Pt. II, ch. 9). According to the Archavatara, it is seven miles south-east of Chingleput. The sacred spot is situated on a hill which is called Bedagiri, near the temple of Hara (named Vaid yaraja or properly Vodagirîsvara) and Parvati. By the side of a well, the pilgrims agsem ble to see a pair of white birds of the falcon kind with their wings black at the end, which are said to come there every day at noon. The chief priest who awaits their arrival with offering of food, feeds them with his own hand. The assembled pil. grims prostrate themselves and devoutly pray when these birds appear, as they are considered to be Siva and his consort. They fly away after they have taken food and drunk
water (Ind. Ant., Vol. X (1881), p. 198). Palapatma-It has been identified with Pál near Mahad (Bhandarkar's Early Hist. of the
Dekkan, sec. VIII), but Mr. Schoff identifies it with Dabhol, a port in south Konkan
(Periplus, p. 201). Palegimundu (of the Greeks)-Same as Parasamudra. Palæsimundus is supposed to
have been the capital of Ceylon and is described as a seaport situated on the south on a river of the same name. It has been identified with Galle, but according to Lassen, it is
Anarajapur (JRAS., 1861, p. 353). Palakkada-Pulicat in the province of Madras. Palakkada in Sanskrit means Dasana
pura or Toothtown (Dr. Burnell's S. I. Palæo, p. 36 note : Ind. Ant., Vol. V. p. 154). Palakka-des-The district of Nellore in the Madras Presidency. It was conquered by
Samudra Gupta. According to Joppen (Historical Atlas of India, p. 6), Palakka or Palakha
is Palghatcherry. Palasint-1. A river which flows near the Girnar hill in Kathiawar. See Girinagara.
It is mentioned in the Mbh. (Bhishma P., ch. 9) and also in the Rudra-Daman inscription of Gimar. It is described as a water-course with violent torrents (JASB., 1838, pp. 340, 877). 2. The river Paddair which falls into the ocean near Kalingapatam in Ganjam
(Märkandeya P., ch. 57). Pallava-1. The Pallava country was bordered by the Coromandel coast. The Kuram.
baras lived here before the seventh century A.D. (Rapson's Indian Coins, p. 37). See
Kanchipura. 2. Same as Pahlava (Padma P., Uttara, ch. 13). Pampa-A tributary of tho river Taugabhadrâ ; it rises in the Rishyamukha mountain,
sight miles from the Anagandi hills, whore Rama net Hanumana and Sugriva for the first time; it is in the district of Bellary on the north of the town of Hampi (Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, Pt. II, p. 369-Dr. Fleet's Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts). Near it is a lake
called Pampasarovara (Wilson, Uttara-Rama-charita : Ramdyana, Kishk., ch. 1). Pampakshetra-On the south of the Tuigabhadrâ in the Bellary district containing the
Rishyamukha hill and the Pampå sarovara (Ind. Ant., VI, 1877, p. 85). Pampåpura-Vindhyâchala (town), five miles to the west of Mirzapur in the United Pro
vinces where the celebrated temple of Bindubásini is situated [Bhavishya P., Pratisarga P., ch. 9 (p. 311, Bomb. ed.); Dr. Fuhrer's MAI). To the east of Vindhyachala, the remains of a fort and other buildings and statues are still found. Pampapura was the capital of the Bhars who are perhaps the Bhargas of the Mahabharata subdued by Bhima (Sherring's Hindu Tribes and Castes, pr. 359, 367). 2. Baidyanath (Deoghar) in the

Page #507

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PAN
Santal Parganas in Bengal; one of its ancient names was Paloo-gaon (see Chitâbhumi). Pânâ-Nrisimha-Mangala-giri, in the Kistna district in the province of Madras, about 7 miles to the south of Bezwada. On the top of this hill is a temple of Nrisimha called PânâNrisimha. It was visited by Chaitanya (Chaitanya-charitimṛita, II, ch. 9). On the widely open mouth of the image, sherbet (pânâ) of molasses (gud) is poured, but it is said that the god takes only a moiety of the sherbet which is vowed to him and ejects the rest, though immediately after, it swallows half a maund given by another votary. Pañcha-Dravida Dravida, Karnata, Gujarata, Maharashtra, and Tailanga or Andhra (Wilson's Dict.). This is not a geographical division, but it is the name of the five classes of Brahmanas of Southern India (Sherring's Hindu Tribes and Castes, p. 19). Pañcha-Ganga-The five Ganges are Bhagirathi (Ganges), Gomati (Godavari), Krishna
veni (Krishna), Pinâkinî (Pennar) and Kâverî.
Pañcha-Gauda-The Brahmins of Sarasvata (see Sarasvata), Kanyakubja, Gauda, Mithila and Utkala were called Pañcha-Gauda (Ballála-charitam, edited by Haraprasad Sastri, p. 2). This is not a geographical division, it is the name of the five classes of Brahmanas of Northern India (Sherring's Hindu Tribes and Castes, p. 19, but some of the names are differently given there). The Pañcha-Gauda of the Rajatarangin appears to be the five geographical divisions of the province of Bengal, namely Pundravarddhana, Radha, Magadha, Tirabhukti and perhaps Barendra (see Dr. Stein's Rajatarangint, Vol. I, p. 163; JASB., 1908, p. 208)." Pañcha-Karpata-The district called Panjkora on the southern slope of the Hindu-Kush, and the town called Panjgauda, situated on the river Panjkora, a tributary of the river Swat. Both Panjkora and Panjgauda appear to be corruptions of Pañcha-Karpata. See Gouri (Mbh., Sabha, ch. 32). It was conquered by Sahadeva. Its chief town is Dir. Pañcha-Kedara-The temples of Kedarnath, Tuiganath, Rudranath, Madhyames vara and Kalpesvara, all situated along the Himalayan chain in Garwal, form a peculiar object of pilgrimage, and they are collectively called Pañcha-Kedara. Mahadeva in the form of Sadasiva, fled from Arjuna, one of the five Pandavas, and took refuge at Kedarnath in the guise of a buffalo, but finding himself hard-pressed, burrowed into the ground, leaving his hinder parts on the surface, which became an object of adoration here. The remaining portions of the god are worshipped at four other places: the arms (bahu) at Tunganath, the face (mukha) at Rudranath, the belly (nabhi) at Madhyamesvara and the hair (jata) and head at Kalpesvara (Führer's MAI.; Gouriprasad Misra's Kedaranátha BadariVisala Yatra).
Pañchala Rohilkhand. Pañichala was originally the country north and west of Delhi from the foot of the Himalaya to the river Chambal, but it was afterwards divided into North and South Pafchala, separated by the Ganges; the capital of the former was Ahichhatra, and that of the latter was Kampilya. South Pañchâla was the kingdom of Raja Drupada whose daughter Draupadi was married to the five Pânḍavas. Makandi was also the name of another capital of South Pañchala. South Pañchâ la extended from the southern bank of the Ganges to the river Charman vati or Chambal (Mbh., Adi P., ch.. 140), and North Pañchâla extended from the Ganges to the Himalaya. Kanouj was also the capital of Pañchâla at the time of Buddha (Rhys Davids' Buddhist India, p. 27). Pañcha-Nada-1. The Panjab,-the country of the five rivers called Satadru, Vipasa, Iravati, Chandrabhaga and Vitasta (Agni P., ch. 109; Mbh., Karna, ch. 45). The name is especially applied to the region watered by the collected streams of the Ghara (the united stream of the Sutlej and Bias) and the Trinâb (the united stream of the Ravi, Chenub and Jhelam) from their confluence to Methunkote near which the united water joins the

Page #508

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146
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Indus. It was conquered by Darius Hystaspes (Rawlinson's Five Great Monarchies, Vol. IV, p. 433). The Greek kings who reigned over the Panjab were Menander, Apollodotus, Zoilus, Dionysius, Stration, Hippostratus, Diomides, Nicias, Telephos. Herra sus. They did not reign in succession, but some of them reigned in one province contemporaneously with others in othor provincus. These Greek kings reigned from the beginning of the second century B.c. to 78 A.D. when they were conquered by the Sakas. The Saka kings who reigned in the Panjab were (1) Vononoes, (2) Spalirises, brothor of (1), (3) Azas I; (4) Azilises, (5) Azas II, (6) Maues or Moga. According to Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar and Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar, Vonones was the found. er of the Saka era and not Kanishka, as stated by Professor Oldenburg. These IndoScythian kings reigned from 78 A.D. to 156 A.D. During the reign of Maues, the Panjab was conquered by Gondophares, the first king of the Indo-Parthian dynasty. The Scy. thian kings governed the Panjab through their governors, while their seat of govern ment was at Sistan (See Sakadvipa). The capital of the successors of Gondophares ac. oording to some authorities was at Balkh. The Indo-Parthian or Pahlava kings who reigned in the Panjab were (1) Gondophares, (2) Abdagages, nephew of (1), (3) Orthagnes, (4) Arsakes, (5) Pakores; (6) Sanabaros. The Pahlava kingdom was overthrown by the Kushan king, Kujula-Kadphises in 198 A.D. The country east of Kirman was named Kushan throughout the Sassanian period RA8., XV, p. 233). These Kushan kings reigned from 198 to 376 A.D. Their kingdom was subverted by the Gupta kings. The Guptas were con quered by the Hunks (Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar's Peep into the Early History of India and Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar's Kushan Stone-inscription and the Question about the Origin of the Saka Era in the Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. XX, Part Ivi, p. 356 f; JASB., 1908, p. 81). 2. A place of pil. grimage in Kurukshetra (Mbh., Vana, oh 83, v. 16). 3. The five rivers of Japyasvara (q.v.) are collectively called Panchanada : they are Jatodaka, Trišrota, Vrishdvani, Svarnodaka and Jam bunadi (Linga P., I, 43). 4. The oonfluence of five rivers in the Doccan called Dakshina Panchanada, they are the Krishna, Venä, Tuuga, Bhadra, Kon&
(Vishnu Samhita, ch. 85 ; SBE., Vol. VII, p. 259 noto). Panchanana - The river Pañchâna which flows by the side of Rajgir in the districts of Patna
and Gaya, it is either tho old bed of the Sune which according to the Ramayana flowed by thu oastery side of Girivraja or Rajagsika (Mbh., Adi, ch. 32) or the ancient Sappini
Bee Giriyek). Panchapadi-The river Panjah, a iributary of the Oxus, which rises in the Hindu Kush
(Bhaganata P., V, ch. 20). Pancha-Prayaga-(i) Dovaprayaga at the confluence of the Bhagirathi and the
Alakananda ; (2) Karna-prayaga at the confluence of the Alakânanda and tha Pindar river called also Karna-Gange. Karna is said to have performed austerities near this confluence. (3) Rudraprayaga at the confluence of the Alakananda and the Mandakini; (4) Nandaprayaga at the confluence of the Alakan anda and the Nanda or Nandakini, a small river,, (5) Bish: uprayaga near Joshina tha or Joshimatha at the confluence of the Alakânanda and the Vishnu-Ganga. The union of these streams form the river Ganges, which in its upper portion is called the Alakananda. The Jahnavi is a tributary of the Bhagirathi (see the Map in Hodgson's Physical Geography of the Hima.
laya in JASB., XVIII, faoing p. 762). Pařohápsara-Tirtha--- In the district of Udayapur, one of the tributary states in the
Chhota-Nagpur division. Kapu, Bandhanpur, Banjian ba and Ponri are supposed to be on the site of the Pafchapsara lake of the Ramayana (List of Ancient Monuments in the

Page #509

PAN
PAN
Chhola-Nagpur Division). But the Bhagavata (Bk. X, ch. 79) places it in Southern India; the Chaitanya-charitamyita places it at Gokarna. According to Sridharaswami, the celo brated commentator, Panchapsara tîrtha is near Phalguna or Anantapura in the Madras Presidency, fifty-six miles to the south-east of Bellari; it was visited by Arjuna and Balarama. From the Moh. (Adi, ch. 217) it appears to be the same as Pancha-tiriha
in the province of Madras. Pacha-Tirtha-1. A collective name givon to five pools or busins of water, situated be.
tween two hills on the west of Hardwar : their names are Amrita-kunda, Tapta-lunda, Sita-kunda, Rama-kunda and Sarya-kunda. 2. A place of pilgrimage in the province of Madras mentioned in the Mbh. (Adi P., ch. 217). It was visited by Arjuna. Same
as Panchåpsâra-tirtha (Skanda P., Kumarika Kh., ch. I). Pafcha-Badart-The five Badaris are Badrinatha, Břiddha-Badari, Bhavishya-Badari,
Panduke vara and Adi-Badari (Gouri prasad Migra's Kedarnatha Badart - Višala Yatrd). Pafchavati-Nasik, on the Godavari, where Ramachandra dwelt with Lakshmang
and Sitâ during his exile; it was here that Sita was abducted by Råvana, king of Lanka. In the village called Saikhera, at a short distance from Nasik, Ramachandra is said to have killed Maricha who had beguiled him from his hut. Nasik is also one of the Pithas, where Sati's nose is said to have fallen. Surpanakha's nose was cut at this place by Lakshmana, the brother of Ramchandra. These two circumstances have given the name of Nasika to the ancient Pafchavati. The Chaitya cave at Nasik is supposed by Mr. Fergusson to belong to the second and third
centuries of the Christian era. Pafcha-vedt-For the five Vedis see Prajapativedi. Paņdu --Same as Pandya (Upham's Mahdvamsí, oh. 76). Panaupura-Pauderpur or Pandharpur on the southern bank of the river Bhimarathi or
Bhima in the district of Satara or Sholapur in the province of Bombay. It contains the celebrated temple of Bithoba Deva or Bithalnatha, an image of Krishna (Bomb. Gaz., xx, pp. 417 f ; Chaitanya-charitam ita, Marihya, ch. 9). Pandupura is evidently a corruption of Pundarikapura ; Pundarika, who was celebrated for his filial affection, was visited at this place by Krishna and Rukmini. Same as Puņdarika-kshetra, Tapasásrama,
Tapasa, and Paundarika. Pandya --The modern districts of Tinnevelly and Madura. Its capital at different periode
were Uragapura or Uriyur (modern Trichinopoly), Mathura (modern Madura) and Kolkai or Korkai at the mouth of the river Tamraparņi, now 5 miles in land. Kolkal (q.v.) is mentioned by Ptolemy in the second century A.D., and by Marco Polo as Kael (Yule's Marco Polo, II, p. 305). Porus, who is also called Pandion by Strabo, evidently a king of Pandye, is said to have sent the first embassy to Augustus Cæsar at Rome in 26 or 27 B.O. (JRAS., 1860, p. 309; Caldwell's Drav, Con. Gram., p. 11). The second embassy was sent to Rome between 41 and 54 A.D. by Chandra Miska Sewa, king of Ceylon (44-52 1.D.) in the reign of Claudius (JRAS., 1861, pp. 349, 350). Roman intercourse with India was at its height during the reign of Severus (third century A.D.), Commodus and the pseudo-Antonines, when Alexandria and Palmyra were both prosperous and famous for Commerce (JRAS., 1862, p. 276). It is said to have been founded in the sixth century B.O., and it was overthrown in the middle of eleventh century A.D., and afterwards restored by the N&yaks. For the colonisation of Pandya by the Paņdu tribe of Northern India see Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar's Lectures on the Ancient History of India, pp. 10, 11.

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Påņtprastha-Panipat, one of the five villages demanded by Yudhishthira from Duryo.
dhana (see Kurukshetra). The five Prasthas or villages are said to be Påņiprastha, Sonaprastha, Indraprastha, Tilaprastha and Bhågaprastha, whereas in the Mahabharata (Udyoga ch. 31) these names are Kušasthala, Bșikasthala, Makandi, Väravavata and another, but see Venisamhâra-Nataka, Act I, and Moh., Udyoga, ch. 72, where for Kušas
thala, Abisthala is mentioned. Papi-PAvApuri, about seven miles to the south-east of Bihar (town) and two miles to the
north of Giriyek. Mahavira, the twenty-fourth Jaina Tirthaikara, died here in B.c. 527 according to the Jain as of Guzerat, and in 569 B.C., according to Mr. Prinsep, at the age of 72 (Jacobi's Jaina-Sutras in SBE., XXII, p. 269), while he was dwelling in the house of the scribe of king Hastipala (Buhler's Indian Sect of the Jainas, p. 27) or according to Steven son's Kalpa-sutra (ch. vi) while he was spending the Paryushana (Pajjusana) at the palace of Shastipala, king of Papa. There are four beautiful Jaina temples in an enclosure which marks the site of his death. Pâpå is a corruption of Ap&papuri. Pâpå or Påvå has been wrongly identified by General Cunningham with Padraona which is the modern name of ancient Påvâ where Buddha ate food at the house of Chunda. Påvåpuri is the modern name of the ancient Pápå or Ap&papuri. See Apå papuri and Pava. Mahavira obtained the Kevalihood below a Sala tree at Jsimbhikagrâma on the river Ritu välika (Stevenson's Kalpa-sútra, ch. VI). See Kundagâma. The annual festival of Dipâvali (Divali)
was started to commemorate Mahavira's death (SBE., XXII, p. 266). Påpaghn-The southern Pennar which rises in the Nandidoorga mountain (Wilson's Mac
kenzie Collection, p. 137, quoting Vayu P.). Papanasam-The cataract at Papanasam in Tinnevelly is one of the most sacred places in
the Carnatic, graphically described by Caunter in the Oriental Manual of 1834. It was
visited by Chaitanya. Para-Same as Pårå (Vayu P., Pârva, ch. 45, v. 98). Pårå-The river Parvati in Malwa which winding to the north of Narwar, falls into the
Sindhu near Bijayanagara (Brahmanda P., Pûrva, ch. 48; Málati-Madhava, Act IX. And Arch. S. Rep., Vol. II, p. 308). It is the Eastern Pârvatî, the western Pârvatî being a
tributary of the Chambal (Thornton's Gaz., s.v. Parbutty and Sinde). Pärada-Parthia or ancient Persia (Matsya P., ch. 121). The Parthians were the Prithus of the Rig Veda. Parthia is mentioned as Parthva in the Behistun inscription of Darius (Rawlinson's Herodotus, Vol. II, pp. 590-616). See Pahlava. According to Dr. Oppert, the Paradas dwelt in northern Beluchistan (Oppert's On the Original Inhabitants of Bharata.
varsha or India, p. 35). Paralla-See Purâli. Paralipura-Deoghar in Bengal : it contains the celebrated temple of Baidyanatha, one
of the twelve great Lingas of Mahadeva. Another Parligaon situated in the Nizam's dominion is pointed out as the ancient Paralipura, but Paloogaon, another name for Baid ya
nath (Deoghar), is perhaps a corruption of Paralipura (see Chitâbhumi). Paraloka-See Purâli. Pårasamudra-Ceylon. It is the Palæsimundu of the Periplus and Simoundou of Ptolemy. See Bhatta Swami's commentary on the word Parasamudraka, a species of agalLochum grown in Ceylon mentioned in the 1rthašastra of Kautilya (Bk. II). Ceylon was always famous for its aguru (agallochum), as it formed one of the articles of gift presented by Bibhishana to Sahadeva (Mbh., Sabha. ch. 30).

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Parasika-Persia (Raghuvashim, IV, v. 60): the Persians were the Parsus of the Rig Veda
and Parsan of the Behistun Inscription (JRAS., Vol. XV, pp. 101, 103). Paraskara-Thala-PArkara district in Sindh (Panini, Ashtadhydyt, IV, 3, 93; VI, 1, 157;
see Kunte's Vicissitudes of Aryan Civilization, p. 372, and his map). Parasurama-kshetra --Konkan (see Surpäraka-tfrtha), a large territorial division between
Surat and Goa, especially the entire sea-coast in the province of Bijapur. Its capital was Thana (Alberuni's India, Vol. I, p. 203). Sangameswara, a town on the Sastri river in the Ratnagiri district of the Bombay Presidency containing temples built by Paralu râma, was, according to the Sahyadri Khanda of tho Skanda Purana, called Ramakshetra or Parasurama-kshetra. (It was the headquarters of king Karna of Kolhapur in the seventh century (Revised Lists of the Antiquarian Remains in the Bombay Presidency, Vol. VIII, p. 201). The name of the town was evidently derived from the Mahadeva Sangamegvara whose temple was situated at the junction of the Krishna and Vend (Da Cunha's Hist. of Chaul and Bassein, p. 110). Konkaņ is bounded on the north by Guzerat, on the east by the Deccan, on the south by North Canara, on the west by the Arabian Sea. Vâlu. kesvara mentioned in the aforesaid Purána is the Malabar Hill, and Vanballi is Banavali, which is a tank in the southern part of the territory of Goa (Ind. Ant., III, p. 248). Parasu. râma-kshetra comprised seven divisions, viz., Kerala, Tulunga, Gaurashtra, Karahata, Baráláta, Barbara and Konkaņa proper. These seven divisions of land correspond to the seven different tribes of Brahmana who colonised it, and therefore it was called Sapta Konkan (Skanda P., Sahyadri Kh., Bk. II, ch. viii; Da Cunha's Hist, of Chaul and Bas
sein, p. 121 noto). Soe Champavati Basya and Sri-sthånaka. Parasuramapura-Twelve miles south-east of Patti in the district of Pratapgar in Oudh.
It is one of the Pithas where a portion of Sati's body is said to have fallen. Parasusthåna-The country of the Parasavas mentioned in the Vayu Purana (II, ch. 37,
v. 262), the capital of which was Hupian or Opian, a little to the north of Charikar at the north-east end of the Pamghan range (Beals RWC., II, p. 286 note). It is also mentioned
by Panini (V, 3, 117). Parasya-Persia (Vishnu P., II, ch. 3). Its chief town according to Hiuen Tsiang was
Saurasthana. Hiyen Tsiang must have visited Persia at the time of the Sassanian kings. when their capital was Ctesiphon on the Tigris. Su-la-sa-t'ang-na of Hiuen Tsiang is not perhaps Surasthâna or Saurasthana, but appears to be a transcription of Sataraochana,
the capital of Persia, now called Shahrud (see JASB., 1911, p. 727). Paripátra-1. The western part of the Vindh va range extending from the source of the
Chambal to the Gulf of Cam bay (Asia. Res., Vol. VIII, p. 33); according to Dr. Bhandarkar it is that portion of the Vindhya range from which the rivers Cham bal and Betwa take their riso (History of the Dekkan, Sec. III; Vardha.P., ch. 85). It comprised the Aravali mountains and the hills of Rajputana including the Pathar range which is perhaps a contraction of Paripátra. It appears to have included the countries of Aparanta, Saurashtra, Sudra, Malapa (Malava), Malaka and others (Kurma P., Purva, ch. 47), in short a great portion of the western coast of India. According to the Råmdyana, Paripátra or Pari. yatra (q.v.) was situated on the western sea (Kishk. K., ch. 42, v. 20). 2. The Hindu
Kush and the Pamir (see Nishadha). Pâriyâtra-Same as Paripátra (I) (Vamana P., oh. 13; Brahmanda P., Pt. II, oh. 16). Parpash-1. The river Banas in Rajputana ; a tributary of the Chambal (Vayu P., 1,
ch. 45; Cunningham's Arch. 8. Rep., viü, p. 16). 2. According to Bhagavanlal Indraji, another river of the same name rises near Abuin, Northern Guzorat (Bomb. Gaz., I, Pt. 1.

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p. 25), and falls into the Gulf of Kachh. Barnasa is supposed to be a corruption of Pargada (Arch. S. Rep., vi; Matsya P., ch. 114). The river Parnas& is mentioned in the Moh., Drona, ch. 92. 3. The river Tamasa or Tonse, a tributary of the Yamuna : the Prinas of Arrian (McCrindle's Megasthenes and Arrian, p. 134). But the Matsya Purana (chap. 114) mentions both the rivers Parada and Tamasd. 4. A river near the Darddura mountain (Ramayana, Yuddha, II). Parthalis-Parthalis, according to Megasthenes (fourth century B.c.) and the Natural His.
tory of Pliny (Plinios Socondus--trans. by Philemon Holland, London, 1601-ch. xix, p. 126), was the capital of the Gangaridai or the country of Radha on the Ganges, i.e., the districts of Hughli and Burdwan in Bengal. It is evidently Parbasthali, now a village
in the district of Burdwan on the river Ganges. Parushội --The river Ravi (Iravati) in the Panjab (Rig Veda, X, 75). It is also called
Purushni. The great battle of the ten confederate kings in the early part of the Aryan migration was fought on the banks of this river, and Sudasa, the king of the Tritsu and head of one of the confederate parties, obtained victory over Kutsa, the king of the Purus, afterwards known as Kurus, and his allies (Ragozin's Vedic India, p. 326 f.) 2. A
tributary of the Godavari (Brahma P., ch. 144). Parvata -1. A country in the Panjab to the north-west of Multan between the Ravi and
the Sutlej. It is mentioned in the Ashtadhyâyi of Panini - and also in the Mudra
rakshasa (Act III). 2. Same as Sri-saila (Ananda Giri's Sankaravijaya, ch. 55, p. 180). Parvati-The river Parba in the Kohistan of the Jalandhar Doab: it falls into the river
Bias, a couple of miles above Bajoura. Manikaran, a celebrated place of pilgrimage, is situated on the right bank of the river, about 20 miles above the junction. The place is celebrated for its boiling springs which issue from the ground a few feet above the icy
stream of the Parba. The springs are numerous (JASB., XVII, p. 290). Parvatt-kshetra-Same as Biraja-kshetra.. Paschimodadhi-The Arabian Sea (Padma P., Svarga). Pashana-1. The Peshin valley in Southern Afghanistan (soe Påshåpa Parvata): 2. See
Baloksha. Påshåna Parvata-The Amran mountains on the western boundary of Pishin (Påshåņa)
Valley in southern Afghanistan (Ava. Kalp., chs. 59, 56). Pasupata-See Karavan (Matsya P., ch. 22). Pasupatinatha-The celebrated temple of Mahadeva in Mpigasthala in Nepal (Devi P.,
ch. 63; Svayambha P., oh. 8), on the western bank of the Bagmati in the town of Devipatan which was founded by Asoka's daughter Charumati, about three miles north-west of Katmandu. It is associated with the story of the fowler and the god, which is recited on the night of the Siva Chaturdasi: it is said that the fowler obtained the boon of salvation from Mahadeva at this place as the drippings of blood from his bag of game fell upon the head of the latter (Skanda P., Maheswara Kh., Kedåra Kh., I., ch. 33). On the eastern bank of the river fronting the temple is a hill covered with lofty trees and jungle, which is called the Mpigasthali (Wright's History of Nepal, pp. 21, 81). But the Šiva P. (Jñanasamhith, ch. 74) places the scene of the story in the Arbuda mountain. Pasupatinatha
is also called Pagupati. Patashaha. Patachohara appears to have comprised a portion of the district of Allahabed and the distriot of Banda ; its capital was situated not far from the Ganges (compare Jaimini-bharata, ch. 15, and Mh., Sabha, ch. 30). It was conquered by Sabadova, one of the Pandavas.

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There is a very good account of the marriage ceremonies. Meanwhile the Kheras asked the Brahmins to consult the augury of the stars and to fix the marriage. The Brahmins fixed Virvár (Thursday) 9th of Sawan for the wodding. But Ranjha all this time was sad in his heart. Meanwhile, all the kitchens were busy making preparations for the feast, and fine flour, sugar and butter melted into each other's embrace as an affectionate sister-in-law embraces her brother-in-law. There were all sorts of pilao and soups and all the kinds of rice, even Mushki and Basputti and Musafir and Begami and Sonputti. And they brought baskets of clothes of all kinds, huge plates of every sort of Sireetmeat and diverse fruits. And there was no end to the ornaments, armlets, anklets, necklaces, ear-rings and nose-rings which were prepared as a dowry for the bride. There were large dishes and small dishes. There were surma boxes for the bride to paint her eyes. There were drinking bowls of all sizes, frying pans, kneading dishes, spoons, rolling pins, milk cans and dinner trays, all of costly and regal magnificence.
The livers of the guests turne i green with jealousy when they saw the abundance of good things. The potter women brought earthen pots and the bakers brought fuel from the forest. The water-carriers rushed about drawing water from the wells. Men with ropes and poles were carrying large cooking-pots, and others were carrying old-fashioned guns and culverts. A large host of people came to enjoy Chuchak's hospitality. There were multitudes of barbers cooking the food. Chuchak has gained credit in the world and the people are praying for his long life and prosperity.
And Ranjha left his buffaloes and sat in a corner sad at heart. Meanwhile flooks of beautiful women lined the tops of all the houses to watch the marriage procession. They were as delicate as fairies and as beautiful as houris. Their fairy forms must have been compounded of musk and perfum. They exchanged ribald songs and pleasantries with the women of the bridegroom's party. They flashed their beautiful red eyes and sang in sweet tones. They uncovered their heads and shoulders and showed their rounded breasts. They gazed at their own beauty in their thumb looking-glasses. They were tantalising the maddened lovers. They clapped their hands and danced and sang songs of welcome to the bridegroom. They greeted every body as they passed with some new song,
The crowd and the noise was as great as at the fairs of Pakpattan or Nigah or Rattan or Thamman, where women flook to kiss the tomb of the saint and attain the achievement of their desires. The girls went wild with jealousy when they saw the costly robes of the married Sial women.
Then came the musicians, the dancing girls, the jesters, and the ministrels with trumpets and cymbals, even from Kashmir and the Dekkan. The horses neighed and the ground quivered with the trampling of many hoofs. There were grey horses, piebald horses, duns, and roans, and, chestnuts groomed to shine like the sun, and gorgeously caparisoned. Their ears were quivering with excitement. They were ridden by handsome Khera youths, and the dancing girls sang and declaimed with amorous gestures, and they danced like peacocks. The men beating the drum chanted songs. The riders had spears) in their hands and were merry with good drink. The folds of their turbans were soaked in saffron. The saddle bells tinkled as the horses neighed and caracoled. Thus the marriage procession came from Rangpur to Jhang and they halted at the village guest house. And mats were brought for them to sit on and huqqas of gold and silver and brass were brought for thera to smoke. Garlands were Alung round their

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necks. The ministrels sang to them and the Kheras distributed money to the ministrels with lavish hands.
Whøn the procession arrived, Ranjha's soul and his heart was scorched like roasted meat. And he said to himself sadly: "Saida is drunk with joy to-day though he has not touched wine. Saida has become a Nawab and Hîr his princess-who cares for poor Ranjha the shepherd. Death is better than life without my beloved."
And the people in their duty for Ranjha, said " Chuchak has been cruel; he has broken his word and disgraced his faith!”
Meanwhile the members of the marriage procession girded on their belts and proceeded to the house of the bride. The oil men held their torches in their hands to light the way for the procession, and the barbers presented dishes of sweets to the bridegroom's party. Then five rupees and a lungi (shawl) were given to the Kheras.
When the relations of the bride and the bridegroom met they put the bridegroom and his best men on horse back. Then the fireworks began. There were stars and catherine wheels;' hombs, balloons, and coloured rain; rockets and set pieces of elephants, stages and peacocks; coloured circles and moving thrones and revolving moons. All the neighbourhood tlocked to see the fireworks. After the fireworks came the dinner. Rice and sugar and butter were distributed in big dishes and the singing women seng songs and were given money. The bride and bridegroom were made to sit facing each other and each one put surma in the other's eyes. And the fun waxed fast and furious, and the girls pestered the bridegroom with jokes and riddles and questions. They give him a sheaf of wheat and asked him if he could weave a basket. They made the bride close her fist and asked the bridegroom if he could open it.
They threw a pair of women's petticoats over his head. "Try and lift this heavy cup with one finger," shouted one girl. “Bring us some stallion's milk," said another. "How can you work a well without bullocks?" said a third. "Can you pitch a tent without poles ? Can you put an elephant into a palanquin (doli) ?" said another. They tickled him under the chin and asked jeeringly why he had brought his old mother along? To whom did he want to marry her? Was he hunting for a husband for his sister among their yhepherds ? At whom was his best man's mother casting her eyes ? "We can get the very cowherd you want for your mother."
And Saida replied mockingly, “You are as lovely and as wise as Bolkis the wife of Solo rion herself and your wit burns us up entirely. Go to Dhonkal and you'll see a tent pitched without poles. Yes, I can make a well go without bullocks-take off your clothes and jump in. I have already married your cowherd's sister and we can supply lusty men to
it all of you. I am ready to take all of you home with me." Thus they jested and feasted at the wedding of Hir and Saida.
Next comes the final ceremony before the Kâzi. Hîr quarrels with the Kâzi and totally refuses to marry Saida. Her recriminations with the Kazi are long and tedious and fully justify the criticism of Fazal Shah that Waris Shah's story is too long and spun out. Finally Chuchak gets impatient and suggests to the Kazi that he must somehow manage to finish the marriage ceremony. The Kâzi finally marries Hîr against her will to Saida. The Kheras then put Hîr in the marriage palanquin (doli) and carry her off to Rangpur the home of her new husband. Hîr indulges in somewhat lengthy lamentation. Waris Shah is not BU strong in pathetic as in humourous situations. The lamentations of Hir from a poetical point of view are of distinctly mediocre quality. Her lament as given in the Patiala version in Temple's legends of the Punjab is of far superior quality to that of Waris Shah.

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.
During an interval the Kheras go off hunting and Ranjha who has apparently accom panied the procession gets a chance of an interview with Hir. One of the Kheras notices this. Hir threatens to take poison if anybody lays hands on Ranjha. At last the proces. sion reaches Rangpur and Hir is welcomed by her mother-in-law with the customary ceremonies. Hir gets another opportunity of speaking to Ranjha and she advises him to disguise himself as a Jogi and try to get an interview with her in that way. Next comes a tirade againet Jats put partly in the mouth of Ranjha and partly in the mouth of the poet. It is worth quoting in full.
"Friends, you cannot trust the word of a Jat....a Jat can lose his honour twenty. one times and yet be accounted a worthy member of the brotherhood. As butcher's dogs pick up bits from the refuse heap, so Jats inhale wisdom sitting on the village manure heap. They take off their pagris and sit on thein and then find them nice and clean. The Jats were more powerful than the Emperor Akbar. They killed the Royal Minister Birbal. A Jat commits iniquity : somebody else is caught and the butcher's son is hung for it. He is a master of all crookedness and villainy. He is the leader of all quarrels and iniquities. He is a very sharp customer and quarrelsome. Jats steal the property of way-farers. If a Jat becomes your friend he does it for some selfish purpose. He makes friends with every caste even with bar. bors. There is no one more selfish than a Jat; they have as few friends as a policeman (sipahi) (text and translation of this line is doubtful). He enjoys seeing & farcical representation of himself and his women-folk as much as his children enjoy seeing a catherine-wheel go round. They promise their daughters to strangers and then sell them to somebody else. They own only one-thirteenth of the village but they grab one-third by force. If they own a rat hole they claim the whole well. The owners are powerless to object. They promise their daughters in marriage and then go back on their words and the barbers who arranged the match are covered with disgrace. Waris Shih, there are three liars in this world, Jats, goldsmiths and butchers."
I quote two other similar passages from the same part of the poem. The first is a diatribe against the Sials. "Friends, know for sure that the Sials are robbers, they teach all their Page #516

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conspicuous for pluck nor enterprise. In some respects the character of Gil Blas is not unlike that of Ranjha. Ranjha is a mixture of Kim and Gil Blas. The Jat as drawn by Waris Shah is a mixture of low cunning and boisterous brutality. To be a successful trickster; to got the better of your enemy by any ruse however deceitful; to bully people by a brute force, or to overwholm them with torrents of abuse; this seems to be the ideal of the Jat character as drawn by Waris Shah. It may be that Waris Shah did not love the Jats, but I think an impartial critic must admit that he has drawn a not untruo character of the Jat of the Punjab. This, however, is a digression, and I return to the story
We next get a description of Hír in her new home. The game or ceremony of Gana (hunt she bracelet) is played, but Hir is much too dejected to join in the game. Her apathy casts & wet blanket over the rest of the festivities and the party is broken up.
The scene then shifts to Jhang, where we see the Kizi congratulating Chuchak that Ranjha is now ont of the way. Hîr is safely married and all his domestic difficulties are at an end.
Then we get a glimpse at Ranjha's home where Ranjha's sisters-in-law condole with him on the fickleness of girls in general and of Hir in particular. "There is no trusting girls. The Khers have pluckod the flower that you used to guard so tonderly." They beg him to come home and give up all idea of Hir." If you come home we will dedicate a saucepan to Ali. We will hold a wrestling match and offer a garland to Ghazi Pir. We will light lamps in honour of Khwaja Khizar." Ranjha refuses to abandon hope, "Sisters, when autumn comes the humming beetlo waits patiently for the spring. Only the son of a Churl will run away from love."
The scene then shifts to Saida's home, whore we see that Hir will have nothing to do with her husband. Tho Five Pirs miraculously protect her from his importunities. They also grant her a miraculous vision of Ranjha. A long lamentation follows, put into the mouth of Hir. It is in the form of Barah Masa, a lament of the twelve months of the year. It is rather an insipid production and not worth quoting. If English readers wish to see what a Barah Masa is like they will find one in Macauliffe's translation of the Granth. It is a typical specimen of Barah Jasah. Hir then sends a message to Ranjha through a Jat girl tolling him to come and see her disguised as a Jogi.
Ranjha then decides to turn Jõgi and he goes off to Tilla, a hill just above Jhelum, to get initiated as a Jogi by Balnath. There are still Jögis on Tilla, and one is shown a red mark on & rock which one is told was made by the blood from Ranjha's ears when he had his ears bored. This monastery of the Jôgis is a very old one and is mentioned I believe, by Baber. “Ranjha bowed his head, placed a lump of gur before Balnath and claspt the feet of all the Jõgis." He finds all the Jõgis engaged in religious contemplation. “Some were reading Gayan, Siti, Bhagvat and Bharat." He asks to be made a chela. "The straight path is inaccessibia without the intervention of teachers (Murshids) as ourds cannot be cooked with. out milk."
Balnath doubts if Ranjha is fit to become a Jõgi. ." Your mannor does not appear to be that of Jogis ; you play on the flute and stare at women, catch other peoples' cows and buffaloes and milk them. Jat, tell me the truth, what has befallen you that you want to relinquish pleasures and to become a Fakir. Jog is a very troublesome task. The taste of Jog is bitter and sour. You will have to dress as a Jogi, dirty clothes, long hair, cropped skull, begging and all. You will have to meditate upon the Guru and hold your breath in your head (literally : “in the tenth door" supposed to be in the boad). You will have to cense to rejoice when children are born and cease from sorrow when your dear ones die.

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You will no longer mourn for the dead. You will have to abstain from seeing a wounan. You will have to become "Maät" by taking kand, mal, post, opium and other stimulants. You will have to think the world is a mere vision. You will have to go on pilgrimages to Jagannath, Gálavari, Ganges and Jumna. You Jats cannot acquire Jog."
Rinjha replios: "I have givon up women and all household affairs. Do not, Guru pierce me over and over again! You should not broak the hoart of one who falls helpless on your threshbold."
Balnath is still scoptical," It is the work of virtuous mou to subduo passions by riding on the horse of Patience, holding the reins of Romombrance. You will not be able to undergo Jog, what is the good of asking for it! Child listen, God luts made his abode in this body of dust, He is in everything, as a thread runs through the beads. He is the breath of lifo in the living. He is, is it were, the Spirit of Bhang and Opium. His is in the life of the world as colour is in inchndi. He is in everything as veins are in the body."
Ranjha replies ; "I have now reached the degree called Chit Akas after passing Bhola Kas and Jadu Kas." These appear to be degrees of proficiency in Jôgi philosophy.
Balnath answers : " Jog means to bo dead whilo alive. One has to sing the song of non-entity, using one's meagre body as a guitar."
The other Chelas are jealous when they see Balnath showiny favoue to Ranjha. Ranjha pacifies them, "I consider all of yon like Balnath and have thus become your brother. Why are you so suspicious!"
The Chelas replied: "We have been serving him for twelve years and he does not give us Jog, even though we contemplate God day and night. He is sometimes like fire and sometimes like water, we cannot discover his secret." They are angry with Balnath and threaten to desert him. Balnath rebukes the Chelay, and they instantly cease their joalousy and backbiting.
Balnath then initiates Ranjha. "He read the enchantment of his Guru and took the name of God." Then he caught hold of the Razor of separation and totally shaved him in an instant. He rubbed ashes on his body; shaved his head and beard and inade him wear ear-rings. He gave him his beggar's bowl, rosary (kipti, samrnce), horn and trumpet (nur and sangi) in his hand and made him learn the word "Alakh " Ho then preaches to Ranjha : "One's heart is far from other pooples' women-folk. An old woman should be treated as a mother and a young woman as a sister."
Ranjha here disclosos his hand. He replies to Balnath : "I do not agree with what you way."
Whereupon Balnath proceeds to locturo him, “You should beat the donkey of your Satan passion with the stick of belief. You should become a herinit and forget women."
Ranjha is quite frank in his reply : . "Had I been able to be silent before Love, should 'I have undergone so great a trouble? The girl has captivated my mind and that is why I am reciting the word Fakir. I had no other object in becoming a Fakir."
Balnath is now sorry he made Ranjha & Fakir. Ho says, "I havo committed a folly, but I cannot recall what I have done. I have made him wear ear-rings and now he has become a Thag'. He has got the treasures of lakir without having spent a singlo pice."
Balnath exhorts Ranjha to become a true Fakir, but Ranjha refuses to give up Hir. "I must search for my beloved." He then explains to Balnath how he and Hîr fell in love with each other when they were quite young. "Hir's hair was tied up in girlish plaits and I had down on my upper lip. Good days turned their back, bad days arrived and they betrothed her to the Kheras. Give me Hir. That is my only request. My heart begå for Hîr and Hîr alone".

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As the result of Ranjha's pleading, Balnath promises to use his influence in his favour. Balnath closed his eyes in the durbar of God and prayed for the success of Ranjha.
I have quoted this passage in some detail, partly to show the style of the poem, and partly to show the nature of Jogi, and the relation of a Guru to his Chela.
A Guru, like a Pir is obviously considered as an intermediary with God, as a person who has special access to the Throne and special influence with the Almighty. Just as the Emperor can only be approached through his minister or by the special favour of those who surround him, 60 ordinary persons cannot have direct access to God. This feeling is, I believe very common throughout the East. It is also noticeable that Jog is a sort of secret, an incan. tation ; it can be revealed by the Master as a favour. A Chela may meditate for twelve years on God, but initiation into the final mysteries of Jog depend on the goodwill of the Guru.
Thus after succeeding in being initiated as a Jõgi by Balnath, he sets off with his beggar's bowl, rosary, horn and trumpet and some medicinal herbs with the object of getting somehow an interview with Hir. The destroyer of the Kheras started like a storm cloud that moves to the place, where it has fallen once before. He strode off with swinging steps as one intoxi. cated, even as cainel men swing riding & camel's back. A shepherd on the road identifies him as Ranjha.
On the way Ranjha encounters a wolf and slays him with the miraculous help of the Five Pirs. The shepherd is much impressed by this exhibition of miraculous power, but he gives Ranjhn some wholesome home truths about his behaviour to Hir.
"You have disgraced the name of Love; having won her love you should have run away with her, or having once loved her you should have killed her rather than let another possess her. You should have died rather than have been disgraced as you have been disgraced by the Kheras."
I quote this passage as showing that the poet is perhaps aware that he has not depicted Ranjha as a very adventurous hero.
The shepherd warns Ranjha of the dangers he will incur in visiting Rangpur and he tells him that Sehti, sister of Saida, is a very shrewd person, who will probably give him trouble ; but he gives Ranjha a hint that she is in love with Murad, a Beloch camel-driver. Later on in the story Ranjha turns this bit of information to good account. He ultimately wins round Sehti by promising to help her in her love affair with Murad.
Ranjha then reaches Rangpur. His interview with the girls of Rangpur is very well described. Waris Shah is particularly good in depicting women and the dialogue is most natural and spirited. The news of the arrival of the handsome Jogi soon reached the ears of Hir and she asks the girls to bring the Jogi to her somehow.
The dialogue between the Jogi and the girls of Rangpur and between Hir and girls is distinctly well written. The reader is left in doubt for a long time whether the identity of Ranjha has really been discovered. For dramatic purposes the full recognition is intentionally delayed. Ranjha keeps up his character as the wonder-working Fakir, and the glimpse it gives us of the ways of a Fakir in India is most interesting.
"Other people pound and sift bhang and sharbat ; I sift men at a glance. I can banish fairies, jinns, women and Satan himself by reciting spells and incantations." • Ranjha then meets Sehti the sister of the husband of Hîr. The scene is led up to with some skill and is worth quoting.

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Ranjha looked up and said to those round him: "We have entered a ruined village. Not a girl sings at her spinning wheel. No one plays Kilikari13 or Sammi14 or makes the earth dance-no one hunts for needles; no one gins cotton. No one plays Maya or makes crows or peacocks fly-no one claps their hands and sends off messages to their lover by the peacock or the crow. No one sings the song Choratori; no one claps their hands in the merry go-round. Let us up and leave this village."
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And the boys replied to Ranjha, "we will show you the place where the girls sit and sing "; and they took Ranjha to the place where the girls sat in their spinning parties, and he saw them laughing and chaffing and breaking each other's thread for fun; and they sang sweet songs as they turned their spinning wheels; and one said mischievously to Rânjha.
"The loves of our childhood do not last longer than four days." Another said "what do you want, Jôgi ?" and Sehti to cajole him took off his necklace; and the Jogi said "who is this hussy?" Somebody replied, "she is Ajju's daughter." The Jôgi said, "who is Ajju and why is she making mischief? Ajju has got a bad bargain of a daughter."
Sehti then turns on Rânjha and they engage in a long and rather wearisome wrangle. "I will thrash you like a donkey," exclaims Sehti," and then you will remember God and learn wisdom."
"Why does this snake hiss at me?" retorts Rânjha, "and why does the tigress want to drink my blood. I suppose she is tired of her husband and is hunting for lovers."
Ranjha then passes on and enters the courtyard of a Jat. He frightens the cow who kicks over her ropes and spills the milk. The Jat turns round and abuses him and the Jat's wife flies at him in fury, Rânjha retorts in kind; he kicks her down and knocks out all her teeth. Then the Jat, seeing his wife prostrate on the ground, raises a hue and cry, and Ranjha in alarmı makes his escape.
Ranjha then comes opposite Hir's house and he audaciously calls out "Hir, bride of the Kheras, are you well? Give me alms, give me alms." Sehti then comes out and abuses Ranjha. It is fairly clear from the context that she realises that the Jogi is none other than Rânjha, Hir's old lover. A long and wearisome wrangle between Sehti and Rânjha follows.
Ranjha's description of himself as a Jôgi is interesting. "We Fakirs are like black snakes. We acquire power and virtue by reading spells. We get up at midnight when the whole world is sleeping and we work. We are drenched with pure water from the well of our weeping eyes. We expell all impurities from our speech by using the tooth-brush of repentance and we sit on the carpet of true belief. We contemplate the true name of God. We become deaf and dumb by holding our breath in the tenth position. We sacrifice ourselves like Moths in the flames of the Divinity. We can ward off deceit and burn evil spirit. We can cast spells and destroy those whom we want to destroy. We can make absent loves smell the fragrance of their beloved's presence. Let virgins beware who oppose our powers, or it will fare ill with their virginity."
Sehti replies, "Jôgi if you have all these powers perhaps you can cure our bride Hir."
Ranjha replies in an interesting passage which throws light on the pretensions of such wonder working Fakirs.
18 Kilibari Girls cross their hands and swing round: a game something like Here we go round the mulberry bush.'
14 Sammi-Girls move round in a circle jumping, singing, swinging their arms, and clapping their hands.

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“Through the blessing of my Pir and teacher I can tell the name of all diseases. I can whisper the call to prayer in the ears of the newly born babe. I can weave spells and put children to sleep with lullabies. I can dry up the womb of women and slay liars, adulterers and infidels. With cunning oils and potent herbs I can cure pain and paralysis and the eighteen kinds of leprosy. With boiled ghaggar herbs I can produce miscarriage. I can make a perfect cure of a barren woman by letting out blood from her ankle vein. I can assuage the pain of wounds with an ointment of soap and soda. If a man has toothache and cannot sleep I will pluck out his tooth with my forceps. Those who cannot see in the dark I can restore to sight by giving them the hot roasted spleen of a goat. I can cure a withered arm or benumbed leg by rubbing in the oil of a pelican. If a man is attacked by epilepsy, I apply the leather of my shoe to his nostril. If a man's face is awry, I show him the looking glass of Aleppo (half) and he is cured. I can cure jaundice with the milk of a she-camel. With_cooling draughts of dhannia I can assuago the fires of passion. When & man is at the point of death and gasping with his last breath I put honey and milk in his mouth. At the last agony when the expiring life sticks fast in the gullet of the dying man I recite the holy Koran and his soul passes away in peace." (This by the way is a curious accomplishment for a Hindu Jogi ; perhaps it is an interpolation.)
Ranjha then remarks by way of keeping up his role of Fakif. "But what cares a Fakir for your beauty or for your beautiful sister-in-law Hîr. Your Hír is a crane and she has been mated to an owl; your fairy has been yoked to an ans".
The last few words of this conversation are overheard by Her, who comes forward and talks to the Jôgi. She expresses her doubts whether the Jogi can ever cure her heartache.
Ranjha then tells Hir's horoscope. "I quote the opening lines. You were a little girl with your hair hanging down your back; he was a boy with the down of early youth on his upper lip, and he played on the flute." When the horoscope was finished, then Hîr stood up and said, "The Jogi's interpretation is a true one. He is a true Pandit and Jotshi. Tell ino Jogi, where is my lover who stole my heart away and ruined himself."
The Jogi replies "Why are you searching outside ? your lover is in your house."
He then induces Hîr to draw aside her veil and she recognises the Jogi as her old lover Ranjha.
Hir warns Ranjha to be careful of Sehti, her husband's sister, as Sehti will probably oppose Ranjha. Sehti soon appears and makes some contemptuous remarks about Jogis and Fakirs. Ranjha, remembering the hint given him by the shepherd, retaliates with somewhat pointed allusions to Sehti's love affair with Murad. Sehti retorts with some highly spiced abuse and threatens to knock the Jogi's teeth out.
Hir tries to make peace between Sehti and the Jogi, and Sehti turns her sarcasms on to Hir. Neither of these Jat women beat about the bush or mince their words and the dialogue is most racy and probably perfectly true to life.
Sehti then turns to her servant and tells her to give the Jogi some millet and send him away. Ranjha is furious at being given what he calls bird's food. The girl replies "all Jats eat it ; it's the father and mother of the poor!”
During this altercation Sehti manages to break the Jogi's beggar bowl, and he and Sehti indulge in further recriminations. Hîr intervenes again and receives the rough side of Sehti's tongue. "O virtuous one whose raiment is as stainless as a praying mat."

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This battle of words goes on for a long time and a final sarcasm of Hir's so enrages Sehti that she and her maid rush out and violently assault Ranjha. "Even as Abu Samand fell on Nawab Hussain Khan at Chunian." Then Ranjha girded up his loins, remembered his Pir and fell upon Sehti, “Even as the Pathan of Kasur fell on the camp of the Bakshi."
Hir tries to intervene, but the women of the neighbourhood assemble like a flock of Kabul dogs and thrust the Jogi out of the courtyard. Ranjha retices crest-tallen to a garden at Kalabågh and plunges into religious ineditation.
"He kindled fire and meditated on God and sparks came from his body." He recites spells and incantations and a voice from the Five Pirs is heard bidding him be of good cheer..
After a day or two the girls of the village come down to the garden at Kalabagh and feeling in a sportive spirit they wreck the Jôgi's hut. Ranjha rushes out to attack them, exclaiming “Where is the caravan of these female devils ?" The attack on the Jõgi's hut is apparently a ruse. All the girls run away except one, who allows herself to be caught and asks the Jogi what message he has for her aunt Hir. Râmjha gives the girl an affectionate message to carry back to Hir. The girl goes back to Hir and rates Hir soundly for her heartless treatment of Ranjha. Hir then decides to try and win over Sehti, and she ultimately succeeds in so doing by promising her that if Sehti helps her in her love affair she will help Sehti to meet her lover Murad. Sehti then goes off to Kalabâgh to interview the Jôgi.
Ranjha, when he sees her coming, mutters "Why does a blast from Hell blow upon holy men ?" Wordy warfare then ensues between Ranjha and Sehti, Ranjha abusing women and Sehti defending them and making a counter-attack against men. Some of her remarks are quite good. “It is men who are shameless and black-faced. They come to their senses when they lose their wives and then they say it is Destiny'."
This bickering goes on for some time; but at last Rânjha miraculously changes some cream, which Sehti had brought as an offering, into rice, and Sehti at once becomes Ranjha's humble slave. Sehti agrees to take Rânjha's messages to Hir, if Ranjha will help her to meet Murad. The bargain is struck and Sehti goes off and gives Ranjha's message to Hir.
Hir then visits Ranjha in Kalabagh. Hir salaamed with folded hands and caught Ranjha's feet saying, "Embrace me, Ranjha, for the fire of separation is burning me. My heart has been burnt like kankar in a lime kiln. I return you your deposit untouched."
The lovers meet and embrace. When Hir returns from the garden flushed and radiant with happiness, the village girls chaff her. Hîr does her best to parry the chaff. "I have a touch of asthma, and that is why the colour comes into my cheeks. I ran after a runaway calf, and that is why the strings of my bodice have come undone. I was knocked down by a bullock in the way; he tore off all my bangles and earrings and chased me with a loud roar. Thanks to my good fortune I met a Fakir who took me safely back to the village."
To which the girls, who have guessed Hir's secret, reply: "Sister, this bull has been pursuing you for a very long time. It is ourious that he tramples in nobody's fields but yours and only steals your grapes. This bull has come from Hazara. At this moment he is lying disconsolate in the garden, crying Hir, Hîr." • Sehti and Hir then invent a strategem. Sehti goes to her mother and suggests that as Hir bas not been looking well for a long time it would do her good to go out into the fields. So Hir is taken out into the fields and there she pretends to be bitten by a snake. Doctors, magicians and hakims are brought from far and wide to cure the snake bite, but their skill is of no avail. At last a suggestion is made that the Jõgi at Kalabagh should be called. He is reputed to have great skill in such matters. "There is a very ounning Jogi in the Kalabagh garden," says Sehti,

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"in whose flute there are thousands of spells. Cobras and keraits bow down before him and hooded and crested snakes stand in awe of him."
Sehti's suggestion is adopted and Saida is sent off to interview the Jõgi. The Jogi's heart "leapt within him " when he saw Saida coming, but he feigns indifference when Saida tells him the object of his visit. "Who can avoid destiny ? ... snakes bite according to the decree of destiny ... what if the Jatti dies ... Then the Fakir will be happy . . . what concern have Fakirs and holy men with women and worldly affairs ?" Saida implores the Jogi to cure Hir, and he explains how unhappy Hîr has been ever since her marriage." She will have nothing to say to me or to any of my family; if I touch her, she knocks off my turban and begins to cry out." Whereupon the Jõgi drew a square on the ground and thrust a knife therein and said : "Sitdown, Jat, and swear on the Koran that you have never touched Hir." He puts the knife to his throat and made him swear, and Saida swore saying, “May I be a leper if I ever touched Hîr." This outbrust of Ranjha is drawn with true dramatic skill.
The Jõgi then changes his tactics and suddenly turns on Saida; abuses him violently for coming into his hut with shoes on, and then gives him a severe thrashing and "Saida runs weeping to his house." This sudden outbrust of temper on the part of the Jôgi is not very easy to understand. It is introduced abruptly and no explanation is offered by the author. The author is weak in narrative and makes no attempt to explain the psychology of his characters. He gives you the dialogue of his characters and you are left to guess why they talk as they do.
When Ajju hears how his son has been maltreated by the Jogi he vows vengeance, but Sehti artfully persuades him to approach the Jogi in a more humble and contrite spirit ; so Ajju goes off to interview the Jõgi and at last the Jogi consents to try and cure Hîr, and "as he went to the house of Ajju, a partridge sang on the right for good luck. Sehti then takes charge of the Jõgi. The Jogi insists on Hir being put in a separate place with him. He will only allow Sehti to come with them. Thus Ranjha finds himself alone with Sehti and Hir. He is, however, a little nervous about the success of his enterprise and prays to the Five Pirs. And Pir Bahauddin shook the earth and a voice spoke : "Jat, go on your way; the road has been opened to you."
Sehti then implores Ranjha to assist her to meet Murad. Ranjha then prays to God : "Oh God, restore this Jatti's lover to her.” And the Five Pirs prayed and God showed His kindness and Murad stood before Sehti. Murad explains how he was induced to come to Sehti. The passage is interesting and worth quoting. I think it shows Waris Shah at his best.
«Some spell or enchantment has fallen on me. Some one has caught the nose-string of my camel and has brought me to your door. I was riding in the long line of camels hálf asleep. then a voice from heaven came into my ear, my camel heard it and grunted, she sped as quick as an arrow or a storm-wind. My string of camels has been lost ; you have exercised some sorcery over me. My camel is the grand-daughter of the best camel in the world. Come up, my bride, and get into my kajawa. Is not her mouth soft. Her back is as firm as a mountain. She has been moulded by angles." So the two pairs of lovers get on their respective camels and make their escape by night.
In the morning the villagers realise that the Jogi has gone off with the two girls. There is a hue and cry and they set off in pursuit. "The Kheras drew up their armies on hearing the new. The forces of the Baloochis, however, defeat the Kheras and Murad successfully oscapes with Sehti.
This is a rather interesting sidelight on the history of the locality. It seems to show that during the time depicted by Waris Shah, whenever that was, there was very little control by

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the Central Authority; otherwise local armies would not be allowed to be raised. Further, as Waris Shah makes very little attempt to depict a definite historical period, but rather contents himself with depicting the state of society, as it was known to himself and his forefathers, we may hazard the suggestion that the control by the Moghals and their predecessors over Jhang and that part of the country was of a somewhat loose nature.
Hîr and Ranjha meet with adventures on the way. They encounter a lion. Ranjha's interview with the lion is worth quoting. It contains one of the few bits of typical folklore in the poem. “The lion smelt them and came towards them with a roar, and Hir said : “Ranjha, a lion is coming, remember the Pîrs for God's sake." Ranjha remembered the Five Pirs and they came in the twinkling of an eye. The Fire Pirs advise Ranjha to speak gently and persuasively to the lion, but eventually, if he refuses to listen to reason, they recommend him to up and slay the lion.
“Gallant Lion," exclaims Ranjha, “I beseech you by Pir and Fakir to spare us. In the name of Hazrat Pir Dastgir, the Eord of Pirs, I beseech you to go away" The lion replies, " Ranjha, listen to me, for the last seven days I have not had anything to eat or drink and now God had sent me a victim." The lion then makes a rush at Ranjha. Ranjha attacks him with the cudgel given him by Jahanian (one of the Five Pirs), and the dragger given him by Jalál Bukhari (another of the Five Pirs). He kills the lion and puts his nails and flesh in his wallet. Sleep then ovecromes him despite Hir's warnings; while they are asleep the Kheras come upon them and capture them.
Ranjha then at the suggestion of Hir seeks for justice from Raja Adali. (I do not think Raja Adali is meant to portray Adal Shah, or that he is meant to be a historical personage. Possibly the name is meant to suggest the typical just Raja ; but against this theory we must record the fact that the Patiala version of the story, quoted by Temple in Punjab Legends, makes Raja Adali anything but a just Raja.)
In the Patiala version Raja Adali is so struck by Hir's charms that he proposes to keep her for himself. On hearing Ranjha's request Raja Adali issues orders to his armies to capture the Kheras. This use of the military to enforce criminal jurisdiction might explain why a criminal court is called a Faujdari Adalat. It is probable that Martial Law far more nearly approximates to the Indian ideal of criminal procedure than the oumbrous intricacies of the Crimj. nal Procedure Code ; it also happens to be a fairly correct translation of Fâujdari Adalat, but this is by the way and a mere obiter dictum.
Ranjha and the Kheras both state their case before the Raja and the Raja refers them to the Kâzi. The Kâzi hears both sides. He is not impressed with Ranjha's special pleading that he and Hîr were betrothed in the tablet of destiny. He somewhat brutally brings them from the clouds to earth by remarking “Without witnesses there can be no marriage. Produce your witnesses." The Kazi, seeing clearly that Hir was really married to Saida, tells Ranjha that he must give up Hir to the Kheras. Ranjha bursts into abuse of Käzis and their ways, remarking "if you sympathize so much with the Kheras, give them your own daughter." This insult not unnaturally enrages the Kâzi and he peremptorily gives Hir back to the Kheras.
When Hîr and Ranjha learn their fate they call down curses on the Raja and his city. As the result of these imprecations the city catches fire. The Râja in perplexity summons his wise men and astrologers. They tell him : “ The pens of your officers are free from blame, but God has listened to the sighs of the lovers. Fire has descended from heaven and it has consumed the palaces, forts and ditches of the city." Whereupon the Raja ordered the Kheras to be arrested by his armies, and taking Hír from the Kheras he gave her back to Ranjba.

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Ranjha blesses the Raja "May all your troubles flee away and may you rule over horses, camels, elephants, batteries, Hindustan, and Scinde."
Ranjha congratulates himself on his good fortune, but Hir foresees difficulties ahead and is not so optimistic. "If I enter my father's country like this, people will say I am a runaway and have not been properly married. My aunts will taunt me and ask me why I have come back in this way." Hir is drawn as a young lady with a lot of sturdy common sense. This comes out more than once in the poem. After proceeding a short way Ranjha and Hîr are recongized by some Sial shepherds. They go and tell the Sials. "Behold the shepherd has brought the girl Hir back. He has shaved the beards of Kheras."
The Sials then suggest Ranjha shall marry Hîr in a formal way and bring a proper wedding procession. About this time a barber comes from the Kheras with a message asking the Sials to give Hîr back. The barber is sent back with a derisive reply. The matrimonial problem is then discussed by the brotherhood. Ranjha suspecting no guile goes off to his home to get ready the marriage procession and all preparations for the wedding.
Kaido points out to Hîr that if the Kheras demand her back, it will be difficult not to admit the justice of their claim, and he points out to the brotherhood that if the Sials do not give her up to the Kheras, their reputation will suffer. "Men will say, go, look at the faithlessness of the Sials; they marry their daughters to one man and then contemplate giving her in marriage to another."
The brotherhood agrees with Kaido. "Brother, you are right; your honour and our honour are one. We shall get great disgrace if we send this girl off with the shepherd. The plot then develops. "Is not Hir always sickly and in poor health ? Let us poison her and become sinful in the sight of God." So Kaido with his evil cunning came and sat down beside Hir and said “My daughter, you must be brave and patient"; and Hir replied unsuspectingly, “Uncle what need have I of patience ?”
Kaido replied, “Ranjha has been killed, death with glittering sword has taken him." Hir sighed and fainted away, and the Sials gave her sharbat and mixed poison with it, and thus brought ruin and disgrace on their name. " The parents of Hîr killed her." "This was the doing of God", adds the pious poet. “When the fever of death was upon Hîr, she cried out, "bring me Ranjha that I may meet him again ", and, Kaido true to his character as the villain of the piece, replied, “Ranjha has been killed, keep quiet or it will go ill with you." “So Hir breathed her last crying, Ranjha, Ranjha."
The poet hurries us rapidly on to the final tragedy, the narrative moving with a speed that is unusual in this otherwise much spun out tale. "And they buried her and sent a message to Ranjha saying: The hour of destiny has arrived; we had hoped otherwise, but nobody can escape the destiny of death." Even as it is written in the Korån "Every thing is mortal save Thee only, O God." Ranjha asks the messenger: "Why this dejected air ? Why are you sobbing? Is my property safe? Is my beloved ill?".
And the messenger sighed and said, "That dacoit of death from whom no one can escape has looted your property. Hir has been dead for the last eight watches. They bathed her body and buried her yesterday and as soon as they began the last funeral rites they sent me to give you the news." "Hearing these words Ranjha heaved a sigh and the breath of life forsook him” “Thus both the lovers passed away from this mortal world and entered into the Halls of Eternity."
"The world is but a play," moralises the poet in the concluding lines of the poem, "of fields and forests. Dust unto dust; all will merge into dust on the Last Day. Only the poet's

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poetry remains in everlasting remembrance." "For no one," adds the poet in a burst of delight. ful candour," has writtten so beautiful a Hîr'." Thus ends the famous story of Ranjha and Hir as told by the most famous of the poets of the Punjab. He ends with an epilogue which is doubly interesting, as it gives us some autobiographical detail about the poem and the author, and it throws some sidelights on the conditions of the country when the Moghul Empire was crumbling to pieces and the era of the Jat Sikhs was about to begin.
I quote the Epilogue at full length, although disconnected and rambling in parts, and although the text which I have followed probably contains mistakes and interpolations, yet it is interesting enough to quote as a specimen of Waris Shah's style.
EPILOGUE.15 (1) Fools and sinners give counsel to the world, the words of the wise are set at nought : No man tells the truth or cares for justice ; telling what is untrue has become the practice in the world.
(2) Men sit together and conspire to commit evil; in the hand of tyrants there is a sharp sword: There is no Governor, Ruler or Emperor; the country and all the people in it have been made desolate.
(3) Great confusion has fallen on the country; there is a sword in every man's hand : The pardah (curtain) of shame and modesty has been lifted, and all the world goes naked in the open bazar. Thieves have become leaders of men; harlots have become mistresses of the household; the company of devils has multiplied exceedingly.
(4) The state of the nobles is pitiable; men of menial birth Nourish and the peasantry are in great prosperity: The Jats have become masters of our country ; everywhere there is a new Government.
(5) When Love became known to me, a desire came upon me to compose this story : It was written in the country of the west (Lamman Des) in the year 1180 Hijri or 1820 of the Era of Raja Bikramajit. 16 (2.D. 1766).
(6) When men of learning deigned to approve of my book it became known and noised abroad among all and sundry in the land : Waris, those who recite thé Holy Kalam will attain salvation and their boat will be taken ashore.
(7) The land of Kharral Hans is famous among all lands; it was there where I wrote my poem after much pain and perseverance : Let poets themselves test this work of poetry, I have loosed the steed of my genius in the arena of fame.
(8) Other poets have sung petty themes, I have carried out an immense work : Let the wise ponder my poem with care, my verse enclothes a hidden meaning.
(9) I sat apart in solitude and wrote this story of Hîr, at the request of my friends, after great meditation : May young men of the Country read it with pleasure; I have planted tho Rower of poetry for the sake of its sweet savour.
(10) I have at last achieved my object, thanks be to God, and all day long I was lost in fear and astonishment : Waris Shah, My good actions will not avail to save me ; of what can I this poor one--be proud.
(11) Oh God, without Thy meroy I have no hope of salvation. If Justice is done and I get merely my deserts, my face will be as black as a monkey: Without the morey of Thy friend the Prophet I am nothing-I mere dust and ashes.
18 In the translation of this Epilogue a fullstop has been put in at the end of each line in the original, in the middle of the line only colons or semi-colons have been shown. This will enable readers to "ppreciate the length of Waris Shah's lines.
16 I may remark these two dates do not correspond; Hijri 1180 is probably the correct date.

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(12) I tremble at iny unworthiness; even as sinners tremble at the sound of the last Trumpet; even as the faithful tremble for their faith, or as Hajis tremble when they 800 Holy Mecca : And even as the general fears for the pay of his soldiers, or as servants fear having their pay cut for some fault.
(13) Out of all the miserable Punjab, I am most sorry for Kasur; I tremble for my faith even as Moses trembled on Mount Sinai. Those Ghazis will go to Heaven as a reward and martyrs will claim their Houris; The world outside appears magnificent, but inside it is evil, as a drum sounds well at a distance.
(14) Grant me my faith and my honour intact; dur hope is on God the Merciful. Waris Shah, I have no hope of salvation from iny own good actions. God grant me a sight of Thy Presence.
(15) Waris Shah lives in Jandiala and is a pupil of the Makdum of Kasur ; when I had written the poem and stood before my teacher; I presented it to him as an offering and ho accepted it.
(16) Lord, it is Thou who exalteth to honour, and Thou who bringeth to dishonour : All honours come from the Hand of God. What claim can this poor sinner have?
(17) This hook was written with the help of Shaket Gapj, the Lover of God, when he opened the treasury of his beneficence: Waris Shah, your name will be famous if God the boun. tiful give you grace.
(18) O Lord have regard to the humility of Waris Shah, And remove all pain and, trouble from his infirmity : Waris Shah has bestowed a portion of his blessing on all the Faithful.
(19) May I always live, O God, with the support of Thy help. This is always my prayer: May my Faith remain pure and my estate in the world remain undefiled.
(20) Grant me to long with a fervent desire for Thee, and remove from my neck the burden of my griefs; May ho who reads this book, hears it, or writes it, have pleasure therein ; May my poor disordered effort be found acceptable.
(21) May the Prophet be my intercessor and protector for the past, present and future. Lord, hide the fault of Thy poor faqir- Waris Shah: Thou art my Lord, Al terrible and All glorious: my task has been finished with the blessing of God; it was written at the request of a dear friend.
(22) A pleasant story of True lovers has been composed, even as the fragrance of roses in a garden: Let him who hears it in the spirit of true Love hearken attentively that he may learn to separate the true from the false.
(23) I have composed a poem with much deft cunning and deep learning: It is as fair as a string of royal pearls; I have unfolded the story at full length and decked it with all kinds of beauties.
(24) It is adorned with metaphors even as the beauty of a necklace of rubies; may the reader of it be filled with pleasure : And may all the world cry well done'; Waris Shah yearns for the sight of God, even as Hîr yearned for her Lover.
(25) In all holiness I make my supplication before God : Thou art God and the Lord of Mercy. If Thy slave has made a mistake, even in a single letter, Lord forgive my fault.
(26) If justice be done there is no place for me ; only by Thy grace can I be saved : May I have no care for religion or the world. This is my prayer, Lord.
(27) Pour Thy Mercy on the writer and readers of this book; may the hearers have much pleasure : Lord give them the desire for Thy presence. Lord preserve the honour and modesty of all.
(28) Overlook our infirmities and grant us salvation, Waris Shah : To all true believers grant Faith and Truth and the sight of Thy Presence, Oh Lord.

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THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY
17
IV.
Jony SCATTERGOOD, MERCHANT AND SERVANT OF THE EAST INDIA COMPANY,
HIS CAREER IN MADRAS AND BENGAL, 1672-1681. John Scattergood was the eldest son of Roger Scattergood noticed above (No. III) and was probably born in London about 165473 or 1655. As previously stated (ante, p. 16) he, with several others, petitioned the Court of Committees for a writership in August 1672.13
On receipt of the applications, the Court directed that the candidates should be examined "in point of fair writing and accomptantship" and that the examiner should satisfy himself with regard to their "qualifications and good demeanour." John Scattergood apparently passed a successful examination, for on the 19th September 1672, when the Court" proceeded to the election of Youths to serve the Company as writers in India, 16" his name appears among those selected at the munificent salary of £10 per annum.
On this occasion twenty writers were elected, and ten, among whom was John Scattergood, were allotted to the "Coast and Bay," i.e.., Madras and Bengal, each being required to find securities for £500. The persons "approved " in the case of the young John were his father Roger Scattergood and Mr. Robert Master" (Masters or Maisters), the latter a man of substance and a freeman of the Company. On the 14th November 1672 an advance of half his year's salary was made to John Scattergood, 17 and on the 23rd his “ Indentures of Covenants to wrighters now goeing out in the Companys shippe for the East Indies" were sealed.18
Ten of the Company's ships sailed for India in December 1672. They were under the command of Captain William Basse in the London, and he and the other commanders were enjoined "to keep together" on account of "the present war,"79 that is, the Third Dutch War, which was the result of Charles II's secret treaty with the French at Dover on the 2nd May 1670. It has not been ascertained in which of the ten ships John Scattergood was & passenger, but it is probable that one of his travelling companions was William Ayloffe (or Ayliffe), a fellow writer with whom he seems to have formed a friendship.
The Log of the London is extant,80 and it shows that the voyage was not devoid of ex. citement. A constant look-out was kept for any sign of the enemy and there were several false alarms. After rounding the Cape, on the 16th April 1673, three vessels, at first thought to be Dutch ships, were sighted, but after several hours' anxiety were " at last discovered " to be English merchantmen hemeward bound from the Coromandel Coast. One of these, the Johanna, reported that twenty-five Dutch ships had left Ceylon and were supposed to be hovering about the Malabar Coast.
On the 16th May the London and all her consorte anchored at Johanna, one of the Comoro Islands, without encountering the enemy, for which "great maroy," wrote Captain Basse, "the Lord make us all truly thankfull.” The crews of the ten ships were suffering badly from
73 No entry of his birth or baptism has been found. It is not at Christ Church, Newgate Street, in which parish his parents were then residing (see ante, p. 6). In the Heralda College Pedigree he is described as “ John Seattergood Factor at Bengala in ye East Indies," without further details (Viration of Northamptonshire, 1611), Pross-mark K. 1, signed by (Dr.) Anthony Scattergood.
73 Court Minutes, XXVIII, 37a. (India Office Records.) 74 Ibid., XXVIII, 380.
75 Ibid., XXVIII, 44a. 76 Ibid., XXVIIT, 656, 13la and ante, p. 16. 77 Ibid., XXVIII, 720. 78 Home Series Miscellaneous, vol. XXVI (India Omce Records). " Court Minutes, XXVIII, 770.
80 Marine Records, vol. LXXI (India Omco Rocorda).

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scurvy, and several of the men had to be carried " Ashower In Cradills." After watering, taking in fresh provisions and making the usual present to the Chief of the island of two yards of broadcloth from each commander " or the vallew thereof," the fleet again set sail, and the voyage proceeded without incident until the 17th June 1673, when near Ceylon further news was obtained of the presence of eighteen Dutch sail off their settlement at Nega patam. A letter " dereckted unto the Hear Ricklifvongonco (Rijkloff van Goens]," the Dutch admiral, was intercepted in a native junk, but on being opened, it was found to contain nothing " that might advantaige us."
Off Porto Novo, on the 21st June, Captain Basse received another letter containing the news" that the Dutch did ride all the shower along from St. Thomay to Fort St. George 12 shipps of warr and 2 small vessills. The pourport of the Letter was that if we thought ourselves not strong enough to deale with the Dutch, then to go of into the sea and make the best of our way for Metchlepatam [Masulipatam). It was debated by us all wheather to goe for Madaraspatam and fight our way through the Dutch, but it was concluded by all that in regard the Companyes treasure was one board our shipps, and all thear Conserns for this yeare, to goe for Metchlepatam and thear receive farther orders and to land our treasure." It was also decided to tow the native junk abovementioned and her consort along with the fleet, lest by their means the Dutch should learn “our strength and number of shipps."
Accordingly, the English fleet sailed out to sea on the 21st June 1673. The captured junks were found to be such a hindranoe that after two days it was decided "to Cast them of " and "the persons Concerned were as willing to be Cast of as wee to Lett them goe." On the morning of the 26th Divi Point was sighted, and in the afternoon the fleet anchored safely in Masulipatam Road, where the Company had at that date a thriving factory on shore, managed by a Council subordinate to Fort St. George, their principal settlement in Madras.
The ten writers were landed on the 26th June, and on receipt of orders from headquarters were distributed among the various factories in Madras and Bengal. John Scattergood remained at Masulipatam and was placed under Christopher Hatton, a man of long expe. rience in South Indian methods of trade, and an a8sociate of Peter Radcliffe, with whom the young writer became intimately connected later on.
Dissension was rife among the Company's servants at Masulipatam at this period. The Council was divided into two factions, the one supporting Richard Mohun, Chief, and the other backing up the charge of Matthew Mainwaring, Second in office, against him. Mainwaring's complaint was eventually heard at Fort St. George in 1675 and ended in Mohun's dismissal from his post. John Scattergood was not among the witnesses summoned by Mainwaring, but his friend William Ayloffe deposed that Mohun had held back his salary" as also" that of "Mr. Scattergood "81 and Mainwaring in his "Memoriall” of the 5th June expressed his belief that "Mr. John Scattergood " and others can sufficiently speake to severall of the aforegoeing perticulers if the awe of Mr. Mohun were taken from them."81
Soon after these events young Scattergood probably received news of his kinsfolk together with the" wines and other necessaries " sent out by his father.82 In the following year he learnt that the Court had decided that “all Writers at £10 per annum " were to be paid quarterly in India for five years and at the end of that time to receive £20 for the three following years.83
81 Factory Records, Fort St. George, vol. I. 48 Home series. Miscellaneous, XXXIV, 19.
92
Soe ante, p. 16.

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JUNE, 1923]
THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY
In July 1675 a Consultation was held at Masulipatam to consider the best methods of procuring the cloth ordered to be sent home by the shipping of that year. 84 It was decided that an investment should be made at Madapollam, a short distance from Masulipatam (where the Company already had a small factory)" and the places adjacent thereto," and that Robert Fleetwood and Christopher Hatton should be entrusted with the selection and purchase of 44,000 pieces of cloth, taking with them "two writers for their assistance," namely, Samuel Wales and John Scattergood. The investment was to consist of" Longcloths, Sallampores, Dungarees and fine Salloes [sal] made at Golcondah." Three of these varieties of goods have already been described;85 the other, Dungaree (dangri), was a coarse stout fabric, of the nature of sailcloth, much in request for wrappers for packing goods. "Musters" (patterns) of the cloths were furnished to the merchants. They were provided with 3000 pagodas to advance to the weavers, and with English broadcloth, looking-glasses, etc., with which to propitiate the local governors. They were, moreover, ordered to "keep an exact diary" of all transactions and to recover, as far as possible, all bad debts made in the previous year.84
Disquieting reports concerning the conduct of their servants in certain factories in Madras and Bengal had reached the ears of the Court of Committees, and in consequence Major William Puckle was entrusted with a mission of inspection and powers to rectify abuses. In October 1675 he was at Masulipatam where he found the "young men " guilty of "disorders in their chambers, where they spend much time... in drinking Bowls of Punch till they exceeded the bounds of Sobriety." In this condition they used bad language, "as God Dam," and spoke against the Company. The Padre also complained that the "young men neglected to come to prayers."88 John Scattergood was probably among these absentees, and though he is not specially mentioned as a ringleader in the insubordinate actions then prevailing, he was no doubt infected with the general spirit of opposition to authority, for Puckle wrote to the Agent at Fort St. George that87 all the young men were "very Insolent in their carriage" towards Mr. Mainwaring and himself, and could not "beare the Reproofs and admonitions that have been given them." Sermons "purposely preached" against their "sinns" and "private discourses" all failed in subduing the spirits of the young folk. On the day following his report of their "lewd behaviour," Puckle writes:88 "This is the 5 day of November; our Padre hath read to us a Sermon and our young men very busy about a Bonfer and firing Chambers [small cannon] borrowed of the Dutch."
Whether or no John Scattergood was among the young reprobates condemned by the inspector, the turbulent stage must have been a transient one, for his name is never adversely mentioned in the Records during the remainder of his service.
In March 1676 Mainwaring brought a fresh charge against Mohun, and John Scattergood, who then ranked 12th at Masulipatam, was one of the plaintiff's witnesses. 89 It was about this time that Scattergood became intimate with the Radcliffe brothers, Thomas and Peter, who were trading on the Coromandel Coast as free merchants. Their business was chiefly between Madras and Pegu and they dealt in "Chints and other paintings [printed calicoes] and also sundry sorts of Cloath." Peter Radcliffe had been in India since 1655 and was "brought up under Mr. Hatten at Pegu."86 His brother appears to have followed him soon after and to have adopted the same line of trade. Peter was a bachelor, but Thomas was married,
94 Factory Records, Masulipatam, vol. I.
85 See ante, p. 10.
86 Factory Records, Masulipatam, vol. XII (Major Puckle's Diary). 87 Factory Records, Fort St. George, vol. XXVIII. 88 Factory Records, Masulipatam, vol. XII. 89 O.C., 4142; Factory Records, Masulipatam, vol.

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[Jun, 1928
in all probability before he sailed from England, where he seems to have left his wife and children.
In August 1676 a second inspector on the part of the Company arrived at Masulipatam. This was Streynsham Master, the able administrator, whose powers exceeded that of Major Puckle and who came to India as Agent Designate of Fort St. George. He promptly reorganised the factory and introduced his own system of keeping the Company's accounts. By his orders John Scattergood was sent to Golconda. The special object of his mission does not appear, but as he brought back 8,000 pagodas, it seems likely that he was entrusted with bullion which he was to exchange for current ooin.
On his return to Masulipatam, John Scattergood became mixed up in a dispute between Matthew Mainwaring and George Chamberlain, a factor who ranked next after Christopher Hatton at Masulipatam. The quarrel concerned the "Cash Account " which Chamberlain insinuated would not bear inspection, and he also hinted that the 8,000 pagodas brought by Scattergood from Goloonda on the Company's account had not been properly entered. A stormy Council Meeting was held on the 22nd December, at which John Scattergood was not present, but in which his name was mentioned. He was evidently anxious to keep out of the affair, for on the 23rd he added to the Minutes: "I John Scattergood except against what was acted the 22 Daoomber being then absent." He also “excepted" to a statement that Matthew Mainwaring's Action "redounds... to the shame of his impertinent enemies." He was then pressed by Chamberlain to say that he had given Mainwaring money to supply deficiencies in the Cash Account, but replied that he "was not bound to satisfye him or any other but those that Imployed him." However, as Chamberlain oontinued to press him to speak, on the 29th December, Scattergood made the following attestation regarding the matter 90
"Being desired and required by Mr. George Chamberlaine in a paper dated the 26th December 1676 directed not onely to him but to seaverall others of the Honorable Compas. Servants to give my attestation of what I knew acted and spoken the 23th instant, relating to the Honble. Compas. affaires; I do declare that being in the Hon. ble. Compas. Mansion House the 23th December I saw Mr. Matt. Mainwaring bring forth severall Parcells of Pagodas which were told over and said to bee the Ballance of the Cash booke with which Mr. Chamberlaine (who required a sight of them) was satisfyed, but desired us to take notice whether they were all of Madras, which they were not, but many of them of Pollicatt,stamp, but in Valeew as good as the rest ; Mr. Main waring also brought out a bagg of above 1000 Pagodas above the ballance, which was not thought requisit to bee told over. Afterwards Mr. Mainwaring proferd and proposed Mr. Chamberlaine to take a view of the Honblo Compas. Silver, which Mr. Chamberlaine did not think good to see, but said that unless hee had also a key to the Honble. Compas. Cash Chest hee would not bee concerned in theire Cash which Mr. Mainwaring refused him, saying that as hee had hitherto bin trusted with the Cash, and Heaverall times produced it to Publick view, hee would not now have his Creditt Crack'd by haveing other Persons concerned with him. That is true, I do hereunto sett my hand." JOHN SCATTERGOOD. Metchlopatam In the Honble. Compas. House. Dec : the 29th 1676.
Bo
Factory Records, M
ulipatam, vol. 1.

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THE SOATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY
ca.94
"I allso attest that when Mr. Chamberlaine desired a key to the Cash Chest, Mr. Arnold replyed, that hee did not think it fit for him to have a key thereto, since hee kept that money no better which hee was intrusted with already, and that hoe had no power to propose a new alteration being things were so appointed by Esqr. Streynsham Master."-JOHN SOATTERGOOD.
The altercation dragged on until February 1676/7 when, during Master's absence at Fort. St. George, Chamberlain tried to make it appear that Scattergood's journev to Gol. conda was detrimental to the Company's interest.91 He was promptly silenced by Christopher Hatton and Joseph Arnold, and there the matter ended. Chamberlain's credit was failing and he had fallen into disrepute with his employers and was dismissed the service at the end of the year.
After this affair John Scattergood's official life proceeded on the even tenour of its way. He still remained at Masulipatam under Christopher Hatton, and in November 1677 ranked eighth in the factory. In May 1678 he was one of the witnesses to " Mrs. [Robert] Fleetwoods Declaration and renunciation of her husband's Estate,"99 prior to her second marriage on the following day to John Heathfield, surgeon of Masulipatam factory. Scattergood's share in this matter is interesting, as his own family was connected with the Fleetwoods, his mother having been the granddaughter of Richard Fleetwood of Penwortham, Lancashire.93
- On the 23rd May, Margery Heathfield's goods were put up at "outcry's to satisfy her late husband's debt to the Company, and John Scattergood purchased -
pags. fan. 1 Little looking glass 2 Peices of silke . ..
.. .. 1 11 - 1 Cloth of gold coat ..
106 A parcell of Golcondah pictures 3 Quilts .. 4 Small Jarrs .. .. .. 5 Old Cushions 1 Brass Candlestick ..
3 Snake Stones . ..
In the following month, June 1678, John Scattergood, having served his five years as a writer, "attained to the degree of factor" at £20 per annum, and was required to " seale new Covenants with a Bond in the penalty of 2,000 li."92 The same securities as before, viz., his father and Robert Masters, were approved by the Court.96' A copy of the covenant, as given below, is entered in the Masulipatam Consultation Book.92
NOVERINT UNIVERSI per presentes nos Johannem Scattergood de Metchle. patam in Indiis Orientalibus Mercatorem et teneri et firmiter obligari Gubernatori et Societati Mercatorum Londinensium negotiantium ad Indias Orientales in Quingentis libris legalis Monetae Angliae solvendis eisdem Gubernatori et Societati aut suo certo Attornato vel Successoribus suis Ad quam quidem Solutionem bene et fideliter faciendam Obligamus Nos et utrumque nostrum per se pro toto et in solido haeredes Executores et Administratores nostros et utriumque nostrum firmiter per presentes Sigillis Nostris Sigillatas Datas tricessimo die Novembris anno Domini 1678 Annoque Regni Domini nostri Caroli Secundi Dei Gratia Angliae Scotiae Franciae et Hiberniae Regis fidei
Deffensoris Etca. tricesimo. 01 Factory Records, Masulipatam, vol. I.
03 Ibid., vol. II. 98 See ante, p. 6n.
84 Pagodas, faname, cash. 06 See ante, p. 16.

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WHEREAS the above named Governor and Company have at the speciall Request and desire of the above bound John Scattergood, and [blank] entertained into their Service the said John Scattergood as their Covenant Servant to serve them in such Factoryes and at such places in the East Indies abovesaid or any other places of Trade granted to the said Company and Comprized within their Charter, and for such provision Allowance and Sallary and at and under such other conditions and during so long tyme as is and shall be agreed upon between the said Governor and Company and the said John Scattergood. THE CONDITION of this Obligation is such That if the said John Scattergood shall from tyme to tyme during the said Employment or afterwards whensoever he shall be thereunto required by the said Governor and Company their Successors agents or Assignes make and give unto them or their Assignes true plain and perfect Accounts and reckonings in writing of for and concerning all and every such goods Merchandizes Money and things what so ever which shall at any tyme or tymes hereafter be consigned or sent unto him the said John Scattergood by or from the said Governor and Company their Successors, Agents or Assignes, And of and for all and every the Returnes Proceed[s] and Benefitts to be had and gotten for and in respect of those goods Money and Merchandizes or any of them, And of all other goods and things whatsoever for which he the said John Scattergood shall or may be charged or answerable (by reason of his aforesaid Employment) in any manner of wise. And further if the said John Scattergood his Executors Administrators or Assignes shall and doe from tyme to tyme upon such request to be made as aforesaid, well and truly peaceably and quietly yeild and deliver up and pay, or cause to be yeilded delivered up and paid unto the said Governor and Company and their Successors, or to their Agents or assignes, to and for the use of the said Governor and Company all and every such goods wares money Merchandizes and other things whatsoever as by the foot or every such account or accounts shall appear to be found to be due or belonging to the said Governor and Company and their Successors by or from the said John Scattergood without any fraud or farther delay That then this present Obligation to be void and of none effect or elce it to stand and abide in full force and vertue.
JOHN SCATTERGOOD.
Sealed and delivered by John Scattergood.
In the presence of
Vera Copia.
[JUNE, 1923
CHRISTOPHER HATTON.96 JOHN FIELD. HENRY CROON COLBORNE. SAM WALES.
CHRISTOPHER HATTON. JOHN FIELD.
MAURICE WYNNE."
to trade in any Comodityes too
As a factor, Scattergood had now "liberty and from the Fort to any Port or places in the East Indies northward of the equator except Tonqueene and Formosa. "T
In August 1678 he was sent to Madapollam "to be assistant" to Maurice Wynn, Chief of that factory.98 There he found his friend William Ayloffe. In December he was back
96 Hatton had succeeded to the chiefship of Masulipatam in March 1678 on the suspension of Matt. Mainwaring.
7 Abstract of General Letter to the Fort, 24 Dec. 1675 (Home Serics, Misc., vol. XXXIV). 98 0.0. 4472.

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JUNE, 1923)
THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY
again at Masulipatam whore he playod an important part during the visit of the King of Golconda to the factory and its neighbourhood. The Masulipatam Diary gives the story in detail.90 10th December 1678. "The King's Minister Shaw Raza 100 attended divine service at
Masulipatam to see the manner of our religion and worship" (when John Scat.
tergood was no doubt present]. 16th December 1678. "This morning the King tooke Boat at the Banksall101 to go
to Diu (Divi) attended upon by Mr. John Field, Mr. George Everard and Mr. John
Scattergood." MR. JOHN FIELDS DIARY (AND] OBSERVATIONS DURING HIS ATTENDANCE UPON
THE KING AT Diu.103 Monday, 16th December 1678. “This afternoon the King pitch'd his Tent on the
Island of Divu 108 and at night tooke his pastime on the water in our Boat returning
to his Tent about 10 a Clock." 17th December 1678. "About 7 a Clock this morning the King sett out for Gunting104
and being gone a little way return'd, passing by our Tent and calling for the Dubass,106 but he not being present the King spoke to another, desiring wee would goe with him ; which wee immediately did. In the way his Majestie tooke great delight in seeing severall flights of the Hawks, and after wee had travell’d about 14 or 15 Miles, mett with severall wild Cowes which were Chased, Eight of them killed and one Calf taken by the Kings Persian Dogs. Some time after night Wee attended hina to his Tent, and presently he asked for our Boat, but she not being near, tooke the Dutch Boat. After his return our Dubags who went with him, complained of our Boat not being ready to receive the King, upon which John Field checked the Tandell 106 thereof, and ordered him immediately to goe and lye close by the Dutch Boat before the Kings Tent, that thereby shee might be ready for his Majestie in the morning if he pleased to go on her, which the Dutch Seamen there on their Sloop seeing him about to doe, laid their sloop and Boat athwart that ours might not come neare, beat our people and tore our awning, making a great noise to the distur bance of the King. This caused John Field to desire Mr. Everard and Mr. Seymour, 17 himself being lame by a hurt in the Boate and they speaking the Language, to goo see what was the matter and make all quiet. By that tyme they came there, the King sent out his servants to enquire the Occasion of that Noise,
which Mr. Everard declared to them, telling them all that wee desired was to * Factory Records, Masulipatam, vol. II.
100 The king was Abu'l Hagen ShAh, the last of the Qutb Shahi Kings of Goloón da "Shaw Roma" les corruption of Sharzah Khan, one of Abd'l san's nobles, a military commander. See T. W. Haig Aliatoric Landmarks of the Decogn, pp. 189, 192 I.n. for mentions of this individual.
101 The Company's warehouse at the wharf where the harbour dues were collected. See Hebron Jobpon, & v. Rankaall.
103 John Field was at this time Second of the Factory at Masulipatam, and John Scattergood accom. panied him with other of the Company's servants and freemen.
109 Divi Island, then some 15 miles from the mainland. It is no longer an island, but gives its name to Point Divi.
104 I cannot identify this place. It can hardly be Gantdr in Gantar tdluk, near Menalipátam. 105 Debdahi, interpreter.
106 Tindal (Mal., tapdal), a common Anglo-Indian term for a nativo potty offer ol latoars. In the toxt it is the boatswain who is meant.
107 Froomen roniding at Moulipatam. See Diaries of Streyna am Marter, ed. Templo, 11, 106n., 1000

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have our Boat lye before the Kings Tent as well as the Dutches, that his Majestie might goo on which hee pleased. At length Goba Narsa (Gopa Narasu), the Dutch Dubass of Golcondah, who alwayes attends the King, ordered their Boat away,
and ours remained before the Tent. 18th December 1678. “This morning very early the King sent out word to make ready
our Boat, he intending on her to Collipelle, 108 15 or 16 miles from the place where he was, and on the other side of the water. This was immediately done and he was) attended by John Field, Mr. Everard, Mr. Scattergood and Mr. Seymour. In the way mett him a Letter from Madona, his great Bramina, 109 which was read very softly to him, after which he appeared very chearfull and spent the time on the water in mirth and turning a Jentue (Hindu) Song into a Persia or Moors (Muhammadan) Song, which he performed very readily. As soon as he came to Collipelle and had eaten, he made but small Stay; and whereas before he intended to return to Dieu, now took his Journey to Metchlepatam.
This night about nine of the Clock the King came to Town." 21st December 1678. Consultation at Masulipatam. "The Counsell having this day
received notice from the King of his intention on Monday next to visit Narsipore 110 and Madapollam111 and parts adjacent, Ordered
that John Field and John Scattergood do attend upon the King to Madapottam and parts adjacent with
30 peons of this Factory and the Honble. Compas. Dubass to wait upon them... 23rd December 1678. "This morning the King departed from this place towards
Narsapore and Madapollam." MR. JOHN FIELDS DIARY (AND) OBSERVATIONS IN HIS JOURNEY WITH THE KING TO
NARSAPORE, DASHEROON112 &CA., PARTS OF THAT COUNTREY. 23rd December 1678. “This night we overtook the king at Gullepollam!18 where
wee visited him at his Tent, who desired us to stay and Eate and thon goe forward that wee might gett over the Rivers before him and his people, taking it very kindly
that wee attended him. 24th December 1678. “Mr. John Tivill mett the King beyond Lambell, 114 present
ing him with ten Copims, 116 being accompanied with Mr. John Heathfield, Mr. George Ramsden and Mr. William Ayloffe, 116 the King arriving at Narsapore about 8 a clock in the Afternoon. The same night Burra Saib117 (frequently called Shaw Reza, the name of his Father) came to the Factory where he stayed about halfe an hour, telling us he would bring the King the next day, and so went to attend the
King on the Water. 108 Podda Kallepalli in Bandar Idluk, Kistna District, on the left bank of the Kistaa 101 Madanna Pantulu, a Brahman, one of the chief ministers at the Court of Goloonda. 110 Naraadpuram in Narsápur tdful, Godavari District.
111 John Tivill was in charge of Madapollam Factory at this date, and a letter was sent to him from Masulipatam warning him of the King's visit.
111 Dracharam, 17 miles 8. W. of Coondada. Soo Diario of Strayneham Master, od. Templo, II, 1160. 113 Podda Gollapalem, in Gudivada idluk, Kiatna District. 114 I cannot identify this place.
116 Copang, kobang (ldping), a Japanese gold coin weighing 222 grs. of gold. Boo ante, vol. XXVII, p. 223, for a note on the double significance of this term.
116 For Houthflold and Aylofte, soo ante, pp. 17, 21 George Ramsdon, thon factor, went to India #writer in the same year as John Scattergood.
117 Bara Sahib, the Grost Lord, the Chiol, .., a personage of importance

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25th December 1678. "This morning the King came to the Factory, veiwed all places above
Staires, and then required us to go to prayers, saying he knew it was a great Feast with Us, he attending present all the while; and some tyme after, when our boat being ready to receive him, he went on her to the late] Mr. Robert Fleetwoods house, which he was much taken with praising it severall tymes and saying when he came next from Golcondah he would take up his residence therein. He remained there till night and then tooke his pleasure on our Boat on the River (the Dutch having no Boat there to wait upon him). About tenn at night he landed at Narsapore, giving John Field, Mr. Scattergood, Mr. Heathfield and Mr. Seymor who attended
him, leave to go home and be ready to go with him to Antroveed 118 the next day. 26th December 1678. "This morning John Field, Mr. Heathfield, Mr. Scattergood [and]
Mr. Seymor waited on the king to Antroveed, where wee spent that day, it being midnight ere wee returnd home, the king being highly pleasd with the accomoda. tion made for him and our attendance on him, but we making him sensible of the danger he underwent by having so many people in the Boat with him, she being as full as one could sitt by another when he came to Narsapore, he counted the people, finding about 160 persons, and desiring Us to spare him what Boats wee could the next day to carry him and his people to Nagram, 119 and then gave us leave to go
home. 27th December 1678. “This morning was sent two Boats to the king and Burra
Saib besides that whereon he was to goe, and Burra Saib sent word to John Field the king expected his Company to Nagram and from thence to Dasheroon, upon which John Field prepared to goe with him, accompanied with Mr. Scattergood and Mr. Seymor. At neare Sunsett wee arrived at Nagram, where after our Salam to the king, Wee reposed our selves this night in a house belonging to Mahmud
Raza 120 28th December 1678. “This morning wee sett forward for Pollicull, 1:1 arriving there
about Noon, and staying there till the next morning. In the way followed Senior Ruyser Second for the Dutch Company in Pollicull119 but did not reach Pollicull till some tyme after the king and us. At neare night they were admitted to the kings presence, and after a short attendance, departed. At night Senior Vunk, Cheife of Dasheroon,113 arrived, who stayed not long, but went to prepare their
Factory there for the Kings reception. 29th December 1678.- "About noon Wee came with the King into Dasheroon, and att
night the Dutch gott him to their Factory, but he made no stay but went thence to a house of Mahomed Razas, formerly Governor here, and the Dutch sett forward
to Polticull to fitt there Factory there for the King. 30th December 1678. "This day the King continued in Dasheroon, having taken
physick of his French Dootor, intending to-morrow back to Pollicoell [oo], thence
to Ellamanchete,124 thence to Pollicull, thence to Narsapore." 118 Antaravddipalem, on the const, about 16 miles north of Maculipatam. 119 Nagaram. Soe Diarice of Stroynaham Master, ed. Tomple, II, 207n. 180 Muhamma? Rasa. See infra, diary of 29th December.
131 Palakollu, about seven miles from Madapollam (Madhavayapalem), where the Dutch obtained permission for a settlement in 1676.
191 Nicolas Raymar, who became Chief of the Factory in 1882. Soe Valentyn Oud en Nieuw Cont Indien, V, 39.
193 Dirk Voak, Chiel, 1877-1600. Ibid., p. 41. 14 Ydemanchiti, on the Godavari, about 3 miles S.E, of Palakollu.

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On the 3rd January 1678/9 there is a note of John Field's return to Masulipatam128 with, most probably, John Scattergood in his company. The next day the King came back to the town and went on a Dutch ship. He was visited by the English and expressed himself satisfied with his treatment during his stay. He then set out for Golconda and was accompanied for some distance by John Field.
On the 27th February 1678/9, at a Consultation held at Masulipatam,128 the "settlement of employment of writers who have become factors " was debated, and Scattergood was appointed to be an assistant to Maurice Wynn, warehousekeeper.
In the following month, Streynsham Master, now Agent and Governor of Fort St. George, paid a second visit of inspection to the factory of Masulipatam and extended his journey to the surrounding district. On the 20th March he reached Nizâmpatnam (called by the English Petti polee, from the neighbouring village of Peddapalle) in Guntur District, where he was met by Messrs. Hatton, Wynn, Colborne and Scattergood.126 He found the English factory house, wbich had been unoccupied since the death of Ambrose Salisbury in January 1675/6. in a ruinous condition, and in consequence any thought of reopening a factory there was abandoned. Master's tour lasted from the 11th March until the 2nd May 1679 and during this time he occupied himself principally with commercial measures rather than with reforms in the conduct of the factories, as had been the case in his previous visit.
In May 1679 John Scattergood was at Madapollam. On the 31st the accounts of that factory and Masulipatam were examined and passed, "and in order that the aforesaid books may be in more convenient time in a readyness to be sent to the Agent and Councell. It is ordered that the Books of Accounts belonging to Factory Madapollam be fairely tran. scribed by Mr. John Scattergood,"136 who had now had an insight into every branch of the working of the factory.
Whether the prospect of prolonged stool work was distasteful to him, or whether he was disappointea in an advance of position consequent on the Agent's visit of inspection, Scattergood now desired a change of scene and occupation, and petitioned to be sent to Bengal. On the 26th June Streynsham Master wrote to Christopher Hatton : 137
“Wee have received a letter from Mr. John Scattergood wherein he desires to have leave to goe downe to the Bay to serve the Honble. Company there, to which we shall give answear when it plonges God to active the ships from England, by which we may receive some directions from the Honble. Company which may relate thereunto.”
One of the reasons influencing Scattergood in his desire for a change was probably the knowledge that there was little chance of his succeeding to the chiefship of Masulipatam, for he learnt about this time, through a private source, that the establishment at that factory was to be reduced to three persons "and they to receive but meane allowances."128
At this time, too, he must have been contemplating marriage, but whether the bride was one of the three "woemen unmarryed ” who came to Masulipatam in the ships sailing from England in January 1678/9, or whether she had been long in the country is at present an un. Bolved point. No entry of the marriage has been found, but the probability is that it occurred some time in 1679 or early in 1680. At any rate, it could not have happened later than November of the latter year.
136 Factory Records, Manulipatam, vol. II. 136 Diaries of Streynsham Master, ed. Temple, II, 136. 197 Factory Records, Port St. George, vol. XVIII.
138 0.. 4627,

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The lady was Elizabeth Radcliffe, a near relation of the two free merchants mentioned above. Thomas Radcliffe, baptised at St. Mary's, Stratford-le-Bow on the 27th January 1630/1, was the eldest surviving son of "Ralffe Ratcliffe gent. and Elizabeth his wife," née Clark.129 Peter Radcliffe, baptised 4th April 1641 at the same church, appears to have been the youngest of the family. He died in England, unmarried, in 1725, and on the 2nd June of that year his estate was administered by his niece and next of kin, Elizabeth Trenchfield, widow of Richard Trenchfield and previously widow of John Scattergood.130
THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY
As regards the parentage of Elizabeth Scattergood, née Radcliffe. Only three of the sons of Ralph and Elizabeth Radcliffe of Bow seem to have survived infancy. These were Thomas, Edward and Peter. The last, as we know, died unmarried, and as his administratrix is stated to have been his niece on his brother's side (neptis ex fratre), she must presumably have been the daughter of either Thomas or Edward. Thomas Radcliffe died in India in 1678 and his will131 was proved in England on the 8th December 1679 by his brother Edward. In the will he mentions only two daughters, Mary and Susan. It therefore seems more probable that Elizabeth Scattergood was the daughter of Edward Radcliffe, and was one of the unmarried women who went to Masulipatam in 1679 where her two uncles were then residing. Edward Radcliffe administered the estate of his mother, who died a widow, in December 1670,130 She was a resident of the parish of St. Olave's, Hart Street but was buried at All Hallows, Barking. Three of Edward's children were baptised at St. Olave's133 but the name of Elizabeth does not appear among them. A search for the will of Edward Radcliffe has so far proved fruitless and at present there is no direct evidence that he was the father of John Scattergood's wife, though there is a good deal to be said in favour of this theory.
A holograph letter of John Scattergood, with his seal, written while he was awaiting an answer to his request to go to Bengal, has been preserved among the India Office Records, 133
Metohlepatam, August primo 1679.
27
Mr. Wm. Ayloffe Esteemed Freind,
I am heartily sorry at the news I hear of your Sickness, which I cannot Chuse but Condole with you, being fallen into the same Condition my selfe, having had a feavour and my Body much disordered these 2 dayes. I hope at the receipt of this you will bee amended, the wholsomness of the place you are in, 134 and the conveniency of the Doctor [John Heathfield] being with you, furthering your Cure, the want of both which here, added to the present sickly time, makes mee doubt my distemper will not soo [sic] soon quitt mee, though I strive against it all I can.
Pray Sir (if your health will permitt you) doe mee the kindness to procure my 3 pagodas of Ramah,135 soe long since promised, and the paintings [printed calicoes] which certainly must ere this bee done, but if you cannot look after it, desire Mr. Ramsden (to whom pray present my service) who knows where the Painters live.
Noe ships yet come, but expected every day. these from, Sir,
My service to your selfe Concludes
139 Baptismal Registers of St. Mary's, Stratford-le-Bow. 131 P.0.0., 116 King.
Your freind and Servant, JNO. SCATTERGOOD 130 P.0.0. Administrations.
139 Registers of St. Olave's Hart Street.
183 0.0. 4638.
134 Madapollam, the health resort of the Company's servants at Masulipatam. 135 Ramayya, a native merchant.

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This day Mrs. Helloes setts forwards to come to Madam Mainwaring.
Pray when you see Mr. Chamberlaine 136 aske him whether hee received a lb of Tobacco I sent him which by reason of his silence I know not whether hee has or not. [Eritdorsed] To. Mr. William Ayloffe,
137 .
(Seal.) Merchant In Madapollam. Permission to try his fortune in Bengal must have reached Scattergood a few days after writing the above letter. On the 7th August 1679 Captain Nehemiah Earning, commander of the George, was ordered to receive on board, on account of Mr. John Scattergood, "Two Ellephants Teeth poiz [weight] 100 li." and "Eleven parcells of Gance138 poiz 1000 li.,"139 and to deliver the same to the owner on his arrival irr Balasor Road.
The next mention of Scattergood occurs in the Bengal records140 among a list of the Company's servants, where his name appears 13th in order and his position that of Second or "Accomptant" to the factory at Balasor which was subordinate to Hägli, then the headquarters of the Company in “the Bay." According to the regulations made by Streynsham Master during his second inspection in Bengal, the allowance of the Seoond at a subordinate factory was Rs. 4 per month, with candles and "a lamp to every chamber" in the factory.141
It is uncertain when Scattergood arrived at Balasor. He did not begin his official work until the 14th January 1679/80 149 and one would like to think that the interval from August 1679 was spent in a leisurely journey with his bride and a round of visits to his friends. With his entrance into his new sphere of work began a round of daily duties, monotonous for the most part, but always pressing, with plenty of pin-prioks to counterbalance the dignity of a higher position. Balasor seemed to be the buffer on which the authorities at Haglî poured out their vexation when things went awry, and there was very little peace for either John Byam, the Chief, or his Second. Indeed, the latter must often have wished himself back at Masulipatam, where at least there was a sanatorium within reach.
Very little of interest remains to be chronicled regarding the last two years of John Scattergood's life in India. His name appears at all Consultations held at Balasor from the 14th January 1679/80 until August 1681.143 Thomas Bromley, his junior in standing 144 also arrived on the 14th January 1679/80, having been appointed Third and Warehousekeeper, and both the new officials took up “there Charge according to there places."
Balasor Factory was at this time in an unsatisfactory condition. The business was "behindhand," occasioned by the "backwardness of their late Cheife,” Richard Edwards, who had died on the 6th November 1679, and a "pare of Books and 2 Copies of Diary" for the last year remained to be "copied out." There was a shortage of horses and an application was made to Hogli that, "in regard " three were allowed to the factory, two might
136 George Chamberlain, though no longer in the Company's service, was allowed to remain in India, ostensibly to enable him to discharge his debts to the Company. -
197 This is the Scattergood armorial seal : Quarterly, Ist and 4th, gules 2 bars gemels between 3 doxter hands erect coupé at the wrist appaumé argent, for Scattergood ; 2nd and 3rd, argent on a chevron AEuro 3 cinquefoils piorood of the 1st, for Westby of Mowbrook. A grant of arms by Sir William Dagdale was made to the writor's grandfather, John Scattergood of Ellaston (800 ante, pp. 2, 6) in 1662. The Westby arms were those of his mother's family (ante, p. 6, n. 31).
138 Gance, ganza, Skt. karsa, bell-metal: any mixed metal. 139 Factory Records, Masukipalam, vol II. 150 Factory Records, Hugli, vol. II; 0.0.4697. 141 0.0. 4692.
143 Factory Records, Port St. George, vol. XXVIII. 143 Factory Records, Hugl, vol. I.
144 Thomas Bromley, a Christ'. Hospital lad, was apprenticed to the Company in 1671 and became a Laator in 1679.

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THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY
29
be sent thence "to compleat our complement " or else that they might be permitted to " by a couple here."146 An attempt was also made to detain Charles Cross, a young writer, to help with the arrears of clerical work, but this was not permitted.
Streynsham Master, who had visited the factory shortly before the death of Edwards, had left detailed instructions for keeping the books, and John Scattergood was evidently anxious that the Agent should have no cause of complaint, On the 10th April 1680 the following remark occurs in a letter from Balasor to Hugli :146 "Wee hope your advices are on the way for the Rectifying those severall accounts specifyed in ours of the 23 past, soe that the same may bee adjusted before the closure of our Bookes." But in spite of his more responsible position, Scattergood's salary still remained at £20 per annum, the only addition being the allowances mentioned above.
In May 1680 a deputation, of which the "Accomptant" was a member, waited upon the newly appointed Nawab of Orissa, when he and his diwan were presented "as usuall." The gifts, wrote the factors at Balasor to Hûgli, were, "to all outward show and appearance," "well exsepted of, though sence it hath appeared to the contrary, the Nabob (Nawab] haveing returned to yards of fine green (cloth) and 3 wax figures and the Duans (Diwan's) Loocking Glas, 2 Swoords, 2 knives and a wax fegure, for all which they demanded brod Clouth, notwithstanding our Vuckeele (valal, agent) acquainted them that wee [sic? it] had alwayes been Costomary, yett thay would omitt of no deniall, soe that we weare ne[ce]ssitated to Comply with there desier, upon which the Nabob granted our perwanna, 146 and ordered the same should be immediately writ, which hope in a day (or two) to bee possessed of."146 In spite of this promise, owing to the "roguery of his officers," the parwana was not forthcoming before the Nawab's departure from the neighbourhood of Balasor, and emissaries were deputed to follow him with "strick orders" not to return without the desired document.
There was much bickering between the English and Dutch at Balasor at this date, the heads of each factory striving to ingratiate themselves with the local authorities to the detriment of their rivals. It was doubtless for this reason that a messenger from the Court of Siam met with a favourable reception from the English in July 1680 and was supplied with money.146
Great pains had been taken to overtake the arrears of clerical work, and in September 1680 Byam and Scattergood were able to send up to Hagli "Coppies of one pair of bookes well maid up in wax cloth." -
About this time there was a serious dispute with the weavers in the neighbourhood of Balasor. They declined to accept "Ryalls of Eight" (Spanish dollars) instead of Rupees &s an advance on the cloth they had contracted to provide, and much haggling ensued before an arrangement was made which satisfied all parties.146
In November 1680 Byam and Soattergood reported to Hägli that their only helper, Thomas Bromley, had been dangerously ill and that his right hand was "soe benumed that hee hase now use thereof." They begged for assistance since, with "only two effective in the warehouse," it would be impossible "to gett through with this years investment," especially as it was so late before an agreement was concluded with the merchants. However, they promised to use their "utmost endeavours for the accomplishing what required "
156 Factory Records, Hugli, vol. VIII, 146 Paradna, writing, official letter: in this case for liberty of trade within the Nawab's territory.

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of them, and "after all," if they were "scanting (in the performance," they hoped it would "bee imputed through want of such assistance as the business of this place Requiers."147
The predicament of the factors at Balasor met with little sympathy at Hagli. Matthias Vincent, Chief for affairs in Bengal, either could not, or would not, send them assistance, and an attempt to retain the temporary services of William Rivett, a young writer, was frustrated by an order, dated 22nd October 1680, that he should be sent on to Hagli" by the verey first oppertunity," " we wanting assistance more then you," and "we doe recommend the sorting, priseing and packing off the Companys goods with you to Mr. Byam and Mr. Scattergood, and whatever be left undone, to see that the goods are well sorted, duely prised and timely shipped of." 148 On the 4th November further directions as to the care ful packing of goods were sent to the overworked factors at Balasor, and on the 11th December Vincent and his Council repeated their assertion with regard to Rivett's services. They added : "What business absolutely necessary, we question not but by one meanes or other, with some collaterall assistance you have there, you will be able to acquit yourselves well enough of for this shipping. 148
In February 1681 complaints were sent from Hügli of the non-arrival of copies of the Balasor "Register of Charges Generall this year, as ought to have been sent us, at which we wonder, since though Thomas Bromley was lame at the lattor end of the year, he might have gott one ready by the end of May."148 As a matter of fact, Bromley was of very little use, even when in good health, and the whole of the work of the factory fell on Byam and Scattergood. These two must have made a gallant effort to satisfy their superiors, for on the 4th June 1681 Vincent and his Council acknowledged the receipt of the Balasor books of Bccounts, but complained that the "perticulars of the Charges Generall " were not "summed up in columns at the end of the book as enordered, which in your other copies get done and let it be subscribed by the keeper thereof."149
It was no wonder that when, after so many months of strenuous work, John Scattergood was attacked by fever, he had little strength left to battle against illness. He signed a Consultation for the last time on the 3rd August 1681. A week later, Thomas Bromley, who had been sent to Balasor Road to bring up the Company's Packet from the ships just arrived from Europe, wrote: "I am heartily sorry Mr. Scattergood is soe bad and hope by this time he is Recovered."160 Then comes the entry in the Balasor Diary of the 13th August: “Mr. John Soattergood after 11 days sickness of a Violent feavour, departed this life aboute 6 of the clock this morning and was buryed the same day in the Afternoon."151
In the Hügli Diary of the 20th August, the event is thus chronicled :163 "This night came a generall letter from Ballasore dated the 13th instant .... in [it] ... came the news of the Decease of John Soattergood the second there of a violent feaver the 13th currant early in the morning. God prepare our hearts for our expected change."
A copy of John Soattergood's will, dąted 11 August 1681, two days before his death, is preserved at Somerset House 163
In the name of God Amen. I John Soattergood of Ballasore Merchant being sick of body but in perfect memory thanks be given unto Allmighty God therefore doe make and declare this my last Will and Testament in manner and forme following. 147 Factory Records, Hugli, vol. VIII.
148 Ibid., vol. VI.
1500.c. 4749; Factory Records, Hugli, vol. VI. 161 Factory Records, Balasor. vol. I.
153 Fadory Records, Hugl, vol. III. 153 P.O.O., 22 Hare:
140
0.c. 4737.

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THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY
That is to say first, I commend my soule unto Almighty God and my body to the earth to bee buried in decent and Christian manner at the discretion of my executors hereunder named.
And as touching my worldly estate wherewith God hath blessed me in this present world, I dispose thereof as followeth.
Imprimis. I give and bequeath to my deare and Loveing wife Elizabeth Scatter. good after all debts and Legacies paid one Moyety of my Estate with all her jewells plate household necessaries and Slaves and the other Moyety of my Estate I give and bequeath to my only Sonn whome I desire may bee Baptized John154 and that he bee left to the care and tuition of his Mother untill he comes to the age of four or five years when I desire hee may bee sent home to my friends in England.
Item. I give and bequeath to my Loveing Mother Catherine Scattergood166 thirty pounds sterling with what money shall bee due to me from the Honble. the East India company upon account of my sallary payable in England, and in case of my Mother's decease I give the same to my loveing Father Roger Scattergood and to my Brothers and Sisters to be divided amongst them at the discretion of my Father.
Item. I doe order and appoint one hundred and forty Rupees to be paid unto Mr. John Evans Minister at Hugly166 it being upon an accompt known to my wife.
Item. It is my desire if it please God to take me out of this world that my Executors build a tomb over mee167 so that the cost thereof may not exceed Sixty Rupees.
Item. I doe hereby appoint and make my loveing freinds John Byam 158 and John Evans my Executors and overseers of this my last will and Testament and for their trust and care in the due performance of all things required of them I doe give and bequeath to each of them one hundred Rupees apeice.
Item. I doe declare that whereas I have given and bequeathed to my sonn whose name is to be John Scattergood the one halfe of my Estate it is to be understood that all debts and Legacies is first to be paid and that in case of my son his mortality before he come of full age then that such part of my Estate as properly belongs to him by virtue of this my last Will and Testament doe fall to my loveing wife Elizabeth Scattergood And I doe hereby declare this to be my last Will and Testament.
In Witnesse whereof I have hereunto set my hand and seale in Ballasore this Eleventh August in the yeare of our Lord one Thousand Six hundred and Eighty
one.
Signed and sealed.
JOHN SCATTERGOOD.
154 From this it would appear that John Scattergood Junior was very young at the time of h father's death, but as there was no resident chaplain at Balasor, he may have been any age between a few days and several months.
155 See ante, p. 6 n.
156 John Evans, curate of Thistleworth (Isleworth), afterward Bishop of Bangor, elected chaplain for Bengal on the 2nd Nov. 1677. There are frequent references to him in the correspondence of John Scattergood Junior. His first wife was a sister of Richard Trenchfield, Mrs. John Scattergood's second husband.
157 There is no record of the carrying out of this clause of the will.
158 John Byam entered the Company's service in 1670 and died at Balasor in 1683. He was also brother-in-law to Richard Trenchfield.

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Signed Sealed and published by the Testator to be his last will and Testament the day and yeare above written in the presence of.
NATH. HILL, 169
JAMES HARDING. 169 Ballasore thirty first January one Thousand Six hundred and Eighty one (1681/2). A true copie of the Originalle, Witnesse our hands.
JNO. SUTTON.
JNO. BROWNE. The will was proved in England on the 15th February 1683/4, by Catherine Scatter good, widow, who had previously received from the Court of Committees the balance of her son's salary that was willed to her. The sum paid over to her was £ 31.13.11. 160 Roger Scattergood, the testator's father, predeceased his son by three months, 161 and Catherine Scattergood therefore administered the estate.
The conditions of life in the Company's factories in India in the 17th century were such as to make the remarriage of widows a very usual occurrence and almost a matter of course. It is therefore not surprising to find that within a short period after her husband's death, Mrs. John Scattergood (nie Radcliffe) married Richard Trenchfield, « servant of the E. I. Co., who had been elected writer in October 1671,169 and in 1682, was a member of the Council at Hägli. No record has been found of this second marriage nor any note of the sending of the young John Scattergood to England in accordance with his father's wishes, though these were duly observed.
(To be continued.)
189 James Harding is probably identical with the individual of that name who was elected writer in November 1671, suspended from his post in Bengal in 1878 and dismissed the service in 1679. He was ordered home to England, but refused to go and oventually died at Fort St. George. Of the other witnesses no record has been found. They were probably oonnooted with the Company's shipping. 160 Court Minute, XXXIII, 200, 208, 209a.
101 See ante, p. 16. 163 Court Minutos, XXVII, 87.

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SEPTEMBER, 1923) DICTIONARY OF THE SOUTH ANDAMAN LANGUAGE
189
APPENDIX XIII. LIST OF OBJECTS MADE AND USED BY THE ANDAMANESE.1 (It is to be understood that, unless otherwise stated, the descriptions here given refer to the bőjig-ngiji., (more especially the åka-bea-, i.e., the South Andaman tribe) of Great Andaman, in whose territory the Indian penal colony is situated.]
1. kâra ma-. (Pl. B.) Bow of a flattened S-shaped form the upper half concave and the lower convex , as made and used by the five bojig-ngtjl- tri bes of Middle and South Andaman and the Archipelago (see Dictionary " Andamanese" and Pl. i, iv, vii, etc.). It is generally made of a hard wood called chal-, legs frequently of the badama-, yârla-, põrud- or chådak- (see App. XI). These bows vary in length from 4 to over 6 ft.; for use in the jungle short bows are of course preferred.
In order to make a karama-a stout branch, possessing the requieite serpentine form, of one of the five prescribed trees is selected and felled by means of an adze (item 15), which tool further suffices the bowyer to perform the work of shaping and rough-trimming to such an extent that the final planing can be executed with a boar's tusk (item 47), the edge of which has been sharpened by means of a cyrena shell (item 50). The craftsman then takes one of these shells and notches its edge in order to produce some jagged points, with which he proceeds to ornament the bow by making symmetrical lines of cross-incisions (ig-yltinga-) or lozenge pattern (jobo-târ-tänga-) along the edges and, if space permit, also the centre of the two blades and on the handle; after which the surfaces are smeared with kõiob- (item 58), see PI. B and Pl. x, fig. 2, and tobul.-pf]- (itein 67). If intended for presentation, the bow is usually further decorated with designs in tåla-og- (item 58), see Pl. B. and Pl. X, fig. 2,
In consequence of the extremities of the kärama-and o höklo (see item 1.b) being too slender to permit of nocks being provided for the bow-string by means of notches out in the wood, the ridges or projections necessary for holding the two loops are constructed by neatly winding a sufficient quantity of twine at the two nocking places : the upper nock of the karama- is about 14 inch from the point, and the lower one about an inch only; hence the bow is strung and unstrung at the latter end, contrary to the practice with us. At the upper nock (or sometimes at both) in the midst of the winding knotted tags of twine, about two inches long, are introduced and secured; these are identification marks indicating the owner. Bo Sides serving as nocks these twine loop-holders assist in strengthening the bow by lessening
1 More or less complete collections of the objects described in this catalogue have been contributed to various othnographical Museums viz.; British Museum, Oxford and Cambridge Universities, Edinburgh (Science and Art), Halifax (Bankfield), Brighton, Calcutta, Berlin, Vienna, Leipsig, Florence, and Leyden (Netherlands).
3 In Mr. C. J. Longman's paper on "Forms of the bow, and their distribution” (Badminton Library, Archery') he remarks in reference to the karama- and choklo (Eee item 1.b)," it is important to note that both the Oregon bow and the Andaman bow are reflex when unstrung, that is to say, they are drawn in the reverse direction to the curve which the bow Asgumes when unstrung." Tho" necessity to make the blade thin, and the only way to get the requisite strength " was, as he adds, "to broaden it."
9 As it is the common practice of the Andamanese to decorate their various utensils, weapons, etc., the attention of enquirers is drawn to the fairly complete information and designs furnished on the subject in Vol. XII, pp. 370-73 of the Journ of the Anthrop. Inst. (1883).
. To secure this object, endeavour is made to mark each owner's bow or bows distinctly from all others by the character, position, or number of the tags and their knots.

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APPENDIX XIII-contd.
the risk of it splitting. Before being brought into use the bow is seasoned by the simple process of suspending it in the smoke and heat of the hut-fire, which is kept burning night and day for this purpose for so long as is considered necessary. By way of decoration a piece of fine netting (râb-,item 42) is often finally attached at the upper nock.
The bow-string (kârama-tät-) is made of the bark of the anodendron paniculatum (yolba-, item 64), as described in pp. 383-84 of the Journ. Anthrop. Inst., Vol. XII (1883). Before the twisted fibre is ready for the bow it is strengthened with wax (tôbul-pij-, item 57), and fine twine of the same fibre is closely wound round it from end to end. In order to string the bow, one of the loops is first placed on the upper nock, the bow is then reversed, the upper point being placed on the ground in such a position as to enable the bow-man to clutch the handle with the big and second toes of his left foot and hold the other end of the bow with his left hand, while the loose end of the string is held in his right hand; the bow is then slowly bent by pressing the left foot outwards and the left hand downwards until it is in a position in which it is possible to slip the second loop on to the lower nock. If found to be insufficiently taut the string is twisted before being finally nocked. The position of the nocking-point of the arrow is then ascertained and indicated by means of twine neatly wound round the string.
When a kârama- is not in use it is unstrung at the lower nock, and the loop is bound to the bow at that end with a strip of fibre or other material.
To unstring the bow it has of course to be bent in the same manner as when stringing it. 1-a. (Pl. B.) Children's bow. Among the coast-men (âr-yōto-) these are usually made of mangrove-wood (rhizophora conjugata), while the jungle-dwellers (êrem-tâga-) select the triyonostemon longifolius for this purpose.
1-b. chōkio. (Pl. B. and Pl. xii, fig. a.) The bow of the yêrewa- tribes, (see Dic., p. 24). As will be seen, the design somewhat resembles that of the kârama-, but in execution and symmetry its superiority is marked. Unlike the kârama-, it is shaped out of a straight log of wood-the tree known as badama- being generally selected for the purpose-, is usually 5-5 feet in length and its surfaces, which are well planed and polished, are never painted or ornamented in any way. Being lighter and more supple than the kârama-; its string is usually thinner, and it is superior in make and finish. As in the case of the kârama-, the nocks for the bow-string are constructed of twine; the upper nock is usually four or five inches from the point, and the lower nock about 2 inches from the other end, consequently, as with the kârama-, it is there that the bow is strung and unstrung. The operation of stringing this bow is performed at its back. After placing one of the loops of the string on the upper nock, the back of the bow is bent inversely, sufficiently to allow of the loop of the loose end being slipped on to the lower nock. Owing to the peculiar construction of this bow, the tension on the string, when strung at the back, is comparatively slight; it is therefore always kept in that position when at rest: when required for use, the string is carefully drawn round to the front, where its correct position from top to bottom in the centre of the two blades is determined. Identification twine tags, similar to those described in item 1 and footnote 4, are provided at one or both of the nocks of this bow. So long as the string remains serviceable it is not unstrung, as is the case with the kârama-. The seasoning of the chōklo before completion is accomplished in the same way as that described above of the karama-. During this final operation the bow is kept strung in the reverse position with the convex blade lowermost.
6 In the absence of this fibre that of the gnetum edule (pilita-), which is less strong and durable, is substituted, or should even this not be available in an emergency, a strip of the bark of the ficus laccifera (rau-) or of the celtis cinnamonea (ehör-) is made to serve the purpose of a bow-string.
It is a pleasure to handle and use one of these light, graceful bows.

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Plate A.
23
295
FRAGMENTS OF ANDAMANESE ORNAMENTED' POTTERY
(From a Kitchen-midden in Port Blair Harbour.

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APPENDIX XIII-contd. 1.0. The önge (i.e., Little Andaman) and järawa- (see Dict., p. 24) bows are straight and practically alike, and quite distinct from the kârama- and chokio, resembling as they do in crude fashion the English pattern. Though the onge bow (see Pl. x, fig. 1) is shorter and handier than the ordinary järawa - weapon, small bows are also made and used by the latter, Both are said to be made of the wood of a tree known as 10koma. (App. XI). That these savages of pigmy stature should find it necessary to make stout, heavy bows about 7 ft. long with corresponding large iron-headed arrows (see Pl. B.) is remarkable, and accounts for the erroneous belief which has been entertained by some observers that in making use of these stiff, unwieldy weapons a leg as well as both arms must be employed. No attempt at ornamenting their bows is made either by means of designs in paint or by incisions. As the extremities of all their bows are thick the nooks are formed in the usual way by notches cut in the wood When identification marks are provided they are attached to the upper loop of the string.
2. råta - (Pl. B.) Common, blunt, wooden-headed arrow, used when practising at some inanimate (preferably spherical) object in motion; the shaft usually consists of a slender variety of bamboo (bambusa nana) called ridi-, and the foreshaft is ordinarily made of the hard portion of the wood of the areca, or from the root of the rhizophora conjugata : it is then slightly pointed and the whole straightened by means of the teeth and fingers, after which it is hardened over or near a fire.
3. tirléd. (in construc. tirlêj-). (Pl. B.) The ordinary wooden-headed fish-arrow : it differs from the râta- only in having its foreshaft sharply pointed. The coast-men of Little Andaman use arrows having four wooden prongs of different lengths (see Pl. x, fig. 1).
4. tölb6d. (Pl. B. and E, figs. 4 and 7). This is practically a ráta- to which an iron point (and often an iron barb) has been attached. The sketches furnished in Pl. E represent the most common and efficient descriptions in general use. Barbed specimens have their string fastenings protected and rendered more durable by a coating of kanga-ta-baj. (item 62). Before iron was procurable the pointed end consisted of a fish-bone, preferably the serrate tail-spine of the sting-ray (item 53). The sketches 4 and 7 in Pl. E, also 7-8 in PID represent Ancient fish-arrows thus pointed.
5. bla.. (Pl. B). Used for shooting pigs, large fish, etc.: it is about 3-31 ft. in length; the foreshaft consists of a keen double-edged iron blade, at the base of which one, two or (rarely) three iron barbs (8t-châtmi.) are fixed. These are firmly secured by whipping of strong twine-subsequently coated with känga-td-baj. (item 62)—to the end of a trimmed stick 46 inches long, the other end of which is made to fit into a socket (aka-chånga) provided for it in the shaft-made of the wood of the tetranthera lancoefolia (ūj.); the latter is attached to the foreshaft by a flattened plaited fibre thong (peta-) about 8 inches long (made from the anodendron paniculatum) which, before the arrow can be used, has to be cerefully wound round that portion of the shaft and foreshaft which is between the two ends of the pêta-, by twirling the foreshaft when fixing it into the socket (see Pl. B, items l-a, 1-c, and 5). When making ready for use the nock of the arrow is so placed on the bow-string as to bring into line the blade and the barb (or two barbs, if such there be), as well as a seam provided in the whipping at the junction of the shaft and foreshaft. This combination serves as
7 The simple method of eatablishing the ownership of bowe, described in item 1 and footnote 4, in employed also in regard to thos.bogig-ngijl- and yorow-arrows of this class which have no barbe those that are barbed have their twine-whippinge covered with kanga-ta-b, thereby randering impossible the display of identification marks. As the ongo and Järawa-tribes do not apply wax to the whippings of their iron-headed arrows, whether these be barbod or not, allaliko exhibit their tokens of ownership. An incident is recalled by the writer which led to the detection by this means of a man who had killed an escaped oonviot with a tolbod- Arrow.

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APPENDIX XIII-contd. "sight” in taking aim. When an animal is struck the arrow-head is retained in the flesh by the barbs, and as, owing to its struggles and efforts to escape, the foreshaft soon slips out of its socket, the trailing shaft speedily becomes entangled in the brushwood with the result that the victim is promptly captured. The järawa pig-arrow shown in Pl. B, being about 41 ft. long, is used by that community only with their huge bows (item 1-c). [For further particulars, see pp. 360-1, of Vol: XII, Journ. Anthrop. Inst. (1883). ]
6. éla-l'âka-lupa. (P1. E 6.) This, as indicated by its name, is merely a plain pig. arrow. As the bladed hed and barbs are fixed to the end of the shaft, which is of bamboo, there is necessarily no whipping except where these are attached, and that is covered with kânga-tå-baj-(item 62); hence no seam is available as a "sight." This slight difficulty is met by so fixing the arrow to the bow-string as to have in line, when taking aim, the blade and one or other of the barbs: Owing to its simple design this arrow is less effective than the ala- in hunting pigs, etc., but is quite capable of serving its purpose and-which is a consideration-it is more readily constructed.8
7. tölbod-l'ârtâm.. (Pl. E, items 4 and 7, and PI. D, item 7-a). Ancient description of fish-arrow; its head and barb (when any) generally consisted of the pointed end of the serrate tail-spine of the sting-ray (item 53).
7-. @la-l'ârtâm.. (Pl. D, fig. 7-a.) Ancient form of pig-arrow. The shell selected for providing the bladed head is said to have been the perna ephippium.
8. chîm-pålig ma-. (Pl. B, item 8.) Plain wooden arrow about 34 ft. long, made of the wood of the areca laxa. It is said that, before iron was procurable, these were shapod and used like the tirled- and @la-l'aka-idpa-arrows of modern times. Those made now-a-days, as also items 7, and 7-a, are merely intended as toys or souvenirs.
9. @r-danga- (or galain). (Pl.-B.) Pig-spear 6 or 7 ft. long, usually employed in despatching a wounded animal; the shaft consists either of a piece of bamboo or ground rattan, (calamus sp.) and a large double-edged blade, firmly secured, forms the head. This weapon has been made and used to a very limited extent, and only among the bôjig-ngiji. who find the karama- and êla-more handy and efficient.
10. kowaia-l'oko-datnga- (PI. C.) Harpoon for turtles and large fish: the stock or shaft consists of a bamboo (male sp. preferred) about 18 feet long; at the thin end, for the reception of the head, a socket (aka-changa-) is provided, which is strengthened by pieces of mangrove wood, over which strips of cane are neatly fastened. The pointed iron head (kowaia-) is barbed and provided with a wooden stump at its base for fixing into the socket. A long stout line (betmo.), made of the fibre of the melochia velutina (see item 66), is attached at one end to the base of the iron head and at the other end to the cross-sticks about 10 inches long (kûtegbo-, see item 67 and Pl. C, 10-c). When a turtle,skate or other large fish is harpooned the long bamboo-shaft becomes almost immediately detached, and floats till it is recovered later. In the case of a turtle the harpooner will generally jump into the water holding the harpoon, with which he pierces his victim, which he then seizes until his friends with the aid of the line bring up the canoe, when they all proceed to take hold of the captive and lift it into the canoe. Even if the turtle is harpooned from the canoe one or more of the men will jump into the sea to seize it, lest in its struggles to escape it should succeed in releasing itself
In respect to items 2-it should be noted that it is customary among the bojlg ngiji. and yere wa. to make incisions round the nook ond of these arrows in order to lessen the risk of the arrow being prematuroly discharged: the ongo and Järawa substitute twine wound round the arrow just above the nock for this purpose.

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Children's Bow
Children! Arrows
Ludile Andaman & Jarowe BV Arrow
-
P
AGE
North. Andanan)
PRI
ANDAMANESE OBJECTS,
Plate B.
PPY-7 er
علوی
Chine
Edge

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SEPTEMBER, 1923) DICTIONARY OF THE SOUTK ANDAMAN LANGUAGE
193
APPENDIX XIII-contd. from the weapon. (For further particulars, see p. 365, of Vol. XII, Journ. Anthrop Inst. (1883).)
The natives of Little Andaman (önge) are inexpert canoeists, and do not make or use harpoons. The only weapon they possess of the nature of a fish-spear is very similar to the description formerly used by the yêrewa- coast-men, & sketch of which will be found in p. 357 of the Journal just quoted. This weapon when in use is held by its pointed end, being complete in itself.
11. roko. (Pl. vii, fig. a and Pl. D.) Generic name for a canoe of any type. All alike are made from the trunks of sterculia trees, the only tool employed being an adze (item 15). Owing to the facility with which now-a-days they can obtain iron, large "dug-outs,” capable of accommodating twenty to forty persons and requiring no out-rigger, have been constructed. They are styled gilyanga-. The smaller description, with out-rigger attachment and of remote origin, is known as chårigma. A specimen of each kind is shewn in Pl. vii, fig. a. It is a common practice to refer to a canoe by the name of the tree from which it is made e.g., baja-, mali-; yêre-; kokan-, see App. XI : its surfaces are usually smeared with kõiob- pigment (item 60) or decorated, as shewn in PI.D. The chårigma-, according to size, can accommodate only from two to, say, eight adults. The chief excellence of both descriptions of canoes is that they cannot sink, owing to the nature of the wood selected. When, as sometimes happens, they capsize or are filled by a heavy sea, their occupants skilfully contrive to right them and bale out the water while clinging to the sides.
Canoe-making is carried on generally during the three months, August-October, and the average time taken by, say, eight men in constructing an ordinary chårigma- would be from two to three months. After selecting and felling a sterculia tree of the desired dimensions the bark is removed and the external formation determined, special care being bestowed on the important large projecting prow (0t-mûgu.) as well as the steersman's seat at the stern. When these have been roughly modelled and the interior scooped out the whole work is carefully trimmed and finished off.
The canoes made by the natives of Little Andaman are small and inferior (see Pl. vi).
11-a. waligma-. (Pl. B.) Paddle, made generally from the wood of the myristica longifolia. They vary in size according to the will of the maker or the material at his disposal, Small and large are used indiscriminately in canoes of all sizes. When ornamented, as shewn in Pl. B, this work is done by women using the pigment tala-08-, described in item 58, or kanga-ta-baj- (item 62).
12. yöto-tépinga-. (PI. D.) Turtle-net made by coast-men of a stout cord (bêtmo-), the same as already mentioned in item 10. Its average dimensions are about 80 ft. x 15 ft., and its meshes of a size-regulated by means of the kategbo- (see item 67 and Pl. C, 10-c)calculated to prevent the escape of a turtle or large fish. When required for use, the lower edge of the net is weighted with stones and laid across the mouth of a creek or narrow channel, while the upper edge is kept near the surface througbout its length by means of pieces of the wood of the melochia velutina, (called talag-) which float; to each of these is attached a tuft of cane leaves. By means of the bamboo shafts of their harpoons, with which they lash the water, fish and turtle are driven towards the net and the exact spot where they may be attempting to escape is soon indicated by the disturbance of one of the t'klag- with its tuft of leaves, when of course speedy action is taken by those on the watch.
A specimen of a järswa- wooden spoor of this desoription has lately boon added to the Andaman exhibita in the Brighton Ethnographio Museum.

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APPENDIX XIII-contd. 18. dakar-. (Pl. C.) Bucket made generally of the wood of the sterculia villosa by scooping with a wolo- (item 15), the blade of which is detached from its ordinary handle and fixed to a straight piece of wood, thereby converting it into a sort of chisel, as only by auch means could a task of this nature be accomplished. As shewn in the illustration, a split rattan band round the middle of the bucket is provided; it serves the double purpose of strengthening the vessel and providing means of attaching not only the split cane-loop needed for carrying it when on a journey, but also the shell-ornaments with which it is usually decorated Red wax pigment (item 62) designs are also added by some female artist to render tbe work complete. Should a crack be discovered inside the bucket melted sterculia resin is poured over it' so as to render the vessel water-tight. See item 81...
The Little Andaman and jarawa- buckets are usually much larger and superior; they are, moreover, neatly ornamented and protected round the outer surface with strips of split cane evenly laid and secured along the rim with neat plaiting.
14. õdo-. (Pl. C.) Nautilus pompilius ; is used as a drinking-cup, also for bathing a child, etc. Its outer surface is generally decorated with a lozenge pattern or vandyke with scolloped bands and cross lines which are executed with tåla-og- or kanga-ta-baj- (items 58 and 62. See footnote 3).
15. wolo-. (Pl. C.) Adze ; this tool is used, not only in making canoes, buckets, bows, paddles, etc., but in excavating, as in grave digging ; for the latter purpose an old blunt-edged specimen would of course be employed. The handle consists of an L-shaped piece of man. grove-wood (rhizophora conjugata), and the blade-made from some such piece of iron as the keel-plate of a boat, which is 13 -24 inches wide and a few inches in length with a suitably curved edge, is firmly attached to the base of the handle with wedges of wood, etc. by means of split cane. In former times pinna and such-like shells are said to have been used for adzeblades. That stone celts were ever só employed is denied by all who have been questioned on the subject.
16. láka-. (PI. E.) Hoe; a long stout stick cut from the memecylon varians or Thizophora conjugata, and pointed, so as to serve for digging up yams and other edible roots : in this practice they resemble the Australian aborigines. (E.B. Tylor's "Anthropology," p. 216.)
17. tôg-ngâtanga-. (Pl. E.) Bamboo hook for gathering fruit, etc., which is out of reach. This consists of a piece of bambusa nana 12 or 15 feet long, to which & short piece of bamboo is so fastened by a strip of cane or cord as to form a hook suitable for gathering fruit, - especially the jack-fruit (artocarpus chaplasha). The only other object of the nature of a hook known to be made and used by the Andamanese is the kâta-ngatanga- (item 84).
18. boj.. (Pl. A and C.) Cooking-pot; the art of pottery is of remote origin among them as testified by the contents of their kitchen-middens, which were first examined by a competent authority (Dr. F. Stoliczka) in 1869. The manufacture is not restricted to members of either sex, but is confined to certain localities where only is found suitable clay (boj-på-). Being entirely ignorant of anything of the nature of a potter's wheel, the method adopted is similar to that employed by the Kaffirs, and the shape of the vessel is dependent on the skill and correctness of eye of the maker. The only implements employed are a short pointed stick, an arca shell (of the variety called põrma-) and a board, which is generally one or other of the two pakuta- (items 19 and 72). The process is as follows the clay is first freed from any stones that inay be in it, then moistened with water and kneaded until of a proper consistenoy, after which it is dividod into several equal-sized portions which are rolled

Page #553

Plate c.
I
Dikar
lectual sale!
=
=
p၀၅၁၊ Pituta vat maknga ဝဝဝဝဝဝဝဝထုတ
I
am
တ်ထင်
Bod
ANDAMANESE OBJECTS.

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SEPTEMBER, 1923] DICTIONARY OF THE SOUTH ANDAMAN LANGUAGE
APPENDIX XIII-contd.
into lengths on the board with the fingers and palms of both hands until they form strips about 15 inches long and half an inch thick; the potter then curls one of the strips into a cup-like shape to form the base of the vessel, which he next proceeds to build up with roll upon roll, taking care the while so to manipulate the moist clay as to ensure the walls of the vessel being of uniform thickness, each roll is added where the previous one ended, until the intended size has been attained; the potter then proceeds to smooth over both the inner and outer surfaces with the edge of an arca shell, carefully removing any fragments of stone that had previously escaped his notice; the serrated edge of the shell imparts an appearance of finish, while some fancy design (see Pl. A), traced within and without by means of the pointed stick, further embellishes it. After this there remains the process of drying and firing, which is first carried out by placing the vessel in front of a fire or in the sun, and afterwards filling and surrounding it with faggots of burning wood. When needed for a journey mediumsized pots are fitted with light wicker frames (bûj-râmata-) which afford protection from injury and render them more portable. The average capacity of a pot is 9-10 pints; larger sizes are made, but are usually kept at permanent encampments only; small pots are also made for the manufacture and storage of the pigment kânga-tâ-bûj- (item 62).
195
The yêrewa- and önge-järawa- pots differ from those of the bojig-ngiji-, above described, in that they have a more conical or less-rounded base.
19. pûkuta-yemnga-. (Pl. C.) Sounding-board, used for marking time during a dance. When first seen they were naturally mistaken for shields. They are scooped out of the fallen trunks of the pterocarpus dalbergioides (châlanga-), the wood of which is very hard. They are of uniform shape and vary only in dimensions, a large one being 5 ft. X 2 ft. When in use the convex side is of course uppermost : first, the pointed end is pressed into the ground, after which a stone or other support is placed under the board in order to keep the broad end sufficiently raised; the performer at the same time places his left foot on the lower end: he then inserts a pointed arrow through one of the holes provided near the middle of the broad edge of the board, pressing it into the ground. To the nook of this arrow has previously been attached a line 3 to 4 feet long, the other end of which is similarly fastened to another pointed arrow, which the performer holds erect and stuck in the ground near his right side. By this means not only is the board kept in the desired position while the man is marking time for the dancers, by thumping on it with the sole of his right foot, but he is also assisted in preserving his equilibrium. This is made clearer by reference to Pl. V.
20. kûd-. (Pl. C.) Hand fishing-net made with the prepared fibre of the gnetum edule (item 65) by women and girls, who by its means catch quantities of small fish and prawns both in streams and among rocks at low-tide. It is about the size of an ordinary butterfly-net; the frame is made of the stem of a creeper (uvaria micrantha), the ends of which are bound together to form a handle. The seeds of a plant, a species of lagerstroemia, are sometimes crushed and thrown into creeks frequented by fish and prawns, as it has the effect of driving them from their hiding-places and leads to their easy capture in these nets, which are held in position for the purpose.
21. job. (Pl. C. & E.) Basket: these, varying in size and shape, are made throughout the islands, and mostly by the women, for the purpose of carrying food and various other articles. For mode of construction, etc., see Journal Anthrop. Inst., Vol. XII, p. 382-3. The yêrewa- baskets are superior in finish and have not such large mouths as those of the bojig. ngtji-.10
10 A brush suitable for painting the designs on these and other objects is obtained from a drupe of the fruit of the pandanus andamanensium, the pulp being first extracted by means of a cyrena shell,

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
APPENDIX XIII-contd.
21-a. (Pl. E.) järawa- baskets differ in having a somewhat pointed base.
22. chapanga. (Pl. D.) Reticule, made and used by women for carrying small articles in frequent use; the fibre of which the net-work is made is that of the anodendron paniculatum (item 64) or, in its absence, the less valued fibre of the gnetum edule. See p. 385 of Vol. XII of Journ. Anthrop. Inst., 1883.
196
[ SEPTEMBER, 1983
23. pärepa-. (Pl. E.) Sleeping-mat, made by women of neat strips of a species of calamus fastened securely, as shewn in the sketch, by means of string made from the fibre of the gnetum edule (item 65); when in use the rolled-up portion of these mats, which are generally 15-20 ft. long, serves as a pillow.
28-a. järawa- sleeping-mats, as will be noted, differ in being ornamented with red stripes and in being of short length (about 5-6 feet) which is explained by their using wooden pillows.
24. chip-. (Pl. C.) Baby-sling-sometimes ornamented with råb- (item 42)-made by women from the bark of the melochia velutina (item 66). It is worn like a sash from the right shoulder to the left hip, generally by women, but sometimes by men, when carrying infants (see Pl. xiii, fig. b). When on a journey, for better security, women are in the habit of placing round their necks a string, the ends of which are attached to the wrists of the child in the chip-. When unornamented these slings are called chip-lupa-, when decorated with netting, chip-råb-, and when with shells chip-yâmnga-.
The following objects (items 25-43 inclusive) and the ôbunga- (item 79), which will be described later, represent the articles worn by them either from motives of modesty or for personal adornment. Those among them which are made entirely, or for the most part, of the leaf of the screw-pine (pandanus andamanensis) are classed as batnga-, and those which are chiefly constructed of shells, pieces of cane, wood, coral, animal-bones, etc., are styled mârnga (see Dic. "make" 12 and 13). The fibre employed in the manufacture of this and other personal ornaments needing such material is that of the anodendron panicalatum (item 64).
25. bôd. (Pl. C.) Waist-belt composed of the young leaves of the screw-pine (pandanus andamanensium), made and worn by women of the bojig-ngiji- and yêrewa- tribes (see Pl. vii, xii and xiii); the peculiar posterior appendages of split crinkled leafy material are prepared from leaves of the same plant by means of a cyrena shell. As it is not unusual for a woman to wear two, or even as many as five, of these belts at the same time this singular, but essential attachment sometimes assumes bulky proportions, bordering on the grotesque (see Pl. iv; x, fig. 3, and xii) The önge women (Little Andaman) are content with their peculiar pubic "apron", described in item 79, (see Pl. vi and xi, fig. o), while the järawafemales seem habitually to wear nothing of this nature.
25-a. bôd. (Pl. C.) Waist-belts (with small appendage) of the same material, but of a different construction are worn by the men and youths of the same tribes. When fishing or hunting they often make use of them as a quiver, placing the arrows behind in such a position as to be readily seized and brought into use when required. Corresponding belts, without appendages, are common among the men at Little Andaman (see Pl. iv, vi, x, xi, xii and xiii).
26. rogun-. (Pl. D.) Waist-belt made of the young leaves of the screw pine, and worn -often two or more at the same time-by married women only (see Pl. vii, fig. b; xi, fig. aj xii, fig. a).

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SEPTEMBER, 1923) DICTIONARY OF THE SOUTH ANDAMAN LANGUAGE
197
APPENDIX XIII-contd. 27. ta-chonga-. (Pl. E.) Garters worn occasionally by adults and youths, especially at and after an entertainment, when they are generally freshly made and decorated : in construction they resemble the male bod. They are worn just below the knee-cap with the tuft in front, as less likely to inconvenience the wearer (Pl. viii and xiii, b). A plain untufted td-chonga. is commonly worn below the knee by men and women (see Pl. vii, x, xi and xii).
28. togo-chonga-. (PI. E.) Wristlets very similar to the last-named, or without the tuft, are worn occasionally by adults and youths (Pl. vii, b and xii, a).
29. ar-êtainga-garon-pêta-. (Pl. D and Pl. x, figs. 2 and 3, xii and xiii.) Ornamentel waist-belt worn Oconsionally by both sexes [lit., waist-belt (fringed with) strung dentalium octogonum shells) : the tubular formation of these shells renders them very suitable for this and other decorative purposes to which they are extensively applied by the Andamanese.
29-8. &r-talnga-garen-råb. Ornamental waist-belt similar to the last with the addition of fine netting (see item 42).
80. 80-a. beria-Järawa-. (Pl. E.) järawa- fibre armlets, necklets, and waist-belts. 30-b.
81. Il-gonga-. (Pl. E.) Plain chaplet of pandanus leaf worn occasionally by young men and women.
81-a. iji-gonga-garen-pêta-. (Pl. E.) Similar chaplet ornamented with dentalium octogonum shells.
The following objects are used as necklets, chaplets, or arm lets - 82. ina-la-th.. (Pl. D.) Made of fresh-water shells. 82-8. õlatd
cerithium shells. 88. pêr-tå..
pieces of cane, or wood. 84. yadi-t... (Pl. D.) ,, ,, turtle bones. 84-8. tagbal-ta..
dugong bones. 85. balan-tå.
, paradoxurus bones. 86. doku-ta-. (PI. D.) .. iguana bones. 87. bewa-t
pieces of ooral. 88. råta-ola-th.. (PI. D.) , ,, small sea-shells. 89. réketo-td-.
„ „hemicardium unedo shells. 40. rigitya-ta. (Pl. D.) end jamu-ta..
, mangrove seed tops. 41. garen-l'en-pil..
.dentalium oclogonum and infants' hair. [For a detailed description of these objects as well as of items 44, 45, and 46,see a paper by Dr. Allen Thompson, F.R.S., in Journ. Royal Anthrop. Inst., Vol. XI, p. 296 (1882). ]
42. råb-. (Pl. D.) Fine netting-made of yolba- fibre (item 64)-plain or ornamented with shells, worn occasionally by both sexes as necklaces, armlets, etc. Baby-slings (item 24), bows, pig-spears, etc. are sometimes decorated with pieces of this netting.
48. rå. Ornamental cord made by men from the yellow skin of the stem of the den. drobium secundum, and worn round the waist intertwined sometimes with fibres of the melochia velutina (item 66), it is also occasionally interlaced with fibres of the anodendron paniculatum (item 64) in order to improve the appearance of their various implements and personal ornaments.
M. changa-th.. (Pl. D.) Cincture of huinan bones. As stated by Dr. A. Thomson in his paper above cited, the bones usually selected are "metacarpals, metatarsals, and digi. tals," among which the most favored are "the first finger joints" or "proximal phalanges":

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198
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[ SEPTEMBER, 1923
APPENDIX XIII-contd.
pieces of rib, small vertebrae and even loose teeth, obtained from a human skull or jaw-bone, are similarly utilized. These are worn-generally adorned with dentalium octogonum shells and smeared with kòlob- (item 60) either as charms against pain or sickness, or in memoriam of a deceased husband, wife, or other near relative. In the former case any mysterious internal pains being ascribed to the malign influence of evil spirits, these charms are regarded as indispensable, and one or two are tied round the limb or body over the seat of pain, while another chauga-tâ-is worn as a chaplet Other remedies in cases of sickness are scarifi. cation (item 50), certain leaves and saps credited with curative properties (items 78-b, and c). black wax (tobul-pij-, iteni 57) and olive coloured clay (chûlnga-, item 63). See Journ. R. A. Inst., Vol. XII, pp. 84-8.
45. chàuga-l'ot-chêta-. (Pl. E and Pl. x, fig. 3.) Human skull, generally adorned with rab. (item 42) and shell tubes of dentalium. This is worn by a loop round the neck, as shewn in Pl. x, as a memento of a near relative for some months after the exhumation and cleansing of the bones of the deceased. Unlike the chauga-ta-, this practice is observed merely as a token of love or esteem and not in the belief that any hygienic benefit is conferred on the wearer. The opinion expressed by an early writer that they resemble certain Australian tribes in making use of these skulls as drinking vessels or for holding small objects has long been found to be erroneous.
45. chàuga-l'akà-skib-, (Pl. E.) Human jaw-bone. This is decorated and worn in the same manner and with the same object as the last item. Sometimes the mourner will carry both these objects simultaneously. In process of time both are passed on to other relatives for the same purpose.
47. pilicha.. (Pl. D.) Boar's tusk, used by the bojig-ngiji. and yêrewa- men for planing bows, paddles, etc.: as in their hands it answers this purpose satisfactorily it is much valued ; when required for use the inner edge is sharpened with a cyrena shell (see item 51).
48. taill-bana. (Pl. D.) Stone hammer, generally a smooth round piece of dolerite or fine grained basalt, which men now use chiefly in beating out iron for arrow-heads, etc. and the women when making bone-necklaces.
48-a. rarap.. Anvil: a heavy, flat, suitably shaped stone is selected for the purpose. 49. chidi. (Pl. C.) Pinna shell, used as a plate for food or as a palette for pigments (see items 58-61). It is said that before iron was procurable or its uses appreciated these shells were utilized in the manufacture of adze-blades and possibly also arrow-heads.
50. tölma-l'öko-tag- and bijma-l'öko-tag-. (Pl. D.) Quartz and glass chips and flakes respectively: they are used, by women only, for the purposes of shaving and scarifying, and by both sexes for tattooing. These flakes and chips are rarely used more than once: those having a sharp blade-like edge are reserved for shaving, while those with a fine point are used for tattooing and scarifying; when they have served their purpose they are thrown on a refuse-heap (kitchen midden), or otherwise disposed of, lest injury should befall any person by inadvertently treading on one. The art of flaking is regarded as one of the duties of women: two pieces of white quartz are required for the production of chips and flakes, one of which is first heated and afterwards allowed to cool; it is then held firmly in one hand and struck at right angles with the other piece: in the case of glass being used the thick bottom of a bottle is similarly treated; by this means in a few minutes a number of fragments are obtained suitable for the purposes above mentioned. A certain knack is necessary in order to produce the kind of flake or chip which may at the time be required. The tattooer operates only on members of his (or her) own sex, and usually first selects the abdomen for the purpose.

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BKPTEMBER, 1923)
DICTIONARY OF THE SOUTH ANDAMAN LANGUAGE
199
APPENDIX XIII-contd. The custom of tattooing is not found among the onge-järawa-. The art of producing fire by means of stonos or any other of the recognised primitive methods has never apparently-or at least not from remote times-been known to these Islanders, who consequently exerciso much care and ingenuity in maintaining their hut fires.11 For further particulars regarding the use of chips and flakes, see Journ. R. Anthrop. Inst., Vol. XII, pp. 85-7, 331-2, and 335.
51. Uta-. (PI. D.) Cyrena shell. Great use is made of this and of other varieties of shells of this class, viz., as knives for cutting thatching leaves, leaf wrappers and screens; for making the ornamental incisions on bows, paddles, elc.; for planing purposes; for sharpening the boar's tusk (item 47) and bamboo and cane knives (items 68 and 69); in the manufacture of arrows; for making netting needles (item 67), bamboo tongs (item 80); also the ära. (item 73); and ara-tig-jéralinga- (item 85), aj- (item 76), besides mats (item 23) and various articles of personal attire and adornment (items 24—31); for preparing the fibres obtained from the anodendron paniculatum, gnetum edule and melochia velutina (items 64, 65 and 66): they are also used as spoons in eating the gravy of pork, turtle, etc., and are in fact in such constant demand that a supply is always carried about to be ready for use. [At pp. 86.7 of the Journal above quoted other occasions are mentioned on which this common shell is employed for domestic purposes.)
52. talag- (Pl. D.) Hone or whetstone. When required for use the worker, sitting with knees apart, tailor-fashion, and having a suitable stone between his feet (see Pl. viii), holds the blade or arrow-head firmly on it with his left hand, and proceeds with the tålagin his right hand, to rub briskly the parts in need of sharpening. In order to provide the necessary moisture he now and again licks the metal as well as the hone, with the result that his tongue becomes coated with rust and stone dust, which as a matter of course he swallows.
53. nip-l'âr-bul-. The sharp retrorsely serrate spine near the base of the tail of the sting-ray (trygon bleekeri): in former times their fish-arrows were often pointed with these spines (see item 7 and Pl. E. 4 and 7); it is, therefore, probable that the early reports of their arrows being poisoned are due to this circumstance; certainly serious flesh wounds are caused by them.
54. garen. (dentalium octogonum). These tubular "tooth" (or "tusk ") shells, being fairly common and well adapted for decorative purposes, are extensively used in the manufacture of their personal ornaments and for the adornment of various implements and utensils. (See Pl. B, 9: Pl. D, 29, 34, 42, and 44 ; Pl. E, 45 and 46 ; and Pl. x, figg. 2 and 3.)
55. (rim-) toug- Resin obtained from a species of celtis ; is pale yellow in colour and possesses an agreeable perfume when heated; being only obtainable in comparatively small quantities it is reserved for use in the manufacture of kânga-ta-baj. (item 62).
55-a. (mail) toug- Resin obtained from a large tree, known as mali. (see App. XI) of the sterculia sp.; this is used (a) for caulking canoes and buckets when necessary to render them water-tight, and (b) in the manufacture of torches (item 70) and for lighting the boundary of the balum. (dancing-ground) during an entertainment.
56. âja-pij-. Wax of the golden (or white) honey-comb; it is one of the ingredients in kanga-ta-baj. (item 62), and is also used in the manufacture of certain articles, e.g., the chåpanga- (item 22).
11 Tho doath-dealing properties of fire-arms and the facility with which we are able to produce firu were the two greatest surprises experienced by these islanders after the establishment of the Indian Penal Settlement in 1868, and few gifts have since proved more acceptable than a box of natches.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
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APPENDIX XIII-contd.
57. tobul-plj (or lêre-). Wax of th lack honey-comb, made by a small bee in the hollows of trees. It is applied to bow-s. "gs, arrow-fastenings, and the kad- (item 20); it is also used for caulking small cracks in canoes and buckets. On the occurrence of an epidemic the local seer or "medicine-man" (öko-palad-), besides brandishing a burning log to drive away the evil spirit (êrem-chàugala), takes the further precaution of planting in front of each hut stakes painted in stripes with this wax, the smell of which is held to be particularly offensive to this demon. In cases of phthisis, or when suffering from some other internal disease, one of the remedies resorted to is the application over the seat of the pain of a lump of tôbui-plj. as hot as it can be borne: the wax which adheres to the skin is not removed, but is left to wear off.
58. tala-ög. White clay; used by women moistened with water for ornamental' painting of the person and of various articles, e.g., bows, baskets, buckets, trays, soundingboards, etc., (see Pl. B, C, and D): when decorating their friends with this pigment, as happens on the occasion of some festive dance, they often spare no pains to execute some approved design, the instrument usually employed for the purpose being the nail-tip of the forefinger, and the parts to be adorned being the cheeks, neck, body and limbs. (See Pl. xii, fig. a; and Pl. xiii, fig. a); also Journ. R. A. Inst., Vol. XII, pp. 333-4 and pp. 370-2). [Some women during pregnancy are in the habit of occasionally nibbling small quantities of this clay, in the belief apparently that it is beneficial to their condition, but the circumstance is more probably accounted for by the fact that a capricious craving for unnatural food is not unusual at such times.]
59. g. Common light-grey clay, deposits of which are found in various localities: it is used, mixed with water, for smearing over the person after taking much exercise, such as dancing, hunting, etc., or in times of oppressive heat or during a period of mourning (see Pl. xiii, figs. a and b). It is also customary for bereaved persons during such periods to place and keep a moistened lump or clod of this substance, called dela-, on the crown of the head (see Pl. xii, fig. a, and Journ. R. A. Inst., Vol. XII, p. 141). Until the termination of the days of mourning this inconvenient custom has to be observed.
60. kòiob-. Red-ochre pigment made by mixing upla- (see next item) with some greasy substance, generally the melted fat of a pig, turtle, iguana, or dugong; sometimes the oil obtained from the almond produced by the terminalia procera (êmej-) is the medium employed, but this is de luxe. kòlob- is applied ornamentally to the person in some crude pattern with one or more fingers, but owing to the heat of the body and of the atmosphere, as well as the very nature of its composition, all trace of the design is soon lost. In Pl. xiii, fig. b, are several smeared with this unsavoury pigment. It is credited with hygienic properties, and from its mode of application it can be readily determined whether the individual is suffering or rejoicing. The nostrils and centre of the upper lip are sometimes painted with it, as the smell of the fat is agreeable to them. Before a corpse is removed for burial it is smeared over the face and neck with kòiob- as a mark of respect and in order to gratify the disembodied spirit. How extensively this pigment is used in the decoration of weapons, implements and utensils will be seen from Pl. B, C, D, and E, and pp. 370-71 of Vol. XII of Journ. R. A. Inst. Further particulars regarding the use of kòiob- and its manufacture will be found on p. 334 of the same volume.

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APPENDIX XIII-contd. 61. upla-. Red oxide of iron after it has been dried and baked. A sample was analysed by Dr. Waldie with the following result :
Peroxide of iron .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 42.7 Quartz in small fragments and very little of any other rock or earthy matter ..
....
.. .. .. .. .. 56.4 Water expelled by ignition .. .. .. .. .. .. 0.9 It is collected chiefly during the dry months ; in its natural state, as found, it is called kòlob-chalnga-, in which condition it is applied to sores and to the persons of fever patients : internally it is administered for coughs as well as for fevers. In its dried state it is used in making kolob-, as just described, and it is one of the three ingredients in the composition of the next item (kânga-ta-baj.).
62. kânga-ta-bûj.. Red wax, generally prepared by men, is composed of aja-pij-, rim- and Opla. (items 56, 60, and 61 respectively); in the absence of the last-named ingredient kolob- (item 60) is substituted. These three substances are mixed, melted and stirred over a fire in a medium-sized pot until of a proper consistency; the pigment is then at once poured into small pots (see Pl. D) or large shallow shells, where on cooling it soon hardens. When required for use the pot or shell is placed on a fire and the melting wax applied according to fancy. The twine whipping of barbed fish- and pig-arrows items 4, 5, and 6), the turtle. harpoon (item 10) and pig-spear (item 9) are protected and rendered more durable by means of a coating of this wax : it is also used for closing cracks in buckets and, if practicable, in canoes. As may be seen in PI, B, C, D, and E, it is applied decoratively to paddles, nautilus. shell cups, food-trays, buckets, the rôgun-waist-belt (item 26) and the iji-gonga- (item 31).
83. chainga-. Olive-coloured clay found in small springs in the jungle : in its liquid form it is applied medicinally after the manner of kòiob-chülnga- (see item 63 and pp. 81of R. A. Inst. Journ., Vol. XII).
64. yölba- (anodendron paniculatum). This very large climbing shrub, as well as the other two shrubs next to be mentioned, 12 is highly valued, as their bark provides them with all their requirements for the manufacture of fine twine, string and cord. From the yőlbais obtained the strong fibre selected for bow-strings, arrow-fastenings, reticules (item 22), fine netting (item 42), necklaces and other personal ornaments. It may not, however, be employed for any of the purposes for which alaba-(item 66 ) is used; hence its preparation is not restricted to either sex. For further particulars, and the mode of preparing this and the other two descriptions of fibre, see pp. 383-84 of Jl. R. A. Inst., Vol. XII.
65. pilita.. (gnetum edule.) This lofty dicecious climbing shrub is described by 'Talbot as a very interesting plant, its stems measure 8 inches in diameter at the base, and the wood is of very abnormal structure, weighing about 40 lbs. to the cub. foot. The fibre, which is prepared and almost exclusively used by women, is employed chiefly in the manufacture of the indispensable hand-fishing nets (item 20), and the sleeping-mats (Pl. E, item 23). In the rare event of yolba- twine not being available for making bow-strings and arrow fastenings pilita- twine is substituted, though it is les serviceable for the purpose.
66. alaba-. (melochia velutina.) This shrub, or small soft-wooded ornamental tree, provides a strong fibre, which is prepared by coast-men and used in the manufacture of all cordage needed in the pursuance of their craft, viz. harpoon-lines and fastenings, turtle-nets, anchoring cables, etc. The bark also provides the material of which baby-sling (Pl. C, item 24) are made. The band by which their baskets (10b-, Pl. C, item 21) are carried (see Pl. vii, fig. b) consists of a strip of the prepared bark of this small tree.
13 I am indebted to Sir D. Prain, F.R.S. (Director, Royal Gardens, Kow) for the botanical descriptions of these plants.

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APPENDIX XIII-contd. 67 pötokla-. (Pl. E.) Netting-neerlles, made of split bamboo in two sizes, used in making hand-nets (item 20) and fine netting (item 42) respectively. (N.B.- In the construction of turtle nets (item 12) the size of the mesh is regulated by means of the küteg bo- two crosssticks about 10 inches long, made of light hard wood ( claoxylon afine), see Pl. C, item 10 c.
88. po.cho.. (Pl. E.) Bamboo knives, shaped while green and then dried and charred over a fire in order to enable sharp edges to be produced by means of a cyrena shell (item 51). Formerly these were used for cutting meat and other food, but since iron has been easily procurable the köno- item 77), is of course preferred.
69. wal-cho. and pôr-cho-. Cane knives similar to the po-cho..
70. tôug-pâtnga. (P. D.) Torch made by either sex (a small size by women) consist. ing of resin which exudes from a large tree known as maji. (see App. XI) of the sterculia sp. The resin is collected in lumps at the foot of the tree and pounded; it is then wrapped in dry pieces of the frond of the crinum lorifolium and bound with a slender strong creeper (yoto-). as shown in the sketch. These are used when travelling, fishing, etc.
71. lâpi-. The resinous substance found in the heart of decayed gurjon trecs (ârain., see App. XI): lumps of this are burned at night to afford light when cooking, etc., or during a dancing entertainment.
72 pakuta-yât-mäkpga.. (Pl. C.) Food-tray made by-men, generally from a piece of the flat buttress roots of one of the trees (sterculiaceae) of which their canoes are made.
73. Ara.. Long fringe-like wreaths of split cane-leaves made by women and suspended 4-6 feet above the ground on trees round an encampment or hut where a death has recently occurred, also round the spot where a corpse has been either buried or deposited on a tree. platform, the object being to warn pansers-by from inadvertently approaching the place. which is believed to be haunted by the spirit of the deceased. (See Jl. R. A. Inst., Vol. XII, pp. 142-5.)
73-a. Ara tig-Joralinga-. Tufted leaf-brushes which are used for a like purpose, also by those recently tattooed in order to drive away flies and gnats.
74. kapa-Jatnga. Fan-like screen made by women, consisting of two fronds of the licuala peltata, which are stitched together by means of the leaf-stems of the same plant, so as to provide suitable protection from rain or the direct rays of the sun in oppressive weather. In the absence of a päre pa- (item 23) it is sometimes used as a sleeping-mat.
75. kapa (tong.). Single fronds of the above-named palm are employed as wrappers when packing or storing their pigments and various other articles, including food (see Dict., " leaf "); corpses are enveloped in these leaves prior to burial (JI. R. A. Inst., Vol. XII, p. 141).
76. Oj-. (Pl. D.) Long shavings of the stem of the tetranthera lancoefolia, prepared by men with the sharp edge of a cyrena shell. When dancing, these are often held in the hand both by men and women, or are stuck in their waist-belts or chaplets.
77. koño- (Pl. C.) Iron knife used in cutting food; to some a wooden or iron skewer is attached; it is then called chån-cho
78. Jin-. A plant of the alpinia sp. When about to gather honey the men smear themselves with the sap, which is obtained by chewing the stem. To drive the bees completely away from the comb they fill their mouths with the same juice and spray it from side to side, as the insects apparently find it very offensive. On the ocasion of a honey-feast, the fibres of this plant are tied round the revellers' limbs. (See pp. 85 and 133 of Vol. XXI of J. R. A. Inst. for further particulars.)

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APPENDIX XIII-contd, 78.a. bôrowa (myristica longifolia) and reg-'aka-chål., (polyalthia jenkinsii). When, after attaining puberty, they complete the prescribed period of abstinence from turtle and pork respectively, the ceremonial use of these leaves is strictly observed, as described in pp. 131 and 134 of the Journal above quoted.
78.b. gugma. (Trigonostemon longifolius.) The leaves of this shrub and, less commonly, those of three others known to the natives as bêrebig-, chêtra- and chora- are deemed very efficacious in the treatment of cases of fever: the patient is placed on a bed of the leaves and rubbed all over with crushed handfuls of them, while fragments are given him to sniff. This remedy is employed only by those living inland, as the belief among the coastmen is that the recent use of these leaves would be at once detected by turtles approaching a canoe and warn them of their danger. (See pp. 84 and 103 of Vol. Xll above cited.)
79. Obunga. (Pl. iv, fig b; x, fig. 3; and xi, tig. a.) Pubic apron, consisting of leaves of the mimusops indica, two or more of which are placed one above the other and held in posi. tion by the stems, which are tucked into their lowest waist-belt by bôjig-ngiji-and, latterly, by yêrewa-women. The reason given for the selection of this particular leaf is that it keeps green and fresh longer than any other of suitable size and texture. The onge (i.e., Little Andamap) females, as shewn in Pl. vi and si, weara large tassel-like object, consisting either of a trimmed bunch of split pandanus leaf or other suitable material such as split cane-leaf or coarse grass ; in the former case the remainder of the leaf is utilized for making the waist-belt, so that no attachment is necessary, while in the latter case a slender cord, preferably a rå- (see item 43), is provided, to which the apron" is fastened. The järawa- women, who have been rarely seen, are believed habitually to dispense with even this modicum of attire (see footnote on p. 94 of Vol. XII, JI, R. A. Inst.).
80. kai-(PI. E.) Bamboo tongs, made and used by women when cooking, etc. It consists of a single piece of split bamboo bent double, trimmed and pointed at the two ends.
81. kopot.. Bucket, made from a single joint of the bambusa gigantea, specimens of which are sometimes found on the coast, having floated across from the opposite continent, or from soune wreck. They are much valued not only on account of their lightness and consequent handiness as compared with their own cumbrous wooden buckets (see item 13), but also because the latter entail much labour and care in their manufacture.
82. g8b-. Bamboo utensil, of which there are two varieties, vit. (a)-large size preferred-for use as a water holder; this is usually 4-5 ft. long, its base consists of one of the nodes, the others (if any) being pierced through with a spear-head or other suitable instrument in order to serve the purpose intended; and (b)for use as a food-container and cooking-pot combined: it consists of a single long joint, into which, after it has been cleaned, washed, and dried over a fire, food is packed and partially cooked for use generally one or two days later, when out hunting or fatigued after a journey, ( for further particulars see Jl. R. A. Inst., Vol. XII, p. 351, para. 31, from which also it will be noted that this g6b- is only capable of being used on a single occasion.
83. 14-. Cooking-stones. A hollow is first scooped in the ground into which pebbles, about two inches in diameter, after being thoroughly heated in the fire, are placed under and over the food to be cooked.
84. kata-ngatanga- (lit., "crab-hook"). This implement is employed for picking up Live crabs or rocky foreshore in order to avoid the risk of nipped fingers: it consists merely of a branoh broken off a rhizophora conjugata which, after a little trimming, readily furnishes * strong book suitable for the purpose required.

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